Full text of "Problems of American democracy"

PROBLEMS Of
AMERICAN
DEMOCRAOr

PROBLEMS OF
AMERICAN DEMOCRACY

BY'- _. , ,„.,,

R. O. HUGHES

PEABODY HIGH SCHOOL, PITTSBURGH

>>©<«

ALLYN AND BACON

BOSTON NEW YORK CHICAGO

ATLANTA SAN FRANCISCO

^^Kj^y. »•

EDUCATION DCFTi .

NortoootJ Prtisa

J. S. Gushing Co. — Berwick & Smith Co.

Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.

FOREWORD

The highest ideal of our schools is to produce good citi-
zens. Good citizenship calls for an understanding of the
great problems which a democracy such as ours must face.
The good citizen does not expect to be an expert at solv-
ing every problem ; but he at least may know that certain
important problems exist and he may establish sound prin-
ciples on which to base his thinking with reference to them.

The last opportunity that millions of our citizens will
ever have to consider some of these problems in a formal
way is in the secondary school. Here education for the many
ceases. And even for the smaller number who go to college
it is well that at the age when they begin to form positive
opinions a definite opportunity should be afforded to con-
sider the great questions of society, industry, and govern-
ment. And so we have in many schools, and shall have in
many more, a course known as Problems of Democracy.

Such a course should consider not only the problems of
government, though these may well be looked upon as con-
necting Unks by which to bind together all the interests of
the American citizen, but also the great questions of social
and industrial relationships which are in every way as vital
as any questions of government. Indeed, government ex-
ists because we have social and economic problems which
cannot be solved without its aid.

Each question that is treated here is considered a real
problem. The effort is made, first, to state conditions as
they are ; second, to discover, without going too deeply into
pure history, the reasons for these conditions ; third, to de-
cide what ought to be done about them. While mathemati-
cally exact conclusions can seldom be reached, at least the
habit can be established of reasoning about these problems

iii

IV Foreword

and determining the principles which must govern their so-
lution. They should be approached, too, in a hopeful frame
of mind. Pessimists do not solve problems such as these.

Many of the topics which form the basis of these ''Prob-
lems" will have been considered by the pupil before, in the
work which he will have had along the line of Civics in the
7th, 8th, and 9th grades, but at that time he cannot have
gone very deeply into them. The emphasis in those classes
must be upon his individual relationship with the communi-
ties of which he is a member rather than upon the principles
underlying the great questions of whose existence he may
then learn. His later course in the "Problems of Democ-
racy" will then not be mere repetition, but will lead to the
possession of a wider outlook upon the problems which the
pupils have studied and to the forming of sound principles
which may be the basis of fair and intelligent opinion.
Surely there cannot be in the making of good citizens any
undertaking more important than this.

The author has tried to write with impartiality. He
knows he has written ''with malice toward none." If state-
ments of supposed fact are inaccurate, he hopes to be cor-
rected. If readers differ with occasional inferences or con-
clusions, he trusts he may be favored with the tolerance that
bespeaks and is perhaps deserved by good will and honesty
of intention. "They seldom make us think with whom we
never disagree."

R. 0. Hughes
Pittsburgh
May, 1922

SUGGESTIONS

This book will furnish sufficient text material for a full year's
work. For classes which can have only a half year, selection can
be made from the full list of problems, omitting those which may
have been treated in some other course or may be relatively less
important than the rest for a particular class or community. It
will be well to avoid mere skimming over the surface of these mat-
ters. It is better that a pupil should know that such problems
exist than not to know anything about them ; but it is still better
for him to have some specific understanding about as many as possi-
ble of the questions that are brought up in the course.

The order of topics is not of fundamental importance, and if a
teacher prefers to follow. some other order than that of the text
no serious difficulty will be found. Some may prefer to begin with
the problems of government. Others may feel that the interest of
their classes will be most easily aroused by starting their work
with the study of an industrial or economic question. Some may
find it advisable to stir up the pupil's interest by taking a distinctly
local problem as a starting point, such as, " The cost of Hving in
our community," or "Our facilities for transportation," or "Moral
problems in our town," and by proceeding from that to more gen-
eral principles that underlie the fields of social and political science
and economics.

There is no need to treat the course as a formal introduction to
these three sciences. It will be that, even if it is not so announced,
and an attempt at unnecessary formality in this study is likely to
detract from its interest and profit. At the same time the author
believes that many problems can best be approached from the gen-
eral viewpoint, with the local or individual application following,
rather than to pursue them aU from the viewpoint of local or in-
dividual interest.

At the close of the discussion of each problem in this text appears
a list of reference readings which bear directly upon that problem.
As far as possible, use should be made of these readings, as well as
of any other trustworthy sources of information that are available.
The author has tried to select for reference such books as were writ-
ten either with the high school pupil particularly in mind or in such
a style or manner as to be within his interest and ready compre-

vi Suggestions

hension. Most college text-books do not suit the average high
school pupil. Individual students whose ability is above the aver-
age can be made familiar with books of that character. But to
assign them for the use of the whole class is unwise.

In Appendix B appears a complete list, with the names of the
publishers, of all books referred to in the suggested reference read-
ings. Those most commonly mentioned can be secured by nearly
every class. Sometimes two or three copies of each of such books
may constitute a practical reference library which for many classes
will serve all necessary purposes.

The World Almanac or some similar book of facts is both cheap
and indispensable. Full use should be made of government re-
ports and bulletins, state reference hand books, and illustrative or
advertising literature issued by private firms or individuals. Cur-
rent magazines such as The Literary Digest, The Independent,
Current History, and The Outlook, should be constantly employed
for up-to-date information. The Survey is loaded with thought-
provoking articles. Those who have followed the lesson outlines
prepared by Dr. Joseph K. Hart, which appeared in that maga-
zine a year or two ago, will recognize the source of some of the
questions used in this text.

With each problem is also suggested a list of special topics which
may form a basis for project study on the part of individual pupils
or even of the class as a whole if there is time. Interspersed in
the text are numerous questions which may arouse class discussion
or may themselves serve as a starting point for individual or class
project work. Let the class programs be varied. Sometimes a
three-minute talk by a pupil may open a class discussion. Some-
times a formal debate provokes interest and gives practice in speak-
ing before an audience. At least once a term each pupil should
prepare a report or thesis that will require some intensive study
and full reference reading. It is not a bad idea to let members of
the class conduct class programs occasionally. The more actual
experience they get in doing things under proper guidance, the more
valuable will be the returns to them and the more useful will be
the course in training for citizenship.

TABLE OF CONTENTS
FOUNDATIONS

SKCTION PAGB

1. What Is Our Country? 1

2. What Nature Has Done for America .... 3

3. The People of the United States 5

4. The People and the Land 6

5. Our Government 8

6. Setting Forth Our Convictipns 10

7. American Ideals 11

8. Attaining Our Ideals 13

9. Our Tasks 10

MAKING AMERICA INTELLIGENT

I. PROVIDING EDUCATION THROUGH PUBLIC
SUPPORT

10. What Is Education? 21

11. How Much Is It Needed? 22

12. Why We Need Public Schools 25

13. The Legal Basis for Public Schools 26

14. National Systems for Education 27

15. School Systems of the States 29

16. School Terms and Attendance . . . . .35

17. How the Schools Are Supported 36

18. Grades and Classes of Schools 39

19. What ShaU We Teach? .42

20. Problems of School Management 45

21. Making the School Most Useful 49

22. Obstacles for the Schools to Overcome .... 50

23. The Public Library 52

24. Other Public Agencies for Education .... 54

II. PROMOTING EDUCATION THROUGH PRIVATE
ENTERPRISE

25. Kinds of Private Schools 57

26. Are Private Schools Desirable? 58

vii

viii Table of Contents

SECTION PAOB

27. Higher Education 60

28. Private Gifts to Education 61

29. The Press as an Educator 63

30. The Citizen Educating Himself 65

ELEVATING AMERICAN STANDARDS

III. FINDING THE FACTS ABOUT HUMAN
ASSOCIATIONS

31. Why Do We Do Things? 68

32. Following the Crowd 70

33. Social Classes in the Old World and the New ... 72

34. Social Problems of the City 74

35. Social Problems of the Country 76

36. Social Problems of the Small Town 77

37. Community Ideals 78

IV. MAKING ENVIRONMENT FAVORABLE FOR
RIGHT LIVING

38. When Is Right Living Easy? 81

A. Protecting Health

39. Our Need of Good Health 82

40. Elements Necessary to Health ..... 83

41. What the Government Does to Provide These Elements 85

42. Controlling Disease 87

43. Preventing Accidents ....... 89

44. Removing the Slum Evil 91

45. "Prohibition" 94

46. Restraining Vice 96

47. Relieving Defectives 98

B. Affording Pleasure

48. What Is Recreation? 102

49. Community Agencies for Recreation .... 104

50. Private Agencies for Recreation 105

C. Enhancing Beauty

51. Community Planning 108

52. Community Attractiveness 110

Table of Contents ix

V. PROMOTING RIGHT RELATIONS AMONG MEN

A. Restraining Wrong-Doers

SECTION AGB

53. Why People Do Wrong 115

54. Forms of Crime 116

55. Dealing with Criminals 117

56. Preventing Criminals 120

57. Purifying Politics 121

58. The Golden Rule in Business 123

59. Keeping Contracts 125

B. The Treatment of the Foreigner

60. W^hy the Foreigner Comes 127

61. Types of Immigrants ....... 129

62. A Square Deal for the Foreigner 131

63. A Square Deal for the American 133

64. Putting Up the Bars 134

65. Making Aliens into Americans 136

C. The Color Line

66. Why Is There a Negro Problem? 140

67. The Black Man's Progress 142

68. The White Man's Policy 143

69. The Red Man in America 145

70. Red Man and White Man 147

71. The "Yellow Peril" 150

72. The Chinaman among Us 152

73. The Japanese among Us . . . . . . . 153

74. The White Man's Burden 155

VI. MAKING RELIGION EFFECTIVE

75. What Is Religion For? 159

76. Religion in American Life 161

77. Faiths and Sects in America 161

78. "A Free Church in a Free State" 163

79. Religion in the Schools 164

80. Religion in the Laws 166

81. The Church Reaching Out to Humanity .... 167

82. What a Church May Do for a Community . . .169

VII. GIVING THE HOME ITS PROPER PLACE

83. What the Home Does for the Nation . . . .173

84. Homes of Yesterday and Today 174

85. Places to Live in 177

X Table of Contents

SECTION PAGE

86. The Ideal Home 179

87. Broken Homes 180

88. Making Things Better through Law .... 182

89. Making Things Better through Training . . . 184

VIII. ENERGIZING PUBLIC OPINION

90. What Is Public Opinion? 187

91. How Public Opinion Is Formed . . . . . 188

92. Makmg Public Opinion Felt 189

93. Personal Standards of Conduct . . . . . 191

94. The Value of Leaders 192

95. The Community Will . . . . . . .194

MAKING AMERICA PROSPEROUS

IX. COOPERATING IN PRODUCTION

96. The Material Basis of Life 196

97. Why We Work 199

98. Supplying a Community's Needs 199

99. What We Do 203

100. Industry in the Old Days 205

101. The Industrial Revolution 207

102. Present-Day Production 209

103. Division of Labor 210

X. FACILITATING THE TRANSFER OF PRODUCTS

A. Transportation

104. Its Meaning to Civilized Life 215

105. Water Transportation 216

106. The Railroad 219

107. Raih-oad Needs 221

108. Street Railways 225

109. The Highway 226

110. Traffic in the Ah- 229

111. Our Means of Communication 231

112. The Farmer's Problem 233

113. Who Shall Do This Work? 235

B. Conveniences for Conducting Trade

114. Money and What It Does 238

115. Materials That Are Good for Money . . . .239

116. American Coinage Laws 240

117. Substitutes for Coin . . . . . . .242

118. Credit and Its Uses 244

Table of Contents xi

SECTION PAGE

119. The Services of Banks 245

120. The Federal Banking System 247

121. Credit and Caution . 248

122. Hard Times in Business 251

C. Trading with Other Countries

123. Why Foreign Trade Takes Place . . . . .254

124. Special Difficulties 255

125. Methods of Payment 257

126. The Great War and International Trade . . . 259

127. Who Shall Carry the Goods? 260

128. Tariff Barriers 262

XI. DISTRIBUTING THE RETURNS FAIRLY

129. What Is the Basis of Distribution? . . . .268

130. What Are the Facts about Distribution? . . . 269

131. Influences that Control Returns 272

132. Rent : the Return to Land 273

133. Wages 275

134. Interest 277

135. Profits .278

XII. PROMOTING THE PUBLIC GOOD THROUGH
BUSINESS

136. Simple Forms of Business Organization .... 281

137. Corporations 282

138. Trusts 283

139. Large Scale Production 285

140. Special Features of Modern Organization . . . 286

141. Dangers in Big Business 289

142. Forms of Monopolies 291

143. Monopoly Prices 292

144. Public Opinion about Big Business .... 294

145. Theories of the Government's Relation to Business . 296

146. Restrictive Legislation 297

147. Public Ownership and Operation 299

XIII. SAFEGUARDING THE WORKERS

148. Do They Need Special Protection? . . . . 303
A. Protection through Legislation

149. Child Workers 304

150. Women Workers 306

Xll

Table of Contents

SECTION PAOB

151. Improved Conditions of Labor 308

152. Government Agencies to Aid Labor .... 310

B. Efforts at Self-Protection

153. Unions and Their Objects . . . . . . 312

154. Demands of Unions 314

155. Methods of Unions 316

156. Their Accomplishments . . . . . . . 318

157. Unions and the Government 319

C. The Employer's Interest in the Worker

158. The Employer's Viewpoint 322

159. Profit-Sharing 323

160. Welfare Work 325

D. Fitting the Worker and the Job

161. Why People Are Out of Work 327

162. Providing Employment 330

163. Preparing for a Life Work 332

164. Women in the Industrial World 333

XIV. ASSURING INDUSTRIAL PEACE

165. Who Are Interested?

166. What Is Wrong in Industry?

167. The "Right" to Strike and to Work

168. Agencies for Settling Disputes

169. Is Compulsory Arbitration Desirable ?

170. Industrial Democracy .

171. Industrial Ideals ....

337
339
341
342
345
346
347

XV. USING WISELY THE GIFTS OF NATURE

172. How Have We Used Them? .

173. Principles of Conservation

174. Conserving the Forests .

175. Wise Use of Water Resources

176. Preserving Natural Attractiveness

177. Wealth Underground

178. Occupying the Land

179. Methods of Cultivation .

180. Making the Desert Grow

181. Protecting the Farmer's Welfare

351
353
354
357
359
360
362
365
366
368

Table of Contents

XllI

XVI. CONTROLLING THE COST OF LIVING

SECTION

A. Using Our Income Wisely

182. What Makes Things Cost?

Living Expenses Once and Now

Standards of Living

Regulating Our Own Expenses

Spending That Is Wise

Foolish Uses of Money

Wise Saving and Investment

B. Economy through Cooperation

189. Cooperative Movements in General . . . .

190. Producers' Cooperation in the United States

191. Consumers' Cooperation in the United States

C Can the Government Help Us ?

192. The North Dakota Experiment

193. Can the Government Control Prices? . . . .

194. Practical Assistance

183.
184.
185.

186.
187.
188.

D. Caring for the Needy

195. The Poor among Us

196. Charity, Wise and Unwise

197. Preventing Poverty

198. The Obligations of the Well-to-do

374
376
377
379
380
382
384

387
389
391

39a
394
395

398
400
401
404

199.
200.
201.
202.
203.
204.
205.
206.

XVII. SEEKING A BETTER SOCIAL ORDER
WhatIs the Matter with Things as They Are? . . 407

The I. W. W. Argument

The Socialist Idea .

The Communist Theory

The Anarchist's Notion .

How Private Property Originated

Is Private Property Fundamental?

Human Nature in the Problem

408
409
411
413
413
415
416

MAKING OUR DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT
EFFICIENT

XVIII. ESTABLISHING SOUND PRINCIPLES
OP ORGANIZATION

207. Our Need for Government 420

208. The Source of Our Political Ideas 423

209. Forms of Government the World Has Tried . . . 424

XIV

Table of Contents

SECTION

210. Is Democracy Desirable?

211. Our Federal Form of Organization

212. State or National Sovereignty ? ....

213. Relations of the States to Each Other .

214. Distinctive Characteristics of American Institutions

215. Constitutions, Making and Altering

PAOB

426
427
429
430
432
435

XIX. OBTAINING GOOD LEGISLATION

216. Why Have Laws? .

217. When and How Many?

218. Law-Making Bodies

219. Congress

220. State Legislatures .

221. The Process of Making Laws

222. Committees and Their Work .

223. Law-Making Behind the Scenes

224. National vs. State Legislation

441
442
444
444
448
449
452
453
455

XX. SECURING EFFECTIVE ADMINISTRATION

225. The Value of a Good Executive 460

226. The President 461

227. Our Cabinet 464

228. Special Commissions and Institutions .... 468

229. Administration in State Governments .... 469

230. Obtaining Capable Officials 470

231. Improvements in Law-Enforcement .... 473

232. Reforms in Administration ...... 475

233. Responsibility in Government 476

234. Should We Have a Real Cabinet System? . . .478

XXI. PROTECTING RIGHTS THROUGH THE
COURTS

235. Rights That Need Protection 481

236. Constitutional Safeguards 482

237. Agencies to Maintain Order 483

238. Protection against the Government .... 486

239. State Courts 488

240. Making Use of the Courts 490

241. Proceedings against Law-Breakers .... 492

242. The Courts of the United States 494

Table of Contents xv

243. Courts and the Laws 496

244. The Personal Element in the Courts .... 498

245. Do Our Courts Render the Service That They Should? 500

XXII. GOVERNING LOCAL COMMUNITIES
CAPABLY

246. Problems Right at Home . . . . . .503

247. Systems of Local Government 505

248. The County 506

249. The Town or Township 507

250. Boroughs and Villages 509

251. The Growth of American Cities . . , . . • 509

252. City Politics 512

253. Typical City Governments 514

254. Making City Government Better 516

XXIII. DISCOVERING THE PEOPLE'S WILL

255. Who Are the People? 521

256. The People Speaking through Parties . . . . 522

257. How Parties Ought to Be Used . . . . .524

258. Methods of Selecting Candidates . . . . . 528

259. The Choice of a President 529

260. Methods of Casting the Vote 532

261. Ballots .534

262. Representing Everybody 536

263. The Initiative and Referendum 540

264. The Recall 541

265. The Citizen's Attitude toward Government . . . 541

XXIV. MANAGING PUBLIC FINANCES WISELY

266. Why Governments Spend Money 546

267. Making a Budget 548

268. Sources for Revenue 550

269. The Quahties of a Good Tax . ... . . .553

270. How Taxes Are Collected 555

271. Possible Tax Reforms 560

272. Special Uses of the Taxing Power 562

273. Public Debts 563

274. What a Citizen Gets for His Money .... 566

xvi Table of Contents

XXV. TRAINING COMMUNITIES FOR SELF-
GOVERNMENT

SECTION

275. Who Ought to Govern Themselves?

276. Preparing Territories for Statehood

277. Governing Island Possessions

278. Protecting Weaker Peoples .

279. Democracy and Empire

570
571
572
575
576

OUR RELATIONS WITH OTHER COUNTRIES

XXVI. ESTABLISHING SOUND PRINCIPLES OF

INTERNATIONAL CONDUCT

280. A Nation's Obligations to Another . . ' . . 579

281. What Is International Law? 580

282. Foreign Representatives 582

283. Making International Agreements 585

XXVII. DETERMINING THE FUNDAMENTALS

OF OUR FOREIGN POLICY

284. Is a Settled Policy Desirable? 588

285. The Control of Our Foreign Relations . . . .589

286. The Policies of Our Forefathers 592

287. The United States a World Power .... 594

XXVIII. PROMOTING INTERNATIONAL CO-
OPERATION AND GOOD WILL

288. International lU-Feeling and Its Results . . . 597

289. Militarism — Wisdom or Folly? 599

290. Peaceful Settlements between Nations .... 602

291. The League of Nations 603

292. HowFar Can We Hope to Go? 606

293. America's Opportunity 608

THE AMERICA TO BE

294. Selfishness or Usefulness? 612

295. Our Hope for Solving Our Problems . . . .613

Appendix A. Constitution of the United States . . 1
Appendix B. Reference Readings ..... 21
Index 25

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGB

1. Cotton Almost Ready to Pick 3

2. Where the People Live 7

3. Marshal Foeh and the Liberty Bell 12

4. Illiterates in the States 23

5. The National Military Academy at West Point . . 28

6. The Hamilton School, Everett, Mass 34

7. How One City Appealed for Public Support for Its

Schools 37

8. A Center of Learning 40

9. Learning a Trade 44

10. The Little Red Schoolhouse 47

11. Using the Public Library 53

12. St. Mark's School, Southboro, Mass. . . . . 59

13. A Scene in a Museum 61

14. In the Reading Room of a Great Public Library . . 66

15. A Typical Crowd 71

16. Main Street in a Small Town 77

17. A Government Inspector at Work 84

18. Guarding the Public Health ,87

19. A Model Little Huckster's Cart 88

20. Foolish Fire Risks 90

21. On the East Side of New York 92

22. Work for the Blind 98

23. Far from the Madding Crowd 103

24. A Scene at Coney Island 106

25. Our National Capital . 109

26. A Model City Boulevard Ill

27. Blackwell's Island 118

28. The Foreign Born in the States of the Union . . .129

29. Immigrants Nearing Port 134

30. Becoming Citizens 137

31. Negro Population in the States 141

32. Inside Work in a Large Post Office 144

33. The Passing of the Old Life 146

34. Some Indians of Today 147

35. Indian Boys Gardening 149

36. An Up-to-Date Hydroelectric Plant . . . ., 151

xvii

xviii Illustrations

37. Keeping the Peace during Race Trouble .... 156

38. The Founder of Religious Liberty 162

39. An Old New England Church 168

40. Childish Dreams 175

41. Homeless Waifs at an Orphanage 178

42. A Campaign Meeting 192

43. The Old Grist Mill 197

44. Grinding Flour 198

45. Capital at Work 200

46. Fishing Boats in Boston Harbor 204

47. Sheep Raising in the West 205

48. How It Used to be Done 205

49. The First McCormick Reaper 208

50. The New and the Old in Shoemaking .... 209

51. A Row of Fishing Schooners 211

52. An Example of Industrial Specialization . . . .212

53. An Old-Time Canal 217

54. Boats on the Levee at St. Louis 218

55. How the Railroad Was Described in 1852. . . . 220

56. The Old and the New . - 222

57. A Train Coming Out of the Hudson Tunnel . . . 224

58. A Fine Rural Highway 228

59. A Curtiss Eagle Airplane 230

60. Learning to Use the Wireless 233

61. The NC-4 in Flight 235

62. Weighing Gold at the Assay Office 241

63. A State Bank Note 243

64. In New York's Financial District 249

65. A Part of the Waterfront of New York City . . .256

66. Freight Boats and Barges on the Delaware . . . 261

67. Our Foreign Commerce in American Ships . . . 263

68. A Scene in the Pennsylvania Coke District . . . 271

69. Digging Out Iron Ore 274

70. A Famous Office Building 277

71. How One Corporation Organizes Its Business , . . 279

72. A Department in a Big Manufacturing Plant . . . 285

73. A Train of Refrigerator Cars 287

74. The Greatest Steel Mill in the World . . . 290, 291

75. Ore Boats at Loading Docks 293

76. An Inside View in a Steel Mill 298

77. Undercutting Coal in the Interior of a Mine . . . 304

78. A Kind of Work Not Often Done by Women ... 307

Illustrations

XIX

79. Attractive Surroundings for Labor .

50. A Crowd of Strikers

51. A "Picket" on Duty .

82. Houses in a Company Town .

83. Help for the Jobless

84. Drilling and Loading Anthracite Coal
86. Dressing Sheep in a Great Meat-Packing Establishment

86. An Industrial Conference in Session

87. Labor and Capital in Conference .

88. Cleaning Up the Forest .

89. Forest Rangers at Work

90. A Forest Fire in Colorado

91. White Coal

92. A Heavily Loaded Train of Coal Cars

93. A Congressional Township
■94. The Desert before It Gets Water .

95. Irrigation Projects in Our Western States

96. Doing Farm Work by Machinery

97. A Grain Farm on Irrigated Land

98. What Some People Throw Away

99. An Interior View in a Great Power Plant

100. Imperial Valley Cotton .

101. Poverty in the Home

102. Feeding Poor Children .

103. Harvesting and Threshing on a Great Western Farm

104. The Tallest Building in the World

105. The Arrowrock Dam, Idaho .

106. Where Our National Law-Makers Meet

107. President Harding Addressing Congress

108. A Bill on Its Way through Congress

109. Inauguration Day ....

110. President Coolidge and His Cabinet

111. Government of the United States

112. The Library of Congress

113. Caught in the Act

114. A Quiet Moment in Traffic .

115. A Limitation of Personal Liberty

116. Old Courthouse, Williamsburg, Virginia

117. A Moderate Sized Court Room

118. The Supreme Court of the United States

119. Courthouse, Rochester, New York

120. A Famous Western Center of Trade

XX Illustrations

PAGB

121. City Hall, Philadelphia 513

122. A Mayor-and-Council City 515

123. City Government under the Commission Form . . 516

124. City-Manager Government 518

125. Notifying Governor Cox 523

126. A Presidential Nominating Convention .... 530

127. A New York Ballot 535

128. A Preferential Ballot 537

129. The Referendum at Work in Oregon . . . .539

130. The Entrance to a Toll Bridge 551

131. Public Buildings in New York City . . . .558

132. The Per Capita Debt of the United States . . .565

133. The Harbor and Part of the Town of San Juan, Porto

Rico 571

134. A Scene in the Panama Canal 573

135. The British Embassy in Washington . . . .58?

136. Signatures to a Treaty 585

137. American Treaty-Makers at Paris ..... 589

138. A United States Submarine 593

139. A United States Battleship in Holiday Dress . , 598

140. What War Does 600

141. The Heads of the Delegations at the Washington Arma-

ment Conference 606

PROBLEMS OF AMERICAN
DEMOCRACY

FOUNDATIONS

*' beautiful for spacious skies,
For amber waves of grain,
For purple mountain majesties

Above the fruited plain !
O beautiful for pilgrim feet.

Whose stern, impassioned stress
A thoroughfare for freedom beat
Across the wilderness !

America! America!
God mend thine every flaw.
Confirm thy soul in self-control,
Thy liberty in law ! "

— Katharine Lee Bates.

The only nations that have no problems are dead ones. To
speak of the Problems of American Democracy is to suggest that
our country is alive and trying to accomplish something. In pro-
posing a problem in mathematics, certain facts and conditions are
" given," upon which the problem is based. What, then, are the
characteristics and materials with which and upon which we must
work in solving the problems of our mighty nation?

1. What Is Our Country? — " My country, 'tis of thee,"
we sing, sometimes mechanically, sometimes enthusiasti-
cally. But what are we singing about ? It is hard to analyze
an emotion, but surely we can discover some of the elements
that make up an object for whose sake we may sing, serve,
sacrifice, and strive.

£ Problems of American Democracy

Perhaps we think of the land in which we live. Geog-
raphy has u tremendous effect upon history and progress.
Switzerland's mountains have helped to make her free.
England's island situation has forced her people upon the
sea and aided her to become the greatest colonizing power
the world has ever known. A warm sun makes men lazy.
Frigid climates tax their energies unduly. In the temperate
zones have been found the peoples who have made world
history. The United States has been blessed by nature
with a bountiful territory which may well call forth our
admiration.

Prove that man now is not as much a creature of environment
as his primitive ancestor. Why do the " rocks and rills, woods
and templed hills " of a man's fatherland inspire him with patriot-
ism? Has Australia lost anything by reason of her isolated lo-
cation? What do you understand by the economic interpretation
of history? Point out the natural features which directed the
development of the great nations of ancient and modern times.
Considering physical reasons alone, would you expect Holland to
be a great nation? Japan? Spain?

But we must have people, or else there is no civilization.
Their habits and customs, their likes and dislikes, their
enterprise or ignorance, determine the country's prosper-
ity. A large group of people of common interests, and
perhaps of common origin, who occupy a certain defined
area, we often call a nation.

Do the American people, in this sense, constitute a nation? the
Irish? the Canadians? the Jews? Why would it sound foolish to
sing " My nation, 'tis of thee "?

An unorganized mass of people is only a mob. To di-
rect their conduct and make it effective, they must have a
government. The laws and the men who make and enforce
them may make or break a nation's destiny. An inde-
pendent group of people acting in a political capacity we
sometimes call a state.

Prove from school life the necessity of government.

Foundations 3

The laws and policies of our country or any other are not
the result of chance. They represent our attempts to carry
out the principles in which we believe. Without ideals no
country can rise. Who could take pride in a country which
was content merely to exist? America's ideals inspire us
to sing of " the land of the free and the home of the brave,"
and they have been a beacon light to guide the oppressed
in every land in struggling toward a better day.

These four elements, at least, compose **our country."

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Cotton Almost Ready to Pick.

What particular conditions of climate are necessary to make possible a
scene like this? The United States is perhaps the most favored part of the
world for producing this commodity.

2. What Nature Has Done for America. — Almost all
the physical advantages a nation can possess have been
granted to this land of ours in great abundance. The main
body of our territory lies entirely within the temperate
zone. Its 3,000,000 square miles form one of the largest

4 Problems of American Democracy

areas in the world of a reasonably homogeneous character.
However, lest we boast too much about our size, let us
add that our territory is about equal to Canada, not
much larger than Brazil, and far smaller than the British
Empire.

The varied vastness of this great expanse includes almost
every known condition of temperature, rainfall, and alti-
tude, and assures us a variety and abundance of crops. It
would be an extraordinary calamity that would bring disas-
ter to all parts of our land at once. Considering the 700,000
square miles of our outlying possessions — Alaska, the
Philippines, and the rest — we could find very few crops
that cannot be grown under the American flag. And even
where foodstuffs are hard to grow, there is often pasture for
great herds of cattle.

Our forest resources, though too long ruthlessly wasted,
are still abundant. Tin is about the only important metal
or mineral that is not found here in considerable quantities.
In producing coal, iron, and copper we rank first; in gold
and silver, second. Besides, we have much petroleum and
gas.

The streams in southern New England very early fur-
nished power to run mills. Today our v/ater power, con-
verted into steam or electricity, has helped to make many
sections of the country famous for manufactures. Through-
out our territory there are about 25,000 miles of navigable
rivers. The Atlantic coast, nearest to our European cus-
tomers, is finely supplied with harbors. The fewer harbors
of the Pacific coast will in years to come doubtless develop
their trade with Asia to an extent which will place them
among the great ports of the world.

Thus we have been able to secure the raw material for our
factories, mine our fuel, iron, and building material, and grow
most of our own food within our own boundaries. With such
advantages any people reasonably industrious should become
mighty and prosperous.

Foundations 5

If the early colonists had landed on the Pacific coast instead
of the Atlantic, would our country have reached the same state
of development that it has? Chicago is the center of the meat-
packing industry. Can you account for this? Give other ex-
amples of communities whose natural situation aided them to be-
come famous industrially. Study carefully the physical map of
the United States so that you can locate the source of any of the
products of nature which are obtained here. Make a map of the
country showing the sections devoted to the various industries
which furnish our most notable products. In a community of
such varied interests as ours, what dangers may we need to guard
against ?

3. The People of the United States. — In some respects the
United States of today resemble the United States of yester-
day even less than the man resembles the boy. No
other country in recorded history has expanded in popu-
lation with such rapidity, though every civilized nation ex-
cept France has shown, in the last century, remarkable in-
crease. In total numbers, however, we are still far below the
British Empire and China and probably Russia.

Our Constitution requires the taking of a census every
ten years. Originally this was done to find the population
of the states in order to determine how many represent-
atives in Congress each should have. Now, however, the
Census Bureau is a permanent organization, and in taking
a census endeavors to learn the nationality, age, sex, liter-
acy, and other facts about our people, as well as to count
them. Some states take a census every fifth year after
the national census, but sometimes these state censuses are
not very thorough.

The first count in 1790 showed in the country a few less
than 4,000,000 people. In 1850, the population had grown
to 23,000,000. In 1920, there were in the main body of
the United States nearly 106,000,000 people, with about
12,000,000 more in our outlying possessions.

Such phenomenal growth is due, in part, to the oppor-
tunities we have offered to foreigners. They have come

6 Problems of American Democracy

here In ^uch numbers that our gains in population have been
far beyond the natural increase of births over deaths. In
fact, one-third of our population is of foreign parentage.
Every race in Europe has contributed extensively to make
the American people of today what they are. Besides,
nearly one-tenth of our people — about 10,000,000 — are
negroes, about 300,000 are Indians, and about 200,000 are
Chinese and Japanese. As we shall observe later, some
of our most difficult problems are concerned with the min-
gling of races and colors within our borders.

There are over 2,000,000 more men than women in the United
States. This is due, no doubt, to the fact that our country is
comparatively new, and that the man is always foremost as
a pioneer. We observe this fact particularly in the western
states where the men greatly outnumber the women, whereas
in a few eastern states the reverse is true. A country los-
ing in population through emigration always tends to have
a predominance of women over men, while on the other hand
one gaining by immigration possesses more men than women.

Would you expect the census of 1870 to show any difference over
that of 1860 in the ratio of men to women? How does the per-
centage of men and women compare in your community? Can
you explain this?

4. The People and the Land. — How the people are dis-
tributed is often more important than how many there are.
Our population never has been evenly distributed over the
country, and the westward movement of the people into
unoccupied territory has been one of the tremendous in-
fluences uopn our history. Rhode Island is the most thickly
populated state, with 566.4 people to the square mile, while
Nevada has more than a square nrile of land for everybody
in it. You could people ten Nevadas out of the city of
Cleveland and have several thousands left over. Two-
fifths of the people are centered in that section of the coun-
try which is east of the Mississippi and north of the Ohio

Foundations 7

and Potomac rivers. New York State alone contains about
one-tenth of the people of the country. In this northeastern
section or on its edge we find most of the manufacturing
centers and all of the nine largest cities.

After each census the Census Bureau endeavors to locate
the center of population. If we imagine the country as a
great plane, poised at some point, the *' center of population "
will be a sort of numerical center of gravity. This point
has moved westward from the eastern shore of Maryland,

Courtesy Literary Digest.

Where the People Live.

where it was first located in 1790, until the 1920 report
placed it in the southeastern part of Owen County, Indi-
ana. The fact that it has followed the thirty-ninth paral-
lel of latitude rather closely indicates that people who
live in the north usually go west or northwest when they
migrate, while people from the south go to the southwest.

One other interesting fact is the steadily increasing tend-
ency for people to live in urban rather than rural communi-
ties. The Census Bureau considers a community of 2500
people or over an urban community, and the smaller ones

8 Problems of American Democracy

rural. In 1790, only 3.4 per cent of the people lived in urban
communities. No town then had as many people as Mc-
Keesport, Pennsylvania, or Sioux City, Iowa, has today.
In 1920, over 51 per cent of the people lived in urban com-
munities. This does not mean that there are fewer farmers
today than there were one hundred years ago, but that the
proportion of the people who live on farms is steadily de-
creasing. For this change we must put most of the respon-
sibility on the growth of manufacturing. Immigrants also
dwell more in cities and in sections that are already
crowded.

If you judge a place by iraportance rather than by numbers, with
a town of what size today would you compare a place that had
25,000 people in 1790?

What is the population of your community? How much has
it grown since 1900? What reasons can you give for its growth
or failure to grow ?

5. Our Government. — The people who came here to
settle were to a great extent the most liberty-loving of
all Europe, for they had braved the dangers of the sea to
obtain freedom in religion, government, and ideals. It is
only natural, then, that they should carefully guard it in
their form of government. They brought with them to the
New World not only English customs and language, but the
most advanced English ideas of liberty.

Since for so many years the English colonies were polit-
ically separate, they could not readily give up their political
individuahty when the stress of the Revolution forced them
to act together. The Articles of Confederation, our first
attempt at a national constitution, were a weak excuse for
a real bond of union. Each state insisted on retaining its
sovereignty, and the right in most matters to do as it pleased.

The distresses and the discontent of that '* critical period "
finally impressed the great minds of the day to such an ex-
tent that they succeeded in bringing about the adoption of
our present Constitution. Framed by the famous Phila-

Foundations 9

delphia Convention of 1787, it went into effect in 1789, and
still stands, with only nineteen amendments, as the foun-
dation of our government.

Can you name a few of the precedents which have come down
to us through Enghsh customs? If you had been living in 1790,
do you think you would have felt differently about the idea of a
strong union than you do now ?

Under the Constitution the government of the United
States is a federal government, or federation, in which a
number of political units combine and give extensive powers
to a central governmental organization. If the union were
so constituted that the units forming it retained the supreme
power in their own hands instead of bestowing it upon the
central government, we should then have a confederation.
This, in fact, is what the Articles of Confederation provided.
Our federal system is unlike the centralized government of
many countries, such as France, Sweden, and Italy, since
in these countries subdivisions exist only for purposes of
administration and do not have political authority of their
own. We hardly need to tell a class in an American school
that our government is a federal republic, in which the ad-
ministration of affairs is intrusted to officers chosen by the
people. The dislike which the American colonists felt for
King George III was so extreme that they would not con-
sider for a moment any kind of king, good or bad.

Our Constitution provides for a government consisting
of three departments to act as checks on each other. The
legislative branch, or Congress, makes the laws; the executive
branch, headed by the President, carries out the laws ; the
judicial branch, the courts, interprets the laws and applies them
to individual cases. In every state government we find this
same sort of division into three departments. The law-
making body is the legislature, or general assembly. The
governor and a variety of other officers serve as executives,
and there is also a system of state courts. The states are

10 Problems of American Democracy

subdivided into counties, and these, in turn, into cities,
boroughs or villages, and townships or towns. In these
local governments we often find a division of authority sim-
ilar to that in the state and national governments.

6. Setting Forth Our Convictions. — After these few
words about the physical elements and the government of
our nation, we may now say a little about our ideals — " the
things which we have always carried nearest our hearts." Our
convictions of the aim and purpose of our democracy have
been set forth time and again by orators and statesmen.
They have become a part of the very air we breathe. Even
the motto on our coins is suggestive — " In God We Trust."
Liberty, civil and religious; equaUty of rights and op-
portunity, regardless of race, color, or creed; unity, that
*' E Pluribus Unum " may not be an idle boast — these at
least we cherish deeply.

The Declaration of Independence was the first document
to set forth in definite form the theories of American
democracy :

" We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are
created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with
certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and
the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights. Govern-
ments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from
the consent of the governed."

In the preamble of the Constitution are summarized our
aspirations for a workable government and the ends we seek
to attain through its establishment :

** We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more
perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquillity,
provide for the common defense, promote the general Welfare,
and secure the blessings of Liberty to ourselves and our Posterity,
do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States
of America."

Men such as Webster and Lincoln and Wilson have pre-
sented these ideals in phrases that will never die ; the careers

Foundations 11

of our noblest statesmen have exemplified them ; our fore-
fathers — yes, our brothers too — have sacrificed and died
for them. Surely they are worth our sincerest service and
loyalty.^

7. American Ideals. — Of all the ideals we have preached,
we have talked more, perhaps, about liberty than about any
of the rest. *' Give me Hberty, or give me death," cried
Patrick Henry. Washington said that '' Love of liberty
needs no recommendations, because it is in the hearts
of all." Lincoln spoke of this nation as " conceived in
liberty."

But what is this liberty for which men have been willing
to sacrifice and die? We may call it the right to do as one's
desires and conscience tell him, without arbitrary control
from any source, so long as he does not interfere with the
equal rights of another. We must carefully distinguish
it from license. Doing as we please without restraint may
make another's liberty impossible.

There are several kinds of liberty. The most simple kind
is personal liberty, that is, freedom as contrasted with
slavery — freedom of thought, word, and action. National
liberty is independence — freedom from oppression or ty-
rannical control. Civil liberty is the right to be free from
interference by the government with one's private conduct,
as long as that conduct does not menace other people. Polit-

* Wm. Tyler Page summarized these ideals and utterances in his "Amer-
ican's Creed," which has a place in the schoolroom of today, though a
stickler for technical accuracy may not always be satisfied with certain of
its expressions :

*'I believe in the United States of America as a government by the people,
of the people, and for the people ; whose just powers are derived from the
consent of the governed ; a democracy in a republic ; a sovereign nation
of many sovereign states; a perfect union, .one and inseparable, established
upon those principles of freedom, equality, justice, and humanity for which
American patriots sacrificed their lives and fortunes.

"I therefore believe it is my duty to my country to love it ; to support its
constitution ; to obey its laws ; to respect its flag ; and to defend it against
all enemies."

12 Problems of American Democracy

ical liberty is the right to have a share and interest in one^s
government. Rehgious liberty is the right to worship God
as one pleases.

Illustrate by events in our history the struggle for the various
forms of liberty. Is it true that " if man could live separate from
all his kind, his freedom would be perfect "?

Another ideal of which we boast is equality. In some
respects all men are not " created equal." A person's her-
itage of ability, intelli-
gence, health, and wealth
is never quite the same
as his neighbor's. In our
personal characteristics,
we are distinctly not
equal, and nothing can
make us so. What, then,
do we mean by this
"equality"? Just this
— that before the law,
as before God, all men
stand on the same plane;
and that every man de-
serves a square deal —
an equal opportunity
with every other man to
make the most of the
talents which he pos-
sesses. "America is an-

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Marshal Foch and the Liberty Bell.

The Liberty Bell in Independence Hall,
Philadelphia, is a symbol of one of
America's highest ideals. The great
Marshal of the Allies seems to feel for it
the same reverence that good Americans
do.

other name for Opportunity," said Emerson.

What kind of existence would it be if every one's talents, tastes,
and ability were the same as every other's? Would you like to
live in such a community ? '

" The pursuit of Happiness," according to the Declara-
tion of Independence, is another one of our " unalienable
Rights." Is there anything significant in the use of the

Foundations 13

phrase, "the pursuit of Happiness," rather than ''happi-
ness " itself? And what is happiness? Every man has his
desire for happiness — but not all ideals of happiness are the
same. To one person it may spell power ; to another, social
position; to a third, wealth; to still others, health, work,
or leisure. That each may be able to strive in any right
way for his kind of happiness is not an unreasonable ideal.

Can a criminal be really happy? An old lady declared that in
Heaven she was " going to do nothing forever and forever." What
is your opinion of her ideal of happiness? Would it suit you?
W^hen are you happiest? How does it affect you if others are
not happy? Is there any difference between contentment and
happiness? May a discontented person be happy? Is discon-
tent desirable from any viewpoint ?

We have heard much, too, about democracy. The Eng-
lishman Gladstone was not sure whether it was a good or
an evil, but he was convinced that all the nations were
headed in that direction. Now what is this condition to
which the world is coming? Perhaps it would be correct
to say that democracy is self-government. Or, it is, as
Lincoln put it, " a government of the people, by the people^
and for the people." Right here occurs to us another famous
phrase from the immortal Declaration — that governments
derive '' their just powers from the consent of the
governed." This means that the powers which govern-
ment exercises are given to it by the people over whom it
exercises authority. Of course it is not likely that every
person in a country will agree as to its government, but
the wishes of the greater body of citizens are carried out.
To find out what the majority of the people want, and then
to do it, is the theory of democracy.

Does democracy depend upon the spirit of the people or the form
of their government? To what extent does each of these ideals
depend upon the other?

8. Attaining Our Ideals. — It is fine to have ideals, and
still finer to strive to reach them, for they will not come to

14 Problems of American Democracy

reality merely through being born in our minds. We can ob-
tain them only by estabhshing those conditions which make
it possible for them to live. People have always sought to
attain their ideals through cooperation with others who
were seeking the same ideals. The ideal might be crude
and elemental, perhaps no more than self-preservation;
but, whatever it was, instinct urged them to live with and
work among other people in attaining it, and necessity forced
them to do so. Cooperation today means even more than
it did to our primitive ancestors. Our community life is
very complex. One individual or family could not provide for
even its own needs and desires in any important respect. This
is an age of specialization : the smallest pin is a whole ser-
mon on modern division of labor and cooperation. The
very organization of our country is based on the theory
of cooperation.

How many people helped provide the handkerchief that was
given you for a Christmas present? the book you are now read-
ing? Without cooperation would handkerchiefs and books be
possible? Are there any disadvantages in cooperative living?

Cooperation, free, fair, and full, we must therefore con-
clude is an absolute necessity to the attainment of our ideals.
It may mean working with others in earning our daily liv-
ing; it may mean obeying the laws which the majority be-
lieve to be desirable ; it may mean seeking the good of all,
rather than living for ourselves alone. We must have it in
as many forms as possible.

But how are we going to cooperate effectively unless we
know the thing that is best to do? Intelligence is a requi-
site for liberty. The ignorant cannot appreciate its true
meaning. An intelligent person sees the need of certain
restrictions upon absolute liberty and is more apt to realize
his duty as a citizen and his responsibility for his neighbor's
liberty.

Intelligence is necessary, too, for equality. Broader sym-

Foundations 15

pathy and understanding give the capacity of placing one's
self in the other fellow's place — which is really the essence
of the square deal. People can be happy without being
intelligent. '' Ignorance is bliss " — yes, sometimes, but
not bliss as we would have it. The ignorant cannot appre-
ciate and enjoy things that give fineness and quality to
life. If we are to have an ideal democracy we must have
universal intelligence. Ignorant people are unworthy of
the responsibility of governing a great nation.

It has been said that the misinformed are especially anxious to
lead the uninformed, and that the uninformed seem particularly
willing to follow their leadership. Do you think this is true? If
so, why? George Washington, Abraham Lincoln, Theodore Roose-
velt, and Woodrow Wilson were intelligent men. Did their in-
telligence come from the same kind of source? Is there any-
thing which an ignorant person can do as well as an intelligent
person? What problems in the life of your community plainly
can be solved only by intelligent people? Show how intelligence
or the lack of it has affected the history of our own and other
nations.

But we need something more than knowing how to do
things. We need that attitude toward life which leads
people to do the things that are fair, honest, and elevating.
In a word, we need morality. It may be the negative
kind which consists of avoiding acts that are harmful, or
the positive kind which impels us to do things that will di-
rectly benefit our fellow men. Morality affects liberty and
equality in very much the same way that intelligence does ;
for, boiled down to its essence, liberty entails the common
practice of the Golden Rule. And when it comes down to
righteousness, honesty, and truth, every man can equal
his brother. Happiness which is based on a broad or true
understanding of noble aims, cannot possibly be attained
unless morals are pure and fine. Wliat shall it profit a
man if he goes through life with a stunted code of morals —
" to gain the whole world and lose his own soul "?

16 Problems of American Democracy

Morality is therefore an essential to successful democ-
racy. A good people can make a government good, but
it is only by the rarest sort of accident that a bad people
have a good government. Morality makes fine men, and
only fine men can govern a great nation as we would have
ours governed.

How can we as individuals promote the morality of our country ?
How can we combine with others in doing this? Is moraUty
mainly a matter of environment ?

Prosperity also helps wonderfully in attaining ideals.
By prosperity we mean a state of general well-being and
progress. The work of a prosperous nation runs smoothly ;
its atmosphere is peaceful. " Reds " and trouble-makers
of all kinds have influence chiefly when people are not pros-
perous. Prosperous people are more Hkely to be law-abid-
ing, making necessary reforms through the orderly pro-
cesses offered by a stable, honest government. Material
comfort has a tremendous amount to do with the attitude
of all of us toward life. If we have a reasonable supply of
it, we can enjoy much more freely " the blessings of lib-
erty " ; we shall have little reason to complain of not get-
ting a square deal ; without doubt most of us will be rea-
sonably happy; and we will more cheerfully play our part
in this great democracy.

To what extent would it affect the life of each of the following
if he felt sure of a comfortable hving: a farmer, a steel-worker,
a teacher, a street-car motorman, a minister, a day-laborer, a gro-
cer? Do you know of any instances when prosperity has ruined
a man or a country? Is it easy to be good when one is well off?

Point out how each of these four conditions of progress helps
to make the others possible.

9. Our Tasks. — Cooperation, intelligence, morality, and
prosperity are so closely related that no definite line can
be drawn to show where the ihfluence of one on national
progress stops or that of another begins. These forces for
progress in their mutual relations are the essentials of a

Foundations 17

democracy such as we would have our own become. Our
ideal democracy is yet to be — and only further promo-
tion of these forces will bring it about.

The instant we use the word ''problem " in connection
with our country, we suggest that there are some things
that have not been done as they should be done. We have
not made the full use of the talents that have been intrusted
to us as a nation. We have perhaps as nearly attained
liberty as any of our ideals. Yet our liberty is too often
mistaken for license. Selfishness is the basic element under-
lying the motive of too many people. We need to exert our-
selves to consider our neighbors' rights and to help them
to respect ours, with earnest stress upon the fact that our
ideal of liberty is to be a real, ever present force, making
for the higher and happier living of everybody.

Our ideal of equality is a beautiful aspiration, but — !
The rich man looks down upon the poor man, who in turn
is jealous of the former's means and influence. Bribery
or political favoritism brings the wealthy man immunity
or light punishment in court and makes the poor man bitter
and unpatriotic. The black man and the white man are
not on an equal footing. The foreigner from Europe is
looked at askance if his diction is imperfect and excluded
from " society." Probably social equality between races
would do more harm than good, but we may at least have
equality before the law, not only technically but in fact.
And we have not reached the stage where every person has
an equal opportunity to earn a decent Hving.

Our governments protect life and property only mod-
erately well, for more crimes are committed here in pro-
portion to population than in any other advanced nation,
and there are more accidents and losses by fire. Are we go-
ing to admit that we cannot make our people as safe as other
countries make theirs? Doubtless we can never expect
to be happy all the time, but it surely is possible to make
many of our people happy and prosperous to a much greater

18 Problems of American Democracy

degree than they are. And many seek the wrong kind of
happiness. We have today an unprecedented amount of
money here, but the social unrest is alarming, and we can-
not boast of universal happiness and prosperity.

"And is thy soul in health?
A nobler people, hearts more wisely brave,
And thoughts that lift men up and make them free —
These are prosperity and vital wealth."

Perhaps we need not discuss here our failure to attain
ideal democracy, for we speak of this later. Democracy
has its disadvantages as well as its advantages, and we have
not yet overcome all of the disadvantages. We have ac-
complished much, but there is still much to do. Our prob-
lems and those of other nations have much in common.
We must work with them for humanity's good.

We have, then, these tremendous undertakings to at-
tempt :

Making America intelligent ;

Elevating the standards of American life ;

Making America prosperous ;

Making our democratic government efficient ; and

Establishing right relations with other countries.

And all through these efforts must be developed more and
more the spirit of cooperation. Individuals must cooperate.
Social and business organizations must cooperate. Com-
munities must cooperate. Nations must cooperate.

In our study we may not always be able to do much more
than discover the fact that certain problems exist and learn
some of the reasons why they exist. Their solution may
be a matter even of generations to come. But let us study
them with the faith that a solution is possible and that we
can help to begin or to carry on the process. Let us not
forget that our nation is still young, that it has as a guide
the history of all civilization, that it can profit by thou-
sands of years of world striving. If we have come so far

Foundations 19

in so short a time, who can say what are the limits of
our achievements? It is the privileged duty of every youth-
ful citizen of the United States to " dedicate himself to the
great task remaining before us."

Make a list of ten matters in which the United States is distinctly
notable among the nations of the world. In how many cases is
our eminence due to our natural resources and advantages, and
in how many cases to the way in which our people have made use
of our natural gifts? If other nations have failed to attain the
same prominence in this respect, is the failure due to the lack of
opportunity, or to personal weakness in their people ?

SPECIAL STUDIES

The Physical Divisions of the United States.

Industrial Sections of Our Country.

Our Mineral Resources.

The Progress of Equality in the United States.

Famous Spokesmen of American Ideals.

Cooperation in the Life of Our Community.

How Cooperation Makes the United States of America Possible.

Cooperation as a World Ideal.

World Empires That Have Fallen.

The Relation of Prosperity and MoraUty.

REFERENCE READINGS

Brigham — Commercial Geography, Chapter 7.

Bogart — Economic History of the United States, Chapter 1.

Burch — American Economic Life, Chapter 9.

Towne — Social Problems, Chapters 1, 2.

Kaye — Readings in Civil Government, pages 1-30, 392-397.

Tufts — The Real Business of Living, Chapters 2-9, 11, 13, 14,

37, 39, 40.
Beard — American Government, Chapter 4.
Ross — What is America ? Chapter 10.
Bryce — American Commonwealth, Chapters 29, 30, 84, 85, 100,

103, 113.
Cleveland and Schafer — Democracy and Reconstruction, pages

25-68.
Rowe — Society, Chapter 40.

£0 Problems of American Democracy

Blackmar and Gillin — Outlines of Sociology, Part II, Chapter 2;

Part IV, Chapters 2, 5, 6.
Hayes — Introduction to Sociology, Chapter 3.
Gettell — Introduction to Political Science, Chapters 3, 4.
Hart — Actual Government, Chapter 1.
Ha worth — America in Ferment, Chapter 2.
Haskin — American Government, Chapter 13.
Gillette — Constructive Rural Sociology, Chapters 2, 3, 5.
Bryce — Modern Democracies, Chapters 3-7.

MAKING AMERICA INTELLIGENT

The foundation of the state is the education of its youth."

— DiONYSIUS.

Logically, the first problem of a nation is to make itself intelli-
gent, since people cannot be expected to do what is best unless
they can recognize the things that are right and wise. Education,
it has been said, is both the cause and the result of democracy.
This business of education is our own big " job " right now. But
what is education? How much do we need it? By what agen-
cies is it provided ?

I. PROVIDING EDUCATION THROUGH PUBLIC
SUPPORT

10. What Is Education? — Before we talk about edu-
cation let us decide what the term means. Intelligence
and education are not just the same. Intelligence is the
ability to meet a situation. We may make an equation :
intelligence = knowledge + common sense. Education is the
cultivation of the qualities and talents which a person pos-
sesses. It implies both acquiring facts and learning how
to apply them.

Is it proper to call a dog or a horse " inteUigent "or ** educated " ?

Our idea of education as an enforcement of the powers
of body and mind by training and discipline was first set
forth by the Greeks, who were thoroughly impressed with
its importance. During the Middle Ages, the Church was
the seat of all learning. The clergy and monks were the
teachers, and to the church or monastery all those who
wished learning found their way. In fact, if a man could
read and write, it was almost sure proof that he was
a " clerk, '' or clergyman. But education in past ages was

22 Problems of American Democracy

reserved mainly for the aristocrats, the wealthy, and the
reUgious leaders; the masses, a large proportion of whom
were slaves in ancient times, and downtrodden serfs in the
medieval period, were kept in ignorance. Now we main-
tain that education must be afforded to " all the children
of all the people/'

Yet it does not follow that eve*ry one should try to be
educated along the same lines. Smith might be a misfit
in college. Jones may need the special training required
by a successful doctor, lawyer, teacher, minister, or engi-
neer. A broad and solid foundation is essential to the suc-
cess of every citizen. He is an educated man who can act
intelligently in relation to the problems upon which every
citizen may have to pass judgment, and to those which
arise in doing that kind of work in life which the Creator
called him to perform.

Are there any occupations in which a high school education is
of no use? any in which it would be harmful? Does everybody
need to know how to spell correctly? to perform ordinary op-
erations in arithmetic? to understand such problems as we are
studying in this course?

What reasons do you have for attending school? If you are
attending school because some one else has commanded you to
come, what good does that person or authority think will be served
by requiring your attendance ?

11. How Much Is It Needed ? — One way to measure
the need of education is in terms of illiteracy. The Census
Bureau classes as illiterate those over ten years of age who can-
not write any language, taking it for granted that those who
can write can read. The figures of che 1920 census are star-
tling. Six per cent (4,900,000) of our people over ten years
old were illiterate! This proportion varied in different
parts of our country and among the various classes of people,
from 1.1 per cent in Iowa to 21.9 per cent in Louisiana.
Montana, Idaho, Wyoming, Utah, and Washington had
only .3 of 1 per cent illiterate among the native whites. The

Making America Intelligent 23

bad record of some states is due either to a large negro pop-
ulation, as in Mississippi and South Carolina, where over
50 per cent of the people are black, or to an almost equally-
ignorant '' poor white " element. Other sections owe their
illiteracy to aliens. Arizona and New Mexico, as well as
larger states in the East, suffer on this account.

Nearly one-fourth of the draftees in the Great War could
not read a newspaper intelligently or write a respectable let-

EXPLAMATION -

1 I

BELOW Z PfRCENT

lllilll

Z TO A PEP CENT

A TO 7 PERCENT

7 TO 10 PERCENT

I////I

to TO IS PERCENT

OVER 15 PER CENT

Illiterates in the States.

In reckoning illiterates the Census Bureau does not count those under
ten years of age. Compare this map with the maps on pages 129 and 141,
and see if you can discover any explanation for the extent of illiteracy.

ter home. Over 2,000,000 voters are illiterate, many more
than enough to swing any presidential election except that
of 1920 — and they cannot even read the ballots ! By
contrast, none to our credit, England has an illiteracy per-
centage of 1.8 and Germany of one-half of one per centf
True, our 1920 census showed an evident improvement al-
most everywhere, but our record is still distressing.

24 Problems of American Democracy

Is there any reason why your community should be better or
worse than the average in this respect? Compare it with others
you know of. How many people of your acquaintance are illiter-
ate? Why, in each case? Does one have a right to be ignorant if
he wishes? Who are worse, the ignorant or the prejudiced? Can
the prejudiced be educated?

Another measure of our need is the effect of ignorance
upon a nation. Under an absolute monarchy or an oli-
garchical government the citizens are less troublesome if
they do not know too much. But in a democracy the dan-
gerous ones are those who do not know or who only half
know. They are the ones who can be led astray by false
and foolish notions. One voter out of every twelve in the
United States cannot read or write. Their votes count
as much as yours and mine ever will. Our democracy is
not safe — no democracy could be — while such conditions
prevail. The most elemental of all motives — self-preserva-
tion — urges us to make them better.

Will an intelligent democracy make mistakes ?

A third measure of our need of education is its benefit to
us. The culture motive for learning is the oldest. It is
the purpose which animates most of those people who love
music, art, and literature for their own sakes. Next, by
contrast, comes the commercial motive of education, often
made to appear the most important. Every day spent in
school may be a stepping stone to financial success. The
average income of the college graduate is considerably greater
than that of the high school graduate ; and the high school
graduate averages very much higher in earning power than
those who never go to high school — and this without ref-
erence to the stenographers, bookkeepers, machinists,
and others whom a course in high school has trained directly
for earning a living. Besides, the social motive — that
education should make one a useful citizen — is a reason
for cultivating it, not only as an incidental result of the
process but as an end in itself. This is one of the finest

Making America Intelligent 25

things education can do. It then appears to be something
more than an expensive toy or a source of bread and
butter.

What types of pupils in school are likely to be influenced by
each of these three motives? May more than one motive inspire
a person? Do the cultural and the commercial motives contra-
dict each other? How may each of these two motives contribute
toward social ends?

This much is sure ; we need education so much that we
must see to it that everybody has a fair chance at it, even
if we must force it on him. The dry things we call statis-
tics show that Americans by the milUons do not have any-
where nearly enough of it. The first great problem for us
to study is, therefore, how education may be provided
through public support.

To what extent do the following indicate community intelligence
or the lack of it : bank clearings, savings accounts, insurance policies,
retail sales, retail collections, church attendance, home ownership,
house furnishings, recreation, crime?

12. Why We Need Public Schools. — If private schools
were the only means of securing an education of any sort,
we could wish in vain for an intelligent America. Thou-
sands upon thousands of people must either be educated
at public expense or remain in ignorance. Many families
could not afford to educate their children properly, and others
would not. Very likely churches and private charities
would supply some of the needs of education, but not many
of our religious denominations can support school systems
of their own. Equality of educational opportunity could
not be obtained or even approached without the public
school.

Repeatedly we have emphasized the importance of ed-
ucation in democracy. Particularly in a nation like ours
into which so many elements have come from lands where
no one cared to have the masses educated, the state must
for its own safety see that the opportunity is afforded for

26 Problems of American Democracy

instruction in American ideals. The public schools make
possible the preaching of these ideals and the setting up
of a unity of purpose among the inhabitants of our land
that could be secured in no other way.

Moreover, in practicing democracy itself the public school
renders incalculable service. It is a great leveler. Rich
and poor meet here on an equal basis. Pupils lose in a large
measure their intolerance of races and beliefs different from
their own. The public schools are a living force for de-
mocracy. Race, color, or creed does not bar entrance or
prevent progress. Perhaps some distinctions can never
wholly be erased anywhere, but if class and caste are ever
forgotten it is in the public schools.

If you had to attend a private school, how far along in your
school course do you think you would go? Does money make any
difference to a pupil in the public school? What kinds of people
would probably provide for their children's education if there were
no pubhc schools ?

13. The Legal Basis for Public Schools. — It is perhaps
a sign of the general soundness of our American public sen-
timent that our great public school system is the outgrowth
of the public's realization of their own needs and that it was
not forced on them originally by any monarch or wise oli-
garchy. Wonderful document though our National Constitu-
tion is, not a word does it say about education, and no national
system of public instruction can therefore be established
without amending it. The work of education is left en-
tirely to the individual states. The national government
does, however, carry on education in the territories, pos-
sessions, and the District of Columbia, under the power
given to it by the Constitution to govern these places, and
no one can gainsay its right to give the states all the advice
it wishes.

The Constitution does not even say that the states shall
establish a system of public instruction. But the tenth

Making America Intelligent 27

amendment declared that " all powers not delegated to the
United States nor prohibited to the states are reserved to
the states respectively or to the people." The authority for
establishing schools is therefore one of the numerous powers
*' reserved to the states." It is everywhere recognized
as distinctly a state function.

Almost every state constitution makes some provision
for education, and some states have organized a thorough
system on a state- wide basis. A great many of the states —
all of them, at first — saw fit to pass the proposition still
further along, and simply authorize their counties, cities, or
townships, to establish schools. Now, however, the tendency
is in the opposite direction, and all self-respecting states
not only authorize but command the various local commu-
nities to set up schools of a certain standard.

14. National Systems for Education. — In most foreign
countries education is more centralized than here and is
one of the responsibilities of the national government. In
France, Germany, and in England, a minister of Public
Instruction or a Secretary of Education is a member of the
national cabinet. France and Prussia have been the classic
examples of thoroughly planned educational systems, with
systematic courses from the kindergarten to the university.

The English educational system is like our own in not
having shown until recently any signs of being a system.
Until 1870 most of the schools were carried on by the Church
of England, or by other private agencies. The great
** public " schools such as Rugby and Eton were not public
in our sense of the word, but much like such private acad-
emies as Phillips Andover or Exeter. Even after the law
of 1870, the government continued to pay extensive sums
to support the church schools, but *' board " schools are
now general. These are so called because they are operated
at public expense by boards of education. Be it said to
her great credit, England has done more than perhaps any

Problems of American Democracy

other nation in the last few years to make her schools better,
in spite of the fearful expenses of the Great War.

Germany has contributed greatly to music, science, literature,
and the like. Does this justify her public school policy? Which
policy do you consider more desirable, the centralized system of
national administration or the American policy of state control?
In the respects in which our policy differs from that of other nations,
would it be well to modify ours at all?

Although, as we have said, our national government has
no authority over education except in the District of Co-

CopyrigM, Detroit Publishing Co.
The National Military Academy at West Point.

This academy was founded in 1801. It offers its students a thorough
course in many subjects, as well as training them to become officers in the
Regular Army. Most appointments to the academy are now made after
competitive examinations held under the direction of congressmen, who
have the right to select most of the appointees.

lumbia, the territories, and the possessions, it does a great
deal to help the states, and freely exercises its privilege of
advice. There is in the national Department of the In-
terior a Bureau of Education, with a Commissioner of Edu-

Making America Intelligent 29

cation at its head. The Bureau collects and publishes
statistics on matters relating to schools in every part of
the country. These figures show the states and local com-
munities just where they stand in the matter of education,
and often stimulate movements for betterment. Bulletins
of the Bureau also give advice on the organization of schools,
the subjects which should be taught, and the best methods
of teaching them.

The national government also helps the states financially.
It began the policy very early, by setting apart public land
to be used for the benefit of education. For many years
it has aided in the support of agricultural colleges. In
1917 the Smith-Hughes bill was passed, appropriating a cer-
tain amount of money to be distributed among the states to
promote vocational and industrial education, provided that
each state appropriated an equal amount for the same pur-
pose. A still more recent proposition is that Congress shall
give to the states $100,000,000 a year, to be used in several
specified ways for educational improvement, provided the
states shall spend an equivalent amount of money for these
purposes. This bill also proposes a Department of Educa-
tion with a Secretary of Education at its head, who shall be
on equal footing with the other Cabinet Officers. It has,
however, met with considerable opposition, especially from
certain private schools.

Do you see any objections to the measure just mentioned (now
often called the Sterling-Towner bill)? Would the establishment
of the office of Secretary of Education be of any real service to
the cause of education ?

15. School Systems of the States. — There are almost
as many types of school systems in this country as there are
states, for each state has its own distinct educational history,
and has patterned its school system after other states only
as much or as little as it wished. Every state has some
sort of state board of education and an official known as

80 Problems of American Democracy

a superintendent of education, a superintendent of public
instruction, or a commissioner of education. In New York
State the control of education is in the hands of a group
of men known as the Regents of the University of the
State of New York.

These state officials are chosen in various ways. In New
York the regents are chosen by the state legislature. In
some states certain state officers constitute ex officio a state
board of education. Another idea is to have a state board
made up wholly or partly of people who are already con-
nected with education in some way. Still another type of
state board of education is composed of intelligent citizens
who take an interest in education, but are not necessarily
school people.

Which type of state board would be likely to be of the greatest
service ?

Educational experts usually recommend that the state
superintendent should be appointed by the state board or
perhaps by the governor, but in only one-third of the states
is this officer so selected. The rest of the states have their
chief educational officials elected by popular vote like the
rest of the state officers. The danger here is very plain
that politics rather than merit may sometimes determine
who shall hold these important positions.

In the various states the powers of the state board or
chief administrative officer of education are very diverse.
Often the state board is simply an advisory council, which
may make recommendations but has little authority to
put them into effect. It very likely may also have certain
duties in distributing the state's appropriations for education
and in gathering reports. By contrast, we have systems
such as that of New York, in which state the Commissioner
of Education and other officials who are appointed by the
Regents have a very close oversight of the educational
system of the entire state. They provide uniform exami-

Making America Intelligent 31

nations for admission to many professions. In some states
textbooks are adopted by state officials for the entire state.
There is a general tendency, too, to bring the issuing of
certificates to teachers under closer supervision by the
state. Normal schools also are usually under state control.

What custom prevails in your state in regard to the selection
of your state educational officers and to the powers which they
possess ? Do you think it would be well for other states to pattern
their system after that of New York? What do you think of the
idea of having the same textbook in all the schools of a state?
Is there any advantage in having the states control the granting
of teachers' certificates?

No matter how much authority a state government may
desire to exercise, it is very evident that the actual man-
agement of schools must be in the hands of local officers.
Three or four types of local administration have been in
vogue in this country. The earliest idea was the district
school. Each school building under this arrangement be-
came the center of a district and each district had its own
board of school trustees or directors. If the directors or
people of a district were stingy, not enough money would
be provided to maintain good schools, and sometimes the
people of a certain neighborhood might not be wealthy
enough to have as good schools as they would like. As a
result, different communities in the county or even in the
same township might not offer anything like uniform op-
portunities for their children. In states where high edu-
cational ideals prevailed, the district system after a time
•disappeared. Yet a number of our states still have it.

The next step in advance is to have the schools adminis-
tered on the basis of the town or township rather than the
local school district. The whole town then elects the school
directors or trustees. Uniformity within the township
is much more fikely with this method than with the district
system, but there may still be great differences between one
township and its neighbor. To make the county the unit

32 Problems of American Democracy

of supervision brings about greater breadth of vision in
administration and has some advantages in equahzing school
opportunities in the different sections of the same county.
In the Southern states the county is the natural basis of
administration for the schools the same as it is for every-
thing else. In Maryland, for example, the governor appoints
a board of education in each county.

Usually the school directors or trustees are entirely
responsible before the law for the management of the
schools of their district. Formally at least, they elect the
teachers, fix the amount of school taxes, provide for
putting up and repairing school buildings, adopt textbooks,
and within the limits permitted by the state laws determine
the length of the school term. In some states the directors
are permitted to decide whether the pupil should be furnished
supplies and textbooks free, but in other states they are
required to furnish them. The custom of furnishing text-
books and supplies is relatively recent and is by no means
universal yet.

In districts which are thickly populated or in which sev-
eral schools have been established the board usually elect
a superintendent. In many good school systems they make
him responsible for almost the entire administration of the
schools, and follow his advice in electing teachers, adopting
textbooks, and in most other matters. In some states
where the town or township is the unit of school admin-
istration, two or three towns combine and elect a dis-
trict superintendent. In New York and other states
separate districts often unite for the purpose of main-
taining a high school that will be able to do good work.
In the states where the county system prevails there must
be a county superintendent. Several states which have
the township system of administration also find use for a
county superintendent.

School administration in large cities may be a particularly
troublesome problem. The crowding of people in certain dis-

Making America Intelligent 33

tricts, the ignorance in one part of the city of the needs of
other parts, the corruption which sometimes disgraces city
governments, and the mixtm-e of pohtics with school manage-
ment, are some of the evils which often exist. In the hope of
getting better people on school boards (usually called boards
of education), in several cities the board is chosen by the
mayor or county judges or in some other way rather than
by popular vote. The best results are usually obtained
when the administration of the schools is entirely distinct
from any other branch of city administration.

Make a chart or diagram of the educational system of your state.
Do you think it could be improved? Would there be any ob-
jection to appointing a school board and giving them unhmited
power to levy taxes? What kinds of people are likely to make
the best directors? Discuss the advantages and disadvantages
of free textbooks. In a state which has county superintendents
of schools, how would you have them chosen?

The most important feature in any school system is the
teacher. Next to that of their parents, we may safely say
the teacher exerts the greatest influence on most children's
hves. Expensive buildings and abundant equipment are
almost wasted unless the right persons direct their use.
Teachers are elected by the board of education or school
directors. In the best school systems teachers are nomi-
nated by the superintendent or similar officer, and election
by the board is simply a necessary formality.

The qualifications demanded of teachers vary widely,
but the standards for admission to the profession are in
general higher than ever before. States usually provide
for different grades of teachers' certificates. The teacher
in the grade schools should have at the very least a normal
school education. A college education should be no hand-
icap for teaching any grade, and for a good high school
teacher is a necessity. But it should be understood that
high standards and good salaries for teachers go hand in
hand. Most men and women who enter the teaching field

34 Problems of American Democracy

do so for love of the work and too often have had to
subsist on not much more than that. The best reward the
good teacher has is the satisfaction of doing a noble task

The Hamilton School, Everett, Mass.

This is a grammar school building of a modern type. It was not built
for show and no space goes to waste ; but how light and pleasant it must be
inside !

well, but it is a disgrace to any community if it does not
recognize such a service in a decent and visible form.

Ask your parents or other older members of your family if they
remember particularly any one teacher who had a special influence
on their lives. If they do, what is the reason for remembering
him or her? What qualities do you think are most desirable in
a teacher? (If you discuss this question, it ^dll be best to avoid
mentioning teachers in your own school.) Are there any other
people outside of your own family who have notably influenced
your own life? Is there any other reason than a teacher's per-
sonality for the dislike which children sometimes exhibit for the
teacher ?

What requirements does your state demand when teachers' cer-

Making America Intelligent 35

tificates are granted? Are there any regulations or customs in
your city or state concerning the tenure of office of teachers ? What
would you think of a regulation that would provide life tenure for
a teacher after he had served ten years in a community? Would
it be well to elect a teacher for "good behavior," as federal judges
are chosen?

16. School Terms and Attendance. — The lack of uni-
formity among the states in school matters appears in the
length of the school terms and the ages for required attend-
ance. These frequently vary even within the same state.
Some small communities cannot, or think they cannot,
afford to keep their schools open as long as the larger towns
and cities. In most of the large cities and in many smaller
communities which have good schools, the school term is
ten months of twenty school days each. New York de-
mands this of every district in the state. Smaller districts
in most states keep the schools open only nine, eight, or
seven months, and in the South, where the states have been
lax in educational matters, some localities have maintained
schools only three or five months in the entire year.

It has been proposed that the year be divided into four sections
of three months each, the pupil being required to attend only nine
months of the twelve. Would this be an advantage? If so, to
whom? What conditions would be necessary to make it work
successfully ? Is it possible for schools with less than a ten months'
term to do first-class work? Why do most private schools have
a shorter term?

Keeping the schools open will not of itself assure an in-
telligent America. Some people always have to be forced
to do even what is good for them. So in the majority of
the states, the children are required to attend school for
at least eight years. Some of the various age requirements
are from six to fourteen, seven to fifteen, eight to sixteen,
and even from six to eighteen in Utah and Idaho. A child
may leave school before he has reached the proper age pro-
vided his family needs his earnings, but often he is required
to attend a " continuation " school once or twice a week.

36 Problems of American Democracy

But attendance laws are very hard to enforce. How often must
a pupil go to be considered in attendance ? Ilow can we find those
who are not going, and check up the private schools? It is plain
we need a careful school census and faithful truant officers.

Statistics show that 82 per cent of the children of the United
States between the ages of 10 and 14 are attending school,
the total enrollment in 1918 being 22,710,383. About
2,000,000 pupils are in the high schools. From every 1000
people 199 are attending elementary schools, 19 attending
high schools and 4 attending college. About 85 per cent
of the eighth grade graduates go on to high school, but only
39 per cent of these finish the course.

To our shame it was found that the average education
of our soldiers in the Great War was no higher than the
sixth grade. To encourage pupils to stay in school as long
as possible by helping them to overcome financial difficul-
ties and bad health as well as other temptations, is surely
a primary duty of every community. For our own sake
and the sake of those who do not see these things in the right
light we cannot afford to let these advantages be gleaned
only by those who do so willingly.

How do your state and community handle this matter? Are
your attendance laws well enforced? What would you regard
as sufficient reasons for leaving school before finishing high school ?
If a pupil is offered a " job " before finishing, what questions would
you ask him to consider before taking it ?

17. How the Schools Are Supported. — Few things worth
having are free. Schools are no exception. The main-
tenance of them is often the biggest single item in the prop-
erty holder's local tax bill. Indeed, this frequently ought
to be the case. Nothing else that the community imder-
takes can compare with it in importance unless it be the
protection of life and health.

Nearly $1,000,000,000 are yearly spent on education in
this country. The greatest part of this sum is obtained
by local taxation, placed mainly on real estate. In

Making America Intelligent

many respects this is the fairest way because people who
pay for the schools are directly benefited by them. At the
same time it is a matter of concern to the entire state that
all of its people should be educated, and it is both just and
wise for a state to assist its needy districts to keep up schools

* '// r/ gwJ scope alike to the skill of the hands, the genius qf the mind and the dream of the heart. '

Schoors Share in Nation's Wealth

OAKLAND SGHOOLS USE LESS THAN TWO-FIFTHS OF THE TAXES

This nation spends annually on our

Public Elementary School Education.

$ 762.259.154

Each year the nation spends on face

Lotions and "beautifying" Cosmetics .

750.000.000

Normal Schools training teachers in the

United States of America cost yearly.

20,414.689

The bill paid with jolly alacrity for

Chewing Gum in this broad land.

50.000.000

Higher Education totals yearly in the
( Institutions of Learning in America. .

137.055.415

Sundaes, sodas and Drinking Fountain

Delights cost annually and gleefully.

350.000.000

All Departments of Education in the

Whole Nation cost annually less than.

1.000.000,000

Joy Rides and Pleasure Resorts present a
Yearly Bill totaling the goodly sum

of 3.000,000. 000

# In the year 1920 to 1921 in California

Crime cost this sunny, golden State.

55.73036

In 1920 to 1921 School Education

In California cost its citizens only.

47.455.957

City and County Taxes

Levied for All Purposes.

5.12

Oakland Schools use from

City and County Taxes only.

1.84

How One City Appealed for Public Support for Its Schools.
The facts given in this appeal are worth careful consideration.

of a high standard. Many states appropriate large sums
each year out of the state treasury.

In many of the Western states, and in some in the East,
special funds have been set aside, the income from which is
used for school support. Some of these are based on the in-

38 Problems of American Democracy

come from land which Congress gave to them many years
ago. When the "township" in the Western states was
laid out, it was understood, in accordance with Congres-
sional enactments, that one "section," and later two
" sections," were to be reserved for the support of schools.
Some state constitutions command the legislature to appro-
priate certain sums yearly for schools. In addition funds
obtained from dog licenses, automobile licenses, and even
liquor licenses, together with fines and fees of various
sorts, help out the school income in several states. Legis-
latures often do more than they are constitutionally re-
quired to, though we have had as yet no complaint of a
legislature's being too generous.

One point on- which the policies of communities differ is
whether to levy the school tax as a part of the general com-
munity tax or to give the local school board power to levy
a separate tax. Where the school tax is part of the general
tax levy, it usually does not fare so well as by the other
method. A city council may feel that there is more polit-
ical advantage gained from spending money on highways,
parks, or some other projects. People who consider them-
selves experts on good school administration almost in-
variably favor a separate tax, though sometimes they do
not object to having a liberal maximum fixed beyond which
the school board must not go.

The man who grumbles because he must pay taxes to
maintain schools where he has no children attending is so
stingy as to deserve pity. When we consider what the public
school means to thousands of individuals and to the nation
as a whole, we may consider helping to support it an act
of common courtesy to which a citizen is as much committed
as he is to support the police or fire departments or help
care for the streets. In its lowest aspect, maintaining the
schools is simply self-protection for a community, and
miserly selfishness toward it should meet universal disap-
proval. At a high school commencement exercise the

Making America Intelligent 39

speaker said, in part : '' Ladies and gentlemen, for years
you have been making a great investment in our public
school system. Tonight, as superintendent of the local
schools, I have the honor and privilege of declaring to you,"
pointing to the class, " yom* dividend."

Which should receive more of the state's appropriation, the small
or the large community? What would you think of a tax on nat-
ural resources, such as coal, gas, and the like, as a means of getting
money for school purposes? Is there any objection to using the
income from liquor licenses to help support schools ?

18. Grades and Classes of Schools. — Originally the peo-
ple thought of establishing a school only for the purpose
of teaching the absolutely necessary elements of learning.
Now we have added the kindergarten as a kind of entrance
to the elementary grades, and consider these eight elemen-
tary grades as a means of access to the " secondary " edu-
cation of the high school. Out of the doors of the high
school the great majority pass directly to their first positions
in the world's workshop, but the smaller number of the
'^ elect " wish to be able to proceed just as easily to the
college and the university. Our attempts to make this
movement from the kindergarten through to the univer-
sity easy, gradual, and consistent are what we call " grad-
ing " the schools.

Graduation from the grade school was once considered
a grand finishing point. There was such a great gap be-
tween the elementary and the high school that thousands
never tried to cross it. To remedy this evil the junior high
school has been organized, combining the seventh, eighth, and
ninth grades into a separate group. The junior high school
does not undertake to cover these grades in a shorter time, but
aims to do away with needless reviews of the work of earlier
grades, and to give the pupil a start in advanced subjects
such as foreign languages, algebra, social studies, vocational
instruction, and the like. The junior high school idea has
come to stay and will undoubtedly make steady progress.

Problems of American Democracy

Where the three grades mentioned constitute a school by
themselves, the resulting arrangement is sometimes called
the 6-3-3 plan. When the grades from seven to twelve are in
one school, it is the 6-6 plan, as compared with the 8-4 plan,
which has been so very common.

The American high school is tremendously important
in the nation's life. Boys and girls of high school age are

A Center op Learning.

The High and Latin School, Cambridge, Massachusetts. This is one of
our older high schools, but its location so close to the library, shown at the
left of the picture, is admirable.

old enough to begin to understand the needs of themselves
and of society, and young and ambitious enough to want to
improve conditions. When we consider that to perhaps
three-fourths of the high school pupils graduation day does
not mean the " commencement '^ of further study, but of
an active life career, we must conclude that the high school
has a tremendous responsibility in directing their energy
wisely.

Making America Intelligent 41

Many believe' that every state ought to maintain a state
university. In most of the states of the West a pupil, if
he so desires, may go from the high school to the university
as naturally as from grade to high school. Only a high school
diploma is required for entrance. No tuition is charged to resi-
dents of the state ; those who come from other states pay a rea-
sonable fee. The West possesses the most complete public
school systems in the country; perhaps the East would be
benefited by adopting some western methods.

The agricultural college is a special type of public educa-
tional institution and is found in the East as well as in the
West. It is frequently a branch of the state college or uni-
versity. These colleges are often called " land grant "
colleges because the national government has given them
land for use in their support.

Would free university education make it too easy for the
*' slacker " to procure an education? Would it raise or lower
private school standards ?

It was once a common charge that our schools were con-
ducted like prisons through which the pupils marched in
^' lock-step," and if for any reason a pupil could not keep
step he was thrown out without mercy. If that charge
was ever true, it is no longer so in any good school system.
To give proper education to pupils who are not in their nor-
mal or ordinary standing, special schools and classes in great
variety have been estabUshed.

There are vacation schools, or " summer " schools, in
w^hich pupils may make up back work or take up advance
studies. There are open-air schools for pupils who are in-
clined to be consumptive, and schools for crippled and de-
fective children. Special classes in the regular school are
often formed for the benefit of the " retarded " pupil, who
for some reason is two years or more behind the grade which
the majority of pupils of his age have reached. He can
make more progress if he studies in a special class with a
teacher who can see that he gets such particular instruction

42 Problems of American Democracy

as will do him the most good. Sometimes, also, " gifted ''
children — those with more than average mental talents —
are put in separate classes, so that they can go through
the regular course more rapidly than the general schedule
would permit.

Another type of special school is the evening school.
Subjects of an elementary nature, such as arithmetic and
the teaching of English and citizenship to foreigners, are
offered here, and sometimes nigh school courses as well.
Besides these, there are industrial and special trade schools
where thorough training for certain trades is afforded, such
as those of carpenter, electrician, or mechanic. Frequently
such schools are managed in direct cooperation with the
industries of the community.

Only the large cities can afford all these special schools
and classes, but a person who has the advantage of living
there has no excuse for not being educated up to the full
extent of his powers. The small school with a capable
teacher, whether it be in the village or the rural neighbor-
hood, may, however, offer just as much opportunity for
individual training — indeed, much more than the city
school whose classes average forty or more members. What
the small school may lack in equipment and varied courses
may be well made up by the personal relations and indi-
vidual interest possible between teacher and pupil.

Are there any special schools in your community? If so, how
are they maintained ; to what purpose ; . how much good do they
do? Is it wise to give a pupil the impression that he is unusually
bright or unusually dull ? Are pupils ever harmed by being forced
ahead in their studies? At what age ought a pupil of ordinary
intelligence to graduate from the high school?

19. What Shall We Teach? — One of the greatest ques-
tions that confronts the people who plan and direct a public
school system is. What shall be included in the curriculum?
So far as the public university is concerned, the question
needs little discussion. The university is supposed to pre-

Making America Intelligent 43

sent almost every subject that is demanded by the student.
But in the elementary and high schools the question must
be solved by those in authority, because such responsibility
cannot be shifted upon the shoulders of boys and girls.

The primary object of the elementary or grade school
must be to teach at least the three R's — readin', 'ritin',
and 'rithmetic. History, geography, spelling, and com-
position must also find a place. Most people agree as to
the necessity of teaching these subjects. What has been
the compelling motive of introducing such " side-lines '^
as art, music, cooking, sewing, and manual training into
the grade school? Merely an attempt to broaden the child's
mind and to open the channels of possible interest which
otherwise might have remained unknown. By the time
they have reached the high school age, Johnnie and Mary
may know what they like and dislike, but as a rule they do
not know what will do them the most good. Educators have
attempted to handle this proposition by requiring subjects
which they from experience know to be most profitable,
and permitting the pupil to elect according to his likes or
dislikes from numerous other subjects.

Should a commercial student take only commercial subjects?
Is there any cultural value in typewriting and shorthand? What
is culture anyway? What particular values are offered by the
various subjects usually available in the high school?

But how many things should be required of high school
pupils ? The high school has been called the people's college,
and for the majority of them the completion of its course
means the end of formal education. The ambitious or for-
tunate pupils who go on to college ought to be provided for,
but surely it is not fair to the larger, less favored group not
to fit them to do anything else.

Unfortunately, pupils often do not know what trade or
profession they are going to take up, and will wander about
taking a great variety of studies and generally following

Problems of American Democracy

the line of least resistance, picking out the " soft " courses
or taking the same things that their chums take. By all
means a pupil ought, when he is selecting his subjects, to
consider his probable vocation, ability, interest, and the
need of an all-round development. Time is too valuable
to be wasted ! Make everything count !

Not all that the schools can teach is learned from text-
books. Many kinds of activities help to connect the school

Learning a Trade.

These school boys take great pride in the work which they learn to do on
the printing press.

with the life of the community and of the world, to interest
boys and girls in movements of general uplift, to give some
play to personal tastes and talents, and to promote respon-
sibility. Capacity for organization, initiative in action,
and general good fellowship are the result of rightly directed
efforts in groups at school.

Even in the early grades many such projects can be under-
taken. Thrift and savings clubs. Junior Red Cross work,
school gardens, athletics, and Boy and Girl Scout organi-

Making America Intelligent 45

zations promote good citizenship and make for all-round
helpfulness. In the high school all those activities which
the grade school undertakes, and many more, are found.
Literary, debating, and dramatic societies, a school paper,
glee clubs, orchestras, and " Friendship " clubs encourage
social and moral improvement and contribute to the general
interest. Class organizations, civic associations, and sys-
tems of student government are often great factors in teach-
ing responsibility.

And so the school of today is no longer a Uttle cloistered
world where study and recitation are the only features.
True, not all schools can have all these organizations and
opportunities. Small schools in particular must avoid lay-
ing too much stress on such matters; for, after all, study
and class-work are the things for which the school is really
organized. It sometimes seems as if recitations were held
merely to put in time between basket-ball games. But in
large schools where the various activities are carried on by
different groups of people, one person is not likely to be
engaged in more than one or two of them, and the danger
of overdoing it is less.

How many of these and other activities are carried on in your
school ? How much interest do the students take in them ? Are
athletics of any benefit to spectators? Honestly, which activities
are of the greatest value to your school? Are any of them over-
done?

20. Problems of School Management. — At least six
elements enter into the success of a school system — its
buildings and other equipment, its teachers, its courses of
study, its general administration, its revenues, and the at-
titude toward it of pupils and parents. Whether it be New
York, Chicago, or Hartland Four Corners, every commu-
nity which has schools finds that these matters demand
attention. Naturally, however, the big city and the rural
district see them from very different angles.

46 Problems of American Democracy

The country school in the past and in large measure in
the present has been too poorly equipped, too small to accom-
pUsh much, too badly directed and altogether too unim-
portant. Many people have a tender spot in their hearts
for the " little red schoolhouse," but as a factor in modem
education it is almost ridiculous. Frequently the country
schoolhouse consists of one room, wherein perhaps forty
pupils ranging from the first through the eighth grade are
under the direction of one teacher. The teacher may be
no more than a high school graduate — many have not that
much preparation — and the attendance of the pupils is
very irregular. They stay away on the slightest pretext
and often because of distance or discouragement on the
part of their parents.

Under such conditions it is a wonder if anything at all can
be accomplished. Some people argue that our greatest men
were educated in country schools in times when they were
worse than they are now. These people forget that what
the country school failed to do, such men did themselves. But
unfortunately, our mountaineers and sturdy country youths
are not aU Abraham Lincolns. The city lad with his fine
buildings, hbraries, and recreational resources seems to have
too many advantages educationally over his country cousin.

Yet not everything is lovely in the city schools. Build-
ings may have been located and erected without sufficient
foresight for the future needs of a rapidly growing com-
munity. Pupils then may have to go into undesirable
neighborhoods to reach their school, classes may average
forty or fifty pupils to a teacher, and thousands of pupils
may be put on half-time schedules. The teacher's per-
sonal touch can have little effect under such conditions,
and the best teacher in the world cannot give very effective
instruction. Dirty politics and favoritism may come into
city schools as well as rural districts. There are many more
attractions to entice pupils away from school, and few par-
ents come near the school unless the principal sends for them.

Making America Intelligent

Since a rural community cannot afford many expensive
buildings, one remedy is the consolidated school. This
may be the complete or township type, displacing all small
schools and having all the pupils of one township or even
two townships come to it for instruction, or it may be the
partial type, and embrace pupils from only part of a town-
ship. Whether this is located in a village or town or out

This scene at Zoar, Mass., might be duplicated still in many rural com-
munities. The facilities afforded for learning in such a place are better
than nothing, but that is about all we can say for them. One of the country
roads we read about also appears in the picture in what is probably its best
condition.

in the country, there is always a considerable journey for
many pupils to make daily. To do away with this incon-
venience wagons or omnibuses take the pupils to and from
school. Incidentally, this calls for good roads.

Capable teachers are a dire need of the rural districts.
The larger salaries usually paid in cities and towns tend

48 Problems of American Democracy

to draw the ablest teachers there, even though the cost of
hving is greater. Increased salaries for rural teachers are
an instant necessity. A recent investigation in one of our
states showed the expense per child in city schools compared
with the expense in rural schools to be in the proportion
of $33 to S13. If the agricultural districts of a state are
ignorant and backward, the whole state cannot help suffer-
ing. Yet because of the lower valuation of property in the
country than in the city, it usually takes a much higher tax
rate in the country to support even ordinary schools. The
only remedy is for the state to give greater aid proportion-
ately to country school districts than to the city districts,
and to see that as good guidance and supervision are afforded
country teachers as in the best city schools.

Most of the needs of both town and country go back to
one thing — sufficient funds. Money will not buy the per-
sonal interest that a good teacher should take in his pupils,
and it will not make the pupils anxious to learn. But money
will buy books and supplies, build fine school buildings and
offer some inducement for capable teachers to accept posi-
tions in rural schools. Money will enable the city district
to have enough teachers so that classes may be kept down
to| twenty-five or thirty pupils instead of fifty or more, and
will permit its pupils to enjoy playgrounds and athletic
fields. Money will make it possible to carry on other ac-
tivities besides the actual school work — activities that
will promote the interest of both the pupils and the commu-
nity in the school, and lead to such cooperation that the
interests of all will be advanced. That every country child
and every city child alike may have the best education that
can be provided is the only ideal with which any state or
community should be satisfied.

Do country schools need as long a term as city schools? Would
a $1500 salary for a teacher be more attractive in the city or the
country? Where would first-class school buildings be most appre-
ciated?

Making America Intelligent 49

21. Making the School Most Useful. — We have invested
in our public school buildings over $2,000,000,000 and we
spend almost half of that sum each year operating them. Do
we get the proper return for the investment? A factory-
manager would complain loudly about business conditions
if his plant could run only five days a week, six or seven
hours a day, and at most nine or ten months a year. Yet
that is all the average school building is used.

Superintendent William Wirt of Gary, Indiana, rendered
a great service in showing our educators the possibilities
of the ** platoon " system of school organization. By
properly arranging schools and courses of study so that
the school playground, gardens, gymnasium, auditorium,
shops, library, and the like are used by one set of pupils
while another set are in the regular classrooms, almost twice
as many pupils can be accommodated in one school plant
as under the common method of administration. Of course
this plan offers no way out unless a school is equipped with
these desirable accessories, but perhaps it will help some
school boards to discover the usefulness of what they might
otherwise call mere fads.

Actually enforcing school attendance laws instead of
simply pretending to do so, and keeping an accurate school
census, will also help to make the school serve as many chil-
dren as possible. The parents rather than the children are
sometimes the ones who most need prodding up. Planning
school courses so that they will afford the broadest training
for life, and not just teach subjects for facts alone, impor-
tant though these may be, will also be of great benefit.
Sometimes there has been reason to complain that the school
and actual life failed to link together in any proper degree.

But should the school buildings be for the use of the chil-
dren alone? Congressman M. Clyde Kelly, who believes
that such an idea is absurd, calls the schoolhouse the "Com-
munity Capitol.'^ He says : " The schoolhouse is the
one true answer to the demand for a meeting place, where

50 Problems of American Democracy

by association on a common level, the sense of equality may
be realized, and where in the power and happiness of touching
elbows, Americans may banish the thousand and one divisive
lines of danger." Open the school buildings in the evenings,
on Saturdays and Sundays, and during the vacations, for
such purposes as lectures, entertainments, moving pictures,
gymnasium work, and community '' socials. " Everywhere
the schoolhouse could be made a community center for all
kinds of activities for neighborhood betterment. Voting
should be done there, cooperative enterprises of all lands
can have their headquarters there, the local post office can
be stationed there — in fact, few of us have reahzed what
the schoolhouse, the property of the whole community, can
be made to mean to everybody in the community. Particu-
larly in some rural districts such use of the school may mean
the community's social salvation.

Could your own school building be made a " community capitol " ?
Is it used in any o£ the ways here suggested?

22. Obstacles for the Schools to Overcome. — The effec-
tiveness of the school depends upon the degree of success
with which certain obstacles from within and without are
overcome. The good of adequate buildings, textbooks,
and equipment is evident. And the school must not ignore
the health of its pupils. Fireproof structures with suffi-
cient provisions for light and heat, proper ventilation, and
comfortable desks are essential. School nurses and doc-
tors and sensible physical examinations may mean much
to the welfare of pupil and school.

One great obstacle within the school is the lack of co-
operation between teacher and pupil. Student and instruc-
tor must reaUze that they are both human, and establish
the relationship of friend and friend working together, rather
than of task-giver and task-doer. Class distinction within
the school is sometimes a serious obstacle. " Exclusive "
fraternities and cliques are wholly out of place in a demo-

Making America Intelligent 51

era tic public school. And the loafer may be found every-
where. Later, if pupils have little to show for their school
attendance, the public which pays money to support the
school thinks it is not getting value received and blames
the whole school system. No one but you, the pupils of
our schools, can remove obstacles such as these.

Is your school as democratic as it should be? What does your
school do with its loafers?

Conditions outside the school may also hinder its prog-
ress in many ways. In the first place, people do not see
its needs. They think that what was good enough for them
twenty or thirty years ago is good enough for the boys and
girls today, and they refuse to spend money for gymnasiums,
swimming pools, libraries, laboratories, and auditoriums.
They do not realize that ideals advance in education just
as in other lines. As a result of this lack of understanding,
the schools cannot obtain enough money through taxation
to improve educational facilities.

Perhaps the most serious drawback to the public school
from without is lack of interest on the part of the parents.
Many parents completely misunderstand school conditions.
Can you guess why ? A parent-teacher association is often
of great help in promoting school efficiency. In such an
organization, the parents and teachers can come together
and work out problems of mutual interest, the parents
understanding the teachers' efforts and the teachers work-
ing with them for the children's best advantage.

Nowadays there are frequently too many attractions
outside the school. Movies, theaters, and dancing have
no place in the lives of boys and girls of school age to such
an extent as to crowd out school work. Even things which
are inherently of great value may be abused in this way.
Sometimes there are other obstacles which seem unavoid-
able, such as crowded conditions at home, poverty, and the
like. Children are often forced to leave school to go to

52 Problems of American Democracy

work, especially when financial conditions are bad. But
even some of these handicaps can be overcome when school
authorities, parents, and pupils fully understand each other.

Class Problems :

Home Study : How much does the average pupil in our school
need ; how much does he give ; if conditions are not right, who is to
blame, and how can they be corrected ?

Parent-Teacher Associations : Does our community have one or
more ; what can they do to make our schools of greater service?

23. The Public Library. — The library is one of the most
important factors for education other than formal school-
ing. Whether you hold a university degree or have not
even a diploma from a primary school, the library will add
to your education. No sizable city or town in the nation
has a valid excuse for being without one.

Public libraries may be classified thus : those supported
by local taxation, and belonging entirely to the community;
those privately founded or owned, given over to the use of
the public; those under the care of private corporations,
doing public work by contract. Libraries owned by the
city are frequently managed by a board of trustees whose
powers vary with the community. Some cities and towns
have libraries established by endowment with the under-
standing that the municipality contributes a certain sum
yearly. This is a pet idea of Andrew Carnegie, who did
much more than any other one man to bring library facili-
ties within the reach of the poorest. Traveling libraries
sent out from county or state headquarters are becoming
more and more conunon in rural districts. Usually a large
motor truck lined with shelves is used for this purpose.
Definite routes are laid out and books are brought and called
for at regular intervals.

The library is of great help to the schools. It prevents
one-book education, and broadens courses and subjects
which might otherwise be uninteresting. It also can serve
as a community center. Many libraries contain audito-

Making America Intelligent

riums and rooms where people can meet for various pur-
poses. The Ubrary offers weekly story hours affording an
opportunity for small children to become acquainted with
the best literature, and renders all kinds of service in assem-
bling books for the classroom, club, or individual study.

Using the Public Library.

In many public libraries a considerable number of books are kept on open
shelves so that readers may go directly to them and make their own selec-
tions, from which they may desire to take notes or use in some other way.
This privilege is a great convenience but it is not granted in some Ubraries
for fear it would be abused by dishonest or careless people.

The modern theory of the library is to have a book for every
reader, easy of access, and with liberal rules concerning its
use.

The cultivation of good reading habits and a taste for
good literature should be a part of every boy's and girPs edu-
cation. Those volumes piled in stately rows along the
library shelf were written for you and me — they represent
what men have thought and lived for since history began.
As an educational factor in American life the influence of
the library is far-reaching and should be even greater.

54 Problems of American Democracy

Are the modern boy and girl in danger of becoming book- worms?
What principles should govern our reading? Should we read for
pleasure, information, literary appreciation, or to acquire a vocabu-
lary or style?

What cities in the United States have the finest libraries? Is
it right to name libraries in honor of men who have done much
to establish them ? Is it selfish on their part to wish this ? Should
the library accept and display every variety of books, papers, and
magazines ?

Greatest of all our libraries is the Library of Congress at
Washington. Its list of titles is rising steadily toward
3,000,000. Its building is one of the most beautiful in the
country. Every book, photograph, or other piece of printed
matter which is copyrighted in this country may be found
there, so that its facilities are most ample for providing access
to almost everything that is published. Any one who can
go there may make use of its resources, and to public officials
and sometimes others the privilege is granted of taking books
out.

24. Other Public Agencies for Education. — Education
may come from many sources besides schoolrooms and
books, and community taxes provide some of these.
Think of the museums and art galleries which some fortu-
nate cities possess, presented perhaps by the beneficence of
some rich man, but now the common property of every resi-
dent. Think of the free lectures, organ recitals, concerts, and
occasional historical pageants which public money pays for.
And a few of our cities have a community theater, though
this kind of thing is more common in Europe.

Parks may furnish instruction as well as enjo5Tnent in
letting people see many varieties of flowers, plants, and
trees — and of animals also if the place boasts a zoo. If
education means physical development, parks and play-
grounds render service that is distinctly educational.

Few people realize how valuable educationally are the
bulletins issued by the various departments at Washington

Making America Intelligent 55

and similar agencies in states and smaller districts. Indeed^
by far the greatest part of the facts which form the basis
of study and information in subject after subject is gath-
ered in the first place by some government agency and after-
ward organized or interpreted by some writer of textbooks,
newspapers, magazines, or encyclopedias. We ought to
make use far more than we do of our government's con-
tributions to our enhghtenment. Few of us have any idea
how much we are really getting back for the money which
we pay in taxes to support these public services.

.*. The American public schools, while far from perfect, are render-
ing a wonderful service. We should spare no pains to make this serv-
ice constantly more efficient, and should be willing to support gener-
ously the schools and any other facilities that will help to make every
American citizen intelligent.

SPECIAL STUDIES

Literacy and Illiteracy in Europe.

The Mountain Whites of the South.

School Attendance in Our Community.

Educational Requirements for Voting.

Education in Ancient Athens.

Roman Education.

Medieval Education.

Resolved, that a purely academic education does not fit a man for

success in business.
Schools in Colonial Days.
" The Hoosier School Master."
Benjamin Franklin as an Educator.
The History of American High Schools.
The Smith-Hughes Bill.

The Organization of the Schools of Our State.
The Schools of Our Community.

The Support of Schools in Our Community and State.
School Terms and Attendance.
Continuation Schools.
The School System of England.
The School System of France.
The School System of Germany.
Educational Activities of the Federal Government.

56 Problems of American Democracy

The Qualifications for Teachers in Our State.

Junior High Schools.

An Ideal Program of Studies for Our Schools.

The Qualities Needed for a Good Teacher.

School Activities.

The School as a Community Center.

Systems of Grading and Promotion of Pupils.

The Proposal for Federal Aid to Schools.

The Ideal Country School.

Schools for Special Pupils.

The School and the Movdes.

The Growth of Publife Libraries in the United States.

Providing Textbooks in the Public Schools.

REFERENCE READINGS

Monroe — History of Education.

Burch and Patterson — American Social Problems, Chapter 23.

Earle — Child Life in Colonial Days, Chapters 3-7.

Cubberly — Public School Administration, Chapters 1-6, 14-19, 26.

Graves — History of Education.

Stray er and Englehardt — The Class Room Teacher.

Dewey — Schools of To-morrow.

Foght — The Rural Teacher and His Work.

Carney — Country Life and the Country School, Chapters 7-12.

Kelly — The Community Capitol, Part I.

Lessons in Community and National Life, Series A, Lesson 11.

Keith and Bagley — The Nation and the Schools.

Cleveland and Schafer — Democracy in Reconstruction, Chapters

9, 10.
Gillette — Constructive Rural Sociology, Chapter 18.
Magruder — American Government, Chapter 28.
Hart — Actual Government, Chapter 28.
Beard — American City Government, Chapter 12.
Rowe — Society, Chapters 18, 19.
Young — New American Government, Chapter 20.

II. PROMOTING EDUCATION THROUGH PRIVATE
ENTERPRISE

Nine-tenths of us get the bulk of our formal education in the
public schools. But what means are available for those who can-
not or do not wish to go to public schools? What opportuni-
ties are offered us beyond the courses of the ordinary public high
school? Does education need to cease when we leave school?

25. Kinds of Private Schools. — To classify exactly the
numerous types of private institutions is not easy, but for
convenience we may make three groups — those supported
wholly by rehgious denominations, those privately endowed,
wholly or in part, and those conducted as business en-
terprises.

The parochial or church schools stress the history and
doctrine of their denominations, as well as giving general
instruction. The privately endowed schools often arrange
their courses along much the same lines as our public schools.
Very many of these are boarding schools, and many are
partly supported by gifts from religious denominations, as
well as by tuition fees. Military academies and " finishing '^
schools may belong in either this group or the next. The
private day school may also come under either head.

The schools conducted as business enterprises are ex-
ceedingly varied in character. The commercial school, or
business '* college," is one tj^De of such schools. In these
" colleges " students take up such commercial subjects as
are offered generally in every high school. The chief reason
for the popularity of these schools is the guaranteed short-
ness of the courses of study. Some one has dubbed this
the '' get- wise-quick " method.

58 Problems of American Democracy

A great deal of fun is poked at the " correspondence "
school — " Learn to swim at home in three lessons," we
say. Nevertheless the correspondence school has its place
in education. People who have not the means to attend
private schools or who are too far removed from public
schools or cannot quit their regular employment derive a
great deal of benefit from these " lessons at home." These
schools teach a wide range of educational subjects.

The tutorial school, maintained for those who need special
help or drill in certain subjects, particularly for college en-
trance, and the special schools of oratory, music, languages,
trained nursing, and even some of a disciplinary nature
fall into this third class. Schools for the blind, the deaf,
and the defective in speech are also maintained as private
institutions.

26. Are Private Schools Desirable ? — Doubtless there
will always be some place for private schools. We may
always find some boys and girls who do not fit in with any
large groups, but have talents which can be made useful
by individual training. Others whose homes have been
broken by parental absence, death, or other misfortunes,
need the care that they can get only in a well-managed
boarding school. Such a school sometimes supplies the
needed discipline when a weak-willed parent has lost author-
ity over his child. Some young men and women have
the opportunity for secondary education come to them when
they are too old to find it pleasant going to high school in
company with younger boys and girls. Some parents want
their children to receive the distinctively religious or de-
nominational instruction which a public school cannot
properly give. And others, to their discredit, think their
children are too '' nice " to associate with the general run
of boys and girls.

This last remark suggests the chief charge that is made
against private schools — that they are undemocratic. Not

Making America Intelligent 59

many schools will consciously teach their pupils to be snobs,
but the very fact that only those pupils attend who can
afford to pay tuition charges, rents for special rooms,
and the like, may give them in their own minds a sense of
superiority over public school pupils which is not warranted
either by their own brains or the quality of instruction they

St. Mark's School, Southboro, Mass.
A well-known private school.

receive. But unless and until the public at large is willing
to pay school taxes high enough to permit the public schools
to furnish all the individual attention which the private
school is supposed to offer, some parents who can afford to
do so will prefer to put their children in private schools.

What special features are connected with boarding-school life?
Is the average boy or girl better for losing his home life in order
to enjoy these special features? If we do not, through attendance
at the public school, learn to mingle with people of all social ranks,
are we likely ever to understand them?

What do you think of the person who goes to a business " college "
rather than take a four-year commercial course at a high school
because he can " get through sooner "?

60 Problems of American Democracy

27. Higher Education. — Although most colleges and
universities are simply advanced private schools, they serve
such a distinct purpose that it is best to consider them sep-
arately. They have increased very greatly in number and
importance; their influence is becoming more and more
noticeable.

The chief difference between the college and the univer-
sity is that the university is supposed to teach almost any
subject, and to maintain special departments, such as schools
of law, medicine, or general post-graduate work. The col-
lege may limit itself to the ''liberal arts," and frequently is
included as a unit of a university. Colleges or universities
usually have a board of trustees with a president or chancel-
lor as the executive head. '' Deans " have charge of the vari-
ous buildings or departments, and the ** registrar " looks
after the attendance and schedules.

A few cities have universities of their own, but the state,
aided by the national government as we have seen, usually
supports the public university. Private colleges rely wholly
on tuition fees, gifts, and endowments.

Although only one per cent of our population goes to
college, and only half that number graduate, this small por-
tion contributes greatly to our welfare. From it have come
one-half of our Presidents, Cabinet members, and Senators,
and one-third of our Representatives. Besides these, a very
high percentage of other public officers and prominent men
are college and university graduates.

How many of the " great men " from your locality graduated
from a college or university ? How many from your class intend to
go to college?

Class Problem:

Who Should Go to College?

Should everybody aim to attend college? If not, how and where
would you draw the line ? Who must go ? Should the college accept
all who apply? If it must or desires to limit attendance, what
means of selection are best? Do written tests, such as College

Making America Intelligent

Entrance Board Examinations, really test one's fitness to profit
by college attendance? What do you think of " intelligence tests "
as a part of entrance requirements? Should the college dictate
to the high school a course for those it will accept or should it ac-
cept any subjects a high school graduate offers? Is it good for
a person to work his way through college ?

28. Private Gifts to Education. — Many of the great ad-
vantages ofTered in our colleges and universities would have

A Scene in a Museum.

The Japanese Garden in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. One can
learn much here about the ideals and thoughts of the Japanese people of
former days.

been impossible without private generosity. A large number
of our wealthy citizens have proved very willing to give
others equal or better opportunities for advancement than
they themselves enjoyed. College after college exists
only by reason of gifts from men and women of means, and
great universities, as well as local high schools and even
elementary schools, owe their being to such munificence.

62 Problems of American Democracy

George F. Peabody, John F. Slater, Anna T. Jeanes, Mrs.
Russell Sage, Henry C. Frick, Andrew Carnegie, and John
D. Rockefeller may be mentioned as among the most famous
of those givers, but many others less widely known are
commemorated in the names of the institutions which they
founded or helped to maintain.

The world owes Andrew Carnegie a debt of gratitude for
the libraries he scattered so widely, and Pittsburgh in par-
ticular for its great museum and Carnegie Institute of Tech-
nology. Besides, the Carnegie Foundation for the Ad-
vancement of Teaching, whose specific purpose was to give
pensions to college professors, has been indirectly the means
of elevating the scholastic standards of many so-called
" higher institutions." John D. Rockefeller is responsi
ble for the University of Chicago, and for gifts to several
other institutions of learning. In addition, he presented
$32,000,000 to the General Education Board, which has made
many investigations and given much aid to the cause of
education, particularly in the South. The Rockefeller
Foundation, which has a charter from the state of New
York, is another agency for the promotion of public
intelligence and well-being, especially in matters affecting
health.

We have not spoken of " generosity " in this connection.
In one sense that is not the word to use, for the givers
usually had plenty of money left and did not miss what they
gave. But think of the thousands of homes that would
know little or nothing of literature, art, music, or history if
it had not been for these gifts. Whether rich men's names
are carved in marble over the doors of libraries or museums is
of very little importance in comparison with the good their
means have accomplished.

The Smithsonian Institution at Washington is an example
of a national institution which is the result of one man's
gift. James Smithson, an EngUshman, willed $500,000 to
this country which Congress decided to employ this way.

Making America Intelligent 63

Has your community received any benefit from such gifts ?
Make a list of the colleges or other institutions which are named
for some founder or contributor. If you had a million dollars or
more to give for an educational cause, how would you make use
of it?

29. The Press as an Educator. — Outside the schools
the press has the biggest opportunity for educating the
public. No teacher can possibly instruct so many pupils.
But is it doing as much good as it might do ?

A modern newspaper is a wonderful institution. The
gigantic printing presses turn out thousands of copies daily.
Hundreds of people are engaged in preparing its appear-
ance. Come what may, fire or flood, the newspaper must
be printed. Popular demand is so great that sometimes
in its eagerness to satiate the public thirst for news, the
paper manufactures it. Many agencies, such as the
Associated Press, the International News Service, and the
United Press have been established to gather and distribute
news all over the world. They enable the papers of New
York and San Francisco to publish the same news on the
same day. There are over 56,000 newspapers published,
24,000 of which are in the United States.

It has been said that the four functions of the newspaper
are : to gather news, to distribute news , to express opinion,
and to create opinion. Another has stated that the func-
tion of the paper is threefold : to narrate events as they
have happened, to advance arguments on what is happen-
ing, and to indicate what is going to happen. Thus the
newspaper is narrator, debater, and weathercock. But
the modern newspaper goes beyond these bounds, and con-
tains so many different " features " that it is no longer a
mere substitute for the town-crier but a source of interest
and pleasure to all, from the youngest member of the family
to the oldest.

Freedom of the press undoubtedly requires that the news-
paper be free to criticize public matters and men. But often

64 Problems of American Democracy

this liberality is taken advantage of, especially in the case
of party politics. Some papers maliciously attack opposing
candidates in such an unscrupulous manner as to disregard
all claim to decency and honor. Since some people believe
anything they read in their own paper, when a paper per-
verts the news the results are far-reaching. Again, in some
cases much they publish is a pure waste of time ; they ac-
custom people to cheap literature and they stir up unwar-
ranted ill-feeling between men and nations. They may even
indirectly suggest the commission of crime and vice.

Do you think all newspapers could be classified as either con-
servative, sensational, or yellow? What features characterize
each of these classes or any others which you may discover ? Give
an example of each class. Should newspapers try to give the pub-
lic what they think the public wants or what they think is best?
Is the public responsible for the quality of the newspapers? How
much of the newspaper is really educational ?

Should everybody read at least two newspapers of different
political views ? How much of the newspaper do you read ? What
part do you read first? What is your observation of the read-
ing habits of the public in general ?

In the years just preceding the Civil War, the views of Horace
Greeley, editor of the New York Tribune, were accepted almost
as gospel by many thousands of northerners. Do any editors
have a similar influence today ? Why ?

For those who prefer a clear, reliable statement of news
to the uncertain jumble in the papers we have news maga-
zines, weekly, monthly, and quarterly. And there are
dozens of magazines which either do not pretend to be news
magazines or limit themselves to a particular fiield, such as
the farm journal and the scientific magazine for their partic-
ular patrons, the religious magazine, the fiction magazine,
and that which plays up " human interest " articles.

The American people are world renowned as a ^' magazine
people." In Europe the book is more popular than the
periodical. Some of our best and most noted popular mag-
azines are read all over the world, wherever Americans live.

Making America Intelligent 65

Many of them have distinct literary merit; many discuss
public questions with intelligence and vigor. These have
a positive educational value. But oh, some of them — !

What magazine would you take if you could take only one?
Why? Why may a magazine be more trustworthy than a news-
paper ?

Name twenty well-known periodicals, classifying them in ac-
cordance with their general purposes and characteristics.

What advice would you give a twelve-year-old child in regard
to his reading? How much of it might you take for yourself?
Should an individual try to accumulate a library of his own? If so,
what books or types of books would you advise him to buy?

30. The Citizen Educating Himself. — So, then, the person
who is not getting as much education as he would like, can
blame no one but himself. Opportunities stare at us from
all corners. We cannot help but ''live and learn." The
school, the library, the newspaper, and the magazine are
only a few of the many educational forces which are found
in American life.

In every city of any size, lectures, organ recitals, and
concerts make their appeal to many. Industrial clubs,
whose members are the employees of a certain factory or
business institution, give further chance for betterment.
In some cases they offer cultural education, but more often
special training in a particular line of work in which the
factory or business house is engaged. In this manner em-
ployees increase their own efficiency and prepare themselves
for better positions. Such agencies as the Y.M.C.A. and
the K. of C. do similar service.

Often a college or university sends out professors to va-
rious parts of a city or to other communities to give lectures
to groups of people. A series of such lectures is called an
extension course. The " Chautauqua " has become an
important factor in many rural neighborhoods, and every
year during the summer months presents its lectures, con-
certs, general discussions, and entertainments.

Problems of American Democracy

The museum is, and even the theater and the motion
picture may be, an educational force. Social life also plays
its part in intellectual development : mingling with in-
telligent people, conversing with associates, and studying
human relations from many angles gives us something not

1 ,: .

."'■1

' ■' "1

si ? ■■ 1

In the Reading Room of a Great Public Library.

Daily and weekly papers from all over the world are received here every
day where they may be read by all who are interested. Travelers from far
away are often pleased to find their home papers in the racks of such a
library.

to be found in books. Traveling widens greatly this con-
tact, bringing us into touch with people whom we can study,
and learning about places and things which we cannot know
through our ordinary relationships at home.

Education has been defined as a " realization of one's highest
self." It is a lifelong job. It is much more than schooling.
Formal education is primarily for young people, it is true,
and some men and women have freer access than others
to the various channels of learning. But the fact remains
that ignorance is not its own excuse for being and that every

Making America Intelligent 67

man and woman in the United States may cultivate in a
large degree their God-given powers.

Can you think of other educational factors than those mentioned
in this chapter ? Has a person the moral right to neglect any rea-
sonable opportunity for self -improvement ?

.*. There are few cases of really excusable ignorance in the United
States. If a person honestly yearns for learning and enlightenment, he
has many opportunities to obtain it. If America is not made intelligent,
it will be the fault of her citizens themselves.

SPECIAL STUDIES

Private Schools in Our Neighborhood.

The History of the Founding of the Great Colleges of our State.

The Activities of the Public Library.

The Newspapers of Our Community.

Magazines, Good and Bad.

The Business of Managing a Newspaper or Magazine.

Types and Standards of the American Press.

Individual Education at Home.

The Foreign Language Press in the United States.

Foreign Languages in the Schools.

. REFERENCE READINGS

Bryce — American Commonwealth, Chapters 79, 108, 109, 114,

115, 118.
Rowe — Society, Chapter 37.
Dealey — Sociology, Chapters 8, 12, 13.
Lessons in Community and National Life, A-6.
EUwood — Sociology and Modern Social Problems, Chapter 16.
Bryce — Modern Democracies, Chapters 8, 10, 72.
Hayes— Introduction to Sociology, pp. 652^68, 680-684.

ELEVATING AMERICAN STANDARDS

*' It is worth while to be a citizen of a great country, but size alone
is not enough to make a country great. A country must be great in
its ideals ; it must be great-hearted ; it must be noble ; it must despise
and reject all smallness and meanness, it must be faithful to its
word." — Root.

The very reason why we would have education universal is to
uplift American standards. But if our education is to be of real
value to ourselves or our community, we must have, along with
the knowledge and ability we acquire, the purpose to use them for
the highest good. Knowledge alone may simply make wickedness
more dangerous. Let us consider first the motives which cause
people to act as they do and some of the undesirable conditions
which exist in people's association with one another. Then we
can more clearly state our social ideals and understand how to
make effective the various agencies that seek to help people to do
right.

III. FINDING THE FACTS ABOUT 'HUMAN
ASSOCIATIONS

31. Why Do We Do Things? — The very fact that we
never think why we do some things suggests one answer
to our question. We have formed the hahit of doing them.
Perhaps in early childhood we were taught to say " please "
and ''thank you." If so, we have probably accustomed
ourselves to politeness. We practice it ourselves and ex-
pect it from others. Going to school, taking a certain
route to get there, and following a fixed routine of study
and recitation, are features of our own life which could find
parallels in the activities of a business man or a coal miner.
Sometimes we inherit certain traits or mannerisms; some-
times we deliberately learn to do something in a certain
way and keep on doing it. It is far easier to form a habit

Elevating American Standards 69

than to break one. How important then, that we form
habits of doing right ! For some people '^ it goes against
the grain " as much to perform an undesirable act as it
would for others to refrain from doing it.

Our social environment explains many of our actions. Per-
haps law commands us to do certain things that we would
not otherwise do. Perhaps a community custom makes
us feel out of place if we act differently from the rest.
*' What will people say? "is a question that may gain the
power of a tyrant over us. Outside physical conditions
of weather and geography affect the form of our clothing,
our amusements, and the way we do our daily tasks. Fam-
ily affection or authority restrains us from one line of con-
duct and forces us into another. *' When in Rome, do as
the Romans do," is a saying that explains much of our con-
duct, though it cannot always justify it. We cannot escape
association with others, unless we are content to go back to
barbarism. In a real sense, no one is wholly self-made.

Imitation, conscious or unconscious, is often the reason
for what we do. If " they " are wearing furs on the Fourth
of July, some of us will do so, no matter how uncomfort-
able we are. Fashion and foolishness too often go hand
in hand. But deliberately to pattern our lives after the
model of a great character may lead us to develop the noblest
qualities of humanity.

Self-interest seems to be the controlling motive of many.
What they like or what will profit them, they do — and
little else. This may be the most disgusting kind of self-
ishness, yet not always. One may seek education or wealth
in order to use it for humanity's good, and at the same time
receive as much personal benefit as if he cared nothing for
anybody else. Not only honesty but generosity and sac-
rifice may really be " the best policy.'' Ambition may
lead us to do right instead of wrong.

One other impelling motive we have already suggested —
service or usefulness. We need more of it, but we must not

70 Problems of American Democracy

think it is entirely missinjsi;. Men have sacrificed large in-
comes to accept pubhc office or to follow professions whose
chief reason for existence is the improvement of human living.
The mother's whole life is often animated by this motive
alone, and the call of duty always finds some one listening.

Do people often analyze th§ir motives? Would it be well if
more did so? How do you define conscience? Does it mean the
same for everybody ? Does altruism pay, in the long run ? Should
it make any difference to us whether it does or not? How far is
the habit motive a result of the other types of motives ? Give a specific
example of each of the motives suggested, and of any others which you
think should be added to the list.

32. Following the Crowd. — The conduct of human be-
ings in a crowd offers one of the most interesting studies
of human relationship. Perhaps we have noticed that in
a crowd men do things they would otherwise scorn. To
understand a little about this " crowd psychology " will
help us to explain why certain things happen.

One of the most important elements in a crowd's conduct
is suggestion. In a crowd, almost any proposition, no mat-
ter how foolish, spreads like wild-fire. There is a certain
excitement in a crowd which craves action and only a sug-
gestion is needed to set it in motion. This action is quick
and leaves no time for argument or difference of opinion.
It is a first impulse, the result of aroused imagination. A
crowd may become a mob at a moment's notice, when men
become irrational, bent on ruin. The '' crowd " spirit is fre-
quently short-lived, and may end as quickly as it began.

Another factor in mob psychology is imitation. A mob
leader is intelligent enough at least to know how to handle
the crowd. The ignorant man follows the leader and imi-
tates him. This tendency, true at all times, is particularly
evident in a crowd. The average person does not want
others to think that he is afraid to do something which the
others wish, and so he follows along, even against his better
judgment. And usually he exercises no judgment. For

Elevating American Standards 71

the time he has ceased to be an individual. He has become
just a fraction of a crowd.

Further, a crowd is emotional. It can easily be stirred
up to do almost anything, if the speaker can play on the
feelings of the people. A crowd is irrational and credu-
lous. It accepts anythmg it is told. Alone, in saner mo-
ments, a person would laugh at things which he believes

Keystone View Co. '
A Typical Crowd.

These steel strikers at Gary, Indiana, seem to be taking in everything the
speaker says.

when told by the leader of a crowd. Lynchings occur when
a crowd gets together, and the responsibility is shared. Few
people would deliberately shoot a man even though they
thought he deserved to be killed. It may be the feeling
that one will not be punished that induces a person to join
a " lynching party " or it may be the excitement and in-
fluence of the moment. ** Race riots " are seldom if ever
willfully planned, but take place when a man temporarily
lays aside his individuality and becomes simply a white

72 Problems of American Democracy

man or a black man — a member of a crowd with a sup-
posed grievance against another crowd.

This crowd psychology can be turned to good account
as well as bad. The skillful politician takes advantage of
it repeatedly. Roosevelt was a master at this game. Un-
fortunately men with good causes too often depend solely
upon the merits of their cause and are beaten by a less
worthy seeker after popular favor who knows how to catch
the crowd.

The Liberty Bond campaigns of the Great War, reU-
gious revivals, meetings to stir up " school spirit," are in-
stances of movements whose aim and results are wholly or
chiefly good, in which the skillful employment of crowd
psychology may be or has been the main factors for success.
To do this well in a worthy cause is an accomplishment not
to be despised ; but to be strong enough not to be led astray
in a crowd bent on mischief is equally the duty of a good
citizen.

Does this crowd psychology play any part in the hazing and
class rushes that occur in some colleges? Make a list of the in-
stances you know in which people have done things in a crowd
which they would not have done alone. Can you give illustrations
of political campaigns when success resulted because one side knew
crowd psychology better than the other?

33. Social Classes in the Old World and the New. —
Underlying many of the struggles in world history, economic
and political, is the conflict between one social class and
another. A person born in a certain class has often had
little chance of getting out of it, no matter how capable,
lazy, good or bad he might be. Three social classes were
once universal in Old World nations and are still evident
in some countries.

(1) The aristocracy, comprising the families of the royalty
and the nobility. Money is a consideration secondary to
rank and ancestry, but aristocrats are usually not poor.

(2) The bourgeoisie, made up of merchants, tradesmen,

Elevating American Standards 73

and other people of successful business enterprise. Most
of the capitaUsts are of this class. A bourgeois citizen who
achieves something of note may hope sometime to have a
title conferred upon him.

(3) The masses, sometimes called the proletariat, com-
posed of the thousands of mill and factory workers, miners,
and peasants. Often they have had little opportunity for
education or any sort of advancement.

But of course we have no social classes in America ! Let
us see. Maybe they are not so clearly defined as those in the
Old World. Perhaps they are based on the dollar mark
rather than on a coat of arms. Does not wealth make a
great deal of difference in the United States? A newly
rich person may never be able to enter the best society but
his children and their children will probably be accepted
without difficulty. Ancestry and birth play a part, too.
The family whose forefathers came over in the Mayflower
has a certain prestige, in its own mind at least. And people
of culture sometimes feel their own superiority. What
corresponds most nearly to the bourgeois of other countries
is our own middle class — the men engaged in all kinds of
business or professions, who live comfortably but not in
luxury. Our "masses" are the ''laborers," skilled, semi-
skilled, or unskilled. Most of them live from day to day,
but extreme poverty is not the rule among them.

But social classes neither in this country nor in Europe
are so iron-cast as formerly. The saving grace now is that
a person may rise from the laboring class to the middle class,
or from the middle class to that status known as ''high
society." He may also fall. There is no especial disgrace
here for people to marry "out of their class," and each
class is not independent of the other.

Is there any excuse for social classes in a democracy?
Undoubtedly some will say that social classes offer an in-
centive to people to work and to rise higher. But if the
poor despise the rich, the middle classes envy the rich, and

74 Problems of American Democracy

the rich look down upon the poor and middle classes, there
is going to be trouble. The fact that one of our historic
documents says " All men are created equal " does not make
them so. Inequality of people in the different '' classes " and
the feeling between them are the chief hindrances to our
attainment of real democracy. People who harp on the
desirability of developing " class consciousness " are a curse
to any country.

Are wealthy people really happier than others? Is the correc-
tion of social inequality the duty of one " class " any more than
another? Does " class consciousness " do any good?

Is your community "stratified" socially? If so, on what
basis? How do any social distinctions manifest themselves in
any instances within your notice? What is the influence of the
public school on social distinctions? of political parties? of
churches ?

34. Social Problems of the City. — The large city has
always been itself a problem. The city of the Middle Ages,
from the viewpoint of safety, convenience, or health, was
an impossible place to live in, we would say now. Most
certainly we have improved since then, but some of us never
look farther than wide streets and flowered boulevards in
forming our opinions about a city.

Congestion is one of the disadvantages of city life. Our
cities have usually grown up around harbors, factories, or
other places of industry which attracted workers. They
naturally settled within a short distance of the place where
they worked. As more people came, these sections became
more and more thickly populated. When houses are scarce,
rents go up, and the crowding becomes worse than before.
The result is general poor health, and the spread of vice and
crime. The sad, wan faces of little children brought up
imder such conditions should be a warning to every city.
The saying that " God made the country and man the town "
contains more pathos than people who live in desirable con-
ditions in the city seem to realize.

Elevating American Standards 75

The problem of the foreigner is worse in the city than in
the rural community. Foreigners seek the city because
there they find the factory and the mill. In their struggle
to make some kind of living they crowd into those self-same
sections we have just discussed. They make *' little Ita-
lies," "little Russias," and other distinctive settlements,
so that these overcrowded sections of a city are plainly di-
vided into centers of nationahty, where the languages and
customs are those of the ** old country."

The people who live in the slum districts do not have
an opportunity to play properly. Their more fortunate
fellow-citizens play too much and too carelessly, while the
tired factory or mill hand comes home too fatigued to take
any interest in amusement. If he does desire some rec-
reation, only the cheap movie and the common dance hall
or the street corner are open to him. Playgrounds are too
few and far between, and we know what it means when
children have to play in the streets. Child labor and the
sweat shop are evils which still exist despite all that has
been done to abolish them.

Nor is home life in the finer parts of the city all that is
ideal. The movie, the theater, and the dance hall take the
young people, on whom home influence should be constantly
working, out of the home too much of the time. Young
people think they are ''seeing life," but they do not realize
how artificial and distorted is most of this "life."

Cities offer special opportunities for poUtical corruption
and misgovernment. They are hotbeds of discontent.
Here is where revolutions are plotted and radicals always
get a hearing. The extravagance of boastful wealth and the
gloominess of hopeless poverty appear here in most glaring
contrast. The typical city dweller knows Httle and cares
less about either his own neighbors or those who live else-
where, and judges everybody from his own limited view-
point. Oh yes, we can find good in our great cities, but
just now we are looking for the opposite — and finding it.

76 Problems of American Democracy

35. Social Problems of the Country. — By contrast the
sparsely settled rural districts have problems of their own.
Perhaps the greatest is isolation and the resultant lack of
cooperation. The nature of the farmer's work does not
permit constant association. He becomes accustomed to
working by himself. The church and the school should be
common centers, but unfortunately the country minister,
as well as the country teacher, is too often underpaid —
a serious drawback to competent leadership.

It has been said that one mile from a rural railroad sta-
tion time goes back a hundred years. The old kerosene
lamp still burns on the table, the homely evidences of years
long passed may still be seen, and no attempt to better con-
ditions is being made. Sanitation is unknown, and roads
are a joke. This charge is often wholly untrue and unjust.
Yet there is urgent need for modern improvements in many
a farm neighborhood. The housewife especially deserves
consideration. Life to her is one day of drudgery after
another, and she perhaps uses the same old methods of do-
mestic work that her great-grandmother did. The Ameri-
can farmer can never be a peasant ; he has the full rights
of citizenship. Yet we often see him working with crude
arm implements or his wife toiling with few or no domestic
facilities. The result of all this is, too frequently, on the
part of the old folks, taciturn resignation to constant, weari-
some, unnecessary monotony.

But the young folks break away. Their motive may
be to procure a good education, to " see things," to follow
a natural calling, or broaden their prospect of advancement.
All these motives may be justifiable in themselves. Many
country youths rightly belong to the city, while on the other
hand many city-bred boys would flourish better and five
more happily in the country. It is a sad state if the young
blood all flows in one direction.

Many country communities are living in the twentieth
century far more fully than much of "little old New York."

Elevating American Standards 77

But others need to learn cooperation in work and pleasure,
the benefits of efficient churches and schools and the com-
forts and conveniences which science and invention have
made possible for both the farmer and his wife. We must
see to it that the farmer can earn a decent Hving. It is
distressing to note how many farms are mortgaged and how
many farmers are simply renters. If the farmer goes down
in ruin, the nation will go down with him.

36. Social Problems of the Small Town. — But some-
times it seems as if the small town faces the most difficult

Main Street in a Small Town.

Does this scene suggest that life in this particular community is very
interesting ?

problem. Its residents do not have the healthy interests
that farmers do, nor does it possess enough of the wealth
and progressiveness of the large town to give it city advan-
tages. Here too the churches may be too many and too weak,
and the schools just good enough to make one realize what
they ought to be.

There is nothing for the people to do after the day's work
is over but talk about their neighbors. Monotonous ex-
istence in a " one-hoss town " deadens all initiative. A

78 Problems of American Democracy

show, or a " sociable " once a month cannot satisfy youth's
craving for variety. The same scenes and same few faces do
not offer enough scope. The hfe of the small town is worse
to tolerate than the quiet life of the farm because the
" taste " of other things is there. The small town is just
" betwixt and between."

The young fellows loaf on the comers or in the pool-room
for lack of something better to do, and since they have noth-
ing to do, are inclined to do wrong, merely for diversion.
People who are brought up in such communities are apt
to become narrow-minded and prejudiced, and to get hope-
lessly deep in their little rut. Such men and women are
not of great value to a progressive nation and they them-
selves get little out of life. The small town too often stops,
so far as good influence or contribution of any kind to the
nation is concerned, with the end of its " Main Street."
But they are not all like this. Some are delightful places
not only for spending a summer vacation but to live in the
year round. Can the rest be made so?

37. Community Ideals. — We have spoken of our national
ideals and pointed out their importance. Should not the
local commxmity, which has as much to do with the every-
day life of its people, have its own ideals too? Believing
that it should, social service organizations, churches, and
other agencies working for the public good have set forth
their aspirations in programs for community effort. We
may summarize some of their ideals as follows :

A community should strive :

1. To prociu-e cooperation from all its members ; in other words
to display the " community spirit."

2. To utilize to their best advantage all natural resoiu-ces, with
sufficient thought for the future.

3. To make living conditions wholesome and attractive and give
all an equal opportunity for a decent living and for advancement.

4. To provide sufficient recreation of the right kind to keep every-
body healthy and happy.

Elevating American Standards 79

5. To keep clean, physically and morally.

6. To make every citizen think for himself politically, to assure
honest politics, and to encourage sound public opinion.

7. To know itself and its needs, to raise its ideals ever higher,
and by education and patriotic appeal daily to approach nearer
its ideals.

These are attainable ideals. Evil has its cause in con-
ditions which we daily tolerate. The thing for every com-
munity to do, is to wake up, look around for such causes,
eliminate them so far as possible, and keep them from taking
root again. Then we may expect to tell a different story
from that which truth has obliged us to tell about the con-
ditions of human association in too many communities in
our land.

Have you ever seen desirable things in other communities which
your own community lacks ? If so, what are they ? Do you have
or did you ever visit a " community house " ? What is your opinion
of the idea?

What progress has your community made in the last ten years
toward the ideals we have mentioned? To whom does the blame
or credit belong for the changes which have taken place? What
have you done about it, or your church, or any other organization
to which you belong?

*' What kind of town would my town be,
If every person were just like me? "

.*. Evil conditions, as well as good, arise from the association of
himian beings. Each type of community has its own special problems.
With an understanding of the conduct of people in " crowds," we must
direct such action toward betterment rather than harm.

SPECIAL STUDIES

The Social Problems of Our Town.

The Psychology of a Crowd.

Is " Main Street " a Fair Description of the American Small

Town?
Social Classes in England.
Aristocracy in America.
An Experience with a Crowd.

80 Problems of American Democracy

The Origin of Superstitions.
The Castes of India.
The Community House.

REFERENCE READINGS

Stelzle — American Social and Religious Conditions, Chapters 1, 2.

Tufts — The Real Business of Living, Chapters 29-31.

Burch and Patterson — American Social Problems, Chapters 2-4, 12.

Rowe — Society, Chapters 13, 14, 17, 24, 25, 45-47.

Ross — What is America? Chapters 6, 7.

Blackmar and Gillin — Outlines of Sociology, Parts III, IV.

Bryce — Modern Democracies, Chapter 75.

Bryce — American Commonwealth, Chapters 119-121.

Cleveland and Schafer — Democracy in Reconstruction, Chapters 6, 7.

Hayes — Introduction to Sociology, Chapters 4-6.

Gillette — Constructive Rural Sociology, Chapters 4, 6, 7, 15.

EUwood — Sociology and Modern Social Problems, Chapters 1-3.

Follett — The New State, Chapters 2, 22, 23. Appendix.

Caniey — Country Life and the Country School, Chapters 1, 4.

Carver — Principles of Rural Economics, Chapter 6.

IV. MAKING ENVIRONMENT FAVORABLE FOR
RIGHT LIVING

We have just suggested the kind of community that ours and
every other ought to be. In every place there are doubtless good
and evil and the prospect of improvement. Environment is re-
sponsible for much in a community's life. Let us see how, by mak-
ing environment attractive, we can encourage people to maintain
high standards of thought and conduct and remove temptations
to wrong-doing.

38. When Is Right Living Easy ? — Perhaps we may
be asked, Is it desirable that right living should be easy?
We sometimes accuse our Puritan forefathers of believing
that the more disagreeable were the circumstances sur-
rounding the doing of an act, the more virtue there was in
it. True, character is made by overcoming obstacles. But
surely a community is bettered when wrong-doing is re-
duced, however the change is brought about. Surely a
community is happier and better in which it is easy and
popular to do right.

General enlightenment is certainly a help, for knowing
what to do is a long step toward doing it. Health also does
much to encourage right living. It is always easier to do
wrong or to neglect some duty when we are '' out of sorts."
A state of common well-being removes the excuse for theft
and dishonesty. If the community is . well planned and
beautiful, by instinct we are led to care for it better, to re-
spect public and private property, and try to make it even
more attractive. Playtime, whether we are young or old,
encourages us to do our work better. We feel that the world
is good to us if we have the chance for enjoyment and we

82 Problems of American Democracy

are more likely to try to be good to the world. Where con-
ditions such as these prevail, " plain living and high think-
ing " are natural rather than difficult. Private citizens
and public officials then seek each other's good as well as
their own.

A. Protecting Health

39. Our Need of Good Health. — Good health means
not only freedom from disease and from mental and physical
defects, but the possession of energy and vitahty beyond
that necessary for mere existence. The man or woman who
does not have good health is losing half the joy of living.
It has been said that life consists of four things : working,
playing, eating, and sleeping. None of these can be done
rightly without health. When a person does not feel well,
he cannot do his share of the world's work satisfactorily,
cannot enjoy his play, and has a bad influence on those
with whom he comes in contact. Initiative is dulled, am-
bition is lost. Many a man who has accumulated wealth
has found out, too late, that money brings little happiness
unless health goes along with it. Health is fundamental to
the individual and hence to the community, the nation,
and the progress of the world as a whole.

Can you justify the statements of this section from your own
experience or knowledge? It is said that there was little sickness
among the Eskimos until they came in contact with white people.
If true, what inferences does this statement justify ?

Now, are we a healthy nation? The keeping of vital
statistics — records of births, deaths, and diseases — is
not done as carefully as it should be. The so-called
*' registration area " in the United States, where records
are kept with some approach to accuracy, does not include
more than two-thirds of the states. Sweden has the best
showing of all countries in the average length of life of its
people — fifty-two and a fourth years. Somewhere around
forty-five years would be nearer the fact in this country.

Elevating American Standards 83

We have made some progress. There was a time when
the plague was looked upon with resignation as a thing of
fate — but now we know differently and realize that it is
within our power to prevent it. Since the use of antitoxin
in diphtheria, only five per cent of those having the disease
die, whereas formerly from twenty to thirty per cent yielded
to it. Cholera no longer troubles the United States. Vac-
cination has made smallpox exceedingly rare. The dis-
covery of the germ and the germ carrier has done much to
prevent disease. By warring on the mosquito, the United
States has virtually abohshed yellow fever, not only here
but even in tropical regions such as Cuba and Panama.
At the present time about a million people in the United
States are tubercular, but even so large a number of tuber-
cular people is small compared with what it was thirty
years ago.

And yet there is much to learn, as appeared when the
*' flu " epidemic swept around the world during the last
years of the Great War and afterwards, and doctors were
almost helpless against it. In infant mortality the record
of the United States is worse than that of most other coun-
tries. The worst health reports come from southern com-
munities where a large negro and poor white population
do not know how to take care of their health. The city of
Seattle makes the best showing of any of our large cities.
About 1 in 18 of the children bom there die before they
are a year old, as compared with 1 in 10 in Pittsburgh ; and
Seattle's death rate per year of all ages is about 8 per 1000,
whereas 14 per 1000 would be considered good in most other
places. No, as a nation we are not startlingly healthy.

Look up the records of your own community in this matter. Are
they better or worse than formerly? Why? Does any partic-
ular disease need special attention in your locality?

40. Elements Necessary to Health. — It sometimes
seems that good health is a gift bestowed by the gods upon

Problems of American Democracy

A Government Inspector at Work.

There are over 475 government inspectors who report every day at the
Chicago stockyards headquarters of the Bureau of Animal Industry of
the United States Department of Agriculture. These carcasses have al-
ready passed three inspections. If this inspector is satisfied they are stamped
"U. S. Government Inspected" and are sent to the coolers.

Elevating American Standards 85

some people and denied to others — that some just natur-
ally have good health and others do not. But there are
certain factors in the health of the community which are
vital. Every person needs pure air, but there are thousands
of people who do not get it. If windows were made only
to admit light they would not be made to open ; the notion
that night air is unhealthful is foolish. Pure water is also
necessary, for typhoid and other germs abound in impure
water. Pure food, and of the right kind, is another essen-
tial. Meat, canned and preserved goods, and milk must
be particularly guarded.

Proper living conditions also greatly affect health. Per-
sonal habits are of great importance. Recreation and rest
are needed to keep our health when once we have it. We
may add as another factor in health the prevention and
control of disease, for in spite of every effort to prevent it
disease does appear.

41. What the Government Does to Provide These Ele-
ments. — National, state, and local governments must all
cooperate if public health is to be safeguarded most effec-
tively, but the national government has little power to act,
except when its activities relate to interstate or foreign
commerce. The Bureau of Animal Industry in the national
Department of Agriculture is responsible for the inspection
of meats at the great stockyards, and carries on various
investigations. The Bureau of Chemistry in the same De-
partment renders special service in analyzing drugs and
foodstuffs to see that they comply with federal laws. The
Public Health Service, a branch of the Treasury Depart-
ment, collects health statistics, publishes weekly health
reports, and holds conferences with state health authorities.
It also cares for the health of the men in public service at
sea or in ports, establishes hospitals, enforces quarantine
regulations on inbound steamers, and inspects immigrants.

All of our states now have state boards of health.

86 Problems of American Democracy

Their power over local health authorities is usually super-
visory and limited, although it varies in the different states.
The state board of health or its executive head sometimes
can act with supreme power when conditions demand, even
to the extent of quarantining the entire state. State boards
collect and publish statistics, and aid in the cause of public
health in various other ways. The inspection of rural
springs and wells, for instance, may be one of their duties.
State laws may lay down requirements in regard to air and
light in factories, schools, and the like, may regulate the
keeping of eggs, butter, and other commodities in cold stor-
age, may arrange for the inspection of cattle and milk, and
authorize the necessary inspectors and examiners to enforce
such regulations.

Most of the responsibility for enforcing health regulations
rests on the local boards. In many states, laws require
a health board or officer in every city and town and even
in rural districts. The work of these boards may include
keeping records of births and deaths, maintaining quar-
antine laws, and overseeing hospitals. These local boards
come into close touch with their communities, and can under-
stand local needs better than a county or state board. Some-
times, however, because of mistaken community senti-
ment, they may be too lax for the good of the neighboring
communities, and the state authorities may have to impose
their will upon them.

Mention several occasions respecting the public health when
there ought to be very close cooperation between national and
state authorities. Do we need more extensive federal authority
in the matter than is now exercised? How much power is pos-
sessed by your state board of health?

Such matters as the removal of garbage and rubbish,
smoke regulations, and the like, must always be mainly
local problems. So is the supplying of water to cities great
and small, even though the Catskill reservoirs which New
York City built are eighty miles away, and Los Angeles

Elevating American Standards

brings water across the desert over two hundred miles. Such
water systems cost well up into the millions of dollars. Pure
water implies good drainage and sewerage. Now every
self-respecting community of any size has a sewer system,
and even rural communities may require the construction
of septic tanks and other means of preventing the con-
tamination of drinking water. Local governments also
pass regulations concern-
ing goods bought and sold
in a community. The
maintenance of cooling
systems in butcher-shops
and the exposure of meat
and other foods to flies
and dirt are subjects cov-
ered by such ordinances.

42. Controlling Dis-
ease. — When the cause
of a disease is known it
is not hard to prevent
it, if people can only be
induced to comply with
the necessary conditions.
Malaria and yellow fever

This man is testing milk taken from milk
are carried by mosqui- wagons in Boston for signs of tuberculosis

toes. The plague is car- ^^'°''-

ried by rats. So when these carriers are removed, the
disease to a great degree ceases. We have not yet learned
with certainty the cause of every disease. Cancer, for ex-
ample, cannot always be traced to any particular cause,
and the disease is more common now than ever. Investi-
gations such as the Rockefeller Foundation is undertaking
offer much promise of wider knowledge.

We have pointed out that clean streets, clean houses, a
good sewerage system, proper filtration of water, the timely

88 Problems of American Democracy

removal of refuse — all are factors in the prevention of dis-
ease, and pure food and pure air lessen the chances of illness.
Proper medical care is, of course, indispensable in overcoming
sickness. Few sick persons should have to do without a phy-
sician. Quarantine regulations are, perhaps, the greatest
restraint we know of for controlling contagious diseases.
Perhaps the schools have neglected an opportunity here,
for much medical knowledge could be imparted to every

A Model Little Huckster's Cart.

An effort at neatness and cleanliness is evident here which unfortunately
is not always found under such conditions.

one instead of being considered a dark secret which only a
physician can discover.

Hospitals do much to aid in controlling disease. Most
of these institutions are endowed, but some are maintained
at public expense. Practically every hospital, whether
public or private, maintains a free ward for people who can-
not afford to pay for a room or professional services. Some
hospitals, though maintained as private institutions, re-

Elevating American Standards 89

ceive help from the state. The hospital, from the very
nature of its mission, should never turn away any one who
needs its help.

A vital factor in the control of disease is the attitude of
the people of a community. We must not depend upon
others — even upon our officials — to make us healthy.
Some people seem to be utterly indifferent to duty in re-
spect to the health of their fellow-citizens. Parents per-
mit children to go to school or play in the streets with other
children when they are sick themselves or have been ex-
posed to a contagious disease. Others are willfully care-
less about their own health. Recent years have shown a
great change in public thought about certain kinds of dis-
eases, especially those arising out of conditions connected
with particular industries. It has been relatively easy to
secure the passage of laws requiring such changes in pro-
cesses or materials used as to foster the health of workers.

The prevention of disease is a big job. The individual,
the community, the state, and the nation cannot do too much
to help struggling humanity avoid the evils of bad health
in the short time allotted them to gain something out of
living. A's health should be just as important to B as it
is to A himself. As a nation we are healthier than ever
before, but perhaps that is not saying much after all.

What would you say to a mother who declared, " Johnny will
have the measles some time. I am not going to worry about keep-
ing him away from them now " ?

What do you think of the idea that a physician should be paid
for keeping you from getting sick rather than for curing you ? Why
not hire a physician as some people hire lawyers, to keep them out
of trouble?

Is a person ever justified in breaking quarantine ?

43. Preventing Accidents. — Accidents ! We read about
them every day of our lives. The newspapers are full of
them. It has been said that every sixteen minutes one
person is killed in factories or mines, or on railroads. And

90 Problems of American Democracy

fires ! We burn over $300,000,000 every year in the form of
houses, stores, and workshops.

Most of these accidents could be prevented. For in-
stance, 85 per cent of the fires are avoidable. They occur

only through carelessness
— a still-glowing match
dropped ; a cigarette butt,
neglected rubbish — and
pouf! a great fire, with
irreparable losses of prop-
erty and money and per-
haps life. Irreparable, we
say, for even if the in-
surance companies make
good much of the loss,
the premiums which prop-
erty-owners have paid
count up to a still greater
figure.

Many of the accidents
in factories should be
prevented, also. Danger-
ous, exposed machinery
is a constant life-risking
proposition . In the mines
the pillarage support is
often insufficient. Rail-
ways and subways are
not protected in some cases to insure public safety.

" Safety first " campaigns are doing much to abolish these
conditions. Motorized fire engines replace the old-fash-
ioned "carts.'' People are realizing that the best way to
fight fires is to prevent them. In the factory, the machinery
is covered or roped off, and the men are taught to be careful.
The old idea, that accidents are inevitable, a part of the
necessary risk of industry, we no longer accept. The miners

Foolish Fire Risks.

Leaving rubbish in such places as this is
a most inexcusable and unfortunately too
common piece of carelessness. People
who do this kind of thing deserve severe
treatment.

Elevating American Standards 91

use safety lamps and insist on the proper mining conditions.
The national Bureau of Mines is constantly experimenting
to find the surest way to safeguard life. The railways use
steel and concrete cars, suppUed with safety brakes. Work-
ers in some places must wear goggles.

Industrial diseases, so-called because they are the result
of working conditions, are being extensively investigated.
A tax high enough to discourage production was put upon
poisonous matches, since their manufacture caused the
horrible bone disease ''phossy jaw." Diseases caused by lead,
mercury, brass, or arsenic poisoning are being stopped.

Outside the industries, too, we are really doing better
about saving people. Traffic laws are reducing the toll of
lives. Ordinances require the removal of ice from pave-
ments. Railroads are abolishing the grade crossing, and
have installed automatic couplers and block signals. Pubhc
buildings must be equipped with fire extinguishers, and
many of these, as well as tenements and apartments, must
have fire escapes also. In the homes we are urged to screen
fire grates, be careful with gasoline, and have metal gas
connections.

Four measures are therefore necessary to make accident
prevention effective: educate the ignorant, discipline the
careless, enforce our laws, and be careful ourselves. All
our measures would be in vain if the individual did not use
his own head, ''Watch his step," and ''Stop, Look, and
Listen." For after all, these are the things that count most.

What would you think of an ordinance under which any one
who got into an accident in a factory or on the street should be
punished, whether he was the most guilty party or not? By
what agencies do you think lessons in " safety first " campaigns
can be most forcibly impressed?

44. Removing the Slum Evil. — Most of us have heard
of the slum, and some of us have seen it. It is a district
characterized by congested population and poor living con-
ditions. Its tenements may be five or six stories high, hous-

92 Problems of American Democracy

ing many families, and be little better than fire traps. Its
small houses may be even worse in some respects. The
slum is always an old part of the city, and its buildings are
decorated with the filth of years. When people live under
such conditions, they cannot help acquiring their neigh-
bors' ills and vices, and disease and immorality spread rap-
idly. Flies, rats, and other vermin carry ill-health and

' \ I HH East Side of New York.

This is Hester Street, New York City. Such scenes can be observed in
many streets in that neighborhood. What do you think of such conditions
as seed-ground for good citizenship ? On Manhattan Island there are over
100,000 people for every square mile of land.

discomfort from the slum to other parts of the city. So
it is not alone for the sake of the slum-dwellers, but also
for all other parts of the city that the slum should be
abolished.

But why do all these conditions exist when we know they
are so dangerous to a community's well-being? It is be-
cause of the greed of some people and the ignorance of others.

Elevating American Standards 93

The landlord covets money, and the people submit to
his stinginess, perhaps because it is the cheapest way to ex-
ist, perhaps because they know nothing better, perhaps
because they do not know how to get away. And so some
means must be found to force people who want to live in
slums for economy's sake to realize how foolish they are,
to point out better things to the ignorant, and to help those
who cannot help themselves.

Legislation is perhaps the first way to undertake this ab-
olition of the slums. Some cities have building regulations,
which require that a building shall not exceed a certain
height, that all of a lot shall not be built on, that tenements
shall have fire escapes, and a certain number of cubic feet
of air be assured each person.

With legislation must go education. We must show these
people the right way to live, or improving their houses will
be of little value. This the public schools are trying to do.
They are giving the child of the foreigner and the child of
the poor American higher standards of life, and the children
of a household may have some influence on the whole
family's mode of life. But the abolition of the slum can-
not be accomplished in a week or a month. Besides, per-
sonal social service is rendered in a most hopeful fashion,
through the settlement houses located in the worst parts
of cities and towns. Settlement workers live on the prem-
ises or come daily. Children and older people are taught
useful arts, and given a chance at healthful amusement and
sound advice. Personal cleanliness and home sanitation
are taught both by example and by precept.

How to get more houses and better ones is a difficult prob-
lem. It may be impossible to get many of the present
occupants of congested districts to move away, because
they might have to leave their acquaintances and put them-
selves to the expense of carfare to reach their places of busi-
ness or employment, when their wages are already low. We
must therefore do what we can for them where they are.

94 Problems of American Democracy

Playgrounds and small parks, when they can be opened
in such neighborhoods, are a godsend.

Does your community have a slum district? What is being done
for it? Is there a rural housing problem? Does your community
have or enforce any building codes?

45. ^' Prohibition." — Why do we put this word in quo-
tation marks, and why put it here at all? Because we can
prohibit many things, but have acquired the habit of using
the word to refer to the sale of intoxicating liquor as a bev-
erage; and because the use of this particular commodity
bears directly upon the moral and physical health of a
community. Intemperance in the use of liquor leads to
poverty, to crime, and to mental and physical deficiency.
It affects the one who drinks, his family, and all society. It
is needless to dwell upon the unhappiness, the despair, the
curse which Uquor has brought to thousands of lives. Yet as
late as 1914 the consumption of liquor amounted to twenty-
two and one-half gallons for every man, woman, and child
in the United States. When we consider how many people
did not drink, what tanks some must have been !

Prohibition has come about gradually. When people
realized the desirability of restricting the liquor traiSic, they
often undertook to do so by imposing a high license fee on
Uquor dealers. This practice reduced the number in the
business and made it a little easier to watch them, but
did not seriously inconvenience the thirsty. Maine, under
the lead of Neal Dow, adopted state-wide prohibition in
1846 and never abandoned her policy. Several other states
followed, but did not equal her in persistency. Many states
preferred a *' local option " policy, allowing each county
or town to vote on the matter.

But after the beginning of the twentieth century a solid
" prohibition " sentiment set in. State after state adopted
state prohibition, and finally, by January 16, 1919, the nec-
essary number of states ratified the Eighteenth Amend-

Elevating American Standards 95

ment to the national Constitution, which was to go into
effect one year later. This provides that no intoxicating
liquors shall be manufactured or sold in the United States
for beverage purposes. Just what shall be considered in-
toxicating liquor, and under what conditions it may be used
for medicinal and mechanical purposes, had to be regulated
by act of Congress. The famous Volstead Act declared
that hquor containing one-half of one per cent of alcohol was
to be considered intoxicating.

The enforcement of the prohibition amendment and the
Volstead Act is a very great problem. Some people are
unwilling to abandon their drinking habits and insist that
the whole prohibition movement is a denial of ** personal
liberty." Others find "boot-legging" a profitable, even
though a risky, business. Even public officials are not above
winking at the disregard of the law. But it is to be hoped
that the young folk of today, who have less facility in pro-
curing liquor than their fathers, and who do not know the
old-time saloon, will finally succeed in making the United
States truly ''dry."

Before the Eighteenth Amendment was passed people
realized that some prohibition measure was necessary con-
cerning the sale of habit-forming drugs. In 1914, the Har-
rison Narcotic Act was passed, prohibiting the sale of all
drugs except by doctor's prescription. Physicians them-
selves are required to render a strict account of all drugs
obtained or prescribed for patients. This is to prevent
unscrupulous doctors from becoming rich from the weak-
ness of ''dope fiends." In the slums of our large cities the
drug fiend is not uncommon. On the whole, though, the
drug act has been very well enforced.

Was the saloon of any value whatever? Is any substitute
needed for it as a meeting-place for ** good fellows "? For what
reasons was it inevitable that to make prohibition effective at once
was impossible? Do you think the War brought prohibition pre-
maturely ? Is there any inconsistency between the Fourth Amend-

96 Problems of American Democracy

ment and the enforcement of the Eighteenth? How can local,
state, and national officers cooperate to make prohibition a reality ?

46. Restraining Vice. — Restraining vice is a problem
of both health and morals, of both city and country. Pro-
fanity and vulgarity in speech are said to be typical rural
vices, but surely they are not unknown to city people. Im-
morality is found in all kinds of communities — the remote
rural hamlet, the slum, and the quarters of the '' upper "
classes of society. Evidently conditions exactly opposite may-
produce it — the lack of opportunity for right social com-
panionship in isolated districts and the nervous excitement
of certain phases of city life seem to be equally responsible.

At one time a favorite custom of city authorities was to
set apart a certain district where almost anything would
be allowed, short of murder. It was common knowledge
that this was the *' red light " district, and people who went
there took their own chances of coming back with their
money, their health, or their reputation. Officials argued
that vice would be indulged in anyway, and that it was
best to keep it in one district where it would not contami-
nate the rest of the city. Besides, some of them were hand-
somely compensated by the proprietors of houses in the
district. But as a means of effective restraint, this plan
was a flat failure. The only way to deal with vice is to hit
it hard wherever it appears.

Yet the remedy is not wholly one of law. Education
has a big opportunity here. It seems as if few people
would take a chance if they knew the horrible consequences
that immorality so often causes to those who practice it
and to their unfortunate children. The church and the
school, as well as parents, have neglected their duty. The
knowledge of one set of physiological facts should not be
any more undesirable than another, and would not be if
taught in the right way. We do not need to talk with the
freedom of Shakespeare in order to possess the information

Elevating American Standards 97

that saves from physical degeneracy and moral disaster.
^' I didn't know " is sometimes as sad a phrase as " it might
have been." Get the facts, but get them from the right
people — your parents, your physical instructor, your phy-
sician.

Some vicious habits associate themselves with recreation.
The pubhc dance hall, where all sorts and conditions of
people mingle, takes many young men and women into bad
<;ompany, and sometimes leads to disastrous looseness of
conduct. Such places should be abolished or strictly super-
vised by local authorities and carried on properly. The
-environment of the ordinary pool-room is far from uplifting.
Cheap vaudeville and burlesque are frequently degrading.
Even the highest priced theaters are often justly criticized
for failing to maintain the standards of which they are ca-
pable. Cafes, restaurants, and cabarets combine amuse-
ment with refreshment, and very often the degree of hilarity
reached in such places is abominable.

One of the greatest of harmful amusements is gambling.
The idea of getting something for nothing appeals to some
people, while others like the excitement that comes from
taking a chance. Open gambling and betting were more
prevalent formerly than they are now. Lotteries used to
be very conspicuous forms of gambling in this country, and
are still in some parts of Europe. The Louisiana Lottery
did an enormous business in every state until stopped by
an act of Congress forbidding the mails to be used for such
purposes. But in spite of the fact that they are forbidden,
lotteries and gambling houses are still carried on. It is
hard to determine whether this is due to neglect of duty on
the part of officials, or a low standard of public sentiment.
Some of us may be inclined to say, " if fools want to gamble,
let them go ahead." But there are a great many people
in the world who need to be protected against themselves.
A community cannot afford to have its members throwing
away time, money, and character.

98 Problems of American Democracy

47. Relieving Defectives. — In every community there
are certain people who cannot, and others who will not,
take proper care of themselves. These may be divided
into three classes : dependents cannot provide themselves prop-
erly with the necessities of life, and include the poor, the

crippled, the sick, old people,,
and young children ; defectives
comprise those who lack
some physical sense or men-
tal power possessed by the
normal person, such as the
deaf and dumb, the blind,,
the insane, and the feeble-
minded ; delinquents are those
whose actions are either im-
moral or illegal.

Each of these classes, and
each type in each class, needs
special care. The community
must usually attend to the
delinquent, as we shall see
later. The relatives and
friends of the other two
classes cannot always pro-
vide for them, and frequently
there are no relatives or

Work for the Blind.
The blind seem to be particularly
gifted with a sense for music. Such
a trade as piano tuning they follow
with much success.

friends. Besides, better care can often be given in institu-
tions than in private homes.

Much of this work also must be done by public agencies.
Blind people, of whom there are 60,000 or more in this coim-
try, may, because of their extraordinary sense of touch, be-
come very adept at sewing, weaving, crocheting, carving,
making brooms, baskets, and articles of cane furniture.
They also make good piano tuners and musical artists, owing
to their sharpened hearing. Unless they are physically
defective in other ways, as is not uncommon, they can be

Elevating American Standards 99

independent to a certain degree, and be useful to them-
selves and others. The use of raised letters and perforations
enables them to learn almost any subject that can be taught
from books.

Name people who became notable in spite of blindness — per-
haps because of it .

There are about 90,000 deaf people in the United States.
Of these a little more than half are totally deaf. It is nat-
ural for us to say, ''deaf and dumb," but only one-fourth of
the deaf are devoid of speech. They do not talk because
they cannot hear others to learn how. Of all the deaf people
about one-fifth were born deaf. Besides using sign language,
deaf mutes often become very proficient in lip reading, even
learning to shape letters themselves without articulation.
Great advances have been made in teaching the deaf and
dumb, so that it is possible for them to get along very well
by themselves.

There are two types of mental defectives, the insane and
the feeble-minded. An insane person is one who has pos-
sessed normal faculties, but through some misfortune has
lost them. The feeble-minded never had average mental
powers. Some one has called them " God's unfinished people.'*
In the United States there are about 200,000 insane, and
over 300,000 feeble-minded. Statistics seem to show more
insane people than formerly, but the apparent, increase is
probably due to improved means of obtaining statistics, the
greater number placed in institutions, and the advancement
made in detecting insanity in its early stages.

In very early times, the insane were neglected if they were
peaceful and burned or drowned if they were dangerous or
boisterous. They were called witches, or it was said they
were possessed with a devil. Later, institutions were pro-
vided for the insane, but they were shamefully treated and
lived imder terrible conditions. With the nineteenth cen-
tury the humanitarian period began. People began to real-

100 Problems of American Democracy

ize that the insane suffered and knew they were suffering.
Today in an insane asylum surroundings are made as sani-
tary and pleasant as possible, medical care is provided, the
inmates enjoy recreation, are given some useful employ-
ment and are watched carefully for signs of sanity. This
has made possible the cure of about one-fourth of the patients
thus treated.

There are public, semi-public, and private institutions
for the insane. Some hospitals, too, have an insane depart-
ment, as do poor farms and almshouses in many places.
Some insane may be found in prisons, but it is probable that
more criminals are found in insane asylums. States usually
maintain an institution for the insane, and counties, cities^
and towns have their own provisions for these people. All
insane people should be kept in institutions in order that
they may receive the best possible care.

What do you think of the proposal that physicians should pain-
lessly put to death the hopelessly insane and infants that will never
be anything but a burden to their families ?

The feeble-minded may be divided into three classes:
the idiot, whose mentality never exceeds that of a two-year-
old child ; the imbecile, who may have the mental powers
of a child of eight; and the moron, whose mental develop-
ment is that of a child from eight to twelve. The idiot can-
not talk nor understand when spoken to. He cares for noth-
ing but the satisfaction of his physical wants, and never
reaches maturity. The imbecile can speak, but he cannot
read or write. He can, under the proper conditions, do cer-
tain kinds of work. The moron is in some respects the
most dangerous of the feeble-minded. He can do some
work, and he knows enough so that he is often considered
only slow or ignorant. In many cases he is thought to
be normal, and he mingles freely with other people. He is
permitted to marry and produce feeble-minded descendants,
who are a burden to society.

Elevating American Standards 101

By the use of some of the numerous varieties of mental
test, the " mental age " of all kinds of people can very
accurately be determined. Indeed, tests" with a similar
purpose are often given in schools, in order that the teacher
may know which pupils are above or below the normal
mentaUty, and may give special help t(» pupils who need it.
The feeble-minded ought to be cared for in special insti-
tutions of their own, but many ',ajre\st'iU J ?6idid, Jin; alms-
houses, hospitals, reformatories, and prisons.' It is aVrohg
kind of sympathy that laments when one of these unfortu-
nates is taken from his family and placed where he will
get just the treatment that his misfortune needs.

SPECIAL STUDIES

City Systems of Water Supply.

Climate as a Factor in Health.

Our Town as a Health Resort.

The Chemistry of the Air.

Quarantine Regulations.

Pubhc Health Officers of Our State and Community.

The National Government's Relation to the Health Problem.

The History of Prohibition.

The Cost of the Liquor Traffic vs. the Cost of Prohibition.

The Drug Habit and Its Restraint.

Alcohol and Its Relation to Health.

Patent Medicines.

The Struggle against Infant Mortality.

The Maintenance of Hospitals.

Institutions for the Blind.

The Care of the Deaf and Dumb.

Insane Asylums.

Institutions for the Feeble-Minded.

Tests for Mental Ability.

The Elimination or Control of Common Diseases.

Health Conditions in Other Countries.

The Theory of Malthus and the Attitude of Students toward

It Today.
The Story of Helen Keller.
What Our State Does for Defectives.
The Jukes and the Kallikak Family,

102 Problems of American Democracy

Systems of Reading for the Blind.

Problems of Rural Health.

Methods of Medical Inspection.

Vital Statistics in Our Community, State, and Nation.

The Influenza Epidemic.

The Extermination of Dangerous Insects.

Personal Habits as Factors in Health.

Animal Diseases aiid Their Relation to Human Beings.

The Problem of Sewage Disposal.

Programs, for Municipal Housing.

REFERENCE READINGS

Beard — American Citj'^ Government, Chapters 10, 11.

Lessons in Community and National Life, B-4, B-14, C-3, C-8, C-19.

Bulletins of the United States PubUc Health Service, Department

of Agriculture, Bureau of Education, and similar state and

local agencies.
Henderson — Dependents, Defectives, and Delinquents. Part III.
Towne — Social Problems, Chapters 9, 10, 13, 17.
Goddard — Feeble-mindedness, Its Causes and Its Consequences.
Burch and Patterson — American Social Problems, Chapters 20,

21.
Reed — Form and Functions of American Government, Chapter 32.
Hayes — Introduction to Sociology, Chapters 14, 16.
Beard — American City Government, Chapters 10, 11.
Haskin — American Government, Chapter 15.
Rowe — Society, Chapters 11, 29, 31, 35.

Cleveland and Schafer — Democracy in Reconstruction, Chapter 8.
Gillette — Constructive Rural Sociology, Chapter 13.

B. Affording Pleasure

48. What Is Recreation? — If we did nothing but work
and eat and sleep day after day, we should be very dull and
uninteresting to ourselves and to others. Most of us would
get little happiness in living. When people worked twelve
hours a day, they were too exhausted at night to bother with
recreation. But with the shortening of the working day
has come more time for pleasure. People realize that a
change enables them to do their work better and to get more .
out of life. It is absolutely necessary to renew strength

Elevating American Standards 103

for the day's work by rebuilding torn down tissues, by rest-
ing the mind and body, and by exercising the powers not
specially employed in one's daily tasks. Surely, to provide
such variety in life for everybody is one of the most certain
ways to encourage right living.

What is recreation for one may not be for another. A
man who does physical labor all day may find relaxation

A fishing scene in the Adirondacks. Does this kind of recreation appeal
to you? Compare it with the kind illustrated on page 106.

and pleasure in the pages of a magazine or book, while an
office worker may prefer golf, tennis, or baseball. Recrea-
tion in general may be defined, then, as a change of occu-
pation or activity that makes possible the acquisition or
renewal of physical or mental powers.

What form of recreation do you like best? Does it do all that
recreation should do for you?

104 Problems of American Democracy

49. Community Agencies for Recreation. — The com-
munity has two phases of recreation to consider, recreation
for the child and for the grown-up. Play is the natural
mode of expression for a child, the natural outlet for his en-
ergy. Play has an individual value in that it develops a
child, physically and mentally. Playing with other children
cultivates human understanding, accuracy of judgment, and
a tolerant disposition. The child cries, " Play fair," not
realizing that he is sounding the greatest social doctrine in
the world. Justice, reason, cooperation and team-work,
responsibility and self-control — wholesome play promotes
all these in the child.

So many communities, in recognition of the part play
has in a child's development, maintain playgrounds for the
children, with supervisors to watch over them, to teach them
games and direct their play. These playgrounds keep the
children, particularly those in the poorer, crowded sections,
off the streets. However, these agencies of recreation have
not been perfected yet, and there is still much to be desired.
Supervision and general conditions in playgrounds are not
all they should be, and many parents forbid their chil-
dren to go near them, because of the roughness of the boys
and the incompetency of the supervisor to prevent fighting
or control the actions and words of children who lack proper
home training.

The public park, especially if it boasts a zoo, offers recre-
ation to the children. The children's room of the library
and even the museum help pass the time for the youngsters.
Some communities set aside lots for public gardening, and
when such is the case the boys and girls delight in truck
farming on a large scale, thereby gaining useful knowledge
and physical good, besides the products of the soil.

But grown-ups as well as children need recreation. Chi-
cago, though not the originator of playgrounds, was the
first place to start recreation on a municipal plan. Its parks
offer plenty of green grass and shady trees, imder which

Elevating American Standards 105

the children may play in the hot summer, and contain field
houses with club rooms, baths, gymnasiums, and outside
smmming pools, football fields, baseball diamonds, and
tennis courts. In the park the adult finds many different
diversions, and a family picnic is a delightful event. This
type of public park is greatly to be desired and it is hoped
will be more common in the future.

Not every community can do "what Chicago has done.
They do not all have the open space or the level ground.
Yet few of them have any right to assume that their case
is hopeless. Children's playgrounds, at least, are possible
almost everywhere, though not many more than one-third
of our large or medium sized communities have them. If a
town can do nothing else, it can set aside for the children
a few streets not needed for traffic, and let them play there.
A lack of interest in this need of recreation is notable in some
of our cities, and even today they do not try to meet the
need as well as they could. A community that does pro-
vide for its people's recreation is doing much to prevent
crime and promote good citizenship. And a citizen who
wastes his time on " recreation " which harms him rather
than helps him is failing in a civic duty.

Point out the different ways in which play benefits the follow-
ing : a kindergarten child, a high school student, a farmer's son,
a business man, a mill worker, a housewife, an office girl. Why
will a boy put forth several times as much energy in tennis or danc-
ing — and call it fun — as he would expend on gardening or mowing
the lawn? Do grown-ups ever do this kind of thing? Why is
baseball the great American game? What institutions mentioned
in connection with education afford recreation also? Are play-
grounds needed in rural districts ? Should rural residents spend their
vacations in the city? How should vacations be used ? Does every-
body need an occasional vacation ?

50. Private Agencies for Recreation. — Many people are
so anxious to have recreation that they will pay money for
it if it is not free. Furnishing " recreation " has therefore
become a regular business, whose managers are simply after

106 Problems of American Democracy

the shekels. Whatever good they do is wholly incidental
and accidental.

The theater is an outgrowth of hundreds of years of trial —
but there are ''theaters and theaters." The dance hall
promotes sociability, but its influence, too, is frequently
far from good. The amusement park is a source of fun,
but its good points extend no further. Many such parks

CopyHoht, Detroit Publishing Co.

A Scene at Coney Island.

This is an example of the kind of recreation which makes you wonder after
it is over whether you have been working or playing. Several million
people visit this place in the course of a year.

are owned by street railway companies and everything costs
there. At Coney Island or Revere Beach nothing is free
except the air and perhaps the water. Professional base-
ball has done as much good to the public as any commer-
cialized form of amusement, but gamblers and other cheap
" sports " have harmed even this enterprise.

Concerts and lectures conducted under private auspices

Elevating American Standards 107

may be helpful as well as entertaining. Religious organiza-
tions of various kinds, social clubs, and athletic associations,
though interested mainly in serving the varied needs of their
particular members or interested persons, may be a strong
factor in uphfting the general standard of recreation.

What kind of plays appear in the theaters of your own town?
Did you ever know a private amusement manager who deliberately
sacrificed money for the sake of art or culture or morals? Does
Barney Dreyfuss, owner of the Pittsburgh Base Ball Club, deserve
any credit for not selling advertising space on the fences of his park ?

Most generally patronized today of all forms of amuse-
ment are the moving picture theaters. Thousands of people
flock there both afternoon and evening, and enormous profits
are secured by successful actors, actresses, and managers.

Now what do the ^' movies " do for us? It is said that
they offer relaxation; they give the poor man recreation
at a low price ; they attract young people from more harm-
ful diversions ; they bring the world before the eyes of the
public, aid in understanding human nature and the events
of the day, and are therefore distinctly educational. On
the other hand, they keep people indoors, often under
crowded or unsanitary conditions; they do one's thinking
for him — **a person checks his brains with his hat" ; they
too often give a wrong aspect to life ; they have been known
to induce people, especially children, to commit crimes,
'' as they do in the movies " ; they put romantic notions
into the heads of school girls, and give base suggestions to
young and old alike.

A few states have boards of censors, and the moving-
picture interests have themselves established a national
board of censorship. The effect of the movies lies in some
measure in the hands of these people. But it is the public
who can, if it will, bring about better things. If the public
shows its disapproval of a picture the film will soon be with-
drawn. The movie man is very sensitive in the region of
the pocket-book.

108 Problems of American Democracy-
Facilities for community gatherings for recreation and
amusement are as necessary in the country as in the city.
Sometimes when the church and the school have not risen
to their opportunities, the Grange does a valuable service in
this line. Too often only movies and other " shows '' of a
poor quahty reach the small town and the rural districts.
But by proper cooperation of all concerned this fault could
be removed. Perhaps good shows could not be "put on"
every night, but they could appear often enough to meet
every reasonable demand.

What kind of plays appear in your own town? Should films
of prize fights be shown? What did you learn at the last movie
you attended ?

Has the commercializing of recreation tended to deprive people
of the ability to amuse themselves ? Compare the types of amuse-
ment common fifty years ago and today, in country and in city.

C. Enhancing Beauty

51. Community Planning. — " Beauty, when unadorned,
adorned the most," says the proverb. When Nature has
done her best, man cannot hope to surpass her. But sup-
pose we are in a region where Nature made no attempt to
display her powers, or are trying to build a town for which
Nature made no special provision. Then we must help
Nature to add touches of beauty and make over her natural
forms to suit our comfort. Such planning must come in
advance if we are to serve best the three great objects of
beauty, health, and convenience.

A community planned to meet these objects has many
advantages over a city which was not planned. Its citizens
take more pride in their homes. They not only keep their
own property clean, but see that public property is kept
in good condition. An attractive community impresses
strangers and induces people to come to live in it. The
well-planned city is easy to get around in and thus business
is encouraged. A definite system of planning promotes

Elevating American Standards

109

health and general well-being. A well-planned community
is more desirable in every way than one which, like Topsy,
''just growed " — sometimes along cowpaths or Indian
trails.

Our National Capital.

Courtesy Air Service.

Near the center of this picture stands the Capitol with the Senate and
House office buildings on either side. Beyond this is the Union Station.
The general plan of the city can be clearly distinguished.

Most of our older American cities are of this latter type.
Boston is most bewildering to a stranger, so interlaced and
winding are many of its streets. The older parts of New
York seem utterly hopeless to one who is not familiar with
them. As a representative of the well-planned city, Wash-
ington holds a leading place. Its streets intersect at right
angles, but beginning at the Capitol there are broad avenues
which extend, like the spokes of a wheel, to the outskirts
of the city. William Penn laid out Philadelphia carefully,
on the checkerboard plan ; but Penn unfortunately did not

110 Problems of American Democracy

foresee how the city was to grow, and most of the streets in
the older sections of the present city are far too narrow.

Topographical conditions must play a great part in the
planning of a city. At Pittsburgh, for instance, the hills
rising close to the rivers make a definite system of planning
very difficult. Many bridges have had to be built as the
city expanded, to cross the rivers at different points and
to extend over deep ravines in the city proper. Chicago
has none of these problems to face, except for those offered
by its winding river, but had to take the lake front into
consideration when its streets were planned. Cities often
have to be laid out in accordance with natural lines, with
little semblance of definite arrangement. But even in such
cases it is possible to beautify the streets, take good care
of buildings, keep attractive parks, and prevent ugly and
unsightly places.

Does your town show signs of having been planned? If so,
point them out. Do you think community planning is more con-
spicuous in large or small towns ? Draw a sketch of the general plan
of some community not mentioned above. Is community planning
a rural as well as an urban problem?

52. Community Attractiveness. — But the direction in
which the streets are to run is not the only thing that must
be planned. To serve the three objects we have mentioned,
a street must be paved, and should be wide enough to accom-
modate the traffic. The cleaning of streets is important
to both health and beauty. Street lighting is necessary
for protection and safety, and can add much to a street's
appearance. Trees and grass make streets attractive. Sev-
eral large cities plan their boulevards so as to leave rounded
or triangular islands of grass and shrubs between in-going
and out-going traffic. Chicago demands that every boule-
vard and residential street in the newer parts of the city
have from two to three feet of grass between the sidewalk
and the curbstone. Well-kept lawns and porches with flower-
ing plants or vines tell of a neighborhood's sense of beauty.

Elevating American Standards

111

Is there likely to be any connection between a " city beautiful '*
and a city of good morals? How much responsibility rests upon
the individual citizen for having an attractive city? Under what
circumstances and to what extent should beauty be secondary to
other considerations?

The city which has beautiful parks, or even one fine park,
is much better off than one which lacks such beauty spots.

■v^^^" ^ '^^^^^Hfc" '"' tS^^^^^V ' k

p-.^^

m^ ^ ^^wp'^-^m |P

Eisg

|H^^^^^^^^^^W^ >

This is Delaware Avenue in Buffalo. There are few more attractive
streets in the country. Notice the width of the street, the parkways, and
the wide, open lawns.

To live among sordid, ugly surroundings cramps the soul
as well as destroys health. Parks give a breathing space
in the fresh air and a glimpse of Nature to people who other-
wise would never see such things, and they should be con-
veniently situated for those who need them most.

Should a park be left as far as possible in its natural condition ?
What merits or demerits does a natural park have as compared
with an artificial park?

112 Problems of American Democracy

No matter how beautiful the buildings we erect nor how
wide and smooth the streets, a community lacks in attrac-
tiveness if it is marred by unsightly places. Rubbish-strewn
vacant lots, dump-heaps, and the like are eyesores which
need not and should not exist. Every city has certain
sections where the houses look as though they had never
seen paint ; some public parking lots are ugly ; and of course,
the slums of any city are unsightly. Glaring signboards
may amuse the children but move people with an artistic
soul to tears or curses.

Did you ever see a really artistic signboard? If there is such
a thing, is it right to put it anjivhere and everywhere? Are there
any ugly spots which are unavoidable ?

Zoning aids much in community attractiveness. Many
a beautiful residential section has been spoiled by the erec-
tion of a garage or business house. Property depreciates
rapidly in such a case. Zoning laws divide a town or city
into several sections — one for factories, one for business
houses, perhaps a separate one for wholesale and for retail
firms, others for residences, and the like. Of course, suffi-
cient room must be allowed for further development. In a
large city more than one business section is necessary for the
convenience of the people. Or perhaps one avenue or street,
extending through the whole city, may be devoted to business
pursuits alone.

Some cities have laws requiring that only a certain type
of buildings be erected in some particular section. Frame
houses are prohibited in some places. A business house
can be attractive just as well as not, and is more so than
otherwise if its general outline and style of architecture is
in keeping with the buildings surrounding it.

Who are likely to favor and who are likely to oppose zoning laws
in a city? Has a person the right to do what he pleases with his
property? What zoning laws or customs does your community
have?

Elevating American Standards 113

/. The ideal community, be it large or small, urban or rural, cares for
every phase of its people's health by law, by education, and by the cor-
rect attitude of its individual members. The ideal community is a City
Beautiful. It is planned with reference to health, convenience, and
beauty. It has no slums, no unsightly spots, no menaces to morals. It
keeps its citizens out of mischief by affording plenty of opportunity for
healthful work and joyful recreation.

SPECIAL STUDIES

The Slums of New York (or some other city, if more convenient

to study, or your own community).
Public Playgrounds.

Reasons for increased demand for them.

Individual values.

Community values.

Location.

Cost.

Agencies to aid and support these establishments.
Recreation Facilities in Our Community.
Private Amusement Agencies in Our Community.
Recreation in Rural Life.
Recreation in the Small Town.
Our Moving-Picture Theaters.

Number and location.

Size, construction, and equipment.

Character of exhibitions.

Attendance and popular interest.

Effect on other theaters, churches, etc.

Value or harm to the community.
The National Game.
The Plan of Our Community.
The Arrangement and Naming of City Streets.
Our Community as a City Beautiful.
The Park System of Chicago (or some other city).
Sights and Scenes in Our Community That Should Be Removed.
The Zoning Laws of New York.

Railroads as Factors in the Appearance of a Community.
An Ideal Community Plan.

Resolved, that the general effect of the moving-picture theater is det-
rimental to community life.
Resolved, that commercial billboards should be prohibited.

114 Problems of American Democracy

REFERENCE READINGS

Curtis — Education through Play.

Foght — The Rural Teacher, Chapter 6.

The American City (frequent articles),

Howe — The Modern City and Its Problems.

Zueblin — American Municipal Progress.

Pollock and Morgan — Modern Cities.

Robinson — Improvements of Towns and Cities.

Robinson — Modern Civic Art.

Reed — Form and Functions of American Government, Chapter 29.

Beard — American City Government, Chapters 9, 13, 14.

Burch and Patterson — American Social Problems, Chapter 5.

Rowe — Society, Chapters 7, 16, 21.

Gillette — Constructive Rural Sociology, Chapters 14-16.

V. PROMOTING RIGHT RELATIONS AMONG MEN

Health of the mind, health of the body, health of the spirit, are
all essential to a sound life. Why do people seek anything less than
the best in matters of conduct ? What shall we do with those who
disregard their neighbors' rights and welfare? How can we
establish conditions in the relations of men in government and
business that will cause them to do the right?

A. Restraining Wrong-Doers

53. Why People Do Wrong. — It is unfortunate that
the world is not a Utopia, a land where every one does right ;
but men are not angels — many do wrong and these evil-
doers cause most of our social problems. Just as the
attractiveness of the things about us and our health and
well-being play their part in raising the standard of our
American life, so the conduct of people has its place in this
great problem. But why do people do wrong? What mo-
tives prompt their actions? We need to understand the
causes of wrong-doing in order to act most effectively in abol-
ishing or decreasing it.

Perhaps the two great underlying causes for crime are
heredity and environment. A criminal streak can often be
traced back for generations. Environment may be either
physical or personal. Contact with criminal or low-minded
friends and companions cannot fail to influence a man in
the wrong direction unless his backbone is exceptionally
strong.

One specific cause is poverty. If a man is hungry and
has no money, he is often tempted to take food or money
from another. Then too, a person may do wrong because
he does not know any better. Ignorance often leads to crime.

115

116 Problems of American Democracy

Bad habits such as drinking and taking drugs also lead
people to do wrong. Mental deficiency is another cause.
When a man commits a crime for revenge, he shows that
he does not know there is a better way to do justice or if
he knows he does not care. People may do wrong because
of a lack of will power to resist temptation. Others have
a desire for excitement, and crime is a means of attaining it.
Still others are afflicted with such laziness that they will
not work in order to earn a living and follow the supposedly
easier path of crime instead. Unemployment brings on
both idleness and poverty, and both are causes of crime.
Failure to enforce law, too, encourages people to disregard
not only the unenforced laws, but others as well.
i And so we may trace a criminal's wrong-doing to one or
more of many causes. Indeed, the causes overlap, one con-
dition aiding to produce another. We may not be able to
specify in a particular case just " the moving why they
do it." But we know that these influences do suggest crime,
and that in removing evil conditions we can make right
conduct easier

Which of the causes of crime may be called fundamental and
which derived f Show how one cause may lead to another. Are
some causes more active in rural districts than in cities, and vice
versa ? Do you think many people deliberately choose to do wrong
rather than right ? Does the fact that a man may be led into crime
by others excuse him? ,

54. Forms of Crime. — First let us be sure we understand
what the word means. Crime is any violation of the law.
Crime may be a failure to perform a certain act as well as
the doing of an act contrary to law. It may therefore be
omission or commission. However wrong an act may be
morally, it is not a crime unless it is a violation of law. Often
certain acts are permitted to go on for a long time before
•society makes them crimes. Crimes have been classified
in various ways, but the different forms of crime are in gen-
(eral as follows :

Elevating American Standards 117

(1) Offenses against the state — treason, rebellion, counter-

feiting, rioting.

(2) Offenses against morals and decency — blasphemy, keeping

disorderly houses, conducting vulgar shows.

(3) Offenses against the person — murder, manslaughter,

assault.

(4) Offenses against property — burglary, larceny, embezzle-

ment, obtaining money under false pretenses, willful
destruction.

(5) Abuses of public authority — false arrest, accepting bribes,

blackmail, and the like, if committed by a public officer.
If any of these terms are not understood, look them up in the
dictionary.

55. Dealing with Criminals. — In early days the chief
idea in dealing with criminals was vengeance. '' An eye
for an eye and a tooth for a tooth " was the principle. The
milder teachings of Christianity failed to make much of
an impression on churchmen or public officials for many
centuries. All offenses were severely punished. There
were at one time about one hundred offenses for which
death was the penalty. Some people were hanged for steal-
ing a loaf of bread. But toward the end of the eighteenth
century a new attitude began to appear. Punishment for
crime was made more reasonable and became fitted to the
crime. The penalty for murder should be heavier, for in-
stance, than that for burglary, because taking life is the
greater offense.

Our aim today is not to get revenge on the criminal nor
merely to punish him for his offense, but to deter others
from doing as he did, and to reform him so that he will not
commit further crime. To get to the very root of the
matter, we believe that the causes for crime should be re-
moved. But because this cannot be done all at once, it
is necessary to protect society by keeping the criminal away
from the public, and to aid in preventing further crime by
making the result unpleasant to the criminal.

Almost all counties, cities, and towns have their jails or

118 Problems of American Democracy

prisons where people may be kept until they are tried and
in which some may serve their terms if they are sentenced.
Unfortunately, some jails still cause more crime than they
cure. They are dirty and poorly lighted and ventilated, and
the prisoners are not separated according to the seriousness

Blackwell's Island.

On this island are situated the buildings to which convicted criminals
of New York City are sent. It is now called Welfare Island.

of their crimes. People who must serve long sentences are
usually sent to a state prison or penitentiary.

One improved feature of modern prison management is
the classification of criminals. Formerly the hardened crimi-
nal and the boy who was innocent or had committed his first
petty offense were permitted to mingle with the worst possible
results. Now, iastead of herding all kinds of criminals to-
gether — the hardened and the first offender, the young
and the old, the tramp and the insane, the different tjqjes
are separated. Many states have established reformatories

Elevating American Standards 119

for young wrong-doers, industrial reformatories for first
offenders, work-houses for vagrants, inebriate asylums for
drug and liquor addicts, special institutions for the insane
and feeble-minded, and penitentiaries for worse criminals.

Another means of encouraging criminals to do better is
the graded system of conduct. The convict is advanced
or demerited by his behavior. Those receiving high grades
have special privileges which those in lower grades cannot
enjoy. Sometimes after having served part of his sentence
and behaving well, a person is released from prison on parole,
and is required to report to a parole officer from time to
time. If he does not report or commits any further crime
he is brought back to the prison. This system enables him
to work and to earn honest money, while he is imder the
authority of people who help him to avoid doing T\Tong.
In many cases this plan has been very successful.

The indeterminate sentence has been very popular in re-
cent years. A man may be sentenced, for example, to not
more than ten years' or less than two years' imprisonment.
The officials of the institution in which a criminal is kept
judge by his behavior and attitude when he deserves to be
released. This encourages good behavior and a right atti-
tude toward the authorities on the part of the prisoner. Of
the opposite type is the cumulative sentence, which adds to
the term of the criminal if he shows no signs of reforming.
For each successive offense he must serve a longer term than
the one before. He may have to be kept in an institution
permanently.

Other prison-keepers have adopted changes to help the
criminal remember that he is still a human being. In many
institutions prisoners no longer wear striped suits nor have
their hair clipped nor walk in the lockstep. The prisons
and other penal institutions are healthful. Educational
facilities are provided. Sometimes the inmates have bands
and orchestras, athletic contests, and the like, and even
publish a newspaper.

120 Problems of American Democracy

Is capital punishment consistent with modern ideas of refor-
mation? Can we do too much for our criminals? How can we
decide when we have done enough ?

56. Pr*eventing Criminals. — It is not sufficient merely
to reform those who have committed crimes. " A stitch
in time saves nine," is a sound proverb. To prevent people
from becoming criminals is far better and in the long run
far cheaper than to punish them after they have done wrong.
We must wipe out the slums and improve living and work-
ing conditions and provide better facilities for uplifting
recreation. By eliminating vice and intemperance, and
doing away as far as possible with poverty and unemploy-
ment we can greatly decrease the number of criminals. We
also need better educational facilities, more rigid enforce-
ment of laws concerning school attendance, and practical
training for trades.

Workshops in the prisons keep the prisoners busy while
they are serving their terms and give them something to
do besides brooding over the ^' raw deal " they claim to
have received and planning to commit further crime when
they are released. Furthermore they are enabled to earn
a little money which can be used to help their families. Such
occupation makes the prisoners feel that they are accom-
plishing something in which they may take an honest pride ;
and when they are released, they have had training in
some profitable trade. The products made in prisons are
usually brooms, carpets, wicker furniture, and the like.

The '' graduates " of Sing Sing and similar institutions
have often found it hard to get a real job. People are likely
to give them the " cold shoulder " after they are released.
Yet if anything would turn them back to crime, such treat-
ment would do so. But we are now more inclined to give
them a helping hand in gaining a new start. There are
private societies which give the released convict food and
shelter until he finds work, help him to get employment,
and give him advice that he knows is friendly and sincere.

Elevating American Standards 121

The prisoner on leaving the prison usually gets a suit of
clothes and a small sum of money, but unless he has a home
to go to, these will not serve his needs very long. Some
employers have made a special point of hiring ex-convicts
who seem likely to make good. To save a man or woman
from moral ruin is a social service very much worth while.

Name some institutions in your neighborhood which help re-
leased prisoners. By what means do they bring about whatever
good they accomplish?

Perhaps still more important is to save young offenders
from becoming hardened criminals. Every populous com-
munity now has a Juvenile Court. The judge or probation
officers of this court investigate the surroundings of the
young criminal and try to find out what has caused him to
do wrong. They discover the kind of people his parents
are, the environment in which he lives, and the companions
with whom he associates. Then they can often remove
the causes of his going astray. If necessary they take him
away from his parents and place him in a private home or
in an institution. Sometimes a " big brother '' or a " big
sister " is found for such a child — a man or woman of sound
principles and sympathetic interest who will always be ready
with good counsel and companionship to help the younger
person to keep in the right path.

A juvenile court judge is at Hberty to fit the pumshment
to the offender. For the first offense a child is often put on
probation. A second or more serious offense will send the
boy or girl to a training school or reformatory maintained by
the state or the county. The institutions teach trades which
will help their inmates to earn an honest living later.

Is there a juvenile court near your home.? How is it conducted?
How much does it accomplish ?

57. Purifying Politics. — Not all the wrong-doing is com-
mitted by those who are labeled criminals. Some of it is
entirely within the law. Some wrong-doers are socially

122 Problems of American Democracy

" respectable " and hold high places in business. Yet they
will do things in politics which they would not do elsewhere,
and make clean conduct in public life very difficult.

A certain large city had experienced a spasm of reform.
An election was on to determine whether a district attorney
representing the '^ machine " or the reform element should
have the next term. As the returns were bulletined in the
evening at one of the newspaper offices, and the reports in-
dicated the success of the " organization " candidate, the
big crowd broke out spontaneously into " song " :

''Hail, hail, the gang 's all here"!

There are political mobs as well as other kinds. It is the mob
spirit in politics that causes that menace to our democracy
— the party machine.

Why do people put up with shady politics? There are
several reasons. They would not tolerate corruption, fraud,
and the spoils system if they were plainly labeled as
such. But the people do not know what is going on. They
see little and believe less. Partisan newspapers of course
present many scandalous tales about the *' other " party,
but we usually discount them as *' newspaper talk," and
sometimes we are right in doing so.

A certain senator said some years ago, '* The purifica-
tion of politics is an iridescent dream." People are so accus-
tomed to rotten politics that they do not realize that politics
can be good. Others take no interest or do not care. They
excuse everything by saying that anything goes in politics.
Suppose we had such a state of public sentiment that a can-
didate in whose interest large sums of money were spent
immediately fell under suspicion. What a world of differ-
ence we should see in the use of money !

Some attempts have been made by both the national and
state legislation, to do away with the excessive use of money
in politics. In some cases the law limits the amount of
money any individual may contribute to a campaign fund.

Elevating American Standards 123

This is to prevent giving large amounts with the expec-
tation of getting special favors later. These laws apply es-
pecially to corporations. Parties and candidates are also
required to publish reports of the money they spend and the
purposes for which it is spent. Sometimes a candidate for
& particular office is forbidden to spend more than a certain
-amount.

The people can do what they will in this matter. If they
demand good government they will get it. Public officers
are supposed to act for the people and the people can force
them to do so. The people must keep awake and know what
goes on. A city or state with a large independent vote can
easily secure good government, for even a " machine " will
do well if that is the only way it can stay in power. But
if the public blindly supports candidates named by self-
appointed bosses, it will get the kind of government it de-
serves.

What means that are not actual bribery do party agents use to
get votes in your district ? What do you consider justifiable ways to
spend money in campaigns?

How can you better the politics in your town? Would a change
in the form of local government help? Why are reformers often
ridiculed?

Elections are undoubtedly more honest than they were
once. The man who thinks cannot easily be bribed. The
wider we spread education and the more stress we lay upon
common honesty in public life, by so much are we going to
make clean politics not a dream but more nearly a reality.
One way to help is for you to go into politics and stay honest.
The citizen who is qualified to render public service and re-
fuses to do so deserves as truly to be called selfish and un-
worthy as the person who is unfit but who seeks office for
individual gain.

58. The Golden Rule in Business. — Does business need
house-cleaning too? At one time a business man could do

124 Problems of American Democracy

almost anything within his legal rights and excuse himself
by the plea that " business is business " — '' every man for
himself and the devil take the hindmost." But now we have
in every large town a club devoted to the principle of the
Golden Rule in Business, and financial experts talk about
the value of religion in business.

Looking at the matter of honesty from a purely financial
and selfish standpoint, " honesty is the best policy " in busi-
ness. In the first place every man wants to be known as
an honest man. No person wants to have dealings with a
dishonest person. A person who cheats in his business is
certain to be the loser in the end. A man who keeps
straight books and pays his debts readily obtains credit,
and credit is essential in business.

But can a business man do more than merely keep within
the law ? Can he carry out the Golden Rule in business? It
means nothing more than to be absolutely fair and honest,
for that is all we ask that other business people should do for
us. Hundreds of business firms all over the country have
proved that the Golden Rule can be practiced with profit
to both the firm and the public. When a business house does
the right thing by its patrons, its policy is soon recognized
and its patronage increases.

The Golden Rule in business does not mean that you
must give an extra half pound of sugar or a half yard more
silk than the customer asks for. It is not necessary to cheat
one's self. But by the Golden Rule we mean giving honest
measure, selling goods at their real value, and in all ways
"pla3dng square." If all our business men would set such
an example, what a tremendous inspiration to clean con-
duct it would be !

Can you think of any circumstance in business where the Golden
Rule might not prove advantageous? Why is it not followed to
a greater extent? Does successful business consist in " beating
the other fellow to it"? What principles underlie fair competi-
tion?

Elevating American Standards 125

59. Keeping Contracts. — Keeping agreements is fun-
damental in business as in private life. The whole foun-
dation of business life rests upon promises, and prosperity-
depends upon the keeping of these promises. The extensive
canceling of orders after the Great War caused serious in-
convenience and sometimes bankruptcy. A contract is a
written agreement entered into by two or more parties to
perform a specified act. So a contract covers a wide range
of agreements. It may be made between an employer and
an employee regarding work to be done, or it may be a fran-
chise for a street car company. Whatever it is, the parties
concerned should live up to it.

So important did this principle appear to the makers of
the Constitution that they inserted a clause which says that
^no state shall pass any law impairing the obligation of
contracts " — implying, in other words, that contracts should
be held sacred.' A contract once legally made is binding un-
less all persons concerned agree not to carry it out. In the
famous Dartmouth College case, Chief Justice Marshall
ruled that the charter of a college was a contract which could
not be altered by a state legislature. The broad interpreta-
tion of the word is firmly established in law.

In one sense bankruptcy laws, which may be passed by
Congress or the state legislature, may* interfere with the
full performance of contracts. Yet a case in bankruptcy
simply recognizes a fact. A bankrupt cannot pay all his
debts anyway, and it is doubtless best for all concerned that
his business should be cleaned up. Then a new start can
be made with hope of success. An honest man will
never take advantage of bankruptcy laws to escape paying
his just debts. If he is ever able to do so, he will pay off
all his obligations one hundred cents to the dollar. An hon
est man will keep his word even if the law does not force
him to do so.

Is it ever advisable to break a contract? Study forms of con-
tracts used in business, so as to become familiar with their language.

126 Problems of American Democracy

The " square deal," a phrase which Roosevelt made
popular, in a sense sums up all we have said about ethics
in business — the square deal toward one's business associ-
ates, toward competitors, and toward the public.

If a business man practices the square deal towards his
employee, he will pay him fairly for his work, reward special
effort or service, and provide the very best conditions under
which to labor. The employee, in turn, who believes
in the square deal, will give '' a fair day's work for a fair
day's wage." He will not loaf on the job but will look out
for his employer's interests as well as his own. He will feel
in a sense a kind of partnership in the business.

The square deal toward competitors and associates calls
simply for honesty and the keeping of one's word. To prac-
tice the square deal toward the public the business man must
sell honest goods for a reasonable price, and treat the public
courteously. The public official must not look upon his posi-
tion as " easy " money or as an opportunity for graft. The
ordinary citizen must realize that whatever he fails to do in
community service will probably not be done at all. If
everybody would only practice the square deal, we should
have the problem of establishing right relations among men
solved at once and forever.

Apply the principle of the square deal in school life; in home
relationships.

To what extent do the items mentioned in the question at the end
of section 11 indicate the standard of social and moral life in a com-
munity?

SPECIAL STUDIES

Old-Time and Modern Criminals.
Medieval Methods of Trial.
The Old English Criminal Code.
Criminal Codes in the American Colonies.
Crime in City and Country.
Sources from Which Criminals Come.
Prisons of the Old Days.
John Howard.

Elevating American Standards 127

Dorothea Dix.

An Up-to-date Prison.

Prison and Jails in Our State.

Reform Schools of Our State.

The Story of the Juvenile Court.

The Abuse of Clean Sport.

Political Organizations in Our State.

Present Laws Regarding the Use of Money in Campaigns.

The Right and Wrong Use of Money in Politics.

The Making and Enforcing of Contracts.

Resolved, that the sale of convict-made goods in the open market

is undesirable.
The George Junior Republic.
Resolved, that the practice of the Golden Rule in business is

profitable.

REFERENCE READINGS

Henderson — Dependents, Defectives, and Delinquents, Part IV.

Burch and Patterson — American Social Problems, Chapters 18, 19.

Reed — Form and Functions of American Government, Chapter 28.

Beard — American City Government, Chapter 6.

Rowe — Society, Chapters 33, 34.

Blackmar and Gillin — Outlines of Sociology, Part V, Chapters 4, 5.

Gillette — Constructive Rural Sociology, Chapter 19.

EUwood — Sociology and Modern Social Problems, Chapter 14.

Tufts — The Real Business of Living, Chapters 19-22, 27, 28.

Bryce — Modern Democracies, Chapter 69.

Hayes — Introduction to Sociology, pp. 541-550, Chapters 32, 33.

Towne — Social Problems, Chapter 11.

B. The Treatment of the Foreigner

One difficulty we meet in uplifting American standards is that
many who live among us do not realize what American standards
are. Why are these people here ? Who are they ? What should
we do for them and with them ?

60. Why the Foreigner Comes. — For years America
has been the Promised Land, the land of opportunity, toward
which millions of people from all parts of the world have
turned. To many of them it seemed the land of easy money,
where everybody was well off. To others, more desirable.

128 Problems of American Democracy-
it offered the opportunity to earn a decent living by hard
work. To all it was the land of " beginning again/' All
sought in some form better social and economic conditions.

From the Revolution to 1820 immigrants were so few that
no records were kept of them. The first great migration
was the result of the potato famine in Ireland. From 1847
to 1854, over a million Irish people came to this country.
The failure of the political revolution in Germany in 1848,
and economic trouble in that country, sent a large number
of immigrants here. The occupation of the West also aided
immigration. Not so many immigrants took up farming
as we might expect, considering how many of them had lived
by that means in Europe, though many Germans, Swedes,
and Norwegians did so. But when Americans moved West
they left an opportunity for labor in the East which the
foreigner was ready to accept.

Pohtical and religious persecution has always driven
Europeans to our shores. Many of the first colonists came
here for religious reasons. All kinds of Protestants, Cath-
olics, and Jews have at some time found this country much
more comfortable for their faith than the place where they
were living. The requirement of military service in foreign
countries has caused many young men to come here.

In later years the faciUty of transportation has greatly
encouraged immigration. No more is the trip long and dan-
gerous, though still rather uncomfortable in the steerage.
Steamship companies, anxious for passengers, have had
their agents out working to induce people to come to the
New World. It was once a common practice for American
employers to hire laborers in large numbers in the '* old
country '' and pay their passage here. This is now forbidden
by law.

Foreigners living in this country often send glowing re-
ports back home about America. They often pay or help
to pay the passage of less fortunate friends here. Fre-
quently a man who has been to America and made money

Elevating American Standards

1^9

returns for a visit and immediately his friends want to come
and do likewise.

During much of our history America has encouraged
immigration, has invited foreigners to come to our shores,
has taken pride in her mixed population, has boasted
of being a " melting-pot " of the races. But now we hear
more often the question. How can we stop them?

How far back do you have to trace your family tree to find immi-
grants ? Why did they come ?

61. Types of Immigrants. — Just as the motives for immi-
gration have varied from time to time, so has the type of

Courtesy Bureau of Census.
The Foreign Born in the States of the Union.

immigrant changed. The people who came to America prior
to 1883 are known as the ''old immigration." The ones
who came after that time are called the ''new immigration."
The former was almost entirely from the northwestern part
of Europe, from Great Britain, Ireland, Belgium, Switzer-
land, France, Germany, Norway, Sweden, and Denmark.
The new immigration is from southern and eastern Europe,

130 Problems of American Democracy

from such nations as Italy, Austria, Hungary, Greece, Po-
land, Russia, Serbia, and Turkey. Before 1883, 95 per
cent of all the immigrants came from northwestern Europe.
In 1914, only 15 per cent came from that section, while 75
per cent came from southern Europe.

The new immigrant differs greatly from the old. The
latter had in general similar habits and customs, the same
mode of thought, similar religious and governmental theories,
and some of them the same language as Americans. They
were comparatively easy to assimilate, because their ideas
were not un-American. The new immigrants, on the other
hand, differ in all these respects. Many have no idea of
the principles of self-government because they come from
countries where it has been little practiced. Industrially,
too, the old immigrant was more desirable than the new.
The old immigrant has given us professional and skilled
workers, while the new furnishes for the most part only
CQmmon laborers. The standard of living among the old
immigrants was. much higher than among the new and they
showed a greater tendency to remain here. A large part
of them settled in the Middle West, adopted farming, and
thus helped to develop our country ; the latest comers crowd
into the eastern cities.

The new immigration shows a much greater proportion
of illiteracy than the old. There are a great many more
men than women in the new immigration, while in the old
the men only slightly exceeded the women in number. A
great many more of the old immigrants became naturalized
than of the new. The percentage of course varies with
different sources.

After all we are to some extent all immigrants. Our an-
cestors were immigrants. The Indians were the original
Americans, as far as we know. The " American " of today
originally came from all parts of the world. Let us remember
this in taking up this problem, lest it seem more serious than
perhaps it really is.

Elevating American Standards 131

What is the percentage of children born of foreign parentage
in your class? Write out your family tree back to your great-
grandparents, and have the teacher tabulate the totals of the dif-
ferent nationalities represented.

62. A Square Deal for the Foreigner. — The immigration
problem is notably one to be considered from the stand-
point of the square deal. The foreigner has no right to
blame us if America is not the land of milk and honey which
he was looldng for. But since we let him in, and sometimes
urged him to come, he has a right to be treated fairly.

A foreigner who is not a citizen must not expect to have
all the rights and privileges of a citizen of the United States.
In most states he cannot vote. There are often little privi-
leges denied to aliens in some states — such, for example,
as keeping a dog or carrying firearms. But the foreigner
has a right to expect an opportunity to earn a living, and
to be recognized for whatever he is really worth.

Many of us look down upon the immigrant. We want
nothing to do with him socially. We do not want him to
live next door to us. He is a " mick," a "hunky," a
" dago," a " Polack " — the " scum of the earth." And
then we find fault with him if he " flocks by himself " !
Others take advantage of his ignorance of American ways
and cheat him. Even the policeman sometimes practices
petty graft at his expense.

The foreigner has a right to expect to have his property
protected by our government and to send his children to the
public schools. It is only by treating the foreigner fairly
and justly that we can expect him in return to do right.
We are his teachers. Do we feel a sincere personal interest
in him as a human being, or is he simply a '* problem "?

Have you seen any examples of unfair treatment of foreigners?
If so, do you think they were i^tentional or thoughtless? How are
foreigners looked upon in your community?

Immigrants have supplied work that is essential to all
our industries. It has been said that the foreigner mines

132 Problems of American Democracy

seven-eighths of the coal in this country, makes four-fifths
of the shoes, prepares nineteen-twentieths of the sugar, does
four-fifths of the work in the meat industry, manufactures
seven-eighths of the woolen goods and nine-tenths of the
cotton, makes half the collars and cuffs and gloves, and tans
four-fifths of the leather. It is a real question whether this
work would have been done without the foreigner.

In many other ways the foreigner adds to our country. We
are a composite nation. We have traits and character-
istics of all the peoples of the world, blended and changed
a little, but all composing the American. May we say with-
out conceit that Americans are a very unusual people ? The
heritage of ideals, thoughts, and talents from so many
nations has made us wonderfully versatile. Perhaps there
is no person so adaptable to any sort of conditions as the
typical American.

The foreigner has also brought us a taste and a talent
for music and art. America has been so busy getting rich
and developing a new country that she has hardly taken
time for these things. The musical, poetical, sentimental,
sometimes excitable, foreigners may even be needed to make
us an all-round people.

Our worst as well as our best records in literacy are found
in districts almost wholly American. The children of the
alien are often more eager to learn and speak the English
language better than the children of the American. They
get more than their numerical share of prizes and honors.
If you did not know their names, you could not pick out
with any assurance the members of a class whose parents
came from abroad. And often you could not do so
then, for many families adopt names that will conceal their
foreign origin. The *' old folks " will probably carry to
their death the marks of their origin in Italy, Russia, or
Greece. We must not expect to do too much with them.
•But the young folks may become as far as looks and manners
are concerned truly American. If they acquire American

Elevating American Standards 133

ideals along with their American manners, this particular
problem is solved.

Do you think the immigrant has spurred Americans to make
any more of themselves than they otherwise would have made?

63. A Square Deal for the American. — While it is very
important that the American should deal squarely with the
foreigner, he also has a right to expect certain things of the
immigrant. The foreigner should obey American laws and
respect the authority of our government, if we give him pro-
tection, education, and opportunity. When the foreigner
comes here expecting to be employed in our industries, to
earn our money and have his. place in our life, he should
be willing to give his allegiance to the country — to become
an American. It seemed strangely wrong during the Great
War that American citizens could be forced to give up good
positions and risk their lives in front of German guns, when
aliens were getting high wages, safe in our own country.

We also expect the foreigner to adopt our manners, cus-
toms, and speech, if he is to be a good American. The for-
eign sections of cities, the *' Little Italics " and the '' China-
towns," result in part from the foreigner's unwillingness to
try to improve his ways of living and to adopt our customs.
These communities often become slum districts and carry
all the menace that goes with the slum.

Should we expect the immigrant to give as much to America
as America gives him ?

We have the right to ask foreigners to avoid unnecessary
overcrowding, to keep clean, to shun disease and crime.
When they become voters, they have no business to allow
their politics to be influenced by their prejudices and to
vote from an alien's viewpoint. They must be Americans,
not Germans or Bolsheviks, or else their oath of allegiance
to the United States has been a mere form.

Would you advise sending back to Europe all aliens who were
still unnaturalized after being in this country ten years?

134 Problems of American Democracy

64. Putting Up the Bars. — If America is a free country,
has it any right to keep some people out or should it open
its doors to all who wish to come? Surely no consideration
should oblige us to admit the anarchists, the immoral, and
the diseased, who will play havoc with our people and our
institutions. Besides, if we admit by the hundred thousand
people whom we cannot assimilate and Americanize, we

Immigrants Nearing Port.

This group, composed mostly of Italians, are ready to meet the inspec-
tion officers at the immigrant station at Boston.

endanger our whole civilization. Every country has the
right under international law to exclude those whom it does
not care to receive.

In 1819, the first law relating to immigration was passed,
which required the keeping of statistics concerning the num-
ber of immigrants. About 1850 the American or " Know-
Nothing " party, which disliked Roman Catholics in partic-
ular and foreigners in general, bitterly opposed immigration,
but nothing more was done until 1882. Then an act was
passed which laid a tax of fifty cents on each immigrant and

Elevating American Standards 135

excluded all convicts, lunatics, idiots, and other persons
likely to become a public charge.

In 1907, a thoroughgoing measure was enacted. This
made the tax on each immigrant four dollars and excluded
the insane, feeble-minded, and epileptic, the contagiously
diseased, and anarchists, polygamists, and convicts, except
political offenders. In 1916, a literacy test was also imposed,
so that no foreigner might be admitted unless he could read
in some language or dialect. Immigrants who desire to
enter this country are examined at the various immigrant
stations and any who do not meet the requirements must
be taken back by the same steamship company that brought
them over.

The Great War almost wholly stopped European immi-
gration for a few years. With the close of the war, when
most of Europe was in such distress financially and other-
wise, Congressmen became greatly alarmed, fearing that
there would be a general exodus from Europe to America
of everybody who could get away. As they were not pre-
pared to adopt a permanent policy, they enacted a hasty
substitute which was signed by President Harding in 1921.
Under this act only three per cent of the number of immi-
grants from any particular nation who were here in 1910
could be admitted in a year. The law of 1924 changed the
quota to two per cent on the basis of the 1890 census, and
made a number of improvements in the details of administra-
tion.

What would you suppose a European statesman would think
about immigration? Are immigration laws likely to form a party
issue here? Should they?

Very few Americans would say that we should throw open
our doors to all who wish to come. We are pretty well
agreed that we can assimilate a certain number without
much trouble, and that if we do not take in any more than
we can Americanize the seriousness of the immigration prob-
lem will disappear. If we can only find some way of re-

136 Problems of American Democracy

stricting immigration so that we shall get the best people!
One great difficulty is that none of the tests so far proposed
determine character, which is after all the most important
concern. One thing is sure : as far as possible, our tests
and exclusion laws should be applied at the foreign ports
before the emigrants are allowed to go on board a vessel.
Foreign countries, however, have sometimes objected to even
this helpful reform. Perhaps you will have to work out the
final solution of this big problem rather than the Congressmen
of today.

65. Making Aliens into Americans. — After the immi-
grants have passed the examinations at Ellis Island or some-
where else, where do they go? The census figures of 1910
showed that about three-fourths of the foreigners of this
country were living in urban communities. A number of
associations have been formed to help the immigrant to
find a suitable place to live or to acquaint him with con-
ditions in various parts of the country, so that he may know
where to go. In the Bureau of Immigration there is a
Division of Information which does the same kind of work.
But these agencies have been unable to influence the new-
comers greatly. If we could find some way of distributing
the immigrants all over the country, assimilation would
not be such a difficult problem as it is.

If an American went to live in Paris, would he act differently
from the way many foreigners act here, in regard to association
with others ?

Now what is it to '' assimilate " the foreigner? It is to
teach him our language, customs, and ideals — to make
him one of us in customs, in spirit, and in law. Too often
the last feature has come first, and too often some of the
others have not come at all.

To become a citizen of the United States, an alien must
appear before a state or federal court and declare his inten-
tion of doing so. He can take this step when he is eighteen.

Elevating American Standard's 137

Not less than two nor more than seven years later, he may
complete the process by again appearing before a court and
taking out final papers, but he must be at least twenty-one
and have hved here five years or more before this step can
be taken. After a married man is naturalized his wife may
apply and receive citizenship upon proving that she has

Courtesy Newark Y. M.C. A.

Becoming Citizens.

A class of foreigners had been pursuing studies to qualify them for Amer-
ican citizenship. They are shown here taking the oath of allegiance to the
United States.

lived in the country a year. A father's citizenship deter-
mines that of any foreign-born children under twenty-one.
Formerly if an American woman married a foreigner, she
lost her American citizenship. This is no longer true, pro-
vided she continues to live here. Foreign married women,
too, must now apply for citizenship on their own account,
and may do so even if their husbands do not.

138 Problems of American Democracy

In how many ways can a person become an American citizen?
Is the process of acquiring citizenship too complicated? Should
every alien be required to be able to read and write English before
becoming naturalized?

Which is more likely to promote respect for the United States :
easy naturalization or difficult?

Something must be done to make these foreigners real
Americans before they are naturalized, if possible. It is es-
timated that three-fourths of those who have been natur-
alized in recent years had no real understanding of the
meaning of American citizenship or the principles of our
government. The public schools are now making heroic
efforts to help in this work. Besides the regular schools
in which the children of the foreigner are taught side by
side with the American children, there are special schools,
where English, citizenship, and such subjects are taught.
Many hold their sessions at night, and give graduation cer-
tificates upon completion of the course. Settlement houses
and social workers can render great service in teaching our
customs and our ideas about sanitation and living conditions.

One other point we must not overlook. If immigrants
live in distinct sections of the community, retaining both
their foreign language and their foreign customs, America
becomes, to use Roosevelt's words, " a polyglot boarding
house." We discovered during the Great War that in sev-
eral parts of the country even the schools were being carried
on in foreign languages. Several states have since passed
laws forbidding the use of any language except English in
the schools for purposes of instruction. Perhaps we ought
to do away with foreign language newspapers. Surely it
is much less unreasonable to require in-comers to learn our
established language than to expect our newspapers to print
foreign language pages in order to give immigrants infor-
mation about the events of the world.

With the difference in speech removed, how much easier
it wiU be to develop the common patriotism and devotion

Elevating American Standards 139

to one country and one flag which loyal Americans are so
anxious to maintain ! The use of one common language is
a prime essential to make America intelUgent, and to make
possible common customs and ideals — the English language,
in which our Constitution and laws are written.

SPECIAL STUDIES

The Foreign Population of Our Community.

Our Present Immigration Laws.

Ellis Island.

The Process of Naturalization.

Crime and the Foreigner.

Measures for Anaericanizing the Alien.

Famous Americans of Foreign Birth.

Personal Qualities Contributed to America by Foreigners.

Foreign Ideas and Customs That Need to Be Set Aside.

The Immigrant of Today.

Resolved, that a literacy test for immigrants is desirable.

Plans for Limiting Immigration.

The Immigrants of 1840 to 1860.

REFERENCE READINGS

Towne — Social Problems, Chapter 3.

Burch and Patterson — American Social Problems, Chapters 8-10.

Ross — The Old World and the New, Chapters 5-12.

Commons — Races and Immigrants in America, Chapter 4.

Steiner — On the Trail of the Immigrant.

Antin — The Promised Land.

Riis — The Making of an American.

Warne — The Immigrant Invasion.

Jenks and Lauck — The Immigrant Problem.

Reed — Form and Functions of American Government, Chapter 38.

Hayes — Introduction to Sociology, Chapter 15.

Daniels — America via the Neighborhood.

Lessons in Community and National Life, Chapter 31.

Coolidge — United States as a World Power, Chapter 2.

Haworth — America in Ferment, Chapter 4.

Wolfe — Readings in Social Problems, Book II.

Ellwood — Sociology and Modern Social Problems, Chapter 10.

Adams and Sumner — Labor Problems, Chapter 3.

140 Problems of American Democracy

C. The Color Line

The people of whom we have just been speaking are all of the
white race, whatever the hue of their minds and souls. If there
exist among these such important problems, how great they must
be among people of different colors! What is the part these people
play in our country's life? What is and what should be our
attitude toward them ?

66. Why Is There a Negro Problem? — Unlike the for-
eigner from Europe and Asia, the negro did not come to
America for refuge or in order to improve his economic con-
dition. He did not come of his own accord at all. He was
captured by fellow Africans in his native country, sold to
white men for mere trifles, packed into a ship, and brought
to America to be marketed among strangers. Most Amer-
ican negroes for almost two and a half centuries were slaves.

This state of bondage has left marks upon them which are
still visible. In the first place, the practice of selling the
members of families into different parts of the country broke
up homes and gave the negro a very poor conception of family
life. Standards of morality necessarily suffered under the
circumstances. Their work on the plantation called for
nothing but patient plodding. This tended to dull their
minds, and make their lives simply a matter of habit. They
received no education. They often lived in very poor con-
ditions. Most had no responsibility. They were simply
told what to do and punished if they failed to do it. Their
clothes, food, and shelter were provided for them. They
received no money and consequently knew nothing about
handling it. Petty thieving was an inevitable result of the
absence of personal property.

The life of the slave was usually, therefore, a life of sub-
jection and ignorance. He was religious, emotional, super-
stitious, and very simple in his thoughts and his ways. And
after being subjected to all these conditions for such a long
time, can we wonder at those characteristics today which
sometimes unjustly cast reflections on all negroes — for

Elevating American Standards

141

many negro men and women live as worthily as any white
people ! It will take longer than fifty years to change what
two hundred and fifty years have done.

What would be the negro's condition today if he had never been
enslaved? Has not the negro gained a great deal through having
been brought to America, even if he came only to be enslaved?

After two and a half centuries of the life we have just de-
scribed, liberty was suddenly thrust upon the negroes. The
Proclamation of Emancipation came as a war measure in

I to 5 per cent,
StoHJpe
I 12! toZSpor

D9 37itol>0pcrcent.

ID] M per cent and over.

The heavy lines (^) show geographic divinoiu.

Courtesy Bureau of Census.
Negro Population in the States.

1863. Then the Constitution was amended. The Thir-
teenth Amendment (1865) abolished slavery as an insti-
tution, the Fourteenth (1868) granted the negro citizenship,
and the Fifteenth (1870) was intended to guarantee him the
right to vote. These measures resulted in giving liberty
and citizenship to four million negroes who had neither edu-
cation nor training. Unprincipled men from the North
gained influence over the negroes, and former slaves were
given offices in the government of the southern states.
These people plunged the South into all sorts of extrava-
gance and mismanagement. The result was a violent re-

142 Problems of American Democracy

action on the part of the whites, who, when they once got
into power again, determined to stay there.

So, then, we have our negro problem because white men
bought negroes to do work which the white men could not
or did not want to do ; because slave life gave the negro small
responsibility and little appreciation of morals ; because
too much responsibility was thrust upon him suddenly after
the Civil War, and his misuse of power enraged his former
masters ; and because the white man feels he is by nature
Superior to people of any other color.

Would gradual emancipation have been better for the negro ?

67. The Black Man's Progress. — The negro population
has more than doubled since the time of the Civil War. The
1920 census showed over 10,000,000 negroes in the United
States. But the black man is not increasing so rapidly as
the white. The birth rate is high but decreasing and the
death rate is correspondingly high — twice as high as among
the whites. This is due largely to the crowded, filthy con-
ditions under which many negroes live, especially in cities.
Infant mortality and the number of deaths from tubercu-
losis are very high among them.

Some negroes are lazy and shiftless and do not try to im-
prove themselves, yet the race as a whole has made real
and notable progress. When set free, the slaves owned
hardly any property worth mentioning. Now half a billion
dollars' worth is in the name of negroes. Nearly a milhon
farms are operated by them, a quarter or more of which are
owned. They are in all professions. Hundreds are law-
yers and doctors, and thousands are ministers or teachers.
We also find them as drivers, chauffeurs, and servants, jani-
tors in all kinds of public buildings, and porters in trains.
Large numbers of them moved North during the Great War
to get the high wages then prevailing, but many of these
were unsettled, unskilled laborers, whose migration was
of little real benefit to themselves or to the country.

Elevating American Standards 143

At the close of the Civil War, nine-tenths of the negroes
were illiterate ; now the proportion is less than three-tenths.
This figure is bad enough, in all conscience, but it represents
marked improvement. Negro schools have often been neg-
lected by the white directors. They have not been properly
supervised and are often in very bad condition. Many of
the teachers in these schools have completed only the eighth
grade themselves.

There are a number of industrial schools for the negroes,
where they are taught manual training or domestic science,
and are instructed in various trades. They need such
schools particularly. One of the best of the schools for
negroes is Tuskegee Institute, which was established by
Booker T. Washington, perhaps the greatest man of his race
in the United States. This school is carried on entirely by
negroes. A considerable number of schools for negroes have
also been established by church organizations as missionary
enterprises, and negro churches have contributed generously
to support schools. But education is doubtless the negro's
greatest need today.

68. The White Man's Policy. — The southern white
people, having known the negroes as slaves, aim still to *' keep
them in their place." The southerner expects, and receives,
from the negro the most marked respect. Separate cars
or separate sections in them, commonly known as " Jim
Crow cars," and separate hotels, as well as separate schools,
are often required by law. The idea works the other way
too. A white person may not attend a colored school, nor
ride in the street car or coach reserved for the negro. The
whole attitude of the southern white people towards the
negro is that of a superior race toward an inferior one. They
will yield nothing that could at all be interpreted as a step
toward social equality. An attack of a negro on a white
person therefore seems a worse sin than if two persons of
the same race are concerned.

144 Problems of American Democracy

The horrible " mess " of Reconstruction days produced
the Ku Klux Klan and other forcible means of establishing
white supremacy in politics which embittered many north-
erners. But peaceful means have proved just as effective.
Though the Fifteenth Amendment to the national Consti-
tution forbade the states to deny the vote on account of race
or color, southern states found ways to evade this, as by

Inside Work in a Large Post Office.

The clerks are gathering up letters and facing them for the canceling
machine. Is there anything in this picture which suggests the part of the
country where it was taken ?

the so-called " grandfather clause." This was usually
drawn up so as to require that voters must meet certain
property or educational requirements in order to vote, un-
less their ancestors were voters in 1866 or thereabouts. This
of course prevents all negroes from voting who cannot meet
the requirements, while the whites who are poor and ig-
norant are not excluded. In many southern communities
negroes no longer try to vote.

Elevating American Standards 145

Matters are somewhat different in the North. There
are fewer negroes, and many of them are enterprising. They
are indined to show more initiative and to desire to be
treated in the same way as white people. The attitude of
the northern whites has changed considerably since the
Civil War and Reconstruction days. Then they felt sorry
for the negroes and wanted to help them. They assisted
them to get to the North, and really welcomed them when
they came. Now they are tolerant of the negro but they
do not feel particularly kindly toward him. In most places
the northern negro attends the same schools as the whites,
and rides in the same street car. But when negroes are
numerous in a community, they have separate churches
and social organizations and often separate schools.

We will all, northerners and southerners aUke, admit that
the negro problem can never be solved by amalgamation,
nor by sending the negro to Liberia. The negro is here to
stay. The only solution is for each race to develop itself,
helping and sympathizing with the other, but not mingling
more than is necessary. The salvation of the black race
Hes in the hands of the negroes themselves, as Booker Wash-
ington tried to tell them. They will win respect by de-
serving it. But at the same time, as it has been aptly re-
marked, the white man will never solve the negro problem
by calling it " the nigger problem."

Give the negro time, help, and a chance. In native abil-
ity he may not average as high as the white man, but there
is much he will do well. The time may come when we will
not look upon the negro as a problem but as an example
of the possibilities latent in a downtrodden race to make
itself a real asset to a nation.

Northern people are moving into some parts of the South in con-
siderable numbers. Will this movement have any effect upon the
race situation or politics in the South?

69. The Red Man in America. — The strange red men
whom Columbus found in America he called Indians, be-

146 Problems of American Democracy

cause he had India on his mind. They were a simple, stoUd,
brave people, living much in the open air and feeling a keen
intimacy with Nature. Civilization was not highly de-
veloped among them, though the Aztecs of Mexico and the
Incas' of Peru had made much progress along some lines.

The Iroquois of New York
displayed many worth-
while qualities, and if the
white man had let them
alone they might have
developed a federal gov-
ernment all their own.

The numbers of the red
men were never large,
though there were enough
of them to make the early
white man worry. To-
day, if we can trust the
census figures, the Indian
population of the United
States is stationary. The
reckoning for 1920 counted
only 336,000, but the un-
expected smallness of the
numbers is explained in
part by the fact that
many who have both
white and Indian ances-
tors now are recorded as white when previously they would
have been counted as Indians.

Some of these Indians live about the same kind of life
that they did when Columbus came. Others, especially
such tribes as the Creeks, Cherokees, Chickasaws, and Choc-
taws, have made rapid advancement. Some Indians are
well-to-do. They contributed on an average $75 apiece
to the Liberty Loans — a better showing than our white cit-

CouTtesy Bureau of Indian Affairs.
The Passing of the Old Life.

These Indian women represent a type
of life which is fast disappearing, but
which was once characteristic of a great
part of the red men.

Elevating American Standards

147

izens. And the oil which has been found on the lands of the
Osage tribe has brought them wealth in such abundance
that they have a hard time spending it. As a race they
did not develop the possibilities of the land in which they
lived, and the harsh law of Progress has turned it over to
those who would do more with it.

Are there any traces of the old Indian civilization in your com-
munity? What valuable remains has the Indian left us? What
theories of his origin do you know?

70. Red Man and White Man. — The Indians regarded
the first white men with mild curiosity, but they felt kindly

Some Indians of Today.

How much different are these young fellows from white people of the
same age and circumstances of life ? These Indians live in southeastern
California.

toward them. If the white man had treated the Indian
fairly the two races could have become friends, but the white
man took advantage of the red man. He exchanged a few
trinkets for miles of land. Sometimes he did not even go
through the formaUty of a purchase, but simply took what
he wanted. By means of the *' fire-water " unknown to

148 Problems of American Democracy

the Indian before the white man came, he corrupted the
Indian. Is it any wonder that the Indian came to hate
the white man and to want to kill him? Then the white
people blamed the Indian and hated him for doing what
they had forced him to do.

The Indians stood between the white people and the
settlement of the country. The white man needed land,
and the Indians roamed over much land but actually occu-
pied little. A thousand white people could prosper
where fifty Indians would barely make a living. And so
the whites pushed the Indians westward. They broke agree-
ment after agreement made with the Indians. '' A cen-
tury of dishonor " is perhaps not too harsh a term to use
in connection with our dealings with them. Petty Indian
wars were going on somewhere in the borders of the United
States almost all the time for three-fourths of the 19th cen-
tury. The passage of the Dawes Act in 1887 marks the
real beginning of our present Indian policy. We can hon-
estly say now that our government is trying to act justly
toward the Indians. The Bureau of Indian Affairs in the
Department of the Interior has the oversight of our relations
with them.

A great many of the Indians now live on reservations.
These are tracts of land set aside by the government for
the use of the red man. Some are found in every part of
the United States, but most of them are west of the Mis-
sissippi River. There are 177 reservations in twenty- three
states. The Indians live in their own communities there,
have their little farms if they want them, and live a peaceful
life. Trade between white men and the Indians is super-
vised and government agents are supposed to look out for
the Indians' welfare.

The government maintains schools on the reservations
for the Indians ; but there are not nearly enough, and some
are poorly equipped. The Indian is taught English and
is given courses similar to those of the usual elementary and

Elevating American Standards 149

high schools. Many Indians are very well educated. A
number of them go to colleges and universities. Not all
the Indians in the country, however, are living on the reser-
vations. A great many Indians own their own farms and
some of them are prosperous and up-to-date. Indians are
also engaged in trades and professions. All Indians born

Courtesy Bureau of Indian Affairs.
Indian Boys Gardening.

These boys are cultivating irrrigated land at the Sherman School in
southern California.

within the limits of the United States are now considered
citizens, whether they fully look out for themselves or still
continue to be wards of the government, receiving financial
support from the treasury.

The white man does not seem to feel the objection to the
Indian that he does to the negro or the yellow man. In-
dians associate on terms of equality with white men in col-
lege and in other phases of life, and Indians and whites fre-

150 Problems of American Democracy

quently intermarry. We have had a number of very capable
Indians in government positions, as well as several of mixed
white and Indian parentage. In the last group is Robert
L. Owen, one of our ablest senators, and one of the authors
of the Glass-Owen Act, which established the Federal Re-
serve System.

The problem of the red man is more of the past than of
the present. The ultimate result may be amalgamation with
the white, but if that does occur it will not be in the imme-
diate future. As for the Indians who show no interest in
the white man's clothes or his social habits, and prefer to
live about as they always have lived, it is best to let them
take their own course. Forcible civilization has many un-
desirable features.

Name a few prominent Indians. For what have they been
noted?

71. The " Yellow Peril." — Some of our newspapers,
and some of our self-styled " statesmen " keep insisting
that the yellow race has some horrible design on the rest
of the world. Their land is now thickly settled and their
population rapidly increasing, we are told. They are going
to move out into territory now under other flags and occupy
it peaceably if they can, forcibly if they must. Their abil-
ity to live on a very little and their willingness to work for
low wages make it impossible to compete with them in-
dustrially. If we are not careful, they will swamp us by
their very numbers and industry.

Besides, cry the alarmists, Japan has become a milita-
ristic nation. Her people are good fighters and they know
it. When they get the millions of Chinese aroused and
armed, they will conquer the Philippines, Hawaii, and any-
thing else they want in the Pacific. We shall have to fight
for our Pacific possessions and trade, or else lie down and
let them have their way.

Now is there any real basis for such imaginings? No-

Elevating American Standards

151

body is more peaceful than the Chinaman when you let him
alone. The Japanese has always kept his word with us
when he has definitely pledged it. Besides, from whom
did the yellow people learn their *' ways that are dark, and
tricks that are vain" if not from the white nations? Per-
haps if we exhibit a more Christian spirit in our diplomacy

An Up-to-Date Hydroelectric Plant.
Was this picture taken in the United States? Far from it, though the
machinery was constructed by an American firm. This is in Kyoto, Japan.
Many a cotton mill and steel mill could be thus shown, which we might sup-
pose was situated in our own land, except for the dress of the workers. We
do the Japanese an injustice if we think of them as barbarians.

we shall find a better attitude displayed toward us. Cheap
demagogues on the other side also try to stir up trouble,
but '' let him that is without sin first cast a stone."

Some of the feeling against the yellow man is caused
through prejudice against his yellow skin, and some is
caused through jealousy. That may seem strange, but it is
not highly flattering to a white man to have a Japanese pros-
per on a farm on which the white man failed. In order to

152 Problems of American Democracy

prevent the Japanese from getting ahead, the white man
chooses the course of retarding him rather than of exerting
greater effort himself.

Quite hkely ambitions and interests may clash in the Pa-
cific, but why any more than in South America or Africa?
Sanity and fair-mindedness ought to keep competition hon-
orable and aboveboard between nations as between indi-
viduals. Keep our eyes open — yes ! Protect our own busi-
ness and social life by not allowing another color problem
like that of the negro to develop in our own country — cer-
tainly ! But the missionaries who work in China and Japan
speak well of their people. How can we justly suspect
everything they do? Perhaps as the great opportunities
for manufacturing and mining are developed in the Far East,
employment will be found for their congested population
which will relieve them from any desire for territorial ex-
pansion across the Pacific. At least, let us so conduct our-
selves that we give them no excuse for anything like an in-
ternational race riot.

72. The Chinaman among Us. — Until nearly the
middle of the 19th century there were practically no Chinese
in this country. Then the Opium War in China, which
caused a great increase in Chinese taxes, resulted in the emi-
gration of many Chinese. The discovery of gold in Cali-
fornia in 1848 attracted thousands of these people to our
shores. Today there are over 60,000 Chinese in this coun-
try, a large majority of whom are in the Far West, but the
number is decreasing.

Their occupations are varied. In 1909, 3000 were em-
ployed in salmon canneries. Many thousands more do
various kinds of unskilled labor. Others keep small mer-
chant houses and shops, laundries, and the like. In this
latter capacity they are best known in the East. In fact
it is hard for an easterner to understand why there is so
much worry about them. Those whom he knows are in-

Elevating American Standards 153

dustrious, mind their own business, and make no trouble
for any one else.

The Chinaman brings his religion and many peculiar
habits with him to this country. These in part make some
Americans distrust him as they do. Wild stories of the
evil of his vicious practices and " opium dens " have been
extensively circulated for commercial and other reasons,
regardless of the fact that people do not have to go near
those places if they do not want to do so. But the worst
grievance against him has been the low wages he will accept.
Because his requirements in the way of living conditions
are so few, a rate of pay looks good to him which no white
man could decently live on. The Chinese who first came
to this country were welcomed. They did the ordinary
labor while the early Calif ornians went out to look for gold.
But when gold-hunting turned out to be an undependable
vocation, men had to settle down to something more sub-
stantial. Then suddenly the discovery was made that in
doing ordinary labor the American could not compete with
the Chinese. Labor agitators raised the cry, *' The Chinese
must go," and mobs sometimes made life unpleasant for the
Chinese.

But our first treaties with China required us to give the
Chinese the same treatment that we gave to other nations.
At length another treaty was made, which authorized us
to " regulate " the immigration of Chinese laborers. We
proceeded then to pass in 1882 the first Chinese Exclusion
Act, which regulated such immigration by keeping it out
altogether. This act has since been renewed and the policy
of exclusion is definitely established. A few Chinese may
be smuggled in from Mexico, but the number is not great
enough to be alarming.

Are we entirely justified in our attitude toward the Chinese?
Should we distrust a man because his actions seem queer ?

73. The Japanese among Us. — Now it is the Japanese
who perplex us here most. Until after the Chinese Ex-

154 Problems of American Democracy

elusion Act there were practically no Japanese in the United
States. In fact, until 1898, there were not more than 2000
here. The census of 1920 recorded 111,025 Japanese, but
California declared that the census-takers did not find them
all. Most of the early Japanese worked in the railroads
and other places as unskilled laborers. They were used to
break strikes, and for this reason the labor unions do not
like them. They now do a great deal of the meat- and fish-
packing. Some serve as domestics and others keep res-
taurants and shops. They work for low wages, and are
easy to engage. They are dependable, have a remarkable
ability for learning American customs, and are great imi-
tators. About 3000 Japanese come here every year to
study. They are very enterprising and ambitious, and are
respected in our colleges and universities by the Americans
with whom they come in contact.

The problem of the yellow man is peculiarly a western
one — we could almost say California's, for the great ma-
jority of the Chinese and Japanese are in California. The
three coast states, California, Washington, and Oregon,
contain more than four-fifths of all in the country.

It is said that Japanese laborers take jobs away from white
laborers and that their lodgings are filthy; but the chief
objection now is to the buying of land by the Japanese.
They are naturally energetic and ambitious, and set up flour-
ishing farms. The people of California, afraid lest all the
good gardening land become occupied entirely by yellow
people, have passed state laws forbidding any alien to hold
land who could not acquire citizenship. Since neither Chi-
nese nor Japanese may become naturalized they can never
hold land. Their children born in this country are United
States citizens, however, and the Japanese have evaded
these laws by buying land in their children's names or rent-
ing it for long periods. Sometimes they formed corpora-
tions, for there was no law forbidding a corporation to hold
lands. California's latest effort is to prevent the renting

Elevating American Standards 155

of land by Japanese for any longer period than three years.
Californians sincerely feel disturbed about the situation.
Some of them, however, seem to forget that they are in the
United States, for they have urged the passage of state laws
which would be wholly contrary to our agreements with Japan.
Presidents Roosevelt and Wilson preferred to enter into
" gentlemen's agreements " between the two governments
rather than to make treaties, because of the trouble they
w^ould have had in getting the Senate to ratify treaties.
Each country agreed to respect the territorial possessions of
the other and to refrain from granting passports to laborers
to go to the territory of the other. The " four-power "
treaty made at the Washington Conference of 1921-1922
aimed at a further assurance of the safety of each country's
possessions. Serious ill feeling was aroused in Japan, mani-
fested by meetings of protest and sharp criticisms, when in
1924, Congress abandoned the " gentlemen's agreement "
policy, and excluded by law all Japanese laborers.

74. The White Man's Burden. — Somehow it seems as
if the responsibility for world advancement rests mainly on
the white man. No other people seem to have equal capacity
to rule or ability to advance. The Japanese have made
wonderful progress in much less than a century, but it is
a little too early to determine whether this is due to any-
thing more than a remarkable ability to imitate the accom-
plishments of the white race. Kipling's poem, " The White
Man's Burden," presents a profound truth. Often the
weaker race fails to appreciate what the stronger does for
it; but, after all, the world is not likely to be any better
than the white races make it, and therefore in a peculiar
degree the white man should be careful to set an example
which will neither be misunderstood nor lead others astray.
Too many times the white man has cared only to exploit
weaker peoples — to get rich out of their labor or the re-
sources of their country, regardless of the effect upon them.

156 Problems of American Democracy

Race riots and lynchings are a disgrace to everybody who
takes part in them. The latter are usually inflicted upon
scoundrels whose crime would be punished by the regular
process of law. What gain has there been, therefore, when
a man is lynched who would have been punished anyway,
even if the mob is sure it has the right man? And if white

c uutrLLuud tt Underwood.

Keeping the Peace during Race Trouble.
These troopers have their machine guns placed so as to command the
streets where trouble may occur. This picture was taken in Knoxville,
Tennessee.

men who make and enforce the law so readily ignore it, what
lesson can the negro learn in the way of respect for it?

The red man too is distinctly a weaker brother considered
as a race. Plain common honesty is one of the things a
white man must display toward him, as well as watchful in-
terest and aid that will raise him to the white man's civil-
ization as fast as he is ready for it. It is little enough to
give the Indian a fair deal on what he has left of the great
country that was once his.

Elevating American Standards 157

In fairness to our own people we must recognize that other
white nations such as AustraUa and Canada feel toward the
Japanese and Chinese the same as many of us do. And they
have an even more profound dislike of the Hindoo, who
comes to them somewhat more readily because the British
flag floats over them all. A white man's country and a
yellow man's country can be separate and distinct and each
race can stay in its own field without its being necessary for
either to hold suspicion or ill-will toward the other. Friendli-
ness and a desire to understand are surely a part of the white
man's burden toward the yellow race. One fact that we often
do not realize is that Japan and to some extent the other
leading Asiatic peoples are no longer uncivilized. Their in-
dustries are as varied and in some cases as advanced as our
own. They deeply resent being looked upon as inferiors.

We have another little burden of color that is pecuUarly
our own — the burden of the brown man, the Filipino.
After all, it is not so much of a burden because the Filipino
no longer gives us a great deal of trouble. He is able to
look out for himself in most respects. Perhaps we feel that
he is not so grateful as he should be for what we have done
for him. That has been the experience of Great Britain
over and over again with her colonies. But at least we can
approach the whole question with the thought of doing what
is best for the Filipino and making our own interests a sec-
ondary consideration.

Perhaps the " square deal " sums up all the elements in
the problems of races and color. If the white man can make
the weaker races feel that he does not wish to plunder them
but to help them, and will take his reward in part in the con-
sciousness of having served civilization, he will give the
people of other colors no just cause for discontent.

** By all ye cry or whisper,
By all ye leave or do,
The silent, sullen peoples
Shall weigh your Gods and you."

158 Problems of American Democracy

Who generally start race riots, white people or negroes? Is
lynching ever excusable? What kinds of people might be glad
to have a war between a nation of the white race and a nation of
the yellow race? Have nations of the other races than the white
any just reason today to suspect the white man's intentions toward
them? Compare England and America in respect to their atti-
tude toward other races.

.*. To establish right relations among men, we must find means both
to restrain wrong-doers and to encourage the erring to do better. We
must maintain high ideals in government and business. We must give
the foreigner a fair chance, while insisting that he become an American
if he is to Hve in America. White people must manifest a desire to help
and to understand people of other colors, instead of assiuning a dis-
agreeable attitude of superiority.

SPECIAL STUDIES
The Negroes' Life in Slavery Days.
The States in Reconstruction Times.
The Indian Reservation of Today.
Indians Who Have Become Famous.
The Process of Making an Indian a Citizen.
Our Treaty Relations with China.
Our Treaty Relations with Japan.
The Rise of Japan.
The Land Problem in California.
England's Dealings with Other Races.
The Life of Booker T. Washington.
The Negro in Industry.
The Negro and the Ballot.

REFERENCE READINGS

Burch and Patterson — American Social Problems, Chapter 11.

Washington — Up from Slavery. .

Washington — The Story of the Negro.

Washington — The Future of the American Negro.

Bryce — Modern Democracies, Chapter 71.

Ellwood — Sociology and Modern Social Problems, Chapter 11.

Mecklin — Democracy and Race Friction.

Bryce — American Commonwealth, Chapters 94, 98.

Coolidge — United States as a World Power, Chapter 3.

Haworth — America in Ferment, Chapter 5.

Wolfe — Readings in Social Problems, Book V.

Stelzle — American Social and Religious Conditions, Chapters 6-8.

VI. MAKING RELIGION EFFECTIVE

So far we have spoken of elevating our standards mainly by neg-
ative means, which promote right by preventing wrong. A good
way, indeed, many times, since most acts are either right or wrong,
and by preventing one we achieve the other! There are, however,
positive forces for good — those that work by teaching us specifi-
cally to do right, such as religion, the home, and the school.
Mere absence from badness is a poor type of existence, after all.
First let us study religion as a factor in our nation's life, and its
relation to the community and the government.

75. What Is Religion For? — ''Man/' it has been said,
" is incurably religious." We find individuals, of course,
in whose lives religion seems to play no part, but we
never find such people making up an entire group. But
what is religion? It is man's idea of his relation to a Power
or Being higher than himself. It differs therefore from mo-
rality, which deals primarily with the way we act in our deal-
ings with others, and with our compliance with the accepted
standards of right and wrong. Religion stimulates moral-
ity but it is more than morality.

The religion of primitive people consisted mostly in
propitiating a higher being. They believed that mountains,
trees, animals, and other natural things had spirits, either
good or evil. In order to ward off evil spirits, they prac-
ticed various forms of magic. Some animals were sacred
because they were thought to be the habitation of spirits.

Such a religion was chiefly one of superstition and fear.
Some believed that by tearing their flesh, or holding an arm
in one position till it became useless, they could please the
higher powers. But such ideas no longer appeal to us.
Love and faith have entered into religion, and many ancient
customs are now considered cruel and barbarous. Perhaps

159

160 Problems of American Democracy

religion is easier now, but it is also more logical and reason-
able. We look upon God as a Father, not simply as a cruel
Supreme Power.

Would it be more natural for primitive people than for highly
civilized people to believe in demons, bloody sacrifices, and a re-
ligion of fear? Does an easy religion indicate laxity in morals
or decline in courage ? Why do some people worship idols ?

Many will say that the prime duty of churches should
be to teach or spread religious doctrine, to try to explain
God and His ways to those who do not understand them
and to develop the right attitude toward Him. Many a
church has at times seemed to make that the sole object of
its religious teaching. We all expect churches to teach the
principles of ethics and morality, to instill in the minds of
their followers a desire for the right. Yet should a man's
thought of religion be simply to save himself from hell?
Jesus did not so teach in the wonderful parable of the good
Samaritan. Neither did the Hebrew prophet who asked,
" What doth the Lord require of thee but to do justly,
and love mercy, and walk humbly with thy God? "

And so churches today find deep inspiration in the social
motive. They seek to help both individuals and com-
munities. They teach the square deal and plain honesty
in business, politics, and daily life. They strive to care for the
sick and the unfortunate, to make living happy here as well
as hereafter, to give men enlightenment as well as to utter the
command for obedience. No phase of our life is beyond their
refreshing touch. In short, they teach not only " Thou
shalt love the Lord, thy God " but also " Thou shalt love
thy neighbor as thyself." " Whatsoever ye would that
men should do to you, do ye even so to them." For, after
all, as Ruskin says, " The .true church is where one hand
meets another helpfully."

Can a person be " converted " spiritually and still have no in-
terest in the welfare of his fellow-men? What does " conversion "
mean as a term in religion ?

Elevating American Standards 161

76. Religion in American Life. — Perhaps we are not
the most rehgious nation in the world, but reUgion has
played an extremely important part in our history. In the
first place we owe a large part of our settlement to those
who came here for religious freedom in the 17th century.
It was in this country that absolute freedom of worship was
first established, and today there is no restriction placed
upon anj^ religion as a religion. This desire for religious
freedom had a great share in bringing us political freedom.
Most of our great men have been deeply rehgious at heart.

There are those today who bewail the passing of " the
good old days " and the present age of low thinking and
acting. *' The good old days " when every gentleman was
a drinker and the lower social class often drunkards ! When
it was not considered out of place for a church to raise money
b}^ lotteries ! In fact, one of the principal causes of this
** immorahty " now is that standards of right have been
raised and wrong-doing is more quickly noticed. More
things are recognized as evils. Would any one claim that
prohibition could have been achieved in 1830 or 1880? In
all the reforms that have been wrought religion has had a part.

77. Faiths and Sects in America. — In the United States,
as elsewhere, there are more religious sects than religious
beliefs. We have not very many separate systems of re-
ligion, but within one faith there may be many different
divisions and sects.

During the colonial period, most of those who came to the
English colonies of the New World belonged to some variety
of Protestants, except in the colony of Maryland, founded
by the Catholic Lord Baltimore. But the great wave of
immigration during the middle of the 19th century brought
many Catholics, and they now constitute a very important
element of our people. The more recent immigrants have
included a considerable number of Greek Catholics and
Jews. New York City, with nearly one-third of its people

162 Problems of American Democracy

Jewish, is now the greatest center of Jewish population
in the world.

The existence of separate Protestant denominations is often
due chiefly to difference of opinion about church organization
or details of form and ceremony. They are more friendly

toward one another than
formerly, and in many
matters constantly coop-
erate. Some of the dif-
ferences are very slight.
For instance, the United
Presbyterians sing only
psalms in their church
services, while the Pres-
byterians sing hymns. A
difference in the method
of serving communion,
or a matter of standing
or kneeling at confirma-
tion, may mark the dis-
tinction between other
sects. Baptists and Con-
gregationahsts have a
very democratic system
of church government,
while some other de-
nominations prefer a
representative system,
with central bodies pos-
sessing more or less
authority over local
churches, and a uniform creed or " confession of faith."
Baptists believe in baptism by immersion only, while many
sects will baptize in whatever way the applicant desires.
Many a member of a Protestant church, especially of the
younger generation, cannot tell the difference between his

A statue of Roger Williams in Providence,
Rhode Island, the city which he established.

Elevating American Standards 163

own church and others, because church membership or
attendance often depends simply upon habit or convenience.

Among the distinguishing features of the Roman CathoUc
church are its recognition of the Pope as the spiritual head
of the church on earth, and its belief in confession and the
'' real presence " in communion. Their Bible is not so dif-
ferent from that used by the Protestants as many of both
sects believe. It is simply based on a different translation
from the original, and it contains some books which do not
appear in the versions used in the Protestant churches.

The Jewish faith does not accept the divinity of Christ,
and continues many of the ancient customs found in the Old
Testament. There are divisions of Jews as well as of other
faiths, the principal ones being the Orthodox and the Re-
formed. The former adhere more closely than the latter
to ceremonies laid down in the Old Testament.

So there is a wide variety of religious denominations in
this country — and we have mentioned only a few even of
those most widely known. But whatever the faith and
whatever the sect, the motive of all religious institutions is
to raise the standards of the community and the individual,
and to get men right with their Creator.

What are the specific, distinguishing forms, doctrines, or prac-
tices of your own denomination ?

78. " A Free Church in a Free State." — When we use
the word '' state " in this connection, we mean any political
body — city, state, or nation. The ideal relation between
the church and such a body, most of us believe, is *' a free
church within a free state." Since the teachings of the
church deal so much with our relation to the Supreme Be-
ing, the state has no right to interfere in such matters. The
state forces everybody to go to school and spends millions
of dollars on their education because it considers their en-
lightenment important enough to warrant compulsion.
Our spiritual life is also vitally important, but compulsion

164 Problems of American Democracy

in matters of conscience is impossible. About all we can
wisely do is to encourage all religious organizations by ex-
empting from taxation as much of their property as is used
for religious purposes.

In ancient times, the state and religion were inseparable.
Religion and the family, the clan, the tribe, and finally the
nation, went hand in hand. A person was born to his re-
ligion just as he was to his nationality. In some countries
the priests were the rulers ; in others they were the real power
without official name. Even in England the king is still the
oflB.cial head of the state church. But after individuals and
families had begun to insist upon the right to think for them-
selves in matters of religion, a great change took place in the
relations of the church and the government.

First toleration was granted. While the people were re-
quired to support a state church they could worship as they
wished. But even this concession some-" dissenters " did not
receive. The Maryland colony was notable for admitting
freely all Christians, and Roger Williams, the founder of
Providence, preached complete *' soul liberty." Many coun-
tries still have their state church, but among the most
advanced nations toleration is accorded to every one .

Our national Constitution says, " Congress shall make
no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibit-
ing the free exercise thereof." It also forbids the requiring
of a religious test for federal office holders. Our state con-
stitutions contain similar provisions. Though we cannot
truly deny that a candidate's religious opinions are some-
times considered in politics, we are committed to the prin-
ciple of religious freedom — complete separation of church
and state.

Would it be wise for the state to compel every individual to
attend some church?

79. Religion in the Schools. — Instruction in religion
and morals is necessary if our country is to be sound and
good ; for even if man is " incurably religious," he does not

Elevating American Standards 165

always pick up his religion and manners in the way and time
that will do the most good. There are undoubtedly many
children who do not attend any Sunday school nor receive
any religious instruction at home. If they are not instructed
at school, they will receive no instruction at all.

But how to give rehgious instruction in the schools is a
difficult problem. In the public schools are found persons
of all faiths and sects, whose beliefs are such that no com-
promise concerning some of them could be made. Are the
beliefs of one sect to be forced upon the others as well ? Not
in the United States. In some states, the law requires the
reading of a certain number of verses from the Bible, usually
eight or ten, every morning. But a few states hold that the
Bible is a sectarian book and should not be read in the
schools. Some people urge that definite moral and ethical
instruction could be given in the schools without reference
to the Bible. Indeed, the school that pretends to do any-
thing more than to teach books cannot satisfy our ideals
unless it teaches and insists upon sound principles of con-
duct. Others think that religion and morality are insepa-
rable. Some assert, indeed, that this is a Christian nation
and we have a right to teach the fundamental doctrines of
Christianity even though we cannot force a pupil to accept
such teachings.

The Gary plan of religious instruction has been adopted
in some places. This idea is to set aside a certain portion
of the regular school course for ministers and priests to give
religious instruction to those of their own denominations.
We may wonder, however, whether this plan may unnec-
essarily call attention to religious differences, and thereby
undo some of the unifying effects of the public schools.

To provide, along with usual school subjects, the religious
instruction which they beheve to be essential, the Roman
Catholic church and a few others have well-organized systems
of parochial schools. They are supported entirely by the
church, and receive no state aid. The state exercises no

166 Problems of American Democracy

control over such schools, or indeed, over any private schools^
beyond assuring itself that the instruction given there is of
sufficiently high grade. Not many denominations, however,,
are able to undertake such a system of education.

Surely it ought to be possible to agree upon a code of
ethics that everybody would accept and that could be taught
in public schools without hurting anybody's feelings. But
when it comes to teaching religious doctrines, it looks as if
the Sunday school or other special agencies of the respective
denominations would have to be the means employed. If
these creedal teachings are as vital as many churchmen be-
lieve, surely the churches can find some way to impress them
upon parents and children.

What would you think of a plan to have all the churches main-
tain their own schools where children may be educated and for the
state to pay them the cost of giving such education ?

Are Sunday schools doing more, or less, effective work than for-
merly? What elements are necessary to a successful Sunday
school ?

80. Religion in the Laws. — A much disputed question
which comes up in connection with a discussion of religion
is that of legislation concerning the observance of Simday.
Laws and practices in this point differ widely throughout
this country. Some communities require a strict observ-
ance of Sunday and do not permit any commercial organi-
zations to do business on this day. Others have " wide-
open " Sundays, on which all activities go on just as they
do during the week unless individuals on their own account
observe the day differently. Still others allow amusements
to be carried on, but do not allow stores or industries to do
business.

Sunday laws, along with others affecting personal conduct, have
been dubbed " blue laws." There are several explanations given
for the name. One is that in the colonial days, when communities
were very strict concerning the observance of Sunday, the code
of laws was published in pamphlet form and bound in blue. Rev-
erend Samuel Peters, a Tory minister driven from New Haven

Elevating American Standards 167

during the Revolution, took a kind of humorous revenge on the
town by describing the laws it enacted, and making them appear
so extreme as to be ridiculous. Many people believed everything
he wrote about them, and formed an unjust opinion as to their
unreasonableness.

Men interested in commercialized amusement appeal by
various means to the prejudices, the selfishness, and the
humor of the public in order to swing opinion against the
" blue laws." But really the ministers and clergymen are
not selfish in their opposition to an open Sunday. Sunday
is the one big day for most churches, while all other activ-
ities have six days. Those who oppose the Sunday opening
of business and amusements truly believe it would be detri-
mental to the community. One day in the week different
from the rest is good for men physiologically, mentally, and
socially. The regulations of the Old Testament were often
based on sound principles of physiology and psychology,
€ven though those sciences had not been invented when
those laws were laid down. A nation which takes no rest
will wear itself out. The state is within its rights if it seeks
to make its people observe such a day for this reason, and
if it selects as this day the one which a large number of its
citizens habitually use for worship. After all, is it not a
confession of mental emptiness to insist that Sunday is a
wearisome day unless we can go to the movies?

81. The Church Reaching Out to Humanity. — The serv-
ices of a church are not confined to the community in which
it is located. They reach out to all parts of the country
and of the world. Both home and foreign missionary work
play a large part in the interests of many churches, and sev-
eral denominations spend millions of dollars a year in its
support. Home missionary work may take the form of
schools for both secular and religious education among In-
dians, negroes, " poor whites," and other needy people, homes
for orphans, hospitals, and other institutions, besides the
actual work of reUgious teaching and preaching.

168 Problems of American Democracy

The foreign field is larger and needs peculiar types of
service. A church often does not begin work in a foreign
district by formal worship and preaching. It may first send
a medical missionary into the field. By looking after the
physical needs of the people, he gains their confidence and
interest. Then of course he loses no opportunity to bring
in the religious side of his work, although his chief duty is

An Old New England Church.

The Congregational Church, South Hingham, Massachusetts. Churches
like these were often used as places to hold town meetings, but too often
they were not open except on Sundays and special occasions.

to minister to them as a physician. Following him come
teachers. Many churches maintain schools where mission-
aries teach the usual subjects and preach the doctrines of
their faith as well. Nowhere except in the so-called Chris-
tian countries or in places where their workers have gone,
do we find such institutions as hospitals, orphan asylums,
and homes for the aged. The wide-awake Japanese has
discovered this fact, and is now undertaking this work in
the name of Buddha. He has borrowed Christian hymn-

Elevating American Standards 169

tunes and has even patterned Buddhist Sunday schools
after Christian schools.

If the Chinese are contented with Buddha or Confucius, why
bother them with any other religion? What do you think of the
man who says he will give nothing to missionary causes until the
churches clean things up at home?

Other agencies besides the churches are engaged in social
and religious uplift. They are fundamentally religious or-
ganizations, but they may not advertise this phase of their
work as much as other phases. Their aim is to attract
people by other means, and without using compulsion, grad-
ually to promote religious feeling among them. Such organi-
zations are the Y.M.C.A., the Y.W.C.A., the Knights of
Columbus, and the Y.M.H.A. They provide the means for
indoor and outdoor recreation and for educational and
social improvement, for both old and young;. These organiza-
tions thus may be helpful physically, mentally, and morally.

Other enterprises with somewhat similar motives but
employing different methods are the Salvation Army, whose
activities are distinctively " evangelistic " and charitable,
and various homes and institutions which take care of ex-
convicts and help them to find employment. Settlement
houses, also, may be conducted by people who receive sup-
port from a certain church or society.

Do the Y.M.C.A. and similar agencies overemphasize the amuse-
ment side of their work? How much do they offer in the way of
a distinctly religious appeal ?

82. What a Church May Do for a Community. — A

few churches have, during the growth of our large cities,
remained in sections which have become unattractive to
live in. These churches do a wonderful work along lines
that are called " institutional." They may maintain kin-
dergartens, employment bureaus, lodging houses, vacation
schools, dispensaries, boys' and girls' clubs, gymnasiums
and swimming pools, and offer to every one all kinds of
social opportunities that will help them in their daily living.

170 Problems of American Democracy

Every church can make its influence felt in any commu*
nity situations where right and wrong are clearly aUgned.
A community with churches is always more desirable than
one without. We see this fact clearly in the drunkenness,
the lawlessness, and the immorality of frontier communities
before the building of churches. It is usually unwise for a
church or its pastor to be active in purely partisan politics.
But when a plain case of law-violation has been brought to
light, when notoriously evil influences seek to control a com-
munity, not only can a church lend its approval to move-
ments for reform, but even take the lead in bringing the
matter before the attention of the public. And it ought to
make right living seem so attractive and necessary to its
members that they would naturally be active in any call to
serve their community.

Mention some questions of public interest on which church mem-
bers might sincerely disagree. Mention some in which there should
be no doubt of a church's attitude. Do any churches in your
neighborhood do institutional work? If so, of what kind?

One of the most serious problems connected with religious
activities is that of the rural church. Some may say it has
even a greater work to perform than the church in the city,
because institutions capable of rendering social service are
so much fewer than in large communities. Some of this
work, as we have said, should be taken up by the schools,
but much of it belongs to the country church. Too often
it has confined itself to matters of creed and form, failing
to realize its opportunity to promote right living and pre-
vent wrong-doing by satisfying the need for social activi-
ties, especially among the young people.

One of the principal faults to be found with the churches
in the rural districts is that they are too numerous. In a
community which could properly maintain one or perhaps
two churches we find five or six. Not one has a large con-
gregation or shows much interest in missionary enterprises,
social work, or community activities. Each holds tena-

Elevating American Standards 171

ciously to petty differences which are really only details,
and forgets that fundamentally it is attempting the same
work as its neighbors.

In some districts, however, the churches have "fed-
erated," and usually the plan has worked very well. In
other cases one or two denominations have withdrawn to
other fields. The people have found that they can worship
without serious conflict of opinion, and that one strong
church means more to everybody than three or four puny
churches. It can pay the pastor a living salary and pro-
vide those interests which for its boys and girls and its men
and women make all the difference between contentment
and progress, and do away with the dissatisfaction due to
isolation, and that " nothing to do " condition which leads
to immoraUty and crime.

Describe any country churches with which you are acquainted.
Is great wealth necessary to prosperous church life?

/. Religion therefore renders a double service. It offers the oppor-
tunity for men to worship and to express and develop their spiritual
life. It encourages in all the interests that help to raise human so-
ciety to a higher level. Right-minded citizens should promote it, even
though the State, as such, may not do so. No matter what its creed
or ceremonies, every church teaches morality and right living. *' What
shall it profit a man to gain the whole world and lose his own soul?"

SPECIAL STUDIES

Religion as a Factor in the Settlement of America.

The Relation of Church and State.

State Churches.

The Ideal City Church.

The Ideal Rural Church.

The Work of a Foreign Missionary.

The Y.M.C.A.

The Knights of Columbus.

State Legislation Regarding the Bible in the SchooL

Sunday Laws and Customs in Our State.

The Problem of Giving Religious Instruction.

The Origin and Development of the Sunday School.

172 Problems of American Democracy

The Methods Used by Religious Denominations to Impart Re-
ligious Teachings.

The Effect of the World War on Religion and Religious Denom-
inations.

Great Religious Teachers of Asia.

Primitive Forms of Religion.

Recent Movements for Separation of Church and State.

The Teaching of Ethics and Morals in the Schools.

How Churches of Our Communitv Could Be More Useful.

REFERENCE READING S

Burch and Patterson — American Social Problems, Chapter 24.

Dealey — Sociology, Chapter 7.

Stelzle — American Social and Religious Conditions, Chapters 11-13.

Hayes — Introduction to Sociology, pp. 551-571, 632-634, 685-689.

Carney — Country Life and the Country School, Chapter 3.

Gillette — Constructive Rural Sociology, Chapter 17.

Lessons in Community and National Life, B-20.

Hart — Actual Government, Chapter 29.

Rowe — Society, Chapters 22, 23, 38.

Bryce — American Commonwealth, Chapters 110, 111.

Blackmar and Gillin — Outlines of Sociology, Part II, Chapters 11-13.

Bryce — Modern Democracies, Chapter 9.

VII. GIVING THE HOME ITS PROPER PLACE

The church is an institution which touches the lives of many
millions of people, but after all it is a voluntary association, at least
in this country. Most of us spend a large part of our lives by
necessity in the home, and those who cannot do so wish they
could. What are the conditions that make it either easy or difficult
for the home to do its part in uplifting American life ? What prob-
lems particularly concern home relationship ?

83. What the Home Does for the Nation. — The home
is the first community we know. In it we receive our first
and usually our most lasting impressions. Out of the home
have grown the other social institutions — the community,
the church, and the state. The family is the primary social
group — the earliest social unit. Here the individual gains
the moral ideals which he may carry with him all his life.
He has here his first lessons in obedience, respect, self-
restraint, loyalty, and charity, and the extent to which he
is taught these things makes or mars his character and to
that degree affects his community. The family is an eco-
nomic unit, too. One or more of its members earn the means
of living for all, and each member does or ought to feel a
responsibility for the success or failure of the rest.

The home, then, has an important place in the commu-
nity. Too few people, however, reahze fully its value and
importance. They regard it as a place to eat and sleep,
and lose sight of the fact that while it is a life in itself, it fur-
nishes the preparation for life in a broader field outside.
Good citizenship, like charity, it has been said, begins at
home. Our homes embody the vfery life, character, and
progress of the nation.

Are there any important phases of your life which were not sug-
gested or influenced by the home? Has your attitude toward any

173

174 Problems of American Democracy

of the great interests of life been changed by influences outside the
home?

Family relationships existed among the earliest people,
although in a very different form from those to which we
are accustomed. Marriage was not permanent, and both
parties were free to discontinue it at any time! The chil-
dren belonged to the mother and bore her name. But when
conflicts with other families or tribes occurred, the man
showed his physical superiority, and became more impor-
tant. The wife and children now took the father's name, he
became the head of the family, and the patriarchal family
began. The arrangement led to polygamy, which is prac-
ticed to this day in some places, and it was fortified by the
ancestor worship which formerly was common.

But very gradually and slowly, the rights of women and
children came to be recognized and protected by law. The
monogamic marriage — one man and one woman — was
instituted, and prevails in most parts of the world today.
The woman has risen from a place of slavery or of drudgery
in the family to a position of highest respect and esteem.
Women have in many countries acquired full political
equality with men and most of the legal rights which men
enjoy.

To what influences do you credit the improved status of women ?
Are women or men more responsible for the character of the home
itself? What are some of the virtues that can be developed best
or solely in the home?

84. Homes of Yesterday and Today. — Many homes
of today differ greatly from the homes of a century ago.
The home of those days was the unit of social life and the
center of activity. The family worked and played together.
On a farm the sons were their father's workmen and helpers,
doing all kinds of labor, especially outdoors. The mother
and daughters prepared the food, perhaps made the clothes
for the whole family, and kept house without many of the
conveniences to which we are accustomed.

Elevating American Standards 175

The home was also the center of recreation. We may
think that the simple pleasures of years ago were rather'
inadequate — checkers and parcheesi seem rather mild
amusement for the blase youth of today — but then every
phase of life was simple, and an elaborate entertainment
was not thought necessary for enjoyment. Members of
a family enjoyed each other's company, and spent their

Childish Dreams-

Compare this kind of home with that shown on page 178. Do you sup-
pose the girl appreciates what she is getting ?

evenings together in the home. In the best homes, too,
family worship was conducted and the children were given
religious instruction.

It would be unfair, of course, to give the impression that
nobody did wrong in the '' days of old." Manners, life,
and language were often crude and coarse, especially on the
frontier, and religion was an experience acquired at noisy
revival meetings conducted by traveling preachers, some
of whom were men of power, mighty to save communities
as well as individual sinners, while others were Uttle better
than mountebanks. But even as the country progressed,
and new inventions were made, and there was greater con-

176 Problems of American Democracy

tact between people, the home did not lose the interest of
its members.

But how is it today? It often seems as if every member
of the modern family has his own interests which are en-
tirely apart from those of the rest of the family. The father
may have his business and his club which take him away
from home all day and sometimes at night, and occupy part
of his time and thoughts at home. If a man is not an em-
ployer but holds a plain ordinary "job," perhaps his work
tires him so that he takes little interest in home after he gets
there.

The mother in the household has her own particular ac-
tivities. Perhaps she is interested in clubs and societies,
in social activities that keep her away from home, in enter-
taining and being entertained. If she is not the " social "
type of wife, she may be engaged in some employment be-
sides that of keeping house. While the wife's industrial
activities undoubtedly help to fill the family purse, they
cannot fail to be harmful to the home, for there is no one
to take care of it or stay in it enough to love it.

Among the children modern distractions are perhaps
most noticeable. Of course, the younger children spend
most of their time at home. But the older children, all dur-
ing their 'teens, have a wide range of outside interests.
High school classes, clubs and athletics, dances, theaters, and
moving picture shows keep them constantly on the move.

In the face of such tendencies, what are the parents do-
ing? They cannot say much if they indulge in that kind
of thing themselves. Others seem often to lose hold of their
children completely and not to know or care what they do
or where they go — or else cannot restrain them when they
attempt to do so. They are not in any sense their chil-
dren's companions.

What are some of the chief obligations of parents to children?
of children to parents ?

What in your community are the worst foes of the home?

Elevating American Standards 17?

Possibly some of this outside attraction cannot be helped.
But it is surely a lamentable state of affairs when a mother
no longer finds her greatest happiness as well as her most
sacred duty in caring for her home and her children ; when
a father no longer comes thankfully home to a cheerful wife,
a good dinner, a comfortable chair, and a happy family
group; when children get all their education, recreation,
and religion outside the home. Not all homes, by any means,
are so bad as that, but there is a tendency in that direction.
If this condition is to prevail, we might as well house our
people in huge dormitories and feed them in great dining-
rooms.

Do families go to the movies as a group? to church? Has
the " family pew " disappeared?

85. Places to Live In. — People often figuratively pat
themselves on the back and say that now they have real
homes — no more drudgery for mother, no hated tasks for
the children, but solid comfort for them and for father.
Electric cleaners, washers, ironers, and dishwashers are won-
derful inventions and they have made life easier for thou-
sands of tired women. Yet if there is too little to do at
home, there is little to necessitate one's staying in it. And
if pleasures are seldom found there, it has no attraction
for us.

Many dwelling-places are not homes. They are houses.
We should not observe without alarm the substitution of
the apartment, the duplex, and the hotel for the one-family
dwelling. People used to love their home. Perhaps they
built it, planned its furnishing, were married in it, planted
the gardens about it. It was the birthplace of their chil-
dren, and the scene of the great events of their life. To give
it up was like losing a very dear friend.

But too often people do not care for their house as a
home. As a place to live, it may interest them. But they
flit from place to place very frequently, and do not stay in

178 Problems of American Democracy

a house long enough to give it personaHty, a thing which
the old home possessed in the highest degree. Instead of
feeling any sorrow at leaving a home, they wonder how long
they will have to live in the next house. There must be
something missing in home life in an apartment. Surely
one could not love deeply a four-story brick structure of

Homeless Waifs at an Orphanage.
What would not these children give for a home like that on page 175?

almost maddening uniformity, filled with the activity of
strange families. And in hotel life there can be no home
spirit at all.

There is little need to mention tenements in this connec-
tion. We all know their evils. In them real family life
is almost impossible. Privacy is unknown, families are
thrown together, and too many people rub shoulders in the
same building. Work takes most of the family away during
the day, the streets attract the children and the cheap
amusements the young people. No culture is acquired,
for no need of it is felt, and the virtues and accomplishments

Elevating American Standards 179

which should be taught are entirely missing. The 1920
census found 3,654,000 more families than dwellings. This
disparity has been steadily increasing, and were it not that
the size of the average family has gone down from nearly 6
a century ago to 4.3 in 1920, it would signify a crowded con-
dition that would be utterly intolerable.

The renter cannot possibly feel the same interest in a
house as the owner. The steady decrease in the proportion
of house-owners among the heads of families is a disturbing
fact. More than 90 per cent of the people of Manhattan live
in rented dwellings. In the whole country only 11,000,000
out of the 24,000,000 famihes own their homes. More than
half the American people depend on others to furnish them
a place to live ! No wonder rents are high.

The high cost of building of course tends to reduce the
number of separate homes. To relieve the situation it has
been proposed that the community should build houses in
groups and thus cut down the expense as much as possible.
Then it could sell or rent the houses to citizens at reasonable
rates. Sometimes public-spirited citizens can be found who
will finance such projects.

How did the Great War affect housing? Is it wise or practicable
to make laws in regard to rents?

86. The Ideal Home. — The ideal dwelling need not be
large and elaborate, but must afford comfort and health
for its occupants. Its furnishings should be neat and ex-
hibit good taste. It should have at least a small amount
of ground around it to provide a place in the open air for
play and recreation. It should be situated away from the
dirt, noise, and confusion of factories and railroads.

But far more important than the street address is the re-
lation among the members of the family. There ought to
be a recognized source of authority — authority, however,
not despotism. The parents, while preserving the respect
and obedience of the children, ought to be their best chums

180 Problems of American Democracy

and confidants. The children ought to make the home
rather than the street corner the place to meet their friends.
An ideal home provides enough social interest to hold the
children and parents there a large part of the time. If one
good home is to lead to another, the children in the first
must understand the difference between right and wrong,
and appreciate the responsibihties they must at some time
accept.

To assure good order in the home Hfe there must be prac-
tical, sensible management. Few homes can be entirely
happy when the wife or children are the breadwinners. A
budget system to handle household finances usually makes
the home machinery work more smoothly. Each member
of the family should have his certain part of the work to
do and feel a responsibility of his own, so that for each one
it may seem his home, and not a boarding house or a char-
itable institution.

Does your ideal of a home differ from the one here described?
Can a home lacking any or all of these conditions be happy ?

87. Broken Homes. — It has been said that Americans
are the " most married " people, but they are also the most
divorced. Divorces are increasing enormously, three times as
fast as the population. In 1896, only 43,000 people in the
United States secured divorces. In 1916, the number was
112,000. In the United States there is one divorce to every
ten marriages, in France one to every thirty, in Germany
one to every forty-four and in England one to every four
hundred. The divorce rate is larger in the West, due per-
haps to the greater freedom of life and dislike of restraint
for which the West has always been noted.

Almost two-thirds of the divorces are granted to women,
probably because most of the legal grounds for divorce —
cruelty, desertion, drunkenness, and neglect to provide —
can more often be proved against the husband. Over one-
iourth of all the divorces are obtained within two years after

Elevating American Standards 181

marriage, and more than half before the end of five years.
Very incomplete records indicate that only one-third of
those who obtain divorces ever marry again. These sta-
tistics seem to disprove the common idea that most divorces
are obtained for the purpose of marrying again, and to indi-
cate that hasty marriages are really to blame for many of
them.

New York recognizes only one cause for divorce — adul-
tery, and South Carolina grants no divorces at all. The
Roman Catholic church authorizes no divorce. On the
other hand, some states will grant divorces on the ground
of desertion for a very short time and for other excuses which
are so flimsy as to make it possible for people to get divorces
virtually by mutual consent. Many of the real causes are
not given in court for personal reasons, and the divorces
are obtained on one of the most common charges. Sioux
Falls and Reno have at different times been famous as di-
vorce *' resorts," but both the states concerned have made
their requirements for divorce more strict than formerly.

But why is this menacing increase in divorce? One ex-
planation is the economic and social change that has taken
place in this country and in the world, which has made it
easier for people to get away from each other. We have
seen that the whole family once found its work in the home ;
but through the introduction of the factory, the division
of labor and the specialization in industry, the work formerly
done in the home is done outside. First the man and then
the woman found work in the outside world, and they be-
came more independent of each other. Then the bond of
common interest became easier to break. Women's rise
almost or quite to an equality with men industrially, socially,
and politically has made them unwilling to endure conditions
which they formerly accepted as inevitable. There has
been a change in moral standards too — some would say
a lowering of them. In any case, we are more frank about
recognizing facts. More divorces may not mean many more

182 Problems of American Democracy-
separations of man and wife, but rather more legal recog-
nition of conditions formerly kept hidden as far as possible.
Let us observe some of the results of this looseness of re-
lationship. Many of the people who obtain divorces have
children. These children lose the influence of good home
life. If divorce becomes common, community morals will
be irreparably ruined, and moral ruin means every other
kind of disaster, as it did with the Roman Empire. Again,
easy divorce gives marriage the effect of a trial — an ex-
periment. A nation built on temporary homes cannot last
long. Easy divorce encourages people to leap into marriage
hastily and without serious thought because they know that
if they do not like the association they can break away.
Moreover, easy divorce promotes disrespect, intolerance,
and selfishness. There is nothing to justify it.

What are the laws concerning divorce in your state? Are di-
vorces frequently granted?

88. Making Things Better through Law. — Perhaps the
first place to begin divorce reform is in our marriage laws.
Only one woman in twelve and one man in eleven reaches
middle age unmarried. Another fact, surprising to some,
appears to be that the greatly increased numbers of women
working has not reduced the number of marriages. Most
of these working women are below middle age, one-half of
them being under twenty-six years.

Laws and ideas about marriage differ greatly in different
places. Many countries take the attitude that marriage
is a civil contract and demand that it be done by some officer
of the government. The Catholic church declares marriage
to be a sacrament and demands its performance in the
church. These conflicting ideas have caused some trouble.
It often seems desirable in some countries to have two wed-
ding ceremonies, one a civil marriage before a magistrate
and another a religious ceremony before a clergyman. But
other countries, like the United States, permit people to

Elevating American Standards 183

choose between a religious and a civil marriage, and the
great majority of marriages in this country are performed
by clergymen.

In the United States, legislation concerning marriage has
been left to the states. The result is that there are almost
as many different marriage requirements as there are states.
Provisions upon which most of the states agree are (1) the
granting of a hcense by some public officer, (2) the perform-
ance of the ceremony by some civil or religious authority,
(3) forbidding the marriage of people of near relationship
or of those having personal defects, and (4) specifying the
age at which people may marry without the consent of their
parents — often twenty-one for the man and eighteen for
the woman. Some states forbid the marriage of whites with
negroes, with Chinese, or with Indians.

This great diversity of marriage laws has led to endless
complication. A person may be married in one state and
unmarried in another, a deplorable state of affairs, resulting
inevitably in confusion and embarrassment in regard to
titles to property, the rights of children, the transfer of
inheritances, and the like. Too many silly young people,
who do not know what they want, run away into a state
which has easy laws and are married. Soon regretting
it, they seek divorce. This is one of the cases in which
prevention is far better than cure.

The registration of all marriages is another need. Only
about half the states under the present laws keep any rec-
ords of marriages, and many of these are not accurate. A
matter of such great social significance demands. the keep-
ing of careful records. Eugenic marriage laws have re-
cently been considered very seriously and adopted in a few
states. These require a physician's certificate to be ob-
tained by both parties before the marriage, in order to pre-
vent the marriage of defectives.

Are conditions today more encouraging to early marriage than
formerly? What effect on marriage would you expect from the

184 Problems of American Democracy

employment of women outside the home? What are the laws
concerning marriage in your state? What would you consider
desirable requirements for marriage?

Uniform marriage and divorce laws throughout the coun-
try are eminently desirable. Since we cannot hope for such
uniformity by depending upon the action of forty-eight sep-
arate states, an amendment to the national Constitution
authorizing Congress to pass marriage and divorce laws has
been urged by thoughtful people as the next amendment
to that document. Such national laws would doubtless
be reasonably strict. Then we should have no more brief
migrations to states having easy divorce laws or elopements
of foolish children and young people. Just one lax state
in the Union can make the marriage and divorce laws of
many states almost valueless.

Would it be well to require five or ten days' delay between apply-
ing for and obtaining a marriage license? Would it be advisable
to make it a crime under federal law for persons to travel from one
state to another to be married if either party could not be married
in the state of his or her actual residence?

Would it be reasonable tc provide that no one should be granted
a divorce in any state who had not lived there at least two years ?

A sociological expert has proposed that, when a man and wife
find that they cannot live together comfortably, the law should
make it possible for a " separation " to be arranged, which should
be a matter of public knowledge but should not permit either party
to marry again during the other's lifetime, and should carry no
social disgrace with it. What do you think of the idea ?

To what extent do you think the movies are responsible for
elopements and divorces and for loose ideas about marriage and
moral conduct?

89. Making Things Better through Training. — Did we
say that new laws are the first necessity ? Perhaps in point
of time, but does not the whole problem get back to the
training in the home ? Simple virtue, high ideals and worthy
social accomplishments ought to come naturally from the
training afforded by home life. Cooking, sewing, and the
various other accomplishments of our mothers and grand-

Elevating American Standards 185

mothers we sometimes laugh at as " old-fashioned." Boys
and girls do not like to admit that they cannot do what their
grandparents did, but it is true nevertheless. The movies
and " society " are a poor exchange for a real home.

If marriage is to be the lasting and happy association we
want it to be, people must make preparation before they
enter it. No man or woman would think of going into a
profession or a business without spending some time in pre-
paring himself for it. Religious training teaches, besides
virtue and regard for others' rights, the sanctity of the home
and the correct ideals for marriage. A full acquaintance
with the laws of physical health is indispensable. More
practical training in home-making is also necessary. Too
many young girls or their mothers seem to think that they
will have servants to do the work and if it happens that
a wife has to cook or sew or keep house, the results are
often dismaying. Experience is undoubtedly the best
teacher, but there are good and bad times to receive it.

Boys, too, should give some thought during their school
life to the vocation they are going to follow, and before they
marry they should have some ** visible means of support.^'
It is fine for a girl to have some vocation to which she can
resort in case of emergency, but we expect the man to pro-
vide most of the funds for the family.

We need not overemphasize the financial side of home
life. ** Love in a cottage " may be far happier than mere
existence in a mansion. But love alone is a poor substitute
permanently for bread and butter. Good home finances make
the other phases of the family work infinitely more pleasant.
Young folks ought to be able to start with a clean slate, at
least, and something in sight to " keep the wolf from the door."

One other element is important by way of preparation.
Some time, somehow, boys and girls ought to think seriously
and take good counsel about the qualities that are most
needed in a life-partner. " Beauty is only skin deep," says
the proverb truthfully — and sometimes it does not go that

186 Problems of American Democracy

far. A husband and wife should be able to get along with
each other when neither looks beautiful, and there are qual-
ities of soul far more important than qualities of feature.
Besides, the qualities one needs particularly in a partner
may not be at all the same that another needs. " First
love " may be the last love and the only love, but " puppy
love " is seldom the real thing. " Be sure you are right, and
then go ahead," is sound advice on this important matter.

Mention mistakes you have observed in regard to preparation
for home-making and in selecting a partner for life. Wherein is
American freedom in courtship better or worse than the selection
of partners by parents? What mistakes do we particularly need
to guard against ?

.•. The welfare of the home should be a fundamental aim of society.
Outside attractions that tend to break it off must be curbed. Easy
marriage and easy divorce are menaces to civilization. Preparation for
home-making should be a central part of one's education, though pos-
sibly not obtained in the same way as some other phases of it.

SPECIAL STUDIES

The Colonial Home.

Family Interests That Promote Right Home Life.

An Ideal Dwelling House for an Average Family.

Home Furnishings, Desirable and Otherwise.

Fads and Fashions in Personal Adornment.

Religion in Family Life.

Home-owning in the United States.

The Legal Relations of Landlord and Tenant.

REFERENCE READINGS

Burch and Patterson — American Social Problems, Chapters 5, 22.

Towne — Social Problems, Chapter 12.

Rowe — Society, Chapters 3-12.

Blackmar and Gillin — Outlines of Sociology, Chapters 5, 6.

Cleveland and Schafer — Democracy in Reconstruction, Chapter 5.

Lessons in Community and National Life, C-20.

Wolfe — Readings in Social Problems, Book IV.

Ross — What is America? Chapter 3.

Ellwood — Sociology and Modem Social Problems, Chapters 4-8.

Carney — Country Life and the Country School, Chapter 2.

Hayes — Introduction to Sociology, pp. 525-550, 669-674.

VIII. ENERGIZING PUBLIC OPINION

There is still another force which may work mightily at Elevating
American Standards. It is this force, public opinion, which en-
larges or lessens the power of the laws, the church, and the home.
What is this public opinion? How is it made? How and, by
whom may it be used to make society better?

90. What Is Public Opinion ? — This is one of the things
about which it is easier to get an impression than to put
that impression into words. What " they say " is a power-
ful factor in conduct everywhere, even though it is not
always easy to tell who ^* they " are. Perhaps we can de-
scribe public opinion as the collective attitude of a commu-
nity toward some measure of general interest. Usually we
think of it with reference to some particular proposition,
as Sunday observance, buying Liberty bonds, or bobbed
hair. Public opinion need not be the opinion of everybody,
and effective opinion may not even be that of the majority.
If the minority's feeUngs are intense and positive, they
may overbalance those of a less active majority. Such
may have been the case in the Revolutionary War, for it
is very doubtful whether a majority of the people of the
colonies felt that their grievances were sufficient to go to
war about. '' Individual views must be weighed as well
as counted."

In determining pubUc sentiment we can almost always see
two elements competing for favor — the conservative and
the liberal or radical. The former is satisfied with the ex-
isting conditions and desires httle or no change in custom
or ways of thinking. The second is willing to adopt new
measures for the sake of the change and the chance of prog-
ress. Sometimes one seems to dominate and sometimes
the other, and sometimes popular favor flies violently from

187

188 Problems of American Democracy

one side to the other. When it does go to an extreme, we
may be sure it will come back. That public opinion is most
to be trusted, then, which has been formed by a steady
growth, even if slow, rather than inspired by passion or ex-
citement. Progress, to be lasting, must not be like a hot-
house plant which can endure neither the sun nor the frost
of the outdoor world.

** Vox populi, vox Dei " is an old saying — the voice of
the people is the voice of God. But is it? Surely the ma-
jority is not always right. Public opinion is made of in-
dividual thoughts and no man is infallible. As an equation
in algebra, the X of public opinion =A-{-B-\-C-\-D—E—F,
Newspapers, for example, play a big part in forming public
opinion, but who would consider newspapers as divinely
inspired? The blood of martyrs burned at the stake would
almost cry aloud if we declared that public opinion is
always the voice of God. Yet God speaks through our
Lincolns and Roosevelts and Wilsons as He did through His
prophets of old, and a people may speak in His name, too.
In the long run, let us hope they do.

91. How Public Opinion Is Formed. — Public opinion
is usually more of a sentiment or feeling than a reasoned con-
clusion. One person's opinion may begin unconsciously
the instant he hears or reads a statement. He talks or writes
to his neighbor or associates and they do likewise, spread-
ing their common sentiment in an ever widening circle. But
such process is rather slow unless some glaring evil is sud-
denly brought to light. Then it may take very little to
start the music.

More rapid headway is usually made when schools,
churches, or clubs take action as a body. A Chamber of
Commerce, for example, might consider a certain matter.
The members become interested through the activities of
the organization. They, in turn, interest others either by
public addresses or personal influence, and so the propa-

Elevating American Standards 189

ganda is spread. It is well to remember, by the way, that
propaganda may be distinctly good as well as bad.

Newspapers are perhaps the greatest factors in molding
public opinion. There are so many people whose entire
reading consists of absorbing some information from one
newspaper, that the newspaper has a splendid field in which
to exert its influence. If a person believes all he reads in a
newspaper, he will naturally adopt its views. In days when
people read the editorial page more than they do today,
the word alone of Greeley or Dana or Bennett carried con-
viction to thousands. Because this is true, most people
would do well to read more than one newspaper, in order
that their views may not be prejudiced or biased.

The theater and " movie " have a larger share in this
matter than many realize, largely because the individual
is not conscious of it. Pictures such as '' The Birth of a
Nation " cannot help prejudicing people against the negro,
and similar exhibitions must necessarily arouse enmity
toward Japanese or Mexicans. In school, too, you acquire
habits and ideals which, with or without your knowing it,
will cause you to think and act differently than you other-
wise would.

Forming or actuating public sentiment by constant repe-
tition of an idea is an effective trick of advertising. Tell
somebody often enough that a certain person or thing is
good or bad, and he can hardly help believing it. But first
of all, we may add, the advertiser must ^' sell himself."
That is, he must convince himself that he has the goods that
others ought to buy. Public opinion is not influenced by
people who act as if they do not believe what they say or
as if they do not expect other people to believe as they do.

May you while still in school help to form public opinion?
How ? Upon what are your own opinions based ?

92. Making Public Opinion Felt. — Public opinion works
in the same way that it forms — by contact. Public meet-

190 Problems of American Democracy

ings often make an impression on those who are otherwise
dense. People arouse clubs or societies to the realization
of some need, and they then urge these clubs to use their
influence on some higher or larger organization. In this
way they get to the authority that can change matters.

Besides being an agent in forming public opinion, the
newspapers are a means by which it works. They are
carried on for profit, and are extremely sensitive in the ac-
counting rooms. They wish to please the people because
it is good policy for them to do so, if for no other reason.
This fact solves many a mystery as to the complete change
of policy of some newspapers with regard to certain
questions.

Politicians, too, have been known to change color faster
than a chameleon. To be defeated is the thing the ordi-
nary " organization " man hates most of all. He would
far rather permit good laws to be passed if he can thereby
keep his hold on the machinery than to go down to defeat
in support of bad measures which he would support if he
dared to. Even the cheapest type of law-maker will usually
do what the people wish, if the people will say forcibly
enough the thing that they do wish.

Moreover, we have an unseen part in government our-
selves through our right to vote. We may feel as deeply
as we please about a public issue, but may fail to use our
one most effective means of expressing our feeling. Many
of the chronic faultfinders never go to the polls. Some-
times, it is true, it is hard to determine by this means, be-
cause of the variety of issues that enter into an election^
what the public will is about any one of them. But any-
thing demanded by public sentiment will in no long time be
accomplished ; and, on the contrary, anything that the public
has definitely set itself against is doomed to certain failure*

Is there a strong public sentiment in your school or community
in favor of right conduct and general advancement ? If not, why
not ? If so, how does it express itself ?

Elevating American Standards 191

Suppose your high school needs an athletic field. What steps
would you take and what measures would you adopt to get one?

93. Personal Standards of Conduct. — High individ-
ual standards have three definite good effects on the com-
munity. Primarily they make the citizen better and
happier, and since the public is simply a combination of
citizens the ideals and purposes of the whole group must
be cleaner and loftier. Then the example to others which
any of us set may have a far-reaching personal effect on their
lives. We cannot count the numbers of Americans who
have been made better by studying the lives of Washing-
ton and Lincoln. And you do not know how manj'- people
imitate you. Besides, a citizen with high standards is firm
against temptations and gusts of passion and misjudgments
which may force others from the path of good citizenship.
He stands for the best, whatever the rest may do.

What are some of these standards? There are at least
four. A citizen should first of all be intelligent, in order to
know what is right and good for himself and his community.
He must be conscientious enough to desire only the best for
himself and his neighbors. He must be courageous enough
to stand by his principles and convictions when threatened
by evil-doers. This is the spirit back of Wilson's remark:
" Let them say what they will now. I am interested in
what history will say six hundred years from now." And
he must have enough practical common sense to know
how to adapt himself to the times and people with whom
he has to deal. As we have already observed, many good
men and good causes have fallen for lack of this last
quahty.

Is it ever justifiable to yield any of one's principles to gain an
end that is in itself good ?

Judging from what you have heard and read, do you think high
moral standards are more or less common or intense than formerly?
Why do fewer men enter the ministry than formerly? Whose
fault is it?

192 Problems of American Democracy

94. The Value of Leaders. — A home, church, or school
without somebody to direct it becomes simply a group or
mass that may wish to do something but does not know how
to do it or in what direction to move. Just as truly the
principle holds in a community or a nation. We need
leaders to make democracy successful.

First, they make possible the unity of management and
steadiness of policy without which no great movement can

A Campaign Meeting.

President Wilson during his campaign for reelection addressed this gather-
ing at his "Summer Capital" in New Jersey. He appealed directly to the
people to indorse his administration.

hope to succeed. Second, leaders are needed to speak and
act for the people even when the people know their own
mind. The people may choose their own leaders, but leaders
they must have. Besides, vigorous and visionful leaders
have a grand opportunity to encourage and inspire others
to accomplishments that the masses would never think
possible. And the glory and opportunity of leadership
serve as an incentive to good work and a reward for it.

Elevating American Standards 193

Not everybody can be a leader, it is true. Such a person
must have vision and ideals of what he would hke to bring
about, and courage to hold to them. He must have the
power to do what he asks his followers to do, and the ability
to command and make himself obeyed. Yet if his lead-
ership is to last in a democracy, it must make itself known
by a *' let's go " rather than by a '' you go."

What would America be without its Washington and its
Lincoln! Leaders they were in every sense of the word.
A nation that keeps such men as its heroes cannot stray far
away from the path of national honor and duty. And our
heroes are not all dead. There is opportunity every day
for service and leadership in community welfare. Some-
times we do not discover who our heroes are until they are
gone. Then when it is too late for them to enjoy our appre-
ciation, we exchange our brickbats for bouquets. Democ-
racies are often ungrateful to their living servants.

" Democracy," said President Faunce of Brown, " does
not mean that everybody is as good as everybody else,
but that every one is good enough to have a voice in saying
who the best men are." To locate a boulevard, to fix a
tariff rate, to say how a mine shall be dug, are beyond the
ability of the average man. He does not have the exact
knowledge in general or the definite knowledge in particu-
lar to judge wisely about such matters. We must often
be content with selecting men who ought to know how a
thing should be done and then trusting their expert knowl-
edge to do the thing right. A democracy can say what,
in a big way, it wishes to have done, but it must leave the
doing to those who know how.

Mention 10 forms of community service which the average voter
could not perform ; 10 problems of national importance in settling
which expert advice is desirable. Show how Grant and Foch made
victory possible in the wars which gave them fame. Mention 10
Americans who led us toward some definite principle or ideal.
How many of them were 'appreciated while they lived?

194 Problems of American Democracy

95. The Community Will. — Leaders imply followers.
An individual may arouse a community, but unless the com-
munity is moved to action his efforts may be vain. There
can be a community spirit and purpose as well as an individ-
ual motive and aim. Such a community spirit makes all the
difference between progress and backwardness.

Does the community feel a sense of responsibility for the
welfare of its citizens, or is everybody satisfied to let every-
body else go his own way? If liberty and equality and
happiness are to be more than mere words, the gaining of
them cannot be left to chance. The motive of the old
prayer is too often typical : *' The Lord bless me and my
wife, my son John and his wife, us four and no more. Amen.'*

The entire community must command the loyalty of
its citizens more devotedly than any part of the community
does. One can be too selfishly concerned with the conven-
ience or financial gain of himself and his family. He can
care more for his lodge, his union, or his religious denom-
ination than he does for good government. Unless loyalty
to these smaller groups can be submerged when necessary
in the higher loyalty to the entire community, state, or na-
tion, the whole body may be working at cross purposes and
wasting energy in fruitless quarrels instead of cooperating
for the common good.

Perhaps it is easier to arouse a community spirit in a place
that is not too large, for then it is easier to reach everybody
and there are not so many diverse elements, each with its
own interests. Yet even a great city can feel the impulse
of a common loyalty that will urge the humblest citizen to
put forth his best efforts to make and keep his city clean
and honest. *' Do it for Rochester " has been a real factor
in civic upbuilding there. A Chamber of Commerce or
some similar element can make itself potent for moral as
well as commercial progress.

Make a list of the community slogans you can gather.

Elevating American Standards 195

The one thing needful is that a community shall never
say " It can't be done " in any matter affecting the welfare
of its people. To become a " Spotless Town " or a " City
Beautiful " may be a difficult undertaking, but no commu-
nity can justify itself for not becoming a safe place for chil-
dren to be born and brought up or for tolerating loose living
and low morals. If we are to set up American standards
as high as we ought to wish them, each community must
make itself morally clean and each citizen must keep him-
self so.

.•. Public opinion, though sometimes flighty and fickle, is mighty.
Right pubUc opinion results from the conviction, enthusiasm, and loyalty
of earnest, united citizens. It requires leadership with intelligence and
vision, and followers with faith and devotion.

SPECIAL STUDIES

Public Opinion in the Colonies and in England in regard to the
Revolution.

The Abolitionists and Public Opinion.

Resolved, that the newspaper is a stronger moral force in the com-
munity than the pulpit.

Heroes of America.

Heroes of Other Lands.

Propaganda and Its Uses.

Community Slogans.

Ideals as Factors in National Progress.

REFERENCE READINGS

Bryce — American Commonwealth, Chapters 76-81.

Bryce — Modern Democracies, Chapters 13-15, 44, 76.

Young — New American Government, Chapter 27.

Blackmar and Gillin — Outline of Sociology, Part III, Chapter 4.

Lowell — Public Opinion and Popular Government, Part I.

Hayes — Introduction to Sociology, pp. 301-322, 634-651.

MAKING AMERICA PROSPEROUS

" The man or woman who does work worth doing is the man or
woman . . . whose ambition is to do it well and to feel rewarded by
the thought of having done it well. That man, that woman, puts
the whole country under an obligation." — Ruskin.

Realizing now the necessity of knowledge, common sense, hon-
esty, and the square deal, may we not hope to apply them to the
means by which we make a living ? If we can understand the facts
and laws which govern our business life, we can surely hope to
make the pursuit of happiness easier and equality of opportunity
more common. If by prosperity we mean general well-being and
not the heaping up of riches by a few, we surely should strive to
attain it. How may we cooperate in doing this?

IX. COOPERATING IN PRODUCTION

96. The Material Basis of Life. — If we wished to be-
stow a formal title upon the studies we have been making,
we might call them problems in sociology. Now we may
turn to some problems in economics, the science which deals
with the means of earning our living, with the work or busi-
ness side of our lives. However noble may be our ideals
and our desires to attain them, we are obliged to recognize
that our life rests on a material basis. If we cannot keep
alive, our ideals cease to exist, except as we have inspired
them in others. We all have needs and wants, some of
which simply must be satisfied before we or our community
can do anything or plan anything.

Some people even go so far as to refer every important
phase of American development to an economic origin. We
are proud of the ideals and principles which were back of
the American Revolution. Nevertheless, the colonies would
not have dared to defy the British king and Parliament if

193

Making America Prosperous

197

they had not already felt economically able to look out for
themselves. A social and economic institution, slavery,
brought on the Civil War. Our political controversies have
been largely over economic questions. Much of the history

The Old Grist Mill.
This mill at New London, Connecticut, is 250 years old.
with the mill shown on page 198.

Compare this

and progress of any group of people is dependent upon its
material interests and prosperity.

This prosperity is measured in terms of wealth. Wealth
is the total amount of material goods or possessions that
can be estimated in a money value. We could not class
brains, for instance, as wealth, since their worth cannot
be expressed in dollars and cents. And what are goods?
Goods are those things which can gratify some want — good
things, the word means by derivation, though the effect of
some of them may be decidedly not good. There are free

198 Problems of American Democracy

goods — things that Nature suppHes in abundance, as air,
and economic goods — things that are limited in quantity and
can be obtained only by working or paying for them.

Are these wealth : a baseball, the Statue of Liberty, a jack-knife,
a street railway, this book, a suit of clothes, education? Can any
of them be wealth in one case and not in another ?

A thing may have two sorts of value. It has value in
use if it directly satisfies a want. It has value in exchange

Courtesy of Pillsbury Flour Mills.
Grinding Flour.
This is the longest row of such machines in the world.

if it can be used to obtain other goods. The diamond has
a high value in exchange if you trade it for food or some
other necessity, but its value in use depends upon the person
who possesses it. The fact that to some people it seems to
have an exceedingly high value in use is what gives it its
exchange value.

Making America Prosperous 199

Is there any difference between the everyday use and the eco-
nomic use of the terms defined here? Which form of value does
money possess? clothes? a handkerchief? oil stock? Can
free goods have exchange value?

97. Why We Work. — We may wish to obtain goods
for their own usefulness in gratifying our wants, or may
desire to use them to serve some social end. Few of us can
get them without working. Several motives, therefore,
may urge us to acquire them and to engage in the work
which makes their acquirement possible.

(1) We work to keep alive, since for the necessities of life
we must exchange either our services or something acquired
by work.

(2) We want to obtain comforts or luxuries beyond the de-
mands of mere existence.

(3) Some people desire the power or prestige that the posses-
sion of wealth seems to bring.

(4) Some of us work because we like it. Artists, inventors,
and actors have an inborn desire to create or express some-
thing, and would be unhappy if they could not do so. Some
may simply dislike idleness, for few people deliberately
choose to loaf all the time.

(5) Some desire to possess wealth or render service for
the sake of the good they can do. Social workers, teachers,
and ministers seldom do their work solely for the money or
the wealth to be gained by it, and in many another pro-
fession or trade the hope of rendering service to friends or
fellow-citizens may inspire one at least to work more actively
and thoroughly than he would for his own benefit alone.

Make a list of ten occupations in which your family or neigh-
bors engage, and classify them in accordance with the motives that
cause them to engage in these occupations. Is a man lucky if
he does not have to work? Would Edison work if he got no money
for his labor? Why does a millionaire work?

98. Supplying a Community's Needs. — It takes three
factors working together to supply our needs: land, labor,

200 Problems of American Democracy

and capital. To the economist land is any natural resource
that is utilized in production. In this sense water, soil,
minerals, trees, or even animals may be termed land.
Labor is human energy used in production, whether it be
the work of brain or brawn. We sometimes use the word
services to refer to personal aid or attention which does not
in itself produce any material thing, but which aids others
to produce or bestows some benefit.

Is a policeman a laborer in the above sense ? a broker ? a hotel-
waiter? a janitor? an office boy? a telephone operator?

Courtesy Brown Hoisting Machinery Co.
Capital at Work

Imagine how many men it would take and how much time to do what
this machine is accomplishing. Yet human ingenuity is necessary to con-
struct the machine and to keep it in operation.

Capital is any product of past industry that is used in
producing something more. Do not confuse capital with
money or wealth. Capital may be in the form of a factory,
a machine, a typewriter, or even a laborer's shovel, if he has

Making America Prosperous 201

bought it with money earned by past labor. Money may
be capital, when it is used directly in carrying on an indus-
try, but money stored in an attic or carried in your pocket
is not capital as long as it stays there. Wealth includes
capital and much more besides. A business man's delivery
truck is capital, but his pleasure car is not.

How many people are capitalists? Are these capital: base-
balls, moving picture films, garden seeds, overcoats, railway trains,
Liberty bonds, pocket-rulers, paint-brushes?

These three factors may not be brought into proper re-
lation with each other unless some one takes this work upon
himself as his special responsibility. Such service, usually
termed management, is so important that it is often con-
sidered a fourth factor in production, though some look upon
it as a form of mental labor. It enters into all industry.
Neither the farmer nor the railroad man nor the shoemaker
will gain the best results from his employment of capital
or labor or land unless there is wise management in the
use of all three.

Which is more important to the school system, the janitor or
the superintendent? Which would do the more harm if he went
on a strike ?

The qualities or features of goods that enable them to
satisfy wants we call utilities. There are several kinds of
utilities. An article has form utility when its usefulness
depends upon its shape. The glass in a bottle is virtually
useless after it is broken. The manufacturer is particu-
larly concerned with providing form utilities.

Time utility results from the presence of a commodity
when it is serviceable. Ice, for instance, is of little use in
the winter but almost a necessity in July. An umbrella is
usually a nuisance except when it is raining. Stores and
storage houses afford time utility. A third quahty, place
utility, comes from the presence of a commodity where it
is serviceable. A barrel of flour in Minneapolis has no value

202 Problems of American Democracy

in use to the New York man, until it is given place utility
by means of transportation. The railroad is the greatest
agency in creating place utilities. We may add possession
as a fourth kind of utility. The family that occupies a
house which it owns or rents finds in it a much greater value
in use than if it were occupied by some one else. And some
economists mention natural utilities as still another variety.
An apple, they say, satisfies our wants by reason of an in-
herent quality that may be affected by the other four util-
ities that we have mentioned but is distinct from them. A
commodity may of course possess several utilities at the
same time.

Consumption is the use of goods to gratify wants. The
time element in consumption varies greatly. The consump-
tion of an apple means its immediate destruction. But the
consumption of chairs or typewriters means little else than
use, for the destruction entailed may not be noticeable at
any one time. We mention consumption first because things
are not produced unless people desire to consume them.

Production means the giving of utilities to goods. The
producer does not create anything, but transforms it so as
to make it more useful. We must not think of produc-
tion as simply farming or manufacturing. The railroad
in furnishing place utilities is a producer we could hardly
do without.

Exchange is the process by which the transfer of owner-
ship or occupation of goods is made possible. Exchange
does not mean transportation. It may mean simply bar-
ter or " swapping ^' goods, but usually involves the use of
money or some substitute for money.

Distribution is the division of the returns from production
among the factors which have taken part in it. The com-
pensation of the land owner, the wages of the laborer, the
interest of the capitalist, all are concerned with it. Ob-
taining fair distribution, as we shall see, is one of our greatest
problems and one of the farthest from solution.

Making America Prosperous

20S

99. What We Do. — There is perhaps no Umit to human
wants, and the means for gratifying those wants are infi-
nitely extensive. The world therefore affords a wide variety
of ways of acquiring a living. We need not assume, as the
old saying has it, that for every sucker that is born there
are two to catch him ; but for every human want we shall
probably find people who are willing to supply the means
to meet it.

Professor Carver, in his *' Principles of Economics," has
a helpful analysis of the means by which people get a living.
Let us use part of it for illustration here, with some mod-
ifications.

Uneconomical

Economical

H armful

Neutral

Primary

Secondary

Personal Service

Counter-

Inheriting

Extractive

Manufac-

Law

feiting

wealth

Mining

turing

Medicine

Swindling

Marrying

Lumbering

Trading

Preaching

Boot-

wealth

Fishing

Storage

Teaching

legging

Land spec-

Hunting

Transpor-

Acting

Robbery

ulation

Grazing
Genetic
Agriculture
Forestry

tation

Public officer
Hair-dressing

XIneconomical activities are those which contribute noth-
ing to the well-being or happiness of others. Those in this
group which are distinctly harmful society will not long
tolerate. Those which have little social effect for either
good or evil are not numerous, and few people are able to
depend upon such means of existence.

Economical activities are those whose products or serv-
ices help to satisfy human wants. A nation in which every-
body contributed to the general good as much as or more
than he received himself would come near oUr ideal of
prosperity. '^'> >•.

204 Problems of American Democracy

Primary industries are those that deal directly with nat-
ural resources. This division has two branches. Those
activities which merely receive the materials without at-
tempting to replace them are called extractive. The genetic
industries are those which call for planning by human agency
and which tend to increase the supply of the product. The
secondary industries take the products of the primary ones
and work by transforming, transporting, or trading them.

Fishing Boats in Boston Harbor.

This business has been practically all taken over by Italians, except for
the catches far from the mainland.

Personal service refers to activities which promote comfort,
amusement, knowledge, or good morals. Though persons
so engaged seldom produce tangible things, their work is
often important and vital. We cannot, however, give
much attention to them in discussing economic topics be-
cause of the difficulty of measuring their output in money.

Over 7000 occupations are mentioned in our last census
report. One-third of our people are still engaged in some
form of agriculture — by far our most important occupa-

Making America Prosperous W5

tion, as it has always been. A group nearly as large are
employed in manufacturing or other mechanical industries.
About one-sixth are connected with transportation, one-tenth
with trade, and one-tenth with domestic or personal service.

Extend the examples of various kinds of activities given on page
203. Classify the occupations of your community, either by using a
local directory or by having each member of the class make a little
occupation census of his own block or neighborhood.

100. Industry in the Old Days. — There have been mighty
changes in the way man has earned his living. We can

Courtesy Bureau of Indian Affairs.
Sheep Raising in the West.

Some other countries have advanced more rapidly in sheep raising than
the United States. But in some of our Western states they are still raised
in large numbers. This particular flock is on the Navajo Indian Reserva-
tion in Arizona. Under government supervision the Indians are learning
to care for their sheep and get a higher grade of wool than formerly.

distinguish four principal stages through which mankind
has passed: the hunting and fishing, the pastoral, the
agricultural, and the industrial stages. Of course the early
ones did not disappear when the later ones developed, but
continued along with them. Often nations did not reach
the various stages of development at the same time, as we
can observe by studying the people of the world even today.

206

Problems of American Democracy

In the hunting and fishing stage each family looked out
for itself, Hving on " fish, flesh, and fowl " which it killed
or on wild grains and fruits. It contributed next to nothing
to human progress. The pastoral stage began when men
domesticated wild animals. They collected large herds or
flocks, and wandered about finding pasturage. Tribes some-
times fought with each other, and made slaves out of their

Courtesy Uniied Shoe Machinery Co.

How It Used to Be Done.

This man did all the work in making shoes. Contrast his job with that
of the man shown in the picture on page 212.

captives. In introducing planning and management into the
raising of animals a very clear industrial advance was made.

The next step was to introduce similar planning and man-
agement into the raising of crops. This agricultural stage
called for more settled living, for it takes time for crops to
grow. Slavery and serfdom appear in the life of many peoples
in this stage of their progress. The strongest held the desir-
able land and others worked it for him, paying him in crops
or service. Land ownership became generally recognized.

The manufacturing stage began in a simple way in giving

Making America Prosperous ^07

form to pottery, crude tools or household articles, or cloth.
At length some people started to produce for others. In
that way many small industries were established, but they
were usually confined to the work of one family, with perhaps
a few helpers, and the work was done under one roof.

This type of manufacturing is known as the domestic sys-
tem. The increased importance of such activity is seen in tht
organization of workers, in the later Middle Ages, into gilds,
with strict regulations laid down for the work of various trades.
There was often, too, a close connection between the gilds and
the local government, but after a while this government regu-
lation almost disappeared. Trade between communities was
a notable outgrowth of this age of manufacturing.

Point out the relative importance of land, labor, capital, and
management in each of these industrial stages.

101. The Industrial Revolution. — As late as the middle
of the 18th century over nine-tenths of the people were en-
gaged in agriculture, and even this was done about as
crudely as in the days of Julius Caesar. Trade had ex-
panded rather widely, however, and colonies had been
founded by enterprising nations, which the mother coun-
try sought to hold closely to herself in one economic unit.
Then there took place a comparatively sudden revolution,
a revolution as real and far-reaching as any political over-
turn could be. It began in England, and for some time
its effects were felt there most.

In 1764, Hargreaves invented his " spinning jenny,^^ named
after his wife. Then Arkwright came forward with a spin-
ning machine, and Crompton in 1779 with his " spinning
mule.'' One machine could now spin many threads better
and faster than the housewife formerly mad^ one. Cart-
wright's power loom (1785) improved weaving, to keep pace
with spinning. Eli Whitney's cotton gin, invented in 1793,
made it possible to supply the raw cotton which the new ma-
chine industry demanded.

^08 Problems of American Democracy

Along with these inventions came many others that were
useful incidentally. Watt's steam engine (1769) was first
employed in pumping water from coal mines, but it was
not long before it was made useful in furnishing force
in mills. Greatly improved methods of farming were intro-
duced. Telford and Macadam showed England how to con-
struct better highways. Fulton sailed his Clermont up the

Courtesy International Harvester Co.
The First McCormick Reaper.
Notice also the old-fashioned windmill.

Hudson in 1807. George Stephenson ran his locomotive
successfully in 1823.

With all the new machinery available, manufacturing
could no longer be done at home or in a small shop. Great
factories sprang up, and as the government had ceased to
supervise industry nobody paid any attention to the con-
ditions under which the masses of laborers worked. Too
little light, no sanitation, little children toihng their lives
out in sordid surroundings, were features of the early fac-
tories which continued until England's conscience and
common sense finally caused the passage of laws to remove
or relieve them. Improved means of transportation made

Making America Prosperous

209

possible nation-wide or world-wide markets. Industry has
made wonderful strides since a century ago, but most of
its significant characteristics had begun then in England.
In the United States the change was slower and less sud-
den. Samuel Slater opened a cotton mill at Pawtucket,
Rhode Island, in 1790, and Francis C. Lowell a fairly
complete mill at Waltham, Massachusetts, in 1814. T^e
so-called War of 1812 nearly ruined New England commerce
and made the people of that section take an interest in
manufacturing. But the great industrial era in the
United States dates from after the Civil War.

Courtesy United Shoe Machinery Co.
The New and the Old in Shoemaking.
Far into the nineteenth century there could be found in many a New
England town one of the cobbler's shops which were often called " ten footers"
because of their size. This particular shanty has been moved to the grounds
of the company named above at Beverly, Massachusetts, to show the
tremendous contrast between the early days of shoemaking and the era
exemplified by the company's great plant today.

102. Present-day Production. — As a result of the Indus-
trial Revolution present-day production is far different from
the domestic system. Machinery of an intricate and stand-
ardized character is essential. As we have noticed, the
work has moved into entirely separate buildings, called fac-
tories or mills. The development of transportation makes
it unnecessary to place these buildings near the raw mate-

210 Problems of American Democracy

rials, and they are as likely to be found at points where
the marketing of their product is most easily managed.

The workers no longer own their tools. They cannot
do so, when enormous machines are so often required. Per-
sonal relationship between the employer and employee is
seldom possible. The employee often receives his wages
from one who is himself a hired man. If he has anything
to say about hours or conditions of work, he probably has
to speak through representatives rather than directly. He
is one of perhaps hundreds or thousands.

Large-scale production characterizes every feature of mod-
em business. Production is so extensively organized and
highly capitalized, that the most modern and best appliances
can be used with profit, and the raw materials and by-products
can be controlled. Great corporations are organized, whose
resources are vast. Large, better, and quicker production
naturally brings lower cost to the producer and consumer.
Minute division of labor is not only possible but necessary.

Are all these new factors productive of good and not
evil? We would hardly dare say so, in view of the slums,
the masses of ignorant immigrant laborers, and other con-
ditions which we have already noticed. But just here we
are noticing what the facts are, rather than trying to in-
terpret them.

103. Division of Labor. — By division of labor we mean
such an adjustment of work that one worker confines him-
self to performing only a part of an industrial process. The
worker may have no understanding whatever of the manage-
ment of the industry with which he is connected. His co-
operation with others may be wholly automatic and almost
unconscious.

Conscious, simple cooperation must have occurred very
easily, as when several men might work together in killing
a bear. We still see this when we observe four or five men
carrying a piano upstairs or lifting an iron rail. At first

Making America Prosperous

211

everybody was expected to be a jack-of -all-trades, but as
time went on it was evident that some people could do cer-
tain things better than others could ; and so one man be-
came the Baker, the Miller, or the Carpenter, depending
upon others to furnish the things he needed to live on, while
he did his particular kind
of work for them.^ This
is called division of occu-
pations.

Next came the division
of labor into different steps
or services within the same
trade, as when one car-
penter lays floors, and an-
other makes sashes, doors,
or blinds. With the con-
stant introduction of ma-
chinery the work of making
a shirt, a shoe, or a shovel
might require dozens of
small performances, each
one of which and no more
might be done by one per-
son. This specialization
we see carried over into
the professions, too, when
one lawyer handles only
cases affecting property or
one teacher limits his instruction to the history of one
nation.

A similar specialization may be observed in certam com-
munities, too. Because a community has access to the raw
material needed in some industry ; because it is near a place
where there is a good market for a certain product ; because

A Row OF Fishing Schooners.
Fishing is still important in some New
England ports although not so many-
engage in it as formerly. A picture can-
not show the varied smells of a fish pier.

Many family names originated in this way.

512 Problems of American Democracy-

suitable labor is available at some point ; because somebody-
started an industry there and built up a kind of reputation
for the business and the town which has been perpetuated —
for these and other reasons, towns became noted for special

products. Chicago, Kan-
sas City, and Omaha for
meat-packing, Detroit for
automobiles, Pittsburgh
for iron and steel, Troy
for collars and cuif s, Lynn
for boots and shoes — the
list is long.

Now is this speciali-
zation beneficial? Yes,
chiefly ; no, in part. The
improvement in skill due
to specialization increases
both the quality and the
quantity of the work.
There results a saving
of time formerly lost in
changing tasks and in
learning a more general
trade. The division of
labor also leads to the
discovery of easier and
better methods. When
a man's entire attention
is centered on one phase
of work, he may try to find a way of doing it better or of
making his labor easier. Many very helpful machines have
originated with common workmen.

On the other hand, if a person does all the work on some
article he will come to love his work and to take pride in
his product, but there is no inspiration in making a part
erf a nut a thousand or more times a day. It is dulling to

' mi iJ

)<^^^^H

Courtesy United Shoe Machinery Co.
An Example of Industrial Speciali-
zation.

This man performs one process out of
many in shoemaking.

Making America Prosperous 213

the mind and makes labor unattractive. It limits the field
of interest and narrows the vision. It is even charged that
whole communities will be similarly affected if they are de-
voted to only one line of activity. Yet specialization causes
interdependence of men and communities upon each other ;
so that even if their product does not lead to wide con-
tact, their need of other people's products may have that
effect.

One sound economic principle is known as the law of least
social cost: the general good is best promoted if each in-
dividual or community devotes itself to the activity which
it enjoys and which it is best qualified to undertake. In
this way we can really cooperate in production most effec-
tively. Social and economic adjustment, so that every person
may get the most possible from his surroundings and con-
tribute the most possible to the well-being of others, is emi-
nently desirable. Maladjustment which keeps workers at
tasks and under environments which are ruinous to body
and soul is altogether too common. Some tasks can never
be pleasant, but surely some compensating conditions . can
be provided if we try to supply them. Here is a problem
of real importance.

To what extent are division of labor and specialization exem-
plified in the industries represented by the members of your family ?
Does your community specialize in some particular industry?
Why? Explain the examples of specialization given above, and
add others. How far is division of labor carried in your school?
Henry Hicks has more than ordinary ability as a teacher ; he also
finds a fascination in the work of a post office. Which would
you advise him to engage in, and why ?

.*. Material well-being is essential to progress. Industry has
become highly specialized, so that coSperation, though more essential
than ever, takes a far different form than in primitive days. The
gratification of the individual's wants and needs depends upon the
extent to which he is able to adjust himself to his surroundings or
modify his surroundings to meet his wishes. The community must
help him to do both.

214 Problems of American Democracy

SPECIAL STUDIES

The Economic Interests of Our Community.

Medieval Industries.

The Great Fairs of the Middle Ages.

American Colonial Industry.

Great American Inventors.

The Industrial Revolution in the United States.

Inventors That Have Made History.

Great Inventors of the 18th Century.

The Development of the Iron Industry (or some other).

The Industrial History of (your town or some other).

REFERENCE READINGS

Marshall and Lyon — Our Economic Organization, Chapters 1-13.

Burch — American Economic Life, Chapters 1-4, 25.

Adams — Description of Industry, Chapters 1, 2, 4-6.

Lessons in Community and National Life, A-3, A-8, C-9, C-10,

C-11, C-12.
Dealey — Sociology, Chapter 11.
Carver — Elementary Economics, Chapters 1, 2.
Carlton — Elementary Economics, Chapters 1-4.
Tufts — The Real Business of Living, Chapters 15, 18.
Seager — Principles of Economics, Chapters 1-5.
Burch and Patterson — American Social Problems, Chapters 13, 14.

X. FACILITATING THE TRANSFER OF PRODUCTS

If a man is to devote himself to producing one thing and no other,
he must have some means of obtaining the products of other men,
for man does not live by any one thing alone. By what agencies is
this transfer made possible? How are the arteries of trade kept
open? How do men keep in touch with one another?

A. Transportation

104. Its Meaning to Civilized Life. — Before any produc-
tion will take place, men must believe there will be a market
for their goods. Before we can establish markets, we must
have means of taking our goods to them. The activity, the
prosperity, we might say the existence, of civilized life rests
solely on these possibilities. If men or nations cannot ex-
change goods, they will be forced to devote themselves largely
to obtaining the means to keep alive. Progress and varied
interests will be difficult or impossible. Trade has caused
wars, it is true, but trade has given nations common interests
and has bound them together.

This advancement and unification appears, first, indus-
trially. The world is one great market now. Trade and
commerce have always been of the utmost importance, but
never so great or so far-reaching as today. The telegraph,
the wireless, and the cable enable people to carry on
business quickly and satisfactorily, although an ocean lies
between them. Our newspapers quote prices and business
conditions all over the world every day. The enormous in-
dustries and large-scale production of today are possible only
because, by means of these and other great inventions, the
entire business world is always within reach. Raw material
or fuel can be brought from a distance, and the cost of manu-
facture is reduced.

215

216 Problems of American Democracy

A second phase of progress is the poKtical. The voice of
government officials is heard by the people through the news-
papers and announced by telegraph, telephone, and wireless.
We come nearer to common thoughts, ideals, and policies.
People learn how others feel about public questions. All the
nation takes interest in what is going on. It has been said
that to a large extent the Civil War resulted from the fact
that few railroads united the North and the South, though
many lines ran East and West. Lacking the means of exten-
sive intercourse, the two sections lacked also common under-
standing. Similarly, the disagreements that nearly killed the
newborn United States of America in their cradle resulted
from a lack of acquaintance and communication among the
thirteen states.

Transportation and communication also help progress
socially. Nations realize that there are good things in other
peoples, and are enabled to share their own blessings with
them. Comforts and conveniences of civilized life, education,
religious ideals, the healing of disease, are being made possible
everywhere. '' Trade follows the flag " is a phrase that used
to be common. But much more often trade goes first and
brings the flag or its ideals afterward.

Enumerate the conveniences and advantages that you enjoy right
where you are this instant by reason of trade and communication.

105. Water Transportation. — Civilization could certainly
not have advanced so fast if man had had to fight his entire
way overland through forests and deserts. But there were
inland lakes and rivers, and by some body of water, especially
where two rivers came together or a river emptied into a bay,
was built many an early town. Man soon learned to use
these waters for travel. First oars, then sails, and finally
steam and electric engines were the motive force. Until the
keels, charts, and compasses were invented, the best boats
were dangerous, but then men could visit every one of the
*' seven seas." Within the last century steel has played a

Making America Prosperous

217

big part in ship construction. Now we have our huge palatial
ocean Hners, Uke communities afloat. Our modern battleships
are veritable monsters.

In the first half of the 19th century, when almost all ship-
ping was done by water, a craze for the construction of canals,
seized the country. Over 4500 miles of canals were built, of
which many more than half have become totally useless.
Most notable and important of the early artificial waterways
was the Erie Canal. This built up New York city and state
wonderfully and for a long time was a vital connecting link

Canal and Lock.
An Old-time Canal.

between East and West. Recently the state of New York
spent $100,000,000 on its Barge Canal along nearly the same
route, so that larger boats can use it. The Sault Ste. Marie
Canal, usually called the " Soo," connecting Lakes Superior
and Huron, is also very important. More freight passes
through it than through any of the more famous canals of the
world.

The Panama Canal, opened in 1914, is the great national
undertaking of the kind, and is one of the marvelous engineer-
ing feats of history. It cost the United States about $475,-
000,000. It shortens the distance from New York to San
Francisco by water 8000 miles.

218 Problems of American Democracy

The United States has fine opportunities for water trans-
portation, with its two long coast lines, great river systems,
and large lakes. Every year Congress spends millions of
dollars for the improvement of these waterways. But much
of it has been worse than wasted, because the annual River
and Harbor bill has been a Congressional " pork barrel '' —
the means for a Congressman to have federal money spent in

The great Mississippi River was once more used for transportation than
it is now, but a new style steel boat is coming into considerable use in that
section.

his own district. And it is even more astonishing to think of
the enormous amount of good these waterways could do if
used to capacity. However, people prefer to use the railroad
because of its superior speed, and Americans have a habit of
ordering goods at the eleventh hour. Water costs are usually
much cheaper. For instance, it costs 80 cents a ton to
carry freight 1000 miles between Duluth and Ashtabula, but

Making America Prosperous 219

for the 135 miles by railroad between Ashtabula and Pittsburgh
it costs 90 cents a ton. It would seem that with such savings
business would revert to waterways, but there is only enough
business to help keep the railroad rates in those regions down.
The principal traffic on the Great Lakes today is the carry-
ing of coal, ores, and grain. Any such products, which will
*' keep " for a long time can be carried even better by water
than by land. Some of the Great Lake boats make good
speed, too. And when you think of the enormous cranes
and buckets which lift many tons at once in loading or un-
loading the ships, you conclude that facilities for water trans-
portation have kept pace with other forms. Why won't
Americans make more use of them ! In times of prosperity
our railroads seem to have all the business they can readily
handle. Attractive plans have been laid for canals connect-
ing the Great Lakes with the Ohio and Mississippi, and for
linking the heads of bays and of navigation, on rivers, and a
number of them have been constructed. But if they will not
be used after they are dug, why waste the cost of their con-
struction? Can we not arouse Americans to this inexcusable
neglect of natural opportunities?

106. The Railroad. — No industrial agency has so changed
this country as the railroads have. They have become clearly
the chief economic bond of unity for the nation. Every
business depends upon them to some extent. The first real
passenger and freight railroad was the Baltimore and Ohio,
started in 1828 and in operation by 1830. In 1835, there were
all told 200 miles of railroad, which by 1860 had grown to
33,000 miles and now to 254,000 miles. Texas has the great-
est number of miles, followed by Illinois and Pennsylvania.
This tremendous growth owed much to government encourage-
ment. There have been 31,500,000 acres of government land
distributed among the various railroads of the country.

Although mileage has increased, the number of railroads is
decreasing, because of the joining of several small ones into

220 Problems of American Democracy

one system.^ From 210 systems in 1853 the number dropped
to 50 in 1907. To a certain extent this is good, since trans-
ferring from road to road on a trip is inconvenient and expen-
sive. Still it is not desirable that any one road should gain
too much control over a district. It is not fair that one road
should be able to make or break the possibility of progress in
any large territory. Many notable present-day lines have

77 What 18 a rail road 7

A. An improved kind of road, now much used in the United,
States; also in Great Britain. and other European countries.),

liail-Road.
The cars or carriages used on them are drawn by steam locomotive
engines, at tlie rate of 20 or 30 miles an hour, and sometimes even
more. Vast numbers of people, and great quantities of merchandise,
are conveyed by them from place to place, much more rapidly than by
other methods.

How THE Railroad Was Described in 1852.
This is a copy of part of a page from Mitchell 's School Geography, which
was widely used at that time.

resulted from these combinations, such as the New York
Central System, the Pennsylvania, and the Southern Pacific.
The railroads also have mostly passed into the hands of a few
groups of wealthy interests. In 1915, five groups controlled

1 In 1921, railroad mileage actually decreased ; but since this was a year
of general business depression, we cannot be sure whether it has virtually
reached its maximum or not.

Making America Prosperous 221

over half the mileage of the country. Railroad " kings,"
such as Vanderbilt, Harriman, and Hill, did much to build up
these systems. Their purposes were chiefly selfish, but to a
great extent they made their roads and the regions served by
them what they are today.

Depending on the railroad is the express business. The
idea was started by W. F. Harnden of Massachusetts in 1839.
In those times it was very expensive and fairly dangerous to
travel, and he conceived the idea of taking care of people's
business for them when it involved travel and the shipping of
goods. Several large companies later sprang up, but the
exigencies of the Great War caused their combination into the
one system known as the American Railway Express. The
establishment of the parcel post service by the Post Office
Department took away much of the business of the express
companies and made them less profitable.

Make a list of ten articles in common use which you could not
have if it were not for the railroad. Has improved transportation
helped to improve the conditions of the working people? Has it
made living conditions more uniform in the different sections?
Have railroads made more serious or less the problems of great
cities ? Give examples of the ways in which natural conditions have
affected the construction of railways, such as mountains, streams,
forests, climate, and the like.

107. Railroad Needs. — Even if all the business possible
were turned over to canals, there would still remain a large
amount of perishable goods which we should have to ship by
the railroads. Without railroads the people of the cities
would have to spread out into the country to obtain food.
Now have they become like the fabled monster which an in-
ventor created only to have it destroy him? What do they
most need, from their own viewpoint, and from the public's?

One thing is sure, they need, from both viewpoints, gov-
ernment regulation. And since so many of them were aided
by grants of public land, they cannot reasonably claim to be
exempt from public supervision. Since railroads have passed

222 Problems of American Democracy

into the control of a few financial groups, they have become
more than ever a kind of monopoly. Besides, in the days
before regulation was provided, railroad companies often dis-
criminated unfairly between places, persons, or commodities.
They gave special rates or rebates to large shippers and cer-
tain places. To do away with the expenses of competition,
several systems would make an agreement to " pool " their

i- f^^^^^KKBHBk

^m^ ■■^£f

&^^0aM^M£^^m^k

CouTtesv Neic York Central R.R.

The Old and the New,

The first train on the New York Central Railroad is standing on a
track beside a modern engine.

receipts, raise the rates, and divide the returns according to a
prearranged schedule.

How would railroads profit by engaging in any of the practices
mentioned here? Would large or small roads be more likely to be
tempted to engage in them?

At first some of the states attempted to deal with the situa-
tion, especially when the ** Grangers," representing the farm
interests, controlled state legislatures. Today every state
has its Public Service Commission or Public Utihties Com-
mission or some similar body, which has control over intra-
state commerce, to protect the public's interest. But since
so much of the railroad business is interstate, legislation by
the states cannot reach it effectively.

Congress did not exercise its power to regulate interstate
commerce until 1887. Then it created an Interstate Com-
merce Commission of five members appointed by the Presi-
dent, and gave it authority to inspect the books of interstate

Making America Prosperous 223

railroads, require annual reports, and publish the rates
charged. Roads were forbidden to engage in pooling, or to
charge more for a short haul of goods in one direction than
for a longer haul over the same line in the same direction. By
a later act it was made illegal to give rebates. The Com-
mission's work has become so important that the members
have been increased to eleven, and its powers enormously en-
larged. It may investigate any feature of railroad operation,
may set the maximum rates for passenger, express, and freight
service, and has been instructed to undertake the valuation of
railroad properties — this latter being a detailed, complex
task of very doubtful value. The ** I.C.C." has been com-
posed for the most part of able men to whose services the
country owes much.

During the Great War the President took over the rail-
roads, so that their administration might be carried with the
country's needs first in mind. To hand them back to their
private owners was not so easy a proposition as it might seem,
but for further regulation Congress finally evolved a measure
known as the Esch-Cummins Act of 1920. This act did three
important things. (1) It restored the railroads to their private
owners, offering them some financial aid in the form of loans
and outright payments. (2) It authorized the Interstate Com-
merce Commission to grant rates that would assure a return
to investors of 5^ per cent,^ any excess profits over that
figure to be divided between the railroads and the government.
(3) It established the Railway Labor Board. This is composed
of nine men, three to be chosen from the employees, three from
the railroad managements, and three from the general public.
They are supposed to investigate labor disputes on the rail-
roads, publish the facts, make recommendations about wages,
conditions of work, and the like, and let public opinion enforce
their decision. Considerable fault has been found with

1 This rate was guaranteed for two years. Thereafter the Interstate
Commerce Commission was to determine what was a reasonable return.

224 Problems of American Democracy

this plan, and it has been proposed to increase the member-
ship of the Interstate Commerce Commission and transfer
the Board's duties to that Commission.

Financially the railroads were in bad shape when the gov-
ernment gave them back — and this not necessarily through
any fault of the government, for the winning of the War had
to be almost the only thing on its mind. The cost of labor,
materials, and repairs increased much beyond the increase in

Courtesy Westlngfiouse Electric Co.

A Train Coming Out of the Hudson Tunnel.

Electric engines are used to draw trains under the Hudson River in and
out of the great Pennsylvania Station, New York City.

rates. Yet if rates were raised too high, it would seriously
reduce the freight and passenger traffic. Borrowing money
at the high rates of interest prevailing after the War seemed
often only an expensive way of postponing the evil day. The
labor question also forms a large part of the problem of rail-
road finance. The employers want to reduce expenses by
cutting wages, and the employees do not want them cut,
unless rates are cut also.

Some roads even under these unfavorable conditions have

Making America Prosperous 225

enjoyed fair prosperity, but others found it at times impossible
even to meet expenses. Some experts therefore consider a
complete reorganization of the roads a third great need.
The Interstate Commerce Commission has proposed to make
nineteen groups out of the railroads of the country, with
some one or two strong roads as the nucleus of each group.
While this would not be considered good policy under private
control it might be if carried out under strict government
supervision. It would do away with needlessly conflicting
schedules and unnecessary competition, while preserving
:Some competitive features, and would bring the smaller,
weaker roads into a helpful relation with the others. Such a
plan is not particularly pleasing to the large roads, but their
interests are not the only ones for the public to consider.

108. Street Railways. — Every big railroad system does
some suburban business in the neighborhood of large cities,
but it cannot conveniently serve more than a few of a great
community's population. For this reason we must have some
kind of local transportation in cities and towns. This need
the street railways supply.

Once they used horse cars, then cable cars, and then electric
surface cars. Into four of our big cities the elevated or the
subway or a combination of the two has come — Boston,
New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia. These relieve surface
congestion, and can go very rapidly because they have a clear
track. Stations at short intervals make them convenient for
most passengers. They enable people to live in the suburbs
of cities and to go into town easily without loss of time.

An important development of the street railway is the
interurban line, between separate cities or towns. The cars
are usually large and travel rapidly, but stop frequently.
Such lines often are of great service to rural districts. The>
•carry passengers, freight, and mail. Little towns often spring
up along them. People can live in the beautiful open coun-
liry, and yet have their business in town.

^^6 Problems of American Democracy

Many street railways, in spite of their extensive traffic^
have been losing money. Like the steam roads, they have
had to contend with constantly mounting costs of equipment
and repairs and have had to 3deld to the demands of employees-
who declared they could not keep a family on a street car
man's wages. Some roads in the past, in order to gain their
franchises, or right of way, or other special privileges, have
issued stock to politicians or to favored individuals that was
not backed by capital invested in the company. This is
called " watered stock." When a company tries to pay
dividends on this stock without having any capital earning
money for them, it of course suffers a dead loss.

The automobile — the jitney bus and the family car —
also has harmed the street railway. When roads, to make up
the loss, raised their fares, they made people walk or buy more
autos, for the public seems to have a firm conviction that a
nickel is enough to pay for a street-car ride, especially for a
short distance. No good solution for this problem has yet
been found. We really need the street car, yet we must not
expect people to operate it for charity. Besides, we want the
tracks kept smooth and the cars clean and modern, so that
we may feel safe when riding in them. Some kind of co-
operation with the city government almost amounting to
municipal ownership or responsibility for operation has been
proposed as the remedy. Even in New York City this ap-
pears to be the most practical way out.

What local railway problems has your community or a neighbor-
ing one had to meet ? If you are not served by a street railway, dO'
you think a line in your neighborhood would pay ? Why ?

109. The Highway. — The making of good roads was the
very earliest and is almost the newest problem in transporta-
tion. The Romans were about the best road builders of whom
we have record. From the present condition of many of our
roads we may judge that we could still learn something from
them. But we cannot today make a fair comparison with
Roman roads because our roads must carry so much more

Making America Prosperous 227

heavy traffic. For a long time, however, we had the worst
roads of any modern civihzed nation.

But who should build our highways? Whether the
national government has the constitutional right to con-
struct this kind of " internal improvements " was one of
the earhest arguments between the ''broad constructionists"
and ''strict constructionists." The first national road was
the Cumberland Road, started in 1806, but after a few
years "strict construction" prevailed on this point, and for
a long time no federal money was spent for this purpose.
Many " turnpikes " were built by private enterprise, on most of
which the traveler had to pay toll. Some of such toll roads
and bridges still exist, but most of them have been set free.

Now that we have abandoned so largely our scruples on
strict construction, there is a tendency for the federal govern-
ment again to take an interest in road building. Good roads
are distinctly a national need, for almost everything used in
any part of the nation is at some stage in its production car-
ried on a highway. For this reason the public at large feels a
keen interest in the coast-to-coast and lake-to-gulf highways,
constructed or proposed. There is a Bureau of Public Roads
in the Department of Agriculture, which makes all kinds of
experiments in road construction and which has charge of the
rendering of federal aid to the states in road building. The
Federal Aid Road Bill, passed in 1916, provided for the dis-
tribution of $75,000,000 among the states for highway work.
The amount for each state was decided by its population, area,
and the extent of rural mail routes. To get this money
each state must furnish an amount equal to what the federal
government gives it, and must have some sort of state high-
way commission with which the federal government can co-
operate. Congress has indicated a tendency to make this
federal aid policy permanent.

New Jersey in 1891 was the first state to put its highways
under state supervision, but now every state has some kind
of State Highway Department. Several states have an ex-

228 Problems of American Democracy

tensive system of state highways built with state money and
cared for by the state. Of the eastern states, New York and
Massachusetts, and in the West, Cahfornia, are especially
noted for their state roads. The money used by the states
for road construction is usually obtained by selling bonds.
Several hundred million dollars, all told, have been borrowed

Courtesy Portland Cement Association.
A Fine Rural Highway.

This concrete road in Cook County, Illinois, is an example of what may-
be done almost anywhere. Highways such as this mean much to the farmer
in both the business and the social side of his interests.

by states for this purpose in recent years. This is a practice
often overdone. When money is borrowed at high rates
for long periods the total amount paid for the roads will be
much greater than the amount necessary if it were paid out of
current funds instead of being borrowed. In addition taxes
will have to be levied to keep the road in repair. Then if the
road is not well constructed it may be worn out long before
the bonds are paid off. Some think that a large part of the

Making America Prosperous 229

cost of all highways should be collected from property owners
whose property has been improved in value by reason of the
construction of the roads.

The subdivisions of the state — counties, cities, and
townships — inevitably must always play the biggest part in
road construction. Several states, in fact, have deliberately
chosen to do their part in highway work by aiding and co-
operating with local highway authorities.

What is your state's policy in regard to highway construction?
Is your state noted for good roads ? If not, why ? Why has there
been a tendency for governments to buy up and set free toll roads
and bridges? What materials are most commonly used in your
neighborhood for roads ? Is there any difficulty in convincing people
in your neighborhood that good roads are a good investment ?

Nothing has done so much to wake up people to the need
of improvements in roads as the automobile. Today over
10,000,000 of them are owned in the United States. They
already play a wonderful part in the commercial and indus-
trial work of our country. Farmers use them to bring their
produce to the markets and to drive for pleasure. The city
man also has his pleasure car and his trucks and wagons
for all kinds of industries and businesses. Motor trucks have
even served in part as a substitute for railroad transportation,
especially during the Great War. The damage done to
highways by heavy trucks has brought about some serious
practical problems, but there is no doubt that trucks will be
more and more useful industrially as time goes on.

Should motor transportation supplement, or compete with, rail-
road transportation?

110. Traflac in the Air. — Some one has predicted that
fifty years from today, we shall need traffic " cops," not in
the streets but in the air. Maybe this is an exaggeration,
but nevertheless this latest thing in transportation has won-
derful possibilities. Thus far, outside of its uses in war —
and this it has made more horrible than ever, it has served
prmcipally in three ways : transporting mail, moving urgently

230 Problems of American Democracy

needed light goods, and carrying passengers over long dis-
tances.

Its great advantages are speed and freedom from the de-
lays due to surface conditions on the earth ; but before its use
can become general three obstacles will have to be overcome :
lack of knowledge about conditions of air and weather, weak-
nesses in the structure of the planes, and lack of proper facili-
ties for starting and landing. In this latter case, for instance,

Courtesy Air Service.
A CuRTiss Eagle Airplane.

if passengers and freight can be landed only at considerable
distances outside of large business centers, the advantage of
fast time between cities will be largely neutralized.

Already in Germany, it is said, schedules are maintained as
regularly on some air routes as on surface lines, and in our own
country the air mail carriers operate closely on time. No
doubt the time will come when New Yorkers will as naturally
take the air sleeper to Chicago as they now travel in a Pull-
man to Pittsburgh or Washington, and when all kinds of light
perishable freight will be carried in that way. But how soon ?

Making America Prosperous 231

Already, too, air traffic regulations are actually being con-
sidered. A falling airplane may menace the lives of people
below as well as of those on board. Must regular routes be
established and observed, and should aircraft be forced to
go around thickly settled communities rather than over
them? Will air traffic relieve the congestion on the rail-
roads and highways? Only the future can answer these
questions.

111. Our Means of Communication. — Communication
and transportation must go hand in hand in our business and
social life. Transportation is, of course, the transfer of ma-
terials or persons from one place to another, and communica-
tion is the transfer of thoughts or ideas from one person to
another. Talking, writing, and signaling have been used
for centuries, but methods of exchanging ideas quickly over
great distances are very modern.

Usually we employ different agencies for the two types of
service, but the post office engages in both. Yet the paths of
transportation and communication cross frequently. The
railway or the steamer carries our letters to their destination.
On the other hand, the wireless speeds the S.O.S. of a dis-
tressed ship and the telegraph gives warning from one station
to another that a train is approaching.

Today the Post Office Department, directed by the Post-
master General, is the most extensive business carried on by
the government. In 1790, when the United States was just
starting business, we had 75 post offices ; now there are over
50,000, and about 25,000 more were made unnecessary when
rural delivery routes were established. The Parcel Post and
Postal Savings system were taken up only as side lines, but
have become very important. The former offers a cheap,
safe way to send small packages. The Postal Savings system
enables one to deposit money with Uncle Sam, the safest
banker in the world. He pays 2^ per cent interest, and
will accept any amount up to $2500. Of course, he lends it

232 Problems of American Democracy

out again at a higher rate, but many will trust him who would
even be suspicious of the banks to whom he trusts it. We
must not forget, either, the business service rendered by the
issuing of money orders, or the world cooperation that is
promoted by the joining of the nations in the Universal Postal
Union, so that each exchanges mail regularly with the others.

The rural free delivery service, started in 1896, was an ex-
ceedingly valuable improvement. This and other postal
services are expensive, but the department is not run for profit,
though it sometimes shows a surplus at the end of a year.
In connection with public utilities we usually have to choose
between a government agency which may be operated at a
loss and force us to make up deficits through taxes, and pri-
vate agencies conducted for profit which get all they can out
of us. Our other agencies of communication are privately
managed, though during the war the goverrmient for a time
took charge of nearly all it could get hold of.

Need we enlarge upon the industrial and political impor-
tance of the telegraph, which we owe to Samuel F. B. Morse?
As a bond of union to our nation it means almost as much as
the railroad, for when people can communicate with one
another in a flash, it is only one degree less satisfactory than
talking with them. Humanity became indebted to Cyrus
W. Field, too, who successfully adapted this means of com-
munication to transoceanic use in 1866, after two earlier
discouraging attempts. Many lines have since been laid
across the ocean's bed. The telegraph and cable are the veri-
table arteries of life to the modern newspaper.

Can we imagine what the business men or the up-to-date
farmer or housewife would do without the telephone? Yet
it was as late as 1876 when Alexander Graham Bell showed
his telephone at the Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia.
Now, for a sufficient consideration, we can talk across the
continent. Perhaps the wireless telegraph and telephone are
even more wonderful and have greater possibilities for devel-
opment. Marconi, their inventor, received his first patent in

Making America Prosperous

2Sb

England in 1896 ; now hundreds of high school boys own
wireless instruments. One of the greatest services of the
wireless is on boats at sea. It has saved thousands of lives
and makes ocean travel much safer. Its greatest drawback is
the lack of privacy, but no doubt inventors will perfect appa-
ratus to limit wireless conversations to the people who are

Courtesy Bureau Construction and Repair.
Learning to Use the Wireless.
These are sailors on the North Dakota.

concerned. All our conveniences for communication seem
like necessities to prosperous modern business.

112. The Farmer's Problem. — Perhaps we think too much
about transportation and communication in terms of the busi-
ness man's or city resident's needs. Yet they are vital to the
farmer. And through their effect on him everybody is af-
fected, for the farmer feeds the nation.

Isolation, lack of convenience of access to community

234 Problems of American Democracy

centers, and difficulty of marketing goods are perhaps the
three greatest drawbacks to prosperous farming. The
farmer who is cut off from knowledge of the world about
him cannot plan his own work wisely, cannot supply the
world's demands intelligently, and cannot keep pace with
civilization in knowledge or in the joy of living. Of what
use are attractive churches and fine consolidated schools if
half the year you can hardly get there ? How can the farmer
hope to find a ready market for his products if he cannot
get them to customers until they are half spoiled or only at
such cost as to make it unprofitable to him or beyond the
reach of the average customer? It has been said that our
annual ** mud tax " — the commercial loss due to poor roads
— is at least $250,000,000.

Can these evils be remedied ? Yes ! Good concrete roads
cost money but they repay their cost many times. The tele-
phone keeps open a constant avenue of contact with one's
neighbors or the nearest town. The motor truck and the
pleasure car take the farmer's goods to market speedily and
in fresh condition, and the farmer's family to everything
that is " doing " in a social way. They make the rural
church, grange, and school as efficient as anything of the
kind in the city. The interurban trolley gives many a rural
district quick service for passengers and freight. The rural
mail delivery brings the daily paper and social or business
correspondence almost to the farmer's door. The parcel
post has in some sections become of great significance in fur-
nishing quick delivery of farm products and in bringing goods
from town that the farmer needs.

The up-to-date farmer is getting these conveniences. Ag-
ricultural states such as South Dakota and Nebraska have
more automobiles in proportion to population than any
others. Iowa has the largest proportion of telephones. Ex-
tend these facilities for keeping in touch with the world to every
rural neighborhood, and we shall find not only the farmer
but the whole nation happier and far more prosperous.

Making America Prosperous

235

113. Who Shall Do This Work ? — Who shall do the work
of serving the public through the various means of trans-
portation and communication? Certainly those whose man-
agement can display the greatest economy, the best service,
and the wisest administration. At least four classes of
people are directly interested in this problem, each of whom
may look at it from a different angle : (1) the managers and
executives, who have the responsibility for mapping out poli-

Courtesy Air Service.

The NC-4 in Flight.
This was the first American airplane to cross the Atlantic,
roundabout route by way of the Azoree Islands.

It took a

cies and programs and making them succeed ; (2) the employ-
ees, whose labor obtains their bread and butter and who are
acquiring a constantly increasing sense of their own impor-
tance in the business ; (3) the investors, who bought stock when
the enterprise was started or have loaned money through the
purchase of bonds, and whose concern is in getting returns
from their investments ; and (4) the public, who make these
utilities possible by paying for the use of them, and who h&.we

236 Problems of American Democracy

allowed themselves to become almost wholly dependent on
them for comfort and happiness.

Three possible methods of management are available : (1) to
look upon the business of transportation and communication
as upon any ordinary business enterprise and leave it for pri-
vate initiative and operation ; (2) to think of it as primarily
private business, but to keep it under careful public super-
vision ; (3) to include it as a function of the government. The
first and third groups of interested parties would probably
prefer the first-mentioned method of management ; but the
fourth group, the public, by far the largest group of all, has
learned to depend so utterly upon some of these utilities that
it will never agree to leave them wholly in private hands to be
managed with no other thought than the profits of private
citizens. Besides, we have already pointed out that most
public utilities are under obligation to national state or local
governments because they have received grants of land or
franchises from these governments. Further, they are often
given the right of eminent domain, and very often their loca-
tion is such as to make them monopolies (§§142-146).

Our choice, then, must fall upon either the second or third
of the above propositions. We will reserve until later (§147)
the argument for and against public ownership. Suffice it to
say here that the welfare of all the people must have first
consideration in such matters as these, and that the proper
policy is still an undecided question. Perhaps just now we
need an open mind upon it as 'much as anything else.

What would be the probable attitude of each of the four in-
terested groups toward each of the three propositions for man-
agement? Why? Is any one of the four groups likely to ap-
proach the question in a wholly impartial manner?

.*. Modern industry and social life would perish without elaborate
transportation facilities. Each of the many forms, even the slowest,
can render great service. The public welfare requires that these
agencies should no longer be considered of purely private concern,
and warrants extensive governmental interest and supervision.

Making America Prosperous 237

SPECIAL STUDIES

Highway Construction, Ancient and Modern.

American Canals.

The Development of Railroad Equipment.

The Growth of Railway Systems.

Railroad Kings.

Local Problems in Transportation.

Street Railway Costs and Fares.

The Horseless Carriage.

Accomplishment and Prospect in Air Traffic.

The Story of Our Post Office.

The History of American Telegraphy.

Transportation as a Factor in American History.

The Telephone and Its Services.

Wireless Wonders.

Inventors That Have Aided Transportation and Communication

The Country Road.

National Highways.

REFERENCE READINGS

Bogart — Economic History, Chapters 15, 16, 24, 25.

Roper — The United States Post Office.

Carver — Elementary Economics, Chapter 19.

Carney — Country Life and the Country School, Chapter 6.

Burch — American Economic Life, Chapters 12, 29, 30.

Carlton — Elementary Economics, Chapter 12.

Cleveland and Sehafer — Democracy in Reconstruction, Chapters

15-18.
Thompson — Elementary Economics, Chapter 12.
■ Johnson — American Railway Transportation.
Beard — American City Government, Chapter 7.
Beard — American Government and Politics, Chapter 19.
Hart — Actual Government, Chapters 26, 27.
Lessons in Community and National Life, B-10, B-27, C-1, C-27,

C-28.
Gillette — Constructive Rural Sociology, Chapter 11.

238 Problems of American Democracy

B. Conveniences For Conducting Trade

To carry goods from the place where they are made to the place
where they are wanted is an accomplishment greatly worth while.
But we must have some arrangement by which the title to and pos-
session of these goods can pass from one person to another. Here
is where the process which we call exchange occurs. What conven-
iences has man developed for this purpose? How has he en-
deavored to safeguard them from abuse?

114. Money and What It Does. — When a small boy
swaps a bean shooter for six marbles, he engages in the oldest
and simplest kind of trade, known as barter. But its sim-
plicity does not make it practicable on a large scale. A tailor
may have a coat and want to exchange it for a pair of shoes,
but if he can not find a shoemaker who wants a coat, he is
" out of luck." And so men have had to find some sub-
stance or commodity that all would accept in exchange for
the goods they had to dispose of.

Money may therefore be defined as any commodity gener-
ally accepted in exchange for goods or services. It performs
at least four functions.

(1) It serves as a medium of exchange. It abolishes the in-
convenience of barter. If you do not have the thing I
want, after I have worked for you, you can give me money
and with it I can obtain my wishes from somebody else.

(2) It is a measure of value. We speak, for instance, of a
" five-dollar hat." With a dollar or some other money
standard we can estimate the exchange value of anything, and
compare it with our income or with any other thing. Value in
use cannot, of course, be measured in money, for almost any
article would be far less useful to one person then another.

(3) It serves as a standard for future payment. Money is
likely to have about the same value a year from now as it has
today. We can therefore make a trade on today's market and
defer payment until a time suitable to both parties to the
trade, whereas barter would require the actual and usually
the immediate exchange of articles.

Making America Prosperous 239

(4) It makes savings possible. A dealer in milk could not hope
to store up something for his old age, if there were no money.
But as it is, he can sell his milk and save the money. A
hundred hats saved up would be of little use to an old man,
but the money received from their sale might help him
very greatly. Without money or something that represents
money, civilization and progress would be almost impossible.
There would be little commerce. Men could be paid for
services only by giving them goods or exchanging other ser-
vices. Large scale production would be absolutely out of
the question.

To what extent is barter carried on today? If a community pro-
duced everything its people needed, would money be required ?

115. Materials That Are Good for Money. — Only a few
commodities are really serviceable for money, for a commodity
must possess several qualities at the same time if everybody
is to be willing to accept it. Some of the qualities necessary
for a good medium of exchange are these :

(1) Value in itself. — One can hardly be expected to accept
something in exchange for any service or valuable article if
this medium of exchange is worthless.

(2) Portability. — For convenience, it must neither be very
large and heavy, nor too small and easy to lose.

(3) Durability. — It must not wear out, even with frequent
use.

(4) Homogeneity. — The substance should be such that
whatever part of it is used will have the same qualities as
every other part.

(5) Divisibility. — We should be able to use different
amounts of it to represent various values.

(6) Stability. — To be a standard by which other things are
measured, money itself must not change in value during any
short period.

(7) Cognizability. — It should be easily distinguished from
other articles, and hard to counterfeit.

^40 Problems of American Democracy-
There are three ways in which an article may become
money, other than by common consent and general usage:
(1) when the government will redeem it for something of value ;
(2)when the government will accept it in payment for taxes and
duties ; (3) when the government declares it " legal tender "
and compels its acceptance. The last method usually causes
a rise in prices, since people distrust and resent force in es-
tablishing their measure of value.

The Indians used wampum, the Spartans iron, certain Africans
salt, other ancient people oxen, for money. What deskable qualities
did any of these commodities possess or lack? How would alumi-
num serve? Marble? Mahogany? Tin? To what extent do
gold and silver possess the desirable qualities ? To what extent are
these qualities enhanced by the process of coining? Why is it best
that the government, rather than private citizens, should provide
money?

116. American Coinage Laws. — During much of the his-
tory of our country there has been a continuous struggle for a
sound national currency. The Constitution of the United
States contained three provisions relating to this matter.
In designating the powers of Congress, it mentions : "To
coin money, . . . and fix the standards of weights and
measures " ; "To provide for the punishment of counter-
feiting the securities and current coin of the United States" ;
besides: "No state shall . . . coin money; emit bills
of credit ; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in
payment of debts." The regulation of currency is therefore
a purely national problem and is wholly placed in the hands of
the national government.

In 1792 the first national mint was established at Phila-
delphia. It issued coins on the admirable decimal system
recommended by Thomas Jefferson in 1784 — the system
which is still employed by the United States. A double
standard was adopted and 15 ounces of silver were declared
equal to 1 ounce of gold. Coinage of both metals was made
free and unlimited — that is, any person having the bullion

Making America Prosperous

241

could have it coined at the mint with no charge except for the
work of coinage. In 1834 the ratio was changed to about
16 to 1. So the law remained till 1873, when a new coinage
act was passed which dropped the silver dollar from the list of
coins.

From this time on a bitter fight was waged over the ques-
tion of monometallism or bimetallism. Should our country

International
Weighing Gold at the Assay Office.

Gold bars when imported or purchased from the mines are weighed with
great care and exactness.

use just one metal as the standard of its currency, or have a
double standard, both gold and silver? It seems almost
self-evident that to keep gold and silver at the same relative
value with each other would be a task differing only in degree
from trying to establish an unchanging ratio between gold
and potatoes. By a principle known as Gresham's law, if
two kinds of money are in circulation and one is really worth
less as bullion than it is for coinage, the less valuable money

242 Problems of American Democracy

will be used and the other will be hoarded and withdrawn
from circulation.

Other civilized nations adopted gold as the single standard
of their currency systems ; and finally, in 1900, our Congress
passed an act which declared the gold dollar to be the stan-
dard unit of value and its standard weight to be 23.22 grains,
plus the necessary alloy. This dollar is not coined because it
would be very small and therefore quite easily lost.

By this act the legal tender quality of the silver dollar re-
mained undisturbed, and though for several years none were
coined, there are yet many of these '' cartwheels " in circula-
tion and many millions more stored in the keeping of the
Treasury Department. For small silver coins, as for the
" nickels " and cents, the government buys in the open mar-
ket the metal which it needs.

Why should the national government, rather than the states,
control our currency? What considerations should determine the
denominations of our coins and the number minted of each denomi-
nation? May five-cent pieces, for example, be more useful in one
section of the country than another? Why do we no longer have
two-cent and three-cent pieces?

117. Substitutes for Coin. — You might naturally wonder,
in reading a long list of qualities desirable in money, how we
can possibly have paper money. We have five or six kinds of
paper money, which are really only promises to pay, and not
money at all. But they have in a high degree some of its
desirable qualities. Since gold and silver are not convenient
to carry about in very large quantities, paper supplies the
need for portable money. Besides, if all our currency had to
be coin, it would make too severe a drain on our stock of
precious metals. The value of the gold in all the world is
probably not over $11,000,000,000.

Gold certificates represent gold coin or bullion in the
treasury of the United States. Silver certificates represent
silver coin in the treasury. The United States notes are the
" greenbacks," first issued in the Civil War period. They

Making America Prosperous 243

were made legal tender, that is, any person must accept them
in payment of a debt ; but they are nothing more than Uncle
Sam's promise to pay, for while a certain amount of gold is
kept in '' reserve " to back them up, it is less than half the
amount of notes in circulation. National hank notes are
issued by individual national banks and were originally based
on government bonds held by the banks. Federal Reserve
notes and Federal Reserve hank notes are issued by Federal

A State Bank Note.

In principle there is no difference between the note shown above and a
United States Note or a Federal Reserve Note, for they all promise to pay.
But the State Bank Note was only as good as the credit of that particular
bank, while the others have the credit of the United States back of them.
After our national bank system was created in 1863, it was deemed wise
to get rid of these state bank notes. So a law was passed in 1865, putting
so high a tax on them that it became unprofitable for State banks to issue
them.

Reserve Banks on the basis of bonds and other commercial
securities held by these banks (§ 120).

While only United States notes are legal tender, we accept
all paper money with equal satisfaction, because it is all
backed either by actual funds or by the government's word
and is usually readily exchangeable for coin if we want it.

Do we like to take foreign paper money in this country? Why?
What customs prevail in different sections in regard to foreign coin?
How far does paper money fail to fulfill the desired standards of
money? Why not quit coining money, and let the government
issue legal tender paper money instead ?

244 Problems of American Democracy

The different forms of credit are also substitutes for coin as
well as for paper money. But this topic is so important that
it deserves to be treated by itself.

118. Credit and Its Uses. — Probably ninety-five per cent
of the business of the country, in amount, is done by the use of
credit. And what is credit f It is the giving or receiving of a
promise to pay in place of immediate money payment. Our
modern business is virtually built on credit. Here are some
of its uses :

( 1 ) It offers convenience and safety in business. People do
not like to carry large sums of money with them. Credit
enables them to make trades without any transfer of actual
money.

(2) It encourages commercial transactions between people
in different parts of the coimtry and of the world. Such trade
would be almost impossible if money had to be transported
for long distances. With it we can do business in London or
Tokio almost as conveniently as with the comer grocery.

(3) It encourages business activity by making possible
many enterprises that could not be undertaken if money
had to be used. Banks, great corporations, department
stores, or public works could hardly be carried on without
the use of credit.

(4) It increases the number of business transactions.
Many people will buy more on credit than they would if they
had to pay actual cash for it. Department stores and other
establishments realize this fact and extend credit to a great
many people.

(5) It economizes the precious metals. Credit makes it
unnecessary to use so much gold and silver for money, and
saves it for other purposes.

(6) It encourages savings and investments by people who
can lay by only a small sum at one time and would be afraid
or unable to invest it profitably. Credit makes it possible
to collect these small savings and through a bank or similar
agency put it to work profitably.

Making America Prosperous 245

The forms of commercial paper used in giving or receiving credit
are known as credit instruments.

(1) Book credit calls for the keeping of "charge accounts" in

stores or other commercial institutions. It means Httle
more than a deferment of payment for a short time.

(2) A check is a written order directing a bank in which a person

has money to pay a stipulated sum to some person or to his
order.

(3) A draft is much like a check except that it may be drawn on a

firm or individual with which a person has a regular busi-
ness account, as well as on a bank, and often specifies a
date for payment.

(4) A bill of exchange is written on the same principle as a draft,

but is generally more complicated in form, and made out in
triplicate, for safety. It is commonly used in transactions
between people in different countries.

(5) A promissory note is a Ayritten agreement to pay money at a

certain time, together with the amount of interest specified
in the note.

(6) The trade acceptance is now a common credit instrument.

This is virtually an order to a person or firm that has
bought goods, telling him to pay to some bank at a partic-
ular time the price of the orders. The buyer " accepts "
it by writing the proper indorsement across the face of the
order. Then the seller can have it discounted at his bank
as if it were a note, and the bank will call upon the buyer's
bank for payment at the proper time.
If we were trying to list all the forms of credit we should have
to include post oflBce and express money orders, traveler's checks,
and the like. Stocks and bonds also are certificates that represent
money invested in or loaned to a corporation. Naturally a person
cannot be compelled to accept any of these substitutes for money,
but business men often prefer to use them.

What particular advantages attend the use of each of the forms of
credit instruments mentioned here?

119. The Services of Banks. — There is almost no limit to
the services banks can render to a community. They are a
sort of universal middle man, giving assistance to any and
every sound financial enterprise. They may even make or
ruin a man's fortune by helping or refusing to help him at a
time when he is in financial straits. They are a balance wheel

246 Problems of American Democracy

for the business world. If a community's banks are not
sound, its prospects for prosperity are slight.

In one sense a bank is simply a corporation engaged in the
business of handhng money. Its management is in part like
that of any corporation (§ 137). National banks are char-
tered and inspected by the national government, state banks
by the state government. Trust companies look after estates
and investments in addition to their general banking business.
The chief services of banking institutions are the following :

(1) Banks receive money and other valuables and keep
them safe. This was the first purpose for which banks were
founded.

(2) They lend money and credit, charging interest for the
time that the loan is made use of. By lending credit we
mean allowing a person to receive a certain amount on his
checking account instead of in cash. Of course he pays in-
terest the same as if he actually received money.

(3) They discount notes, drafts, and trade acceptances.
If a person wishes cash on any one of these before it is due,
he virtually sells it to a bank, which gives him the face value
less the interest up to the time it is due. When that time
comes, it collects the amount from the one who owes it.

(4) They keep a checking department, sometimes paying
a small interest on amounts left in it under certain conditions.
This is of enormous service to the business world and to many
other people who use it for practically all payments except the
very smallest.

(5) Some banks maintain a savings department, in which
deposits are expected to be kept for a relatively long period and
on which four per cent interest, perhaps, is paid. Some in-
stitutions do this kind of business and no other, lending out
their deposits on real estate mortgages and in other safe ways
for a longer time than the regular commercial bank can wisely
doit.

The bank is really the agency that makes the use of credit
possible. It facilitates the use of every kind of credit instru-

Making America Prosperous 247

ment and is particularly serviceable in bringing together
small savings so that they can be turned to profitable in-
vestment. Its work deserves both the strictest safeguards
and high appreciation.

In how many ways have you or your family ever made use of a
bank? Should banks be made a direct branch of the government,
instead of merely being supervised by national or state agents?
How can banks help or hinder the solution of housing and the local
problems?

120. The Federal Banking System. — If banks mean so
much to the country's finances, they should be so correlated
and administered as to serve the whole country's welfare.
Our coinage and currency system was formerly so organized
that just when business men needed to have money in circu-
lation it showed a tendency to tie itself up and throw the
country into a financial panic. Our business relations are so
complex that disaster to one firm may bring disaster to an-
other. Why not, then, so organize our financial system as to
encourage cooperation at all times, particularly in times of
stress, and thus avert misfortune?

For such a purpose the federal Reserve system was estab-
hshed in 1913 by the Glass-Owen Act. The country is di-
vided into twelve districts, each having a Federal Reserve
Bank in an important city. Each of these has branches in
other important cities of its district. At the head of the
system is a board of eight men, including the Secretary of the
Treasury and the Comptroller of the Currency, and six others
appointed by the President for ten-year terms.

Each Reserve Bank also has a Board of Directors of nine
members, three appointed by the Federal Reserve Board and
six elected by the banks in the district. Reserve banks carry
on business only with local banks ; they are a bank for banks,
rendering about the same kind of service to them that the
local bank does for individuals. All national banks are com-
pelled to join the system ; state banks may join, and almost
all of them have done so. Each member bank must sub-

248 Problems of American Democracy

scribe to the stock of its Reserve Bank and deposit with it a
certain amount of government bonds. In return they are
given Federal Reserve currency, and offered whatever con-
veniences and service may be wise and suitable. The Fed-
eral Reserve system has been of great service to the nation.
In spite of the Great War and the subsequent *' hard times, '^
it kept the nation's financial system safe and sound.

We must not confuse the Federal Reserve system with
the Federal Farm Loan system. Under the latter also the
country is divided into twelve districts with a central bank in
each, but the boundaries of the districts are not the same, nor
are the banks in the same cities as the Reserve banks, with one
exception.

The object of the Farm Loan system was to give the farmer
the same financial advantages as the city man. Before it
was started it was hard for him to get money. City banks
would not lend it readily, money '' sharps " tried to cheat
him, and our most important industry, food-raising, was in
danger -of bankruptcy. The Farm Loan banks do business
through farm loan associations, which may be formed by any
ten farmers in any district for the purpose of borrowing money.
Through these associations loans are obtained by members
for not less than five years, and may be taken to the extent of
fifty per cent of the value of the farmer's property. If his
property is already mortgaged he may get this money only if
he immediately pays off the mortgage with it. In the first
eight months nearly $30,000,000 was loaned, in two years and
eight months one-third of a billion ! They have surely made
good.

In which federal reserve district is your community? Where is
your reserve bank situated ? Do people in your neighborhood make
any use of the farm loan banks ? How much good have those banks
done ?

121. Credit and Caution. — Credit is so useful that we
must take care that it is not used wrongly. People sometimes
abuse credit, for example, by overdrawing their accounts at

Making America Prosperous

249

banks. It is generally a sign of carelessness, or worse, when a
check comes back marked " N. S. F.'* Book credit, too,
encourages some people to be extravagant. They buy a
great deal more when
they can say '' charge it "
than if they had to pay
cash. Stock gambling,
such as occurs when peo-
ple buy and sell on " mar-
gins," paying down only
a small fraction of the
value of the stock, is
another misuse of credit.
When a corporation issues
*' watered stock," which
does not represent any
additional capital put into
the business, but on which
it expects to pay divi-
dends, we have still an-
other abuse.

A valuable service is
rendered by such agencies
as Dun and Bradstreet,
who prepare lists of per-
sons or firms with a finan-
cial rating corresponding
to their soundness or
promptness in meeting
their obligations. It is
worthwhile for a business
man to be rated high in
their lists, for then he will
seldom meet with diffi-
culty when he asks for
credit.

We are looking up Broad Street toward
Wall Street. A corner of the United
States Treasury building is visible at the
upper end of the street. The crowd in
the street are curb brokers who are en-
gaged in buying and selling stocks not
sold in the Stock Exchange. The curb
brokers now carry on their operations in
a building of their own some little dis-
tance away.

250 Problems of American Democracy

Is a person ever excusable for overdrawing his checking account ?
Does your state consider such an act a crime? Why do some
people have everything charged which they buy ? Would an honest
man or firm ever be given a low rating by Dun or Bradstreet ? Are
all business failures due to dishonesty ?

Even barjis sometimes go wrong in the use of credit. Bank
officials may use poor judgment in making a loan and rarely a
dishonest person may get the better of them. In lending
their credit, banks may be tempted to go too far. It is so
easy to make profits this way, that they sometimes tie up
too much in such loans, and get into difficulty when demands
are made for the withdrawal of a large amount. But banks
endeavor to play safe, for their depositors and for themselves.
When a person deposits money, the sum is entered in his bank
book. But national and state laws provide that depositors
shall be paid, in case of failure, before anything else is paid.
Stockholders may be assessed, if necessary, for this purpose.
In six states ^ the state government has guaranteed the
security of funds deposited in state banks. But some
believe that such a practice would do harm by making
banks less careful in handling their business. Inspectors,
state or national, as the case may be, visit banks at irregular
intervals, and statements of a bank's financial condition
are published in the newspapers, so that everybody may know
about it.

Study one of these bank statements and familiarize yourself
with the meaning of its various items.

On the other hand, the bank protects itself by requiring
identification before it will cash checks or give out money.
When banks lend money, they demand that a person shall
offer as assurance of payment some kind of security that will
more than cover the amount of the loan. The board of di-
rectors usually agree upon any loan that is to be made. Loans
are for short periods — 30, 60, or 90 days, or on '' call " —

1 Oklahoma, Nebraska, Kansas, Mississippi, South Dakota, and Wash-
ington.

Making America Prosperous 251

in order that no money will be tied up for any great length of
time, and the intention is to arrange the times when they are
to be repaid so that the bank's funds will be reasonably con-
stant. Often when promissory notes are accepted, the bank
requires the indorsement of other reliable people in addition
to the signer. Then if necessary it can call upon the indorsers
to make the note good.

A bank always keeps a part of its deposits as ** reserves."
Of course that is not enough to repay all its deposits, but it is
more than is likely to be called for at any one time. If a bank
has been honestly and wisely managed, its neighbor banks will
usually help it out when a " run " is started upon it without
reason. It would be hard to find a safer place for money than
the bank.

For their own convenience, the banks in each large city have
established a clearing house. This is an institution in which
returns from all banks in a city are gathered every business
day. The checks and drafts on various banks are sorted and
sent to the bank on which they are drawn, and accounts are
balanced up very easily. This does away with the endless
confusion that would result if each bank tried to settle ac-
counts every day with every other bank. In 1920, accounts
amounting to $463,000,000,000 passed through all the clearing
houses. This was sixty times as much money as there was
then in the United States. The local clearing house also
gives financial help at times to banks that have met with a
little temporary difiiculty but are really sound.

If your community has a clearing house, where is it located ? If it
has none, find out how your local banks get the work done which a
clearing house would do.

122. Hard Times in Business. — The biggest factor in the
use of credit is confidence. If everybody could and did trust
everybody else, we should have few financial troubles. But
as soon as a business man is in trouble or people think he is
going to be, things begin. Nobody knows who is going to fail
next, and everybody is worried. If one large borrower fails

252 Problems of American Democracy

to repay what he owes a bank, the bank may not be able to
pay back its depositors and may close its doors. News of this
misfortune may cause a run on some other bank and work up
a great deal of excitement. People try to get hold of all the
money they can without letting any of it out of their posses-
sion. Naturally this *' panic " causes currency to become
scarce, and people have neither cash nor credit. Somewhat
similar conditions may exist in an " industrial depression, '^
but this is a period when there is a general slow-down of pro-
duction because of inability to dispose of goods, rather than
because of a sudden collapse of confidence.

But why do these things happen? "Overproduction,'*
say some — that is, producers have got more goods ready for
market than buyers wiU take. But others declare that while
there may be disproportionate production, there is no such
thing rs overproduction in all hnes at once. Some have
argued that a period of disturbance is likely to come about
every twenty years. Such '' periodicity " has been the case
in our history, but it seems foohsh to think we cannot help it.

There is no doubt that speculation has bad results. It
draws money from established business and puts an over-
abundance in new industries. Unwise railroad building and
land " booms " are instances of this kind of thing. Finally
the bottom drops out of these ventures because there are not
enough settled customers to keep them going. Then the
speculators go into bankruptcy, and take some of their credi-
tors along with them.

Wars always upset business. For a while they stimulate it
unduly. Everybody is at work. Wages and prices go up.
People try to keep up with the high prices without restraining
their desires, until the limit of tolerance is reached. Then
suddenly the public stops buying things that it does not need.
Producers who failed to realize that such a time was coming
are " stuck " with a supply of goods made at high cost, and
are unwilling to sell them at prices that people will pay. Men
are thrown out of work because there is no demand for the

Making America Prosperous 253

goods they make, and being out of work cannot buy the goods
others have to sell. Everything is tied up.

Ask your parents about some panic they remember. What were
the general financial conditions ?

If in any particular case of " hard times " we knew that
there was one evident cause, perhaps we could remove it;
but since they are often the result of a combination of factors,
or a different factor each time, we hardly know what to do.
Possibly, like boils, they must be allowed to run their course.
We cannot stop them by legislation, because as long as people
buy and sell as they wish, they will make ruinous mistakes.
It is a common belief now that business conditions move in
"cycles," certain changes following one another in a sort of
regular order. The study of this subject has not gone far
enough, however, to enable any one to predict with certainty
just what is going to happen. If we could do so the bad
things would not need to ''happen."

It is often urged that communities shaU enter upon public
work of some kind to give jobs to the unemployed. ' This may
offer temporary relief and is perhaps not so expensive as out-
right charity, but unnecessary public expense will be felt in
the taxpayer's pocket book later, to his regret. Unwise
producers may have to sell their stock at a loss, to get the
public into the buying mood again. A few big business men
with " nerve " enough to resume production on a normal
basis, in the faith that their employees will then be able to
increase the demand for other goods, will probably have to
assume the responsibility and the credit of getting the wheels
of industry running smoothly.

As preventive measures, about all we can do is to encourage
business methods that are at once enterprising and safe, and
insist upon the most careful use of credit instruments. Un-
less business men use good judgment and produce according
to a real, not an artificial, demand, unless speculation can be
curbed, and credit used with caution, we can hardly hope to
escape business depressions.

254 Problems of American Democracy

.*. Money is a most valuable servant, but must be handled with care.
Credit, its substitute, is even more useful and liable to abuse. Govern-
ments must do everything possible to safeguard the use of these
conveniences ; but the greatest responsibility rests upon the individual
buyers and sellers, for governments cannot put brains or common
sense into people's heads.

SPECIAL STUDIES

Trade Among Primitive Peoples.

Medieval Methods of Exchange.

The Bank of England.

The Early National Banks.

The History of American Coinage.

American Paper Currency.

The Management of a Modern Bank.

The Stock Exchange.

Panics and Business Depressions in Our History.

REFERENCE READINGS

Carver — Elementary Economics, Chapters 24-26.
Burch — American Economic Life, Chapters 34-36.
Laing — Introduction to Economics, Chapters 13-19.
Marshall and Lyon — Our Economic Organization, Chapter 19.
Thompson — Elementary Economics, Chapters 15-17.
Holdsworth — Money and Banking.

Reed — Form and Functions of American Government, Chapter 34.
Adams — Description of Industry, Chapters 8-12.
Seager — Principles of Economics, Chapters 19, 20.
Lessons in Community and National Life, A-21, A-22, A-23, C-21,
C-22,C-23, C-24.

C. Trading with Other Countries

It is plain enough that men obtain advantages by exchanging
goods with their neighbors, but why go to the bother of carrying
goods thousands of miles over mountains and oceans ? Why should
not each nation look out for its own needs ?

123. Why Foreign Trade Takes Place. — Why shouldn't
it? Nations are only groups of individuals, after all. Can
they not trade between groups for the same reasons that they
trade as individuals? Individuals trade both to get some-

Making America Prosperous 255

thing they want and to dispose of a surplus of something
they have produced.

Various regions are especially suited by location or re-
sources to produce some goods better and cheaper than others
can produce them. It is merely sensible, then, to practice
division of labor on a national scale. No country is so ver-
satile that it can produce to advantage everything it desires to
use. England could not possibly raise all the food her people
need today. Trade is her life-blood. The United States
could perhaps exist without foreign trade, but from what
source would come our tea, coffee, or sugar? Every cent we
might spend to raise tea or coffee would be taken out of a
possible investment in a productive enterprise for which the
Creator gave us some natural fitness. Both necessity and
common sense urge trade between nations.

Find the most recent statistics about the imports and exports of
the United States and other countries, and decide why this trade
occurs. How did Germany hope to win the G reat War ?

Foreign trade has another vastly important feature. It
establishes and promotes friendly relations between coun-
tries. Nations will hesitate about breaking intercourse with
peoples who are good customers or upon whom they themselves
depend. Trade promotes general knowledge of and acquaint-
ance with other nations, and these encourage world peace and
progress.

Backward, disorderly countries are sometimes sobered by
the cutting off of foreign trade with them. International
competition also has some good effects. The " Made in Ger-
many " which we used to see so often could hardly fail to
urge manufacturers elsewhere to make " Made in U. S. A."
or " Made in Great Britain " mean at least as much.

124. Special Diflaculties. — Trade between nations, how-
ever, often has to overcome certain handicaps that do not
hamper domestic trade. In the first place the very distances
to be traversed are often a hindrance. Between New York
and Canada it is no harder physically to exchange goods than

256 Problems of American Democracy

between New York and Connecticut, but much foreign com-
merce must travel thousands of miles. Besides, the crossing
of political boundaries causes inconvenience. Every nation
has customs laws and various forms of ''red tape" which
must be observed when goods are brought into its territory.
If, in addition, nations impose high tariffs upon foreign
goods, trade with them must inevitably suffer Hmitations.

A Part of the Waterfront of New York City.
Observe the long rows of piers and docks which line both sides of the
Hudson. The commerce which centers here is the most extensive of any-
city in the world.

National jealousies and race hatred also play too great a part
in foreign trade as in other foreign relations.

Further, nations have different money standards. In
times of normal peace, this fact complicates the matter of
making payments between them, and in times of disturbance
the ratio of exchange among these standards and between
them and our dollar changes frequently. The upset caused
by the Great War reduced considerably the value in our
money of the friendly franc and pound, the German mark sank

Making America Prosperous 257

far down, and the Russian ruble was reduced almost to ob-
livion.

Moreover, people in our country do not always understand
the foibles and needs of other countries. It had been said
that one reason England and Germany obtained so much
more South American patronage before the War than the
United States was that their agents approached South Amer-
icans in this manner : '' Tell us what you want and we'll
make it for you " ; while American representatives virtually
announced to them : " Here is our Une. How much of it
can we unload on you ? " And the American products which
were manufactured according to the demands of this country
might not be what the people of South America wanted at all.

International trade has almost a science of its own, which
Americans must and surely can learn better than many of us
know it now. American consuls abroad ought to be thor-
oughly awake to the demands of the people among whom they
live, and American business men who seek foreign markets
for their goods should cooperate constantly with them.
Perhaps such service, to be intelligently rendered, calls for
more careful training than the ordinary consul possesses.
We cannot expect to get the most suitable men for such posi-
tions unless they receive salaries large enough to attract good
men. Congress and the public must provide the wherewithal,
and the universities must furnish the men.

Is it sound judgment or good patriotism for an American to re-
fuse today to buy German goods? Would any country handle its
colonial commerce today as England did that of her colonies in the
18th century? How did England's policy at that day compare
with the policy of other countries ? Must a nation own a district in
order to get the greatest benefit from its trade?

125. Methods of Payment. — Every nation will take gold
in payment for what others owe it, and this is one way in which
international debts are paid. But shipments of gold are
attended with some risk, and nations have a kind of dread
of letting gold get away from them if they can help it. Be-

258 Problems of American Democracy

sides, if gold had to be given in payment for all goods bought
or sold between countries, there could be very little trade.
There is not enough gold available to pay for the 1920 trade of
the United States alone ! Another method must therefore
be employed.

Let us understand that we are speaking here of the com-
mercial transactions between residents in different countries,
and not of payments by the governments themselves. Sup-
pose that the United States, as is usually the case, sells more
goods to England than we buy from her. These amounts
compared would show a " balance of trade '' in our favor-
Only this balance would need to be paid us, even if just these
two countries were involved. But there are other countries
concerned. For instance, we might owe Cuba a balance and
Cuba might owe England. This would partly cancel what
England owes us. Again, England has carried many of our
goods in her ships, and that cost pays part of what she owes us
for the goods she buys from us. Our tourists spend more
money abroad than those from abroad spend here. That also
tends to keep the balance down. But if none of these items
are large enough to make up the difference in our favor, and if
foreign countries cannot send us gold, and we will not buy
their goods, only two possibilities remain. Investment se-
curities held by foreigners may be turned over to us, or as a
last phase of an embarrassing situation, trade between them
and us may come to an end. The abnormal balance of trade
in favor of this country which resulted from the War cannot
be permanent.

In paying foreign accounts we note the extensive use of
bills of exchange and similar instruments of credit. If a
. Cleveland man is paying for goods bought from a merchant
in London, he will probably buy a bill of exchange from
some banking firm in his city or New York and send it to the
English merchant. This merchant will deposit it in his own
bank, which will present it to the London banking firm
on which it is drawn.

Making America Prosperous 259

Very little money is therefore shipped between nations in
comparison with the whole volume of trade. Opening new
business in Shanghai or Yokohama or Buenos Aires would
call for a more complex adjustment than we have outlined
here, but when once a regular trade is established the process
of payment becomes reasonably simple. A great many in-
ternational payments are made in bills and drafts on London
banking institutions, but the Great War caused much inter-
national business to center in New York which formerly was
done through other financial agencies.

126. The Great War and International Trade. — A war so

widespread as the recent conflict must inevitably disturb the
social and industrial condition of nations. It not only took
millions of men out of productive enterprise into the trenches
but it had a dire effect on the finances and trade of the whole
world. In the first place, it left all the nations with enormous
debts — the United States with over $24,000,000,000, France
$46,000,000,000, Great Britain $39,000,000,000, and Ger-
many $55,000,000,000.

The United States government alone borrowed the equiv-
alent of about ten per cent of its total wealth ; yet, of the
large nations, our debt is the lowest and we are in the best po-
sition to pay it, for we became, in spite of our big expense bill,
the great " creditor '' nation of the world. We had to learn
to make some things hitherto brought us by other countries,
and to increase our own production enough to supply Europe.
Our exports increased enormously, while our imports de-
clined. Not all these war-time changes will be lasting, of
course, but we have at least learned what we can do if we must.

In practically all foreign countries money depreciated
greatly in value, as we have noticed. The English pound, for
example, though it changed least of European money,
was worth for some time less than $4.00. As a result the
American dollar rather than the English pound became the
world's standard of trade. Many of Europe's sources of

260 Problems of American Democracy

production were either neglected or laid waste, and many of
her factories destroyed. Political and labor troubles, due
partly to these upsets, prevented rapid return to normal
conditions.

How can the world get back to '' normalcy "? It never
will return to conditions as they were in 1914. Hates and
prejudices have been aroused which cannot be appeased at
once. Some conditions we do not want to restore. Probably
America can do much by extending credit to the countries
that need it. Then they may ultimately be able to accumu-
late wealth and meet their obligations. In helping them we
shall help ourselves, for they cannot pay us unless they have
something to pay with.

Nothing would be of greater benefit than to have every
nation in the world scrap every battleship and piece of mili-
tary equipment that it did not actually need to suppress dis-
order and enforce the laws of peace. Then every effort could
be devoted to restoring the regions laid waste by war and
to striving in friendly competition to produce those things
that would make the world a happier and better place to
live in.

What would be the result if the United States attempted to
enforce immediate payment of European war debts to us?

127. Who Shall Carry the Goods? — One result of the War
which may be permanent was the notable increase of our
merchant marine, that is, our ships engaged in commerce.
But is it an advantage, after all, to carry our own foreign
commerce in our own ships ? That depends upon whether it
costs us more to do it that way than to hire others to do it,
and whether there is use for the ships in any other way than
for commerce.

In most of our national history, up to 1860, American ships
were in every port and on every sea. The Civil War was dis-
astrous to this traffic. Thereafter, because of cheaper foreign
competition, our rank in shipping declined rapidly, so that

Making America Prosperous

261

when the 20th century began we were shipping about nine-
tenths of our exports and imports in vessels saiUng under
other flags.

German submarines and the need of British vessels for war
purposes made it imperative, after the Great War came on,
for the United States to do something for its foreign carrying
trade. Congress at length created the United States Shipping
Board to become responsible for speeding up the construction
of ships. Especially after the United States became a bel-
ligerent, shipbuilding became almost frenzied in its haste.

Courtesy Department of Wharves, Docks, and Ferries, Philadelphia.
Freight Boats and Barges on the Delaware.

extent, and recklessness of expense. Rapidly the tonnage of
American ships increased until we stood a good second to
Great Britain in total amount.

And yet the situation is not satisfactory. The United
States government does not care to stay permanently in the
business of shipbuilding or ship-operating, especially in com-
petition with private and foreign companies. The La Toi-
lette Seaman's Act of 1911 requires a standard of wages and
conditions on American vessels which makes the cost of op-
erating them much greater than rival vessels under other

262 Problems of American Democracy

flags have to meet. Private companies therefore hesitate
about taking over the Shipping Board's vessels or building
their own and operating them when competition with foreign
lines is a losing game. Some therefore believe that we may
as well quit trying to maintain a large American merchant
marine for foreign trade ; yet national pride makes us unwill-
ing to admit that foreign shipowners are too much for us.

By a " ship subsidy " we mean giving money from the
national treasury to help keep American shipping lines in
successful operation. We did it a little once, but it did not
succeed. England has done the same kind of thing repeat-
edly, sometimes camouflaging it under the guise of heavy
payments for carrying mail. To some it seems like a special
*' hand-out '* for the benefit of one industrial activity. Presi-
dent Harding strongly urged a modified form of it, but
much opposition to it developed in Congress and there is at
present no sign of its adoption.

In return for subsidies, it is urged, the government may
demand the right to seize the ships for public use in time of
war or other emergency. This would be of some advantage,
it is true ; but is it good business to pay large sums to a pri-
vate industry merely on the supposition that it may some-
time be brought into the public service ? We rightly insist
that American coastwise trade shall be carried on in Amer-
ican ships ; but need we be particular about who carries our
imports and exports? What do you think?

128. Tariff Barriers. — What is a tariff? As the term is
frequently used, it signifies a tax on imported goods. Such
taxes are sometimes called customs or duties. But if this is a
tax problem, why throw it in here ? Because any tax on ex-
ports or imports tends to limit foreign trade, and particularly
if it is high, to set up a barrier against commercial intercourse
among nations.

Since our Constitution forbids laying taxes on exports, we
are concerned only with import taxes. Theoretically, a na-

Making America Prosperous

263

tion could maintain absolute free trade, and impose no taxes
at all upon goods from other countries, but nations have not
found this wholly practicable. Some, like England, levy-
relatively low duties, in order to obtain revenue, on goods such
as tea and cocoa, which must be imported anyway and which
are in a sense not necessaries of life. This is called a revenue
tariff. By contrast, a protective tariff places a tax on goods
coming into a country, on purpose to make foreign goods cost

'8Z0 fSiO '640 IS50 IR60 IB70 ^&&0 1890 1900 1910 I9Z0

Our Foreign Commerce in American Ships.

That part of the chart below the curve represents the percentage of the
foreign trade of the United States which was carried in American vessels.
The points indicated in the breaks of the curve are five years apart. Can
you offer any explanation for the great difference at various periods of our
history ?

to the user as much as homemade goods, or more. The
importer of course adds the tax to the price which he would
otherwise charge, and this added cost '* protects " the manu-
facturer of home goods of the same kind, by making it pos-
sible for him to charge more for his own product.

The protective tariff idea makes at first thought a strong
appeal to a certain type of patriotism. Yet when we inspect
the arguments advanced in its favor, some of them appear
superficial. Let us list side by side the views of its friends and
its enemies on certain phases of the argument.

264 Problems of American Democracy

For
(1) The ** balance of trade "
argument. — It is better
for a country to sell more
than it buys. The pro-
tective tariff decreases the
amount of goods im-
ported, and encourages
home production, so that
there will be more goods
to export.

Against
(1) Nations will not forever
buy from nations to which
they sell little or nothing.
The nation which builds
a high tariff wall to keep
out imports will some day
find itself with only un-
wilhng customers. Other
countries will retaliate,
too, with tariffs aimed at
us.

(2) The " home-market " argu-
ment. — It encourages the
establishment of factories
which provide a home
market for raw materials
produced in the United
States and does away
with the necessity of ship-
ping such materials
abroad.

(3) The " infant industries "
argument. — Some indus-
tries could never be
started here unless pro-
tected from the competi-
tion of low-priced foreign
goods made by cheap
labor abroad.

(2) It is unwise and in the long

run unprofitable to de-
velop an industry in a
place not readily adapted
to it. Besides, the tariff
helps the producer of the
raw material very little,
for the home manufac-
turer will pay only just
enough to outbid the
foreign buyer, anyway.

(3) Our " infants " are now full

grown and no longer need
protection. They are of-
ten found now compet-
ing with foreign products
in foreign lands at foreign
prices, which are fre-
quently lower than they
sell the same goods for in
the United States. More-
over, the protective tariff
encourages greed on the
part of producers. They
will take all they can get,
whether they need it or
not.

Making America Prosperous

265

For
(4) The " standard of living "
argument. — The Ameri-
can laborer desires to live
better than most Euro-
pean laborers do, and must
have higher wages. The
protective tariff enables
the manufacturer to pay
high wages.

(5) The *' anti-dumping " ar-
gument. — A protective
tariff keeps the foreign
producer from placing
his surplus on the market
here at a price much be-
low the cost of produc-
tion in this country.

Against

(4) Laborers in unprotected in-

dustries obtain as high
wages as those engaged
in protected industries.
How then can protection
be responsible for high
wages? German workers
in a '* protected " coun-
try get lower wages than
English workers, who
are not so " protected."
Besides, the protective
tariff admittedly makes
goods more expensive,
and counteracts in this
way benefit derived from
higher wages resulting
from any cause.

(5) No nation will be in a posi-

tion to " dump " its
goods in large quantities
here for any great length
of time. Such conditions,
if they arise, can be met
by temporary restrictions
rather than by a per-
manent protective tariff.

(6) The " independence " ar-
gument. — The tariff
makes us develop our own
resources a great deal
more than if we bought
our goods in foreign mar-
kets. In time of war it
might be ruinous to wait
until new industries could
develop here. When the
need for supplies is great-
est, it is often impossible
to import them.

(6) Protective tariffs promote
international rivalry.

These in turn cause war.
Trade, unfettered, pro-
motes understanding.

266 Problems of American Democracy

The history of the tariff has been on the whole a history of
poUtical parties. The platforms of the present Republican
party have advocated '* protection " from the first, while the
Democrats have been opposed, sometimes to a high tariff,
and sometimes to the whole protective idea. Tariffs have
therefore been raised or lowered according to the party in
power. It is too bad that the tariff has so often been a
" political football," for it is distinctly an economic prob-
lem. Many people fail to understand that a high protective
tariff does not necessarily raise a country's revenue. It may
reduce it. If the duty on foreign oranges is a dollar a dozen
probably no oranges will be imported and no revenue will be
derived from that source. Arranging a tariff schedule is a
very hard and dehcate task, and it deserves most inteUigent
attention.

We have now a Federal Tariff Commission of six persons,
appointed by the President, who must not all belong to the
same party. They are supposed to make a special study of
tariff conditions, and recommend changes in rates when de-
sirable. Surely such men should be able to advise us about
desirable rates better than Congressmen chosen solely on a
political basis, who have had neither the interest nor the
opportunity to look into the question thoroughly. Congress
must enact tariff bills, of course, but it can listen to the advice
of experts.

Tariffs affect both home industry and foreign trade. A
nation which has had a protective tariff in some form so long
as we have, would be unwise to abolish it all at once. But
even so we need not attempt to defend every tariff bill that
has been passed, even by our own party. It is not too early to
consider seriously whether we should gradually work toward
the abolition of ^* protection " ; and if we say " no " to this
proposition, to consider what features of our past and present
policy deserve permanent preservation.

The Tariff Law of 1922 passed over to the President
the right to adjust tariff duties to points different from

Making America Prosperous 267

those stated in the law. The President is expected to act
upon the advice of the Tariff Commission. It will be interest-
ing to see how this experiment works. Perhaps it is the be-
ginning of the very desirable policy of modifying rates one
by one as changes may be needed, instead of overhauling an
entire tariff law at one time.

Do you think there is any hope that tariff discussions may
cease to follow party lines? Does a person's residence make any
difference in opinions about the tariff ? (Consult Congressional
votes on sugar duties, and the like.) Why did the Confederate
constitution forbid a protective tariff in the Confederacy?

.*. In a progressive world international trade is inevitable. It is
attended with certain difficulties that make it more complicated than
domestic trade. Good judgment, as well as fairness, urges us to re-
frain from excessive greed in attempting to sell much abroad and yet
buy little or nothing.

SPECIAL STUDIES

American Exports and Imports.

European Currency Systems.

Payments of Debts between Nations.

The History of the American Merchant Marine.

American Tariff History.

The American Consular Service and Its Possibilities.

Resolved, that a subsidy should be paid to American shipping

corporations engaged in foreign trade.
Resolved, that the United States should adhere permanently to the

protective tariff policy.
Resolved, that the United States government should cancel all loans

made by it to other governments on account of the World War.

REFERENCE READINGS

Laing — Introduction to Economics, Chapters 20-22.

Cleveland and Schafer — Democracy in Reconstruction, Chapter

19.
Burch — American Economic Life, Chapter 37.
Carver — Elementary Economics, Chapter 27.
Bogart — Economic History, Chapter 32.
Smith — Commerce and Industry, Chapters 41-46.
Thompson — Elementary Economics, Chapters 18, 19,
Seager — Principles of Economics, Chapters 21, 22.

XI. DISTRIBUTING THE RETURNS FAIRLY

We have studied some of the means by which we try to produce
prosperity. What returns should the factors in production receive
for this work? Are they getting what they deserve?

129. What Is the Basis of Distribution ? — We have ex-
plained that in the economic sense distribution means giving
to each of the four factors of production (land, labor, capital,
and management) a remuneration for its share in the work of
production. None of the four factors are unnecessary. If
all are of equal importance each should receive an equal
amount. In many industries, we will admit that they are
not, but the question then arises. How shall the share of each
be determined? In other words. How is bargaining power
obtained ? For that is the phrase which is used to character^
ize the force which can be exerted to secure a return, large or
small. The problem of distribution is perhaps more difficult
to solve than that connected with any other phase of eco-
nomic activity.

One supposition or theory assumes that each factor is in a
sense competing with the other factors, and that each will get
a return in proportion to the comparative value of its part in
production. If land contributes one-fifth of the elements
necessary to produce some commodity, one-fifth of the return
will go to the landholder. If labor contributes one-half of
the necessary elements or services, then it will get one-half of
the returns. This is sometimes called the productivity theory.

The advocates of this theory admit that often the competi-
tion of the four factors is not on a free and open basis, but that
some one or more may enjoy an advantage of position over
the others. In that case, they say, it is the duty of society to
restrain by legislation or otherwise the factors which have an

268

Making America Prosperous 269

unfair advantage. Then each factor will be in a position to
get a return proportioned to what it contributes. If those
who contribute any factor desire a greater return than they
are getting, let them increase the value or efficiency of their
services, so that they may deserve a greater return.

Another theory, known as the monopoly theory, asserts
that the return which comes to those who contribute any fac-
tor depends upon the extent to which they control the supply
of that factor. If I have all the managing ability that is
available for a certain industry, then I can demand virtually
what I will, so far as that industry is concerned. Those who
contribute the other factors will be able to compete with me
only to the extent to which they possess control of the factor
in production which they contribute. If those who contrib-
ute labor, for instance, desire to increase their share of the
returns, they will have to acquire such command of the labor
available for the industry that they can meet me on equal
terms.

All industrial tendencies, the holders of this theory main-
tain, are toward the development of monopoly, that is, ex-
clusive control of some interest or element in industry. The
returns that an exceptional individual may receive are not
primarily due to the fact that his services are worth much in
themselves, but that by reason of his talent he comes nearer
possessing a monopoly of the kind of service he can render.
If I am an expert chemist, I can probably command a good
salary, not because I know chemistry, but because few people
know as much as I do about it. To promote fair distribution,
according to this theory, monopoly control of each factor
should therefore be encouraged. Perhaps this theory comes a
little nearer the hard facts of things than the other, but it is
not so attractive ideally.

Do you think absolutely free competition ever actually occurred?

130. What Are the Facts about Distribution? — We hate
to think of any gross inequality in America, and probably

270 Problems of American Democracy

there is less here than in most other countries. We may
therefore be shocked to look at some statistics. The value of
the resources of this country in 1921, including both money
and property, was estimated at over $250,000,000,000. The
census report for 1920 shows that there are about 24,000,000
families in the country. This would set the average wealth of
each family in money and goods not far from $11,000. But
how many families that you know of possess that amount ?

The Federal Commission on Industrial Relations (1915)
quoted such figures as these : 60 per cent of our entire wealth
is in the hands of 2 per cent of the people — the Rich ! And
5 per cent of the wealth is spread over 65 per cent of the
people — the Poor ! Only the so-called ** Middle Class "
is in relative proportion, 33 per cent of the people controlUng
35 per cent of the wealth. According to income tax figures
for 1919 only 3,000,000 of the 24,000,000 famihes have an in-
come of over $2000 a year, but 65 families reported an income
of over $1,000,000. Yet there are millions of farmers and
laborers who, working steadily, can barely make a living;
while, on the other hand, there are many who do no regular
work and have an income far beyond their needs.

Professor King's careful study of " The Wealth and In-
come of the People of the United States " reaches the conclu-
sion, however, that in the last sixty years the proportion of
the national income going to the various factors in produc-
tion has not changed greatly, except that labor has gained
slightly at the expense of management, and that the average
individual laborer has increased his returns to an even greater
proportion than the individual manager ! ^ Why then is there
so much discontent?

One reason for it is that more than one factor in production
is frequently controlled by the same person or group. In a
certain business, for example, the employer may own the land

1 Wages per employee in purchasing power, 1850, $147; 1910, $401;
profits per manager in purchasing power, 1850, $318; 1910, $711.

Making America Prosperous

^71

which the business makes use of, may own the capital in-
vested in the business, and may actually manage the business
himself. Three of the four elements in the total return
will be taken by him under those circumstances. Even
though the laborers combined may get perhaps fifty per cent
of the whole amount, the share of the employer with his rent,
interest, and profits is so much greater than any one laborer's

The smoke from these furnaces gives the entire neighborhood a strange
and dirty appearance. This district has sometimes been referred to as
*'hell with thehd off."

wages that the latter thinks something is decidedly wrong.
The laborer often is unable to acquire control, by saving or
oth'er means, of capital or land to put into business ventures.
Labor has been, too often, the tool or the slave of capital.
The laborer has lacked bargaining power. Where this has

£72 Problems of American Democracy

been the case, labor has been compelled to take what capital
was willing to let it have.

If each person had an equal amount of wealth, would there be the
same incentive for progress as now? Would such a condition harm
or hinder the average man ? How long would it last if it could be
brought about ? To what extent can we judge the satisfactoriness
of distribution by any of the items mentioned in the question at
the end of section 11?

131. Influences that Control Returns. — Two influences
play a part in every phase of economic activity, and are ex-
tremely important in the matter of distribution. These are
supply and demand. Supply does not mean all there is of
any commodity, but that amount of it which is available at
any time for any particular use. Coal as yet unmined could
Qot be considered as part of the supply since it cannot be used.
Demand is the desire for some good accompanied by the
ability to obtain it. A white wing might like to buy a Rolls-
Royce, but his economic demand would probably be zero. A
street urchin looked longingly through a candy store window
at a lolly-pop, but not until a benign gentleman handed him a
penny did his economic demand for it become effective.

Demand and supply acting upon each other tend to deter-
mine the price of a commodity, which is its exchange value
expressed in a money estimate. A strong demand or a small
supply tends to raise the price. A weak demand or a large
supply tends to lower the price. When the intensity of the
demand corresponds closely to the amount of the supply, the
price tends to settle at a point determined by the general
utility of the good to society. Notice we say " tends to "
do so and so. There may be a normal price, which is a kind of
average or central figure which would represent the commod-
ity's money value in general over a long period. But the
market price — the figure which the commodity brings from
day to day — may hover on either side of the normal price
without happening to coincide with it very often.

Price in turn reacts upon demand and supply. The de-

Making America Prosperous 273

mand for many things is elastic, that is, it varies from time to
time. When prices are high, for example, demand is re-
duced. Few people will buy oranges at a dollar apiece. This
tends to bring prices down to the point where demand will
again be stirred up. Thus the pull of forces one way and the
other tends to fix limits between which the market price of a
commodity will range. Supply operates in a similar fashion,
but conversely, to demand.

If you had ten dollars and enjoyed skating greatly, how much
would you pay for a pair of skates? If you did not like to skate,
how much would you pay ? To what extent would your particular
demand for skates affect the price of skates in the community?
What other factors might affect this particular problem?

Make a list of ten commodities, the prices of which vary con-
siderably in the course of a year, and ten whose prices vary little.
Determine why the price does or does not vary in each case.

Let us make a few observations in regard to the effect of
these influences and others upon the returns which each factor
in productions receives.

132. Rent: The Return to Land. — We often use the
word " rent " to mean the money we pay to the owner of a
house for the privilege of living in it. But in the economic
sense of the word, rent means the return that belongs to land or
any natural resource for its part in production. Rent is
often difficult to determine, because, as in the colloquial use
of the word mentioned above, much of the return which the
house owner gets is really due to the capital invested and not
to the value of the land on which the house is situated. Real
rent is dependent mainly on location and fertility. If two
equally good houses are built, one in a very pretty part of the
city and one in the slums, the former will undoubtedly bring
a greater return to the owner, which will be due to the rent
derived from its superior location. Crops on one piece of land
may be worth $50 more than on another, though each piece
may have been cultivated with equal care. The first piece
may also be near the city and the cost of transportation of

274 Problems of American Democracy

the products to the city be $10 cheaper. The rent from that
piece of land as compared with the other, due to both fer-
tility and location, would therefore be $60.

Would rent be high or low in a frontier district? On Man-
hattan Island ? Could there be such a thing as " no-rent " land ?

Returns from land are affected by the law of diminishing
returns. According to this law, in farming or working with
any natural resources, and to some extent in any other activity,

PIV

',: t^^HK' "^

• -^

■^W^i^

^1- 1

Courtesy United States Steel Corporation.
Digging Out Iron Ore.

Scenes like this are the regular thing in the great iron districts of
northern Minnesota.

a point will be reached beyond which the application of more
capital and labor will bring in steadily decreasing additional
returns.

Suppose a farmer has a tract of land on which he grows a crop.
The value of this crop is, say, $500 the first year. Perhaps the next
year he will put twice as much labor and capital on the land as he did
the first, and reap a crop worth $1000. Again he may put three
times the amount of capital and labor on his land the third year that
he did the first and grow a crop worth $500 more than the first and

Making America Prosperous 275

second combined. Up to this time his returns have been increasing
in proportion to his expense in capital and labor. But in the fourth
year, he discovers that, although he has put four times as much
capital and labor on his land as he did the first year, his returns are
not $500 greater than before. This shows that he has reached the
point of diminishing returns. Just when he would arrive, he would
of course be able to tell only by experiment. Conditions might
sometimes justify him in continuing beyond that point, but never
would he knowingly attempt to develop the land further unless the
added returns were greater than the value of the additional labor and
capital applied.

Some people argue that since man did not create land he is not
entitled to any return for it ; that all rent should go to the state ;
and that individuals are entitled to only what their own labor and
capital have earned. The believers in the "single tax "(§271)
maintain that if the state took this rent for itself it would not need to
levy any form of tax at all. Yet the present holder of the land, if he
has obtained possession of it by fair means, may with some logic
claim that his own earnings have given him control of it, and that he
is entitled to the product for which the land is responsible. But it
must be admitted that people who are content to live on what their
land does for them, without contributing any effort of their own,
are not so popular as they were once. It is reasonable that if the
value of land increases through no effort of the owner's, but as the
result of surrounding improvements, the greater part of this " un-
earned increment " should go to the community and not to the idle
landholder.

133. Wages. — The return that belongs to labor for its
part in production is called wages. As in the case of the other
factors, labor does not get a part of the actual goods produced
but an amount in money. Today, too, this is usually handed
over to him by an " employer." There was a time when all
workers who took part in producing something received a
part of the actual proceeds of their work as their reward. But
the day came when workers were wiUing to give up their
responsibility in the operation of the business and have no
obligation except to do their day's work. Besides, how
could a man who helped make iron rails or tombstones be
paid in product ? No doubt this change seemed a relief to
the workers, but it enabled the man with brains, who was.

276 Problems of American Democracy

willing to take chances and assume responsibility, to get the
wage-workers virtually in his power and pay to them as little
as he could and still keep them at work for him.

The amount of money which a worker receives for his labor
may not really mean as much at one time as at another. The
money received we sometimes call money wages, and what it
will buy in goods we term real wages. Real wages, of course,
are what actually count. Day laborers in Nevada, twenty
years ago, might be getting four dollars a day, when similar
workers in New York could not hope for more than two
dollars. But New Yorkers could then buy milk for seven or
eight cents a quart, while the Nevada laborer paid forty cents
a quart for milk, if that was what he drank.

Workers naturally group themselves into classes : experts,
who possess an unusual amount of talent or knowledge;
.^killed, who require special training or preparation but no
more than average brain-power; semi-skilled, who need a
little practice to do their work, but no long period of prepara-
tion ; and unskilled, whose only qualifications are muscular
strength or agility. Naturally, the higher are the qualifi-
tions demanded for any type of work, the fewer will be the
available workers.

Give examples of each class of workers. " Is there such a thing as
an indispensable man?

Now, how is the return for any particular worker to be
determined? There cannot be any no-wage laborers. La-
borers must live and to do that must be paid, so that they may
spend something in buying things to live on ; while land con-
tinues to exist, whether it is worked or not. The number,
or supply, of workers of any particular kind, will limit the
amount one worker can expect to receive. Again, the wages
of laborers will surely correspond in part to the quality of their
labor, just as the rent of land corresponds to its fertility or
location of the soil. But acquiring monopoly power through
organization also gives workers a lever with which to lift the
general standard of wages for all members of the organization,

Making America Prosperous

277

and tends toward uniformity within any particular group.
Some workers surely get less than they really contribute to
industry, while others quite likely get more than their share.

When wages are raised, should the returns to land and capital be
made less ? What is the effect of education upon wage standards ?

134. Interest. ^- The return that goes to capital for what
it has done for production is known as interest. People who
cannot make their money work for them and thereby gain
something do not have
much inducement to deny
themselves the pleasure
of spending their wealth
at once. If they can be
compensated for it, how-
ever, to an extent that
will make up for the loss
of pleasure in present ex-
penditure, they are willing
to forego the enjoyment
of spending their money
now.

The rate of return on
capital varies consider-
ably among different
times and places. Three
influences in particular
help to determine what
the rate shall be.

(1) In civilized lands
the value put upon future
use of wealth is much
higher than in lands that are less progressive and advanced.
In the younger and less civilized countries, therefore, the
owner of money is offered much more as return for postpon-
ing the enjoyment of using it and the interest rate is much

A Famous Office Building.
The Flatiron Building, New York.

278 Problems of American Democracy

higher. Primitive people and ignorant people think very-
much more of the enjoyment of a thing right now.

(2) In new or unprogressive lands too the amount of capital
in existence is very much less than in older districts. Here the
law of supply and demand appears. The larger is the amount
of capital available, the less will be the return which it can
demand. We see this difference in our own country in com-
paring the rates of interest which prevail on. the Atlantic
coast with those in the interior or the Far West.

(3) Another affecting element is risk. Where capital is in-
vested in an industry that is not on a sure foundation, its
holders will demand a larger return than in a business where
the industry is established upon a rather definite and per-
manent basis.

All these influences combined may operate at the same
time. When there is no capital, of course there is no inter-
est. One might ask, therefore, Does interest come out of
rent or out of wages ? The answer is, Out of neither. Labor
and land alone cannot carry on any modern industry ; capital
is an absolute essential. It demands a return for itself be-
cause it gives to industry something which industry could
not receive otherwise. Therefore, with the added impulse
given industry, an additional return is gained which the
holders of capital claim as theirs.

Why is interest high in Nevada and low in Massachusetts? Why
is it generally higher in the United States than in Western Europe?
What is usury? Why do loan-sharks usually charge high rates?
How may a person know when he is asked to pay too high a rate of
interest? When a corporation cannot pay dividends on its stock,
has capital done nothing in that business? Often what is wrong?

135. Profits. — Profits are the return that go to the pos-
sessors of managing ability for what they have done in pro-
duction. Like the word " rents," '' profits " is also used in
various senses. No doubt many would understand it to
mean the amount that remains in the possession of a pro-
prietor after his debts are paid. In fact, however, that

Making America Prosperous

279

STOCKHOLDERS

would include some items which would unquestionably be
very much like interest and probably some that would really
be the returns for the use of land or labor. But the econo-
mist means by it simply the rewards of managing ability as
distinct from the rewards of any other kind of service. If
profits are not set apart as a separate return they would be in-
cluded partly under interest and partly under wages.

The theory which is used particularly to justify profits is
that capital is a dead thing and, in order to be of service, it
must be handled. The capitalist
who manages his own business
will therefore claim a return in
the form of interest on his capital,
and also in the form of profits for
his management of the capital.
But those who have managing
ability do not always own capital.
Some men of wealth are content
simply to allow their wealth to
be used as capital, while other
men assume the responsibility of
managing it.

The extent to which profits
gather will depend upon the abil-
ity of the manager who receives
them. If he has only just enough
ability to keep his business going,
his profits are not likely to be great. The manager, or " en-
terpriser," is the force that brings together land, labor, and
capital. The enterpriser who organizes a business may run a
risk of having nothing left for his own time and energy after
paying rent, wages, and interest. A manager's profit will
depend upon the extent to which his ability is greater than
the ability of the person who would just fail to be able to
manage a business at all. So managers vary all the way from
^' no-profit " ability to real genius.

How One Corporation Or-
ganizes Its Business.

280 Problems of American Democracy

The very fact that the consideration of profits as a separate
item in returns is relatively new, seems to indicate a con-
siderable increase in the importance of that kind of industrial
service to which profits are given. Undoubtedly it is a
tremendous influence in building up big fortunes.

What qualities are necessary to a good business man ? Point out
the ways and extent to which management enters into the success of
the farmer, the lumberman, the dentist, the printer, the grocer, the
furniture manufacturer. Can profits be regulated by law? If you
say yes, should they be? On which of these four elements are large
fortunes based ? Can one man earn a million dollars ? If you say a
millionaire did not earn his wealth, from whom did he take it ?

.*. Determining the amount which should be received by each of the
factors in production is a diflacult task; but if social and industrial
justice are to be assured, the task must somehow be accomplished.

SPECIAL STUDIES

Interest Rates in the United States.
Wages in This Country and in Others.

A Study of the Meat Business (or some other) to Determine the
Contribution of Each Factor in Production.

REFERENCE READINGS

Burch — American Economic Life, Chapters 39-44.
Laing — Introduction to Economics, Chapter 24.
Thompson — Elementary Economics, Chapters 22, 24-26.
Carver — Elementary Economics, Chapters 28-31, 33-36.
Blackmar and GiUin — OutUnes of Sociology, Part II., Chapters 9,

10.
Adams — Description of Industry, Chapters 9, 12.
Hayes — Introduction to Sociology, Chapters 7, 8.

XII. PROMOTING THE PUBLIC GOOD THROUGH
BUSINESS

If capital is essential to any modern business, its use must be
properly planned. Wasted capital and unemployed wealth do no
good to society or to the individual who has them. By what agencies
are the factors in production organized for usefulness and how are
such agencies regulated so as to promote the public welfare?

136. Simple Forms of Business Organization. — There
are three types of organization which appear commonly
among industries today — the single proprietorship, the
partnership, and the corporation. The simplest of these, the
single proprietorship, is that type of business management in
which one man assumes all responsibilities, takes all risks, and
receives all profits. Always this has been the most common
form of business management, and even now must be, for
most of the corner grocery stores and fruit stands, as well as
farms and many other kinds of establishments, not all of
them small, are handled in this way. The single " enter-
priser " may or may not hire men to work for him. The chief
disadvantages of this type of business are that the proprietor
does not as a rule have enough capital to expand the business
to any great extent, and can hardly have a wide enough
knowledge or experience to manage the varied features of
large-scale industry. Yet he can manage the business just
*as he wishes, and the fact that he is so vitally interested will
cause him to strive hard for its success.

The partnership is a form of organization in which two or
more people join in management. Each member is respon-
sible for the obligations of the group, and is entitled to a share
in the profits or losses in proportion to what he is supposed to
contribute to the conduct of the business. Often partners do

281

282 Problems of American Democracy

not have an equal interest in the enterprise. Sometimes ex-
perience or extra service in the hne of management or opera-
tion is counted as equivalent to money investment. This
system of operation is based on the principle that two heads
are better than one, and perhaps that two pocketbooks con-
tain more than one. Each partner may handle that part of
the business for which he is best fitted. The partnership has
some of the advantages of the corporation without its formal
organization. It suffers from the inconvenience, however,
that a business disagreement may occur between the part-
ners, and if a partner dies or moves away or makes some other
change of importance, the business may have to be reorganized.

137. Corporations. — Recent years have witnessed a re-
markable growth of this form of management, especially for
*' big business." The corporation is made up of a number of
people (some states require five or more) who secure a charter
from a state, and are authorized by it to undertake some line
of business and to issue stock to a certain amount. The
stock is generally sold in shares valued at $100 each. Every
one who owns one or more shares of stock has the right to take
part in the election of a board of directors, who are generally
responsible for the policies of the corporation. Each stock-
holder usually has one vote for each share of stock that he
owns, so that if one person or a group of persons owns more
than half the stock, he or they can control the policy of the
corporation. The directors elect a president, vice president,
general manager, or other officers, as may be needed, and
intrust the actual operation of the business to their hands.

The corporation has the same standing at law that is en-
joyed by an individual. At the same time it is not subject to
some of the inconveniences that attend individual manage-
ment. The stockholders are responsible only for the amount
that their stock is supposed to be worth. If one of them dies
or moves from his former residence, the corporation as an or-
ganization is not affected at all. As a business man said
recently, " Kings and corporations never die ; indi\aduals

Making America Prosperous 283

may come and go, but our firm goes on forever." The sale
of stock makes it possible to bring in thousands of dollars
which can be invested in the business, from people who would
not personally take any part in the production of the com-
modities or services which the corporation aims to serve.

Many corporations sell stock in two forms — preferred
stock and common. Preferred stock is that on which a fixed
return is paid before any other dividends are distributed.
Common stock is that which takes whatever profits are to be
distributed after the preferred stock has been cared for. If
the business is very profitable, the dividends on the common
stock may be even greater than on the preferred.

Another means by which a corporation gets capital is the
old but simple one of borrowing. They generally do this by
selling bonds. The bonds are nothing more than promises to
pay at a fixed time, with interest. If the corporation is suc-
cessful in business, it can afford to pay interest on the bonds
and still make money. Unlike the stockholder, the bond-
holder has no voice in the business of the corporation.

Give examples from your own community, if possible, of the dif-
ferent types of business organization. Is a stockholder in a cor-
poration a capitalist ? Should this term carry an unpleasant mean-
ing to the average person ? If you owned a share of stock in a glass
factory, would you feel differently about child labor? Do firm
names signify the type of organization which is employed? Why
did Julius Rosenwald not substitute his own name for that of Sears,
Roebuck, and Company when he became the controlling spirit in the
concern ? What conditions are required in your state for a corpora-
tion to obtain a charter ?

138. Trusts. — Another form of business organization which
is not now supposed to exist is the trust. We say it is not
supposed to exist because laws have been passed to break up
trusts and prevent their formation. Yet there have been
attempted several notable trusts since the passage of the Anti-
Trust Laws. Corporations now usually try to secure the
same objects by private agreement, rather than by changing
their business organization.

284 Problems of American Democracy

But what is a trust? It is a combination of corporations
which aims to secure such control of some business that it can
regulate the production or price of some commodity. The
Standard Oil Company was the first great trust. The orig-
inal idea was to have a group of " trustees " selected which
would administer the affairs of several companies which had
been in competition with each other. The forming of " pools "
by railroads was an application of the same idea. A later
scheme was to have a new corporation chartered for no
other purpose than to hold stock (perhaps 51 per cent) in the
corporations which were to be brought together. Such a
special corporation was known as a '^ holding company.'^
When both these methods were outlawed, the system of the
'' interlocking directorate " was invented. By this means
the same men might be directors of several corporations, and
of course would see to it that one corporation of which they
were directors would do nothing to harm any others with
which they were similarly connected. Our laws now forbid
such a process, but the restriction is difficult to enforce, for a
private secretary or clerk may serve almost as well as his
employer on the board of directors of a corporation.

Be sure that the terms " trust " and " corporation " do not
mean the same to you. A trust is a combination of corpora-
tions. A corporation is a perfectly proper and reasonable
method for carrying on business. It may carry on business
on a large scale and still not be a trust. Trusts have not
always been highly successful. The law of diminishing re-
turns applies in some measure to every industry, and a busi-
ness can be too big to be managed with perfect efficiency.

Could we have, if the laws permitted, a wheat trust? a watch
trust? a biscuit trust? a school book trust? a celery trust?
Show how one man, by owning 51 per cent of all the stock of
some corporation, might be able to dominate several corpora-
tions. Imagine yourseK going into business. Trace the steps
you might follow in the process of getting funds and in the exten-
sion of your business, assuming that your business is reasonably
successful.

Making America Prosperous

285

139. Large-scale Production. — We have already referred
to large-scale production as an important feature of modem
business. To obtain its benefits is one of the reasons for the
formation of corporations and trusts. Some of its advan-
tages are the following :

(1) The larger the business, the larger are the quantities of
material that can be purchased at once, and the more readily

Courtesy Ford Motor Co.
A Department in a Big Manufacturing Plant.

This is the crank-shaft grinding department of the Ford Motor Co. Each
department contains all of the necessary machinery to complete every opera-
tion on every part or piece it produces. Each workman has a particular
step or process to attend to and the whole organization of the plant is based
upon this principle of specialization.

can the product be disposed of. This results in a much re-
duced cost of production.

(2) Division of labor and specialization of work can be car-
ried out in great detail. This should result in a higher
quahty of goods and in a greater amount of product than
otherwise.

286 Problems of American Democracy

(3) The by-products of large-scale industries can be made
useful and add to the profits of the business. The paraffin of
the Standard Oil Company, the glue and the buttons from the
meat-packing concerns, which have been often said to use
everything in the animal except the squeal, and the cleanable
collars sold by the Du Pont powder works, are examples of
by-products of which one might never think.

(4) Much improved machinery can be used. Scientific in-
vestigations can be made and new inventions attempted
which a small business could not undertake.

(5) Factories can be established in different places where
some particular raw material is available or where there is
some special advantage in the shipment of the finished
product.

(6) Competition is likely to be less dangerous, since small-
scale producers will not be able to meet the prices which the
large-scale factory can profitably charge.

What industries are best adapted to large-scale production?
Name some industries that are not. In what respects is a large
school better or worse than a small school ? Do the same principles
apply to business corporations?

140. Special Features of Modern Organization. — Large-
scale production has introduced many new features into busi-
ness. Particularly it has developed an extensive system of
middle men — because hardly any large producers deal di-
rectly with the users of their goods. The broker, whole-
saler, jobber, and retailer may all come between. They do
not seem to do any actual producing ; they all take their prof-
its and seemingly must raise the consumer's prices.

Do they do anything really worth while? Yes, they save
the consumers the trouble of hunting for some one who sells the
goods he wants to buy, or waiting for shipment from a dis-
tance. The middle men give time and place utility to goods,
and in that sense are producers, after all. They handle goods
in large quantities, reduce expense in shipping, and save the
individual the trouble and worry of handling freight. No

Making America Prosperoiu

287

doubt we have too many people claiming pay for doing things
that some one else could do with less cost to us, but if the
middle men did not render any service to anybody they would
never have come into existence.

The department store, the city's general store, is a feature
of modern business which succeeds because it can get rid of
some of the middle men. One store's motto is this : '' Buy-
ing more, we buy for less; selling more, we sell for less."
It can really benej&t its customers if it does not pass off second-
rate goods to them under cover of lower prices.

The chain store is another result of large-scale business.
The same corporation may have stores in many cities. The

Courtesy Swift and Co.
A Train of Refrigerator Cars.

This train, loaded with the products of this one company, represents an
important feature in the modern meat-packing business. With the use
of this kind of car meat products can be safely shipped long distances in
good condition.

five-and-ten-cent stores make a big business of little things.
Small articles handled on a small scale at small prices would be
unprofitable. A chain of stores can buy and ship whole fac-
tory lots at a time and do it at a marvelously cheap rate.
They also usually sell for cash only, and thus avoid the cost
and risk of carrying book accounts.

The mail-order house also seeks to displace the middle man,
for the customer may order almost directly from the factory

288 Problems of American Democracy

through catalogues. Such a system often seems a boon to
farmers, since they need not come to the city for their goods.
Rural retailers, however, object strenuously. They say that
they offer the customer better service, because he can see the
goods and need not order a misfit from a picture in a cata-
logue. Moreover, they are helping to support their own
community and think that they should receive their neigh-
bor's business.

Any form of large-scale business calls for a high order of
management. The proprietor or manager must be able to
judge how great the demand will be for his product and to
meet that demand as nearly as possible. A manufacturer
must not put on the market a greater supply of the commod-
ity than there is a demand for. A retail dealer must not
load his shelves with things he can hardly sell at all or only at
rare intervals. And yet both must be ready to serve the
public promptly when it wants something. Successful ad-
vertising also plays a big part in the prosperity of many a
modern business.

Find statistics of the number of men who failed in business in the
United States in some year. If you are familiar with any who did
not make a success in some business enterprise, try to determine why
they failed.

The successful business man must be able to get good work
from his employees. The advocates of '* scientific manage-
ment " believe that there is some one best way to do almost
everything, whether it is pushing a wheelbarrow, laying
bricks, or keeping a record in an office. They assert that, if
this best way can be found, work can be done in a much
greater amount and with less wear and tear on the worker
than otherwise. Unquestionably much good from the em-
ployer's viewpoint has come from the application of this
principle, but the average union worker does not take kindly
to it, mistakenly thinking that the only object of the employer
is to get as much work out of him as possible. Improved
methods ought to benefit both parties.

Making America Prosperous 289

Class Study :

Modern Advertising : objects ; forms — billboard, magazine, win-
dow display, circular, follow-up letters, special stories ; expense and
who pays it ; value, to producer and to buyer.

Make a list of ten familiar advertisements. Which of those are
good and which ineffective as far as making any impression on you is
concerned ? Can farmers advertise successfully ?

To what extent does insurance play a part in a business man's
budget ? Against what kinds of misfortunes might he wish to carry
insurance? Is insurance a form of gambling? Do we have more
fires or less because of fire insurance ? What emergencies other than
destruction of property might a business man need to guard against ?

141. Dangers in Big Business. — Not all the results of
large production are necessarily beneficial. As we have al-
ready noted, business may become too big to handle effi-
ciently ; and the extreme specialization which is required from
the workers may be detrimental. If large-scale production
does nothing more than help a few rich men and women to be-
come richer, it is hard to see wherein the people are better off.

A few unscrupulous men can gain the control of a large
business and dominate it for their personal gain. Small
stockholders may be either " frozen out " or ignored, for even
the corporation is subject to the disadvantage that the stock-
holder may be far removed from the actual management of
the business. " Promoters " sometimes cause the organiza-
tion of a new corporation, and usually demand their returns
in the form of a considerable amount of stock, which is, of
course, wholly or mostly, " water." This becomes a fixed
charge on the corporation and reduces the returns to the
other stockholders by so much. Especially in corporations
dealing with railroads, gas and electric light companies, and
the like, there has been a considerable amount of ''high
finance " which results in added costs today to those who are
trying to make the business pay. This is sometimes the
reason why such concerns demand higher prices and fares
from the public than their services deserve.

The tremendous financial power of big business is a source

290 Problems of American Democracy

of temptation and peril. The big concern raises prices in one
place and lowers them in another, to crush small competitors
and then raise prices permanently. People used to say,
** Let there be free competition and may the best man win."
But did he ? More often the most crooked and unscrupulous
prevailed. As he grew stronger he sought to annihilate his
rivals. Personal morals and business morals seemed to be
wholly different. Men who would not think of stealing a
stick of candy or a rose boasted of wrecking a railroad or
ruining a rival. Businesses went into bankruptcy and paid
what they could to their creditors, or else sold out to their
conqueror on his terms.

We have also seen big business in politics to no good end.
Railroads have built and ruined individual communities, and
have used their money to elect legislatures and governors,

The Greatest Steel
This plant is at Duquesne, Pennsylvania, in the Pittsburgh district.

and to control political parties. Franchises, instead of being
obtained so that the holders might serve the people, were
bought from legislatures by almost open gifts of stocks, bonds,
or other favors. Especially in city government, instance after
instance occurred when contracts were awarded and priv-
ileges were granted, not to the most deserving, but to the one
who made it most profitable for the city council.

Certain business interests are always active in trying to
secure special favors when new tariff laws are being made.
They have contributed to the campaign funds of Congress-

Making America Prosperous

291

men. They demanded their men's vote on matters which
concerned themselves and their friends. Looking at the
matter only from a selfish standpoint, we cannot blame them
for supporting the political party whose platform suited them
best. But our government does not exist for the purpose of
giving favors to anybody ; and if the interests of all the people
are to be preserved, the government must control industry,
big or little, and not be controlled by it.

142. Forms of Monopolies. — When, as a result of business
conflict, small-scale producers are eliminated, will the rivalry
between a few large-scale producers be more intense and bur-
densome than before ? If so, they will endeavor to get to-
gether and put a stop to such struggles which are a constant
source of worry and expense. If that is the case, large-scale

Courtesy United States Steel Corporation.

Mill in the World.

Does it give you some idea of the enormous size of such an establishment ?

production has a tendency, if carried far enough, toward
monopoly. By monopoly, we mean a state of affairs where
one person or corporation, or a combination of them, has
command over the production or sale of a commodity. The
regulation of prices is the real test. No matter how large a
business any person or corporation operates, a monopoly does
not exist unless the producer is free to fix the price of his
product at any point he pleases. There are several differ-
ent kinds of monopolies.

(1) A monopoly of organization exists when several nro-

292 Problems of American Democracy

ducers control through combination the output of their com-
modity. Trusts were formed to obtain this form of monopoly.
The policy of some labor unions is of exactly this kind, when
they demand the closed shop, in which none except members
of the union can be employed.

(2) Another kind of monopoly which is also usually con-
ducted on a large scale is the governmental monopoly. By
this, we mean an activity which is carried on entirely by
public officers. In the United States, the post office is a govern-
mental monopoly ; in some European countries the sale of salt
or tobacco ; in practically all countries the coining of money.

(3) Private legal monopolies are granted by the govern-
ment to persons or groups of people to enable them to engage
in some activity, generally for a limited time, without danger
of competition. Patents, good for seventeen years, and
copyrights, for twenty-eight years, are considered incentives
and rewards for inventors and composers. Franchises that
carry monopoly privileges are often granted to street rail-
ways, gas companies, and the like, because such public utili-
ties are expected to serve the public best as monopolies.

(4) Monopolies of situation owe their monopoly power to
the control of the only location in which some industry can
profitably be carried on. The best example of this kind of
monopoly is a railroad which occupies a mountain pass or a
river valley that is so much better than any other route
that it entirely prevents competition.

(5) Personal monopolies occur when only one person in a
community possesses a particular talent or training. The
country doctor or printer or dentist often controls his pro-
fession completely in his neighborhood. This kind of mo-
nopoly seldom causes any industrial problem.

143. Monopoly Prices. — Many people think that when
some fine of production is monopolized, the inevitable result
is very high prices. In one sense it is true that monopolists
may charge whatever they will. But what will they charge?

Making America Prosperous 293

When the price of an article is raised, the demand for it be-
comes less; if it is lowered, the demand increases. The
monopolist wants the greatest returns possible, and these may
result from a small number of sales at a very high price or a
large number of sales at a low cost. The latter is more likely,
for it is most often the case that the cost of production per
unit in large quantities is much less than in small quantities.
The monopolist is therefore likely to keep his price within

Courtesy United States Steel Corporation.
Ore Boats at Loading Docks.

This Corporation owns the mines from which it gets its ore, the great docks,
the boats on which the ore is loaded, and the factories in which the ore
is transformed into all kinds of steel products.

reason, though probably not as low as he could fix it and still
get a respectable return for his services in production.

The two chief restraining factors in fixing monopoly prices
are competition and svbstitution. A competitor may enter
the same field as a monopolist who charges extremely high
prices, and be able to make reasonable profits by charging a
lower price. By substitution we mean that people will simply
stop using a commodity for which an exorbitant price is
charged, or use something else in its place. If too much were

294 Problems of American Democracy

charged for wheat flour, people would substitute corn or rye
flour for it. Butter at a dollar a pound would force many
people to use oleomargarine. The Great War showed us what
we can do in this respect if we have to.

As a last resort there is still a third possibility, government
restriction. When the monopohst controls a necessity of life,
substitution may be impossible. Then a government would
be grossly neghgent which did not lay its restraining hand
upon high prices in the same way that we have already done
upon railroad rates.

Why does not this book cost $10 a copy ? Suppose the maker of a
patented pencil discovers or estimates that at a selling price of
$.50 he sells 80,000 a year with a production cost of $.25 each ; at
$1 apiece he sells 40,000 with a production cost of $.30; at $1.50
apiece he sells 25,000 with a production cost of $.40 each. What
price is he likely to charge?

144. Public Opinion about Big Business. — A large part
of the public has developed an intense dislike for big business.
If a suit is brought in court against a large corporation, an
average jury will generally decide against the corporation.
To obtain fair settlements insurance companies and other
large concerns make every attempt to reach agreements out-
side of court. Wealthy men are disliked and censured for
everything they do, merely because they are wealthy. The
public's memory recalls what happened when railroads and
other forms of big business did just what they pleased. No
matter how hard the Chicago meat packers try to convince
the public that they are not acting as the possessors of monop-
oly power, they get very little sympathy from the pubhc in
general.

Yet there are times when monopolies may be distinctly
helpful to the people. If the monopolist passes on to the
public some of the advantages of low cost in production and
the saving that comes from absence of competition, most of
the people may be benefited. Besides, it is often a matter of
distinct convenience in the case of agencies such as the tele-

Making America Prosperous 295

phone or street railway to have the entire service in one com-
munity under one management. Six street car Unes in Bos-
ton which did not transfer to one another would be an unen-
durable nuisance. Even two telephone lines in a large city
may also cause considerable inconvenience when some of the
people of a neighborhood have the phone of one company
and others a different one.

Under what conditions would you consent to the existence of a
monopoly in the sale of flour or milk ? street car service ? the work
of barbers or physicians ?

States have granted charters to corporations to do almost
anything, and under cover of these they have engaged in ac-
tivities which are open to serious question. The tendency
now in the majority of states is to be much more strict in the
requirements demanded when a charter is asked for. The
states which are still lenient in this respect are often sought by
people in other states who wish to get charters on easy terms.
When such charters are secured corporations have the right
to do business in other states, because the United States Con-
stitution declares that no state shall pass any law impairing
the obligations of a contract, and the Supreme Court has said
that a charter is a contract. Some believe that the Federal
government should require corporations to take out Federal
charters, if the business to be done will require commerce be-
tween the states. Perhaps such a law would make it easier
to secure regulation and control of corporations and would
promote the public interest.

But let us not think that big business is always wrong.
When the great controversy over gold and silver was at its
height in 1896, big business was right and its money probably
saved the country from a great mistake. During the Great
War, which tested the patriotism of men of all classes, business
that was really big played its part nobly. Profiteering and
such performances, which the unpatriotic practiced under
cover of the nation's necessity, are to be charged not against
big business so much as against the fellows who saw their

296 Problems of American Democracy

first chance to make easy money. Even organized labor
needs to be careful to avoid doing the same kind of thing
which we so often berate big business for doing.

If you were a millionaire, would you be likely to favor or oppose
laws which would control big business? What is your attitude
now? Why?

145. Theories of the Government's Relation to Business.
— When we spoke of the gild system (§ 100) we noticed a very
close connection between government and industry ; then as
time went on, this connection became weaker and weaker,
until finally the gilds in England were declared illegal. Dur-
ing the last century, we have seen the reverse of this process
working out.

Wben the 19th century came in, the favorite industrial
theory was that of the Englishman Adam Smith and the
American Thomas Jefferson. ** That government governs
best that governs least," said Jefferson. That theory is
called the laissez faire theory. These two French words
may be freely translated, *' Let things alone." It is the doc-
trine of the ''survival of the fittest." In practice, how-
ever, the fittest survived only if by '* fittest " is meant the
most powerful. The strongest prevailed and the weaker
went to the wall. The interests of the poor workers and of
the people who were not directly concerned with any par-
ticular industry received no consideration whatever.

Events have forced us to adopt a different policy, and we
now proceed on the basis of the social or regulative theory.
This proposes that the government, representing the people,
has not only the right but the duty to interfere in industry,
when such interference will promote the well-being of either
the workers in the industry or the community which depends
upon it. The state, for instance, may compel the factory
owner to provide decent conditions for his workers. It may
supervise the actions of the monopolist and restrict them if it
is necessary. Courts almost always recognize the state's police
power as sufficiently elastic to permit a wide range of regulation.

Making America Prosperous 297

Those who are still not satisfied set forth the socialistic
theory. This declares that all essential phases of production,
transportation, and exchange should be carried on by the
government. The government should own all public activ-
ities. All monopolies would be government monopolies.
Only time will tell whether we shall ever accept the sociaUstic
idea as the next forward step in industry. But it is certain
that we will never go back to the laissez faire policy.

146. Restrictive Legislation. — The first attempts at regu-
lation of industry were mild. State legislation is only partly
effective, because the business of monopolies usually extends
beyond the limits of one state. The first federal legislation
was the Sherman Anti-Trust Act of 1890. It was passed
largely for political reasons, because public opinion demanded
some legislation against the rapid development of trusts.
There was no serious attempt made to enforce it until the
Roosevelt administration, when a number of spectacular and
successful prosecutions were started.

This law was too indefinite. It declared that every con-
tract, combination in the form of a trust or otherwise, or con-
spiracy in restraint of trade between the states was illegal.
In practically every case that came before the courts this law
had to be specially interpreted. People complained that they
did not know what they had a right to do and what they did
not have a right to do. To remedy this difiiculty the Clayton
Act of 1914 was passed. It makes clearer what shall be
considered illegal acts. It forbids price discrimination and
" tying " contracts. These are contracts made between a
wholesaler and the retailers who handle his goods, preventing
the retailers from selling any other company's products on the
penalty of the wholesaler's withdrawing his goods. It also for-
bids holding companies and interlocking directorates, and does
not permit one corporation to buy up the stock of a competitor.

The Federal Trade Commission was also estabhshed in
1914. It is composed of five members appointed by the

;298 Problems of American Democracy

President in different years for seven-year terms. It inves-
tigates industrial conditions, calls for reports, and aids the
courts in decrees of dissolution. It attempts to prevent un-
fair methods of competition in commerce and it may initiate
proceedings in the courts against offenders.

Laws of 1921 establish a system of supervisory control over
the meat-packing business and over grain exchanges.

Many states have " blue sky " laws to prevent fraud on the
part of corporations. These laws prevent corporations put-

CouTtcsy Carnegie Steel Co.
An Inside View in a Steel Mill,

An open hearth furnace is being charged with hot metal from a "mixer."
There is something profoundly impressive in the vastness and somberness
of a great steel mill, even though its appearance can hardly be otherwise
than dark and unattractive. How would you like to work there?

ting any stock on the market which does not represent a
substantial business investment. Many states now require
the permission of a state commission before stocks or bonds
can be issued by public service corporations. These public

Making America Prosperous 299

utilities commissions or public service commissions, as they are
variously called, are bodies which have general power of regu-
lation and supervision over railroads, street railways, tele-
phone Unes, gas, Ught, and power companies, and the like,
which do business under a franchise from a state or local
government. They usually have power to pass judgment on
rate changes, as well as on many other features of business
policy. Upon the efficiency, ability, and honesty of these
commissions much depends, for the welfare of both the pubUc
and the agencies which serve them.

Coupling these regulative agencies with the Interstate
Commerce Commission and the other bodies which have au-
thority over transportation and communication, we find a
fairly extensive system of public supervision. Have we gone
far enough in this matter?

Can you suggest any further means of controlling big business if
that should seem to be desirable ?

147. Public Ownership and Operation. — Many people who
would not adopt the socialistic theory for full industrial con-
trol by the government are sympathetically inclined toward
government ownership and operation of such pubhc utilities
as the railroads, lighting systems, gas systems, and water
systems. Except in supplying water and to some extent the
furnishing of light, we have had very httle actual exercise of
such power in this country, but steam railroads and street
railways operated by the government are common in Europe.

Among the arguments offered for government ownership of public
utilities are these :

(1) It is the only way to control disputes between labor and

capital. As long as private management exists there will
always be constant danger of controversies and interrup-
tion of the service.

(2) Government ownership should give better service at lower

rates, because it will either be conducted at cost or else v;ill
have its income devoted to improvements in the system
or to paying other expenses of the government.

300 Problems of American Democracy

(3) Government ownership will take out of the hands of a small

number of great moneyed interests the large amount of
wealth invested in these activities and put it into the hands
of the representatives of the people. This would do away
with the corrupting influence of big business upon govern-
ment and would make it possible to maintain a higher
standard of service.

(4) Government operation would help to set standard prices for

the service rendered, and these would be based on the cost
of operation, and not on the amount of dividend which pri-
vate stockholders wish to receive.

Now for some negative arguments. In the summer of 1919, the
Chambers of Commerce of the various cities went strongly on record
against government ownership of the railroads. Since their reasons
will apply to almost any kind of government ownership, we shall
summarize them briefly:

(1) Under government ownership, development of railroad serv-

ice would depend upon appropriations by Congress.
These would usually be late and would often be made or
refused because of political reasons.

(2) To take over the title of the roads, the government would

have to incur an enormous debt in addition to its present
burden.

(3) Government operation is seldom as efficient as private man-

agement. The roads could not be conducted at a profit
without increasing fares and freight rates. Government
operation, therefore, would be more expensive than pri-
vate operation.

(4) Though the selection of officers and men for the system would

probably be made under civil service rules, political influ-
ence could not be kept out.

That the Chamber of Commerce represents the sentiment
of the business men of the country is very probable. But
among farmers, railroad employees, and laboring men, gov-
ernment ownership is generally popular. The government's
experience in war-time operation of the railroads hardly fur-
nishes any fair basis for forming an opinion of its success as a
permanent policy. What we had then was government oper-
ation with private ownership, which is about as unsatisfactory
a situation as we could imagine. Private owners now have

Making America Prosperous 301

another chance to make good. " We shall see what we shall

Why should the raih'oad employees and the Chamber of Com-
merce look at things so differently ? Hardly anybody would ask to
have the public water system or the post office put into private
hands. Why should not people feel the same way about other public
utilities ?

.*. Business is carried on to serve the public in some way, because
otherwise it could not exist. Big business organizations may acquire
such control of an industry as to make the public virtually depend on
them rather than they upon the public. The public interest, under
such conditions, not only justifies but demands the regulation or super-
vision of it by agencies representing the public. Whether such super-
vision will lead to operation of all or many public utilities by the
government is still an open question.

SPECIAL STUDIES

The Organization and Management of a Corporation.
The Administrative Organization of a Large-Scale Business.
The United States Steel Corporation.
The Standard Oil Company.
Scientific Management.
The Work of Insurance Companies.
Industrial Cooperation during the War.
Types of Business Organizations in Our Community.
The Farmer as a Business Manager.
Advertising, Good and Bad.
The Mail-Order House.
The Chain Store.
Adam Smith and His Views.
Anti-Trust Legislation.
The Federal Government and the Packers.
Public Ownership in Practical Operation.

Resolved, that the United States government should own and oper-
ate all interstate railroads.

REFERENCE READINGS

Marshall and Lyon — Our Economic Organization, Chapters 9-23,

25.
Burch — American Economic Life, Chapters 25-27.

302 Problems of American Democracy

Laing — Introduction to Economics, Chapters 7-9, 12.

Carver — Elementary Economics, Chapter 12.

Thompson — Elementary Economics, Chapters 8, 10, 11, 13, 14.

Reed — Form and Functions of American Government, Chapters

35, 36.
Beard — American City Government, Chapter 8.
Young — New American Government, Chapters 6-10.
Haworth — America in Ferment, Chapter 8.
Tufts — The Real Business of Living, Chapters 16, 17, 23.
Lessons in Community and National Life, A -6, A-7, A-20, A-25»

A-26, B-25.
A dams — Description of Industry, Chapters 3, 13, 14.

XIII. SAFEGUARDING THE WORKERS

Rightly or wrongly, we usually connect with our thought of the
activities of capital and management a supposition that they need
restraint. How should we feel toward those who contribute their
labor ? Are they more in need of restraint or of protection ? What
are the specific needs of the workers and what is being done to sat-
isfy them ? How can we hope to make their condition of life and
work worthy of their industrial importance ?

148. Do They Need Special Protection? — We need not
disparage the economic value of other factors in order to
realize how important a factor in industry is labor. It is
labor that makes land and capital do things. It is labor that
thinks. We must therefore recognize the absolute neces-
sity of a labor force that is sufficiently large and sufficiently
intelligent to make land and capital as useful as possible.

In a controversy between capital and labor the general
public is likely instinctively to sympathize with labor. Capi-
tal and land do nothing themselves. The worker contributes
his energy and his hfe. The human factor makes up society.
The great mass of human beings are workers, and our coun-
try's welfare depends upon their well-being.

Under at least four conditions workers can justly claim
special protection. (1) When they are too weak to protect
themselves, or when they are engaged in occupations that are
inherently hazardous or require some dangerous operations or
make unhealthful conditions possible, society by law and pub-
lic sentiment should throw safeguards about them. (2) When
by cooperation they can look out for their own interests, they
may rightly demand the privilege of doing so. (3) If employers
do not or cannot pay large wages, they at least can provide
reasonable facilities for their employees' health, comfort, and
happiness. (4) For its own sake society should endeavor to

303

304 Problems of American Democracy

have every citizen able to do something useful, so that he may
not be a burden to himself or his community. — And all this
is not sentimental sympathy, but plain common sense. The

Courtesy U. S. Steel Corporation.

Undercutting Coal in the Interior of a Mine.
Notice the cramped position in which the miner must work.

conservation of human resources and the conservation of
natural resources are alike sound business and fine morality.

A. Protection through Legislation

Upon the health and intelligence of women and children depends in
a peculiar sense the future welfare of our country. They are not
able to look out for themselves as well as men are. Men too can-
not always assure themselves of complete safety in industry. One
worker killed every sixteen minutes is entirely too high a toll for any
civilized country to permit. Problems such as these call for solu-
tion in part by law.

149. Child Workers. — In a country as enlightened as we
think we are, can there be any argument about child labor?

Making America Prosperous 305

Yet there are probably two million child workers in the coun-
try. How can this be explained? The unscrupulous greed
of the manufacturer to gain by cheap labor, the selfishness,
laziness, and poverty of parents, their ignorance of the benefit
of schools, the child's dislike for school, the introduction of
machine methods into business, and the scarcity of laborers
have all been given as reasons.

The factory system as it grew under laissez faire made
this a fearful problem in England a century and more ago, but
it did not become such a serious matter in this country until
much later. Child labor is more common in the South than
in the North and today more common in agriculture than in
manufacturing. Work for children on the farm is not so
harmful, and though it cannot readily be stopped need not
cause any great worry.

A child ten or twelve years old working in a factory ten or
twelve hours a day is a detriment to every one concerned.
Steady work at a machine with no play or fresh air makes him
a weak and underdeveloped man. The constant grind of work
without schooling makes him narrow-minded and ill-disposed
to all better situated than he is. Being thrown in among
adults of all kinds at the learning age, he learns all forms of
vice and immorality. He may keep older men from positions
they should fill. With the children out at work family life is
broken up. Children cannot do as good work for the em-
ployer as adults, so that even he in the long run loses rather
than gains.

In view of the attitude of the Supreme Court it is virtually
impossible for the national government to restrain child labor.
The Keating-Owen bill of 1916 forbade the transportation be-
tween the states of the products of child labor. Another act
in 1919 imposed a 10 per cent tax on such products. But
both acts were declared unconstitutional on the ground that
child labor was within the domestic jurisdiction of the states.

The most effective means of prevention through law must
be applied locally. Massachusetts was the first state to leg-

306 Problems of American Democracy

islate against child labor. Now all states have some laws
about the matter. The general trend is to forbid a child's
working regularly for wages under the age of fourteen. Be-
tween fourteen and sixteen he may work if his family needs
the money and if he goes to a continuation school several
hours a week in addition. Some states forbid child employ-
ment more than forty-four or forty-eight hours a week, or at
other hours than between six in the morning and seven at
night. But any law is useless unless accompanied by effec-
tive inspection and enforcement.

As the public understands more about this vital question,
it seems likely that we are on the way toward a reasonable
settlement of the child labor difficulty. A Children's Bu-
reau in the national Department of Labor is always gathering
and publishing information that will help to enlighten us. In
some homes conditions so near poverty exist that it may be nec-
essary for children to work at an earlier age than is desirable.
For that reason, no doubt we cannot absolutely prevent the
employment of children in factories and stores. But at least
we are sufficiently awake to prevent a return to the conditions
which once existed.

Can you think of any industry in which child labor is necessary?
Should a school child work before or after school hours ? Should a
child have special home duties of his own ? How early should a child
have his own money ? How should he get it ? What are the child
labor laws of your state ?

150. Women Workers. — There was no ** woman prob-
lem " in industry until the factory appeared. Girls from
both farm and town then found work there by the thou-
sands. In recent years, almost every business and profession
has been opened to them. Why they have gone out of the
home to find work we shall see later (§ 164). At first women
did not seem out of place in the factory, for they had operated
the loom at home. But it was a far different thing in reality,
and we are now convinced that it is necessary to lay down cer-
taui requirements concerning the work of women in industry.

Making America Prosperous

307

In order to get employment, women will often work for
pay that is not a decent living wage. Long hours of labor
may cause serious physical harm. If women are not paid
enough to live on, they are sometimes tempted to add to their
income by means that are detrimental to health and morality.
Competition with poorly paid women may cut down men's
wages or even keep them out of work.

For some of the same reasons which caused the regulation
of child labor, women's work in industry calls for legislation.

Underwood & Underwood.
A Kind of Work Not Often Done by Women.

During the Great War women undertook a great amount of work which
they never undertook before and for which they were not particularly fitted.
This is said to be the first picture of women section hands working on the
railroad.

They are weaker physically and show less ability to protect
themselves through organization. Besides, their health and
general welfare are of special importance to the future strength
of our people. Many states permit fifty-four hours' work a
week, but do not allow women to work at night. There ar-e

308 Problems of American Democracy

also laws requiring good conditions of light, heat, and ventila-
tion and the provision of seats wherever this is possible.
A Women's Bureau in the Department of Labor gathers
statistics and makes investigations of value.

Minimum wage laws for women are also common. They
may apply to minors as well. In some states they refer to all
industries, in others just to specified work. The usual mini-
mum is $8 or $9 a week, but may vary according to the age of
the worker. Such laws assure at least a living wage, though
it is not often any more than sufficient to provide the mere
necessaries of life.

If your state has a minimum wage law, what are its terms?
The Supreme Court of the United States declared such a law for the
District of Columbia unconstitutional. What arguments could it
have used?

151. Improved Conditions of Labor. — In an American
factory about 1840, from sun-up to sun-down was the usual
working day. Accidents were regarded as an inevitable toll
of the factory system, a " sad but true " story not to be al-
tered. Wages were seldom better than a dollar a day. Any
kind of place was good enough to work in.

We have already referred to notable improvements in con-
ditions affecting health and safety in industry (§§42, 43).
Sweat shops, where women and children, and sometimes men,
worked long hours at starvation pay, have been either abol-
ished or partly reformed. Perhaps equal to this in impor-
tance is the shortening of the working day.

Working from twelve to sixteen hours day after day pro-
duces complete physical and mental exhaustion. After such
a day's toil, a worker is in no condition to enjoy his home or
to make his company pleasant. Reaction from the gloomy
routine of the factory may lead him to the demoralizing asso-
ciations found in places of unhealthful recreation. He is
in no condition to study or put himself in the way of mental
improvement. Besides, he has no chance, if he is a factory
worker, for the outdoor activity which such a person needs so

Making America Prosperous

309

much. Moreover, the physical weariness of the last hours of
a long day's work is responsible for an enormous number
of accidents and an impairment of the quality of work and
product.

The first gain was a reduction to a ten-hour day, but a still
further cut followed. Now the eight-hour day is generally

Courtesy of Pillsbury Flour Mills.
Attractive Surroundings for Labor.
Notice how clean everything is. The man is inspecting flour as it passes
through a bolting machine in which the flour is sifted through fine silk.

accepted as a desirable standard, though many thousands,
especially in the steel mills, work longer. One of the last
stands of the long working day was broken in 1916, when
Congress under the threat of a general railroad strike passed
the Adamson Act, which established eight hours as the basis of
reckoning for a day's work on the railroads. On the other
hand, a Saturday half -holiday taken out of this time is not
uncommon, and some workers are talking about a forty-hour

310 Problems of American Democracy

week. We must surely stop somewhere, or else a serious re-
duction in output and consequent increase in cost of pro-
duction will be inevitable. But any reasonable concession
to the welfare of workers will usually result in social benefit.

Are there any industries which really need a working day longer
than eight hours ? What tests can you suggest that will decide when
people are overworking? Is it correct to speak of "wastes" of overwork?

Since some accidents are bound to occur under even the best
conditions, today all large concerns provide a well equipped
hospital to care for the injured and the sick among their work-
ers. Capable doctors and nurses are constantly on duty at the
expense of the employer. Sometimes these measures for the
safety of workers have to be forced upon them. Perhaps this
will always be necessary until ignorance and stupidity are
abolished. Education and law must always go hand in hand
to make both effective.

152. Government Agencies to Aid Labor. — Governments,
national, state, or local, may aid labor in three ways : by
maintaining bureaus or departments to collect and distribute
information and aid in the enforcement of labor laws; by
free employment bureaus ; and by establishing various forms
of social insurance.

The national Department of Labor became a department of
the Cabinet in 1913, though for many years some of its present
activities had been conducted by other departments. Since
labor cannot well be regulated by the national government,
the Department's main function is to gather and give out all
available information about laboring conditions, and offer
advice about labor problems. Public opinion is one of la-
bor's surest weapons, and information is necessary to the
formation of sensible public opinion. The Bureaus of Immi-
gration and Naturalization are connected with this depart-
ment, as are the Children's Bureau and Women's Bureau,
which we have mentioned, a Division of Conciliation, and a
Bureau of Labor Statistics.

Making America Prosperous 311

Free employment bureaus are largely state and local agen-
cies, though the federal government maintained several during
the War. They save much time and trouble by making it
unnecessary for one to depend upon private employment
agencies when in search of a position. Much is also accom-
plished by getting the right man into the right job.

Social insurance has many phases. One of these is the enact-
ment of employer's liability or workman's compensation laws.
These provide that the employer must pay the workers in-
jured in his employ certain specified amounts, depending on
the seriousness of the accident. Sometimes such laws apply
even when the accident is due to pure carelessness on the
part of the worker. The payment usually amounts to half
the salary while the worker is incapacitated ; or if he can later
work only at a position that pays less, half the difference be-
tween his earning capacity before and after the accident.
If the workman is killed, his relatives must be paid a speci-
fied compensation.

In some countries an old-age pension is paid by the gov-
ernment to those who have little or no income. The sum is
meant to be only just about enough to live on. Neither our
national government nor the states have yet adopted such
a program. Some states and cities, however, have pension
systems for judges, teachers, policemen, firemen, and other
public officers. Several states also pay pensions to mothers
who need money for their families, and have no sufficient
means of support. During the Great War the United States
undertook an unheard-of thing in establishing a system of
War Risk Insurance for its soldiers.

Such measures as these are called social insurance, because
in the long run the expense goes back to the public in the form
of increased taxes or prices. If we feel like grumbling about
the matter, let us remember that an accident with its doc-
tor's bill and lessened working strength has often broken up
homes, taken children from school, sent men to the poorhouse
or death, and made bitter radicals of others. By averting

312 Problems of American Democracy

this kind of thing and spreading the expense over the pubhc
at large it becomes almost neghgible.

Is there any excuse for pensioning judges, teachers, policemen, or
firemen? Might an old-age pension system have any harmful re-
sults? Might workmen's compensation acts make workers care-
less? What is the policy of your state in these matters?

SPECIAL STUDIES

Resolved, that children under eighteen years oi age should be for-
bidden to work regularly for wages.

Child Labor Needs and Laws of My State.

Needs and Laws of My State about Women's Work.

The National Department of Labor.

The Social and Industrial Effects of Fatigue.

Resolved, that a forty-four-hour working week is desirable for work-
ers in factories and stores.

Labor Problems Unknown in 1850.

Mexican Peonage.

REFERENCE READINGS

Towne — Social Problems, Chapters 4-6, 17.

Adams and Sumner — Labor Problems, Chapters 1, 2, 4, 12.

Burch and Paiterson — American Social Problems, Chapter 14.

Marshall and Lyon — Our Economic Organization, Chapter 24.

Burch — American Economic Life, Chapters 14, 16, 17.

Thompson — Elementary Economics, Chapter 28.

Haworth — America in Ferment, Chapter 7.

Lessons in Community and National Life, A-5, A-28, A-29, B-3,

B-11, B-28, C-29, C-30.
Stelzle — American Social and Religious Conditions, Chapter 4.
Seager — Principles of Economics, Chapters 30, 32.
Reed — Form and Functions of American Government, Chapter 37.

B. Efforts at Self-Protection

If it were necessary to wait for all reforms to be accomplished by
law, many of them would be a long time coming. By organization
workers can acquire power sometimes even to the extent of monop-
oly, and thus effectively insist upon measures for their betterment.
How has this been done, and to what results has it led ?

153. Unions and Their Objects. — In a general sense a
labor union is an organization of working men for the promo-

Making America Prosperous 313

tion of their common interests. Although we use the term
to refer to any organization of labor, there are really three
kinds. A trade union is one made up of workers engaged
in the same trade, such as bricklayers or locomotive firemen.
An industrial union is one composed of men employed in the
same industry, such as the United Mine Workers of America,
and may include several trades. The labor union in the limited
sense is an organization of workmen containing men from any
trade or industry. It might accept them as individuals, as
did the Knights of Labor, or it might be formed by a combi-
nation of many trade unions, as is the American Federation of
Labor. The National Trade Union, established in 1856, was
the name of the first association of this kind. It existed
only six years. The Knights of Labor rose up in its place,
and grew until it contained 730,000 members in 1886. But it
fell into difficulties over politics and other matters and went
to pieces.

The American Federation of Labor was organized in 1881.
Samuel Gompers, whom it elected president year after year
until his death, directed its policies wisely and well. It in-
cludes over 100 trade and industrial unions, with a total mem-
bership of about 4,000,000. The Federation is organized
much like our national government. The unions which com-
pose it have their separate organization and rules, and the Fed-
eration unites them into an effective national association.

Capital and management are highly organized. Labor
believes that to deal with such organization on equal terms
it also must organize. We may therefore summarize the
principal objects of unions briefly as follows :

(1) To gain the bargaining power that comes through or-
ganization. One worker is of little consequence as long as he
is one, but a thousand ones acting together can often accom-
plish much.

(2) To obtain improved conditions of work, shorter hours of
labor, and higher wages.

(3) To supply funds which a member can draw upon in case of

314 Problems of American Democracy

need, either when out of work or during a strike, or when sick
or disabled ; and to provide social acquaintance or educa-
tional advantages somewhat after the fashion of lodges and
clubs. Not all unions undertake to do all these things.

(4) To exert influence upon pubhc opinion and upon law-
making.

154. Demands of Unions. — To attain the general objects
which unions seek, certain specific demands upon employers

International.

A Crowd of Strikers.

Twelve thousand employees of the Brooklyn Rapid Transit Company
quit work and tied up the city's traffic. Here are shown some of their ap-
peals to the public.

are characteristic and common. Sanitary and comfortable
conditions of labor, and the eight-hour day or less, we have
already mentioned.

The abolishment of piecework payment is often sought.
The laborer claims that in paying by the amount of work done
the employer sets the standard by his best workers. If this is

Making America Prosperous 315

done the average worker and poor worker will have to exert
themselves beyond their endurance to make a living wage.
Time payment discourages the speeding up of workers, es-
pecially if it is coupled with the requirement that '* time-and-
a-half " or " double-time " pay shall be given for work
beyond regular hours. Unions sometimes seek the same
end by arbitrary rules limiting the amount of work that
a member may do in a day or an hour. This amount is sup-
posed to represent what a fair worker can do without hurting
himself, but it is generally considerably below the capacity of
the best workers.

To prevent such competition as would tend to keep wages
down, imions oppose child labor and desire restriction of im-
migration. They also desire to set a standard of wages for
all workers of a certain class. They generally represent this
to be a minimum standard, but in practice it is commonly so
high that it becomes uniform for all workers of that type, good
or poor. Besides, they claim the right to limit the number
of apprentices to trades, and sometimes even oppose trade
schools. Such a policy needs to be pursued with great cau-
tion, lest it ruin the social value of the industry in even the
immediate future, and cause a harmful reaction against the
whole union movement.

Most other xmion demands center around what is sometimes
referred to as '' recognition " of the union — that is, a definite
admission that union officials have the right to act in behalf
of the employees of a concern. Fundamental to the whole
union program is collective bargaining. The unions hold that
if the men have to contract as individuals they will be at the
mercy of organized capital. They assert that the employer
shall deal with his employees through "representatives of their
own choosing," who shall make contracts and working ar-
rangements in behalf of all the union members. Employers
are frequently willing enough to do this if the representatives
are actual employees, but they usually dislike to deal with out-
siders who are paid by the unions to carry on their business,

316 Problems of American Democracy

but do no other work. These " business agents " have
sometimes been nothing but trouble-makers, who brought
unnecessary ill-will upon the unions which gave them au-
thority.

A frequent development of collective bargaining is the
closed shop — that is, an understanding that all workers in
an establishment must be union members. Unions prefer to
call such a place a " union " shop. Most employers prefer the
open shop, where both union men and non-union men may be
employed, though some of them go so far as to refuse to em-
ploy union men at all. Sometimes, through no fault of an
employer, an open shop becomes a non-union shop because of
the refusal of union members to work with non-union men.
A detail which sometimes is troublesome is the demand of
unions for the '' check-off " — an arrangement by which the
employer deducts the union dues from the workers' pay be-
fore giving it to them and then turns the dues over to the
union officers directly.

Should overtime be paid a higher rate than regular time?
Are there any industries in which the time worked cannot serve
as a fair basis for payment? any in which no other basis is possi-
ble? What do you think of the sliding scale as the basis of pay-
ment — an arrangement by which wages move up or down in ac-
cordance with the market price of the commodity which they pro-
duce ? Is the closed shop policy harmful to the worker in any way ?
Where would you prefer to work, in a union shop, in an open shop,
or in a non-union shop? Why? Would collective bargaining be
possible if a shop were not unionized?

155. Methods of Unions. — Collective bargaining is
both an object which unions seek and a means by which
other objects may be gained. If carried on in good spirit
it may be helpful to both employer and employee and pro-
mote mutual understanding between them. But less pleas-
ant and more radical weapons are also in the hands of
unions, to use when collective bargaining alone fails to ob-
tain what they want.

A strike or a walkout is an organized or deliberate cessa-

Making America Prosperous

317

tion of work on the part of the laborers. If an employer
attempts to continue business with men who have not
struck or by using strike-breakers, the strikers may picket
his works. That is, they may station men near the plant
to tr}^ to prevent others from working.

Some radicals have indulged in a most unjust and inex-
cusable practice, called sabotage. This consists in the will-

itRCUSOi,

HAIR CUTT

imm$sm

vsrmi

ushed'by
achimery

A "Picket" on Duty.
The picture explains the circumstances under which it was taken in Dub-
lin. The policemen evidently are not going to interfere as long as the man
does nothing but stand there. If you were the employer in this case what
do you think you would do about it?

ful destruction of machinery and supplies to harm the em-
ployer. It is a coward's trick. A far-reaching though
not necessarily disorderly policy, used in prolonged strug-
gles, is the hoycott. The workers themselves and all who
sympathize with them unite in agreeing to have nothing to
do with an employer or to use any of his products. Occa-
sionally a sympathetic strike is worked up, when workers

318 Problems of American Democracy

who have no grievance of their own leave work with the
idea of bringing pressure to bear indirectly upon another
employer, whose men are already out on strike.

A union label or trademark is always attached to union-
made goods so that people who sympathize with unions can
refuse to use any others. Some unions also publish an un-
fair list, on which they place the names of employers against
whom organized labor has some kind of grievance. In
" labor " papers such names may be printed under the
title, " We don't patronize."

In what way would any of the above methods operate to bring
an employer to terms? To how many of them could there be no
possible objection, from the viewpoint of a disinterested, impar-
tial person ?

156. Their Accomplishments. — When we look over the
demands made by unions a half-century ago, or even less,
we are astonished to see how many of them have been ob-
tained. For such accomplishments no one can tell how
much credit is due to the union and how much to an awak-
ened public conscience and humane spirit. But much un-
doubtedly is due to the efforts of labor, especially in keep-
ing these matters before the public until action was ob-
tained. The eight-hour day is general; good pay is fre-
quent ; child labor and undesirable work for women are
limited by law. Foreign contract laborers are forbidden
entrance to the country and a limit is set to ordinary immi-
gration. Better working conditions are universal and
many employers are themselves trying to find ways of mak-
ing them still better. Collective bargaining is recognized
as just and reasonable. In all these reforms organized
labor has had a part.

Now what has been the effect on the workers themselves
and upon the communities in which they live? They have
more leisure to spend with their famihes, m recreation, or
in improving themselves mentally and spiritually. Their
families can have more of the comforts of life. The workers

Making America Prosperous 319

have acquired more confidence in themselves and an en-
hanced realization of their own power and importance.
They are no longer content to look upon their service as a
thing, like pig iron or baled cotton. They have seen it
written into our national laws that labor shall not be con-
sidered a mere commodity.

In fairness we must recognize that some evil has come
along with the good, but fortunately it is in such form that
the unions themselves can remove it if they will. Too often
there has seemed to be a desire to create situations so that
pay could be charged for overtime or for unnecessary w^ork.
Some men loaf otf their jobs and employers do not dare to
discharge them for fear of causing a strike. They willfully
do less than they might, so as to *' make work " for some
other union man. They do not take pride in doing a good
job but rather in seeing how httle they can do and ** get
away with it." No honest union man can observe with
pride the low morals which some unions display.

Worst of all is the failure of some unions to stand by their
agreements. If collective bargaining is to mean anything,
it must be binding upon both parties to the bargain. An
employer cannot be blamed for refusing to bargain with
union leaders who cannot or will not hold their men to
their pledged word. Fortunately the ablest union leaders
reahze this. When President Lewis of the United Mine
Workers caused the removal from office of the president of
the Kansas union for calling a strike in violation of the law
of the state, he did one of the best things for the cause
of unionism that could occur.

Is the enforcement of collective bargaining with unions inevitably
difl&cult? Does greed or tyranny on an employer's part excuse
dishonorable conduct by a union?

157. Unions and the Government. — When unions first
appeared in England they were made illegal and member-
ship in them was criminal. What a tremendous difference
today, when from 90 to 95 per cent of Enghsh workers are

320 Problems of American Democracy

unionized and a separate Labor party competes in elections
for the House of Comnaons !

When our national Constitution and early state consti-
tutions were made, modern labor problems were unknown
in the United States. Not a word that relates directly to
such matters do we find in these early documents. Those
very convenient beasts of burden, the interstate commerce
clause in the powers of Congress and the police power of
state governments, have to bear the responsibihty for much
present-day legislation. Some of our more recent state
constitutions, however, do have a few general provisions
that concern labor.

Now to what extent do our laws apply to acts done by or
against a union in a labor controversy? In some states
employers are forbidden to maintain blacklists (§166) or
to discharge any worker because he belongs to a union. In
other cases boycotting is illegal. Courts have sometimes
issued '' injunctions " forbidding union members to inter-
fere with the operation of some business, on the ground
that such an act would lead to violence and the destruc-
tion of property. And recently when some New York
employers failed to abide by the terms of a labor contract,
the union officials obtained a court injunction against such
disregard of agreements. Verily, turn about is fair play.

One other matter was formerly a cause of contention.
Are unions subject to prosecution as trusts? They surely
might acquire monopoly power and commit acts " in re-
straint of trade." But after some cases had arisen in which
our courts sustained their liability to prosecution under
the Sherman Act of 1890, the Clayton Anti-trust Act of
1914 specifically exempted them from any further liability
of that kind. The passage of the Adamson eight hour law
in 1916 under the threat of a strike by the railroad brother-
hoods was another notable victory for union labor. Some
believe that all unions should be required to organize under
the law as corporations, so that they could be subject to the

Making America Prosperous 321

same obligations that are imposed on similar organizations
of capital.

Several attempts have been made to form labor parties
in this country. But because of a tendency toward radical
platforms and of a lack of funds they have never become
strong. There have been numerous cases in local, state,
or congressional elections when the vote of union mem-
bers has elected or rejected a candidate. A tricky politi-
cian will often have himself elected an honoi'ary member of
some union, and then to get the votes of the working men
will boast that he has a union card. President Gompers
of the American Federation of Labor always let the
country know his choice among national candidates, and in
1924 the Federation officially endorsed La Follette's candi-
dacy, but there is no evidence that the members of the Federa-
tion have felt under obligation to vote as a unit at elections.
On the whole, labor questions are distinctly economic and
social, and not suitable for settlement along party lines.

What harm or benefit might come to a labor group if it sought to
gain its objects by forming a separate political party? Some at-
tempts have been made to unite farmers and union laborers in one
political organization. Are they likely to be successful? Why?

SPECIAL STUDIES

The History of Labor Unions.

The Knights of Labor.

The American Federation of Labor.

Great Strikes in American History.

Legislation Affecting Labor.

The Effects of the Industrial Revolution upon Labor.

Labor Problems in Other Lands.

Methods of Wage Payment.

Resolved, that the use of the injunction in labor disputes should

be forbidden.
Resolved, that the steel industry should be unionized.
Resolved, that boycotts and sympathetic strikes should be severely

punished.

322 Problems of American Democracy

REFERENCE READINGS

Adams and Sumner — Labor Problems, Chapters 6, 7, 13.

Burch — American Economic Life, Chapter 46.

Carlton — History and Problems of Organized Labor.

Carver — Elementary Economics, Chapter 32.

Bliss — Encyclopedia of Social Reform, Index.

Bogart — Economic History, Chapters 18, 30, 31.

West — American History and Government, pp. 475-491, 706-720.

Beard — American Labor Movement.

Towne — Social Problems, Chapter 7.

Seager — Principles of Economics, Chapter 29.

Lessons in Community and National Life, B-29.

C. The Employer's Interest in the Worker

To discuss labor problems or any others from only one view-
point would be unfair. What does the employer think about
them? Does he take any interest in his workers? If so, how
does he show it?

158. The Employer's Viewpoint. — Certain notions are
perfectly natural for an employer to entertain. He usually
feels that the business is hi\s business, that he founded it or
acquired it honestly, and that his wealth or that of his
friends is risked in its operation. Therefore, he believes
that the control of it should always remain in his hands,
that he should be free to " hire and fire " as he pleases, and
that he must decide the policies to be followed. In prac-
tice, however, we find at least three groups of employers.

One group holds tenaciously to an extreme interpreta-
tion of these ideas. The.y object on one hand to govern-
ment regulation — '' meddling," they call it — and on the
other to any suggestions from their employees about run-
ning the business. They want nothing to do with unions,
and object to hiring union men. They have no confidence
in the intelligence or honor of the ordinary workman. " If
the workers run the business," they say, '' the first thing
they would do would be to vote higher wages, the second,
to vote still higher wages, and the next, to abolish w^ork."

A second group of employers conscientiously believe in

Making America Prosperous 323

the right of the employer to run his own business, but are
convinced that it pays to have their workers satisfied.
They therefore consent to union agreements if the em-
ployees wish to belong to a union, and by such methods as
profit-sharing, the payment of bonuses, and welfare work
endeavor to make the employees contented and interested
in the success of the business. It would not be fair to as-
sume that they do these things only because it pays them,
but that is an important consideration.

A third group, less numerous, but including some very suc-
cessful employers, have largely abandoned the *'my business ".
attitude and look upon industry as a sort of partnership
venture, depending for its prosperity upon the well-being of
both workers and employer. They want to treat their workers
not only fairly but generously. They pay much attention to
every form of welfare work and even admit representatives
of the workers to a share in the administration of the busi-
ness. They are sincerely interested in their w^orkers, not
only as employees, but as human beings.

In dealing with any particular labor situation w^e must
remember that there are selfish employers and generous
emplo3^ers, as well as unions greedy for power and unions
seeking only to protect the rights of their members.
Neither the outsider nor any party in an industry is justi-
fied in presuming that they are all alike. Now what are
some of the measures by which the w^ell-meaning emplo3^er
tries to promote the interests of his workers?

159. Profit-Sharing. — Profit-sharing is a plan w^hereby
employees receive in addition to their regular wage a speci-
fied portion of the net profits of the concern. It may take
one of three forms : a cash payment at the end of a specified
time, usually a year; a deferred payment, such as a fund
accumulated year by year, to be given to the employees in
time of need or at the end of a certain period of service ; or
shares of the company's stock.

324 Problems of American Democracy

Sometimes employers have not gone so far as to share
their profits, but they have adopted other systems that are
based on a similar idea. Many companies give bonuses to
their employees. These are money gifts, separate from the
wages, and may be given unexpectedly at vacation time or
because of a holiday, but are sometimes given regularly
every six months or every year. The system of giving
bonuses is not so fixed as profit sharing, but where the class
of workers is not so intelligent, it may even be more popu-
lar, for a bonus seems like a present, something given for
nothing.

Another way to reward faithful service is by a pension
system. This provides a fixed sum given every week or
month to employees who because of age, sickness, or acci-
dent, are no longer able to work. The First National Bank
of Chicago puts three per cent of the wages and salaries of
its workers away as part of a pension fund. Then when
the employees reach the age of sixty, if they have worked
for the bank fifteen years, they are given a sum based on
their wages. The Pennsylvania Railroad Company gives
to its employees when they retire, at an age of from 65 to
70, a pension of 1 per cent of their average monthly wages
for the ten years preceding their retirement, multiplied by
the number of years they have been in the company's
service. The Procter and Gamble Company's pension
fund is supported by both the company and the men.
It gives a pension in case of old age, disability, or acci-
dent. If the worker is killed, the pension is supposed to
go to his dependents.

Profit-sharing sounds good. It has worked successfully
in a large number of instances. It is an incentive to do
good work. It gives the worker an interest in the concern,
so that it is in a way his business. When this is the case,
he will want to do all he can to make it profitable. And
the more he does the more he is paid. Why don't we have
more of it?

Making America Prosperous 325

Some labor unions are opposed to profit-sharing, because
they want the employees to look to the union for their bene-
fits, not to the emploj^er. Employers also sometimes ob-
ject to the plan because the employees share in the profits
when business is good, but they do not have to help make
up deficits. Sometimes, too, for an employee to get any
benefit from some profit-sharing schemes, he must virtu-
ally tie himself down to one industry or even one fac-
tory for the best part of a lifetime. Employers are usually
glad to have skilled workers stay with them indefinitely,
but the w^orker may or may not be benefited by such an
arrangement.

Can profit-sharing be applied in every industry? Mention some
in which its application would be difficult, some in which it would
be easy. How would profit-sharing affect your attitude toward a
job?

160. Welfare Work. — Another means of keeping workers
in industry is through welfare work. By this we mean
services rendered to employees beyond their regular wages,
such as the establishment of rest rooms, gymnasiums,
recreation rooms and libraries. Athletic teams are often
promoted by the employer. And during the reign of
high prices lunch rooms and stores were established where
goods were bought up by the concern in large quantities
and sold at cost price to the employees. Sometimes wel-
fare work even extends to improving the home conditions
of the laborers.

At first there was some uncertainty as to how the worker
would take to such improvements, and whether he would
reject them as " paternal,'' but the American laborer has
usually shown his sense in this way and has received them
in the friendly, man-to-man way they were offered. He
has shown his appreciation for httle things, like fresh air
through the factory, an opportunity to change clothes and
wash up before leaving, as well as for the bigger improve-
ments, by his loyalty to such employers and by greater

326 Problems of American Democracy

care and faithfulness at his work. Some unions, however,
declare that employers should express any brotherly love
they may have for their workers by raising their wages
instead of spending the money on a restaurant or a gymna-
sium — that such a scheme is merely a camouflaged way of
keeping the workers in their power.

A kind of w^elfare work sometimes abused in practice is
the company store. This is a store carried on by the com-

liousES IN A Company Town,

These dwellings were built by the Lever Company in their "Modei
Village" called Port Sunlight. They are rented to their employees virtually
at cost. Notice that the company has tried to avoid the discouraging mo-
notony of style that we often find in mining towns in this country.

pany where goods are sold to employees supposedly at a
little above cost. But if a worker is forced to buy there or
if charge accounts are encouraged, the store may lead to
extravagance, and use up all a man's wages before pay-day.
Sometimes a corporation, especially if its factory is in an
out-of-the-way place, realizing that married men are more
steady workers, builds houses for workers and their fami-
lies. Sometimes these houses are all built exactly alike, a
practice which creates an unpleasant uniformity and ugli-

Making America Prosperous 327

ness ; but this is not at all necessary. The houses may be
either rented or sold to the employees on easy terms. A
company has been known to construct a whole town, such
as Pullman, near Chicago, built by the Pullman Car
Company, and Vandergrift, near Pittsburgh, built by the
Apollo Iron and Steel Company.

Why are some people so ready to impute selfish motives to
employers who perform a service to their employees? With how-
many forms of welfare work are you familar? What is meant by
** labor turnover"? Why do employers like to keep good men
with them permanently?

SPECIAL STUDIES

Systems of Profit-sharing.

The National Cash Register Company (or Procter and Gamble,

or some other concern famous for welfare work).
Resolved, that *' hiring and firing " is exclusively the employer's

right.
Welfare Work of the United States Steel Corporation.
Henry Ford and His Employees.

REFERENCE READINGS

Burch — American Economic Life, Chapters 44, 45.

Cleveland and Schaf er — Democracy in Reconstruction, Chapter 14,

Lessons in Community and National Life, C-32.

Seager — Principles of Economics, Chapter 31.

Laing — Introduction to Economics, Chapter 28.

Carlton — Elementary Economics, Chapters 17, 24.

Adams and Sumner — Labor Problems, Chapter 9.

D. Fitting the Worker and the Job

Unemployment produces poverty, suffering, ignorance, ineffi-
ciency, vice, and crime, on the part of the unemployed and of those
dependent upon them. To see that the worker has something to
do is surely therefore a necessary way to safeguard his interests.
Moreover, we should try to qualify everybody to do something and
keep the square pegs out of the round holes. How may this de-
sirable end be attained?

161. Why People Are Out of Work. — Before trying to
find a remedy for unemployment, let us examine the most

3£8 Problems of American Democracy

common causes of it. They are often classified in three
groups, personal, industrial, and social.

Among the personal causes are sickness, improper or in-
sufficient food or clothing, and accident. It has been es-
timated that for these reasons the average loss of time from
work per year for each person is thirteen days. Sometimes
such" unemployment is onl}^ temporary, but frequently a

Help for the Jobless.
Institutions in the poor sections of our large cities are often conducted
by social workers to relieve those who are unable to get work. At such
places as this the men can get food and lodging either free or at a very low
price.

worker's place is filled while he is away; and if his illness
or accident is serious, he may never be able to do as good
work again. Another group of xmemployed are the indus-
trially incapable. This may mean that they are mentally
below grade or that they have not had preparation suffi-
cient to fit them to do anything well. Child laborers be-
come stunted in mind and body, and those who start in
early on so-called " blind alley " occupations are often un-
fitted for any kind of permanently profitable work. Still

Making America Prosperous 329

other personal reasons for unemplojnnent are intemperance,
restlessness, and plain laziness.

Industrial causes may be immediately responsible at
some one time for more imemployment than personal de-
fects, though probably not in the long run. These include
seasonal trades, labor troubles, and business depressions.
In many occupations the big demand for workers comes
only at certain seasons of the year. Farming, lumbering,
canning, the building trades, ice gathering or manufacture,
for example, all employ many more workers at one season
than another. Strikes and lockouts may throw thousands
out of work at one time, and a strike in one trade may com-
pletely^ tie up other trades which depend upon its products.
Industrial depressions close down mills, factories, and work-
shops, and sometimes cause bankruptc3^ Such disturb-
ances are not so numerous nor so regular as the seasonal
interruptions, but they are serious while they last. Sub-
stituting machinery for hand labor and introducing new
methods of production are also occasional causes of unem-
ployment.

The chief social cause is the immobility of labor. Men
who have the capacity and knowledge to do good work are
sometimes unwilling to go to a new community or different
section of the country, even though their chances of getting
employment would be much better there. If they or their
families have always lived in a certain neighborhood, they
hate to break away from old friendships and relations.
They are willing to stay where they are, living on moderate
wages and sometimes going without employment, rather
than move to a new place. This fact has much to do with
the crowding of workers in cities, and is an important rea-
son why in some neighborhoods the standard of wages is
low. Another social hindrance is ignorance of oppor-
tunity; for sometimes when a worker is perfectly willing
to go wherever he can find employment, he does not know
where there is a demand for his trade or profession.

330 Problems of American Democracy

Make a list of cases within your knowledge of present or recent
unemployment, explaining why in each case. If certain ones
were laid off while others in the same occupation were not,
what was the reason? From what you read, does unemployment
seem a more or less serious problem in your community than else-
where? Why? Must we expect always to find a considerable
amount of unemployment ?

162. Providing Employment. — " To correct an evil,
remove the cause," is always good advice — if it can be
carried out. Can we remove the causes of unemployment?
Some personal causes nobody can remedy except the loafer,
the drug fiend, or the criminal himself. Sickness, poor food,
and accident are also in many cases the individual's fault.
What the community can do in preventing such misfor-
tunes has been mentioned in our discussion of the problem
of Protecting Health. Preventing unemployment due to
inefficiency is now recognized as a proposition serious
enough to call for special activity in our schools, as we shall
see in the next section. Trade unions also give some assist-
ance at this point through their training of apprentices.

The removal of the industrial causes of unemployment is
probably no more important than the removal of other
causes, but the need is more evident to the public. Sea-
sonal trades will always be seasonal trades in much oi our
country. But to meet some of these seasonal demands
there has grown up a class of *' migrant workers " who go
from wheatfield to wheatfield, or from cannery to cannery,,
or from mill to lumber camp, and work a little while at a
time. Some are ready to say that in this case the remedy
is worse than the disease, for among these migrant workers
ignorance, immorality, and lack of responsibility are almost
inevitable. The conditions in which such workers live are
often frightful, and their children grow up in almost the
worst possible surroundings.

But suppose a man really wants a permanent job?
Where can he look for it? He can answer " ads " in the

Making America Prosperous 331

newspapers, of course. He can go to the *' personnel de-
partment " of shops or factories. He can register in an em-
ployment agency and by promising to pay them part of his
first earnings secure the names of people who want workers.
Such agencies, however, have sometimes been so dishon-
estly or incompetently managed that now many states and
cities maintain public employment agencies to do such
work, and demand that private agencies be licensed. Pub-
lic bureaus have special advantages in learning of demands
for workers in different places, so that a worker who is will-
ing to move is less hkely to need to remain idle. The prob-
lem of employment becomes much more serious in a period
of business depression such as followed the Great War.
Then philanthropic societies such as the Salvation Army
try particularly to secure positions for applicants. Some
employers try to reUeve a slack season by employing many
of their workers part of the time instead of laying off a large
number entirely.

It has been urged, too, that cities and other local govern-
ments should plan street construction, or other civic im-
provements so as to be done at times when work is scarce.
But communities which attempt such a program must
guard against the extravagance of making unnecessary
improvements just to hire men. Public insurance against
unemployment has also been proposed. Such a plan calls
for very careful management lest it should encourage in-
difference and laziness on the part of those little inclined to
work.

Is the labor turnover likely to be greatest among skilled or un-
skilled workers? If you were a laborer out of work in your own
community, but looking for a job, what course of action would you
probably follow? Would you do any differently if you were a
skilled worker? a college graduate who had specialized in some
particular line? What does your state or community do to re-
lieve unemployment ? What more, if anything, could it do ?

To what extent does the responsibility for unemployment rest on
employers ?

332 Problems of American Democracy

163. Preparing for a Life Work. — If inefficiency is the
cause of unemployment or of poor employment, the remedy
is preparation. Preparation must come through experi-
ence. Some of it can be gained only in the '' University
of Hard Knocks," but much of it can be acquired by study-
ing the experience of others. This is why the average col-
lege graduate beats out the high school graduate and the
eighth-grade graduate, even though he is four years or eight
years later beginning his earning period — he knows so
much more when he begins.

Trade unions like to control the preparation for trades,
but since they generally limit the number of apprentices
they will accept and since in many cases they are qualified
to teach only the manual part of the trade, some educa-
tional agency, pubhc or private, must undertake it. Every
up-to-date local school system now gives some attention
to vocational training or study. Many states lay special
stress on this phase of education. The national govern-
ment has aided education more along this line than any
other, perhaps, for it has for over fifty years given help to
state agricultural colleges, and the Smith-Hughes Act of
1917 (§ 14) provided assistance for other forms of voca-
tional instruction as well. There are also a number of
private technical schools and colleges.

Now how much should and can the school do in training
for a life work? For those who think they know what they
want, commercial and technical courses can be provided.
Even the small rural school can make much of its work di-
rectly helpful on the farm. In some cases, such as in Cin-
cinnati and Fitchburg, a high degree of cooperation has
been planned l^etween the public schools and the leading
industries of the place, so that in their part-time courses
practical experience, with pay, is afforded in the shops,
alternating with class-room instruction. It is too bad that
not everybody can have the benefit of a sound, general high
school course, for these special courses give only a limited

Making America Prosperous 333

and specialized type of education ; but it is surely better
for them to get something than nothing.

But what shall we do for those who do not know their
own minds? The general run of high school freshmen do
not, even though they may think they do. Here is the
opportunit}' for vocational guidance. In a large school
one or more teachers may give their entire time to the work,
either by giving class instruction or by personal tests and
interviews. They need not and usually should not try to
force a pupil into a particular occupation, but can give him
some acquaintance with the needs, opportunities, and
methods of preparation for various trades and professions,
and help him to make a choice.

To make such a decision hastily or prematurely is a great
mistake, but it is perhaps even worse folly never to think
about one's life work. To find the qualities which we pos-
sess most fully, to learn the demands of various occupa-
tions and compare our talents with these demands, so that
our life work may be both joyous and efficient, is a duty
that we owe to our community and should form a vital part
of our education, whether we get it privately or by formal
instruction. Above all, let us not make money the only
goal in our life-work. A titled snob once said to the
English statesman, John Bright, " I am worth one miUion
pounds sterhng." *' Yes," replied Mr. Bright, " and that's
all you are worth."

In a class of 114 high school seniors, 59 thought they knew when
they entered high school what their life work was to be, but 38 of
these changed their minds before graduation. How do these fig-
ures compare with the facts for your own class? If you have set-
tled on your occupation, why did you adopt it? If you changed
your mind about it, why did you do so ? If you have not decided
yet, why haven't you? Make a list of the trades or professions
which the members of your class are seriously considering, and
study the qualities and extent of preparation demanded by each.

164. Women in the Industrial World. — Woman in in-
dustry is no new feature. In primitive times she did a large

334 Problems of American Democracy

part of the work. Before the time of factories she made
the clothing for the family, and she has always done con-
siderable factor}^ work. But now her industrial activities
are so numerous that we give them special consideration.
About 10,000,000 women are now wage-earners, and they
are found in nine-tenths of all the occupations. Why has
woman left the home to take up outside employment?

In many cases, it is because she desires to work. Per-
haps she dislikes housework, or has little or none to do.
It may be because she dislikes to be dependent, or wishes
certain luxuries which she would not feel like demanding from
the rest of the family. Perhaps she h as unusual talent in some
art or profession and would be unhappy and less useful out
of it. The transfer of many forms of production from the
home to the factory created a demand for woman's work
which has met a ready response. It is no longer a disgrace
for a girl to earn her own hving.

Often she works because she must. Many unmarried,
orphaned, or widowed women refuse to live on charity —
and more power to them ! The increased cost of living, or
some misfortune to the husband or father, may make his
income insufficient and the woman must work to support
the family. During the Great War, when there was much
work to be done and fewer than usual to do it, women
heroically filled many positions out of their ordinary
sphere.

What are the results of women's " invasion " of indus-
try? Good, in some respects, we must admit. They can
do some things even better than men, and many things
just as well. At least one- third of the office work is done
b}^ women, and four-fifths of the teaching, especially below
the high school. They have contributed a new labor force
to industry. iSome of them have been transformed from
helpless idlers or parasites, waiting for some man to come
and get them, into self-respecting competent workers, able
to look out for themselves Besides, if a girl learns some

Making America Prosperous 335

special work before she marries, she has less reason to fear
or worry if some emergency or trouble arises later.

On the other hand, the standard of women's wages is
low, and this may react unfavorably on the wages of men.
Sweat shop workers were largely women and children.
Low wages, too, may lead to insufficient food or clothing
or to immoral living. But sometimes the " lure of the big
wage " or the desire for a " career " takes w^omen's interests
out of the home, makes them unwilling to marry, and
keeps them dissatisfied with the home if they do many. A
woman who is in the house only nights and Sundays can
not be much of a home-maker. If there are children in
such a home, the result may be disastrous. Society can
afford to pay mothers' pensions to keep homes together;
but it is hard to justify taking a poodle to Palm Beach while
a hired maid looks out for the children.

Home-making is, after all, the big '' career " to which
most girls should look forward. If present-day parents
do not teach girls how to cook and sew and handle the other
home duties, the school must do it, so that the next line of
mothers may do better than the present. It is too bad
that house-work has been taboo among American white
girls as a means of earning a living. There is no reason
why that valuable service should be passed over to black
Dinah or Swedish Inga or Polish Mary.

Make a list of 10 occupations for which women are better fitted
than men ; 10 for which they are equally fitted ; 10 for which they
are less fitted; 10 which they should avoid. Does the working
girl have a better or poorer opportunity to marry than the one who
stays at home ? What has done most to equalize the status of men
and women, — education, religion, industry, or something else?

.*. To safeguard the priceless human element in industry, we must
have cooperation from every interested party. The workers may
unite to protect themselves by any reasonable method. Employers
must get a broader vision than to-day*s payroll. The community
through laws must protect those who cannot protect themselves
and through education must direct preparation for one's life work

336 Problems of American Democracy

into proper channels. Each individual must feel his responsibility
for becoming a useful member of society.

SPECIAL STUDIES

Unemployment in Our Community.
Private Employment Agencies.
Vocational Guidance.
The Problem of Domestic Service.
Part-time and Cooperative Schools.
Women Workers from the Employer's Viewpoint.
Woman's Rise toward Equality.
Women as a Factor in Labor and the Professions,
Women's Political and Legal Rights.
Resolved, that community kitchens are a benefit.
Resolved, that for work of equal character and quality women
and men should receive the same pay.

REFERENCE READINGS

Adams and Sumner — Labor Problems, Chapter II.

Davis — Vocational and Moral Guidance.

Gowin and Wheatly — Occupations.

Abbott — Woman in Industry.

Burch and Patterson — American Social Problems, Chapter 15.

Towne — Social Problems, Chapter 8.

Adams — Description of Industry, Chapter 7.

Bryce — American Commonwealth, Chapter 112.

Wolfe — Readings in Social Problems, Book III.

Lessons in Community and National Life, B-8, B-30, B-31.

XIV. ASSURING INDUSTRIAL PEACE

The employer and the laborer seem to see everything from dif-
ferent viewpoints and through different-colored glasses. At point
after point their interests seem to conflict. Can peace and harmony
be established between them? If so, how?

165. Who Are Interested? — We often speak of the
struggle between capital and labor as a conflict between
two forces of humanity. True, practically every one is
either an employer or an employee; but in any given dis-
pute one may have no part whatever. There is always a
third factor — the public, which uses, but does not pro-
duce, any particular commodity or service. Does this
third factor have any concern in the fight?

After a strike there is usually a rise in prices to pay the
workmen higher wages or to pay for the loss suffered during
the strike. Who must pay these prices, or, in other words,
pay the cost of the strike? Necessarily the public, those
who are said to have no interest in the matter. Frequently a
necessity of life, such as milk or street car service, is tied. up
or interrupted by a labor disturbance. Is it the few people
in that industry or all the people at large that suffer most?
During the pohce strike in Boston, was it the city or state
officials or the policemen that suffered from the inrush of
thieves and crooks, or was it the ^' third party," the public?

Suppose there is a strike in the steel industry. Trace out fully
every other activity which would be affected.

Could the same individual have the interests of a capitalist in
one affair, of a laborer in another, and of the public in a third ?

If, as is often the case, a labor dispute leads to violence,
public property and that of outsiders are endangered as
well as the employer's. Moreover, for any harm done to

337

338 Problems of American Democracy

the employer's property the pubUc must pay in higher
prices or in taxes ; for if the city or county does not afford
proper protection the owner will demand payment for the
damages. The public must pay for the police and soldiers

Anthracite coal is found almost exclusively in that part of Pennsylvania
in which Scran ton is the largest city. Do you think you would enjoy this
kind of work? Do you imagine that it would be healthful? Scranton
and other places have suffered much from cave-ins due to careless mining.

necessary to keep the peace. The strikers' families suffer,
and the creditors of these families suffer, when no money is
being earned. The employer may be forced to break con-
tracts, which will handicap if not bankrupt other concerns.
Industrial groups are coming to realize that their quarrels

Making America Prosperous 339

are not their own. There can be no such thing as a " private
war" between capital and labor. Not to mention the class
jealousy and ill-will created by labor troubles, which break
up social unity, we all have something at stake in every siza-
ble industrial controversy. Interdependence of individuals
is universal. Any dispute may have nation-wide effects.

166. What is Wrong in Industry ? — There was a time
when an employer had eight or ten ** hired help," with
whom he had an intimate personal acquaintance. He was
the "boss," but each of his men could hope to become a
boss himself some day. Probably the employer himself
made his way up from the ranks and knew just how the
''man in the overalls" felt about things. "

But the factory system and large-scale production have
completely changed all this. They have made ** imper-
sonality " the distinguishing feature of modern big busi-
ness. The employer and emplo^^ed lose their character-
istics as men and become " agents in production." Mis-
understanding is inevitable, and not wholly the fault of
either. The employer of hundreds or even thousands of
men can not hope to know John Czernski except as number
1216, if at all. John is hired and fired by the " boss " of
his department. Men come and go, but the head of the
business has no time to inquire who or w^hy.

The high degree of specialization brought about by large-
scale production intensifies this impersonality. These are not
weavers, and those, tailors — they are " processes " twelve
and eighteen. A man who does nothing but tighten bolt 15
in the body of an automobile cannot feel any pride in the
finished product. And what can be the effect of doing
nothing but stabbing hogs in the neck day after day ! The
worker becomes narrowminded, or mechanical, dead in soul.

When laborers, feehng hopeless to help themselves with-
out organization, form unions and demand changes from
employers, the latter may simply fight back. Their ex-

340 Problems of American Democracy

planation of the formation of '' employer's associations *'
is that without them an individual employer might be at
the mercy of a union directed by a highly paid, unscrupu-
lous " agent " who had no personal interest in the business.
In serious cases the emploj^er may try a lockout — shut down
his factory and refuse to permit any work until the men

Courtesy Stvift and Co.
Dressing Sheep in a Great Meat-packing Establishment.

The carcasses are hung on a kind of gravity trolley system and pass from
one workman to another at a uniform speed. There are about fifty opera-
tions in dressing sheep. Would the relations between employer and em-
ployees in such an establishment have any effect upon general conditions
in the industry?

come to terms. Employers keep records of undesirable
workmen, and by exchanging blacklists they attempt to
keep such men out of one another's shops.

All these things bring an industrial war. That is the
right word. A picture from the scene of a labor dispute
sometimes looks as if it came from northern France in 1918.
Yes, there is much in modern industry that is wrongs Too
little personal relationship, too much misunderstanding;
too little sense of humanity, too much class consciousness;

Making America Prosperous 341

too little spirit and soul, too much machinery; too httle
regard for others' rights, too much greed and selfishness
and willingness to fight for oower and control.

167. The ''Right" to Strike and to Work. — Labor
organizations invariably insist upon the right to strike as
unquestioned and necessary. In theory we may not deny
the right of any man to work or not to work as he chooses,
unless his action involves the breaking of a contract. And
as a general statement no one may deny the t*ight of one
thousand men to act similarly. We certainly have no
right to prohibit strikes without providing other suitable
means just as effective to secure justice. Yet when an em-
ployer " strikes " by means of a lockout, unions are some-
times appalled by the unfairness of it.

Men who are out on a strike frequently try to prevent
others from w^orking. It is under such circumstances that
trouble most often occurs. If picketing is nothing more
than peaceful argument, it is surely within a citizen's rights ;
but sometimes clashes occur between pickets and guards
hired by the employer, and personal encounters result be-
tween strikers Or their sympathizers and those who wish
to work. Yet has not one man the same right to work that
another has to decline to work? The professional strike-
breaker or " scab " is not popular, and we cannot wonder
at the fact ; but the case seems to be different when some
of the regular emploj^ees of an establishment prefer to con-
tinue working, or when others are willing to take permanent
jobs. The chief reason why unions usually desire the
closed shop is to make it possible for them to control as a
unit the entire labor force in an establishment.

If you had been employed in a factory twenty years when a strike
was ordered there, what course of action would you probably pur-
sue? If a family were dependent upon your daily earnings, and
your union officers ordered you to strike, would your first obliga-
tion be due to your family or to the union?

342 Problems of American Democracy

The general public is inclined to believe that there are
certain conditions when the absolute right to strike must be
denied. First, when it is in violation of a contract, and the
employer has not violated his share of it. Second, when it
prevents the production or transportation of a necessitj^
of life. The harm a railroad strike might do to a nation
would be greater in most cases than any possible injustice
to the employees, if other means of settlement of a contro-
versy were available. Third, when it concerns government
employees, such as policemen and firemen, who have taken
oath to serve the public. Fourth, when all other available
means of settlement have not been tried. The effects of
a strike are so serious and far-reaching that it must be kept
as a last resort. And public sentiment will not long be on
the side of strikers if they resort to violence to gain their ends.

The state has the right to say that you shall go to school whether
you like the teacher or not. Why? Should it have the same right
to say that certain industries must be carried on whether every-
body connected with them is satisfied or not? Here is the oath
taken by the policemen of Boston upon becoming members of the
force : " I do solemnly swear that I will bear allegiance to the United
States and the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, and will sup-
port the Constitution and laws thereof, so help me God. I do sol-
emnly swear that I will faithfully and impartially perform all the
duties incumbent upon me as a police officer of the city of Boston."
Was a person who had taken such an oath justified in leaving his
post whether he had a grievance or not against his superior offi-
cers, knowing the results which must follow such action? Is there
any difference between public employees and employees of pri-
vate organizations in regard to the right to strike? Are unions
correct in asserting that the right to strike is essential to the free-
dom of labor and the assurance of justice ? Is the closed shop neces-
sary to the life of the union ? Do strikers have the right to march
in the streets or on sidewalks whenever they please? What ob-
ject could they have in doing so ?

168. Agencies for Settling Disputes. — No doubt strikes
would be far more common, and surely would be more gen-
erally justifiable if they were the only means of forcing an

Making America Prosperous

343

employer to do justice by his men. But the pubhc's con-
cern about essential industries is so great that it has caused
the setting up of numerous agencies to aid in settling dis-
putes. Sometimes conferences are arranged between the
two contending parties, but usually these accomplish Uttle
because both sides are unyielding. Sometimes arbitrators
representing the public are called into such conferences.
In such cases their opinion usually decides the issue.

Most of the states now have a bureau or board of con-
ciliation or mediation with the right to investigate any in-

Covvright, Harris & Ewtng.
An Industrial Conference in Session.

This is one of the numerous conferences that have been held in Washington
in recent years. Representatives of business interests, labor, and the public
at large were all represented here.

dustrial controversy, and publish their findings. But their
most valuable service is in acting as mediators or arbitra-
tors. Seldom do they have any power to conmiand em-
ployers or employees to listen to them or to accept their
offers of help. But such offers are frequently accepted, and

344 Problems of American Democracy

if a labor board or mediation officer has acquired a repu-
tation for intelligence and fairmindedness, their opinions
are likely to be accepted by both parties.

The federal government also has a Board of Mediation
and Conciliation, which has the kind of power just referred
to, and the Railroad Labor Board must consider all requests
for changes in wages or working conditions before they go into
effect, if there is any controversy about them. During the
Great War the War Labor Board was set up, to consider
industrial disputes, and settled dozens of them in a reason-
ably satisfactory manner.

On several notable occasions mayors and governors have
intervened to bring about settlements. President Roose-
velt did likewise in the anthracite coal strike of 1902 and
President Wilson in the still more far-reaching coal strike
of 1919. Not even a president, however, has any legal
authority in such a matter. He can simply urge whatever
action he believes public interests require, and the measure
of his success will depend upon the extent to which public
opinion is back of him.

Formerly, more often than to-day, one side or the other
would say, " We have nothing to arbitrate." Such an at-
titude, however, usually antagonizes public opinion, for if
one party's case is so sound that there could be no honest
disagreement with it, surely it could not suffer by being
submitted to impartial arbitrators. Labor unions some-
times oppose public arbitration boards, asserting that they
are made up of people prejudiced on the side of capital, or
that at best their decision will be a compromise — a vain
attempt to try to please both sides. But since labor has
more votes than capital, even a politically appointed board
would probably not decide everything against labor. Be-
sides, even a partly unsatisfactory decision might mean
less hard feelings and loss of wages than a prolonged strike.

Does your state support a board of conciliation or something
like it? If so, study some cases with which it has dealt.

Making America Prosperous 345

169. Is Compulsory Arbitration Desirable ? — Many
people think that when two parties do not settle an indus-
trial dispute between themselves, they should be forced to
submit it to a public board of arbitration and that the de-
cision of this board should be binding. New Zealand, Aus-
tralia, and Norway have adopted systems of compulsory
arbitration based on this idea. Strikes and lockouts are
made illegal, though they sometimes occur.

Canada has a system which virtually requires the arbi-
tration of disputes, but not compulsory adherence to its
decisions. A public board investigates disputes, renders
its opinion and then leaves the matter to public opinion,
thinking that the people will demand the enforcement of
the decision. Indeed, that is often all it really can do, for
it is virtually impossible to force every one of several hun-
dred or thousand strikers to go to work if they do not wish
to, or even a majority of them.

The nearest thing to compulsory arbitration thai we have
in this country is the Kansas Court of Industrial Relations.
It is made up of three judges appointed by the governor.
Controversies involving transportation, mining, or other
essential industries, must be submitted to its consideration,
and strikes or lockouts before its decision is announced
are forbidden. One's opinion as to its success will depend
upon his prejudices or the source of his information, but
its object is laudable — that essential industries shall not
be interrupted merely because the parties connected with
them disagree about something. Through putting the
facts before a supposedly impartial board a reasonable de-
cision is possible. The pubUc gets information on the basis
of which it may demand justice. Both sides have a chance
to cool off before breaking relations — a fact which may in
itseK bring about settlement. The chief arguments against
compulsory arbitration are that forcing a person to work
against his wishes is really " involuntary servitude " and
therefore un-American, and that the enforcement of de-

346 Problems of American Democracy

cisions will often be impossible. But, in the words of a
New York editor, '' The American public does not long
tolerate the idea that it is a beast of burden to be driven
now by one private class and now by another for selfish
gain." It does not see why it must suffer just because one
or two groups are stubborn or unreasonable.

170. Industrial Democracy. — For some time we have
had a considerable measure of political and social democ-
racy, but we did not carry it over into industry. Large-
scale industry, at least, was an autocracy. By democracy
in industry we mean the organization of a concern so that
the employees have a voice in its management, as far as it
concerns the employees in any way. A common plan is to
have the workers elect a house of representatives, the
bosses, foremen, or heads of departments, elect a senate,
and the management constitute a cabinet. The whole
system then operates somewhat like a state or national
government. Frequently the organization is not quite so
formal as this. The representatives of the workers may be
known as a shop council, but the principle of the employee
representation is the same. In a few cases, labor repre-
sentatives are admitted to the board of directors.

In numerous instances this plan works a marvelous im-
provement in the morale of the establishment. It stimu-
lates the workers' interest. They feel that they have a
real part in the business, and they work harder and more
conscientiously. Production is increased, and waste and
inefficiency are decreased. There are no labor controver-
sies. All parties, having full acquaintance with the facts
about the business, understand the others. The employer
realizes the workers' needs and the employees do not demand
what is unreasonable. The workers' representatives are
of their own body, not outsiders who do not understand con-
ditions, and a spirit of friendliness pervades the whole plant.

But will it work everywhere? It has been tried in every

Making America Prosperous 347

part of the country and in many kinds of industries. In-
vestigators declare that it fails only when one side or the
other has not entered fully into the spirit of the thing.
Sometimes an employer permits the setting up of a form of
workers' representation but pays little or no attention to
their desires or suggestions. In industry, as in govern-
ment, the form of democracy without the spirit of coopera-
tion will gain little. But even in factories where many
workers are foreigners, it is said that the adoption of a real
industrial democracy has helped to make them intelligent,
interested, and efficient. .

Labor organizations often oppose industrial democracy.
They say that labor should organize as labor and get what
it needs through such organization. The theory of indus-
trial democracy is that both capital and labor are partners
and should organize for cooperation, not conflict. The
welfare of one promotes the welfare of the other. Indus-
trial democracy promises a great deal for the promotion of
common understanding and the general weKare.

Are there any large-scale occupations in which this kind of labor
organization could not be expected to work? Would labor unions
of the usual type succeed any better ? Would industrial democracy
destroy labor unions? Should the union be regarded as simply a
means of securing justice, which might in time outlive its useful-
ness, or is it something to be perpetuated for its own sake ?

171. Industrial Ideals. — People sometimes say, usually
in excusing themselves for laziness, " The world owes every
man a living." On that philosophy they base their policy
of doing as little as they can. If every one worked on that
theory, however, there would be little progress in the world, for
progress depends upon people's doing more than merely keep-
ing alive would require them to do. It would be much truer
to say, the world owes every man what he earns. What he
does for the world, rather than what he would like to have,
is the sound basis for what the world ought to do for him.

But wages alone are not enough for the worker, though

348 Problems of American Democracy

sometimes he may mistakenly think so. A hving wage
plus an interest in his work and ideals for higher things for
himself and his associates he must have, if he is to be any-
thing more than a part of a machine. If his daily toil must
be mechanical routine, his employer should at least see to
it that his leisure moments can be spent comfortably, and
the community must give him every opportunity for up-
lifting recreation and mental and spiritual advancement.

Must we forever proceed on the assumption that indus-
try is a fight between capital and labor, to see which can

Copyright, Harris cfc Ewing.
Labor and Capital in Conference.
The two prominent figures in the picture are Samuel Gompers, late Presi-
dent of the American Federation of Labor, and Charles M. Schwab, famous
as a financier and business man.

get the more out of the other? " Competition is the life
of trade," they used to tell us. But in practice cut-throat
competition, whether between employer and employee or
between employer and employer, has been the death of
happiness and the curse of industry. We preach now a
new doctrine of cooperation. Let each see how much can
be done by working with the rest. " Live and let live."

Making America Prosperous 349

And let each see how well he can do the job, not how much
poor work he can " get away with."

We cannot reach the new ideals over night. Prejudice,
the memory of past wrongs, misunderstanding — all these
and more cannot be wiped out by a word. The sins of
past injustice and tyranny are visited upon another gen-
eration of employers, most of whom want to be square;
and the rascality of a few obscures the good intentions of
the many. But let not the wage-earner be over-harsh until
he can atone for the deeds of the greedy, the slacker, the
willful disturber, the destroyer of property and life, in his
own ranks. These evils can be overcome if we seek
unitedly the better things instead of brooding over past
wrongs.

Both employer and wage-worker, too, must be square
with the public that supports them both. There can be no
more private wars. There must be regard for the interests
of all. " A fair day's wage for a fair day's work " is a "fine
motto, as far as it goes. ^' Good service at a reasonable
price " supplements it admirably. We are not talking
about Utopia. We can have all this in the United States
of America.

.'. Labor and capital must for their own good and for the sake of
the public be willing to allow their disagreements to be settled
without interruption of service to the people, if any means of fair
settlement are available. Cooperation, not strife, is the ideal for
both elements in industry.

SPECIAL STUDIES

Resolved, that every state should maintain an industrial court pat-
terned in principle on that of Kansas.

Compulsory Arbitration in Australia and New Zealand.

Conciliation and Mediation Agencies in Our States.

Resolved that the best interests of America require the mainte-
nance of the open shop in industry.

Industrial Democracy in Operation.

The Federal Government in Labor Disputes.

The Whitley Councils.

350 Problems of American Democracy

REFERENCE READINGS

Bloomfield — Problems of Labor.

Commons — Industrial Government.

Basset — When the Workmen Help You Manage.

Adams and Sumner — Labor Problems, Chapter 8.

Rowe — Society, Chapter 27.

Cleveland and Schafer — Democracy in Reconstruction, Chapters 12,

14.
Lessons in Community and National Life, A-9, B-12.
Tufts — The Real Business of Living, Chapters 25, 26.
Bryce — Modern Democracies, Chapters 51, 55.

XV. USING WISELY THE GIFTS OF NATURE

Back of all the activities of capital and labor are the gifts of Na-
ture. Without them the wealth of the capitalist and the brawn
of the laborer are alike helpless. We have already observed hast-
ily (§ 2) the abundance of resources with which Nature endowed us.
How have these been used? How shall we use them to make
them most valuable to ourselves and our successors?

172. How Have We Used Them? — When the colonists
came here, they found fertile lands, great forests, minerals,
and water power in abundance. Here before them were
the greatest undeveloped resources in the world. Almost
half the total area of the country was covered with splen-
did forests, growing on some of the most fertile land in the
world. To this was added a climate varied enough to make
almost all kinds of cultivation possible. Beneath the
ground lay untold wealth in minerals.

It is little wonder they were too careless to think of
economy. Many had come in search of wealth and better
living conditions. Therefore they took advantage of their
opportunity and used these resources in whatever way
would bring them most immediate wealth. It never oc-
curred to them that there might be a limit to the amount of
this wealth. Whole forests were burnt to clear the land —
indeed, they had little other use for them, except to build
cabins and as fire- wood. Coal was taken out only where
it was thickest and easiest to work. The few far-sighted
people who realized the evil that was being done, had less
influence with governors and legislatures than those whose
greed made them reckless with Nature's bounty or whose
blind ignorance concealed their folly.

351

352 Problems of American Democracy

Finally, in the administration of President Roosevelt,
conservation was brought before the country as a national
problem. He called a conference on the subject which as-
sembled in 1908 at the White House, and was attended by
governors from the states and territories. Congressmen,
and other delegates. In later years this " House of Gov-
ernors " assembled under its own management and con-

CouTtesy U. S. Forest Service.
Cleaning Up the Forest.
The work ought always to be done as well as this, but unfortunately it is not.

sidered a variety of matters. From this time on conser-
vation has been recognized as a settled policy of the federal
government, and the only questions have been about the
means to carry it out. In connection with this movement,
praise and credit must be given to Gifford Pinchot, chief of
the National Forest Service, whose personal friendship
with Roosevelt was probably responsible for awakening the
latter's interest, and to President Van Hise of the Univer-

Making America Prosperous 353

sity of Wisconsin, whose book, '* The Conservation of Nat-
ural Resources," received a wide reading. Others less fa-
mous also contributed their share toward arousing the coun-
try to its danger.

173. Principles of Conservation. — The Creator doubt-
less put the minerals in the earth, the power in the streams,
and the trees in the woods to be of some use to man. Con-
servation does not require us to refrain entirely from using
these marvelous gifts of Nature or to hoard up unused re-
sources. Conservation means simply such wise use of our
resources as will permit them to be preserved or replenished
for the future. It means more thorough and careful systems
of mining and forestry. It means proper cultivation of the
soil, protection for the animals, and careful use of water.
It means keeping under the care of the government those
things that would be destroyed or wasted by greedy private
interests.

Natural resources are not all alike and therefore different
types need different treatment. Some are inexhaustible ;
they renew themselves, as air and usually water. Others,
such as coal, gas, oil, and the metals, are not only exhausti-
ble but cannot be renewed by man. A third group, which
includes our forests and soil-fertility, can be exhausted
but also in time renewed.

To make conservation successful we must do three
things : educate, legislate, and cooperate. Education, to
show the pubhc how to get and use our resources with the
least possible waste, is the first step. Since there are al-
ways some who, in spite of education and reason, insist on
robbing Nature to get rich quick, laws must be passed to
restrain them and to prohibit the waste of our raw ma-
terials. To make education and legislation effective, we
must have cooperation between citizens to respect the laws
and see that others obey them, and to thwart selfish at-
tempts to take advantage of public property for private

354 Problems of American Democracy

gain. And we must have cooperation between state gov-
ernments and the national government lest the short-
sighted policy of one state should deprive the people of re-
sources which should benefit the whole nation.

Does conservation mean sacrifice? If so, by whom? For whose
benefit?

174. Conserving the Forests. — When the timberlands
of our country were first used to serve the needs of men,

Courtesy U. S. Forest Service.
Forest Rangers at Work.

Building bridges

This scene is in the Shasta National Forest, California
is one of the many things which foresters have to do.

the best trees were selected. They were cut carelessly,
the stmnps left high and the branches lying where they
fell. The young trees were crushed under the weight of
the larger ones. To clear the land, a great deal of timber
was burned. The result of this is that today only 65 per
cent of the former forest area remains. Only a little over

Making America Prosperous 355

one-fourth of our total area is forest land. Moreover we
are cutting timber three times as fast as it grows.

Until 1891 this extravagance was allowed to go on un-
checked. In that year Congress passed a law giving the
President power to set aside any public forest lands as forest
reservations. This power has been exercised by various
presidents, especially Roosevelt, so that today about 176,-
000,000 acres are contained in reservations. Wood is some-
times cut on these reservations but under careful regula-
tions, and on some of the land pasturing sheep or cattle is
permitted.

In 1897, a Bureau of Forestry in the Department of Agri-
culture was established. This Bureau tries to promote
the wise use of forest resources and their preservation. It
has reforested thousands of acres of land. Its " rangers "
each have charge of a district of forest. They help to build
roads, bridges, and trails. If from their *' lookout " they
see a fire or anything else that is wrong they can summon
help by wireless. In this way much has been saved. Even
the airplane aids them in their work. Nearly all state col-
leges and those the government helps financially give
courses in forestry where men may learn to become rangers
and may learn to plant and care for trees.

There are also wastes in manufacturing; almost half of
the entire volume of logs is lost in milling. In obtaining
tar, pitch, and turpentine from pine trees the cuts are often
made so deep that the tree can only live a few years.
Waste from decay and disease of trees, and the ravages of
insects can also be prevented by proper treatment. By-
products have been wasted in milling lumber, such as tur-
pentine, wood alcohol, and wood pulp for making paper.

But by far the greatest loss has been from fire, caused by
sparks from locomotives, by careless campers, and in other
ways. The fire loss from 1880 to 1896 and the cost of re-
foresting amounted to over $100,000,000. This could have
been prevented by the expenditure of about $20,000,000.

356 Problems of American Democracy

Half the states now have estabhshed forestry departments.
Some, such as Pennsylvania and New York, are doing ex-
cellent work. Most states require great care on the part
of railroads, campers, and hunters. But privately owned
timber land is not nearly well enough guarded, and when
the state cannot get hold of it, the trees are ruthlessly cut
down.

Few people realize the importance of forests to a nation.
We think too often merely of their value in turning out

Courtesy U.S. Forest Service.
A Forest Fire in Colorado.

This was started by a logging engine, but the cause of many such fires
has no excuse whatever.

chairs or toothpicks ! Forests regulate the water supply
of our streams. Without trees, excessive evaporation
would soon cause our water supply to shrink. Trees are
an important factor in keeping the land fertile. They do
much to lessen the danger from great winds. And, by no
means a small thing, they bring a beauty into our lives that
would be sadly missed. Who that has seen the great red-
woods of California can ever forget them !

Making America Prosperous 357

What is the purpose of Arbor Day? Do you observe it? Is it
practical ? Is it sentimental to regret cutting down a great tree?

175. Wise Use of Water Resources. — The conserva-
tion of forests and of the water supply are closely linked
together, for it is the forests that retain the water and pre-
vent floods and droughts. Water is not only an essential
to life, for health and cleanliness, but is tremendously im-
portant industrially, for power, for transportation, and for
irrigation. The problem of city water systems we have
already mentioned (§§ 40, 41). As the coal supply dimin-
ishes, the value of water as a source of power becomes con-
stantly greater. Many railroads are now using electric
power to some extent, and cities use it almost to the ex-
clusion of anything else for lighting. The industrial value
of water power — " white coal " — is so great that many
capitalists have tried to obtain control of the supply, and
have bought water sites for private gain. At the present
time about 65 per cent of the water power of our country
is controlled by ten groups of people and only one-seventh
is in the hands of the government.

This control is a serious menace to the people because it
takes away from the whole people what of right belongs
to them, and bestows Nature's gifts upon a few individuals.
Public control of water power is necessary to secure rea-
sonable charges, to develop and use wisely the power itself,
to promote safety through careful construction of dams,
and the like. To keep in proper control water power on
our public land, a Federal Water Power Board, consisting
of the Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary of the Interior,
and the Secretary of Agriculture, has been established, to
pass judgment on any apphcations from private citizens
for the use of it.

Water as a means for transportation has been discussed
earlier (§105), and its importance in agriculture is men-
tioned below (§180). In some industries, too, water is one
of the raw materials necessary for production. It is esti-

358 Problems of American Democracy

mated that the economic use of water could be developed
from seven to ten times as much as it is today. Wise use of
our water supply, it is said, will (1) reduce freight rates;
(2) relieve railroad congestion; (3) reduce flood damage
and soil erosion ; (4) reclaim flooded and swamp lands and
irrigate deserts; (5) increase available power; (6) save
fuel. But we must be sure that its use accrues to the bene-

White Coal.

This is said to be the highest spillway in the world. It is at Longlake
Washington, not far from Spokane. It furnishes light and power for several
hundred square miles of territory. The dam, which is 150 feet high, backs
up the water of the Spokane River so as to form a lake 21 miles long.

fit of the public and not merely of a few greedy, if far-
sighted, individuals.

Flood control is one phase of the problem of water con-
servation. Plans are under way, through the cooperation of
state governments and the national government, to acquire
land near the heads of important rivers. By constructing

Making America Prosperous 359

reservoirs at such points, surplus water may be stored up in
rainy seasons, preventing floods at such times and drought
later.

176. Preserving Natural Attractiveness. — One phase
of conservation is not so important economically, but its
value to the soul and mind is immeasurable. Our coun-
try is unsurpassed by any in beautiful scenery. We have
forests, glaciers, waterfalls, lakes, and mountains that peo-
ple travel many miles to see. Are they to be destroyed
merely because some people want to use those places for
selfish financial gain, or to be seized as private pleasure
grounds which the pubhc must pay to enter?

Mines are sunk in our mountains, the trees cut and
burned, our rivers are lined with unsightly factories. Nat-
ural resources must by all means be used, but let us use
them in such a way as to least destroy their beauty. Many
factories can be reasonably attractive. Power can be taken
from Niagara Falls without ruining its majesty.

In order to prevent land containing special scenic beauty
from being denuded and made ugly, or seized for private
gain, the national, state, and city governments have set
much of it aside as parks. The most important national
parks are Yellowstone, Yosemite, and Glacier National
Parks. They are open to the public and cared for by the
National Park Service in the Department of the Interior.
Other wonder spots are set apart as National Monuments.
New York has made a state reservation of the land adjoin-
ing Niagara Falls, and similar action has been taken by
other states.

No less than our scenic beauty, we must try to preserve
our animal life. Fish have been taken by the netful. One
of our most prolific birds, the passenger pigeon, is now ex-
tinct. Our great herds of bison are reduced to a few. Are
our descendants only to see these animals in zoos, and to
be deprived of hunting and fishing? Every state now has

360 Problems of American Democracy

its fish and game laws, which Hmit the length of the fishing
and hunting season and the number and size of animals
and fish that may be taken or killed by any one person.
Besides restricting the killing, the government has started
to renew the supply. States have built fish hatcheries
where young fish are raised. These after reaching a certain
age and size are put into our rivers and lakes. Buffaloes,
deer, seals, and various birds have also places reserved where
they may live unmolested by man. Bird reserves have
been established in the South, and a treaty with Great
Britain protects migratory birds which travel between this
country and Canada. Pubhc sentiment is particularly effec-
tive in matters hke these. Education must create it, and
then laws, enforced, can make it effective. It hes with us
how much national beauty is going to be left for our children.

Are any harmful living creatures protected by our laws ? What
are the principal fish and game laws of your state? Does it pay
bounties for killing anything? What animals must not be killed
at all? Does your state have any animal reserves or scenic spots
set aside as public property?

177. Wealth Underground. — While denuded areas can
be reforested, and some other things replaced, it is not so
with minerals. Coal mined is mined, and nothing we can
do can put it back in the ground as it was. So the conser-
vation of minerals consists in care in their mining.

Coal is our most important mineral product. Almost
the entire supply of anthracite coal is in eastern Pennsyl-
vania. The whole coal region of the country is about
13 per cent of the entire area. Comparatively little of
the whole coal supply, about one-tenth in all, has been
mined, so that if carefully used this resource will be avail-
able for a long time. If, however, the wastefulness and
carelessness that have been shown continue, the supply,
it is estimated, will be exhausted in a century. It is said
that for many years from half a ton to one and a half tons
were wasted for every ton mined. Coal was taken only

Making America Prosperous

361

from the broad veins, and a great deal left that was only a
little harder to obtain. Thousands of tons of " slack " are
thrown away every year. This amount could be greatly
decreased by more careful methods of mining. For that
reason the national government has organized a Bureau of
Mines to study safe and economical methods of mining.
It also does much to educate the public in wise use of fuels.

Courtesy Westinghouse Electric Co.
A Heavily Loauku Ikain" of Coal Cars.

Electric engines on the Norfolk and Western Railroad draw these heavy
trains up steep grades without difficulty.

Some states also have a department of mines for similar
objects.

A great deal of coal is wasted in use. Tons and tons of
coal go up the chimney yearly in smoke, or are consumed
in ovens where imperfect combustion takes place. All
these things can be remedied. Already the use of smoke
consumers is required in many mills and factories and on
railroads. The smoke also contains bj^-products of value.

Another problem of coal is the ownership of coal lands.
Thousands of acres of such land have yielded profit to in-
dividuals when it should have gone to the entire pubUc.

362 Problems of American Democracy

People interested in conservation urge that there be no more
sale of pubHc coal land, but that the lease system be used,
under which private individuals lease a certain area of land,
and a royalty is paid to the government on every ton of coal
mined. The government can insist on proper methods of
mining, and control the price of the coal. Particularly
in Alaska, where there are said to be enormous coal fields, some
such plan seems far better than either giving away the coal
lands or forbidding their development at all.

Petroleum is found in different parts of the country, but
California has more than all the other states combined.
Texas and Oklahoma also produce large quantities. This
mineral is being wasted even more than the coal. It is
used principally for power, and part of it is exported. The
supply as it is known at present cannot last for many years
at the present rate of use, but of course new fields may be
discovered. Natural gas has also been shamefully wasted.
It has been allowed to escape from the wells, and when gas
has been found in digging for oil, it has been lighted and
allowed to burn. Gas escapes from imperfect pipes. All
together about one billion cubic feet of gas are wasted every
day. The supply of natural gas is rapidly diminishing,
and unless something is done this wonderfully convenient
fuel will soon be exhausted.

In what states are the various forms of natural resources found
in greatest abundance? How much is produced each year at pres-
ent?

178. Occupying the Land. — A large part of American
history is really the story of the pioneer and his movement
to the West. What took him from his home and associa-
tions into a new country, to live a life of crudeness and often
of loneliness for perhaps years? Sometimes the social dis-
tinctions and lack of democracy characterizing the " old
families"; sometimes the chance to get a new start, when
things had gone wrong, financially or Qtherwise; some-

Making America Prosperous

363

times the tales of gold, boundless forests, or fabulously fer-
tile land in the river bottoms, which seemed to offer rich
opportunities; sometimes just an irresistible urge for ad-
venture and the thrill of conquering the unknown — all
these took the bold and hardy into the new lands. The
westerner has always been noted for independence, think-
ing for himself, willingness to try new things.

From almost the beginning of our national existence our
government encouraged western occupation by its generous
policy to settlers. It gave
much to Revolutionary
soldiers. It passed much
over to the states for the
support of education or
for constructing canals
and railroads. It pre-
sented enormous amounts
to corporations which
planned transcontinental
railroads.

It sold much of the
land for $1.25 an acre
to almost anybody who
would buy it. The act of
1841 allowed any family
living on the land for six
months to get 160 acres
at that price. The Homestead Act of 1862 allowed any head
of a family to obtain 160 acres for a merely nominal fee,
simply by Hving on the land for five years. Later this time
was reduced to three years. Special provisions have been
enacted with reference to land depending upon irrigation
projects.

There was, however, a great deal of abuse of the privi-
lege extended by the Homestead laws. They were meant
to encourage bona fide home-builders. But many people,

i6^

A Congressional Township.

This diagram shows the order in which
the sections of the townships are num-
bered. Two sections are set apart for the
support of schools. One section is shown
subdivided.

364 Problems of American Democracy

working in the interest of a corporation, would build a sod
house on a claim, pretend to live there for the required time,
and sell out to the corporation at a profit. Tracts of valu-
able timber land were taken as agricultural land. It is
the old story of reckless greed. Sometimes oil or other
minerals were found and became a rich source of profit.
As a result of this abuse, special regulations have been made

Courtesy Reclamation Service.
The Desert before It Gets Water.
In the center of the picture is a strip of irrigated land. What a contrast
it forms with the barrenness on either side ! On page 149 notice the small
ditches used in irrigating a ranch.

SO that the different kinds of land shall be taken for what
they really are.

. Most of this western land has been surveyed as provided
in the Act of 1785, which arranged for townships six miles
square, each divided into square *' lots," later called '* sec-
tions," containing one square mile each. A quarter-sec-
tion was therefore the most common size of land taken
under the Homestead laws. The surveying and disposal of

Making America Prosperous 365

public lands is under the General Land Office in the De-
partment of the Interior.

Name some famous early pioneers. Why did not the federal
government give away land in the original thirteen states? Look
up the location of public land still available (World Almanac).
On what terms may it now be obtained ? Would you care for any
of it? Is it true that the West has put " pep " into American
life? Is the westerner of today crude?

179. Methods of Cultivation. — Agriculture has always
been our leading occupation, but like others it has changed
with the march of progress. Scientific methods and the
use of machinery have found a big place in it, and have
made up in part for the steady drain of boys and girls from
the farm into the city. There are two types of soil culti-
vation.

Intensive cultivation is the use of a great deal of labor
and capital on a small amount of land. We find this kind
of farming for the most part in the eastern part of the
United States, especially in New England and the Middle
Atlantic States, near the large cities, where there is not a
great amount of room. *' Truck gardens " are also nu-
merous in the South Atlantic States. Of all the people in
the world, the Japanese are said to be the most proficient
at this enterprise. On the small farms crops are planted
close together and fertilizer is used to good advantage.
When one vegetable's season is over, another is ready in
the next row. Rotation of crops is necessary so that the
chemical elements in the soil may not be exhausted by con-
tinual planting of the same vegetable in the same spot.

Extensive farming is a form of agriculture which calls
for the cultivation of large areas of land, usually for one
crop, such as wheat or corn. It is characteristic of much
of the West, where single farms may contain up to even
10,000 acres. Most of the work, from breaking the soil
to threshing the grain, is done by machinery. Large
tractors even take the place of horses.

366 Problems of American Democracy

180. Making the Desert Grow. — The desert soil is rich
from long idleness and requires only the water to make it
yield bountifully. Twenty inches of rainfall annually is
necessary to cultivate land successfully. Since two-fifths
of the area of our country has less than that, most of this
land, to be useful, must be irrigated. We were very late
in our realization of this fact. The Mormons were the
first to use irrigation on a large scale, after moving to Utah
about the middle of the 19th century. No national acts
of importance in regard to irrigation were passed until 1894.
The Gary Act of that year granted certain desert regions to
the states on condition that they should irrigate them.
The Reclamation Act of 1902 provided for the use of money
obtained from the sale of public lands to build irrigation
works. It also organized the Reclamation Service, in the
Department of the Interior, which investigates conditions
and constructs and operates irrigation projects. The Recla-
mation Extension Act of 1914 provides that the settlers
shall pay the cost of irrigation in the form of a very light
rent.

There are about thirty irrigation projects serving 3,200,-
000 acres of formerly arid or semi-arid lands. The Service
has built over 12,000 miles of canals, ditches, and drains.
The water for irrigation is obtained from the streams and
lakes in the regions where the work is being done. In order
to store the water until it is needed for crops, over a hun-
dred dams have been built. To fulfill the vision of the old
prophet, '* The desert shall grow and blossom as the rose,"
is a wonderful thing. When water is valuable and the sup-
ply limited, difficult questions of economy and good distri-
bution arise, and these are the principal problems connected
with irrigation today.

We must not get the idea that all irrigation projects are
public ones. A large number of them are private enter-
prises, and many are much older than any government
projects. The beautiful cities and towns of southern CaUfor-

Making America Prosperous

367

DiPAKTtmn or the dttbuor

WnSO (TATES RECIAHATION SERVICE'

. UXATlGit OF PROJECTS

Courtesy Reclamation Service.
Irrigation Projects in Our Western States.

Only the projects in which the national government is directly interested
are shown on this map. The Arrowrock dam is pictured on page 421 . There
are many smaller irrigation projects privately constructed and managed.

nia could not exist without them, and the Imperial Valley-
project, which takes water from the Colorado River into
a district below sea level, is one of the most ambitious
of all.

368 Problems of American Democracy

Read the story of the Imperial Valley in " The Winning of Bar-
bara Worth." What kind of climate does the southwestern part
of our country have? Would you like to live there?

Another phase of making the desert grow is the practice
of dry farming. This is a comparatively new form of agri-
culture, suitable for crops not needing great quantities of
water. Plowing is deep and the top soil is kept as finely
broken as possible to prevent the evaporation of the water
in the ground. In some sections good crops are raised by
this method.

By way of contrast, we may mention the reclamation of
swamp lands. Thousands of acres of land have been made
useful and healthful by draining off the water. It is es-
timated that about 77,000,000 acres of swamp land in the
country are recoverable. These lands are unusually fertile
and make fine farms. Many districts around the lower
Mississippi and the Gulf of Mexico have been thus made
useful, as well as considerable land in Florida. Quite a
change from harmful disease-breeding swamps to produc-
tive meadows !

181. Protecting the Farmer's Welfare. — To promote
the general prosperity of the nation, the farmer must re-
ceive consideration as well as the city man. Almost half
the population of the United States still live in rural dis-
tricts, and the city man cannot live without the things the
farmer grows. Farm problems therefore mean something
to everybody. We have already referred to the program
for making the rural school and church more effective, and
for making rural roads respectable. Let us glance at some
of the rural problems that are primarily economic.

Farmers do ilot want the same amount of labor the year
around. In planting time and harvesting time they need
much, in the wmter little. They cannot pay wages high
enough during the rush seasons to justify a worker in re-
maining idle when the farmer has no use for him. During

Making America Prosperous

369

the busy season on a farm, long hours are absolutely neces-
sary and the work seems hard to one who is not used to it.
Since the wages usually include meals they do not sound as
large to a city worker as they may be in reality, and
he would rather loaf in the city than work in the country.
The city worker, too, thinks that farm life is dead, that
there is nothing to do but work and go to bed. Many of

w^-.. ' . -~'>i^|^H|

... M

■s.-,^ ^^T^^-., ^^ ,..— *-^wj'*is*<r^^^«i^^E|

Courtesy Jnlernavlonal Harvester Co.
Doing Farm Work by Machinery.

The gasoline engine and other forms of machinery make farm labor much
easier and do it better than when it all had to be done by man-power.

the 5,000,000 farm laborers in the country are of the un-
steady, migratory type and often undesirable.

If crops are raised and then, because labor cannot be ob-
tained, the grain or fruit rots in the field, there is an enor-
mous and real money loss to the entire country. This is
one of the reasons why the cost of food products is higher
than it really needs to be. Some means must be found by
which the farmer will be able to get the number of workers

370 Problems of American Democracy

he needs. During the War patriotism was sufficient in
some cases to take boys into the country for the summer,
and even men, women, and girls gave spare time to work on
farms. But that kind of patriotism is usually not suffi-
cient to cause one to keep at such work in times of peace.
An increase of the standard of wages on the farm probably
must come if we are to get enough workers to keep things
going. Advertising the attractive features of farm hfe
instead of the constant allusions to " rubes " and " hay-
seeds " that we find in the " funny pages " and hear from
the stage would be of some assistance. The governments
of state and nation can render no more important service
through their employment bureaus than to bring the worker
to the farm.

Why do you or do you not like farm work? Should city people
be willing to pay high prices for milk and other farm products to
enable farmers to pay good wages ?

Another disturbing feature is the tendency toward an
increase in the number of rented farms. As an occupation
today farming requires more capital than some people are
willing to spend, so that people rent rather than buy farms.
During hard times farms are usually the first property mort-
gaged. The small profits are insufficient to pay it off, the
farm is lost and often the same man rents it from the one
who holds the mortgage. Of the 6,448,343 farms in the
country in 1920 about 38 per cent were rented, and 37 per
cent of the rest were known to be mortgaged.

But why is this a problem? As a general rule a renting
farmer works the soil much less carefully. He wants pres-
ent profit and does whatever will bring the greatest im-
mediate return. He makes few -improvements, and does
not try to conserve the fertility of the soil. By the time
his lease is up the soil is so poor and the buildings so in need
of repair, that a small fortune is needed to make it pay
again.

It is often said that because of their isolated life, and the

Making America Prosperous

371

nature of their occupation, farmers are very independent.
It is, indeed, in some respects true. On a small farm the
family can do most of the work; they can raise their own
food, and regulate their own life. But for his profits the
farmer is almost at the mercy of the railroads and middle
men, unless he lives close to a city. Even then, at the first

Courtesy BeclamatUm Service.
A Grain Farm on Irrigated Land.
Once this land looked like that on page 364.

sign of hard times in the city, the consumption of food de-
creases. Moreover, the farmer is dependent upon Nature,
a force that cannot be controlled by man. To protect him
as much as possible, the national government makes use of
the Weather Bureau, now in the Department of Agricul-
ture. It sends out warnings of coming droughts, storms,
and frosts. It tells the farmer, and many other interested
people, just what to expect a few days in advance. Then
whatever preparation is possible can be made. Many
people think that almost anybody can farm. They look

372 Problem^ of American Democracy

upon it somewhat as the last resort of a man who has not
brains enough to succeed at anything else. But this is a
wild mistake.

Successful farming is a science. Colleges and universi-
ties maintain regular courses in agriculture. They also
offer short courses which many farmers take during the
winter months. Agricultural experiment stations do very
helpful work. Reports and bulletins from agricultural
colleges and the Department of Agriculture are often ex-
tremely valuable.

The modern farm is a business enterprise. The farmer
finds out the quahty of his land and the crops which will
bring him the greatest returns. He keeps in touch with the
markets and their prices. He demands reasonable profits.
He plans budgets and keeps accounts. The farmer is no
mossback. He is very much alive and very progressive.
He wants no sympathy, but he wants a square deal. The
rest of us cannot afford not to give it to him.

What does the average city man think of the farmer? What
does the farmer think of the city man? Enumerate the pleasant
and the unpleasant things in farm life. What particular problems
does the farmer's wife contend with? Why were most farmers
opposed to daylight saving?

.'. Since our wonderful natural resources have been used
wastefuUy, conservation is an immediate and vital necessity with
our forests, our water, our metals and minerals, our native animals,
and our land. The farmer and others who work with these natural
resources are doing a service so fundamental that their welfare
must not be ignored.

SPECIAL STUDIES

The Forest Service, State and National.
White Coal.

Lumber — Its Importance and Its Problems.
Coal — Its Importance and Its Problems.
Wheat — Its Importance and Its Problems.
Iron — Its Importance a;nd Its Problems.
Federal Land Legislation.

Making America Prosperous 373

Managing a Big Western Farm.

The History of Irrigation.

The History of the Conservation Movement.

The Farm Labor Problem.

Management as a Farm Problem.

REFERENCE READINGS

Burch — American Economic Life, Chapters 9-12, 22-24.

Bogart — Economic History, Chapters 3, 10. 14, 19, 20, 23.

Van Hise — Conservation of Natural Resources.

Thompson — Elementary Economics, Chapter 9.

Marshall and Lyon — Our Economic Organization, Chapter 23

Carlton — Elementary Economics, Chapter 18.

Towne — Social Problems, Chapters 15, 16.

Carver — Principles of Rural Economics, Chapters 3-6.

Carney — Country Life and the Country School, Chapters 4, 5, 8.

Gillette — Constructive Rural Sociology, Chapters 8-10, 12.

Young — New American Government, Chapter 14.

Reed — Form and Functions of American Government, Chapter 33.

Beard — American Government and Politics, Chapter 20.

Hart — Actual Government, Chapter 18.

Haskin — American Government, Chapters 7, 9-11.

Ha worth — America in Ferment, Chapter 3.

Lessons in Community and National Life, B-5, C-4, C-5, C-6.

XVI. CONTROLLING THE COST OF LIVING

Now that we have worked out a number of principles that ap-
ply to the production of commodities, we can profitably turn our
attention to another phase of the elements of prosperity, wise con-
sumption. Why do we have to pay so much money to get the things
to meet our desires? How much is it reasonable for us to expect?
How may we get the most satisfaction out of the use of the income
which our labor brings us?

A. Using Our Income Wisely

182. What Makes Things Cost? — Leaving out for the
present the variations of market price, what are we paying
for when we buy anything? Only a very small part of
what we pay for an article goes to the actual producer of
the original material. To understand what becomes of
the rest of it demands some knowledge of a tremendous
number of business activities. It goes for transportation,
for transforming the article into a form in which it will suit
us best, and for profits of management as well as compensa-
tion for the necessary use of capital and labor.

Make a list of all the elements that enter into the cost of a steak ;
a quart of milk ; this book ; a railroad ticket.

After we trace things down we may wonder not so much
at the amount we pay as that the commodity can be sold at
the price. Yet we cannot help feeling, when we know that
we pay so much more for certain articles now than at some
other time, that we are not getting all we are entitled to,
after all. Now what are some of these cost items that we
are tempted to consider ** artificial"? Why may there be
a general rise in the standard of prices?

One cause is inflation of the currency. Gold is more
abundant than it used to be. It therefore takes more of

374

Making America Prosperous 375

it than it formerly did to obtain a certain amount of wheat
or hats. Thus the fact that prices are measured in gold
would itself cause prices to rise. Suppose, too, that for
some reason an unusually large amount of paper money
was also put into circulation. The effect would be similar.
It would then take still more money to obtain the same
amount of goods as before. As the amount of natural re-
sources available for production becomes less and less, an-
other cause for an increase in the price of commodities is
suggested. If people's wants increase, their greater demand
for a variety of articles is going to Hft the price further.

Sometimes we are bothered with the so-called '' profit-
eer." If an unscrupulous grocer knows that the woman
who hurries in for flour or sugar must have it at once, he
may be tempted to charge her an excessive price. During
the Great War there was a limited supply of many things
which war needs called for mmediately, and there could be
little haggling with people who could supply what was
wanted, even though they demanded an outrageous price
for it. People have to have shelter. Since they prefer
not to hve in tents, they may have to pay, if houses are
scarce, as much for three rooms and bath as once would
have rented a mansion.

When harmful living conditions exist as the result of high
prices, three possible remedies may be available. We may
produce more of the things we need, and thus cause the
price to come down ; we may try to obtain more wages to
meet the high prices ; or we may adjust our standard of
living to agree with our wages. Wages seldom increase as
fast as prices ; but when the attempt is made to meet rising
prices with constantly rising wages, an effect is produced
that is sometimes called " the vicious circle." For a crude
illustration, suppose the carpenters, observing an increased
cost of living, demand and obtain higher wages. The cost
of building then goes up and house rents are raised. Then
the grocer and the clothing dealer and the shoe dealer must

376 Problems of American Democracy

charge more for their goods to pay the high rent. The
carpenters then say, *' Living has gone up. We must have
another raise." Surely the thing must stop somewhere.
The people who are pinched first when the inflation is
squeezed out never enjoy it, but a reasonable standard of
costs all around ought to suit everybody. The method we
have described is altogether too much like a dog's chasing
his own tail.

When deflation takes place, in what order are the elements of cost
likely to come down?

183. Living Expenses Once and Now. — Few people are
wilHng to live today as people in a similar social standing would
have expected to live a hundred or even fifty years ago.
Country people never have spent relatively as much as city
people, but the living expenses of both groups have increased.

Here is a list of quotations from the day-book of a grocer in west-
ern Pennsylvania in 1808 and 1809: "2 lb. coffee, $.80; 2 lb.
rice, $.25 ; 2 qts. salt, $.25 ; 173 lb. bacon, $1.62 ; 1 gal. whiskey,
$.50; 1 pr. stockings, $1.00; 3 lb. butter, $.27; 1 doz. cigars,
$.06; 110 lb. beef, $3.96; 1 pr. shoes, $1.25 ; 5 bu. wheat, $2.50 ;
1 ream paper, $3.92; 1 doz. eggs, $.06; 1 fur bonnet, $3.50; 3
yds. velvet, $4.50; 1 doz. plates, $.53; 1 yd. homespun, $1.59;
Webster's spelling book, $.25 ; 2 lb. sugar, $.50."

Compare these with prices prevailing today for the same com-
modities and see if you can explain the differences. Why are some
prices so much more nearly like those of today than others ?

A hundred years ago a family with an income of $1500
a year was considered " well fixed," and thousands of work-
ers never expected to get more than a dollar a day for their
labor. How did they get along? In the first place many
families produced all or part of their own food and did much
of their own manufacturing. Much of what they needed
from outside sources was obtained by barter or exchange
rather than purchase. Their standard of living was
lower — less was used and less was wasted. Then there
were fewer amusements and luxuries on which to spend
their income and more of it could be used for necessities.

Making America Prosperous 377

In 1920 the following was presented by the Philadelphia Bureau
of Municipal Research as a fair list of reasonable expenses for that
year for a family of five, including the parents, a boy of 13, a girl of 10,
and a boy of 6 : rent, $336.00 ; fuel and light, $98.10 ; food, $681.82 ;
clothing, $439.37; car fare, $35.40; cleaning, Supplies, services,
$44.24 ; unspecified items (recreation, insurance, health, house fur-
nishings, education, reading, taxes, etc.), $345,08. Total, $1,980.01.

Subdivide these items and see whether they impress you as pos-
sible or reasonable. What do you suppose a similar Philadelphia
family would have spent in 1820 ?

Why are living expenses in the country less than in the city?
How does the small town compare with either? Would expenses
be the same in all cities ?

184. Standards of Living. — What constitutes any one's
standard of living? From the viewpoint of a desirable stand-
ard, it is the estimate which a person makes as to the
amount of comforts and necessities which he must have in
order to be satisfied. From the practical viewpoint it
means the amount of material goods which a person actually
has for the gratification of his wants. One's actual stand-
ard of living may be far below his ideal standard. A uni-
form standard is out of the question. Just as individuals
differ, so their idea of what life should be varies. A fisher-
man's life may be joy to one person but to another little
short of disgusting.

Is it possible to maintain equal standards of living for all ? Sup-
pose such a condition were brought about ; how long would it
last? Are equal standards for everybody desirable? Would a
new deal make it possible for some to retain permanently a higher
standard than they could hope to achieve without it ?

Standards have been raised very greatly since the world
began. Primitive man wished for only rough food and
shelter. Consider by contrast the great assortment of de-
sires we have today. It has been a case of '' the more you
get, the more you want" ; luxuries have become necessities ;
and our progress is evidence of this rising standard. Stand-
ards of living are higher in America than in most other
countries. Even our unskilled laborers are seldom content

378 Problems of American Democracy

with what people of the same kind in other countries have.
The sounder a country is, morally and materially, the more
generally will life be maintained on a plane of comfort and
enjoyment. To secure a relatively high standard for as
many people as possible is much to be desired, and that is,
after all, the best we can hope to accomplish.

Are the standards of living of all wealthy people the same?
May a street-cleaner be happy? How will the community get
such work done if nobody in the community is satisfied to live be-
low decent comfort? To what extent do the items mentioned at
the end of Section 11 permit you to judge a family's or commu-
nity's standard of living?

Do you agree with the standard of living set up as reasonable
by the Court of Industrial Arbitration of New South Wales, Aus-
tralia, in 1914 : " The living wage is standardized as the wage which
will do neither more nor less than enable the worker of the class
to which the lowest wage would be awarded to maintain himself,
his wife, and two children — the average dependent family — in
a house of three rooms and a kitchen, with food, plain and inexpen-
sive, but quite sufficient in quantity and quality to maintain health
and efficiency, and with an allowance for the following other ex-
penses : fuel, clothes, boots, furniture, utensils, rates, life insurance,
savings, accident or benefit societies, loss of employment, union
pay, books and newspapers, train and tram fares, sewing-machine,
mangle, school requisites, amusement and holiday, intoxicating
liquors, tobacco, sickness and death, domestic help, unusual con-
tingencies, religion, or charity."

Does this list omit or include anything which in your opinion it
should not ?

A well-known financier of New York has proposed this list of
necessities : " (1) Food that is healthful and nourishing. (2) Shel-
ter that is hygienic. (3) Clothing that will protect us. (4) Fuel
that will keep us warm. (5) Education that will make us efficient
and philosophical, and thereby happy. (6) Medical attention that
will preserve our vigor while we live. (7) Transportation. (8)
Amusements that are rational but not demoralizing. (9) Tobacco,
at least in my case."

Does this sound reasonable as a general ideal ?

Suppose it is suggested that as we are not satisfied with our stand-
ard of living we should increase our income. By what means
might this be done? Upon what factors do the incomes of the

Making America Prosperous 379

following depend : clerks, hod-carriers, carpenters, stenographers,
teachers, merchants, ministers, bankers, waiters, engineers?

185. Regulating Our Own Expenses. — With many a
person the immediate problem is not, ^' What standard of
living ought I to maintain?" but, ''What standard can I
maintain? " In other words, " How can we make both
ends meet? " One answer might be, ** Spend less." An-
other might be, '* Know how you spend it." Long ago,
efficiency became the watchword of the office and factory,
but in home life careless, slipshod habits have continued.
Yet the home is the most important factor of community
life, and home training reaches far out into every other
phase of living.

One of the best means for obtaining efficiency in the home
is the family budget. No government or business that
pretended to be up to date or efficient would attempt to get
along without a budget system. By a budget we mean a
careful estimate of the probable expenditures during a given
time, worked out so that plans may be laid to meet them.
By planning the spending of our income as far in advance
as possible we avoid having a great deal just after pay day
and then living on bare necessities for the next few weeks.
The housewife knows the definite amount she has to spend.
We see in black and white just what amount we should
spend for various things before, not after, it is spent. We
get things in the right proportion; if we have spent too
much on one item, we may plan a wiser arrangement.

How many families that you know of use the budget plan? Why
or why not?

Budget items are often arranged in five groups — food,
shelter, clothing, household expenses, and development, or,
as it is sometimes called, *' higher life." This last includes
education, recreation, church, charity, and the like. The
amounts spent for each of these groups are naturally not
equal. Some groups vary more proportionately than

380 Problems of American Democracy

others under different conditions of living. The outlay for
shelter usually runs between 15 and 25 per cent. The
family with a small income may spend as high as 45 or 50
per cent for food. The rich man spends much less in pro-
portion for that item, for unless he insists on having a great
variety of food and many things out of season, he cannot
eat in proportion to his wealth.

It often seems that the so-called middle class spends the
greatest percentage for clothes. Sensible poor people know
they cannot spend lavishly for dress, and do not try to,
but the family with a moderate income wishes to look as
well dressed as the rich. Occupations vary greatly in the
importance attached to dress.

The greatest variation appears in the item headed ** de-
velopment " or *' higher life." The poor man must use
most of his income for necessities. The rich man has his
automobiles, costly entertainments, travel, and long va-
cations. He may also contribute generously toward church
and charity. When reverses come to rich, middle class, or
poor, this section of the budget is the one that is cut first.

Can you tell the income or expenditures of your family last
year? Do you imagine that there could be any improvement in
the financial management of your home? Make out a budget
showing the amount needed to supply the mythical " average "
family of five with reasonable and healthful food for a month. Do
the same for clothing, and for the other expenses which a well dis-
posed family tries to provide for. Does your budget come within
the reach of the ordinary family's income in your neighborhood?
If it does not, where will it have to be cut down ? — Remember
that, taking the country as a whole, $2,000 is as large an income as
the average family can hope for. Are parents ever to blame for
the extravagance of children? Should children be fully acquainted
with the family's financial condition ?

186. Spending That Is Wise. — Most of us need to have
it drummed into us that we ought to save. But some
spending is more beneficial than some saving. There can
be false economy.

Making America Prosperous 381

One of the things for which we should spend money is
health. To obtain good food and proper clothing and shel-
ter is not only wise but profitable in the long run. Ill
health brings loss of work and doctor's bills. A certain
amount of recreation and pleasure is beneficial to health
and very desirable from a social point of view. Education
is another wise use of money. It, too, richly repays its
purchaser in the end, mentally and financially.

What advice might a poor boy working his way through college
or a young man just starting for himself in business need with ref-
erence to food, clothing, and social affairs? Would either one be
in danger of spending too little on these items?

A man who wishes to save money has a son to whom college
would be of great benefit. By close management he could send him.
Ought he to do so ?

When might the purchase of a full dress suit be wise and when
unwise ? of an encyclopedia ? of a tennis racket ? of a dog ? of a hat ?

But does wisdom justify spending for luxury? First,
what is a luxury? It is a comfort or convenience beyond
the actual necessities of life, which contributes only to ease
or enjoyment. Some argue that a person has a right to all
he can get from hfe. Luxuries they say are an incentive to
better work. They bring contentment, and make it easier
to bear the hard things of life.

We are sometimes told that the production of luxuries
furnishes employment for people. Yet such employment
takes workers away from the production of necessary com-
modities and raises the cost of the latter. When expendi-
tures for luxuries become mere extravagances, we cannot
defend them morally or socially. But when they are, in a
sense, spurs to service and the reward for hard work, we
can sometimes give their possessor the benefit of the doubt.

Under what circumstances and for whom would the following
be classified as a necessity, a convenience, or a luxury : a fountain
pen, a baseball, a lawn mower, a country estate, a jack-knife, a
diamond ring, a dozen pairs of silk stockings, a caddy at golf, a
telephone, a trip to Florida?

382 Problems of American Democracy

187. Foolish Uses of Money. — The cost of high Uving,
it has been well said, is one of the chief reasons for the high
cost of living. Who can tell how many people mortgaged
their homes even to buy a Ford ! If it comes to a choice
between a home and a *' machine," the latter almost in-
variably wins. People will scrimp on necessities to '^ keep
up with the Joneses," to entertain, or to display showy

What Some People Throw Away.

An extensive business is done in the handling of old newspapers, maga-
zines, and other waste paper which the ordinary person throws away.

clothes. Not a commodity exists that has not been bought
by some people under conditions that did not warrant the
purchase. Whatever price they paid was too much.
Is there any harm in bargain sales ?

We go to amusements day after day that leave us no bet-
ter physically, mentally, or morally. We spend millions
upon millions for liquor, tobacco, chewing gum, soda, and
ice cream, that we absolutely do not need. Would you
believe that more money is spent for candy than for edu-

Making America Prosperous 383

cation, and more for chewing gum than for charity every
year! Americans are notorious for extravagance. We
use more silk and much more meat than any other country.

The uneven distribution of wealth and the wanton luxury
of some rich families create or promote that class feeling
which underlies much of the industrial and social discon-
tent that exists today. They may produce among the
members of the rich man's family a habit of idleness and a
spirit of selfishness which is wholly contrary to good citi-
zenship. Senseless extravagance sets a bad example. It
leads to envy, extravagance, and crime. People see the
rich enjoying themselves by spending money freely for un-
necessary things, and they try to get them — they do not
care how.

What have you spent in the last thirty days that you did not
positively need to spend? How many such expenses do you think
were justified ?

Foolish investments, as well as foolish expenses, have
often brought disaster. Probably most of us some time or
other are bitten by the " get-rich-quick " germ. Some one
tells us he has a httle inside information that P & Q stock is
going up. We let him take what we have and use it to buy
several shares on a '' margin." Perhaps the stock does go
up a few points and then before we can dispose of ours, it
suddenly drops lower than before and our investment is gone.

Some one else sends us through the mail or perhaps we
read in the advertising pages of the Sunday newspaper, a
glowing description of the Moses County oil well which is
going to yield several thousand barrels next month. It
may be that the Golden West Copper Company is going to
open up a new vein which as yet nobody has seen. Per-
haps, it is some land in the Florida Everglades which will
some day produce thousands of oranges. Thousands upon
thousands of dollars are taken from guileless profit-seekers
through such means. Do you ask why such rascally " pro-
moters " are not more often exposed? People who put

384 Problems of American Democracy

their money into this kind of investment and lose it do not
care to have any one else know about it. They will stand
the loss rather than let the world know they were " suckers.''
Always look with suspicion upon any opportunity for
wealth which is glaringly and loudly advertised. Always
investigate carefully into any proposition which promises
to pay eight, ten, twelve per cent or more dividends. You
can be assured that people who really have money to in-
vest, and much of it, are looking for opportunities to put
it where it is safe and at the same time bringing in large
returns. It will be unnecessary for people who have a really
good investment to beg for people to come and put their
money into it.

What should you want to know about the following stocks or
bonds before investing : the issues of a banking company in your
own town? of a Mexican mining company or Texas oil stock?
of bonds to put up a Masonic temple in Yuma ? of street railway
stock in Reno ?

188. Wise Saving and Investment. — Why should any
one save? Why not spend as we go and enjoy what we
have while it is in our hands? Out of 100 people at the age
of twenty-five, 80 will be alive at the age of fifty-five. Of
that group 4 will have gained such success as to be inde-
pendent and have means to spare, 46 will be making a
bare living, and 30 will be dependent on charity or rela-
tives ! The only way to establish prosperity among people
in general, and to give the world any advantage tomorrow
which it does not possess today, is to save for tomorrow's
needs something of what we have produced today. Society,
as well as the individual, benefits from the right kind of
saving.

Is the miser or the spendthrift more harmful to society? Is
the fellow who spends every cent he gets happier than the one who
saves some of his income ?

Yet there is no great merit in simply hoarding money or
property that we have obtained, and allowing it to do no

Making America Prosperous

385

good to any one. It should be put to work for us. There
are two kinds of invested savings : those which one can
readily get hold of when he wishes, and those which are in-
vested in a somewhat more permanent form. Usually
it is well to have some of our savings in each of these forms.
One can never tell when he may have some special reason
for wishing a few hundred dollars on short notice. On the

3 1 I H

■nTmT.^^rrre

Courtesy Duquesne Light Co.
An Interior View in a Great Power Plant.
Furnishing light and power in our large cities now calls for investments
mounting well up into millions of dollars.

other hand, if all his money is invested in places where he
€an get it any time he pleases, he may be tempted to take
unnecessary risks with it or to spend it when he would better
hold on to it.

Among the first class of savings, we may mention de-
posits in savings banks and similar institutions, purchases

386 Problems of American Democracy

of war savings stamps, investments in government bonds,
and the like. Most savings of such forms as these can be
turned into money under ordinary circumstances on not
more than a few days' notice. As one bank expresses it,
" Get the bank habit. No saner, healthier habit can pos-
sess you. It means more friends and peace of mind.^'

If a person succeeds in laying by more than a moderate
sum, however, he will do well to put some of it elsewhere
than in the savings bank. The interest rate on such de-
posits is not as great as some other investments which are
in themselves safe within all reasonable assurance. Stocks
and bonds of industrial concerns of a recognized and sub-
stantial character are often entirely acceptable as an invest-
ment. One must judge for himself, of course, as to the
soundness of the issuing concern, but many such issues are,
as far as human foresight can make them, entirely safe.

Insurance is a valuable form of savings for one who has
others depending upon him. But since the insurance com-
pany must pay its running expenses and take risks of its
policy-holders dying or being injured before the policy ex-
pires, it cannot afford to make its policies particularly at-
tractive as investments. Investments in houses and other
kinds of buildings are more permanent in their character.
First mortgages on real estate are often recommended as
bringing in at least average returns and being as safe as
anything can easily be. The chief objection to them is that
they are not always easy to turn into money, for the person
from whom the mortgage is taken may not always be able
to meet a demand for payment, and the legal process re-
quired in selling the property in order to obtain the amount
due on the mortgage is sometimes long and complicated.
Many people, especially those who feel that they are not
likely to move from their present surroundings, ought to
invest some of their early savings in owning their own home.

Has your local government issued bonds? What rate of inter-
est was paid on them? Were they taken by your own citizens?

Making America Prosperous 387

How large a proportion of your class and your communities own
their own homes? Is this good advice for investors: " Better be
safe than be sorry " ?

SPECIAL STUDIES

The Forms of Life Insurance and Their Merits.

Resolved, that owning a home should be a settled aim upon the

part of every family.
Resolved, that no man should bequeath to his family more than a

living income.
The Advertisements and the Suckers.
Family Accounts and How to Keep Them.
Charge Accounts from the Viewpoint of the Merchant and of the

Family.
A Specific Study of a Family Budget.
Mortgages, from Both Sides.
Liberty Bonds and War Savings Stamps.
American Extravagance.
The Bond House and Its Services.

REFERENCE READINGS

Burch — American Economic Life, Chapters 3, 5-7.

Thompson — Elementary Economics, Chapter 6.

Carver — Elementary Economics, Chapters 38-42.

Laing — Introduction to Economics, Chapters 23, 25.

Cleveland and Schafer — Democracy in Reconstruction, Chapter 11.

Haworth — America in Ferment, Chapter 10.

Seager — Principles of Economics, Chapters 5-7.

Lessons in Community and National Life, A-10, B-23.

Straus — History of the Thrift Movement in America.

B. Economy through Cooperation

Much of the cost of an article goes to pay middlemen whose
service in production consists almost solely in handling or storing
goods. Would the cost of living be reduced if some of these mid-
dlemen could be eliminated? Big business enterprises buy
goods in large quantities at a saving. Cannot producers or con-
sumers, or both, combine to deal directly with buyers or sellers
in the same way? To what extent has this idea been carried,
and how well has it succeeded?

189. Cooperative Movements in GeneraL — The move-
ment for cooperation is generally looked upon as beginning

388 Problems of American Democracy

in 1844 when the Equitable Pioneers Cooperative Society
was formed by weavers in Rochdale, England. Today
cooperative societies of various kinds are very common all
over Europe. It is estimated that about one-third of the
population of that continent is connected with forms of
cooperative business. For various reasons, among them a
greater aptitude for saving, the people of Europe have taken
more kindly to the idea than those of the United States.
Cooperative movements succeed only under certain con-
ditions. The community sense must be well developed
among all the members of a cooperative society. This is
often difficult to secure in our country because the Ameri-
can people are so distinctly individual. They want to take
responsibiUty as individuals, and to do things as they in-
dividually please. People often will get together in the
stress of an emergency, but separate as soon as the emer-
gency is over.

Another difficulty is that of getting efficient management.
Cooperative enterprises require the management of experts
in the trade, and cannot succeed with amateurs. The
most generally favored idea with regard to management is
to have the manager a shareholder in the society, and not
a hired worker. This makes him take greater interest in
it, and gives him a vote so that he can use his knowledge
and experience to help determine policies and courses of
action.

Another condition favorable to success is the working
together of different cooperative societies. Unless such
societies are sufficiently organized, they are completely at
the mercy of wholesale dealers. The latter deal mostly
with privately owned concerns, which can bring sufficient
pressure to bear on the wholesaler so that he will charge
higher prices to the cooperative concerns or refuse to deal
with them. It is to avoid these difficulties that in Great
Britain and on the continent the cooperative movement
includes both wholesale and retail production and sale.

Making America Prosperous 389

Is the emphasis of Americans on individual enterprise to our
credit or discredit? The middleman would never have come into
being if he had not at least seemed to render service to somebody.
To whom and how may such service be or have been rendered?

190. Producers' Cooperation in the United States. —
Strangely enough, producers' cooperation in this country
today is most common among the scattered farmers. They
often organize to buy machinery. A whole community
will pool their funds to buy a tractor or some other ma-
chine, for the use of every one who has a share in it. But
the more common type of cooperation is that which is
formed for the purpose of marketing goods to better advan-
tage. The small producer has always had much trouble
in getting his goods to the distant market. He does not
know or meet the retail dealer upon whom he must depend
for seUing his goods to the people. He is obliged to de-
pend upon " commission men," who may or may not give
him what his crop is worth. At one time, it was discovered
that Michigan farmers were getting three or four cents a
quart for strawberries when the same berries were selling
in the cities at forty or fifty cents.

An excellent example of this form of cooperation is the California
Fruit Growers' Association. It has a membership of between 6,000
and 7,000 orange and lemon growers, with an aggregate capital of
$27,000,000. The association pools the products of all the mem-
bers and packs them uniformly. The shipping is done in cars
owned by the organization. This reduces the actual cost of trans-
portation and does away with a considerable outlay that would
otherwise be necessary. The goods are shipped to distributing points,
after which they are out of the association's hands.

One dollar spent for " Sunkist " oranges in 1915 was distributed
about as follows : to the retailer, 24.9 cents ; for freight, 17.6
cents; to the jobber, 8.14 cents; for harvesting, 1.1 cents; for
advertising and publicity, 1 .2 cents ; and to the growers, 40.3
cents. By no other known means is it possible for the original
producer to get for himself two-fifths of what the consumer pays.

Other producers' cooperative enterprises in this country are the
apple growers of Washington and Oregon, including the Hood
River Valley association, the potato growers of Maine, the melon

390 Problems of American Democracy

growers of Colorado, the cheese and butter manufacturers of Min-
nesota, and the milk producers of Wisconsin, of Ohio, and of other
states. The Farmers' Union of Nebraska, dealing largely in grain,
did a $100,000,000 cooperative business in 1920.

The biggest venture of this character is known as the United
States Grain Growers, Inc. It is a corporation whose sole busi-
ness is to be a sales agency for the grain producers who are its mem-
bers. They make a five-year contract to sell their grain entirely

Impeuial \'alley Cotton.

Some of the finest cotton in the world is grown in Imperial Valley, but it
is of little use to any one until it is carried to the factory. To what extent
do you think the item of transportation enters into the final cost of cotton
goods to the consumer ?

through this agency. By this arrangement the farmers or the new
corporation will control the distribution of the grain entirely until
it reaches the mill, and as the corporation is not intended to make
money, the profits that have been paid to various middlemen will
be eliminated. If this undertaking succeeds, further agencies of the
kind for the distribution of live stock and other agricultural prod-
ucts may be expected.

Would the hay growers of central New York find any difficulty
in forming a cooperative organization ? the fishermen of Glouces-
ter? Wherein are cooperative organizations of producers Like
and unlike trusts ?

Making America Prosperous 391

Producers therefore secure many advantages through
cooperation. They get many of the profits that would
otherwise go to the middlemen; the market is kept from
sudden changes and prices are kept stable ; the cost of dis-
tribution is less ; and the consumers really do pay less for
the goods, though that is a matter about which the pro-
ducers do not worry much. The difficulties of obtaining
good management and sufficient capital, and of holding to-
gether are the chief obstacles to overcome.

191. Consumers' Cooperation in the United States. —
Consumers, too, may prefer not to pay so much toll to the
various middlemen as the latter are willing to receive. If
a group of people combine as a consumers' cooperative so-
ciety, they may buy what they want in large quanti-
ties and perhaps get rates and discounts of which not even
all retail dealers can take advantage. Sometimes they
may establish a store very much like the small retail stores
to which we are accustomed, and hire some experienced
person to do the managing.

There are a number of ways of handling the profits of
the business. The goods may be sold at regular prices to
all purchasers, members of the society included, and then
at the end of a stated time, those who are members of the
association receive a share of the profits ; or members may
obtain goods for lower rates at the time of purchase. If
the former way is used, members sometimes get profits ac-
cording to the amount of goods they have themselves
bought. This makes it advantageous for them to patronize
their own store. We need not expect that cooperative buy-
ing and selling would solve the whole problem of the cost
of living, but it at least would help.

Why is there not more of this sort of thing ? Is it that people do
not want to be economical rather than wasteful ? Is there a chain
of financial interests that forbids them to do so? Are they hope-
lessly bound by custom? Or do they not know how to work with
other people for mutual benefit ?

392 Problems of American Democracy

What classes of people would not be likely to favor cooperative
stores ? Would the community lose anything by the disappearance
of the privately owned " corner grocery" ? of the " chain grocery" ?

Could a cooperative lunch society be successfully operated here ?
What questions would you have to consider before deciding ? Does
your answer suggest anything in regard to the problem in general ?

Still another means of economy through cooperation is
found in the very method of saving and investment.
Banks, tru&t companies, insurance companies, and the like,
are organized to make profits for a limited number of stock-
holders. There is nothing morally wrong about that, but
we need not expect them to render service at cost. Can
such service be obtained by cooperative methods? One
type of such cooperation is the building and loan associa-
tion, whose primary object is to enable people to own
homes — a vital need, as we have seen. A person may be-
come a member by subscribing for stock, which he may pay
for in installments. Then if he wishes to buy or build a
house, the association will lend him sometimes as much as
seventy-five per cent of the market value. The associa-
tion then holds a mortgage on the house and can foreclose
if the man does not pay. But if he continues to pay at
specified intervals until his " book runs out," the mortgage
is paid and he has his house. The payments are so ar-
ranged that stockholders who do not borrow on their stock
secure a good return on their investment from the interest
paid by borrowers.

Other organizations of this kind are cooperative banks
and insurance companies. The banks often pay higher
interest than the privately owned banks and many people
are glad to deposit their money in them. Cooperative fire
and life insurance companies are fairly numerous. They
can charge less for their premiums than commercial com-
panies do, because there is no expense for profits. The
only money that is needed for salaries is for managers, claim
adjusters, and people to do the clerical work.

Making America Prosperous 393

The regular commercial banks and insurance companies assert
that cooperative organizations such as we have just mentioned are
unsound. Find out what their arguments are.

C. Can the Government Help Us?

It is natural for people in distress to look to their government
for relief. Is this problem of the cost of living wholly one for us
to work out as individuals or as families? What has it been pro-
posed that the government should do? How much is it practi-
cally able to aid us ?

192. The North Dakota Experiment. — The state of
North Dakota has attempted to aid in the solution of some
of the financial problems of its citizens to an extent that no
other political agency has dared to go. In fact, many-
would call North Dakota's recent venture an experiment
in state sociahsm. It was undertaken, however, not as a
socialistic enterprise but simply as a means of practical relief.

The moving idea in the undertaking was that the farmers
were handicapped in the marketing of their grain, not
merely by their distance from the money centers of the
country, but because of the willful obstacles put in the way
of loans to farmers by large money interests. Inspired by
A. C. Townley, a ** Non-Partisan League '' was organized
to put through a big program. They succeeded in getting
a large bond issue authorized, to obtain money for the es-
tabUshment of state grain elevators and mills. There was
to be a state bank in which the public money of the state
was to be deposited and which was to make loans to farmers
and to other banks. The work was begun, but the state
found considerable difficulty in selling its bonds. The
financial institutions of the country that usually market
large bond issues would have nothing to do with them until
the question of the constitutionality of the program was
settled, and even then they were unwilling to aid. The
bank in which the League funds were deposited also got
into difficulties.

394 Problems of American Democracy

The United States Supreme Court ruled that there was
nothing contrary to the United States Constitution in the
proposed enterprise. " If North Dakota wants to try it,"
said the court in effect, " that's its own business." If this
enterprise fails, it is not likely that another state govern-
ment will make a similar attempt in the immediate future.
Whether or not the proposition itself is sound, there is cer-
tainly something wrong in our political and financial sys-
tem, if private business can dictate what a state govern-
ment, representing the people of an entire state, may or
may not do. Whether North Dakota's experiment in the
end succeeds or fails, however, will not determine the suc-
cess or failure of cooperation as a business proposition.

Do you think some other state might have attempted something
of this kind with better chance of success than North Dakota?
Some people assert that the government ought not to get into busi-
ness under any circumstances. Is such a theory sound ? Were the
parcel post and postal savings bank examples of the government's
going into business? Should the postal savings bank pay any
lower rate of interest than private savings banks?

193. Can the Government Control Prices ? — Some
people seem to have the idea that the government could
easily keep the cost of living down by simply declaring what
the price of anything should be. Under the stress of war,
when restraint may be classed as a military measure, the
national government undoubtedly has the right to restrict
prices. But in times of peace nothing except the control
of interstate commerce would offer any constitutional war-
rant for price-fixing. Regulation of railway rates has been
established as a definite policy, and some people would like
to have the Federal Trade Commission vested with a simi-
lar right to fix maximum prices for the necessities of life.

During the Great War the prices of wheat and coal were
set, more or less directly, by federal action. At the same
time an indirect control over the price of other necessities
was obtained under a licensing system. Individuals and

Making America Prosperous 395

concerns doing business over a certain amount in the neces-
sities of life were required to take out licenses, which
could be revoked if the licensee was guilty of profiteering.
Patriotic sentiment and the appeals of the Food and Fuel
Administrations induced people to submit voluntarily to
restrictions which they would in ordinary times consider
intolerable nuisances.

The variation in market price of many things would make
any attempt to fix prices for a long period very unwise. If
prices were arbitrarily fixed too low, from the producer's
viewpoint, he would not plant or manufacture or market
the goods. To fix prices by law would be utterly out of the
question, for we should then find Congressmen seeking office
on platforms promising three-dollar wheat, if they came
from a rural state, or a five-cent loaf of bread if they came
from the city. To reconcile the two would be difficult or
even impossible.

But surely we will not confess that our government is
helpless to relieve its people's perplexities and embarrass-
ments. It has definitely assumed supervision over the
grain exchanges to prevent cornering the market or any
other such manipulation of it as would cause unnecessary
unsteadiness in prices. Some system of control based on
the license principle might work in peace as well as in war.
** Fair price " committees might also function by teUing the
public the reasonable range of prices in various commodi-
ties and trusting to public opinion to do the rest. But such
committees, in order to be really useful, must be made up
of people of honesty, intelligence, and backbone, who are
both impartial and disinterested.

Assuming that a state government has the constitutional right
to regulate the price of coal, would it be wise to do so? of cloth-
ing? of paper?

194. Practical Assistance. — In one way at least our
government can help us economize — by making it easy

396 Problems of American Democracy

for people to organize for mutual benefit in buying or sell-
ing. The provisions of the laws respecting the chartering
of corporations, for instance, may either encourage or dis-
courage the formation of cooperative societies. Some states,
notably Ohio and other middle western commonwealths,
and recently Congress also, have passed laws specifically
intended to aid the formation of cooperative organiza-
tions in rural communities.

Of course good roads and the parcel post system are pub-
lic utiUties which indirectly help the people to cooperate.
The Federal Farm Loan associations put the farmer more
nearly in an independent position financially. Many be-
lieve that the postal service can be developed far beyond
its present usefulness in the aid of cooperative buying and
selling. A school or church which becomes a community
center may house a community organization for producers
or consumers or both. If rural mail deliveries are exten-
sively developed, a means may be afforded of direct com-
munication between the farmers and the city, which will
aid greatly in the marketing of farm products. Further-
more, it has been proposed that the postal savings system
may be made much more useful to the masses. It is urged
that it could pay 4 per cent interest on deposits instead of
the sum which it now pays and could make use of the deposits
in the financing of home-building. There seems to be no
serious difficulty in the working out of such a proposition
if the pubUc really wants it.

The War promoted specific aid on the part of the govern-
ment to producers as well as price control in the interest
of consumers. The War Finance Corporation, for instance,
was started with a capital of $500,000,000, which was to be
loaned to men or corporations that were doing necessary
work, and in 1921 it was revived as a means of helping
farmers in the period of depression. Many city and other
local governments bought goods by the carload to reseU at
cost to people at large. Some towns will exempt a factory

Making America Prosperous 397

from taxation for a period of years in order to induce its
builders to start business within their Umits.

Wise handUng of the currency by the Federal Reserve
Board and other public agencies will help to keep the
amount of money in circulation at the right point to cor-
respond to the needs of business. Thus an unnecessary
rise in prices may be prevented and both wages and prices
kept from that sort of disturbing element. But after all
the government can only help people to help themselves.
We must not expect any law or policy to make a man com-
fortable or rich if he is lazy, foolish, or ignorant.

SPECIAL STUDIES

Resolved, that the postal system should be so extended as to pro-
mote cooperative buying and selling between farmers and city
consumers.

The Rochdale Pioneers.

Cooperative Societies in Europe.

The National Consumers' League.

North Dakota's Experiments.

Resolved, that " chain stores " selling for cash serve the public as
well as cooperative stores could serve them.

Cooperative Producers' Associations in the United States.

Cooperative Consumers' Associations in the United States.

Resolved, that the Federal Trade Commission should be given
power to fix maximum prices for those necessities of life which are
carried in interstate commerce.

State Laws respecting Cooperative Societies.

Resolved, that a system of licenses for dealers in the necessities of
life should be established.

REFERENCE READINGS

Kelly — Community Capitol, Parts III, IV.
Thompson — Elementary Economics, Chapter 13.
Carlton — Elementary Economics, Chapter 20.
Lessons in Community and National Life, B-15, B-26.
Adams and Sumner — Labor Problems, Chapter 10.

398 Problems of American Democracy

D. Caring for the Needy

To a considerable part of the people of any country, the prob-
lem of meeting the cost of living seems a hopeless one. What is
the community to do with such people? How can they best be
aided in trying to care for themselves or be provided for if they are
wholly dependent? Can the numbers of this group of needy ones
be to any degree reduced?

195. The Poor among Us. — Perhaps at least one in
seven of our people does not have enough of the necessities
of Hfe to enable him to maintain the desirable standard of
health and working efficiency. Those who are in such an
economic state we say are in poverty. Still further down
in the economic scale are those who not only are poor but
have to be assisted by some form of charity. These we
call paupers, and their condition, pauperism.

Now what does this class of poor people and paupers
mean to us? In the first place, they can contribute nothing
to the uplift of society; as workers they are inefficient;
if paupers, they are a burden to the rest. Moreover,
poverty means congested living conditions, and too little
education. It leads to low morals, intemperance, and
crime. Decent family life is impossible and helpful as-
sociations elsewhere unlikely. Society cannot, for its own
sake, tolerate any of this sort of thing which is avoidable.

Two sources of reUef for the poor are possible — public
aid and private charity. Public aid may take two forms,
called indoor and outdoor relief. Indoor relief is that which
is given to the poor in institutions estabUshed for the pur-
pose. Outdoor rehef is given the poor in their own homes,
by furnishing them food, clothing, fuel, or medical care,
or paying their rent. If aid must be given permanently,
the former method may be better; if the relief needed is
temporary, outdoor reUef will probably be more suitable.

For the purpose of giving aid to the poor most cities have
departments of charity. They also have ''poorhouses,"
*'poor farms," or ''homes," where people are kept if they

Making America Prosperous

399

have no one who can look after them. In some states the
county is responsible for the care of the poor; in others,
the town or township. In some sections every town has
its poor farm, and " poor relief " is administered by direc-
tors or overseers of the poor.

Recently a great improvement is observable in institu-
tions for the poor. Formerly all ages and conditions of

Poverty in the Home.
A coal strike was the cause of this man's being out of work.

people were herded together — the poor, the feeble-minded,
the insane, the epileptic and the tubercular, the blind, the
old people, and the orphans. But today, if different groups
are kept in the same institution, they are segregated, and
usually those requiring some particular attention are sent
to institutions offering treatment and care for their partic-

400 Problems of American Democracy

ular misfortune. Inspection is required and reports must
be made to a State Board of Charities or some similar au-
thority. Many state governments appropriate money from
the state treasury for assistance to public or semi-public
charitable institutions.

Private assistance to the needy can be rendered either
through organizations or by personal investigation and re-
lief. Societies for the improvement of the poor, children's
aid societies, homes for orphans or for the aged, are often
largely supported by regular contributions from wealthy
people. Churches and fraternal orders often maintain
institutions for the particular benefit of their own members
or the famiUes of members. Some unusually kind-hearted
people make regular visits to poor sections of a community,
and seem to find satisfaction in rendering helpful social
service of a personal and sympathetic kind.

196. Charity, Wise and Unwise. — Many poor fami-
lies, through a pride that is not wholly discreditable, prefer
individual charity, so that as few as possible may know of
their misfortune. But such charity has disadvantages as
well as advantages. It is not hard to play on the feelings
of some well-disposed rich person, and many who are un-
deserving can thus get aid. Moreover, without some form
of organization it is almost inevitable that some will get
help from several sources, and some of the most worthy
cases will be neglected. An individual cannot make as
thorough an investigation as a group. Since the work of
organizations, even, may similarly overlap, there has been
formed in most large communities a cooperative agency
called the United Charities or Associated Charities. Its
agents keep a card index of worthy cases and of the help
that has already been given them. Any person wishing to
help can learn from them of a worthy case and find out
which charity is handling it. It also carries on " follow up
work." That is, it sees that a family makes good use of
what they get. If they do not, no more is given them.

Making America Prosperous 401

As it is, much charity defeats the very end it is supposed
to serve. It should help the family to help itself rather
than make it lazy and dependent on outside help. Tramps
and beggars sometimes receive help that could do much
more good for some really worthy, honest family. Giving
money is frequently harmful, for it may be spent for some
luxury or unimportant thing. Charitable societies there-
fore give most of their aid in the form of food, clothing, or
some other necessary articles. A criticism sometimes of-
fered against them is that they only relieve the need,
whereas the cause of the need should be remedied. But
when people are sick or starving, they may die if you do not
help them until you find out how they got that way.

Even the various '' homes " for the poor sometimes harm
rather than help their inmates. They provide all the neces-
sities of life except enough work. The people there become
shiftless and hopeless, and lose any initiative which they
ever possessed. To distribute charity wisely is a difficult
proposition. An amateur social worker may do more harm
than good. There ought to be more people who would be
willing to help their community through social service, but
they should train for such work as well as for anything else.

What do you think of the " community chest " as a means of
supplying funds for charity? What sort of cases of need should
be relieved by individual help, by church clubs and classes, and the
like, rather than by the public or semi-public charities? If you
discovered that a person who should be in your class was kept from
school through poverty, what would you do about it ? Would you
give money to a street beggar or a tramp ? a handout to a person
who called at your door ?

197. Preventing Poverty. — There was a time when
poverty was looked upon as an inevitable evil, existing per-
haps so that more fortunate people might develop and prac-
tice the grace and virtue of charity. But now we more
often think of it as a kind of social disease to be prevented
as far as possible by removing its causes. Before we can

402 Problems of American Democracy

expect to prevent a disease, we must know how it origi-
nates. The causes of poverty may be divided into three
groups — personal, social, and physical.

Personal causes include : sickness and accident, causing
inabihty to work; intemperance or gambling; extrava-
gance; laziness; bodily or mental defects or unattrac-
tive personality ; and general ignorance or lack of specific
preparation for any occupation. Both heredity and en-
vironment contribute to these individual causes.

Social causes embrace the following: war; strikes; low
wages ; business depression ; high prices ; bad working
conditions or poor housing, which cause sickness and ac-
cident ; and irregular employment in seasonal trades.

The physical causes are those over which man has little
or no control, such as floods, earthquakes, crop failures due
to bad weather, and the like. These are not likely to af-
fect the same people continually, but may cause very seri-
ous distress when they do come. These are among the so-
called " acts of God " which at present, at least, we do not
know how to prevent.

We cannot remedy all poverty by improving any one
condition. We must create, recreate, or restore every ele-
ment that makes for the common well-being. In general,
education will relieve or remove many personal and some
social causes. The discovery that the hook worm was re-
sponsible for the seeming shiftlessness of many southern
poor whites, and the application of medical knowledge to
this and other causes of poor living among them have al-
ready worked wonders. Teaching '* safety first " and other
measures for personal carefulness has been of much indi-
rect benefit to many people. The social service worker can
educate in home-making and sanitation and thus promote
good health.

Legislation will make it easier for people to look out for
themselves. It is preventing to some degree intemperance,
child labor, poor housing, and the immigration of unde-

Making America Prosperous

403

sirables. Minimum wage laws help women workers to ob-
tain living wages. Some people think eugenic laws are the
best preventive against the inheritance of physical or men-
tal degeneracy, and a few states already have them. So-
cial insurance for sickness, accident, old age, and even un-
employment may also be desirable. Just tax laws, which

Feeding Poor Children.

Growing children need even greater care than older people that they may
have the right kind of food and enough of it. In some needy districts they
can get this only as charitable organizations supply it.

will put the burden of public expense upon those who can
afford to bear it, are another source of relief.

We need not repeat here our discussion of the causes and
remedies for unemployment and low wages. Whatever re-
lieves these misfortunes will of course reUeve poverty. Not
until we can raise out of the poverty class every American
who is wiUing and able to work can we justly feel satisfied
with our efforts to make America prosperous. As far as we

404 Problems of American Democracy

can do so, we must qualify every citizen to support him-
self and give him the opportunity to do so.

What ought to be done with tramps ?

Consider specifically each cause of poverty mentioned above,
and decide what remedies, if any, can be provided.

198. The Obligations of the Well-to-do. — Prevention
of poverty, it has been said, is purchasable. But who will
buy it? Not the poor or those who are just barely making
a decent living, for they are already up to the limit of rea-
sonable expectation. Not the middle classes, so called, for
it would hardly be fair to ask them to come down to the
standard of the poor in order to lift up some of the latter.
It must be the rich whom the Creator intended to be re-
sponsible for most of the work of community uplift. They
must be our chief contributors to charity. They are and
must be our chief taxpayers.

Perhaps the rich man has a legal '* right " to spend his
money as he pleases, but he has also a moral duty in the
matter. It is asserted that each of the " 400 " of New York
spends about $200,000 yearly on amusement, one hundred
times the minimum desirable income for a family of five.
We are not forgetting the munificence of Rockefeller, Car-
negie^ and others of their type. The Scotchman's wealth
founded libraries in every section of our country, and the oil
king's gifts have built colleges, aided churches, promoted ed-
ucation, and healed the sick. They have realized their abil-
ity to serve their neighbors. But should not every rich man
do as well as they? It is from the masses that the rich man
got his wealth. He ought to use it for everybody's good,
for he cannot take it with him into the next world.

The community as a whole may save as well as the in-
dividuals who make up the community. When a town or
city collects taxes from its people to put up a school build-
ing or a library, or to buy a park or a playground, it is really
saving. Every generation makes use of the improvements

Making America Prosperous 405

in methods of industry, of machinery for furthering eco-
nomic processes, and of many other things which have been
provided by the generations before it. This collection of
wealth which results from the savings of the past, but which
does not particularly belong to individuals, is called the
social surplus.

If the rich man through beneficence or taxpaying is will-
ing to do so, he may add greatly to his community's social
surplus. He does not need to do it all, of course. When
Andrew Carnegie gave away his libraries, he almost invari-
ably required that the community which received the build-
ing should agree to spend a certain amount each year to
keep it in operation and to add to its outfit. He believed
the community itself must cooperate with him in providing
the advantages which he was willing to help them acquire.

Many helpful results accompany the accumulation of
the social surplus. People in general can maintain a higher
standard of living. They can be more comfortable and
obtain many conveniences which would otherwise be im-
possible. The strain and stress upon individuals to pro-
vide for their own needs is greatly lessened when they can
take advantage of the provisions which the community as
a whole can make. Unless we are laying by a social sur-
plus, we have no right to boast of our civilization. It is
only by so doing that we can make our community and our
nation happy and prosperous in the years to come.

What advantages does your community offer its citizens today
that were not available to your father or grandfather at your age,
but which are the results of the sacrifice or saving of the people who
lived at those times?

Can you suggest a way by which a man might spend $100,000
in your immediate neighborhood so as to make it of general bene-
fit ? What personal pleasure would he get out of it ? How should
a wealthy man dispose of his fortune when he makes his will?

.*. Controlling the cost of living is, like most problems, both a
community and an individual proposition. The government
must aid people who are trying honestly to improve their

406 Problems of American Democracy

economic condition through their own energy or through coopera-
tion, and it must relieve those who are unable to provide for them-
selves. But individual and family thrift, wise spending, and in-
vestment can never be supplanted by public or private charity.

SPECIAL STUDIES

Charitable Organizations in Our Community.

Social Service in Our Community.

Hull House.

The Rich and the Poor in Our Community.

The Benefactions of Our Rich Men.

Poverty as a Cause and a Result of Intemperance.

Poverty as a Cause and a Result of 111 Health.

Tramps.

Indoor Relief in the United States (or in Our State).

REFERENCE READINGS

Towne — Social Problems, Chapter 14.

Burch and Patterson — American Social Problems, Chapters 15-17.

Reed — Form and Functions of American Government, Chapter 30.

Rowe — Society, Chapters 35, 36.

EUwood — Sociology and Modern Social Problems, Chapter 13.

Hayes — Introduction to Sociology, Chapters 11, 12.

Blackmar and Gillin — Outlines of Sociology, Part V, Chapters 2, 3.

Lessons in Community and National Life, C-26.

Adams and Sumner — Labor Problems, Chapter 5.

XVII. SEEKING A BETTER SOCIAL ORDER

Unless history is going to reverse itself, we have no right to ex-
pect that our present system of society and industry has attained
perfection. Indeed, we ought to hope it has not! But how can it
be bettered? What is wrong with the present state of affairs?
To correct the wrongs, do we need to change our whole plan of
organization? Let us examine the programs presented by those
who think that our hope of betterment rests upon the setting up of
a different order rather than upon the improvement of the present.

199. What Is the Matter with Things as They Are? —
What do the harsh critics of the present order assert to be
out of place? What faults do they point out? That there
are faults we need not deny, whether we reach the sarne
conclusion as the critics do or not. Our present industrial
system was founded to a large extent on the principle that
each individual is responsible for his own welfare and should
be expected to look out for his own interests. " Caveat
emptor," " let the buyer beware," — if some one gets the
better of you, it is your fault. That the working out of
such principles has not brought to all men and women lib-
erty, equaUty, or happiness, we cannot well deny.

The aim of production in many industries, it is said, is
not to provide what men need, but to make things and then
induce men to buy them. Overproduction, waste of raw
material and of life, the use of human energy to do things
which are already being done by some one else, are common
occurrences. There is much injustice in the world and
grievous inequality in the opportunities and comfort of
people. As a result, unhappiness, discontent, crime, im-
morality, and physical degeneracy are common to an inde-
fensible extent. But a pertinent question or two arise:
" Are these abuses general or only occasional? Are they

407

408 Problems of American Democracy

the result of the system of industry that prevails, or of the
folly and wickedness of human beings? If they are the
result of the system, we shall feel like turning the whole
thing overboard and starting over on new lines. But many
of the outstanding evils of the time are surely due to selfish-
ness or habit.

These are human faults. Now, perhaps, the question
will take this form : " Would an industrial system founded
on lines different from those of our present system remove
these faults or make it less easy for these faults to do
harm? " Let us see.

Can you mention any existing abuses which show no trace of
any of these human faults?

200. The I. W. W. Argument. — The center of attack of
most of those who want to overthrow the present order is
the control of capital by a relatively small number of pri-
vate individuals. An extreme type of industrial revolu-
tionists are those generally known in Europe as Syndical-
ists. Their aim is to unite all the workers into " one big
union," rather than to have separate trade unions. They
desire to overthrow capital and take charge of industry
themselves. The Industrial Workers of the World, usually
called the I. W. W., propose such a program in this country.
Read this from the preamble of their Constitution :

" The working class and the employing class have nothing in
common. Between these two classes a struggle must go on until
the workers of the world organize as a class, take possession of the
earth and the machinery of production and abolish the wage system.
We find that the centering of management into fewer and fewer
hands makes the trades unions unable to cope with the ever-growing
power of the employing class. The trades unions foster a state of
affairs which allows one set of workers to be pitted against another set
of workers in the same industry, thereby helping to defeat one
another in wage wars. Moreover, the trades unions aid the employ-
ing class to mislead the workers into the belief that the working
class have interests in common with their employers. It is the his-
toric mission of the working class to do away with capitalism.

Making America Prosperous 409

The army of production must be organized not only for the every-
day struggle with capital but also to carry on production when cap-
italism shall have been overthrown."

To attain their ends people of this type usually are willing
to engage in anything that will bring them victory. " Direct
action" is the phrase which they use to describe their
methods. They declare that the worth of any method de-
pends upon its effectiveness. If it will terrorize the pub-
lic, overawe the employer or harm his business, they claim
that anything, no matter what it is, is justified.

It is hard even to read this kind of proposition with pa-
tience. What possible success could such a crowd have if
they should get control of industry ! Those who justify
violence to get power would use it against each other if they
were in command of industry. Fortunately the American
Federation of Labor and most labor leaders have forcefully
condemned the idea.

201. The Socialist Idea. — The socialist believes that all
fundamental industries should be carried on by the govern-
ment and not by private individuals. He advocates gov-
ernment control of land and of all the tools of production,
to be operated for the benefit of the people as a whole. He
asserts that with the administration of industry in the hands
of the state all the returns of labor would go to labor, and
better service would be rendered to all the people than at
present. There would be no profit for some individuals
obtained from the work of other people. The state repre-
sents the whole people and therefore it, rather than private
groups, should control those things on which the welfare of
all depends. Social classes should disappear, but equality
and brotherhood are out of the question as long as individ-
uals or groups of people are able to exploit the masses.

Karl Marx, whose book, " Das Kapital," appeared in
1848, is generally credited with being the founder of modern
socialism. There are in every country today groups of

410 Problems of American Democracy-
people who hold sociaHstic principles. There have even
been Socialist premiers in France. But many things for
which Socialist parties in European countries are clamoring
we have always enjoyed in this country or have acquired
through other agencies and the enlightenment of pubhc
opinion. The Socialist party in the United States has not
accomplished much politically. It nominates a candidate
for the presidency every four years, though it has no hope

HARVEttiii

Courtesy InteTnational Harvester Co.
AiNu iriHi.oiiiiN«j ON A Great Western Farm.

What do you suppose would happen to such activities if socialism were
in vogue?

of winning. Socialist mayors have been elected in several
cities, and Socialist congressmen from New York and Mil-
waukee. But no Socialist city government has attempted
to make any extreme changes in administration or in any
other way.

The Socialist plan is to bring socialistic principles before
the public eye, and gradually to gain strength and followers.
SociaUsts are not revolutionists. They believe in gaining

Making America Prosperous 411

their ends by the legitimate means of political parties and
elections. A number of very fine people are Socialists, but
the Socialist movement has had to suffer from wild agitators
and fault-finders who have attached themselves to it.

Why was the Socialist party organization opposed to the Great
War? Why do extremists often harm a cause in which they are
interested ?

202. The Communist Theory. — We must not confuse
socialism and communism. The socialist believes that the
state and not the private citizen should control the tools of
production. This doctrine has nothing whatever to do
with other property. The communist, on the other hand,
believes in the complete abolition of private property, ex-
cept for articles of a strictly personal character.

The communist says that under his plan there would be
no severe toil. No industry or business would be carried
on for profit, and from three to four hours' work a day, if
work were properly distributed, would bring to the laborer
everything necessary to a comfortable living. The natu-
ral result would be greater ease and comfort than workers
now enjoy. There would be no servants, no individual
would have to obey another, but all would be equal. There
would be absolute honesty, for every person would have as
much as his neighbor, and the inducement to steal would
have disappeared. The sick and the aged would receive
the best of care. A wide range of enjoyment, and a spirit
of independence and contentment would prevail.

In the United States today there are twenty-three ** com-
munities " where property is owned in common. Among
these the Shakers have been, perhaps, the most successful.
These towns were usually established by a number of peo-
ple who went to a new territory and built a new settlement
** from the ground up." This is the only possible way in
which this could be done. If it were undertaken in a partly
or fully grown town, a great deal of property would have

412 Problems of American Democracy

to be either seized or bought, and neither plan would be
easy. The Enghshman Robert Owen, the Frenchman
Fourier, and even such Americans as Emerson either at-
tempted the estabhshment of '* communities " or were in-
terested in them. But when they came up against the
selfishness of human nature they were usually obliged to
admit that the world has not yet advanced to the point where
their ideals would work.

What different types of people might be interested in a proposal
to establish a community in which private property should not
exist ?

In Russia alone has it been possible to attempt a form of
communism on a wide scale. After three years of destruc-
tive war the Russian people were utterly weary of fighting,
and of the government which had been in power when it
started. Then the Bolshevist faction, headed by two able
and unscrupulous leaders whx) had adopted the names of
Lenine and Trotsky, promised them peace and a new order
of things in which equality should prevail — and the people
quit. They would resist nothing.

The Bolshevist organization is supposed to rest on the
Soviets, which are associations of people who possess a com-
mon interest, as workmen, soldiers, or peasants, but in fact
the leaders have kept themselves in power by the use of
military force. All officials are supposed to be of the work-
ing class. The Bolshevists flatter themselves that they
have abolished the bourgeois and the nobility. To have
any vote one must be a worker. All able bodied persons
between the ages of 16 and 50 must work ; or, as the Bol-
shevist puts it, all people who are able to work have the
right to work, but in the case of men under eighteen, and all
women, the right is suspended at night.

Under the Bolshevist government of Russia no man's
property is his own if the state wants it. All natural re-
sources, banks, factories, means of transportation, and the

Making America Prosperous 413

like, are state property. The peasants of Russia have not
taken kindly to the rule of the Bolshevists, because until
a short time ago one of their chief aims was to obtain the
right to hold private property in land. After they obtained
this right, they did not care to lose it. And so the Bolshe-
vist leaders have compromised their theories with the facts
and have decided to refrain from trying to destroy " capi-
taUsm " completely. Indeed, it was their announced pro-
gram of overturning all '' capitalistic " governments that
made the rest of the world suspicious of them.

What classes of people want Bolshevism to fail ? Would another
nation equally war-weary have been likely to accept Bolshevist
rule? Is it good for the world that Russia has tried Bolshevism?

203. The Anarchist's Notion. — Socialist and Anarchist
are at almost opposite extremes in their plans for changing
the existing order. The Socialist wishes to extend greatly
the power of the state by giving it control of all funda-
mental industries. The Anarchist goes to the other ex-
treme — he wants to abolish all organized government.
He says that after all existing authority and distinctions
are removed, people will group themselves together natu-
rally in such a way as to safeguard the interests and rights
of everybody. To hasten the process of change the An-
archist will use bombs or anything else that will destroy the
people or the things upon which the present order depends.
His doctrine appears to be that everything is so bad that
the world must be built over again — by him.

By many people anarchism is regarded as the action of maniacs.
Is this sufficient explanation of it ? Could a man in his right mind
be honestly an Anarchist? It has been said that assassination
never changed the course of history. Is that true, judging from
what you know of our own country's story?

204. How Private Property Originated. — Both social-
ism and communism are based on the supposition that some
features of private property are to blame for the evils of

414 Problems of American Democracy

today. The Socialist therefore demands that capital in
great industries shall cease to be private and the Communist
wants to adopt common ownership for everything of im-
portance. Practically everybody maintains that it means
much for good or ill.

No doubt more than one explanation would be needed to
show why or how private property came into being. In
very early times virtually everything belonged to the clan
or tribe as a whole. Yet when a man by his own efforts
made a club or a fox-skin cap, it was natural for him to feel
a sense of ownership in it which others had no right to feel.
Any gift of Nature which he was strong or active enough to
seize for himself he would be likely to claim as his. We
can hardly imagine a time when people did not say "mine "
and "thine." In fact the desire to make more things
" mine " or to make " thine " " mine " seems to underlie
much of human history.

Private property in land probably developed after settled
agriculture began. In order to plant and to harvest the
products, it was necessary to stay in one place, and to have
a definite part of the land assigned to each person. When
feudaUsm prevailed in England the nobles who were re-
sponsible for protecting their followers and dependents
held the title to all land under the king, and the common
people — the . serfs — lived on the manors and tilled the
soil. They had to give a certain amount of their product
to the lord of the manor. The property could be inherited
only by the eldest son, a plan different from that of
France, where the owner of property had to leave a portion
to every child. For this reason, France today has a great
many small estates, while those of England are vast in
area. In the United States, most estates are compara-
tively small, because feudalism never existed here in any
real sense.

Is the holding of private property essentially and necessarily
selfish?

Making America Prosperous

415

205. Is Private Property Fundamental ? — That a cus-
tom has existed for ages is not a conclusive argument that
it always should exist. That reasoning was not a sufficient
defense for private property in slaves ; neither is it alone a
complete justification for private property in other forms.

The Tallest Building in the World.

The Woolworth Building in New York City is world famous. Observe
how prominently it stands out even among the other great office buildings
of New York business districts. These are all private property. Is the
country better off on that account?

Any right depends upon whether an institution or custom
promotes human welfare.

But society as it is today hinges on private property. By
it we rate a man's wealth. Modern industry is built upon
private property. The wage system exists, in part, because
one person owns what others use or work with. Private
property promotes activity and competition. People have
something to strive for, and this is an incentive to work.
The laws of inheritance are a result of the private owner-

416 Problems of American Democracy

ship of property. It creates a conservative class of people
who stand for law and order. Those who have something
which could be lost want to keep it safe. It aids in promot-
ing social advancement, for the owning of private property
induces people to protect it and improve it, because we
usually take pride in what is our own, even though we
might not do it for the community's sake. Only when public
possession of a certain piece of land would be a great good
to the whole community do we permit it to be taken even
by the government under the principle of ** eminent domain.'^

Of course there are disadvantages in the private owner-
ship of property. It has some effect on the mobility of
labor. We always urge people to own rather than to rent
homes, and yet the ownership of property may keep workers
in one place when they are badly needed in another. De-
sire for ownership may lead to greed and unscrupulous busi-
ness dealings and crimes. Individuals may hold property,
especially land, for a long time, and do nothing with it, ex-
cept to wait until it will bring a high price. This is indi-
vidual profit at the expense of the community. Public
property is extensive, important, and valuable. But even
much of this has been acquired by taxes upon those who
own private property. Society is kept going by those who
have things, not by paupers. To do away with private
property would require us to make everything over new.

What difference would it make if our kitchen utensils were owned
by the community ? our clothes ? our automobiles ? our churches ?
Private property is said to afford these advantages : its owner has-
more independence ; it guarantees against social degeneration ; it
promotes honest government ; it encourages utilization of natural
resources ; it urges invention and industrial improvement ; it af-
fords security and permanence of management ; it establishes
thrift and economy. Do you agree? Is private property essen-
tial to democracy?

206. Human Nature in the Problem. — We shall get
nowhere by calling names. We have no business to call
a person a Bolshevist just because we do not like him or his

Making America Prosperous 417

ideas, nor to presume that a proposition is unsound because
the man who advances it calls himself a SociaUst. Will
these programs of social reconstruction which we have
briefly described make things better than they are?

With much that the so-called " radicals " say, every fair-
minded person must agree. There is a woeful lack of co-
operation among us. We see the selfish man everywhere.
He is so afraid that his neighbor will get more from life that
he forgets to use his own powers to the best advantage.
He wastes what little he has in putting on an appearance
as good as his neighbor. He forgets that by working with
rather than against his neighbor he might share part of
the latter's happiness and even win more for both. We
fight and worry over material gain when we might better be
enjoying life and building up wealth of mind and spirit.
Surely there should be some way to abolish class distinc-
tion in our democracy and set up cooperation as a prac-
tical reality.

Yet would this selfishness and greed disappear when we organ-
ized industry or society on a new basis ? Many people are not now
satisfied when they have acquired a comfortable living. Would
not that same lu-ge for accomplishment animate them under any
social order? Or if that impulse were crushed, would there be
sufficient inspiration to make society progressive? Admittedly it
would demand executive genius and unerring judgment and ab-
solute fair-mindedness to operate any large-scale socialistic or com-
munistic venture. If these were available in any manager or group
of managers, could not unfairness and maladjustment be removed
from the present order without completely reorganizing it on a dif-
ferent principle? And if such marvelous capacity for adminis-
tration did exist, would the mass of the people have sufficient wis-
dom and freedom from prejudice to appreciate it? The group
that thinks of itself as the " underman " holds hard feelings against
the " overman." When the underman — if there is such a being —
makes himself the master, will he be able to rule society any bet-
ter than those whom the progress of the centuries has forced to the
top? Can we expect him to initiate an era of universal brother-
hood by overturning society, when we could get it tomorrow if
everybody would practice the Golden Rule?

418 Problems of American Democracy

Would not a communistic state encourage individuals to
" sponge " on others? People are not perfect, and very many of
us would not work hard unless we expected thereby to reap some
benefits. Would others be willing to work if those who did not
work were to share their gain?

We can have little doubt that most of us would prefer
" to bear the ills we have than fly to others that we know
not of." The words of Abraham Lincoln in 1864 still ex-
press what most of us believe : " Property is the fruit of
labor; property is desirable; is a positive good in the
world. . . . Let not him who is houseless pull down the
house of another, but let him work diligently and build one
for himself, thus by example assuring that his own shall be
safe from violence when built." But in all fairness we may
add the further suggestion : '* And let him that has a house
strive earnestly to make it possible for each other earnest
worker also to have a house, for in so doing he will help to
make men happier and himself safer." Little by little we
can learn to do things better. As any particular proposal
convinces us of its merits, whether advocated by a Socialist
or not, we can adopt it, without the suffering and confu-
sion that could not help attending a complete overturn of
things as they are. Progress by gradual improvement is
the surest kind.

.*. We have numerous programs of radical change which rest
on the supposition that the control of capital by individuals is
responsible for the ills of society and industry. In so far as these
force us to consider seriously the faults and merits of our pres-
ent system, they will doubtless lead to social betterment. But we
must insist that whatever changes take place shall be accomplished
through orderly deliberation and decision and not through violence
and anarchy.

SPECIAL STUDIES

The Teachings of Karl Marx.
Socialist Parties in Europe.
Bolshevist Constitutions of Russia.
Bolshevism in Practice.

Making America Prosperous 419

Successful " Communities " in the United States.
Community Enterprise in Early American History.
Common Ownership of Property in Early Days.
Legal Complications Arising out of Titles to Land.
Modern Socialist Leaders.
Emma Goldman and Her Kind.
My Idea of Utopia.

Resolved, that all aliens advocating communism or anarchism
should be expelled from the United States.

REFERENCE READINGS

Carver — Elementary Economics, Chapters 43, 44, 46, 47.

Thompson — Elementary Economics, Chapter 27.

Burch — American Economic Life, pages 506-513.

Cleveland and Schafer — Democracy in Reconstruction, Chapter 4.

Laing — Introduction to Economics, Chapter 30.

Leacock — Elements of Political Science, Part III, Chapter 2.

EUwood — Sociology and Modern Social Problems, Chapter 15.

Tufts — The Real Business of Living, Chapter 24.

Soager — Principles of Economics, Chapters 33, 34.

Bryce — Modern Democracies, Chapter 79.

MAKING OUR DEMOCRATIC GOVERNMENT
EFFICIENT

" Not with presidents, not with office-seekers, but with you, is the
question : Shall the Union and shall the liberties of this country be
preserved to the latest generations?" — Lincoln.

To make America intelligent, moral, and prosperous, every
good citizen must strive through his own conduct as an individual
and through cooperation with other good citizens. To safeguard
and promote the various activities which we undertake in seeking
these ends, we must have some agency to act in behalf of the people
as a whole. This agency we call the government. What, then,
are some of the services which government renders? From what
source did our ideals of government come? On what principles
is our government founded? What kind of governmental machin-
ery have we set up ?

XVIII. ESTABLISHING SOUND PRINCIPLES OF
ORGANIZATION

207. Our Need for Government. — Until everybody
not only preaches but practices the Golden Rule, we shall
need some authority to say '^ this you must do, and that
you must not do." (1) Since we may disagree as to the limits
of our individual liberty, our government must fix those
limits so that we may know what society thinks is right or
wrong for us to do. (2) Since it is the nature of the strong
to abuse his strength and lord it over the weak, we must
have government to restrain those who ignore or violate
the rights of others. (3) To enable us to work under the
most favorable conditions for the things which will bring
us happiness, our government undertakes services which it
can conduct in the interest of all the people much more
readily than private citizens could perform them.

420

Making Our Government Efficient 421

What would happen if every form of government or authority
should disappear from your school? Would it be possible to en-
joy under these conditions any of the four ideals of which we have
spoken so often ? Will an intelligent man look upon government as
a necessary evil or desire it as a positive good ?

And so we must have government. Civilization rests
upon the foundation of law and order. We have gone be-
yond that stage in which we think of government as rep-
resented simply by a policeman who chases the boys out

Courtesy Reclamation Service.
The Arrowrock Dam, Idaho.

This is the highest irrigation dam in the world, 351 feet. Here we have
one of the " ministrant " services of government (p. 422, end).

of the vacant lot. There are other services which our gov-
ernment is rendering. Its manifold services have been
classified as protective, industrial, and social.

The 'protective function of government constitutes, per-
haps, its primary object. The defense of the people against
enemies at home or abroad, the preservation of life and

422 Problems of American Democracy

property from harm and destruction, the assurance to in-
dividuals that they may enjoy the rights which are justly
theirs, are all examples of this function. It is exercising its
duty of protection when it decides disputes between indi-
viduals as to their respective rights, as well as when it sends
a man to prison for breaking into another's house or when
it sends a ship of its navy to some foreign harbor where an
American citizen may happen to be.

In exercising its industrial functions, the government
may pass laws for the particular encouragement of some
industry which it believes to be necessary to the welfare of
the nation. It may provide for the construction of high-
ways, canals, and bridges, and the improvement of rivers
and harbors, or the supervision of the great railroads or
other pubUc utilities which mean so much to industrial wel-
fare. Besides, we now admit the right of the state to as-
sure proper conditions of work and to regulate even the
hours and wages of some workers.

The social functions of the government concern those
matters which touch directly the welfare of individuals in
their relation to the community. The education of the
people, the relief of the poor, the sick, and the insane, the
prevention of sickness and poverty, the furnishing of op-
portunities for recreation and culture, are examples of serv-
ices which our governments are undertaking more and
more extensively every year.

Make a list of twenty specific services rendered by our govern-
ments. Under which function does each of these belong? Presi-
dent Wilson, in a book published some years ago, classified the func-
tions of government as constituent, meaning those activities which
must be rendered by the government if they are to be performed at
all, and ministrant, meaning those which the government under-
takes not because it must, but because it will promote the people's
welfare by so doing. Which of the services mentioned in the list
you have prepared would be " constituent " and which '* minis-
trant"? Do we consider any governmental services constituent
now which we should once have called ministrant?

Making Our Government Efficient 423

208. The Source of Our Political Ideas. — We are truly
" the heirs of all the ages/' building upon a foundation of
the vast experience of others. Our institutions and our
ideals had their definite beginning in the early days of the
history of England. When the Angles and the Saxons came
into England they were as earnest haters of tyranny as
Americans ever were, and they brought with them not only
this love of freedom but a custom of assembly which when
transplanted to the new world has become famous as the
New England town meeting.

After their conquest by the Normans, the Saxons lost
some of their individual liberties, but not in any degree
their love of them. As time went on, however, people de-
sired to have it set down in black and white just what " lib-
erties " were theirs, so that no king or lord could excuse
himself for not recognizing them. And so charters came to
play an important part in liberty. They were often granted
by the king as a special sort of contract in return for which
some service was to be rendered or money paid.

One of the most notable events in English history was
the struggle which resulted in the granting of Magna Charta
in 1215. The tyrant King John was forced to give to his
nobles, who considered themselves as representatives of
England, this document which is, in a sense, the basis of
both English and American liberty. In it we find the germs
of our ideas of speedy justice, of taxation only by consent
of the representatives of the people, of punishment in pro-
portion to the crime, of local self-government, and of trial
by jury.

In the 17th century, while the Stuart kings were on the
throne, another notable conflict occurred. The English
Parliament obtained from Charles I in 1628 his signature
to a Petition of Right which certified the king's consent to
respect the liberties of the people from arbitrary interfer-
ence. Since, however, the Stuart kings kept their word
only when they had to keep it, it was not until after the

424 Problems of American Democracy

signing of the great Bill of Rights in 1689 by King William
III that the danger to the people's rights from willful and
oppressive monarchs was really ended. Most of the guar-
anties in the first eight amendments to our national Con-
stitution are contained in principle in this Bill of Rights,
and some have been copied word for word from it. Our
English forefathers loved free institutions so much that
when, by reason of somebody's bigotry or tyranny, they
could not enjoy them in England, many of them risked the
perils of founding a new England on this side of the Atlan-
tic. The voyagers on the Mayflower drew up before they
left the vessel the famous Mayflower Compact, by which
they constituted themselves as a " civil body poUtick."
Of course the Mayflower Compact did not itself plan a gov-
ernment, but it was an agreement to establish one, and
shows how important the early colonists believed a govern-
ment to be. As time went on, these men and their succes-
sors showed the capacity to form their own governments.
The Connecticut colony in 1639, when it drew up its " Fun-
damental Orders," set forth to the world perhaps the first
example of a written constitution framed by the people who
were to use it.

209. Forms of Government the World Has Tried. —
Popular government has evidently been obtained only
through long and sometimes bloody conflict. It is not hard
to see why the first form of government known to man was
the monarchy — the rule of one man. In the ancient or-
ganization of the family, the father, as its head, held com-
plete dominion over the other members. As time pro-
gressed families expanded or combined into clans and tribes,
each with its chief. When these grew into states the
strongest, or perhaps the most cunning, held leadership.
When more and more men became strong and crafty, and
as more and more force was needed to check them, the peo-
ple become dissatisfied. Gradually power passed from the

Making Our Government Efficient 425

ruler's hands. Perhaps it went to only a few of the strong-
est of the people, and then there was an oligarchy. As
those in power became richer and still more powerful, they
might be able to leave the rule in the hands of their descen-
dants, and their government might for generations con-
tinue as an aristocracy. But most often the monarch con-
tinued to rule at least in name, but with limited powers.
Limited monarchies still are numerous among the govern-
ments of the earth, but we hope that absolute monarchies
have passed into *' the limbo of forgotten things/' along
with Czars and Kaisers.

Look up the meaning of autocracy, theocracy, bureaucracy.

But suppose the people as a whole insist that the sover-
eignty, or supreme power, shall remain in their hands.
Then they have established a democracy. If the people
themselves determine policies of law and administration
directly, their government is a pure democracy. If the
people elect officers to make laws and administer the gov-
ernment, it is a representative democracy or a republic.
With so large a body of people who have the right to vote
as we have in the United States today, direct government
is out of the question. Possibly the whole people could
vote directly on big matters of policy — they do so in
Switzerland and elsewhere — but it is upon representative
democracies that the responsibility of ruhng the world rests
today.

Democracy is really a thing of the spirit rather than of
form. When the people of a nation are motivated by dem-
ocratic spirit, that nation is a democracy, whether its
most prominent official is a king, a president, or a prime
minister. Take England, for example. Most of the Eng-
lish people hold to the democratic ideal, and hence England
is a democracy even though a king is its nominal ruler.
The English people wield their power through representa-
tives even as we do — in some respects to a greater extent.

426 Problems of American Democracy

The ideal of democracy in our country, in England, and every-
where else, has grown with the gradual advance of the na-
tions, but not always in the same way or with equal rapidity.

What reasons might cause a people to continue having a king
when they had ceased to allow him any real power ? Does the king
of Great Britain mean anything to a Canadian?

210. Is Democracy Desirable? — As President Wilson
saw it, one of the objects of the Great War was to make the
world safe for democracy. If this was a cause worth dying
for, how can one ask whether democracy is desirable? Yet
keen students of pubHc affairs like Mr. Bryce, who ob-
served democracy at work in both his own country and ours,
see both advantages and weaknesses in its operation. Let
us summarize some of the things they have said.

(1) Democracy is beneficial in that the people are themselves the
best guardians of their liberty. If the people are the power in the
state, no petty demagogue or selfish tyrant can long deprive them
of their cherished rights. Democracy, it has been said, means that
the people have the right to make their own mistakes.

(2) Democracy gives the people a spirit of initiative, ambition,
and responsibility. They will obey their own laws more readily
than those which are forced upon them. Popular government is
most conducive to individual progress and general enlightenment.

(3) Democracy makes for peace. When a government's actions
are directed by public opinion it is not likely to go to war without
reason or on a slight pretext. Monarchs are more inclined to go
to war for gain, for conquest, or for personal glory.

(4) Popular government develops patriotism. Tyranny must in-
deed have overwhelming force to defeat free people struggling for
their liberties.

But we need not pretend that democracy is perfect, in
this country or in any other. Its abuse is a real possibility,
and only by recognizing its weaknesses can we guard against
its abuse.

(1) Delay may occur in times of emergency. A government
whose powers are exercised by the people, directly or indirectly,
cannot be expected to act in time of need as quickly as one person
or a small group of people.

Making Our Government Efficient 427

(2) The masses are proverbially fickle. They may be swayed by
demagogues. An officer or party may be in favor one day and in
disfavor the next. George Washington, Woodrow Wilson, and
even Theodore Roosevelt are notable examples of men who suffered
from that fact.

(3) The majority may be tyrannical and intolerant. The ma-
jority when in power may do the very things which they loudly re-
buked when out of power.

(4) Individual indifference is common. The " let-George-do-it "
spirit is constantly evident in our community life. " Passing the
buck " is a common game.

(5) There is disrespect for officials and intolerance of greatness.
There is a tendency to think that brains and special talent are not
needed for public office, and to turn against men who are distinctly
superior to the masses. We are slow to recognize true worth.

And yet democracy is desirable. " The proof of the
pudding is in the eating." No nation that has tried real
democracy has gone back. The world would not move
steadily toward democracy if the principle were not sound.
Its faults can be remedied. Perhaps our American democ-
racy will never reach perfection, because our ideals ad-
vance with our progress, but we can make it serve all the
people better and better as the years go on.

Point out some possible mistakes in American history for which
democracy may be responsible. Mention some Americans who
were not appreciated while they lived. Does your acquaintance
with history lead you to believe that monarchs in the long run
would do better for people than the people do for themselves ? Il-
lustrate.

211. Our Federal Form of Organization. — We have al-
ready hinted (§5) that the adoption of a federal form of
government resulted from the fact that the original thir-
teen colonies were settled separately. When in 1776 they
declared their independence they became thirteen independ-
ent states, each jealous of its individual existence and
rights. Under those conditions it was remarkable not that
a confederation rather than a closely centralized govern-
ment was formed, but that even after the Articles of Con-

428 Problems of American Democracy

federation had proved their inefficiency, a formula could
be worked out which would offer sufficient central authority
to make the combination effective as a united nation. But
the work was so well done that, in the words of the Supreme
Court, we now consider ourselves *' an indestructible union
composed of indestructible states." The states are not
mere subdivisions of the country, but some of them are
older than the union itself.

Another important question was this : How were future
states to stand with regard to the original thirteen?
Should the original states form a sort of aristocracy, or
should new ones be received on equal terms with those that
had suffered to establish independence? Political equality
of the states was the only wise solution. The newest or
least populous state has the same political rights as Vir-
ginia or New York and receives the same protection and
consideration from the whole Union. Its equal representa-
tion in the United States Senate may not be altered without
its own consent.

Practically the whole matter of admitting new states is
in the hands of Congress, with but one limitation. If a
new state is to be made wholly or partly from land already
belonging to a state, the consent of that state must be given
through its legislature. This has occurred only twice —
with Maine and West Virginia. There are no specific re-
quirements as to the population or area of a new state.

Statehood is never forced on unwilling people. When a
new state is proposed. Congress usually passes an '* ena-
bling act " authorizing the people of a territory to choose
delegates to meet in a convention and draw up a state con-
stitution. The constitution is submitted to popular vote
in the territory and if it meets with approval there and in
Congress, Congress passes an act admitting the new state,
just as it would pass any other law. Then the President is-
sues a proclamation stating the fact. Sometimes Congress
makes special requirements in admitting a state. Okla-

Making Our Government Efficient 429

homa was obliged to prohibit the liquor traffic for twenty-
one years and Utah was not admitted until the Mormon
church had officially given up polygamy.

What considerations should guide Congress in admitting new
states? Should a new state be allowed to have any form of state
government it wishes, whether Congress likes it or not? Ought
there to be any way of dealing with a state which makes promises
at the time it is admitted and disregards them afterward ?

212. State or National Sovereignty? — The Civil War,
bringing to a decision a long and bitter dispute, definitely
established the supreme authority of the nation over the
states. In Article VI, Section 2, of the Constitution it had
been plainlj^ stated that the Constitution and all laws and
treaties made in accordance with it should be *' the supreme
law of the land," " anything in the Constitution or laws of
any state to the contrary notwithstanding." Yet proba-
bly some of the states would not have accepted the Con-
stitution if they had realized that they could not be re-
leased from their obligations under it. Calhoun's doctrine
that the Constitution was simply a *' compact " between
the states, from which a state had the right to withdraw,
and that the states were the rightful judges as to whether
a law of Congress is in accordance with the Constitution,
was quite likely the thought of the majority of the people
in 1789. But experience and reason teach us that the views
set forth by Daniel Webster, in his famous argument with
Senator Hayne in 1830, are the only ones which can serve
as a sufficient basis for such a government as we want to-
day.

This is a union, not a compact. If a state can leave the
union whenever it pleases, or obey a law of Congress at its
pleasure, this union is indeed *' a rope of sand." The Su-
preme Court of the United States has the last word in the
interpretation of the Constitution or the laws of the states
and of the nation. If a state passes a law which the United
States Supreme Court declares to be contrary to a law of

430 Problems of American Democracy

Congress or the Constitution of the United States, the state
must simply make the best of it, and submit to the decision
of that august body.

But the relation between the national government and
the states is not one-sided. The national government
agrees to protect every state from invasion and will, if nec-
essary, aid it to suppress disorder within its limits. If this
disorder does not affect the enforcement of the national
laws, the federal government waits for an appeal from the
governor or legislature of the state before taking any ac-
tion. But if the disorder within the state interferes with
the execution of federal laws, the President may send troops
into that state without waiting for a request from anybody.
President Cleveland definitely established this principle in
1894 when, because the mail service was interrupted, he
sent troops into Illinois against the protest of its governor.

Besides, the national government guarantees to every
state a republican form of government. No state is likely
to try to set up any other kind, but if it did the federal gov-
ernment would be bound to prevent it. In a decision in-
volving this point the Supreme Court has ruled that Con-
gress, and not the court, has the responsibility of deciding
whether the state has a republican form of government.
Congress, moreover, is forbidden to make any distinction
between states in its tax laws.

Did the doctrine of *' state's rights " ever do any good?

If a street railway strike in Cleveland should tie up the street
car system in that city, would there be any circumstance under
which you can imagine the President of the United States taking
any action in the matter ? From any other viewpoint than that of
the Constitution was it a good thing that the attempt of some of
the states to secede was thwarted? Would it be well if Congress
instead of the Supreme Court had the final decision in determin-
ing whether a state law conflicted with a national law ?

213. Relations of the States to Each Other. — With
forty-eight self-governing commonwealths carrying on their
own separate law-making and administration, and with

Making Our Government Efficient 431

travel and transportation from one state to another as easy
as it is today, matters cannot fail to arise that involve the
relation of these states to each other. The Constitution
says that '' full faith and credit shall be given in each state
to the pubhc acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every
other state." Whatever is lawfully done in one state must
therefore be recognized by other states as having been a
legal act in that state. For instance, a marriage legally
performed in one state, with any subsequent effect it may
have upon inheritance or the title to property, must be ac-
cepted by other states as valid in the state where it was
performed, even though other states would not have per-
mitted the marriage. A corporation chartered in one state
must be recognized as having a legal right to do business,
even though another state might not have granted a charter
to this corporation. Each state must admit the products
of another state free from any tax or duty.

Every state, too, must grant to the citizens of other states
the safeguards and liberties of action that it grants to its
own within its own borders. A citizen of Pennsylvania,
therefore, while he is in Ohio, has the customary rights
of citizens of Ohio and no more. His rights as a citizen of
Pennsylvania do not go beyond the borders of his own state.

Suppose, however, that a person who is charged with a
crime in New Jersey leaves the state and goes to Wisconsin.
In such a case a person who does not willingly return when
summoned is to be returned by the authorities of the state
to which he has gone. The governor of New Jersey would
send a '* requisition " to the governor of Wisconsin asking
for the return of this person, and a sheriff or similar officer
from New Jersey would go after him.

The Constitution, however, provides no penalty for a
governor who does not comply with such a requisition.
Cases have occurred in which a governor believed that the
accused person would not receive a just trial if he were sent
back, and therefore permitted the accused to remain safely

432 Problems of American Democracy

in the state where he took refuge. Governors ought, of
course, to be sure of their ground when they dechne to
honor a requisition or else they will encourage law-breaking.
If a person accused of crime escapes to a foreign country
the matter of his return has to be taken up by the federal
Department of State. We have '^ extradition " treaties
covering such cases, under which those charged with any
of the more common serious crimes will be returned to this
country. In such treaties exceptions are usually made for
those who are called " poUtical offenders." Those who
have engaged in rebellion against the government, for ex-
ample, would be included in this class. It is in keeping
with this principle that the Dutch refused to give up the
Kaiser after he had taken refuge in their country.

What conditions might arise if states were permitted to ignore
the legality of acts that were legal in other states? If you have
ever traveled in different states, did you find any embarrassments
by reason of differences in laws or customs? If so, what? Would
it be possible to invent a punishment for a governor who refused to
honor a requisition made by another governor ? Can you imagine
any circumstances that would warrant a governor in declining to
return a fugitive from arrest ?

214. Distinctive Characteristics of American Institu-
tions. — If we study carefully the constitutions and funda-
mental laws of our national and state governments, we find
a few general facts standing out very clearly.

(1) These governments rest, directly or indirectly, upon
the people's will. Officials who make, administer, or inter-
pret laws are elected by the people or appointed by elec-
tive officers, and means are always provided by which they
may be removed if they are proved disloyal to the people's
trust. In a number of the states and local governments,
the people even make laws directly (§§ 263, 264).

(2) There is always a division of functions between the three
departments, legislative, executive, and judicial, and a com-
plete system of " checks and balances '* prevails.

Making Our Government Efficient 433

The President may veto the laws of Congress, and Congress may
impeach and remove the President. The Supreme Court may de-
clare void a bill which it believes to be unconstitutional, and it in
turn is subject to impeachment. Treaties are made by the Presi-
dent but they must be ratified by the Senate. Similar provisions
appear in state governments, and in some states officials may be
recalled from office by the people (§ 264). Whether this " check

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Where Our National Law-Makers Meet.

and balance " system is wise we shall discuss later (§233), but its
existence is very real.

(3) There is a fairly definite distribution of powers between
national and state governments.

The following are some of the specific powers of the national
government: the control of foreign relations, including making
war and arranging treaties ; the support of an army and navy ;
the coining of money ; and the regulation of interstate and foreign
commerce.

The states are not allowed to issue " bills of credit," that is,
paper money, and may not make anything but gold and silver le-
gal tender. We shall never know whether the makers of the Con-
stitution intended to limit the national government in the same

434 Problems of American Democracy

way, but they did not impose such a limit, and it has repeatedly
exercised these powers which the states are forbidden to exercise.

In the tenth amendment to the Constitution, we are told that the
powers not delegated to the United States or prohibited to the states
are " reserved to the states respectively or to the people." This
leaves an enormous list of matters which must be administered by
the states. The protection of life and health, the promotion of
education, the care of the poor and the helpless, the supervision
of labor and industry, and the regulation of local government are
important examples of duties which must be performed almost
wholly by the state. If the national government wishes to under-
take anything along these lines, it must do so indirectly through
the exercise of other powers. In many of these matters, however,
there is extensive cooperation between the national government
and the state government.

Some concurrent powers belong to the national government and
to the state. Any government must be able to levy taxes and to
borrow money, or else it would be worthless. As a matter of con-
venience, the trying of certain cases at law, and the passage of bank-
ruptcy acts and laws regulating weights and measures are also not
excluded from the jurisdiction of the states, although they are with-
in the province of the national government.

A notable part of our early political history centered around the
interpretation of the powers granted the national government.
Alexander Hamilton declared that anything reasonably implied in
the granting of a power could be done in order to execute it. Thomas
Jefferson maintained that the national government could ex-
ercise only those powers specifically delegated to it by the Consti-
tution. Very fortunately Hamilton's broad or "loose " construc-
tion of the Constitution prevailed over Jefferson's '* strict " construc-
tion, and the decisions of the Supreme Court under John Marshall
settled the matter permanently. Today the national government
does scores of things for which no specific grant can be found in
the Constitution. Some of these can be justified only under the
general supposition that our national government has all the powers
that belong to any independent nation, and that it can therefore
do what any nation has the right to do.

(4) But some powers exercised in the past by some govern-
ments are specifically forbidden.

These include the following: ex post facto laws, that is, laws
which would apply to acts done before the law was passed, for we

Making Our Government Efficient 435

believe that a man has a right to know when he does a thing whether
it is a crime or not, and if it is a crime what the punishment shall
be ; bills of attainder, by which a person or his family could be sen-
tenced to punishment by law without being given a trial by court ;
and the granting of titles of nobility. Moreover no public official
may accept titles or presents from foreign government or officers
except with the consent of Congress.

Why do you suppose this restriction is prescribed? Could our
Secretary of State be created the Duke of Washington by the King
of England? Was it wrong for President Wilson to accept photo-
graphs of some of the personages whom he met in Europe?

In the various amendments of our Constitution, too, we find
limitations of governmental authority. In addition to the " bill of
rights " (Amendments I-X), both the nation and the states are
forbidden to permit slavery or to deny any person the right to vote
because of race, color, or sex.

215. Constitutions, Making and Altering. — We could
very properly add to our list of characteristics of American
institutions a belief in the necessity of a written constitution.
In spite of our obligation to England for so many of our
legal and constitutional principles, we are not satisfied, as
England is, to do without one. The long-standing and in-
herited customs of that country, the three famous charters-
and bills of rights, and certain fundamental law3 of Parlia-
ment, are thought of collectively as the English Constitu-
tion. But we do not consider any American government
fully organized until it has secured some fundamental docu-
ment as a constitution or charter.

If American institutions are so directly the outgrowth of Eng-
lish customs and practices, why do you suppose it is that Ameri-
cans insist upon written constitutions and England is satisfied with-
out one? Is there any quality in the make-up of the English people
that makes it safe for them to get along without one ?

Practically every constitution has at least these parts:

(1) The preamble, which explains why the constitution was made^
and sets forth the purposes considered in the making of the govern-
ment.

(2) A bill of rights, which defines the powers and privileges which
the people reserve to themselves.

436 Problems of American Democracy

(3) An outline of the organization of the government, mentioning
the chief officials, the method of electing them, and their powers
and duties.

(4) Sometimes a long list of special provisions in regard to matters
that may have to be acted upon by the government. (Some state
constitutions have gone altogether too far in this respect, for the
constitution should contain only those fundamental principles
which are essential to the organization and operation of the govern-
ment.)

(5) Provisions for making amendments or a new constitution, for
it would be foolish to assume that any political document is so per-
fect that it will not need changing with the progress of time.

(6) A schedule, explaining the conditions under which the con-
stitution should go into effect.

There are two steps in the process of amending our na-
tional Constitution — proposal and ratification. Amend-
ments may be proposed (1) by a two-thirds vote of both
houses of Congress, or (2) by a special convention which
Congress may call if two-thirds of the states request it.
Ratification must come from the states, and may be given
either (1) by the state legislatures or (2) by special conven-
tions elected for this purpose alone. Congress decides
which method shall be used. Three-fourths of the states
must ratify an amendment before it becomes a part of the
Constitution. All the amendments that have been made
so far have been proposed by a two-thirds vote of Congress
and ratified by the state legislatures.

Nothing is said in the Constitution about the length of time the
states may take to consider ratification, but every amendment so
far adopted has been ratified within four years or less from the time
when it was submitted to the states. The eighteenth amendment
contained in its provisions a time limit of seven years for ratifica-
tion. There was some dispute as to .the constitutionality of such
a provision, but it is generally thought to be entirely proper.

Should the process of amendment be rather difficult? Is ours
too difficult?

The amendments thus far made, with the dates of their ratifica-
tion, may be listed as follows :

I-X were a national Bill of Rights (1791).

Making Our Government Efficient 437

XI forbade the bringing of a suit against a state in the federal
courts (1798). This was probably a mistake. Under cover of this
amendment some states repudiated some of their debts, though
probably no state would do that kind of thing today.

XII required presidential electors to vote separately for presi-
dent and for vice president (1804).

XIII abolished slavery in the United States (1865).

XIV declared who are citizens and made certain regulations
with reference to matters arising from the Civil War (1868).

XV declared that " race, color, or previous condition of servi-
tude " should not debar any one from voting (1870).

XVI gave Congress the right to levy an income tax (1913).

XVII called for popular election of United States senators (1913).

XVIII provided for national prohibition of the liquor traffic for
beverage purposes (1919).

XIX provided for equal suffrage for men and women (1920).
An amendment giving Congress the right to pass child labor laws

has now (June, 1924) been submitted to the states, and one bringing
forward from March to January the beginning of new terms of the
President and Congress seems likely to be submitted soon. An
amendment giving Congress the right to pass uniform marriage and
divorce laws has also been talked about, but not yet acted upon
by Congress.

During the four years following the Declaration of Inde-
pendence all the states adopted constitutions, except Con-
necticut and Rhode Island, which continued for many years
to use their colonial charters. Every state has made ex-
tensive changes in its constitution, and some states have
had as many as four or five different ones. The later con-
stitutions are much longer than the early ones. They deal
with a much wider range of subjects, but they all contain,
with perhaps one or two exceptions, the six customary parts.

States as a rule are more ready to amend their own con-
stitutions than the national Constitution. The older con-
stitutions were made very difficult to amend. Vermont,
for instance, has its notorious *' time-lock " provision which
forbids even the proposing of amendments oftener than
once in ten years. The initiative and referendum (§ 263)
may be used in many states, though occasionally more than

438 Problems of American Democracy

an ordinary majority of votes is required. In many cases
state legislatures may propose amendments, frequently
two successive legislatures being required to consent. Some
form of popular approval is necessary in every state except
Delaware. If a remaking of the entire constitution is de-
sired, it is usually undertaken by a special convention.
Commonly such a new constitution must be approved by
popular vote before it will go into effect.

In general, do you think that constitutions should be long or
short? In states which employ the initiative and referendum,
should it be harder to amend the constitution than to pass an or-
dinary law ? What provisions are required in your state for amend-
ing or remaking your state constitution?

Find out to what extent the Constitution of the United States
and the constitution of your state correspond to the general divi-
sions of constitutions mentioned in this section. How does your
state constitution compare with the national Constitution in the
relative importance it gives to any of those divisions? Did it
really do any good to put a bill of rights into the national Consti-
tution ? Is the principle of political equality of states a good thing ?
What would happen if it were taken away ?

Judge Baldwin has written these words : " The Con-
stitution is the garment which a nation wears. Whether
written or unwritten, it must grow with its growth." Cus-
toms and practices grow up in any nation which are as def-
initely observed as if they were written down. Such cus-
toms and practices we often refer to as the '' unwritten con-
stitution."

The existence of what we call the Cabinet, for example, has no
warrant in law or the Constitution. The power of committees of
Congress to control legislation is firmly established. The presiden-
tial electors are mere machines, though the makers of the Consti-
tution meant them to exercise their own personal judgment. No
president has had more than two terms, simply because Washing-
ton and Jefferson had only two terms. Rulings of the courts, es-
pecially of the Supreme Court, also may have the effect of law.
It was Justice Marshall's decisions that established the broad con-
struction of the Constitution and not any alteration in its language.

Making Our Government Efficient 439

These long-standing precedents may, of course, be set aside with-
out any formal process of change. After one hundred years the
speaker of the House of Representatives was deprived of the power
of appointing committees, which had given him almost dictatorial
authority in the matter of legislation. Roosevelt, if he had lived,
would quite likely have been nominated and elected President in
1920, in spite of the fact that he had held the office seven and one-
half years already. But until some unforeseen condition brings
about a departure from our customs, we observe them almost re-
ligiously, and when any one proposes to set them aside he meets
with the rebuke of all the conservatives in the country.

Should a person be subject to unfavorable criticism for ignoring
a custom which had no standing in law ? In what kind of matters
is it safe to allow ourselves to be bound by custom alone ? Would
it be advisable to put into the written Constitution any of the ac-
cepted practices to which we have just referred? Is there any
part of the Constitution which is forever unalterable? See the
last clause of Article V. Could this clause be stricken out ?

Have the amendments as a whole increased or decreased the
power of the central government ? The state of Rhode Island as-
serted that the prohibition of the liquor traffic was a matter entirely
within the jurisdiction of the states, and one of the powers reserved
by the tenth amendment to the states or to the people, and that
therefore the eighteenth amendment was itself unconstitutional.
What do you think of the state's reasoning? The Supreme Court
could see no virtue in it. If it were desirable to remove from the
Constitution an amendment already made, how would it be done ?
Were any of the amendments unnecessary?

.-. This country is irrevocably committed to a federal form of
government, " an indestructible union composed of indestructible
states." Its Constitution is the result of the sound judgment of
its makers and the long political experience of free peoples. A good
citizen will respect it thoroughly, and when he believes it needs
amendment will seek to bring about changes only by the reason-
able method prescribed in the document itself.

SPECIAL STUDIES

The Dependence of Modern Industry upon Sound Government.

King John and Magna Charta.

The Bill of Rights and Its Place in American Constitutions.

Conflicting Views of Hamilton and Jefferson.

The Webster-Hayne Debates.

440 Problems of American Democracy

Instances of Federal Aid to Maintain Order in the States.

Powers Denied to the States and Why.

John Marshall and His Influence.

The History of a Constitutional Amendment.

Rhode Island's Case against Prohibition.

Resolved, that the national government should be unlimited in its

power to deal with matters affecting the public welfare.
Resolved, that the national Constitution should be amendable by

a majority vote in a national popular referendum.
Democratic Governments in Ancient Times.
The Extradition of Persons Accused of Crime.
The History of Our State.
Our State Constitution.

The History of Monarchy as a Form of Government.
Federal Governments before the United States.
Modern Federations.

REFERENCE READINGS

Kaye — Readings in Civil Government, pages 76-92.

Follett — The New State, Chapters 16-21.

Bryce — Modern Democracies, Chapters 39, 67, 73, 74, 78.

Hart — Actual Government, Chapters 3, 6.

Gettell — Introduction to Political Science, Chapters 2, 5-7, 14, 15,

24, 25.
Leacock — Elements of Political Science, Part I, Chapters 3, 4, 7.
Beard — American Government and Politics, Chapters 1-5, 8, 22.
Bryce — American Commonwealth, Chapters 2-4, 26-35, 100-102.
Young — New American Government, Chapter 1.
Reed — Form and Functions of American Government, Chapters

1-4.
Magruder — American Government, Chapters 1-4, 18.
Munro — Government of the United States, Chapters 1-5, 14, 20,

27, 28.
Cleveland — Organized Democracy. (Classes which spend much time

on the political phase of this study will find almost every political

topic discussed fully in this book.)

XIX. OBTAINING GOOD LEGISLATION

Law-making is fundamental in a popular government. Before
executives can act or courts have any business, laws must lay
down the scope of their authority and explain how it shall be exer-
cised. But why and how do we obtain laws? By what agencies
and means are they enacted? Can we do this work better?

216. Why Have Laws? — The need for government we
have already seen (§ 205). To specify and define the serv-
ices which governments render, laws must be made. It
has often been said, perhaps truly, that you cannot make
people good, happy, or prosperous by law. Such a state-
ment, however, may be utterly misleading. If we cannot
make people good by law, we can at least make it easier for
them to be good and unprofitable to be bad. If we cannot
make them happy, we can in some measure keep others
from making them unhappy. If we cannot make them
prosperous, we can insure the safety of whatever prosperity
they have and make it easier to obtain more. Laws are not
made just to restrain people. If they in some way control
our selfish pleasure, it is because each must sacrifice some
liberty to obtain equal libertj^ for all.

But let us be sure we understand just what a law is. It
is the formal binding statement of the wish of the people
with regard to some point of conduct or procedure. It
appears in three forms : (1) Constitutional law includes the
necessary fundamental arrangements for the making and
enforcing of future laws. (2) Statutory law is that made by
a legislative body or by the people directly for the protec-
tion of citizens or the promotion of their welfare. (3) Com-
mon law is that which has come to us through custom or

441

442 Problems of American Democracy

judicial precedent. Many of our legal ideas are derived
from decisions handed down by old English courts.

217. When and How Many? — Some regulation of our
actions we must have. Some people seem to think that,
if something does not seem to be just right, all we need to
do is make a law and the evil will be corrected. But too
much regulation, too many complicated laws, lead to dis-
content and confusion. It is hard for people to know them
all, and hard to keep them. A law which is not enforced
can cause considerable harm, since it leads to the disregard
of other laws and uncertainty as to person's real obligations.
Distinctly, then, there can be too may laws.

How shall we know what kinds of laws are undesirable?
We must recognize that while, technically, all law is to be
obeyed, it is useless to have a law which is regarded as so
unreasonable by the people in general that they will not
obey it. Some men may sincerely believe that eating meat
is harmful, but unless they can convince the community
at large that the practice is dangerous to the welfare of the
whole group, it would be unwise to prohibit it by a city or-
dinance. Such laws affecting personal habit are sometimes
called sumptuary laws. They are usually hard to enforce
even when the act forbidden is hurtful or foolish.

Laws which demand a sudden rise to a higher standard
of living on the part of the community than is generally
prevalent, or which call for a wide departure from long-
standing customs, will usually meet such opposition as to
make their enforcement ineffective. We do not mean that
a community should never '* clean house " ; but if a thorough-
going reform is undertaken, the mass of the people should
be back of the movement before the law is passed. To get
the law passed by some means first and afterward try to
convince the people that it is good, is a much less satis-
factorj^ method.

Laws which are purely arbitrary and which cause unnec-

Making Our Government Efficient 443

essary inconvenience tend to create disrespect for authority
and arouse needless discontent. Laws that are vague and
capable of varying interpretations may not be applied justly
to all citizens. Minor matters, of little concern to the gen-
eral public, such as the width of shelves in a public library,
should seldom be made the subject of laws.

But let us not be merely negative critics. Laws should be
passed when: (1) a custom or practice, an act of omission
or commission, on the part of individual citizens menaces the
general welfare or the rights of their fellow-citizens ; (2) the
institution of a new office or governmental service would
clearly advance the community's happiness or well-being;
(3) a change in the method of doing public business would per-
mit it to be performed more efficiently ; (4) the majority of
the people are convinced that a change of policy or attitude
toward a matter of community interest would make for
better living. And when once laws are passed, good citi-
zens should back their enforcement to the limit, making due
allowance for difficulties involved in adjustment to new con-
ditions.

What would be your opinion of the suitability for legislation on
each of these proposals, and why : regulating the size of windows in
houses ; forbidding the sale of cigarettes to women ; providing that
garbage should not be wrapped in newspapers ; requiring family
prayers before breakfast ; forbidding crossing the street diagonally ;
establishing a free city dispensary of antitoxin; providing city
administration of milk delivery ; requiring the signature on checks
to be in red ink ; forbidding the use of money in elections ? Should
a law never be passed until it is demanded by public opinion?

To assist legislators and others in drawing up bills, sev-
eral states maintain a Legislative Reference Bureau, where
expert advice can be obtained as to the form of laws and
the practice of other states and countries with reference
to matters or policies. To prepare a measure thought-
fully, and to write it in such a form that it cannot be picked
to pieces by pettifogging lawyers or overcritical judges,
mean much to the success of any piece of legislation.

444 Problems of American Democracy

218. Law-Making Bodies. — Since law is the founda-
tion of popular government, laws everywhere in the United
States are made by representatives elected by the people^
unless the people do the legislating themselves. In the
New England town meeting and in localities where the ini-
tiative and referendum are in vogue, the voters do some or
all of the law-making directly. In political communities
smaller than the states, the law-making body is usually
composed of one group of persons, as a city council, a board
of village trustees, or a county board of supervisors or com-
missioners. But in the large organizations a different sys-
tem prevails.

For reasons which you will understand if you study Eng-
lish history, the English Parliament has for many centuries
had two houses. For reasons which are not in every case
alike, all the states except Pennsylvania, Georgia, and Ver-
mont had two houses in their legislatures when the Consti-
tution was made, and every state has two today. What
would be more natural, then, than that the law-making body
of our national government should have two houses?
Many people have always held the theory that if a law had
to get by two groups of men before it went into effect it was
likely to be wiser and more carefully formulated. Besides,
CO create a Congress of two houses offered a happy solution
of a quarrel between the large and the small states in
the Constitutional Convention. And so precedent, theory,
and expediency all contributed to the establishment of
the two-chamber, or bicameral, principle in our state and
national legislation.

In city and other local governments we are steadily tending toward
the unicameral idea and finding it better. Is there any essential
difference between them and state or national governments which
should cause the latter always to be bicameral?

219. Congress. — In the following table are listed the
main facts which it is well to know about Congress.

Making Our Government Efficient 445

FACTS ABOUT CONGRESS

Senate

House of Representatives

Number

96 (two from each state)

Fixed by Congress in pro-
portion to the population
but at least one to each
state Present total 435

Length of
Term

6 years (arranged in three
groups whose terms expire
two years apart)

2 years

Method of
Choice

Elected by popular vote (17th
amendment) . Vacancy
filled temporarily by ap-
pointment by state gov-
ernor

Elected by popular vote by
districts.^ Special elec-
tion called by governor
to fill vacancies

Qualifica-
tions

30 years old ; a citizen for 9
years ; a resident of the
state he represents

25 years old ; a citizen for 7
years; a resident of the
state he represents

Presiding
Officer

President (Vice President of
nation). Votes only in
case of a tie

President pro tempore (elect-
ed from body of Senate)

Speaker (elected from body
of House)

Other
Officers

Secretary, Doorkeeper, Post-
master, Chaplain, Ser-
geant-at-arms (not mem-
bers)

Clerk, Doorkeeper, Post-
master, Chaplain, Ser-
geant-at-arms (not mem-
bers)

Is there any reason why the Vice President should not vote ? Who is the
Vice President now ? Who is President pro tempore ?

How many senators were there in 1789? Who are the senators from
your state and when do their terms expire? Look up in the Congressional
Directory or some other reference book the names of senators who have
served several times. Would it be advisable to pay senators higher salaries
than representatives?

1 The State legislatures divide their states into as many districts as they
are allowed members in the House of Representatives, each district elect-
ing one Congressman. If Congress allows a state an increase in members
and it is not redivided by the legislature, the additional members are elected
by vote of the whole state. They are called Congressmen-at-large. When
districts are divided unevenly or into awkward shapes for the sake of giv-
ing some political party an unfair advantage, the practice is called a gerrw
Tnander.

446 Problems of American Democracy

Senate

House of Representatives

Special
Powers

1. Chooses Vice President
when there is no electoral
majority

1. Chooses President when
there is no electoral
majority

2. Tries impeachment cases

2. Draws up impeachment
charges

3. Ratifies treaties (f vote)

3. Introduces all revenue
measures

4. Approves appointments (in
"executive" or secret ses-
sion)

Salary

$7500 and mileage to and from Washington ($.10 a mile).
Given a private office, secretary, free stationery, and
franking privilege

Sessions

Start first Monday in December each year. In odd years
session ends on March 4 ; in even yaars continues until
the business on hand is finished. President may call
special sessions

Privileges

No civil suit may be brought against a member during a
session or on the way to a session. (May be prosecuted
for treason, felony, or breach of peace.) Cannot be held
responsible elsewhere for remarks made on floor of
Congress. (May be expelled by a f vote of his house
or may be reprimanded)

Limitations

May not hold any other national office while in Congress,
nor, during a term for which he was elected, any which
was created or whose salary was raised by Congress
within that period

The Senate, by reason of its special powers, of its smaller
number, and more experienced membership, has usually
greater weight in law-making than the House, if the two
bodies disagree on questions of policy. The Senate is very
reluctant to give up any prestige or dignity, actual or imagi-
nary, which it possesses, and membership in it is looked upon
by many as a very high honor. Only one senator, however,
was ever promoted to the presidency directly from that
body, and he not because of any prominence that he had
attained by his services in the Senate. The House has

Making Our Government Efficient 447

rules limiting debate, and therefore wastes much less time
than the Senate, but some of its members occasionally com-
plain that it has ceased to be a democratic body and is ruled
simply by the leaders of the majority party.

Under what circumstances can you imagine a very extensive
change taking place in the composition of the House of Representa-
tives? Does the fact that all of its members are elected at the

Copyright, Harris <& Ewing.
President Harding Addressing Congress.
When the President wishes to speak to Congress, the two Houses assemble
in the Hall of the Representatives. The Vice President and the Speaker
are seated on the Speaker's rostrum. In the Senate Chamber the members
have individual desks, but there are too many members in the House to make
this possible.

same time mean that there are likely to be wholesale changes at
every election? Find from the dictionary or some other source
why the presiding officer of the House is called the " Speaker."
Which is more likely to represent public sentiment at any particu-
lar time, the House or the Senate, if there is any difference ? Who
is the present Speaker of the House ? Who are some other promi-
nent members ? Who represent your state ? Read a copy of the
*' Congressional Record." Do you think it is interesting?

A new Congress takes ofl&ce on March 4 of every odd
year. Since it is rather foolish to lose all the time between

448 Problems of American Democracy

that date and December, many recent Presidents have used
their power to call a special session. Each Congress is
known by its number, counting from the first one, which
met from 1789 to 1791.

What session of what Congress is now going on or was most re-
cently held ?

Do you think that better laws are obtained if two houses com-
pose the law-making body? What disadvantages are connected
with a two-house legislative system? At the establishment of
our government the salary of Congressmen was fixed at S6
a day. Would it be wise to pay Congressmen $1500 a year in-
stead of the salary they are now getting? The Constitution gives
each house the power to decide disputes over the election of its
members. Would it be better if such matters were handled by the
courts ? Is there any danger in allowing the members of Congress
to say what they please on the floor of Congress? If a Congress-
man happened to be the editor of a newspaper, would he have the
right to say the same thing in his newspaper as he would say on
the floor of Congress? Why are Congressmen given the ** frank-
ing " privilege?

220. State Legislatures. — Most of us know very much
more about Congress than about the law-making bodies
in the states — even in our own state. It is difficult, in-
deed, to make any definite general statements about their
organization because they vary greatly. The following table
summarizes a few of the facts about them.

Generally speaking, state legislatures are not as highly
respected as the corresponding national body. More often
members are inexperienced ; petty local politics are often
responsible for their election; the quality of state legisla-
tion is often poor. Yet who actually vote for those fel-
lows? The people themselves, of course. Then why can
we not get good laws if we want them, and have competent
men to draw them up if we will give some reasonable at-
tention to the selection of our legislators?

Be thoroughly familiar with the facts about your state legisla-
ture — its composition, sessions, methods of operation.

If legislatures are usually of poor quahty, is the fact a reflection

Making Our Government Efficient 449

on the legislatures or on popular government ? Should we get bet-
ter legislators if we paid higher salaries? How many of your
family who are voters can tell the names of the men who represent
them, in the legislature? What do you suppose is the real reason
for limiting the length of legislative sessions? Why do you sup-
pose some states allow the governor to specify what measures may
be considered at special sessions ?

FACTS ABOUT STATE LEGISLATURES

Names

In 22 states, Legislature ; in 21, General Assembly ; in 3,
Legislative Assembly ; in 2, General Court

Houses

Upper — Senate

Lower — House of Representatives (sometimes Assembly
or House of Delegates)

Number

Senators, from 16 to 67 ; lower house, from 35 to 405 (N. H.)

Elected

By popular vote in districts made by state legislature

Term

Senators, 2 or 4 years ; Representatives or Assemblymen,
1 or 2 years

Salary

From $3 a day in Kansas to $3500 a session in Illinois,
with mileage and other extras

Sessions

Every other year in most states ; every year in Mass.,
N. Y., and N. J. ; every fourth year in Ala. Length of
session limited in f- of states.^ Governor can call
special session

Officers

In Senate the Lieutenant Governor presides if the state
has one; otherwise a president is elected from the
members ; in the lower house a member is elected
speaker. Other officers similar to those of Congress

Privileges
AND Limita-
tions

Similar to those of Congress

221. The Process of Making Laws. — It is not only the
construction of a machine but the tricks of its operation
that are important. All law-making powers are exercised
in the same way — by passing a bill, ordinance, or resolu-

1 In California the legislative session is divided into two parts. The first
is solely for introducing bills. This is followed by a vacation when mem-
bers can go home to talk over measures with the people. The second is to
be used solely for debating and passing measures. Is this a good idea?

450 Problems of American Democracy

tion, drawn up in a certain customary form. Sometimes
bills are introduced by members who are personally inter-
ested in the matters to which the bill refers, and sometimes
by a member who represents a particular committee. A
bill is often referred to by the name of the member who in-
troduces it, but sometimes by the name of the chairman
of a committee or even by the names of the chairmen of
committees in both the Senate and the House, as the Payne-
Aldrich tariff of 1909.

But all laws do not really originate in Congress or in state
legislatures. Presidents, governors, and mayors often pro-
pose laws directly by means of messages. Private individ-
uals, organizations, and administrative officials often be-
come interested in some matter and formulate a law con-
cerning it. Then they may bring it to the attention of a
friendly member of the legislative body which must act on
it. Sometimes he will announce that he introduces a meas-
ure '* by request."

In outlining the passage of a bill through Congress we
may illustrate the general process followed in formal law-
making in the state legislatures as well. A bill may be in-
troduced in either house, except that revenue bills must
originate in the House of Representatives. It is referred
to one of the standing or permanent committees of the body
in which it is introduced. If the committee decides that
the bill should receive further attention, it is reported fa-
vorably to the house, and put on the calendar to await its
turn. When that time comes, or sooner if the leaders of
the house are willing to have it advanced out of its turn,
it may be debated and perhaps amended. A final vote is
usually taken by roll-call of the members. If a majority
of the members present approve the bill it passes that house. ^

1 In order to have business done legally, a fixed number of members,
known as a quorum, must be present. In Congress a majority of the whole
membership constitutes a quorum, but in some of the state legislatures a
larger number is required. In some states a majority of all the members
must vote for a measure on the final vote in order to pass it.

Making Our Government Efficient 451

IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,

Jahuakt 20, 1910.
Ordered to be printedwith the imendments-of the Sen»tc numbered

Then it goes to the other house where it goes through
exactly the same process. If it is amended in any way it
must be sent back to the first house for approval. If the
two houses disagree, a conference committee, composed of a

small number of mem- ,3„oonokess. tt t> i onni
bers, often three from "''^'"'- ^' ■**. 1-5UU1*

each house, meets and

tries to compromise the
disagreement. If the two
houses finally agree to
pass the bill in exactly
the same form, it is sent
to the President.

The President may do
any one of three things
with a bill. (1) He may
signify his approval by
signing it. (2) He may
let it go for ten days
without taking action on
it, after which the bill be-
comes a law without his
signature, unless Con-
gress has ended its session
in the meantime. (3) He
may veto the bill — that

is, definitely refuse to sign by the SenTte with amendments, and is now
it, and send it back to before the House again. Changes proposed
. , , , . . by the Senate are indicated by italics.

the house where it was

introduced, with a statement of his reasons for disapproving
it. If, after the veto, two-thirds of the members present in
both houses vote to pass it over the veto, it becomes a law
anyway. This is not common.

A bill fails if it is vetoed and not repassed by a two-thirds
vote, or if it has been in the President's possession less than
ten days when a session of Congress comes to an end, and

AN ACT

To amend an Act entitled "An Act to codify, revise, and amend
the laws relating to the judiciary," approved March third,
nineteen hundred and eleven.

1 Be it enacted by the Senale and House of RepresentO'

2 (toes of the United Statei of America m Congreat ateembled,

3 That section two of the Act entitled "An Act to codify, re-.

4 vise^ and amend the laws relating to the judiciary." approved

5 March third, nineteen hundred and eleven, be, and the same

6 hereby is, amended (X)so-as to read a8 follows:

7 " Sec. 2. Each of the district judges (2), including the

8 judges in Porfo Rico, Hawaii, and Alaska exercising Federal

9 jurisdiction, shall receive a salai}- of $7,500 a year, to be
10 paid in monthly installments."

A Bill on Its Way through Congress.

The bill as printed here was introduced
in the House of Representatives, passed

452 Problems of American Democracy

it is not signed by him. This latter method of defeat is
called a '' pocket veto."

Can you imagine any reason why a President would allow a bill
to become a law without signature? or why he should " kill " it
by a pocket veto rather than outright ? Some governors have the
power of vetoing items in an appropriation bill without vetoing the
whole measure. Do you think it would be well if this rule prevailed
everywhere ? In a few states either the governor has no veto or a
bill can be passed over the veto by an ordinary majority. Is that
a good policy? In what way, if at all, does the process of law-mak-
ing in your state differ from that described here ?

222. Committees and Their Work. — Over 30,000 meas-
ures are introduced into Congress in a two-year period. No
deliberative body could possibly deal with all this number,
and a great many of them are not worth spending time on.
A system of standing committees, begun over three centuries
ago in the English Parliament, has therefore been developed
until it plays a great part in American law-making.

Each committee receives bills that relate to a certain
general topic and is supposed to separate the sheep from
the goats. The national Senate has 34 standing committees
with from 3 to 15 members each, and the House has 58 com-
mittees with from 3 to 22 members each. Theoretically
the committees are elected for each house by its members.
In practice, however, they are arranged by a special com-
mittee, and the assignments to membership are directed
by party leaders. The majority party controls all the im-
portant committees. The chairmanship of a committee
usually goes to that member of the majority party who has
served on the committee the longest time. Some chairmen
exercise considerable authority. The position of chairman
of the Ways and Means Committee in the House of Repre-
sentatives, which considers revenue bills, is considered next
in importance to that of Speaker.

Not only do committees separate the good from the bad,
but they often, for purely pohtical reasons or for no reasons

Making Our Government Efficient 453

at all, ignore bills completely or refuse to report them back
to their house. Thus thousands of measures meet a quiet
and unknown death. When a committee makes a report,
it may recommend that a bill be passed as it stands or may
propose amendments. Sometimes a minority of the com-
mittee will make a separate report. If the house wishes
to pass a bill which a committee opposes, it may discharge
a committee from further consideration of the measure, but
this rarely happens.

There are plenty of opportunities for abuse of this com-
mittee system of legislation, but no better way has yet been
invented to save law-making bodies from the avalanche of
bills and resolutions which would otherwise bury them.
Perhaps the most practical suggestion for improvement is
to require each committee to make some kind of report,
favorable or unfavorable, on every measure referred to it.
This rule prevails in a few state legislatures.

Should each party have equal membership on every committee?
If not, what should be the proportion? What do you think is the
best method for selecting members of committees? Is the senior-
ity rule in regard to chairmanships sensible ?

Look up the titles and leading members of the important com-
mittees of Congress ; of your state legislature, if it is in session.

223. Law-Making behind the Scenes. — The public
does not know everything that happens in Congress or a
state legislature. Not even that extraordinary publication
called the " Congressional Record," which is supposed to
contain everything that is said in Congress, tells the whole
story. Countless tricks and expedients on the part of both
members and outsiders are used to pass or defeat bills. In-
deed, some one invented the term ** invisible government "
to characterize those influences which affect the conduct of
officials but of which people in general are not often aware.

Lobbying, for instance, means the use of argument or other in-
fluence on a member of a legislative body by persons not members
of it. Lobbying may be entirely honest and fair. There is no rea-

454 Problems of American Democracy

son why you could not go to your state capitol and, without harm
to their morals or yours, talk with members about a bill whose pas-
sage you desired. But the methods of some lobbyists are little else
than bribery or threats. In order to prevent such abuses, some
states have required all lobbyists to register their names and the
measures in which they are interested.

By log-rolling we mean that members of legislatures agree to
support each other's bills — "if you vote for my bill, I'll vote for
yours." This is done particularly in passing appropriation bills.
This practice is responsible for the very reprehensible " pork-bar-
rel " bills that have disgraced Congress. Many members have de-
sired to have money spent in their districts for wholly unnecessary
public buildings or for dredging rivers that were almost dry half the
time. Each of those who wished a share of the " pork " consented
to have the other fellow's graft provided for in the same bill which
furnished his own.

Filibustering occurs when a member of a legislative body talks
or demands roll-calls or takes up time in some other needless way
in order to defeat a bill. This is usually done near the end of a
session, when the time for adjournment has been set. It is usually
employed to defeat a bill which most of the members want, although
it has been used against bad bills as well as good ones. There is a
time limit on speeches in the House ; but in the Senate debate is
unrestricted, except that two-thirds of the members may draw up
a petition asking for the close of debate on some subject, after which
no member may talk more than one hour. But when the end of
the session is near enough to encourage filibustering this limitation
is not effective.

Is filibustering a coward's way of defeating bills? Would it be
better to let a bill pass and make the majority accept the responsi-
bility for it, even though a member thought it was a bad bill ?

Some senators declare that the privilege of unlimited debate is
one of the surest safeguards of democracy. What do you think of
the matter? Is there any reason why the Vice President should
not be allowed to take part in the discussions of the Senate ?

Another harmful practice is that of attaching " riders " to a bill.
These are provisions which really do not belong in the bill and which
would probably be vetoed if passed separately. When they are
attached to the bill, a president or governor has to choose between
signing or vetoing the whole measure.

The majority party is often tempted to use its power somewhat
tyrannically. In the House of Representatives, for instance, the
Committee on Rules will sometimes bring in a *' rule " calling for a

Making Our Government Efficient 455

vote on a measure at a particular time. If the period allowed for
debate is very limited, the minority often protests vigorously
though usually in vain. The party caucus is also employed as a
means of forcing members to vote contrary to their conscience or
judgment. If a majority of the members who belong to one party
vote to make a certain matter a party question, the individual
members who do not agree with that policy are told that party loy-
alty requires them to vote as the majority of the caucus has desired.
See if you can find the meaning of these terms used in law-mak-
ing bodies : pair, yeas and nays, viva voce, division. Are Con-
gressmen or the people who elect them more to be blamed for the
deficiencies of our law-making bodies? Is a conscientious mem-
ber under obligation to vote as the majority of his party associates
decree ?

224. National vs. State Legislation. — We have already
noted that it was in all probability the intention of the
makers of the Constitution to allow the central government
only certain definite powers, which may be summarized as
follows :

(1) Financial: Levying taxes ; borrowing money ; coining money ;
regulating its value ; providing for the punishment of counterfeiters.

(2) Military: Maintaining an army and navy ; declaring war ;
making rules in regard to captures in war; granting letters of
marque and reprisal.^

(3) Territorial: Making necessary laws for the government of
territory belonging to the United States ; admitting states to the
union ; exercising authority over the District of Columbia and other
places acquired for public use.

(4) Commercial: Regulating interstate and foreign commerce;
estabHshing post offices and post roads ; fixing standards of weights
and measures ; passing bankruptcy laws.

(5) Political: Naturahzing foreigners; organizing courts below
the Supreme Court ; regulating the methods of procedure in any
federal court; determining the punishment for treason, piracy,
and offenses against international law ; proposing amendments to
the Constitution (f vote).

(6) General: Passing any laws which shall be "necessary and
proper for carrying into execution " any powers vested by the Con-

1 This means authorizing privateering. Civilized nations no longer do
this.

456 Problems of American Democracy

stitution in any department or officer of the national government.
This provision has been termed the " elastic clause," It certainly
seems capable of being interpreted in such a way as to justify al-
most anything that Congress feels warranted to undertake.

As time goes on, however, we care less about theories of
distribution of power and more about accomplishments.
If the national government can do certain things more effi-
ciently than the states can do them, the public at large will
say it ought to do them. It is noticeable that, whenever
some selfish interest is threatened by a proposed activity
of the national government, this interest immediately brings
up the constitutional objection that the proposed matter
is entirely within the province of the states. This has hap-
pened too often in such matters as the conservation of natu-
ral resources to permit us to believe that such objections
are wholly conscientious. Forty-eight states cannot pos-
sibly be induced to cooperate to the same end as effectively
as the one federal government.

Certain judges and lawyers, whose habit of mind leads
them to do things the way they have always been done, are
not favorably disposed to the extension of the powers of
the national government. But the enormous number of
new elements which the makers of our Constitution could
not foresee in industry, in social relations, and in govern-
mental activities, and the closer union of our people, have
forced a broader attitude. A certain group of questions
or problems which from some viewpoints might be under
the authority of national government, from others under
state jurisdiction, have been characterized as constituting
a sort of " twilight zone " wherein we could not be sure
just what course to pursue. The tendency is for most of
these quietly to slip into the field of national legislation and
supervision. Our Supreme Court has in recent years dis-
played a marked inclination to adapt its interpretation of
the Constitution to present needs rather than to be bound
hard and fast by precedents or technicalities.

Making Our Government Efficient 457

Would manufacturers who employed child labor be in favor of
federal regulation of their products ? Would a corporation doing a
big business prefer to be chartered by the national government or
by a state government? Has a business man a right to object to
the federal supervision of his business? If so, at what point
should such supervision stop ? What enterprises of the national
government have been performed notably well? Is the extension
of the national government's authority any more dangerous to the
liberties of the people than a similar extension of the authority of
the state would be?

We need have no fear that there will be nothing left for
state governments to perform. The state may do any-
thing that it is not forbidden to do. The only limits of its
authority are the Constitution of the United States, its own
constitution, and what the people will stand for. Its main
concern should be simply how it can serve its people best.

Many states forbid what is commonly called " special
legislation." In such states a legislature may pass no law
with reference to one town, one city, one railroad company,
one school district, or one individual by name. Their laws
must be drawn up in general terms. To avoid the neces-
sity of dealing in precisely the same way with every city,
town, or other corporate body, these are often classified so
that a law may be passed for each class, though the seem-
ing intention of such limitations is sometimes evaded by
arranging the classes so that only one city or school dis-
trict, for example, will be in a certain class. '' Class legis-
lation " is often forbidden, too — that is, laws for the bene-
fit of one particular class in a community. We may remark,
however, that objection is sometimes made that laws are
" class legislation " when their real object is to restrain a
certain class from possessing undue advantages over the rest.

Do you think it wise to forbid a legislature to enact special legis-
lation? Some states which do not have these restrictions permit
the legislature to pass an act altering a person's name. Can you
think of a better way to accomplish that kind of thing? Give an
example of a law which would be real " class legislation."

458 Problems of American Democracy

But the present tendency of all governments is to adopt
the policy of helping rather than merely overseeing or pro-
hibiting. They take an active interest in aiding business
and society to grow better rather than merely keeping them
from growing worse. It is, in short, the inevitable march
of democracy toward a government for the people.

To what extent has your state been influenced by other states in
politics, business conditions, and form of government? Which of
the following matters are under the jurisdiction of the state, and
which of the national government? Why do you make this dis-
tinction? Should it be changed in any instance?

(a) Regulating the speed of mail trains. (6) Controlling the
inheritance of property. (c) Improving New York harbor.
{d) Building war ships, (e) Establishing public libraries. (/) Con-
structing a canal from Pittsburgh to Lake Erie, {g) Determining
the number of pounds in a bushel of potatoes, {h) Laying a sewer,
(i) Taxing oranges sent to Italy, (j) Paying the salaries of pub-
lic school teachers, {k) Issuing Federal Reserve notes. {I) Taxing
wheat imported from Canada, (m) Borrowing money to con-
struct roads, (n) Changing the rate of postage, (o) Enacting a
city charter, (p) Annexing territory.

In answering this question refer to sections 8, 9, 10, of Article I
of the national Constitution. Look over a list of bills passed by
the last Congress and see what powers mentioned in this section
would justify the passage of those bills.

To what extent does your state constitution limit the powers of
its legislature?

Law-making should not be hasty, but undertaken after
earnest and careful thought, and aimed to meet a real need or
render a real service. The constitutional division of powers be-
tween state and nation must be observed, though quibbling over
technicalities and abstract theories should not stand in the way of
the public good, by whomever it may be rendered. The public
has a right to know what is done and how it is done.

SPECIAL STUDIES

The History of a Law.

The History of the Committee System in Legislation.

Lobbyists and Their Methods.

The New Nationalism.

Making Our Government Efficient 459

Our State Legislature.

The Make-up of the Present Congress.

Our District and Its Representative.

The Senate at Work.

The House at Work.

The Speaker and His Power.

REFERENCE READINGS

Bryce — American Commonwealth, Chapters 10-20, 40, 44, 45.

Young — New American Government, Chapters 3, 4, 17.

Magruder — American Government, Chapters 5-7, 19.

Reed — Form and Functions of American Government, Chap-
ters 11, 12, 21, 22.

Munro — Government of the United States, Chapters 10-14, 21,
29.

Beard — American Government and Politics, Chapters 12-14, 25.

Dealey — Development of the State, Chapters 11, 12.

Hart — Actual Government, Chapters 7, 13, 14.

Haskin — American Government, Chapters 20-22.

Lowell — Public Opinion and Popiilar Government, Part III, Chap«
ter 10.

Bryce — Modern Democracies, Chapters 58, 59.

XX. SECURING EFFECTIVE ADMINISTRATION

Law-making indeed comes first in a popular government. But
a law that has merely been made is no more than a scrap of paper.
It is the enforcement that makes it accomplish anything. How,
then, are our executives and administrators chosen? What powers
are put into their hands? Could our system of administration be
improved?

225. The Value of a Good Executive. — When we think of
our national government, what element or symbol of it
comes first to our minds? First, the flag; next, perhaps,
the President. So it is with our state or our own city — it
is our governor or our mayor of whom we boast or for whom
we apologize. Most of the 500 to 600 men in Congress may
be honest, hard-working public servants, and the same
may be true of our legislatures and our councils. But we
cannot have the same respect for or interest in a committee
or a crowd as we have toward an individual. We cannot
see the power, but we can see the man.

The chief executive, in fact, proposes our policies. He
usually gets the legislative body to act. The scepter in
national affairs seems to have passed from Congress. No
longer do we look for leadership to a Webster, a Clay, or a
Calhoun. It is a Lincoln, a Roosevelt, a Wilson, who di-
rects the course that we shall take. The world judges us
by him and his ideals.

Upon the executive depends the efficiency of our govern-
ment. Does the chief executive want our laws enforced?
Then he will use his vast appointing power to secure the
ablest men for the actual work of administration. Having
selected them, he will back them to the utmost as long as
they are faithful and sensible in the performance of their
duties. If the executives and administrators are cowards

460

Making Our Government Efficient 461

and incompetents, then woe to the people whom they should
serve ! The criminal rejoices when the executive is weak.
How thoughtful, then, should be the choice of those execu-
tives whom we elect ! And how painstaking the effort to
obtain administrators who can and will do efficient work !

226. The President. — Probably no king or other official
on the face of the earth has as extensive authority as the
President of the United States. The powers which the
Constitution gives to him may be classified under six heads :

(1) Appointment: Several thousand officials, including depart-
ment heads and subordinates, foreign representatives, judges, many
postmasters, and officials in the army and navy, are appointed by
the President directly and their commissions signed by him. Most
of these appointments must be approved by the Senate.

If the Senate does not act upon the appointments made by the
President, the President's appointee can hold his office until he is
definitely rejected. Along with the power of appointments goes
the power of removal, except that federal judges may be removed
only by impeachment proceedings.

(2) Legislative: Every bill or resolution of Congress with refer-
ence to public policy must be submitted to the President (§ 219).
By means of messages he recommends measures for enactment.
He has the right to summon special sessions of Congress, or of either
house by itself. He may fix the time for adjournment when the
houses cannot agree.

(3) Administrative: He is the chief executive and responsible for
the general enforcement of the laws. He may call for reports from
any department at any time.

(4) Foreign relations: He has far-reaching control over foreign
affairs. He makes or directs the making of treaties, and decides upon
the recognition of ministers from other countries (§§ 282, 283, 285).

(5) Military and naval: He is the commander-in-chief of the army
and navy of the United States and of the state militia when they
are in the federal service. In time of war the President is vested
by Congress with powers which they would not care to have him
possess in time of peace, in addition to his own war powers.

(6) Judicial: He may pardon offenders convicted of crimes
against the United States, except when the offender has been re-
moved from office by impeachment. This power extends of course
to offenses committed in the army and navy.

462 Problems of American Democracy

The Constitution requires that the President shall be chosen
by electors, but since these electors are chosen by popular vote, he
is indirectly the people's choice (§ 259). A new term begins on the
fourth of March of the year following leap year. The President
must be at least 35 years old, a native-born American, and a resi-
dent of the United States for 14 ^ears. As a matter of fact a num-
ber of additional requirements are consciously or unconsciously ob-
served either by the people or by the political organizations which
select candidates. Personality, race, religion, and residence do

The retiring and the incoming Presidents ride in the same carriage to and
from the White House. This was one of the very few appearances of Presi-
dent Wilson in public after his illness before he left the White House.
When the two men return from the Capitol they exchange places in the car.

count, whether they should or not. Perhaps we have had no presi-
dents who actually disgraced the position, but some have succeeded
much better than others. Great men do get into the presidency
sometimes, but other reasons than greatness have been responsi-
ble for the residence of several gentlemen in the White House.

The President is elected for a four-year term, and there is no
constitutional limit to the number of terms he may serve. Because
Washington, for personal reasons, did not care to accept a third
term, no one else, so far, has been honored with a third election;
but it is well to leave the matter so that the people in a great emer-

Making Our Government Efficient 463

gency could, if they wished, elect a President for more than two
terms in succession. The President receives a salary of $75,000 a
year, and in addition to this, as an allowance for traveling expenses,
as much of $25,000 as he uses. He has the free use of the White
House and the executive offices during his term as President.

In case the President should die before the end of the term for
which he was elected, or become wholly incapacitated, or be re-
moved by conviction after an impeachment trial, or resign, it is
the duty of the Vice President to take the office of President.
Once in the office, the Vice President has all the powers that go
with the office, and becomes President both in fact and in name.
As Vice President, however, he has nothing to do except preside
over the Senate, and attend Cabinet meetings if the President wishes
him to do so. The Vice President's salary is $12,000.

Congress passed in 1886 an act arranging for the succession to
the presidency in case both the President and the Vice President
are unable to serve, so that the Cabinet members in the following
order stand next after the Vice President : the Secretary of State,
Secretary of the Treasury, Secretary of War, Attorney-General,
Postmaster-General, Secretary of the Navy, and Secretary of the
Interior. There were no other Cabinet members at the time the
act was passed. If the vice presidency becomes vacant it remains
vacant. The succession of the Cabinet officers is to the presidency
only.

Might a person be a great Congressman and not a great Presi-
dent? Might he be a great judge and not a great President?
Would a business man with no political experience be likely to
make a great President ? Would a great general or admiral make
a great President ? What four men seem to you to have met most
fully the requirements of the presidency? Why? Be sure you
distinguish between their services in the presidency and elsewhere.

If the President's appointments have to be confirmed by the
Senate, would it be well to have the Senate agree when he removes
an official? Review the points involved in the impeachment trial
of President Johnson. Should the President have the right to
veto a bill simply because he does not like it, or should the veto be
reserved for measures whose constitutionality he questions? In
what way can the President be really responsible for taking care
** that the laws be faithfully executed "? Why, in time of war, is
it customary to give the President so much more power than in
time of peace? Could the President pardon a man convicted of
murder? of breaking into a post office? of deserting from the
army ? of embezzlement ?

464 Problems of American Democracy

227. Our Cabinet. — As far as the Constitution or laws
of the United States provide, there is no such thing as a
Cabinet, any more than there is in England. It is true
there is a clause which says : ''The President may require
the opinion, in writing, of the principal officer in each of the
executive departments, upon any subject relating to the
duties of their respective offices"; and there is another

President Coolidge and His Cabinet.

reference to "heads of departments"; so that evidently
the makers of our Constitution expected that executive
departments would be organized. The number of Cabinet
members has increased from four, under Washington, to ten.
The Cabinet has two great functions: (1) It carries out
the administrative work of the government. Each head
of a department is responsible to the President for his partic-
ular part of the work, and has under him many officials,
a large number of whom he either appoints or recommends
to the President for appointment. (2) The Cabinet mem-

Making Our Government Efficient 465

bers act as advisers to the President. In the early days of
our government, the President consulted the members sep-
arately, as he still does on occasion. But now they meet
regularly as a group, and special meetings may be called at
any time.^

The President is under no obligation to follow the recom-
mendations that his Cabinet makes, but if they continually
disagree, the members usually resign. The relations be-
tween the President and the Cabinet are so close that,
unless they can work in harmony, matters will be very
uncomfortable. It is presumed that Cabinet officers are ap-
pointed for a four-year term ; but since the President may
at any time require the resignation of a Cabinet member,
or put him out of office if he does not resign, their tenure is
really determined by the President.

Should the members of the Cabinet be selected because the Presi-
dent likes them personally or because they are capable men?
Which is more likely to give the country a good administration :
a strong President with a weak or ordinary Cabinet, or a Presi-
dent who is not a leader but has a strong group of advisers ? Should
the Senate confirm without question the Cabinet appointments
made by the President ?

Let us sum up the principal facts about the administra-
tive departments, mentioning in connection with each the
date of its organization, and the officials at the head of it.
The interesting chart on the following page shows the sub-
divisions of each department and also lists the numerous in-
dependent establishments, as they existed in 1921. Officially
there is no distinction in rank among the departments, yet it
is customary to mention them in the order in which they were
created. The Secretary of State is sometimes thought of as
the highest ranking member of the Cabinet, and if there is
any primacy among the Cabinet officials it belongs to him.

* Many people think that the Vice President ought to attend the meetings
of the Cabinet. Coolidge, while Vice President, did so at the invitation of
President Harding. In the present administration, this precedent is not
followed.

466 Problems of American Democracy
( GOVERNMENT OF THE UNITED STATES }

Making Our Government Efficient 467

State Department: (1789) in charge of foreign affairs under the
President's direction ; keeps government archives, such as original
copies of laws, treaties, proclamations ; Secretary of State ; Under
Secretary.

Treasury Department: (1789) administers financial affairs of the
national government ; Secretary of the Treasury ; Assistant Sec-
retaries. The Bureau of the Budget now belongs to this department
(§ 267), and the General Accounting Office has taken over some of
the work formerly done here.

War Department: (1789) in charge of the United States army
and other activities performed by it or related to it ; Secretary of
War; Assistant Secretaries.

The General Staff, headed by the Chief of Staff, including a
number of army officers of different ranks, has a direct oversight
of matters relating to the administration of the army and forms a
kind of connecting link between the Army and the War Depart-
ment. The Secretary of War is usually a man from civil life, and
though he is next to the President in authority over the United
States Military Service, he cannot be expected to know intimately
all the needs of the army as they appear to military men. The
Chief of Staff is the highest officer of the army during the time for
which he holds that office.

Department of Justice: (Attorney-General, 1789, Department
organized, 1870) the legal branch of the federal government, re-
sponsible for the prosecution of violators of federal law ; Attorney-
General ; Solicitor-General, who makes rulings on points of law ;
one assistant to the Attorney-General ; four Assistant Attorneys-
General.

Post Office Department: (1829) Postmaster-General ; four Assist-
ant Postmasters-General.

Navy Department: (1798) Secretary of the Navy ; Assistant Sec-
retary.

Department of the Interior: (1849) a composite department with
little unity except that its interests are domestic ; Secretary of the
Interior ; two Assistant Secretaries.

Department of Agriculture: (1889) Secretary of Agriculture ; two
Assistant Secretaries.

Department of Commerce: (1903) Secretary of Commerce ; Assist-
ant Secretary.

Department of Labor: (1913) Secretary of Labor; Assistant Sec-
retary.

Be sure you know the names of the present occupants of the Cabi-
net positions. Guess why the Public Health Service and the Se-

468 Problems of American Democracy

cret Service should be in the Treasury Department ; the Pension
Office in the Interior Department. Are there any of the positions
mentioned in this section which could be satisfactorily filled by a
person whose only public experience was participation in politics ?
How many of these positions need to be changed when a President
of a different party takes office? The present salary of Cabinet
members is $12,000. What inducement do you think the offer of
a Cabinet position would have for a successful business man or
lawyer ? How many members of the present Cabinet do you ima-
gine would make more money doing something else ? Is money the
only object for holding a public position or any other?

228. Special Commissions and Institutions. — A num-
ber of important activities of the federal government are
conducted outside the range of the regular Cabinet depart-
ments. They are of such special character, in most in-
stances, as to require experts to work on them all of the time,
and they are responsible, as a rule, directly to the President.

The Interstate Commerce Commission, created in 1887, and now
expanded to eleven members, has jurisdiction over the enforcement
of laws for the regulation of railroads, telephones and telegraphs,
express companies and oil pipe lines doing interstate business.

The Civil Service Commission, of three members, who must not
be all of the same party, attends to the giving of examinations be-
fore appointments to offices in the classified service.

The Federal Trade Commission, of five members, not more than
three of whom may belong to one party, investigates the workings
of corporations and may make recommendations and reports con-
cerning their activities.

The Tariff Commission, of six persons, not more than three of
whom may be of one party, may investigate problems affecting the
tariff and make recommendations for changing it.

The Federal Reserve Board has entire supervision of the national
banking system in the country.

The Federal Farm Loan Board has similar authority over the
Farm Loan Banks.

The United States Shipping Board, of seven members, has the
important duty of promoting and building up the American mer-
chant marine.

The Railway Labor Board has extensive powers of recommenda-
tion in the matter of wages and other questions arising between the
railroad managers and their employees.

Making Our Government Efficient 469

The Government Printing Office does the printing for the federal
government, and is the largest institution of its kind in the country.

The Library of Congress, one of the largest in the world, and
housed in one of the most beautiful buildings, is under the direc-
tion of the Librarian of Congress. It has charge of the granting
of copyrights for books and other publications of all kinds.

The Smithsonian Institution and the National Museum have col-
lections of almost every imaginable nature, which are of great sci-
entific and historical value.

229. Administration in State Governments. — So much
variety appears in the administrative branch of the state

governments, that it is hard to make general statements
about them. To know your own state's business you will
have to study its own constitution, its Legislative Manual
or Handbook, and whatever printed material is issued under
its direction to explain the workings of its government.

At the head of the executive department in every state is the
Governor, He holds very much the same place in the state that the
President does in the national government. He may be elected for

470 Problems of American Democracy

two, three, or four years, according to the laws of the state. He
passes on bills, is at the head of the state militia, appoints many-
executive officials, and has the other usual powers of a chief execu-
tive. In many states, the Governor has the pardoning power, but
in others he is happy to turn over the responsibility to a Board of
Pardons.

About two-thirds of the states have also a Lieutenant Governor,
who presides over the state senate, and takes the governorship in
case of a vacancy.

Every state has executive officials, but in only a few of them are
they coordinated in any such way as to form a cabinet. The Sec-
retary of the Commonwealth or Secretary of State keeps official records
and papers. The Attorney-General is the legal adviser of state offi-
cials. The Treasurer has the usual duties of such an officer. The
Auditor or the Auditor-General or Comptroller inspects the accounts
of other officers and sees that all money spent from the treasury has
been authorized by law. Usually there are several other more or
less important officials who are in charge of the various phases of
the work of administration. Whether these officials are appointed
by the Governor or elected by the voters depends upon the consti-
tution and laws of the state.

Study thoroughly the administrative organization of your state.
Know the names of its chief officials.

230. Obtaining Capable Oflacials. — Any business man
will tell you that the first consideration in efficient govern-
ment is to get competent people to do the work. But how
are we to get them? Three methods are available: elec-
tion by popular vote, appointment by the head of a depart-
ment or bureau, and selection by competitive examination.

Law-makers are almost universally chosen by popular
election, but this is by no means the surest way to discover
whether a man possesses the particular qualifications needed
for an executive or administrative office. For state gov-
ernments, officials who handle public money are usually
chosen by popular vote, on the somewhat illogical theory
that the people should elect the officers who handle the peo-
ple's tax money.

Appointment often secures good men, when the appoint-
ing officer really wants to get that kind and when he has

Making Our Government Efficient 471

personal or first-hand information of the iherits of suggested
candidates. But an appointing officer may have thousands
of jobs to hand out. Then he must depend upon his ad-
visers to suggest names. Here is where the spoils system
gets in its deadly work; for politicians will propose the
names of people whose only claim is reward for party serv-
ice, regardless of the fact that a man may be a tremendous
success in getting voters to the polls but a howling failure as
a postmaster. Americans, however, could not see the evils in
the spoils system until after it had killed President Garfield.
Then the Civil Service Commission was estabUshed, un-
der the Pendleton Act of 1883, to give examinations before
appointments should be made to certain positions in the
government service. The President was given the right,
within fixed limits, to designate what offices should be filled
in that way. President Arthur did what he could to get
the plan into operation and later Presidents, notably Cleve-
land, during his second term, Roosevelt, Taft, and Wilson,
greatly expanded the scope of the *' classified service." By
this term is meant those offices which are arranged for pur-
poses of examination so that appointments can be made on
the basis of merit. In a few state and city governments
a similar system has been set up.

It does not always follow that the person who can pass the high-
est written examination is necessarily the very best person for the
particular position. Therefore a choice of the three highest is usu-
ally allowed the appointing officer when a selection is made. This
privilege, of course, is frequently abused so as to take the person
among the three highest who is most satisfactory politically. For
such positions as important postmasterships, however, a written
examination counts only a part of the whole test. Candidates are
rated very largely on business experience and proved executive abil-
ity. Very likely executive positions in which great responsibility is
vested should always be filled by personal appointment, for there
are certain qualities which cannot be tested by any kind of examina-
tion yet devised. But for clerkships and for positions demanding
technical skill and special knowledge, the examination system is ad-
mirable.

472 Problems of American Democracy

By some means it ought to be possible to make public
service a dignified profession which might well serve as a
life career, but this will not be as long as party politics have
as much influence as they do now. Salaries paid are not
large for high-grade workers, and this is perhaps one rea-
son why too few officials do high-grade work. A system of
pensions for public officials has been proposed, as a means
of encouraging better service, but the general public has
not become enthusiastic over the idea.

What qualifications should an officer have to engage effectively
n the enforcement of laws against ordinary crimes? of tax legisla-
tion ? of laws that raise the question of constitutionality ? Would
a former saloon-keeper be a good man to enforce prohibition?

In what ways would you test a person if you were considering
him for appointment as postmaster? postal clerk? clerk in a cus-
tom house? census official? important subordinate in the Bureau
of Chemistry?

Do you think high salaries and a pension system for public officers
would get better people into public services ? Make a list of 5 of-
ficials who you believe should be elected; 5 who should be ap-
pointed; 5 who should be chosen by competitive examination.
Be able to give your reasons in each case.

Obtaining capable officials involves removal of the unfit.
Some cities and states permit the recall of officials by popu-
lar vote at a special election (§ 264). Usually the officer
who makes an appointment may also remove the person
whom he appoints, but in the classified service a person
may be removed only for cause, and after a hearing if he
wishes it. To reach judges and executive officials who
are charged with misconduct, the Constitution gives to
Congress the power of impeachment. State legislatures
and city councils usually have similar authority with refer-
ence to executive or judicial offices.

As conducted in the national government the impeachment trial
follows this process. The House of Representatives formally draws
up charges demanding the removal of an official. This, be it under-
stood, is the impeachment. An impeachment does not necessarily

Making Our Government Efficient 473

mean conviction. After the impeachment charges are presented
the accused person is then tried by the Senate. The members of
that body hear the evidence and then vote as if they were jurymen.
If two-thirds of the senators vote guilty the accused official is au-
tomatically removed from office. The Senate may add, as a fur-
ther penalty, if it wishes, that the officer may never hold another
position under the United States Government. If he has been
guilty of a crime he may, after removal from office, be subject to the
same kind of trial in ordinary courts that another person would
receive.

Probably impeachment trials have not been as numerous as the
makers of the Constitution expected. There have been only eleven
impeachment cases in our national history and only three of these
resulted in conviction. A few governors have been removed from
office in the states by impeachment.

Is it well that impeachments should be few? Why is a two-
thirds vote necessary for conviction ?

231. Improvements in Law-Enforcement. — If Ameri-
cans break more laws than the people of other advanced
nations, some of the fault may rest on the machinery of
government. We will not willingly admit that Americans
are more criminally inclined or more wicked than other
people. Surely the great majority of them are law-abiding.
Law-making bodies sometimes satisfy the clamor of would-be
reformers by passing laws with no expectation that they
will ever be put into operation. Almost every city has laws
against spitting on the sidewalks, but, except in the West,
where consumptives throng in the hope of being cured, is
any attempt made to enforce them? Law-enforcement,
then, demands that laws shall be made only in response to
a real need and that they shall be so drawn as to make en-
forcement as easy as possible, and to permit no excuse for
misunderstanding them.

Next we must get officials who are qualified by tempera-
ment, intelligence, and energy to enforce the laws. Com-
mon honesty and common sense are fundamental. When
such officials are found, their superiors should back them
up unflinchingly. Neither pohcemen nor any other oflBi-

474 Problems of American Democracy

cials will exhibit any enthusiasm in catching law-breakers
if political pull or personal friendship or any other baneful
influence enables these to get off without punishment.
Speed and certainty of action in the courts mean much
in bringing about obedience to law. Back of it all is public
opinion. Public officials are for the most part cowards be-
fore public sentiment. They will enforce or ignore a law as

Central News Photo Service.
Caught in the Act.

This view of an illegal still in operation was taken in the hills of Georgia.
The making of moonshine was frequent in such neighborhoods long before
we had constitutional prohibition. What reason, if any, could these people
offer for their disregard of law ?

they think will please the majority. When an official per-
sistently fails to do his duty, there are ways to bring pressure
to bear on him. Editorials, cartoons, and communications
in newspapers and magazines have often been the means of
stirring up a dormant public sentiment. Mass meetings and
appeals through lodges, churches, boards of trade, and the
like also have a place. In the long run a community has
only itself to blame if it has a reputation for lawlessness.

Making Our Government Efficient 475

232. Reforms in Administration. — Another respect in
which the machinery of government can be made more
effective is in its organization and arrangement. Few busi-
ness men would expect to prosper if their shops and fac-
tories were put together in the haphazard, accidental fash-
ion in which the public service has been scrambled.

Consider, for instance, the grouping of bureaus and sub-
divisions in the executive departments at Washington:
The Pubhc Health Service and the Secret Service in the
Treasury Department; the Bureau of Pensions in the De-
partment of the Interior; the Alaskan reindeer under the
Bureau of Education ; thirty-eight different bureaus having
to do with Alaskan affairs ; brown bears, polar bears, and
grizzly bears, it used to be said, looked after by three dif-
ferent departments of the Cabinet ! It is funny if you can
forget how unbusinesslike it is.

Readjustment of these various bureaus is now (1922)
under serious consideration. It has been proposed to create
a new department to be known as the Department of Pub-
lic Welfare into which would be transferred the Bureau of
Education, the Children's and Women's Bureau, and sev-
eral others. A Department of Public Works has also been
proposed to supervise various activities which would natu-
rally come under such a head. This might mean a com-
plete breaking up of the Interior Department, which, after
all, might not be a calamity. Such a reorganization would
probably bring about a reduction in the number of subor-
dinate bureaus and clerks, with a consequent saving of
money to the people.

State governments are usually even worse off. Most
governors have no cabinet at all, and cooperation among
state officials has been almost an unknown quantity. This
lack of efficiency has worried the souls of some really busi-
nesshke governors, and, beginning with Governor Lowden,
of Ilhnois, they have succeeded in inducing the legislatures
of several states to reorganize the administrative branch of

476 Problems of American Democracy

the government. Instead of dozens of bureaus, commis-
sions, secretaries, and the Hke, all administrative functions
are centralized under seven, nine, or some other small num-
ber of department heads appointed by the governor. To
make all the desirable changes it may sometimes be nec-
essary to amend the state constitution. Officers who are
elected by popular vote usually feel independent of tho
governor, and we cannot rightly hold a governor responsi-
ble for the efficiency of officers over whom he has no au-
thority. If we provide honest, capable service, people are
much less likely to complain about reasonable taxes.

Why is a governor generally glad to get rid of the pardoning
power? Would a strong man or a weak man like better to have
administrative authority centralized in the governor's hands? Is
your state government organized on a business basis? Does it
need house-cleaning and reconstruction ? Why do you suppose the
reorganization of national and state governments suggested here
has been delayed so long? Would it be well to have all matters in
state administration of a distinctly business nature handled by one
official after the plan of a city manager (§254)?

233. Responsibility in Government. — To a greater de-
gree by far than the makers of the Constitution would have
imagined, our government is virtually committed to a sys-
tem of presidential responsibility. Yet we restrain him
constantly by the system of checks and balances on which
our national government and most state governments are
organized. Altogether too often there is no coordination
or cooperation between the executive and the legislature.
Each one seems to exist for the purpose of preventing the
other from doing something, and the courts come in as a
check on both of them. Especially if the President be-
longs to a different party from the majority of Congress,
a most unpleasant state of friction may develop. In the
business world we see no such system of checks and bal-
ances. Of course there must, in any well organized admin-
istration, be means of finding out whether the officials are

Making Our Government Efficient 477

doing their duty and spending money properly, but gen-
erally much more is accomplished when they are given au-
thority to do things and held to strict accountability for the
way they exercise that authority.

The President has the appointing power, as do the gov-
ernors. Sometimes the executive makes use of the " pat-
ronage," or jobs, at his disposal to get law-makers to sup-
port bills in which he is interested. But the President must
submit his appointments to the Senate for approval.

In this connection a curious custom known as " senatorial cour-
tesy " has arisen, which often seems childish. The senators from a
state, especially if they belong to the President's party, like to in-
sist that their approval shall be given to any person from that state
who is appointed by the President to any public office. If they do
not like him, other senators may vote against him, expecting that
similar " courtesy " will be shown to them if the occasion should
arise. By reason of this custom, good men have failed of approval
simply because some senator had a grudge against them.

The President's control over foreign affairs, too, may
enable him to commit the country to. poHcies to which Con-
gress can hardly refuse to consent without putting us in
an embarrassing position before the world. Yet the Senate
must confirm any treaties which the President makes ; and
so anxious were the makers of the Constitution to impose a
reasonable check on this feature of his power that they im-
posed an unreasonable one. Since treaties will not go into
effect unless ratified by a two-thirds vote of the Senate, 33
senators out of the present 96 may thwart the wishes of the
other 63 and of the President. This would be minority rule
with a vengeance.

The President, in the words of the Constitution, ^' shall
from time to time give to the Congress information of the
state of the union and recommend to their consideration
such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient."
President Wilson's revival of the practice of delivering mes-
sages before Congress in person, continued by President
Harding, has made the message more effective than for-

478 Problems of American Democracy

merly. But if Congress is controlled by the opposite party,
presidential opinions may not accomplish much.

Before Mr. Harding took office as President, he an-
nounced that he expected to be a constitutional President.
Many presumed that he would make no attempt to tell
Congress what it ought to do, but would simply retire to
the White House offices and wait for information from them
as to what laws they would have him execute. Yet after
he became President he interposed directly and frequently,
while legislation was still before Congress. He found how
much the country needed the President's urging to get any-
thing done on time or in order. But the checks and bal-
ances remain.

Would anybody's liberties be endangered if the check and bal-
ance idea were at least partly abandoned ?

234. Should We Have a Real Cabinet System? — We
take the name '' Cabinet " from the English body which
has that name. But there are a number of fundamental
differences between our President's official family and the
English Cabinet. Ours is not a Cabinet system at all.

(1) Members of the English Cabinet are members of Parliament,
while members of the United States Cabinet cannot be members
of Congress. Why?

(2) The English Cabinet may and does prepare all important
laws. Cm* Cabinet can only recommend bills or have them intro-
duced by some member of Congress as a special favor.

(3) Members of the English Cabinet belong to the majority party
in the House of Commons. When they lose control of this body,
they resign. Our Cabinet members are usually members of the
President's party and hold their offices as long as they please him.
They may or may not belong to the majority party in Congress.

(4) The EngUsh Cabinet acts together with the prime minister
as the real head of the government. Our Cabinet members may
disagree on any matter, and all are subordinate to the President.

Some people think that the United States would do well
to take over some features of the English system. As it
is now, the Cabinet cannot have anything to do with law-

Making Our Government EflScient 479

making except in a roundabout way. It sometimes has
difficulty in getting the necessary laws passed to carry out
the work of the various departments. If Congress would
extend to Cabinet members the courtesy of speaking before
sessions of either house, the Cabinet officers could explain
their plans and the needs of their departments, answer ques-
tions, and there would doubtless be a better understanding
all around. The fact that Cabinet members may belong
to a different party from the majority of the members of
Congress makes the two groups sometimes pull against
each other when they should cooperate. Such a possibility
cannot be prevented without amending the Constitution;
and as long as the responsibihty for the administration of
the government is centralized in the President's hands,
Congress is interested in the personnel of the Cabinet only
as all good citizens are.

Whatever problem exists on this point is simply this:
is it better to centralize both law-making and law-enforcing
responsibility in the hands of one group of men; or is it
better to have the responsibihty divided between a Con-
gress to make laws and a President to be in charge of their
execution? The majority of civihzed countries prefer a
system in principle like that of England. The smaller re-
pubUcs of the New World, which patterned their govern-
ments on the form of the United States, generally have the
presidential system.

If we should care to adopt the English Cabinet system, what
changes in our Constitution would have to be made ? Is there any
reason why a self-governing people like the English would prefer a
Cabinet system to our system if they continue the monarchy?

.'. Effective administration calls for well-planned laws, officials
chosen with regard to their fitness for the work which they have
to do, and a strong public sentiment to sustain capable officials.
Our inherited adherence to the principle of political checks and
balances must not prevent us from giving responsibility to properly
qualified officials and holding them to accountability for the way
their work is done.

480 Problems of American Democracy

SPECIAL STUDIES

The Organization of Our State Administration.

The Personality of Our Presidents.

The Present Cabinet.

The History of the English Cabinet System.

The History and Objects of Civil Service Reform.

Civil Service Commissions.

Reorganization of State Administration.

Reorganization of Federal Administration.

Resolved, that our Constitution should be amended so as to insti-
tute the English Cabinet System.

Resolved, that the check and balance principle is a detriment to
eflBicient government.

The Library of Congress.

The Smithsonian Institution.

REFERENCE READINGS

Bryce — American Commonwealth, Chapters 5-9, 21, 25, 41, 44.

Young — American Government, Chapters 2, 17, 28.

Reed — Form and Functions of American Government, Chapters

10, 14, 20, 24, 25.
Cleveland and Schafer — Democracy in Reconstruction, Chapters

20, 21.
Munro — Government of the United States, Chapters 7-9, 30, 31, 36.
Magruder — American Government, Chapters 8-13, 20.
Beard — American Government and Politics, Chapters 10, 11, 24.
Hart — Actual Government, Chapters 8, 15, 16.
Haskin — American Government, Chapters 1, 16, 23-25.
Bryce — Modern Democracies, Chapters 60, 63.

XXI. PROTECTING RIGHTS THROUGH THE COURTS

Legislatures may make laws and executives put them into opera-
tion, but something more is needed to protect the rights of citizens
and restrain those who disregard the rights of others or their own
obligations. By what agencies are rights safeguarded and obedi-
ence enforced? How is the machinery for this work constituted?
How can their services be best rendered?

235. Rights That Need Protection. — We move toward
the attainment of our ideals by getting them transformed
Httle by little into rights. The rights which we have thus

A Quiet Moment in Traffic.

People are coming from a subway exit on Tremont Street, Boston,
policeman is directing their crossing of the street.

The

secured may be classified as personal rights, property rights,
and political rights. Since the latter group, including such

481

482 Problems of American Democracy

rights as voting and office holding, are possessed by only-
part of the people, we will leave them out of our discussion
at this point.

Among our personal rights are those forms of liberty that
we refer to as freedom of speech, of the press, of religion,
of petition, of assembly, of unmolested movement, and the
right to a good reputation. Our property rights include the
ownership of private property, the privilege of using it as
we please if we do not harm the community by its use, and
freedom from molestation, seizure, or destruction by others.

These rights may be menaced by either the unreason-
able acts of others or false definitions of their meaning.
The right of free speech, for instance, must sometimes be
restrained. The circulating of malicious untruths against
an individual by word of mouth is called slander ; by print-
ing or writing, libel. Surely no one's freedom should go so
far as to justify these. And if a person is wronged by such
an abuse of liberty on the part of another, he may justly
ask his government to aid him in obtaining such reparation
as is possible.

Show how any of the other rights mentioned may be violated
by other citizens or by officials. Point out also the limitations
that may be needed in order to prevent the exercise of these rights
from harming other citizens or the welfare of the community.
What persons, if any, might be opposed to free speech or a free
press? Should teachers and preachers have complete liberty to
express their personal views on public matters ?

236. Constitutional Safeguards. — Did it ever occur to
you that you could hardly claim anything as an absolute
right until it was set down in black and white by some sov-
ereign authority or by agreement of all parties concerned?
If I claim the right to perform a certain action and you deny
my right, which of us is correct? Therefore we set down
definite provisions in our constitutions and laws, that none
may have any excuse for misunderstanding their rights or
their limitations. We must play safe.

Making Our Government EflBeient 483

We therefore added to our national Constitution as a
Bill of Rights, promptly after its adoption, the first ten
amendments, as a visible guarantee of our liberty. Free-
dom of rehgion, speech, assembly, and press, for example,
cannot be abridged by Congress. Later Amendments XIII,
XIV, and XV aimed to secure equality before the law, par-
ticularly for the negro but incidentally for people of any color.

It is important to observe, however, that an American
has two kinds of citizenship. He is a citizen of the United
States, enjoying certain rights and privileges on that ac-
count, and a citizen of his state, which has jurisdiction over
a much greater number of matters than the national gov-
ernment. The Bill of Rights in our national Constitution
binds only the national government. For all that this doc-
ument says, Pennsylvania could command her citizens to
join the Quakers and New York forbid the publication of
any but Republican newspapers. But states have put
similar bills of rights in their own Constitutions, and thus
we have a twofold safeguard.

Study the Bill of Rights in your state constitution and compare
it with that of the national Constitution. Make a list of five or
more rights or privileges for which you are indebted to the national
government, and a similar list for the state government.

Do you think it probable that any of these rights will ever be
taken away? By whom or in what way might the number or ex-
tent of your rights be altered?

237. Agencies to Maintain Order. — In a free govern-
ment, maintaining order means nothing else than assuring
us that rights are protected. The rural constable, the city
poUcemen and detectives, and the county sheriff are vested
with this responsibiUty in particular. Some states, too,
have a state police force, or constabulary, usually wonder-
fully capable and effective. These agencies and officers are
constantly on duty or subject to immediate call.

The army and navy of the nation have their only sensi-
ble excuse for existence in the need for suppressing pirates

484 Problems of American Democracy

and outlaws and the defense of citizens from foreign ene-
mies. The secret service, too, is a valuable aid in detec-
tion of criminals. Established first to discover counter-
feiters, these men are now used to protect pubhc officials
and to root out all kinds of crime.

An agency that is available when special emergencies
arise is the state militia or national guard. These volun-
teer troops are managed by state officials but supported in

A Limitation of Pebsonal Liberty.

For your sake and the sake of the community this man may command
you to refrain from something you would like to do.

part by federal contributions. They may be called into
active service by the Governor of the state when local po-
lice forces and sheriff's deputies prove inadequate. Most
often this is done when serious and prolonged disorder oc-
curs in connection with an industrial dispute. Federal
troops, too, may be sent by the President when national
law or administration is menaced or when the state authori-

Making Our Government Efficient 485

ties appeal for help in a situation that is beyond their con-
trol. When conditions like these arise, " martial law " may-
be proclaimed in the disturbed district, and miUtary rule
for a time will replace civil authority.

But the courts, after all, are the agency by which law
and order are made effective upon dishonest, careless, or
unruly citizens. They alone have the right to deprive men
of their liberty for any length of time, or to command them
to pay money as compensation for wrongs done to other
men or to the state. If the courts are strict and exacting,
the criminal and the contract-breaker have little encourage-
ment to disregard law and justice.

There are some offenses which society cannot tolerate.
Men may find fault at ordinary times with the conduct of
public officers, but when such fault-finding incites disre-
spect for law and order or urges the overthrow of the gov-
ernment it becomes sedition. It is next door to treason.
This latter crime, under our Constitution, is limited to mak-
ing war on the United States or giving aid and comfort to
their enemies. Conviction for it is not easy, since it can be
obtained only after confession or the testimony of two wit-
nesses to the same treasonable act.

How far have you the right to go in criticizing public officials?
in circulating reports unfavorable to some one's reputation? When
is it your duty to do this kind of thing? When should you refrain
from doing so ? May the same piece of criticism be warranted at
one time and unwarranted at another? Is there a " revolt against
authority " in America today? If this is true to any extent, what
causes it?

Courts try to prevent wrong-doing as well as punish it.
A judge may issue an injunction commanding a private
citizen or an officer to refrain from doing something which
he has undertaken or is expected to undertake and which
is said to be detrimental to the public interest. If the party
who is *' enjoined " can show that the act in question is not
undesirable, however, the injunction will be '' vacated."

486 Problems of American Democracy

When an official fails to perform his duties, a court may
issue a mandamus instructing him to do so.

238. Protection against the Government. — It is a lit-
tle surprising to discover how many guarantees are assured
to the citizen against his own government. Most of these
are inherited from old Enghsh days when arbitrary rulers
were a terror to good works as well as evil, but when we ob-
serve how much some people enjoy " a little brief author-
ity," we are satisfied to leave the guarantees where they
are. The fact that a person is elected to office by popular
vote does not prove that he has no tyrannical instincts.

No person may be tried for a serious crime unless he has
been formally indicted by a grand jury (§241). An accused
person has as much right to command the attendance of
persons to give evidence in his behalf as have the authori-
ties who are prosecuting him. Moreover, if the accused can-
not afford to hire a lawyer to assist in his defense the court
will assign some one to perform that service.

Unfortunately this provision does not always mean as much as
it might, because some judges are in the habit of handing over such
work to young lawyers who want practice. To remedy any unfair-
ness that might result from such a custom, some states have pro-
vided for an officer known as the public defender, whose duty is to
see that any one accused of crime gets a square deal in the court.

Every accused person is guaranteed a speedy trial in pub-
lic by a jury from the neighborhood where the crime with
which he is charged has been committed. To aid in this
direction the famous old English writ of habeas corpus may
be employed. The attorney or friends of the accused may
appeal to the court, which will instruct the sheriff or other
person in charge of the accused to bring him before the
court for a hearing. Then it will be determined whether
he will be let out on bail or tried immediately or some other
disposition made of the case. Of course it is not meant
that this writ should be used in such a way as to enable a crim-

Making Our Government Efficient 487

inal to escape the just consequences of his crime, but it is
intended to prevent the keeping of a person in jail for an
indefinite period.

Our constitutions provide also that the amount demanded
as bail when a person is let out to await trial shall not be
unreasonably high. The law assumes that a person is in-
nocent until the jury has been convinced that he is guilty.
He cannot be forced to testify in his own trial unless he is
willing to do so. If he is convicted, the sentence imposed
must not be more serious than the offense warrants, and
*' cruel and unusual punishments " are specifically forbidden.

Even then, if the case has been tried in one of the lower
courts of the state or nation, it is possible to appeal the case
to a higher court, in order to make sure that everything
has been done in a legal and constitutional manner. In
any event no officer may deprive a person of his life, liberty,
or property " without due process of law." We are as-
sured privacy in our homes by the restriction that they
shall not be searched unless a warrant has been sworn out
^' on probable cause." Soldiers may not be quartered in
homes except in time of war, and then only if proper pay-
ment is made. We reserve the right to " keep and bear
arms," but for the safety of the community this privilege
must be limited to cases of self-defense or some other recog-
nized necessity. We make it clear also that any rights not
bestowed on officials are reserved to the people.

The history of most free people is in part a story of strug-
gle against '* special privilege " granted by monarchs to
their favorites. An echo of this appears in the clause of
the fourteenth amendment to the national Constitution
which forbids any state to deny to a citizen '' the equal pro-
tection of the laws," though the amendment was intended
for the particular benefit of the negroes. The question arose
as to whether the national government was limiting the power
of the states by this provision, but the Supreme Court ruled
that it simply added to the federal government the power

488 Problems of American Democracy

to act in defense of citizens when a state failed to assure
them their obvious rights.

Was the Volstead Act an interference with any kind of liberty-
guaranteed by the Constitution? What is the relation of Sunday
laws to religious liberty ? Should we talk most today about what
our governments have not the right to do or about what we ought
to do for our governments ?

If you see another breaking a law what should you do ? Are you
right in reporting it or is it " sneaky " to do so? Should you pro-
tect society as a whole or let one law-breaker get away to do it
again ?

239. State Courts. — Every state has a fully organized
system of courts. We cannot summarize these systems
with much accuracy, because the details of organization
are so different from state to state. In a large state, city,
or county the organization of the courts is necessarily ex-
tensive and complicated. Judges in all grades of courts
are in most states elected by popular vote. In a few states
the judges of the higher court are appointed by the governor
or elected by the legislature. Their terms run from two
years in Vermont to twenty-one years for Supreme Court
judges in Pennsylvania.

Every state has a Supreme Court or Court of Appeals at the
head of its judicial system. It meets sometimes at the state capi-
tal and sometimes at other places in the state. In matters involv-
ing interpretation of the state laws or constitution its decision is
final, unless the claim is made that such a decision conflicts
with the federal law or Constitution. Then the Supreme Court
of the United States can pass final judgment on the matter. Most
Supreme Court cases are appeals from lower courts. In New
York the Supreme Court is organized in four divisions and is really
not " supreme," because the Court of Appeals has still higher au-
thority.

Below the Supreme Court there is in several states a kind of in-
termediate court which may be called the Superior Court. This
also is a court of appeals, and certain specified kinds of cases are
handled by it rather than by the Supreme Court.

Every state has a grade of courts called district courts, circuit
courts, or county courts, in which almost all of the cases of original

Making Our Government Efficient 489

jurisdiction arising under state law are tried. Frequently several
counties are included in the jurisdiction of one of these courts,
though in very populous counties there may be subdivisions of the
court for the county. Frequently where the cases are numerous
separate sessions of the court are held for the trial of civil cases and
of criminal cases.

The courts of the justice of the peace, magistrate, or alderman
have purely local authority and deal with only minor civil suits or

Old Courthouse,

Copyrignt, Detroit PublisMng Co.
Williamsburg, Virginia.

This is a specimen of the old style county buildings, going back to colonial
days when there was less to be done than at present. Notice the bulletin
board next to the door, on which public announcements were posted.

instances of law-breaking. These same justices, however, fre-
quently give hearings in cases which they cannot try and decide
whether to hold the accused for trial in a district, circuit, or county
court. In some communities the justice of the peace is popularly
called the " squire " and is often a man of considerable importance.
He may perform marriages and administer oaths for any legal pur-
pose. In large cities there are frequently separate " traffic courts,"
"domestic relations courts," and the like.

There are other duties than the trial of civil and criminal cases

490 Problems of American Democracy

that devolve upon judges. Where the amount of business done by
the ordinary judge is not excessive, the appointment of guardians
for orphans, of administrators for estates, and similar matters, are
in his hands. But in many states there is a separate court known
as the Probate Court, Orphans' Court, or Surrogate's Court, which
deals with this kind of business and nothing else. Sometimes there
are separate Chancery courts or Equity courts which deal with
cases that involve points not specifically governed by the general
law.

The authority of the state courts and of lower courts is
therefore very extensive. The number of cases tried in
these courts is many times greater than in federal courts.
Most crimes are tried here, especially crimes against per-
son or property. Be sure to understand that no cases are
taken from state courts to any federal court unless the au-
thority of the federal Constitution or a federal law or treaty
is said to be violated. The distinction between the juris-
diction of state and federal courts does not depend upon the
seriousness of the matter involved, but upon the constitu-
tional division of powers between state and federal gov-
ernments.

Inform yourself thoroughly about the organization of the courts
of your community, county, and state. Are you likely to get bet-
ter judges in such courts by appointment or by election? Should
the terms of judges be long or short? Are any special qualifica-
tions demanded of judges in your state?

240. Making Use of the Courts. — But what is this " due
process of law " that is mentioned so often? How do we
go about claiming the assistance of the courts in protect-
ing our rights? In all probability the courts are asked to
do an unnecessary amount of work. Some people cause
cases to be brought against others when there is no just
reason for doing so, and other cases are brought to court
which could be settled less expensively for both parties by
mutual agreement. But there really are occasions when
a law-suit is the only means of bringing a dishonest man to
terms.

Making Our Government Efficient 491

Remember that there are two general kinds of cases in
court. Criminal cases are those in which a person is ac-
cused of breaking a law. Civil suits are those in which it
is alleged that private rights have been violated. Civil
suits may themselves be subdivided into suits at law and
suits in equity. The former deal with acts which the com-
mon law recognizes as unjust and for which money damages
are asked. Equity cases concern questions involving the
performance or non-performance of obligations, such as the
duty of a guardian toward his ward, or the harm done to
another by the commission of an act which under some cir-
cumstances might be within a person's right. Such cases
are usually decided by the judge or a special *' master " or
" referee " appointed by the court to render a decision after
taking testimony concerning the case.

The parties to a suit may be either individuals or cor-
porations. The one bringing the suit is called the plaintiff,
and the one sued, the defendant. In very general outline, the
steps in the process of a civil suit are somewhat as follows :

(1) Complaint. — The plaintiff, generally through his attorney,
files with a court official a formal charge against the defendant.

(2) Summons. — From the clerk's office is sent to the defendant
a notice of the charge that has been filed.

(3) Ansiver. — The defendant, generally through his attorney,
files with the clerk a statement of his side of the ease. If he offers
no reason why the plaintiff's claim should not be granted, the court
can at once order such action as will satisfy the plaintiff. If the
defendant denies the justice of the claim, the case goes on the court
docket for trial.

(4) Trial. — Generally a jury of 12, called a petit jury or trav-
erse jury, must hear the case, though in some states both parties
may agree to allow the judge to settle the facts in the case as well
as any points of law involved. Witnesses may be heard for either
side and questioned by both attorneys. Each attorney deUvers a
plea for his client and the judge " charges " the jury, if there is a
jury, explaining the points of law which they must consider.

(5) Verdict. — The jury decides which party is in the right and
how much in the way of damages or costs shall be paid by either
party. In some states an agreement of three-fourths of the jury is

492 Problems of American Democracy

sufficient for a verdict, but more often a unanimous decision is
needed. If the necessary number cannot agree, the case will have
to be tried over again before another jury, unless it is settled out of
court.

(6) Judgment. — If a verdict has been agreed upon, the court
issues instructions to have it put into effect. It may, if neces-
sary, command the sale of the defendant's property to make possi-
ble the payment of damages.

The defendant, if he loses the case, may appeal to a higher court
and attempt to show that the law has been improperly interpreted
or that there has been some flaw in the proceedings. The higher
court then has the right to order the case retried if it thinks justice
calls for such action.

A jury for any particular case is chosen from a list of persons
summoned to attend a particular session of court. These in turn are
usually drawn by lot from a much longer list prepared in advance
by jury commissioners or other officers. If a group satisfactory to
both sides cannot be secured from the persons regularly summoned,
other persons may be called upon. Sometimes the " impaneling "
of a jury takes several days, but such delays are much more common
in criminal cnses.

241. Proceedings against Law-Breakers. — In a crimi-
nal case the " state " or the *' commonwealth " takes the
place of the plaintiff in prosecuting the case. The dis-
trict attorney or '' state's attorney " is responsible for con-
ducting the prosecution. The court often meets under a
different name than when trying civil cases, though fre-
quently the same judges preside. The preliminary steps
preceding a trial for crime differ considerably from those
in a civil suit. In broad outline the process of a criminal
case is as follows :

(1) Arrest. — An arrest is made in either of two ways : first by
an officer who saw the crime committed or had reasonable suspi-
cion as to who committed it ; second, by an officer holding a war-
rant issued upon information tending to show that a certain per-
son was guilty of a crime.

(2) Hearing. — The accused is brought before a magistrate or
justice of the peace. If the crime is not a serious one, the accused
is very likely tried at once. If, however, the crime is beyond the
magistrate's jurisdiction, he hears the charges against the accused.

Making Our Government Efficient 493'

If the evidence indicates a possibility of guilt, the accused is held
for grand jury. Until the court meets, he may be released if his
friends will pledge a certain amount as bail, which will be forfeited
if he fails to appear at the proper time. Bail is seldom allowed,
however, in murder cases.

(3) Grand jury. — The prosecuting attorney draws up a " bill of
indictment," a written document stating the charge. This is pre-
sented to the grand jury, and testimony given to show the guilt of
the accused. The grand jury in most states is composed of twenty-

,|i^fi!!iHtiiiiiijimiiniiiiit:fi

nmiii

A Moderate Sized Court Room.
See if you can pick out the judge's bench, the jury box, the clerk's desk,
the attorneys' tables, and the seats for witnesses and spectators.

three persons, selected for each session of the criminal court in
about the same way that persons are summoned for service on petit
juries. If the required number of grand jurors (varying in differ-
ent states) think there is sufficient evidence to warrant a court
trial, the foreman writes across the face of the indictment the words :
'* A true bill," and the indicted person must appear for trial. The
jury may "ignore the bill" if they think the case does not deserve
trial.

(4) Trial. — The accused appears in court in custody of the sher-
iff or some other officer, and pleads " guilty "or " not guilty.'* If

494 Problems of American Democracy

he pleads " not guilty " he must stand trial by a petit jury of twelve.
The process of trial is very similar to that in a civil suit.

(5) Verdict. — A verdict must be unanimous. Usually the jury's
consideration is limited to the question of whether, on the basis of
the evidence presented, the accused is guilty. If the prisoner is
judged not guilty, he is freed, and may not be tried again on the
same charge. If the jury cannot agree, the case is either dropped
or preparations made for a new trial before a different jury.

(6) Sentence. — If the verdict is " guilty," the judge imposes the
sentence within the limits fixed by the laws of the state. Juries
sometimes recommend the prisoner " to the mercy of the court,"
if they believe that the accused is guilty but that there were some
*' extenuating circumstances." If the punishment is a fine, the de-
fendant must pay promptly or permit his property to be sold in
order to collect the amount. If the penalty is imprisonment, it
will begin as soon as possible.

The defendant, may, however, appeal to a higher court if he be-
lieves the case has been improperly tried. In this circumstance he
may be let out under bonds until the higher court passes on his ap-
peal. That court may either afi&rm the decision of the lower court
or order a new trial.

How many kinds of cases are there in which the accused is not
or ought not to be let out on bail? Of what use is a grand jury in-
dictment? Would putting murderers to death by chloroform be
a cruel and unusual punishment ?

Investigate carefully the details of the process of civil and crimi-
nal cases in your state, finding out particularly whether it differs
at any point from that described here.

242. The Courts of the United States. — Remember
that our federal courts have no organic connection what-
ever with the state courts. The authors of the Constitu-
tion tried to make the judicial department as independent
as possible, so that it might be wholly free from any other
influence than a desire to assure justice. Most presidents
have been careful in selecting men to serve as judges and
the courts have well maintained the dignity of the nation.
Lower judges, the President, Congress, and the public usu-
ally accept the word of the Supreme Court as final. In-
deed, any other course than this would be fatal to orderly
government.

Making Our Government Efficient 495

FACTS ABOUT THE FEDERAL COURTS

Basis

Term of

Judges
Jurisdiction

in general

Grades
Judges'

SALARY

Number

Special
Functions

Supreme Court required by Constitution. Other courts

organized by act of Congress
Appointed by President for "good behavior"
Removed only by impeachment proceedings

1. All cases arising under federal Constitution or laws

2. Cases relating to foreign nations or their representatives

3. Cases of interstate character, except civil suits involv-
ing not over S3000, or suits by citizen against state

District
$7500

At least 1 court States grouped
in each state. in 9 circuits
At least 1 judge 3 to 5 judges in
in each court, each circuit
Over 100 dis-
trict judges
Original juris-
diction in all
federal cases
except those
reserved for
Supreme Court

Circuit Supreme

$8500 $14500

($ 15000, Chief Justice)

1 Chief Justice

8 Associate Justices

Appellate juris- Final authority in cases
diction in cases involving interpretation
tried in District of laws or Constitution.
Courts. Final Original jurisdiction

when a state is a party to
a case or when foreign
representatives are in-
volved

Pbocess

authority in
many cases not
requiring inter-
pretation of
laws

Pleas by attor-
neys before
judges

Pleas by attorneys before
justices. Majority may
render decision

Special
Courts

Similar to
county or dis-
trict courts in
states. Grand
and petit juries.
District attor-
ney, marshal,
and commis-
sioner in each
district

The Court of Claims considers claims for money damages
from the United States government. It has no power
to order the payment of money, but if it believes that
the claim is just it will so decide and the claimant may
then ask an appropriation from Congress. The Court of
Customs Appeals hears the questions arising over the
application of the tariff laws of the country. There
are 5 judges in each court.

Do you think the money compensation for federal judges is high enough
to attract the most capable men? Are there any other considerations
than salary that would induce a man of ability to accept an appointment
as a federal judge? What mental and moral qualities ought a judge to
possess in a high degree? Judges may retire on full pay at the age of 70.
Do you suppose the ordinary judge would care to do so?

496 Problems of American Democracy

If the members of an ordinary jury are required to render a unanimous
verdict, why is the Supreme Court allowed to render a verdict by a ma-
jority vote? Mention some cases in American history in which the Su-
preme Court's decision was unpopular with a certain element of the people.
Does a federal judge have the right to belong to a political party? If a
president should refuse to be bound by the Supreme Court's decision,
could he be punished?

243. Courts and the Laws. — Courts are judicial bodies,
not legislative, yet the attitude of the courts toward a law
determines its effectiveness. If judges will not impose the

Copyright, Harris «& Eioing.
The Supreme Court of the United States.
Chief Justice Taf t is seated in the center of the picture.

necessary penalties upon persistent violators, they virtually
invite people to disregard the law. If a question arises
about the meaning of a phrase or clause in the law, officials
do not go to the original author of the provision and ask
him what he meant, but the courts decide the point at issue.
They sometimes apply ^' the rule of reason " in such cases,
apparently attempting to determine what the author ought
to have meant, whether he actually did say just that or not.

Making Our Government Efficient 497

The power possessed by our high courts in state and na-
tion is possessed by no other courts in the world to the same
extent. If the EngUsh Parhament passes a law, it is con-
stitutional. If the corresponding body in France enacts a
law, the courts must accept it. In this country, however,
if Congress passes a law and the Supreme Court, as it has
done on a number of occasions, declares the law to be con-
trary to the Constitution, the situation is just the same as
if the law had never been passed. The judges of course
have no right to base their decision on their opinion of the
wisdom of a law. Their only concern is whether it is in
accordance with the Constitution. They do not have a
presidential " veto."

There was a time when judges seemed to be guided in
their decisions solely by precedent, and by a rigid adherence
to hair-splitting technicalities. This attitude made almost
impossible the adaptation of laws to new needs, and aroused
popular hostility toward the courts as " strongholds of re-
action." It led to the adoption of the recall (§ 264) of
judges by popular vote in several states, and the advocacy
by Roosevelt and some others of the proposition known as
the *' recall of judicial decisions." This did not mean, as
some supposed, that the people should have the right by
popular vote to set aside a court's verdict, but that when a
judge ruled that a law was unconstitutional the people
might overrule that interpretation.

For at least two reasons we do not hear much now about
this proposition. First : while in the long run democracies
will take the right side of most questions, we cannot be
sure that any particular election or vote will be the result
of sound judgment rather than emotion or misguided senti-
ment. Besides, our highest courts have shown an increas-
ing tendency to be sensible and liberal in interpreting con-
stitutions, rather than to maintain that the light of 1789
is the light by which we are to be always guided in 1925.
They often assume that the legislature acted with the be-

498 Problems of American Democracy

lief that a law passed by them was constitutional and de-
sirable, and put the burden of proof that it is not so on the
critics of the law. Sometimes it may be a court's duty to
declare a law unconstitutional. Then the remedy is not
to take a popular vote and say that the law is all right, but
to amend the Constitution so that there can be no ques-
tion of the people's legal right to do the things that they
feel their welfare requires. This was actually done in the
case of the income tax.

One custom of most of our courts in this connection seems
decidedly awkward, from the viewpoint of an outsider. No
federal court and few state courts will pass an opinion on
the constitutionality or meaning of a law until a particular
case is brought before them. What does this mean? That
no matter how much question there may be of the consti-
tutionality of a law, the machinery for putting it into oper-
ation must be started, persons brought before the court
for disregarding the law, the whole process of trial com-
pleted and a conviction secured, if it is a criminal case, be-
fore the courts will render any opinion as to whether the
law in question violates the Constitution. How much un-
certainty and sometimes unavailing activity would be
avoided if the Supreme Court would pass upon the princi-
ples involved before the law was finally enacted !

244. The Personal Element in the Courts. — Fortu-
nately or unfortunately, the courts are operated by human
beings, and we need not hope that machine-Uke precision
will ever be fully developed. Sometimes, indeed, mercy
rather than abstract justice is dssirable, but human weak-
nesses should be removed from court action as far as possi-
ble. The sentimental jury which sets a man or woman
free when everybody knows he or she committed a crime
does much harm.

" Important as it is that the people get justice, it is still
more important that the people feel that they get justice. '*

Making Our Government Efficient 499

People sometimes get disgusted with the whole jury sys-
tem, even though we have always been taught that it is one
of the foundations of our hberties. Citizens of intelligence
and experience frequently try to escape serving on juries,
with the result that the twelve people who sit in the jury
box sometimes look as if they were chosen because they
knew nothing about anything rather than because they
had formed no opinion about a particular case.

To correct this situation it has been proposed to abolish
the jury and let all cases be decided by the judge, who may
be an intelligent, thoughtful man. In some states the two
parties in civil suits may agree to have the judge decide
the case wHhout reference to a jury. Yet if a judge made
all decisions, in criminal cases, the criticism might be of-
fered that he had arbitrary power, and that one man alone
could decide the fate of another. Judges are human, too,
and can make mistakes. Even with them the influence of
money or pohtical friendship sometimes enables people to
escape their just deserts. It is therefore particularly im-
portant to select as judges men who cannot be swerved
from the right by special influences of any kind.

Not to require a unanimous decision in some jury cases
would prevent the holding up of a verdict by one or two
stupid, stubborn, or corrupt individuals. The election of
}uries would not assure any better results. Perhaps the
real remedy is to develop such a public spirit on the part
of inteUigent citizens that they will be willing to make what-
ever sacrifice is necessary to permit them to take their turn
at jury service.

If you were on trial for a crime, would you prefer to have the
case decided by a judge or a jury? Why should not an accused
person be required to testify in his own case? Will the introduc-
tion of women into jury service make conditions any better ? Dis-
regarding the effect upon baseball of Judge Landis's accepting the
position of baseball " dictator," do you think that judges ought to
occupy such positions? Can courts and policemen be law^less?

500 Problems of American Democracy

Does a lawyer have a moral right to defend a person whom he
believes to be guilty of wrong-doing? Why do juries sometimes
fail to convict people about whom there is no question of guilt?
To what extent should sentiment enter into the consideration of the
jury? Does a woman deserve any more sympathy than a man if
she is a criminal ?

245. Do Our Courts Render the Service That They
Should? — Most of the judges in American courts have
been men whose intentions were good and whose intelligence
was average or superior. Yet a great many people be-
lieve that American courts are inefficient. There is un-
doubtedly a great deal of formality and waste of time that
should be avoided. Lawyers are allowed to have cases
postponed on foolish pretexts and days are consumed in
wrangling over little points. Dozens of cases are decided
on technical details of procedure rather than on the right
and wrong of the case itself. There is much following of
precedent, and an amount of '^ red tape " which to an out-
sider seems inexcusable.

When a person feels sure that he will be punished if he
breaks the law he is likely to think some little time before
he breaks it, but if he gets the notion that a skillful lawyer
will get him free, he will be much more likely to consider his
own advantage than his duty under the law. The slow-
ness with which cases move in our courts contributes to the
lack of respect for the laws, because by the time many cases
are brought up for trial the immediate interest of the case
has disappeared and people in general have forgotten about
that case of law-breaking. Then even if punishment is
administered, much of the effect of it is lost by reason of the
delay.

The reason for delay in the courts may be that judges
are too few or that they are lazy. It is not at all uncommon
in the national courts for a case not to be tried until a year
or more after it has been entered. We cannot truthfully
call that businesslike. If our law-makers have not pro-

Making Our Government Efficient 501

vided enough judges, that much of the blame rests upon
them. Usually, however, Congress is ready enough to create
new positions. It provided for about 20 additional judges
in 1922.

We hear the assertion, too, that justice is far from free
and even-handed. The rich man can hire skillful lawyers
to defend him, who will take advantage of every possible
legal technicality to have the case set aside, and to tire out
or cause expense to the opposing party. Some judges seem
to be so completely devoted to the protection of the rights
of property that they look at everything from the wealthy
man's point of view. The poor man cannot get bail if he
is accused of crime, or afford to hire a lawyer to conduct
a suit in court.

As a remedy for this particular difficulty, several cities
have established courts of small claims. In these, without
fees or ** red tape,'' any person may present a case before a
judge, who has power to take immediate action. Undoubt-
edly the evil which this is intended to remedy is a very real
one. Altogether too often the magistrates who are ap-
pointed in municipal courts are cheap politicians with no
knowledge of law, no judgment, and no sense of right. A
foreigner who gets into their hands sees no difference be-
tween American " justice " and the Russian brand. If this
is to be a government '* for the people," the poor as well
as the rich should be able to get justice done. Perhaps
the reform of our judicial system needs to begin at the bot-
tom.

Is it advisable for a man to handle his own case in court rather
than to hire a lawyer? What is to be done if it takes all his regular
earnings to support his family? What kind of person should be a
police magistrate or municipal judge ?

.-. The courts are a vital part of free government, for through
them the people's rights are secured, if anywhere. They have a
right to demand respect and should maintain a high standard of
dignity and complete impartiality. Simplicity of organization,

502 Problems of American Democracy

ready access by the people, the administration of real justice and
swift justice, are ideals of judicial service that should be every-
where attained.

SPECIAL STUDIES

The Supreme Court Today.

Resolved, that federal judges should be chosen by popular vote.
The Organization of Our State Judicial Department.
Our Local Courts and Magistrates.
The Process of a Civil Suit.
The Process of a Criminal Case.
Desirable Reforms in Court Proceedings.

Resolved, that Roosevelt's proposal for reviewing judicial decisions
should be adopted by the states .

REFERENCE READINGS

Young — New American Government, Chapters 15, 23, 24.
Magruder — American Government, Chapters 14, 15, 21, 22.
Bryce — American Commonwealth, Chapters 22-24, 42, 104, 105.
Reed — Form and Functions of American Government, Chapters

13, 23.
Beard — American Citizenship, Chapters 4-6.
Haskin — American Government, Chapters 26-28.
Munro — Government of the United States, Chapters 6, 24, 25, 34.
Beard — American Government and Politics, Chapters 15, 26.
Leacock — Elements of Political Science, Part I, Chapter 5.
Gettell — Introduction to Political Science, Chapters 9, 10.
Hart — Actual Government, Chapters 3, 9, 17, 30.
Tufts — The Real Business of Living, Chapters 33, 34.
Bryce — Modem Democracies, Chapters 43, 62.

XXII. GOVERNING LOCAL COMMUNITIES CAPABLY

A great part of the activities which our Constitution reserves to
the states or the people are actually performed through our local
governments. What, then, is the best form of organization for
them that they may secure the best results?

246. Problems Right at Home. — We do not need to
go far away to find problems of democracy. They are
knocking at our doors. The protection of our homes, our
business, and our leisure, the means of education, the care
of our health, the maintenance of highways, sewers, street
lights, and water systems, the care of the rich and the poor,
the "stranger within our gates," housing, zoning, slums —
indeed, is there much that comes into our daily lives, ex-
cept the post office and our money system, that is not con-
nected in some way with the work of local governments?

Washington is too far away. It could not possibly look
out for the details of these matters. Harrisburg, or Tren-
ton, or Columbus, or Sacramento may make laws for us, but
men and women who live right among us must administer
them if they are administered at all in normal times. To
subdivide a state is necessary in furnishing convenient ma-
chinery for punishing law-breakers, collecting taxes, and
doing many other things for which the state is responsible.
Moreover, it is well that the responsibility of government
should rest in some degree as closely as possible to the peo-
ple themselves. In a democracy too much authority ought
not to be turned over to distant officials.

Every state is divided into counties, except that in Louisi-
ana they are called parishes. They are usually formed by
act of the legislature, although in some states the consti-
tution specifies area and population requirements for new

503

504 Problems of American Democracy

counties. If a county is to be formed of part of another, a
popular vote is usually taken, and if a majority of the peo-
ple favor the division, it is made.

In many states the counties are subdivided into town-
ships or towns. A thickly populated section may become
a borough, village, or city. Cities usually remain a part of
the county, although St. Louis, Baltimore, and the cities of
Virginia are entirely independent of the county. New York
City is unique in that it comprises five counties. Phila-
delphia city and Philadelphia county occupy the same area.

Who ought to decide about the form of government of
local communities? Most states prescribe a definite form
for each type of community. The legislature plans for all
the officers, their duties, terms, and perhaps even their sal-
aries. All the voters can do is choose people to fill the
places which the legislature permits them to fill. Many
students of public affairs advocate what they call *' home
rule " ; that is, letting the people of a community choose,
within certain limits, their own form of local government.
This might give the people a greater interest in their gov-
ernment, and the type or plan that a community chose for
itself would probably fit the needs of the people.

Other political *' experts " declare that the people are
not capable of exercising this power wisely and that the
activities of a local government need to be closely super-
vised by the state, lest it may do something to harm itself
or its neighbors. But the reply is suggested that the aver-
age state legislature would not do much better for them
than they could do for themselves. In states which have a
well developed state pohtical machine, movements for local
home rule are not in favor with the political leaders.

In many states the various forms of local government,
especially cities, are classified in three or more groups ac-
cording to population. Then a special form of government
is required for all communities of a certain class. In other
states several types of local government are recognized by

Making Our Government Efficient 505

law, and a community is allowed to decide for itself which
type it prefers. Ohio allows its cities almost complete free-
dom to select their own form of government, and New York
gives them, except New York City, a wide range of choice.
Pennsylvania gives its cities no choice at all, except as the
state legislature cares to listen to their wishes. States like
Massachusetts, New York, and Pennsylvania feel that
their largest cities — Boston, New York, and Philadel-
phia — are of such importance to the whole state that the
legislature must keep them under close control.

247. Systems of Local Government. — But why do we
have so many kinds of government? When the New Eng-
land colonists made their first settlements they kept rather
near one another in groups or villages, for protection, for
religious reasons, and because the community spirit was
strong among them. So the village or the town was the
center of interest. As the population grew, the town still
remained of the greatest importance.

In the South, on the other hand, the development of
great plantations tended to spread the people over a con-
siderable area. So when its governments were organized
the greatest stress was laid on the county as the center of
activity. Today, while New England has the counties and
the South parishes or ''hundreds," the old political centers
of interest still dominate.

In the middle colonies, where geography showed some of
the features of both the North and South, both the town
and the county developed importance as subdivisions of
the state. So three types of local government were pro-
duced — the town system, the county system and the
county-township or mixed system.

These various types were carried into the West by tHe
pioneers from various parts of the Union, and they moved
frequently along parallels of latitude. Michigan and Wis-
consin, for example, have the town system ; Ohio, Indiana,

506

Problems of American Democracy

and Kansas have the mixed system, and the southwestern
states have the county system. In some states both sys-
tems exist in different portions, and the people of a county
themselves decide \^hat system of local government they
will have.

Can you think of any other features of our political organiza-
tion for which geography or industry is largely responsible?

248. The County. — The state's laws are usually ad-
ministered through the county. The construction and

Copyright, Detroit PubHshing Co.
Courthouse, Rochester, New York.
In this building is done the pubUc business for the county in which this
large city is situated.

care of highways, the supervision of schools, the care of
the poor and insane, and particularly the work of the courts,
are wholly or partly administered through the county.
In many states each county has its courthouse and jail,
and perhaps other buildings for the conduct of public busi-
ness. The community where they are situated is called

Making Our Government Efficient 507

the county seat. It is usually near the center of a county,
but it is frequently not so large or important today as it
probably expected at one time to be.

The most important officers of the county in many states are the
•county commissioners or supervisors. They have general charge
of the business of the county, fix the tax rate, and may have many
other duties. They come the nearest of any county officials to
being a legislative body. The sheriff keeps order and has various
duties as a kind of enforcement officer for the courts. The treasurer
has charge of the county money, and the controller or auditors in-
spect the accounts of county officers. Other officers may include
a recorder of deeds, who copies and files deeds, mortgages, and other
legal papers, a district attorney or state's attorney, to prosecute law-
breakers, a superintendent of schools or commissioner of education,
directors of the poor or of charities, and the like. These are usually
elected by popular vote, and the terms of office are most frequently
two or four years.

It is almost impossible to expect businesslike government to
result from the choice of so many officials by popular vote. In
fact, the county has been called the jungle of American politics
because of the confusion so often existing in its administration.
One proposed remedy is the reduction of the number of elected
officers, and the installation of a county manager, on the principle
described for city governments in Section 254. Maryland counties
have virtually a commission form of government, with from 3 to 5
elected officials possessing practically all legislative and executive
power. They have the privilege of adopting a county manager sys-
tem if they wish.

There is not much use in attempting to give here a complete list of
county officers, for they differ much 'from state to state. Be sure
you learn not only what they are in your state, but who they are and
what they do.

249. The Town or Township. — The earliest and sim-
plest type of local government is the town or township. In
several states this government has almost entire charge of
such activities as public schools, road construction, tax
collection, and the like. Brookline town in Massachu-
setts, and Lower Merion township in Pennsylvania are
among the richest communities in the country per capita.

508 Problems of American Democracy

The relation of the town or township to the county depends
upon the state. In New England the county has very lit-
tle authority over the town, while in many states the town-
ship is simply a division of the county. The even size and
regular shape of the " Congressional township " in the West,
which may also be the basis of local government, are in
sharp contrast with the irregular townships of the East.

The New England town is unique in its nature. It means not a
group of people, but a political organization. The distinguishing
feature of the New England town is the town meeting. It is usually
held in the spring, and all voters may attend. It concerns itself
with a great many things of interest to the town, such as fixing the
tax rate, erecting schools, keeping the streets in condition, and even
deciding whether to supply free band concerts. It is difficult for
large communities to hold a town meeting which really means any-
thing. In a great many large towns they still go through the mo-
tions of having it, though if all the voters came the meeting would
have to be held out in the park.

There are many town officers. Perhaps the most important are
the selectmen, who look after the town's business in general and
act in its name. Others are the assessors, justices of the peace, con-
stables, auditors, school directors, road commissioners, fence viewers^
pound keepers, ad finem and ad infinitum. In New England, all
town officers have short terms, very frequently one year.

In other states, the most important officers of the towns or town-
ships are supervisors. In New York the duties of the supervisor
correspond somewhat to those of the selectmen, and the supervi-
sor of each town is a member of the county board, which has the
general oversight of county affairs. In a Pennsylvania township the
chief duty of the two supervisors is the care of the roads. There
are also the usual officials — treasurer, assessors, auditors, constables,
tax collectors, justices of the peace, and school directors.

In states outside of New England townships and towns do not
have the town meeting or give it little to do except elect officers.
Often some important township officers have both legislative and
executive powers. These officers are usually elected for longer
terms than those of New England towns.

If you live in a town or township be sure to familiarize yourself
thoroughly with its officials and their duties. Does it seem sensi-
ble for Brookline, Massachusetts, with over 30,000 people, to re-
main a town? Why do you suppose it does so?

Making Our Government Efficient 509

250. Boroughs and Villageis. — Sometimes a certain
section of a town or a township becomes more thickly pop-
ulated than the other parts, or acquires community inter-
ests of its own. It may want a number of improvements
such as paved streets, street Ughting, better schools, or
something of the sort. Since it might cost too much to
make these improvements over the entire township, the
community is organized as a borough or an incorporated
village. The establishment of such a government must
usually have the approval of the majority of the voters or
property owners. A Pennsylvania borough becomes in-
dependent of the township of which it formerly was a part.
A New York village is established to meet certain needs,
but is still politically a part of the township.

Boroughs and villages usually elect a body known as a council
or a hoard of trustees, who are the legislators. The Pennsylvania
borough has an executive officer known as the chief burgess. The
New York village has a president. There are other officers similar
to those of the township. Boroughs may develop into cities, but a
great many of them choose to retain their borough organization
rather than to undertake the extra expense of city government.

If you live under a borough or village government, study it
thoroughly.

251. The Growth of American Cities. — Cities, even
big cities, are not new. They are as old as civilization.
We all know of Babylon, Nineveh, Rome. Cities have
had special problems as far back as we know them — plan-
ning, housing, government, wealth, and poverty. Now
more than half of the total population of our country is
found in urban communities. True, many of these are
only villages and offer no such problems as those of Chicago,
Cleveland, or New York. But the big cities are steadily
growing bigger and moderate-sized towns are becoming big.

Two tendencies are at work to bring about the gi'owth
of cities. One of them is specialization, which causes the
investment of great amounts of capital and the bringing

510 Problems of American Democracy

together of a large number of laborers into a place where
some industry can be carried on with some particular ad-
vantage. Foreigners especially show a tendency to stay
in cities because work is available. The other tendency is
concentration. By this term we do not mean any partic-
ular emphasis upon line of activity so much as the centrali-
zation at one point of all the financial interests connected

A Famous Western Center of Trade.

This is Denver, Colorado, the capital of the state, and the business center
for the Rocky Mountain district. In 1850 there was not a house here.

with some particular section. Trade centers are inevitable
in every distinct area within a nation.

We have already referred to the reasons why communities be-
come famous through specialization (§103). No city becomes a
first-rank community, however, which devotes itself solely to one
occupation. Not even Pittsburgh is an exception to this state-
ment, for while people outside of Pittsburgh know it mainly be-
cause of its reputation for steel, smokiness, and the 57 varieties of

Making Our Government Efficient 511

pickles and preserves, yet not over half of its total output is con-
nected with the things that make the city famous.

Seaports which are centers for large areas reaching inward and
upward inevitably become centers for the entire region which they
trade upon. Boston for New England, New York for its own state
and even for the whole country, Baltimore, Philadelphia, New Or-
leans, San Francisco, Seattle, and lake ports such as Buffalo and
Cleveland, are centers of trade for thousands of square miles of
territory which feed them. New Orleans, while it probably will
never be a city of enormous population, has for generations been
the center of commerce for the Mississippi Valley, especially the
southern portion of it.

Some cities just naturally grow up as the center of business for
a distinct geographical or industrial area. St. Louis for many years
was the center of the entire southwest of the United States. Re-
cently Atlanta has taken a promising place in the South Atlantic
states. Denver is the center for the Rocky Mountain district. Los
Angeles in the far southwest has added the attractions of a wonder-
ful climate to the inevitable need of that region for some city as a
business center. Minneapolis is favorably suited with reference to
great wheat fields, and had the water power on which its milHng
interests were first founded. Just as England has centered its
interests in London and France in Paris, so in this country New
York has become the capital of the nation in all respects except the
matter of government. Washington would never have existed if
it had not been deliberately picked out as the headquarters of the
nation's government.

Will the adoption of the 18th Amendment be likely to ruin Mil-
waukee? What is likely to be the effect of the Panama Canal on
any cities of the United States? Will Washington ever become a
great industrial city? "Find from the census list the names of any
other cities over 100,000 population whose growth you can ex-
plain. Did the railroad make your community possible? What
effect has it had upon the growth of your town ?

Sometimes it seems as if a city grows too fast for its own
good. With so many people working in such small space,
in order to live in walking distance of their work, they crowd
into tenements and shacks not fit for human habitation.
Then we have a slum district, with all its possibilities of
danger to health, morals, and prosperity. But suppose the
workers do get wages enough to pay car fare. Can we find

512 Problems of American Democracy

homes for them within a distance which can be covered in
the time they can afford to spend in travehng? North-
eastern New Jersey has been characterized as a great bed-
room for people whose business interests are in New York.
Every large city calls upon numerous suburban towns to
keep its workers when they are away from their places of
business.

The bigger a city is, the greater its dependence upon the
country outside its limits. Its food supphes must be raised
hundreds or thousands of miles away. Its milk is brought
in from long distances. If the railroad employees were to
go on a strike the city might experience fearful suffering.
And for these same food supplies the people must depend
upon men whose business profits come from dealing in the
things that keep men, women, and children alive. The
commission merchant and the wholesale grocer who buy
the food supplies for a large city have its life in their hands.
Yet dependence is not entirely one-sided. Manufacturing
for the country is done in the city, and many of the prod-
ucts of the farm are marketed or made ready for market
in the cities.

252. City Politics. — Politically cities are vitally im-
portant. Often they are progressive and take more kindly
than rural districts to new ideas. In national and state
elections they are the center of activity of political organi-
zations. The vote of Boston or of New York City often
favors a different party from that of the rest of the state,
but the size of the majority in those cities may determine
how the state as a whole will go.

One of the best known statements of Mr. Bryce, who
though an Englishman has been one of the fairest and most
observing witnesses of American life, is this: ''The gov-
ernment of American cities is the one conspicuous failure
of the United States." These cities have been cited again
and again as examples of what government ought not to be.

Making Our Government Efficient 513

Party machines are perhaps stronger in cities than any-
where else. The foreign-born voters can be easily swayed
by demagogues and sensational newspapers. Election
frauds and all kinds of political tricks have been endured
by the people for years.

Management of city affairs has been inefficient, to state
it mildly. Graft and extravagance are far from unknown.
Contracts for construction of public works have been
awarded to people who
had a " pull," regard-
less of their efficiency.
Such things have cost
the people of the cities
millions of dollars which
ought to have been spent
for some good purpose.

The granting and con-
trol of franchises has
been closely linked with
many city political scan-
dals. People wishing a
franchise have bribed
councilmen to vote for
it. Street railway and
light companies have
gone directly into local
politics and have worked for the election of mayors and
councilmen who would be friendly to them. In fact, if we
could take out of the history of cities the tale of their rela-
tion to gas and electric companies, street railway companies,
and the construction of streets and public buildings, we
should get rid of most of the dirty part of the story and most
of the big cases of dishonesty.

Many people throw up their hands in despair at the evils
of city government. Others are indifferent to it. And
still others find their opportunity in it. Many want to

CopyHyhl, Detroit ruUWdng Co.

City Hall, Philadelphia.

514 Problems of American Democracy

improve conditions, but ask " Can it be done? " Yes,
if good citizens regardless of party will get together and
stick together to elect good men to office, and to demand
the right service from officials. Only thus can even the
notorious evils be removed.

Has your city been afflicted with public utility scandals ? If so^
how did they turn out ? Are you doing better now ? What is the
relation of your government to your public utilities ?

253. Typical City Governments. — When cities were
first formed, they were usually given a mayor and a legis-
lative body composed of two parts, just because the state
had a governor and two houses in the legislature. The
two parts of the city legislature were known either as the
aldermen and the council or the select council and common
council. As time went on, however, the tendency was to-
reduce the membership of these bodies and to have one
council instead of two.

Today, a majority of the cities of the United States still have the
mayor and council system. This plan is based on the check and
balance idea that prevails in both the state and the national govern-
ment. The mayor may be elected for one, two, or four years, a&
may the council, according to the laws of the state. The mayor's-
principal duties are to enforce city ordinances, to act on ordinances
passed by the council, and to appoint officials.

Besides the mayor as chief executive official, large cities need a
great many other administrative officials. These are usually or-
ganized in departments. Under some name and some form the
following departments are to be found in practically all cities : a
department of Public Works, to take care of streets and highways,
sewers, water, and the like ; a department of Public Safety, under
which are the policemen and firemen; a department of Health,
whose name suggests its duties ; a department of Charities, and per-
haps a department of Supplies to buy the things the city needs.
There are also other officers such as the treasurer, controller, solici-
tor and the like. Many of the departments have numerous subor-
dinate bureaus and officials.

The judicial department of cities consists of magistrates, judges,.
or aldermen. They preside over cases involving city ordinances,

Making Our Government Ejfficient 515

and give hearings in cases of crimes against state law, deciding
whether or not the offender shall be held for trial. This branch of
the city government unfortunately has been looked upon as less
important than the others, and here a great many of the evils and

MAYOR— COUNQL

VOTERS OF PITTSBURGH

COUNTY
VOTEKS

Controller

Mayor

Impeach

Council

-Corifirni and Impeach

Highways
Sewers

Smoke
Regulation

Police

Water

Infectious
Diseases

Fire

Parks

Food
Inspection

Elec-
tricity

Recrea-
tion

Building
Inspection

A Mayor-and-Council City.

This is far less complex than the organization of many such city govern-
ments. Even at that, it is much different from the comparative simplicity
of organization of the types shown on pages 516 and 518.

abuses of city government may be seen. Too many cheap politicians
get into the local courts and by their incompetency and dishonesty
disgrace themselves and the city. Many, especially foreigners, get

516 Problems of American Democracy

scant justice here, while political friends of the magistrate do as
they please. And thus Bolshevists are made. The city magistrate
ought to be as fine a man as can be found in the city.

254. Making City Government Better. — The check and
balance system in city government has often been a farce.
Sometimes its only results have been to enable mayor and

COMMISSION

VOTERS OF DES MOINES

INITIATIVE

REFERENDUM

RECALL

Safety

Street
Clean-
ing

Cul-
verts

City Government under the Commission Form.

Making Our Government Efficient 517

council to " pass the buck " from one to the other when
things went wrong, and to cause deadlocks when they hon-
estly disagreed. But can we do otherwise? A popular
remedy today is to centralize power in the hands of fewer
people, who can be watched, and who cannot escape re-
sponsibility.

A form of city government which has now been adopted
in several hundreds of the cities of the country is the com-
mission system. The people elect a small commission of
perhaps five members. Each member is at the head of an
administrative department and collectively they enact the
city ordinances. They are directly responsible for every-
thing that is done. Having both legislative and executive
authority there can be no " passing the buck," though there
is still the possibility of disagreement among the members
of the commission.

Some cities go still further in this matter of centraliza-
tion. The people elect a council or commission which
chooses one man to be the city manager. He assumes entire
charge of the work of administration and is given as much
power as he needs to get the best results. A number of
cities have adopted this plan, including Cleveland, but Day-
ton is the most famous example, as it was the first large
city to try it.

The advantage of this plan is that it gives one man all
the administrative responsibility. The people know whom
to blame when things go wrong and who deserves the credit
when the city's business is well done. The Manager ap-
points a number of directors, who in turn have the neces-
sary bureaus and officials under their charge.

The centralization of the commission and commission
manager system promotes efficiency, economy, and honesty.
Few places which have adopted them wish to go back to the
old plan of divided authority. How well they will work in
very large cities can be told only when one of them tries it,
but one can hardly believe a city manager could make a

518 Problems of American Democracy

worse mess of administration than many of these cities have
suffered.

Is the experience of Galveston or Dayton a sufficient warrant
for New York to adopt their system of government? Would, in

CITY MANAGER

VOTERS OF DAYTON

INITIATIVE REFERENDUM RECALL

Board of
Education

Library
Board

Commission

5 members

Civil
Service
Board

Municipal
Court
3 Judges

City
Manager

Finance

Public
Service

Clerk of
CommisBion

Public
Welfare

I J>irec_tor__j !._Director_ i !._J>|rector_

Account-
ing

Treas-
ury

Pure has
-ing

Engi-
neering
Lighting

Streets

Water

Lands

Dog
Pound

Public
Safety

Director i

Legal
Aid

Recrea-
tion

Correc-
tion

Law

City Attorney

Play-

Grounds

WelghtB
Meaeures

Building
Inspec-
tion

Charities
Hospitals

City-Manager Government.
Compare this, for businesslike arrangement, with the diagram on page 279,
and with the plans of city government on pages 615 and 516.

Making Our Government Efficient 519

your opinion, the adoption of the commission or city manager
plan improve your local government ? Or if you have either, how
has it worked? Be thoroughly familiar with your own commu-
nity's plan of government. How far did your community have any
voice in deciding its form of government? What legal process is
necessary in setting up such a government as yours, and what
would be necessary to change it to some other form? Is it any
concern of your state legislature what form of government your
community has? What is the plan of classifying communities in
your state?

.-. The functions of local governments are far-reaching and
important, and the problems of administration, particularly in
cities, very difficult. The best solution for this situation appears
to be the centralization of responsibility under such conditions
that the people's interest in their own immediate affairs is kept
active. The form of government should be adjusted to meet the
needs of each community.

SPECIAL STUDIES

The Political Subdivisions of Our State.

The History of Our County.

The History of Our Town.

Resolved, that each county should have the right to adopt by
referendum vote its own form of local government.

The Government of our County.

Local Government in Our State in Divisions Smaller than Counties.

The Congressional Township.

The History of Our City.

The City of New York.

The Cities of Our State.

The Government of Our State.

The Government of Our City.

Commission Government in Galveston and Des Moines.

City Manager Government in Dayton.

Resolved, that every city with less than 500,000 people should
adopt the city manager form of government.

Resolved, that our city should adopt the commission (or city man-
ager) form of government.

Resolved, that a city should be allowed to determine for itself its
form of government.

The Ten Largest Cities of the United States.

520 Problems of American Democracy

REFERENCE READINGS

Bryce — ^American Commonwealth, Chapters 48-52, 88, 89.

Tufts — The Real Business of Living, Chapters 29, 30.

Reed — Form and Functions of American Government, Chapters

15-18, 39.
Munro — Government of the United States, Chapters 37-43.
James — Local Government in the United States.
Beard — American City Government, Chapters 1-4.
Magruder — American Government, Chapters 23, 24.
Beard — American Government and Politics, Chapters 27-29.
Hart — Actual Government, Chapters 10-12.
Lessons in Community and National Life, A-4, A-24, B-24, C-25.
Ellwood — Sociology and Modern Social Problems, Chapter 12.

XXIII. DISCOVERING THE PEOPLE'S WILL

We call our government a representative democracy, a " govern-
ment of the people, by the people, and for the people." But how
many of us do or should have a voice in determining the govern-
ment's policies? Through what agencies do we make our wishes
known? What are the methods provided by our Constitution and
laws to enable " the people " to express their wishes in regard to
the choice of oflB^ials or anything else ?

255. Who Are the People? — We are a democracy in
the sense that the people are sovereign — that is, supreme
power rests with them and nowhere else, to determine their
form of government and. the officials who shall rule them.
But *^ the people " who express this determination never
has meant all the people. Our national Constitution was
drawn up at a time when only a very few people could vote,
but its makers realized that the number of voters might
eventually be much greater. Some of them shuddered at
the possibility, but they thought that the " masses " could
not do a great deal of harm if the actual government was
done by representatives.

We can readily sympathize with the motives of those
who beheve that even in a democracy only those should
vote who know enough to vote intelligently; Yet how and
where shall we draw the line so that we may as far as pos-
sible be governed wisely, and at the same time not become
an aristocracy in fact? The contest over " equal suffrage "
between black and white and between men and women is
now history, as far as the Constitution of the United States
can make it so. Yet the national Constitution does not
specify any qualifications which a person must have in order
to vote. Amendments XV and XIX declare that the

521

522 Problems of American Democracy

vote must not be denied because of *' race, color, or pre-
vious condition of servitude," or sex ; but outside of these
limitations, the matter is left entirely to the states.^ For
this reason, the qualifications vary greatly.

One qualification is universal : every voter must be twenty-
one years of age. In most states he must be a United
States citizen, although in a few states a person may vote
if he has declared his intention of becoming a citizen.
There is usually a residence requirement for the state, the
county, or the voting district, and some states require the
payment of some sort of tax. Property ownership used to
be required, but nowhere now is it an essential qualifica-
tion for all voters. A few states require a person to be able
to read and write, or to understand either the state or the
national Constitution. In large cities personal registration
of voters is required in advance of elections, to prevent
" padding " the voting lists, "repeating," and other frauds,
which are less probable in small towns, where everybody
knows everybody else.

Do we have a real democracy if intelligent and law-abiding men
and women fail to do their duty by voting at every election on all
questions concerning public interest ? What are the qualifications
for voting in your state? What mental and moral qualities
are desirable in a voter which could not well be set down in
law ? Do women vote as their husbands do ? Should they ? High
school and college students would vote at least as intelligently as
older voters, and could even more easily be made acquainted with
the issues of a campaign. Why not let them vote? Will women's
voting make government better? If so, in what respects?

256. The People Speaking through Parties. — If you

wished to induce people to adopt a policy in which you be-
lieved, would you go about it by " buttonholing " every-

* A clause in the 14th Amendment threatens the reduction of represen-
tation in Congress from states that deny men the right to vote for any reason
except "participation in rebellion or other crime," but Congress has never
dared to apply the penalty.

Making Our Government Efficient 523

body whom you could see? Perhaps, but if you were sen-
sible you would try also to find others who have ideas like
yours and form an organization. This is the fundamental
principle upon which political parties are formed. A polit-
ical party is a group of people who hold similar political
opinions, and who organize to make their principles the
policy of the government. All the people who belong to a

wm*.mm

International.
Notifying Governor Cox.

This enormous crowd had assembled for the ceremonies attending the
notification of the Ohio governor of his nomination for the presidency.
Speeches delivered on such occasions are often expected to sound the "key-
note" for a campaign.

party do not have exactly the same ideas, but they have at
least some things in common. And when the party draws
up its platform — the statement of the principles it holds
and the policies for which it stands — the discussion of the
various topics helps others to discover what they really be-
lieve. Parties help to bring important issues before the
people, and to make them think on subjects that might

524 Problems of American Democracy

otherwise be ignored. When there is more than one party,
competition is stirred up, and competition in poHtical affairs
is usually helpful, if it is fair.

The makers of the Constitution had no idea that there
would be national political parties, but parties began soon
after Washington's administration got under way. In
practice most government is done through their agency.
Persons are selected as party candidates, and the average
voter, instead of voting his own first choice for a position,
selects one of two or more candidates presented by political
parties.

We seem to be devoted rather strongly to the idea of hav-
ing two big parties. Third-party movements do not seem
to be lasting unless the third party finally displaces one of
the others. If there were always one outstanding issue in
elections the two-party system would be inevitable. But
this is not the case, and frequently the party system forces
combinations of voters together which are hard to satisfy
after the election is over. Both the two so-called great
parties of today are therefore in a state of aggregation
rather than consolidation. A new big problem might split
them both. The Socialist party is waiting in the back-
ground to be the beneficiary of any such break-up of the
present great party organizations.

To what extent do you think Abraham Lincoln would recognize
the present-day Republican party or Thomas Jefferson the present-
day Democratic party if they were alive? Would a man who voted
for Lincoln in 1860 be likely to vote the Repubhcan ticket today?
Why ? Do you see any advantage in the two-party system as com-
pared with the French and German custom of having several par-
ties? Is a Woman's party desirable?

257. How Parties Ought to Be Used. — Some issues
which cause parties to be formed are not settled finally by
one election or by several elections. Parties, therefore,
to work most effectively must have a very thorough and
complete organization. Each important party has a na-

Making Our Government Efficient 525

tional committee, composed of one person from each state.
It has also state committees, county committees, city and
township committees, and even committees in wards and
precincts. These committees look after the interests of
the party in their particular districts. They try to arouse
enthusiasm, to get friendly voters out on election day, and
to win doubtful voters to their party. The members of
permanent committees are usually chosen in the same way
that candidates are nominated for office.

Investigate the method of organization of your local political par-
ties. Are their committee men people of prominence, intelligence,
or leadership in the community ? Are they holders of public offices ?

A party platform is supposed to be a statement of what
the party believes. Often, however, it is drawn up not to
express the sincere opinion of the party — perhaps it has
none — but to get votes. A few people draw it up and
frequently the party convention meekly adopts it without
question, though occasionally there may be a real fight over
some one '' plank."

Are there any instances in which the victorious party in the last
campaign did not keep its platform promises ? Did its platform do
anything more than attack the other party? To what extent is a
candidate who accepts a party nomination bound to support the
platform? Must he support everything that is in it? Why are
some law-makers and executives referred to as " rubber stamps "?
Why would any official act that way? What is a farm '* bloc "?
a labor " bloc "? Is it desirable that members of a law-making
body should represent some particular economic interest? What
is a statesman? Do statesmen do any good?

In no countries having popular government have the
voters yet invented any other way of carrying on the busi-
ness of electing officials and deciding issues than through
political parties. Yet it does not follow that when a person
connects himself by his vote or published statement with
some political party he binds himself forever to vote that
ticket nor to advocate anything or everything that may

5'^6 Problems of American Democracy

appear in the platform of that party. It is because voters
are so much inchned to vote by habit that party bosses and
party machines are able to make themselves undesirable
factors in our political life. If every political organization
knew that it could not hold its forces together except by
selecting the strongest candidates . who could be obtained
and by pursuing a policy of sincerity and straightforward-
ness in regard to public questions it would be of much
greater service than most of them are.

One other difficulty in good government is that voters
are not sufficiently wilUng to " split the ticket " — that is,
to vote for some candidates of one party and some of an-
other. There is no merit in voting a split ticket just for
the sake of showing your independence; but if we are to
have good government, voters should not hesitate to ignore
an unworthy man on the ticket of the party which they
commonly support and vote for his rival on the other ticket.

Parties can be of the greatest service only when they are
the agents of the people. They do not exist for the pur-
pose of telling the voters what to do. Their excuse for ex-
istence is that through them the voter may express his own
opinion more effectively than if he did not associate him-
self with other voters in such an expression. It is only when
a voter uses the party and not when he takes orders from
it that the party is serving either the individual or our polit-
ical system.

If in a campaign the two parties which usually have the largest
number of votes each had nominated an unfit candidate for an office,
what would be the duty of the voter who believed in good govern-
ment? If you are dissatisfied with the party whose ticket you have
been voting, would it be your duty to try to reform the party, to vote
the opposition ticket, or to start a new party ? Would your duty al-
ways be the same? Under what circumstances is it desirable that
new parties should be organized ? What is meant by a ' 'protest vote ' '
and by " throwing away your vote " ? Is either wise or justifiable?
If so, when? Can you make an estimate of the number of people
of your acquaintance who vote as they do by reason of traditional

Making Our Government Efficient 527

attachment to a party name, by reason of personal advantage to be
gained, and by reason of their honest opinion on issues involved in
the particular election ? Is it good to have opposition parties even
when the party in power is doing its best ? Under such circumstances
what honorable reasons might exist for supporting the opposite
party ?

The use of national party names in state and local poli-
tics sometimes makes people take sides in a way that is con-
trary to the interest of the state or the local community.
It is particularly responsible for the extent to which party
bosses and machines maintain themselves in power in some
of the states. We cannot tell much about a man's fitness
to be mayor of Philadelphia by discovering his views about
the ownership of the Philippines ; and even a man's views
on the tariff cannot show whether he knows how to govern
a state, since he cannot possibly get any revenue for the
state by means of the tax on imported goods.

In a number of states provisions have been made for
electing officers of local governments without the use of
party names. Perhaps officers chosen in such a manner
have not always exhibited any very noticeable improve-
ment over those chosen by party nominations, but at least
they have been voted for on local, not national, issues. If
voters were sufficiently independent to switch from one
party to another with freedom it would not make very much
difference whether we used party names or not. But the
cause of good local government would undoubtedly be pro-
moted if voters could be aided to forget their national poli-
tics temporarily by not seeing national party names on
local tickets.

If there were no party organization to advertise its candidates,
by what means would candidates make themselves known to the
voters? Is it true, as party organizations have often urged, that
the poor man has a better chance of election through party organi-
zation than as an independent ? Are leaders necessary in politics ?
When does a leader become a boss? Could a man regularly vote
the ticket of one party at national elections and the ticket of another

528 Problems of American Democracy

party in local elections, and be sincere in both cases? Should
school directors be chosen on party tickets ? If a man says " I am a
Republican" or " I am a Democrat," as an explanation for his vote,
what may it signify in regard to his mental processes or his atti-
tude toward good government ?

258. Methods of Selecting Candidates. — But how are

candidates picked out? The old method of nomination
for office, still used to some extent, was through the caucus
or convention. By a caucus we mean a meeting of the
members of a party in a certain neighborhood, whether a
precinct, a township, a state legislature, or Congress. A
convention is made up of people elected by caucuses or by
some other means to meet for some definite purpose. Nom-
inations in a convention are made by a vote of the majoritj^
or whatever other percentage of members the party rules
require. National candidates are still chosen in this way,
as no satisfactory substitute for it has been invented. The
direct primary has not worked well for presidential candidates.

There are very serious objections to the caucus and con-
vention system of nominations. At best, they are made up
of only a few people, who may not represent the will of the
party. There is plenty of opportunity for pohtical trickery
and for the underhand work of bosses and party leaders.
In states and smaller political units '* snap '^ caucuses have
sometimes been called on very short notice, or else held so
far in advance of the time of the election that the party as
a whole could not realize what was to be done. Dissatis-
faction with this system has led to a reform in most of the
states.

This attempted reform is the direct primary. The con-
vention system is based on the supposition that the voters
can choose delegates who will do better than the voters in
determining who should be candidates for office. The di-
rect primary assumes that the voters are able to decide what
candidates they want for their respective parties, and puts
the matter directly up to them.

Making Our Government Efficient 529

Primary elections are usually held some weeks or months
before the regular elections. A person who wishes to be a
candidate for a party must present to the officers who pre-
pare the ballots a petition signed by a certain number of
voters. Separate ballots are provided for each party, on
which are the names of all the people who wish to be nomi-
nated by the party. Each voter who has enrolled as a
member of some party is given a ballot of that party, and
he marks the names of those whom he wants as candidates
for the various offices. If he wants to vote for some one
whose name is not printed on the ballot, he may write or
paste it in a space that is provided for that purpose.

It was hoped that the direct primary would get rid of the
poUtical bosses and machines and produce a much higher
order of candidates; but unfortunately it has not done all
the good that was hoped, for people do not take as much
interest in primaries as they should. Political bosses have
found ways to control the primaries, and many voters sim-
ply vote for the candidates whom they know the bosses
prefer. But after all the direct primary puts the nomina-
tion of candidates fully in the people's hands. If the peo-
ple have bad government now, it is their own fault, for the
rank and file of each party can, if they wish, nominate the
party candidates.

Why do you suppose people take so little interest, relatively, in
primary elections? Are we warranted in discarding a scheme or
plan just because it does not do as much good as we expected ?

259. The Choice of a President. — The selection of our
chief magistrate is a matter of such importance that we ought
to understand it thoroughly. No part of our Constitution
has worked so differently from the intention of its makers as
its provisions on this point. Since they did not trust the peo-
ple at large to select the right person, they provided that
the state legislatures should arrange for the selection of a
certain number of men for each state and that these men

530 Problems of American Democracy

should pick out the President and the Vice President.
Now, in practice, what happens? Each voter may vote
for a list of presidential electors, as they are called, for his
state ; but he does not care who they are, for he knows in
advance that these electors will consider themselves mor-

T 0^

A Presidential Nominating Convention.

At this convention, held at Cleveland, June, 1924, President Coolidge
was nominated.

ally pledged to vote for particular persons already named
by a party for President and for Vice President.

(1) Nomination. — In June or July of every leap year each na-
tional party holds in some large city — more often Chicago than
any other place — a convention made up of delegates from every
state and territory. These delegates, sometimes after prolonged
and wearisome balloting, settle upon men who will stand as the can-
didates of the party for President and for Vice President. The
Democratic rule insists that two-thirds of the delegates of the con-
vention must vote for a candidate before he can be the party nomi-
nee, but in other parties a majority is sufficient.

(2) Choice of Electors. — After several months of campaigning,

Making Our Government Efficient 531

the voters of each state, on the Tuesday after the first Monday in
November of the same year, mark their ballots for the presidential
electors whose names have been put on the ballot in accordance
with the laws of that state. Each party which nominates a can-
didate for the presidency puts up a list of electors equal to the whole
number to which the state is entitled. Then the individual voter
can vote for the entire list proposed by the party whose presiden-
tial candidate he prefers. This method gives the large states an
advantage, for each state chooses as many presidential electors as
it has senators and representatives in Congress, and unless some
voters in a close state have been foolish or careless in marking their
ballots, the entire list of electors of one party in any one state will
get more votes than any electors of other parties. New York's
45 votes, for instance, will in all probability go to one man.

For all practical purposes the process of electing the President
might stop right here, unless the electoral votes have been divided
among more than two parties in such a way that no candidate re-
ceives a majority, but there are several steps required by the Con-
stitution which must still be taken. Once some of them really
meant something, but now they are mere formalities.

(3) Voting by the Electors. — On the second Monday of January
of the next year, the electors meet in the state capital and go through
the form of casting their ballots for the persons that the country has
known for months they were going to vote for. Then three reports-
of their votes are made out, one of which is turned over to the
United States District Judge in whose district the state capital is
situated, and the other two sent to the president of the Senate at
Washington by different methods.

(4) Counting the Electoral Votes. — On the second Wednesday of
February the two houses of Congress meet and listen to the read-
ing of the returns from the various states. If one candidate has
received a majority of the electoral votes for President or Vice
President he is declared elected, and then curiously enough, after
going through all this formality, nobody has any ofl&cial authority
to inform the successful candidate. He is expected to show up on
the 4th of March at the proper time to be inaugurated.

In the rare case when the majority of the electoral votes is not
given to any one candidate something further has to be done. If
no presidential candidate has a majority of electoral votes, the
House of Representatives, each state casting one vote, must make
the choice from the three highest candidates. If no one has a ma-
jority for Vice President, the Senate, its members voting individ-
ually, selects one of the two highest.

532 Problems of American Democracy

When has the House or the Senate elected a President or a Vice
President ? What reason would explain the adoption of the three
constitutional qualifications for the President? Should the Vice
President be any less capable a man than the President ? In case
the candidate of the successful party in the presidential election
should die before the electors had met, what do you think the
electors would do? in case a similar misfortune should occur
after the electors met, but before March 4? in case the suc-
cessful candidates for both President and Vice President should
die between the second Monday of January and the 4th of
March? Why is no cabinet member below the Secretary of
State ever likely to become President? Why do we continue the
antiquated formality in electing the President which has long ceased
to have any political use? Would you care to be a presidential
elector? Is there any reason why the President should not be
chosen by nation-wide direct popular vote? If it seems desirable
to preserve the present general plan of election, could it be done
without the formality of having presidential electors?

260. Methods of Casting the Vote. — In England and
in the American colonies voting was once done by word of
mouth. Every one knew how people voted, and there was
plenty of opportunity for bribery. After political parties
became active, printed ballots came into use, each party
printing its own. But as long as parties furnished the bal-
lots, secret voting was difficult and dishonest voting easy.

Now almost everywhere in this country we use the so-
called Australian ballot. It has three distinguishing fea-
tures: (1) The names of the candidates of all parties are
printed on the same ballot. (2) The marking is done in a
private booth, a plan which discourages bribery, because
there is no proof that a person votes the way he has been
paid to vote. (3) The ballots are supplied by the state or
county. Therefore no person can get any extra ones, and
ballot box stuffing cannot take place, if the election board
is honest. In several places, especially in New York State,
voting machines are used which automatically record and
count the votes. This saves the election board a good deal
of work.

Making Our Government Efficient 533

On what basis do newspapers often announce results early in
the evening after an election? Do you know of any elections
when the result was in doubt for several days ?

From the various voting precincts the election officers
send in their reports of the vote to some official, commonly
an officer of the county. If the election affects state officers
or Congressmen, reports are sent in from each county to a
state official. By this official the votes are tabulated and
certificates of election sent out to the persons who have been
elected to office. If there are disputes over the honesty or
correctness of the count in a district the defeated candidate
sometimes asks a recount, and if he can show a judge suffi-
cient reason for having the ballots counted over again, the
judge will issue an order to that effect.

** Padding " the voting lists with the names of dead men,
dogs, and wholly imaginary people, " repeating," that is,
casting more than one vote, *' colonizing," that is, bringing
men into a district to vote who do not belong there, and
other evils, have at times been frequent, especially in large
cities. The penalty for this kind of thing is heavy, but it is
sometimes hard to get a jury to convict anybody. Jurymen
fear the wrath of the " boss " if they say " guilty." Yet
these offenses are not nearly as common as they used to be.

Upon the election board depends to a great extent the
honesty of an election, for if the board is dishonest,
no scheme of voting will work. If the board does not hand
in true returns of the votes cast, the election is not repre-
sentative, for the will of the voters is not carried out. Peo-
ple do not pay enough attention to the make-up of their
election boards. Sometimes, too, the pay provided is
so small that nobody wants to serve on the board except
people who cannot be trusted.

Is it a citizen's duty to serve on an election board when he is
asked, even if it means sacrificing much of a day's pay? Should
the person who takes a bribe be punished as severely as the one
who gives it ?

534 Problems of American Democracy

261. Ballots. — Such a simple matter as the arrange-
ment of the names on the ballot may determine whether
independent voting is encouraged or discouraged, and
whether marking the ballot will take brains or be a mere
mechanical making of a cross. In some states the candi-
dates of one party are all grouped in one column, and a per-
son can vote for them all by putting a cross in a square or
circle at the top of the column. Some have a separate
** party square '' in which the voter may place one cross
that counts for all that party's candidates.

The Massachusetts ballot puts all the candidates for an
office together in alphabetical order. The party names are
placed beside the names of the candidates, but no voter can
vote a straight party ticket without marking each name
separately. Sometimes instead of placing the names in
alphabetical order, lots are drawn for first place. This
takes away the advantage which a candidate has under the
alphabetical arrangement if his name begins with A or B.
Sometimes, too, the first place goes to the party which won
the last election. Having some such fixed order prevents
the purchasing of first place.

Does your state seem to care whether its voters vote independ-
ently or not? Be familiar with the form of ballots used. Does
it seem to be satisfactory ? How is the order of places determined ?

A reform proposal about which we have heard much is
the short ballot. The term does not refer so much to the
size of the ballot as to the principle involved, though the
blanket sized ballots used in some states make us question
whether any one can vote them intelligently. The short
ballot has been adopted to some extent in a number of the
states, especially for local elections.

The idea is to have only a few officers elected by the peo-
ple, and have them appoint their subordinates. It is argued
that when the people have only a few candidates to vote
for, they can find out something about them and vote in-
telligently and wisely. The supposition is that if a few

Making Our Government Efficient 535

A New York Ballot.

In Pennsylvania the candidates* names are similarly arranged, but there
is a row of "party squares" at the left of the ballot, where a voter may make
one cross which will count for all the candidates of one party. In Massa-
chusetts the candidates' names are arranged in alphabetical order with refer-
ence to each office. New York formerly had all the candidates of one party
arranged in one column, as many of the states do still. By making one cross
at the top of the column you could vote for all the candidates of one party.
New York also used to have a picture at the head of each column to help
the ignorant voter locate his party. It still retains the picture, though it
has abolished the party column.

536 Problems of American Democracy

officials are well chosen their subordinates will be well ap-
pointed. The fact that progressive communities are, as a
rule, the ones in which the plan is most popular is one point
in its favor.

Are there any other devices, such as the recall (§ 264), needed to
make the short ballot safe?

The marking of ballots often is done carelessly, with the
result that the election officers sometimes throw out ballots.
If the election is close, it may be that the result will be de-
termined by the acceptance or rejection of ballots whose
markings are in dispute. Every voter ought to be particu-
larly careful to see that no election officer shall have any
excuse for misunderstanding what he means.

Consult election officers whom you know with reference to the
common kinds of mistakes made in marking ballots in your state.
Are you sure you could mark a ballot correctly yourself ? Remem-
ber that if you are a good citizen you will sometimes want to vote
otherwise than a straight party ticket.

262. Representing Everybody. — Our nation and states
are built upon the theory that the people shall choose men
to be their agents in the government, and the will of the
majority shall stand. If the representatives do not act
satisfactorily as agents of the people, and do not carry on
the people's wishes in the government, the voters can re-
place them with others at the next election. Thus we shall
have a " government of the people, by the people, and for
the people."

But this is the case only when the will of the people is
honestly determined and fairly expressed. The people may
pick good men or bad men, they may choose the right side
or the wrong side of the question at issue, but if there is " a
free ballot and a fair count " we must not deny that the
election represents the people's will. We are often not
sure, however, whether the will of the majority prevails,
because if several parties nominate candidates each of them

Making Our Government Efficient 537

may have less than a majority of all the votes. And some-
times the party system is so strong that it seems as if we

rtf^mrr"

riFrriAV r«fT"»- 'v»^

INSTRUCTIONS:

To vote for any person mark a cross (X) in a square to the right of the name

Vote first choice for Mayor and two ( 2) Co
Vote second choice for Mayor.
Vote third choice for Mayor.
Vote your first choices in the first coliunn.
Vote your second choices in the second column.
Vote your third choices in the third column.
D9 not vote more than one choice for any one candidate.
If ^any voter shall vote more than one choice for any one candidate the vote
highest in grade shall be counted and others rejected.

MAYOR— One to be elected.

NAMES or CJUroiDATES

c^'ir„

Second

ThUd

CboiM

»6— SAK£K, GEO. I.— "V/iU roniinue to meet all issues fear-
lessly and impartially for Portlana«
progress."

97— GORDON, HEEBEET— ' ' A business man-for SUyor. ' '

.S«— WCHA.ROS. NOKMAN S.—" Immediate reduction car iva; electric
light and telephone rates. Municipal
owoership "

esto."

C0MMI8SI0NEB&-TWO to be olected.

aoo-MAinr, ttohn

'For reelection. More industries —
more payrolls — a common sense, busi-
ness administration."

101— BABBXIB, A. I..—

'Greater Portland; greater industries;
lower prices for street and, sewer im-
provements."

lOa-PEBKINS, T.

:i(»-ZIK>LES, 3. B.-

*ProgTeseive development for public
'•maiW. Resist bonds, taxes for waste-
profiteering oligarchs."

A Preferential Ballot.

have a government of the people, by a party, and for a polit-
ical boss or machine.

538 Problems of American Democracy

Suppose in a city election 18,000 votes are cast in all, for four can-
didates for mayor. A gets 6,000, B, 5,000,' C, 4,000, D, 3,000. Ac-
cording to the usual custom A would be elected although he received
only one-third of the total votes. But is A really the choice of the
people? Perhaps none of the supporters of B, C, or D have any
liking for A at all, but he has been elected because they divided
their vote among three candidates. Is there any remedy for this?
Some would say, let the supporters of the three candidates get to-
gether on one candidate. But that is more easily said than done.

The remedy might be the plan known as 'preferential voting. By
this plan a voter designates not only his first choice, but also his
second and often his third choice for an office. Then, if no one has
a majority of first-choice votes, the candidate who has a majority of
both the first- and second-, and sometimes the third-choice votes
will win, instead of the one having merely the largest number of first-
choice votes. Sometimes the second- and third-choice votes count
only half. By means of the preferential ballot, the person who is
elected is at least fairly satisfactory to a majority of the voters.
This method has worked satisfactorily in several Ohio cities and
elsewhere.

Are elections really representative unless the minority party or
parties have a chance of electing somebody to something? Sup-
pose that every county in a state gave a Republican plurality in
an election, and the total vote in the state was 180,000 Republi-
can, 110,000 Democratic, and 10,000 of other parties. Under any
common system of electing members of the legislature the Republi-
cans would elect nearly if not quite all of them. Then the forty
per cent of the voters who did not vote the Republican ticket would
have no voice whatever in the government. Is this quite fair?

To meet such a situation some would recommend a form of pro-
portional representation. Various plans for working this out have
been suggested. One such plan would have the representatives so
arranged as to have three chosen from a district and then give a
voter the right to cast three votes, with the right to lump all three
for one candidate or to divide them otherwise as he pleased. In
all probability the minority would do some such " lumping " and
this would result in the election of some Democrats, so that the
forty per cent of the voters who now elect nobody would have
some representation.

Does this plan seem fairer than the usual method ? In the imag-
inary state referred to above, would the Republican party organi-
zation be likely to favor proportional representation? would the
Democratic organization ? the independent voters ?

BEFEBBED TO THE PEOPLE BT THE LEOISI^TIVE ASSEMBLY

8ubmitt«d by the Legialature— COMPULSORY A'OTING AND REOI8-
TBATION AMENDMENT— Purpose: To amend Section 2 of Article
n. of the constitvition of the State of Oregon so that provisions ma>-
ba made by law to require compulsory votioc, to require registratioii
in their respective election precincts by ail persons who are eutillea
to vote, to permit such pcrdons to cast their ballots by mail or other-
wise, when nocoseary by reason of illness, or in case of absence from
tbA voting precinct during the entire day of eldztion, or service in
the army, navy or marine of the United States. Vote YES or NO

300 Tm.

Submitted -by' the Legislature— CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT
BEGULATING LEGISLATIVE SESSIONS AND TUE PAYMENT
OF LEGISLATORS— Purpose: To amend Section 29 of ArtieW IV
of the Constitution of the Stater of Oregon to limit regular legislative
sessions to sixty working days' and extra sessions to twenty days, to
regulate the introdiietion of bills after the fortieth day of the ses-
sion, and to provide that each legislator shall receive not more than
three hundred dollars for services, or when convened in extra session
by the governor not more than five dollars per day, also mileage at
the rate of three dollars for every twenty miles traveled to and from
the place of meeting by the most usual route. Vote YES or NQ

302

Yes.

BEFEBENDUM OBDEBED BY PETITION OF THE PEOPLE

Referred by Associated Industries of Oregon, offices 607 Oregon Build-
ing, Portland, Oregon: H. C. Huntington, President; H. J. Frank,
First Vice-President; C. J. Ball, Second Vice-President; R. B. Bain,
Jr., Secretary; all of Portland.— OLEOMARGARINE BILL— Purpose:
To regulate and license the manufacture and sale of oleomargarine,
nut margarine, butterine, r«?noviitcd butter, process butter or any
butter substitute, and to provide license fees to be paid by manu-
facturers, wholesale dealers and proprietors of hotels, restaurants,
dining rooms and boarding houses; to prevent and punish fraud and
deception in such manufacture -and sale as an imitation of butter,
and to prescribe penalties and punishment for violations of this act
and means and methods of procedure for itff enforcement.

Vote YES or NO

304

Yes..

306

No.

PBOPOSED BY INITIATIVE PETITION

Initiated by the Oregon Single Tax League: Harrv A. Rice, President,
1640 Front Street, Portland, Oregon; Mrs. Christina H. Mock, Sec-
retary, 151 Seventeenth Street, Portland, Oregon. — SINGLE TA'X
CONSTITUTIONAL AMENDMENT— Purpose: To assess all taxes
neccsiiary for the maintenance of state, county, municipal and dis-
trict government, upon the value of land itself irrespective of the
improvements in or on it and to exempt all other property aad rights
»S4 privile^'us from taxation, from July 1, 1921, to Julj 1, 1925, and
thereafter to take the full rental value of the land, irrespective of'
improvements, as taxes, and no other taxes of any kind to be levied^
by amending Section 1 of- Article IX of the Oregon Coiistitution.

Vote YES or NO

The Referendum at Work in Oregon.
Notice the different ways by which these measures were put on the ballot.
On this particular ballot the voters were asked to express an opinion on each
of thirteen such propositions, and in the city of Portland several charter
amendments were also voted upon. Among what kind of people would it
be safe to call for such extensive expressions of popular opinion ?

539

540 Problems of American Democracy

263. The Initiative and Referendum. — When the services
of representatives are persistently unsatisfactory, there are
two methods of remedy. The people can elect different
officers, or they can take away their powers. Dissatisfaction
with state legislatures and city councils, and a belief that
the people have a right to express an opinion on many
matters, have been responsible for the introduction of the
initiative and the referendum — examples of direct legislation.

The initiative is a plan by which citizens may draw up
a law and by filing with a state or local officer a petition
signed by a certain percentage of the voters may cause it to
be submitted to popular vote at a regular or special election.
The referendum is the submitting of a measure to the vote
of the people before it goes into effect. In many cases a
certain percentage of the voters may, by signing and filing
a petition, force an act of the legislature to be submitted
to the voters.

The two often go hand in hand, although some states
have the referendum without the initiative. In some places
referendum votes are taken on amendments to the state
constitution or on large bond issues, but not on any other
measures. The initiative without the referendum can do
nothing but suggest laws to the legislature, and show the
law-makers how public opinion stands. The referendum
would undoubtedly be very helpful under certain circum-
stances in enabling the people to register their will on par-
ticular matters. Who knows, for instance, just what the
American people in 1920 wanted done with the Versailles
treaty and the League of Nations? Some of the treaty's
leading advocates as well as its bitterest opponents voted
for Mr. Harding. The personality of a candidate, too,
often influences votes to such an extent that the policies
which he represents are overlooked.

The privilege of the initiative may be abused if too small
a percentage of the people are able to use it, for then a small
minority may constantly bother the people by forcing votes

Making Our Government Efficient 541

on matters that are unimportant or not understood. Some-
times the people do not take enough interest when measures
are submitted to them for their opinion, and they vote
" no " on general principles. These forms of direct legis-
lation have been used very extensively in the West, which
is always ready to try something new, and they are making
headway elsewhere.

If the initiative and referendum are to be most useful, what safe-
guards must accompany them? Of what use are legislatures if
laws can be passed by the initiative and referendum ?

264. The Recall. — Those who believe in making our
government as nearly a pure democracy as possible have
another proposal — the recall. The principle of it is that
officers are simply agents of the people and can be removed
if they do not please the people. When a certain number
of voters are dissatisfied with the actions of an official, they
can draw up a petition against him and compel a new elec-
tion. Usually when a vote is taken on such a matter, the
people may vote for new candidates. If there is a majority
against the person who is in office, the new candidate who
receives the largest number of votes takes the office.

The recall is a form of impeachment, but it is conducted
by the people themselves. The danger is that in a fit of
resentment or misunderstanding the people may reject an
officer merely because in performing his sworn duty he has
had to do something unpopular with a certain element.
It should not be possible to force recall elections on slight
pretexts. Some people who do not object to the recall in
connection with legislative or executive officers feel that
judges ought to be exempt from the use of it.

Is the recall suitable for use on a national scale? Should judges
be subject to recall?

265. The Citizen's Attitude toward Government. — We
often find fault with the members of our law-making bodies
and with our executive officers. But has not even a political

542 Problems of American Democracy

boss the right to assume that the people want his opinion
to prevail in the direction of public affairs, if they elect him
or his tools to office? If his constituents wish him to do
otherwise, they must let him know convincingly what thei/
think. Sometimes, it is true, we are deceived by fine
promises which are never carried out. But we can usually
get '' as good government as we really want or as bad as
we will allow."

Is it a representative's duty to vote as his conscience and judg-
ment dictate or as he knows the majority of his constituents would
like to have him vote? If you were a representative in the legis-
lature and a bill came up making prize-fighting legal, what would
you do about it? Why? If a delegation of clergymen came to
ask you to oppose it, how would you receive them?

Your attitude toward a law helps to decide what the com-
munity's attitude is to be. A few standard principles in
this connection are important. "All laws are equally bind-
ing, if they do not conflict with higher laws." You are
under just as much obligation to obey the laws of your town
or state as those of the nation. *' The law is no respecter of
persons." Whether rich or poor, you have no right to claim
exemption from a law which you expect some one else to
obey. " Ignorance of the law excuses no one." A judge
will probably be lenient with you once for failure to obey a
law of whose existence you were unaware, but if you have
any reason to suspect that you may be in danger of breaking
a law, the responsibility rests with you to make sure you
are right.

'' A law remains in force until it is repealed." That you
do not like it or that somebody else is disobeying it is not
sufficient reason for you to ignore it. We talk much about
our rights, but sometimes forget that rights bring duties
with them. It has been said that right is the personal side
of duty, and duty is the social side of right. Laws are made
for the general good, and each man's duty is to respect his
neighbor's rights.

Making Our Government Efficient 543

Majorities sometimes ignore the rights of minorities.
The fact that the number of your fellow-citizens who agree
with you may be greater than the number who disagree
with you does not by any means deny your opponents the
right of free speech, freedom of religion, freedom of assembly,
and all the other '^ freedoms " that belong to any citizens
who exercise them in a reasonable manner. Might does not
make right, and majorities are not always right. In-
trenched evil could never be overthrown if the minority's
views were to be suppressed.

A citizen may personally dislike a public official, but that
does not excuse him from respecting the latter's lawful posi-
tion. He may try to prevent the official's reelection, but
he has no right to undermine his authority or to counsel
disobedience. For the time being, the official represents
the whole people. The services which the people do for
one another through their government are so vital and valu-
able that we owe thorough respect to those who, in a lawful
manner, are at any particular time performing those serv-
ices for us.

Is there any real danger of conflict between one's conscience and
the law? To what extent did the " conscientious objectors " have
a right to carry their " objection " during the war? • Is it wrong
for a person by peaceful means to urge the adoption of communism?
What cases, if any, do you know of in which a citizen was denied
his rights because he disagreed with the personal opinions of people
in authority? Do people ever become so enthusiastic in religion
that they take no interest in public affairs ? Who or what is wrong
in such a case? Is rotten politics a sufficient reason for a good
citizen's staying out of politics? Why are politics rotten, if they
are? What per cent of the people of your community and state
actually do vote? Does your state have a boss or a machine?
If so, why? Would you think differently if you belonged to a dif-
ferent party?

.-. Since the will of the people is usually expressed through
parties, these should be made agencies to voice the people's
desires and not to control them. Our election machinery should
offer every encouragement for free, independent, intelligent voting.

544 Problems of American Democracy

Every citizen should not only have the opportunity to make known
his wishes on public questions, but should qualify himself to do so
thoughtfully and courageously, with due respect to those in author-
ity and to the opinions of those who disagree with him.

SPECIAL STUDIES

Party Divisions in Washington's Time.

The Local Organization of Political Parties.

The Tammany Society as a Factor in New York Politics.

Resolved, that no party name should appear on the ballot in cam-
paigns for local or state offices.

The Duties of a Young Voter in Connection with Political Parties.

The Management of National Parties.

The Last Presidential Campaign.

The Presidential Nominating Convention.

The Primary Laws of Our State.

Qualifications for Voters in Our State.

The History of Woman Suffrage.

The Short Ballot, in Theory and Practice.

Plans for Proportional Representation.

Forms of Ballots.

The Initiative and Referendum in Operation.

The Work of the Recall.

The Election Laws of Our State.

Resolved, that the President should be chosen by direct popular
vote.

Resolved, that a system of direct primaries should be devised for
the nomination of presidential candidates.

The Registration of Voters.

Resolved, that every state should so arrange its election laws as to
require the selection of some important officials every year.

Bribery and its Prevention.

Corrupt Practices in Controlling Legislation.

REFERENCE READINGS

Bryce — American Commonwealth, Chapters 39, 46, 53-75.

Reed — Form and Functions of American Government, Chapters 5-

8, 19.
Magruder — American Government, Chapters 17, 25, 26.
Young — New American Government, Chapters 26, 29.
Ray — Introduction to Political Parties.

Making Our Government Efficient 545

Munro — Government of the United States, Chapters 22, 23, 33,

35.
Beard — American Government and Politics, Chapters 6, 7, 9, 23, 30.
Leacock — Elements of Political Science, Part II, Chapter 8.
Hart — Actual Government, Chapters 4, 5.
Tufts — The Real Business of Living, Chapters 37, 38.
Lowell — Public Opinion and Popular Government, Part II, Part

III, Chapter 9, Part IV, Chapters 11, 12, 15.
Bryce — Modern Democracies, Chapters 40, 65, 70.

XXIV. MANAGING PUBLIC FINANCES WISELY

Public work is not done as charity. Supplies and materials of
all kinds are expensive to the government as well as to private citi-
zens. From what source does the government obtain the revenue
to carry on this work? How is its business planned? What forms
of taxes are most desirable and how should they be collected?

266. Why Governments Spend Money. — The govern-
ment, like individuals, spends money, because there are
certain things which it must do and certain other things
which it desires to do. We have mentioned the three types
of service which the governments perform — protective,
industrial, and social. For the first purpose the national
government spends most ; the second item rests to some
extent upon the national, state, and local governments
alike; the third is, to a greater degree, a matter of state
and local concern. It is said that 93 per cent of the appro-
priations made by Congress are for purposes related to war
or arising out of past wars.

From the printed reports of your state and local officers find the
various causes of expense, and classify them under the three gen-
eral heads that have been mentioned.

We might suppose that the forty-eight states put together
would spend a great deal of money. Perhaps, therefore, we
shall be surprised to learn that they spend very much less
than either the national government or the local govern-
ments. The number of matters which the state regulates,
as we have seen, is very extensive ; but since the active
work of government is largely done through county, city,
and township authorities, the actual collection and expendi-
ture of money is done to a great degree by them. Not more
than one-fourth as much money is spent by the states as
by the divisions of the states. The objects for which local

546

Making Our Government Efficient 547

governments may levy taxes are limited, in the case of cities,
to the jurisdiction given them by their charters. Often,
too, state legislation imposes limits to the taxing power of
small communities. For example, sometimes a city, school
district, or town may not levy more than a certain fixed
rate. In other cases, however, there is no limit beyond
the ability of the community to pay ; and whether the com-
munity will supply its people with an abundance of public
services or give them as little as they can decently put up
with depends upon the community spirit that prevails.

Here is a list of revenues and expenditures for a certain city. Do
these seem to be in the right proportion to each other? To what
extent does your community do better or worse than the one
whose report is here printed?

Receipts

Tax Levy of 1920

Water Rents of 1920

Taxes of Prior Years

Water Rents, Prior Years

Miscellaneous Resources (licenses, fines, fees, etc.) . .

Sale of Bonds

Special Assessments for Street and Sewer Improvements

Special Funds

Total

$12,439,855.72

2,502,703.12

733,041.20

345,411.09

2,233,315.93

5,694,000.00

418,489.14

247.641.05

$24,614,457.25

Warrants Drawn

General Government ....

Protection to Person and Property

Conservation of Health

Sanitation

Highways

Charities

Libraries

Recreation

Miscellaneous

Public Service Expenses

Interest on Debt . .

Judgments and Refunds

Amortization of Debt

Expenditures on Bond Issues, Debt Liquidation, etc.

Total

Payment to Police Pension Fund

Nearly $1,000,000 remained to be paid on account of
tracts, unpaid bills and the like

$1,276,578.18
4,175,743.53
594,361.35
2,003,835.60
1,922,995.02
638,243.42
435,092.06
702,090.17
597,623.72
1,806,796.30
1,684,181.01
40,808.32
1,757,310.56
5.805.467.18
$23,441,126.42
147.799.56
$23,588,925.98
uncompleted con-

Under separate administration this city was spending about $7,000,000

p anVinnln n.t. f.his t.imft.

for schools at this time.

548 Problems of American Democracy

267. Making a Budget. — We know what will happen
if a family gets everything that it wants, runs charge ac-
counts, and afterwards tries to make a two thousand dollar
income cover a five thousand dollar expense bill. The same
thing will happen with a government as with a family. Yet
in many law-making bodies, revenue bills and appropria-
tion bills are frequently referred to entirely different com-
mittees, and several committees may propose appropria-
tion measures. Appropriations are made without any
reference to the amount of money that is in or is likely to be
in the treasury. No wonder governments get into unnec-
essary debt. Budget making is, indeed, a needed art in
government as in private business.

European governments for many years have had budget
systems. In England, for example, it has been the duty
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer to bring in a budget
measure for the consideration of Parliament, which will
contain not only an estimate of the expenses of the govern-
ment for the coming year, but a careful estimate of the way
to meet those expenses.

Any American city government that pretends to have
an intelligent administration attempts something in the
nature of a budget. Perhaps the mayor receives the esti-
mates that are made by the heads of the different city de-
partments and then turns these estimates over to the coun-
cil. In the preparation of the budget there is generally the
opportunity for a public hearing, at which the community
has a chance to learn how much expense is proposed for the
year to come. In New York City the Board of Estimate
and Apportionment has almost as much legislative power
in financial matters as the Aldermen who actually have to
pass the needed legislation.

Some states have also attempted something on the same
order. Th