PROCEEDINGS (2)
OF THE
ACADEMY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK
Volume III] OCTOBER, 1912 '3 [Number 1
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
CONSTITUTION, BY-LAWS AND LIST OF
OFFICERS AND MEMBERS
The Academv of Political Science
Columbia University, New York
1912
THE ACADEMY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK
EXECUTIVE OFFICES
KENT HALL, COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, NEW YORK
Telephone Morningside 1400
(2^
CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS
CONSTITUTION
Article I — Name
The name of this association shall be " The Academy of Polit-
ical Science in the City of New York."
Article II — Objects
The objects of the Academy are the cultivation of the political
sciences and their application to the solution of social and polit-
ical problems. These objects shall be prosecuted in such manner
as the Board of Trustees shall from time to time direct, either
by the encouragement of research, the holding of public meet-
ings or lecture courses, the establishment of a library, or in any
other way the Board may approve.
Article III — Headquarters
The headquarters of the Academy shall be in the City of New
York, and the Academy shall be affiliated with Columbia Uni-
versity in such manner as the Board of Trustees may be able to
arrange with the Trustees of Columbia University.
Article IV — Membership and Dues
The Board of Trustees shall prescribe the qualifications of
members, and establish such classes of membership, whether life,
active, associate or otherwise, as it may deem wise, define the
privileges of members and fix the amount of the annual dues or
life-membership fees to be paid by the members.
Article V — Government
The management of all the affairs of the Academy and the
trusteeship of all its property are vested in a Board of Trustees
composed of nine directors elected by the members of the Acad-
emy, and the officers elected by the Board of Directors. Three
directors shall be chosen at the annual meeting each year for a
term of three years each.
(3)
pp. 1-48 reprinted by Kraus Reprint Corporation.
4 YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY [Vol. Ill
At the annual meeting at which this constitution is adopted
nine directors shall be elected, and those persons so chosen shall
at their first meeting, to be called within one week from the date
of the annual meeting by the secretary of that meeting, cast
lots so that the terms of service of three directors shall expire
at the next annual meeting, three at the second, and three at
the third annual meeting from the one at which the nine direc-
tors were chosen.
The directors and the officers together constitute the Board
of Trustees and any five of them shall constitute a quorum.
The Board shall meet at the call of the President of the Acad-
emy, who shall be ex officio the Chairman of the Board. At any
time at the written request of three members of the Board the
President shall call a meeting.
In the event of the death or resignation of a director, the
Board shall fill the vacancy until the next annual business meet-
ing of the members when the members shall elect a person to
fill the unexpired term.
Article VI — Officers
The officers of the Academy shall be a President, two Vice-
Presidents, a Secretary and a Treasurer, who shall be elected
annually by the directors at the first meeting of the Board sub-
sequent to the annual business meeting of the Academy. They
shall be elected for a term of one year and shall serve until
their successors are chosen and shall perform the duties usually
pertaining to their respective offices and such as may be pre-
scribed by the Board of Trustees.
Article VII — Meetings
The meetings of the Academy shall be held at such times
and places and for such purposes as the Board of Trustees may
direct, except that at least once a year in the month of December
or January the Board shall fix a date for the annual business
meeting for the election of directors and the presentation of
reports on the work of the Academy from its officers or from
the Board of Trustees, or both, and notice of such meeting
shall be mailed to all members at least ten days prior to the
date so fixed. Such members as are present shall constitute a
quorum.
(4)
No. I] CONSTITUTION AND BY-LAWS 5
Article VIII — Advisory Council
The Board of Trustees may elect an Advisory Council to be
composed of men distinguished for public service, whether
members of the Academy or not, provided they are interested
in its work and willing to give counsel in the formulation and
execution of its policies.
Article IX — By-Laivs and Amendments
The Board of Trustees shall have power to adopt by-laws not
inconsistent with this constitution for the better transaction of
its business, and amend the same at pleasure and this constitu-
tion may be amended by a majority vote at any annual business
meeting or at any regularly called special business meeting of
the members of the Academy provided notice of such meeting
has been mailed to all members at least ten days prior to the
date of meeting, and provided further, that all amendments
shall have the approval of a majority of the Board of Trustees,
or otherwise must be considered at two consecutive business
meetings of the members of the Academy before they can be
put to vote.
BY-LAWS
1. The Board of Trustees shall meet at the call of the Presi-
dent, and five members shall constitute a quorum. On written
request of three members of the Board the President shall call
a meeting of the Board.
2. Any person interested in the work of the Academy and
signifying a desire to promote its objects shall, upon application
to the Secretary and upon payment of dues for the ensuing year,
be enrolled as a member.
3. Members of the Academy shall pay annual dues in the
amount of five dollars, payable in advance. Said payment
shall date from the first day of the quarter (January — March,
April — June, July — September, October — December) in which
such members were enrolled, except that the membership of
persons enrolled in March, June, September and December shall
date for the payment of dues from the first day of the follow-
ing month.
(5)
6 YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
4. Any member may compound his annual dues by the single
payment of one hundred dollars and thereby be enrolled as a
Life Member and be exempt from further payment of annual
dues.
5. The President shall have executive control of the business
oflfices of the Academy. He shall appoint an "Assistant to the
President " subject to the approval of the Board and at a salary
to be fixed by the Board, and shall prescribe the duties of that
officer.
6. The President shall approve all bills incurred for the Acad-
emy and transmit them for payment to the office of the Treas-
urer, together with a copy of, or reference to, the resolution of
the Board under which the expense was incurred, except that
incidental office expenses in an amount not to exceed one hun-
dred dollars ($100) a month, and bills for temporary service in
the offices of the Academy, or for purposes (services, material,
traveling expenses, etc.) connected with the regular routine
business of the Academy, or the work of any of its committees,
in amounts not exceeding one hundred dollars ($100) may be
paid by the Treasurer upon the approval of the President with-
out special resolution of the Board, provided, however, all such
payments be reported to and approved by the Board at its next
meeting.
7. These by-laws may be amended at any meeting of the Board
of Trustees by a majority vote, provided at least eight members
of the Board vote in favor of such amendment or subsequently
record in writing their consent thereto.
(6)
OFFICERS OF THE ACADEMY
president
Samuel McCune Lindsay
Professor of Social Legislation, Columbia University
VICE-PRESIDENTS
Albert Shaw
Editor of "The Review of Reviews"
Paul M. Warburg
Kuhn, Loeb & Company
SECRETARY
Henry Raymond Mussey
Associate Professor of Economics, Columbia University
TREASURER
George A. Plimpton
Ginn & Company, New York
ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT
Emma S. Lake
Robert Erskine Ely
League for Political Education
Frank J. Goodnow
Professor of Administrative Law,
Columbia University
A. Barton Hepburn
President Chase National Bank,
New York
Thomas W. Lamont
J. P. Morgan & Company, New York
William R. Shepherd
Professor of History, Columbia University
Henry R. Seager
Professor of Political Economy,
Columbia University
Edwin R. A. Seligman
Professor of Political Economy,
Columbia University
MuNROE Smith
Professor of Comparative Jurisprudence
Columbia University
Frank A. Vanderlip
President National City Bank, New York
ADVISORY COUNCIL
Nicholas Murray Butler
President of Columbia University
J. PiERpoNT Morgan
J. P. Morgan & Company
EDITOR POLITICAL SCIENCE QUARTERLY
Munroe Smith
Elihu Root
United States Senator from New York
Francis Lynde Stetson
New York Bar
EDITOR PROCEEDINGS OF THE ACADEMY
Henry Raymond Mussey
(7)
LIFE MEMBERS OF THE ACADEMY
Brackenridge, George W. San Antonio Natl. Bank, San Antonio, Texas
Dunham, Edward K. 35 East 68th Street
Frankland, Frederick Wm. " Okataina," Foxton, Manawatu, New Zealand
Griffin, Frederick R. Sherbrooke and Simpson Sts., Montreal, Canada
Hyams, Godfrey M. P. O. Box 5104, Boston, Mass.
lies, George Park Avenue Hotel
Quesada, Ernesto Libertad 946, Buenos Aires, R. A.
Riker, John J. 46 Cedar Street
Smith, S. L. 1013 Woodland Ave., Detroit, Mich.
Williams, John Skelton 801 E. Main St., Richmond, Va.
MEMBERS OF THE ACADEMY*
Aaron, Charles E.
Abbott, Edwin M.
Abbott, E. G.
Abbott, Lyman
Acheson, Edward G.
Ackerman, William
Adams, A. E.
Adams, Miss Charlotte H.
Adams, Edward D.
Adams, Henry Sherman
Adams, Samuel B.
Adriance, Benjamin
Adsit, Charles
Agar, John G.
Albert, S.
Alberti, Paul E.
Albertson, Thomas W.
Alexander, Mrs. A.
Alexander, George
Alexander, J. S.
Alexander, William H.
Allen, D. B.
Allen, Ethan
Allen, Frank D.
Allen, Frederick H.
830 Central Avenue, Plainfield, N. J.
818 Land Title Building, Philadelphia, Pa.
14 Deering Street, Portland, Me.
287 Fourth Avenue
Niagara Falls, N. Y.
300 West 12 1st Street
5th Avenue & Broadway, Youngstown, 0.
3 Gramercy Park
71 Broadway
152 Montague Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Savannah, Ga.
254 Van Brunt Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Hornell, N. Y.
31 Nassau Street
112 Lenox Avenue
50 Pine Street
Mineola, N. Y.
Castle Point, Hoboken, N. J.
90 West Broadway
31 Nassau Street
80 Maiden Lane
Arlington, la.
126 Fifth Avenue
39 Claremont Avenue
63 Wall Street
* In addresses giving street and number only, the city is New York.
(8)
LIST OF MEMBERS
Allen, Frederick L.
Allen, Frederick W.
Allen, George W. H.
Allen, Mrs. George W.
Allen, William H.
Altschul, C.
55 Cedar Street
2,Z Wall Street
Box 538, Cazenovia-on-Lake Owahgena, N. Y.
Box i88, Bayden, Cazenovia, N. Y.
385 Central Park West
10 Wall Street
Altschul, Richard Anglo London & Paris Natl. Bank, San Francisco, Calif.
Alvord. Andrew P.
Alvord, Dean
Amerman, W. H.
Ames, Frank D.
Amory, Copley
Anderson, A. A.
Anderson, Frank B
Anderson, John
Anderson, Mrs. J. Scott
Anderson, Thomas T.
Andrews, A. C.
Andrews, Arthur Irving
Andrews, Constant A.
Andrews, George Frederick
Andrews, W. H.
Andriano, Albert Koch
Apple, Harry E.
Archbold, John D.
Archer, Mrs. G. C.
Arend, Francis J.
Arents, George, jr.
Armstrong, Dwight M.
Armstrong, James
Armstrong, Russell
Armstrong, S. T.
Arnheim, Albert A.
Arnold, Carrington G.
Arnstein, Leo
Arvine, E. P.
Ashley, R. L.
Aspegren, John
Astruck, J. Harry
Atkins, George W. E.
Atkinson, Franklin Pierce
Atterbury, Charles L.
Atterbury, John T.
Atwater, Richard M., jr.
Atwood, Kimball C.
Atwood, Kimball C, jr.
Auchincloss, Gordon
Auerbach, Joseph S.
Auerbach, Louis
12 West 44th Street
III Broadway
21 State Street
26 West 31st Street
Walpole, N. H.
80 West 40th Street
are of the Bank of California, San Francisco, Calif.
81 Maiden Lane
Swarthmore, Pa.
4241 Folsom Avenue, St. Louis, Mo.
83 Cedar Street
Tufts College, Mass.
Park Avenue, White Plains, N. Y.
P. O. Box 2305, Boston, Mass.
130 East 67th Street
810 Broadway
3100 Broadway
26 Broadway
II West 91st Street
165 Broadway
III Fifth Avenue
1 150 Eastmoreland Ave., Memphis, Tenn.
71 Nassau Street
60 Broadway
Katonah, N. Y.
119 Cottage Avenue, Mount Vernon, N. Y.
30 Broad Street
City Hall
42 Church Street, New Haven, Conn.
537 West I2ist Street
New York Produce Exchange
7-9 West i8th Street
195 Broadway
Great Falls, Mont.
30 Broad Street
5 Nassau Street
25 Broad Street
290 Broadway
290 Broadway
120 East 70th Street
34 Nassau Street
842 Broadway
(9)
lO
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Austin, Charles
Avery, Samuel P.
Babbott, Frank L.
Babcock. H. D.
Bache, Jules S.
Bache, Leopold S.
Bachia, Richard A.
Bacon, Edward R.
Bacon, Mrs. Francis McN., jr.
Bacon, George Wood
Bacon, Robert L.
Baer, George F.
Baer, Louis D.
Baettenhaussen, Theodore
Bailey, Frank
Baird, F. C.
Baker, Alfred L.
Baker, Charles Adkins,
Baker, George F., jr.
Baker, O. M.
Baker, Orin C.
Baketel, H. Sheridan
Baldwin, Frank V.
Baldwin, Mrs. Martin T.
Baldwin, William D.
Baldwin, William H.
Ballin, William
Barber, James T.
Barber, Major William
Barbour, Edmund D.
Barclay, R. G.
Bard, Albert S.
Baring, Charles
Barkley, Charles B.
Barlow, Peter T.
Barnes, Edward W.
Barnum, William M.
Barry, Charles D.
Barstow, George Fames
Barth, Alfred
Barthelemy, Louis C.
Bartlett, J. Kemp
Bartlett, Philip G.
Baruch, Bernard M.
Baruch, Emanuel de M.
Bassett, Acton Civil!
Bassett, Sheldon H.
Batchelder. Wallace
Bates, George H.
23 West Street, Battle Creek, Mich.
61 Woodland Street, Hartford, Conn.
346 Broadway
20 East 52d Street
42 Broadway
42 Broadway
47 West i6th Street
2 Wall Street
135 East 39th Street
115 Broadway
14 Wall Street
Reading Terminal, Philadelphia, Pa.
21 Claremont Avenue
542 Fifth Avenue
175 Remsen Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
224 Frick Building, Pittsburgh, Pa.
141 South LaSalle Street, Chicago, 111.
52 Broadway
2 Wall Street
Myrick Building, Springfield, Mass.
238 East 48th Street
34 Beach Street
170 Prospect Place, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Glen Ridge, N. J.
175 West sSth Street
1415 21 St Street, Washington, D. C.
601 West 113th Street
Eau Claire, Wis.
52 Beaver Street
610 Sears Building, Boston, Mass.
5 East 78th Street
25 Broad Street
42 New Street
22 East 47th Street
10 Lexington Avenue
70 Worth Street
62 Cedar Street
17 State Street
Barstow, Tex.
411 West 114th Street
10 Wall Street
2100 Mt. Royal Terrace, Baltimore, Md.
62 Cedar Street
III Broadway
57 East 77th Street
165 Broadway
I Madison Avenue
Bethel, Vt.
23 Holly Street, Cranford, N. J.
(10)
No. i]
LIST OF MEMBERS
II
Bates, Mrs. Lindon W.
Battelle, John Gordon
Batten, George
Battle, George Gordon
Baumann, F. W.
Bayley, George W.
Bayne, Howard
Beaman, George Herbert
Beard, Curtis J.
Beardsley, Samuel A.
Beckwith, Holmes
Bedell, Louis
Beeber, Mrs. J. D.
Beekman, Charles K.
Beekman, Gerard
Beer, G. L.
Bell, Frederick D.
Bell, Mrs. Gordon K.
Bell, James J.
Beller, William F.
Bellevue, Fernand S.
Belmont, August
Belmont, Mrs. O. H. P.
Beman, Lamar T.
Bemis, E. W.
Bend, Miss Beatrice
Benedict, L. C.
Benjamin, Eugene S.
Benjamin, G. G.
Benjamin, M. W.
Bensel, J. A.
Benton, A.
Beran, Theodore
Berglund, Abraham
Bernard, G. H.
Bernheim, Isaac W.
Bernheimer, Charles S.
Bernheimer, Max E.
Bertram, H. Henry
Bertschmann, J.
Berwind, Edward J.
Best, Harry
Bettman, Alfred
Betts, Charles H.
Betts, Robert M.
Bevin, W. D.
Bickford, Herbert J.
Bidstrup, J. F.
Bigelow, Charles C.
784 Fifth Avenue
Columbus, O.
93 Union Street, Montclair. N. J.
37 Wall Street
6-9 Hanover Street
442 Jamaica Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y.
135 Broadway
2232 Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D. C.
41 West 34th Street
54 Wall Street
331 E^st 31st Street
III Broadway
600 West 4th Street, Williamsport, Pa.
52 William Street
35 East 38th Street
329 West 71st Street
39 West 38th Street
58 East 72d Street
Shenandoah, Pa.
51 East 123d Street
Whitestone, L. L
23 Nassau Street
477 Madison Avenue
East High School, Cleveland, O.
852 Montrose Boulevard, Chicago, 111.
563 Park Avenue
7 Wall Street
440 Lafayette Street
467 North Park Avenue, Meadville, Pa.
43 West 88th Street
Albany, N. Y.
79 Wall Street
I West 64th Street
Pullman, Wash.
Glasco, Kan.
Louisville, Ky.
Pitkin Avenue & Watkins Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
128th Street & Amsterdam Avenue
116 West 14th Street
P. O. Box 418
I Broadway
14 Livingstone Place
1514 First National Bank Building, Cincinnati, O.
29 Holly Street, Lyons, N. Y.
Cornucopia, Ore.
109 Leonard Street
100 St. Marks Place, New Brighton, S. I.
42 Jerome Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
1926 Broadway
Cii)
12
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Biggs, Albert W.
Biggs, Charles
Bijur, Nathan
Bilgram, Hugo
Billquist, C. Edward
Bing, Alexander M.
Bishop, James C.
Bishop, Samuel H.
Bixby, W. H.
Black, Mrs. Elmer E.
Black, Hugh
Black, William H.
Blades, J. B.
Blagden, Arthur C,
Blair, Mrs. C. Ledyard
Blake, Edwin M.
Blake, Joseph A.
Blakeley, William A.
Blanchard. Irvin T.
Blashfield, Edwin H.
Bliss, C. N., jr.
Bliss, William H.
Blount, Henry F.
Blount, Walter E.
Blum, Charles
Blum, Edward C.
Blumenthal, Mrs. George
Blumenthal, Hugo
Blumenthal, Sidney
Bodine, Samuel T.
Body, Joseph F.
Bogne, Virgil G.
Bollinger, James Wills
Bolster, Wilfred
Bond, James A. C.
Bondy, Joseph
Bonn, Dr. M. J.
Bontecou, Frederic T .
Booraem, Alfred W.
Borchard, Edwin M.
Borg, Sidney C.
Borges, Esteban Gil
Bostwick, Charles F.
Boudin, L. B.
Boudinot, George S.
Bourne, Frederick G.
Bouvier, John Vernon, jr.
Bowman, D. Arthur
Bowman, Harold M.
Tennessee Trust Building, Memphis, Tenn.
13 Astor Place
160 West 75th Street
1235 Spring Garden Street, Philadelphia, Pa.
ir Broadway
505 Fifth Avenue
iz Pine Street
500 West i22d Street
735 Southern Bldg., Washington, D. C.
512 Fifth Avenue
109 Lorraine Avenue, Upper Montclair, N. J.
18 East 28th Street
New Bern, N. C.
176 East 70th Street
Peapack, N. J.
Room 1406, I Liberty Street
601 Madison Avenue
1237 Oliver Building, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Woodland, N. C.
48 West 59th Street
117 Duane Street
6 East 65th Street
" The Oaks," Washington, D. C.
Bluemont, Va.
Jacksonville, Fla.
424 Fulton Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
23 West 53d Street
5 Nassau Street
305 West 90th Street
Broad & Arch Streets, Philadelphia, Pa.
P. O. Box 842, Baltimore, Md.
Mills Building, San Francisco, Calif.
425 Locust Street, Davenport, la.
Court House. Boston, Mass.
Westminster, Md.
910 Irving Avenue, Syracuse, N. Y.
Gaussstrasse, Munich, Germany
150 Highland Avenue, Orange, N. J.
204 Lincoln Place, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Library of Congress, Washington, D. C.
20 Nassau Street
1343 Monroe Street, N. W., Washington, D. C.
Criminal Courts Building
302 Broadway
30 Church Street
149 Broadway
141 Broadway
Third National Bank Building, St. Louis, Mo.
19 Edgemont Road, Upper Montclair, N. J.
(12)
No. I]
LIST OF MEMBERS
13
Boyd, R. E.
Brackenridge, George W*
Bradley, Robert S.
Brady, Anthony N.
Brainerd, Ira H.
Braley, Henry K.
Braman, Chester A.
Brandner, Benjamin L.
Brandow, Morris
Braswell, James C.
Breed, R. E.
Bremer, Paul G.
Brennan, John F.
Brewer, Mrs. M. D.
Brewster, William T.
Brice, W. Kirkpatrick
Briesen, Arthur von
Briggs, Frank O.
Bright, Edgar H.
Brinsmade, John C.
Bristol, George W.
Bristol, John I. D.
Britton, Alexander
Brock, Alfred T.
Brockett, Orlando Mitchell
Brody, Joseph M.
Brokaw, George T.
Bronner, Harry
Brookings, Robert S.
Brown, Charles C.
Brown, Charles Paul
Brown, Charles S.
Brown, Dickson Q,
Brown, Edward W.
Brown, Frank L.
Brown, Franklin Q.
Brown, Francis Shunk
Brown, Hugh Henry
Brown, H. J.
Brown, James
Brown, Lowell H.
Brown, Paul
Brown, Philip King
Brown, Selden S.
Brown, Walston H.
Browning, J. A.
Bruere, Miss Mina W.
409 West 2ist Street
San Antonio Natl. Bank, San Antonio, Tex.
92 State Street, Boston, Mass.
54 Wall Street
39 Claremont Avenue
151 Kilsyth Road, Brighton, Mass.
70 Worth Street
15 William Street
488 Peachtree Street, Atlanta, Ga.
Rocky Mount, N. C.
30 Church Street
738 East 4th Street, St. Paul, Minn.
16 South Broadway, Yonkers, N. Y.
400 Riverside Drive
Columbia University
693 Fifth Avenue
25 Broad Street
198 West Street, Trenton, N. J.
325 Boronne Street, New Orleans, La.
The Gunnery School, Washington, Conn.
20 Broad Street
45 West 74th Street
1419 F Street, Washington, D. C.
424 California Street, San Francisco, Calif.
1502 West 9th Street, Des Moines, Iowa
62 West 92d Street
I East 79th Street
5 Nassau Street
Ellwood Place, Kinker Heights, St. Louis, Mo.
Kenosha, Wis.
141 Broadway
146 Broadway
t6o West 59th Street
28 Beaver Street
Croker Building. San Francisco, Calif.
33 Pine Street
1421 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia, Pa.
State Bank Building, Tonopah, Nev.
Berlin Mills Co., Portland, Me.
59 Wall Street
56 Munn Avenue, East Orange, N. J.
Corn Exchange Bank Building, Chicago, 111.
350 Post Road, San Francisco, Calif.
Scottsville, N. Y.
45 Wall Street
r West 72d Street
310 West 95th Street
* Life Member.
(13)
14
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Brundrett, E. L.
Bruton, John F.
Bryan, J. Wallace,
Bryant, Hughes
Bryant, W. Sidney, jr
Buck, Walter H.
Buckley. William W.
Buckner, M. N.
Budington, Ernest G.
Buhler, Conrad
Bullock, Charles E.
Bullock, George
Bullowa, F. E. M.
Bunker, Albert
Burden, James A.
Burdick, F. M.
Burdick, William
Burges, William H.
Burgess, John W.
Burke, Charles E.
Burke, Thomas
Burns, Edward
Burns, William J.
Burr, A. G.
Burr, Mrs. Winthrop
Burrows, William H.
Burt, Silas W.
Busch, Adolphus
Bush, Irving T.
Bustamante, Antonio S. de
Butler, Charles Stewart
Butler, Joseph G., jr.
Butler, Nicholas Murray
Butler, William W. S.
Byrne, James
Cabot, Mrs. Francis H.
Cadwalader, John L.
Cahn, Arthur L.
Cahn, William L.
Calder, John
Caldwell, James H.
Caldwell, R. J.
Calhoun, Patrick
Calkins, Earnest Elmo
Calkins, John U.
Cammann, Hermann H.
Canfield, George F.
Cannon, James G.
Carey, Mrs. Francis Kiney
52d Street & Sunset Drive, Kansas City, Mo.
Wilson, N. C.
521 Roland Ave., Roland Park, Baltimore Co., Md.
Kansas City, Mo.
200 Fifth Avenue
1400 Continental Building, Baltimore, Md.
141 Broadway
26 Broad Street
32 Nassau Street
453 Broome Street
Canton, Pa.
40 Wall Street
22 Nassau Street
97 Hudson Terrace, Yonkers, N. Y.
Troy, N. Y.
Colum.bia University
602 Continental Building, Baltimore, Md.
2 Republic Building, El Paso, Texas
323 West S7th Street
40 Pollock Avenue, Pittsfield, Mass.
408 Burke Building, Seattle, Wash.
904 President Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
811 First National Bank Building, Chicago, 111.
Rugby, N. D.
7 Wall Street
P. O. Box 1022, Middletown, Conn.
216 West looth Street
St. Louis, Mo.
100 Broad Street
Apartado 134, Havana, Cuba
32 Nassau Street
Youngstown, O.
119 East 30th Street
Stockton. Calif.
24 Broad Street
37 East 7Sth Street
40 Wall Street
27 Pine Street
III Broadway
129 Ferry Avenue, East, Detroit, Mich.
Care of Troy Trust Co., Troy, N. Y.
55 Walnut Street, Montclair, N. J.
30 Broad Street
250 Fifth Avenue
2347 Prospect Street, Berkeley, Calif.
84 William Street
49 Wall Street
Fourth National Bank
509 Cathedral Street, Baltimore, Md.
(M)
No. i]
LIST OF MEMBERS
15
Carlebach, Walter M.
Carlton, Newcomb
Carnegie, Andrew
Carnochan, William E.
Carpenter, Herbert S.
Carrington, A. B.
Carstens, C. C.
Carstenson, John
Carter, Jarvis P.
Carvalho, S. S.
Casady, Simon
Chadbourne, Thomas L.,
Chamberlain, Joseph P.
Chandler, Percy M.
Channing, J. Parke
Chapman, James M.
Chase, George
Cheney, O. H.
Chesebrough, Robert A.
Chew, Ng Poon
Childs, Edwards H.
Childs, R. S.
Childs, William, jr.
Childs, William H.
Choate, Joseph H.
Church, William C.
Cillis, Hubert
Claflin, John
Oancy, John R.
Clare, William F.
Clark, David T.
Clark, Emory W.
Clark, John Bates
Clark, J. M.
Clark, LeRoy
Clark, Russell Porter
Clark, Thomas F.
Clark, V. V.
Clark, Walter E.
Clark, William Andrews
Clark, W. R.
Clarke, E. A. S.
Clarke, Frederick H.
Qarke, Howard
Clarke, Lewis L.
Clarke, Samuel B.
Qarkson, David A.
Clement, S. M.
Cleveland, F. A.
136 West 86th Street
131 East 66th Street
2 East 91st Street
52 William Street
71 Broadway
200 Broadway
43 Mt. Vernon Street, Boston, Mass.
526 Grand Central Terminal
52 William Street
Metuchen, N. J.
Central State Bank, Des Moines, la.
jr. 14 Wall Street
Kent Hall, Columbia University
3d & Walnut Streets, Philadelphia, Pa.
S Broadway
80 William Street
309 West 74th Street
78 Madison Avenue
17 State Street
809 Sacramento Street, San Francisco, Calif.
59 Wall Street
23 Fifth Avenue
200 Fifth Avenue
17 Battery Place
60 Wall Street
20 Upper Montclair Avenue, Montclair, N. J.
20 Nassau Street
224 Church Street
loio West Belden Avenue, Syracuse, N. Y.
Suite 916, 135 Broadway
Williamstown, Mass.
1740 Jeflferson Avenue, Detroit, Mich.
407 West 117th Street
Amherst, Mass.
114 Liberty Street
52 Grove Street, Stamford, Conn.
195 Broadway
444 Henry Building, Seattle, Wash.
824 St. Nicholas Avenue
20 Exchange Place
2717 North Broadway, Los Angeles, Calif.
2 Rector Street
Z'z Nassau Street
2 West 4Sth Street
128 Broadway
32 Nassau Street
Merrick, L. L
^2,^ Delaware Avenue, Buffalo, N. Y.
White House, Washington, D. C.
(15)
i6
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Cleveland, J. Wray
Clews, Henry-
Close. F. K. B.
Cochran, William F.
Coffin, C. A.
Coffin, W. E.
Cogswell, Mrs. Laura K
Cogswell, Ledyard
Cogswell, William Browne
Cohen, Benno
Cohen, Julius Henry
Cohen, William N.
Colby, Howard A.
Cole, Charles L.
Cole, Edward F,
Coleman, C. P.
Coler, Bird S.
Colgate, Gilbert
Collier, Barron G.
Colvin, D. Leigh
Conant, Charles A.
Conkey, H. M.
Conklin. Roland R.
Connor, H. G.
Connor, Washington R
Conway, Eustace
Conyngton, Thomas
Cook, Mrs. Madge Carr
Cook, Walter W.
Cook, William W.
Copeland, Charles C.
Cord, J. F.
Cordley, F. R.
Cornell, William H.
Corning, C. R.
Corrigan, Andrew
Corrigan, J. E.
Corwin, Edward S.
Coshow, O. P.
Coster, Miss Helen
Cotton, Joseph P., jr.
Couden, Elliott R.
Coulter, Elmer Dean
Cowperthwait, J. Howard
Cox, Jennings S.
Cox, Robert Lynn
Coykendall, S. D.
Crain, Thomas C. T.
Cram, Ralph Adams
176 Broadway
15 Broad Street
7 Wall Street
Woodbrook, Md.
30 Church Street
902 Seventh Street, Des Moines, la.
250 West 84th Street
318 State Street, Albany, N. Y.
Syracuse, N. Y.
308 West 94th Street
15 William Street
22 William Street
Plainfield, N. J.
49 Wall Street
Times Building, Broadway & 42d Street
57th Street and Broadway
43 Cedar Street
306 West 76;h Street
Flat Iron Building, Broadway & 23d Street
655 West 177th Street
34 Nassau Street
83 Cedar Street
I Wall Street
Bruton & Gray Streets, Wilson, N. C.
31 Nassau Street
127 East 35th Street
20 Vesey Street
302 West 77lh Street
University of Chicago Law School, Chicago, 111.
44 Wall Street
Red Bank, N. J.
Carlotte Hall, Md.
324 West 103d Street
34 Nassau Street
36 Wall Street
140 Kansas Street, San Francisco, Calif.
52 West 9th Street
115 Prospect Avenue, Princeton, N. J.
Roseburg, Ore.
Z7 East 37th Street
165 Broadway
Ridgewood National Bank, Brooklyn, N. Y.
261 West 44th Street
2222 Third Avenue
319 West 8oth Street
I Madison Avenue
Rondout, N. Y.
121 West 7Sth Street
15 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass.
(16)
No. i]
LIST OF MEMBERS
17
Crane, Alexander B.
Crane, Charles R.
Cravath, Paul D.
Craven, W. R.
Crawford, Miss Caroline
Crawford, Hanford
Crawford, W.
Creel, Enrique C.
Crider, George A.
Croll-Blackburne, Mrs. Ida
Croly, Herbert,
Crook, J. W.
Crow, Allen B.
Crowell, John Franklin
Crumplin, Cecil D.
Culbertson, John J.
Cummins, Albert B.
Curtis, Bracey
Curtis. W. E.
Curtiss, Frederic H.
Cutcheon, F. W. M.
Cutler, James G.
Cutting, Churchill H.
Cutting, Elizabeth B.
Cutting, R. Bayard
Cutting, R. Fulton
Dailey, John E.
Dakin, Arthur H.
Dashew, Leon D.
Davey, W. N.
Davis, Andrew McF.
Davis, Daniel A.
Davis, David T.,
Davis, Frank M.
Davis, G. Richard
Davis, Harrison M.
Davis, J. Lionberger
Davis, John A.
Davis, Pierpont V.
Davis, Robert E.
Davis, Vernon M.
Davison, H. P.
Dawson, Edgar
Dawson, Miles M.
Dealey, James Quayle
Debevoise, Thomas M.
DeBoer, Joseph Arend
Decker, Mrs. J. W.
Decker, Martin S.
55 Wall Street
31 West I2th Street
52 William Street
108 South Main Street, Dayton, O.
Middlebury College, Middlebury, Vt.
Care of Boatmen's Bank, St. Louis, Mo.
10 West 20th Street
3a de Londres, No. 40, Mexico City, Mex.
Dickinson College, Carlisle, Pa.
P. 519 South 41st St., West Phila., Pa.
Windsor, Vt.
Amherst, Mass.
604 West 114th Street
17 West 91st Street
167 Beech Street, Arlington, N. J.
Paris, Texas
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Nogales, Ariz.
30 Broad Street
63 Bay State Road, Boston, Mass.
24 Broad Street
Cutler Building, Rochester, N. Y.
37 Madison Avenue
37 Madison Avenue
32 Nassau Street
32 Nassau Street
35 Wall Street
Amherst, Mass.
80 St. Nicholas Avenue
584 Central Avenue, East Orange, N. J.
10 Appleton Street, Cambridge, Mass.
52 West 57th Street
55 Liberty Street
145 West 58th Street
135 Broadway
75 Ames Building, Boston, Mass.
Third National Bank Building, St. Louis, Mo.
Z"? Fifth Avenue
851 N. Broad Street, Elizabeth, N. J.
Gainesville, Fla.
194 Lenox Avenue
23 Wall Street
Normal College
141 Broadway
Brown University, Providence, R. L
62 Cedar Street
Montpelier, Vt.
51 West 54th Street
Public Service Commission, Albany, N. Y.
(17)
i:
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Deemer, Horace E.
de Forest, H. W.
de Forest, Robert W.
DeKay, John W.
Delano, S. S.
Delano, William Adams
Delmar, Eugene
Deming, Horace E.
Demorest, William C.
Denison, John D., jr.
Denison, Winifred T.
Dennis, Alfred L. P.
Dennis, James S.
Dennis, John B.
Depew, Chauncey M.
Derby, James Lloyd
de Roode, Albert
Derrick, Calvin
DeSanno, A. P.
Devine, Edward T.
Dey, Donald
Dick, J. Henry
Dickinson, A. Lowes
Diefenthaler, Charles E.
Dillon, John F.
Dimock, George E.
Dimse, Henry
Dittenhoefer, Miss Estelle
Dodd, Allison
Dodd, W. F.
Dodge, Geveland H.
Dodge, Miss Grace H.
Doherty, Henry L.
Dommerich, L. W.
Donald, James M.
Donovan, H. W.
Doremus, R. P.
Dorr, Goldthwaite, H.
Doty, Mrs. Alvah H.
Dougherty, J. Hampden
Douglas, James
Douglas, Walter
Dow, Miss Caroline B.
Dowling, Victor J.
Draper, George Otis
Draper, Mrs. William P.
Drayton. J. Coleman
Dreicer, Mrs. Michael
Dreier, Miss Mary E.
Red Oak, la.
30 Broad Street
7 Washington Square
III Broadway
165 Broadway
4 East 39th Street
311 West 70th Street
15 William Street
60 Liberty Street
Bradley Building, Dubuque, Iowa
Department of Justice, Washington, D. C.
518 Wisconsin Avenue, Madison, Wis.
Box 17s, Montclair, N. J.
P. O. Box 1792
27 West 54th Street
925 Park Avenue
52 Wall Street
Freeville, N. Y.
1232 Race Street, Philadelphia, Pa.
607 Kent Hall, Amsterdam Ave. & ii6th Street
201 DeWitt Street, Syracuse, N. Y.
20 East 53d Street
52 William Street
190 Franklin Street
195 Broadway
907 North Broad Street, Elizabeth, N. J.
874 Broadway
17 East 83d Street
307 Belleville Avenue, Bloomfield, N. J.
University of Illinois, Urbana, 111.
99 John Street
262 Madison Avenue
60 Wall Street
314 West 75th Street
9 Nassau Street
7 Wall Street
42 Broadway
521 West iiith Street
120 West 57th Street
27 William Street
99 John Street
Bisbee, Ariz.
3 Gramercy Park
27 Madison Avenue
I Madison .A.venue
Hotel Gotham, Fifth Avenue & 55th Street
829 Park Avenue
1046 Fifth Avenue
6 Montague Terrace, Brooklyn, N. Y.
(18)
No. I]
LIST OF MEMBERS
19
Dresser, Gardiner S.
Drury, Frank A.
DuBois, Charles G.
Duggan, Stephen Pierce
Dulaney, Henry S.
Dulles, William
Dummer, Mrs. W. F.
Duncan, R D.
Dunham, Carroll
Dunham, Edward K.*
Dunn, Henry E.
Dunning, William
Dunstan, J. S.
Dupuis, Charles W.
Durham, Knowlton
Duval, H. Rieman
Dwight, John E.
Earle, J. Walter
Earp, Edwin L.
Easley, Ralph M.
Eastman, George
Eastman, Joseph
Eastman, Lucius R., jr.
Eastman, Samuel C.
Easton, Robert T. B.
Eaton, Arthur W.
Eaton, Frederick H.
Eddy, Charles B.
Eder, James M.
Edison, Thomas A.
Edmonds, Dean S.
Edmonds, Franklin S.
Edwards, Daniel M.
Edwards, Stephen O.
Egleston, Melville
Ehrich, Samuel W.
Eickhoff, Henry
Eidlitz, Ernest F.
Eidlitz, Otto M.
Eisman, Max
Eldridge, Frederick L.
Eldridge, S.
Elkus, Abram I.
Elliott, L. L.
Ellis, George W.
Ellis, Ralph
Ellsworth, William W.
Ely, Robert E.
Emery, Thomas
71 Broadway
Merchants National Bank, Worcester, Mass.
15 Dey Street
College of the City of New York
517 W. Lombard Street, Baltimore, Md.
220 Fifth Avenue
679 Lincoln Parkway, Chicago, 111.
Care of State Trust Company, Little Rock, Ark.
Irvington-on-Hudson, N. Y.
35 West 68th Street
S3 East 79th Street
Columbia University
42 Broadway
Western German Bank, Cincinnati, U.
I Gramercy Park
2,2 Nassau Street
33 Mount Morris Park West
293 Broadway
Drew Forest, Madison, N. J.
I Madison Avenue
350 East Avenue, Rochester, N. Y.
71 Broadway
375 Washington Street
Concord, N. H.
29 Broadway
Pittsfield, Mass.
165 Broadway
62 Cedar Street
251 West 95th Street
Orange, N. J.
166 West 72d Street
7818 Lincoln Drive, Philadelphia, Pa.
208 Salina Street, Syracuse, N. Y.
170 Westminster Street, Providence, R. L
26 Cortlandt Street
25 Broad Street
604 Mills Building, San Francisco, Calif.
31 Nassau Street
489 Fifth Avenue
I West 70th Street
580 Fifth Avenue
244 East 105th Street
170 Broadway
311 West Third Street, Los Angeles, Calif.
149 Broadway
22 West 57th Street
2,3 East 17th Street
23 West 44th Street
Grand Central Station
(19)
20
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Erb, Newman
Erbsloh, R.
Erdmann, Albert J.
Essing, Arthur
Estabrook, A. F.
Estabrook, H. D.
Evans, Nelson W.
Evans, Rowland
Ewing, Thomas, jr.
Eyer, George A.
Fai'^banks, Charles W.
Fairchild, Charles S.
Fairchild, Samuel W.
Fairlie, John A.
Fallows, Edward H.
Fancher, B. H.
Farley, Terence
Farnsworth, Fred. E.
Farquhar, A. B.
Farrel, Mrs. John Truitt
Farrell, James A.
Farrelly, Stephen
Fay, Charles R.
Fenwick, Charles G.
Ferguson, Mrs. F.
Ferguson, Henry
Ferris, Frank A.
Field, E. B.
Fieldman, Sol
Finley, John H.
Findley, William L.
42 Broadway
564 Broadway
30 Broad Street
44 West 91st Street
15 State Street, Boston, Mass.
115 Broadway
Portsmouth, O.
221 Federal Building, Indianapolis, Ind.
67 Wall Street
2,7 Wall Street
Indianapolis, Ind,
35 Fifth Avenue
P. O. Box 1 120
1004 South Lincoln Avenue, Urbana, 111.
30 Church Street
530 Fifth Avenue
Hall of Records
II Pine Street
York, Pa.
47 Elm Street, Morristown, N. J.
71 Broadway
182 West 58th Street
119 Montague Street, Brooklyn
2 Jackson Place, Washington, D. C.
Box 71, Halesite, Suffolk County, N. Y.
123 Vernon Street, Hartford, Conn.
262 Mott Street
P. O. Drawer 1708, Denver, Colo.
514 West 114th Street
College of the City of New York
125 Riverside Drive
Fischer, W. J. National Bank of Commerce Building, St. Louis, Mo.
Fish, Frederick P. 84 State Street, Boston, Mass.
Fish, Mrs. John C. 19 South Broadway, Shelby, O.
Fisher, Frederick A. 71 Central Street, Lowell, Mass.
Fisher, Mrs. Harriet White 125 East Hanover Street, Trenton, N. J.
Fisher, Irving 460 Prospect Street, New Haven, Conn.
Fisher, Irving R. 67 West soth Street
Fisk, Everett C. 2a Park Street, Boston, Mass.
Fisk, Pliny 62 Cedar Street
Fiske, Amos K. 7 West 43d Street
Fiske, Haley i Madison Avenue
Fitzpatrick, Miss Mary Coghlan 885 Kent Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Fitzwilson, W. G. 11 Pine Street
P'lagler, J. H. 200 Broadway
Fleming, Henry S. i Broadway
Fleitmann, Frederick T. 490 Broome Street
Fletcher, Austin B. 165 Broadway
Flexner, Bernard Paul Jones Building, Louisville, Ky.
(20)
No. I]
LIST OF MEMBERS
21
Flinn, Rev. Victor (
Flint, Charles R.
Floyd, Mrs. Nelson
Follett, A. D.
Folsom, Henry T.
Foote, Allen R.
Forbes, Allen B.
Fordham, H. L.
Fordyce, S. W.
Forster, William
Forsyth, Ralph K.
Fort, John Franklin
Fosdick, 'Raymond B.
Fowler, Mrs. Anderson
Fowler, Carl H.
Fox, Alan
Fox, Hugh F.
Fox, William H.
Fraenkel, Osmond K.
Frame, Andrew J.
Frankfort, M.
Frankfurter, Felix
39 East 42d Street
4 East 36th Street
Syosset, L. I.
St. Clair Building, Marietta, O.
Llewellyn Park, Orange, N. J.
334 Chamber of Commerce Building, Columbus, O.
56 William Street
III Broadway
703 Commonwealth Trust Building, St. Louis, Mo.
59 Wall Street
41 Pearl Street, Kingston, N. Y.
Essex Building, Newark, N. J.
854 West 181 st Street
60 East 68[h Street
55 Liberty Street
50 Pine Street
109 East 15th Street
Taunton, Mass.
Lawrence Avenue, Lawrence, L. L
303 Grand Avenue, Waukesha, Wis.
15 East 48th Street
Bureau of Insular Affairs, Washington, D. C.
Frankland, Frederick William *
" Okataina," Foxton, Manawatu, New Zealand
527 West iioth Street
Z2, East 38th Street
San Antonio, Texas
Home Trust Co., Hoboken, N. J.
25 Maple Avenue, New Rochelle, N. Y.
20 Exchange Place
Franklin, Fabian
Franklin, George S.
Franklin, Thomas H.
Franks, Robert A.
Frantz, J. F.
Eraser, George C.
Freiberg, Maurice J.
Frelinghuysen, G. G.
French, John
French, Nathaniel
Freund, Sanford E. H.
Frew, Walter E.
Frick, Henry C.
Friedman, H. G.
Fries, F. H.
Frissell, A. S.
Froment, Frank L.
Frothingham, John W.
Frueauff, Charles A.
Fuller, Paul
Furnya, M.
Gaillard, William D.
Gallaher, E. Y.
Gallatin, Albert
Gallatin, Francis D.
3576 Alaska Avenue, Cincinnati, O.
32 Liberty Street
59 Wall Street
Davenport, la.
115 Broadway
13 William Street
640 Fifth Avenue
66 West 94th Street
Winston-Salem, N. C.
530 Fifth Avenue
52 East 74th Street
14 Wall Street
60 Wall Street
2 Rector Street
216 Second Ave , S., Seattle, Wash.
42 Broadway
814 West End Avenue
7 East 76th Street
119 East 38th Street
(21)
22
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Gammell, William
Gans, Mrs. Howard S.
Garanflo, W. H.
Gardiner, Robert H.
Gardner, Henry B.
Gardner, Rathbone
Garfield, H. A.
Garrett, Robert
Garst, Julius
Garvan, Francis P.
Gavegan, Edward J.
Gavegan, Mrs. Edward J.
Gear, George J.
Geeting, John F.
Gellatly, William
Gerard, James W.
Gettell, Raymond G.
Giberga, Eliseo
Gibson, H. W.
Gifford, James M.
Gilbert, Alexander
Gilbreth, Frank B.
Gildersleeve, Henry A.
Gildersleeve, Louis
Gildersleeve, Ferdinand
Gillespie, Robert McM.
Gillette, King C.
Gillies, Edwin J.
Gillin, John Lewis
Gilluby, George K.
Gilpin, William Jay
Giltner, E. E
Girelius, Charles G.
Glasson, William H.
Gleason, Carlisle J.
Glenn, John M.
Goan, Mrs. Orrin S.
Goetze, Frederick A.
Golding, John N.
Goldman, Henry
Goldzier, Morris
Gompers, Samuel
Gonzalez, Antonio C.
Gonzales, Teodosio
Goodhart, Mrs. Albert E.
Goodhart, Philip J.
Goodnow, F. J.
Gordon, Armistead C.
Gordon, F. E.
50 South Main Street, Providence, R. L
401 West End Avenue
State National Bank, Little Rock, Ark.
Gardiner, Me.
54 Stimson Avenue, Providence. R. L
ID Weybosset Street, Providence, R. I.
Williamstown, Mass.
506 Continental Building, Baltimore, Md.
Worcester, Mass.
119 East 31st Street
303 West End Avenue
303 West End Avenue
23 East 64th Street
Norwood Park, Chicago, HI.
Cranford, N. J.
165 Broadway
74 Vernon Street, Hartford, Conn.
Prado 10, Havana, Cuba
167 Tremont Street, Boston, Mass.
5 Nassau Street
Market and Fulton National Bank
60 Broadway
28 West 48th Street
I Broadway
Gildersleeve, Conn.
8 West 53d Street
1566 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass.
245 Washington Street
208 Bernard Court, Madison, Wis.
1221 Dean Street, Brooklyn
77 Cedar Street
418 West Ii8th Street
Vineland, N. J.
Trinity College, Durham, N. C.
170 Broadway
136 East 19th Street
226 West 59th Street
Columbia University
9 Pine Street
60 Wall Street
657 Broadway
801 G. Street, N. W., Washington. D. C.
2,2 Broadway
Bermeys 321, Asuncion, Paraguay
2 East 55th Street
96 Broadway
Columbia University
Staunton, Va.
West Main Street, Conneaut, O.
(22)
No. 1]
LIST OF MEMBERS
23
Gordon, W. S.
Gore, Thomas P.
Gorton, Adelos
Gould, E. R. L.
Gould, Horace S.
Govin, Antonio
Gowan-Stoba, John
Gram, Jesse P.
Grant, Percy Stickney
Grant, WilHam T.
Graves, E. W.
Graves, Nelson Z.
Gray, E. McQueen
Gray, Henry G.
Gray, R. S.
Green, Herbert
Green, James M.
Green, Warren L.
Greene, Francis V.
Greene, John Arthur
Greene, William H.
Greene, Richard T.
Greenhut, Benedict J.
Greeno, F. L.
Greenough, William
Gregory, R. H.
Grenfell, Wilfred T.
Griffin, Frederick R.*
Griggs, Edward Howard
Griggs, Herbert L.
Grinnell, E. Morgan
Griswold, Chester
68 Leonard Street
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Maple Glen, Montgomery Co., Pa.
15 West 38th Street
37 Wall Street
70 Dragones Street, Havana, Cuba
1735 McCormick Building, Chicago, 111.
34 Nassau Street
7 West loth Street
106 Central Park West
First National Bank, Douglas, Ariz.
22-24 South Third Street, Philadelphia, Pa.
University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, N. Mex.
49 Wall Street
3535 Telegraph Avenue, Oakland, Calif.
1023 People's Gas Building, Chicago, 111.
State Normal School, Trenton, N. J.
70 Broad Street
303 North Street, Buffalo, N. Y.
100 Washington Square
Arch & i6th Streets, Philadelphia, Pa.
544 West 114th Street
Sixth Avenue & i8th Street
909 Wilder Building, Rochester, N. Y.
55 Wall Street
463 West Street
14 Beacon Street, Boston, Mass.
Sherbrooke & Simpson Sts., Montreal, Canada
Spuyten Duyvil, N. Y.
48 Wall Street
Zd East 50th Street
250 West 54th Street
Groom, Wallace P.
Academy of Music Bldg., Lafayette Ave. & Fulton St., Brooklyn, N. Y.
Grossman, Moses H. 115 Broadway
Grover, James H. Mortgage Trust Co., 124 North 4th St., St. Louis, Mo.
Gubelman, Oscar L. 15 William Street
165 Broadway
593 Broadway
725 Broadway
391 Fifth Avenue
515 West I nth Street
28 Park Avenue
II Broadway
335 Convent Avenue
44 West 69th Street
2 Rector Street
545 Mt. Prospect Avenue, Newark, N. J.
I Wall Street
{21)
Guggenheim, Simon
Guinzburg, A. M.
Guinzburg, Victor
Gunther, Franklin L.
Guthrie, W. B.
Guthrie, William D.
Gutierrez, Valeriano
Guy, Charles L.
Guye, Charles Henry
Gwinn, Ralph W.
Gwinnell, William B.
Gwynn, Joseph K.
24
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Haas, Kalman
Haas, W. D.
Hackett, Corcellus H.
Hadley, Miss Edith M.
Haeselbarth, Adam C.
Hager, William M.
Hagerman, H. J.
Hagner, A. B.
Haines, Charles Grove
Hale, Ledyard P.
Hale, George D.
Hale, Robert L.
Hall, Frederick J.
Hall, John R.
Hall, Thomas C.
Halladay, Reginald
Halligan, Howard A.
Ham, Arthur H.
Hamburger, L.
Hamilton, Foster
Hamilton, John L.
Hamlin, Philip
Hammill, C. W.
Hammond, Henry B.
Hammond, John Hays
Hammond, Mrs. John Hays
Hammond, John Henry
Hanaman, Charles E.
Handy, Parker D.
Hanford, H. B.
Hanna, Charles A.
Hansmann, Carl A.
Hardings, W. P.
Hardon, Henry W.
Hardy, Sarah B.
Harkins, Walter S.
Harkness, W. L.
Harmon, William E.
Harned, Franklin M.
Harper, J. Henry
Harper, R. A.
Harriman, Mrs. J. Borden
Harris, Albert H.
Harris, John F.
Harrison, W. Z.
Hart, Hastings H.
Hartshorn, Stewart
Hartzell, Charles
Harvey, George
7 East 69lh Street
Bunkie, La.
31 Union Square
57 West 7.3d Street
Leonia, N. J.
165 Broadway
Roswell, New Mexico
1818 H Street, Washington, D. C.
Whitman College, Walla Walla, Wash.
Capitol, Albany, N. Y.
1059 Lake Avenue, Rochester, N. Y.
163 East 36th Street
4 Benedict Avenue, Tarrytown, N. Y.
100 Broadway
Union Theological Seminary
Englewood, N. J.
463 West Street
Room 1606, 31 Union Square
91 Fifth Avenue
The Bank of Alabama, Ensley, Ala.
Hoopestown, 111.
Telephone Building, Denver, Colo.
71 Broadway
51 Chambers Street
71 Broadway
2315 Massachusetts Ave., Washington, D. C.
40 Wall Street
P. O. Box, 527, Troy, N. Y.
22 Pine Street
633 Cooper Street. Camden, N. J.
IS Rockledge Avenue, Montclair, N. J.
96 Broadway
First National Bank, Birmingham, Ala.
60 Wall Street
419 West iiSth Street
Presbonsburg, Ky.
12 Broadway
261 Broadway
266 Lincoln Road, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Franklin Square
2936 Bainbridge Avenue
35 East 49th Street
135 Central Park West
15 Wall Street
Commercial Club, Salt Lake City, Utah
105 East 22d Street
Short Hills, N. J.
San Juan, Porto Rico
Care of Harper Brothers, Franklin Square
(24)
No. i]
LIST OF MEMBERS
25
Haskell, J. Amory
Haskin, Lincoln B.
Hasslacher, Jacob
Hastings, H. S.
Hatch, A. J.
Hatch, Edward W.
Hatfield, Charles E.
Hathaway, Charles
Havemeyer, F. C.
Hawkins, Eugene D.
Hawley, J. S., jr.
Hay, Woodhull,
Haynes, John R.
Hazard, F. R.
Hazeltine, H. D.
Healy, A. Augustus
Heaney, Frank J.
Hebbard, Edgar C.
Hecker, Frank J.
Hedges, Job E.
Heffner, William Clinton
Heller, Max
Heller, William H.
Henderson, Edward C.
Hendrix, Eugene R.
Henry, Philip W.
Hentz, Henry
Hepburn, A. Barton
Hepburn, Mrs. A. Barton
Herczeg, Josika
Hermann, Ferdinand
Herring, Hubert C.
Herrman, Henry S.
Herrod, H. E.
Hersey, Roscoe M.
Hershey, Omer F.
Hertenstein, Frederick
Heyman, David M.
Hicks, F. C.
Hiester, A. V.
Higbie, Robert W.
Higby, Chester P.
Higginson, Henry L.
Highsaw, J. L.
Hill, Edward Finch
Hill, James J.
Hill, William Burr
Hillhouse, Mrs. James
Hillard, C. W.
Room 1609, 140 Cedar Street
59 Main Street, Hempstead, N. Y.
100 William Street
St. Mark's, Elk Co., Pa.
20 Broad Street
37 Wall Street
West Newton, Mass.
45 Wall Street
34 East 37th Street
51 East 67th Street
3530 Third Street, San Diego, Calif.
164 East 6ist Street
2324 South Figueroa, Los Angeles, Calif.
P. O. Box 2, Syracuse, N. Y.
Emmanuel College, Cambridge, England
70 Gold Street
351 Canal Street
28 Nassau Street
915 Union Trust Building, Detroit, Mich.
165 Broadway
922 South 46th Street, Philadelphia, Pa.
1828 Morengo Street, New Orleans, La.
400 West End Avenue
52 William Street
3242 Norledge Place, Kansas City, Mo.
25 Broad Street
22 William Street
83 Cedar Street
205 West 57th Street
28 West loth Street
20 East 80th Street
287 Fourth Avenue
54 East 80th Street
National Metal Trades Association, Cleveland, O.
Young Men's Christian Ass'n, Tientsin, China
Mt. Washington, Md.
3870 iReading Road, Avondale, Cincinnati, O.
314 West 87th Street
7 Wall Street
320 Race Avenue, Lancaster, Pa.
Highland Avenue, Jamaica, L. L
210 Newton Street, Fairmount, W. Va.
44 State Street, Boston, Mass.
Central High School, Memphis, Tenn.
ZZZ Nelson Avenue, Peekskill, N. Y.
Great Northern Railway Building, St. Paul, Minn.
160 Broadway
Sachem's Wood, New Haven, Conn.
71 Broadway
(25)
26
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Hine, Francis L.
Hines, W. D.
Hinsdale, E. B.
Hirsch, Morris J.
Hirsch, Robert B.
Hirth, Friedrich
Hitchcock, Frederick S.
Hoadley, Horace G.
Hoagland, Joseph C.
Hochschild, B.
Hodgman, George B.
Hoe, Mrs. Robert
Hoggson, W. J.
Holbrook, Percy
Holcomb, Alfred E.
Holden, Arthur J.
Hollister, George Clay
Hollister, Granger A.
Holloway, Harry D.
Holly, Miss Mary Kissam
Holmes, John Haynes
Holstein, George M.
Holt, Lucius H.
Holter, Edwin O.
Homer, C. S.
Hopf, Harry Arthur
Hopkins, Arthur T.
Hopkins, George B.
Hopkins, W. J.
Hoppin, William W.
Hornblower, William B.
Horst, George D.
Horton, Lydiard
Hothron, E. G.
Hottenstein, Marcus S.
Hough, Warwick M.
2 Wall Street
52 William Street
Hotel Manhattan
160 Broadway
Stamford, Conn.
401 West ii8th Street
Box 202, New London, Conn.
16 Fiske Street, Waterbury, Conn.
16 William Street
P. O. Box 957
806 Broadway
180 West 59th Street
7 East 44th Street
The Lucerne, 79th Street & Amsterdam Ave.
15 Dey Street
Bennington, Vt.
New Rochelle, N. Y.
Rochester, N. Y.
508 Land Title Building, Philadelphia. Pa.
252 West 76th Street
28 Garden Place, Brooklyn, N. Y.
24 State Street
West Point, N. Y.
Mount Kisco, N. Y.
West Townsend, Mass.
95 Chauncey Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Mechanical Rubber Co., Cleveland, O.
52 Broadway
821 College Avenue, Racine, Wis.
52 William Street
30 Broad Street
Reading, Pa.
Hartley Hall, Columbia University
42 Broadway
Commonwealth Building, Allentown, Pa.
Rialto Building, 4th & Olive Sts., St. Louis, Mo.
Hourwich, Isaac A. 919 Massachusetts Ave., N. E., Washington, D. C.
Howard, Frederick B.
Howe, Frank E.
Howe, James B.
Howell, Mrs. John White
Howell, Lsher B.
Howell, Wilson S.
Howison, George H.
Howland, Horace F.
Hoyt, Allen G.
Hoyt, Arthur S.
Hoyt, F. C.
Hoyt, Theodore R.
56 Arlington Stieet, Brockton, Mass.
Troy, N. Y.
22 W. Highland Drive, Seattle, Wash.
211 Ballantine Parkway, Newark, N. J.
Riverhead, N. Y.
Pleasantville Station, Westchester Co., N. Y.
2631 Piedmont Avenue, Berkeley, Calif.
475 Fifth Avenue
49 Wall Street
90 West Broadway
66 Third Avenue
72 Gold Street
(26)
No. I]
LIST OF MEMBERS
27
Hubbard, Walter C.
Hudson, Sydney D. M.
Hulet, J. R.
Humphreys, Alexander C
Humphreys, Edwin W.
Hunley, W. M.
Hunt, Mrs. Leigh
Huntington, Archer M.
Huntsman, Owen B.
Hutchison, Edward S.
Huttig, C. H.
Hyams, Godfrey M.*
Hyde, Henry St. John
Hyman, Jacob S.
Hyman, Miss Louise
Ichmomiya, R.
Ikelheimer, Mrs. Henry
lies, George *
Imbrie, James
ImhoflF, C. H.
Ingham, William H.
Ingraham, Arthur
Irwin. I. I.
Iselin, Adrian, jr.
Iselin, Mrs. W. E.
Isman, Felix
Ivins, William M.
Jackson, Percy
Jacobs, Ralph K.
James, Mrs. Arthur Curtiss
James, Walter B.
Coffee Exchange Building
Bryn Mawr, Pa.
Holbrook, Ariz.
Stevens Institute of Technology, Hoboken, N. J.
406 East 85th Street
University of Virginia, Charlottesville, Va.
563 Park Avenue
1083 Fifth Avenue
165 Broadway
34 South State Street, Newton, Pa.
St. Louis, Mo.
P. O. Box 5104, Boston, Mass.
210 East i8th Street
Sea Cliff, L. I.
49 West 56th Street
55 Wall Street
524 Fifth Avenue
Park Avenue Hotel
301 West 7Sth Street
195 Broadway
Algona, la.
80 Irving Place
San Diego, Calif.
711 Fifth Avenue
745 Fifth Avenue
1328 South Pennsylvania Square, Philadelphia, Pa.
27 William Street
43 Cedar Street
215 Montague Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
92 Park Avenue
17 West 54th Street
17 West 54th Street
James, Mrs. Walter B.
Janvier, Charles
Care of Canal-Louisiana Bank & Trust Co., New Orleans, La.
Jarvie, James N. 66 Broadway
Jay, Delancy K. 26 Liberty Street
Jay, Pierre 40 Wall Street
Jefferson, Howard McN. 80 Downing Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Jeidels, Otto Nehrenstr 2)-, Berlin, Germany
Jenkins, Mrs. Helen Hartley 232 Madison Avenue
Jenkins, James, jr.
Jenks, Jeremiah W.
Jennings, Frederic B.
Jenswold, John, jr.
Jess, Stoddard
Jewett, George L.
Johnson, Bradish G.
Johnson, Charles P.
Johnson, C. W.
69 Schermerhorn Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
New York University
86 Park Avenue
407 Palladio Building, Duluth, Minn.
2133 Harvard Building, Los Angeles, Calif.
20 Fifth Avenue
829 Park Avenue
Navarre Building, St. Louis, Mo.
201 High Street, Holyoke, Mass.
(27)
28
VEA/e BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Johnson, Mrs. Eastman
Johnson, F. Cort
Johnson, Grafton
Johnson, J. Augustus
Johnson, John Theodore
Johnson, Rankin
Johnson, Remsen
Johnston, Allen W.
Johnston, Howard A.
Jonas, Stephen
Jones, Breckenridge
Jones, Charles H.
Jones, Dwight A.
Jones, E. Milton
Jones, James H.
Joy, Edmund Steele
Joy, Russell T.
Judson, Harry Pratt
Judson, Henry I.
Juilliard, A. D.
Kagey, C. L.
Kahn, Otto H.
Kalaw, Teodoro
Kastor, Hugo
Kaul, John L.
Kaupas, A.
Kebabian, George S.
Keedy, Edwin R.
Keep, Charles H.
Kehew, Mrs. Mary Morton
Kelley, David J.
65 West 55th Street
no North Street
Greenwood, Ind.
460 Scotland Road, South Orange, N. J.
417 48th Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
2,7 Madison Avenue
187 Broadway
500 State Street, Schenectady, N. Y.
180 Sumner Street, Stamford, Conn.
50 Wall Street
Care of Mississippi Valley Trust Co., St. Louis, Mo.
20 Broad Street
34 West 51st Street
570 West 156th Street
Box 89, R. F. D. No. I, Lakeland, Fla.
26 Halsey Street, Newark, N. J.
78 McDonough Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
University of Chicago, Chicago, 111.
96 Broadway
70 Worth Street
Beloit, Kan.
52 William Street
Paco, Manila, P. L
26-28 Cedar Street
Birmingham, Ala.
64 Church Street, Pittston, Pa.
60 Wall Street
31 West Lake Street, Chicago, 111.
60 Broadway
29a Chestnut Street, Boston, Mass.
1925 Seventh Avenue
Kelley, Mrs. Florence 106 East 19th Street
Kellogg, J. H. Battle Creek, Mich.
Kelly, Joseph I. 206 Northwestern University Building, Chicago, 111.
Kellor, Miss Frances A.
Kemmerer, Roy C.
Kempner, Otto
Kennett, Alfred Q.
Kenney, James W.
Kent, Fred I.
Kent, Robert B.
Kenyon, Albert J.
Kenyon, Robert N.
Keppelman, John Arthur
Kerr, David S.
Kerr, Walter
Kidder, C. G.
Kidder, Edward H.
Kientzle, J. P.
6 Montague Terrace, Brooklyn
92 Eastern Parkway, Brooklyn, N. Y.
44 Court Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
5099 McPherson Avenue, St. Louis, Mo.
234 Seaver Street, Roxbury, Boston, Mass.
7 Wall Street
Passaic, N. J.
165 Broadway
49 Wall Street
540 Court Street, Reading, Pa.
516 Quebec Bank Building, Montreal, Canada
52 Wall Street
27 William Street
17 Battery Place
2^(i East nth Street, Erie, Pa.
(28)
No. i]
LIST OF MEMBERS
29
Kilbreth, James T.
Kirrrball, Everett
King, Miss Elizabeth G.
King, Landreth H.
Kingsbury, Herbert D.
Kingsbury, Joseph Lyman
Kingsley, Darwin P.
Kingsley, W. M.
Kinsey, Oliver P.
Kirchwey, George W.
Klink, Miss Jane Seymour
Knapp, Mrs. Harry K.
Knapp, Joseph P.
45 Broadviray
Northampton, Mass.
48 College Street, Providence, R. I.
Grand Central Depot
Care of P. Lorillard & Co., Jersey City, N. J.
406 East Jefferson Street, Kirksville, Mo.
346 Broadway
45 Wall Street
Valparaiso, Ind.
Columbia University
397 First Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
34 East 35th Street
19th Street & Fourth Avenue
Knapp, Martin A. Interstate Commerce Commission, Washington, D. C.
Knauth, Antonio 39 West 76th Street
Knauth, Mrs. Percival 302 West 76th Street
Kneeland, Yale 117 East 6oth Street
Knevels, Miss M. E. 48 Wheeler Street, West Orange, N. J.
Knox, Arthur 198 Broadway
Knox, Herbert Allen 198 Broadway
Knox, William E. 128 Bowery
Kohler, Edgar J. 31 Nassau Street
Kohlman, Hugo 30 Broad Street
Korsmeyer, Mrs. Frederick A. Glen Cove, L. I.
Krech, Mrs. Alvin
Kudlich, H. C.
Kuhn, Arthur K.
Kursheedt, Manuel A.
Kurtz, William B.
Kuser, Anthony R.
LaFollette, W. T.
Lake, Emma S.
Lamar, Lucius Q. C.
Lambert, Adrian V S.
Lamont, Thomas W.
Lane, Nathan, jr.
Langeloth, Jacob
Lapham, Mrs. J. J.
Largey, M. S.
Larremore, Wilbur
Lathrop, Alanson P.
Lauer, Edgar J.
Lauterbach, Edward
Lauterbach, Mrs. Edward
Lawler, Thomas B.
Lawrence, William W.
Lawson, John Davison
Leach, A. B.
Leake, Eugene W.
26 West 58th Street
299 Broadway
308 West 92d Street
302 Broadway
321 Chestnut Street, Philadelphia
Bernardsville, N. J.
Siloam Springs, Ark.
309 West 93d Street
P. O. Box 830, Havana, Cuba
168 East 71st Street
2 Wall Street
195 Washington Park, Brooklyn, N. Y.
P. O. Box 957, Riverside, Conn.
46 East 67th Street
State Savings Bank, Butte, Mont.
32 Nassau Street
" The Apthorp," 79th Street & Broadway
624 Madison Avenue
22 William Street
761 Fifth Avenue
70 Fifth Avenue
22 East 47th Street
University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo.
149 Broadway
239 Washington Street, Jersey City, N. J.
(29)
30
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Leary, Mrs. George
Leary, William V.
Lebermuth, I.
LeBosky, Jacob C.
Leckie, A. E. L.
Lee, E. A.
Lee, H. M.
Leeds, Mrs. Warner Mifflin
Leffingwell, R. C.
LeGendre, William
Leger, J. N.
Legg, Chester Arthur
Lehman, Arthur
Lehman, Irving
Leland, Arthur S.
Leland, Francis L.
Lemaghi, Louis F.
Lemann, Monte M.
Lesher, Arthur L.
Lesinsky, Albert R.
Leupp, William H.
Leverett, George V.
Levi, Julian Clarence
Levy, Charles E.
Levy, Felix H.
Levy, Jefferson M.
Lewis, Burdette G.
1053 Fifth Avenue
173 West 87th Street
Lauderdale Post Office, St. James Parish, La.
127 North Dearborn Street, Chicago, 111.
Southern Building, Washington, D. C.
Oakland Road, South Orange, N. J.
59 Pearl Street
II East 65th Street
144 East 65th Street
59 Wall Street
Port au Prince, Haiti
63 Board of Trade Building, Chicago, 111.
16 William Street
County Court House
40 Exchange Place
New York County National Bank
Ccllinsville, 111.
6317 St. Charles Avenue, New Orleans, La.
670 Broadway
220 Broadway
90 Wall Street
53 Devonshire Street, Boston, Mass.
105 West 40th Street
Cotton Exchange Building
268 West 94th Street
27 Pine Street
tI Chambers Street
Lewis, Charles S.
217 Fletcher-American National Bank Building, Indianapolis, Ind.
Lewis, George A. 31 Erie County Savings Bank, Buffalo, N. Y.
Lewis, O. F. I35 East 15th Street
Lewisohn, Adolph 42 Broadway
Lewisohn, Sam A. 42 Broadway
Lichtenstein, Alfred 171 West 71st Street
Liebeskind, Solon J. 41 Park Row
Liebman, David 40 East 72d Street
Light, John H. South Norwalk, Conn.
Lincoln, Jonathan T. Fall River, Mass.
Lincoln, Lowell 345 Broadway
Lindsay, John D. 34 West nth Street
Lindsay, L. Seton 346 Broadway
Lindsay, Samuel McCune Columbia University
Lindsey, Ben B, Court House, Denver, Colo.
Lingley, Richard T. 527 Fifth Avenue
Lipman, F. L. Care of Wells Fargo Nevada Natl. Bank, San Francisco, Calif.
Lippitt, Costello Norwich, Conn.
Lisman, F. J. 30 Broad Street
Lissner, M. 524 South Spring Street, Los Angeles, Calif.
Littauer, Lucius N. 715 Broadway
(30)
No. i]
LIST OF MEMBERS
31
Littleton, Martin W.
Livermore, Arthur L.
Loeb, Isidor
Loeb, Jacob M.
Loeb, James
Loeb, Otto S.
Loesch, Frank J.
Loeser, Vincent
Loewy, Benno
Lombardi, C.
Loomis, Guy
Lord, Chester S.
Lovejoy, Owen R.
Lovett, Robert Scott
Low, Seth
Low, William Oilman, jr.
Lowden, Frank O.
Lowry, Robert J.
Lucas, A. B.
Luce, H. J.
Luce, W. A.
Ludington, Arthur C.
Ludlum, Clarence A.
Lummis, Miss Eliza O'B.
Lummis, William
Lundien, E. M.
Lustgarten, W.
Lyall, William L.
Lybyer, Albert Howe
Lydig, Philip M.
Lynch, Mrs. Jerome H.
Lj'ons, Samuel Clay
Maas, Charles O.
Mabon, James B.
Mabon, William
MacArthur, Arthur F.
MacDonald, Charles B.
MacDonald, George
MacDuffie, Rufus L.
Macfarland, Charles S.
MacGregor, Ford H.
Machen, Arthur W., jr.
Mackay, Clarence H.
MacKelvie, N. Bruce
Maclay, Mark W., jr.
MacLean, Charles F.
MacLean, James A.
MacQuoid, C. \N .
Mac Veagh, Franklin
2 Rector Street
30 Broad Street
University of Missouri, Columbia, Mo.
29 South LaSalle Street, Chicago, 111.
52 William Street
35 Wall Street
ID South LaSalle Street, Chicago, 111.
320 West io8th Street
206 Broadway
" The News," Dallas, Texas
817 Carroll Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
170 Nassau Street
105 East 22d Street
Locust Valley, Long Island, N. Y.
30 East 64th Street
Bristol, R. I.
Oregon, 111.
Atlanta, Ga.
Meadows, Idaho
4 East 52d Street
Ellsworth, Pa.
56 West loth Street
57 Highland Avenue, Jamaica, L. I.
324 West 103d Street
45 Wall Street
Dayton, la.
68 William Street
349 Aycrigg Avenue, Passaic, N. J.
153 South Cedar Avenue, Oberlin, O.
38 East 52d Street
58 West 58th Street
Louisville, Ky.
87 Nassau Street
59 West 70th Street
Wards Island
II Pine Street
71 Broadway
315 West 90th Street
Bronxville, N. Y.
215 Fourth Avenue
215 North Brooks Street, Madison, Wis.
Central Savings Bank Building, Baltimore, Md.
253 Broadway
25 Broad Street
830 Park Avenue
5th Avenue & 130th Street
Moscow, Idaho
Roselle, N. J.
2829 Sixteenth Street, Washington, D. C.
(31)
32
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Macy, Carleton
Macy, Miss Carroll
Macy, V. Everit
Mahoney, Stephen A.
Main, William A.
Mairs, Mrs. E. H.
Malkenson, Arthur L.
Maloney, Miss Ellen
Mandlebaum, Miss M.
Manning, William T.
Manning, W. W.
Mansfield, Howard
Marden, Francis Skiddy
Marie, Leon
Markle, John
Markle, Mrs. John
Marks, Laurence H.
Marks, Marcus M.
Marling, Alfred E.
Marsh, Robert AIcC.
Marshall, Charles C.
Marston, Edgar L.
Marston, Edwin S.
Martin, Bradley, jr.
Martin, John,
Martin, Newell
Martin, R. W.
Martindale, J. B.
Marvel, Josiah
Marx, Otto
Mason, Charles N.
Mason, Lewis D.
Masten, George H.
Masters, Miss L. B.
Mastin, J. Edward
Mather, Samuel
Mathews, George Brewster
Mathews, J. M.
Mathewson, Charles F.
Matienze, Jose Nicholas
Matthews, T. A.
Maurice, William G.
Maxwell, Robert
Mayer, Julius M.
Mayer, Levy
McAdoo, W. G.
McAneny, George
McBain, Howard Lee
McCall, John C.
Hewlett, L. L
" Birch Corners," Hewlett, L. I.
68 Broad Street
630 Dwight Street, Holyoke, xvlass.
214 Broadway
Irvington-on-Hudson, N. Y.
102 Bowery
440 Riverside Drive
205 West 57th Street
27 West 25th Street
70 State Street, Boston, Mass.
49 Wall Street
449 Park Avenife
I West 54th Street
Jeddo, Pa.
^21 Fifth Avenue
Lawrence, L. L
687 Broadway
35 West 47th Street
45 West nth Street
34 Pine Street
24 Broad Street
16-22 William Street
6 East 87th Street
Grymes Hills, Stapleton, Staten Island, N. Y.
20 Exchange Place
25 Nassau Strtet
270 Broadway
Wilmington, Del.
Birmingham, Ala.
62 Cedar Street
171 Joralemon Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
425 West Ii8th Street
Dobbs Ferry, N. Y.
3 Broad Street
Western Reserve Building, Cleveland, O.
830 Delaware Avenue, Buffalo, N. Y.
417 Lincoln Hall, Urbana, 111.
55 Wall Street
3770 Calle Santa Fe, Buenos Aires, R. A.
165 Broadway
Hot Springs, Ark.
334 Fourth Avenue
43 Exchange Place
76 West Monroe Street, Chicago, 111.
30 Church Street
19 East 47th Street
Madison, Wis.
346 Broadway
(32)
No. I]
LIST OF MEMBERS
33
McCarroIl, William
McCarty, Barclay E.
McCausland, George G.
McCleary, James T.
McClement, J. H.
McCready, N. L.
McCrum, Lloyd G.
McElderry, H. L.
McE'nerney, Garrett W.
McGarrah, G. W.
McGinley, J. R.
McGrath, Miss Madge
McGraw, James H.
McGuckin, William G.
Mcllvaine, Tompkins
Mcintosh, C. K.
Mclntyre, John F.
Mclntyre, William H.
McKeag, Edwin C.
McKenna, Thomas P.
McKeon, John C.
McLaren, Kenneth K.
McLean, A. W.
McMahon, J. Sprigg
McMillin, Emerson
McNeir, George
McNulty, William D.
McPherson, Logan G.
McQueen, W.
McReynolds, J. C.
McRoberts, Samuel
McWilliams, Daniel W.
Mead, Joseph H.
Meagley, George C.
Mehan, William A.
Meldrim, Peter W.
Melville, Frank, jr.
Melvin, E. C
Menken, S. Stanwood
Mereness, Newton D.
Merrick, H. F.
Mershon, Ralph D.
Metcalf, E. P.
Metcalfe, Henry
Metcalfe, J. G.
Metz, Herman A.
Meyer, Mrs. Aubrey Edgerton
Meyer, Ernst C.
Meyer, Eugene, jr.
758 St. Mark's Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y.
3 South William Street
P. O. Box 68, Kendall Green, Mass.
30 Church Street
135 Broadway
38 Wall Street
103 Park Avenue
Talladega, Ala.
1277 Flood Building, San Francisco, Calif.
ZZ Wall Street
Sooo Forbes Street, Pittsburgh, Pa.
921 Canal Street, New Orleans, La.
239 West 39th Street
176 West losth Street
52 William Street
The Bank of California, San Francisco, Calif.
30 Broad Street
201 West 55th Street
223 Somerset Street, New Brunswick, N. J.
41 Wall Street
Hempstead, N. Y.
Zy Wall Street
Lumberton, N. C.
Dayton, Ohio
40 Wall Street
575 Fifth Avenue
141 Broadway
Bureau of Railway Economics, Washington, D. C.
Ludowici, Ga.
141 Broadway
55 Wall Street
39 South Portland Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y.
The County Trust Co., White Plains, N. Y.
884 Massachusetts Avenue, Cambridge, Mass.
Ballston Spa, N. Y.
Savannah, Ga.
28 Monroe Place, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Selma National Bank, Selma, Ala.
34 West 52d Street
Bridgeport, Conn.
Kensington, O.
65 West 54th Street
Atlantic National Bank, Providence, R. L
147 Fourth Avenue
55 Central Park West
122 Hudson Street
The Castle, Whitehall, N. Y.
224 Custom House
7 Wall Street
(33)
34
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Mijuef, P.
Milburn, John G.
Miller, George N.
Miller, Henry F.
Miller, James Alexander
Miller, Samuel H.
Miller, W. B.
Mills, W. McMaster
Miner, Miss Maude E.
Mitchell, Edward Page
Mitchell, Francis B.
Mix, M. W.
Mohrenstecher, G. A.
Monroe, Robert Grier
Montgomery, Robert H.
Moore, John Bassett
Moot, Adelbert
Morawetz, Victor A.
Mordecai, T. Moultrie
More, C. E.
Morgan, Miss Anne
Morgan, George Wilson
Morgan, J. P.
Morgan, William Fellowes
Morgenthau, Henry
Morgenthau, J. C.
Morris, Dave H.
Morris, Henry C.
Morrison, George Austin
Morrow, Dwight W.
Morse, A. E.
Morse, Anson D.
Morse, Edmund H.
Mott, Howard S.
Moulton, Irving P.
Muchnic, Charles M.
Muhleman, Maurice L.
Mulry, Thomas M.
Mundy, Floyd Woodruff
Munn, John P.
Munroe, Vernon
Murphy, Franklin
Muschenheim, Mrs. Frederick A,
Mussey, Henry Raymond
Myers, W. Fenton
Myers, Nathaniel
Myers, William S.
Nadal, Charles C.
Neal, Emmett O.
Technological Institute, St. Petersburg, Russia
i6 West loth Street
8ii Madison Avenue'
44 Pine Street
i8 West 51st Street
121 East Union Avenue, Bound Brook, N. J.
Chattanooga, Tenn.
753 Fifth Avenue
38 West loth Street
The Sun Office
The Post Express, Rochester, N. Y.
Dodge Mfg. Co., Mishawaka, Ind.
Long Beach, Calif.
26 Liberty Street
55 Liberty Street
Columbia University
45 Erie County Savings Bank, Buffalo, N. Y.
44 Wall Street
Broad and State Streets, Charleston, S. C.
318 Home Insurance Building, Chicago, 111.
219 Madison Avenue
;i2 Liberty Street
23 Wall Street
Arch 5, Brooklyn Bridge
165 Broadway
87 Nassau Street
19 East 70th Street
924 Marquette Building, Chicago, 111.
27 Beaver Street
62 Cedar Street
223 Fourth Street, Marietta, O.
Amherst College, Amherst, Mass.
117 West 58th Street
100 Broadway
2199 Derisadero Street, San Francisco, Calif.
800 Riverside Drive
27 Thames Street
543 West 2ist Street
20 Broad Street
18 West 58th Street
Englewood, N. J.
224 McWhorter Street, Newark, N. J.
218 West 45th Street
Columbia University
20 Market Street, Amsterdam, N. Y.
135 Central Park West
17 Madison Avenue
142 East 35th Street
Montgomery. Ala.
(34)
No. I]
LIST OF MEMBERS
35
Nelson, Richard Marshall
Nevius, David
Newberger, A. L.
Newborg, Leo D.
Newcomer, Waldo
Newton, Howard D.
Nichols, Morton C
Nicholson, John
Nicoll, DeLancey
Noble, Alfred
Nolan, Edward C.
Northrop, Charles P.
Norton, Charles D.
Nottingham, William
Noyes, Henry T., jr.
Nunemacher, F. C. 611-613
Nye, Olin T.
Oakman, Walter G.
Obermayer, C. J.
Ochs, Adolph S.
O'Donnell, Miss Alice
Oeland, Isaac R.
Ogden, Robert C.
Ogden, Rollo
O'Gorman, Richard
Ogg, Frederic A.
Olin, John M.
Olin, Stephen H.
Olney, Peter B.
Olney, Richard
Opdyke, William S.
Oppenheim, Edward L.
Oppenheimer, Henry S.
Ordway, Samuel H.
Ortiz, Fernando
Osborn, Mrs. Henry Fairchild
Osborn, William Church
Osborne, Thomas
Osgood, Herbert L.
Outerbridge, E. H.
Owens, George W.
Owens, W. W.
Page, Alfred R.
Page, Edward D.
Page, Howard W.
Page, William H.
Paine, George H. 7
Palmer, Henry B.
Palmieri, F. L.
Lillington, N. C.
160 Fifth Avenue
31 West 23d Street
30 West 95th Street
National Exchange Bank, Baltimore, Md.
371 North Broad Street, Norwich, N. Y.
I East 39th Street
32 Nassau Street
23 East 39th Street
501 West i2oth Street
First National Bank, Reading, Pa.
49 St. Nicholas Place
36 East 36th Street
701 Walnut Avenue, Syracuse, N. Y.
Rochester, N. Y.
Union Trust Building, Washington, D. C.
Seneca Street, Watkins, N. Y.
62 Cedar Street
502 8th Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y.
New York Times
320 Jones Street, Memphis, Tenn.
189 Montague Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
125 East 56th Street
20 Vesey Street
51 Chambers Street
401 Broadway, Cambridge, Mass.
762 Langdon, Madison, Wis.
32 Nassau Street
68 William Street
710 Sears Building, Boston, Mass.
20 Nassau Street
104 East 6sth Street
II East 43d Street
27 William Street
Aguiav, 68, Havana, Cuba
850 Madison Avenue
71 Broadway
Auburn, N. Y.
526 West 150th Street
II Broadway
Citizens Trust Building, Savannah, Ga.
289 Clinton Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y.
County Court House
Oakland, N. J.
32 South Broad Street, Philadelphia, Pa.
32 Liberty Street
18 Land Title Building, Philadelphia, Pa.
334 Canal Street
50 East 63d Street
(35)
36
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Pam, Max
Parish, Edward C.
Parish, Henry
Parker, Alton B.
Parker, Ashton
Parker, Robert A.
Parrish, R. L.
Parsons, Herbert
Parsons, John E.
Parsons, W. L.
Partridge, Frank H.
Paskus, Benjamin G.
Patterson, John L.
Patterson, W. J.
Pavey, Frank D.
Payne, James M.
Peabody, R. C.
Pearson, F. S.
Peaslee, Edward H.
Peckitt, Leonard
Peierls, Siegfried
Penman, John Simpson
Penrose, Stephen B. L.
Perkins, George E.
Perkins, George W.
Perrin, John 480
Perry, Mrs. William A.
Peters, William R.
Pettit, Franklin
Peyser, Julius I.
Pflum, H. Doane
Phelan, Thomas A.
Phelps, Ansel
Phelps, Mrs. Marion Von
Philips, Frederic D.
Phillips, Louis S.
Phoenix, Lloyd
Pierce, Winslow S.
Pierson, Lewis E.
Pilat, Oliver T.
Pinkus, Frederick S.
Place, Ira A.
Plant, Albert
Piatt, Edward T.
Piatt, Mrs. Frank H.
Plaut, Joseph
Plimpton, George A.
Polk, William M.
Pollak, Francis D.
71 Broadway
52 Wall Street
52 Wall Street
Esopus, N. Y.
330 West 85th Street
81 Fulton Street
Covington, Va.
52 William Street
52 William Street
Rockingham, N. C.
140 West 69th Street
128 Broadway
Roanoke Rapids, N. C.
60 Broadway
32 Nassau Street
1210 Virginia Street, Charleston, W. Va.
II Broadway
115 Broadway
17 Washington Square, North
Catasauqua, Pa.
453 Broome Street
"Holywell," Katonah, N, Y.
41 College Avenue, Walla Walla, Wash.
41 Union Square
71 Broadway
South Orange Grove Avenue, Pasadena, Calif.
7 East 56th Street
55 John Street
2 Wall Street
318 Southern Building, Washington, D. C.
346 Broadway
93 Front Street
29 Wall Street
R. 70 West 49th Street
15 William Street
49 Broadway
21 East 33d Street
IIS Broadway
Irving Exchange National Bank
562 West 183d Street
103 Franklin Street
Grand Central Station
120 William Street
205 West 57th Street
242 West 74th Street
120 William Street
70 Fifth Avenue
7 East 36th Street
49 Wall Street
(36)
No. i]
LIST OF MEMBERS
37
Pollock, J. S.
Ponipan, Maurice A.
Pond, Oscar L.
Poor, Ruel W.
Porter, William H.
Post, Abram S.
Post, James H.
Potter, Mrs. Blanche
Potter, Frederick
Potter, Mrs. Gilbert
Powell, Henry M.
Powell, Thomas Reed
Powell, William H.
Pratt, Mrs. Herbert
Pratt, Mrs. John
Prentice, Ezra P.
Prentiss, William A.
Prescott, Arthur T.
Preston, Harold
Price, George M.
Price, Theodore H.
Prim, C. A.
Prince, John D.
Proctor, Mrs. Charles E.
Prosser, Seward
Prout, Henry
Pruyn, Robert C.
Pryer, Charles
Puflfer, W. M.
Puig, Miss Louise M.
Pulitzer, Miss Constance
Pulitzer, Ralph
Purdy, W. E.
Purrington, William A.
Putney, Edmonds
Putney, Miss Eva
Quackenbush, James L.
* Quesada, Ernesto
Quimby, Charles E.
Quinn, John
Quinn, Thomas J.
Randolph, Stuart F.
Ransom, Rastus S.
Ransom, William L.
Raper, C. L.
Rappard, William E.
Rascovar, James
Ratcliff, J. P.
Raven, A. A.
606 West 2d Street, Little Rock, Ark.
80 Avenue C
Law Building, Indianapolis, Ind.
200 Fifth Avenue
23 Wall Street
81 Fulton Street
129 Front Street
180 West 59th Street
71 Broadway
239 East 6oth Street
51 Chambers Street
Columbia University
1 1 70 Broadway
213 Clinton Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y.
II East 6ist Street
32 Nassau Street
207 Elm Street, Holyoke, Mass.
739 North Street, Baton Rouge, La.
605 Lowman Building, Seattle, Wash.
202 Marcy Avenue, Brooklyn, N. Y.
24 South William Street
Banifay, Holmes County, Fla.
Sterlington, Rockland Co., N. Y.
Great Neck, L. L
389 Fifth Avenue
30 Church Street
60 State Street, Albany, N. Y.
P. O. Box 647, New Rochelle, N. Y.
Kalamazoo, Mich.
40a Hampton Place, Brooklyn, N. Y.
7 East 73d Street
17 East 73d Street
83 Cedar Street
43 West nth Street
116 West 73d Street
no West 73d Street
362 Riverside Drive
Libertad 946, Buenos Aires, R. A.
278 West 86th Street
31 Nassau Street
2345 Valentine Avenue
31 Nassau Street
338 West 77th Street
550 Riverside Drive
Chapel Hill, N. C.
59 Fayerweather Street, Cambridge, Mass.
26 Beaver Street
Cunningham, Kan.
864 President Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
(37)
38
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Rawles, William A.
Read, William A.
Redding, Miss Helen E.
Reed, Alfred Z.
Reed, Charles
Reed, Frederick H.
Reese, Richard Equitabl
Reeves, Herbert
Remick, William H.
Revell, Fleming H.
Reynolds, Mrs. James B.
Rhoades, John Harsen
Rhodes. R. R
Rice, Isaac L.
Rice, William M. J.
Rich, Charles A.
Richards, C. R.
Richards, R. O.
Richmond, T. C.
Ridge, W. N.
* Riker, John J.
Ripley, E. A.
Rives, George L.
Robb, Mrs. N. Thayer
Robbins, Howard C.
Robinson, Allan
Robinson, George B.
Robinson, George Henry
Robinson, Mrs. Gilbert
Robinson, James H.
Robinson, Nelson L.
Rochester, Mrs. Richmond
Rockefeller, P. A.
Roeser, John E.
Rogers, F. Theo. Care
Rojas, P. Ezequiel
Roome, William J.
Root, Charles T.
Root, Elihu
Rosen, Felix
Rosenbaum, M.
Rosenfeld, Edward L.
Rosenfeld, Henry L.
Ross, Edward A.
Ross, P. Sanford
Rossbach, Jacob
Rossiter, Van Wyck
Rothbarth, H. 30 Quex Road,
Rothschild, Maurice
924 East 3d Street, Bloomington, Ind.
31 Pine Street
145 South Oxford Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
454 West I52d Street
38 North Moore Street
120 Riverside Drive
e Guarantee & Trust Co., Wilmington, Del.
55 Liberty Street
27 Wall Street
Riverdale-on-Hudson, N. Y.
151 Central Park West
66 Beaver Street
1206 Citizens Building, 'Cleveland, O.
5 Nassau Street
15 West 67th Street
320 Fifth Avenue
Cooper Union, N. Y.
Huron, S. Dak.
Mendota Block, Madison, Wis.
302 Broadway
46 Cedar Street
Mandan, N. Dak.
32 Nassau Street
35 East 64th Street
209 Madison Avenue
165 Broadway
415 Broome Street
26 Exchange Place
541 West 124th Street
567 West 113th Street
435 West 119th Street
Whitestone. L. I.
26 Broadway
795 St. Nicholas Avenue
of " Philippines Free Press," Manila, P. I.
1017 Sixteenth Street, Washington, D. C.
loi East 57th Street
231 West 39th Street
Washington, D. C.
25 Broad Street
603 South Third Street, Philadelphia, Pa.
35 South William Street
165 Broadway
University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.
277 Washington Street, Jersey City, N. J.
55 Frankfort Street
Nyack, N. Y.
West Hampstead, London, N. W., England
49 West 72d Street
(38)
No. I]
LIST OF MEMBERS
39
Rounds, Arthur C.
Rowe, Louis Cass
Rowe, William V.
Rublee, Mrs. Juliet Barrett
Rudd, Charming
Rudolphy, Mrs. Gustave C.
Rundell, Oliver S.
Rumsey, Mrs. Charles
Ruppert, Jacob, jr.
Rush, Thomas E.
Rushmore, Charles E.
Ryle, Arthur
Sabin, Charles H.
Sachs, Bernard
Sachs, Harry
Sachs, Julius
Sachs, Ralph L.
Sachs, Samuel
96 Broadway
40 East Utica Street, Oswego, N. Y.
133 East 38th Street
116 East 58th Street
15 Wall Street
148 East 62d Street
University of Wisconsin, Madison, Wis.
Arden, Orange Co., N. Y.
1639 Third Avenue
71 East 90th Street
40 Wall Street
225 Fourth Avenue
28 Nassau Street
135 Central Park West
60 Wall Street
Teachers College, Columbia University
28 West 22d Street
46 West 70th Street
49 Wall Street
Sage, Dean
Saggu, Mohammad Khairuddin
Royal Colonial Institute, Northumberland Ave., London, W.C, England
Saklatvala, P. D. 83 Grand Street
Samson, C. F. 20 Broad Street
Samson, Harry G. 433 Sixth Avenue, Pittsburgh, Pa.
Sanders, J. C. Fourth Street, Fort Madison, la.
Sanguinette, S. S. 542 West 124th Street
Sargent, William D. 90 West Street
Satterlee, Herbert L. 37 East 36th Street
Saul, Charles R. 149 Columbus Avenue
Saunders, Bertram A. Nyack, N. Y.
Saunders, Charles C. 95 Milk Street, Boston, Mass.
Saunders, William E. G. Emmetsburg, Iowa
Schaffer, Frank 85 Rockland Avenue, Park Hill, Yonkers, N. Y.
Schefer, Carl 40 West 37th Street
Schermerhorn, F. Augustus 25 Liberty Street
Scherr, Harry
Schiff, Jacob H.
Schiff, Mortimer L.
Schlapp, Max G.
Schley, Grant B.
Schmitt, Arthur J.
Schniewind, H., jr.
Scholefield, E. O. S.
Schott, Charles M., jr.
Scoville, Mrs. Helen M.
Schreiber, George C.
Schubring, E. J. B.
Schurz, Miss Agatha
Schuster, Edward
Williamson, West Va.
27 Pine Street
William & Pine Streets
40 East 41st Street
80 Broadway
1 127 Vine Street, Cincinnati, O.
18 West i8th Street
Legislative Library, Victoria, B. C, Canada
25 Broad Street
2042 Fifth Avenue
55 Liberty Street
Badger Block, Madison, Wis.
24 East 91st Street
2a Capuchinas 48, Mexico City, Mex.
(39)
40
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Schwab, Gustav H.
Schwarz, Herbert F.
Schwarzenbach, Robert J.
Scott, Frank H.
Scribner, Sam A.
Scudder, Edward M.
Scudder. Townsend
Scull, Charles O.
Seabury, William M.
Seager, Henry Rogers,
Seaman, Alfred P. W.
Seaman, Louis L.
Sears, J. H.
Seelig, Mr. S.
Seevers, George W.
Seggerman, Mrs. Victor
Seko, Konosuke
Seligman, E. R. A.
Seligman, Mrs. Henry
Seligman, Isaac N.
Seligman, Jefferson
Sessoms, E. M.
Severance, L. H.
Sexton, Lawrence E.
Sexton, J. S.
Shackleton, James H.
Shaffner, Henry F.
Shattuck, Henry L.
Shaw, Albert
Shaw, William N.
Shearn, Qarence J.
Sheehan, William F.
Sheldon, George R.
Shelton, Thomas Wall
Shepard, Charles E.
Shepherd, W. R.
Sherman, Gordon E.
Shientag, Bernard L.
Shipman, Henry R.
Shoemaker, Herbert B.
Shove, Benjamin J.
Sickles, D E.
Sidenberg, George M.
Siegel, Henry
Silliman, Reuben D.
Simkhovitch, V. G.
Simmons, Frank H.
Simpson, George W.
Simpson, John W.
4 East 48th Street
25s West io8th Street
F. 472 Broome Street
Century Company, Union Square
Broadway and 47th Street
59 Wall Street
112 Willow Street, Brooklyn, N. Y.
Roland Park, Md.
Fleming Building, Phoenix. Ariz.
Columbia University
147 West 87th Street
247 Fifth Avenue
35 West 32d Street
5025 McPherson Avenue, St. Louis, Mo.
Metropolitan Life Building, Minneapolis, Minn.
422 West 144th Street
445 Broome Street
Columbia University
30 West 56th Street
I William Street
I William Street
R. F. D. No. I, Caryville, Ra.
Waldorf-Astoria Hotel
34 Pine Street
Hazelhurst, Miss.
Fidelity Trust Co., Newark, N. J.
403 High Street, Winston Salem, N. C.
60 State Street, Boston, Mass.
13 Astor Place
165 Broadway
258 West 94th Street
14 Wall Street
24 East 38th Street
Norfolk, Va.
614 New York Building, Seattle, Wash.
468 Riverside Drive
Ogden Place, Morristown, N. J.
165 Broadway
Princeton, N. J.
31 Nassau Street
365 Green Street, Syracuse, N. Y.
23 Fifth Avenue
45 East 49th Street
Simpson Crawford Co., 19th St. and 6th Ave.
609 West 158th Street
26 Jones Street
no Centre Street
90 West Broadway
62 Cedar Street
(40)
No. i]
LIST OF MEMBERS
41
Sinclair, A. G.
Sinclair, Miss Marjorie T.
Slade, C. C
Slade, Francis Louis
Sleicher, Reuben P.
Sloan, Benson Bennett
Sloane, William M.
Smith, Arthur J.
Smith, C. P.
Smith, Eugene
Smith, Frederick M.
Smith, Harry T.
Smith, Munroe
Smith, Nelson
Smith, R. A. C.
Smith, S. L.*
Smyth, Herbert C.
Snow, Elbridge G.
Snyder, V. P.
Sommer, Frank H.
Sommerich, Edwin
Sondheim, Phineas
Soper, Alexander C.
Soper, Erastus B.
Sprague, Frank J.
Spence, Miss Clara B.
Spencer, A. H.
Spencer, Charles W.
Spencer, Henry R.
Speranza, Gino C.
Spiegelberg, F.
St. Goar, F.
Standish, Myles
Stangeland, Charles E.
Stanley, Edward O.
Starr, William J.
Starace, Achille
Stason, Edwin J.
Staton, Henry
Stauffen, Ernest, jr.
Steckler, Edward L.
Steele, Charles
Stein, Leo
Steinan, Edward S.
Steinkamp, William H.
Steinman, H. G.
Sterling, Miss Ada
Stern, Edgar B.
Sternbach, Morris
429 Elgin Avenue, Winnipeg, Canada
471 Park Avenue
83 Cedar Street
18 West 52d Street
225 Fifth Avenue
38 Wall Street
105 East 69th Street
541 Lexington Avenue
Burlington Savings Bank, Burlington, Vt.
39 West 68th Street
630 S. Crysler Street, Independence, Mo.
56-58 St. Michael Street, Mobile, Ala.
169 East 70th Street
151 West 48th Street
100 Broadway
1013 Woodward Avenue, Detroit, Mich.
IS Wall Street
56 Cedar Street
31 Nassau Street
738 Broad Street, Newark, N. J.
626 Broadway
49 Wall Street
Lakewood, N. J.
Emmetsburg, la.
165 Broadway
30 West 55th Street
90 West Street
114 Fitz Randolph Road, Princeton, N. J.
Ohio State University, Columbus, O.
40 Pine Street
16 West 76th Street
35 Wall Street
20 Nassau Street
Department of State, Washington, D. C.
176 Broadway
Eau Claire, Wis.
32 Broadway
Sioux City, la.
80 Broadway
119 Fifth Avenue
61 West 88th Street
23 Wall Street
37 West 90th Street
52 William Street
34 West 190th Street
CuUom, 111.
S8 West 57th Street
51 15 St. Charles Avenue, New Orleans, La.
40 Exchange Place
(41)
42
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Sterne, L. H.
Sterrett, J. E.
Stetson, Francis Lynde
Stetson, Will H.
Stettinius, Edward R.
Steuer, Max D.
Stevens, F. C.
Stevens, George W.
S'.evens, Mrs. Joseph S
Stevens, Richard
btevens, T. Jefferson
Stevenson, Eugene
Stevenson, L. A.
Stewart, Bryce M.
Stewart, John A.
Stewart, Mrs. Percy H.
Stewart, William R.
Stickney, Charles D.
Stiger, William D.
Stiger, William E.
Stillman, Charles
Stillman, Leland S.
Stockton, Philip
Stoddard, John M.
Stokes, Anson Phelps
Stokes, J. G. Phelps
Stone, Harlan F.
Stone, I. F.
Storer, Mrs. A. H.
Straus, Percy S.
Straus, Simon W.
Strauss, Albert
Strauss, Charles
Strauss, Frederick
Strohmeyer, George W.
Strong, Benjamin, jr.
Stroock, S. M.
Stubbs, Francis P., jr.
Sturgis, F. K.
Styer, David
Sullivan, J. J.
Suzzallo, Henry,
Swan, George B.
Swan, Mrs. Joseph R.
Swan, Robert
Swartwout, Richard H.
Swayne, Francis B.
Swayze, Francis J.
Swetland, Mrs. Horace M.
2IO West iioth Street
54 William Street
15 Broad Street
43 Cedar Street
III Broadway
55 West 88th Street
309 Southern Building, Washington, D. C.
71 Broadway
Kerby Hill, Jericho, L. I.
I Newark Street, Hoboken, N. J.
81 Fulton Street
580 Park Avenue
Concord, Calif.
1600 Barclay Street, Vancouver, B. C.
50 Church Street
563 West 8th Street, Plainfield, N. J.
31 Nassau Street
512 Fifth Avenue
62 William Street
138 West 73d Street
21 West 48th Street
15 William Street
17 Court Street, Boston, Mass.
542 West ii2th Street
100 William Street
100 William Street
49 Wall Street
100 William Street
Ridgefield, Conn.
34th Street and Broadway
Straus Building, Chicago, 111.
I William Street
141 Broadway
I William Street
Milwaukee National Bank, Milwaukee, Wis.
7 Wall Street
30 Broad Street
Central Savings Bank Building, Monroe, La.
17 East 51st Street
Bordentown Military Institute, Bordentown, N. J.
Central National Bank, Cleveland, O.
525 West I20th Street
loij^ Front Street, Beaver Dam, Wis.
I Lexington Avenue
25 Broad Street
44 Pine Street
149 Broadway
765 High Street, Newark, N. J.
151 Central Park West
(42)
No. i] LIST OF MEMBERS 43
Taber, E. J. L. Elko, Nevada
Taft, Henry W. 36 West 48th Street
Taggart, Rush 319 West 75th Street
Taintor, Charles N. 41 West 76th Street
Takamine, Jokichi 550 West 173d Street
Talbert, Joseph T. 55 Wall Street
Tallmadge, Josiah C. 14 Liberty Street, Catskill, N. Y.
TaJmage, Mrs. Edward H. - 925 Park Avenue
Tappan, Mrs. J. B. C. Glen Cove, L. I.
Taylor, Carl 24 Broad Street
Taylor, Frederick C. Stamford, Conn.
Taylor, George 8 West 126th Street
Taylor, Henry R. 30 Pine Street
Taylor, Samuel M. 19S Broadway
Taylor, William H. 1815 Whitehall Building, 17 Battery Place
Teele, Arthur W. 30 Broad Street
Teets, Herbert M. 530 Fifth Avenue
Tefft, Erastus T. 5 Nassau Street
Tenney, Levi S. 27 William Street
Terhune, N. ^2 Nassau Street
Terry, Charles Thaddeus 100 Broadway
Tesla, Nikola Waldorf-Astoria Hotel
Teter, Lucius 5637 Woodlawn Avenue, Chicago, 111.
Thacher, Thomas 62 Cedar Street
Thaw, A. Blair 135 East 66th Street
Thitchener, W. H. 30 Broad Street
Thomas, Albert A. 90 Pearl Street, Middleboro, Mass.
Thomas, Allen M. 35 West 54th Street
Thomas, Augustus New Rochelle, N. Y.
Thomas, John W. 76 William Street
Thomen, Otto J. 2,2> Pine Street
Thompson, Mrs. Charles L. 156 Fifth Avenue
Thompson, Mrs. Frederick F. 283 Madison Avenue
Thompson, Holland 17 Lexington Avenue
Thompson, J. David Law Library, Columbia University
Thompson, William B. 14 Wall Street
Thorley, Charles 562 Fifth Avenue
Thorne, Edwin West Islip, L. L
Thorne, Jonathan 43 Cedar Street
Thornton, W. D. 42 Broadway
Thurston, Edward Sampson 1212 S. E. Fifth St., Minneapolis, Minn.
Titus, Arthur H. 55 Wall Street
Tobin, R. M. Hibernia Bank, San Francisco, Calif.
Todd, Albert M. Kalamazoo, Mich.
Todd, Ambrose G. 51 East s8th Street
Tokieda, M. 55 Wall Street
Tomlinson, John C. 35 Wall Street
Tompkins, Leslie J. Z2 Waverly Place
Topakyan, H. H. 225 Fifth Avenue
(43)
44
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. Ill
Toulmin, H. A., jr.
Towne, Henry R.
Townsend, James M.
Trube, Miss Jessie Maud '
Trull, Mrs. William C.
Truman, Henry H.
Trumbull, Frank
Tucker, H. St. George
Tuckerman, Alfred
Tupper, G. W.
Turnbull, Arthur
Turner, William L.
Turnure, George E.
Turrell, Edgar A.
Tweed, Miss Katherine W.
Twitchell, H. K.
Tyler, William S.
Ullman, Joseph
Underbill, Francis Jay
Urban, George, jr.
Van Amringe, Guy
Van Beuren, F. T
Van Beuren, Michael M.
Van Cortlandt, R. B.
Vanden Berg, F.
Vanderlip, Frank A.
Van Ingen, Philip
Van Vorst, Mrs. Frederick B
Van Wagenen, Bleecker
Vernier, Chester G.
Ver Planck, William Gordon
Vezin, Charles
Victor, Royall
Villard, Mrs. Henry
Villard, Oswald Garrison
Vitale, Ferruccio
von Mayhoff, Mrs. Carl
Voorhees, John H
Voorhees, Stephen H.
Voorhees W. P.
Wacker, Charles H.
Wade, G. K. B.
Wade, William O.
Wagner, Edward E
Walbridge, H. D.
Walker, Roberts
Walker, William Hall
Wallace, James U.
Walter, W. J.
Schwind Building, Dayton, O.
121 Madison Avenue
165 Broadway
Bella Sylva," Hastings-on-Hudson, N. Y.
20 Fifth Avenue
56 Highland Avenue, Orange, N. J.
71 Broadway
Lexington, Va.
University Club
74 Pleasant Street, Brookline. Mass.
38 Wall Street
84 Cotton Exchange Building
64 Wall Street
76 William Street
12 East 36th Street
270 Broadway
30 Church Street
160 Broadway
2131 Broadway
Pine Ridge, Buffalo, N. Y.
31 Nassau Street
65 Fifth Avenue
7 Wall Street
30 Pine Street
2,2 Nassau Street
55 Wall Street
125 East 71st Street
II Euclid Avenue, Hackensack, N. J.
443 Fourth Avenue
University of Illinois, Urbana, 111.
149 Broadway
409 Palisade Avenue, Yonkers, N. Y.
ID West 6ist Street
14s West 58th Street
20 Vesey Street
1 133 Broadway
59 East 34th Street
Sioux Falls, So. Dak.
68 William Street
35 Union Street, New Brunswick, N. J.
134 La Salle Street, Chicago, III.
155 East 72d Street
1241 First National Bank Building, Chicago, III.
416 Western National Bank Building, Mitchell, S. D.
7 Wall Street
115 P roadway
23 West S4th Street
54 Wall Street
52 Broadway
(44)
No. I]
LIST OF MEMBERS
45
Warburg, Felix M.
Warburg, Paul M.
Ward, Owen
Wardrop, Robert
Wardwell, Allen
Warfield, F. P.
Warren, Charles H.
Warren, Lloyd
Warren, Mrs. Schuyler N.
52 William Street
52 William Street
208 Fifth Avenue
People's National Bank, Pittsburgh, Pa.
15 Broad Street
2 Rector Street
34 Nassau Street
3 East 33d Street
311 Lexington Avenue
Washington, William De Hertburn
Waterbury, John L
Watson, C. W.
Watson, Frank D.
Watson. John J., jr.
Webb, George T.
Webb, Silas D.
Weber, A. F.
Webster, Frank G.
Weeks, W. Holden
Weil, Edw^ard A.
Weinstein, Edward M.
Weitling, William W.
Welch, S. C.
Welling, Richard
Welwood, John C.
Westcott, Clarence L.
Westinghouse, George
Weyl, Walter E.
Wheat, Alfred A.
Wheeler, Everett P.
Whinery, C. C.
Whitaker, Edward G.
White, Andrew D.
White, Archibald S.
White, Horace
White, John B.
White, Leonard D.
White, Miss Mary Langdon
Whitin, E. Stagg
Whitin, Frederick H.
Whitlock, Victor E.
Whitman, Malcolm D.
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(45)
46
YEAR BOOK OF THE ACADEMY
[Vol. hi
Willcox, W. F.
Willcox, W. R.
Wild, Frank G.
Wilkes, Miss Grace
Willard, Daniel
Willard, Eugene S.
Willett, George F.
Williams, Alexander S.
Astoria Veneer
Williams, Arthur
Williams, Clark
Williams, Edward T.
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Williams, Frank B.
Williams, George C. F.
Williams, Harrison
Williams, Henry D.
Williams, John Skelton *
Williams, P. L.
Williams, Richard H.
Williams, Stephen G.
Williams, T. E.
Williams, Timothy S.
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Wood, Mrs. Joseph S. i
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JUDICIAL INTERPRETATION OF CONSTITU-
TIONAL PROVISIONS^
FRANK J. GOODNOW
Professor of Administrative Law, Columbia University
WHEN the constitution of the United States was adopted
at the end of the eighteenth century, the conditions
to which it was intended to apply were marked
by three distinguishing characteristics. The first was geo-
graphical in its nature ; the second was economic ; the third
intellectual. In the first place, the United States for which the
constitution was framed, consisted of a series of communities,
lying along the Atlantic seaboard of North America, largely
engaged in agricultural pursuits and occupying sparsely popu-
lated districts which as compared with their population were
richly endowed with natural resources. These communities
were in the main connected one with another only by the sea
and by the rivers and estuaries which in many instances pene-
trated far into the interior. Their social conditions were as di-
verse as their geographical condition was isolated. In some
slave labor, in others free labor was the rule. In some one
racial element or one religious confession was most pronounced ;
in others another. Their comparative geographical isolation
and their difference in economic and social conditions naturally
had the effect of causing the states, as these communities had
come to be called, to regard the maintenance of a large degree
of local independence as of the greatest importance.
In the second place, the economic conditions of the time
were comparatively simple. Even the countries of Western
Europe which were most advanced from an industrial point of
view were only just beginning to make use of the factory sys-
tem in their industrial organization. The hand tool had not as
yet generally given place to steam-driven machinery. The
'Read at the meeting of the Academy of Political Science, Oct. 26, 1912.
(49)
2 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
industrial worker in most instances still followed his livelihood
within the narrow confines of his own dwelling and regulated
the hours of his labor by his desires or necessities. The steam
locomotive was just about taking shape in the imaginative minds
of such men as George Stephenson. The only means of tele-
graphing was to be found in the beacon, the heliograph and the
semaphore. No human being had even dreamed of the tele-
phone. Such slight change in European industrial conditions
as was due to power machinery and the building of factories
had not taken place in North America, which as has been said
was predominantly agricultural in character.
Finally, the philosophy of the time was based upon the con-
ception that society was static rather than dynamic or progres-
sive in character. Belief in verities eternal and absolute under
all conditions was almost universal among educated men.
Nowhere was this confidence in absolute and eternal truth more
marked than in the domain of political thought. The various
Utopias which had been outlined by political theorists and
philosophical dreamers had held before the mind of man a goal
which he should strive to attain. An ideal state was pictured
in which, if it were once reached, humanity would cease from
striving and finally at rest would contemplate with complacency
the hardships of the past and anticipate with satisfaction the
joys of the future. It is of course true that political philoso-
phers had not at the end of the eighteenth century, any more
than at any other time in the history of man, reached a com-
plete agreement as to the concrete measures whose adoption
was necessary for the realization of the perfect state of which
all had their visions. It is also true that the concrete measures
which were recommended were frequently, if not always, evi-
dently devised in view of the peculiar evils which each such
prophet sought to remedy. At the same time while the politi-
cal doctors disagreed somewhat as to the proper medicine, they
all believed that some medicine would be permanently effica-
cious, and few, if any, of them imagined that the patient would
by mere development so change as to make changes of treat-
ment necessary. The proper treatment once discovered was to
be continued for all time and would be followed by the desired
results.
(50)
No. 2] INTERPRETATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 3
Under the influence of this static conception of society the
political philosophers and lawgivers of the end of the eighteenth
century had accepted as a fundamental and everlasting political
theory the idea that the state was Uased upon a compact entered
into between governors and governed. The governed — i. e.,
the mass of mankind — were considered to have reserved at the
time of making this compact, certain rights which were often
spoken of as natural rights and of which they might not be de-
prived. This doctrine of natural rights had for its corollary the
recognition of a wide sphere of individual liberty which should
be unregulated by government action. This corollary ultimately
came to be known as the principle of laissez faire.
It was in these conditions and Under the influence of these
ideas that the constitution of the United States was adopted.
This instrument was framed for communities geographically iso-
lated, socially diverse, living a mo^t simple life and in a com-
paratively low stage of economical development. It was in-
tended to realize through actual application the idea of a social
compact, the theory of natural rights and the laissez-faire
policy. It was based finally upon the fundamental proposition
that man could by searching find out and apply absolute and
eternal political truth.
The geographical isolation and social diversity of the states
led to the laying of great emphasis in the constitution of the
United States upon the necessity of preserving for all time the
same degree of state sovereignty and independence as was
recognized to exist in the latter part of the eighteenth century.
Each state was secured beyond the possibility of change equal
representation in the Senate while, its consent was made neces-
sary to its division or its union with other states. No serious
attempt was made to secure uniformity of law, and subject to
the necessity of maintaining a republican form of government,
each state was left to arrange its internal organization as it saw
fit. Indeed, important matters affecting all the states were left
to the determination of each state, such as suffrage and the method
of choosing presidential electors.
The social-compact, natural-rights and laissez-faire theories
found their expression in the enumeration of governmental
(51)
4 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
powers, the reservation to the people of all powers not granted
to the government, certain express denials of powers of govern-
ment action and the formulation of a series of individual rights
which the government was not permitted to infringe.
Finally, the confidence of the fathers in the existence of
eternal political verities and the possibility that fallible humanity
might ascertain and formulate them is seen in the difficulty
if not impossibility of amending the constitution which resulted
from the processes of amendment provided. For as Dicey says :
The sovereign of the United States has been roused to serious action
but once during the course of ninety years. It needed the thunder of
the civil war to break his repose and it may be doubted whether any-
thing short of impending revolution will ever again rouse him into ac-
tivity.
If we compare with the conditions which existed at the time
the constitution was adopted those in which we are now living,
what a contrast at once presents itself ! The industrial revolu-
tion by which the last century and a half of Western European
development has been characterized has changed the face of
most civilized countries. Power machinery with its attendant
factory system has so modified productive processes that in
almost all highly developed countries classes of industrial
workers have arisen which in numbers and in minute differentia-
tion of occupation surpass anything the world's history has
hitherto exhibited. Improved methods of transportation have
so facilitated intercourse and so enlarged the sphere of man's
activity that what were once regarded as insurmountable ob-
stacles to communication are no longer so considered, and
what once seemed to be natural political boundaries have lost
their significance.
In other words, classes have developed whose relations can-
not be defined in accordance with the rubrics of a once almost
universally accepted legal lore and centralization is necessary if
the political system is to be in accord with recognized economic
facts. Just as once the privilege of the baron fell before
the rights of the merchant, and local law gave way to national
law, so at the present time the rights of labor are being em-
(52)
No. 2] INTERPRETATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 5
phasized at the expense of the employer and a political organi-
zation based on more or less local isolation is being forced
to succumb to the needs of an economic system founded upon
more general intercommunication.
This development has not failed to exercise an effect on the
United States. The improvement in the means of transporta-
tion has, for example, been most marked on this side of the
water. The digging of waterways, the building of railways,
and the spread of the telegraph and telephone have caused the
geographical isolation of the once separated states to disappear.
The development of American industry and commerce, not-
withstanding the acquisition of the fertile fields of the West
and the attendant agricultural development, has caused the
former overwhelmingly predominant rural character of the
population to disappear. The gradual spread of the English
language has brought about an almost complete unity of speech
while the greatly diminished influence of religious differences
taken together with the complete separation of church and state
has prevented the centrifugal force of creeds from making
itself felt.
Finally it is to be noticed that the intellectual attitude of what
are usually considered the more intelligent classes is quite dif-
ferent from that which was noticeable in the latter part of the
eighteenth century. The formulation of the evolutionary theory
of development in the world of science has not failed to have its
influence on political thought. Students of politics are coming
more and more to the conviction that a static society is impos-
sible and that absolute political theories are incapable of appli-
cation in the changing conditions which have become so notice-
able since scientific methods have been applied to the conduct
of life. More and more political thinkers and social students
are recognizing that a policy of intelligent opportunism is the
policy most likely to be followed by desirable results and that
adherence to general theories which are to be applied at all
times and under all conditions is productive of harm rather than
good.
This common attitude of skepticism with regard to the de-
sirability of attempting to postulate fundamental political prin-
. (53)
1 *
6 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
ciples of universal application has naturally caused questions to
be raised as to the applicability under present conditions of the
two great theories so commonly accepted at the end of the
eighteenth century, viz., the theories of the social compact and
of natural rights. Furthermore, the discovery that through the
application of scientific methods man has a much greater influ-
ence over his environment than was formerly regarded as pos-
sible has opened the way to so many apparently effective
methods of governmental regulation that a serious blow has
been dealt to the laissez-faire theory.
The question which has been chosen for discussion this morn-
ing is: Can a practically unamendable constitution, adopted in
the conditions and under the influences of the political thought
prevailing at the end of the eighteenth century, be adapted by
judicial interpretation to the needs and thought of the twentieth
century without causing us to lose the advantages which are
commonly regarded as attached to a written constitution? Be-
fore the attempt is made to answer this question attention must
be called to two things.
In the first place, it is now an accepted doctrine of American
constitutional law that it is both the right and the duty of the
courts to declare in cases which come before them in the ordi-
nary exercise of their jurisdiction that any act of the legislature
is unconstitutional which clearly violates a provision of the con-
stitution. It would be unprofitable for us to enter upon the
discussion of the question which has recently been made the
subject of considerable debate, whether the courts in exercising
this power have been guilty or not of usurpation. However
this may be, it is difficult to imagine that the federal courts at
this day will relinquish the exercise of a power whose existence
has been recognized so long, except as the result of some sort
of personal pressure brought to bear upon the judges which will
diminish greatly the independence they now enjoy. It is com-
monly believed that the judges of the United States courts may
constitutionally be removed only through the process of im-
peachment, which as provided for in the constitution is not a
method of removal adapted for use in influencing judicial de-
cisions on constitutional questions. The constitution, however,
(54)
No. 2] INTERPRETATION OF THE CONSTITUTION y
has no word to say as to the impeachment of judges as judges.
It is only as civil officers of the United States that they have
been made subject to this process of removal from office. The
constitution does, however, contain a specific and express pro-
vision with regard to the tenure of judges. It says that they
shall hold their office during good behavior. It does not define
good behavior nor does it provide a method, outside of the
method of impeachment applicable to all civil officers, for de-
termining when a judge is guilty of misbehavior. It has been
claimed more than once in Congress that it is within the power
of the legislative authority of the United States by law to define
what is misbehavior and to provide a method by which misbe-
havior may be ascertained which is less cumbersome than the
present method of impeachment. Until such action is taken, it
is naturally impossible to say what would be the decision of the
Suprem.e Court as to its propriety. If, however, such action
were regarded as constitutional it would be possible for Con-
gress through the exercise of a power of removal similar to that
now possessed by the legislature of Massachusetts over the
judges of that state to bring a pressure to bear upon the judges
of the federal courts which would have an important influence
on the judicial interpretation of the constitution.
In the second place, it is to be noted that the doctrines of the
social compact and of natural rights while regarded as truths
were not actually made a part of our constitutional law except
in so far as specific rights conceived of as natural rights were
incorporated into the constitution and were thus accorded
judicial protection. At the same time the tendency of our
courts has been to read into such general provisions as that
preventing the government from depriving a person of life,
liberty, or property without due process of law, quite a number
of natural-rights ideas, and to endeavor, in their efforts to deny
the right of the government to exercise particular powers, to
obtain aid and comfort from the theory of laissez faire. A
good example of such action is to be found in an opinion
of the supreme court of Missouri which said in declaring
unconstitutional a law levying a progressive inheritance tax to
provide scholarships for indigent students at the state university :
(55)
8 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
Paternalism, whether state or federal, as the derivation of the term
implies , is an assumption by the government of a quasi-fatherly relation
to the citizen and his family, involving excessive governmental regula-
tion of the private affairs and business methods and interests of the
people, upon the theory that the people are incapable of managing their
own affairs, and is pernicious in its tendencies. In a word, it min-
imizes the citizen and maximizes the government. Our federal and
state governments are founded upon a principle wholly antagonistic to
such a doctrine. Our fathers believed the people of these free and in-
dependent states were capable of self-government ; a system in which
the people are the sovereigns and the government their creature to carry
out their commands. Such a government is founded on the willingness
and right of the people to take care of their own affairs and an indis-
position to look to the government for everything. The citizen is the
unit. It is his province to support the government and not the gov-
ernment's to support him. Under self-government we have advanced
in all the elements of a great people more rapidly than any nation that
has ever existed upon the earth, and there is greater need now than ever
before in our history of adhering to it. Paternalism is a plant which
should receive no nourishment upon the soil of Missouri.
In a way, therefore, it may be said that the political thought
prevalent at the end of the eighteenth century has been read
into our constitution by the courts. But unless we consider the
doctrine of stare decisis just as controlling in constitutional
as in other cases it may not be said of our constitutions and
particularly of the United States constitution that they adopted
as a permanent guide for future action any of the theories
which have been mentioned. It is only because of judicial
interpretation that they have legal force. By a further process
of judicial interpretation they may lose their authority.
So far as concerns the effect of the laissez-faire theory
on the judicial interpretation of the constitution, even the ap-
plication of the doctrine of stare decisis to constitutional cases
will not interfere with a considerable enlargement of the powers
of the federal government. In a number of instances, among
which the attempted exercise of the power to regulate com-
merce is perhaps the most marked, the federal courts through
the denial of the propriety of the exercise of state powers laid
the basis for the exercise of federal power. However they
(S6)
No. 2] INTERPRETATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 9
may have been influenced in their decisions by the laissez-faire
theory, their actual decisions recognized the existence of federal
power. For state power was denied because the power at-
tempted to be exercised had been conferred by the constitution
upon the federal government. When in the course of our
economic development it came to be believed that Congress
should take positive action, the decisions denying state power
were thus at the same time precedents in favor of the propriety
of federal action. On the other hand, not all the decisions
recognizing that state action was proper may be regarded
as precedents in favor of the proposition that Congress is with-
out jurisdiction. For through the adoption of the rule that
state action is in many cases proper only because the federal
government has not acted, the question as to the propriety
of federal action is left open for determination, to be influenced
if not controlled by the conditions existing at the time the
determination is made.
In the discussion of the possibility by judicial interpretation
of adapting the constitution to changing economic and social
needs we must then remember : first, that it has not been as
yet determined how much pressure may constitutionally be
brought by Congress upon the federal judiciary to interpret
the constitution in the way desired by Congress; and second,
that our constitution has been made by past judicial interpreta-
tion to take on a meaning which is not necessarily the only
meaning which may be given to it. Finally, attention should
be called to the fact that the present interpretation which is
popularly given to the constitution is in many cases a political
rather than a judicial interpretation. Political parties as well
as courts have been influenced by the political and economic
theories of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries.
Under their influence Congress has not even considered the
question whether it may exercise powers which a careful study
of the constitution might reveal that Congress possessed. An
historical tradition with regard to the constitution has sprung
up which finds its basis in political expediency rather than in
constitutional power. For example. Congress has only just
begun to exercise its power to regulate commerce among the
(57)
lO EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
several states. What the limits of that power are no one can
with safety say, but that they transcend those assigned to that
power by the accepted political interpretation would be denied
by few who have made a careful study of the constitution
itself. Now this political interpretation of the constitution may
easily change. It is not in any way influenced by the doctrine
of stare decisis. For Congress is not bound by the decisions
of its predecessors even on constitutional questions.
If, however, we leave out of consideration the possibility that
Congress may diminish the independence of the federal judi-
ciary, if we put out of our minds the expectation that the
courts will adopt any new method of constitutional interpreta-
tion, and if we confine ourselves to the consideration of the
present judicial interpretation of the constitution, how shall we
answer the question? In other words, are the courts through
their powers of interpretation at the present time adapting the
constitution to changing economic and social conditions?
To answer this question adequately would of necessity in-
volve an exhaustive examination of almost our entire constitu-
tional law from the point of view of its historical development.
Such an examination would, however, be both impossible and
out of place on this occasion. Resort to some other less thor-
ough and less satisfactory method is thus unavoidable. It
might be suggested that citations from opinions might be made
which would show the attitude of the Supreme Court with
regard to the constitution. But any citations which might be
made as indicative of the attitude of the court, in addition to
lacking the authority of judicial decision, might be met by other
citations taking the opposite point of view. For in the century
and a quarter of its history the Supreme Court has been subject
to a variety of influences and has inevitably expressed conflict-
ing opinions.
The only method which is applicable on this occasion would
seem to be to consider certain important lines of decisions in
the hope of finding from a consideration of the law developed
by them an answer to the question which has been propounded.
Let us take in the first place the decisions which have dealt
with the powers of the federal government and particularly
'58)
No. 2] INTERPRETATION OF THE CONSTITUTION \ i
those having to do with navigation and commerce. The con-
stitution does not treat of navigation apart from commerce
except in so far as it confers admiralty and maritime jurisdic-
tion upon the federal courts. In the early days when local
differentiation made state independence more important than at
present — for state lines now bear little relation to our economic
system — the court was inclined to distinguish intrastate from
interstate navigation, and to recognize a very narrow admiralty
jurisdiction based upon British precedents. At the present
time, however, the distinction between a navigation subject to
state and one subject to federal regulation has practically ceased
to exist, and an admiralty jurisdiction suited to the geographi-
cal conditions of the North American continent has been
developed out of that which originated in such different con-
ditions as were presented by Great Britain.
The way in which this result was reached is interesting as
evidencing the methods of judicial interpretation through whose
application the constitution has in this particular been adapted
to new social and economic conditions. Originally the Supreme
Court was of the opinion that the admiralty and maritime juris-
diction intended to be conferred upon the federal courts was
geographically limited to waters affected by the ebb and flow
of the tide. The case which laid down this rule was decided
at a time when navigation on the Great Lakes and western
rivers had not developed to an important extent. Later on
Congress by statute extended the jurisdiction to the Great
Lakes and the Supreme Court declared the statute constitu-
tional. Still later the Supreme Court without any action by
Congress extended the admiralty jurisdiction to all the import-
ant western rivers and finally based on the admiralty clause,
which merely gives power to the courts, the power of Congress
to regulate the operations of all vessels on navigable waters
regardless of the fact that they may not be engaged in com-
merce.
Somewhat similar has been the judicial interpretation of the
constitutional power of Congress to regulate commerce on land.
While the Supreme Court has based the power of Congress to
regulate navigation in large degree on a clause in the constitu-
(59)
12 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
tion which merely gave the courts the power to fix the sub-
stantive law of admiralty, in the case of commerce by land the
Supreme Court has based the power of Congress to regulate
part at any rate of the substantive law of master and servant
upon the power given in the constitution to Congress to regu-
late commerce among the several states. The safety-appliance
and the employer's-liability cases have thus recognized that
Congress in cases involving interstate commerce may modify
the assumption-of-risk and the contributory-negligence doc-
trines of the common law.
Another instance of the adaptation by judicial interpretation
of the constitution to changing social and economic conditions
is to be seen in the lottery and pure-food-law cases which have
recognized that Congress through the exercise of its commerce
power may take the privilege of engaging in interstate com-
merce from articles, commerce in which is in the opinion of
Congress either productive of immorality or liable to endanger
the public health. This result has been reached although it is
recognized that Congress is not by the constitution the guardian
of either the public morals or the public health.
The Supreme Court has in the second place expressed its
belief that such general provisions of the constitution as that
contained in the fourteenth amendment prohibiting a state
from depriving any person of life, liberty, or property without
due process of law, are to be interpreted in view of local condi-
tions. Thus it has been held that, in the conditions existing in
New England where manufacturing is of great importance, the
power of eminent domain may be used in order to take prop-
erty for the purposes of a dam used by a private manufacturing
company. In the mountainous regions of the West it has been
held proper to make use of the same power to take property
for the purposes of an aerial railway used only by a private
mining company. Finally, in the arid regions of the Pacific
States it is regarded as constitutional to make use of both the
taxing power and the power of eminent domain to further the
irrigation of privately owned lands.
Indeed it may be said in a general way that the judicial
interpretation which has already been given to the constitution
(60)
No. 2] INTERPRETATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 13
has shown itself capable of adapting that instrument to most of
the varied geographical conditions which exist in a continent
as diversified as is North America and to permit of the most
advantageous development of its economic resources.
It is true that as yet the Supreme Court has not through the
judicial interpretation of the constitution adapted it so fully to
the changes in economic and social conditions which have been
due to the industrial revolution of the last one hundred and
fifty years. American courts rather generally, and the Supreme
Court to a certain but after all on the whole rather small exLent,
have not been able to divest themselves of the idea that legal
liberty is the only liberty which is protected by the constitution
and have sometimes forgotten that legal liberty in the absence
of economic liberty is a shadow without substance, under which
there is little if any protection from the burning heat of eco-
nomic struggle.
A case in Pennsylvania has thus laid down the proposition
that an employer is denied his constitutional right to the pursuit
of happiness by a law which requires him to pay his employes
once in two weeks. In the volume of the digest in which this
case is mentioned the very next case referred is to the effect that
one is not denied the right to the pursuit of happiness by a law
forbidding the smoking of opium. The immediate juxtaposi-
tion of these two cases is interesting as emphasizing the tendency
of American courts to recognize that while individual rights are
not violated by laws regulating conduct regarded as inconsistent
with prevailing ethical views, they are infringed by any attempt
to protect the classes weaker in economic power by diminishing
their sphere of legal liberty.
It must be admitted, however, that the Supreme Court has
not as yet, largely because of a defect in our appellate pro-
cedure, been in a position to express itself upon some of the
most important phases of the liberty guaranteed to the indi-
vidual by the constitution. But in most of the cases which have
come before it where it was possible to prove that legal liberty
must be curtailed in the interest of health and safety its de-
cisions have recognized that under the economic conditions in
which we live the liberty which we may have is much less than
(61)
J 4 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
would have been recognized a century ago as our due. It may-
be added also that in a number of cases the Supreme Court has
expressed itself in such a way as to show clearly that it is aware
that the economic liberty of vast classes of persons at the present
time has been so curtailed that the sphere of legal liberty for
which the advocates of a laissez-faire policy contend must also
be seriously curtailed if we are to protect the economically
weak from their own really involuntary acts. Thus in the case
of sailors the court has held constitutional an act of Congress
prohibiting under a penalty any payment of wages in advance,
and in the case of miners has upheld state statutes which have
regulated the method of paying employes by providing for the
cashing of coal orders when presented to their employers, and
for the weighing of coal without screening where miners are
paid by the weight of coal. In one of these cases the court re-
fers to the necessity of protecting the sailor against his own im-
providence, and in another cites with apparent approval from
the decision of the state court appealed from where it is said :
The legislature evidently deemed the laborer at some disadvantage
under existing laws and customs, and by this act undertook to amelio-
rate his condition in some measure by enabling him or his bona fide
transferee, at his election and at a proper time to demand and receive
his unpaid wages in money rather than in something less valuable. Its
tendency, though slight it may be, is to place the employer and
employe on equal ground, and, so far as it accomplishes that end, is
commendable.
It is, of course, true that a very few of the decisions of the
Supreme Court have been a grevious disappointment to some of
the most ardent advocates of social reform, but it is to be
remembered that these decisions were usually made by a divided
court, that the personnel of the court is seldom the same for a
very long period, that its members are appointed by an officer
who is being brought day by day closer to the people and
finally, that the Supreme Court has been known to reverse
its opinions, and is not impervious to criticisms and to public
demands.
There would seem therefore to be really no serious danger
(62)
No. 2] INTERPRETATION OF THE CONSTITUTION 15
that judicial interpretation as seen in the long series of decisions-
of the Supreme Court is unable to adapt our practically un-
amendable constitution to changing economic and social condi-
tions. If this may not be said of all the state courts our remedy
is close at hand and may be applied without abandoning the
traditions of the past.
If state courts are, because of their adherence to precedent,
unable or unwilling to adapt the provisions of state constitu-
tions to changes in economic conditions, we may amend the
state constitutions. Whether that is done by the ordinary
methods of constitutional amendment or by the method which
has come to be spoken of as " the recall of judicial decisions "
is quite immaterial from the viewpoint of the question under
consideration. If we regard the " recall of judicial decisions "
with suspicion and at the same time consider the present method
of constitutional amendment as too difficult, too slow, or too
cumbersome, it is a comparatively easy matter to adopt an
easier, quicker, and more simple method. The various methods
of amendment provided by different state constitutions offer
us a choice of methods wide enough to suit almost any taste.
If when our state constitutions are so amended as to make it
possible for the state courts to bring their decisions into accord
with existing economic conditions, those courts still persist
in rendering decisions with regard to the constitutionality of
state laws from the viewpoint of the constitution of the United
States which are not in accord with the decisions of the United
States Supreme Court — in other words, if the state courts refuse
to recognize the Supreme Court as the final arbiter as to the
meaning of the United States constitution — we should urge
upon Congress the necessity of passing the bill introduced
at its last session providing for an appeal to the Supreme Court
from the decisions of the state courts on federal questions as
well in cases in which state laws have been held unconstitu-
tional from the point of view of the federal constitution as
in those cases in which they have been held constitutional. If
that were done, the final judicial interpretation of the United
States constitution would in all cases be made by that court
which, whether because of the method of appointing its mem-
(63)
J 5 EFFICIENT GO VERNMENT
bers, or because of the wide public experience which most
of them have had, or because chey come from widely different
and differing parts of the coimtry, has shown greater capacity
than perhaps any other judicial body to treat the constitution of
the United States as an instrument, to use the words of its
judges, " made for an undefined and expanding future and for
a people gathered and to be gathered from many nations and
of many tongues," as an instrument whose " unchanging pro-
visions are adaptable to the infinite variety of the changing
conditions of our national life."
(64)
THE AMENDMENT OF THE FEDERAL
CONSTITUTION '
J. DAVID THOMPSON
Law Librarian, Columbia University
THE subject of our discussion to-day is the adaptation of
written constitutions to changing economic and social
conditions. One method of such adaptation, namely,
by judicial interpretation of existing provisions, has been treated
by the previous speaker. It is my purpose to consider a dif-
ferent method — alteration by the process of formal amend-
ment, in the particular case of the Federal Constitution. I am
not, however, concerned with desirable changes in the substan-
tive part of the constitution, but I wish to direct attention to the
procedure for making such changes — to the amending clause
itself.
When the members of the Federal Convention of 1787 had
to consider what provision should be made for remedying
defects in their work which they expected time and experi-
ence to reveal, there were practically no models or precedents
to guide them. The state constitutions offered little that was
suggestive. The Articles of Confederation were virtually un-
amendable, requiring agreement in Congress and confirmation
by the legislatures of every state in the Union ; ' in fact, it was
this very condition that made necessary the calling of a conven-
tion and the adoption of the new constitution by revolutionary
methods.
The delegates to the Federal Convention had, therefore,
to find a solution to a new problem and the account of the de-
bates in Madison's journal shows plainly their uncertainty as to
the form it should take. Randolph's resolution on this subject,
' Read at the meeting of the Academy of Political Science, Oct. 26, 191 2.
*Art. xiii. It is interesting to note, however, that Franklin's draft of articles of
confederation (1775) required amendments submitted by Congress to be approved
by a majority of the colony assemblies. Cf. Watson, Constitution, pp. 1302- 1303.
(65)
1 8 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol.111
as adopted, merely expressed the sense of the convention that
amendments should be made whenever necessary, the original
qualification, " without requiring the consent of the national
legislature," having been dropped. We are told, however, that
" several members did not see the necessity of the resolution at
all." ^ The Pinckney plan provided for the calling of a conven-
tion on application of two-thirds of the state legislatures and for
the proposal of amendments by Congress on a two-thirds vote
in each house, ratification in either case requiring the agree-
ment of two-thirds of the state legislatures." The committee of
detail, to which these two drafts were referred, reported a rather
indefinite clause. It merely provided that on the application of
the legislatures of two-thirds of the states for an amendment
Congress should call a convention for that purpose.^ This was
agreed to, but on the motion to reconsider was criticized by
Gerry, on the ground that it left the state governments at
the mercy of a majority of the convention ; by Hamilton,
because it was inadequate in not providing for the proposal of
amendments by Congress, which he said would be the first to
perceive, and would be most sensible to, the necessity for them ;
by Madison, on the ground of its vagueness. To meet these
objections, the amendment offered by Sherman gave Congress
the power to propose amendments without any proviso for a
two-thirds majority but required the consent of all the states for
ratification. As this repeated the mistake made in the Articles
of Confederation Wilson of Pennsylvania proposed to cut
down the requirement for ratification to two-thirds of the states,
but this motion was lost by a vote of six to five. Then a com-
promise was effected on the present basis of three-fourths. At
this stage Madison proposed and Hamilton seconded a substi-
tute clause differing only from that which was finally adopted in
providing that the application of two-thirds of the legislatures
should be mandatory to Congress for the proposal of amend-
ments instead of for calling a convention, and this was adopted
' Elliofs Debates, vol. 5, pp. 128, 157, 182.
^ Ibid. vol. 5, pp. 132.
^ Ibid. vol. 5, pp. 381, 498.
(66)
No. 2] THE AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION 19
by nine to one.' In this form it went to the committee on
style and arrangement, and was reported with only slight verbal
change. In the further discussion the proposed clause was crit-
icized on the ground that the ameijdatory power was left too ex-
clusively to Congress, and the provision for a convention was
accordingly inserted. Subsequent motions to require ratification
by all the states, to strike out the alternative provision for ratifi-
cation by conventions, and to provide for a second general con-
vention were negatived, and the construction of the present
unwieldy and cumbersome machinery was complete."
The few references to this clause in the state conventions
which followed, particularly the remarks of Mr. Iredell in North
Carolina, show clearly that it was the expectation of the framers
that the procedure provided would be found easily workable
when the need arose.3 On the contrary it has proved, as is well
known, to be an almost insurmountable obstacle in the way of
securing either the proposal or the adoption of amendments very
widely approved by the people.
The first ten amendmiCnts, known as the bill of rights, were
rather additions to the constitution than alterations of it. They
were really initiated by the state conventions, being practically
the conditions precedent to ratification. The operation of the
machinery, therefore, presented no difficulty in this case. The
time required to make them part of the constitution was one year
and eight months from the time of proposal by Congress.*
The eleventh amendment, which arose from a difficulty cre-
ated by a judicial decision (Chisholm v. Georgia,) was of minor
interest, and was not ratified by the necessary number of states
until three years and eight months after it was submitted.*
The twelfth amendment, providing for a change in the polit-
ical machinery for the election of president, arising out of the
contest between Jefferson and Burr, and being urgent because a
new election was approaching, was ratified in ten months.s
^ Elliofs Debates, vol. 5, pp. 530-532. * Ibid. pp. 551-553.
^ Ibid. vol. 4, p. 176. See also Federalist, no. 85.
* Watson, Constitution, vol. 2, p. 131 1.
^Ames, H. V., Proposed amendments to the constitution, Ann. Rep. Am. Hist.
Assoc, 1896, vol. 2, p. 79.
(67)
20 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
Then followed a period of over half a century, during which
were introduced upward of four hundred amendments covering
a wide field of subjects. Six of these were passed by the requi-
site two-thirds vote in only one house of Congress ; one relating
to titles of nobility was submitted to the state legislatures and
lacked only the vote of ofle state of being adopted.'
It was not, however, until the sixties, when fundamental eco-
nomic difficulties had to be met, that the real test came and the
vital weakness of the constitution in its procedure for amend-
ment was demonstrated. The civil war followed, and after its
conclusion the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amendments,
to define the rights of a new body injected into the citizenship
of the republic, were added to the constitution by force of the
superior power of the victors in the struggle. From that time
no suggested amendment was able to secure the necessary two-
thirds majority in both houses of Congress until the year 1909,
a period of forty years.
Each of the two amendments recently proposed to the state
legislatures has peculiar features and has been attended by
special circumstances, making its submission to the states finally
possible. The income-tax amendment was rendered necessary
by a flagrant abuse of the judicial power to review acts of Con-
gress which had been rankling in the public mind for fifteen
years and which forbade the establishment of a national system
of taxation on a just and equitable basis. As the result of a
particular parliamentary situation, a Republican President and
majority in both houses of Congress found themselves in agree-
ment with the Democratic minority. It was practically a case
of proposing a constitutional amendment by unanimious consent.
The amendment has, however, been pending now for three
years and three months and still requires ratification by two more
states for its adoption.
The proposed amendment for choice of United States Sen-
ators by popular vote in each state, submitted this year, had been
the subject of numerous resolutions introduced in Congress
since 1826 and in some form had secured the requisite two-
thirds majority in the House of Representatives in each Congress
' Ames, H. V., Proposed amendments to the constitution, pp. 19-22.
(68)
No. 2] THE AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION 2 1
from the fifty-second.' A large majority of the state legisla-
tures had repeatedly adopted resolutions recommending this
amendment. These were finally taking the form of applications
for a convention to propose amendments, and were rapidly ap-
proaching the number of two-thirds of the states which would
have required Congress to call such a convention. Further-
more, the present constitutional method, which has led to pro-
longed deadlocks, to the corruption of legislatures, and to the
election of men subservient to special interests, had been largely
set aside in many states through direct-primary laws, particu-
larly where the Oregon system had been adopted. This grow-
ing pressure of public demand for a more democratic method
finally reduced the opposing minority in the Senate, the body
directly affected, to such a point 'that further resistance was
ineffectual.
Such, in brief, is the history of this ponderous piece of con-
stitutional machinery difficult to set in motion and slow and
uncertain in its operation, fully justifying its vigorous con-
demnation by eminent publicists at home and abroad. Certain
other serious objections to it are based (i) on the very unequal
weight which it gives to public opinion in different parts of the
country, and (2) on the preponderating influence given to the
state governments as against the people.
Under the first of these heads, without going into any elab-
orate statistical analysis, it is sufficient to point out that, accord-
ing to the last census, the population of the state of New York
is greater than that of the eighteen smallest states, yet in finally
determining constitutional issues the vote of each of the latter
has equal weight with that of New York. Or in the extreme
case of the largest and smallest of the states, in point of popu-
lation, we find that public opinion in Nevada on any amend-
ment submitted for ratification has a weight more than 100
times as great per capita as public opinion in this state. Fur-
thermore, the legislatures of the Pacific and mountain states,
with those of two adjacent states, comprising not more than
10 ^ of the population in all, have the power to block a change in
^The proposition was made in the Federal Convention, but received the support of
only one state, viz., Pennsylvania. Elliofs Debates, vol. 5, pp. 138, 167-170.
(69)
2 *
22 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
the constitution desired by all the other states in the East, South
and Middle West, representing 90 ^ of the population. The
undue influence of the states as states, regardless of their popu-
lation, is also shown in the arrangement by which the states,
indirecdy through their equal representation in the Senate and
directly as units in the ratification process, are consulted twice
in the course of the amending procedure, whereas the people
of the states are consulted only once, and indirectly, through
their representation in the lower house of Congress on the
basis of population. This predominance of state influence is
a survival from the old Articles of Confederation and is really
at variance with the idea of the sovereignty of the people of the
United States expressed in the preamble of the constitution.
In looking for suggestions for a better method of amendment
and one more in accord with modern democratic ideas, we nat-
urally turn in the first place to a consideration of the experience
of the several states of the Union and the modifications that
have been made in their constitutions during the last century and
a quarter.' This shows that, in contrast with the Federal Con-
stitution, the various state constitutions have in the course of
time become more easily adjustable to changing conditions and
closer approximations to the will of the people through altera-
tion of their amending clauses :
( 1 ) to make the submission of amendments less difficult, by
providing for their proposal in one or more of the following
ways: (a) by the action of one legislature instead of two suc-
cessive legislatures; (b) by the ordinary legislative majority in-
stead of by a special majority {e. g., two-thirds) ; and (c) by
initiative petition of a certain percentage of the voters.
(2) to provide for ratification by direct vote of the electors, a
method which now prevails in every state except Delaware.
As any amendment of the present procedure for the altera-
tion of the federal constitution will have to receive the approval
of three-fourths of the state legislatures for its adoption, it is
clear that such a proposal must be in conformity with the ideas
• A full discussion may be found in Dodd, W. F., Revision and amendment of staie
constitutions, pp. Ii8 ff.
(70)
No. 2] THE AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION 23
which have come to prevail in the several states regarding con-
stitutional changes and with the methods they have become
accustomed to employ to effect them.'
We have, however, to remember that we are dealing with the
organic law of a federal government as distinguished from that
of a single state. It is, therefore, desirable to inquire into the
experience of foreign countries which have had to face the
problem of framing a federal constitution. Fortunately there
are two such countries in which instructive models are available
for our investigation, namely, Switzerland and the Commonwealth
of Australia. Each of these had the advantage of being able
to study American experience, both federal and state, with
regard to the process of amendment.
Under the Swiss system, originally adopted in 1848 and
modified in 1874 and again in 1891, amendments may be pro-
posed either by the ordinary legislative process or by initiative
petition of 50,000 voters in the form of general suggestions or
of completed bills. General suggestions are elaborated by the
Federal Assembly on its agreement thereto or after the ques-
tion has first been submitted to the people. In the case of
completed bills, the Federal Assembly may submit with them
alternative proposals which it recommends. Total revision may
be undertaken by the Federal Assembly at any time when both
councils are in agreement; but in case of disagreement, or
when 50,000 Swiss voters demand such revision, the question is
submitted first to a popular vote and if a majority of the citizens
who vote pronounce in the affirmative, a new Federal Assembly
is elected for this purpose. Proposed changes when formulated
are submitted to referendum vote ai^d take effect when adopted
^ A test of opinion in Congress on this matter was recently afforded in connection with
the admission of New Mexico and Arizona to statehood. By the joint resolution of
Aug. 21, 191 1, New Mexico was required, as a condition precedent to admission, to
alter the amending clause of its proposed constitution (6lst Cong., 3d sess., house
doc. 1369, p. 38) so as to reduce the requirement for the vote of the legislature in
proposing amendments from two-thirds to a majority of the members of each house
and for ratification, to substitute a majority of those voting on the proposition in
place of a majority constituting an affirmative vote equal to at least 40 per cent of the
votes cast at the election and approval by at least half the counties of the state.
(71)
24 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
by the majority of Swiss citizens voting thereon and by a
majority of the cantons.^
Next, let us consider the amending clause of the Australian
constitution which went into effect in 1901. Though formally
enacted by the Imperial Parliament.^" this important instrument
was the result of the deliberations of two conventions of dele-
gates from the separate colonies, of which the first met in 1891
and the second held its sessions over a period of three years,
1897 to 1899. The reports of the debates in these conventions
are documents of exceptional importance for the study of our
own constitutional problems, not only because we see in them a
kindred people with similar traditions grappling afresh with the
same questions, but also because American experience is con-
stantly referred to and carefully weighed and analyzed.
The draft of the bill adopted by the 1891 conventions pro-
vided that any law for the alteration of the constitution must be
passed by an absolute majority of both houses and be referred
to conventions in the several states and for adoption, to be sub-
mitted to the Governor-General for the Queen's assent, required
approval by the conventions of a majority of the states, subject
to the condition that the people of these states were also a ma-
jority of the people of the commonwealth. The draft of this
clause adopted by the second convention eight years later, which
became the final form, shows two significant changes — one
making the initiation of amendments easier, the other substi-
tuting a popular referendum for ratification by conventions.*
The requirement for proposal of amendments became an abso-
lute majority in each house or, in Case of disagreement, an ab-
solute majority in one house given twice, the second time after
* Swiss Federal Constitution, Arts. 1 18-123. -^ ^^ account of the history of this
procedure is given in Borgeaud's Adoption and amendment of constitutions in
Europe and America (tr. by C. D. Hazen, N. Y., 1895) pp. 291-332.
'Commonwealth of Australia Constitution Act, 63 & 64 Vict. ch. 12.
"National Australasian Convention, Sydney, 1891, Official record of the proceed-
ings and debates, p. clxxxviii; debated, pp. 428-434.
'National Australasian Convention, Adelaide, 1897, Official report of the debates,
pp. 1020-1030, 1204-1209; Australasian Federal Convention, Melbourne, 1898, Of-
ficial record of the debates (third session), vol. i, pp. 715-772.
(72)
No. 2] THE AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION 25
three months' interval, plus submission on both occasions to the
other house. Every such law is then to be submitted (after two
but before six months) to the voters of every state, requiring for
adoption the approval of the people in a majority of states and
of a majority of the people voting over the whole Common-
wealth.
It must be remembered, however, in endeavoring to adapt
such a procedure to our own circumstances, that in Australia
there exist two safeguards which are wanting here, namely
responsible government and the power of disallowance which
may be exercised by the British government in case of need.
The last stage of our inquiry is to consider the modifications
of article 5 that have been proposed. We have seen that the
Articles of Confederation did not specify any special majority in
Congress for the proposal of amendments and that the provision
for a two-thirds vote was not formulated until a late stage in
the proceedings of the Federal Convention when Madison and
Hamilton presented their substitute clause ; also, that the
motion to make two-thirds of the states the number necessary
and sufficient for ratification was lost by only one vote. After
the adoption of the constitution, however, no suggestion for
facilitating the amending process was presented to Congress
until January, 1861, when an effort was made to submit the
" Crittenden Compromise " to a direct vote of the people.
Such a plebiscite would have been advisory only but it is inter-
esting to note that such a proposal was made at this time of
great stress when the machinery provided in the constitution
proved unworkable. A similar proposition was also offered
when the fifteenth amendment was under consideration.
The first actual proposal to establish an easier method of
amendment was, however, contained in the original draft of the
resolution for the abolition of slavery, as introduced by Senator
Henderson of Missouri in January, 1864, a substitute for which
ultimately became the thirteenth amendment. The clause,
which was dropped in committee, provided that whenever a
majority of the members elected to each house, or a convention
called on the application of the legislatures of a majority of the
several states, should propose amendments, these in either case
in)
26 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
should be valid when ratified by the legislatures of or conven-
tions in two-thirds of the several states, as Congress should
direct. The next resolution for a new amending clause was
introduced in 1873 by Mr. Porter of Virginia. It provided
that Congress, whenever three-fifths of both houses deem it
necessary, may propose amendments to the constitution, or may
call a convention for proposing amendments and revising the
constitution, and shall be required to call such a convention on
the application of the legislatures of any number of states,
embracing three-fifths of the enumerated population of the sev-
eral states. Amendments proposed by either of these methods
were to be valid when approved and ratified by a majority of
the electors in the several states voting thereon, and qualified to
vote for Representatives in Congress.'
Of later proposals three are of special interest. Professor J.
W. Burgess in his Political Science and Comparative Constitu-
tional Law ^ ( 1 893 ) suggested the following procedure for
amendment of the Federal Constitution : proposal of amend-
ments in two successive Congresses by the two houses in joint
session and by simple majority vote ; submission to the state
legislatures for ratification by the houses thereof, also acting in
joint assembly and resolving by simple majority vote ; in
counting the votes of the legislatures each state should have the
same weight as is given to it in the electoral college and an
absolute majority of all the votes to which all the states were
entitled should be necessary and sufficient for ratification.
Professor Munroe Smith in his recent discussion of this sub-
ject 3 has pointed out that we have to consider not only what
more workable method of amendment seems best adapted to
our dual system of government but also what changes in the
amending clause would probably stand the best chance of
securing the assent of three-fourths of the states. He, therefore,
suggests as objections to the Burgess plan that, on the one hand,
'Ames, H. V. Proposed amendments to the constitution, pp. 292-293.
'Vol. I, p. 152.
^" Shall we make our constitution flexible? " in North American Review, vol. 194,
pp. 657-673 (Nov. 191 1).
(74)
No. 2] THE AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION 27
it would be felt that if weighted at all the votes of the states
should be according to population and, on the other hand, that
the smaller states would demand equality with the larger and
would not approve the provision for a joint assembly of Congress,
as this would destroy the influence of the equal representation of
the states in the Senate. To meet these difficulties he would
substitute as the provisions of a new amending clause
'* proposal of amendments by the majority vote of both houses in two
successive Congresses ; submission of such proposals to the legislatures
of the several states or to conventions in the several states or directly
to the voters in each of the states, as one or another of these modes of
ratification may be proposed by Congress ; and ratification of proposals
by a majority of the states, provided that the ratifying states contain,
according to the last preceding enumeration, a majority of the total
population of all the states."
This plan is better in every way than any previous proposal
and would go a long way towards providing an efficient amend-
ing procedure. As, however, the proposal of constitutional
amendments by repeated vote in two successive legislatures
has been largely abandoned in the case of the state constitu-
tions in favor of action by a single legislature or other methods,
it does not seem necessary or desirable to introduce it at this
date into the amending clause of the Federal Constitution
without good and sufficient cause. The reason assigned in this
case is that it would lead to proposals of superior precision
being submitted for ratification. But it seems probable that
this result could be attained more directly and effectively by the
establishment of the proposed legislative drafting bureau for
Congress. In cases of disagreement between the two houses of
Congress on a matter of constitutional change it might well be
provided that amendments could be proposed by majority vote
of one house in two successive Congresses, as an alternative to
proposal by majority vote of both houses in one Congress.
With regard to the ratification process it may be remarked
that the object of this is to take the sense of the sovereign peo-
ple on the amendments submitted. The interposition of repre-
sentative bodies, either the ordinary legislatures or conventions
(75)
28 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
elected ad hoc, without power to amend the proposals but
merely authorized to ratify or reject them, is little more than
an indirect and unsatisfactory method of counting the votes for
and against. In competition with the method of the direct
vote of the electors which the people are accustomed to use in
amending state constitutions, it is more than probable that rati-
fication by the state legislatures or by conventions would go to
the wall, just as the convention method, though theoretically
the better way, has never been chosen by Congress in submit-
ting amendments on account of the greater practical advantages
of ratification by the state legislatures. Furthermore, the plan
makes no provision for the proposal of amendments on the
initiative of the states. In view of the fact that the state
governments are becoming laboratories for trying out political
inventions, it is to be expected that some important devices for
a better system* of government, including particularly methods
of regulating industry and commerce, will be discovered in
them. It is important that the new machinery for the proposal
of amendments should provide a means of presenting these for
general adoption throughout the country.
All of these specifications for a new amending clause are met
in the joint resolution introduced into Congress by Senator
LaFollette towards the close of the last session, which presents
the following:
Article XVIII. The Congress, whenever an absolute majority of both
houses shall deem it necessary, or on application of ten states by
resolution adopted In each by the legislature thereof or by a majority
of the electors voting thereon, shall propose amendments to this con-
stitution to be submitted in each of the several states to the electors
qualified to vote for the election of Representatives, and the vote shall
be taken at the next ensuing election of Representatives in such man-
ner as the Congress prescribes. And if in a majority of the states a
majority of the electors voting approve the proposed amendments, and
if a majority of all the electors voting also approve the proposed
amendments, they shall be valid, to all intents and purposes, as part of
this constitution.
This proposal, it will be seen, embodies and adapts the prin-
(76)
No. 2] THE AMENDMENT OF THE CONSTITUTION 29
ciples that have been tested both in the several states and in the
foreign countries which have been considered. One objection
will perhaps be made to it, namely, that it does not take account
of the fact that in some states women are entitled to vote as
well as men and that these states would add a disproportionate
number to the total vote throughout the country. A similar
situation confronted the framers of the Australian constitution
and they met the difficulty by providing that " until the quali-
fication of electors of members of the House of Represen-
tatives becomes uniform throughout the commonwealth only
one-half the votes for and against the proposed law shall be
counted in any state in which adult suffrage prevails." This
clause, however, proved to be entirely unnecessary because
before the first proposed amendments to the Australian con-
stitution were submitted the enfranchisement of women had
been achieved in every state. On account of the recent remark-
able development of the equal-suffrage movement in the United
States it seems likely that by the time any new amending clause
shall have received the approval of two-thirds of both houses
of Congress and of the legislatures of three-fourths of the states
this difficulty will have vanished. A temporary provision to
meet it would not, however, interfere with the general plan of
Senator LaFoUette's resolution.
As this proposition provides, with adequate safeguards, suf-
ficient facility for the proposal of amendments which are widely
supported and for their incorporation into the constitution when
a majority of the states and of the whole electorate have ex-
pressed their approval, it is worthy of the earnest consideration
of those who, in the words of Professor Munroe Smith, have
*' realized that the first article in any sincerely intended pro-
gressive program must be the amendment of the amending
clause of the Federal Constitution."
{77)
THE REORGANIZATION OF STATE GOVERNMENT'
HENRY JONES FORD
Professor of Politics, Princeton University
TO understand the events of our times we must see them
in true perspective. There is one notion that we must
discard, namely, that our existing state constitutions
represent constitutional arrangements made by the fathers, and
having back of them the weight of their authority and influence.
I think that idea is wrong. We have only to consider our polit-
ical history to find that our state constitutions were simply pro-
visional arrangements to meet a casual emergency. There was
no idea that they should be regarded as fixing the type of gov-
ernment. They were a sort of act of settlement to provide
some basis for action with the expectation that political expe-
rience would eventually bring governmental institutions into
accord with the needs of the people.
This thought received strong expression in some early docu-
uments. In the Federalist (no. 47) Madison remarked:
I wish not to be regarded as an advocate for the particular organiza-
tions of the several state governments. I am fully aware that among
the many excellent principles which they exemplify, they carry strong
marks of the haste, and still stronger of the inexperience, under which
they are framed.
And again in the Federalist (no. 37) he said:
It may be pronounced with assurance that the people of this country
will never be satisfied until some remedy be applied to the vicissitudes
and uncertainties which characterize the state administrations.
No. 15 of the Federalist is virtually an analysis of the
defects and incapacity of state administration, and it was just
such defects that energized the movement for our national
' Address delivered at the meeting of the Academy of Political Science, October
26, 1912.
(78)
REORGANIZATION OF STATE GOVERNMENT 31
constitution. In the constitutional convention of 1787 Mercer
of Maryland bluntly declared that the real business in hand
was to
protect the people against those speculating legislatures, which are now-
plundering them throughout the United States.
Mercer's analysis of the situation, reported in Madison's
Journal for August 14, 1787, is remarkable for its prescience.
He argued that unless the executive is directly connected with
the legislature, its members will prey upon the people instead of
defending the people. He said :
The governments of America will become aristocracies. They are so
already. The public measures are calculated for the benefit of the
governors, not the people. The people are dissatisfied and complain.
They change their rulers, and the public measures are changed, but it
is only a change of one scheme of emolument to the rulers, for another.
The people gain nothing by it, but an addition of instability to their
other evils.
As a remedy Mercer proposed what is now designated as cab-
inet government. He argued that " the executive ought to have
a council, being members of both Houses."
The distrust of existing forms of authority was so great at
that period that Jefferson, then in France, felt it as strongly as
statesmen at home. On December 20, 1787, Jefferson wrote to
Madison : " The instability of our laws is really an immense evil.
I think it would be well to provide in our constitution that there
shall always be a twelve-month between the engrossing of a bill
and the passing of it."
These citations are typical of two tendencies very marked in
our political history. Mercer's words show that he was looking
toward structural order, whereas Jefferson looked toward re-
straint upon details of procedure. The latter tendency has so
far governed constitutional change in this country. Owing
to the notion that the way to guard against abuse of power is
to multiply checks upon the exercise of power, our state con-
stitutions are schemes of restriction constantly increasing in
complexity. There has been continual change without im-
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32
EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
provement. From 1776 to 1909, 127 distinct state constitutions
have been adopted in this country. We have no record from
which to get the exact number of amendments, but from 1894
to 1904, 381 constitutional amendments were proposed, of
which 217 were adopted. The process has had curious results.
For instance, if you examine the constitution of Maryland, you
will find in the bill of rights a declaration that " for the redress
of grievances and for amending and strengthening the laws the
legislature ought to be frequently convened." But the process
of change since has been such that a provision has been in-
serted prohibiting the legislature from meeting more than once
in two years, unless specially convoked by the governor.
Hostility to legislative sessions has become a general char-
acteristic of our state constitutions. There has been a marked
movement toward biennial and even quadrennial sessions. It
is plain that there has been a displacement of the legislature
from its normal position as the body representing the people.
Constitutional provisions exhibit the legislature as being a
misrepresentative body against which precautions must be
taken. When you compare American constitutions with those
of other countries, you will observe that restrictions upon
legislative authority are an American peculiarity. European
state constitutions assume that the legislative assembly will fulf 1
its proper functions ; American constitutions are framed en
the assumption that the legislature will misbehave unless sub-
ject to restraint.
Another American peculiarity is the expansion of the execu-
tive negative. After every session in New York or Pennsyl-
vania the governor sits in judgment upon hundreds of enact-
ments, determining which shall be law and which not. A
similar exaltation of executive prerogative is seen in the action
of governors dealing with the appropriation bills. In 1909
Governor Stuart of Pennsylvania cut $20,000,000 from the ap-
propriation bills by his vetoes. According to the traditional
scheme the governor is the chief executive and it is the function
of the representative assembly to control his actions, but now,
instead of depending on the legislatures to control the governors,
the people depend upon the governors to control the legisla-
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No. 2] REORGANIZATION OF STATE GOVERNMENT 33
tures. That is a very singular constitutional development,
without parallel in other countries.
Another marked feature is the expansion of judicial authority,
It cannot be understood unless we consider the moral basis as
well as the legal basis. An abnorfnal extension of jurisdiction
has been forced upon the courts through stress of necessity.
Consider such a situation as that which existed in Montana after
the legislature adjourned in 1907. The enactments of the ses-
sion were so full of mistakes that the official publication made
by the secretary of state contained the following notice :
" The within are exact copies of the enrolled laws as the same
reached this office, and neither this office nor the printer em-
ployed in the work is responsible for spelling or punctuation."
One law, presumably meant to prevent the sale of diseased
meat, imposed a severe penalty on the sale of "deceased"
meat. Compliance with the law as it stood would have required
butchers to supply their customers with live cattle. This is an
instance of the sort of legislation that compels American judges
to do what the judges of no other civilized country have to do,
namely, go behind the language of the act to consider the mo-
tives and intentions of the legislature, the practical result being
to substitute judicial discretion for legislative action. It is
true that the law-making power has been virtually transferred
from the legislature to the courts, but this result is to be im-
puted to legislative incapacity rather than to judicial arrogance.
Those who are inclined to attribute to the federal nature of our
government the powers over law-making exercised by American
judges should consider the fact that no such tendency has been
developed in Switzerland or Germany. Some tendencies ap-
peared in Germany in that direction, and Brinton Coxe, in his
treatise entitled " Judicial Power and Ujiconstitutional Legisla-
tion" collected a number of cases. But the courts refrained
from courses that American courts have followed, not so much
because of a difference in the legal situation as because of dif-
ferences in the moral situation. When statutes are known to be
a mature and circumspect expression of public opinion, judges
will hesitate to set up a contrary opinion of their own, and in-
deed the principle has been laid down in the courts of Germany
3 (81)
34 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
that a constitutional provision is to be understood as a rule for
the legislative power to interpret. No such attitude of serious
opinion could exist in regard to the legislative power in this
country, as its activities are too crude and irresponsible to com-
mand respect. The abnormal exaltation of judicial authority in
America is correlated with an abnormal degradation of legisla-
tive authority. Rectify the legislative situation and the judicial
situation will settle itself.
Efforts to obtain good government by constitutional restraint
have about reached their limit, and the political philosophy
from which they issued is becoming obsolete. American con-
stitutions started at a time when there was a habit of regarding
government as a thing distinct and apart from the people, so
that popular liberty implied limitation of the sphere of govern-
ment. Now government is coming to be regarded simply as
an institutional embodiment of the will of the people. It is
their agency, existing for their service, so that impairment of
its power is an abatement of the sovereignty of the people.
The people are now demanding a revision of the system of
government, not to put more checks on the government but to
take possession of the government itself. Questions of funda-
mental organization are now engaging consideration. This
disposition affrights conservative sentiment, but while the polit-
ical mythology usually invoked in opposition to reform does
not deserve any respect, the anxiety is not baseless. It is not
true that the system against which radical reformers are in revolt
expresses the wisdom of the Fathers, but it is true that organic
change is a dangerous process. History tells us that the mak-
ing over of constitutions is a process that is apt to draw blood.
The French Revolution has not lost its importance as a warn-
ing. But by using one's judgment instead of one's imagination
to reach conclusions I think it will appear that risks attending
the renovation of our state constitutions are closely limited by
the essentially municipal nature of state authority. No matter
what blunders may take place they will result in public loss
and inconvenience rather than public disorder. It will be a
dry revolution and not a wet revolution even at the worst.
The influences making for a reorganization of state govern-
(82)
No. 2] REORGANIZATION OF STATE GOVERNMENT 35
ment are now so strong that a change of type is not likely to
be deferred for many years. The eighteenth-century doctrine
of the separation of powers was at one time as generally
applied in city constitutions as it still is in state constitutions.
It has been overthrown by the introduction of the commission
plan of government, and the general improvement of municipal
government ensuing from the spread of the new model is
affecting public opinion as regards state government. It would
be still more influential were it not that the body in which the
commission plan connects the executive and legislative powers
is too small for state use. But for difficulty on that point
attempts might have been made before now to adopt the com-
mission plan in state government. The way in which the com-
mission plan has directed public attention to the advantages of
direct connection between the executive and legislative powers
will be fruitful in constitutional results.
The most significant indication of the tendency of the times
is, I think, the new constitution which the Oregon reformers
are endeavoring to introduce by popular initiative. In essence,
it proposes that the governor shall be the general manager of
the public business, meeting with the representative assembly as
with a board of directors. He will appoint his cabinet, he will
have the right to prepare the budget and propose his measures,
and if his measures are rejected he will have the privilege of
submitting them to the direct vote of the people. In acquiring
these powers, he will no longer have the veto power. His
duty will be to digest and propose measures, not to forbid
what the legislature may have done. His power becomes
positive instead of negative.
Not merely in Oregon, but even here in New York the trend
of opinion is in the same general direction. It hardly seems
possible to do anything more to increase the governor's power
of negative action. The next step in order is to give him
power of positive action ; that is to say, instead of a power of
veto he should have a power of initiative. Just such a con-
stitutional change has already been proposed by Henry L.
Stimson, at one time Republican party candidate for governor
of New York and at the present time Secretary of War in
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36
EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT
President Taft's cabinet. In a speech at Cleveland, on Jan. 28,
1 9 1 1 , he said of the governor :
Give him the same power to select and control his cabinet and the
heads of his departments which is possessed by the President of the
United States, especially with an absolute and unconditional power of
removal. The same power should be carried through all of the execu-
tive departments through which is administered the regulative control
of our public service corporations and other public utilities. Give him
the undisputed right, not only to suggest, but to frame and introduce
his own legislative measures, giving to such measures a right of pre-
cedence on the legislative calendar. Do away, for instance, with the
spectacle that we have seen too often in New York, of measures desired
by the governor held up apparently by the action of the clerk of the
assembly. If the governor's power over legislation under such con-
ditions should prove to be great, it could always be checked by the use
of an optional popular referendum.
The short-ballot movement makes in the same direction.
How are you going to shorten the ballot except by treating the
governor as a general manager, filling subordinate positions by
appointment, subject to responsibility for results, through
close connection vi^ith the representative assembly? It is a
familiar business principle that discretion and responsibility go
together. In acquiring the power to propose and explain his
measures directly to the legislature, and to bring them to
determination, it will no longer be necessary for him to use
official patronage as a fund with which to bribe the legislature
to consider the public business, and it will be politically incon-
venient to make appointments on other grounds than adminis-
trative efficiency.
The ideas and influences that I have sketched are yet to
receive institutional embodiment, but that is simply a question
of time. If an efficient type of state government appears any-
where it will spread everywhere. Certainly the present situation
cannot endure. Its evils are not irremediable. The forces of
progress will find a way out. I am sufficiently optimistic to
believe that a reorganization of state authority is about to begin
that will give the American people that which they have never
had — institutions of efficient government.
(84)
THE RECALL OF JUDICIAL DECISIONS'
William Draper Lewis
Dean of the Law School of the University of Pennsylvania
THE subject which I have been asked to discuss is usually
called, though I think miscalled, " the recall of judicial
decisions." It is proposed that, when an act passed by
a state legislature shall have been declared contrary to the con-
stitution, if a given fraction of the electorate shall petition to
have the act referred to popular vote, it shall be so referred,
and the people after a period for deliberation shall be given an
opportunity to vote directly on it. If a majority of the people
vote in favor of the act, it shall thereafter become law. As actu-
ally advanced in national and state Progressive platforms, the
proposition is not only limited to decisions of state courts in-
terpreting provisions in state constitutions, but is further limited
to acts passed under the police power. Thus, the national plat-
form of the Progressive party pledges that party to provide
" that when an act passed under the police power of the state is
held unconstitutional under the state constitutions by the courts,
the people, after an ample interval for deliberation, shall have
an opportunity to vote on the question whether they desire the
act to become a law notwithstanding such decision."
It is, therefore, clear that those of us who advocate this new
method of dealing with certain constitutional questions believe
that its real usefulness is largely, if not wholly, confined to the
situation which arises when an act passed under the police power
of the state is declared contrary to the state constitution. The
police power of the state is the general power to pass laws which
direct the conduct of the individual or private associations of
individuals, which says that we must do this or that. It there-
fore includes practically every law except those which relate to
the conduct of public officials or the organization and the oper-
' Read at the meeting of the Academy of Political Science, October 26, 1912.
3 * (85)
38 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
ation of the government. All acts dealing with social and in-
dustrial conditions are passed under the so-called police power.
All acts regulating the conditions of employment, payment of
wages in store orders, tenement-house conditions, and other acts
designed to correct the more obvious social and economic in-
justices of our present industrial system, are police laws.
A large part of the present criticism of courts and judges, as
well as the growing antagonism towards our constitutional sys-
tem, is due to the decisions of state courts holding void at-
tempts to enact legislation which many believe necessary to
correct the more glaring injustices of our present industrial
system. The so-called " recall of judicial decisions" is, at the
present time, the only constructive proposal advanced to meet
a condition which is giving grave concern to those who still be-
lieve that government under a written constitution is the best
form of government for a democracy. As such it demands our
careful consideration.
In order that we may be in a position to judge the proposal
on its merits, a preliminary word must be said in regard to
what we may call social and industrial legislation, and the peculiar
function performed by the courts when they declare such acts
as a compulsory workmen's compensation act contrary to the in-
herent rights of the individual.
Each country has always its social and economic problems,
because man, considered collectively, has always the power
of further progress. The problem of further progress is one of
method. In any society the proper method of improvement
becomes a matter of political controversy when a proposition
which, it is alleged, will have the desired result and which
involves a change in existing law or public administration,
is made in such a way as to command serious attention from,
those having the power to effect the change. Every economic
political controversy resolves itself into the question : Is it or is
it not wise for society to change by law, in the manner pro-
posed, the conditions under which the individual makes his
choice of action?
Two illustrations will make my meaning clear. A given
country has no tariff. A protective tariff is proposed. The
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No. 2] THE RECALL OF JUDICIAL DECISIONS 39
question is, will there be greater progress economically if the
law changes the existing legal conditions under which the
individual now makes contracts for the purchase of certain pro-
ducts? Again, a given community has no law governing the
hours of labor. A proposal is made to pass a law prohibit-
ing the employment of women for more than ten hours a day.
The question is, should society change in the way proposed the
conditions under which the contract of employment is made?
In neither case is it proposed that society shall directly coerce
the individual. No one is to be obliged to purchase goods or
employ women. But in each case the law proposed limits the
range of choice ; if one buys from abroad he must pay duty ;
if he employs women he cannot do so for more than ten hours
a day. Again, in the second illustration, the proposed law,
theoretically at least, limits the woman's range of choice ; she
cannot contract to work more than ten hours. I say theoretic-
ally, because practically the economic situation of the woman
may give her no real choice — she must take what is offered.
When we are confronted with the question whether it is wise
to adopt a particular tariff schedule or a particular law govern-
ing the hours of labor, two things influence our decision. We
have the facts bearing on the particular question. But we have
also our existing prejudices or principles, call them what you
will, relating to the limit to which society should go in im-
posing restrictive legal conditions. The difference between us
at any given time is one of degree. The most extreme indi-
vidualist admits that in some cases restrictive legal conditions
of a drastic character should be imposed. Thus, no one
objects to a law prohibiting the general sale of certain dele-
terious or poisonous drugs, or a law prohibiting the employ-
ment in dangerous industries of little children, even with the
consent of the children and their parents. On the other hand,
the most advanced progressive would regard a law limiting the
hours of work for women to two hours in any consecutive
twenty-four hours as arbitrary and unjust, or would oppose a
compulsory workmen's compensation act which required the
employer to pay to any workman who was permanently disabled
by an accident occurring in the business double wages for life.
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40
EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
We all of us, conservative and progressive alike, have what we
may describe as a mental scale, relating to the limits of regula-
tory legislation. At one end of the scale are supposed legis-
lative acts, like the act prohibiting the employment of women
more than two hours a day, which we regard, not merely as un-
wise, but as unjust and arbitrary. Further down the scale we
come to laws, such as a law limiting the hours of employment of
women to ten hours in any twenty-four, which we think wise or
unwise, but which do not, even if we regard them as unwise,
shock our sense of fairness. Lastly, at the other end of the
scale, we have those laws which, while restrictive, we regard as
expressing the unquestioned duty of society toward the indi-
vidual, such as a law prohibiting the employment of little chil-
dren in dangerous occupations.
Each of us has a more or less distinct mental scale of this
kind. It may change from day to day or remain throughout
our lives largely the same. That depends upon our experience
and our temperament. We may think little of public questions,
and our scale maybe largely an unconscious one; but when
forced to pass judgment upon a given proposal, out of our ex-
perience and environment and the extent and character of our
study and observation, we reach a decision for or against the
proposal by fitting such facts as we think have particular bear-
ing on the question into the scale of arbitrary, unwise, debatable,
wise, and essential governmental regulations, placing restrictive
legal conditions on the individual choice of action.
While, however, each of us has such a scale, the scale of no
two men is ever precisely alike. Certain legislation may be
arbitrary and unfair to all of us. When, however, we pass from
acts arbitrary to acts unwise, no two of us draw the same line.
Indeed, few or none of us draw a very sharp line between arbi-
trary and unwise legal restrictions. The two classes of acts im-
perceptibly shade into each other; but the shadow on the
scale that marks the passage from clearly arbitrary to debatable
acts in any two individuals is never in the same place. Take,
for instance, an eight-hour day for women. Some think that
a wise proposal, some unwise, others regard it as more than
merely unwise, as arbitrary, unfair, and destructive of the
fundamental right of liberty of action.
(88)
No. 2] THE RECALL OF JUDICIAL DECISIONS 41
Differences of opinion of this kind on such a measure as an
eight-hour law exist in every country. Everywhere disputes
arise as to the justice or wisdom of society in placing legal re-
strictions on the wage contract, employment of children, or the
use of this or that kind of property. In all other countries,
however, except the United States, such questions are settled
finally by the legislature. When the legislature has passed the
act, though many may think such action arbitrary interference
with the individual and therefore more than merely unwise,
nevertheless the legislature has spoken and the act is law. We
alone, of all people, live under a system of government in
which the courts have been given or have assumed the power
to examine into the nature of the act, and declare it void, if it
appears to them more than merely unwise ; if, in short, in their
mental scale it falls into the class of acts arbitrarily interfering
with the individual's liberty or property.
You will note that I say that the courts here either have
been given or have assumed this right. This is a subject on
which those learned in our constitutional history differ. No
one, at least no responsible person, accuses the courts of having
assumed, without any grounds for the assumption, that they
could disregard acts of the legislature which to them arbitrarily
restricted the individual's choice of action. Some earlier judges
took the position that a legislative act which interfered with
what they regarded as inherent individual rights, was void
because free governments were established to protect such
rights, and when the people adopted a constitution and vested
all legislative power in a legislature, they impliedly withheld
the power to deprive the individual of his inherent rights. In
modern times, as we have drifted away from the assumption
that man has " inherent rights," the courts in setting aside acts
of the legislature which to them appear grossly arbitrary, have
relied on express declarations in the bill of rights which ac-
companies every state constitution. Now there are in the fed-
eral constitution and in all state constitutions clauses which it
may be contended were intended to prohibit legislation arbi-
trarily interfering with the individual's freedom of action or
with his right to use his property as he thinks best. The fifth
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42 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
amendment to the federal constitution provides that the federal
government shall not deprive any one of " life, liberty, or
property, without due process of law." The fourteenth amend-
ment imposes a similar prohibition on the states. Provisions
similarly worded are found in a large number of state constitu-
tions. In some constitutions we find in the bill of rights an
express declaration that all men have " certain indefeasible
rights, among which are those of enjoying and defending life
and liberty, of acquiring, possessing and protecting property
and reputation and of pursuing their own happiness."
In interpreting the meaning of these clauses the courts were
obliged to determine two questions. First, did or did not those
who adopted the constitution by inserting these words intend
to declare that the legislature should not pass an act arbitrarily
interfering with the individual's liberty or property, or did they
merely intend to declare that an administrative officer or any
one else should not, without the warrant of legislative act, inter-
fere with the individual's liberty or property? Practically all
our courts, including the Supreme Court of the United States,
have decided that the clause relating to due process of law and
similar clauses prohibit arbitrary legislative interference with
the individual's freedom of action, whether in the use of prop-
erty or in the making of contracts. The publicist or constitu-
tional lawyer, examining our history, may doubt the correct-
ness of this conclusion ; but there has been no vacillation in the
position of our courts.
Having decided that the clauses referred to prohibit acts of
the legislature arbitrarily interfering with the individual in his
use of his property or his power to make such contracts as he
pleases, the courts were confronted by a second question. The
constitution, while prohibiting arbitrary legislative interference
with the liberty of the individual, does not give any standard
by which to judge an act as to whether or not it is arbitrary.
Should the courts therefore refuse to enforce the provisions of
the constitution, or should they do the best they can and declare
those acts void which impress them as unquestionably arbitrary
and unfair, or which are in their opinion arbitrary and unfair
according to generally received standards? I do not mean to
(90)
No. 2] THE RECALL OF JUDICIAL DECISIONS 43
say that the judges went through any such analysis in the first
cases involving the contention that an act deprived a person of
his liberty without due process of law because it interfered
arbitrarily with his right to make a particular contract or use
his property in a particular way. The law does not grow in
that way. For instance, in 1884, the late Judge Gordon, of the
supreme court of Pennsylvania, was presented with the question,
is an act prohibiting the payment of wages in store orders con-
stitutional? He did not consider it necessary to examine
elaborately its provisions or to analyze the processes by which
he came to the conclusion that it was contrary to a state con-
stitutional provision. To him such an act was without question
well within that part of his mental scale of restrictive legal acts
labeled " arbitrary and unfair." His state had a constitution ;
the constitution had a bill of rights in which was a general
clause inserted to prevent arbitrary legislation. To him the
act in question was abitrary legislation. He had no doubt
about it. And, therefore, he contented himself with remarking
that the act was one which could not be passed in this country.
From the time of Marshall's decision in Marbury z;. Madison,
the people of this country have been familiar with the court's
refusal to regard as law acts of the legislature contrary to the
constitution. Though there had always been a few people who
insisted that the courts should follow the legislative act, leaving
it to the people at the polls to rebuke the legislature, most of us
have always seen the importance, if we are to preserve govern-
ment under written constitutions, of the decision of the great
Chief Justice. We have also recognized the logical strength of
the position that if a court finds a legislative act clearly in con-
flict with a provision of the constitution under which the legis-
lature acts, the courts should follow the constitution and not
the legislative act.
The function preformed by the court in most constitutional
cases is to preserve the intent of the people on some clearly
defined subject as expressed in the constitution. For instance,
experience convinces the majority of the people that the
legislature should not have power to pass a law applying to one
borough. They adopt a constitution in which they expressly
(91)
44 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
say that no special law shall be passed relating to one borough.
Subsequently, the legislature passes a bill which violates this
provision. The court in refusing to recognize the law is pre-
serving the constitution as the people adopted it.
For a long time it was assumed that when an act imposing
restrictive legal conditions was overthrown by a court because
it deprived individuals, "without due process of law," of the
right to contract or to use their property, the court was per-
forming a function in no way different from its function in any
other constitutional case. In one sense this is true. The con-
stitution does say: "No one shall be deprived of life, liberty,
or property, without due process of law," and in the opinion of
the court the act in question does so deprive the individual. In
disregarding the act the court is preserving the constitution.
But why does the act, which we will say restricts the hours of
labor, deprive persons of their liberty or property without due
process? There are three possible answers: first, because it is
arbitrary in the opinion of the court; or second, because it is
arbitrary according to the court's opinion as to what was con-
sidered arbitrary legislation at the time of the adoption of the
constitution; or third, because it is arbitrary according to the
present generally received opinion of what is arbitrary. In
any case, the court is not, as in all other constitutional cases,
interpreting a precise declaration in the constitution, but is
measuring by some more or less uncertain mental scale what
is and what is not arbitrary and unfair legal restriction on
individual action.
It is perhaps a fair question whether the action of our courts
in this class of cases is or is not in accordance with the ideas of
those who put into our federal and state constitutions bills of
rights containing clauses against depriving a person of his
liberty or property without due process of law, or similar gen-
eral declarations. Quite aside from this question, there is
much to be said in practise for a system which provides that
an act of the legislature, which in the opinion of men trained
in the law, and having a knowledge of our legal history, arbi-
trarily interferes with the freedom of the individual to contract,
or do some other act, should not become a law until the people
(92)
No. 2] THE RECALL OF JUDICIAL DECISIONS 45
have a chance to say at the polls whether or not they wish that
act to become law. Admitting that no other civilized country
lives under a system in which the judges act practically like a
council of elder statesmen, vetoing acts which shock their sense
of justice, is there not much to be said in favor of the system?
At the same time the most thorough Tory and Conservative
among us has never contended for a moment that, if a per-
sistent majority of the people want an act, they should not have
the right to put their desire into effect in spite of the opinion
of the court that the act arbitrarily deprives a person of his
liberty or property. The only difference is as to the method
by which this desire on the part of the persistent majority of
the people should be carried out. At the present time we have
only one method, the formal amendment of the constitution.
If, for instance, in New York a compulsory workmen's com-
pensation act is declared to be contrary to the state constitution
because it arbitrarily takes the property of the employer away
from him without due process of law, under existing conditions
the people of New York, if they have a persistent desire for the
act, must amend their state constitution. Indeed, this is what
they are doing at the present time. Why, it may be asked, is
not this a perfectly satisfactory method?
Let us admit that it is not wholly unsatisfactory. An amend-
ment can be drawn and has been drawn reciting what are
regarded as the essential elements of a compulsory workmen's
compensation act; on the adoption of this amendment the act
can be re-passed. This method of formal amendment, in con-
trast to the so-called recall of judicial decisions, is often spoken
of as " the orderly method of amendment." And yet is it
orderly? After you adopt your amendment how does your
constitution read? In effect it reads as follows: "Arbitrary
legislation interfering with the individual's freedom of contract
or taking his property shall not be passed, but any act having
the essential elements of a compulsory workmen's compensation
act, no matter how arbitrary, may be passed." The process of
amendment may be orderly ; but is there not something which
looks very much like disorder in the result? Should the
courts of any state declare much legislation affecting social and
(93)
46 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
industrial conditions unconstitutional because it deprives the
individual of his liberty or his property without due process of
law, the constitution of that state would soon become in large
part a series of long statements as to what could be done in
spite of the due-process-of-law clause. It does not take much
foresight to perceive that if in any state there exists for any
length of time a difference of opinion as to the necessity for and
arbitrary character of certain social legislation passed under the
so-called police power of the state, it will not be long before
the people will adopt an amendment wiping out forever the
due-process provision of their bill of rights.
The real trouble with our present method of amending the
due-process-of-law clause whenever the courts under that clause
have declared unconstitutional an act persistently desired by
the people, is that it is not an orderly because not a scientific
method of meeting the situation. The method of formal
amendment in such cases fails to recognize the nature of the
function which the court has performed in this class of consti-
tutional cases. The court has not declared that the act violates
a provision in the constitution which is clear, precise and defi-
nite, and which if the people do not like they should abolish.
The real situation is that the court has been given, or has
assumed, whichever you will, under this due-process-ot-law
clause or some other similar clause in the bill of rights, the
right or power to declare unconstitutional an act which is con-
trary either to its own or to the generally received ideas of
social justice, and therefore subversive of inherent individual
rights. What the people need in such a case is not the power
to adopt formal amendments to the due-process-of-law clause ;
it is not the power to take a whole realm of possible legislation
and declare that thereafter any law falling within this realm, no
matter how arbitrary, shall thereafter be constitutional. The
court has declared in effect that a certain act is arbitrary, and
as such subversive of the rights of the individual. But if in
fact the act, to the majority of the people, does not seem arbi-
trary, they should have a method by which the act can become
law, without forcing them, by the passage of formal amend-
ments to the due-process clause of the bill of rights, to deprive
(94)
No. 2] THE RECALL OF JUDICIAL DECISIONS 47
the court of all power to arrest social legislation of the same
class, however arbitrary or unfair such legislation may be.
This is exactly the power which it is proposed to give to the
people by the proposition known as the recall of judicial
decisions. In one sense it is a method of temporarily amend-
ing the constitution. In another it is an attempt to preserve
the present power of the courts to stop legislation which they
believe contrary to the sense of social justice persistently prev-
alent in the community from going into effect until that com-
munity has been given an opportunity to express through the
ballot its own opinion of the act.
(95)
THE RECALL OF JUDICIAL DECISIONS'
CLARENCE D. ASHLEY
Dean of the Law School of New York University
NO reasonable, thoughtful man would attempt to sustain
the proposition for the recall of judicial decisions in its
widest sense. Judicial decisions may occur in litigation
between parties, and the title does not necessarily exclude jur^'
trials. Of course no one really desires to have a recall which
shall apply to such cases. We have recently had a murder
trial, and the jury has reached a certain conclusion. There is
an appeal to the court of appeals. Suppose we exclude the
verdict of the jury, and confine the question to the decision of
the court. Do we mean that in case the court decides for re-
versal there should be an appeal to popular vote? Of course
such an idea is absurd. Yet many suppose the proposition to
be that the people shall pass on any judicial decision, whether
arising in individual cases or in those concerning governmental
and general public interest. In the first place, if we limit the
proposal to cases of public interest it becomes difficult to draw
the line between such questions and those concerning the indi-
vidual. A man tried for murder is personally much concerned,
and so is the public. When it concerns the police, the govern-
ment also is interested. These trials, then, are of public inter-
est. Very few will attempt to draw the line here, and the best
thinkers have wisely limited the proposal to some specific topic.
One prominent writer says that he would limit the recall to
cases of due process of law. What is meant by that term ?
What does the constitution mean? Some lawyers may have a
definite answer for this question. Personally I have not, and I
have not met one who has. In a special instance you may say
that certain action deprives the defendant of due process and is
forbidden by the constitution, but can you say generally how
"due process" should be defined? Do you mean that the
' Read at the meeting of the Academy of Political Science, October 26, 191 2.
(96)
THE RECALL OF JUDICIAL DECISIONS 49
courts are to have power to determine whether in a given case
the question of due process has arisen or not, and whether the
recall is applicable to the case? Surely it is not intended to
leave the determination of this question to the courts. That
would negative the whole proposition. And who is to decide if
the courts do not? Suppose that in some way a judicial de-
cision is about to be submitted to the people for review, and
some one wishes to enjoin this submission on the theory that
this is not a proper case for the exercise of the recall, in that it
does not involve the question of due process — there seems to be
no tribunal to decide the question. Even though one court
holds an act unconstitutional on the ground that there has not
been due process of law, another court may find that the ques-
tion of constitutionality does not arise.
Dean Lewis, very wisely it seems to me, regards the question
as limited to amendments of the constitution. We often imag-
ine that the constitution is at fault, when as a matter of fact
the difficulty is with a decision or the framing of a bill. Re-
cently the court of appeals of New York reversed a case on
the ground that a certain statute was unconstitutional. A great
deal of criticism was leveled at the decision. Another bill
was drawn the following year which avoided the defects criti-
cized by the court. It carried out every object that the original
draftsman had in view, and also complied with the require-
ments of the constitution. No constitutional amendment was
needed, but merely intelligence arid skill on the part of the
draftsman. Again, it was said the income tax was improperly
held to be unconstitutional. The supreme court for many years
held that an income-tax law was constitutional, but now a de-
cision says that it is not. The fault is not with the constitution,
and the original view held by the court for years may some-
time be reaffirmed, and the desired result reached without any
amendment. My belief is that the federal constitution owes its
strength mainly to the fact that it is general and does not
attempt particulars. It lays down general rules of conduct and
then leaves the matter to Congress to work out in detail. From
this characteristic comes its adaptability to changing conditions.
Its provisions are fundamental.
L '97)
50 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
If you find that a bill is incorrectly drawn there can be no
quicker process than to have it redrawn and submitted the next
year. There seems to be no sound objection to such a course.
We must educate the draftsmen of our bills, the thinkers among
the public, and mainly our lawyers. That is why the present
public discussions may be objectionable. They distract our at-
tention from the real points of danger. I believe that many of
our rules of law are wrong. I think we are living under a sys-
tem adapted in some respects to a civilization existing three
hundred years ago. It seems to me that some sweeping changes
might well be made. Thus we might abolish our rules of evi-
dence, which are simply rules of exclusion. So, too, we could
modify the subject of contract, and, for example, do away with
what seems to be the unnecessary and ha.mful doctrine of con-
sideration. I would change many other branches of our law.
Thus we know that our criminal procedure is at fault and that
there are many technicalities which allow rascals to escape.
There is a vast amount of traditional reverence for what was
quite proper four or five hundred years ago, but is not so now.
We know that many sound decisions shock common sense. Do
not complain of these things, but get them changed by the leg-
islature.
Our study should be mainly directed towards a solution of
these difficult questions. Once bring our law in accord with
modern civilization and many of our troubles will cease. Let us
devote ourselves to a study of existing conditions, and determine
how best we can educate our people and lawyers, so that these
problems may be scientifically and carefully worked out. We
have a disease ; we do not want quack medicines, such as are
often suggested for the evils that exist. If we go ahead trying
all the various remedies, the result probably will be that the sit-
uation will become far worse than it was before. We should be-
come more patient. I do not believe that any thoughtful man
would really want the restraints upon our impulses taken away.
We speak of the people — we generally mean "other people"
when we say " the people " — as acting thoughtlessly, but the ed-
ucated man is just as likely to be carried away by the emotions
of the moment ; anybody may feel the madness of the mob.
(98)
No. 2] THE RECALL OF JUDICIAL DECISIONS 5 i
Therefore we all need checks. What these should be is a ques-
tion requiring thought, but I believe this entire present-day-
movement arises, not necessarily because the people are dissat-
isfied with the power of the courts, ^not necessarily because they
believe that the English system without written constitution 'is
best for our people, but because they justly believe that there is
something wrong. We should devote our energies to seeing
-what is the real evil.
We say the people in the long run are right, and that is so ;
but we do not mean that they are necessarily right when they
are carried away by excitement. No intelligent man wants a
decision to rest on such a foundation. We must protect our-
selves against this result, but we should not be so conservative
as to prevent any reformation. Let us bring about the desired
changes in an orderly, sound, scientific manner. This is not an
easy thing to do, and requires much thought. It demands pro-
found study, and able, experienced, thoroughly trained lawyers
should give their earnest thoughts to the task, thus saving the
people and our profession, for the good of the people depends
on keeping our profession sound.
(99)
THE DEVELOPMENT OF AMERICAN
CONSTITUTIONAL LAW
MUNROE SMITH
Professor of Comparative Jurisprudence, Columbia University
AMERICAN public law is peculiar, if not unique, in the
extent to which the powers of our representative legis-
latures are restricted by written constitutions. Many
of the existing restrictions are required by our federal form of
government. The fact that the field of legislative action is
divided between the federal Congress and the state legislatures
has compelled us to limit, in one way or in another, the powers
of both, either by indicating what they may do or by stating
what they may not do. There are, however, other restrictions
that are not required by the federal form of government. Our
federal and state constitutions contain special prohibitions de-
signed to prevent the misuse of legislative power. The most
important of these special prohibitions are those which are de-
signed to protect personal liberty and private property and to
maintain a formal legal equality.
Natural Rights
These special prohibitions, introduced in our earliest and
repeated in our latest constitutions, embody principles which
had slowly taken form, in Europe, during a period of more
than two thousand years. The interests which they protect
had come to be known as " natural rights," and these natural
rights were regarded as part of a body of " natural law." To
this natural law many European theorists, from the period of the
Stoics to the times of Locke and Rousseau, had ascribed a tran-
scendent authority ; and some of them had claimed that laws es-
tablished by human authority which were not in harmony with
natural law were not, properly speaking, entitled to the name
or to the force of law. In those instances, however, in which
' Read at the meeting of the Academy of PoHtical Science, October 26, 1912.
(100)
AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LA W
53
the recognized political authorities could not be induced, by
argument or by agitation, to change the positive law or its
interpretation, no method had been discovered by which the
law of nature could be made to prevail except that of revolu-
tion. Our separate national life began in a revolution, justified
by appeals to natural law ; and in our constitutions we have
elevated a certain number of natural-law principles to the posi-
tion of supreme positive law.
The Judicial Power
Our public law is unique, again, in the extent to which the
interpretation and enforcement of constitutional restrictions
upon legislation are entrusted to f.he judiciary. The ground
upon which Hamilton and others based their assertion that this
power belongs to the courts, at least in what are called " non-
political " questions, involving private rights, remains unshaken.
That a representative legislature of limited authority cannot
validly act beyond the scope of its authority is self-evident.
That, if it attempts to do this, its act is not law, and that it is
the right and the duty of the courts, in deciding cases, to de-
cide what is and what is not law, seemed to Hamilton and
to Marshall equally evident. Although this theory, when first
formulated, was disputed, and has often since been combated —
although it has been strongly urged, in particular, that it ignores
the distinction between a legislature whose power is coordinate
with that of the court which undertakes to restrain it and a
legislature whose power is subordinate — nevertheless this theory
also has been accepted. The question has been settled in prac-
tise. The judicial power rests upon a basis more solid than
any written text : it rests upon our established constitutional
custom.
In the development of our constitutional custom, however,
the judicial power has proved to be greater than was perhaps
originally foreseen by its most far-seeing advocates. The pro-
visions in our constitutions which prevent our legislatures from
interference with private rights are brief in their wording and
broad in their scope. Drawn, as we have seen, from the theory
of natural rights, as formulated in the eighteenth century, they
(loi)
54 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
have much of the vagueness which has always characterized
natural law. This law, as Hobbes long ago said, is, more than
any other, in need of an interpreter. In confiding its interpreta-
tion to the courts, we have enabled them to make much unwritten
constitutional law.
On the whole, the peculiar features of our constitutional sys-
tem have stood the test of time. For more than a century, at
any rate, and until recently, the system has worked fairly well
in its proper field. When the courts have attempted or have
been constrained to extend their control over matters essentially
or mainly political, as the federal Supreme Court did in the
Dred Scott case and in the legal-tender and income-tax cases,
the results have been less satisfactory ; and in recent years the
Supreme Court has acted wisely in avoiding the questions raised
by the restriction of suffrage in the Southern States and by the
adoption of the initiative and referendum in Oregon. Legal
questions that are ultimately economic and social, rather than
political, form, under our system, the proper domain of the
judicial power; and it is in this domain that the system has
worked satisfactorily. It is, however, possible that its satis-
factory operation has been due, in large measure, to the per-
sistence, until a recent period, of the economic and social con-
ditions which prevailed when it was first established. For
colonial and frontier life, for the settlement and development of
a vast expanse of territory, free individual initiative and unre-
strained social cooperation are of the highest value, and a mini-
mum of legal restraint and governmental supervision is desir-
able. It is a well-known fact that French and German colonies
do not thrive to-day as English colonies have thriven ; and this
is attributed by French and German writers to an unduly elab-
orate system of governmental management and restraint — to
what the Germans call das Assessore7it)nim. Apparently, how-
ever, as this country has become settled, as its population has
become denser and its economic system more complex, the
restriction of governmental action and the extraordinary pro-
tection accorded to private rights have become less satisfactory.
There is a growing demand for legislation intended to establish
a more equal liberty and a less mechanical equality — for what
(102)
No. 2] AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW § 5
is called " social " legislation. It has been found that legislative
measures of this sort have great difficulty in running the gaunt-
let of the courts. The fact that some such measures have been
pronounced unconstitutional has aroused popular dissatisfaction ;
there have been many protests ; there is a popular agitation
against the degree of control which our courts exercise over
legislation. The situation is one that can no longer be met by
exclusively legal reasoning: the issues are political.
Popular Sovereignty
When the federal constitution of 1787 was submitted to the
conventions of the several states, Hamilton made an ingenious
effort to reconcile the judicial coiitrol of legislation with the
principle of popular sovereignty. His political argument has
not worn so well as his legal reasoning. His theory that the
courts, in refusing to give effect to an unconstitutional law, are
simply giving effect to the intention of the sovereign, preferring
the intention of the people to the intention of their agents,
seemed more satisfactory at the time than it does to-day. It
does not now fit all the facts.
The Development of Our State Constitutions
In the several states, indeed, the written constitutions are now
more obviously the expression of the will of the people than
they were in Hamilton's day. In his time, and later, state con-
stitutions, like ordinary laws, were adopted by representative
bodies. To-day it has become our practise to submit constitu-
tional revisions and amendments to popular vote. At the same
time, however, other changes have occurred that tend to modify
the relation of the state courts to the state electorates, because
they tend to efface, within the several states, the distinction be-
tween constitutional law and ordinary law.
In the first place, the field assigned to constitutional law, as
contrasted with the ordinary law, has been greatly extended, until
today the matters with which each is concerned have come to be
largely identical. Like our federal constitution, our first state
constitutions were frames of government and bills of rights.
By successive amendments and revisions, our later state consti-
(103)
56 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
tutions have projected themselves more and more extensively
over the fields of legislative procedure, criminal law and pro-
cedure, private law and civil procedure. When a legislature has
done something which, in the opinion of the people of the state,
it ought not to have done, constitutional amendment has usually
withdrawn from its competence the field of action in which it
went astray. When a legislature has left undone something
which, in the opinion of the people, it ought to have done, con-
stitutional amendment has frequently dealt with the matter in
the form of positive regulation. The popular dissatisfaction
with representative legislatures has also expressed itself in con-
stitutional amendments which permit legislatures to assemble
but once in two years and limit the duration of their sessions.
These changes, which have fettered and largely crippled the
representative legislatures of our states, have brought in their
train another important change. The direct popular action now
required in many matters for the development of state law is
assuming a new form. In addition to the process of constitu-
tional amendment by referendum, we have now, in many of our
states, a process of legislation by referendum, and to the legis-
lative referendum some of these states have added the popular
initiative. With this change, the distinction between constitu-
tional law and ordinary law becomes even hazier. The exten-
sion of constitutional law^ over the field of ordinary law had
already largely effaced the distinction between the two bodies of
law as regards the matters with which they respectively deal.
The development of direct popular legislation wholly effaces the
distinction between constitutional law and ordinary law as re-
gards the source from which they respectively emanate. The
only distinction that remains is procedural. If a measure be
submitted to and approved by the electorate in the manner pre-
scribed for amendment of the constitution, it becomes part of
the superior constitutional law. If it be submitted and ap-
proved in the manner prescribed for direct legislation, it be-
comes part of the inferior ordinary law. If the methods of
submission and approval are substantially the same in both
cases, the distinction is purely nominal : a measure that is de-
scribed, in its title, as an amendment to the constitution is con-
stitutional law ; a measure not so described is ordinary law.
(104)
No. 2] AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 57
Under these conditions, Hamilton's political reasoning is on
longer applicable. If a state adopts by popular vote a measure
that is not described as an amendment to the constitution, and
if the state judiciary declares this measure unconstitutional, the
court is not preferring the intention of the people to the inten-
tion of their agents; it is preferring the earlier intention of
the people to their later intention, their forethought to their
afterthought.
When we consider the constant and irresistible action of
political facts upon formal law, it is a serious question whether
the distinction which is still drawn in our states between consti-
tutional amendment and direct legislation can long be main-
tained. From the point of view of the popular-sovereignty
theory, it is quite illogical that the courts should have power to
declare direct legislation unconstitutional. This may well be
regarded as an argument against direct legislation ; but we have
not now to consider whether this form of legislation is or is not
desirable. It exists and it is spreading; it is, accordingly a
political fact; and what we must take into account is the effect
of this fact upon our political theory and practise.
The ''Recall of Decisions''
That the formal distinction between the constitutional law
and the ordinary law of our states is tending to break down and
disappear is drastically illustrated by a proposal that has at-
tracted much attention during the past few months, the mis-
called " recall of decisions." The proposal is that a law which
has been pronounced unconstitutional by the highest court of a
state, on the ground that it is in conflict with the state constitu-
tion, shall, on popular initiative, be submitted to popular vote,
and, if approved by the electorate, shall become law.
This proposal is a wholly natural and absolutely logical pro-
duct of the " people's rule " movement. Moreover, however
little Hamilton would have liked to see his own artillery turned
against his own political intrenchments, the proposal is logically
consistent with the popular-sovereignty theory which he em-
ployed in defense of the judicial power. If, in pronouncing a
law unconstitutional, the judiciary represents and acts for the
(105)
58 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
people, preferring their intention to that of their legislative
agents, it is not easy to show why the intention of the people,
directly declared, is not to be preferred to that of their judicial
agents. If, on referendum, the voters of the state may disallow
the act of one set of agents, it is difficult to see why they may
not similarly disallow the act of another set of agents.
It is said, in reply, that a judicial interpretation of law is a
different thing from an act of legislation. From the popular-
sovereignty point of view, however, the difference is immaterial :
the interpretation of constitutional law by a court and the act
passed by a representative legislature are, each of them, at-
tempts of agents of the people to express the intention of the
people. And in fact the distinction between legislation and ju-
dicial decision is largely a formal one. Every authoritative in-
terpretation of written law establishes a rule of law; and, if the
law to be interpreted be general in its terms, interpretation may
make a great many rules of law. This fact is recognized in our
legal theory: the Supreme Court of the United States has more
than once invalidated a judicial decision rendered by the highest
court of a state, on the ground that a state may not make " a
law " impairing the obligation of contract.
Recognition, however, that a proposal is logically consistent
with accepted political theory has never been regarded by any
English-speaking people as a sufficient reason for adopting it.
When a change in political practise is proposed, such a people
always inquires, first, whether any change is necessary; second,
how the proposed change is likely to work.
The first of the questions is answered by the opponents of
the " recall " proposal, by pointing out that in most of our
states it is easy to amend the constitution. In some of our
states such an amendment may be proposed either by the legis-
lature or by a small minority of voters, and may be adopted,
with little delay, by a majority of those who vote on the pro-
posal. If in other states the process of amendment is unduly
difficult or protracted, the obvious and sufficient remedy is to
change the process. On the other hand, the advocates of the
" recall " proposal insist that the ordinary process of amend-
ment has unnecessary and undesirable results which the " recall "
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No. 2] AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 59
avoids. This contention was first clearly and intelligibly pre-
sented by Dean Lewis of the University of Pennsylvania Law
School. He maintains that the " recall " is not only a more
efficient instrument for adapting written constitutions to chang-
ing economic and social conditions, but that it preserves the
judicial control over unconstitutional legislation which the ordin-
ary form of amendment tends to impair. This last assertion
seems to me to be true.
The question how the " recall " will work in other respects —
the question, in particular, of its immediate practical results as
distinguished from its ultimate theoretical results — has been
little discussed. In endeavoring to indicate how it will prob-
ably work, we must, of course, take the proposal as it is now
formulated. It is obviously impossible to consider how all other
conceivable proposals of a similar general character might
operate.
The constitutional restriction upon legislation which has at-
tracted most attention during the past few years, and which has
elicited most discussion during the past few months, is found in
provisions requiring legislative measures to conform to " due
process of law." And, inasmuch as it has long been recognized
by our courts that due-process restrictions may cease to be ap-
plicable and operative when legislative action is taken under the
" police power," this power also has been much discussed. The
discussion has not turned upon the proper meaning of due
process or upon the extent of the police power. The question
is : how the interpretation which the courts give to these ex-
pressions is to be controlled ; how the people are to exercise a
power to determine, in last instance, what their constitutional
law shall be.
As the "recall" proposal was originally presented by Mr.
Roosevelt, the referendum on decisions was not, apparently, to
be limited to due-process cases; it was to be available whenever
a state law was declared to be invalid because in conflict with
any provision of the state constitution. In view, however, of the
inconvenient and even absurd results that might possibly be pro-
duced by an unlimited " recall," it is now proposed that refer-
enda on decisions shall be limited to due-process cases. The
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6o EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
proposal is so formulated, for example, by Mr. William L.
Ransom in his recent book on Majority Rule and the Judiciaryy
to which Mr. Roosevelt contributes an introduction.
In order that we may see how this limited "recall" would
probably work, let us take a situation which has already been
much discussed, which has been frequently chosen by the ad-
vocates of the "recall" to illustrate the need of a new remedy,
and which Mr. Ransom claims would be remedied by a " recall "
limited to due-process cases. Let us take the situation which
exists in New York as regards compensation of workmen, or of
their widows and children, in cases of injury or death caused by
industrial accidents. A law passed by the state legislature was
pronounced unconstitutional by the Court of Appeals, because
it proposed to take the money of the employers without due
process and was not within the sphere of the police power. It
is claimed that a " recall " limited to due-process cases would
have sufficed to validate the law and make it immediately
effective. But, in pronouncing this law unconstitutional, the
New York Court of Appeals declared that, for the purpose of
reaching a decision, it was not necessary for the court to deter-
mine whether the act was unconstitutional solely as denying due
process. It declined, in particular, to decide whether it was
unconstitutional as denying the employers' right to trial by jury.
It seems clear, therefore, that even if the decision of the court
had been " recalled," the law would have been validated only
so far as due process was concerned, and that the question which
the Court of Appeals declined to decide would remain open.
If, when this issue was raised, the Court of Appeals should
again declare the law unconstitutional, it would apparently be
necessary, under the limited-recall program, to introduce a new
amendment to the constitution, widening the scope of the recall,
and to institute a new referendum. If the new amendment
were limited in its application to the matter of jury trial, it is
not impossible that question might arise whether the law was not
in conflict with some other provision of the constitution, or with
the general spirit of the constitution.
So numerous are the grounds upon which any law that at-
tempts to realize what is to-day described as "social justice"
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No. 2] AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 6 1
may conceivably be pronounced unconstitutional, that it will be
no easy task to frame a recall amendment that will cover all
these grounds and yet remain limited in its scope. It seems
doubtful, to put it mildly, whether any recall proposal thus far
formulated promises to secure a more speedy adaptation of our
state constitutions to changing conditions than the existing
process of substantive amendment. It seems highly improb-
able that it will bring to a more prompt and satisfactory con-
clusion any differences of opinion or of sentiment between the
state courts and the state electorates. For a single political
battle, terminated by a single substantive amendment, the
limited " recall " appears to substitute, primarily at least, a
prolonged political war, in which the electorate would realize
its intention only after several campaigns. Moreover, after
each campaign, the limited recall would be widened in its opera-
tion ; and it would thus gradually approach that unlimited
recall which the supporters of the plan do not at present
advocate.
A more fundamental objection, which applies to any con-
ceivable form of referendum on laws pronounced unconstitu-
tional, is that it offers us a crude and unsatisfactory means
of obtaining the end desired. The purpose of the proposed
referendum is to obtain, particularly in matters of natural right,
popular expressions of the sense of social justice. Such ex-
pressions are to create precedents which the state courts are to
follow. It is, however, extremely improbable that the elector-
ate will consciously attempt to express its sense of social
justice. The great majority of the voters will express their
varying judgments as to the probable effects, good or bad,
of the particular measure submitted to them. If it be replied
that the majority judgment will contain, by implication, an
expression of its prevailing sense of justice, it may be remarked
that implications are matters of opinion, and that widely differ-
ent implications may be discovered in every such popular
decision. After every general election there appear widely
different theories as to what was really " the verdict of the
people." It may be added that successive referenda on differ-
ent measures may well contain implications that cannot easily
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62 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
be reconciled. The difficulty which the courts now experience
in determining the true reasons for their own decisions on con-
stitutional questions will appear slight indeed in comparison
with the difficulty which they will encounter if they be called
upon to determine, first, what intuitions of social justice seem
to be implied in a series of popular decisions, and, second,,
what rules of constitutional interpretation can be formulated
that will express these intuitions. To the average lawyer such
a process of developing law seems fantastic : hence the gener-
ally hostile reaction of the legal profession to the "recall"
proposal. To the student of legal history, on the other hand^
the process is not fantastic but familiar. It was by this very
process — the expert interpretation of popular decisions — that
law was taking form in the Mediterranean city-states twenty-five
centuries ago and again among the Teutons fifteen centuries
ago. If the reaction of the legal historian to the proposal
is also hostile, it is not because the process seems novel but be-
cause it is seen to be archaic. Like the whole direct-govern-
ment movement, of which it is a product, it is a reversion to the
primitive processes of early civilization.
The Development of the Federal Constitution
Closely connected with the problem of adapting our state
constitutions to changing social and economic conditions is the
problem of the development of our federal constitutional law.
The due-process requirement and other restrictions found in
our state constitutions are contained in the federal constitution
also ; and a state court may declare an act of a state legislature
invalid because it is in conflict with the supreme organic law of
the nation as well as with the constitution of the state. The
New York Workmen's Compensation Act, for example, was
declared to be in conflict with the federal as well as the state
constitution ; and it would apparently remain invalid even if
the due-process clause of the state constitution were amended
or overridden. This being the case, it seems singular that
at present there should be so much discussion of means of
developing our state constitutions and so little discussion of the
possibility of developing the federal constitution.
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No. 2] AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 63
The explanation is, of course, that during the last few years
the attitude of the federal Supreme Court toward social-reform
legislation has been more friendly, or at least more tolerant,
than that of some of our state courts. At Washington the
judicial interpretation of due process has come to be less purely
historical than at some of our state capitals, and a somewhat
wider scope has been attributed to the police power.
When the highest court of a state has declared a law invalid,
because in conflict with the federal constitution, there is at
present no possibility of appeal to the federal Supreme Court.
Appeal can be taken only when the law is declared to be con-
stitutional. This rule, however, is statutory ; it is contained in
the federal Judiciary Act. For the present, accordingly, the
effort of those who desire to promote social-reform legislation
is very properly concentrated on the proposal so to amend the
Judiciary Act that all cases involving a question of federal con-
stitutional law may be carried to the federal Supreme Court.
Such a change, coupled with substantive amendment of the
state constitution or with the adoption of the " recall of de-
cisions" in the several states, will doubtless, as things stand,
make the course of social-reform legislation run much more
smoothly. If appeal lies to the Supreme Court, the state
courts, in their interpretation of the federal constitution, will
follow more closely the decisions of the federal judiciary ; and
it will be increasingly difficult for them to maintain divergent
interpretations of similar provisions in the state constitutions.
For the present, then, this opportunist program seems to
meet the situation. It should, however, be remembered that,
while the attitude of the federal Supreme Court is at present
satisfactory to friends of social-reform legislation, this has not
always been the case. It was not the case a few years ago,
when the Supreme Court decided by a bare majority (five to
four) that the New York legislature could not limit the hours of
adult male labor in bakeries. At that time the United States
Supreme Court was subjected to nearly as much criticism as
has since been directed against the New York Court of Appeals.
The subsequent change observable in the attitude of the Su-
preme Court is coincident with an unusually rapid change in its
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64 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
membership; and the appointments which have so largely
changed its membership were made during the period in which
there was widespread criticism of its conservative position.
There is no conclusive reason to assume that this court may not
again, at some future time, become at least as conservative as
the majority of the state courts.
The problem of adapting our federal constitution to changing
economic and social conditions, although for the moment rele-
gated to the background of political discussion, will in the long
run be recognized as far more important than the problem of
constitutional amendment in the several states. Its solution is
far more difficult. Formal amendment of the federal constitu-
tion is almost impossible. During the last hundred years no
amendments have been adopted except those that followed and
sealed the victory of the national forces in the Civil War. If,
as now seems probable, the pending income-tax amendment be
adopted, it must be remembered that this proposal has come
before the country under exceptionally favorable auspices. Pro-
posed by a Republican President, approved by the Senate unani-
mously and opposed in the House of Representatives by only
fourteen members, it has the further advantage of presenting
itself, not as an innovation, but as a restoration. It accords to
Congress a power which that body has previously exercised with
the approval of the Supreme Court, and of which it has been de-
prived only because that court has reversed itself. The failure of
this amendment, indeed, would go far to prove that formal
change of the federal constitution is at present impossible, but
its adoption should not unduly elate those who desire further
amendments. The absurdity of the existing process of amend-
ment is best illustrated by the fact that thirteen states contain-
ing less than 5 per cent of the total state population could de-
feat an amendment supported by thirty states containing about
95 per cent of the total state population. Under such a pro-
cess, amendment of the federal constitution is possible only by
what is practically almost unanimous consent. And even where
consent is so general as to be almost unanimous, the process is
exceedingly slow, as is shown by the fact that the income-tax
amendment was submitted to the state legislatures three and a
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No. 2] AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 65
half years ago and has received but thirty-four of the thirty-
six state votes required.
The difficulty of formal amendment has forced us to develop
our federal constitution largely by interpretation ; and as, in all
matters not of a strictly political character, the power of final
interpretation has been accorded to the judiciary, the greater
part of our unwritten constitutional law is found in the federal
law reports. So great is the power of interpretation to make law,
especially when the text to be interpreted is so concise as is that
of the federal constitution, and so freely has the Supreme Court
made use of this power, that to many students it seems that
formal amendment is unnecessary. To many, however, it seems
doubtful whether our federal constitution meets all the needs of
the existing generation, and few will be so bold as to affirm
that it can be adapted without formal amendment to meet all the
needs of the generations yet to be born. And if a point is
reached at which the constitution cannot be bent by the economic
and other social forces which it already checks, there is danger
that it will be broken.
Here, again, Hamilton's defense of the judicial power has be-
come unsatisfactory. The greater part of the written constitu-
tion took form one hundred and twenty-five years ago ; its most
recent provisions were adopted nearly half a century ago ; and
when the Supreme Court declares a law invalid because in con-
flict with the constitution, it is not preferring the intention of
the people of the United States to that of their agents ; it is
preferring the intention of the dead to that of the living. To
infer any real consent of the living from their acquiescence,
when change is almost impossible except by revolution, is to
employ a legal fiction.
It is not yet formally proposed to apply a popular" recall " to
the decisions of the federal judiciary; but there have been sug-
gestions that, if the system should be introduced and should ap-
prove itself in the several states, it might be extended to the
nation. The chief difficulty which will be encountered by any-
one who endeavors to formulate a proposal for the submission
of constitutional questions to the people of the United States is
that, in public law, the people means the electorate, and that
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66 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
there is no national electorate. Nor can the forty-eight state
electorates fitly be recognized for any purpose whatever as
a national electorate. The conditions on which the different
states grant the right to vote are so diverse that a popular
majority obtained in a nation-wide vote would neither de-
serve nor receive serious consideration. Such a majority might
possibly be due to the fact that in nine or ten states the total
vote, and consequently the majorities recorded, were doubled
by woman suffrage. It might be due to the fact that negroes,
who vote freely in the northern and western states, are prac-
tically excluded from the suffrage in the southern states. To the
total affirmative and negative votes of these forty-eight elec-
torates no legal significance could reasonably be attached unless
the conditions of voting were equalized. A " recall " of the
decisions of the federal judiciary could, of course, be legalized
only by constitutional amendment. Unless such a proposal car-
ried with it the further proposal that Congress be empowered
to determine who should vote, it would assuredly be rejected
because of its absurdity. If it carried with such a further pro-
posal, it would probably be rejected by the votes of the south-
ern states alone, even if the rest of the country favored it. For
these reasons, if there were no others, the " recall" of federal
judicial decisions must be regarded as a matter of speculative in-
terest only. For the present, at least, it is not in the realm of
practical politics.
There remains the question whether the federal constitution
cannot be made more adaptable to social changes by changing
the process of amendment. Here, in my opinion, we reach the
heart of the question that is before us. The amending clause
of the federal constitution can be amended by the vote of three-
fourths of the states. A new and less difficult method of amend-
ment, if thus legalized, would make it possible to change by
orderly and constitutional process any provision of the existing
constitution except that which assures to all the states equal
representation in the federal Senate. The different plans which
have been proposed for amendment of the amending clause in
the federal constitution are so fully discussed in Mr. Thompson's
paper that they need not here be noted. By the adoption of
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No. 2] AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LAW 6/
any of these plans the constitutional situation would be radically
improved. To Senator LaFollette's plan there is, however, one
serious objection. Starting with the sound idea that a majority
of states is required by the federal »principle and a popular ma-
jority by the democratic principle, he proposes to recognize the
forty-eight state electorates as a national electorate, and to treat
a majority resulting from the combination of the heterogeneous
votes cast in the forty-eight states as a true popular majority.
The objections to such a procedure have already been stated.
Conflicting Legal Theories
There is, as the political debates of the past year have
shown, a large and respectable body of American citizens who
deny the necessity of adapting our written constitution to
changing economic and social conditions. They are satisfied
with our present organic laws. They are particularly averse to
qualifying, in any manner, the protection which our written
constitutions give to personal liberty and to private property.
They are equally averse to impairing the formal legal equality
of all persons which these instruments safeguard. They not only
object to any formal change in what Professor Burgess has
described as " the constitutional organization of liberty," but
they dislike any modification of the existing organization by
re-interpretation of the old formulas.
Men of this way of thinking are especially numerous in the
legal profession. The ordinary lawyer is mainly concerned
with the protection of private rights, and in helping to protect
them he renders valuable service to society as well as to his
clients. General social interests are less obvious to him : they
are in the background of his daily life and thought; private
rights are in the foreground.
Most of these persons, whether lawyers or laymen, are in
reality adherents of the school of natural law. The lawyer who
has read his Hobbes or his Austin may assent, intellectually, to
the doctrine that law is the expression of the will of the political
sovereign ; the lawyer who knows his Maine or his Holmes may
similarly assent to the theory that law is a historical product;
the one may call himself an analytical, the other a historical
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68 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
jurist ; but if either feels that there are legal principles which
the sovereign cannot modify and which historical development
merely exhibits, he is really a disciple of the natural-law school.
Similarly, many laymen, who know nothing of the wranglings
of the philosophical schools, are instinctively adherents of the
school of natural law, although they might be as much sur-
prised to hear this as was Moliere's M. Jourdain when he
discovered that he had unwittingly talked prose all his life.
Between such persons, and those who believe that law is
a social instrument which men deliberately fashion to serve
their purposes, or those who believe that it is a product of the
entire social life and must needs change with changing social
conditions, discussion is difficult.
It may be an irenic suggestion to say that each of these
philosophical theories has in it a core of truth, but that, as none
is wholly false, so none embodies the whole truth. There are
conditions of social life and progress which are so essential that
no legal system can disregard them, without imperiling the
welfare and possibly the existence of the society which it
governs. These conditions may be described as determined
by nature. As far as they fit into the framework of law and
are capable of statement as legal principles, they are appropri-
ately described as natural law. Again : the cooperation on
which human society is based is not mechanical, like that of
the ant-hill ; it is a cooperation of free individuals whose per-
sonality is not wholly merged in any group and whose interests
are indeed subordinated but not sacrificed to group interests.
The human type of cooperation is one that leaves room for
competition; and social progress is largely the result of
limited competition. The protection of human personality
and of individual interests, the staking-off of fields of free
competition — these are necessary conditions of social life
among men, and they find expression in the so-called natural
rights of the human being. On the other hand, the precise
adjustment of social and individual interests is not, as far
as we can see, determined by nature. It is determined in
large measure by the historical development of societies ; it
changes, and apparently must change, as social conditions are
modified. It is also determined, to a considerable degree, by
(ii6)
No. 2] AMERICAN CONSTITUTIONAL LA W 69
the human will. And when the conditions of social life and
progress and the adjustment of social and individual interests
are to be expressed in written laws and constitutions, the human
will has complete freedom. The content of legal rules may be
determined by nature or by history ; their form is determined
by human authority. It may then be conceded that, in a very
real sense, there is natural law and there are natural rights. It
does not follow, however, that any statement of this law or any
formulation of these rights can be eternally valid. All such
statements and formulations require continuous evolutive inter-
pretation ; and from time to time there will be need of restate-
ments and reformulations.
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5 •
DISCUSSION OF THE ADAPTATION OF WRITTEN
CONSTITUTIONS TO CHANGING ECONOMIC
AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS'
HENRY ROGERS SEAGER
Professor of Political Economy, Columbia University
AS an advocate of labor laws, some of which have been
held unconstitutional, I might be expected to dissent
from Professor Goodnow's conclusions. Instead, my
experience and observation, not, of course, as a constitutional
lawyer, but merely as a student of labor legislation, cause me to
agree with every important position he has taken. I believe,
as he does, that judicial interpretation can and will adapt our
federal constitution to our changing economic and social condi-
tions. There is nothing in that instrument, as he has shown,
which expressly bars the way to a thorough-going program of
social and labor legislation. Where the way has been barred
by decisions of the Supreme Court, as in the reactionary
decision holding the ten-hour bake-shop law of this state
unconstitutional, the cause has clearly been not in the constitu-
tion, but in the personal opinions and prejudices of the judges
called on to interpret the constitution. To prove this conten-
tion it is necessary only to recall that in the case referred
to four out of the nine judges, quite as able and learned-in-the-
law as their colleagues, took an exactly opposite view of the
meaning of the constitution. Moreover, it was a reflection on
the intelligence of the American people to ask them to believe
that their fundamental law, which had been held a few years
before to permit the state of Utah to prohibit the employment
of men in underground mines and smelters for more than eight
hours a day, would not permit the state of New York to pro-
hibit their employment in bakeries for more than ten hours
a day. In all decisions involving the scope of the police power,
'At the meeting of the Academy of Political Science, October 26, 1912.
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CONSTITUTIONS AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS 71
that is, the question as to how far the liberty of the individual
may be curbed to promote the larger social interests of the
community, we are clearly in the domain of fallible and chang-
ing opinion. Judicial opinion is only one segment — a con-
servative segment, no doubt — of general public opinion. As
public opinion is aroused to industrial evils and voices itself in
legislation regulating labor and other social conditions, judicial
opinion will respond. In only a few instances, and then by
bare-majority decisions certain to be subsequently reversed, has
the Supreme Court of the United States refused to uphold
measures consonant with the prevailing morality and the gener-
ally accepted opinion of the day.
While I agree with Professor Goodnow's conclusions, I should
emphasize even more strongly than he has done the importance
of the changes in our legal system which are necessary to make
the process of adaptation by judicial interpretation work freely
and easily. With the fourteenth amendment to the federal
constitution given the broad scope which it now has, I should
like to see the bills of rights amended out of the state constitu-
tions all together. Private rights do not require the double
constitutional protection which they now enjoy. The only im-
portant result of it is that labor and other laws which have good
prospect of being upheld by the federal Supreme Court are
often declared unconstitutional by the less able and less pro-
gressive state courts of last resort. If this proposal seems to
go too far, certainly there can be no valid objection to making
the machinery for amending a state constitution so simple and
so ready in its operation that measures like the workmen's com-
pensation act which was held unconstitutional by our court
of appeals and which have public opinion overwhelmingly
behind them, can be within a reasonable period expressly
authorized by constitutional amendment-
The necessary corollary to machinery for the easy amend-
ment of state constitutions is the other measure of which
Professor Goodnow spoke, a federal statute permitting appeal
to the federal courts whenever the interpretation of the consti-
tution of the United States is the issue on which a decision
turns. That appeal may be taken from decisions upholding
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72
EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT
Statutes and not from decisions declaring statutes unconstitu-
tional is an anomaly in our present system which history may
explain but which logic can not defend.
With state constitutions that may be easily amended and the
right to appeal to the federal Supreme Court whenever there is
a question as to what the federal constitution permits or does
not permit, I believe we should be able to enjoy all of the ad-
vantages which come from written constitutions and at the same
time largely escape the disadvantages, of which we have been
made so conscious in the last few years,
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DISCUSSION OF WRITTEN CONSTITUTIONS AND
SOCIAL CONDITIONS
MILES M. DAWSON
New York City
IT is singular that among the various proposals to reform and
improve methods of legislation the adoption, with appro-
priate alterations, of the republican government plan long
in use in Great Britain, her dependencies and other countries,
has not been more frequently advocated.
The cause is, seemingly, that our written constitutions in state
and nation do not lend themselves readily to insensible, gradual
modification, and when they were adopted, responsible govern-
ment had not so far developed, even in Great Britain, that its
true nature was comprehended.
Even at this day, while the parliamentary government of
Great Britain is well understood by students of governmental
theories, it is not understood by the mass of our population,
though such a system has been in use for many years in Canada
and its superiority is the boast of all Canadians. We are too
prone to assume that responsibility of government to the voters
prevails so generally that Americans must have understood and
deliberately discarded it. Such is by no means the case.
Scarcely half the countries of Europe enjoy parliamentary
government with a responsible ministry. The Norwegians
separated from Sweden to obtain it. In Sweden and in Den-
mark, the voters are still struggling without success to wrest
from the crown the right to hold the ministry responsible.
Finland enjoyed this right till recently. In Germany, Austria,
Russia, and other countries, responsible parliamentary govern-
ment does not exist.
Except in the United States, however, it is found wherever
free government exists ; without excepting the United States,
it may be said that it is found in every country where govern-
ment is not frequently a failure, in failing to execute the policies
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74 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
approved at the polls. Witness the complete breakdown of
successive administrations at Washington and in our largest
and most important commonwealths. It is not unusual to have
the President or governor, with the veto power, at loggerheads
with one or both houses of the legislature. As a result, there
is little legislation — virtually none — which the people have
passed upon at the polls and approved by putting in power
that party which promised to enact it. Not only do we see a
political party opposed to the executive in control frequently
of one or both legislative chambers, but even when one party is
in complete control of the government, it has so little sense of
its responsibility to carry out its promises, that not infrequently
the administration goes to pieces. Moreover, when this occurs,
although at the commencement of an administration, the
country must patiently await its end before it can change these
conditions, and experience has shown that usually it exchanges
one mechanism which will not work for another no better.
So intolerable has this become that a President or a governor
of strong views and powerful character must declare his own
policies and force them on a reluctant legislature under a pres-
sure somewhat similar to the dissolution of parliament where
responsible government exists, viz., by a threat to appeal to the
people, that is, to attack the legislators in their home districts
before and after nomination, if necessary. This is certainly
an awkward substitute for responsible government, in which
the party and its leaders are held accountable without intro-
ducing anything foreign to the scheme of legislative govern-
ment, such as executive interference which, however necessary,
is rightly regarded as tyrannical.
Moreover such a plan is not practicable unless the executive
has policies which he is determined to carry out, and the power
to make an appeal to the people effective. Under responsible
government, such a man becomes the leader of his party —
the head of the cabinet when it is in power — and would retain
his position so long as he retained popular support. Under
the substitute for such responsible government which necessity
caused Roosevelt, Hughes and LaFollette to introduce, we are
compelled, in order to continue their effective leadership, either
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No. 2] CONSTITUTIONS AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS 75
to keep them in executive office indefinitely, or permit them to
assume the r61e of poHtical bosses when not in office ; or in such
an office as United States senator, which has nothing to do with
state legislation, to have them dominate state policies by threat-
ening to appeal from the legislators to their constituents. In
brief, conditions are so complex, inarticulate and dissociated
that this can scarcely be called a legislative mechanism, but
merely the triumph of some powerful personality, a triumph
achieved despite the want of machinery through which the
leader's proposals may be given effect by the voter's approval.
It would be well if responsible government were tried in one
of the more advanced states. It would solve our legislative
problem if this could be brought about in the near future, so
that, for instance, Roosevelt's wonderful qualities of leadership
could be utilized to the full and his policies carried into effect if
approved by the voters without the necessity that he remain
President or that another man as President be compelled to
pursue the legislative policy of a party leader out of office. It
is a good rule which causes American voters to hesitate to con-
fide the executive power too frequently to one man. But
where responsible government exists, the head of the state is
virtually powerless, except as an administrator with executive
powers only ; the legislative power includes the legislative
policy of the administration, and all matters that require the
consent of the legislature are entrusted to a cabinet, which must
hold its confidence and retain its support or retire from office,
or else dissolve the legislature and appeal to the people.
Under such conditions, liberty is best conserved by continuing
a leader in power so long as his leadership exists, instead of
jealously guarding against his too long continuance, as is
considered necessary if he is at the same time chief executive.
The solution of our governmental problems would be easier,
could we keep at the front the strongest, wisest and best men
throughout their entire lifetime, like Gladstone in Great Britain,
instead of ending their influence upon legislation with their
retirement from executive office. We not only waste the
powers of our most serviceable citizens, but permit the com-
plete breakdown at times of our legislative system as a means
of carrying into effect the policies approved by the voters.
(123)
THE ISSUES INVOLVED IN THE METHODS OF
SELECTING AND REMOVING JUDGES'
HARLAN F. STONE
Dean of the Law School of Columbia University
WHEN our judicial system was established in the United
States, two of its features were peculiarly adapted to
its separation from political influence and activity.
The general policy adopted in all of the states down to 1812 of
appointing all judicial officers with life tenure of office was cal-
culated to remove the selection of judges from political control
and from the influences of the strife and passions of political
campaigns. Their appointment for life or during good be-
havior removed the temptation to seek a new election or ap-
pointment as a reward for political or party service.
The other feature of our judicial system which has tended
hitherto to keep the American judge from the political arena
has been the fact that in the exercise of his power to interpret
statutes or to declare statutes unconstitutional, he judges the law
only in order to judge a case involving the rights of individuals.
He does not appear in the role of an assailant of the law, nor,
on the other hand, is his professional conduct as a magistrate in
determining the law made even indirectly the occasion of reward
or punishment by the electorate. As De Tocqueville stated in
commenting on this fact:
It will be readily understood that by connecting the censorship of the
laws with the private interests of members of the community, and by
ultimately uniting the prosecution of the law with the prosecution of an
individual, legislation is protected from wanton assaults and from the
daily aggressions of party spirit.
He might well have added that the judicial interpretation of laws
' Introductory address as presiding officer at the meeting of the Academy of Polit-
ical Science, October 25, 1912.
^124)
SELECTING AND REMOVING JUDGES
77
and the constitution was likewise protected by our judicial
scheme from the direct political attacks of parties or factions.
The system of appointment of judges for life or during good
behavior has long since been abandoned in most of our states.
Influenced undoubtedly by the democratic tendencies which
swept over the country in the first half of the eighteenth cen-
tury, Georgia first, in 1 8 12, in the case of its inferior judges,
and Mississippi in 1832 provided for popular election of judges
for limited terms. This method of selecting judges was rapidly
adopted by other states, until at the present time I believe the
only states retaining the appointive system are Delaware, Mas-
sachusetts and New Jersey. By this radical change in our
polity the judicial office was cast into the arena of party politics
and became potentially at least subject to influences which are
wholly inconsistent with that sense of security and freedom
which the founders of our government deemed essential to
judicial integrity and efficiency. It is perhaps not within my
province as the presiding officer of this meeting to attempt to
comment upon the merits of the prevailing methods of selecting
judges, but it may be permitted to me to say in passing that if
there is any substantial basis for the current criticisms of our
judges, the system of electing judges for limited terms has not
been justified by its results. On the other hand, if our judges
the country over were as distinguished for their learning and
integrity as are the judges of Delaware, Massachusetts and New
Jersey, where the appointive system still exists, there would be
little occasion for the serious agitation over and discussion of
our judicial system which now prevails. These are significant
facts, which should arrest our attention at the very outset of our
search for new methods of subjecting our judges to the control
of the popular will. I therefore venture to express the hope
that the papers and discussions to which we shall have the
pleasure of listening this afternoon will turn the light of search-
ing inquiry upon our existing method of selecting judges. With
political, as with physical ills, the removal of the cause is likely
to prove more efficacious than the application of remedies,
especially if they are new and untried. It is to my mind a
singular and noteworthy fact that this consideration has hitherto
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78 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
played comparatively little part in the various aspects of the
public discussion of our judicial system, and it is therefore
especially gratifying to note that the first paper of the afternoon
will be devoted to an examination of our system of appointing
judges.
The censorship of laws, through the determination of the
rights of individuals, with the consequent detachment, in prac-
tise, at least, of our judges from direct assaults upon or defense
of our laws, has continued to be the method of squaring our
legislation with the mandates of our constitutions, state and na-
tional. This device was believed by the founders of our political
system to be, and has until recently been praised by political
philosophers and writers as being the most powerful barrier yet
devised against the tyranny of political assemblies and of pop-
ular majorities. Changing times and changing conditions have^
however, brought change in opinion, certainly with a very con-
siderable number of our political thinkers, and it is now insist-
ently urged that the judicial interpretation of laws and constitu-
tional provisions which some members of the community believe
to interfere with social progress should be modified by subjecting
the judicial function to popular control through the devices of
recall of judicial decisions and recall of judges.
The recall of decisions, as it has been defined by ex-President
Roosevelt, its most prominent advocate, as will doubtless be
made to appear by the discussions at these meetings, is in its
essence a form of constitutional amendment, and in practise will
affect the judiciary in about the same manner and to the same
extent as any other method of constitutional amendment by
popular vote. The recall of judicial decisions, therefore, despite
its somewhat misleading name, does not directly affect the judi-
ciary, but rather is a scheme for a perpetual popular convention^
by which the constitution may be made always to mean what a
majority of the electorate wish it to mean. Whatever our views
may be about the desirability of this method of constitutional
amendment (and personally it seems to me an innovation which
will be found to be impracticable in operation and fraught with
danger to our institutions,) we shall be obliged to concede that
its adoption would leave our judicial system in just about the
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No. 2] SELECTING AND REMOVING JUDGES 79
situation which it now occupies in our scheme of government,
although it is to be feared that judges would not find the task
of interpretation of our constitution any less perplexing and
difficult after its provisions had been subjected to the process
of amendment by the recall of decisions.
The recall of judges, however, vitally affects the position of
the judiciary in our governmental plan. The recall of judges, if
adopted, would be exercised, we may assume, either because the
recalled judge is corrupt or incompetent, or because his view of
the law does not agree with that of the electorate, or so much of
it as takes a sufficiently active interest in the subject to go to the
polls and vote on the question. In so far as we favor the recall
as a cure for the corrupt or incompetent judge, I have already
suggested the wisdom of careful inquiry directed toward the
question whether our system of selection is the best adapted to
prevent the recurrence of this evil. A second consideration
should be whether, assuming the existence of a properly safe-
guarded system of selecting judges, the rare case of corruption
or gross incompetency in judicial office under such a system
could not be adequately dealt with through the process of im-
peachment. We should also inquire whether the right or priv-
ilege of recall would be likely to be wisely and justly exercised,
so that only the corrupt and incompetent judge would be re-
called, and finally, whether the recall would leave to the judge
that freedom and independence which are essential to the main-
tenance of personal rectitude and to the exercise of sound pro-
fessional judgment.
In the case of the recall of the judge because his view of the
law or the constitution is not acceptable to the people, we sub-
ject, always potentially at least, the law itself, through the person
of the judge, to " the wanton assaults and the daily aggressions
of party spirit." The law itself, through its duly constituted
mouthpiece, becomes the center and subject of political strife.
The judge's position is changed from that of the arbiter of pri-
vate litigation determining rights of individuals, unbiased by
personal or political considerations, to that of the assailant, or
defender, as the case may be, of the law or the constitution, and
the soundness or unsoundness of his decision as the sufficient
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So EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
reason for the continuation or cutting off of his official Hfe be-
comes the subject of poHtical controversy. Such a step is neces-
sarily the great and final one, not only toward pure democracy,
but toward shifting the law, wherever it affects in the same way
any considerable number of people, from its semi-scientific
basis, as developed by the skill and professional learning of the
magistrate and of the legal profession generally, to a political
basis, and its development in form and substance must be pro-
foundly influenced by the determination of popular vote.
Such are in brief outline the issues, or rather the salient
points which present themselves in any orderly and logical
examination of the current discussions of our judicial system.
How genuine are the faults with which our existing system
is charged, whether the proposed changes are wise or unwise in
principle — in short, whether they are worth the price we must
pay for them — and whether they will work in practise, are ques-
tions which I shall leave to the speakers of the afternoon to
answer. They will support their conclusions with appropriate
arguments.
I shall take the liberty of introducing to you all three of the
speakers of the afternoon at once ; not only to avoid the usual
unnecessary repetitions in performing that function, but in
order that the harmonious development of the discussion may
be jarred by no discordant note from your somewhat conserva-
tive presiding officer.
The paper on the elective and appointive methods of selec-
tion of judges will be read by the Honorable Learned Hand,
United States District Judge for the Southern District of New
York. Of Judge Hand it need be said only that any system of
selecting judges which operates to select a judge of the learning,
ability and fidelity of Judge Hand has much to commend
it, and if a system could be devised by which all judges should be
of like character and ability, there would be no occasion for
this discussion.
Mr. Roe and Mr. Dougherty, who will read papers on the
recall of judges, are well-known lawyers in this city, well quali-
fied by experience and ability for the discussion of that sub-
ject. I suspect that the unconscious influence of environment
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No. 2] SELECTING AND REMOVING JUDGES 8 1
will be revealed in their respective papers. I do not know
what their views are upon this important subject, but I know
that Mr. Dougherty was born and has lived all his life in con-
servative New York. Mr. Roe, on the other hand, was for
some years the law partner and associate of Senator La Follette,
and must have imbibed progressivism in the very air he breathed,
and so they are t>'pical representatives of the two schools
of thought on this subject, and we may look to them to present
the views and strongest arguments of each with respect to it.
(129)
THE ELECTIVE AND APPOINTIVE METHODS OF
SELECTION OF JUDGES '
LEARNED HAND
United States District Court, New York City
IN England the crown has from the earliest times appointed
the judges, originally with no very definite limitation of
their duties to functions now regarded as judicial. They
remained subject to removal by the crown until 1688, after
which time their tenure was during good behavior. One of the
important causes which dethroned the Stuarts was their coercion
of the judges, and much of the American feeling for an inde-
pendent judiciary as the security of liberty undoubtedly goes
back to that period and to the great English struggle for popu-
lar government, because the colonists were nearly all good
Whigs and especially fond of the Bill of Rights. Nevertheless,
it was George III, the apostle of absolutism, who finally secured
the entire independence of the judges by providing that they
should keep their commissions on the demise of the crown.
When the colonies came to make their constitutions, they
generally accepted such institutions as they were used to, and
most of them provided for the appointment of the judges by
the executive. Yet even at the outset, in some states the
elective principle obtained. Thus in New Jersey, Virginia and
South Carolina the legislature elected the judges, and Vermont
and Tennessee when they became states in 1793 and 1796 each
adopted the same practise. Georgia has the distinction, good or
bad, of being in 1812 the first state to elect any judges by vote
of the people, though the change applied only to the inferior
courts, and it was not till twenty years later that Mississippi, in
a burst of democratic enthusiasm, became the first to elect all
its judges by popular vote. Since that time this method has
been very generally extended. The great state of New York,
' Read at the meeting of the Academy of Political Science, October 25, 1912.
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METHODS OF SELECTION OF JUDGES 83
which gave her laws to many of her younger sisters, followed in
1846 under the full tide of Jacksonian democracy, and has
been consistently loyal ever since. To-day the process is com-
plete except in some of the eastern states. The legislature ap-
points in Rhode Island, Virginia and South Carolina, while the
governor, with the consent of the senate, appoints in New
Jersey and Mississippi, the governor and council in New Hamp-
shire, Massachusetts and Maine, the governor alone in Delaware,
and the legislature on nomination of the governor in Connecti-
cut. Thus, in three-fourths of the states to-day judges are
elected by popular vote. It may be said that the institution of
judicial election has hitherto generally been regarded by the
American people as implied in a thorough-going democratic
state.
To ascertain the effect upon the judiciary of elective selection
is difficult without a good deal oft research ; perhaps it is im-
possible. Undoubtedly, the general opinion of the bar is in
favor of appointment. I think there can be no impropriety in
my saying that the federal judges have generally, in most parts
of the country, a somewhat better reputation with the bar for
ability than the state judges. Probably the greatest state courts
have been in states which appointed their judges. Thus,
Masssachusetts has been easily pre-eminent over all other states
in the quality of her judges, and for many years New Hamp-
shire had a court which was hardly, if at all, second to that of
Massachusetts. New Jersey has likewise an enviable record.
However, the evidence is by no means all one way. Michigan
for a while had a court of most distinguished reputation ; New
York, since 1846, has produced inclividuals of fine capacity, and
Vermont and Pennsylvania have had creditable records. Be-
sides, the problem is much complicated by other factors, espe-
cially the character of the tenure, of which more hereafter.
For example, in by far the greater number of states the federal
judges receive a larger salary than the highest state judges.
Their tenure is for life and until about twenty years ago appeals,
at least from the circuit judges, were so expensive and slow as
to be practically impossible in ordinary cases. As a result, the
position of federal judges in most states was more attractive in
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84 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
every way than any place on the state bench, so that if the
incumbents deserved or had a higher reputation than the state
judges, it should not necessarily be attributed to the mode of
their selection.
Again, in Massachusetts the whole administration of the state
was for long on a decided^y higher level than elsewhere, and the
character of the judges was very probably only a reflection of a
generally better political tone. In New York, there certainly
has been a great general decadence in judicial ability since 1846,
due to a good many other reasons, I believe, than the election
of the judges, and indeed, perhaps, not due to that at all. The
evidence, therefore, would hardly justify one in going further
than to say that the experience of sixty years seems to suggest
a falling off in ability where the judges have been elected.
How far this decline in ability has had to do with the present
popular distrust of the judiciary as a whole, it is naturally impos-
sible to tell. That it has perhaps had nothing at all to do with
it is suggested by the fact that on the whole the federal judic-
iary is at present more jealously and suspiciously regarded than
that of the states.
There remain a priori considerations, at best feeble supports
for a conclusion. In the first place, one is tempted to say with
Dana in the Massachusetts convention of 1853 and Chambers
in the Maryland convention of 185 i that the mode of selection
makes very little difference and that the same influences which
control the caucus — or, as we should say, the party — will con-
trol the governor. There has been some corroboration of this
in New York, whenever the governor has been in harmony
with the local leaders ; other experience I do not know. How-
ever, there have arisen governors from time to time who have
been independent of the party, while they have not been strong
enough to dominate it. Such men as Mr. Justice Hughes, for
example, would have appointed, and did appoint, different judges
from those whom either of the parties have as a rule put upon
the bench. In short, in so far as a governor becomes inde-
pendent of party influences we must expect that the result of ap-
pointment will be different from that of election, which is neces-
sarily dependent upon party control. Have we a right to ex-
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No. 2] METHODS OF SELECTION OF JUDGES 85
pect that this will become less or more frequent, and have we a
right to expect that if it becomes more frequent, it will result
well or ill?
The signs of the times, in so far as w^e can see, point to a
decay in the party system. Direct primaries are a blow to it,
little though they appear to be such superficially, because, while
at first blush they serve to accentuate the division of voters into
parties, they at the same time tend to destroy the influence of
the permanent party leaders, as indeed present experience is
showing and as the universal instinct of the leaders themselves
foretold, though their speech denied it. Such primaries un-
doubtedly give a great advantage to the independent individual
of taking personality, providing he can command enough money
to secure publicity; they tend to minimize the influence of those
who through the general apathy keep the control of nominating
machinery.
If with a system of direct primaries there be coupled the
short ballot, the governor's independence of party will be in-
creased. Moreover, it would hardly be possible that direct
primaries should continue without the addition of the short
ballot, for popular interest would certainly not sui'vive an appeal
by several candidates for the many oflftces now elective. Indeed,
the very apathy which has led to party domination in the case
of minor administrative officers would frustrate a system of
primaries for all such as are now elected. The system of direct
election has broken down, because the people cannot be ex-
pected to know anything about the minor officers to be elected.
Even less would they distinguish between the candidates for
nomination to such offices. The success of direct primaries,
even for the chief executive, depends in large measure upon
the power and responsibility of that officer. The short ballot
to-day commands the assent of substantially all parties, and is
the proposal apparently most likely to succeed of all those at
present prominent. It results in a consolidation of power which
undoubtedly would not be accepted without some continuous
popular control over the executive, but it is so obviously a
necessary corollary to direct selection of the executive by the
people that even the most thorough-going democrat will be
6 i, ^'^^^
86 EFFICIENT GOVERNMEN7 [Vol. Ill
likely to accept it. That it should include the appointment of
judges by the executive is most probable. A judge is an ad-
ministrative officer, little as American traditions like to concede
it ; he is concerned only with the enforcement of the sovereign's
will ; and there is no reason why he should not be appointed
by the executive, if other administrative officers are so ap-
pointed. The considerations which require his independence
of the executive arise only after he is appointed to office ; the;;''
affect only his indifference to pressure in individual cases, pres-
sure which cannot be exercised in advance of their occurrence.
If the short ballot comes, every reason for it applies to includ-
ing judges within it.
In answer to the first question, therefore, we may say that
there is good reason for supposing that in the future a directly
nominated governor will appoint the judges, and that whether
or not he has this power, it would, if he did have it, be under
the control of influences different from those that have con-
trolled election or would continue to control it if judges should
remain elective. The distinction which Dana in Massachusetts
and Chambers in Maryland could not see in the fifties would
arise if the people became accustomed to choose their chief
executives directly, whether by direct primary nominations or
by direct election without party name or symbol and without
preliminary nomination. There remains the question whether
the operation of this change will affect the appointment of
judges favorably or not.
While a governor elected by direct primary would be more
directly responsive to popular feeling, since his continued pos-
session of power would depend upon the popular approval of
his personal conduct, his judicial appointments, unless scandal-
ous, would weigh very little in the balance for or against him ;
for so far as we can judge, the personnel of candidates for the
bench is a matter of almost complete indifference to the people
at large. It is true that they become easily aroused over the
conduct of an incumbent, but between candidates they usually,
and quite rightly, assume the indifference of ignorance. Thus
a governor would not have to reckon very seriously with pres-
ent-day public opinion in his judicial appointments if he
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No. 2] METHODS OF SELECTION OF JUDGES 87
avoided scandal. Because of the'same public indifference, the
party leaders need reckon, and have reckoned, but little with
public opinion in the nomination of elective judges. This
would remain quite as true under^a system of direct primaries
for judges, for it is hardly conceivable that primary contests
between judges should arouse much public interest.
Assuming, therefore, that direct public interest in the matter,
barring actually scandalous instances, must be eliminated, which-
ever the method of choice, have we reason to suppose that a
governor, dependent upon the people, would do better or worse
than the party leaders acting as it were behind the scenes?
This question is of course not peculiar to the appointment of
judges ; it raises indeed the whole (Question of the working of the
short ballot. An executive vested like the President with general
power of appointment, but unlike him directly dependent upon
the popular will for his selection, dven while he may in the case
of a single appointment have little to reckon with, does on the
whole carry his record to the people, and it all goes together
into a general pot which the people may or may not relish, as
the flavor turns out. But it is also true that precisely the same
responsibility rests upon the party collectively, and the party
has the same incentive to act agreeably to the popular taste ;
it is moreover true that a party is after all nothing but a group
of men, who enjoy power and wish to do what they can to keep
it. Parliamentary government may be better or worse than a
directly representative executive, but it is quite idle to consider
parliamentary government for the United States, for any time
that we can see. The real point with us is this : that is not par-
liamentary government which vests an uncertain power in the
hands of unknown men who have no formal responsibility, so
that the actual power is in fact unseen, and the individuals who
exercise it do not themselves come before the public. A min-
istry is one thing, a cabal another. We cannot fail to profit by
a change from appointment by cabal to appointment by a genu-
inely representative elected executive.
While, therefore, under the system which has actually existed,
it is perhaps questionable whether appointed judges have been
better than elected, there is good ground to suppose that under
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88 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
a system of appointment by executives not dependent upon
party, judges will be better than if chosen formally by an indif-
ferent electorate, but actually by a group the power, influence
and tenure of whose uncertain members cannot be definitely
ascertained.
Strictly speaking, the subject of this paper does not include
the tenure of judges, and a consideration of that subject cer-
tainly trenches somewhat upon the subject of the recall.
Nevertheless, historically the method of selecting judges has
been interwoven in constitutional discussion with tenure in such a
way that it is really quite impossible to omit all reference to the
latter. In the Maryland and Massachusetts conventions in the
early fifties, the conservatives realized that the real fight was not
as to whether judges should be elected or appointed, but whether
they should be subject to political influence after taking office.
All the arguments which now appear in relation to the recall
were made with as much ability then as now. On the one
hand the conservatives feared for the integrity of the judges;
on the other, the democrats resented their absolute inde-
pendence. There was no suggestion made of popular elec-
tion for a term of good behavior and the institution does
not exist in the United States to-day. In Massachusetts, New
Hampshire, Rhode Island and Delaware at the present time the
judges hold during good behavior; in the other states for terms
varying from two years in Vermont to twenty- one in Pennsyl-
vania. In Massachusetts judges are subject to recall by the
governor on address by a majority vote of both houses, without
charges or trial ; in New York by a two-thirds vote of both
houses on charges ; and legislative recall is a common feature
in state constitutions. The limitation of tenure which was so
much feared a half century ago, therefore, has actually been
brought about, and the judges are to that extent within popular
control. Whether such limitation and control is desirable or
not is quite another question.
The purpose of a limited tenure is of course to relieve the
oflJice of an undesirable incumbent, a purpose certainly wise and
commendable. There are two grounds for removing a judge :
first, that he has actually misconducted himself in ways which
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No. 2] METHODS OF SELECTION OF JUDGES 89
mayt)e specified and proved; second, that he has shown him-
self undesirable in respect to his ability, his political or eco-
nomic bias, or that vague range of conduct which we group
together under temperament. Fair play and the general ex-
perience of most civilized peoples require for the first cause
something in the nature of charges and proof; this would
indeed meet with very general approval. It is as to action
on the second ground that difference of opinion arises. One
party insists that since the judge has no right to regard any
popular expression except what has already obtained formal
authoritative expression, therefore to make him answerable
to public opinion is to put upon him an influence which
cannot possibly operate except to corrupt his integrity. For
popular opinion, intent upon its as yet unexpressed purpose,
will forget that it is the judge's duty to regard only what has
already received expression. The other party insists that
though the judge is unquestionably limited by the existing
authoritative expression of the public will, so also are all other
administrators of law, as to whom immunity from popular con-
trol is not thought necessary. Further, it is insisted that there
is no practical line of distinction between interpretation and
legislation, whatever may be the case dialectically. Even the
most carefully drawn statute leaves room for alternative con-
struction and to choose between two constructions is in effect to
legislate. Further, in the interpretation of the broad phrases
of the constitutions, and in the treatment of precedents, just as
they did in developing the common law from the register of writs^
the judges are legislating, building up a customary law which is
as much their creation as any statute is that of the legislature.
This power, it is said, the people have come to recognize as
giving so wide a latitude to judicial conduct that in a democracy
it cannot be immune from some popular control, from sub-
jection to the dominant political convictions of the time.
While such control is a dangerous thing in that it may twist the
conscience of a judge into pretending there is an ambiguity of
expression where there is none, nevertheless it is more danger-
ous to leave such broad power in the hands of men in no way
responsive to popular control.
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90 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
It is practically quite idle to discuss the comparative value of
these lines of argument, if the issue be absolute independence,
because it is certain that looking forward to any time we can
now hope to influence, the American people will not give up
some control over judicial tenure. The consistent tendency of
sixty years is if anything stronger to-day than it has ever
been before. It is quite useless to consider how often any
genuine ambiguity of expression really exists, and whether a
sympathetic effort to reassume the position of the legislator or
of the preceding judge will not generally solve the problem.
The people believe that the usual judge has not the detachment
of will which makes this possible for him, and that he will in-
evitably carry some bias to the problem. I may say that my
personal experience with judges quite corroborates that belief.
The people have hitherto attempted to correct a bias contrary
to the popular will temporarily dominant, by bringing up the
judge for examination at stated intervals. They will desire to
continue to exercise this control in some equivalent way.
Therefore the question arises, if the judges become appoint-
ive in the way I have suggested, what shall be their tenure? Is
the governor to appoint them for stated terms during which they
are independent? Is he to appoint them on good behavior
subject to legislative recall? Is he to appoint them for stated
terms subject to legislative recall? Is the action of the legisla-
ture in the matter of the recall to be subject itself to a refer-
endum? Is there to be an immediate popular recall? Starting
with some popular control over the tenure of judges, which
must in any case be the price of the surrender of the power to
elect, what is the most desirable plan? This, it seems to me,
depends very largely upon the degree to which constitutions are
to check the will of the majority. Fixed terms operate for
their earlier part to remove the judge from the pressure either
of persons or of popular ideas ; as they run out they subject him
to both. An indefinite tenure, with popular power to recall, sub-
stantially removes a judge forever from personal pressure, while
it continually subjects him to popular ideas. In so far as the
constitutions check the popular will, his \niegnty is certainly
menaced; in so far as by referendum or othenvise the dis-
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No. 2] METHODS 0I< SELECTION OF JUDGES 91
tinction between the constitution and the popular will is lessened
his integrity becomes safer. Yet even in the first case, the pro-
tection is not great. Judicial terms in the United States do not
on the average exceed six or eight years, I believe. If the
judge is to retain entire independence through his term, that
term will not be lengthened, and popular memory is likely to
last for two or three years.
We may sum up the positions, therefore, as follows : Any
limitation of tenure should be objectionable to those who set
great store upon constitutional limitations of the immediate
popular will, who chiefly dread, in the classic language of
American conservatives, the rule of the mob. It is true that to
them the present system of fixed terms should be monstrous in
that for a substantial period it menaces the judge's constitutional
integrity; but in so far as it gives him some measure of inde-
pendence of popular pressure it is good, even though it submits
him also to dependence on persons as his term runs out. To
those, on the other hand, who look for a more ready expression
of popular will, the fixed term has no advantage in giving inde-
pendence of popular feeling, while it has the great demerit of
subjecting the judge to personal influences. Continuous power
to recall eliminates the latter, while a more plastic system would
greatly lessen the number of occasions when the judge would
come into conflict with such a determined popular feeling as he
should fear. To the latter class, therefore, some form of recall
is better than fixed stated t.3rms. What, then, is the price which
must be paid if terms are to be extended to good behavior
— who is to judge that good behavior? Shall it be the gov-
ernor, the legislature, the people or any combination of the two ?
A recall by the governor would rather perpetuate the evils of
appointments for fixed terms; it may be dismissed. There
remain legislative recall, popular recall, and a combination of
the two. Legislative recall has been in force in Massachusetts
and in many other states for over a century and has been sel-
dom resorted to, though it was used once in Massachusetts most
unjustly. It has the advantage of being already customary and
of giving better opportunity for preliminary discussion and for
recognition of the fact that a judge may have been led to an
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92
EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT
undesirable result merely from loyalty to his duties, merely from
unwillingness to usurp authority. Nevertheless, if the matter
ended with the legislature, it would be no equivalent for the
surrender of direct popular control now exercised through fixed
terms, and I think it quite clear that the people would not
accept it. Moreover, in a state where there was a referendum
upon legislative action generally, it would be unlikely that this
legislative action alone would remain unreviewable. If the
people could review the legislative action, however, there could
be no just objection that full control over judges was lacking ;
it would not be too speedy, but it would be effective.
In conclusion, therefore, we may say that under a system in
which the importance of constitutional limitations is not strongly
felt because the institutions easily reflect popular feeling, the
practical conservative position would be to appoint judges on
indefinite terms, subject to recall by the legislature, with refer-
endum to the people, and that this is a thoroughly democratic
institution. The radical position would be fixed terms with
immediate popular recall. The intermediate position would be
indefinite terms with immediate popular recall, from which the
judge's position ought, I think, to exempt him. It is not un-
reasonable to insist upon that opportunit}' for discussion which
the preliminary action of the legislature would insure.
C140)
THE RECALL OF JUDGES'
GILBERT E. ROE
New York City
I do not advocate the recall of judges as a means of correcting
all judicial abuses. I do not think it would revolutionize
courts., and I do not think that the recall should be applied
to judges until it is applied to all other public officials. The
position of those who advocate the recall of judges simply is
that when the people in good time and in their wisdom, if
wisdom it is, have decided to bring public officers generally
under the control of the recall, no distinction shall be made in
the case of judges. The issue, so far as there is an issue on
this question, is between those who say that a distinction should
be made in the case of judges, that reasons exist why the recall
should not be applied to judges when it might be perhaps suc-
cessfully applied to other officials, and those who hold that no
such distinction should be made.
If there ought to be any distinction, in my judgment it would
be in favor of applying the recall to judges rather than to many
other public officials. Here is my principal reason for saying
this : the judges, more than any other class of officials, ought
to be close to the public if they are going to perform their
proper function in this government. The President, with his
control of the army and navy and the vast influence which he
has the means of exercising, may be able to carry forward a
policy for a time without popular support; the legislative branch
of the government, with its control of the finances, also is
measurably independent of the people's will ; but the courts
have no army and navy, no control of the finances; they must
depend for their support upon the approval of the people of the
country, or they must fail in their function. Therefore I say
' An address delivered at the meeting of the Academy of Political Science, October
25, 1912.
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94 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
that whatever brings the judge and the people closer together
is in my judgment a good thing, and that is the reason — one of
the reasons, at least — why I advocate the application of the
recall to judges.
The recall would be a good thing not only for the judge and
his decisions, but for the people themselves, and after all that is
the real reason why we want any of these democratic measures.
I am not at all sure that where there are direct primaries better
candidates have been nominated than under the old system, but
I do know this, that it has been a good thing for the people ;
the discussion, the agitation, the education, the interest excited
has laid broad and deep the principles of democracy in those
communities, and that is why it has been good. And I beUeve
the same thing will be true of the initiative and referendum.
I was impressed with one or two things that the preceding
speaker said, and the unconscious way in which he said them.
Perhaps it was the intentional eloquence of understatement.
He spoke quite as a matter of course of the dissatisfaction
existing on the part of people so far as the courts were con-
cerned, indicating that there was not the trust and confidence
existing between them that should exist. Again, he said that
the people were almost wholly indifferent to the character of a
candidate for judicial office but were very alert as to the acts of
the incumbent of that office. Both those expressions are true,
and both thoughts relate directly to the subject of the recall of
judges. That there does exist in this country to-day a wide-
spread distrust of the courts — not of individual judges merely,
but of the courts and their purposes, and a dissatisfaction with
the result of the work of the courts, — is a fact that we must all
admit. I have tried to analyze somewhat the basis or reason
for that dissatisfaction, and as briefly as I can I want to tell you
my conclusions about it.
Since the foundation of this government, the people have
been reaching out and gaining more and more complete and
direct control over both the executive and the legislative
departments of the government. You know that the constitu-
tion provided for the device of an electoral college because it
did not trust the people, because the framers of the constitution
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No. 2] THE RECALL OF JUDGES 95
were unwilling to commit to the mass of people the important
function of electing the President of the United States. Then
also it was felt necessary that one branch of the legislature
should represent the wealth and financial interest of the country,
hence the provision for electing United States senators by state
legislatures and electing them for long terms. At once the
people set about destroying these barriers, and so they found a
way to get around the electoral college, and to abrogate the con-
stitutional provisions providing for the election of United States
senators by state legislatures. The direct primary is another
step in the same direction, so that more and more all through
the years from the time the constitution was framed to this
moment the people have been seeking and securing more com-
plete control of the executive and legislative branches of their
government, bending these ofiicials more completely to their
will, and as I think, properly so. But that is not the question
at this moment.
With the judiciary just the opposite course has been pursued,
or rather the judiciary has traveled an opposite road. With a
constitution that gave so little power to the Supreme Court of
the United States that John Jay, the first Chief Justice, resigned,
because he said there was not power enough in the office to
make it worth a man's time to hold it, — starting out from that
point and coming down to this time the courts by their decisions
have removed themselves more and more from popular control.
I am not going to enter on the discussion of the question
whether the constitution granted to the court the right to
declare a law unconstitutional ; it is my belief that it did not.
That question is one of the most interesting in all our history.
But we all agree upon this, that when the doctrine was first
announced that a court could declare a law unconstitutional,
always that announcement was coupled with the expression that
it was a power so dangerous for a court to exercise, so danger-
ous to what we call popular government, that a court would
never exercise it except in a case that was free from all doubt.
When you put a statute side by side with the written constitu-
tion and it was perfectly plain that the two were in conflict
only then could the court say that the statute was unconstitu'
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96 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
tional and must fall. Everyone agrees that that was the
position the court took when it first announced the doctrine.
But today, so far have our courts got away from that old land-
mark laid down by Marshall and other great judges of that day
that no one knows to-day, when a legislature or the Congress
passes a law, whether it is law or not until it has been passed
on by the courts. We have often found of late years, when it
has been sought to remedy some great abuse, as in the income-
tax law, the workmen's compensation acts, employers' liability
laws and many others, that there has been built up a great body
of public sentiment in favor of the law, and then that public
sentiment became so strong that it could knock successfully at
the doors of a legislature or the Congress and command atten-
tion there. So after long days or weeks or years of discussion
the law was passed by the Congress or a state legislature, each
body containing many of the most eminent lawyers of the
state or nation, every objection possible having been brought
up and discussed and answered and provided for, and then the
law went to the President, who had the benefit of the advice of
the ablest minds of the country, and he signed it, and it was
written on the statute books. After all this, the day comes to
enforce this law, and you go into court on it and the question
is all argued out whether it is constitutional or not, and the
court thinks it is. Then there is an appeal to the next court.
The next court thinks it is, and perhaps that involves a decision
of four or five or six judges, all holding it constitutional. Then
another appeal is taken to a little higher court, and perhaps
here three judges out of five say that it is not constitutional,
that it shall not stand. So then you have the word of three
men against all the wisdom of the lower courts, of the President,
of both houses of Congress and of the people — and your law
falls.
Because that thing has happened in this country within your
memory and mine not once but many times, not on unimpor-
tant matters, but on matters that touch vitally the lives and the
happiness of the people in a majority of the homes of this
country, because laws of the kind above referred to have been
stricken down and destroyed, because three or four men clothed
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No. 2] THE RECALL OF JUDGES 97
with judicial authority have set themselves up in opposition to
the will and intelligence of the rest of the country, because of
this there has been a demand on the part of the people to bring
these judicial officers more completely within their control.
The result of bringing them within the popular control would
be good for the judges and good for the people. We lawyers
are a good deal to blame about the mistakes that judges make.
If the first speaker had been elected to the United States
Senate at the time he was appointed to the bench he would
have brought just the same integrity, ability, conscientiousness
of purpose and fidelity to the one set of duties that he has
brought to the other, — and yet in public estimation how differ-
ent would his position be. We feel that it is anybody's priv-
ilege to go out and praise or criticize or discuss the members
of the United States Senate or House of Representatives, and
the result is on the whole the establishment of a very good
feeling between the people and the members of the law-making
branch of the government ; but when a man goes on the bench
we have been taught to feel that he goes into a different realm,
that his acts must not be discussed, his conduct must not be
brought under criticism. I do not believe that that is a right
view, but I say we lawyers are largely responsible for bringing
about the false sentiment on that question, and the thing that
would do most to correct that is the recall. Make your judges
and their actions the subject of discussion ; let the people talk
about them, and not be fined for contempt of court if they do
talk about them ; let us discuss what the judge does just as we
discuss what the member of Congress does.
It was said that the people are apt to know nothing about
the character of the candidate for judicial office and to be
indifferent to it. That is why I would have the recall and
would have a life tenure unless the recall was exercised. In
the hurly-burly of an election there are many candidates and
many issues, the record of any particular candidate is lost sight
of. But in a recall election the man and his conduct stand out;
it is the one thing you are considering. There has been in
this country just one attempt to recall a judge ; that was in
Oregon in 191 1. A judge there presided at a murder trial in a
7 (145)
98 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT
very unpopular way, making such rulings that the man charged
with the crime escaped conviction. A considerable part of the
community believed that the judge's decisions were wrong, and
that they argued such corruption or such incompetency that he
ought to be removed. So they started out to circulate a recall
petition. As you know, every state that has a law providing a
recall, safeguards it so that several months must elapse between
the filing of the petition and the election. In this case it was
necessary to get twenty-five per cent of the voters of the district
to sign the petition that a recall election be held. The law also
provides that each side shall at the public expense state its
reasons why the recall is demanded on the one side, and why
the judge should be continued on the other. After that the
election is to be held some months in the future. The people
in Oregon did not take even the first step, although the case
appeared a rather flagrant one. They could not get anywhere
near the twenty-five per cent necessary even to submit the
question to another election. But, you may say, if a recall
would be so seldom exercised, why do you advocate it? For
just the reason that if there is the power of recall, if the people
feel that they have control over the judge, and the judge feels
that he is really the servant and not the master, then you will
have a condition which will make the recall unnecessary except
in rare instances and at long intervals.
(146)
SUBSTITUTES FOR THE RECALL OF JUDGES'
J. HAMPDEN DOUGHERTY
New York City
AFTER almost two years of discussion does anything
remain to be said in favor of judicial recall ? No pub-
lic question in recent years has received more con-
sideration. It has been the theme of debates, pamphlets,
books and resolutions. Practically all the bar associations
throughout the country have opposed it. The debate in Con-
gress upon the admission of Arizona with its constitutional pro-
vision for judicial recall was so exhaustive as to leave nothing
to be said. The speeches of statesmen like Root and Lodge in
the Senate, and Pickett, Kinkaid, Legare and others in the
House, conclusively showed its fallacy. President Taft's veto
message, a great state paper destined to rank high in history,
thoroughly shattered the notion. The vote upon the Arizona
bill in the Senate and the House would be completely mis-
understood were it assumed to represent a preponderant senti-
ment in favor of judicial recall. Many senators and repre-
sentatives to whom the idea was repugnant voted for Arizona's
admission because they felt that the state itself had the right to
determine whether it would instal such an unwise policy or
not. A few opponents of the measure believed, as did Presi-
dent Taft, that such a revolutionary doctrine was subversive of
republican government.
Judicial recall has been abandoned by some of its most con-
spicuous advocates and the notion of recall of judicial decisions
substituted for it. Thus Colonel Roosevelt who, two years ago,
in describing judges as " fossilized minds " asserted that judicial
recall might become advisable, now advocates recall of judicial
decisions. Two recent critics of our judicial system, Mr.
Gilbert E. Roe and Mr. William L. Ransom, differ so radically
' Read at the meeting of the Academy of Political Science, October 25, 191 2.
U47)
lOO EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
that the arguments of one may well be set off against those of
the other. In his interesting book entitled Our Judicial
Oligarchy Mr. Roe regards judicial recall as the remedy
to prevent the courts from usurping powers which according to
him they do not possess. Mr. Ransom, on the other hand,
while equally alarmed at what he conceives to be judicial
usurpation, invokes the remedy of recall of judicial decisions.
No one has more incisively refuted judicial recall than has
Mr. Ransom, and no one has better shown the fallacy of the
recall of judicial decisions than has Mr. Roe.
Of judicial recall Mr. Ransom says:
If a judge incorrectly gauges " the preponderant opinion "as to the
social necessity for a particular law , why remove him ? Why not let the
people vote directly to decide what the majority opinion is? If a judge
is dishonest, impeach him ; if he is incompetent, remove him by com-
plaint before the legislature or refuse him re-election, but it does not
seem quite fair to require him to take the final guess as to what the
" prevailing morality " and the '* preponderant opinion " of a state re-
ally is, and then chop off his judicial head if he " guesses " or ** calcu-
lates " wrong.
For Mr. Ransom's specific Mr. Roe, on the contrary, has the
scantest respect. He says :
The recall of judges is to be carefully distinguished from another idea,
which is supported by some men of prominence, and which has come
to be described as the " recall of judicial decisions." The former may
be applied without materially departing from our constitutional form of
government; the latter is absolutely destructive of the constitution.
The recall of judges merely means that where a judge has shown from
any cause that he is not discharging the functions of the judicial
office in fundamental and important matters as the people desire, he
will be discharged and a new judge possessing the necessary technical
qualifications selected in his place. The recall of judicial decisions
means that the wholly untrained layman shall undertake to do, person-
ally, the highly specialized and technical work of a judge. The great
vice in this idea, however, is that it would be used as a means of amend-
ing the constitution by a majority vote. It would soon come about
that laws would be passed, simply for the purpose of having them de-
clared unconstitutional, and then by a popular vote overturning thede-
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No. 2] SUBSTITUTES FOR THE RECALL OF JUDGES loi
cision of the court, and in that respect amend the constitution. The
constitution, therefore, would be immediately reduced to the level of a
statute, since any portion of it could be amended, or repealed, at any
time by a mere majority of the popular vote. While there is little like-
lihood of this idea finding a permanent place in the minds of the people,
that anyone should be found who seriously advocates this idea is signif-
icant of the extent to which the dissatisfaction with the courts has gone,
and ought to show the necessity of reforming the courts, along lines
less revolutionary.
Mr. Ransom has Colonel Roosevelt on his side. Colonel
Roosevelt has written an introduction to Mr. Ransom's book in
which he declares that the people ought to have the power to
decide for themselves in the last report what legislation is neces-
sary in exercising the "police" powers, or "general-welfare"
powers, so as to give expression to the general morality and the
general or common opinion of what is right and proper, and he
is careful to say that he is advocating a system which " will ob-
viate the need of such a drastic measure as the recall." What
Colonel Roosevelt seems to overlook is that the people to-day
enjoy ample power to change their constitutions so as to secure
whatever legislation they may desire in the interest of the public
welfare.
Thus those who think judges usurpers and oligarchs are di-
vided into two hostile bands. One would introduce judicial
recall as the remedy, the other would have the people recall
the judicial decision by popular vote, and each stigmatizes the
other's panacea as in the last degree dangerous and unwise.
Surely after all the discussion upon this subject, argument
can hardly be needed to show the unwisdom of judicial recall.
As I view it, the proposal is based upon two fallacies :
First, it is declared that the judiciary has transcended its
functions in passing upon the constitutionality of legislation, and
that the judiciary is the undemocratic and unprogressive branch
of the government. These things are asserted as to the judic-
iary not only of the nation but of the several states ; yet in the
majority of the states the judges of the higher courts are elected
by popular vote, and, in many instances for short terms.
Second, it is held that the courts, instead of attempting
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I02 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
to follow the constitution which they have sworn to support
and to which every statute should conform, ought, on the con-
trary, to uphold a law in conflict with the constitution, if that
law expresses the popular will, thus substituting the popular
will, or as it has been called, the " manifest and express will of
the people " for the constitution as their guide in certain classes
of cases — this class being cases affecting the social conditions
of the whole or a part of the community. According to this
view, it is not the constitution but the so-called " popular will "
that should be regarded as the law of the land.
As I read history the courts have not usurped the power to
declare legislation unconstitutional. To say that the judiciary
is the unprogressive branch of the government is merely an-
other way of saying that it is the business of the judges not to
make law but to declare it, and in this sense the judiciary is the
most conservative branch of the government. The courts say
what the law is, not what they think it should be, and as con-
stitutions are in theory at least easily amendable, the law can
readily be so modified by amendment as to express the most
enlightened public sentiment. The public will is presumably
expressed in the constitution. The constitution must remain
the supreme law until the people see fit to change it, and cer-
tainly in the states the power of amendment of the constitution
is easily available. In New York state the constitution is, if
anything, too readily amendable. The constitution thus repre-
sents the " popular will " for the time being, and to attempt to
substitute something else as an expression of the popular will
by an unconstitutional method is in reality to subvert the
popular will.
Even granting all the charges that of late have been made
against the courts — and I am personally willing to concede that
in some instances the courts have seemed arbitrary aud unjust
and judges have been selected as a result of improper influences
— I maintain that recall is not the remedy for any error in a
judicial decision.
The recall would undermine judicial independence. After
all that has been said in Congress and elsewhere it is unneces-
sary to show that a system which makes the judge liable to
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No. 2] SUBSTITUTES FOR THE RECALL OF JUDGES 103
removal, not for breach of duty, but upon the mere arbitrary
determination of any power, whether a king, a legislature or
the people, is destructive of manliness, integrity, and inde-
pendence of character. As Preydent Taft has well said, no
self-respecting man would accept judicial office with such a
sword of Damocles hanging over him.
The recall would inevitably fail. If I wished to pack the
bench of this state with the tools of bosses, or the instru-
ments of the great, powerful and wealthy interests that too
often dominate legislatures and courts, I would strongly advo-
cate judicial recall. Unscrupulous combinations with large
funds at their command could use this power for the removal
of the incorruptible judge. It Would be a weapon that could
readily be turned against the people in behalf of special inter-
ests, and nothing could be more dangerous to the popular
welfare.
Recall is a species of punishment; it implies dissatisfaction.
To my mind there is something inherently wrong in punishing
a judge for the expression of an honest and intelligent opinion.
I can understand punishment when a person does wrong, but to
punish one who with ability is presenting his own best convic-
tions, is, to my mind, an utter absurdity. The bench should be
composed of lawyers who express their convictions, not mere
popular instruments. The recall was applied by James II
of England, when he dismissed the Chief Justice of the Common
Pleas and his associates, because they were unwilling to give a
judgment that accorded with the royal will and not with the
law. Jones, the Chief Justice, had been abject, even servile,
but when told by the king that- he must give up either his
opinion or his place, answered : " For my place I care little; I
am old and worn out in the service of the Crown, but I am
mortified to find that your Majesty thinks me capable of giving
a judgment which none but an ignorant or a dishonest man
could give." — " I am determined," said the king, " to have
twelve judges who shall be all of my mind as to this matter."
" Your Majesty," answered Jones, " may find twelve judges of
your mind but hardly twelve lawyers." The king dismissed
him and his associates. This is what would happen with
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104 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
judicial recall in force. Judges would seek to know the popu-
lar will and to follow it, which would be subversive of juris-
prudence, and in turn of the rights and liberties of the people
themselves.
Assuming that there are errors in the present administration
of justice which need ta be corrected, assuming that judges
have encroached upon the legislative branch of the government
and constituted themselves a species of upper house to veto
legislation by substituting their opinion for legislative opinion,
the remedy does not lie in the recall of judges or in recall
of their decisions. On the contrary, the remedy is far simpler,
more efficacious, more wholesome, less subversive and revo-
lutionary.
In the first place, compel judges to return to the sound, old-
fashioned notion that no law may be held unconstitutional unless
it clearly transcends legislative power. It is a travesty to assert
a law plainly and palpably unconstitutional which five judges
out of a bench of nine consider unconstitutional, while the re-
maining four believe it within legislative authority. A statute
which three judges out of seven or four judges out of nine deem
constitutional is not plainly and palpably unconstitutional, and
no court by any vain show of reasoning can make it appear to
be so. Whenever there is doubt of the validity of a statute,
the courts, as the late Mr. Justice Harlan of the Supreme Court
admirably said, " must keep their hands off, leaving the legisla-
ture to meet the responsibility for unwise legislation." If the
economic wisdom of a legislative measure fails to meet judicial
approval, that is no reason why a court, particularly a divided
court, should declare the statute repugnant to the constitution.
If the judges cannot agree that the law violates the constitution,
the law should stand. The true theory was never stated better
than by Mr. Justice Iredell, one of the earliest members of the
United States Supreme Court, and Iredell, quite as much as
Hamilton, was a staunch advocate of the duty and power of the
judiciary to declare unconstitutional laws that were repugnant
to the fundamental law of the land. As far back as 1 798 Iredell
said:
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No. 2] SUBSTITUTES FOR THE RECALL OF JUDGES 105
If any act of Congress or of the legislature of a state violates those
constitutional provisions, it is unquestionably void ; though I admit that
as the authority to declare it void is of a delicate and awful nature , the
court will never resort to that authority, but in a clear dj\d urgent case.
If, on the other hand, the Legislature of the Union shall pass a law
within the general scope of their constitutional power, the court cannot
pronounce it void merely because it is, in their judgment, contrary to
the principles of natural justice. The ideas of natural justice are regu-
lated by no fixed standard ; the ablest and purest men have differed
upon the subject.
If necessary, I would favor an amendment to every constitu-
tion depriving the judges of power to nullify laws by a majority
vote. A constitutional provision might be thus formulated :
Judges shall have power to declare statutes unconstitutional only
when they plainly violate an express provision of the constitu-
tion and then only by unanimous or greatly preponderating
vote.
Second, I would so amend the national judiciary law, or if
necessary the federal constitution, as to permit a review in
the highest tribunal of the nation of every statute involving the
due-process-of-law clause, whether the statute was upheld or
abrogated by the state court. The guarantee of due process of
law is the same in words — in any event it is identical in mean-
ing— in the national and the various state constitutions. Had
the judiciary act permitted, the Ives case, which according to
the New York court of appeals offended against this clause of
the state and the national constitution, would have been re-
viewed in the United States Supreme Court. With one final
tribunal to determine whether any statute, state or federal, con-
flicts with the due-process clause, there will be evolved a clear
definition of the clause ; there will also be harmony in decisions.
Furthermore, in every case involving this provision, attention
will be centered upon the court that possesses this final authority.
The guarantee of due process of law may have been distorted
and extended far beyond its original meaning, as some claim ;
yet, on the other hand, the words of a constitution must be
fluid, and no meaning once assigned can control the signification
of the words if new circumstances give them a new meaning.
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Io6 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol.111
Every interest which regards its property as unjustly affected, or
perhaps confiscated, by a statute the purpose of which is social
improvement, has a right to be heard, but all such statutes
should be brought to final test before the Supreme Court of the
United States. That court is to-day more progressive than any
state court of elected judges — a fact that tends to show the fal-
lacy of judicial recall. Judges entrenched in office for life, and
therefore immune from recall except by impeachment, have
been found more favorable to legislation designed to secure the
popular welfare than judges elected and subject to recall at fixed
intervals.
Third, to avoid the danger of the creation of an utterly irre-
sponsible bench, I would favor the freest criticism, consistent
with decorum, of judicial decisions and especially of judicial
conduct, and make impeachment and removability for cause real
remedies. Every judge ought to discharge his duties under the
shadow of possible impeachment. Impeachment could be made
a live remedy. Its tedious and elaborate processes should be
abolished. Let a judge be put on trial on the complaint of an
association of lawyers or of any other responsible civic body.
No servant of the people should enjoy immunity from removal
for cause. Our political inventiveness is atrophied indeed if we
cannot devise methods for the fair and expeditious trial of
judges, without resorting to recall. With proper publicity judi-
cial removal would rarely be necessary. The bar and the public
should be stimulated to make all reasonable complaints so that
the record of judges could be followed. A judge should be re-
movable not merely for one specific offense, but for a generally
poor and unsatisfactory record.
The greatest evil is an elective system which permits bosses
and machines to nominate judicial candidates and place upon
the bench men of inferior calibre and feeble morality. An
elective system naturally puts availability or activity in politics,
and not fitness and integrity, in the foreground of qualifica-
tions. I would return to the appointive system and have every
judge hold office during good behavior — which should mean
good behavior. If deemed desirable, judges should at periodic
intervals, say of five or ten years, be compelled to pass ex-
(154)
No. 2] SUBSTITUTES FOR THE RECALL OF JUDGES 107
aminations to prove that they possessed the qualifications for
their great position. Every judge whose conduct fell below
the high standard which the community has a right to prescribe
for a judicial officer should become subject to removal. Every
judge whose use of judicial patronage indicates subserviency to
an organization or a boss should also be subject to removal.
If the frontiers of judicial power are not properly defined, let
us define them. I for one am convinced that in the nature of
things courts must construe statutes and decide whether they
conflict with the fundamental law. Some authority must be
established to interpret legislation and to determine whether
an act of the legislature is within the legislature's power; other-
wise the legislature becomes supreme — even over the constitu-
tion. But to recall a judge for the expression of an honest
and intelligent conviction is to my mind unthinkable. It
would put a premium upon judicial insincerity and sycophancy.
Curtail the power of the judiciary if after full deliberation that
seem to be wise, but never do anything to weaken the judge's
independence, his immunity from responsibility for every act
not legally or morally reprehensible.
The problem is how, while retaining a tenure during good
behavior, to insure prompt accountability and removability for
cause. But the proposal to recall judges for unpopular de-
cisions would, as President Taft has well said, be " nothing less
than a proposal to abolish courts. To abolish courts is to
abolish freedom. However innocent the motives of those who
propose the measure, no deadlier blow was ever aimed at the
heart of human liberty than this. The people have only to
understand it to reject it."
To those who will not heed President Taft's wise words, let
me cite the opinions of a great English economist, statesman
and political philosopher, John Stuart Mill. In his well
known work, Considerations on Representative Government, Mr.
Mill presented the following cogent and conclusive reasons
against judicial recall ;
If a judge could be removed from office by a popular vote , whoever
was desirous of supplanting him would make capital for that pur-
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I08 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT
pose out of all his judicial decisions ; would carry all of them , as far as
he found practicable, by irregular appeal before a public opinion
wholly incompetent, for want of having heard the case, or from having
heard it without either the precautions or the impartiality belonging to
judicial hearing ; would play upon popular passion and prejudice where
they existed, and take pains to arouse them where they did not. And
in this, if the case were interesting, and he took sufficient trouble, he
would infallibly be successful, unless the judge or his friends descended
into the arena, and made equally powerful appeals on the other side.
Judges would end by feeling that they risked their office upon every
decision they gave in a case susceptible of general interest, and that it
was less essential for them to consider what decision was just, than what
would be most applauded by the public, or would least admit of
insidious misrepresentation.
He thus presents the pith of the whole question :
The question however, is whether in the peculiar position of a judge
and supposing that all practicable securities have been taken for an
honest appointment, irresponsibility, except to his own and the public
conscience, has not on the whole less tendency to pervert his conduct
than responsibility to the government or to a popular vote.
To resort to judicial recall would be to flee to evils that we
know not of. How many persons have tried to imagine what
would be the procedure under such a system and how unlikely
it is that a judge would be recalled upon the real issue?
It would be unfortunate to have more questions thrust upon
the people for determination when they already vote upon too
large a number. Some critics of the bench think that the
judges have become policy-determining officials. If so, recall
would be no remedy. I have tried to point out some feasible
methods which would avoid anything so ruinous as the recall
of judges. If we set about it in earnest we can readily make
impeachment or removability for cause such vital procedures in
the elimination of improper judges that there will be no oc-
casion for the recall.
(156)
DISCUSSION OF THE SELECTION AND REMOVAL
OF JUDGES'
Richard S. Childs, Secretary of the Short Ballot Organ-
ization :
As secretary of the Short Ballot Organization I have, of
course been obliged to consider with great care the question of
whether in the process of shortening the ballot and transferring
minor elective offices to the appointive list, the judges also
should be made appointive. The working rule which we use
is this : When a given office is on the elective list, does it
normally attract sufficient scrutiny to protect it from contamina-
tion? There is no question as to whether the people ought
to look more sharply at these offices. The question is, after
two generations of trial, do they look sharply enough at the
candidates for these offices to compel good nominations? We
know that in the case of conspicuous officers like the governor
or mayor, public scrutiny compels the politician to nominate
better candidates than he wants to, better candidates than he
does nominate for minor offices where he has his own way.
Does it work this way with judges? I think not. I offer as
a fair demonstration the case of the so-called judiciary nom-
inators in New York city, who put a ticket of judges in the
field a few years ago when the number of judges to be elected
was unusually large and when such leadership as this should
have been much in demand. The judiciary nominators put up
a first-class ticket and practically the only votes received by
their candidates were those secured through the endorsement
of other parties. In spite of heavy advertising, in spite of a
splendid ticket, they were unable to make a dent in the public
consciousness in the matter of judicial nominations. An ad-
verse report made by a bar association on a given nomination
makes absurdly little difference in the election, and the report
is forgotten in two days. My present audience, cultured and
^At the meeting of the Academy of Political Science, October 25, 19 12.
U57)
I lo EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
intelligent as it is, contains only a small percentage of citizens
who can name, to say nothing of describing, the judicial candi-
dates of the several parties at the coming election. The average
citizen does not know what judicial offices are to be filled or
who the candidates are.
The experiment of having judges on the elective list has
therefore failed, inasmuch as it has led in practise to control
by professional politicians rather than control by the people.
The judges, therefore, must be taken off the elective list and
made appointive by the people's governor, in order to bring
their selection under popular control. The average radical
will froth at the mouth at this suggestion, but he is wrong and
I am right, — the appointive way insures closer popular con-
trol than direct election does. Taft, Wilson and Roosevelt are
all frankly in favor of the appointive rather than the elective
method.
Current popular discussion regarding the judiciary makes
propaganda work for an appointive judiciary seem hopeless,
and the short-ballot movement is contenting itself for the
present with placing emphasis on the desirability of the selec-
tion of minor administrative officers by appointment instead of
election.
There are two things that can be urged, I think, as hopeful
compromises. There are two classes of judges, those who are
expected to legislate and those who are not. The former are
considered policy-determining officers, and in the minds of
many people, should be kept elective, at least until the evolu-
tion of something like the recall of decisions diminishes their
policy-determining authority. There can be no argument, how-
ever, about the non-legislating judges and magistrates, and the
popular opposition to putting the New York city magistrates
on the elective list, as proposed by the Sullivan bill of two
years ago, shows that there is a possibility of getting popular
support in making this class of judges appointive and taking
them out of the hands of our present ruling class, the politicians.
Another line of advance lies in the following suggestion.
Let judges have a separate non-partisan column on the ballot.
Impose upon the governor the duty of selecting a complete list
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No. 2] SELECTION AND REMOVAL OF JUDGES 1 1 1
of judicial candidates six weeks before the election and allow
three weeks after that during which counter nominations may
be made by petition by such voters as find reason for dissatis-
faction with the governor's nomination, all the candidates'
names to appear without the party label, except that opposite
the governor's selections shall be the words, " recommended by
the governor." This would have all the appearance of popular
election, would give the people perfectly fair opportunity
to nominate and elect when they felt it necessary to correct the
governor and, without taking away any of the " privilege "
of direct election of judges, would bring about practically an
appointive system.
Everett P. Wheeler, New York city: The method of
judicial appointments is of great practical importance.
A lawyer in good practise who has the confidence of his
clients is measurably satisfied with his position and is not going
to a caucus to get a political nomination, so he stays out. On
the other hand, a governor who knows his duty will search for
the best men. I have had extended experience, and I know
you can get first-rate lawyers to take nominations for the
bench if you seek them out, but they will not go into a cam-
paign. It is perfectly true, as the last speaker said, that the
average voter pays very little attention to his judiciary ticket.
Years ago when Croker was the leader of Tammany, he took
offense at Joseph F. Daly, who refused to vote for apportioning
judicial sales to some of Croker's friends. Croker had influ-
ence enough to prevent Daly's renomination. A few of us
independents, in cooperation with the Republicans, nominated
a ticket with three candidates, Mr. Daly, a Roman Catholic,
Mr. Taft, the President's brother, a Protestant, and Mr. William
N. Cohen, who had been on the bench temporarily, a Hebrew,
and one of our very best lawyers. There was a representative
ticket, a Roman Catholic, a Jew and a Protestant, all of them
men of the first rank in their profession. And yet with all the
campaigning we could do, and all the energy we could put into
the fight, we lost that election. Had that been a matter of
judicial selection there is no question that any governor would
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112 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
have been disgraced to refuse to appoint these men as against
those that were elected.
Then again, since we are dealing with facts, pray allow a
witness to speak from personal observation. I have been
practising for fifty years at the bar, about half that time in the
federal and half in state courts. I say without fear of contra-
diction that on the whole the judges of the federal court are
superior men and do more work than the judges of the state
courts. I do not say there are not many men on the bench in
the state courts who are the peers of the federal judges. But
take them altogether they are distinctly inferior, and I think
any lawyer with the same amount of experience will agree with
me in this. The judges in the federal courts are appointed by
the President to serve during good behavior.
So much for the method of judicial appointment. As to the
judicial recall, permit me to say as a result of my endeavor to
keep in touch with the plain people, that it is my belief that the
great majority of the plain people have no such distrust of the
judges as has been assumed. You look at a storm on the sea,
and think the whole body of water is convulsed, but this is not
so ; it is only the surface ; below the surface it is calm. The
sentiment expressed and described in Mary Antin's remarkable
book, The Promised Land, is just and true ; our people love
their country, are proud of their institutions, satisfied that
more than any others they permit the prosperity of hard-work-
ing industrious men. These are the men for whom gov-
ernment is formed and they prosper under it, and it is es-
sential that the rights of the individual should be protected
against the tyranny or corruption of a temporary legislature.
We have experienced that. In the old Georgia case there was
offer of proof that a legislature was bribed ; the court said it
could not look into it, but the fact was undoubted. There have
been legislatures in my time that have passed acts for money
consideration. The Senate of the United States found that the
legislature of Illinois was bribed to elect Lorimer. It is to
guard against such abuses that our constitution provides
certain limitations to the power of the legislature. For the
judge to have the decision recalled is to destroy his self-
(i6o)
No. 2] SELECTION AND REMOVAL OF JUDGES 113
respect ; he would always know that the fight would have to be
made at some time in a contest involving not his moral char-
acter, but his success in a controversy. The knowledge that
such a fight was imminent would be destructive of his inde-
pendence. We have a remedy by impeachment for mis-
conduct in office : in my time three judges have been im-
peached in this state and removed from office. I do not object
at all to the suggestion that the proceedings for that purpose
be facilitated. I should be willing that the bar association, for
instance, should present charges; they did so, in fact, in the
cases I speak of. That is what the bar association of this city
was originally organized for, to present charges against these
three corrupt men. We got our hearing from the legislature,
though it is true we had to go to the assembly first. Within
a few years another such proceeding was taken at the instance
of the state bar association. These things are quite within the
competence of existing societies. If a judge is accused of
corruption, he should be subject to removal, and there should
also be provision for removing an incompetent judge. But
if you put this matter into the hands of a group of voters,
who may choose to bring up an issue, not of whether the judge
has done wrong, but of whether the people want to get rid of
him, you destroy the judge's independence, and preclude the
possibility of getting independent and first-rate men on the
bench. It seems to me that the adoption of judicial recall is
destructive, and I look upon the men who advocate it as I do
upon the men who fired on Fort Sumter. Believe, me, friends,
if this should be adopted our distinctive system of government
would be broken down and the security of individual rights of
person and of property would be destroyed.
Charles Hopkins Hartshorne, Jersey City : It may be of
some interest to you to know that in the adjoining state of New
Jersey we have more than one system of appointing judges.
None are elected except justices of the peace. The judges of
one of the strongest courts in the state are neither elected, nor
appointed by the governor ; the judges of the court of chancery,
or, as they are called, vice-chancellors, are appointed for terms
8 (161)
114 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
of seven years by the chancellor without any concurrent author-
ity at all. The constitution of New Jersey provides that " the
court of chancery shall consist of a chancellor," so that there
may be legally no judge of that court except the chancellor;
but some thirty years ago, when it was found that no one man
could keep pace with the work of the court, a vice-chancellor
was appointed by authority of a statute. The number has since
been increased to seven. In theory, they are only referees,
but in fact they exercise nearly all the functions of the chan-
cellor, nearly all the powers of the court. The decrees of the
court are signed by the chancellor in the form advised by them.
No appeals lie from their decisions to the chancellor, but directly
to the court of errors and appeals. The chancellor has found
it necessary to select for his relief and the credit of his court
the best men he could get for that office. I think, of all who
have been appointed, there was only one who was not of ex-
ceptional ability, and he held office only one term. As to the
judges of the other superior courts, they are all appointed by
the governor for terms of seven or five years. But there has
grown up a practise that has become unwritten law, that a judge
of the supreme court who is satisfactory shall be reappointed,
and for so long as he gives satisfaction to the bar and the public.
I think there has been no case within my memory where a judge
of that court has failed of reappointment except from advanced
age or illness, with the result that although their terms are for
only seven years, we have had judges who have served for thirty
years, and few who have served less than three or four terms,
and if they have left then it has been because of their own wish
or because of advanced age. The result of this practise has
been a very satisfactory court.
But when we come to the courts of common pleas, the county
courts, the case is different. I am sorry to say appointments to
them have been generally regarded as spoils of office. There
has been this result, however, from the appointive system, that
with one or two exceptions the judges, even of the county
courts, have been entirely removed from politics. The senti-
ment of the state is so strong against a judge mixing in politics
that by mere force of that sentiment a judge finds himself com-
(162)
No. 2] SELECTION AND REMOVAL OF JUDGES 1 1 5
pelled to withdraw from direct, and even from indirect, connec-
tion with politics. From that point of view, at least, I think the
appointive system has been successful.
Edward D. Page, Oakland, N. J. : In raising the question as
to whether there was widespread distrust of the courts, Mr.
Wheeler injected a note of skepticism which I think it will be
of value to continue, as this is one of the two points upon which
the proposition of the recall of judges seems to be based.
My own experience is that no such widespread distrust of the
courts exists. Coming in contact with a great variety of people,
both as a recorder in a New Jersey borough and in rather
extensive civil litigation in the city of New York, as president
of the Merchants' Protective Association, I am led to believe
there is almost everywhere a most profound respect for the
courts which penetrates the great inarticulate masses — the
people who are not glib talkers anjl who rarely express their
opinions in public.
The only other point on which the advocacy of this remedy
seems to be founded is that it would be an education for the
people to be obliged to discuss and determine for themselves
the decisions of law with which they may be dissatisfied. Is it
not rather a large undertaking for the people at large to gain
the necessary knowledge to inform their judgment so that they
may intelligently express opinions about matters such as those
who advocate the recall of judges or the recall of decisions
would put before them? I think most people would rather not
have such a responsibility put upon them, and I think that the
real reason why there is now so little interest in the election of
judges is that the voters realize that they do not possess the
information necessary for them to express an intelligent opinion.
They are, therefore, content to leave the matter in the hands of
the men who make the nominations, following them because
they have better judgment as to the qualifications of a judge. I
think whenever you present a question which people know is
beyond their judgment they will tend to rely on someone else,
and if the boss seems the handiest man, they will naturally follow
him. They certainly will follow the district leader, and he is
always for the " ticket."
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1 1 6 EFFICIENT GO VERNMENT
It is a fallacy to believe that the recall is a new question.
There was a democracy in Athens, where the recall of the
judges prevailed. Was it not Aristides who, when the question
of his recall was being voted on, sat beside the urn where the
voters were casting their votes, and, asking a man who voted to
ostracize him, " Do you know this Aristides? " got the answer,
" No, but I am tired of hearing him called ' the Just.' " Socrates
also was obliged to suffer the recall and to drink the hemlock
because of the vague popular opinion against him. How can
people who cannot possibly inform themselves be expected to
express an opinion intelligently on such subjects? Are we
ready as a democracy to present these questions to the whole
body of voters? Can we trust a majority of them, no matter
how much we believe in " the people," to express opinions in-
telligently on subjects on which they cannot be informed? Are
we not going rather rapidly with political experiment when we
expect the mass of the people, as in Oregon, to read and digest
a book of two hundred and fifty pages before they can express
an opinion on the questions at issue in a single election? Are
we ready to advocate that state of affairs, and may we not, in
our zeal for democracy, destroy democracy by its own excess?
(164)
THE FEDERAL BUDGET:
WHAT THE PRESIDENT IS TRYING TO DO BY WAY OF BUDGET
MAKING FOR THE NATIONAL GOVERNMENT '
FREDERICK A. CLEVELAND
I
AM assuming that you wish me to say something concrete
about what the President is trying to do by way of budget
making for the national government.
The Presidenf s Inquiry into Economy and Efficiency
The first step which was taken by the President looking
toward a revision of methods of making and submitting esti-
mates for the national government was in October, 1910. An
appropriation of $100,000 had been made at his request
to enable the President * * * to inquire more effectually into the
methods of transacting public business * * * with a view to inaugurating
new or changing old methods * * * so as to attain greater economy and
efficiency therein * * *.
A preliminary inquiry was first organized under Hon. Charles D.
Norton, Secretary to the President. In mapping out the inquiry
it was thought that the investigation of methods should bear on
one or the other of two subjects, i. e., it should look toward
more intelligent and more efficient "planning," or it should
look toward the more efficient and economical " execution of
plans." One of the first subjects to which attention was given,
therefore, was the procedure relative to the making of estimates
and appropriations — the subject of " planning " for the next
year's business.
The Appointment of a Commission of Experts to Report with
Recommendatiojts
March 8, 191 1, the President's Commission on Economy and
* Read at the meeting of the Academy of PoHtical Science, October 26, 191 2.
(165)
8 •
Il8 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
Efficiency was organized. This commission took over the work
which had been begun under Mr. Norton, and, among other
things, undertook to prepare a report on the need for a national
budget. On June 19, 191 2, about fifteen months after the
commission was organized, it submitted its report on this sub-
ject with recommendations to the President.'
The President Decides to Prepare and Submit a Budget
As a first step toward providing the necessary means for
locating both executive and legislative responsibility for the in-
telligence and the efficiency with which plans are made, the
commission recommended that the Executive should prepare
and submit to Congress each year a prospectus of work to be
undertaken, with an estimate of cost. The report of the com.-
mission was approved and sent to Congress by special message
June 27 last. On July 10 the President addressed a letter to
each department head in which he said :
It is my desire to send to Congress, at the same time that the Book of
Estimates * * * is presented by the Secretary of the Treasury, a
budget along the lines set forth in my message to Congress of June 27
last. In order that this may be accomplished it will be necessary for
the head of each executive department and other government establish-
ment to prepare two sets of estimates and summaries of estimates, one
in accordance with the present practise and one substantially in accord-
ance with the forms contained in the report of the Commission on
Economy and Efficiency, which was sent to Congress with my message.
Attempt to Prevent Action of President
The message with the report of the commission was laid be-
fore Congress too late to receive formal consideration. The
committee on appropriations took cognizance of the report
and recommendations approved by the President as well as of
his letter of July 10, and inserted in the revised draft of the
legislative, executive, and judicial appropriation bill (the first
bill having been vetoed), the following:
^ " The A^eed for a National Budget ^ House Document 854, 62d Congress, 2d
Session, 575 pp., transmitted to Congress by special message of the President, June
27, 191 2, referred to the committee on appropriations, and ordered printed.
(166)
No. 2] THE FEDERAL BUDGET II9
Sec. 9. That until otherwise provided by law, the regular annual esti-
mates of appropriations for expenses of the government of the United
States shall be prepared and submitted to Congress * * * only in the
form and at the time now required by law, and in no other form and at
no other time.
The belated appropriation bill containing this clause was passed
on August 24. Explaining the purpose of section 9, just
quoted, the chairman of the committee on appropriations on
the floor of the House, said :
// was believed * * * that it would not be wise for Congress to abdicate,
even by implication, its prerogative in this matter. A message from the
President had already laid before Congress a very full and luminous ex-
position of the proposed " national budget," and until it could be de-
termined by careful and deliberate study of the scheme whether it
should be accepted and adopted, it was not deemed wise or provident
to have, as indicated in the public press, the time and energies of large
numbers of the most capable persons in the several branches of the
public service diverted to transforming the entire estimates for the next
fiscal year into this new and imauthorized plan of a so-called national
budget, to the neglect of their ordinary and pressing duties.
The President Orders Heads of Departments to Cooperate in
Preparing a Budget
This statement was made by the chairman of the committee
on appropriations on August 27., As the result of the con-
fusion which followed, the President on September 19 sent to
the Secretary of the Treasury and to each department head
a letter, in which he again called attention to his instruction of
July 10, and clearly set forth that, in his opinion, Congress
could pass no law which would estop the President from obtain-
ing from administrative officers such information as he may
desire. The President's attitude in relation to the budget may
best be expressed in his own language :
Under the constitution the President is intrusted with the executive
power and is responsible for the acts of heads of departments and their
subordinates as his agents, and he can use them to assist him in his
constitutional duties, one of which is to recommend measures to Congress
and to advise it as to the existing conditions and their betterment. ♦ * *
(167)
I20 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
If the President is to assume any responsibility for either the manner
in which business of the government is transacted or results obtained,
it is evident that he cannot be limited by Congress to such information
as that branch may think sufficient for his purposes. In my opinion, //
is entirely competent for the President to submit a budget, and Congress
can not forbid or prevent it. It is quite within his duty and power to
have prepared and to submit to Congress and to the country a state-
ment of resources, obligations, revenues, expenditures, and estimates in
the form he deems advisable. And this power I propose to exercise.
In order that there might be no mistake with respect to the
duty of administrative officers, the President further said :
In conclusion, therefore, my instruction is to print and send to Congress
the forms of estimates required by it of officers, without delay ; also to
have sent to me the information asked for in my letter of July lO, igi2.
This will be made the basis for review, revision, and summary state-
ment in the form of a budget vi\\h supporting documents which may be
sent to Congress by special message as the proposal of the adminis-
tration.
I have given to you this short historical sketch of what has hap-
pened at Washington, in order to clear the way for a discussion
of the proposals of the President so far as these relate to fixing
both executive and legislative responsibility for the inefficiency
and waste due to lack of intelligence in making and approving
plans for work to be undertaken and due to conditions attached
to appropriations which make it difficult to execute plans after
they have been approved.
Budget Procedure Recommended by the Commission
As related to the location of responsibility, the budget pro-
cedure which is recommended by the commission is as follows:
1. That preliminary bureau estimates should be prepared by
the technical experts in charge of the work — thereby making
available to the cabinet officer and to the President the infor-
mation and the opinions of those who are in a position to under-
stand both the character of the work to be done and the practical
conditions to be met.
2. That these preliminary bureau estimates should be submit-
(i68)
No. 2j THE FEDERAL BUDGET 12 1
ted first to department heads — in order that the cabinet officer
as departmental executive may consider the request of each
bureau in relation to the work of the department as a whole,
3. That preliminary departmental estimates, having thus been
prepared by bureau heads and reviewed by the cabinet officer
in charge, should then be submitted to the President with the
recommendations of the cabinet officer.
4. That the President should then have the preliminary de-
partmental estimates and the recommendations of the heads of
departments compiled and analyzed by someone representing
him as Chief Executive — in order that the requests of each
bureau and the recommendations of each cabinet officer may
be readily understood and considered in perspective,
5. This having been done, the President, with his cabinet,
would consider each request and recommendation for the pur-
pose of deciding what the President as the responsible head of
the administration shall submit to Congress as a request for
appropriations, and what changes in law will be asked for to
enable the Executive to transact the business of the government
with greatest economy and efficiency.
6. Final conclusion as to what the administration will stand
for having been reached, not only with respect to requests for
appropriations, but also with respect to methods of financing,
these conclusions would be summarized in the form of a definite
budget which would be sent to Congress and at the same time
laid before the country through the President as the constitu-
tional head of the administration.
Essential Differences Between the Present and the Proposed
Method
The differences between the method at present employed and
the plan proposed by the President in his special message of
June 27 last are these:
First : At the present time Congress, by law, requires the
many heads of departments and establishments to report esti-
mates to Congress direct without providing for revision or re-
view by the President. The President takes the position that it will
not only locate responsibility for proposals made, but will add
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122 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
very materially to the eflficiency of the executive branch of the
government if plans for future work be prepared by heads of
bureaus and establishments as the subordinates of the President
who, under the constitution, is made responsible for their acts.
Among the results which it is thought that this change in
method would accomplish are these :
It would improve discipline by making heads of bureaus
and offices feel a more direct responsibility to superiors.
It would establish greater solidarity and unanimity of
official actions, in that it would bring departmental offi-
cers into more direct dealing with the President.
It would give to executive officers a greater sense of re-
sponsibility in the making of plans for future work as
well as in the consideration of results of past work, which
would be reported as a basis for legislative consideration
of the budget submitted.
Executive heads, knowing that they would be called upon
by the President to render a strict account of steward-
ship, would take their responsibility for supervision and
control more seriously ; they would insist on having the
information made available which is necessary to enable
them to think about the business of the department and
to confer intelligently with the President about it.
It would do away very largely with personal politics and
" understandings" as a means of obtaining funds for the
support of bureau and local activities.
It would require the officer in charge of a bureau or sub-
division to depend on his superior instead of constantly
circumventing him — in many instances working openly
against him — in order that he may find more favorable
standing with members of Congress.
It would make necessary the keeping of records and the
making of reports, instead of having the plans of work
decided in a committee room behind closed doors on
oral statements of persons in charge of work, statements
based on personal experience and carefully guarded as
the stock in trade of the officer or the committeeman.
Second : At the present time the preliminary estimates of
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No. 2l THE FEDERAL BUDGET 1 23
departments are sent to the Secretary of the Treasury, who acts
as an editor and messenger for Congress. The President takes
the position that it will not only locate responsibility, but will add
much both to the economy and to the efficiency with which plans
are made for future work, if these plans are submitted to Con-
gress and to the country by the President with such supporting
data as may be necessary to the consideration of every question
of public policy which is involved.
Among the results which it is thought that this change in
jnethod would accomplish are the following:
It would require that the President, with his cabinet, shall
carefully consider every detail necessary in view of the ex-
ecutive responsibility for proposals made, before they
are submitted.
It would reiquire that the information with respect to past
work of the government as well as the information with
respect to work to be undertaken, should be in such de-
tail and so classified and summarized as will enable the
President and his cabinet to consider every question of
public policy relating to work proposed before submitting
the budget.
This information having been collected for the benefit of
the President and the heads of departments, would be
available for Congress and for the public.
Third : At the present time Congress assumes responsibility
for submitting the first formal proposal for financing future
work, as a result of which it is necessary for it to submit the
preliminary estimates to committees who, in the nature of things,
cannot report until near the end of the session. The President
takes the position that it will not only place responsibility where
it belongs, but will add materially to the information of Con-
gress and to the efficiency of the executive branch of the Gov-
ernment to have a definite, concrete, well-considered, under-
standable request for appropriations, with recommendations as
to methods of financing laid before Congress at the time it
convenes.
Among the results which it is thought that this change in
method would accomplish are these :
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124 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Hi
Those who are asked to prepare preliminary estimates
would do so knowing that they were deaHng with their
official superiors and therefore would be under the
necessity of dealing frankly and open-handedly with
them. They would also have every inducement to give
to such officers the best information with respect to each
proposal submitted as a means of enabling their official
superiors to represent them most ably.
Knowing that their estimates as well as the recommenda-
tions of heads of departments would be considered by
the President, there would be the same motive as at
present for each bureau head to advance the claims of
his service, and there would be the added advantage of
having the conclusion reached in conference made a part
of an executive program which could be thought about
and understood by the country as well as by individual
members of Congress.
Instead of being required to wait until committees on ap-
propriations had reported before questions of changes
in organic law recommended by heads of bureaus and
departments could be considered, these questions would
be laid before Congress at the beginning of the session ;
this would enable Congress to refer these requests to
proper committees and to have action taken on their
recommendations while the committees on appropri-
ations were at work on the estimates.
Instead of being put to the necessity of loading up the bills
prepared by regular committees on appropriations with
" riders," because there is no time remaining for inde-
pendent consideration, the committees on appropria-
tions could formulate their bills on the action taken by
Congress on each subject submitted for constructive leg-
islation at the beginning of each session.
When the committee on appropriations reported its con-
clusions in the form of a bill, each member of Congress
and the country as a whole would be in a position to
form an intelligent opinion about the significance of its
recommendations, since the same information would be
available to all.
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No. 2] THE FEDERAL BUDGET 1 25
Instead of having hundreds of millions of dollars voted
away by Congress within a single day, without question
raised by any member on the floor, appropriation bills
would necessarily be discussed at length, as they would
also be discussed by the press and through other
agencies of publicity.
Fourth : At the present time the conditions attached to ap-
propriations are such as to rob the government and the country
of benefits to be derived through the exercise of executive dis-
cretion with respect to questions of business that cannot be
properly considered a "year ahead of their occurrence. The
President takes the position that it will not only locate responsi-
bility where it belongs, but it will add very much to the efficiency
and economy with which business is done, if the conditions at-
tached to appropriations are limited to questions of general
policy and do not hamper the officer in the use of judgment
with respect to the details of work to be done.
Among the results which it is thought that this change in
method would accomplish are these :
Upon the information which is submitted with the budget,
and such further information as may be developed
through legislative inquiry after the submission of the
budget, Congress would assume responsibility for decid-
ing what work should be done ; what should be the or-
ganization provided for doing work ; what amounts or
funds should be voted.
Congress would also assume responsibility for deciding
what conditions should be attached to appropriations as a
matter of general law.
Subject to these conditions of general law, the head of
each department would assume responsibility for decid-
ing how the money should be spent, to the end that he
might use his organization and do the work for which he
was made responsible, with greatest economy and
efficiency.
By giving to the Executive the right to decide what is best
adapted to the accomplishment of a given end, i. e.,
what shall be purchased or contracted for, what prices
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J 26 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
shall be paid — by requiring that the responsible officer
shall render an account that will reflect the efficiency of
each employe as well as of his organization as a whole,
and the economy with which expenditures are made —
the cost of doing public business may be very materially
reduced, and the character of the service rendered cor-
respondingly improved.
Fifth : At the present time there is no adequate means pro-
vided for locating executive responsibility for inefficiency and
waste. The President takes the position that the plan proposed
will locate executive responsibility not only for the efficiency
with which plans are made, but also for the economy and
efficiency with which plans are executed.
The means proposed for locating executive responsibility for
the efficiency and economy with which plans are made, and the
work authorized is executed, are as follows :
Congress should attach to all funds appropriated, as a
provision of general law, the following conditions :
(a) that before any part of any appropriation or fund
is encumbered or expended, allotments to subor-
dinates for work to be undertaken by them shall be
made ;
(b) that each allotment shall be based on estimates
prepared by officers in charge of the work ;
(c) that estimates prepared as a basis for allotment
shall be expressed in the same detail as expendi-
ture accounts are required to be kept and reported ;
(d) that in case the estimate is for work of a char-
acter which has heretofore been carried on, it shall
be supported by comparative expenditure data ;
(e) that the estimates prepared as a basis for allot-
ment be submitted to the heads of the department
or establishment to which the appropriation runs ;
(f) that the estimates for allotments thus prepared
and submitted shall be considered by the head of
the department in relation to the amount and pur-
pose of the appropriation which has been made
available ;
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No. 2] THE FEDERAL BUDGET 12/
(g) that after the requests for allotments have been
so considered and decision is reached that an allot-
ment shall be made, an advice of allotment setting
forth the amount alloted for each purpose shall be
formally executed and made a matter of public
record ;
(h) that as a means of giving publicity to the allot-
ment so made a copy shall be sent to the depart-
m.ent of the treasury for the information of the
auditor, and also a copy to the clerk of each house
for the information of Congress ;
(i) that whenever it may seem desirable to rescind
or modify any allotment, these rescindments or
modifications shall be made in the same formal
manner;
(j) that fund accounts shall be kept in such manner
as to show : ( i ) the allotments and unallotted bal-
ances of appropriations, (2) the encumbrances and
the unencumbered balances of appropriations and
allotments, (3) the unexpended balances of appro-
priations, (4) the balance still subject to requisitions
for cash and (5) the available balance in the hands
of disbursing officers ;
(k) that expenditure accounts be so kept as to show :
(i) the cost by allotments, by jobs or subdivis-
ions of work under allotments and (2) that each of
these be kept and reported in such an analysis as
would show the amount expended for salaries and
wages, supplies, materials and other articles, or
objects of expenditure in the manner prescribed by
the comptroller of the treasury, in order that the
information produced may be summarized and re-
capitulated for each service, for each department,
and for the government as a whole.
By requiring each executive head to assume responsibility for
saying how he proposes to spend his appropriations before any
action is taken, and by requiring him to keep an up-to-date
analysis of expenditures which will show how the money has
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128 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
been spent, as well as the character of results which have been
obtained, and by making both the "fund accounts" and the
"expenditure accounts" public records to which any one who
may be interested may have access (subject to such reasonable
rules as may be prescribed for the protection of the office), by
providing further for a system of reporting which will make
these facts regularly available to executive officers and period-
ically available to the public, any attempted subversion, any
result which may show inefficiency in the organization, any
waste which may be due to lack of proper attention or super-
vision, would be a matter which no chief executive could afford
to overlook.
Should it happen that an executive officer desired to use
funds wastefully or in a manner not intended, the President
could not afford to assume responsibility for his action or con-
tinuation in the service. Nor would Congress be lacking in the
means necessar}'- to protect the best interests of the public, if the
evidence necessary for locating executive responsibility were at
all times at hand.
This is the alternative proposed to the present method of
transacting public business behind closed doors and in the dark,
the legislative branch dealing with the executive branch as
under suspicion, the administrative officer withholding informa-
tion from Congress and the public on the theory that he is to be
placed on trial and must appear as a witness for his own prose-
cution— therefore the less said the better.
Proposals of the President Based on Common Experience and
Common Sense
These proposals of the President are based on common ex-
perience and common sense. They are supported by the best
judgment and the best experience which has been gained in
organization and management of corporate bodies, both public
and private. While officers of a private corporation are not or-
dinarily limited by law in such manner as to make it necessary
for them to act under formal appropriations, it is the ordinary
method of transacting business to have the president of a corpo-
ration lay before the board, at its annual meeting, a report
(1/6)
No. 2] THE FEDERAL BUDGET 1 29
which is also made available to citizens or stockholders ; it is
common experience for the president, as the responsible head
of the executive branch, to set forth what has been done during
the past year and what it is proposed that the corporation should
do during the next year ; it is common experience for the presi-
dent, as the head of the administration, to accompany his pro-
posals with estimates ; it is common experience for the execu-
tive, as the head of the administration, to submit estimates with
recommendations as to how proposed expenditures shall be
financed. These data are submitted to the board and made
available to the public or the stockholders as a basis for con-
sideration before authorization is given to go ahead. On the
basis of the report submitted as well as the proposals made
the president of a corporation expects to obtain the support
and cooperation of the board, in so far as his record may en-
title him to support and his report and proposal may in their
judgment accord with the ends and purposes of the institution
which they represent. When the proposal of the executive is
thus clearly stated, responsibility for action taken is definitely
located. In case there is a division of opinion between the
board and the executive, their differences are clearly defined
and may be acted upon by stockholders or citizens, as the
case may require. It would be little less than insane for the
trustees of a private corporation, as the representatives of stock-
holders, to pass a by-law requiring that each department and
division head should report to the board direct what he thought
ought to be done with the estimates of costs, without having
these matters first passed upon by his executive superior.
Under such circumstances the board could not expect to act
on the best advice ; what they could expect and invariably would
receive would be proposals for expansion and corresponding
proposals for expenditures that would bear no relation to the
ability of the corporation to finance them. Such a requirement
is just as adverse to intelligent planning and to the economic
execution of pla?is in government work as it would be if im-
posed by the board on a private corporation. It is this method
that the President is undertaking to supplant.
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130 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
The Budget as a Means of Locating Congressional Responsibility
Having before them a definite statement as to what it is that
the President assumes responsibility for, having before them the
brief of the administration supporting each proposal, then the
responsibility of the members of Congress would be just as
clearly marked. As each member would have before him at
the beginning of the session a statement of facts about each
question in which he or his constituency may be interested,
each member and each committee would be in a position at
once to go into each item or question submitted, and in case
any detail necessary to complete understanding was lacking, to
ask that this detail be supplied. The effect of such a proposal
as is made by the President would be to make each member of
Congress free to think, to speak and to vote as he chooses on
each proposition for which the President assumes responsi-
bility; he would be able to act independently instead of being
led around by the nose by some one, or some few, who may
have a monopoly of information. But while each member is
thinking and speaking and voting, citizens may likewise be
thinking; the press may be speaking; the constituency of each
member may be busy " instructing their representative " as to
which proposals of the administration or of Congress are at
variance with their views.
One proposal of the President deserves special consideration,
viz., that in case Congress sees fit to bring in new measures —
measures requiring appropriations not contemplated in the
budget submitted by the President — such measures shall be
submitted as a separate bill, instead of being injected as a
" rider" on the regular bill. The advantage of such a proposal
is obvious. It puts responsibility where it belongs. It gives to
the President the same opportunity to consider and act inde-
pendently on proposals for appropriations originating in Con-
gress that Congress has with respect to proposals originating
with the administration.
The Difficulties which Lie in the Way of the President
In giving this enlarged interpretation to executive responsi-
bility under the constitution, President Taft has undertaken a
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No. 2] THE FEDERAL BUDGET 1 3 1
task the difficulties of which can scarcely be comprehended.
Not only has the government never had a budget, but it has
never had a balance sheet ; it has never had an operation ac-
count ; it has never known how it stood financially ; it has never
had any means for reviewing its contracting and purchasing
relations ; it has never had the information necessary for con-
sidering questions of economy and efficiency of service ren-
dered. As a safeguard against ignorance and official irresponsi-
bility, the service has been bound up in a mass of red tape that
makes efficient management impossible. Instead of being able
to base his proposals on accounts and reports such as are
ordinarily available to a corporate executive, the President is
put to the extremity of requiring re-analyses of all the transac-
tions of the past two years. He is also put to the necessity of
having the estimates prepared on entirely new lines. This
could not be done before the last fiscal year was completed —
July I. The mass of detail which must be analyzed and sum-
marized is only suggested when we consider that the Govern-
ment is engaged in practically every kind of undertaking known
to private concerns, and on a scale that puts executive attention
and judgment to the severest test. That the first budget sub-
mitted cannot be all that may be desired is certain ; but if,
through this first submission, the people of the United States
have laid before them a picture of what it is that Congress is
asked to finance, and if the way be pointed out for locating re-
sponsibility for failure to provide adequately for welfare needs,
an end will have been achieved that will make it as impossible
to continue to do business by the methods that have obtained
as it would be for the American people to revert to coach and
pillion after the introduction of the railroad and the automobile.
(179)
EFFICIENT ORGANIZATION OF THE PERSON-
NEL IN ADMINISTRATION'
W. F. WILLOUGHBY
Professor of Jurisprudence and Politics, Princeton University
MY discussion of this topic will be confined entirely to a
consideration of the problem as it presents itself in
our national government, though most of the points
raised and lines of action urged are, it is believed, of more
general application.
The subject of the government personnel may be considered
from a number of viewpoints :
( 1 ) That of improvement of our political institutions and
purification of politics.
(2) That of justice between individual citizens in respect to
opportunities for entrance into the government service, and of
advancement after entrance according to personal merit.
(3) That of efficiency, or securing the maximum return
in work done for expenditures made for remuneration of per-
sonal service.
In a general way these three manners of viewing the question
may be said to be those of looking at the problem from
the standpoint of: (i) the general public, (2) the employe
and (3) the employer.
It is my purpose to approach this important question of
efficiency in administration from the third of these standpoints
— that of the employer, the hard dollars-and-cents point of
view of getting the most for your money.
The personnel of the government may, for purposes of con-
sideration, be divided into three classes: (i) Subordinate
positions. (2) Directing personnel at Washington. (3) Field
positions.
In respect to the first of these, the selection of entrants to the
* Read at the meeting of the Academy of Political Science, October 26, 191 2.
(180)
THE PERSONNEL IN ADMINISTRATION
133
service through some form of examination, competitive where
feasible, has now come to be the accepted method of determining
merit or fitness. As regards this class and their method of
entrance into the service, the battle for the merit system may
be said to be almost over. There are many other problems,
however, connected with securing efficiency in respect to this
class of public servants that still remain to be solved. The so-
called " apportionment principle," in accordance with which the
effort is made to distribute appointments among the several
states in proportion to their population, is vicious in theory and
detrimental in practice. It means the payment of higher salaries
than are necessary, since a greater remuneration must be of-
fered to induce competent personS; to come from distant points
to Washington at their own expense. It means that such per-
sons leave their homes, where their expenses of living are lower
than they are in Washington, where they must make independ-
ent provision for quarters and board. It means, further, that
the more efficient will be passed over in favor of the less
efficient, simply because the latter happen to hail from states
whose quotas are not filled.
Again, scarcely a beginning has been made toward the estab-
lishment in the several services at Washington of proper effi-
ciency tests through which the work of individuals may be con-
trolled and ratings for promotion prepared. The classification
of employes and the adjustment of compensation to character
of work performed are defective in the extreme. No scheme
has as yet been put into practise for retiring superannuated em-
ployes, though the adoption of a proper plan for accomplishing
this is a sine qua non if an efficient personnel is to be secured.
This last matter has received especial attention at the hands of
the Commission on Economy and Efficiency. That commission
has submitted a report outlining a plan which it believes will
fully meet the needs of the situation. This report has been
transmitted to Congress by the President with his hearty en-
dorsement.
I will pass over these matters touching the subordinate per-
sonnel with this mere mention, as I desire to devote my atten-
tion to certain problems connected with the other two classes,
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9 •
134 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
the directing personnel at Washington and the persons in field
positions, as these classes have received little or no attention at
the hands of the public and it is desirable that they should at
least be brought forward in meetings of the character of the
present one.
In respect to the first of these two groups, the directing
personnel at Washington, scarcely a beginning has been made
toward the adoption of the merit principle as the determining
factor in selecting persons for appointment. All of these posi-
tions, by which are meant such positions as assistant secretaries
of departments and chiefs and assistant chiefs of bureaus,
by whom, under the President and the nine Secretaries, the real
work of directing the government services is performed, are now
with few exceptions appointed by the President by and with
the advice and consent of the Senate, mostly for terms of four
years. As such they are, in conformity with civil-service rule
II, adopted in 1902, excluded from the classified competitive
service of the United States.
I have no hesitation in saying that in my opinion this condi-
tion constitutes one of the most serious defects in our govern-
mental machinery as bearing upon the matter of efficiency
of personnel, and that its continued existence militates strongly
against securing the maximum of efficiency and economy in
the administration of public affairs to which the country is
entitled. I say this notwithstanding the fact that it is difficult
to contradict the statement that these positions of assistant
secretaries, chiefs and assistant chiefs of bureaus are in general
held by an efficient and, for the most part, technically qualified
body of men.
My objection to the present system is not that honest and
capable men have not been secured under it for these important
positions. But these positions should be made a part of the
general classified service in respect to which permanency of
tenure during good behavior and a satisfactory performance of
duty prevails, and appointment to which is nominally by pro-
motion within the particular service in which the vacancies
occur, or within the government service generally, and failing
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No. 2] THE PERSONNEL IN ADMINISTRATION 135
this by some selective process that will test the capacity of the
persons not in the government service who are considered for
appoiniment. Until these principles are definitely put into
practise it is impossible to secure that well-balanced service and
esprit de corps running from the top to the bottom in the ser-
vices individually and in the government service generally that
must exist if the best work is to be obtained.
It will be seen that the point upon which I lay emphasis in
thus urging that these higher administrative positions at Wash-
ington be made an integral part of the permanent classified
service of the government is the beneficial effect that such
action will have upon the service generally. Only in secondary
degree do I attach importance to the consideration of securing
a higher class and more technically competent corps of officials
for these positions.
At the present time what amounts to a deadline is drawn at
the positions of chief clerk and chief of division, the prevailing
salaries for which are $2,000, $2,500, and $3,000. Up to this
point the government employe may look upon his service as
one in which he may hope for advancement as he shows merit.
Beyond this lie the positions of the real directing heads, the
positions that constitute the posts that are really worth while,
indeed the only ones offering an effective incentive to per-
sons to adopt the government service as a career. Remove
this barrier, make it possible to pass as a matter of normal
promotion from the position of chief of division to assistant
chief of bureau, chief of bureau and assistant secretary, and
the government service at once becomes one offering a real
career. Not merely will action in: this way afford to the am-
bitious attractions to enter the service that do not now exist,
but a strong stimulus will be given to persons in the service
to discharge their duties efficiently and, by study and research,
to fit themselves for the discharge of the duties pertaining
to the superior positions.
Under this system when a vacancy occurs in an important po-
sition, such, for example, as that of assistant secretary or chief
of a bureau, the appointing power — the Secretary or the Presi-
dent— will canvass the qualifications of the chiefs of divisions in
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136 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
the particular service affected. If just the right man :'s not
found within such service the qualifications of persons holding
important positions in other services engaged in analogous lines
of work will next be scrutinized. Only after it is found that a
man having the qualifications desired cannot be obtained within
the government service will resort be had to persons outside the
service. In this case selection will be made through some selec-
tive process such as is represented by a competitive examina-
tion. There can be little reason to doubt that resort to this
latter method will be had only in exceptional cases, since the
appointing powers will certainly prefer 1:o select one whose
qualifications and personal characteristics are definitely known
rather than to run the risk involved in* holding an open com-
petitive examination. There will, however, be a few cases,
where highly technical or specialized qualifications are desired,
where the administration will want to go outside the govern-
ment service. Indeed a case will now and then occur where the
services of a particular individual are desired, and where resort
will be had to the power of the President to except such
specific appointment from the general rules.
This proposition that the higher directing personnel at
Washington up to, but of course not including, the Secretaries
of the Departments, was strongly urged by the Commission on
Economy and Efl[iciency in its report to the President on
methods of appointment, which report was transmitted by the
President with his approval to Congress.
From this consideration of the directing personnel at Wash-
ington, I wish now to turn to the third of the three groups
into which, for purposes of consideration, I have divided the
government personnel. This group constitutes what is known
in government circles as the field services or field establishments
as distinct from the departments at Washington.
It is a common mistake for persons unconsciously to take
the position that the work of conducting the affairs of the
nation is performed at Washington. Nothing could be further
from the fact. The real work is done at the thousands of
points scattered throughout the country at which are located
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No. 2] THE PERSONNEL IN ADMINISTRATION 137
the post offices, the custom houses, the offices of collectors of
internal revenue, the Indian reservations, the national forests
and the like. The work done at Washington is for the most
part but that of a central office for general administration, with
but twenty or thirty thousand employes out of a total of three
hundred or four hundred thousand.
All that has been said regarding covering superior adminis-
trative positions at Washington under the classified service,
making these positions permanent and establishing the practise
of filling them through promotions, applies with equal force to
these field positions. The headships of these field services,
thousands in number, are now treated as political offices. It is
unnecessary for me to state that there is nothing of a political
nature in their duties. Their functions are purely administra-
tive and, until they are so regarded, anything approaching a
really economical administration of their offices is impossible.
It is difficult to realize the full importance of the changes
that would result if the recent recommendation to Congress by
the President, that all these positions, high and low, be covered
under the classified service, were carried out. It is probable
that to most persons the significance of the action here recom-
mended is simply that of taking the civil service once for all
out of politics. It would do that, and that would be an
enormous gain. This, however, would be but the beginning
of the good that would result. From the standpoint of
efficient administration it would lay the basis for a complete
reorganization of the several services that would be revolution-
ary in character.
I believe that there are few persons who appreciate the fact
that at the present time there do not exist, and under present
conditions cannot exist, real national services for the administra-
tion of these important civil establishments. By national service
I mean one in which each employe is a unit in a general scheme,
instead of a unit in a personnel scheme for the particular
office in which he is employed, one in which transfers and promo-
tions can freely take place from one unit to another as merit
warrants and the interests of the service as a whole dictate.
It is only necessary to contrast conditions now prevailing in
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138 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
a service which has been nationalized, so to speak, such as the
consular or diplomatic service, with those prevailing in the
postal service, the customs service or the internal revenue
service, which are still on the localized basis, to appreciate the
differences between the two from an administrative standpoint.
In the consular and diplomatic services the theory is — and
practise is more and more conforming to this theory — that
each officer and employe is a member of a single unified ser-
vice. When a person enters either of these services in a sub-
ordinate capacity he can look forward to advancement, if he
merits it, anywhere within the entire service. On the other
hand the government, as soon as it finds an officer or employe
doing good work in a subordinate position, can secure the great
advantage that will result from his transfer to a more important
position. Much the same conditions obtain in the public
health and marine hospital service of the Treasury Department.
Under this system each employe is under a constant incentive
to give his very best efforts to the performance of his work
and by study to fit himself for more responsible positions.
The development of an esprit de corps, efficiency and faithful-
ness follows almost as a matter of course.
Compare this with conditions as they exist, and as pointed out,
must inevitably exist under present conditions as regards appoint-
ments in the great services — the post ofTice, customs, internal
revenue, and many others that might be mentioned — which
represent so large a part of the administrative activities of the
government. In these services each field station is treated almost
as a local office to be managed, as far as personnel is concerned,
as a detached enterprise. Its directing head in practically all
cases is not only appointed from among residents of the district,
but the real selection is made, not by the directing head of the
service but by the local representative of the district in Con-
gress or on the governing board of the party organization.
Only in exceptional cases is a vacancy now filled by promotion
from the ranks. Practically never is the head of a station who
has proved his competence transferred to a more important
post in the service. To make matters still worse, appointments
to these positions are made for the most part for terms of but
(i86)
No. 2] THE PERSONNEL IN ADMINISTRATION 139
four years. In like manner the subordinate personnel, even
though they are selected through competitive civil service ex-
aminations, are for the most part taken from the district in which
the station is located and they have little or no prospect of pro-
motion except within the particular station to which they are
attached. Even here they are debarred from any reasonable
expectation of rising to the top as a result of faithful and
conscientious discharge of their duties.
It is difficult to conceive of a scheme of organization better
adapted to deprive a personnel of incentive for good work, to
stifle ambition for advancement within the service, or to tie the
hands of a central administration desiring to put its service
upon a really efficient basis. No private enterprise would
undertake to conduct its affairs upon any such basis for a
moment. Not the first beginning is made toward treating the
services as offering permanent careers to their personnel. No
pretense is made of building up a corps of directing officers
representing a selection of the most capable. Were efficiency
really sought, can there be any question that if a vacancy were
to occur in such a position as that of collector of the port of
New York, the administration would fill it by promoting to it
some collector who has done efficient work at a less responsible
post, and so on down the line? Except in respect to the sub-
ordinate personnel and then only within very narrow limits, no
emphasis is laid upon efficiency in the performance of duty.
In urging the desirability of giving permanence to the higher
personnel of the field services and of placing those services
upon a really national basis as regards organization and per-
sonnel, I am not basing my argument merely upon theoretical
considerations. Some twelve years ago it was my good fortune
to be sent to Porto Rico as the treasurer of that island. Among
the various duties that I had to perform in that capacity was
the collection of the general property tax. For that purpose
the island was divided into sixty-six districts corresponding to
the sixty-six municipal districts into which for purposes of
local administration the island had been divided. At the head
of each district was a collector of taxes. The theory upon
which this service was organized was that now obtaining in
(187)
I40 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
respect to most of the field services of the national government
here. Each office was a local service. There was practically
no such thing as a man moving from one office to another. I
changed all this. I nationalized or rather unified the ser-
vice. I arranged the several districts in classes according to
their importance and made a scale of remuneration for the col-
lectors in charge running from $480 per annum in the case of
the least important to $2000 in the case of the most important.
There are probably eight or ten classes between these. I then
established the practise of filling superior positions strictly by
promotion and for merit. A man entered the service as col-
lector at a small town with a salary of but $480 per annum.
If efficient he was transferred from post to post until the higher
positions were reached. The result more than justified my
greatest expectations. A genuine esprit de corps was developed.
The collectors knew that promotions depended upon their col-
lecting the taxes and performing their other duties properly.
The result was that when I left the treasurership some six years
later, uncollected or delinquent taxes for the island as a whole
were less than two per cent. I doubt whether there is any
state that can show an equally good record.
Later, as secretary of the island, the task fell to me of draft-
ing a revised police law. In Porto Rico the policing of the
island is done by a single insular police force of about eight
hundred men. Having in mind the success following the
unifying of the tax collection service, I adopted the same prin-
ciple in preparing my draft. The island was divided into sixty-
six districts corresponding to the municipal districts into which,
as stated, the island is divided, and a district chief was placed
in charge of each. These were arranged in a hierarchy with
graduated salaries precisely as was the tax collection force, and
the same principle of filling positions by promotion from less
important posts was adopted. Equally favorable results were
obtained from this law. A m^an now enters the police service
as a permanent career. He knows that he can be advanced
from post to post as he merits such promotion. From the
standpoint of the government the responsible positions are as
a matter of course filled by men whose competence has been
proved in lower posts.
(188)
No. 2] THE PERSONNEL IN ADMINISTRATION 141
I know that it will be urged in favor of the local system now
obtaining in the United States that this system is congenial to
our historical traditions and institutions ; that it represents but
one phase of the predilections of the American people for a
local as against a national administration of public offices ; that
the people will never acquiesce in having as their postmaster,
collector of customs or collector of internal revenue, a person
brought from another state. Whatever may have been the
validity of these arguments in the past, when matters of states
rights and local control loomed larger than at present, I believe
that all basis for them has passed away. I believe that the
people are fully prepared to accept real national services, and
to support a movement that will make our great national
services offer a real and permanent career to all persons high
and low therein employed. They are certainly asking the
question why these services cannot be as efficiently and eco-
nomically organized and conducted as are private enterprises.
Whatever the position they may take, the people are certainly
entitled to know what are the defects of the present system, why
they exist and what action is required to remove them. If they
acquiesce in the present system they should at least recognize
the sacrifice in efficiency involved in its maintenance.
In the foregoing I have considered in detail only two of the
many questions connected with the securing of an efficient gov-
ernment personnel. These two, however, I consider as fun-
damental. They are both of the same general character. They
have to do with the one great end that must be obtained if a
really efficient service is to be secured, that, namely, of making
the government service a real career to the ambitious, one in
which not only permanency of tenure during good behavior is
offered, but in which the positions really worth while can be se-
cured as the result of conscientious and intelligent work within
the service. No other device can take the place of the incentive
to good work that would thus be offered. Until that incentive
is furnished, until the administration seeks to put the most
competent man in the most responsible position, other meas-
ures will be at best but patching up a defective machine.
(189)
LEGISLATIVE DRAFTING'
THOMAS I. PARKINSON
Legislative Drafting Bureau
THE need for better drafted legislation has been presented
frequently and forcibly by prominent lawyers and polit-
ical scientists. The quantity and quality of our statute
law, federal and state, has been the subject of vigorous criticism
for many years. There exists a well-founded belief, which
found frequent expression at the recent meeting of the Ameri-
can Bar Association, that the popular discontent arising from
the tendency of our courts to declare unconstitutional or render
ineffective by interpretation legislation enacted to remedy ex-
isting social and industrial evils can be traced directly to the fact
that much of our so-called social legislation is hastily prepared,
ill-considered, and thrown on the statute book without careful
study of constitutional limitations, existing statutes, or the
phraseology of the principles and rules necessary to give effect
to the intentions of its proponents.
The Federal Employers' Liability Act of 1 906, enacted to
apply only to workmen engaged in interstate commerce, was so
inaptly worded that the courts held that it included as well em-
ployes engaged in intrastate commerce, and for this reason was
unconstitutional.' In 1908 the same act was re-enacted in
words which precisely limited its effect to workmen engaged in
interstate commerce, and in this form it has recently been held
constitutional.^ Senator Sutherland, in a paper before the bar
association,* expressed the opinion that the decision in the Ives
case might have been different if the New York Workmen's
Compensation Law ^ had been more carefully drafted.
' Read at the meeting of the Academy of Political Science, October 26, 1912.
'See Employers' Liability Cases, 207 U. S. 463.
'See Second Employers' Liability Cases, 223 U. S. I.
* American Bar Association Report, 191 2.
*Ch. 674 Laws of igio ; declared unconstitutional in Ives v. South Buffalo Rail-
way Co., 201 N. Y. 271.
(igo)
LEGISLATIVE DRAFTING
H3
The subject of Prof. Reinsch's paper ' this afternoon empha-
sizes another need for accurate drafting. If the initiative is to
be made a successful method of legislating, means must be pro-
vided for the scientific preparation of initiated measures. Bills
must be reasonably within the comprehension of the people if
they are to be enacted or rejected intelligently. Errors and
" jokers " are less likely to be detected by the whole mass of
the people than by committees of the legislature, and, if de-
tected, are more dangerous because the bills cannot be amended
in the course of discussion and before final action as they could
be in the legislature.
My subject is not the need for or the desirability of better
drafted statutes, but the means by which they may be had.
The scientific preparation of a statute involves :
1 . Knowledge of conditions proposed to be regulated, and de-
termination of the exact evils requiring regulation.
2. Determination of the nature of the regulation required
and the precise principles or rules which will effect such reg-
ulation.
3. Phraseology of the new principles or rules and of neces-
sary administrative provisions in apt and precise language which
will fit them into existing principles of constitutional and statute
law and make them reasonably clear to the executive and judi-
cial officers who are to enforce them.
So-called practical legislators are fond of dividing these prob-
lems into : ( I ) matters of substance, which are for the legislator,
not for the drafter, and (2) matters of form, which may be dele-
gated to the drafter. The distinction, however, is of little value,
for changes in phraseology frequently result in changes in policy.
Policies determined upon in conference are often hard to recog-
nize when they come from the pen of the drafter. No such
division of the problems of preparing legislation is possible.
So-called matters of substance and matters of form go hand in
hand, and if the problems of legislation are to be solved wisely
and effectively, the legislator and the expert drafter must work
together.
'" Initiative and Referendum," by Prof. Paul S. Reinsch, University of Wisconsin.
See p. 203, infra.
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144 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
Prof. John W. Patton, of the University of Pennsylvania Law
School, says :
Legislative action, however, should be based upon demonstrated need,
careful study of the proposed remedy in substance, of its constitution-
ality, of the meaning of every word used in a proposed act, with a care-
ful examination of existing decisions as well as statutes. Knowledge
of law as well as of the English language is required, and the pen of
one who thinks he has a facility for legislative expression should indeed
" make haste slowly." ^
In workmen's compensation legislation, for example, the leg-
islator, if he performs his legislative duty seriously, must first
study existing employers' liability law, and the evils, if any, pro-
duced by its operation. He must analyze these evils and con-
sider the possible methods of remedying them, and for this
purpose he ought to know and appreciate the methods by which
in other states or countries similar evils have been remedied.
Having decided that the compensation system offers the best
means of doing justice, there remain for his decision important
questions of policy involved in working out the details of such
a scheme. For example, shall the scheme apply in all employ-
ments, in all with certain exceptions, or in certain specified em-
ployments selected because of their extra hazard or otherwise?
Are all injuries in the course of employment to be compensated,
or are certain injuries, such as those caused by an employe's own
deliberate act, to be excepted ? Upon what basis shall the com-
pensation be computed, and how shall the computation be made,
and under what conditions shall it be paid? What shall be the
procedure to determine controverted questions? What, if any,
administrative organization is required for the proper enforce-
ment of the scheme? Every one of these problems involves
the determination of a multitude of detailed questions of policy
before the precise limits of the rights and liabilities created by
the act are defined in such manner that employer, employe, ad-
ministrative officer and the court may know when and to what
extent the legislature intended that A, an employer, should
' *^ Festina Lenie," Penna. Law Rev., vol. 59, p. 214.
(192)
No. 2] LEGISLATIVE DRAFTING 1 45
compensate B, his employe, in case the latter is injured in the
course of his employment.
The foregoing are frequently described as questions of policy
with which the drafter should have nothing to do ; they are
solely for the legislator. Theoretically, this is true. If all
these questions were carefully weighed and decided by the
legislator there would be nothing left for the drafter but to put
the legislative decision into language. Practically, however,
the great majority of these questions of policy do not occur to
the legislator until the drafter in the detailed statement of the
legislative intent uncovers the numerous instances to which the
legislative intent has not been applied.
Determination of these questions of policy by no means com-
pletes the legislative task. There remain questions of consti-
tutionality and the selection of devices, such as the so-called
elective scheme, to avoid constitutional restrictions ; the adjust-
ment of the statutory scheme decided upon to the existing
statute law on the same or similar subjects; and, finally, the se-
lection of the language which will carry the statutory scheme
into a statute at once constitutional and effective for the pur-
poses for which it was intended.
Mere phraseology of a statute is itself a difficult task because
of the imperfections and inadequacies of language, its unskil-
ful use and the inability of the human mind to foresee all
the contingencies which will arise in the daily operation of the
law.' For this reason it is sometimes said that statutes should
declare principles and not go into detail.
If important legislation is to be stated effectively in general
principles it can be done only after very careful consideration
by the drafters of all questions of detail and the selection
of such general language as is suited precisely to the develop-
ment and application of the general principle to the numerous
particular instances to which it will be applied. Otherwise, the
act is not truly general ; it is simply incomplete.
There is an impression in this country that the English
' Compare remarks of F. Vaughn Hawkins, Esq., rtprintec] in Thayer's Prelimin-
ary Treatise on Evidence, appendix C, p. 585.
1 c (193)
146 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
Workmen's Compensation Act is a good example of a well
drafted act which states only general principles. In the case of
Lysons vs. Knowles,' Lord Davey, in rendering his opinion in
the House of Lords, referred to the act of 1897 as an " extra-
ordinary ill-drawn act," and said :
The difficulty really arises from this — that the draftsman has apparently
not worked out on paper into legislative language the scheme which he
had in his head, and it looks very much as if the act had really been
framed from notes of legislative intention and had not been expanded
into the proper legislative language. Cases which have arisen, and
cases which are likely to arise, appear not to have been contemplated,
but apparently were supposed to be covered by the general language
used in the act.
The English Compensation Act of 1 897 was expressed in 1 2 ^
printed pages; the amended act of 1906 required 24 pages,
and in addition there are now more than 150 pages of statutory
rules and regulations' which have the force of law. Compen-
sation, under the act of 1897, was based on " average weekly
earnings " 3 without any indication of the method of computing
such earnings. This computation gave rise to so many diffi-
culties in the cases which arose under the act that the drafters
of the amended act of 1906 used nearly 400 additional words to
explain the method of computing average earnings,* a total of
400 words in the place of the 3 words in the original act. The
German Insurance Code of 191 1 represents a like expansion of
the original laws.*
The tendency to couch statutes in general terms and to leave
details of their administration to executive discretion simply
shifts to executive officers the burden of applying the general
principle to a particular case. This puts off the difficulty but
' 84 L. T. R. 65, vol. 3, Workmen's Compensation Cases (Minton-Senhouse),
p. I (1901).
'The act and rules are reprinted in the appendix to Ruegg's Employers' Liability
and IVorkmen's Compensation (1910), pp. 688-868.
'First Schedule, sec. i, b.
* First Schedule, section I, clauses ( i) and (2).
'See translation in Bulletin No. 96 of United States Bureau of Labor.
U94)
No. 2] LEGISLATIVE DRAFTING 1 47
does not overcome it; for if 'Lhe law is to be even reasonably
clear, executive officers must draft the rules and regulations and
prescribe the schedules, reports and records, provision for which
has been omitted from the statute. In this country, however,
because of the general impression that such rules and regula-
tions, supplementing general statutes, represent an unconstitu-
tional delegation of legislative power, it usually happens that the
general principle is applied in hit-or-miss fashion to each par-
ticular case as it arises. The New York labor law requires
" good and sufficient ventilation " in factories.' No specific
rules have been prescribed and the act is practically unen-
forceable.
Moreover, when a general statute is well drawn, the men who
have worked out its provisions and selected the language in
which to state them are in a better position to state the specific
rules for the application of the act to particular instances than
are administrative and judicial officers before whom it comes as
a totally new and often unconsidered matter. The drafters of
a workmen's compensation act, for example, if they have done
their work well, ought to know whether free house rent re-
ceived by an employe is to be included in the computation of
his wages for the purpose of determining his compensation in
case of injury, and if they fail to state in their act whether it is
to be included or not, employers, employes, insurance com-
panies and courts are going to spend a great deal of time in
attempting to discover whether the legislature intended to
include or exclude this item, and no one is ever going to know
what the legislature did intend until some individuals have car-
ried to the court of last resort a ease involving the question,
and then the chances are even that the court will guess wrong
and that the intent of the legislature if it had been expressed
would have been directly opposite. For example, take the
Sherman anti-trust law, the meaning of which was in doubt for
twenty years. There are many people who, if they had been
placed in the position of the Supreme Court, would probably
have guessed differently as to the Congressional intent.
'New York Consolidated 1 aws, ch. 31, sec. 86.
(195)
148 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
My point is not that statutes should provide for all conceiv-
able circumstances. I do not expect to see a perfect statute.
As was said by Judge Dean: "Laws seem to be born full-
grown about as often as men are."' But this does not justify
putting on to the statute books legislation which is obviously in-
complete. The New Jersey Compensation Act ^ bases compen-
sation on wages and contains no definition of the term " wages."
The slightest consideration of the operation of this act would
disclose to its drafters the absolute certainty that within thirty
days of its enactment cases would arise involving the question,
" How are wages to be determined? "
It seems foolish to omit such provisions merely to avoid what
are called detailed provisions. Indeed, it is generally true that
lawyers and other people who attempt to prepare written docu-
ments on subjects of which they know little prefer the use of
general language, and it usually happens that the more consid-
eration and study one gives to the preparation of a written doc-
ument the less general language is found in it. Explicitness of
language is in direct proportion to the writer's knowledge of his
subject matter and its problems.
Commenting on the detail of some statutes, Frederick W.
Lehmann, in his President's address before the American Bar
Association,^ cited a Kansas act requiring for each bed in a
public inn " clean sheets of sufficient width and length to reach
the entire width and length of the bed, and with the upper sheet
to be of sufficient length to fold back over the bedding at the
upper end or head of the bed," and observed that the drafter
forgot to require that the sheet be long enough for tucking in at
the foot. These details may seem petty, but suppose that the
statute had provided in general terms for sanitary bed cover-
ings, would the administrative officers have carved out of this an
enforceable rule which would have effected the purposes of the
act, and what would the ordinary judge have said with respect
to the meaning and effect of this act had it come before his
' In Waters v. Wolf, 162 Pa. 167.
'Ch. 95, Laws of ign.
* American Bar Association Report, 1909.
(196)
No. 2] LEGISLATIVE DRAFTING 1 49
court for application? Would he not have quoted the rule that
statutes in derogation of the common law must be construed
strictly, and that as the statute said nothing about the length or
the breadth of sheets it was not to be interpreted as interfering
with individual liberty more than its language absolutely re-
quired?
Definitions are helpful in attaining precision, but they must
be skilfully used. The New Jersey Compensation Act defines
" wilful negligence " as " deliberate act or deliberate failure to
act." ' Literally, this means that a man can escape the charge
of negligence only by careless action or inaction.
Blunders in legislative language are varied. They run from
the ridiculous to the serious. Congress, for example, enacted :
" That no sponges taken from (specified) waters shall be
landed, delivered, cured or offered for sale at any port or place
in the United States of a smaller size than four inches in
diameter." "" How many of our ports could answer the descrip-
tion of less than four inches in diameter? The Illinois Com-
pensation Act for disfigurement of an employe, grants him one-
fourth of his compensation in case of death. 3 The second
draft of a compensation act, prepared by the Pennsylvania
commission, granted compensation to widows of killed work-
men, and defined widow to include " only those who are liv-
ing with the decedent at the time of his death." When it
was pointed out that this suggestion of a plurality of wives
sounded more like Utah than Pennsylvania, the commission was
much impressed with the necessity for a change in the wording,
and after retiring into executive session produced the following,
which appears in its latest printed draft : The term widow shall
include " only a widow living with the decedent at the time of
his death." ^ This may relieve the Pennsylvania workman from
the insinuation of Mormonism, but if the intent is to give com-
pensation to the decedent's widow only, why not say : " shall
» Sec. 3, par. 23.
*U. S. Statutes at Large, v. 34, p. 313.
* Act of June 10, 191 1, sec. 5, c.
* Industrial Accidents Commission of Pennsylvania, 4th draft of compensation act,
art. II, sec. 6, cj. 10.
(197)
1 C •
I50 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
include only the decedent's wife, living with him at the time of
his death?"
Language which reads smoothly does not always represent
good drafting. As a member of Congress put it, " Like
Browning's poetry it may be well said and yet not say any-
thing" to the ordinary reader.
The framers of important legislation should have the benefit
of the experience of other states and countries in the same
field. They should know the legislation of other states and its
operation. Mere copying of foreign legislation will not suffice.
Drafters of American compensation acts have repeatedly copied
from the English act the words "injuries arising out of and in
the course of employment." Apparently, it is assumed that the
meaning of these words has been fixed by the English courts
and is well understood. Prof. Francis H. Bohlen recently
demonstrated ' that this phrase, instead of having a definite and
fixed meaning, is one of the most prolific sources of doubt and
litigation in the English act. Mere copying in the Nevada
Compensation Act resulted in putting into the very first section
an important reference to " the preceding section of this act." '
Legislation is constantly enacted in ignorance of existing laws.
For example, on February 14, 1903, Congress passed an act
transferring the immigration duties of the Secretary of the
Treasury to the Secretary of Commerce and Labor. 3 On March
3 of the same year Congress passed an immigration act, in
many clauses of which duties were imposed on the Secretary of
the Treasury .< A joint resolution was subsequently necessary to
correct this blunder.^
There appears in a congressional appropriation bill an appro-
priation for publishing the laws in newspapers, although such
publication had been expressly prohibited four or five times
during the same session.^
^ Harvard Law Rev., vol. 25 (1912), pp. 328, 401, 517.
^ Laws 0/ igii, ch. 183, sec. i.
^ Statutes at Large, vol. 32, p. 825.
^ Ibid., vol. 32, p. 1213.
^ Ibid., vol. 33, p. 591.
* Ibid., vol. 18, p. 349.
(198)
No. 2] LEGISLATIVE DRAFTING 151
In 19 1 2 the New York legislature amended a section of the
labor law. Later, at the same session, the same section was
again amended without reference to the previous amendment.'
The question arises whether the amendment incorporated in the
first act of 19 1 2, which is not contained in the second amend-
ment of 191 2, is or is not part of the labor law of the state?
Another and frequent type of bad drafting is the statement
of the same idea in different words in the same act. In one section
of the New Jersey Compensation Act there are no less than four
different methods of stating the same computation of time.*
The obvious suggestion for the correction of many of our
political ills, including unscientific statutes, is the election of
better men to the legislature. A good legislator, however,
is not necessarily a good drafter; and a legislator who is a good
drafter is so busy with legislative policies on a host of subjects
that he has little time to devote to jthe wording of laws. Mark
Twain said that a man who attempts to study German has not
much time for anything else. Drafting statutes is much like
learning German.
John Stuart Mill declared : " There is hardly any kind of in-
tellectual work which so much needs to be done, not only by
experienced and exercised minds, but by minds trained to the
task through long and laborious study, as the business of making
laws." 3 Our legislators are elected to voice for brief periods
the political sentiment of their communities and their attention
is largely confined to this field of activity. Having in mind the
statement of Mill, it is apparent that the selection of legislators
by the elective method does not insure the selection of men of
"experienced" minds for making written law; that the fre-
quency of election fails to assure any opportunity for a pro-
longed experience in lawmaking; and that the nature of the
political work which legislators must perform to gain and keep
their seats precludes them from and unfits them for " long
and laborious study."
■ Laws of igi2, ch. 337 and ch. 543.
^ Laws 0/ igii, ch. 95, sec. II, par. 15.
* Representative Government, People's Edition, 1876, p. 39.
(199)
152 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol.111
Great Britain has solved the drafting problem partially by
creating the office of parliamentary counsel, by whom all
government bills are drafted. Practical legislators and lawyers
in this country have an indefinite notion that the creation of an
expert official drafting agency would in some way interfere
with the ordinary functions of the legislator. The real function
of the legislator is to make known the social need for a given
rule of law at a given time. It does not necessarily include the
phrasing of that rule. Originally, the English Parliament peti-
tioned the king for the enactment of laws ; the king and his
counsellors, if the petition were granted, determined the phrase-
ology of the law. Representative legislators elected by popular
vote may voice the wishes of their constituents with respect to
the general policy which shall govern the community on any
particular subject; but, ordinarily, they are not sufficiently
skilled in the handling of the English language as an instrument
of law-making, and in the knowledge of existing constitutional
and statute law, to determine the precise phraseology of the
rules which shall make effective the policies so determined
upon.
The consequence of using unprecise language in a statute is a
loss of that effective control over the policies of legislation
which the legislature is empowered constitutionally to exercise
to the entire exclusion of both the executive and judicial
branches of the government. Moreover, a vast amount of time
and painstaking care is expended by administrative officers,
lawyers, and courts in the determination of the exact meaning
of a statute or of its words or phrases. In all but one or two of
the cases which have been litigated under the California Com-
pensation Act during the first year of its operation " the issue
was upon the construction of the act and not the fact of disability
or the extent of the injury.'
The conclusion seems inevitable that every legislative body
ought to be supplied with a force of carefully-trained lawyers
whose duty it shall be to give attention to these problems before
a statute is cast in its final form.
'Article by A. J. Pillsbury, member of Industrial Accident Board of California, in
The California Outlook, Saturday, Oct. 5, 1912.
(200)
No. 2] LEGISLATIVE DRAFTING 1 5 5
Definite proposals are now being made to furnish legislatures
with expert drafting assistance. Several states, notably Wis-
consin and Pennsylvania, have drafting and legislative refer-
ence bureaus at the state capitol. At the last session Congress
gave serious attention to a bill creating a similar agency at
Washington.' The Am.erican Bar Association has just created
a special committee on the drafting of legislation to study
existing agencies for the rendering of technical assistance to
legislators in the preparation of their laws, and to report its
recommendations to the annual meeting in 191 3.'
Legislative reference libraries are doing excellent work so
far as they go, but the drafting end of their work has not been
so well developed as the collection and indexing of printed ma-
terials. This may be due to the fact that the lawyers are
slower than the political scientists in catching up with modern
tendencies.
Another device of which frequent use is now being made is
to take the preparation of important legislation out of the
hands of the regular legislator and entrust it to a legislative com-
mission. This plan may or may not be effective for good.
The commission, like many other governmental agencies, de-
pends for its usefulness on the men who constitute it, the time
they devote to their work and the men to whom they entrust
the actual preparation of their bills. If a skilled workman were
to do his work as carelessly and with as many blotches appear-
ing over the whole face of it as appear in some of the compen-
sation acts drafted by commissions, his employer would not
hesitate to discharge him without pay or send him back to do
his job over again.
The wise solution of this problem of drafting American stat-
utes will do much to relieve administrative officers and courts of
' Concessional Reference Bureau : Hearings before the Committee on the
Library, House of Representatives, Feb. 26th and 27th, 1912. (Published in
pamphlet form by Government Printing Office.)
'The members of this committee are: WiHiam Draper Lewis, Philadelphia, Pa.,
Chairman; Samuel Untermyer, New York, N. Y. ; Louis D. Brandeis, Boston,
Mass.; Frederick W. Lehmann, St. Louis, Mo.; Henry C. Hall, Colorado Springs,
Colo. J Thomas L Parkinson, New York, N. Y. ; Ernst Freund, Chicago, Hi.
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154
EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT
vain efforts to discover legislative intent where there is none, or
where it is confused in a mass of ill-chosen words, and will re-
move one important cause of the discontent which has been
made the basis for the proposal of popular recall of judicial de-
cisions affecting the constitutionality of state legislation or the
recall of judges rendering such decisions.
I have no panacea for the ills of legislation. I have no scheme
to suggest for the production of well-drafted statutes. I know
of no device or organization which can be depended upon to
provide us with good drafting. Official drafting and legislative
reference bureaus are not of themselves sufficient; machinery
will not run without power. In the last analysis the problem is
to secure men of training and experience who will devote their
professional careers to the scientific formulation and develop-
ment of our written laws. In the words of E. W. Smith, Esq..
president of the Pennsylvania Bar Association, the drafting of a
statute is not a " pastime for a summer afternoon." ' In many
ways preparation of statutes, because of the increasing quantity
and broad effect of our statute law, is even more important than
the judicial function which operates only on controversies as
they arise between man and man. Again, Mr. Smith says:
" Legislation is necessarily fragmentary, unless it is prepared by
skilful lawyers, familiar with the subject, who are ready to de-
vote much time and thought to its preparation. But it is foolish
to assume that all lawyers can draft statutes. Such work re-
quires a concentration of mind and of expression that few men
have." Until we are impressed with the necessity of having our
statute law drafted by such men, and until we find the men, we
shall continue to find in our session laws numerous examples of
legislative blunders, some of them amusing, some pathetic, and
unfortunately many of them serious.
' Pennsylvania Bar Association Report, 191 1.
(202)
THE INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM '
PAUL S. REINSCH
Professor of Political Science, University of Wisconsin
IT is very fashionable on the part of those who consider
themselves conservative and given to test the safeness of
things, to look upon the initiative and referendum in this
country as a political fad, a part of a political disease of our
people. They think this a phase we shall have passed through
in a comparatively short time to return to saner methods. Yet
it seems to me that those who console themselves about the
progress of this institution in such a manner are taking a most
superficial view. If I read our present situation as a nation
aright, I believe we must see in it the awakening of a much
deeper political consciousness than we have hitherto had.
Heretofore our life has been occupied with economic interests,
and the political factor, strident as it was at times, was never-
theless superficial — the old marching campaign was its emblem.
We did have times of important political action, but in general
we were more concerned with economic life. I consider the
movement for the initiative and referendum as a part of that
great political awakening which the nation is now experiencing
and which will bring about a permanent change in our political
methods.
The old party caucus with all its trickery and all its sham
has been so utterly discredited that we shall never he able to go
back to it. We have seen with new eyes the old-time platforms,
and they will no longer satisfy us. The cry of democracy is
" More democracy." It holds that as the constitutions of the
past have not worked well we must have them more demo-
cratic. We are outdoing Rousseau. He pronounced for demo-
cratic action even in a large state, but could not work out the
' Read at the meeting of the Academy of Political -Science, October 26,
1912.
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ic6 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
necessary mechanism, and therefore stopped short of national
democracy ; he never got beyond federalism in his constructive
ideas. Accordingly the modern initiative and referendum
completes the Rousseauic theory, in that it considers the
nation a unit, makes use of the modern advances in com-
munication and views the electorate as one body capable of
acting together.
We shall have to go through this second phase of Rousseau-
ism. The convention phase was put to the proof during the
French revolution when the older Rousseauism was thoroughly
tested. Now it will be tested in all its completeness by making
the people the primary factor in political action. This brings
up the question of certain elements of human nature, according
to which political institutions are viewed not as instruments, not
as elaborating energy that already exists, but as virtually creat-
ing new energy, as if new virtues could manifest themselves
through them. That is expecting too much of any institution.
There exists in a people the political energy, virtue, conscious-
ness, which seeks for a vent, which wants to manifest itself
in action; and if there are impediments, institutions that dam
up such energies, there will be an outbreak of some kind.
To a certain extent the energy of public opinion was hampered
by our institutions of the past, and yet it would be too much to
say that by creating new institutions we shall give to the body
politic a different energy. There lies the chief argument against
the initiative and referendum. It seems to demand too much,
to consider the people as a body able to initiate, having the con-
stant energy to watch the affairs of the state and judge their de-
tails, as well as to make themselves masters of the legislative
situation. That is where the fault lies in my opinion — in the
extreme, the radical policy of the initiative and referendum.
There are many functions in the state. There is the function
of deliberation, of judging, of taking administrative action, and
to think that the function of voting in itself can take the place
of any or all of these others and make them unnecessary, is
expecting too much. Voting has often been used for the pur-
pose of assisting legislation ; it was used even in the Romans'
day, but then there was always a clear alternative, yes or no —
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No. 2] THE INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM 157
a point that ought to be worked out and thoroughly. But we
desire to go beyond that; we desire to have the consciousness of
the people enter more intimately into the work of legislation,
and yet we are expecting too much of this reform when on the
one hand we believe that a popular vote can take legislative
action in its fullness and completeness and thus virtually super-
sede the legislature, and on the other hand expect from it the
political regeneration, the creation of new political forces,
energies and virtues.
With these reservations, however, I consider the initiative and
referendum as an institution that carries within it a great
promise for our commonwealths, one that ought to be utilized
and taken advantage of, and that cannot be brushed aside.
Throughout the world parliamentary bodies, have been a
disappointment in not coming up to the ideal of liberalism, in
not being the " councils of the wise," in which after due delib-
eration the best interests of the body politic are expressed in
the form of law. That is not the nature of any legislative body,
not even of that most excellent one, the British Parliament.
Too much was expected of this institution, as of every institu-
tion when first introduced to the world. Now the tendency is
in the opposite direction. In England even it is the elector that
has direct relation with the controlling interest, and Parliament
seems hardly more than a registering agency to record the will
of the electorate and keep the ministry in power. The old
dramatic struggle for influence in the House of Commons that
lent life and interest to the political action of England during
the greater part of the nineteenth century has almost passed
away and it is now carried on before the electorate. But
Parliament has not lost its importance, because it is the place
where energies converge, where opinions are formed, the place
for the promoting of policies, and it remains by far the most
powerful and interesting body of legislation in the world. How
different with our state legislatures ! They have become so dis-
credited that they offer no field for political action of a high
type, and so they naturally became the instruments of the
" great interests" whose leaders alone have been far-sighted
enough to see how important the political power therein con-
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158 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
centrated really is. Now it is in this connection — in making the
body of the electorate conscious of the vital importance of state
legislation — that I believe the greatest value of the initiative
and referendum lies.
My expectation is that its effect will be as follows: This
institution will assist the people, the body of the electorate, in
the development of its political consciousness; the conscious-
ness of power which it brings will assist in that direction.
Second, it will make the body of the electorate more familiar
with legislative problems and more interested. In Athenian
democracy, every citizen was supposed to take part in all the
functions of government, to judge, administer, elect. That
is no longer possible, but nothing will so train the electorate to
see the difficulties and problems of legislation, and to form an
intelligent judgment about them, as having to solve those prob-
lems itself at times. Moreover, it will increase the interest of
the people in the legislatures, as being organs which are con-
stantly engaged with dealing with these important matters ; and
finally it will serve to increase the sense of responsibility of
these bodies. We cannot of course hope to get that direct
sense of responsibility which is the key to the English system,
where the possibility of a dissolution and an appeal to the
nation weighs constantly on Parliament and every member
thereof; but the referendum, too, is an appeal to the electorate,
and the adoption of the proposal rejected by the legislature
in a measure parallels the return to power of a British "Op-
position." At present there is no adequate way in which the
electorate can express its concurrence, or its disapproval, or its
indignation at what has been done. General elections are not
fitted for this; at the most they may take out an important
ssue, make it a matter of general interest, and submit it to the
people.
I have not time to go into discussion of the details of legis-
lation thus far attempted, but if you will bear with me I
will point out one or two essential matters. The legislation of
Oregon to my mind is attempting too much. It expects of the
electorate a constant exercise of legislative action and if this
expectation should be met it would mean a removal of the
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No. 2] THE INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM \ 59
center of deliberation from the halls of legislation to the popu-
lar forum. Now the Oregonians who are the most ardent
supporters of this system always protest that they did in no
sense intend to discredit the legislature. Mr. U'Ren said it
would be far more creditable to go to the legislature after this
reform has been completely established than ten years ago,
because it would no longer be prima facie evidence of corrup-
tion and low political motives to be a member of that body.
But the actual tendency is different. If there is to be a con-
stant exercise of the legislative function by the general elector-
ate it cannot be expected that the legislature itself will con-
tinue important enough to deserve the attention and coopera-
tion of really able men. In the suggestion that all that is really
necessary is a council to work out administrative measures to
be submitted to the electorate, we have an explicit admission
of the tendency to eliminate that body which our own experi-
ence and that of other countries has shown to be of value.
Between the growing administration and the electorate, there
would be no intermediary, no body of men somewhat above the
ordinary political intelligence, somewhat more experienced, to
judge of measures which the administration suggests, to in-
terpret them in a way to the electorate ; and at the same time to
give the administration assistance in getting close to public
opinion and the needs of the state ; the inevitable result would
be a close bureaucracy. California has tried to encourage the
legislature by giving it the Swiss alternative, so that it may
either send a measure directly from the initiative to the electors
or submit at the same time an alternative measure of its own.
This is apt to cause a good deal of confusion: as has been
cynically remarked by the Evening Post, the electors would
usually vote for both measures, and then that measure which
carried the majority would be declared law !
Another defect appears when laws passed by popular vote
cannot be repealed except by a like vote. We have already
constitutional law and legislative law and we then should have
popular law in addition. Logically any action of the legisla-
ture which superseded a part of the popular law must be con-
sidered void by the courts. The complexity which is intro-
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l60 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
duced into our system through the fact of a judicial review
would be emphasized by the California arrangement where you
have three categories, legislative law, popular law and constitu-
tional law, one standing above the other, one prevailing over tha
other. This is unnecessary. The Oregon courts have refused
to give the popular law a higher rank than the legislative ; the
proposed provision in Washington is that popular law may be
repealed after two years, but not before, by legislative action.
It seems to me it is best to place all law on an equal footing,
allowing to the popular law its prestige as having been passed on
by the electorate, but giving it no artificial validity, which only
introduces confusion and complexity into our system. While
speaking of the California system it ought to be said that the
Californians believe that the complexity of their system will be
reduced, because hitherto they have amended their constitution
so frequently (sometimes fifteen or sixteen amendments pend-
ing at the same time) that it became a vast code of legislative
matter. After the introduction of the initiative and referendum,
changes that are popular may be made without being put into the
constitution, and there will not be so much judicial interference
with legislation. That is their hope, and yet their provision
with respect to giving a special degree of validity to the
popular will seems to run counter to it.
The proposed law of Wisconsin is based on the idea that the
initiative and referendum is to be an agency for assisting the
legislature, but in no way making it superfluous. Accordingly
any measure that is introduced into the legislature, whether
passed or rejected, but only such measures, may be referred to
the electorate. Thus every bill that goes before the people must
have had the benefit of being discussed there and acted upon,
whether favorably or unfavorably. In this way it is intended to
protect the importance of the legislature, and even to increase
it by centering there the public interest. If in this connection
we consider the growth in importance of state governments, we
see how an opportunity is given for a governor, if he is a con-
structive statesman, to have his measures introduced in the legis-
lature, to have it known that they go with the endorsement of
his political judgment, and if they are defeated in that body to
have them called out and referred to the public.
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No. 2] THE INITIATIVE AND REFERENDUM i6l
It is not believed that the people will be constantly legislat-
ing. That is where most of the opponents of the system argue
wrongly, one might almost say deceitfully. The recall is a
power to be used only very rarely, and the referendum is, per-
haps, best understood as giving tne electorate the right and
power to make itself felt at any time without revolutionary
action. We are living at the present time in a period of almost
revolutionary energy, but that will pass away. These energies
are not permanent; it is necessary to count upon the steady
interest of the public in politics, but of that we cannot expect
too much. Our constitutional machinery ought to be so ad-
justed that the force of public opinion would be sufficient
to start, stop or control it. There ought to be means by which
the public can obtain a specific law which it demands and
which is blocked by our state legislatures.
The initiative and referendum will introduce clearness and
logical sequence into our political action, and center the public
interest on legislative problems, but will not mean that every
matter of legislation will be laid before the electorate to the
wearying of political energies. The Wisconsin legislation is
an experiment, but one which bases itself upon the premise
that the legislatures are performing a function that cannot
be fulfilled by mere voting, and that this function must be
strengthened, elevated and purified but not extinguished or
passed over to a body which cannot deliberate as a legislative
body can. It is thus that I consider the initiative and refer-
endum to be a reform in true harmony with the great move-
ment which is passing over our nation at the present time.
There will be a liberation of political energies when it is possible
for the energies at any time to make themselves decisive. The
initiative and referendum will have a clarifying and quieting
effect, because as everybody knows, the people are essentially
conservative. If they have the knowledge that it is in their
power to ask and obtain, it will be a safety valve in the most
dangerous periods through which our republic may have to
pass. And in all times it will be an education for the people,
just as it is in the English democracy, to feel that at any time
they may have to vote, and that any important measure may
be brought to them for their pronouncement.
1 1 (209)
THE DIRECT PRIMARY VERSUS
THE CONVENTION'
ALBERT BUSHNELL HART
Professor of Government, Harvard University
IT is with some hesitation that I appear this evening to speak
upon a subject so vast and so imperfectly understood. The
word " primary " has not until recently been used as we are
using it now. We have had primary colors and primary affec-
tions and prime mess beef; it is an anomaly that such a new
use of the term should have been created, and a demand caused
for a new dictionary.
I feel sensibly the danger of using new words, even the
most ordinary, lest they might be misunderstood in their politi-
cal connection. These are the days, at least this is the week,
when nobody can use the word "liar" without somebody
indignantly answering: " He is nothing of the kind; why does
the ex-President attack the senator from Pennsylvania?" You
can't say " primary " without somebody shouting : " He's not a
primary force, there are a great many others." I must say
that the attention which is paid by the American public to one
of its public men makes me think of the Sunday school into
which the brisk minister came and said, " Now, children, as I
came along I saw a wonderful creature. This creature was
sitting in a tree. It was sitting on a bough. It was a creature
with a bushy tail, and it was holding a nut in its claws. Now
can any of you tell me what that wonderful creature was? "
And there was only one child who could answer and he said :
" It was God." Well, there is more than one man in this
country, more than one candidate, certainly there is as much
as a candidate and a half and possibly there are two.
We are not speaking to-night of candidates or politics, but of
primaries, and in the discussion between Senator Brackett and
'Address at the dinner of the Academy of Political Science, October 25, 191 2.
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DIRECT PRIMARY VERSUS CONVENTION 163
myself, I understand that we are to follow the plan of Irish
"repartay" "where you say to-day what you are going to
think of to-morrow." So the address of Senator Brackett will
overset what is now being said. But Senator Brackett and you
and I and all other sensible people will agree that we are sim-
ply discussing a practical question, that what we desire is
to secure the expression of the will of the people in their nomi-
nations, and then to secure the choice of those who will carry
out the will of the people. To that end we desire to nominate
persons who really represent the party, and to destroy all that
tends to interfere with a genuine expression of popular will.
For this discussion I have singular personal qualifications,
having been elected by a state-wide primary in a state where I
could not have been elected in any other way, then having
served in the greatest nominating convention ever held, — the
greatest and perhaps the last — and being now a candidate for
office by designation of a political committee of a party which
has no political existence recognized by the laws of Massachu-
setts. Thus you will observe that I have cultivated imparti-
ality; whatever may be the decision of this distinguished jury,
I shall be acquitted.
We have before us the two rival systems of the convention
and the primary, and I will try to take the wind out of the sails
of the gentleman who is to follow by discussing the advantages
of conventions. The first one is that the United States has
somehow got on with the political convention, and a large
number of distinguished men, lovers of their kind and excellent
public servants, have reached the public service by that road.
Then, the convention is a means, though perhaps not the only
means, of a common acquaintance and understanding, which is
of great significance and value. In the next place, conventions
have frequently reflected the wishes of the voters, and the con-
vention is in harmony with the representative system ; nobody
can deny that. Additional advantages are that conventions
balance the ticket geographically, a result impossible to attain
otherwise; that conventions allow for second choices; that the
convention has the making of the platform by tradition, and
thus the committing of the party to a variety of reforms and
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1 64 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
principles — upon which it usually proceeds to turn its back.
Further, there is nothing that is so much fun as a political con-
vention. It is more sport than a baby, noisier than a football
game, more complex than a woman's club ; it cheers the voter,
benefits the newspaper proprietor, and leaves squashy footsteps
on the sands of time.
Nevertheless I ask you gentlemen before me, from personal
experience, if you do not agree with me that there are serious
disadvantages in political conventions, which have tended to
bring them into disrepute. That disadvantage which appears
most prominent is the disorder and turmoil of conventions.
This is not inherent, but is due largely to the practise of national
and state conventions of holding meetings in enormous halls in
the presence of hundreds or thousands of spectators, frequently
put there to influence the work of the convention. On the floor
there is confusion, noise, cheering, uproariousness. Conven-
tions have of late grown much noisier, probably from the habit
on the part of some of the members of attending college ath-
letic sports; and the convention is not a place in which to learn
good manners or sobriety of speech.
It ought to be said, however, that the disorder of conventions
is not the novelty which some people suppose it. In the Re-
publican convention in i860 there was just such a hullabaloo as
in 191 2. A " howler" was employed to aid the cause of Abe
Lincoln. In 1856, when Fremont was nominated, there was a
great uproar; the picture of the candidate was shown and a
salute of guns fired. There is always a possibility of stampeding
a convention, for the thing has been done many times ; but the
shrewd political leader takes his precautions against that danger.
I must say from a brief but intense experience in a political
convention that I believe that noise and uproar and pictures
make about as much difference to a convention as the rooting
of the fans makes with a first-class pitcher. Few conventions
can be stampeded by the audience.
Another indictment is the fraud in which conventions are so
frequently engaged. That is not a subject of which respectable
people like the members of this academy have knowledge, but
when you get inside politics you discover how county and state
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No. 2] DIRECT PRIMARY VERSUS CONVENTION 165
and national conventions are manipulated and furthermore how
they are linked together under the elaborate representative
system. That system is the growth of natural conditions. The
county convention usually elects to the state, and the state to the
national convention ; so if there is any taint of fraud or violence
it goes all the way up ; the state convention is carried in scores
of cases by fraudulent county conventions, and the national
convention may be affected in the same way.
The reason why such fraud and violence are possible is
largely that political leaders have looked on politics as a game
with certain rules which you are at liberty to ignore if the
umpire is not looking; and when a delegation is stolen the
other side acquiesces, thinking it will do the same thing next
time. Anyone examining the contests at Chicago from the
southern states must be struck by the fact that almost every
one of the delegations down there is tainted with irregularity
of some kind.
I say irregularity. We must never forget that regularity is a
political term with a special definition. In politics the regular
is simply the man or committee or convention which is re-
cognized by the next highest authority as being the proper
thing. That county convention is regular which is manipulated
by people in accord with the state committee ; that state con-
vention is regular which is so recognized by the national com-
mittee of the party. There is no such thing as absolute regu-
larity, because in the development of American parties they
have been treated as private clubs, and until very recently there
has been no legal ascertainment of what is regular or irregular.
I do not mean to say that a considerable portion of all the
conventions is stolen or manipulated, that the wrong people are
admitted and the right kept out; but within about ten years in
Massachusetts we have had two disgraceful state conventions.
In one a faction got possession of the admission tickets and
gave them to their friends, took possession and nominated the
candidate. The state courts dealt with that and disallowed it.
Another convention was stampeded by one of the factions stay-
ing in the hall all night; when morning dawned they had posses-
sion, gave out the tickets, refused to be dispossessed, and con-
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1 ^ •
1 66 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
trolled that hall ; the main part of the party trooped out to
another place and two conventions were held at the same mo-
ment. I will not say which was the proper one, but they
could not both have been the regular expression of the party.
In national conventions there has been much less difficulty;
for the national convention is under the limelight; membership
is highly prized, partly as a badge of party honor, partly
because of the pleasure of being present, partly because of the
glittering badges with which you paralyze your neighbors when
you get home. In any case membership is eagerly desired.
There have been very few accusations of foul play in national
conventions in comparison with the state conventions. That
was why the country was so aroused by the difficulty at Chicago
in 191 2. As a participant it struck me that the real issue was
not the fortunes of this or that candidate, but a rivalry between
members of two sections of the party, each asserting that it had
gone through a proper process for ascertaining and expressing
the opinion of the voters from whom it came.
Another reason why conventions have been losing ground is
that they have been attacked by " conventionitis." You know
how you may have within your person a latent need for an
operation for appendicitis ; you go on for years, and one day
you wake in the morning very uncomfortable, and off you go
to a hospital and there is an operation. That is about what
has happened to the convention. Conventionitis has been
latent all the time ; but all of a sudden there was a terrible at-
tack and the whole country became aware of it. The patient
groaned fearfully; experts were called in and the operation has
been performed — but we do not know what the state of the
patient is now. There was a man in Indiana last winter who
was taken to the hospital with typhoid fever ; next day paraly-
sis set in ; the day after, he was operated on for appendicitis,
and they said he was doing well. Some political parties seem
to be going through such an experience.
The next great difficulty is the bosses. If there is any boss
present I beg to say there is nothing personal intended. Out
in Colorado they had as speaker in the legislature a rather im-
patient man. One day a member rose solemnly to declare
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No. 2] DIRECT PRIMARY VERSUS CONVENTION 167
that the record of the previous day was incorrect and moved
that it be corrected, and the speaker answered him sternly:
" Young man, don't you cast no aspirations on the help in this
house." I won't cast no aspirations on gentlemen who are
carrying on the politics of the country. Bossism, so far as it
means control of parties, is a perfectly reputable pursuit, and
there is no reason why a man should not make it a life-work
provided he plays the game above board and has a majority be-
hind him. The real difficulty comes with the proprietary bosses,
men who are working in the dark to create something which
shall be opposed to the real desire of the people whom they
represent. The boss convention is intolerable because of a
sinful secrecy of action ; the boss .knows what is going to hap-
pen ; the voter does not, and still less does the member of the
convention. The efficient boss develops a military system in
which a hundred to twelve hundred delegates elected in the
ordinary way by party constituencies or conventions are con-
fronted with the mystery of the convention. It seems incred-
ible that such a body of intelligent men should submit to do as
one man tells them to do ; when that happens it is not a con-
vention, it is a phonograph.
Another difficulty with the convention is the feudal side of
it. The truth is we are always illustrating what the eugenic
people call the reversion to an original type, always going back
to the middle ages in our politics. We have substantially a
series of feudal systems, in which you, the voter, put your
hands between the hands of the district captain ; the captain
pledges allegiance to the county chairman ; the county chair-
man accepts the suzerainty of the 'state boss. There is a lord-
ship and an over-lordship all the way up ; you perform military
service — that is, you vote — and your over-lord protects you.
There was in Europe a century ago, a breaking-up process called
immediatization, by which a man jumped over the lord and went
straight to the king, and the primary is a system by which the
candidate may come into direct communication with the men
who are to elect him.
The convention system has broken down ; it is sick and about
to go to the hospital because of the lack of a tribunal for settling
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1 68 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
in a fair manner the cases of contest. They have been settled
sometimes by the chairman, by the executive committee, or by
the standing political committee, but frequently without any
reference to the real merits of the case, the ground of decision
being, not how the members are chosen but whether they will
vote for A or for B ; that is, the conventions are not really
representative. They give rise to the question whether the
whole constituency shall nominate or a self-selected part of the
constituency.
Of course everyone is aware that there is such a thing as an
unbossed convention; New York gave us a sample in 191 2.
Yet people look with wonder at the idea that there should be an
unbossed convention. To arrive at that result you must get rid
of a large part of your customary political machinery. The
children at school were one day asked to make a sentence
in which should be used the rather unfamiliar word " disar-
range." One little Italian girl managed it. She said : " Li
padre dissa morning fin de range notta burn ; he say, ' Damma
dissa range.' " I put no words in the mouths of persons re-
sponsible for conventions when they find a disarrangement of
their system.
The convention system is visibly in a state of collapse, as was
revealed through the contests at Chicago. These contests in
part turned not on the question whether delegates had proper
credentials, but on the right of a state to regulate the election of
delegates to a national convention. In the course of that dis-
cussion it was discovered that a considerable number of dele-
gates sat there through the workings of state primary statutes.
I was one of those persons, and hotly resented it when Sereno
E. Payne declared on the floor that any state law that was con-
trary to a rule made by the Republican national committee was
no law. That raised the question of which was servant and
which master, convention or voter.
If conventions do not work well, what of the rival system of
primaries? Let me enumerate and admit the very serious dis-
advantages of the primary system. It means frequency of
elections and a chronic difficulty as to second choices. It un-
doubtedly facilitates the nomination of weak men, raises a
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No. 2] DIRECT PRIMARY VERSUS CONVENTION 169
difficulty about the platform, which usually has to be made in
some new fashion, and it has introduced a new element of
expense and difficulty and hard work that was never heard of
before. The legitimate expenses of a candidate under the
system of primaries are considerably greater than in the old
system. Governor Deneen spent $200,000 this year in the
primary election. To make a man known to all the voters
by a postal card costs $12,000 in Illinois. Such expenses are
legitimate, but out of proportion to the means of ordinary men;
and it is clear that if the system is to be worked in that way it
must break down.
At last we reach the advantages of primaries. Shall I say
they are so clear to an intelligent audience that they do not
need enumeration? First of all, the system enlarges the field
of public service by increasing the range of men who can have
some hope of getting into office ; it even allows some cranks
to get in. We need men who have the complete belief that
the particular reform on which they are engaged is necessary
to society; and such men we call cranks. It would do every
legislature good to have one or two cranks. Of course they
must not be so cranky as to differ seriously with us ! The
socialist, for instance, is simply a man who thinks on social
questions differently from the men in your club ; and the cranks
are simply those who are more cranky than their neighbors.
A further advantage of this system is that you get unbossed
men. You may recall the method by which the Yale sopho-
more achieved " Skull and Bones." He broke into their
house and found out all their secrets, whereupon they had to
elect him. Many men have got into the organization by show-
ing that the election could not be carried without them. But
under the system of primaries it is possible for men to aspire
to office and to reach it without being dependent on the good
will or adoption of a particular individual. Not only are many
more men candidates, but many others have hopes; and the
hopelessly hopeful can by the primary be brought to realize
that they cannot be nominated. To be sure, the primary
system involves numerous elections ; but when people feel
there is a great issue and a great man before them, they find
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I70 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
no difficulty in getting out to vote. That means that there
is a wider chance of accompHshing ends through the primary.
Futhermore, a primary on delegates to a convention involves
the discussion of a candidate's work and qualifications before
the convention meets, if the convention is retained.
I think there is nothing more hopeful than the kind of cam-
paign we have had lately, the persistent effort to persuade the
voter by literature, public meetings and an appeal to personal
loyalty. In my experience no campaign, certainly none since
i860, has made the people of the United States so intent on
these problems. It is an educative process.
The primary system simplifies the electoral machinery. It
strikes at the places where the difficulties are greatest. It
eliminates a great number of small conventions, and greatly
diminishes campaign contributions and expenditures of an un-
licensed kind. Election expenses have seemed to increase, but
it is publicity of accounts that makes it seem so. The investiga-
tion at Washington shows how much smaller are the outlays this
year than in any campaign for twenty years. The primary sys-
tem almost prevents carrying contests to a convention. If more
states had adopted the primary system, there would have been
no row at Chicago, for if the delegates had all brought certifi-
cates of election from their state officials, there could not have
been any difficulty in their taking their seats. The method
shuts out dark horses. It does not always exclude men of in-
firm character, but it is almost impossible to nominate an
unknown man. I have heard of a man in Nebraska with no
friends or following, who got himself at the same election on
the Republican, Democratic and Socialist tickets and got 2,000
votes. Still 2,000 is far from a majority in Nebraska.
Finally, the great merit of the system is that it weakens the
boss's power. The boss is a condition, not a theory; he exists
because the complexity of modern politics makes him almost
essential. The boss is also the man who has reconciled the
executive with the legislative power. Nevertheless the boss is
not omnipotent; if you can alter the circumstances by which he
gets illicit power against the public, you can to a great extent
destroy that power. The primary furnishes the best way of
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No. 2] DIRECT PRIMARY VERSUS CONVENTION 171
finding out whether the boss is a boss. Nobody outside of
New York, of course, knows who is the best candidate for the
governorship of the state ; but one thing is certain, neither of
the old-party candidates now in the field in this state would
have been nominated but for the desire to " pander to the
better elements of society."
The primary makes it possible for men to enter absolutely
against the boss. Governor Johnson in 191 1 defied the polit-
ical and railroad machine; but he could not have done it ex-
cept for primary laws. Is not the the main reason for opposing
the primary system the fact of its being unfavorable to bossism?
Otherwise why is it so difficult to find the bosses who want it?
Do you think that such shrewd men would have allowed a
device like the primary to pass by them if they could have
controlled it? Do you know a boss who works for this system
on the ground that it makes him safer in his power? We must
not suppose that the primary system will do everything.
There will be selfish men and thieves and demagogues still. A
maker of patent medicine years ago made a fortune by adver-
tising that his medicine would not cure " thunder humor," and
the apparent honesty of this exclusion attracted everyone's
attention. Sick people commented on it, and confident that
they had not got " thunder humor," felt safe in buying a bottle
to cure what they had got. So I will say that the primary will
not cure everything ; perhaps it will not cure boss-humor, but
it will infallibly cure some of our political evils and will build
up a more nearly democratic community.
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THE ADVANTAGES OF THE CONVENTION^
w
EDGAR T. BRACKETT
Senator from the Thirtieth Senatorial District, New York
HATEVER I say here to-night is said from the stand-
point of a countryman and a republican. I could not
divorce myself from those characteristics if I would,
and I would not if I could. I make this statement because I
want you to know the point of view from which I approach the
subject under discussion. I hope that this confession will not
be taken as, at most, more than presumptive evidence of
criminal instincts on my part.
At the same time I assure you that it is as nearly as possible
a matter of indifference to me personally whether the system of
direct primaries is to be put or kept in force or not. I do not
much care who formulates, or what are, the rules of the political
game, providing only they apply alike to all of us. Then, too,
I have come to that time when I may, and perhaps love to, liken
myself to the weather-beaten Palinurus who has furled the sail
and put aside the oar, and no longer feels any personal interest
in the rules governing navigation.
This matter of direct primaries, or the reverse, is only a
question of methods, a matter of difference as to how we shall
take one of the steps in reaching a proper conduct of the affairs
of the body politic. The direct primary never yet built a hos-
pital to care for the wards of the state ; never yet improved our
common-school system ; never helped solve the question of the
congestion of population in cities ; never assisted to prevent the
spread of contagious disease among the people ; never yet
itself, as an end, was of the slightest consequence. It is a tool
for the hand of the worker, and whether it fits his hand and
best does his work, must be evidenced, not by the tool itself,
but by the character of the finished work it does.
It is well, at the outset, to know with reasonable accuracy the
' Address at the dinner of the Academy of Political Science, October 26, 191 2.
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THE ADVANTAGES OF THE CONVENTION
173
terms of the question we are discussing, It would be unfortu-
nate that we should be rent in twain over the question, only to
discover afterward that the differences were the outcome of a
misunderstanding. Oliver Wendell Holmes, in one of that
Breakfast Table series that delighted the students of forty years
ago, tells of a religious quarrel resulting entirely from a differ-
ence of definition. Let us be sure that we are not falling into
any like dilemma. If this system of conventions, a system that
has given to the country and to the world the records from
Lincoln to Taft, of the state from Seward to Hughes — if this
system is to be put on trial for its life, with premonitory warn-
ings of summary conviction and execution, it is at least right
and decent to have the indictment against it clearly read and
its terms understood.
Exactly what do those advocating direct primaries mean
when they make their demand for a change from the conven-
tion system, that has served us so well for a half-century? Do
they want only some system by which electors, now deprived of
their political privileges, are to have them restored? If so,
some of us, who are now opposed, will be found on that side,
once we are convinced that any one is now thus deprived of
political privileges, and that this plan will restore them.
But I take it, although I do not think that all the pros are
united in it, that what is generally wanted when direct primaries
are favored, is an abolition of physical getting together in
caucus and convention, and an election within the party, sur-
rounded by all the safeguards of an election between parties,
where the elector may go, and without discussion, without
meeting any one except the officials who are in charge,, may
there cast his ballot for his choice. If anything more than an
election within the party is intended, if it is desired that mem-
bers of one party may go into the primaries of another and
there vote on the nominations of such other party, I refuse
to discuss any such scheme as preposterous — as almost in-
famous. No plan is honest that permits a Democrat to par-
ticipate in a Republican caucus, whose nominee he has no in-
tention of supporting, or the reverse. But, assuming that I
am right in diagnosing the demand as one for an intra-party
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174 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vr.L. Ill
selection of candidates, we have a right to know just how some
of you think this will better present conditions.
And, in asking this, those for whom I speak are not satisfied
with the statement that the proposed scheme will down the
bosses. This is not argument; it is mere assertion and pres-
ently runs to mere rant, and it is not satisfying. How will it
down the bosses? Some of us have been engaged for some
years in an obscure, small way, in seeking that very result, — I
might add seeking it when a little help from some of those now
vociferous in their denunciations of the bosses would have been
grateful to us, and potent in result, and when it was not given.
But that is detail.
It is said, however, that the change will down the bosses.
Broad across one of the letters I received on the subject was
the flaming slogan, " Direct nominations the cure for bosses."
Oh, if it only were ! I believe that I would order my ascension
robe. If we could but believe that the adoption of this doc-
trine would really do the business and down the bosses — and
keep any others from taking their places — if it were only true,
I, for one — not one, Saul-like, suddenly converted, but with the
conviction of years that the boss system is an unmitigated
curse, — and those for whom I speak, would run like a bride-
groom to his chamber to seize that boon, waiving in its favor
everything not deemed essential to our system of government.
But reflection and observation have convinced me that while
direct primaries may change the personnel, they will leave the
system of bossism more strongly intrenched in power than ever.
Where do you spell out the relief you claim, in any place
where it has been tried? Do you find Wisconsin emancipated
from bossism under the rule of La Follette? Is Kansas less
boss-ridden under Bristow and Murdock than it was under
Ingalls and Plumb? Is Iowa freer in its political action
between the knees of Cummins and his cohorts than it was
under Allison and Shaw?
The only other thing I have heard urged in favor of the
change is that it will result in a wider participation by the
people in the selection of candidates, will insure a more general
participation by the people in matters political.
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No. 2] THE ADVANTAGES OF THE CONVENTION 175
I confess I can see no such prospective result. The problem
for a decade has been to keep the people interested enough so
that they will register and vote, and the cry has been that they
have too much politics and will not attend. And so we have
abolished spring town meetings and have done everything
possible to render it easy for one to exercise the electoral
franchise. How then the addition of another election day to
the ones we already have will result in calling out a more gen-
eral attendance and participation, it is difficult for the ordinary
mind to comprehend. You do not satisfy the man who is com-
plaining of overwork by doubling his hours of labor, even if
you couple it with the suggestion that he will take more interest
in his work.
But some one says that some of the great states in the
Middle West and the Northwest have legislated for direct
primaries, and it is safe for the Empire State to follow. Let
me recall a little of not very ancient history to you. I do not
stand here unappreciative of the intelligence of the people of
those states, I make no criticism of their efforts nor of their
conception of that wherein they think they find their greatest
good. If nothing else, a recollection of the years during which
I lived among them and loved them, was one of them, would
close my mouth to any harshness of comment upon any action
of theirs, even if I believed that, like the men of Athens, they
are continually going about seeking some new thing. But,
when you ask us to accept this novelty into our system, be-
cause of their action, I recall, as well within my personal recol-
lection, that by the same sign we should have accepted their
delusion of fiat money with all its crazy attachments and con-
sequences, that a little later came the vagary of the free coinage
of silver at the ratio of sixteen to one. I recall, too, that in some
of the states having direct primaries, they have also the refer-
endum and recall, and that wherever they have any one of these
methods, they mean to have them all. If to-day you read into
your party faith this doctrine of direct primaries, and it is fol-
lowed by legislation, I warn you to prepare for both the refer-
endum and the recall, for they will follow as surely as night
follows day. Do not ask us to believe in this new faith, because
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176 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
it has been adopted by Iowa and Kansas, by Wisconsin and
Oregon. We must measure by our own yardstick and accept
or reject by what is shown by it.
Is the voter under the system of caucus and convention stifled
in his right to make known his wants? If there is any one
here from Rensselaer County let me inquire of him if he thinks
so. I choose to interrogate someone from that county because,
being a next-door neighbor, I know something of what a nice
little, tight little machine they have had there for a generation.
As we used to describe our fences out on the prairies, it was
deemed horse-high, bull-strong and hog-tight, and yet but a
little time since it was beaten to a peanut in the primaries by
no machine at all.
How was it with my other neighbor on the south, Schenectady,
two years ago? That machine, with its captains of tens and its
captains of hundreds, a machine strengthened and nourished by
the canal, advised and helped by my friend Barnes, that behe-
moth of organizers, in the same congressional district with it,
was pounded into a pulp over night by men whom the machine
deemed political nobodies and who, twenty-four hours before
the convention, had not a semblance of a machine, not a thought
of organization. Do you say that Schenectady needs direct
primaries, to be properly represented in convention when you
have that object-lesson before you? As I recall these inci-
dents, do you tell me that caucuses and conventions are not
responsive to public sentiment?
I want to stand for the proposition that never yet has the
wisdom of man devised a scheme for ascertaining the will of a
free people so good as that of caucus and convention. The
opportunity to come together, whether in the little caucus in
the barn back in the alley, or in the large convention, to look
each other level in the eyes, to tell, each to the other, the
reasons actuating one, and to press one's views upon his
fellow citizens, this is a privilege which, if awake to their true
interests, the people will never consent to surrender. It is a
method ingrained and bound up in the conduct of every other
business involving the concurrence of different individuals. No
board of directors of any corporation can legally act without a
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No. 2] THE ADVANTAGES OF THE CONVENTION 177
majority coming together. Separate concurrence by each
director individually sending in his vote in writing reaches no
legal action. And why? Because each member has the right
to try to impress his views upon his fellows, and unless and
until he has the opportunity to exercise that right, no result
may be reached. Suppose that a jury, after hearing the evi-
dence and the argum.ents of counsel, should separate, each man
going to his own room and sending in his vote to the clerk —
what sort of verdict would they reach in that way?
The overruling power has constructed us on certain lines.
One characteristic of humanity is that the attrition of mind with
mind will promote harmony and reach a satisfactory result. It
is so in matters political as in any other activity. And while
it is so, you never can get a better system than one that lets
this attrition have its full course and result.
Is there any great religious body in the world that does not
have its gathering? The Methodists come together every year
in district conferences, and every four years in a general con-
ference, country-wide in its sweep. The Baptists have their
yearly meetings, the Presbyterians each year their general
assembly. Rome has her consistories and her gatherings — and
all because the wisdom of the ages has demonstrated that this
is the truest method of ascertaining the wants of the members
constituting the organization, and of conducting its business.
There is scarcely a profession or a class of business that does
not meet for conference. Shall we try to place the conduct of
the business of a great party in a class by itself?
But, says Professor Hart, the convention is sick. I shall not
deny that imperfections exist in the system. And I would
medicine them powerfully, but the measure you propose is not
the true remedy to select from your political alexipharmics, to
meet the case.
The greatest evil in our conventions, state and national, has
been the adoption of rules cutting off debate. Where you
have free debate, you have begun the extinction of the boss.
A convention where full discussion is, or may be had, is almost
of necessity an unbossed convention. It may be that a candi-
date or a measure can be bossed through the convention, but
^ 2 ("5)
178 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
the light there let in by a free discussion, renders later success
so doubtful that such bossing will not be risked.
Given a convention of a hundred members, no boss on earth
can carry it against fifty-one of such members, if they have
serious wishes on the subject. If an elector has no serious
notions on the subject, nothing will protect him. And, after
all, I am not sure but that it all comes down to having serious
notions and being willing to fight for them. There is no
method of procedure that will make a lion into a sheep, or a
sheep into a lion. And I want to lay it down as a postulate,
that nobody is ever really bossed politically, who, way down in
his heart (whatever he may say about it) is not willing to be
bossed.
But it is said finally that the people want direct primaries and
those opposed may as well yield, since opposition is useless.
There are two ways of treating an agitation for some proposition
you believe wrong. One is to yield to it, no matter how wrong;
the other to argue it out and convince the people that it is
wrong, or yourself be convinced. You cannot shirk the re-
sponsibility by saying what someone else wants. The one test
for you is, is it right? And until this question is settled right,
it is not settled at all, and, in its settling, it is your duty not to
consider any chances of successs or failure.
Better, like Hector, on the field to die,
Than, like the perfumed Paris, turn and fly.
It isn't the fact that you're licked that counts, — but how did
you fight, and why?
I long ago reached the conclusion that whenever a majority
of the people want a change that is within the lines of the con-
stitution, they are entitled to have it. The minority must
either accept it, or get out. But that fact does not lessen your
duty or mine to oppose any innovation we think wrong, until it
has been adopted — to prevent the change if we can. The
trouble with the interpretation of the people's rights in these
strenuous times is that to the undoubted and indubitable right
of the majority to have what they want, there is attempted to
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No. 2] THE ADVANTAGES OF THE CONVENTION
179
be grafted the doctrine that they have the right to have it the
first fifteen minutes they think of it. No such right as that,
constitutional or other, belongs to any one. It is no denial of
constitutional government, it is no denial of the right of the
majority to rule, to insist upon a reasonable time for reflection
before changes are made. To the gospel of strenuousness
there must be added the doctrine of thoughtfulness, or we have
set sail on a dangerous sea.
Mr. Chairman, I believe in representative government; with
my whole being I believe in it. I believe in it for government.
I believe in it for party. I believe in it as giving the largest
measure of individual participation, with the surest result of
deliberation and reflection. And I want to say to you that the
fathers who, in their wisdom, established representative govern-
ment in this land, did not do it from any lack of knowledge of
the workings and of the exact value of a pure democracy.
When they came together for the purpose of framing a govern-
ment which would protect them and their descendants, as they
hoped and prayed, to the latest generation, they did not select
the representative forrti from all the forms then existing or
theretofore existing, because they were ignorant of any of the
virtues or merits of an unmixed democracy. They had studied
the democracy of Greece, and knew its history. They remem-
bered its treatment of Socrates; they did not forget the history
of Aristides. They selected representative government because
they believed, not that it gave the people the widest measure
of direct and immediate influence upon the government at
every moment of time, but because they believed that it as-
sured that balance in government, that thoughtfulness in its
conduct, without which it would not be worthy of the name, or
survive the first shock of the storm. They believed, in doing
this, they had so combined the right of every individual to
be represented in the government, that it gave to every one
a voice and an influence, but that at the same time it prevented
the government from the shock of yielding to every sudden
craze that should sweep over the people. And so they studied
Magna Charta ; they studied the Petition of Rights; they
studied the Bill of Rights; they studied the principles of the
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l8o EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT
common law; and in making their framework, they omitted
not one of them that made for enduring liberty. The result
was what we have, and what I believe and what the broadening
experience and study of the years makes me believe more and
more, was the wisest and best solution of governmental questions
that ever mortal brain gave out. And, having done it, having
established the form of government in which they meant care-
fully to preserve individual rights and, at the same time, to give
that stability to government which they believed and I believe
necessary, they " lived out their lease of life, and paid their
debt to time and mortal custom," in the confident conviction
that their work was wise and that they had succeeded where all
others had failed.
The burden rests upon us — upon you and me, not as a gen-
eral, far-off proposition, but here and now, not alone in the
question we are here discussing, but in all the successive prob-
lems in government that come to us, to see to it that we neither
do, nor without protest permit to be done anything that will
diminish our heritage.
We must not be reactionary, but we must see to it that, no
matter how rapid the progress, it shall be along lines that the
experience of the past pronounces good.
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STATEMENTS ON DIRECT PRIMARIES^
Job E. Hedges, Candidate of the Republican party for gov-
ernor of New York :
In the canvass of the state which preceded my nomination
for governor at Saratoga, I visited nearly every section of New
York, appealing directly to the voters without previously seek-
ing the sanction of anyone. My belief was, and still is, that
the voters are entitled to such a procedure. To have done
otherwise and to have relied upon influence which entails
rewards, was to have abandoned the right of free speech and
free conduct. Belief in the people and in the direct primary,
so-called, is shown in practise and not in rhetorical expression.
The announcement of my candidacy stated :
If elected governor I shall consider it a binding obligation to stimulate
popular interest in public questions, and to endeavor to provide there-
for, by law, means of expression, simple and direct. Whenever new
conditions shall arise requiring statutory provision, enactments of the
legislature passed in expression of the popular will and making govern-
ment by the people real and not a fiction will meet executive approval.
That was my pledge then and is my pledge now.
The successful candidate for governor must command public
confidence regardless of party affiliations. People must believe
in his character, constructive ability and unqualified independ-
ence. The four most distinctive issues in the state campaign
are : Personal obligation and individual responsibility in all
social and political matters ; honest, economical and efficient
administration ; the attempted solution of the high cost of liv-
ing and a more practicable working out of the ends of social
justice.
Within the category of the first clause falls the direct primary.
With regard to this issue as with respect to the whole subject
of primary and general elections, I tried to sum up the whole
' Read at the dinner of the Academy of Political Science, October 25, 1912.
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1 2 •
1 82 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
subject in a speech at Madison Lake in July before an assemb-
lage of farmers, and specifically with relation to the Ferris-
Blauvelt primary law and the Levy election law.
If I am elected Governor I will urge an immediate repeal of
the Ferris-Blauvelt primary law. It is involved, cumbersome,
burdensome to tax payers, full of chicanery and obviously in-
tended to sicken people of the direct primary idea. As a sub-
stitute I should recommend the enactment of a law which would
permit the voter to express at the primary his preference as to
nominations and party control by the simplest and most direct
means, leaving, until the experiment can be worked out to a
practicable conclusion, the convention plan as to governor and
state offices. I should veto any act which made of either
primary or general election ballot a puzzle. The ballot should
be so simple that every voter could comprehend it. I should
not favor any act which placed insuperable obstacles in the way
of independent voting. As a Republican partisan I am abso-
lutely and unqualifiedly in favor of a primary and an election
law in consonance with the unmistakable meaning of the con-
stitution. Such an act would not only be a recognition of the
inalienable right of citizenship, but also, from my point of view,
the very best policy in politics. I should endeavor, however,
to make the people understand that no primary law is or can
be of itself a panacea. At best it can be only a means to an
end and an instrumentality of correction. No primary act can
be effective to a greater degree than the willingness of the
people to advantage themselves of the opportunity to express
their preference. Further than this, a primary act is useful
only as an instrumentality through which the people can readily
punish their political leaders when those leaders disregard their
obligation to their party and the public.
I should veto any act which, like the Wisconsin law, seems,
as shown in the Stephenson senatorial investigation, to handicap
ability and conviction and to put the ambitious rich man and
the ambitious poor man on an unequal basis. The limitation
of the amount of campaign expenditures, however, is not so
important as the precise definition, in a corrupt practises act,
of the purposes for which money can and cannot be expended ;
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No. 2] STATEMENTS ON DIRECT PRIMARIES 183
and in conjunction with that, a periodic pubHshed statement of
contributions and expenses.
As governor I should feel it my duty to veto any act which
would facilitate vote-trading between the parties, as under some
western laws, under which men may connive at weak and unfit
nominations in order to bring about the election of others in
the service of some special interest, or may conspire in defeat-
ing the nomination of a strong man and in favor of a weak man
who could be more easily beaten at the polls. These I regard
as the great defects in most of the primary acts either proposed
or now upon the statute books.
As governor, I should urge the immediate repeal of the Levy
election law. It is inequitable, burdensome to taxpayers and
obviously intended to defeat that free and independent expres-
sion of the popular will which is the clear and unmistakable
intent of both state and national constitutions. In place of the
Levy law I should urge the enactment of a statute which
would, in the first place, prevent illegal voting so far as it is
possible so to do, and in the second place, give facility under
proper limitations to independent voting. I should conceive it
my duty as governor to stimulate public interest in the primary
and general elections, and to safeguard both through effective
statutes. The most important end to attain, to my mind, is the
formulation and enactment of a corrupt practises act which
shall make no discrimination between primary and general
elections, but which, on the contrary, shall amply safeguard
both, through the following means, (which I advocated in an
address in June) and which were evolved out of my experience
as deputy attorney general in prosecution of election frauds in
New York city :
There should and could be, as a matter of law, provision made whereby
the burden of proof of illegal voting either at primary or election day
should be shifted so that in prosecuting offenders prosecuting officers
or complaining citizens might not be compelled to bear the entire
burden of proof and establish beyond all question of doubt that a man
is not entitled to vote. Of course, in criminal procedure the burden
of proof is on the prosecutor, and the man charged with crime is
entitled to the benefit of the doubt and the presumption of innocence.
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1 84 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol.111
This rule cannot be abrogated in the prosecution of political criminals
more than of others. But in getting back to first principles, you can
lay the burden of demonstrating a right to vote upon the enrolled or
registered voter so that he must establish by his own affidavit and
proof if necessary, so affirmatively and clearly his legal right to vote
that when the prosecution comes it is made easier for those who are
seeking to use the law to protect the suffrage to secure conviction.
No man can consistently object to meeting such requirements
and proving his right to vote at the primary or general election,
when not to do so gives opportunity to the evil-minded either
to vote when having no right so to do, or to vote more than
once. To do either of the latter is to rob some one of his right
of franchise. To rob another of the right of franchise destroys
the most sacred right of citizenship, prevents majority rule and
is the most dastardly crime against republican institutions. Let
me say here that the constitutional institution of the short
ballot is to my mind the fundamental prerequisite to the insti-
tution of a just and comprehensive direct primary statute.
With relation to the operation of a direct primaries act let
me say that the handicap must in any primary or general elec-
tion rest upon the unorganized sentiment. Order and organi-
zation are the first laws of the universe. Organization is the
first law of society. The army is effective only to the degree
in which its individuals act as a unit, and only up to the point
where individuality and individual initiative are absorbed in the
personality and initiative of a single individual or a number of
individuals. So it is must be with partisan political organizations.
To my mind a machine is generically an organization that
has become enervated through inbreeding, resulting in crass
selfishness and despotism. As a drilling organization a
machine, up to a certain fixed point, is a delight to the mind ;
as a potential fighting organization a machine becomes impotent
the moment its members lose their individuality and spirit of
initiative.
You cannot legislate into the heart of any citizen a sense of
civic duty. We have not as yet brought ourselves to the point
where we believe it necessary to compel the citizen to partici-
pate in those activities which pertain directly to him and to his
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No. 2] STATEMENTS ON DIRECT PRIMARIES 185
own personal welfare and that of his neighbors. It is not pos-
sible with any kind of direct primary, I do not care what its
terms and provisions may be, to compel the people to recognize
and understand the fact that the primary is the very source and
wellspring of good or bad citizenship and that, therefore, they
are worthy of citizenship only to the extent to which they indi-
vidually actively participate in the choosing of their candidates
and nominees. No primary act has yet been devised, and
maybe one cannot be in our day, that will bring to the polls on
primary day the same number of men who vote on the day of
general election, for the reason that all the voters have not yet
accepted understandingly the fact that the primary is fully as
important as the general election, if not even more important.
What a practicable, fair and proper direct primary law can
do when such a law is formulated and placed on the statute
books is to afford to the people at a time of emergency an
instrumentality through which they can directly and easily
apply a remedy for mismanagement and malfeasance. There-
fore it is not to be wondered at and should not have been
regarded as indicative of inherent weakness that the president-
ial primaries were participated in by a much smaller number of
persons than ordinarily vote at a presidential election. It will
be only when the voting public regards its civic duty in proper
perspective that the primaries will reach, so far as the number
of votes cast is concerned, the importance of a general election.
I believe in the simplest and most direct means of public ex-
pression. I do not believe that a primary or election law
should make of a ballot a preposterous puzzle. It should be
so simple that the most ingenuous and simple mind could use
it understandingly. I do not believe intended obstacles should
stand in the way of independent voting. On the conti.ury, a
law which practically inhibits fusing or independent voting is a
two-edged sword. Always it happens that a fusing or inde-
pendent movement helps one party or another, one individual
or another, one faction or another. As a Republican partisan
I am, as I have said, absolutely and unqualifiedly in favor of a
primary law and an election law which will permit ease in
independent voting.
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1 86 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
This is, I repeat, not only a recognition of the inalienable
rights of citizenship, but also, to my mind, the very best policy
and politics. There is no doubt that independent movements
are more often directed against individuals than against parties,
and that they are properly inimical to any rule-or-ruin policy
of leadership. This is absolutely as it should be, for no leader-
ship is worthy of respect that will not consider the rights of
others and the rules of fair play. To my mind leadership
springs from the heart and has its roots in human understand-
ing and responds to public needs with human sympathy. A
man who regards leadership as a proposition in absolutism, as
a game and not as a duty, as a selfish interest and not as a
human obligation, is unworthy of a place at the head of any
party or of any organization, and the law should make it easy
for the party voters to oppose and depose unworthy men who
ill-use the powers, prerogatives and privileges of leadership.
Oscar S. Straus, candidate of the National Progressive
party for governor of New York :
The question of primary reform is no new one to me. In
New York in 1898 the first National Primary League was
formed and held its meetings in the rooms of the board of trade
and transportation. I had the honor of presiding over this
convention during the three days of its sessions. At that tim.e
I advocated such reforms in nominating methods as would
place the control of the nominating process more completely
in the hands of the voters of each party.
For the last three years of his term. Governor Hughes
devoted more time and energy to primary reform than to any
other problem. Against the bitter opposition of both the
Rep-^K^iican and the Democratic organization he advocated a
thorough-going, state-wide system of direct primaries. Up to
the present time, however, his efforts have been to all intents
and purposes without tangible results. All the political parties
are now at least nominally committed to the principle of the
direct primary — and gcticral arguments in favor of this system
as against the convention system are therefore superfluous —
but we are still without any real or honest embodiment of this
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No. 2 ] ST A TEMENTS ON DIRECT PRIMARIES \ % 7
principle in the form of law. The so-called direct primary law
of 191 1, enacted by a Democratic legislature with the help of
the Republican machine, is an absolute negation of all that
Governor Hughes fought for, a denial of the very foundation
principle of the direct primary. Instead of giving to the rank
and file of the party voters an effective control over the nomi-
nating process, it merely rivets more firmly than ever the grip
of the machine, and gives to what was formerly an unrecognized
and unofficial machine dictation the sanction of legal recogni-
tion. It does this: first, by conferring upon party committees
— chosen, not as under the Hughes plan, but by a process which
makes them virtually self-perpetuating — the power to designate
or propose candidates for nomination to public ofifice; second,
by making it exceedingly difficult for anyone else in the party
to propose alternative candidates; third, by providing for an
official primary ballot — the like of which has never been seen
before under the primary law of any other state — of such a
form that none but the candidates proposed by party com-
mittees stand any real chance of being nominated; and, fourth,
by omitting from the application of the law the very offices in
which the voters are most interested, and thus discouraging
them from attending the primaries.
As if not content with their handiwork, and desirous of an
even more cast-iron control over nominations, the Republican
and Democratic machines combined at the session of 191 2 to
pass an amendment to this law permitting the party organiza-
tions to make the assembly district, instead of the election
district, the unit of representation in the choice of party commit-
tees. This permission was promptly taken advantage of by both
organizations, with the result that the party voter in New York
city at the primaries last March instead of being called upon to
elect from one to eight members of the county committee of
his party was asked to choose from seventy- five to four hun-
dred members. The result as to other committees and in
other parts of the state was almost equally absurd. The pri-
mary ballots were from six to fourteen feet in length ; it was
practically impossible for any independent element in either
party to run a rival ticket for party offices against that proposed
(23s)
I 8 8 EFFICIENT GO VERNMENT [Vol. 1 1 1
by the "organization;" and the whole operation of this sham
direct primary system was rendered ridiculous.
So much for the type of primary law favored by the two old
parties. Both of them promise amendments at the coming
session, but the kind of amendment which we may expect from
either of them is well indicated by the amendment which they
passed last year.
Without going into details, it is most important to apply the
direct primary law to all public offices and party positions,
including United States senators and delegates to national party
conventions, and excluding only such 'minor local offices as
were excluded under the Hinman-Green bill. To such an
extension both the old parties are definitely opposed — but if
the direct primary system is sound and desirable as applied to
all other offices, why should it not be applied to the most im-
portant offices of all, the very offices in which the voters are
most interested and in regard to which they have the clearest
and strongest preferences? The opponents of such an exten-
sion will reply that it is sufficient that the party voters should
have power to " instruct " the delegates to the state convention
as to their preference for state officers. Even assuming, how-
ever, that such instructions, when clear and unanimous, will be
carried out by the convention — an assumption by no means
certain to be justified, — it is wholly unfair to the voters to ex-
pect them, with no more information or assistance than is
supplied them under the convention system, even to have any
clear preference as to party candidates, to say nothing of taking
the trouble to go to the polls and express it when they have no
assurance that such an expression of their opinion will produce
any result. Up to the time the primaries are held there has
been, under the present system, no adequate public discussion
of the merits of the various candidates for nomination. The
candidates have not come forward and conducted a campaign
to acquaint the voters with their personalities or their views.
Their names do not appear on the official primary ballot which
is handed to the voter at the polling-place. All that he has be-
fore him is a list of names of eminently respectable and other-
wise colorless gentlemen who are seeking election as delegates
(236)
No. 2 J STATEMENTS ON DIRECT PRIMARIES 189
to the state convention, and who have been carefully picked
out beforehand by the leaders of the " organization" as persons
who can be relied upon to do what they are told. There is
nothing to indicate whom these gentlemen favor as party candi-
dates for the various state offices — indeed, they often have very
little idea themselves. The ballot seldom contains the names
of any opposing list of candidates for the positions of delegates
— chiefly for the reason that there is at this time no issue on
which any fight against the organization candidates can be made
except that of their personalities or the general issue of opposi-
tion to the " organization," which as yet has not shown its hand.
The voters, in short, are merely asked to give a blind power of
attorney to the " organization," which, later on, will announce
through its mouthpiece, the convention, whom it has selected.
Under this system the task of the voters, at best, is to suggest.
It remains for the " organization " to decide. I beHeve, on the
contrary, in a system under which the " organization " will sug-
gest and the party voters finally decide. Let the " organiza-
tion " be given the right, together with any other groups within
the party, to propose candidates for nomination. Let these
candidates go before the party voters and present their claims
to the nomination, so that the party voters, when they go to the
primaries, may decide between them as intelligently and with
as complete information as to their merits as possible. But let
the party voters themselves have the last word.
I believe all the more strongly in applying the direct primary
principle to state offices because the statistics from other states
show that where this is done the popular vote at the primaries
is larger than in those states where only local officers are directly
nominated. Since the chief purpose of the direct primary is to
secure as full and representative an expression of opinion as
possible within each party, every factor which serves to mcrease
the popular vote at the primaries should be taken advantage of
to the fullest extent.
Another reason why I favor the extension of our direct prim-
ary law to state offices is that, in other states, wherever the
direct primary system has been adopted for certain local elec-
tions, its application has almost always been subsequently ex-
(237)
ipo
EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT [Vol. Ill
tended, and in twenty-eight states direct nominations are now
mandatory for practically all elective offices. In six other
southern states the system is optional, but under the rules of the
Democratic party, practically all elective officers are nominated
at legally regulated direct primaries. In only four states out-
side of New York is the application of the system still limited
to local offices. Surely the experience of the rest of the coun-
try has something to teach us on this point.
But our direct primary law should not merely be extended to
apply to the state offices in its present form. It should also be
amended so as to provide for an official primary ballot of the
office-group type, such as is now in use in every other state
which has adopted the direct primary system. Our present
form of primary ballot, with its separate column for each fac-
tion, its permission to the organization within the party to use
the emblem of the party as a whole to designate its own candi-
dates for nomination, its provision that the name of a candidate
for nomination may appear in only one column, and its special
provision for straight ticket voting, is cunningly devised to give
the organization an impregnable position and absolutely prevent
all independent action within the party. We should adopt a
form of ballot on which all candidates for nomination are
placed upon an absolute equality.
Another most urgently needed amendment to our present
law is one providing for a reduction in the number of signatures
required to place a candidate's name on the official primary
ballot by petition. At present such petitions must be signed
by at least five per cent of the enrolled part>' voters in the dis-
trict and four per cent of the total party vote for governor in
the district at the last preceding gubernatorial election. This
requirement often renders the proposal of candidates for nom-
ination by any group within the party other than the organiza-
tion practically impossible. It should be altered for the same
reasons which demand a change in the form of the primary
ballot.
In order, furthermore, to prevent any repetition of the ab-
surdly long ballots used at the primaries last spring, and to put
into force within the party the same short ballot principle
(238)
No. 2] STATEMENTS ON DIRECT PRIMARIES
191
which we are advocating for public offices, the use of the elec-
tion district, instead of the assembly district, as the unit of
representation in the choice of party committees should be made
mandatory. The same principle demands that only the most
important party committees be made elective by the party
voters. These amendments would remedy the worst defects in
the existing law.
In conclusion I wish to call attention to the fact that the di-
rect primary is not the only method which, in full accordance
with the Progressive platform, I am earnestly advocating for the
purpose of giving to the people a more complete control over
their government. The adoption of the short ballot system for
public offices is particularly important as a corollary to the di-
rect primary, since without it the task of the voter in making
nominations will be left unnecessarily complicated, and his con-
trol over the nominating process correspondingly impaired.-
This does not mean that we should postpone the enactment of
a thorough-going direct primary law until after we have amended
the constitution to provide for the short ballot, but it does
mean that we should supplement our direct primary law by a
shortening of the ballot as soon as possible.
Wm. Sulzer, candidate of the Democratic party for gover-
nor of New York: I am in favor of simplifying the ballot,
extending the corrupt practises act, and instituting direct prim-
aries. I have been advocating these reforms ever since I was
in the legislature twenty years ago. In cooperation with the
late Senator Saxton, I passed the first ballot reform law and
the first corrupt practises act when we were in the legislature,
and from that day to this I have been doing everything in
my power to promote these salutary reforms. In the future,
as in the past, the people of New York can rely on me to take
no step backward.
(239)
PROCEEDINGS OF THE AUTUMN MEETING OF THE
ACADEMY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE HELD IN
NEW YORK, OCTOBER 25 AND 26, 1912
THE autumn meeting of the Academy of Political Science
held in New York on October 25 and 26, 191 2, dealt
with Efficient Government. Three sessions were held
at Earl Hall, Columbia University. The program was as follows :
FIRST SESSION
Friday afternoon, October 25
Topic
The Selection and Removal of Judges
Introductory address
Harlan F. Stone
The Elective and Appointive Methods of Selection of Judges
Learned Hand
The Recall of Judges
Gilbert E. Roe
y. Hampden Dougherty
Discussion by Richard S. Childs, Everett P. Wheeler,
Charles H. Hartshorne and Edward D. Page
THIRD SESSION
Saturday morning, October 26
Topic
The Adaptation of Written Constitutions to Chang-
ing Social Conditions
Introductory address
Munroe Smith
Judicial Interpretation of Constitutional Provisions
Fra?ik J. Goodnow
(240)
PROCEEDINGS OF THE AUTUMN MEE'J ING 193
The Amendment of the Federal Constitution
J . David Thompson
The Reorganization of State Government
Henry Jones Ford
The Recall of Judicial Decisions
William Draper Lewis
Clarence D. Ashley
Discussion by Henry R. Seager
FOURTH SESSION
Saturday afternoon, October 26
Topic
Legislation and Administration
Initiative and Referendum
Paul S. Reinsch
The Federal Budget
Frederick A. Cleveland
Efficient Organization of the Personnel in Administration
W. F. Willoughby
Legislative Drafting
Thomas /. Parki?iso?i
Harlan F. Stone, Dean of the Law School of Columbia Uni-
versity, presided at the first session, and Munroe Smith, Pro-
fessor of Roman law and comparative jurisprudence in Columbia
University, presided at the third and fourth sessions.
CONFERENCE DINNER
The second session was the regular conference dinner held
at the Hotel Astor on Friday evening, October 25, President
Samuel McCune Lindsay presiding.
The general topic for discussion was " The Direct Primary
versus the Convention Method of Choosing Candidates for
Public Office."
Addresses were made by Albert Bushnell Hart, Professor of
(341)
1 3
194 EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT
Government in Harvard University and by the Hon. Edgar T.
Brackett, of the New York state senate.
Statements on direct primaries by the three leading candi-
dates for governor of New York, Messrs. Hedges, Straus and
Sulzer, were read. Mr. Hedges was represented by Mr. John
A. Stewart, State Chairman of the RepubHcan Party; Mr.
Straus by Mr. William H. Hotchkiss, State Chairman of the
National Progressive Party; and Mr. Sulzer by Col. Alexander
S. Bacon.
The papers read at the sessions, the discussions, and the
addresses and statements at the dinner are printed elsewhere
in this volume.
(242)
PROCEEDINGS OF THE MEETING OF THE BOARD OF
TRUSTEES IN CONFERRING HONORARY MEM-
BERSHIP UPON THE RIGHT HONORABLE
JAMES BRYCE
AT a meeting held on January 8, 191 3, the Board of Trus-
tees of the Academy of Political Science, acting in
accordance with the powers conferred by article IV of
the constitution, created a class of honorary members and
elected the Honorable James Bryce, British Ambassador to the
United States, as the first honorary* member.
A special meeting of the Board of Trustees of the Academy
was held in the trustees' room of Columbia University on Fri-
day, February 24, at four o'clock. To this meeting the life
members of the Academy and a few special guests were invited.
Upon the arrival of Mr. and Mrs. Bryce, Professor Samuel
McCune Lindsay, President of the Academy, called the meeting
to order and explained its purpose. In behalf of the trustees,
President Nicholas Murray Butler, a member of the advisory
council of the Academy, presented to Mr. Bryce a certificate
of membership, handsomely engrossed and bound in leather
covers. President Butler referred to Mr. Bryce's distinguished
public services and his notable contributions to political science,
expressing the hope that he might employ the leisure following
his retirement in formulating an interpretation of the whole
modern democratic movement.
Mr. Bryce responded in a happy speech, expressing his
interest in the Academy, his pleasure in becoming its first
honorary member and his belief in the importance of the work
of such institutions in America. In closing he referred to the
possible services of the United States in forwarding the cause
of arbitration and world peace.
Following this meeting the Academy tendered a reception to
Mr. and Mrs. Bryce in Earl Hall. All the members and many
guests were invited and several hundred persons attended,
(243)
1 3 •
THE BRYCE MEETING [Vol. Ill
Introductory Remarks of Professor Samuel McCune
Lindsay, President of the Academy of Political
Science
This special meeting of the Board of Trustees of the Academy
of Political Science has been called at a time when Mr. Bryce
could be with us, for the purpose of giving added emphasis to
the action already taken by the Board at its meeting on January
8, when Mr. Bryce was elected the first honorary member of
the Academy.
Over thirty-two years ago this Academy was organized by a
small group of men inspired by the greatest scholar and teacher
in the field of political science that America has produced, our
own Dean Burgess, who was then just beginning the great work
he has now laid down here at Columbia, and in the fruits of
whose labor most of us here to-day have peculiar reason to
rejoice. For many years the Academy restricted its efforts to
building up high standards of scientific work and to encouraging
productive scholarship in political science.
An organization with such an aim was much needed at that
time and the influence of the Academy was potent in the some-
what narrow circle of the teaching profession and of the few
specialists, chiefly lawyers, who gave some scientific considera-
tion to the problems of government.
With the passing of the years have come new problems in
our public life. The relations of citizens to government have
changed and educational institutions must undertake a new work
in preparing citizens for ideal participation in democratic gov-
ernment. The Academy has proved sufficiently elastic in its
organization to respond to these new needs, and within the last
five years it has undergone almost a complete change in its
activities. It aspires to be a real educational force in our
American democracy, bringing the studies of the specialist and
the highly educated professional man to the average man and
the average woman who must needs participate in government
and upon whose intelligence and efficiency the possibilities of
(244)
No. 3] REMARKS OF SAMUEL MCCUNE LINDSAY 3
government depend. It aims to popularize the growing litera-
ture of political science, without loss of scientific value, to
stimulate active discussion of the facts, conditions and problems
of government as it affects the ordinary man.
In this work the Academy has enlisted the cooperation of
over two thousand of our fellow-citizens. Its membership is
open to men and women alike who are willing to share in its
work. The Political Science Quarterly holds a foremost place
in the scientific world, and as the organ of the Academy, so
ably edited by the faculty of political science of this university,
brings us into close affiliation with the scientific life of the uni-
versity. The Academy does not propose as it grows in num-
bers and resources to weaken the influence of such publications
as the Political Science Quarterly, but if possible to extend and
strengthen such influence through the addition of other publi-
cations like our Proceedings, and, possibly, a still more popular
periodical yet to be issued, adapted to the needs of a wider
circle of intelligent men and women anxious to know more
about government and to do their part to aid in the establish-
ment of rational and sound public opinion.
In this work and in the creation of the ideals which it pre-
supposes, we are already indebted to Mr. Bryce as to no other
writer in the English-speaking world. No one has done more
than he to give us a clear vision of the possibilities of democ-
racy ; no one has voiced more clearly the challenge of democracy
to the forces of education. We shall miss him all the more
when he leaves our shores, because he has been so vitally iden-
tified with the deeper currents of American life and American
thought. In his home land or wherever he may be, however,
we shall not lose him so long as he has voice or pen to con-
tribute to the thought of his time and to the wisdom of all ages.
We shall now count upon him, as our first honorary member,
for counsel and guidance, and we shall ever look to him as an
example of the ideal citizen who serves.
I now have the honor, by authority of this Board, to ask
President Butler, a member of the advisory council of the
Academy, to present to Mr. Bryce a certificate of honorary
membership.
.'245)
THE BRYCE MEETING [Vol. Ill
Remarks of Nicholas Murray Butler, President of
Columbia University, in presenting certificate of
honorary membership in the Academy of Political
Science to Ambassador Bryce
Mr. Chairman, Mr. Bryce:
My colleagues have given me the grateful privilege of trans-
mitting to you, sir, this formal certificate to mark the honorary
relation in which they are glad to know that you are hereafter
to stand to this Academy.
In handing you this document, I find it difficult to withhold
one or two personal words. My mind goes back, sir, nearly
thirty years to the beginnings of a strong friendship and of that
sort of admiration which a younger man is sometimes fortu-
nately permitted to have for his elder, when in your library,
first in Bryanston Square and afterwards in Portland Place, we
used to spend delightful mornings in discussing public affairs,
the movement of public opinion, and the literature of political
science and of philosophy. It was then and there that, through
your courtesy and kindly hospitality, I had the opportunity and
the high privilege of meeting and of coming to know so many
of the men who were at that time leading the opinion of the
British people and formulating the issues of British politics.
At that time, sir, as you will easily recall, the first bills for
the government of Ireland were being drafted and presented
for formal consideration. It has taken all the intervening years
for the political movements and the political tendencies in which
we were then so keenly interested to move forward to the ac-
complishment of the result which, by the recent vote of the
House of Commons, seems now to be substantially assured.
To this personal word, let me add something more. You
have stood in a peculiar relation to those of us who are students
of public affairs, and especially to those of us who have had
some part in the shaping of international opinion and in the
conduct of international relations. One of our colleagues at
this university, who has the happy and inveterate habit of mix-
(246)
No. 3] REMARKS OF NICHOLAS MURRA Y BUTLER 5
ing wit with his wisdom, has said that it was given to you to
invent the Holy Roman Empire and to discover the American
Commonweahh. We are glad that you have given us the two
well-known books on these subjects. But you have done much
more than that. Somewhere in your writings — I think it was
in your biographical essay on your friend, Lord Acton — you
have made a statement which has seemed to me to be very true
of yourself, namely, that in estimating the great things of his-
tory Lord Acton had not overlooked the significance of the
smaller things and so had not lost his sense of proportion in
dealing with matters of history and politics.
Let me say, too, with what pleasure some of us have been
reading your newest and very illuminating book on South
America. One characteristic of that book, in particular, has
impressed me, and that is that out of the wealth of your per-
sonal knowledge and out of your wide travel in each of the
continents of the world you have gained material for compara-
tive and instructive judgments as to mountain ranges, plains,
products of the soil, lines and routes of travel — judgments that
have made your account of what you have seen in these South
American republics by far the most helpful that has yet
been written by anyone. In that book not only have you given
us a record of what you saw there, but you have given us that
record in terms of what you had already so widely seen else-
where.
Greatly to the regret not only of our government but of our
whole people, you are now about to retire from the great post
that has been been distinguished by your occupancy. We can
let you go, sir, only on the condition that you will devote the
years that are to come to illuminating for us some of the dark
places that still remain in the public life and thought of the
world. We greatly hope that out of your visits to South Africa,
to Australia, to Canada, to Latin America, and out of your wide
and minute knowledge of the United States, there may yet
come a critical study and interpretation of the whole modern
democratic movement. We need this study and interpretation
of democracy, not only from the point of view of political
(247)
6 THE BRYCE MEETING [Vol. Ill
institutions, but from that of its personal, its social, and its
economic results, together with its effect upon individual human
beings and upon the life and progress of humanity as a whole.
You go from us to assume a new honor. You are to be one
of the panel of judges representing Great Britain from which is
constituted on occasion the great supreme international court
of arbitral justice at The Hague, a court which you have labored
to establish and in the principles underlying which you pro-
foundly believe. It is grateful to think that the court is to be
the forerunner of a number of influential international institu-
tions that shall help bind the nations of the earth together in
unity and concord, and to free both men and nations from the
crushing burdens of armaments and from the fears and terrors
out of which they grow.
And so, sir, in handing you this certificate of membership, I
do so on behalf of this company of friends, friends who have
become such through knowledge of your personality, through
the sympathetic and attentive following of your public career.
When you go back to Great Britain to take up the duties that
await you there, you carry with you the full weight of the
affection and regard of the American people, and of none more
than those who are assembled in this room, who have formed
the habit of looking up to you as a guide and philosopher, and
as a true and well-tried friend.
Reply of Ambassador Bryce
Mr. President, Professor Lindsay and Gentlemen:
I can hardly find words to express my sense of the honor
you have done me and of the gratification given me, both by
the honorary membership in your Academy which has been
conferred upon me, and also by the terms in which that has
been conveyed to me by my old and valued friend, the president
of your university, and by Professor Lindsay.
It would be superfluous for me to attempt to say — because I
know that you must feel yourselves — how large a part friend-
ship has had in dictating the words which President Butler has
(248)
No. 3] REPLY OF JAMES BRYCE 7
let fall ; it would be superfluous for me to say that the words he
has used express an estimate of my aspirations rather than of
my achievements. Nevertheless I am cheered by his words
and by your kindness to believe that some good may have been
done and I am encouraged to use whatever of life and strength
may remain to me in the persevering endeavor to elucidate
some of these complex phenomena of government whose com-
prehension will enable us in some measure to understand other
countries in their reality, and to appreciate the character of
their people.
I do not think that any greater service can be conferred upon
the world by learned men who are trying to find solutions for
all the problems that press upon us than by the creation of
bodies such as this Academy, bodies which devote themselves
to a scientific investigation of government, economics, adminis-
tration, and what is called social science in general. You here
are confronted by a number of problems probably more difficult
and intricate than any other country has ever had to face. In
some ways they are more complex than in Europe ; yet in
many respects they are not so dangerous, and often they are
easier to face than the problems of European countries. No
greater service can be rendered toward the solution of these
problems than by the cultivation of patient and impartial
thought. Thought governs the world ; seeming to be ruled by
votes, the world is actually ruled by thought. All the great
movements of the world have begun from the thought of a
comparatively small number of geniuses marking out the lines ;
they were followed by others who devoted their lives to de-
veloping the ideas and examining the facts to which the
principles ought to be applied.
The need was never greater than now. Just because we are
apt to be carried away by popular passion, it is the more neces-
sary that all these things should be investigated by such a body
as your Academy in the spirit that I have sought to indicate.
It is not merely the political problems, urgent though they be,
to which I refer. I speak also of economic problems, which
are becoming increasingly important with the immense increase
(249)
8 THE BRYCE MEETING [Vol. Ill
of wealth, the development of communication and transporta-
tion, and the growth of those closer relations which now exist
between all parts of the world. I have likewise in mind what
we call social questions. There is a surprising growth of active
philanthropy. There is a stronger feeling than ever before of
the responsibility of the rich for the poor and of the necessity
of applying our ethical and religious principles to bettering the
lot of those who most need it. The difficulty is to know how
to do it. The difficulty is to know how you can help others
without superseding the help which they ought to give them-
selves. In all that immense field there is need for the closest
study of social schemes and theories and of the methods of
social reform that ought to be adopted. I believe that your
Academy will be just as useful in grappling with these social
problems as it will in dealing with political questions.
I should like, in saying that, to express the recognition of
our English students of the value of your journal, the Political
Science Quarterly, which is so ably edited by the university
faculty of political science. We have nothing like it in our own
country, and I am not sure that a similar publication would
secure the number of readers necessary for its support. I have
read it assiduously since its foundation and I have never opened
it without being enlightened, and I sincerely hope that under
the auspices of the Academy it will continue to flourish and
render service to you and to us as it has done heretofore.
I will only add further, Mr. President, that I am deeply
touched not only by your references to our old friendship but
by what you say with regard to whatever work I may still hope
to do. I have planned to write something, not of so large a
scope, and 1 am afraid not venturing to attempt such heights, as
you have indicated, but still something of the kind to which
your words pointed. I am much encouraged by your words
and by those of my other friends to go on and to devote to the
task whatever time and strength my small powers will permit.
Let me say further that when I return home there will be
nothing which I shall prize more highly than the opportunity to
help to make known to the English people the true feelings of
(250)
No. 3] REPLY OF JAMES BRYCE g
the American people. I shall assure them, as I know I confi-
dently can, of the friendship of this country and of the strong
desire which exists — and which is the desire of my own people
as well — that the United States and Great Britain should walk
hand in hand and should together hold aloft that torch of lib-
erty that our common ancestors lighted so many centuries ago.
I may say that since I have been here I have come to realize
more and more what is the pacific and honorable attitude of
your people. I am more than ever convinced that the cause
of arbitration and world peace will prosper pretty much in
proportion as it has the loyal adherence of the United States
government and people.
May I say further, as it has been my privilege in time past in
England — and here I speak for my wife as well as for myself —
as it has been our joy and delight frequently to see our Ameri-
can friends when they come over and to do what we could to
help them, so it will be a continual privilege to us to meet you
and your friends and to do what we can for you, whether by
putting you in touch with our people or by supplying informa-
tion to your Academy with regard to what is going on in
Britain.
It is a great privilege to be able to feel oneself, if not tech-
nically at least practically, a citizen of two such countries. You
have made me a citizen of your country and I shall never forget
that privilege. Whatever I can do to aid you and yours, that I
shall do in unforgetting remembrance of your kindness.
(251)
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
ACADEMY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK
Volume III] JULY, 1913 [Number 4
THE CAGED MAN
PUBLISHED QUARTERLY BY
THE ACADEMY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
Columbia University
1 1 6th Street and Broadway, New York
Entered as tectmd^last matter Nov. sz, iqio, at the post office at New York, N. Y.
under the Act of Congress, July lb, 18Q4.
COPYKIGHT, igi3, BY THE ACADEMY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE ACADEMY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
The Proceedings are issued by the Academy as a record
of its activities and as a means of giving detailed treatment to
special subjects of importance. Each volume consists of four
numbers, published in January, April, July and October. The
January and July numbers give in full the papers read and a
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addresses at the dinner meetings.
The numbers thus far issued are as follows:
Vol, I, No. I. The Economic Position of Women
October, 1910. Pp. 190
No. 2. The Reform of the Currency
January, 1911. Pp. 3CX)
No. 3. The Year Book of the Academy
April, 191 1. Pp. 27
No. 4. The Reform of the Criminal Law and Procedure
July, 191 1. Pp. 208
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October, 1911. Pp. 50
No. 2. Business and the Public Welfare
January, 19 1 2. Pp. 185
No. 3. National Housing Association
April, 1912. Pp. 236
No. 4. Organization for Social Work
July, 191 2. Pp. 236
Vol. Ill, No. I. The Year Book of the Academy
October, 191 2. Pp. 48
No. 2. Efficient Government
January, 19 1 3. Pp. 194
April, 1913. Pp. 16
No. 3. The Bryce Meeting
No. 4. The Caged Man
July, 1913. Pp. 136
Separate copies of numbers i, 2 and 4 of volume I,
numbers 2 and 4 of volume II, and numbers 2 and 4 of volume III,
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Volume II, number i, and volume III, number 3, may be
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Communications in reference to the Proceedings should
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Proceedings of the Academy of Political Science, Kent Hall,
Columbia University. Subscriptions should be forwarded and
all business communications addressed to the Secretary of the
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without further payment.
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
ACADEMY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK
Volume III] JULY, 1913 [Number 4
THE CAGED MAN
A SUMMARY OF EXISTING LEGISLATION IN THE UNITED STATES
ON THE TREATMENT OF PRISONERS
E. STAGG WHITIN, Ph.D.
Assistant in Social Legislation, Columbia University and Chairman
Executive Cot^mittee, National Committee on Prison Labor
Prepared on the Henry Bergh Foundation for the Promotion of Humane
Education in Columbia University
The Academy of Political Science
Columbia University, New York
1913
COPYKIGHT By
The Academy of Political Science
TABLE OF CONTENTS
THE CAGED MAN
a su mmary of existing legislation in the united states on the
Treatment of Prisoners
I
what is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state — The ward of the state
II
why is he confined?
To work off a fine and costs. To satisfy a sentence — Fixed or indetermin-
ate. Awaiting capital punishment 5-16
III
how may he be punished?
Cruel and unusual punishme\its — Punishment exceeding hard labor — Solitary
confinement — Dungeons — Blood hounds — Shackles and chains — Reduc-
tion of food — The gag, iron mask, etc. — Corporal punishment — Showering
with cold water — Stocks — Crucifix, yoke, buck, etc. — Punishment injurious
to mind or body — Greater or more severe punishment than prescribed by
board . 17-23
IV
HOW MAY HE BE WORKED?
Leased to individuals for work outside the institution — Leased to individuals
for work inside the institution — The state may work him^State industries
for state consumption — Farms for state consumption — Public works — State
farms for community consumption — State factories for community con-
sumption. Under specific limitations — Competition with free labor —
Number of convicts in one industry — Use of machinery — Manufacture of
goods manufactured by free factories — Branding of prison-made goods^
Manufacture of certain articles — Work injurious to health or dangerous to
person of convict — Association with free laborers during work hours —
Labor which can be carried on without expense to the county and is
consistent with safe keeping of prisoners. Hours of labor 24-46
iv TABLE OF CONTENTS
PAGE
V
HOW IS HE MAINTAINED?
Bunking — Food — Clothing 47-5^
VI
HOW IS HE CARED FOR?
Health provisions — Religious provisions — Educational provisions — Moral
education — Reduction of time for good conduct — Special indulgences for
good conduct — Reporting of good conduct to Board — Merit marks — Grad-
ing of prisoners — Wage reward. General education — Prison schools —
Prison libraries — Industrial education 59-91
VII
WHO CAN SET HIM FREE?
Parole — Pardon — The Governor — The Governor and Board of Pardons —
Governor and Council — Governor and Senate — Legislature 92-100
VIII
WHAT SPECIFIC DISABILITIES ARE CAUSED BY A PRISON SENTENCE?
Loss of citizenship — Change in marital relationship — Loss of power of procre-
ation (vasectomy) — A criminal record — Use of dead body for scientific
purposes 101-117
INTRODUCTION
THE laws of Continental United States, that is of the
forty-eight states and the District of Columbia but
excluding Alaska, Hawaii, Porto Rico and the
Philippines, regulating the treatment of prisoners during con-
finement, under the caption " The Caged Man ", have been
gathered together and classified so as to bring vividly to the
mind of the student the answer to the question " What means
a prison sentence ". The collection of this material has been
an arduous task because the statutes affecting prisoners are to
be found under the most diverse headings and as parts of the
law on many subjects. The constitutions, the latest revised
statutes and the session laws down to January' 1st, 191 3, have
been carefully read and classified. The segregation of this
material taken from its context and the classification of many
hundreds of references, under an arbitrary classification, has
required a knowledge of the actual administration of the law
in the several states, and the ascertaining, as far as possible,
the probable meaning of the confused and varied expression
of the thought contained in many poorly-drawn and ill-
conceived statutes, hidden away in legislation often foreign
to the actual subject under consideration and conflicting in
many details with other statutes. The administrative charac-
ter of this legislation has led to the interpretation of these
conflicts by administrative boards and the changing personnel
of the Attorney General's office, rather than by adjudication
in courts of record. This study therefore must be considered
in the light of these limitations and as having been presented
more as an exhibit of the vagaries of legislative caprice, than
as suggesting either the actual practice existing under the
prison administrations in the several states, or as an ideal upon
w^hich to model new and better legislation. It suggests the
repeal of many worn-out, antiquated and unused statutes ; it
makes possible the laying down of the principle that legislation
should deal with broad principles and leave administrative
detail to the duly constituted body which has been created for
administration ; and it brings to light many isolated provis-
2 INTRODUCTION
ions which would be valuable in the working out of a more
perfect and better conceived penal statute law than is now
found on the statute books of any state. References are given
in full in the hope that students of the subject will be able
to use the material in their work of drafting legislation, and
in the hope that through such working over there may come to
light and to our attention those errors which must necessarily
have crept in because of the inherent difficulty of compilation
and the variation resulting from the use of personal judgment
in classification. Such suggestions, which will be gratefully
received, should be sent to Miss Julia Jaffray, Secretar\% Edu-
cational Department, National Committee on Prison Labor,
319 University Hall, Columbia University, New York City.
Miss Jaffray has compiled the statutes to which reference is
made in this monograph.
E. Stagg Whitin.
New York City, April, 1913.
(254)
THE CAGED MAN
HUMANE treatment of prisoners finds expression not
alone in the limitations placed upon keepers but in the
development of those incentives for a better life which
play upon the dormant emotions and depleted energies of
prisoners and vitalize them into normal being. Cruelty lies
equally in the failure to provide these opportunities for reform
as in the over-development of prohibitory measures. The
surgical instruments of a century ago seem both cruel and
crude to those familiar with modern surgery. Many of the
instruments of penal administration herein referred to will
seem as archaic to those who view them from the standpoint
of modern psychology and ask the pertinent question what a
prison sentence means today to society as well as to the " caged
man ".
I.
WHAT IS THE STATUS OF A PRISONER?
The state has a property right in the labor of the prisoner.
The Thirteenth Amendment of the Constitution of the United
States provides that neither slavery nor involuntar}' servitude
shall exist, yet by inference allows its continuance as punish-
ment for crime, after due process of law. Similar provisions
are found in the constitutions of most states.^ The absolute
prohibition of slavery without exception in Maryland, Rhode
Island and Vermont abrogates the status of penal servitude
but continues, under police power, the penal system for the
protection of the community and for the protection of the
wayward individual, his status being analogous to that of the
insane, defective and othervvise incompetent wards of the state.
The Property of the State. The Ward of the State.
" Neither slavery nor involuntary " Slavery shall not be permitted in
servitude, unless for the punishment this state."
of crime, shall ever be tolerated in Rhode Island, Const. 1842, Art. i,
this state." Sec. 4.
California, Const. 1879, Art. i,
Sec. 18.
1 American and English Encyclopedia of Law, 1898, vol. 22, p. 1302.
(255)
THE CAGED MAN
The Property of the State in:
Alabama
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Florida
Georgia
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Michigan
Minnesota
Mississippi
Missouri
Montana
Nebraska
Nevada
North Carolina
North Dakota
Ohio
Oregon
Tennessee
Utah
Wisconsin
Const.
Const.
Sec.
Const.
Sec.
Const.
Sec.
Const.
R.,
Const.
Par.
Const.
Sec.
Const.
Sec.
Const.
R-,
Const.
R.,
Const.
i8.
Const
R.,
Const.
Sec.
Const.
Sec.
Const.
Sec.
Const,
Sec
Const
Sec
Const
Sec
Const
Sec
Const
Sec.
Const.
Sec.
Const
Sec
Const
Const
Sec
1901, Sec. 32.
1874, Art. 2, I
27.
1879, Art. I,
18.
1876, Art. 2,
26.
1885, D. of
Sec. 19.
1877, Art. I,
, 17.
1851, Art. I,
37-
1857, Art. I,
1859. B. of
Sec. 6.
, 1890, B. of
Sec. 25.
. 1850, Art.
Sec. II.
, 1857, B. of
Art. I, Sec. 2.
. 1890, Art. 3,
. 15-
. 1875, Art. 2,
• 31-
. 1889, Art. 3,
28.
1875, Art. r,
2.
1909, Art. I,
2.
. 1876. Art. I,
33-
1889, Art. I,
17-
:. i8qi. Art. i,
6.
1857, Art. I,
35-
1870. Art. I,
33-
. 1895, Sec. 21.
1848, Art. I,
(256)
The Ward of the State in:
Maryland Const. 1867, D. of
R., Art. 24.
Rhode Island Const. 1842, Art. i,
Sec. 4.
Vermont Const. i793. C. i,
Sec. I.
II.
WHY IS HE CONFINED?
Three classes of convicts ^ are found in our penal institutions :
A. Prisoners working off fines and costs.
B. Prisoners serving sentences, either fixed or indeterminate.
C. Prisoners awaiting capital punishment.
A. Prisoners working off fines and costs.
Persons convicted of minor offences are often sentenced to
pay fines, the cost of conviction being assessed along with the
fine. Fines may be paid out of the convicted man's personal
possessions or by a " next of friend " to whom he becomes a
debtor under agreement to refund in kind or labor. Failure
to pay the fine results in committment to penal servitude for
such a time as it may take to pay off the full amount due at
the rate established by statute. Credits toward the satisfaction
or payment of fines and costs are allowed as follows :
1. $100.00 per year during confitiement.
Connecticut (State prison.) R. S. 1902, Sec.
Every prisoner held in said prison 2914.
for non-payment of a fine shall he al-
lowed one hundred dollars a year for
his labor, from the time when his im-
prisonment for non-payment of said
fine commenced, if, in the opinion of
the warden and directors, he shall have
been submissive to the officers of the
prison during his confinement and con-
ducted himself as a faithful prisoner.
2. $3.00 for each day's confinement.
Nebraska Whenever district court or probate R. S. 191 1, C. 49,
judge shall have determined that a per- Sec. 2692.
son, confined in jail for any criminal
offence, has no estate with which to
pay fine and costs, it shall be the duty
of said judge to discharge such person
from further imprisonment for such
fine and costs. Discharge to operate
as complete release from such fine and
^ This study covers only convicted prisoners, hence persons awaiting trial or
held as witnesses are not included though frequently found especially in local
jails.
(257)
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Texas
Washington
costs, provided nothing shall authorize
any person to be discharged from
prison before the expiration of the
time for which he or she is sentenced
to imprisonment, nor until convict shall
have been imprisoned at least one daj-
for every $3 of the amount adjudged
against him.
When a defendant is convicted of a R. S. 191 1, Crim.
misdemeanor and his punishment is Stat , Title 9,
assessed at a pecuniary fine, if he C. 4, Art. 878.
makes oath in writing that he is un-
able to pay the fine and costs, he may
be hired out to manual labor, or be put
to work in a manual labor work-house,
or on a farm or public work of the
count}'. If there be no such work-
house, farm, etc., and the authorities
fail to hire him out, he shall be im-
prisoned in the county jail for a suf-
ficient length of time to discharge the
full amount of fine and costs, rating
such punishment at three dollars for
each day thereof.
Any person ordered into custody R. S. 1910, Title
until the fine and costs adjudged 3, C. 19, Sec.
against him are paid, who within five 2206.
days shall not pay or cause payment
of same, shall be imprisoned in the
county jail until the fine and costs
are paid, or until he has been impris-
oned in jail i day for every three dol-
lars of such fine.
3. $2.00 for each day's confinement.
California A judgment that a defendant pay a Penal Code, 1909,
fine may also direct that he be impris- Title 8, Sec.
oned until the fine is satisfied, but the
judgment shall specify the extent of
the imprisonment, which shall not ex-
ceed I day for every $2.00 of the fine,
nor extend in any case beyond the
term for which the defendant might
be sentenced to imprisonment for the
offence for which he has been con-
victed.
Idaho Whenever any person under convic-
tion for anj'^ criminal offense is con-
fined in any jail for non-payment of
fine, the district Court, upon satis-
factory evidence of such inability, may,
in lieu thereof, confine such person in
the county jail at the rate of $2.00 per
day until the fine imposed is satisfied.
Montana When judgment of fine and costs is
entered against a defendant and it is
ordered that he be committed until the
same are paid, if at any time there-
after defendant prove to court that he
is unable to pay such fines, costs, or
any part thereof, the Court or judge
(258)
1205.
R. S. 1908, Sec.
8545.
R. S. 1907, Title
9, C. I, Sec.
9373-
No. 4]
WHY IS HE CONFINED
Nevada
Oregon
may order the sheriff to release him
upon his having been confined in jail
I day for every $2.00 of such fine and
costs, or any portion remaining un-
paid ; but if he do not prove to satis-
faction of court that he is unable to
pay he shall not be released, unless the
sheriff has made the same upon execu-
tion out of his property.
Whenever anj' person, under convic-
tion for any criminal offense, shall be
confined in jail for anj' inability to pay
any fine, forfeiture or costs, or to pro-
cure sureties, the district court, upon
satisfactory evidence of such inability
may, in lieu thereof, confine the person
in the county jail at the rate of $2.00
per day until the fine, forfeiture or
costs so imposed shall have been satis-
fied.
A judgment that a defendant pay a
fine must also direct that he be im-
prisoned in the county jail until the
fine be satisfied, specifying the extent
of imprisonment, which cannot exceed
I day for every $2.00 of fine. In case
the entry of judgment shall omit to
direct the imprisonment and the ex-
tent thereof, the judgment to pay the
fine shall operate to authorize and re-
quire the imprisonment of the defend-
ant until the fine is satisfied at the
rate above mentioned.
4. ^7.00 for each day's confinement.
Indiana In case such defendant do not im-
mediately pay or replevy such judg-
ment and costs the justice shall com-
mit him to jail there to remain one
day for each dollar of such fine and
costs.
Whenever anj^ person shall be com-
mitted to prison for non-payment of
any fine or costs, such imprisonment
shall be reckoned at the rate of $1.00
per day in reduction of fine.
A judgment that the defendant pay
a fine may also direct that he be im-
prisoned until the fine is satisfied,
specifj'ing the extent of the imprison-
ment, which cannot exceed one day for
every $1.00 of the fine.
5. 60 cents for each day's confinement.
Ohio When a fine is the whole or part of
a sentence, the court may order that
the person sentenced remain impris-
oned in jail until such fine and costs
are paid, or he is legally discharged,
provided that the person so impris-
oned shall receive credit upon such
fine and costs at the rate of 60 cents
per day for each day's imprisonment.
(259)
New Mexico
Utah
R. S. 1912, Sec.
76 II.
R. S. 1910, Title
18, C. II, Sec
1577-
R. S. 1908, Sec.
1954-
R. S. 1897, C. 9,
Sec. 832.
R. S
9I'
4919
1907, Title
C. 37, Sec.
Laws 1910, H. B.
146.
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Oklahoma
Oregon
6. SsVz cents jor each day's confinement.
Vermont A person committed to the House
of Correction for non-payment of fine
may be discharged on paying the bal-
ance of the fine, or fine and costs,
after deducting 2i3>Y3 cents for each
day he has been committed for such
default.
7 $2.00 for each day's labor.
North Dakota For each day's labor performed by
any convict under the provisions of
this chapter, there shall be credited on
any judgment for fine and costs against
him the sum of $2.00.
For every day's labor performed by
any convict, under the provisions
hereof, there shall be credited on any
judgment for fine and costs against
him the sum of $2.00.
Whenever any person shall be con-
victed of a criminal offense under any
of the ordinances of a city or town,
and shall be adjudged to pay a fine
and costs and shall fail to pay the
same, he shall be sentenced to labor
one day for every $2.00 of such fine
upon the streets or other public works
of said city under such officer as com-
mon council may provide ; common
council may provide such fetters and
manacles as may be necessary to secure
the person of such criminal during
his term of labor.
For every day's labor performed by
any convict under the provisions
hereof, there shall be credited on any
judgment for fine and costs against
him the sum of $2.00.
Any person sentenced to the watch-
house or place of confinement of the
village who is not physically disabled
shall be compelled to perform labor
upon any public work of said village,
under such supervision and control as
the village may provide, and for each
day's labor performed the person so
sentenced shall be credited with the
sum of $2.00, which shall apply on such
fine and costs until same are paid, or
until such person is released from cus-
tody.
8. $1.^0 jor each day's labor.
Illinois Any person convicted of petit lar-
ceny or any misdemeanor punishable
under the laws of this state, may be
compelled by Court of Record to work
out fine and costs, in the work-house
of the city, town or county, or in the
streets and alleys of any town or city
(260)
R. S. 1906, C.
261, Sec. 6022.
South Dakota
Wisconsin
R. S. 1905, Sec.
10446.
R. S. 1903, Sec.
5728.
R. S. 1910, Title
26, C. 4, Sec
3237-
R. S. 1910, Sec.
749-
Acts 1907, C. 117.
R. S. 1897, Title
26. C. I, Sec.
5657-
No. 4]
IF/IV IS HE CONFINED
Iowa
Minnesota
Wyoming
or on the public roads of the county,
under the proper person in charge of
such work-house at the rate of $1.50
for each day's labor.
For every day's labor performed by
any convict under provisions of sees.
5652-4, shall be credited on any judg-
ment for fine and costs against him
the sum of $1.50 and no person shall
be entitled to the benefits of the law
providing for the liberation of poor
convicts, if, in the opinion of the sher-
iff, the judgment may be satisfied by
the labor of the person as herein au-
thorized.
For each day's labor the prisoner
shall be credited $1.50 on any judg-
ment for fine and costs, and, when im-
prisoned in d fault of payment of a
fine or fine and costs, he shall be dis-
charged whenever he has performed
sufficient labor to pay the same. The
officer in charge of such prisoners shall
protect them from insult and annoy-
ance, while at labor or going to and re-
turning therefrom.
Whenever the defendant is sentenced
to prison for the violation of a city or-
dinance, he shall be put to work for the
benefit of the city, under the discre-
tion of the mayor, for the term of his
imprisonment, and when committed for
the non-payment of a fine or costs he
shall be put to work for the benefit of
the city, and shall be credited on such
fine and costs $1.50 per day for each
day he shall work.
9. $1.00 for each day's labor.
Arizona
Colorado
Connecticut
Kansas
Whenever any prisoner shall be sen-
tenced to pay a fine and to be com-
mitted until paid, shall be employed at
hard labor, he shall be allowed the sum
of $1.00 for each day's labor to be
credited on such fine, and when he
shall have earned the amount of such
fine he shall be discharged.
Whenever any prisoner sentenced to
pay a fine and costs, shall be employed
at hard labor, he shall be allowed the
sum of $1.00 for each day's labor and
when he shall have earned the amount
of such fine and costs he shall be dis-
charged.
County convicts committed for crim-
inal offense and held for fine and costs
are credited $1.00 for each day's labor.
Convicts may not be held more than
4 months.
Prisoners shall be allowed $1.00 for
each day's work performed by them
in good faith or if prisoners prefer the
(261)
R. S. 1897, Title
26, C. I, Sec.
5657-
R. S. 1905, C.
106, Sec. 5471.
R. S. 1910, C.
121, Sec. 1768.
R. S. 1909, Title
15, Sec. 1201.
R. S. 1908, C. 35.
Sec. 2024.
R. S. 1902, C.
177, Sec. 2942.
R. S. 1909. C. 97>
Art. 18, Sec
6942.
10
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Board of County Commissioners mav
allow each prisoner a specified sum
per cubic- yard for breaking stone.
When the same, either by the day or
the cu. yd. shall amount to the sum of
the fine and costs, the same shall be
deemed a full satisfaction.
Kentucky When punishment for a crime is a
fine or imprisonment in the county jail
or both, the jury may in their discre-
tion, if the defendant is a male, pro-
vide in their verdict that the defendant
shall work at hard labor until fine
and costs are satisfied. The defendant
shall not be required to labor more
than 8 hours a day, and may at any
time pay the costs, or whateyer part
thereof remains unpaid, after receiving
credit of $i.oo for each day worked in
payment thereof.
LouiSlAN.\ In all criminal prosecutions where a
person is convicted in any of the courts
of the state of any crime punishable
under the law with imprisonment at
hard labor, but not necessarily so, the
judge before whom such conviction is
had may sentence person so convicted
to work on the public roads or streets
of parish or city in which crime was
committed, and which may eventually
be chargeable with costs of prosecu-
tion, for a term not exceeding term
now specified ; when a fine in said
cases is imposed as part of the penalty,
in default of liquidation thereof, the
judge may sentence to hard labor at
the rate of $i.00 per day.
Missouri If the punishment be by fine and the
iine be not paid, for every dollar of
such fine the prisoner shall work one
day and shall also work for such per-
iod of time as he would otherwise be
required to remain in jail in order to
be released from the payment of any
costs, in such case.
Rhode Island Fines can be worked off at fifty cents
a day for first thirty days; and $i.oo
for ensuing days.
West Virginia Any male prisoner imprisoned for
failure to pay fine and costs may be
ordered by the county court to work
on the county roads, or on the streets
or alleys of an incorporated city, under
the direction of such officer as court
may direct, at the rate of $i.oo per day
until fine and costs are paid.
Wyoming In cases of vagrancy or petit larceny
and in other cases in which a justice
has jurisdiction to hear and determine,
when the party charsjed is found guilty,
it shall be lawful for the justice to
(262)
R. S. 1909, C. 36,
Sees. 1377-80.
Acts of 1878, No.
38, Sec. I.
R. S. 1909, Sec.
3733-
Laws 191 1, C.
669.
R. S. 1906. C. 36,
Sec. II 68.
R. S. 1910, C.
399, Sec. 61 1 1.
No. 4] IVHV IS HE CONFINED 1 1
sentence such person to imprisonment
at hard labor or to fine him or both ;
and in default of paj'ment of fine, the
sheriff shall set him to work on any
public improvements which he may-
deem proper. The rate of compensa-
tion to be allowed by the county for
such prisoners shall be $1.00 a day for
services rendered in payment of fines
imposed and costs incurred, when not
paid in cash.
10. ^'5 cents for each day's labor.
Alabama The court may impose hard labor R. S. 1907. Art.
for the county for such period, not to 5, Sec. 7635.
exceed 10 mos., as may be sufficient to
paj' the costs, at the rate of 75 cents
per day, and the court must determine
the time required to work out the costs
at this rate.
Arkansas Each person worked, as provided in R. S. 1904, Sec.
the preceding section, shall be credited 7353-
with the sum of 75 cents on the fine
and costs adjudged against him for
every full day's labor so performed by
him when he is kept and fed by the
overseer and shall be credited with the
sum of $1.00 for each dav's labor when
he boards himself.
11. 40 cents for each day's labor.
Tennessee Each person confined in the work- R. S. 1896, Title
house for a failure to pay fine and 7, Art. 5, Sees,
costs, shall be credited at the rate of 7417-21.
40 cents for each day of actual work
done and no prisoner shall be dis-
charged upon the act of insolvency, nor
before said fine and costs or costs only
have been worked out, fully paid or se-
cured, unless by order of the Board of
Commissioners.
12. JO cents for each day's labor.
Florida No such convict shall be required to R. S. 1906, Title
work more than 10 hours in each 24, 4, C. 2, Sec.
and every such convict shall be en- 41 13.
titled to receive, together with subsist-
ence, a credit at the rate of 30 cents
per diem on account of fines and costs
adjudged against him.
13- 25 cents for each day's labor.
Virginia Any person held to labor, under the R. S. 1904. Title
provisions of this chapter, for non- 53, C. 191, Sec.
payment of any fine imposed upon 3936.
him, shall be required to work out the
full amount thereof, including the legal
costs, at the rate of 25 cents per day,
for each day so held, Sundays ex-
cepted, and shall be entitled to a credit
of 25 cents for each day of his con-
finement, whether he labors or not. No
(^63)
12 THE CAGED MAN [Vol. Ill
person shall be held to labor in any
chain gang for the non-payment of any
fine imposed upon him for a longer
period than 6 months.
14. Added allowance for efficient labor.
Mississippi Any convict working under the di- R. S. 1906, C. 22,
rection of the Board of Supervisors, Sec. 842.
who renders efficient services and com-
plies with all necessary rules and regu-
lations, may have deducted from his
fine and the term of his imprisonment
one-fourth thereof.
15. Journeyman's i^age jar like labor.
Connecticut Prisoners held for costs only al- R. S. 1902, C.
lowed the wages of journeymen for like 176, Sec. 2913.
labor. If in judgment of directors
convict is unable to pay costs and has
conducted himself well during his con-
finement warden may remit them.
16. Amount obtained for prisoner's labor.
Michigan Convicts committed in default of R. S. 1897, C. 86,
payment of fines shall be allowed the Sec. 12.
amount obtained for their labor, less
the cost of their support. When
amount of fine is completed they shall
be discharged.
New Hampshire Convicts committed in default of pay- R. S. 1901, C.
ment of fines shall be allowed the 282, Sec. 15.
amount obtained for their labor, less
the cost of their support.
New Jersey When judgment is given in any of R. S. 19 10, Page
the courts of the state for fine or im- 1874, Sec. 162.
prisonment, with or without costs, it
shall be lawful to place the defendant
against whom such judgment shall be
rendered at labor in any county jail or
penitentiary, until fine and costs are
paid by the proceeds of such labor.
North C.'VROI.ina The Board of Commissioners of the Laws of 1908, C.
several counties may hire out persons 24, Sec. 4.
imprisoned in jails who fail to pay all
the costs they are adjudged to pay,
provided the amount realized from hir-
ing out such persons shall be credited
to them on the fine and bill of costs in
all cases of conviction.
B. Prisoners serving sentences, either fixed or indeterminate.
The prisoner convicted of crime is sentenced for a fixed or
indeterminate period to penal servitude. This period may be
determined by statute, by the judge at. the time of conviction,
limited by the statutor\^ designations as maximum and
minimum penalty, or it may be indeterminate in that the
maximum is designated but the actual time can be affected by
(264)
No. 4]
JFHV IS HE CONFINED
13
the conduct of the prisoner judged by a duly constituted board
of judgment. Term or fixed sentences are still found for some
crimes in every state. There are no indeterminate sentences
prescribed by law as yet in Alabama, Arkansas, California,
Delaware, District of Columbia, Florida, Georgia, Louisiana,
Maine, IMar^'land, Mississippi, Missouri, Montana, Nevada,
North Carolina, Oregon, Rhode Island, South Carolina,
Tennessee, Texas, Utah, Vermont, Virginia, Washington,
West Virginia, Wisconsin.
Arizona
Colorado
Connecticut
Idaho
Indiana
Illinois
Iowa
Kansas
Sentences are Indeterminate in:
For convicts over 18 years of age,
for any crime, except treason and first
degree murder, the maximum and
minimum sentence to be that pre-
scribed by law for the crime.
For any person sentenced to prison
for other than life term, the minimum
sentence not to be less nor the maxi-
mum more than prescribed by law for
the crime.
For all persons except tramps or
those with a life sentence, committed
to prison or reformatory. The maxi-
mum not greater than specified by law ;
the minimum not less than one year.
For all persons except those con-
victed of treason or murder of the
first degree. Maximum shall not ex-
ceed the longest term fixed by law ;
the minimum shall not exceed the mini-
mum fixed by statute, and no minimum
to be less than 6 mos. and where the
sentence may be for life or a number
of years, the court shall fix maximum.
For any male persons thirty or over,
convicted, except of treason, first and
second degree murder. Minimum and
maximum sentences to be those pro-
vided by law.
For every male person over 21 and
every female over 18 convicted of fel-
on}-, except treason, murder, rape and
kidnaping. The maximum shall not
exceed maximum provided by law ; the
minimum not less than one year, mak-
ing allowance for good time as pro-
vided by law.
For any person over 16, convicted of
felony, except treason or murder.
Maximum not more than provided by
law ; no minimum set forth.
For all persons except those con-
victed of murder or treason. Mini-
mum and maximum sentences those
prescribed by law. subject to control
of trial iudge.
(26s)
Laws 1912, C. 46.
R. S. 1908, C. 35.
Sees. 2037-8.
R. S. 1902, Title
7, C. 97, Sees.
1535-7-
R S. 1909. H. B.
No. 214.
R. S. 1908, Sec.
2152.
R. S. 1909, C. 38,
Sec. 498.
R. S. 1907, Title
26, C. 2, Sec.
5718, a 13.
R. S. iao9. C. 97,
Sec. 6837.
14
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Ken'TUCKY For persons convicted of felony ;
maximum and minimum sentences pro-
vided by law.
Massachusetts For any convict sentenced to state
prison except for life or as an habitual
criminal. Minimum sentence not less
than two and one-half years. Maxi-
mum not more than prescribed by law.
Additional sentence begins at expira-
tion of first minimum.
MiCHIG.'VN For all convicts except life.
When convict has served 25 years of
life sentence less the commutation
which would have been allowed if his
sentence had been for 25 years, Gov-
ernor has power to parole him.
Minimum sentence not less than 6
months. Maximum not more than pro-
vided by law. Judge can recommend
proper maximum.
Minnesota For all convicts except those con-
victed of treason or murder. Life pris-
oners not to be paroled until Xhty have
served 35 years less diminution for
good conduct which would have been
allowed if sentence had been 35 years.
Maximum shall not exceed maximum
provided by law ; minimum not stated.
Nebraska For all convicts over 18 convicted
of penitentiary oifence, except murder,
treason, rape, kidnaping or having
served two previous terms. The maxi-
mum and minimum sentences to be pro-
vided by law.
New Hampshire For any convict sentenced to state
prison except for life or as an habitual
criminal. Maximum and minimum
sentences to be those provided by law
for his offense.
New Jersey For all convicts sent to state prison
except first degree murder. Maximum
sentence as provided by law ; minimum
not less than one year, and not more
than one-half of maximum. Where
death sentence has been commuted
minimum must be twenty-five years.
New Mexico For all prisoners sent to the peni-
tentiary. Court to fix minimum and
maximum sentences.
New York For all first offenders convicted of
felonies other than murder of first or
second degree. Minimum sentence not
less than i year or not more than Yi
longest period fixed by law for crime.
Maximum the longest period fixed by
law.
North Dakota For any person convicted of felony
except treason, murder of ist degree,
rape and kidnapping. Maximum and
minimum sentences as provided by law.
(266)
Laws 19 10, C. 4.
Laws 191 1, C.
451-
Laws IQ05, C. 184.
Acts 1911, No.
237-
Laws 1905, C.
184.
Laws 191 1, C.
Laws 191 1, C.
184.
Laws 1909, C.
120.
Laws 1911, C.
191.
Laws 1909. C. 32.
5irdseye's Con-
solidated Laws,
1909, Art. 196,
Sec. 2189.
R. S. 1909, C. 175.
No. 4] IVHV IS HE CONFINED
15
Ohio Compulsory for all prisoners sent to R. S. 19 10, Sec.
state reformatory. 2132.
Optional for prisoners sent to state R. S. 1910, Sec.
penitentiary. 2160.
Maximum and minimum sentences R. S. 1910, Sees.
are optional with judge but minimum 2141-4 & Sees.
cannot be less than prescribed by law 2167-75.
for offense committed, nor maximum
greater than prescribed by law.
Pexxsylvaxia For any person sentenced to the peni- R. S. 1909, pp.
tentiary. Maximum and minimum 5329-31, Sec. 6.
sentences to be determined by judge
but maximum cannot be more than
prescribed by law nor minimum more
than one-fourth of maximum.
South Dakota For all first offenders over 16, sub- Laws 191 1, C.
ject to a penitentiary sentence, except 169.
for treason or murder, or convicts with
abnormal tendencies. Maximum and
minimum sentences to be prescribed by
law.
Wyoming For all convicts sentenced to the R. S. 1910, C. 42,
penitentiary otherwise than for life. Sees. 530-531.
The maximum sentence to be no longer
than prescribed by law and the mini-
mum not less than minimum pre-
scribed. Both to be regulated by judge.
C. Prisoners azvaiting capital punishment
Pending the execution of the death penalty, prisoners so
sentenced are confined in a penal institution. Capital punish-
ment has been abolished in Kansas (R. S. 1909, sec. 2496),
Maine (R. S. 1903, C. 119, sec. i), Minnesota (laws, 191 1,
H. F. No. 2), Michigan (R. S. 1897, sec. 11470), Rhode
Island (R. S. 1909, C. 343, sees, i and 2) except for life
prisoners who commit murder, Wisconsin (R. S. 1889, C. 181,
sec. 4338). Pro\-isions determining confinement for prisoners
awaiting execution and the manner of their execution are
found in the following states :
Alabama R. S. 1907, C. 165, Sec. 6310.
R. S. 1907, C. 278, Sec. 7639.
Arizoxa R. S. igoi. Title 8, C. i. Sec. 174.
Arkansas R. S. 1904, C. 49, Sec. 2441.
California Penal Code, 1909, Title 8, C. 2, Sec. 1217.
Colorado R. S. 1908, C. 35, Sec. 2028.
Connecticut R. S. 1902, C. 82, Sec. 1141.
Delaware R. S. 1893, C. 32, Sec. 11.
District of Columbia R. S. 1911, C. 19, Sec. 801.
Florida R. S. 1906. Div. 5, Title 2, C. 2, Sec. 3205.
Georgia R. S. 191 i. Sec. 1069.
Idaho R. S. 1908, P. 2, Title 8, Sec. 8020.
Indiana R. S. 1908, Sec. 2196.
Illinois R. S. igoq. Page 827, Sec. 439.
(267)
i6
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Iowa
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maryland
Massachusetts
Mississippi
Missouri
Montana
Nebraska
Nevada
New Hampshire
New Jersey
New Mexico
New York
North Carolina
North Dakota
Ohio
Oklahoma
Oregon
Pennsylvania
South Carolina
South Dakota
Tennessee
Texas
Utah
Vermont
Virginia
Washington
West Virginia
Wyoming
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
Penal
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
R. S.
897, Sec. 4728.
909, C. 36, Sec. 1 149.
904, Sec. 975.
904, Art. 27, Sec. 335.
902, C. 207, Sec. 2.
908, C. 29, Sec. 1512.
909, Sec. 4450.
907, P. I, Title 8, C. I, Sec. 8293.
911, P. I, C. I, Sees. 2050-2052.
912, Sec. 6386.
901, C. 255, Sec. 6.
910, Page 1781, Sec. 108.
897, C. 2, Sec. 1066.
Law, 1909, C. 4, Sec. 1044.
908, C. 8x, Sec. 3631.
905, C. 18, Sec. 8799.
910, Part 4, Title i, C. 3, Sec. 12400.
903, C. 25, Art. 17, Sec. 2174.
910, Title 19, C. 2, Sec. 1903.
903, Page 3486, Sec. 9.
902, Criminal Code, C. 10, Sec. 136.
910, C. 17, Sec. 253.
896, P. 4, C. 2, Sec. 6442.
89s, Title 9, C. 4, Sec. 861.
907, C. 14, Sec. 4162.
906, Title 12, C. 114, Sec. 2366.
904, Title 52, C. 180, Sec. 3663.
910, Title 14, C. 5, Sec. 2392.
906, C. 152, Sec. 4454.
910, C. 385, Sec. 5789.
(268)
Ill
HOW MAY HE BE PUNISHED?
Punishment prescribed by the court, should it exceed the
statutory provision/ or the common acceptation of just
penalty,' may be declared void and the servitude terminated.^
Cruel and Unusual Punishments are Prohibited in:
Alabama R. S. 1907, Sec. 6543.
Arizona Const. 1910, Art. 2, Sec. 15.
Arkansas Const. 1874, Art. 2, Sec. 9.
Colorado Const. 1876, Art. 2, Sec. 20.
Florida Const. 1885, D. of R., Sec. 8.
R. S. 1906, Art. 6, Sec. 4139.
Georgia Const. 1877, Art. i, Par. 9.
Idaho Const. 1889, Art. i, Sec. 6.
Illinois R. S. 1909, C. 108, Sec. 37.
Indiana Const. 1851, Art. i, Sec. 16.
R. S. 1908, C. 124, Sec. 9864.
Iowa Const. 1857, Art. i, Sec. 17.
Kansas Const. 1859, B. of R., Sec. 9.
R. S. 1909, C. 108, Sec. 8583.
Kentucky Const. 1890, B. of R., Sec. 17.
Rev. 1909, C. 97, Sec. 3797.
Louisiana Const. 1898, Art. 12.
M.A.INE Const. 1819, Art. i, Sec. 9.
Maryland Const. 1867, D. of R., Art. 25.
Massachusetts Const. 1780, P. i, Art. 26.
Michigan Const. 1850, Art. 6, Sec. 31.
Minnesota Const. 1857, Art. i, Sec. 5.
Mississippi Const. 1890, Art. 3, Sec. 28.
Missouri Const. 1875, Art. 2, Sec. 25.
Montana Const. 1889, Art. 3, Sec. 20.
Nebraska Const. 1875, Art. i, Sec. 9.
Nevada Const. 19 10, Art. i, Sec. ^
R. S. 1912, Art. 8, Sec. 178.
New Mexico Const. 1910, Art. 2, Sec. 13.
New Jersey Const. 1897, Art. i, Sec. 15.
New York Const. 1894, Art. i, Sec. 5.
North Carolina Const. 1876, Art. i, Sec. 14.
North Dakota Const. 1889, Art. i, Sec. 6.
Ohio Const. 1851, Art. i, Sec. 9.
Oklahoma Const. 1907, Art. 2, Sec. 9.
Oregon Const. 1857, Art. i, Sec. 16.
Pennsylvania Const. 1873, Art. i, Sec. 13.
Rhode Island Const. 1842, Art. i, Sec. 8.
South Carolina Const. 1895, Art. i. Sec. 19.
South Dakota Const. 1889, Art. 6, Sec. 23.
Tennessee Const. 1870, Art. i, Sec. 16.
1 Robinson v. Miner, 68 Mich.. 549.
- State V. Driver, 78 N. Car., 423. State v. Miller, 75 N. Car., 73.
3 Amer. and English Ency. of Law, 2d edit., vol Vlll, pp. 436-440.
(269)
i8
Texas
Utah
Virginia
Washington
West Virginia
w'isconsin
Wyoming
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Const. 1876, B. of R., Sec. 13.
Const. 1896, Art. i, Sec. 9.
Const. 1902, Art. i, Sec. 9.
Const. 1889, Art. i, Sec. 14.
Const. 1872, Art 3, Sec. 5.
Const. 1848, Art. i, Sec. 6.
R. S. 1898, Sec. 4923.
Const. 1889, Art. i, Sec. 14.
The sentence of the court whether expressly provided or
not is understood to be a sentence to hard labor.
Punishment Exceeding Hard Labor is Prohibited in:
Tennessee Workhouse prisoners. R. S. 1896, Title
7, Art. 4, Sec.
7391-
Punishment other than hard labor is often permitted, de-
fined and prescribed b\' law. Indeed, hard labor, under rea-
sonable restrictions as required in most prisons, is healthful
for mind and body and, in the judgment of prisoners is a
veritable boon, compared with enforced idleness. For dis-
ciplinan,' purposes, therefore, other forms of punishment have
been instituted by prison authorities and oftentimes are of a
character that amounts to torture. Hence, it has become neces-
sarv^ to define by statute the parts of such punishment as may
amount to torture and to define definitely those that are per-
mitted and those that are prohibited. The following special
forms of punishment are regulated in the several states as
follows :
Delaware
Idaho
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts
Solitary Confinement is permitted in:
Bread and water diet.
Bread and water diet.
Bread and water diet.
Deprivation of light and limitation
of food so as to produce distress but
not hazard the life of the convict.
Bread and water diet.
10 daj's on bread and water.
Solitary labor ; bread and water diet
unless physician directs otherwise.
(270)
R. S. 1893, C.
133. Sec. 5.
R. S. 1098, Sec.
8502.
R. S. 1908, C.
124, Sec. 10036.
R. S. 1907, Title
26, C. 2, Sec.
5675.
R. S. 1909, C.
108, Art. 30,
Sec. 8583.
R. S. 1904, Sec.
2864.
R. S. 1903, C.
141, Sec. 39.
R. S. 1904, Art.
27. Sec. 640.
R. S. 1902, C.
225, Sees. 34 &
35-
No. 4]
Michigan
New Hampshire
Oklahoma
Pennsylvania
South Carolina
Tennessee
Utah
Wisconsin
New Mexico
New Jersey
New York
Oregon
South Dakota
Virginia
South Carolina
Virginia
HOW MAY BE BE PUNISHED
Life prisoners who assault prison
officials or attempt escape may be sen-
tenced to six months.
Other prisoners for 30 days.
Not more than 3 days ; bread and
water diet unless other food is necessary
for preserving health of convict.
Confinement may be at hard labor.
Bread and water diet ; not more
than 30 days for one offense.
Bread and water diet.
2. Dungeons are permiited in:
Jail prisoners may be confined i
week on bread and water.
Solitary confinement on bread and
water diet with chain on leg or hand-
cuffs or both for six days.
Short allowance prescribed by phy-
sician.
Everj^ jail to have one cell or dun-
geon for confinement of criminals sen-
tenced to solitary confinement.
On bread and water diet. Not more
than three days for one offense.
3. Blood Hounds are permitted in:
To be kept for the purpose of track-
ing fugitive convicts.
To be maintained at the expense of
the county.
19
R. S. 1897, C.
75, Sec. 37-
R. S. 1901, C.
285, Sec. 12.
R. S. 1901, C.
285, Sec. 15.
R. S. 1903, Sec.
5731-
R. S. 1907, Page
2010, Sec. I,
Page 3486, Sec.
II.
R. S. 1902, Title
2, C. 3,i, Sec.
661.
R. S. 1896, Sees.
7537-8.
R. S. 1907, Sec.
2262.
R. S. 1898, Title
34, C. 201, Sec.
4917.
R. S. 1897, Title
7, C. 9, Sec.
830.
R. S. 1910, Page
4913-
R. S. 1909, C. 47,
Art. 6, Sec. 154.
R. S. 1910, C. 14,
Sec. 4525.
R. S. 1910, Title
12, Sees. 673 &
752.
R. S. 1904, Sec.
4143-
R. S. 1902, Title
2, C. 32, Sec.
659-
Acts of 1910, C.
213.
4. Shackles and Chains :
(A) Permitted in;
Alabama Only with con -
sent of inspec-
tors.
Connecticut
(B) Prohibited in:
R. S.
1907,
Sec.
6545-
R. S.
1902,
Sec.
2900.
Louisiana
R. S.
1904,
Page
1315*
Sec. 2.
(271)
20
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
'A) Permitted in:
(B) Prohibited in:
Colorado
Convicts at
R. S.
I New Jersey Shackled con- Acts of
work on streets,
1908,
victs may not be 191 1,
quarries, or in
Sec.
marched through C. 372.
mines.
2023.
the streets of any
Florida
Municipal con-
R. S.
community, nor
victs who have
1906,
employed under
escaped and been
Art. 2,
guard upon pub-
recaptured.
Sec.
lic improvements
4114.
where free labor
Georgia
Chain gang
R. S.
is employed.
permitted.
1911.
Sec. 697.
Idaho
Ball and chain
R. S.
attached to one
1908,
leg.
Sec.
8502.
Kansas
Ball and chain
R. S.
so used as not to
1909,
torture limbs.
C. 108,
Art. 30,
Sec.
8583.
Massachu-
Log and chain
R. S.
setts
for county pris-
1902,
oners.
C. 225,
Sec. 37.
New Jersey
Chain on leg
R. S.
or handcuffs, or
1910,
both, permitted
Page
on prisoners in
4913-
solitary' confine-
ment.
Oklahoma
R. S.
1903,
Sec.
5731-
Pennsyl-
Keepers of
R. S.
vania
county jails may
1907,
put iron yokes
Page
round prisoner's
201 1,
neck, chains on
Sec. I,
leg, or otherwise
restrain in irons.
South
Chain gangs
R. S.
Carolina
permitted, for
1902,
convicts with
Sec.
sentence under
772-3-
five years.
South
Ball and chain
R. S.
Dakota
for county con-
1910,
victs.
Title 12,
Sec.
■WASHINGTO^
Ball and chain
745-
R. S.
for county con-
1910.
victs.
Sec.
8493-
West
Ball and chain
R. S.
Virginia
for county con-
1906.
victs.
C. 36.
Sec.
I168.
(272)
No. 4]
HOW MAY HE BE PUNISHED
21
5 , Reductii
3« of Food.
(A) Permitted in:
(B) Prohibited in:
Tennessee
Jail prisoners
Laws
Florida
Labor without
R. S.
refusing to work
1899,
food.
1906,
to have only one
c. 358.
Art. 6,
meal a day until
Sec.
they do good
4139-
work.
Montana
Rations may
R. S.
Virginia
With the con-
R. S.
not be reduced
1907,
sent of the Gov-
1904,
without reducing
Sec.
ernor misdeme-
Sec.
the amount of
9736.
anornot amount-
4143-
labor required.
ing to felony may
Nevada
Rations may
R. S.
be punished with
1
not be reduced
1912,
lower and coarser
unless hours of
Sec.
diet.
labor are re-
duced.
1S19-
6.
The Gag, Iron Mask, etc.
(A) Permitted in:
(B) Prohibited in :
Virginia
R. S.
Connecticut Fine of $50.00
R. S.
1904,
for officer using
1902,
Sec.
gag.
Sec.
4143-
2924.
Massachu
Fine of $50.00
R. S.
setts
for officer using
gag-
1902,
C. 225,
Sec. 33.
7. Corporal
Punishment
(A) Permitted in:
(B) Prohibited in:
Alabama
Administered
R. S.
Georgia
Const.
only by party au-
1907,
1877.
thorized by Pres-
Sec.
Art. I,
ident of Board
6543-
Par. 7.
of Inspectors.
Illinois
R. S.
Connecticut Moderate
R. S.
1909,
whipping, not
1902,
C. 108,
exceeding lo
Sec.
Sec. 37.
stripes for one
2900.
Kansas
R. S.
offense.
1909,
Delaware
In extreme
R. S.
C. 108,
cases overseer
1893,
Art. 30,
with consent of
C. 54,
Sec.
one commission-
Sec. 10.
8583.
er may inflict
Maine
R. S.
moderate whip-
1903,
ping.
C. 141,
Whipping may
Laws of
Sec. 10.
only be inflicted
1905,
Michigan
Whipping with
R. S.
by agents of the
C. 125.
lash on bare
1897,
board .
body.
C. 75,
Georgia
Whipping Boss
R. S.
Sec. 40.
to be appointed
1911,
Montana
R. S.
b y County or
Title 7,
1907,
m u n i c ipal au-
Sec. 858.
Sec.
thorities, which
9736.
fix his compen-
Nevada
R. S.
sation and pre-
1912^
scribe his duties.
Sec.
7S9Q.
(273)
22
THE CAGED MAN
(A) Permitted in :
(B) Prohibited in:
Indiana
Only by order
R. S.
New Mexico
R. S.
of Warden in
1908,
1897,
presence of pris-
C. 124,
Sec.
on physician and
Sec.
1056.
moral instructors
9867.
New Jersey
R. S.
of prison. Not
1910,
until 12 hours
Page
after offense and
4913.
only between
Art. 7.
the hours of 8
New York Blows.
R. S.
and lo a. m.
1909,
Kentucky
In presence of
R. S.
C. 47,
Warden. Not
1909,
Art. 6,
until 12 hours
C. 97,
Sec. 153.
after offense.
Sec.
Utah Whipping with
R. S.
3797-
a lash.
1907,
Louisiana
Board of Con-
Acts of
Sec.
trol responsible
1900,
2266.
that punishment
No. 70,
Wisconsin
R. S.
is not harsh or
Sec. 6.
1898,
severe.
Title 34,
Maryland
1 3 lashes max-
R. S.
C. 201,
imum ; warden
1904,
Sec.
may authorize
Art. 27,
4923-
under officers to
Sec. 640.
inflict one to five
lashes; to be re-
sorted to as little
as possible.
Michigan
Only in pres-
ence of prison
physician.
R. S.
1897,
C. 75.
Sec. 40.
Mississippi
Superintend-
ent allows farm
sergeants the
privilege of in-
flicting corporal
punishment;
farm sergeants
forbidden t h e
use of intoxi-
cants.
R. S.
1906,
C. 107,
Sec.
3602.
Sec.
3617.
Rhode
Only under di-
R. S.
Island
rection of at
least two mem-
bers of board.
1909,
C. 360,
Sec. 23.
Texas
Whipping not
exceeding 20
lashes on the
bare rump and
thigh to prison-
ers of the third
class; strap to be
of leather, not
over 2I-2 inches
wide and 24
inches long, at-
t a c h e d to a
wooden handle;
R. S.
1911,
Title 19,
Page
1637-
(274)
No. 4]
Utah
(A) Permitted in :
whipping must
be authorized by
2 members of
board of com-
missioners; phy-
sician must be
present; skin of
con^-ict must not
be broken.
Only in pres-
ence of physi-
cian.
HO W MA Y HE BE PUNISHED
(B) Prohibited in :
23
R. S.
1907,
Title 57.
Sec.
2266.
8. Showering with Cold Water is prohibited in:
Michigan
Montana
New York
Utah
Delaware
9. Stocks are prohibited in:
10. Crucifix, Yoke and Buck are prohibited in:
R. S. 1897, C.
75, Sec. 40.
R. S. 1907, Sec.
9736.
R. S. 1909, C. 47,
Art. 6, Sec. 153.
R. S. 1907, Sec.
2266.
Laws of 1905, C.
New York R. S. 1909, C. 47,
Art. 9, Sec. 153.
II. Punishment Injurious to Mind or Body is prohibited in:
Florida R. S. 1906, Art.
6, Sec. 4139.
Kansas Binding the limbs or any member R. S. 1909, C.
thereof or keeping prisoner in painful 108, Art. 30,
posture. Sec. 8583.
12. Greater or More Severe Punishment than Prescribed by Board is pro-
hibited in:
Arkansas Officer inflicting such punishment R. S. 1904, Sec.
guilty of felony and liable to impris- 5923-
onment from one to five years. If
death ensues he and his abettors guilty
of murder or manslaughter.
(275)
IV
HOW CAN HE BE WORKED?
The prisoner is the property of the state or a subdivision of the
state while he is in penal servitude. This property right the state
or its subdivision may lease or retain for its own use, the manner
being set forth in state constitutions and acts of legislatures.'
I . He May be Leased to
(A) Permitted in:
Alabama State convicts.
County con-
victs.
Individuals for Work Outside the Institution
(B) Prohibited in :
R. S.
1907,
C. 191,
Sec.
6484.
R. S.
1907,
C. 191,
Sec.
6580-1.
Not more than
R. S.
20 state orcounty
1907,
convicts to be
C. 191,
hired to one per-
Sec.
son at the same
6528.
time. Leasing
to relatives pro-
hibited.
Arkansas County con-
R. S.
victs.
1904,
Sec.
IIOI.
Florida No act leading
R. S.
to leasing per-
1907,
mitted until July,
Sec.
1913-
4146.
Acts of
1911,
Com.
Res. 12.
Louisiana County con-
Laws of
victs leased for
1894,
road work.
No. 29.
No convict
R. S.
whose sentence
1904,
is for more than
Page
2 years to be
1313.
leased and none
Sec. 2.
to be leased out
of county where
convicted.
Alabama
Iowa
Kansas
Tennessee
Utah
Leasing to
relatives.
For
work.
road
Em pi oyment
under contract
outside prison
prohibited.
A misdemeanor
to hire out a fe-
male convict,
either as cook,
washerwoman or
for any other
purpose.
The labor of
convicts outside
the prison
grounds, except
on public works
under the direct
control of the
state.
R. S.
1907,
C. 191,
Sec.
6528.
R. S.
1897.
Title 4,
C. 6,
Sec.
5654.
R. S.
1909,
Sec.
8595-
R. S.
1897,
C. 125,
Sec. 28,
Const.
1895,
Art. 16,
Sec. 3.
' Whitin, E. Stagg, " Penal Servitude," Introduction.
(276)
HO W CAN HE BE WORKED
25
A) Permitted in:
(B) Prohibited in:
North
County pris-
R. S.
Carolina
oners.
1908,
C. 24,
Sec.
1352.
South
County con-
R. S.
Carolina
victs to be leased
for road work.
1902,
C. 20,
Sec.
777-
Tennessee
The more able-
bo died short-
term convicts,
not otherwise
employed or that
cannot be em-
ployed within
the walls or on
the farm, may be
employed under
contract in road-
building, farm-
ing, etc., where
competing the
least with free
labor. Any con-
tract of more
than ninety days
to be approved
by Governor,
Secretary of
State and Attor-
ney General.
Laws of
1897,
C. 125,
Sec. 31.
2. Leased to Individuals for Work Inside the Institution.
(A) Permitted in:
(B) Prohibited in:
Colorado
R. S.
1908,
C. 108,
Sec.
California
Laws of
1911,
P. I. C.
56.
4851.
Georgia No contract
R. S.
Connecticut No contract
Laws of
whereby con-
1911,
for more than 4
1911,
tractor is inter-
Vol. II,
years.
C.275.
ested in amount
Sec.
Idaho
R. S.
1908,
of work done by
prisoners.
1212.
Sec.
Indiana At Reforma-
Laws of
8461.
tory.
1911,
Indiana
Labor of 400
R. S.
C. 212.
convicts to be
1908,
Illinois
R. S.
leased, and if
C. 124,
1909,
population ex-
Sees.
C. 108,
ceeds 800, fifty
9845-
Sec. 79.
per cent of num-
9847.
Kansas R e f 0 rmatory
R. S.
ber above 800 to
prisoners.
1909,
be leased also;
C. 108,
number of con-
Art. 131,
victs in one in-
Sec. 748.
(277)
26
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Maine
Maryland
Massachu-
setts
Minnesota
Nebraska
(A) Permitted in:
dustry not to ex-
ceed I go; no
contracts to run
beyond Oct. i,
1910.
Warden with
consent of exec-
utive council to
make contracts.
Contracts to run
ID years.
Contracts not
to exceed 6 years
and to go to the
highest bidder;
price not less
than 45 cents
per day per man.
Contract to run
4 years.
Warden to
make contracts;
not more than
20 per cent of
male convicts to
be employed at
one time in one
industry and, so
far as practic-
able, convicts
to manufacture
goods not man-
ufactured else-
where in the
state.
Directors to
make contracts.
Copies of all
contracts at all
times to be pub-
lic documents.
Under name of
" piece-price."
As rapidly as
it can be done,
state to provide
for employment
of convicts on
its own account;
contracts not to
extend over 3
years.
R. S.
1897,
Sec.
5702.
R. S.
1909,
C. 108,
Sec.
8591.
R. S.
1909,
C. 97.
Art. I,
Sees. 13,
I5> 17-
R. S.
1903,
C. 141.
Sees.
19. 31-
R. S.
1904,
Art. 27,
Sec. 565.
R. S.
1902,
C. 225.
Sec. 50.
R. S.
1905,
C. 105,
Sec.
5447-
R. S.
1911,
Sec.
IQ166.
(B) Prohibited in :
Michigan No new con-
tracts after Dec.
II, 1911.
Minnesota After expira-
tion of existing
contracts.
At Reforma-
tories.
Mississippi State convicts.
County con-
victs.
Missouri After expira-
tion of contracts
existing in 191 1.
Montana
New Mexico
New Jersey
New York
North
Dakota
Louisiana
Ohio
Oklahoma
Leasing for
other than road
work prohibited.
Laws of
1909,
No. 140.
R. S.
1905.
C. 105,
Sec.
5447-
Sec.
5458.
Const.
1890,
Art. 10,
Sec. 223.
Laws of
1908,
S. B.
No. 83.
Laws of
1911,
S. B.
No. 23.
Const.
1889.
Art. 18,
Sec. 2.
Const.
1910,
Art. 20,
Sec. iS.
Laws of
1911,
S. B.
ISO-
Const.
1904,
Art. 3,
Sec. 29.
R. S.
1905,
Sec.
10394.
R. S.
1904,
Page
1315.
Art. 2.
Const.
Amdt.
1912,
Art. 2,
Sec. 41.
Const.
1907,
Art. 23,
Sec. 2.
(278)
No. 4]
HOW CAN HE BE WORKED
27
(A) Permitted in:
(B) Prohibited in:
Nevada
State convicts.
R. S.
Oregon
For manufac-
R. S.
1912,
ture of overalls,
1910,
Sec.
shirts, under-
Sec.
7561.
wear, boots or
4519-
County con-
R. S.
shoes, or any
victs.
1912,
Sec.
7609.
clothing, head or
foot gear of any
description.
New Hamp
Governor with
R. S.
Pennsyl-
After expira-
R. S.
SHIRE
advice of council
1 90 1,
vania
tion of exisiting
1895,
makes contracts.
C. 285,
contracts, con-
page
Sec. 5.
\dcts to be em-
3487,
North
State prison-
R. S.
ployed on behalf
Sec. 18.
Carolina ers.
1908,
of the state.
C. 116,
Sec. 697.
Sec.
Utah
R. S.
5391-
1910,
Oregon
Contracts not
R. S.
Sec.
to exceed 10
1910,
2257.
years; price not
Sec.
Const.
less than 35 cents
4518.
1895,
per day per man.
Art. 16,
South
Contracts not
R. S.
Sec. 3.
Dakota
to exceed 5
1910,
Washington After Jan. i,
Const.
years.
Title 12,
Sec. 694.
1890.
1889,
Art. 2,
Rhode
R. S.
Sec. 29.
Island
1909,
C. 360, i
Sec. 12.
Wyoming
Laws of
1911,
C. 61.
Tennessee
Not more than
199 men under
any contract un-
til July I, 1915.
County con-
victs.
Laws of
1909,
H. B.
789.
R. S.
1896,
Title 7,
Art. 5,
Sec.
7428.
Vermont
Contracts not
to exceed 5
years.
R. S.
1906,
Title 33,
C. 260.
Sec.
5995-
Virginia
Convicts who,
because of
health, character
0 r disposition,
are deemed un-
safe for road
work, may be
hired out to work
at Penitentiar)-,
pro\aded number
of convicts so
hired, exclusive
of women, does
not exceed 500;
Laws of
1972,
C. 59-
(279)
28
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
(B) Prohibited in ;
(A) Permitted in:
and provided
further that the
present contract
shall not be re-
newed; nor shall
any contract be
made if convicts
can be profitably
worked without
a contract. No
contract to ex-
ceed 5 years.
Contracts to be
made with the
consent of the
Board of Direct-
o r s, Governor
and Secretary of
State Board of
Charities, or a
majority of them,
of which the
Board of Direct-
ors shall be one.
The tasks pro-
vided under all
contracts to be
fixed by the Su-
perintendent.
Wisconsin Contracts not R. S.
to exceed five 1889,
years. Sec.
4938.
West R. S.
Virginia 1906,
Sees.
4659-
4677.
3. The State may work him in State hidustries for State consumption
California
Idaho
Indiana
Kansas
Massachusetts
Missouri
New Jersey
Preparing grounds, and manufactur-
ing material for state sanitarium.
Reformatory.
Coal mined by convict labor.
Extension of market to all public in-
stitutions, state and county.
Beginning April i, 1912. at least 300
state convicts are to be added each year
to number employed under state use
till all are so employed.
Laws of 191 1, P.
I, C. 56.
Laws of 1911, C.
41.
Acts of 1911, C.
212.
R. S. 1909, C.
108, Art. 30,
Sec. 8596-8600.
Laws of 1910, C.
414.
Laws of 1912, C.
565.
Laws of 1911, C.
414.
Laws of 191 1, S.
B. 150.
(280)
No. 4]
HOW CAN HE BE WORKED
29
New York Const. 1894, Art.
3, Sec. 29, Laws
of 1909, C. 47,
Sec. 175.
" The legislature shall, by law, provide for the occupation and employment
of prisoners sentenced to the several state prisons, penitentiaries, jails and
reformatories in the state ; and on and after the first day of January, in the
year one thousand eight hundred and ninety-seven, no person in any such
prison, penitentiary, jail or reformatory, shall be required or allowed to work,
while under sentence thereto, at any trade, industry or occupation, wherein or
whereby his work, or the product or profit of his work, shall be farmed out,
contracted, given or sold to any person, firm, association or corporation. This
section shall not be construed to prevent the legislature from providing that
convicts may work for, and that the products of their labor may be disposed
of to the state or any political division thereof, or for or to any public institu-
tion owned or managed and controlled by the state, or any political division
thereof." — N. Y. State Constitution, 1894, Art. 3, Sec. 29.
North Dakota
Ohio
Pennsylvania
Utah
Virginia
West Virginia
Wyoming
Factory for supplying equipment for
schools and public institutions to be
established from profits of brickyard.
County convicts.
After expiration of existing con-
tracts convicts may manufacture for
state institutions.
The Board of Corrections is author-
ized to employ such number of con-
victs as it may deem proper in the
manufacture of clothing and equipage
for the national guard.
Convicts deemed unsafe for road
work may be employed by the Peniten-
tiary Board in work for the state.
Convicts not working on contract or
hired out may manufacture articles for
the state.
Laws of 191 1, C.
205.
R. S. 1905, Sec.
10442.
Laws of 191 1, H.
B. 946.
R. S. 1895, Pg-
3487, Sec. 18.
R. S. 1907, Title
48, Sec. 1477.
Laws of 1912, C.
59-
R. S. 1903. C.
163, Sec. 39.
Laws of 191 1, C.
61.
4. The State may work him on farms for State consumption:
New Jersey To be given preference in develop- Laws of 191 1, S.
ment of state use industries. B. 150.
Ohio Laws of 191 1. H.
B. 146.
5. The S/nle may 7vork him 07t Public Works.
(A) Permitted in :
(B
) Prohibited in :
Alabama
County con-
R. S.
Alabama
For women
R. S.
victs; to be
1907,
convicts.
1907,
worked in squads
C. 191,
C. 191,
with other per-
Sees.
Sec.
"="«^"" . .
2^' sons Hable to
6580 and
6582.
'"'■
road duty.
6581.
Kentucky
State convicts.
Const.
Bssnans
1891,
Arkansas
j County con-
R. S.
Sec. 253
victs.
1904,
Mississippi
For women
R. S.
C. 37,
convicts.
1906,
Sec.
C. 22,
1066.
Sec. 874
(281)
30
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Hi
(A) Permitted in:
Arizona So that labor
does not inter-
fere with free
labor.
California County con-
victs.
Colorado State convicts.
County con-
victs.
Connecticut Guards to ac-
company prison-
ers laboring out-
side prison walls.
Delaware
Florida County prison-
ers.
Georgia
Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
State convicts
in building walls,
ditches, etc., on
prison grounds.
County prison-
ers not physically
disabled.
I n preparing
road material,
fertilizer and
deepening chan-
nels of rivers.
County con-
nets in county
wherein con-
victed.
County con-
victs.
Able bodied
male convicts;
not to be leased
when so employ-
ed; breaking of
stone for convicts
n o t otherwise
employed.
R. S.
1901,
Title 15,
Sec.
1197.
Penal
Code,
1909,
Sec.
1613.
Laws of
1905,
C. 86.
Laws of
1911,
C. 130.
R. S.
1902,
Sec.
2901.
R. S,
1893,
Page 976,
Sec. 6.
Laws of
1907,
Sec. 110.
R. S.
1911,
Sec.
1207.
Laws of
1911,
C. 216.
R. S.
1901,
Sec.
S541-
8542.
R. S.
1909.
C. 108,
Sec. 27.
R. S.
1908,
Vol. I,
C. 4, Sec.
2189.
R. S.
1897,
Title 26,
C. I, Sec.
5653-
R. S.
1897,
Title 26,
C. 2, Sec.
5707.
(B) Prohibited in:
Wisconsin Stone crushing Acts of
prohibited for 1909,
women convicts. C. 333.
(282)
No. 4]
HOW CAN HE BE WORKED
31
Kansas
Kentucky
Louisiana
(A) Permitted in:
Convicts n 0 1
R. S.
employed under
1909,
contract or in
C. 108,
coal mining.
Art. 30,
Sec.
8604.
County con-
Sec.
victs.
6942.
R. S.
1903,
County con-
C. no,
victs.
Art. I,
Sec.
4322.
Board to con-
Acts of
tract for building
1900,
of public roads,
No. 70,
levees, and to
Sec. 14.
(B) Prohibited in ;
Maine
Maryland
bid in the same
way as a private
concern.
Upon written
application from
county or munic-
ipal authorities,
Board of Inspec-
tors may direct
that jail prison-
ers be worked on
county roads.
Sheriffs of cer-
tain counties per-
mitted to work
convicts over 16
years of age on
public roads.
Prisoners in
the county jail
of Garrett county
whose term of
commitm e n t
does not exceed
one year, may be
sentenced to
hard labor on
the roads of that
county, under
the direction of
the town or
county commis-
sioners, but their
hours of labor
may not exceed
ten a day.
Convicts of
Frederick county
may be employed
by sheriff on the
public roads of
the county.
Laws of
1905,
C. 126.
Laws of
1906,
C. 36.
Laws of
1912,
c. 597.
Laws of
1912,
C. 386.
(283)
32
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
(A) Permitted in:
Massachu- County con-
SETTS victs may pre-
pare road ma-
terial using only
hand or foot
power.
Empl oyment
in caring for pub-
lic lands and
buildings.
(B) Prohibited in
Michigan
All able-bodied
state prisoners
may be placed
on the county
roads; the award
of labor to the
highest bidder;
expense of
guarding "if
guards are neces-
sary " is borne
by prison author-
ities. Transpor-
tation, housing,
food, and tools
by the county
road commis-
sioners; stone
crushing and
light work is
allowed but
nothing requir-
ing skilled labor.
County con-
R. S.
1902,
C. 225,
Sec. 59.
R. S.
1908,
Page
1469,
Sec. I.
Acts of
1911,
No. 181.
Acts of
victs.
1910,
No. 10.
Minnesota County con-
R. S.
victs.
1905,
C. 106,
Sec.
Mississippi So that they
5468.
Const.
remain under
1890,
state control.
Art. 10,
Sec.
No guarding
224.
R. S.
by trusties.
1906,
C. 107,
Sec.
Convicts over
3603.
C. 22,
eighteen years of
Sec. 870
age and under
fifty sentenced
to the farms of.
four counties
may be requited
to work fifteen
(284)
No. 4]
HO IV CAN HE BE WORKED
33
Missouri
Montana
New Jersey
(A) Permitted in:
days on the pub-
lic roads of the
counties where
they are held as
prisoners. Work
to be performed
under supervi-
sion of Supt. of
pen. County
supervisors to
furnish suitable
quarters for the
men.
300 state con-
victs may be em-
ployed on pubhc
works.
County con-
victs.
State convicts.
County con-
victs.
County con-
victs.
Male convicts
in state prison
may labor on
roads if they de-
sire and if
warden and
Board are will-
ing.
County con-
victs leased for
public works.
Convict Labor
Commission to
formulate plans
for the use of all
convicts physic-
ally able on pub-
lic roads, in
public parks,
forestry and
Laws of
1911,
S. B.,23.
R. S.
1909,
C. 34,
Art. 5,
Sec.
3732-33-
R. S.
1907,
P-3,
Title I,
Sec.
9729-
R. S.
1907,
P-3.
Title 2,
Sec.
9775-
R. S.
1911,
C. 49,
Sec.
2695.
Laws of
1911,
C. 71.
Laws of
1912,
J. R.
No. 5.
(B) Prohibited in ;
(285)
34
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
(A) Permitted in:
other ways for
public benefit.
County-board
Laws of
of Chosen Free-
1912,
holders to make
C. 223.
application, stat-
ing number of
prisoners desired.
Prison Labor
Commission, in
connection with
governing body
of institution to
determine num-
ber to be as-
signed, cost of
transportation,
maintenance and
c 0 m p e n s ation
and may enter
into agreement.
Any moneys law-
fully available
for roads may
be spent in hous-
ing and feeding
such convicts.
New Mexico Appropriation
Laws of
of $5000.00 for
1903.
guards and ma-
c. 56.
terials for road
works.
Prisoners to be
Laws of
so worked when-
1909,
ever possible.
C.42.
County pris-
Laws of
oners.
1909,
C. 89.
No convict to
R. S.
go out to labor
1897,
unguarded, un-
Sec.
less he be a
3528.
trusty.
New York Appropriation
Laws of
of $10,000 for
1912,
construction of
c. 530.
(B) Prohibited in ;
highways by con-
vict labor in vicin-
ity of Clinton and
Great Meadow
prisons.
Not to exceed
300 convicts on
highways.
Convict labor
may be employed
by the conserva-
tion commission
i n propagating
Laws of
1909,
C. 47.
Sec. 179.
Laws of
1912,
C. 444-
(286)
No. 4]
HOW CAN HE BE WORKED
35
(A) Permitted in:
trees and in field
planting.
North
Convicts hired
R. S.
Carolina
to counties or
1908,
municipalities.
Sec.
5411-
County con-
R. S.
victs.
1908,
Sec.
1355-
North
A 1 1 convicts
Laws of
Dakota
not otherwise
1909,
employed.
C. 133-
Ohio
Stone crush-
Laws of
ing.
1911,
S. B.
238.
Oklahoma
State prison-
Laws of
ers.
1909,
c. 32,
Sec. 50.
County prison-
Laws of
ers.
1909,
C.32.
Sec. 40.
Oregon
County con-
R. S.
victs.
1910,
Sec.
6432-34.
Expense of
R. S.
extra guards for
1910,
road work to be
Sec.
borne by state
4521.
board of agricul-
ture.
Pennsyl-
10 per cent, of
R. S.
vania
the inmates of
1909,
any workhouse.
p. 5622,
Sec. I.
South
Convicts who
Const.
Carolina
are able-bodied
1895,
are placed on
Art. 12,
chain-gang un-
Sec. 6.
less otherwise
Laws of
provided by spe-
1911,
cial order of the
No. no.
judge.
County con-
R. S.
victs.
1902,
Title 3,
C. 32,
Sec. 657.
South
County con-
R. S.
Dakota
victs. If Sheriff
1907,
can work con-
Title 12,
victs more profit-
Sec. 745.
ably outside jail.
( B) Prohibited in ;
(287)
36
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Tennessee
Texas
Utah
Virginia
(A) Fermitted in :
Counties to
construct and
maintain porta-
ble, movable or
stationary work-
houses for work-
ing prisoners
upon the public
roads.
Legislatures to
make provisions
for using convict
labor on public
roads.
County con-
victs.
County Com-
missioners to
make regulations
for state prisor.-
ers to work on
roads laid out by
road commission.
County prison-
All persons
convicted of
crime and sen-
tenced to hard
labor on the pub-
lic roads, prior to
May 1st, 1913,
and after that
date all persons
sentenced to con-
finement in the
Penitentiar)- and
all persons con-
fined in our pub-
lic jails shall,
when delivered
to the Superin-
tendent of the
Penitentiary, con-
stitute theconnct
road force.
Prisoner con-
victed of felony
prior to May ist,
191 3, may be
sentenced to
vpork on public
roads. After
Mayf 1st, 1913,
(B) Prohibited in;
Laws of
1907,
S. B.
239-
Const,
1876,
Art. 16,
Sec. 24.
R. S.
1911,
Title 104,
C.3,
Sec.
6238.
Laws of
1911,
C. 76.
Laws of
1909,
C. 89.
Sec. 15.
Laws of
1912,
C.58.
Laws of
1912,
C. 59-
C288)
No. 4]
HOJV CAN HE BE WORKED
37
(A) Permitted in:
all male prison-
ers, except such
as Superintend-
ent deems un-
safe, because of
condition of
health, character
or disposition,
shall be subject
to work on pub-
lic roads.
Vermont State prison-
R. S.
ers — Supt. may
1906,
employ as many
Title 33,
as lo state con-
C. 260,
victs at one time
Sec.
outside prison
5996-7-
walls.
County con-
R. S.
victs.
1906,
Title 33,
C. 262,
Sec.
6105.
Washington County con-
R. S.
victs.
1910,
Sec.
3895-
State convicts.
R. S.
1910.
Title 68,
C. 4,
Sec.
8575-
Wyoming Any convict
R. S.
may work on
1910,
public highways
C. 418,
or streets.
Sec.
6401.
(B) Prohibited in;
6. The State may ivork him on State Farms for Community Consumption:
Arkansas
PYORIDA
Georgia
Board of Commissioners to purchase R. S. 1904, C.
or lease and equip a farm or farms 123, Sec. 5855.
to pay for the same out of the labor or
products of the labor of the convicts,
or they may select any lands of the
state and clear and improve and estab-
lish a farm, on the same of sufficient
area to employ all convicts able to
work.
Female, aged, diseased, crippled, de- Laws of
formed, or otherwise unable to per- No. 72-
form manual labor to be withheld from
lease and employed on farm.
Reformatory prisoners. R. S. 1911,
1243.
Convicts not engaged in work for R. .S. 1911, Sec.
municipalities or counties, or convicts 1214.
considered dangerous and not safe on
public works.
(289)
1909.
Sec.
38
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Louisiana
Michigan
Mississippi
North Carolina
North Dakota
Oregon
Pennsylvania
South Dakota
Tennessee
Texas
Utah
Virginia
Wisconsin
7. The State may
Arkansas
California
Delaware
Illinois
Indiana
Michigan
Minnesota
Missouri
Females, aged, diseased and infirm,
and boys under fifteen.
Board of Control with ai)proval of
Governor to purchase or lease a tract
of land to be cultivated by convict
labor.
Warden has power to employ con-
victs on farm.
Legislature to purchase farms and
have convicts work thereon under
state supervision.
Purchase of state farms authorized.
State Board of Agriculture author-
ized to make requisition for use of
convict labor on state fair grounds.
The Board of Inspectors of the West-
ern Penitentiary is empowered to se-
cure one thousand five hundred acres
of forest land and take the necessary
steps toward the erection of a suitable
institution. The able-bodied male con-
Aacts are to assist in the improvement
of the tract and construction of the
building.
Farming and stone quarrying out-
side prison walls authorized.
One member of Board to superintend
and manage all farming operations.
For countv convicts.
R. S. 191 1, Sec.
1205.
R. S. 1904, Page
1307, Sec. ID.
R. S. 1897, Sec.
2110.
Const. 1890, Art.
ID, Sec. 225.
R. S. 1908, C.
107, Sec. 5063.
R. S. 1905, Sec.
10368.
R. S. 1910, Sec.
4521.
R. S. 191 1. No.
37-
R. S. iqio. Title
12, Sec. 683.
Laws of 1897, C.
I2i;, Sec. II.
R. S. 191 1, VoL
5, Page mo.
R." S. 1910, Title
74, Sees. 2254,
2259.
Laws of 19 1 2. C.
59-
R. S. 1889, C.
201, Sec. 4927.
ork him in Slate Factories for Community Consumption:
R. S. 1904, Sec.
5856.
Laws of 191 1. P-
I, C. 56.
R. S. 1893, Page
428, Sec. 14.
R. S. 1909, C.
108, Sees. 87-
90.
Convicts deemed unsafe for road
work may be employed by the Peniten-
tiary Board on the state farm.
Warden may employ convicts outside
walls in stone quarrying or on farm.
Jute bags and crushing of stone.
Stone crushing.
Industries to be assigned to different
institutions due regard beng paid to
location of prison, market, and ma-
chinery already installed and number
of convicts.
Surplus articles from Reformatory.
Binder twine, Manufacture of
chairs, Detroit House of Correction.
Binder twine.
R. S. 1908, Sec.
9921.
Acts of 1907. No.
211.
R. S. 1905. Sec.
5448.
Laws of 191 1. S.
B. 23.
(290)
No. 4]
Montana
New Mexico
North Dakota
Tennessee
Virginia
Washington
Wisconsin
HOW CAN HE BE WORKED
Binder twine; jute bags.
Lindur twine.
Brick making, manufacture of farm
implements authorized.
Mining, one member of Board to
superintend all mining operations.
Convict Lime Board consisting of the
Governor, Superintendent of the Peni-
tentiary and Commissioner of Agricul-
ture created to provide for working
long-term or desperate convicts in the
manufacture of ground lime stone or
oyster shells. Board may acquire by
gpift, purchase or lease suitable lime-
stone quarries and suitable deposits of
oyster shells convenient to transporta-
tion by rail or water. Board to see that
competent and reliable men are placed
in charge of the machinery. When-
ever possible convicts to be used for
all the work of the plants. No one
purchaser to secure more than one car
load during any one year, if there are
other applications therefore. Product
not to be sold to purchaser except for
his own use.
As many convicts as possible to be
employed in the manufacture of jute.
Binder twine.
39
Laws of 1909, H.
J. R. 6.
R. S. 1897, Sec.
3548.
Laws of 1909, C.
228.
Laws of 1911, C.
204.
Laws of 1897, C.
125, Sec. 12.
Laws of 1912, C.
295-
R. S. 1910, Sec.
8555.
Laws of 1911, C.
377-
8. The State may work him Under Specific Limitations:
The unfair competition of prison goods with the products of
free labor before the introduction of state production for state
consumption resulted in the introduction of methods which
should in part le.ssen the injurious competition.
Colorado
Georgia
Illinois
Tennessee
Utah
Competition with Free Labor prohibited in:
Convicts shall not be used in build-
ing bridges or similar structures which
require the employment of free labor.
Industries to compete as little as
possible with free labor.
Diversified lines of industry to be
selected so as to interfere as little as
possible with industries of the State.
R. S. 1908, C.
108, Sec. 4880.
R. S. 19 II. Sec.
1212.
R. S. 1909, C.
108, Sec. 77.
Laws of 1909, H.
B. 789.
R. S. 1910, Title
74, Sec. 2257.
The limitation of output in lines affected was the prevailing
(291)
40
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
remedy, based on the theory that where the quantity was small
the debasing effect of the goods on the market would be small.
As the limitation upon the quantity of output was difficult to
legislate upon and in a field in which the union men were not
versed, the limitation was placed upon the number of con-
victs that could be employed on any one commodity' and the
restriction upon the use of machinery.
Number of Convicts in One Industry Limited:
Massachusetts Not more than 30 per cent of the
convicts may be employed in any in-
dustry except cane-seating and um-
brella making.
Brushes not more than 80 men ;
chairs with wood frames not more than
80 men ; clothing other than shirts or
hosiery not more than 375 men ; har-
ness not more than 50 men ; mats not
more than 20 men ; rattan chairs not
more than 75 men ; rush chairs not
more than 75 men ; shirts not more
than 80 women ; shoes not more than
375 men ; shoe heels not more than 125
men; stone cutting not more than 150
men ; laundry work not more than 100
men.
Minnesota Number of convicts in any one in-
dustry not to exceed 10 per cent of
total number of persons engaged in
such industry in the state, unless
needed to produce articles for State or
Charitable institutions. Number in
each industry to be determined by a
commission consisting of the State
Labor Commissioner, a member of the
Board of Control and a citizen not
connected with the prison, the last two
appointed by the Governor.
This provision does not apply to the
number of prisoners employed in
manufacture of binder twine, binder,
mowers, and rakes at Stillwater, nor
to number manufacturing brushes at
Cloud, nor to number hereafter em-
ploj'ed at Stillwater in any industry
not now carried on in the State.
Pennsylvania Not more than ^ per cent of inmates
to manufacture brooms and hollow-
ware nor 10 per cent other goods.
Ohio Total number employed in the manu-
facture of any one kind of goods
manufactured elsewhere in the State
not to exceed 10 per cent of the num-
ber of persons in the .'^tate outside the
Penitentiary employed in such manu-
facture.
(292)
R.
S. 1903, C.
225, Sec. 48.
. S. 1902, C.
225, Sec. 47.
. S. 190S, C.
105, Sec. 5449.
. S. 1909, C.
105, Sec. 5449-
,. S. 1903, Page
3488. Sec. 26.
.. S. 1910, Div.
4. C. 3, Sec.
2244.
No. 4j HOW CAN HE BE WORKED 4 1
The Use of Machinery is forbidden in:
Illinois No more motive power or machinery R. S. 1909, C.
other than hand or foot than is abso- 108, Sec. 80.
lutely necessary.
Indiana All work done under State account R. S. 1908, C.
to be hand work if possible. 124, Sec. 9850.
Pennsylvania ^ R. S. 1902, Page
3489, Sec. 28.
Similar prohibitions are found for the manufacture of any
goods which would compete with any goods manufactured in
the state in which the prison was located.
The manufacture of goods manufactured by free industries in the State is pro-
hibited as follows:
Idaho No contract shall be let to perform R. S. 1908, Part
any labor which shall conflict with any 3, Title I, C.
existing manufacturing industries of i, Sec. 8461.
the state.
Michigan No mechanical trades shall here- Const. 1850, Art.
after be taught the convicts in the state 18, Sec. 3.
prisons of this state except the manu-
facture of those articles of which the
chief supply for home consumption is
imported from other states or coun-
tries.
Utah Board to select diversified industries R. S. 190". Title
with reference to interfering as little 74. C. 10, Sec.
as possible with the same lines ot m- 2257.
dustry carried on by citizens of the
state.
The branding of prison goods, or the use of a prohibitory
license have been the subject of statutes in many states, though
held unconstitutional pending the action of Congress.^
The Branding of convict-made goods and licensing the sale of convict-made
goods is permitted in:
California Each and every article manufactured Laws of 191 1.
under the provisions of this act shall Page 72. Art. 8.
have plainly marked or stamped
thereon either the words " San Quen-
tin Prison " or the words " Folsom
Prison ", according as such article may
be manufactured at one or other of
said prisons.
Colorado No convict-made goods shall be sold R. S. 1908, C.
without a license from the Secretary 29, Art. 2, Sec.
of State. This license is to be con- 835.
spicuously posted in the dealer's place
of business. License fee is $500.
License must be renewed every year.
Goods are to be plainly marked and
^ Kempf vs. Francis, Xo. 9, Oct. Term, 1912. Filed Jan. 6, 1913.
^ 157 N. Y., I. "Hawkins' Case."
(293)
42
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
IXDIAXA
Louisiana
KcNTrCKY
Mains
Xkw Jersey
New York
Ohio
branded " convict made ". Bond of
$5,000 must be furnished for the faith-
ful observance of the law.
Requirements as to license, bond, fee,
etc., same as in Colorado. All con-
vict-made clothing must have linen
label sewed on each article in a con-
spicuous place.
It shall be unlawful for any corpor-
ation, merchant or other person, in the
State of Louisiana, to deal in or sell
brooms, made in the different state
penitentiaries, by convicts or other per-
sons confined therein, unless each
broom is stamped or labeled " convict-
made " ; said label or stamp to be not
less than four inches long, two and a
half inches wide, and the letters thereof
not less than one inch in size. Anv
corporation, merchant or other person
violating the provisions of this act
shall, on conviction thereof, be fined
not less than fifty dollars, or be im-
prisoned in the parish jail, for not less
than thirty days, for each offense, at
the discretion of the court.
All goods made in prison outside of
the state, must be plainly marked "con-
vict made ". Penalty for removal of
mark — year's imprisonment and fine of
$500. Xo one shall have convict-made
goods in his possession for the purpose
of sale that are not so marked.
All articles and goods manufactured
at the prison for sale shall be distinctly
labeled or branded with these words,
" Manufactured at the Maine State
Prison."
All goods made in whole or in part
within the state prison and intended
for sale to be plainly marked " Manu-
factured in the New Jersey state
prison," or if impractical to mark ar-
ticle, package or box in which goods
are contained to be plainly marked.
No one shall offer for sale or sell or
have in his possession for the purpose
of sale, any convict-made goods with-
out a license from the State Comp-
troller. This license renewable every
year. Fee $500. Application for
license to be accompanied by bond of
$5,000 for the faithful observance of
the law. Requirements as to marking
goods same as in Colorado. Penalty
for violation, fine of not less than $100
nor more than $1,000, or imprisonment
not less than ten days, or by both fine
and imprisonment.
Goods manufactured in this or any
other state to be branded " convict
(294)
Acts of 1901, P.
618.
R. S. 1904, Page
433-
R. S. 1909, C. 30,
Sees. 524-526.
R. S. 1903, C.
141, Sec. 32.
R. S. 1910. Page
4916.
Penal Law iqoq.
Art. 60.
R. S. iqio, C. 16,
Sees. 62i-?.62
ID, *
i8.|
No. 4]
HOW CAN HE BE WORKED
43
made ". Such brand to be placed out-
side of and upon the most conspicuous
part of the finished article and its box,
crate, or covering. When the Commis-
sioner of Labor has reason to believe
this statute has been violated he shall
notify the Attorney-General who shall
institute proceedings.
Oklahoma Any article manufactured by con- Laws of 1910, H.
victs in any prison or penitentiary of B. No. 21.
any state of the U. S., or in any fed-
eral prison or penitentiary, before being
sold or offered for sale shall bear a
label to be placed on the outside of the
most conspicuous part of the article.
Any person found guilty of violating
this act shall be fined not less than
$100 or more than $500.00.
Oregon All goods made in any penitentiary, R. S. 191 1, IL B.
prison, or reformatory shall be plainly 82.
branded " convict made ", followed by
year and name of the penitentiary in
plain English lettering. If it is im-
practical to brand articles label shall
be placed on the box or other cover-
ing. Any person violating this act shall
be sentenced to pay a fine of not ex-
ceeding $1,000.
Pennsylvania All goods, wares, etc., manufactured R. S. 1903, P.
in any prison, etc., whether for the 3488, Sees. 22-
direct benefit and maintenance of such 25.
institution or under contract made by
the authorities with any third party
shall be placed on the package or other
covering ; mark always to be placed
upon the most conspicuous part of the
article or box. Goods shipped to
points outside the state shall not be so
branded. Fine not exceeding $1000 or
imprisonment for one year. Any per-
son offering such goods for sale with-
out license shall be subject to a fine
not exceeding $500 or imprisonment
for 6 months.
Wisconsin All goods manufactured in a prison, R. S. 1898, C.
etc.. in any state except this state, shall 202, Sec. 4960.
be branded "convict made". If im-
practical to brand articles, packages or
boxes in which they are contained,
must be clearly marked. It is the duty
of the Commissioner of Labor and the
District Attorneys to enforce this law.
Special interests have attempted to secure statutes prohibit-
ing the prison manufacture of the special commodities from
the sale of which thev' secured a livelihood.
(295)
44 THE CAGED MAN [Vol. Ill
The Manufacture of Certain Articles is prohibited in:
CONXECTICUT Tobacco or any article which in its R. S. 1902, Sec.
use comes into contact with the mouth 2902.
of human being.
Indiana Manufacture of school desks, print- R. S. 1908, C.
ing of school books or any books ex- 124, Sec. 9920.
cept for use in institution, at Reforma-
tory.
M.'VINE Wagons, sleighs and carriages ex- R. S. 1903, C-
cept infants' carriages. 141, Sec. 31.
Maryland Tin cans for oyster and fruit packing R. S. 1904, Art.
purposes, or iron stoves for heating or 27, Sec. 565.
cooking purposes, or iron castings for
machinery purposes.
Massachusetts Engraving. R. S. 1902, C.
225, Sec. 26.
New York Printing and photo engraving. R. S. 1909, C. 47,
Sec. 176.
The unhealthful conditions prevailing in certain prison
workshops has resulted in special provisions prohibiting dan-
gerous trades.
Work Injurious to Health or Dangerous to Person of Convict is prohibited in:
Kansas R. S. 1909. C.
108, Sec. 8595.
Kentucky R. S. 1909, C. 97,
Art. I, Sec. 17.
South Dakota R. S. 1910, Title
12, Sec. 696.
The introduction of free laborers into tlie prison workshops
during the hours of labor so as to supplement the labor of
prisoners and aid in the development of state workshops for
the production of commodities for sale in the open market has
been prohibited by statute.^
Association with Free Laborers during Work Hours is prohibited in:
Kentucky R- S. 1909, Sec.
3809.
The avoidance of expense is sought by means of a statute.
Labor 7vhich can be carried on without expense to county and is consistent
with safe-keeping of prisoner is permitted in:
New Hampshire R- S. 1901, C.
282, Sec. 14.
His hours of labor are limited. The desire to restrict the
quantitA' of the goods he may produce has prevented his over-
exertion, while militating against his efficiency.
^ See, Whitin, Penal Servitude, pp. 67-69.
(296)
No. 4]
HOIV CAN HE BE WORKED
45
Nevada
New Mexico
Colorado
Delaware
Florida
Idaho
Minnesota
New York
Pennsylvania
Utah
Wisconsin
New Jersey
West Virginia
Arkansas
Kansas
Louisiana
Maryland
Michigan
Minnesota
Missouri
North Dakota
Oregon
Tennessee
South Dakota
Hours fixed at six per day:
County convicts ; when weather per-
mits.
County prisoners ; between 9 and 4
p. m.
Hours fixed at eight per day:
Misdemeanants.
Between 8 a. m. and 5 p. m.
Not less than 8 or more than 10.
County prisoners.
No convict to labor more than 8
hours per day at stone work.
County prisoners.
Hours fixed at nine per day:
Hours fixed at ten per day:
County convicts; not to begin before
6 a. m.
Male prisoners over 16 and under 50
to labor not more than 10 hours per
day.
Eight hours per day from Oct. IJ
to April 15; ten hours per day from
April I? to October 15.
R. S. 1912, Sec.
7619.
Laws of 1909, C.
Laws of 191 1, C.
130.
R. S. 1893, Page
426, Sec. 5.
R. S. 1906, Art.
6, Sec. 4138.
R. S. 1901, Sec.
8542.
R. S. 1905, C.
105, Sec. 5458.
Prison Law 1909,
Art. 171.
R. S. 1909, Page
5622, Sec. I.
R. S. 1907, Sec.
2263.
Laws of 1909, C.
333-
Laws of 191 1, S.
B. i;o.
R. S. 1903, Sec.
4672.
R. S. 1904, Sec.
5899-
R. S. 1909, Sec.
8595.
R. S. 1904, Page
1313, Sec. 4.
Laws of 1906. C.
36-
R. S. 1897. C. 75.
Sec. 38.
R. S. 1905. C.
106, Sec. 5468.
R. S. 1909, Sec.
1657.
Laws of 190Q, C.
228.
R. S. 1910. Sec.
4^18.
R. S. 1896. Title
7, Art. 2, Sec.
7512.
Hours determined by 7'arious proznsions :
Constant employment for benefit of
state.
R. S. iqio. Title
12, C. I. Sec.
674.
(297)
46
THE CAGED MAN
Supreme Court to make rules.
Hours to be determined by discretion of Prison Board:
Arizona R. S. 1901, Title
56, C. 2, Sec.
3589.
Penal Code 1909,
Sec. 1586.
R. S. 1902, Title
17, C. 176, Sec.
2899.
R. S. 191 1, C.
35, Sec. 1 196.
R. S. 191 1, Sec.
1 199.
R. S. 1909, Sec^
3812.
Laws of 1903, C
141, Sec. 4.
R. S. 1906, C.
107, Sec. 3592.
R. S. 1907, Sec.
9717.
R. S. 1911, C. 51,.
Sees. 2743-4.
R. S. 1912, Sec-
756g-
R. S. 1901, C.
285, Sec. 5.
R. S. 1899, Sec.
3491-
R. S. 1908, C.
116. Sec. 5391.
R. S. 1910, Div.
4. C. 2, Sec.
2159.
Acts of 1908, H.
B. 715.
R. S. 1909, Title
38, C. 360, Sec.
2.
R. S. 1906, Sec.
5Q90.
R. S. 19 10. Title
68. Sec. 8521.
(298)
California
Connecticut
District of
Columbia
Georgia
Kentucky
Maine
Mississippi
Montana
Nebraska
Nevada
New Hampshire
New Mexico
North Carolina
Ohio
Oklahoma
Rhode Island
Vermont
Washington
State prisoners.
Discretion of governor and council.
State prisoners.
V
HOW IS HE MAINTAINED?
Supplied with a bunk, the prisoner is required to keep it
according to certain regulations and is protected in the use
of it by regulations.
Alabama
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Delawarb
District of
Columbia
Florida
Georgia
I. Bunking.
White and colored prisoners to be
housed separately. Fine of $ioo for
jailer who houses them together if
there is sufficient accommodation to do
otherwise.
Separation of white and colored pris-
oners, male and female.
Separate cells for all convicts at
night.
Beds of straw ; sufficient number of
blankets.
County — Some suitable woman to
have charge of women prisoners ; they
must not see or be seen by or converse
with male prisoners ; guard may not
search women prisoner or enter her
cell except in presence of matron.
County — Sheriff responsible for
cleanliness of jails; prisoners under
civil process to be kept separate from
those under criminal process. Separa-
tion of sexes.
Warden to make regulations.
County — Prisoners on civil process
not to be lodged in same rooms as those
held on criminal process. County to
provide suitable bedding and fuel.
Sheriff paid as much per day as
Levy Court decides for bedding, etc.
Separation of males and females and
young prisoners from hardened of-
fenders.
All regulations to be made by Su-
preme Court.
Allowance of bedding the same as
fixed by the U. S. army regulations.
Separation of white and negro con-
victs at all times when not at work.
Separation of sexes and races on
farm.
.Separation of races and sexes and
first offenders from hardened criminals.
(299)
R. S. 1907, C.
192, Sec. 6619.
R. S. 1904, C.
123, Sees. 5900-
5901.
Penal Code 1909,
Sec. 1587.
Penal Code 1911,
Title 2, Part 3,
Sec. 16 16.
R. S. 1908, C. 74,
Sees. 3585-7.
R. S 1902, Sec.
2901.
R. S. 1902, Sees.
2945 & 2929.
R. S. 1893. C. 54,
Sec 3.
Laws of 1898, C.
247.
R. S. 1911, C. 35,
Sec. 1 196.
R. S. 1906, Art.
6, Sec. 4132.
Sec. 4142.
R. S. 1906, Sec.
4117.
R. S. 1911, Vol.
2, Sec. 1203.
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Total supplies for institution, in-
cluding salaries of officers and all other
expenses connected therewith, not to
exceed 85c. per day per prisoner.
Separate cells for all prisoners
whenever possible.
County — All jails to contain a suffi-
cient number of cells to allow prison-
ers belonging to the following classes
to be separated : Civil from criminal ;
persons convicted from those detained
as witnesses ; male from female.
State — Female convicts to be sent to
some other state where there is a wo-
man's prison.
State — Commissioners to make all
regulations.
County — Debtors and witnesses not
to be confined in same room as persons
committed to crime.
Separation of males and females
and young prisoners from hardened
offenders. Keepers to furnish prison-
ers with sufficient clean water daily to
provide for personal cleanliness.
Jail to be kept in a healthful condi-
tion and whitewashed with lime at least
once every three months ; rooms
wherein prisoners are confined to be
whitewashed once a month between
May and November. Keeper to see
constant attention is paid to cleanli-
ness of prisoners.
Clean straw beds, sufficient cover-
ings for comfort of prisoners. Separ-
ation of young prisoners from hard-
ened offenders and of males and
females.
Keeper responsible that jail is kept
in a healthy, cleanly condition and for
personal cleanliness of the prisoners.
Each prisoner to be furnished daily
with sufficient clean water for drink
and personal use and with a clean
towel once a week.
Separate apartments for females in
all jails.
Young prisoners to be separated from
hardened offenders.
State — Separate rooms for sexes.
County — Sheriff to supply fuel ; juve-
nile prisoners to be separated when
possible.
Prison commission to make rules
necessary for the preservation of the
convict's health and general sanitary
arrangements of the Penitentiary.
Warden at regular intervals to cause
all cells to be thoroughly cleaned and
aired; to see that sufficient clean, com-
C300)
R. S. 1908, Sec.
8468.
R. S. IQ08, Sec.
8494.
R. S. 1908, Sec.
8526.
R,
. S.
851S
1908,
Sec.
R
. S.
1909,
c.
108,
Sec. I,
3-
R.
, S. I
909, c.
75.
Sees.
11-16.
Sees. 20 & 32.
R. S. 1908. C.
124, Sees. 9863
& 9814.
R. S. 1897, Title
26, Sec. 5640.
Sec. 5639.
Sec. 5638.
R. S. 1909, C. 60,
Sec. 4559-
Sec. 4575.
R. S. 1909, Sec.
3812.
Sec. 3797-
No. 4]
HOW IS HE MAINTAINED
49
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts
Michigan
Minnesota
Mississippi
Missouri
fortable bedding is provided for each
convict ; cells and bedding to be thor-
oughly inspected at least once a week.
Count}' — Jails to be kept clean and
free from nauseous odors ; to be kept
comfortably warm. Each prisoner to
have sufficient bed clothing to be paid
for out of county levy.
Separation of male and female,
blacks and whites at Penitentiary.
Police jury to make regulations for
convicts working under its supervision.
Sheriff responsible for cleanliness of
jail ; walls to be whitewashed annu-
alh' and attention paid to cleanliness of
prisoners.
Inspectors to make recommendations
to county commissioners as to im-
provement in sanitary conditions, heat-
ing, lighting, etc., of jail.
Separation of sexes; walls to be
whitewashed at least three times a
year ; warden to take proper meas-
ures for the health and cleanliness of
the prisoners and to see convicts pay
proper attention to their person.
All penal institutions to be well ven-
tilated, beds of good quality and suffi-
cient covering for comfort of prison-
ers, to include matress, blankets and
pillows ; strict attention to be paid to
cleanliness ; clean towels weekly ;
clothes not to be washed at night or
hung wet in room occupied by pris-
oner.
Bedding to be plain but of good
quality and sufficient quantity for
comfort of convict.
Fuel and comfortable bedding to be
provided for county convicts by super-
visors.
Bedding of coarse material ; separate
cells for all prisoners whenever pos-
sible.
County — Separation of males and
females, youthful prisoners from hard-
ened criminals, insane from other pris-
oners ; as far as possible each prisoner
to have a separate cell ; sheriff to see
jail is kept clean.
Separation of races and sexes.
County — Separation of sexes.
Board of supervisors to establish
rules for housing of county convicts.
Bedding of coarse material.
County — Civil and criminal cases to
be kept separate, also females and
males. Grand jury to visit jail monthly
and examine conditions thereof.
(301)
R. S. 1909, C. 73,
Sec. 2236.
Acts of 1900, No.
70, Sec. 6.
R. S. 1908, Page
623, Sec. 7.
R. S. 1903, C. 82,
Sec. 38.
Laws of 1909, C.
126.
R. S. 1904, Art.
27, Sees. 595-6
& 630.
R. S. 1902, C.
225, Sec. 30.
R. S. 1897, C. 76,
Sec. 25.
R. S. 1897, C. 86,
Sec. 6.
R. S. 1905, C.
105, Sees. 5435,
5439-
R. S. 1905, C.
106. Sec. 5475.
R. S. 1906. C.
107, Sec. 3625.
R. S. 1906. C. 22,
Sec. 874.
Sec. 843.
R. S. 1909, Art.
IQ, Sec. 1637.
R. S. 1009. Art.
18. Sees. 1576
& 1583.
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Montana County jails to contain sufficient
cells to permit separate confinement of
persons committed for civil or crimi-
nal causes ; males from females and
persons held under sentence from those
held as witnesses.
Board of Commissioners to make
rules in regard to management of Peni-
tentiary.
Nebraska Bedding of coarse material ; when
there are sufficient cells convicts to be
confined separately.
Count}' — Judges of district courts to
make rules as to cleanliness of jails
and prisoners, beds, heating, lighting
and ventilating of jail.
New H.^mpshire Jailers to provide bedding, etc.
Governor to establish rules for health
and comfort of prisoners.
New Mexico Board of commissioners to make
regulations for Penitentiary.
County commissioners to ^^sit jails
at least twice a year and carefully ex-
amine as to cleanliness, etc. Sheriff to
keep jails clean and healthy and ob-
serve special care as to habits of clean-
liness among the prisoners.
New Jersey Each convict to have a separate cell.
County — Female prisoners to be re-
moved as far possible from male ;
female guards to watch such prisoners
day and night.
New York Separate cells for all prisoners.
County — Civil and criminal prisoners
to be housed separatel}' ; also male and
female.
North C.'VROLin.a State — Directors to make all ar-
rangements for sanitarj- condition of
Penitentiary.
County — Jails must have at least 5
separate and suitable compartments, one
for white male criminals, one for white
female, one for colored males, one for
colored females, one for other prison-
ers. Cells to be so heated as to be
warm and comfortable; bedding to be
furnished, including good warm blank-
ets. Sheriff or keeper to daily cleanse
all occupied rooms in cell house.
North DaK0T.\ County commissioners to examine at
least yearly as to health and cleanliness
of prisoners. Keeper to see jail is con-
stantly kept in a clean and healthful
condition and that strict attention is
paid to personal cleanliness of all pris-
oners ; each prisoner to be furnished
with clean water daily and one clean
towel per week.
R. S. 1907, Part
3, Title 2, Sec.
9760.
R. S. 1907, Part
3, Title I, Sec.
97I7-
R. S. 1911, Sees.
10179, 10180.
Sec. 10137.
R. S. 1901, C.
282, Sec. 4.
C. 28s, Sec. 5.
R. S. 1897, Sec.
3498.
R. S. 1897, Title
7, C. 9, Sees.
823-827.
R. S. 1910, Page
4912, Sec. 7.
Laws of 191 1, C.
137.
R. S. 1909, C. 27,
Sec. 151.
R. S. 1909, C. 47,
Art. 13, Sees.
345-6.
R. S. ic)o8, C.
116, Sec. 5390.
R. S. 1908, C. 24,
Sees. 1336-7-8
& 1343-
R. S. 1905, C. 19,
Sees. 10434-8.
No. 4]
HOW IS BE MAINTAINED
51
Ohio
Oklahoma
Oregon
Pennsylvania
Rhode Island
State — Males and females to be
housed separately ; separate cells for all
prisoners at night.
Board of managers make all ar-
rangements.
County — Sheriff to examine the con-
dition of each prisoner at least once a
month. Cells to be whitewashed at
least three times a year.
Court of common pleas to regulate
cleanliness of prison and prisoners,
warming, lighting and ventilating of
jail.
Separate cells for prisoners.
State — Regulations to be made by
board of control.
County — Courts to make rules for
cleanliness of prisoners, classification as
to sex, age, crime, etc. ; also as to beds
and warming, lighting and ventilating
of jail; county commissioners to inspect
at least once a week and to examine in
regard to cleanliness. Jailer to keep
jail clean and to be responsible for
cleanliness of prisoners ; prisoner to
have all necessary clean water and a
clean towel weekly.
All jails not previously standing to
be built of brick or stone, floor of
cement, ceiling of plaster, iron or steel,
roof of metal, slate or non-combustible
material, doors of iron or steel, windows
of glass with no more wood than is
necessary ; whole structure as nearly
fire-proof as possible.
Male and female prisoners to be kept
separate.
In everj' county of 100,000 a discreet,
capable matron shall have charge of
women prisoners.
State — A sufficient number of cells
to provide for solitary housing of
prisoners.
Countj' — Keepers responsible for
sanitary arrangement.
Warden to see convicts are cleanly as
to their persons.
Jailer to supply all necessities and to
be allowed the amount fixed by law for
support of prisoners.
South Carolina Lodging to be carefully provided for
in all contracts.
County commissioners to furnish
blanket and such other bedding as
shall be necessarj' for persons con-
fined in jail; criminal prisoners to be
provided with at least 2 blankets in
winter.
(303)
R. S. 1905, Code
of Criminal
Procedure, C.
17, Sec. 10360.
R. S. 1910, Div.
4, C. 2, Sec.
2159-
R. S. 1910, C. 14,
Sec. 3160.
R. S. 1910, C. 4,
Sec. 3162.
I, C.
Sec. 3168.
Laws of ic
22.
R. S. 1903, Sees.
5750 & 5719-
R. S. 1910, C. 14,
Sec. 4527.
Sec. 4533.
Sees. 4535-6.
R. S. 1903, Page
3485, Art. I.
R. S. 1903, Pa^
2010, Sec. I.
R. S. 1909, C.
360, Sees. 23 &
38.
C. 358, Sec. 4.
R. S. 1902, Title
2, C. 2,z, Sec.
684.
R. S. 1902, Title
2, C. 32, Sec.
652.
52
South Dakota
Tennessee
Texas
Utah
Vermont
Virginia
Washington
West Virginia
THE CAGED MAN
State — Prisons to be kept clean ; per-
sonal cleanliness of convicts to be en-
forced ; prisoners to have all clean
water necessary ; clean towel once a
week.
Convicts to be confined in separate
cells at night and in day time inter-
course between them to be prevented as
far as possible ; all communications
between male and female convicts to
be prevented.
County — Judges of circuit court to
make regulations for cleanliness of
jails, separation of sexes, etc., and for
warming, lighting and ventilating jails.
Chairman of board to make regula-
tions for housing.
Young and old prisoners, males and
females, white and colored to be separ-
ated ; separate cells for all convicts at
night.
County — Jailer to keep jail clean and
to remove all filth from cells once in
every 24 hours ; se.xes to be separated.
Separation of sexes and races.
County — Commissioners to see jails
are clean and well ventilated and not
overcrowded and beds comfortable for
prisoners.
Whenever there is a sufficient number
of cells prisoners shall be kept separate
at night and when unemployed.
County — Separation of male and
female prisoners, also criminal from
civil prisoners. Women to be under
care of suitable matron.
Prisons to be arranged for complete
separation of sexes.
County — children under 16 to be
separated from hardened criminals.
-State — All cells to be whitewashed
twice a year by convicts, and floors to
be washed as often as necessar}-.
County — Jails to be whitewashed at
least twice a year, properly aired, and
always clean. Prisoners to have proper
beds and bedding. Jails to be warmed
in winter.
Beds of straw, or other suitable ma-
terial. Sufficient covering of blankets.
County — Superior judges to make
rules as to cleanliness of jails, classifi-
cation of prisoners in regard to sex,
beds, warming, lighting and ventilation.
i^tate — Board to make regulations.
County — Separate apartments for
prisoners ; every apartment to be kept
comfortable.
(304)
[Vol. Ill
R. S. 1910, Title
12, Sec. 740.
Sec. 674.
R. S. 19x0, C. 4,
Sec. 720.
R. S. 1896, Sec.
7469.
R. S. 1897, Title
7, Art. 4. Sees.
7520-1.
Sees. 7484, 7522-
7527-
R. S. 191 1, Sees.
6209-62 1 1.
R. S. 191 1, Sees.
c;io8-mio.
R. S. 1907, Sec.
2265.
R. S. 1907, Title
15, C. 7, Sec.
577-
R. S. 1906, Sec.
6082.
R. S. 1906, Title
-?3, C. 262, Sec.
6116.
R. S. 1904, Title
55, Sec. 412S.
R. S. 1004, C. 42,
Sec. 928.
R. S. 1910, Title
68. C. 2. Sec.
8520.
R. S. 1910, C. I,
Sec. 849?.
R. S. 1906, C.
163, Sec. 4638.
R. S. 1906, C. 39»
Sec. 1212.
No. 4]
HOW IS HE MAINTAINED
53
Wisconsin
Jails to be whitewashed twice per
year ; bedding to be kept clean, and
apartments warm.
County — Jails to be kept in a clean
and healthy condition ; attention to be
paid to personal cleanliness of prison-
ers ; clean water daily ; clean towel
weekly ; criminal and civil prisoners
to be separated ; also separation of
sexes.
2. Food is supplied according to varying standards:
R. S. 1906, C. 39,
Sec. 1342.
R. S. 1889, Title
34, C. 202, Sees.
4950, 4952.
Alabama Sufficient good, wholesome food for
county convicts.
State — Sound and wholesome food.
Arizona County — Sheriff allowed reasonable
compensation for board of prisoners.
Arkansas State — Sufficient wholesome food.
County — Sheriff to provide needy
prisoners with food sufficient for their
support.
California State — Sufficient plain, wholesome
food as to conduce to health of pris-
oners.
County — Sheriff to provide necessary
food for which he shall be allowed rea-
sonable compensation to be determined
by board of supervisors.
County — Keeper to supply food at
his own expense ; board of commission-
ers to allow him reasonable amount
per day for dieting prisoners.
Connecticut Warden to arrange food.
County — Prisoners permitted to pro-
vide their own supplies provided con-
sent of sheriff is obtained.
Delaware Sheriff paid by prisoner as much per
day as Levy Court determines ; pris-
oner detained until payment of board
which shall be added to other costs.
All prisoners except convicts to pro-
cure their food at their own cost and
to send for same.
District of Attorney-general to pay for subsist-
Columbia ence of prisoners such sum as it actu-
ally costs to subsist them.
Florida Allowance of food the same as stand-
ard fixed by U. S. Array regulations.
Leasees to provide suitable food ac-
cording to directions of board of com-
missioners.
Georgia Prison commissioners to regulate
food.
Idaho Sufficient quantity of substantial,
wholesome food.
County — Sheriff to supply necessary
food for which he shall be allowed
reasonable compensation by county.
(305)
R. S. 1907, C.
192, Sec. 6609.
R. S. 1901, Sec.
6538.
R. S. 190X, Title
IS, Sec. 1194.
R. S. 1904, Sec.
S920.
R. S. 1904, C. 91,
Sec. 4402.
Penal Code 1909,
Part 3, Title i.
Sec. 1587.
R. S. 1909, Part
3, Title 2, Sec.
1611.
R. S. 1909, C. 74,
Sec. 3'585.
R. S. 1902, Sec.
2901.
R. S. 1902, Sec.
2930.
R. S. 1893, C. 54.
Sec. 3.
R. S. 1911. C. 35,
Sec. 1204.
R. S. 1906, Art.
6, Sees. 4132,
4150.
R. S. 191 1, Vol.
2, Sec. 1 199.
R. S. 1908, Sec.
8405.
R. S. 1908, Part
3, Title 3. Sec,
8539-
54
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts
Michigan
Minnesota
THE CAGED MAN
State commissioners to make regula-
tions in regard to food.
County — Keeper to furnish sufficient
well-cooked food three times a day.
Coarse, wholesome food, not less than
three-quarters of a pound of meat, and
sufficient vegetables to conduce to
health.
Count}' — Sheriff to provide meat and
drink for jail prisoners unless they are
able to supply themselves.
Nine dollars per month allowed for
support of each convict at Fort Madi-
son, and $9.50 at Anamosa.
County — Jail prisoners to be served
daily with three well-cooked meals.
State — Board of Directors to make
regulations.
County — Sheriff to supply proper
bread, meat and drink.
Prison Commission to make regula-
tions for food.
County — Keeper of jail to receive 75
cents per day per person for keeping
and dieting.
Food and rations not to be less than
those prescribed by U. S. Army regu-
lations for soldiers.
Police juries to regulate fees of sher-
iffs for keeping prisoners. Compen-
sation not to be less than 25 cents per
diem per prisoner, or more than 50
cents per diem.
Inspectors to make regulations in
regard to food.
County — Prisoners to be supplied
with food ; all expenses over earnings
from labor to be met by county.
Three meals a day consisting in all
of one and one-quarter pounds flour,
three-quarters of a pound of beef or
half a pound of bacon of good, coarse
quality, one herring, one gill of mo-
lasses, one pint of potatoes or vege-
tables with soup, rye-coffee, tea and salt.
Three meals a day of wholesome
food.
Food plain but of good quality and
sufficient quantity for sustenance and
comfort of convicts.
Board of Supervisors to provide
food for county convicts.
Sufficient quantity of substantial,
wholesome food.
County — Sheriff to be paid for board
of prisoners, the sum averaging from
71 to 120 cents per prisoner per day; 3
meals per day of sufficient well-cooked
food ; meat once a day but no butter or
other luxuries except on Sunday.
(306)
[Vol. Ill
R. S. 1909, L.
108, Sec. 13.
R. S. 1909, C. 75.
Sec. 16.
R. S. 1908, C.
124, Sec. 9863.
R. S. 1908, C.
124, Sec. 9814.
R. S. 1897, Title
26, C. 2, Sec.
5718.
R. S. 1897, Title
36, Sec. 5640.
R. S. 1909, C.
108, Sec. 8563.
R. S. 1909, C. 60,
Sec. 4559.
R. S. 1909, Sec.
3812.
Laws of 1910, C.
96.
R. S. 1904, Sec.
2866.
R. S. IQ04, Page
1767, Sec. I.
R. S. 1903, Title
12, C. 141, Sec.
II.
R. S. 1903, Title
12, C. 82, Sees.
43, 44.
R. S. 1904, Art.
27, Sec. 597.
R. S. 1902, C.
225, Sec. 30.
R. S. 1897, C. 75.
Sec. 25.
R. S. 1897, C. 86,
Sec. 8.
R. S. 1905, C.
105, Sec. 5435.
R. S. 1905. C.
106, Sees. 5473-
6.
No. 4]
Mississippi
Missouri
Montana
Nebraska
New Hampshire
New Mexico
New Jersey
New York
HOW IS HE MAINTAINED
Coarse, wholesome, well-cooked food ;
vegetables in season.
County — Board of supervisors to
make regulations.
Board to make regulations ; prison-
ers to have nothing more except under
physician's orders.
County — Prisoners, except those con-
victed of felony to send for their own
food and drink.
Board of commissioners to make
regulations.
County — Sheriff to provide food for
which he shall be allowed reasonable
compensation.
Substantial, wholesome food.
County — Sheriffs to receive 70 cents
per day per prisoner from which to
provide food and other necessities.
Governor to provide for purchase of
supplies.
Countj' — Jailer to provide food for
which county commissioners shall al-
low him reasonable compensation.
For each one hundred rations per day
is allowed: 60 lbs. bacon, or 150 lbs. of
fresh meat, 112 lbs. flour, 30 lbs. beans
or 15 lbs. rice, 10 lbs. coffee or 2 lbs.
tea, 15 lbs. sugar or molasses, 4 qts.
vinegar, 4 lbs. salt, 8 lbs. soap, 6 ozs.
pepper, 3 lbs. baking powder.
County — Jail prisoners to be fur-
nished food of sufficient quantity 3
times a day.
Plain food at discretion of keeper,
subject to approval.
County — Sheriffs allowed 15 cents per
day for feeding prisoners.
Sufficient quantity of inferior but
wholesome food.
County — Sheriff to make regula-
tions.
North Carolina Board to. make regulations.
North Dakota
Oklahoma
County — I lb. of good bread, i lb. of
good meat and other necessities daily.
Coarse, wholesome food, sufficient
quantity of meat and vegetables for
health of convicts.
County — 3 meals a day of whole-
some, well-cooked food.
Board of control to make regula-
tions.
(307)
55
R. S. 1906, C.
107, Sec. 3640.
R. S. 1906, C. 22,
Sec. 843.
R. S. 1909, Art.
19, Sec. 1637.
R. S. 1909, Art.
18, Sec. 1582.
R. S. 1907, Part
3, Title I, Sec.
9717.
R. S. 1907, Part
3, Title 2, Sec.
9773-
R. S. 191 1, Sec.
10180.
R. S. 191 1, Sec.
10147.
R. S. iqoi, C.
285, Sec. 5.
R. S. 1901, Title
35, C. 282, Sec.
4-
R. S. 1897, Sec.
3545-
R. S. 1897, Title
7, C. 9. Sec.
827.
R. S. 1910, Page
4912, Art. 7.
Laws of 19 1 1,
Sec. 279.
Prison Law 1909,
C. 47, Sec. 152.
Prison Law 1 909,
C. 47, Art. 3,
Sec. 340.
R. S. 1908, C.
116, Sec. i;390.
R. S. 1908, C. 24,
Sec. 1343.
Code of Crimi-
nal Procedure,
1905, C. 17,
Art. 7, Sec.
10362.
Code of Crimi-
nal Procedure,
1905, Sec.
10438.
Laws of 1908, C.
22, Art. I.
56
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. in
County — Prisoners to be served three
times dailj' with good, wholesome food
in sufficient quantity.
Oregon Jail prisoners to be supplied by
keeper with wholesome food.
Ohio Board of managers to make regula-
tions.
Pennsylvania No prisoners to receive anything but
prison allowance of food.
County — Keepers to supply food.
Rhode Island No convict to receive anything but
prison allowance of food unless by
order of physician.
South Carolina Sufficient plain, wholesome food.
County — Food to be carefully pro-
vided for in all contracts.
Such proportion of meat and vege-
tables as warden deems best for health
of convict.
County — Three meals a day of whole-
some, well-cooked food.
South Dakota
Tennessee
Texas
Utah
Vermont
Virginia
Washington
Each convict to have ample supply
of bread, -)4 'b. of bacon, i lb. of pork
and Y2 lb. of beef and such quantities
of coffee, sugar, molasses and vege-
tables as provided by law.
County — 2 meals a day of good,
sound bread and meat well cooked,
with vegetables at one of the meals.
Plenty of water twice a day from
May to November ; once a day from
November to May.
.Sufficient plain and wholesome food.
Food of ])lain, good quality suffi-
cient for sustenance and comfort.
County — Sheriff to supply food for
which he shall be allowed a reasonable
sum.
Keeper of jail to ])rovide good board.
Bread of Indian meal or other coarse
bread. One meal a day of coarse meat.
Board of directors may regulate diet
for good cause.
County — Wholesome food of suffi-
cient quantity-
Sufficient food of plain and whole-
some variety as may be most conducive
to good health.
County — Grand jury of each county
to inspect food.
(308)
R. S. 1903, Sec.
5719-
R. S. igio. Sec.
4534-
R. S. 1910, Div.
4, C. 2, Sec.
2159.
R. S. 1903, Page
3494, Sec. 12.
R. S. 1903, Page
2010, Sec. I.
R. S. 1909, C.
360, Sec. 39.
R. S. iq02,Crim-
inal Code, C.
Z2,, Sec. 684.
R. S. 1902, C. 33,
.Sec. 684.
R. S. 1910, Code
of Criminal
Procedure, Sec.
675-
R. S 1910, Code
of Criminal
Procedure, Sec.
740.
R. S. 1896, Title
7, Art. 2, Sec.
7481.
R. S. 1896, Title
7, Art. 6, Sec.
7430-
R. S. 191 1, Title
104, C. 2, Art.
6205.
R. S. 1907, Sec.
2243.
R. S. 1907, Title
i;, C. 7, Sec.
580.
R. S. 1906, Title
2,2,, C. 262, Sec.
6117.
R. S. 1904, Title
55, Sec. 4127.
R. S. 1904, C. 42,
Sec. 928.
R. S. iqio. Title
68, C. 2, Sec.
8520.
R. S. 1910, Title
68. C. I, Sec.
8503.
No. 4]
HOW IS HE MAINTAINED
57
West Virginia
Wisconsin
Board of directors makes regulations. R. S. 1906, C.
162, Sec. 4638.
County — Wholesome and sufficient R. S. 1906, C. 41,
food.
Wholesome, coarse food with such
proportion of meat and vegetables as
the warden shall deem best for health
of prisoners.
County — Good, well-cooked food.
Sec. 1342.
R. S. 1889, Sec.
4919.
R. S. 1898, Title
34, C. 202, Sec.
4950.
3. Clothing prescribed by the Board, unless the law designates a uniform or
permits the use of citizens' clothing:
(a) Prison uniform required:
Alabama Coarse and cheap uniform to dis- R. S. 1907, Sec.
tinguish from other persons. 6537.
Arkansas Uniform prescribed by board. R. S. 1904, Sec.
5920.
California Clothing to distinguish grades of Penal Code 1909,
state prisoners. Sec. 1578.
County — Boards of supervisors to Penal Code 1909,
provide distinctive clothing for county Sec. 1614.
convicts.
Uniform to be determined by board R. S. 1906, C. 3,
Art. 2, Sec.
4116.
Florida
Mississippi
of commissioners.
Coarse, strong penitentiary stripes.
Missouri
Nevada
New Jersey
North Carolina
Rhode Island
Tennessee
Texas
Virginia
Washington
Nevada
Uniform prescribed by inspectors.
Garb of first-grade prisoners one
color throughout ; garb of second-
grade prison stripes ; garb of third-
grade trousers of prison stripes ; red
shirts.
Comfortable clothing of coarse ma-
terial, uniform in color and make.
R. S. 1906, C.
107, Sees. 3641
& 3602.
R. S. 1909, Sec.
1637-
R. S. 1912, Sec.
1583.
R. S. 1877, Page
1251, Art. 211.
R. S. 1908, Sec.
5415-
R. S. 1909, C.
360, Sec. 17.
Only reformatory convicts exempt
from wearing garb.
Uniform to be determined by board.
Comfortable garments of coarse, cheap R. S. 1896, Title
material, made in uniform and peculiar 7, Art. 4, Sec.
style so as to distinguish convicts from 7524.
other persons — style to be determined
by commissioners.
Except for third-class prisoners or as R. S. 1911, Title
punishment stripes are abolished and 104, C. 2, Art.
a suitable uniform substituted. 6202.
Distinctive uniform for each sex R. S. 1904, Title
made of coarse material. SS> Sec. 4124.
Garments of coarse, substantial ma- R. S. 1910, Title
terial of distinctive manufacture. 68, C. 2, Sec.
8520.
(b) Citizens' clothing permitted:
Stripes need not be worn by con- Laws of 191 1, C.
victs engaged in road work. 71.
(309)
THE CAGED MAN
New Hampshire Appropriation of $700 to carry out
vote of Governor and Council to change'
the clothing of the prisoners.
North Carolina Reformatory prisoners need not wear
convict garb,
(c) Other provisions as to clothing, and care of
Iowa Prisoners to be furnished with clean
shirts once a week.
Massachusetts Shirts to be washed weekly; male
prisoners shaved, and all prisoners
bathed.
Shirts to be washed weekly.
North Dakota
Oklahoma
Rhode Island
South Dakota
Tennessee
Wisconsin
Shirts to be washed weekly.
A change of underclothing to be fur-
nished each prisoner weekly.
Shirts to be washed weekly.
Jailer to have 2 pieces of clothing
for each prisoner washed every week
and to furnish necessary apparatus for
shaving once a week.
Shirts to be washed weeklv.
(310)
Laws of 1907, C.
49.
R. S. 1908, Sec.
5415-
person :
R. S. 1897, Title
26, Sec. 5640.
R. S. 1902, C.
225, Sec. 30.
R. S. 1905, C. 19,
Sec. 10438.
R. S. 1903, Sec.
5719-
R. S. 1909, C.
360, Sees. 23 &
38.
R. S. 1910, Sec.
740.
R. S. 1897, Title
7, Art. 4, Sees.
7481 & 7431-
R. S. 1889. Titlr.
34, C. 202, Sec.
4950.
VI
HOW IS HE CARED FOR?
A physician is provided with powers of inspection into the
conditions of the individual and tlie healthfulness of his sur-
roundings and with certain powers to remedy conditions. The
supervision of punishment devolves upon the physician.
Alabama
Arizona
Arkansas
I. Health and Medical Inspection:
Physician inspector to vasit at least
twice a year every county jail and alms
house in the state and to aid in secur-
ing just, humane and economic man-
agement of such institutions. Also to
aid in securing erection of sanitary
buildings for accommodation of the in-
mates and to investigate the manage-
ment of such institutions and the con-
duct and efficiency of persons charged
with their management. County Court
to attend within 30 days to recom-
mendations of inspector and in event
his recommendations are not carried
out inspector may have convicts re-
moved to jail of another county at ex-
pense of county. For failure to comply
with inspector's recommendation a fine
of from $25 to $500 may be imposed.
State Convicts — Physician inspector
reports monthly to president of board
of inspectors conditions, health and
sanitary arrangements of the institu-
tions with recommendations for nec-
essary change. He devotes entire time
to care of convicts.
Fully qualified physician, resident at
prison.
Convicts to be removed to place of
safety when contagious disease or pesti-
lence endangers their health.
Physician attends all sick convicts ;
examines cells weekly as to cleanliness
and ventilation, food as to quality,
quantity and general conditions, and
convicts as to physical ability to labor;
to report any convict likely to die of
incurable disease, which convict may be
pardoned. Physician has full charge
of hospital and selects nurses from
among the convicts.
(311)
R. S. 1907, Sees.
Laws 191 1, No.
303 & No. 530.
R. S. 1 90 1, Title
56, C. 2, Sec.
3585.
R. S. 1901, Title
15. Sec. 1191.
R. S. 1904, C.
123, Sees. 5884-
5889.
6o
California
Colorado
Connecticut
District of
Columbia
Florida
Georgia
Idaho
Fl I.INOIS
THE CAGED MAN
Jail prisoners to be removed in event
of pestilence or contagious disease.
Hair cutting for sanitary purposes.
Physician in good standing to per-
form such daily duties as commission-
ers determine.
Removal of convicts to place of
safety in case of pestilence or con-
tagious disease.
Jail prisoners — Suffering from con-
tagious disease to be removed to quar-
antine.
Physician in good standing to visit
prison once a month or when commis-
sioners request.
Physician skilled in treatment of in-
sane to act as consulting physician.
Prisoners suffering from venereal
disease whose discharge would be dan-
gerous to public health to be detained
in institution until physician reports
such danger overcome.
Provision to be made for care of
sick jail prisoners.
Prisoner suffering from a malignant
disease or malady which will be incur-
able during his term of imprisonment
to be discharged.
Supreme Court to make rules neces-
sary to health of prisoners.
Physician to visit prison hospital at
least once each day.
Leassees to provide medical care for
sick convicts ; such convicts to be in-
spected daily by a physician designated
by board of state institution and to be
paid from profits of contract ; he shall
prohibit sick convict from working and
see that provisions for care of convicts
are carried out.
Physicians for convict camps may
continue the regular practice of their
profession.
Grand juries to inspect jails in re-
spect to sanitary conditions.
Physician to examine cells and all
sanitary arrangements of the prison
and the food and clothing of convicts
once a week.
In case of pestilence convicts to be
removed to place of safety.
County Commissioners to inspect
jails once every three months and see
that necessary precautions are taken
against sickness or infection.
Prison physician to attend to all the
wants of sick convicts ; to examine
weekly as to cleanliness and ventilation
(312)
[Vol. Ill
R. S. 1909, Penal
Code, Title 2,
Sec. 1608.
Sec. 1615.
Acts of 1909, H.
B. No. 149.
R. S. 1908, C.
108, Sec. 4890.
R. S. 1908, C.
115, Sec. 5058.
R. S. 1902, Title
18, C. 176, Sec.
2906.
Sec. 2904.
R. S. T902, Title
18. C. 176, Sees.
2975-6.
Sees. 2935
2941.
Sec. 2943.
R. S. 1911, C.35,
Sec. 1 196.
R. S. 1906, Title
4, C. 2, Art. 5,
Sec. 4133.
R. S. 1906, Div.
5, Title 4, C. 2,
Sees. 4150-1.
R. S. 191 1, Sec.
1 196.
R. S. 191 1, Sec.
1 196.
R. S. 1908. Part
3, Title I, C. 2,
Sec. 8483.
R. S. 1908. Part
3, Title I, C. 3,
Sec. 8490.
R. S. 1908. Part
7,, Title 3. Sec.
8543.
R. S. 1909, C.
108, Sec. 32.
No. 4]
HOW IS HE CARED FOR
61
of cells ; to examine quantity and qual-
ity of food weekly.
Keeper to supply medical aid for jail
prisoner.
Indiana Prison physician to have general
oversight as to health of convicts.
Iowa Prison physician to have oversight of
health of convicts.
Keeper to supply medical aid for jail
prisoners.
Kansas Prison physician to have care of
health of prisoners.
County to provide medical aid for
sick prisoners.
Kentucky Prison physician to have full care of
sick convicts ; to manage hospital and
make recommendations as to food, etc.,
after daily visiting the kitchen.
County — Jail physician to be ap-
pointed in all counties having popula-
tion of 150,000 or more.
Louisiana Physician to visit convicts at least
three times a week.
Lessees to provide medical aid for
county convicts.
12Y2 cents extra allowed for diet of
sick convicts.
Maine Prison physician to have oversight
of health of convicts.
County to provide medical aid for
jail prisoners.
Maryland Prison physician to visit prison
daih' and to examine prisoners on ad-
mission, noting bodily defects for direc-
tion of warden in assigning tasks.
Massachusetts Prison physician to care for all state
and county prisoners.
Prison camp and hospital to be estab-
lished.
Michigan Prison physician to examine all sick
convicts and cells for purpose of regu-
lating ventilation and cleanliness, etc.,
and to superintend all corporal pun-
ishment.
County supervisors to provide medi-
cal aid for sick convicts.
Minnesota State board of health to have super-
vision over construction and equip-
ment of penal institution in regard to
sanitary arrangements.
Prisoners to be removed to place of
safety in case of epidemic of con-
tagious disease endangering their lives.
Mississippi Prison physician to give entire time
to care of convicts.
Missouri Prison physician to attend all sick
convicts, and examine weekly as to ven-
tilation of cells, cleanliness, etc., also
as to quantity, quality and condition of
food.
R. S. 1909, C. 75,
Sec. 19.
R. S. 1908, C.
124, Sec. 9838.
R. S. 1897. Title
26, C. 2, Sec.
5672.
R. S. 1907, Title
26, Sec. 5643.
R. S. 1909, C. 97,
Sec. 6840.
R. S. 1909, C. 97.
Art. 16, Sec.
6907.
R. S. 1909. C. 97,
Sec. 3802.
R. S. 1909. C. 73,
Sec. 3237.
Acts of 1900, No.
70, Sec. 8.
Acts of 1894, No.
29, Sec. 4.
R. S. 1904, Sec.
2837.
R. S. 1903. C.
141. Sec. z:^.
R. S. 1903. C. 82,
Sec. 46.
R. S. 1904, Art.
27. Sees. 613-
623.
R. S. 1902, C.
225, Sec. TOO.
R. S. 1908, Page
1478.
R. S. 1897. C. 75.
Sec. 2094.
R. S. 1897, C. 86,
Sec. 5.
R. S. 1905, C. 29,
Sec. 2131.
R. S. 1905, C.
105, Sec. 5442.
R. S. 1906. C.
107, Sec. 3598.
R. S. 1909. C. 19,
Sec. 1646.
62
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Montana
Nebraska
New Mexico
New Hampshire
New Jersey
New York
North Carolina
North Dakota
Ohio
County to provide medical aid for
sick prisoners.
County Commissioners to take neces-
sary precautions against sickness or
infection.
Prison physician who shall be a
member of penitentiar)' medical board.
Judges of district courts to make
rules as to employment of medical and
surgical aid for sick convicts.
Prison physician who shall express
no opinion as to disability of prisoner
except on his record.
Warden to make regulations for
health of prisoners.
Jailers to provide necessary medi-
ical aid for prisoners.
Prison physician to visit each pris-
oner once a week or oftener if the state
of his health requires ; he has super-
vision over cleanliness, ventilation and
diet.
Prison physician to attend daily all
sick convicts, and to examine cells as to
cleanliness, etc., weekly and to examine
food daily.
County — supervisors to appoint phy-
sician.
Prisoners to be removed to place of
safety in case of contagious disease.
Same provisions for county prisoners.
All prisoners to be examined in re-
gard to tuberculosis
after confinement.
Separate cells for
victs.
Cells for tubercular prisoners in
either jails or state prisons to be thor-
oughly fumigated before being used
for any other purpose.
A parcel of land not exceeding 6
acres to adjoin each jail and all pris-
oners not committed for treason or
felony, giving bond to sheriff of
county to keep within rules, to walk
therein out of the prison for the bene-
fit of their health.
Prison physician to perform duties
prescribed by board.
Judges of district courts to make
rules for employment of proper medi-
ical and surgical aid for convicts.
State — Prison physician to perform
duties prescribed by board.
County — Medical care to be supplied.
(314)
within 5 days
tubercular con-
R. S. 1909, C. 19,
Sec. 1601.
R. S. 1907, Part
3, Title 2, Sec.
9777-
R. S. 191 1, Sec.
10107.
R. S. 1911, Sec.
10137.
R. S. 1897, Sees.
3531-3-
R. S. 1901, C.
285, Sec. 4.
R. S. 1901, C.
282, Sec. 4.
R. S. 1910, Page
4912, Art. 5.
Prison Law, 1909,
C. 47, Art. 6,
Sec. 138.
Sec. 348.
Sec. 155.
Sec. 351.
R. S. 1908, Sec.
1343-
R. S. 1908, C.
116, Sec. 5390.
R. S. 1908, C. 24,
Sees. 1336 &
1343-
R. S. 1908, C. 24,
Sec. 1339.
Criminal Code,
190S, C. 17,
Sec. 10361.
R. S. 1905, C. 17,
Sec. 10418.
R. S. 1910, Div.
4, C. 2, Sec.
2194.
R. S. 1910, Div.
4, C. 5, Sec.
3177-
No. 4]
HOW IS HE GAINED FOR
63
Oklahoma
Oregon
Pennsylvania
Rhode Island
South Carolina
South Dakota
Tennessee
Texas
Utah
Virginia
Order to be obtained from court
sentencing prisoners for removal of
those suffering from contagious dis-
ease to isolation hospital.
County commissioners to inspect as
to health of jail prisoners.
Keeper to supply county convicts
with necessary medical aid.
State — Prison physician to visit
every prisoner twice weekly ; to ex-
amine into mental condition of all
prisoners and when he believes the
mind of the prisoner to be affected by
discipline to recommend modifications.
To give directions for health and clean-
liness of prisoners and recommend
changes in diet when necessary.
In counties of from 5,000 to 800,000
inhabitants salary of jail physician to
he $1,800 per annum.
Prison physician to be appointed by
board.
Prison physician to inspect all state
prisoners and report to Governor.
Prison physician to be appointed by
board.
Grand jury of each county respon-
sible for health of convicts.
From November 15th to March 15th
to visit prison at 7 A. M. each day and
examine physical condition of convicts
and report on their ability to work.
If unable to work he shall direct that
they be returned to their cells or the
hospital. From March 15th to Novem-
ber 15th he shall visit prison at 6.30
A. M. for same purpose.
Prison physician to visit penitentiary
daily and examine health of convicts ;
he may employ nurses with the ap-
proval of the assistant superintendent
in cases of serious illness or epidemics ;
in charge of sanitary regulation of
prison and to see all precautions are
taken to keep the prison healthy and
to prevent contagious disease.
County commissioners responsible
that prisoners be kept in a healthy con-
dition.
Prison physician to examine all cells
weekly and report as to cleanliness.
Prison physician to see that convicts
take the exercise necessary to main-
tain their health.
County commissioners to provide
suitable medical aid for convicts.
(315)
R. S. 1910, Div.
5, C. ir, Sec.
4444.
R. S. igo3. Sec.
5715-
R. S. 1910, Sec.
4534-
R. S. 1903, Page
3493, Sec. 42.
R. S. 1903, Page
880, Sec. 26.
R. S. 1909, Title
38, C. 360, Sec.
15-
Criminal Code,
igo2. Title 3,
C. 33, Sec. 688.
R. S. 1910, Title
12, C. I, Sec.
676.
R. S. 1910, C. 5,
Sec. 762.
R. S. 1896, Title
7, C. 2, Art. 2,
Sec. 7506.
R. S. 1897, Title
79, C. 4, Sees.
3681-6.
R. S. 1911, Title
61, Art. 3135.
R. S. 1907, Title
74, Sec. 2234.
R. S. 1904, Title
55, C. 202, Sec.
4129.
R. S. 1904, C. 43,
Sec. 928.
64
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Washington Superior judges to make rules as to
employment of medical and surgical
aid for county convicts.
West Virginia County convicts to have necessary
medical attention.
Wisconsin Proper medical care for sick pris-
oner in state prison.
County to supply proper medical aid
for sick prisoners.
Wyoming Sheriff to furnish medical attention
for jail prisoners.
R. S. 1910,
Sec. 84Qv
C. I,
R. S. 1906, C. 41,
Sec. 1342.
R. S. 1898, C.
201, Sec. 4904.
R. S. 1898. C.
202, Sec. 4954.
R. S. 1910, C. 86,
Sec. 1091.
2. Religious ieaching is provided under certain limitations
Alabama The prison chaplain to give entire
time to work with the convicts.
Convicts to be provided with Bibles.
Arizona Two chaplains of different religious
beliefs to give as much instruction to
convicts as employment, etc., permits,
and to ha\''e access at all times to the
convicts.
Arkansas Prison chaplain to hoUl religious
services at least weekly.
Colorado Prison chaplain to perform duties
prescribed by commissioners.
Connecticut Prison chaplain to give entire time
to work with convicts.
Sunday-school to be conducted in the
prison.
Illinois Prison chaplain to visit convicts in
their cells and give moral instruction.
Each convict to be furnished with a
Bible.
Iowa Prison chaplain to have access to con-
victs at all seasonable times.
Kansas Prison chaplain to preach every Sun-
day and to use best interests to pro-
mote the religious and moral welfare
of the convicts.
Kentucky Prison chaplain to give full time to
work with convicts.
Louisiana Prison chaplain to have access to the
prisoners at all times.
Maine $?o appropriation annually for Sun-
dav-school at which jiersons from out-
side the prison may assist.
Prison chaplain to hold divine ser-
vice each Sunday.
Maryland To hold divine service at which war-
den or assistant warden and all the
convicts shall be jiresent unless pre-
vented by sickness.
Massachusetts Sunday-school to be conducted by
such instructors as board deems ad-
visable.
Michigan Prison chaplain to furnish each con-
vict with a bible and to visit sick.
(316)
R. S. 1907, C.
191, Sec. 6503.
R. S. 1907, C.
191, Sec. 6539.
R. S. 190 1,' Title
56, Sec. 3576.
R. S. 1904, C.
123, Sec. 5892.
R. S. 1908, C.
ig8. Sees. 4860-
4862.
R. S. 1902, C.
176, Sec. 2911.
R. S. 1902, C.
176, Sec. 2911.
R. S. 1909, Page
1670, Sec. 23.
R. S. 1909, Page
1670, Sec. 23.
R. S. 1897, Title
26, C. 2. Sec.
5671-
R. S. 1909. C.
108, Sec. 8=;77.
R. S. 1908, C. 97.
Sec. 3803.
Acts of 1900, No.
70, Sec. 7.
R. S. 1903. C.
141. Sec. 50.
R. S. 1903, C.
141, Sec. 50.
R. S. 1904. Art.
27. Sec. 635.
R. S. 1902. C.
225, Sec. 73.
R. S. 1897. Sec.
2097.
No. 4]
HOW IS HE CARED FOR
6S
Minnesota
Mississippi
Missouri
Nevada
New Hampshire
New Jersey
New Mexico
New York
North Carolina
North Dakota
Ohio
Oklahoma
Pennsylvania
Rhode Island
South Carolina
Tennessee
Texas
Jail prisoners to be provided with
Bibles at expense of county.
Any minister willing to conduct ser-
vice for jail prisoners has permission
to do so.
Prison chaplain to visit each of the
convict farms at least once a month ;
to hold Sunday services at penitentiary
in the morning for the whites and in
the afternoon for the blacks.
All clergymen of the City of Jeffer-
son to have free access to the convicts
at all times in accordance with prison
discipline.
Divine service each Sunday ; expense
not to exceed $520 per year.
Commissioners to furnish Bibles and
other books they deem necessary.
Suitable religious instruction to be
provided.
Prisoners to be furnished the Bibles
and such other books as keeper deems
necessary, and to receive religious in-
struction from competent persons.
Prison chaplain appointed by gov-
ernor.
Prison chaplain to attend to spiritual
wants of prisoners.
$50 appropriation annually for Sun-
day-school.
Warden to employ resident clergymen
of Bismarck to officiate in turn ; com-
pensation $5.00 per week.
$400 appropriation for religious ser-
vices and library at penitentiary.
Warden to furnish each convict with
a Bible.
Convicts to be supplied with Bibles.
Chaplain whose salary shall be $900
per year.
Eastern Penitentiary — Moral in-
structor.
Western Penitentiary — Non-sectarian
religious services.
Prison chaplain to perform religious
services and act as agent for procur-
ing employment for prisoners on re-
lease.
Prison chaplain to give religious in-
struction to prisoners.
Sunday-school at reformatory.
Religious services on Sunday.
Bibles and other moral books to be
furnished to convicts.
Religious services at prisons, farms
and camps ; prisoners to attend at least
two such services per month.
(317)
R. S. 1905, C.
106, Sec. 5477.
R. S. 1905, C.
106, Sec. 5477.
R. S. 1908, C.
107, Sec. 3598.
R. S. 1909, C. 19,
Art. I, Sec.
1664.
R. S. 19 1 2, Sec.
7576.
R. S. 1912, Sec.
7576.
R. S. 1901, Title
35, C. 285, Sec.
24.
R. S. 1910, Page
4910, Art. 3.
R. S. 1897, Sec.
3547-
R. S. 1909, C. 47,
Sec. 292.
R. S. 1908, C.
116, Sec. 5405.
R. S. 1905, Sec.
10352.
Acts of 1910, H.
B., No. 536.
R. S. 1910, Sec.
2185.
R. S. 1903, Art.
23, Sec. 5720.
Laws of 1909, C.
31-
R. S. 1903, Page
3497, Sec. 58.
R. S. 1903, Page
3497, Sec. 59.
R. S. 1909, C.
360, Sec. 15.
R. S. 1912, Sees.
960-961.
R. S. 1896, Title
7, Art. 4, Sec.
7530.
R. S. 1896, Title
7, Art. 4, Sees.
R. S. 191 1, Sec.
6204.
66
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Utah Religious services as board deems
wise.
Vermont Prison chaplain appointed by board.
Washington Prison chaplain appointed by gov-
ernor.
Wisconsin Both Protestant and Catholic chap-
lains.
Wyoming Prison chaplain to have charge of
moral welfare of the prisoners.
R. S. 1907, C. 10,
Sec. 2264.
R. S. 1906, Title
30, C. 260, Sec.
5993-
R. S. 1910, Title
78, C. 2, Sec.
8532.
R. S. 1898, C.
201, Sec. 4905.
R. S. 1910, C. 41,
Sec. 528.
(a) Good conduct aw
(A) When permitted
Alabama By o r d e r of
Governor.
2 mos. from
each of ist 2
years.
3 mos. from
each of next 2
years.
4 mos. from
each of next 2
years.
5 mos. from
each of next 2
years.
6 mos. from
each year after
the 8th. If sen-
tence is less than
2 years and more
than 6 mos. pro
rata deduction.
No d e d u ct i o n
when sentence is
under 6 mos.
Arizona 2 mos. from
each of ist 2
years.
4 mos. from
each of next 2
years.
5 mos. from
remaining years.
Similar deduc-
tions in Cali-
fornia and Ore-
gon,
Arkansas i mo, from ist
3. Moral Education,
'arded by reduction of the time of confinement.
(B) When forfeited:
from
year.
2 mos.
2nd year.
3 mos. from
3rd to lothyears.
6 mos. from
succeeding years.
R. S.
1907,
Sec.
7514.
R. S.
1901,
Title 56,
C, 2, Sec,
3589.
R, S.
19045
Sec.
5904-
Alabama
Arkansas
Convict con-
victed a second
time for crmie in-
volving moral
turpitude; con-
vict who escapes.
Convict who
escapes or at-
tempts escape
forfeits all good
time. Convict
violating prison
rules so as to be
corrected three
times forfeits all
good time.
R. S,
1907,
Sec.
7514-
Convict as-
R, S,
saulting fellow
1901,
convict, guard,
Sec.
etc.
3589.
R. S.
1904,
Sec.
5905.
(318)
No. 4]
HOW IS HE CARED FOR
67
(A) When permitted
California 2 mos. from
each of ist 2
years.
4 mos. from
each of next 2
years.
5 mos. from re-
maining years.
Similar provis-
ions in Arizona
and Oregon.
County con-
victs 5 days per
mo.
Colorado i mo. from ist
year.
2 mos. from
2nd year.
3 mos. from
3rd year.
4 mos. from
4th year.
5 mos. from
5lh year.
6 mos. from
succeeding years.
Similar provis-
ions in Idaho
and New Mex-
ico.
Extra deduc-
tion for convicts
engaged in road
work, conditioned
ongood behavior
and cheerful
compliance with
all rules.
Connecticut 60 days from
each of ist 5
years if sentence
be 5 years or less.
90 days from
each year if sen-
tence be over 5
years.
County con-
victs. 5 days
from each mo. if
sentence is over
3 mos.
Delaware 5 days from
each month dur-
ing 1st year.
7 days from
each month from
2nd year.
9 days from
each month 3rd
year.
Penal
Code
1909,
Sec.
R. S.
1909,
Sec.
1614.
R. S.
1908,
C. 108,
Sec.
4871.
Laws of
1905,
S. B.
224.
R. S.
1902,
Sec.
2900.
R. S.
1902,
Sec.
2956.
Acts of
1898,
C. 247.
(B) When forfeited :
California Convict who
violates p r i son
rules, assaults
guard, fellow
convict etc. shall
forfeit such por-
tion of gain time
as Board directs.
Colorado
Convict w h 0
violates rules.
Connecticut Loss of all or
part of time for
refusal to con-
form with regu-
lations. This
provision does
not apply when
sentence is less
than one year.
Delaware
For every vio-
lation of rules
convict forfeits
all gained time.
Penal
Code
1909,
Sec.
1588.
R. S.
1908,
Sec.
4872.
R. S.
1902,
Sec.
2900.
R. S.
1898,
C. 247.
Sec. 5.
(319)
68
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol.
(A) When permitted
(B) When forfeited:
lo days from
each month each
succeeding year.
Florida 2 days from
R. S.
Florida Violation 0 f
R. S.
1st mo.
1906,
rules causes for-
4140.
13 days from
Title 4,
feiture of gain
1st 3 mos.
Art. 6,
time.
25 days from
Sec.
1st 6 mos.
4140.
I mo. and 3
days from ist 8
mos.
I mo. and 21
days from each
year.
Georgia 2 mos. from
R. S.
Georgia Only applied
Sec.
2nd year.
1911,
to convicts not
I22I.
3 mos. from
Sec.
sentenced f 0 r
each year until
1221.
life and who ob-
the loth.
serve rules.
4 mos. from
remaining years.
County con-
R. S.
victs 4 days from
1911,
each month.
Sec.
1 1 79.
Idaho i mo. from ist
R. S.
Idaho Convict who
R. S.
year.
1908,
escapes, attempts
1908,
2 mos. from
Sec.
escape, or injures
Sec.
2nd year.
8504.
guard forfeits all
8504.
3 mos. from
good time.
3rd year.
4 mos. from
4th year.
5 mos. from
5th year.
6 mos. from
succeeding years.
Similar deduc-
tions in Colorado
and New Mexico.
Illinois i mo. from ist
R. S.
Illinois For ist viola-
R. S.
year.
1909,
tion of rules con-
1909,
2 mos. from
C. 108,
vict forfeits 2
C. 108,
2nd year.
Sec. 45.
days; for second
Sec. 46.
3 mos. from
offense 4 days;
3rd year.
for third eight
4 mos. from
days; for fourth
4th year.
sixteen days; for
5 mos. from
more than 4 of-
5th year.
fenses warden
6 mos. from
may deprive him
succeeding years.
of such portion
as he deems wise;
convict also for-
feits number of
days he is in
punishment.
(320)
HOW IS HE CARED FOR
69
(A) When permitted :
1 mo. from 1st
year.
2 mos. from
2nd year.
3 mos. from
3rd year.
4 mos. from
4th year.
5 mos. from
5th year.
5 mos. from
5th to 2 1 St years.
1 mo. from 1st
year.
2 mos.
2nd year.
3 mos.
3rd year.
4 mos.
4th year.
5 mos.
5th year.
6 mos.
6th to 25th years.
Similar pro-
visions in Mon-
tana, Wisconsin,
Wyoming.
3 days
from
from
from
from
from
from
mo.
year
6
mo.
year
each
1st
days
from
each
2nd
days each
mo. during re-
mainder of sen-
tence.
7 days from
each mo.
Similar pro-
visions in Maine.
Board of con-
trol to make
rules for commu-
tation of sen-
tences.
Yz commuta-
tion to second
termers; none to
third termers.
Jail prisoners
one-sixth of sen-
tences.
R. S.
1908,
Sec.
9886,
(B)
R. S.
1897,
Title 26,
C. 2,
Sec.
5703-
R. S.
1909,
Sec.
8";8i.
R. S.
1909,
C. 97,
Sec.
3801.
R. S.
1908,
page 623,
Sec. 6.
R. S.
1908,
page 623,
Sec. 6.
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
When forfeited :
For 1st offense
2 days; for 2nd
4 days; 3rd 8
days; 4th 16
days; and for
more than 4 of-
fenses warden
may use judg-
ment. If first
offenses are seri-
ous warden may
deprive him of
more than time
specified.
1st offense 2
days; 2d offense
4 days; 3rd of-
fense 8 days; 4th
offense 16 days.
In addition
thereto days he
is inpunishment.
For more than 4
offenses warden,
with approval of
governor, may
use judgment as
to depriving him
of all or part of
gain time.
All or part of
good time.
R. S.
1908,
C. 124,
Sec.
R. S.
1897,
Title 26,
C. 2,
Sec.
5704-
R. S.
1909,
C. 108,
Art. 30,
Sec.
8581.
(321)
70
THE CAGED MAN
(A) When permitted :
(B) When forfeited
Maine
Maryland
Massachu-
setts
Michigan
Minnesota
7 days from
each month.
Does not apply
to life prisoners.
Similar provi-
sions in Ken-
tucky.
5 days from
each mo.
I day per mo.
if sentence be 4
mos. and less
than I year.
3 days per mo.
from 1st to 3rd
years.
4 days per mo.
from 3rd to 5th
years,
5 days per mo.
from 5th to lOth
years.
6 days per mo.
from succeeding
years.
5 days per mo.
from 1st 2 yrs.
6 days per mo.
from 2nd 2 yrs.
7 days per mo.
from 3rd 2 yrs.
9 days per mo.
from 7th, 8th and
9th yrs.
10 days per
mo. from loth to
14th yrs.
12 days per
mo. from 15th to
19th yrs.
15 days per
mo. from suc-
ceeding yrs.
5 days per mo.
during 1st yr.
7 days per mo.
during 2nd yr.
9 days per mo.
during 3rd yr.
10 days per
mo. during re-
mainder of sen-
tence.
R. S.
1903,
C. 141,
Sec. 15.
R. S.
1904,
Art. 27,
Sec. 474.
R. S.
1902,
C. 225,
Sec. 113.
R. S.
1897,
C. 75.
Sec. 33.
R. S.
1905,
C. 105,
Sec.
5445-
Maryland
Massachu-
setts.
All good time
in mos. delm-
quency accrues
to be forfeited;
according to na-
ture of offense,
board may de-
duct good time.
Forfeiture for
violation of rules.
R. S.
1904,
Art. 27.
Sec. 474.
R. S.
1902,
C. 225,
Sec. 113.
Michigan For violation R. S.
of rules or at
'"•"" - C.75
ui 1 uics ui ui- 18971
tempt to escape. C. 75,
Sec. 33.
Minnesota Only granted R. S.
if convict passed 1909,
entire time with- C. 105,
out violation of Sec.
rules. 5445.
(322)
No. 4]
HOW IS HE CARED FOR
71
(A.) When permitted
(B) When forfeitel:
Mississippi
For efficient
service, board
may allow county
convicts 3^ time.
R. S.
1905,
C. 22,
Sec. 842.
Missouri
Convict serv-
ing ^4 of time in
exemplary man-
ner shall be dis-
charged in same
manner as if he
had been par-
doned. In such
cases no pardon
from the Gover-
nor is necessary.
R. S.
19C9,
Art. 19,
Sec,
1656.
Montana
I mo. from ist
R. S.
Montana Good time
R. S.
year.
1907,
conditioned 0 n
1907,
2 mos. from
Sec.
good behavior
Sec.
2nd year.
9737-
and regular labor
9737-
3 mos. from
during good
3rd year.
health.
4 mos. from
4th year.
5 mos. from
Sth year.
6 mos. from
6th to 25th year.
Similar provi-
sions m Iowa,
Wisconsin and
Wyoming.
Nebraska
2 mos. from
R. S.
Nebraska Good time
R. S.
1st and 2nd
1911,
conditioned 0 n
1911,
years.
Sec.
good conduct
Sees.
3 mos. from
2737-
and faithful, or-
2737-8
3rd year.
derly and peace-
4 mos. from
ful performance
succeedingyears.
of duties; mis-
Similar provi-
conduct can
sions in Nevada.
cause loss of 75
per cent, of time
gained.
Nevada
2 mos. from
R. S.
! Nevada Forfeited by
Sec.
1st and 2nd
1912,
assault on keeper
7581.
years.
Sec.
or other viola-
3 mos. from
7581.
tion of rules.
3rd year.
4 mos. from
succeedingyears.
Similar provi-
s i 0 n s in Ne-
braska.
Additional de-
Laws of
duction of 10
1911,
days each mo. for
C. 71.
good conduct on
road work.
County con-
R. S.
victs allowed de-
1912,
duction of 5 days
Sec.
for each mo.
7622.
(323)
72
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
(A) When permitted :
(B) When forfeited:
New Hamp- I day per mo.
R. S.
SHIRE if sentence be 2
1901,
years or less.
C. 285.
2 days per mo.
Sec. 14.
if sentence be 3
years.
3 days per mo.
if sentence be 4
years.
4 days per mo.
if sentence be 5
years.
5 days per mo.
if sentence be
from 5 to 7 years.
6 days per mo.
if sentence be
from 6 to 10
years.
7 days per mo.
1
if sentence be
from 10 to 15
years.
8 days per mo.
if sentence be
from 15 to 20
years.
10 days per
mo. for any other
time but life im-
prisonment.
New Jersey 2 days for each
R. S.
New Jersey For flagrant
R. S.
mo. of faithfully
1910,
misconduct. In-
1910,
performed labor.
Page
spectors may de-
Page
2 days for each
4916,
clare a forfeiture
4916,
mo. of orderly
Art. 10.
of the whole or
Sec. 10
deportment.
part of time pre-
2 days for each
viously gained.
mo. of manifest
effort at intellect-
ual improvement
to be certified by
moral instructor.
Add i t lonal
R. S.
good time of i
1891,
day per mo. for
Page
1st year of good
498,
conduct.
Art. 2.
For each suc-
ceeding year of
good conduct
commutation to
increase progres-
sively one day
per mo.
New Mexico i mo. from ist
R. S.
New Mexico Good time de-
R. S.
year.
1897,
pendent on good
1897,
2 mos. from
Sec.
conduct through
Sec.
2nd year.
3536.
whole time of
3536-
3 mos. from
sentence and
3rd year.
final pardon by
governor.
(324)
No. 4]
HO IV IS HE CARED FOR
73
(A) When permitted :
4 mos. from
4th year.
5 mos. from
5th year.
6 mos. from
succeeding years.
Similar provis-
ions in Colorado
and Idaho.
New York 5 days per mo. Laws of
if sentence be 191 2,
less than i year. Cha. 79.
2 mos. from
island 2nd years.
4 mos. from
3d and 4th years.
5 mos. from
each subsequent
year.
Applicable to
convicts confined
under d eti nite
sentences, when
term equals 6
mos.; not appli-
cable to life sen-
tences.
North 5 days for each
Carolina mo.; for every
10 days thus
earned further
reward of Si-oo;
for every $5.00
thus earned
further d e d u c -
tion of 5 days.
North 2 mos. from
Dakota ist to 3rd years.
75 days from
3rd to 5th year.
3 mos. from
5th to 7th year.
105 days from
7th to nth year.
4 mos. each
year during re
mainder of sen-
tence.
Further com-
mutation, at dis-
cretion of Gov-
ernor, upon
recommendation
in writing by
board of trustees,
may be allowed
to convict who
surpasses the
average inmates
in diligence 1 n
study or labor or
in good behavior
or otherwise.
(B) When forfeited :
R. S.
1908,
C. 116,
Sec.
5402.
R. S.
1905,
C. 17,
Art. 6.
R. S.
1905,
C. 17,
Art. 6.
North
Carolina
North
Dakota
Convict as-
saulting prison
officer or taking
part in msurrec-
tion or attempt-
ing escape for-
feits all good
time.
For infraction
of rules convict
may be deprived
of gain time.
R. S.
1908,
C. 1x6,
Sec.
5402.
R. S.
1905,
Art. 6,
C. 17.
(325)
74
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
of
from
of 2
from
of 3
from
of 4
(A) When permitted :
Ohio 5 days from R. S.
sentence of i 1910,
year. C. 2,
6 days from Sec.
sentence of 2 2163.
years.
8 days
sentence
years.
9 days
sentence
years.
10 days from
sentence of 5
years.
11 days from
sentence of 6 or
more years.
If sentence be
mos. or fraction
of a year the de-
duction as pro-
vided for year
next higher than
maximum sen-
tence.
Oregon 2 mos. from
each of 1st 2
years.
4 mos. from
each of next 2
years.
5 mos. from
remaining years.
Similar provi-
sions in Arizona
and California.
Life prisoners
who have earned
73 of time during
first 5 years, ^
of time during
second 5 years,
% of time during
third 5 years may
be pardoned by
the Governor at
the end of 15
years.
Pennsyl- I day from ist R. S.
VAMA month; 2 addi- 1907,
tional days from Page
2nd mo.; 3 addi- 3496,
tional days from Sec. 54.
each succeeding
month of first
year. 4 days per
mo. from 2nd to
I o t h years ; 2
days per mo.
from succeeding
years.
(B)
R. S.
1910,
C. 13,
Sec.
4510.
R. S.
1910,
C. 13,
Sec.
4514-
Ohio
Oregon
Pennsyl-
vania
When forfeited :
Commutati o n
dependent on en-
tire time being
passed without
violation of rules.
For infraction
of rules inspect-
ors may strike off
who'e or part of
gain time.
R. S.
1 9 ID,
C. 2,
Sec.
2163.
All credits may
R. S.
be forfeited in
1910
case of failure to
Sec.
work.
4516
M i s c 0 n duct
R. S
forfeits all good
1910
time earned pre-
Sec.
viously.
4512
R. S.
1907,
Page
3486,
Sec. 54.
(325)
No- 4]
HOW IS HE CARED FOR
75
(A) When permitted
(B
Rhode
For I mo. of
R. s. !
Rhode
Island
good behavior
1909. ;
Island
Governor, upon
C. 360, 1
recommendation
Sec. 31.
of Board, may
deduct number
of days there are
years in sen-
tence, provided
that if sentence
be over 5 years,
only 5 days shall
be deducted
from the month.
South
2 mos. from
R. S.
South
Dakota
1st to 3rd years.
1910,
Dakota
3rd yr. 3 mos.
Sec.
4th to loth yrs.
686.
4 mos.; loth to
20th yrs. 5 mos.;
succeeding years
6 mos.
Tennessee
I mo. from 1st
R. S.
Tennessee
year.
1896,
2 mos. from
Title 7,
2nd year.
Art. 2,
3 mos. from
Sec.
each subsequent
7482.
year until the
loth.
4 mos. from
each remaining
year.
County con-
R. S.
victs — Deduc-
1896,
tion at discretion
Sec.
of Board of
7423-
County Commis-
sioners.
!
Utah
15 days from
R. S.
Utah
sentence of 3
1907.
mos.
Sec.
!
30 days from
1686, '
'
sentence of 6
X. 14.
mos.
1
2 mos. from i
year.
3 mos. from 2
years.
4 mos. from 3
years.
5 mos. from 4
years.
6 mos. from 5
years.
From all time
in excess of 5
years half-time
shall be de-
ducted.
When forfeited :
Every day con-
vict is shut up or
punished one
day is deducted
from good time.
For infraction
of rules good
tune is forfeited.
For any infrac-
tion of rules con-
vict may be de-
prived of all or
any portion of
good time.
R. S.
1909,
C. 360,
Sec. 31.
S.
R
1910,
Sec.
686.
Good time de-
R. S.
pendent on
proper demeanor.
1896,
Title 7,
Art. 2,
Sec.
If prisoner
7482.
R. S.
escapes he for-
feits all good
1896,
Title 7,
fime.
Art. 2,
Sec.
7423-
R. S.
1907,
Title 57,
Sec.
1686,
X. 16.
(327)
7^
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Vermont
Virginia
(A) When permitted
5 days from
each mo. of good
conduct.
4 days from
each mo. of good
conduct, with ap-
proval of Gov-
ernor.
County con-
victs 4 days al
lowed for each
mo. of good con-
duct on road or
quarry force.
Washington 2 mos. from
1st 2 years.
4 mos. from
next to 2 years.
5 mos. from
succeeding years.
Wisconsin i mo. from 1st
year.
2 mos. from
2nd year.
3 mos. from
3rd year.
4 mos. from
4th year.
5 mos. from
5th year.
6 mos. from
6th to 25th year.
Similar provis-
ions in Iowa,
Montana and
W'yoming.
Wyoming i mo. from ist
year.
2 mos. from
2nd year.
3 mos. from
3rd year.
4 mos. from
4th year.
5 mos. from
5th year.
6 mos. from
6th to 25th year.
Similar provis-
ions in Iowa,
Montana, Wis-
consin.
Pro rata for
part of a year.
R. S.
1906,
C. 261,
Sec.
6088,
R. S.
1904,
Title 55,
Sec.
4144.
Laws of
1910,
C. 217.
R. S.
191Q,
Sec.
8521.
R. S.
1889,
Sec.
4928.
R. S.
1910,
C. 41,
Sec.
522.
(B) When forfeited :
Vermont Good time re-
duced five days
for each mo. in
which convict
misbehaves.
Washington For violation
of rules.
Wisconsin
Forfeiture of
5 days for ist of-
fense; 10 days
for 2nd offense;
20 days for sub-
sequent offenses.
Wyoming
For violation
of rules.
R. S.
1906,
C. 261,
Sec.
6088.
R. S.
1904,
Sec.
8521.
R. S.
1889,
Sec.
4928.
R. S.
1910,
C. 41.
Sees.
523-4-
(32^)
No. 4l
HO W IS HE CARED FOR
77
(^) Good conduct is rewarded by special favor.
Arkansas
Maryland
(A) When permitted
Tobacco not
exceeding one
pound per
month.
Good conduct
to be reporterl
officially to the
Board. Not to
include hope of
pardon.
New Hamp-
shire
Ohio
Pennsyl-
vania
South
Dakota
Tennessee
Warden, with
consent of gover-
nor and council,
may offer suit-
able encourage-
ment and indul-
gences to con-
victs distinguish-
ing themselves
by obedience, in-
dustry and faith-
fulness.
Board of Man-
agers of Reform-
atory to arrange a
system of marks
or otherwise to
determine credit
earned by pris-
oner, as to in-
creased p r i V i-
leges or release
from control.
Prisoner to learn
standing once a
month.
Tobacco to a
limited extent.
Moderate al-
lowance of tea
or tobacco.
Moderate
amount of chew-
ing tobacco to
convicts accus-
tomed to use of
same.
R. S.
1904,
Sec.
5920.
R. S.
1904,
Art. 27,
Sec. 593.
R. S.
1901,
C. 285.
Sec. 15.
R. S.
1 9 10,
Sec.
2159.
R. S.
1907,
Page
3494.
Sec. 45.
R. S.
1910,
Sec. 676.
R. S.
1896,
Title 7,
Art. 4,
Sec.
7534-
(B) When forfeited ;
Nevada
Loss of out-
door privilege is
the maximum
punishment for
prisoners em-
ployed on road
work
Laws of
1911,
C. 71.
(329)
7S
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
(A) When permitted :
Wisconsin Moderate al- R. S.
lowance of to- 1898,
bacco or tea as a Sec.
reward for in- 4902.
dustry oi
behavior.
(B) When forfeited:
(^) Prisoner's grading is the outward expression of his reported rating.
Alabama
California
Idaho
Illinois
Louisiana
(A) WTien allowed ;
Convicts grad-
ed when hired
for mine work;
grading permis-
sible for other
work.
Warden to
grade and class-
ify convicts and
clothe them so
grades may be
distinguishable.
Prisoners to be
divided into
three grades. No
one to be pa-
roled until he has
served 6 mos. in
first grade. Pris-
oners in second
and third grades
to be deprived of
such privileges as
Board directs.
First class, cor-
rigible, likely to
observe the laws,
and maintain
them selves by
honest industry
after discharge;
second class in-
corrigible but
competent to
labor; third class
incorrigible and
so incompetent
as to seriously in-
terfere with the
work and disci-
pline of the pen-
itentiary.
Board to make
rules for grading
and classifying
the prisoners ac-
cording to most
modern and en-
lightened system
of reformation.
(B) When forfeited;
R. S.
1907,
Sec.
6530.
Penal
Code,
1909,
Sec.
1578,
P. 5.
R. S.
1908,
Part 2,
Title 10,
Sec.
8264.
R. S.
1909,
C. 108,
Sec. 78.
Laws of
1900,
No. 70,
Sec. 6.
(330)
Ko. 4j
HOW IS HE CARED FOR
79
(A) When permitted ;
(B) When forfeited ;
Massachu-
According to
R. S.
setts
conduct, industry
and diligence in
study.
1902,
C. 225,
Sec. 15.
Michigan
First class cor-
R. S.
Michigan Reduction to
R. S.
rigible; second
1897,
lower grade for
1897.
class incorrigible
Sec.
misconduct.
C.75.
but competent to
2103.
Sec. 24
labor; third
grade incorrigi-
ble and incom-
petent.
Mississippi
First class con-
victs, male and
female, over i8
and under 55.
R. S.
1906,
C. 22,
Sec. 844.
Nevada
First grade,
those appearing
corrigible. Sec-
ond grade, those
appearing incor-
rigible but com-
petent to work.
Third grade,
those appearing
incompetent and
incorrigible.
Garb of first
grade, one color
throughout.
Garb of second
grade, prison
stripes. Garb of
third grade,
trousers of prison
stripes and red
shirts.
R. S.
1912,
Sec.
7583-
New York
Ohio
First grade,
corrigible and
likely to observe
laws. Second
grade, incorrigi-
ble, but compe-
tent and not
likely to interfere
seriously with
prison discipline.
Third grade, in-
corrigible and
in com pe tent.
Superintendent
of state prisons
to make promo-
tions and reduc-
tions from one
grade to another.
Grading for
employment, etc.
Prison
Law,
1909,
c. 47,
Sec.
148-9.
R. S.
1910,
Div. 4,
C.2,
Sec.
2159.
(331)
8o
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
(B) When forfeited :
(A) When permitted :
Texas Prison Com- R. S.
mission to class- 191 1,
ify all prisoners. C. 28,
First class — first .Sec.
offenders; sec- 1609.
ond class — less
corrigible but
content to work;
third class — ap-
pearing incorri-
gible. Prisoners
to be promoted
and reduced
from one grade
to another. Uni-
forms of first two
grades not
stripes. Special
privileges to dif-
ferent grades.
Utah Board to class- R. S.
ify prisoners. IQO?)
First grade — Title 74,
those appearing C. 10,
corrigible; sec- Sec.
ond grade — in- 2242.
corrigibles who
are competent
and not likely to
interfere with
productiveness of
labor. Third
grade — incorri-
gibles and in-
competents who
will interfere
with labor. Pro-
motion and re-
duction from one
grade to another.
Qc/) Reward of money wa'^e, the use of which is regulated so as to increase moral incentive.
(A) When permitted:
California County court Laws of
may decree that 191 1,
prisoners work C. 379.
on roads; Board
to allow wife or
children or
guardians of
latter not exceed-
ing $1.50 for
each day's labor.
Colorado^ '' Earnings, after R. S.
cost of mamten- 1908,
ance and reten- .Sec.
tion is deducted, 4882.
to be given to
familyordepend-
ents, or if there
be nonesuch, ac-
cumulated until
time of discharge.
(I) When forfeited;
(332)
No. 4]
HOW IS HE CARED FOR
Illinois
Kansas
Kentucky
(A) When permitted
(B) When forfeited :
County pris-
Laws of
oners, one-half
1911,
net earnings after
C. 130.
the deduction of
expenses for
guarding, to be
paid dependents
likely to become
a public charge.
In no case
R. S.
Illinois Violation of
R. S.
shall earnings
1909,
rules causes for-
1909,
exceed lo per
C. 108,
f e i t u r e of 50
C. 108,
cent, of the earn-
Sec. 91.
cents for each
Sec. 91.
ings of the peni-
day of good time
tentiary or re-
lost.
formatory.
Earnings may be
used for family
or to purchase
books, etc., and
may be b e-
queathed by will.
Five per cent.
R. S.
Kansas For violation
R. S.
of each day's
1909,
of rules warden
1909,
earnings — earn-
Sec.
or directors may
C. 108,
ings being com-
8588.
forfeit the whole
Art. 30,
puted at 75 cents.
or any part of
Sec.
R e f 0 rmatory
R. S.
convict's earn-
8588.
prisoners, first
1909,
ings.
grade 3 cents per
Sec.
day ; second
8643.
grade 2 cents per
day. Earnings
funded until re-
lease.
Convict may
R. S.
cause earnings,
1909,
in excess of earn-
Sec.
ings for one year.
8589.
to be sent to
family or ex-
pended in such
way as warden
approves.
Board to place
Laws of
Kentucky Warden by
Laws ot
to credit of pris-
1910,
! way of punish-
1910,
oner such amount
c. 15.
ment with ap-
c. 15.
of average per
proval of Board,
capita earnings
may cancel or
as Board deems
distribute to
just — e a r n i n gs
family such por-
not to exceed 20
tion of earnings
per cent, of aver-
as he deems best.
age per capita
earnings. Earn ■
ings may go to
family or be paid
prisoner, but 25
per cent, must
be funded until
release.
(^zzz)
82
Louisiana
Maine
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
(A) When permitted :
Convicts on R. S.
roads or farms; 1904,
first class $5 to Page
$15 per month; I3'3'
second class $2 Sec. 8.
to $10 per month.
County pris- Laws o
oners — Commis- 191 1)
sioners send C. 144.
order weekly
upon treasury for
number of days'
work done by
prisoner — earn-
ings for family.
Any person R. S.
awaitmg sen- I903>
tence in jail C. 82
where labor is Sec. 4:
provided shall re-
ceive such sum as
in the judgment
of the county
c o m m i ssioners
he has earned.
(B) When forfeited;
Maryland
Massachu-
setts
Mississippi
Earnings of R. S.
prisoner in 1904,
House of Cor- Art. 27,
rection may be Sec. 473.
sent to family.
In cases of de- Laws of
sertion and non- 191 1,
support,the court C. 456,
imposing sen- Sec. 8.
tence may if he
finds destitution
amongst the de-
pendents order
that 50 cents for
each day's hard
labor performed
by the prisoner
be paid for their
relief.
County con- R. S.
victs; first class 1906,
from S5 to S15 , C. 22,
per month; sec- Sec. 845.
ond class from
$2 to $10 per
month. Board
may designate
higher wages on
account of the
skill in individ-
ual cases.
(334)
HOW IS HE CARED FOR
83
(A) When permitted
Five per cent
of daily earnings
to be set aside at
end of quarter;
warden to keep
accurate account
of number o f
days' work done
by prisoner ; sum
of $15 must ac-
cumulate for
each prisoner
after release
from penitentiary
unless the 5 per
cent amount to
less; balance may
be used for family,
provided warden
ascertains it is
destitute, or for
personal necessi-
ties not provided
by the institu-
tion. All earn-
ings of life pris-
oners go to fam-
ily ; gross earn-
ings of life pris-
oner without
family go to in-
stitution.
Twenty-five
cents a day to
convicts engaged
in road work.
County c o n-
victs at end of
sentence receive
25 per cent of
amount of their
labor; sheriff to
keep itemized
account showing
earnings and ex-
penses.
Compensation
not to exceed 10
per cent of the
earnings of the
prison to be dis-
tributed among
the prisoners;
agent and war-
d e n to grade
c o m p e n sation,
basing it on pe-
cuniary value of
work and on
willingness, in-
dustry and good
conduct.
(B) When forfeited ;
R. S.
1909,
Art. 19,
Sees.
1618-19-
20.
Laws of
1911,
C.71.
R. S.
1901,
C. 283.
Sec. 17.
Prison
Law
1909,
C.47.
Art, 6,
Sec. 185.
Nevada
Laws of
1911,
C. 71.
New York
When prisoner
forfeits good
time he forfeits
50 cents per day.
R. S.
1909,
C.43-
Art. 9,
Sec. 185.
(335)
84
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
North
Carolina
North '
Dakota
Ohio
(A) When permitted
Earnings may
be used for family
or to buy books,
instruments and
instruction not
supplied by insti-
tution; they may
not be used for
food, clothing or
ornament.
One dollar al-
lowed for every
ten days of good
time earned.
Money may be
sent to family if
prisoner desires.
Directors to
make regulations
for reasonable
amount of money
to be given con-
vict as reward for
good conduct.
Money reward
may be given
convict who sur-
passes the aver-
age inmates in
good behavior,
diligence, in
study, labor or
otherwise, at dis-
cretion of gover-
nor, upon recom-
mendation of
Board of Trus-
tees.
Board may
credit prisoners
with such part of
earnings, not ex-
ceeding 20 per
cent of receipts,
as seems equit-
able and just,
taking into con-
sideration char-
acter and nature
of crime and de-
portment. Funds
may be paid pris-
oner or family,
according to
judgment of
Board. At least
25 per cent must
be kept for pris-
oner on release.
Life prisoners re-
ceive at most 5
cents per day.
(B) When forfeited:
Prison
Law
1909,
C. 47.
Sec. 187.
R. S.
1908,
C. 1x6,
Sees.
5402-3.
R. S.
190S.
Sec.
10358.
R. S.
1910,
C. 2,
Sec.
2208.
Ohio
Board may use
judgment as to
cancelling earn-
ings.
R. S.
1910,
Sec.
2164.
(336)
No. 4]
HO W IS HE CARED FOR
85
Oregon
(A) When permitted:
Board of Man- Laws of
agers of peniten- 191 1,
tiary to which Sec.
prisoner is sen- 13019.
t e n c e d under
Employers' Lia-
bility Law to pay
hmi 40 cents per
working day dur-
i n g period of
confinement.
Fifty cents per R. S.
merit mark al- 19 10,
lowed to each C. 4516.
convict on dis-
charge.
(B) When forfeited ;
Pennsyl-
vania
Rhode
Island
South
Dakota
Quarterly
wages equal to
amount of earn-
ings, fixed from
time to time by
authorities, from
which board,
lodging and cost
of trial shall be
deducted. .Bal-
ance paid depen-
dents or funded
until release.
Board may, on
discharge, pay
convtct sum of
money not ex-
c e e d i n g one-
tenth of his
actual earnings;
in case of sick-
ness Board may
also pay one-
tenth average
earnings of con-
vict labor. In no
case is sum to be
less than $5.00.
Money reward
may be given
convict who sur-
passes the aver-
age inmates in
good behavior,
diligence, in
study, labor or
otherwise, at dis-
cretion of gover-
nor, upon recom-
mendation of
Board of Trus-
tees.
R. S.
1907,
Page
3487,
Sec. 4.
R. S.
1909,
C. 360,
Sec. 42.
R. S.,
1905,
C. 17
Sec. 699.
Oregon
Money credits
subjected to for-
feiture of the
cost price of tools
and materials
which have been
injured or wasted
through careless-
ness or neglect
of convict.
R. S.
1910,
Sec.
4516.
(337)
86
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
(A) When permitted :
(B) When forfeited :
Utah Unmarried
R. S.
prisoners not ex-
1907,
ceeding lo per
Title 57,
cent of earnings
Sec.
on discharge.
2260.
Married prison-
ers not exceed-
ing 25 per cent
to go to families.
If they have no
dependents they
are credited as
unmarried.
Vermont If poor and
R. S.
Vermont Loss of $1.00
R. S.
needy, prisoner
1906,
for each mo. in
1906,
to be paid on
C. 261,
which convict
C. 261.
discharge, $1 for
Sec.
commits misde-
Sec.
each day's work
6088.
meanor.
60S8.
during sentence.
Payment not to
exceed ^100.
Wisconsin For extra good
R. S.
conduct Board
1889,
may allow money
Sec.
compensation.
4942.
Wyoming Prisoners in
Laws of
Wyoming Fines as a sub-
Laws of
the discretion of
1911,
stitute for pun-
1911,
the Commission
C. 61.
ishment, not to
C. 61.
receive a graded
exceed 50 cents
compensation, in
a day.
no case more
than 10 per cent
of earnings of in-
stitution. Sur-
plus earnings go
to family, are
never to be used
in buying com-
missary, but the
balance paid on
release subject to
draft.
Alabama
{e') Reward of ivagt for overtime loork.
(A) When permitted : (B) When forfeited:
After perform-
Delaware
a n c e of daily
task; manner
p r e s c ribed by
Board; proceeds
disposed of as
Board shall pro-
vide by rule.
Earnings may
go to family, be
used to purchase
articles permitted
in the prison, or
be funded until
discharge.
Laws of
1907,
Sec.
6531-
Laws of
1898,
C. 247.
Sec. 5.
(338)
No. 4]
HOW IS HE CARED FOR
87
(A) When permitted :
Michigan Prisoners Laws of
-working on pub- 1907,
lie account may No. 291.
receive wages not
to exceed 10 per
cent of the pro-
fits realized upon
actual collections
from the sale of
the product of
the plant.
Wages are Laws of
paid convicts in 191 1,
the wisdom of No. 239.
the Board; a
limit of 15 cents
a day is set.
Missouri Convict is R. S.
tasked for rea- 1909,
sonable amount Sec.
and allowed 1623.
wage for over-
time at rate al-
lowed state. If
on any day con-
vict cannot ac-
complish full task
no deduct ion
shall be made
from any over
work performed
on any other
day. Overtime
pay may be
drawn for pur-
chase of books,
etc., to be pur-
chased by war-
den or chaplain
at lowest cash
price without
commission. In-
spectors may
upon r e c o m-
mendation of
warden at end of
each month place
to credit of con-
vict not guilty of
m isd em eanor
and who has lost
no time during
month such lim-
ited amount as
will encourage a
more cheerful
performance of
work, subject to
same rules as
applied to over
work.
(B) When forfeited ;
(339)
88
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
(A) When permitted :
Virginia Convicts to be R. S.
tasked; a reason- 1904,
able amount, de- Title 55,
termined by su- Sec.
perintendent, to 4173.
be paid on dis-
charge, or to
family, or to be
used for provis-
ions and other
articles selected
from a standing
list and charged
to convict at
cost.
(B) When forfeited :
(^) Rezuard of assistance to prisoner'' s family.
(A) When permitted
Michigan Managers of
Detroit House of
Correction arid
State Prisons to
pay over to su-
perintendents of
poor of city or
county in which
wife and chil-
dren of prisoners
live, $1.50 per
week for each
child under 15.
Minnesota R e f o rmatory
Board may make
provision for
moderate assist-
ance to families
of convicts to be
paid from cur-
rent expense fund
of institution.
Missouri County court
t o appropriate
from county
treasury amount
not exceeding
$12,000 per year
for the partial
support of wid-
ows or wives of
prisoners w h o
are poor and
have children
under 14; such
allowance not to
exceed $ic per
month if there
be one child;
S15 per month if
more; children
Acts of
1907,
No. 144.
R. S.
1905.
C. 105,
Sec.
5459.
Acts of
1 9 10,
H. B.
626.
(B) When forfeited;
(340)
No. 4]
HOW IS HE CARED FOR
89
New Jersey
(A) When permitted :
to live with
mother who
would otherwise
be obliged to
live away from
them. Woman
must be m e n-
tally, morally
and physically
able to bring up
her children.
Prisoners' fam- Laws of
ilies dependent 191 1,
on charity re- S. B.
lieved by Com- 1150.
missioner of
Charities at the
rate of 50 cents
for every day the
prisoner works.
The relief fund
limited to 5 per
cent of the value
of all goods pro-
duced.
(B) When forfeited :
4. General Education.
(a) Prison schools are provided:
Arkansas Chaplain to establish a night school R. S. 1904, C.
for young convicts and instruct them 123, Sec. 5893.
in studies arranged by board.
Georgia Reformatory prisoners to receive in- R. S. 191 1, Sec.
struction in elementary branches and 1243.
manual training.
Illinois Chaplain to give instruction in such R. S. 1909, Page
English branches as warden feels will 1670, Sec. 23.
be of benefit between 6 and 9 P. M.
daily.
Indiana Instruction of an educational and R. S. 1908, Sec.
technical nature as shall be to the best 9844.
interest of the inmates.
Trade schools at the reformatory. R. S. 1908, Sec.
9905-
Iowa Chaplain to give instruction in ordi- R. S. 1897, Title
nary branches of English to illiterate 26, C. 2, Sec.
convicts. 5671.
Reformatory prisoners to be em- R. S. 1897, Sec.
ployed in trades conducive to Intel- 2706.
lectual and moral development.
Kansas Chaplain to teach convalescents and R. S. 1909, C.
others whose task is performed within 108, Sec. 8577.
less than required hours of labor and
who wish to avail themselves of his as-
sistance in acquiring an elementary
education.
Kentucky Convicts to be trained in common Laws of 1910, C.
branches of English and in some trade, 15.
industry or handicraft ; common schools
and trade schools to be maintained for
the purpose.
(341)
90
Maine
Massachusetts
Michigan
New Jersey
New York
Tennessee
Texas
Vermont
Utah
Wisconsin
Alabama
Arkansas
Connecticut
Colorado
Idaho
Illinois
Maine
Michigan
Texas
Utah
Vermont
THE CAGED MAN
Inspectors to establish rules for the
instruction of convicts.
$2,000.00 appropriation annually for
prison schools.
A school to be maintained in each
prison.
Board of inspectors to equip school
and have control and supervision
thereof, to appoint teachers who must
have certificate prescribed by State
Board of Education, and must not be
inmates of the prison. Studies to be
the same as those in public schools.
Moral instructors to devote their
entire time to work.
Under supervision of the chaplain.
Chaplain to instruct those under 16
and older if they desire 2 hours per
week.
Prisoners to be taught elementary
branches of English.
Educational instruction to be given.
Schools to be conducted in the prison.
Chaplain to conduct school for three
hours one day per week.
(b) Prison Libraries are provided:
Appropriation of $500.00 per year
for books.
Chaplain in charge of library.
Appropriation of $500 annually for
library purposes.
Warden to act as librarian.
Appropriation of $75 per annum ;
warden to purchase books and report
to Governor annually the effect upon
conduct, mental and moral improve-
ment of the prisoners.
Chaplain to take charge of library.
Appropriation of $50 annually; war-
den to take charge of library.
Library subject to instruction of
board.
Chaplain to act as librarian.
As board directs.
Board of Library Commissioners to
have care and supervision of suitable
libraries in penal and charitable insti-
tutions; they may expend $500 for this
purpose in 191 1, and $200 a year there-
after.
(342)
[Vol. Ill
R. S. 1903, Title
12, C. 141, Sec.
II.
R. S. 1902, C.
224, Sec. 73.
R. S. 1897, Sec.
2134.
R. S. 1910, Page
4927, Sees. 69-
76.
R. S. 1910, Page
4914, Sec. 7.
R. S. 1909, C. 47,
Sec. 139.
R. S. 1896, Title
7, C. 2, Sec.
7509.
R. S. 191 1, Sec.
6203.
R. S. 1906, Title
33. C. 261,
Sees. 6072-73.
R. S. 1907, C. 10,
Sec. 2279.
R. S. 1898, C.
201, Sec. 4905.
R. S. 1907, C.
191, Sec. 6539.
R. S. 1904, C.
123, Sec. 5893.
R. S. 1902, C.
176, Sec. 2922.
R. S. 1908, C.
108. Sec. 4847.
R. S. 1908, Part
3, Title 2, Sec.
8510-
R. S. 1909, Page
1670, Sec. 23.
R. S. 1903. C.
141, Sec. 51.
R. S. 1897, Sec.
2135.
R. S. 191 1, Title
104, C. 2, Sec.
6203.
R. S. 1907, C. 10,
Sec. 2280.
Laws of 1910,
No. 235.
No. 4] HOW IS HE CARED FOR
Wisconsin' Chaplain in charge of library.
(c) Industrial Training provided:
Georgia Reformatory prisoners to receive
instruction in elementary branches and
manual training.
Indiana Instruction of an educational and
technical nature as shall be to the best
interest of the inmates.
Trade schools at the Reformatory.
Iowa Reformatory prisoners to be em-
ployed in trades conducive to intel-
lectual and moral development.
Kansas Trades which will enable prisoners
to earn a living on release.
E^ENTUCKY Convicts to be trained in common
branches of English and in some trade,
industry or handicraft ; common schools
and trade schools to be maintained for
the purpose.
Minnesota Trades for which prisoner seems best
suited.
Ohio Superintendent of reformatory au-
thorized to expend not more than 5 per
cent of gross earnings of inmates for
equipment of industrial training schools
which will fit for self-support upon
release.
91
R. S. 1898, C.
201, Sec. 4905.
R. S. 191 1, Sec.
1243-
R. S. 1908, Sec.
9844.
R. S. 1908, Sec.
9905-
R. S. 1897, Sec.
2706.
R. S. 1909, Sec.
8595-
Laws of 1 9 10, C.
15-
R. S. 1905, C.
105, Sec. 5458.
R. S\ 1 9 10, Div.
4, C. I, Sec.
2137-
(343)
VII.
Who can set him free?
As the result of good conduct prisoners may be allowed
limited freedom or parole through action taken by :
1. The Governor.
Alabama Governor may, when he thinks best, Crim. Code, 1907,
authorize the discharge of any convict C. 265, Sees,
from custody and suspend the sentence 7515-16.
of such convict without granting a par-
don, and prescribe the terms upon
which a convict so paroled shall have
his sentence suspended. Upon the
failure of any con\T[ct to observe the
conditions of his parole, to be deter-
mined by the governor, the governor
shall have authority to direct the re-
arrest and return of such convict to
custody and thereupon convict shall be
required to carry out sentence of court
as though no parole had been granted
him.
Missouri The Governor shall have power to Const. 1875, Art.
grant reprieves, commutations and par- 5, Sec. 8.
dons after conviction, for all offenses
except treason and cases of impeach-
ment ; upon such conditions and with
such restrictions and limitations as he
may think proper, subject to such regu-
lations as may be provided by law
relative to the manner of applying for
pardons. 1
Oklahoma The Governor has power to grant Const. 1907, Art.
paroles and reprieves. 6, Sec. 10.
2. The Parole Board.
Arizona The parole board is composed of the Laws 1912, C. 46.
governor, warden of state prison,
state auditor, attorney general, and the
physician of the prison. The warden
is president and a parole clerk is ap-
pointed by the governor. Any pris-
oner who has served his minimum
sentence, and any prisoner serving a
fixed term who has a clean record for
the time served, is eligible for parole.
Where a paroled prisoner has reverted
or is about to revert to criminal habits,
any member of the board may issue a
1 Under this constitutional pro\'ision Governor Hadley has established _a
parole system, which has been extended to j-oung and first offenders, and is
entirely within the discretion of the Governor assisted by the Pardon Attorney.
(344)
No. 4]
WHO CAN SET HIM FREE
93
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Idaho
Indiana
Illinois
Iowa
Title
warrant for him. He may be finally
discharged whenever the board decides
he is worthy of discharge.
The parole board is appointed by Laws 1901, P. 82.
the Governor and includes the war-
dens of the two state prisons. Gov-
ernor can revoke parole. Prisoners
who have a clear record for six months
and against whom there are no charges
pending and life termers after seven
years are eligible for parole. Prison-
ers are finally discharged at expira-
tion of maximum parole or may be
discharged sooner by board.
Parole board is composed of Gov- R. S. 1908, C. 35,
ernor and four members appointed by Sees. 2039-42.
him. Prisoners are eligible for parole
at the expiration of minimum sen-
tence. They are finally discharged
after service of maximum sentence,
either in prison or on parole.
The parole board consists of the R. S. 1902,
board of directors, the superintendent 7, Sees. 1535-
and warden. Prisoners who have 41.
served a minimum term of at least
twelve months are eligible for parole.
They are finally discharged by expira-
tion of maximum sentence or unani-
mous vote of all members of board at
any stated meeting.
The parole board consists of the R. S. 1908, Part
board of pardons and the warden. 2, Title 10, Sec.
Prisoners are eligible for parole who 8259.
have not previously been sentenced for
a felony and who have served Yz of
full term, not reckoning good time. All
persons to be graded and none paroled
until they have served 6 months in
highest grade. Life prisoners may not
be paroled.
Parole board consists of warden,
three directors, chaplain and physician.
Prisoners who have served minimum
sentence are eligible for parole. They
are finally discharged when board is
satisfied they will live orderly if freed
from parole restrictions.
The parole board is the same as the
board of pardons with the warden as
an advisory member. Prisoners are
eligible for parole when they have
served at least 11 months unless old
offenders, when 21 months must be
served. When prisoner has served
parole of 12 months board makes order
for final discharge, which when ap-
proved by Governor is final.
Parole board consists of three citi- R. S. 1907- Title
zens, not more than two of one political 26, C. 2, Sec.
party and one a duly licensed attor- S7i8, a 18, 19,
ney at law, appointed by Governor with 20.
(345)
R. S. 1908, Sec.
9870.
R. S. 1909. C. 38,
Sec. 501.
94
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Kansas
Kentucky
Massachusetts
Michigan
Minnesota
Montana
ad\-ice of Senate. Prisoners are eligi-
ble for parole when thej' have served
II months, except when maximum is 2
3-ears or less, then 6 months. They
are finally discharged when they have
served 12 months parole acceptably and
if likely to be reliable and trustworthy
in future.
Parole board is composed of prison
board with warden as member and
secretary. Prisoners are eligible for
parole when they have served minimum
with 6 months of clear prison record
except when committed for murder in
the first or second degree, or serving
third term.
Parole board consists of board of
four penitentiary commissioners. Pris-
oners are eligible for parole who have
served minimum sentence and life pris-
oners who have served 5 3'ears. All
must have good beha\'ior record for
9 months.
Parole board consists of five prison
commissioners appointed bj' Governor
with consent of council. Prisoner must
be paroled at expiration of minimum
sentence if record has been perfect ;
otherwise, date is set \iy commissioners.
Prisoners are finally discharged auto-
matically at expiration of maximum.
Parole board consists of Governor
and advisory board of four. In some
instances of Governor alone. Warden
makes recommendation. Convicts are
eligible for parole at expiration of
minimum sentence, except third termers
whose period of parole must not ex-
ceed four years. Final discharge comes
at expiration of parole if there has
been faithful observance of require-
ments. The period is fixed at time of
parole.
The board of parole consists of three
members — the president of the board
of control, the warden of the prison
and a citizen appointed by the gover-
nor w-ith consent of senate. All pris-
oners are eligible for parole at discre-
tion of board, except life prisoners ;
life prisoners may be paroled after
thirty-five j^ears less commutation for
good beha\"ior. Prisoners are finally
discharged by Governor upon recom-
mendation by board.
The state board of prison commis-
sioners acts as board of parole, upon
recommendation of Governor. First
offenders for felony are eligible for
parole after they have served one-half
of term, not reckoning good time.
f346)
R. S. 1909, C. 97,
Sec. 6841.
Laws 1910, C. 16.
1911, C. 451.
Laws 1905, C.
184.
Laws 1911, C.
298.
R. S. 1907, Part
2, Title 12, C
13. Sees. 9573-
9575-
No. 4]
WHO CAN SET HIM FREE
95
1911,
Convicts serving time sentence may be
paroled after they have served twelve
and one-half years where term was
more than 25 years, and life prisoners
having served 25 years, less commu-
tation for good behavior. The gov-
ernor, upon recommendation of board,
finally discharges convicts who have
fulfilled requirements.
Nebraska The parole board consists of the Laws
state prison board appointed by the 184.
Governor — one member to be a prac-
ticing physician and one a practicing
attorney. Prisoners are eligible for
parole when they have served their
minimum sentence. Six months faith-
ful observance of parole requirements
is reported by secretary of board which
issues certificate which is sent to Gov-
ernor. Upon recommendation of board
Governor finally discharges prisoner.
Ne\t Hampshire Governor and council act as parole Laws 1909, C.
board. Prisoner is paroled automati- 120.
cally at end of minimum sentence if
obedient to rules ; otherwise governor
and council determine. Prisoner is
finally discharged by Governor at ex-
piration of maximum sentence.
New Jersey Board of inspectors of prison act as Laws 191 1, C.
parole board with approval of gover- igi.
nor. Prisoners whose minimum sen-
tence is about to expire are eligible for
parole. Final discharge comes after
faithful observance of conditions of
parole until maximum has expired.
Prisoners on parole can earn commu-
tation and thus have maximum expire
sooner.
New Mexico The board of parole is composed of Laws 1909, C. 32.
the prison board and the superin-
tendent of the penitentiary. The Gov-
ernor must approve recommendations.
All prisoners who have served mini-
mum except those having served two
previous terms in any penitentiary.
Superintendent, after prisoner has
served not less than six months of his
parole acceptably, reports to board to
recommend to trial judge who certifies
to Governor, who finally discharges
him.
New York Board of control consists of super- Laws 1909, C. 47,
intendent of prisons and two members Art. 8, Sec. 10.
appointed by the Governor with con-
sent of Senate. Board to devise sys-
tem of marking persons, a certain num-
ber of marks to be necessary before re-
lease on parole. Prisoners never before
convicted and who have served mini-
mum sentence eligible for parole. Final
discharge when board deems it not in-
compatible with the welfare of society.
(S47)
96
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
North Dakota The parole board is a board of ex- R. S. 1909, C.
perts consisting of the warden, prison 173.
physician, a prison chaplain and one
other person designated by the board
of control. Prisoners are eligible for
parole when they have served their
minimum term ; employment must be
secured and employer recommended by
judge of county court. Final dis-
charge comes on expiration of maxi-
mum sentence. Warden gn^ves dis-
charge.
Ohio Parole board composed of eight mem- R. S. 1910, Sees,
bers — a president and two other lay 2141-44, 2167-
members, a physician,- a fiscal super- 75.
visor, a mechanical engineer, . a secre-
tary and a parole secretary. Prisoners
are eligible for parole when they are
recommended by the warden and chap-
lain, have served a minimum of not
less than one 3'ear, if their conduct in
prison has been of the first grade for
six months prior to application and if
they have never been convicted of fel-
on}' before. In case of life prisoners they
must have served twenty-five j'ears.
An agreement, from a reliable prop-
erty owner certified from the auditor of
the county that he is a property owTier
and that he will give prisoner employ-
ment on release, is necessary. Final
discharge is given by board of admin-
istration and the warden to convict who
has certificate showing faithful com-
pliance with parole agreement.
Pennsylvania Board of parole consists of board R. S. 1909, pp.
of 5 prison inspectors from each peni- 5329-31.
tentiary, who report to the board of
pardons — consisting of lieutenant-gov-
ernor, secretary of the commonwealth,
attorney-general and secretary of inter-
nal affairs, three of whom must recom-
mend to the governor for final action.
Prisoners are eligible for parole when
they have served a minimum sentence
and are in good standing. Application
can be filed any time within three
months of the expiration of minimum
term. Final discharge comes at ex-
piration of maximum sentence or the
board of inspectors may sooner recom-
mend absolute pardon to the board of
pardons which recommends to gov-
ernor.
South Dakota The parole board is composed of the Laws 191 1, C.
board of charities and corrections and 198.
one parole officer. Prisoner may peti-
tion for parole after expiration of
minimum sentence. Final discharge is
b}' order of warden and board of char-
ities ,at expiration of parole.
(348)
No. 4] WHO CAN SET HIM FREE 97
Texas Board of parole consists of three Laws 1911, C. 43.
prison commissioners requiring the ap-
proval of the governor. Prisoners are
eligible for parole when they have
served twelve months with good con-
duct and have completed minimum
sentence. Final discharge comes auto-
matically at the expiration of time
originally given in sentence but com-
mission has power to grant absolute
discharge in deserving cases before the
expiration thereof.
Wisconsin The state board of control acts as Laws 1907, C.
parole board. Prisoners in state prison no.
are eligible for parole when they have
served one half of sentence. Life term-
ers can only be considered when they
have served 30 years less commutation
which is 16 years and 3 months. No
convict previously CG^ivicted of felonj'
is eligible. Final discharge comes auto-
matically at the expiration of sen-
tence, less commutation for good be-
havior.
Wyoming The pardon board acts as board of R. S. 1910, C. 42,
parole. The governor issues parole Sees. 530-531.
upon its recommendation. No parole
can be granted to any prisoner who has
returned from parole as a delinquent ;
who has served a previous term in any
penitentiary, who has not served the
minimum term fixed by law, or the
minimum term fixed at time of sen-
tence by the trial judge; who has vio-
lated any of the rules of the peniten-
tiary within six months prior to his
application, or who has committed an
assault with a deadly weapon upon
any officer, employee or other convict
in the state penitentiary. Final dis-
charge comes automatically at expira-
tion of maximum sentence, or sooner
if commutation for good behavior re-
duces maximum.
Manumission from penal servitude is at the hand of the
state executive, assisted in a number of states by the advice of
a special board designated for that purpose though the council
and senate participate in certain states while in still others
the responsibility has been taken from the governor and in-
vested in the legislature, or in Pardon Boards.
I. The Pardoning Power exercised by the Governor {except in cases of treason
and impeachment) in:
Arizona Const. 1910, Art.
5. Sec. S.
(349)
98
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Delaware
Illinois
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Maryland
Michigan
Missouri
New Hampshire
New Mexico
New York
North Carolina
Ohio
Oregon
Tennessee
Texas
Virginia
Vermont
Washington
West Virginia
Wisconsin
Wyoming
No pardon to convicts who have been
twice convicted except upon written
recommendation of a majority of judges
of the supreme court.
Governor must file statement of rea-
sons for pardon which shall be open to
public inspection.
Before granting pardon Governor
must publish a notice in one or more
newspapers of the application and the
date on or after which the decision
will be given.
Except for offenses for which a per-
son is convicted before the senate.
Except in cases where the prosecu-
tion has been carried on by the House
of Delegates.
Excent in cases where prosecution
has been carried on by House of Dele-
gates.
(350)
Const. 1874, Art.
6, Sec. 18.
R. S. 1904, C. 49,
Sees. 2565-75.
Const. 1879, Art.
Const. 1876, Art.
4, Sec. 7.
Const. 1831, Art.
3. Sec. 9.
Const. 1870, Art.
5, Sec. 13.
Const. 1857, Art.
4, Sec. 16.
Const. 1859, Art.
1, Sec. 7.
Const. 1891, Sec.
77, R. S. 1909,
Sec. 3836.
Const. 1867, Art.
2, Sec. 20.
Const. 1850, Art.
5, Sec. II.
Const. 187s, Art.
S, Sec. 8.
Const. 1902, Art.
51-
Const, igio, Art.
5, Sec. 6.
Const. 1894, Art.
4, Sec. 5.
Const. 1876, Art.
3, Sec. 6.
Const. 1851, Art.
3, Sec. II.
Const. 1857, Art.
5, Sec. 14.
Const. 1870, Art.
3, Sec. 6.
Const. 1876, Art.
4, Sec. II.
Const. 1902, Art.
5, Sec. 73.
Const. 1793, C. 2,
Sec. II.
Const. 1889, Art.
3, Sees. 9, II.
Const. 1872. Art.
7, Sec. II.
Const. 1848, Art.
<;, Sec. 6.
R.' S. 1898, Sec.
4861.
Const. 1889, Art.
4. Sec. 5.
No. 4]
WHO CAN SET HIM FREE
99
2. The Pardoning Power exercised by the Governor and
(^except in cases of treason or impeachment)
Alabama Board consists of attorney-general,
secretary of state and state auditor.
Board hears all cases in open session
and gives opinion thereon in writing.
Florida Board consists of justices of supreme
court and attorney-general.
GEORGL-i Prison commission constitutes board
and investigates every case deserving
clemency.
Idaho
Indiana
Louisiana
Minnesota
Montana
Nebraska
Nevada
New Jersey
North Dakota
Oklahoma
Pennsylvania
South Carolina
South Dakota
Board consists of governor, secretary
of state and attorney-general. Open
hearings on all cases and public notice
in newspapers.
Board to be constituted by general
assembly and to be composed of officers
of the law.
Board of control. Not more than
one out of five life convicts to be par-
doned in one year.
Board consists of attorney-general
and chief justice of the supreme court.
Board consists of secretary of state,
attorney-general and state auditor.
Publication at least twice before par-
don is granted of reasons therefor.
State prison board advisory board
of Pardons.
Governor, justices of supreme court
and attorney-general constitute the
board of pardons.
Governor, chancellor and the six
judges of the court of appeals form
board of pardons.
The attorney-general, chief justice of
supreme court and two qualified elec-
tors. Pardons must be unanimous.
State superintendent of public in-
struction, president of board of agri-
culture and state auditor. Board
holds hearing and within 20 days files
with secretary of state its decision in
writing.
Lieutenant-governor, secretary of the
commonwealth, attorney-general and
secretary of internal affairs. Board
makes recommendations in writing
after full hearing and due public
notice.
Board to be chosen by general as-
sembly.
Board consists of presiding judge,
secretary of state and attorney-general.
Pardons not permitted in cases of capi-
tal punishment, imprisonment for life
or for a longer term than two years or
a fine exceeding $200.
(351)
Board of Pardons
in :
Const. 1901, Sec.
124.
Const. 1885, Art.
4, Sec. 12.
Const. 1877, Art.
5, P. 12.
R. S. 1911, Sec.
1222.
Const. 1889, Art.
4, Sec. 17.
R. S. 1908, C. 13,
Sec. 8251.
Const. 1851, Art.
5, Sec. 143.
Acts of 1890, No.
112.
Const. 1857, Art.
5> Sec. 4.
R. S. 1907, Sec.
9556-
Const. 187s, Art
5, Sec. 13.
R. S. 1911, Sec.
2743-
Const. 1864, Art.
5, Sec. 14.
R. S. 1912, Sec.
7623.
Const. 1844, Art.
5, Sec. 10.
R. S. 1906, Sees.
10240- 10243.
Laws of 1908, C.
62.
Const. 1873, Art.
4, Sec. 9.
Const. 1895, Art.
4, Sec. II.
Const. 1889, Art.
4. Sec. 5.
lOO THE CAGED MAN
3. The Pardoning Power exercised by the Governor and Board of Pardons
{except in cases of treason and impeachment) in:
Utah Governor, justices of the supreme Const. 1896, Art
court, and attorney-general. No par- 7, Sec. 12.
don except after full public hearing
of which public notice has been given.
4. The Pardoning Power exercised by the Governor and council {except in
cases of treason and impeachment') in:
Maine Const. 1820, Art.
5, Sec. II.
Massachusetts Const. 1780, C. 2,
Sec. 8.
5. The Pardoning Power exercised by the Governor and Senate {except in
cases of treason and impeachment) in:
Iowa In cases of murder of first degree. R. S. 1897, C. 49,
Sec. 5626.
Mississippi No pardon until applicant shall have Const. 1910, Art-
published for 30 days in a newspaper 5, Sec. 124.
or elsewhere in county where crime was
committed his petition and reasons for
pardon.
6. The Pardoning Po7i>er exercised by the Legislature in:
Connecticut Governor may only grant reprieves Const. 1882, Art.
until end of next session of the legis- 4, Sec. 10.
lature.
Rhode Island Governor maj^ only grant reprieves Const. 1842, Art.
until end of next session of the legis- 7, Sec. 4.
lature.
(352)
VIII
SPECIFIC DISABILITIES CAUSED BY PRISON SENTENCE
- A prison sentence usually involves certain specific disabilities,
such as (i) Loss of citizenship, (2) Loss of power of procreation
through vasectomy, (3) Loss of marital rights, (4) Loss of pre-
sumption of innocence in subsequent prosecutions for crime, (5)
Loss of rights to ordinary burial of corpse.
I. Loss of Citizenship.*
(A) How rights are lost;
Alabama
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Const.
igor,
Sec. 182.
R. S.
1904,
C.57.
Sec.
2768.
Const.
1879,
Art. 2,
Sec. I.
R. S.
1908,
C.43.
Sec.
2148.
(B) How rights may be regained:
Alabama Specifically ex- Const.
pressed in par^
don.
Arkansas When par
doned.
California
Colorado
A special exec-
utive act may re-
store a convict
to c i t izenship
but does not re-
move the infamy
and disability.
On presenting
to the Governor
a certificate from
the warden that
the entire time of
sentence has been
passed without
violation of rules.
1901,
Sec. 124.
R. S.
1904,
C.57.
Sec.
2768.
Const.
1849.
Art. 7.
R. S.
1908,
C. 108,
Sec.
4876.
Loss of citizenship does not take place:
Arizona
Michigan
New Hampshire
Pennsylvania
Vermont
For the purpose of voting, no per-
son shall be deemed to have gained or
lost a residence by reason of his pres-
ence or absence while employed in the
service of the United States, or while
a student at any institution of learning,
or while kept at any almshouse or
other asylum at public expense, or while
confined in any public jail or prison.
Const. 1910, Art.
7, Sec. 3.
(353)
Const. 1850, Art.
7, Sec. 5.
R. S. 1901, C. 31,
Sec. 9.
Const. 1873. Art.
8, Sec. 13, Par.
148.
R. S. 1906, Title
3, C. 7, Sec. 73.
I02
THE CAGED 31 AN
[Vol. Ill
TA) How rights are lost ;
Connecticut
Delaware
District of
Columbia
Florida
Georgia
Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
General A s-
sembly has
power to deprive
any one con-
victed of crime
of right of suf-
rage.
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Const.
1818,
Art. 6,
Sec. 3.
R. S.
1898-99,
C. 36,
Sec. 9.
R. S.
1911,
Sees. 215
and 261.
R. S.
1906,
P.I,
Title 4,
Art. I,
Sec. 170.
R. S.
1911,
Sec.
1077.
R. S.
1908,
P. I,
Title 15,
Sec.
7239-
R. S.
1909,
Page
967,
Sec. 70.
Const.
1851,
Sec. 89.
Const.
1857.
Art. 2.
R. S.
1909,
Sec.
2803.
R. S.
1908,
C.41,
Sec.
1439-
(B) How rights may be regained :
Delaware Laws of
1898,
C. 247,
Sec. 5.
Florida When par- R. S,
doned. 1906,
Div. 5.
Title 2,
C. I,
Sec.
4077.
Georgia When par- R. S.
doned. 191 !»
Sec.
Idaho
Illinois
Iowa
Kansas
By governor.
par-
after
When
doned 01
expiration of
term of disfran-
chisement.
1077.
R. S.
1908,
Part 2,
Title 10,
Sec.
8257.
R. S.
1909,
Page
1676,
Sec. 49.
By governor.
R. S.
1897,
Sec.
R e f 0 rmatory
5706.
R. S.
prisoners.
1909,
Sec.
First offenders.
8636.
R. S.
1909,
Sec.
2805.
(354)
No. 4]
SPECIFIC DISABILITIES
103
(A)
How rights are lost :
(B) How
rights may be regained :
Louisiana
Const.
Louisiana
Only if par-
Const.
1898,
doned with ex-
1898,
Art. 202.
pressed restora-
tion of franchise.
Art. 202.
Maine
Const.
1819,
Art. 2,
Sec. I.
Maryland
Const.
1867,
Art. I,
Sec. 2.
Massachu-
Const.
setts
1779,
Amdt. 3.
Minnesota
Const.
1858,
Art. 4,
Sec. 15.
Mississippi
R. S.
1906,
C. 119,
Sec.
4121.
Missouri
Const.
Missouri
In cases of first
R. S.
1875,
conviction civil
1909,
Art. 8.
disabilities are
removed at end
of five years and
convict restored
to full rights.
Art. 19
Sec.
1656.
Montana
Const.
Montana
Governor has
R. S.
1889,
power to restore
1907,
Art. 9,
civil rights after
Sec.
Sec. 2.
due cause is
shown.
9572.
Nebraska
Const.
1875,
Art. 7,
Sec. 2.
Nebraska
By governor.
R. S.
1911,
Part 2,
C. 24,
Sec.
2414.
Nevada
Const.
Nevada
If so stated in
R. S.
1910,
the instrument of
1912,
Art. 2,
pardon.
Sec.
Sec. I.
7625.
New Jersey
Const.
1897,
Art. 2.
New Jersey
If pardoned.
R. S.
1910,
Page
2 ICO.
New Mexico
R. S.
New Mexico Convict who
Laws of
1897,
passes entire
1899,
Sec.
period of his
C. I,
1672.
sentence without
any violation of
rules entitled to
certificate from
Board of Peni-
tentiary Commis-
sioners on pre-
sentation of
which Governor
may restore citi-
zenship.
Sec. 2.
(355)
I04
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
(A) H
ovv rights are lost :
(B) How
rights may be regained :
New York
R. S. 1
1909,
Art. 46,
Sec. 510.
North
r:s.
North
Petition may
R. S.
Carolina
1908,
Carolina
be filed with su-
1908,
C. 90,
perior court any
Sees.
Sec.
time four years
2675,
4315-
after date of con-
viction. Appli-
cant must prove
by five respecta-
ble citizens that
h i s reputation
for truth and
honesty has been
good during in-
tervening years.
2680.
North
Const.
North
If pardoned.
R. S.
Dakota
1889,
Amdts, i
Art. 2.
Dakota
1905,
Sec.
10251.
Ohio
R. S.
Ohio
Convict w h 0
R. S.
1910,
serves his entire
1910,
Sec.
time without vio-
Title 4,
12390.
lation of rules,
on presentation
to Governor of
certificate of
good conduct
furnished by war-
den.
C. 2,
Sec.
2161.
Oklahoma
Const.
1907,
Art. 3,
Sec. I.
Oregon
Const.
1859,
Art. 2.
Oregon
If pardoned.
Const.
1859,
Art. 2,
Sec. 3.
R. S.
1910,
Sec.
2380.
Rhode
R. S.
1 Rhode
Only by act
R. S.
Island.
1909,
' Island.
of the general
1909,
Title 37,
assembly.
Title 37
C. 354,
C. 354,
Sec. 62.
1
Sec. 62.
South
Const.
1 South
If pardoned.
Const.
Carolina
1S95,
Art. 2,
Sec. 6.
Carolina
1895.
Art. 2,
Sec. 6.
South
R. S.
South
Convict with
R. S.
Dakota
1907,
Dakota
clean record for
1910,
C. 142,
good conduct.
Sec. 686
Sec. 74.
Tennessee
R. S.
1896,
Title 6,
C. 2, Sec.
II 70.
Tennessee
If pardoned.
R. S.
1896,
Title 4,
C. 18,
Sec.
7235-
(356)
No. 4]
SPECIFIC DISABILITIES
105
(A) How rights are lost :
Texas Const.
1876,
Art. 6,
Sec. I.
Utah Const.
1896,
Art. 4,
Sec. 6.
Virginia Const.
1902,
Art. 2,
Sec. 23.
Const.
1889,
Art. 6,
Sec. 3.
Const.
1872,
Art. 4,
Sec. I.
I Const.
1848,
Art. 3,
Sec. 2.
Const,
1889,
Art. 6,
Sec. 6.
Washington
West
Virginia
Wisconsin
Wyoming
(B) How rights may be regained :
Texas If pardoned. R, S.
1911,
Title 36,
C. 3, Sec.
2938.
Wisconsin If pardoned.
Wyoming If pardoned.
Const.
1848,
Art. 3,
Sec. 2.
R. S.
1910,
c. 395.
Sec.
6030.
2. Loss of pozver of procreation {Vasectomy authorized) :
Connecticut When convict is determined to be in- Laws of 1909, C.
capable of producing offspring men- 209.
tally, morally and physically sound.
Indiana Skilled surgeons, in conjunction with Laws of 1907, C.
chief physician, to examine the mental 2x5.
and physical condition of such inmates
as are recommended by the institution
physician and board of managers ; and
if this committee of experts deem pro-
creation inadvisable and there is no
probability of improvement in the men-
tal condition it shall be lawful for the
surgeons to perform the operation.
New Jersey Governor appoints one surgeon and Acts of 1911, C.
one neurologist to act in conjunction 190.
with the commissioner of charities
and corrections and to be known as
" Board of Examiners of Feeble-
minded." This board determines
whether or not operation shall be per-
formed on feeble-minded, epileptics,
rr.pists, certain criminals and other de-
fectives.
(357)
io6
New York
Washington
Alabama
Arizona
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Connecticut
Delaware
Georgia
Idaho
Illinois
Indiana
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maine
THE CAGED 31 AN
Governor appoints one surgeon, one
neurologist and one practitioner of
medicine, each with at least lo years'
experience, to be known as the " Board
of Examiners of Feeble-minded, crim-
inal and other defectives." To ex-
amine into the mental and physical con-
dition, and the record and family his-
tory of the feeble-minded, etc., and
to prevent procreation if in their judg-
ment defective children would be pro-
duced.
When adjudged guilty of carnal
abuse of female under lo years or of
rape.
3. Loss of Marital Rights:
Imprisonment for two years, the sen-
tence being for seven years or longer, a
ground for divorce.
No suit sustained until one year after
conviction. Husband must not be con-
victed on testimony of wife or wife on
that of husband.
Conviction of either party of felony
or other infamous crime, a ground for
divorce.
Conviction for felony a ground for
divorce.
Conviction for felony a ground for
divorce.
Imprisonment for life. Imprison-
ment in the state prison for crime in-
volving a violation of conjugal duty, a
ground for divorce.
Conviction after marriage, whether
crime was committed before or after
marriage, a ground for divorce.
Imprisonment for two years or
longer, a ground for divorce.
Conviction of felony, a ground for
divorce.
Conviction for felony or other in-
famous crime, a ground for divorce.
Conviction after marriage, a ground
for divorce.
Conviction after marriage, a ground
for divorce.
[Vol. Ill
Laws of 1912.
Art. 19.
Conviction after marriage,
for divorce.
Conviction for felony in
state, a ground for divorce.
a ground
out of
or
Conviction for infamous cr:
ground for divorce.
Life imprisonment dissolves
of marriage without action.
(358)
bonds
Acts of 1909, C.
249.
R. S. 1907, C. 76,
Sec. 3793.
R. S. 1901, Title
45, C. 4, Sec.
3113.
R. S. 1904. C. 54,
Sec. 2672.
Civil Code, 1909,
C. 2, Art. 2,
Sec. 92.
R. S. 1908, C. 41,
Sec. 2112.
R. S. 1902, Title
43, C. 254, Sec.
4551-
R. S. 1893, C. 75,
Sec. I.
R. S. 1911, Title
3, C. I, Art. I,
Sec. 2945.
R. S. 1902, Title
2, C. 2, Art. 2,
Sec. 2647.
R. S. 1909, C. 40,
Sec. I.
R. S. 1908, Art.
37, Sec. 1067.
R. S. 1897. Title
16, C. 3, Sec.
3174-
R. S. 1909. C. 95,
Sec. 6258.
R. S. 1909, C. 66,
Art. 2, Sec.
2117.
R. S. 1904, Sec.
II 90.
R. S. 1903, C. 62,
Sec. I.
No. 4]
SPECIFIC DISABILITIES
107
Massachusetts Imprisonment for life or five years
or longer is ground for divorce. Par-
don does not restore conjugal rights.
Michigan Imprisonment for life dissolves mar-
riage or is ground for divorce. Pardon
does not restore conjugal rights.
Minnesota Conviction after marriage is ground
for divorce. Pardon does not restore
conjugal rights.
Mississippi Sentence to penitentiary without par-
don before being confined is ground
for divorce.
Missouri Conviction after marriage, or before
marriage and ignorance of other party,
is ground for divorce.
Montana Conviction for felony is ground for
divorce.
Nebraska Imprisonment for three years or
more is ground for divorce. Pardon
does not restore conjugal rights.
Nevada Conviction for felony or infamous
crime is ground for divorce.
New Hampshire Conviction for crime punishable in
the state by imprisonment for one year
or more ; actual imprisonment under
these conditions is ground for divorce.
New Jersey Imprisonment after abandonment to
be regarded as continued desertion and
ground for divorce.
New York Imprisonment for life a ground for
divorce.
North Dakota Conviction for felony a ground for
divorce.
Ohio Petition for divorce must be filed
during the imprisonment of the adverse
party.
Oklahoma Imprisonment subsequent to marriage
a ground for divorce.
Oregon Conviction for felony a ground for
divorce.
Pennsylvania Provided application be made for di-
vorce by the husband or wife of party
convicted, conviction for felony is
ground for divorce.
Rhode Island In case either party is for crime
deemed to be, or treated as if, civilly
dead, it is a ground for divorce.
South Dakota Conviction for felony is a ground for
divorce.
Tennessee Conviction for felony and sentence
to confinem.ent in the penitentiary is a
ground for divorce.
Texas Conviction after marriage is ground
for divorce ; no suit to be sustained
until 12 months after final judgment
and provided the governor has not par-
(339)
R. S. 1902, C.
152, Sec. 2.
R. S. 1897, C.
232, Sec. 8620.
R. S. 1905, C. 71,
Sec. 3574.
R. S. 1906, C. 37,
Sec. 1669.
R. S. 1909, C. 22,
Art. 3, Sec.
2370.
R. S. 1907, Scc.
3643-
R. S. 191 1, Crim-
inal Code, P. I,
C. 14, Sec.
5328.
R. S. 1912, Sec.
5838.
R. S. 1901, C.
175, Sec. 5.
R. S. 1 9 10, Page
2041, Sec. 31.
R. S. T909, C. 19.
Art. 2, Sec. 6.
R. S. 1905, Civil
Code, C. 5, Sec.
4049.
R. S. 1910, Div.
7. C. 3. Sec.
1 1979-
R. S. 1903. C. 66,
Art. 28, Sec.
4832.
R. S. 1910, Title
6, C. 8, Sec.
507-
R. S. 1903- Page
1235, Sec. 7,
Par. 2.
R. S. 1909, C.
247, Sec. I.
R. S. 1910, P. 3.
Title I. C. I,
Art. 2, Sec. 67.
R. S. i8q6. Title
4, C. I, Art. 2,
Sec. 4201.
R. S. iqii. Title
68. C. 4, Sec.
4631.
io8
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
doned the convict; or the wife been
convicted sya. the testimony of the hus-
band or the husband on that of the
wife.
Utah Conviction for felony is ground for
divorce.
Vermont Imprisonment for life or for three
years or more and actual confinement
at the time is ground for divorce.
Virginia Conviction for felony is ground for
divorce. Pardon does not restore con-
jugal rights.
Washington If complaint be filed during term of
imprisonment, conviction for felony is
ground for divorce.
West Virginia Conviction for felony is ground for
divorce. Pardon does not restore con-
jugal rights.
Wisconsin Imprisonment for three years or more
is ground for divorce. Pardon granted
after divorce does not restore conjugal
rights.
Imprisonment for life dissolves mar-
riage without judgment of divorce.
Pardon does not restore conjugal rights.
Wyoming Conviction for felony is ground for
divorce. Pardon does not restore con-
jugal rights.
R. S. 1907, Title
35, C. 3, Sec.
1208.
R. S. 1906, Title
17, C. 148, Sec.
R. S. 1904, Title
28, C. 10 1, Sec.
2257-
R. S. 1910. Title
6. C. 12, Sec.
982.
R. S. 1906, C. 64,
Sec. 2921.
R. S. 1898, C.
109, Sec. 2356.
R. S. iJ
2355-
Sec.
R. S. 1910, C.
266, Sec. 3924.
3. The assumption of innocence is destroyed by means of a criminal record.'
Alabama
Arizona
Arkansas
California
Colorado
Superintendent to keep records of R. S. 1907, C.
convicts, including name, age, place of 191, Sec. 6517-
navitity, county wherein convicted,
nature of crime and period of impris-
onment, together with height, com-
plexion and color of hair and eyes, etc.
The secretary of the board of con- R. S. 1901, Title
trol to keep records of all convicts, in- 56, Sec. 3575-
eluding name, nature of crime, county
and court wherein sentenced, nativity,
degree of education, with an accurate
description of person and whether
previously confined or not.
Superintendent to keep records of all R. S. 1904, C.
convicts, including names (aliases as 123, Sec. 5872.
well), crime, age, color, height, com-
plexion, color of hair and eyes, marks
on person, nativity and number of pre-
vious convictions.
Warden to keep records of all con- R. S. 1909. Penal
victs, including name, crime, period of Code, Title I,
sentence, nativity, degree of education, Sec. 1578.
an accurate description of person, and
v\^hether previously confined or not.
P>oard to keep records of all con\'icts, R. S. 1908, C.
including age, term of imprisonment, loS, Sec. 4839*
offense, place of conviction, and pur-
suits and habits of life.
(360)
No. 4]
Florida
Georgia
Illinois
Iowa
Kansas
Kentucky
Louisiana
Maine
Maryland
Massachusetts
Michigan
Mississippi
SPECIFIC DISABILITIES
Superintendent and physician to keep
records of convacts, including name,
height, age, place of nativity, color,
color of hair and eyes, crime for which
convicted and length of sentence.
Prison commissioners to keep records
of name, crime, sentence, age, sex,
height, weight and apparent ph)-sical
condition of each convict.
Warden to keep records of all con-
victs, including counties wherein con-
victed, crime, nature and duration of
sentence, former trade, employment or
occupation, habits, color, age, place of
nativity, degree of education and
description of person.
Board of control to keep records of
all convicts.
Warden to keep records as to name,
age, nativity, nationality and such
other facts ^" can be obtained as to
parentage, education, occupation, and
earlj- social influences ; also weight, sta-
ture and health record.
Prison clerk to keep records of con-
victs, including name, crime, period of
sentence, nativity, an accurate descrip-
tion of person and record of former
sentences.
Clerk of the penitentiary to keep
register of names of convicts, crime,
height, age, sex, color of hair and eyes,
and date of discharge. Records to be
open to public inspection.
Prisoners who have been convicted of
a felony, if it be deemed advisable for
the purpose of subsequent identifica-
tion, may be measured and described
in accordance with the Bertillon
method and their photographs and
finger-prints taken.
Record of every convict to be kept,
including description of person and
criminal history and photographs.
Convicts convicted of felony shall be
measured and described with the Ber-
tillon methods for the identification of
criminals.
Warden to cause record of all pris-
oners to be kept, including a descrip-
tion and measurement by the Bertillon
system, or such other system as may be
deemed desirable for the identification
of criminals ; also criminal history and
photograph to be kept. Records not to
be available to the public.
Clerk to keep register of all convicts,
including name (aliases), sex, race, na-
tionality, place of birth, age, color of
hair, complexion, height, weight, dis-
(361)
109
R. S. 1906, Art.
6, Title 4, Sec.
4137-
R. S. 191 1, Sec.
1219.
R. S. 1909, C.
108, Sec. 18.
R. S. 1907, Title
26, C. 2, Sec.
5718 a 12.
R. S. 1909, C. 97,
Sec. 6840.
R. S. 1909, C. 97,
Sec. .^801.
R. S. 1904, Sec.
2854.
Laws 191 1, C. 5.
R. S. 1904, Art.
27, Sec. 584.
R. S. 1902, C.
225, Sec. 18.
R. S. 1897, Sec.
2147.
R. S. 1906, C.
107, Sec. 3628.
no
THE CAGED 31 AN
[Vol. Ill
tinguishing marks, if any, crime, term
of sentence and whether or not a dan-
gerous criminal.
Missouri Convicts to be examined in the pres-
ence of as many overseers as possible
in order that thej' may become ac-
quainted M'ith person and countenance.
Records to be kept of name, height, ap-
parent or alleged age, place of nativity,
trade, complexion, color of hair and
eyes and length of foot, together with
any natural or accidental marks which
may serve to identify a convict. If a
convict can write, his signature shall
be written under the description of his
person.
Montana Warden to keep record of name, age,
sex, occupation, place of birth, crime
and date of incarceration and expira-
tion of sentence of all convicts.
Nebrasic^ Warden to keep records of all con-
victs, including name, age, nativity, na-
tionality, with such other facts as can
be ascertained of parentage, education,
occupation, and earlj' social influences.
Physician to keep records of name,
height, stature, family history, together
with health record.
Nevada Warden shall keep records of name,
age, sex, occupation, place of birth,
crime, date of incarceration and expira-
tion of sentence.
New Hampshire Prisoners may, if it be deemed ad-
visable, be measured and described in
accordance with the Bertillon method
for the identification of criminals, and
may have their photographs and finger-
prints taken.
New Jersey Prisoners to be examined by princi-
pal keeper, clerk and as many deputy-
keepers as can conveniently attend in
order that they may become acquainted
with countenance. Record to be kept
of name, height, apparent or alleged
age, place of nativity, trade, complex-
ion, color of hair and eyes, length of
feet, together with such natural and
other marks and peculiarities of feature
as will serve to identify him. If con-
vict can write he shall sign his name
under such description.
New York Superintendent of state prisons to
cause all prisoners to be measured by
the Bertillon system for identification
of criminals.
North Dakot.\ Warden to keep records of all con-
victs, including name, age, sex, color,
height, nationality and each and every
other fact, characteristic and condition,
natural or artificial, that may in any
way tend to aid in identification of
prisoner.
(362)
R. S. 1909, C. 19,
Art. 19, Sec.
1631.
R. S. 1907, Part
3, Title I, Sec.
9722.
Laws of 1911, C.
184.
R. S. 1912, Sec,
7565.
Laws 1907, C. 24.
R. S. 19 10, Page
4912, Art. 7.
Prison Laws,
1909, Sec. 21.
R. S. 1905. C. 17.
Sec. 10354-
No. 4]
SPECIFIC DISABILITIES
III
Ohio
Oregon
PEXXS'i'LVAXIA
Rhode Island
Tennessee
Utah
Virginia
Washington
West Virginia
Wisconsin
Wyoming
Arkansas
Physician to keep record of convicts, R. S. 1910, Div.
including nationality or race, weight, 3, C. 2, Sec.
stature, former occupation and family 2194.
history, together with health record.
Superintendent to establish a rogues' R. S. 19 10, Title
gallery, in which shall be placed the 2,Z^ C. 14, Sec.
pictures of all persons confined in the 4522.
penitentiary.
Warden shall keep records of all con- R. S. 1907, Page
victs, including name, height, apparent 3494, Sec. 43.
or alleged age, place of nativity, trade,
complexion, color of hair and eyes,
length of feet, and accurate measure-
ments, together with natural or acci-
dental marks which may serve to iden-
tify. If convict can write his signa-
ture shall be written under description.
Prisoners may in discretion of iDoard R. S. 1909, Title
be measured and described in accordance 38, C. 360, Sec.
with Bertillon system. Board to see 18.
record of measurements, etc., is kept
and to keep duplicate record in its own
office.
Warden to keep records of all convicts, R. S. 1903, Sec.
including name, nativit}-, nationality, 7517-
all facts that can be obtained about
parentage and early social influences
which may tend to indicate constitu-
tional and acquired criminal defects
and tendencies of prisoner.
Board to have records of all convicts R. S. 1907, Title
kept, including parentage and early 72, C. 10, Sec.
social influences, and to base on these 2245.
an estimate of character and probable
plan of treatment.
Clerk to keep a register describing R. S. 1904, Title
all prisoners. 55- C. 202, Sec.
4114.
Names of prisoners and crimes to be R. S. 1910, Title
recorded. State auditor to keep a 78, C. 2, Sees,
public record of all convictions. 8542-4.
Clerk to keep record describing all R. S. 1906, C.
prisoners. 4657-
Clerk shall keep record of all convicts R. S. 1898, C.
received, discharged, pardoned or dead 201, Sec. 4902.
and such other matters as may be nec-
essary in statistics of this kind.
State board of charities and reform R. S. 1910, C.
to keep records of all prisoners, includ- 41, Sec. 520.
ing name, date of sentence, age, sex,
color, religion and nativity, nature of
crime and ability to read or write.
Use of dead body for scientific purposes: ^
The body of a convict who has suf- R,
fered the death penalty may be buried
in the penitentiary burial ground, or on
application of any respectable surgeons.
S. 1908, C. 35,
Sec. 2668.
^ This is not permitted in Wyoming.
(363)
I 12
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
CALIFORNIA
Colorado
Connecticut
Illinois
Indiana
it may be delivered to them for dissec-
tion, unless claimed bj- some relative
or friend desiring to give it Christian
burial.
An J' sheriff or keeper of a county jail Political Code,
or state prison must surrender the dead 1909, Title 7,
bodies of such persons as are required C. 4, Sec. 3094.
to be buried at public expense, to any
physician or surgeon, to be used by him
for the advancement of science. If such
person during his last illness request
to be buried, or if within 24 hours
some person claiming to be of kindred
require the body to be buried, such
body shall be buried.
The officers having control of any R. S. 1908, C.
almshouse, prison, etc., may surrender 127, Sees. 6072-
the dead bodies of such persons as must 75-
be buried at public expense to any
licensed phj'sician of the state to be by
him used for the advancement of sci-
ence. If the deceased during his last
illness requested to be buried, or if
within 24 hours after his or her death
any relative or friend require body for
burial, body shall be buried. After
having been used for scientific purposes
body must be buried.
The body of any convict who has
been executed shall be buried in the or-
dinary manner at expense of state, un-
less claimed by relative or friend, de-
siring to give it Christian burial.
The bodies of convicts who die in the
state prison shall, if unclaimed for a
period of 24 hours, be at the disposal
of the professors of anatomy and sur-
gery in the medical institution of Yale
University, to be used for the purpose
of advancing medical science in this
state and shall be subject to their
order.
Superintendent of penitentiary in
whose custody is the body of any de-
ceased person required to be buried at
public expense shall give permission to
remove body to any physician or sur-
geon or to any medical college or school
upon offer to remove free of charge,
after notice has been given to rela-
tives who may wish to bury body, and
pro\'ided further that any medical col-
lege that shall receive the bodies of de-
ceased persons for purposes of scien-
tific study, shall furnish the same to
students of medicine and surgery at a
price not exceeding $5.00 for each and
every deceased body so furnished.
It shall be the duty of any officer in R. S. 1908, C. 55,
charge of a prison, etc., having in Sec. 6131.
charge the dead bodies of any person
(364)
R. S. 1908, C. 35,
Sec. 2036.
R. S. 1902, Title
36, C. 243, Sec.
4432.
R. S. 1909, C. 91,
Sec. I.
No. 4j SPECIFIC DISABILITIES
113
not claimed by relatives or legal repre-
sentatives, and which may be required
to be buried at public expense, unless
the person has died of a contagious
disease, to deliver body to anatomical
board, unless body shall be claimed
within 24 hours after death.
Iowa Superintendent of any penitentiary R. S. 1907, Title
may, with consent of relatives or 24, C. 9, Sec.
friends, if any are known and without 4946.
such consent if not known, deliver to
any medical college or school, or any
physician in the state for purposes of
scientific study, the remains of any de-
ceased person in his charge, unless
such deceased person during his last
illness expressed a desire that his body
be buried. If such a body so delivered
over is subsequently claimed bj' any
friend or relative, the same shall be at
once delivered to such party. The per-
son receiving the body shall decently
bury the remains after they hav^e been
used for scientific purposes, and failure
to do so shall be a misdemeanor.
Kansas It shall be lawful for the faculty of R. S. 1909, C. 75,
any regularly-organized medical col- Sees. 4878-9-80.
lege in the state authorized to confer
the degree of doctor of medicine, to
claim and receiv^e the dead body of any
criminal which would otherwise be
buried in the potter's field ; such body
to be used within the state for the ad-
vancement of medical science and in-
struction of students. The president
and secretary of the college must give
bond that body is only required for
scientific purposes within the State of
Kansas. The remains after serving
such purpose must receive decent burial.
Kentucky It shall be lawful for the professor R. S. 1909, Sec.
of any medical college or school which 2645.
is incorporated under the laws of the
state to secure from the superintendent
or warden, any unclaimed bod}^, after
relatives and friends have been noti-
fied, and three days have elapsed with-
out action on their part. The professor
is to have body embalmed and preserve
the same for 30 days without dissect-
ing it. During the 30 days body shall
be delivered to friends on request.
After such body has been examined as
herein provided it shall be buried at
expense of college.
Maine Officers of any prison having charge R. S. 1903, C. 17,
over dead bodies required to be buried Sees. 3-6.
at public expense, shall deliver same
to board composed of professors of
anatomy and surgery in medical schools
of state, who shall remove such bodies
(365)
114
THE CAGED MAN
[Vol. Ill
to be used within the state for the ad-
vancement of medical education. If
family or friends claim body it shall
be decently buried when no longer
needed for scientific purposes.
Maryland The bodies of deceased convicts may
be claimed by their friends or devoted
to scientific examination at the medical
schools or buried in the potter's field.
Michigan Officer in charge of any prison hav-
ing in charge the dead body of any
convict, not claimed and which must
be buried at public expense, shall de-
liver such body within 36 hours after
death to the demonstrator of anatomy
of a college of medicine. After bodies
have been used for scientific purposes
they shall be decently buried.
Missouri Officer in charge of any prison shall
give over the bodies of any convicts
which are unclaimed by relatives and
would otherwise have to be buried at
public expense, to the state board for
the disposition of human bodies, which
is composed of the professors of anat-
omy of all incorporated schools.
Nebraska Warden of state prisons, etc., to de-
liver the bodies of convicts, with con-
sent of relatives, if they are known
and without if not known, to medical
colleges for purposes of scientific study.
New Hampshire It shall be the duty of the keeper of
an}' state prison or jail, to notify phy-
sicians or surgeons who have previously
made request in writing, whenever the
body of any person would have to be
buried at public expense. The person
recei\"ing such a body must give bond
that it will only be used in the pursuit
of science, and after the use allowed by
law will be decently buried. If body
is claimed by relatives or friends
within 36 hours after death it shall be
given them.
New Jersey Officers of prison, etc., shall deliver
to duly incorporated pathological as-
sociation bodies of dead convicts which
require to be buried at public expense,
imless claimed by relatives.
North Carolina Bodies of all persons imprisoned at
hard labor for violation of criminal
laws of state, shall be delivered to the
professors of anatomy of the medical
schools of the state, provided bodies
are not claimed by relatives and that
convict was serving a sentence for
felony.
North Dakota Superintendent shall give over to any
duly licensed physician the bodies of
convicts, after notice has been given to
relatives, and 36 hours allowed for them
(366)
R. S. 1904, Art.
27, Sec. 633.
R. S. 1897, Sec.
5897.
R. S. 1909, C. 78,
Art. 3, Sees.
8324-30.
R. S. 191 1, Sec.
9899.
R. S. 1901, C.
136, Sees. 1-4.
R. S. iqio, Page
3325, Sec. 12.
R. S. 1908, C. 89,
Sec. 4288.
R. S. 1905, C. 24,
Sees. 2079-81.
No,:4]
SPECIFIC DISABILITIES
115
Ohio
Orzgon
Pennsylvania
South Carolina
South Dakota
Tennessee
to remove bodies in. All bodies so
used are to be decently buried or cre-
mated.
Warden of penitentiary in whose R. S. 1910, Sees,
charge are unclaimed bodies which 9984-6.
must otherwise be buried at public ex-
pense shall hold such bodies not less
than 36 hours and notify a professor
of a college which by its charter is
empowered to teach anatomy. After
bodies have been subjected to examina-
tion they shall be decently buried.
It shall be lawful for professors and R. S. 1910, C. 6,
teachers in medical colleges and schools Sees. 4747-9.
in this state, or for any medical and
surgical association, or regular physi-
cian or surgeon, to claim and receive
the body of any person executed pur-
suant to sentence of law, and of all
persons dying in the penitentiary while
under sentence of law for crime, to be
used for the purpose of medical and
surgical studj', provided said body shall
not have been interred or claimed by
relatives within 24 hours after death,
and that person has not expressed a
distinct wish for burial. Bodies must
be decently buried after ha\-ing been
used for scientific purposes.
Officer of any prison, etc., in charge
of dead body of a convict which must
otherwise be buried at public expense,
is requested to notify state board of
anatomy and permit it to use body for
scientific purposes.
Officers of any prison, jail, etc., hav-
ing control of a human body which is
required to be buried at public ex-
pense, and that of any person upon
whom the sentence of death has been
executed under the law, shall notify
the board for distribution of human
bodies for scientific purposes. No
notice shall be given of bodies claimed
by relatives. After bodies have been
used for scientific purposes they shall
be decently buried.
Persons in charge of unclaimed dead Code of Crimi-
body of a convict to give notice to de- nal Procedure,
partment of medicine of the state uni- igio. Sec. 682.
versity, within 24 hours after receipt
of body, specifying in such notice the
probable cause of death. Such bodies
shall be embalmed and held at univer-
sity for 60 days during which time any
friend of deceased requesting body for
burial shall receive it. Bodies must be
decently buried after having been used
for scientific purposes.
The bodies of dead criminals are de- R. S. 1896, Part
livered to physicians pursuant to the 4, C. 8, Art. 3,
law. 5ec. 6775.
(367)
R. S. 1903, Page
320, Sees. 1-7.
Civil Code, 1912,
C. 19, Art. 18,
Sees. 929-34.
ii6
Texas
Utah
Vermont
Virginia
Washington
THE CAGED MAN
Officers in charge of prisons, jails,
etc., to deliver to anatomical board of
Texas dead human bodies required to
be buried at public expense, unless
claimed by relatives or friends or if
deceased died of contagious disease,
except tuberculosis or syphilis. Effort
must be made to find relatives who
must claim body within 24 hours. In
case a body is claimed by relatives
within 10 days after being delivered to
an institution it shall be delivered to
them for burial without cost.
It shall be the duty of any person
into whose charge may come the un-
claimed dead body of a convict, which
would otherwise have to be buried at
public expense, to give notice to the
dean of the university within 24 hours
after the receipt of the body, specifj^-
ing probable cause of death. All bodies
received at the university shall be
promptly embalmed, and shall be pre-
served for not less than 60 daj's dur-
ing which time any relative or friend
of deceased making request for body
for burial shall receive it. After the
60 days bodies may be used for scien-
tific purposes and must then be de-
cently buried or cremated.
Superintendents of public institu-
tions shall deliver over to a practicing
physician who has applied in writing,
bodies which must otherwise be buried
at public expense. No such body shall
be so delivered if deceased during his
last sickness make request for burial,
nor if relative, within 48 hours, require
body ta be buried.
Officers of prisons, jails, etc., shall
deliver to the board for distribution of
dead human bodies, bodies of convicts
who must otherwise be buried at public
expense, also bodies of convicts who
have suffered the death sentence, un-
less such bodies are claimed by rela-
tives for burial. After having been
used for scientific purposes bodies
must be decently buried.
Officer in charge of state prison, jail,
etc., must surrender the bodies of such
persons as would have to be buried at
public expense to any physician or sur-
geon, to be used by him for the ad-
vancement of science. If deceased, dur-
ing his last sickness, requests to be
buried, or if, within 48 hours after
death relatives or friends request body
for burial, body must be buried with-
out dissection.
[Vol. Ill
R. S. 191 1, Title
90, C. 3, Sees.
5756-63.
R. S. 1907, Title
74, C. II, Sees.
2320-4.
R. S. 1906, Title
31, Sec. 5374.
R. S. 1904, Title
24, Sees. 1776-
81.
R. S. 1910, C. 67,
Sees. 8409-11.
No. 4]
SPECIFIC DISABILITIES
117
West Virginia Officers in charge of prisons, jails, R. S. 1906, C. 45,
etc., having in their charge bodies of Sees. 1725-30.
convicts v\'ho must otherwise be buried
at public expense, shall surrender them,
on requisition, to the anatomical board
of West Virginia, unless friends or
relatives claim body for burial, or make
affidavit that they are unable to bear
expense of funeral and desire body to
be buried at public expense.
WiscoxsiN Public officials having charge of body R. S. 1898, C. 58,
of deceased prisoner, which must other- Sees. 1437-8.
wise be buried at public expense, shall
promptly notify relatives or friends of
deceased. If body be not claimed
within 48 hours after death, it shall be
placed at disposal of demonstrator of
anatomy for scientific purposes, unless
in his last sickness convict requested to
be buried. Bodies used for scientific
purposes must afterwards be decently
buried.
(369)
INDEX
24
24
ALABAMA.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state .... 4
Why is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs ... 11
Serving fixed sentences 13
Awaiting capital punishment . . 15
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Shackles and chains permitted . . 19
Corporal punishment permitted . . 21
Ho'w may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work out-
side mstitution permitted ....
Leasing to individuals for work out-
side institution prohibited . . .
Public works ... 29
Public works prohibited . . . . , 29
Hozu is he maintained ?
Bunking 47
Food 53
Clothing 57
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection 59
Provision for religious teaching . . 64
Reduction of time for good conduct. 66
Time for good conduct forfeited . . 66
Grading of prisoners 78
Wage for overtime permitted ... 86
Prison libraries 90
Who can set him free ?
The Governor may parole him . . 92
The Governor and Board of Par-
dons may pardon him 99
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost .... ... loi
Citizenship regained 10 1
Marital rights lost 106
A criminal record 108
ARIZONA.
Why is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs . . 9
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 13
Awaiting capital punishment . . . 15
(37
Ho'tv may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited . 17
How may he be worked ?
Public works 30
Hours of labor 46
How is he maintained ?
Food . , 53
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection 59
Provision for religious teaching . . 64
Reduction of time for good conduct. 66
Time for good conduct forfeited . 66
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board 92
The Governor may pardon him . . 97
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship not forfeited 105
Marital rights lost ic6
A criminal record 108
ARKANSAS.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state .... 4
Why is he co7 fined ?
Working off a fine and costs ... 11
Serving a fixed sentence 13
Awaiting capital punishment . . . 15
How may he be ptcnished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited ... 17
Greater or more severe punishment
than prescribed by board pro-
hibited .... 23
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work out-
side institution permitted. ... 24
Public works. 29
Stale farms; community consump-
tion 37
State factories; community con-
sumption 38
Hours of labor 45
How is he maintained ?
Bunking 47
Food 53
Clothing 57
I)
120
INDEX
[Vol. Ill
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection. ... • • 59
Provision for religious teaching . . 64
Reduction of time for good conduct. 66
Time for good conduct forfeited. . 66
Special favors for good conduct
allowed 77
Prison schools . , . 89
Prison libraries 90
Who can set him free ?
The Governor may pardon him. . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 10 1
Citizenship regained 10 1
Marital rights lost 106
A criminal record 108
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses Ill
CALIFORNIA.
What is the stattis of the prisoner ?
The property of the state .... 3-4
Why is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs ... 6
Serving a fixed sentence 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 15
H01V may he be 'jjorked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited ... 25
State industries; state consumption. 28
Public works 30
State factories ; community con-
sumption 38
Branding of convict-made goods . 41
Hours of labor 46
Hoiu is he maintained ?
Bunking 47
Food 53
Clothing 57
//o7v is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 60
Reduction of time for good conduct. 67
Time for good conduct forfeited . . 67
Grading of prisoners 78
Wage permitted , 80
Who can set him free ^
The Parole Board 93
The Governor may pardon him . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost . 10 1
Citizenship regained .... loi
Marital rights lost 106
A criminal record 108
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 112
(372)
COLORADO.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state 4
Why is he cot fined ?
Working o0" a fine and costs ... 9
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 15
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Shackles and chains permitted . . 20
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted .... 25
Public works . . ...... 30
Competition with free labor pro-
hibited 39
Branding of convict -made goods . 41
Hours oi labor 45
Hov is he maintained ?
Bunking 47
Ho%u is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 60
Provision for religious teaching . . 64
Reduction of time for good conduct. 67
Time for good conduct forfeited . . 67
Wage permitted So
Prison libraries 90
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board 93
The Governor may pardon him . . 9S
IVhat specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 10 1
Citizenship regained loi
Marital rights lost 106
A criminal record . . ..... loS
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 112
CONNECTICUT.
Why is he confined?
Working off fines and costs . 5, 9, 12
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 13
Awaiting capital punishment. ... 15
How may he be punished ?
Shackles and chains permitted . . 19
Gag, iron mask, etc., prohibited . 21
Corporal punishment permitted . . 21
Ho'u) may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted. ... 25
Public works 30
Manufacture of certain articles pro-
hibited . . 44
Hours of labor 46
No. 4]
INDEX
121
Ho'oj is he maintained /
Bunking 47
Food 53
H01U is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 60
Provision for religious teaching . . 64
Reduction of time for good conduct. 67
Time for good conduct forfeited . 67
Prison libraries 90
Who can set him frez ?
The Parole Board 93
The Legislature may pardon him . 100
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 10 1
Power of procreation lost 105
Marital rights lost 106
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 112
DELAWARE.
Why is he confined?
Serving a fixed sentence 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 15
How may he be punished ?
Solitary confinement permitted . . 18
Corporal punishment permitted. . 21
Stocks prohibited 23
Hovj may he be -worked ?
Public works 30
State factories ; community con-
sumption 38
Hours of labor 45
How is he cared for ?
Bunking 47
Food 53
Reduction of time for good conduct. 67
Time for good conduct forfeited. . 67
Wage for overtime permitted. . . 86
Who can set him free ?
The Governor may pardon him. . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost loi
Citizenship regained loi
Marital rights lost 106
DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.
Why is he confined ?
Serving a fixed sentence 13
Awaiting capital punishment ,
Ho7v may he be worked ?
Hours of labor
How is he maintained ?
Bunking 47
Food 53
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 60
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 10 1
FLORIDA.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state .... 4
Why is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs , . 11
Serving a fixed sentence .... 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 15
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Shackles and chains permitted . . 20
Reduction of food prohibited , . . 21
Punishment injurious to mind or
body prohibited 23
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work out-
side mstitution permitted ... 24
Public works 30
State farms ; community consump-
tion 37
Hours of labor 45
How is he maintained ?
Bunking 47
Food 53
Clothing 57
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection 60
Reduction of time for good conduct. 68
Time for good conduct forfeited . . 68
Who can set him free ?
The Governor and Board of Par-
dons may pardon him 99
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 10 1
Citizenship regained 10 1
A criminal record 109
\ GEORGIA.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
I The property of the state .... 4
73)
122
INDEX
[Vol. Ill
Why is he confined ?
Serving a fixed sentence .... 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 15
How may he be pzmishea ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Shackles and chains permitted . . 20
Corporal punishment permitted . . 21
Corporal punishment prohibited . 21
How may he be worked ^
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited ... 25
Public works . ...... 30
State farms; community consump-
tion 37
Competition with free labor pro-
hibited 39
Hours of labor 46
How is he maintained ?
Bunking 47
Food 53
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection 60
Reduction of time for good conduct. 68
Tmie for good conduct forfeited . 68
Prison schools 89
Industrial training 91
Who can set him free ?
The Governor and Board of Par-
dons may pardon him 99
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 102
Citizenship regained ..... 102
Marital rights lost 106
A criminal record ....... 109
IDAHO.
Why is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs ... 6
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 15
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited ... 17
Solitary confinement permitted . . 18
Shackles and chains permitted . . 20
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted ... 25
State industries ; state consumption. 28
Public works ..... ... 30
Manufacture of goods manufactured
by free industries in the state
prohibited 41
Hours of labor 45
(3:
How is he maintained ?
Bunking 48
Food 53
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection .60
Reduction of time for good conduct. 68
Time for good conduct forfeited . . 68
Grading of prisoners 78
Prison libraries 90
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board 93
The Governor and Board of Par-
dons may pardon him 99
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost I02
Citizenship regained 102
Marital rights lost 106
ILLINOIS.
Why is he confi^ied ?
Working off a fine and costs . . 8
Serving an indeterminate sentence . 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 15
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Corporal punishment prohibited . . 21
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited . . .
Public works
State factories ; community con-
sumption .
Competition with free labor pro-
hibited
Use of machinery prohibited . . .
How is he maintained ■'
Bunking
Food
How is he cared for /
Provision for health and medical in-
spection
Provision for religious teachings . .
Reduction of time for good conduct.
Time for good conduct forfeited . .
Grading of prisoners
Wage permitted
25
39
41
48
54
Wage forfeited
Prison schools
Prison libraries
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board
The Governor may pardon him
60
64
68
68
78
81
81
89
90
93
98
4)
No. 4]
INDEX
123
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence 'f
Citizenship lost 102
Citizenship regained ..... 102
Marital rights lost 106
A criminal record 109
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 112
INDIANA.
What is the status of the prisoner?
The property of the state .... 4
Why is he confined?
Working off a fine and costs ... 7
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 13
Awaiting capital punishment . . . 15
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Horu may he be ptmished ?
Solitary confinement permitted . . 18
Corporal punishment permitted . . 22
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted. .25
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited . . 25
State industries : state consumption. 28
Public works. 30
State factories : community con-
sumption 38
Use of machinery prohibited ... 41
Branding of convict-made goods . 42
Manufacture of certain articles pro-
hibited 44
How is he maintained ?
Bunking 48
Food ... . . 54
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection . ....... 61
Reduction of time for good conduct. 69
Time for good conduct forfeited. . 69
Prison schools 89
Industrial training 91
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board 93
The Governor and Board of Par-
dons may pardon him 99
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 102
Power of procreation lost . . . .105
Marital rights lost. ...... 106
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 112
IOWA.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state ... 4
Why is he corifined ?
Working off a fine and costs ... 9
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited . 17
Solitary confinement permitted . . 18
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work out-
side institution prohibited ... 24
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted ... 26
Public works 30
How is he maintained ?
Bunkir.g 48
Food 54
Clothing 58
Hozu is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 61
Provision for religious teaching . . 64
Reduction of time for good conduct. 69
Time for good conduct forfeited . 69
Prison schools 89
Industrial training 91
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board . 93
The Governor may pardon him . 98
The Governor and Senate may
pardon him 100
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 102
Citizenship regained 102
Marital rights lost 106
A criminal record 109
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 113
KANSAS.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state .... 4
Why is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs ... 9
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 13
Prohibition of capital punishment. 15
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited ...... ... 17
Solitary confinement permitted . . 18
(375)
124
INDEX
[Vol. Ill
Shackles and chains permitted . . 2o
Corporal punishment prohibited . . 21
Punishment injurious to mind or
body prohibited 23
How may he be -worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work out-
side institution prohibited ... 24
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted ... 26
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited ... 25
State industries ; state consumption. 28
Public works 31
Work injurious to health prohibited. 44
Hours ot labor 45
Houu is he maintained ?
Bunking 48
Food 54
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection 61
Provision for religious teachings . . 64
Reduction of time for good conduct. 69
Time for good conduct forfeited . . 69
Wage permitted 81
Wage forfeited 81
Prison schools 89
Industrial training 91
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board 94
The Governor may pardon him . . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence /
Citizenship lost 102
Citizenship regained 102
Marital rights lost 106
A criminal record 109
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 113
KENTUCKY.
What is the status of the prisoner?
The property of the state 4
Why is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs ... 10
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 14
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
How may he be published ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited . 17
Corporal punishment prohibited. . 22
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted. ... 26
(376)
Public works 31
Public works prohibited 29
Branding of convict-made goods . 42
Work injurious to health prohibited. 44
Association with f.^ee laborers dur-
ing work hours prohibited ... 44
Hours of labor 46
How is he maintained ?
Bunking 48
54
Food
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 61
Provision for religious teaching . . 64
Reduction of time for good conduct. 69
Wage permitted 81
Wage forfeited 81
Prison schools 89
Industrial training gi
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board 94
The Governor may pardon him . . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 102
Marital rights lost 106
A criminal record 109
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses .... 113
LOUISIANA.
Why is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs . . 10, 12
Serving a fixed sentence .... 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Solitary confinement permitted . . 18
Shackles and chains prohibited . . 19
Corporal punishment permitted . . 22
Ho%v may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work out-
side institution permitted ... 24
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited ... 26
Public works 31
State farms ; community consump-
tion 38
Branding of convict-made goods . 42
Hours of labor 45
How is he maintained ?
Bunking . . 49
Food 54
No. 4]
INDEX
125
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 61
Provision for religious teaching , . 64
Reduction of time for good conduct. 69
Grading of prisoners 78
Wage permitted 82
Who can set him free ?
The Governor and Board of Par-
dons may pardon him 99
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison senterce ?
Citizenship lost 102
Citizenship regained 102
Marital rights lost 106
A criminal record 109
MAINE.
Why IS he confined ?
Serving a fixed sentence 13
Prohibition of capital punishment . 15
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Solitary confinement permitted . . 18
Corporal punishment prohibited. . 21
Hotv may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted. ... 26
Public works 31
Branding of convict-made goods . 42
Manufacture of certain articles pro-
hibited 44
Hours of labor 46
Hoiii is he maintained ?
Bunking 49
Food 54
Hozi' is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 61
Provision for religious teaching . . 64
Reduction of time for good conduct. 70
Wage permitted 82
Prison schools 90
Prison libraries 90
Who can set him free ?
The Governor and Council may
pardon him 100
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sejitence ?
Citizenship lost 102
Marital rights lost 106
A criminal record 109
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 113
(3
MARYLAND.
What is the statu% of the Prisoner ?
The ward of the state 4
Why is he confined ?
Serving a fixed sentence . . . . 13
Awaiting capital punishment . . . 16
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited . . .17
Solitary confinement permitted . . 18
Corporal Punishment permitted . 22
How may he be worked?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted .... 26
Public works 31
Manufacture of certain articles pro-
hibited . 44
Hours of labor 45
Hoiv is he maintained ?
Bunking 49
Food 54
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection 61
Provision for religious teaching . . 64
Reduction of time for good conduct. 70
Time for good conduct forfeited . . 70
Special favors for good conduct per-
mitted 77
Wage permitted 82
Who can set him Jree ?
The Governor may pardon him . . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 102
A criminal record . 109
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 114
MASSACHUSETTS.
Why is he confined ?
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 14
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Solitary confinement permitted . . 18
Shackles and chains permitted . . 20
Gag, iron mask, etc., prohibited . 21
How may he be punished ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted . . 26
State industries ; state consumption. 28
77)
126
INDEX
[Vol. Ill
Public works 32
Limitation of number of convicts in
one industry 40
Manufacture of certain articles pro-
hibited 44
How is he maintained /
Bunking 49
Food 54
Clothing 58
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 61
Provision for religious teaching . . 64
Reduction of time for good conduct. 70
Time for good conduct forfeited . 70
Grading of prisoners 79
Wage permitted 82
Prison schools 90
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board ...... 94
The Governor and Council may
pardon him 100
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 102
Marital rights lost 107
A criminal record 109
MICHIGAN.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state 4
Why is he confined ?
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 14
Prohibition of capital punishment . 15
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Solitary confinement permitted . . 19
Corporal punishment permitted . , 22
Corporal punishment prohibited . . 21
Showering with cold water pro-
hibited 23
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited ... 26
Public works . 32
State farms ; community consump-
tion 38
State factories; community con-
sumption 38
Manufacture of goods manufactured
by free industries in the state
prohibited 41
Hours of labor 45
Plow is he maintained ?
Bunking 49
Food 54
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 61
Provision for religious teaching . . 64
Reduction of time for good conduct. 70
Time for good conduct forfeited . . 70
Grading of prisoner permitted . . 79
Grade forfeited 79
Wage for overtime permitted ... 87
Assistance to prisoner's family . . 88
Prison schools 90
Prison libraries 90
Who ca7t set him free ?
The Parole Board ....... 94
The Governor may pardon him . . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship not forfeited 100
Marital rights lost 107
A criminal record 109
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 1 14
MINNESOTA.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state 4
Why is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs ... 9-
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 13
Prohibition of capital punishment . 15
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
How may he be worked '/
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted .... 26
Leasing to individuals for work in.
side institution prohibited ... 26
Public works 32
State factories ; community con-
sumption 38
Limitations of number of convicts
in one industry 40
Hours of labor 45
Hoxu is he maintained Z
Bunking 49
Food 54
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection ... 61
Provision for religious teaching . . 65
Reduction of time for good conduct. 70
(378)
No. 4]
INDEX
127
Time for good conduct forfeited . 70
Assistance to prisoner's family . . 88
Industrial training 91
Who can set hini free ?
The Parole Board 94
The Governor and Board of Pardons
may pardon him 99
What specific disabilities are causeti
by a prison sentence?
Citizenship lost 102
Marital rights lost 107
MISSISSIPPI.
What is the stattti of the prisoner ?
The property of the state 4
Why is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs ... 12
Serving a fixed sentence .... 13
Awaitmg capital punishment . . . 16
H01V may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Corporal punishment permitted . . 22
Ho7v may he be luorked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited ... 26
Public works. . . 32
Public works prohibited 29
State farms : community consump-
tion 38
Hours of labor 46
How is he tnaintained ?
Bunking 49
Food 55
Clothing 57
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 61
Provision for religious teaching . . 65
Reduction of time tor good conduct. 71
Grading of prisoner 79
Wage permitted 82
Who can set him free ?
The Governor and .Senate may par-
don him ICO
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 103
Marital rights lost 107
A criminal record 109
MISSOURI.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state 4
(37'
Why is he confined ?
Working oft' a hne and costs . . . lo
Serving a fixed sentence 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited
17
Hozo may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side mstitution prohibited ... 26
State industries; state consumption. 28
Public works 33
State factories ; community con-
sumption 38
Hours of labor 45
How is he maintained ?
Bunking 49
Food 55
Clothing 57
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection . . 61
Provision for religious teaching . . 65
Reduction of time for good conduct. 71
Wage permitted 83
Wage for overtime permitted ... 87
Assistance to prisoner's family . 88, 89
Who can set him free ?
The Governor may parole him . . 92
The Governor may pardon him . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 103
Citizenship regained 103
Marital rights lost 107
A criminal record 1 10
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 114
MONTANA.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state .... 4
Why is he confined ?
W^orking off a fine and costs .
Serving a fixed sentence . .
Awaiting capital punishment .
6
13
16
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Reduction of food prohibited ... 21
Corporal punishment prohibited . . 21
Showering with cold water pro-
hibited 23
9)
128
INDEX
[Vol. Ill
Ho'ii) may he be zvorkid ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited ... 26
Public works 33
State factories; community con-
sumption 39
Hours of labor 46
How is he maintained ?
Bunking 50
Food 55
Hoio is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 62
Reduction of time for good conduct. 7 1
Time for good conduct forfeited . 7 1
IVko can set him free ?
The Parole Board 94
The Governor and Board of Par-
dons may pardon him , ... 99
What specif c disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 103
Citizenship regained 105
Marital rights lost 107
A criminal record ....... I lo
NEBRASKA.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state 4
Why is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs ... 5
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 1 6
H010 may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted .... 26
Public works 33
Hours of labor 46
How is he maintained ?
Bunking 50
Food 55
Hoxu is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection .62
Reduction of tim.e for good conduct. 7 1
Time for good conduct forfeited . , 71
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board 95
The Governor and Board of Pardons
may pardon him 99
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence:'
Citizenship lost 103
Citizenship regained 103
Marital rights lost 107
A criminal record i lo
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 114
NEVADA.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state 4
Why is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs ... 7
Serving a fixed sentence 13
Awaiting capital punishment . . . 16
Ho7o may he be pU7iished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Reduction of food prohibited . . . 21
Corporal punishment prohibited. . 21
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted. ... 27
Public works 33
Hours of labor 46
How is he maintained ?
Clothing 57
Provision for religious teaching . . 65
Reduction of time for good conduct. 7 1
Special favor for good conduct for-
feited 77
Grading of prisoner 79
Wage permitted 83
Wage forfeited S3
Who ca7t set him free ?
The Governor and Board of Par-
dons may pardon him . . . . 99
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 103
Citizenship regained 103
Marital rights lost . 107
A criminal record IIO
NEW HAMPSHIRE.
Why is he confined?
Working off a fine and costs ... 12
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 14
Awaiting capital punishment . . . 16
How may he he punished ?
Solitary confinement permitted . . 19
(380)
No. 4]
INDEX
129
How may he be loorked ?
Leasing to individuals (or work in-
side institution permitted ....
Labor which can be . carried on
without expense to county and is
consistent with safe-keeping of
prisoners permitted
Hours of labor
IIozv is he maintained ?
Bunking
Food
Clothing
IIo7v is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection
Provision for religious teaching . .
Reduction of time for good conduct.
Special favor for good conduct . .
Wage permitted
Who can set him free '/
The Parole Board
The Governor may pardon him . .
What specific disabilities are caused
bv a prison sentence /
Citizenship not forfeited .... i
Marital rights lost i
A criminal record I
Use of dead body for scientific pur
poses I
NEW MEXICO.
Why is he confined f
Working off a fine and costs . . .
Serving an indeterminate sentence.
Awaiting capital punishment . . .
Hoiv may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited
Dungeons permitted
Corporal punishment prohibited. .
How may he be worked?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited . . .
Public works
State factories : community con-
sumption
Hours of labor
How is he maintained ?
Bunking
Food
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection
Provision for religious teaching . .
Reduction of time for good conduct.
Time for good conduct forfeited. .
27
Who can set him free?
The Parole Board 95
The Governor may pardon him . . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentejtce ?
Citizenship lost 103
Citizenship regained 103
NEW JERSEY.
Why is he confined?
Working off a fine and costs . . .
Serving an indeterminate sentence.
Awaiting capital punishment . . ,
Hoiv may he be punished?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited
Dungeons permitted
Shackles and chains permitted
Shackles and chains prohibited
Corporal punishment prohibited
Ho'w may he be worked?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited . . .
State industries : state consumption.
State farms : state consumption . .
Public works
Branding of convict-made goods. .
Hours of labor
12
16
17
19
20
20
22
26
28
29
33
42
45
62
65
72
72
(381)
How is he maintained ?
Bunking 50
Food 55
Clothing 57
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 62
Provision for religious training . . 65
Reduction of time for good conduct. 72
Time for good conduct forfeited. . 72
Assistance to prisoner's family. . . 89
Prison schools 90
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board 95
The Governor and Board of Par-
dons may pardon him 99
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 103
Citizenship regained 103
Power of procreation lost 105
Marital rights lost 107
A criminal record no
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 1 14
no
INDEX
[Vol. Ill
NEW YORK.
Why is he confined ?
Serving an indeterminate sentence ,
Awaiting capital punishment .
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited ... 17
Dungeons permitted 19
Corporal punishment prohibited 22
Showering with cold water prohib-
ited 23
Crucifix, yoke and buck prohibited. 23
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work
inside institution prohibited . .
State industries ; state consumption.
Public works
Branding of convict-made goods .
Manufacture of certain articles pro-
hibited . ...
Hours of labor
How is he maintained ?
Bunking
Food
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection
Provision for religious teaching . .
Reduction of time for good conduct.
Grading of prisoners
Wage permitted
Wage forfeited
Prison schools
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board 95
The Governor may pardon him . . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sejitetice ?
Citizenship lost 103
Power of procreation lost .... 106
Marital rights lost 107
A criminal record no
NORTH CAROLINA.
What IS the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state .... 4
Why is he coi^fined?
Working off a fine and costs ... 12
Serving a fixed sentence ..... 13
Awaiting capital punishment . . 16
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishment pro-
hibited 17
(382)
How viay he be worked ?
Leasing 10 indivuiuals tor work out-
side institution permitted .... 25
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted .... 27
Public works . . ... . . 35
State farms; community consump-
tion 38
Hours of labor 46
H010 is he maintained ?
Bunking . . 50
Food 55
Clothing 57, 58
H01.V is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection .... 62
Provision for religious teaching . . 65
Reduction of time for good conduct. 73
Time for good conduct forfeited. . 73
Wage permitted ...... 84
Who can set him free ?
The Governor may pardon him. . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost .103
Citizenship regained . . . 103
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 114
NORTH DAKOTA.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state . . .4
Why is he confined?
Working off a fine and costs 8
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 14
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited
17
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited ... 26
State industries; state consumption. 29
Public works permitted 35
State farms ; community consump-
tion 38
State factories , community con-
sumption 39
Hours of labor 45
How is he maintained ?
Bunking .... 50
Food 55
Clothing 58
No. 4]
INDEX
131
How is he cared f 07- ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection . 62
Provision for religious teaching , . 65
Reduction of time tor good conduct. 73
Time for good conduct forfeited . . 73
Wage permitted . . . 84
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board 96
The Governor and Board of Par-
dons may pardon him .... 99
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost . 104
Citizenship regained 104
Marital ris);hts lost 107
A criminal record no
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses .... 1 14
OHIO.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state
Why is he confined?
Working off a fine ard costs . . .
Serving an indeterminaie sentence.
Awaiting capital punishment , . .
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited
How may he be worked?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited . . .
Stale industries : state consumption.
State farms : state consumption
Public works
Limitation of number of convicts i"
one industry
Branding of convict-made good.<
Hours of labor
How is he i/iiiin/dined ?
Bunking. . . ....
Food . . . .
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection .
Provision for religious teaching . .
Reduction of time for good conduct.
Time for good conduct forfeited. .
Special favors for good conduct per-
mitted
Grading of prisoner. . ...
Wage permitted
Wage forfeited
Industrial training
Who can set him free?
The Parole Board
The Governor may pardon him. .
17
46
62
65
74
74
77
79!
84 I
84;
91 i
961
98
(38.:
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost . . . . 104
Citizenship regained 104
Marital rights lost 107
A criminal record Ill
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 115
OKLAHOMA.
Why is he coiifined ?
Working off a tine and costs ... 8
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Solitary confinement permitted . . 19
Shackles and chains permitted , . 20
How may he be worked?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited ... 26
Public works 35
Branding of convict-made goods . 43
Hours of labor ... . . 46
How is he vunniaiiied?
Bunking ... 5^
Food ... .55
Clothing 58
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 63
Provision for religious teaching . . 65
Who can set him free ?
The Governor may parole him . . 92
The Governor and Board of Par-
dons may pardon him 99
What specific disabilities are eaused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 104
Marital rights lost 107
A criminal record .111
OREGOX.
What is the status of iJtc prisoner ?
The property of .4
Why is he coiijaiui ?
Working off a fine and costs . . - 7, 8
Serving a fixed sentence 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
Hoiv may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Dungeons permitted 19
132
INDEX
[\"OL. Ill
Iloii) may he be ivorked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted .... 27
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited ... 27
Public works 35
State farms; community consump-
tion 38
Branding of convict-made goods. . 43
Hours of labor . , 45
H(nu is he viaintained ?
Bunking . . . 51
Food . . 56
Ho'iv is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection 63
Reduction of time for good conduct
permitted ... .... 74
Time for good conduct forfeited . . 74
Wage permitted 85
Wage forfeited 85
Who can set him free ?
The Governor may pardon him . . 9S
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost . 104
Citizenship regained 104
Marital rights lost 107
A criminal record . ill
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses .... 115
PENNSYLVANIA.
Why is he confined ?
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 15
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
Hozi) may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited .... 17
Solitary confinement permitted . . 19
Shackles and chains permitted . . 20
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for works in-
side institution prohibited ... 27
State industries ; state consumption. 29
Public works 35
State farms; community consump-
tion 38
Limitation of number of convicts in
one industry ... ... 40
Use of machinery prohibited ... 41
Branding of convict-made goods. . 43
Hours of labor 45
How is he maijitaincd ?
Bunking 51
Food 56
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection 63
Provision for religious teaching . . 65
Reduction of time for good conduct. 74
Time for good conduct forfeited . 74
Special favors for good conduct
permitted ... 77
Wage permitted 85
Who can set hiju free ?
The Parole Board 96
The Governor and Board of Pardons
may pardon him ...... 99
What specific disabilities are cazised
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship not forfeited 105
Marital rights lost 107
A criminal record 1 1 1
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 1 15
RHODE ISLAND.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The ward of the state 3
Why is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs ... 10
Serving a fixed sentence . . ■ ^Z
Prohibition of capita) punishment . 15
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Corporal punishment permitted . . 22
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted ... 27
Hours of labor 46
Ho'lV is he 7naintained ?
Bunking . .51
Food 56
Clothing 57, 58
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 63
Provision for religious teaching . . 65
Reduction of time for good conduct. 75
Time for good conduct forfeited . 75
Wage permitted 85
Who can set him free ?
The Legislature may pardon him . 100
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost . . 104
Citizenship regained ... 104
Marital rights lost 107
A criminal record 1 1 1
(384)
No. 4]
INDEX
I
SOUTH CAROLINA.
Why is he confined?
Serving a fixed sentence 13
Awaiting capital punishment . . . 16
How may he be punished?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 17
Solitary confinement permitted . . 19
Blood hounds permitted 19
Shackles and chains permitted . . 20
Hotu may he be wo7-ked ?
Leasing to individuals for work out-
side institution permitted. ... 25
Public viforks 35
How is he maintained?
Bunking 51
Food 65
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 63
Provision for religious teaching . . 65
Who can set him free ?
' The Governor and Board of Par-
dons may pardon him 99
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 104
Citizenship regained 104
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses . 115
SOUTH DAKOTA.
Why is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs . . .
Serving an indeterminate sentence.
Awaiting capital punishment , , .
Plo'tu may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishment pro-
hibited
Dungeons permitted
Shackles and chains permitted . .
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted'. . . ,
Public works
State farms ; community consump-
tion
Work injurious to health prohibited.
Hours of labor
How is he maintained ?
Bunking
Food
Clothing ...
52
58
(38
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection 63
Reduction of time for good conduct. 75
Time for good conduct forfeited . . 75
Special favor for good conduct per-
mitted 77
Wage permitted .... 85
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board 9^
The Governor and Board of Par-
dons may pardon him 99
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 104
Citizenship regained 104
Marital rights lost 107
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 115
TENNESSEE.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state .... 4
Why is he confined?
Working ofit a fine and costs ... 11
Serving a fixed sentence 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
Hozv may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishment pro-
hibited 17
Punishment exceeding hard labor
prohibited . . 18
Solitary confinement permitted . . 19
Reduction of food permitted ... 21
Hoii) may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work out-
side institution permitted ... 25
Leasing to individuals for work out-
side institution prohibited ... 24
Leasing to individuals lor work in-
side institution permitted .... 27
Public works 36
State farms ; community consump-
tion . 38
State factories; community con-
sumption .... 39
Competition with free labor prohib-
ited 39
Hours of labor 45
How is he maintained ?
Bunking 52
Food 56
Clothing 57, 58
How is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
spection 63
5)
134
INDEX
[Vol. Ill
Provision for religious teaching . . 65
Reduction of time for good conduct. 75
Time for good conduct forfeited . . 75
Special favor for good conduct per-
mitted 77
Prison schools 90
Who can set him free ?
The Governor may pardon him . . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison setitence ?
Citizenship lost 104
Citizenshif) regained 104
Marital rights lost 107
A criminal record iii
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 115
TEXAS.
Why is he confined?
Working off a fine and costs ... 6
Serving a fixed sentence . . 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
IIoTv 7nay he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 18
Corporal punishment permitted . . 22
Plow may he be worked ?
Public works 36
State farms ; community consump-
tion 38
JJow is he maintained ?
Bunking . . c2
Food ..... 56
Clothine . c7
lloxv is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection
Provision for religious teaching , .
Grading of prisoners
Prison schools
Prison libraries
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board 97
The Governor may pardon him . . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 104
Citizenship regained 104
Marital rights kst 107
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 116
UTAH.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state 4
Why is he confined?
Working off a fine and costs ... 7
Serving a fixed sentence 15
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
Hozu may he be punished ?
Cruel and unu-ual punishments pro-
hibited . 18
Solitary confinement permitted, . . 19
Corporal punishment permitted . . 23
Corporal punishment prohibited. . 22
Showering with cold water pro-
hibited 23
IIcw may he be worked?
Leasing to individuals for work cut-
side institution prohibited ... 24
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited ... 27
State industries : state con.sumption. 29
Public works permitted 36
State farms: community consump-
tion. . . 38
Competition with free labor pro-
hibited . • • 39
Manufacture of goods manufactured
by free industries in the state pro-
hibited 41
Hours of labor . . .45
How is he ?nai?itatntd .-'
Bunking 52
Food
s6
IJoto is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 63
Provision for religious teaching . . 66
Reduction of time for good conduct. 75
Time for good conduct forfeited. . 75
Grading of prisoners 80
Wsge permitted . 86
Prison schools . . 90
Prison libraries . . 90
Who can set him free ?
The Governor and Board of Par-
dons may pardon him 100
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost . 104
Marital rights lost io8
A criminal record iii
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 116
(386)
No. 4]
INDEX
135
VERMONT.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The ward of the stale 4
Why is he confined?
Working off a hne and costs ... 8
Serving a fixed sentence 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
Ho'w may he be zvorked ?
Leasir.g to initividuals for work in-
side institution permitted .... 27
Public works 37
Hours of labor 46
Hozo is he maintained ?
Bunking 52
Food 56
Hotu is he cared for ?
Provision lor rtjigious teachui^ . . 66
Reduction of time for good conduct. 76
Time for good conduct forfeited . . 76
Wage permitted 86
W'age forfeited 86
Prison schools 90
Prison libraries 90
Who can set him free ?
The Governor may pardon him
What specific disabilities are cattsed
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship not iorfeued . .
Marital rights iosr . ...
Use of dead body for scientific pur
poses
VIRGINIA.
Why is he confined ?
Working oft a line ana costs ... 1 1
Serving a fixed sentence 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pre-
hibited .... 18
Dungeons permitted ... 19
Bloodhounds permitted 19
Reduction of food permitted ... 21
Gag, iron mask, etc., permitted . . 21
H01V may he be zvorked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted .... 27
State industries ; state consumption. 29
Public works 3^
State farms; comniunily consump-
tion . . • 38
State factories; community con-
sumption 39
(3
98
105
iO(i
116
How is he maintained ?
Bunking 5^
Food 56
Clothing . . 57
How is he cared f 01 ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 63
Reduction of time for good conduct. 76
Wage for overtime work permitted. 88
Who can set him free ?
The Governor may pardon him . . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 104
Marital rights lost 108
A criminal record . 1 1 1
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 116
WASHINGTON.
Hozv is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs ... 6
Serving a fixed sentence ... . 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 18
Shackles and chains permitted . . 20
How may he be worked ?
Leasing to indiviilua-ls for work in-
side institution prohibited ... 27
Public works . 37
State factories; community con-
sumption 39
Hours of labor 46
How is he mainiaitied ?
Bunking ... 52
Food 56
Clothing ... 57
Horv is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical in-
specuon 64
Provision for religious teaching . . 66
Reduction of time for good conduct. 76
Time for good conduct forfeited . . 76
Who can set him free?
The Governor may pardon him . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost ........ 104
Power of procreation lost ... 106
Marital rights lost 108
A criminal record 1 1 1
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 116
s-)
1^6
INDEX
WEST VIRGINIA.
Why is he co7tfined?
Working off a fine and costs . . . lo
Serving a fixed sentence 13
Awaiting capital punishment ... 16
How may he be punished?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 18
Shackles and chains permitted . . 20
Hoio may he be worked?
Leasmg to individuals for veork in-
side institution permitted. ... 28
State industries: state consumption. 29
Hours of labor 45
How is he fnaiiitained ?
Bunking 52
Food ... 57
Hoio is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection 64
Who can set him free ?
The Governor may pardon him . . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 105
Marital rights lost 108
A criminal record Ill
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses ... 117
WISCONSIN.
What is the status of the prisoner ?
The property of the state .... 4
Why is he confined ?
Working ofT a fine and costs ... 8
Serving a fixed sentence 13
Prohibition of capital punishment . 1 5
Hoio may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishment pro-
hibited 18
Solitary confinement permitted . . 19
Corporal punishment prohibited . . 22
Hoxo may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution permitted .... 28
Public works prohibited 30
State farms ; community consump-
tion 38
State factories ; community con-
sumption 39
Branding of convict-made goods . 43
Hours of labor 45
Hotv is he maintained ?
Bunking 53
Food 57
Clothing . . ... 58
Hi/to is he cared for ?
Provision for health and medical
inspection ... 64
Provision for religious teaching . . 66
Reduction of time for good conduct. 76
Time for good conduct forfeited . . 76
Special favors for good conduct
permitted . 78
W;-ge permitted 86
Prison schools . 90
Prison libraries 91
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board 97
The Governor may pardon him . . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 105
Citizenship regained 105
Marital rights lost 108
A criminal record m
Use of dead body for scientific pur-
poses 117
WYOMING.
Why is he confined ?
Working off a fine and costs . . 9, lo
Serving an indeterminate sentence. 15
Awaiting capital punishment . . 16
How may he be punished ?
Cruel and unusual punishments pro-
hibited 18
Hoio may he be worked ?
Leasing to individuals for work in-
side institution prohibited ... 27
State industries ; state consumption, 29
Public works 37
Provision for health and medical
inspection 64
Provision for religious teaching . . 66
Reduction of time for good conduct. 76
Time for good conduct forfeited . 76
Wage permitted 86
Wage forfeited 86
Who can set him free ?
The Parole Board 97
The Governor may pardon him . 98
What specific disabilities are caused
by a prison sentence ?
Citizenship lost 105
Citizenship regained 105
Marital rights lost 108
A criminal record ill
(388)
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
ACADEMY OF POLITICAL SCIENCE
IN THE CITY OF NEW YORK
Volume III
1912-1913
EDITED BY
HENRY RAYMOND MUSSEY
The Academy of Political Science
Columbia University, New York
1913
Copyright by
The Academy of Political Science
CONTENTS
I. YEARBOOK OF THE ACADEMY
Constitution and By-Laws 3
Officers of the Academy 7
List of Members 8-48
IL EFFICIENT GOVERNMENT
Goodno-jj, Fratik y. Judicial Interpretation of Constitutional Pro-
visions 49
Thompson, J. David The Amendment of the Federal Constitution . . 65
Ford, Henry yones The Reorganization of State Government ... 78
Lewis, William Draper The Recall of Judicial Decisions 85
Ashley, Clarence The Recall of Judicial Decisions 96
Sinith, Munroe The Development of American Constitutional
Law 100
Discussion 118 — 120 — 121 — 123
Henry Rogers Seager, Miles M. Dawson
Stone, Harlan F. The Issues Involved in the Methods of Select-
ing and Removing Judges 124
Hand, Learned The Elective and Appointive Methods of Selec-
tion of Judges 1 30
Roe, Gilbert E, The Recall of Judges ... 141
Dougherty, y. Hampden Substitutes for the Recall of Judges 147
Discussion i57— 159 — 161 — 163
Richard S. Childs, Everett P. Wheeler, Charles H. Hartshorne, Edward
D. Page
Cleveland, Frederick A. The Federal Budget 165
Willoughby, W. F. Efficient Organization of the Personnel in Admin-
istration 180
Parkinson, Thomas I. Legislation Drafting 190
Reinsch, Paul S. The Initiative and Referendum 203
Addresses at the Anniversary Dinner 210 228
Albert Bushtiell Hart, Edgar T. Brackett
Statements on the Direct Primaries by : 229-239
yob E. Hedges, Oscar S. Straus and William Sulzer
Report of the Meeting of the Academy of Political Science 240
III. THe'bRYCE MEETING
Proceedings of the Meeting of the Board of Trustees in Conferring Honorary
Membership upon the Right Flonorable James Bryce 243
Lindsay, Samuel McCune Introductory Remarks 244
Butler, Nicholas Murray Remarks 246
Ambassador Bryce Reply . . 248
iv CONTENTS
PAGE
lY. THE CAGED MAN
A Summary of Existing Legislation in the United States on the
Treatment ok Prisoners
BY
E. Siagg W hi till
what is the status of the prisoner
The property of the state — The ward of the state 255
why is he confined
To work off a fine and costs. To satisfy a sentence — Fixed or indeter-
minate. Awaiting capital punishment. 257
how may he be punished
Cruel and unusual punishments — Punishment exceeding hard labor — Soli-
tary confinement — Dungeons — Blood hounds — Shackles and chains —
Reduction of food — The gag, iron mask, etc. — Corporal punishment. —
Showering with cold water — Stocks — Crucifix, yoke, buck, etc. Punish-
ment injurious to mind or body — Greater or more severe punishment
than prescribed by board. . 269
HOW CAN he be worked
Leased to individuals for work outside the institution — Leased to individ-
uals for work inside the institution — The state may work him — State indus-
tries for state consumption — Farms for state consumption — Public works —
State farms for community consumption — State factories for community
consumption — Under specific limitations — Competition with free labor —
Number of convicts in one industry — Use of machinery — Manufacture of
goods manufactured by free industries — Branding of prison-made goods —
Manufacture of certain articles — Work injurious to health or dangerous to
person of convict — Association with free laborers during work hours —
Labor which can be carried on without expense to the county and is con-
sistent with safe-keeping of prisoners. Hours of labor 276
HOW is he maintained
Bunking — Food — Clothing 299
how is he cared for
Health provisions — Religious provisions — Educational provisions — Moral
education — Reduction of time for good conduct — Special indulgences for
good conduct — Reporting of good conduct to board — Merit marks —
Grading of prisoners — Wage reward — General education — Prison schools —
Prison libraries — Industrial education ....^ 311
who can set him free
Parole — Pardon — The Governor — The Governor and Board of Pardons —
Governor and Council — Governor and Senate — Legislature ....... 344
what specific disabilities are caused by a prison sentence
Loss of citizenship — Change in marital relationship — Loss of power of
procreation (vasectomy) — A criminal record — Use of dead body for scien-
tific purposes 353
JgLIHL/iniU d&UI. JUIN 1 yJ \\3lt
H
31
V.3
Academy of Political Science,
New York
Proceedings
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