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r C 














DECEMBER, 1904. 



37, Great Russell Street, London, W.C. 




ST. martin's lane, LONDON. 


COUNCIL, 1904, 

Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D.. &c., &c. 


The Most Rev. His Grace The lx)rd Archbishop of York. 

The Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Salisbury. 

The Most Hon. The Marquess of Northampton. 

The Right Hon. the Earl of Halsbury.' 

The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of H.ickney. 

F. D. Mocaita, F.S.A., &c. 

Walter Morrison. 

Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A. 

F. G. Hilton Price, Dir. S.A. 

\V. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 

The Right Hon. General Lord Grenfell, G.C.B., &c., &c. 

The Right Rev. S. W. Allen, D.D. (R.C. Bishop of Shrewsbury). 

General Sir Charles Warren, G.C.M.G., &c.. &c. 

Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A. i Rev. James Marshall, M. A. 

Thomas Christy, F. L.b. 

Dr. M. Gaster. 

F. LI. Griffith, F.S.A. 

H. R. Hall, M.A. 

Sir H. H. lioworth, K.C.I. K., 

L. W^ King, M.A. 
Rev. Albert Lttwy, LL.D., &c. 

Prof. G. Maspero. 
Claude G. Montefiore. 
Prof. E. xVaville. 
Edward S. M. Perowne. 
J. Pollard. 

J. Campbell Thompson, B.A. 
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., 
F.K.S., &c. 

Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosaiu|uet. 

Secretary— \^z{Ktx L. Nash, M.R.C.S., F.S.A. 

Honorary Secretary for Foreifpi Correspondence — F. Lcgge. 

Honorary Librarian— \^d\itx L. Nash, M.R.C.S., F.S.A. 



Donations to the Library 2, 44, 78, 116, 180, 226, 268 

Election of Members 2, 44, 116, 180, 226 

Notices of Decease of Members 43i ii5» 225 

No. cxciv. January. 

Council's Report for 1903 ... 3 

Council and Officers for 1904 5 

Prof. E. Navillk, D.C.L,, 6-r.— The Book of the Dead 

{continued). Chapters CLXV-CLXX I 6-16 

Prof. A. H. Sayce, D,D,, ^t, — The Decipherment of 

the Hittite Inscriptions {continued) 17-25 

Sir H. H. Howorth, K.CLE,, KR.S,, cr'r.— Some 

Unconventional Views on the Text of the Bible ... 25-31 

Stanley A. Cook, M.A. — Notes on Semitic Inscriptions 

{Plate) 32-35 

Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrii*:, D,C,L., KR.S,, &-c,— 

Notes on the XlXth and XXth Dynasties 36-41 

No. cxcv. February. 

Prof. E. Naville, Z>.6'.Z., 6-r.— The Book of the Dead 

{continued). Chapters CLXXII-CLXXIII (/V^/e) ... 45-50 

Theophilus G. Pinches, ZZ. Z>.—Sapattu, the Babylonian 

Sabbath (/Ya/^) 51-56 

W. E. Crum.— The Coptic Version of the "Canons of S. 

- Basil" 57-62 

Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.LE., KR.S., (Sr-r.— Some Un- 
conventional Views on the Text of the Bible {continued) 63-69 
J. Herbert Walker, M,A. — The Egyptian Doctrine of 

the Transformation of Funeral Offerings (2 Plates) ... 70, 71 



Stanley A. Cook, M,A, — Notes on Semitic Inscriptions" 

XX ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• ••« ••• ••« y 2~yi^ 

Alan H. Gardiner. — The Name of King Sankhere ... 75, 76 

No. cxcvL March. 

Prof. E. Naville, D.CL., er'^:.— The Book of the Dead 

(confinued). Chapters CLXX IV- CLXX IX (/Va/^) ... 79-89 

Prof. A. H. Sayce, D,D,^ crc, — Greek Inscriptions from 

Egypt 90-92 

Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D., &*€. — The Egyptian King 
Sharu ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 93 

Sir H. H. Howorth, K.CLE,, F,R,S,, c^r.— Some Un- 
conventional Views on the Text of the Bible {continued) 94-100 

G. A. Wainwright.— The formula 1 A ri ^ in 

the light of mythology^ ... ..." 101-104 

Joseph Offord. — The De Duabus Viis Chapters of the 

Teaching of the Twelve Apostles. Or Didache ... 105-108 
Stanley A. Cook, M,A. — Notes on Semitic Inscriptions. 

Ill ... 109-112 

Prof. VV. M. Flinders Petrie. — Animal Worship in 

Egypt 113, 114 

No. cxcvii. May. 

Prof. E. Naville, D.C.L,, 6-r.— The Book of the Dead 

(continued). Chapters CLXXX-CLXXXII {Plate) ... 117-124 

F. Legge. — The Kings of Abydos {Plate\ 125-144 

Seymour de Ricci. — A Latin Deed of Manumission 
(a.d. 221) in the Collection of the Right Hon, Lord 
Amherst of Hackney, F,S.A. (3 Plates) 145-^52 

Prof. Dr. E. Mahler. — The Subject of Easter at the 

Councils of Nice and of Antioch ... ... ... 153-162 

Theophilus G. Pinches, LL,D. — Sapattu, the Babylonian 

Sabbath— Additional Note i^'2, 163 



Stanley A. Cook, M,A, — Notes on Semitic Inscriptions. 

Ill • 164-167 

E. J. PiLCHER.— The Origin of the Alphabet {Plate) .. 168-173 

W. E. Crum. — Two Coptic Papyri from Antinoe 174-178 

No. cxcviii. June, 

Prof. E. Naville, B.C.L., <S^'r.— The Book of the Dead 

{continued). Chapters CLXXXIII-CLXXXVI (Plate) 181-184 

Seymour de Ricci. — A Latin Deed of Manumission 
(a.d. 221) in the Collection of the Right Hon. I^rd 
Amherst of Hackney, /l^'./^. (r<?«//>/w^^). (Plate) ... 185-196 

Prof. Dr. E. Mahler.— The Subject of Easter at the 
Councils of Nice and of Antioch... 197-206 

Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D., 6^^. — Aramaic Inscriptions 
from Egypt 207,208 

O. M. Dalton, J/.^., F,S.A, — A Panel from an Ivor>' 

Diptych in the British Museum {Plate) 209-214 

E. O. WiNSTEDT. — Sahidic Biblical Fragments in the 
Bodleian Library. II ... ... 215-221 

Stanley A. Cook, ALA. — Notes on Semitic Inscriptions. 

IV ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 221-223 

No. cxcix. November. 

Victor Loret. — Une Hypothese au sujet de la vocalisation 

Egyptienne ... ... ... ... ... ... 227-234 

Prof. A. H. Sayce, D,D., 6-r. — The Decipherment of 
the Hittite Inscriptions ... ... ... ... ... 235-250 

Prof. E. Naville, Z>.67.Z., 6^r. — A Mention of a Flood 

in the Book of the Dead (/y«/f) 251-257 

R. Sewkll. — Tiles from Mycense, with the Cartouche of 
Amenhetep III (/yrt/c) 258,259 

Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A. — An overlooked P'ragment 

of an Eponym List ... ... ... 260,261 

F. Legge. — A New Carved Slate {J late) 262, 263 

VV. L. Nash, P'.S.A, — An Arab Stamp, with a view of the 

^ett Ullah at Mecca (2 Plates) 264, 265 



No. cc. December. 

Victor Loret. — Une Hypothfese au sujet de la vocalisation 

Egyptienne ... 269-275 

Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.LE., F,/^.S.—The god Asshur 

and the Epic of " Marduk and Tiamat " 275-282 

Prof. Flinders Petrie, F.jR.S.y F.B,A. — Notes on the 
later Egyptian Dynasties ... ... 283-287 

Prof. E. Naville, D.C.L,^ &*c, — A Mention of a Hood 

in the Book of the Dead (2 Plates) 287-294 

Miss M. A. Murray. — A Roman Terra-cotta Figure of 
an Apis Bull {Plate) 294 

Percy E. Newberry. — The Horus-title ^^^ of the Kings 

o[ Egypt {Plate) 295-299 





The Decipherment of the Hittite Inscriptions 24 

Notes on Semitic Inscriptions ... ... ... ... 35 

The Book of the Dead (4 Plates) 50, 78, 124, 184 

Sapattu, the Babylonian Sabbath 56 

The Egyptian Doctrine of the Transformation of Funeral 
Offerings (2 /Va/(fj) ... ... ... 70 

The Kings of Abydos ... ... ... 144 

A Latin Deed of Manumission of a Slave (4 Plates) 146, 14^, 195 

The Origin of the Alphabet 172 

A Panel from an Ivory Diptych in the British Museum ... 214 

A Mention of a Flood in the Book of the Dead (3 Plates) 256, 292 

Tiles from Mycenaj with the cartouche of Amenhetep III 258 

A new Carved Slate 262 

An Arab Stamp with a view of the Beit Ullah (2 Plates) 264 

A Roman Terra-cotta Figure of an Apis Bull 294 

The Horus-title ,^, of the Kings of Egypt 


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First Meeting, i^th January, 1904. 
Sir H. H. HOWORTH, K.CLE., &c.. 



[No. cxciv.] 

Jan. 13] SOCipry-.OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^COLOGY. [1904. 

The fofloivirig Present was announced, and thanks 
ordered -tbllbe'Veturned to the Donor: — 

. -. Frctm the Author, 6mile Soldi-Colbert de Beaulieu. — " La Langue 
':•/•. 'Sacr^e." Vol. IV, fascic. 2. 

The following Candidates for Membership were elected : — 

M. N. Adler, Af.A,, 22, Craven Hill, W. 
John Hogg, West House, Pinner. 

V. Amilhau, Chateau du Boucheron, Bosmie, H** Vienne, 

The following Paper was read : — 

Dr. Gaster : "A MS. Variant of the Decalogue." 

The Paper was discussed by the Rev. Dr. Lowy, Mr. Cook, 
and the Chairman. 

The thanks of the Meeting were returned to Dr. Gaster. 


Jan. 15] 





The Council presents the following Report on the progress of the 
Society during the past year. Attention must in the first place be drawn 
10 our Josses by the deaths of eight of our Members^ among whom 
is especially to be noticed Dr. W* PleytEj an Hon. Member of the 
Society I who for many years was Director of the Leyden Museum of 
Antiquities, He was a great scholar, a most learned Egyptologist, and a 
frequent contributor to our Procietfings. Reference must also be made 
to the late Sir C Nicholson, Bart., one of our Vice-Presidents, who 
in former years did a great deal to advance the cause of research in 

The number of new Members elected during the past year rather 
more than balances the losses by death and resignation. And it is hoped 
that the recent additions to the Council will still further add to our 
numerical strength. 

The titles of the Papers which have been printed in the Proceedings 
will be found fully set forth in the N^. for last December ; but the following 
may be enumerated as of special interest i Prof. Kaville's continuation of 
the translation of the Book of the Dead, which is now approaching com- 
pletion ; and bis Paper on **The Egyptian name of Joseph ;^' Mr S, A. 
Cook^s account of a " Pre-Massoretic Biblical Papyrus ; ^* Prof. Sayce*s 
** Decipherment of the Hittite Inscriptions j" Dr. Pinches' translation, with 
commentary J of the tablet from Susa giving the story of " Gilgamea and 
ihe Hero of the Flood ; " and to the continued discussion, initiated by 
Mr, Legge^ on '* The Transliteration of Egj-ptian," which has given those 
most competent 10 form an opinion an opportunity of setting forth their 
views on this much*disputed question. 

The Council has^ during the past year, pubhshed two works : in the 
first place the completion of ^' The Palace Gates of Balawat," which has 
been on hand for some little time* The labour of arranging for this 

3 A 2 


publication has been very great ; but now that it is completed it forms a 
very valuable work, the credit for which is solely due to Mr. Rylands. 
The other publication issued by the Council is the Index to the nine 
volumes of the Transactions^ which has been issued to the subscribers, 
and can be purchased by others who may desire to possess it. 

To one of our Members, Mr. E. J. Pilcher, the Society is indebted 
for a most useful piece of work : he has very kindly written lists of 
" Contents " of the volumes of bound-up pamphlets in the Library. The 
want of such lists has hitherto made these tracts useless for reference 

As to the Accounts, the whole of the indebtedness to the end of 
1902, and a part of that for 1903, has been paid off, and of the balance 
remaining due, a very considerable amount has been paid since the 
accounts were balanced, leaving not much more than ;^ioo still owing 

That it has been possible to attain this result, is due partly to the 
considerable amount received from sales, which have been increased by 
the disposal of some surplus books, &c. ; and partly by the exercise of 
the most rigid economy. No expense that could possibly be avoided has 
been incurred, and the expenses of the office have reached an irreducible 
minimum. But a considerable saving might be effected in our printing 
bill if contributors would help to keep all unnecessary " padding " out of 
the Proceedings^ and this they can best do by making their articles as 
short as possible. 

Jan. 13] 



The following Council and Officers for the current year 
were elected : — 

COUNCIL, 1904. 

PROF. A. H. SAYCE, D.D., &c., &c. 


The Most Rev. His Grace The Ix>rd Archbishop of York. 

The Most Hon. The Marquess of Northampton. 

The Right Hon. the Earl of Halsbury. 

The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hacknev. 

F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c. 

Walter Morrison. 

Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A. 

F. G. Hilton Price, Dir. S.A. 

W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 

The Right Hon. General Lord Grenfell, K.CB., &c., &c. 

The Right Rev. S. W. Allen, D.D. (R.C. Bishop of Shrewsbury). 

General Sir Charles Warren, G.C.M.G., &c., &c 


Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A. 

Thomas Christy, F.L.S. 

Dr. M. Caster. 

F. Ll. Griffith, F.S.A. 

H. R. Hall, M.A. 

Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.I.E., 

F.R.S., &c. 
L. W. King, M.A. 
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c. 

Rev. James Marshall, M.A, 
Prof. G. Maspero. 
Claude G. Montefiore. 
Prof. E. Naville. 
Edward S. M. Perowne. 
J. Pollard. 

R. Campbell Thompson, B.A. 
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D.', 
F.R.S., &c. 

Honorary Treasurer. 
Bernard T. Bosanqurt. 

Walter L. Nash, F.S.A. 

Hon. Secretary for Foreign Correspondence. 
F. Legge. 

Honorary Librarian. 
Walter L. Nash, F.S.A. 


By Prof. Edouard Naville, D,CX,y d^c. 

{Continued from Vol. XXV., page 346.) 


Chapter of landing and not being obscured, so that the body may 
prosper in drinking water, ( i ) 

O the very high one, the great one, 

Amen, Amen, the lion Kasapa, 

The first-born of the gods on the East of the sky. 

Amon of the Takruti, 

Amon who hides his colours, whose forms are mysterious, and 
who is master of the horns of Horus, 

The great one of Nut. 

Kaarki is thy name, 

Kasaka is thy name, 

The Sphinx is thy name, 

Kasabaka is thy name. 

Amon of the Ankak Takashar, Amon the sphinx is thy name. 
O Amon ! I implore thee. Behold, I know thy name ; thy forms 
are in my mouth, (2) and thy colours in my eyes. 

Come towards thy offspring, thy form, Osiris N. Bring him 
towards the gate of eternity, grant him to rest in the Tuat ; that 
his flesh may be entire in the Netherworld ; that his soul may be 
powerful, that his body may be complete, (3) that he may be free 
from the society of the wicked one, that he may never be fettered. 


Jan. 13] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1904. 

I implore thy name, and thou art a shield for me ; for thou 
believest that I know thee. 

great one, great one, 

Amon (the hidden one) is thy name, 
Rukashaka is thy name, 
Thou art for me a shield. 
Baarkai is thy name, 
Markata is thy name, 
' The Sphinx is thy name, 
Nasakabuba is thy name, 
Tanasasa is thy name, 
Sharshatakata is thy name. 
Amon, Amon, O God, O God, Amon. 

1 implore thy name, and as I have given thee to understand 
(that I know thee), grant me to rest in the Tuat, and that all my 
limbs be reunited. 

Said by the Spirit which is in Nut : I am doing, I am doing 
all thou hast said. 

Said on (he figure with raised arm. There are plumes on its head ; 
its legs are apart ; its torso is a scarab. It is painted in blue with 
liquid gum. 

Said also on a figure the middle part 0/ which is that of a man ; 
his arms are hanging doivn. The head of a ram is on his right 
shoulder^ and another on his left shoulder. Thou wilt paint on one 
bandage the two figures of the god with raised arm, and put it cuross 
the chest of the deceased^ so that the tivo painted figures may be on his 

He to whom this has been done^ the impure ones in the Tuat can do 
nothing to him. He drinks the running water of the stream y he shines 
like a star in the sky. (4) 


The vignettes consist of the amulets described in the rubrics. 

T. The explanation to this extraordinary title seems to be given in 
the last sentence of the rubric, where it is said of the deceased : " he 
drinks the running water of the stream, he shines like a star in the 
sky." The amulet for which this text was written will i)revent the 
deceased, who is to be as bright as a star, from having his light taken 



from him, from being obscured. The other blessing conferred upon 
him is that of drinking water of the stream. It is difficult to say why 
these two blessings alone are mentioned. 

2. I am ready to utter the names of thy different forms, and I see 
thy various colours. 

3. That his body may be reconstituted. It is curious to find in 
so late texts a vague remembrance of what seems to have been the 
prevalent custom in prehistoric times, and perhaps also during the 
Thinite period : the dismemberment of the body of the deceased. This 
custom was so entirely superseded by the opposite process, the 
mummification and the careful preservation of the body, that the old 
tradition is always mentioned with horror and disgust. The Book of 
the Dead is full of objurgations against the dismemberment of the 

4. The Turin Todtenbuch ends hero. 


Chapter of the Piilau', 

Awake ! thy sufferings are allayed, A\ Thou art awaked when 
thy head is above the horizon. Stand up, thou art triumphant 
by means of what has been done to thee. 

Ptah has struck down thine enemies. It has been ordered what 
should be done to thee. Thou (i) art Horus, the son of Hathor, 
the flame born of a flame, to whom his head has been restored 
after it had been cut off. 

Thy head will never be taken from thee henceforth. 

Thy head will never be carried away. 


With Chapter 166 begins a series of chapters which are not in the 
Todtenbuch, and which have been collected from various papyri. 
For most of them there is only one text, therefore the translation is 
often very uncertain. 


Jan. 14] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [19C4. 

This Chapter, which is taken from London 9900 (Aa), seems to 
be only a variant, with a few additional sentences, of Chapter 43, 
" Chapter whereby the head of a person is not severed from him in 
the Netherworld." It alludes to the reconstitution of the body of 
the deceased, and to providing him with all his sepulchral equip- 
ment. Head-rests like that which is represented in the vignette are 
often found in the tombs with the coffins as early as the time of the 
Xlth dynasty. 

Chapter 166 was first discovered and translated by Dr. Birch 
{Zei/scAr., 1868, p. 82). 

(i) Here begin the words of Chapter 43. 

^^^ ""^ m ^^ Im' '^^^ second word should be 

taken as a patronymic, " flame-born." Chapter 43 has ^ ^ I/* 

Chapter of bringing an Eye, 

When Thoth had brought the Eye, he appeased the Eye, 
After Ra had wounded (i) her, she was raging furiously and then 
Thoth calmed her after she had gone away raging. As I am sound, 
she is sound and N. is sound. 


This Chapter taken also from London 9900, is a mere abridg- 
ment of lines 30-34 in Chapter 17. It refers probably to an eclipse. 
The Eye, the moon, is pierced or wounded by Ra, which causes the 
goddess to be furious. Then, according to Chapter 17," Thoth calms 
her troubled state (Brugsch), and brings her whole and sound without 
any defect." Thoth is called to appease the goddess. 

I. The correct reading according to Chapter 17, is : 

^J^"^ ^^ ^^J^"^^ Brugsch {Did. SuppL, 
p. 751) translates the word : to pierce. 




Chapter 168 should not have been placed among those of 
the Book of the Dead, it belongs to another book similar to the 

, the book engraved on the walls of the royal tombs. It 
describes gods and genii of <i:>^ 1 ^v fA^ bounds (i) in 


the Tuat who confer certain blessings on the deceased ; such as this : 
" those who lift up their faces towards the sky at the prow of the 
boat of Ra, grant that Osiris N, may see Ra when he rises." A 
vignette gives the appearance of the god or genius spoken of. 
Every one of them is followed by this sentence : ** for the libation 
of a vase has been made on earth by Osiris N, w^ho is (now) the 
lord of abundance, and goes round the garden of Hotepit." 

The three versions which have been preserved of this text are 
very fragmentary. The most complete, papyrus 10478 of the British 

Museum, contains only the 7 to 1 2. As the interest of 

<=> o III ' 
this text, the character of which is chiefly pictorial, lies in the 

vignette?, it has been thought unnecessary to give a translation of it. 

I. See note 2, Chapter 127. 


Chapter of raising the funereal Bed, 

Thou art a lion, thou art a sphinx, thou art Horus who avengeth 
his father ; thou art these four gods, those glorious ones who are 
shouting for joy, who are making incantations, and who bring out 
water by the power of the tramp of their feet. Thou risest on the 
right, thou risest on the left. Seb has opened thy blind eyes, (i) 
he has loosened thy legs which were fettered. Thou hast received 
thy heart of thy mother, thy whole heart of thy own body ; thy soul 
is in the sky, thy body is under the ground. There is bread for thy 
body, water for thy throat, sweet breeze for thy nostrils. 

Thou restest in their funereal chambers, which those who are in 


Jan. ijj 



their coffins have opened for thee and for thy ,*.»*. when thou 
joumeyest ; thou art firm on thy pedestal, of thy existence, thou 
appearest in heaven, and thou fastenest the tackle (2) by the side 
of Ra. 

Thou fishest whh the net on the river, the water of which thou 
d rink est ; thouwalkest on thy feet, and thou dost not walk headlong. 
Thou appearest on the surface of the earth, and thou docst not come 
forth from under soUd ground, the strength (3) which is in thee will 
not be shaken through the action of the god of thy domain. 

Thou art pure, ihou art pure, thy forepart is purified, thy hind- 
part is cleansed with bet and natron, and cooled with incense^ 

Thou art purified with the milk (given to) Apis, and with beer 
of the goddess Tenemit, with natron which removes all what is 
wrong in thee, and which was provided by the daughter of Ra when 
she gave it to her father Ra ; and when she raised for thee the 
mountain where is buried her father Osiris, {4) 

I have taken a bite of these sweet things which are on the 
hands (?) of Osiris N. the loaves (?) from above, which belong to 
Ra, made of grain of Abu, and four loaves from below which be- 
long to Seb, made of grain from the South, The god (5) of thy 
domain brings thee the Field of Hotepit, his hands are before thee 

Thou goest out like Ra, thou art powerful like Ra, thou art in 
possession of thy feet, Osiris N'. is in possession of his feet at all 
times and at all hours; thou wilt not be judged^ ihou wilt not be 
impiisoned, thou wilt not be guarded, thou wilt not be put in bonds, 
thou wiU not be placed in the house where are the enemies. Cakes 
are piled up before thee, and offerings are well guarded for thee. 

There is no one to oppose thee and to prevent tht^e from 
going out. 

Thou receivest thy clothing, thy sandals^ thy stick, thy linen, 
thy wea^tonsj with which thou wilt cut off heads, thou wilt twist 
round the necks of thy foes ; these enemies who would bring death 
to thee, they will not approach thee. 

The great god speaks to thee : Let him be brought here for all 
that will happen. The hawk rejoices in thee, the cackler cackles 
to thee, Ra opens to thee the doors of the sky. Seb opens for 
thee the earth. 

Thou art great, a mighty (6) Chu, whose name is not known, 
the soul which opens the Amenta. It is mighty this soul of iV^, 
for he (7) is beloved of Ra and well pleasing to his circle, he joins (?) 


ihe ways, he guards the men, and guides the lion to the place where 
his ka is propitiated. iV. . . . the lord of mankind causes thee to live 
and that thy soul be sound, that thy body may l>e enduring and 
great, that thou mayest see the light (8) and breathe the wind, that 
thy face may be revealed in the house of right, that thou mayest be 
stationed in the meadow, and not see any storm, that thou mayest 
follow the lord of the two earths, that ihou mayest refresh thyself 
under the tnerit tree by the side of the goddess, the great magician. (9) 

Scshait is sitting in front of thee. Sau is protecting thy limbs : 
the bull milks for thee his cows which are in the train of Horse- 
chait. (10) 

Thou washest thy face at the mouth ot the stream of Cheraba, 
thou art welcome to the great gods of Pu and Tepu ; (11) thou 
seest Thoth conversing with Ra in the sky. Thou goest out and 
goest in into Anit, thou conversest with the Rehiu. 

Thy ka is with thee, that thou mayest rejoice ; and the heart of 

thy birth ; thou wakest thy are happy ; the cycle of the gods 

give pleasure to thy heart. Thou goest out (and thou seest) four 
loaves for thee from Sechem, and four loaves from Hermopolis ; 
thou goest out and there are four (loaves) from Heliopolis on the 
table of the lord of the two earths. 

Thou wakest in the night, and thou art welcome to the lords 
of Heliopolis. Hu (12) is in thy mouth, thy feet do not turn back, 
there is life in thy limbs. 

Thou seizest the sma (13) at Abydos and thou conductest victuals 
to the great gods and vases of drink to those who are above the 
clouds in the festival of Osiris, on the morning of the Uak festival ; 
the hersheta priest decks thee with gold ; thy garment is well arranged 
with byssus; the Nile rises over thy body; thou art glorious (14) ... , 
thou drinkest on the shore of the lake ; thou art welcome to the 
gods who are in it ; thou comest forth in the sky with the gods who 
bring Maat to Ra, thou art brought before the cycle of the gods, 
thou art like one of them. Thou art the gander among the geese 
which are offered to Ptah Anebefres. 


This Chapter and the following are found in one papyrus only, 
Paris, III, 93, a document more remarkable for the beauty of its 
vignettes than for the correctness of the text. 


Jan. 13] . THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1904. 

Both Chapters refer to g ^ ^^zi^ m ^ I' the funereal bed 

or couch on which the deceased will lie like Osiris. None of them 
has a vignette. As in the course of these chapters there is no mention 
of the bed itself, we must suppose that they were read while the bed 
was raised or arranged. The translation of this text is particularly 
difficuh, and often conjectural, owing to our papyrus having no 
other document to compare it with. 

1. All this bears a great resemblance to Chapter 26. 

2. In landing, see Chapter 99. 

3. (1 y d c , I have kept Renoufs translation, 

" strength," but I believe the sense is the same as before : " solid 
ground, dry land, continent (Feste, Brugsch)," as we find in this 

sentence from the Stele at Abusimbel : /wvaaa n \\ 

OJ Y T^^^-^^M "the mountains, the water, and 

the continents are shaken by thy name." 

4. For the mountain where the burial of Osiris takes place, see 
vignette to Chapter 186. 

6. " Mighty," Renoufs translation. I should prefer ** distin- 
guished, eminent," see note 2, Chapters. 141-3. 

8. The light kindled for his ^a (see Chapter 132, A and B), 
and which gives life to the ^a. The lighting of a lamp is a symbol 
of the birth (Lep., Dcnkm.^ Ill, 74 c.) and accompanies it. 

9. For this word I have not followed Renoufs translation, 
which would have been ; the master of the words of power (see 
Chapter. 108). 

10. A name of Isis, represented as a cow, and worshipped as 
such, chiefly in the town of Apis, the capital of the Libyan nome, 
near Lake Mareotis. The bull there was Osiris, and the calf Horus 
(see note 4 on Chapter 109). 

11. See note 5 on Chapter 18. 

12. The god of abundance. 

13. nyiJ^ an unknown object : however, the sense is clear. 
This means: thou becomest the (1 W P a V^' ^^ look-out 



of the ship which is transporting victuals (see Chapters 109 and 

14. The text seems to be very incomplete here. 

Chapter of arranging the funereal Bed. 

Thy limbs have been given thee, thou takest hold of thy bones, 
I have set for thee thy limbs ; the earth is bent upon protecting thy 
flq^h. Thou art Horus who was within the egg; when thou art 
raised, thou seest the divine body (of Ra), thou marchest towards the 
horizon, to the place where thou likest to be ; and when thou art 
there, there are bailings and cries of welcome, with all (good things) 
which appear on the altar. 

Horus has raised thee when he rose himself, as he did for him 
who is in the sacred abode. 

Hail, Osiris, thou art bom twice. Ua has raised thee, Anubis 
on his mountain has caused thy bandages to grow upon thee. O, 
iV[, Ptah Sokaris grants thee to put thy hand on the ornaments of 
the divine house. 

O, N,y Thoth himself comes to thee with the writing of divine 
words ; he grants thee to direct thyself towards the horizon of the 
sky to the place where thy ka likes to be ; he has done it to Osiris 
on the night when he came forth living. 

Thy white diadem is established on thy brow. The god Nemu 
is with thee ; he grants thee to be at the head of the ? 

Hail, N., arise on thy bed, and come forth. Thou are raised by 
Ra on the horizon of the Maati in his boat. 

Hail, N,^ thou art raised by Tmu, who grants thee to endurtj 
for ever. 

Hail, N.^ thou art raised by Amsu of Koptos ; thou art adored 
by the gods of the shrine. 

Hail, N,^ blessed be thy coming in peace to thy house of eternity 
and to thy everlasting monument. 

Salutations to thee in Pu Tepu, in the shrine which thy ka 
loveth, within thy dwelling. 

Mighty is thy soul, thou' hast been raised from thy resting 


Jan. 13] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. [1904. 

couch (?), thou art greater than the victim (?) which has been 
embraced by the gods. 

Thou art like the god who begets the beings. It is admirable 
what thou createst more than that of the gods. 

Thy splendour is greater than that of the Glorified, thy spirits 
are mightier than those who are in (?). 

Hail, iV., thou art raised by Ptah Anebefres, who puts thy dwelling 
in front of that of the gods. 

Hail, N.^ thou art Horns, the son of Osiris, begotten by Ptah, 
created by Nut. Thou shinest like Ra on the horizon when he 
lighteth the two earths by his rays. 

The gods say to thee : Come, come forth, see what belongs to 
thee in thy house of eternity. 

Thou hast been raised by Rennut, the great one, who conceived 
Tmu in the presence of the circle of the gods of Nut. 

I am the second outcome of the sky, and the third of him who 
makes his light. I have come out of the womb ; I have been an 
infant like my father; there are «o perverse actions of mine in the 
various events of my lot. 

Chapter of wrapping up (the deceased) in a pure garment, 

O Tmu, Shu, Tefnut, Seb, Nut, Osiris, Isis, Sut, Nephthys, 
Horus of the two Horizons, Hathor in the great dwelling, Chepera, 
Mentu lord of Thebes, Amon lord of Nestaui, ye the great cycle of 
the gods, ye the small cycle of the gods, ye gods and goddesses 
issued from Nu, Sebek of Shet, Sejjek in all his manifold names, 
in all the abodes where his ka likes to be ; ye gods of the South and 
of the North, ye gods in heaven and on earth, grant a pure garment 
to the mighty Chu N. \ give him to be glorious by it and destroy all 
that was wrong in him. 

This pure gannent of N, has been allotted to him for ever, for 
eternity, for you destroy all that is wrong in him. 




This Chapter, which has no vignette, is found in one papyrus 
only, written for a deceased of the name of Amenophis. Its 
Theban origin is clearly indicated by the mention of Mentu and 
Amon, the two great gods of Thebes. 

Its character is different from the Book of the Dead in general. 
It seems to be part of a ritual such as the Ritual of Amon and 
Mut, with which it has a great likeness (see Moret, Rituel du mite 
divin^ ch. 6). (i) The clothing in a pure or perhaps a clean gannent, 
will be the sign that all that was wrong in the deceased has been 
destroyed by the gods. Therefore the deceased calls on ihem, 
asking them to complete this destruction in order that he may shine 
or be glorious, wearing the pure garment. 

It is alluded to in the next Chapter (fifth verse), " thou 
puttest on the pure garment, and thou divestest the apron, when 
thou strctchest thyself on the funereal bed." 

(To be continued.) 





By Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D,, 6-r. 

^Continued from Vol, XX F, page 356.) 

I will defer to another occasion the translation of the other 
inscriptions, but since my Paper was in type, further study of the 
texts has led me to make the following corrections and additions 
to it. 

(i) The "oblique line" is not a word-divider or mark of abbre- 
viation, but denotes a vowel. On the Tarkondemos boss it takes 
the place of / in M.^ X, 2, 8, and elsewhere ; similarly in M. XVI, A. i, 

we have J/ ^ ^Oi» corresponding to id.-/ in M. II, 5. As, however, 
it is sometimes attached to the character /, it cannot have been i^ but 
must have represented a closely allied sound : I will therefore make 
it e. Generally it is attached to the character along with which it 
was pronounced, but occasionally it stands alone as in M. XVI, A. i, 
and it may be either oblique, horizontal, or perpendicular {e.g,^ M. 
VI, 5). It also serves to indicate the name of an individual (i,g.^ M. 
XXI, i), a use derived from the fact that it is the cipher "one." 
" One " in Hittite will accordingly have been ^, which will give us 
the name of an additional numeral to me^ " four," and (possibly) kas^ 

(2) 0@ denotes an ideograph or abstract rather than a plural. 
At times the phonetic spelling is added after the ideograph to which 

^ M. denotes Messerschmidt*s Corpus inscriptionum Hettiticarum (Berlin, 
1900) and Appendix (1902). 

17 B 


the symbol is attached. Na is the demonstrative, so that the ideo- 
graph would signify " this-that," set back to back. 

(3) In the older inscriptions fl(g (/>., "one this" or "thing") is 
prefixed only to the title of a class of persons ; its use as a general 
word-divider came later. 

(4) The first territorial title of the king of Mer'ash (M. XXI, i) 
is Kal'kase-a-na-s^ "the Kalkasian." Kalkas must be the Kalkesh 
of the Egyptian monuments, which is localised by Maspero in the 
neighbourhood of Mer'ash. It is the classical Kilka. 

(5) ff "city," is not aras or ra. In the revised copy of the 

inscription of Jzgin (M. App,y XIX, B. 9) it is replaced by is in the 
word a-mi-is-m-a. This will explain why a-mis seems to mean " city " 
in M. XXXII, I, 2. Naturally the ideograph of **city " (which must 
also have denoted a "building," see M. XV, A. 3) would have had 
other values as well. One of these was me-s^ "city," often ideo- 

graphically represented by a combination of W and ® . Thus we 

have me-in, M. II, 2 ; min^ M. XXXII, 2 ; me-ya (used phonetically), 
M. IX, 2. Me-s, " city," is probably related to md-s^ " place." 

(6) The "boot" is often employed as a determinative, in the 
sense of "earth" or "below." In yamd^ "here," M. XI, 4, it is a 
determinative and not a phonetic ; hence my difficulties about 
assigning a value to it disappear. The only certain value it has is 
////, which must signify "the land." This explains why the suffix 
-mi'S is attached to the name of an eponymous deity of a tribe or 
country; e g., ^m-md-ur-mi-is, "the Amorite," M. VI, 3. In sar-mis^ 
"king," it may have the same force. The suffix -md-s and case- 
ending -m-a similarly denote " localit}'," and Sandanyas^ " he of the 
town of Sandes," shows that -n or -na must also have a local sense. 

(7) From M. XXXII, 5 compared with VIII, A. 3 we learn that 

\JLj has the value of ka-tu. In the first passage, accordingly, the 
word is to be read: iD.-«a-^ti-/w-iD.-;;/j-x-»/-/'-«-DET., i.e. Ana-Kattt- 
inds-mhiy " the city of the god of the land of Katu." 

In M. App.^ XXI, I, 2, CF^ interchanges with ^, as it does 

also in M. XXXII, 3, 5, where it is preceded by the determinative 
of deity. The second character, therefore, must also have the value 
oiKatu, We find it on the Obelisk of Izgin (M. App,, XIX, B. 16) 
followed by -na-is^ the whole word being Katu-na-is^ "the Cataonian," 

)AS. I3J 


As for the god Kato, who took his name from the tribe, or from 


ibe took 

name, we already knew of his existence from 
the name of the king of Rummukh, Katu-zil or Kata*nL Kali, too, 
was a king of the Que in Cilicia. 

TJie name of thti Mer ash king will thus read, Sanda-gam (lym- 
Kitiii-mi-iis-s^ ** Sanda-gam (?) of the land of Katu/' t\e.^ the Cataonian, 
This is in accordance with geographical requirements, the Cataonia 
of classical geography embracing the district over which the king of 
Mer ash held rule. 

(S) In M, VTII, A. 3, ka-ktttti^ with the suffix n-n^ is given as 
the phonetic reading of the ideograph O * That we must read 
kaiu^ and not kititift^ is shown by M. XXV, 4 (and probably also 
line 2), where the ideograph is followed l>y ka^tu. In M. XII, 3, 3, 
the name of " the god Katu," where the divine name is expressed by 
this ideogra[ih, is followed by /a, which may, however, be the 
case-ending. The same god is mentioned at Carchemish (M. XI, 
r, 5)j and probably also at Hamath (M, V, i). We can now read 
the ritles of the king of Tyana (M, XXIII» A. 2), Kkiia {fyg/iaMir) 
Kain'H{a)-s **a Cataonia n of Cilicia." 

(9) If my conjecture is right that ^ is khiia^ the second teni- 
torial title of the king of Mer'ash will be Kki/e-kitiia-gha-a-na-s^ or 
perhaps Kha/^-khaia-gka-a-na-s^ ''* of Kkaie-CHicia^^* where the Khale 
would be tht; Khali of the Assyrian Khali-rabbat, with which the 
name of the lialys may be compared, 

(10) The territorial title of the king of the Khattina (M* VII, i, 
i) is m-hifu-nas. As the Irqata of the Tel el-Amarna tablets, the 
Irqanat of Shalmaneser 11, and *Arqantu of Thothmes HI, was in 
the neighbourhood of the place where the inscription was discovered, 

we may conclude that the value of the first character QP is /r. 

{11} At the end of the inscription from Babylon (M. II, 6^ 7), 
Tuates of Kalkas, " the governor of the city of Sanda-gamas (?)," says 
that "Sondes, the lord of the city {?)" has ** founded (^ais) for the 
king the city of Kate . • " The name of the city seems to recur at 
Carchemish, M, XIII, 3- 

(12) I have confounded together two characters which ought lo 
be kept distinct, ^P^ ar or wr, and «c3Q or <3, The first 
character is found at Fraktin (M. XXX) under the arm (sar ?) and 
after the ideograph of "high-priest," the second is not a/, but gal 
(ka/) or rather gait (see M. VI, 5 compared with 4), Hence in 

19 B 3 


M. XXI, 2, and elsewhere, we have <3 without the determina- 
tive which appears in M. XI, 4. Consequently the name of the 
Ivris king is Ae-m-gale-a-s, or E-m-gale-a-s, that is to say, the *Atyy6\a^ 
and Ati/7o\<9 of Greek Cilician inscriptions. It is, I believe, the 
same name as that of the Tabal king of Cilicia in the time of Assur- 
bani-pal, which the Assyrian scribes write Mugalli. 

(13) That the horns had the value of ammd or md follows from 
M. VIII, A. 2, 3, B. 4, where we have ^ a-m-ma ^ mis, ^Jjjp (j 

tn-m-a and "440 cities" (a{?ymis) ^jp ^ -m-md-yas, ammdyas 
having the signification of ''strong," as may be concluded from the 
ideograph (the arm) of which it is the phonetic expression. Hence 
in the longer inscription of Hamath (M. VI, i), according to the 
London cast, the territorial name of "Hamath" is replaced by 

<^p <^p ^ (^) ^^ which accordingly must be read AMMA-ama- 

ti(?)-MATi. In M. V, I the name is written <^p -Jfid-ta-ya, where the 

first character will have the value of aw, the reduplicated form being 

ama. In M. V, 3 we get M -am-ya and Jf -ama-nas, that is to say 

the Ammiya, Amma or Am-Ki of the Tel el-Amarna tablets. The 
same geographical name is found in M. VI, 4 with the determinatives 
" city-region " attached to it. 

(14) The name of the city or country over which the Karaburna 
prince held rule (M. XLVI, i) recurs on a fragment from Carchemish 
(M. XII, 3, 2-3), where the md of Karaburna is replaced by am, and 
the ideograph which commences the name has the phonetic comple- 
ment da (if the copy is correct). 

(15) The ideograph ill , which is found on seals (M. XL, 5, 10), 

has the value either of isi or of / . . si, Cp. M. XXI, 4, 5, 6, where 
we have i-iD-si-ma-i (followed by d.p. Katu-mis-i Kalkaseanya-mis d.a. 
ana, " the Cataonian, prince of the Kalkasians "), i-uy-m-a-na-i and 
iD-me-is (followed by the ideograph of " king "). 

(16) My translation, **I have conquered countries," in the short 
Hamath inscriptions (M. IV, A. 2), must be slightly amended. The 
same words (with a different grammatical suffix) recur in M. V, 2 
and VI, 4, though in the first instance the phonetic complement ya 
representing the first syllable of the verb is omitted. But whereas in 



Ihe shorter inscriptions of Hamath we have_r(i- 


mae (or me\ 

9 (? 

where mae is the phonetic equivalent of the ideograph of "country," 
in \l^ 4 we read yn &=5 ^ -mist mk followed by the boot, the 

ideograph of " earthy" the place of the boot being taken by the plural 
mh in V, 2* The translation will be, " I am master of the land/' a 
list of the conquered cities being added* among which is (A}ndakalea 
'* the royal city (?) of the land of Amma»" The situation of this city 
is given us in the inscription from Kirtsh-oghlu (M, VII, 1,2), It is 
probably the Atakal of Thothmes III. 

{17) The sacred stone or cone /\ ? which helps to express 
ideographical! y the name of the goddess Iskhara, and is also attached 
to the names of objects which have a sacred character^ seems to 
have been the central object of worship in a Hittite temple, to the 
exclusion perhaps of an image of the deity. Both the Carchemish 
and Tyana kings record the restoration of one ; in M» XI, 3 we have 
** Behold (represented by a man*s head with the hand pointing 
outward), the sacred stone of the city as it was before [I restored]/* 
In M- XXXIII, A, 4 we read similariy, " the sacred stone (of Sondes, 
Sitndayastt) as it y^'3i% before anew (?) {aghas) 1 made." See also M* 
XXXII, 5i The two feet marching backward naturally denote 
ideograph ically "former,*' "before." The verb mis, with the deter- 
minative of ** building " (the plough), as w^ell as ag/tas, is met with 
also in M, Vn, I, 2, where I should translate "the floor (?) anew(?), 
the treasur>*-bag (?) and the A*affis in this temple I have(?) made/' 

(18) In M. XV, B. I the name of Carchemish is replaced by the 
sacred stone, reminding us that Hierapolis was the successor of 
Carchemish. Now the king of the Clurun inscriptions, who calls 
himself **tlie Carchemishianj*' has the same title (''of the city of the 
sacred stone ") as the king of thi^ particular Carchemish text, and is, 
I tjelieve, the same prince. He is referred to in another Carchemish 
tuxt (M, IX, 2, S^H (?)-r/'fta'S\ where I have been mistaken in sup- 
IMJsing that the word '* house " is meant. Sun (?)nas was the king, 
Khila(?)mes the high-priest. 

(19) In M. XV^, B, 2, the reduplicated ka-i-as-ka-i-as seems to 
have a passive sense, "established priest (D,P. //^ff) of these temples*^ 
(r\Vtis-i~S'S-i na-m-a), 




In my Paper on "The Monuments of the Hittites" Trans. 
S.B.A.f VII, 269), I drew attention to the rock-sculptures outside 
the Bib Billils on the south side of Antioch (Chesney : Exptdition 
to the Euphrates and Tigris^ I, p. 425) as being of Hittite origin. I 
find Aucher-Eloy {Relations de Voyages en Orient de 183Q h 1838, 1, 
p. 83) describing what is manifestly a Hittite inscription on the 
rocks surrounding the ruins of Seleucia. His words are; "Nous 
remarquons quelques caractferes hi^roglyphiques traces en forme 
d'oeil sur les rochers.'* Aucher-Eloy also slates (I, p. 160) that a 
rock-sculpture which he had seen in the Cilician Gates was destroyed 
in 1834, along with an adjoining bridge, in order, as he believed, 
to facilitate the passage of the Egyptian artillery. 

As I find that misapprehensions exist in regard to the copies of 
the "Niobe'* inscription made by Dr. Dennis and myself, I give 
•here the facts. The copy published by Dr. Dennis in the Proceedings 
•of this Society in 1881, Vol. Ill, p. 49, was made with the help of 
a ladder, which however was not long enough to enable him to get 
very near the inscription. Accordingly v/hen I was staying with 
him in March, 1881, we made an expedition to the place with two 
ladders, which we lied together, and then I mounted them, leaving 
Dr. Dennis below to see that they did not slip. The double ladder 
allowed me to reach the inscription, which is very well preserved, 
and I both made a copy and took a squeeze of it. My copy of 
the text, therefore, must supersede the earlier one of Dr. Dennis. 
I also took advantage of the occasion to examine carefully the 
head of the figure of " Niobe/* 

KoLiTOLU-VAiLA. — The inscription of Kolitolu-yaila, near the 
site of the ancient Tyriaion, has been published so incorrectly that 
it is necessary to publish it again : indeed, hardly a character in 
the copy is right, as may be seen by a reference to the annexed 








The Genealogies and Lists in NeJumiah. 
Bv Sir Henry H. Howorth. K.CJ.E., F,R,S., etc. 

The position for which I have long contended, namely, that the 
Hebrew text of the once united work, Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah, 
as it appears in the Canonical Scriptures, was deliberately edited 
and re-arranged by the Doctors at Jamnia, has been so generally 
accepted, that I think it important to press home its consequences 
somewhat further, and I propose in this paper to consider especially 
the lists and genealogies in the book of Nehemiah, which have 
been such a source of anxiety to the critics both conservative and 

The conclusion that the Greek text of the Canonical Chronicles- 
Ezra-Nehemiah in the Uncial MSS., which follows the Masoretic 
text so closely, was the work of Theodotion, and does not represent 
the Septuagint at all, is the key to many difficulties, and it sweeps 
away some impossible inferences with which our text books on 
Biblical criticism are encumbered. 

I hope that one result of it will be an attempt by some 
competent scholar to give us a new edition of all the fragments and 
remains of the texts used by Origen in his Hexapla, arranged, not as 
Field arranged them, namely, scattered over the various verses of 
the Bible, but collected together, so that each author's fragments 
may be put together and studied together. When this is done, 
Theodotion will occupy a considerable space, since, as we now know, 
at least fivt books in the Greek Canonical Scriptures came from his 
hand, and do not represent the Septuagint at all. 



Let us now turn to the lists of names and genealogies which 
form such a difficult part of the latter portion of the book of 
Nehemiah, and whose contradictions and solecisms have given rise 
to so many unsuccessful theories and efforts to find a rational 

The new postulate which I claim to bring to the solution of the 
problem is, that the solecisms and blots in question, which are 
univerkilly admitted, were not the handiwork of the original 
compiler of the work, but of the editors of the Masoretic text, and 
in all probability did not exist in the Septuagint as originally written, 
nor before the 2nd century a.d. 

Let us begin with the most fmportant and interesting of these 
lists, namely, that which occurs in duplicate in the 2nd chapter of 
the Canonical Ezra and the 7th of Nehemiah, both in the Hebrew 
and in the Greek of Theodotion Inasmuch as these two books 
once formed a continuous work, this duplication of a very long 
narrative seems to be most difficult to explain. We cannot under- 
stand how it could have occurred to the original writer or compiler 
of the work (whose narrative as given in Esdras A is both logical and 
well arranged), to commit such a solecism and absurdity, a similar 
absurdity in fact to the duplication of the last verses of Chronicles in 
the beginning of Ezra, and we are tempted to infer that, as in the 
latter case, the absurdity is due not to the original compiler of the 
work, but to the subsequent editors of it. 

As we have seen in a previous paper (Part II, pp. 5 and 6), the 
narrative in question, whatever its origin, is not in its right place in 
Ezra, but has been transferred from its original and logical place to 
one quite inconsistent with the course of events. Hence it seems 
plainly to follow that in regard to the position of this narrative 
in Ezra, the original order of the compiler of the work has been 
tampered with by the subsequent editors. I also showed that the 
narrative as it occurs in the 7th of Nehemiah is quite foreign to 
the preceding and subsequent story, and is in fact a boulder inserted 
in a matrix in which it was not originally placed. 

I have also shown that from its very terms it is impossible to 
be what it claims to be, namely, a list discovered by Nehemiah 
representing ** those who came up at the first," and inserted in his 
own memoirs by himself {vide antc^ Part IV, pp. 22 and 23). 
In addition to the arguments there used, I would refer to some 
others which I had overlooked: i, the fact that **the Tirshatha" 




is in Nt;lieniiab referred to in the third person, shows it Is no part 
of Nehemiah*s memoirs, wlikh are written in the first. He would 
not have referred to himself in such a way. Again, Ezra is specially 
named in the text as given in both recensions of the Greek of 
ITieodotion, which, as we shall see, are independent in regard to 
their MS, source, i>.. Codex B and Codices A and S. Its aljsence 
from the Hebrew is another example of the mutilation of that text, 
of which several others are known. Neither Ezra nor Nehemiah 
** eame up at the first '' as is slated in Nehemiah vii, 5, 

Whatever the %*aliie of the rest of its contents, it is clear therefore 
that the exordium in Nehemiah vii, 5, "and I found a register^ etc./' 
is spurious, and was doubtless in vented by the person or persons 
who inserted it w^here it is now found in order to disguise 
the abruptness of the transition. To use the expressive phrase of 
Wellhausen in regard to it {xfi* G.G.N. 1895, 176), **ist nur ein 
Pflaster auf ein Schnitt ; die Metnoiren Nehemias siud hier 

It is quite plain therefore that the narrative in question^ as it 
occurs both in Ezra iv and Nehemiah vii, is displaced, and not in its 
original place. Here again I would adopt the words of Rosters and 
Cheyne, with which I fully agree : "The list of those who returned 
occupies neither in E/ra nor in Nehemiah the place to which it 
rightly belongs," {Encyl. Biblica ; az-Z^jrV/i? Ezra-Nehemiah.) 

While the list in question has been displaced both in the 
Canonical Eira and Nehemiah, it seems to occupy its logical and 
original place in Esdras A, where we do not read of its being "a list 
of those who came up at the first/' but merely, "and these are they 
of Jewry that came up from Cajitivity, where they dwelt as strangers, 
whom Nebuchodonosor the King of Babylon had carried away unto 
Babylon, and they returned unto Jerusalem and to the other parts 
of Jewr)\" This is douljtless the form and the position of the 
nrirraiive as it stood in the Septuagint and in the tiuic of Josephus, 
and it makes it almost certain that the dislocation and transplantation 
of il in the Canonical Ezra and Nehemiah dates from after the lime 
of JosephuSj and was the handiwork of the Jamnia Doctors who 
constructed the Masoretic text. Whence was the narrative derived? 

While its occurrence in Esdras A is evidence that it orginally 
formed a part of the compiler's stoty', there is no good evidence that 
the list occurred at all in the original memoirs of Nehemiah, in no 
pan of which could it logically find a place. It is almost certain, 



therefore, a priori, that as it occurs in Ezra, it could not have been 
transferred thither from Nehemiah's memoirs, while it is very probable 
that it was transferred to the latter from the former. The only reason 
which has been urged against this view is the statement in the 
exordium to the narrative in Nehemiah, where Nehemiah claims to 
have himself found the list. This exordium I have shown, however, 
to be spurious. 

That the narrative in Nehemiah was transferred from and is a 
mere duplication of that in Ezra is supported by other consider- 

In the first place, the list in Ezra is more complete than it is in 
Nehemiah : compare the mention of Magbish, of Akkub, of Hagab, 
and of Asnah in Ezra ii, 30, 45, 46 and 50 ; none of which names 
occur in Nehemiah at all. 

A comparison with Esdras A is still more instructive, since the 
list there is more perfect than it is either in Ezra or Nehemiah : 
thus in verses 15 and 16 we have a clause entirely absent from the 
two latter books, namely, " the sons of Ceilan and Azetas 67, the 
sons of Azuran 432, the sons of Ananias loi, the sons of Arom 32." 
In the latter verse again, and in verse 17, we have in Esdras A the 
names of Azephurith for Hariph in Ezra and Nehemiah ; the former 
of which, says Mr. Ball, looks genuine, meaning "land of wine presses." 
In Esdras A, v, verse 19, the number 25 is attached to Kirjathiarius ; 
no number occurs either in Nehemiah or Ezra in the same place. 
In the same verse, "they of Pira" 700, occurring in Esdras A, v, is 
omitted from Ezra and Nehemiah. In verse 20 of Esdras A, v, we 
have, " they of Chadias and Ammidoi 422 ; " so in verse 24 of Esdras 
A, v, the sons of Jesus among the sons of Sanaseb is wanting in 
Ezra and Nehemiah, so is the clause, "the sons of Uta, the sons 
of Cetab," in verse 30. So again, in verses 31 and 32 of Esdras we 
have the clauses, the sons of Chaseba, the sons of Azara, the sons 
of Pharacim, and the sons of Coutha, none of which occur in Ezra 
or Nehemiah, but compare Kings xvii, 24. Again, in verse 34 of 
Esdras v, we have the clause, "the sons of Sarothie, the sons of 
Masias, the sons of Gar, the sons of Addus, the sons of Suba, the 
sons of Apherra, the sons of Barodis, the sons of Sebat," none of 
which occur in Ezra or Nehemiah. So also in verse 38 we have 
the clause, Addus (? Jaddua or Iddo) and Augia (? Hagiah), which 
are similarly absent from the other two writings. 

On the other hand, two names, which look like duplications, are 


JaX ij] unconventional VIEV\^ on eiBLE text, [igj*. 

wanting in Esdras A, Thus in Ezra ti, 7, and Nehetniah vii, 12, we 
have the entr^^, **the children of Ebm 1254/'' and in Ezrn ii^ 31, 
Nehemiah vii, 34, "the children of the other Elam 1254," This 
latter entry is omitted in Esdras A. Similarly, in Ezra ii, j 1, we 
have, the children of Harim 320, and in verse 39 the same phrase, 
with the number loiy. In Nehemiah vii, 35, the same duplication 
of the name occurs with the same number. In Esdras A^ v, 25, one 
entry is contained, Harim being spelt Carme, but the other is 

These variants make it plain that the list in Esdras A^ v, differs 
tuaterially, and is altogether much more complete than those in Ei:ra 
and Nehemiah, and could not have been copied from them. It is 
plain that the list in Nehemiah therefore could not have been the 
source of that in Ezra and a fortiori of that in Esdras A. It is not 
possible to copy a complete text from a mutilated and imperfect 
one. This seems conclusive, and it sweeps away the arguments of 
those who have vainly urged that the list in Nehemiah was the 
source of that in Ezra, and represents it in its original form. It& 
close resemblance to the^text in Ezra, and its remoteness from that 
in Esdras A, points to its having been a copy of that in Ezra, which 
represents the text favoured at Jamnia, rather than of the more com- 
plete text from the Septuagint, preserved for us in Esdras A» On 
this point Smend says : *'An einer Reihe von Stellen stimmtdagegen 
3 Esra V mit Nehemiah vii gegen i Esra ii, meistens wird da der letzere 
Text im Unrecht sein. So wird v. 7* Azaria gegen Seraia durch 
pi^fl jo*^ geschiitzt, der 1 Esra ii uebergangene Nachmani durch fi'^i/cov. 
Von untergeordneter Bedeutung ist die Uebereinsiimmung in der 
Setzung der Copula f. ir, 61, und in den Kleinigkeiten v. 45-63, 
wichtiger is schon, dass 3 Esra zu z\ 26, 28, 29, die Lesart ausehe 
bezeugl, Ueberdies fmdet sich Ueberein stimmung in den Zahlen 
2U %\ 15, 67,'' (Smendj 1% and 16.) 

We will now turn to a still more striking proof that the narrative 
we are discussing in Nehemiah was taken froni Ezra* At the end of 
the narrative in question in Ezra, wiiich occupies the whole of 
chapter ii, we have the exordium to a fresh narrative, forming 
&rse T of chapter iii, in these words, *' And when the seventh month 
ras come, and the children of Israel were in the cities," etc. If we 
turn to the first verse of the eighth chapter of Nehemiah, which also 
immediately follows the narrative in question, we have the same 
exordium. Thus we read : ** And when the seventh month was come 





the children of Israel were in the cities." What is very curious, and 
has been too little noticed and commented upon, however, is that 
these two exordia, which are alike in terms, are the prefaces to two 
entirely different stories in Ezra and Nehemiah. 

It is quite plain that both of them cannot be right ; in the one 
case the phrase precedes the story of Jeshua and Zerubbabel building 
the altar, and in the other of Ezra addressing the people. On turning 
to Esdras A, where the narrative occurs, as we have seen, in its natural 
and original place, we shall see that the exordium in question is 
rightly placed in regard to what follows in Ezra, and not in Nehemiah, 
and the only available explanation of the facts is, that the latter was 
taken from Ezra, and the scribe who took it over, took over a verse 
too many belonging to an entirely different story, and hence enabled 
us to trace this boulder to its original place. This is surely un- 

Lastly, I would remark that the list in Nehemiah is not at all 
what it is stated in its exordium to be. The list has been misunder- 
stood by those who have accepted its recension in Nehemiah for the 
original. It is in no sense a list of those who came up at the first, 
as is there stated, but of the various leaders and their followers who 
went back at different times. Thus it includes Zerubbabel and 
Jeshua. It also includes Nehemiah and Azariah, which last name is 
only a form of Ezra, and ought doubtless to be written Ezra here, as 
we can see from Esdras A. It includes also Nahamani, which, as we 
can see by the same appeal, is a corruption, and ought to be Hananiah, 
as it also reads in the Syrian version. It includes Mordecai, who is 
elsewhere only mentioned in the book of Esther. There is nothing 
** about coming up at the first" in the exordium to Ezra ii, and it 
clearly contemplates the list as one referring not to Zerubbabers 
companions, but as comprising the various bands of emigrants, as 
does the list in Esdras A, thus furcher proving that the sophisticated 
copy is the one in Nehemiah, and that it has been transferred from 
Ezra, doubtless by the same hands who broke up and dislocated the 
two books in other places. 

When it was taken over, it was altered in more than one place, to 
accommodate it to its own preface. Thus in verses 70, 71 and 72 of 
Nehemiah vii, where the gifts are specified, it is implied that they 
were given by Nehemiah and the rest of the people, that is long after 
the temple was built ; while in the rescensions given of the same 
text in Ezra ii and Esdras A, 5, it is expressly stated othen^'ise, 



The former says, " they were given for the House of God to set it 
up in his placed' while in the latter it says, "they gave the gifts 
when they voived to sd up Uu house again in his oivn place according 
to their ability," that is to say, the gifts were made, not in the time 
of Nehemiah, long after the temple had been finished, but in that 
of Zerabbabel, when it was being built, and to supply part of the 
funds for building it, which is of course very much more likely. 

The use and repetition of the word Tirshatha in Nehemiah vii 
is another proof of its having been moulded by the hands of the 
redactors of the Masoretic text, to whom we have traced the word 
in Ezra ii in the previous paper. 

It was these same editors who were doubtless responsible for the 
interpolation in the Hebrew of Nehemiah vii, verse 70, of a clause 
not contained in Ezra ii, namely, **The Tirshatha gave to the 
Treasury a thousand darics of gold, fifty basons, five hundred and 
fifty i.Tiests' garments." This is confirmed from the fact that in the 
Greek of Nehemiah, /.^., in Theodotion's version, the interpolated 
clause reads quite differently, namely, "and part of the heads of 
families gave unto the Treasury to Neemias, for the work, a thousand 
pieces of gold, fifty bowls, and thirty priests' garments." This clause, 
which is so much to the glory of the National Jewish hero of later 
times, Nehemiah, would hardly have been altered by the writer of 
Ezra ii if he had known it in the form it takes in Nehemiah, and it 
seems undoubtedly a subsequent interixjlatipn, probably made when 
the clause was transferred. The form of the word darkemonim, in 
which the /// suggests it's derivation from the Greek drachma, is 
another bit of evidence for its quite late date. 

( To be continued. ) 



By Stanley A. Cook, M.A. 

Of the importance of Semitic epigraphy it is scarcely necessary 
lo write at length. Apart from questions relating to palaeography 
— and I need only mention the problem of the origin of the 
alphabet — we may recollect, in the first place, thai the inscriptions 
are of particular interest because ihey preserve specimens of 
dialects of which we have otherwise no — or, at the least, very 
imperfect, information. The South Arabian inscriptions of the 
Minseans and Sabaeans are of great value for ihe comparative 
study of the South Semitic dialects, and no one can claim to 
possess a thorough acquaintance with Hebrew or Biblical Aramaic 
who possesses no knowledge of Phoenician or the Nabatsean and 
Palmyrene inscriptions. The study of Semitic onomatology would 
be seriously handicapped had we not the evidence of the proper 
names which the inscriptions so abundantly furnish, and how 
important these names may be for the religion and thought of the 
early Semites is recognised by nearly all recent writers. Finally, 
as regards the archaeological and historical interest of Semitic 
epigraphy, it will suffice merely to allude to such treasures as the 
Moabite stone and the Siloam inscription, and to observe that 
questions relating to the Sidonian dynasty, the rise of Aramaean 
power in North Syria, and even the theory of a North Arabian 
land of Musri (= Misraim), which in some cases has been wrongly 
taken to refer to Eg>'pt, are only a few of the interesting points 
upon which Semitic inscriptions have a very important bearing. 

Semitic epigraphy is rapidly coming to the fore, and the time 
cannot be far distant when it will be recognised that it must rank 
as an independent study. It is not enough to possess a working 
acquaintance with Hebrew, Syriac or Arabic. The aid of 


JAK. 13] 



Assyriology must not unfrequcntly be enlisted, and it is curious to 
remember ihat the so-calkd ** Aramaic dockets," so fjr from serving 
to corroborate cuneiform readings, are sometimes so obscure that 
they can only be deciphered or interpreted by the help of the 
accompanying Assyrian contracts. Again, the (ireok and Uitin 
JnEcriptions from Paksline timst also be consulted, since they not 
rarely provide us with the pronunciation of Semitic names, and 
from their contents enable us to clear up obscure allusions in some 
Semitic inscription. 

Scarcely a month passes that does not bring with it the announce- 
ment of some newlydiscovered Semitic inscription^ or a fresh 
discussion of obscure imssages in inscriptions that have long been 
known. Readers of the Prt^^itdings nre aware of the pubh cation of 
a Hebrew biblical papyrus, the oldest known fragment of its kind,^ 
alK> of an interesting Aran>aic papyrus edited by Mr. A* E. Cowley. 
All readers, however, may not know that other Aramaic papyri, of 
equal value, have been lately edited by the Marquis de Vogiie and 
by Professor Euting, and that in one we meet with the familiar 
tiplifayf^ the ** sheriffs" of Dan. iii, 2, a word whose etymology 
appeared so hopeless, that it had even been regarded as a corruption. 
Most have heard of the remarkable Zenji rli inscriptions, but few, 
perhaps, are aware of a fragment of the time of Shalmaneser H, 
which is valuable not only by reason of its great age, but also 
because it explains a doubtful phrase in the " bnilding-inscription " 
of Barrekub. 

I propose in these pages to contribute occasional notes upon 
Semitic epigraphy generally. Some of these will bear upon the 
subjects already referred to above, others will relate to philological 
deuiib, and in one instance (§ r below) the maleri.d will consist of a 
photograph of a well-known Egyptian stele with an Aramaic inscrip- 
tion, of which previous copies were wanting in accuracy. Finally, 
attention witl be paid to unedited inscriptions^two or three of 
which have already been placed in my hands— and for this purpose 
the Secretary has kindly promised to fon\^ard to me any squeezes, 
photographsj or drawings which he may receive.^ Even when an 

* Sc« Piiwttdinj^ti Jflnimt}", J90J. This Ireastirtv now called after lis donor, 
the ''Nash i'apyrQS," has f<tuncl si rcstltig-piace in ihe Univcrsiiy Libmry, 
^- Camlmdge. 

^1 ^ It is desirable that in every case it should be stated where and when Ihe 

^H imcriptiorv in question ws.s found. 

H 33 c 



inscription proves too obscure, there is always the possibility that, 
by publishing it, others may be able to suggest a probable reading, 
or interpretation. 

I. Egyptian Slab with Aramaic Lettering (see Plate). — 
The so-called S/eia Saliiana was acquired by Henry Salt in Egypt, 
and first appears to be mentioned by Giovanni d'Athanasi, Brief 
Account of Discorenes in Egypt^ etc, (London, 1836), in the 
"Catalogue of Mr. Salt's Collections," p. 185, No. 429 (reproduced 
on tab. iv).^ It was again reproduced by Gesenius, Scripiurct 
linguceque PhcenicicB Monumenta (Leipsic, 1837), tab. 29; 
(/; p. 232 sq., No, Ixxii, and again by Professor Clermont-Ganneau, 
Revue ArcheologigtUy vol. xxxvii, p. 34 (1879), who designates it 
La Stele Forman, It would seem that at Salt's sale it was bought 
by the poet Rogers, and thence, after passing to Mr. Charles 
Forman, and to his sister, Mrs. Burt, of Dorking, it ultimately was 
sold by auction last year (1902). The slab has already found a 
place in the Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum, Aramaic division 
(part II), No. 143, with a plate on tab. xiv, and since in no instance 
are the reproductions entirely trustworthy, it has seemed desirable 
to present a photographic representation (which I owe to Mr. Nash) 
from the original stone. 

As regards the inscription, the final character has a minute tail 
(imperceptible on the photograph), and at first sight one might be 

tempted to read I^n^l^tT- The heads of ^ and "^ are always, with 
rare exceptions, closed in Phoenician inscriptions, whereas in Aramaic 
they begin to open about 700 B.C. But for several reasons it is clear 
that the lettering on the Stele Salfiana is Aramaic, and under these 
circumstances the only possible reading, as all previous editors agree, 
is ^n^Dtt^- The script agrees generally with the Egyptian-Aramaic 
forms illustrated in Proceedings, 1903, Plate III, col. i, facing p. 56, 
and is a later development of the Old Aramaic forms reproduced by 
Mr. Pilcher in Proceedings, 1897, Plate II, cols. 1-3, facing p. 172. 
The closest resemblance is found in the Carpentras stele (C./.S. ii, 
141),- where, too, the ^ has not only the same triangular shape, but 

^ Mr. Nash points out that the drawing is by no means correct, as can be 
seen by comparing it with the photograph ; the artist in his drawing has finished 
details which the sculptor had left incomplete. 

- Driver, Nofes on Samuel, pp. xviii-xx (with plate) ; Lidzbarski, Handbuch 
der iiordsemit. Epijf., p. 448 and Tafel xxviii ; G. A. Ox>ke, Textbook of Norfh- 
Sonitic Inscriptions, no. 75. 


B0K 4n^.,/amfitfy, igo4» 


jAK. tii 




•1^0 a slight tail, and on palseographical grounds it is not improbable 
that the two m script ions are coniemporar)\ Far the dating of 
Egypt! an* Aramaic documents we have the stele of Sakkirah (W. of 
Memphis) dated in the fourth year of Xerxes, /.<?., w.c 482 (C,£S. 
ii, i22)j and the Aramaic papyrus recently edited by Professor 
Euting, Ijelonging to the fourteenth year of Darius (II, Noibus), 
i.€,^ n,c. 411-410.* Our inscription is certainly later than these, and 
Maspero has even ascribed it to the second century u.c. This, how- 
ever, appears too late, and (unles?» there are objections from the 
Egyptological standpoint) there seems to be no good reason why, 
like the Carpentras stele, it should not be a couple of centuries 

It js %'ery diflicult to determine the Interpretaiion of *^J1^?212?. 
There is little doubt that, like the inscription upon the stele CAS. ii, 
142, it is the name of the deceased, but whether Semitic or Egyptian 
(as in No. 142)'- is by no means clear* In the Phcenician inscrip- 
tions from Egypt we find among the Semitic names^ QTO^ 1 Ml^ j 
^yilTJ? (and other compounds of hv2\ M"D. \TVi:^ ; Egyptian, 
on the other hand, appears in riDlb^ 7l?£ » nJlDTiy ^ ^c. In the 
Aramaic, ntS^nH. my. imJ. ^12^22^ y^mn^. D^tl^j 
^7D3t*T rat^T ^rid probably ri-2i TWl^ and l^^H^ are Semitic;'* 
whilst Egyptian forms appear in HPf^* ]*DDN^ MlTl^ ^EPin* IDJID* 
tt?£]'ll3E t 1D311DH T pDt2D (and other compounds of tDO> Un- 
less any Eg)^tian derivation of ^JV^XI? can be suggested, it seems 
best to look for Semitic analogies^ in which case Jt is open to connect 
the name with the Nabataean Jl'>n^* C*Z5* ii, 105, h 3 (reading 
uncertain), and '\nDU*> ii* 414- The Greek fTQ^mtnthf (Waddiiigton, 
2257, cp. 3308) probably represents a root with a guttural for the 
third letter, and is iherefoTe out of the question. 

* NMkc sur un f^pytni ^j^^&'Jrami'^n di /a iUidhiMqttn /fft^rm/e de 
Siratsimtr^ {l*Ajh^ 1903). 

* The n$imc is *Anh'liapi son of Ta-t^abis. 

* Cp* at&o Piih^edin^f 1 903, pp, 259"263. 




By Prof. W. M. Flinders Petrie, D,C.L., F.R.S,, 6-^. 

In making some very brief notes of new considerations about 
this period, I wish to say that it is fruitless to criticise them in this 
form, as necessarily the arguments cannot be stated fully here. 
These notes are only to help students with suggestions, and not to 
defend the positions proposed, for which there is often much more 
to be said, which will appear in my ** History." 

Maat-ncferu-ra. — The Egyptian name of this Hittite princess has 
hitherto only been taken in its literal meaning; but as it is the 
name of the last hour of the night, the young princess had the 
poetical name of ** Dawn." 

Libyan Invasion under ATerenptah, — The gathering of the Libyans 
was in March ; the news of the invasion came in the beginning 
of April ; the invaders came in touch with the Egyptians on the 
25th April, and the battle was 27th April. They had timed the 
invasion to seize the ripe crops, as \\ heat harvest begins 2nd May 
in the Delta. The battle was not in the oasis, as has been sug- 
gested, as after the king fled the frontier garrisons sent back news 
of his flight past them. Brugsch was then right about Prosopis ; 
and the strategy of Merenptah was excellent. He waited for the 
Libyans at the point where cultivation west of the Nile ceases ; 
they could not advance without crossing the river. He then let 
two days pass for them to assemble, so as to give a crushing defeat. 
And then he began by the archers slaying ihc enemy for six hours, 
and afcer they were thus disorganised, and trying to avoid the 
Egyptians, he let loose the swordsmen and chariots. This was 
exactly the tactics of another aged general against a barbarian host, 
Narses at the slaughter of the Frankish host at Casilinum. 

The Libyan Alliance. — As we must recognise the -sha termina- 
tion as ethnic, the names were the Aqayua, Turi, Leku, Shardena, 


jAlf, 13} NOTES ON THE XIXtk AND XXth DrNASTIES, {1904. 

and Shaklu, allied to Ihd Lebu and Mashaua» The Mashauai all 
agree, are the Maxyes in southern Tunisia ; see also Maxulae near 
'Carthage. It is therefore in that region that we ought first to look 
for the other names. 

The Sikeli were only a day*?i sail from Tunis, in Sicily, and the 
Sardmi less than two days* sail away in Sardinia, There h no reason 
whatever for looking a ueek's journey distant m Asia Minor, to the 
inland Sa galas sos to account for the tirst name, Sicily and Sardinia 
are the next lands to the Maxyan region. May not the Aqayua be 
seen in the names Agbia behind Carthage, Agabrs (ii'^E.), and 
EI Aghwat {$'^ E.) ? There is nothing to show that they were not 
a Libyan tribe. 

The Leku are, of course, Lykians, But the Turi '■ of the sea " 
have not been certainly identified. May I hey not be a sea folk who 
left their name at Thyrea and Tyros in E, Lakonia, Thera, and 
Tylissos in Crete? The Mashaua, Turi, and Shaklu, arc all of the 
same type of tace on the sculptures of Medinet Habu ; probably all 
Algerine corsairs. 

Clmf of tkt XlXtk Dynasty. — The monuments suffice to abso- 
lutely prove the generally accepted order, Sety II, Amenmeses, 
Tausert, Siptah, and Set-tiekht. The stele {Denk. Ill, 50 1 c*) 
reused by Siptah, caimot have been cut by Sety I, as has been said, 
because the king on it adores Sety I and Ramessu II as gods. 
We must then conclude that Amenmeses by a bad pun changed his 

cartouche from o U f'^^ to 


F^^^ during his brief reign. 

Now Sety 11 was heir of Merenptah. His wife was Takhal, as 
shown on his statue in Cairo. He was probably born about 1370 
B.C. J and in 1247 ac. a princess Tak hat is named as one of the 
last known daughters i)^ Ramessu XL It is probable therefore that 
Sety II married his aunt, who was younger than himself. And the 
mother of Amenmeses was Takhat, whom we must suppose to be 
the same queen. 

Amenmeses, in the ttele referred to above, states that he was 
brought up at Kheb(El Heybeh) ; and (as Eiseniohr showed) Siptah 
lakes the name "rising in tCliclx" Probably the crown prince Sety 
lived there, and his sons grew up at Kheb. 

In Tausert's tomb below Siptah 's name are traces of a name 
vhich can only be that of Sety IL She, then, was associated with 
rty II as a queen, yet never named *^ royal mother;" and so there- 



fore his daughter, not wife. Setnekht was a son of Sety II 
apparently, by the royal genealogy of Ramessu III. 

Thus the family history and feud was much like that of 
Tahutmes I and his children. Sety II adopted Tausert as his 
heiress and co-regent, and she began her tomb as such. On his 
death Amcnmeses, his son, seized the power. Tausert got a Delta 
man Bay (see Ba neb daddu) to come and upset Amenmeses and 
put up Siplah, who agreed to share the throne ; and the tomb of 
Amenmeses was erased. After the death of Siptah she reigned 
alone (see Cairo ostrakon) like Hatshepsut. But the whole land 
was so disorganised by these feuds, that the third brother Setnekht 
took the reins, and, with his vigorous young son Ramessu III, set 
affairs in order. By the chronology deduced from the royal nativities 
we reach B.C. 1 203 as the close of Tausert, and Africanus set her at 
1 198 by his reckoning of the Trojan war. Thus our present dating 
is practically that of the uncorrupted and complete text of Manetho. 

The sons of Ramessu III. — Sethe has endeavoured to show that 
the list of princes at Medinet Habu begins with the son of 
Ramessu III, and goes on with the family of Ramessu IV. His 
main reason is that a Pa-ra-her-amif is known as eldest son of 
Ramessu III ; and yet the same name comes far on in the list of 
princes, and so cannot refer to the same person. But this name is 
put next after the princes who had reigned at the time of carving 
the list, a very probable position if he had died as heir apparent. 
Also he is followed by Mentu-her-khcpshef, whose tomb is among 
the kings' tombs, only just begun, showing that he too had been an 
heir who died before coming to the throne. The other reason 
given for dividing the princes, is that the mother of Ramessu VI 
is not called royal wife, in the portions of her tomb that remain ; 
but there are other instances of partial titles, which show that this 
is not conclusive. Against any divisions of the list of princes into 
two families there is the obvious equality of treatment of the whole 
row bearing similar titles. And when wc look into the genealogy, 
there is but 120 years (131 8-1 198 r..c.) between the nativities of 
Ramessu II and VI. This will do well enough for five generations, 
with one of ihem a 13th son, another a third son, and another a 
second son, leaving thus about 20 or 22 years to an eldest son 
generation. But if we require an additional generation by taking 
Ramessu VI as a grandson of Ramessu III (as Sethe does), it would 
make the generations shorter than any series known. Hence it 



seems far more likely that the whole row of princes at Medinet 
Hahu are sons of Raracssu III. 

Now Erman had pointed out that not only those with cartouches 
had reigned, but that some of ihe other names farther on in the 
list agree to later Ramessides. I see no reason why the whole 
series should not be the kings of this dynasty. The beginning of 
the dynasty is well fixed, and the end cannot run on as far as 
Maspero suggests, because of the XXIst dynasty and the date of 
Shishak. Hence there is no difficulty in the following equivalents 
for the princes after those with cartouches : — 

List of Princes, 
Mery Atmu 
Mery. Amen. 

Mery Atmu. 
Kha.em.uas, R. X. 
Amen.her.khepshef, R. XI. 
Mery.Amen, R. XII. 
And the presumptive ages will not exceed the following years, 
and may easily have been less : — 



1 Age. 

i Acceded. 




Ramessu III 

.., 1224 





1 170 


Pa. ra. her. am if 

.... 1204 




M ent u. her. khepshcf 

..| 1202 


1 - 




Ramessu IV 



! 1171 


1 165 


„ V 

..1 1 180 


1 165 


1 161 


„ VI 

.. II98 




1 156 


,. VII ... 


i 40 

1 "56 

I ? 



„ VIII ... 

1 194 

' 39 

! "55 

I ? 



Mery Atmu 

.. 1 192 


j 1154 




Ramessu IX 

1 154 

I ? 


M X 

..! 1190 






„ XI 

... 1188 

1 53 





„ XII ... 

1 186 


1 129 


1 102 


Rise of ihe Priest Kings. — The unnatural arrangement of a long 
series of brothers succeeding in this way can be explained when we 
look to the rise of the priest-kings. So far as we can glean from the 
dates of the high priests, Amenhetep was probably born about 1190, 
and it was he therefore who apparently married Aset, the daughter 
and heiress of Ramessu VI, at about 11 60 or 11 56 b.c. During 
her father's life she must have been young by the family history, 
and yet she was married, and Divine wife of Amen, before his 
.death (Kopt'js stele). What had led to such a marriage was 



Amenhetep being tutor to the princes and familiar at court. 
(Mariette, Karnak, 40, i). Looking to the order of events, the 
young son of the high priest, born about 1190, becomes court tutor 
about 1 7 TO B.C., and by 11 60 or so he marries the daughter and 
heiress of the king. Such a marriage gave his children royal rights ; 
and though doubtless the king s brothers might give assent only on 
condition that their rights were not impaired, yet Amenhetep would 
lake good care that the succession should not slip away to their 
children. This title of Aset as Divine wife of Amen, and Divine 
Adoress, has been overlooked historically till now ; but it clearly 
implies that she was married to the high priest, as these titles do 
in the series of later queens from this time on; and it clearly 
legitimated the succession of the XXIst dynasty. Herhor then had 
the full royal rights which he claimed. 

The Libyan alliance against Ramessu III, — The names in this 
alliance of tribes have not yet been identified beyond the Mashaua 
and the Lebu — Maxyes and Libyans. On searching the whcle 
region of Norfh Africa in ancient geography, five out of the seven 
other names are all found closely together to the west of the Maxyes, 
and the sixth may lie some 500 miles west of these. None of the 
names can be equally well identified with any other positions ; and 
hence the close grouping of them is a strong evidence that the 
classical equivalents, which are only some 600 or 800 years later 
than this war, really show the position of the tribes. It is possible 
that the whole body of tribes had drifted westward together; but as 
they were a large bjdy of people with flocks and herds, they are 
more likely to have belonged to a considerable region such as Algiers 
and Tunis, ihan to the scanty belt of cultivation of Cyrenaica. 

The connections of the names are as follows :— 

Tamahu Tama-suna, 4° 40' E. ; Tama-nnunu, 5^; 

Tama-gada, Tinv^ad^ 6i^. 

Ledu Libyca, lake 8^-9^. 

SuPDU, Saratu Suptu, 6^^ ; Tubu-suptus, 4° 50'. 

Mashaua Maxyes of S. Tunisia, 9'^- io*^. 

BuRERU Bararus, lo"^ 40'; Bure, 9° 20'. 

Shavtep Sitifis, Setif^ 5^^. 

Hasa Auzia, 3" 40' ; Ouaza-gnda, 5^°, etc. 

Baqana Bokanon, 6° W., near Fez. 

The Zakkaru — These people in the Syrian alliance have been 



supposed to belong to Cyprus. But the name strongly suggests 
Zakro at the eastern end of Crete. 

The Harris papyrus, — The motive of this papyrus has not been 
hitherto explained ; yet the statements about it seem tolerably clear. 
The king states that he addresses all the gods and goddesses. He 
then recites all that he had done for the gods. And lastly, that on 
that date, Epiphi 6, he is going down to the underworld, and every 
power and right of his belongs to his son, toward whom every man 
and god must act as they have done to Ramessu III. This can 
only mean that this is the justificatory speech of the king, for him to 
recite in the judgment of Osiris, stating his claims to the favour of 
the gods on every ground that he could name. One collateral 
evidence of this is in the dates. If the papyrus is dated on the day 
it states, when Ramessu III descended to the underworld, then from 
his death on Epiphi 6 to the coronation of his son on Thoth 15 
there elapsed 73 days ; and this just allows for the 70 or 72 days of 
the embalming and mourning, and the day of burying. Thus there 
was an interregnum of court mourning before the coronation of a 
new king, which agrees with what we know to have been the funereal 
custom long before and long after this date. In the first dynasty an 
interregnum of 45 days is shown by the dates on the Palermo stone* 



The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 
37, Great Russell Street, London, W.C., on Wednesday, 
February loth, 1904, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper 
will be read : — 

Dr. Pinches: "Sapatu, the Babylonian Sabbath ** 








Second Meetings lOth February ^ 1904. 
F. D. MOCATTA, KS,A,, Vice-President, 



January, 1904. — S. A. STRONG. 

[No. cxcv.] 43 


The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author, the Rev. C. Boutflower.— " The Chaldeans of 
the Book of Daniel " — and " Chaldean Princes on the throne of 

From the Author, M. G. Legrain.— " The Great Stele of Amen- 
hotep II at Kamak." 

From the Author, the Rev. Dr. Lowy. — "A critical examination 
of the so-called Moabite Inscription in the Louvre." 

From the Author, Dr. Pinches.— " The Old Testament in the 
light of the Historical Records of Assjrria and Babylonia." 
2nd edition. 

From the Author, Prof. Dr. A Wiedeman. — "Die Rassen im 
Alten Agypten.'* 

From the Author, Dr. Oscar von Lemm. — **Das Triadon" and 
**Der Alaxanderroman bei den Kopten." 

The following Candidates for Membership were elected :- 

E. H. Williams, Junr., Andover, Mass., U.S.A. 
J. Thin, 54, South Bridge, Edinburgh. 

The following Paper was read : — 

Dr. Pinches : " Sapattu, the Babylonian Sabbath." 

The Paper was discussed by Sir H. H. Howorth, Dr. 
Deichcs, Rev. Dr. Lowy, Mr. Rouse, Dr. Caster, Mr. Tuck- 
well, and the Chairman. 

Thanks were returned to Dr. Pinches. 


Fct, IO] 



By Prof, Edouaro Naville^ ACZ,, &'a 

{Continued fi^m page 16,) 


Btginning €f the Chapter of redting the ceremonies made in tiw 

(1) . . < . - . with bet incense, I inhale the smell of natron and incense 

I have been purified through the sacred utterances 

coming out of ray mouth, I am pure verily of the fishes in 

the river, towards the statue In the house of purification ; they are 
pure the words oi N. 

Bles&ed be thou, N., thou ait well pleasing to Ptah, well pleasing 
to Anebefres, well pleasjrig to all gods, well pleasing to all goddesses* 
Thy beauties are like a quiet streanrii like the choicest water; thy 
beauties are like a festival hall in which everyone exalts his god; 
thy b^^uties are like the pillars of Ptah, like the shoots of the 
maut (2) plant of Ra* N. is the pillar of Ptah and the ewer of 

O (3) thou who art called aloud, thou who art called aloud, thou 
the lamented, thou art glorified, thou art exalted, thou art glorious, 
thou art sirong. 

O thou who art raised up, thou art raised up, A^ has been raised 
up by means of all the manifold ceremonies done to him ; thy 
enemies are struck down ; Ptah has struck down thine enemies, thou 
art victorious and thou hast dominion over them. Thy words are 
listened to, what thou hast ordered is done, thou art raised, thou 
art triumphant beforu (4) the Circles of gods attached to every god 
and every goddess. 

O thou who art called aloud (Z'/i), second verse. Thy head 

is woven by a woman from Asia ; thy face shines brighter 

than the moon ; the top of thy head is lapis blue ; thy hair is darker 
than the doors of the Tuat, thy hair is black like the night ; thy 
forehead Is adorned of blue ; the rays of Horus are on thy face. 
Thy garments are of gold \ Horus has decked them with blue ; iby 

45 R^ 

Feb, io3 



eyebrows, the two sisters joined together ; Horus has adorned them 

with blue ; thy nose inhales the perfume of and thy nostrils 

are like the winds in the sky- 

Thy eyes are the seers of the hill of Bachau, thy upper eyelids 
are enduring for ever ; their lashes are of real lapis ; ihy pupils are 
pleasant gifts, and thy lower eyelids arc painted with antimony. 

Thy lips utter for thee words of truth, they repeat the words of 
truth of Ra which are well pleasing to the gods- Thy teeth are the 
two heads of the serpent by which the two gods are seized, thy 
tongue is voluble ; thy voice is more shrill than that of the bird in 
the marshes ; thy ears (?) are well established at their place^ they go 
(with thee) to the land of Amenta* 

O thoa who art called aloud {^is), ihird verse. Thy neck is 
adorned with gold, it is girt with electron ; (5) thy throat and thy 
lungs are like Anubis ; (6) thy backbone is like the Uat' goddesses ; 
thy back is lined with goJd and girt with electron ; thy loins (7) are like 

Nephthys , (8) is a Nile which is flowing. Thy buttocks are two 

eggs of crystal, thy legs are well fastened for walking, thou art sitting 
in thy place *♦,*.* thou hast received from the gods thy two eyes. 

O thou who art called aloud {/v>), fourth verse. 

Thy throat is like Anubis, ihy limbs are necklaces made of gold ; 
thy breasts are two eggs of cry*stal which Horus has painted blue, thy 
forearms are adorned with topaz^ thy shoulders are well established 
on their base ; thy heart is happy every day, thy whole heart is the 
work of the two divine Powers, thy body worships the stars of the 
gods above and below ; for thy belly is like a calm sky, and thy 
bowels are the Tuat which nobody can fathom, and which sends out 
light in the dark night ; its offerings are eatable plants. 

He (JV.) praiseth the Majesty of Thoth, saying : the desires of 
his beautiful person take place in my tomb ; as my god commanded 
me. Every pure thing he loves is there. 

O thou who art called aloud (^jV), fifth verse. 

Thy thighs are a pond in a time of abundant inundation ; a 
pond which is lined by the chiidren of the god of water j thy legs 
which go to and fro are of gold ; thy knees are lentisks in the 
marshes ; they feet are firm every day ; thy shin-bones lead thee on 
the right path. 

Thy arms are pillars on their bases ; thy fingers are * ... of gold ; 
their nails are like knives of flint in what they do for thee* 

O thou who art called aloud {^is) .... 




Feb. io] 



TI10U put test on the pure garment and thou divestest thy apruii 
when thou strelchest thyself on the funereal bed ; haunches are cut 
for thy ka^ and a heart is offered unto thy mummy. Thou receivest 
a bandage of the finest linen from the hands of the attendant (9) ot 
Ra : thou eatest on thy resting couch bread whtch has been baked 
by the fire goddess herseh ; thou eatest the haunch, thou seiEest the 
meat which has been prepared by Ra in his holy place; thou washest 
ihy feet in silver basins made by the skilful artist Sokans \ thou 
eatest bread placed on the altar, and prepared by the holy fathers, 
thou livest upon baked cakes and hot drinks from the store-house ; 
ihou inhalest the smell of flowers ; thy heart is not reluctant at the 
sight of offerings ; thy ministrants make for tht^e the loaves and the 
cakes of the Powers of Heliopolis ; and they ihemselves bring thee 
the sacred things ; thy offerings have been chosen for thee ; and thy 
ordinances are in the gates of the Great Dwelling ; thou risest like 
Sahu and thou arrivest like the morning star ; Nut stretches forth 
her arms towards thee ; Sahu, the son of Ra, and Nut, the mother 
of the gods, the two great gods of the sky, they speak one to 
mother saying : lake him in thy arms ; I have brought in my arms 
the form of JV, In the hapipy day when he is glorified, when his 
memory is ref^orded, when he is in the mouth of all generations. 

Thou, raised one, thou hearest how thou art glorified throughout 
all thy house. 

O ihou who . . . . . . seventh verse. 

Anubis has given hrm his shroud ; he has done all that pleased 
aim ; the high-priest has pre[>ared his ribbon ; for he is the 
(rovider{?) of the great god ; thou goest and washest thyself in the 
lake of Perfection, thou m-ikest offerings in the house of the gods 
of the sky, and thou propitiatest the lord of Heliopolis ; thou 
receivest the water of Ra in ewers, and milk in large vases. 

O thou raised one, thou makest offerings on the altar, and thou 
washest thy feet upon the stone of ..,..., on the banks of the 
divine lake ; thou comest forth and thou seest Ra upon the four 
pillars which are the arms of the sky ; on the head of Anmutef, and 
on the arms of Apuat who opens for thee the path ; thou seest the 
horizon where are all the sacred things which thou desirest. 

O thou who are called aloud {/hs)^ eighth verse. 

All the good things have been spread out for thee, before Ra. 
Thou hast a beginning and thou hast an end as Horus and Thoth 
have ordered for thee. They call upon A^, they see how he is 


Fbb. io] society of BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1904. 

glorious, they give him to come forth like a god to meet the Powers 
of Heliopolis. Thou joumeyest on the great path as thy mummy 
has received the sacred things from thy father; thy hands are 
wrapped in linen every day ; the beginning of the journey of the 
god is at the gate of the Great Dwelling, 

O thou who art called aloud {dis), ninth verse. 

JV, Breatheth the air for his nose and for his nostrils, he receiveth 
a thousand geese and sixty baskets of all things good and pure ; 
thy enemies have been struck down ; they are no more. 


This Chapter is taken from pap>TUS London 9900 Aa, It has no 
vignette, the translation here given is that which I published in 
1873 {Zeitschrift^ 1873, pp. 25 and 81), with a few changes. 

1. Lacunae. 

2. Perhaps the ^J^ '^ which M. Loret has identified as 

being the celery {Recueil^ Vol. XVI, p. 4). 

3. Here begins a hymn, the first words of which are 

aloud," repeated twice. These words have become the name of the 
hymn, as we say the Magnificat or the Te Deum, The hymn is 

divided into nine fragments or verses, I J ^ (Renouf, Life IVorA, 

Vol. II, p. 390). 

4. Renouf s translation. See Chapter 18, § 10. Rather than 
before^ I should translate, through the action of, 

5. ** Electron " is Lepsius's translation. Renouf, who translates 
"copper," has discussed the point in a letter to Lepsius (I^ife Work^ 
Vol. II, p. 2). 

6. I believe this means made of black metal, probably silver, 
blackened by some chemical process. 

7. Papyrus Ebers ^^ "foramen ani, rectum." 

8. The text has here ^ an evident blunder. We should read 

here the phallus. 

9. Brugsch, Diet, SuppL, p. 102 1, translates '^ ^."^ *^ ^ 
aati^ " Bettenmacher." 


Feb. 10} 




7%i addresses ef Horus to his father ufhen lu goes in to see his father^ 
and when he mmes out iff his great sanduary ta see him J^d 
Unneferu^ the master of Ta-tser^ and then they emdrace one 
another ; therefore he is giorious in the JVctherrmr/d* 

Hail, Osiris ; I am thy son Horus ; I have come, (i) 

I have avenged (thee). 

I have struck down thy enemies. 

I have destroyed all that was wrong in thee- 

I have killed him who assailed thee. 

I stretched forth my hand for thee against thy adversaries. 

I have brought thee the companions of Sut with chains upon 

I have brought ihee the land of the South, I have added to thee 
the land of the North. 

I have settled for thee the divine offerings from the North and 
the South. 

I have ploughed for thee the fields. 

I have irrigated for thee thy land. 

I have hoed for thee the ground. 

I have built for thee ponds of water, 

I have turned up the soil of thy possessions, 

I have made there for thee sacrifices of thy adversaries, 

1 have made sacrifices for thee of thy cattle and thy victims. 

I have supplied there in abundance , , , . 

I have brought ihce . . . , 

I have sacrificed for thee . . . , 

I have shot for thee antelopes and bulls, 

I have plucked for thee geese and waterfowl. 

I have bound thy enemies in their chains. 

I have fettered thy enemies with their ropes, 

I have brought thee from Elephantine the fresh water which 
tef resiles thy heart. 

I have brought thee all the plants* 

I have settled for thee on the earth all thy subsistence as to Ri. 

I have made for thee bread at Pu with red gi-ain, 

I have made for thee drink at Tepu with white grain, 



I have ploughed for thee wheat and barley in the Field of Aarru. 
I have mowed them there for thee. 
I have glorified thee. 
I have given thee thy soul. 
I have given thee thy power. 
I have given thee .... 
I have given thee .... 

I have given thee the dread which thou inspirest. 
I have given thee thy bravery. 

I have given thee thy two eyes, the two plumes which are on thy 

I have given thee Isis and Nephthys, they are placed on thee. 

I have anointed thee with the offering of holy oil. 

I have brought thee the offering by which thy face is destroyed. (2) 


This Chapter is taken also from London 9900. The vignette at 
the end represents Osiris sitting in a naos. Before him are the 
offerings of fowl and cattle which Horus presents to his father. At 
the beginning the deceased is seen, with raised aims ; he is supposed 
to be Horus, and above him nre written the following words : — 
" Adoration to Osiris, Khenta Amenta, the great god, the lord of 
Abydos, king for ever, prince of eternity, the venerable god in 
Restau, pronounced by N,, I give thee grain, lord of the gods, the 
one god who liveth on justice. I am thy son Horus. I have come 
to thee. I avenge thee, I bring to thee Maat, to the place where is 
the circle of thy gods. Grant me to be among thy followers, and to 
smite thy enemies. I have established for thee thy food offerings 
on the earth for ever." 

This Chapter was first published and translated in the Zeitschrifty 
Vol. Xni, p. 83. 

1. These words are repeated before every one of the following 

2. This sentence is abridged. It is given in full by the Ritual 
at Abydos : " I have anointed thy head with the oil of the brow of 
Horus ; if it is destroyed there (on his brow) he is destroyed as god ; 
/.^., his divinity is destroyed." 

(To be continued^ 


Chapteji CLXXllI, J, a. 




Bv Theophilus G. PmcHEs, LL.D. 

As a considerable amount of discussion has been aroused in 
consequence of Professor Delitzsclvs remarks upon the sabbath in 
Babylonia^ it may not be without interest to the Members of this 
Society to know what the tablets which I have l>een able to examine 
say upon the subject^ and upon the Babylonian days of the month 
in general 

The A ssyrO' Babylonian word for Sabbath^ namely, ia^attu or 
iabatiu^ has been known to scholars for many years, and the ex- 
planation, " day of rest for the heart *' (the translation of um nuh 
/tMi), lias been frequently qu^Jted. The referring of this word and 
its explanation to the 7th, i4lh, 19th (the **week of weeks/' from 
the first day of the preceding month), 21st, and 28th days of each 
inonthj which -are described in the hemerologies as bting unsuitable 
for work, was a most natural thing to do, and the parallel, though 
not perfect, became sufhciently strikinj?. It is true that these five 
days were not described as '* sabbaths/' but as "evil days" — ti(d)' 
^ulgaliu or ^mu limnu — that is, days upon which it was wrong for 
the ** shepherd of the great peoples" and others to do ceriain things 
which are enumerated^— but the probability that they would turn out 
to be identical with the Babylonian sabbaths was very strong. 

As yet, however, their identity with them has not been established. 
The lists which give explanations of the names of the days of the 
month do not render u{ti)-hui'gai by iapatiu or iaimiiuy as will be 
seen from the fragmentary text ^ appended to this paper (see Plate). 

' See iKe tfaiislaiioti of the text referring to the 7lh day* p, 52, 

' A portion of it 15 puljH^hecl in ibe Ctinei/erm l^titrif^fmn 0/ lVestert$ Asia^ 

VoL III, pi* 56 ^ Nn, 4. Add il ions lo litis copy were identified by the writer in 

1SS9, and duplicate fragment ^ from Babylonia suliseqnenlly. 



From this it would appear, that the Sumero- Akkadians numbered 
their days straight on from i to 30 (as did also the Babylonians in 
business-documents), substituting for the 19th day the expression 
"day 20th less i." The Semites of Babylonia, on the other hand 
called the 9th day batti (&mu\ the loth iki^ti {i4mu\ the 15th 
iapattu (-ti), the 19th tdd^, and the 25th drhu daf[fi?], to which 
I have given provisional renderings in the extract. Lines 18 tD 
28, however, show that both sections of the population of ancient 
Babylonia had specific names for certain days, like the bubhulu of 
line 18, which was the designation of the 28th, 29th, and also, 
according to the Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. IV, 
pi. 23, lines 3 and 4, of the 30th day of the month, which was sacred, 
seemingly, to Nusku {^^^A-barra-dudUy dumu ii eSa-kam, H na-am = 
Nusku, mar SalaSi, bubbulum, " Nusku, the son of the 30th day, the 
rest-day" or "day of desire"). The 7th, 14th, 19th, 21st, and 28th 
days, as has been already stated, were the Mulgallu or iimu limnu 
of the hemerologies, concerning which the directions were as 
follows : — 

"The 7th day is a fast^ of Merodach and Zir-panitum, a 
fortunate day, an evil day.* The shepherd of the great peoples shall 
not eat flesh cooked by fire, which is smoked (?), he shall not change 
the dress of his body, he shall not put on white, he shall not make 
an offering. The king shall not ride in his chariot, the priestess 
shall not declare (a divine decision), in secret spot a seer shall not 
make (an oracle), a physician shall not lay his hand on a sick man, 
(the day) is unsuitable for doing business. The king shall bring his 
offering, in the night, before Merodach and iStar, he shall make a 
sacrifice. His prayer is acceptable with god." 

The hemerologies ])ublished in the fourth volume of the Cunei- 
fonn Inscriptions of Western Asia, second edition, state that the 4th 
day is an i^mu Heiu •'» of Nebo and Merodach, the 8th of Nebo only, 
and the 17th of Nebo and his consort TaSmetu ; the 19th is 
described as /M/;,^\vith the addition "of Gula," or "Bau;" the 22nd 
is called isinnu ia Xine-iraia, " a festival of the Lady of the house," 
the 23rd of SaniaS and Hadad, and the 24ih of the Lord of the 

• iV//Ai//w. 

"• Kvil probably on account of the prohibitions, disobedience to which would 
have bn^ught misfortune. 

• Cf. the list alnne, line 25. 

• List, 1. 14 : **day 20th less 1." /.«•., the 19th. 


Fbb. io] 



house and the Lady of the house {En-^-gaia u Nln-e-gaia)J It is 
the last three days of the month, which are designated by the 
term bublmlu or its non-Semitic equivalent tPna-am^^ the iSlh 
being the desirable day of Nergal in the intercalary EluU and 
of Hadad in Marcheswan ; the 29th the same of the moon. 
Several more terms occur, describing other days of the month, 
among them being nuiuitin (the 3rd, the 7 th, and the i6th, all of 
which are dedicated to Merodach and liis consort Zir-panitum). 
WTiefher this be the same word as the iftiitu (batti) of lines r i and 
t6 of the list is doubtful, though it is worthy of note that both are 
formed by means of the root itaf^ which also occurs in ia-ifat^ and, 
according to the explanation of iapattn (" heart-rest ^% implies a day 
of cessation from something or other. Whether the prefixed nu in 
Huhatiu be the non Semitic negation or not, is uncertain, the particle 
certainly had other meanings. How far it was a synonym of tlmu 
idirti\ **day of mourning," also remains to be determined 

In connection with the names of the days of the Babylonian 
month printed in the list which forms the subject of this paper, 
the following extract from S, A, Smith's "Miscellaneous Texts," 
pL XVir, line 24-XVin, line 4* is noteworthy:— 

(a) ^^"Amurru, ""^Ilu-Amurru, naS^" garni i^* bandudae^- muUilu^''^ 


(b) ^l"ReS^^(?) Same Ct ersiiim^ limu, irfeu, u Sattu, nubatti^% ftmu 

eS^Su, i^mu sib'u, i1mu hamiSSeru, iimu mana-gi-laMcam, 

(c) ^mu eSrft, (^mu ^Srdh^ni^^, ^niu bubbulu^* fimu rimki,!^ Cimu 

limnU} tlmu §eta,^Ll, aran*ka, mamit-ka, 

' IsiHUH h given in the list, line 34. 

* List, Unc 18. The iSth and 29th are called itubbttiu in the hemerologies, 
and ihi? 30th In IV.A^f,^ IV, 3 J, lines J and 4 («ee above)- The yjeneral opinion 
seems lo Vh:, that the word refers to the days when the moon is new, at which 
penod the BflljylotiiRns desired its re -appearance. As, however, huhlrufu i& used 
in cntuiection with NcTgal, Hadad^ and Nuskn, as well as the nioonj there is just 
the |>o5Stbility, that it wa.s fL day of desire as a rest-day simply, and that i^ the 
rctidering^ provisionally adopted here* 

* Translated by Zhnrnem in his Be it rage our A'eHtnrsj der Ba/fy/aniscA^ti 
AViigiofit ti Die Bes^kmarunj^i-ta/e/n Stirpu, pp. 42, 43. 

*" Var. *^-^T <yi-» ftaif\ " Var. ^^^4» ^'"^'' 

'- The duplicate omits the C||, e. *' Var, mul-UI-iti^* 

'" *T O ^]PT^ ^^^* H[ Is (if my copy be correct)- 



(d) l}itit-1^3» babUit-ka, ni§-ka, murus^^-ka, taniji-ka,^* kiSpu, nibft^o^ 

(e) up§a§u limnuti §a ameluti^^ $a ana biti-ka, ana zer!-ka, ana 


(f) ittanabSCl, ittanapriku, ittananmaru 

(g) ICl-patranikka ICl-paSranikka, l(i-passanikka. 

(a) " TA€ god AmurrUy tfu god Ilu-Amurru^ who bear the 

liberating wand (?) ; the purifying priest^ the incantor^ (and) 

(b) the divine chief Q) of heaven and earth ; day, month, and year ; 

fast, day of tabernacles (?), 7M day, 15M day, 20th day 
less 1, 

(c) 20th day, 2$th day, rest-day,-- libation day, evil day, {and) 

30M day : (from) thy sin, thy curse, 

(d) thy failing, thy misdeed, thy (evil) spirit, thy suffering, thy 

groaning, (from) sorcery, witchcraft, enchantment, (and) 

(e) evil tricks of (evil) men, which against thee, against thy housc^ 

against thy seed, against thine offspring 
(f) constantly enter, break in, flash in, 
(£) may they loose thee, may they save thee, may they free thee,^' 

The 7th day is here referred to because it was the first, and 
therefore the most important, of the "evil days" of the month, the 
15th because it was the Sapattu, the 19th because it was the week of 
weeks from the ist of the preceding month, the 20th because it was 
a sacred day of the Sungod (see the Proceedings for December, 1896, 
p. 258) and the Moongod, the 25 th because it was the festival- 
month (?), and the 30th because it was the last day of the month, 
and also one of the festivals. The uubattu, which I have pro- 
visionally rendered "the fast" simply, is not mentioned in the 
bilingual list of days, but it is explained in the Cuneiform Inscriptions 
of Western Asia, pi. 32, lines 12, 13, along with (///// k?)ispi and 

*^ Duplicate: ^^^J^, miirm. 

*^ The duplicate inserts ^ J^ ^ ^Irijc- 

^ ti^ for ^ in each case. 

amehtttu*** limnutu Sa muidti ....** evil men of the nights (?)...." The 
duplicate inserts an extra line between d and e : '-/^ ^f "gf^y ^ ^< >^y 

^ Or, "day of desire." See above. 




urn idi'r/iy **day of mourning," as being equivalent to hiif^ul t4— thsil 
is it was a day of the same nature. To all appearance every one of 
these days could save a man from all the evils mentioned, just as 
the gods and ihdr ministers could ; but the days had to be observed, 
and the ministers to be obeyed. The Babylonian was therefore saved 
by works, if not by faith* Day, month, and year, joined with the 
hea%enly and earthly powers (who naturally judged as to the man's 
worthiness), combined to deliver him from the ills to which he was 
subject in his life on earth. That their influence extended to his 
chances in the world to come, may also be inferred- 

There would seem to be hardly any doubt^ that the 7th and 15th 
days of the month were lunar periods, and as such, they are referred 
to in the Semitic Babylonian story of the Creation. In the sth 
tablet of that most important series, which describes how Merodach 
set in order the heavenly bodies, the fixing of the path and the 
phases of the moon are referred to as follows :— 

" Nannara {the moon) he caused to shine, ruling the night — 
He set him then as a creature of the night, to make known 

the days (festivals). 
Monthly, without failing, he provided him with a crowm 
At the beginning of the monlh then, dawning in the land, 
The horns shine forth to make known the seasons. 

* On the 7th day the crown perfecting, 
, . -paflu shalt thou then encounter, half (month ?)ly/ " 

My correction of the text, made several years ago, shows the 
remains of the first character of the word ending -patfu as the upper 
right-hand part of an upright wedge, pointing to the restoration TJT 
or *gy| as being at least possible, and if it be either of these 
characters which originally stood in the gap, we shall have again, in 
in this passage, the word tapaiiti^ which forms the princi[ia] subject 
of thb paper- The reason of the selection of the 15th day as the 
sabbath of the Babylonians would also be explained— it is because 
the moon rtsts at the full in the middle of the month, and the 
'* heart rest-day " would, in that case, originally have been a " mid- 

The character for "day," ^, with the non-Semitic pronunciation 
of e^ u, is also rendered by y ^ ^rjg. Sabathr,-'^ *' Sabbath,'* 

" Cumi/. Texis/r&m BaifyL Tubkis^ xii, pi. 6, K 34. 



apparently as "the ^y^ par excellence^ or as one of the great days 
of the month. 

The Babylonian sabbath would therefore seem to have been of 
non-Semitic origin, and the word was derived from the same people. 
It did not, however, remain with the Babylonians only, but took 
root with the Hebrews, who applied it to the 7th day, the " evil 
day " of the people of Akkad, making it, however, infinitely more 
strict, as well as strictly hebdomadal (which the Babylonian sabbath 
seems not to have been). Word and institution were therefore 
Akkadian in their origin, but Hebrew in their application. 

*^ '*^^S^* '' 


^^^^^^^^^^^^^^H^^^V 4 

flMAfrif.^ Ffth^ lfC}j^, ^H 



H A'^S'i K TRA?i&LAl 

ION. ^J 

H KoO'Sonilk Coluniii«3 

Noll 'Semitic Colmiiiu 

Semitic Column. 



day ^H 

■ ^ + TT -^ . 


[//</^~] a day ^^^^| 

■ 3- ^ T '1 

First day 

wh&ie day ^^^^^k 

■ 4 rr 

Seantd Day 

setmid \day^ ^^^^^L 

■ irrn ^ 

Third day 

thif\d deiy'\ ^^H 

■ 6. 4 V 

Jufurth day 

fourth [day^ ^^^H 

1 ^''^ 

Fiftii day 

fif[th day} ^H 

1 ^^ 

Sixth day 

stj^th dfiy^ ^^^^H 

■ 9- 4 ^ ^ 

Sn^euth day 

sn>eit[th da)*\ ^H 

■ ir^ 

Eighth day 

eigh{th dax'] ^^^| 

A^ififh day 

festivai do. ^^^^| 

■ >^. 4 < 4 

T^ftth day 

vigiii^) do* ^^^^H 

■ 4 <w 4 

Fiftttnth day 

Sabi^ath ^^H 

■ ir «n^ 4 

Twentitth day itss tme 


■ »5. 4 « 4 

Twtfifitth day 

twtntieih ^^^^H 

■ 4 «?? 4] 

Twenty-fifth day 

monih offfstival ^H 

4 <« 4 

Thirtieth day 


i8. 4 <t<E^ t; ^^ 

1 Day qf rest 


4 <T-:tI -T<T 

Erii day 

evii day 

4 <T-IW -T<t 

Evil day 

evii day 

-'<• ir <ii?Ei; ^rrr 

Day of iht sanctuary (?) 

day of the sanctuary (?) 

^ iT ^\^ ' 



4 t?^Tn tR :=A: 


purificatiim day 

-4. if eitJ 



4 '^T 5:4 


tabtmacie (?}-day 

ir ^4 

Day af the monih (?) 

• day if the month (?) 

n- iiB^^m^m 

1 Newyears (?) day 

nrtif-y ear's (?) day 

^^^m^^L . 

1 Day af . . . . . 

[day of] .... . 

' Bab. cg^i ■- t; 

^ §2-7-14. 3?5<i: TT"' 

*«i-a-3o.r39^ JJSl. 

proh«bly fe-rf. » 8a-J ^ 

504 I ^f h*^ ^ l'<^r>i 

[ip$ lu i)C conipkix'd ijt^^^ 

i=dfii, " lo arise," " eoinc 




Bv \V- E. Chum. 

Among the docuiiients of the corpus Juris of the Alexandrine 
church brought within general reach through Prof, Riedel's book, one 
of the most interesting is the series of 106 Canons attributed in their 
Arabic form to Basil/^ and embodied in the collection of the monk 
Macarius. If wc accept the quotations from them— derivtfd 
jKirhaps from Macarius, perhaps from some other translation — in the 
Ethiopic Faus Afa/tfastlw/ - and Fe//m A^aji^alf^^ no other version has- 
hitherto been signali^ed Yet behind the Arabic a Coptic text was, 
as Riedel observes, to be assumed and of this ren'inants are to be 
found among the disconnected fragments brought together by K 
Rossi at the end of his pubtication of the Turin Papyrij and dating 
presumably from about the 6th or 7th century.^ Revidout had 
already noticed most of them ; -^ but no translation of the Arabic beings 
then available, neither he nor Rossi was in a position to ideniify 
them, I here give a fresh translation of the fragments, rearranged 
in their Arabic sequence. Those however of the chief sections- 
now traceable in the Coptic occur at the points marked by asterisks. 
They do not a!l coincide with the Arabic divisions. The blank 
iatunae in square brackets only vaguely represent what is lost, 
Rossi's publication not allowing of exact estimates. Where the 
Arabic text (Ar) is cited, it must be understood as that of Brit, Mus*^ 
MS, Add, 7211 alone- It will be evident, even from the few phrases 
quoted, that this is far from being identical with the v*;rsion in 

' W, Ricdcl, Die Kirrkenrtfhttqneiktu &c, (190^), p. 232 If, 

^ Cf. Dilhnann's CataL of I he Bixlkian Ethiop. MSS., no, XVI ; also the 
AraUc form of one version of this work in Gildemeistcr's Catal. of ihe Orient. 
MSS. M Bonn, p. 76. 

J Ed, Guklip 7 rami, p. 14* * I Fapiri C&pti\ &^£^^ 11, fasc, iv, Si -92. 

* Le Com, de Nitit ^c. (1S76J, p, 113, 


Feb. io] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHiBOLOGY, [1904. 

the Berlin MS. whence Riedel translates and that, so far as can be 
judged, it more closely follows the Coptic. 

The Coptic texts here preserved contribute, I fear, nothing new 
towards solving the problems oi provenance and date/ 

Can, 14. (Fram. I, dirittd) accusjation (l^Kkf^fLo), If he 
desire to remain with her, let him be deposed {Kueaip^lv) from his 
order (rdfi^) and expelled, or (#/) let him be transferred from his 
order 7 (t.) until he [ ] accusation (eyKX/ffui) of sin. 

Can, 15. * If a whore (frSppij) desire to [repent (^leravocci^), let] 
her change her raiment and lay aside the adom[raent (ic6a[fifgai^ 
[ i^^')], as (wv) she is not yet worthy to mix with the flock 

(noee). Thereafter she shall pass other four® months, hearing the 
w[ord (X[o7ov) and going [ ]. But* (&') if she be one that 

hath not ever had baptism {fBaim<rfia\ if she would repent (jicrayoeit') 
of her whoredom (7ro/ii/e/a), let her pass forty days being instructed • 

Can. 29. (Fram. XXI, dir.) ] give him deposition (KaOatpetrist). 
But {t^) if he be a layman (\«i«ov), let [ 

Can, 30. ], for they have been a cause (aiTio*) of evil unto 
many souls (^.) But (fc) if he it is that [ (rov.)]. ♦The 

martyrs (jiaprvpos)] died, being anhungered and being burned with 
fire, so now it is fitting that [ 

(Fram. X, dir,)]. Heaven forbid (fit) ycvoiro) ; but (oXXa) we 
honour the festival, which is a grief unto the heretics (a//t>€T<ro9), since 
(a'v) (thereby) we do provoke and grieve them. * And (he) the fasts 
{vtftrr.) of Pentecost (TreinifKOffTi)) are remitted^® up till the end 
[ ], if we have asked leave \^ (? /eg, ^lue), let us fast till 

the eleventh hour. But (tJ) in the great Pascha, let us give heed 
unto the star (sing.). No man may in those days do his will in lust 

^ The reference in CarL 31 to Kgypi should show that they did not come thence. 
Boih Riedel and H. Achelis ( Virjiitus Subintroductcu 56) see traces of high antiquity 
in ihem, though the latter elsewhere speaks of them as quite late ( Thiol, Lit, Z, 
'02, 91); Bishop Wordsworth {Christian Ministry^ 2d. ed., 445 ff.) inclines to 
place them in the 4lh or 5th century. 

' Somewhat obscure and differs from Ar. 

*• Ar. * eight,' with another stage in the penance. 

» Ar. exactly as Copt., not as in Riedel. 

10 Lit, *are loosed.' BIO.V OBCO.\, specially the tennination of a fieist ; r/. 
Crum, Ostraca, p. 52, no. 99. 

" Ar. ;lp- \JU. 



(ttuOov) of desire (i^t^tf^ua). The food (r/*o0j}) [ i^'^^-)]- ^^^ 

shall not adorn ourselves in those days with any adornment whatso* 
ever, ha%ing mind of the pain and grief our Lord was in upon the 
cro^s (ffT-), Let the women leave [ ] all the Forty Days, but 

(fk) more especially the great Pascha ; for therein is our forgiveness 
and uur salvation. And (^f) it is a thing beyond marriage {y»fiov) if 
one should use intercourse (x/^'^'i trin'oitfjt'n) ^- [ Fram. XV, 

^m\) s[in {o2*ff*fita) in the days of the holy Pascha, even imto such 
^is have been joined together that same year in marriage {70/10?), If 
Lihey shall venture {rrfX/tiiv) [Fram, XII, dir.)] ? (PJt^*^) that love 
St ruction : — 

Can. 31. That it is not fitting to go unto the tombs {rd^ov) that 
be called /wi/jtiy'*"*^'^ therein to hold service {rrmfn^i^) or (^) to pray 
[ ] even as {KU7ii) our fathers the apostles (wtt.) did leach us, to 

keep their iliird and their seventh (days) and their fourteenth and their 
month ^' [ (r(f??'.)], they being outside the churches (eKKXtf^te) 

law (I'o^iov) :— But (^*) let such tell nie, do they lh[is ] the 

dead and the living. Or (jj) if not, what profitelh it (iiyMv) that we 
have built chapels (totto*^^) in the place where the corpses are? 
Do we (?) then (ufm) this that perchLince they may hear the w[ord 
(X[«7a«), Fram. XT, dir.)] The body {(nl/tfi) becometh earth, 
according to {ff«T«) the covenant (ri«^}*fi^), but the soul (^,) receiveth 
according to (^vith) tls deeds (tt/jm^iv). For^^ (y^p) the things which 
she hath done before the separation [ ], and she is shamed i'^ 

]. But (ilXXff) if we speak the truth : such as do these 
Sings do them by way of (Kara) trade, because of a love of tihameful 
gain. Woe unto us that do profit now thereby; they cannot help 
(00tf(ktp) [ i^^^-)] unlearned men, saying, *The priests 

know not the way of the Lord, and they that possess my law^ (vo/ios^) 

''^ Second word given by Revillout, Li\ 113^ who howevet then joins Fr. XI I » 
$ngt\ here. 

** On this can. f/ Shenmite in Zoega 421 W. and Leipoldt's ScAraui^ 183. 
** Ar, iW*, itif^ntht but t/l Pitfa^ywr. ^rr/., I, 70 : Lagarde t Atg, 285* 

'^ At. ^L^- 

» An Jl Jjj ^1^ A^IjO t^jJ^j- 

*^ Ar., GorTesE>onding to RiedeFs * Wcr untcr ihncn' &:c*, is jjjj 4^ jj I ^fc 

^* ^^^o> A «jj ' this it is whereby she is justiflod, or which sbameth her.* 

59 F 


know me not.*i^ One, catholic (tcaO.) church (eV.) it is for which 
the I^rd did give his [ ], and they build them tombs 

(rd(pow^^) in the burying places, that they may for themselves gather 
in shameful gain, on the excuse (aipopfi^) of the men of theirs (ijtat) 
that have died. I have been told that this is done in (u^oviJ ?) 
l£gypt ; wherefore [ (Fram. VII, rav,)] and forget this thing. 

These (words) are what the Apostles (ajr) say:*^ They shall turn 
away their ears from the trutii and shall turn them unto these fables. 
Wherefore thus do we ordain (KcXeueiv), not alone (? ov fiovov) we, 
but (aWri) the catholic {xaO,) church (cV.) [ 

Can. 32. (Fram. XXIII, roiK) whilst they say: We dwell 
together. If they be spoken to, they say : It iroubleth (/icXei) 
us not that we do dwell together, (seeing) we be without sin 21 
[ {dir.)] this teaching of the church (€«.), [either (^1 they 

shall separate one from the other, according to (*<iTfl) the teaching,22 
or (t/) they both shall be accursed (avdee^a). For {teal r^dp) the 
scripture (7/i.) crieth (co^y qboa), saying [ (Fram. VII, 

i/ir.)] upon coals of fire and burneth not his feet."'^ Men such as 
these -^ do dwell together to their destruction (t[ak]o i) and bring 
death upon themselves to their own [destruction (t[ako?). 
(Fram. XXII, ro7f,)] that is, to draw often nigh unto women, or 
(tj) to speak often with them, or (ij) to hold converse (o^iXeip) wiih 
them [ (^/>.)],'-^ thou shalt bemuse thy reason {Xoyiapdv), 

But (ri') thou hast sinned. Them they slay with that sword, which 
is the approaching-'^ [ 

'« Jer. V, 4; ii, 8. Ar. has ^ye\} ^J^^. (reading ? UOCTG for 


'^ 2 Tim. iv, 4 is the right reference. 
-' Ar. om, 

•^ Ar. ^Si"^. 
*» I*rov. vi, 28. 

'•** Ar., after Riedel's *sie anzusehen,* CIJ JoJl \Ci\ UJ v_„ - a ,^' 
(mistaking ncU^G for niO^^) .^..JLJ ^^V\ J^ Wfl-it-ii 'i\j^\ ^\ 



Can. ^^. (Revillout 1 14) That it is not filling to take the bodies 
{tfic^tfit^ftn) of the martyrs (/ui/JT.) into the cathoUc churches (jkuI?. eW,), 
[ (Fram. XIV, dir.)] those ftnfnvpta on one side. 

[ ^] catholic (t^fdK) [ ] God [ ] ignorant 

[men] venture (toX^iu*')^ when in chapels {twjtov) of the nnartyrs {/**^/'^»)j 
to despise (a^^^FU^) the catholic (KaB,) (church), or (t/) her law {v&n.\ 
or (f)) wish not to be under (xHtoiie ^Ji) her [ (f^^-)] of the 

martyrs (/i.). Wherefore now there must be no hurt done unto the 
cathoh'c (icaO.) (church). For (70/*) if one set a martyr's C"*'/'^*) 
name [ ] that he did [buy with] his [sacred bloud]. But 

(ft) [as for] the bod[ies (ffklifpivftft)] of the holy ma[rtyrs 

Can* 38, (Fram. VIII, rov.f] is this, for ever}* man, especially 
(/iJXidTrt) them that be in these orders (Tf;7/m). 

Cam 59* * A bishop (tV.) that weareth (0o/>f tp) a linen garment (?) 
(xtfofiigftr)^ or ? (tj 0*AXo*'),^ while the poor of his town (n-o'^fv) 
[ (^""r)] ^li ^*^'^ adornment {k'ofrtttffFtv\ that he may be able 

10 instruct tliem that are bejieath him, that tht7 should do thus. 

Can, 40. When a bishop (fV.) is chosen [ (Fram. XX, 

din) shall] be dedicated (rti'<ff?f/i/i, Ug. tn^tWif^itt) unto the church 
(«V.). Yet (ftQvot*) shall not his children be deprived of the church ^ 
(jiV, f\%), except for (x*^v"0 un worth ine^ss. If there be [ 

Can. 4a. C''^^)] shall [be] in the lajat rank {? T«f*v). 

Can. 43. {sjc)'^ [He that shall join himself in] two marriages 
(? 'lottos) [ not] fitted to be ordained {-xftyuraf^tlt*) [ 

* Rtadinfi doubtful {v. Ki>ssi p. 12S). Perhaps Kiyo$tltiVj */. I'arjs MS. 
coplc, 44, f, 59^ riAIIKllllfiail jjmJ jJl (in a list of priestly garments) ; also 
Crawford (now Rylairds) no, 25, earlier tcxi (palittips*) f. 6A, OtJO'DOAIi 

^llnVAIIIOriH^tni fiqUIlp UOTUOAV. The laUcr is from the story of iht- 
ri>nvcfsion of DionysiuH Areop. by Midiaeli *a man of light in the giiise of a 
gcnemi * {^rrp^owiBdpx^^) thus attired. QC Amelineati, Cmii^ts 1,2; but the word 
in question k not represented there, nor in the Syriac versions, Add. I2t$t and 
14645, which Mr Krooks ha.s kindly eiuiniined. ReviHout, L\ 115, renders* * I'or,* 
1 1 know not why. The Ar. of this cantm has jJ^j^ ^Tf^^ypa), oonespanding in 
pitie EthJop, transl. {/?/, jVaj^.^ text 4 J, iranp]. 59) to //nVtt/ * purple." Dan. x, 5, 
neither h\ LXX nor Theod.» gives us help* 

^ I can find no explanation of this. Ar. ha.s y ,^ Silk,? Ethlop. ^^^oM/^iine 

» Ar, 

* CtfH, 41 was pre.^iutralily nn ihc second pan of the dtrUh, CTCOXfi being 
crhaps Hieders ' Fehltietrftg," Ar. LoA; > 

6r F 2 


Can. 44.] his brother's daughter or (^) his mother's daughter, he 
is not fitted to be ordained (x^tfwr.) bishop (cw.) or presbyter (fj vp.y 
and deacon (^/oVoi'ov). He that [ 

Ca/t. 90. (Frara. XXV, dir,)] who [opposeth (+ciTBe)J a pres- 
byter (t^.), his punishment (eTrnt^ta) shall be given him not by the 
presbyter (frp.) but (aXXa) by the bishop (^V.), up to seven 
(:5iACAj!^qe) [weeks i^^*)] which was meted (?optX€w) 

to (?) the deacon (ckIk,), But (^€) him {sc. the deacon) shall they 
not rebuke, as (ws) having accused {eyk-aXctu) the presbyter {irp.) If 
a reader (ava^ivwani^^ [ 

Can. 93. (Fram. XXIV, dtr,)] being grieved at heart (?UK<ie 
ii2Ht), he shall be helped and healed by the elders of the clergy 
{kXiipos) or (»/) the bishop (cV.), and they shall [ 

Can, 94 {r(nK)\ If any shall venture {ToXfiav) to build it, there 
shall no service be done {awa^civ) therein for ever. If a cleric 
(KXffpiKov) venture (to\.) to do service (<ri;*^.) [ 


Feb. io] unconventional VIEWS ON BIBLE-TEXT. 




Thi' Gtncahgks and Lists in Nihemiah, 
Bv Sir Hknhv H, Howorth, K.C.LE., RI^S.^ a^^c. 

( Continued fr&m patgt: 31.) 

Let US now turn to a more important matter, one indeed which 
has caused abtonishment and comment on the part of every Bible 
student, however ingenuous, namely, the extraordinary variation m 
iht deim'is of the two recensions of the list, namely^ that in Ezra ii, 
which I consider to be the originalj and that in Nehemiah vii, which 
IS the secondary ropy. The variations in the Hebrew Masoretic 
texts of these chapters number at least one hundred in this single 
chapter, and a large portion of thsin are substantial variations. That 
this variation is of very old standing is clear, from its occurring in 
virtually almost every instance in all the early Greek codices. These 
represent, as we have seen* Thcodotion's translation of the Masoretic 
text, and inasmuch as that was made not later than the third century, 
it shows that they existed in full exuberance at that time, which is so 
near the original formation of the Masoretic text itself. If we 
examine the texts more closely, we shall find that most of the 
important variants are in the numbers, and yet the sum total in the 
two is the same. This shoft^s that the variations, which are a great 
deal too numerous to be accidental, and to be merely traceable to 
scribes' errors, have in fact been made with a purpose, and this 
purpose seems to me to have been to try and disguise the fact of the 
duphcation of the chapter in question in Nehemiah, by a make- 
believe that the documents were derived from different sources. 

*rhe only alternative to this view is, that the much-belaudcd 
Masoretic text of ihe Bible was so desperately corrupted ahnost 


Feb. io] 



immediately after its origin, that over one hundred substantial 
variants about statements of fact occur in two recensions of the 
narrative, in a single chapter. 

It will be convenient to substantiate what I have just been saying, 
by putting the two lists side by side wherever they substantially vary. 

I will, to avoid confusion, limit myself to the substantial variants 
as given in a transliteration of the Masoretic text of Ezra ii and 
Nehemiah vii. 

Ezra, Chapter ii. 

Nehemiah, Chapter vii. 

erse 2. 

Zerubbabel, Jeshua, 
Nehemiah, Seraia/i, 
Keelaiah^ Mordecaiy 
Bilshan, Mizpm\ 
Bigvai,AV////;//, Baa- 

Verse 7. 

Zerabbabel, Jeshua, 
Raamiah^ Naha- 
tnaniy Mordecai Bil- 
shan, Misperethy 
Bigvai, AV^«w,Baa- 

,» 5. 



» 10. 



„ 6. 

Pahath-moab, etc. ... 


M II. 

Pahath-Moab, etc ... 


» 8. 



„ 13- 



„ 10. 



„ 15- 



„ II. 



M 16. 



„ 12. 



„ 17. 



,» 13. 



M 18. 



», 14. 



M 19- 



„ 15. 



„ 20. 



„ 17. 



M 23. 



„ 18. 



„ 24. 



„ 19. 



„ 22. 



,, 20. 



„ 25. 



„ 21. 



„ 26. 

Beth-lehem and Neto- 

,, 22. 





» 24. 

Azmaveth ... 


„ 28. 

/)^^///- Azmaveth 


„ 28. 

Beth-el and Ai 


„ 32. 

Beth-el and Ai 


M 29. 

Nel)o... .... 


M 33- 

The other ^^ho 


„ 30. 



Not in Nehemiah at all. 

» 33' 

Lod, Hadid» and Ono 


», 37' 

Lod, Iladid, and Ono 


» 35. 



„ 38. 



M 40. 

The Levites : the 
children of Jeshua 
and Kadmiel, of the 

M 43- 

The Levites of the 
children of Jeshua, 
Kadmiel, fandlof the 

child ren of I lodaviah 


children of I lodevah 


M 41. 



„ 44. 



, 42. 

The children of the 
Porters of Shallum, 
of Atcr, of Talmon, 
of Akkub,of Hatita, 


„ 45- 

The Porters : the chil- 
dren of Shallum, of 
Ater, of Talmon, of 
Akkub, of Hatita, of 





Ezra, Chapter ii — contd. 

Nehrmiah, Chapter \\\-^ontd. 

Verse 45- 


Not in Nehemiah. 

,. 46. 


Not in Nehemiah. 

», 50- 


Not in Nehemiah. 

„ 57- 

'Hazzebaim Ami. 

„ 59. 

-Zebaim, Amon. 

„ 60. 

Delaiah, Tobiah, Ne- 

„ 62. 

Delaiah,Tobiah, Ne- 



koda 642 

„ 65. 

two hundred singing 
men and women. 

„ 67. 

two hundred and forty- 
five SMi^Vig men and 

» 68. 

and some of the chief 
of the fathers, when 
they came to the house 
of the Lord which is 
at Jerusalem y offered 
Jrcely for the house 
of God to set it up in 
its place. 

,> 70. 

and some of the chief 
of the fathers then 
gave unto the work. 
The Tirshdtha gave 
to th*. treasure 1000 
darics of gold, j'o 
basons, jjo priests^ 
garments, Andsome 

M 69. 

They gave after their 
abilities unto the 
treasury of the work 
61,000 daric^ of gold, 
and jooo pounds of 
silver, and too 
pf tests' garments. 

Ezra, Chapter iii. 

of the fathers 
i^ave to the treasure 
of the vork 20,000 
darics of gold, and 
2200 pounds of 
silver, and that 
ivhich the rest of the 
people gave was 
20,000 darics of gold, 
and 2000 pounds of 
silver, and &j priest i ' 

erse i. 

And when the 7th 
month was come, the 
children of Israel 
were in these cities, 
and all the people 
gathered themselves 
as one man to Jeru- 
salem. Then stood 
up Jeshua the son of 
Joradak, etc., etc. 

» 73. 

And when the 7th 
month came, the 
children of Israel 
were in their cities. 
And all the people 
gathered themselves 
together as one man 
into the street that 
was before the water 
gate; and they spake 
unto Ezra the Scribe 
to bring the book of 
law, etc., etc. 

It will be seen what a number of variants there are here in the 


yet in Ezra ii, 64, 

and in 

Nehemiah vii, 66, we are told 

the whole congregation together was 



figure is not the sum of the numbers, either in one case or 

the other, which shows again that 

in both cases the divergencies 


FSA. io] 



referred to do not include all the mistakes there are in the narrative 

of those belauded fmmaculate scribes, the guardians of the Masoretic 

Although the variants are chiefly in the numbers, ihey also 
extend to the names. The variants above quott;d occur in the 
actual current Hebrew Bible. As I have said, they can be traced 
back in almost every case to the great uncials. The Vatican MS,, 
which holds a deservedly high place in the estimation of scholars, 
and is the basis of Dr, Svvete's great edition of the Greek text, is 
unfortunately very faulty in the books of Ezra and Nehetniah, 
where both the Alexandrian and the Sinai tic MSS, are much 
sounder and better ; and their writers doubtless had copies of 
Theodotion before them much less corrupted than the one from 
which Codex B is taken. This is especially noteworthy in 
chapters ii of Ezra and vii of Nehemiah, in regard to which I have 
made a minute collation of the three texts. 

Apart from this, it is a curious and omhious fact that almof^t 
every one of the variants between the texts of Ezra ii ami 
Nehemiah vii just nTerred lo, and occurring in the Hebrew, is to 
be found in the Greek uncials. This is not only an addiiionaJ 
proof that the latter in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah are 
mere recensions and translations of the Masoretic text, but a prouf 
that that text was exceedingly faulty from its very inception. 

In some cases the Grtek copies have clearly preserved a more 
complete lext than the Hebrew, pointing to the latter having been 
corrupted since they were written. Thus in Neheiuiah vii, 7, all the 
three great uncials A, B, and S insert the name of Ezra in the 
list, {Codex B adds an additional name Masphar, w^hich is 
apparently a corrupt duplication.) In Nehemiah vii, 24, we have 
in S an additional clause, namely the sons of Asen 223. The 
Hebrew text of verses 26 and 27 of the same chapter are con- 
densed into one verse thus, " the men of Bethlehem and Netophah 

The Greek of A and S, which enumerates certain people as 
they are enumerated in verses 11, a a and 23 of Ezra ii, in the 
Hebrew verj^ion, namely, *'the sons of Bethlehem 123, the sons of 
Netophah 56^ the sons of Natboth 12S. Both the former names 
with the attached numbers are wanting in Codex B, In Nehemiah vii, 
verse 33, the Greek of S and A has the additional clause, *' the chil- 
dren of Magmos '' (S) or Magibos (A 1 56), which is wanting in the 




Hebrew* In Nehemiah vii^ verse 45, Codex B, duplicates the clausL* 
'*son of A ten '* 

In the same chapter, verse 48, A and S have an inserted clause. 
After Hagaba we read in both, *^ the sons of Akua for Akud), the 
sons of Ouia, the sons of Keier, the sons of Gaba or Agab." This 
clause is wanting in Codex B and in the Hebrew, 

In Nehemiah vii, verse 49- The Greek of B and S omits Gahar, 
ffhich occurs in Codex A as Goaz> In the same chapter^ verse 62, 
3ofleK A adds, *' the children of Bua.'* In verse 70, all three Greek 
Codices have 30, which is doubtless righi, instead of 530 priests' 
garments, as tn the Hebrew. Turning to Ezra ii, 2 {which chapter 
is wanting in Codex S, there being a lacumi there), in verse 2, 
Codex B has only ten names, omitting Rehum, which occurs in 
Codex A in the form Ireouni, In the Hebrew there are also 
only elevt:jn names in this verse, Nabamani, which occurs in 
Neliemiah vii, 7, being omitted. Verse 39 of Ezra li is not in 
Codex B ; stmitarly verse $^j *'the children of Sisera,'' is wanting in 
the same MS, In verse 55 and ^S ^* the children of Abdesil " is 
substituted for the servants of Solomon in the same MS, B, nor is 
their number 399 given. In a large number of cases^ in fact, the 
names are very corrupt, in Codex B^ while the numbers disagree 
luch more with the Hebrew than in Codex A, and it would surely 

well in a future edition of these books to make Codex A and 
not Codex B the mother of the Greek text. 

Let us now pass on again. As we have said in the last paper 
of the series, Nehemiah viii was once part of the book of Ezra, and 
was probably transferred from the end of that book and placed 
where we now find it by the compilers of the Masoretic text, 

\\' ith chapter viii, therefore, we have nothing to do at present. 
Let us turn to chapter ix of Nehemiah. I showed in the previous 
paper that this chapter, like the preceding one, did not form a part 
of the Memoirs of Nehemiah, with which it has nothing in common, 
but, pn the contrary, /Aat^ if a ge/iuine document^ it was, like chapter 
viii, a continuation of the narrative of what we call the book of Ei?:ra. 
From verse 6 to the end it is [professedly an address by E^tra, and, as 
bas been remarked by more than one critic, k agrees in phraseology 
^^nd matter with a similar prayer in the i>resent book of Ezra, Lord 
A, Harvey remarks that its various references to the Old Testament 
are very like in style to those in E^sra iv, 18, and Nehemiah viii, S, 
Ezra vi, 22, and Nehemiah viii, 17, and very unlike the prayer in 



Nehemiah i. I am now disposed to think that the whole chapter 
was composed by the Jamnia doctors, and formed no part of the 
original compilation, and this for several reasons. 

In the first place, like chapter vii of Nehemiah, it is largely a 
duplication of a narrative already contained in Ezra, chapters ix 
and X, and which occurs in Nehemiah quite incongruously and apropos 
of nothing: I refer to the account of the separation of the Jews from 
the strangers, and the exhortations, or so-called sermon, of Ezra. 
It seems almost incredible that such a reduplication and repetition 
of the same story should have formed part of the original narrative 
in Ezra, and that the iteration should have followed so closely upon 
the original statement of the same facts, as it would have done if 
chapter ix of Nehemiah had been originally a continuation of 
chapter viii. This view is further supported by the palpable errors 
contained in Nehemiah ix : thus verses 4 and 5, which enumerate 
two lists of Levites, present considerable difficulties, and both are 
certainly corrupt in the Masoretic text. 

First in regard to the 8 Levites in verse 4. In the Hebrew 
unpointed text three names in this list are precisely alike. In the 
punctuated text two have been read as Bani and one as Bunni. 
Now it is curious that in the Greek MSS., representing Theodotion's 
translation, this name does not occur at all as a proper name, and in 
each case the word has been understood as a form of Ben, and read 
sou of, which was no doubt the primitive meaning, which has been 
entirtrly misunderstood by the Masorets, and naturally by their 
faithful henchmen the Revisers of the English Bible. Instead of 
Jeshua, Bani, Kadmiel, Shebaniah, Bunni, Sherebiah, Bani, and 
Chenani, as in the Hebrew text, we ought to read, as in the Greek of 
Theodotion, ** Jesus and the sons of Kadmiel, Shebaniah, the son of 
Arabia (or Sarabia), the son of Chenani." This is the reading of 
Codex A, which in this part of the Bible we have seen is more 
reliable than Codex B, in which the name Chenani is left out. I 
may say that in Nehemiah viii, 7, Bani is translated "son" in the 
Syriac version ; so it is in the Arabic version of ix, 4, and in the 
Syriac of x, 13, and 14, 15. 

In verse 5 of chapter ix we seem to have, in the Hebrew text, a 
kind of duplication of the list in the previous verse, with certain 
variants, namely, Jeshua and Kadmiel, Bani, Hashabniah, Sherebiah, 
Hodijah, Shebaniah, and Pethahiah. In the Greek codexes only 
the first two of these names are mentioned at all, which points to 



the other names having been inserted after Theodotion's translation 
was made. This is not improbable, since they seem internally 
corrupt ; thus the word Bani again occurs here as a proper name. 
Hashabniah is clearly the Shebaniah of the previous verse, and is 
repeated as Shebaniah further on, and Sherabiah, who is named 
here among the Levites present, is named in the previous verse as 
the father of Shebaniah. The names Hodijah and Pethahiah do 
not occur in the previous verse. I may add ihat, as Lord A. Harvey 
has reminded us, Jeshua and Kadmiel are mentioned in Ezra iii, 9, 
as taking part with Zerubbabel in building the temple, while the 
same Levites are made to take an active part in the alleged reforms 
of Nehemiah in Neheniiah ix, 4, 5 ; x, 9, 10. The lists in Nehe- 
miah ix, 4, 5, in fact, seem not only corrupt, but made up by the 
same hands that made up the lists in Nehemiah x and xii, of which 
they are a re-hash. The character of these lists, in fact, throws sus- 
picion on the whole chapter, for which, as we have seen, we have no 
external evidence, and which for other reasons seems not unlikely to 
have been the actual handiwork of the editors of the Masoretic text, 
who used reduplications, and that it did not occur in the Sepluagint. 

{To be continued^ 





By J. Herbert Walker, M,A. 

It has long been assumed that the models of food represented on 
tables of offerings before the deceased person in a tomb (Plate I), 
were sufficient to provide him with sustenance, provided that the 

I A formula was pronounced by a living person. As the 

deceased was now represented by his ka statue, it was sufficient that 
the necessary food should be provided as representations of what was 
intended to be given. It was necessary, however, that the magical 
power of words should intervene. For this purpose everyone who 
passed by a tomb was besought to pronounce the above formula. 

Up to the present time, no proof has been forthcoming from any 
inscription, that the Egyptians believed in the actual transformation 
of the pictured objects into reality. A new translation, which I 
suggest for a passage in the Long Inscription at the end of the 
tomb of Paheri at El Kab, seems to afford this proof. The inscrip- 
tion is published in Lepsius, Denkmdler^ III, i3<7, and in the 
Egypt Exploration Fund's Memoir for 1891-2, " Ahnas and Paheri," 
PJ. IX. The passage occurs in lines 41-2 : — 

(fhtfi nb m d't-f hpr-f m shrw mV"t {qahti/t neb em det-ef 
kheper-ef em sekheru maa't\ "Everything which shall be 
touched (?) by his hand, may it become real." 

I propose to read the verbal adjective in its more unusual 
passive form. A good example of this occurs in Siut^ I, 314, 322, 

f=Qi ^fcs ^^^-^ ^^ ^*^^^^ " Every bull which shall be sacri- 

ficed." Cf, Sethe, Verbum, II, § 972. 



Pre€, S(h\ StU. ArrA,, Feb., 







o § 

a * 

— ft 

I: ^ 

o S 

2 ^ 




i_ , 


/*/w. S&€. BihL Arck,, Fd*.^ 1904. 


'■■■ ^ i\ ••• ILAJ ^^"^ 

r#/r Q 


WAix-PAmriKr, IN THE Tomb w Ra-hotep 
/^rif/« Prof, Petrh's ** Medum." 


% nf 

Wall<1'ainting in tH£ NJastaba of Nt fur mat* 
^W//i TaOF* Petrt£'s " MeduiD." 



It might be exi>ecied that the form S5 I would be preferred 

for the neuter ; but the masculine suffix used here is evidently a sign 
of the change coming over the language, when the masculine pro- 
noun was used to express the neuter, as in Pap» D^Orhiney, VI 11, 3^ 


and now^ as to 

what thou shalt do for me." 

In Demotic it is the usual form ; t/ Griffith, /. A7f., Ill, i. Note 
on t'f hpr. And hpr-f^ in line 2, where he translates it as optative. 

Bending the hand over an object is so closely allied with 

touching it, that 


certainly has the sense of ** touching.' 

It seems possible that the word may be the origin of Boh. criXJi;^ 
Sak, 3£UJ^, " to touch/* 

Sethe, Ferbum^ I, 282, gives two examples of words beginning in 
being represented in Copt id by Sak. cr» Bah. jc, which is a 
Common form in Coptic for words which began m Egyptian with Q, 

Sah. 2t, Boh. a', is the common Coptic representation of w*ords 

which began in Egyptian with =^, and g _ may be an 

eseceptional case of the A being thus represented. The a has 

disappeared before 5 ^ cf. Set he, Verbum^ I, § 146, 4/1^ and Griffith^ 

Hierogiyphsy p. xii. 

The new translation gives an excdlent reason for the conventional 
position of the deceased, sitting before the table of offtjrings, with his 
right arm extended over the viands, the hand slightly bent and just 
touching them (Plate II), a position alluded to in the stela of 

** the arm bent over the offerings of fathngs," This stela is published 
in LepsiuSj Denkmahr^ III, 114/; Sharpe, Egyptian InscrtptionSy 
pL to6, and also with transliteration and translation in Trans, Soc^ 
BihL Arch., Vlli, p. 312. 

The new version differing so entirely from the translation given 
by Mr. Griffith in the Exploration Fund Memoir, I have submitted 
it to him, and he accepts it with warm approvaL 1 shall feel very 
grateful for any communications from other Egyptologists as to 
whether their readings in other stelae are favourable to my view or 


Feb. io] 



By Stanley A. Cook, M.A. 



2. Nabataean Graffiti from Egypt. — The inscriptions here re- 
produced were copied by Mr. Percy Newberry, in the spring of 1896, 
in the Widy Gadammeh, about thirty miles north-east of Keneh, 

whilst exploring some of the ancient 

mines in the Eastern Desert. The 

Egyptian (i), he informs me, reads : 

segesert mer per ur Better mer^ "the 

^ ^ ^ ^ resting-place of the chief steward Bener." 

/\ \ /2pH IfB^ '^hc three graffiti are not so easily 

I 1 ^.1 L I interpreted. They are in a character 

/ J which is practically identical with that 

in which the inscriptions of the Sinaitic 

peninsula are written, and like these 

accordingly, they may be ascribed to 

gj f M Arab merchants and traders of the first 

jJ/i{)J three or four centuries of the Christian 

era. They read as follows (doubtful 

letters are surmounted by dots) : — 

(2.) n'tt^'^N xh^ 

Hail ! Ausu son of . . . 

The reading "^3 (1 ^^) is suggested by 
the form of the ligature "^J in C LS, ii, 
706, but it is not clear how the first part 
of the name is to be read, 




itznK nn Sump ii . 

Hail ! Ausu son of . . . son of Ausu. 

The first name in the second line is obscure, the last sign* if not 
1, tnight possibly represent n* 

Blessed be *Amirat son of Ausu, 

The ligature read as •^'^ is doubtful ; the final T in 1tI?1H iTiJght 
also be read ^. 

h h a distinct novelty to find *^Sinaitic" gmffiti in Egypt. ^ They 
have, of course, nothirtg to do with the hieroglyphic inscription hut 
illustrate the kak&etiMs scnltendi of the Semite more educated than his 
fellows. It is singular that in each case the name Ausu ('*gift") 
recurs, but there is nothing to show that the writers were related, 
and, besides, the name is extremely common, in the present form, 
or as a diminutive OtJ7'^1N, mvaisti\ or in compounds C^n7NU?1i4i 
etc.). The name n^^OVt *^■s elsewhere {e.g.^ Nab,, C./.S. ii^ 3oo)j is 
masculine. In a Nabataean inscription from Bostra {C^I,S. ii, 173), 
we meet with *l?:23?n (from the same root) the wife of Ausu, and in 
a Sinai lie bihngual {C,I*S. iij 1044) mention is made of altjov *yj(foir 
^Sin. lUnn) kiiX{t^)7Tm Ovftttffoiu These inj^tances of the association 
of At4su and forms of 'lOS? ^re naturally only to be viewed as coinci- 
dences. Like the Hebrew Omri, the name designates the possessor 
as the " worshipper '' of his god. 

In No, 2 it Will be noticed that there is a vertical stroke at the 
end of the first line^ and what appear;* to be u curved stroke at the 
beginning of the second. Presumably they do not re]>reiient letters, 
but are analogous to the curious signs which frequently recur upon 
the Sinaitic inscriptions. A glance through those recently edited In 
the C&r/us Inscriptiofium Semitkarum (part ii, tome i, fascic, 3) 

* It is *orth mention tng that there \& a Wady Keneh (*Lii) La the Sitmillc 
peninsula; It lies to the t-ast end of the VV, Magharah (see C/.JT. ii, Nos, 699- 



shows that the signs are, with few exceptions, only found in inscrip- 
tions which are marked by the use of ohHf ("hail"), THU (** blessed 
be") or "l^a*! ('* remembered be"). The vertical stroke ( | ) occurs 
at the beginning of an inscription with Ov^ in No. 749, but the 
valedictory inscriptions also have X (No. 743, before the name alone 

in 1393), y (No. 906), and — < (No. 981 at the end), T occurs 

in a benediction in No. 1 135, twice or thrice before names alone, 
about half-a-dozen times in commemorations (with '^*'3*l), and in 
more than forty valedictory inscriptions. On the other hand, >— 
is found some twelve times or more in commemorations, but only 
once or twice with UvQf (No. 548) or T^n (No. 1 183). 




By Alan H. Gardiner. 

King Sankhkere is designated, on the few monuments of his 
reign preserved to us, by his prenomen alone. But since all other 
kings of the Xlth dynasty are called either Antef or Mentuhotep, 
there was but little doubt that Sankhkere bore one of these two 
names. Now on the list of Abydos Sankhkere is preceded by a 
king Nebkhrewre Mentuhotep, and at Shatt-er-Regal this king is 

found in company with a king | V^ ^^ f J| ^^ J nr ]^ , who is 

apparently associated with him. Hence Professor Petrie {History^ 
Vol. I, p. 142) provisionally identified Sankhkere with this King 

A table of offerings published by M. Amj^.lineau,* and hitherto 
overlooked, proves however that Sankhkere was a Mentuhotep. 
The dedicatory inscription runs in two symmetrical sentences to 

right and left of the sign nr • On the right we read : " The living, 

the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, f O ^ U , loved of Khenti 
Amentiu, granted life. He made (it) as his monument to his father 
( O P y \J I, that he might make for him *he lives eternally.'"! 
On the left : "(The living), son of Re M P ^ '^ A beloved of 

Khenti Amentiu, granted life. He made (it) as his monument for 
his father f ^3 ^ "" , that he might make for him * he lives 

* Les NouvelUs FouiiUs d^ Abydos (1895-96), pp. 153 ff. 

t I translate thus the foimula ^^" ^ nr ^^ ♦ on the analogy of the 

phrase;^ — ^.f^. 

X In the publication, *1 erroneously for | . 

75 G 


eternally/" M. Amelineau rightly pointed out that only two kings 
are intended, the king who dedicated the monument, and the king 
to whom it was dedicated. On the right hand they are designated 
by their prenomina^ on their left by their noniina, Sankhkere therefore 
bore the nomcn Mentuhotep. It is, perhaps, best to withhold all 
speculation with regard to the King Antef mentioned at Shatt-er- 
Regal until further documents of the period are discovered. 

The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 
37, Great Russell Street, London, W.C, on Wednesday, 
March 9th, 1904, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper 
will be read : — 

F. Legge : " Our Present Knowledge of the 
Early Egyptian Dynasties." 









Third Meeting, March gth, 1904. 


— m — 

[No. cxcvi.] 77 » 


The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author, Dr. Di^iches. — " Altbabylonische Rechtsur- 

From the Royal Society of Literature — "Chronicon Adae de Usk.'* 
Edited by Sir E. Maunde Thompson, K,C.B. 

From the Author, Prof, Reinisch.-*-f" Her , ^schabiirtidialekt 
der Somalisprache." 

The following Paper was read : — 

F. Legge : " Our Present Knowledge of the Early Egyptian 

A discussion followed, in which the Secretary, Mr. Rylands, 
Mr. Rouse, and the Chairman took part. 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 



CH^fi'EK CHAITBR rHAJr'lF.K CI.XXXV, /.. ^?. 

rLXXXIII, .'f..v^ < LXXXIV, /'. A 

Chaptrr CLXXV. Papyrus or AnL 

Chapvrr < KXXIV, .^, A 

('IIAIIER CLXXX, /..^7. 

CHAnER CLXXXVI, /:^. ,^. 

Mar. 93 




Bv Prof. EoouARt* Naville, D.OL.^ 6-/. 

{Cmttinmd fr^m page go.) 


Chapter af musing the Chn ia comt mit 0/ the grtat daar in the sky. 

It is read (1) lo thee by iby non (Horus), 

The great ones treiiibte when they see the sword which is in ihy 
and, when thou goest out of the Tuai. 

Hail to thee, the wise one, created by Seb, born of Nut. The 
€)xles of the gods are at rest. Horui^ rests in his dwelbng {2), Turn 
rests in his abode (?)* All the gods of East and West rest in the 
great goddess (3) of the birth, between the arms of her who gave 
birth to the god* 

WTien I am born I see, I recognize where I am, I have been 
raised on my place. The order has been accomplished of her who 
hates sleep and depression, and who stands m Utenet. 

My bread cotnes from Pu^ and 1 receive my form in HeUoi>olis, 
HoTus, in accordance with the command he had received from his 
father the lord of clouds^ Astes, raised him, and I have been raised 
by Tmu, 

I am the great one. I come forth between the legs of the cycle 
of the gods. I have been conceived by Sechet, and Shestet (4) gave 
me birth 10 be her star, Sothrs, the first one, the great walker who 
brings Ra through the sky every day. 

I have come to my al>ode. I have united the two diadems. I 
shine like a star. O ye flowers, the name of which is " the precious 
bunch/* I am the lotus which cometh out of the holy earth ; when 
J am plucked, I settle myself at the nostrils of the (ireat Figure, 

I have come out of the lake of flame, I have received justice 
Instead of evil I am near the white cloth (5), and I keep watch 
4jver the Uraei m the night of the great flood of tears. (6) 

I shine like Neft^rtmu the lotus which is at the nostril of Ra 

79 H 2 


when he comes forth on the horizon every day, and the gods are 
purified by his sight. 

N, is triumphant among the ka^ smiting the hearts through his 
great wisdom. He is near the god, he is the.Sau (7) (the knowing 
one) at the western (right) side of Ra. 

I have come to my abode among the ^/7, uniting the hearts 
through my great wisdom. I am Sau near the god, at the western 
side of Ra ; my sceptre (?) is in my hand. I am called the great 
favourite, as I am clad in red garments. I am Sau, on the western 
side of Ra, with a stout heart in the cave of Nu. 

^ Notes. 

This Chapter is already found in the pyramid of Unas (1. 379-399). 
Prof. Erman {Zeiischr., XXXIII, p. 2) has made a special study 
of it, and has pointed out that the title of this Chapter originates 

from a misunderstanding of the word yic \ which should be a star 

and not a gate or a door. Were it not for the vignette, which 
represents the deceased, the woman Muthotepet coming out of a 
door, we should translate : " Chapter of the coming forth of the 
Chit as a great star in the sky '^ ; in accordance with these words 
found in the course of the chapter: "Sheslet gave me birth to be 
her star, Sothis," etc. 

Two papyri only contain this Chapter, one in London and one 
in Paris. The London text has a vignette with these words : '* the 
coming out of the door in the sky by . . . '^ 

I . ^^ ^^ — ^ M. Maspero translates : ton fils t*a fait 


(le .sacrifice). The word -<2>- is employed here as in the rubric of 
Chapter 141, "to say, to speak." This speech is a ceremonial act, one 

of the yS done for the deceased. 

<==> Jl III 

2. W'c noticed before (Chapter 160, note 2) that is a 

variant for when applying to Tmu. Here it applies to Horus. 

The unknown word (IiIm being ixirallel, I give it conjecturally a 
similar sense. 

3. .<zi> "the great one, the great goddess," and its variants 


Mar, 9l Tim BOOK OF THE DEAD, ['904- 

► IX ^'^=> J] etc.j occur frequently in the Book of the Dead, 
and seem ta be a name of the sky. 

4, (flh ^ Q which IS found in the papyrus, is clearly a mistake 
for the name of the goddess S/iesfef, which we read in the text of 

5. Perhaps a tent in which he will shelter the Uraei. 

6, See note 1, Chapter 4, and ///e' If^orA, Vol, IIL, p. 46, I 
suppose it means here a heavy rain, 

7. In the pictures in the royal tombs the sun-god stands in 

his boat benveeii ^^1 and 5 LJ- Here it is said that Sau is at the 

West of Ra, racaninii on hrs right side. Ra h spoken of here as 
tf he were a human being, turning towards the South a?j all Egyptians 
did» His west is his right* hand side* Even now the Egyptian 
fellaheen in their language da not often say right and left,, they 
genetally make use of the points of the compass ; west of thee^ etc. 

Cimpur of HQt dym^ a secmd death in th Nttficnmrld^ 

Thoth (1) I What has become of the children of Nut? ihey 
have stirred up hostilities, they have raised storms, they have com- 
mitted iniquity, they have raised rebellion^ they have perpetrated 
murder, they have done oppression, and thus have acted, the strong 
against the weak, in all that they have done to me* 

Grant, O Thoth, what Tmu hath decreed. Thou seest not the 
mjquiltes, thou art not pained at their attacks upon the years, and 
their invasions upon the months, because they have done their 
mischiefs in secret. 

1 am thy pallet, O Thoth, and I bring to thee thine inkstand \ 
I am not one of those who do mischief in secret Let not mischief 
be done unto me, 

O Tmu i what is this place to which 1 have journeyed ? for it is 
without water and without air! It is all abyss, utter darkness, sheer 
perplexity. One liveth here in peace of heart. There is no 
pleasure of love here. Let there be granted to me glory instead of 
water, air and pleasures of love; and peace of heart instead of 
bread and beer. 



[Decree this, Tmu, that if I see thy face I shall not be pained 

by thy sufferings (2) Tmu decrees ; behold the. greatJgods 

liave given him this mission, he will reign on his throne and he Will- 
inherit his throne in the Isle of fire : and f<fr thee I decree that the 
god may see him as his second self, and that my face may see thy 

My lord Tmu, what is the duration of my life ? Thou art for 
eternities of eternities, the duration of endless years ; and behold I 
am going to deface all I have done : this earth will become water, 
an inundation as it was in the beginning. I will remain with 
Osiris, and I will make my form like another serpent, whom no man 
will know, and no god will see. 

It is good what I have done to Osiris, who is exalted above all 
the gods. I have given him the power in the region of the 
Nethe;rv;'orld, and his son HorUs will inherit his throne in the Isle of 
flame« I Will make his throne in the boat of millions of {y^t$y 

Horus is well established on his seat in order that he may take 
possession of his place of rest ; also I send a soul to Sut in the 
AVest, who is exalted above all gods ; and I have caused his soul to 
be guarded in the boat, so that he may feel reverential fear of the 
divine body (Osiris).] 

O my father Osiris ! I have done for thee what thy father Ra did 
for thee. Let me have increase upon earth, let me keep my dwelling 
place, let my heir be vigorous, let my sepulchre flourish and my 
dependents upon earth. Let all my adversaries be crushed to 
pieces with Selk'et (the scorpion goddess) over their ruin. I am 
thy son, O my father Ra I thou hast been the cause of this Life, 
Health and Strength. Horus is established upon his throne. 
Grant that my duration of I^ife may he that of one who attains 
beatitude, (3) 


The translation and notes of this Chapter, except what is in 
brackets, are Renoufs work. They are taken from the introduc- 
tion he published to his edition of the papyrus of Ani (p. 16). 

The vignette represents the deceased and his wife worshipping 

, This Chapter is found in the papyrus of Ani, and at greater 
length in a papyrus of the Museum of Leyden, from which it has 
been copied by Naville into his edition. 


Mail 9] 



The Leyden text is unfortunately very incomplete, both in the 
upi>er and lower parts of the 'columns- The two texts differ very 
materiaUy in some of their ^eadingl^ 2ind will require considerable 
study before a satisfactory translation can be given* 

I, The deceased is evidently supposed to be just arrived in a 
place of utter darkness and desolation, and expresses his feelings 
of distress to Thoth in the opening address. 

a. [The text of Leyden is much more complete. Owing probably 
to want of space, the scribe of Anl has shortened his text. There 
the omissions are so considerable that it is impossible to find a sense, 
1 have often adopted the reading of the Leyden papyrus in the 
translation of this part of the chapter,] 

3. The remaining columns in the Leyden manuscript, although 
incompletCi enable us to see that the deceased is assimilated 
throughout to Osiris, as bom again in his son Horus, There is a 
cry of adoration to him in Sutenhenen, and exuhation in En-aaref, 
the whole cycle of the gods is filled with satisfaction at seeing htm 
inherit his throne and rule over the earth, Sut is filled with terror 
when he sees the change which has taken place ; the difierent 
generations of mankind, the past, the prest^nt, and the future, are in 
obeisance. Mention is made of the *' Hoeing '' and of the blood 
which flowed in Sutenhenun [an allusion to the myth of the destruc- 
tion of mankind] and of other particulars in connection with Osiris/ 
And the chapter is said to be recited over an image of Horus made 
of lapis lazuli (or blue niaterial) and placed at the throat of the 
deceased. It is also to be recited in the Netherworld, 

Chapter fi/not dyin^ a second time in ike Nefhenmrld^ 

I execrate the land of the East, I do not go to the dungeonj fof 
I have not done those things which are forbidden by the gods. 

For I have passed through the place of purification in the middle 
of the Meskat;{i) the inviolate god has given me his glorious 
attributes on the day when the two Earths were united in the presence 
of the Master of (all) things. 

Ife who knows this chapter is a fnig/itv Chu in tlu Nethtrworld. . 



» ■ ' • ■ . 


A short Chapter found in one papyrus only, and consisting of a 
few sentences taken from various chapters. 
I. See Note 19, Chapter 17. 


Chapter of raising the Chu, of vivifying his soul in tlie Netherworld. 

O Nut, Nut, who created the father out of his earth (i) and Horns 
after him, who bound his wings as to a hawk and his feathers like 
Kemhesu, (2) who brought him his soul, and who perfected his 
words, who showed him his abode in the presence of the stars, the 
occupiers of the sky, for he is the great star of Nut. 

Thou seest N, uttering words to the Glorified, for he is the great 
form who will not rule (?) over them if thou art not among them. 
Thou seest the head of N. as a ba (3) (ram) ; his horns are like those 
of a sacrificed victim, those of a black ram, born of the ewe who 
bare him, and suckled by four sheep. 

There came to thee Horus with blue eyes, do thou guard Horus 
with red eyes in his sickness and in his wrath ; let his soul not be 
opposed, let his messengers come to him, and his quick runners (4) 
hasten to him ; let them come on the west side, and one by one (?) 
march towards thee. 

The god has said this : thy words are those of the father of the 
gods, (5) thy name will be triumphant before the gods; they exalt 
thee and the cycle of the gods give thee their hands. 

Said by the god to the father of the gods : take possession of the 
door of the ka on the horizon, let them throw open their gates; 
thou art welcome to them, do thou prevail over them, let them 

advance towards the god (6) when they come out they raise 

their faces, they see him before the great god Amsu (6) thy 

head, I have raised for thee thy head, take possession of it his 

head has j)erished behind thee, thy head will not perish and what 
thou hast done before men and gods will not be destroyed. 


This Chapter is found in the pyramid of Unas (11. 361-376), where 
the text is not much better than in the Papyrus London 9900. 


Mar, $J 



I. I believe this obscure expression means Osiris, 
2» A forra of Hoflls represented as a crouching hawk, with two 
feathers on his head (Renouf, /J/e IVork^ VoL III, p. 236), 

3. Though ^\ is written by a bird with a human head> it 

applies la the soul represented by a ratn. See Vignettes to Chapter S5. 
^^ 4* n[|^*^^Ol evidendy the word Plj^O^^ of the 
inscription of the ** Destruction of mankind," where it refers to 
\J y A ^ * ^^^ messengers, 

means properly a hunter, a man of the field, which 

\\ 1 

would have no sense here, Unas reads 

''the divine 


fathers," Adopting the reading of Unas in the singular, I read the 
father of the godsj probably Seb, who is mentioned a little further 
in the te.vt of the pyramid, 
6. Lacunae. 


ChapUr ofrmsing the imdy^ ^/ giving it cyes^ a/ making it possess ears, 
affixing its imid, a/ putting it an its hise* 

Thou hast received the eye of Horus ; (1) thy table is a table of 

Hail, Hunnu, lift up thy heart to purify thy body ; they have 
eaten the eye of Horus, the olive of Heliopolis, (1) they destroy 
{what is wrong) in the body of Osiris. 

{3) The mouth of N. had been thirsty ; but he will never hunger 
{any more) ; N. will never thirst ; for Chas delivers him and does 
away with hunger. 

O you who fill the vases, yoo chiefs who distribute bread and 
cakes, and who have charge of the waterflood ; there was ordered 
for^VI bread and beer, Ra. himsielf ordered them ; he ordered them 
to those who fill the year with plenty ; they seize them (the gifts) 
and they give him his wheat, his barley^ his loaves, for he is the 
great bull. 




Grant to N. the charge of the five loaves in the funerary chapel ; 
there are three* in heaven for Ra, there are two on earth for the 
cycle of the gods, and Nu sees them. 

O, Rfl, be gracious to N, in this happy day when N. joined Shu 
and Isis, and when he was united to (Nekhebit) ; (4) they give bread 
and beer to N.^ and they do all the things good and pure in this 
happy day, the things^ of Turn, bringing him the things of the eye of 
Horus . . . whenever he arrives to see the god. 

Thou takest possession of water, and thou marchest towards the 
altar of Sashert: four measures of water, as was commanded by 
Osiris to N. Shu has handed over his wealth to N, ; they are thy 
bread and thy beer. 

Awake, lofty judge ; awake, thou sleeper ; awake from thy . . .. 
thy offerings are brought before Thoth and Horus, who comes out 
from the Nile, and Apuat who comes out of Asert. 

It is pure, the mouth of N, ; the cycle of the gods offers incense 
to the mouth of JST, His mouth is pure verily, and his tongue in his 
mouth, for iV. hates filth, he is washed from impurity as Sut is washed 
in the city of the Rehui when he goes with Thoth to heaven. 

Feed N. with you ; let him eat what you eat, drink as you drink,, 
sit as you sit, be mighty as you are mighty, navigate as you navigate.^ 
The tent of JVi is woven in the field of Aarru, his running water is in 
the Garden of Hotepit. Offerings arc made to him among the 
gods ; the drink of N. is the wine of Ra. 

He goes round the sky like Ra, he travels over the sky like 
Thoth. A^. execrates hunger, he does not eat (feel) it, he execrates 
thirst. JV, has received bread from the lord of eternity. 

He ordered that A^. should be conceived in the night and born 
in the morning, close to the follower of Ra, before the morning star. 

JV, was conceived of JV. and born of A'., he brings you the loaves 
which he found in the pupil of the eye of Horus, on the bough of 
the /emiu tree. 

When he came, Khenta Amenta brought him the victuals and 
the offerings of Horus in his abodes where he lives of them. JV. 
lives of them ; as Horus drinks, A^. drinks ; his food is on the altar of 
Sashert. A^. is welcome to Anubis on his mountain. 

Hail, JV.j thy figure is that which thou hadst on earth, thou art 
living and renewed every day. Thy face is unveiled, and thou seest 
the lord of the horizon ; he gives bread to A^. at his hour of the day 
and at his appointed time in the night. Horus has avenged thee,. 

86 . 

,M*fc, 91 



he has smashed the jawbones of thy enemies^ he has smitten the 
%^iolent one at the door of his fortress. 

Hailf iV^, thine enemies are no more, in the great hall the scales 
are right concerning thee, thou niakest long strides like Osiris (5) 
the lord of the arrivais in the Amenta. He arrives when he likes, he 
sees the great god in his creations, life is given to his nostrils, he is 
triumphant over his enemies, 

Hailj iV\ Thou ha test falsehood* thou propit latest the lord of (all) 
things in the night of " stopping the tears," thou receivest sweet life 
rom the mouth of the cycle of the gods, and Thoth is satisfied in 
:iving thee victor>' over thine enemies. 

Nut spreads her wings over thee in her name of the veil of the 
sky, she giveth thee to be in the following of the great god, thine 
enemies are no more. She delivers thee of all evil things in her 
name of Chnumeturit, for she is the great one among her children. 

O "chief of the hours, in front of Ra, make way for A', that he 
may arrive Into the circle of Osiris, the living lord of the tvvo earths, 
who lives eternally. 

M is in the following of Nefertmu, he is the lotus at the nostriJs 
of Ra . , - . - . he is pure, m the presence of the gods ; he sees Ra 


This Chapter, taken from I^ndon 9900, is found complete in the 
pyramid of Unas (h i6fi ff.). Four other pyramids, those of Teta, 
Pepi 1, Merenra and Pepi II contain the greatest part of it ; as also 
does a stele of the Xllth Dynasty found in Abydos, :ind belonging 
fo a man called Kehi. Hatshepsu had it copied on both sides of 
liie chamber of olTering s| ler ially dedicated to her (Da'r el Bakari, 
\oh IV, pL CIX-XTU and p. 8). In the pyramids as well as at 
the temple this text is connected with offerings. The representation 
in the temple may be considered as the vignette to this chapter. 
We see there the queen sitting I before an altar of offerings called 

The eye of Horus^ a generic terra applied to 


Q t 

a great numl)er of oflTerings. 

2. There is much contiision in the first lines of this chapter. 

3. Text evidently incorrect, 



4. Taken from Unas. 

5. I read ^ p ® l^lj -;3>« (Lepsius, Todt., 148, 3. title to 

Chapter 180), to make long strides, means to go about freely. 

6. Formula inscribed on the coffin of King Mycerinus, in the 
British Museum, and on many coffins of the New Empire, especially 
under the Saites. 


Cliaptcr of coming forth when going out of yesterday (i) and coming 
in the {present) day^ being equipped by on^s own hands. 

I am raised from yesterday, I come to-day, I come out of my 
own creations. 

I am the sap coming out of its tree, I am the flow coming out of 
its form ; for I stand before the lord of the white crown, I am 
gracious ; my words are well established before the lord of the red 
crown, he who avenges (2) his eye. 

I died yesterday, but I come to-day ; (3) I made my way towards 
the doorkeeper of the great god ; I come forth by day against my 
enemy ; I triumph over him for ever. He is given me, and he 
will not be rescued from my hand ; he will dwindle away in my 
possession, before the great circle of gods in the Netherworld. 

I have been given the diadem of the great goddess which is 
on the head of the shadow, and on the figure of the living gods. 

1 have made my way my enemy is brought to me ; he is 

given me and he will not be rescued from my hand ; he will dwindle 
away in my possession, before the circle of gods of Osiris in his 

festival, when the inhabitants of the Amenta (4) i" bis name 


I am the lord of the red ones in the day of the births, I am the 
master of the sword, it will not be taken away from me. 

1 am in my bower, I have the sweet juice from my palm trees ; 
they bring me what is agreeable to my heart. 

I come forth in the day against this my enemy ; when he 
is brought to me I triumph over him, he will not be rescued from 


Mar, 9] THE BOOK OF THE DEAD. (1904. 

my hand, he will dwindle away in my possession in the presence of 
the greac circle of gods in Ta-tsert, and the queen of the souls, the 
most mighty. 

I rest in the garden of Hotepit, according to the commands 
of the lords of Cheraba, my figure is high in the presence of the 
most mighty ; I am strong, I rest in the isles of the garden of 


This Chapter is found in two papyri only : London 9900 Aa^ and 
the papyrus of Mi. This last text differs considerably from the first 
at the end of the chapter. The translation is made from Aa, with 
occasional references to Av/. 

1. The explanation of this curious expression C^^ ^Q^ 
1^ p "^ is given by the words of Nu ^ g "J^ ^ (1 "^ 

vgi y ^ *' I died yesterday, but I come to-day." I q yester- 
day is the past, is death ; whereas IkK^ ^^. V n ^^^^ ^^^ '^ 
the present day, is life. Leaving what has been, and coming to what 
is, is only a figure meaning resurrection after death. 

2. I have kept Renoufs translation, although I consider it is 

erroneous. The word *| O gj\ , | r n means reconstitute^ restore^ 

and not avenge. The common expression, Horus the avenger of his 
father, should be translated : " Horus who reconstitutes the body of 
his father " torn to pieces by Sut. 

3. These words are taken from the text of Nu. 

4. In both papyri there are words omitted here. 

{To i>c cofitifiued,) 

- 89 



By Prof. A. H. Sayce, D,D,^ &*c, 

Mr. George W. Eraser has allowed me to publish some Greek 
inscriptions found in Egypt and belonging to him, two of which are 
of considerable interest. 

(1) The first is on a stela discovered at Kom el-Ahmar, five 
miles south of Minia, and reads according to my copy as follows : — 





**To King Ptolemy and Arsinoc Philadelphus, Ptolemy the 
commandant of the garrison and the soldiers under him." 

So few inscriptions of any kind have been discovered at the Kom 
el-Ahmar of Minia, often identified with the old Egyptian Heben,^ 
that this well-preserved Ptolemaic text is of special value. It shows 
that a garrison of Greek soldiers was established there at the beginning 
of the Ptolemaic period. The stela was dedicated between B.c, 277, 
when the marriage of Ptolemy II to his sister Arsinoe II Philadelphus 
seems to have taken place, and h.c. 270, when according to the stela 
of Mendes, now in the Cairo Museum, the queen " went to heaven " 
in the 9th month of the king's 15th year. 

^ A broken slcla found at Kom cl-A^nmr, and in Mr. Fraser's possession, 
calls Horus **lhe lord of Heben, the august one of the sky." 


Mar» 9] 



(a) A second inscription on a wooden cross, and of the Christian 
period, came into Mr, Fraser*;* hands in 1S90, The original of this I 
have not seen. XI r. Fraser's copy is as follows : — 







^ (The monument) of Castor Pylo(n), 
of the Hennopolite nome, from 
the i?illage of Terepsebe." 

{$} The next inscription is on a granite slab found at Samanild, 
the classical Sebennyttis, in tSgS* It is much obi iterated, but a 
prolonged study of the stone in various lights finally enabled me 10 
make out the greater part of the text : — 





01 ZYNnonON 


*' (To) . , and chief councillor and priest of the kintr 

and founder of the place, the Macedonfans from the gymnasium of 
the HeraWeion, both tht; officers and the ranks, and those who share 
in the mess, on account of his kindness to them," 

We may gather that there was a chapel of Herakles at Sebenn>ttis, 
which adjoined the gymna*»ium. It was from Herakles that the 
Ptolemies claimed to be descended (Mahaffy, TAe ILmfirc oj the 
Pioitmks^ p, 219). 1 cannot find any other examples of the curious 
phrases in lines 5 and 6, tV* n-^imlmv^ which must mean "the ranks/* 

and 04 eV¥WQetQP ^€i*XiiitPM^ 

' those who eat the common meal/' 

lAR. 9] 



(4) The following inscrijjUon was copied Ijy Mr* Fraser in 1895 
from the base of a statue from Fiubastls ; — 

TAAATEIA ©EYAOTOY " f '^-^^^^tea, the daughter ^ 
D /^ D A ^ *^^ Thc-odotus, to tile 

BOIBAXTI goddess Bubastis' 

The form BeuioTov for Bciitflraif is Dorian* probably Kretan ; 
F» Botfitfari, however, for Bovf^dirtict is - Kolic rather than Dorian* 

(5) In 1S8S, I found an altar with an inscription upon k on the 
top of the cliff to the north of Tchna (north of Minia), The altar 
lay in the quarries out of which it had bet- n cut, and as the name of 
the emperor upon it was erased, it was clear that a revolution must 
have taken place before it could be removed to the place where it 
was intended it should be erected. Other portions of the inscription 
also were injured, and I could make but an imperfect copy of it 
during the short time I was upon the spot* Subsequently Mr. Fmser 
excavated at Tchna, where he discovered some important tombs of 
the Vth Dynasty, and took a squee£e of the altar inscripiion. This 
he placed in my hands, and 1 am thus enabled to give the text of 
the inscription in full My reading of it is as follows ; — 





5. Atl MEnCTW EYX[HN] 





'* For the safety and victory of the I'lniperor Domitian Caesar 
Augustus Germanicus, to Zeus the Supreme a vow is made by Titus 
Egnntius TiberiannSj centurion (?) of the third Cyrenaic legion, at 
the quarries of the place from which the paving of the city of 
Alexandria has come**' 


Mar, 9J 




Bv Prof. A, H, Savck, jD,Z?., ^j-v, 

Mr, Somers Clarke and I have jKiid two visits together to thi5 
Tock near El*Kab, on which are the cartouches of Sharu and Khufu, 
described in '* PrmTCiii/i,i^s^" March^ ^8991 and have taken s>cveral 
rubbings of ihem on l>oth occasions* The hieroglyphics come 
out very clearly in the rubbings, and with the help of the latter 
it is easf to trace the characters in the originals. Mn Green 
was right in seeing the legs of the "chicken" in what I had 
supposed to be the chicken itself, and the body of the bird in 
what I had given as <zz>j but he was wrong in transforniing the 
<=:r> into ^ ^r^- y and ^g»^, the eagle, into p> the chicken. The 
first cartouche — that which stands in a funerary boat — is : ^^ K 
Sharu, as I have already said, is the Sons of Manetho. !m. 
The two cartouches of Khufu, which are by the same hand *^^ 
as that of Sharu, are written in the ordinary way, and are -la 
not in a funerary boat ; from which we may infer that Sharu was 
recently dead, 

1 have received a letter from Mr* Green which explains how his 
photograph c^me to be so inaccurate. He says : " I sent an inked 
photograph to the Secretary of the S.B.A,^ to show how I think we 
should read the cartouche and thus to act as a key to the real 
photograph. Unfortujiately the *key' only was published." It 
thus turns out that the real ** hand-copy '* was not mine but ^Ir, 

January 2^th^ 1904* 

It is true that Mr. Green sent me two photographs, one with the 
outlines marked out with ink, and one in its original state. But I 
did not understand from him that both were to be reproduced. 
Moreover, my recollection of the untouched photograjih is that 
it was so very indistinct that it was quite impossible to make a 
useful reproduction of it. — ^Secretarv. 

93 I 





The Genealogies arid Lists in Nekemiah, 

By Sir Henry H. Howorth, K.CLE,, F,R,S,, ^c. 

( Continued from page 69. ) 

Let us now turn to chapter x of Nehemiah. This chapter has 
almost universally been treated as very corrupt, and as an interpola- 
tion. I believe that it was also the actual composition of the original 
editors of the Masoretic text, and did not occur in the Septuagint. 
It begins with a long list of names of those who are said to have 
sealed with Nehemiah. 

Fitst we have a list of priests. Now, this list of priests is almost 
exactly the same as a similar list given in chapter xii. I will put 
the two lists as they occur in the Hebrew Bible side by side, merely 
altering slightly the order in order to compare them. 

Chapter x, verses 2-8. 

Chapter xii, verses 1-7. 

I Seraiah. 


2 Azariah. 


3 Jeremiah. 


4 Amariah. 


5 Hattush. 


6 Shebaniah. 


7 Malluch. 


8 Harim. 


9 Meremoth. 


10 Ginnethon. 


II Abijah. 


12 Mijamin. 


13 Maaziah. 


14 Bilgai. 


15 Shemaiah. 


*" This is a scribe's error for Harim, as is shown by verse 15 of the same 
chapter, two letters having been transix)sed. 


Mak.9] unconventional views on bible-text. 




It is plain therefore that out cf twenty-one names in the list of 
priests in chapter x» and of twcnty4wo in chapter xii, fifteen are the 
same. How is this possible if both documents are genuine? In 
chapter x the prie*^ts are said to have been those who sealed 
themselves with A^ihcmiah and Zedtkiah^ w^hile in chapter xii they 
are said to have been the priests who went up with Zembbabel the 
sen of Shi'aiiiei O'td fethna. How is this possible under any system 
of chronology, least of all under that which is current amonj; both 
the orthodox and the great pontiffs of criticism, who would put Zemb- 
habel in the reign of I^arius Hystaspis, to reconcile these facts? 

It is most clear that one statement or the other is wrong, and it 
seems to me that the one that is most wrong, and is a mere artificial 
story, is that in chapter x. The names of the additional six priests 
occurring in the list in that chapter and not in chapter xil, are 
very suspicious looking, namely Pashur, Makhiyah^ Obadiah^ Daniel ^ 
BanH*k and Meshullam, while the names of those in chapter xii 
are attested by the subsequent narrative in which their sons are 
mentioned with their rej^peclive fathers, Pashur and Malchiah are 
mentioned in verse 12 of chapter xi, where Zechariah is said to be the 
son of Pashur, the son of Malchiah, making it improbable that the 
two should occur together as contemporary priests in Nehemiah x. 
Obadiah, Daniel, and Baruch are merely the names of the prophets 
so named, while MeshuUam was the son of Ginnethon (Nehemiah, 
chapter xii), and belonged to a lower generation. 

Again, Lord Arthur Harvey has remarked as very singular (may 
I say ominous), that nine of the twenty-two priests in Nehemiah x, 
1-8, xii, r-7, have the same names as the heads of courses in David's 
time (see i Chronicles xxiv). After the ennumeration of the 
priests' chapter x continues : " And the Ijevites, namely, Jeshua the 
son of Aaianiah, Binnui of the sons of Henadad, Kadmiel ; and 
their breihrenj Shebaniah, Hodjah, Kelita, Pelaiah, Hanan, Mica, 
Rehob, Hashabiah, Zaccur, Sberebiah, Shebaniah, Hodiah» Bani, 
Beninu*" These Levitcs are named among those who sealed with 
Nehemiah- They are almost the same names as the Levites 
nicntioned in chapter ix of Nehemiah, verses 4 and 5, but what is 
more remarkable, they also occur again in chapter xii among the 
LevLtes who went up with Zeri(bbabd^ and could not therefore be 
contemporaries of Nehemiah. Those in chapter xii, 8, are thus 
enumerated Moreover, the I.evites, Jeshua, Dinnui, Kadmiel, 
Sherebiah, Judah, and Mattaniah. 

95 * ^ 


Again, the list of the chiefs of the people in chapter x, 24-19 
inclusive, is a mutilated extract from the list in Ezra ii and 
Nehemiah vii, and some are apparently names of places and not 
of men who could be sealed, ex. gr,^ Pahath, Moab, and Elam. 

The whole list in chapter x is clearly a sophistication of a late 
date, and made up in the artificial way that the rest of the chapter 
seems to be, and was perhaps written to exalt the Levites, and it 
seems to me quite impossible to attribute it to the compiler of the 
book, while it bears every mark of the handiwork of the much 
later editors of the Masoreiic text. 

It is curious that in the Arabic version the greater part of both 
chapter x and chapter xi are missing, as if some suspicion had 
attached to them. Of chapter x we merely have a condensed 
sentence in these terms : Nehemia the son of Hanania chief of 
the priests, and Zerabia, Seraia, Azaria, Jeremia Phashcon and the 
rest of the congregation. 

Let us now move on again. As we have seen in the previous 
memoir, and as has been generally conceded, verses i and 2 of 
chapter xi of Nehemiah originally followed immediately after 
verse 4 of chapter vii of the same book, and complete its story. 
From verse 3 to verse 36 inclusive, however, the contents of this 
chapter have a very suspicious look, since they are again an iteration 
and dajjlication of matter already contained in the same work as 
originally written. They form in fact an artificial narrative 
constructed from bits of patchwork. The most interesting of these 
are the statements it has in common with Chronicles i, 9. Thus : — 

Nehemiah, Chapter xi. i Chronicles, Chapter ix. 

Verse 3. These are the chief of the Verse 2. Now the first inhabitanis 
province that dwelt in that dwelt in their posses- 

Jerusalem . . to wit Israel, sions in their cities were, 

the priests, and the Levites, the Israelities, the priests, 

and the Nethinims, and the Levites, and Nethinims. 

children of Solomon's ser- 
,, 4. And in Jerusalem dwelt cer- ,, 3. And in Jerusalem dwelt of 

tain of the children of the children of Judah, and 

Judah, and of the children of the children of Benjamin 

of Benjamin. Of the chil- .... 

dren of Judah : Athaiah „ 4. Uthai the son of Amroihud, 

th • son of Uzziah, the son the son of Omri, the son of 

of Zechariah, the son of Imri, the son of Bani, of 

Amariah .... of the the children of Pharez, the 

cliildren of Perez. son of Judah. 


■ Mar. 9l 


BIBLE'TEXT. [1904. ^^^H 


EHEMiAHi Cfmptcr \L 

I Chronicles, Chapter ix. ^^^H 

Verse $, 

Maasemh the son of BarucK Verse 5. 

And of the Shiloniiesi : Asaiah ^^^^^| 


• 4 - 4 4 the soQ of Shllotii 

the first burn and his sons ^^^^H 

H 7* 

And Lbes£ afe the sons of ,, 


And of the sons of Eenjamin % ^^^^^H 


Benjan)in ; Sallu the son 

SalluthesonofM eshuttam , ^^^^^| 


of Me^hiillam, the son af 

the son of Ilodaviah .... ^^^^H 


Joed , , . 



Of the priests; Jedainh the ,, 


And of the priests ^ JedaJali, ^^^^| 


scm of Joiarib, Jachin. 

and Jehoiarib, and Jachin. ^^^^^| 


Seimiah the son of HlLkinht f, 


And Azariah the ^n of Hil- ^^^^H 


the son of Meshutlam, the 

kiah} theson of Meshullamf ^^^^^| 


^m of Zadok, the son of 

the son of Zadok^ the son of ^^^^^| 


Mcmioth, the son of 

MerE]oth,the son of Ahitvdi, ^^^^H 


Ahitubt was the mlcT of tho 

the ruler of the house of ^^^^^| 


hoi^se of trod. 



, . . and Adabh ihe son of „ 


And Adalah the son of Jero- ^^^^^| 


Jciohani* the son of Pela- 

ham, ihe son of Pashnr, ^^^^^| 


Imh, the son of Amxi 

the son of Malchijah. ^^^^^| 

H «* tj' 

And Amashsai, the son of 

and Maasal the son of ^^^^^| 

A^tLred, the son of Aha^i, 

Adiel, ihe son of Jahzerah, ^^^^| 


Ibe son of Meshillemoth, 

the son of ^feshuUamt the ^^^^^| 


the son of Itnraer . . . 

gon of Meshiliemitht the ^^^^| 
^jn of Immer . * . ^^^^^| 

B r. 15- 

Also of the Le\iieji j She- „ 


And of the Levites: She- ^^^^| 

maiah the sun of 1 laNhub, 

mabh, the son of Flashub, ^^^^^| 


I he son of AzrikatUt the 

the Hin of Amkanit the ^^^^^| 


son of Ita^haljiaii, thL' son 

son of Fiasbabiah^ of the ^^^^^^| 


of Bunni . . . 

sons of MerarL ^^^^^| 


And Mattaniah the son of „ 


And Bakbakkar, and . . . ^^^H 


Micha, the son ot Zabdi, 

and Mattaniah the son cif ^^^^^| 


ihe son of Asaph * * , and 

Micah, the .^on of ^ichri, ^^^^^| 


Bakbukiah - _ ^ and AMa^ 

the son of Asaph. ^^^^^| 


the son of Sharamua, ,, 

J 6. 

And Obadiah tbt^ son ot ^^^^^| 


the son of (lalalj the son 

Shemaiah, the son of Gakl, ^^^^^| 


of Jedulhun* 

the son of Jeduthun . . . ^^^^^^ 

B^. 19- 

Moreover I h If port tfrs Akkub J ,, 


And the ptorters werei 5 ha I* ^^^^^^| 

Tahnon, and their brethren. 

lum and Akkub, ^nd ^^^^^| 
Talmon, and Ahimani and ^^^^^| 
Ibc^ir brethren* ^^^^^H 

B It is 

perfectly plain that these tivt? lists 

are in a very great part ^^^H 

^1 the same, yet the one in Nehemtah 

is professedly contemporary ^^^^ 

H with Nehemiah himself, while that i 

of I 

Chronicles i explicitly ^^^^H 

H refers to the condition of things at 


' first return from the ^^^H 

H Captivity. The latter clearly points to 

1 the 

time before the second ^^^H 




Mar. 9] 



Temple was built, and when the hraelites still worshipped in a 
temporary dweUlng (see Chronicles i, ig, zr, 23), 

It seems to me therefore quite plain that Nehemiah xl, beginning 
with verse jj is a foreign boulder in the narrative, referring to other 
times altogether. It begins and ends abruptly without connection 
with what precedes or follows it, and was probably not contained in 
the oiiginal text, but was composed and inserted by the editors of 
the Ma^oretic text, and had a distinct motive or Tendenz as the 
Germans call tt. 

If it should be thought that this argument is not conclusive^ and 
that chapter xi of Nehemiah belongs to his time, it would, oddly 
enough, establish another point for w^hich I have argued. As Dr. 
Alexander Barret says in his Synopsis, III, 459, ** If the names 
occurring, ex, gn, in verse 4 of the chapter, be compared with 
those who came back with Ze rob babel, it will appear fhey are 
the 4th, 5th and 6th generations from Zerubbabef, which is a 
demonstration that Nehemiah did not come to Jerusalem in the time 
of ^Vrtaxerxes Longimanus, but in that of Artaxerxes Mnemon/* 

Let us now turn to Nehemiah xii. The earlier part of this 
chapter, verses t-26 inclusive, has also been generally treated as an 
interpolation, but in this case we perhaps have to do not with a 
mere sophistication, but with a genuine narrative, one most clearly 
composed, however^ long after the time of Nehemiah^ and having 
therefore nothing to do with his memoirs. We have seen how 
closely connected the list is with that in chapter x. It begins^ as we 
ha%'e mentioned, with a list of twenty-two priests and of eight Levites 
who are said to have returned with Zerubbabel and Jeshua, 'J'hese 
lists are preparatory and introductory to the succeeding clauses, which 
are the real gist of the chapter, beginning with verse 10, in which 
we are first told that Jeshua (the companion of Zerubbabel) begat 
Joiakim, Joiakim l>egai Kliashib, Eliasbib btgat Joida, Joida begat 
Jonathan and Jonathan begat Jaddua, This short genealogy has 
been thought by many to be an interpolation. It seems to me to 
be of the same dale as the rest of this particular narrative in 
cliapter xii^ and to show that the whole of it was not composed 
until or after the High Priesthood of Jaddua, who, according 10 
Joseph us, was a contcmporar>^ of Alexander, a fact w^hich suits 
the inferences from the generations in the genealogy very fairly- 

We are next told that in the days of Joiakim (i\€., the son of Jeshua) 
the representatives of the above named twcnty*two priests were twenty- 





two otherSj whose names are duly given, each one as the successor of 
a corresponding priest named in the previous list ; the two Hsts 
being thus closely linked and clearly belonging to one narrative, in 
which J however, two verses seem interpolated quite parenthetically 
and apropos of nothing, namely, verses 8 and 9, bolli referring to the 
Levites and Porters. Thes^e verses 8 and 9 are in part a duplication 
of verses 24 and 25 of the same chapter. The variants are however 
interesting. In verse S the Levites named are Jeshua, Binnuij 
KadmieU Sherebiah, Judah, and Mattaniah. In verse 24 they are 
Hashabiab, Sherebtah, and Jeshua the son of KadmieL Here it 
seems clear that Bmnui| like Bani in a previous chapter, has been 
read son, and Jeshua is made a son of Kadmiel, which is quite 
inconsistent with other statements about him, where he is called the 
son of Jozadekj as by the prophet Haggai^ and in earlier chapters of 
Ezra and Nehemiah ; while in chapter x, verse 9, he is called the son 
of A^aniah. Kowhere else in fact is he called son of Kadmiel, 
unless Binnui, in verse S, is to be translated *'son," and not treated 
as a proper name. Hashabiah, who is called a scribe in verse 24, 
is called a priest in verse 21 of this same chapter \ii. While 
Mattaniah, w*ho is called a Levite in verse Sj is called a portt^r in 
%'erse 2$. Meshallam is called a priest in verse i j, and a porter in 
verse 25, In verse 17 of chapter xi^ Maitaniah, Bakbukiah, and 
Obadia or Abda are enumerated as Levites, and Talmon and Akkub 
arc alone named among the porters, while in verse 25 of chapter xii 
the four men just named are numbered as porters* This shows how 
utterly unreliable and artificial the list in chapter xii is. If we are 
to make any sense of it at all, we must exclude verses 8 and 9, and 
postpone verses 22 and 23, and make verse 24 follow immediately 
on verse 21. It seems plain therefore, that in chapter xii, verse 7j 
about the priests, should be immediately followed by verse i o, also 
about the priests, and continue down to the end of verse 21, and 
verse 21 by verse 24, in w^hich the Levites are enumerated ^ the 
list of priests being immediately followed by a corresponding hst 
of Levites* This list of Levites occupies verse 24, and would be 
lo^cally followed by verses 22 and 23, which are incongruous and 
umiitelligible as they stand, and then again by verse> 25 referring to 
the porters- Verses 22, 23, and 26 prove that this narrative in 
chapter xii was com^josed long after the time of Nehemiah, 
Jaddua, as Josephus tells us, lived in the reign of Alexander the 
Great, and the king styled Darius the Persian clearly points, as 


Mar. 9] 



every one seems agreed, to D^irius Codomanniis. Apart from this, 
the contents of verse 13 are equally conrlusive. This verse reads : 
" The sons of Levi, the chief of the fathers^ \rere ^v ritten in the 
book of the Chronicles, even unto the days of J oh ana n the son of 
Eliashib," Again we read in verse 26: " These were in the days 
of Joiakim the son of Jeshua^ the son of Jozadak, and fn the days 
of Kehemiah the governor^ and of E^ra the priest, the scribe,*' 
This is really only consistent with the story having been written 
down long after the death of Ezra and Nehetniah. 1 believe the 
most probable solution of the inversions, contradictions, etc., in 
this chapter^ from verse i to verse 26 iticlusive, to be that, as in 
the cases previously criticized, the genealogies and hsts contained 
in it were artificial productions of the editors of the Masoretic 
edition of the Bible. From verse 27 to the end of the chapter 
the narrative has been generally accepted as belonging to Nehemiah's 
memoirs^ with which it has very close lies in matter and form. 
Like them, it is written in the first jierson, and refers to the 
building and dedication of the walls* 

Cliapter xtii has been generally trailed as a continuation of the 
same story, and I so treated it in my previous paper. A further 
study of it has made this seem very doubtful to me* It is so like 
in form and matter to the two concluding chapters of Ezra ; it 
contains so much that is very like Ezra*s own vmting, and is 
s]>ecially appropriate to him as a priest, rather than to Kehemiah, 
who was a secular prince. It brings Ezra so closely in contact with 
the high priest Eliashib, as he was brought in contact in the book 
of Ezra with Eliashib's son, that it seems to me, unless it be a late 
composition made up for the most part of duplicated materials, it 
belongs to the text of ** Ezra ^' rather than that of Nehemiah. 

The matti!rs of interest in the two liooks I have criticized in 
these papers are by no means exhausted-^ and their imj>ortance 
cannot be exaggerated, for, as I believe, a really fmal scientific 
criticij^m of the Old Testament will have to begin with these hooks. 
Before I deal with other points, however, I must first discuss the 
Septuagmt text of the two books of Chronicles, to which I hope to 
turn in the next paper, ISlean while I will conclude by referring 
my readers to Prof, Torrey's rt^marks on the issues* contained in his 
work on "Ezra-Nehemiah,'* pp. 6^ and 64, with which I am in 
almost complete agreement. 

Mar. 9] • THE FORMULA 1 A '^^ ^^ ^< '•' - . [1904.. 

THE FORMULA ] [^f^^ i 

By G. a. Wainwright. 

In collecting the mythological facts connected with funerary 
offerings, among others I have found the following, which seem la 

have a bearing on the I A "fl^ ^ formula. 

1. Seb gave gifts to Osiris — 

For in a hymn to Osiris {/Records of the Fast, IV, 100) are 

the words, *'To him (Osiris) Seb orders offerings to be 

presented," and also, 

" What thy father Seb has commanded for thee, let that be 

done unto thee," immediately followed by the above-named 


2. He gave them in Annu, for — 

Osiris rose in Annu {vide the Bennu myth) through the 
Gate of Seb ; for the deceased, otherwise Osiris, passed 
through the Gate of Seb on his resurrection {Book of the 
Dead, ch. LXVIII). 

Therefore the Gate of Seb is in Annu ; proof of which is 
found in the vignette (Wilk., Ill, 349) of the Bennu, the 
risen Osiris, sitting in the sacred tree of Annu (Wiedemann, 
ReL of the Egyptians, 156) outside a gate, which must be 
that of Seb. 


Mar. 9] ..-/SpbiETy OF BIBLICAL ARCHitOLOGY. [1904: 

Th^efcfre Seb would give his offerings to Osiris, when they met, 
wh/cK would be in Annu; that he did do so is shown by the 
''following quotations : — 

"Offerings in Annu" (Budge, Egyptian Rel.^ 124). 

" I^t him live upon the Bread of Seb " i^Book of the Dead^ 

ch. LXVIII). 

" Cakes of Annu " i^Book of the Dead, ch. CLXIX, 11. 21, 22). 

On finding Seb so closely connected with offerings, I collected 
what I could concerning him, and found that : — 

3. Seb was a king, for he was — 

The father of Osiris, to whom Shu made over his (Seb's) 

possessions {Book of the Dead, ch. XVII), and Osiris is a 

king, therefore Seb was before him. 

The fourth king of Egypt (Manetho, Cory's Ancient 


The heavenly prototype of the kings of Egypt (Creation 

JiecordSy p. 206), who speak of him as the founder of their 

dynasty {Cnafion J^ecorJsy p. 205), and Thothmes IV calls 

his throne ** the throne of Seb *' {Records of the Fast, XII, 

45i 4^)> while Mcn-kau-Ra is said to be ** of the race of 

Seb" {ride Cotfin in B. M.). 

Therefore the term king might well be applied to him in any 
case, more especially so, in connection with the giving of offerings, 
when the action took place in his own city of Annu, to whose cycle 
of gods he belonged (^Wiedemann, A*c7. of Egyptians, 107). 

Now has not all this some bearing on the 1 A [1 ^ 

formula, for would not iho devout Egyptian, who knew his 
mythology, have this story of Osiris in his mind when praying for 
offerings for his deceased relative, and from the quotations above we 
see he exj>ected them to be receiveil in Annu, when he rose, like 
Osiris ; therefore was not Osiris askcii to do for the deceased, what 
had l)een done for him by the then go^l of the dead? 

For Seb was the earliest gi^Ki of the dead («;A Budge, Egyptian 
Religion, p. 93^, and C>siris was the great prototype of risen souls 


^Jar, 9] 


firstj and then became god of the dead afterwardsj and so under- 
taking Seb's duties. 

That is to say, the suppliant in praymg to Osiris, or Anubis, or 
another god of the dead, for offerings, first quotes the prececlentj 
showing reason why the justified, therefore risen, soul should be 
granted offerings, and then goes on to ask for them. The trans- 
lation would then be something like : — [As] the king (Seb) granted 
offerings [to Osiris, so] may Osins [{in his turn) grant offerings (to 
ihe Osiris, i>. the deceased)]. May he grant oxen and geese, etc, 
-,.,.* to the ka of the Osiris . . , That is to say, the ordinary 
formula is nn abridgement of a fuller form, which wc fmd in the 

earliest texts, such as : i '^ A fU) A (^beikb Said), 

^^ xA A^^ ^^^'' ^^^'* ^' ^^^^' which show two 

parallel sentences, from the second of which the identical words 
are omitted, to form the abridgement, and they also show 


two nouns, subjects of their sentences, set olT against each other. 

For 1 is a noun, for it takes a det. J] (Ba&k tf Brfailnngs^ 

Dr. Budge, ''B&ok of the Dead^^ p. 514), and it is at least once 

replaced by the sign | (Goodwin, ZiiHchrifi^ 1876, p. 102), showing 

it not lo be the Pharaohj but a god, and this god and king, 
<:onnected with offerings in Annu, is Seb, 

That these sentences cannot be two co-ordinate prayers or 
statements \% shown by the following ^— ^ in the singular, unlets 

more gods are mentioned, when one t^ets ttz::^ in the plural 


Therefore only I or d 3\ are referred to, not both, and the 

omission of the first portion in 3si A f|[j^ \=-^ 1 ' ^^*^' 

(Griffiths, RS.B.A., XVIII, p. 199), shows that 1 A ^^ "^' 

necessary to the sense, and is only dependent upon the second 
phrase ^^ A which is the principal clause. 

In late times another variant is found 1 ^Jl 
i| J| .,,.,,.. . {B<mko/Bmttkinp, ^' Book of the Dead;' 



p. 514, Dr. Budge's Edition), when the scribes, apparently forgetting 
the grammar of the phrase, and knowing the story referred to, 
made sense of the four words, as they stood, by inserting ^^^^^ 
before Osiris, making it read, " The king gave gifts /o Osiris, . . . 

May he (the latter) grant " 

These translations are only inferred from the mythological facts, 
but, whatever translation may finally be proved to be right, it 
cannot ignore their existence, for the giving of offerings to the 
deceased must, like everything else in his existence, find its counter- 
part in the history of Osiris. 







Ey Joskph Offord. 

When in 1901 Mr. E. Gilbert Highton, M.A. and I pre- 
sented an account of the "De Duabus Viis,*" a new Latin version 
of the first six chapters of the Didach^,2 mention was made of the 
Arabic version of practically a parallel portion of the treatise 
published by Iselin.** 

M. de Ricci has recently kindly handed me for the purpose of 
comparison a Latin translation of the Arabic text, which appeared in 
" Bessarione," and is by Professor Umberto Benigni ;* he also gives 
the Arabic of the life of Schneudi, which is a translation from the 
Coptic, of which version several manuscripts exist. Prof. Benigni 
also prints a Latin translation of the Greek " Didache," his own of 
the Arabic text, which he takes from Amelineau's edition in Vol. IV 
of the French School at Cairo,^ and the same matter taken from the 
" Ecclesiastical and Apostolical Canons,"^ both in the Greek and 
•Coptic forms, the last from Lagarde's " .-Egyptiaca." 

* Doctritia XI J Apostolorum ; una aim aniiqna versionc latina prion's partis 
dc Duabus Viis ; primum edidit, Joseph Schlecht. 

- Proceedings^ March, 1 901. 

' L. Iselin, Eine bisher unbekanntc Version des crstcn Theilcs dcr Apostclieluw 
Leipzic, 1895. 

"* Bessarione, 1898, 311-329, Diiicuhe Coptica Duarum Viarum Ketcnsio 
Coptica Monasiica, Schnudii Hontilis Attrihuta per Arabicani J'ersionem 

* Tome IV, Monuments pour servir a PHistoire de P Egypt Chretienne, 

* F. X. Funk, Doctrina duadeeem Apostolontm, Caiwnes Apostolorum Eccle- 
siastici ac Reliqiue Doctrina de Duabus Viis Expositiones Veteres. 


Mar. 9] 



In his introduction Prof, Benigni states as a fact of great 
importance, that the Sahidic recension, from which the Arabic 
version is derived, is "nee Barnabic Epistol^L sed ex Doctrina 
Aposlolorum (vulgo IJidache) deprompta/* and that *' lection ej 
expleta et anaiytica comparatione institu6^ tandem hoc nihi con-' 
stabat, haberi novam Diarum viarum *' rescensioncm **sahtdica 
dialecto jam confectara nunc vero Arabica versione superstiteni 
Copticis monachis accomndatam e>c Didache directo denvatem." 

He considers it proved that the recension of the Didache from 
which the Sahtdic- Arabic version is derived is not that of Brj'ennios* 
For of chapter I, i>ara^ra[>hs 3 to 6 are missing; of chapter 11^ 
I>aragraph i is different i of chapter IVj paragraphs 9 to 15 inclusive* 
and of chapter VI, paragraph 2, are absent from the Sahidic. '(These 
are also absent from the Greek and Coptic Canons, indicating that 
the Sahidic is based upon a tuxt nearer to the one they sprang from 
than is the Bryennios Didache.) Also paragraphs 6 of chapter II, 
and 4 of chapter III^ and 14 of chapter IV, in the Siihidic, have 
additional matter to Bryennios. 

On the otiier hand, in chapter III, paragraph 3, which is in 
Bryennios, and not in Schlecht's Latin J is in the Sahidic, and 
paragraph 4 appears based upon a longer part of the parallel text of J 
Bryennios than the I^itin is, as does paragraph 8, which indicates 
knowledge of matter in Bryennios absent in the Latin. Finally, 
none of the additions and variations to the Bryennios Didach^ 
peculiar to the " Ecclesiastical (or Apostolic) Canons " are found in 
the Sahidic version. 

Anyone who compares the two newly found versions, viz., the 
Latin and Sahidic, will see numrroos variations. Of the I^iin text 
the first paragrai>h of chapter I, and paragraphs 4, and 9 to 14 of 
chapter IV, and paragraph 2 of chapter V, are wanting in the 
Sahidic, whilst paragraph 3 of chapter III and many other portions of 
the Sahidic are absent in the Latin. 

The differences are so frequent that the two texts do not appear 
to be derived from the same family of manuscripts, but they quite 

"* It sliould hs noted that ihc first sentence of chapter HI t>f Brj'ennios only is 
present in ScHlecht*s Latin. (And all ihe chapters, g to 14 of chapter IV, are alaij 
to be found there:. ) But it h airioujj that Ihb first sentence, rovrtav Je rurt^ A^w 
V ^i^axn *tmv aBrif, of BQ^ennios is c>mitted, for it is m all the known tnanascript*^^ 
of whatever \'erston of the Didach^. 


Mar* 9| 



coincide^ in omitting the three long paragraphs at the end of 
chapter I of the Bryennios text, and so are copied from manuscripts 
which agreed in not containing these. 

They are thus allied to the versions of the '^ Two Ways'' 
incorporated in the *'Syntagma'Doctrina j" the *'DidascaHa" (or 
Faith of the 31S Fathers) ; and the *' Ecclesiastical (or Apostolic) 
Canons ; " and Barnabas ; but not with that followed by the 
*' Apostolic Constitutions." 

Two interesting matters should be mentioned ; first — the Sahidic 
in I, I J omits the words *Mycis et tencbrarum. In his constituti 
sunt angeli duo, unus aequi talis alter iniqui Litis," which are in 
Hchlechi's, and the Melk manuscript, Latin, and we know from 
Banmbas were in the extremelj' early version he used. 

SecondlVt chapter I, end of paragraph 2^ agrees with Bryennios' 
r^idachc, Ireneaus, Cyprian, and Theophilus in giving the negative 
form as in the Egyptian confession in the " Book of the Dead'^ 
(see also Tohit iv, 15 - and Lampridius says Alexander Severus 
liked so to quote it). 

The paragraph appended to the Latin version of the De Duabus 
Viis edited by Ih. Schlecht, which translated read : "If after taking 
counsel thou shalt daily do these things, thou wilt be nigh to the 
living God, but if thou shalt not do them^ thou wilt be far from the 
truth. Lay up all these things in thy mind, and thou shalt not be 
beguiled of thy hope. But by these sacred exercises thou wilt 
arrive at the crow^n through " (our) " Lord Jesus Christ who reigns 
and rules with God the Father and the Holy Spirit for ever and 
ever, Amen," which is not in the Greek of Bryennios, is also absent 
from the Sahidic, and therefore appears to be a somewliat late 
addition to the treatise. 

The special value of this Coptico- Arabic copy of the "Didache" 
aiises from the fact that it shows, beyond a doubt, that the 
theological additions which form the matter of the " Apostolic 
Constitution^*/* and the " Ecclesiatical Canons," were accretions 
grouped around the primitive text, as revealed to us in its short 
original form by the first found Bryennios text, and now by the 
Ijitin and Sahidic ones. Further^ that centuries after the augmented 
versions were passing current pretending to contain only the 
primitive early christian document, manuscripts existed in Egypt 

* The Laiin h:is a few words of the first sentence. 


presenting only the veritable shorter recension, one of which has 
been incorporated in the life of Schneudi; and others also in 
Europe of the same character, specimens of which have come down 
to us in the copies at Melk and Lorch. 

The Sahidic recension, it should be noted, is the shortest of all, 
omitting the passages the "Apostolic Constitutions" quote, viz., 
paragraph 3 to 6 of chapter I, which are in the Brjennios Greek 
Didache, though apparently unknown to Barnabas ; and also 
omitting from chapter IV, paragraphs 9-13, which are in both the 
Greek and Latin versions. 

It is a great gain in the study of patristic literature to be able to 
trace, how, as doctrines or ritual changed it was thought fitting and 
proper to add sentences to primitive documents, coinciding with 
the new views, such additions subsequently being in many cases 
appealed to as the foundations for dogmas, on the ground that they 
were part and parcel of the original matter, to which we now know 
they were total strangers. 


Mar. ol 



Bv Stani^ey a. Cook, M.A. 


3; Personal Names on Hebrew Intaglios.^ With the excep- 
tion of the six-lined Siloani inscription, practically the only specimens 
of ancient Hebrew writing comprise a number of inscribed seals, 
scarabs^ and pottery-stamps ; and whilst the legends upon these 
consist almost entirely of personal nameSj the Siloam inscription is 
absolutely devoid of a single example of these frequently valuable 
clueSi Ranging as they evidently do over a fairly extensive period, 
it might be thought that the seals, etc., must constitute valuable 
evidence for tracing the development of the old Hebrew alphabet. 
Unfortunately Hebrew epigraphy has not the series of dated 
monuments which Phoenician and Aramaic possess, and the 
student is obliged to rely upon the palseographical data and a 
compaiison with the Moabite Stone (middle of the ninth century) 
a^ one limit, and the Jewish coins (135 ac\ to 135 A*D.)as the other. 
It must be remembered, also^ that the assumption that the Siloam 
inscription belongs to the time of Heiiekjah (about 700 b.c) rests 
upon precarious grounds, and however convenient it may be to 
assign a date to a seal by the help of this inscription, no cautious 
student would treat the result as any other than a provisional one. 

Before we can consider the bearing of the old Hebrew seals, scarabs 
and pottery-stamps upon the problem of Hebrew palaeography, it is 
desirable to consider more closely the internal evidence as suggested 
by the personal names. To the archieologist the external data, 
the material, the shape, the ornamentation and symbolism raise in* 
leresting questions \ to the student of the Bible a study of the names, 
as I hope to show, is not wit ii out profit* The study is complicated 
by the fact that in not a few cases it is extremely difficult to determine 
whether a seal is actually Hebrew^ Phoenician or Aramaic. For 
exam pie, it may bear an Israelite name and yet be of Aramiean 
worknianship, and consequently in several instances an object can 
only be vaguely classed as '* Old Semitic," Further, there is some- 
limes the possibility that the legend is considerably later than the 
seal OT scarab, and in this class of objects in particular the question 
of forgery not infrequently arises. 

109 K 

Mar. 9] 

socin*%' or biblical arch^i^olgcy. 


Hebrew? seals, etc*, are very generally characterized by a doubJe 
stroke separating the two lines in which the legend is written. The 
omission of t2 ("^o^") between the names of father and son is 
another not uncommon feature n-hich seems to be without a 
parallel in the Old Testament. When the Corpm Inscriptions m 
S^miti^arum publishes the Hebrew inscriptions it will be possible 
to consider with more precision these and other characteristic details 
of Hebrew seals, etc. ; in the meantime* the following notes upon 
the personal names as a whaie will give some idea at least of their 
relation to those in the Old Testament. With this object in view it 
will be convenient to treat them in cUisses * 

In the first place, it may be observed that the tendency to 
perpetuate names of the same type in the same family is 
illustrated by such examples as (r?) TO^ yU?in (Hoshea son of 
Saphan),! ^:2U? DTCD (Mcnahem son of Shebni), ^-Qy UTM 
(Nahum son of AbdiX ^'Jin *1TI? (Euer son of Haggai)^ and 
{ii) y^U^^M tyi l^'^h^ (Elsegub daughter of Elishama), 

in^-2'Sr m in^l'DS^ (ImmacHyahu daughter of ShebaniahK 
in*^lU* 'in''21U^ (Shebaniah son of Azariah), irTTTi? p yunri^ 
(Joshua son of Asaiah), This feature^ as Professor Gray has 
pointed out, appears in the Jewish names upon the Bodleian 
Aramaic papyrus edited by Mr. Cowley, in the Old Testament, 
and elsewhere.^ 

Names compounded with the divine name Yahwt- are compara* 
tively common. As XT^-j it appears at the end of twenty names. 
Of these, seventeen are familiar : — ^Benaiah, Hananiah, Micaiah^ 
Maaseiah, Nehemiah, Neriah, Nelhaniah, Obadiah,* Axariah,* 
Uzziah, Asaiah,* Pedaiah, Zephaniah, Remaliah, Shebaniah,'^ 

• The names are laktn from publish t'd mal^jrial* but it has nut been 
OOElsidcretl necessary to give ihe rtferenccs for each. Frequent use bus l*cen 
made uf Professor Noldcke's invaluable article " Names ** in the Efttydaptrdia 
BiMuat and of Profei^sor (I. B* Gray's Htbm^ Ptu>p^r Ih^umes. 

' The iransUtcralJons are adapted (where possible) lo the ordinary spelling of 
Biblical names ; but neetile^w to say DftJ might equally well be Naham, and 
'ITi? might be pranuuneed Aziur, cic. Hence it has been impoiisilile to be 
consistent tb rough Qut. Letters surmounted by a point are doubtful, and riames 
marked with an asterisk oi^cur more than onee. 

^ Ci. B. Gray, Nthrni' Pro/^er Namri, p. 8 sq. ; P.S.B.A.^ 1903, p, 261. 

* The genuineness of this namt* (winch ihe LXX sometimes read as Shechanlah) 
is thus upheld ; cp, al*o the Hebrew Shebnci and the names VJ3U*t '31C ( below) ► 
Professor Niildekc has, with some hesitation, suggested the interpretation " Yah 
has brought me baekj" but one would expect n*351^ri, 


mak. f^\ 



Shemaiah, and Jeremiah. Three are new : — irrnDti llTi^l?* ^wid 
in^T^TT- '\n*^'1!DTt of which Zimri may be an abbreviated form, 
possibly means "My protection is Yah," The second name 
appears to represent IH^'TOyi *' Yah with me'*; if 1 is read for *7, 
Omriyahu would be a fuller form of Omri, IH^T^n*' is an 
extremely interesting addition to Hebrew onomatology ■ the 
meaning is clearly '* Yah will (^r Let Yah) have compassion/' 

In every case the ending is \^Tilten fully (irTJi but sporadic 
examples of n^ occur once each in the case of rT^-H 1 PT^mj? and 
TJ'^Zyt^*^ Ifi the Jewiiih names on the Egyptian- Aramaic papyrus 
the shorter ending is regular; in the Old Testament, in*^-^ alone is 
ased in Remaliah^ n^ m Nehemiah, Neriah, Asaiah, Zephaniab, 
rwhilst in the rust both forms occur. 

As regards the familiar names, it is important to observe that 
ihey are distriljuted among no fewer than one hundred and tw^enty^- 
one individuals mentioned in the late writings, Chronicles, Ezra, and 
Nehemiah, seventeen in Jeremiah, six in 2 Kings, ^ve in i Kings, 
one each in Isaiah, Ezekiel, Obadiah, Zephaniah^ and Zechariah, two 
in Samuel, and one doubtful case in Judges/' Neriah and Remaliah 
are the only names that do not appear in the later writings, whilst 
Nehemiah and Shebaniah are not found outside them. Of the 
naif names it is to be noticed that the formation in^7Dn^ (impurf. 
+ in^) is comparatively rare, and occurs chiefly in and after the 
Vllth century.® 

The question now arises respecting the position of names in V-' 
phc exam) lies are V Ty Hiy ^^ly^ , V\V 1113? V^t*» UpV' 11 V^'in 
"and yf'^p. There is a doubtful *|^DD ^" Eg}'ptian- Aramaic, an Ara- 
moean graffito (also from Egypt) bears the name THJ? ; there are 
nine examples in Nabataiian and no fewer than twenty-six in the 
Sinaitic graffiti. But it must be held doubtful whether the ending 
V- has the same origin in every case. Omitting T^IODj ^1^ the 
examples quoted above might very well be compounds of iM'^ and 
this is possibly the case with Vflt^ {F.S.B.A,^ 19^3? P- 262), and 
Ahlo (1 Chron, viii, 21, etc.). On the other hand^ most of the 
examples from the Nahatsean (VM, V1J7t VplU? (0« VHEHj etc.), 

^ nnD is excluded J aa btfing probably of Aramaic origin. 

* For fiillcr details reference may be made to the tables in Gray's H^^rem 
Pr§p^ Namis^ pp, 2S6-300; w to the rdalivc articles in the Efifychptntia 


• Gmy, p. 216 s cp, the similarly formed compounds of ?H below. 





or the Sinaitic (V"in3» I^Ds'^M, r^SV^ VTH'C^* etc.), scarcely come 
under this head, and only Vp7n (Nab.) and 'i*»a'?'C^ (Sin.) 
appear to be possible compounds of the divine name (cp. Hilkiah, 

We have next to notice the names where ^TV precedes, yti^'^n^ 
(Joshua) is too well-known to need remark, and •^tSTin*' is only a 
fuller form of Joezer (i Chr. xii, 6). ^M^rT^ is unfortunately 
uncertain, and the alternative (and preferable) reading is ^3^n^, 
with which cp. Jehucal and Jucal, which are not necessarily 
compounds of ^TV- Finally op\^ (cp. doubtfully Jokim, i Chr. iv, 22) 
is possibly an abbreviation of Jehoiakim. 

The very small number of names commencing with ')[n]^ is 
noteworthy, and from a comparison with Gray's conclusions i^Heb. 
Prop. Names, pp. 158), it would seem that the ratio of such names 
to names beginning with iLn?' is approximately equivalent to that in 
Biblical personal names from the Vllth century to the Exile. The 
actual usage of the familiar names in the Old Testament signifi- 
cantly points to the latter date. 

Compounds of El are not so numerous. The divine name 
precedes in the familiar Elbanan,* Elisha (ytt^7t^), Elishama 
(mXrrVb^), Eliam (Dy*»'7«), in the new Qi'^N (El-ram), yD^^T^* 
(El-ammis ?), n:itirSfc^, and apparently in it^^^hnjT]. It concludes 
in the familiar Ishmael, and in the new "ib^^t^, 7fc^i^tl^^, ^fe^2tt/^i? 
and ^t^^jr;. The full form *i^t^ in DJ^'^^T't^ is noteworthy (the •< is- 
doubtful). y^fc^7^ *'E1 is strong or mighty" is parallel to Amaziah, 
cp. the shortened form Amos (below). HHIZ^/t^ perhaps "El 
strengthens (^r lifts up)"; cp. Segub (i Kings, xvi, 34), and ^'2^^ 

the father of Vlty, mentioned above. In h^^V^, "El hears," we 
may see a name parallel to Azaniah, Jaazaniah (cp. ^rT'Jt*;, Jer. xl, 8) : 
and Tt^^U^i^ suggests " El strengthens," ' or perhaps better, " El 
made me." S«ir"ttr'> (''help of El" or "El helps") is parallel to 
^n^ytt^^ (Isaiah, Jeshaiah). Finally, bb^T2J^3, compounded with 
DJ^2> is not necessarily Phoenician ; cp. Elnaam (i Chr. xi, 46), 
Ahinoam, Abinoam. 

' So Noldeke, Ency. Bib.^ ** Names," § 29, who regards it as Phoenician. 
(71? be continued^ 

Mar q,] 




By Prof. W. M. Fundehs PETRiEt D,C.L., F/^.S. 

The pluraJ form of the names of some of the aninial gods does 
not seem to have been sufficiently noticed. It has so much bearing 
U|iOii the nature of the worship that it is well to put the examples 

Heru ^^. S^. ^^ in thus written with three hawks, on the 
ivory tablet of Semempses, 1st dynasty* which I found at Abydos, 

Khnumu ^^ ^^ ^^ is thus written with three rams^ on the 
stele of Unas, Vth dynasty, which I found at Elephantine, 

Kau appears to be the oldest form of name in the bull worship^ 
as the king who introduced it is named Ka*kau, from the Ka (soul) 
of the ^mf (buUs), in the second dynasty, 

Bau i^^ <^^ ^^ is always the form for the " spirits " of 

Heliopolis, as it is usually translated ; represented by the plural of 
the bird //ff, which was probably sacred there, 

Upuatu \/^^\[\ is usually rendered as *' the opener of 
ways" I but in view of these other plurals it may well be the plural 
of the jackal animal, who " opened the way " for the dead into the 
western desert. 

Anpu the Jackal, Rertu the hippopotamus, Uknu the hare, 
Mkntu the hawk, and Bennu the phoenix, though not actually 
written with the unmistakeable plural sign, yet have the plural 
termination in U* 

What then is the obvious conclusion of this? That the animals 
were sacred in the plural as a whole species, and not only m the 
person of one worshipped individual This is what we see in other 
countries ; all kine are sacred to the Hindu, all bears or all beavers 
are sacred to clans whose totem is the bear or beaver. And the 
accounts of the late phase of animal worship preserved by classical 
writers show that the whole of a species were equally respected. 


Mar, 9] S<^X:iETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH-tOLOGV. [1904. 

The special worship of an individual example is probably a later 
form, influenced by the surrounding worship of individual gods of 
human type ; for we see that the plural forms are the earlier, and 
give place to singular forms of the name later, at least in the first 
three cases. 

These observations make a trenchant settlement of the debated 
question as to whether the animal was worshipped as an emblem of 
an individual god, or whether the god was a product of the general 
worship of the animal. If the worship of the whole species is the 
earlier form, the individual Horus, Khnum, Apis, &c., must be the 
result of the later type of individual worship. The oldest religion 
of the land is the local adoration of various species of animals. 

Hkkaki.kopoijs Macjna, 
yd January^ 1904. 

The next Meetinf^ of the Society will be held at 
37, Great Russell Street, London, W.C., on Wednesday, 
May iith, 1904, at 4.30 |).m., when the following Paper 
will be read :— 

Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A. : " Notes on the Babylonian 








Fourth Meeting, May nth, 1904. 
Sir H. H. HOWORTH, K.CJ.E,, 



March, 1904. — Major-Gen. J. R. FORLONG. 

[No. cxcvii.] 115 


The following Presents were announced, and thanks 
ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From F, Legge.— " Urkunden des Alten Reichs." By Prof. G. 
„ "Beitrage zur Altesten Geschichte Agyptens." 

. By Prof. Kurt Sethe. 
„ " The Decrees of Memphis and Canopus." By 

E. A. Wallis Budge, UttD,, &'c, 3 vols. 

From the Author, Prof. Dr. Sachau. — " Das Berliner fragment des 
MAsa Ibn 'Ukba.'' 

From the Author, Prof. J. Krall. — "Demotische Lesestiicke,'' 
Parts I & II. 

From the Author, Prof. Dr. E. Revillout.— " L'^vangile des XII 
Apotres, recemment d^couvert." 

From H.M. India Office.— " Sacred Books of the East." Vol. 

The following Candidate was elected a Member of the 
Society : — 

Capt. Charles Boswell Wylie Norman, Hotel Bristol, Con- 

The following Paper was read : — 

E. J. PiLCHER : ** The Origin of the Alphabet." 

A discussion followed, in which Prof Petrie, Mr. Hall, 
Dr. Pinches, Rev. Dr. Lowy, Mr. Rouse, Dr. Gaster, and the 
Chairman took part. Thanks were returned to Mr. Pilcher 
for his communication. 


May It] 



By Prof. Edouard Naville, B.CM^ &^€. 


Chapter of coming farth by dit\\ of giving praise to Ra in the 
Amenta^ of payittg k&mage ic fhi inhabitants of tlu Ttiat^ of 
opening the way to the mighty soul in the Nethenoorld^ of ictting 
him walh, lengthen his strides^ and go in and out in the Nethef- 
world ; and take thefonn of a living smil, 

E.a sets as Osiris with all the splendour of the Glorified and of 
the gods of the Amenta ; for he is the one, the marvellous in the 
Tuat» the exalted soul in the Netherworld, Unneferu who exists for 
ever and eternally* 

Hail to thee in the Tuat, thy son Horns rests in thee, thou 
speakest thy words to him ; grant him that he may be resplendent 
before the inhabitants of the Tuat, that he may be the great star ■ 
that he may bring what is his to the Tuat and may travel \n it, he, 
the son of R^ proceeding from Tmu. 

Hail to thee in the Tuat, god seated upon his throne, who ho Id est 
thy sceptre hik^ king of the Tuat and lord of Acherta, great prince 
wearing the double diadem, great god who hides his dwelling, lord 
of wisdom, chief of his circle of gods. 

Hail to thee in the Tuat, praises also to what is in thee; (1) hail 
10 thee in the Tuat, the weeping gods cut their hatr in thy honour, 
they clap their hands, they implore thee, they pray thee, they weep 
before thee. Thy soul rejoices and thy body is glorious, 

It is exalted, the soul of R3. in the Amenta, his body is blessed 
there ; the powers praise him in the bounds of the Tuat,Teb Temt (2) 
who rests in his covering* 

Hail, Osiris, I am the servant of thy temple, the inhabitant of thy 
f divine dwelling, thou speakest to me thy words ; give me to shine 
before the inhabitants of the Tuat like the great star who brings 
what is his to the Tuat, who journeys in it^ he the son of Ra, pro- 
ceeding from Tmu. 

117 L 3 


I rest in the Tuat, I am the master of the dusk, I enter in there 
and I come out. The arms of Tatunen receive me, the blessed lift 
me up. Stretch your arms towards me, for I know your gates, (?) 
guide me. Praise me, ye blessed ones, praise me, rejoice in me as 
in Ra, praise me like Osiris, for I have placed before you your 
offerings and you take possession of your victuals, according to the 
orders Ra gave me. 

I am his favourite, I am his heir upon the earth. I have arrived. 

Ye blessed ones grant that I may enter the Tuat, open me the 
entrance to, the good Amenta. I have • presented the sceptre to 
sahu^ and the nemmes (3) to him whose name is hidden. 

Look at me, ye blessed ones, divine guides in the Tuat ; grant 
that I may receive thy glory, that I may shine like the god of 
mysteries ; deliver me from the gods of the pillory, who fasten to 
their posts ; do not bind me to your posts, do never send me to the 
place of destruction. I am the heir of Osiris, I receive the nemmes 
in the Tuat. 

Look at me, I shine like one who proceeds from you, I become 
like him who (praises) his father, and who extols him. 

Look at me, rejoice in me, grant that I may be exalted, that I 
may become like him who destroys his forms ; open the way to my 
soul, set me on your pedestals ; grant that I may rest in the good 
Amenta, show me my dwelling in the midst of you, open for me your 
ways, unfasten the bolts. 

Ra, who guides this earth, for thou art guiding the powers and 
following the course of the gods ; I am the guardian of his door who 
tows the navigating gods. 

1 am the only one, the guardian of his door, he who puts the 
gods in their abodes. 

I am on my pedestal in the Tuat. I am the possessor among 
possessors ; I am at the far end of the Tuat. 

I am the blessed one in the Acherta, and I make my resting 
place in the Amenta, among the powers and among the gods. 

I am the favourite of Ra ; I am the mysterious Bennu who 
enters in peace in the Tuat and goes out of Nut in peace. 

I am the lord of the thrones (4) above, traversing the horizon in 
the train of Ra ; the offerings for me are in the sky in the field of 
Ra, and my portion on earth in the garden of Aarru ; I journey in 
the Tuat like Ra ; I weigh the words like Thoth, I march as I will, 


May iij 



I hasten m my course like Sahu the mysterious one, and 1 am bom 
35 the two gods, 

I am the chief of the bearers of offerings to the gods of the Tuat, 
who gives offerings to the Glorified. I am the brave one who 
Strikes his enemies. 

O ye gods, O ye Glorified who precede Ra, and who escort his 
soul, tow me as you tow him, in the same way as you conduct Ra 
and tow those in the sky. I am the lofty power in the Amenta. 


The papyri give us four versions of this Chapter* Two of them 
are in London 9900 jia, but as they are both copied from the 
wrong side, they are of little use. Each of them had its own title ; 
one was, "the worshipping of Ra in the good Amenta, the praising 
of the inhabitants of the Tuat,'^ and the other, ** chapter of towing 
(the gods) '' ; the two other copies are, one in a papyrus in Paris and 
the other at Leyden. 

This Chapter does not properly belong to the Book of the Dead. 
It IS part of a book engraved at the entrance of nearly all the tombs 
^f the kings, the so-called " Litany of the Sun." This chapter Is 
ken from the end of the book. The various paragraphs are not 
always in the same order as in the monumental text. There are 
abridgments and many omissions, which in the translation have been 
filled up from the text in the tombs. 

The papyrus of Leyden (La) has a vignette representing the 
deceased worshipping two gods. 

1. Words taken from the text in the tombs of the kings, 

2, The texts in the tomb mention here the god / j Lfl Ttmty 

who occurs there frequently, and who is quite unknown in the Book 
of the Dead- This god is often spoken of as being in a 

, a kind of oval case* The text here reads 


^^ ^^ ^ I ^^^ ^ , which has no meaning* 

3» The headdress ^\ worn by the sphinxes. 
4* The tombs read here 





May II] 




Chapter of arriving if^/ore the Divim €ircic of Osiris and before the 
gods, the guides in the Tuai^ before the guards &f their htiiis, {\)t/u 
heralds of their gates and the dmrkeepers pf their pylons in the 
Amenta^ and of taking the form of a living soui and praising 
Osiris the lord of his eirde of gods. 

Hail to thee, Chenta Amenta, Unneferu, lord of Tatsert ; thou art 
shining like Ra, He himself comes to see thee and he rejoices in 
seeing thy beauties. His disk is thy disk, his rays are thy rays, his 
diadem is thy diadem, his height is thy height, his splendour is thy 
splendour, his beauties are thy beauties^ his might is thy might, his 
odour is thy odour. His width is thy width, his abode is thy abode, 
his throne is thy throne, his descendence Is thy descendence, his 
judgment is thy judgment, his Ament is thy Ament ; his wealth is 
thy wealth, his duration is thy duration^ his creations are thy 
creations; such as he is such art thou, {2) such as thou art such 
is he« 

He shall not die, thou wilt not die ; if he will not triumph over his 
enemies, thou wilt not triumph over his enemies ; no evil things will 
happen to him, no evil things will happen to thee for ever and ever. 

Hail, Osirisj son of Nut, lord of horns, wearing the high atefctown^ 
to whom the urer diadem and the hth sceptre has been given in the 
presence of the cycle of the gods. Turn has raised the fear of his might 
in the hearts of mankind, of the gods, the Glorified and the dead ; 
the royal power has been given him in Heliopolis ; he is the great 
forms in Tattu^ the lord of fear in his two abodes, the very brave one 
in Restau, he whose memory is pleasant in the palace, the very 
brilliant in Abydos, It has l>een given him to triumph before the 
whole cycle of the gods ; he is mighty more than the gr^t powers ; 
the fear of him is over the whole earth. 

The (3) great ones stand on their shrines before him, the prince 
of the gods of the Tuat, the great power of the sky, the lord of the 
living, and the king of those who are therein. Thousands glorify 
him in Cheraba, the future ones rejoice in him. He receives the 
choicest meat offerings in the upper abodes ; haunches are presented 


May II] 



to him in Memphis, the festival of the Eve's provender is celebrated 
to him in Sechem, he is the great, the mighty one. 

Thy son Horus avenges thee, he destroys all that is wrong in 
thee ; he has fastened to thee thy flesh, he has set thy limbs and 
joined thy bones ; he has brought thee . , * , {4) Arise, Osiris, thy 
hands have been given thee, stand up living for ever 

Seb made a mark (5) on thy mouth ; the great cycle of the gods 
protect thee . . , * They come with thee towards the entrance of the 
hall of the Tuat. Thy mother Nut stretches her hand behind thee, 
she protects thee, she doubles her care for thee (4) , , , . . of the 
children- The two sisters I sis and Ncphthys come to thee ; they fill 
thee with life health and strength, and all the joy which they 

, . . , in thee, because of thee» They gather for thee all kind of 
good things within thy arms. The gods, the lords of the ka, come 
near thee ; as they praise thee for ever, 

Happy art thou, Osiris, thou shinest brilliantly, thou art powerful ; 
thou art glorified. Thy attributes have been fixed to thee ; thou art 
like Anubis. Ka rejoiceth in thee, he is bound to thy beauty. 

Thou sittest on thy holy seat Seb procures for thee what thou 
desirest to receive, it is on thy hands in the Amenta. 

Thou navigates! through the sky ever>^ day, thou leadest him 
(Ra) to his mother Nut, where he sits living in the Amenta, in the 
boat of Ra, every day. Thou art mth Horus in order that the 
protection of Ra may be behind thee ; and the glorious power of 
Tlioth may cling to thee and the health of Isis be within thy limbs, 

I have come to thee, lord of Ta-tsert, Osiris Chenta Amenta, 
Unneferu, who lasts eternally and for ever ; my heart is right ; my 
hands are pure ; I have brought good things to my lord and 
offerings to him who made them, I have come from afar to your 
abodes. I have done a goad thing on earth, I have struck for thee 
thy enemies like bulls^ and I have slaughtered them like victims, I 
have made them to fall down on their faces before thee. 

I am pure, thou art pure. 1 have purified thyself for thee, in 
thy festival, I have dressed geese for ihee on thy altar, for thy soul, 
for thy Form and for the gods and goddesses who follow^ thee. 

Whoever knows thh book^ tw c^ni thing can have mastery over him ; 
he is not dfiven away from the doors of the Tuat ; when h^ goes in 
and out^ he receives hread and beer and ail good things before the 
inhabitants of the Tuat^ 




This Chapter is found in two papyri : one at Leyden, and one at 
Naples. Its title begins like that of Chapter 124. The first para- 
graphs are translated from the papyrus at Leyden, which stops 
suddenly, because the space allotted to the text, below the vignette, 
came to an end. From there the scribe passes over to the rubric. 

1. See note to Chapter 144. 

2. See note 5, Chapter 144. 

3. The following is taken from the papyrus at Naples. 

4. Lacunae. 

5. This is part of the funereal ceremonies. ( I Y is to 
touch the mouth or make a mark on it with the instrument called 

P^ — V • (Schiaparelli, Libro dei Funerali^ Vol. I, p. 139). 


Book of vivifying (i) Osiris^ of giving air to him ivhosc heart is 
motionless, through the action of Thoth, who repels the enemies of 
Osiris ivho come there in his form (2) ... as protector, saviour, 
defender in the Netherivorld. 

It is said l>y Thoth himself, so that the morning light may shine 
on him (Osiris) every day. 

I am Thoth, the perfect scribe, whose hands are pure, who 
opposes every evil deed, who writes justice and who execrates every 
wrong, he who is the writing reed of the Inviolate god, the lord ot 
laws, whose words are written and whose words have dominion over 
the two earths. 

I am the lord of justice, the witness of right before the gods ; I 
•direct the words so as to make the wronged victorious. I have 
dispelled darkness, and driven away the storm. I have given the 
sweet breaths of the North to Osiris when he comes out of the womb 
which bare him. I give Ra to be setting as Osiris and Osiris to be 
setting as Ra. I give him to enter the mysterious cave in order to 


May 11] 



revive the heart of him whose heart is motionless, the exalted soul 
which is in the Amenta- 

Hail, acclamations to ibee, god whose heart is motionless, 

UnneferUj the son of Nut. I am Thoth, the favourite of Ra, the 

very brave, w*ho*is beneficent to his father; the great magician in 

the beat of millions (of years) ; the lord of laws, who |>acifies the 

ro earths by the power of his \Wsdoni , > . who drives away enmity 

'and dispds quarrels, who does what is pleasing to Ra in his shrine. 

I am Thoth, who gi¥t;th Osins victory over his enemies ; I am 
Thoth^ who prepares to -morrow and who foresees what will come 
afterwards; his action is not vain when he settles what is in the sky, 
the earth and the Tuat, and when he gives life to the future ones. 

I give breath to the hidden ones by the virtue of my speech. 
Osiris is triumphant against his enemies. 

I have come to the lord of Ta-tsert, Osiris the bull of the Amenta, 
who lasts forever, 1 give an eternal protection to thy limbs; I have 
come bearing the amulet in my hand ; my protection is active every 

The living charm is behind him^ behind this god, whose ka is 
glorious, the king of the Tuat, the prince of the Amenta, who takes 
hold of the sky, triumphantly, on whom the f?/^ crown is established, 
who rhines with the tvhite diadem, w^ho has seized the hook and the 
flail ; mighty is his soul, the great one of the nrer crown ; who has 
united all the gods, the love of him penetrates their bodies, Unneferu 
who lasts for ever and eternally. 

Hail to thee, Chenta Amenta^ who givelh birth to all human 
beings a second time, who is renewed in an instant, who is better than 
those w^ho were before. Thy son Horns establishes thee on the 
pedestal of Tmu ; thy face is perfect, Unncfenu 

Arise, bull of the Amenta, thou art established, well established 
^n the womb of Nut \ she replenishes thee (with life and health) 
when thou earnest out of her. Thy heart is well established on its 
stands and thy whole heart as at the beginning. Thy nose is vivified 
with the breath of life ; thou art livings renewed^ made young like 
Ra every day, thou art great and triumphant, Osiris, who has been 

I am Thoth, 1 have calmed Horns, I have pacified the Rehiu in 
their moment of storm, I have come, I have washed away the Red 
ones; I have calmed down the riotous^ and I have struck him 
with (?) alt kinds of evil things. 



I am Thoth, I have celebrated the festival of Eve's provender in 
Sechem. I am Thoth, I come every day from Pu Tepu, I have 
directed the offerings, I have given cakes to the glorious ones who 
stretched forth their hands. I have avenged the arm of Osiris, 
I have embalmed it. I have made sweet its fragrance like good 

I am Thoth, I come every day to CherSba ; I fastened the tackle ; 
I let the boat go ; I brought it from East to West. I am higher on 
my pedestal than any god, for my name is he who is high on his 
pedestal. I opened the good roads in my name of Apuatu, I give 
thee acclamations, and I throw myself down on the earth before 
Osiris Unneferu the eternal, the everlasting. 


Chapters 182 and 183 are hymns to Osiris very like each other, 
supposed to be pronounced by Thoth himself. Occasionally it is 
difficult to distinguish whether the words are spoken by the god or 
the deceased. 

Chapter 182 is taken from Papyrus looio in London. 

The vignette represents the mummy on the funeral bed, sur- 
rounded by several gods and genii. 

1. See note 2, Chapter 154. 

2. A word is omitted there. 

(JTo be continued.) 


/V(**- Sih\ Bibi Anh,^ Ma\\ kkh- 




Chapi'er CLXXXJ, a. ij. 

Chaitek CLXXXil, A, t. 

May ii] 




By F. Legce, 

The discoYerks of M. Amelineau^ and Prof, Petrie" at Abydos, 
of M. de Morgan^ at Negadah, and of Mr. QuibelP at Hieracon- 
polis, have given us a knowledge of the earliest historical or Thinite 
irdynasties that to Egyptologists of the last generation would have 
seemed past hoping for. Thanks, however, to the ransacking ihat 
ihese find-spots suffered even hi Pharaonic times, the identification 
of the monuments there discovered with any of the kings of the lists 
previously known lo us is by no means easy* Hence, from the 
outset, it has proved a bone of contention to the learned, and while 
M. Am^hneau at first asserted that he had uncovered the tombs of 
Osiris, Homsj and Set, M. Maspero was equally positive that his 
principal discoveries were not earlier than the Illrd dynasty. Since 
then, the battle-ground has shifted ; and Prof. Petri e^ has claimed 
that he can identify with the Abydos monuments not only the whole 
of Manetho's and Seti Ps 1st dynasty, but can also give the names 
of five kings who reigned before Menes. As against this, Dr. Sethe^ 
— who was really the first to show the connection of any of the 
Abydos monuments with the Is I dynasty"^ — will have none of Prof- 
Peirie's pre-Menite kings, and rejects three out of eight of his 
1st dynasty identifications. Finally comes Dr. Naville, who in a 

Cttmpagfu^ 1902 ; and Le Torfibeau tf Osiris ^ 1899. All published by Lcrou:X, 

* Ki^yal T^tiiifs ^f ih^firii dynasty [A', 7^.* i], 1900 ; Royai Tenth pfike Earliest 
Dynasties \R. 71, iij, 1901 j Ahydi>i, I, 1 901 and Abydos^ II, 1903. AU published 
by the Egypt Exploration Fund, London. 

* Mithenkes sur ies Ori^itfes d/ fExy/^/e, tt, i luid iij 1&96-1897. Lcroux, 

* ffieracimpolis. Pari I, 1 900; Part II, 1903. Quarilch^ London. 

* 0pp. at. passim. 

* Die »uf den Dcnktnalern der atltesten geschichtlichen D>'nastieen vorkom- 
menden Konige,*^ in Bdtrage %ur A /test en Geschichtf A^'pt^fis^ I. Hislftej 19^3- 
Hinnchsi Leipdg, 

' ** Die altesten geschichtlichen Denkmaler der Agypler/* J.Z.p xxxvtiSg;], 
pp. 1 sg^. 



series of brilliant and closely-reasoned articles,^ takes the theories 
of Prof. Petrie and Dr. Sethe very much to pieces, and would leave 
only two of their identifications in a valid condition. As this 
controversy has hitherto been conducted in three different languages, 
has extended over some years, and has been complicated by the 
introduction of irrelevant issues, it is thought that an impartial 
summary of the arguments may be of use to those still anxious to 
know how much these discoveries have really added to our know- 
ledge of the earliest Egyptian history. I will therefore here take 
Prof. Petrie's list king by king, so far as his O or pre-Menite and his 
1st dynasties are concerned, leaving the Ilnd and Ilird dynasties to 
be dealt with in a future paper. 

I. Ka,^ 

Prof. Petrie (^.7!, II, p. 5) at first thought that the chamber 
called by him B 7 (see R.T,^ ii, PL LVIII) was the tomb of a king 
called Ka because it was full of cylinder jars bearing this name,^® and 
that the extreme rudeness of these inscriptions points to his having 
existed before the king of Hieraconpolis whom he calls Narmer, and 
whom he considers, as will be seen later, to have reigned before 
Menes, the only other relics of Ka being found in the chambers 
near to B 7, called B 11 and B 15.11 Later {Abydos, i, p. 3) he says, 

on the strength of the groups 1 (J □ and M found by the side of 

the hawk-crowned rectangle containing the Aa-arms (see Abydos, 
i, PI. I, II and III), that the king's personal or cartouche name was 
Ap, and that his wife's name was Ha. Dr. Sethe {Beitnige, etc., 
p. 32) says that the fac^^de, which in the supposed king's srekh or 
cognizance here appears over instead of under the ka-^xmsy may 

^ **Les Plus Anciens Monuments Egypliens, I, II and III." Kec. de Trav, 
Antues xxi [1899], xxiv [1902], and xxv [1903]. 

^ For the sake of clearness, I have used the hawk-names as transliterated by 
Prof. Petrie throughout. 

'" The name here given is indicated only by the sign LJ written sometimes 
thus, sometimes upside down, and in one instance laid on its side. 

^M do not know what inference is to be drawn from this, because the nearest 
chambers to that assigned to A'a are B 9 and B 10, where none of his inscriptions 
were found. 


Mat ii] 



possibly be the hieroglyph fjlh;** that the reversed ^^i-arms can 

hardly be read Ka^ while they do form a Homs-name ; ^^ and that 

I the sign I in Afydot^ i, PI, I, i etc, is not, as Prof. Petrie wo old 

' read it, the suttn of the .xuten imt title, but means Upper Egypt^ the 


while n □ , if it Ls a name at all, is a private, and not a royal, name. 

He also agrees with Dr. NaviUe {L.P.A.AL^ ii, p. 113) in considering 
thai the inscriptions given in R.T. ii as belonging to a supposed 

king Ka, refer to the "house of the ka" 

^* not being the name of a wife Ha, but meaning Lower Egj^pt ; 


or temple of the 

dead. To which Dr. NaviUe adds {L.P.A^M^/\\\^ p. 2 05 J, that on the 

analogy of 


, which means "the king" [Pharaoh] and not the 

king *' per aa," the hawk-crowned srekh containing the ^o-arms 
means "the royal ka"and not "King Ka*'; and that the sign ^ 

repeated after the groups 1 n and HlF K^ shows that the inscrip- 
tions refer to the contents of the jars, and should be read *'the water 
Ap of the North " and " the water Ha of the South," as to which he 
adopts Dr. Sethe*s reading. He further thinks that this is borne out 
by the chamber B 7 being an insignificant one and containing 
nothing but fragments of water- jars, which points to its being used 
I as a storehouse for the water used la the service of the kaX^ 

^ In this case the hawk-crowoed rcctaogte would not be a srtkh at all, and 
, irould not be iodicaiive of any foyal title, the distinctive feature of the srtkh bein^ 
Ishe Gi^e. 

'* The idea that the reversed I'a arms form a diflTerent name to the upripht 
I 1 derives sotne weight from the seal 89 shown in A\T,, W, Ph XIII, So far 
I being lOugh like the ink-written or incbed inscriptions on |X)tiery, it is as 
pie&tly cut as possible. This sign reappears in company, once with a hawk, and 
a^iit with a scorpion on a va^* at Hiemconpoli^ ; vtck Hkracon^ i, PL icxxiv. 
^* C? not 1^ . 

^* This seems to ignore the seal &9 mentioned abt>re. That the inscriptions 
(do the jars ai e all by di life rent ami illiterate hands (Query tho&e of the water carriers?) 
[ieems plain from the great variations aiKl entire absence of convention in the 
I form C'f the different sign& 


May 11] 




2. M, 

The name of this supposed king is taken by Prof, Petrie (AMas^ 
i, p. 4) from a seal {No. 96, J^.T., ii, PI. XIIT) which be at fir^ 
overlooked. It shows a bird seated upon a sign which Prof, Petrie 
reads <:::> and which appears independently by the side of tbegroop. 
Prof, Petrie would connect it with some *' Marks on Potlery" (^.7!, i, 
PI. XLIV) showing a very roughly-drawn hawk holding an object 
sometimes circular, sometimes triangular, but generally of indeter- 
minate shape. From these last being found in the chamber B 1, be 
considers them to be near the time of Ka^ while he thinks the 
presence of a great jar therein shows it to be later than the last- 
named king. To this, Dr. Sethe {Beifragf^ etc., p. 30) answers that 
there is no ground for supposing the sign on the seal to be a Horns- 
name, as there is no sign of the fa<^ade used with the srekh^ nor does 
the bird look like a hawk, If the group in question be the word 
ur^ the <zz> is probably the phonetic complement of the ^^^^ 

3. Zestr^ 

Prof, Petrie depends for this name on an ivory fragment bearirtg 
the sign V^ under tw^o neii baskets ^^ -^ (see ^-^,, i, p. 6 and 
PL IV, No, 3). He says that he found it " recused in the tomb of 
Den,^'^** and that it "may be before Mena," while, from its prove- 
nance, it cannot relate to Zeser of the Ilird dynasty^ In ^,7", ii, 
p, 5, he assigns the chamber B 9^" to this supposed king. Sethe 
{Beiiriigt, etc., p. 31) says that this king /x the one of the same name 
in the Illrd dynasty called Tosorthros by Manetho, and that the 
appearance of his monuments in a 1st dynasty grave can be paralleled 
by another case among Prof. Petrie's sealings* The use of the mlmi 

^c=? ^^=^7 title instead of the mMi \W isj he says, nothing against 

this identification J as it can be shown to occur in an inscription of 
Unas at the end of the Vth dynasty. The cartouche ts not here 
^iven to the name because it is not preceded by the suUn ifaL 
Finally, he thinks the style of the inscription shows it to be a good 
deal later than Menes. To this, Dr. Naville remarks {L,P.A,AL^ II, 
p, 113, and iii, p. 220) that the group has, in his opinion, nothing to 

*' In tht? plate no signs of re- use arc to be detected, 
^* The twin lomb of B 7, which he has previously assigned to Ka* 

MaV u] 



io with any name royal or otherwise, but that the -^^^ -^=^ is a sign 
'of the dual, the \^ being some liquid of which the tablet records 
the offering of two vases.^^ 

4* Narmer. 

'fhis king, whose great carved slate and mace -heads were found 
by Mr. Quibell at Hieraconpolis, is said by Prof. Petrie {J^.T.^ i, 
p. 5) to have reigned before Den, because an " erased " vase of his 
was found in Den's tombJ^ Also, that his monuments are hke 
Aha'Sj the hawk of the sreM being especially alike in the two 
cases*-'* He further points out that the top of the srekk rectangle 
y is curved under both kings, the curve being deeper with Narmer 
I than with Aha*^ : and that Narmer must be before Zet, because a 
vase of his was found in the latter' s tomb. He therefore thinks that 
Narmer must be either just before or just after Aha, and he elects to 
put him before. In Ji.T.j n (p, 4), however, he moves Karmer one step 
further off, and makes him the last hut one before Aba. To this, 
Sethe {Beiimge^ etc*, p, 33) replies that Prof* Petrie^s real reason for 
turning Narmer out of the 1st dynasty is that he has no longer any 
room for him in it, having already filled it up with identifications of 
his own. He accepts the argument from style, but says that while 
the hawks of Aha and Narmer are much alike, those of Zer, w^ho, 
according to Prof. Petrie, was Aha*s immediate successor, are quite 
different, and that (apparently) the transition would be too abrupt were 
there not a long space of time between them. Into this gulf he 
would thrust Narmer j thus making him Aha's immediate successor, 
Dr* Naville, however, has gone much further and has from the first 
denied that the name of the Hieraconpolis king is Narmer at all. 

He first suggested {L.P.AM., i, p. 119) that the y-sign, which in 

the great carv^ed slate of Hieraconpolis is pushed down between 
the towers of the fiu^ade, seemed to be connected with the deter- 

minative in the cartouche name 


assigned by Seti I 

to Boethos the first king of the Hnd dynasty, and he was confirmed 

'• L€p*iusj Dt^tkmditr^ !!» PL XI, 25 &c., quoted in support* 
'* t have been unable to trace this in any of the pbtes. 
" As to Ihis see PlaiCi and note 47 on page 142, 1V//I 

^* But on ^cal gz {R.T.^ ii, PL XI It) the top line of the rectangle does not 
to Ik curved at all ; nor on the akljaster vase figured in A', r. J, TL IV, 2. 



in this by the appearance of the seals 91 and 92 (-^.71, ii, PL XIII), 

which show the V cast out o( the sreM altogether and depicted below 

the rectangle of the cognizance. He therefore thinks {L.P.A.M.y ii, 
p. 114) that the name of the fish ^pES> which appears on the srekA 
of the Hieraconpolis king is his hawk- and that indicated by the 

determinative V his cartouche-name. As to this last, he has no 

doubt. Following M. Georges Foucart,-^ he believes its components 

to be 1 -j- J -j- ^, to be pronounced McAu or ^udj'Uy which is, in 

the opinion of both, the Boethos of Manetho and the f jU ^ V J 

of Seti I. On the hawk-name of this king he differs from M. Foucart 

and would read it ^ 9 ... a u^a on the strength of an inscription 

recorded by Mariette.-^ As he also accepts the similarity between 
the monuments of Aha and this king as proof of their nearness in 
point of time, it follows {L,F,A,Af., iii, p. 2 19) that for him Aha must be 
the second king of the Ilnd dynasty called by Manetho Kaiechos. 

5. Sma. 

In the placing of this king, Prof. Petrie seems to depend {J^, T. ii, 
p. 4) first on the archaism shown by his using the ne/fui title alone,-* 
instead of srei*/i, nebfi or suten bat, and then on one of the objects 
which he assigns to one Neit-hotep, who was, according to him, the 
wife of Menes, and the person for whom was raised the magnificent 
monument discovered at Negadah. The ivory box which bears 

the name read as Neit-hotep displays also a sign which might be T^, 

the lower part being mutilated (j^.T., ii, 11, 12). He therefore 
argues that, "as Sma cannot have been the husband or son of 

^ "Des deux Rois inconnus d'Hieraconpolis." C.A\ de VAcad. dfs Insa\^ 
1 90 1, t. i, pp. 241 sqq. This agrees with M. Am^lineau's promise {N.F, 
(fj4.y ii, p. 309) of a new " table of Abydos," on which the name of Narmer does 
not appear. 

^ j/ijs/a/'asy p. 346. 

^^ But see Dr. Sethe, Bci/ni^v^ P- 3I> that the ;/r/^/// title, so far from being 
peculiarly archaic, continued in use liil the end of the Vth Dynasty. 


May ii] 



Neit'hotep, he was probably her father," and "the immediate pre- 
decessor of Mena." To this, Dr. Sethe {Beiiriige, \x 53) says that 
the group in question is plainly a variant of the queen^s title common 

in later times^ namely, T ^ ^ ^^ » samuii neHi\ " she who is 

united to the king." ^^ Dr. Naville^ on the other hand {L.F.A.M,^ ii, 

p. 113), wonld read the sign which Prof. Petrie makes YasT, 

which, he says> is not here the adjective nefer^ but some measure 
of quantity or fraction of a hin^ ^^^^ ^^^^ being probably a dual 
sign. Later {£.P.A,M.t iii, pp. 209, j^.) he reiterates this, and 

insists that the upper end of the sign read Y never ends in the 

Abydos inscriptions in anything but a sharp point, the spreading out 
of the top of tht* sign being, according to him, the touchstone of 

difference between this and the sign K 

6. Aka. 

The five kings just treated of all owe the places assigned to them 
in the series to their position relative to Aha. As will presen dy be 
seen, this is also the case with most of those who follow. Ai^ io 
Aha's own place. Prof. Petrie (^-71, i, p. 5) places him very early in 
the dynasty because of the rudeness of his inscriptions and their 
likeness to those of the so-called Narmer, whom he supposes to have 
fieigned before Zet and Den.^ He therefore accepts the identifica- 
tion of Aha with Menes already come to by Dr, Borchardt on the 
feith of the broken tablet of Negadah^ especially, as he declareSj. 
•* now that it is shown to be usual for the king's name to be simply 
imlten below the vulture and uraeus group/' -^ Later (/?.T.y ii, p. 7) 
'be tells us that from the position of the tombs, the tomb of Mena 
must be looked for among the tombs marked B on the plan before 
quoted (^,71, ii. PI. LVllI), and he thinks he has discovered it in 
B 19, most of the objects bearing the name of Aha beinij found 
either in that chamber or in some of its neight^ours. Dr, Sethe 

* He claims the support of Mr- Gd(1jlh in this reading, C/^ ^. T., ii, p. 4S : 
' L^dy of Lhe Double Damini^jn," Mr. Grifiith apparently also eonsidering 

^:^7^ ^3? to be a duaK 

* I rctUfO to the question of slyle later, Vid^ inf,^ p, 145. 

^ Evidctitly referring 10 the doubiful case of Qa \ vide inf., p* 138^ But even 
if this be admitted, ** unc fois n'cst pas coutiimc/* 

131 M 


{Beitrdgey cr»r., p. 23) also declares that the equation Aha=Menes 
is made certain (gesichert) by the juxtaposition of the two names on 
the Negadah Tablet, and sees no grammatical difficulties in the 

omission of the usual final letter (1 or LJ . He also speaks of its 

appearance with the nebti title alone as being " in accordance with 
the custom of the age," and thinks that the archaism of Aha's monu- 
ment, especially in the form of his hawk, would lead to his being 
placed, even without the evidence of the tablet, before Den and his 
successors. Dr. Naville, on the other hand, writing before 
Dr. Sethe {L.F.A.M.^ pp. 109, sqq.), while admitting that the sign 
found under the ttebti in the Negadah Tablet is ti^^ , says that up 
to Usertesen II ^^ the nebti name was always the same as the hawk-, or 
srekh name, and that it cannot here be taken as the name of the 

king. He finds its explanation in the pavilion or rT| which 

surmounts the <5)® and reads the whole group as mennebti, " the 

king's pavilion of repose," wherein the deceased king was supposed 
to take his rest in playing draughts, as he shows by quotations from 
the Papyrus Prisse, the Coffin of Am-ten and other texts. Finally, 
by reference to the Palermo Stone, he explains the whole of ihe 
Negadah tablet as showing, " above, the date, the name of the king 
Aha, and that of the pavilion which he is entering ; below, on the 
right, the much mutilated representation of the hall and the king 
advancing towards it ; on the left, all the offerings which are brought 
to the king at this festival and the sacrifices offered by the priests 
who are attached to it." 

7. Zer. 

With this king again, Prof. Petrie {R.T.^ i, p. 4) depended for his 
identification in the first instance upon position, the chamber which 
he assigns to him, and which M. Am^lineau took for the tomb of 

^ M. Maspero, Hist. Anc. de$ Pcuplcs de VOricnt (Hachette, 1904), p. 57, 
thinks the identification of the name of Menes on the Negadah tablet probable. 

^ This was noted by Dr. Sethe himself (.-7. Z., xxx, 53, n. 4). Bnigsch {A.Z., 
xxviii, I, 10) gives the example of Djeser or Zeser of the Ilird Dynasty, whose 

hawk and was | « «= nctcr-khet, 


May 11] 



Osiris, lying to the northward of that assigned to Aha, Later 
(^. 7i, ii, pp. 5 and 4), on more monuments of 2er becoming un- 
co vered* he becomes more positive, and on the strength of seal 109 
(^,7T, ii, PI XV)j he pronounces the king's cartouche-name to 
have been Ta, "^hich, according to him, corresponds to the Teta of 
rSeti I3 and the Atolhis of Manetho. The seal in question shows the 
bawk-crowned srtkk contain! ng, above the usual facade, a sign 
which, following Mr* Quibellt Prof. Petrie reads ^^. This is 
repeated four times on the seal, the srekk in two instances having 

above it and in two below it the groups and || respectively, 

and in all four cases has by its side the jackal standard of Anubis, 
To this Dr. Sethe {Bdtrage^ P* 27 ^^') replies that the evidence from 
style seems to him satisfactory, and that he can even distinguish in 
the shape of Zer*s hawk a transition from the ruder style of Aha to 
the more finished one of Den and his immediate predecessors. But 

he, following Mr, Griffith,*^ thinks that the group [1 seen on the 

seal muy not be the king's name, but ihe name of the owner of the 

seal, or, if otherwisej should be read backward as (1 L On these 

grounds he would identify this Zer not with Teta-Atothis, but with 
Ateth or Kenkenes, the third king of Manetho's 1st dynasty. 
Dr. Naville {L.P,A.M.^ in, p. 211), however, objects altogether to 
Mr. QuibelFs and Prof. Peme's reading of the sign as either ^^ 

,^ which he defines as "une 

or ^ , and will have it to be 

sorte de pavilion ou dais reposant sur Irois ou quatre colonnts, et 
sur les cdl^s duquel pend ce qui parait Itre des ^toffes." *^ As this 
Appears frequently in the Pyramid texts, where it is to be read 

and under the form fn.i| 

Schtsti is used as an 

epithet of Horus, Dr. Naville considers it has the same significance 
here> Hence he is doubtful wliether it is in this place intended for 
a royal name. 

*> A'.r.^ii, pp. 51,53. 

** It should be noticed, however, that the seal No, 77 to which he refers U nol 
er*£, but Mersckha's, a]id that the ^x\^n^ are not therefore necessarily ihe ^me. 
Dr. Budgej Hiitifry ef Egypt ^ i, p. iSi, like M, An>cJineau, reads iE nlh 


M 2 

May II] 



B, ZtL 

This, the "serpent " king of M. Amilineau, Prof. Petrie (^, J",, i, 
p. 5) considers to have reigned after the king he calls Zer, from ihe 
position of the chamber he assigns to him as his tomb, which lies 
considerably to the north-west of Zer*s burial place. On a seal {R. 71, i, 
PL XVIII, No. 2) found hard by, there are also to be found the signs 

(1 \ placed alternately below and above the snkh containing the ^^ 

sign, and this Prof. Petrie {R.T., \\j p. 3) claims as proof that the ser- 
pent king is the Ateth of Seti*s list and the Kenkenes of Manetho. 

Sethe {Beitnige^ p. 29) considers that the signs O \ formj as before, not 

the king's name, but that of the holder of the seal. He thinks this 
reign is linked with that of the king whom we have called Zet by the 

outspread fingers'^'^of the hand in signs like L), fl,and <^r^jand 

by the fact that duplicates of one seal appear in both tombs, as do two 
groups of signs which he takes to be names of royal officers.^'^* To 
this Dr. Naville {L.P.A.AL^ m, p. joy) replies that, if the signs 
appearing above and below the srekh are to be considered as 
denoting the kinjj^s cartouche-name, that of Narnier of Hieraconpolis 
must certainly be Men, since the draughtboard t^^^^ appears in 
those positions in relation to the srekh ol that king on seal 95 

{R.T., ii, PI XIII). He further thinks that the ^ of the king's 

name has an ideographic value and is the name of the serpent of 

Chap. CXLIX of the Book of the Dead, viz., \\ ^^J^ Nau. 

As to the (I |i he thinks it may be, as Mr. Griffith {M.T., i, p. 43) 

suggests, a title meaning ** reigning sovereign," or the name of a 

9. Mirneit. 

Of this supposed king, whose relics were entirely passed over by 
M. Amelineau, Prof. Petrie {R.T.^ 1, p. 19) says that some erased 

^ If tbU is an aTchaism, it must h&vc continued Into the time of Usaphai^. Cj\ 
seal 26. {N.7\,\, PL XXL) 

** The instances which he here quotes ajc all on Pt- XIX of R. T.^L It {should 
be noticed ihat there i^ tHvthing to connect them with Zet, and tlmt No. 10 i& £l 
cuilection of nomerah which tnight appear under any king without alteration. As 
to the arguiiient from provenance, see in/t p* 140. 

May u] 



inscriplioiis were found in the tomb of Mersekha.^^ From the fact 
that all the seals in the tomb of Mernett hear Den^s name, be 
stigge<:ts that the hawk-name of Merneit was also Den- Dr. Sethe 
{Beitnii^f etc, p. 29) says that he agrees with Dr. Borchardt and 
Dr. Naville that Merneit is not masculine but feminine, and from 
the comparative magnificence of her tomb, and the finding therein 
lof seals bearing the names of an of&cial and of a vineyard of Den, 
lie suggests that she was his queen, and probably the mother of 
Miebis (see j^.T., i, Pis. XXI and XXV j i?.r., ii, PI. XIX, etc.). 
Dr, Naville, however {L.P.A.M,, ii, pp. 1 16 sf.}, thinks Merneit not the 

name of a person but of a thing, and says that the group V' €^ which 

composes the first syllable implies a magazine of some kind. Hence 
he suggests that the whole name means, i>erhaps, a iable of offerings 
to the goddess Neith.'** 

10. Den. 

With this king we at last touch ground common to all who have 
endeavoured to identify the Abydos discoveries with the lists of 
Seti I and of Manetho* Dn Sethe in 1897 (J.Z.j xxxv. p. 5) 
showed that the king whose sreAA as discovered by M. Amelineau at 
Abydos bore the sign ^^^^ Z>fw, and who is shown on a tablet in 
Mr, MacGregor^s collection as beaiing an Asiatic captive, is the same 
as the fifth king of the 1st dynasty in the Seti and Manetho lists, and 

there called f - H4f 4+ff J ffesepH and Usaphais, This is confirmed 

by the tablet {E.T., i, PI. XI, 14) discovered by Prof, Petrie, and since 

it is shown that the variant reading here given of r^^ for ] j"] [ i^^ 

^arises from the resembfance of the signs r^^^ and I— I— i in hieratic, 
3is identification may now be accept ed» and we may dismiss Max 
Hdiitler's contention that the name { | |. as it appears in some 
of the Pharaonic king-lists, covers the Manethonian name of Ken- 

* The pieces of vases referred to {A\ T'., iv, 5) show only ruugh cross scratches, 
which Prof. IVtrle appjirently takes for ihe arrows of Neifh- In the Plates no 
dgn of inlentiona) ei assure is to tic seen, 

* In support of ihia he quoted the Palerino Stone. But the discovery of the 
great siele by Prof. Petrie, which appears as frontispiece in /*, 71, i, seems 
^decUtve agniiist this view, 



kenes.^7 d^. Naville, who at first disputed this identification 
(L.RA,M.^ i, p. 122), now agrees with it {L.RA.M.^ iii, p. 215), 
and we may therefore consider it as accepted on all sides. 

II. Azab. 

Of the identity of this king there is also, fortunately, no longer 
any question. In 1897 {op, cif.) Dr. Sethe showed that the group 

, appearing on several vase inscriptions discovered by M. 


Am^lineau under the suten bat title 4!^> ^^^ unmistakably the 
{ ^ <=> o D J of Seti's list and the Miebis of Manetho. The identity 

of this king with the owner of the srekh containing the group = 

Azab^ became evident upon Prof. Petrie's publication of the seal 57 
in R,T,^ i, PI. XXVI, which shows the sufen bat name l)y the side of 
the srekh in question. Another inscription (R.T., i, PI. V, 12) 
which bears the sute/t bat names of both Miebis and Den side by 
side slightly complicates the matter, but this is now seen to be due 
to a usurpation by Miebis of one of Hesepti's vases. Dr. Naville, 
who at first differed from Dr. Sethe as to the reading of the sign Q 
(L.F.A.M., ii, p. 118), now agrees with him, and accepts without 
qualification the identity of Manclho's Miebis as the immediate 

successor of Usaphais and the owner of the srek/i name = , which 
he reads a^/ or ant arp. 

12. Afersckha. 

This king, whose srekh contains the signs y 'I Mersekha, or 

according to Mr. Griffith {R.T., i, p. 39) and Dr. Sethe {Beitrage, 
etc., p. 24), Semerkhet, "beloved by the bowels,"*^'' has perhaps given 

^" Reading it Qenqen (rf. Mr. Griffith in R.T., ii, p. 49). 

^■^ This reading; is confirmed by the king's inscription on the rock at Sinai, 
where the signs are written I V ^^.^r.. See Raymond Weill, "Inscriptions 
(^•gyptiennes de Sinai," jRev, Arch., 1903, ii, pp. 230-231. 


Mav ii] 



more trouble than all the rest of the dynasty. On the strength of 
seal 72 (K.T.^ i, PL XXVI 11), which shows beside ihe srtkh con* 

taining this graup, in the "regular building enclosure | L and under 

the m^ti title, a figure ^ grasping a stick. Prof. Petrie {R.T.^ i, p, 5) 
claims him as SemempseSj the seventh king of Manetho, who appears 

in the list of Seti as 

, a bearded figure in a garment reaching to 

his feet, with hands grasping the 1 -sceptre. This, which was read by 

Prof* Lleblein as Sernenptah, is thought by Prof Petrie to cover the 
word s/temm or follower of Ptah, which implies, as Mr. Grifiith 
{R,T.^ i, p. 42) suggests, that the figure in the lii^l of Seti was 

mistaken by the scribes for 9[.^^' Mr. H. R. Hall, however {Oldest 

Cmlisaiifm of Gree^^ p. 45), with the approval of Dr. Budge {Nist, 

&f Egypt, vol- i, p. 202}, says that this sign should be ^^i, w^hich 

they both read /fu or Nekkt, The fif<ure certainly appears on vases 
{M,T.^ i, PL VI, 9 and 11) from which the name of Miebis appear:?^ 
to have been erased, and a similar erasure a[)pears to have been 
intended on the Amelineau fragment given by Dr, Sethe in A.Z,j 
x,«xv, and before referred to, where the figure is shown by the side 
of Hesepti*s sukn bat name. From this, Dr. Sethe {Beitrdge, etc, 
p. 24) constructs the theory that Semempses fought for the throne 
with Miebis, and^ succeeding, cut out Miebis's name from his 
inscriptions so as to make himself appear the immediate successor 
of Usaphais. Dr. Naville, while admitting {L,P,A,ALy ii, p, 115) 

that the figure ^ denotes a royal name, denies that this is 
Semempses and compares it with the I I ^ . ^^ . I Hum of the 

Saqciarah list, who is apparently Cberpheres, the last king of 
Manetho's Illrd dynasty. His chief objection, in which he persists 
{LJ\Au\L^ \\\^ p. 217), is that the figure is not a suien tat or 

** Even tlien \ do not see how Prof, Petrie gets the comiectioxx with Pi ah, 
whkh 1$, aceording tu him, the important part of thf name. 

May ii] 



cartouche-name but entirely a n^M and sreM narne,**^ He would 
also read the name here called Mersekha as Kheskhet, and would 
mike him not earlier than the Ilnd dynasty. 

13. Qa. 

This king, for the discovery of whose chief monuments, as of 
those of the kings called above Zet, Den, and Azab, we are 
indebted to M. Amelineau, is claimed by Prof, Petrie (R.T.^ i, p. 5) 
as the last of the dynasty from the position of his tomb. An ivory 
tablet there found {R.T.^ i, PI. XII, 2) shows by the side of the 

srekk conlatning the group ^ Qa, another group | under the 

iwM". Prof. Petrie explains this {£.T,, i, p. 2^) by supposing that 

a sen sign 1 with a very tall base was mistaken by a later scribe 

for the vase KeM iD and the ^vw^ below it for the determinative of 
water, thereby leadtng to the cartouche-name gWtn in Seti's h'st as 
( ^ J S 1* Q^^^*^ ^^ **^^o claims (/^., p, 26) that this king erased his 
predecessor Mersekha's name from a seal, but I cannot find this seal 
anywhere figured in the two volumes of Moyai Trnn&sA^ Dr. Sethe 
{Beitm^e^ etc., p. 25) approves of the identification of Qa with the 
Qebh of Set! and the Bieneches of Ma net ho. He also contends 
that this king was the rightful heir to Miebi.s and restored after the 
reign of the usurping Semempses, and finds confirmation of this in 

the fact that the name of an official named 


Htiika is said to be 

** This argument appears to ignore the i^ory tablet, A\T., i, Fl. XII, f, in 
which Lhe figure In q ties lion appears pUinly under boLh suf^ft /'d/ And utfAti. 
There is» h< iwever, nuthing but the doubtful pre&umptiijn of provenance to connect 
this tablet with Mersekha. 

** This ignores the fact that the name is given in Mftnctho^s list as Bieneches, 
which name remains une jt plain eti, nor does it show how the si^n in the tablet 1 
came to be written for 1 Sftt. 

*' Dr. Sethe, who sees in this supptiscd erasure an act of pnlitical revenge, 
g;ives in his footnote only the reference " /?, T^i i, text S 26, 77*^ Seal 77 h nn 
unusually perfect and compkle seal nf Mersekha* P. 26 of the text cont:iins 
Prof. Petrie^s statement with reference thereto, that "we havi^ precisely the same 
5eal in the tomb of Qa, excepting that ihc name ol the king has bc^n cut out, 
flj\d there is I here fore a mere lump in place of it un the impression/' 


May It] 



fouod on ivories of both Semempses and Qa.*^ He thinks that the 

Trading Qebh arose from the confusion of the sign with | . 

To this Dr» Naville {L.P,A,Af.^ ii, p» 115) replies, that the supposed 

royal name s sen cannot be admitted, as the netti above it is 

turned towards and not away from the snkh^ and is therefore plainly 
part of the name of a worshipper. This worshipper he holds to 

bave been named SennrM^ and to have been the 1 .^^ suien ma^ii 

or royal architect of the time, this group being found on both seals. 
The Qebh or Qebhu of Seti he would look for not here, but in the 
*' Scorpion'* king of Hieraconpolis. the group of rosette and 
scorpion which there denote his name being read by M. Foucart** as 
Qobhu or Qobuha^ although Dr. Naville admits there are difficulties 
in the way of this reading. 

If now we summarise the results of these criticismsj we shall see 
that Dr. Setbe and Dr. Naville are agreed in pronouncing neither 
Ka^ nor Ro, nor Sma^ ngr Merneit to be kings, while Dr. Sethe 
would push down Narmt-r and Zeser from the O dynasty into the 
Isl and Illrd respectively: Dr, Naville also holds Narmer to be 
the Boethos whom Manetho makes the ist king of the Ilnd 
dynasty, and Zeser not to have been a king at all Prof. Fetrie's 
O dynasty therefore disappears altogether, if we accept the arguments 
of either of his critics. As to the 1st dynast}% the identity of Den 
with Seti^s Hesepti (Usaphais of Manetho) and of Azab wiih Seti*s 
Merbapen (Miebis of Manetho) are admitted by everybody. Of 
the remaining kings, Dr. Sethe accepts the equations Aha = Mena 
(Menes of Manetho), Mursekha = Semenpiah (Semempses of 

^ The proof of this does nt>l aeem ver}" slrttng. The ivory tablet bearing 
Hen1cA*$ name, though found in the tomb of (^ {A\T*, i, pL XI, 12)* ilocit noi 
f tieof the Sf'fM natnc of that king but a mutinied one of which only liomething ilmt 
looks bke the padflle sign es— g> is Itfl. The same tablet also liears a sufett A?/ 
with anoibtr mutilated name, which Prof. Petrie (j^. 7"*, 1, p> 23) and Mr. Griflilh 
{ti'id.t p* 43) agree is apparently AW. The other tablet on which Dr, Sethe 
reUe« lo prove the connetrtiun of Hcoka with Ring Semempses is A\7\j U 
PL Xn, I, and as bdore mentioned, is only to be idt^DtiRed with Secaenrip^s by 

itft containing the fignrc ^ . 

^ ^f/. cii*t pp. 230 J'/y» By reading the scorpion sign traJkaoT /tonka, M. Fnucart 
; to get near the Oi/^€M9*ifj which appears in some ejctracts from Manetho as 
' a varmnt of Bieneches. 


May II] 



Manetho) and Qa = Qebh (Bieneches of Manetho) ; while he 
contends that Namner = Seti's Teta (Atothis of Manetho), Zer = 
Ateth' (Kenkenes of Manetho) and Zet = Ata (Uenephes of 
Manetho), as will be seen more clearly from the following table : — 

Seti I. 


Petri E, 







SrfH Suten bat 




(I ^ li , Kenkenes j (1 A 





ffiffi Usaphais ^"^11. ^ 





Suten hat 

:ySS)? OoO 


^ \ 

¥1 Semempses T> I «>^=> ^ ' ¥ I 

While of these, Dr. Naville will only allow that is Usaphais and 


j^ is Miebis. 

Looking now into the arguments by which Prof. Petrie supports 
his identifications, we find that it largely depends upon the exact 
provenance of the inscriptions, on which they in turn depend, being 
correctly given. Thus, at the very outset of his proofs {R^T.^ i, p. 5), 
he tells us that " a vase of Narmer was found in the tomb of Zet," 


Mav Ul 




from which, as we have seen, he draws the inference that Narmer 
mxint have reigned before Zet, But if we go further, and ask for 
proof thai the place in which the vase was found was actually the 
tomh of Zet, we find ourseh^es in much difficulty- Dr* Naville has, 
indeed, throughout contended that none of these chambers are 
tombs at all, because they contain no signs of skeletons, mummies, 
or other mortal remains, and insists instead that they are merely 
funerary chapels or offering places* Into this we need not here 
enter, because Prof, Petrie's argument would hold good if it could 
be shown that the spot on which he found Narmer's vase was 
an offer mg- pi ace exclusively reserved for the worship of Zet after 
his de*Tth. But when we ask for the reason of his assigning this 
spot to Zet, w*e find that he does so from the finding in it of a very 

few inscriptions bearing the serpent ^^ sr^M,*^ while at the same 

time it contains several others bearing names which are not that of 
Zet, Moreover the plan given by M. Amt^lineau (iV.J^. ifA.j i, p. 130) 
as that of the chamber where he found the magnificent stele of 
the ** serpent kin^/' differs so materially from that drawn hy 
Prof, Petrie in M^T.^ i, PI LXI as the tomb of Zet, that it is hard 
to beheve that they refer to the same edifice. And if Prof. Petrie 
is not right in his assignment of particular tombs to particular kings^ 
Jl may be nodced that the further argument that he would draw 
jm their rektive position falls entirely to the ground- What, for 
example, becomes of his contention as to " the gradual pushing 
back of the tomb sites/' if the tomb with which he starts is not that 
of the king to whom he attributes it? But for proof that the 
1 presence of inscriptions in a chamber does not always mean that the 
chambi-T h the tomh of the king whose name they bear, one need 
not go further than Prof. Petrie's own volumes. On R.T.^ i, p» 7, he 
tells us that part of a door- jamb of a chapel built by Apries in the 
XXVIth dynasty was found " thrown into the tomb of Merneit,*' and 
that fragments of the bier of Osiris ]>laced in the tomb of King Zer 
during the XVIllth dym^sty were found, '* onehy [the tomb of] Azab 
and the other a furlong away to the south/* On \\ 19 of the same 

^^ One is shown in A^. 71, I, P). IV, fig. 4, which coroes apparently not from 
the tomh of Zet but from one of the chambers near ii, and four others in K. 7Tt '^h 
PL VII, figs* 1-4, of whJch one is iUegible. As against these we Imve in E, T,^ i, 
1*1. IV| from the same tomb, one of Narmer (%. 2)^ one of Zeser {^^. 3), and one 
delticed hut certainly not of Zet (fig* 5). The casting vote therefore remains with 
the iUegibte inscription. 


May II] 



volume, we hear of pieces of vases attributed to Merneit being ** found 
scattered in the tomb of Mersekha/* On R.7\, ii, p. 5, we read 
that " the objects of Mena " have doubtless been scattered in 
throwing the contents of '* [the tomb Prof, Petrie attributes to him] 
"into tombs already opened." On p. 22 of the same vdume the 
presence of an ivory bearing the supposed name of Merneit in the 
tomb of Zel Is explained by the suggestion that **it may have 
strayed over from the tomlj of that king " [re. Merneit], and the 
same remark is repeated with regard to **apieceof a stone bowl 
inscribed Merneit," on p. 2J»^ So thorough has been the mixing on 
these sites, that different fragments of the same object were even 
found in different tombs. On p, ar of J^.T^ li, it is said of an 
** ebony tablet of Mena," that ** the lower half was found in lomb 
B 18, and at the close of all the work the upper half came from 
B 19''; and in AHdtfs^ U P* 5 '-^ 's said of an '*alabasier inscription 
of Azab" that it was not noticed until they arrived in England that 
**the pieces fitted together, as they were found scattered in three 
different tombs." Plainly, therefore, no great weight can be placed 
on the names attached to the different sites. 

Again, with regard to all the kings whom he places before 
Usaphais, the fifth king of the dynasty, it will be seen that the 
identification of Aha with Menes is one of the pivuts or hinges upon 
which Prof* Petrie^s theory turns. Narmer — to take the instance 
already used^ — is said by both Prof, Petrie and Dr, Sethe to have 
used a hawk so exactly like Aba's that they must have reigned 
wiihin a short time of each other. I am not convinced of ihe facl^ 
for I believe the rudeness of execution in some of the hawks of both 
kings is due to nothing except the refractory nature of the matenal 
used J" But if it l>e admitted, it is evident that anything which 

'^ I have chosen ^tefnelt a?^ an instance, 1 because his, or rather, her tomb or 
chapL^ WAS apparently passes! over by M. .^melinei*u, and should thcfcfare have 
Wtn IcM (Iisturt>t'd than ihtf rcsr. Vci no single piece willi the Jiamc of Memdt 
other ihan iht great stele ivas loimd on this site, 

*' The hawk on the grrat carved slate of 1 Ueraconpohs made liy the king 
caUe<l NivmKT^ mul shown nn Hale, fig* !» tsa carcfnl and lifelike piece of work, 
thowgh nnl so true to nature as the magniricent peregrine falcon carved in limestone 
for " Zct/' or ihe ** serpent ^* king, and discovered liy M. Aniclioeau. The excessive 
thickness of the neck is. weU preserved in the piece of atalaaaleri abr» of Narmeri 
found by Trijf. Teirie (^, T., i, PL IV» 2), add here called fig, 2, The parrot -hke 
beak ap|jarent in fig, 2 h in*5ecd rt produced In the glared bowl of .Aha ^Imwn by 
Pruf, Pet fie in A/ijiiiV^ li| Ph V^ and here reproduced ai fig. 3, althouii^h the 


Mav ii] 



deprives Aha of his place at the head of the dynasty would leave us 
free to consider the HieraconpoHs king as of a much later age- 
So, if Prof, Peirie's reading of Ta as the sukn dat name of Zer, and 
of Aih as that of Zet, be taken out of the way — and it has been 
shown lo have commended itself to neither Dr* Sethe, Dr Naville, nor 
Mr. Griffith — there is nothing to place Zer and Zet in the ist dynasty 
other than the style of their hawks showing an apparent transition 
from the style of Aha to the style of Den. So, too, with the other 
kings of whom Prof Petrie would compose his O or pre-Menhe 
dynasty. Of Ka he tells us that the rudeness of his inscriptions 
points t'l hi-J being before Narmer, w*hom, as we have seen, he dates 
by Aha. Of Ro {Afydos^ i^ p, 5X that "the style of his sealing is 
niore like Narmer or Menes than Ka/* Of Zeser (/^. 7T, i, p, 6), that 
there is ** no proof but what Narmer may be before Menes as Zeser 
may be/' and, kter {R,T,i li, p, 5), that "Zeser seems to have been 
a successor of Ka." Of Sma^ that '*we are led to place him as the 
iminediate predecessor of Menes/' And with regard to his argument 
from tiie relative position of the tombs, it is so necessary for him to 
have the tomb of Menes or Aha. as a dafum^ that he is obliged ta 
bring him from "the stately tomb worthy of Menes " at Negadah to 
the ''altogether inconsiderable little grave ^* at Abydos, on grounds 
which Dr, Sethe has to confess are not satisfactory to him.*^ It was> 
therefore, to be expected that either Prof. Petrie or Dr. Sethe would 
have made some effort to cast doubt upon Dr Navjlle's reading ot 
the supposed cartouche*name of Aha as Menfitbti^ '*the royal pavilion 
of repose.'' But they have not done so, and until this is done, or 
further evidence connecting Aha with Menes is adduced,'*^ it seems 


pigeon breast vh im addiuon not found under Nurmer. Neither fig. I, 2, or ^ 
show$ any likeness to the hawks of Aha carved on ivory and ehony m R. T*^ ii, 
Ph 111, 1 and 4, here reproduced !is fig^*. 4 and 5 respectivdy, both of which 
have the flattened he:id and Lhe long wingii of the true falcon. The incurved 
top of the rectangle, on which Dr. Sethe lays stress as a proof \A identical 
treatment, is also replaced by n straight line in ftjj, 2 and fig, % as in fig, 6, 
which is taken from Ji.T.^ ii, PL II, 4. I owe this plALe to the kindness of 
Mr» Niish, who has photographed the figurti in question, 

*■ Seine Gnindc dailtr konnen mir aber nichl einleuchten. B£ittag€^ etc., 
p. 32, JV, J. 

^ M, Airi^Iineau, iks has been noted aboTei says that he thlnlcs he possesses 
a rooDUTOent where Prof. Petrie's kings are ** classes chronolo^^iquement,*^ but that 
he WiU not pubUsh it at present {N.F. cfA.^ ii, p* 309). >L Maspero's discoveries 
Wl Sttqnarah, or Mr. Garstang^s at Negadah, may in the Tneanlimt throw further 
li^t on the subject. It should be noticed that, while Dr, NaviUc's interpretation 


to me that Dr. Naville's very full and clear explanation of the whole 
Negadah tablet must hold the field. The argument from silence has 
its dangers, but it is certainly almost incredible that, although we 
now possess many inscriptions of Aha, the only piece that in any 
way connects that king with the name of Menes is still the one 
discovered in 1897 at Negadah, which is susceptible of a different 

It follows from what has been said that the only two kings of 
Abydos whose identity has been absolutely fixed are Den and Azab, 
who are the Usaphais and Miebis respectively of Manetho. All 
identifications of those claimed as earlier must fail until it can be 
proved that Aha is Menes. Merneit is not a king, but, in view of 
the stele found by Prof. Petrie, a queen, and probably the queen of 
Den. No suten bat name has been found for Mersekha (Semerkhet) 
or Qa, though it is probable that the last-named king is the " scor- 
pion " king of Hieraconpolis. Both he and his temple-companion 
Narmer belong to the Ilnd dynasty, the last-named being most 
probably Betchu or Boethos, its first king according to Manetho. 
This seems the best scheme at present obtainable, and although, like 
all working hypotheses, it is liable to be upset by future discoveries, 
its main lines seem pretty well assured. But it must not be taken as 
in any way derogating from the value of the work done by M. Ame- 
lineau and Prof. Petrie who, by their discoveries at Abydos, have 
rendered an incalculable service to science. That they should at 
first have failed to perceive the exact order of the monuments dis- 
covered by them is as natural as that sailors, approaching for the 
first time an unknown shore, should be mistaken in the relative 
positions of capes and headlands. The merit in both cases lies in 
their enabling us to touch land at all. 

extends to the whole tablet, his adversaries have as yet only commented upon the 

nehti and nun signs. It is ditilicult to see how they can explain the 1 ] 

in which these groups are enclosed except as a cartouche, and ever)'thing at 
present g<jes to show that the cartouche only came in with tl>e Memphite dynasties. 
Cf. Xaville, L.P.A.M.^ i, pp. 113 and 123. 


S^\ Sihi. Areh*^ .^fay^ 191^4. 

On-ed Slat*! from H icraconpolis. 

Frtmt a photograph of tk^ mi^ihal in the 

Cairo Afusctfm* 

Fig. 3. 

Ah^'dffs 11, V, 32. 
(K K. Fund) 

(E. E. Fund.) 

Fir 4* 

/^fi}*a/ 7hmh II, iii, i 
(E. E. Fund.) 

Fig S 

{E, E. Fund.) 

Fig. 6. 

A'&ya/ 7}mth II* it, 4, 
(E. E. Fund J 









By Sevmour he Rjcci. 

Although the setting free of a slave was one of the most frequent 
acts of Roniaiy every-day life, we bad not yet a single copy of an 
original Latin deed of manumission.^ Students will be glad to learn 
that the Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney has been fortunate 
enough to add to his spkndid collectioti of papyri, the only Latin 
manumission yet discovered. He has had the grejt kindness of 
allowing me to copy and publish this important document^ which 
will prove interesting to many a student of Roman law. 

It is written on two wooden tablets, obtained in 1903 by Lord 
Amherst from the wulLknown Paris dealer, Mihran Sivadjian. The 
exact provenance of the tablets was not known to the vendor^ who 
had bought them in Middle Egypt, but the contents prove clearly 
{bat they originally came from Hermupolis Magna, the modem 

The accompanying fac-si miles (Plates II & III), exactly the size 
of the original tablets, are photographic reproductions of my hand- 
made drawings of the boards. It would have been doubtless more 
desirable to give direct photographs of the tablets themselves, but 
the wood is so dark, and the ink is so faint, that no photograph 
iroiUd have proved legible. 1 must however warn the reader that 
my fac-simile of the handwriting, though faithful enough as to the 
shapes of the letters, does not atwajs give a very accurate idea of the 
graceful and flowing strokes of the reed, which was evidently as 
supple and as flexible an instrument as the best quill pen* 

The deed J as stated above, is written on two wooden tablets. 
Each of them is 7I in, long and si i"- broad (i8j x 151 mm.); 
the wood is ap[iarently sycamore. On the edge of each tablet are 
pierced three holes, ABC, A'B'C, the middle one {B, B') being 
larger than the two other holes. These holes were made UJ^e of in 
the following way : strings were passed through the two pairs of 
smaller holes (A^A' ; QC), forming a hinge, joining the two tablets 

Wiih the possible exc^ptioQ of a siKth century medb^val papjmis ; r/. 
Appendix I, J. 


lAV 11 


by one edge and enabling them to be opened and shut, like a book. 
This double tablet, lechnically know n as a diphma or dipiychon^ had 
four pages : r, 2j 3, 4, 7^ he deed having been drawn up, was 
wmten out twice : once on the inner pages (2, 3) and once on the, 
outer ones (i> 4)^ leaving a blank space of about half a page on 
|>age I for the signatures. A third string was then passed through 
the central holes (B,B'), closing up the dipiychm and hiding the 
inner pages from sight ; the string was then tied up by a bow or a 
knot (across p. i\ which was then carefully secured by the wax or 
clay seals of the several witnesses. Unfortunately on the Amhersi 
tablets both seals and strings have disappeared ; but the accompany- 
ing photograph (Plate I) of a somewhat similar tablet from th< 
Danube valley- will give a good idea of the general appearance of 
sealed I ablet. 

The folio iving passage of the SententitF of Julius Paulus (written 
about A.D, 212) mentions an interesting Senatus consult on thi 
sealing up of legal deeds : Amplissimus ordo dfcrtrpif ^as iabuim 
qum puMici vei privati c&ntraitus scripts ram con tine m/^ adAMi 
Us/i^as, iUi sigfiari^ ut in sumnia martinis ad mtdiam parttm per- 
foraiit tripiici ilno amstriui^antur^ atque impimhe supra liHHm cerm 
signa imprinumlur^ uf vxkH&rt scripitim fidem inkrior rtsewtiJ 
(Paulus, ^Ht V, 25, 6 — (lirard, Ttxtes^ ed 3, p. 426, cf. p* 851,) 

On the outer pages, r and 4 (see Plates II & IIl)^ the deed was^ 
written out in black ink with the reed. On the inner pages, 2 and 3, 
the text was engraved on black wax with a sharp metal point ; a 
raised margin, about half an inch wide, runs round pages 2 and 3> 
protecting the writing. Unfortunately the Egyptian climate has 
proved too warm for the Roin;m wax, which has partly melted, so 
that the writing is hardly legible. Enough however remains to 
show diat the inner text was identically the same as the outer one. 
I have not been able to make a fac-simile of the very faint remains 
of the inner text* 

It is not the first time that we find Latin deeds on waxed tablets,* 
Two great hoards of such tablets have already been discovered :— 

{a) Thirty-nine tablets (forming 25 deeds) have been found at 
Verespatak in Transylvania, in the ancient gold mines of Alburnus 

- Ciwptti litu'Hptipfitfm La/iftiirumj Vol. Ill, p, gjS. 

^ The ysc of such lableis conunued in France nil ihc foiirn;enih century. Sm 
Ed<^lesiand du Meril, /> fiisag< mm inierrampN Jtisqif\) mujfftiri ties tabkfiis in. 
^«v, R'prinied in his Etmi^s sm- que/ptes p<^inis tfarxyoUgr^ ci ithht^trii Itiieratn, 
(Pari*, 1S62. 8^0 



Showing the seaU, 





maior. They are all published in facsimile by Mommsen in the 
C&r/^iis Inscripiianum Laiinaram, Vol III, pp, 921-960 {cf. pp. 105S 
and 2215).* 

(/') A much larger find of tablets {153 different deeds) was made 
at Herculaneum in July, 1S75. The tablets, found in a box, contain 
receipts delivered to the banker L. Caecilius Jucundus, and are of 
^eal legal interest. An admirable edition has been given by the 
late K. 2angemeister also in the Corpus Inscripiionum Lailnarum^ 
Vol. IV, Supplement I (iSgS).^ 

The chief difference between these two groups and the Amherst 
tablets is, that most of the Herculanean and Dacian deeds are 
engraved with a point on three wooden tablets, and not on two 
hi-y on a tnpiychan^ and not on a diptyckon. 

Wooden tablets have been frequently found m Egypt, They 
are generally covered with schoolboy's exercises in Greek^ though 
tablets with accounts scribl)led on them have been copied by 
M. Jouguet in the Cairo Museum.*^ 

Latin tablets from Egypt were hitherto quite unknown, with the 
single exception of a small fragment, yet onpublished, belonging to 
the Bodleian library, and which I am glad to be able to make known 
for the first lime (ef. Appendix IT). 

A striking parallel to the Amherst diptyc/nm may be found in the 
well know^n *'■ military diplomas^" which contain copies of the im- 
perial edict delivered to Roman %^eterans having served twenty-five 
years. These diplomas, of which more than one hundred and ten 
are now known, are always on two bronze tablets, joined by strings 
or wire hinges, closed up and sealed down exactly in the same 
manner as the Amherst diptychon. The text of the edict is likewise 
written out twice, once on the inner pages and once on the outer 
ones. The object of this duplicate inner copy was to prevent any 
alterations being made to the outer deed, or, as Julius Paulus puts 
it, ui ixttri^ri scriphtrae fid^m interior reserct, A similar precaution 
was nnade use of many centuries earlier in the clay Babylonian 

* See also P» F* Girartl, TcxU^ dc droit remain ^ ^rd ediuon (Paris, 190 J. 16^), 
pp. S03-S04. 

* S??e also Girafd^ p/*. hnd,, pp» 820-S27. 

* No list of Greek wooden tablets from Egypt has yet been published. There 
af e specimens in various museums at London, OKford^ Pari^, Mar5eHles» Leydajj 
Turin* Ikrimj Vicnnaj New York, Alexandria, and Cairo. 

147 N 


The deed of manumission contained in the Amherst diptychon^ 
may be divided into three parts : — ' 

(a) The deed itself, written out twice, in Latin cursive (pp. 1-4 

and 2-3). 
{b) The signatures of the parties named, in Greek cursive 

(p- 4). 

(c) The signatures of the witnesses, in Greek cursive (p. i). 

The Amherst diptychon is of great palaeographical interest, as it 
gives a most important specimen of dated Latin cursive handwriting 
(a.d. 221) ; the exterior copy of a^ written in black ink, is in a good 
flowing cursive, with strong, round, well-formed letters. As may be 
seen from the fac-simile, it is by no means difficult to decipher. 
Ver)' few abbreviations are used by the scribe, and they are all very 
easy to explain. 

No published document, either on papyrus, on parchment, or on 
wood, contains an exactly similar handwriting, but an interesting 
parallel may be found in an unpublished Berlin papyrus (P. 8334) 
of which I possess a photograph. A few years ago it would have 
been considered unwise to compare scriptural forms of papyri with 
those of texts written on such a different material as wood or even 
vellum, but it seems now an established fact that the material used 
to write upon has had but little influence on the handwriting itself. 

With the Amherst text may be also compared the Oxford frag- 
ment published on Plate IV. On both documents the inner writing 
engraved upon wax is quite different in character from the exterior 
pen and ink cursive I have just been describing. It is the ordinary 
cursive of Roman grattiti, of tiie tituli scariphati so frecjuent on the 
walls of Pompei. Its distinctive feature is the continual ust; of the 
form 1 1 for the letter E. 

There is little to be said about the Greek cursive of the various 
signatures; it is the ordinary small sloping handwriting of pa;iyri \w 
the time of Caracalla. 

I will now give the text of the Amherst diptychoti^ first in Roman 
capitals as it appears on the tablets, and, secondly, in minuscule, 
with the necessary supplements and restitutions. May I remind 
readers that square brackets denote letters restored in lacun;^, and 
round brackets, the explanation of scriptorial abbreviations. The 
spelling of the original document has in no case been altered. 
Letters of doubtful reading have a dot below them. 



May n] A LAI 


Page I. 




O U 







2. w 

CD < 
< % 

u o 










Page 4. 









149 N 2 

P Mav ii] SOCIETV of biblical ARCH-'GOLOGY. [T904I ^H 


I Page j.^ 


I [rap tout s ab ^irmufaii mainr] 

ANTI jT b/} LUND V^^^^"^" •''/' '1 LL AM 

' SVAM VI I R NA ["^ mmorum rm] tTI I R 

5. XXXI 1 1 \ {infer amLo, mamimt-] S ITLI B I f 

I RAM [/'« ^^^^ '«^"^ (^ « ] C E P IT 

P R O L [tderme ettts a/f attr] AL b'] T 1 S 
I N AR [^'^'J ^ "'^'^ ftst>^ecs] N M I 

I HJIRMVC/^^'^"^'^ '^"i-^w^lMILLIA 

1 o, DVC 1 1 ["^**^ f«*^ ^f '>'0 AL 1 1 S I N [^^^^'J 

, Tl S D O ['""">] H 1 1 U^'"^- sii/nis^] R I PT A 


I NTS [/] L i^^'} D [^'0 KAL ['"'^'^'^^] AS G R AT O 

Page 5. 
IS M [^] RCI ["'] RELIANTON [/«'>f>7^/^lCISAVGVSTI 

[fjlMMUJN [**<''»' \0lfW€pyoV <rrr^rt?rH4ifc'oiT]€A€NHN 

AOYAHN[.«o'^ oiK07fj'7 iL*j L Xr ,^j]€TASY 
I 0t AUJN HAEY0[*/j't>iTrt Kttt ^a-j^ot* t'^c/)J 

20. \\tnpwp nvTfitT ^pa)(j^it ff'\^\C)^€^l At AC 

The last lines are illegible. 
For ihe two innet pages 1 give only une text, Itlling up ihe lacutk-e wiih the fadp_of t^ 


May u] .V LATIN DEED OK MANUMISSION {A.D. 221). [1904. 

Page I. I. Afarcus Ayrei{tti\s [A]mmmion Lu- 

2, 'pergu Sarapionis ex M . , . ettr^ieutat 

3, iih Htrmupoli M\fvio\r(e) antitjua et splmd{ida) 

4, liehnai audi lam auam furnam. 

5. anmrum dnikr x\x\xiiii inter ami* 

6. -\iP[os fnamimisit Ubtramquc esse ius- 

7. -[si]f et aecepitp^o] iii^et{t](fte tius al^ 
Page 4. 8. Aureiio Aiais Imtnmtis a uico Tisic/ieos 

9* nomi Hermupoiiht dHachmas) nug{mtas) dua millia 

10* ducentas quas et ipse Aies Inaroutis do- 

1 r» -natiit Hehne iiberta(e) supntsinpta{e) 
t2. Aantn Henmtpoii Mmor{e) anHqua 

13. €t spl€fid{ida) vii kal{endas) Augmtas Grata 

14. et Scieueo co{fi)s{u}ihts) anno it it Imp{eraiaris) Of saris 

1 5. Mara Aure/i Anttmini Pit Fdids Aug{tisfi) 

16. mense Meson dit L M«/i«o« AtyjyX*©* 

17- ^f-i^iwifiivt* Aoif—€p''fov ^rtfjtt7rttt*iftt'i KX^vtfi' f-tw- 

20. ffe/i^o-Trtp (i&^fiXttiw rifljtoffinf^ dwo A]vptf\titv AXifTtt^ 

2 1. f I'npo o VTO * w V TTfi uAtiTiii A [ ( '//] qXwv A \ 1/ V t t^fifJ w- 

-3- ~X^*^"*^ ^iraAofffflif *L-*if Of ^m^XcviTujiiui EX^i'tpf 
24* -ijM ?r/>ojif€*^*6i'i/*' ttTTt-\ttf0^fm$*^ Avp^fXio^ Aft- 
25, -/lau'io? Kpfi^ti'ov €'(prj{ \/r«) rTrfF^i) rfi'T(o*>) fttf cf^o(TOs) 


" Marcus Aiirelius Ammanion, son of Lupergus, son of Sarapion 

from Hermupolis Maior, the Ancient and Magnilicent, 

has set free, between friends^ his female house-born slave, Helene, 
about 34 years old, and has bidden her to be free, and has received 
for her freedom from Aurelius Ales, son of Inarous, from the village 
of Tisichis, in the Hermupolite nome, two thousand two hundred 
Augustal drachms, which Ales, son of Inarousj has himself made a 
present of to Helene, the above -n allied freed woman. Done at 
Hermupolis Maior, the Ancient and ^lagnificent, the viith day 
before the Kalt- nds of August, Gratus and Seleucus being consuls^ 
the fourth year of the Emperor Ccesar, Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, 


the Pious, the Happy, Augustus, the first day of the month of 

I, Markos Aurelios Ammonion, son Lupergos, son of Sarapion, 
I have set free, between friends, my house-born female slave Helene, 
about thirty-four years old, and have received for her freedom two 
thousand two hundred Augusta! drachms from Aurelius Ales, son 
of Inarous, as written above. 

I, Aurelios Ales, son of Inarous, have paid the two thousand 
two hundred silver drachms, and will make no claim on {or against) 
Helene, the above-named freedwoman. I, Aurelios Ammonios, son 
of Hermeinos, have written for him, as he knoweth not letters." 

(To be continued,) 


I ^: 




By Prof. Dr. E. Mahler. 

The Annual Festivals of the Church are divided into the two 
classes of ** Fixed " and ** Moveable.'' The first are held on a fixed 
date, and are independent of the day of the week. Christmas Day, for 
example, is always on December 25th, no matter on what day of the 
week that date may fall. The " Moveable " Feasts, on the other 
hand, are observed on a certain and invariable day of the week. 
Among such festivals are Easter, Whit Sunday, Ascension Day, 
Corpus Christi, &c. Now it is the date of Easter that fixes the 
date of the other moveable feasts. Thus, Whit Sunday occurs 
seven weeks after Easter ; Ascension Day is ten days before Whit 
Sunday (and therefore on a Thursday) ; and Corpus Christi is ten 
days after Whit Sunday, and therefore also on a Thursday. It is 
the same with the other feasts and fasts, as Ash Wednesday, &c. 

To those who are not astronomers, the rules fiking the date of 
Easter appear very complicated, and, at least according to all 
historic authorities down to our own times, have as their sole object 
the avoidance of the coincidence of Easter with the Jewish 
Passover. But we find in the Greorgian calendar for 1903, that 
Easter coincides with tJie Jewish Passover on the same Sunday^ that is 
to say, April 12th of the Greorgian calendar^ or the i^th Nisan 0/ the 

This event is worthy of attention. It is the fourth occasion on 
which, in the Greorgian calendar, Easter and the Passover have 
coincided on the same Sunday. The new calendar of Pope Gregory 
came into use on October 4th, 1582. On April 19th, 1609, the two 
feasts coincided ; on April 14th, 1805, the coincidence occurred for 


May II] 



the second time; twenty years later, on April 3rd, 1825, for the 
third time, and on April 12th, 1903, for the fourth time. 

The history of the matter, up to the time of the reformation of 
the calendar, is as follows : — 

From the end of the Vlllth century down to the introduction 
of the Gregorian calendar, that is to say, for eight centuries, Easter 
and the Passover never coincided. But previous to the Vlllth 
century such coincidence frequently happened. In the Vlllth 
century it occurred twice, viz., on April 14th, 743, and on March 
23rd, 783. In the Vllth century it occurred once only, on 
March 31st, 614. But when we get to the Vlth century we find 
there were eight instances of coincidence, and nine in both the Vth 
and I Vth centuries, as are shown in the following table : — 

VIth Century a.d. 

Vth Century 

' A.D. 

I Vth Century a.d. 

April nth 594 

April nth 


April 2nd 394 

March 26th 590 

April 14th 


April 13th 374 

April 6th 570 

March 28th 


March 28th 370 

March 25th 563 

April 8th 


April 1st 367 

April 5th 543 

March 23rd 


April 1 2th 347 

March 23rd 536 

April 3rd 


March 27th 343 

April i6ih 523 

April 7ih 


April 7th 323 

March 31st 519 

March 22nd 


March 22nd 319 

April 14th 


March 25th 316 

So that in the IVth and at the beginning of the \'th century {i.e., 
301-465), each time that the Passover fell on a Sunday, it coincided 
with Easter. The year 387 is the only exception, for in that year 
the Passover was celebrated on March 21st, while Easter fell on 
April 25th, almost the latest possible date for it. 

This is a surprising fact, for in the R'th century were held the 
Councils of Nice (a.d. 325) and of Antioch (a.d. 341), which had 
the subject under their consideration. It is remarkable that if these 
Councils seriously considered this subject of the coincidence of the 
feasts, and laid down a rule for fixing the date of Easter in such a 
way that it could fiever coincide with the Jewish Passover, this rule 
was already in abeyance in 343, only two years after the Council, and 
again four years later, in 347 ; for in these years, as well as in 367, 
370, and 374, the Christian Festival coincided with that of the Jews. 


May It} 



It must be remembered that the dates given above are based on 
the supposttioa that the full-moon fixing the Passover (the i5tb 
Nisan)» was not determined by observation of the moon, but was 
calculated by the aid of a cycle of nineteen yeari, just as Easter was 
fitted by ihe Alexandrian Pascal cycle of nineteen years^ by means 
of which the limits of Easter were easily found, that is to say^ the 
date and day of the week of the lulUmoon, and, consequently, 
Easter Sunday. Sinct% especially in the early centurie*i, the date 
of Easter was not fixed in the same way by the different Christian 
communions, we must more closely examine this subject in ordtr 
to see if the coincidences mentioned occur when Easter is fixed, 
not according to the Alexandrian rules, but according to other rules 
which have come down to us. 

The Quartadecimanes, who, no matter what day of the week it 
fell on, always kept Easter on the day of the full-moon next after 
the Spring Equinox, do not come within our consideration, for 
among them the coincidence of the feast with that of the Jews was 
almost regular, because the Jews counting the hmar months, the 
15th Nisan was always the day of the full-moon- 

We will confine ourselves therefore to the Christians of western 
countries who had their special rules by which ihey fixed Easter 
I>ay, I must especially mention the Canon of Hippolyte, which 
has been preser%^ed for us by a marble monument in the Lateran 
Museum at Rome. This monument represents the Bishop seated 
on his throne, and was found in 1551 on th^ road leading to Tivoli, 
near the Church of St. Lawrence. On the right hand side of the 
throne the following inscription is engraved : — 

T^r* Wtitf^a tifoiy AT^p^iXtaiv 2«^/?rjm' ^tifiti\t'iit&if ii/fVO\ -ftvo^n^fotu 

''In the first year of the reign of the Autocrat Alexander 
the XIV Paschal moon will coincide with the Ides of April, on 
a Saturday, after the intercalary month. In the following years 
the event will occur as is shown by the Table given below ; and 
in the years gone by Easter has fallen on the days already 
mentioned. The Feasts must always be separated by a 

^55 I 


This inscription is followed by a table giving the dates of the 
full-moon which fix Easter for a cycle of sixteen years, commencing 
with the first year of Alexander Severus, a.d. 222. Each date is 
followed by the day ; but not only for the cycle commencing in 
A.D. 222, but for seven cycles, so that this Canon extends, not over 
sixteen, but over 16x7 = 112 years ; it serves therefore to determine 
the date and day of the full-moon of Easter. On the left-hand side 
of the throne we find a table of Easter Sundays for the 1 1 2 years, 
with the following inscription : — 

**'^Et€« \\\fi^dutpov Kataapov tu* a <ipx*)» A< tn^/tiaKni too 
Vldfrxa Kara trov. 

"The beginning in the first year of Caesar Alexander. The 
annual Easter Sunday-.'' 

This Canon, as Idkler ^ has shown us, has great faults, by far the 
most important of which is that inasmuch as sixteen solar years 
= 5,844 days, which =198 synodical months and three days, it 
follows that the dates of this table varied from the astronomical events 
at the end of the first cycle by three days, at the end of the fifth 
cycle by fifteen days, and after the lapse of eighty years — a.d. 300 — 
the period of the full-moon, according to the Canon of Hippolyte, 
coincided, in fact, with the ne A'-moon, and thus Easter was celebrated 
at new-moon instead of full-moon. Notwithstanding the great respect 
with which Hippolyte, pupil of Irenaius, was regarded at Rome, it 
aj)pears highly probable that his Canon was only made use of during 
the Ilird century, — a Canon that might be mentioned is that of 
Dionysius, Piishop of Alexandria ; but we know nothing more of it 
than tliat it employs a cycle of eight years, and that its principle was 
rever to celebrate Easter before the spring Equinox. — So also the 
cycle of nineteen years of Anatolius, one of the most celebrated men 
of the Ilird century, is unknown to us. Even if we had a knowledge 
of some of its principles, we could not reconstruct his table. We 
know that in the first year of his cycle of nineteen years the XlVth 
moon fell on April 4th, and that he had commenced his cycle in 
A.D. 277 ; but that is the whole extent of our knowledge. 

We now have to consider the Kitin cycle of eighty-four years, of 
which no doubt the Latin Church made use. If we compare the 
Easter Sundays with the Julian dates of the Jewish Passover, we find 
the following coincidences : — 

* Handbuih chr viath. iind ieih. Chi'onolo'^icy II, 222. 


Mav 11] 



IVtH Cextirv a.d. 

Vtk Century a.d. 

VIth Ceniury a* IX 


Apnl [2th 


Maich land 


March jist 


April tM 


April 7th 


April 1 6th 


Marcii 28ih 


April 3rd 


March 2jrd 


April ijih 


March 2$td 


April 5th 


March 21st 


April 8th 


March 251 h 


April 2nd 


March 28ih 


April 6th 


M&rch 24th 


March 26th 


April 9th 


April 2nd 


iMarch 29th 


April 14th 


April nth 

We see that the l^itin mctiiod also failed to avoid the comndences 
of the Feasis, which were still more numerous in the Vch century. 

These facts convince us that the Councils of Nice and of Antioch 
considered the subject of Easter, because of the dispute between the 
Eastern and Western Churches which could not agree about the 
different dates of Easter. But in that case it is impossible that the 
object in vievv can have been to avoid the coincidence of the 
Christian Easter and the Jewish Passover : for had thai been the 
object. It would, after a few years, have been seen that the end was 
not obtained. 

According to tradition, a Canon of Antioch runs as foltows - : — 
" The Church ought to exclude and reprove any man who» 
with regard to Easter, persists in disputing the excellent decisions, 
and dares to disobey the commands, of the holy and great 
Synod assembled in the presence of Constantine, the piotis 
Emperor, and beloved of the gods. This refers more especially 
to the laity, but if an ecclesiastic, a bishop, priest, or deacon, 
obstinately celebrates Easter with the Jews, a practice which 
leads to the disquieting of the people and the Church, he will 
from henceforth be considered by the holy Synod as an apostate 
who is not only himself a sinner, but a cause of corruption and 
wavering in many others.'* 

^ Mansip C0/L CiftitiL, IIi 1307 j IJcfelCp Cmm'Uttt^esfhkhtt^ I^ 337, 513, 




This Canon severely forbids Christians to keep Easter at the same 
time as the Jews. But only two years after the Council of Antioch, 
in A.D. 343, and again in a.d. 347, we find these severely forbidden 
coincidences, which proves that the decisions of the Council cannot 
be those which tradition has handed down to us ; in fact, in no 
Canon of the Council of Nice do we find the slightest evidence 
of a decision concerning Easter. It seems to us that the Council 
did not concern itself with the subject of the coincidence of the 
Christian and the Jewish Feasts, but that it desired to definitely put 
an end to the dispute concerning Easter between the Church of the 
East and the Church of the West. We again meet with this en- 
deavour at the Council of Aries, in a.d. 314. One of the twenty-five 
Canons which are to be found in Vol. I of the ColUctio Conciliorum 
Gailtce, 1789,3 is thus expressed : — 

" Can. I. Ut uno die et tempore pascha celebratur. Prime 
loco de observatione paschae domini, ut uno die et uno tempore 
per omnem orbem a nobis observetur et iuxta consuetudinem 
literas ad omnes tu dirigas." 

One object among others of the Council of Aries was then to 
cause Christians — all Christians — to keep Easter ^*^uno die ct 
tempore,'' and so assure the supremacy of the Latin fixtures of 
Easter, and the suppression of all others. 

The later Councils also considered the disputes about Easter, 
but they also had no other object than to terminate the dissension 
which distracted the Church. The Jews were regarded only from 
the point of view of the Christians of Asia Minor, who celebrated 
Easter, like the Jews did theirs, on 15th Nisan, no matter on what 
day of the week, whilst the majority of Christians (the Western 
countries, Egypt, (ireece), kept Easier on the Sunday following the 
day of the full-moon. From these facts we see that when the 
Passover fell on a Sunday, no one was hindered from observing 
Easter. It seems to us that more attention was paid to the Eastt-r 
full-moon coming after the Spring E{|uinox ; this was a rule which 
was very strictly observed. If the 15th Nisan fell on, or preceded, 
March 21st of the Julian calendar, the Christians regarded the next 
full-moon as the Paschal moon : thus in a.d. 292 the Jews kept 
the Passover on March 20th, whilst the Christians kept Easter on 
April 24th. 

•■' Bruno, Bibliothcca Ecclcsiastica, Vol. I, Part ii, p. 107 ; Ilefele, Coitdliefi- 
geschiihtCy I, 205. 


So niso in a.d. 387 the Passover fell on Sunday, March 21st, 
and Easter was kept on April 25th. That, as a fact, luuch import- 
ance was attached to these decisions is proved by one of the 
Apostolic canons which were translated from Greek into Latin by 
the Abbe Dionysus Exiguus about \a>, 500, We there find 
(Canon VI II), ''Si quis Episcopus aut Presbyter, aut Diaconus 
sanctum Pasch^ diem ante vernale sequinoctium cum Judaeis 
celebra veri t, a btl ic ia t u r. ^* 

**If a Bishopi or a Presbyter, or a Deacon keep the Holy Easter 
before the Spring equinox, with the Jews, he Khali be expelled, '* 

That portion of the circular of the Synod which rcftrred to this 
matter, said :^ ** We announce to you the joyful news of unity with 
regard to Holy Easter. By your prayers this matter has been 
brought to a happy termination. All our brethren in the East^ who 
formerly kept Easter with the Jews, will henceforth celebrate this 
feast with the Romans, with all the others who for so long have 
celebrated it with us/* The following supposition seems to us much 
more probable : The limits of Easter, which were established little 
by little, were not directed against the Jews until the middle ages ^ 
Christian chronology was accepted and spread abroad in the time 
of Charlemagne, It is strange to see that the period down 10 the 
introduction of the new calendar is remarkable in that Easter mver 
coincided with the Passover, It is very probable that the people of 
the middle*age5, considering that according to the limits of Easter 
sanctioned by the Church that festival could never coincide with 
the parallel Jewish feast, regarded this canon as a measure against 
Judaism, and as the consequence of contempt for the Jews, and 
to give it the sanction of authority referred it to the Councils of 
Nice and of Antioch. In this way we can explain the decree of the 
Emperor Constanline addressed to those who did not take part in 
the Council of Nice, and full of an ill-omened disdain of the Jews. 
From it we will quote : — " 

" When the subject of the holy day of Easter was arrived 
at, it was unanimously considered fitting that the same festival 
should be observed on /At- sam€ day ever>' where throughout the 
world ; for can anything more noble or more fitting be 
imagined than that the Festival which gives us the hope of 

* Socrates, /fhL EixUs, i I» 9 ; lleftle, CofUtiuHj^Sfhichle^ I, 


immortality should be celebrated without hindrance, with one 
^ universal practice. It w^as unanimously declared unworthy to 
follow, in the matter of this Holy Festival, the Jews who have 
soiled their hands by horrible outrage, and who are spiritually 
blind. In rejecting their practice we can transmit our — the 
more correct — date for Easter, which was preser\^ed for us 
from the first day of Christ's sufferings down to the present 
time. We ought to have nothing in common with the Jewish 
people, for we have received another path to Redemption ; 
our worship has a different way, truer and grander, and in 
unanimously accepting this way, dear brothers, we withdraw 
from the evil company of the Jews ; for it is truly foolish when 
they boastingly pretend that we cannot even celebrate this 
Festival without their instructions. How can ihey have true 
knowledge, those who, after the death of our Lord, let them- 
selves be gu'ded like madmen, not by reason, but by ferocious 
violence; where will their folly drive them to? Through it 
they no longer see the truth on this point, the subject of Easter, 
so that, full of errors and far from improvement, they sometimes 
celebrate two Passovers in the same year. How can we follow 
them, those who are sick with error ? for it is impossible for us 
to have two Rasters in one year. But even if that was not the 
case, you ought, nevertheless, always to take great care that 
your pure souls should not have anything apparently in common 
with tlie customs of such absolutely wicked people (the Jews). 
Then reflect that a disagreement concerning this great festival 
is forbidden. We inherit from our Saviour alone a Festival of 
our redemption, that is to say, of His holy martyrdom, and He 
alone founded the Catholic Church. Think then how incon- 
venient and fatal a thing it is that on the same day some fast 
and others give great feasts ; and that after the festival some 
enjoy their days of j)leasure, and others have their prescribed 
fasts. Divine Providence wills that this matter should be 
amended, and that it should be regulated in such a way that, 
in ray opinion, everyone will understand it. Since it is a duty 
to have nothing in common with the murderers of our Lord, 
and because the custom that the Churches of the West, of the 
North, of the South, and some of those of the East, uphold is 
the best, a lars^e part cf the world has recognized it as good, 
and I would assure them that the custom observed at Rome, 


May II) 



in Africa, ihroughaut Italy, Egypt Spain, Gaul, Britain, Libya ; 
throughout Achaia, as well in the dioceses of Asia and Fontus 
as ID Cilida, will be welcomed and acknowledged by you to 
be good. You ought to reflect that not only is the number 
of the churches the greatest in the provinces enumerated, 
but also desire that which reason demands, and have nothing 
in common with the Jews, To sum up : genemi opinion has 
decided that the Holy Festival of Easter ought to be celebrated 
everywhere on the same day, and it is not fitting that there 
should be any dispute on so sacred a subiect. Since this is so* 
accept the grace of God, and the divine commands, for all that 
occurs at the Council of the Bishops is ha^ed on the will of 
God. Mention this matter to all your brethren, and introduce 
this regulation of the Holy Festival among you^ so that Ifj as I 
desire, I come among j-ou, I may celebrate this holy day with 
yoiu and that 1 may rejoice with you in seeing that by the aid 
of the power of God we have brought to nought the malice of 
the devil, and that faith, peace, and concord flourish among us. 
May God keep you in his grace, my brothers/' 


If the Synod had really been so shocked at the coincidence of 
The Festivals in (lucstion, as is im[»Iied by the words **have nothing 
in common with the Jews," a conference that included so many 
learned men, both from Rome and from Alexandria, would certainly 
have taken the necessary steps to avoid the coincidence of Easter 
with the Jewish Passover, and would have ordered that this festival 
should be celebrated a week laUr than the Jesvisli celebration. No 
such rule was promulgated* The only decision arrived at was 
that if the Paschal fuU-raoon fell on a Sunday, Easter was to be 
postponed to the following Sunday. We notice that on this 
occasion no one paid attention to the fact that the Jews count the 
day, not from mid-night to mid-night, but from night-fall, and tiiat 
consequently it might happen that when the full-moon (astrononiical 
or fixed by a Table) falls on a Saturday evening, the Jews commence 
the r5th Nisan with the evening, and celebrate the Passover on the 
Sunday, with the Christians. And we see, hi fact, some years 
after the Council of Nice, in spile of the rules there laid downi 
Easter coincided with the Passover of **the hateful people, the 
Jews/* It is evident that the object of the Great Synod was only 
that which is contained in the opening words of the decree of 



Constantine given above. The rest of the attack on the Jews 
belongs to later times, when, in point of fact, the coincidences no 
longer occurred ; or even the whole of this decree, like others 
which are known to us as decisions of the Council, may be 
apochryphal, and only manufactured later, in order to give greater 
emphasis to the trickery of the Jews. 

{To be continued,) 


Bv Theophilus G. Pinches, LL,D, 

Dr. Daiches has called my attention to the tablet Kc^597, ot 
which five lines are given in the Catalogue of the Kouyunjik 

collection. This inscription is the left-hand half of a wide and 
rather squat tablet written in double columns. It is said, in the 
catalogue, to be part of an astrological text, a description which a 
reference to the moon (?) and the sun in the sixth line of the 
original seems to justify. As, however, some of the lines are the 
same as are found in the hemerologies, and as they are all, except 
in two cases, separated from each other by division-lines, the 
probability is, that this inscription contained renderings of certain 
passages in tliose texts.- 

It shows that the old reading ^altis {Saidi^) fd tia{m)wt\ ' he 
(the king) shall not talk victoriously (?)' ""^ is correct, not *the 
priestess shall not disclose (a divine decision).' The next phrase 
seems to be, * a seer shall not do a thing {amaia'") in a secret place.' 
To all appearance, these and the other phrases quoted presented 

^ See " Pro(Ccdin^r<^'' Feb. 1904, pp. 51-56. 

2 This is also indicated by the fact, that the division-lines cross the line 
separating the left-hand column from that on the right. 
* ? Vaingloriously. 



difficulties, 'and required explanation, even for the ancient 
Babylonians to understand them. 

The translation of many of the words in the plate facing p. 56, 
^^ Proceedin^s^^ Feb. 1904, is provisional — see p. 52, 1. 7. 

[Since writing the above, the translation " moon " (for the character 

^5^^) * bas been confirmed. This character is to all appearance a 

variant of ^^J^ which is given by the fragment 81-11-3, 1539 as 

being pronounced >]f- X:£\ {maSdu) in Sumero-Akkadian, and trans- 
lated by inl^i, "fruit," ^^ ^«, "the god Sin," etc., in Semitic 
Babylonian. The title of the series of hemerologies, t^^ »-IJ^ ^""Hffl. 
^ -^Hff* was therefore Sin (or trihu) bel arhi*^^ "The moon, lord 
of the month." Compare Cuneiform Texts^ part xi, pi. 43, R"^ 600, 
^- 7 > 37i966> '• 3 I P^J't xii, 25, 1. 8 from end ; Cuneif. Inscr, of W, 
Asia, vol. V, pi. 19, 11. 9 and 57-60. Apparently the moon and a fruit 
were represented by the same character on account of their form. 

As one of the meanings of ^ is sibuiu, " wish," this suggests the 
rendering "it (the 7th day) is not suitable to make a wish," instead 
of " for doing business." " To make a curse " is also possible, but 
in the Proceedings for Jan., 1884, p. 57, line 3, at the end, the phrase 
Sf= "^TT ^ •"^TTT* which is apparently to be transcribed sibut-su 
ikaUad, "he shall atta'n his wish," rather favours the other 

* See line 6, page 162. 



Mav n] 



By Stanley A. Coor, M.A. 


{Cantmmd/tvm fiage lis,} 

From a critical study of the Biblical names compounded with E/^ 
Prof, Gray has concluded that this formation was current in the 
earliest period of Old Testament nomenclature ; names ending in Ei 
were still being formed in the posi-exilic period, but names beginning 
with El had all but, if not quite, exhausted themselves,^ It is worth 
noticing that there are no compounds of El in the Egyptian-Aramaic 
papyrus {PS.B.A.^ T9'33j P* ^63), and that the proportion of names 
in Ei to those m Yaku^ on the whole, agrees with that in Biblical 
names from the Vllth century down to the exilic or post-exilic age. 
It may be observed also, that the formation El preceded by the 
imperfect first appears in personal names at the end of the Vllth 
century (Gray, p. 215).* 

Compounds of I^N* which in the Old Testament were never 
frequent, and ceased early in or before the Exile (Gray, p. 137), 
are illustrated by the new name yC^^Tb^i "the Lord saves'* (I'.tf,, 
Adonisha, cp. Elisha), and possibly by Yi?D[^'T]H, Adoni-maaz, 
cp. Ahimaaz. Ba^al appears only in the old BaaUhananj and in the 
new m37J?l* (Baal-nathan). 

Shaddai, very rare in Hebrew names, is found only in ^Itl^^^fe^, 
**ray father is Shaddai." ^Ihe name corresponds to Ammishaddai^ 
and like this name is, no doubt, an archaic and artificial invention- 
The seal in question is particularly remarkable on account of its 
being a unique specimen of Hebrew boustrtijykedon writing* The ^ 
has an open top, and the M and ^ have late forms* 

* My collection of tiacings or drawing.^ is not complete, but It may be mentioned 
that in the n^m D^^tfi and j*t3N^tt* the D has no longer the wavy &hape which 
it ha^ In ihG/afm/t'ar Elisha-ma. 

^ In Aramaic we ha%'e Shb"1* (ascribed to VllUh and VUih century), V«Tn3* 
(Vllth) and b^lV'K 


Matt n] 



Apart from ^I^IM, the only other compounds of 2N are 
Abigail * (7*'31M) and Abiram or Abram {Q^^fc^ ) ; both are 
familiar, and are written in an ancient script. A doubtful com- 
pound of nH would be yj;D[n]H > but the lacuna seems to require 
more than one letter (above), TMIH ("sister") appears only in 
77?2JTnH (the wife of yu?^} ; compounds of JlPlfc^ and yyo are 
well-known in Phoenician^ but one may compare the corresponding 
Aliimelech, and the use of 3?\I?^ in Hebrew (not in Phcenician) 
names, One other compound of ^7D appears in *jbD13 (the 
husband of ntSTOD)- UV ^^y be recognised in oybw* but there 
are no compounds of rilj DPI or 1(1)1 ; p appears only ini3it2D21 f 
the father of pr^'lD (Aramaic ?), 

The names rn Tl- comprise the obscure HtDD? the (probably) 
Aramaic mOt and the very late n^M^^'^ In '»- we find **dn(?)» 
^J^n* (Haggai). ^iny (Abdl), ^npD* ^nC-li and vit!?. In ^- 
are:-^KM-> ^^ Wty» MplITt Wyill? and NjnZT^^ Some of these 
may be noticed more advantageously under the simple names which 
we now proceed to enumerate. 

l^y (cp. Achbor) is the only animal name; irT'lDT* it can 
scarcely be doubted, has no connection with zemer, ** mountain- 
sheep*" 13t*» in yU^^n IDtbj is probably a personal name, 
Cp. Zeeher (i Chr, viii, 31), Zaccur and Zichri, in late writings. 
Aha^ (inW), Hoshea* (yi2?irT)i and Haggai* require no comment. 
t|^n, cp. Hareph (i Chr. ii, 51); DT(1?Dj^^P' Mesh ullam {temp. 
Josiah and later) ; fc^tj? (Uzza) ; *lt3T, cp. Ezet and Azzur (in late 
writings); DTtL^t cp. Shallum ; yt2t2>, cp. Shama (i Chr. xi, 44)^ 
^12^, cp. Shemer (i Kings xvi, 24), Qn3 (son of 'Abdi), cp, 
Nahum, also Naham (i Chr, iv, 19), the palaeography suggests a 
late date, and Abdi appears only in late writings. QTODi <^P» 
Menahem (middle of Vlllth century) ; the name was popular later, 
and is possibly the Semitic equivalent of Menekus (cp. Eliakira and 
Alcimus, Jeshua and Jason). The corresponding fem. nDH^D (wife 
of ^7mH) is possibly Phoenician rather than Israelite. npS 
(Pekah), and TlpD are doubtless abbreviated forms of Pekahiah, 

•* Lidzbarski^ Epkemeriiy I^ p. 141. 
[«• ^^ Lidibiirski su^ests KDDfl ^ cp- ^^Dfl » T^KDDH on seals ; as an alurBatlvCf 
, feODD f and cp. the Hebrew Semachiah (H^DDD) and ^DDID on a s«sL 

165 O 2 

May 1 1] 



tpSM (ascribe), cp. Amos, father of ihe prophet Isaiah. J^y^, possibly 
Jeshua (but cp. Ishi **J?r?'>, i Chr. li, 31), or like ^ytT, an at> 
breviation of ^HJ^U?"^* H^l^^i ^P- Shua (1 Chr vi», 32), and 
jn^* {Gen. xxxviii, 2). 2t.^^» cp. Jashib (i Chn vii, 1, kdb), possibly 

an abbreviated form of Eliashib. ^^IH^ (see above, p, 112) if noi 
a compound of irT^, should be mentioned here as a fuller fonn of 

Dl> suggests Joram (Jehoram) ; although in this case one would 
expect D"11^) cp* Dpy^- V^** '^ possibly an abbreviation of Jahaiiel 
( '^?n*^)' MJT^ ^^ identical with Sidka, the name of a king of 
Ash k el on (701 d.c); cp* further the names Zadok and Zedekiah, 
jmnM^t *' beloved" (daughter of Remaliah), finds an analogy in 
the Jewish masc* H^nW- The retention of the old fern, ending r\ 
may be noticed. In the masculine fiy^U?* the n finds analogies 
in the Biblical Genubath^ GoHath, Gtnath and Shimrath ; for the 
fifimtj cp. Eiisheba and Jehosheba^ and the possibly corrupt 
niOtTirT*" (^ Chn xxii, 11)* |C!J,* cp. Zephaniah,*- immi?* 
** blackish," later in the sense of ugliness ; nHD^ ^^p- MatLitlah 
(Ezr^ x^ 2^i if correct), at all events worn down from Mattithiah* 
^nS'li also in Aramaic (end of VIII th century), of obscure derivation 
(? t^Cl, to heal J. pHH, cp, Heman (jO'^n) ? 

Of the remaining Hebrew names, tTO (Gehazi ?) and *^"^2 are 
palaeographicaliy uncertain, v7p5 is possibly Assyrian, ^pnS (or 
7pl3) may represent ?M*p"^e, and the meanings of 7Dn» "pZH 

(ribn^) p^n. bnDMDt?n (^^x ttn (wn). *»Mnt n^tr^:: are 

obscure. Whether the incomplete . , "^njl is to be read . . ^TTIj and 
connected with the Jewish ^M^H iBnt^aioff\ must be left uncertain. 
The foregoing examples may suffice to indicate the general 
character of the Hebrew names found upon the seals, scarabs 
and pottery- stamps. The material is imperfect inasmuch as the 
differentiation of Heljrew and Phcenician, or Hebrew and Aramaic 
names cannot always be effected with more than a certain amount 
of probability. For the sake of completeness it would be desirable 
to collect the Israelite names from other records (notably from 

^^ In one inE^tmce iHe na-mc somewhat rc&embles )&!£' , in whicl^ ( 
Jiave ihc familiar Shaphan (** the coney '*)> 


! WF should 

Mav ii] 



Assyria and Babylonia), also lo endeavour to ascertain for how 
long a period each individual name continued to be used. It will 
_have been noticed that names of a later specificiilly Jewish type or 
arm are rare, and that we have not met with many old names 
which became common in later Jewish times. The latter slatement 
may be tejted by comparing our material with such a list of names 
as that in the Letter of Aristeas. Here w*e find Elisha (thrice), 
Nehemiah, Hananiah, Jeremiah and Isael (Le.^ 7Mytt?'')i onct: 
each ; also Mattathiah (cp, nHD), Zcdekiah (cp. t^pTJ)» Jesus, 
Jesias and Jason (five times ; cp. ytl?'** Hy\l?Vj l^^thxus or 

ThaddECUs (cp. i"in ?)• Against this scanty sertes, which comprises 
only five genuine examples, may be set the names in that document 
which have not yet been found upon seals : — Joseph (four times) ; 
Ezekiel, Zechariah, Judah,^^ Simon, Samuel and Jonathan (thrice 
each) ; Eleazer, Eshlemias (Shebmiah), Isaac, Jacob, Shabbethai 
(twice each)^ — not to mention such names as Hilkiah, Daniel, 
Levi, etc., which occur only once. The result, if I am not 
mistaken, has great significance, and it may be concluded that the 
names upon the intaglios on the whole are not the kind that were 
popular in the last century or so before the Christian era. 

The list of names in the Letter of Aristeas thus forms, as it were, 
our terminus ad <^uem for the seals. Moreover, it will have been 
recognised that although several of the names which have been 
cited undoubtedly appear in Old Testament literature at an early 
period, the greater number first occur in the latter part of the 
Monarchy, and many of them do not seem to have been in 
popular use until the exilic or early post-exilic i:)eriod. May we 
not fmd our ierminus a ijm in the writings of the Old Testament ? 
At all events, however interesting the Hebrew intaglios may be for 
ihe study of Biblical personal names, it will i>erhaps be admitted 
that a critical examination of the latter is of no little imi)ortance 
for the study of these old seals, scarabs and pottery -stamps, and 
may even be of asf^istance in any attempt to trace the history of the 
old Hebrew alphabet. 

^' Jiidah occurs in a. later seal, perhaps of the time af th^ first rtvolt 
(Lidibarski, Eph,^ I, p. )4o}> 


MAY llj 




By E* J- PlLCHER* 

S pec tilat ions upon the origin of the alphabetic characters have 
usually proceeded upon the assumption that they were modifications 
of some kind of pictorial script ; and the nafms of the letters have 
been appealed to in support of this assumption. But the objection 
is that we do not know the meanings of some of these name?, and 
in the cases where the meaning is recognised, the characters fre* 
quently bear no resemblance to the object indicated. Thus no 
form of Beih looks anything like a ^ housej" and no form of Nun 
has any resemblance to a ** fish." There is thus no real reason for 
us to limit ourselves to hieroglyphics ; and it is perfectly open to 
maintain that the alphabetic characters owed their form to arbitrary 

This hypothesis is by no means new, though it has not hitherto 
been received with very much favour. Dr* Lidzbarsky has directed 
attention to the fact that some of the Phcenician letters, at any rate, 
were not independent creations, but were developed from other 
characters by differentiation; for the earliest known form of 

Cheih H ^ust be an extension of ^ ^^^ ' ^^^^ © ^^ merely 
Tau A^ enclosed in a circle; and Shin ^ has been modified 

into Sade w by the mere prolongation of a stroke. Therefore 
arbitrary combinations of lines and circles have played i&mt part 
in the evolution of the complete characterSi and it remains to be 
seen if they cannot account for the whole. 

No theory of origins can be considered satisfactory unless it 
accounts for the Hellenic as well as the Phoenician Alphabet ; for 
although there is no doubt that alphabetic writing was a Semitic 
invention, yet it is equally certain that the system was communicated 
to the Greeks at a very early period, and that the Greeks preserved 
extremely archaic forms of the characters. Accord bgly, in the 



May 11] 



Plate accompanying this article there is first postulated a column of 
charactefs which may be regarded as the prototypes of the succeed- 
ing letters, and this is followed by typical examples of the most 
ancient Hellenic and Semitic alphabets^ whose peculiarities it ts 
endeavoured to explain by referring thetn all back to a common 

L The ProtoAlphabet, 

This is not an imaginary list, for every one of the forms can be 
found in some actual inscription. The alphabetic order has not 
been followed, because our object is to study the morphology of the 
letters ; and it is to be premised that the order was a later refine- 
ment, perhaps not even contemplated by the original inventor, 

The first group, Tau^ Zain and Samcck^ arc obvious geometric 
forms, consisting of one, two, and three bars placed across an 
upright stroke ; and it needs no argument to show that these are 
the originah of the letters in the other columns. 

Next we have Gimei^ Van and Jfe^ consisting of the same 
elements ; except that the one, two, and three bars are attached to 
the left of the upright stroke instead of crossing it. Vau and lie 
give rise to two fresh letters by a slight differentiation, Vau 
standing for w^ the second liquid y was denoted by the addition of 

a stroke to the Hg/it^ thus T '^ , and the new character is the well 
known Yod, Ht 3 also becomes Cheth H , as already indicated. 
The digamma Vau j has not yet been met with in Semitic 

epigraphs, being there replaced by H, which may be explained 

as a modification of it ; but the digamma is so constant and 
persistent in the Hellenic scripts^ as 10 render it highly probable 
that it was a primitive form, independently of its accounting so 
<»atisfactorily for the origin of the Semitic Y&d. 

The next letter Caph consists of two bars a different angles, 
attached to the left of the vertical stroke. 

Akph is the complementary reverse of Caph, The later forms 
of this letter are mere superficial variants. In all of them we have 
the same three elementary strokes, but the vertical one occupies 
slightly different positions. 


Mav ii] society of biblical ARCHiEOLOGV. [1904. 

Lamed has a diagonal stroke at the foot of the vertical line, 
turning to the right There are Greek variants with the right-hand 
stroke at the top^ and in the middle of the letter. 

As the geometric material was now becoming exhausted, a zigzag 
instead of a horizontal line is now attached to the vertical, forming 

The zigzag halved provides Nun. 

The zigzag by itself, without the supporting line, provides a 
character for Shin^ extremely constant in the Semitic examples. 
The Greeks seem to have placed it on its side. 

Shin reversed t\ was probably the earliest form of Sade^ 
because this particular character is used for s in the oldest Greek 
inscriptions. Confusion with M eventually caused its abandon- 
'm^nt. After the Alphabet had been imparted to the Greeks, the 
Semites developed a new form W from Sfun >^, as already 

A fresh type now comes forward in the closed triangle ^ 
1.^., Dcdeth. 

The triangle being placed to the left of a vertical line, we have 

Two triangles superposed form ^, the prevailing form of the 
Greek Beta. By the omission of a single stroke was evolved the 

Semitic Beth ^ , usually with a rounded angle A. So that 

Beth is a simplification of Beta, (For some reason Beth was not 
accepted by one or two of the Greek dialects ; and therefore we 

meet with the Corinthian P , which is really two pi^s superposed, 
thus ^".) 

A circle is the essential part of the final group. By itself O 
is Ain, To the left of an upright stroke it is Pe^ though thi-s 
particular form of the letter is extremely rare ; because, by omitting 
to complete the circle, a very characteristic sign was produced in 
Q. A stroke through the middle of the circle made it Koph. 
And, as remarked by Dr. Lidzbarsky, a Tau "T* within the circle 
furnished Teth. 

Thus the whole of the twenty-two letters of the alphabet may be 
resolved into simple geometric signs. Exactly similar signs are 
found in use almost everywhere as marks of ownership upon 


May ii] 




animals^ etc ; and also as masons' marks and potters marks. In 
fact, it may be said that they are the combmations that would occur 
most readily to anyone who set lo work to form a series of characters 
for any purpose* The extreme ariificialky of the series Tau^ Zain^ 
and Stvmch; Gimci^ Fa// and Ilei Dahth^ Rcsk and Btth\ Ain^ Pe^ 
Koph and T€tk\ renders it almost positive that the whole alphabet 
was a dehberate invention, carried out with some d^ree of thought 
and care ; and tliat it was not a mera haphazard selection from some 
pre-existing source. 

IL Thil Eaal-Lebakon Alphabet. 

This extremely archaic example of Phcenlcian strongly supports 
the suggested prototype. There are three Aifphs in the inscription ; 
and although they are not exactly alike, yet they appear to show 

that the familiar bull's head form AJ was not yet in common use. 
Sad€ has its normal Semitic shape ; and so has BetL The oval Atn 
is quite CDnsistent with th^ prototypal form, and needs no remark. 


III, The Earliei^t Greek Alphabet. 

This column exhibits the lettering of the Thera inscriptionSi 
completed by the addition of Ztiin^ Sams^/if Shin and Beth from 
other eirly sources, as these four characters have not been met with 
at Thera. It will he observed that the Vau has its Semitic form,^ 
^vhich must, therefore, have besn developed at the time the alphabet 
was adopted by the Greeks, not to mention that it was the basis of 

the later V or v ^AoV. But the f^it-, or digamma ^ is un- 
dcJuUedly of great antiquity, and is consequently placed beside 
the actual Thera form. The Y&d has lost one of its strokes ; other- 
wise it is cognate with the Semitic letter, Akph has had the 
vertical stroke shifted to the extreme right Af^m has lost its first 
strok,"-, although in the contemporary epigraphs of Melos the letter 
has its complete Semitic form. I.ike Mem^ Skin appears to have 
lost its initial stroke, and it has been turned upon its side; the 
well known later Greek form is ^ Sigmn, 

* In tabks of Greek alphab*l£ thts chiracler (as u ^ii^an} h usually given as 
V; hill iht fu^mnU m Caoon Taylor'a I/htaty 0/ iht Al^ka^i (Vol, 1 1, 
p, ja, fig. No. I ) shows the distinctly Semitic fornii 


May tt] 



IV, The Zenjeru Alphabet. 

This is figured after Lidzbarsky. It calls for little additional ' 
commenL The curved Lamid and P€ are clearly to be taken as 
cursive modifications of ihe inore angular forms ; and if the 
inciination of the other characters be corrected, there is licile _ 
practical deviation from the Baal Lebanon type. 

V. The Formello Alphaeet. 

This important obccedaHum demonstrates that the Greeks look 
the twenty-two Semitic letters to Italy in their proper alphabetic 
orden^ Upon the whole, the characters present few deviations 
from the proposed proto-alphabet, except in the rounding of some 
of the angles. The SamecA probably obtained its peculiar appear- 
ance from being bracketed between two upright strokes in the 
atici'daria |±|, because it was an unused signj and thus the side 
strokes becattie incorporated with the letter The Y&d was sooai 
reduced to a single vertical hne in the Hellenic alphabets. This 
evolution did not take place in the Semitic, because the vertical 
I was employed to mark the division of sentences^ as in the! 
Mesha Stele. In very early Greek inscriptions | is a word-divid6r,| 
just as it is in Cypriote and Himyaritic. 

VL Alphabet from Assyrian Lion-Weights. 

This list is, of course, an eclectic one, as the weights exhibit 
some varieties in their style of writing. The Van has its upper 

member tilted V, showing the origin of the Jewish cruciform 

Vau Y^'* ^^ ^^y ^^ argued that the AUph here show^n is 
accidental ; but the form of the letter upon the Baal*Lebanon bowl 
encourages the opinion that it is a survival. The Pe is figured from 
a weight in the British Museum^ bearing the legend UTIS^ The 
shai>e of the letter is so unusual that, until M. Clermont-Ganneau 
demonstrated the true reading, it was taken for » p > * hut this also 

^ In this table rhe characters havd betfn reversed for comparison ; and as the 
original Sam^ch and ICof^h are ob piously defective, they have been compleied. 

* F.S.B.J,, XL\, p. 176. 

<"M*n^t Thecel, Fharb, et Ic Festin de Balthasar," par M. Oermofit* 
Gftuncau. /ffmrmti Asiaiique ( 1 886 ), 




Pr<H\ Soc. Bibl. Arch. ^ May, 1904. 







900 B.C. 

800 B.C. 

800 B.C. 

700 B.C. 

700 B.t 















































































































































may be claimed as a probable survival of a very primitive form, 
such as is postulated in CoL i for the origin of the letter. 

With the above remarks the table of alphabets may be left to 
the consideration of palaeographers. It certainly seems to the 
writer that this view of the origin of the alphabetic characters from 
geometric signs presents fewer difficulties than any of the theories 
hitherto propounded, and that it is more consistent with the early 

As has been the case in later alphabets, it is probable that the 
names of the Semitic letters were merely mnemonic devices, an 
expressive word beginning with the desired sound being selected 
for each example. Some of the names (such as Aleph, Betk, Yod^ 
Afem, Airty jPe, Shin) were words denoting very familiar objects, and 
therefore in common use ; and if we only knew what Semitic dialect 
it was that furnished these names, it would probably be found that 
in every case the most familiar word was selected that began with 
the desired consonant. 



By W. E. Crum. 

Among the results of the recent Gierman search in the so-called 
Quhbah at Damascus was a leaf of S. John's Gospel in Greek, on 
either side of which a couple of verses are written, with, below them, 
a single phrase of an 'edifying' character, entitled c/v^t^yc/o.^ 

In 1902 M. Gayet's excavations at Antinoe produced fragments of 
a papyrus book showing a Coptic (Sa*idic) text of exactly the same 
character.^ M. de Ricci, whom I have to thank for kindly putting 
his excellent copies of this and the following MS. at any disposal, 
describes the script as " a handsome, literary Greek uncial ^ and regards 
it as of the 6th century. There are 12 fragments. The complete 
page would measure about 17 x 13 cm. and would have some 17-20 
lines of text, with a blank of varying extent below them. 

The texts partially preserved — for not a line is perfect — are here 
enumerated and the Ip/ntft^cin, which in each case followed them, 
printed in full : 

John iii, 32-34. AnOTA[ 

iii, 36. oTjBoo'rbTUHJ uiTppica 

ix, 22, 23. uiJijcA eeiieoov q>icuiie 

ix, 24, 25. ]6 . ov MrnpocAOKi 

]a a7rpoacoK[i]T]ov. 

' Von Soden in Berlin Sitzuttgsb, 1903, 829. 

'^ Mentioned in Notice reiat, aux obj. rtcueih b, Aittinoii j^i-=oJ (Leroux, 
1902), p. 25. 


May 11] 



John X, 7-9. l/ostj 

X, II, LiiipniuT6V6 e'i'^A[3ca h*!JLi]lhj. 

xii, 19-23. civiiotr ii[ ]a|>o ATai[ 

[GraJ^ hst] 
xii, 24*26. ]ifA>^fona 

xvi, 22. iiTAvf nm?[coK] iikoota aij[ 
xvi, 23-25, ]iio ijutuii ijija[ Jk, 

xvii, 3, 4-7. fiOTKOiiifiviJi opo f| qiiA^^'juyno ItAl*. 

xviii, 28 -30, [/t?x/] 

XViii, 31. TJtllAIKl IJAIUCK flAUlK OaOA. 

xxi, 15, 16, ^Ap]o^ oiiiyAX'fl 0T^*jn[ ] riei%eiiT 

[Greek /mt^ 
xxi, 17, ^Ap]o^ CnOlUVCTH[piOIJ,] 

It will be seen that, though a few of the Ip^quciat (e.^. on x, 11) 
may have a relation lo the verses they follow, most of them— so far 
at least as we can judge by what are presumably their initial words — 
have no apparent bearing thereon, although their designation would 
lead us to expect some kind of comment on the Gospel texts. With 
the exception of the Damascus fragment^ I have failed to find any 
instance of the word ippijpt/a Uturgically employed outside Eg>'pt 
There it was in common use, so long as the Sa'idic liturgies were 
ccrrent ; the subsequent ISohairic books do not appear to know the 
word. In the Sa'idic Directories of lessons &c. it designates 
a verse from the Psalter^ the * response ' to which is called 
ovai[2U]/'* These two verses — primarily quite unconnected — some- 
timei bear upon the lesson which, in most caseSf they immediately 

■ -£.C' J^^fti^ii yuf 144; Lcydcn, MSS. t<?/iUs\ pp. 144 fF.p IJO K, 164E, fiiC., 
Brit. Mus, Or 3580 A t, 3 and 4. 



follow ; * but as often their appropriateness is not evident. There 
are special eputfvetai for use on saints' days and other solemnities.'^ 
Generally they appear to enter into the anaphoral service.* They 
are ordered to be said by the c\z (^«^a«^/ca\o»)7 or presbyter,^ 
immediately after the homily.* They seem to be invariably — 
excepting in the present instance — taken from the Psalter.i^ 


The second of M. Gayet's Coptic papyri consists of one leaf only, 
of unusual form (about 27 x 13*5 cm.), intact for the most part, and 

paged A and e. On each side are 32 or 33 lines of text, written 
in a single column of * rather careless, upright uncials,' says M. de 
Ricci, who also sends *an approximate alphabet,' whence it is evident 
that the MS. is of no little antiquity. Of published facsimiles I 
would compare it with that of the Rainer Psalter, assigned by Krall 
to the 6th century, though the letters are more angular than therc^^ 

The Sa'idic text is apparently from a Homily or Encomium 
either upon Judith or the Virgin. At any rate, in these pages the 
former's exploits are described and a comparison instituted between 
her and Mary. I have failed to find the passage in the (indexed) 
works of the principal fathers current in Egypt ; but I hope some one 
will succeed in identifying it. There being little of linguistic 
importance in the text,i2 j give only a translation. 

P. 4. :f^his girjdle (?'t']«'iy?) and she bound it upon her. She 
stretched forth^^ the scabbard^^ of his sword that was bound^^ in 
his (?) girdle (fa'!'//) and drew out his own weapon,^^ even as David 

* Leyden MSS. p. 150. 

' //k 164, Br. Mus. Or. 3580 A 4 ; for the visit of dignitaries to the monaster)', 
Leyd. 157 ; at the inundation, t7>. 154. 

« After the heading IIIJAV IJCVIJAre, Leyd. 144 ff. 

^ Leyd. 150. F. these J^rocfec/hi^s XXl^ 249. 

8 Leyd. 153. * KaB'frmtrii. 

^^ Cf. the list of them following a lesson from Joshua, Ciasca pi. XII ( = Zoega, 
p. 176). 

" Fuhrer Raitur (1894), Taf. vii. This type may be contemporary with such 
as Zoega, cl. IV, 13-16. 

^^ Confusion of B and t|, 6 and H ; otherwise pure Sai'dic. 

^^ COOI^IJ. ^* K]oii\e. 

" CTO.N^C. '* Copy COT^q. 




before Goliath, She raised his (?) sword on high and smoie him. 
She took his head and with his head gat she the victory, bringing it 
(s£: the head) before her people {Xoo<i). All these (things) befell in 
one night. The sun stood still in his [adjci^fim] places {-r&wo^pi,) ; 
the light remained without risings the stars turned back, they 
changed^^ their course {tfo^o^\ until they should grant^^ unto thts 
holy woman her request (tihtj^ia). For (70/j) she went and cried 
aloud at the gates {wuXii) of her (?) city (jtoXiv), saying, ' Open unto 
me the gates (t.) of your {or our) city (^ci»). God is with me/ And 
when the people (??) had heard and seen what had befallen, they 
glorified God for the wisdom {fro^/n) and the prudence and the 
thought and the strength of this woman, who hath become renowned 
even until now. But (ct) thou, O Virgin (Tra^^^Vn*), art become 
greater than she* She was a woman that fought with a man, even 
(^v) if the contest {aywv) was famous'^ because of the power of a 
woman that overthrew^fl a mighty champion (Bvi^aroq) ; yet («\\fi) 
didst thou, O Virgin (wap.) Mary, fight without sword or spear *i {?), 
and didst cast down the enemy, Judith saved a city (w,) and those 
of her race (-/eVov) ; but (r/) thou didst save the whole world (Kofr^o^), 
Judith slew a man ; but {*^W) thou didst slay the devil (cia^.) Many 
a fast (tf^trria) was kept in [ ] Israel and [ ] vigiP {??) 

[ p. 5] ; but (^e) thy fast (I'l^.)^^ ^'^tit up to the Father; it 

{sc. the fast) ceased not to cast itself down before his throne (Opoyo^)^ 
until he raised up his own son, sending him to save the world (*f<) 
through him.^ But (uXXn) he himself came in [ ;] for (ytip) 

[he ] the depths ;"^ he brake the [gates (ttv,)] of iron and the 

brazen doors of Hell.-'* He brought up the souls {^.) in safety (?) 
and gave them for an honour -^ unto his Father [ Ma]ry the 

Virgin {wftp,) at all times and all seasons (xpouo^). He that came 
forth from thy nature (0iJift<^), being pure, spoiled not thy virginity 
(^TTtip^Ht^ttt) ; he caused not pain unto thy nature (0.) as he came 

npeituoT oBo*v 
, . . B^. 

^^ Or passive. 
^ TAT6. 
^ AVtll U . 



^ 'She went tip* possible, but seems less likely. So loo ' She ceased [lot &c«' 

I** eTci'racenKOGuoc bho\ z 





forth; he loosed not thy power of bearing,^ neithar (ovBif) caused 
he anguish unto thy loins,** nor (odd^ tears unto thine eyed, neither 
(ovBe) pains of travail. For (f^dp) the Father and the Holy Spirit 
(irpevfia) were by thee. * When thou didst bear thy son, the angels 
(a77eXot) served {vinip€reiv\ the Cherubim shaded^ thy face with 
their wings, the whole company that is in heaven and evay luminary 
(0flu<rr7/>) stood Still and beheld (B€wp4r7v) thy child-bearing ; for (711^) 
' they all did sing (hftt^evctv) in that hour, giving glory unto thy son and 
thee. Shepherds proclaimed (it) («n7/>iWirefy), kings stood by, rulers 
{Spxto") l^ept watch, the whole world (oiVov/»/yip) came unto one 
place, that they might enrol themselves in'^ the. kingdom of thy 
son. Thou didst bear him and layedst him in a manger and 
didst wrap him in wrappings.'* Speechless*' beasts knew him and 
bare witness as they [ ] him [ 

^ Unqt NOTBCOA 6BOA NNOrUICa P^haps *thy organs of 
bearing.' C/. UHCG (fern.), Rossi, Pa^n II. ii, 57, 58. Cf. sash eiqxcssums as 
Cyril. Alex., De Ituam. Dom, (P.G. 75, 1460 D), w \i>99» rj ^uKXi^ rnw 
mmpBwtK»iw C^n^ ob ry ywirfitru Btapp^as ; Produs (P.G. 65, 692 A) w9fMms tk 
jcAcTtfpa ob Btipptiltp ; also id, 7C9 c, and Rossi Lc, II. ii, 67 iftfru, 

* Kerre. 

» Copy COBU enoreo; I read" eOBC U-. 

'* TApOVCeAICOT IICA-. So text of Crawford (Rylands) MS. quoted 
by F. Robinson, y4/>. Gosp. 196. Cf, Can. Aihanas, § 62. 
^ TOeiC. ^ For JaXcTfos. 

The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 
37, Great Russell Street, London, W.C., on Wednesday, 
June 8th, 1904, at 4.30 p.m., when the following Paper 
will be read : — 

Prof. A. H. Sayce, President.— ^^ Hotts on Recent 
discoveries in Egypt." 








Fifth Meetings Jufie Wi^ 1904. 
Prof. A. H. SAYCE, D.D., &c. {President), 


[No. cxcviii.] 179 


The following gifts to the Library were announced, and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the donors : — 

From the Institut ^gyptiem — ''A Guide to the Cairo Museum." 
From the Royal Society of Literature. — " Queen Elizabeth and 

the Levant Company/' by the Rev« H. G. Rosedale, ATA^ DJD^ 

From the Author, Prof. J. C^)art— *'Les debuts de TArt en 

From W. L. Nash. — " Recueil d' Alphabets . ppur servir a la 

lecture et a rinterpr6tation iie& toitures eun6iformes" par 

Prof. M. J. Menant 
From the Author, Wilhelm Schencke. — " Amon-Re." 

' The following Candidates were elcicted Members of tlie 
Society : — 

Mrs. Gardner, Engalee, East Grihslead. 
Mrs. Pierson, The Haven, Salturood, Kent 

The following Paper was read : — 

Prof. A. H. Sayce, President — " Notes on recent discoveries 
in Egypt." 

Mr. Hall added some further account of the excavations 
made by Prof. Naville and himself at Der el BaharL 

Thanks were returned to Prof. Sayce for his communication. 


Jt7NE S] 



By Prok. Edouard Naville, D,C.L,^ ^c. 

{C&niimied^ mid cmuludtd^ fr&m pa^ i^) 


Adoratian to Osiri^\ ^'^''H?" ^'"^ praise^ 6im*ing down before Unneferu^ 
/(tiling on on/ s face be/ore the iard of Ta-tsert, and exaiting him 
7vk^ is on it is sand. 

I have come to thee, son of Nut, Osiris, prince everlasting* I 
am in the train of Thoth, I rejoice in all that he has done. 

He brings thee sweet breezes to thy nose, the breath of life to 
thy beautiful face^ the wind coming out of Tmu to thy nostrils, lord 
of Ta-tsertp 

He grants that the morning light shine on thy body, he illumin- 
ateth thy path with his rays, he rem o vet h all that is wrong in thy 
body by the virtue of his speech* He appeases the two gods, the 
two brothers, he drives away anger and quarrel, and he made the 
two Rehti, the two sisters, gracious unto thee^ so that the two earths 
may be ai peace before thee ; he removes the displeasure out of their 
hearts, so that one embraces the other. 

Thy son Horus is triumphant before the whole cycle of gods ; 
he has received the royal power on the earth, and his dominion over 
the whole earth ; the throne of Seb has been imparted to him ; the 
high dignity of Tmu is kept in record as his possession, engraved on 
a brick of iron, as was ordered by thy father Tatunen in his 

(This god) giveth thee to join him on the firmament, when he 
raiseth water on the mountains in order to make growth come forth 
on the mountains, and ail growth spring out of the earth; he 
brings forth all products on water and on land. 

Thou hast handed over to thy son Horus all the gods of Heaven 
and the gods of earth, they are his servants at his gates, and all that 
lie has commanded is before them ; they fulfil it at once ; thy heart 
is satisfied, thy heart, lord of the gods, is overjoyed because of it. 

Egypt and the desert are at peace ; they are the vassals of thy 

i8i p 1 

Jvim S] 



royal diadem ; the temples and the cities are well ordered in their 

places ; the cities and the provinces are his possession according to 
their names, they bring to thee tributes of ofTerings, and they make 
libations to thy name for even Thou art called upon^ and thy name 
IS praised, thy hi is gratified by funt^real meals* 

The CJlorified who are in thy following sprinkle water on thy food 
by the side of the dead soy Is in this land* All thy thoughts are 
excellent like those of him who was at the beginning. 

Be crowned^ son of Nut, as the Inviolate god is crowned ; thou 
art living, thou art revived, thou art renewed, thou art perfect* Thy 
father Ra givelh health to all thy limbs, thy divine circle giveth thee 
praise. Isis is with thee, she will never leave thee before all thy 
enemies are struck down. 

All the lands praise thy beauties b*ke Ra when he rises eveiy 
momtng ; thou art crowned like him who is high on his pedestal, thy 
beauties are exalted, thy strides are lengthened ; thou hast received 
the royal power of Seb, thy father who creates thy beauties ; thy 
mother gave existence to thy limbs, Nut who Imre the gods bare 
thee to be the chief of the five gods. The white crown of the South 
is placed on thy head ; thou seizesi the hook and the flail. When 
thou wast still in the womb, before thou didst appear on earthy thou 
wast crowned to be lord of the two earths, the a^e/ crown of Ka was 
on thy head. 

The gods come to thee, bowing down, the fear of thee possesses 
them ; they see thee with the might of Ra, and the valour of thy 
majesty fills their hearts. 

Life is with thee, abundance is attached to thee. I ofier Maat 
before thee ; grant that I may be in the train of thy majesty like one 
who is on the earth. May thy name be called upon, may it 
be found among the just ones. 

I have come to the city of this god, to the city of god, to the 
region of old time ; my soul, my J^a^ my Chu are in this land. The 
god of it is the lord of justice, the lord of abundance, the great and 
the venerable one, who is towed through the whole earth ; he 
journeys to the South in his boat, and to the North driven by the 
winds, and his oars, to be entertained with gifts according to the 
command of the god, the lord of peace therein, who left me free of 
care. The god therein rejoices in him who practices justice i be 
grants an old age to him who has done so ; he is belov^, and the 
end of it is a good burial and a sepulture in Ta-tsert. 



Juke S] 



I have come to thee ; my Hands bring Maat, my heart does not 
contain any faJsehoodj I offer thee Maat before thy face, I know 
her ; 1 swear by her ; I have done no evil thing on earth ; I have 
never wronged a man of his property. I am Thoth, the perfect and 
pure writer ; my hands are pure* I have put away all evil things ; 1 
write justice and I hate evil ; for 1 am the ^\Titing-reed of the 
Inviolate god, who titters his words, and whose words are written in 
the two earths, 

I am Thoth, the lord of justice, who giveth victory to him who is 
injured and who taketh ihe defense of the oppressed, of him who is 
wronged in his property. I have dispelled darkness ; I have driven 
away the storm ; I have given air to Unneferu, and the sweet breezes 
of the North when he comes out of the womb of his mother I have 
given him to enter into the mysterious cave where is revived the 
heart of the god whose heart is motionless, UnneferUj the son of 
Nut, the victorious. 


This hymn is taken from the papyrus of Unneferu, in London* 
See note i in Chapter 1, 

Chapter 0/ hting m&r OsinX 

There is not much more than the vignette left. Only two or 
three words remain. They are taken from a papyrus in Paris^ 


Gwiftg f raise to Osiris^ /ailing on tite earth be/on the iord ofiterniiy; 
propittating tht god with ivhat ht loves^ speaking ihe truths the 
Iwd &/ which is Hoi knentm* 

Hail to thee, venerable god, great and beneficent prince of 
eternity, in his abode in the Sektit boat. Acclamations are given 
him in the sky and on earth ; he is exalted by the past and present 




Great is the fear he inspires in t)ie hearts of men, of the Glorified 
and of the dead. His soul was given him in Tattu, his migfat 10 
Heracleopolis, his image in Hdiopolis, and his power over forms (i) 
in the double sanctuary. 

I have come to thee ; my heart hpUs right, iny heart oontain* no 
falsehood. Give me to be among the . living, to navigate up and 
down in thy train. 


I have given No. 1S5 to a hymn to OsiriSi with idtich many 
papyri begin, but which occasionally comes just b^pie the repiesen- 
tation of the cow in die West, There seems td have h^en no 
canonical text for that hymn, in which the writer was left to follow 
his imagination. 

The hymn here given is one of the most comfdete. It is takqn 
from the papyrus of Sutimes in Paris. 

The vignette represents always Osiris in a shrine, with worshq)pers 
beficw him. 

I. ^*** ^ % ' " ,' litt, " his greatness of forms.^ I suppose 

it means his power of taking all the forms he likes. 


Adoration to Hathor^ the lady of the West^ falling down before 

I have come to thee, to see thy beauties, give me to be at the 
head of thy followers and among thy divine attendants. 


A great many papyri end with a picture representing Hathor of 
the West, in company of the goddess Thueris coming out of the 
mountain where the burial is to take place. The text, which is 
generally very corrupt, as if the writer had neglected the words for 
the picture, is an adoration to Hathor, which varies in its form. 

The text here translated is taken from a papyrus at Leyden. 

The vignette is taken from the papyrus of Ani. 



PfOCu Site. Bihi. Arch.^Jutii^ 19134- 

Chaiter CLXXXV, J\ it 


Cbaftkb CLKXKVK Papyrus ofAnL 






By Seymour de Ricci. 

[Cmtiinuidjmm fa^ 153*} 



L, I- Marcus Aurelius Ammonion {Maptcov Ai^p^Xtov AfiM^mymM^) had 
not been long a Roman citizen when he signed the manumission. 
He gives his father's name as Lupcrgos^ and his grandfather's name 
as Satapiim, both being Grseco- Egyptian c&pwf/tmay without the 
Roman pranmfien and mtmett^ Marcus Aurelius.* It is evident that 
he became a Roman cidzen in the summer of a.d, 2 1 2, when the 
emperor Caracalla gave the right of city to all the inhabitants of the 
Roman empire {Ulpianus, Digesta I, 5, 17); In Ori^e Matfutno qui 
sunf^ ex Constiiutwne Imperat&fis Anfonini cives Romani effect i sunt 
It is highly probable that the right of city was not given, even at 
that dale, without some restriction.^ M. Paul Meyer has written a 
very able chapter on Aegypfen und die Bitrgirreckiwerleihung durch 
Caracalla^ in his book on the Greek and Roman army in Egypt J^ 
He has proved that only a part of the population, chiefly priests^ 
functionaries and citizens of certain towns received the right of city- 
I must refer readers to his lengthy and well-supported argumentation. 
LI 1-2, Ammonion is not a common name (Oxy. 118, 520; 
Amh. 122, 124, etc.)j but Sarapion is exceedingly frequent. As for 

* An Egyptian would not have minded repealing three times the name AuniiHs, 
See, for Instiince, the following in scrip I ion published by Wi\n<tj J&ttt'mti ef H^iknie 
Studies XXI (1901), p, 28 J : Mapffwi hvf^yihim ^iKKaXi^vi^ elc. , vmi MopKov 
AupifXiffv €kiK^iAotf| etc. } Lfturw MopKui/ AcpijAioi/ %v^tiipt,Qvot ^ etc 1 BiffwrpiZtii Ma/Htov 

* See Gimrd, AfoHueiUhmniaim de dmt r&mam^ jid edition (Fariit 1901, %^\^ 
p. 114, note 3, 

^^ Paul M. Meyer, Dm Htirwtstn dtr Pi^kmiitr uhd Ramtr itt A^gy^m 
(Leipzig, 1900, ^% pp. i3^»44^ » 


Jmsq ^SOaETY OF biblical ARCiLCOLOG7. ' [1904. 

Lmpergn^ I know no other enunple of h, so I am afraid I may bave 
deci{4ieied it incorrectly (periu^ for Ij^eroii^ 

L, 2. ex Af . . . eterheuUt. The duee first letten are very 
doubtfiil, tnit the reading of the others seems dear. I can make no 
sense out of' this word, whidi was apparendycmiitted in the imier 
copy and has no equivalent in the Ckeek part of the docoment. 

L. 3. o^ HermmpoU maiort amiiqua ti spiendida. Hermiqnlis 
Moior (AshmnneinX appears to have been an importknt city in die 
Roman and early Byzantine period. Great quantities of Greek 
papyri have been found there : someof die finest are in die Amhecst 
Collection^ others beingin Leipzig and Berlin^ The epithets amiiqma 
et spkndida are unusual. The ordinary Gredc qnalificatfve b 
H Xa/twpoTtmf^ '' clarissima," which may hardly be considered as an 
equivalent even for spkndida. An Amherst papyrus (n. looX written 
between a.d. 198 and 2\\^ fortunately gives us the Greek equivalent 
for these Latin epithets; it begins: E^p/KifY Aio<yey«v? mmmpumv^ 

according to Messrs. Grenfdl and Hunt's excellent poUicaticxi. 
The Greek formula translated into Latin gives exacdy, H€nm^ok$$ 
maioris aniiqua et spkkdida. 

Professor G. Lumbroso kindly refers me to a Latin inscription 

from Alexandria (C/Z., Ill, n. 6587) which calls that city splendida 

L. 4. Helene is a Greek name often found in papyri, and, as 
most mythological names, frequently given to slaves. 

L. 4. Ancillam suam uemam^ eovXijv ^ov oiKo^evi)^ "his house- 
bom female slave." Roman law considered as a slave by right every 
child of a female slave, no matter who the father may have been : 
ex ancilla et libera iure gentium seruus nascitur (Gaius I, 82). 

L. 5. annorum circiter xxxiiii, tv9 rroji' \^, "about thirty-four 
years old." The words circiter and 0^9 by no means imply that the 
age was doubtful, no more than the Latin formula irX^ov cXim-oi', 
plus minus y more or less, so frequent on christian tombstones. 

L. 6. inter amicos manumisit, fiera^v (pCKivv rfKevOepwaa^ " has set 
free between friends." An interesting formula already known by 
several judicial texts, which throw some light on its importance in 

'^ The town of Herakleopolis [Aknas) was known as apxoua koi $€o^i\os 
BGU. 924 ; CPR. 205). 


JuneS] a latin deed OF MANUMISSION (A.D. 221). 


our document. The following passage of the Pseudo-Dositheus^^ 
{written about a,d. 200 or zio), gives an interesting historicaj 

aunt of the manumissio inter annws. 

^. Primum ergo iiideamus, quale est quod dicitur dt eis, qui inter 
amicos €flmi manumittebaniur^ non esse Hberos, sed domini uoluntate 
in libertate morori et tantum seruiendi meto dimitti. 

5. An tea enim una bbertas erat et manumissw fiebat uindicta, 
uel testamento, uel censu et ciuitas Romanii competebat manu- 
missis: quee appelatur iusta manummio. Hi autem qui domini 
uoluntate in libertate cram, manebant serui ; ud si manumissores 
ausi erant in seruitutem denuo eos per uim ducere, interueniebat 
praetor el non patiebatur manumissum seruire. Omnia tamen quasi 
seruus adquirebat manumissori, ueW si quid stipulabatur ue/ 
mancup/b accipiebat uel ex quacumque causa alia adquisietatj 
iomini hoc faciebat, id est manumissi omnia bona ad patronum 

6. Sed nunc habent propriam libertatem, qui inter nmicos 
Tnanumittuntur, et liunt Latini luniani, quoniam lex lunia quse 
libertatem eis dedit, exaequauit eos Latinis colonariis qui cumessent 
ciues Romani [liberii] nomen suum in coloniam dedissent*^'^ 

7. In his qui inter amicos manumittuiitur uoluntas domini 
2iatur ; lex enim Iu//ia eos fieri Latinos iubet, quos dominus 

iberos esse uoluit. Qu&dcum ita j/V^ debet uohmtatem manumitten^r 
habere dominus : unde si per uim coaclus uerbi gratia ab aliquo 
populo Ui^l a singulis iiominibus manumiserit^ non uenit seruus ad 
libertaiem, quia non intellegitur uoluisse qui coactus est . . . 

10. Communis seruus ab uno ex sodis manumissus, neque ad 
libertatem peruenit etakerius domini totus fit seruus iure a^/cresceni^/, 
Sed inter amicos seruus ab uno ex sociis manumisbus uiiif/jque 
domini aeruus manebit i ius enim udcTcscendi in hac manumissione 
Mon uer^^tur , * , 1* 

** A very corrupt text, published by Boecking, Huschke, Krtiger und others* 
I qyole U fmm Girard, TexWs^ 3rd edition^ p. 477. 

^ C/. Ulpiamis, /./A?r Siuj^ilaris fC^^uhntm^ !» 10: HlkIIc avuem ips^^ iure 
libeci £unt ex lege lunia, qua tege IjaXwXjmni nominali//J inter a miens manumlssl, 

'* Cf, UlpJanuSj /r. 1, iS ^ Cutntnunem seiuum unus ex dnininis manvimittcndo 
partem suam ^ftmitlit, eaque adciescit socio; ipaXitne si en mndn manuniisscrit, 
4^iiu, si propTium habeiel, ciuem Komanum facturus es^et ; nam ^i mler amicoii 
<uin maiiuin3:^scT/u pleri!it|ue piflcet etitn nihil egkse. {Cf. also t^aulu^^ Senh 
IV. 12, I.} 



13. Minor ui^ti annomia maaninktare nee nindicta j^olest fie^ 
tesCamento^ itaque nee Latmum fiureie potest; sed tamuoa i^ii4 
consilium causa probata potest nuuMimittiere semum suum. 

14. Is autem <|^ maaumittitiir inter amicosi quotcamque est 
anaonim, Latinus fit, et tantum ei faoc prodest manuoussio^ ut poslef 
iterum manumitti possit Modicta nd testamento et ciuis Romano torv 

15. Mulier sine tutoris .anctorkate imier mmco$ matmmiiim nom 
potest^ nisi itis libax>nim habeat; tunc enim et uin^cta sine tutoi^ 
potest manumittare. 

§ 13 is given also by Gains (I, 41) under a more complete fiiraa 
spedfying that the manumhsio shall be int^ arnicas : 

£t quamuis Latinum facere uelit minor zx annorum d^^Oiw^ 
tamen nihilo minus debet apu^ consilium causam proAu^^ ka 
postea inter amicos manumittere. 

The moMumtssw inter arnicas is mentioned furtfa^ oi| by Gains 


Licet ils qui uindicta aut censu aut inter iamicos manumittunt^ 
totam familiam liberare, scilicet si alia causa non impediatUbertalepi^ 

And by Iidius Paulus, Sent. IV, xa, 2 : 

Mutus et siudus senium uindicta Uberare non possonts inter 
amicos tamen et per epistulam manumittere non prohibentur. Ut 
autem ad iustam libertatem peruenire possit, condicione uenditionis 
excipi potest. 

And in the Fragmenta Vaticana (§ 261) : 

Peculium uindicta manumisso, uel inter amicos, si non adimatur, 
donari uidetur. 

An important constitution of Justinian, de Latina libertatc 
tollenda et per certos modos in civitatem Romanam trans/usa (Codex 
lust.^ VII, 6) proves that although the consequence was quite 
different, the form of the act had persisted down to a.d. 531, for 
we read in § 2 of this law : 

Sed et si quis inter amicos libertatem dare suo seruo maluerity licebit 
ei quinque similiter testibus adhibitis suam explanare uoluntatem et 
quod liberum eum esse uoluit dicere : et hoc sine inter actafuerit testifi- 
catus sine testium uoces attestationem sunt amplexce et litteras tarn 
publicarum personarum quam testium habeant^ simili modo semi ad 
ciuitatem producantur Romanam quasi ex codicillis similiter libertatem 

Of course Helene became a Junian Latin, and not a Roman 


June 8] A LATIN DEED OF MANUMISSION (A.D. 221)- t»904- 

It is not easy to determine what is the exact sense or inter amicos ; 
the expression is apparently used to indicate a private act, written 
out without the intervention of any public official or functionary, 
but before witnesses.!'^ The word amicus itself becomes nearly 
synonymous with tesfis^ ^nlness, as remarked by Dirksen in his 
Manuah lafinitatis faniium iuris ciutlis Homartomm (Berlin, 1837, 
4**), p. 62.*'* Justinian seems to consider an act intgr amicos as 
nearer to a secret act than to a public one {Cod^x Iitsi. VTT, 6, 10) : 
"Si enim ipse tali adfectione fuerat accensus, ut etiam flHum seruum 
suum nominare non indignetur, et hoc non secreto neque inter solos 
amicos, sed ettam actis interuenientibus et quasi in ludicii figura 
nominauerit . , ," and such appears to have been already the case 
when in a*d, 472 Emperor Leo {Cod. lusL VIII, I7j ir) says that: 
Scripturas qose ssepe adsolent a quibusdam secrete fieri, interuenien- 
tibus amicis nee ne, transigendi uel paciscendi causa seu fenerandi 
uel societal is coeundE gratia seu de aliis quibuscumque causis uel 
contractibus conficmntur, qute idiochira Crraece appeUanturj siue 
tola seritfs eorum manu contrabentium uel notarii aut alterius 
cuius libet scripta fyerit, ipsorum tamen habeant subscriptiones, siue 
testibus adhibitis siue non, licet condicionales sint, quos uulgo tabu- 
larios appellant, siue non quasi publice scriptas, si personalis actio 
exerceatur, suum robur habere decern imus. 

Students of Roman law will be glad to have in the Amherst 
tablets the only specimen preserved of an act inkr amicos. 

L. 6. iihtramtjm tsse iussif^ and has bidden her to he free. The 
word itikrc ts here used to mark the well-defined uoiunfas^ stated as 
necessary by the above*quoted passage of Pseudo-Dositheus (§ 7), 
The word itiko is particularly appro [Dt lately u.ied in wills, such as the 
Tiisiamcnium Dasumit^ in which we even read the sentence \amnys 
fu^s lib€rm esse iussi,^"* 

L. 7* ct accept t pro libcrtatc tius^ Kat ^tsyop ow^p Xur/an'w avTtf^^ 
and has received for her freedom. It may be remarked that iihcrtas 
here means rather Uberatio a domini paksiaie than conditio liberi 
kmiinis}^ The Digesia mention sums paid pro liktrtak^ for instance, 

*^ Sec Mommsen, Rami $<■ hex Siaaisrechi^ VoL I (3rd edition), p» 508, note 2 - 
Drmi puhlk Ij p, 352, itoic 3. 

*• See also Kubler ;md Helm, P'ocahtiarittm lurisprud^ft/ia^ R&^mnae, fasc* II 
|Betotiiii, 1S9S, 4*), col. 414. 

'" Girard, Text^s^ 3rd edit ioai |>. 769^ K 54; h 41, inbee^ would perhaps tae a 
better rc^titutioti than it&io, 

^ Difka^n, AfamiaUt pp. 540-541. 



XVI» z» 3f 33 : Ekgan^ ti^ lulianmm fiumimr^ » finmmm 
seruus a^d me deposmi ita^ ui Amim pro libmrUOe iim drntt egtpm 
dsiiro^ an tenear dipasiHf EtlOro ieriio dmm» JXguionm strMi, 
Si quidem sic dedero quasi ad kocpems me deposiiam Uqm mtHonmer^ 
mm caw^tere Hhi depmti aeHmem^^iui^ sdems ree^tsHf mna igUmr 
dolo: si uero quasi meam pro Uhertaie rims mmmeramero, UmhrJ^ 
. L. 8* o^ Aureiio Aletis ImarmUs^ mw Atf^Xmv AXfrot. Im^mwo* 
(and L 21 Avp^Xtot AX^t Imunmvto*). This penoa also dcwbdest 
jbecame a Roman citizen in a.d. 2fa« His namei Aies, is very lazf^ 
and, perhaps, as yet unknown.^ His &Uier's name is hanlly moie 
.frequent, but it appears on a carious Greek inscription from Kamak, 
in the Cairo Museum (n. 33,o28X recently published by M. Htfrwi 
de ViUefosse, jPfdies notes d^arekSoiogie III (1902), {^ 18-21^ in 
which occurs (CoL I| L 25) the names Ax<XXcvt hmpownt. It seems 
highly probable that the name read iM^mtn-o^ by Pkofessor Mitteis 
in a Leipzig Greek papyrus (n. 17* L loX ought to be printed 
l¥9popmo^ as, perhaps also a mutilated name in the Oayrhynchus 
papyrus n. 489, L 17, though the published reading, [l]X.i^«i{y«]«^ 
is quite satisfactory. . Another fonn of the same name^ Itmpm^ 
occurs on two Teblttlns^pyri (93 and 82), 

h, %. a uico Tisicheos nomi ffermtip^iiu. The village of Tisidus 
is mentioned in two Berlin papyri from Herakleopolis (B.G.U. 552 ; 
B., I, B. and 555, 7), both times in a list of villages of the Acvro- 
^vpy€trrf9 Kartv toparchia: 

552. AevKoir (vpycirov) «c[otid] 555. 
TcKcpK^ ] 

♦""[ ] 

^evKe[jiK J lS,epK€pK . [_ J 

TeK€pK[^e0ofjpetv9ll T€K€pKC0o[^tlpetD9] 

\aip€</>av[^ov^^ \aip€(/>avov9 

TaX[o«] Takoi 

K€p[^K€Oofjpcwsf'] [KclpKeOofjpetu^ 

•® C/. also Digesta^ XLI, 4, 2, 14, and XLI, 2, 4, 9, and XVI, i, 13 ; Ginud, 
Manuel^ p. 95. 

» Cf, AA«$, in B.G.U., 493. 


JukeS] a latin deed of manumission {A.D. 221). [1904. 

The ^* ZeukofiyrgaUs Mt3** toparchia does not belong (as still 
believed in 1898) to the Herakleopolite nome, but to the Her- 
mopolite, as acutely remarked by Wilcken {Arckiv fur Fapyms- 
JonehungY, 1901, p. 555)- 

L. 9* The form Hermupolitii is not the correct one : we would 
have expected Hermopolitu. As early as 1848 Letronne had 
estabh'shed the following role :-^ when an Egyptian town name is 
composed of a god's name followed by sroXis-, the two words are 
never contracted into one by the omission of the last letter in the 
god*s name. The contract form, on the contrar}% is always used 
for the ethnic ; we have, for instance, 

and in the same manner 

L* 9. drachmas augustas^ epnxfirtv ffc^ao-TMiv augustal drachms 
(and I. 23, TO V TO i* fift*(i'pioif r/4ffx/*f^v). The drachm is the ordinary 
word by which tl;e Roman silver dtnarim is called in Greek papyri. 
The history of this coinage will be found in ProJessor Mommsen's 
important article, Zum {igypiischen Afiin^nuestn, in the Arckiv fiir 
Papyrus/orsch ung I { 1 9 00 ) pp. 27 3-2 8 4* Two th ou sa nd tw^o h und red 
drachms would make about J^^o worth of silver, that is to say, the 
possible equivalent of ^400 in modern money. 

L. 10, qums ti ipse Ales — Compare line 23 of British Museum 
papyniSj 229: C. Julius Titian us sui^optio triers Libera Pat re ef ipse 
ragatus pro Gaio luiio Antikoco^ etc. Instead of et ipse^ Schulten 
has proposed to read scripsi, which seems necessary to the sense of 
the sentence, and suits pretty well the letters visible. The Amherst 
tablets however prove conclusively that et ipse is actually written on 
the British Museum Pai>>TUS, though of course, in that document, et 
ipse may be an error of the scribe for scripsL 

L. 1 1» dmauit Hehne liber ta suprascripta. The reading Ubertae 
suprascriptae is quite an obvious correction,-- the sense being of 

"^ f^iitHi'i des ifts^rtpimts gtr^qtHS £i latints de PEgypu^ Vol, H, p* 48-51. 

^ It i& a well established fact that Bnal ae wa^ prcmounccd In the saioe way a!i 
final *J, The confusion is frequent in late texts. Ste Lumbroso, £jc^£$ii& t&tius 
mundi et gentium {Rome, igoj^ 8'^), p, SI, note on line 274, 


course that Aurelius Ales has fsatd atoo drachms for the finedom 
of Helene, and that he has not lent hor the money, but made her a 
present of it It may be conjectmred that Aurelius Ales intended 
marrying Helene. Females were ftequ^itly set free in order to ^ 
able to marry Roman citizens, llie following passage of Justinian's 
constitution of 531 {Cod. lust VH. 6, 9; ^ suprd^ maitions a 
somewhat different case : 

Sed et si quis hofnini libero suam ancillam m mairmamo (M§' 
cauerit et dotem pro ea amscripstrit^ quod solitum est in Uteris persams 
solis procedere^ ancilla non Latino^ sed citds effidahtr Romasuu si 
enim hoc quod frequeniissime in dues Jiomamas et maxime in noUUs 
personas fieri solet^ id est dotalis imstrumemti amscriptio, et in hoc 
persona adhibita est^ neeessarium est eonsentaneum effkctum htmsntoM 
scripturae obseruari. s 

L. 12. Actum^ ^ done," is the official word^ meaning that an act 
has been drawn up and signed. It is used, for instance^ in neaiif 
all the donations, sales, and leases published in Bruns's J^mtes inris 
romani^ or in Girard's Textes de droit romain (3rd edition) 
pp. 783-^18. 

L. 13. Grato et Seleuco consuHbus. Gains Vettins GratiMi 
Sabinianus and Marcus Flavins Vitdlius Seleucus were coneids 10 
A.D. 221. The texts mentioning their names have been broi^t 
together by Klein, Fasti consulares^ p. 96 ; and by Mommsen, 
Corpus inscriptionum latinarum^ Vol. Ill, p. 1997. 

L. 14. anno iiii Imperatoris Caesaris Marci Aureli Antonini Pit 
Felicis Augusti, The emperor named is Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, 
better known by his nickname Elagabalus or Heliogabalus ; he 
reigned from May the 6th, a.d. 218 to March the nth, 222. His 
name is not common on papyri, although between twenty and thirty 
texts mentioning him are now known.^ It will be remarked that 
the Amherst tablets bear a double date : a Roman one by kalends 
and consuls, and an Egyptian one by the year of the reigning 
emperor. The fourth year of Elagabalus extends from the 29th of 
August, A.D. 220 to the 28th of August, 221. The seventh day 
before the kalends of August is the 26th July, but the first day of 
Mesore is the 25 th July and the 24th in leap years. There is a 
discordance of one day between the two dates. Doubtless the 

" Most of them are quoted by Milne, A History of Egypt under Roman RuU^ 
p. 73. 


A L'ATTN fJEEfi OF MANUMISSION (A.D. 221). [1904, 





blunder is due to the scribe's ignorance of the Roman calendar, 
and the resil date of the document is July the 25th, 221. 

L. 20. Iniitead of oJTij^ Tnpn might perhaps be read, 
" L. 22. m^mttAtra^ I have paid, from ^focta^w ; a most uncommon 
word even in papyri; it is used by the LXX {4 Kings, 12, 12): 
W» ram-tt Jd"ii t^wrta^Orj ^ttI r'tju ott^ov rot* Kpftrutw&atf or as the Revised 
version has it : '* For all that was laid out for the house to repair it^' 
{Jerome : ^tfa€ indigelmnt expensa ad munkndam domum) , it is not 
in the New Testament ^^^ In papyri it is found in B-G.U, 362 
several times (a,p, 215) ; Amh, 109, 10 (a.d, 1S5, 186) ; Amh. 135, 19 
(early second century a.d.); Oxy* 55, 7 (a.d. 383); Oxy, 84, 12 
(a,d. 316) ; Oxy. 474, 26 (a.d. 184?) ; Oxy, $%i, 21 (second century 
A.D,), etc. ; in all these examples it has merely the sense **to pay," 
It is evidently a word of the -f'^gypto- Alexandrine AW;;<f, and would 
deserve a place in Professor Deissmann's BiMe Studies^ by the side 
of so many other Old and New Testament rare Greek words found 
also on papyri. ^^ 

Lh 23. oti /irreXftfd'o/iffe EXccf^i^, 1 Will make no claim on Helene^ 
or T will make no claim against Helene, The sense of the verb 
fiETfpX^^tftti is here exceedingly doubtful- In the first case, Ales 
*ould declare that he in no manner considers the sum paid as the 
I^rice of Helene, and that he in no manner claims her as his own 
property. In the second theory, by far the more probable, he 
confirms the word donauU of I. to-ii, and states that he has made 
Helene a present of the money, and will not ask it back again from 

L, 25* AtYJg^*o^^ A/i/itt'iTof E/j^ifii'oii, Another newly-made Roman 
citizen. The name E/^*/rc/pos- is frequent (Amh* 99, 109, 139, 72, 71), 
and is often wriiten E^/mj^o^ (B,G.U. 21, 352, 435; Oxy. 135), or 
even E/j/tf/**o? (G.P. II, 69). 

L. 26. 1-7/1/1 if^ri iHTf/a rtUTou ft^ ctZoTos ypaptftara^ have written fot 

him as he knoweth not leEtere. A formula very frequent in Greek 
papyri, and even found in a Latin one (Bn Mus. 229) : ^ui mgauit 
se iiUras. 

The signatures of the witnesses on p. i are unfortunately in a 
very bad state of preservation. There seem to have been seven 

** Two other examples of floUtiifw, chiefly from laie texts, will 1^ found quoted 
in Esticfine^s Thexatims (Didot edition) Vol. HI, col, 13I7» M. Hubert Pcmot 
kindly informs me that it is quite frequent in modem Gre^k^ with the sense of 
to ** spcnd.*^ 

J^fm 8] 


W BIl 


signatures, that is to say, that besides Am m on 16 n and Ales Jfve 
witnesses put their seals on the tablet, and wrote beside them their 
name and the word f^fjypfiyniti, " I have sealed/' 

It is probable that the third signature ought to be read : 
[At;^i*/Xi]ov A/j;ia-'rm'[i'] ^fTfPpaytifa^ Aurelius Ammomon, T have sealed- 

The fourth signature gives the name of Avfi{rf\tov) ^iX^t^o^^ 
Aureiius StYuanusr^ 



As I have said, no other Latin manumission is known ; Greek 
manumissions from Egypt are exceedingly rare, only two having yet 
been published : 

a. The Edmonstone papyrus* Published by Th, Young, Attcf 
manumission braughi from Egypt in' Sir ArehilfOld Edmonstone^ Bart,^ 
m Hieroglyphics coll ec fed fy tfie Egyptian Society^ Vol II (I^ndon, 
1828, fol,)j pi, 46, lithographed fac-simile without transcription : 
Aduiph Schmidt^ Forschungcn auf dem Gebiete des Alfcp'tliums* 
I Tt^iL -Die Griechisclutt J^apyrusurkunden der KimigUchtn 
Bibliothek %u Berlin (Berlin, 1842, 8°), pp, 298-302 and 505 \ 
E* Curtius, Anecdota Ddphica (Berolini, 1843, 4^^) Appendix I ; 
E. M. Thompson, Handlmok 0/ Greek and Latin Ea/^agrapky^ 
p. 142, with a specimen of the writing (Greek translation by Lambros, 
Bt0\iodtiK-if Mafmo\4, VoL 194, p. 245); C Wessely, i^ Jahresberichf 
des K^K, Sfaatsgymnasiums in He mats (Wien, 1887, 8"^), p* 47, seqq^ ; 
P. Viereck, Bericht itber die altere PapyrusUtttratur in Bur slants 
Jah resht richly V ol . 9 8 ( 1 B 9 8 ) , p p. r 44 - 1 4 5 . A co rrec t etl i tion w ill be 
given by Messrs. Grenfell and Hunt in VoL IV of their excellent 
Oxyrhynchiis Papyri ; Mr. Grenfell kindly informs me that he has 
found several interesting Greek manumissions in his excavations 
at Oxyrhynchus, 

h. The Berlin papyrus P. 6618, published by Wilnken in the 
Atgyptischt Urkundtn a us den Kimiglicken Museen %u Berlin heraus- 
gegeten van der Generalvertvaltung : Grieekische Urkunden^ VoL I, ' 
Part 4 (Berlin, 1893, 4°), pp, 115-116, n. 96, with a correction by 
Krebs, Part 12 (1895), p. 395, 

** On the name l^&airas see Wessely» Die iateimschin EUmentttn der Grasitat 
der agyptiitken. Papymsurkunddn^ II, p, 17 { -= Wittier Studitm, Vol. XXV^ 


/Vw. Sk. BM. Arrk.^ /mm, 1904. 









Jvnz 8] A LATIN DEED OF MANUMISSION (A.D, 221), [1904. 

r. A Greek christian inscription from Kalabsheh (Nubk) is 
perhaps a manumission ; but is so badly preserved that it is im* 
possible to determine exactly the contents of the text. Published 
by Gatij AntiquUh dt la Nubie (Stuttgart and Paris, 1821, fol.)* 
Inscr.^ pi. II, n. 3, engraved fac -simile and text (by NiebuhrX p^ 9 ; 
Franz, Ccrpm Inscriptionum Graecarttm^ VoL III, p, 477, n. 5040; 
A. H- Sayce, Rami des ^iudes grec^ues^ VoL VII {1B94), p- 294. 

d. Last of all I must mention here a small fragment of what m^y 
te a Latin deed of manumission on papyrus of the sixth centur)% 
It is a papyrus preserved in the Vatican library at Rome, and 
published by J, B. Doni, InseripH&nes antit^mu (Flotentiaej 1731, 4°), 
p, 49 1 J n, IX (Grim aid i^^ copy j cf* Cod. Vat,, 6064, p* 24, and 
Cod. Ortobon. 5168, p, 21) ; G, Marin i, I papH diphmaiid (Roma, 
1805, fol), p, 207, n* CXLI, (/I p. 577; E, Spangenberg, Juris 
Momani tabula€ neg^tiorum soilemnium (Lipsice, 1822,8'^)^ pp- 376-377, 
n. LXXVI J H, Marucchi, Monumenta papyracta latina biblhthecat 
Vaticanae (Romae, 1895, 4°), p. 24, n. xxiv. 





The Oxford tablet will be published by Mr. E, VV> B, Nicholson, 
in Mr* F. Madan's Accessions (a catalogue of MSS, added to the 
BcKileian library since 1900), pp. 153-154, n. 32^409.-'* Mr. Madan 
was kind enough to give me a copy of the proof sheets of this 
catalogue, so I am able to quote Mr, Nicholson's excellent descrip- 
tion of the fragment. Brought from Egypt by Mr. Grenfell, it was 
bought for the Bodleian library on the 23rd October, 1896- It is 
now inscribed in that library as Ms, Lat, class, e., 16 (?)♦ It is 
7 1 inches long and only ag inches broad (194 x 67 mm,), I copied 
it in December, 1901 (see my drawing on pi. Ill), "This/* says 
Mr* Nicholson, ** is part of a diptych or triptych. One side of it 
is sunk within a frame, and the sunk part covered with black wax. 
The full length of the frame is jj reserved, 6|^in., and a hole is 
pierced in tlie middle of the length, for the purpose of tying it to 
the other leaf or leaves of the tablet/' 

* tt is briefly described in ray Btilktin fnnpyrf^hgiqut^ Rn^ut di'S httdii grtefms 
Vol, XV (1902 J, p, ^1%^ and in my Fr^TfejcU of Egypt m these Prmeedin^^ 
Vol, XX1V(I902), 64, n. 49. 

'95 Q 


Ob the waxed side I read irMi Mcr Nldioboii^ 


The rest is bfoken off excqsl die topi of a few ktt^ 

On the unwaxed side of die boardi written in biadc ink, only 
the beginilings of the lines are preserved. My copy is not always 
exacdy identical with Mr. Nicholaon^ reading : my fiiiO€iiiiiIe may 
hdp to check my text : 

sai^a sumi 

X Im^ Ctmmis T. AdS 
m Amim» A$f. J¥i 
r0m0 ff&mm'^aiQ frmf. Aig. 



3. Uann 

4. COS -ANN 


6u MPET 



9. TAB IL 

10. LONGiN 


13 FLH 
14. VIDVS I 

The restorations proposed for lines 3 to 6 are by Mr. Nicholson. 

L. 8 very doubtful; Mr. Nicholson reads CCDRAC(M) with 
some hesitation. 

L. II also doubtful; Mr. Nicholson reads V(AE?)N(0?)(D?). 

L. II. [(ui\um is just possible. 

Unfortunately too little remains of the text to be able to under- 
stand almost anything else than the names of the two consuls 
(a.d. 147), the date by the year of the reigning emperor, and the 
name of the praefect of Egypt ; all this has been correctly deter- 
mined by Mr. Nicholson. 


JtJNi 8] 




Bv Prof. Dr. E. Mahler. 

{Coiiiinngd from page t6l*) 



It would have been easy for the Council of Nice^ if that had 
been its object, to avoid, once for all, the coincidence of the two 
Festivals, ^V'e have already mentioned the cycle of nineteen years 
fixed by Anatolius, Bishop of Laodicea, in which the XlVth moon 
of the first year fell on April the 4th, This year corresponds with 
the twelfth year of the Alexandrian cycle; it is easy therefore to 
anive at the idea that the Alexandrian cycle is only a modification 
of the cycle of Anatolius, so arranged that the Alexandrians fixed 
the earliest date for Easter on .March zist, one day later than 
Anatolius, and moreover they commenced their cycle with the 
ninth year of his. If we take ihh difference into consideration 
we can easily^ knowing the Alexandrian cycle of nineteen years, 
reconstruct the earlier cycle, for we need only commence with the 
twelfth year. The cycle thus arrived at vvili be essentially that of 
the Alexandrians, the only diflference being that the Golden Numbers 
exceed by eight those of the Alexandrians. Th«' relation between 
the two cycles is as follows : — 


Golden Number, 

Cyclk of 































Q 2 



The relation between tbe Golden Numbeis end ae 
Easter remain the same. Thus:^ — 




LiMrr or Eastbs. 


Lncrr or 



April sth ... D 


April isth 

... G 


BCaidi sstfa ... G 


April 4th 

... C 

April 13th ... E 



..: F 

April sad ... A 


April isdi 

... D 

Vaxdkaad ... D 


April ist 

..• G 


April loth ... B 



... C 

Biucii3oai ... £ 


April 9th 

... A 

April iSlh ... C 



... D 

April 7th ... F 


April 17th 

... B 


Much 27^1 ... B 

• I 

April 5di 


This definition of the Golden Numbers has enonnons adrantiiges 
over that of the Alexandrians. In the first piac^ thiSi that fai oider 
to find the Golden Number of a given year, we have only to add to 
the number of the year the sicme number as we diould have to add 

if we wished to fix the Sunday letter of that year, that Is to say, 9 ; 
for in the given case the Golden Number is not that of the 
Alexandrian cycle, resulting from the division by 19 of the 
number of the year -h i, but is the remainder resulting from the 
division by 19 of the number of the year + 9. Thus in order to 
find the Golden Number by the Alexandrian cycle we must add 
a number additional to that which is required when the Solar cycle 
is used (in the first case -h i, in the second case + 9), whereas 
according to our cycle the number is the same. The epoch of the 
Lunar cycle of 19 years is the same as that of the Solar cycle of 
28 years, and after each period of 19 x 28 = 532 years the two 
simultaneously recommence their cycle, and then the Golden 
Number of each cycle = i. 

Tlie importance of our cycle is still greater if we consider the 
fact that the Easter Sundays fixed by means of ihe Golden 
Numbers never coincide with the Jewish Passover, for if the 
Passover, according to the Golden Numbers, falls on a Sunday, 
then Easter Sunday is a week later. That which, by means of the 
Alexandrian method, might have been attained in the eighth century, 


JDNB 8] 



was, as we have seen, already attained in the first centuries of the 
Christian chronology. 

The following synoptical table shows the coincidence of Easter 
with the Jewish Passover in the IVth to the Vlllth centuries : — 

IVth Century. 


The Jewish Passover. 

Easter Sunday 

according to the 

Alexandrian Cycle. 

Easter Sunday 

according to the 

principle stated above. 


March 25th 

... March 25th 

April 1st. 


March 22nd 

... March 22nd 

March 29tlu 


April 7th 

... April 7th 

April 14th. 


March 27th 

... March 27th 

April 3rd. 


April 1 2th 

... April I2th 

April 19th. 


April 1st 

... April 1st 

April 8th. 


March 28th 

... March 28th 

April 4th. 


April 13th 

... April 13th 

April 20th. 


March 21st 

... April 25th 

March 28th. 


April 2nd 

...1 April 2nd 

April 9th. 

Vth Century. 


April 14th 

April 14th 

April 2 1 St. 


March 22nd 

March 22nd 

March 29th. 


April 7th 

April 7th 

April 14th. 


April 3rd 

April 3rd 

April loth. 


March 23rd 

March 23rd 

March 30th. 


April 8th 

April 8th 

April 15th. 


March 28th 

..i March 28th 

April 4th. 


March 24th 

.. March 31st 

March 31st. 


April 9th 

.. April i6th 

April 1 6th. 


March 29th 

..; April 5th 

April 5th. 


April 14th 

..1 April 14th 

April 2 1 St. 


April iith 

.. April nth 

April i8th. 







The Jewish Fteover. 

EMter Smidnr 

Eeater SmidftT 

acoofdiDg to the 

I»indpte Hated mboic. 


Ifaicfa i8di 

Apr3 Sttd. ... ••• 



Maidi 3itt 




April i6th 

April i6cfa 

April 33id. 


llAldl 33ld 


Iftfdi 30^ 



April a4th 



April 5di 

April nil 

April 13ft. 


Mftidi 35th 

Mudi ssOi 

April iBt 


Maich aist 




April 6th 

April 6th 

April 13th. 


Msich 26ch 

Maidi 36th 

April 3Dd. 


April 11^ 

April itdi 

April 18th. 

VIIth Century. 


March 31st 

. March 31st . 

. ... 

April 7th. 


March 27th 

. April 3rd 

April 3rd. 


April 1 2th 

J April 19th . 

April 19th. 


March 20th 

.' April 24th . 

March 27th. 


April 1st 

J April 8th 

April 8th. 


April 13th 

J April 20th . 

April 20th. 


March 21st 

1 March 28th . 


March 28th. 


March 17th 

J April 2 1 St . 

April 2 1st. 


April 2nd 

J April 9th 

April 9th. 


March 22nd 

J March 29th . 

March 29th. 


April 7th 

J April 14th 

April 14th. 


JrsB SI 



VIHth Centltrv, 


The Jewish Passover, 

Easter SuTitlay 

according to the 

Alexatiilrian Cycle. 

Easter Sunday 

according to the 

principle slated above. 


Mtirch 27th , 

Apiilji^ ... ,J 

April jrd. 


March 27th 

March 31st 

March jut. 


Apti! 9th 

April 1 6th 

April i6th. 


March 29th 

April jth , 

April 5th. 


April 14111 

April 14th .,. 

April 31st. 


April loih 

April I7ih 

April 17th, 


March iSlh ... 

April 22nd ... 

April 2 2 lid. 


March 30th 

April 6ih 

1 April 6th. 


April isth 

April 22nd ... 

i April 22nd, 



March ijril ... 

March 30Lh. 


March 19th 

April 2jrd ... 

March 26th, 


April 4th 

April tnh 

April mh. 

We see thai I he cycle of nint^teen years of which we have 
spoken above (p. 197) — and which la simply the Alexandrian cycle but 
with other Golden Numbers — forms a Canon corresponding to what 
tradition declares was the intention of the Councils of Nice and 
of Antioch. 

As tradition nowhere speaks of the application 01 these Golden 
Numbers^ but on the contrary makes use of the cycle of Alexandria, 
as also in the IVth-VIth centuries, and later still, the coincidence 
of the Paschal Festivals was not rare, as we see by the preceding 
tabk — we may conclude that neither the Council of Nice nut 
that of Antioch can have decreed decisions with regard lo tli».;tie 
coincidences ; for if such a thing had been intended, the learned 
bishops who were assembled there would have discovered the 
method, of which we have spoken, for avoiding ihem ; all the 
more because the only difference between the Alexandrian and 
the modified cycle is the difference in the Golden Numbers. 
Inasmuch as no such modification was pronounced^ and that by 
the Roman cycle of eighty- four years and the Alexandrian cycle of 
nmeteen years, Easter and the Passover coincided within a few 


J CNF. S] 

soeim^ OF BntLrcAL ARcri^^oLocy, 

vas to ^M 

years of the Coundls of Nice and of A^ntioch, we think we arej 
justified in saying that the sole object of these councils was to j 
ensure the celebration of Easter ^^ //ne* die ef uno iempore,^^ 

As we have just seen, it certainly would not have been diffictdt 
to set up a Canon vvhich would have excluded the possibility of 
these coincidences. The new cycle might have been based on a 
neutral foundation^ and at the same time put an end to the dispute 
between the Romans and the Alexandrians^ without favouring the 
latter. We might moreover assume the possibility of a new cycle 
having been made, but that it was lost i so much the more ^| 
w^ould the principles enunciated on page 198 be worthy of study. " 
It seems to us that the letter of the Emperor Constantine, which 
was addressed to those whu were not at the Council, was not 
originally in the form in which we know It AVe read in it : 
",.,.. because of it they do not see the truth on this point* 
the subject of Easter, so that full of error and (ar from improve- 
ment^ they often celebrate two Passovers in the same year/* 

But the Jews always celebrate their Passover on the r5th Nisan 
of their Luni-solar year. It was then impossible that two Passovers 
could be celebrated in the same year, for the year of the Calendar 
by which the Jews fix their Festival and the Luni-solar year arc the 
same* On the other hand, in the Christian Church it was by no 
means unusual for two Rasters to be celebrated in the same Solar 
year- Such, for e>:aniple, was the case in the year in which the 
Council of W\ce^ was held. In a.d. 325 Easter Sunday fell on April 
iSih ; the following year the Feast was celebrated on April jrd, 
consequently two Easters were celebrated in the same Julian year 
(April i8ih, 325 — April tSth, 3261, In the year 327 Easter fell 
on March 26th ; here again we have two celebrations of Easter in 
the same year {April 3rd, 326 — April 3rd, 3^7). We cannot believe 
that the learned advisers of the Emperor Constantine were not 
aware of this, or paid no attention to it. This is an additionai 
reason for supjiosing that the decree of Constantine— or at least iti 
part— is the work of a date much nearer our own rime. It is 
surprising that when Gregory reformed the Calendar he attached 
no importance to the circumstance that during almost the whole of 
the mid die -ages there had never been an instance of coincidence 
of Easter with the Jewish Passover^ and that he contented himself 
vrith the ancient Paschal rule which fixed Raster day on the Sunday 
after the first full-moon following March 21st. In this way a 




JUHE 8] 



coincidence was possible, even if of rare occurrence^ of the feasts 
in question, which were fixed, not by astronomical events^ but by 
tnathenialical cycles. 

The cotncidences might have been easily avoided if the Roman 
Church had senously considered the subject, or if Alovsius Liu us, 
to whom we are, in iruth, indebted for the scientific reform of the 
calendar, had taken this argument into consideration. He would 
have had to augment the Golden Numbers by 8 according to the 
rules stated above, that is to say, he would have had to introduce 
tiot the remainder after the di vision of the number of years + i, 
but the remainder after the division of the number of years + 9- 
Undoubtedly tlie figures would have differed by some units, and 
consequently the Paschal full-moons would have differed by one or 
two days from the dates given by the old method. Our task is not 
to fix the full moon, but Easter Sunday, and we seek the day of 
full-moon only to be able to fix the date of Easter, consequently it 
makes no difference to us if the limits of Easter fall on Sunday 26thj 
Monday 27th, or even on Tuesday sSth oi March, for in either case 
Easier Sunday will fall on April 2nd. So again it is a matter of 

^indifference if we find the limit of Easter on Thursdayt April 3rd, 
3r Saturday, April 5 th, for in either case Easter Sunday will be on 
Sunday, April 6th, We find a difference only when the limit falls 
on a Saturday, for if it falls on the next day (Sunday), or the day 
but one after (Monday), Easteir must be celebrated, by our method, 
week later than by the method hitherto employed. A still greater 

Pidifference is shown in the case of the two limiting dates. We know 
thai the first limit is on March 21st, and the last on April iSth. 

It might happen that, according to the usual method, the full- 
moon of March fell on March 2och, and consequently to fix Easter 
we make use of the full-moon next following ; whilst according to 
the proposed method the full-moon of March would fall on the 
2 1 St or a2nd| and would serve at the same time as the Easter full- 
moon. So also if the usual method fixes April i8th for the limit, the 
proposed method advances it by one or two days, and it cannot be 
r*^arded as the Easter full -moon, but we regard it instead as the 
full-moon of March. The following table proves that the cases 
cited are exceptional. 






Re ^ ^c X 
< < % < < 

:s < <; ^. < 

a a> c < a, 

-c -< < s < 


uou<a aoou^ onM<ib 




S* & ^ o, g. 

< < 5^ < < 

- M Id n *5 
Z Z -f^ ^ 

S < < 51 ^ 


f^ ^ I 5 

• a. SL j; cu 
2 < < 52 < 



s X a 

^ -m ^ t*. 






I 6 SI I 

:? :s ^ .-^ r= 
^ < ^ < < 

P^l3j<[i4e t4UPt.uu u<QOQ 


t £ ^ t -2 

I :s -s - - 

"C X H "C x 

P* Q* ^ Oi c^ 

< < ^ < < 

« « m w '^ n o ^ « n 

« 0- J* 0- o. 

5? < ?v < < 

- - X 2 X 
* EX & ^ Q, 

s < < ^. < 




> - S iS 
S t^ ? X X 

»-* "^ ii iM t* ^* V 

^ X |< X g > K 

fid » 

iO ^ ao o o 

-* fl <^ ^ u^ 

iO ^ OQ ^ «* 

at r- 

15 i*^ '* H 

< a 

Q U 

pq ^ u< ;i2 D 

"o ^ ^P ^ ^ ^ o ^ ^S «o 

Nq p4 *■ 

^ ^O ^ 




JDSE 8] 







Among the fifteen years cited we find oniy two in which the 
dates are not the same. These are the years 1602 and 1609. 
According to the Gregorian calendar the limit of Easter in 1603 
fell on Saturday the 6th of April, and therefore Easter Sunday was 
on April 7 th ; according to the proposed rule the hmit falls on 
Monday, April 8th, and consequently Easter a week later, on April 
I4th« In 1609 the Gregorian calendar fixes the limit on Saturday,, 
April iBth, and Easter Sunday on April i9ih ; our method^ howevef» 
fijses the limit on Saturday, March 2istj and Easter day on 
March 22nd, 

The method of which we speak has, for the Christian Church, 
the advantage that Easter can never coincide with the Jewish 
Passover, while it has already so happened four times according to 
the Gregorian calendar, viz., on April 9th, 1609 ; April 14th, 1805 ; 
April 3rd, 1825; and April X2th, 1903, Our method would fix these 
days thus: March 22nd, 1609 : April 21st, 1805 ; April roth, 1S25 ; 
April 19th, 1903. The calculation iii correct. The Sunday after 
the Spring-fuil-moon is called Easter Sunday. A coincidence of 
Easter day and the Jewish Passover h therefore only posstble when 
the full-moon falls on a Saturday evening, for the next day, Sunday, 
15 the 15th Nisan. Since our method postpones the limit by one 
or tv o days, this fuU-moon which, by the Gregorian calendar, feU 
OD a Saturday, will fall on Sunday, or even on Monday, and con- 
sequently Easter will be celebrated a week later. In the exceptional 
case of the coincidence falling on April tyth, the following Sunday, 
April 26th, cannot take part in a cotBbination, the latest limit for 
Easter being, as we know, April 25th. In the given case our method 
does not take into consideration the next Sunday, but the past 
Sunday (four weeks). This was the case, for example, in 1609. 
According to the Gregorian calendar the two feasts coincided on 
April 19th ; if we accept the proposed method, Easter falls on 
March 12nd. 

The result of the simple provision of increasing the Golden 
Numbers by 8 would have been that Easter, which under the 
Julian Calendar from the end of the Vlllth century did not 
coincide with the Jewish Passover, would not have done so under 
the Gregorian Calendar. Since no such decision was promulgated we 
may take it that none was consider^jd, and ihat the Church attached 
no importance to the mntten In the first case we understand the 
commentary, in the second case we cannot explain why the Church 



did not t^nge the complicated rule of the limits for one more 
simple^ aixl which could have been understood by the laity; for 
examine: '^Easter falb on tihe' first Sunday after the Sprii^ 
equfaiox'' ; or ^ Easter Sunday is the first Sunday in ApriL'' Widi 
such a nde, the simplest possible, the same result would, have been 
obtained as with the complicated rule. What does this last ofifer 
us? Nothing more than that Easter fidls on a Sunday after 
March sxst It is very rarely tiie case that tlus Feast fidb on full- 
moon ; on the contrary, Easter is most frequently cdebrated five 
or six days, even seven days, after fidl-momi, so that tibe Feast is not 
celebrated at full-moon, but when die moon is waning. Moreover 
die coincidence with the Jewish ^issovo^ b n6t avoided. Why 
•then have sutii complicated rules ? If one is unwillii^ to abandon 
this rule^ in ordar at all evaits to prevent tfie celriifation of Ealster 
at no matter what phase of the moon, one ought at least to modify 
the rule. The most ptacticable modification makes the Goldai 
Numbers die result, not of the division by 19 of the numbor ct 
years + i> but of the division by 19 of the number of yeais + 9, 
and consequently Easier can never mndde with the Jewish Passover^ 
It may be objected that fay increaang the Golden Nnn^iels by 
8, that is by advancing them an octave, the {biases of tte moon 
would, according to our cycle, diverge in 8 years by a day and 
a-half,<^ and thus after 10 repetitions there would be a divergence of 
half a month. This objection would hold good if we counted by a 
cycle of 8 years. But such is not the case. Our calculation is based 
on a cycle of 19 years, which was the basis of the Gregorian limits. 
We simply advance the commencement, or " epoch " of the cycle 
by 8 years, which certainly results in a difference of one or two 
days, but this difference is almost without importance with reference 
to the date of Easter. 

* 8 X 365J = 2922 days. 99 Syuocl. months = 2923^ days. 


JPNE 8] 




Bv Prof. A, H. Savce, DM. 

The following inscriptions which I have copied in Egypt have, 
so far as I know, not been published elsewhere* 



This inscription I found in 1890 on a large boulder of rock 
near the entrance of the Wadi Sh^kh ShekhQn, about five miles to 
the north of Ekhmlm, among a number of Greek inscriptiAis, some 
of which record the names of the mumbers of a hunting club which 
existed at Ekhmini in the Ptolemaic age. Many of the Greek 
inscriptions have been published by M. Bouriant in the RecueU de 
Ttavaux relatifs a ia Phihlogie ft d rArchMoj^k igyptimnt& et 
as^rienms^ XI, pp, 147-149 (1S89) ; the rest I have given in the 
Mwae dts Etudes Grteques^ 1891, pp. 53-55, M. Bouriant has also 
printed along with the Greek inscriptions a short Phcenician graffito 
which has been reproduced in the Co if us Imcriptiomim Semiti- 
atrum^ as well as a few letters of the Aramaic inscription which I 
now publish, and which he calls '^Asianic" The inscription 
reads: — 

t^D^D III n^ty b*p-VN^ ^i^p^nvB 7"»a 

'* Blessed be Ptah^admon of El-Qa ; the 3rd year of the king," 
According to analogy " the 3rd year " would be that of a Persian 
king. Piah-qadmon is an interesting name, reminding us of 
Abd-Ptah and Ptahi in the Phcenician graffiti of Abu-Simbet. The 
formula is that of the Aramaic graffiti of Heshin which I have 




publisbed in die JRemeil de Trmmtx XVII, p. 164 (xSgsX and is 
found in Gen. m^ Z9. Mn Cowlejr m^gesti Hmt HpTTM is ^ 
Hp'tM of the Jerusalem Taigum, wluch is used in jriace of amSlt* 
If so, Hp^ wiU be no late invention of die RabUs as has hitherto 
been supposed. 

These were on fiagments of ocdnmns found by IL de Morgan at 
Dahdiiiri but probaUy originally from Menqihis. They oootsin 

three pfope^ nameSi • . HT^ * • t WDVTf Hor-mes an Egyptian 
name^ and 3) VTO'VT- In the case of die last, hoivevert the 
perpendicular line may r qpr ese n t not die letter t> but a divisioo of 
words, and the reading should be ^\tU ** HoMnes the son of • • • •* 


This inscription is important since it takes back the name of 
Babylon as applied to Old Cairo to a period before the Christian 
era, I discovered it in 1886 in a quarry at Ma'sira, north of Tiira, 
written above the demotic cartouche of Akoris. It reads: 'tM 
''^^ ptt^ "^a " Phuti son of Shaman (Le, Fatty) the Babylonian." 
PhNtiy "the Phutite," is as interesting as Bodily since, with the 
exception of a passage in an inscription of Nebuchadrezzar which 
I pointed out many years ago, and possibly the list of the satrapies 
of l>arius, it is the only example of the name of Phut that we have 
outside the pages of the Old Testament, Nebuchadrezzar defeated 
•* the soldiers of the city of Pudhu>yivan " or Phut of the lonians, 
"a distant land which is within the sea," during his campaign 
against Amasis of Egypt. 


JOWE 8] 




By O, M. D ALTON, M,A., KS.A. 

The British Museum has recently acquired an ivory panel of 
great interest to students of Early Christian Art. It is stated to 
have been brought from a monastery in Greece, but further than 
this its' history is not known. The ivory is now of a rich brown 
tint, and is especialiy dark on the back, where there is a Greek 
inscription in nine lines added at a later period. (See below,) At 
the top there are two perforations^ one above, the other below the 
arch or canopy ; and all round the edges is a rebate, showing where 
the four missing plaques were fitted on. Both top and bottom have 
been somewhat damaged, the top having lost two crosses in low 
relief which surmounted the columns on each side : the traces 
of one cross are, however^ clearly visible- The dimensions are 
8^ X 4J in. (z= ji'5 A 12*5 centimetres), and the principal subject 
is the Adoration of the Magi, below which is represented the 

It is ciear that we have before us a central plaque of one of the 
well-known composite diptychs, each leaf of which was made of 
dve plaques neatly fitted together^a large panel in the centre, two 
long narrow plaques at top and bottom projecting beyond both 
sides, and two small lateral plaques filling up the vacant spaces, and 
so completing the rectangle. These composite or "five- part*' diptychs 
measure from about 10^ k 13 in. to 12^ x i4in. (= 26 x 33 to 31 x 36 
centimetres), and date, as a class, from the period between the 
fourth and seventh centuries J There are, I believe, only three 

* An excellent descriplion of these diptychs will be found in W. Meyer, 
JSttffi amtke Eifsnhintufdn dtr K. StmitshihHothth in Af/irttAettt p, 49^, 
(Munich 1872) i and in Prof. J. Str^ygowski's book BjfzatUinisi-he DenkmUkr 
VoL I ; Dux Etschmiiziittn Evangt^iiar, pp, aSfL (Vienna tSgiJ, Severn! of them 
Are figured by Garrucci, Sion'ii dtiP arU CHsiiatm Vol. VI, plates 454-45^1 *^^ 
ihc casts rnadc by U^e Anintiel Society arc exhibited in thtr Vicloria and Albert 
Museum* See also A. Vtniuri, AV&nrVi d^/P arte /taiiatut VoL I, pp. 508^, and 
the desenptions given by Westwood in his FiciiU iv&wi^u 


juH¥ B] socrimr of biblical akchmology. t»904* 

complete examples in existcncej the pair in the Cathedral at Milan^ 

that in the Bibliotheque Nationale m Paris, and the pair fofming 
the covers of a MS, of the Gospels at Etclimiadzin in Armenia.^ 
One other pair is almost complete, for one of its leaves is preserved 
intact in the Communal library at Ravenna, while the other leaf 
is represented by three panels in different private collections.'* Of 
yet another diptych One leaf alone has survived : I refer to the 
famous Barberini ivor>' now in Paris'* with an equestrian figure of 
an Emperor, by some considered to represent Consiantine the Great, 
by others Justinian. The two five-part imnels in the Vatican 
Library" and the Victoria and Albert Museum^ respectively are 
German copies made in the loth century, and cannot therefore be 
ascribed to the early Christian period in the strict sense oi thtr 
temu Single plaques from five-part diptychs have here and there 
escaped destruction ; such, for instance, are the scattered pieces of 
the Ravenna example already mentioned^ the lateral panels in the 
museums of Florence and Berlin, and an upper plaque at Basle 
with an inscription PERPETVAE SEMPER t AVGVSTAE, 
To this group of isolated plaques the recent acquisition of the 
British Museum forms a most important addition. 

It is well known that it was the custom for consuls and other 
high officials of the Roman Empire, upon their accession to office to 
present Ivory diptychs to important dignitaries of their acquaintance, 
and that this custom^ restricted by the Theodosian Code {xv*, 9, i) 
to consuls only, continued until the abolition of the chief magistracy 
by Justinian in 541* Each leaf of these ordinary *^ Consular 
diptychs/* of which a considerable series still exists,^ consisted of 

- Bytitnfiftis^k^ Vifd'trnt/fr, as at>ove plate 1. 

^ All the parts of this diptych are fiprured logclher, by Strzygowski, 
ffetlmtsthih^ UHii Koptischt Kanst fn Ahxa^tdrta pp. 86-^7. { Vknfta 1902). 

'' G, Schlunibergcr, Vizmre BArh^ritti^iw MonumttUs ci Mtmmrts fmblih par 
tAtodhuic dts Inscriptions et /ieUeS'/Mtres {Fondatiatt Enghte Pi^O^ VoL rii» 
Paris, 1900, plate X; Ch. DiehU Jn sit men et la (itfiiisati&n hyzaniiHe au 
^mg ^f^fl^ (J*^ris, 1901)1 f ran Lisp iec<?, 

* Garrucci, S/Oi'ia d^/f atte Crisiiatw Vol. VI » plate 457 ; R, Kaniler, Gii 
m*&n , , * delia Bi/>/ii3/fia ra/it'afta^ plate iv (Rome I903)» 

* Mask ell, DiSfripii&n 0/ the iif^rits in the S. K&nnngt&n A/tetfttm {1^72}^ 
p. 53. The cjaeslirm of Ihe place of origin of theiie two dipt jchs (praUably the 
Abbey of Lofsch) Is discussed by Dr, If. Gmeven, Byz^aniinisckt Z^istkri/t 
Vol. X (1901). p. 14- 

' Kor a list of the Consular diplycbs, and far illusimiinns, see E, Molinier, 
Histmre g^H^rmif des arts a/^pUgiUi H fntdnstrie^ Yob 1, pp. 17 flf, (I'ari^ l^ig6 ) 





Juke S] 



H a single piece of ivory only ; the less numerous five-part diptychs 
fomied an exceptional class made for presentation not to mere 
dignitaries, but to members of the imperial housed The Barberini 
diptych is an instance of this imperial class, and^ if the figure upon 
it is really Constantine, is the oldest of the surviving examples, 

■ At quite an early period these complex and fragile five part diptychs 
began to be used as covers for the Gospels, and the examples later 
than A.D, 541 were probably all made in the first instance for this 
purpose, to which they were obviously well adapted. The places 
B of honour on the two leaves, formerly occupied by the Emperor and 
the Etnpress, were now reserved for Christ and the Virgin. 

In the attempts which have been made by scholars to classify 
^.rly Christian ivories, the individual five-part diptychs have been 
assigned to various groups, for it is clear that they are not all 
contemporaneous, and not all made in the same part of the empire* 
If we now ask whether our panel belongs to the same group as 
any of the previously mentioned examples, we find that it bears 
the closest possible resemblance to the diptych of which the 
perfect leaf is at Ravenna. It is with the im [perfect leaf, the 
remaining plaques of which are now dispersed {see above) that the 
relationship is strongest, for the central plaque of that leaf^ till 
recently in the collection of the Earl of Crawford, is identical both 
in the choice and in the disposition of its subjects, and almost 
identical in its details/' There is the same monumental, pyramidal 
grouping of the figures in the principal scene of the Adoration of 
the Magi, and the Virgin is seated in the same rigid way, full face 
upon her throne, surrounded by the kings and the angel ^^ Her bent 
arms hold the child in the same awkwardly symmetrical attitude, 
and she ga2es out into spare with the same round and vacant eyes. 
As in the Crawford panel, the wise men are of different ages, only 
here the older and bearded king stands on the right instead of the 
left ; they wear the traditional Asiatic costume which was employed 
^B in this scene until the later middle ages. The crosses above tht 
^^ columns are identically placed in both panels ; only the band of 
ornament dividing the two subjects, and the decoration of the 


* W. Meyer, as above, p. 51. 

• J. Strz)'gowski, HeUemsiische imd Kaplis^ht Xunxt ; fig. 65 on p, 87 ; 
Ch, Diehl, Justinuttf li|;> 206 on p* 649, 

^* On the introduction of an angel as guide of the Magi, see Max Schmidi, 
/W* f>itrji£lhmg der Gtburi Christ i in tfrr MMendtn A'tarsf, pp, 92, 1 00, 

211 E 


ardi or canopy beneath which the Viiffa sits sre muktdtf dMkgaaX 
in our enmple, both being simptar andless luzoriBnt in rfaaniinpr. 

In the lower scene of the Madvity, then is an eqoallf doae 
xesefliblance. To the left, the Viigin redinefr iq;x»i a mattress ; to 
the lii^ the Child lies upon a hi0k mangsr of masomj or brick- 
work, with die irtar visible above his feec On eidm side aie the 
<a snd ass regarding the infiuit ; white in the fc regr ooa d the 
inoedulons . Salome eitends her trtthemd hand to touch the: 
swaddling ck>thesy in order dial bj the inay be made 

When on two independent works of art Uke the Cmwfard ivory, 
and our own the same two soenet are fomid tresfted m a manner 
which is almost identical, we are tempted to adc whether the* 
aimikrky may not be doe to the existence of a cnwmon modeL 
The monnmoital treatment of the princqial groiqp^ to wfaidi 
aUuskm has already been made, suggests that this modd may 
have been a laiger sculptnre, or, more piobahly still, a mosaic 
picture. The consideratioo of Jthe Crawford panel bid akcndy 
suggested thia conjectiire,^ and M. J. Smirooll^v has fbond a 
remarkable confirmation of the view in die teat of an and* 
iconoclastic document of the year 836, where there oocom the 
following description of the mosaics of the Church of the Nativity 
at Bethlehem. The writer describes: T^i' aytav Xpurrov yevutfaiy 

Kal T^v Oeo/iTfTopa ir^KoXiriot' (pepovffav to ^too<f>6pov fip^po^ xal r^y 

tCbv fidf^wv ficra hwpwv TrpoffKvtf^ffffiv, The Occurrence of this second 
example strengthens the hypothesis of the Russian archaeologists. 
We know that the prestige and artistic influence of the monuments 
at the holy places spread far and wide throughout the Christian 
world when the great era of pilgrimages began with the age of 
Constantine. At this time the initiative in Christian art seems to 
have largely passed from Alexandria to Palestine, and the votive 
churches of Constantine undoubtedly exercised an influence on 
the minor arts. Certain motives became stereotyped by imitation, 

^^ The episode, as here seen, is based upon the account in the Pseudo Mathew 
rather than upon that in the Protevanffelium Jacobi, See M. Schmid, as above, 
p. 49. 

*2 D. Ainaloflf, The Hellenistic bases of Byzamifu art^ pp. 58 ff. (St Peters- 
burg, 1900. In Russian). A German abstract of this work wiU be found in 
the Repertorium fiir Kunstwissenschaft, 19031 pp. 35 ff. 

" Vizanti€ski Vremenik, Vol. iv (1897), p. 91 f See Stizygowski, ffeil: 
U9td Kopt : Kunstf as above, p. 92. 


Jung S] 



and the process may be traced, for example, in the subjects on the 
amptillae from the Holy I*and given by Gregory the Great to 
Queen Theodelinda, now in the Cathedral of Monza.^* 

The Ravenna diptych j with a considerable group of ivories, 
chiefly pyxes, exhibiting affinities to it, is now, by very general 
consent, ascribed to the Syro-Egyptian province of early Christian 
nii?^ Iconographically it points to Syria rather than to Egypt, 
The representation of the Virgin enthroned full-face in the Adoration 
scene is typically Syrian, being found on the Monza ampullae, and 
in a sixth-century miniature in the Gospels of Etcbmiadzin, But 
Professor Strzygowski adduces arguments in favour of the district of 
Thebes in upper Egypt, ^^ especially comparing ornamental details 
with examples of Coptic sculpture from this region. It is doubly 
difficult to decide the question of origin in view of the fact that in 
the sixth and seventh centuries, Egypt and Syria obeyed a common 
artistic influence, and types which started in Syria- Palestine may have 
been at once adopted in Egypt, passings so to speak^ into the design- 
books of Egyi^Jlian artists. It is thus quite conceivable that a 
common motive may have been reproduced in both countries almost 
at the same time with very slight divergencies, and that, even if the 
Ravenna diptych was produced in Egypt, our own panel may 
still be the work of a Syrian schooL What seems certain is 
that it was made in the Oriental half of the Christian world. Like 
the Adoration^ the Nativity is Oriental in its type. The Virgin lying 
on the mattress and the presence of Salome are distinctive Oriental 
features, and Oriental of a definite period, between the time of 
Justinian and the close of the 8th century. The treatment of the 
subject here seen is almost identical with that upon two ivory pyxes, 
onj^ in Beriin and the other in Vienna. 1^ 

We are thus enabled to confine the date of our ivory within com- 
paratively narrow limits* It must have been produced before the Arab 

^^ Ainaloff, as above, pp. 158 fF. The ampullae are all reproduced by 
Caitucci, as aljove, Vol, VT» plates 43J-S' 

** Dr. G. Stublfauih's attribution to ^tonza. has found little acceptance. His 
enumemtion of ivories belonging to the group of the Kavenna diptych is, however, 
valuable. {Jit^hrisiikhe Ei/cnbeinplastik^ Freiburg and Leipsic, 1896, pp. if^ft*) 

'* HeiUnhfisfke tmd Ksptiukt Kunsi^ as above, pp. S8 ff. 

'^ Max Schraid, Dit Darsteiiitng der Gthuri Chnsli in dtr hiMenden Kunst 
(Stuttgart, 1S90), pp* J9 and 40» and p. 12S' According to Schmitl, Salome 
extending her band i& not found In representations of the Nativity after about 

313 R 2 


conquest of Syria and Egypt, that is to say, in the sixth or early 
seventh century, when the countries of the S.E. Mediterranean were 
distinguished among all the provinces of the Byzantine empire alike 
in commerce and in art. If we may judge from the number of 
surviving ivory carvings almost certainly produced in this part of the 
world, the minor branch of the sculptor's art which they represent 
must then have, flourished exceedingly, and contributed its share 
to the exports which Syrian merchants carried to all the shores of 
the Mediterranean. The work of this time is distinguished by a 
certain rude strength and massiveness, as well as by a disr^ard of 
mere prettiness of effect, which fitly belong to a i)eriod, decadent 
indeed, but not so far removed from classical influences as to have 
quite forgotten the monumental sculpture of the past. In these 
qualities it diverges from the delicate ivory carving of post-iconoclastic 
limes, which is often characterised by a preoccupation with points of 
detail and by little refinements of execution fatal to broad and 
vigorous treatment. With the advent of the Basilian dynasty, altered 
tastes and conditions demanded new forms ; ivory was perhaps not 
to be obtained in such quantities as before ; monumental sculpture 
was degraded to a mere accessory of architecture and was no 
longer a source of inspiration. The pyxes and the great five-part 
bookcovcrs were now largely replaced by work in the precious metals, 
and the ivory carver chiefly confined his attention to smaller and more 
highly finished devotional diptychs and triptychs which distinguish 
the time between the suppression of iconoclasm in the ninth century 
and the sack of Constantinople in 1204. The Ravenna diptych and 
its group are variously dated by different authorities between the 
last half of the sixth and the first half of the seventh ceptur>'. The 
British Museum panel is certainly not inferior in style and execution, 
and may perhaps be assigned to the earlier of these two periods. 
The inscription on the back is in nine lines, but the right half 
is obliterated. Dr. F. (1. Kenyon, who has kindly examined it, 
describes it as a prayer in (ireek minuscule character, apparently 
of the 12th century. 


June S] 



By E- O. Wjnstedt, 

To the Old Testament fragments given in my former article I 
now add two which, though I could not actually identify them, 
seem to belong respectively to Exodys and the Psalms ; others 
containing a quotation which is referred to David, and a Biblical 
reference ; and a Boheinc fragment containing a quotation from a 
Psalm. That completes the tale of Old Testament fragments. 
The present article contains also three fragments from the Gospel of 
St. Matthew, of which the second has several verses which are not to 
be found in the collections of Woide, Amelineau, or Balestri,* while 
the third is especially interesting because — though the dating of 
Coptic MSS. is so uncertain that this is the only case in which I 
have attempted it — it can hardly be later than the 5th century. 

From J/.S1 Copfk^ g, 3. This parchment fragment contains the 
beginning of the names iJttiv(cM€:) (Moses) and <|iA(ptVt(J}, and 
is probably a fragment of Exodus^ but I could not Identify it. 






















UK - KX 
















L Ciiiiiu 




1 " l|KltJ 

OC Utl « 

111 jot: - 


■ UJ 




1 I m\ deeply indebted to Prof, Ignafi Guidi for kindly leading me faU copy 
■ of the pruof sheets of Prof. BaleslrPs yet ur;piiblished edition of the Eorgiiia frag- 
nlE of Lhc Sahidic New Tes^iament ; and to Mr. A. Cowley for verifying severiil 
readings >' hern I was unable to see the MSS. myself. 



Ffom MS. Q^Af g. 3* Thii ftagment if aba pttduneot and 
cootaait a refarenoe to the woaUpping of tihe goUJen caK It is 
appaiendy part of a bipgnqplqr of a taint; or l o m e rtii iig aiiiiilar. I 
onljr giipe one skk, as the verso is not BibficaL 










* pei« 

In J/IS". Coptic^ g. 3, there is a small fragment, not Biblical, but 
containing a quotation which it describes as uttered by nei[6poc- 
-^A • ]athc Aat[ia]. It is too small for me to identify it. It 
runs as follows :— 


vpruuAT Aq 

In the same box is another parchment fragment, which looks 
and reads, as far as I could read it, like part of a Psalm, but I could 
not actually identify it. It is divided into verses as the poetical 
Biblical books usually are. 



/ \ 


uoer : : 

* * nAiAiuep 

qTMAGAp^eBOA • • I . • 

eoTerAp2HTOvii • 




The verso is very illegible. I could only read, and that uncer- 
tainly : — 


I'UI iX} 




To these Sahidic fragments of the Psalter I add the only 
Boheiric Biblical fragment I noticed. It comes from a paper 
fragment of a hymn to Mary, in MS, Coptic^ g. i. 

^i^oni • ciourAp 

nit HAp UApiA 

The quotation is Psalm cxxxii, 13. 



A parchment {nignieiitfixniiJ^Cii;^!!^^^. 3i confatiiiing Ifatdieir 
a, 13-15, 16-19 (^ Wmde, pp. 3, 4)- 






:!iAMne p 
orac AC 










* Hpe-AYiu 




A parchment fragment from MS. Coptic^ g. 3, with two columns 
to the page, containing Matthew v, 11, 12, 17, 18, 21, 22, 25 {c/. 
Woide, p. 6 ; Balestri, pp. 5-6). 


HT • pA^euTeT 


iJ6npo<|>i cil 


QiJocNHTiJse^^AiJTe (^cep^AueqcD, WJ 

The first column does not occur in Woide. 


June 8] 







(eKCO, W.) (eA^ooRj B.) 


111 AeqoiiAM A 

jcoce pieiKiAijaiK 


The first column of the verso also does not occur in Woide, and 
has not, so far as I can find, been yet published. The second 
column is tn Woide, and as there is considerable difference, I copy 
his version: '^ x«i ^icune ohbiia riii noHXAAe - e^^ooolJ 
eK?iTe?iH NiiiJACi ■ un nma ilTe neKjXASO ijqTAAK 

Five parchment fragtnents from AfS, CapHc^ g. 3, which, fitted 
together, form a com[>lete page, with double columns, containing 
Matthew xxvii, 23-39. The writing appears to be of the 5th 
century {cf. Woide, p. 38 ; Balestri, pp. 85-86). 


xocf ovuuDq 






U ^ €| 

ortO(;i loq 











Col. I, L I. nauT, Vf.B, 

3. iiemi, W, B. 

4. om. eranouiikic, W. B. 

5. om. uuoq, Wi B. 
om. AOi B. 

7. niA,W.; iMfq^W. B. 
12. Muecf, W« B« 
19. euQuxrruii, & 

Col. II. L I. ufbAp, W« & 

3-5. ATCilA€|TAAf|eT|mYC'f'Cn%W.;i&AAAC|4H 









XAAUrCATl'e \ c 





















uVoTAaV • TOT6 

lOTM oq 


June S] 



Col, I- 

L. 2, lilt, W, ; 11 lie, B, 

4. fiAirce, B. ; om. Ae, 

W. B. 
6. om. a?pAif B. 
8. uujoeJlG, W. B. 


AVKUJuii)6AeijnAi, B, 

Col. 11. 
- 2. neKpAiiicMj, W. 
4. om o\\ \\\ B, 
6. iiGqQTH:rj, W* ; nnq, B, 

c-f-OvAe, B, 
9, guiTe, W. B. 
15. ArKv (om. nccii^), B, 

18. IJI110T, W.; 1J116IUV, B, 

19. iiuuAq, W.; uuuAT, B, 

The retnaining New Testament fragments, mainly fragments 
from the Acts of the Apostles, are resented for another Article. 


By STA^fLEv A, Cook, MA. 

4. Errors in Inscriptions. — An inscription engraved upon 
durable material, the work of no little labour, set up (it may be) by 
royal command, and intended to serve as a memorial to succeeding 
generations^ is surely one of the last places where one would expect 
to find errors. But complete accuracy was as unattainable then as 
it is now, and not a few inscriptions have fortunately survived 
containing remarkable spelling which can scarcely be due to design, 
I say "fortunately" because it is very im[>ortant to bear in mind 
that mistakes could be, and actually were made, and although the 
chances of error are obviously by no means so great as in the case 
of a manuscript, it will be clear that in any discussion of difficult 
readings, the possibility of error must be duly considered by the 

As regards the kind of mistakes that are made, Lidzbarski, in his 
almost exhaustive survey of North-Semitic epigraphy, enumerates 
eleven instances of the omission of letters J One of these must be 



considered doubtful. In I. 6 of the Eshmunazar inscription (CLS^^ 

U no. 3), D-*l^ yDU?n ht^ might be interpreted '* do not listen tal 
their vain pratings '* (cp. n^. Is. xvi, 6, etc.), but most scholars irealj 
the last word as an error for 02*1^1^? '* their words.'' Mr* Q. 
Cooke, for exaraplci* adopts the latter view and points to the use of" 
yDU? with the preposition (71pD ^nGen, xxii, 18 ^ a Sam, xii, 18 ; etc. 
This, however, is not decisive, and the frequently occurring Phoeni- 
cian phrase bp J^DtT'* shows that Phoenician favours the use of 
yO^ with the accusative. In addition to this, the appearance <rf^ 
surh a word as 13, in the eloquent inscription of Eshmtjnazar cai^f 
cause no surprise, and on the whole I do not find it neces<;ary to 
include the passage under discussion among the epigraphical errors. 
m To these ten examples two are to be added. In the inscription 
from the Pimeus, 0^^211 0* 6) appears as Q^^n (1. 3), and in 
the Tabnith inscription T^^tHj ^ paiaJlels show, must stand for 
^7 1^^ bb%» *' let there not be to thee/' The omission of whole 
words occurs seven or eight tim^'^! i . Punic and once in Nabataean* 
Additions of single letters aris vinly through dittography, and 
twice the word for " son ** ( j) is tepeated. Four certal^| 

examples of the metathesis ot rs are cited, and there is one 

practically certain example in a Pal w^y rent' inscription of the meta- _ 
thesis of words. Examples of a letter wrongly exchanged for 
another are not rare (about fifteen cases), and more than half are 
due to the close similarity between the two. Finally, it may be 
added as a curiosity that one Nabataean inscription {C.I,S. ii, 207), 
the handiwork of three stone-cutters (M^7DD)> in spite of the 
** multitude of counsellors," contains no fewer than three mistakes, 

viz. : nnnw for nn^inM, mn for m'^n, and ^23f for nay. in 

a recently edited New Punic inscription, a short one, there are also 
three simple errors, U^ apparently for po, IM for tt^H, and p 
for p. 

In all these cases the error is easily recognisable ; the word or 
formula is so familiar that the merest tyro can perceive the mistake, 
but no one can venture to assert that the list of errors is exhausted. 
What are we to say of the unfortunately too numerous texts whose 
interpretation still escapes us, of the too frequent passages with 
unknown words ? Are these to be free from textual criticism ? No 

' Text-book of North- Semitic Inscriptions^ p. 35. 

' For the various forms of the phrase, see Lidzbarski, p. 155. Cp. also 
n3T /D JO?*D , ** because he heard the voice of his words." 

JtriTK 81 





one, perhaps, will suppose that by some happy chance the men who 
were re??ponsible for the j^reparation of these texts erred only in the 
simple words or phrases, and unless one is prepared to admit the 
possibility of error, many readings in the inscriptions will continue 
to defy interpretation in spite of the exercise of the greatest philo- 
logical ingenuity, and a liberal and uncritical use of the dictionaries 
of all the Semitic languages and dialects. 

In conclusion, it is hardly necessary lo observe that textual 
criticism, if applied to the inscriptions, should be applied with the 
same caution, and mutatis stmtafidu upon the same lines, as m 
manuscript texts. It is only as a last resource and when the general 
character of the inscription arouses suspicion thai emendations are 
to be tolerated. 

To take one example only* the famous Eshmunazar inscription 
is, perhaps, the most important, the most interesting, and the most 
difficult of Phoenician texts. The happy discovery of some royal 
Sidonian inscriptions in 1900-1902 established certain readings, bui 
a great deal still remains obscure. Now, in I. 15 n^ is written for 
t2?M» and H^TDD {^4-^ l^ i^) appears once as *T7DD (1^ 9), and 
once as jn'TQ?!^ (1- u) ; that D^^!l (I* ^) is an error for Q2"li"0 is, 
as we have seen, improbable. But these mistakes, such as they are, 
are sufficient to cast doubt upon the complete accuracy of the inscrip- 
tion elsewhr^re, and it is not very easy 10 resist the belief thai were 
we better acquainted w^lh Phoenician, other errors could at once be 

2 1 has never been very satisfactorily 

The difficult pi, 
explained: K 12 runs; 


in I 

]i \ny hz nS:: \ni "f!H 3 

In IL 2-3, on the other hand, we have : 

p ^ny h'n rh\x\ i-y^^h) 

No interpretation of in2 (pint^d, resting i^) is free from objection,, 
and the comparison with 11, 2-3 suggests that it is to be omitted as an 
error. Possibly the engraver started with writing JiStJIj incorrectly, 
and wrote out the word afresh. Analogies could be cited from Old 
Testament readings. Here, at all events, appears to be a case 
where textual criticism must be applied, and a close study of the 
inscription suggests that at least one other example of inaccuracy 
could be found 





The next Meeting of the Society will be held at] 
37, Great Russell Street, London, VV.C, on Wednesday, J 
November 9th, 1904, at 4.30, when the following Paper^ 
will be x»d :— 

Psnot E. Naville.— "A mention of a flood in the 
Book of the Dead." 




The following donations have been received. 
May, 1904: — 

W. H, Rylands ... ... £2 2 

W. L. Nash £2 2 


^^ Proceedings/^ May, 1904. 
Page 140. Fourth line of Table, column 3 — 

/or ^=^1. ^^ read ^L \J1^ 








Sixth Meeting, November gth, 1904. 


— 4K;^ — 


July %th, 1904 — 

Sir W. T. Charley, K.C. 

August^ 1904 — 

Prof. Dr. Karl Piehl. 

[No. cxcix.] 225 


The following gifts to the Librar>'^ were announced^ and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From F. Legge. — ''A Guide to die First and Second Egyptian 
Rooms in the British Museum." , 
„ *'A Guide to the Thiid and Fourth Egyptian 

Rooms in die British Museum.'' 
From the Rt. Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney. — **The Amherst. 

Papyri (Greek)," by Messrs. Grenfell and Hunt a vols. 
From the Author, Prof. Dr. A. Wiedemann. — **Agyptisdie 

From the Authoress, The Lady Amherst of Hackney.^*' A Sketch 

of Egyptian History." 
From the Authoress, The Lady A^lliam Cedl.— **Binl Notes 

ffom the Nile." 
Ftom the. Author, Pko£ Ira M. Ptke. — ^* Litoary Ranams of 
Rim-Sin (Arioch) king of Larsa." 

The following Candidates were elected Members of the 

Society : — 

Prof. H. V. Hilprecht, i Mozart Strasse, Jena. 

C. J. Marshall, Balvaird, Cheam, Surrey. 

E. O. Winstedt, Af.A., 51 South Street, St. Andrews. 

The following Paper was read : — 

Prof. E. Naville : " A mention of a Flood in the Book of 

the Dead." 
The subject of the Paper was discussed by Dr. Pinches, 

Mr. Boscawen, Dr. Gaster, and the Chairman. 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 




Par Victor Loret, 

Dans !es quelques lignes que j'ai dernierement consacr^es ici- 
m^me * a la transcription de T^gyptieti, j'ai ^mis, sans y insister, une 
id^ qui a pu, selon qu*on s'y est arr^t^ ou non» parattre bien teme- 
raire ou tres insignifiante. Je me demandais s1l n'l^tait pas possible 
qu'une voyelle, ecrite a in fin d*un mot ^gyptien, pflt etre considerec 
comme representant la vocalisation ittterm de ce mot et dfti, par 
consequents dans la tranjicriptton ou dans la lecture, toe transt>osee 
et repon^e a rinierieur du mot. A Tappui de ceite regie toute 
conjecturale, je donnais, au hasard de la plume, les quatre exemples 
suivants : 

* V^^ ^^ ^^^ ^'^''"' ^ *-=*^i acdpittr) et non hrou^ 

^^ 5 ^^ lit ^^^^^^ l^UJC^fiimi) et non /isau, 

U \|| se lit anup {^Atfovfi-tv} et non anpUf 

^^ 1q] '^S,^ I se lit sAauT (a^EH' ^«^"?/w^) et non s/isati. 

Si une telle r^gle pouvait 6tre solidement ^tablie, elk atirait une 
importance extreme, car elle nous donneratt^ de la fa^on la plus 
simple et la plus inattenduej la solution du probleme si compliqutf de 
la vocalisation egyptienne. Or, en recherchant de nouveaux 
exemples en faveur de mon hypnthese et en m'effbrgant de me 
representer exactement la tache devant laquelle se trouvaieni les 
premiers Egyptiens qui employerent T^criture, il ma paru que cette 
hyi>othese pourralt peut-etre bien, un jour, devenir le point de 
depart de resultats fdconds. 

Cest paroii les substantifs, naturellement, qtie j'ai t9Ut d'abord 
recherche des exemples, afin d'eviter les erreurs d^appr^ciation que 
peuvent amener les desinences si variables et si multiples des formes 

* FrocvetUtt^^ VoL XXV, pp+ 35S-J7a 

227 s a 


veibftles. El mtaie^ pour plus de sAret^ ce tont det noms p^opnm 
que j'ai reeueillis pour oommeneei^ des ncmt de diWniift et de 
localilAi, Voici, en premier Ueu, qiKlquet bons eseiB{rie8 de noms 

ID pm ^ ^^^^' Pftvaii teukment oompir< ce nom it 
'Ai^Mr/8-it; on peut,plu8 exactement encorei le rapprocher dn 
nom propre 'Ai^vr, si fir<qiient dins les pepynid gieci 
(Oxyrk.pqfi., I, 9$^)^ 

^^^^MouHT. Compter Jgt^s^^]^^ 

Wm'fiai>0^(iyteetiL, xxT, 339) et ' Efi u M ^ J *, A.p-tAJU>ne, 
la ville de Jipumt. 

R^^^ ~ ^^"'^""^ Comparer na-x*^;f«* (Wiuac, Gr. 
Otir.y II, 478), Um-xv^f^n (Uid^ 480X *«r-xMS^(t (i<M£, 

^^^i-^Torru. Comparer «y»^^«^» 

oMip* ne-ecttiu^ nd^^mp^ (HBiunx, n, 158), iiii- 

rov^-to9 (Stbph. Byz.), Thum (Itw. Ant.). 

(I '^'^ ^ ^^ = Amoun. Cette orthographe complete du nom 

(I ^ , ordinairement ^crit sans vocalisation, se trouve au 

Zivre des pyramides (P^pi I, 266 ; Mir., 478 ; P^pi II, 1246). 
Comparer 'kfiovv {Isid, et Osir^y 9), i^ev-a/ioi/v-i* (Wilck., 
Gr. Ostr,y II, 485 ; Oxyrh.pap,, I, 261). 

T V^ ~ Khouns. Comparer nere-xw^ff-i* (Wilck., 
ibid.y II, 480), i^6i'-x<^»'<r-'* (/^/^., 486) et plusieurs autres 
noms propres pr^sentant la m^me terminaison xibvai^ {Proceed,^ 
XXV, 331). 

En y ajoutant x ^ V'^ ~ Hour (J*- V nous obtenons 

' En plus du terme arabe ^ , la vocalisation en au du nom d'Honis est bien 
nettement indiqu^e dans des transcriptions comme , mJl* J = c:S> a tj ^W> 

,^f)ul = \> I ^^ (H. Brugsch, Zeitschr., 1886, p. 76). 



sept noms divins, et non des moindres, dont la vocalisation interne, 
d'apr^s les transcriptions, est en o, u) on ov et dans lesquels T^cri- 

ture ^gyptienne exprime cette vocalisation ^ a la fin du mot. 

Les trois noms de villes suivants pr^sentent bien nettement la 
m^me particularity graphique : 

@ = Khmoun. Comparer cyjULCirn et ,ji^*«--^ (dans 

= AouN. Comparer pt^, Y^, grec ""Qv, copte cJOIt. 

I © = Tin. Comparer Oi^ [= G/i/-?] (Steph. Bvz.), Oiv 

irrj^ vofAO^ (PtOL.), Qivo^ (C. MULLER, PtoL geogr.^ I, 720). 

Dans les noms communs que j'enum^re ci-dessous, j'ai pris soin 
de ne choisir que des exemples employes au singulier, afin qu'aucune 

confusion ne p(it se produire entre le V^ de la vocalisation interne 
et le ^ de la desinence plurielle : 


U^^^^ c^^ (Pap. Anast. IV, 7, 2) = kaoum, flloAJL, 

(J jl mnD = AouBN, tO&.en, cilumen, 

kS^Q^^^^^^ = hantaous, ^neo-ffc, ^^^''Z^. 

\ *^ ^ UUL = PA-HAOUF, n-g,oq, serpens} 
^ I = SHOUD, 2,(J0T-, j60X, uter. 


= lAM i^jtx D"»» fnare, 

' T 

i'l^^^z::: = ''^°""' 'o**-' cyi <'^"' i*^^' '""'''■ 

' Ce mot doit se distinguer, par le genre et par le sens, de T-g,CjCO, vifera. 



^^1^ J^ = 8HA008, g«0c,/«rJt>ri »«^««. 

^ ^^ <MAiP., Mic^ XV, >9x) s nunnc Aojr, «*««. 

^•ft. C2BDX 

O-fe^ It 3j(MASP.,J?«.,XIX,I59)=TAOUSH.«|3g,XOSH, 

Hms^ termmu. 

'^I^ (Z., XXXIX, 12S) s: DjAK>UH» ms^t MfiiMt, mmlm 

^y ^ = QAM, K^JUL,Jw$a$s. 

J ^^ =^^a- 
rn^^ J \\ "^ HABIN, i>i/.o*. ^^(?«|/J. 

-.5 tNyi\/| = SHOUN-IT, cyeritl, <L'«-1, horreum. 

o ^ > 

<=> ^ ^ ^ ^^^'^^ '^^" nomrpi, 7W/r/r.* 

.6. n !^^ 

T J ^f^^d ~ ABOUD, e^KJOX, testudo niliaca, 

\ IRJL = HOUR- IT, g^oXl, /^*«^«. 

I ^^ "^ ^ " KHATOUR, ctJA.e01fX, ichneumon. 

' = AOUD, COX, ade/fs. 

Enfin, les textes Egyptians nous prdsentent parfois un m^e mot 
^crit de deux manibres differentes, la vocalisation interne dtant 
exprim^e tantot k la fin du mot, taniot k sa place r^Ue : 

* Le mot NOUR, masculin en ^gyptien, est ^evenu f<6iiiiniB en copce. 


Nm. 9] 



XIX), aim, 

(L. a, r^x/i'/., I, 100) = "^^ ?5^ {A mama, 

XXV II, 13), ow/;^ir//f. 

*^^^v^ (Champ^j N<^t, 11, 619) = 1^ ^^ {Kahun pap,^ 1* 
5), m£U{i couiant 

J ^^ ^^' ^^ MULLER, Z, XXXII, 33) = ^^ Jo 

\\ ^ %«^ (Bh., .?!////,, 165) - 1]^ ^«^^^^ {ibid., 

164), s€h^m. 

(Mar., Cii/» Akyd.^ no, 11 15)* ^ouranne. 

En procf^dant mediadiquement au depouiUement du vocabulaire 
on pourrait, je crois, augm enter tres consid^^rablemeul les Usies que 
je viens de donner. Felles qu'elles soni, elles me semblent n^an- 
moins sufTisantes pour nous montrer que dans bien des mots 
^gyptiens, la prdlendue finak ne irouve pas son Equivalent en copte, 
land is que la voyelle interne, exprim^e en copte* n'a pas son 
(kjuivalent en <fgyptien, anomalie qui disparaft le pJus simplement et 
le plus naturellement do monde si Fon ddplace la voyclIe finale 
^yptienne pour la reporter h. rint^rieur du mot. 

Sans vouloir pour !e moment m'attaquer au verbe, dont les 
desinences peuvent souvent preter a discussion quant il leur valeur 
gram mat icale, je me contenterai de signaler les noms propres 

temiindsen f^^-^^P^. 

Le premier de ces mots se trouve former la paitie terminale du 

^ ^ dont les transcriptions grecques II moi connues 

SOnt 'A ft€ VW0. 'I* fift c i» wO^ *Attf I'wOff V ; *Pti ^t ^ i/tlf^y 'A ^1 e tfw0i %-; \^. tt t t'ot^t *?, 
*Aw*ri/toi«^ijv, Ces formes grecques nous montrent que, si les tran* 
scnpieurs oni hesit^ sur la ma nitre de rendre les consonnes o D,^^ 
qu'ils ont inter\xwes ou dont ils ont supprimd tan tot Fune et tantot 
I'autre,^ — ils ont tou jours et^ d 'accord pour placer la vocalisation y 

nom U 

1 /sfV^^^*- 


o a. 


avant tes lettrts o Q et potir rexfMrbiier par ud «• La coiK^inoii 
est qae» dans ce nom, ^ dc^ ae timiiscriie Am^^ et ixm if^ 

U en est de mtoie poor le mm de la viUe ^Hypi^lis, 
TiTtj '^^ n ^^ """^^ (cr^. /^, J9iifm, 61A, 14X dont k transcrip- 
tion oopte, gunrfi,, nous donnant WTtSl conune Ajuivalen^ de 

' x\, nous prouve bien que ce mot se lisait J^u^. 

En ce qui conceme les noms termini txk flj [1^9 on p^a citer 
Ir^dlPT^ (/V- ^«w'-. VI, 3, 4X orUiogiaphe, yoca!is6e du 
nom royal ^ Tiffin, dont les transcriptions grecques Tw^fUfm^ 

Ted/Kw<riv, Tov0fidin*t nous indiquent, pour (nn^y ^><^ valeur tun^ 
fuk9t c'est-4-dire une transcription mous et n(m mam. 
%^ . De mdme, Torthographe A () ^^ (Nat*, Z, 1883, 9) chi 

nom royal j|^ n , lequel est transcrit 'A^w*^ "Afwen^ nous amtee k 

la transcription |m[I \^ ^ maits. 

Ce precede de transcription une fois admis expliquerait de la 
fagon la plus simple des Equivalences comme : 

(Paf. Prisse, 12, 7) = aoutp, COXH, OXH, 

^^ {Pap. Sail., I, 5, i) = AOUSKH, a>Cj6. OC^, 

I p ^ ys (L. D., Ill, 68.1. 1 1) = Hous, &tX5C, g^O-ffC, obstruert, 

Certen s' Ton admet la loi qu'a propose M. Maspero, — "lors- 
qu'un mot rrnfermait deux fois la meme voyelle, on n'Ecrivait que la 
derni^re "— ® et s* d'autre part, on consid^re comme certain que la 

* Brugsch (Dtct.f 126) cite de ce mot une orthographe 
ia vocalisation exprim^e k sa place r^lle. 

• Zeitschr.y 1882, p. 122. — M, Maspero a, plus tard, repris, modiB^ et 
d^velopp^ sa premiere tWorie {/^ec, XIX [1897], pp. 1 57- 161 ; Rfc, XXII 
[1900], pp. 222-225). 


Not, 9J 



voyelle finale est tomb^e avaiit V^poque des transcript to as grecques 
et copies, on arrive pratiquement au meme r^^sultat. An lieu de 

transcrire directement 


TV par Housj on raisonnera amsi ; 




'* Le moi ayant deux fois la meme voyelle, et Li demiere seule ^tanc 
ecrite, doit se transcrire Hotrsou puis, par chute de la finale, hqus 
{^^C, &OTc). Le rifsultat, (fvidemment, est le m^me, mats la 
fa^on dont il est amen(! suppose un micanisme orthographique et 
une Evolution lingutstique qui, pt^ut-^tre, resieraiunt k d^^montrer, 

II est vrai que Ton peut m^adresscr la meme objection et me 
demander d'expliquer pourquoi le.s Eg}'^ptiens, ati lieu d'^crire la 
voyelle interne k I'inti^rieur du mot, ont pref^rd, dang la plupart des 
cas, la placer a la fin, C 'est done le motif possible de cet etrange 
m^canisme orthographique quM me reste i recliercher, 

II y a neiif ou di\ ans, M. VV. Max Muller, dans son article Die 
Umsieilungen in dtr aitdgyptischtn Ort^tographk^^ signal ait un 
certain nombre dc mors orthographies de telle fa<,on qu'il etait 
n^cessaire, lui scmbljit-il, [lOur les lire correctement, d'y intervertir 
l*ofdre de certaines lettres. D^ja, deux ans auparavant,^ il avatt 
expose briH'ement sa th^nrie et elle avail ^i^, dii-il, en partie 
admlse dans la premiere edition de V ^Egyptischt Grammatik d*Erman 

M, Max Muller ne s'attache pas specialement aux voyelles, et 
encore moins aux voytlles finales ; il montre simplement que, dans 
les exem])les qu'il a r^unis, — et auxquels je renvoie le lecteur, — 
il y a inter version orthographique. Parmi ces exemples, je citerai 
seulement les suivants, qui rentrent dans le sujel qui nous 
occupe : 

Plus recemment, dans un trfes interessant article sur les Mitaihhts 
appa rentes en ^gypiien^^ M. Pierre Lacau a repris le meme sujet et 
montre que les transpositions de lettres sont tres frequentes dans 
rorthographe egypiienne et qo'elles resultent, le plus souveni, du 

' ZitUsehr., XXX n (1894), pp. 2;-jS. 

■ Ztituhr.r XXX (1892), p. 59. 

• Rm.^ I. XXV (1903), pp. 139-161. 



'' ?i^ 

Nov. 9] socnmr of bibucai. aecilaologv. u^^ 

d^sir d^fviter fes Umcs duis f failutc ct tf obtsnir do gwmiiini'Htii 
plus satisfiusaiits k VaaL Cest mod qpit \V^, «^, J^ sont 

6cnts pour ^\\» ^^ (d^sin. fifm. piiir.X j\o» qnlls i^npboeot 

avantageoaeniefit an point de we 6illi<ciq«t. De laliac^ le aoi 

^ * 8 , gnmpe gauche et kdd^ bdmat un fide 9»4euan et 

au-deBsou8 du «, s'&rit le plus aouveiit f ^•^'^^ et ^8 .^-^^i 

tout en oonservant k mteie lectute ooAb.^^ De mime aifiii.-^«t la 
constatation est intdressante an «i]et de la date de nutroductioii dtt 

Lid en E«yple,ii-J ^^^ eat toit pout j^ iJ^SI, «m 

offriiait un aspect d^BCtueuz, 

Pour M. Lacau, oomme cm le voit, tfestj— du moins das 
exemfdes nomtyreux quil a rananbUs, — le d^nr de carrer les 
qui a produit des m^tadii»es <MrthogmphiqoeL U^ Max Miiller, 
admet aussi oette risuscm d'estb^tiqiie^ j ijoote» pour quelques cas, 
rhabitude qu'ataient tes E^gypti^is d'emplofer le plus fr^quemmem 
possible des syltabiques, et nmpossibiliK dans bqueile its 6taii^nt| 
souvent, par suite du nombre restreint de syllabiques r6els, d*en 
trouver qui eussent la valeur d^sir^e. Dans ces cas, ils rempla^aient 
le syllabique qui leur faisait d^faut par un syllabique renfermant 
les memes ^l^ments, mais dans un ordre inverse. Ainsi, dans 

^v - . ^^, qui est mis pour ^v '^ ^^3^, on a utilise le LJ 

faute d'un syllabique fa ou ak.^^ 

ler, quil 

^** M. Lacau cite la forme p I - ■ comme indispensable k la transition enUc 
- * X ^' X P - ^ » '"^^s il d^lare n'en avoir rencontr^ aucun exemple {iac. 
ciLy p. 155, n. 4). J 'en trouve deux exemples dans mes notes: ^^x ^-^^ 

_ Q -jBT 'n o o o 

(L. D.. II, 92) et >K 9 """"^ {Miss, du Caire, 1, 205). 

" Le Lin, on le salt, est originaire de I'Asie Mineure et de la Syrie 

12 Zeitschr., XXXII, p. 27. 

{To be continued,) 




By Prof. A. H. Savce, £)./?., S^a 

Once on the right tracks progress is always inevitable, even 
with imfjerf^ct and not ahva)'s trustworthy materials* So it ts not 
surprising that 1 can now build considerably on the foundations^ 
I laid tHo years ago of the decipherment of the Hittite inscriptions ; 
I am at last in a poi^ition to throw light on some of tht; historical 

I and theological questions connected with them. 
First for corrections : — 
(i) The knife, No, ti in my Table of Characters, has the value 
of ma, or ix>ssibly mrtf not Si\ Nor does it mean "to destroy," but 
** to etecute," ** huilrl/* Hence it is combined ideographic ally^ 

with No, 10 of the determinatives (w^j, where the instrument 

^lield in the hand is the plough (No. 13), the symbol of **whai is 
constructed " or *' worked.'* The character, accordingly, is the 
determinative of building, not of authority. In the Hamath 
inscriptions J therefore {Messerschmidt IV, A, 2, B, 2), ja-w, 
iD,'Um€ is, **I have erected for the land {the walls (?) of the city 
of Hamath"); M, V, t, 3, 3 reads, ixv. Am-ma-ar-mi-is-m-a n.p, 
Kahi-ya am-me-ya afuya Amma-iaya-ma-a ise-ya mts(?)'fa id,-ii>.- 
mtst m-k-mis . ♦ , ma-a a\jma-«wmv7 m-n-ya det* Annk-amma-nm 
am-mis \*i'Si det, am-mis a-m-a am-fmya iseya^ **a Kataonian 
in the Amorite-land, priestly, kinglyj in the land of the Hamaihites 
supreme. I (?) have firmly (?) built ... a man of Am ma in the 
land of - , , ; I have founded the cities of Amma for the gods 
(and) cities for myself, the priestly, the supreme ;" while M. VI, 4 is 
va-iD,*iD.-ffli/ft' ;w-/fM>ET* ise-ta^ ** I (?) have built in the upper land/^ 
.where ya seems to denote a causative. Similarly the shorter 



Hamath texts end with the woids, ''I have restored in the 
tem]^ what he of the land of Sanda-games(?) had foiuided," 
and M. XVI, i begins with, *' these gates I have buitt.* 

That the knife has the value oi ma {ot mu) lesuUs from a 
comparison of certain passages in which I had previously mistaken 
the order of the signs. Now that the foundations of the deajriter* 
ment are laid, I shall give only die references to the paasnges 
compared tog^er in Messerachmidt's Carpus IttsiHfiwmm 
HettitUarum^ leaving it to my readers to verif> the facts. For the 
knife the references are M. XXI (App.) a {amm-<tiAK-mi$-si'is^ , . , 
a-«»-MA-x); 3 (DET.-DiRK-UA-iuifX Compared v^ith VI, 2 (uet.-dirk- 
me'n'9i) ; II, 5 (iD-osMia-MA-f-^). It is fdlowed 3om<:tini€s by the 
vowel I (^.^., M. XXXIII, i), and there are reasons which umke \ 
me believe that the vowel represented by it was ». . 

(2) The word few •'city" was not am or m^m^ but a{m)ma, 
a{m)m€^ plural a{m}mis. Hence the values aiisigned to Nos. jj 
and 34 in my Table. must be corrected* So, too, the boot (No. 36}, 
when used idepgraphically had the value of amma, "the earth i** I 
phonetically it might be dther ma or iwi or amma ;ind, 1 i\\\tk, 
also u ; but that it ever was u I have no dear proof. 

For the boot, see M. VIII, A. 4 (aka-mkamma-o-aw), con^ued 
with 2 {iD.-ana-m-m-a-AM-mis) and B. 4 (ANA-AM-m-ma-yas) ; XI, 4 
(ya-AMMA-m-a), compared with H. VI, 2 O'a w-a), etc. ; XXXII, 3 
{iD.-sis{?) ma-m-ft-DET,), compared with VIII, B. 4 {iD,-mis m- 
AMMA-//) ; and in I, 3, VIII, A. 2, XLVI 3, we have the variant 
sj^llings a-ria-am-{AM)}A\-mis^ ana-m-m-a-am-ffiiSy ana-m-AMUA-m-u, 

For the bull's head (No. 34), compare II, i, IX, 2, XIX, A. 2, 
XXI, 2, and for the plough (No. 33) see VI, 4, VII, I, i, etc In 
XLVI, I the compound ideograph of city "plough -h place," which 
is separated into two characters at the end of M. VI, 5, is followed 
by its phonetic reading ma-mis \ cp. II, 5. Amma or ama in the 
oblique case seems to be used adverbially with the names of towns : 
it is written sometimes rt-iD., sometimes iD.-a. The nominative 
singular is amis, the accusative plural being ames. Hence we can 
now understand the names of two Hittite towns which follow one 
another in the geographical lists of Ramses III, Tarkhais, "belonging 
to Tarkus," and Ames-Tark(i), " the city of Tarkus." By the side 
of amis, which must be related to amma " the earth," we find mes 

^ In the next line we have a different lorm, amm-a-si-ycts. 


I 'or mis^ "city," which may be a contracted form of amts^ as mur 
^* place," seems 10 be of amma. Thus we have me-is II jji:^ in 

XIX, B. 7, after what may be " the land of Gurgum/' The 
genitive me-i occurs in the second line of the inscription (" I am 
ihe priest, the dirk-bearer of the land, the king of the cilyi 
H,. - , kas"), and we have the accusative wu-i-// M. II, 2, 3, and 
^elsewhere. These iwo lines read: {det.) a-me-i Tn-^i-tue-s Kai- 
kase-na'tt-m-s ara-mi-i-s a- ma- mis (det.) Sanda-^^am {?)'m-ti-/t/-s 
Sanda-s ara-mii kai'm{is)'i$ a-tu (dkt*) m^-i-Pt (det.) *-mi-i-n 
ara-mr-i'ft ana-Hi'iH kaiH^yn*si*ny "I (am) Tuates of the land of 
Kalkas {Egyptian Kalkesh), chief of the city of Sanda-gamas (?}» 
Sandes (it is) who has made for the prince the ktng's city, rich (?)^ 
royal, poweiful, priestly (?)." At the end of the inscription Sandes- 
is described as the builder of the city of Kate , , araa. In line 5 of 
the inscription we find the oblique case of the adjective derived 
from mes^ nK-md-mis kais abQ)-i iD^-arm-ja-t me-j?a-i\ "buildings 
making for the chief priest belonging to the city o( . . ana," 
Phonetically the plough may represent mis, is and even mi or /n€ ; 
thus jn XIX, B, 9 it is replaced by ij in the word ^-(AM)MA'iWia- 

a-na^ compared with a-{AM)M.\-\i-m-s (IX, 5, XV, 2), where we should 

I doubtless read amis-mis " the citizen." Hence in IX, 2j 3 we ha^e 
the spelling n-iim-iAJUts-me-yas-nur. {amevas)t ** belonging 10 the 

■ city/' 
(3) No, 30, the couch, is not /w, but is the linear form of the 
character which has the value of ar in the name of Mer'ash, 

■ Ma-ar-gha-asis-is (M. XXI, 2). 
(4) No, 9, the ass*s head, is not as but mis. It interchanges 
with the suffix mis^ meSy t\g., M* IX, 2 {ara-mis), compared with 

tline 3 {ara-m^s), XI, 5 {anamntd-mis)^ compared with I, 3 {anamma^ 
mis, and with majas in II, i^ XIX, A. 1 (am-meyas)^ compared with 
IX, 2 {am-Mis-m^ivas). 
Now for novelties : — 
(i) The stool or cushion c;^ has the valtie of amma^ which^ 
as Kretschmer has shown, interchanges in Asia Minor with mama 

»and fna. It is a new^ character, to be added to my Table^ and 
must be carefully distinguished from g=o {Nos. 48, det* tB\ 
the symbol of supremacy. At Gurun it represents the name of 
the mother-goddess, and in M. XVIII, A. 4 and B, 6 (according 



to Pitrf: Rmmsay^ phctognfte and diawiRgB) is JUldMed If 
(a>RHM^is and Mhf-ios. Aft Fkaktin the hjgbinwit of tilt 
goddess, who wears the same diess as the goddets hera^ ben 
a name which is compounded wi&tiiat of the goddess.* 

At Bo{^ Keui the duef godden, who advances on tfie bade 
of a Hon or leopard to meet the diief god» and has Us goat aft bar 
side, bears the name of Jfe-«s-AitiiA, wfaidi is moce probuly to be 
read Amma than Mama.^ It most be die stocd, and not the ^ymboi 
of supremacy as I supposed, that is fadd under the deierminati\^ 
of deity in the left hand of the ststoe of the goddrss from 
Carchemish now in the British Museum. She rej^re^emcd tht 
eartiiy and hence was called Amma, ''the- earth." She was al^ 
the modier-goddesti and rince the diameter mi^ '* place, "^ uti 
regarded by die first students of the Hittite inscnptions^ as a 
picture of the female oigan, it is possible thai the Hiiiite woteIjc 
for ''mother ''and '* earth ''dosdy resembled eadi other, and tliat 
owing to this resemblance in sound the chancter whfch originaily 
denoted ''modier" came to signify '^ place.* Tie statute of ihe 
Carchemish goddess has in the r%ht hsnd a piougb, the embleni 
of the city and agriculture, while under the feet ar^KaMtt^ wat^* 


\n^l^^^^ W2t^< ^ 

r: CiUes and Biskotna 

' This was the universal Asianic custom ; su Ramsay : CiUes and Biskopna 

of Phrygiiiy I, p. 56. The ministers of the goddess Ma, Strabo tells us, were 
priests, not priestesses, and the abaklSs was at the head of them. It will be 
noticed, however, that the high-priest at Fraktin, though he wears the dress of 
the goddess, has the tiara of a man and not the mural crown of a goddess. 
Perrot drew attention to the same fact at Boghaz Keui. 

' It seems to read Isimamme(s). It is followed by the tide " High-priest oi 
the goddess [Amma] in the land of Arinna" or "the Saros " The geographical 
name is written SAR-ar-;f, but since the arm (No. 2 of the Ideographs) 
represented ara-mis^ "king," of which the borrowed Assyrian sar-mes was the 
equivalent, it is probable that the phonetic complement ar is intended to indicate 
that such is its pronunciation here. Arinna was not far from Fraktin and Kibsu 
or Kabessos, as we learn from Tiglath-pileser I, and it is mentioned in the 
treaty between Ramses II and the Hittites, as well as in one of ihe cuneifonn 
tablets of Boghaz Keui. The name means simply "the royal town" and may 
very well represent the classical Komana (now Shar on the Sarran-Su), whidi is a 
country and not a city in the Assyrian texts. The name of Saros given to the 
river would be a translation of the native Aramis, derived from the Assyrian 
settlers in the adjoining province of Murri. 

■* In M. XXXI, C. 2, however, we have the name of the city AMMA-ar^<«» 
which I think must be the Momoasson or Mammassos of classical geografihy, noir 
Mammasim, near Argustama, and twelve miles east of Archelais (called Garsaora 
by the natives). Andaval, where the inscription was found, is only a few miles 






It would seem, therefore, that the earth was believed lo rest upon 
the primeval waters. This will explain the legend at Mabug, the 
successor of i'archemishi that a hole underneath the temple 
communicated with the waters which had once burst forth and 
covered the earth. Am ma, by the way, is identified with H^ra by 
the pseudO'Lucian in his description of the temple at Mabug. 

(z) A new character, the arched thronej^ |=j, must be added 

to my Table, with the value of m, and the signification of "high." 
Representing it by ** id,," we fiud in M. XXI, 4, }D,-mf-js\ with the 
determinative of *' king," XXI, 5, i-\i}.-si-mai^ XXI, 6, l-nK-si-m- 
Ormt-i, XXIIIj A. 3, iD.<-MA-///(/. Hence the phonetic value of 
the character is ist ; isi-mes wkh tht sufEx mes, ** belonging to/' is 
the equivalent of "kmg," the "high < ne," and isi-nia or ise-ma is 
** high-place," the passage in M. XXI » 6, reading ia-nus isfmanai 
D-p, Katu-Mi'is-s^ "the priest of the high-place of the Kataonian 
god/* Id. 13 in my Table seems to be the same character with the 
plough inserted, perhaps in order to estpress the phonetic valur is^ 

Isima is written phonetically in M. IX, 4, where we have 
£iVjj>M]-ti-/fl-DiiT. iD.'Uh km-imi.'ffm is-si-m-a-fa-jiET. m/ia-DKr. is-u- 
m-a-ta-DET, w.-a-^afma k-a-i-mis^ " having made on the high-place 
a building, on the high-place a town, or» the high-place a . . . ," 

(3} In M. XIV, 7, 2 we find the ideograph of '* chief*' (ammis) 
followed by the ** horseshoe " fia and ma^ which I propose to 
read isi'ma^ and translate " chief of the high-place," for the 
following reason* The character which I wouid make isi appears 
to have much the same meaning as the symbol of supremacy 
(Det, 18) in X, 2, and at Ivns the latter is actually engraved ^% 
according to the squeeze, though the rudeness of the scnlpture 
prevents me from laying much stress upon this. The ** horseshoe '* 
also represents a suffix, which, as we shall see, ts that of the 

* Or is it a ladder ? Set: M. 11, 3, 4, where ihe meaning must be something 
like ** I have huiU the lofty chambers (?) of . , , , the lofty cham!*ers (?> uf wood 
(and) the lofty cbamberB(?) of cut stone," Limds, which 1 have rendered 
** chatDbers '^ (?), Is some kind of structure, as the determinative of building is 
attached 10 ii, and in M. XI, 3 we have tht first person of the cognate verb (/>g'a), 
fc^Uow^ed liy the woids '*tht' chapel of the Temple of . . /^ In II, 3 the 
compound verb occurs, mimi-iiya^ the first element of which, derived from the 
root mis^ ** to build/' claims kinship with m&sryn^ which we are told by DiouTsius 
of Il^ticamassus (I» s6, sec Strab., 549} was the Moschimn word for a " wooden 


Nov. 9] SOaETY OF BltiUCAL ARCRSOLOGV. [1904. 

patronymic It occurs at the end &t names on seals, where die 
case must be either the nominative or the genitive (M. XLI, x, 
Ai-mA^si^ *Aifta«ro9 in the Gredc Cflickm insoipttoi^ and a seal 
belonging to M. de Clercq, witfi tibe name 2li4si\ the Thoas of the 
Greek Cilkian inscriptions). Perhaps the symbd of supiemacy 
had also isi as one of its values. 

(4) In M. X I have discovered the name of. the b&er of 
Khala-lulme (?). The royal titles are twice treated in die 
inscriptimi, the second dine in lines 8» % after a word cur name 
formed of four characters and a suffix. Hie second, diird and 
fourth characters are Uh^U; the first is the knife whidi we now 
know had the value of mA pt nm. The name i% therefbre, the 
well-known Hittite name Mutalli, . 

This exphuns the rqietiddn of die royal titles, and gives us at 
last the Hitdte patronyntfc suffix. It is denoted by the ** horse- 
shoe" I have he&k just discusai^. The whole inscription in whxji 
the name of Mutallis is found thus becomes dear, and I would 
translate it as follows : — 

''The dirk-bearer of Carchemish, id the bnd of Ammes^ and 
of the land of Kas. Khala-luhne (?) the great priiu^e am I; 
superintendent of the sacred tree of AramiSi supr^ne over the 
Nine, to whom Khala has given the Kassite, the high-priest . . . 
the king am I ; priest of the nine great gods, loving* the nine 
sanctiiaries,7 royal, pnncely ; in the shrine (?) of the sacred stone 
these {neyas) agal-amma I have constructed {khal-ii-a) ; the son of 
Mutallis the kingly, the powerful prince [of the land of Kas ?], the 
great prince am I." 

Here agai-amtna is represented by the same ideograph — a cross 

® The head of the heifer has the value of am in VIII, A. 2, etc., and of mes 
in XXXIII, A. 2, 3, and as it forms part of the words anammammes^ ana{m)mis 
and arra{m)mis, it is clear that its full value must be ammes or ammis. The 
country is, therefore, the Ammo of Numb, xxii, 5, from which Balaam (the 
Balumme of the Tel el-Amama tablets), a native of Pethor on the Sajur, is said 
to have come. In XI, 3, instead of Ammes we have " place of the double dty." 
There was another Amma-us, further north, adjoining Mildis or Milid, which 
Tiglath-pileser I conquered; the final -us of this name corresponds with the 
-WM, written with the boot, of ordinary Hittite. A similar correspondence 
meets us in the Hittite amma-na, "country," compared with Mitannian a«Wf-ift 
and Vannic eba-nt, I should add that in XVI, A. i the plough is the phonetic 
complement of Ammes, the name reading Ammes-MES-iw, **of the land of 

' Or, perhaps, " the Nine of the Sanctuary." 







with equal arms— ^as in IX, 4 (ji:^ above, and cp, VI, 4, and XXIII, 
A. 3, as well as VIII, A. 5), What it pictures I do nat know, hut 
a similar cross is characteristic of Babylonian seal-cylindtrs of the 
Kassite period. The meaning of puyns is given by M» XV, A. 2, 
fie- fa with the ideograph of the denionstrative (No. 58) prefixed, 
and VIII, B. 4, "440 royal cities these" {n-i-vas}.'^ Klmilia is a 
first person, usually represented by -ya ; the verb is found in M. I, i, 
khai€-i-mes M-KASK-se-m/i i-yas-t-ma^ "constructing the . » . of the 
temple/* where its signification must be something like that which 
I have assigned to it. 

If the patronymic suffix has the value of ist (or isis ?), we need 
no lorjger assign to Aimgaia'Sts in M, XXXII, i, and XXXIV, A* 2, 
the vague meaning of ** belonging to the family of Aimgalas ;" both 
Sandaitis at Bulgar Maden and Tayas at Ivris will be ** sons '' of 
Aimgalas. So, too, Samali{t)sis **the Samalian" will be literally 
''the son of Samala.^' 

(5) The verb mJs-UKV.-ya "I have built/' the meaning of which 
is known from M. XXXIII, v\, 4, is found in a corresponding 
passage in VII, t, 2. Here we have: **0f the city of An-da(?)' 
kale-i the pavement anew, the . . . (and) ioo katus in the tetnple 
I built." The word ** pavement " is defined by the ideograph 
attached to it^ in katus we have a picture of the breastplates worn 
by the gods (Macrob, Sat I, 17), while the intervening ideograph 
hais the shape of a diamond to which two strings are attached. 
The same ideograph without the strings is found in I, 1, in con- 
nection with the temple of Sandes, 

(6) In M, I, I the patronymic suffix is attached to the name of 
the goddess Khala and to that of a deity which follows it. The 
second name begins with gar ; then comes a character which is not 
the same as the vase da (No. 43), but is found again in VII 1, 1, if 
Messerschmidt's copy is right— which I doubt ; and then nm^ which 
from XXXII, 5 {Ana^Kaiu-ma-s, ''the god of Kataonia ") we gather 
meant **land of" when suffixed to the name of a god. I^astly comes 
the patronymic. Hence the whole would seem to be, " (the chapel) 
of the son of Khala of the land of the god Garpa (?).'' Garpa w*as a 
Hittite god, and a land of Garpa-ni is mentioned by Assur-natsir-paL 
Cp* XXXII, 21 " Consecrating (?) {kak-mis) anew (ag/tan) the city 

" \Vhetber H-ya-nva-ma and n-ya^m-n-mis in >!. XIX, A. 6 and C 3 (App.), 
hmye anything to do with thibi demongtrative I cannoi say. 

241 T 



(meny dace of Sandt- s, the son of Khala." * In any case Sandes 

is desunried as ihe son of Khala, '* the Cilician/' 

(7) The ktadj No* 57 in my Table, has prtmanly the %*aluc of ana, 
the M/t No. 56, the value of am^ only secondarily the value of n. 
This is proved for a/m by a comparison of X, a and XXI, 4 ; see 
alio I, 3, VIII, A. 2, X, 8, XXXII, I, 3, XXXIII, 2, 5, XXI. 5, 6, 
7j XLVI, 3, For am by I^ 3, and VIII, A. 4 {a-^i^t-am-AMMA-mis^ 
an^-m-ziMUk-ma-mis) : see also V, i, and IX, 5 (am-mr-vaSy ji amma- 
Mis-M'j). The arm, with the determinative of an ideograph, imef- 
changes wiih mni tn YIII, A. 4 ; more often it is the arm with the 

1 J 

- in my Table), As the word- 
f-fta, it probably had merely a 
the case with the arm holding 
1^ B. 5, where it is inserted 
estrnt ihe syllable mmu of the 
in some others, ihe w^ord atta 
with a loop on each side of 
red with XXXII, 3, we learn 
sle word iinfime(s), A com- 
1//1), and X, 2, S» or of XXI, 
[orresponds with the common 
"lord of the land"). 

w^ord-dividcr above ar"* b''^ — 

divider is composed of t 

phonetic function here, i 

the plough (det. 10) in 

between ami and /j'^ ir 

adjective anamhas. In uus 

is ideograph ically denoted by 

the sleeve. From XXXIIIj 1, 

that No, 57 coidd represent th 

parison of passages, r.^n, I, 

4, and X, S, shows that aiu 

compound ideograph Q^ ^ (literally, 

which must therefore be read atus,^^ 

(8) No. 30 of my Table is not lu, as I have already said, but a 
linear form of the couch which constitutes the second element in 
Ma-ar-gha-sis-is^ " of Mer*ash " (XXI, 2). We can now, therefore, 
read the name of the king to whom the inscriptions of Hamath 

* Or is it rather ** the city of the high-place (isi-ptd) of Sandes who belongs 
to Khala ? '* On the Kouyunjik seals id. Khala-tnes is ** the seal of Khala/' 
mei, or mis being the usual suffix (as in ara-mis), and Khala-mes in the 
Carchemish inscriptions is **the servant" or **man of Khala" (IX, 2, 4, 
XI, I, where I have hitherto misunderstood the term). Perhaps in XI, 3 we 
have [K'kal]a'is formed like Tarkhais and Khattais, ** the Hittite " (III, B. 2). 
On the bowl (I, 3) Prof. Jensen would make the name which follows that of 
the goddess " Carchemish," and it is certainly possible to read, "the chapel of 
the son of him who belongs to Khala, the god of Kar-Kam(?)-m^-isL" In this 
case Sandes and Khala would have been the divine pair of Carchemish as they 
were of Cilicia, where the Greeks turned the goddess into a heifer. 

^•^ The boot, /.^., " the earth," similarly forms part of a compound ideograph 
in XLVI, 2 (according to the squeeze), where sar-is is followed by the ideograph 
of **king" (No. i ID.) and the boot, and in XXXV, i (according to the 
photograph), where the determinative No. 8 and the ideograph of "prince" 
(No. 5 ID.) similarly have the boot attached to them. 







belong. It is Ar-amma-ma-n-s^ ArammaneSi a derivative from 

Aramma, a Hittite name known from the Assyrian inscriptions. In 
fact, in the time of Assurnatsir-pal and Shalmaneser II, Aramma, 
son of Agusi, was king of that very land of Yakhan^ over which the 
Hamathite king claims rule. The name reappears with a different 
suffix in the Aramoas of Greek Cilician inscriptions, as w^ell as in 
the Lycian Armmano-ni and Arimnnu-ha. In M. ^^I, r the name 
hns the two determinatives of "great chief" attached to it. Such^ 
then, will have been its signification in Hittite. The Hictite scribe 
must have decomposed it into ara-m " chief," and ana " king/' or 
*' fxjwerful/^ Hence I can now explain the end of M. XI, 5, "the 
Kalkas (?) priests of am-ts-na-a-na deh. (of "' great ^) ma id, (or 
Sun) n-a'n-UA\ya\ the city of the Sun-god." In M, II, 6, **the 
cify of the Sun-god," is written ame-j-id. (of Sun)-w/t Ames-Nana, 
or Ames'Nini, being a compound similar to Ames-Tarki. In M. 
VI, m we find ammd d.p. NaAD. (of Sun)-//*Hyij-MA, and in XXIII, 
C, 1, "the high-priest {ada?-kaieva) of the place of the Sun-god" 
(id. ^-ff-ra-MA, followed by *' priest" and the adjective am-ffiar-ms). 
In M, XXXII, 4j 5 the ideograph of the Sun is added to the 
termination (?) of the word ^hn-a merely as a phonetic determinative. 
(9) As Aramma proves to be a Hittite wordj we may now accept 
the conjecture I put for^^ard on p. 308 of this Memoir, that the 
name of "Araniis, king of the gods," is found in M* X^ 2, It is 
there followed by the head (id. 10 of my Table) and the boot 
(No. 26), '* chief of the land,'* but as in M, II. i, the suffix attached 
to the head is -mis, like that attached to the ideograph of **king," 
the boot must here be read phonetically mi. It seems obvious^ 
therefore, that we have a play upon the name of the god Aram is, the 
passage reading, Aramt' arami^ ^' A ram is the king," This will explain 
the proper name **Aramis, king of the gods," The word Aranns 
signified "king^' and also denoted a particular godJ* 

^* A pUatograph I have received of M. XXI II, C. shows that I was right in 
corijcctiiring I hat the naitie of Aramis 1% eotitdned m the imcription- The text 
reads: r>ET* (of divinity) -tm-si}) Aram-m- . , . Gitt'<>tim Q)- , . . aram (ihe 
hcad)-w/'jr{?) Arum , , . *'the ^od Aramis* the chief of Giit(fum (?)J' The 
idec^raphs which I have doubtfully identified with the name of Gurgum are 
those which on the Izgin Obelisk denote the name of a country that lerminaled 
in -m. A rami i " chief*' is followed by the ideograph of the god Aramis without 
the prefix of '* divinity/' and therefor* as a phonetic deiermmnlive Ara-mis 
** king ^* claims connecUon with the Miiannian irrti-pt of Knmmukh, the 
^titatinUn sutTix -// here as elsewhere taking ihe place of Ihe HitttLe -mi^ and the 
Vannk eri-hts^ as well as with the name of Er the Pamphylian, 

^43 ^ 2 

Sov, g] 


1 1904. 

Who the gods were of whom Aram is was *'king'* is stated in 
M, X, 2. He was ** supreme over the nine,** the **nme'* being 
elsewhere defined its deified states. In the Egyptian version of the 
treaty between Ramses II and the Hittites, the god who took his 
name from the state is called its Sutekh, or idol The nine deified 
states of the inscriptions of Carchemish and I/gin remain to be 

We now have the following Hittite words denoting ** king " and 
the like : sarnus *' king/' borrowed from AssjTia, probably to express 
the concept of a supreme monarch, attis "king," aramis ** chief," 
and anas '' prince," ** lord/' whence the gods also received the name 
of anas "lord.**^^ Aitis appeare to have been Ulerally *' the great 
one,*' since the ideograph which helped to denote it also denoted 
"greaL" Isimes was "the exalted one,** from /ii '*htgh.** Separate 
from these were the priestly titles kaiis ''' priest,** and ada-kaiis 
"high-priest/* kalifti^ *' priestly," " belonging to the order of priests,'* 
tames (or iaemts) ** priest,*' a/*a (?)-famcs ** high -priest," There were 
other terms for priests represented by compound ideographs which 
at present I cannot explain, 

(10) A re-examination of M. IX, t in the British Museum^ has 
made it clear that the first character of the royal name is No. 1 9 of 
my Table, while the remains of the second character are those ol 
No. 47- Consequently the name is Afe-ia-a-Sy corresponding with 
Mita of the Moschi, and Matti of Atuna. I now see that the same 
name is found in the Hamath inscription, M, III, B, 2, ivhere we 
have Afe*ia-iUfm-s *'of the land of Metas," Hence "a Hittite of the 
land of (king) Metas/* is equivalent to ** he of the land of the Hittites 
from Arkana" (IV, A, 2), and *' he of the land of the Hitrites of 
the land of the city {miitm) of Masina " (lA^, B» 2)* The city ot 
Musina is descriljed in Assyrian contract-tablets as near Arpad, 
the Misi are mentioned in the Tel el-Amarna tablets (Wjncrleh, 
124^ 4)^ the Masa arc named among the Hittite adversaries of 
Ramses IT, and Mushanath was a citj^ near Ugarit north of Arvad. 
In the geographical lists of Ramses III Arkan follows Amanus, in 
that of Thothmes III it is associated with Pethor and the river 
Afrin- In his Annals Thothmes seems to place it sotith of Tunip 


^^ Perhaps, how ever J ihe word for **god" was ^nnam or tmni^ sincie iIwll 
seems to be the rrafUng M» IX, $ (compared with XI, 4 nET-m'), It may lie 
noted iliai the character which represents ** water " (No* 16) is «<', not mr, in the 
inscriptions of Carchemish. 




(now Tennib near Aleppo). In the time of Shalmaneser II it 
belonged to Hamath* The Assyrian king reached it immediately 
after leaving Aleppo and Adennu or Eden, To the eastward of it, 
apparently, and to the north of Hamath, Ramses III places Atu- 
kalna, called Atu-galna and Alha-kal in the list of Thothmes III, 
where it follows Nirab and Tereb south-west of ^^Ueppo. 1 identify 
Atha-kal with the Antu-kal of the Hamath text ( M, VT, 4, 5 ), which 
is written {A)n'da(?}'kal in the Kirlsh-oghlu inscription (M* VII, L i), 
Kirtsh-oghlu probably occupies its site. 

(it) In M. XLVI, I the king Sinas is stated to be a priest m 
the city Afis-gha-pia^ which is written Aft^s-gka-ya a Httle further on. 
This is clearly '*of the land of the Moschi," from whom, according 
to Josephus, Mazaka, the modern Raisariyeh, derived its name* 
Mts-gha-ya hjas-i-mts may therefore be ** Ijelonging to die chapel 
of Ma^aka '' rather than of the Moschi, However, we gather from 
the Assyrian texts that the Moschi once occupied the region in 
which the inscription of Karaburna is found. For " Moschi " the 
Bymniine writers have Mt'ffj^oi and Meffj^^^ti/, as well as Mfff^'^ ^'^^ 
Mf^x'*"'* (Procop, B. G. IV, 2, Cedren. II, p, 573)^^^ 

The passage in which the name occurs at Karaburna is parallel 
to one in the inscri prion of Bulgar Aladen (M. XXX I Ij a). At 
Karaburna we have: Kai{^y?fiis mae-mi ya-mes Mis-g/m-mh a-ntTfii ; 
at Bulgar Mad en me-n-v>^T. kah^-mis ti-mh-UET. ICasc-yas-imT. amm-a, 
where the accusative men and genitive mmna change places and 
vaPk'S is written instead of amis. It is interesting to see how one 
of the latest-discovered of Hitlite inscriptions thus confirms the 
phonetic values I have assigned to the characters, 

Sinas calb himself ** king *' of a city the name of which is also 
found in one of the Carchemish fragments (M. XII, 3, 2), from 
which we learn that it ended in -ama. The passage reads, aiu-yas 
, , . 'ama-va A''titti-fa-\_ya] ^* the king of . . * ama, ihe Kataonian,'* 

(12) Thanks to a squee?-e, the doubtful characters in the 
inscriptions accompanying the sculptures at Ivriz are now clear, and 
the inscriptions themselves have become intelligible* In the one 
attached to the figure of Sandes the first character is ya, as I had 
predicted it must be if my system of decipherment were right, and 
the fifth character is iti ; the M of Ta-ki-ia in line 2 is a leg as in 

'-' The name la written Mcukas at Bulgar Mflden (XXXH^ 4), where we Jia:ve 
ana^mf.'i mtinas Mt'-dase-fmis "prince of tlicr lanti of the Miischu*' A/tsJtastHffU 
15 a similar forniani>n lo Simts-Wii*rtaij<f '* of the land of Sinas." 



the name of Lie*ba-s in the Lou\Te tnscriptioEi from Malatiych, and 
ibe last line ends with fu^ determinative of country, and ia. The 
tnmslation of the text therefore, m: '*(i) This Sandes making, I 
Tayas have made^ (2) the son 01 Aimgaias, the Tabai {Tn^aia^i- 
ma) king* in the land of the Eneti " (N-^*DET,-/a). ma, however, 
may not be a determt native here but form part of the name of the 
conn try, which would I hen be Ma-n-lu^ probably the Matieni of 
Herodotus (Ij 72). Kuaniman,^* tn a cuneiform inscription on a 
griffin's head of red stone found near Kaisariyeh, calls him^lf 
** the Mantu {Martfu-mas) king " I 

The inscription at Ivris attached to the figure of the priest 
reads: "This having (executed?) of Aimgaias the Higb-priest the 
tablet I have engraved/* I cannot identify the second character in 
the word i-^-m^s^ the root of which must mean '* to execute '' or 
something similar, 

Tayas (Cilician Greek Theias, and possibly Tas) will have been 
a brother of Sand ait is the priest- king of Kybistrai who also calls 
himself at Bulgar Maden a son of Aimgaias. 

(13} The famous rock-sculptures at Boghajt Keui are now in 
great measure explained. The chief goddess, whose marriage with 
the chief god^ as Prof* Ramsay has pointed out^ is iht!re represented 
as taking place at the annual festival of the spring, bears the name 
of Amma, or Mames, and is thus the Mother-goddess of Asia 
Minor, who denoted the Earth. The name of the chief god was 
probably Tarkus, who at Fraktin is described as "supporting" 
and establishing **the city" which is symbolised by the plough. 
Behind the goddess is Attys, the third member of the Asianic 
triad, of whose Hittite name, expressed by two l^s walking, we are 
still ignorant. Like his mother, he stands on a leopard. Behind 
him, again, are two attendant goddesses, standing on the double- 
headed eagle, which was the emblem of Eyuk. The god is 
preceded by two gods of "the mountain," while behind them is 
a long procession, which includes the figure of the Sun-god 
surmounted by the winged solar disk and in the dress of a 
eunuch-priest. His name is represented by a sistrum in the lunar 
disk and on a seal (M. XLI, 2) he is identified with the goddess 
Iskhara. The procession also includes two bull(?)-headed dwarfs, 

^"* The first part of this name seems to be that of the god Queras, whose 
existence is certified by the Vannic inscriptions, one of which states that among 
the cities of Malatiyeh weit Tas and (god) Querai-ta.s. Cp. Das-Tarkon. 




who hold the disk of the moon above their heads, and is closed by 
twelve dancing priests, in from of whom march three high-priests^ 
the fringe which borders their robes constituting an ideograph that 
is used (in M. X, 3) as a priestly title. 

The legs of the twelve dancers form an ideograjjh, which we find 
in one of the inscriptions from Carcheinjsh (M, XI, 4). As it ii> 
preceded by the demonstrative na-m-^i and two boots facing 
alternate ways, to which the pronunciation si is assigned, the move- 
menls of the sacred dance must be referred to. In fact, the whole 
line may be translated : ** A place for the priests (det. kahnis-amnm) 
here for the god making, for the temple a . . , for the movements of 
this sacred dane:c he has made/* and we can therefor^f infer that the 
same procession and dances that are depicted at Boghaz fCeui took 
place also at Carchemish. 

To return, however, to Boghaz Keui. The chief goddess is 
preceded by a long procession of goddesses as the chief god is by 
gods. The eunuch-priest, who in the procession represents the 
Sun -god, stands in a panel by himself, holding in his hand the 
•^edicule/' a representation of the world-temple. In it the High- 
priest stands on the earth and upholds the sun and moon, whose 
wings are supported on the pillars whereon the firmament rests. 
Between them and the High-priest rise two sacred dirks, the p^^Jints 
of which rest on quivers. Fhe quiver represents in the Hittite 
syllabary the word kal{is) or ** priest,'* and the dirks, one of which is 
touched by the High-priest, were a badge of his sacred office. 

In a corridor leading to an inner court, where perhaps the 
mysteries of the divine marriage were enacted, the eunuch-priest is 
sculptured again. But this time he is held under the protecting left 
arm of the god Aitys, and it is no longer the High-priest who 
upholds the sun and mooh in the world-temple, but the symbol of 
divinity, through which an ear of corn seems to grow. In front is 
sculptured the sacred dirk itself. Its blade is buried deep in the 
grcund \ its hilt is formed of the four lions or leopards of Amma, 
while above them towers the head of the High-priest. The sacred 
dirk guarded the approach to the mysteries of the inner sanctuary, 
which Attys himself might not enter without it, and we need not 
therefore be sur|>rised that tlie foremost tille assumed by the priest* 
kings of Carchemish, of Tyana, and perhaps too of Hamath {M. VI, 
2)^ was that of '^* dirk-bearer ^* of the gods. 

There were other fetishes besides the sacred dirk in the Hittite 



cult. Apart from the sacred stone, which famit:^ the central point 

of the sanctuar); and in which the divinity was believed to dwell, 

there was the upright coiutiin planted on the ground with the sacred 

stone at its top, of which we have a picture in M. XI, 5. Fra^- fl 

I ments of such an altar-column, with the triangular sacred stone 

I surmounting it, have actually been found in Q^'iJrus, with a dedica- 

M tion to Eshniun, and an engraving of it is given in the Zeiiukwift 

" Jiir ditr Misrgatfiaitdisdii Gcsciisihu/t, XXXIV, p, 676, The two 

characters 1 have called ''the altar *' (Nos. 3 and 5) seem to be but 

another form of the column similar to that which is often represented 

J on North Syrian seals ; their ph-^^'^ic values may be derived frooj 

I ihc word iyasts ** chapel/' At al rnts, what Mr. Rylands- and I 
1^ have termed ** the shaduf,*' is res % sacred pole with ribbons or 

something floaiing frum the top, uuu representing the standard of 
the god» the two lines underneath it, when it has the value of j'tfx, 
denoting th^ ground. The same ^'nbbons/' though more in the 
form of a human head or di^nnetced hand, surmounted the sacred 
column in the ideograph, w ivant of a better translation, I 

ha\'e rendered " ima^e " in M. Here the passage should be 

I tninslatt-^d : (2) "[L>i-]mes rfilidian (?), High-priest of iha 

II goddi-ss Khalma of Carchen Qging to the teniple of ArainLs- 
Ammas (King of City, Melkarth), has given (4) to Aramis-Ammas 
of the temple a royal image of Aramis-Ammas." In the age of the 
inscriptions, however, the image proper was already a pole, the 
upper part of which was carved into a human head (No. 56), and 
which I have called "the doll." To this was sometimes attached 
the standard of the god, as in M. VI, 2, 3. The anthropomorphic 
deities of Boghaz Keui were carved under the influence of Baby- 
lonian culture. 

The sacred tree also played a part in Hittite worship, and in 
M. X, 2 the priest-king entitles himself its "superintendent." But 
its most ordinary form is that which appears in M. XXXI, A., and 
XXXII, 2, where it is represented as the sacred column, surmounted 
by the triangular stone, and shooting forth leaves like rays. I 

*^ According to Mr. Bosca wen's copy of M. XV, B., the name of the king is 
Dimes, the first character being that which has the value of dime on the Boss of 
Tarkondemos. Perhaps, therefore, we may translate the first line : * I am the 
Milidian (?), a Hittite of the Holy City (Carchemish), Dimes." It is a pity that 
our copies of the inscription are not more certain, as the king to whom it belongs 
seems to have been the one who has left monuments of himself at Gurun. 





l>elieve tins particular form was originally a variant of the symbol of 
the god Aratnis (M. IX, 5, X, z), though at present I have no 
definite proof I hat such was the case. The " doll" is 5irailarly met 
with sprouting forth leaves (M. XI, 5). 

The gods at Boghaz Keui carry in their left hands what appears 
at first sight to be the ordinary mace. But when \ve compare the 
figure of the Sun-god (or his priest), found at Birejik, and now in the 
British Museutti, which is figured in my ''Monuments of the 
Hitlites '* {Tr.S.S\A., YU), with the figure of the god discovered by 
Prof, Ramsay at Doghanlyderesi (M. XXXVI, B*), we see that it is 
not a mace, but the caduceus of classical mythology. The same 
syml>ol, but this time plainly representing a pomegranate on its 
stalk, is held in the hand of the mother-goddess on a stela discovered 
at Mer'ash (Perrot, Hi sf aire dc I' Art dans PAntlquiik^ IV), In the 
other hand of the goddess is a lyre with a bird above it, while Attys 
sits upon her iap. The symbol occurs^ as might he expected, 
among the Hittite hieroglyphs, and on the Obelisk of Izgin (M. 
XIX, C 19 ; so also in II, 6) it serves to express the name of a city, 
which may be Arabessos. 

In any case it is interesting thus to l>e able to trace back the 
famous caduceus of Hermes to Asia Minor and the Hittites^ and at 
last to find its origin in the sacred pomegranate branch. The 
twofold serpent entwined around it in classical art is derived from 
the twisted serpent with the stag's head which symbolises the union 
of Sandes and Khalma on a Hittite seal (M* XLI, i\ Greek 
legend told how it was not the emblem of one god alone, but that it 
had been given by Apollo to Hermes in exchange for bis lyre. The 
Jyre is found again in the right hand of the goddess at Mer'ash, 
though the bird that is perched above it resembles more the eagle 
of Zeus than the dove of Aphrodite. But as an ideograph in the 
name of Khalma it must be the dove and not the eagle^ and the 
goddess of Mer^ish is but Khalma in another form, while Tarkus of 
Fmktin is declared by Strabo to have been the " Kataonian ApoUo**' 


I must add a few words on what may be called the graphic 
determinatives, the " word-divider,'' the determinative of ideographs, 
and the sign of the plural They are all formed from the demon- 
strative na^ which is found in fta-mis (by the side of the other 


Nov. 9] 



demonstraiive>*tf-J»('x), n4i-md^ f$^is^ H0 (XI, 4, s), accusative n(a}-m 

(XI, 2), The "word-divider'* is lltemlly **this one/' being com- 
pobcd of e ** one'^ and w^, and was onginally used only of persons ; 
at times iti place is taken by 1: **oiie'' (^.^., XXI, 3). The ideo- 
graph of iura "lord/' consists ol an arm, symbolic of power, 
between '*this one" and *Uhat one/' the "lord'' exerci&ing his 
authority over ail men. The sign of the pluml similarly consists ol 
two *' »-ord-d!viders/' **this one — that one/' side by side, and 
standing alone it probably denoted **alL" The determinative of 
ideographs is formed of two mt^ set back to bade, '* this (and) thai," 
" this " indicating the ideograph, and '* that " its suffixes or phonetic 

rhe Hittite inscriptions discovered this summer by Prof, Ramsay 
at ^\rdi^tama, which I hope will he published in the Proeeedift^s 
of this Society early next year, show that the character denoting the 
name of the god Tarkus at Frnktitij referred to above, is really the 
boot with the vowel e attached to it. The identification of the go*! 
with Apollo would seem to have been due to his connection with 
** dance " and song. 




By Prof. E. Naville, D,C,L. 

In the museum at Leyden, there is a funeral papyrus the date 
of which is the time of the XlXth dynasty. According to the 
museum catalogue it was found at Memphis. It was written for 

S:K^^kil^®^^ ^^ Osiris tHel>utUr of tHe 
sovereign in the South and in the North Rd'' This document (Z. c) 
is in a very bad state ; parts of it are considerably damaged, in many 
places the columns are incomplete on both sides, and especially in 
the upper part. This is much to be regretted in the case of a very 
interesting chapter, to which I gave No. 175, and of which the 
Leyden version alone was known when the critical edition of the 
Book of the Dead was made. It has this title : Chapter of not dying 
again in the Nethenvorld, 

Another version has been found in the papyrus of Ani ^^ 

purchased by the British Museum in 1888, and which comes from a 
Theban tomb. This papyrus is therefore of Theban origin, and its 
style shows that it also was written during the XlXth dynasty. The 
costume of the deceased and of his wife points to that epoch. The 
document itself was made beforehand and purchased for Ani, whose 
name was inserted afterwards. 

Thus we can say that we have a Memphitic and a Theban ver- 
sion of the same text. There are considerable differences between 
the two versions, that of the Leyden papyrus being much longer, 
having 47 lines, out of which the text of Ani covers only 25, when it 
stops abruptly. 

» The table PJ[$ reads [ 8 ^ "^^"'- This official is the pO<|OTtOTe 
npC'D apxioiyox^og, the butler of Genesis xl, I : see Zeitschr.y 1878, j). 70. 

Hot. 9J 





Sir Peter le P^e Rcnouf transkt^d the beginning and the end 

of this chapttT as far as it goes m the iiapyrus of Ani, in the 
introduclion which he wrote to his edition of this documenU I 
reproduced all that Kenonf says of this chapmr when I completed 
his work, and I tran>la!ed the middle part of it which my predecesiior 
had left out, giving to various words the sense which he had adopted. 
There are some jxjtnis on which I do not quite agree with him, and 
therefort? the translation which I am nbout lo give differs here ami 
there from that which *ippeared in these PrmtfiUngs^ e5t>ecially tn 
the parts for which Rcnouf alone \% re^ pons i hie* It differs abo from 
that which was published b" ' ^ n-* j-^^ ^ho follows exclusively the 
papyrus of Ani* The comi-^ | 
preser\"ed shoal's that ijy fer in Dc 
Ley den » 

Whoever has collated a rertain m 
to the XXth dynasties ic 

he Iw o texts which hai e been 
vould haie been the text of 

beautifully painted vignel 
the most reliable text, hi/ 
the artistic cliaracter of such do**, 
is the case with the papyrus 
the exf>ense of the vignettes, j^ 

her of papyri of the XVIIIth 
reive that those which have 
Lj means the most correct and 
purchasers were attracted by 
.s. It generally happens, as 
,hat the text has suffered at 
istrations were made before* 

hand, they were inserted where tfiey were supposed to accompany 
the Chapter to which they belong ; a certain space was reserved for 
what we should call the letterpress. But too often there has been a 
miscalculation. The space allotted to the text is either too short or 
too long. Here, for instance, it is decidedly too short. Chapter 175 
stops in the middle of a sentence because the text abuts against two 
large figures which belong to chapter 125. 

Chapter 175 is not like the great bulk of the Chapters found in 
the Book of the Dead, it does not consist merely of prayers or 
sentences uttered by the deceased, it contains several dialogues 
between the deceased and divinities, or between divinities together. 
We do not find here that the deceased is asked questions which he 
has to answer in order lo obtain certain rewards, or to be allowed to 
pass certain gates, it is he who questions the gods. 

The Chapter opens with the deceased addressing Thoth : — 

(PI. I, 11. 1-7 ; III, 11. 2-8.) 

O Thoth, who are those who are like children of Nut^ they have 
stirred up Iwstilities, they have raised storms, they have committed 
iniquity, they have raised rebellion, they have perpetrated murder^ they 




hm*€ d^m oppression ^ attd furtkeimmrc ikey make ike greai ia bt smnli 
in aii I have done. 

Grattt O Thoth thai thai may takepiaee which Turn has commanded,'^ 

' ^T~' A word which already in the Lexts of the XlXth dp^asty (see 
Chapter i, I. 13, Fap, of HunefeT) is not always dtstinguished from '^i,, though 
it has a different sense. It is a curiously formed group, consisting of the sign 
I khtrttf across which is drawn an ^-^ ^ so thiit one may doubt whether it 
is n^it an ideographic sign which is to be read $ I Q n^-^ | gn 

{Minien Fran^mu^ l, p. 153, U 270), 

The ^-^rious exampleii found in the Book of the Dead «how that it means to 
$peak aloud or with emphasis, lo pruclaim, to declare, to pronoiincei to order, 
and somelimes alsa to addresst to quei^tionT or to ansTver, like the German 
** entgfgnen. ■* 

In I he Scene of Judgnsenl which is at the bei^inning of (he papyrus of Ani, vie 

Smd hy Ih^ ^n:ai Cy^is &/ih£ j^s (0 Thath 0/ H^rm&foHs . , . ih^dedare: ikai 
n*kiik iomfs mi of thy m&uth ii right* ^Hr" — * — *^ written in retl like 

In ihc Chapter lo which Dr. Budge has given No* 1S5, and which begins with 
% repetition of 52, we find this question ; -+■ ^^^ (I ^\ VV ^ 

jTk^tt /it'iJtt Off n*hat ? th€ t^d^ and the gi^riped say i& mt. In Chapter 52 the same 
stiont which is probably supposed to l>c asked with a loud voice, is given 

i Budge, i.c., Nu< pL 22}» The equivalent of ^p is ^ ^ ^md in other casts 

where the question is repeated 

Chapter 52 ( 1S9) shows another 

cxamtile of the ^mc word : 


^^ I <^:z> Mi thyfiH*d is given tkee when i* ike gpds ask me. 

The other sense would apply to this gloss of Chapter 17 (L 50) : this day is tke 
day of " <omt to me " tidtttt Ox if is said f& Rd nftfn: io me. I Aafe seen {/ H'as 
prsseifi) ^v/ien ii ^lhh shmtitd f^ti'urdi the Atueni ; or to this obscure pAssage in the 
first Chapter* L 12, which I translate in ihis way r ^^ip^ triumph t& Osiris over his 

H enemies "ivas irommattded hy Rfi to Th&fh . . . ihc command tms tJtemitd mvards 

H me By Thoih, 


Nov, 9l SOCIETY'' OF BrBLICAt xncnmOLOGY. [1^4- 

r/s., /AlW s^a/f not set fPiV^ tkmi shaU pwt suffitr: for tfuir years are 
but dust umi thdr months art nearmg {their end) whtVe tk^ at^ 
desigftinK ^'^ ngmmt 7i*hai I have done. 

In this paraj^ph, as welt as further on, I am following as much as 
I can the text of Leydcn, which h ccrtninly more correct than that 
of Ani, and has been copied from a more complete version ; but the 
had sLate of this document adds much to the obscurity of many 
passages^ the translation of which can t>e only conjectured- The 
deceased addresses Thoth, and describes the state of trouble^ of 
chaos, which he is witnessing. Beings, which he calls sons of Nut, 
are exciting warfare and confusion : storms and rebellion are raging 
over the surface of the earth. The authors of this trouble are the 
children of Nut^ who, like Set, also a son of Nut, are warlike genii, 
and seem to be here the same beings culled elsewhere the companions 
of Set, 

Not only do they create a state of utmost disordert but '*they 
make the great to be small/' This seems to me to mean that they 
usurp the authority of the god Turn, and reverse the order he has 
established The same e.xpression is found in the loinbs of the 
kings, applied to Ra himself, in the description of one of the hours 
of the night. The god is in his boat ; on one side he is accomjmnted 

Isy the blessed ones, the ^^aa.^ ^^, , on the other the wicked 

ones are marching with their elbows tied together; the text says, 
.... the hauling of this god by the gods of the Netherworld in order 
that he may apportion the earthy and do his ttnll towards its inhabitants, 
that he may 7veigh the words in the Amenta and cause the great to be 
small among the gods of the Nethenvorldr This clearly describes how 
the god exerts his authority in the Ament. 

As it is often the case in the Book of the Dead, the deceased 
speaks occasionally as a god, or he reverts to his former condition 
of a defunct human being who addresses his prayers to the gods. 
It seems to me evident that in the first part of the paragraph the 

deceased speaks as if he were the god Turn ^37 v„ ^ , as we see 

at the beginning of Chapter 17 ; or as we find further on. It is in 
the god's work, /// all I have done^ or in all that has been done (Ani) 
that the trouble occurs. 

Curiously enough, we find here an appeal to Thoth in connection 

with the M— , the order or the command, just as in the first Chapter. 





EAD. [1904* 

There Ra calls on Thoth in order that the command given by him 
that Osiris may triumph over his enemies should be executed ; here 
it is the deceased who, as a man, not as a god, implores Thoth, 

^"^ !) '^^ ^ J H^ ^ (^^ ^') ^''^'^^ ^ ^^^'^' ^^^ ^"^^ 
Aas ordcrtd or praciaimed. What is this order or this decree ? Here 
we reach a very obscure part of the text, and in which the two ver- 
sions often disagree, T cannot help thinking that this command of 
Turn, to which the deceased gives a great importance, consists in the 
following words ; — Thmi skalt not see inu/itity^ f/tm/ shaU not suffer 
(for) their years are but dust and their months are nearin^ (their 
end) while they are doing seerrt misehief. In this sentence there 
are a i^w words the translation of which is purely conjectural. 

but dttst^ and their months are nearing their end. That means 
probably that all the harm they are doing will soon come to an end, 
it will not last much longer. In spite of the uncertainty of the 
whole sentence, it seems clear that what Turn has commanded is 
that no harm should result to the deceased from the trouble and 
disorder in which he finds himself, nnd which will not be of long 

They are doing seeret misehief. It is not easy to understand what 
is meant by these words, which, laken by themselves, are simple 

enough. The word '\\ ^^.^^^ which I translated m/, means 

* r vl^^ *^' '■* 1^ ^'^^ *'^"'*' ^ ^'^^^ ^^ ^^''^*' ' ^"^ ^^'^ 
The only word which I can connect with ii is this 

o 11 ^^^ (Bern, and Sh^rpe, n, D.). 

\ \ 

know any other cMtiiplt 
composite expression, fi ^^ 

The vttriitnts of this ^vord jire wrim*n fi \_ J\ {Bonomi, /**■., 3. D*), x ^ ^ 71 

(L^febiire, Missi&n^ II, 4^' partie, PL HI; id,. III, 4^ panicj ?1. XVIH), show- 
ing that in the first c^st ^ n is a deiermimtive equivalent to ^ Jl ^ ThL* 

would give us a wurd I 5 ^^ ik^ or 1 1 v^ « tfcCf^ * which we nmy compare 
whh 115 ^§S **tlusl," *'nib1jish/* **swcepingsJ' It mij^ht \yt compared 

with other words. 

* I am indebted to the kindness of Prof. Erman for a collection ofesmroples ol 

the woftj 
at Berlin, 



made for the great. Lexicon which is now being compiled 



properly to sfittU^ to deface^ to curtail ^^^ often ia Ploiaii ^r hrtnk »t 
fitHtract. This idea is qualified here by the word secret^ and seems at 
variance with what we saw before. All the bami which I he children 
of Nut are doings and which is described above, is certainly not 
hidden or secret, it is as plainly visible as can be. Therefore I 
believe that the evil which is meant here does not refer to evil aci^ 
but to evil design** or evil thoughts^ which may well be called secret 
or hidden. And what seems to me to confirm this interj>retation ts 
the following sentence, in which the god says to ihe deceased ■ 
thmi art fwt tmt of (hint €tU designing ants^ ihtre is no efil (ft tht€^ 
Osiris , ihau art 7vtii phasing fo the Urds ^/ the earthy Glaring witntsf 
to trutk^ frit of initpiity^ kindheartei^ uHtkout any dtftif^ AU this 
refers to moral qualities, and not to acts or outward conduct 

The dialogue goes on (PL I, IL 7-9 ; III, 11. 8, 9). The deceased 

/ am thy polkt^ O Tkoth^ J hnvc brought thee the inkstand ; and 
the god answers what was just quoted : thou art not one tf tkitse etn/ 
dtsigmng ones^ there is no m/ in thet^ Osiris^ thou art welt pieuiing tf* 
tht fords of the mrth^ faring witness to trtith^ free of iniquity^ kind- 
tieartedy nnthmit any dtfut. This is the version according to /_ r. 
According to Ani, there is no answer by the god, the deceased 
him^^elf, after having snid : *' I have brought thee the inkstand/* adds : 
/ am not one of those evil designing ones, no evil has been done hy me. 

It is rather extraordinary that the deceased should say : ** I am 
thy pallet." We should rather expect, as in chapter 94 : / bring thee 
the inkstand and the pallet, but the two versions agree in this point, 
so we cannot translate otherwise. Besides, Chapter 94, speaking of 
these instruments of Thoth, says that "M^ secrets of them are divine^' 
and we know from the Ritual that not only does the priest who 
performs a ceremony become god, but the object itself which he 
offers is god also ; it is therefore in this sense that we have to under- 
stand these words "7^;// thy pallet, ^^ 

The second paragraph begins again with a question asked by the 
deceased: (PL I, 11. 10-14; HI, H. 10-15.) 

O my Lord Turn, who are those journeying towards a country in 
the Nethenvorld where there is no 7vater and no air t it is an abyss, 
deep darkness, a secluded place, so that there will be no life^ no peace of 

* I believe the text of Ani must l^e read 9 g ji (1 ,^JU. (1 v\ <o 

Q /www •^l\ A/s\\Ull JL ^ 




hearty no pleasures of lave. Let there be granted to nte glory instead 
of water and air^ and also pleasures of love and peace of heart instead 
of bread and beer. 

The two texts do not agree ; according to Ani the question is 
the following, ^^ivhat is this place to which I have journeyed ?^^ as 
Renouf translates. It is the deceased himself who reaches that 
desolate place, described also by the same document, where there is 
neither water nor air nor food of any kind. We may judge from the 
length of the gaps that in Z. c, the description of that obscure 
region was much shorter. 

The discrepancy between the two texts is still greater in the 
words of Turn : Says Tum^ if I see thy face y there ivill be no suffering 
from thy need ; henceforth whatei^er god rests in the boat of {millions) 

Says Tuniy henceforth whoever has been directed by the Princes^ 

he ivill rule (on his throne and his son will inherit his throne) in the 
isle of fire. 

These are the words from Z. c, ; the gaps are so considerable 
that it is hardly possible to make a connected sense. We see here 
a mention of the boat, which is probably that which is spoken of 
further on under the name of "the boat of millions;" this name 
must be understood as meaning the boat of millions of years, the 
everlasting boat. 

{To be continued,) 






AoKKigiA die objects found during the excavations at th€ royal 
palac«S at Mycenae aore two which do not appear to have met with 
quite die attentkni which they desen^e. These are fragments of two 
THeti each bearing the nmi^n cartouche of Amenhetep III, of the 
XVIIIdl dynasty erf Eg}'[>t. It will be noticed that these Tiles 
most have fiiced one another, since, in the one case (si^£ Plate, fig* j) 
the inscription most be read from the left, and in the other (fig. a), 
j&om the right These fragments lie in Case No. 63 in the 
Sdilienuum Room in the Royal Museum at Athens, where I saw 
them in Febniaxy, x^^a. They appear to be fragments of enamelled 
tiles — M. Tsoontas 5a>s ''f/ai/tm dt hrte SmatV/Ze" They have 
been putdidied in Greece,^ but not, I think, in England; and I find 
no mention (rf'them either in Sch lie mannas work or in M. Tsountas's 
book, The Mycenaav .hy. And yet they are worthy of the cxireful 
consideration of scholars. Scarabs of Amenhetep III and of his 
queen have been found at Mycenae, and so have many other objects 
both there and in Egypt, proving the close relationship that existed 
between the two countries, and testifying to the admiration felt by 
the young Achaian kingdom for the great Egyptian monarchy ; and 
Dr. Flinders Petrie, in \}[\^ Journal of the Hellenic Society (XII, p. 199), 
has pointed out that many traces of Egyptian Art exist at Mycenae — 
of Art, that is, imitated rather than copied from Egyptian originals 
by the Greeks of that period. Thus the fact of Mycenaean inter- 
course with Egypt daring the XVIIIth dynasty is proved in two 
ways; (i) by Greek importation from Egypt of small objects, (2) by 
traces of Egyptian influence in Greek Art. 

Now if the tiles here figured (M. Tsountas was kind enough to 
have the photograph taken for me) were merely detached portions 
brought over as curiosities — much in the same way as we English 
buy pieces of old Dutch tiling which once, perhaps, formed part of 
a chimney-piece — then they merely constitute an addition to proof 

* In the Ephcmtris ArkhcUologik^y 1891, pi. Ill, 3, 4, and p. 18. 

Proc^ Si^, BibL Ar^h.y Nov.^ 1904. 

Fig. 1. 

Fig; 2. 



Nov, 9) 



No, r as noted above. But if they were part of a large decoration 
actually affixed in its entirety to the wall of the palace at I^Iycense, 
then we must accept them as affording evidence even stronger than 
either of the above two classes. For in such case it would appear 
that the Greek king actually ornamented his own residence with a 
quantity of Egyptian tile-work, bearing a double inscription in hiero- 
glyphics, w^hich included a cartouche of Amenhetep III. 

Whether or not the whole was ever at Mycence, M . Maspero, to 
whom I wrote on the subject, has expressed to me his belief that 
these fragments once formed a portion of a long inscription ; and he 
has no doubt whatever that they come from Eg>'^pt itself, and were 
not Greek imitations of Egyptian forms. With his permission I 
a]>pend the following extracts from his letter : — 

'* Les deux fragments appartiennent certainement h deux lignes 
differentes qui devaient etre affrontees, peut-elre de chaquu cot^ 
d^une sc^ne. Le premier fragment porte au-dessus de Toie un trait 
horizontal qui^ dans cette position, appartient probablement au 
cartouche-prenom du souverain, Cette constatation est assez im- 
portante parce que, si Finterpr^tation que je donne du trait est 
exacte, la l^gende etait n^cessairement longue . . * . . Un point 
important qui r^sulte de Fexamcn de votre i>hotographie c'est que 
Vinscription a ^t^ dessin^e, non pas seulement d*apr&s un modtrle 
^gyptien, mats par un l^gyptien m6me* Je ne crots pas qu'un etranger 
£ut reussi k camper une oie sur ses partes aussi hitfrof^lyphlquemeni 
que le dessinateur qui a fait Toie du tttrc royal* Elle a la veritable 
cambrure du cou, le vrai port de la tete, la vraie conformation du 
corps, la vraie attache des pattes, qu'on remarque sur les monuments 

^gyptiens II faut done adnitttre qu^au moins un Egyptien a 

pris part k la decoration, ce qui est d'une importance capitale pour 
rinielligence des conditions ou s'est developp^ cet art acheen, et 
pour expliquer Tinfluence ach^enne qu'on remarque sur les monu- 
ments egyptiens de la m^me ^poque." 

It must be noted that this was written under the impression, 
conveyed by me from the information then available, that the frag- 
ments in question formed part of a mural decoration on the palace 
at Mycense, Since then I have received M. Tsountas's letter stating 
that the cartouches were painted on enamelled tiles, and that in his 
belief they have no connection with the palace at all. They were, 
however, certainly found at Mycen^, and as such are deserving of 



K0V, ^j 


Bv THE Rev. C. H. W, Johns, MA. 

The edition of the fragments of the Eponyni Canon Lists by 

Dr. Dditz^ch, in the second edition of his Assymtke Lesestikke^ 

")p* 87-94, divides these lists into two classes, C^, * names of the 

jponyms in their historic succession,' and C^ * names of the 

>nyms with addition "" "^ 
s is well known* C? exic 
(T gaps. But the cxis 

md extend to at\ ^ 

in even fuller sort 1 on « 

Canon VI* is the u 

Cattilogut, p. (>^^^ s 

was published in II* ^%,j p. 1 

given in G. Smith's Assvrtam 

The peculiarity of tl 

beside the names of 

\ and short historic notices/ 

911 to K-c, 649, with some 

C^ only begin with is.c. 817 

mX one or two fragments of 

rhich Iv. 4446, usually allied 

)r. Be/old* in the Mustum 

\ lines in three columns. It 

I Transcriptions of this are 

Cnmn, pp. 43-45 ^"^ P^ 53^ 

years b»l\ 709 to 70J is, that 

d their titles, we have longer 

notices of the events of the year than usual in C^ This feature 
renders this sort of Canon List nearly as full for these years as 
the Babylonian Chronicle. In fact, as noticed by Dr. Bezold in 
P,S.B,A., XI, p. 138, the entries are so similar, that one document 
may be used to restore the other. Indeed it looks as if the 
Chronicler had had a copy of Canon VI before him. 

Dr. Bezold notes that G. Smith, £/>. Can., p. 55, quotes, ap- 
parently, another column, giving the events of b.c. 701 to 699. But 
Dr. Bezold does not seem to have known where this came from. 

In the Catalogue, p. 1058, Dr. Bezold describes K. 10,017 ^s 

" Fragment out of the middle, 2 in. by i^in. ; -f 10 lines. 

Part of a report (?). Mention is made of \ 4^ >^y ^, etc." 
But this is the fragment transcribed by G. Smith for his Ep. Can.^ 

P- 55- 

There seems no need to publish the text here, as G. Smith's 
transcription tells nearly all we can get to know. A reliable edition 
of all the Canon List fragments will doubtless soon be issued by the 
authorities of the British Museum. But a few remarks may be of 
use for fixing dates in Sennacherib's reign. 



Nov. 9] 



For the y^tr before b.c» 700, we have the entry /iA/ mAti Hai-^i 

ffl G, Smith seems to have considered the name of the 

land to be Halzihi, but the division lint; betvvet;n the columns puts 
///too far to the right for that. Evidently, in b.a 701, some one 
or some thing came * from the land of HaUi.* It was the second 
year of Bel-ibni's rule in Babylonia. The Babylonian Chronicle 
makes no entry for that year. After HI are traces of a few more 
signs, but they are not easy to identify. 

For ac. 700, we find the Eponym given as Miinnu Sakin m^/i. But 
the name of his district, Isanaj is not preserved The next line begins 
with ASur-nidin-Sum^ mdr , . . , of course the name of Sennachcrib*s 
ill-fated son, whom he installed as king of Babylon in this year. 
The next six lines recount building operations. They refer to the 
'walls (?) of the palace* Kainil aii^ This G. Smith rendered, Vm 
the midst of the city.^ But the name ^ahjl a/i denoted a part of 
Nineveh and also a part of Kalak One of these city names may 
have followed in the same line* In the next line we have mention 
of * great beams of c<;dar/' isu er-m. In the next line we have tt^wt4 
GiSSlRGAL ina HNh^ which G, Smith rendered * great stone 
obelisks in the midst,' The next line reads ina HMh ali SE Da-ar- 
gi'iti. The signs IR SE^ or aiu ii^ usually denote an unwalied 
township or district. The reading of these signs is perhaps r^bttu, 
Dargitii recalls the name of the city Darjga, one of ihe cities which 
rebelled against Shalmaneser IIj named by Sanisi-Adadi, between 
Zaban and Dftr-balat, Of the next line only ana is clear. In the 
next line hjrru seems certain, and aiu at the end, but no connected 
meaning is clear. It is certain that, so far, no fresh Eponym was 
named. There are traces of another line which probably read 
BiMiirmni iakin alt KurSaa^ but no certainty can be reached with 
such slight traces. Doubtless the discovery and addition of the 
other fragments will one day make all these references clear. 



By F4 Lboob. 

^ die UndmsB clM. Bfti^dite, the kirned Conservateur of f 
Mmtt Bgypden dii Loime^ I am now able to add tlie reprodii 
tkxi of a carved slate leoentljr purchased by die French Governms 
to die coUectioo published in the Phfceedings for 1900. It 
abeadjr been jnibltshed as one of the Mmmments et Mhn 
{JPmukOum Fhi) de PAeadimie des ImmpHons (t X, fasc. 2), fvilfa 
an excdlent and exhaustive memoir by M. B£n&]ite^ to which 
irottld refer my readers. The eariiest qpoC to iriiich it can be tnic 
is Damanhur, altfioi^ as ML B^Mite points out, tfiis probat: 
means nothing more than diat it was at diis village that there liv 
the ySiSM workman in whose possesstmi it wis found. 

It measures a Htde more than is indies by'6t and it is 
markable tiiat we here see the first departure from the shield, speargj 
leaf, or, according to M. B^nMite, heart-shaped form of the ott 
carved slates, while it may be noticed that an attempt has be 
made to bring it into line with them in this particular by shaving 
the ears of the lower pair of the four animals which form the oub 
ring of the design. That these four animals are dogs, like the 
at the top of the Ashmolean slate from Hieraconpolis {P,S.B,A*j^ 
1900, p. 138, PL III), there can be little doubt, and M, Ben^dtt 
probably gives them their proper name when he calls them iMoloss 
hounds. M. B^n^dite also describes the bird with a beak like 
toucan or hombill, at the top of the obverse, as an ibis, and in this 
he is also no doubt correct. In that case, the crested bird in the city ^ 
cartouche {P.S.B.A., ubi, cit.^ PI. IV) can hardly be one also, and we 
must therefore suppose the last-named to be some other aquatic bird, 
such as a cayuga or crested goose. I am afraid I must differ from 
M. B^n^dite as to the identity of the beast immediately below the ibisi 
which he will have to be a lion, but which appears to me more like 
a hunting dog, all the felines on these slates bearing their tails either 
curved spirally {F.S,B.A., ubL at.. Pis. I, II, III, IV, V and VI) 
or extended at length. That the panther-like beast with serpent's 



Nov. 9] A NEW CARVED SLATE. [1904. 

neck is the same as that on the Hieraconpolis slates is also evident, 
while the reverse, with its giraffes and palm tree for central figure, 
shows substantially the same motive as the reverse of the unfortu- 
nately broken slate {P.S.B.A., ubi, at., PI. VI, and ibid.y 1900, 
p. 270, Plate), of which fragments are to be found in the 
British and Ashmolean Museums. The workmanship of the new 
slate is throughout poor, but this gives us little or no clue as to 
its age, and M. Maspero has rightly warned us against drawing 
arguments in this respect from discrepancies of style, which may be 
only due to the fact that contemporary objects were generally 
executed in villages of which some were more backward in culture 
than others. 

As to the purpose of these slates, I remain impenitent in my 
belief that they were not intended as receptacles for cosmetics, and 
I am proud to note that M. Benedite, like many other scholars, has 
now come round to the same view. I cannot, however, agree with 
his suggestion, in which he follows Dr. Naville and, I think. Dr. 
Budge, that they were intended as stands for some statue or symbol, 
or, in the alternative, as libation bowls. As before said, they would 
be unfitted for the first-named purpose, unless the inner wall of the 
depression were made perpendicular to the base, while the corre- 
sponding depression in the many slabs or altars for libation purposes, 
of which we have examples, is never cylindrical but always more or 
less hemispherical in section. On the other hand, I am glad to 
see that he thinks it likely that these slabs may have been at cne 
time either wholly or in part covered with gold leaf. The fact that 
the eyes of the animals in this, as in the other examples, are bored 
out to be inlaid with glass or some other precious substance, shows 
that they were intended to receive further decoration after leaving 
the hands of the sculptor. 

^ ^.^ ^ 

^^y mill LI 1^ 



By W, L. N.%sh, KS^, 

lliis StafDp was found at Acre in Spia after the capture of i 

town in 1S40, by an officer of one of the ships engaged in the 
bomlxirdnicnt of the place. 

It is made of copper juid measures 3! inches by 2\ inchts, 
Attachc*d to the Ijack is a handle made of solid copjR^r, ciU tu 
represent the outline of the dome of a mosque. 

The face of the Stamp is engraved with a view of 
the Kaalu at ^» and some of the surrounding 
buildings* Tiie drawing is peculiar^ it is neither 
wholly in plan nor wholly in perspective, but is 3 
s<jrt of mixture of the two (PL I, fig, i). The en- 
graving is of coarse reversed, and 1 therefore give an 
itluslration made from an impression oi il (P). I, 
fig. 2). The available space was so small that the artist had to omit 
a great deal, but he has given part of the celebrated Arcade, and has 
shown some of the gates (of which there are said to be 19) and has 
indicated others. Moreover he has in most instances given the 
names of the gates in Arabic. 

AH bey el Abbassi, a Spaniard by birth, whose real name was 
Domingo Badia, who lived for a long time in the East and was 
employed as a spy by the French government during Napoleon's 
campaign in Syria, wrote an account of his travels which was first 
published in Paris in 18 13, and afterwards in London in 1816. He 
gives a plan of the Kaaba and its surroundings which Burckhardt says 
is correct. For the purpose of comparison I give a reproduction 
of this plan, much reduced in size (PI. II). 

The Beit Ullah represented on Ali bey's plan, is the mosque 
which replaced the earlier one which was destroyed in 1626, and the 
re-building of which was completed in 1640. In many respects the 
plan and our Stamp agree very closely. It is true there are differences, 


FfK. An. Btif. Arfh., Nov. 1904. 





Ptai, Sih\ FiN. AirL, N^v.^ T904, 

^ait /trahim fir The Taihr^s Gate. 

Kitlnctdpvm fhi- Phk in AH btyi " Traith," PunX iSr3. 


1 1 

> I 

Nov. 9] AN ARAB STAMP. 1904. 

but these may no doubt be attributed to the engravers desire to 
produce an attractive picture. 

The Stamp (PI. I) shows the raised pavement, Farsh el Hajar 
( I ) and other paths leading from various gates towards the shrine ; 
the oval space in the centre of the quadrangle, in which is the 
Kaaba or Sacred Shrine (2) ; the four domed buildings, Makam 
Maleky (3), Makam Hanafy (4), Makam Hanbaly (5), and Makam 
Ibrahim (6), from which the Imauns of the four orthodox sects of 
Mohammedans address their adherents, and to the right of this is 
the lofty pulpit from which the Friday Sermon is preached. We 
also find the Beni Shaybali (7), and the sacred well Zem-Zem (8) ; 
and the four comer minarets (9, 10, 11, 12) named respectively, 
Bab el Widaa ; Bab Beni Saham ; Bab All: and Bab el Salam, 
In addition there is a lofty minaret (13) shown which does not appear 
in Ali bey's plan, and may perhaps be intended for the Bab el Nabi. 
Space did not allow of the introduction of any of the buildings 
which project beyond the rectangle, but so far as it goes, comparison 
with Ali bey's plan seems to show that the engraving is a fairly 
accurate representation of the Kaaba and its surroundings. 

It is not easy to say what the Stamp was used for, but the 
subject of the engraving seems to point to its use having been in 
connection with Mecca. It may have been impressed on the 
" Permits " given to the pilgrims to Mecca. Such " Permits " were 
issued, at all events, at Suez, which is the port from which vast 
numbers of pilgrims embark for Yambu on the Red Sea, which is 
the nearest point for Medina. Acre is too far off the direct route 
to Mecca to make it likely that the Stamp was used there for such 
a purpose, but it may have been brought there by some official 
from Suez, or even from Mecca itself. The Stamp is interesting as 
a genuine native representation of the building which is regarded 
by all Mohammedans as the most sacred spot in the whole world. 



Nov- 9] 



The next Meeting of the Societ}* will be ticld at 
i^j^ Great Russell Street, London, W,Cm on Wednesday, 
December 14th, 1904, at 4.30 p,m.j when the following Papt:r 
will be read : — d| 

Percy E. Newberry :—*' Notes on the Early History 
of Egypt/* 



The following donations have been received. 

May, 1904 : — 

W, H. Rylands 
W, U Nash 

The Scfrctary wiH tf€ ^iad to receive JJoHaii&ns t& ikis Fund^ 








Seventh Meeting, December i^t/iy 1904. 


'^A — 

[No. cc] 267 

0«& 14] SOCTETV or BIBLICAL AltCH.€OUX5Y. [190^1 

The following gifts to the UbrBry were aimouficed, and ] 
thanks Ofdered to be returned to the Donors : — 

Fiom the Author, Dr. IX VStoer- — ^** Aegypten tmd die Bibd* 

Ftom F* D. Mocalta, MS.J.—**A Catal<^ue of the Libiary of 
Ftoderkk David Mocatta." 

Fkom Joteph Polkrd* — " Ass>Tjan TextSj** by E. A, Wallis Budge. 

„ *' An Assyrian Grammar/' by A, H, Sajc**,^^ 

From the Author, Dr. U BelWIi,— "Un Nouvel Aporrjlihe." ^ 

Vtom E» J. Filcber.— **FragnientB of the Books of Kings accont*^ 
ing to the translation of Aquila," by F. C. Burkht. 

From die PuUishen.— ^'Reciidl deB ]nicaq[ilioni tgfplkmMt% da 
Sinaiy* bjr Saymond Wefl. 

The following Paper was read : — 

Percy E. Newberry: "Notes on the Early History of 


The subject was discussed by Miss Murray, Dr. Lowe, 
the Secretary, and the Chairman. 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 




Par Victor Loret. 

( Continued from page 234. ) 

Nous verrons plus loin ce qu'il faut penser de cette question de 
Temploi des syllabiques. Quant k la question d'esth^tique, de 
carrure des hidroglyphes, elle me parait, comme ^ MM. Max Miiller et 
Lacau, avoir jou^ un role capital dans Torthographe egyptienne. 
II semble meme, quand on examine les faits en masse, que, pour les 
Egyptiens, les signes constituant un mot formaient un groupement 
d'ensemble dont les dements pouvaient ^tre disposes graphiquement 
selon le caprice du calligraphe ou du graveur. L*important dtait 
seulement que tous les signes repr^sentant la partie phon^tique d'un 
mot fussent r^unis en un seul et intime groupement; Tordre des 
signes, au moins \ Torigine, importait peu, et le lecteur ^tait habitud 
h. retablir rapidement, k la seule vue d'un ensemble, Tordre logique 
des ^l^ments qui le constituaient. Certes, les choses changbrent 
dans la suite et les transpositions capricieuses de signes se firent de 
plus en plus rares, mais, comme Ta trfes bien montrd M. Lacau, elles 
ne disparurent jamais completement et nous nous sommes accoutum^s 

tout comme les anciens Egyptiens, ^ lire c^ ^i^» sans la moindre 
difficult^, quand un texte ptol^mai'que nous donne ^5X ^ 

II suffit de parcourir, dans les Royal Tombs de F. Petrie, les 
textes des deux ou trois premieres dynasties pour remarquer combien 
les plus anciens Egyptiens attachaient peu d'importance ^ Tordre 
dans lequel ils disposaient les signes de leur Venture. Tel roi se 

nomme aussi souvent T Iioh-o que It«— =>. Tel particulier ^crit 
son nom ^^U (I, 25/54, 55), ou |Lj|^^ (II, 20/161), ou 

J^ 8 LJ (^> 25/53, 56). L'exemple le plus curieux et le plus 

frappant est celui d*un nom de domaine, qui est ^crit de tant de 
mani^res diffi^rentes, quant h Tordre des signes, qu'il nous est ab- 

269 Y 2 


iipossibte de dcviner au juste cominent il &'appckk: 

^ (I, 24/45 ; II. 20/162). P^l^f^ ("' '^/'36. 

{1,»4/ t^f^P^f". '9/"49)- 

II me parait evident que des gens qu^une telle ^lastidtd graph i que 
n^empdchait pas de se recoiinakre dans lear ecriture iie devaient 
dans la suite ^prourer qu*une difficulte fort mod^^e h lire 8 V^ 1 A 

lis lisaient d'une seule et mdme 

mot ^cril § H y ^ » ' 
mifere u« mot ecrit 

mk nom de pharaon 6 

Thypothb^e que j*expo!jt' id 

Mais il y a mieux, et cV-st le n 
syllabiques dont a parl^ M 



Done, en fait. 


Jc part jculi Bremen t tnxTaisem- 

ml d'insister sur I'emploi des 
tf, Prenons le verbe " naitre,"* 

t^crit m. De ce verbe, avons 5^ ccm^ une forme mous, par txcmple. 
Comment faire? Si nous ^crivons fu y^, nen ne nous indique 
qu'il faille lire Mous plutot que msou. Si nous ^crivons^ j|| , la meme 

difficult^ se presente : ce groupe repr^sente-t-il mous ou oums ? Si, pour 
nous tirer d'affaire, nous faisons intervenir le complement phonetique 

I, la difficult^ ne fait qu'augmenter. Une formeffi 1^, d'aprbs 

nos idees modernes, r^pondrait mieux k msou qu'^ mous. Pla^ons 

le v\ avant le I et ecrivons M^ ^ f 1 : r^guli^rement, il nous faudra 

transcrire msous et non mous. Naturellement, tout autre signe 

syllabique se presente dans les memes conditions que JM et, meme, 

le choix d'un syllabique trilit^re comme T ou m ne ferait que 
multiplier les complications. 

En r^alit^, il nous faut bien reconnaitre qu'il est absolument 
impossible, avec le systbme syllabique des Egyptiens, d'^crire k sa 
place une voyelle interne dans un mot ^crit k Taide d'un syllabique. 
Or, les mots Merits au moyen de syllabiques repr^sentent de beaucoup 





la majority dans It kxique egyptien* 11 a du ineme exister un temps 
ou Ton nc connaissait qut* des syllabiques, et jt; ne suis pas sftr que 
les iettrcs que Ton rencontre sur les plus anciens nionumenis des 
dynasties thinites soknl deja de vmtables letttes, II est possible 

que, dans \^ , n soit encore un syllabique et il cet certain que 
''^ , dans la banni^re du roi ** Serpent/' n'est pas une signe alpha- 

b^tique mais plus vraisemblablement le syllabique *Hfi , comme 

j*ai eu Toccasion de le proposer,^ ^ On salt maintenant que / est 

reste longtemps un syllabique (1 ^s^i au moins jusqu^a la XVI IP 

dynastie, conime le prouve Forthographe i " ^\^ ' \Tt ( — ^JtJtlCIj 

amtkiim) du Papyrtis E/fcrs, et j'espere d^^montrer un jour que 
rn nest pas une aspin^e differente de W, mats bien un syllabique 

Quoi qu'il en soit, il est certain que, pour exprimer une voyelle 
k Vinterieur d'un mot ecrit au moyen d'un syllabique, les Egypt iens 
ont dti adopter un systfeme conventionnel lis avaient le choix 
entre trois proci^d^s : ou bien dcrire la voyelle avant le syllabique^ 

^ nl : ou bien la placer aprtrs le syllabique, |1| ^ j ^^ ^Jien 

Texp rimer entre le syllabique et son complement phoniLliquet 

fli V ^^^^^ aucun de ces precedes ne paraSt compl^tement 


Dans ^ f\\ , — outre qu'une lecture oums est possible, — la voyelle 

prenant le j>as sur la par tie radicale du mot prfeente quelqtie chose 
d*anormal ct d'illogique. D^apres la nature de la langue egyptienne, 
un mot est surtout caracterise par sa char|>ente consonantique et la 
voyelle interne n'est que Taccessoire. La placer en t^te du mot elit 
^t^ maladroit et peu naturel, et il est vraisemblable que les Eg>^tiens 
n'y ont jamais songe. 

Dans u\ ^ » la voyelle interne est mieux i sa place ; elle laisse 

bien en ^videncej au premier rang, la partie principale, la carcasse 

-* V* LoiiKT, Qui/fU€S i4li$ sur la J&rmc primitk*€ de fcrtaittes reNjpam 
/^yptumut^ dans la k^m ^j^pioh^m^ L XI, p* 72, 




du tnoij et occupe la place di^r^te d%tic Indlcatiaii voodiqoc Mais 
une difficulte se presentt^- Si, pour telle oti telle rais^on, tui radical 

m doit prendre une desinence en ^» comineni distinguer, dans 
I'llcriture, ce ^$\ d^sinentiel d\in x\ interne? 

Reste le troisieme precede, f||^n' Cest, je croiit C4i!ui qui 

nous srmblerait aujourd'hui le plus; simple et le plus clair, Evidem- 
ment, on pouvait etre tente de lire ce groupe msous, mais il sutlisait 
de decider que, lorsqu'on voulait ^crire msous, on dev*ait esiprimer 

le 1 deux fois, ffj [' ^[K PO'Jr obtenir une regie bien nettc et biea 
logique* Et, en fait, cette r&gle, les Egyptiens Tont appliqu&s. 

Dans un mot coinme I'^K^^^^J^^ qui est si fr^^uent dans les 
textes^ il ne viendm k aucun egyptologue Tidee de iranscrire smam 
au lieu de sam ; on setit instinctivement que, en pb^ant le ^^^ 

mtrae, dans Icmot trfes commun ^^ | "% ^ {^ AJt<Lg^S, limm), H 
on lira tout naturellement mahi et non mhahi. Enfin, dans 
Sr* Jfc^ (Mar., Cat, (TAbyd,, No. 1244), dans A ^^ J A ^^ J ^^^ 
(DuM., Temp, Inschr,^ I, 34/2), on n'h^sitera pas k transcrire pir, 
DiBDiB et non prir et dbibdbib. II y a 1^ une tentative ortho- 
graphique int^ressante, dont il y aurait lieu de rechercher d'autres 
exemples. Peut-etre ce proc<^de, auquel on a pret^ jusqu'ici peu 
d'attention, a-t-il ^t^ plus repandu qu*on le croit. Mais, ce qui est 
certain, c'est qu'il n'a pas gent^ralement prevalu et qu*on ne le 
rencontre que par exception. 

Nous en arrivons done a cette constatation, que les Egyptiens, 
pour exprimer une voyelle interne dans un mot ^crit au moyen d*un 
syllabique consonantique, ont rejet^ le premier proc^e possible 
(voyelle en tete) et n*ont employe le troisieme (voyelle entre le 
syllabique et son complement phon^tique) que dans des cas trbs 
rares. II nous en faut n^cessairement conclure que c'est le second 
proc^d^ (voyelle «a la suite) qui leur a paru le plus pratique. Et je 
crois que la chose peut s'expliquer ais^ment par suite de revolution 
naturelle du syst^me hieroglyphique. 


cntre le syllabique i et son contpl^ment phon^tique ^j. t les 
Egyptiens ont voulu exprimer par \k une vocalisation interne, De 


En effet, pour toire une voyelle entre un syllabique et son com- 
plement phon^tique, il faut, — la chose va de soi, — que ce syllabique 
appelle necessairement un complement phon^tique. Or, cette n^- 
cessit^ d*un complement phonetique ne se pr^sente pas k Torigine de 
Tecriture. A quoi bon, par exemple, faire suivre ii:^^ d'un /vws/v\, 
puisque CiiiS tout seul ne peut se lire que mn ? Aussi, le nom de 
Menes s'^crit-il tout simplement tii^ k Torigine. Ce n'est que lors- 
que, — par suite d'un long usage et de contagions inevitables, — 
plusieurs syllabiques purent se confondre, qu'il devint n^cessaire, 
I)Our les distinguer, de les accompagner d*un de leurs elements 

A Forigine, "^^^z: se lisait hn, y^ se lisait mr et "'•'5:3:1 se lisait ba. 
Les trois signes se confondirent rapidement dans le dessin, sous la 
forme '••^31. La troisifeme lecture, ba, disparut de bonne heure ; 
•'"^X- repr^senta done k la fois hn et mr et necessita les orthographes 

distinctives et 9 .A I'origine, / avait deux formes 

tr^s differentes, selon qu'il devait se lire gs ou Am. I^ confusion des 

deux formes en une seule, / , amena bientot les orthographes 

et (] / ^V • ^^ ^" ^s' ^^ meme pour bien d'autres signes, 

dont rhistoire serait extremement curieuse h ^tudier dans son 
ensemble, mais, ce qu'il y a de certain, c'est que les syllabiques 
primitifs ne comportaient pas de complements phonetiques et que, 
I>ar consequent, il ^tait impossible aux premiers Egyptiens d'ecrire 
une voyelle interne entre un syllabique et son complement 

Dans ces conditions, on comprend que, des trois procedes que 
j'ai indiques, il ne restait aux plus anciens Egyptiens que le second 

a employer, celui qui consistait h ecrire \^ ^c\ pour mour, nj ^ 

pour mous. L'habitude, une fois prise, persista malgre les perfec- 
tionnements apportes peu-^-peu au systeme graphique et, quand les 
complements phonetiques firent leur apparition, la voyelle interne 
conserva sa place ^ la fin du mot et fut ecrite h la suite du comple- 
ment phonetique: ^, fn ' y^* ^^^^t 1?^^ analogie et par 
generalisation, le meme procede fut employe lors meme que les mots 
ne comportaient pas de syllabiques et ne s'ecrivaient qu'au moyen 
de lettres, comme dans la plus ancienne forme du nom du dieu 



Dec h) society of RIBLIGAL ARCH^OLCKir* [1904. 

KJiouns, ^w-wv^^^ (Ounas, 510 j T^ 325), Rien, eii somni 

n*eGt empeche d'^krire © ^ _ Jft. , mais I'ceil etait dt longai 
date accoulume h trouver la voyelle interne ^crite en dernier el i^J 
efit pom a juste titre irrationnel d'ifcrire © ^ ^M^ avec k voyell^H 

k SSL place nonnale, tandls qu'on ne pouvait eciire [j.-^<^^^J^ 

aatrement qu'avec la voyelle k sa place convenlionnelle, Ce besoin 
de sytneirie ct d*uniformite se reirouve du reste dans Temploi 
des complement phon<^iiques. En r^alitt*, lc:s syllabkjues ^ vakturs 
multiples devraient seub ctre accompagnes de complements phan^- 
tiques ; ceux qui n*ont qu'une seule valeur n'ont mil besoin de cet I 

artifice dVcriture. N^aniiioin§, des signes comme t^^, .^ui I 

sont suivis du a^vvw et du ^^^1 q'Ji ^^^^ sont inutilesj, uniquemeiu 

parce qiit; d'autres signes, corame 1 ^t T ont plusieurs rakim 
(OUAS -»- ujAm, oub H- ham) et dmvent etrc suivis d'une lettre 
indicatncc. On ^cHvit , par imitation, parce qu'on ecnvait 

11 rtV' ^°"* comme on ^crivit /wsa^^^, par imitation, 

parce qu*on ecrivait \^ ^^ ou ^ . 

Comme on le voit, la r^gle nouvelle de transcription que je 
propose, — r^gle qui m'a etd suggeree par le relev^ d'un certain 
nombre de mots k voyelle finale en apparence mais interne en r^alit^ 
— non seulement ne se heurte k aucune des habitudes graphiques 
des anciens Egyptiens, mais rencontre au contraire, dans ces habi- 
tudes memes, sa raison d'etre et son explication logique.^^ 

Lyon, \i fh^rier^ 1904. 

^* Dans la seconde Edition de son yEgyptischc Grammatik (1902), § 60, 
M. Erman admet, pour les trois mots suivants, la transposition de la lettre finale 

k rint^rieur du syUabique: <^<^^^(1, (1 et MtQl^^. (], "beidcnen 

das nachgesetzte 1| in die Silbenzeichen einzuschalten ist." 


Dkc. 14] 



Note ADDmoNKELLE,— Je venais k peine de terminer la redac- 
tion des pages qu'on vient de lire^ que me parvenait le tome III des 
Ocmres divers^s de Chabas. J'ai eu TagreabJe surprise d'y constater 
que, dcja en 1866, Chabas avait remarqu^ certains des fails qui 
m'avaient frapp t?, et qu^il en avait tire la me me conclusion que moi. 

Dans un article intitule Qnc/ques ^ImriHiiitms sur r/iriiure et sur 
ia iangti£ de Tancknne Egyptt}^^ il fait remarquer (pp. 72-73) que, 

1 v^ 3[i la voyeUe v\ n*est pas finale, mais inteme, et qu'il 

con\ient, d^apres les transcriptions grecques, de lire Anoup^ Khnmim^ 
TmifH et K/muns. De ces observ^ations, \\ deduit le principe suivant 
{p. 70) : **I1 peut se faire que des v^oyelles ecrites . , . a la fin des 
mots soient des voyelles m^diales et doivent etre articulates, non pas 
il leur place apparente, mais dans le corps des mots/* 

Aucune approbation de mes id<;es,— et je m'attendais peu h. cette 
approbation posthume, — -ne pouvait m*etre plus precieuse, et je re- 
connais avec plaisir k Chabas le droit incontestable de priorite. 


AND tiamat;^ 


By Sm H. H. Howorth, K.aLE,, F.R.S. 

The series of tablets in the British Museum^ long known as the 
Creation Tablets, have recently been re-edited in an ideal edition by 
Mr. King, and I am tempted to discuss a minor question about 
them which has not beeuj I think, sufficiently cont^idered. 

The English name given to the series is quite a misnomer* The 
tablets are not in any sense professedly or impliedly a treatise on 
cosmogony, or an account of the Creation of the Universe. They 
embody an epic narrative in glorification of Marduk the God of 
Babylon, which was doubtless composed lo enhance his reputation 
at the expense of the older gods of Babylonia and to affirm his 
omnipotence, and the cosmological statements they contain are 
subsidiary and parenthetical. 

** F* CMAAASf Otitn'Jrs diver ^f I ^ t III (igoj). pp* 65-76, arliclo rtim prime 
iVEipreft Ziitii^hr. tS66, pp, 42-49. Ce vulurae dc Chsibas, bien qu*il porte b dale 
de 1903, li^i paru quVn jaii\ier ou fcvricr 1904. 


The notion that the narrativej either in form or purpose, id in 
any way a parallel to that in the first chapter of Genesis, seems to 
mc tjuile misleading, and the, perhaps accidental, circumstance that 
the number of the tablets is seven and that cosmolo^cal statement i^ 
arc interwoven in it, do not in any way make it a parallel to the 
Bible story of Creation. 

That the Jewish cosmogony and the cosaiogony of Babylonia 
were closely connected, and that a considerable part of the former 
wm derived from the biter, I have no doubt whatever abouu That 
is a queiition, howevefj I ain no I discussing, but litniling myself !<> 
the particular literary document which from its initial words was 
known to the Assyrians and later Babylonians as Enuma iiis^ and 
which is written on a senes of seven tablets. 

Of this series we have more than one copy extant, all of them 
l>ejng fragmentary. These copies exhibit few variant§^ and arc 
clearly very good representations of the original text of the comfiosi- 
lion* Some of them are of Assyrian origin, and were composed or 
eoi)ied for the great library of Asshurbanipal at Nineveh ; others 
were written in Baliylonia and are preser^^ed on tablets of a late 
date, badly baked, and written in the late Babylonian form of the 
cuneiform writings and, so far as we can judge, they were written 
after the Assyrian copies in the library of Asshurbanipab 

I know of no very early copy or fragment of a copy of the story, 
nor of any evidence that such an early copy ever existed anywhere. 
So far as the external evidence goes, therefore, it is plain, as 
Prof. Sayce long ago urged, that the document is a late 
composition. Composed, not in the days of Babylonian supremacy, 
but in days when Assyria had overthrown that supremacy and 
become the dominant power in Babylonia ; Prof. Sayce says in fact 
that he doubts whether the epic in its present form is older than the 
time of Asshurbanipal. It is a misnomer, therefore, to speak of it 
as a Babylonian document. It was distinctly an Assyrian document. 

Let us turn, however, from the external to the internal evidence. 

In describing the origin of the gods in the first tablet, and in the 
references to the gods in subsequent tablets of all the editions of the 
series, it is a remarkable fact that a very prominent god in the early 
mythology of Chaldea is not named at all in them, or rather he is 
not referred to by the name he usually bears. I mean the god Enlil, 
or as the name was pronounced in accordance with the usual har- 
mony of consonants among the Sumerian people, Illil or Ellil. He 




was the great god of Nippur, and the principal god In the great 
triad of the Ciods of primitive Chaidea. His two companions in 
the triad, Anu and Ea, occur repeatedly in the Creation tablets* 
How comes it that Enlil or Illil is not named in them anywhere 
under that name ? It may be said that this was because the name 
EnJil or Illil was replaced by that of Bel by the Babylonians, and^as 
is usually argued, Enlil or Illil was the elder Bel as Marduk was the 
younger Bel, and that we should not therefore expect to find the old 
name Enhl in either a late Babylonian or an Ass>^rian document, but 
rather the substituted name BeL This argument has two infirmities. 
In the first place Damaskios, who gl\x^ us, in Greek, a remarkably 
accurate transcript of the first lines of the First Tablet, does mention 
Enlil or Illil, which he has corrupted into Ilhnos, and whom he 
names with An u and Ea, calling them Anos and Eas respectively. 
Secondly, the name Bel does not occur in any of the earlier 
tablets nor until the last line of tablet IV. It occurs again in 
tablet V, line S, and in tablet VII, lines 6 and 116, and in every 
case but the last, to which I shall revert, I believe the reference to be 
to Marduk — the younger Bel as he is called. It is plain, therefore, 
that in the earlier half of the Epic at all events, and probably in all 
of lt| Enlil or Illil is not mentioned either under his original name 
or under that of BeK This is a very curious fact. Let us try and 
analyse it somewhat. The name Enlil or Illil is unlike ihe names of 
the otiier two gods in the early triad, namely Ea and Anu, in not 
being a true name, but an appellative. It is compounded of two 
ideographic elements, one with the sound of En, and the other of 
Lil or Kit. That it ought to be sounded Enlil and not Enkit is 
clear from the transcription of it hy Damaskios^ 

Hommel has identified the ideogram representing En as originally 
representing a throne (///en Ursp, i/t^r Kciliftuh, Paris Om^K 0/ 
Oritntalists)^ hence ruler or lord, and Delitzsch argues that it is 
Semitic in origin j being an epitome of Enu, a synonym of belu with 
the meaning of lord. Lil is probably also a Semitic word, and, as 
Pere Lagrange says, it is the name of a demon, or rather of a group 
of demons, those of the tempest and of the night. Like Professor 
Sayce, he compares it with the Hebrew il^7^"> Lilith, a female 
demon of the same kind mentioned by Isaiah, and he further 
suggests also a plausible comparison with 7'*7 the night {Pjudts^ 
etc*, 93). Lilith is mentionud by Isaiah, ch. xxxiv, 13, 14, as living in 
the wastes with wild beasts. It is feminine in form, and represents 



M Dbc. 14] 



doubtless a female demon. The Kabbalistic Jews give her a 
prominent place in the demonology of tlie Talmud, where she is 
made to have connection with Adam. 

Enlil or Illil is not therefore a true name. '* Lord of demons" 
answers la such appellatives as Ijord of Hosts v^ppUed to Jeho\*ah in 
tliL' Bible. Bel, *'the Lord," simply, was a similar appellative, and It 
^ems in fact to be, as Father J ^a grange urges, only a s) nonyra for the 
initial clause in the ideogram En lil, namely. En. Bel was to the 
Rnbylonians ** the Lord'' par fxn'Uauf. What personal or actual 
name was given hhn by the Babylonians it would be interesting to 
try and discover* Baal, another form of Bel, was similarly used 
among the Canaanites and l^hcenicians in the same way. The 
Babylonian use of the name may be tested by the fact that tbey not 
only srem to havt? used it for Enlil or Ellil, but also in composition, 
and styled their own local god Bel Marduk. It is therefore not 
fm probable that a god who among the early and later Babylonians 
was referred to by an appellative and not a real name, may occur ^_ 
in the tablets we are discussing under another designation altogether, ^f 
and it seems to me that a comparison of the first tablet with TXimas- 
kios tnakes it clear that he does so occur under the name of Anshar, 
for where Damask ios writes Illinos, the tablet gives Anshar, 

The name Anshar occurs in the first tablet in two quite in- 
consistent ways. In one line, line 12, it appears as that of the 
complement of Kishar among the ancestors of the real gods, and in 
other places as the senior among the gods. In both cases it is 
written with the same characters. In order to explain the in- 
consistency, which has not been hitherto pointed out, I must analyse 
these characters. 

I would begin by putting in a mild protest against the habit of 
some Assyriologists of attempting in all cases to find some useful 
meaning in the ideograms themselves. When used for transcribing 
names, especially foreign names, these ideograms represent nothing 
but sounds, and are phonological symbols only. What I wish to 
urge is that Anshar, being an ideographic way of representing a 
name, it is altogether a misleading thing to analyse the meaning 
of its component factors as a guide to the meaning of the name. 
The factors, An and Shar, mean respectively Heaven and Host, and 
have been translated Host of heaven. That Anshar read as a whole 
meant anything of the kind is quite another thing. 

The author of a late Assyrian syllabary may in analysing old ideo- 








grams J whether in names or otherwise, have indulged in such etymo- 
logtes : it was part of his trade ; and in regard to words other than 
proper names belongmg^ to the Language of the people who invented 
the ideograms, the process is perfectly legitimate ; but in the case of 
Anshar "we have to do, as we shall see, with a confessedly forergn 
and probably a Semitic name, while the meaning of the ideograms 
has to be made out by means not of Semitic, but of Sumerian, This 
seems to me conclusive ; but this is not all. Host of heaven and 
Host of earth (as Kishar may be analysed to mean), are not personal 
names at all, but collective names of multitude. How could a 
multitude or crowd or host marry another host and beget certain 
gods, as in tablet I, 15? How^ again, could what is represented 
by such a general term be described as the Father of the Gods;, as 
giving orders and controlling policy, as Anshar is described as 
doing in several places in the Epic, for example ? 

In tablet II, lines S^ 9, it is again so used, and he is expressly 
made the father of Ea. 

In tablet T, line 14 and II, lines 73, 79, 113^ 114^ and 115, it is 
again so used^ and he is made the father of Anu. 

In tablet III, line t and line 13, he is again mentioned, and in 
the latter is apostrophised as the son of Tiamat, as also in line 71. 

In tablet IH, 131, etc., he is treated and spoken of as the 
supreme God. 

In tablet IV, line 125, Marduk is finally made to conquer 
Tiamat in order to establish Anshar's triumph over the enemy. 

In :U1 these cases Anshar is used in a personal and not a 
collective sense. Damaskiosj in his translation of line 12 into Greeks 
makes Assoros masculine and Kissar^ feminine, showing that he 
treats them not as hosts, but as a male and female link in the 
genealogy. Again, in a well-known tablet, where a number of early 
deities or monsters are equated with Anu and Anunit, the personal 
god and goddess of heaven, Anshar and Kishar duly appear. In 
that case, again, Anshar and Kishar could not have been looked 
upon as multiple or collective nouns. " Hosts of heaven" is in fact 
an impossible form for a personal god. 

Let us turn elsewhere, then, for an explanation of the paradox. 
Here again Damaskios is of service. In his Greek translation of 
line 12 of tablet I he does not give us Aiftfaapi^v, but Afl-Jepov, or 
Asshur. He therefore clearly identified Anshar with the well-known 
god Asshur, and this in the genealogical part of the tablet. 


Dkc, J4l SOaETl' OF BIBLICAL AHOl^^OLOGV, [1904. 

It is interest mg to ^nd that Aushar has m fact been treated as a 
form of Asshur by more than one notable nTtter on en u rely different 
grounds to those here stated. Thus Jastrof makes Anshar the 
pnmitive form from which Asshur was derived. He says: "Tliis 
form Anshar would, according 10 the phonetic laws prevailirsg in 
Asssyria, tend to become Ashshar by the assimilation of the 
n to the following consonant" {Religion af Bahyhma and 
Assyria^ 197). 

I cannot for a moment accept this, Asshur was the Semitic god 
of a very pure Semitic race, the Assyrians^ and like their other gods 
such as Ishtar and Adad, etc., \\\% name was doubtless a Semitic word, 
and we in fact know its origin or have the strongest reason to believe 
wc know it, and it precludes the notion that it was derived from any 
primitive An Shar; thus Delitzsch explains Asshur as a Semitic 
gloss, and as meaning "heilbringenden, heiligen, Gott." L^srsitirJ^^^ 
41 h Ed., 192. While Prof. Sayce long before, in his Hibbert Lec- 
tures, r 24 — ^a mine of unexplored suggestion — writes : " The name? 
Assur (/.£*. Asshur) is frequently represented by a character whicl^ 
nmong other ideographic values had that of *good/ The name 
was accordingly explained by the late Assyrians as ' the good God/ 
with a reference, perhaps, to their own words asim, righteous^ and 
xtsirttty righteousness/' As.shur therefore meant the good or holy, 
and was thus the exact equivalent of our English word God. It is a 
striking fact that in one inscription his name is repeated three times 
as the exordium to the script that follows, and Delitzsch very 
naturally compares this with the " Holy, Holy, Holy, Lord God of 
Hosts " of the Scripture. Asshur was the supreme god of the land 
whence Abraham and his family are said to have set out on their 
ast caravan journey towards Palestine, and it seems to me that he 
resembles Jehovah in his attributes more than any other ancient 

The Semitic origin and explanation of the name are again sup- 
ported by the fact that, so far as I know, it never occurs at all in the 
writings of early Chaldea written in more or less pictorial script, and 
found by the French at Tell Loh, the ancient Shirpurla or Lagash. 
If it had been a Sumerian name of some divinity known to the 
Sumerians, it would assuredly have been mentioned among the other 
. Sumerian gods of whom we know so many. 

It first occurs in the inscriptions of the great Semitic ruler 




Every kind of evidence therefore converges upon the conclusion 
that the God Asshur bort' a purely Semitic name. Let us now refer 
to the earlier notices of the name. 

In the ftrst place it is now generally agreed that the ntim^ AssAtsr^ 
as the god's name^ is the same as that of the city of Asshur^ where 
he was so long worshipped. Both are written with the same ideo- 
grams. "The Assyrians," says Professor Sayce, ** wrote both alike, 
sometimes with jj, sometimes with s^ and the fact that the name of 
the country is often expressed by attaching the deterrai native athx 
of locality to the name of the god, proves that they were not 
conscious of any difference, phonetic or otherwise^ between the two. 
In such matters we cannot be wiser than our Assyrian teachers/' 
(Hibbert Lectures, 125-6 note.) This seems unanswerable. I 
cannot, however, reconcile it with another statement of his on 
page t;*5, where he says, "the city of Assur had nothing to do 
with the god." In this he differs from all authorities known to me, 
as he does when he derives the name of the city from the ideogram 
reading Aushar, and meaning *' water bank/' He overlooks, I think, 
that this very ideogram stands for the god in the earliest, purely 
Assyrian, inscription we have got, and that in proper names it is 
most unsafe to deduce anything from the actual pictorial meaning 
of the ideograms. It seems to me that **the city of Asshur'* was 
simply '*the city of the god Asshur/' with the determinative of 
gc>d left out, just as the Sumerian name of Nippur was En lil ki, 
the city of Enlil, and Eridu was En ki, the city of the Lord, />, 
in this case of Ka, 

After writing this sentence, I came across the following passage 
of Jastrof : "Asshur is the only instance that we have of a god 
expressly giving his name to a city, for the name of die city can only 
be derived from that of the god, and not via versi. The identilv 
cation of the god with his favourite town must have been so complete^ 
that the town, which probably had some specific name of its own, 
became known simply as the * City of the God Asshur.* From 
such a designation it is but a small step to call the city simply 
Asshur 1*he difference between the god and the city would be 
indicated by the determinative for deity, which was only attached to 
the former, while the latter was written with the determinative 
ailached to towns. When this city of Asshur extended its bounds 
until it became co-equal with the domain of Assyria, the name of the 
god was transferred to the entire northern district of Mesopotamia, 

28 1 




ijchp as country of ihe god Asshur, was written ^^ith the 

terminative for country '' (^/. a'/,, 196), 
Lei us now turn to the earlier occurrences of the name. In the 
inscriptions of Khammurabi it occurs three times, twice as that of 
the city and once as that of the god in composition, 
f It occurs in the exordium lo the Monolith inscription of 
Khnmmurnbi, found at Susa by Feather Scheil, where, among other 
m» godSf he appeals to the protecting god of the city of Au shar, 

Jin one of his letters to Sin iddina, we rtad of the country of 
Asshur. See King, iHsmptums i)/ Khammurak\ page 4. 
Thirdly, Dr. Finches found ^^f* "anie in composition in 3 
Tsonal name otherwise en 
i^ibletis V* 12^ Au-shar-idinnaiiu 
'l^..[_JT ^^ %X^- See Pinches, 
[1901, 14^ 

I The next occurrence of the ns 
dtfrom Kabh Shergat, the ancient a 
"V of the time of the Patesl, Iri sfa 
jmriiten diifercntly, thus, |J i_ 

M Irish um invokes Asshur as 
^f and more frequently, the udinc 

*-*^ y the first character of which reads Ash and the second as before 
shur, thus reading Ashshur. This is the form in Assyrian, where 
the characters are run together to form one ideogram, but in Baby- 
lonian they are separated. Dr. Pinches points out as obvious that 
we never find, as we should expect, the characters ^ *^ , i,€. 
Ash shur used for the name. 

These various ways of writing the name suggest the real key to 
the difficulty which has arisen with the form An shar. It seems to 
me to be merely another way, a clumsy way, of writing the name 
Asshur by means of two early ideograms, used as syllables. 

It is interesting to find that Anshar has in fact been treated as a 
form of Asshur by more than one notable writer on entirely different 
grounds to that here stated. See Zeifs, ftir Assyriologie I, i ff., and 
209 ff., and Jensen, Kosmologie^ 275 ; see also Delitzsch, Das Baby. 
Weltschopfuugsepochy 173 and 175. 

c on one of Khammurabi's 
t god) Au shar has given 
u it fjfisimre da Hdigiom^ 

in the earliest inscriptions 
. In the earliest of these, 
re. 300Q B.C., the name (s 
ihur. It is in this form that 
other and later inscriptions, 
en with other syllat^les, viz.^ 


{To be continued.) 



By Prof, Flinders Petrie, F.H.S., KB.A. 

The XX 1st Dynasty Bandages.— After comparing all the 
datings on the The ban bandages and other mumtny furniture, it 
does not appear possible to refer them uniforn>ly to either the 
Tanite reigns or the Theban reigns. The allotments of the datings 
to the kings are as follows : — ■ 

1 with year ofz Theban, 

2 ,, „ ^j/a Tanite, 

1 „ ^, and Theban name, 

2 „ „ and Tanite name, 

3 ,, Tanite name and a year after, 
Many with Theban name and a year aften 

We cannot draw any certain results as to those datings which 
are not stated to belong to tlK- king named, when we see so much 
diversity where a king's reign is clearly named. Hence all systems 
of relation that have been proposed between the Tanite and Theban 
lines, must be set aside so far as they depend on the datings being 
supposed to belong entirely to one or the other family. The details 
of the dates concluded from this period are too complex to enter on 

Queen Hent-taui I was certainly the mother rather than the 
wife of Pinezem^ as he is shown doing homage to her {Rtcueit^ XIX^ 
2o); and this accords with her position between his wife Maatkara 
and his grandmother Nezemt {Recual, XIV, 32). She was daughter 
of the royal female Thentamen, and is called "king's daughters 
daughter " in one place on her coffin. By the family ages probably 
Thentamen was a daughter of Ramessu XI L 

Queen Ast-km-khki? reigned independently at El Heybeh; the 
bricks with her name and Pinezem, belong not to Pinezem II, 
under whom she died, but to her father Pinezeiti I, as he is called 
maat^kkcn/. At his death she ruled alone^ and afterwards married 

P,\sKBKHANu,— There has been some confusion between three 
kings of this name, who are certainly distinct as shown by their 
throne names. Pasebkhanu I of Tanis vvas Aa-kkep^r-ra ; Pasebkhanu 
II of Tanis was Hez-htq-ra^ and varied the name as Hor Pasebkhanu ; 
and Pasebkhanu of Thebes was Tat-khtpin4-m, 

283 z 

Dsc. 14} 



Thk Origin of the XXIIkd DvwASTv.^This has been 
commonly supposed to go back six generations before Shesheoq I 
to Ta hen by yuan a, and from this name a Libyan ancestry has been 
deduced. The authority is the stele of Horpasen. On that there 
^ are five generations back to a couple Nemarech and Thentspeh ; 
then it continues j/ /W' faui Uasarkon II, and up to Sheshenq L 
Then without r^/jry connective si\ ''son of,** it repeats the names of 
Nemareth and Thentspeh and goes up another Jine of descent to 
Tahenbuyuaua* To mterpret th is part as the ancestry of Sheshenq I 
requires the insertion of si\ which does not exist after the name of 
Sheshenq, and also requires the very unlikely event of a man and 
wife having the same names as another man and wife some 
generations earlier. On the other view of a divided genealogy^ 
thesie are a repetition of the same j>eople in order to pick up the 
family line again, and the only error in the text w^ould l>e writing 
O I for O ta. Hence I conclude that the family history lies thus : — 

TAiiK^"nu\'UAUA Skeshknq I 

4 generation 5 to 3 generations to 


^^^^^ 4 generations to 

Thus the TaAen name, even if Libyan, belongs to a collateral 
family which did not marry into the royal line till the daughter of 
Uasarkon II. 

We can then recognise in Sheshenq (or Sheshenqu of the 
Assyrian history) the same name as is found on Babylonian tablets 
as Sheshenqu, **the man of Shushan." Namart and Tiklat were 
called from the leopard and tiger ; and the resemblance of Uasarkon 
and Sargon is the weakest point of the eastern and Semitic con 
nections of this family. 

The Sukkiim. — This people has not yet been identified, and 
some objections to the history of Shishak have been raised upon 
this. But the name is written with sad and ^ofA, the same as in 
Succoth, which was the Egyptian Thuku. Hence the Sukkiim are 
the people of the eastern frontier of Egypt, the most likely to be 
used by Shishak for his Judaen war. 

Date of Shishak's War. — This must have been about the 
xxth year of his reign, as he carved the account on his new 
buildings at Karnak, the stone of which was quarried in his xxist 





year; and be Is not likely to have postponed all record of his 
victories for sever*!! years, 

Zkrah. — 'J'he chronology, which various new facts limit witMa 
only a very few years of possible change, would place the war of 
Zerah within the reign of Uasarkon I. The strong reasons for these 
names being identical have never been refuted^ though ignored in 
recent years, (i) Zerah on defeat fled back along the Eg)"ptian 
road to Gerar, (2) His cities round Gerar are plundered. {3) 
The invaders were Cushini and Lubim or Libyans. None of these 
points will agree to Zerah being other than an Egyptian king. 

MusRi. — Lately Dr, Winckler has brought forward what he 
considers the best proofs that there was a kingdom of Musri in 
N- Arabia distinct from Eg>'pt, {Ifiififert /fwrfta/, April, 1904,) 
But none of his data are inconsistent with the kingdom of Egj^pt in 
its eastern extension over Sinai, and the desert into Palest ine^ which 
was the normal condition of its power. That the whole kingdom 
should be called Musri — Egypt — is only like Wales or Scotland being 
commonly included in the name England when writing from abroad. 
Two cases deserve explanation. Tiglath Pileser III appointed a 
resident over Musri, just after the XXllnd dynasty was broken up^ 
and the land was divided among a couple of dozen petty kings ; 
very likely the king of the isthmus may have accepted a resident 
from Assyria, and such would be a resident in Musri, Again, there 
is a passage naming "the borders of Musri which is beside 
Melukhkha ; " this is quite a natural description of the desert 
province of the borders of Egypt which adjoins N* Arabia, There 
does not seem then any sufficient ground for supposing an entirely 
independent kingdom of Musri adjoining the well known Musri — 

Zet.- — No satisfactory^ explanation of this name has been given. 
It occurs in only one version of Manetboat the end of the XXIIIrd 
dynasty. Possibly an epitomiser tnistook a summary of years at 
the end of this period, and ZFIX might be made into a false name 
as ZHT» If so this would give 387 years; and the interval from 
the close of the Ramessides to the rise of the Ethiopians at the end 
of the XXIIIrd dynasty appears to be 3S1 years, within narrow 
limits of uncertainty. This may explain this name, as being 
corrupted from one of the summations such as we know in Manetho. 

Shabaka. — Difficulties have been made about his b^'ing the 
SibCj tartan of Musri, of Sargon's annals, and Sua of II Kings 

285 z 2 




wnit 4- But the origin of the name explains ihis^ as Brugsch 
remarkB that SAa^a is the wild cat, and ^a is only the article in 
Ethiopic; therefore the tenninalion might be easily omitted in 
current sjieech* The difficulty in chronology of Shabaka and 
Taharqa each appearing in Jewish histor>' eight or ten years before 
their reigns, is fully accounted for by their acting as viceroys of the 
Ethiopian king before their accession. Sibe is called the iarian by 
Sargon, and Taharqa states that he was sent lo the Delta at 
twenty years old, long before his reign. To the Jew they appeared 
as kings of Egypt 

Men-khepkr-ra, RamenVp— This is the kst reading proposed 
for the king of the Louvre stele, C loo, Ra is, however, a very H 
unlikely element in a personal natucj and it might as well read 
Khmeny : which would, perhaps, mean the man of Khraun, the 
name of Eshmuneyn at this period. That this i>etty ruler was In ■ 
Upper Eg}^pt is shown by his having dedicated a vase at Kamak. 

Thk Rise or the Saites,^ — This family of local rulers can be 
restored with fair probability as follows :— 






SlIfifSKS RA« 











Tafnekut H. 

q, .,.,.., ....,.,, 





' Nekhepsos. \ 
Nbokhabis. J 




Nekau I. 









The throne names of i and 2 are certain. 3. Uah-ab-ra is on 
two monuments, alternate with Shabaka, and therefore a vassal of 
his; this fixes him to this period, and Stefinates is doubtless 
Tafnekht. Ar-ab-ra is a name of this type ; and this is the only 
likely place for it. Nekhepsos is probably the same as Neokhabis 
(wrongly stated to be father of Bocchoris), and this seems to be 
Nekau-ba, known on a sistrum. Men-ab-ra is a very common 
name on scarabs and cylinders of this age ; and he took titles of 
royalty, and uraei with both crowns, so that he is most likely to be 
the important king Nekau I who preceded Psamtek I. On 
examining the family life-history it seems that these were probably 
all in continuous descent, as on the basis of 22-year generations 
they would be from 26 to 58 at accessions and 48 to 80 at death, 
a very consistent result through 9 generations of the family. 



Thf* Name Psamtek. — This is clearly of the same form as 
Shaba tak, which Bmgsch analyses as Shaba cat, la son, ka the, ** the 
wild cat's son/* So Psamtek is ** the son of Psam." On several 
scarabs we find a lion associated with the name, in one case only 
the lion and Psam. Now zam is used for a lion at Edfu ; and tutu 
is a lion {agtrziim^ It^opard) in modern Libyan, If we may take this 
connection, Psamtek is "the lion's son." -Pis, of course, only the 
Egyptian article, as there is the feminine form Tsamtek. With a 
name of Ethiopian type, was he partly Ethiopian ? His father must 
have married about 690 HX,, when Taharqa was wanting to secure 
the Delta behind him for advance in Palestine. It seems very likely 
that an Ethiopian princess may have been given to Nekau, Thus 
Psamtek would pass as the heir of both Ethiopia and Sais* 

The ScvTHiAN Dominion. — This is stated by Herodotos, from 
^£g5^ptian sources, as lasting %Z years in Asia : he also states that 
Psamtek besieged Ashdod for 29 years* These two periods are 
probably connected, and the history seems to have bt^en thus :— The 
Scythians advanced down the Palestine coast, Psamtek went across 
to meet them, and turned them back at Gaza. They plundered 
Ashkelon and fell back a few miles north to Ashdod. This they 
held, blocking the way of the Egyptians for 29 years ; thus to the 
Egyptian view they were masters in Asia during that time, and 
Ashdod was continually attacked by Psamtek, as being the frontier 

I have not attempted to give all the reasons and references for 
these conclusions, as I shall state them fully In the forthcoming 
volume of my History. But to students these short notes will ser^e 
to point out the facts, and the new conclusions which may b« drawn 
from them. 

Bv Pror E. Naville, D.C.L. 

[Cmitinufd fi'&m fiagv ^S7*) 

The text of Ani is so different that I must translate it separately, 
I cannot help thinking that the scribe has mixed up the columns 
which he was copying, and has introduced here things which should 
come further on. 

Sit}*s Turn : if I see iky face iktre will be no suffering f ram thy netd^ 
for to every god has betn assigned Ms throne among mi/iic^HS* Sttys 





^^ irth whimper has hen directed by the Princ£s he will riik 

^^911 nr (here I make an inversion which seems obviouB) ihy 
J ^^ f (hy son H&rtts^ he will inksrit his ihnme in fke isle 0/ 

^ fciention is made of the boat of millions, but in both ic^cts 

^^nCSpi le ** isle of flames,^' This occurs frequently in the Book 
I of the Dead. ** / have emm and I da the wiii af my heart in the isltr 
* 0/ flames. I extinguish its fire ivhen I gff r>ut'' (Chapter 22) ;»the 
island had been the place of a great massacre of the enemies of 
Horns or Osiris, this massacre had been carried out by the SetHrn 
[ Ihvini Masters^ who are naid to strike off the heads a fid ekat'e the 

e^hst wka seize the hearts and drag forth the whole hearts ^ and , 
\'U€mmfilish the slauj^hter in the isk of flames (Chapter 71). There ■ 
also the gods and the deceased received the words of magic power 
(Chapter 34, Ounaiii !> 506), Renouf considers it as the glow of 

Here again the difTerences between the two versions are very 
greats I begin with Z. L (PU I, IK 14, 15 ; III, IL 15-17.) 

And further I command that eaeft ^od shtmld sec his secaful^ my 
^face will see thy face I exalt . . . . after this there was evidently 
^^ question by the deceased of which we have only the last words . 

on the day when it is done, Osiris ans%vers : thou las test beyond 
millions^ Turn answers : it is a great duration of millions, 

Ani reads : further I command that I should see his {my) second^ 
my face ivill see the face of , , I believe a word is omitted. Then 
comes the question by the deceased : Afy lord Tum what is the 
duration of my life 1 answer : thou lastest beyond millions of millions^ 
thy duration is of millions (of years), / have given thee what has been 
directed by the Princes, 

The beginning of this is rather obscure. What meaning is there 
in two gods looking at each other? The explanation is perhaps 

in the ceremony called ^ | -^j /^ see the god (Moret, Rituel^ P- 55)> 

where the text says that the face of one god is a safeguard for the 
other, so that in looking at each other they exert a sort of reciprocal 

Who are the Princes who direct what will happen, and whose 
decrees the gods themselves seem to obey ? I believe them to be 
cosmic genii who are sometimes mentioned as having been ante- 
cedent to the gods; "the fathers and mothers who were with me 
when I was still in Nu," as Ra calls them in the inscription of the 



destruction of mankind ; perhaps also the seven wise men of the 
isle of flames. They are often mentioned in the Book of the Dead, 
sometimes they are connected with Heliopolis, sometimes also with 
the Cycle of Osiris. 

In the following the two texts agree fairly, and we may supply 
the gaps of Z. b, from Ani : (PL I, 11. 16-22 ; III, 11. 17-23.) 

And further I am going to deface ail I have done ; this earth will 
become water {or an ocean) through an inundation as it 2vas at the 
beginning, I am he who re main s^^ together with Osiris and I shall 
take the form of a small serpent^ which no man knoivs and no 
god sees. 

The word ^\\ -^^^ > which I translate to deface, means sometimes 

to erase or scratch out an inscription. It applies particularly well to 
what Tum intends to do ; the god is going to destroy what is on the 
surface of the earth by covering it with water, making it to be again 
Nu, the great ocean, the primitive water out of which everything 
originated. It will be Nu again as it was at the beginning, and as it 
is described in the first lines of Chapter 17, where is said: I am 
Tum, I am the only one, as A^u, I am Ra in his first appearance, 
when he first began to be a ruler. 

Thus the earth is to be water again. This is a real flood, but 

which is not produced by rain ; it is caused by \^ 8 ^^ '^^'^^ ' 
This word is not found elsewhere under this form, but as it is 
in both versions, we can admit that it is correct. The word 

fi *=^ w=/I '^^'^'^ , XulJ^'^^^ (Chabas, Ani, I, p. 79) means to rise 

Q ^ ^ 

in speaking of the Nile and water in general. Q (Brugsch, 

Suppl., p. 788) is a name of the inundation. Thus we have here a 
deluge such as the Egyptians fancied would take place, not owing 
to continuous rain, as in the tradition of the Hebrews, but by water 
rising of itself and by its own power, as was the case with the 
Nile every year. 

We notice here that there is no mention of the death of men, as 
in the inscription of the destruction of mankind, but we shall see 

•* n > n ® superessc, rcmanerc. Rouge, Gramm,, p. 87; Chalias, 
Voyage, p. 144. 



further on that probably something likti this destruction was described 
in a part of the chapter of which little has licen preserved. 

When the earth is covered with water Turn alone remains with 
OstriSj and he takes the appearance of a serpent so small that it is 
invisible to the eye of men and gods. While in Chapter 1 7 the first 
ruler who appears out of the water is Ra, here it is Osiris. Turn is 
still sf>eaking : 

It is gtmd what I //m'c dime h Osirti, exaiting him abort nU gods, 
I giv£ him ih€ puwtr avtr the land a/ i/ic I^tikenvor/d ; his son Ifortts 
win inktrit his throm in ihc isU t?/Jfnmcs, 

I have placed his throne in the i^oat of mUHons^ I hair girrn tvhat 
the Prinas have dto'eed (that he should do) ti^hat he hkes on tarfh^ in 
e^rdtr that Horns may stand on his seat and that he may tahe ^ssessitm 
0/ his piait of rest ^ 

Further I dirtei the saui of Set tirtimrds th€ West txaiting him 
s^am all gods ^ and I cause his soui to be kept in the ^oai in arder that 
h€ may shmc* revert nee to the divine Imdy (Osiris). 

The ruler will now be Osiris ; his throne will he in the boat of 
millions. I believe that there is no doubt that these millions apply to 
years. When we heard, a little further l>ack, this answer to the question 
of the deceased : thy dt4 ration is t^tyond miUions^ it is clear that iheiie 
millions can only refer to time, to years or to a period of some kind. 
The boat of millions can only be synonymous of an eternal or ever- 
lasting boat. There the god will abide, for the earth is covered with 
water, and he will navigate to the isle of flames, where Horus will 
be enthroned as the heir of his father. 

It is curious that Set is also to be in the boat, and we find an 
allusion to this fact in a text of quite a different kind, the famous stele 
of the year 400, where Set is thus addressed : Hail^ Sety son of Nut^ 
the very brave, in the boat of millions. Set, or rather the soul of Set, 
is to have reverence for the divine body which is here another name 
for Osiris. 

Here ends what I should call the first part of the legend, at the 
close of which we see the earth covered with water and the gods in 
a boat navigating towards the isle of fire. 

A running translation, made as far as possible from Z. ^., will 
show how the various parts of this somewhat disconnected narrative 
followed each other. 

"O Thoth, who are those who are like the children of Nut? 
They have stirred up hostilities, they have raised storms, they have 





committed inlquttj^, they have raised rebellion, they have perpet ratted 
tnurdefj they have done oppression, and furthermore ihey make the 
great to be small in all I have done* 

Grantj O Thoth, that tliat may take place which Turn has com- 
manded, viz., thou shalt not s^ evil, thou shalt not suffer ; for their 
years are but dust, and their months are nearmg (their end )| while 
they are designing evil against what I have done. 

T am thy imllet, O Thoth, I have brought thee the inkstand 

Thou art not one of those evil-designing oneSj there is no evil in 
thee, Osiris, thou art well pleasing to the lords of the earth, bearing 
witness to truth, free of iniquity^ kindhearted, without any defect* 

O my lord Turn, who are those journeying towards a country in 
the Netherworld where there is no water and no air ? it is an abyss, 
deep darkness, a secluded place, so that there will be no life^ no 
peace of heart, no pleasures of love. Let there be granted to me 
glory instead of water and air, and also pleasures of love and peace 
of heart instead of bread and beer. 

Turn answers : (if I see) thy face there will be no suffering from 
thy need, henceforth whatever god rests in the boat (of millions) 

Turn answers : henceforth whoever has been directed by the 
Princes he will rule (on his throne, and his son will inherit his 
throne) in the isle of fire. 

And further, I command that each god should see his second; 
rny face will see thy face, I exalt » 

, . . on the day when it is done. 

Osiris answers : thou lastest beyond millions. Turn answers : it 
is a great duraiton of millions. 

And further, I am going to deface all I have done; this earth 
will become water (or an ocean) through an inundation^ as it was at 
the beginning. I am he who remains, together with Osiris, and I 
shall take the form of a small serpent, which no man knows, and no 
god sees* 

It is good what I have done to Osiris, exalting him above all gods. 

I give him the power over the land of the Netherworld ; his son 
Horus will inherit his throne in the isle of flame. 

I have placed his throne in the boat of millions, I have given 
him wliat the Princes have decreed^ (that he should do) what he 
likes on earth, in order that Horus may stand on his seat and that 
he may take possession of his place of rest 


Further, I direct the soul of Set towards the W^est^ exalting hioi^ 

ibove all gods, and I cause his soul to be kept in the boat, in order 
lilfti he may show reverence to the divine body (Osiris)," 

This remarkable mythological narrative is interrupted here by a 
pn^er of the deceased to Osiris asking for the usual blessings con- 
futed upon the dead. The papyrus of An i ends after this piayer, 
but Z. k goes on, and carries us to Heracleopolis Suienhunen, where 
there was a famous temple of Osiris* the god called there fhe nry 
ttrrii^k, he who inspirts ^r^at fear. What happens after the flood is^ 
tbe rule of Osiris at Heracleopolis. Hj 

The lines of L, Ik being broken at both ends, the translation is 
necessarily very fragmentary ;^( PL II, IL 26-39*) 

'*. , . there are shouts of Joy at Sutenhunen, and delight in 
An&aref ... fl 

, . * he inherited his throne, he rules over both lands united, all^ 
Ae gods are satisfied, Set , . . 

. . . my lord Turn. Osiris answers O may Suti fear me, when be 
seeff my form 

, , . conit; towards me^ all men, all past, all present, and all 
future . 

. . . bowing down when they see me. Impart to me terror and 
rouse in me might . . . 

... all his ... . Suti came, his face was cast down, his face 
touched the earth when he saw what had been done . . . 

. . . falling from his nostrils. And Osiris was hoeing the blood 
coming out of Sutenhunen. 

... to see Osiris, he found him sitting in his abode, his head was 
swollen . . . 

. . . touched (?) these tumours, discharging blood, ichor,^ impuri- 
ties thrown on the field . . . 

... my face, and I raised my face . . . 

. . . (Said by) Ra to Osiris, my face is firm, raise thy head, great 
is the fear thou inspirest. I have increased the terror of thee. 

. . . come for thee out of my mouth, behold thy name is well 

o^ " sanies," " ichor coming out of a tumor." I believe it 

is the word which has been transcribed erroneously in the Lexicon to the Papyrus 


















Zi 25 




established for millions and millions (of years) and his name 
will be . . . 

... his name in Sutenhunen, the lofty atef crown is on his head, 
millions, hundreds of thousands, tens of thousands, thousands . . . 

. . . cakes, loaves, oxen, geese, all things good and pure, the 
great one is the name of the water-district in the river ..." 

The following lines are too much destroyed to give us sense; 
one of them says again that the name of the god in Sutenhunen 
will be, " he who inspires a great terror ; " and the three last lines 
are the rubric saying that this is to be recited over an image of 
Horus made of lapis lazuli and placed at the throat of the 

This narrative evidently described how after the deluge, after the 
great flood which had covered the earth, Osiris was established as 
king in the city which was specially consecrated to him, Heracleo- 
polis. The rule of Osiris does not seem to have prevailed without a 
struggle. The broken lines of the text point to a fight with Set, and 
perhaps with mankind. All men seem to have been summoned 
before the god to bow down in his presence ; Set himself came and 
touched the earth with his face. The next line speaks of blood 
coming out of Sutenhunen, blood which Osiris was "hoeing," 
covering with earth. This reminds us strongly of the inscription of 
the destruction of mankind, which says that for several nights the 
goddess Sekhet waded in blood from Heracleopolis. Evidently in 
mythology the name of this city was connected with a great slaughter. 
Chapter i speaks of the Feast of Hoeing in Sutenhunen. We must 
understand it in the same way as what is said in Chapter 18 ; I quote 
Renoufs translation : " thou makest Osiris triumphant over his adver- 
saries^ before the great Circle of GodSy at the great hoeing in Tattu^ on 
the night of Hoeing in their blood . . . 

. . . The great Circle of the gods at the great Hoeing in Tattu^ 
when the associates of Sut arrive and take the form of goats, slay them 
before the gods there while their blood runneth do7vn'^ 

Thus we have the traditional origin of the great festival of Suten- 
hunen ; we see why Osiris was called Hershefi, the terrible, Arsaphes 
whom the Greeks called Heracles. 

We have also a mention of the sacred lake X W x '^^'^^ JHhi of 

Heracleopolis, which is known from the lists of the nomes and also 
from the inscription of the myth of Horus, where it is derived from 


Dig. i^ 



die word | >S 8 ''^^^ look for." There are parts of this myth the 

connection of which with the rest of the text we cannot well 
[ceoognus^ — for instance, what is said of tutncurs which discharge 

blood and ichor. Altogether this mythological narrative j though 

having tonne likeness to the inscription of the destruction of man- 

|)dnd and Co Chapter 1 7, has some features o( its own, and it is not 

* fanpossibte that we have there a fragment of the religious traditions 

of Henckopolis. 



lly Miss M, A- Murray. 


The painted terra-colta bull's head, figured on the ajCCompan>^ng 
{date, nas fnund at Memphb, and is of the Roman period- The 
modeUing and style of the head and neck in front are paiticuiarly 
good; Ihc back* like almost ail Romano- Egyptian terra-cottas, is 
simply curved, without any attempt at modelling, and widens towards 
the base to allow of the figure standing firmly. The bull is of a 
short- horned breed, and bears between the horns the disk of the sun, 
on which is the uraeus (?) crowned with the disk. The traces of 
paint show that the whole head had originally been coloured red, 
the eyes and eye-brows, which are shaped like the conventional 
human eye, being in black. 

Terra-cotta heads of Apis of this type are rare. I do not 
remember to have seen one in any public museum except the 
Edwards Collection at University College. They are evidently of 
purely Memphite origin, and may be considered characteristic of 
that place. I was fortunate enough to obtain eight, all slightly 
different, of which this is the best specimen, the rest being modelled 
by inferior artists. 

They were used as household gods, before whom lamps were 
burned and offerings made and to whom the daily worship was 
paid. They are always found in the ruins of houses and not in 
cemeteries, showing that they were for the use of the living, not the 


Pro£, Sat* BihL ArcA.^ Dei'^^ 190^. 


FiOM Memphis. 



By Percy K Newberry. 

The title which takes precedence of all others in the royal 
protocol is that generally known as the Horus4itle. It consists of a 
Hawk perched on a buildings above the facade of which the special 
name of the king is engraved. The building is generally lielieved 
to represent the facade of a tomb,^ while the Hawk above is supposed 
to symbolize the king's soul- — hence the nanxe engraved over the 
facade is usually called the ^a-name.^ ** This title/' writes Mr. 
Griffiihj* "ts probably connected with Osiris worship and indicates 
that the king was the living successor and son of Osiris on earth, his 
father being in the Underworld/- Professor Petri e says^'" ** that the 
Hawk seems to have been added to convey the idea that this was the 
name of the king to eternity and not adopted as a territorial title." 
He further remarks that the fa^^ade over which the ^^-name of the 
king was engraved belongs "rather to a tomb than a palace."*^ 
Mr, Griffith, on the other hand, prefers to see in this sign the facade 
of a palace.^ Thanks mainly to the discoveries of the last few 
years we are now^ able to trace this Horus-title back to its very 
origin, and I btrlieve that sufficient evidence has now been accumu- 
lated to show that in its origin and eariy kisi&ry it had, as had some 
of the other of the royal titles, distinctly a territorial meaning. 

As a title the ^^ is first found above the name of the 
"Scorpion" King® on a limestone vase from Hieraconpolis ^ (see 

* Petrie, Tunis, I, 5 5 Season in E^^'pt^ pi. 3ut, pp^ 21, 22. Maspero, ^ftidts 
J^gypiiennts^ 11, pp* 274, 275; antl Dawn ^/ CiviiiziUien, p. 261 j .Ntaret, Dm 
earacti-fd rtil^kHJC th ia koymdi J^haramiii^tte, pp. 19-21. 

' Maspero, £^itdtt £^'pn£tiHt^\ II, pp. 273-288. 

* SoiDt:times also called the " Banner-name.^' 

* J^ejfol Tomhj I, p* 35 J (/^ ftloret, Di$ rarmci^ri t^eitji^'^Uttx tft' hi K^yauti 
rkaraonique^ p, 18. * K^ful Tam^s, I, p, 36, 

* J^nyn/ Tmubs^ 1, p. 36, ' Komf Tmfilfs, I, p, 3S. 

* On the mace-head of the Scorpion King {MUmtaHp^tis, I, pi xxvi, C. 4) the 
Imwk is rcpfacod by a mselte -shaped hieroglyph ^see fig. 2} comprised of a flower (?) 
with seven peials, This i>ign is found again on the slate palette of Naimer, and 
on hi5 mace- head in a title perhaps rctditig ** King's servant*' \ Uierac^npeia^ 
pis* xxvi B, and xxixj. ' Quil>cll, I/ienji&ir^liSj I, pi. xix. 


Gg« I ) : the bird is here shown stindmg upon a runpied stick or 
haae, fiimilar to the perch of the early Standard-signs (see figs. 6 and 
7I**). It next occurs on some momimenls of Namxcr^ where the 
llawk is tthown jjerched upon the at rued top of a facade sign^' (see 
^*t>* 3h At *^h** jjcriod, however, the Hawk does not invariably 
appear, for Narmer's name sometimes occurs without it ; ^- some- 
times, indeed^ the royal name is not even writ ten within the fa^de- 
sign* *"^ U(Jon the mned top of tl^e fai;ade-sigti the Hawk again 
appeanj on some monuments ^* of Aha (see fig, 4), while on other 
objects of the same king the stereotyped form ^^ of later times is 

Now Hicraconpolis— the place ^vhere the earliest monuments 
of the kings of Upper Egypt have been discovered — was, a^ its name 
implies, ** the city of the Hawk '* ; ^*^ in a late inscription quoted by 
IJrugschj it !!(> called the Nti-ifak}"^ ** Re.^idence of the Hawk-" In 

another late inscription i* the Standard-sign of the dispel is J» 

with f Hieraconpoli^, as its capital It was here that the hawk 

had been worshipped from very early tmiesp and the I/atvk*^\gn 
represented the dtsfrki of which ihe god it symbolised was the 
protecting deit)\ The Hawk upon a mn^id perch is a very early 
Standard'Sign ''' (see fig- 5)* and it is found as the symbol of two of 
the four allied tribes -^ who conquered the w^hole of Egypt. 

In later times it occurs in a slightly different form Hj^ ut/us 
HerUy "the raising of the Hawk," as the Standard-sign of the £dfu 
nome, which embraced the whole territory between the Nubian 
nome on the south and the Latopolite nome on the north, and 
consequently included within its limits the town of Hicraconpolis. 

*** Cf, also Legge in Proceedings S.B.A., vol. xxii, p. 130 and pi. ix. 

" Petrie, Royal Tombs ^ II, pi. ii, 3. 

^2 See for instance the celebrated slate palette in the Cairo Museum. Cj. 
Legge in Proceedings S.B. A., voL XXII, p. 130 and pi. I. 

" Petrie, Abydos^ II, pi. iv. 

" Petrie^ Royal Tombs ^ II, pi. x, i. 

" Slrabo, XVII, I, 42. 

*' Diet. Geogr., 210. 

** Dumichen, Geogr, Inscr.^ I, 65. 

*• Petrie, Diospolis Parva, pi. xxvi, 41 b. 

» On the whole of this subject of the Tribal Chieftains, see Newben^r and 
Garstang, A Short Histofy of Ancient Egypt y pp. 14-16. 



Edfu itself was named Hor-behndet^ as the town belonging to the 

It was from the region of Hieraconpolis that the dynastic 
kings of Egypt originally emanated. 22 The ** Scorpion," the earliest 
king of Upper Eg>'pt of whom we have any knowledge, put, as we 
have seen, the Hawk-sign over his name (see supra^ p. 295 and.fig. i). 
We have already noted that the ^^ represented not merely the 
god Horus, but also the district of which that god was the protecting 
deity. Now the standard of a district represented also the Chieftain 

of the district ; -•'' does not therefore the ^^ sign in the Horus-litle 

signify the leader of the Hawk-people — the Chieftain of the Hawk 
district ? And were not the Shemsu Hor^ or " Followers of the 
Hawk," the Chieftains of the district of which Hieraconpolis was in 
early times the capital — the Worshippers of Horus ? So I would 

suggest that the Hawk above the so-called ^a-name ^ ;^^ of the 

early kings really represented the Standard-sign of the princes' tribe 
or district which was placed over the fa9ade of his palace-^ to 
indicate that the king sprang from the family of the Chieftains of 
the Hawk district — that he was of the " House of the Hawk." 

2* Wiedemann in Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.^ Vol. XVH, p. 199. 

*- In the same city, no doubt, resided the immediate predecessors of the First 
Dynasty Kings, — the Shemsu Hor or "Followers of Horus." The legends of 
Edfu tell how these *' P'ollowers of Horus*' had driven before them the enemies 
of their Chieftain until they possessed themselves of the whole of Eg}'pt. 
In these legends is undoubtedly preserved the remembrance of the oldest time of 
Egyptian History. Maspero, Les forgerons d' Horns y in Etudes de Mythologies II, 
p. 313 ct seq, ; Xaville, Te.xtes rclatifs an my the d*Hortts, 

^ See for instance, Lepsius, Deitkmaler, ii, bl. 105, where the ^5s » the 

Standard-sign of the XVIth nome of Upper Egj'pt, clearly signifies "Chieftain of 
the Oryx nome.'* 

"^ That the [ ■ [ ■[■iil-sign represents the facade of a palace, is, in the light of the 
fact that the king is often spdken of as "Horus the Lord of the Palace" 
(Lepsius, Aitswahty &c.)» and as "The Horus who is in the palace " (Mariette, 
Alast.i 228: (irifiith, Sitit^ I, 220), much more probable than that it should be 
the fa9ade of his tomb, as is generally supposed. The fa9ade sign is termed 

II *^^^ [ ij[|i[ | | Serekhy and means " that which proclaims," "makes known," and 
at the King's accession his Hawk is said to "manifest itself upon the Scrckh for 
ever." Griffith, Royal Tombs ^ I, p. 38. 



That this was so seeing to be proved by the feet that In early times 
it w{is n0t always the ^^ that was placed over the ^^* Ncith- J 
hetep, whom there rs reason for believing was a prinress af Sais,-* 
placed over her name the standard-sign of Sais *^ (see fig* S) ; 
Per*ab-sen, a triba! Chjeftain of Middle Egypt or the Eastern Deltas ^ 

placed over his name the ^Jg| sign (see fig. 9) ; and Kha-sekhemoi^ 
who was perhaps a son of Per-ab-sen by Ne-niaat-Hap (a Memphite 
Princess,^ and heiress of the legidmate, Ilnd dynasty, Ime of 
kings), placed over his name both the Hawk and the Set^signs 
^see Jig. 10). ■ 

That the legitimate kings of Egypt i^ere descended from the 
Chieftains of the Hawk diiitrict, and that this district was their 
particular patrimony, appears to be corroborated by several significant 
facts which occur in the later histor)' of the country. 

In the first place it is important that we never, at any time. 



meet with a ^-=- ,^ " Great Chieftain of the Hawk noi 

whereas we have a fairly complete list of the Chieftains of the other 
Qomes of Egypt. _ _ M 

Secondly, the title a/J fir) Nek^en, *' he who is con- 
cerned with Nekhen (Hieraconpolis)," is a title which occurs at a 
very early period, ^^ and lasted on till late times. It was borne by 
high State officials, and certainly meant "he who looks after [the 
royal 30 domain at?] Nekhen" — the officer in charge of the king's 
estates there. 

Thirdly, we find that Queen Aah-hetep, the ancestress of the 
XVIIIth Dynasty, is mentioned as having owned estates near 

^ Newberry and Garstang, Short History^ pp. 19, 20. 
* De Morgan. 

^ Newberry and Garstang, Short Hisioiyy p. 26. 
® Newberry and Garstang, Short History^ pp. 26, 27. 

^ The earliest mention of the title is found on a tablet of the reign of Iving 
Den. Cf, Royal Tombs I, pi. XIV, No. II, p. 42. 

» Cf. the title ©^ "Governor of the [Royal] City." 

'* See Maspero, Les Momies royaUs, pp. 625-28 ; and cf. Proceeding Soc 
Bibl. Arch., 1902, p. 286. 


Fig. 4. 

Peine, ".'lA|Wi?j/' U, VI. IV. 

From n. drawinij from ihe 

original in tljc Cairo 




Fig. 2. 

QuibclU ^* Hkmfsft/k 
PL XXVI, c! 

Fig. S. 
Ptetrie, ** DmipeHs I 
11, XVI, 41/% and 1 
'* Siandartls t»f Shi 



Lcgge, * 



Fig. 9. 

ru XXII, I 


Fourthly, that with the beginning of the XVII Ith Dynasty we 
meet with a title i^^'^'^'^^l J "Royal Son of Nekheb," 

Nekheb being the town 33 immediately opposite Hieraconpolis. It 
does not seem that these Royal Sons of Nekheb were Crown 
Princes, but the title " Royal Son " is nevertheless significant as 
occurring in this locality. '^•'^ 

The conclusions that I would draw from the ^^-title of the 
king may be stated as follows : — 

(i.) That the 1^ over the Horus-name of the king, represented 
originally the totem of a tribe who settled in the neighbour- 
hood of Hieraconpolis ; that it was afterwards transferred to 
the district of which the Hawk was the patron deity, and 
consequently meant the district of Hieraconpolis; that, at 
a later period, it was again transferred to the headman of that 
district, and consequently was used to designate the Chieftain 
of the Hawk province.^ This Chieftain, at a still later period, 
conquered the rest of Egypt, but, though he took on 
new territorial titles, he still retained his original one of 
" Chieftain of the Hawk district," and gave it precedence over 
all the others. 
(2.) That consequently the Hawk district was the hereditary 
property of the Crown, just as Lancaster is of the Crown of 
(3.) That therefore the Horus-title of the king originally implied 
that the Royal family was descended from the *' House of the 
Hawk " — that the original conqueror of Egypt was a Chieftain 
of the Hawk district. 

(4.) That the a/v was during the Old Kingdom certainly, 

and perhaps during the Middle Kingdom and New Empire, 
the officer in charge of the Royal Estates at Nekhen. 

M Now El Kab. 

" Cf. the title i ^i /^ww ^^^^ t^^ which appears towards the end of 
the XVIIIth Dynasty. 

*♦ It is hardly necessary to point out that we get a relic of this idea in the fact 

that the kings of Egypt often speak of themselves as the F^ . 

299 2 A 

Pic 14] 



Correction to Prok. Naville's Pafer. 

In the Vexi {Ftmeedifii^t November, pp. 151-357) the 
Fapynis is rderred to as Zv r. [t .should be Z. k 

The Anniversary Meeting of the Society will be held at 
57, Great Russell Street, London, W.C., on Wednesday, 
Januarj' nth, 1905, at 4,30 p*m.. when the following Paper 

will be read t — 

Dr* Pinches: — "Nina and Nineveh**' 



The following donations have been received. 
May, 1904 : — 

W. H. Rylands 
W. L. Nash 

;^2 2 o 
;^2 2 o 

T/u Secretary will be glad to receive Donations to this Fund. 



Abydos, the Kings of 

,, ,, erratum to 

Aha, regarded by Prof. Petrie and Dr. Sethe as the name of Menes 
Alphabet, the origin of the 

,, the Proto 

„ the Baal-Lebanon ... ... 

,, the earliest Greek 

,, the Zenjerli 

,, the Kormello 

,, from the Assyrian Lion- weights ... 

* Amirat, son of Ausu, inscription of 

Ana-Katu-mis-min, Hittite local name 

Animal Worship in Egypt 

Animals, in Egypt, sacred as a whole species 

Antinoe, two Coptic Papyri from ... ... 

Antioch, a Canon of 

Anu, one of the triad of primitive Chaldean gods 

Ap, said by Prof. Petrie to be the personal name of King Ka 
„ considered by Dr. Naville to refer to ** the water Ap of the 


Apis bull, Roman terra-cotta figure of an 

,, used as a household god 

Arab Stamp, an, with a view of the Beit Ullah at Mecca 

Aramaic Inscriptions from Egypt 

Aries, Council of 

Asshur, the God ; and the epic of" Marduk and Tiamat " 

„ the Semitic god of the Assyrians 

,, gave his name to the city of Asshur 

Ast-em-kheb, queen, daughter of Pinezem I 

Ausu, inscription of ... 

Ausu, son of Ausu, inscription of 

Azab, King, the Miebis of the list of Manetho 

Vol. Pace. 
































































Babylonian Semites, their names for certain days of the month 
Basil, St., Coptic version of the Canons of 

.. XXVL 


.. XXVL 


2 B 



ian ifl*crIptioti of.. XXVL jt 

Dt. NftYfJle to be the proper reading of 

Peine " Narmer '* .. .„ .. XXVh J30 

views of the text of the, Pail V. XXVI. 25, 65, 94 

Beneri chief stew an] » Egypt 
Betchu (or Budjvi), said by 

the name read by Prof* 
Bible, «mne unconventionaJ 
Book of the Dead— 

Chapter CLKV, ... 

It \^ JUaV V !• r H 1 C^ 

„ CLXVII. , 

,. CLXVIIL.., 

,. CLXiX .„ 

,, CLXX. .., 

„ CLXXl. 









,, CLXXX< 






Bubasiis, Greek inscription from 

Cone, the sacred, an object of worship in a Hittiie temple ... 

Constantine, the decree of 

Cosmogonies, the Jewish and Babylonian, closely connected 

Council and officers for 1904 

Council's Report, 1903 

* * Creation " Tablets, a misnomer 

Cycle, the Latin, of 84 years 


DahshOr, Aramaic Inscriptions from 

De duabus viis chapters the, of the Didache 

Den, Fifth King of the 1st dynasty, called Htupti in the list of 

Seti I ... XX VI. 
,, ,, „ (Aa/AafV in the list of 

Manetho XXVL 

... XXVL 


., XXVL 


.. XXVL 












... XXVL 


*,. xxvt. 








„ XXV!, 


,.. XXVI. 










... XXVL 


... XXVL 


... XXVL 


... XXVL 


... XXVL 


... XXVL 


... XXVL 


.. XXVL 


... XXVL 


... XXVL 


... XXVL 


... XXVL 


... XXVL 




I 4 



Vol. Hage. 
Diptychs, "five part," presented to members of the Imperial House XXVI. 211 

"Consular" XXVI. 210 

Dynasties XlXth and XXth, Notes on the XXVI. 36 

Dynasty XXII, origin of the , XXVI. 284 

Ea, one of the triad of primitive Chaldean gods XXVI. 277 

Easter, the subject of, at the Councils of Nice and of Antioch XXVI. 153, 197 
Easter and the Passover, coincidences of the two festivals ... .. XXVI. 153 

Egyptian dynasties, notes on the later XXVI. 283 

Enlil, one of the triad of primitive Chaldean gods XXVI. 277 

Eponym list, an overlooked fragment of an XXVI. 260 


Flood, a mention of a, in the Book of the Dead XXVI. 251, 287 

Formula the, I A H -^ in the light of mythology ... XXVI. loi 

Funeral offerings, the Egyptian doctrine of the transformation of ... XXVI. 70 


Greek inscriptions from Egypt . . . 

XXVI. 90 


Ha ; said by Prof. I'etric to be the name of the wife of King Ka 
,, considered by Dr. Naville to refer to " the water Ha of 


Hebrew Intaglios, personal names on ... 

Henl-taui, queen, mother of Pinezem ... 

Hippolyie, Bishop, monument of 

„ ,, inscription on 

,, ,, table of Easter Sundays on ... 

Hittite gods, the triad of 

,, ,, the nine, or deified States at Carchcmish 

Hittite inscriptions, on the decipherment of the, II 

„ ,, corrections to former Paper 

,, new characters in ... 

,, the " Word-divider '' in ... 

,, the determinative of Ideographs, in 

,, the sign of the plural, in 

Hormes, name found in an Aramic inscription 


Horus litle, the 

of the kings of Egj-pt 

,.. XXVI. 126 

... XXVI. 127 

... XXVI. 109 

... XXVI. 283 

... XXVI. 155 

... XXVI. 155 

... XXVI. 156 

... XXVI. 22 

. XXVI. 22 

... XXVI. 235 
XXVI. 235-237 
XXVI. 237-249 

... XXVI. 249 

... XXVI. 249 

... XXVI. 250 

.. XXVI. 208 

... XXVI. 295 



l]nru« mlc, the, tim fiumdabovt^ ih^^name cif the ** Scorplof^ ^iKing XXVI, 
„ ft UTri'orial title .„ ... XX VL 

Hieimcofipolia ... ... ., ,„ ,,, XXVL 

„ iigni^ed timt the king vms dtscenilrd frofD llie 

" House af tlie Hawk *' .. „. .., ,.. XXVI, 


l-ETitt'Oft^ft nftg l-IUtitc country 

Ivor)' pnndj^ ^n. in the Britiiih Mu^ctun 

... XXVL 


Kfti ori potteiy ftmn*! at Abydns* cansidere^! l>y ProL Pttisc t^ !« 

the name nf ft pre-MenUe kitig .., ,,, XX VI, 13$ 
,1 „ tiJJisidcftfti liy I>f. Navjlle and Dr, SetJiCf to 

T«fifT fo thF ** hoMnc 0f the K* " tnd not a king's name .,. XXVL 117 

Kalka^i, Hiltite i()ai! nnrnc ... ... XXVL ill 

„ the RjilkcBh of the Egyptian inootimcnts ... ,« , XXVI. 18 

„ in the neighbourh^iod nl Mer'tah .,, ^ „, XXVL lH 

„ thf clj»55tical Kilkft . ,„ ,,, XXVI, iS 

Kal-KuBt'*»>na-s, fiTSMetntiniiil title of the King of M^ff'aslb ... XXVL 1^ 

Kiiist the lEiml nf, Illtliie local name ... .. . .. XXVL 23 

Kate, Hittite city XXVL 19 

Khattina, Hittite territorial name XXVL 19 

Katu, a Hittite deity XXVL 19 

Kheskhet, Dr. Naville's reading of the name read by Prof. Petrie 

asMcrsekha XXVL 138 

Kolitolu-yaila, inscription of XXVL 24 

Kom cl-Ahmar, Greek inscription from ... XXVL 90 

Legu, the Lykians XXVL 37 

Library, donations to the XXVL 2, 44, 78, 116, 180, 226 

Lil, a Semitic word, the name of the demons of tempest and night... XXVL 277 

Lilith, mentioned in Isaiah xxxiv, 13 XXVL 277 

Lybian Alliance against Rameses III ... ... ... XXVL 40 

,, names of the allies ... XXVL 40 

Libyan invasion of Egypt, under Meremptah... ... ... ... XXVL 36 


Maat-neferu, name of an Elgyptian princess ... 
Malatiyeh, Hittite inscriptions from the site of 

... XXVL 
... XXVL 




Manumission of a slave, a Latin deed of 

Mnshaua the, the Maxyes of Southern Tunisia 

Medinet Habu, the list of princes at 

Members, election of ... XXVI. 

Men-kheper-ra (Rameny), his name on the Louvre Stela 
Meremptah, Libyan invasion of Egypt in reign of ... 

,, Military strategy of 

Memeit, regarded by Prof. Petrie as a king 

,, said by Dr. Borchardt and Dr. Sethe to be a queen 

,, said by Dr. Naville to mean "a table of offerings to 


Mersekha, regarded by Prof. Petrie and Dr. Sethe, as the Semempses 

of Manetho 

„ read " Kheskhet " by Dr. Naville 

Musri, its identification 

Vol.. Page. 

XXVI. 145, 


... XXVL 


... XXVI. 


44, 116, 180, 


... XXVL 


... XXVI. 


... XXVI. 


... XXVI. 


... XXVL 


XXVL 10 




Narmer, regarded by Prof. Petrie as a pre- Menite king XXVI. 129 

„ „ by Dr. Sethe as a post-Menite king XXVI 129 

,, said by Dr. Naville to be properly read " Betchu " or 

"Budju" XXVL 130 

Nehemiah, the genealogies and lists in XXVI. 25, 63, 94 

** Niobe " inscription, reference to the ... ... XXVI. 24 


Obituary, 1904. 

Chariey, Sir W. T., A'.C. .. 
Forlong, Major-Clen. [. R. 
Piehl, Prof. Dr. Kari 
Strong, S. A. 

XXVI. 225 

XXVL 115 

XXVI. 225 

XXVI. 43 

Papyri, two Coptic, from Antinoe 

Pa-ra-her-amif, eldest son of Raineses III 

Pasebkhanu I, of Tanis, Aa-kheptr-ra 

Pasebkhanu II, of Tanis, Hez-heq-ra ... 

Pasebkhanu III, of ThelKjs, Tat -khe pent -ra ... 

Phuti, son of Shaman, name in an Aramic Inscri)tion 

Priest-kings of Kgypi, rise of the 

Psamtek, the meaning of the name 

Ptah-qadmon of El Qa, mentioned in an Aramic Inscription 





















SnblKith^ the As-iy tt>- babyleman wofd for 

„ the Biibylonmn, Qf non- Semitic origin 

SubicLic biljBc^l ff Pigments in the Bodleian Librai^, 11 

*^itc*j the riAc iif the 

S«iiiiint^d, Gre^k in.sf^riptkm twni 4** .«* .■* »>« 

Stttid*gamt?l'm'Kaiti'mi i*is-$, oimc of Ihc HiUite king or Mer*iish XXVI, 

SankhtiiCf king^ the tmme k>( ... 

,f ,, a MenUih(^«p, noi an Aivief ».. 

S»|mit u , the Bto^by Ion '\m\ Sabi mh 

„ (Heart resrK the [5lh dnj' r*f the Babylotikn raonlh 
,, additional note to 

Scythian dominion, the ... ... ... 

Seleucia, Hittite inscription on the rocks surrounding 

Semitic Inscriptions, Notes on, I ... 



Sharu, or Sons, the Egyptian king 

Shisliak*s war, date of 

Slate, a new carved 

Slates from Hieraconpolis, not intended for cosmetics 
Sma, the king regarded by Prof. Petrie as the immediate 
decessor of Menes ... 

*' Stela Sahiana," the 

Sukiim, the ; the people of the Eastern frontier of Egypt 

... XXVI. 


„. XXVL 


... XX VL 


„. XXVI, 


... XXVL 


ish XXVL 


... XXVI, 


... XXVL 


.., XXVl. 


,. XXVL 


... XXVL 


... XXVL 


.. XXVL 


... XXVL 


... XXVL 


XXVL 109 


... XXVL 


... XXVL 


... XXVL 


... XXVL 



... XXVL 


.. XXVL 


... XXVL 


Table of oflferings from Abydos, with the name of king Sankhere ... XXVL 75 

Takhat, wifeof Seiill XXVL 37 

Tiles from Mycenae, with the cartouche of Amenhetep III XXVL 258 

Turi, the, " of the sea " XXVL 37 

INDEX. 307 

Vol. Page. 

Vocalisation tgyptienne, une hypoth^se au sujet de la XXVI. 227, 269 

Wadi Shekhun, Aramaic inscription from XXVI. 207 


Zcr, regarded by Prof. Petrie as the Atothis of Manetho XXVI. 132 

Zerah, the war of XXVI. 285 

Zeser (\a^ ), on a piece of ivory found at Abydos, regarded by Prof. 

Petrie and Dr. Sethe as the King Tosorthros of Manetho*s list XXVI. 128 

„ considered by Dr. Naville as the name of some liquid ... XXVI. 129 

Zet, an unexplained name XXVI. 285 


Cook, S.A., M,A XXVI. 32, 72, 109, 164, 221 

Crum, W. E XXVI. 57,174 

Dalton, O. M., M,A,, F.S.A XXVI. 209 

(jardiner, A. H XXVI. 75 

Howorth, SirH. H., A-.C/.i^ XXVI. 25,63,94,275 

Johns, Rev. C. H. W., iV:^ XXVI. 260 

Legge, F XXVI. 125, 262 

Loret, Victor ^ XXVI. 227, 269 

Mahler, Prof. Dr. E XXVI. 153, 197 

Murray, Miss M.A XXVI. 294 

Nash, W. L., F,S.A XXVI. 264 

Naville, Prof. E XXVI. 45, 79, 105, 117, 181, 251, 287 

Newberry, Percy E XXVI. 295 

Petrie, Prof. W. M. F., F.Ji.S,, F,B.A., XXVI. 36, 113, 283 

Pilcher, E. J XXVI. 168 

Pinches, T. G., LL,D XXVI. 51, 162 

Ricci, Seymour de XXVI. 145,185 

Sayce, Prof. A. H. Z>.Z? XXVI. 17,90,93,207,235 

Scwell, R. XXVI. 258 

Wainwright, G. A XXVI. loi 

Walker, J. H., iWl/l XXVI. 70 

Wingstedt, E. O XXVI. 21s 

Stanford Uiiiyersity Libraries 
Stanford^ Calif omia 

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