PROCEEDINGS
THE SOCIETY
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
NOVEMBER, 1886,
JUNE, 1887.
VOL. IX. SEVENTEENTH SESSION.
PUBLISHED AT
THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY,
II, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C.
1887.
HARRISON ANIl SONS,
PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY,
ST. martin's lane, LONDON.
COUNCIL, 1886-7.
President : —
P. LE Page Renouf.
Vice-Presidents : —
Rev. Frederick Charles Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeter.
Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.
The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c.
The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., &c., Bishop of Durham.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Charles T. Newton, C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c., &c.
J. Manship Norman, M.A.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c.
Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.
Council : —
W. A. Tyssen Amherst, M.P., &c.
Robert Bagster.
Rev. Charles James Ball.
Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A.
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A.
Arthur Gates.
Thomas Christy, F. L. S.
Charles Harrison, F.S.A.
Rev. Albert Lowy.
Professor A. Macalister, M.D.,
F.R.S.
F. D. Mocatta.
Claude Montefiore.
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.
J. Pollard.
F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A.
E. Towry Whyte, M.A.
Rev. W. Wright, D.D,
Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary — W. Hariy Rylands, F.S.A.
Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspouience — Prof. A. H, Sayce, M.A.
Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S.
CONTENTS.
Secretary's Report for 1886, List of Council, &c., for
1887 56—62
Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year ending
31st December, 1885, and 31st December, 1886 ... 61
Donations to Library 1—5)29—31,53—55,65—66,
107 — 108, 159 — 161, 213 — 216
Purchases for Library ... ... ... ... ... 55, 216
Nomination of Candidates ... ... ...5, 31, 55, 108, 161, 216
Election of Members ... ... ... 31, 55, 66, 161, 216
Election of Honorary Members ... ... ... ... 55
Errata ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 157
Publications of Society, Notices, &c. ... ,.. 51,63,105
November 2, 1886.
Prof. A. H. Sayce. New Kypriote Inscriptions discovered
by Dr. Max Ohnefalsch-Ricliter ... 5 — 10
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. Remarks on a Papyrus con-
taining Formulae for Recitation in the Temple of Amen,
and the service for the Slaughter of Apepi 1 1— 26
'^
^'^.
sm'^wM'^ ^i\iu
I -I.
y^V
WjJ10^W.^^
P^^-'Vi'^'^
■v»^
•V A ^
.*h % i
B»i--r/^''V^'
■■s . J
;*j!
BILINGUAL INSCRIPTION. TAMASSUS, CYPRUS. No. I
Proceedings, Soc. Bibl. Arch., Dec, 1886,
BILINGUAL INSCRIPTION, TAMASSUS. CYPRUS. No. II
CONTENTS. V
PAGE
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. Account of an Haematite Seal
found in Asia Minor. {Cut) ... ... ... ... 27
December 7, 1886.
Rev. Joseph Edkins, D.D. When did Babylonian Astro-
logy enter China ? ... ... ... ... ... 32 — 39
Rev. A. LuWY. Old Jewish Legends on Biblical Topics.
No. I. A Legend on the Death of Moses ... ... 40 — 47
Prof. William Wright, LL.D. Two Bilingual Inscriptions,
Phoenician and Cypriote. {2 Plates) 47 — 49
P. le Page Renouf, {Fresidetit). Remarks on the same,
with translation of the Cypriote text 49 — 51
January ii, 1887.
Secretary's Report, Statement of Receipts and Expenditure.
Council, 1887, &:c. ... ... ... 56 — 63
February i, 1887.
Rev. C. J. Ball. The Inscribed Stones of Hamath, &c.
(Read January 11). {2 Flutes) 67 — 77
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. Description of the Tombs of
Mechu, Ben, and Se-Renpu, discovered by Major-
General Sir F. Grenfell 78—82
P. le Page Renouf, {President). The Name of the Eg)'ptian
God Seb. (Read November 2, 1886). {Plate) ... 83—97
Prof. A. Macalister, M.D., F.R.S., &c. An Inscription of
Aahmes in the Fitzwilliam Museum 98 — 100
M. Philippe Berger. Two Bilingual Inscriptions discovered
in Cyprus ... ... ... ... ... 100 — 104
March i, 1887.
Prof. E. Amelineau. On the Sahidic Translation of the
Book of Job ... ... ... ... ... 109 — 112
Miss G. Gonino. The Caaba and Mosque of Mecca 112 — 124
Vi CONTENTS.
PAGE
Prof. A. Macalister, M.D., F.R.S. An Egyptian Inscrip-
tion of the Xlllth Dynasty in the Dublin National
Museum 125 — 127
Robert Brown, Jr., F.S.A. On Euphratean Names of the
ConstdMion Ursa Major 127 — 130
Rev. C. J. Ball. The Metrical Structure of Qinoth ; the
Book of Lamentations arranged according to the Original
Measures 131 — ^53
Rev. C. J. Ball. Note to Paper on Inscribed Stones from
Hamath, &:c. (February, 1887) ... 153
M. Philippe Berger. Inscriptions discovered at Cyprus.
(February, 1887) 153—156
May 3, 1887.
Rev. Henry George Tomkins. The Karnak Tribute Lists
of Thothmes III. (Continuation of paper read 2 June,
1885) 162—167
MM. Eugene and Victor Revillout. Contrats de Mariage,
et d'adoption dans I'Egypte et dans la Chalde'e... 167 — 177
MM. Eugene and Victor Revillout. L'Antichrese non
immobiliere dans I'Egypte et dans la Chaldee ... 178 — 179
Dr. A. Wiedemann, on a ]\Ionument of the first Dynasties
ofEgypt 180—184
Dr. A. Wiedemann. The Age of Memphis ... 184 — 190
Dr. A. Wiedemann. On a Relative of Queen Nub-xas 190 — 193
G. A. Simcox, M.A. Note on the name Bit-hilani 193 — 194
Rev. C. J. Ball. Reply to the same 194 — 195
Prof A. H. .Sayce. A dated Inscription of Amenophis III.
(F/a/e) 195—197
IVof A. H. Sayce. Greek Ostraka from Egypt ... 19S — 202
Prof A. H. Sayce. Greek Inscription from Asswan 202 — 205
CONTENTS. vii
P. le Page Renouf, {President). Note on the Inscription of
Amenophis III (pp. 195 — 197) 206
P. le Page Renouf, President. " Conscience " in Egyptian
^^'^^^ •■• ••• ••• ... .., ... 207 — 210
June 7, 1887.
Dr. S. Louis. Palestinian Demonology ... ... 217 228
MM. Eugene et Victor Revillout. Antichrese in Solutum 228—233
MM. Eugene et Victor Revillout. Un Nouveau Norn
Royal Perse 233—240
S. A. Smith. Assyrian Letters. (6 Plates) ... 240 256
Prof. WiUiam Wright, D.C.L., LL.D. Some Apocryphal
Psalms in Syriac ... ... ... ... ... 257 266
MM. Eugene et Victor Revillout. Les Depots et les
Confiements en Droit Egyptien et en Droit Babylonien 267 310
Major Plunkett. The Kilometer of Philoe. {Plate) 311—3x3
P. le Page Renouf, {President). Note on the Silurus Fish
Q^^<=3i aba, and the Hieroglyphic Sign of
B^"^eQv>i 313-317
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. On a Fragment of a Coptic
Version of Saint Ephraim's Discourse on the Trans-
figuration of our Lord ... ... ... ... 317 320
Prof. W. Wright, D.C.L., LL.D. Kufic Tombstones in
the British Museum ... ... ... ... 320 340
Edward Falkener. The Site of Gethsemane ... 349 xc?,
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. On a Sepulchral Stele in the
British Museum ... ... ... ... ... 3^8 36c
M. C. de Harlez. Satan et Ahriman. Le Demon Biblique
et celui de I'Avesta. Etude d'Histoire Religieuse 365 373
Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D. The Sahidic Version of
the Book of Job ... ... ... ... ... 374
W. H. Rylands, {Secretary). The Inscribed Lion from
Merash. (2 Plates) ... ... ... ... 374 — 375
Dr. C. Bezold. Note on the God Addu or Daddu, &c. ... 377
CONTENTS.
ILLUSTRATIONS
PAGE
Cut of Seal 27
Bilingual Inscriptions, Phoenician and Cypriote, (2 Plates) 47 — 48
Example of the Inscriptions from the Safa, after de Vogiie
and Halevy. (2 Plates) 68—70
Plate Illustrative of the Hieratic forms of the Goose ... 90
A Dated Inscription of Amenophis III ... 195
Assyrian Letters. {6 Plates) after p. 256
Kilometers of Philoe and Elephantine ... ... 311
The Inscribed Lion from Merash. (2 Plates) ... 374
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
SEVENTEENTH SESSION, 1886-87.
First Meeting, 2nd November^ 18S6,
WALTER MORRISON, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
^^^~^
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors. A special vote of
thanks was awarded to M. de Clercq for his donation to the
Library : —
From the Royal Society : — The Proceedings. Vol. XL. Nos. 243,
244, 245, 246. 8vo. London, 1886.
From the Society of Antiquaries : — ^The Proceedings. Vol. XI.
Parts I and 2, and List of Fellows on August ist, 1886. 8vo.
London
From the Geological Society : — The Quarterly Journal. Vol. XLII.
No. 167. 8vo. London.
From the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland : —
Vol. XVIII. Part 3. July, 1886. 8vo. London.
From the Royal Institute of British Architects : — The Journal
of Proceedings. Vol. II. New Series. No. 17, and Vol. Ill,
No. I. 8vo. London. 1886.
[No. LXIII.] I
Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [iS86.
From the Royal Geographical Society : — The Proceedings.
Vol. VIII. Nos. 6, 7, 8, 9, lo. 8vo. London.
P>om the Royal Archaeological Institute of Great Britain and
Ireland: — The Archaeological Journal. Vol. LXIII. No. 170.
8vo. London. 1886.
From the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland : —
The Journal. August, 18S6. Vol. XVI. No. i. 8vo. London.
From the Palestine Exploration Fund : — The Quarterly Statement.
July, 1886. 8vo. London.
From the Victoria Institute: — The Journal of Transactions,
Vol. XIX. 1885-1886. Bvo. London.
From the Philosophical Society of Glasgow : — The Proceedings.
Vol. XVII. 1885-1886. 8vo. Glasgow.
From the Royal Dublin Society : — The Scientific Proceedings.
Vol. IV. Parts 7, 8, 9, and 10. Vol. V, Parts i and 2. The
Scientific Transactions. October, November, March, April,
1885. Vol. IIL Series 2. 4to. Dublin.
From the Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres : — Comptes
Rendus des Seances de I'annee 1886. Quatrieme serie.
Tome XIV. Jan.-Fev.-Mars. 8vo. Paris. 1886.
From the Royal Asiatic Society, China Branch : — The Journal.
Vol. XX. Nos. 5 and 6. Vol. XXI. Nos. i and 2. 8vo.
Shanghai. 1885.
From the Secretary of State in Council of India : —
The Sacred Books of the East. Vols. XVI, XVII, XVIIL
8vo. Oxford.
Surveys of Ancient Babylon, with part of Rivers Tigris
and Euphrates, and the Hindiyeh canal, the sea of Nejf and
the Shatatshar, made by order of the Government of India in
i860 to 1865, by Commander W. Beaumont Selby, and Lieut.
W. CoUingwood and Lieut. J. B. Bewsher.
The Nahrwan Yusifiyeh are added from surveys by Captain
J. Felix Jones, I.N., compiled by order of H.M. Secretary of
State for India in Council, by Trelawney Saunders, F.R.G.S.,
Geographical Assistant, India Office, London.
From the Society of JSibHcal Literature and Exegesis: — The
Journal. June to December, 1884. 8vo. Boston. Mass.
2
Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [iSS6.
From the American Philological Association. The Proceedings
of the Seventeenth Annual Session held in New Haven, Conn.
July, 1885 ; and the Transactions. Vol. XVI. 1885. Cam-
bridge, U.S.A.
From the Editor : — The American Antiquarian and Oriental
Journal. Vol. VIII. Nos. 4 and 5. July and September, 1886.
From the Editor :— The American Journal of Archteology and of
the History of the Fine Arts. 8vo. June, 18S6. Baltimore.
From the Editor : — The American Journal of Philology.
Vol. VII. Parts i and 2. April, 1886. Baltimore.
From the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale Di Firenze, Bollettino
delle Publicazioni Italiane. Nos. i to 13, 15 to 19. 4to.
Firenze. 1886.
From the Smithsonian Institution : — The Smithsonian Report.
8vo. Washington. 1884.
From the Johns Hopkins University :— The Johns Hopkins Uni-
versity Studies. Fourth Series. VI, VII, VIII and IX. A
Puritan Colony in Maryland. D. R. Randall, A.B. 8vo.
Baltimore. A History of the Land Question in the United
States. By Shoshuke Sato, Ph.D., 8vo. Baltimore. 1886.
From the American Oriental Society : — The Proceedings at
Boston. May, 1886. 8vo. Boston, U.S.A.
From M. de Clercq :— Collection de Clercq. Catalogue metho-
dique et raisonne. Antiquites Assyriennes, &c. Publics par
M. de Clercq, avec la collaboration de M. J. Menant (3 parts).
Folio. Paris. 1885.
From Dr. L. Stern : — Das Aegyptische Todtenbuch der XVIII
bis XX Dynastie von Edouard Naville. Einleitung.
4to. Beriin. 1886.
From the Author : — Memorie di Monsr. Domenico Turano
Vescovo di Girgenti. Pel Sac Giovanni Bellomo, C.S, Folio.
Palermo. 1886.
From the Author :—" What I Believe." By Leon Tolstoi. Trans-
lated from the Russian by Constantine Popotf. 8vo. London.
1885.
From the Author, iVlfred Jeremais :— Die Hollenfahrt der Istar.
8vo. Munchen. 1886.
3
Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [18S6.
From the Author, the Rev. John Campbell, M.A. : — " Etruria
Capta."
Reprinted from the Proceedings of the Canadian Institute.
Vol. III. Toronto. 1886.
From the Author : — Die Qi7:2'i^n H^'tO ^^^ ^^^^ aramaisch-
assyriches Aequivalent. Von Eb. Schrader.
Reprinted from the Berlin Academy. Sitzung der philo-
sophisch-historischen classe, vom 20 Mai. XXVII. 1886.
From the Author : — Le Catacombe degli ebrei presso la Via
Appia pegnatelli. By Nicolb Mueller.
Estratto dal Bulletino dell' imp. Institute archeologico ger-
manico. Vol. I.
From the Author : — Remarks on the Zodiacal Virgo in connection
with a representation of the constellation upon the porch of
St. Margaret's Church, York, By Robert Brown, jun., F.S.A.
Reprinted from the Yorkshire Archaeological Journal. Vol. IX.
From the Author : — Astronomische Untersuchungen liber in
hebraischen Schriften erwahnte Finsternisse. Von Dr. Eduard
Mahler. Theil I, Die biblischen Finsternisse, ein Beitrag zur
biblischen Chronologie. Theil II, Die Prophetischen Finster-
nisse. Von Dr. Eduard Mahler. 8vo. 18S5.
From the Author : — Die Irrationalitaten der Rabbinen. Von
Eduard Mahler. 8vo. Wien. 1885.
From the Author : — Untersuchen einer im Buche " Nahum "
auf den Untergang Ninive's bezogenen Finsterniss.
(Zuzatz zur Abhandlung Astronomische Untersuchungen iiber
in hebraischen Schriften ervvhante Finsternisse. Theil II.) Von
Dr. Eduard Mahler. 8vo. Wien. 1886.
From the Widow of the Author : — Recent Egyptian Discoveries
concerning Joseph, Moses, and the Exodus. By David Burnett.
8vo. London. 1886.
From the Author : — The Beer of the Bible (the leaven of Exodus).
By James Death.
Extract from the Brewer's Guardian^ t886.
From the Author : — Choix de Textes Egyptiens Traduits en
Francois. Par A. Massey. 8vo. Gand. 1886.
4
Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S86.
From the Author :— The Battle of Halule, 691 B.C. By Prof.
Paul Haupt.
Reprinted from the Andover Review. May, 1886.
From the Author : — The Masonic Journal. April, May, June,
July, August. Folio. Victoria. 1886.
Containing completion of paper entitled. The Tree of Know-
ledge in the Garden of Eden, and the Fruit it bore.
From Phillipe Berger : — Plate of Phoenician Inscriptions from
the Corpus Inscriptions Semiticarum. December, 1885.
The following were nominated for election at the next
Meeting, December 7th, 1886:—
Israel Abraham, B.A., 59, Mildmay Park, N.
Professor E. C. Bissell, D.D., The Congregational Theological
School of Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.xA
John Travis Cook, F.R.H.S., Adelaide House, Anlaby Road,
Kingston-upon-HulI.
Henry B. Slee, 10, Poplar Crescent, Gateshead-on-Tyne.
The following Communication has been received from
Professor Sayce : —
New Kypriote Inscriptions discovered by
Dr. Max Ohnefalsch-Richter.
The unwearied archaeological zeal of Dr. Max Ohnefalsch-Richter,
who has for some years past superintended such excavations as have
been made in Cyprus, has during the past year been rewarded by a
discovery of the highest interest. In the neighbourhood of Polis-
tes-Khrysokou, the ancient Arsinoe, he has found three important
cemeteries which have already yielded him results of great value.
They are situated in the north-western part of the island within the
district of Paphos. Besides objects of more or less interest, a
number of Kypriote inscriptions have been disinterred. Some of
these are upon stone, one is on the topaz chaton of a ring, while
over two hundred are potters' names inscribed on vases. Most of
5
Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1886.
the latter consist only of a letter or two giving the first and second
syllables of the name ; in a few cases tlie characters are combined
together so as to form a kind of cipher.
Dr. Max Ohnefalsch-Richter has been good enough to send
squeezes of all the inscriptions he has discovered to Dr. Deecke and
myself, and we have been in communication in regard to them for
the last few months. In almost every instance our readings agree,
and Dr. Deecke has already published some of his in the Berliner
philologische Wochenschrift iox October 9, 18S6.
My readings are as follows : —
I.
Necropolis I. Grave cvi. No. i. Inscription from right to
left on one side of a block of stone.
1. A-ri-si-to-se • xe-[te-ke] (i) "Apia-ros t^tdrjKe
2. A-ri-si-tO-ku-pO-[ro • ] (2) ' kptaTOKvnpa
3. pa-i-ti. (3) Tvaihi
" Arisfos has set (this) up to the child of Aristokypros.'"
This use of eKTidrjiii is new in Kypriote.
Dr. Deecke sees ro in the squeeze at the end of line 2, and is
unable to make out the end of line i, where he doubtfully suggests
[ta-i].
II.
Necropolis I. Grave cxviii. No. 2. On the base and back
part of a stone lion.
? I. Ti-mo-ku-po-ro-se • o Ti-mo-ke-re-te-o-se
e-pe-se-ta-se • ki-si-ro-ma.
? 2. to-i ka-si-gi-ne-to-i.
This is the order of the lines according to the information given
to Dr. Deecke by Dr. Ohnefalsch-Richter, but in a letter to myself
he reverses the order.
TifiuKvnpos 6 TifioKperfos (necrraa i^ipafxa tw KaaiyvrjTa.
" Timokypros the son of Tiniokretcs has set up the dedicated object
over his rot her."
This is the natural exj^lanation if the words ra Kaa-iyvtjra really
form the first line. Otherwise Dr. Deecke may be right in reading
the proper name riX(\)lKafi. But in my s(|ueeze the three last
characters of the longer line seem ccriamly si- ro- ma and not li-ka-vi.
6
Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1886.
In the same tomb (Grave lxvii) Dr. Ohnefalsch-Richter has dis-
covered a Greek text in which eWo-ri^o-e is used in the same sense as
eTrearaa-e in the Kypriote text.
(l. Tifiayopai 2. [O^pacrayopov 3. Tij;^coi/ 4. eTTea-rrja-e.)
III.
Necropolis I. Grave lxvii. No. 3. Inscription from right to
left on a stone.
0-na-i-o-se e-mi "Ovaios rjfii. " 7 am Onaios."
Dr. Deecke compares the gloss of Hesykhios : Suaiov- apeiov.
IV.
Necropolis I. Grave lxxi. No. 4. Badly-preserved inscrip-
tion, originally containing three lines on a stone.
1. [A-ri-]si-ti-ya-se (i) 'Apiariyas
2. [e-mi ] (2) f]ixi . . . ''/am Aristiyasy
The reading of this inscription is not attempted by Dr. Deecke.
V.
Necropolis I. Grave lxxxix. No. 7. Badly-preserved inscrip-
tion on " a stone used for closing a door."
I. 0-na-sa-go-ra-u to Ku-po-ro
2 ra-yi-vo-se.
(1) ''Ovacrayopav tco KvTrpo ....
(2) .... {6v)pa)'i?os.
" Of Onasagoras the son of Kypro . . . . "
Dr. Deecke reads // at the beginning of the second line, and
suggests \i{6oi ev)paLOS.
VI.
Necropolis I. Grave lxxxviii. No. 8. On a stone column.
The characters have been filled in with red paint, and are late in
form.
1. Sa-ta-sa-gO-ra-U (r) Sraaayopav
2. e-mi • to Sa- (2) ^p.\ ra 2
3. ta-sa-do-ro (3) Ta(Td{v)8pco.
'' I belong to Stasagoras the son of Stasander."
7
Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1886.
VII.
Necropolis I. Grave xcix. No. 11. Inscription from right to
left on a block of stone.
1. Ti-ma-do-ro e-mi (i) Tijxa'v)8p(o rjfxi.
2. to O-na-sa-gO-ra-U. (2) Ta> 'Ovaaayopav.
" I belong to Timandcr the son of Onasagoras."
VIII.
Necropolis II. Grave xcix. No, 14. Inscription from right
to left on a block of stone.
1. A-ri-si-to-ku-pa-ra-se (i) \pi(TTOKvnpas
2. e-mi e-se-ta-se A-ri-si- (2) ^/xi • earacre "Apia
3. to-se (3) Toi.
" I l>e/ong to Aristokypra : Aristos has erected (;«<?)."
IX.
Necropolis II. Grave ccxlii. No. 15. Inscription from right
to left on a block of stone.
Pi-lo-ke-re-te-o-se e-mi ^iXoKpeVedy T)p.i.
^^ I belong to Philokretes."
X.
Necropolis 11. The same grave. No. 16. Inscription from
right to left on a block of stone.
1. Ti-ma-go-ra-u (i) i:i.payupav
2. to Ti-mo-ke-re-te (2) tw TipoKpfre
3. o-(se e-)mi (3) 6s f],ii.
" / belong to Timagoras the son of Timokretcs."
XI.
Necropolis I. Grave xxxii. No. 13. On a column.
1. a-ra (l) apa
2. Di-i (2) Au '^ Prayer to Zeus."
This is Dr. Deecke's reading; a squeeze of the inscription has not
been sent to me.
XII.
Necropolis II. Grave cxl. On the topaz chaton of a ring,
written in boustro])hedon fashion round the representation of a
struggle between an ox and a stag. Dr. Deecke reads :
1. A-ri-ri-to-va (i) 'ApiTToFd
2. na-xe (2) pa$ "Aristovanax."
Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1886.
XIIL
Necropolis III. Grave xviii. No. 17. Inscription from right
to left on a block of stone.
1. [Me]-ga-ko-ro Di-vo-se (i) {M€)yaxu>pa>- Aifos
2. e-mi {2) w'^
" Of Megakhoros : I belong to Zeus."
Dr. Deecke reads (Ni)Ka(})6pa, which would give a good sense, but
I can make the third character nothing else except Ao.
XIV.
Necropolis III. Grave xix. No. 18.
Pu-nu-ti-la-se* e-mi ta-se Pu-nu-ta-go-ra-u pa-i-se
IlvvTlXas.TjfjU Tas TlvvTayopav rrals
"/ am Pnytilas the son of the daughter of Ftiytagoras."
XV.
Necropolis III. Grave xxx. No. 19. Badly-preserved in-
scription on a block of stone.
1. Te-mi-si-to-ku-po-ro-se (i) Ge/ito-roKDTrpos
2. illegible (2)
XVI.
Necropolis III. Grave xxxi. . No. 20. Inscription from right
to left on a block of stone.
1. Ti-mo-se Ti- (i) IijiosTl
2. ma-gO-ra-U (2) fxayopav
3. pa-i-se e-(mi) (3) nals rjdxl).
'■'•I am Timos the son of Timagoras."
I now come to the potters' marks, which are very abundant in all
three cemeteries, attaching to them the numbers which have been
assigned to them by Dr. Ohnefalsch-Richter. I shall, of course,
select those marks only in which the names are given in full, or
which have something specially interesting about them.
No. 5. (Necropolis I. Grave v.) ^ . This has been cleverly
explained by Dr. Deecke as a combination of the characters
0-na-sa-gO ('Oj/ao-ayopav).
No. 14. (Necropolis I. Grave xxiii.) 0-na-si-lo ('Oi/aa-tXo)).
No. 24. (Necropolis I. Grave xxvi.) Zo-pu-ro-se (ZcoTrvpos).
No. 49. (Necropolis I. Grave lii.) A-ri-si-ti-ya ('A/)toT/;'a[y]).
Nos. 50, 53. (Same tomb.) 0-na ('Ovao-iXas).
No. 54. (Necropolis I. Grave liv.) Ti-mo-ke-re {TinoKpereos).
9
Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [iS86
No. 66. (Necropolis I. Grave lvi.) IMu-ti-lo (mutiXw).
No. 68. (Necropolis I. Grave lviii.) Mo-lo (MoXavos).
No. 69. (Necropolis I. Grave lxxiv.) No-no (Nowou).
No. 74. (Necropolis I. Grave lxxviii.) A-ri-si-ta-go ('Apio--
Tuyopav).
No. 80. (Necropolis I. Grave xcii.) *^ A A A A I I I I.
Perhaps = 144.
No. 86. (Necropolis I. Grave xcix.) E-lo ("eXXo)).
No. 91. (Necropolis I. Grave cvi.) Ge-ru-vo-se (vlipvfos).
No. 93. (Necropolis I. Grave cix.) I-do. Perhaps Idome-
neus.
Nos. 95-99. (Necropolis I. Grave cxvi.) Ni-ka (xtKai/Spw).
No. 115. (Necropolis II. Grave xxxvi.) Kypriote e with
Greek E written above it.
No. 130. (Necropolis II. Grave lxix.) AAA. "30."
Nos. 158-160. (Necropolis 11. Grave lxxviii.) Ti-te (xt^iji/ou).
No. 168. (Necropolis II, Grave lxxxviii.) Kypriote fe with
Greek written below it.
No. 199. (Necropolis 11. Grave cxlvi.) Pi-la-go (^iKayopav).
No. 202. (Necropolis III. Same tomb.) 0-ro {"Qpco).
No. 227. (Necropolis III. Grave ccxxxix.) Vo-ko (P'^w).
No. 204. (Necropolis IL Grave cxLViii) ^ ^91^ . These
characters are similar in form to a character on an inscribed whorl
found by Dr. Schliemann at Hissarlik, with which I have compared
a character in a Mysian inscription discovered by Perrot and
Guillaume at Deliklitash (Schliemann's I/ws, p. 694). The same
character, or combination of characters, is found in Necropolis III,
Grave xlviii (Nos. 278-283).
Nos. 238, 239, 244, 247, 249 (Necropolis III, Grave xvii),
present us with a new character >V< or ^ of unknown value.
It is followed by sa, and is frequently accompanied by another
potter's mark )^ which may be a combination of ko-sa, but is
more probably, as Dr. Deecke believes, a new character. It also
occurs in Nos. 169, 177, 179, 181 (Necropolis II, Grave Lxxxiii),
and in No. 179 is preceded by '^^ ru. On other fragments of
pottery found in the Grave lxxxiij, the latter character precedes
^^ (Nos. 173-176, 180, 182).
Dr. Ohnefalsch-Richter states that the first and third cemeteries
form a single large burial-ground.
10
Nov. 2]
TROCEEDINGS.
1886.
Mr. Renouf made some remarks upon the god Seb, which
will be printed in a future number.
A paper was read by Mr. E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A.,
" Remarks on a Papyrus containing Formulae for Recitation
in the Temple of Amen, and the Service for the Slaughter
of Apepi."
The papyrus from which the following extracts are given is pre-
served in the British Museum, where it bears the number 101S8
Bremner. It has already formed the subject of a communication to
the Recueil de Travaux by Dr. W. Pleyte,* who translated a few
passages from it, and gave a summary of the headings of the chapters,
&c. The papyrus is 20 feet by pf inches, and is of a fine texture ;
parts of the lines at the bottom of the first four columns have been
broken away, but as a whole it is wonderfully perfect. The begin-
ning words of a new paragraph, the directions for reciting the hymns,
the names of the fiends and devils and of Apepi are all written in
red; many of the characters are Demotict From the coloj^hon we
learn that the papyrus was written for
Q^ 111 in ^ _ ,^
[71]®
en Het
of the Temple toum,
1 f'^-IB^I
nutar hen en nutar het
the prophet of the temple
nauu
the scribe
en
of
Amen
A?Jien
f'^ 1 I
en sa iii nutar hen
of order third, the prophet
Nesi-Ames
Nesi-Amcs
1 !
1 /V^AAA I
se en nutar hen
the son of the prophet
/^ 'I I /WNAAA I /VWSAA i [ AX AX \ [ |
Pe-ta-Amen - suten - taiu
Pe- ta - A men - suten - taiu
* " Sur un papyrus inedit du British Mw-izxixa" Recueil de Travaux, iii, p. 57.
t As, for example, Nos. 13, 20, 23, 41, 51, Table A in Brugsch's " Grammaire
Demotique."
II
Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [iS86
A^.'^ n y 1 1 1 1 Krt ^w A/-WVA \\ 1 I
m
arit en ahi en Amen - Ra ta sere
Iforn of the sis t rum bearer of Ame7i-Rd, the daughter
mut - setu - nesti utu - Ra.
Ta-mut-setu-?iesti utu-Ra.
SI\hJ\l\l^
-■^
«!j
en
ta
-
of
It was written
in
o
n
1 O
II
renpit
XII
O C^ ii^
I \. ^^ ^ J\
i^I.
abtu IV sa en Pa-aa
year twelve, tfwfith four of the solving season of his majesty,
anx ut'a senb Arksentres se
life, strength, health, Alexander, son
en Arksentres
of Alexander.
or B.C. 305. t
The papyrus contains three distinct works or compositions, which
formed a part or whole of a service performed in the temple of the
god Amen in the Apts at Thebes. From the occurrence of the
expressions "^p^ hi t'et, " otherwise said," in them, we know that
other and older copies of this work must have existed. The three
* I am doubtful about the reading of this name.
+ Alexander II began to reign B.C. 317, he was murdered B.C. 311, and
was succeeded by Ptolemy Soter (Revillout, Ji^evue cgyptologiquc, pp. 8, 15). The
writer of our paj^yrus has added the years of the interregnum (Lepsius, Konigsbuch,
Synoptische Tafeln, p. 9) to the years of the reign of Alexander {Rccttcil de
Travaux, iii, p. 63).
12
Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1886.
works occupy 18 columns of small but beautifully written Hieratic,
and the whole papyrus contains 940 lines. The last two columns
are written on the back of the papyrus ; and as this end has suffered
some slight injuries in modern times, a line or two of the text
have disappeared. The first part of the composition in the papyrus
is entitled : —
\nrz\ \ I A Jl © <c=^ w ^^ _^ £1
ha em het nu heb t'erti
Beginni7ig of the verses of the festival of the T'erti
ari em pa Uasar x^nt Amentiu
made in the temple of Osiris at the head of those i?i Amenti
* Literally, 'houses,' compare Arab. 1^ .. _ ^ , , plur. ^ .• <K 1^ » Syr. j/^^,
plur. l^ijl^. Dr. Pleyte gives, traitt, livre, chapitre, as the nieanings of this
word ; but I think that ' verses ' is its correct rendering. The fact of the
composition being written in short lines shows that some kind of metre or rhythm
was intended by the author ; and as the word ' house,' used in the sense of ' verse '
was the common property of the Semitic dialects, from which the Egyptian
borrowed so much, there is, at least, an antecedent probability that J
here means ' verses.' In Syriac we find the expressions Iqi^^ 7 V .< lAo
' short verses (in honour) of the Mother of God ;' . V Tv< Kq .**Sd1ASO> IAs
llO^QoX 'verses which are said when they go in for the offering;' and
lll> » Voy m ]Vn ^•Vn lAV)^ ]Ai) 'verses which are said v.hen they
celebrate the Lord's supper." See also the other passages quoted by Payne
Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus, col. 479 ; and Wright, Arabic Grammar, 2nd ed.,
vcl. II, pp. 378, 192.
t A name of Isis and Nephthys in their character of protectors of the
deceased. Isis was called the ' older i'erti," and Nephthys the ' younger t'erti.^
Brugsch, " IVoricrbuch" p. 1335.
13
Nov. 2]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY.
[18S6.
1
nutar
god
iz.
=> W
aa
g7-eat
o
I
hru
f^^^
nebt
lord of
abtu
Abydos
of immdation day
nnii
XX 11
22
m
neferit
until
em
abtu
IV
in
month
four
niii
mil
hru
day
XXVI
26.
After the title, a rubric goes on to say that the papyrus was
written for the use of the temple, and composed for female singers or
reciters. They were to have the bodies washed, and their limbs
shaved ; they were to wear ram's wool crowns and to carry tambou-
rines in their hands ; and upon their two arms they were to wear an
inscription which read, "To Isis and Nephthys." Thus, clean of
body and with fitting vestments, they were to chant the verses of the
festival ritual before Osiris, beginning, O lord Osiris, O lord Osiris,
O lord Osiris, O lord Osiris. After this the precentor stood up in
the enclosure before the temple, and said four times, " O chief of
heaven and earth." Then the women, with flowing hair,
vl " ^ ^ I v|^ I henksti, sang or recited songs, of which the
following is a specimen.
Column VI.
24.
m mM i:^ k-i
A
C-J I
Zl
ahi
boy
©
II
sep II
nefer
beautiful
Hail
qa sep 11 sa-k
Exalted^ exalted may be side
maa er pa - k
come to temple thy.
I
CT]
er
thy to7i'ards
pa-k
temple
thy.
* That is to say, ')("OI^K, which month began about November 27 of our
reckoning. The clays of the celebration of this festival correspond roughly with
our December 25-29th.
14
Nov. 2]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1886.
26. !](^ ^^
au
Are
nutaru
t/ie (rods
nuk set
/ «w fz person
28.
1
her
11 n I III
uast - sen.
tipon scat their.
\m
XU sena-s
defender of brother her,
hent - k sena en
wife thy, the sister of
mut - k
mother thy.
J\
(3
iu - k na
Come thou
t'er-ab
Column VI I.
® #
em xex
to me rnnniu"
o o ■^
ma hra - k
I ^^t±^l
a
AAAA/VS ^ O
au sa an ma - a lira - k
firm of hearty let be seen face thy^ because not see I face thy.
^ -■r - ^ - /WNA/VA
I I I
en - n em hra au
Make clean thou the way for us before face nty to
(t
^^>-
^
sam - tu
uat
Ra
Rd
em
in
pet
heaven.
Sam
T
^^Ff
pet
W I J!H^ ' ■ §
ta ari \^\At em ta man
Unites heaven and earth making shade on earth daily.
15
Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^LOLOGY. [1886.
tau ab - a er sefe^ - k em Nefia
Burns heart viy at escape thy from the evil one.
"■ ■^'k'fl ?l -^ ^ f'^ "=
tau ab - a erta nek sa - k er - a
Burns heart my, give thou side thy to fne,
>vv^Arw^ LI ©
au an sep kem nek su er - a
not for ever remove thou it from me.
ati aat tenemem uat
Making firm the two domains turfiing back the roads,
,. \^l II
_y^ /vww\ ^v
au - a heh en mertu ma - k
am I seeki?ig of love to see thee.
un-a em nut aat nehat-s.
Am I in the town great are fortifications its,
II.
meht - a mertu - k er - a
overcome am I by love thy for ?ne,
mad em ua em heru
come alone not depart.
16
Nov. 2]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1886.
%:^
niak se-k er sexetxet Tebha
Verily son thy {is) for repulsing Tebha
er nemmat
at the block.
14.
i^ra^i VJ1
, ^ , _» ^ I ■=
Amen - ua em baa er
Hidden have I among the bushes to
se-k er usebt - k
son thy for a7iswering thee.
sekapu
hide
17. T
. ^
J\
k%.lW^
s'em-a em ua rer-a em baa
Advance I alone, go round I among the bushes.
iS. [j(E
au
^5^
tennu em at er se-k
Is a very great crocodile after son thy
19.
e
r=tE)
D
e
I
set em hrau au t'a pu
a female with faces against the male to lant.
e
nuk as rex-kua hna ut'eb
/ but know I in conjunction ivith Ut'eb.
17
Nov. 2]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1SS6.
a
^ s!i
A '
^
i
rer-na uat tenemem-na her sen -a
Go round I the ways turn hack I after
beti em Nefi
brother my leaping from the evil one,
tau abu en hefnu hrau
Burning are the hearts of myriads of faces,
->
e
(^
Q
111 «
maut
O splendour
aa em nutaru
great among the gods.
-J
-^^-. I I 1
bef - n neb
May see (?), ^oe the lord,
e
an user en mertu-k
not may be lack of love thy
I I I
her lira - n
upon face our
26.
pa t'a nebt
C> male, lord of
-%:i Y I
net nebt heh
hing, lord of eternity.
18
net'emt'em
love,
Nov. 2]
PROCEEDINGS.
[i5
The two women who represent Isis and Nephthys mourning for
Osiris, call themselves the widows, wives and mothers of Osiris, and
the burden of all their songs is their misery when Osiris is absent
from them. Their pathetic lament intermingled with praises of their
loved one Osiris, is both curious and pretty. Thus, after exhorta-
tions to the god to forget all the troubles and sufferings which he has
undergone at the hands of Sut or Tebha, they sing : —
" Thou art like a god coming forth like a god.
When thou comest into the emerald fields thy hair lies upon
thy body like emeralds.
Thy hair is blue like lapis-lazuli, and thou thyself art more
blue than thy hair.
Thy skin and limbs are made of steel of the south, and thy
bones are moulded of silver.
Thy teeth are of emerald, and the liquid flowing from thy hair
is of aJlti M^isr^r^
^ W 111
which flows by itself.
The top of thy head is like lapis-lazuli.
The last few lines of the first part of the papyrus contain a re-
ference to a remarkable myth. They read, " Isis the lady of the
horizon conies to thee as she engenders the ONE, the guide of the
gods. She avenges thee, she avenges thee. She avenges Horus,
she the woman who acts as the engenderer of her own father, Neb-
er-t'er, coming forth from the eye of Horus. She the venerable
one, advancing like Ra when he came forth from the pupil of the
eye of Atmu, when Ra rose for the first time." Following the colo-
phon, which gives a list of the dignities of the deceased for whom
the book was written, come,
entau
T/ic litanies
I
en
which
an en
introduced
Seker
Socharis
er her
in addition
I w I
X
setai t ettu
to the mysteries recited,
19
Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGV. [i8S6.
This sliort work, consisting of 97 lines, was to be recited,
/W-V\A
sep XVI sesep texenu
h'/;i<'s sixteai by flayers 07i tambourines.
It begins,
" Hail prince coming forth from the womb.
Hail eldest son of the first cycles.
Hail lord of many faces and becomings.
Hail disk of gold in the temple.
Hail lord of time and giver of years.
Hail lord of life for ever.
Hail lord of many millions and myriads.
Hail shining in rising and setting.
Hail making throats pleasant.
Hail terrible and fearful one.
Hail lord of fear, self produced.
Hail venerable body of Horus, adoration.
Hail son of Ra in the boat of myriads.
Hail hidden one, unknown to mankind.
Hail maker of him that is in the tuat to see the disk."
A little lower down we find an address to the twelve Athors, and
an address to Amen-Ra concludes this section of the papyrus.
Between this and the beginning of Part HI. are fifteen lines of rather
careless writing, which, among other things, invoke a curse upon any
person who should remove the papyrus from the resting place of the
deceased. It runs, " If any person belonging to any foreign land
whatsover, whether Negro, or Ethiopian, or Syrian, shall remove this
book and carry it off, may they never draw near refreshing coolness,
may they never breathe the breezes of the north wind, may no son
among their children ever live to establish their posterity, may their
name never be remembered on earth by children, and may they
never see the beams of the disk. If, on the other hand, any person
sees this book, and takes care that my name be established among
the favoured ones of Ra, may the same thing be done for him like-
wise after death, as a recompense for what he has done for me."
20
Nov. 2]
PROCEEDINGS.
[i^
The third section, by far the largest part of the work, is entitled : —
O
^
sat ent se^er
The book of ozerthrowi?ig
and it was
■<3>- cr: A 1^^^^
D D
Apepi
Apepi
xeft nu Ra,
the enemy of Ra,
ant
en
pa
O
I
Amen - Ra
neb
s
nest
made for the temple of Amen - Ra the lord of the thrones
G
D
(h
m
taiu x^^'^t Apit
of the liiorld, at the head of the Afts
m
I o
I
^ I I
em
in the
xerti
course
^ I
ent hru neb
of day ez'ery.
The book is divided into a series of short chapters, each one of
which introduces fresh tortures for Apepi, the enemy of Ra, and is
most probably based upon the chapters of the Book of the Dead
which treat of his destruction. According to the prescriptions given
in our papyrus, it was necessary to make a wax figure of Apepi in
wax, and then to cut and inscribe his name upon it with green
colour. This done the figure was thrown into the fire and was spit
upon many times, and spurned by the foot of the person appointed
by the temple authorities to perform the ceremony. From the rubric
we learn that a figure of Apepi was burnt at dawn, at noontide, at
eventide when Ra set in the land of life, at the sixth hour of the
night, at the eighth hour of the day, and every hour of the day and
of the night : On the day of the festival, by day, by month, by the
festival of the sixth day, of the fifteenth day, and likewise every day.
This ceremony was particularly recommended to be performed when
^' tempests boiled in the eastern part of the sky, and when the sun
was about to set " ; and it was held to be a sure preventive against
showers and rain storms. Moreover, as an encouragement to the
21
Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/'EOLOGV. [i8S6
ofificiating person, it was said to be "good for a man on earth if he
did this, and good for hhn in the nether world ; it enabled him to
rise to great dignities far above him, and delivered him in very truth
from all evil." While the figure of Apepi was burning in the fire,
the priest recited the following chapter, written upon a piece of new
pap)TUS with green ink. " Down upon thy face, Apepi, the enemy
of Ra. Go back, retreat O thou Scbau without thy arms and thy
legs; may thy snout be split up. Thou art fallen, overthrown. Ra-
Harmachis overthrows thee, he destroys thee, he damns thee, he
sticks a hook into thee. Thou art fallen into the fire, flames coming
forth from the burning rush against thee at their lucky moment.
Isis says, with vehement utterance, 'Thy crocodile is repulsed, thy
soul is cut in pieces, thy vertebriB are severed, Horus aims blows at
thee, his children desire to smash thee, and thou art destroyed at
their lucky moment.' Back, back, retreat, retreat, thou art fallen,
O Apepi. The cycle of the great gods in Heliopolis turns thee back,
Horus drives back thy crocodile, and Sut paralyses thy moment.
The chain of Sut is upon thy neck, thy flesh is cut at and hacked
with knives, thou art deprived of thy ear, the flesh is struck off from
thy limbs, thy soul is separated from its shade, thy name is destroyed,
and thy enchantments are overthrown. Thy soul is damned, thy
shade is destroyed, an end to thee, damnation to thee. Ground to
powder art thou, the eye o( Horus feeds upon and devours thee,
mayest thou never come forth from thy cavern for ever and ever."
This systematic cursing of Apepi continues with somewhat
monotonous persistency for several pages, when after the statement
that Apepi is overthrown " by water, by land and by stars," we find
a very interesting chapter from the " Book of knowing the becomings
of Ra and overthrowing Apepi" relating to the genesis of gods, men
and things. As it is important I transcribe the passage in full : —
nuk pu x'^P^'' cm x^pera x^per - na
/ am to 7i.nt the becomcr as Cliepcra. Became I
Xeper x<-*P'^i''^ X^P^^ X^P^rti nebu
the becoming of becomings, the becoming of bcco7nings all
22
Nov. 2J
emxet
after
J\
PROCEEDINGS.
xeperu - a
becomings my
[i8S6.
^11 (^ ^
a.st xeperu
maiiy and changes
J\
em per
coming forth
I
em re - d
from month my
an x^per pet
Not had become heaven,
-^ A
an xepei" ta an qemam seta
not had become earth, not created ground things
^
SI I
t'etfet
and ref tiles
em
ifi
U3
I
bu
place
W
1=/]
pui
that.
DOD
am sen em
them out of the
Nu
watery mass
w
I I I
^
IJ
tes - na
Raised I
em
from
enenu
inertness.
W
an
Not
qem - na bu aha - na
found I a place could stand I
°£3
am
there.
.^w ^ J$^ I ^ ill ^ w
xut na em ab - a senti - na
Stro7ig was I in heart my, founded I
O
?. J I I I - a^
em Shu ari - na aru nebt
as Shu, made I attributes all.
23
ua - kua
Alone was I,
Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF IHBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1S86.
! VV I
=£)
I
an uses - na em
not evacuated had I as Shu
O
Shu
an
OO^ AAAAA^
tef- na
not had spit I
O
O
em
as
Tefnut
TtfrlUt,
ki
an %eper
not became other
ari - nef hna -a
7i'orked he 7vith me.
A/WAAA
I
:3
senti - na em ab - a I'es - a
Laid foundation I in heart my own,
7^ r=±^ ^ I I
xeper ast
became many
xeperu, nu xeperu era x^peru nu
the becomings of the becomirigs out of the becomings of
mesu em x^peru nu mesu sen anuk pu
births from the becomings of births their. I to ivit (7C'as)
ra
o
hat - a em
husband my, . . .
,u^
xefa - a
tataat - na
bemt children I
T
I 1^ g
em x^bit-a
with shade my.
O
xer - na
Vomited I
I
em re - a
from mouth my
'^
t'es-a
own,
ases - na
roacuated I
24
Shu
Shu,
Nov. 2]
^ D
tef-na
spat out I
Nu
Ntt,
PROCEEDINGS
L D D S
em Tefnut
Tefiiut.
satet - sen
'■Eclipse they
I I I
sen fer
henhen
centuries
[18S6.
an atf-a
Says father my
i
^ I
mat - a
^
^Z ^ IM1^& ^
em - sa
eye my behind
~P< P ? I T n AAAAAA
1^ 7\ I I I I
uau - sen
proceeded they
er-a
from 7ne
^ O ^
emxet
after
xeper - a
became I
em
from
1 ^
nutar
sod
ua
one
1
I II
nutaru iii pu er-a
gods three to wit from tne,
xeper - na
became I
em ta
in land
haa aref
Rejoiced ther-efore
D
pen
this.
(^ AAAAAA
AAAAAA \N I I I I I
> I yWAAAA I III
enenn un - sen
the 7vatery mass
Shu Tefnut
Shu and Tefnut
em
in
am - f
-ioere they in it ;
|\ AAAAAA I
I I I
an - sen
brought thev
na
to me
mat - a
eye 7ny
^0^1 Ml
emxet - sen
after them.
25
emxet aref
After therefore
Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILIiOLOGY.
[1886.
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^ir mv Give birth
^
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Nut
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Seb Nut Ucisar
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^ 9
m
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ua em sa ua
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this.
Nov. 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1886.
The followinjj Communication has been received : —
^ -^ -^ November T„ 1886.
Dear Mr. Rylands,
With this note I send you a cast from a haematite seal which
the British Museum has recently acquired. It was found at ^U • . .
Yuz'aad in Asia Minor, by F. G. R. Edwards, Esq. The upper
part of its handle has
been broken away, and
a piece has been
chipped out of the
side. Fortunately, the
P/ '7'*? V ^^'^' '* ^'' ? "^X , • ,
i/V /^"s^ /^'i< -• ^' 'x^'''-"\l\ ^"'leroglyphic inscrip-
tion remams mtact ;
and as it appears to
be an unusual style,
I hope that the pub-
> ■ *ry¥/ lic^^tion of a copy of
^' ^ ^' i A^/ it will call forth some
./^y explanation of, or
throw some light upon
( the text. The seal is
i^ in. high by \\ in. in diameter, and its catalogue number in
the British Museum collection is 17804.
Yours, etc.,
. E. A. Wallis Budge.
IV
«?
WL
f
-^#-
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, Conduit
Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 7th December, 1866,
at 8 p.m., when the following Papers will be read : —
I. — The Rev. Joseph Eukins, D.D. : — " When did Babylonian
Astrology enter China ? "
II. — The Rev. A. Lowv : — "Old Jewish Legends on Biblical
Topics." No. I.—" The Death of Moses."
27
Nov. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [iSS6-
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
BoTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1 847-1 850.
Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, 1 866-1 869. 3 vols., folio.
Brugsch-Bev, Grammaire De'motique. i vol., folio.
Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler.
Vols. I— III (Brugsch).
• Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et
publics par H. Brugsch et J. DUmichen. (4 vols., and
the text by Diimichen of vols. 3 and 4.)
DuMiCHEN, Historische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
■ Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1866.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
GoLENiscHEFF, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c., 1880.
De Rouge, Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Wright, Arabic Grammar and Chrestomathy.
ScHROEDER, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
ScHRADER, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament. 1872.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th and 7th Ancient Monarchies.
PiERRET, Dictionnaire d'Arche'ologie ligyptienne. 8vo. Paris, 1875.
BuRKHARDT, Eastern Travels.
Wilkinson, Materia Hieroglyphica. Malta, 1824-30. {Text otily.)
Chabas, Melanges ^ifegyptologiques. Series I, II, III. 1862-1873.
Voyage d'un Egyptien en Syrie, en Phenicie, (S:c. 4to. 1867.
Le Calendrier des Jours Pastes et Nefastes de I'annee
Egyptienne. 8vo. 1877.
Maspero, De Carchemis oppidi Situ et Historia Antiquissima.
8vo. Paris, 1872.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
SEVENTEENTH SESSION, 1886-87.
Second Meeting, ']fh December, 1886.
WALTER MORRISON, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
-^v#>#;&-
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Geological Society : — The Quarterly Journal. Vol. XLII.
Part 4. No. 168. November ist, 1886. 8vo. London.
From the Geological Society : — List of the Geological Society of
London. November ist, 1886. 8vo.
From the Royal Geographical Society : — The Proceedings and
Monthly Record of Geography. Vol. VIII. No. 11. New
Monthly Series. November, 1886. 8vo. London.
From the Royal Institute of British Architects — The Trans-
actions. Vol. II, New Series. 4to. London. 1886.
From the Royal Institute of British Architects : — The Journal of
Proceedings. Vol. III. New Series. Nos. 2 and 3. 4to.
London. 1886.
[No. Lxiv.] 29
Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1886.
From the Royal Institute of British Architects : — The Kalendar,
1886-87. 8vo.
From the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland : — -
The Journal. New Series. Vol. XVIII. Part IV. October,
1886. 8vo. London.
From the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland : —
The Journal. Vol. XVI. No. 2. November, 1886. 8vo.
London.
From the Palestine Exploration Fund : — The Quarterly Statement.
October, 1886. 8vo. London.
From the Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres : — Comptes
Rendus des Seances de I'annee 1886. Bulletin d'Avril-AIai-
Juin. 8vo. Paris. 1886.
From La Societe Royale des Antiquaires du Nord. Memoires.
Nouvelle serie, 1886. 8vo. Copenhagen.
From La Societe Royale des Antiquaires du Nord. Aarboger
for Nordisk Oldkyndighed og historic, 1886. II Rgekke.
I Bind. 2 Heft. 8vo. Kjobenhavn.
From the Johns Hopkins University: — The Johns Hopkins
University Studies. Fourth Series, X. The Town and City
Government of New Haven. By Charles H. Levermore, Ph.D.
8vo. Baltimore. 1886.
From the Editor : — The American Journal of Archaeology and
of the Fine Arts. Vol. 11. No. 3. 8vo. Baltimore. 1S86.
The Society of Biblical Literature and Exegesis : — The Journal.
June, 1886. 8vo. Boston, U.S.A.
From the Editor, Rev. Stephen D. Peet : — The American
Antiquarian and Oriental Journal. Vol. VIII. No. 6.
November, 1886. 8vo. Chicago.
From the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze : — Bollettino
delle Publicazione Italiane ricevute per -diritto di stampa,
1886. Nos. 20 and 21. 8vo. Firenze.
From the Hon. the Rev. H. Noel Waldegrave : — Catalogue
Ge'neral des Monuments d'Abydos decouverts pendant les
fouilles de cette ville. Par Auguste Marietta. Folio. Paris.
1880.
30
Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1886.
From the Hon, the Rev. H. Noel Waldegrave : — Grammaire
Demotique contenant les principes generaux de la langue et
de I'ecriture populaires des anciens egyptiens. Par Henri
Brugsch. Folio. Berlin. 1855.
From Alexander Peckover, F.S.A. : — The Seventh Great Oriental
Monarchy. By George Rawlinson, M.A., &c., Szc, &c. 8vo.
London, 1876,
From the Author : — Das Aegyptische Todtenbuch der XVm bis
XX Dynastie von Edouard Naville. Einleitung.
4to, Berlin. 1886.
From the Editor : — Anecdota Oxoniensia, Texts, Documents, and
Extracts, chiefly from manuscripts in the Bodleian and other
Oxford Libraries. Semitic Series. Vol. I. Part 2. The
Book of the Bee. Edited by Ernest A. Wallis Budge, M.A,
4to. Oxford, 1886.
From the Author : — Delle Antichita Egiziane di Brera, illustrazione
di Simeone Levi. Folio. Roma. 1886
Reale Accademia dei Lincei (Anno CCLXXXHI, 1885-86).
From the Author : — IVLane, Thecel, Phares et le festin de
Balthasar. Par M. Claremont-Ganneau.
Extrait du Journal Asiatique. No. 5. 1886.
From the Author : — Notizia de Lavori di Egittologja e di lingue
semitische pubblicati in Italia in questi ultimi decennii pel
P. Cesare A de Cara, D.C.D.G. Svo. Prato. 1886.
The following were elected Members of the Society, having
been nominated on November 2nd, il
Israel Abraham, M.A., 59, Mildmay Park, N.
Professor E. C. Bissell, D.D., The Congregational Theological
School of Hartford, Connecticut, U.S.A.
John Travis Cook, F.R.H.S., Adelaide House, Anlaby Road,
Kingston-upon-Hull.
Henry B. Slee, to, Poplar Crescent, Gateshead-on-Tyne.
The following were nominated as Candidates for election
at the next Meeting, on nth January, 1887 : —
Henry M. Mavor, 89, Elgin Crescent, Notting Hill, W.
William Gershom CoUingwood, M.A., Gillhead, Windermere.
31
Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1886.
The following paper by the Rev. Joseph Edkins, D.D.,
entitled, ''When did Babylonian Astrology enter China?"
was read by the Secretary : —
The CJwd' dynasty from iioo to 800 b.c. was in a flourishing
condition, and China at the beginning of that period had the
advantage of the legislative sTcill of CJww Kufig^ who exerted
himself successfully to place the empire in a state of great order
and prosperity. His genius led him to mathematical studies, to
poetry, and legislation, and, as one of China's sages, he had more
authority in his day than Confucius, because he belonged to the
imperial family, and was brother of the first emperor of the dynasty
and uncle of the second. He gave to the dynasty a scientific
character, and his name is connected with certain mathematical
schools which continued until about the year 800 B.C., when they
were disbanded in times of political trouble.
That Babylon preceded China in the knowledge of the stars,
and that China borrowed largely from Babylon, need not be doubted.
Each country had a Zodiac of twelve, the dial, the clepsydra, the
astrolabe, an intercalary month, and observations of the motions
of the five planets. In the ancient world the fame of Babylon was
very much founded on knowledge of this kind. That city was a
city of scientific light, and spread its doctrines in all the surrounding
countries. China was among the countries that in the far East
received help in scientific learning from that celebrated city. It
was believed however by J. B. Biot* that Indian Astronomy owed
much to China, especially in regard to the twenty seven nakshatras.
The Zodiac so named seems to be based on the Chinese Zodiac
of twenty-eight. The Hindoo Astronomy has changed some of the
stars, but has kept the Chinese stars in most cases. The truth of
this view ought to be admitted unless the Babylonians can be shown
to have had a Zodiac of twenty-eight signs, from which the Hindoos
and Chmese might both have borrowed. Until the present lime
we do not know of any such Zodiac among the Babylonians, and
yet we have a very full account of Babylonian Astronomy and
Astrology given us by Prcjfcssor Sayce in the " Transactions of the
Society of Biblical Archeeology."t But the basis of the Zodiac of
twenty-eight is ajtparently the week, and assuming that the Chinese
* " L'A'^tronomie Indienne ct Chinoise."
t Vul. Ill, 1S74, pp. 145 339-
Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1886.
invented the Zodiac of twenty-eight, is was at least based on the
number seven, in the Great Bear, and on the institution of the Week
in a rudimentary form. So far it may be said to be Babylonian.
The time when the Babylonian astrology entered China is left
uncertain in the Chow Ritual, where it is first mentioned. That
book appears to have been compiled at different periods from B.C.
1 120 downwards to the time of Confucius and later. The record of
the astrologer's duties there given is brief: "The astrologer, styled
Pau chang shi, has charge of the stars in order to record the changes
in the motions of the sun, moon, and stars, so that he may observe
in the lands under their influence what changes will take place in
the way of good or ill fortune. The nine provinces of the empire
are distinguished by certain stars. The states which are defined by
imperial decree have each of them special stars, by observing which
calamities and blessings about to fall on them may be foretold.
That which may be seen in the year star [Jupiter] of the cycle of
twelve is either of an adverse or prosperous nature."
Another astrologer, Feng siang shi, has charge, says the same
work, of Jupiter as controlling the twelve years of his period, the
twelve months of each year, during each of which the Bear points to
a sign ; the twelve signs or hours, the ten divisions of the denary
cycle and the twenty-eight constellations. He must distinguish the
order of the stars, and state when the various heavenly bodies meet
in them.
When did the Chinese first learn astrology? Most probably, it
may be replied, about the close of the ninth century before Christ.
Siuen wang the eleventh emperor of the Chow Dynasty was then
reigning. He rewarded his brother in b.c. 805 with an extensive
barony, the Cheng state.* It was taken from the Chow State in
Central China. Now it happens that in arranging the stars of the
Zodiac of twenty-eight, the astrologers have made Kio and Kang,
the first of them, the special constellations of the Cheng state.
Professor Russell of Peking informs me that Jupiter was certainly in,
Kio and Kang (Virgo) in the year 806. This would be the reason
that those constellations were selected for the new barony. We
have here a clue by which we may learn the otherwise unknown date
of the distribution of the twenty-eight constellations among the states
* This date is given in the Shi ki, written about B.C. 100, in the chapter upon
the Cheng ducal family.
33.
Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1886.
of China. It is also probable that the reason why the states had
such and such constellations assigned to them was because Jupiter
was, or was supposed to be, in those constellations in the year when,
or in reference to which, the assignment was made. To the states
Cheng, Sung, and Yen, the seven eastern constellations were ap-
pointed. The northern group was assigned to Wu, Ts'i, and Wei.
The western was given to Lu, Chau, and Tsin. The southern group
went to Ts'in, Chow, and C'hu.
'\\jth astrology came also star worship and the worship of the
five rulers, who presided over the elements and the five colours, blue
yellow, red, black, and white. The first recorded case of the worship
of the blue (or green) emperor, was in north-western China, B.C.
669.* That of the white emperor, ruler of the west, was B.C. 769,
and this is the earliest instance. The ruler of Ts'in who introduced
this worship, had just been rewarded for military service rendered to
the emperor with a place among the feudal dukes of China. The
establishment of this worship is equivalent to the establishment of
the worship of Jupiter and Venus, or Marduk and Istar, on the
banks of the Wei, where the Ts'in dukes had their residential city.
In the year B.C. 564, the Tso History f tells us that at that time
in the Sung country the worship of Antares was maintained as a
preventive against fires, and that it had been long in existence there.
Legend said it was established by the emperor Yau. But we can
only safely allow it to have existed a few centuries. There can be
no doubt that they looked on the element of fire as prevailing in
Scorpio, partly because Antares is a red star, and also on account of
the great brightness of Scorpio and its neighbour Sagittarius, both
belonging to the eastern group of seven, known as the blue dragon.
In the year B.C. 540 a new aspect of the superstition of the time
in regard to stars is recorded by the same historian. The star god
and a river god worshipped in Tsin (Shansi) were supposed to have
afflicted the ruling marquis with a disease. The friendly ruler of
Cheng sent a message of condolence by a deservedly famous states-
man named Tsze c'han, J who told the sick marquis the whole story
of the gods who were said to have done him this harm. One of
them was Orion (Shen), and was named Shi c'hen (Gemini). But
* Shi ki, in the history of the Feng shan ceremony.
t Legge's "Chinese Classics," Vol. V, p. 439.
X Ibid.^ p. 5 So.
S4;
Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1886.
the sage advised the marquis to believe that this god had nothing to
do with causing his sickness. It appears from the account that
Orion was then worshipped in Tai yuen fu in Shansi, and that the
legend connected with the worship was known but to few. The name
Shi c'hen is the third of the Zodiac of twelve, and corresponds to
Gemini. But it is clear that this Zodiac was made up of divinities
who could, it was believed, bring sickness on the ruler of the state
over which they presided astrologically. If Shi chen is a foreign
word, it should be read Jidim, that being the old sound.
In the Kwo yii, a work believed by good native critics to be
written by Tso, either before or after he had compiled his history,
there are some allusions to astrology under the date B.C. 521. One
thing said is, " the place where Jupiter is, that is the region among
the stars which belongs to [the emperor's land, or] Chow."
Before this it is said, " when Wu wang went to attack the Shang
emperor, Jupiter was in Leo, the Red bird in its fiery part."* The
astrologers seem to have calculated back to find the position of
Jupiter, the sun, the moon, and Mercury on this occasion. They
seem to have believed that Jupiter was in the year B.C. 1122-1 in
Leo, and from this circumstance fixed upon that sign as the constel-
lation which presided over the Chow state. We may say with con-
fidence that it was calculated back, for Jupiter was not in Leo in
that year,t and could not have been there till six years after. The
discrepancy is so great that it is hopeless to suppose that the patron
sign of the Chow kingdom was fixed on till a long time after. Leo
must have been chosen, because the astrologers in the ninth century
believed that Jupiter was there at the time of the victory of Chow
over Shang. The position of Jupiter would in all probability be
made the ground of choice in the case of the other states also.
From the same passage it appears that in B.C. 521 it was believed
that a wife of one of the ancestors of the Chow imperial family,
whose home was in the Ts'i kingdom, brought with her the influence
for good and ill of the constellation Aquarius, the presiding star
* The Red bird is the pheasant. It occupies the signs Gemini, Cancer,
Hydra, and Corvus. Cancer is the head, and Corvus the tail. See Schlegel's
" Ouranographie Chinoise," p. 69.
t My friend Professor S. M. Russell has calculated the place of Jupiter in
B.C. 1 121, and finds it longitude 298°, instead of being, as the Chinese astrologers
represent, longitude 124" 28'.
35
Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. fi8S6.
group of that country, so that the Chow historian could say our K
(Chow) family came out of Aquarius.
The results of this incjuiry show that astrology came to China
long before the destruction of Nineveh, and that the Assyrian
empire favoured the spread of Babylonian knowledge. During the
period of Babylonian supremacy and the first years of the Persian
empire, the communication of Babylonian science and superstition
continued, as Chinese history makes clear. At the same time a like
flood of superstition and science mixed with mythology was poured
in upon India while Buddhism was still young, and the Vedic age
had but lately passed away. The doctrine of lucky and unlucky
days, the worship of the planets with astrology spread fast and far
in India and in China. After the death of Buddha and Lautau
images were introduced from abroad in both countries. But in
the sixth and preceding centuries it was not so. At least nothing
about this occurs in the books which remain from those times.
In B.C. 2500 to 2300, or thereabouts, the Chinese had the
Zodiac of twenty -eight constellations, and an intercalary month
with an instrument for observing meridian stars. In the period
B.C. 820 to 500, or thereabouts, they knew the Zodiac of twelve
signs, and astrology. They looked on the twelve signs as divinities,
and worshipped them with certain other stars in particular localities.
The place of Jupiter at the time when the rulers of each of the
twelve states of China first received investiture was made the basis
for this local distribution of patron stars. Various later books,
chiefly the Shi ki, give the astrology of each star in detail in the
order of the Blue dragon, the Black warrior, the White tiger, and
the Red bird. A large part of these details may be found translated
from the Chinese by M. Schlegel in his " Ouranographie Chinoise."
The following examples from the astrology of the Shi ki will
show what it is. After the first section on the Great Bear and the
pole, the writer proceeds at once to Scorpio. The eastern palace is
that of the Green Dragon, with Fang and Sin (Antares). Sin is the
hall of audience (Ming T'ang), or hall for declaring the principles
of the administration. Arcturus is the hall of audience for the king
of heaven. There are three stars on each side of him called the
directors (She ti). They straighten the pointing of the piau of the
Peck Measure (tail of the Great Bear), so as to define the seasons
and half signs. They are therefore called limiters of the directors,
3<3
Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18S6.
The star Kang, /, at, X, /t, e, in Virgo is the outer temple. It rules
diseases. North and south of it are two large stars called South
Gate (Centaur). Libra is called the root of heaven, and rules
epidemical diseases. When Mars breaks into the region of the
eastern part of Scorpio and the western part of Libra there will
be fighting. If he be in Antares kings will be full of wrath
and fear.
On Jupiter it is said that he belongs to the east, and rules
spring. His day is Kia yi (i and 2 in the denary cycle). When
there is injustice, punishment emanates from Jupiter. The destinies
(or name) of nations are fixed by the sign through which Jupiter is
passing. The country beneath Jupiter can rule the world by justice.
That year is called the year of Sheti ko, " limit of direction." The
shadow of the year goes left to the space called Yin (3rd in duo-
denary cycle). Jupiter goes on the right to Ch'ow (2nd in duodenary
cycle). In the first month he appears with the Peck and the leader
of the Cow (both in Sagittarius). In this position Jupiter is called
" observer of virtue." If he has a bright green light he will leave
his place. When seen in the Willow Lieu c, e, g, rj, 6, p, a, w, Hydra,
if Jupiter be too early, there will be floods ; if too late there will
be drought. Jupiter moves east 12° for 100 days, and becomes
stationary. He then moves backward for 8°. After 100 days he
again moves eastward. In a year he moves 30° and xV^^^s of a
degree. Each day he moves nearly -^ih of a degree, and com-
pletes the circuit of the sky in twelve years.
After detailing the movements of Jupiter during each of the
twelve months, the account proceeds : When he ought to become
stationary and fails to do so, or when he wavers to the right or left,
or leaves his station when he should not leave it, there will be mis-
fortune in the state to. which that station belongs. Kingdoms in
which he is long stationary have great virtlie. His horn (flash) then
moves. It is sometimes great and sometimes small His colour
changes frequently. At such a time the rulers of men will have
sorrow. Beneath the region where Jupiter loses his place, and
goes to the north-east in. the third month, a comet will be seen
(Tien pei) four feet in length. He still advances, but to the south-
east, and after three months the comet called the sweeper (Hwei)
appears,. 20 feet in length. After the disappearance of the sweeper,
in the north-west the shape called Tien chan is seen, 40 feet in
3>7
Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [r886.
length. After three months more the comet called Tien tsiang is
seen in the south-west, and is several tens of feet in length. The
commentator here cites a passage from the astronomical chapter
of Panku's history, which states that in the reign of Han wenti,
B.C. 179 to 156, the comet called Tien ts'iang appeared in the
south-west in the evening, and that the astrologers announced that
it meant w'ar. In the sixth year, B.C. 174, the Hiung nu. Tartars
invaded Yun chung (Shansi) and an imperial army was put in
motion to protect the capital. The account of Jupiter concludes
with saying that if he enters the moon there will be in that region
expulsion, and if he should struggle with Venus there will be in
that region the defeat of an army. Jupiter is called the Director,
the Double Flower, the answering star, and the recording star.
His temple is Pi (Markab and Sheat in Pegasus).
" Mars, the fiery planet, belongs to the south and to fire. He
rules the summer. His days are ping ting (third and fourth in the
denary cycle*). If there is error in ceremonies, punishment comes
from Mars, of which departure from his regular movement is the
sign. When he comes out there will be war. When he enters
again the soldiers will be disbanded according to his place (or house),
the fate of kingdoms will be fiery and moveable {yung, fiery, /two,
moveable). This means rebellion and anarchy, sickness, death,
famine, and war. If he goes back through two signs and remains
there after three months, there will be misfortune, in five months
there will be the arrival of troops, in seven, half the territory will be
lost." "When the five planets meet in one sign, the country be-
neath that sign can establish its ceremonies and rule the world.
Mars moves eastward through sixteen signs and then becomes
stationary. He moves back two signs during sixty days. Again he
travels eastward through several tens of signs for ten months, when
he appears in the west. During five months he is hidden in the
sun's rays, and then appears again in the east." Troops gather
under him. If they fight in accordance with his indications they
prevail, if the contrary they are defeated. When Mars follows
Venus the army is in sorrow. When he leaves Venus the army
retreats. When he emerges from the dark side (yin) of Venus,
armies divide. If Mars moves on the bright side (yang) of Venus, a
* The place of ping is on the east of south, and that of ting on the west of
south.
38
Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18S6.
general will fight in a "one-sided manner." "Antares is his hall
of administration and temple. Let careful attention be given to
this."
Saturn rules the centre, and the last month of summer. His
days are \vu, ki (fifth and sixth of denary cycle). He is the Yellow
Emperor, and rules Virtue, the star of queens and empresses. When
he stays for a year in the sign, the country of that sign has good
fortune. If he should not remain and does so, or if, after leaving
a sign, he returns to it, the country of that sign will gain new
territory, and if not, will gain a woman. " He is called Ruler of
earth and of the year. He moves 1 2°-j-f ^-tl^s in a year. In a day
he moves -^-Vth of a degree. In twenty-eight years he completes
the circle of the sky. If where Saturn is, the other four planets
arrive together, the country of that sign will rule the world by the
weight of its influence." "His colour is )ellow, and he has nine
flashes of light. The Peck (Ursa Major) is the temple of Saturn,
and the star of empire."
The stars mentioned in Chinese astrology are of two kinds,
actual and imaginary. The actual, whether fixed stars or planets,
can all be recognized and identified with European names. The
imaginary are roaming powers, supposed to move about the sky
and shed maUgn influence on the world below. They may be
comets or not. In Professor Sayce's "Astronomy and Astrology
of the Babylonians " the real stars mentioned by their names cannot,
in most cases, be identified on acconnt of the fragmentary nature
of our information on Babylonian star nomenclature. It follows
that Chinese astrology may be expected to furnish, in some respects,
a fuller account of Babylonian astrology than Babylon itself, in the
present state of our knowledge. One important point made plain
by the Chinese documents is, that the elements in Babylonian
astrology ought to be five and not four. The doctrine of four
elements was Greek. That of five elements must have been
Babylonian, or we should not find it so distinctly presented as it is
in the Chinese astrology. The Greek fondness for four was deter-
mined by the order of development in the Ionic philosophy.
Pekin, A7^g. 6, 1 886.
59
Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1886.
The following paper was read by the Author : " Old
Jewish Legends on Biblical Topics." No. I. — "A Legend on
the Death of Moses;" translated by the Rev. A. Lowy.*
There are ten records of the decree that Moses was doomed to
depart from this world. The first begins with the words, " Behold
thy days have drawn near to the time when thou must die." These
commands were combined with the Divine decree that Moses should
not enter tlie Holy Land. But the time for the fulfilment of this
sentence was only finally fixed when the Supreme Tribunal sent
forth the words, " Thou shalt not pass the Jordan," The limit thus
imposed upon his expectations seemed to be a slight thing in the
eyes of Moses, and distressed him not ; for he said to himself,
" Oftentimes have Israel sinned, and when I prayed for them the
Almighty forgave them and cancelled the fulfilment of the impending
decree. I however who have never sinned, will engage in prayer,
and the Almighty will surely listen to me. But a seal had been put
upon the Divine sentence, and it was made irrevocable through the
Supreme Name, that Moses should not enter the Holy Land, and
should not bring the Israelites to their appointed destination. Moses
however resolved to fast and to pray for the revocation of this
judgment. He puX on sackcloth, covered himself with ashes and
stood in prayers at fifteen difterent times. The earth, a witness of
this appeal, was seized with trembling, and all created things became
afraid that the Almighty was about to change the face of the world.
And there came a voice from above which proclaimed, "The end
of the world has not arrived, but He who dwells in Heaven, and
who holds in His hand the souls of all the living, decides the
destiny of the spirit of all flesh." Throughout the firmament and
throughout the Divine Courts of Justice rang the proclamation
that the prayers for the continuance of the hfe of Moses would not
be granted. No angel should present the prayers; for when the
decree of death was once signed, it could not be altered. All the
chiefs in the supernal regions were then hurried along, and were
ordered to close the gates against the prayers of Moses. The
heavens and the earth and all the foundations thereof, and all beings
* This translation forms an abstract of a Midrash (legendary exposition) of
the latter portion of the Book of Deuteronomy, and is based on Fctirath AJosheh,
published by Dr. A. Jellinek in his " Beth Ilamidrash," Vol, L.
4Q
Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1886.
in creation shook with terror, for the prayers of Moses were Hke
unto a drawn sword, that rendeth and cutteth, and that is irresistible
like unto the force of the Ineffable Name which Moses had been
taught to pronounce by his teacher the angel Zagzagel or Zangziel.
Concerning such an occurrence of terror Ezekiel said, " I heard
behind me a voice of commotion occasioned by the Great One."
When the angels of the revolving orbs and the Seraphim above,
found that the prayer for the life of Moses was not accepted, they
joined in choral adoration before Him in whose presence there is no
wrong, no forgetfulness, no distinction of persons, whether small or
great. And Moses prayed, " Oh Lord of the Universe ! many times
have I been troubled for the sake of Israel, until at length they
became unto Thee a distinguished people and an inheritance. I
have witnessed their affliction ; should I not also witness their joy?
In thy Law I have announced the precept which ordains, ' Thou
shalt give his wages unto the labourer on the self-same day on which
they are earned.' Give me my reward for the forty years of my
toil. I felt for Israel's sorrows, am I not to take part in Israel's
happiness?" Then he was comforted by words, saying, "The
enjoyments and delights of a coming world are a substance and a
treasure, and a compensation for the righteous that fulfil the Law
through the promptings of pure love." Further, Moses was told,
" The days on earth come to an end, but they are succeeded by an
Eternity that needeth no light of the sun, no light of the moon and
stars, no eating and drinking, no raiment, no ointment for the head,
no shoeing for the foot, for I, in My glory, will shine upon Thee.
My effulgence will be thy garment, My beauty thy covering, My
lustre will shed purity upon thy countenance. My sweetness will
refresh thee, my charms will carry thee aloft. On my sceptre
is engraven that Ineffable Name whereby I called the world into
existence, and by the aid of that Name I have given thee the
semblance of a divine messenger, even in this world. But this
sceptre appears magnified without bounds in the world to come.
Many were the wonders and signals that I wrought through thee
when Israel came forth from Egypt. For this people I rent
asunder the sea, and caused manna to rain down from heaven.
I sweetened the bitter waters ; I gave Israel the Law in which the
affirmative commandments are equal in number to the limbs in the
human frame, viz., 248, while the prohibitive commandments are
equal to the days of the year, 365 ; and through thee I made
4^
Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [jSS6.
their warfares victorious. Thy portion, oh Moses, has been
sufficient ; now is the time for Joshua to take the lead of Israel.
On future days Solomon, as thy disciple, shall declare in writing :
' The sun shineth forth and the sun goeth down.' "
A few more were then the entreaties of Moses ; at length he went
forth and addressed the Israelites, from the twenty-second day of the
seventh month to the first day of the tenth month, that is ninety-five
days. On the first day of the tenth month he explained the Law to
the 600,000 of the people. On the seventh day of the twelfth month
Moses was destined to pass away, and a Divine Voice then was
heard saying, " Mark it well within thy mind, thy life in the
world lasts only this one day." On that day Moses wrote down
the thirteen precepts of the Divine Attributes (as contained in
Exodus xxxiv, 6 and 7), and sent copies of the writings unto every
separate tribe. Half of the day was gone. He now invited each
of the tribes, and handed to them the Law and the Commandments.
The choicest inscription of the Law he placed by the side of the Ark,
and he admonished and exhorted every one separately, the men
alone, the women alone ; and he said to them, " Be mindful and
do honour to the Law and to the keeping of the Commandments."
Another tradition adds that the angel Gabriel came down and took
the Law out of the hands of Moses and carried it up to the Great
Tribunal in heaven in order to proclaim the righteous conduct of
Moses. And he took it up higher and higher into each region of
the firmament. And this Law is read by the souls of the righteous
on each second and fifth day of the week and on festive days. At
the same time Moses conferred upon Joshua great distinction and
honour in the presence of Israel, and a proclamation went forth
through the camp of Israel, saying, " Come and hear the words of the
new prophet who arises this day, ' All Israel come and show submis-
sion unto Joshua.'" Then Moses ordered that there be brought a
throne of gold, and a crown studded with pearls, and a helmet of
royalty, and a purple garment.
Moses caused seats and benches to be prepared for the Synhedrim,
the chiefs of the troops, and the priests. And Moses invested Joshua
with the attire of the commanding chief, put the crown upon him,
Seated him on the golden throne, and jilaced before him the
Turgeman (public speaker), who was to deliver addresses before
Israel — and this public speaker was Caleb the son of Jephunah.
Then Joshua gave utterance to the following invocation in the
42
Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS6.
presence of the people and of his teacher Moses : " Be roused and
sing, ye heavens of the highest heavens ; wake up, ye foundations of
the nether world ; be aroused and stand forth, ye orders of the
created world ; arise and sing, ye mountains of the world. Issue
forth songs and psalmodies, ye hills of the land. Be up and send
forth praises, ye hosts of the firmament. Utter songs and recount
the passing events, all ye sons of Jacob. Send out songs, ye store-
houses of Israel. Let the words enter all hearts, and let the souls
accept with gladness the commandments of your God. Put forth
speech and ascribe glory to the Lord your God who delivereth you.
Make acknowledgment before your Sovereign, and put in Him your
trust ; for He is One, and there is no second by His side. There is
none hke unto Him among the gods ; there is none His equal
among the angels ; there is none like Him among the lords. His
praise has no end; His miracles are unsearchable; His deeds are
unaccountable. He keepeth unto us the oath sworn unto our
fathers. He maintaineth for us the covenant and the mercy which is
revealed unto us through our teacher Moses, through whom we were
marvellously redeemed and carried from servitude unto freedom.
For us the sea was rent asunder, and unto us 613 commandments
were given." Moses then formally abdicated his high position, and
served Joshua as Joshua had served him.
From the first day of the eleventh to the sixth day of the twelfth
month, that is, the day before his death, Moses, true to his character
of humility, paid his homage to Joshua, and waited upon him as a
disciple would wait on his master, in order to show to the people
that Joshua had assumed the reins of government over Israel, and
that Moses himself had resigned his high position. Now every
individual Israelite was seized with sorrow and trembling, and
Joshua himself wept, and he said, "How cometh such greatness and
such honour unto me ? " And there came forth a mysterious voice,
saying unto Moses, " Thou hast only five more hours to live."
Thereupon Moses desired Joshua to sit before the people like a
king ; and the face of Moses was lustrous like the sun, and the face
of Joshua shone like the moon. Moses set forth the Law, and
Joshua expounded it. They were still engaged in giving this instruc-
tion to the people, when a preternatural voice was heard, saying,
" Thou hast only four hours to live ; " and Moses prayed, " Oh
Lord of the Universe, give me power by means of Thine Ineffable
Name to pass throiigh the air or the water in order that I may cross
:43
Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [18S6.
the Tordan and see the Promised Land. Let me be borne along
on the wings of the clouds, that I may behold the Promised
Land ! "
But to these and all further entreaties, came the Divine reply,
"Thou shalt see the land from afar, but thou shalt not pass thither."
Then Moses beheld 400 parasangs of the land, which were reduced
into a small scale ; he beheld all that is concealed and hidden,
all that is far and near. Again there came a mysterious voice and
proclaimed, " Fret not, as thou hast only three more hours to live
on this earth."
Another hour was consumed in prayer, and it was announced to
him that he had only two hours more to spend in this life.
And Michael, the guardian angel of Israel, wept when he beheld
the Angel of Death waiting for the last breath of Moses.
Then came the parting hour, and Moses prayed, saying, " Permit
me, Oh Lord, to be like a bird that flitteth through the four quarters
of the world gathering sustenance, imbibing drink from the river, and
returning at eventide to its nest." And Moses appealed to all things
in creation that they should join him in his prayer for mercy. But
all creation in the heavens and on earth declared to him the feeble-
ness of their estate.
Then he called Joshua, and said to him, " My son, I deliver up
to thee the people of the Lord ; their babes are as yet innocent and
untaught ; never say anything before them that is not fitting to be
said in the presence of God's children." Moses was then proceeding
to take leave of every individual tribe ; but when he observed how
little time was left, he bid farewell in one general greeting, and
exchanged with the people words of mutual condonement.
When it was announced to Moses that his life was now measured
by seconds, he took a scroll and wrote upon it the Divine Name, and
the book of Jashar : then he handed the scroll to Joshua, upon whose
head he places his hands. And Joshua's eyes became dimmed with
tears, so that he could not behold his master.
Moses now lost the power of teaching, and the mysterious voice
exclaimed before the people, " Henceforth take instruction from
Joshua, and from him carry the instruction further; he is henceforth
your leader."
And the supreme angels were ordered to take away the soul of
Moses ; but they tarried with fear. Amongst them was Zagzagel, who
44
Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18S6.
spake, " Oh Lord, I was the teacher of Moses, how can I take away
the soul of my disciple.?"
Now the Angel of Death was called forth, who with the eagerness
of the destroyer drew his sword, and approached Moses. But he
saw inscribed the Ineffable Name of the Almighty, he saw fiery sparks
issuing from the lips, and a wondrous lustre from the countenance of
Moses, who shone like the sun and appeared to be like an angel of
the heavenly hosts. Then the Angel of Death became stricken with
terror. Moses, turning his eye towards that angel, asked " Who
sendeth thee unto me ? " The Angel of Death replied, " He who
hath created the world, and who hath delivered into my hands all
who come into the world." Then Moses spake : " I was gifted
with the greatest power. I was brought into existence with every
sign of a true child of Israel, and was endowed with speech at my
birth. My mother was recompensed even for the milk with which
she nursed me. From the days of my childhood I was made
a prophet, being destined to receive the Law; I wrested the
crown from the head of Pharaoh. At the age of eighty I wrought
signs and miracles ; sixty myriads of Israelites I led out of Egypt.
For them I cleft the sea, making twelve paths. I sweetened the
waters. I cut from the rock the tablets of stone, and took them
up into the firmament of the heavens. Face to face I spoke unto
the Lord of the Universe. I prevailed over powers that sought
to rival me in the supreme regions. It was I who received the Law.
Under the dictate of Him who inspired me I wrote the 613
Commandments, and enforced them by my teachings. I over-
came the giants who since the flood had continued their pre-
dominance. I determined the movements of the sun and moon in
their orbits. I have been the mightiest of men. Thou rebellious
angel, for whom there is no peace, begone ! "
And the angel fled. The mysterious voice then called out,
" Contend not^ life lasteth only a short moment."
The Angel of Death was once more summoned to fetch the soul
of Moses. But he said, " I may deepen Gehenna into a lower
depth ; but over the son of Amram I cannot prevail. Before him I
cannot stand. His face beameth like that of a seraph in the
heavenly chariots. His countenance shines with divine radiance."
And the Almighty addressed the Angel of Death, " Thou rebellious
angel, thou hast been formed out of the fire of Gehenna; unto the
45
Dec. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [iS86,
fire of Gehenna thou shalt return. With eagerness thou didst go
forth ; yet when thou didst behold the greatness of tliat man, thou
didst shrink back with dismay. His soul, however, shall be brought
home."
Once more the Angel of Death with drawn sword approached
Moses, who held in his hand the divine staff, on which the Ineffable
Name was engraven. With that staff Moses touched the Angel of
Death, and with a rebuke put him to flight. The lustre of counte-
nance had not yet departed from Moses, when for the last time the
mysterious voice rang forth, exclaiming, " The end of thy time hath
come." Moses stood up in prayer, saying, " Thou Lord of the
Universe, who wast revealed unto me in the fiery bush, remember
that Thou didst carry me up into Thy heaven, where I abided forty
days and forty nights, have mercy upon me, and hand me not over
unto the power of the Angel of Death."
His prayer was g7-anted : Moses stood there like a seraph, clad
with heavenly majesty, and He who ruleth in -the highest heavens,
Hijuself received the soul of Moses., who acknowledged the benign and
compassionate rule of the Creator. Moses resigned himself to that
merciful rule.
Thus he followed the guidance of the Almighty. Three angels,
Michael, Zagzagel, and Gabriel came to meet him, smoothing his
couch for him to lie down, and they placed themselves at his right
side, at his left side, and at the foot. By the heavenly command he
clasped his hands and closed his eyes. And the Almighty called the
soul, saying unto it, " My daughter, one hundred and twenty years
were appointed for thee to abide in the body of this righteous man.
Tarry no longer here, Thou hast arrived at thy destination. And
thou shalt be placed with Me by the throne of My glory, where
Seraphim and Ophanim, and Angels and Cherubims are enthroned."
And the soul declared, " It was Avell for me to dwell within this
righteous man. Angels themselves became corruptible, yet this
man Moses, w^ho was but flesh and blood, was the purest among the
pure ever since the time when Thou didst reveal Thyself unto him in
the midst of the burning bush."
Then the Almighty with a Divine kiss removed the soul of Moses.
" Moses the servant of the Lord died by the mouth of the Lord."
There was mourning in heaven and mourning on earth \ and
sorrow prevailed everywhere on account of Israel ; for he had
46
Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1886
proclaimed the Lord's righteousness, and the Divine justice among
the people.
He had proclaimed the knowledge of the Lord in the heavens
above and on the earth beneath, and he had established that testi-
mony, through which he surpassed every other prophet in Israel.
Therefore he received the high praise which crowneth the conclusion
of the Divine Law.
The following Communication has been received from
Professor Wright : —
Among the objects from Cyprus exhibited during the past summer
at the Colonial Exhibition were two bilingual inscriptions, Phoenician
and Cypriote, the property of Colonel F. Warren, R.A., who dis-
covered them during his excavations at Frangissa, near the ancient
town of TamasSOS (Tajnaaaov).
The longer and better preserved of these has been translated
and published by the well known archaeologist M. D. Pierides,
though without the Phoenician text. Colonel Warren's preface to
this little pamphlet (8 pages small 8vo.) is dated "Cyprus, 13th
June, 1886." M. Pierides' readings have been reproduced, with
some valuable critical remarks, by Dr. W. Deecke in the Berliner
Philologische Wocheiischrift for 16th October, 1886, which has been
kindly sent to me by my friend Professor Euting.
The Phoenician text, in six lines, reads as follows.
:?3 ]i t?in:i ]n Dn:n i^ (2)
p][^^]^ ^T['^ Xrw ]i ^n (3)
n:^n D:n« rr\n rrh^ii. (4)
-[^n ]n^:2^n ^rh ^ ^^ d\i?^u? (5)
^^l'' ^p V^U>3 ^n^^l "Tl^ (6)
(i) This is the statue tuhich gave and set
(2) up Maiahcin, so7i of Ben-hodesh, son of Mena-
(3) hem, son of 'Ardk, to his Lord, to \_Reshe\ph
(4) Eleylth, in the month of Etha?iTm, in the year
(5) thirty, 20 + 10, of king Malklyathdn, king of
(6) Kition and Idalion, because he heard {his) voice. May he
bless (him).
47
Dec. 7] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1886.
The Cypriote text, in five lines, I give according to M. Pierides'
reading, with one correction in the first line made by Professor
Sayce and Dr. Deecke.
( 1 ) to . na . ti . ri . a . ta . 7U . to . nu . e . to . ke . ne .
(2) ka . se . . fie . te . ke . iie . fua . 71a .se.se.
(3) . Jio . me . ni . . 7ie . to . ti . . i .
(4) to . i . a . pe . i . lo . 7ii . to . i . e . le . i .
(5) ta . i . i . til . ka . i .
This Dr. Deecke transcribes as follows.
(1) To// d(j')f/J<o'(j')T«»' To't'(i')l' tcwKev
(2) Kitv oii^OijKnv Mai>aa(^(T^7j^
(3) 6 SlVfitjVllDU TW (sic) 61WI
(4) Tav 'AttciXwui Tici E\ei'-
(5) '^"' '{") ■^'''X«'
There is no word in the Phoenician text absolutely new to us
save the proper name p")^, which Dr. Deecke wrongly identifies
with the "Heb. 'drek, 'long.'" That is "^l^;^, not p")^. I suppose
'p'^y to be either a verbal adjective, P'^.'ii^ = JjA-^) or a substan-
tive p'^y, of the form p"^^., ]^!^, etc. — The name of the dedicator
is strangely rendered in the Cypriote version by Mafuo-o-j/v, which
should represent nC'2*2, and not i^H-P. — The name of his father
Ben-hodesh, tTiri'liL, in Greek Noy/oyi'/o? (Cypr. ^w/a'jutos), means
" born on the day of the new moon," and is of the same class
as the Syriac 'i^A2r>j;2 BarhadbcsJiabbd^ "born on Sunday,"
)Sdo.;^ Ba7--saii//td, "born in Lent," |mJ> DcnJid^ "born on
Epiphany." — The reading fjll^'^^ at the end of line 3 is quite
certain, for Resheph is well known as the name of the Phoenician-
Cypriote Apollo, on Egyptian monuments Raspu. In the Corpus
Liscriptt. Set/lit t. I. i, p. 36, no. 10, he is styled VJl f)^"^) " arrow-
Resheph," and elsewhere {e.g. I. i, p. 105 sqq., nos. 89-92)
7-^2 Pi'll?'!} ^•^- 'AttoAX*.'!' "A/iw*rXo9 (or 'A/u'A.Xrtf'ov, of A7nycl(r, in
Lacedaemon). Here we have a new epithet, EXe/709, n''^7^^,
which M. Pierides reads 'EXc/Ttts and identifies with 'Wa-rwi (-t//s-,
of Hyle, ''Wij, in Cyprus); but Dr. Deecke takes it for 'EXc/t«9
(-T);s-, of Hetos, "E\(y9, in Lacedaemon). He adds however (toe. at.,
col. 1324) that there was a spot in Cyprus, near Idalion, called
48
Dec. 7] PROCEEDIMGS. [1886.
TO 6A0S, to which the name might possibly be referred. — The
month of Ethanfm occurs in the Old Testament, i Kings viii. 2,
Q^2ri"^i;^n n*}^, and in Corpus Inscriptt. Semitt. I. i, p. 92, no. 86 a,
lines I, 2. — The name of the king is written in Cypriote Greek
MiXiKi/aOwu or Mi\Kii/a6ivi'. The former would be in Phoenician
]Tv^h72 (cf. i™n% inA«), the latter jn^s^^ (cf. nnst^^^^,
J?Dt2?^7^^, t5Qtp^7«), Phoen. p*i being the equivalent of Heb. ]ri2,
as in line i. — This inscription proves that Melekhyathan's reign
was far longer than appeared from the records previously known ;
its beginning may have been about 375 B.C., a few years earlier
or later.
The smaller of Colonel Warren's two bilinguals is not nearly so
well preserved, especially as regards the upper or Phoenician portion.
I have sent a squeeze of it to Professor Euting, who will no doubt
succeed in deciphering it with Dr. Deecke's help. I made out
enough to show that it is a monument of the same kind as the one
just explained, and belonging to the same reign.
Queens' College, Cambridge,
15 December, 1886.
Mr. Renouf sends the following: —
With the help of the Cypriote Syllabary published by Dr. Deecke
in the seventh volume of the Studien of Curtius, I had already
deciphered the second inscription of the bilingual tablet, when I
was informed by Professor Wright that Deecke had published a
transcription and version of the text in the Berliner Fhilologische
Wochetiscrift of the i6th of last October. On referring to that
journal, I found that the transcription (made by Pierides) was
exactly what I had expected. It was however accompanied by
some very valuable notes which are necessary in order to under-
stand the difference between the Phoenician and the Cypriote
texts.
The following is the Cypriote inscription when printed in the
type cut for the publications of the Society of Biblical Archaeology.
I am not sure about the second S^\ in the first line. Deecke
49
Dec. 7] SOCIETY Oi"' UI13LICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1SS6.
thinks this a wrong reading. The fault however may be in the text.
Professor Sayce reads nu. My own eyesight is too defective for
the settlement of the question. The most satisfactory reading
would be ^^ ; for to-te = rovte.
.J. v^ F >K tj' F »J> I- X <> T T F
I" p T n «5> v^ \i^ tj* 5^ PI
3 o 3 s 30
<T5 -• ;i o
X8>K XFv^ + XJXXF
XT¥X XI-
In deciphering Cypriote writing, it is necessary to remember
that the characters are essentially syllabic, not alphabetic like the
Greek or Latin ; that the medial and aspirated consonantal sounds
are altogether wanting ; and that the nasal sound is always eclipsed
before a dental.
With this knowledge it is quite easy to read, —
tov nvcpiaviav Toi'(^?Ce) ecivKev Ka'i(^:= «■«<) ai'cOijKci' Mavuaaij^ o
" This image gave and offered Manasseh Nunicnius to the god,
to Apollo of Helos. May good hap befall!'"
The name Nomenion or Numenius is, as both Pierides and
Deecke point out, equivalent to the Phoenician Ben Hodesh, " son
of the first day of the month." Manasses is not identical with
Menachem, but both names may signify "comforter."
Apeilon is a very remarkable form of the divine name Apollo,
but closely cognate forms are known.
50
Dec. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18S6.
Pierides identifies 'EXe/xa? with 'YXaVa?, another cognomen of
the Cyprian Apollo, and both forms with the Phcenician Elyith.
Deeclce however derives the two Greek names from different
localities, "YX>/ and "EXo?, and thinks it most probable that the
Phoenician Elyith has its origin in the latter place.
Note. — The plate of this inscri])tion will be issued with future
number of the Proceedings, — W. H. R.
The Anniversary Meeting of the Society will be held at
9, Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, nth
January, 1887, at 8 p.m., when the Council and Officers of
the Society will be elected, and the usual business of the
meeting transacted.
The following Paper will be read > —
The Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A.— " Remarks on the Inscribed Stones
from Hamath, " &c.
-^=e-
NOTE. — Members are reminded that their Subscriptions
become due on January ist, and should be sent to the
Treasurer, B. T. BOSANQUET, Esq. (Messrs. Lloyds, Barnetts,
and Bosanquet's Bank), 54, St. Jame Street, London, S.W,
SI
Dec. 7J SOCIETY Ot BIBLICAL ARCH.liOLOGV. [1886.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
RoiTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850,
Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, 1 866-1 869. 3 vols., folio.
Brugsch-Bey, Grammaire De'motique. i vol., folio.
Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler.
Vols. I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Eg}'ptiens, copies sur lieux et
publics par H. Brugsch et J. DUmichen. (4 vols., and
the text by Diimichen of vols. 3 and 4.)
DiJMiCHEN, Historische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1866.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
GoLENisCHEFF, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, Szc, 1880.
De Rouge, Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Wright, Arabic Grammar and Chrestomathy.
Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament. 1872.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchies.
Pierret, Dictionnaire d'Archeologie Egyptienne. 8vo. Paris, 1875.
BuRKHARDT, Eastern Travels.
Wilkinson, Materia Hieroglyphica. Malta, 1824-30. {Text ojily.)
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologicjues. Se'ries I, II, III. 1 862-1873.
• Voyage d'un Egyptien en Syrie, en Phe'nicie, &c. 4to. 1867,
Le Calendrier des Jours Eastes et Nefastes de I'anne'e
Egyptienne. 8vo. 1877.
Maspero, De Carchemis oppidi Situ et Historia Aniiquissima.
8vo. Paris, 1872.
52
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
SEVENTEENTH SESSION, 1886-87.
Third Meeting, nth January, 1887.
[anniversary.]
REV. A. LOWY
IN THE CHAIR.
-#^§'^-
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Royal Society : — The Proceedings. Vol. XLL No. 247.
8vo. London. 1887.
From the Royal Geographical Society : — The Proceedings and
Monthly Record of Geography. Vol. VIII. No. 12. New
Monthly Series. December, 1886. 8vo. London.
From the Royal Institute of British Architects : — The Journal of
Proceedings. Vol. III. New Series. Nos. 4 and 5. 4to.
London. 1886.
From the Palestine Exploration Fund :— The Quarterly Statement,
January, 1887. 8vo. London.
From the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society for 18S4 : —
The Journal. New Series. Vol. XIX. Part 2. 8vo. Shanghai,
■ 1886.
[No. Lxv. 53
Jan. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1887.
From the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze : — Bollettino
delle Pubblicazioni Italiane, &c., 1886. No. 23. 15th December.
8vo. Firenze.
From the Editor : — The American Journal of Philology. A-'ol. Vil.
No. 3, whole No. 27. Svo. Baltimore. October, 1886.
From the University : — Johns Hopkins University Studies. Fourth
Series. XI, XII. The Land System of the New England
Colonies. By Melville Egleston. Svo. Baltimore. 1886.
From R. D. Darbishire, Esq., F.S.A. : — Report of the Phoenician
and Roman Antiquities in the group of the Islands of Malta.
By A. A. Caruana, D.D.
Printed by Order of His Excellency the Governor. Folio.
Malta. 1882.
Recent Discoveries at Notabile; a Memoir by A. A.
Caruana, D.D. Printed by Order of His Excellency the
Governor. Folio. Malta. 1881. (In same Vol.)
Discovery of a Tomb-Cave at Chain Sielem, Gozo, in June,
1884. Notice by Dr. A. A. Caruana. Folio. (In same Vol.)
El-Gherien tal-Liebru, Malta ; a Hypogeum discovered in
July, explored and described in October, 1884. By Dr. A. A.
Caruana. Folio. (In same Vol.)
Recent further excavations of the Megalithic Antiquities of
" Hagiar-Kim," Malta, executed in the year 1885, under the
direction of Dr. A. A. Caruana. FoUo. Malta. 1886. (In
same Vol.)
From R. D. Darbishire, Esq., F.S.A. : — Annales du Musee
Guimet. Revue de I'Histoire des Religions publiee sous la
direction de M. Maurice Vernes, avec le concours de MM.
A. Barth, A. Bouch^-Leclercq, P. Decharme, S. Guyard,
G. Maspero, C. P. Tiele (de Leyde), etc.
Premiere annee. Tomes I and II. Paris. 1880 ; III and
IV. i88i;VandVI. 1882 ; VII and VIII. 1883; IX and
X. 1884; XI and XII. 1885; XIII. 1886; XIV. Nos. i and 2.
1886.
From the Author : — Inschriften aus der Saitischen Periode. Von
Dr. A. Wiedemann. Folio.
Tirage h. part du Recueil de Travaux, -Szc. VHP' ann^e.
[Vol. VIII, 18S7.]
54
Jan. II] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
From the Author : — La Lettre d'Adrien a Servianus sur les
Alexandrins. Par Dr. A. Wiedemann.
Extrait du Museon.
From the Author : — Essai d'interpretation assyro-chaldeenne. Par
G. Massaroh.
Extrait du Museon.
From the Author : — De Inscriptionibus cuneatis quse pertinent
ad Samas-sum-ukin, regis Babylonice regni initia. Carolus
Fredericus Schmann. 8vo. Monachii. 1886.
From the Author : — Camillus. Par PhiHppe Berger. 8vo. Paris.
1886.
Extrait des Memoires de la Societe de Linguistique. Tome VI.
2^ fascicule.
From J. Crossett : — The Bible in Chinese. Vol. I. Genesis,
Printed by the Tae Ping Rebels, in the third year of their king.
(The whole Bible was printed by them.)
The following has been purchased by the Council for the
Library of the Society : —
La Terre des Patriarches, ou le sud de la Palestine. Par lAbbe
Morand. 2 Vols. 8vo. Lyon. 1882.
The following were elected Honorary Members of the
Society : —
Professor C. de Harlez, Louvain.
Professor C. P. Tiele, Leyden.
The following were elected Members of the Society, having
been nominated on December 7, 1886: —
Henry M. Mavor, 89, Elgin Crescent, Netting Hill, W.
William Gershom CoUingwood, M.A., Gillhead, Windermere.
The following were nominated as candidates for Member-
ship of the Society : —
Rev. Signer Padre Brunengo, alia Direzione della Civilta Cattolica
Firenze.
J. Norton Dickens, 12, Oak Villas, Manningham, Bradford.
55
Ian. ii] society Ot lilBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1887.
SECRETARY'S REPORT
FOR THE YEAR 1886.
I CANNOT commence this Report without referring to the grievous loss
suffered by the Society, in common with the world of science, by the
lamented death of our distinguished President, Dr. Birch. It must
never be forgotten, that as its principal founder he had not only from
his position as President, but as the best friend to its interests and
welfare, by his varied scholarship, unfailing industry and watchful care,
done all that was in his power to carry forward the work for which the
Society was founded.
Since the year 1870, to the time of his death, Dr. Birch was year
after year elected President, and but seldom during that long period of
over fifteen years was he absent from the meetings.
It cannot be other than a subject of congratulation to the Members
that a memoir of Dr. Birch has been prepared by Mr. P. le Page Renouf
and Mr. E. A. Wallis Budge, with notes on his Chinese studies by Pro-
fessor Douglas, which will be issued shortly in the Transactions of the
Society. It will include a portrait, and as complete a bibliographical
list of his works as could be collected by Mr. Budge.
In the last Report presented to the Society, read at the Anniversary
Meeting held on the 12th of January, 1886, the total number of Members
on the Roll was announced as 703.
The following figures show the present condition of the Roll of
Members, &:c. : —
Ordinary Members .... .... 610
Public Libraries .... .... .... .... .... 51
661
Foreign Honorary Members 35
Total .... 696
The full number of eight Meetings have been available for reading
papers, and it is satisfactory to be able to mention that the number and
interest of those presented has been equal to former years.
It will perhaps be well and more convenient to class the papers with
the communications for which the Society has been indebted to various
authors. To commence with the Anniversary Meeting, Dr. John P.
Peters discussed the date claimed for a boundary stone of Nebuchad-
nezzar I, an account of which was presented to the Society by Mr. Theo.
56
Jan. ii] proceedings. [1887.
G. Pinches and Mr. E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A., on March 4th, 1884;
the same writer (May 4th) discusses the date of Naram-Sin, son of
Sargon, as given by Mr. Pinches from the cylinder in the British
Museum (November 7th, 1882). Following this with the papers, &c.,
also dealing with the antiquities of Assyria, &c., on February 2nd, in a
paper entitled, The Tower of Babel and the Birs-Nimroud, Mr. William
Simpson gave some noteworthy suggestions as to the origin of the
Mesopotamian Tower Temples ; a number of carefully prepared diagrams
were exhibited in illustration, which it is the intention of the Council to
reproduce in a future number of its publications.
Professor Hommel, at the meeting held on the 6th April, announced
his suggestion that the Babylonian hero Gish-du-barra was to be
identified with the Biblical Ninn-od. In the same number of the
Proceedings, Professor J. Oppert gives an interesting and valuable list
of the weights and measures as they are written in cuneiform.
To Mr. Pinches we were indebted (June ist) for the following in-
teresting and valuable notes upon Assyriological matters. An interesting
numeral form {sitin =: two) ; Agarriitu, " workmen ; " Satarzi, " a written
document," Naddmi and natanu^ " to give ; " the name of Sargon of
Agade, which may be considered as a supplement to the remarks pub-
lished in the Proceedings, November 6th, 1883, &c. (VI, pp. 11 and 68) ;
and lastly a note upon Assyrian bird-names, throwing some new lio-ht
upon one of the birds mentioned in the Rev. W. Houghton's paper printed
in the Transactions, Vol. VIII, pp. 42, &;c.
The Rev. Joseph Edkins, U.D., in an interesting paper, examined the
question, When did Babylonian Astrology enter China .-*
It is much to be regretted that the excavations carried on in
Mesopotamia so long and so successfully have now come to an end.
But we can only hope that the cessation of these works, so interesting
and at the same time really valuable to students of Bible History, is only
temporary, and that at no very distant period the excavations will be
resumed on a larger and more exhaustive scale, so that the still hidden
treasures of the mounds may not continue to remain unknown.
The papers dealing with Egyptian antiquities have been both numerous
and valuable. To commence with those printed in the Proceedings of
January 12 : Professor Lieblein writes on the 2 Kings vii, 6, and the
Egyptian title per m hru. Professor Aug. Eisenlohr gives some new '
information on the How inscriptions, one of which was mentioned by
Professor Sayce in the Proceedings oi June, 1885. Professor Eisenlohi
adds full copies of the inscriptions, which are given in a plate.
To Dr. Wiedemann the Society has been indebted for a number of
communications, for the most part, besides original matter, dealing with
antiquities an account of which has not been before published. To
commence with the next number of the Proceedings, February 2nd : The
Egyptian mouments at Venice ; Notes on the Cult of Set, and on the
57
Jan. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1S87.
Hyksos Kings ; The Monuments of the Ancient and Middle Empire in
the Museum at Karlsruhe. Again (June i), The King Ahmessa-pa-ar ;
Tombs of the Nineteenth Dynasty at Uer El-Medinet (Thebes), and
descriptive remarks on a stone Sarcophagus of the Saitic period, pre-
served in the Museum at Berlin.
A paper from M. E. Lefcbure was read on March 2nd, entitled Le
Cham et I'Adam Egyptiens, which will be printed in a future part of the
Transactions. The same author (June ist) discusses the name of the
Egyptian god commonly called Khem.
The valuable communications of Mr. Renouf run through the Pro-
ceedings for April, May, and June, and deal with a variety of interesting
subjects : The Myth of Osiris Unnefer ; The Name of the Winged
Solar Disk on Egyptian Monuments ; The Name of the Blind Horus ;
The Egyptian god Apuat ; The Name of the Ithyphallic Horus, and of
the Heliopolitan Nome.
The communications of Mr. E. A. Wallis Budge have not been
confined to Hieroglyphics. In a letter printed March 2nd, he describes
the Mummy and Coffin of Nes-Ames, a Prophet of Ames and Chonsu,
bought at Luxor by W. H, Ingram, Esq. Again (April 6th), Sepulchral
Boxes from Echmim (June ist), on an Egyptian Funeral Tablet in the
Museum at Bath, for squeezes of which the Society was indebted to
Miss Gertrude Austin. Also an interesting paper from the same writer
(November), entitled. Remarks on a Papyrus containing Formulae for
Recitation in the Temple of Amen, and the Service for the Slaughter of
Apepi.
Mr. F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A., at the Meeting held ist June, read a
paper, with careful descriptions, of a large number of Egyptian antiquities
in his collection. This paper will be printed, with illustrations, at a future
time.
Mr. F. Cope Whitehouse, in presenting to the Society a volume of
photographs, &c., which he had had specially prepared, made remarks
on the following, which are in continuation of former communications
already printed in the Proceedings : Researches in the Moeris Basin ;
The Wadi Moeleh ; Dionysius and the Deir Mocleh ; Meredis Lacus
on the Ptolemaic Maps ; Hanes Heracleopolis ; Behnesa.
Mr. E. A. Wallis Budge, in a paper read 4th May, described and
translated a Coptic version of an encomium on Elijah the Tishbite,
attributed to St. John Chrysostom, the manuscript in which it was found
dating from a.d. 399.
As the result of Professor Sayce's journey to Egypt, we are indebted
to him for two papers, the Coptic and Early Christian Inscriptions in
Upper Egypt, and the Kypriote Inscription in Egypt. From the same
author we have received an account of some new Kypriote Inscriptions
discovered by Dr. Max Ohnefalsch-Richter.
It must always be a subject of satisfaction to the .Society to be the
58
Jan. II] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7,
first to publish any inscription of value, and we have again to thank
Professor William Wright for his descriptions and translations of Seven
Punic Inscriptions in the British Museum, and of Hebrew Inscriptions
from Aden, all of which were fully illustrated with photographic plates in
the Proceedings for June. From the same author we have (December)
an account, with translation, of a bilingual inscription, Phoenician and
Cypriote, with which is printed a communication from Mr. Renouf on
the same inscription.
To continue the papers bearing upon and connected with Hebrew
antiquities : Professor Gaster, in a paper read at the March meeting,
presented to the Society the translation of a version of the Apocalypse
of Abraham, preserved in the Slavonic and Roumanian languages, and
discovered by the translator.
Dr. S. Louis continued his series of interesting papers in one
entitled Ancient Traditions of Supernatural Voices (Bath-Kol), which
resulted in a letter from the Rev. James Marshall on the Belief in
Supernatural Voices among the Greeks and Romans.
The Rev. Charles James Ball opened up a new field for discussion in
his three communications (April, May, June), Remains of Ancient Hebrew
Poetry ; Notes on the Metres of David, and The Metres of David.
The Rev. A. Lowy at the December Meeting commenced a series of
papers, entitled, Old Jewish Legends on Biblical Topics, with No. i,
A Legend on the Death of Moses.
Wherever possible the Council have printed in full in the Pi^oceedings
the papers submitted to the Society at the meetings, and it is hoped
as time goes on that this manner of publication will be considerably
extended.
Some books, as the funds at their disposal for this purpose would allow,
the Council have purchased for the Library as seemed necessary ; but it
has been to the kindness of many friends that the Society has been
indebted for valuable donations, not only of their own works, but those of
other authors. Much however still requires to be done in order to
make the library more complete in the series of works bearing on the
various countries, the antiquities and history of which are included in the
objects of the Society. It cannot be too often pointed out that the
Library is for the use of the Members, and that duplicate copies, or other
works no longer required by the possessor, will be gratefully received,
and be of real service to those who have neither the time nor opportunity
to seek elsewhere for the information they require.
A short note by Mn Robert Brown, jun., F.S.A., is all to be recorded
during the present session bearing upon the "Hittites," unless, as has
been suggested, we may attribute to them the seal described by Mr. Budge,
with an illustration, in the November Proceedings.
In the above summary of the work done by the Society during the
year 1 886, I have, as already stated, classed the shorter communications
59
Jan. ii] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1887.
to the Proceedings with the papers read at the monthly nieetuigs, ac-
cording to subjects.
It must not be forgotten that each number of the Pj-oceedings is sent
as issued every month during the session to all the Members of the
Society, thus supplying those who are unable to be present at the meet-
ings with information of what has been done, and placing them as nearly
as possible in the same position as those vvho are able to attend. Year
by year the quantity of material thus circulated has gone on increasing,
and it is very gratifjang to consider that through the kindness of many
friends, who have thus placed at the disposal of the Members the result
of their researches, this portion of the publications of the Society —
commenced in 1878 with 81 pages has now reached 253 pages.
The first Part of Vol. IX of the Transactions is in the press ; it will
be issued as soon as possible, and will contain the following papers, with
illustrations : Memoir of Samuel Birch, LL.D., D.C.L., F.S.A., &c., Pre-
sident. Part I. Biographical Notice, List of Works, &c., by E. A.
Wallis Budge, M.A. Part III. Remarks and Observations on Dr. Birch's
Chinese Labours, by Professor R. K. Douglas. Notes on the Antiquities
from Bubastis in the collection of F. Q. Hilton Price, F.S.A. The
Martrydom of Isaac of Tiphre (with the Coptic Text), by E. A. Wallis
Budge, M.A. The Karian Language and Inscriptions, by Professor
A. H. Sayce. The Weasel and the Cat in Ancient Times, by the Rev.
Dr. Placzek, in Brunn {Moravia) ; translated by the Rev. A. Lowy.
Le Cham et I'Adam egyptiens, par E. Lefebure ; and Ancient Traditions
of Supernatural Voices (Bath-Kol), by Dr. S. Louis.
The President, Mr. Walter Morrison, on retiring from the chair, has
kindly presented to the Society the sum of fifty pounds, towards the illus-
tration of the various papers printed in the publications of the Society.
The Audited Balance Sheets annexed show that the funds available
for the year 1886 have been ^480 lbs. \d.y and the expenditure during the
like period ^351 6j-. Si/., the balance brought forward from 1885 having
been £\i\ ws. <^d.
The balance carried forward to the current year is ^129 ()s. Sd.
The above Report and Statement of Receipts and Expenditure were
adopted.
Canon Beechey proposed, and Mr. Hyde Clarke seconded, a vote of
thanks to Mr. Walter Morrison for having so well presided over the
Society during the past year, and for having kindly marked his retirement
from that office by so substantial a donation to the funds.
The Rev. A. Lowy proposed, and Rev. W. Wright, D.D., seconded, to
which remarks were added by Canon Beechey and Mr. Thos. Christy,
F.L.S., a vote of thanks to the Secretary, for which Mr. Rylands expressed
his grateful acknowledgments.
60
Jan. ii]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1887.
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7:H^ -
Jan. ii] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1887.
The following Officers and Council for the current year
were elected : —
COUNCIL, 1887.
President.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF.
Vice-Presidents.
Rev. Frederick Charles Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeter.
Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.
The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, K.C.B., &c.
The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., &c.. Bishop of Durham.
Walter Morrison.
Charles T. Newton, C.B., D.C.L.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D.
J. Manship Norman, M.A.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c.
Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.
Council.
W. A. Tyssen Amherst, M.P., <S:c.
Robert Bagster.
Rev. C. J. Ball.
Rev. Canon Beechey.
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A.
Arthur Gates.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Charles Harrison, F.S.A.
Rev. Albert Lowy.
Professor A. Macalister, M.D.
F.R.S.
F. D. Mocatta.
Claude Montefiore.
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.
J. Pollard.
F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A.
E. TowRY Whyte, M.A.
Rev. W. Wright, D.D.
Honorary Treasurer.
Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary.
W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Hon. Secretary for Foreign Correspondence,
Professor A. H. Sayce, M.A.
Honorary Librarian.
William Si.mpson, F.R.G.S
62
Jan. II] PROCEEDINGS. 1887.
The Rev. Charles James Ball read some Remarks on the
Inscribed Stones from Hamath, &c., which will be printed in
the next number of the Proceedings.
Thanks were returned for this Communication.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, Conduit
Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, ist February, 1887,
at 8 p.m., when the following Paper will be read : —
Rev. C. J. Ball :— "The Metrical Structure of Qenoth" (Lamen-
tations).
Note. — Members arc reminded that their Subscriptions
become due on January 1st, and should be sent to the
Treasurer, B. T. BOSANQUET, Esq. (Lloyds, Barnetts, and
Bosanquet's Bank), 54, St. James's Street, London, S.W.
63
Jan. iiJ SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [iS^y
THE FOLLO"WING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
BoTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1 847-1 850.
Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, 1866-1869. 3 vols., folio.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeter.
Vols. I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et
publics par H. Brugsch et J. DUmichen. (4 vols., and
the text by Dumichen of vols. 3 and 4.)
DiJMiCHEN, Historische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1866.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
GoLENiscHEFF, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c., 1880.
De Rouge, Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Wright, Arabic Grammar and Chrestomathy.
ScHROEDER Die Phonizische Sprache,
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
ScHRADER, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament. 1S72,
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchies.
PiERRET, Dictionnaire d'Archeologie Egyptienne. 8vo. Paris, 1875.
BuRKHARDT, Eastern Travels.
Wilkinson, Materia Hieroglyphica. Malta, 1824-30. {Text ofi/y.)
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, II, III. 1 862-1 873.
Voyage d'un Egyptien en Syrie, en Phe'nicie, &c. 4to. 1867.
Le Calendrier des Jours Fastes et Ne'fastes de I'anne'e
Egyptienne. 8vo. 1877.
Maspero, De Carchemis oppidi Situ et Historia Antiquissima.
8vo. Paris, 1872.
64
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
SEVENTEENTH SESSION, 1886-87.
Fourth Meeting, ist February^ 1887.
P. LE Px\GE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
^C65'0C#
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Royal Society : — The Proceedings. Vol. XLI. Nos. 248
and 249. 8vo. London. 1886.
From the Royal Geographical Society : — The Proceedings or
Monthly Record of Geography. Vol. IX. No. i. January,
1887. 8vo. London.
From the Royal Asiatic Society : — The Journal. New Series.
Vol. XIX. Part i. 8vo. London. January, 1887.
From the Royal Institute of British Architects : — The Journal of
Proceedings. Vol. III. New Series. Nos. 6 and 7. 4to.
London. 1887.
[No. LXVl.] 65
Feb. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCH.FIOLOGV. [1887.
From the Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres : — Comptes
Rendus des Seances de I'anne'e 1887. Quatrieme Serie.
Tome XIV. Bulletin de Juillet-Aout-Septembre. 8vo. Paris.
1886.
From the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze : — Bollettino
delle Pubblicazioni Italiane, &:c., Szc, 1886. No. 24. 31st
December, 1887. No. 25. 15th January. 8vo. Firenze.
From the University : — Johns Hopkins University Studies. Fifth
Series. I-II. The City Government of Philadelphia. By
Edward P. Allinson, A.M., and Boies Penrose, A.B. 8vo.
Baltimore. 1887.
From the Author :— Cyprische Vase aus Athenu. Max Ohnefalsch
Richter.
Reprint from the Jahrbuch des Kais. Archiiol. Inst. Band I.
2 Heft. 8vo. 1886.
From the Author : — Max Ohnefalsch-Richter. Fine Unterredung
mit Sir Henry Bulwer, dem neuen Generalgouverneur auf
Cypern. Folio. Berliner Philol. Wochenschrift. No. 47.
20th November, 1886.
From the Author : — A Phoenician Vase found in Cyprus.— A
Prehistoric Building found in Cyprus. By Max Ohnefalsch-
Richter.
Reprinted from the Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1883 and
1884.
From Max Ohnefalsch-Richter : — Idalium-Dali. By Salomon
Reinach.
Reprinted from the Revue Archeologique. Third Series.
IV. 1886.
From the Author : — L'Expedition Wolfe en Mesopotamie. Par
J. Menant.
Reprinted from the Revue Archeologique, 1886.
From the Author : — The Babylonian Seals. By Dr. William
Hayes Ward. 8vo, Scribner's Magazine. January, 1887.
The following; were elected Members of the Society, having
been nominated at the last Meeting, held nth January : —
Rev. Signor Padre Giuseppe Brunengo, S.J., alia Direzione della
Civilta Cattolica, Firenze.
J. Norton Dickens, 12, Oak Villas, Manningham, Bradford.
66
Feb. I] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
A Paper was read by the Rev. C. J. Ball, entitled " The
Metrical Structure of Qinoth (Lamentations)."
The following Communication has been received from
the Rev. C. J. Ball :—
I do not propose on the present occasion to discuss at length the
general question of the linguistic and ethnographic affinities of the
Hetta-Hatte. I will content myself with affirming that the royal
Hetta names in the Egyptian records (Sapalel, Marusar, Mautnur,
Hettasar, Mat'arima, Sapat'ar, Hirpasar) are far from striking one as
decidedly non-Semitic in form, especially if due allowance be made
for the peculiarities of hieroglyphic transcription.* It is probable
that divine titles are involved in several of them ; in Hettasar, for
instance ("Hetta is king"), in Sapalel, and in Sapat'ar (" Saph is a
rock"). The Philistine deity Saph (r|D ; 2 Sam. xxi, 18) will thus
have been worshipped by the Hetta also, just as the Syrian Hadad,
Dad, Dadda, Addu, was adored among the Edomites (Gen. xxxvi, 39,
"Tfn ; I Chron. i, 50, "nn ; I Ivings, xiv, 17, 1"T^). The name
seems to occur in the inscriptions of the Safa, decyphered by
M. Halevy. De Vogiie gives two inscriptions, which read :
PlD p nU>:)A and . . . ]1 f^D p XL^nph (Nos. 151, 278).
If the name Hettasar is most naturally explained as above, it
ceases to lend support to the idea that in the speech of the Hetta
"the genitive preceded the nominative." A similar remark applies
to certain names of towns, which have been supposed to furnish
similar evidence of the non-Semitic character of the Hetta language.
The first of these is a-ta-kar (Karnak Lists, iii, 228), commonly
explained as meaning "city of the goddess Ate." But jcas the
Syrian 'Athe a "goddess," and not rather a god (^rij^, nni?) ?
And is not atakar more likely to be a transcription of "^y^T^V or
■^pi^ni,^ forms corresponding to De Vogiie's 1\)'^r\V, " Athe
The well-known Canaanitish goddess XT\'r^V^ Assyr. *-->-\ jr^H
an .lie , appef
16), which looks
Sahean .IJLc ? appears in Egyptian spelling as a . n . t . r . t . a (Rosellini, " Mon.,"
pi. 116), which looks like a dissimilation of a form ^niili^ ! C/- Aram. )Al,
67
Fi:b. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1887.
sustinuit," 'A0;;«vr/f3o?, ^n^nV' "Athe dedit," \\0>ii'dTavo<, than to
signify " city of Athe ?" * In like manner, a . t . b . a . n . a (226) may
be t^22n>^) " Athe aedificavit,"and a . n . t' . a . q . a . b (235) either
npj^n^Ji? or ?]pT-V (Anath, Anah). Lastly, a . tu . k r.n (191)
may be "jlpjiy, "Athe cornutus " or "Athe radios sparsit ; "
compare the Biblical Q'^^lp JTl"inii?J^- I'he appropriateness of
this is evident, if Athe = Atys or Attis, or at least be a solar deity
{</. Hab. iii, 2, for ."-horn " = ray).
So far, I have touched upon Egyptian evidence. The Assyrian
is equally important, but to-day I shall only notice a single point.
In the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser II, Sargon, and Sanherib, an
expression occurs which is said to be of Hatte origin. The term I
mean is i^]]]} -<4 ""^I "^""T ^' ^^^ hUajii, "a portico, porch, or
vestibule." The principal passage is the following : —
^yyyy -y ^ y; ^y< ^\ »^ ^yyyy ^y^ \- ^ ^y<
BXT - \\m V -y \^ -yy- m <B m^
<^^ A-^"^ -jn ^:^'t y— t ^^
Bit appati tamsil ekal mat hatti sa ma liSan mat aharri bit hilani
isassfisu, usepisa mihrit babe-sin: "A porch (^5riDt^)> in the likeness
of a Hatte palace, which in the tongue of the West Country they
call a Bit hilani, I caused to be made in front of their gates"
(Sargon, Bull Inscr., 67-69). Now if the Hatte spoke a non-
Semitic dialect, and bit hilani is really one of their phrases,t it
ought not to be explicable from Semitic sources. The bit, however,
is the common Semitic T^l, Aa^ , c:^Jo» 0,"^ I "a house;"
and the second half of the compound, hilani, admits of explanation
as a derivative from the root ^in, or 7711 (not ppl, as suggested
* Perhaps we have a trace of this deity in tlie Old Testament pf^jlT^,
Num. xi, 4 ; and perhaps No. 203, a . ti . ua may be compared (? 'm"'ni^)-
t " Das Wort hilAni ist, wie bereits bemerkt, heltitisch. Die Schreibweise,
Tig. jun., 68, bit hi -it- la- an -ni mochia ich nicht fUr eine assyrische Umbildung
des Lehnwortes, sondern cinfach fiir einen Schreibfehler anstatt bit hi-il-la-an-ni
halten " (Keilschrifttexle Sargon's, von Dr. D. G. Lyon, who refers to VR 10,
101 y!, Sanh. Kuy. iv, 4).
68
Feb. i] proceedings. [1887.
by Dr. Lyon). In the former case we might compare the Heb.
7"'n, vH, T^/JOTe/x'o-/*", antemurale, " forewall," i.e., the outer wall
of a city (2 Sam. xx, 15; Isa. xxvi, i; Lam. ii, 8; Nah. iii, 8 ;
Ps. xlviii, 14). If it were objected that the heth of this root is
soft (Arab. lj^~^ = 'ID) > ''^"^ would not be expressed in Assyrian,
we might reply that in Assyrian the heth appears hard in the word
haltu, " host," = niS^n (ha . a . a . al . ti, " Flood," iii, 2 1, 22),
as also in Ethiopic "S^^ \. In this case, hihhii would be a
plural, as suggested by Dr. Lyon. If, however, we compare the
^/y>>T^, Arab. 1^ perforavit, Syr. ^\1»? explained Dy the native
lexicographers perforavit, iutravit; Aph. profanavit (as in Heb.,
pi'el), we get the sense, " house of entry," or " openings "
((/• J.L>.5 " interstice," " gap," Lane s.v. ; p'H, "window "). The
Targumic 'ii'l'7'''n, ^^^3'^/"'^, "outside," "foreign," "profane," curi-
ously resembles the Assyrian term (Ex. xxix, 33 ; Ps. cxxxvii, 4).
Thus from whichever root we derive the term, and in whatever
precise meaning, bit hilatii is clearly an expression of Semitic form
and origin ; and to look farther afield for its explanation is needless.
I am not so rash as to conclude from a single phrase to the character
of an entire language ; but it is at least remarkable that when an
Assyrian king chances to mention the Hatte designation of a par-
ticular object, that designation should so obviously be a Semitic
one.* Leaving the general question, I will now endeavour to set
before you certain considerations bearing more particularly upon the
Stones from Hamath. And first I observe that Hamath is, and
always has been, so far as we know, a Semitic town.f The entire
historical period from first to last presents no trace of a non-Semitic
occupation. The name itself is obviously Semitic (Heb. ri^H'
Arab. ^"U.^^), and means muniiuoitnm, arx, aKj)6Tro\i<i {cf npin'
murus, and \^^ , " to defend from invasion or attack," Lane, s.v.
* A name is not necessarily non-Semitic because it looks so. The curious
Girparuda, e.g., may be explained from the Arab. u_5,^ 5 "a waterworn bank,"
( j^ 5-, "a torrent" (Heb. and Aram, pl"^;), abripuit : Judg. v, 21), and
Arunta, the Orontes. Cf. the variant Garparunda.
t The Hamathites were a clan of the Canaanites, Gen. x, 18.
69
Feb. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [18S7.
Also h^^n, Prov. xxvi, 27); and that it is not a Semitic designation
of a foreign city, but the immemorial native name, is demonstrated
by the Assyrian mat A-ma-at-te (Sarg. Cyl., 25 ; also Ha-am-ma-te ;
vid. infr.), which presupposes a nominative 'Amiitu, and by the far
more ancient Hemtu of the Karnak Lists.*
The Old Testament mentions one place, and one only, so far as
I am aware, as being "in the land of Hamath " (2 Kings xxv, 21),
viz., Rihlah, HT'D.I, now dL',? Rihleh ; a name referred to the
root Jj,, and expressive of fertility and abundance (perhaps,
however, the place got its name from the tree called S^^-
Shalmaneser II* mentions Adenu, Barga or Masga, Argana, and
Qar([ara, as towns belonging to Hamath. There is nothing in any
of these names suggestive of a non-Semitic origin. The first
resembles TV^ , ^SS., and the last is the "^pHp of Judg. viii, 10.
If the people of the country did not speak a Semitic idiom, it is
singular that they called their towns by Semitic names.
Further, the Old Testament and the cuneiform inscriptions
have preserved a few names of Hamathite kings and gods. If
the language of Hamath in the Old Testament period were a
nbn-Semitic idiom, we might expect to find some trace of the
fact in these proper names ; but we find none. Upon inspection,
all of them are seen to be more or less obviously Semitic.
The fir.^t we meet are those of David's vassals, Toil (^^JH ', so
I Chron. xviii, ig, more correctly than 2 Sam. viii, 9, Toi), and his
son Hadoram (nmn) or Joram (Sam. I.e. DlV, but LXX Vat.
Qoov and 'lecrovpafi). Tou is a good Hebrew form, and may signify
halbus ; cf. Arab. .,_lxj" ; or perhaps rather excelsus, superbus, tyran-
71US ; cf. ^^^ ^\^ or _iU, " to rise high," said of a torrent, or the sea
(H^ri = ^^i^I2). The latter name is, in both forms, clearly Cananaeo-
Semitic. The names of two deities are involved, viz., "IH^ (as in
the Israelite D")in'', D^V), and the more obscure Tin, which may
be perhaps TTn, T\_, Assyr. Addu, in the name Bin-Addu-natan ;
cf. Safa in (Ue Vogue, 303) ; or else niH = "^1«. The LXX
• In both Egyptian and Assyrian the name has the old case-ending. "With the
Assyrian spelling, cf. the Greek 17 'AfiaOnis x«P«> ^ ^^^'^'^- "'"' ^5 ; '^.tidBr),
Jos. Ant. I, 6, 2,
70
Feb. i] proceedings. L1887.
spelling may point to D'^^'iri, Haddu-ram (the '^ being a vestige
of n)- The double name of Toil's son may indicate different
sources drawn upon by the writers of Sam. and Chron. ; and the
prince may have borne both designations, just as a later king of
Hamath, whom Sargon conquered and slew in his second year
(B.C. 720), is called both Yahu-bi'di and Tlu-bi'di. These names,
too, are Semitic, and, in fact, Canaanite ; whether we explain them
as •'"rnSin"', nnO^^^, " Yah " or " El is my Fear" {i.e., my God ;
cf. the Biblical pTO"" inS, and the Aram. h^ri^H'!, IALk.?, "an
idol ") or as '^1^1111*', "Yah is around me" (Ps. iii, 4).*
Whatever the precise origin and significance of the second half
of this royal title may be, as a compound the whole name exactly
resembles the Heb. Di|Tin''-LD''p''T'^^ ; and the form of the second
member of it, bi--di, is thoroughly Semitic { J.^ with a suffix).
Somewhat earlier, we again encounter the universal Semitic 7t;5,
in the name E-ni-ilu, i.e.^h'i^'^TV " Eyeof El,"likeS'h^^2D, "Face of
El,"t a king of Hamath, mentioned by Tiglath Pileser II. Lastly, we
have Ir-hu-li-na (Shal. Ob., 60) or Ir-hu-li-ni, the king of Hamath,
who was reduced by Sargon's predecessor, Shalmaneser (Schrader,
K.A.T., 107, Ir-hu-li-e-ni; 201, Ir-hu-H-na; 203, Ir-hu-li-ni).
This also has the appearance of a Semitic compound name. The
first member might be TVS^, as in ni'^'lli^, T'llll"!'' ; or it may
be an imperfect of a \/hTT\, in which case the second member
eni or ena, will be the T^'^, which, as we have seen, occurs in Eniel.
The former derivation seems preferable, as v/^ni is only known
from the primitives 7)11 "ewe," Arab. J.:>-., etc., while Irhu-leni
might possibly be connected with ■s/ly^, pernoctavit, permansit, or
with v/'ji^7, Arab. J abegit, procul esse jussit, maledixit (an
aspect of the moon-god, which recalls the classical Hecate) ; or,
lastly, the latter half of the word might be another proper name (as
in Hadad-Rimmon, Samsi-Ramman),
* The Sam. ^f^^' P^'''didjt, would give an ill-omened name.
t III R., 9, 51. I A\ ^ -HF- "i^^ YT< i^ ^T J^TII If !?• Delitzsch
compares the Phoenician name of a king of Byblus '^i»^^"i^ ("Wo lag das
Paradies," p. 278).
71
Feb. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGV. [1SS7.
The gods of Hamath, so far as known to me, are those whose
names are implicated in these royal titles : viz., Hadad or Adar,
El and Yahu, and possibly Tou, and Yerach (the moon). One
remains, the t«^!2^127^^ of 2 Kings, xvii, 30, which agrees with
the Arabic epithet 'i^\J\ or J;^\.^^J^, "The Lion;" and may
have denoted a lion-headed deity {cf. 2 Kings, xvii, 25). It has
also been compared with the Phoenician 'Eshmun, the eighth
OD^^U^) of the Cabeiri ; but this is not so likely. It is interesting
to tind the name of Ashima in a Temaite text, lately discovered
by Professor Euting of Strasburg, which he refers to the sixth
century B.C. This inscription, written in an Aramaic dialect,
mentions (lines 16, 17)
'•'Qelem of Mahar, and Shangala(?)* and Ashima, gods of Tema."
(Only the Q in Ashima is uncertain.) If Ashima was a god of
Tema in the south as well as of Hamath in the north, it is hard not
to recognize here also a Semitic deity.
I now come to the consideration of the inscriptions from Hamath.
The facts already laid before you seem to point in one direction.
If Hamath is a Semitic term ; if the kings and gods of Hamath
bear Semitic names ; above all, if from first to last, throughout
the entire history of the place, there is no hint of a non-Semitic
population, we may acknowledge a considerable a priori probability
that any ancient inscriptions from Hamath must be couched in a
Semitic idiom.
The peculiar character of these inscriptions excludes a post-
Christian date, and probably the entire Greek period. If they are
not relatively very ancient, the fact must be due to the survival of
an archaic system of writing side by side with a modern one. They
seem at least to imply the existence of a native ruler or rulers of
some importance, and can hardly be assigned to any period after
the Assyrian overthrow of the native dynasty (720 b.c). How much
earlier they may be is a question which must be left undecided.
* See Dr. Neulxiuer's article in " Studia Biblica," Oxford, 1885. Perhaps
wc may compare the names Sangara of Carchemish, and the Biblical Shamgar.
72
Feb. i]
PROCEEDINGS,
[1887.
I submit the following as a possible transcription of H. i,
observing that the grouping of the symbols in threes (of which there
are three instances in line i, and four in line 2) suggests the Semitic
characteristic of triliteralism.
n
D (
^iy)?i
-\
1.
n
h
1
mni
%
72
72
72
<^ ^
I
n
(?V)n
:3 (?i5 ?i)
"1 ^
2.
•»
1
(^72)1
n m
1
13
n
«
D 11
fc^
Q
n(?n)n
ur
n
[^
•1
■• n
3.
1
3
n
(:]?)Q
1 ^
b^
n n
This, reading the lines bo2istrophedon, and the words alternately
from top to bottom, and vice versa, gives :
nnn (D.p.) ^7^7:5 n-^ t^"^n (?)^:« i-
(D.s.) nro-rs;!^ p (d-p-) t^^Tinn 3-
" I am the great lord, the king of Hamath, the prince of the bne
Heth, Adar-nahem, king of the kings of the Hittites, son of Saph-
(or San-)dan-(?) Heth the king."*
* " We must regard them {i.e. the Hamathites) as closely akin to the
Hittites on whom they bordered, and with whom they were generally in
alliance" (Diet, of Bible: art. Hamath : London, 1863). I have always
held that the Old Testament Hittites were Semitic, in the sense of speaking a
73
Feb. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1SS7.
Three of the inscriptions from Hamah open with a common
formula, which occupies the first Hne of H. i., and half of the first
lines of H. 11., H. in. Not only so; the three inscriptions appear
to consist of a common setting, so to speak, in which are inserted
different proper names. (The fifteen signs, w-hich follow T^Oll in
H. II. and iii., are omitted in H i.) From the outset, I recognized
the resemblance of the sign ^% to the Himyaritic ^ , |] ,
Ethiopic cK>,* and that of f and ^ to 't", Phen. -|-. As the
stones came from Hamath, and I knew that the name of the place
had always been the same (even when in the Greek period it received
the addition of Epiphaneia, in honour of Antiochus Epiphanes) ; I
naturally looked for that name in the parts common to the three
inscriptions. And as t^ reminded me of the Egyptian 0,
denoting a ^caH or fortification (the meaning of the name Hamath),
and of ]_^ " the act of building," I thought it might be an ideogram
either for the name Hamath, or for a town in general. Then,
assuming the symbol under it (3) to be equivalent to a Heth, I
read the whole group at the end of H. i. i, as JlT^H- The
form 3 is actually found for 9 in the rock inscriptions of the
Safa. Reference to the Cypriote syllabary seemed to confirm
this reading of the group. ^ AA >[^ or ^ A/\ )( might be
compared with T fF^ §)."'§•"' "' 2. ""
Having identified r^T\, I thought the preceding group of three
signs might be ^7n, "king." The lowest sign is my ^, the ^
is like Asoka-J, Hieratic /Jj^, Phoenician^, (^ , /, Cypriote^,
Semitic tongue. But I did not expect to find them at Hamath ; and at first I
read the IP ^'^"^^^ begins line 3 as a bdh ; but cf. Safa /K, m, hdh. The form
h '^'^TSTT^ however, is strange {cf. "^^j-^n > ^ I'^ings, x, 29 ;
2 Kings, vii, 6), and so is the use of the Mem l)efore it.
Perhaps the sign ^ should be read p-yji^, "lord," and the last group
of line 2, D^^-TJ«^ (in H. 11, iii, 1^-|^ ).
* The Stone Bowl, where the characters are more conventional in plan,
presents a very good example of Ilimyar-Ethiopic m.
74
Feb. i] proceedings. [18S7.
^^ (//) ; and for the top character ^^^i:::^, I thought Egypt, ^^zr::^ /',
Phen. >f , Himyar. ^, and especially Saf. ^^, not altogether
unfair analogies.
I have all along assumed that, like the hieroglyphs of Egypt, this
system of writing consists of ideographic, syllabic, and alphabetic
signs. Accordingly, it seemed likely that the initial sign of the
head and arm pointing to the mouth denoted the first personal
pronoun, after the analogy of the Egyptian sign ^ a, which is the
suffix of the first person (Renouf, "Egypt. Gram.," p. 17 ; Brugsch,
" Verzeichniss," p. 21).* The symbol niD might be a phonetic
determinative, viz., the final vowel a or I. In Egyptian, we have
\\ /; and in the Asoka character all vowels but a, which, as in
Ethiopic, is implied in the consonant, are represented by combina-
tions of lines above or below the letter. Thus -^ is ka, -^ ku,
-|- ku ; just as in Ethiopic we find Til ka, t>: ku, \\^\ ki {cf. also
the Hebrew system of punctuation, both Babylonian and Palestinian ;
^•S--> ^i^ltl}"' and 75^*^^^). Hence I conjectured that the often
recurring JD (or ST), which appears under the Cf=D of the second
group in the first line of H. i^ 11, iii, might be a vowel, perhaps i ;
cf. Asoka jr kl.\ The symbol like a beetle or grasshopper ^^
I suppose to be ^^ ; compare Egypt, hier. 2. j ^ ■, demotic -xo,
Phen. ^, Asoka- ^ {a, o), Safaitic ^ and Jf , and X^ , and )( ,
Cypriote ^. The last sign of the second group, which is a flattened
equivalent of the ^ of the next, is, I think, a. 'y ; cf. Himyar. ),},
Eth. C\, Safa J, Old Arab. ") , Cypr ^=^, ^, re. Writing
the three principal signs of the second group in the Safaitic character,
horizontally instead of vertically, the striking resemblance between
certain of the Hamathite symbols and those of the Rock Inscrip-
* The sign for "action with the mouth,"' " eatuig," "speaking" Qn still
more closely resembles the Hamathite symbol (Renouf, Gram., p. 2).
t It closely resembles Safaitic | 3 =73,, which occurs on the Stone Bowl.
The Egyptian demotic O a, and K b, are similar.
75
Ff.r. i] society of biblical ARCH.EOLOGV. [1S87.
tions copied by De Vogue, and interpreted by Halevy, becomes
evident.
IUmath. Safa. Safa.
a=x) -"£ — ti. or J — ^ "^
I therefore read this group ^^^^. But it is obvious that the
same three letters, read in a different order, would give the word "^t^i^,
" to say ; " and I do not feel at all sure about the values of my vowel-
signs. The stroke appended to the "^ may perhaps mark the end of
the word ; or be used like the Egyptian ~7~ in ^^ re, © rd, etc.
The same may be true of the central stroke in ^ , as the sign
also occurs without it ; -^ Yi. 11, 2 ; H. iii, 2. I read this symbol
as n, on the analogy of Asoka Vt bh, Himyar.-Eth. fl. It is also
not unlike an inverted beth. But it may be a 3, Old Ethiop. Yl,
or a D, Safa f] ' fl ^^ common character on the Stone Bowl).
In line 2, I take the ^ to represent a royal head-dress (IJID,
Assyr. kitiru, KU(iin^\ and to be the ideogram for king, prince, etc.
The signs below it ^ may be a phonetic ending, completing the
word, or they may be an independent e.xpression, e.g., "^:n. In
either case, I think OC is a vowel ; cf. Cypriote )( ^ (?), )(' /(?),
Egyptian demotic x, e. At first I read the whole group t^'i^ll?,
"ruler" (® = Phen. 0, t5). But as ® appears in Himyar-
Ethiopic as *) w, in Safaitic as Q /, and in Cypriote as Q {mo\
it may perhaps represent the remaining labial 1 in Hamathite.
If so, the bar added to it in this group may be an ;;, (Egypt. — r,
Safa I ) ; and the middle group of line 3 is p with a determinative
prefix apparently denoting virile strength (an arm grasping a club),
and so the male sex. The other «, o[]o, seems almost certain;
cf. Egypt, -y, Asoka J., Phen. \, Safa | , and a dot (.), Cypriote
l|h >|>, "J, {ne). I am very doubtful about <^, which I
have transcribed \iy yod, on the strength of Egypt. H., Phen. \,
76
Fei!. i] proceedings. [1887.
/ft, fd, Sam. rrf * It might be Cypriote y^, ^, (n), in which
case the second group might be read Tl'Ml (bottom to top) ; and
the royal name in H. 11, 2 might be p^'irij"' (if H) = w<?, as in
Cypriote), or pHTO ....
For the sign ^, I long compared Asoka y w, Safa \y m,
Cypriote ^37 or vjy or Q^ (///^). It might even be a conventional
owl's head (c/. hieroglyphic w.) The top sign in the third group
looked like a double Ai'n, viz., Safa Q upon \/, thus X^' I thus
read this group ^'!2V- But '^ may be a d; cf. Egypt. -«^ ,
Himy. t>|, Old Eth. V, Geez j^, Asoka J d, D dh, Safa (|.
C/; also the various Phenician forms of emphatic t (l^) ; (*;*, ^,
\}j , y . The \^ may be a combination of r's, cf. Egypt. <cr:r>
(Cypr. y, _^^ r^, Q, ^, 7-o\ and Then. ^. The Hamathite
F=5^ may be compared with Semitic *] ;/, or Asoka \ d, or the
Cypriote signs for re^ ru. Lastly, \ is somewhat like Himyar-Ethiop.
yod, Cypriote J'^- If) however, this sign be read as an ain
{cf. Egyptian j), the first nine characters missing in H. i, and supplied
in H. 11, III, may perhaps be transcribed "I'^^S'!^ \7T1 X\T^ "^Vi
" the city where abideth the king of kings . . . ." I will only add
that the last name in H. 11 looks like D*^nL^D, ^nd that the Ibriz
inscription seems to read :
• •••(?) Dv:3:n?2i?2nt^
or
(?)Di^::n^ •• «n:^
(The last three signs may be HQ).
* At first, I thought it might be an in or r with a vowel aiDpended, and I read
the group, in which it occurs, as Hainath.
77
Feb. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGY. [1S87.
The following Communication from Mr. E. A. Wallis
Budge, M.A., was read by Canon St. Vincent Bcechey : —
Description of the Tombs of Mechu, Ben, and Se-Renpu,
DISCOVERED BY MaJOR-GeN. SiR F. GRENFELL.
On the west bank of the Nile, at the foot of the first cataract,
nearly opposite the town of Assuan,* and a little below the Island
of Elephantine, the sandstone formation rises into a bold ridge,
which is capped by a Sheik's tomb called Kubbat el-Hawa,
i^\ ^Zj- The eastern side of this hill slopes down to the Nile
at about an angle of forty degrees, and is entirely covered with
sand. At various heights however lines of bare rock could be seen,
and it was evident that the sandstone rock had been scarped in
several places. The perpendicular faces had become entirely buried
by the sand which drifts in from the Northern desert. Running
from the water's edge up to a spot where part of a vertical face of
rock could be traced, the remains of two parallel walls were dis-
tinctly visible. Major-Gen. Sir F. Grenfell suspected the existence
of ancient tombs in this place, and was convinced that if excavations
were made here, interesting discoveries would be the result. In 1885
this officer was at Aswan in command of the Frontier Field Force,
and in the December of that year he requested the British Consular
Agent, Mr. Mustafa Shakir, to clear away the sand from some of the
most likely looking spots on the hill side. The first clearance was
made from between the parallel walls, and as an important result it
was found that they protected two flights of steps, between which
ran an inclined plane leading from the bank of the Nile to the
doorway of a tomb cut in the rock. The distance between the
walls is 10 feet ; the steps are about 18 inches deep at the top, and
are 250 in number. These convenient means of asCent were used
more than 5,000 years ago for drawing up the sarcophagi and
mummies of the people who were buried in the tomb. At the top
of the steps there are on each side beneath the wall three chambers
which once held coffins. In one of these a coffin is still to be seen,
but it is so decayed that every touch causes it to crumble. As soon
* More correctly Aswan. Arabic fj\^^\ or ^^l^^^ l-tli- /^^JTf^,
Coplic CO')f^.n or CeitOn, Heb. Tiy)D, Greek iLt/,}/.,/.
78
Feb. i] proceedings. [1887.
as sufficient sand had been cleared away to allow an entrance to be
made through the door in the rock, it was found to be half tilled
with fragments of coffins, human remains, stelje, and sacrificial tables.
This discovery was reported by Major G. F. Plunkett R.E., to Sir
F. Grenfell, who had been obliged to go to Wady Haifa in conse-
quence of the advance of the rebel forces. Shortly after, traces of
a second flight of steps were found, and upon measurements being
made, it was found that they led to another doorway of a tomb. On
1 8th January, t886. Sir F. Grenfell returned to Aswan, and at once
took steps to remove the sand from the interior of the tomb. The
labour involved was enormous, for the rubbish and broken stones
and sand had to be cleared out in small sledges ; and as soon as one
load was removed, its place was almost immediately filled by the
loose fragments which poured in from all sides. The second door-
way was cleared, and an entrance made into the tomb. These two
tombs have been numbered 25 and 26 respectively, and they will
henceforth be referred to by these numbers.
Tomb No. 25 was built for an hereditary prince called 1^© V,
Mechu. He was a member of the highest council in Egypt ; he held
the priestly dignity of ,^ \ J x^^' h^^\ or ' precentor ; ' and he was
the highest priestly, military, and civil dignitary in the whole district.
On entering this tomb, immediately to the right, the wall has been
carefully smoothed for a space of 14 feet. Upon this the deceased
is represented taking part in the cutting up of a sacrificial victim.
He holds a sceptre emblematic of his office, and from the fact that
his right knee is bent, and that he leans heavily on a crutch, it is
clear that he was a lame man. He is usually accompanied by his
son, who held the office of ' president of the priests of the KA, or
genius.' Scenes representing the ploughing with oxen, the sowing
and reaping of corn, and some very spirited pictures of the Egyptian
donkey, occupy the remainder of the space. In this tomb there are
three rows of six round pillars. On three of them smooth places
have been chiselled, and scenes of ancestor or family worship have
been painted. Those who make the offerings and pour out the
libations are all priestly dignitaries, chiefly ' priests of the Ka,' and
are accompanied by their wives and daughters, who wear yellow
tunics and carry lotus flowers in their hands. Between the two
centre pillars of the middle row there still stands a rough hewn
stone table, upon which offerings were placed. In a straight line
79
Fee. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [18S7.
with the doorway and table a deep square rectangular niche has
been chiselled. A platform projected from the bottom of it, and
was approached by steps. Upright stone slabs formed a kind of
screen to it, and an opening in front formed the doorway. In the
wall a pylon-shaped slab has been hewn, and upon it are inscribed
lines of hieroglyphics, which read : " May Anubis, the lord of Tasert,
upon his hill, give a royal oblation ; may Osiris at the head of the
town of Tattu give a royal oblation ; may they give thousands of
cakes and loaves of bread, thousands of vessels of wine, thousands
of oxen, ducks, rams, and gazelles to the hereditary prmce, the
chancellor, the president of the council, the precentor, Mechu the
devoted follower of the great god of heaven."
Beneath this inscription there are in relief two figures of the
deceased. There are several false doors hewn in the west wall of
this tomb, and the chambers which are beneath them still await the
digger's spade. What may lie buried in them it is impossible to say ;
but it is very important that they should be cleared out as soon as
possible.
Tomb No. 26 lies to the north of No. 25. The original outer
door was broken down in ancient days and carried away ; on each
side of the doorway are the remains of small upright stones which
show traces of hieroglyphics. On the right hand side of the door-
way are traces of several lines of inscription. Many of the characters
have been completely obliterated by the action of time and weather ;
but enough remains to tell us that the deceased BEN was a high
official in the government of king Ra-nefer-ka. This fixes the date
of the tomb. Ra-nefer-ka or Pepi II (the Phiops of Manetho's list)
was the fourth king of the Vlth Dynasty, according to the king list
at Sakkarah, and the fifth according to the king list of Abydos, and
the evidence of the monuments themselves. The statement of
Africanus that he reigned about 100 years is supported by the
Turin papyrus ; and we may place his reign about B.C. 3400. The
name of Ra-nefer-ka is inscribed upon various objects which have
been found at Elephantine ; for reproduction of these, see Mariette,
" Monuments Divers." Above the doorway of the tomb is a rounded
lintel in the shape of a palm trunk, upon which is inscribed the
name and titles of the deceased BEN, BENA or BENT, as his
name is variously spelled. On each side of the doorway are full
length relief representations of Ben, accompanied by his wife, the
priestess of Athor, and his son, the Ka priest. Above the larger
80
Fee. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
figure of the deceased are two lines of hieroglyphs which record
his dignities, and state that he was "governor of all the foreign lands
south of Elephantine, and the chief who carried out the will of the
king his lord in Elephantine." On entering the tomb we find that
the first large chambers of this and the next tomb, No. 25, form one
large hall, 104 feet long by 47 feet wide. The pillars in this case
are square, and taper slightly towards the top. When or why the
chambers were joined it is impossible to say. The general look of
tomb No. 25 is older than that of No. 26, and appears to be of a
much earlier date. There are several false doors in the tomb of
Ben, but that of the deceased is situated in the south-west corner.
The inscription upon it record his titles and the usual sepulchral
prayers for material things, such as ducks, wine,. bread, (S:c. On the
west wall facing the doorway is a painted scene, in which Ben and
his son are seen in boats spearing fish among papyrus plants. Above
this is a niche in which there was originally a squatting figure of the
deceased. In this tomb, as in No. 25, there are several chambers
which are waiting to be cleared out. Passing north from these
tombs we arrive at the door of the tomb of one of the great rulers
of Elephantine during the Xllth Dynasty, called Se-Renpu, or 'the
child of the j'ears.' We enter it through a narrow doorway 12 feet
thick, and find ourselves in a chamber containing two rows of smooth
hewn square pillars ; at the end of this chamber there was originally
a stone door, which has long since disappeared. This door concealed
a narrow passage with a slightly vaulted roof. In the side wall are
three retangular niches, each containing a painted figure of Osiris cut
out of the rock, and all without inscriptions save one \\hich bears
the name of the Se-Renpu. Above are four lines of hieroglyphics,
in which he says, " I have come to this land of the underworld after
a good old age like unto that of my fathers." His mother, Sati-
hetep, priestess of Athor, and his son Anchu are making offerings to
him. At the end of this passage is a square chamber with four
pillars. On each of these is a coloured representation of Se-Renpu,
and a list of his titles. On the right hand side, hewn into the wall,
is an inclined passage leading to a shaft, from the bottom of which
a return passage brings one to a chamber beneath a small shrine.
The shrine is about 5^ feet high, 3 feet wide, and 3 feet deep.
The sides and roof are formed of slabs of stone smoothed, plastered,
and painted white. The roof slab is ornamented with a red wave
pattern, and one line of hieroglyphics giving the rank and titles of
81
Feb. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [18S7.
Se-Renpu. The side facing the door has painted upon it a picture
of Se-Renpu, and above it are two inscriptions, which read, " The
devoted servant of Sati, the lady of Elephantine and Nechebnut,
Ra-nub-kau (Anienemhat II) Necht. The devoted servant of
Chnum, the lord of Elephantine, Ra-nub-kau (Amenemhat II)
Necht." The inscriptions on the right and left hand sides tell us
that Se-Renpu, in addition to his offices of hereditary prince, chan-
cellor, and councillor, was "the chief of the soldiers who guarded
the gate of the foreign lands of the South ; the president of the
priests of Sati and Chnum ; and the superintendent of the soldiers
wlio were the guardians of the district of Elephantine." He was,
in short, the ' Warden of- the Marches,' and was so great a man that
he was allowed to add the prenomen of his king Amenemhat II to
one of his own names Necht. The appearance of the royal name
Amenemhat II enables us to fix the date of the building of the
tomb at about B.C. 2500. The freshness of the painting of the
hieroglyphs in this shrine is most surprising, and the colours chosen
are wonderfully true to nature. The hieroglyphic for elephant, which
occurs in the name Abu or Elephantine, is painted in a greyish sepia,
the exact colour of the beast. The hieroglyphs for the granite hills
round about the town are painted to represent granite, and the artist
has succeeded well, as one single glance at the quarries will show.
The fallen slabs which once formed the fore parts of the side walls
were removed by M. Maspero. Fragments of the broken statue of
Se-Renpu which once filled the shrine were found scattered about
the floor.
The whole of the side of the hill is honeycombed with tombs,
and the short description of the three given above will show what an
imi)ortant necropolis lies buried here. Apparently the whole of the
governors and chiefs of Aswan lie here, and a complete excavation
would certainly add much to our knowledge of the history of Syene.
I must not omit to add that Captain Handcock, who has been
continuing the excavations begun at Philae by Captain Jackson, R. A.,
has recently discovered a large staircase leading down from the
temple courtyard at Philae to the Nile. On the left or south side of
the staircase, a nilometer in eleven sections is cut into the wall.
Major Plunkett, R.E., is now busily engaged in taking levels there,
and we may hope for some important data respecting the rise and
height of the Nile in ancient times at Philae.
82
Feb. i] proceedings. [iSby.
The following are the Remarks of Mr. P. le Page Renouf
{President)^ read at the Meeting held 2nd November, i '^'^6.
The Name of the Egyptian God Seb.
This year's first number of the Zeitschrift filr Aegyptischc Sprache
begins with an extremely interesting article by Dr. Brugsch, in which
that eminent scholar produces the evidence on which he bases his
new reading, Qeb or Geb,* of the god's name which has hitherto
been read Seb. The new reading has been taken up by scholars
like Dr. Diimichen and Dr. von Bergmann, and is now authorita-
tively recognised in the Catalogue of the Egyptian Antiquities of the
Museum in Berlin. I fear my learned colleagues in Egyptology have
been somewhat precipitate in this matter, for the evidence which has
until now been put before them, however strong it may appear to
them, is essentially one-sided, and, as I shall presently show, it is
even incomplete on the side which they have espoused.
The fact that the name of Seb was often written Keb in the last
periods of hieroglyphic writing is no new discovery. " Le Saturne
Egyptien . . . prenait le nom de Sev^ Siv ou Sev et celui de Keb ou
Kev^' writes Champollion,t in one of the first works written after his
discovery of the true method of decipherment. And Lepsius ( Ueber
den erstefi iigypiischen G'etterkreis, p. 14) refers to this form in con-
nection with a passage of a worthless Greek chronographer| of the
seventh century after Christ, who talks of K^/3 tov 'HX/of, r/rof Kp6vo<s.
The exchange between Keb and Seb is, as Lepsius well observes,
difficult to explain. There are several possible explanations of such
a change, but the true one in this instance has not yet been given.
The first point I must insist upon is that the old orthodox reading,
Seb, of ^^ 1 or O j|1 is not an erroneous one. 'a_0 sebastos
and ^^ 1 1 . sebastd are the Egyptian transcriptions of Roman
* See Appendix on Transcription of Egyptian Words.
t Pantheon Egyptien, 27 (i).
X This is not John Malalas, who however would be quite as worthless. To
speak of K/)3 as the "griechische Umschreibung des Gottesnamens " is pre-
posterous. Were this transcription found in Herodotos, Plato, Diodoros, or even
Plutarch, well and good.
83
Feb. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1887.
imperial titles, and CIKCT" and CICpOO, as Brugsch says, are the
Greek transcriptions of the decans ^^ M (or , M ^ ) ^"d
"fe^^ '^ (or ^ ). The well-known name "ws, *^:v;^ fj ^
or ^^1. r] "^ is in Coptic ^(WpCIKCG, and is found in the
Assyrian annals of Assurbanipal, in the seventh century before
Christ, transcribed Har-si-ya-e-su.
The superficial measure "^^ has for variant '=m^ \ sa. The
verb ?k ^ "to guard" has for variant "^ ^ sau.
h^
or
.(2
7~^ V\ 1 Salt is the ancient name of Sais,
AAAAAA
2^ <CV ^^ Smd, that of Syut. <^ mm
Senehemu, or its variant 'C '^^ " a locust," is identical with
the Hebrew DV7D.
In the base period of hieroglyphic writing (during which alone
the god's name is written A J, | ), the goose and its homophone
the egg were used as equivalent to the alphabetic s.
The following are instances—
1 1 ^'"l ^ " 11 fl ^ ^^^^^^^" M^^'^^"^' Dcnd'erah, I, 7i> lo-
"^ \\\ = p 'W I ^^nen, image. ibid. II, id.
"^^ Hm = Uasar, Osiris. ibid. II, 22, 33.
S: ^ := n 51 ^ sba, door. ibid. IV, 39.
And the sign "^^ is even used for grammatical suffixes, thus
Feb. i] proceedings. [1887.
{Tevipelinschr., II, 45, 8) v^'^^flHlt = ^^ •^^^^^j magnify.
This practice is continued in Demotic writing.*
With respect to the egg, it will be sufificient here to quote the
forms '^ for -I^ {Doikm., IV, 85) and .^^ for
j^ mas {Deukm., IV, 17, d, line 5), and I particularly
recommend the latter example to those who think j\~ should be
read seb.
It is not probable that any of the facts quoted will be disputed,
but it is very imjDortant to show that Egyptologists have not been
mistaken for the last fifty years in assigning a sibilant sound to the
two signs which are used interchangeably in writing the name of the
god, but that they rely upon a mass of evidence from the best time
of Egyptian writing down to the latest.
It will, however, be urged that these signs may be, and in fact
are, polyphonous, and that though they may stand for s in Sebastos,
Sais or Syut, they need not do so in the name of the Earth-god
hitherto called Seb. To this plea there is a triple reply.
In the first place they are never polyphonous (except in
"enigmatic writing") during the classic period of hieroglyphics;
when their use was confined to a very few words, in every one 01
which their value can be proved to be s vocalised.
Secondly : There is a rule which applies to hieroglyphic and
cuneiform writing alike ; and against which no exception has yet
been proved : Ttao polyphonous characters are honwphonous in only
one value, because the reasons which determine the values are
necessarily different for each sign. Thus, if English were written
hieroglyphically, a sign representing a whip might be homophonous
with a sign representing a cat, but it would have this value only
when the sound cat had to be pronounced. When the sound whip
Uad to be read, the sign for cat would no longer be homophonous
with it, nor can we imagine with what other values the two signs
could again be homophonous. ^^ sometimes has the value men,
so has \^, so has c^^, and so have various other signs,t but
* See Revue egyptologique, IT, pi. 10, note.
t See Dumichen's articles in the Zeitschrift of 1886 and 18S7.
85
Feb. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1SS7.
these are never homophonous except in the value men. It is by
the merest chance that they agree in one vakie, and the chances
of their agreeing in a second are so small, as practically to be null.
A study of the Assyrian syllabary, which is so full of polyphonous
signs, will furnish the best illustrations of the rule.
It is not impossible, but in the highest degree improbable, that
the signs '^^ and O, representing as they do thoroughly distinct
objects, should be homophonous, not only in the value se, but also
in another value ke or keb.
But we are not left to a priori argument, however cogent, for
evidence as to the name of the god ; which is sometimes written
with the syllabic sign ^ = seb, either J] or :^ or . We
inay smile at Champollion. talking more than fifty years ago about
"le Saturne egyptien," and connecting with his name the star as a
symbol of time. But it ought, now at least, to be understood that
the mixing up of mythologies can only lead to error. Saturn is an
Italian god of sowing, not of time ; and if the Greeks chose to
confound the Egyptian Seb, as they did the Latin Saturn, with their
Kronos, the Egyptian god has not to be interpreted by their stupid
mistake.* Even Kronos has nothing to do with x/^oVo?. It is
derived from a different root, kar (doing), whence creo and cresco.
X/)oVo9| is connected with x<^Vj X^V'os^, XPP'^°^i ^.nd with the Zend
zr-van, zrvana.
The last quoted variant, , which appears in tlie calendar
of Esneh, is an example of double orthography in the base period,
like O <^^ ^ set.^ daughter. But there is another very remarkable
instance of the same kind, which has I believe been misunderstood
till now. We have all hitherto understood a certain group, first
admirably illustrated by Dr. Duemichen, § as literally signifying the
* The mistake is all the more stupid as the marriage of Heaven and Earth
is mythologically expressed by that of Uranos and Gala among the Greeks, just
like that of Seb and Nut among the Egyptians. And to add to the absurdity
Nut is called the Egyptian Rhea !
t " Kp-6i'o-c erinnert am skt. karanas machend, bewirkend. * Perficus ' deutet
den Namen schon G. Hermann .... und nach ihm Schoemann." Curtius,
Grundz., 154.
% Dumichen, Rcsultatc, 33, 7. § Zcitschr., 187 1, pp. 91, 92.
86
FEr, i] TROCEEDINGS. [1887.
" back of Seb." The variants however, as they stand, prove that,
sometimes at least, Seb alone is meant. In various passages the
produce of the earth is called —
7^ ^ M ^ ^J 1 l^^'^P'li^''^''--^ I> 77, 7-
^ - '^ ' n ^J 1 ^^^^0^- J'l^<^^lf; II, 52, 2.
"ll^ ^ T^ ^ J 1 Tempelinschr., I, 78, 16.
Hil A I ' I ^ A "S, ^ Denderah, II, 15, b.
c^ I Y v_^ \ U /I
From this it appears that n (^i \ | is but a double orthography
of O J T or '^\> J . And I have no doubt that O '^ J |
which is quoted by Dr. Duemichen is another, because the whole
passage means " his great throne is upon the earth," not O
her sa, " behind or after " it.* The play upon words, however,
suggested by this orthography naturally gave rise to the notion
sa en Seb, back of Seb, as at Edfu.
There is another variant of the god's name, 1 3\ T about
which scholars have not made up their minds. The name is ex-
pressed by the number 5. But this is a variant of the sign •^. If
it were necessary to seek for the phonetic value of this number in
the name of a god who is otherwise known as Seb, the solution of
the problem would be discovered in the usual way. |C ^ v)* tsir
tX. /fi. Ill tk /•£ t -"^ ^
m Todt. 125, 41, = ^^ V^gA = ^.v^gA + And from
tfhe sixth chapter on the sepulchral figures we derive the additional
equations § T ^^ = ic ^^ r= ^ %v 1 = ^*— I] I I
whence
* it' ^I^ "^ quoted by Dr. Duemichen is one word ( = "^r^ '^ 0^0 ( )
not two.
t Champollion, Mon., pi. 145, i,'
X Sec M. Naville's edition, Vol. II, hi loco.
§ Zeitschr., 1869, p. 27; 1886, p. 87; and 1867, p. 41 ; and Marietta,
Catalog., p. 55. No. 2 of these variants is considered characteristic of the first
period. And No. 3 is found on a monument of the Xlllth Dynasty. The
phonetic variants of y^ "^^^ ^""e seb, set'eb, and seteb, sometimes with prosthetic a,
and sometimes with c^.
87
Fek. i] society of biblical ARCH/EOLOGY. [1SS7.
it follows that the signs \Z> '9< ^"^ 'iV ^^^ homophonous in the
value sefi, and that se^ is one of the Egyptian names for the
number 5.
The value self is then absolutely certain, and if it can be shown
that the god was also called M', this latter fact has to be harmonised
with the former. This is possible, (i) if sei? and kel^ are but different
forms of one word [Ce^], bearing the same relations to each other
as the ancient Roman and Greek pronunciation of Cicero, and the
modern English and French pronunciation of that name;* (2) if keb
is another name of Seb as Ba/cx"''" and"Ia/cxos are of A(oVy<7os. But
there is a third possibility; viz., that keb is written, but wrongly
written. And this is really the fact.
Before I proceed to explain the origin of this wrong spelling,
it will be useful to call attention to another form of this very same
divine name.
The name of Seb is frequently written ^^ and even ^_^ |.t
There can be no doubt as to the god who is intended under this
strange orthography. Dr. Birch indeed thought that Sebak was
meant,:!: but he was not aware how often the form occurs as a
variant of Seb. When it occurs in an independent text, the translator
is liable to misunderstand it. When the texts of Edfu, published
by M. Naville,§ speak of ^ ^ _ n ^-^^ j f] Rc^l ^ ^^^^
pe/ifa en Ra next en Su sefit sent en Seb, "the might of Ra, the
victory of Shu, the force and terror of Seb," the last hieroglyphic
group here may at first sight appear doubtful; not so when later
on the deities appear in a list, and ^g is coupled with Nut,
followed by Osiris and Isis. The text which Dr. Birch refers to
Sebak adds an epithet to the god's name which has been peculiar
to Seb fromjthe earliest down to the latest days of Egyptian
mythology : '~^ ^ ^^ ^ "1 ^ seb erpd uutaru.
But how comes ^^ to be identical with ^J? This
riddle can only be solved through a study of the cursive writing
of the period, and this also gives a complete solution of the origin
* If this were the fact Keb would be written in all the ancient forms of the
name, and Seb in the later, for K is older than S, but the reverse is the case.
■\ iJumichen, Rcc. IV, pi. 31.
X Wilkinson, Ancient Ei^yptians, Vol. Ill, pi. 51.
§ Mythc d' Horns, pi. xxii, 29, 30. Cf. pi. xxiii, line 48,
Feb. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
of the form /}j. I was at first inclined to ascribe this latter
form to a confusion of the signs O, '^ and ^, for these mistakes
are very frequent indeed, both in manuscripts and in other texts.
In some papyri the eog is always represented as triangular. But
the origin of Aj is really quite different. The /\ is nothing here
but a hieratic form of 7^, and ;^=^ is derived from another
hieratic form of the same bird. The v_^-« is equally derived from
a cursive form of writing.
The hieratic " Rituals " of the later periods seem at first sight to
be full of instances in which Seb is called ^ J T- In some of
them the name is always written in this form. But that ^c/? is not
really meant, will at once be manifest on looking for a word con-
taining the hieroglyphic letter /\. Whatever that word may be, the
/] in it will invariably be written with the well-known hieratic sign,
entirely different from the sign which occurs in the name of the god.
If we reverse the process, the god's name will never be found written
with the hieratic form of ^.
The triangular sign which has given rise to the form z] J is, as
I have said, a mere cursive way of drawing a bird. In the hieratic
Bremner Papyrus (B.M, xoi88), written B.C. 305, which has been
treated of by Dr. Pleyte and by Mr. Budge, one of the passages
occurs twice; the last word in it being written =-^ in page 2, and
^ in page 3. The hawk ^^ has suffered a similar transforma-
tion. It is, 1 believe, commonly supposed that the form ^--^ |
is a combination of \, = /i and <=!:> = r. This is not the case ;
^^^^^-^ is merely a cursive transformation of the hawk, as may be
seen on referring to all the places in recent papyri where the word
J ^^^^:=^^^ bak is written. <rz> is not the letter r, but repre-
sents the talons or some other portion of the hieroglyphic hawk, of
which the indivisible symbol ^^^^-^ is a conventional representation.
How the picture of a bird may degenerate conventionally into a
triangle may be seen on referring to the plate annexed. And the
same plate will show how the sign -;=^^^ or c : may be confounded
with one of the hieratic forms ' of the sign ,^ . The v. « in
^^, ^-^, and other forms has arisen out of the flourish at the
end of a cursive group.
The signs on lines i, 2, and 3 of the annexed plate are some of
the cursive forms of the hieroglyphic sign ^s^. The first sign on
line 3 is taken from the Coffin of Amamu, dating from the Early
89,
Fei!. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [18S7.
Empire, The signs in the text from which it is taken look from
right to left.
Line 4 contains two hieratic groups; the first = A _^ J _p ?=^ ,
and the second a\ ^=1 . The hieratic signs used for f=^ in these
groups will be seen to resemble hieratic forms of v:n^-
Line 5 gives four cursive forms of the sign ^^, illustrative of
the separation between the higher and the lower portions of the
figure.
Line 6 furnishes cursive forms of the same sign at a later date.
Four examples are given in line 7 of the hieratic transcription
of the hieroglyphic group J ^ ^ V^^ , and another form is pre-
sented in line 8 which is the transcription of [1 ^ ^ Mii /
I W ^^^ hra-a cm baak nutra, mi pehtu-a em haak luitra,
" my face is that of a divine hawk, my back parts those of a divine
hawk," Todt. 78, 25, as given in the Leyden Papyrus, T. 16.
In line 9, three hieratic transcriptions of ^5^ J T are given
from the papyrus just mentioned. The god's name in this papyrus
is almost invariably written like the two last forms.
Line 12 contains transcriptions of the name of Seb from different
Turin papyri, published by Dr. Pleyte.
The name of Seb is next given in three cursive forms in line 10.
The first is taken from the above-named Leyden papyrus, col. XXIV,
line 8. = Todt. 31, 4. The two others. are taken from the Demotic
text of the Rhind Papyri, plate V, lines 1.9 and 23. The close
resemblance between the demotic forms of the goose and the hieratic
of the Leyden papyrus is very striking, and induces me to bring down
the date of the latter papyrus to a much later period than has
hitherto been assigned to it.
In line 11, three hieratic signs of the latest (Roman) period are
given representing ^\ , and two representing ^^. It is evident
how easily these signs might give rise to such forms as ^=^ ,
In the face of all this evidence how trifling is the combined
weight of a solitary O, incorrectly put, no doubt, instead of a A
of the same sign instead of '^. It is a matter of surprise that far
more evidence of the same kind cannot be produced. To those who
90
Feb. i] proceedings. [1887.
have given any considerable time to the collation of texts, variants
are by no means rare phenomena, but the number of important
variants diminishes sadly when the indispensable process of sifting
and weighing has been gone through. I have in these Proceedings
produced more than one instance where the preposition '^S\\ was
written ya , and I have since found several more instances,
which, if they could be relied upon, would prove that the preposition
in question is a compound one. But I believe, after all, that in each
case the stroke I was wrongly made into a square g, which has
the value of the letter/. We must surely wait for far more numerous
instances of the equivalence of O with ^ and ^ before attaching
any importance to the cases yet known ; and above all we must have
proof that this equivalence bears upon the name of the god Seb, for
O might possibly be homophonous with q in the name of Koptos,
without necessarily having the value of q in the name of the god.
That this god's name was ^ J | I do not believe, particularly
because this name belongs to another deity, who personifies the North-
wind,* and has nothing to identify him with the Earth-god. I believe
that the form originated in cursive Avriting, and perhaps when written
was pronounced Seb. As for the form LJ J hab, that is an a-rra^
\e^/6^iei'oi> in a very dilapidated text. But there is another reading
which has very much more to say for itself than either of those which
have been mentioned.
A god whose name is written I^ \\ (^^ ^ keb appears on a
Siiten-hotep-td in one of the Mastabas of the Early Empire.f The
determinative of the name is a goose, and kab is the simple form
of which the reduplicated S ^^^ J S "^^ '^^ kabka is found
in the Ebers Papyrus. It is an onomatapoeic name like our word
gabble, or the name gobble-gobble familiarly applied to turkeys.
Now it is highly probable that this ancient goose-god was no
other than Seb. It does not follow at all that Seb's name is to be
read Kab, when not so written. The gods are polyonymous, and
proof is needed before we can assert that two names written
differently are to be read alike.
* See Brugsch, Zeitschr., 1875, p. 128, and Lanzone, Biz. di Mit., p. 1190.
t Marietta, Mastabas, p. 186. This remarkable proof of the existence of such
a divine name is not aUuded to in Dr. Brugsch's article.
91
Feb. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1887.
Now two arguments in favour of the identity of the names are
offered in Brugsch's article.
The first is derived from the variants of Todt.^ 99, 4, unfor-
tunately an extremely coriupt passage, which was certainly not
understood by those who wrote the papyri, the variations of which
are given in M. Naville's edition. I do not know where Dr. Brugsch
has found ^&^ 1 rjf three times in these variants. This reading
occurs nowhere, as far as I can discover. The sign 3 is nowhere
-^ n . . ^
attached to '%::^ u in the copies of this chapter. But I am quite
ready to admit that the god Seb may be really meant. The difficulty
is elsewhere. The variants are evidently different readings, and not
identical words under varied forms. It is possible to make some
sense out of the words ^^ "^ J ^^^ ^ ^ \\ \\ N^ i ^'^ ,
but it is impossible to make the sa??ie sense out of any one of the
variants in which the sign S occurs. The conditions are therefore
wanting under which any safe conclusion about phonetic equivalence
may be established. We are reduced to suspicion and conjecture.
The second argument of Dr. Brugsch, as put forth by him, is
most ingenious, and, I confess, extremely attractive.
From the earliest times, he says, of Egyptian history down to the
Roman period, certain titles were ascribed to the goddess Isis and
to the queens who were supposed to be her successors. In proof
of which assertion he "begins with the latest period." He quotes
in all five inscriptions, all of which belong to the base period except
one, which is from the Ancient Empire. The proof of continuity
fails entirely. It is as if one quoted the words of Pietro Bembo
to prove that the "immortal gods " had been worshipped in Italy
down to the sixteenth century. And there is no more reason for
supposing that the Egyptian texts of the base periods are authentic
interpreters of the texts of the Ancient Empire than that Bembo's
words have the same meaning as they would have in the mouth of
Cato or the Scipios. The Egyptians of the later days used the
ancient formulas, but imported new meanings into them, and it is
a tremendous anachronism to quote Ptolemaic texts, or those of the
Roman period, as illustrative of the primitive mythology. The ideas
of the " Mylhe d'Horus," and even those of the far more ancient
" Destruction of Mankind," betray their comparatively recent origin.
92
Feb. i] proceedings. [1S87,
I refuse then to admit that the ancient text E, quoted by
Dr. Brugsch, is to be interpreted bj' the texts A, B and C, which
are indeed imitations of it, but not necessarily variants, in the
estricted sense of the word. That they contain the name of Seb,
where the ancient text has S j j (*^^ Kebba, need not imply
that the two names are to be pronounced alike, even if it be
assumed that the names represent the same divinity. Boaxo? is
not identical with "laK^o-i. Phcebus is not the same word as
Apollon. But it is not at all certain that the scribes of the base
period recognised Kcbba as the same god as Seb. They may have
substituted a well-known name for an unknown one. Substitutions
of divine names are a not unfrequent phenomenon in Egyptian
documents. In the more recent documents we find the name of
Thoth where that of Sut occurs in ancient times. The reason of
this may be assigned ; but who can tell us why, in some copies of
the 125th chapter of the Book of the Dead, Nephthys is written
where, in other copies, Hathor appears ?
Dr. Brugsch refers to his "Religion und Mythologie den alten
Aegypter " for the origin of the name of the earth-god Qeb. I am
sorry to be compelled to say that I am unable to share any of his
views on the subject, and that I consider them to be entirely
erroneous. Assuming that S ^^^ ^'^^ is o^^ of ^^ names of
Seb, I hold that the word signifies 'goose,' just like r'^^^^ ^^
smen, which is another name of Seb, and that it is an instance of
onomatopoeia. Why the earth should be represented by a goose is
an interesting question, but it is one which does not concern us at
present. Dr. Brugsch, on the other hand, etymologically connects
the name kab (which he writes gab) with S ^^, jM /^ kaba,
^ '^ JI ^ ^^ ^^^^^' ^^^ °^^^^'' ^^'^^^^ related to the Coptic
CTcoE., (T^^, etc., signifying weak, tnjinn, zuretched, abject, and so
forth, as also with A J jv qeb and kindred forms related to the
Coptic K^^, kKg, and others, with the sense of cold. Without any
extravagant amount of scepticism, it may safely be doubted whether
there is the slightest etymological connection between these two
series of words. A man no doubt is often ' wretched ' when he is
' cold,' but the two notions are distinct, and the words which express
them are as distinct in Egyptian as in English or German.
93
Feb. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1SS7.
But why, above all things, should we look for the origin of a
mighty god's name in a word signifying weak, wretched, doubled up,
crooked, or something of the kind? The Egyptian no'tion of a god
implies the very reverse of all this. An Egyptian god is characterised
by resistless might, and the usual epithet neb //mat, also implies the
most direct opposition to crookedness. Afaat is the perfect rigid
and straight rule. Dr. Brugsch, on the other hand, points by way
of explanation to the well-known picture in which the goddess Nut
as the sky is extended over Seb, who lies sprawling on the ground,
in a doubled-up or crooked posture.
The conception of this picture as described by Dr. Brugsch* is
not the true one. The picture represents the Break of Day. Heaven
and Earth (Nut and Seb) have been slumbering in each other's
arms. The rising sun, Shu, parts them, and Nut is seen raised up
on high, whilst Seb (sometimes resting on his arm) remains stretched
out sleeping beneath her. It is only Egyptian perspective which in
some copies of this picture gives Seb the odd postures of an
unfortunate man struggling with adversity. This is no part of the
conception, and will be sought in vain in many of the copies. f " Thy
back is as the back of Seb," was certainly not meant to signify
weakness.
It will not, I trust, be imagined that I think lightly of
Dr. Brugsch's article because I do not accept its conclusions.
The article is full of most interesting matter, which none but a
scholar of Dr. Brugsch's learning and ingenuity could have brought
to bear upon the question. But the solution of the question must
wholly depend upon the nature of the entire evidence,:}: and upon
this I believe that I have in this paper contributed information
which was not generally known.
Dr. Brugsch refers to an instance in which the god's name is
written with a final u. I have long since noticed an abundance
of such instances. § The truth is, /i is a common not to say the
general termination of masculine nouns in the Egyptian language,
* "Die Nebenvorstellung eincs leidenden, scwachcr, gclahmten Manns."
t See, e.g., Lanzone, Diz. di Mit., pi. 256, 2 ; and Leenians, AIouiiDieiits, III,
M., pi. 19. In some of the pictures the postures of Seb would imply the
possession of immense acrobatic power.
X For an additional piece of evidence, see Proceedings, 1SS6, p. 97, where in
a proper name ^^^ appears as the ideograph of 1 J.
§ See Proceedings, 1885, pp. 152 and 153.
94
Feb. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
and of proper names among the rest : " ut sunt Divorum," Nu, Anpii^
C/ionsu, Chneniu, Afciitu, Tinu, Shu, Ptahu, Unmi-Jieferu, Horn,
Hii, Sau, Babau, and Sebu. The notion that this final letter was to
be pronounced in the middle of the word, not at the end of it,
was hit upon by Lepsius before he had mastered the Egyptian
vocabulary, and abandoned by him as soon as he discovered its
baselessness.* But his declaration to this effect does not prevent
Egyptologists from still talking of Tum and Anup, or of Har,
because in the last instance the suffix [1 a, which is often weakened to
flll /, is sometimes attached to the name of Horus, as to those of
other gods, of which it forms no part whatever.
Appendix on the Transcription of Egyptian Words.
Geb cannot possibly be the right name of an Egyptian god.
The texts in the Etruscan language, though perfectly legible, defy
as yet all attempts at translation or grammatical analysis. Yet if it
were asserted that Geb was the name of an Etruscan god we could
at once pronounce an unhesitating verdict against such a statement.
We know this at least, that the Etruscan language is defective in
certain letters. // has no medial sounds. Geb therefore cannot be
the name of a god in this language. And the same truth holds
good with regard to the Egyptian language.
It is deeply to be lamented that Egyptologists have not adhered
to the system of transliteration adopted at the Oriental Congress
held in London in the year 1874. That system had been most
carefully devised by Lepsius (who among the older Egyptologists
was the only competent scholar), and agreed upon with him by
M. de Rouge, who had not indeed the advantage of the splendid
philological training which Lepsius had gone through, but was
guided by a highly refined instinct and reason, which enabled him
to see the right path whenever fairly presented to him. The
system of transliteration agreed upon was certainly not perfect,
but it was far better than any which has since been devised. It
did not, as others do, completely misrepr^se?it the entire character
of the Egyptian language.
* " Ich habe meine Ansicht von 1836 in roeinen miindlichen Vortragen liber
Grammatik auch langst berichtigt." Zeitschr., 1872, p. 26, note.
95
Feb. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1887
When alphabets of different languages are compared together
it is seen at once that each is incomplete. Each language has its
peculiar sounds and is defective in all the rest. Mohawk and
other American languages have no labials. Some languages have
no gutturals. Sanskrit, though so rich in sounds, has no / or soft
sibilants. Latin has neither soft sibilants nor aspirated consonants.
Greek has no sound corresponding to tT, and is generally averse
to spirants. Those who only know Greek without reference to
kindred languages can have no notion of the extent to which the
letter s has been suppressed in it. The digamma is chiefly known
through Aeolic and Doric forms, but the Jod which once formed
an essential part of an immense number of words in the vocabulary
has entirely disappeared. The Cypriote syllabary though used for
the purpose of writing a Greek dialect, has no means of indicating
a medial sound or an aspirated consonant.
It is evident that any mode of transcription which ignores
characteristic facts of this nature must be radically wrong.
The Egyptian language, like the Etruscan and others, had no
medial consonants.* When the Greek alphabet was borrowed for
the purpose of writing Coptic, the letters V, 2s., and ^, were
used for foreign words only ; and these words are often found
written in such a way as to show that the writer did not understand
the right sound. If the Egyptians at one time used cs::^ and S iii
the transcription of the Semitic T and J, this does not prove that
these signs had exactly the same sounds as the Semitic ones. The
signs were only conventional representations of sounds which did
not exist in the Egyptian language. The Greeks were reduced to
the same strait when they had to transcribe y, % and t!^. But we
have no excuse for such transcriptions from the Egyptian as Gc/f,
gabu, du, didi, Dad, Zarti.
Postscript. — It has occurred to me that Brugsch, who most
certainly knows of the o?ily text which offers a direct proof of the
existence of the god kab, may have good reasons for not attaching
importance to it.
The fact is, this inscription, like many others, is carelessly and
ignorantly written, and glaring blunders may be pointed out in it,
* There is not the same objection to the use of l>, because in many languages
this is not pronounced as a medial consonant.
96
Feb. i] proceedings. [1SS7.
M. Mariette has placed a ''sic" by the side of ^^^ , which is
written instead of <:^ • But this is not the full extent of the
blunder. The word J^ J which precedes the second dmxu
shows that two different and well known phrases have here been
incoherently mixed up together.
I \ \ ir__ • Now it has always been considered a sign of a
comparatively late date when more than one god is mentioned after
the word Siiten-hotcp-ta. This rule, it is true, cannot hold simpliciter ;
but it may serve as the indication of a blunder. Two gods' names
do not, in the early period, appear in the same line ; but the scribe
may here have mixed up two inscriptions at the beginning, as he has
done at the end ; the Q may be a truncated A , and 1 i^^
merely one of the innumerable inversions which are found in the
inscriptions, and which induce persons who are ignorant of the
language to write nonsense about metathesis and its functions.
Instances of the inversion of j '^^ for '^^ ] will be found in
the inscriptions of the Pyramid of Pepi I, lines 59, 61, 63, 65, etc.
This is no case of metathesis. It is either simply a faulty inversion,
or else it may have originated (if we may judge from M. Maspero's
copies) in the same way as ^ a\ or ^ j ; the second sign being
placed under the projecting top of the first, and therefore in front
of it.
I am, however, strongly inclined to admit kab as a genuine name
of the goose, signifying the "gabbler;" just as seb signifies the
' piper,' or ' whistler.'
The identification with the Sun of a god who unquestionably
personifies the earth, has generally (see, e.g., M. Maspero, Guide au
Musk de Bouiaq, p. 153) been attributed to a very late period. But
I find it already on a coflin of the Ancient Empire (B.M. 6655),
where he is moreover designated (like on the coffins published by
Lepsius, Aelteste Texte, plates 9 and 39) as (^ q^ '"^ x^'^^^ X"^
paid dat, which I take to be equivalent to erpd nuteru, 'princeps
Deorum ; ' not ' youngest ' or ' heir ' of the gods, as is sometimes
imagined.
97
Feb. i] SOCIKTY OK BIBLICAL ARCH.'EOLOGV. [18S7.
The following Communication has been received from
A. Macalister, M.D., F.R.S., Professor of Anatomy, Cam-
bridge : —
An Inscription of Aahmes, in the Fitzwilliam Museum.
When die celebrated traveller Dr. E. A. Clarke visited Sa-el-
Hajar, shortly after the close of the Egyptian campaign against
Napoleon, he found among the ruins of the ancient Sais a large
slab of polished syenite, which had been fixed in the steps before
the entrance to the Mosque. With some difficulty he had this stone
extricated, and on turning it over he found it bore a long inscription.
The stone had formerly been the pedestal of a statue, of which
however there only remained a small portion of the right foot ; and
the place where the left foot had been (in advance of the right) was
only indicated by a broken outline.
The statue must have been about life-size, as the foot is twelve
inches long. The whole block of stone measures thirty inches in
length by sixteen in breadth, and six inches in thickness. Dr. Clarke
brought it home and presented it to the University of Cambridge,
and it is at present in the Fitzwilliam Museum.
On the right side of the upper surface of the slab there is a
beautifully cut inscription of incuse hieroglyphs arranged in four
columns, and included by a rectangular linear border.
This inscription was copied by Dr. Clarke, and was published by
him in the third volume of his "Travels," p. 218. He contributed
to the Society of Antiquaries an account of the characters, and a
commentary on them, which is only of historic interest as bearing
upon the views then current on the subject of hieroglyphs.
I am not aware that any translation of this inscription has as yet
been published, and I have therefore copied it, with a transliteration
and translation. There is some interest in it, as after the name of
Aahmes there occurs that of Psamtik, some deceased servant of
Amasis, a namesake of the king's son, the unfortunate Psamtik III,
the Psammenitos of Herodotos, and the last king of the Saite
XXVIth Dynasty. The inscription itself is one of the usual pro-
scynemata.
98
Feb. i]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1887.
(') 1 =1 /\ 1 I i
Suten hetep ta Neter aa am neter hat
A royal offering give the Great God who dzuells in temples.
A m ¥ ^- t- A
Hetep ta neteru nebu Amenti Hetep ta
Give offerings the gods all of the West Give offerings,
(2) ^ ^
HH
o ^ ^ ,,_
per-er-xeru aka apt ah nef ap
funeral viands, bread, ducks, oxen, to him, {at) the opening of the
I il ix 000 I j <c::z> ^:zi:p «cir> O
renpit htep renpit Uaka Tehuti Sokar Heb ur
year, ncio year's feast, the Uaka, 1 ^, , , -^ , c • \ the s:reat festival,
-' ' J J ^ 'I Thflth and Sox^ns, ) ^ ' '
(3) ^-^
Ap
ODD
n
OS
o
ruu Neterhat ma(?) neterui per
the opening of the doo's of the temples, the feast of the apparition of the tivo gods.
i<
CD
CO
Api abut smat heb Heb neb ra neb t'eta em
the feast of the ist { feast of the iKth ) . r t j -r
of the Lnth Y of the month \ ^"^'-^ f'^''' """'y '^^■^' >'' ''''''^ '''
o
(4) "^ ^
neb amx neter aa x^"" Har nefer x^'^ti per aa
one devoted great God to Horns the good, in presence of the Great Honse,
1 \ {.-_A^ \t^ °Pk:^
neter nefer Chnum - ab - ra amx Psamtik
the Good God. A ma sis the devoted Fsammetichus
99
Fer. i] society of biblical ARCH.^OLOGY. [1S87.
The name Psamtikes was common at this period. Tlie name
used for the king is the throne name, Chnum-ab-ra. not Aahmes-
sa-Net, or Semenmat, names by which he is known elsewhere.
Aahmes reigned forty-four (or forty-two according to Aucher's text
of Eusebius) years, from B.C. 572 to B.C. 528.
■ The feast names are mostly those familiar on all such tablets,
the peculiar feast named ap ruu neterhat, or opening of the gates of
the Temples, occurs in a Saite inscription published by Sharpe
(Eg. Ins., I, 16), together with the "feast of the apparition of the
two gods," and in another Saite inscription in the British Museum
(ibid., II, 40). In the Calendar of Esne (Brugsch, " Materiaux pour
servir," &:c., pi. XI, line 7, h) there is the following entry for the
of Neith, opening of the doors in the great places, with her gods."
The two great gods of Sais were Osiris and Neith, so it is probable
that they are referred to in this feast of the apparition.* In the stele
of Thothmes, chief of the gate keepers of Memphis, published by
Mr. Budge in the Tratisadions of this Society, Vol. VIII, p. 325, there
occurs the formula -^^ -\smr
y^^ip
"may the Ammahet open to thee its gates." The opening of gates
is a very common symbol in the Egyptian ritual, as in the mystic
ceremonies of the 146th chapter of the Book of the Dead, where
after the enumeration of the fifteen gates, the Osiris says, " I come
each day to the gate of the festivals. * * * I come each day to the
gate of Ammah, # * * I come each day to the gate Ap-ur, * # *
I come each day to the gate of the Anient, &c."
The following Communication, addressed to the President,
has been received : —
Monsieur LE Directeur, Paris, le 2:^ Janvier, 1887.
Nous avons regu de M. le Professeur W. Wright les estam-
pages des deux nouvelles inscriptions Cypriotes de Tamassus. Nous
ne les connaissions jusqu'h, present que par une photographic, insuffi-
sante, surtout en ce qui concerne la plus petite de ces inscriptions.
* I am indebted to the kindness of the President for these references, as well
as for many other valuable hints and corrections.
100
Feb. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
Vos excellents estampages comblent cette lacune. J'ecris a M. W.
Wright pour Ten remercier.
Veuillez agreer pour vous aussi, monsieur, les remercienients de
la Commission du Corpus Inscription n>n Seiniticarinn.
Pour le plus grand de ces textes, il n'y a rien a aj outer a I'excellent
travail de M. le Professeur Wright, et a vos savantes observations
sur la partie Cypriote.
Quant a la plus petite inscription, qui pouvait paraitre desesperee,
grace a vos estampages, j'ai reussi a la lire presque en entier. En
voici le texte et la traduction :
^v/^ pho^ \^\^^^^ III lU^'^'fj -^^
-:\i?n n^i^D rrrh III ill 2 ua^\-i\
-[3 7^^ )]n^D^n ^rh ^iiiii ill 7 n
[nir] \T\^ ti?t^ [t]^^ ^?2D ^n«-i ^n
-« ^-h ^mh p DD-j
Diebus xvi, mensis Faalot, an-
no XVII . . regis Melekjat[onis, regis Ci]-
tii et Idalii : statua haec quam dedit [AbJ-
dsasam, filius .... Domino suo Resef E-
leites, votum quod voverat ; quia audiit
Ille vocem. Benedicat.
lOI
Feb. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1887.
Cette nouvelle inscription prete a plusicurs rcmarqucs intcres-
santes :
Ligne i. Nous retrouvons ici le mois de Faalot, qui avait deja
ete lu sur deux inscriptions de Chypre, Corp. Inscr. SeJii., No. 86 b,
pp. 97, 98, et No. 88, p. 102.
Ligne 2. L'annee du regno de Melekjaton n'est pas enti^re-
ment certaine ; il se peut en effet qu'une ou deux barres d'unites
aient disparu dans la cassure ; en tous cas, la parti e intacte nous
donne les chiffres X, III; III, I. Cette inscription vient done se
placer, pour la date, entre les inscriptions de Melekjaton anterieure-
ment connues, qui n'allaient pas au-dela de l'annee 3 de son regne
(voyez C. T. S., Nos. 13 et 88-91) et la nouvelle inscription bilingue,
publiee par M. Wright, qui nous mene jusqu'a I'an 30 de son regne.
La ligne 3, bien qu'assez mutilee, peut se rcstituer avec une
presqu' entiere certitude, a I'aide des lettres que Ton entrevoit
encore, grace a la comparaison des autres inscriptions royales de
Chypre.
Ligne 4. Je lis QDDIli^ "Abdsasam." Le scribe avait oubli6
le mem et I'a rajoute' audessus de la ligne. Pour ce nom, tres-
frequent h. Chypre, voyez C. T. S., Nos. 46, 49, 53, 93 et 95. Le
personnage, mentionne sur cette inscription-ci, n'est aucun de ceux
qui figurent sur les inscriptions precedentes ; en effet, le nom de son
pere etait different, autant qu'on peut en juger d'apres les traits
encore visiblcs. On voudrait lire '77^n ou un nom de ce genre,
mais I'inclinaison de la queue de la derniere lettre ne s'y prete
guere. Pour la meme raison, ce ne peut non plus etre un Q ; peut-
etre est un ■^. En tous cas, la penultieme est un ^. Peut-etre
faut-il lire dSd ? Cf. C. T. S., No. 40.
Le nom de Resef Eleitcs, qui finit la 4*^ ligne et commence la 5%
est particulierement interessant ; ce nom est le mcme que sur la
grande inscription bilingue; seulement il est ecrit differemment ; j'ai
longtemps hesite avant de me rendre il la lecture a lacjuelle me
conduisait I'examen impartial des lettres, mais elle s'imi)ose : il faut
lire DnTf/^^- Ce fait est capital, parce qu'il nous prouve que
le nom phenicien n'est (\uc la transcription du nom grec. Ainsi,
ce n'est pas du nom phenicien qu'est sorti le nom grec, c'est le nom
grec qui a donne naissance au nom phenicien. Des lors, la meme
conclusion s'impose pour Resef Mikal qui joue h. Idalion le meme
role que Resef Eleitcs h. Tamassus. Ce n'est pas Mikal qui a donne
102
Feb. i] proceedings. [18S7.
'A/ii»/cX«7o9, c'est 'A/w'/t-Xntos qui a donne Mikal. Resef Mikal n'est
que la transcription phenicienne d' 'AttoXXwi/ 'A/^ivkXcuo^, c'est-a-dire
d'Apollon d'Amyclee.
Et maintenaiit, quel est I'endroit qui a donne I'ethnique Eleites ?
On ne peut guere hesiter a y voir Helos en Laconie. Du moment
que nous trouvons a Idalion un culte importe d'Amyclee, il est
naturel de trouver a Tamassus un culte importe d'He'los, qui etait,
avec Amycle'e, I'un des principaux centres religieux de I'ancienne
Laconie. Cette conclusion, a la quelle M. Renan etait arrive du
premier coup avant meme d'avoir vu le travail de M. Wright, se
trouve coniirme par la nouvelle inscription. II n'y a pas jusqu'a la
transcription phe'nicienne Elehith qui n'en fournisse indirectement
la preuve. On comprend en effet comment I'esprit rude a pu se
deplacer et donner naissance a ce he dont la pre'sence etonne tout
d'abord.
On peut continuer a discuter sur la question de savoir si les
noms d'Helos et d'Amyclee ont une origine phenicienne. Toute
cette vieille civilisation laconienne est fortement impreignee d'ele-
ments asiatiques, et le sentiment vague d'une ancienne parente a pu
ne pas etre sans influence sur I'introduction du culte d'Apollon
d'Amyclee ou d'Helos a Chypre. On ne saurait s'appuyer sur
I'orthographe des mots Mikal, Eliit, dans nos inscriptions, pour en
demontrer I'origine phenicienne. Quand les Pheniciens ecrivaient
Resef Eleites, ils ne faisaient que transcrire dans leur langue un
mot grec,
La fin de I'inscription presente encore une ou deux particularites
dignes de remarque.
Eigne 5, apres Eleites, rofifrant rappelle que la statue qu'il donne
a son dieu etait I'accomplissement d'un voeu. Nous trouvons une
formule encore plus developpee sur une autre inscription de Chypre,
C. T. S., No. 93.
Enfin, ligne 6, il faut noter I'emploi du pronom personnel ^T^,
qui est en general sousentendu, dans la formule finale.
La decouverte de ces deux inscriptions de Tamassus vient
eclairer un point encore obscur de I'histoire de Chypre. Sur toutes
les inscriptions de Chypre anterieurement connues, les deux rois C[ui
composent la petite dynastie phenicienne a laquelle les Ptolemees
ont mis fin, vers 312, Melekjaton et Pumjaton, s'intitulent " Rois de
Cition et Idahon." Sur une seule d'entre elles, qui appartient a
Feb. I] SOCIETY OF IJIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1SS7.
M. de Vogiie et qui date de Tan 21 de Pumjaton, ce roi porte le
title de *' Koi de Cition, et Idalion et de Tamassus " {C. T. S.,
No. 10). M. de VogUe, rapprochant ce fait d'un passage d'Athenee
{Deipnos. IV, 63), etait arrive k la conclusion que Tamassus n'etait
devenu phenicienne que sous Pumjaton, qui I'avait achetee a
Pasicipros, roi d'Amathonte ; mais Pumjaton \ son tour en avait
ete bientot depouille' par Alexandre (voyez C. T. S., p. 37).
Les deux inscriptions pheniciennes de Tamassus, datees des ann^es
17 et 30 de Melekjaton, nous prouvent que, deja sous Melekjaton,
le pere de Pumjaton, la domination phenicienne s'etendait jusqu'a
Tamassus.
Voila, monsieur, les remarques que me suggere la lecture de
cette interessante inscription. Je ne doute pas que la partie Cypriote,
quand vous Taurez dechiffree, ne vienne confirmerla lecture du texte
phenicien et eclairer les obscurites qu'il peut encore pre'senter.
Je vous serai reconnaissant, monsieur, de vouloir bien donner
communication de cette note a la Society of Biblical Archcsology,
et je vous renouvelle encore tous nos remerciements.
Veuillez agreer, monsieur, I'expression de ma plus haute con-
sideration.
Philippe Berger.
Note. — Dr. Max Ohnefalsch-Richter in a letter which
arrived too late for insertion in the January number of the
Proceedings, refers to the inscriptions discovered in Cyprus,
published in the Proceedings, December 7th, 1S86, by the
President and Professor William Wright, LL.D., and about
which a further note from M. Berger appears in the present
number.
Dr. Ohnefalsch-Richter points out that the excavations
which resulted in this discovery were superintended by
himself for Colonel Warren, and that the larger of the two
stones was found on the 2nd November, 1885.
W. Harry Rylands.
104
Feb. i] proceedings. [1887.
The plates illustrating the papers by the President and
the Rev. C. J. Ball will be issued with the next number of
the Proceedings.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, Conduit
Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, ist March, 1887,
at 8 p.m., when the following Papers will be read : —
I. W. C. Thurman : — " The Chronology of the Bible."
II. Dr. E. Amelineau : — -" Sahidic Translation of the Book
of Job."
III. Miss Gonino : — " The Caaba and Mosque of Mecca."
105
Feb. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGV.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
EoTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1 847-1 850.
Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, 1866-1869. 3 vols., folio.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler.
Vols. I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et
publics par H. Brugsch et J. Dlimichen. (4 vols., and
the text by Diimichen of vols. 3 and 4.)
DuMiCHEN, Historische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
■ Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1866.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
GoLENiscHEFF, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &:c., t88o.
De Rouge, Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Wright, Arabic Grammar and Chrestomathy.
ScHROEDER Die Phonizische Sprache.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
ScHRADER, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament. 1872,
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchies.
PiERRET, Dictionnaire d'Archeologie Egyptienne. 8vo. Paris, 1875,
Burkhardt, Eastern Travels.
Wilkinson, Materia Hieroglyphica. Malta, 1824-30. {Text only.)
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Se'ries I, II, III. 1862-1S73.
Voyage d'un Egyptien en Syrie, en Phe'nicie, &:c. 4to. 1867.
Le Calendrier des Jours Fastes et Nefastes de I'annee
Egyptienne. 8vo. 1877.
Maspero, De Carchemis oppidi Situ et Historia Anticiuissima,
8vo. Paris, 1872.
106
VOL. IX. No. 5.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
VOL. IX. SEVENTEENTH SESSION.
Fi/t/i Meeiijig, 1st March, 1887.
CONTENTS.
PAOE
Prof. E. Am£lineau.— On the Sahidic Translation of the Book
of Job 109-I12
Miss G. Goninc— The Caaba and Mosque of Mecca I12-124
A. Macalister, M.D., F.R.S. —An Eg}'ptian Inscription of the
Xlllth Dynasty in the Dublin National Museum 125-127
Robert Brown, Jun., F.S.A. — On Euphratean Names of the
Constellation Ursa Major 127-130
Rev. C. J. Ball.— The Metrical Structure of Qinoth ; The Book
of Lamentations, arranged according to the Original Measures 131-153
Rev. C. J. Ball. — Note to paper. Inscribed Stones from
Hamath {Proceedings, February, 1887) 153
Philippe Berger. — Inscriptions discovered in Cyprus.
(Proceedings, February, 1887) 153-156
^^
published at
THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY,
II, Hart Street, Bloomsbury, W.C.
1887.
PROCEEDINGS
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
SEVENTEENTH SESSION, 1886-87.
Fifth Meeting, ist March, 1887.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President.
IN THE CHAIR.
-^^%'^-
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Royal Society : — The Proceedings, Vol. XLI. No. 250.
1886.
From the Royal Geographical Society : — The Proceedings. Vol.
IX. No. 2. February, 1887.
From the Geological Society : — The Quarterly Journal. Vol.
XLIII. Part I. February i, 1887. No. 169.
From the Royal Institute of British Architects : — The Journal of
Proceedings. Vol. III. Nos. 8 and 9.
From the Anthropological Institute : — The Journal. Vol. XVI.
No. 3. February, 1887.
[No. Lxvii. 107
Mar. I] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1S87.
From the Royal Archaeological Institute : — The Archreological
Journal. Vol. XLIII. Nos. 171 and 172. 1886.
From the Royal Northern Society of Antic^uaries — Aarboge:
1886 II. Roekke; i. Bind; 3. Hefte
From L'Academie Impdriale des Sciences de St. Petersoourg —
Melanges Asiatiques. Tome IX. Livr. 2. 1886.
From the American Oriental Society : — Proceedings at Newhaven.
October, 1886. (Vol. XIII).
From La Societe d' Anthropologic de Lyon. Bulletin. Tome IV.
1885.
From the Bibliotheca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze : — Bolletino
delle Publicazioni Italiane, &c. 1887. Num. 26 and 27.
From the Author : — La Stele de Mesa, examen critique du texte.
Par M. Clermont-Ganneau.
Extrait du Journal Asiatique. 1887.
From the Author : — On the Etymology of Nekasim. By Prof.
Paul Haupt, Ph.D.
The following were nominated for election at the next
Meeting on 3rd May, 1887 : —
Ernest George Harmer, 88, Buckingham Road, N.
E. C. Hulme, 18, Philbeach Gardens, South Kensington, W.
Rev. Howard Crosby, D.D., LL.D., 116, East 19th Street, New
York City, U.S.A.
Miss Rebecca Scott Lowrey, 2083, Fifth Avenue, New York
City, U.S.A.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
The Library of the Newton Theological Institution, Newton
Centre, Mass., U.S.A.
A Paper by W. C. Thurman, " The Chronology of the
Bible," was read by the Secretary.
108
.Mar. i] proceedings. [1887.
The President read a Paper by Professor E. Amelineau ,
" On the Sahidic Translation of the Book of Job."
Version Thebaine du Livre de Job.
Parmi les livres de I'Ancien Testament nul n'a ete plus etudie
et plus admire, a juste titre, que le Livre de Job. L'Egypte chretienne
semble avoir partage notre admiration et notre predilection modernes
pour cette ceuvre sublime du genie hebreu. De tres-bonne heure
Job etait devenu un personnage tres populaire dans la vallee du Nil
et dans la Haute-Egypte. Les moines aimaient a se le proposer
comme I'exemple de la patience et de la resignation. En outre le
merveilleux qui entoure Taction du poeme au commencement et
a la fin convenait particulierement au genie egypto-chretien. Je
croirais meme volontiers que les longs discours de Job et de ses
amis faisaient pen d'impression sur les moines on les simples fideles
d'Egypte ; on ne trouve que tres-rarement dans les ceuvres coptes
des citations textuelles du livre de Job. A part quelques passages
cel^bres, comme les versets 23 et 24 du chapitre xix, si remarquables
par la vigueur de I'expression,* les Coptes se sont peu pre'occupes du
texte ; ils ne sont jamais doutes que les deux versets qui suivent le
passage que je viens d'indiquer devaient servir d'occasion et d'armes
pour I'une des plus vigoureuses luttes de la science contemporaine.
En revanche, ils prisaient fort les dialogues de Satan avec Dieu, les
recits de la maladie de Job et de la mort de ses enfants, surtout
I'apparition du Seigneur sur un nuage pour terminer le debat toujours
pendant. Rien ne montre mieux la popularite de Job parmi les
moines d'Egypte que le fait suivant. Tout le monde salt quel amour
les anciens Egyptiens avaient pour I'art de I'ecriture ; leurs de-
scendants Chretiens ont conserve et conservent encore cet amour a
eux legue de generation en generation par leurs peres, depuis long-
temps endormis dans la montagne ou sous leurs pyramides. Les
scribes Chretiens ont soigne leurs ecrits de telle maniere qu' aujourd'hui
encore ils font I'admiration de ceux qui les voient. Ces heureux scribes
avaient leurs personnages de predilection, et ils prouvaient cette pre-
dilection en mettant le portrait de leurs preferes en tete ou a la fin de
* Le passage en question est cite dans I'abrege memphitique de la vie de
Theodore, disciple de Pachome. II sert a montrer aux cenobites recalcitrants
qu'on pent et qu'on doit ecrire la vie des serviteurs de Dieu.
109
Mar. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1887,
leur copie. C'est ce qui est arrive pour Job, et la maniere dont on
a peint le partriarche de Hus montre bien qu'orj etait intimement
persuade n'avoir pas affaire avec un personnage vulgaire.
Dans I'un des manuscrits qui sert a cette publication, le juste
[oh, comme ne manquent jamais de le dire les ecrivains coptes, est
represente entoure de ses filles. II porte une courte tunique, una
cuirasse et un manteau militaire agrafe sur I'epaule droite. Sa tete
est coiffee d'un diademe orne de pierres precieuses ; son menton est
entoure d'une barbe longue et soyeuse ; toute la figure est ceinte d'un
nimbe lumineux. De la main droite, il tient une lance ; de la
gauche, un globe, symbole de la puissance. On voit que ce devait
etre en son temps un roi fort puissant. Les filles ne sont ni moins-
belles, ni moins richement ornees que leur pere ; ce sont princesses
royales ou imperiales, telles qu'on les representait chez les Coptes,
eleves des peintres byzantins.
II est malheureux qu'aucun des manuscrits qui nous ont conserve
la version thebaine du Livre de Job ne porte de date. D'apres le
type des lettres et des ornements, je serais assez porte a croire que
les manuscrits en question ont du etre ecrits au sixieme, sinon au
septieme siecle, en pleine periode de la domination byzantine en
Egypte. Ces manuscrits, j'ai hate de le dire, sont au nombre de
trois, dont deux se trouvent a Rome au musee de la Propagande, et
I'autre a la bibliotheque du m\i?,€e sati-Fei-di?ia?ido a Naples. lis sont
completement inedits. Par un hasard heureux ou malencontreux,
comme Ton voudra, ils se suivent les uns les autres, quoiqu'ils ne
soient pas de la meme main, Ils n'offrent aucun passage, aucun
verset qui se rencontre dans deux manuscrits. Cependant quelques
versets nous ont ete conserves dans le Cod. xcix du Musee Borgia,*
comme faisant partie de I'oftice de la Paque. Le texte de ce manu-
scritpresente quelques variantes, mais de peu d'importance ; d'ailleurs
on ne pent y attacher quelque valeur, parce que le dit manuscrit est
crible de fautes, comme il est facile de le conslater pour les Evan-
giles et les Epitres, sans parler de I'Ancien Testament.
Avec de pareils elements, il est done impossible de faire une
edition critique vraiment digne de ce nom ; si je I'entreprenais, je
m'exposerais h. donner quelque fois pour la version antique une
version qui serait simplcment mienne. Peut-etre sera-t-il toujours im-
* Voici ces passages: xxiii, 2^xxiv, 29; xxvii, 16 — xxviii, i; xxix, 21 —
XXX, 29.
no
Mar. i] proceedings. [1SS7.
possible de faire une pareille edition, a moins que quelque heureux
hasard ne fasse rnettre la main sur de nouveaux manuscrits. Telle,
•cependant, que j'ai I'honneur de la presenter au public savant, la
version thebaine du Livre de Job est a peu pres complete. II n'y a
•qu'une seule lacune, lacune importante, il est vrai, mais relativement
petite, puis qu'elle commence au verset 8 du chapitre xxxix, pour
iinir au verset 8 du chapitre xl, soit 34 versets, en s'en rapportant au
texte des Septante. Quoique ce soit encore pour moi une question
indecise de savoir si I'Ancien Testament a ete en entier traduit par
les Coptes sur les Septante, et quoique je sois assez portea croire qu'il
y a eu tout au moins plusieurs traductions faites sur les traduction
■des Septante, il n'y a toute fois aucun doute a entretenir sur la tra-
duction de Livre de Job ; elle a bien ete faite d'apres la traduction
grecque connue sous le nom des Septante. Le dernier verset du
livre, verset qui ne se trouve ni dans le texte hebreu tel que nous
I'avons aujourd'hui, ni dans la Vulgate, mais qui se trouve dans la
traduction the'baine, en est une preuve convaincante, je crois. Je
dois faire observer aussi qu'un certain nombre de versets manquent
■dans la version thebaine, sans qu'il y ait lacune du nianuscrit ; en
.outre dans les passages qui se retrouvent dans le Cod. xcix du Musee
Borgia, ces memes versets sont absents, sans que je puisse me rendre
compte de cette absence, autrement que par I'etourderie ou I'inatten-
tion des scribes, ce qui ne me parait guere satisfaisant.
Quoiqu'il en soit je presente au public savant, a tous ceux qui
recherchent avidement tous les vestiges laisses dans les ceuvres de
Tesprit humain en quelque pays que ce soit, par des livres regardes
■comme sacres et e'minemment respectables, je presente, dis-je,
la version thebaine du Livre de Job, telle que je I'ai rencontree.
Les uns y trouveront matiere a leur admiration religieuse, les autres
matiere a leurs recherches scientifiques et linguistiques, tous lumiere
'Ct profit. Au point de la seule langue, la version thebaine du Livre
de Job sera, j'ose le croire, d'une grande utilite, a cause de la
multiplicite des sujets traites par I'auteur de ce livre merveilleux, qui
:semble a distance un resume encyclopedique de toutes les con-
naissances que I'auteur avait, ou qu'on avait a I'epoque de I'auteur, en
fait de philosophie et d'histoire naturelle. Le dictionnaire de la
langue copte sera enrichi de mots nouveaux, et surtout d'une foule de
formes nouvelles. Afin de ne rien laisser au hasard des corrections
ou des restitutions, j'ai reproduit les manuscrits tels quels, et je me
suis contente de souligner d'un mot les fautes par trop evidentes.
Ill
Mar. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1887.
Pour toutes ces raisonsj'aicru quenulle Societe ne pouvait entre-
prcndre cette publication h. plus juste titre que la Societe d'Archeo-
logic hihlique, qui a rendu et rend tant de services aux etudes
scientifiques, religieuses et chretiennes.
Bruxelles, 13 Kvrier, 1887.
This paper, with the Coptic text of the Book of Job, will
be printed in a future part of the Society's publications.
Remarks were added by the Rev. Canon Bcechey and the
President.
A Paper on " The Caaba and Mosque of Mecca," by Miss
Gonino, was read.
Arabia is as yet to the generality of people a terra incogjiita.
Few there are who are conversant with its language, history, or lite-
rature — fewer still who have cared to undergo the hardships which a
visit to El-Hejaz entails ; very little is known of the country, almost
nothing of its people and their inner life; yet it is a subject replete
with interest, and one which comes home to all Christian minds as
being intimately connected Avith the most ancient Biblical records,
and in days when students are ardently and energetically pursuing
their researches in the old as well as the new world, the time cannot
be far distant when the Arabic Peninsula will be made to yield up its
long forgotten lore. Broadly speaking, the Arabs, according to
Burton, may be divided into three races. These are: the autoch-
thones, or sub-Caucasian tribes, occuj^ying Mahrah and the coast
between Muscat and Hadramaut ; the Noachians, or Chaldeans
of Mesopotamia, who penetrated into Arabia about 2000 a.c, and
drove before them the owners of the soil, seizing on the best lands of
the peninsula; thirdly, the descendants of Ishmael, dating from
cir. 1900 A.c, who occupy theSinaitic Peninsula, and never extended
beyond the limits of these mountains, where they even to this day
"dwell in the presence of their brethren,'' and retain the simple
customs and the fierce ' spirit of their forefathers. They have an
admixture of Egyptian blood, recognized in Genesis, where it is said
that " his mother took him a wife out of Egypt."
The religion of the different tribes of Arabia down to the birth of
Mar. i] proceedings. [1S87.
Islamism seems to have been a very extensive polytheism. At one
time the Caaba, which was looked upon as a Pantheon common to
all, had no less than 360 statues of their various divinities. This
temple, and the Black Stone, are the only two objects of worship
which have survived the Arab heavenly host, and which Mohammed,
that greatest of iconoclasts, dared not destroy.
Aerolite worship, however, is not confined to Arabia. The
primitive emblem of Bonus Deus, Bona Dea, among the ancient
Italians was a round stone, which with their descendants has
dwindled down to, " buona donna," a sign-board representing a
headless woman. A black stone, said to have fallen from heaven, is
worshipped at Jagannath ; the cone and triangle were reverenced in
some parts of India, the pyramid in Egypt and Mexico, whilst in
Greece cones of terra cotta were held in high esteem.
The Hejazi is a short man, his complexion generally "dark
leonine," varying from the darkest Italian to a chocolate hue ; his
manners are simple and dignified, free from affectation or awkward-
ness ; his character is a mixture of determination, gentleness and
generosity, which does not exclude a certain amount of worldly
cunning. Brigandage is still in good repute among the dwellers
of El-Hejaz, and to die in a foray is considered a noble and
enviable death.
Mesha, Becca, Mecca, Om-el-Cora, the mother of cities, the
noble, capital of El-Hejaz and Arabia, the birth-place of tlie founder
of Islam, the holy city of Moslems, whose greatest desire is to
have seen it at least once in their lives, is built in a narrow sandy
valley, the direction of which extends from north to south. Burk-
hardt, who visited the place in 1809, calculates the inhabitants of
Mecca cir. 25,000 to 30,000, counting the suburbs; but owing to
political disturbances they fell to 18,000 a few years after he was
there. Its sole commerce and activity occur during the few days of
the pilgrimage, when Meccans and merchants may be said to make
the most of their opportunity.
The town belongs to the Beni-Hussain, Mohammed's descendants,
who bear a distinctive sign so as not to be confounded with the
other inhabitants of El-Hejaz : forty days after their birth, two
vertical incisions are made in the males' cheeks, and two others
near the right temple ; these cuts leave indelible marks, which last
all their lives, and the operation which ensures these ennobling scars
is styled Tashrit.
113
Mar. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.LOLOGV. [1SS7.
Towards the centre of the city rises the Mosque, which gives and
has given so great a lustre to Mecca, surrounding the Holy of Holies,
Beth-Allah, the Caaba, looked upon by Moslems as the first temple
raised by men to the glory of God. The temple or house, as it is
commonly called, stands towards the middle of the open square of
Mosque, measuring 22 paces by 18 paces, and from 40 to 50 feet in
height. It is built of fine grey granite, well fitted and cemented
together.
Tradition says that the Caaba was built no less than ten times ;
it was first constructed in heaven, 2,000 — some say 40,000 — years
before the creation of the world ; there worshipped by angels, whom
God commanded to perform the Tawaf or procession round the
Caaba, praising His Name the while.
Adam, according to the same tradition, was the first believer ; he
erected the Caaba on earth, precisely underneath the site it occupied
in heaven, collecting the stones on the five holy hills, />., Lebanon,
Sinai, Jur, Zeit, Ararat, and Hur or Hira, which latter afforded the
first stone. Ten thousand angels had the care of the edifice, but, as
the sequel will show, they do not appear to have been mindfiil of the
charge committed to them.
After him, Abraham and Ishmael received the commands of the
Almighty to rebuild this temple, which had been swept away in the
deluge. On digging the ground, they came upon the foundations left
by Adam, and being in want of a stone to mark the angle from which
the Taiif or procession was to begin, Ishmael went in search of one.
On his way to Gebel Kobeis, he met the angel Gabriel, holding in his
hand the famous Black Stone, or Ha jar el Asicad, which was of such
dazzling whiteness that its light could be seen at the distance of four
days' journey, but having wept much and sore on the sins of men, it
gradually became black. Another tradition says that it was touched
by an imi)ure woman, and forthwith turned opaque and black.
According to a third, it is the only object in the world which has
come straight from heaven. On the day of judgment it shall witness
in favour of those who touch it with a reverent and single heart : for
it contains the "document" placed by Allah on the day when He
made a solemn covenant with the sons of Adam. When the Caaba
was completed, God commanded Abraham to ascend Gebel-Sabir
and call the world to visit the holy place, "and all the sons of men
heard him, yea even the unborn, from that day to the day of
resurrection."
114
J'roceedings, Soc. Bxbl Arch' Feb J667.
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EXAMPLES OP INSCRTPITIONS FROM THE SAFA.
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Mar. i] proceedings. [1887.
The Amalikah (descended from Shem) were the first to settle
near Mecca ; they built the sixth house. The seventh house was
constructed by the Beni-Jorham. According to Moslems, Ishmael
married a daughter of this tribe, and for love of her forgot his mother
tongue to speak Arabic.
Kossai-bin-Kilab, fifth forefather of the prophet, rebuilt the
seventh house on Abraham's plan. It was his nephew Amer-ibn-Lahai
who filled it with idols, and persuaded his brethren to erect houses
near the Caaba, in which they dwelt during the day, but at night
they returned under their tents on the neighbouring hills.
This Caaba was accidentally burnt, and its walls were destroyed
by a swollen torrent. The Beni-Kassai were succeeded by the
Beni-Koreish, who rebuilt the Caaba ; but failing in money, they
curtailed its proportions and marked out its former limits with the
Hattim wall ; they closed the western door, and placed the south-
eastern entrance five feet above the ground, to prevent people getting
in without their leave. This took place when Mohammed was twenty
five years old. The historian Azrabi states that over one of the
columns nearest to the door, a woman was sculptured with a babe in
her lap, believed to be the Virgin Mary and the infant Christ ; it
is more likely, however, to have been an " Isis with Horus."
Ibn-Zobeyr, Ayisha's nephew, reconstructed the Caaba in 64 H.,
and brought it about the size it had during the supremacy of the
Beni-Kossai.
It was about this time that the edifice was called Ca'aba, a word
derived from Ca'ab, die, cube, the shape the building had assumed.
The main portion of the edifice as it now stands, is the work of
Hajjaj-ibn-Jusuf-el-Takasi, who reduced it to what it was at the
time of the Beni-Koreish, re-constructing the HattuB which had
been pulled down by Ibn-Zobeyr and its space comprised in the
Caaba. Since then the shape and size of the temple has remained
the same. The Abbassides during their sway enlarged the Caaba
at different times, and greatly contributed to its improvements.
The Caaba stands upon a base two feet in height, projecting
about one foot from the wall, composed of fine marble slabs, polished
like glass by the touch of innumerable pilgrims. The only door
which gives access within is on the south-east, ci?: seven feet from
the ground, and is opened, first for the admittance of pilgrims, and
five or six days after for the purifying and cleaning of the temple.
115
Mar. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1887.
The door is opened in this way : a movable ladder, the gift of a
Turkish sovereign, silver plated, is placed against the door, the
Sherif of Mecca ascends the ladder accompanied by his officials,
who keep aloft the Biirka, or portiere, whilst the Sherif opens the
door, kisses the threshold, and enters the sanctuary, remaining inside
the time necessary to recite one prayer and make two genuflexions.
When he has done, the other sheiks go through the same ceremony
in turn, after which the door is thrown open and the people enter,
exclaiming, " Oh, God, open for us the door of Thy mercy and Thy
forgiveness : Thou the most merciful of those who are merciful."
Vt'hen the cleaning of the Caaba takes place, the Sherif, or a
substitute, enters the temple together with the negro-warders and
the Sakkain, or water-carriers, who come with skins full of water,
which are handed on from hand to hand, until they reach the
Blackwatch at the door ; these pour the water on the floor of the
sanctuary and perfume it with rose-water. The Sherif, the high
personages and the negroes, with small palm brooms in their hands,
scour the floor, and the water which runs through an aperture under
the door is eagerly taken up by the vulgar throng, who drink and
sprinkle themselves with it as long as there is a drop to be had.
The cleaning over, a paste composed of amber and aloe-wood
moistened with rose-water, is made and spread on the uncovered
portion of the wall below the tapestry; perfumes are burnt in a
Mabkhara or censer, an appropriate prayer is recited, and all
depart.
The Caaba is 115 paces distant from the northern cloister of the
mosque, and 88 paces from the southern ; this want of symmetry
arises from its having been in existence prior to the mosque. The
interior of this celebrated temple consists of one single room, whose
roof is supported by three columns ; the only light and air it receives
is from the door, so that when filled with a multitude of jostling
fanatics it becomes almost a black Calcutta hole. The pavement is
of coloured marble in chequer-wise pattern ; the walls below the
tapestry, likewise of marble, are adorned with inscriptions in relievo.^
and with arabesques ; innumerable lamps, said to be of gold, hang
between the columns. The ceiling and the upper portion of the
walls are covered with handsome red silk, embroidered with a
running flowery pattern, and inscriptions in large silver letters. This
drapery is looped u^) six feet from the ground, so as to remove it
116
Mar. i] proceedings. [1887
from the hands of the pilgrims. At the north-east corner is a small
door leading to the roof, and never opened save for purposes of
repairs ; opposite to this, in the Black-Stone or Aswad corner, stands
a flat-topped cabinet, which in Ibn-Zobeyr's time used to contain the
fine copies of the Coran given to the mosque, which were destroyed
in the inundation which has already been mentioned, but now it is
empty.
On the south-east corner of the Caaba, near the door, stands the
famous Black Stone, or Hajar el Aswad, forming part of the angle of
the edifice, four or five feet from the ground. It is an irregular oval,
nearly seven inches in diameter, composed of various fragments, well
cemented together, and smoothed over by the touch of the devotees.
It is surrounded by a brown reddish cement slightly raised above the
surface ; both the stone and the cement are kept together by a
massive band of gold or silver gilt.
According to an Arabic manuscript this stone is the only object
in the world which having come down from heaven, is able to work
miracles, cure diseases, and make holy the blackest sinner. It is
related of a doctor of Cufa, who was seen to approach it reverently,
and who on being asked what proof he had that it was not a common
one, replied, "We have an infallible sign that when thrown into the
water it will float." The experiment was performed on the spot, and
confirmed the doctor's assertion. An Arab poet says concerning the
Black Stone : " The eye sees in it a wondrous beauty, similar to that
of a young bride ; such a pleasurable sensation is felt by the mouth
in kissing it, that the pilgrim wishes to go on for ever. This sensa-
tion is peculiar to it, and a divine grace in its favour. The prophet
declared it to be the right hand of Allah upon earth, and the proper
place to shed abundant tears."
The Hajar el Aswad has suffered frequently at the hands of the
iconoclastic Moslems. The first time was about 311 H., when both
Mecca and the Mosque were almost destroyed by the schismatic
Karmates, who, commanded by Abu-Dabehr, invaded El-Hejaz, took
possession of Mecca and plundered it; 50,000 inhabitants lost their
lives ; the Mosque and the Caaba were deprived of their ornaments
(the treasures of the temple had been stored underground against the
doubtful fortune of war). The Karmates departed after twenty days,
taking the stone to El-Hassa, a city near the Persian Gulf, in the
expectation that Moslems would flock thither to worship the stone,.
117
Mar. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1887.
and have with them the costly gifts which it had been the custom for
pilgrims from all parts of the world to bring to Mecca. But in this
they were disappointed, and after the death of Abu-Dabehr, who had
refused 50,000 denari for it, the Karmates in 339 H. returned it
gratis, experience having taught them that little was to be made out
of it, as few pilgrims took the trouble to go to El-Hassa to kiss it.
The stone consisted at that time of two pieces, having been broken
by a blow from a Karmate during the siege of the city.
In 411 H. it had a narrow escape of being destroyed by El-Hakim-
bi-Amr-Illah, Sultan of Egypt, who being afflicted with madness,
sent with the Pilgrims' Caravan an Egyptian with orders to destroy
the stone ; this emissary, provided with an iron club carefully hidden
under his cloak, walked up to it, and cried, " How long shall this
stone, as also Mohammed and Ali, be the objects of our worship ?
Let us put an end to this sacrilegious ciilfus, let us destroy this
temple, and let Islam disappear under its ruins." So saying he
dealt three heavy blows at the stone, whilst a body of armed men
belonging to the caravan were guarding the door of the Mosque,
ready to rush in to his assistance ; but they were unable to protect
him from the infuriated mob, and he was struck down by the dagger
of a Yevieiii. The men-at-arms were pursued, and on this occasion
the entire Egyptian caravan was plundered.
The last time the stone was illtreated was in 10S6 H., when it
and the door of the Caaba were found one morning covered with
dirt, so that all who kissed it retired with sullied beards. The
author of this nasty trick was sought in vain. The Persians were
suspected, but nothing could be proved against them.
The Meccans, however, who realize the saying, that " the nearest
the altar the farthest from God," are not sorry of a real or fictitious
" avanie " which gives them the opportunity of belabouring and
plundering the Persians, against whom they entertain a deep seated
religious hatred. On the north-west side of the Caaba, two feet
below its summit, is the famous Mizah or water-spout which carries
the rain-water collected on the roof, and discharges it on Tshmael's
grave, where pilgrims stand fighting to catch it. Moslems believe it
to be of massive gold, but Ali Bey gives it as his opinion that it is
only gilt brass. The pavement round the Caaba under the water-
spout was laid down in 827 H. ; it consists in a mosaic of coloured
stones, in the centre of which are two large slabs of beautiful verde
118
Mar. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
a?itico, which according to Macrizi were sent from Cairo 241 H,
Moslem tradition places here the tomb of Ishmaei and his mother,
and pilgrims pray at both. Here too is a semicircular wall, the
extremities of which are in a line with the sides of the Caaba, and
distant from it four or five feet, leaving an opening which leads to
Ishmael's tomb. The wall bears the name of Hattii/i, and the area
which it encloses is called Hijr (separated), on account of its having
been separated from the Caaba, of which, at different periods, it
formed an integral part. The law accepts the Hijr as a portion of
the Caaba ; so that it is considered as meritorious to pray in the
Hijr as in the Caaba itself, and pilgrims who have not the oppor-
tunity of praying in the latter, have the right to aver that their
prayers were recited within the Caaba, although they have only
bowed in its precincts. The Taica f roxxnd the Caaba is performed
outside the Hattim, but as close to it as possible.
The pavement round the Caaba is of fine grey granite, polished
like glass by the feet of the Faithful. About eight inches below the
level of the main court, describing an irregular oval, it is surrounded
by 32 slender gilt columns; between every two are suspended
numerous lamps, always burning after sunset. This oval walk is
called El Mattaf, or place of Tawaf. Beyond it is a second pave-
ment, slightly higher, followed by a third which you approach by a
step, and is occupied by the five Makaiiis or chapels, the well
Zemzem, the arch Bab-es-Salam, and the Mavibar or pulpit.
The Makams are distributed about the four sides of the Caaba ;
four of them are named after the founders of the four orthodox
schools. They are, the Hanafi, Hambali, Meleki, and Shafei. In
these the Imams take up their position to direct the prayers of their
communities. The Makam Shafei encloses the well Zemzem, and
has an upper story where the JMuazzin ascends to call the Faithful
to prayers. On the ground floor is an entrance leading to the well-
room, which from early morn till twelve at night is filled with
pilgrims drinking or having pails of holy water poured over them, to
make the man inwardly and outwardly clean. The mouth of the
well is fenced round by a parapet five feet high and ten feet in
diameter. On this wall stand the Sakkain with their skins, ready to
let them down at the pilgrims' desire ; an iron railing protects them
from falling in.
The well Zemzem is believed to be the one shown to Hagar and
119
Mar. SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1887.
Ishmael by the angel Gabriel, when they were ready to faint from
thirst and fatigue. The word is differently explained. Some derive
it from Zam Zam, or murmuring of its waters, others fill, fill (the
bottle), Hagar's exclamation when she saw the spring. However it
may be, Meccans hold it as a wonderful miracle that the well should
ever keep at the same level, notwithstanding the quantity of water
drawn from it. They advise pilgrims to break their fast with it, to
apply it the eyes to brighten the vision, and to drink a few drops at
the hour of death to ensure their safe and speedy passage into eternal
bliss. Pilgrims therefore on leaving Mecca take with them as many
earthen jars covered with basket-work as they can conveniently carry,
to distribute among friends less privileged than they, or to keep for
personal use. The water, according to most travellers, is heavy,
bitter, and lukewarm, not differing in any respect from other springs
in Hejaz, whose water is somewhat brackish ; if indulged in rather
freely, it produces pimples and other disagreeables, which makes
strangers prefer rain-water collected in cisterns for drinking purposes.
The mosciuc surrounding tlie Caaba is remarkable only for the
vast proportions of its dimensions, the open court measuring no less
than 257 paces by 210 paces; none of the sides of which run in a
perfect straight line, although the first impression is that of a regular
form. The court is surrounded on the eastern side by columns four
deep, and from three to four deep along the other sides, united by
pointed arches ; a thousand lamps given by the Faithful hang between
these arches. The columns, nearly 600 in number, are more than
20 feet high, and one-and-a-half in diameter ; little thought was
bestowed on their regularity, so that some are of white marble, others
of granite, and others of Mecca stone. Springing from every four
columns may be seen a small cupola, whitewashed and plastered
outside, and seven minarets, as well as many towers and pinnacles,
which are distributed among the arcades and at the corners. The
floor of the colonnades is paved with large stones, and eight pave-
ments, each rising above the other, extend from the outside to the
centre of the square occupied by the Caaba. Nineteen gates open
into the inner court : these gates have no doors, so that the mosque
stands open night and day.
The outside walls of the mosque are formed by the houses sur-
rounding it on all sides ; these dwellings belonged formerly to the
temple, but are now the property of individuals, who let them out at
120
Mar. • PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
very hig-n prices during the pilgrimage. People vvno occupy neui
have the privilege of performing their devotions at home ; for seeing
the Caaba is equivalent to being in it and joining in the religious
exercises of the Faithful.
Moslems who perform the pilgrimage must, according to the
places they enter Hejaz,* stop at different stations, and go through
various ceremonies carefully and minutely noted down by the
prophet himself. Each Hadji, when arrived at one of these,
prepares to enter the holy city in this wise : he first sets aside his
dust travelled clothes, goes through a thorough ablution and a rather
elaborate toilet, perfuming himself with musk and aloe-wood, and
when he has put on the iriiam, or white pilgrim's cloak, he receives
the name of mohrin, pure, and in this garb he proceeds to Mecca on
foot, reciting aloud a long psalm, not a word of which is to be
slurred over or missed, referring to an old legend which makes
Abraham the builder of the Caaba.
On entering Mecca, the Hadji recites aloud a special prayer,
visits the mosque, going through the gate Es-Salama (welcome), and
leaves his shoes at the door (which are apt to be purloined, especially
if new) ; he advances slowly towards the Caaba, and approaches the
Black Stone or Hajar el As wad \ kisses it if the throng of devotees
does not prevent him, or touches it with his hand, which he carries to
his lips ; sometimes indeed he has to be satisfied with the indirect
contact of his staff. Immediately after this first ceremony the
l)ilgrims perform the Tavvaf, which consists in going seven times
round the Caaba, beginning at the east angle of the Black Stone, and
following the main facade where the door stands ; thence pacing
slowly round the north, outside Ishmael's stones, and the west
corner, until they reach the south angle, when they touch the stone
with the right hand and kiss the finger tips (great care being taken
lest the end of their ihram should touch the uncovered basement of
the Caaba) ; then they draw their hands over their faces, reciting
some prayers the while, and when they have returned to the south
angle, the hands are again raised as before ; they let them fall, recite
some more special praises to Allah, kiss the stone, and so the first
round or Shaiit is done.
* This word Hejaz wants a little explanation, for it includes a large space of
ground ; the pilgrims from India perform the ceremony described below on
board ship, at a point where they are supposed to enter the Hejaz.
121
Mar. I] SOCIETY OK BIBLICAL ARCIIyEOLOGV. [1S87.
The traditional rule requires the last turns to be done slowly •
moreover, during the whole of the Taiif the pilgrim must have great
care to keep his face and left shoulder turned towards the stone ;
then passing out of Bab-el-Safa, he ascends the height bearing the
same name, and performs the Sat, or "running," between it and
Mount MarauaJi, his face ever turned in the direction of the Caaba,
advancing and receding alternately in a given space, to recall the
wanderings of Hagar and Ishmael in the wilderness, after their
expulsion from Abraham's tent.
The pilgrim then returns to Mecca, without, however, divesting
himself of the iriiani, for he is supposed to meditate on the im-
portant ceremony he has just accomplished ; but should his pious
zeal prompt him, he may repeat his visits to the Caaba as often as
he pleases down to the end of the pilgrimage. But this is not all :
before leaving the holy city he has many other religious duties to
perform. The day of sacrifice (in remembrance of Abraham offering
his son Isaac) falls on the 8th oi iiU Hijjah (pilgrimage) ; on that day
(i2th September), a little after sunrise, the pilgrim directs his steps
towards El-Mina, a straggling village three miles distant from Mecca,
sacred to Moslems as the burial place of Adam ; then he proceeds
to Mount Arafat * (Holy), which owes its name to the following
legend : When our first parents were driven out of paradise, because
they had eaten wheat, which deprived them of their innocence, they
were cast upon earth. Eve descended upon Arafat, and Adam at
Ceylon ; but Adam unable to live without his wife determined to
seek her. He forthwith began a journey to which our globe owes its
present configuration : for wherever our first parent placed his foot, a
town in the course of time arose. After wandering for many years,
he reached the mountain of Mercy (Arafat), and as he drew near he
heard Eve calling his name. He hastened in the direction whence the
voice proceeded, and saw her from whom he had been separated for
so long, and to their re-union the name of Arafat is due. Here
Adam was duly instructed by the archangel to erect a Madaa, house
of prayer, and here they dwelt until their death.
After a day's journey and many prayers, the Hadjis halt at the
foot of Arafat, and the next day they set off again, traverse
El-Meshar-el-Haram, hurry through the Osnah-Hassar, accursed
valley, until they come to Meshialla Mina.
* Called " holy " above.
122
Mar. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS7.
Here they go through a series of ceremonies referring to long
forgotten legends, whose true import is wholly unsuspected by the
performers themselves ; after which they must each take up seven
stones and hurl them at Shaitan-el-Cabir (the common enemy of the
human race), with averted faces, crying Bismillah, " in the name of
Allah." This done each pilgrim may turn his attention to the sacri-
ficing of the victim he has brought with him, and if a good Moslem,
he will distribute it among friends, and especially the poor. Finally,
after another tedious toilet, he returns, to Mecca, where he resumes
his devotions at the Caaba, which on the third day of the pilgrimage
has had the old Kisiaa removed, cut up, and sold to the devotees.
On its being taken down from the temple there follows a scramble for
the dust which has collected and stuck to the walls, and which the
people keep or sell as a relic. And now the outside of the Caaba is
entirely hung with the black damask covering, which leaves no por-
tion of it exposed save the roof, the basement, the space occupied by
the Hajar-el-Aswad, and the Burka. A broad stripe embroidered with
gold runs the whole way round the upper portion, with the following
words of the Coran, " God has made the Caaba to be a holy house,
a house destined to be a station for the sons of men; He has
appointed a holy month, the offering of sheep, and all the ornaments
depending from the victims, that ye may know that He sees all that
is done in Heaven above and on the earth beneath."
The Kiswa is made in Cairo at the Sultan's expense. After the
feast of Ramadan it is transferred from the manufactory to the
Hassanein mosque, and whilst there, on stated days, ladies of high
and low degree help in sewing or finishing off some portion of the
embroidery, it being accounted among the good deeds which even
women can perform. When completed it is despatched to Mecca
with the pilgrims' caravan. The Viceroy, accompanied by all the
grandees of the realm, and thousands of spectators, assemble in the
Cara-meydan (square) beneath the citadel, together with all the reli-
gious denominations and various guilds with their flags and music.
From this square the departure of the Kiswa takes place. The
necessary orders being given, and the requisite papers delivered by
the Khedive, the procession files out, headed by the military, the
corporations, horsemen, and camels, carrying the Mehmal or box on
a camel with the carpet ; the caravan Sheikh follows immediately
after, riding a camel, then the high functionaries in full uniform, and
123
Mar. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1887.
lastly another body of troops close the march. Guns give the signal
for starting ; the city is traversed from end to end ; they pass out at
Bab-el-Nasr, and halt at Berket-el-Haj, the centre of the pilgrims'
rendezvous. The day is kept as a general holiday ; the whole popu-
lation is out in the streets through which the pageant is to pass.
The Kiswa does not vary in colour, shape, or design. At first the
new covering is looped up by means of ropes fastened to the roof,
and suffered to hang down in festoons, so that the lower portion of
the building remains uncovered ; by-and-bye the carpet is let down,
and secured in the basement brass rings. The ropes which support
the Kisica not being very tight, the slightest breath of wind causes it
to undulate. This the throng assembled round the edifice welcome
with prayers, for they imagine the swaying is produced by the flapping
of guardian angels, of whom 70,000 have the care of the Caaba, and
will carry it straight to heaven on the last day.
The custom of covering and uncovering the Caaba is not of
Mussulman origin. It existed already among the heathen Arabs, when
there were two carpets, one for summer and the other for winter.
The Kiswa was given successively by the Emirs of Yemen, the
Commanders of Bagdad, and the Sultans of Egypt, according to the
degree of power exercised over Mecca; forgiving the Caaba carpet was
tantamount to assuming the sovereignty over Hejaz. Kalaun, sultan
of Egypt, obtained this exclusive right for himself, his descendants
and successors, which the Sultans of Constantinople have inherited
from him. Kalaun assigned the revenue of two villages to defray the
expenses of the carpet ; later on Soliman the Magnificent added
several others. But to return to the Hadji. After another pilgrim-
age to Muna, a farewell visit to the Caaba and the well Zemzem, he
must hasten to leave Mecca as si)eedily as possible, for fear of
transgression, which in his state of grace would make his punishment
seventy-fold more terrible.
Burton calculates the number of pilgrims who repair yearly to
Mecca at about 50.000, a considerable falling off since the days when
Burkhardt and Ali-Bey visited the place.
Rcmark.s were added by the Rev. Canon Becchey, Mr.
P. R. Reed, Mr. J. Offord, and the President.
Thanks were returned for these Communications,
124
Mar. i]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1887.
The following Communication has been received from
A. Macalister, M.D., F.R.S., Cambridge :—
An Inscription of the Thirteenth Dynasty in the
Dublin National Museum.
In the National Museum of Ireland there is a block of black
basalt which originally formed the pedestal of a statue, and which
in general appearance is not unlike the Saite pedestal, whose in-
scription I recently communicated to the Society.
The remains of the feet of the statue are still attached to the
stone, and on the flat face of the pedestal there are three lines of
well-cut, incuse hieroglyphs, which form a part of a funeral inscrip-
tion. The characters, as usual, read from right to left, and are as
follows : —
(0
■X^&t nebt
A/l thins:s
nefer
sood
abt
pure
1 \
anx-ta neter am
which the Goas are fed upon
(2) u
en ka en nemu em Uast Sebek-em-sa-f ma^eru
to the spirit of the Neimi ifi Thebes Sebek-emsaf justified
(3)
.<2>-
ar-n
son of
\
L Q
L |]
^Jjq
ur suten sa (?) Sebek - tutu - beba
^'^ifthc ^^^^'''y ^'"y^^ magistrates Sebek - tutu - beba
maxeru
justified
neb amax
the faithful one.
The two persons mentioned on this stone are well-known historical
characters. On the limestone slab in the Louvre numbered c. 13,
the genealogy of the whole family is given, and we there learn that
the royal magistrate Sebek -tutu -beba was the husband of the lady of
125
Mar. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1887.
the house Tuau-ra-nefert, and that his fourth son was the personage
here referred to, Sebek-em-saf, who filled the office of Afer-sent, or
" Superintendent of the Storehouse."
A stele in the Bibliotheque Nationale carries this genealogy a
step farther back, and tells us that the scribe and magistrate Sebek-
tuta-beba was the son of Sebek-hotep and his wife Hepiu. This
Sebek-hotep was probably the son of the ErJ>a Seneb, and nephew
of Sebek-hotep IV, the son of Mentu-hotep.
We have thus five generations of this family commemorated in
monumental history, the first of whom lived in the reign of the
20th king of the Xlllth Dynasty, according to the Turin list, or
about B.C. 2000, and the last in the days of the Queen Nubchas,
the contemporary, and probably the wife of Sebek-hotep VI, the
26th king of the same dynasty.
It is interesting to note that in the name Sebek-em-saf the marks
of the plural are interposed between the sa and the f, both in the
Paris and Dublin monuments. In one later stele of an Emsaf there
is a single mark under the sa. Such plural marks in names are not
uncommon, but are usually terminal, and very seldom precede an f.
I know however of one case in a stele in Turin (Vestibule, No. 18)
where there is the name ^ /c= ^ W^ •
The office held by Sebek-em-saf is not well understood. There
is another monument of a Nemu named Mentu-hetep in the Museo
Civico, Palazzo Correr, Venice, described by Dr. Wiedemann in the
Proceedings of this Society (1886, p. 90), and dating from the Xllth
Dynasty. This stele describes the office as | y ^ ^ ^^
" Nemu of the keeper of the palace."
From its connection with / y\ (^ the tongue (connected with
I ^\ Y::> iterareX and such uses as that in the Metternich Stele,
1 _MSf Ji . . n tk X ek / , w , '
where the sense is verbal in the phrase iJ ^^ f ^v - 'I } ' ' '
" Thou pronouncest thy spells," and some other examples, it is
evident that a Nemu was a speaker; and in the stele of Ra-hotep at
Boulaq, who was, like Sebek-tutu-beba, one of the thirty magistrates,
the word Nemu is used in the sense of pronouncing a judgment
or sentence. Wiedemann translates it "speaker" (with a query).
Chabas renders it " reporter," and others have proposed " inter-
126
Mar. 1] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
preter" or ''envoy." Unfortunately this inscription throws no hght
on this point, except so far as it links it with a place, and calls him
the Nemu in Thebes.
As to the nature of the post held by Sebek-tutu-beba, we have
no clear knowledge as to the phonetic value of the characters which
express it. It may be, as Chabas conjectured, connected with the
D _p mentioned in the "Travels of an Egyptian" (Chabas,
"Voyage," p. 271), but this is uncertain. These thirty great royal
magistrates seem to have constituted the high court referred to by
the Greeks, a judicial board something like the court of the seventy
D'^^pf, whom Moses appointed to judge the Israelites more than
six centuries later. I do not know of any variant of the title which
gives any information as to the name of the office.*
The following Communication has been received from
Robert Brown, Jun., F.S.A. : —
On Euphratean Names of the Constellation Ursa Major.
What was the original Euphratean name of the constellation
Ursa Major, not the extended Great Bear of a modern star-map,
but
' ApKTov, i]v Koi "Afta^av t7riK\rjaiu KoXeovaiv,
which heads the Northern Signs, as OrioJi the Southern, and which,
Orion-like, consists of seven protagonistic stars, arranged by four
and three? The Bear is named sakh in Akkadian, the Assyrian
dabu, Heb. dob, and Arabic dub. Thus the star a Ursce Majoris is
now styled Diibhe {= Arabic dubbeh, "she-bear"), and the Arabic
name of the sign is Al-dub-al-akbar (" the Great-bear "). But the
Arabian nomenclature is borrowed from the classical, the native
* The President has kindly directed my attention to the passage in the
inscription of Aahmes at El Kab, in line 10, where it is said that his deeds of
valour were told to the Nemu, as a preliminary step towards his receiving royal
rewards, so that apparently it was his duty to report to the sovereign. It is
probable, therefore, that the official was like the Hebrew "l^STO, a recorder. For
this reference, and several other valuable suggestions, I desire to express my most
sincere thanks,
^27
Mar. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCILl^lOLOGY. [1SS7.
Arabian names for the two Bears being the Great and Little Coffins,
or Biers, in reference to their slow and solemn motion round the
pole. So the three tail-stars of Ursa Major are called Benetnasch
(" The -daughters -of- the -bier ").
Lenormant translated line 2 of the Fifth Tablet of the Creation
Legend : —
2. " Des etoiles il leur attribua, les etoiles de la grande ourse
(LU. masi) il fixa."
He adds, " Dans un proclain travail je justifierai cette interpre'tation "
{Les Origines, i, 499) ; but his lamented death prevented his further
treatment of the matter, and I know of no special reason in favour
of this view, whilst there are numerous considerations against it
{Vide R.B., Jun., Erida?ms, 65).
Euphratean astronomy knew a Kakkabu Dahi, a " Star (or Con-
stellation) of the Bear;" but it was not apparently a prominent
member of the heavenly host, and was connected with misfortune
( Vide Sayce, in Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch., Vol. Ill, page t 76). Of course
the constellational Bear of one nation may, or may not, be identical
with the constellational Bear of another. " A fragmentary planis-
phere," says Professor Sayce, " places the star Lid immediately above
seven dots, under which is written, ' Bel who goes before the star.'
Now Z/^/ was included among ' the stars of Martu,' or ' the west,' and
since Tammuz was ' the month of Martu,' it would seem that the
seven dots represented Ursa Major. . . . The words underneath
would fix the day of the month to which the planisphere belonged,
since the revolution of the moon was called Bel from the tenth to
the fifteenth day" {Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch., Vol. Ill, page 172).
And, having quoted another inscription relating to portents drawn
from the positions of Mars, in which we read : —
'■''Mars to Bcl-the- Confronter is opposite,"
he observes : — " Bel -the -Confronter ... is perhaps to be identified
with the ' Bel who goes before the star ' in the planisphere to which
I have referred. In this case it would denote the Great Bear from
the eleventh to the fifteenth days of the moon's age."
Of course the JF^zVz-stars, which are so prominent,
" Shining with ample light when night begins,"
as Aratos says, would be specially represented in the Euphratean
scheme; and the title "the Confronter" is exceedingly appropriate
J28
Mar. i] PROCEEDIIS'GS. [1887.
to this large and remarkable star-combination, ever before us (weather
permitting) and untouched by ocean. Professor Sayce once sugges-
ted to me that perhaps " ' the god seven,' so frequently mentioned in
the Inscriptions," is connected with the Bear. The planets, Orion,
and Ursa Major form three remarkable groups of sevens ; and seven
stars in a group are often represented on the cylinders, some fifteen
instances being given in Lajard's Culte de Mithra. Thus in
Plate XXX, Fig. 7, we have the Sun and Moon in human form, the
eight-rayed solar star over the head of the former, and the crescent
over the head of the latter ; close by the crescent are seven stars in
two rows of four and three, representing, as I believe, the Wain-^iaxs,
the limits of the original Ursa Major. {Cf. Plate xxxii, Fig. 11;
Plate Liv, Fig. 5). The Sun and Moon being separately represented,
it is not probable that the seven circles stand for the seven planets.
The seven circles in the shape of the letter A, attached to the
crescent-moon in Plate liva;, Fig. 7, symbolize, I believe, the days
of the week. {Cf. Plate lxix. Fig. 16).
I have always thought that Professor Max Miiller's well-known
explanation of the mental process by which, according to him, Ursa
Major obtained her name, i.e., the connexion in idea between nksha
(= (i) bright, (2) bear), arktos, ursa, and the seven "Sages"
(i?ishis), was very conclusive. Mr. A. Lang's objection that this ex-
planation cannot be accepted unless it could be shown that every star-
name arose in a similar way {Custom and Myth, 2nd edition, page 139
et seq.), practically asserts that only one line of thought could enter
the human mind in a stellar connexion, a proposition which it is
unnecessary to discuss. History and philology, as far as I am
acquainted with them on the subject, alike point to an Aryan
origin of Ursa Major ; and, further, there is every reason to believe
that Ursa Minor, another group of seven stars also lying in a paral
lelogram of four with a tail of three, is a reduplication of her greater
sister, and not an archaic constellation. {Vide R.B., Jun., "77/^
Heavenly Display" of Aratos, page 16.)
And here let me refer to a passage in Achilleus Tatios, sometimes
overlooked, and at others misquoted : — " 'Ej/ t;J tCov Slr^viriiixiv
acjyaipa ome o ^puicwv iajiv vofii ^OytieJ^ov 1^ ouojua^6/iei'09 otWe upKTOi' ovre
K'J/061's. aW erepa ff^iyytiaTa etBwXwv. ovtw Se Kcii iv rij rwv 'KaXccn'wv."
{E'laa^/ui^/rj, xxxix.) This testimony, when we consider (i) its
positive character, (2) the knowledge of the ^vriter, and (3J the
129
Mar. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1887.
preservation of the various " spheres " unaltered, except in trifles,
from age to age, may be fairly regarded as conclusive so far as the
Bfcrrs are concerned. It is also in exact agreement with the general
historical evidence on the matter ; and it is noteworthy that Mr.
Proctor, working on another line of investigation; had arrived at a
■similar result so far as Draco and Ursa Minor are concerned, and
gives a picture of a winged Dragon, as he sees it in the skies {Easy
Star Lessons, Fig. 7, page 25), in the place of the great Serpent,
remarking elsewhere, '"It is impossible not to recognize, from the
configuration of this constellation, that the ancients" [say rather
" the archaics "] looked on the stars which form the Lesser Bear as
forming a wing of Draco" {Half-Hours with the Stars, page 15).
Hesychios gives, Aa(3ov\)'j, jI'/jkto?, XaXccuoi. But he merely refers to
the actual animal, as when he mentions TunaXij, KafirjXo's, Tra/ja
XaXcaioii: The form da/BovXi] = dadu {dahou) + some other
(unknown) word, or may possibly have originally been hajiova
(SIT ^- m^, da-bu-ti).
Bel-mi-khi-ra (" Bel-the-Confronter ") is probably the Semitic
equivalent of an Akkadian name ; and one of the equivalents of the
As. belli, "lord," is Ak. AK (= AG). The As. makhirtu, "front"
= Ak. NA, which also means "sky," " prince," being, as Lenormant
observes, " modification de ANA par elision de la voyelle initiale "
{Etude sur quelques parties des Syllabaires Cnnciformes, page 321).
Hence "the Lord in front," or " Confronting-lord," would represent
the Ak. Ag-ana (" Lord of heaven.") Now, turning to Hesychios,
we find, ' A^iuvva. ci/^ia^a. Kal y ev ovpai'iv d'/J/CTO?. Q.E.D,
It is, of course, quite to be expected that a remarkable archaic
Euphratean name would be preserved by Hesychios ; just as
we find in his Lexicon, ^avrj (= As. save, sawe, sa?ne, " the
heavens," Heb. shamayim), o k6(t/ho's BaftvXwvio^: 'Aui'j^ (= Ak.
/du, the full moon), ?) acXijinj Trapa Xa\c«/o(9, and many other
Euphratean words.
I may add that Hesychios is always careful to distinguish his
sky-animals from their terrestrial brethren ; and so speaks of Af^
ovjiuvui, and KXeiTa, >y ov[)ui'io<s u/iKTO'i.
130
Mar. i] proceedings. [i8»7.
The following Paper by the Rev. C. J. Ball was read on
I St February : —
THE METRICAL STRUCTURE OF QINOTH.
The Book of Lamentations arranged according jo the
ORIGINAL Measures.
This Paper hardly needs a lengthy preface. The arrangement
of the Hebrew text of Lamentations in a form which makes visible
to the eye the general symmetry of its poetical structure, may
fairly claim to be considered a selfevident improvement on the
prosaic jumble of the Masoretic text. But in the following pages
I go further than this, and attempt to show, what I am convinced is
the case, that this small collection of sacred elegies is characterized
by a scheme of metres so well-marked and distinct, that no
difficulties affecting the scansion of individual lines are sufficient
to throw doubt upon its reality. The same kind of difficulties
meets us, as was remarked by our accomplished President, in old
Latin verse, in the Nibelungenlied, in Italian and Spanish poetry,
and in Shakspere ; cases in which no one would dream of question-
ing the real existence of metrical form.
I was greatly helped, in discerning the measures of the pieces
before us, by the acrostich arrangement which, of course, deter-
mined for me the extent of each verse. Within the limits thus
defined by the twenty-two letters of the Hebrew alphabet, it was
my task to ascertain the number of the lines in each verse, and
their measures. When I began I had not the smallest idea of the
results to which the facts would guide me. I did not begin with a
theory, and seek to accommodate the facts thereto ; my theory made
itself evident in the course of handling the facts. Briefly stated,
my results are as follows. The stanzas of the first three elegies
(chaps. I, II, III) are hexastichic or six-lined stanzas. (The third
elegy, which is arranged in our bibles in 66 verses, is not an
exception, although the acrostich form is here more elaborate,
being observed in the first member of each couplet.) The two
remaining elegies (chaps. IV, Vj are composed, not in hexastichs, but
in quatrains or tetrastichs ; the latter of them (chap. V) being
evidently unfinished, as it contains only eleven, instead of twenty-
two stanzas. The connexion of thought establishes the fact that this
fragment ought to be arranged in quatrains, like chap. IV, and not in
131
Mar. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [18S7.
distichs, as in the Masoretic text. There is no break in the sense
between verses 17, 18; and verses 9, 10- 15, 16, 19, 20, and 21, 22
are ahiiost as obviously bound together. The Masoretic division is
simply an attempt to bring this fragment into conformity with the
finished poem which precedes it. Other indications of incomplete-
ness are the absence of the acrostich arrangement, and the abruptness
of the close, as well as an unevenness of expression observable here
and there. We seem to have the poet's first rough sketch, which owing
to circumstances was never completed. The case of Psalms ix, x,
is somewhat similar. There the alphabetic character is partially
supplied, but has not been fully carried out, as we must suppose
was originally intended. In such instances, then, we see unfinished
fragments, which have been preserved for their intrinsic merits, like
the numerous fragmentary pieces which we find in editions of
Coleridge and Shelley.
My results have been obtained, not by arbitrary arrangement of
words in disregard of their logical connexion, and of the well-known
principle of parallelism. On the contrary, I made it my first con-
sideration to observe these landmarks ; and I was rewarded for my
loyalty to accepted principles by the discovery that the metrical
divisions for the most part coincide with those which logic and the
parallelism of members prescribe.*
The normal measure of the stichi is the hexasyllable. Repre-
senting unaccented syllables by the sign ^^, and accented ones by
— , the verse scheme of chaps. I — III is : —
_ / _ .J _■ I
_ / _ / _ _./
^ _ I _ I
_ / _ / _ /
^ __/. ^ _/ ^ _/
_ / _. /
Cf.l. I. 'Aikd yashbd baddd
Ha'ir rabbdthi 'dm !
Hai'thd, ke'dlmand.
Rabbathi bdggoyim ;
Sardthi bdmdinoth
Haitha lamds.
* See chap. Ill, 13, 5 sq., for a striking instance in which the restoration of
the metre is also a restoration of the parallelism and the sense.
132
Mar. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
As an alternative of the Iambic ^ _i_ ^ _Z ^ _1, we find the
Trochaic rhythm _L ^^ __L ^_, _J_ ; but seldom in the first line,
especially in chap. Ill, where the only instances are Dob 'oreb hu' I'l,
and Tab yahweh-rqowdu, which may require correction {leg. 'el).
The fifth Hne also is hexasyllabic throughout chap. Ill, and there
are but two or three apparent exceptions in chap. II. In chap. I,
I find some eight or nine, but not all of equal weight. The short
(dipodiac) line .^ _J_ ^_^ _Z. occurs in the second, fourth and sixth
places, but never in the first and fifth, and rarely in the third (not at
all in chap. III).* Cf. I, 22 : —
Tabo kol rd'athdm !
We olel lam,
Kasher 'olalta li,
'Al kdl pish'i !
Ki rabboth 'anhothai;
Libbi dawwai.
The standard measure of chaps. IV, V, may be represented thus : —
^ J- ^ -L ^ J-
^ ^ ^ U. ^ -L
._. / ^. / _. /
_. / _ / _. /
with an alternative J_ ^, _L .^ -i_.t The dipodiac .^ J_ .^ J_
is not permitted here.
Without going into further detail, I cannot help asking if there
is not sufificient trace of law in these phenomena of fixed measures
recurring at fixed intervals in what has hitherto been held to be no
more than rhythmic prose, to exclude the hypothesis of chance, and
to establish a claim to the name of science for such unexpected
results of a laborious investigation.
It has been objected that the language of the Old Testament
in general is rhythmical, and that similar results might be found
* See I, 2 ; 1,7; I, 9 ; and II, 4 ; II, 9. Of these apparent exceptions to the
rule, I, 7 and II, 4 occur in corrupt verses ; I, 2 may be read 'Aitt mhtdheiii
Mh ; and I, 9, Wdttered pirii7i, if the latter word be correct (it occurs once only) ;
and II, 9 should perhaps be scanned Mdlkah ivasarea.
t I fancy these hexasyllables and pentasyllables are what Josephus meant, when
he wrote, somewhat ambiguously, of Hebrew " hexameters and pentameters."
Mar. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1887.
in Genesis or Isaiah. There are poems and portions of poems
embedded in both books ; but, these apart, I challenge any one who
holds this opinion to test it by actual experiment. Doubtless he
will find octosyllables, and heptasyllables and hexasyllables here and
there, just as he might find plenty of blank verses in Macaulay's
" History of England." All good prose is rhythmical. The
difference between prose and poetry is constituted not only by
the more marked predominance of rhythmic cadence in poetry,
but by the regular recurrence of fixed rhythms according to a
definite scheme. This is what I have found in the Book of
Lamentations, and not in Genesis nor in Isaiah.
QtNOTH.
Elegies on the Fall of the Jewish State, b.c. 588.
Kat eiyeueTO fiera ro ai')(^^ii\unicF6?jvai tov 'IcrpaijX Kai 'lepovaaXijfi
eprjfitvOijuat, bKiiOiffeu 'Ie/J6/i«as kXuiwi/, kuc eOpiji^ijae tov Opijvov TovTOf
eiri 'lepovaaXijfi icat e'Trev,
(Superscription in the Septuagint.)
(Rashi, Comment, ad init.)
'':t? «!iD3 ^ ''i D^p^in'' T ^v ns-^u^in n^:inn TOD"^fc^"i
niDD \y\ . Dpipn n^D^i^ "1201 on nur^^ otrn ^"^m
rrhv nnn:: vrv2 y\ro 'r\v^ '^t\ -icd rh^^ ^ np
: r\^hi2 vh^ ^ni nD^ TO^t^ -idd rh:iD'2.
(Aben Ezra in loc. See Jer. xxxvi, 2, 29.)
: nirpi D^2^^ "^cDi i^DD nn^ TV<rT\^
(Talmud Bab., Baba batkra, 15 A., i.)
J 34
Mar. i]
PROCEEDINGS.
I.
[1887.
t n5n^«5 nn"'ii
2.
t h^h^ nSnn iSn
3,
4.
* C/. '•niEJ'IS IV, 21, 2. The prose forms are less rhythmical.
t Or k^'dlmanoth ; but cf. V, 2, 2, kdlman6th ; II, i, i, bappS ; I, 6, 3,
kelim ; 7, 6, wain; 9, 5, r//4y 20, i, zV. ; 12, 2, ri'i ; 18, 4, Z(/. ; 22, 3, kasher ;
II. 3. S» '^^■'■''^ (?) ; IIj 4> I ; 5, I, koyeb ; II, 12, I, Ummoihdm (.?); II, 19, 5, si ;
III, IS, I, bdf; 22, 5, z^.
t Cf. Isa. XV, I ; xvi, 3 ; Qinoth, II, 19, I. An old form usually eliminated
by later editors.
§ Wedimathdl lehydh ; eliding the soft Ain ; cf. 13, 2, bacmotJiai ; II, 15, 3,
Tvayydniu rSsh ; III, 2, 3, baiidlai (?) ; II, 2, lold/n ; 5, loinna (?) 12, 5, lawwcth ;
I'^f 2,, fiiippilyoti ; I, 3, I, w^i?«/ (adissyll.). Butdim'atha? (jaratha, yeshu'atha) ;
or dim'ath? (zimrath, nahalath) ; or omit initial IVaw {cf 11, 2).
II ^OKbea, as a dissyllable. So ^-/^^r in next line ; 3, '5, rSdfea, hissigiia
[hissigwd) ; 4,3, shdrea ; 4, kSfinea; 5, b'thiilothea ; 5, 2, ^oibca; '^'olalea; et
passim : 8, 3, hizziliia.
*\ Hayii loibim. I have omitted pi'p, as repeated from a former line. The
first seven stanzas end with a short line of two feet,
** Read _j'«a'a/i ; cf. yehoram-yoram. So 15,6.
135
Mar. I]
SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV
[1887.
:ni '^:d^ ^nxi?
6.
nip '•n^b ' vn\r^
8.
* LXX, wQ Kpioi. Kayyaliin only scans, if hayii be omitted. The trans-
position in lines i, 2, though not absolutely necessary to the metre, improves it.
t The Qal pf. 3 sing, and plur. are dissyllabic throughout the book.
% Yanishalem ; 'lepovcraXiiii ; Arab. Yar/lshalima ; Assyr. Ursalimu ; Ch.
YUrushUlem ; forms which suggest the original pronunciation.
§ Yxo y'mS. Pronounced byom ; cf. by ad, line 5; byadca, 17, I ; Yafiwe/i-
lydqiib, 17, 3 ; byd'qob, II, 3, 5. This line (2), however, maybe spurious; see
note at the end of the piece.
II Omitting initial. SDH (accidental repetition). The line might be read,
net i-dfairiishalem ; but I prefer the omission for the sake of the sense.
•f I think the ^ should be sounded in close connection with the preceding
word. Tluis, ^al-khilniddd ; cf. 13, 3, pdras rishtlraglai.
•* WattdsliHb 'a^Jr. The short o is little heard. Cf, 9, 3, wattered (wat/er'd?)
fld!im (fiiPim?) ; II, 6, I, wayydhmSs kaggdfn sukk6 ; II, 17, 5, waysdininah
'alalk 'oyeb.
136
Mar. i]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1887.
rh nn:n p«
10.
■^!? 11710 t IT'
t tr^Q3 n^tr^ ^3«i
: rhhrt § nn^n ^d
12.
(.^,
h
"JIT nny d:]^7« ^"i
: "iQ^ pSn QV2
13.
^-hrh r)i2)^ \irib
14.
•'"i^n rnrv ^f:nj
: Dip ^:3it^ ^h
* If this crasis of zakrd ''ahrithdh be objected to, we can read Id' zdkra
dhrithdh. So in line 5, Heh ydhweh 'eth 'onyi ; but the wa^/ seems preferable,
as in 19, 6.
t Kf(/^. This regression of the accent is precisely analogous to that in
the following word, and depends on a like reason. Many other instances will be
noted in these poems.
X Buklldshib ndfsh. For bukl = h^'ukl, cf. note to I, 3 ; II, 4, 5, bauhl =l/'ukl.
Lashib = lehasJiib, and in the next line, wabbitah = it^habbitah, hardly require
comment; cf. II, 8, i, lashhith ; 12, 3, bitfiatfam ; 5, bishtappek ; 14, 4, lashib.
§ So Vat. LXX, tytvr)dr}, Cf. vers. 9.
II So LXX, 'V T'oTe offTfoie ^ov Karr^yaytv auTo. The endings HJ, 1^ ''2 do
not as a rule make a separate syllable in scanning. Thus, in this verse we have
yoriden bdcmothal, K shtbdn 'ahSr ; and perhaps tiihandn shonCmdh (as 14, 5),
unless we should read K shibdnyahor, tCthandni shdrnemdh, and n'thdnanyddonai.
137
Mar. i]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1887.
15.
■ninn "^i^i?^
16.
n^ Dmn ]•»«
17.
'^27272 pm '^S
•^u^d;] n^ir?n Gn:n
18.
rvin^ voh p'1-ri
: rW2. ^hh^
19.
''iin"i rrnn
^5ptT '•^ni
20.
■'n^pi^h^ '7bn:3
* C/. 7Xn of Pent. Perhaps l>o/;/a, ns a dissyllable ('al 'el 'am' boki'a ?).
t The repetition of 'ly]} is against the metre, and superfluous in sense. Some
MSS. and the versions omit it.
X If shoinemiDi be read, hayn must be omitted ; ^ 4, 3 ; 13, 5 > H) 6.
§ Metre confirms Ketib ; Qre, /ia'ammim will not scan.
II Read, bthulotha/wbahurai, not making too much of the medial triphthong
{(■f. hi) oil as a monosyllable in Greek verse).
% Gaw'iL So hashbi or bisJibi, 18, 6 (not gawa u, bashshebi). These pausal
effects are unmetrical, and probably arose out of the chanting of the synagogue
(prolongation of a musical note on a vowel).
1^.8
Mar. i] • PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
22.
T T : I V
Notes.
Stanza 7. In the Masoretic text, this verse has eight hnes, the
ast two being —
It is not likely that the poet wrote it so, as all the other verses
are hexastichic. The term ?///5-///'(7//cfl' only occurs here (^ V. 14, 15,
where the verb is used). It is possible that the closing couplet was
added by someone who remembered II, 15, sqq. {cf. Ps. cxxxvii, 7;
Obad. 12), and missed the sense of the verse as it stood, which
seems to be that in the last dreadful moment of her fate, Jerusalem
remembered her past dehghts, to the aggravation of her present
misery. The short line 7unin 'ozer Idh affords a fitting close ; but I
am far from satisfied with the stanza, as I have ventured to edit it.
Stanza 10. Line 5. Or omit 'asher, and scan —
Ciwwitha, 16' yabou
Baqqahal lak.
But I think the 7 in line 6 was written twice by inadvertence.
Stanza 12. Lo' 'leikem 'obre dark; omitting kol. But Id is
suspicious (^^'T^^"r S)- Perhaps it was 'iiCO Utinam ! O si ! with
imperat. (Gen. xxiii, 13); or the original verse may have been
Lakem kol 'dbre dark, "To you, O all ye that pass by (she saith)."
* A crasis. {Cf. Syriac qotelna.) The pointing is a X"J. In line 4, perhaps
we should rather scan, sasd kiattd*aslth.
t "TIJ?"! after I^D'^i' is, I think, a gloss. Else we might omit kol, and scan,
^oibl shain^i'c rddtJi.
139
Mar. i]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY.
[18S7.
Stanza 14. LXX : c'^/frij^op/jOij <Jiri t« affc/S/jfia-rd /.lov, i.e.,
^V^^ T'y 1|/tr^ , invigilavit peccatis meis. Cf. Jer. i, 1 2 ; xxxi, 28.
The metre shows that "n^^, belongs to the next hne.
Stanza 22. Omit 'T"'2QT' i" hne i ("Let all their calamity come
to pass !"), and read '^i^^''? (sing, for plur.) in line 4. The verse is
symmetrical, and tlie couplets rhyme.
II.
rhr) Din idt i^h
2.
"ihinrn Din
niirt^ ni "^i^^n^
^^n yi^^S i?^5n
?!« ^inn i^i:i
irD^ nnt^ y^hn
: i^iD J n^iDSnih^
4.
1^1^53 ihtrp "[11
• • • • ^5 :iin^i
. . . . ]^ir ""i^rra
* Omit ''JIN, a gloss from verse I.
t A/a/M/i7o''sar)-Ja, "her king and her princes ; " so LXX, r/. II, 9, 3. Text
nSPOD. The metre forbids connecting |^"1N? r''Jn with what precedes, as in R. V.
J A crasis ; or read HQ? ; labbdh 'a/ddk sahib : —
"And hath burned up Jacob, like a fire,
A flame that devoureth around."
§ Cf. Ill, 4, 5. LXX, eTrfpkwot? 3'*^'n. The short lines (dipodia) are
suspicious. Perhaps we should correct : —
For the last word, see LXX.
140
Mar. i]
PROCEEDINGS.
[18S7.
5.
iv!?n nirT*" ra\r?
I : -^ti^i ]m::i ^^^
7.
r\h'^ § n^n i:n5 ^^p
HTim II ^nty -rn^^
: nin-^n jitrr
10.
]V!^ m ^:pT
** irri^S pt^^ itSih
* So Gratz for Yisra'eL
t Cy: Job XV, 33 ; Jer. xxv, 38 ; and LXX, duir'iTaaiv uq dfiirtKov.
X LXX, add,
§ Om. 2 repet.
II Om, 1; cf. 2, s (asyndeton) ; 10, I.
% Confirms R.V., against A,V. and Heb. accentuation.
** The suffixes are superfluous,
141'
Mar. i]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY,
[.1887.
11.
12.
p"i pi n^«
i"^ir mnrra
13.
-['2n:«S ^h t nSirs^
14,
^h itn 7^«^n:
7:-iir ^r 1^5 b^^
15.
D'^Cl ^•'^r IpCD
II tl-^i^i ^v^':^^ "ipiiir
'n?2S^'!i7 i^:i»n n«tn
16.
]xir ipin^i ipit^
^ ^I'np'iir nvHT 7^^
: t:^«i lib^iin
* Heb. text pliir., which hardly scans. The sinq. occurs 21 times (c/. I,
2, 2) ; the plur. only in Ps. Ixxx, 6. We might suggest 0^^013.
t Qal, as Isa. Ivii, 16 ; Ps. Ixi, 3. Niph. here only : Qal 8 times besides.
J Maidck, madammch lak; cf. DS-TO, VyV^ .
§ Shau-ivathafcl (with inversion of the accent in the first foot ?)
II Hebrew text DCST ; cf. 10, 3, 5. I have omitted, after this word,
; VIXn ^3^ dti'D' but perhaps *^^^ n^y 73 is an interpolation from I. 12, I ;
cf. I. 7.
^ ^Ak zavyom sheqqhuioin, A copyist has added the object-suffix to the verb
in the Ifc^b. text.
142
Mar. i] proceedings.
17.
inir^t^ rid
Dip ^72^72 nrA"^]
[18S7.
18.
ni^r^i ^n:^ n^nin
19.
71^ Q^Jii "^Sctr
^-iQ^ 1^^^^ ^m
20.
* Or, DOT nin'' nL"y, omitting X'S ; or read pi».
t Heh. text noin. t An liflaiWi ?
. § Metre supports Ketib, against Qre ballailah.
il In the Heb. text a couplet is added : —
nyin cbiuyn
making the verse an octastich. But the rhyming —
Si'elau kappai'k
'Al'nafsh 'olalaik
forms a natural close to the stanza.
*" Either this word, or DnS must be omitted (LXX, Kaoirhv KOiXiac, avTwi ,
Wy^l ''"13, which may be a gloss on DTIDO V?y).
** Impersonal. Heb. text Jini , Omit "'^HX, or read :—
Im tahrog, bammiqdash
'Adonai, kohen w'^nabi ? (LXX. aTroKTivtlQ.)
143
Mar. i]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV.
22.
[1887.
21.
nSinn p«^ in^^
: rbhn ^h nnSro
Note. — Stanza 17, 4.
"Fi^i^ avD b^-ipn
Omit JVe ; cf. 21, 6.
II
1.
I.
3.
in-^n:^ i2nu>r^5:ir
11 a^nt-'^n: i^nDn
2.
4.
^h"^ «in n-^f^ m
* Not ^^13D, which means " my sojournings " (Gen. xlvii, 9 ; Ps. cxix, 54 ;
cf. Gen. xvii, 8 ; xxxvii, l). The phrase of the text occurs five times in Jeremiah
(vi, 25 ; XX, 3, 10; xlvi, 5; xlix, 29).
t Perhaps the original line was, 1£J< DV3 n\T X? , which was changed
to mn^ fix DVS for clearness sake, metro repugnante {cf. i, 6).
X Or, -jlp^i jnj ""hlX '<5/^'^ iiaMg 'cvayyiPk {cf. on I. 8, 6). So perhaps,
Bandh 'alal wayy/igtjf, 2, 3. § Loe9e, a crasis.
II Heb. text TlwTI^ (the final D being left unwritten, for brevity, as often
in MSS. The word was then mistaken for sing, with suff. ; but in the sing, it
never means chains ox fetters.)
** Ileb. text "-Jn'i^^DM "•n'-^*^"), against the metre. t So, many MSS.
144
Mar. i]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1S87.
: n:yh ^:inn
6.
^b^2 6^h'p' n:n
■^n^i "In^^ ■^^^^■|
7.
8.
§ DiS ^h ^5 mn^ ^dh
* So, many MSS.
t Way3'agr's b'ha9a9 shinnai, which is doubtless harsh ; but the sound
echoes the sense. C/. note on I. 8, 6 ; as also for Tua'om'r in line 5.
X Many MSS.
§ LXX. TO. i\h] Kvpiov oTi ovK t^fAtTTt jXE . . . . oTi ou avvtriXi(jQr]iiiv, a
conflate reading. The former verb is gen. intrans. ; cf. Jer. xxxvi, 23 ; Ps. cii,
28 ; Lam. iv, 22. I believe that N 7 '•3 is here interrogative, as in 2 Sam. xxiii, 5.
" Is it not the fact that Yahweh's love is spent, that his tenderness is exhausted ? "
The answer follows. The verse is thus a soliloquy of the poet with himself;
two voices speak in him. IJCP) might be read, without affecting the metre.
The first line might also be coj'rected thus : Wsaddu ki W tamim'c, and this
is perhaps preferable ; cf. LXX. Elsewhere also the Divine Name has been
inserted for the sake of greater clearness. {H^elql YahwJh reminds us that
in^p?n was the name of Jeremiah's father.)
145
Mar. i]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY.
[1SS7.
10.
Di^ -[in nti?-'
nipn ^^ -h^^
11.
iiDn nSn
12.
rhT\ nnn ^^ni^
innn Qi« rr\vh
13.
14.
nipn: Tr5ii nursro
* Heb. text : D^O-HI ^TI^I. 2)D, There seems to be something wrong here.
LXX, Kal virojuevti Ka't ■ifrvxaati, taking both terms as verbs. Gesenius is in-
consistent. Under DOH (Thesaur.) he renders : '''■ bomim est, ui exspectd ho7iiOy
idque tacite "; but afterwards he gives /'•PIJ as an adj., " sperans (in Deum)." If
Tn^ be right, we must compare Gen. viii, 10; Job xx, 21 ; Ps. x, 5 (duravit,
mansit, moratus est). I have inserted a yod, so as to get a/(?'a/impf. " Bonum
est ut exspectet homo et in silenthtm redigaliir." Perhaps T'TII"' : "Felix est qui
exspectet ..."
t I have added this word. X Many MSS. § Cf. Ps. xxxi, 12.
1" This couplet is an excellent instance of the value of noting the metre. The
Heb. accentuation connects Tl as an adj. with DTX, and so A.V. and R.V. But
what is the point of such an expression? Would a (/tw^/man complain ? Besides,
DHN is rarely found with an adj. ; and "I2J has no force at all, unless it belongs
to a second (luestion. Render, " Why doth Man complain ? Hath a man ever
lived by his sins ?" Gen. xxvii, 40 ; Deut. viii, 3.
146
Mar. I]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1SS7.
15.
rh6n ih rcnn
7^ \:y2 unSo
16.
17.
t micLn] ]^«^
: ''S^ir m:n hSj2
18.
19.
nvnnn "^,126
II ^nmS^-^i^i^
20.
.'^
7ir annxi^nn 73
* Pronounce it'r'd or /tvv?,:/. /'<?/c't'' ;;/«://« //;-'(/ 'e;//.
+ See II, 18, 5.
X Perhaps nNT", M'ithout Waw.
§ Heb. text, ']1D^.
II Tiyiti*^ may be a gloss, or a various reading.
^ "]K"lpS violates rhyme as well as metre.
** Cy: Ps. cxix, 154. Perhaps "'C'SJ nn nni, astheplur. ''nn only occurs
in Ps. xviii, 44 (2 Sam. xxii, 44), and that in a different sense. In the next line,
n^NJ for n'pNJ ; cf. line 4.
147
Mar. i]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY.
[1887.
21.
□:v:ifn ^^^p * ncirr
22.
Notes.
Stanza 6, 3. Heb. text ^ti^Q^ D^Wq n2^m, an octosyllabic
verse, which is against the metre. LXX, k-ni uTrwaajo, i.e., HjPI-
Further, Jl^'j occurs, II, 7, i, III, 11, i, in the sense respuit, rejedt.
" He hath thrust away my soul's peace," seems a possible expression,
and the Heb. is metrically correct. Perhaps, however,
Stanza 20, 6. i^^? for 1^. So some Heb. MSS., the LXX,
Vulgate, and Aramean versions.
IV,
nit:n 2n5n b^^^-"
trip ^:nS:^i:hu^n
ten D^i^^D^n
* .Sing. = " language " (plur. " lips ").
t Omit ni3''Dn, which was added to complete the sense. 13ut the line
means : " Diiriug their downsilting and their uprising."
X For the Article, ^ 8, 2 ; 14, i.
§ Omit n3''X.
148
Mar. i]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1887.
3.
nbR^ ^6:^ nil
4.
p5v ]it>^ pi-r
5,
6.
DID ni^i:nn
7.
D^r:icD D!^ir im«
8.
D"i^^n iiTOn "f'tirn
mini ii!:5 «^
t D2ir ^ir aiiir im
^^^plr2^J^^^
10.
nT':72m n*"
^72^ m^n^ vn
* Or, Q'-SnyO? D''7Di<n. But /tao as a diphthong seems better.
t Or, ''hv na py ?iri, treating the verb as a dissyllable.
X In the Heb. text, A/e^Ji has been written twice.
§ LXX plur. ; Heb. sing.
II Omit 1^"I. In line 3, 137'' for lit', after the LXX, twoptveriaav. The
LXX also omits DHtJ* before this word. In line 6 two very slight changes
give the meaning : —
" Happier were the slain of the sword
Than the slain of hunger !
They that departed (life), thrust through
'Mid the tumults of the (battle)field."
Cf. Isa. XXX, 32 : HSI^n niDn/D praelia tumultuosa.
149
Mar. i]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY.
[18S7.
XI.
ic« ]'\')n 7D\!r
12.
13.
• • • . * a^pnij
14.
^v:c
t Dn^'iirn^i
15.
t It^^p t^6n niD
16.
: lin i^^ D^:pT
17.
18.
i«S^ T:^p nSp
: ^ T:!jp t^n ^3 Ti^6^
* Some words ajipear to be missing. We might add, n'^'pX 1nS> "They
entered into her." LXX, twv tKxtovrwv al/j-a Sikuiou tv /xecrrjj auTri<;. Perhaps,
therefore. p,-^. ^^ ^,^^^5,^
: ,t'?« ixn nmpn
t A dissyllablic word has fallen out. C^''X 72 would complete the line.
% Omit 10?. The lepers themselves had to give the warning cry of " Un-
clean ! " Lev. xiii, 45.
§ An nphr} ? Ill, 8, 5. So LXX.
II I have added this word, which may easily have been omitted before the
following one.
^ This term, repeated from the preceding line, seems doubtful. (13ny ?)
Mar. i]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1887.
19.
20,
mn^ n^tr^ Trcb^ nn
fen i^^6h5 ^hi^
21.
22.
ji'"!? nn "fiiir an
iDins nn "jSii^ TpQ
Notes.
Stanza 15. As it stands in the Hebrew text, this is a pentastich
The omitted line is probably a gloss on the following verse, 11. i, 2.
(Line 6 may even be rendered, "They did not sojourn again."
Cf. 17, I.)
Stanza 22. This concluding verse is symmetrical, and rhyming;
cf. I, 22.
V.
2.
^2^ r\^r\6 nin^ -^n;
n« t]^^^ ^2<^n D^;iin^
T2n-n-^nnb^n«-^ t t^^in
rr\:^h^S ^^^nh^
D^S^^n5cn: 1 n^TO
T:^nur ?|d5i il^b^^
: Q^Sn:^ T:^m
: § ib^n^ n^n^i li^^r
* This term, for which the Qre suggests n!Il*i*V, is obviously used inetri gratia .
cf. I. i, I.
t Metre confirms the Ketib,
X Ps. xvi, 6 ; (t/; I, 2, 2 ; II. II, I note.
§ A dissyllable ; cf, IV, 14, I ; 15, 3.
Mar. i]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY,
[1887.
3.
n::^ min *ih rivi-^
5.
"^6^3:: '^)^2r\:2 T::niar
6.
S^n: ai^i n^Strr
9.
T^n^ nil ni ^y
Dntr? p!^ ifr ^:r
10.
: D^&^ ^^Uh i:TOn
til.
Dip t:^6^ t^in
* Metro confirms the Ketib. f Heb. text, 13n3S, contra nielrum.
X Heb. text, DfirJ^D ; cf. Ill, 2i, 6 (same consonants).
§ A'f/j^ right. I have omitted y>X^, because that is not the meaning, metre
anart.
Mar. i] proceedings. [1S87.
The poem is obviously incomplete, both as regards the number
of the stanzas, and the acrostich arrangement, which is conspicuous
by absence. The comparatively numerous unmetrical lines may
indicate a first rough sketch; and the ending, 11, 3, sq., is quite
abrupt.
The following Communication has been received : —
Dear Mr. RyLANDS, March 2,rd, 1887.
There is a misprint in my Paper on the " Hamathite Inscrip-
tions," p. 74, note *. For "plan " read " form."
As to Yahubi'di, it might rathei: be " Yah is my guide " (o J^jb).
The last name in H. i is probably rUl-ZDDU?-
The signs at the beginning of H. 11, 3 may be read either ^^n^
(D.P.) li^, "Royal father in the midst thereof;" or '-j")]-)^ 21^"',
"enthroned in the midst thereof;" or perhaps " Royal worshipper
of Sutekh.'' The name which follows may be "IliTC^^mD- Tarhu
or Terah should be compared with the Syriac V»s*0 jZ ; the Accadian
and Assyrian ^\\ t^W 1 ^II^II I -^T ^^11 ^H t^^rahu,
a mountain goat. The goat appears on a well-known seal representing
the worship of the sun, as well as on the famous " Boss " of Tarqu-
timme (or Tarqumudish or Tarqulalte), and at Boghaz Keui. The
name in H. iii, 2 may be "ini^nQtynin. The language seems
to be an Aramean dialect.
Yours sincerely,
C. J. Ball.
The President has received the following Communica-
tion : —
Paris, k 24 Mars, 1887.
Monsieur et honore President,
* * * *
Depuis que vous avez eu la bonte de communiquer ma note a la
Societe d'Archeologie Biblique, M. Euting a public aux Comptes
Rendus de I'Academie de Berlin (3-17 Fevrier, 1887), d'une fagon
tres-complete, ces deux inscriptions. La lecture de son travail fait
153
Mar. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1SS7.
en meme temps que le mien, et d'une faQon tout-h.-fait independante,
m'a caus^ une vraie satisfaction. II se rencontre avec moi pour la
lecture de Resef-EIehites, qui est le passage capital de I'inscription.
Sur d'autres points, il s'ecarte de moi ; mais je crois pouvoir defendre
lettre pour lettre ma lecture. Lui-meme d'ailleurs I'a dejh reconnu
pour certains points du moins.
A la ligne 4, M. Euting a meconnu le nom du donateur, qu'il
lit "^pD • • • '} i^i'iis depuis lors, il s'est rattache a ma manicre de
voir.
Pour toute la fin de I'inscription il n'a pas ete tres-heureux. Je
ne puis que maintenir ma lecture "11^ t*^^ HiH, " votum quod
voverat," qu'il remplace pour un groupe de lettres tout differentes et
dont il renonce a tirer aucun sens.
Enfin, aux lignes 5-6 il n'y a pas "-j-^y hp ^llfi yf2)l}2, ce
qui donnerait une phrase h. peine hebraique; le p conjecture par
M. Noldeke, et vaguement indique par M. Euting sur sa gravure,
n'existe pas en realite, et la lettre suivante n'est pas un 1, mais
un H- La encore je ne puis que maintenir ma lecture. II faut
lire *7T1"' 7p t^H >^?:2t2>D " quia audivit Ille (= deus) vocem ; bene-
dicat." (Cf. Corp. Liscr. Sem., No. 88.)
L'inscription Cypriote qu'il publie d'apres M. Deecke, me parait
aussi devoir etre corrigee sur certains points.
A la ligne i, M. Deecke lit 'Avfypuh Uiuvtw " Statue de Pinutos."
Lecture qui n'est satisfaisante ni au point de vue de la langue
grecque, qui n'aime pas ces nominatifs absolus, ni au point de vue du
texte phenicien. Nous trouvons la en effet un nom baroc, dont nous
n'avons que faire, et dont I'inscription phenicienne, pour tant plus
longue, ne porte pas trace. II faut y renoncer. Le premier signe
me parait devoir se lire non pas tt-j, mais o ;* I'inscription commence
done par la formule, 'Ai'ci>ia9 uv, "statua quam," formule tout-a-fait
satisfaisante au point de vue de la langue et au point de vue
de sens.
Je suis moins au clair au sujet du 3° signe qui doit se lire
TO ou cw. Avons nous 1^ une particule qui m'est inconnue, ou bien
le scribe ne se serait-il pas trompe, en dcrivant deux fois la syllabe
ca'?t C'est k vous, monsieur, qu'il appartient de trancher cette
question. En tous cas, un fait d'une ccrtaine importance, qui
[* The sign is distinctly w o, not M //. — P. le P. R.]
t Dans ce dernier cas, peut-etre faudrait-il lire : ov iCui t^ioKiv.
^54
Mar. i] proceedings. [1887.
vient confirme ma lecture, c'est qu'il n'y a pas, apres tw ou cw, le
point que M. Euting croit y vois ; du moins mon estampage n'en
porte pas de trace. Je vous serais reconnaissant de verifier la chose
sur I'original.* Cela prouverait que nous n'avons pas a faire h. un
nom propre, mais a un pronom ou a une proclitique.
Enfin, a la derniere ligne, le texte Cypriote porte, si Ton s'en
tient aux valeurs re5ues, 'AXaattl'Tat. On est surpris de la presence
de la syllabe si, la ou la transcription phenicienne ferait attendre le
son /li. Je me demande par fois si ce signe, auquel on donne en
general la valeur de si, n'aurait pas eu en meme temps la valeur ///
en Cypriote? Le phenicien I'exige presque, et Ton aurait ainsi
I'equivalent du /le qui manque jusq'a present dans I'alphabet Cypriote.
La parente de la sifflante et de I'aspiree, soit en Egyptian, soit dans
certains dialects semitiques, permet de supposer qu'on aurait pu
employer un meme signe pour rendre les deux sons.f
Je ne soumets ces conjectures, qu'avec quelque reserve, a votre
jugement si sur en ces matieres ; I'e'criture Cypriote et la langue
[* I cannot discover a trace of the point in question. — P. le P. R.]
[t The passage of the sibilant into the spiritus asper is a well-known
phenomenon in the Indo-European family of languages, but in no branch of
this family is it more conspicuous than in the Greek. The tendency of the
sigma to change before vowels into the spiritus asper is one of the phonetic laws
of this language. "It is," says Curtius, "the exception for o to be retained
before vowels, while the rule common to all Greek dialects is for it to pass into
the aspirate."
There is a remarkable passage in the Etymologicum Magnum {391, 12),
which Ahrens believes to be taken from ApoUonios Dyskolos, Ilfpi irvivfidrojv,
in which it is said to be characteristic of the Dorians to drop the sigma, and say
iroij/at for iroirjaai, 'Bovba for 'Rovaoa, jxw'iKa for fiovaiKO, Ahrens (de dialecto
Dorica, p. 76) quotes an inscription (Rossi, 33; Leake, 52) in which iTroui is
written instead of inoitjae, and he quotes numerous instances of this tendency.
There is no evidence that the Cypriote V^ si ever had the value Ai. Such
evidence could only be possible in the transcription of a known Semitic, or at
least non-hellenic word. For in Greek words I can only be found in the
beginning ; and the Cypriote transcription of this initial syllable by ''^ would
merely prove that the word had followed the general rule and changed its sigma
into the spiritus asper.
The inference to be drawn from Dn^H /i^ ^^ ^^^ transcription of a Greek
word in which the syllable ai corresponds to the Phoenician *ij-j is that the
sibilant really belonged to the word, but was changed in popular pronunciation.
No trace of it appears in either the Phoenician or the Cypriote texts of the
30th year of Melikyathan's reign.
Mar. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1887.
(ju'elle recouvre, nie sont, je I'avoue, moins familieres que le
phenicicn. Si vous pensez que quelqu'une des remarques qui prece-
dent soit de nature a interesser la Society of Biblical Archaeology,
soyez assez bon pour lui en donner connaissance.
Oserai-je aussi vous prier de mettre dans un des prochains
Bulletins un petit erratum ? Partout, le compositeur a mis C. T. S.
au lieu de C. I. S., c'est d'ailleurs de la faute de mon ecriture.
Auriez-vous la bonte de faire mettre :
P : au lieu de C. T. S., lizez C. I. S. {Corpus Inscrip-
tionum Semiticaruni).
* * * *
Veuillez agreer. Monsieur et honore President, avec mes remercie-
ments, I'expression de ma haute conside'ration et de mon devoue-
ment.
Philippe Berger.
I have (I confess) very strong doubts as to the geograiihical origin of the god's
title. \ title derived from Helos in Laconia, or from to sAoe in Cyprus would
most prol)ably reveal its origin, when written with a syllabary which so scrupulously
records the sounds of the digamma and the 7, which have disappeared from the
common Greek. "EArif, Icnv i^round, began with a digamma, and is akin to vallis.
The word a . la . si . . ta . i represents a Greek noun of the same form as
(JTaaiwrrii^ (connected with araaiq) or arpaTubrtjg (connected with ffrparia). It
implies connection with a noun like tKaaig or its synonym iKatria, and the verb
i\dio, tKaiit'iij ; and would therefore seem to be synonymous with IKclttiq. or
(XaTTjp, the exact meaning of which is determined by the occupation of the
agent. He is a driver of horses or a chariot, he htirls the thunder, he strikes the
lyre, or he drives aivay evil. 'EA.ar»jf was one of the titles of Poseidon at Athens.
The adjective ekuTrjpios is in close agreement with those titles from which
K. O. Miillcr drew his conception of the Doric Apollo. — P. LE Page Renouf.]
■--t r^v0 ^J 3 ii g>O^3 -
156
Mar. iJ PROCEEDINGS. [1887:"
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, Conduit
Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 3rd May, 1887,
at 8 p.m., when the following Papers will be read : —
I. Rev. Henry George Tomkins. — Continuation of Paper read
June, 1885. "The Topography of Northern Syria, with special
reference to the Karnak Lists of Thothmes III."
II. E. Revillout and V. Revillout : (i.) "Contrats de Mariage
et d' Adoption dans I'Egypte et dans la Chaldee. (11.) L'Antichrese
non immobiliere dans I'Egypte et dans la Chalde'e.
ERRATA.
Proceedings, January, 1887.
Page 55, line 9, for Schmann read Lehmann.
Proceedings, February, 1887.
Page 97, line 6. for JJJJ read ^.
Page 97, line 17, for \^^^ f^ad |^^.
Page 102, lines 12, 20, 28; page 103, line 9 from bottom; and
))age 104, lines 2 and 7, for C. T. S. read C I. S. {Corpus Inscrip-
tionum Semiticarum).
157
Mar. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [18S7.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
BoiTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850.
Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, 1 866-1 869. 3 vols., folio.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler.
Vols. I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptians, copie's sur lieux et
publics par H. Brugsch et J. Dumichen. (4 vols., and
the text by Dumichen of vols. 3 and 4.)
DiJMiCHEN, Historische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1866.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
GoLENiscHEFF, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c., 1880.
De Rouge, Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Wright, Arabic Grammar and Chrestomathy.
ScHROEDER Die Phonizische Sprache.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
.ScHRADER, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament. 1872.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchies.
PiERRET, Dictionnaire d'Arche'ologie Egyptienne. 8vo. Paris, 1875.
BuRKHARDT, Eastcm Travels.
Wilkinson, Materia Hieroglyphica. Malta, 1824-30. {Text only.)
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, 11, III. 1862-1873.
Voyage d'un Egyptien en Syrie, en Ph(^nicie, &c. 410. 1867.
Le Calendrier des Jours Fastes et Nefastes de Tannce
Egyptienne. 8vo. 1877.
Maspero, De Carchemis oppidi Situ et Historia Anlicjuissima.
8vo. Paris, 1872.
158
Society of Biblical Archeology.
COUNCIL, 1886-87.
President : —
P. LE Page Renouf,
Vice-Preside7its : —
Rev. Frederick Charles Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeter.
Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.
The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, K.C.B., &c.
The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., &c., Bishop of Durham.
Walter Morrison, M.P,
Charles T. Newton, C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Ban., D.C.L., M.D., &c., &c.
J. JVIanship Norman, M.A,
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c.
Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.
Council : —
W. A. Tyssen Amherst, M.P., &c.
Robert Bagster.
Rev. Charles James Ball.
Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A.
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A.
Arthur Gates.
Thomas Christy, P\L.S.
Professor A. Macalister, jNI.D.,
F.R.S.
F. D. Mocatta.
Claude Montefiore.
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.
J. Pollard.
F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A.
Charles Harrison, F.S.A. E. Towry Whyte, M.A.
Rev. Albert Lowy. Rev. W. "Wright, D.D.
Honorary Treasurer — BERNARD T. BoSANQUET.
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Honorary Secretary for Foreign Co7-respondence — Prof. A. H. Sayce, M.A.
Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S,
HAKklSUN AND SONS, PRINTEKS IN OKUINARV 1 (; IIEK MAJliSlV, ST. iMAKl INS LANE.
VOL. IX. No. 6.
PROCEEDINGS
<JF
THE SOCIETY
UF
BIBLICAL ARCHiEOLOGY.
-^^ —
VOL. IX. SEVENTEENTH SESSION.
Szxt/i Meeting, yd May, 1887.
^<*
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Rev. Henry George Tomkins. — The Karnak Tribute Lists
of Thothmes III. Continuation of Paper read 2 June, 1885... 162-167
MM. EuGfeNE and Victor Revillout. — Contrats de Mariage,
et d'adoption dans I'E^-pte et dans la Chaldee 167-177
L'Antichrese non immobilieie dans lE^ypte et dans la
Clialdee 178-179
Dr. a. Wiedemann. — On a Monument of the first dynasties ... 180-184
The Age of Memphis 184-190
On a Relative of Queen Nub-xas 190-193
G. A. SiMCOX, M.A. — Note on the name Bit-hilani 193" ^94
Rev. C.J. Ball. — Reply to same I94-I95
Prof. A. H. Sayce. — A dated Inscription of Amenophis III.
{Plate) 195-197
Greek Ostraka from Eg)'pt 198-202
Greek Inscriptions from Assuan 202-205
P. LE P. Renouf {Fn'sit/ent). —Noie on the Inscription of
Amenophis III 206
" Conscience " in Egyptian Texts .. 207-210
^*
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PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
SEVENTEENTH SESSION, 1886-87.
Sixth Meeting, yd May, 1887.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
#ce^<e:e
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Royal Society : — The Proceedings. Vol. XLH. Nos.
251 and 252. 8vo. 1S87.
From the Royal Geographical Society : — The Proceedings. Vol. IX.
Nos. 3, 4, and 5. March, April, May, 1887.
From the Royal Asiatic Society : — The Journal. Vol. XIX.
Part 2. April, 1887.
From the Royal Institute of British Architects : — Journal of
Proceedings. Vol. III. New Series. Nos. 10, 11, 12, and 13.
March, 1887.
From the Smithsonian Institution: — The Annual Report, 18S4.
Part 2.
[No. Txviii.] 159
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1SS7.
From the Secretary of State in Council of India :— The Sacred
Books of the East. Vol. XXV. The Laws of Manu. Vol.
XXIX. Grihya — Sutras. Part I. 8vo. Oxford. 1886.
From the Royal Northern Society of Antiquaries : — Aarboger,
1 886. II, R. I, B. IV, H. Copenhagen.
From the Johns Hopkins University : — The University Studies.
Fifth Series. IV. The City Government of Saint Louis. By
M. S. Snow, A.M. (Harvard), Professor of History, Washington
University. April, 1887. Baltimore.
From the American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal. Vol. IX.
No. 2. March, 1887. Chicago.
From the Editor, B. H. Gildersleeve: — The American Journal of
Philology. Vol. VII, 4. Whole No. 28. Baltimore.
From the Directors of the Oriental Institute : — The Vienna
Oriental Journal. Vol. I. No. i. Vienna.
From the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze : — Bollettino
delle Publicazione Italiane. Nos. 29, 30, and 31 ; and an
Index for 1886. Firenze. 1887.
From the Author : — Vocabalario Geroglifico, Copto Ebraico. By
Dr. Simeone Levi, A.]\I., &c.
From the Author : — L'Archeologie Egyptienne. By Professor
G. Maspero.
From M. Strauss : — Description des Objets d'Art Religieux
Hebraiques. Poissy. 4to. 187 8.
From the Author : — Handel und Schiffahrt auf dem Rothen
Meere in alten Zeiten. Von Prof. J. Lieblein. Kristiania.
1886.
From the Author : — Die Apocalypse des Saphonias aus dem
Koptischen Uebersetzt. Von Dr. L. Stern.
From the Author : — The Temple at Jerusalem. By M. Nalder,
Esq., M.A., &c. 1887.
From Rev. A. Lowy :— The Scottish Review. Vol. IX. No. 18.
Ajjril, 1887. London.
Contains Article by Rev. A. Lowy, The Apocryphal Character
of the Moabite Stone. With an Illustration.
t6o
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
From the Author : — Supplement to Harmonies of Tones a.nd
Colours developed by Evolution. By F. J. Hughes. London.
1885.
From the Author : — The Purpose of the Ages. By Jeanie Morison,
with Preface by Professor A. H. Sayce, of Oxford. Svo. London.
1S87.
The following were elected Members of the Society, having
been nominated at the Meeting on ist March, 1S87 : —
E. C. Hulme, 18, Philbeach Gardens, South Kensington, W.
Eev, Howard Crosby, D.D., LL.D., 116. East 19th Street, New
York City, U.S.A.
Miss Rebecca Scott Lowrey, 20S3, Fifth Avenue, New York
City, U.S.A.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
The Library of the Newton Theological Institution, Newton
Centre, Mass., U.S.A.
The following were nominated for election at the next
Meeting on 7th June, 1887: —
Rev. Henry Marcus Clifford, M.A., St. John's Hill, Ellesmere,
Salop.
Rev. T. Witton Davies, B.A., Baptist College, Haverfordwest,
South Wales.
Rev. James WiUiam Miller, B.A., 43, Evington Road, Leicester.
Charles E. Moldenke, A.M., Ph.D., 124, East Forty-Sixth Street,
New York City, U.S.A.
Samuel Alden Smith, Sonneberg, Thuringia, Germany.
161
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1SS7.
A Paper was read by the Rev. Henry George Tomkins,
"The Karnak Tribute-Lists of Thothmcs III" (continuation
of the Paper read 2nd June, 1885).
The introductory remarks on the Campaign against Megiddo
are as follows : —
The line of march lay from the frontier-fortress of Tsar (or Tsal),
along the ancient road discovered by the Rev. F. W. Holland
through the desert, and (as it seems) by Sharukhen (|mi1I^j Jos.
xix, 6 ; liLJ ^^ W , Tel es Sheri'ah, XX/F, Fx, Mem. Ill,
392, 399) * to Gaza, an Egyptian station. Thence 28 miles march
reached lakhem (II [1 ^ ^ ti^^ ; H H fi ]^ , 68 in our list; el
Kheimeh). Here the Pharaoh received news that the king of
Kadesh had joined the king of Megiddo in that stronghold with the
Syrian allies.
Professor Maspero, in a very interesting paper contributed to the
Lcemans Album, has shown how the march of armies was forced
inland, between Joppa and Carmel, by a tract of forest country
stretching far eastward from the coast. For the approach to
Megiddo three lines were discussed by Thothmes and his staff: —
1. A straitened and perilous mountain defile near 'Arna
.^32. \^ Qvwwsm'''^^"
2. A high road leading to the east of Ta'anak.
3. A high road north of Tsifta, ^^ \ [1 i^-^^ , by which they
would debouch on the north of Megiddo.
Now the second route is that ancient road from the plain of
Sharon to Jordan which " ascends by the broad and open valley
Wady 'Arab, crossing the watershed at 'Ain Ibrahim, which is about
1,200 feet above the sea ; thence it descends, falling some 700 feet
in 3 miles, to Lejjian, where it bifurcates, one branch running
towards Nazareth and ascending the hills near Tell Shadud ; the
second continuing eastward to el 'Afuleh, and thence down the
valley of Jezreel " (Sheet IX). " This line, which appears to be
ancient, is one of great importance, being one of the easiest across
* The references throughout are to the sheets of the Great Map, Memoirs, and
Name Lists of the Palestine Exploration Fund.
162
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
the country, owing to the open character of Wady 'Arah."
Mem. II, 50.
This route, as M. Maspero says, passes through Jenin, and if
Captain Conder is right in placing Megiddoat Khurbet el Mujedd'a,
a great turning movement would thus have cut off the king of
Kadesh from his retreat northwards.
The third route was doubtless that which crosses the hills
between Zebdah and Burkin, as M. Maspero says ; and troops
marching by it would (as the staff of Thothmes said) debouch into
the valley north of Megiddo, if that were Mujedd'a.
The first-mentioned dangerous " defile of Arouna " lay between
the other routes. " The valleys throughout the district (of the Sheikh
Iskander hills) are steep narrow gorges" {Mem. II, 38), and my
conjecture is that one of these, running east and west, with Khurbet
Jerrar 1,452 feet high on the north, and hills on the south 1,278 feet
in elevation, is the defile in question. Its name is Wady el 'Arrian,
" the bare Wady," and this name seems to me near enough to
^^"^ "^^ ^ • Is it possible that Khurbet 'Arah may have been
the inhabited place that is called 'Arna in the narrative ?
M. Maspero, in indicating Umm el Fahm as a likely situation for
'Arna. is within a mile of Wady el 'Arrian.
Thothmes insisted on leading in person through this dangerous
road the march in single file, "horse by horse, and man by man."
On the 19th of the month we find the Pharaoh encamped at the
town of 'Arna, and strict watch kept. The traces of ruins at 'Arah
are " on a prominent mound, with a well " 2 miles west of Wady el
'Arrian. It should be noticed that in the thirty-seventh year of
Thothmes, a battle was fought near 'Arna with of prince of Naharina.
A most regrettable lacuna in the text is followed by mention of a
southern wing of an army at Ta'anak, and a " northern wing on the
ground south of" some other place. M. Maspero has supplied the
name Megiddo, as Brugsch had done, and conjectured that the army
was that of the allies.
But there is no firm ground to go upon, and another long lacuna
follows. Then the narrative proceeds, and M. Maspero elucidates
it {Rec. de Travaux, II, 139). The last date had been the night of
the 19th — 20th. The march from 'Arna to the battle-field was on
the 20th, beginning about the sixth hour of the morning, sunrise.
The rear-guard was still near 'Arna while the advance debouched
into the valley [of * * * * ], and filled the gorges of this valley,
[63
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1SS7.
probably that in which Mtijedd'a stands. There was much anxiety at
head-quarters as to the safety of the rear, still entangled in the narrow
and perilous defile, and exposed to attack by the mountaineers.
But all went well, and in the early morning of the next day, the
2ist, the whole army of Egypt advanced, having its northern wing
to the north-west of Megiddo, and its other wing south of Megiddo
on the bank of the water of Qina. I use a vague w'ord, for I do not
wush by such an expression as " brook," or " torrent," to exclude the
identification of Qina (or Qaanau, Qanu, see 26 in our list) w^ith
Qa'aun, 4 miles south of Mtijedd'a, for it seems to me that the
Effyptian phrase may well mean, " on the bank of the tank, or pool
r y^)^ n^ '^^"^ t=t: 1 of Qina," and that Captain Conder may be
right in his suggestion. Mem. II, 227.
Khurbet Qa'ailn " has the appearance of an ancient site, and a
fine spring," and I fancy that any conspicuous reservoir or tank of
water would justify the expression in the narrative. Pierret gives
"lac ou etang," Voc. 432, for Khenjiti. Now these conditions
would, I think, suit well enough. The adventurous march through
the Wady 'Arrian would be right in the direction of Miijedd'a. The
left wing, marching by the road No. 3 before mentioned, towards
Beisan, would take up fighting ground in the valley north-west of
Miijedd'a, and Thothmes, taking as always the road of peril, would
emerge with his right wang south of Mtijedd'a, with his extreme right
resting on Qa'aiin, through w'hich a Roman road from the south-w^est
to Beisan afterwards passed, and perhaps a more ancient road in the
days of Thothmes. Thus he would cut off two great routes on the
west of Jordan, and drive his defeated enemies into the walls of
Megiddo, and those unable to gain entrance would be driven towards
and into the Jordan.
If Captain Conder's identification of Megiddo be right, as I am
inclined to think, this great position would be a fortress guarding the
convergence of two main routes of war and commerce where they
cross the Jordan. Erom Wady el 'Arrian to the valley of Mtijedd'a
appears to be six hours' march.
After a total defeat before INIegiddo that place was straitly
besieged, and reduced to submission. Then the Pharaoh had the
kings of Kadesh and Megiddo brought before him, with the chiefs
and forces of the confjucred territory, and enrolled them in tribute-
lists. These are the lists afterwards inscribed in relief on the temple
walls at Karnak, where each conventional figure in profile bears the
164
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
name of the place which he ruled within an embattled oval, just such
as in Assyrian reliefs represent the ground plan of fortified places.
The chiefs were restored to their dignities under the suzerainty of the
Pharaoh.
And now something must be said as to the way in which we
should regard the names comprised in our lists. Are these names
"geographic," or " ethnographic," or both, or what else?
Mr. Groff insists strongly on the ethnographic view {Revue £g.,
1885, 95 ; and 1S86, 146).
It seems to me that the chiefs of larger or smaller communities,
more or less locally settled and identified, who were taken prisoners of
war in Megiddo, gave the names enrolled by the scribes for tribute.
These names fluctuate in significance. As I wrote some years
since : '• personal and local names are vitally connected. Men of
old loved to ' call their lands after their own names,' and were called
after their native land, and the man gave name to his race, which is
included in a vivid way in the personal name and the territorial.
So it is often hard to know whether we are reading of men, or tribes,
or cities and regions, for all have their pedigrees, and the fashion
of recording them was often similar or the same" {Trans. Vict. Inst,
1882 ; " Biblical Proper Names ").
Now it is clear that in all cases of tribute some chief man was
responsible, not personally but officially, whether for a city or larger
district or for a nomadic tribe, and our lists contain some names
very important and inclusive, and others of various degrees of
subordinate limitation. The leading names are Kadesh and
Megiddo, whose kings commanded these allied forces, and whose
names appear at the head. Beneath these, in relative importance,
are names of districts and of towns, larger or smaller, and (I think)
of tribes, but these last may well have taken root in local and topo-
graphic names. I have often been tempted to add to Jacob and
Joseph, Simeon, on the strength of Jm I, "^ twice occurring,
Nos. 18 and 35, p^?2ll? : ^nd an adventurous theorist might even
pitch upon Reuben, pl^^^, in No. 10, A (<^ 1^.
The two great lists of Syria seem to follow the two great divisions
of the allies. The list of southern Syria would, as it were, crystallize
round Megiddo, and the list of northern Syria round Kadesh on
Orontes.
The whole country is treated inclusively and vaguely as that of
165
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1887.
the Rutennu (perhaps Iltanu), Upper and Lower, Upper being
nearer Egypt. But various races are included (as in scripture
narratives) and dovetailed together, as Khita, Qidu, Fenkhu, Kharu,
&:c. The Palestine list (as it is generally called) would naturally
include all south of the great dividing block of the Lebanon and
Antilebanon; the northern list all beyond, and that appears to me to
be the actual result of very patient inquiry into these lists. The
northern list I communicated with annotations to our Society on the
2nd of June, 18S5, and I have now the honour to submit the
southern list.
I have left unstudied nothing within my reach that has been
written on the subject by Mariette, Brugsch, de Rouge, de Saulcy,
Lenormant, Maspero, Conder, Sayce, or others ; and I have especially
to express my earnest gratitude to my friend Professor Sayce and to
Professor Maspero, for most kind and courteous assistance in a
laborious and complicated task, in which other gentlemen have also
taken an obliging interest. I have not designedly omitted any
acknowledgment, but must beg pardon for inadvertencies and errors
that will arise unbidden.
Li the main our scribes seem to have worked from north to
south. It is in the latter direction that I trust my inquiries have
added some identifications on new ground, and especially in the
regions of Jerusalem and Hebron.
East of Jordan I think we may hold ourselves more free than we
have been wont to do in our search for identifications. We must
not forget Kedorla'omer and the vast importance of the upland
route to Arabia, nor must we overlook the military value of positions
commanding the great passages of Jordan near Megiddo and Jericho.
Damascus itself is included in our Southern list, and this will
warrant much in tlie way of sound inference ; ami Thothmes himself
teaches us to look on the confines of the outlandish tribes of the Sati.
The reduplication or multiplication of many names in various direc-
tions will account for many doubts and misgivings, and afford many
alternatives of choice. Perhaps the Turkish tribute-lists of to-day
may throw light on the grouping of places in administrative districts.
I cannot boast of much systematic coherency, and I have always
preferred tentative guess-work which may be fruitful in other hands
to any little ambition of my own.
I have constantly worked on the basis of the great map of the
Palestine Survey, and made reference to the name-lists and memoirs
166
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
throughout the Southern List ; and I have used the corrected
readings of Golenischeff and Maspero. If I have helped to bring
these important data into better working order for the student, the
explorer, the geographer, and historian, my labour will not have been
in vain. The full lists, with a series of plates, Szc, will be issued
in a future part of the Transactions.
Two Papers by MM. Eugene and Victor Revillout were
read and explained by the President, who announced that the
Secretary had just received from the same authors a paper
entitled, " Un Nouveau Nom Royale Perse."
CONTRATS DE MaRIAGE ET D'AdOPTION DANS L'EgYPTE
ET DANS LA ChaLDEE.
Nous avons montre en Egypte les prototypes des actes de
mariage et d'adoption ayant une forme analogue a celle de la vente
\ Rome : ce fut pour le mariage la coemption, effectuee au moyen
d'une mancipation, comme la vente Romaine des choses niancipi :
pour I'adoption ce fut e'galement une dation en mancipation, non
a titre d'esclave, mais a titre de fils, usitee sous la republique et
dans les premiers temps de I'empire, et par le moyen de laquelle,
a ce que nous apprend Suetone,* Auguste adopta ses petits fils ne's
de sa fiUe et d'Agrippa. A I'epoque tout-a-fait classique du droit
Romain, on n'admit plus pour I'adoption que les genres qui ne'cessi-
taient I'intervention d'un magistrat ; et la mancipation ne fut plus
employee dans les families que comme acheminement vers I'emanci-
pation. Mais du te'moignage de Suetone on pent rapprocher bien
d'autres textes, non moins precis, pour de'montrer que I'adrogation,
sous forme de loi, et I'adoption, sous forme de jugement, devant
un magistrat ayant Yi/nperiiun, e'taient loin d'etre les seuls modes
d'adoption en usage du temps de Ciceron, du temps de Cesar, et
du temps d'Auguste. Auguste lui-meme fut adopte testamen-
tairement par son oncle. L'ami de Ciceron, Atdcus, avait regu
le nom de Cecilius par adoption testamentaire ; et nous voyons
qu'alors les Romains, du moins dans la haute societe', se servaient
* " Caium et Lucium adoptavit, domi, per aes et libram emptos a patre
Agrippa .... Tertium nepotem Agrippam, simulque privignum Tiberium
adoptavit, in foro, lege curiata." (Aug., LXIV et LXV.)
167
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1887.
de toutcs les formes qu'avait consacrees le droit des gens : par
exemple, comme en Grece, laissaient a La fois testamentairement
leurs noms, leur gentilite, et leurs biens aux parents qu'ils avaient
choisis pour continuateurs de leur personne.
L'adoption par mancipation en Egypte que nous avons citee,
remonte a I'an 32 du regne d'Amasis. L'acte est ainsi congu :
" Hor, fils de Petese, dont La mere est Taouaou, dit au choachyte
de La necropole Haredj, fils de Teos :
" Tu m'as donne — et mon coeur en est satisfait — I'argent pour /aire
ci toi Jlh. i\Ioi (je suis) ton fils, et (sont a toi) mes enfants que
j'enfanterai et totalite de ce qui est a moi, et de ce que je ferai etre (de
ce que j'acquerrai). Point a pouvoir (ne pourra point) homme
quelconque du monde m'e'carter de toi, depuis pere, mere, frere,
soeur, seigneur, dame, jusqu'a grande assemblee de justice, moi-
meme, mes enfants (qui seront) les enfants de tes enfants a jamais.
Celui qui viendra a toi a mon sujet, pour me prendre de toi (a toi),
en disant : Ce n'est pas ton fils, celui-la — quiconque au monde
(dis-je) depuis pere, mere, frere, soeur, seigneur, dame, jusqu'a grande
assemblee de justice ou moi-menie (fera ainsi), te donnera argent
quelconque, ble quelconque qui plairont a ton cceur. Moi, je serai
ton fils encore, ainsi que mes enfants a jamais."
Un acte de mariage tout-a-fait semblable, egalement effectue par
une mancipation, a ete public par nous dans le No. IV de la 3®
annee de notre Remie Egyptologiquc et, comme la coemption
Romaine, cet acte place sous la main du mari, sous sa puissance
absolue, telle qu'il la possedait par rapport a ses esclaves, non seule-
ment la femme qui se vend ainsi par la coemption, avec tout ce
qu'elle possede et pourra posseder un jour, mais les enfants qui
naitront d'clle.
11 y avait done alors en Ii^gypte certaines families organisees,
comme le furent generalement les families Romaines sous la loi des
douze tables, avec une puissance dominicale accordee au chef par
rapport h. sa femme et ii ses enfants. ]\Lais c'etait loin d'etre la rfegle
dans I'ancienne Egypte. II faut bien dire que dans ce pays la ten-
dance qui domina fut une tendance absolument contraire : les actes
de mariage bases sur un apport d'argent attribue \ la femme, actes
qui en faisaient la creanciere de son mari et mettaient souvent celui-
ci pleinement a sa discretion, furent ccux (^ui I'emporterent en nombre
et qui constituercnt, pour ainsi dire, la norme du menage Egyptian,
Les cnfimts, par cette dernicre forme d'actes, etaient complete-
168
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
ment aftranchis de la puissance du pere, comme la femme I'etait de
la puissance du mari. En eftet, une clause formelle prevoyait le
depouillement final du chef de famille : " ton fils aine sera le maitre,
I'administrateur, le kiirios de tous mes biens presents et avenir."
Or la suite des actes nous montre les peres transniettant habituelle-
ment, de leur vivant, la propriete de tous leurs biens a leurs enfants,
quand ils ne s'en etaient pas deja desinvestis en faveur de leurs
femmes, meres de ces enfants.
De meme qu'en Grece, a une certaine epoque, les actes de
mariage bases sur une constitution de dot, et qui soumettaient le
mari a la domination de sa femme, ainsi que nous I'apprennent
Menandre et les comiques de la derniere periode, avaient fini par
dominer au point de faire completement oublier les mariages d'une
autre forme qui soumettaient la femme au mari, de meme, en
Egypte, les contrats qui elevaient le plus la situation de la femme
firent a pen pres oublier tous les autres sous les Ptolemes. Mais si
nous remontons un peu plus haut, jusqu'a Darius, ou meme seule-
ment jusqu'a son petit fils Artaxerces, nous trouvons encore en
vigueur le genre d'union qui, suivant nous, est le genre le plus
noble : Celui qui place le mari et la femme sur un pied egal,
qui les unit entierement I'un a I'autre, et qui pent se resumer par la
formule Romaine du vieux mariage sacre, de la confarreation : " Ubic
tu Gains et ego Gaia." La femme est en communaute avec le mari
pour les biens, pour la situation, pour tout I'ensemble de la vie.
Aucune clause particuliere relative a ces biens, a cette situation,
n'aurait done a etre introduite. Le mari, pour remplir son devoir de
mari, doit mettre sa femme en union avec lui meme pour tout ce
qu'il possede, pour les avantages de sa position dans le monde, pour
toutes les jouissances de la vie commune.
Nous avons deja public, dans les Transactions et dans notre
cours de droit Egyptien, deux actes de mariage a forme hieratique,
ou tout etait base sur les traditions religieuses. Voici la traduction
d'un nouveau contrat du meme genre, date cette fois non de Darius
mais d'Artaxerces, et dont la copie se trouve dans les Denkmaler VI,
pi. 126, No. IV:—
" L'an TyZ Epiphi, du roi Artaxerces. Le choachyte de la
necropole de I'occident de Thebes Paerou, fils de Nesamenhotep,
dont la mere est Setirban, dit a la femme Tahei, fiUe du choachyte
de la necropole de I'occident de Thebes, Ounnofre, dont la mere
est Tahonese : je t'ai etablie pour femme. Depuis ce jour
169
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCM.-EOLOGY. [1887.
je n'ai plus parole au monde a t'objecter a ce sujet : c'est moi qui
donne a toi le faire a xoi inari en lieu quelconque ou tu iras.
Personne n'a a en connaitre depuis le jour ci-dessus a jamais.''
Si Ton compare cet acte de mariage a ceux que nous avons deja
publics et qui, relatifs \ des personnages de la meme famille,
remontent au regne de Darius, on comprend mieux encore I'im-
portance de ces mots, " le faire a toi 7na?-i ;" c'est la le fond meme
du formulaire, la partie essentielle qui ne disparait jamais dans tous
les contrats de cette nature. C'est ainsi qu'en I'an 9 du roi Darius
le choachyte Petnofrehotcp, fils de Nesamenhotep, ayant pour
mere Setirban (c'est-a-dire un homme ayant le meme pere ct la
meme mere que le contractant de I'an 33 d'Artaxerces, et paraissant
par consequent devoir etre son frere aine), disait en se mariant a
une femme dont toutes les designations sont identiques — nous
venons de nous en assurer sur les photographies prises sur les
originaux — a celles de la femme qui epousa Parou en I'an 33
d'Artaxerces: "Je t'ai etablie ])our femme. II n'y a plus de parole
a faire ; toutes choses dependant du faire a toi mari je tc les
abandonne depuis le jour ci-dessus a jamais."
De son cote, Parou lui-meme, qui, quand il epousa Taht§i, etait
veuf, disait a sa premiere femme, lorsqu'il I'epousait en I'an 33 du
roi Darius :
"Je t'ai etablie pour femme aujourd'hui. Je t'abandonne le
faire a toi mari depuis le jour ci-dessus. Je ne puis y echapper en
tout lieu oil j'irai depuis le jour ci-dessus k jamais."
Cette derniere phrase est tout-a-fait I'equivalent de la phrase
Romaine : Ubi tu Gains et ego Gaia.
C'etait Ik d'ailleurs un genre de mariage absolument indissoluble,
comme le fut \ Rome, dans les premiers temps, le mariage religieux,
cette confarreation qu'on ne put rompre plus tard que par une
ceremonie lugubre imitee de celle des fune'railles, et apres laquelle
en effet la femme, au point de vue religieux, e'tait censee morte,
puisque de'sormais elle ne pouvait plus contracter une autre union
sainte.
Tout demontre done qu'en Egypte, comme k Rome, ce mariage
d'egalite, sans clause pecuniere aucune, sans contrat d'argent, fut le
plus ancien, celui (jui se rattachait aux idees religieuses et 5, toute
I'organisation primitivement hieratique de la famille. Le faire a
toi mari, (jui resume tout ici, a ete imite par le faire a toi fih dans
I'acte d'adoption que nous citons plus haut.
170
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
Cet acte d'adoption en effet parait etre une combinaison de
divers contrats de manage usites vers la meme epoque. A cote du
faire d, tot Jils, emprunte au mariage religieux, nous trouvons la
mancipation, empruntee a la coemption. Dans le mariage par co-
emption de Fan 4 du roi Psammetique, le type des formulesestapeu
pres le meme, sauf bien entendu que rien n'y rappelle le faire a toi
femme on faire d toi inari des mariages sacres.
Voici cet acte :
" Dit la femme T'enesi, fille d'Anachamen, a Anion, fils de
Put'a :
" Tu as donne — et mon coeur en est satisfait — mon argent pour
faire a toi servante (service). Je suis a ton service (ta servante).
Point a pouvoir homme quelconque du monde (personne au monde
ne pourra) m'ecarter de ton service. Je ne pourrai y echapper. Je
ferai a toi encore jusqu'a argent quelconque, ble quelconque, totalite
de chose au monde et mes enfants que j'enfanterai, et totalite de ce
que je possede, et les choses que je ferai etre (que j'acquerrai), et
les vetements qui (sont) sur mon dos, depuis I'an 4, Mesore ci-dessus,
a jamais et toujours. Celui qui viendra (t'inquieter) a cause de
moi, au nom de parole quelconque du monde, en disant : Ce n'est
pas ta servante, celle-la, te donnera argent quelconque, ble quelcon-
que qui plairont h, ton coeur : ta servante (sera ta) servante encore :
ainsi que mes enfants. Tu es (maitre) sur eux en tout lieu ou tu les
trouveras. Adjure (soit) Ammon ! Adjure (soit) le roi ! Point a
te servir servante encore (ne prends pas servante encore) quelconque.
II n'y a point a dire qu'il te plait (de faire) en toute similitude ci-
dessus. II n'y a point a faire de similitude de ces choses. II n'y a
pas a dire egalement que je puis echapper au service de la chambre
dans laquelle tu es ! "
Ainsi les deux modes fondamentaux par lesquels on pouvait
entrer dans une famille etrangere, le mariage et I'adoption, etaient en
^gypte congus sur des modeles presque identiques.
Une tablette de Sippara de notre collection personnelle, le No. 147,
montre qu'il en fut de meme en Chalde'e. En effet I'acte d'adoption
inscrit sur cette tablette, et qui est le premier acte de ce genre qui
nous soit tombe sous les yeux, presente dans sa contexture generale
et dans le detail de ses formules les analogies les plus frappantes avec
les tablettes relatives au mariage Babylonien dont M. Strassmaier a
public le texte. II commence par une demande, comme le No. 8 de
M. Strassmaier, avec cette seule diffe'rence, que dans le No. 8 de
171
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1SS7.
M. Strassmaier cette demande est celle d'une fille en mariage, tandis
que dans notre tablette c'est celle d'un fils en adoption.
Dans le No. 8 de M. Strassmaier c'est le futur mari qui prend
ainsi la parole au debut de Facte : dans notre tablette ce sont deux
epoux, un mari nomme' Samasbalit et sa femme nommee Kapta
Dans le contrat de mariage c'est au pere de la jeune fille que la
requete est adressee ; dans notre contrat d'adoption c'est aux scribes
ou pretres* du celebre temple d'Eparra : ce Temple du soleil, de
Sippara, dans lequel ont et^ trouves tant de documents importants, et
d'ou proviennent la plupart des actes de notre collection.
II s'agit en effet ici. parait il, d'un enfant expose d'abord, ])uis
recueilli et eleve dans le temple. Le nom meme Sapiikalbi, de la
Louche du chien, rappelle la legende de I'enfant trouve donnee dans
les tablettes bilingues du palais d'Assourbanipal, et que M. Oppert a
traduite : " C'est de la bouche du chien, c'est du bee du corbeau "
que cet enfant trouve avait ete sauve. II etait done tout naturel
d'appeler ainsi un enfant qui avait couru les memes risques.
On rencontre deux fois ce nom dans les tablettes que M. Strass-
maier a publiees. La premiere fois il s'agit d'une esclave apparte-
nant a un nomme'e Nebukitapsilisiru ; la seconde fois Sapiikalbi,
pere d'un des temoins, est rattache a la tribu des hommes nigab, c'est
a-dire des Kipu ou gardiens des temples.
Notre Sapiikalbi est un enfant sans pere, car, a la difference des
autres personnages nommes dans le meme acte, il n'est rattache a
personne par les expressions abal S2i sa, indice de la filiation propre-
ment dite dans la ligne paternelle. On le trouve pourtant designe
comme appartenant a une tribu, ce qui n'a rien d'etonnant d'ailleurs
puisque sa mere etait connue, bien qu'elle n'intcrvienne pas comme
partie dans I'acte. Le reste des designations qui se rapi)ortent a
Sapiikalbi ne se voit plus distinctement, par suite d'une deterioration
de la tablette a cet endroit. INIais le nom du dieu Samas, qui se lit
a la fin, est I'indice des liens qui unissaient au sanctuaire cet enfant
trouve, recueilli par le temple.
C'est done, nous I'avons dit, aux administrateurs du temple
(qu'il faille les nommer Scribes ou Saf/gi/), que s'adressent con-
jointcment le mari et la femme pour demander Saj)iikalbi en
adoption.
* Le doutc est permis, car le signc ^JJi se litt'galement (iipar ou sangu.
172
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
Dans Facte de mariage le demandeur s'exprime ainsi {ikbiiic
nmma) : t^ H ^^ ^^T ^T ^V\ ^ff^lMT ^^tT :<\'^\
^ /^ ^ t> -m 'HI H _^ ^ ? K>K <T- E^
" La femme Manaat esaggil fiUe de toi, femme noble, accorde moi
et qu'elle soit ma femme."
Dans I'acte d'adoption les demandeurs s'expriment ainsi
('-y<y^ -^ -( t^ '^T): "Sapiikalbi, enfant de telle tribu, ayant
telle situation dans le temple de Samas, en filiation, cet enfant
accordez nous, et qu'il soit notre fils." ^-^ ^^ ^ ^ j ^^ - -^^y ^^
:^ #> .4 <>o[ ^y H ^ :h:?: y- ^y ^.
La comparaison de ces deux actes nous force a couper de cette
fagon la phrase, et a voir un verbe suivi de la copule ef dans les
passages paralleles qui precedent le vceu formel soit de mariage soit
d'adoption, d'une part : "r^y ^ ^ ^ >^ ^U- ^ " qu'elle soit
ma femme ;" et d'une autre part : *T^y j^ ^^ *j^ ^y 5^ "qu'il
soit notre fils."
Dans I'acte de mariage le pere accueille cette demande, et accorde
sa fille en mariage : Vy ^^ ^ ^I ^%] ^lA) tV] ^ <?-
Dans I'acte d'adoption Marduk Suma iddin, scribe de Sippara,
et les autres scribes, donnent collectivement Sapiikalbi a I'etat de
fils a Samas balit et a Kapta sa femme : y >->y- -^^-^y >tJ^ >^ ^^
Notre texte continue en ces termes : " Aujourd'hui ils letablissent
fils de Samas belit et de Kapta sa femme " -^y >t<S *^ ^' V y >->f- -^y
Et pour insister encore sur la situation nouvelle de Sapiikalbi
on ajoute : "Sapiikalbi est le fils mancipe de Samas belit et de
femme Kapta" ] ^ t^- ^ ^'r t:^ '^^ ^ jti^ ^^ ^ y ^>y-
"^y A. ^T4T < t^ '^ Ty ^T n^ Sapiikalbi aplu Kiiddinnu sa
Samas balit tt Belia sun.
Le mot Kudin?m, Kudinni, que nous rencontrons dans ce texte
apres le mot ablu fils, est a distinguer de Kudijinu = l^p et signifie
soit en chaldaique* soit en syriaque mancipaius.-\
* 'TXZ ^'^ seixniatan redigit, finnicifatus est.
t ^r^ jiinxit ct iiianci pains in servitiiteui rcdadiis est.
173
May 3] SOCIETY OF I5IULICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1SS7.
Cette dation a I'etat de fils etait done en Chaldee aussi comparee
a la dation a I'etat d'esclave.
L'acte se termine par une formule que nous retrouvons
identique dans un contrat qui porte le No. 160 dans le copies de
M. Strassmaier, et ou une grand-mere constitue un supplement de
dot a I'occasion du mariage de la fiUe de son fils aine.
Voici comment etait e'crit ce texte dans le contrat de M.
Strassmaier: ^ ^]<] "i^]^] ^>f .^ V, #> V" t# ->f <Z^]
annaa innuu Marditk u Zarpanltiim haa sii likbuu.
Nous avions rapproche d'abord le mot innuu du mot anna,
forme babylonienne de la racine pn, et signifiant grace et faveur*
* Comme dans les langues semiliques les 3es personnes des verbes servant tres
souvent a former des noins theophores apocopes, un nom propre tel que Innu, In-
iimu, Eniitnu aurait ete possible, puisque en babylonien Ve et 1'; se confondent et
se commuent : et c'est ainsi que nous avions compris comment ce mot aurait pu se
trouver precede du determinatif des noms propres dans l'acte copie par M. Strass-
maier sous le No. 42. II s'agissait d'ailleurs d'une de ces phrases pleines de
lacunes dans lesquelles la copie, les restitutions, tout reste douteux. Mais nous
preferons decidement rattacher au premier mot de la ligne le trait vertical qui
precede cmnni, et voir ici la particule bien connue ^J-f , inu, eiiinnu, \^ \ enuma,
qui se rencontre si souvent dans les textes. D'ailleurs on ne voit pas reparaltre
dans la suite de cette piece ce pretendu personnage, et tout prouve que c'est
simplement une incise. Voici done comment nous traduisons : " Bariki ilani
esclave buturit. d'argent de la femme Gagai que, en I'an 37 de Nabu-
chodonosor, roi de Babylone, Ahi nouru, fils de Nebo nadin ahi, avait delivre pour
un tiers de mine 8 sekels d'argent (a la femme Gagai), voila qu'il reclama ainsi :
Affranchi {turbani) de Bel rimanni, homme mandataire de Samas damik,
fils de Nebo nadin ahi et de la femme Kudasu, fille d'Ahinouru, je suis (anaku)."
Dans cette phrase il reste des termes encore douteux, mais il en est d'autres qui
sont absolument precises par I'ensemble de nos contrats. Le mot saqali, par
exemple, signifiant des mains de, a, comme sens juridique, la valeur de manda-
taire, comme le mot egyptien xertot __^^ ^-^-^, sous la main, et comme le mot
mandataire lui mcme qui vient de maniis et de dare. Nous pourrions citer a ce
sujet le No. 3 de la pi. 49 du 3e volume de la publication du British Museum
(W.A.I.) le contrat de mariage Ninivite, si admirabiement pul)lie par notre cher
maitre M. Oppert, le No. 118 de M. Strassmaier, et bcaucoup d'autres documents
analogues, Ninivites et Babyloniens.
L'acte 42 de M. Strassmaier continue ainsi : —
"En presence des nobles, des grands, et des juges du roi Nabonid, roi de
Babylone, ils raconterent I'affaire (ou ils demanderent jugement) : diini itbidm. Et
les juges ccoutercnt leurs paroles, ainsi que le (recit du) lien d'esclavage de
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS7.
{voir Norris, p. 1092) ; dans la conjugaison de cette meme racine
le / se serait tres naturellement substitue a la voyelle faible a pour
la 3® personne commengant par cet /. Le mot tJiniai aurait done
voulu dire favoriser, voir avec faveur, et, comma, d'une autre part,
le terme dababu, qu'on pent rattacher a la racine 221 locutus est,
a souvent le sens de demande, de reclamation, de requete, on
pouvait appliquer la premiere partie de cette phrase aux dieux
Marduk et Zarpanitura. qui auraient vu avec faveur la requete de la
grand-mere. Mais notre tablette ne permet plus cette interpretation.
En eifet I'ideogramme pal *-i^)^i- sy trouve substitue au mot
<:^} < ->f ISr ^ >^:^ ^i g< lUIH ^- « Or cet
ideogramme, d'origine Touranienne, signifie surtout transg?rsser.
Barikiilani qui, depuis I'an 35 de Nabuchodonosor roi de Babylone, jusqu'a Tan 7
de Nabonid, roi de Babylone, avait ete donne pour argent (ana kas/a naadnu),
etabli en gage {a)ia iiiaskanu sakim), donne en dot a Nupta, fille de Gagai {ana
itudunnie ana Ahipta maratsu-sa Gagai naadnii), qu'ensuite {arki) Nupta avait
engage {taknukii) et donne [taaddinu) a Zamalmalnadin, son fils, et a Iddina, son
mari [muti-su], avec le revenu d'une maison (itti isruba biti) et des esclaves
{amilliiutti). Tout cela ils I'examinerent (le firent dire). A Barikiilani ils dirent
ainsi {ikbiiu tim/na) : tu reclames ainsi {taj-guniu um?nd) : je suis affranchi
{tiirbani anakii) ? ton affranchissement, mensonger celui-la {hu-banutka kiillim
aniiaaszi).
La reponse de Barikiilani contient malheureusement I'ideogramme haa, qui non
seulement represente en semitique les mots nabutuin et hulluqii, mais le terme
inugil et beaucoup d'autres. Les raisons qui ont motive la declaration fallacieuse
de Barikiilani et qui, I'expliquant, peuvent etre invoquees comme circonstances
attenuantes, ne sont done pas encore bien certaines. Mais, apres I'aveu, vient un
recit absolument conforme a celui qu'avait fait la partie adverse.
II reprend done : " Je dis ainsi : {akbi iimmd) : un affranchi, moi ! {iiiibani
anakii). II n'y a pas d'affranchissement mien {tiirbanutaa la isi). Je (fus) esclave
buturu d'argent de la femme Gagai. Elle m'a donne a la femme Nupta, sa fille
{a7ia nnpta maratsu taaddaannaanni). La femme Nupta m'a engage {taknuka-
anni) et a Zamalmalnadin son fils, et a Iddina, son mari, elle m'a donne {taaddi-
naunni). Apres la mort de la femme Gagai et de la femme Nupta {ai-ki mitiitu sa
Gagaa uNuptad), a Ittimardukbaladu, fils de Nebo ahi iddin, pour argent
Le reste est trop lacuneux pourpermettreaucune tentative de traduction suivie.
La femme Gagai ne doit pas etre confondue avec les femmes Gugua, exacte-
ment ses contemporaines, dont I'une fait, sur la tablette 74 de M. Strassmp.ier,
un acte de pret en faveur d'un nomme Bel ahi erib, et dont une autre intervient en
qualite de femme {altiun — astuni) de ce dernier, en meme temps que sa mere
intervient, comme assistante, au bas de cet acte.
175
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1SS7.
traverser, violer, et c'est dans ce sens qu'il est donne comme synonyme
du mot inie dans la formule bien connue : ana la inie, "pour ne pas
transgresser," les termes de cette convention, pour ne pas s'ecarter
de ce contrat. Le vieux nom d'un roi appele en Touranien Ka mi
palpal, et en semite Ikbii la ini, est congu en ce sens : " II parle et ne
s'ecarte pas de ce qu'il a dit." C'est done egalement dans ce sens
qu'il faut traduire le mot i7mu dans I'acte de mariage, et le mot pal
correspondant dans Facte d'adoption. Celui qui violerait cette dababa,
qui ne respecterait pas la parole donnee par suite de la demande
adressee en tete de Facte dont il s'agit, celui-lii, les dieux Marduk et
Zarpanit qu'ils disent son haa. Le mot haa 5^-^ y![ est rendu notam-
ment de deux fagons differentes dans les bilingues : par nabutum et
par huUuku. Nabutinn est un nom verbal forme sur la racine nabii,
proclamer, d'ou sont venus les derives prophcte (h^'^^]]) et prophetic.
Hidluku est derive de la racine assyrienne /lalaku, a laquelle
s'attachent particulierement les idees de destnuiion, de fiiite, etc.
Le contexte exige qu'on choisisse cette seconde racine du moment
oil il s'agit de punir celui qui attaquerait Facte et ses consequences.
Ici se termine la phrase dans la tablette d'adoption. Dans le
No. 160 de ]\L Strassmaier un autre dieu est invoque : *^^i^y ^=
^TTy '"TT'^y '''' Nabu tupsar esaggil iuimtsii arqidu I i karri."
Pour likarri la question etait double, comme pour inyiziu, et
pour Jiaa : on pouvait en effet songer soit a la racine i^, dans le
sens abominatus est, aversatiis est, detestatus est, Jiorriiit, etc., soit,
avec la permutation du p en ^, fre'quente d'ailleurs en babylonien,
li la racine • ^\ rendre joyeux ou raffraieJiir. Avec le premier
sens attribue k imiii, c'etait a cette derniere racine qu'il fallait se
rattacher. Avec le sens actuel, determine par I'ideogramme pal,
c'est h, I'autre qu'il faut penser.
Du reste ceci nous ramene a la formule finale par laquelle se
termine Facte de mariage proprement dit qui porle le No. 8 dans les
copies de M. Strassmaier : ana la cnie nis Neho Marduk ilanisnnjc
11 nis NalmcJiodonosor sar belisumi izkurii. "Pour ne pas pecher
(pour ne pas violer les termes du contrat), ils invoquent I'csprit divin
(le Nebo et de Merodach leurs dieux, et Fesprit divin de Nabuchodo-
nosor Ic roi Icur maitre."
176
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
Quant ail titre de scribe d'Esaggil accorde a Nebo dans le con-
trat de la grand mere, il est tout-a-fait parallele au titre de scribe du
monde entier qu'il porte dans un texte bilingue.
Notre tablette d'adoption a ete dressee en la presence de Marduk
suma iddin scribe de Sippara, et des scribes qui, avec lui, avaient
attribue Sapilkalbl comme fils a Samas suma iddina et a sa femme.
- ^r lEiT ¥ T -^ <::-7 >^ >^ ^ ^jn ?- -^i 4^ xf-H
^ -JI! I^ ^KT t\A ^ ? ^ ^ ^
Comme temoins figurent en premier lieu deux individus faisant
partie de la tribu des scribes de Sippara, y^ ^^^ ^JTJ I— -^y .^[^,
un autre faisant partie de la tribu des scribes du dieu Samas,
y][ '^^ ^TT '^Hf- -^y, puis, apres deux autres temoins, il est dit que
cet acte a ete fait avec I'assistance de la femme Busasa mere de Sapii-
kalbi : ina asabi sa Busasa uiiimi sa Sapiikalbi >— ^ V ^ V V^ "^j-
>:f4ff: >^f4|f tHi4 ¥ I ¥ -?- ^ ^y ^- Le nom du scribe
redacteur de I'acte, Ardu Bel, vient en dernier lieu. .^
Malheureusement le reste manque.
II est curieux de voir que la mere ne figure la que comme assis-
tante alors qu'une autre femme est au contraire partie en qualite de
mere adoptive. Mais c'est que sans doute I'abandon de Sapiikalbi
dans la rue, cet abandon qui I'avait expose a la bouche des chiens,
avait fait perdre tous ses droits a la mere, bien qu'elle fut connue et
bien qu'elle put etre recherchee et decouverte par une enquete,
selon toutes les probabilite's.
II en fut de meme en droit romain quand, sous I'empire, a
certaines periodes, I'exposition des enfants fut admise. Les parents de
I'enfant expose avaient perdu tous leurs droits sur lui et, bien que de
naissance ingenue, bien que pouvant etablir et prouver avec evidence
sa filiation, il appartenait a celui qui I'avait recueilli jusqu'au jour ou
le prix de ses services representait le prix qu'avait coute son educa-
tion. Les empereurs avaient sans doute emprunte cette solution
favorable au droit des gens : et cela fait comprendre comment, parmi
les Sapiikalbi, nous en trouvons : un encore esclave d'un particulier ;
un autre, recueilli dans un temple, donne en adoption par les represen-
tants de ce temple, et enfin un autre, devenu lui meme Kipu ou
gardien de quelque sanctuaire, et conside're comme un homme libre,
pere d'enfants ingenus.
T77
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [18S7.
L'AXTICHRKSE NON IMMOBILIERE DANS l'EgYPTE ET
DANS LA ChALDEE.
Nous avons longueinent expose dans le cours sur les obligations
en droit Egyptien compare aux aittres droits de Vantiquite, et dans
I'appendice babylonien, annexe a ce meme volume, I'histoire des
origines et du developpement d'une institution ^ peu pres inconnue
au droit moderne, mais qui joue un role considerable dans les plus
anciens droits, dans celui de I'l^^gypte, et dans celui de la Chaldee :
I'antichrese.
L'antichrese pouvait servir non seulement pour representer un
genre de gage, c'est-a-dire, la garantie reelle d'une creance, mais
pour procurer la jouissance d'un bien et representer par consequent
une variete de la location. Dans un cas comme dans I'autre on
commen^ait par etablir une e'quivalence exacte entre le bien en
question et la somme d'argent livree en echange momentane de
ce bien.
L'ide'e juridique de cette equivalence entre le capital d'argent
et le bien correspondant se trouve dej^ developpee dans les textes
bilingues de la Bibliotheque d'Assourbanipal, et les applications
multiples s'en rencontrent dans les vieux textes de \Varka remontant
au 23^ siecle avant notre ere.
De cette premiere equivalence en d^coulait une seconde,
etablie cette fois entre les produits, d'une part, du bien ainsi livre
et, d'une autre part, de la somme d'argent livree en echange. C'est
la ce c^ui se trouve exprime dans les actes de Babylone par la
formule, si frequente et qui se rapporte toujours a la constitution
d'une antichrese, faite soit dans un but locatif, soit a titre de garantie
pour une dette ou pour un emprunt : " il n'y a pas de terme de
location pour le bien, et il n'y a pas d'interet pour I'argent," idie bitti
iaanu u harra Kaspi iaanu.
Nous avons donne des exemples d'applications de rantichrese
non seulement a des immeubles, mais h, des biens d'une autre nature.
Nous avons montre notamment : qu'en Egypte on s'etait servi de
l'antichrese gage sous le regne d'Amasis pour des immeubles, par
cxemple ; qu'on Favait egalement employee pour des animaux ; et
(ju'on s'etait servi de l'antichrese locative pour assurer, durant un
temps dt^termin^, au cr^ancier d'une somme d'argent la jouissance
des produits de liturgies, d'officcs ct revenus funeraircs. Nous
178
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
avons egalement indique qu'en Chaldee dans des actes oli manquait
la formule, " il n'y a pas de terme de loyer et il n'y a pas d'interet
pour I'argent," la constitution d'une antichrese n'en etait pas moins
evidente. Nous avons dit qu'a ce point de vue, a toutes les epoques,
les esclaves avaient ete traites comme des immeubles et transmis
de main en main, d'un debiteur a son creancier, de celui-ci a son
creancier propre, etc., pour revenir en sens contraire par le jeu,
si particulier, si longuement expose par nous, de I'antichrese
Chaldeenne. Mais jusqu'ici pour etablir I'identite complete, au point
de vue juridique, des operations concernant, d'une part, les immeubles,
et, d'une autre part, les esclaves, il nous manquait d'avoir retrouve
dans les actes se rapportant a ces derniers, cette formule, qui tantot
se rencontre et tantot ne se rencontre pas dans les contrats d'antichrese
relatifs a des immeubles : " il n'y a pas de terme de loyer et il n'y a
pas d'interet d'argent."
Aujourd'hui un acta inedit de notre collection comble cette
lacune. Get acte. No. 13S, redige a Sippara, et date du regne de
Darius, est relatif a une creance dont le chiffre a malheureusement
disparu.
La creanciere est une femme Bu'itum. La debitrice est la
femme Tabutum (Higatum), fille de Bel-ahi-iddin, de la tribu des
Sangu de Samas -j^ ^ ^^ ^H %:^^ %]] Yf >'-]Jl ^^ J^
L'acte continue en ces termes : —
" La femme Hapaezi son esclave est le gage de la femme
Bu'itum. II n'y a pas de terme de location d'esclave et il n'y a pas
d'inte'ret d'argent. Creancier hypothecaire autre ne mettra pas la
main dessus jusqu'a ce que la femme Bu'itum ait re^u son argent
^^ 5< ^ ^} ^iHir ^ th \^ '^]] >f :Hi^r v- ¥ t^ -^-
t:^'. }l^i BVy ^^:^^Y m -B] -izi^jA <-h^
Fan's, Ic 29 Mars, 1SS7.
Thanks were returned for these communications.
179
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGV. [1SS7.
The following Communications have been received from
Dr. A. Wiedemann.
On a ]Moxumext of the First Dyn.\sties.
In the beautiful collection of copies of Egyptian texts made by
Deveria, now at the Louvre, a copy of a bas-relief, at the present
time in the museum at Aix-en-Provence, is found. It represents two
standing men dressed in panthers' skin ; the first holds a stick in
his right hand, and in his left the sign jf^ — , . An inscription tells
us the names of the men : "] | Ql^^] I] ^ ™ "^ ^
I I I I A ^~^^- -'■^ front of the first personage
two little figures are seen standing one above the other ; the one
uppermost was T q ; the second, a child, has the name of
^ f*^ . In front of the second person another little man stands
in the attitude of speaking.
The king Sent, whose prophets Aasen and Ankef were, is the
Sethenes of INIanetho, the fifth king of the second dynasty. We know
a third prophet of his, named Schera, who appears on a stone at
Oxford (No. 794, " Marmora Oxoniana," II, 1, fig. 5 ; Lepsius,
" Auswahl," pi. 9),"* and on a naos at Bulaq ("S. de I'ouest," cat.
No. 996), the two belonging to the ancient empire. Afterwards his
adoration is quoted anew only at a very late period ((■/. de Rouge,
" Rech. sur les six premiers dynasties," p. 251) when also a bronze
statue of the king was made.f The names of the personages quoted
on the Aix inscription bear a very ancient character. The name
Ankef is found in another text, in which a man of this name appears
as chief of the arsenal. He was the son of a priest at the pyramids
of the kings Sahura and Ra-en-user (cf. de Rouge, " Mon. des six
premiers dynasties," p. 307), and is certainly not to be identified
with our Ankef
The monument of Aix is not dated, but there are sufficient
indications to prove that it belongs, if not to the second, at least to
the third dynasty. In fact the kings of the ancient empire always
[* The tomb of .Sheri, from which the stone at Oxford was taken, was found at
.Saqqarah Ijy M. Mariette, and the inscriptions in it are given in his Mas/ada de
Pancien Empire, p. 92, and following. — P. LE P. R.]
t This statue was formerly in the collection of Posno, and is now at Berlin
(" Jahrb. der Konigl. preuss. Kunstsammlungen," IV. Sp., LX\'III).
180
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
introduced their cult during their lifetime ; generally it was celebrated
in the temple connected with the pyramid erected to receive the
king's mummy. After their death the cult usually ceased, the suc-
cessor being too much interested in his own, to find time to think of
supporting the priests of his ancestors, or to control the offerings
required by the dead monarch's institutions. Therefore we see the
king-cults lasting only a very short time, and hardly ever transferred
from one dynasty to the following one. It is very easy to prove this
fact by comparing the list of the priestdoms occupied by the different
personages buried at Gizeh and Saqqarah. So we may be sure that
usually the men quoted as priests of certain kings are their contem-
poraries, or lived at least at a not very much later period. Thus the
bas-relief of Aix may be called one of the most ancient monuments
found as yet in the Nile Valley. Unhappily its inscriptions are too
short to make it possible to ascertain this fact with certainty.
The cult of the kings disappeared, as we have seen, generally
with their death, and this rule has only very few exceptions. But
at a much later period, — the time of the XXVIth Dynasty, it became
a custom to adore the ancient monarchs anew, and to name priests
to serve them, and to restore their temples. The reason was the
archaistic tendency of the whole period. At this time monuments
were erected bearing the names of the most ancient monarchs.
Many scarabs, especially those found at Naucratis, prove this
fact, and the celebrated golden arm-ring and ear-rings with the
name of Menes, which are now at New York {Jiev. Arch., I,
Ser. II, 2, p. 733 : Prisse, Mon., pi. 47, No. 2) are another example
of the same kind.* Stelas were erected in the names of the ancient
Pharaohs, as, for example, that telling about the buildings of
Chufu on the ground of the pyramid fields of Memphis (Mariette,
"Mon div.," pi. 53; cf. de Rouge, "Rech.," p. 265; Wiedemann
"Handbuch," p. 178). The functionaries had again the names of
offices which had been in use some thousand years before, and the
titles of the ancient Pharaohs were taken up by the new ones. The
* An unpublished monument belonging to the same category is a Menat of
burned clay in green colour, bought by Mr. Chester in 1881. It is worked quite in
the style of the XXVIth Dynasty, and shows, written with black ink, in one vertical
column, the inscription ^\^ ( © ^37 f | ^^ f O ^^^^^ ^=^ ^^ W |
pretending to have been made in the time of the most celebrated of the Mentu-
hetep-kings in the Xlth Dynasty. The writing of the king's name with i in the
text is very seldom found.
i8i
May 3] SOCIETY OF JIIDLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1SS7.
art, and especially the sculpture, show the same tendency; it was
quite a renaissance, as Lepsius very well described it.
It is true that Prof. Piehl {Le Muscon, I, p. 291) has contradicted
Lepsius, saying that the Saitic statues were not made in imitation of
those of the ancient empire, but showed the style of Lower Egypt,
differing from the style of Memphis. If Prof. Piehl had taken the
trouble to consider the monuments of the Theban dynasties found at
Memphis, he would not have expressed his opinion with so much
certainty. The difference which these monuments show, compared
with the pieces found at Thebes is a very slight one, caused, not
by a variance in the conception of art, l)ut mostly by the difference
between the materials used in Upper and in Lower Egypt. Nearly
the same difference is found between the monuments erected at
Abydos and those coming from Thebes or Memphis.
Quite another thing is the case with the rest of the Theban
dynasties and those of the Saitic. In the first period the idea of
the sculptor was to make a work in monumental shape after a
canon, prescribed by an hieratic law ; the proportions of the body
were formed after certain rules, so that it is possible to reconstruct
a statue of this period with all certainty, if only one part of the body
is left. Only the face was chiselled as a portrait, but also there a
scheme, the symmetry of the right and left sides, etc., was strictly
observed. The statue formed only a part of the architecture, and
was worked out as a column without being true to nature. In the
ancient empire the art of sculpture was more independent ; then the
statue was really a portrait of a living man with his real features, his
r^al proportions, if also a certain stiffness is always to be observed.
But this must be attributed to the national stiffness of the Egyptians,
manifested not only in their unpicturesque way of dressing, but
also in their thoughts and movements. The Saitic period tried to
raise the same ideal as the ancient empire, to give life to their
statues, and thus a period of renaissance began, the works of which
can be quoted side by side with the masterpieces of the profane art
of the time of Cheops and his successors. While the Theban art
was purely hieratic, only intending to adorn temples and graves,
the art of the ancient period embellished also the houses of the
living, and those parts of the tombs designed for the use of tlie
surviving, not only on days of mourning, but also on festival days
of all kinds. These two widely differing tendencies of Egyptian
1S2
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS7.
art, the hieratic and the profane, ought not to be so completely
overlooked as has been generally done till now.
The deification of the kings was the custom during the whole
period of Egyptian paganism. It began already during the lifetime
of the monarchs. It was not the king's person alone that was an object
of adoration, but his ka, his spiritual essence, which was looked upon
as being quite similar to himself but yet not identical. Thus it was
possible that the king appeared before his own divine person and
could erect temples and altars to it, as was done, for example, by
Amenophis III and Ramses II. There exists a certain difference
between the comprehension of the deified kings in the remoter
and in the later periods. At first the king was simply adored,
offerings were given to him, and his ka was praised in hymns, but
he is a kind of passive divinity, who has no power to intercede
in the aftairs of this world here. These ideas suffered a change
by and by. The king, especially when deceased, became a god,
with all the attributes of the great divinities ; as well as these
he could give life, pleasure, power, eternity, etc. In the funeral
prayers he was asked as well as Osiris, Anubis, and others to give
bread, wine, geese, etc., to the person of the dead. Not only the
powerful kings were thus honoured, but all the kings of the new
empire are supposed to have acted in this way, though it is not yet
possible to prove it for every one of them. The more stelas of
these times are discovered and published, the longer our list of
king-gods will become.
One new name is given, for example, by an ostrakon preserved in
the museum of Vienna (No. 29, r/^ von Bergmann, " Uebersicht," etc.,
6th ed., p. 23), and not published till now. The hieroglyphic
inscription runs thus, from right to left, in five vertical columns : —
(■) Ik (MEi n ^•
(3) ^If J U ^^^(?)
=^=^ ^37 c=== -9© ^w^ .vvwvv n <G-<
(4) ^ ^ =_-^^_lj
(5) I
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/liOLOGY. [1SS7.
This text, dating from the XVIIIth Dynasty, and written for the
royal nurse Sat-ra, with the surname An, proves that the queen
Ramaka, who assumed all the rights and emblems of an Egyptian
king, participated also in their divine honours. Generally this fact
is mentioned only in inscriptions written by her own orders, only
this one monument shows that her divine powers were regarded as
effective also by others. That this was so rarely the case is a
consequence of the queen's persecution, which took place under
the reign of her half-brother Thutmes III.
The Age of Memphis.
Very little is known of the history of the different great Egyptian
towns; the monuments make hardly any allusion to their foundation.
The principal cause of this circumstance is to be found in the fact that
the towns of Egypt were generally no artificial foundations. Only
of one town we know that it was built by order of a king ; — founda-
tions of fortresses as are quoted in papyrus Anastasi, IV, 6, i, sqq.,
have nothing to do with towns — it was Chu-en-aten who built
Pa-aten, but his creation had no stability. The place was deserted
after his death, and its ruins still cover the desert near Tel-el-
Amarna.
The Egyptian town developed itself by degrees out of a single
house or small village; thus it is generally impossible to fix the year
of the foundation, but we can find out the time when a town is first
quoted in the texts and begins to hold a place in history as a capital
or cult-centre.
One of the most important of these towns is Memphis,
Herodotus, II, 99, and Josephus, "Ant. Jud." VIII, 6, 2,* pretend
that it was founded by Menes {Mtu or Mtua/wi as they name him)
and Herodotus adds that at the same time the temple of Hephae-
stos was erected. Manetho appears to have been of the same
opinion. In the historical notes added to the different reigns, he
says that Athothis, the son of Menes, built the palace of Memphis,
and calls the Ilird, IVth, Vlth, Vllth, and Vlllth Dynasties
* As Josephus quotes in this chapter Herodotus, he will have followed him
also in his information about the foundation of Memphis.
184
May 3] PROCEEDINGS, [1S87.
Memphitic. To the second king of the Ilnd Dynasty, Kaiechos,
he attributes the introduction of the cult of the Apis of Memphis.
Here Manetho is contradicted by another Greek author, ^lian
("Hist, anim.," XI, 10), telling that already Menes was founder of this
cult. In the inscriptions it appears first at the time of Mykerinos
(Lepsius, Denkffi., II, 37 b, line 14); afterwards it is quoted oftener,
also in funeral texts, as in the royal pyramids of Saqqarah {f.g., of
Unas, line 424; Maspero, "Rec. de trav. rel. e.c," IV, p. 48).
Diodor. I, 50, ascribes the foundation of Memphis to Uchoreus,
and tells about the same of him as Herodotus does of Menes ; he adds
that from this time Memphis began to rise and Thebes to decline,
till Alexandria was founded, so that the warrant of Diodorus must
have ignored completely the existence of the first Memphitic period,
and believed the town to have been founded only after the Theban
dynasties, that is to say about A. Chr. 1000. This quite erroneous
statement shows that Diodorus' indication is without value. Another
tradition is given by Aristippus, an author whose lifetime is unknown,
but who must belong to a rather late period. He pretends in the
first book of his Arcadica (Frg. i of Miiller, " Frg. hist. Grgec," IV,
p. 327, taken from Clemens Alex. Strom., I, p. 139) that Memphis
was built by Apis, king of Argos. This opinion had a large
influence on later authors ; we find it particularly in the writings
of the Fathers of the Church (Euseb., " Prasp. evang.," X, p. 293 ;
Augustin, "de civitate Dei," XVIII, ^^.) but this reproduction of
the narrative does not increase its value. The connection between
Apis of Argos* and Memphis is caused by the adoration of the
Apis-bull at Memphis, and was certainly constructed by a Greek
Mythograph, who tried to bring all myths into one system ; histori-
cally it can be used no more than the indication (ApoUodor.,
"Bibl.," II, I, 4) that Memphis was built by Epaphus, the son of
lo-Isis. The only trustworthy Greek indication is that of Herodotus.
Modern writers have generally followed the opinion of Herodotus,
and believed Memphis to be as old as the Egyptian Empire and
Egyptian History. The kings of the time of the pyramids are
thought to have reigned at Memphis, in a town which included,
with other buildings, the temple of Ptah and the citadel of the
White Wall Not long ago this idea was contradicted by Erman
* Apollodor., "Bibl.," II, i, i, declared that Apis, king of the Peloponnes,
was adored after his death under the name Serapis.
18=;
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIDLICAL ARCII.EOLOGV. [1887.
("^gypten," p. 243 S(/.), who pronounced as a certainty quite
another opinion, and was followed in this by Eduard Meyer, '" Gesch.
^gyptens," p. 57. I think it will be interesting to examine his
arguments more closely to see if they are really sufficient to shake
Herodotus' authority.
Erman remarks first, that in the ancient texts Memphis is not
quoted, at least not as Mennefer. Instead of it we find under each
king a capital, named "his town," and determinated with the
pyramid, as if town and pyramid had formed one indivisible etisemble.
Already de Rouge had seen that Memphis is not a very old name, as
well as the name Anub-het' for the citadel of the town (the \evKou
TtTyov of Herodotus HI, 91, and Thucydides I, 104) appears only at
a later period. He says (" Mon. des six prem. dyn. in Mem. de I'Ac.
deslnscr.," 25, 2, p. 3 17) speaking of the title ^<=>® /\, which
he translates (pp. 317, 342, 345) "Gouverneur de la ville de la
pyramide," or "Commandant de la viile de la pyramide," that it
is possible that the town spoken of is meant to be Memphis, the
popular name of which does not appear in the ancient texts under its
later form. This Governor was very often quite a distinct personage
from the priest destined to preside at the commemorative cult of the
buried king, a fact proving that the town and the pyramids are not
always identical. Sometimes it is indeed the case, thougli if Una
is called IT y M|i ^ K.=_ , with the ordinary title of the
pyramid priest, the © ^ denotes certainly, as de Rouge, 1. c. p. 332,
observed, the pyramid of Pepi. But generally ® the town, or
® ^--^ his (the king's) town, w'ill have been the town vn-' e^oxv^)^^'^^
residence and centre of political life, as well as in the new empire in
the Theban inscription ® denotes Thebes, or as in the classics
yTToXa is Athens, and 7ir/>s is Rome. At the same time ® may have
been an abbreviation of the holy name of the town ^1 ^ |) ^'^^
town of cod Ptah (i-f. ® [] ^^^^^ Thebes), a name of whicli the
Hebrew designation of Memphis Noph has been formed. Tliat
Noph is Memphis and not the Ethiopian Napata, as Brugsch and
others thought, is shown already by the Septuagint, which translates
Noph always with Memphis, and was proved in a systematic way by
Dumichen ("Gesch. ^g.," pp. 75, 245).
The absence of the name Men-nefer alone cannot prove the non-
existence of the town. Nearly all the very numerous inscriptions
1S6
May 3] PROCEEDINGS, [1SS7.
dating from a period anterior to the Vlth Dynasty treat of funeral
things, tombs, Ufe after death, and gods, in a merely stereotype way.
Of these texts, which give no historical notices at all, neither
can geographical notes be expected. Besides the funeral texts,
representations are found of this world, scenes of every-day life, of
the chase, drives, agriculture, etc., but in so generalized a style that
they may belong to every time and place. The texts never contain
allusions to the biography of the dead ; only his titles are cited, but
not the time when he lived, nor what he achieved ; neither the place
he lived at, nor the places he went to.
Only at one place in the tombs we find names of localities, that
is in the representation of women carrying gifts to the deceased.
Near each woman the name of a place is written, but this did
not mean that towns of Egypt were considered as gift senders, but
they were only the names of single possessions and country seats
which once belonged to the deceased, which had come to show their
fealty to him. This fact is proved by the circumstance that the names
of these lands change continually, and are different in every tomb, just
because every deceased person cited only his own possessions. The
names are generally formed with the help of the name of the reigning
king, or of his immediate predecessors, a usage which enables us to
fix the age of the graves. When the king, or the possessor, died, the
names of the places were very often changed. Therefore it cannot
be expected that we should find among these local names the different
towns of Egypt, least of all the capital Memphis.
Besides these lands the inscriptions of the period contain only
one more designation of locality, which could be believed as relative
to a place.* Each king built his own tomb-pyramid, combined
with a temple, where his funeral sacrifices were offered to him.
Egyptians of noble birth thought it a great honour to serve as
prophet of the deceased king in these temples. The names of
these pyramids were formed of the king's name and an epithet
on the tomb, /.<?., the grand, the resplendent, the good place, the
sublime seat, and so on. Thus the title of such a functionary
was, p.e., prophet at the great (pyramid) of Chufu." These tomb-
buildings were determined with the sign ®, sign of town and place,
which used to be placed behind circumscribed localities, such as a
* The disquisition of the places named in the pyramid-texts of the Vth and
Vlth Dynasties is too little advanced to give certain results.
187
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1SS7.
pyramid with its temple and annexes would have represented. But
Erman means that these pyramid-names have a greater weight also
in connection with the name of the royal capital of the time, and
continues his considerations with the words : " Considering the
situation of the dated pyramids, the oldest were the most remote of
the emplacement of INIemphis. So, holding up the old opinion that
Chufu reigned at Memphis, we must think that he had the curious
idea to build his tomb three miles distant from his residence, though
he had place enough for it near by. Probably the town of Chufu
was quite near to the pyramid, as well as the town of Chafra and
jNIenkara near Gizeh, those of the Vth Dynasty near Abusir ; only
the kings of the Vlth Dynasty reigned quite near to Memphis.
The observation that the most ancient pyramids are situated
in the north, and the later ones more and more southwards
was first made by Maspero. For this reason he thought that the
pyramid of Meydum was not built by Snefru but belonged to a
much later period. Unhappily it is not possible to prove the fact.
We know only the builders of the pyramids of Gizeh, and those of
five pyramids at Saqqarah ; for the rest, we have only hypothesis.
Manetho pretends that the pyramids of Kachome, situated near
Saqqarah, were very ancient, and it is indeed very likely that some
of the numerous pyramids of Saqqarah belong to the Ilird Dynasty.
Certainly the cemeteries of Gizeh and Saqqarah were used at the
same periods. Sometimes the father is buried at Gizeh, the son
at Saqqarah, or vice versa. The most ancient tombs are found not
in the north, but quite at the other end of the necropolis near
Meydum.
The topographical extent of the tombs proves that the Egyptian
functionaries were not always buried quite close to their residence.
The same will have been the case with the kings. Certainly it would
have been a curious idea even for a Pharaoh to dwell all his lifetime
side by side to the place where his tomb was built. Generally this
was even impossible : the pyramids were erected on the summit of
the Libyan mountains, surrounded by funeral temples and graves,
while the houses, and with them the palaces, stood in the Nile
Valley. The distance between them must have been, as the topo-
graphical configuration of the country still shows, about half an hour,
so that an intimate connection between the palace of a king and his
pyramid is very improbable.
iSS
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
A change of residence from king to king is also unlikely, because
the pyramids are not built by themselves, but form groups. In
this way, if the palaces and the pyramids of the kings would have
formed really one whole, the residences of the kings Cheops,
Chefren, and Mykerinos, and on the other side those of the first
monarchs of the Vlth Dynasty, would have been situated on one and
the same spot, so that we could speak of a change of residence only
from dynasty to dynasty, and not from reign to reign.
As last proof of his hypothesis, Erman cites that the oldest
pyramid near Memphis (of Pepi) has the name Men-nefer, the name
•of Memphis at the later period. Out of the town of Pepi, bearing
the name of his pyramid, originated the later town Memphis,* which
included afterwards the temple of Ptah and the citadel " white wall."
Here, where an old important place was situated in the neighbour-
hood, the residence of Pepi gained a real prosperity.
But the pyramid of Pepi was not at all the oldest near the
site of Saqqarah. Of the five buildings opened there and situated
side by side, two, the pyramid of Unas, called Nefer-as-u, and
the pyramid of Teta, called Tet-asu, are older, so that if the town
had received its name from the pyramid, it would have been named
Nefer-as-u and not Men-nefer. Then we find at Memphis remains
of a time anterior to Pepi. We know by an inscription (tomb
of Ap-em-anch ; cf. de Rouge, "Rech.," p. 319) that Unas, the last
king of the Vth Dynasty, built here a temple for Hathor. And
Sah-u-ra, the second king of the same dynasty, founded a temple of
Sechet at Memphis.
We know of priests appointed to this temple at the time of the
XXIst Dynasty (Brugsch, "Rec," I, pi. 4, No. 3) and at a very late
period also (Stele of the Serapeum at the Louvre, No. 413; cf.
Lieblein, "Diet, des Noms," No. 1217). These facts prove that
there existed already more than a century before Pepi a town at the
site of Memphis, near the place where the most celebrated temple of
the town stood.
IVIemphis covered, like all the Egyptian towns in ancient and
modern times, a far greater space than a town with the same number
of inhabitants would cover in Europe. Just as at Thebes the
temples with all their appendixes, the sacred lakes, large parks,
* Meyer, " Gesch. ^Eg. ," p. 57, thinks that on this account the name of
Memphis had afterwards always the determinative of the sign of the pyramid.
i8g
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1S87.
fields, etc., were enclosed in the town. Things will have been very
similar to those now existing at Cairo, where the area would be
sufficient for a ten or twenty times larger city. The northern end of
Memphis appears to have been near Gizeh, the southern southwards
of Saqqarah and Mitraheni. The length was thus very considerable,
while the largeness was very circumscribed on one side by the river
and its inundation-territory, and on the other side by the Libyan
mountains and the sands of the desert. Where the palaces of the
different kings were situated is unknown, only during the time of the
Ramessides it is probable that they were near the temple of Ptah.
Certainly the residence was not always fixed at the same place : as in
other empires of the East, and also in our countries, the lodgings of
the monarchs will have changed from reign to reign. But never-
theless Memphis remained the capital, as well as at a later period
Thebes was the capital whenever the kings dwelt once near Karnak,
than near Luqsor, or on the western shore. At the same time it
must be remembered that the Egyptian kings lived in their capital
only from time to time, and that they passed most of the year
travelling through the country, and visiting its cities and temples.
The papyri and inscriptions show that the Pharaohs and the
Ptolemies fulfilled in this way their royal duties, and held judgment
in their own person at different places, as well as the Carolinger kings
did in the Middle Ages. Thus the real capital would never have
obtained a very high political importance and distinction in compari-
son with the other towns if it had not been the custom to make the
god of the capital the principal divinity of the whole of Egypt, and
his temple the centre of religion. In the ancient empire this centre
was at Memphis, and thus this towns was, as far as the inscriptions
.show, in confirmation of the saying of the Greek authors and Manetho,
the first capital of Egypt.
On a Relative of Queen Nub-x-vs.
Between the royal persons quoted in the papyrus Abbott, there
appears, p. Ill, 5, the 1 "^ '^&=* <=» ( p^SSc^ Q ], the
queen Nub-xa-s, who was probably identical with the queen Chnum-
nefer-t-Nub-xa-s, appearing on the stela C 13 of the Louvre (tf.
Lieblcin, " Diet, des Noms," No, 349 ; Pierret, " Rec. d'Inscr. du
190
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
Louvre," II, p. 5 ; Macalister, Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch., ist March,
1887, p. 125, sq.) with many members of her family. There exists a
stela on which we find a prince bearing the same name as the
queen, and being therefore perhaps one of her relatives.
This small stela was sold at Luxor in March, 1882, and belongs
now to Baron Weisz at Kalaz in Hungary. At the top are the two
Ut'a eyes, then follow three horizontal lines : —
, , A a =^= =u^ ^±^ © ^z^ f K.=^ /^^ Q
I I I i^LI^ \ I I I iC^ c^ (J c:^, \ ^ /wwv^
then four vertical lines : —
(3) ^ ^^'
(4) °
Between the third and fourth of these is represented a standing
man, with very large clothes, looking to the right, probably a portrait
of the deceased. The monument dates from the Xlllth or XlVth
Dynasty. This fact is shown by the names of the different per-
sonages, and especially by the many faults in the text, which are
characteristic of this period. The name of Sebek-em-sa-f makes
it probable that the owner of the monument, as well as the prince
Nub-xa-s, lived at the time of the king of this name. As the name
of the latter is a very rare one, and just as in the royal families it
was a custom to repeat the same names several times, the hypothesis
will not appear too bold, that the queen Nub-xa-s or Chnum-nefer-t-
Nub-xa-s, the wife of King Sebek-em-sa-f, was related to his family.
In the collection of Baron Weisz another monument is found,
dating of the same period, which, if also its historical value is not
a high one, is curious by several person-names quoted upon it, and
191
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^IOLOGY. [1887.
by the introduction of the name of the dedicator of the stela by
em ar-eti-f, instead of the simple ar-eti-f. At the rounded top, two
Ut'a eyes are drawn, at the two sides of the sign Q. Below, three
horizontal hnes follow, running from left to right : —
i^C^^ Q [7^ ^ ^ O Q
0*0
I I I
Then we see in the middle an altar, and above it different gifts.
At the left a man is sitting, above whom two vertical lines say :
(■) s ^ - f ] (^) y T ^- ^' '"^ ''s'" ""^^
a woman designed as the r— 1 J J M I "^ ' ^"^ behind her
stands another woman, the ^^ 1 T
The name Snefer-u-hetep, very similar to the name of the
daughter Snefer-hetep, occurs for a man on a stela of the Xlllth
Dynasty at Bulaq {cf. Lieblein, Diet, No. 552). For the name of
Ani we may compare the names Ani, Ani, or Anit, found as names of
women of the same epoch {cf. Lieblein, No. 373, 352). The different
personages themselves are not found elsewhere as far as I can dis-
cover.
As an appendix to these two monuments of the XII Ith Dynasty
found in a small collection and thus exposed to be lost for scientific
use, a third little stela, rounded at the top, may be published. It is
found among the few badly kept Egyptian antiquities in the sel-
domly visited Museum Steen at Antwerp. Topmost are the two
Ut'a-eyes ; then follows a horizontal line running from left to right
1 ^ A ^ ^ • Below sits a big man, holding in his left
T —^^-^ La -<2>- [A [a
hand the sign ^. Before him are two vertical lines :
(0 V ^"^ IJ' T <.
^ ' ^^ III /VWVVA 1 ®
, . n ili^i!^ -9 ^=] -s> ^:z^ D ^
192
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
below these stands a woman in smaller shape, speaking to the sitting
man. Before her is written '\^. *l=^ (1 '——^ ^^ .
The name of the woman, Pet, is a seldom one, and not found in
this form in the Dictionary of Lieblein. The "^ is certainly only
determinative, as,/, e., in the " Todtenbuch," chap, cxxv, 1. 60, etc.
Of similarly formed names we have to quote the woman names
[1 (Lieblein, No. 445 on the stela Leyden, V, 22); (j ^
(Lieblein, No. 228 on stela Leyden, V, 103) ; (](] -^^ J) (Lieblein,
No. 338, on stela Bulaq, No. 100) ; ^ y- J) (Lieblein, No. 346 on
statue Bulaq, No. 465), all belonging also to the period of the
Xlllth Dynasty. Nevertheless an identification of one of these
persons with the Pet of our stela is not possible.
The following remarks have been received from G. A.
Simcox, M.A., with reference to the name which the Rev.
C. J. Ball discusses in the February Proceedings, pp. 68, 69.
It is not for me to judge whether the expression 'bit hilani ' is
or is not ' of Semitic form and origin,' but it puzzles me to be assured
on the authority of Sargon (' Bull Ins.,' 67-69), that either the phrase
as Mr. Ball assumes, or the word ' hilani,' as Dr. Lyon assumes, is
' Hittite.' What Sargon says is, 'A porch in the likeness of a Hatte
palace, which in the tongue of the West country they call a Bit
hilani, I caused to be made in the front of their gates.' Are
we to understand that the 'West country' is always or sometimes,
and, if ever, here a synonym of Mat Hatte? If so everything is
clear. As the West country certainly includes Phoenicia, its tongue
is certainly ' Semitic' The people who spoke it had a name in their
own language for a porch modelled on a ' Hittite ' palace, but unless
the ' West country ' = ' Mat Hatte,' where does Sargon say that the
' Hittites ' called a palace Bit hilani, or anything like it ? What light
does the phrase throw on the question whether they were ' Semites, '
or in course of ' Semitisation ' in the days of Sargon ?
193
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGY. [1887.
It is possible of course that specialists arguing upwards from the
book of Daniel, might be able to frame an induction which might
warrant something better than a guess, as to whether if the people
of the West country borrowed a ' Hittite ' fashion they were likely to
borrow the ' Hittite ' name, or to translate it or to frame a name
quite independently themselves. If it should turn out that they
were most likely to borrow the Hittite name, and if ' Bit hilani '
turns out to be a pure ' Semitic ' phrase, that would be a real
presumption that the ' Hittites ' were ' Semites.' But until we know
more than Sargon tells us, one is tempted to guess that the thing
was Hittite and the name was not
The following Communication has been received frc
t Rev. C. J. Ball :—
If Mr, Simcox will do me the honour to refer to my paper again,
he will see that I expressly avoided assuming that bU hilani was
Hittite. " In the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser II. . . . an expression
occurs which is said to be of Hatte origin " (p. 3). " Now i/ the
Hatte spoke a non-Semitic dialect" [as is generally assumed by
those to whom my arguments are addressed], '■'•and bit hilani is
really one of their phrases " . . . . [as Dr. Lyon asserted, at least for
hUdni, partly, it seems, because \7T\ did not appear to be a Semitic
root]. My purpose was to show that this term, assumed by others
to be Hittite and non-Semitic, was in reality Semitic ; and therefore,
so far as it went, evidence for and not against the Semitic affinities
of Hatte speech.
I incline, however, to agree with Dr. Lyon as to the origin of the
name ; for what would be the object of specifying that the people of
the west country called a Hatte portico bit /uldni, unless mat Aharri
and mat Hatte were here synonymous ? Is it not clear that it is the
Hatte name which the writer means to give in connexion with the
thing, and that any other name would be irrelevant, unless a reason
were assigned for its introduction ?
The argument from the context is strengthened by the fact that
Sargon sometimes uses the term mat Hatte in the wider sense, so as
to cover the notion conveyed by mat Aharri. Thus in this very
inscription (18 sq.) he calls himself, " salil maliki eri Gargamis Mat
194
[Proceedhis' So(- Bibl. Ard,., May
O I
[Fi,^ures oj Km% and Divinitki, much damaged.)
-/mm
•j.\ r
O I
c> n o
&sSs
.^z :^ ^ y ^ i^-^ I o 11 p s s^^
si
000
A DATED INSCRIPTION OF AMENOPHIS III. ® °
From Sketch taken bv Prof. Savce. Mfl
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [i8«7.
Amatti mat Kummuhi eri Asdudu nise Hatte limnuti," "captor of
the princes of Carchemish, Hamath, Commagene, Ashdod, evil
Hatte folk." In the same way, Sennacherib records (I. R. 37, col. 2,
34 sqq.) : " Ina salsi girriya ana mat Ha-ad-ti ki (? lu) allik. Lull sar
eri Ci-du-un-ni bulhi melamme belutiya ishupusu ma ana _ukki qabal
tamtim innabit." " In my third expedition, to the land of Hatte I
went. Elulsus, king of Sidon — dread of the splendour of my
lordship cast him down ; and to far off places amidst the sea he fled
away."
The following three Communications have been received
from Professor A. H. Sayce : —
A Dated Inscription of Amenophis III.
In December, 1885, I was engaged in exploring a favourite region
of mine in Egypt — the cliffs behind Der Abu Hannes, south of the
ruins of Antinoopolis, on the eastern bank of the Nile. Here, not
far from Der en-Nakhl, on the southern side of the ravine, on the
northern side of which is the tomb with the famous representation
of a colossos on a sledge, I discovered a new inscription of
Amenophis III. It proved that the great quarries, at the entrance
to which it was engraved, had been opened in the first year of the
king's reign.
The cliffs, for some miles southward of the ruins of Antinoopolis,
are pierced with tombs and quarries. In these are situated the
retreats of the early Christian hermits, and the early Coptic shrines
and churches of which I have already spoken in the Proceedings of
this Society. The relics of Christian occupation cease, for the most
part, before the tombs are reached, of which that with the figure of
the colossos is the best known. They are thickest in the immediate
neighbourhood of a church constructed in a quarry and once adorned
with frescoes, where I copied some of the Coptic graffiti published
in the paper I have just alluded to. Close to this quarry church is a
stele cut in the rock upon which faint traces can still be detected of
a king making offerings to Amun, "the lord of the two worlds."
But the sculpture and accompanying hieroglyphs have been so
defaced by the early Christians that the cartouche of the king has
195
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGV. [1887.
entirely disappeared, and it requires a strong light to make out the
details even of the sculpture itself. The Pharaoh has, however, been
avenged by the Mohammedans, who have in turn endeavoured to
obliterate the inscription engraved by the Christians on the face of
the stele. It was with some difficulty that I was able to make out
the words : cTv o .^eos- [o fSoijOict'^ ical o XC ainuu Kin [to] 7rve\_u^a\
ai'-oh. 'Ix^'*'
The ruined condition of the stele makes it impossible to assign
any date to it, though its general appearance reminds one of the
art of the XVIIIth Dynasty. That it really did belong to the
XVIIIth Dynasty seems to result from the discovery of the second
stele.
The quarries and the stele to which they belong are on the face
of the cliff which fronts the Nile. The line of cliff, however, is more
than once broken by a ravine, the sides of which have also been
(juarried for stone. But the quarries in the ravines are of the vast
size which characterises the Ptolemaic and Roman age, and the
demotic inscriptions I copied in them, including royal cartouches,
prove that they were opened in the Greek era. In the ravine of
El-Bersheh — the ravine, that is, at the northern corner of which the
Tomb of the Colossos is situated — the quarries contain other
curiosities besides demotic texts. In one of them is the figure of
Aniun seated with the lotos growing before him (near which a Copt
has written his name ceitTCOJC eoCGMOY^)), while in another
is a large picture boldly and skilfully drawn in black outlines repre-
senting an inniiense crocodile with two small birds at its tail, and,
close by, the head of another crocodile, with the jaws wide open and
a collar round its neck. The birds remind us of the story told by
Herodotos of the trochilus who ministered to the crocodile by
extracting the leeches from its jaws.
The quarry in which the crocodile is depicted is on the north
side of the ravine ; on the southern side is another quarry which was
once occupied by the Copts. Above a rude altar cut out of the
stone are the words : [o a7tos] na<)Xo[s aTroVjToXos. On the right
hand side we read : —
n^-xoeic
ic ^-pm^-Meve
^. -f O)
196
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
On the left hand side is an inscription of 15 lines, painted in
yellow, but almost obliterated.*
Starting from the southern corner of the ravine, and opposite
the tomb of the Colossos, are a good many rock-cut tombs, some of
the Graeco-Roman age, but others of a much earlier date. The
sculptures and hieroglyphics with which they have been adorned are
now entirely destroyed. One of them has been converted into a
Coptic chapel, and the Copts have left traces of themselves in
others in the shape of two or three almost illegible graffiti, one of
which is :
cy^,Ixexe (?) nK . . n
neKcijA.Y . .
Above the tombs, and close to the summit of the cliff, I dis-
covered quarries of the Pharaonic age, and at the entrance of the
largest the stele of Amenophis III, a copy of which accompanies
this communication. We learn from it that the quarries w^ere
opened in the first year of the king's reign, and the twenty-(third ?)
day of Epeiphi, in honour of Thoth, the lord of Eshmunen, and
that the stone was used "to adorn the house of the new year's
feast " {^per mesiu), apparently in that city.
* The first six lines are quite gone ; of the remainder I thought I could make
out the following : —
7. n^.c(?)MoceitnA.rtoYq ^.nonoY .... Ynx(?) nKoc
8. MOC ^MMOYUOIt. . rt^n(?)KYC
9. K(?)^.IOIt^.. . ^rt^.c : <!>.oy qcy (?) xexcjon : ^.rtaj
10. MrtrtiMpoY ^.YOJ eY ^.^^^nnoYit . . .
11. ^-^crtecitKY : ^.^erteT-^Mne(?)i.(?)
12. Mite : ^.^^.peponrte^^.i^-noIt
13. ojasnenenaj ne^.n^.x^
14. pHTHC :
15. [^.rt^.Jx^P^T^c : eqnepicn^.
197
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1SS7.
Greek Ostraka from Egypt.
Dear Mr. Rylands,
The Ashmolean Museum contains three or four ostraka from
Dakkeh in Nubia, which were presented to it by Mr. Greville
Chester. The following are my readings of them : —
I. No. 1222.
Atfypa\|/- Apnarjais ^ev {a>(})€a>s)
w'^ Xao-ypa^'- /8L Tpat[avov)
Tov Kvpiov ras }<v7ra{s dpa^fias)
EpiJLoyevTjs npan eypa{yf/-a).
" Harpaesis the son of Phenopheus has paid on behalf of the
poll-tax for the second year of Trajan the lord the remaining
drachmas. I, Hermogenes, the collector, have written it."
The name of the father of Harpaesis has been supplied from the
ostraka of the reign of Trajan, published by Dr. Birch in the
Proceedings of this Society for May,. 1883. In these Harpaesis
appears as paying the poll-tax (17 drachmas) at Elephantine in
place of his brother Petorzmethis from the seventh year of Trajan
onwards, while Hermogenes, " the collector," is the scribe from the
first year onwards. It would seem, therefore, that Harpaesis moved
to Elephantine in the seventh year of Trajan's reign.
n. No. 1218.
Aaifxovs TTpa!^ apy eypa Tlerop^prfTii
TlaxopTrajSiT]^ Ai(?)'^vpov 8ia'^ v' Tip,rjS
8rjpoa-iov cjioivi'^ ytprjf^ /3L A8piavov
TOV Kvpiov f 8eKa Trevre 8 o|3^ recr
crapes T]p.v(Tov jS le l~' c^ I-7
Adpiapov Kcucrupos tov Kvpiov
a6vp I c-
" Daimous, the collector of tolls, has registered : Petorzmetis the
son of Pakhompabiekhis Lipsyros (?) the minister (has paid) on
behalf of the public assessment for the tax on the fruits of the palm
trees, for the second year of Hadrian the lord, 15 drachmas 4^ obols.
The third year of Hadrian Caesar the lord, the i6th of Athyr."
Takhomptbekis is the name of the mother of Harpaesis in the
Elephantine ostraka of the reign of Hadrian published by Dr. Birch,
and Petorzmethis appears also in Hadrian's reign established at
iq8
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
Elephantine. Am*^ apparently stands for cidKovo<;, while ^jnoaio^ is
used as an adjective of two terminations. The tax on palm trees is
mentioned in two of the ostraka given by Dr. Wiedemann in the
Proceedings for May, 1884. <i>oiveiK{o^) ^/ei'tj^ represents of course
(poii'i'fccou r^ei'urjjiu'nwx'. The bad grammar involved in the form -reaaape^,
and the misspelling ijfxvaov for I'n.uav will be noticed. The symbol
which follows 7]/iiv(Tov is a combination of the symbol denoting
"totality" and that denoting a "drachma." The symbol for a half
drachma has already been identified by Professor Revillout ; that for
4 obols. is a modification of the one found in the papyri by Dr.
Wilcken.
III. No. 1221.
Aiarnfiav irpa!^ 8ia JJaTraxf
6teypa\|/'*' Il€Top[^]p.r]dii IleTop^fxTjdov Tov Uerop
^fXTjdov fil "S/ivnaKTjTv {^) ovqs v' 7ra" rov 7re/i
TTTOV S Ahpiavov Kaiaapos tov Kvpiov 8pa^ 8fKa
apra \^p^i.av l j^ / <P — ■ A6vp y
" Diatamon, the collector, through Papakhr(esis) : Petorzmethis
the son of Petorzmethos, the son of Petorzmethos, and his mother
Senpakep(?)ones, have paid on behalf of the tax for the protection of
the river for the fifth year of Hadrian Caesar the lord, 10 drachmas,
that is one ardeb (of wheat). The 3rd of Athyr."
Ilornno(J)v\ctK('a seems to be intended by the contraction tta*,
though the tax for the protection of the river was usually only
2 drachmas, according to the ostraka from Elephantine published
by Dr. Birch. Nor do I understand how an ardeb of wheat can be
said to be worth only 10 drachmas.
IV. No. 1 2 19.
Aieypayl^— Tlmr[vpis ?]
v^ \aoyp TOV ^ . . . .
TiiSep
fyp^ S Tecraapes /^ S . .
oyno[tft)?] ^ T€(raapes [^ 8 . . .
opo[ia>s] jr Teaaapev /^ 8
o;io[ia)?] f fiiav /^ a
KailJ) Trpos ras T^vnas ^ S
" Papyris (?) has paid on behalf of the poll-tax for the .... year of
Tiberius .... He has written 4 drachmas . . . , also 4 drachmas . . . ,
199
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGV. [1887.
also 4 drachmas ; also one drachma, and in addition to the rest
4 drachmas . . . ."
The ostrakon is a mere fragment, and in a very bad condition.
As Papyris appears on the Elephantine ostraka, I have thought it
possible that his name should be supplied here.
These are all the ostraka from Dakkeh in the Ashmolean
Museum. I add here an ostrakon which I procured at Elephantine
in 1S79. The ends of the lines are destroyed.
1. AilSovTios Niyfp Kai lovXios '2epT]vos trpaK, a[py] ....
2. dicypa'^' Qivy^fv^ris /^■j v) Tiprjs 8ri[poaiov ....
3 . (poivfiKos yfvrjpaTos. Aityp ovoparos Kar ....
4. Ilapoivdov 8pa)(' 8vo olS'^ rpeis / ^ /S /*....
5. Avprj'Kiov AvTuiveivov Kaiaapos tov Kvpi{ov) ....
6. lovX '2r]prjvos avvea^
yEbutius Niger and Julius Serenus, the collectors of the taxes ....
Thinpsenkles the tenant {utaOwTijv) has paid on behalf of the public
assessment of the tax on the fruit of the palm. He has paid in the
name of Kat . . . the son of Pamonthas, 2 drachmas, 3 obols. The
[ . . . year of Marcus] Aurelius Antoninus Cresar the lord . . . Julius
Serenus has received (the money)."
Julius Serenus ayipears alone in the nineteenth year of M. Aurelius
on an ostrakon published in Boekh's "Corpus" (No. 4890, where
the name is misread Aure[lius]) ; his conjoint service with ^■Ebutius
Niger will probably have fallen earlier. The tax upon fruit-bearing
palms was no doubt levied, as in modern Egypt, upon individual
trees, so that its amount depended upon the number of trees possessed
by tlie landlord.
The supply of ostraka at Elephantine seems now to have come to
an end. None at all events were procurable when I was there in the
winter of 1885-6.
The following is a broken ostrakon, beautifully written in uncials,
procured by Mr. Greville Chester at Karnak : —
1. TlaTaTrrjs Ttp^ larcovap^
2. 2(vx(0'(pporip Kat vios
3. avTTjs -xaipdv anfino
4. pfda naprjpoiv XPI
5. craadai 10 l3ov\(i Tep^
6. ano at]pfpov to Siacr
200
"NlAY 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
" (To) Patapes Gerdiones, the loom-master, Senkhesphmoer and
her son send greeting. We give you full permission to use, O
Gerdiones, what you like of ours from to-day, that which is pre-
pared (?) , . ." The broken word may be ctna\^Keva^6/u.evou]. The
name of Gerdiones is found on another Karnak ostrakon. 'ATretTrojueOa
can hardly have its usual meaning of " forbidding " here.
The following from Karnak is also in uncials : —
^vpvaKvpoii
Gcor n^ y
vnepo)(^r]s tt^ Q~
a^i.Tj'^ TTjs 7r"
The first three lines seem to signify: " (The account) of .Synna-
kuros during Thoth amounts to 3 measures of wheat, the excess
being i^ (?) measures," but I have no idea as to what is the meaning
of the last line. The sign ^-^ denotes " the remainder." The
curious symbol at the end of line 3 may be a variant of that which
represents the clpovpa.
I will conclude with a copy of an ostrakon I myself obtained
from Karnak . , .
"XefXTTvevs lvap(o~ rek
reX Tfpdiov u^ Tvvu>6rj
fTtovv' X ffT^ov napa crov
TO KuBrjK TeA. v' (pafxfvod
Kai (jxipjjLnvdi I IT] avTOKpar
pcov KaLcrapmv MupKOV AvprjXiov
\^Kai Ovrjpov tq>]v 8vo ae^aarov (sic) appivimv
[Trap] ^t/c [oj] 1/ yepfiaviKoiv
[(cai Tcojv peyiarwi' TTa)(_ rj \
T(TS
" Khempneus Inaros, the tax collector, sends greeting to the tax
collector Gerdiones, otherwise called (aWwv) Pyothe Etonys. I
have received from you the full amount of tax for Phamenoth and
Pharmuthi, the eighteenth year of the emperors and Caesars Marcus
Aurelius (and Verus) the two Augusti, Armenian, Parthian, Germanic
and very great, the eighth day of Pakhons . . ."
I leave the publication of my other ostraka to Dr. Wilcken, who
has taken copies of them, and whose exhaustive study of the Greek
ostraka and papyri preserved in London, Berlin, and Paris, will
enable him to read and illustrate them far better than I can pretend
to do.
201
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I have already noticed that the supply of ostraka from Elephantine
seems to have come to an end. That of Karnak, however, is still
very far from being exhausted. And my visit to Upper Egypt the
winter before last brought to light three new sources of supply. At
Kom Ombos I picked up a portion of a Coptic ostrakon, which
indicates the presence of more. At Gebelen, to the south of Thebes,
I procured two demotic ostraka, — one by purchase, the other by my
own examination of the rubbish-mounds of the old city ; and I
learned from the villagers that they had not unfrequently come
across similarly inscribed potsherds, but had thrown them away from
ignorance of their value.
It was at Koft, however, the ancient Koptos, that my chief
discovery was made. Here the place was pointed out to me (not
far from the main entrance to the city on the east) where inscribed
ostraka were often met with, and 1 bought a basket full of them.
Many of these were either mere fragments, or so illegible as not to
be worth preserving ; but there was, besides, a considerable number
of demotic, Greek, Coptic, and early Arabic ostraka, which I carried
back to England. Two are dated in the reign of Tiberius.
Greek Inscriptions from Assuan.
When I was staying at Assuan in the winter of 1885-6 a large
block of granite was discovered in the mounds of the old town,
covered with Greek characters, which had been used as a door-post
or lintel. I copied the inscription as well as I could, standing in a
hole and blinded by dust and sun, but as the last nine lines were
much effaced I had to leave them uncopied. I have therefore never
published my copy of the rest of the inscription, m the hope that it
would be copied by someone else under more favourable circum-
stances than those which fell to my lot. But as this does not seem
to have been the case, and as the inscription is of considerable
imi)ortance, I will not delay any longer in communicating it to the
Society of Biblical Archeology.
It will be observed that the beginning and end of each line is
lost. The original stele must have been sliced into three pieces, two
being intended to serve as the door-posts of a house, and the third as
a lintel. It is possible that the two missing portions of the stone
may yet be recovered. What remains of the inscription shows us
202
May 3]
PROCEEDINGS.
[18S7.
that it contained copies of decrees and letters dated in the reigns of
Ptolemy Eupator (b.c, 182) and his mother Kleopatra I, and con-
firmed, as it would appear, in the second year of Ptolemy Philometor
(i.e., B.C. 181), which related to the great temple or altar of "the
supreme goddess and of Here" at Elephantine.
I transcribe the original capitals in cursive Greek letters, adding
the accents and dividing the words.
1.
2.
3-
4-
5-
6.
7-
8.
9-
10.
II.
12.
14.
16.
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23-
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30-
3'-
\_v7rtp^ '^ofJtiTTov CeVTtpov ejovi e^ 7)9 e . . .
TOTTiv Travre'i airijvT^aav /.le^/wf '''L^J • • •
6 uaTl<i TOV TToXlU E A-60ff i'Ti J//^l/ TTpU) . , .
[tj7roi)'](TaTO Tfts TTpeTTOvaa^ ovffi'av K\_atj . . .
6 yU-efyas ^eo's NetXos avi'jKei e\9io\j>\ , . .
^€7rouj<f\aTo ^ivfiov Tiji Te ju.e'^/i'crTiji ^ecu''Hpai re . . .
u TrapaXafiwv ce toj's av^/f'/evet^ kui to . . .
, eu da's y Tot) N[e(JXoi' T''i]'P], ovofia to fxd^^a KoXovfidvijj .
viai Koi avrocov^ tw NetXwt la vo^lt\_o|xeva\ . . .
. ft)/' evwy^ijOei'i iwi tou 'Hpatou Tiji re ckt . . .
ai'OpwTrawepucv (siC) eTTi '^lopiji- a . . vaiXTijff . , .
, [a'lei/^ii'ijff'roi' to ovojxa avjou Te koi ^a(T\_i\iKov^ . , .
ap'x^ij ei9 Tou uTravTa ■^pofov Kvpievovcri t . . .
Here follows a blank space.
, . aio9 ro7<} ev KXeC^avTii'i] lepeoai to ....
, ^t^TTKpavwv Koi S^eoo 'EvTrdiopo's Kcii S^ew^^vJ . . .
, eiv Trapa'^/e'yovoTe^ ei-i too^ kuO' Vytt^asJ . . .
, o' eVt T/ys auvopia<i twv 'Aidiovrwu Kai e^o[uevivi'\ . . .
, [/cajTa Xo'fyov tTrneXe^ffdai tojs S'eoi9 to, vop.e6jii\_ei'a'\ . , .
' [™j*' avrjKovTUiv eTrneXe^ffOai irpv's Te Ta . . .
. \ji]v' iiTT^oKeifievrji' avvja^tv ciCofievwv kut era's ....
. [aVJev riju,Pjv aprajia's cutKoaia<i t.7ri-^tjopov/^ieu\a<f\ . . .
, pa<i T/yf at)e\<p?j'i eiri re TovyvovjSeiov kcii 2 . . .
. pos; yp.as' evvoiav Kai fie'^/a\ofiepiJo^ eTTi ro . , .
. e Blank space. "Etoi^? Cevrepov 'YTTepjieperaiov . . .
Blank space.
. '■^o/x/iiovri run ace\(fiwi y^aipeiv' eppwfieOa . . .
• \_^^'^t'^'^o\ij9 Trpoi rod's iv 'E\e(pavrtu)]i iepel[^v^ . . .
. [e7r<0a]i'(2)i/ Kai S^eov 'EvTraropo^ Kai rwv '^ikojxip6\j)ii3v'\ .
. V Ka\w<} ovv TToirjffei'S avvrd^a<s Trpovorid)]v\aiA . . .
. aiv v'^iaivTfi'i' eppwao' erov<s Cevrepov 'YTrc[_p'] . . .
vwera^/ij 7/ Tr^apaKei^ievtjj
203
May 3]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1S87.
32-
33
34
35
36
37
3«
39
40.
41
42
43
44
45
46
47
48
49
50,
51
52
53
54
55
56
57-
[o ei'] 'EXeCpuf-i'i'iji tepeu'i \ (sic) Touxt'ovj^ivu EliujjS
KUt .JfcOV . . .
[d)i\o'\^itjTe/iU)i/ Kal S'eou Ne'of ^iXoTTinopov Kal S^eov . . .
ro-jT/JOT/yyil'f Kal eTriarpmy/wi irepi rwv Kara tiju a , . .
[fcToyJs^ CeVTcpov caiatov jpi'jij (^iip/iovOi Tc\7(ipTiij . . .
Blank space.
OS- 'Ep/noKpareL twi aCeX(f)ioi y^aiptiv' ^[0 | . . .
[ra']!' 7r(ip\^£^-)^o/^ievwi' 6e Til's eV Tiji avXiji X/JfeL'"^] • • •
[Kpalii/eaOu) ovv icaiinrep a^iouai Blank. Lppwa\_o'^
Blank space.
r..9^]60ts (pCKojLiijropai awT?jpai -y^atpeiv' ola irw (?) . . .
fcVt Toii Kara 'S.vijvtp' opou-i ra? ')(^peia^ . . .
[c'lTf d^ ap^ai'ici' Kal oino'i twv npicTivv Xo['Yot' ?] • . .
?)( iefiu'i 7y'>- u)'](7ou KaXov^iti'ip? '^wav iepivypci/ij'i^ . . .
av oTck TIJU TuvTrj? irpo^ Tu<i LWALVFIAX . . .
TWU aXXwi/ TWV TOV TOTTOV KUTOIKOV lil\jiVUJu\ . . .
k\eiv avareOrjV alSe Kal ev twi iiri . . .
pi '^le'^ofOTU VTTO Tou TTUTpo'i (f)iKavdpw7r\_ov\ . . .
£VTraTopo<i TTpoaTCTayf^iLua kxi irepi 7] . , .
Sewv }'iKi](p6pu}v Kal auci'ofSi'uJu el coKe[7\^ . . .
I'd Kal (TTpaTij^/wi Kai t7ncfTpaT)jywt r/ys- ^ . . .
Trt? o(^ci\o/iiei'. Blank space. 'EuTu-^^elTe.
I tVffTTloXfys' ai'Tf^paCpoi' viroKciTai liirwi KaTa Ko\ov0^j[Tai] . , .
[?>7r]eTd7// *} [^Trapa^Kci^iLuij tV((TTo[A»y] . . .
Kal BaffiXt'cnjij HXeoTraTpai tTji '•jv\_i'utKi Kai'j •^eol's evep-
[7"«">'] • • •
ri'Hjffoi; Kal 'S.V)'ju\_>p; tJoi'9 .... Xenro/mei' e . . .
T(?)ots Te K . . ots TTe
[^E^XeCpauTiurj . . . ouSe Co^ws ^leu of(?) e^ dp^ai'wi/ /i[at
6vT0<S ?J . . .
Kai TTOC-
In line 4 the second letter of ootim resembles a: more than a.
'AvOptc-uTTtpuoi' in line 12 is a new compound, and )/o/uo'/<[f j'«] for
uofii'cioficua in lines 19 and 10, is also a novelty. The alicvdj^m^ of
line 48 is met with on the Rosetta Stone. Sorepos is probably the
name to be supplied at the end of line 23.
We gather from the inscription that the temple of the great
goddess of the Cataract and of Here on the island of Elephantine
was supported by a fixed contribution {avvTu^is, 1. 21) paid each year,
which consisted of, or included, 200 ardebs of corn. The tax was
204
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
levied as far as "the confines of the Ethiopians," that is to say as far
as the First Cataract. The taxable land was that which extended
" (up to where) the great god Nile conies in time of inundation "
(line 6), in other words was the cultivated soil. Reference may be
made to the land now called sherdqi by the Egyptians, which has not
been reached by the inundation of a particular year or cycle of years,
and has consequently to lie fallow until the river once more irrigates
it. It will be noticed that the sacred festival was kept at the altar of
Here only after the Nile-god had received his dues.
Tukhnubon seems to have been at the head of the college of
priests in Elephantine in the second year of Ptolemy Philometor.
The college was of old standing, as the prophets and prophetesses of
the deities worshipped on the island of Elephantine are already
mentioned on the walls of the tombs of the Vlth and Xllth Dynasties
discovered by General Grenfell in the cliffs opposite Assuan. The
names of the deities alone are different : " The supreme goddess and
Here" have taken the place of the Hat-hor and Sati of Pharaonic
days.
It is interesting to find a mention of the " fountain of the Nile "
in line 9, and it is possible that the passage implies that it was called
"the greater" in contradistinction to a smaller spring. We learn
from the Egyptian monuments that Elephantine was famous for its
Kerti or " two springs," which Professor Wiedemann compares with
the two sources of the Nile described to Herodotos by the sacred
scribe at Sais.
The consecrated island of Psoa (line 42) may be the little island
to the north-west of Elephantine, now called the Island of Flowers,
though according to Murray's " Guidebook," the latter name is
applied to the northern part of the island of Elephantine. I must not
forget to mention that the upper part of the stone, which was once
semicircular, is ornamented with Egyptian sculptures and hieroglyphs.
P.S. — Since the above was in type, I learn from a note by
Mr. Cecil Torr in the Classical Review (I, 4) that the stone, or a
cast of it, has been received by the British Museum. At the end of
line 9, Mr. Torr seems to read 'Y.ofifi instead of to/<c, and the name
of the month Mesori in line 2. He finds the name of the god
Khnub and his temple in lines 23 and 32, and states that the whole
number of lines was originally 75.
205
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1887.
The following remarks are added by the President : —
Note on the Inscription of Amenophis III.
Professor Sayce describes the inscription as very illegible in parts,
and therefore liable to be wrongly copied. The first two hori-
zontal lines merely give the date and usual titles of Amenophis III.
The first gap in the second line must be filled up with '^ 9 ^
" the golden Horus, who smites down (the Asiatics)." The second
cartouche of the royal name has been defaced in the three places
where it occurs, not by Christians, but by the " Disk-worshippers,"
on account of its containing the name of Amen.
The third line says '^wwv '^^^ [^DDol, "he made it as his
memorial to father Thoth the Lord of Chemennu, and to Shepsu,"
another form of the same god of HermopoUs, It is difficult to fill
up the gap which follows ^al* should most probably be corrected
a iU ftj_ _^^_ n . .
to , before which I am inchned to read fi v^^ ] , givmg the
sense " feast in Hermopolis." The text proceeds, N \> '' he
\\ <=> "with stone." It is unfortunately
1 EUD
impossible to supply the object which was adorned with stone.
The next portion of the line is unintelligible as it stands, and must
have been wrongly copied. ^T o-^" "^^^^ means "high, most
exceedingly," and [l ^ ..^^ W ^ ^ I ," he protected against
others." The king placed his memorial as high as possible, and
sheltered it against others, namely the profane. The tablet finishes
here, and the inscription is not continued anywhere else. The
lines written perpendicularly merely state that King Amenophis III
made his offering to his god Thoth, Lord of Chemennu (Hermopolis).
The god's name is effaced on one of the lines, but this is the result
of time or accident, whereas the cartouche of king bearing the divine
name Amen has been purposely mutilated.
206
May 3]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1S87.
The following Communication has been received from
Mr. P. le Page Renouf {President) : —
Conscience in Egyptian Texts.
There is no Egyptian text of which I am more frequently asked
to give an explanation than that which is inscribed on the funereal
scarabaei. Two principal recensions of it are found as early as the
Xlth Dynasty, one contained in the 30th, and one in the 64th
chapter of the Book of the Dead. The variations of the text in both
recensions are innumerable, and the latter portion of the second
recension seems to be hopelessly corrupt. The scribes who copied it
no longer understood it.
The beginning of the text may be restored as follows : —
I ^ J^ ^ II ^ W (^ ^
ab - a en mat - a (sep 2) hat - a en
Heart vmie of viy mother {twice) ! Heart mine of
xeper-a htep ta em aha er-a em
;//)' existence upon earth ! let not there be estoppel* against me through
r^u)
f^
metru em sexesef er-a em
evide?ice, let not hi?idrance be made to me by the
-<2>-
t'at'anetsu em ar reqa er - a
divine powers, let not there be a fall of the scale against me
em baah ar maxait
in presence of him who [presides^ at the Balance,
* The evidence in question being that of the man's own conscience, I use the
legal term estoppel. Em aha er-a is literally N011 fia ohstacidum mihi.
207
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [18S7.
flj.^
Ill i±i £=. I
em sexeperu x^t er - a er ma
let not things be produced against me in presence of
1
nutar aa neb amenta
the great god, lord of Ainenti.
The vignettes of this text in the venerable papyri of Nebseni and
of Amen-neb* represent the weighing of the heart in presence of
Osiris. In both these papyri the Heart is in one of the scales, and
the person to whom it belongs is in the other.
The downward inclination, the fall of the scale, in Greek /jott*}
TOO ^y'/ot), is rendered in Coptic by plKI ftO')fJUL<Lctjl, and the
Coptic piKI is derived from the old Egyptian "^^-^ _^ r= — Q reqa ;
the sign ^ fl being here one of the determinatives of " direction,"
as in the words for 'right' and 'left.' This important use of the
word regd has hitherto escaped notice.
In many MSS. we find "^^ ^ ^^ reqa-k, "thy fall of the
scale."
The translations of this chapter by M. Chabas, Dr. Birch, and
some other scholars, are chiefly faulty through not recognizing the
grammatical rule that after the negative particle ^ the verb
cannot rightly be translated as if in the second person. It is an
inviolable law of Egyptian grammar that a verb used personally
requires either a noun as its subject, or pronominal suffix. A verb
without visible subject must be translated impersonally. ^ f ~-j^
em aha, is not "do not thou stand," but " non stetur," "let not a
stand be made."
The Heart is addressed in the text under two names : Y) p'lO"
netically written ||J O ^^, and 2^ 'O hat, whence the Coptic ^HX.
The former of these words is connected with the sense of rhythmic
movement, [1 \ ^^ ah, as in dancing. Our own word Iicart,
* British Museum 9900 and 9914. The vignettes are copied in AL Naville's
splendid edition of the Book of the iJead.
208
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
like the Greek h-apcm, and the kindred Sanskrit, Latin, Sclavonic and
German words, has also its origin in a root expressive of rhythmic
motion. The presence in their language of such words as kpao/no
and Kpacat'i'w enabled the Greeks to say that the heart had its name
ci'a TO aTTai'CTTW? aaXeveffOcu.
^=^ 'O hat is connected with ^7^ hd, and originally signified
the breast^ the part of the animal which is prominent in front.
Both words have primarily a physical sense, but in Egyptian, as
in most other languages, the heart becomes the seat and organ of
attention, sense, feehng, understanding, judgment, and every other
imaginable department of thought. It is even identified with the
personal selff No difference in this regard can be discovered
between the use of ab and hat. The Coptic ^HT" is used for
both, ab having fallen out of the vocabulary.
That the Heart stands for Conscience in this text cannot
be doubted by anyone who understands the original. M. Chabas
understood me to doubt it, but my friendly quarrel with his
translation was wholly grammatical.
His translation J was made from a comparatively recent papyrus,
in which no reference is made to the hdt^ and the y is spoken
of with the suffix of the third person.
'• Son coeur de quand il etait sur la terre, ne te tiens pas (centre
lui) comme juge, ne t'oppose pas a lui comme divin magistrat,
ne te tourne pas contre lui devant le dieu grand."
Besides the objection which I have already mentioned, it appeared
to me that, as two objects, the db and the hdt, were addressed in
the original text, the word c, ] ] Q(\ metru, which he translates
juge, ought to be plural, if ^ is rightly rendered comme, and should
moreover be accompanied by a personal determinative such as
'^ or ^, which is never found. This last objection equally applies
to Brugsch's translation 'als Zeugc.' The truth is that . ^ 81)
metru, without personal determinative, means neither judge nor
witness, but testimony, evidence.
* Etymologicum Magnum, 490.
t See M. de Rouge, Chrcstomathic, § 185.
X Melanges, detixieine serie, p. 223.
209
May 3] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1887.
The word 1 i 1 rVl ' t'at'anutsu, on the other hand, is
ahvays in the plural number, and it does not refer to the heart,
but to the forty-two gods who punish the sins enumerated in the
"Negative Confession." They are conniionly represented in the
Vignettes of the Psychostasia. They are called ft O ft 1 v^ <=>
•=^C^ i U l^ AUil o^ the Sarcophagus of Panehemisis. Tat'anutsu,
however, does not in itself signify 'judge,' but 'divine powers.'
The preposition ^ which precedes both metru and t'afatiutsu
is not to be translated ' comme,' but with its primary meaning
' from,' ' by,' ' through.'
The first part then of this scarabreus text, that which is common
to chapters 30 and 64, is I believe free from all difficulties in
the way of interpretation. There is a great deal to be said on
the subject of the heart and the statements respecting it in these
and other chapters of the Book of the Dead, but I have no intention
of entering at present into these interesting matters. But with
reference to the heart considered as representing Conscience it
will be well to quote a remarkable passage from the beautiful
Sarcophagus to which I have just referred, the text of which has
been published and admirably illustrated by Dr. von Bergmann.
.c:^ — «— 1) '^^ ^>^ ^^ 7i!itar-ef t'esef, "the con-
science of a man is his own god," says this text of Panehemisis,
and it is added in behalf of him : M?i <2i> V^ ab-a
hotep her ar-na, "my conscience is satisfied with what I have
done."
*Jahrbucli d. Kunslhistorischcn Sanimlungcn des allerhbchstcn Kaiserhauses,
I, p. 29.
-'^^-
May 3] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9, Conduit
Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 7th June, 1887,
at 8 p.m., when the following Papers will be read : —
I. Dr. S. Louis. — "Palestinian Demonology."
II. MM. Eugene et Victor Revillout. — "Antichrese in
Solutum."
" Un Nouveau Nom Royale Perse."
211
May 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1887.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
BoTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1 847-1 850,
Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, 1 866-1 869. 3 vols., folio.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler.
Vols. I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copie's sur lieux et
publics par H. Brugsch et J. Dumichen. (4 vols., and
the text by Diimichen of vols. 3 and 4.)
DiJMiCHEN, Historische Inschriften, (Sec, ist series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1866.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
GoLENiscHEFF, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c., 1880.
De Rouge, Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Wright, Arabic Grammar and Chrestomathy.
Schroeder Die Phbnizische Sprache.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament. 1872.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchies.
Pierret, Dictionnaire d'Arche'ologie Egyptienne. 8vo. Paris, 1875.
Burkhardt, Eastern Travels.
Wilkinson, Materia Hieroglyphica. Malta, 1824-30. (Text only.)
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Se'ries I, II, III. 1862-1S73.
Voyage d'un Egyptien en Syrie, en Phe'nicie, &c. 4to. 1867.
Le Calendrier des Jours Fastes et Nefastes de I'anne'e
Egyptienne. 8vo. 1877.
Maspero, De Carchemis oppidi Situ et Historia Antiquissima
8vo. Paris, 1872.
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS.
XLbc Bconse ©rnameiits of the
B^alace (Bates from Balawat.
[Shalmaneser II, B.C. 859-825.]
Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers.
In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus, the price for
each part is now raised to ^i los. ; to Members of the Society (the original
price) ^,'1 IS.
Uejts in the Babylonian
Me^oeswriting.
Being a series of carefully autographed plates, copied from tablets
written in the Babylonian character only; compiled by Theo. G. Pinches,
of the Department of Oriental Antiquities, British Museum.
The design of the Author is to furnish students with the means of
making themselves acquainted with the Babylonian style of writing, and to
this end the texts, which will be of high value and interest, will be
accompanied by as complete a syllabary of the Babylonian characters
as can now be made, arranged in a convenient form for reference.
It is proposed to issue the work in two parts : — Part I has been issued,
price 4^-. 6d.
Society of Biblical Archaeology.
COUNCIL, 1886-87.
President : —
P. LE Pack Renouk.
Vice-Presidents : —
Rev. Frederick Charles Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeter.
Lord Halsbury, The Lord High Chancellor.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.
The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, K.C.B., &c.
The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, U.D., &c.. Bishop of Durham.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Charles T. Newton, C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c., &c.
J. Manship Norman, M.A,
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R..S., &c.
Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.
Connril : —
\V. A. Tvssen Amherst, M.P., «S:c. I Pkoekssor A. Macalister, M.D.
Robert Bagster. F.R.S.
Rev. Charles James Ball. ! F. D. Mocatta.
Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A. Claude MoNTEiTOKr..
E. A. Wali.is Budge, M.A. j Ale.xander Peckover, F.S.A.
Arthur Cates. \ J. Pollard.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S. V. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A.
Charles Harrison, F.S.A. K. Towry Whyie, M.A.
Rev. Albert Loivv. Rkv. W. Wright, 1). 1).
Honorary Treasurer— Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary— \< . IJarkv Rvi.ands, F.S.A.
lionoraty Secretary for foreign Correspondence — Prof. A. H. Savce, M.A.
Honorary I.ibraiian — WiLLlAM Simpson, F.R.(i..S.
HARRISON AND SONS, I'RINTKHS 1 \ OKDINARV TO IIKR MAJI-'SIV, ST. MARTINS I.ANE.
•^. VOL. IX. No. 7.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OK
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY,
VOL. IX. SEVENTEENTH SESSION.
Seventh Meeting, ytk June, 1887.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Dr. S. Louis — Palestinian Demonology 217-22S
MM. Eugene ET Victor Revillout. — Antichrese in Solutum 228-233
MM. EuGKNE ET Victor Revillout. — Un Nouveau Nom Royal Perse 233-240
S. A. Smith. — Assyrian Letters (6 /"/^z/w) 240-256
Prof. William Wright, D.C.L., LL.D. — Some Apocryphal Psalms in Syriac... 257-266
MM. Eugene et Victor Revillout. — Les Depots et les Confiements en Droit
Egyptien et en Droit Babylonien 267-310
Major Plunkett.— The Nilometer of Philoe {Plate) 311-313
P. le Page Renouf (Freszdcni).— 'Note on the Silurus Fish CW^ ^. ^^12^
dda, and the Hieroglyphic Sign of Battle f} -/^ 3i3~3i7
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. — On a Fragment of a Coptic Version of Sahit
Ephraim's Discourse on the Transfiguration of our Lord 3i7~329
Prof. W. Wright, D.C.L., LL.D. — Kufic Tombstones in the British Museum... 329-349
Edward Falkener. — The Site of Gethsemane 349-358
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. — On a Sepulchral Stele in the British Museum 358-365
M. C. de Harlez. — Satan et Ahriman. Le Demon Biblique et celui de I'A vesta.
Etude d'Histoire Religieuse 365-373
Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D. The Sahidic Version of the Book of Job 374
W. H. Rylands (Secretary). — The Inscribed Lion from MeT2.sh (2 Plates) 374-376
Dr. C. Bezold. — Note on the God Addu, or Daddu, <ic 377
^f^
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PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
SEVENTEENTH SESSION, 1886-87.
Seventh Meeting, ith June, 1887.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President.
IN THE CHAIR.
^^^m>
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Secretary of State in Council of India : — The Sacred
Books of the East. Vol. XXXL The Zend-Avesta. Part III.
Svo. Oxford, 1887.
From the Royal Society: — The Proceedings. Vol. XLII. No.
253. March 3 and 10, 1887.
From the Geological Society : — The Quarterly Journal. Vol.
XLIIL Part 2. No. 170. Svo. May 2, 1887.
From the Royal Institute of British Architects : — The Journal of
Proceedings. Vol. III. New Series. Nos. 14, 15, and 16. 4to.
May 12 and 26, June 16. 1887.
From the Royal Geographical Society : — The Proceedings and
Monthly Record of Geography. Vol. IX. Nos. 6, 7, and 8. 1887.
From the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society : — The
Journal. Vol. XXI. New Series. Nos. 3 and 4. Svo. 18S6.
[No. LXix. 213
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1SS7.
F"rom the Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore : — The University
Studies. Fifth Series. Vol. VI. Local Government in
Canada. By J. G. Bourinot, LL.D. 8vo. VII. The Effect
of the War of 181 2 upon the Consolidation of the Union.
By N. M. Butler, Ph.D. 1887.
From the Editor : — The American Journal of Philology, edited by
Basil L. Gildersleve. Vol. VIII. i. Whole No. 29. 8vo.
1887.
From the Society : — The Journal of the Society of Biblical Litera-
ture and Exegesis. (Dec.) 1886. 8vo. Boston, 1887.
From the Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres : — Comptes
Rendus des Seances de I'annee 1886. Tome XIV. Oct., Nov.,
Dec, 1886. Tome XV. Janvier — Fevrier— Mars, 1887. 8vo.
Paris.
The Royal Society of Northern Antiquities: — Aarboger, 1887.
II. Rsekke. 2 Bind, i Hefte. Copenhagen. 8vo.
From the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze : — BoUettino
delle Pub. Italiane. Num. 32, 33, 34, 35.
Tavola Sinnotica. Indice. Pp. 49*, 96, 97*, 113*, 1-29*,
145* Title, &c. 1887.
From the Author : — Vocabolario Geroglifico Copto-ebraico del
Dott. Simeone Levi. Vol. II. Torino. Fol. 1887.
From Mr. Hall : — A compendious Vocabulary of Sanskrit, in
Divanagri and Roman characters, with comparative forms in
other languages, and complete indices, &c. London. 4to.
" 1885.
From the Author : — L'impero di Babillonia e di Ninive dal origini
fino alia conquista di Ciro, descritto secondo i monumenti
cuneiform! comparati colla bibbia. Dal P. Giuseppe Brunengo,
D.C. D.G. Vols. I and 11. Prato, 1885. Appendice. La
Cronologia Biblico-Assira. 8vo. Prato, 18S6.
From the Author, C. de Harlez : —
LTnfanticide en Chine, d'apr^s les documents Chinois.
Extrait du Must'on, 1885.
Le livre du principe lumineux et du principe passif Shang
Thsing Tsing King.
Prdsente a la Classe des Lettres. Oct. 10, 1885.
214
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
Lao-tze, le premier philosophe Chinois. Bruxelles, 18S5,
Presente a les Classe des Lettres. Oct. 13, 18S4.
La civilization de I'humanite primitive et la Genese. Louvain,
1886.
Extrait du Museon.
Tchow-tze-tsieh-yao-tchuen. Resume de la philosophie de
Tchow-hi (extraits). Paris, 1887.
Extrait du Journal Asiatique.
Livre des Conseils, d'Atevpat i Mansarspendan. (Pand namak
i aterpad i Mansarspendan.) Traduit du pehlevi. Louvain,
1887.
From the Author, Prof. G. Maspero : — De Carchemish oppidi
Situ et Historia Antiquissima. 8vo. Paris, 1872.
From the Author: — De Beteekenis van Ea, en zijn verhouding tot
Marduk en Nabu : bijdrage van C. P. Tiele. Amsterdam. 1877.
Extract from the publications of the Royal Academy of Holland.
From the Author : — A Trilogy of the Life to come, and other
Poems. By Robert Brown, jun., F.S.A. i2mo. London, 1887.
From the Author : — Note sur trois cents nouveaux ex-voto de
Carthage. Par M. Philippe Berger.
Extrait des Comptes Rendus de 1' Academic. 13 Aout, 1886.
From the Author : — Le Bahr Youssouf, d'apres les traditions
musulmanes. Par M. Cope Whitehouse. Cairo. 1887.
Extrait du Bulletin de ITnstitut Egyptien de I'annee 1886.
From A. Gibbon : — Nehemiah : his character and work. A Prac-
tical Exposition. By T. Campbell Finlayson. London. 8vo.
From the Author : — Die Keilschrifttexte Asurbanipals Konigs von
Assyrien (668 — 626 v. chr.) nach dem selbst in London copirten
grundtext, mit transcription, iibersetzung, Komentar und voll-
standigem Glossar, von Samuel Alden Smith. Heft. L 1887.
Heft. H. 1887. 8vo. Leipzig.
From the Author : — Two unedited Texts, K, 6 and K. 7. By
S. A. Smith.
From the Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie. Bd. I. Heft 4.
From the Author, Prof Paul Haupt, Ph. D. : — On the Etymology
of Nekasim. On the Pronunciation of tr in old Persian.
215
June 7] SOCIETY OF Bir.LTCAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1SS7.
From the Author : — Entzifferung der Meroitischen Schriftdenk-
miiler von Heinrich Brugsch. 2 parts.
Auszug aus der Zeitsch. fiir Aeg. S. 18S7. 4to,
The following have been purchased by the Council for the
Library of the Society : —
Syrian Folk Lore. By Claude Regnier Conder, R.E. London.
8vo. 1886.
Altaic Hieroglyphs, and Hittite Inscriptions. By C. R. Conder,
Capt. R.E. London. 8vo. 18S7.
The following were elected Members of the Society, having
been nominated at the Meeting on 3rd May, 1887 : —
Rev. Henry Marcus Clifford, M.A., St. John's Hill, Ellesmere,
Salop.
Rev. T. Witton Davies, B.A., Baptist College, Haverfordwest,
South Wales.
Rev. James William Miller, B.A., 43, Evington Road, Leicester.
Charles E. Moldenke, A.M., Ph.D., 124, East Forty-Sixth Street,
New York City, U.S.A.
Samuel Alden Smith, Sonneberg, Thuringia, Germany.
The following were nominated for election, and by special
order of the Council, submitted for election, and elected
Members of the Society : —
Miss Louisa Cavendish, 19, Chester Street, Belgrave Square, W.
Rev. S. W. Canon Allen, The Bishop's House, Belmont,
Shrewsbury.
21 f)
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
The following Paper, entitled " Palestinian Demonology,"
was read by Dr. S. Louis : —
There can be no doubt that a beUef in demons, evil spirits, or
unclean spirits as they are often called, prevailed among the people
of Palestine at the time when Christianity took its rise. Indeed, this
belief is so universally met with among the nations of antiquity, that
it seems to be a natural outcome of human thought when occupied
in examining the spiritual economy of the moral world. The Deity
being in nearly all religious systems accepted as the essence of
goodness, the difficult problem presented itself to account for the
existence of evil ; and this problem found its solution in the different
demonologies which, notwithstanding many points of contact, present
such varieties as the physical surroundings and the grade of mental
culture and development of the different races would produce.
In the following observations I shall endeavour to describe the
demon-creed, as it existed among the people of Judaea in the earliest
centuries of the present era, the information being mainly drawn
from the pages of the Talmud, where it is found dispersed and
mixed up with an endless variety of subjects of more or less anti-
quarian value.
It is generally acknowledged that Jewish demonology derived its
leading ideas from the beliefs current in the countries under Persian
rule, whence the returning exiles imported them into Judisa. Yet
some of the main features diverge so characteristically from the
Zoroastrian views, and many of the details are so much changed and
modified, that they have become as genuine Jewish conceptions, and
may be looked upon as productions of indigenous growth. In the
very fundamental idea we meet with this important difference, that
while in the Persian system the principles of good and evil, as
represented by Ormuzd and Ahriman, are co-ordinate ; among the
Hebrews, the monotheistic view is never left out of sight ; the whole
of the spirit-world is in entire subjection to the Supreme Being, by
Whom it has been created. In the Mishna,* demons are included
in the number of objects said to have been created in the twilight
between the sixth and seventh day. According to another version,t
they were the offspring of Adam and his spirit-wife Lilith, to whom
he was united for 130 years, while he was separated from Eve.
There is another account of the origin of demons, which deserves
* Aboth, V, 6. t Erubin, iSb.
217
Jl'ne 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1SS7.
mentioning as the product of a very fantastic imagination. Accord-
ing to this statement,* a male adder after seven years changes into a
hat, a bat after seven years becomes a vampyre, a vampyre after
seven years becomes a thisde, the thistle after seven years is changed
into a bramble, and the bramble after seven years turns into a demon.
The name most frequently applied to demons in the Rabbinical
writings is that of Q''~[1i;'. Regarding the etymology of this word
opinions vary : I am inclined to adopt the one suggested by Fischer
in his edition of Buxtorf's Lexicon, according to which "71^ is derived
from a Chaldaic verb Hi^TlI?, formed from the Hebrew H^^f, which
means "to fly," "to be in mid-air," so that 1^ would signify a
" Roamer," a being floating about in the air.
Other appellations are: 'jipi'p?^ "hurtful beings," V^TIT) "spirits,"
or ry)V^ mnTH " evil spirits," and 'I'h'h " spirits of the night."
Besides these general terms, a number of special names occur, to
which I shall refer further on.
Regarding the nature of demons, they were considered to present
a mixture of human and superhuman qualities. Plato f expresses
this idea thus: "The whole demon-kind is between the divine and
the human." In the Talmud J we find the following passage : " In
three points demons resemble men, and in three other points they
resemble angels. They eat, drink, and sleep like men, they propa-
gate their species like men, and die like men. On the other hand,
they are furnished with wings like angels, they know the future like
angels, and like angels they are able to move about from one end of
the world to the other." Besides these characteristics they possess
the power of assuming any shape they like, and they can see, being
themselves invisible. They are, however, not supposed to be gifted
with any extraordinary degree of vision,//., they cannot see well at
night when the lights are extinguished. § Although demons are held
to be invisible, yet with the incongruity which is of the very essence
of demonologies, physical features of demons are occasionally men-
tioned, such,//., as their having hens' feet,|| or that demons which
dwell in the shade of the caper tree have no eyes. Demons have
shadows, but no reflex of shadows.**
* Baba Kama, i6a. f Symposium, 23.
X Chagigah, i6a ; Al)oth di I\al)bi Nathan, 37. § Sabbath, 29b.
II Gittin, 6Sb (Raslii). Tf Pcssachim, iiib. ** Jcl)amoth, 122a.
218
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
The places generally haunted by demons are spots not much
frequented by men — dreary solitudes, ruins, the space beneath the
gutter of a roof, the shade of a solitary palm tree, the shade of
particular trees, viz., the caper tree, the sorb tree, and the willow
tree, the shadow of a ship, and the shadow thrown by objects in the
moonlight.* They also affect eatables and drinkables which have
been standing under a bed, and food touched in the morning by
unwashed hands, f
There are male and female demons, and their number is legion,
or as it is hyperbolically expressed by the Rabbins : J " Every one of
us has a thousand demons at his left, and a myriad at his right hand."
They often move about in troops or companies under certain leaders'
Demons are credited with superhuman faculties ; they perform
many feats of magic, and are not circumscribed as to space. As a
rule they are hurtful to men ; they are especially supposed to be the
causes of all kinds of physical and mental diseases. In the N. T.,
" the influence of the demons upon their victims was made evident
in every case by affections of the body."§ Animals are also some-
times affected by evil spirits, //., a mad dog is considered to be
possessed by a demon. || One of the functions of demons consists in
leading men astray from the path of virtue. "Three influences,"
say the Rabbins, ^ " induce men, even against their volition, to act
contrary to the will of their maker : Idolators, evil spirits, and the
pressure of poverty."
The power of demons is subject to certain restrictions. The
creative faculty, that is, the power of calling any living being into
existence, is emphatically denied them ; ** they cannot produce any-
thing without proper implements ; ff and they are not allowed to
touch anything that had been counted, tied up, or sealed. This
latter rule is illustrated in the following story : — :j:|
Some porters were carrying a cask of wine. Feeling fatigued,
they wanted to rest, and put down their burden under the gutter of a
roof, where the cask was broken by a demon. The men went and
told their misfortune to Mar bar Rab Ashi, who pronounced an
excommunication against the demon. Thereupon the demon ap-
* Pessachim, III and 112. f Joma, 77b. J Berachoth, 6a.
§ Herzog, Encyclopedia of Theology, "Demoniacs." || Joma, 83b.
IT Erubin, 41b. ** Sanhedrim, 67b. ff 1^ NJDN TQpl, ibid.
X% Chulin, 105b.
219
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [18S7.
peared. The Rabbi asked him, why he had broken the cask.
" They put it on my ear," was the reply, " I was sleeping in that
place." "You were in fault," said the Rabbi, "you had no right to
be in so frequented a place, you must pay the damage." The demon
consented to pay, but asked for time, and a day for payment was
fixed. On the appointed day the demon did not put in an appear-
ance, but he came a few days later and brought the money. \\'hen
asked why he had not come at the proper time, he said that he had
some difticulty in getting the money, as he had no power over any-
thing that was tied up or sealed.
There are certain situations in which men especially expose
themselves to the danger of being attacked l:)y demons. Such are,
sleeping alone in a house,* setting out on a journey before the
crowing of the cock,t saluting anyone in the dead of night, J and
drinking water in the dark.§ The even numbers are supposed to give
demons power over men ; and it is therefore enjoined not to stop at
even numbers,/./., not to drink two cups or four cups of wine. The
following curious preventive is recommended : |1 " If a man Ims
taken an even number of cups, let him put the thumb of his right
hand in his left, and the thumb of his left hand in his right, and say :
"You and I are three." And if he should hear a voice saying
" four," let him quickly say " five," and so on, so as not to stop at an
even number. An instance is mentioned when this went on as far as
10 1, whereupon the demon vanished. It is possible that our saying,
" there is luck in odd numbers," is connected with a similar idea.
Regarding exorcism, various means are mentioned by which
demons can be chased away or rendered powerless. As in the
New Testament, spirits are stated to be cast out " with a word ; " If
so in the Rabbinical writings the Divine Name is said to possess the
power of counteracting the evil influence of demons. Persons who
went in fear of demons provided themselves with amulets inscribed
with the Divine Name, and these amulets varied according to the
particular demon or demons against whom they were directed. The
following passage supplies an illustration of this practice : — **
The watchman of a town coming upon a sorb tree which stood
near the town, was attacked by sixty demons. He applied to a Rabbi,
* Sabbath, 151b. t Joma, 2ia. X Sanhccbim, 44a.
§ Pessachim, 112a. || Jl^id., iioa. H Mallhcw viii, 16.
** Pesachim, 1 nb.
220
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
who not being aware of the number of the spirits, wrote him an
amulet directed against one demon only. When the watchman
came near the tree again, he heard the spirits making merry in the
tree, and ridiculing the author of the amulet. The man applied to
another scholar who knew that sorb trees harbour sixty demons, and
who wrote an amulet for that number. When the watchman
approached the tree with this amulet, he heard some voices
exclaiming, " Let us get away from here."
Prayer was another remedy against the power of evil spirits
(comp. Mark ix, 29). We are told* that the room in which the
Talmudical doctor Abajah taught was haunted by a dangerous
demon. Acha, a contemporary scholar, once passed the night
there, when the demon appeared in the shape of a monster with
seven heads. The Rabbi engaged in prayer, and with every genu-
flexion which the pious man performed, one of the demon's heads
fell off.
There are also found in the Talmud a number of disenchanting
formulas, the best known of which consists of the words ^T^'I^IT',
^1 *'1"i "'■^"'"l '^l''H, the idea being that as the word is reduced in
letters, the power of the demon is gradually diminished, until he
tinally vanishes. (It may be noted en passant that the term mostly
used for the vanishing of a demon is the verb VPS, which literally
means '■'■to bmst")
Several other disenchanting formulas are mentioned ; they are a
mere jumble of words without any apparent meaning ; but according
to Kohut, most of the words used bear a striking resemblance to
Persian names of demons.
The following passage I contains a curious piece of magic by
which spirits are supposed to be rendered visible to the human
eye : — " Let the placenta of a first-born black cat, descended from
the first-born of a black cat, be reduced to ashes, let the ashes be
finely powdered, and apply a little of it to the eye, then you will
acquire the power of seeing demons."
The foregoing observations refer to demons in general ; besides
these, we meet with demons distinguished by proper names, and
invested with special functions and characteristics.
Foremost among these we have to mention Satan. It is well
known that the name Satan occurs in several passages of the Old
* Kidushin, 29b. f Berachoth, Via.
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June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1887.
Testament ; but independently of the book of Job, where Satan
presents himself among the sons of God, carrying out the will of
God, the passages are too scanty to furnish us with a clear conception
of his attributes ; in several biblical passages Satan signifies an
adversary in battle. In Rabbinical writings, the functions of Satan
are represented as threefold ; he is the accuser, the tempter, and the
angel of death. The leading idea is that of Satan being the personi-
fication of the evil passions which lead men astray. It is probably
in this sense that he is regarded as the cause of death, as stated in
the apocryphal book " the Wisdom of Solomon " (ii, 27), and in the
same sense he is identified with the old serpent that deceived Eve
(Rev. xii, 9). Possibly the expression in St. John (xii, 31), o apxi^v
Tov /cofT/iov Tovrov, " the ruler of this world," was suggested by the
same conception, namely that of man being ruled by his evil passions.
In the Talmud,* Satan, man's evil inclination, and the angel of
death, are stated to be identical.
The idea of Satan being human passion personified, is illustrated
in the following parable (Sanhedrim, 64a) : —
The children of Israel were crying unto the Lord, saying : " Alas !
alas ! Is it not Satan, who destroyed the temple, burnt down the
sanctuary, slaughtered the pious, and banished the Israelites from
their country ? and he is still active in our midst. Didst Thou not
give him to us in order that we might earn a reward, we require
neither him nor the reward." Thereupon they fasted three days and
three nights, when a written message fell from heaven containing the
simple word " truth." And a shape came forth from tlie Holy of
Holies like unto a fiery lion. The prophet said to them : this is the
evil passion that leads to idolatry. Whilst they were seizing him,
one of his hairs was torn out, and he uttered a cry which was heard
at a distance of 400 parasangs. They said, what shall we do ? The
prophet said : Put him into a leaden vessel and close the opening
with lead, for lead absorbs the sound. . . . But if you kill him, the
world will come to an end. Upon their prayer, he was delivered
into their power; they kept him prisoner for three days, and behold !
there was not a new laid egg to be found in the whole of Palestine.
Thereupon they blinded him and set him free.
(Perhaps the last sentence alludes to the conception of passion
being blind.)
* Baba bathra, 1 6a.
June 7] TROCEEDINGS. [1887.
Satan is represented to be well versed in scripture. For instance,
the seventh verse of the first chapter of Job is thus amplified : The
Lord said unto Satan, whence comest thou ? Satan answered : From
going to and fro in the earth ; I have traversed the whole world, and
have not found anyone faithful to Thee like Abraham. For Thou
hadst given the promise to him : f " Arise, walk through the land in
the length of it and in the breadth of it ; for I will give it unto thee."
But when his wife Sarah died, he could find no spot where to bury
her, and had to purchase a burying place ; yet he murmured not, nor
questioned Thy ways. Hereupon the Lord said : Hast thou con-
sidered my servant Job, (Isic.
Synonymous with Satan is Samael, " God's poison," who among
other exploits is said to have been especially active in persuading
the children of Israel to worship the golden calf.
By far the most conspicuous figure in the Jewish demonology is
Ashmedai or Asmodaeus, the kmg of the demons. The name
appears to be Persian, and as shown by Kohut in his treatise on
demonology, there are many points of agreement which connect the
story of Asmodaeus with Persian beliefs.
In the apocryphal book of Tobit (iii, 8) Asmodseus is mentioned
as a malignant spirit who successively killed seven husbands of
Sarah, the daughter of Raguel, during their nuptials. In the
Rabbinical writings there are many passages which show that the
belief in the demon king was widespread in the land. The following
is a translation of King Solomon's encounter with Asmodaeus, as it is
related in the Talmud (Gittin, 68a and b) : —
When King Solomon was building the temple, he was much per-
plexed about the hewing of the stones, since the law prohibited the
use of iron tools. He consulted his wise men, and they reminded
him of the Shamir. (According to the ancient myth, the Shamir
was a worm, not bigger than a barleycorn, which possessed the magic
power of splitting stones. Lines were drawn with ink on the stones,
then the Shamir was applied, and the stones divided spontaneously.
Ethics, V, 6, Bartenora).
The king having asked where the shamir could be found, his
councillors advised to get a male and a female demon ; these might
know and give the desired information. The two spirits were
procured, but when pressed to answer the inquiry they said. We
* Genesis, xiii, 17.
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June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1SS7,
do not know, but Asmodteus the demon king might possibly know
and divulge the secret. The king asked, where is he to be found ?
and they replied : He dwells in a c:ertain mountain where he has dug
a pit for himself and filled it with water. Every day he goes up into
heaven to learn what is going on in the higher regions, and then
returns to the earth to make himself acquainted with what is taking
place here below. Before leaving, he covers his well with a stone
and attaches his seal to it ; and when he comes back, he examines
the seal before removing the stone and drinking of the water.
King Solomon sent for Benaiah, one of the officers of his court,
and supplied him with a chain and a signet ring, both being engraved
with the Tetragrammaton, and also gave him some flakes of wool
and bottles of wine. (Here I may remind my hearers that Benaiah
is stated [i Sam. xxiii, 20] to have slain a lion in the midst of a pit.)
Benaiah went to the mountain and dug a i)it lower down than that of
Asmodaeus ; then he drew off the water, and slopped up the channel
holes with his flakes of wool. He afterwards dug a pit higher up
than that of the demon, and poured wine into it which he caused to
flow down into the empty pit. Having filled up his two pits with
earth, he seated himself in a neighbouring tree to see what would
happen. Asmodaeus having returned from his daily excursion,
examined the seal, opened his pit, and found it filled with wine. He
made up his mind not to drink of it ; but having become very thirsty
he could not abstain ; he drank, became intoxicated, and fell asleep.
Then Benaiah descended from the tree, put the chain on the demon,
and fastened it with his seal. When Asmodasus awoke he struggled
to shake off the chain, but Benaiah called out to him, " The name of
thy Lord is upon thee ; " whereupon the spirit acknowledged himself a
prisoner and followed his captor. Coming upon a tree on the road,
he furiously pushed against it and tore it out of the ground ; he also
pulled down a house; when he passed a cottage inhabited by a
widow, the woman came out and begged him to spare her dwelling,
he turned aside to get out of the way of the cottage, and in doing so
fractured one of his bones. Meeting a blind man who had lost his
way, he led him in the right direction ; the same he did to a drunken
man who had strayed from the road. Seeing,' a bridal procession
coming along with great rejoicings, he shed tears ; hearing a man ask
a shoemaker to make him shoes which would last for seven years he
laughed; and watching a conjuror i)crforni his tricks, he laughed
again. \\"hen he arrived at the king's residence they did not take
224
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
him into the king's presence for three days The first day he said,
Why does not the king send for me ? They answered, he has taken
too much drink. Thereupon he took up a brick and laid it upon
another brick. When Solomon was told of this, he said : The demon
meant to say, Give him more drink. On the next day Asmodaeus
asked again : W' hy has not the king sent for me. They replied :
He has eaten too much. Upon hearing this he removed the one
brick from the other, and placed it on the ground. Solomon inter-
preted this movement as implying that he should be prevented from
eating. On the third day, when the demon was admitted to the
king, he took a reed, measured off 4 spans, and said : When dead
you will not occupy more than 4 spans of ground ; now having con-
quered the whole world, you were not satisfied until you had also
subjected me. The king said : It is not you whom I want ; I require
the shamir for the building of the temple. Asmodjeus replied : The
shamir has not been entrusted to my keeping, but to that of the
Prince of the Sea, who has given it to the woodcock, and bound him
by an oath to bring it back again. And what does the bird do with
it ? asked the king. He takes it to mountains which are completely
barren ; and by its magic power he splits a rock, throws seeds into
the fissure, and so covers the mountain with trees.
Having received this intelligence, Benaiah searched and found
the nest where the young of the woodcock were sitting ; this nest he
covered with a glass vessel. When the bird came back, and found
that he could not lift the vessel, he straightway fetched the Shamir
in order to break the glass. Benaiah thereupon raised a loud shout,
and frightened the bird so that it dropped the Shamir. Benaiah
then pounced upon it, and carried it off.
To Benaiah's question why he had led the blind man into the
right road, the demon replied : Because in heaven this blind man
had been proclaimed a truly righteous man, and whoever should
render him a service, would be entitled to enjoy everlasting bliss.
Why did you put the drunken man on the right path ? He was
declared to be an arch-sinner, and I helped him, knowing that he
was doomed to everlasting destruction. Why did you shed tears
when you met the bridal procession ? Because the husband was
going to die within thirty days, and the bride was doomed to remain
a widow for thirteen years. Why did you laugh on hearing that
man ordering shoes to last for seven years? That man had not
seven days to live, and ordered shoes for seven years. Why did you
225
Ji-N'E 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1887.
laugh at the conjurer? That man laid claim to superior knowledge,
and was not aware that a regal treasure was lying buried below the
place where he was standing.
Asmodoius remained with King Solomon until the temple was
finished. One day when the king was alone with the demon, he
asked him : In what does 3^our superiority consist ? The spirit
replied : Take off my chain, and give me your signet ring, and I will
show you my superiority. The king complied, and at once
Asmodeeus assumed his gigantic shape, reaching from heaven unto
earth, hurled the king a distance of 400 parasangs, and seated
himself on Solomon's throne. For many years the king wandered
about in a forlorn condition, but when at last he came before the
Sanhedrim (the ecclesiastical tribunal), they after various inquiries
recognized him, and restored to him the chain and the signet ring
with the Divine Name engraven upon them. Seeing these, Asmodaeus
vanished.
I have translated this account at large, because it is interesting in
itself, and because I consider it a representative story, containing
nearly all the chief elements of Rabbinical demonology. Asmodaeus
is represented as a composite being possessing both human and
superhuman qualities. He takes food like a mortal creature ; when
he drinks to excess, he becomes inebriated ; and he falls asleep.
•He is liable to outbursts of fury, yet he is amenable to kindly
sympathies, and he is also carried away by passionate indulgences.
He owns the power of floating through the air, his physical strength
is gigantic, and his vision superior to human ken. He foresees the
future, though it is only the proximate future which is laid open to
him. He is overcome and bound by the spell of the Divine Name.
He is acquainted with the sacred scriptures, for in the original he is
made to quote several apposite passages.
Next in importance appears to be Lilith, also called n"1Ilt^
r\7n?D TXl Agrath bath Machlath, a female leader of demons.
The myth makes her the wife of Adam, and the mother of
numerous demons ; one of her offspring is Hurmin,* evidently
identical in name with the Persian Ahriman. She is mostly active
at night, and principally attacks children. The nights of Wednesdays
and Saturdays specially are rendered unsafe by the visits of Lilith to
the earth. This circumstance is accounted for in the following
* Baba bathra, 73a.
226
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
way : * Formerly Lilith roamed about every night ; once she met
Rabbi Chanina ben Dosa, and said to him, If I had not heard the
warning given in heaven, " Beware of Chanina," I should have
injured you. Chanina answered : If I am so much esteemed in
heaven, I command thee never again to visit the habitations of men.
She begged of him to leave her some little freedom, and he left her
the nights of Wednesdays and Saturdays free. — Lilith is described as
a beautiful woman with long flowing hair.f The epithet DtTIQ FQ
is explained to signify " the dancer," a dancing movement being
often ascribed to demons.
Other demons mentioned by name, are : Ben Tamalion,J in the
form of a child, supposed principally to affect women.
Nujaitun,§ a demon producing asthma and madness; according
to Kohut, Nujaitun is a corruption of the Persian name of a certain
demon.
Kardiakos, || a demon producing gastric affections, as its name
implies, the demon bearing the name of the malady which he
produces.
The demon Joseph,^ who gave some information about Ashmedai.
Bar Sheda,** a young demon, who acted as a sort of familial
spirit to Rab Papa.
The foregoing sketch contains the principal features of Palestinian
demonology as it existed, according to Rabbinical sources, in the
earliest centuries of the current era. Whether we regard the details
as adaptations of Persian behefs to the views of a people guided by
monotheistic principles, or look upon them as independent concep-
tions, we shall arrive at the same conclusion, viz., that this kind of
folk-lore forms the refuge which the mind of man is prone to take
from the perplexing dilemmas brought about by its own shortcomings.
The three main springs of demonology appear to be, the dark hours of
the night, the uncanny character of localities, and grievous maladies.
When the light of day, man's friendly guide, is withdrawn, and the
earth is wrapt in darkness, man peoples the air with beings of a
shadowy order, who carry on their noxious activity under the cover of
impenetrable night. Wherever localities are found which are devoid
* Pessachim, 112b. t Erubin, loob. J Meilah, 17b.
§ Bechoroth, 44b. || Gittin, 67b. % Pessachin, iioa.
** Chulin, 105b.
227
JLTN-E 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1887.
of, or unfit for, the habitation of man, or characterized by abnormal
features, man's imagination makes them the haunts of inhuman
demons, whose nature is deemed to be in keeping with these terrifying
surroundings. When man's intelHgence finds itself baffled at the
sight of physical afflictions of which it is unable to trace the cause,
and especially of those afflictions which affect the mental condition,
it attributes their existence to the operation of malignant spirits, who
are considered to be in constant opposition to the happiness of the
human species. This connection of demons with incurable maladies
is a strong feature in all demonologies, so that magic and medicine
become sister sciences, the respective limits of which are imper-
ceptibly blended. Looking at demonology from this point of view,
we acknowledge it as a special phase of human thought which has
made its appearance among all the nations of the earth. We thus
take a rational interest in its incongruous development, and recognize
the strength as well as the weakness of the human mind even in its
most fanciful aberrations.
Two Papers, by MM. Eugene and Victor Revillout, were
read : —
Antichrese in Solutum.
A cot^ de I'antichrese-gage et de I'antichrese-location, les anciens
jjeuples ont connu une autre maniere de mettre h profit la jouissance,
la x/^'/'^'S de la chose, en guise de valeur d'echange, contre, ai^-n, une
autre valeur, soit similaire, soit dissemblable. C'etait ce qu'on
pourrait nommer, par une sorte de neologisme, une antichrese in
solutum^ quand le but de I'operation etait de liberer le debiteur
envers son creancier auquel il se trouvait livrcr ainsi un laps de
temps determine de possession complete et de jouissance en guise de
paiement. Un acte e'gy[)tien du temps des Lagides, acte qui est
designe au British Museum sous le nom de Papyrus Malcom,*
fera mieux comprendre cette espece par un exemple.
Ce papyrus memphite (du regne d'Evergete II) est malheureuse-
ment en tres mauvais etat, vers le haut surtout. Mais en combinant ce
* Cet acte est inedit ; j'en ai seulement (lit quelques mots dans mon cours sur
Ics obligations en droit cgyptien compare aux aulres ilroits de I'antiquite, p. 126.
228
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
qui reste du protocole a I'enregistrement, on peut facilement restituer
les premieres lignes, d'apres les formules ordinaires. " (L'an 39,
le 10 phaophi, du roi Ptolemee, le dieu evergete), fils de Ptoleniee,
(de la reine Cleopatre sa soeur) et de la reine Cleopatre sa femme, les
dieux evergetes, et sous le pretre d'Alexandre et des dieux sauveurs
et des dieux freres, et des dieux evergetes, des dieux philopators,
des dieux epiphanes, du dieu eupator, du dieu philome'tor, et des
dieux evergetes Ptolemee et sous I'athlophore
de Berenice evergete et la canephore d'Arsinoe philadelphe, et
la pretresse d'Arsinoe philopator, e'tablis a Racoti (Alexandrie).
L'archentaphiaste (J^ X^) Petosor, fils d'Horuer, dont la mere
est Chemati, dit a la femme Je t'ai loue la part des f
du 8*^, ce qui fait le douzieme, des sanc/i de Kloudj, fils de T'itaaou
mmoou, et la part des f du 8'', ce qui fait le 1 2^, des sa^/c/i de T'itaaou
mmoou, fils de Kloudj, et la part des f du S*", ce qui fait le 12®
des sa//c/i de Pse'maut, fils de T'itaaou mmoou, et la part des f du 8'=
ce qui fait le 12*^ des sa^ic/i de la femme Tamin, fille de
Pahi, et la part des f du 8®, ce qui fait le 12^, des sa/u'/i de T'itaaou
mmoou, fils de Psenmaut, qui sur la montagne de Memphis, et la
part des f du 8'', ce qui fait le 12", des esclaves appartenant aux
hommes (nommes) sur le raont de Memphis, et de la con-
struction funeraire batie et couverte qui appartenait des
chapelles etablies a I'occident . . . du jardin de palmiers
{nebes) qui est au sud, du qui est en elle, de la double demeure
qui est placee au Leurs voisins sont : au sud la '^
de choachyte de T'i .... qui est la pour ses fils (qui possede au
nom de ses fils ; au nord ?) les maisons de Kloudj, fils de Pet(chons),
que le chemin en se'pare ; h. I'occident, les maisons du T X^
Pahi, fils d'Hor Ut'a ; a I'orient les demeures d'Hor .... fils de (Pete)
mont et les demeures de Pet .... fils de Petosor . . . . et de Pasi,
fils de Teos, ton fils, faisant partie de la totalite de biens sur lesquels
^s 1 c^U Teos, fils de Pasi, ton mari, le pere de Pasi fils de Teos,
ton fils aine, t'a fait un ecrit de sanch et un ccrit pour argent* (Je
* Ou un ecrit de crcance et un ecrit du vente. Ces deux ecrits fourmaient les
titres d'une sorte de mariage, dont j'ai longiiement parle tant dans mon cours de
droit egyptien (etat des personnes), que dans ma lettre a M. Paturet, publiee en
tete de sa these a I'ecole du Louvre. Pour la valeur juridique du mot sanch, si
souvent repete dans cet acte, voir mon cours sur les obligations en droit egyptien
compare aux autres droits de I'antiquite.
229
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1887,
te loue aussi) la part des f du 8% ce qui fait le 12% des demeures de
Kesau (des salles d'ensevelissement) et des tombes . . . des liturgies
appartenant aux hommes dont les noms sont ecrits plus
haut, et dont la femme fiUe de T'itaaou mmoou, possede le
CI) w
tiers, &c.
La liste de ces biens, soit immobiliers, soit funeraires, soit purement
abstraits, comme les creances, se prolonge encore beaucoup dans
notre papyrus ; mais elle presenterait peu d'interet au lecteur. Notons
seulement qu'on voit figurer, parmi les tres nombreuses liturgies
{Seti) ou sepultures {Kesaji) sises sur la necropole de Memphis qui
sont ici indiquees, celles de soldats grecs et egyptiens, probablement
en garnison au Serapeum,* comme, parmi les immeubles, certaines
maisons et des terrains nus (0*^96^) situes dans le quartier du
sanctuaire de Te/uii d'Aiic/ito, c'est-a-dire du Serapeum, ainsi que
nous I'avons prouve depuis longtemps d'apres les papyrus du Louvre.
Nous voyons en effet que cet acte a ete ecrit dans I'enceinte du
Serapeum puisqu'il a ete enregistre a I'Anubeium, bureau special de
ce quartier saint, dont nous avons longuement parle dans la Rrciie
Egyptologique.
Venons en maintenant a la derniere partie de notre document,
qui est de beaucoup la plus interessante au point de vue juridique.
Apres I'enumeration des biens loues par lui, Petosor, fils d'Horoer,
continue en ces termes : —
" Mes parts de tout ce qui est ecrit ci-dessus, comme il est ecrit
ci-dessus, (parts) dont la description est ci-dessus, sont pour toi et tes
gens, .... ainsi que les revenus et les liturgies qui en sortent, tout
ce qu'on regoit pour elles, tout ce qui viendra en leur nom, tout ce
qu'on donnera en leur nom, par jour quelconque, par mois quel-
conque, soit comme liturgies de Taricheute, soit comme liturgies
do choachyte, depuis I'an 35, le 10 phaophi, jusqu'^ la fin de trois
ans, 36 mois, 3 ans en tout, pour que tu as consenti ante-
rieurement, depuis I'an 27 (i®"" Thot) des rois a vie eternelle jusqu'a
I'an 35, 30 mesore, a me fournir pendant 9 ans, 109 mois
(lire 108), neuf ans en tout. Tu m'as donne' (ainsi) 400 argenteus
(outen), en sekels (tetradrachmes) 2,000 (8,000 drachmes), 400
outen en tout, en airaindontrcfjuivalence estde 24 pour^^^ (par rap-
* Nous savons en efilt't par Ics papyrus grecs et (leinolifiues qu'il y avail uiie
garnison au Serapeum.
230
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
port a rargenteus-outen d'argent).* Leur Jioti (I'exercice des droits
d'antichrese qui te sent donnes constituant un tribut ou revenu
annuel), par paiement journalier, fait 133 argenteus plus 3 kati
(didrachmes) et un tiers (4 oboles) en airain a I'equivalence de 24
pour-j%, par an, pendant trois ans, pendant lesquels tu as le smich de
Kloudj, &c., trois ans, dis-je, pendant lesquels les sanch ci-dessus
completent les 400 argenteus en airain a I'equivalence de 24 pour -1%
que tu m'as donnes ci-dessus. Je les ai regus de ta main, sans aucun
reliquat ; mon coeur en est satisfait. Celui qui viendra t'inquieter a
cause du hoti des trois ans ci-dessus et du Jioti des autres annees qui
te reviennent, ainsi qu'a Tecs ton mari, pour ce que tu m'as donne,
ainsi qu'a Horuer, mon pere, pendant 16 ans, je I'eloignerai de toi
dans les 5 jours du mois en question, de force, sans delai, Tu
etabliras devant moi (tu me rendras) les parts de tout ce qui est
marque ci-dessus, selon ce qui estecrit ci-dessus, en sorte de ne plus
etre sur elles, de ne plus faire office de taricheute, dans les temps ci-
dessus (au bout des 3 ans), et tu m'abandonneras le hoti dans
les temps ci-dessus, de force, sans delai. Si j'enleve mes parts de
tout ce qui est marque ci-dessus loin de toi et de tes gens (de ta
possession ou de la leur), ou que quiconque au monde les enleve
loin de toi et de tes gens, en mon nom, dans les temps ci-dessus,.
(avant la fin du delai de trois ans), je te donnerai 3,000 argenteus,,
leur moitie est 1,500, 3,000 argenteus en tout, en airain dont
I'equivalence est de 24 pour y%, dans les cinq jours du mois nomme,
de force, sans delai. Mais si tu ne t'en vas pas hors de mes parts de
tout ce qui est ci-dessus, selon I'ecrit ci-dessus, dans les temps
ci-dessus, ainsi que tes gens, et si tu ne les etablis pas devant moi (si
tu ne m'en rends pas la possession) quand les trois annees ci-dessus
se seront accomplies, c'est-a-dire au terme des temps ci-dessus, tu
me donneras 5,000 argenteus, dont la moitie est 2,500, 5,000 argen-
teus en tout, en airain a I'equivalence de 24 pour y^^, dans les 10
jours apres les temps ci-dessus, et tu les abandonneras (les parts
ci-dessus) avec leurs (fruits ?) et les placeras devant moi, en outre,,
dans le mois en question, de force, sans delai. Tu ne pourras dire sur
mes parts de tout ce qui est ecrit ci-dessus : " J'ai bati, j'ai convert,
j'ai fait changement quelconque au monde dans les temps ci-dessus."
* Voir sur cette proportion legale de la 120 antra I'argent et le cuivra, et las
autres questions monetaires, mes articles dans la Revue J&gypto/ogique, la Revue
Archcologiqne, at I'annuaire de la Societe de Numismatiqua.
231
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [18S7.
Tu ne pourras dire : "j'ai parole (affaire) quelconqueau monde avec
toi en leur nom."
" (En ce cas) tous tes biens presents et h venir (seront) en garantie.
Mon agent prendra puissance pour toute parole qu'il dira avec toi, en
dehors du /loti que tu auras a me rendre ou de tout enlevement fait
a mon prejudice. A toi a (me faire) recevoir ces choses, de force,
sans delai.
"De mon cote, je ne puis etablir mes parts ci-dessus pour per-
sonne quelconque au monde intervenante. Je ne puis donner a leur
sujet des ordres a une autre personne. Je ne puis les vendre pour
argent a une autre personne qui m'en donnerait (le prix). C'est moi
qui suis oblige d'accomplir I'ecrit ci-dessus et le droit en resultant et
d'ao'ir selon toutes les paroles ci-dessus. A ecrit Harmachis, fils
d'Horsiesi."
Apres la signature du notaire on lit I'enregistrement, nous
apprenant que Facte a ete transcrit sur le registre du ^ipcKJuov de
I'Anubeium* le 18 phaophi de I'an 39, c'est-a-dire huit jours apres
I'achevement de Facte qui avait ete redig6 le 10 phaophi.
En vertu d'une ordonnance speciale dont nous avons parle dans
notre cours sur les obligations, il etait alors de coutume a Memphis
de faire signer a Facte la partie qui s'obligeait ou qui cedait quelque
chose. Ici Fadhesion est plus developpee. EUe se trouve dans une
sorte (Fannotation ecrite en marge et un peu deterioree actuellement.
Voici ce que je dechiffre : "Fan 39, (de 10) phaophi du roi Ptolemee
(evergete), (Petosor), fils d'Horuer, celui qui dit : je Faban-
donne le hoti de mes parts pour toute annee, pendant trois
iins ou 36 mois. Mon coeur est satisfait, etc."
Le xnoihoti, que nous trouvons si souvent dans cet acte, est celui
qu'on rencontrait egalement pour designer Fantichrese des le temps
d'Amasis, notamment dans un contrat de Fan 36 dont j'ai parle
dans mon cours sur les obligations. II s'agissait alors d'une terre
possedee en commun par deux freres, et sur laquelle le cadet
voulait etablir une antichrbse-gage. L'aine, en quality de neb
(ou Kvpto'i) de Fheritage, (selon la loi que nous avons expliquee
longuement h. propos de Fetat des personnes), prend alors la parole et
dit au creancier de son frbre : " Je te donne la puissance, la pleine
possession, la prise en mains active et le revenu (le /toti) des terras
* Voir pour ces questions la Rei'ite Jisfypiologique, 2e annee, No. ii-iii.
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. 1887.
cultivees ou a cultiver au nom de mon frere Reri ; tu es relativement k
lui en puissance de gagiste {aouo) pour tout le temps ou tu feras la
culture de mes terres qui sont en tel lieu."
La racine hetar (copte ^T"Op et P,tO't') obliger, est bien
connue des Egyptologues. En demotique elle est surtout employee
dans deux acceptions differentes : i° pour designer la puissance
ifobliger, celle que regoit, par exemple, I'agent du creancier relative-
ment au debiteur ; elle se rapproche alors comme sens du mot aouo,
qui designe la puissance qu'a le lion sur I'etre qu'il tient en ses
griffes, I'homme sur le gibier en sa possession, et le creancier sur son
gage; mais avec cette difference, que le heiar-hoti Qst une puissance
consideree a I'etat actif, et le aouo une puissance passive et subie; 2°
pour indiquer le tribut exige par le roi de ses sujets. Aussi trouve-
t-on hofi, designantle tribut dans le decretde Rosette. Cette accep-
tion a ete conservee en copte pour ^(X5"f~ = tributum. Ces deux
sens concordent egalement avec la conception juridique de I'anti-
chrese, qui a, par consequent, ret^u tres naturellement le nom de hoti.
En effet I'antichrese etait une puissance momentanee donnee au
creancier sur la chose qu'il detenait a la place de son argent, et,
d'une autre part, elle creait un revenu, une sorte de tribut, sur des
biens, qui, en definitive, devaient revenir au debiteur.
Un Nouveau Nom Royal Perse.
Darius nous raconte dans I'inscription de Behistun que parmi les
nombreux pretendants qui s'eleverent contre lui apres le meurtre de
Barzia, il y en eut un qui se proclama roi de Perse, et pretendit
etre : non pas sans doute le Barzia tue publiquement dans son palais,
mais le vrai Bardes, le vrai Smerdis. Ce vrai Smerdis se serait cache
quand son frere Cambyse avait donne I'ordre de le tuer, et il n'aurait
ose reparaitre du temps du regne du mage Gomates. Toute la Perse,
qui devait connaitre ses princes nationaux, se declara pour lui, et il
est possible qu'il ait ete momentanement reconnu dans d'autres
parties de I'empire a cette epoque ou presque aucune province ne
voulait reconnaitre Darius.
Serait-ce a ce Bardes que nous aurions affaire dans une des tab-
lettes de notre collection personnelle, tablette provenant de Sippara ?
Dans tous les cas, il s'agit certainement d'un des pretendants a la
233
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1887.
couronnc de Perse a une epoque encore tres rapprochee des
victoires de Cyrus et de rhegemonie conquise par la Perse sur
la Medie. En effet les noms des contrees sur lesquelles ce roi, ou
pretendu tel, proclame ses droits se succedent dans I'ordre suivant :
1° la Perse, 2° la Medie, 3" Babylone, 4° les pays. Or la domination
de I'Asie avait suivi un ordre inverse. Elle avait d'abord appartenu
au roi d'Assyrie, dont le titre en Chaldee, ainsi que nous le voyons
dans une tablette inedite appartenant a M. Leroux, et datee du
regne d'Assurbanipal,* etait simplement roi des pays. Elle avait
ensuite appartenu au roi de Babylone, a partir de Nabopolassar dont
nous possedons dans notre collection particuliere un grand nombre
^j^ I^ ? T --^W ^^ 1^ ^TI
-w ^- ^r ¥ 4^- ^ ^4 ^y '^
¥ ai^r ^H w 31^1 w -on ra <^k ^it
^! <v/ ^^ ¥ <3 v^\ V, >-^ <3i^y y ^y ^ :^?
y + iMy \^} ¥ <!<? - <<\AA I'^i'^-
tr ^ I ¥ *^yy < ^^¥ ^y -^y h ^y ^
Hf- ^y^y v^ ¥ y -^y^y^y -"^^^v^^
¥ -y<yt ^y w A <3y^y <-y-^ (E^ tr- v)
ym E^ y -y^y^y -¥ ( \'\ i e^ ^ <y- >^)
I mana kaspi sa Nelioedir {iiclw stir) ina eli.
Lisiru (lisidi) u Ittia {Ala) ALinluk
abli sa Bel ahi erib [Su)
estin Iniut sanii nasuu
sa Kadaa Kaa mahar. iihii
yum 15 kam sa arah sivan ana cli i iiiaiiie
i^ (hi kaspa sa arah ina eli su irabbi
mimmusu (salmu su) sa ali u tseri mala liasiiu
maskanu sa Neboedir (</) rasmi (tiiku)
sanamma ana eli ul isallal
adii Neboedir kaspasu isallimu
Uruki arah Sivan yimi 14 kam sanal t6 kam
Assurl)ani])al [nssttr ban iii, et non Assure/'tis) sar mat mat
234
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
de documents. Elle avait ensuite appartenu a la Medie, ainsi que
le montre particulierement la grande inscription de Nabonid trouvee
egalement a Sippara, publiee dans le 5^ volume des W.A.I., pi. 64,
et si admirablement traduite par M. Oppert dans son cours de
1885-6.* Enfin depuis les victoires de Cyrus sur les Medes, victoires
dont il est egalement question dans cette inscription de Nabonid,
elle avait appartenu a la Perse.
" Une mine d'argent creance de Neboedir sur Lisiru et Ittia Marduk, fils de
Belahierib. L'un pour I'autre ils repondent." A cote de cet enonce est I'enonce
anterieur : — Depuis le jour 15^ du mois de Sivan I'argent produira a sa charge un
sekel et denii par mois et par mine. Tous ses biens de villa et de compagne sont
le gage de Neboedir. Autre creancier gagiste ne mettra la main dessus jusqu'a
ce que Neboedir ait re9u son argent. — Warka, le 14^ du mois de Sivan, de I'an 16
d'Assourbanipal roi des pays."
La locution a moitie semitique, a moitie touranienne sa (ou ^ar) Kadaa kaa
(ou gudaa gica) mahar, pent s'analyser ainsi qu'il suit. La lettre y qui se lit sa en
babylonien, gar en 'touranien, a le meme sens dans les deux langues et veut dire
qui, que, dont. L'ideogramme ^f v^| se refere aux idees de boiiche, parole, etc.
L'ideogramme ^[M se rencontre sans cesse dans les actes anciens et modernes
pour rendre cote, a cote de. L'ideogramme TI represente notamment ime preposi-
tion touranienne traduite en semitique par ana, etc. Quant a mahar, c'est un mot
semitique qui se presente, ainsi que ses derives, tres souvent dans les contrats avec
les significations devant, anterienr, etc. II ne faut pas oublier d'ailleurs que
I'inversion, specialement des particules, etc. , est une regie touranienne.
Remarquons qu'a partir de cette phrase a moitie touranienne les pronoms sont
au singulier quand ils se rapportent aux debiteurs, comma si la debiteur etait unique.
II est probable qu'en effet Neboedir avait prete I'argent an question un an plus tot
au pere des debiteurs actuals, at qu'en faisant sa novation avec les fils il repetait les
termes de I'acte primitif. C'est pourquoi sans doute son nom patronymique, bien
precise par le premier acte, n'ast ici jamais indique.
Pour an finir avec cet acte, remarquons que I'interet est a 30 pour lOO (c'est-
a-dire au taux legal egyptien), comme dans un autre acta de Warka egalement
signale par nous. A Babylone I'interet est de 20 pour loO, comma dans las vieilles
lois touraniennes. Voir sur ces questions le supplement babylonien de notra cours
sur les obligations en droit egyptien compare aux ant res droits de Pantiquite.
* Nabonid raconte que les Medas, s'etant empare de Sippara, y avaient detruit
le temple de Sin. Au commencement da son regne, les dieux Merodach et .Sin lui
apparurent, et Merodach lui ordonna de retablir ce temple afin d'y reinstaller le dieu
Sin. Tout effraye, Nabonid dit au dieu : "Mais ce temple dont tu me paries,
I'armee Mede I'environne, et ses forces sont terribles." Ce fut alors que le dieu
Merodach lui prophetisa la chute de cette puissance Medique si formidable, du
roi de ce pauple, et de tous les rois qui allaient a sa suite, dans les trois ans.
235
Jink 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1S87.
Du temps de Darius tout cela etait encore assez recent pour qu'il
s'elevat des pretendants au trone de Medie, d'aprfes une parente plus
ou moins reelle avec le dernier roi Cyaxare ; d'autres pretendants au
trone de Babylone, ceux-la se disant fils de Nabonid ; et d'autres,
qui se rattachaient aux grandes nations en lutte a I'epoque
d'Assurbanipal.
II etait done tout naturel qu'un titre royal rappelat les 4 dernieres
hegemonies qui avaient eu la possession de la ville de Sippara. Le
pretendant actuel entendait succe'der specialement au roi des Perses,
mais, par cela meme, au roi des IMedes qu'avait remplace, en
(|ualite de roi des rois, le roi des Perses, au roi de Babylone qui
avait joue anterieurement le meme role dans ce meme pays, et enfin
aux rois des nations par excellence, a ces vieux monarques d'Assyrie
dont les rois de Perse avaient pris ce titre de roi des nations. A
I'epoque persane ce titre figure d'abord en Chaldee a la suite du titre
de roi de Babylone dans la date des actes puis finit par subsister a
peu pres seul, en remplacant generalement tons les autres dans le
formulaire juridique.
La reunion des 4 titres est certainement archaique. On ne pent
pas la supposer plus tardive que I'epoque du regne de Darius. Du
reste, dans les documents de la collection de Sippara qui sont parvenus
" Voila, ajoute t-il, que Cyrus le roi du pays d'Ansan (Perse), son petit serviteur, avec
sa horde infime, subjuguera la grande annee Mede, celle-la. Istuvigou ( Astyage), le
roi des Medes, il le fera captif, et toutes ses possessions 11 les prendra pour son pays."
T-^T t:^] ^ J^^ V ->f Vr ->f >^r iiir Vr 'W: -TH tt ^^
c^r t] ^^%iB t^^ ^ir ^ -} « m i^ ? t? ><><
^ ^HT ^h m: y 3ri ^^i ^^-^ ^^ ^ !^? « m
Kuraas sar mat ansaan ardu su zahiri ina ummani su izutu (d) zab manda raba
saati usappiih. Istuvigu sar zab nianda izbat ma kamuutsu ana mati su ilqi.
II est a remarquer que sur ce point, comme sur tant d'autres, les recits
d'Herodote (contraires ici a ceux de Xenophon), nous racontant que Cyrus
vainquit et detrona Astyage, fds de Cyaxare, le dernier roi des Medes, se trouvent
pleinement confirmes par des documents contemporains incontestables.
Un autre document de Sippara, le No. 32 de notre collection particuliere, est
relatif a Tepoque oil cette ville, suivant Nabonid, se trouvait enveloppee par les
Medes, c'esl-a-dire a la fin du regne de Neriglissar et au commencement du regne
de Nabonid. Nous aurons I'occasion d'en reparlcr.
236
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
entre nos mains, il n'en est pas de posterieur a ce r^gne. Toute la
collection se trouve repartie entre I'epoque de Saosdukin frere
d'Assurbanipal et les dernieres annees de Darius. Le document qui
fait I'objet de cette note (No. 99 de notre collection) est relatif a la
reception par le tresor de Samas des >ff-<^ *^'^^^'^^'* "toutes de
mouton," donnees par des bergers ^*^yt. Le poids de la laine
apporte par chacun se trouve indique en talents et en mines. ;f
* Ci;>nf. 'J'^'^^ detoiisio, ^'{J vdliis ; (chald. (!]..• tonsura --^ lana Stxla,
• Is"- tonsor oviiim ^ '.p- tonsura, scilicet proventus lana; ab una ove annuus, laihi
tons a, etc.
t Le mot rfz'r^T est traduit en semiticjue par ;-/"//, hebreii HJ^"^ ^^'"^
paitre, etc.
J Nous connaiisons par d'autres documents de notre collection le prix nioyen de
la laine TI_ .<^ YI a cette epoque. Le No. 94, par exemple, renferme un comjite
de laine livree in soliitnin, avec estimations en argent. Trois des dettes ante-
rieures se trouvaient constituees par le prix ou le reliquat du prix de boeufs. Nous
allons donner ces trois morceaux, en en negligant un 4" ou la laine donnee in
sohttwn n'est pas estimee en argent.
(n.4) T v^ ^^i ^ ^ y? v^\'^\^\ ^ y?
<<<<<? .4 - .^^ A\ ^m\ >f ^y ^^
jL ^ yn? ^4 n w iMy \^\
-<^ir^ ^\t yr ^4 y ^^ ^^ yr
y;^ i¥ y m ^\^^y\ ^r'<^L-l
'{^riy'^Ii'zK'^'nT'^i ■
y iMy yyy -yy<y h y^ ^^y n^^y
«<Y ^
I bilat (tikun) 12 mana J^ .<^ ^'^ ana 16 du Kaspi sim alpi (ana) Zaabiia
abal su sa Ardia iddina (sena) l bilat 52^ mana J|^ .<^ y^ ana J 5 du Kaspi
sim alpi ana Kalbai abal su sa Lubaldai iddina 8 mana J|^ .<^ y^ ana
I du 3 ribaata Kaspi ina sim alpi ana .... iddina.
237
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [18S7.
Voici le texte en question :
»^yy ^y ^y<y Vr Vr ^} ^ - "-" \" ^
y]f ^4 V :^i ^>f -^y ^y^y ^ t> (v-)
Pii >^ ^^; <^ V ^y ^4 ley -hf- -^y ^t] ^^<
tt >^^ -Vr <w ^y ^4 y t^^y<y ui^ ^ni
<y hT^ ^Vr ^yy ^y ^4 y 4^ -hf- -7
M^i^<><y-y 4- *^^ j^{? ? ^mmmmm
JL^]] S^^'' sa (^) ri'u
sa ina arah sivan yum i6 kam
sanat 2 kam Salsalmarsu sar alu Parsu
alu Madai Eki ina matmati
ana saga Samas itdinu
.... bilat (tikun) 52 mana Samas kasir
6 bilat 18 mana Damiki
II biLat 42 mana Itti Samas (Ki Samas)
.... eli I bilat sa bit
Le nom royal est ecrit : y "J^ "J^ ^y*" ^ ^^ comporte les
lectures Sal i-ag inarsu^ Rag sa/ viarsu, Sal sal-iiiarsu, Rag rag
L'acte est date clu 29 arah sanina <le I'an 41 de Nabuchodonosor roi de
Babylone :
:yy -7 «y ^ >^
r -^y^y^y y t^] ^,.
On voit que, d'une part, un talent 12 mines de laine (c"est-a-dire 72 mines de
laine) sont vendus pour 16 sekels d'argent, que, d'une autre part, un talent 52 mines
et demie (c'est-a-dire 112 mines et demie) sont vendus pour 25 sekels d'argent, et
qu'enfin 8 mines de laine sont vendues pour un sekel 3 quarts (ou ribat) d'argent.
Ce dernier compte ne represente qu'un reliquat sur le prix d'un boeuf (?«a simi
alpi). Les deux autres paraissent representer chacun le jirix com])let d'un de ccs
animaux.
I'our en revcnir a la laine, I'estimation moycnnc (Tunc mine en etait.de tres pen
inferieure a un quart de sekel. Actuellement la meilleure laine, dans nos pays
238
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
marsu. Ajoutons que Marsu peut se lire aussi varsu. S'il s'agit
bien ici du faux Smerdis on lui aurait attribue en le reconnaissant
a Sippara un nom d'avenement ou d'intronisation bien different
du nom de Barzia qu'avait porte Gotames. Ces noms d'intronisa-
tion, assez frequents dans tous les anciens pays d'Orient, en Egypte
comme en Chaldee, ont ete, dit-on, en usage dans ce dernier pays
pour de rois bien connus d'ailleurs sous d'autres noms. Ajoutons
du reste qu'aucun document ofificiel de ce pretendant ne nous a
donne le nom qu'il avait pris.
Deux autres points sont a noter : — D'abord la date : Le 18 Sivan
de la 2^ annee du regne en question. Ceci suppose un regne d'une
certaine etendue ; car les rois Perses, comme les rois Babyloniens,
etc., ne commencent leur premiere annee qu'au i'''" de Nisam qui
suit leur avenement, suivant une des methodes de calcul, ou, tout au
moins, ne commencent la 2^ annee, suivant la methode de calcul
developpee par M. Oppert, qu'apres la premiere annee entierement
accomplie. Nous avons parle de ces questions dans I'appendice
babylonien du cours sur les obligations en droit cgypfien compare anx
autres droits de Vantiquite. II est vrai que s'il s'agit d'un pretendu
frere de Cambyse, ce frere n'aura pas manque de prendre pour I'annee
du commencement de sa royaute, I'annee de la mort de son frere
Cambyse. II pouvait done avoir deja sur ses protocoles un regne
notable quand il a fait valoir ses droits. Si Ton supposait au con-
traire qu'il s'agit ici de quelque pretendant inconnu n'ayant que les
annees de son regne effectif, on se trouverait en presence de cette
grosse difficulte d'un regne effectif aussi long ne laissant pas de trace
dans I'histoire. Si le regne effectif du second Smerdis a ete tres
court, et si cette tablette s'y rapporte, il en faudrait conclure qu'il a
represente comme prix un poids d'argent environ quatre fois moindre. Nous
reviendrons d'ailleurs sur toutes ces questions d'economie politique.
Les JP^ ^ Iy se rencontrent ainsi dans plusieurs autres Nos. de notre
collection. Nous citerons particulierement le No. 91, ou il figure a cote du
■^»f- du "^ £:[ ^yy'^^ et des <T^T 5C^ ^T, parmi les redevances a payer en
nature pour une propriete rurale donnee en exploitation. Comme dans d'autres
locations, il y avait en outre une certaine somme d'argent a payer. Les fruits
proprement dits representes ici par les dattes <f^y <^^ ^| = suluppi, les
cereales et les plantes oleagineuses representees ici par le "^ >^ et le
"^ t^I ^ yy"^^ , la laine des troupeaux : voila bien les principaux revenus d'une
ferme antique.
239
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1S87.
attendu environ deux ans pour se declarer. Or il est a remarquer
que parmi les pretendants enumeres par Darius (apres Gotames)
dans I'inscription de Behistun il ne vient qu'en septieme ordre. On
serait done tente de mettre sa revolte encore plus tard, et c'est ce
qu'a fait M. Boscawen.
Un autre point a remarquer est Tideogramme >^yy ahi, ici
employe abusivement a la place de Tideogramme Vj avant les
mots -^y ^yy et ^y ^y<y y][ y^^. On se demande si le scribe du
temple de Sippara se figurait (jue la Perse et la Medie etaient des
villes comme Babylone.
Faut-il done considerer cela comme une erreur pure et simple, ou
bien tacher d'y voir une intention, difficile a saisir? S'il s'agit de
fautes du scribe cela cadrerait beaucoup mieux avec I'idee que Sippara
s'etait declare pour un pretendant qu'on n'y connaissait que par
oui dire.
Thanks were returned for these Communications.
The following Communication has been received from
Mr. S. A. Smith :—
Assyrian Letters.
One of the most difficult portions of the Assyrian literature
is composed of the letters and despatches. It is partly due to
this fact that so little has been done in explaining or translating
them. George Smith only attempted to translate a very few, and
outside of this little had been done until Mr. Pinches gave several
in transcription and translation, accompanied where possible by
the text. Fourteen such documents are to be found transcribed,
translated, and explained in the second part of my edition of
the texts of Asurbanipal ; in the third part, which is now in the
press, the texts of K. 582, K. 514, K. 533, K. 679, K. 686,
K. 669, K. II, K. 525, K. 183, K. 1249, K. 1252, K. 1229, K. 487,
K. 549, K. 578, and K. 96, accompanied in the same manner by
transcription, translation, and notes, will be given. These numbers
represent some of the best preserved, most important, as well as
the most difficult tablets in the British Museum collection. The
six that are given below are perfect specimens, and may be taken
as a type of the others.
240
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7,
Some reasons why these letters are so difficult are apparent :
I. They are torn out of their connection in the circumstances
in which their authors were placed at the time, and they belong
to a longer correspondence, of which we have no knowledge, but
which is necessary in order to a good understanding of any single
letter. 2. We are dependent to a large extent on the help afforded
by the cognate languages for our ability to explain any Assyrian
texts. But we have in Hebrew only the sacred writings giving
us the annals of the nation, which corresponds exactly to the kind
of accounts we find in the Assyrian historical inscriptions. By this
means we are enabled to arrive at the meaning quite clearly and
readily. For these reports, which come from all parts of the empire
in its most flourishing years, we have no such help. If we had
a series of such miscellaneous reports in Hebrew, they would
doubtless give us such linguistic help as would materially aid us
in better explaining the tablets under consideration. It is as if some
one 2500 years hence, studying and deciphering the annals of
the rulers of the British Empire, should find some short letters
from Yorkshire, Lancashire, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, written
by a chief of police, some revenue and tax collector, or army
official, whose grammar would not be regular or his style faultless.
He would find here dialectic peculiarities and words which he
had never seen before, and would often be at a loss to see any
meaning in them at all. Words which he had translated readily
in the annals would occasion him much trouble, because the writers
of the letters employ them in an entirely new sense. Now this
is precisely the case with the letters which we have from the library
at Nineveh. There seems to me to be no need of hesitating to
admit that the reports of Bel-ibni, Asurbanipal's general, with refer-
ence to the condition of affairs in the camp, or the letters of
Nabu-sum-iddin, who so often writes about horses, may contain
linguistic inconsistencies which the learned scribe of the court
would have condemned. They came from all parts of Asurbanipal's
great empire, and are full of dialectic peculiarities, common among
the people, but not used at the king's court. In explaining the
words, however, we must attempt to explain them grammatically in
each instance.
There is a long list of words known only to us in these report-
tablets. One of the most common is adamiis (S. 1064) ad-dan-nis
(cf. Part II of my edition of Asurbanipal). It is quite certainly
241
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1887.
to be compared with the Aramaic ^5^'^"'^ "time." The connection
as well as the etymology proves it to mean "constantly, all the
time." The adjective adannu is of frequent occurrence.
The importance of these messages is not the historic references
they are supposed by some to contain, for these are generally so
slight and indefinite that their value is small. Their chief historic
worth is that they enable us to fill up wanting passages in the
historical inscriptions, and where they are clear, they enable us
sometimes to obtain a better understanding of difficult clauses
of the historical inscriptions. Their great importance, however,
seems to me to be linguistic ; but here and there we find references
which are the most valuable for our knowledge of the manners
and customs of the people. We are also enabled to settle the
readings of many words by the variants given us in these letters ;
e.s:;. Siyyf >tJ^ ''^\ of the annals of Asurbanipal is written ^]^ ^fS^
•^ >-yyi in K. 1 1 mentioned above {cf. my remarks in Zeitschr.
filr Assyriologie, 1887, p. 227), which settles the question as to the
pronunciation of the name. A great many titles of officials are
mentioned in these documents which we meet nowhere else, and
of the nature of whose office or functions we know nothing.
Attention may also be called to the fact that two classes of
correspondence exist, a familiar or less formal kind, which is not
addressed to the king, and the official, which is always addressed
to him, if it be not a communication from the king himself; this
latter class is by far the most numerous.
It would be intensely interesting and valuable if we could hit
upon some plan by which the Assyrian " report-tablets " might be
classified according to the province or district from which they came.
This we cannot do to any large extent at present, but if we were
able to do so, we should then be able to learn the peculiarities of
the language used in any particular portion of the Assyrian Empire.
If the generals or officials employed scribes to do their writing for
them, then these were certainly scribes of the district where they
were, but it may easily be true that they were written by the officials
themselves.
Any translations of this class of inscriptions which have been
made, or which may now be made, will need material revision after
a larger number of letters have been published and compared with
each other, for it is only by such comparison and study that many of
these documents can be, to any extent, satisfactorily explained.
242
JUXE 7]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1887
The translations given below therefore are sure to need revision
in the future, for some parts the writer has been unable to find a trans-
lation or explanation at all satisfactory to himself. The order ot
the words in the Assyrian has been followed wherever possible, so
that the reader may know whence the translations come when there
is no note to aid him.
K. 48 2.
Trafislation.
Transcriptioti.
A-na sarri be-li-ia
ardu-ka Nabu-nasi-ir
Nabu u Marduk
a-na sarri be-li-ia
5 a-dan-nis a-dan-nis
lik-ru-bu
sul-mu a-dan-nis a-dan-nis
a-na pi-ki-te
sa belit par-si
:o lib-bi sa-sarri
be-li-ia
a-dan-nis lu ta-ab-su
Rev.
sa pi-kit-te
sa belit par-si
15 sarru be-li
apil aple-su
ina burki-e-su
li-in-tu-hu
par-su-ma-a-te
20 ina zi-ik-ni-su-nu
li-mur
To the king, my lord,
thy sej-vant, Nabii-nasir.
May Nebo and Merodach
to the king, my lord
constantly, constantly
be gracious.
Peace constantly, consto?itly [to hi/n).
By appointment
of the lady of command,
may the heart of the king,
my lord,
constantly rejoice him.
By appointment
of the lady of command,
may the king, my lord
his grandsons
upon his knees
rest,
gray hairs {?)
upon their beards
may he see.
Remarks.
The characters >-< J^ ^^fy ^rc, I think, to be read be-li-ia.
Previous to this time I have adopted the Haupt-Delitzsch transcrip-
tion e-ni-ia, in which >-< is held to be an ideogram for enu, " lord,"
and ni the phonetic complement. But the character ni has the
value of // according to W.A.I. II, pi. 48, line 42a, and I much
prefer to regard the whole as a phonetic writing of the usual bclu.,
" lord."
243
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1887.
Line 8, pi-ki-tc. This word is to be derived from the root -yprj ;
it probably means "appointment."
Line 9, /■'/•/// par-si. This expression occurs W.A.L V, 10, 62,
where it is written ideographically ^ >^>f- . The writing ^^ ^< >t^
{cf. Heft II of my Amrbanipaltexte, p. 20, h'ne 37, and the
Nachtriige, p. 85) is proljably also to be read thus.
Line 13. Although the tablet is somewhat broken here, there
can be little doubt about the reading.
Line 17, l>i/rld-e-su, "his knees." The root is "ll^-
Line 18, li-in-tuliu, comes from the root XT\1, "to rest."
Line jc),par-sH-ma-a-te. The following passages in which this word
occurs are the only ones known to me at present : K. 1S3, 16, ff.,
Am* par-su-mu-te i-ra-ku-du am. sihn'ite i-za-viu-ru., "the aged dance,
the young sing." For i-ra-ku-du cf. the Hebrew "^j^"^, "to dance,
to spring." Eccl. iii, 4, Isa. xiii, 21. W.A.I. V, 53, No. 3, obv., line
15, ff. Ultii da-ba-bi aji-ni-i u ik-ri-bi an-nu-ti sa sarri be-li a-na kal-
I'i-su ana am. ardl-su u par-su-me sa bUi-su is-p2ir-ii-ni u ik-rii-bu-u-ni.
^' From the time of these words and these prayers of the king, (my)
lord to his dog, to his servant, and the aged of his house he has sent
and has been gracious." In this text (K. 618), as given W.A.I. V,
53, there are two mistakes, which Mr. Pinches and myself were able
to correct on comparing the original. In line 1 1 the first character
is J^ instead of Jgf, and the one before the last is >-«^y instead
of -.j^y.
K. 483.
Transcription. Translation.
A-na sarri beli-ia To the king, my lord,
ardu-ka Nabii nadin-sum thy servant Nabu-nadin-sum.
lu-u sul-mu a-na sarri beli-ia Peace to the king, my lord.
Nabij u Marduk May Ncbo and Merodach
5. a-na sarri be-li-ia to the king, my lord
a-dan-nis lik-ru-bu constantly be gracious.
ina eli sa sarri beli is-pur-an-ni As to what the king {my) lord said
ma-a at-ta-ma thus : thou also
sa-,-al ask.
* The am. which occurs conhlantly in my transcri]Hion is an nhbieviation
of /Iz/u-hi, " man, officer."
244
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
Reverse.
10. amelu la u-da The ??ian I do riot know,
ai u-su-tu-u-ni has he not fled 1
a-na man-ni la as-al Of whoju have I not asked,
am. lu-suh-ha-ni the Lusuhhani,
la as-al-su did I not ask him ?
Remarks.
Line 9, sa-'-al, is from the well-known root Sc^iti?.* The word
as-ai, line 12, and as-al-su, line 14, are also from the same root.
Line 10, u-da. This word is probably from i^"T"', "to know."
The same form also occurs W.A.I. V, 53, No. 3, line 34. Besides
this the forms 2i-di and i-di occur. For the first of these forms see
below K. 691, lines 14, 19, and 20; for the second, see below,
K. 82, line 28. Cf. further 21-du-u, S. 1046, rev., line 7 — an
unpublished letter.
Line 11, u-su-tu-u-ni. I derive this word from the root ili^slZ?,
" to go to destruction, to flee." The usual form is isetuni.
Line 12, man-ni. I take this word to be only another form of
mamma, maxima, "who." Cf. Heb. 1^2, Syr. ^J^O.
Line 13. I cannot explain this line. The character ha is
perhaps not entirely certain, but it is difficult to see how any other
reading is possible. It is probably an official title, but I have met
with it nowhere else.
S. 1034.
Tra7iscription.
A-na sarri be-li-ia
ardu-ka Bel-ikki-sa
lu sul-mu a-na sarri beli-ia
Nabii u Marduk
5. a-na sarri beli-ia a-dan-nis
a-dan-nis lik-ru-bu
ina muh-hi bit zinnisLi ekalli
sa ina Kal-zi
sa sarri be-li ip-ki-da-ni-ni
* I write J^i - Heb. J^, ^^^ = n. i^3 = H'^-'^- T' ^^ = V^ '■'■ ti t^s
n.„ i.e. z
245
Junk 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1887.
10. bit up-t:i-ti-ir
bit us-se pa-te
us-se a-na ka-ra-ri ^
libitte kar-mat
sum-ma sarru be-Ii i-kab-bi
15. a-na am. rab balate
ti-e-mu lis-ku-nu
lil-li-ka us-se
liik-ru-ur
Translation.
To the king, my lord,
thy sei-vant Bel-ikkisa.
Peace to the kiftg, my lord.
May Nebo and Merodach
5. to the king, my lord, constantly,
constantly be gracious.
As to the house of the avoman of the palace,
which (is) in the city of Kalzi,
over which the king (my) lord has appointed me,
I o. the house is cracked,
the house — the foundation is open.
The foujidation to repair,
bricks are piled up.
If tlie king, (my) lord, gives command,
15. to the chief of the public safety
order may he give,
may he go, the foimdation
may he repair.
Remarks.
This text has been translated by George Smith in his Assyrian
Discoveries, p. 414, which Mr. Pinches pointed out to me. My
translation differs from his in some important respects.
Line 7, bit zitmisti ekalli. This refers, perhaps, to the harem of
the king. G. Smith translates " the palace of the queen."
Line 9, ip-ki-da-ni-ni. The ending ni-ni appears to be a
strengthened form of the ist pers. sing. Cf. K. 359, line 10, p. 51
of Heft II of my Asurbanipal. It is not "us," as George Smith
renders it.
246
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
Line 10, up-ta-ti-it\ is an Ifteal form from "^t^Q, "to split, to tear
to pieces."
Line 11, id-se. The root is U^tZ^^i. — pa-tc. This word comes
from the root njlD) "to open."
Line 12, ka-ra-ri. The connection in line 18 below absolutely
demands some such meaning as "repair." G. Smith translates "to
bulge," which, although it might do here, makes no sense in the line
just referred to. He evidently connected it with the Hebrew "^"^3,
"to roll."
Line 13, kar-inat. This is the most probable reading. I derive
this word from the root □"^3, "to heap up." The only difficulty in
this explanation is that we have a fem. sing, when we should expect
a fem. plur., but such incongruities occur elsewhere in Assyrian
inscriptions. Smith translates " bulging." He appears to have read
kar-kur, and derived it from 1'^3, as he did ka-ra-ri in the previous
line ; but this seems to me impossible, for Assyrian does not form
such parts of the verb so far as we know.
Line 15, a/n. rab balate. I am not certain about the correctness
of the form of the last word of this group, since I have never met
with the plural of balatu. This officer seems to me to have had to
do with all that pertained to the public safety. G. Smith translates
" master of public works."
K. 82.
Transcriptio?!.
A-na sarri matate be-li-ia
ardu-ka Kudurru Bel u Nabu
su-lum ba-la-tu u a-ra-ku u-mu
sa sarri be-li-ia a-na da-ris lik-bu-u
5 ul-tu i-na mat na-ki-ru a-na-ku
Pu-ku-du ina ti-bi bit A-muk-a-ni
ardani sa sarri be-li-ia uk-te-it-tu-u
alani sa a-na masarti sa sarri be-li-ia
u-sa-as-bi-tu-um-ma am. Kal-lu-u
10 sa sarri be-li-ia lu-se-ti-ku-u
a-na muh-hi alani i-tib-bu-u
sabe i-duk-ku u zinnisate u-sah-ma-su-u
u a-na muh-hi Sa-ba-a-a
am. si-ru-bu-tu it-te-bu-u
247
JuNF. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1
15 u-mu sa a-na bit A-muk-a-ni
e-ru-bu ik-ta-bu-nu
um-ma am. te-bi-e a-na muh-hi
am. si-ru-bu-tu it-te-bu
sabe al-tap-ra um-ma
20 al-ka-a-ma
'-la-'-us-si-sa-'
masartu us-ra-a-ma
su-ub-bi-ta-nis-su-nu-tu
i-na muh-hi nari sarri a-na muh-lji
25 Nabu-sar-usur am. rab ki-sir
ki-i it-bu-u us-sab-bit-su-nu-tu
sarru be-li-a a-ki-i sa i-U-'-u
lis-'-al-su-su-nu-tu sarru be-li-a i-di
ki-i bit A-muk-a-ni ik-tu-ma
30 Pu-ku-du ina kak-ka-ri-su-nu as-bu
am. Kal-lu-u it-ti-ni ul u-se-it-te-ku
u su-nu-ma am. te-bi-e
u a-ni-ni hi-tu sa kak-ka-ru
ni-kut-tu sarri be-li-a lik-bi-ma
35 a-na tar-si ali sa as-bu-u
am. Kal-lu-u lu-se-te-ku-u
Tratislation.
To the king of the coimtries, my lord,
thy servant Kudiirru. May Bel and Neho
the peace, life, a7id le?igth of days
of the king, my lord for ever co7nmand.
5 As into the eriemfs country I {entered),
the Pukudu near by the house of Amukani,
the servants of the king, my lord, murdered,
the cities which {were) for the watch of the king, my lord,
they caused to take — 7nay the Kallu
I o of the king, my lord, advance —
against the cities they pressed forward,
the soldiers they killed and the women they treated violently,
a7id against SabcVa,
the Sirubutu, they adva7iced ;
1 5 the day 07i which they the house of A77iukani
entered, they a7i/iou7iccd
248
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
thus ; the attackers against
the Sirubutu advance.
The soldiers I sent thus :
20 Go and
(/or) the Tld'iussisa^i
a watch set {lit. watch) and
take them.
As over the river of the king agaifist
25 Nabtl-sar-usjir, the chief of the forces
they advanced, he captured them.
May the ki?tg, my lord, as he wishes,
ask them ; the king, my lord, knows,
that the house of Amukani is destroyed aftd
30 the Pukudu in their country dwell.
The Kallu with us did 7iot march through
and they also, the attackers
and toe the si?i of the country
have cut off. May the king, my lord, conunand and
35 ?(? the front of the city where they dwell,
may the Kallu march through.
Remarks.
This is a most perfect specimen of this class of tablets. It is
written in the new Babylonian character, and the writing is most
clear and regular. The preservation of the tablet is perfect, so
that there is scarcely a doubt as to the reading of a single character,
which is rarely true of any Assyrian documents in our collections.
Line 5, mat na-ki-ru, "the enemy's country." CfK. 11, line 14,
where the same expression occurs.
Line 6, ti-bi. I derive this word from ^^4^11) "to come near."
Cf the common expression ti-ib tahazi, "rush of battle."
Line 7, tik-te-it-tu-u is Ifta'al from nnp, '' to put an end to,
to destroy." — ardani. Perhaps the plural is more properly ardfitc,
as Strassmaier thinks.
Line 9, Kal-lu-u. About this title I know nothing. I have not
even found other passages with which to compare it.
Line 10, lu-se-ti-kti-u is a shaphel form from pin^54-
Line 11, i-tib-bu-u. This I take to be the correct reading. The
root is the above-mentioned ^54in-
249
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1887.
Line 1 2, u-sah-ma-su-u, is a shaphel form of the root V^H- This
root is elsewhere unknown to me in Assyrian, but it seems to me
to be identical with the Hebrew Y^H- '^^^ primary meaning of
this word is "to be sour" (the same is true of the Syriac (n^J
but it also has the meaning " to act violently," from which we have
the part. YP"in "a violent (man)," Ps. Ixxi, 4. This is the meaning
which attaches to the word here ; hence my translation. It may
be added that this meaning is usually expressed in Hebrew by the
root Dt2n, which is closely allied to this one.
Line 14, si-ru-bu-tu. This name is quite new to me.
Line 16, ik-ta-bu-nu, is from the common root ^Op, "to speak,
to command."
Line 17, am. te-bi-e. This word is a derivative of fc^j^iri- Cf.
W.A.I. V. 3, 65 {Asurbanipaliexic, Heft /, p. 24).
Line 20, al-ka-a, is the imper. from ^7b^2 " to go."
Line 20, us-ra-a, is the imper. from "^liJi, "to watch."
Line 25, am. rab ki-sir, "chief of the forces." Ki-sir is a deriva-
tive of "^2p, " to collect, to join together."
Line 27, a-ki-i sa, "how." This expression has the same meaning
as ki sa. — i-li--u. This word is from the root n^^i/, " to be strong,"
and then "to wish." le'u, "strong," letii, "might," ///, "steer," letu,
" wild-cow," and the precative particle /// all come from this root.
Line 30, as-bn, is from the well-known root ^^71 ; as-bii-7i, line
35, below, comes from the same.
Line 31, it-ti-ni. This is the preposition //// with the suffix 7ii
of the ist person plural.
■Si y
Line 34, tii-kut-tu, Cf. the Arabic iijs, "to cut off." See also
Job viii, 14, I^'ip^, which is perhaps to be derived from a root I^tOp
with this same meaning. The Assyrian word under consideration
I derive from this root; the form is ist person plural.
K. 83.
Transcnftion.
A-na sarri be-li-ia
am. ardu-ka Kap-ti-ia
lu-u su-lum a-na
sarri be-li-ia a-na eli
250
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
5 a-di-e sa Babili
sa sarri be-li-a is-pu-ra
ul kir-bi-ka un-ku
sa sarri be-li-ia
sa Asur-ra-mi-im sarri
10 a-na muh-hi-ia is-sa-,
a-na-ku u ahe-ia
ki-i ni-il-lik-ku
ina mat A-ra-si ma-sar-ta
it-ti-su ni-it-ta-sar
15 a-da-nu sa a-di-e
sa Babili
ul ak-su-du
ina harrana a-na
pa-ni
20 am. sa pa-ni ekalli
e-te-la-'
ki-i i-bak-ku-an-ni
ina Nipur u ina Ur
ina lib-bi ilani-ka
25 u a-di-e sa sarri be-li-ia
as-sa-bat u a-na-ku
a-na a-di-e sa sarri be-li-ia
ul ha-ma-ku u-um-ma
sabe aple-su-nu u assati-su-nu
30 a-di ilani-su-nu a-na lib-bi
a-di-e sa sarri be-li-ia
li-ir-bu u a-na-ku
ina si-pir-ti sa sarri be-li-ia
am. si-bu-tu ki-i
35 il-lik-ku a-na lib-bi
a-di-e sa sarri be-li-ia
ina Babili
i-te-ir-bu
Translation.
To the king^ my lord,
thy servant Kaptia.
Peace to
the king, my lord. As to
251
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1887.
5 the laws of Babylon
{about) which the kmg, my lord, has se?it,
not with thee is the signet ring
of the king, my lord.
(As to) what Asur-ramim-sarri
10 against me has brought,
I and my brothers,
as we wejit
into the coiuitry of Arasi a watch
with him we watched.
15 The oath of the agreements
of Babylo?i
I have not taken,
by the roads to
the presence
20 of the chief officer of the palace
I went up.
Then they took me
to Niptir and to Ur
in the midst of thy gods
25 and the agreements of the king, my lord,
I took and I
to the agreanents of the king, my lord,
am not faithless (?).
The people, their sojis and their wives
30 together with their gods into
the agreements of the king, my lord
shall enter, and I
7vith the letter of the king, my lord,
when the elders
35 come, into
the agreements of the king, my lord,
i?i Babylo7i
" will enter.
Remarks.
As a reference to the accompanying text will show, this is
a beautiful and complete tablet, written in the new Babylonian
character. Although there are not many words which are not quite
clear, yet the thought and connection of the sentences is not so clear
to me in all cases.
252
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
Line 5, a-di-e, "laws, agreements, stipulations." The root is
■nfc^4- Cf. the Hebrew T^^V,.
Line 7. This seems to be the message that the king had sent
to Kaptia ; the idea is perhaps : " Thou hast no favor in my eyes,
thou hast incurred the displeasure of the king." Kir-bi-ka is com-
posed of kirbu, " midst, in the midst of," and ka, the suffix of the
2nd person singular ; zm-ku, " signet-ring ; " cf. the Arabic ^JJx- (See
Pinches, Zeitschr. fur Keihchriftforschung Vol. II, p. 325.)
Line 10, is-sa- is from i«^iU^3-
Line 14, ni-it-ta-sar. This word is the Ifte'al of "l^J^, "to watch."
The ^ has been regularly assimilated to the following Jl.
Line 15, a-da-nu. The connection seems to require a meaning
like "oath." Cf the Hebrew ITli^, "testimony," Gen. xxi, 30;
"precept," Ps. cxix, 22, 24. This word is to be distinguished from
adannu, "time."
Line 21, e-te-la- is Ifte'al from 117^^4 "to be high, to go up."
Line 22, i-bak-ku-mi-iii. I derive this word from the root ^3,t^2-
Cf. the Hebrew "^PH. The Assyrian word has also the meaning
'* to lead forth." The words (G. Smith, History of Asurbanipal,
p. 182 c. and p. 187 g.) i-ba-ak-kii-su and u-bak-ku-u I consider to
be from a different root.
Line 28, ha-jna-ku-u. This is the correct reading; the third
character cannot be ][TT^y (Bezold, Literatiirgeschichte, p. 241).
I am not able to say what the derivation or meaning of this word
is. The connection seems to require some such translation as
I have given.
Line 34, am. si-bu-tii. Cf. the Hebrew ^"^tZ}.
K. 691.
Transcription.
A-na sarri beli-ia
ardu-ka Ag-gul-la-nu
lu-u sul-mu a-na sarri beli-ia
Nabu u Marduk
5 a-na sarri beli-ia lik-ru-bu
di-lil-su-nu ina muh-hi-ia
a-na bu-lut napsa-ti
sa-sarri beli a-da-lil
is-su-ri sarru be-li i-kab-bi
253
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1887.
10 ma-a mi-i-nu di-lil
pi-lak-ku 5u-u-tu
a-na Dilbat a-na-as-si
III uma-ti
sarru be-li lu-u-di
15 lis-me
sarru be-li i-kab-bi
ma-a a-ta-a
ki-i a-na e-pa-si-ka-ni
la-a u-di la-a as-me
20 u-ma-a sarru lu-u-di
ki-i e-pa-as-u-ni
Translation.
To the king, my lord,
thy serva?it, Aggullanu.
Peace to the king, my lord.
May Ncbo and Mcrodach
5 to the king, my lord, be gracious.
Their conwiission to me,
to save the life
of the king, {my) lord, I icill carry out ;
the comma7id, the king, {my) lord has spoken.
10 Thus: as for the commission,
that hatchet
to Dilbat I bring,
(in) three days
the king, (my) lord, shall knoiv,
1 5 {and) shall hear.
The king, {my) lord has commajided
thus. No IV
7vhether according to thy doitig
I do not kjiow, I have not heard,
30 but (?) the king shall k7ioti>,
when it shall come to pass.
Remarks.
'I'his letter is the best possible illustration of what has been said
above about the difficulty of explaining these documents where the
circumstances attending the writing of them are all unknown. In
254
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
this instance it is very difficult to say what the purpose of the letter
was. I am also unable to see how certain words and phrases are to
be understood or explained. All these things combine to make it
one of the most difficult texts that I have met. My esteemed friend
Rev. J. N. Strassmaier, S.J., kindly spent an hour in studying this
tablet with me, and what I shall have to say by way of explanation
includes his suggestions to me.
From the seventh line it would seem that the king was dan-
gerously ill, and had sent for information as to himself from the
writer of this letter. Aggulanu is a name of quite frequent occurrence
on Assyrian tablets. We know from several tablets that one Aggu-
lanu was an astrologer, and it is not unlikely that this is the same
person. This corresponds to what seems to be said in this letter.
Its author had been commissioned to find out how long the king
should live, or, perhaps, make inquiry of the heavenly bodies as to
his recovery. If these were the circumstances under which the letter
was written, then it becomes somewhat clearer. The words and
phrases, as far as I can explain them, seem to me to lend themselves
to this view. But the translation and explanation must be considered
as doubtful.
Line 6, di-lil-su-nu. This word seems to have the same meaning
as the well-known tillu, " business, work, commission " (see my
remarks in Zt7/.^^/^r. / Assyr., Vol. II, p. 229, Assurb., Heft II, p. 2)2))-
Cf. the Arabic a^l^j. The suffix su-tiu does not refer to any one
mentioned in the letter, but to those persons who had made known
the will of the king to Aggulanu. A-da-lil, line 8, is, of course, from
the same root.
Line 9, is-sii-ri. The connection requires some such meaning as
" command." The root I take to be "^D^^i? " to bind." A parallel use
of a derivative of this root is to be found Dan. vi, 8, 'HDt^j " interdict."
T v;
Cf. further "^Di^ and "^Dh^j "obligation, prohibition." For this word
see K. 525, line 6 and line \o,i-su-ur-ri. These are the only passages
where I remember to have noticed this word.
Line 10, mi-i-nu. Two words need to be carefully distinguished.
The word meaning "number" is written in the same way in very
many passages; the root, however, is certainly tUT^j "to number."
But the word in this and many other passages corresponds to the
Syriac U^- {Cf my Assurb., Reft II, p. 51.)
255
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1887.
Line \\^ pi-lak-ku. This word certainly means "hatchet." It
may be that reference is made to a hatchet used in preparing the
victims for sacrifice ; there is, however, no possibiUty of translating
this passage with any degree of certainty. Mr. Pinches called my
attention to a small fragment — K. 4205 — which completes W.A.I.
II, 37, 24. The entire line reads thus : ][][< >->f '-ff^ "^TI^ ^T I
■^y>- >^yy J^JJ^ >f- ^^. According to this a bird was called among
the Assyrians the pi-lak-ki Isfar, "the hatchet of Istar." This is
referred to en passajif, though I do not see that we are much aided
by it in explaining this passage. — Su-u-tu. It seems to me that this
is only another form of the word siVatu, "the same." This same
form occurs twice in K. 525, viz. line 9 and line 32, where Delitzsch,
in his Assyrisches Wbt'terbuch has made such egregious blunders in
trying to copy the text, as I understand will be pointed out by an
anonymous reviewer in the Expositor.
Line 12, a-na-as-si. These characters seem to me to form one
word, although it is possible to read them as two, ana as-si. The
root is ^I'li^i, "to carry."
Line 13, wna-ti, is probably an old form of the plural.
Line 17, a-ta-a. Perhaps this Avord means "now," and is to
be compared with the Hebrew Hrii^, yet this is by no means
certain.
Line 18, e-pa-si-ka-7ii. I can think of no other root from which
this word may be derived than '^T'D^^-, but the form of the word
seems peculiar.
Line 20, u-ma-a. Mr. Pinches explains this word as the ac-
cusative of umii, and translates "to-day," but this does not seem
to me to fit here. I, therefore, prefer to regard it as a conjunctive
particle.
Line 21, e-pa-as-u-ni, is from the root ti^D^^s-
256
Proc. Soc. Bib!. Arch., June, \i
Plate I.
K 482.
5- T? -m « Tr -rrif «
IH ^ ^-
<y5e^ ^ rif j.yi? « y? ^yy? «
yr ^y .> i|i:{^ ^y
10. ^^yyy - ^yy j^:;^
y? ^yy? « m ^w ->-^\ \
Reverse.
•gyy ^y- -yyy ^y
^yy ->f^ ^^ -tw
-^ 5^^ y^ -I
^^ ^^ ^^y ^y^
^\ ^ t\ w ^y
,0. ^ ^yy^ ^y^^ ??? I "t^
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., lime, 1887.
Plate II.
K 483.
-j:^T -^H r ->f ^ j^][ >^
w Av, « m ill! ^-
^ <-^H *^ir ti:?s -n j^ir ^v ->f j^
Reverse.
T? I? -in- >ir -Eir m^ ^
T? -^T « ^ -^r ^ -i^
f:>++- Y^YY »_>->-T^YYYy YY/ >— -
t:HPPf- iBJ '^»— l-YYYY YY^ >fl-
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.,Jttne, i\
Plate III.
15-
S. 1034.
Vi -^r ^:^ -^ Sff: -tV,
n ^11? « iKf ill! ^-
- <-^H4 5.rrii ^ ^iiTT ^r^
•in - -^11 ^ -11^
•ill^^-^^ Idl M^II ^ ^
-nil 5.t^ j^iii <w m
5.yril j^i ^ ^ ^i
j^i ^ I? -^i -^H ^^11 -11;
Reverse.
i^-ii r
>■*->-»-
^11;^
XA
-<
-^ ^i
^:w
^ j^ i
-^ 5^ ::
I? -^i
^^
^I- <l<
!>-»-»-
C3^^I
^I?
>^ <I
Igf V-
^<S -F^
^^Id ^i ^
-S^
-11^
illT
IH
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1887.
Plate IV.
K 82.
y t^ -^ ^ ^ini ^< ^r<r ^i^r :oyf ^- -^
>^-r H« V j:^ ^ ;^ ^]] ,4^ ^r S4r ^^r ^^
•4^ ¥ f^^ :^ -^^r ^ir 'EI ^ :^? H ^
r? .4 <^r^y4 -^ri r h h ^- ^^
^ :^T ^ -^>-^ -^^r ^4T ^r ^- -4^
15. 4 >^ ¥ r? ^4 ^f r n -^^ r? ^
^ :^r <ii ^- ^B] ^41 ^r -^- -^
•^{ H« -OT -^ -ill "^n "EI
Reverse.
T 4- -^r 4- ^>!i ^irr ?? 4-
-n -Tin -^>ii -ill Vr ^r
B ^4 <^r^I4 T]? J^ n ^4 <:^M4
25. y -^r^M j:^ ^,. ^ 1^- ^ ^>f<
?^^-^>i^TM?^t^¥^ ^:^i] A- m
\ 4- -HI I "T^ -^ir j^^ -^ j^ n E^ ^
^ E^ j^i I r;? -u^ n j^- >:pl^ -^ir "^r
30. ^ ^- t^^ t;<] - :p-^ >^r ^ni I '7^ ^ -^-
^ :^? H -4^ S4I K-K J^ <^K -^n ^ S4r ^T ^J:^
K?-H y? j^ j^ 4 ityy ? j:^. ^y ^
j^ f^ Ikii j^- -^ ;^ y? l±y ^ "^y
35. y? .ij ^ -in >^n ¥ ^ -^- -m
^ ^} '^i -m 1^ ^ ^] t:^^ -m
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1887.
Plate V.
25-
K 83.
5. r? 4^T :^? ¥ 4 ^^? 4ir
T[ .4 -^M ^^ :i^ E^I?
¥ iii -^:^? 4ll
<ty.^ ^?.^ [if j:;<r
Reverse.
20. ^ y ^ j^ ^y ^y-
^? ^y --IT 4-
411 ^ EH -Tl "^r -HF- J^
- -iL J^r 4ir < - -<i4 4iT
>-<
<F-'IET T? ^4 ':hI
y][ .^ y? ijcy ^^ ¥ J^^ -^ ^ E^I?
<-T-^ s< "^T "i^y >m ^-^^ ^T
^^i, ^ ^- <V-^ \\ .^ -^y
^ <^ ^- ^^ M ^
35- xtiM IH -^y T? .4 ^ ^
y? 4cy :^; ¥ J^ -< J^ 7/
Edge ^ ^y j^ -^^
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1887.
Plate VI.
K 691.
-^y -^H T -0 >^-^ -^r >^
5- r? -^r j^:^ -n \7 IH iin ^-
I? -^T ^- ^iK -ir^ r— ^r<
5^1 >-.£Tr -IR tl:^ -^ iff 5^^ 5^ :^
^] ^y -M t^^ .IT < ^r
Vy ^] ->f -^ V, ^] m <h
Reverse.
i^:^ ^ ^ M ^im^ <!!?.
^5- <r I- —
fcE:^ ^ 5^ fc^ j^ :=:
^T y? y? j^yyy y?
<iiy ^ Vr -^y -y? ^ <y- -^h j^:
-^y y? ^yyyi:^ <y^ -^y y? ^ y-
20. !.yyyt: ^y yr ^^ ^ ^.yyyj. <y^
June 7.] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
The following Communication has been received from
Professor W. Wright.
Some Apocryphal Psalms in Syrl\c.
In a Syriac MS., formerly belonging to the Society for Promoting
Christian Knowledge, but now deposited in the University Library
of Cambridge, I find the following apocryphal Psalms, which, with
the exception of the first, have not yet, so far as I know, been
printed anywhere. The MS. contains the Kethabhd dhc-Dhurrasha,
r<ii."ia."i.t rtlss^rv^, or 'Book of Discipline,' a large theological
treatise, composed on a very artificial plan, by Elias, bishop of
Peroz-Shabhor or al-Anbar (who lived about a.d. 920 ; see Assemani,
B.O. iii. I, p. 258 sq.). At the end of the first section, K'^O,^^
r<'iv»»3.Tn, of this work, the scribe has added a few excerpts for the
purpose of filling up some blank leaves. These are : (i) the
Psalms in question, ff wz^a—wdb ; (2) explanations of some
difficult words in ' the Book of the Paradise,' r<iiaa..Ti^.l r<l3^2w ,
f. wdb ; and (3) a disputation between a Jacobite and a Nestorian,
ff. 116^ — \\ib. The scribe was the well known Homo of Al-Kosh,
near Mosul, "the village of the prophet Nahum." He has recorded
his name, cw^ocn, in several subscriptions, but as the MS. is
imperfect at the end, the exact date of writing is not given. It
must, however, roughly speaking, lie between a.d. 1675 and 17 12
(see Hoffmann, Opusc. Nestor., pp. Ill, IV), and the watermark in
the paper — three crescents with a rather small adjunct of this
shape ^ in one corner of the page — would seem to belong to the
latter part of the xviith century.
These same Psalms, five in number, are also found, with the
same adjuncts, in the Vatican MS. of Ehas of al-Anbar's work,
Cod. Vat. Syr. clxxxiii, ff iijb-iiga (see Assemani's Catalogue,
t. iii, p. 385). Professor Guidi has, with his usual kindness, collated
this MS. for me. It is dated A. Or. 2014 = a.d. 1703, and was
written at Al-Kosh by one Khaushabha bar Daniel.
257
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1SS7.
The Psalms are five in number, of wliich the first is that
ordinarily numbered as Ps. cli in Greek and Syriac Hexaplar MSS.
(see, for example, the Codex A/iibrosianus, ed. Ceriani, f sSZ"). I
reproduce the text, so far as possible, exactly as it stands in the MSS.
I.
^ocn K^.'Li . .I'lP^'.i cn^iTn r<*i\Vcv . •xjjrcLa ^ocn
. .^_ca\iar<' ^H."i. s- .-..■wrt' ^. ^^cuk* ^uJlz.&c\ ._cur<'
^ Cod. Cantab. r<'^i*.'5'3\ .
'^ This word is wanting in the Cod. Cantal:).
3 These two verses are wanting in the Cod. Ambros. Tlic word r^lar^.l
wolf, is an old error for r^a:^ /'car, whicli might Ijc written r^3r<'.'1 .
■• Cod. AmiPros. ,jav^3_» and r<'Tl^ •
•' Cod. Ambros. CX2»30, and omits . .\ .
« Cod. Ambros. ,al..i r<'crAr<' ooo . r^\::n ocn .
' Cod. Ambros. cn^CUjL»JC.5>3.1 .
^ Cod. Ambros. r^llo .
--58
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
. r<^^vi\^.l ca:^"ior<!l ^iviia^JO . rdisa ^^cara ^xai^^r^
II.
^)ci2k.o . cafiQAa.xi 0..»jb2LZ. rc'^^'i^.l rx'r^^^cuaos . cajjiscvx.
rc^n \y\ a-^dr\cx-z. . cD^-MCV-a.-x.^ o.ib.^-x.K' K'H-^i-z.
cucujiSnX «^jXit<lr?3^ r^a . criix.cx:^ cUi-.-ioi^'iA r^:u»*^r^
A}^2q . rc'HaLX. ^^cn.V^\ ctujitjCULO ^caiX-Cijfc-O cniaio^
. K'^vJ^n-Xjj Av.=>ca-»^r<' . r<L»VS»3.i coi-n-^r^ -^^^oi_l.l
o.:^.ict:9i\ . rdjjjrciX ^s^.tj^t^* »«odo.V3.:^ cv.Ok.^z.^aAa
KlaA ^H I or? >* \ g, \ ^.lao-aqAo . oq-I-T-Q-:^ r<'H n tA
»::n . .^ ^ -^ ^nn An" \\ <^ -n «^ ^nuji.! . cn^uucuruLov
^ Cod. Ambros. Ai n^% .
- Cod. Ambros. AxDOaqi cnJ^xDO ^JJta.Z. .T2k .
^ Cod. Ambros. A* T<'i.ja(l» PC*.! r<liJL3 .
'' This word, though found in both Mss., is perhaps a repetition from the
previous line.
259
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1887.
T<lzx^,-J .• r<:x\^\ n-iT*g3.t jx^r^Ci . ^cno.-ux^ A.^ A^-
^^^m3vs?3r^t?3a .* rc^fc \ s..i cojao oJ^aA-n »_acT30\JL.i..A-i.
f^Lsw-x-X-H ^J»J ji-L-ui reLsi-Sk . o n ^ T O-a^ O-^.-iO "n \
.• r<li>.*-x.H.i r<'.T.*r<' ^"»1 .• r^-JCxJa J3^^^ rd*i:»i CX-^-i-s
' p99 is wanting in the Cod. Cantab.
260
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
III.
«
♦• .. • • * \ ' '
r<'cr>\y^ » . ^xa-STS ..1 ir n.TJ ,t 1 i \ s,^ rdAo . ,a.i t.aA^^
5
a.
.i Qk.i rdao . »xJ.:^ »«cno''i.cL.2k. »z.2l.a . .^^ciA
' This word is wanting in the Cod. Cantab.
2 Cod. Vat. ^^Xrilx. »iJLacn . ^ Cod. Vat. ctixaIs (j'^V).
^ Cod. Vat. KlV^^ . ' Cod. Vat. .^jCLti^i .
261
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.'EOLOGY. [1887.
r^ira^ »xXtor<'o ,ills.o r^isai ^\n . •xX.l.^o^ t<l»isa
. vfyTxjjuri .jgns.* oVkTa.TAO . vy^i^ A^ifiaxA
IV.
*« ^ K'acn .Jt-^.^^^« .T-^ a-*o.i_X ca.\ K'ocn i^^SflrC'
Ajt^* A.*p^ . cra'x2^ ^.^33 rdraii^ ^ 0.1n.t-."i rtlaK'.ia f^L.irc'
^'sp ,i..x.a..iA cn^^ . »i.J..a-i3oi.^o •xiii.v^ ^i^rtlL rx'^
An\-i> OK' . rd.iK' ;p<\a^ Aa-xj^l ^a-A»r<' . r<lAa\^
. .j^rc'.i CTii^k.\ cxi^Tl^.l ...OCQ.1 O.T^ rdX . .^^A rtiraK'.l
^*^.a .ix9ill ^r^:i . .xrarc'.T cniv^ ^ rdrai^*. oir)^0
^ vyufio-uA r^^Ci r<l»"i.2?3 »qocv.m . ^^j^.T-aO-l.T '^ oocn
> Add cn^cvnA^ ? 2 Cod. Vat. Arix..! .
^ Cod. Vat. omits OOCO .
262
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
au».i.^rc'.i r^jsao . r<U*oij3o r^sr^^c^ rdAoLjjC^ r^^r^
V.
. ori2a.zA CX^vso »«CDC\.jjLnz. : r^L'Sosas*. ._a^\A rd^i-tJoX
•aiciJLO . r^h\cus3 ^x^r^ ^ en 1 n, ^i r<!.x.^3 .^^^.l
•^r<'o . ..aXoT^ Acux. •xsiei ^o . r<:i3.M ^ caxfia»*.\
AiVa .1^.1 A.\^rq . r«lrk:^^^\2q r<!A.i K'^oco ^"W ,ix^il
. cn^r^Ju:^ "l.TJC pai.3 . Au»ocn K'cvcn ^.^ji** ^drxH^i
. r<!i3.M ^ .Xuj »=3\cxx.o K'H-i.^k^ r<l^a& »xi^ i^a>ci
. .^^cvA i^jao.io i^kjao.i cn^a.3.&\.
1 Ms. Cantab. .jJOlrt* . A^^n rC'A>CUjj.l .
263
Tune 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [18S7.
Five Psalms of David, which are not written in the
order of the psalms.
I. Ps. cli. A Thanksgiving of David.
(i) I was the youngest among my brethren, and a youth in my
father's house. (2) I used to feed my father's flock, and I found a
Hon and a wolf, and slew them and rent them. (3) My hands made
an organ, and my fingers fashioned a harp. (4) Who will show me
my Lord? He, my Lord, is become my God.* (5) He sent His
angel and took me away from my father's flock, and anointed me
with the oil of anointing. (6) My brethren, the fair and the tall,
in them the Lord had no pleasure. (7) And I went forth to meet the
Philistine, and he cursed me by his idols. (8) But I drew his sword
and cut off his head, and took away the reproach from the children
of Israel.
IL
The Prayer of Hezekiah tuhen efieinies surrojindcd him.
(i) With a loud voice glorify ye God; in the assembly of many
proclaim ye His glory. (2) Amid the multitude of the upright
glorify His praise ; and speak of His glory with the righteous.
(3) Join yourselves {literally, your soul) to the good and to the
perfect, to glorify the Most High. (4) Gather yourselves together
to make known His strength ; and be not slow in showing forth His
deliverance [and His strength] and His glory to all babes. (5) That
the honour of the Lord may be known, wisdom hath been given ;
and to tell of His works it hath been made known to men : (6) to
make known unto babes His strength, and to make them that lack
understanding {literally, heart) to comprehend His glory ; (7) who
are far from His entrances and distant from His gates : (8) because
the Lord of Jacob is exalted, and His glory is upon all His works.
(9) And a man who glorifies the Most High, in him will He take
pleasure ; as in one who offers fine meal, and as in one who offers
he-goats and calves; (lo) and as in one who makes fat the altar
with a multitude of burnt offerings ; and as the smell of incense from
the hands of the just. (11) From thy upright gatesf shall be heard
His voice, and from the voice of the upright admonition. (12) And
* Or better, as in Cod. Ambros., The Lord, He is my God.
t The feminine suffix seems to be addressed to the city of Jerusalem.
264
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
in their eating shall be satisfying in truth, and in their drinking, when
they share together. (13) Their dwelling is in the law of the Most
High, and their speech is to make known His strength. (14) How
far from the wicked is speech of Him, and from all transgressors to
know Him ! (15) Lo, the eye of the Lord taketh pity on the good,
and unto them that glorify Him will He multiply mercy, and from
the time of evil will He deliver their soul. (16) Blessed be the
Lord, who hath delivered the wretched from the hand of the wicked ;
who raiseth up a horn out of Jacob and a judge of the nations out of
Israel; (17) that He may prolong His dwelling in Zion, and may
adorn our age in Jerusalem.
in.
JVAen the People obtained permission from Cynis to return home.
(i) O Lord, I have cried unto Thee; hearken Thou unto me.
(2) I have lifted up my hands to Thy holy dwelling-place; incline
Thine ear unto me. (3) And grant me my request;* my prayer
withhold not from me. (4) Build up my soul, and destroy it not ;
and lay it not bare before the wicked. (5) Them that recompense
evil things turn Thou away from me, O judge of truth. (6) O Lord,
judge me not according to my sins, because no flesh is innocent
before Thee. (7) Make plain to me, O Lord, Thy law, and teach
me Thy judgments; (8) and many shall hear of Thy works, and the
nations shall praise Thine honour. (9) Remember me and forget
me not ; and lead me not into things that be too hard for me.
(10) The sins of my youth make Thou to pass from me, and my
chastisement let them not remember against me. (11) Cleanse me,
Lord, from the evil leprosy, and let it no more come unto me.
(12) Dry up its roots in {WlexaWy, fro7ti) me, and let not its leaves
sprout within me. (13) Great art Thou, O Lord; therefore my
request shall be fulfilled from before Thee. (14) To whom shall
1 complain that he may give unto me ? and what can the strength of
men add [unto me]? (15) From before ,Thee, O Lord, is my
confidence ; I cried unto the Lord and He heard me, and healed
the breaking of my heart. (16) I slumbered and slept; I dreamed
and was helped, and the Lord sustained me. (17) They sorely
pained my heart ; I will return thanks because the Lord delivered
* Cod. ^'at. my requests.
265
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGV. [1SS7.
me. (iS) Now will I rejoice in their shame; I have hoped in Thee,
and I shall not be ashamed. (19) Give Thou honour for ever, even
for ever and ever. (20) Deliver Israel Thine elect, and them ol the
house of Jacob Thy proved one.
IV.
Spoken by David wJien he was contending with the lion and the
wolf, which took a sheep from his flock.
(i) O God, O God, come to my aid; help Thou me and save
me ; deliver Thou my soul from the slayer. (2) Shall I go down
to Sheol by the mouth of the lion ? or shall the wolf confound me ?
(3) Was it not enough for them that they lay in wait for my father's
flock, and rent in pieces a sheep of my father's drove, but they were
wishing also to destroy my soul ? (4) Have pity, O Lord, and save
Thy holy one from destruction ; that he may rehearse Thy glories in
all his times, and may praise Thy great name : (5) when Thou hast
delivered him from the hands of the destroying lion and of the
ravening wolf, and when Thou hast rescued my captivity from the
hands of the wild beasts. (6) Quickly, O my Lord (Adonai), send
from before Thee a deliverer, and draw me out of the gaping pit,
Avhich imprisons me in its depths.
V.
Spoken by David when returning thanks to God, 7uho had delivered
him from the lion and the 7uolf and he had slain both of them.
(i) Praise the Lord, all ye nations; glorify Him, and bless His
name : (2) Who rescued the soul of His elect from the hands of
death, and delivered His holy one from destruction : (3) and saved
me from the nets of Sheol, and my soul from the pit that cannot be
fathomed. (4) Because, ere my deliverance could go forth from
before Him, I was well nigh rent in two pieces by two wild beasts.
■(5) But He sent His angel, and shut up from me the gaping mouths,
and rescued my life from destruction. (6) My soul shall glorify
Him and exalt Him, because of all His kindnesses which He hath
done and will do unto me.
nuEENs' College, Camhriuge,
4M May, 1887.
266
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
The following Communication has been received from
MM. Eugene and Victor Revillout :
Les Depots et les Confiements en Droit Egyptien et en
Droit Babylonien.
Dans le droit romain de la derniere epoque, c'est-a-dire dans celui
qui se composait surtout d'emprunts successifs au jtis gentium,
au droit des nations environnantes, on nommait depots les place-
ments d'argent, rapportant d'ailleurs interets, qui se faisaient dans
les caisses des banquiers. Les interpretes, ne pouvant pas changer
le nom ancien en droit romain, y ont adjoint un adjectif. Ce sont la
pour eux des depots iinparfaits. Mais il faut savoir que dans les
vieux droits, qui ont servi de prototypes aux jurisconsultes remains
sur ce point, comme sur beaucoup d'autres, aucune distinction
analogue n'etait etablie : le mot de'pot s'appliquait aussi bien a
I'argent dont le depositaire se servait jusqu'a ce qu'il le rendit qu'a
la somme confiee pour etre conservee intacte a la disposition du
deposant. Une tessere demotique du British Museum, relative a un
de ces depots d'argent, nous montre nettement la diffe'rence entre
ces deux genres.
Une nommee Tsemonth* pretendait avoir depose chez son
beau-frere et sa soeur une somme de 2 talents et 225 argenteus.
Le depot fut nie, et les juges ordonnerent en consequence que si
le beau-frere ne pretait pas un serment formel au sujet de cette
dette, il aurait a en rembourser, non seulement le capital, mais les
interets, puisque evidemment il s'e'tait servi de cet argent qu'il
declarait n'avoir pas intact entre les mains, et avait ainsi transforme
la nature du depot. Ici le mot employe 1 0^-^: = hi /^ ou
1 {ja— Kelu (Copte 6^Xo) est exactement le meme que dans
d'autres pieces demotiques ou il s'agit de de'pots d'objets a rendre
* " Copie du serment qu'a fait Hor, fils de Psenhor, a la porte des dieux de
Pamont neb Manun, I'an 15, qui fait an 12, le 23 payni, a Tsemonth, fille de
Helek, a savoir :
"Adjure soit le Ka de Manun qui repose a jamais ainsi que tout dieu qui
repose avec lui : Les 2 talents 225 argenteus au sujet desquels tu as parle avec
moi en disant que je les ai regus en depot f, *) ) 72*=; )\\S\\i ^insi que Tadjom
ta soeur, tu ne me les as pas donnes, tu ne me les as pas confles ) , *) f/o— ^ 1 i
ainsi qu'a Tadjom ma femme. II n'y a pas de mensonge dans ce serment."
267
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILKOLOGV. [1SS7.
en nature et sans intt'ret. Nous avons publie rccemmcnt une piece
de ce genre dans laquelle intervient egalement un serment, mais
cette fois non judiciaire, serment par lequel le depositaire s'oblige
purement et simplement a rendre le depot le jour ou le deposant
le voudra et entre les mains de quiconque rapportera en son nom
la tessere le constatant.* Le mot 1 f/o— Kclu ((5^Xo) ou %, /, J_
fala (x^Xo) ^ pour sens principal celui de confier : et c'est pourquoi
ce terme fut meme employe a une certaine epoque pour designer
la masse des contrats, ainsi que nous le voyons dans les decrets
de Rosette et de Canope ;t car il ne faut pas oublier qu'a I'origine
du droit contractuel, aussitot apres le code de Bocchoris, les
contrats de beaucoup les plus nombreux etaient ceux dans lesquels
on confiait sa chose : par exemple en culture, par une location,
quand il s'agissait d'un immeuble, Une chose que Ton remettait
avec une destination determinee, obligatoire pour celui qui la
recevait, et qui en etait personnellement charge, :J: constituait dans
Arret (en verlu duquel ce serment fut prononce) :
*' Qu'il amene sa sceur Tachons en sa main pour qu'ils jurent le serment,
serment de sa garantie (a lui). lis feront le serment pour qu'elle (la plaignante)
s'eloigne d'eux. S'ils ne le font pas, qu'ils lui donnent 2 talents et 225 argenteus
et leurs interets. — Le serment a ete depose dans la main de Psechons, pses."
On voit que Keloji est employe a la fois dans le sens actif et passif : recevoir en
depot, confier en depot."
* " Copie du serment qu'a fait Psechons, fils d'llermocles, qu'il a fait dans
le temple de Chens, a savoir :
" Adjure soit Chons qui repose a jamais, ainsi que tout dieu qui repose avec
lui : le jour oil ils apporteront ces (ccritures) — les gens — pour le depot f'o /^
je le rendrai (ce depot), au milieu de Thebes, a I'homme qu'ils auront choisi
(mot-a-mot : pris) pour cela."
f Voir ma chrestomathie demotique, p. 54, pour le decret de Rosette, et
p. 139, pour le decret de Canope :
KM ENTPA^ESeAI EN HASIN T0I2 XPHMATI2M0I2
X L'auteur de la piece demotique du Louvre, dent le litre de chancellerie
en grec est ANTIPPA^ON TQN AYXNQN, fait aussiune fondation i)ieuseassimilec
par lui a un H<, /(J_ X^AO et qui est ainsi redigee :
•'' Ilereius habitant d'une maison qui est dans I'Asclepeium dil : Je fais savoir
ccci au prophete, a I'ecrivain du sanctuairc et au peuple de la dcmeurc eternelle;
d'Imouth (Asclepios) le dieu grand. (Qu'il fasse votre resplendissement dans
son sanctuairc !)
268
June 7] TROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
ce sens un depot, un confiement, un t'ala. Elle se trouvait placee
entre les mains de quelqu'un, mais pour remplir les intentions de
celui qui I'y avait placee.
L'idee de confiement* et celle de placement dominent dans les
temps anciens toute la theorie des depots ; et c'est pourquoi les
depots d'argent se rattachent plus specialement a I'organisation des
banques et du commerce.
Chez les banquiers grecs les particuliers, afin de pouvoir faire
payer par ces banquiers les sommes qu'ils se trouveraient devoir,
comme nous faisons actuellement payer par les banques modernes
" En I'an 30, le 7 de Thot, en la main du dieu Imoiith et de la grande deesse
Astarte, j'ai fait mettre de cote (par jour) un kesro d'huile de Tekem (ki*ci) pour
le luminaire. II n'y a pas a laisser s'eteindre un luminaire a jamais, parmi les
42 luminaires qui existent aujourd'hui. Cela restera eternellement (c'est une
fondation perpetuelle). J'ai fait solder cela et ordonner de faire preparer pour
Pathot le reste, pour qu'il le fasse remettre a Teos chaque annee. C'est en depo
^ <, /( J— 3_i, • Les autres personnes ne pourront pas le prendre en leurs
maisons. Le scribe de Nehi est pour ces clioses, etc."
II faut remarquer que notre piece fait partie de la correspondance ad-
ministrative du Serapeum de Memphis. Aussi n'emploie-t-on pas *) S J o
Keloii = CT^AtJO comme dans les pieces de Thebaide, mais J <, /, J_ = XA.X0
comme dans les decrets de Rosette (redige aussi a Memphis) et de Canope
(provenant de la Basse Egypte). La meme difference subsiste encore en Copte :
2C<i.AO est particulier a la Basse Egypte, et CT^ACO a la Thebaide. J'ai
fait depuis longtemps remarquer que des differences dialectales semblables a celles
du Copte existaient en demotiqiie. Notons que si XiLAO et (5^X(JD veulen
dire egalement, deponere apnd aliqiicnt, concn-dcre, coiiunetidare, (T^ACJLJ signifie
de plus hospitio excipere ou habitare, et (T^ ACOOT committere ah'ciii ou cointnitii
al'uui. (Nous avons deja remarque plus haut que ^ \ J c ^^'^'t en effet le sens
actif et passif.) Les mots (JOlAe et XCOIAI, bote, n'ont pas d'autre origine.
Ce dernier est represente en demotique par la forme 1 < f /j J_, designant aussi
les botes (dans le poeme satyrique par exemple).
* Cette idee de confiement exprimee par le memphitique ^ <, J\\— (X<lXo)
et le Thebain ^^ i^^j_ ((5 ^Xuo) s'appliquait non seulement aux choses en
nature, mais aux affaires a suivre, aux proces, aux enquetes, etc. C'est ainsi
que, dans un rapport administratif du serapeum, traduit par I'un de nous, dans
le N". 1-2 de la 5^ annee de sa Revue egyptologique, on voit le stratege dire a
I'agent du grand pretre, qui vient lui parler relativement a une affaire de con-
cussion : " Qu'on la confie (3") <, /, ^,„ 2d) a un tel." Ce document provient
de Memphis, et c'est pourquoi la forme est 'j <, /, J_.
269
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1887.
nos differentes dettes au moyen de cheques, tantot deposaient
I'argent comptant qu'ils avaient en mains, tantot, quand ils n'avaient
pas actuellement d'argent comptant, mais une position assez en vue,
se faisaient ouvrir un credit pour une somme determinee, ainsi que le
fit Timothee fils de Conon chez Pasion le banquier. La situation
etait exactement la meme dans les deux cas. Le banquier payait au
nom de son client, soit sur I'argent confie, soit sur le credit ouvert
par un acceptation donnee d'avance.
Les banques chaldeennes, qui avaient servi de modeles aux
banques pheniciennes et aux banques grecques, procedaient de
meme, et nous voyons ainsi le banquier de Babylone Neboahiiddin
payer, d'apres un mandat ecrit ou comme nous le dirions actuelle-
ment un cheque, le prix non seulement d'acquisitions faites par des
particuliers, ses clients, mais d'immeubles v^endus aux plus grands
personnages et au roi lui-meme.
Relativement a ces paiements, il n'y avait aucune difference entre
le credit ouvert et le depot d'argent. Mais dans ce dernier cas, bien
entendu, il ne s'agissait pas d'un depot cachete, d'un depot parfait
suivant I'ecole, ne permettant pas a celui qui I'avait regu d'y toucher
autrement qu'en le restituant. II s'agissait d'argent place dans la
maison et entrant en ligne de compte ; c'etait la converture neces-
saire pour se faire ouvrir un credit a vue, pour avoir dans cette maison
I'equivalent de ce que sont aujourd'hui nos livrets de cheques,
couverture que, dans certains cas, une acceptation faite par le
banquier pouvait suppleer, ainsi que nous I'avons deja vu.
Aussi avons nous longuement hesite en rencontrant le mot >-y<y S^J
dans des textes relatifs a des maisons de banque. Ce mot comporte
en effet deux lectures a cause du polysyllabisme du premier signe.
II peut se lire soit hudu, soit pakdii. La i''"^ lecture le rattachait h,
une racine bien connue, celle que nous retrouvons dans la formule
ina hiiut liblnsu, correspondant exactement a la formule de'motique
lit 51 1 J— T 1)»)53 Jiiati heii, "content mon coeur."
Chez les Egyptiens, comme chez les Chaldeens, celui qui cedait un
esclave, par exemple, declarait ainsi que son coeur etait satisfait :
pour indiquer qu'il avait completement souscrit, sans arriere pensee,
a cette vente, et (]u'il en avait acceptetoutes les consequences. La
meme expression pouvait done admirablement convenir pour un
banciuier qui acceptait toutes les consequences de I'ouverture du
credit ^ vue faite h. un client jusqu'a une limite determinee. L'autrc
lecture pakdit devait conduire a un autre genre d'operation dont,
270
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
au point de vue des cheques, les resultats pratiques etaient exacte-
ment les memes, c'est-a-dire a un placement d'argent fait d'avance
chez le banquier. Nous avions adopte d'abord la premiere lecture, celle
que M. Strassmaier proposait dans le volume vii des Tra?isactioiis
a propos d'un acte du Louvre renfermant aussi le mot sukindii, sur
lequel nous aurons bientot a revenir. M. Oppert nous a exprime ses
preferences pour la seconde, que M. Strassmaier lui-meme avait
choisie dubitativement pour le mot >-y<y S^f* dans les transcriptions
des Actes de Liverpool et de Londres dont il avait donne' le texte et
dont nous donnions la traduction pour la premiere fois, sans nous
croire lie le moins du monde par ces transcriptions que nous ne
negligions jamais de consulter.
A la lecture du mot >-y<y J^f et de son feminin ^]<] ^|<y ^^
se rattachait intimement le sens attribue au mot ^^ ^ ^^ X^] .
II s'agit ici d'un mot tres rare que nous n'avions pas rencontre encore
en dehors de I'acte du Louvre copie par M. Strassmaier ; et nous
desesperions d'avoir des termes de comparaison quand, sur une des
tablettes de notre collection particuliere, ce meme mot, mis au genitif
^yy^ ^^ ^' comme il I'etait deja une fois dans Facte du Louvre
en question, nous a frappe. Le doute ici n'etait plus possible, et il
etait evident qu'il s'agissait d'un versement, d'un encaissement,t ce
qui nous rapprochait un peu du sens deposite, " depot," propose pour
ce mot par M. Strassmaier, dans un essai de traduction malheureuse-
ment bien defectueux pour tout le reste. Bien que notre petite
tablette, provenant de Sippara, ait perdu quelques signes au bout de
chaque ligne, ce qu'il en reste nous montre, d'une maniere tres claire,
qu'elle avait pour objet principal un versement d'argent de 19 mines
3 sekels \ fait entre les mains du gardien (prepose) {kipu) du celebre
temple d'Eparra; voici en effet les trois premieres lignes.
<^ t\ .4 yyy >f imt \'\ (^m ^d
^\\At>^-<^-\-^\\
^mx^^\ ^\ t^\
Plus loin, les lacunes devenant beaucoup plus considerables, une
traduction suivie serait impossible. Mais il semble que sur la
somme en question un premier paiement de trois mines -| a eu lieu,
* Notons que si, a la page 53 de son index, il met pakdii avec un point d'interro-
gation pour trois tablettes, a la page 25 il transcrit egalement avec un point
d'interrogation hudu pour une quatrieme.
t Nous reviendrons bientot la dessus.
271
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [18S7.
et qu'un second paiement d'une demi-niine est effectue par un
individu qui semble etre le fils du Kipu d'Eparra. En tout cas
ici n'intervient aucune mention d'immeuble vendu. La forte somme
versee entre les mains du Kipu du principal temple a done du
I'etre a titre de depot, car on sait que les particuliers deposaient
dans les temples, soit en Egypte, soit en Asie, soit en Grece, soit
dans tout le reste du monde ancien, les sommes dargent qu'ils
voulaient mettre en surete, sous la sauve-garde des dieux memes.
Aristote nous raconte que lorsque les Spartiates se furent enrichis
au point de posseder chacun des milliotis, apres les dix ans d'hege'-
monie qu'eut leur ville, ils avaient eu soin de deposer tout cet
argent dans divers temples, la loi de Sparte ne leur permettant pas
de le garder chez eux.
Le Kipii du temple du soleil (d'' Eparrd) qui avait requ le verse-
ment, le suhindu dont il s'agit, parait avoir joue un role important
comme principal fonctionnaire du temple.
Nous avons deja public dans un numero precedent des Proceedings
une tablette de notre collection particuliere, relative a une adoption,
et oil Ton voit un Kipu d^Eparra, conjomtement avec un autre
fonctionnaire portant le titre de scribe de Sippara, creer des liens
de famille par un acte de juridiction gracieuse. C'est a eux que la
demande d'adoption est adressee. Ce sont eux qui accordent,
a titre de fils, I'enfant en question aux epoux qui veulent lui tenir
lieu de pere et de mere.
Dans une autre tablette de notre collection les deux memes
fonctionnaires, d'une part le Kip2c du temple principal, et d'une
autre part le scribe de la ville, nous apparaissent comme constituant
coUectivement un tribunal appele a se prononcer sur un delit, a ce
qu'il semble, et sur la responsabilite d'un employe inferieur du
temple. Cette tablette, malheureusement tres deterioree en diverses
places, commence par les quatre lignes suivantes :
Nebokasir abalsu sa Nebo iddina ana mahhar
Neboahiikisa {d) kiipi eparra
<T>^^^/H<::^T ^ -jn ^-^i^^r ui^ ^- ^Tf ^^t^t
u Musesib Marduk {d) tupsar sipparki ikbuu umma
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
naid sar dintirki
>^
VA
^ V
-1t]t]
sanat
6
kam
Nebo
IK AVr-
->^Xf-
. . ina musi
II s'agit ici d'une deposition faite par un nomme Nebo kasir, fils
de Nebo iddina, par devant (a;m ^nahhar) Nebo ahi ikisa, kipu
d'Eparra, et Musesib Marduk, scribe de Sippara, au sujet de Liine
^ ^ y|* qui, en I'an 6 du roi Nabonid, durant la nuit, avait ete
probablement volee. Les deux lignes suivantes sont presque totale-
ment detruites. Cast a peine si Ton distingue, vers le milieu de
I'une, un nom propre que Ton retrouve plus tard dans la suite de
cette tablette, f »^yy "^f "^^f, et a la fin de I'autre les mots ^^^
'4*^y t^tT ^^ ^^^^1 mots qui font partie de la derniere phrase de la
* Dans un article precedent sur " un nouveau nom royal perse " nous avons deja
parle de la laine ^^ -^ y^ et de son prix moyen en Tan 41 de Nabuchodonosor
d'apres une tablette de notre collection personnelle. Ce prix etait de 12 sekels
d'argent par talent de laine, ce qui fait un sekel pour 5 mines.
Une autre tablette, qui malheureusement presente de tres nombreuses lacunes,
et qui n'est pas datee, mais est certainement plus recente (car I'expression argent
hlanc — pisu ^^ S^f^ — ^st surtout en usage sous le regne de Darius), porte une
estimation plus elevee de la laine : 20 sekels par talent^ un sekel pour trois mines.
II s'agit de laine provenant du temple d'Eparra et remise en prix, par ce
temple, avec indication de la quantite cedee et de la nature de la dette. Le
document se trouve divise par des lignes transversales en cinq parties ou, pour
nous servir d'un terme commercial, en cinq articles. II ne reste guere de bien net
que le commencement de chacun des trois premiers,
Dans I'un la quantite de laine est un demi-talent ; son estimation, 10 sekels
d'argent blanc ; I'origine de la dette, une fourniture de boeufs, etc., faite au temple
par des ^^^ t^^T^T -^^^Y i^ ' ^'^^^^ ^^ commencement :
I? ^4 < IMT \^\ ^r « i^ ^4 r 4^ A ^^r -w
4^)f 1^ <<<<^{ ^4
Ty ^aI (S^ T) W^M^M^B^MiM^Mis^ ^\ <!¥ liT m
Ici le commencement de la cinquieme ligne est efface, mais la phrase se termine
par Tideogramme ■%-« ^^ donne.
273
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1887.
deposition de Nebokasir, mettant en cause un employe designe comme
scribe des apaki, c'est-a-dire sans doute des apports, suivant le sens
le plus habituel du verbe abaJai, apporter, amener, presenter,
adducere, educere, producere, exhibere.
«H r -\A^\ nr -7 t\<\ ^ -M Vr^^
pan nebo musetik (lu) ut da (d) tupsar apaki
kii aktabi.
Cette deposition une fois faite devant eux, les deux magistrats,
le kip2/ du temple et le scribe de la ville, rendirent leur sentence. lis
Dans le second paragraphe la quantite de laine est la meme, I'estimation la
meme ; le nom du creancier ainsi paye a subsiste :
Vr ^4f r %1 \^^ :^? ^ in ->f -^T ^]] <«
Mais quant a I'origine de la creance elle etait indiquee en dernier lieu, et de
cette indication il ne reste plus cjue le commencement :
Q^^^y yj ,^^ 4^ <^yy Kaspa ana mahiri {A'ilam).
Dans le troisieme, au contraire, I'origine de la creance se trouve indiquee dans
la partie qui subsiste encore :
{]]\) ^y .4 IK. 4 y? y? ^4 yy imt ^-^t
^ ^<^^E± H >^^y U- Vf ^4
La laine etait ici versee sur le prix de *T+y >^y J^.
Arretons nous un instant sur ce terme, au sujet du quel on a beaucoup discute.
Les deux composantes de cette expression sont isolement parfaitement connues.
Le signe lu est traduit par tsimi, "mouton," dans les bilingues. Le signe J^y
represente a la fois en semitique le mot ardii, "serviteur, domestique," et le mot
zikaru, "male." Aussi Mr. Houghton, dans son etude sur les mammiferes en
babylonien, avait-il transcrit le signe compose en question tsitiu zikaru, " mouton
male," et Mr. Delitsch I'avait-il transcrit tsinu ardu, et traduit "mouton domes-
tique." De notre cote nous nous etions rattaches a cette derniere traduction.
Mais Mr. Pinches, dans son etude sur les portes de Balawat, avait soutcnu une
opinion nouvelle, qui consistait a reunir en un seul ideogramme les deux signes en
question, et a voir dans Ic tout, non point un mouton, mais un bceuf de trait {drauglit
ox), II a consacre au developpement de cette opinion une longue note a la page
117 et a la page Il8 de la l"""" partie du 7" volume des Transactions. C'est cette
opinion que M. Pognon a foncierement adoptee dans I'ouvrage qu'il vient de faire
paraltre sur les inscriptions de Babylone, mais en ne nommant pas plus Mr. Pinches
274
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
la rendirent en presence de personnes qui jouaient le role d'assesseurs,
et qui recueillaient leurs paroles :
Nebo ahi ikisa (d), Kiipi epar,
u musezib marduk (d), tupsar sipparki, ana
e batbi, abalsusa Marduk edir (sur), Baladu
abalsusa Nebo iddin ahi, Ablai, abalsusa ,
anunitumsarusur, abalsusa Nebo iddinahi,
r -IK -H4 ^;? I? I ¥ T ^{ ^^ y? ii^^i^
Rimut babi, abalsusa Iddinai ,
ikbuu umma
a cette occasion qu'il ne I'avait nomme apropos de rinscription de Bavian traduite
par Mr. Pinches avant de I'etre par lui et pas plus qu'il ne nomme encore M.
Oppert a I'occasion des traductions qu'il lui emprunte souvent servilement, quelles
qu'elles soient, pour des inscriptions de Babylone qui sont foncierement les memes
que celles traduites par M. Oppert dans son expedition de Mesopotamie. Ici
d'ailleurs M. Pognon avait une excuse, car il avait modifie quelque chose a
I'opinion de Mr. Pinches. II avait transforme en veau le boeuf de trait — ce qui
parait etrange puisque I'animal en question trainait le char du dieu Merodach.
Eh bien, une tablette de notre collection demontre qu'il en faut revenir a I'opinion
de Mr. Houghton. En effet, cette tablette, du regne de Darius, determine par
I'adjonction de la syllable ru, servant de complement phonetique, la prononciation
de T-f y *T,"^y II n'est done pas possible de douter qu'il faut lire tsinu zikarii, et y
voir im mouton male ou un belier. L'idee d'un belier sacre, attache au char d'un
dieu, n'a rien qui repugne. Ajoutons que dans le passage meme de I'inscription de
Balawat commentee par Mr. Pinches les T>f | >-x*'y ^] ^ so"'^ associes aux ^^ j ^
{alpi), c'est-a-dire aux boeufs, a titre d'animaux assignes a un temple pour un sacrifice.
Or on n'a jamais sacrifie de bceufs de trait. II est possible d'ailleurs qu'il soit
arrive pour le mot compose T>f T *-x*'T designant primitivement des moutons males
a I'exclusion des brebis d'etre pris collectivement, comme le mot mouton Test en
francjais alors qu'on I'applique aussi bien aux brebis elles-memes qu'aux males
coupes ou non.
Dans I'acte que M. Strassmaier a public sous leNo. 133, les T*y >^"^y figurent
egalement a cote de boeufs dans une creance, et cette meme creance por aussi
275
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLDGV. [1SS7.
De cette sentence, la premiere partie etait relative a Temploye
incrimine, au scribe des apaki. II est declare responsable envers
le temple [ckur) :
Nebo musetikudda, tupsar apaki,
>Bii^i^^^<?-H ^{\t:^ ^^ :<ir?n
mah u gabbi, kii issaa,
ana ekur ittadin
La seconde partie de I'enonce du jugement concerns y »^yy
^y "^-^y- ^lais elle est tellement mutilee qu'il est impossible d'en
saisir la portee reelle.
Plusieurs autres tablettes de notre collection nous montrent
egalement la haute situation du Kipu d'Eparra, qu'on aurait tendance
sur de la laine ^^ 4^ j^. M. Strassmaier ne connaissant pas la valeur de ce
dernier mot, a tres mal-copie la seconde ligne, mais il est facile de la reslituer ;
il faut lire : 5 bilat {likun) jpfy ^ '^ ; c'est la fin d'lme enumeration comprenant
40 moutons (ce que AL Strassmaier a vu), un certain nombre de IxMufs, probable-
ment 10 (ce que i\L Strassmaier n'a pas vu), et enfin 5 talents de laine. La
dessus {ina libbi), 2 talents et 4 bceufs formaient la creance de Dainu suma iddin
sur liazuzu ; dans le mois de Duzu les moutons exprimes par I'ideogramme T+l *^\
la laine exprimee par Tideogramme jj»^ ^ y^J^ encore meconnu dans ce passage
p?r ^L Strassmaier, et les boeufs, que representait collectivement I'ideogramme
^Y' 1 devaient etre livres. II etait dit que I'argent qui avait servi a les acheter
provenait de la societe Iddina Marduk, fils de Basai, de la tribu de Nursin,
cette societe dent nous avons si longuement parle dans I'appendice babylonien du
cours sur les obligations en droit cgyptien compare aux autres droits de l'anti(/uite.
Nous aurons d'ailleurs a revenir bientot sur les animaux donnes aux temples et
destines au sacrifice ; plusieurs tablettes de notre collection particuliere sont en elTet
relatives a cette question.
Avant de finir nous devons dire que la laine J[|^ ^ XI est souvent mentionnee
dans la nouvelle collection de Tablettes dont M. Strassmaier vient de publier les
copies depuis I'impression de la note qu'on vient de lire. Dans le No. 174 il est
question par exemple de laine pour vetements Jp[^ ■<^ yy y^ _-<[ "HI "^^ ^^ ^^•
Cette laine est remise aux trois commis d'un tisserand ^i^ *^'\ *^^ >fl'^y V^ ^=^
^yy ^y >y-. C'est unc nouvelle jireuvc ajires tanl d'autrcs du sens latiic que
nous avons specifie les premiers P"ur J[J^ .^yi • Voir au.^si lesNos. 71, 109, etc.
276
June 7] TROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
a comparer a I'epistate etabli sur chaque temple d'Egypte a I'epoque
Ptolemaique, et qui parait avoir eu la garde du sanctuaire, en qualite
d'administrateur et de prepose officiel.
Representant le temple, il recevait ainsi naturellement entre les
mains I'argent que Ton mettait sous la garde des dieux.
Mais, dans un temple, il n'est pas possible de songer a un credit
ouvert par une acceptation formelle, et comme le mot sit/iindu se
rencontre a la fois dans Facte du temple d'Eparra et dans Facte
du Louvre relatif au banquier Nebo aJii iddm, cette fois en correla-
tion avec Fidee exprimee par .-y<y J^|, nous sommes amenes force-
ment a admettre qu'il s'agit bien d'un de'pot effectif et d'un vrai
confiement.
II faut done lire ici, non point hudatum, mais pakdafum, et
supprimer tout signe de doute pour la transcription pakdii dans les
cas oia le mot se rencontre au masculin.
Voici comment nous traduirions en definitive Facte du Louvre
1139, public d'abord par M. Strassmaier :
"Une mine 18 sekels d'argent, encaissement, cachete, reste du
prix d'une maison de Belrimanni, fils de Musezibbel, de la tribu de
Da Marduk, que Belahierib, fils de Nirgalziribni, tribu d'Egibi, avait
achetee : Fargent, a savoir 11 mines, 18 sekels, il avait confie
(ipkidii)* a Nebo ahi iddin comme tesutum de creancier investi
(hypothecaire gagiste) sur cette maison. Jusqu'a la mort de Bel ahi
iddin, Facheteur de cette maison, nul creancier gagiste, pour ce
depot, {siihindii) ne se presenta.f
* Nous avions deja corrige en ipkidii le mot ibdidu qu'avait fautivement
lu ici M. Strassmaier, et nous I'avions en consequence rendu en francais par //
lui a confie dans la traduction que nous avions donnee de cet acte il y a plus d'un
an (voir les obligations en droit egypticn compare aux autres droits de V antiqiiitc ,
p. 411 et suivantes).
t A partir d'ici la copie de M. Strassmaier, pleine de lacunes du reste, etait
tres defectueuse. Nous I'avions deja completee en tres grande partie et corrigee
sur la plupart des points I'annee derniere aux pages 412 et suivantes des obliga-
tions en droit egyptien. Cependant une nouvelle revue de la tablette originale
nous a permis de dechiffrer definitivement certains groupes de caracteres. Nous
citerons particulierement le mot mallat que M. Stiassmaier avait lu elat, une fois
avec point d'interrogalion, et une fois sans point d'interrogation, dans les lignes 19
et 20, le mot qui termine la ligne 20, mot que M. Strassmaier avait laisse en blanc,
oil nous avons cru d'abord reconnaltre udi, et qui nous parait maintenant etre
certainement le mot hala, dont nous avons montre les premiers le sens vrai : part,
portion. Le peu d'espace qui restait pour le scribe au bout de cette ligne lui
277
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1887.
"Voici que quatre ans apres la mort de Belahi iddin et de
Nebo ahi iddin, auquel ce versement e'tait confie, Belrimanni, pour
son versement, vint par devant Ittimarduk baladu, fils de Nebo ahi
iddin, qui ne voulut pas rendre et donner cet encaissement en
I'absence des grands et des juges. lis allerent (done) en presence
des grands et des juges A Ziria, gardien d'Essagil, ils dirent
ainsi : ' une hypotheque qui I'absorbe (mot a mot, la remplisse)
[sa mallai) existe-t-elle sur cette somme encaissee ? ' Ziria dit ainsi :
"Si une hypotheque qui absorbe sa totalite ou une part quel-
conque existe sur cet encaissement je ne le sais pas — "
avail fait un peu ecraser le premier trait horizontal du signe »-|^T. De la notre
erreur. Nous avons des doutes sur le titre que M. Strassmaier avail lu Kuut ;
peut-elre faul-il lire Kipi. Voici notre copie, a partir de la ligne 12, bien
que les fautes de M. Strassmaier ne deviennenl surloul Ires nombreuses qu'a
parlir de la ligne 15 :
^? C-^T 4?^ ^ V ^^T >^ ->f ^^ J^^ «# ^
¥ %\\A %> J^r - <M -H tV\ ^^ T -^W -IH «
¥ T -}^\A ^^ M- ^ ^UJ ^^14 ^ ^T ¥ -El ^ IT- m-
< ^ ^ ^ j^ ^11 4 tx J^T -II m ^^'r ti -"ii
Vr .4 tn^^ri-i^i'^^^m- uj^ tT j^r *
Vr ^^ r >7^-^ iBVy ^ ^i 4- ^1 ^r^T ^i iMT m ^- m
t^i t] tm ^y ^ly ¥ ^^^y ^-^ - <3y^y ^yy 4 1> ^y
■ ;yuE^ :Hy se <y^ b y >^^^ BVr m ^
^^y t] mB ^^y ^y -^ly ¥ ^y ^ <y-"Hy ^< -v
¥ -y<y^ ^y - <3y^y4 ^ h s^ i^y « -'ly e^ ^
^yy 4 t> j^y, etc.
Eninni ina arbala sanata (muanna), arki milulu sa Bel ahi iddin u Nelio
ahi iddin, sa suhindu ina pani su pakdalum, Belrimanni ana eli suhiindi su ana pani
Ittimarduk baladu al)alsusa Nebo ahi iddin illikamma sala (d) rabuti u daini
(ditar) suhiindu la yutir ma la iddin su ; ma ana rnahar (d) rabuti u daini iksudu
nna Ziria kipi esaggil ikl:)uu umma : rasutu sa mallat ina eli suhiindu suasu ibaassi.
Ziria ikbi umma : kii rasutu sa mallat u hala sanamma ina eli ibaassu la idi
Suhiindu, etc.
278
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
*' L'encaissement, en son cachetage, Itti marduk baladu rendit et
remit a Belrimanni, en presence de Kiribtu le Kisuii, d'Edirbel le
Kisini, de Nirgal ahi uzur et de Sumaiukin les juges."
II nous parait evident aujourd'hui qu'il s'agit bien ici d'une somme
cachetee a mettre en caisse, telle qu'on en depose par exemple
a la Banque de France et dans d'autres maisons de banque.
Ce depot cachete, le banquier le rendit en definitive revetu des
cachets qui le fermaient. II I'avait mis en surete dans ses caisses,
comme on mettait en surete dans les temples les sommes sujettes
a contestation.
L'idee de nos caisses de depots et consignations est en effet bien
loin d'etre nouvelle. Ciceron nous donne des details tres interes-
sants et tres instructifs sur ce qui se pratiquait en pareil cas.
Quand Brutus, par I'intermediaire d'un prete-nom, ellt fait recevoir
de force, a un interet excessif, extraordinaire, une somme d'argent
assez ronde au senat de Salamine,* ce senat n'eut plus qu'une
pensee, celle de s'acquitter au plus tot. Aussitot done qu' Appius
Claudius, beau-pere de Brutus, eut cesse de gouverner la province
romaine dont I'ile de Chypre faisait partie, des qu'ils surent que
Ciceron le remplagait, les repre'sentants des Salaminiens vinrent
trouver cet honnete homme en le priant de re'gler leur compte.
Ciceron ne pouvait pas admettre I'interet illegal exige' par Brutus ;
mais, pour ne point par trop de'sobliger celui-ci, il empecha les
Salaminiens de deposer, sur le refus du creancier de la recevoir,
la somme qu'ils devaient, dans un temple. Si ce depot eut ete
effectue, suivant les formes consacrees, les interets eussent cesse
de courir, et les Salaminiens se fussent trouves liberes comme par
un paiement proprement dit. C'etait ce que ne voulait pas Brutus,
qui, par le calcul d'interets composes, esperait voir grossir rapidement
sa creance. Ciceron done trouva des pretextes pour s'opposer a ce
depot liberatoire, et, en qualite de magistrat, ayant par \i))ipe7-uim
un pouvoir absolu, il defendit aux Salaminiens de I'effectuer.
L'acheteur de la maison de Belrimanni s'etait acquitte en partie
par un de ces depots liberatoires, parce qu'on craignait qu'il n'existat
sur cette maison des droits reels. Le de'pot fut remis a un banquier
* Ciceron nous raconte qu'a cette occasion plusieurs senateurs voyant le lieu
de leurs seances assiege par les cavaliers romains mis a la disposition des agents
de Brutus, prefererent s'y laisser mourir de faim plutot que de consentir a cet
emprunt ruineux et sans utilite actuelle.
279
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1S87,
dont la caisse etait bien gardee. Mais c'etait au temple que devait
s'inscrire, probablement dans un delai determine a partir du jour
de la vente, la declaration de ces droits re'els, tels qu'hypoth^ques
resultant d'actes ante'rieurs.
Le mot ^:= ^ que nous trouvons ici pour designer le
cre'ancier hypothecaire, est le mot meme qui se trouve aussi soit
dans les actes d'hypotheque, soit dans les actes d'antichrese, soit
gen^ralement dans la plupart des actes ayant pour but la creation
d'un droit direct, autre que celui de proprietaire, sur une chose.
Nous avons parle longuement de ce mot, pour en determiner le sens
juridique, dans le volume sur les obligatio7is en droit egyptien cotnpare
aux auires droits de rafitiqidte. Nous I'avons traduit par homme
possesseiir, creancier gagiste, crcancier hypothecaire (voir notamment
P- 345)-
Le mot semitique rasuji alterne dans les memes formules avec
cet ideogramme touranien. C'est ainsi qu'a propos du gage {mas
kami) ou lit quelquefois rasiiii sanamina iiia eli ul isallat^ au lieu de
^:x J][<^ sana/nma ina eli id isallat, " homme possesseur autre ne
mettra pas la main par dessus — ^jusqu'a ce que, est-il ajoute, un tel
(le creancier hypothecaire) ait rec^-u en entier son argent." Du reste
T}v se trouve traduit dans les bilingues par isn et, ainsi que nous
I'avons montre h. la page 382 de I'ouvrage deja cite', la synonymic
d'isu avec rasu dans le sens de " posseder," se trouve etablie par une
formule qui se rencontre dans les anciens actes de Warka, "wa/dr
isi/7i u iraass2{u" tout ce qu'ils ont (tout ce qu'ils possedent) ou
possederont. Rien de plus naturel d'ailleurs que d'attacher a I'idee
de gage celle de possession dans un pays ou le gage remis en
possession avait precede tous les autres. De meme 'h. Rome le mot
pignus derive ^^ a pugiio," les jurisconsultes du moins le declarent, et
par consequent figurant plutot une prise en mains, s'appliquait
egalement a I'hypotheque sans possession quand cette hypotheque
fut introduite par le droit des gens.
Aucun creancier hypothecaire ne s'etait presente durant plusieurs
annees. Mais quand, apres ce temps, nous I'avons vu, le vendeur
vint demander au fils et successeur du banquicr qui avait recju le
depot la restitution de ce depot, le banquier prudent, pour se
couvrir envers et contre tous, voulut un jugement. Ce jugement
solennel avait pour objet la constatation de I'absence de toute recla-
mation formulee par des tiers.
280
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
Ce qui represente la base de ces reclamations c'est le terme
rasiitu. Ce terme se rencontre dans un grand nombre d'actes
babyloniens, et pour le traduire nous avons hesite d'abord entre
I'ide'e d'arrangement que Ton avait proposee avant nous, et celle de
creance hypothecaire qui se rattachait mieux au sens de possession,
que la racine rasu avait forcement dans les actes de Warka traduits
par nous.
Cette hesitation entre deux significations radicales, dont I'une
avait ete attribute a cette racine, et dont I'autre nous semblait
certaine, nous I'eumes egalement quand il s'agit de rendre compte
d'un autre de ses derives, le mot rasutatiii. Ce mot n'est certaine-
ment pas un simple pluriel ou un duel de rasiitii, forme sur le
modele de sallatani ou gallatani, dont le singulier est sallat ou
gallat. En effet, dans I'acte 132 de M. Strassmaier il est question
de mesures de terrain Jff-<^ J^ confiees a la face du rasntanii
? ^ J^- t^\V^ ^\\ V^ ^r 4 n* «• On ne donne
en possession qu'a un homme (et non a una abstraction) un terrain
engage. Le rasutami est done bien un homme, et comme dans les
trois actes ou ce titre se rencontre (les Nos. no, 132 et 134 de
M. Strassmaier traduits par nous, p. 382 et suivantes de notre
livre plusieurs fois cite) il est toujours question d'un paiement
fait au nom de I'acheteur d'un immeuble entre les mains d'un
rasutanu qui n'est pas le proprietaire, comme dans un de ces
actes il est dit que le rasutanu, une fois paye, doit s'adresser au
scribe du roi pour faire regulariser la chose, il ne reste plus que
de savoir a quel titre le rasutanu se mele ainsi de la vente de
I'immeuble. Tout d'abord, en nous appuyant sur la traduction
traditionelle du mot rasu, nous avions propose de voir dans le
7-asutanu un " arrangeur," un de ces prete-nom qui agissent pour
autrui, comme cela se faisait par exemple tres frequemment autrefois
en Alsace ou, parait-il, pour acheter on s'adressait a quelque juif.
Plus tard, en conservant toujours la meme idee, nous nous sommes
attaches davantage au sens de possession, qui nous paraissait etre
le plus evident du mot rasuu. En consequence, p. 382, nous
avons dit : " le rasutanu, ce possesseur qui vendait, pouvait etre
* M. Strassmaier n'avait pas reconnu ce caractere, mais remploi du saphel de
dagal avec le mot pani pour dire " confier a" est tellement frequent non seulement
dans les contrats mais dans les textes historiques et les monuments de tout genre,
que la restitution de ^ T ou ^TT-<Y dans la lacune est ici certaine.
281
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [18S7.
un intermediaire employe specialement en vue de cette vente. II
n'est pas impossible que ce puisse etre aussi, dans certains cas,
un creancier gagiste, qui se faisait confier la chose pour la vendre
lui-meme et qui se trouvait mis pleinement en possession."
Le mot rasutaim est un mot secondaire, qui parait forme sur
rasutii. La desinence est celle que Ton retrouve dans pakiranu,
mahiranu, naditinanii {jiadumaan, au cas construit), episanu, etc.
Rasutatiu n'est pas plus un pluriel que mahiratiu, qui s'emploie
quand il s'agit d'un seul acheteur, '■'■ Neboahiiddin uiahiranu ikli" etc.
Et cependant a cote de 7nahiranu existe le mot plus simple mahiru,
a cote de nadinanu, nadinii, etc., exactement avec le meme sens.
De meme, a cote de rasidanu existe rasu. Le mot rasii, quand
on s'en sert comme qualificatif d'un individu, est-il ou non pleine-
ment synonyme de rasutaim ? existe-t-il ou non quelque nuance
de sens entre ces deux derives d'une meme racine ? Nous nous
le sommes demande. En tout cas I'idee de cr^ance a domine de
plus en plus dans notre esprit, et aux pages 473 — 474 nous avons
surtout insiste sur cette acception juridique de creancier, de creance,
attachee aux mots rasji, rasutu, en babylonien, et que rappelait
une des acceptions des mots : nil^l, jnutuavit, muiuo dedit, ^tTl
n^tT'^i mutuum. II est vrai qu'en chaldaique ces expressions sont
aussi bien employees dans le sens passif que dans le sens actif ;
pour designer la dette, que pour designer la creance resultant d'un
pret. Mais le vocabulaire juridique avait beaucoup plus de pre-
cision dans le babylonien vrai. Le chaldaique ne nous a plus
conserve que des traces et pour ainsi dire des themes uses de la
langue du droit qui s'etait creee peu k peu dans la Chaldee. Ainsi
I'idee d^ avoir piiissayice^'*' attribuee a la meme racine dans le dialecte
derive, nous parait provenir de I'idee de possedcr, d'avoir la chose
en sa possession, et par consequent en sa puissance, que nous
voyons attacher a cette racine, des le 23*= sieclc avant notre hxc,
dans les vieux actes de Warka.
De ce que nous avions traduit rasii par creancier, creance, h, la
page 474, et 6^ >->f- ^\'^, egalement par creance, exactement en
face, k la page 475, est-ce k dire que nous ayons voulu completement
assimiler la racine s^mitique phonetiquement exprimee, avec I'ideo-
* Parallelement le babylonien, comme le chaldaique, attribuc a cette racine
le sens de donner puissance, daccorder, de permettre, sens tres frequent dans
les textes historiques,
282
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
gramme ^^ >->^ *~i^i dont nous avons etabli, les premiers, il y
a pres de trois ans deja, et indique alors a notre cher maitre,
M. Oppert, la signification juridique precise et constante, celle de
creance ? Telle ne fut pas notre pensee, et nous ne croyons pas
encore que cette assimilation soit exacte. Le mot j^^ >">f- *^^^
s'emploie pour tout genre de creance, hypothecaire ou non. Nous
en avons la preuve dans une multitude de textes. Le mot rasjitii au
contraire nous a paru jusqu'ici reserve pour les seules creances
hypothecaires, pour celles qui creent des droits reels.
II est vrai que Ton trouve quelquefois elat rasiitu malirituin^
comme on trouve souvent elat s^^ >->f- >-^^ inahritum^ dans une
formule ayant pour but d'empecher qu'une novation de creance
anterieure resulte de la cre'ation d'une creance nouvelle. Mais ceci
n'est point une preuve ; car, si la creance anterieure est hypothecaire,
il est tout naturel que Ton dise " en dehors de (par dessus) la creance
hypothecaire anterieure," comme on dit simplement " en dehors de
la creance anterieure " quand celle-ci n'est point hypothecaire.
Dans la tablette, relative a un encaissement, que nous commentons
en ce moment, il est bien certain d'ailleurs que les creanciers non
hypothecaires du vendeur n'etaient point en cause, et que par
consequent il ne faut appliquer les mots rasii, rasutu qu'aux seuls
creanciers hypothecaires pouvant invoquer des droits reels sur le
bien vendu.
Le depot fait legalement chez le banquier tenait la place du bien
lui-meme relativement a ces creanciers hypothecaires et le banquier
ne pouvait pas s'en dessaisir a leur prejudice sans devenir responsable
envers eux du remboursement de leur creance. C'est pourquoi Itti
Marduk baladu ne voulut pas prendre sur lui de remettre ce depot
au vendeur sans se trouver couvert lui-meme par un jugement
? -ir ^ ^r- :^ < ^ #T ^ j<^ ^ii 4 t>j^i -ir m
i^^{ ^y >-Ey ^y-<4T -44. " H ne rendit pas et ne remit pas ce depot
sans {sala) les grands et les juges."
L'expression composee sala, que nous traduisons ici par sans,
correspond a pen pres aux mots egyptiens composes ebcji et evten.
En effet, en egyptien e, aussi bien que nil, est a la fois un relatif et
une preposition comme sa en babylonien. La negation heti ou
men equivaut a la negation la. Souvent e ben ou e men veut dire
t2ue point, qui point, quand il est suivi d'un verbe ; souvent aussi il est
Fuivi d'un substantif, d'un nom d'individu, et il signifie alors sans
283
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1S87.
(copte GJULrt). Nous avons trouve plusieurs Ibis sola* avec ce
dernier sens (comme avec I'autre) dans les textes historicjues. Mal-
heureusement nous avons egare nos renvois sur ce point. Mais
dans les textes juridiques nous pouvons encore citer des exemples
qui etablissent bien cette signification. Le No. 129 de M. Strass-
maier se traduit ainsif : —
" Itti nebo baladu, fils de Sulai, de la tribu d'Egibi, n'ira pas
a la campagne sans {sala) Belkisir, son frere, jusqu a ce qu'ils aient
etabli ensemble (//// ahames uzaazzii) leurs creances et tout ce
qui depend de I'heritageJ de Sulai leur pere. S'il va a la campagne
sans {sala) Belkisir,' et rapporte quelque chose du village (ou de
la route, §) tout ce qu'il rapportera de la route, en entier, il le
rendra et le remettra a Belkisir. II a leve ses mains pour cela
(il a jure cela)."
De meme dans I'acte de Londres qui porte le No. 57 dans
les copies de M. Strassmaier, I'expression composee sala ne peut
etre traduite que par sans, sans le consentcnient de, en dehors de.
Voici comment nous avons resume cet acte a la page 349 de
notre ouvrage sur les obligations: —
"Dans Facte 57 de M. Strassmaier il est dit qu'un
tiers de mine d'argent, creance de la femme Gugua sur Belahi-erib
grossira a la charge de celui-ci d'un sekel par mine et par mois ;
que sa maison, dont on indique un des voisins, sera le gage de
la femme Gugua ; qu'aucun possesseur autre ne mettra la main
* Quant a I'expression composee sa la paiii, Mr. Pinches y voit le relatif sa et
la forme babylonienne de I'expression hebraique ^^dS' Cette opinion presente
certaines probabilites, quoique la preposition ^ ne soit pas usitee d'habitude en
babylonien, oil Ton ne rencontre giiere que eli = ^^ entrant en composition avec
una preposition babylonienne proprement dite. Pour sa la paui, confer le
nouveau No. 245 de M. Strassmaier, etc.
t Voici la transcription de cet acte : " Itti nebo baladu, abalsu sa Sulai, abal
l-^gibi, sala Belkizir, ahu su, ana tseri ul illak adi eli sa uantim sunu u nimmu
V "illl su sa Sulai abisunu itti ahames uza(az)zu. Kii sala Belkisir ana tseri
iitalka u nimmu ultu suqu ittasub, mimmu mala ultu sCiqu innaas(ub) gabbi utari
ma ana Belkisir inamdin. Qatsu ina libbi teelli. t^^T niim V. Str. Liv. No. 55
1. 19.
X Lc mot yrj transcrit dans les bilingues par duppii, par miiuttu, etc.,
parait souvent avoir le sens precis d'heredite, quand il est precede de y, formative
accadienne tres usitee qui en fait un mot compose. Isole il signifierait notamment
tablette, contrat, cotnpte, etc.
§ ^p*^, platea, vicus, forum.
284
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
par dessus jusqu'a ce que la femme Gugua ait rec^u completement
{taslinui) son argent. Mais il est indique de suite que Tinteret de
I'argent (Jiarra = hubiilla kaspi)^ la femme Gugua le recevra {taaddir)
tandis que le capital de I'argent {kakkada kaspi), la femme Gugua
ne le recevra pas {til tamahni). Le capital de I'argent etait place
sur le banquier Neboahiiddin, fils de Sula'i, et Belahierib, ne devait
le donner a aucun autre {ana mamma sauamma id inamdin)."
La derniere phrase analysee plus haut est ainsi congue en son
entier : kakkada kaspi sala Neboakiiddiii, abalsii sa sulai, abal cgibi,
Belahi erib, abalsusa Kinzir, abal Sinemidii, ana mamma sanamma
111 tnamdin. " Belahierib, fils de Kinzir, de la tribu de Sinemidu,
ne donnera a personne autre en dehors de (ou sans le consentement
de) Nebo ahi iddin, fils de Sulai, de la tribu d'Egibi, le capital de
cet argent."
La femme Gugua, fiUe de Zakir, — qui certainement ne parait pas
etre la meme que celle qui figure en qualite d'all/im, c'est-il-dire
d'epouse, de Belahierib, avec la mere de celui-ci, comme assistant a cet
acte, et par consequent en acceptant les consequences (de la meme
fagon que les femmes egyptiennes qui apposent leur consentement
au bas des actes par lesquels leur maris contractent une obligation
hypothecaire, renonc^ant ainsi par rapport a ce nouveau cr^ancier au
privilege de leur hypotheque anterieure et de leurs droits de reprise), —
la femme Gugua, dis je, avait confiance dans le banquier Nebo ahi
iddin, et elle ne voulait pas que son capital, dont elle touchait les
interets, put etre perdu par un placement temeraire fait ailleurs. II
nous parait bien evident aujourd'hui, comme il y a un an, quand
nous publions cet ouvrage, que Facte en question est au fond la
constatation d'une donation avec reserve d'usufruit* se rattachant
aux dispositions I'/ifra familiales et ^?iasi testamentaires. C'est cette
meme femme Gugua, fille de Zakir, qui distribuait vers la meme
epoque la majeure partie de ses biens entre sesfils. Dans le No. 55,
traduit par nous page 347 du livre cite, et que nous venons de revoir,
on lit : " La femme Gugua, fille de Zakir, dans la satisfaction de son
cceur, scelle {taknuk), et a la face de {ina pani) son fils aine Belziribni
* Si au lieu de la corriger en taaddir on admet la version taakkal ({\\t M.
Strassmaier maintient dans ses nouvelles copies, le sens reste au fond le meme,
mais en precisant davantage dans le sens d'un usufruit alimentaire, puisque cela
voudrait dire que la femme Gugua mangera I'interet de son argent sans qu'il suit
louche au capital.
285
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV [1887.
confie lyiiisatgil) line mine d'argent deposee {pakdu) a la face de
(ina pani) Nebo ahi iddin, une demi mine 5 sekels d'argent crdance
dont une maison est le gage, un tiers de mine d'argent qui sur la
femme Tasmit ramat, un terrain d'un epha 12 ka de semence (48 ka
de semence) qui est sur le fleuve de la ville de Kis, dot de la femme
Gugua — une mine et demi plus 6 sekels d'argent de la femme Gugua
que sans I'assistance {ina la asabi) de Belzir ibni* la femme Gugua
avait constituee (tazizi) a ses fils cadets, c'est-a-dire a NeboahibuUit,
a Nirgal kimtum edir, a Itti samas baladu, et a Zaniama niarsu
uzur. Sur cela {ana eli) Belzir-ibni ne disputera pas avec eux {itti
siinu ul idibhfib). Une mine d'argent qui sur {ina pa?ii) Neboahi iddin,
une demi mine 5 sekels d'argent qui sur Tabnia, un tiers de mine
d'argent qui sur la femme Tasmit ramat, la femme Gugua, (en outre)
du terrain d'une contenance d'un epha et 12 ka de semence, confie
{ti/safgil) a la face de Belzir ibni son fils aine. Tant que (mot k mot
Joier quelconqiie, yu/nu mala) la femme Gugua vit {baldat) sur I'interet
de son argent {ina har7-a kaspi sii) Belzir ibni donnera 10 sahia par
jour comme revenu {sibtu)n)\ a la femme Gugua sa mere."
Jusqu'ici, sauf en ce qui touche le mot >][<y J^f, que nous lisions
alors kudu, et que nous lisons actuellement /«/&^/^, notre traduction
actuelle est identique a celle que nous avons publiee I'ann^e
* Dans notre livre nous ajoutions en note: " I'equivalence dans les noms
propres des noms divins 'Bel' et 'Ea' est etablie non seulement par cet acte
oil le meme fils aine de la femme Gugua est nomme indifferemment dans I'original
tantot Belziribni tantot Eaziribni, niais par beaucoup d'autres preuves du meme
genre. Nous avons done pris une lecture uniforme."
t Sihtuvi veut dire revenu de I'argent, interet, produit. Quant a ^y ^ jy,
ainsi que nous le disons plus loin, au lieu d'y voir 10 V ^ T. (c'est-a-dire un^a,
evidenmient de cereales alimentaires, comme dans certaines fondations, relatives
aux temples, oil la quantite assuree journellement pour le service religieux etait
d'un qa), on peut considerer ce signe comme representant le collectif de ^y
pat = tninutu. En ce cas cette phrase signifierait que Belzir ibni donnera un compte
d'interet a la femme Gugua le jour oil elle voudrait vivre ainsi sur I'interet de son
argent. II est probable que jusque la elle ne touchait pas d'interet, vivant chez ce
fils et avec lui. On peut aussi couper autrement le groupe umuzibium, et au lieu
d'y voir, d'une part, uniu (prononce yumu) "par jour," et, d'un autre part,
zihtum, y lire d'une part la conjonction ti, et d'une autre part imizibtum. Ce
dernier mot est ^ peu pres synonyme de zibluni, auquel se trouve jointe seulement
la formative participiale wu. Le sens serait alors que le jour oil la femme Gugua
voudrait vivre sur I'interet de son argent, son fils lui en remettrait le compte et
le produit.
286
June 7] TROCEEDINGS. [1887.
derniere. Mais ici vient une phrase qui comporte peut-etre une
explication differente de celle que nous proposions. La voici : nim
ina libbi Gugua ana rhniitu ul tdriini u nim ana eli ul tanassahi
Belzir ibni ^=^ ^^^ ^^. id iddir.
La grosse question est de savoir si I'expression ^=^ ^ ^^
s'applique ou non comme qualificatif a Belziribni. II ne faut pas
oublier en effet qu'au moins une des creances cedees k celui-ci
par sa mere Gugua etait une creance hypothecaire. Belziribni se
trouvait done par cette cession devenu lui-meme creancier hypo-
thecaire. D'apres les habitudes de la femme Gugua, qui n'aimait pas
a ce qu'on compromit ses capitaux, on pourrait done songer a
traduire cette phrase de la fa^on suivante : " Tout ce que la dessus
la femme Gugua en desir ne desirera * pas et tout ce que la dessus
elle ne prelevera past (ne recevra pas elle-meme), Belziribni ne
recevra pas (n'exigera pas) en qualite de creancier hypothecaire."
Nous avions cru d'abord que I'expression ^!^:=- JJy f^ ne se
rapportait pas k Belziribni, et que la phrase en question signifiait
que Belziribni ne recevrait pas comme creancier gagiste quiconque
ne serait pas voulu par sa mere, c'est-a-dire qu'il n'hypothequerait
rien ou ne transferrait aucune creance hypothecaire sans son con-
sentement. Mais notre derniere traduction nous parait etre la plus
probable.
En ce qui concerne ina la asabi, un acte de notre collection
nous prouve egalement que le mot asabu, avec I'acception juridique
d'assistance comportant consentement, s'employait quelquefois rela-
tivement a des hommes, comme il s'emploie si souvent relativement
a des femmesj intervenant dans les actes sans y figurer a titre
de parties.
* Le sens primitif de ce verbe est aimer, par consequent desirer, vouloir,
accepter, se plaire. Confer, mer et al> en egyptien. II veut dire aussi quelque-
fois etre satisfait de, consentir a, accorder. II serait done possible a la rigueur
de traduire de la fa^on suivante : " tout ce que la femme Gugua, de bon accord,
ne lui accordera pas (de recevoir) et tout ce qu'elle ne percevra pas elle-meme,
Belziribni comme creancier hypothecaire ne le recevra pas," ce qui voudrait dire
qu'il n'aurait pas le droit de deplacer et de toucher a lui seul, sans la volonte
de sa mere, aucune des sommes a lui attribuees en nue propriete.
t nasahii, a comme sens principal dans un grand nombre d'actes celui de
recevoir un prelevement ou un emprunt.
X Comme exemple de ces derniers, nous citerons un acte de notre collection
particuliere oil une femme intervient parceque son mari etablit une hypotheque
287
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1SS7.
y? y -^yn ^? jr^^^y ^ :^? \- ^ ^>f ^^>
¥ >f ^y .4 y IMT r^-^y -Bd -M ^^
? ^- -y ^4 ^4 ^ <y- -IT- I?- ^>" ^1 ¥ -TM 3T! "ET
>f- 3T^T 7^ ^1 ^T J^^ (>f 3M V- ¥ -TM 311 'ET)
^ IK ^ (¥ -Ht ^T - <:<T^I4 <-^ E^ tr "-")
(ii? © <:<r^r ¥ -tw nrr h ^^^t i ^ ^ ^^t4 ^)
'^^^^'it^'i^h^mi'^
tr^y<y y -cy^y >^ >^ y >^ -^y^y:^y y? i ¥ -^M^y >^ >^
y? y :^\ ^z^^] ^ < ^ ^ mmm^^^^M
^"i^f if^'S""^yrF<<iri^ "5'<'i^
y -y-y-y ^Jff IK j^^^ 4 ^:^? ^
Voici la traduction :
" 6 sekels d'argent en sekels pieces, creance de Gimillu, fils do
Marduk suma epus, de la tribu des forgerons, sur Nebosuma iddin, fils
de Marduk suma epus, de la tribu de Belederu — en outre de la creance
sur tout I'ensemble de ses biens de ville et de campagne, a I'occasion d'une
dette d'une demi-mine d'argent. Cet acte est un peu mutile par un coin ;
mais on pcut le restituer presque en entier, sauf quelques noms propres.
(>f ^T >-^ ^^T ¥) ^ T IMT :TrT ^T ¥ r >^ -^ !U
(^mmm) ^ i^^ - <3i^y4 t -^t^i^t -it^ r? i
cfmm^ yn 4^ T? 4f:- ¥ >^ -+ ^ii - Q'i^'i^
(y ^y j^) ^} y T]yy ^^^^y ^ <yit^A liB^^^
(tr- ^ I ¥) ^iT < ^^t^ ^y -^y 3^r :iy ^
(4- 3y^y) y- ¥ y -^ >^<^ ^ IK- ^ ¥ -y<yt ^y
{-a-]^])A <^V B c- V y? :^y <3ycy ¥ y -^ -^
288
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
d'une demi mine en sekels pieces d'argent, creance anterieure, dont la
femme esclave Nana Kisirat avait ete prise comme gage de Gimillu —
elle est le gage de Giraillu. Creancier gagiste autre ne mettra pas la
main par dessus jusqu'a ce que Gimillu ait regu en entier son argent."
Apres deux temoins etrangers on trouve :
"En I'assistance de {ina asal>i)\^. femme Kudasu, femme de
Nebosuma iddin et d'Iddin Nebo, fils de Nebosumaiddin, de la
tribu de Belederu."
L'acte est date de Babylone, le 28 d'arah samna, de Tan 10 de
Nabonid roi de Babylone.
Get acte rentre dans la classe nombreuse de ceux qui ont pour
but la capitalisation d'interets echus, avec adjonction pour cet
accroissement de capital du meme gage qui servait deja a garantir le
capital primitif. Nous avons public I'annee derniere plusieurs con-
^ >^ Ml y- r -^r^y^r t^A^ j^? '^^ ru ¥
(TU ¥) T ^v" 4 "7^ nr >^ -4- <::^^r
(MS) -^i^r^r lu ¥ r -^^^^^ -ii^ rn j^ i? j^
«^^j[ii)r^TtTcy.7^<^>^rri¥y^^!^y^T-TMy?ij^i?^
(- 4 >^ i^r r lii #^) i^^ "-" "-" m-
(- y? ¥ j^ ¥ t^ -^) ^^i-^i ^t t^^I<r i ¥ r -^^^-^ -im
Une demi mine d'argent en sekels pieces (creance) de Sumaiddin, fils de . . . ,
forgeron, sur Nebokanu, fils de . . . Irani. Par an et par mine I'argent produira
12 sekels. Tout ce qu'il possede a la ville et a la campagne est le gage de Suma
iddin. Autre creancier gagiste ne mettra la main dessus jusqu'a ce que Suma
iddin ait re<;u en entier son argent, a savoir une demi mine. Nebokanu donnera
I'interet par mois a partir du mois de Kiselev. Temoins : Nebo iddannu, fils de
Nebokan, de la tribu d'Irani ; Balatsu, fils de Kuddinnu, de la tribu d'Iddin
Marduk ; . . . Nebo, fils de Nebokan, fils d'Irani, ecrivain ; Neboziriddin, fils
de Nebokan, fils d'Irani. Babylone, le 21 d'arah samna, de I'an premier de
Cambyse, roi de Babylone, sous lui et sous Cyrus, roi des pays, — en presence de
la femme Belitum, femme de Nebokan.
289
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1SS7.
trats de ce genre, en en expliquant le sens et la portee. Ici la somme
pretee primitivement etait d'une demi-mine. L'interet d'un an etait
done de 6 sekels, puisqu'a Babylone le taux de l'interet legal etait de
12 sekels par an et par mine. La garantie hypothecaire etait con-
stituee par une esclave, tres probablement attachee au service de
la femme du debiteur, et c'est pourquoi a la fin de I'acte interviennent
cette femme et son fils.
Pour en revenir au No. 55 de M. Strassmaier, au sujet duquel
nous sommes entres dans cette longue digression, on y voit figurer
a la fois deux especes de confiements : le placement a titre de
depot sur un banquier, depot produisant tres probablement interets,
et par consequent rentrant dans la classe de ce que les interpretes
ont nomme depots imparfaits, mais confies a la face {pakdu ina
pani)* de ce banquier, comme I'etait I'encaissement cachete su-
hindii kaniktum, dont nous nous sommes occupes plus haut et
qu'avait opere ce meme banquier Neboahiiddin. Le suhijidu de
I'acte du Louvre etait un depot liberatoire, motive par les demandes
possibles de tiers creanciers hypothecaires. Le suhindii de notre
collection, depose dans le temple de Sippara, parait avoir eu ce meme
caractere ; car, apres la mention de la somme deposee, viennent celles
de paiements effectues ou promis, probablement sur cette somme, a
des tiers qui avaient fait valoir et reconnaitre evidemment leurs
droits reels.
* Cette expression /a^</z^ hia pafti o\i paqdii pant est constante dans les actes
de depot etudies par nous. II faut remarquer a ce sujet que la locution inapani
ou pani est loin d'etre oiseuse ; car elle s'emploie souvent k elle seule pour
exprimer I'idee des conjie/nents: En dehors des exemples deja indiques par
nous dans notre volume, nous citerons le No. 82 de la nouvelle collection de
AI. Strassmaier : —
" 12 sekels d'argent de la femme Ina Esaggilramat, fille de Ziria, de la tribu de
Nabai, sur la femme Haba(zit)tum, fille de Sulai, de la tribu de Nursin. En arah
samna de I'an 3 de Nabonid, roi de Babylone, celle-ci donnera I'argent en son
capital, en dehors des amphores confiees a [ina pani) Dainu suma iddin, fils de
Ziria, de la tribu de Nabai, qui sont le gage de la femme Ina Esaggilramat.
Temoins : Belnadin, fils de Zirepus, de la tribu de .Sintabni ; Nebokan, fils
de Sinia, et scribe Dainu suma iddin, fils de Ziria, dela tribu de Nabai, Babylone,
le 28 Kiselev, de I'an 2 de Nabonid, roi de Babylone."
Ici il s'agit d'un pret sans interet fait par la femme Ina Essagilramat, en
presence de son frere Uainu suma iddin, lequel, redigeant I'acte, rappele k cette
occasion avoir re^u en depot, comme gage d'une autre creance anterieure de sa
sct'ur sur cette meme debitrice, des amphores qui, restant en dehors de la
creance actuelle, nc devront pas etre rendues apres son remboursement.
290
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
Nous aurions done definitivement grande tendance a croire que
le mot su/iiiidu* s'employait exclusivement pour une classe speciale
de depots. Cette classe etait celle des encaissanents-\ — c'est-a-dire des
depots dans une caisse publique ou quasi-publique — liberatoires par
rapport a ceux qui avaient verse cet argent, — c'est-a-dire par rapport
aux acheteurs, — motives par les recours possibles de tiers possedant
des droits reels sur un bien vendu en qualite de creanciers hypothe-
caires du vendeur, et devant en definitive etre reclames par le
vendeur s'ils n'etaient pas epuises deja par I'exercice des droits de
ces tiers.
* Ce mot parait etre un nom verbal forme sur le saphel de rT^n signitiant en
hebreu castranietari et diversari, hospitari, mais qui en chaldaique s'emploie meme
pour V hospitalisation de I'argent Conf. ^^l^ni nunmlariiis, qui nunwios accipit,
m^ri' apotheca, Tabema numidarioruni, etc. t^l^H) idem, etc. Le tu formatif
du mot abstrait se trouve adouci en dti dans sithindii a cause du voisinage du n.
t Depuis que nous avons redige cet article M. Strassmaier a fait paraltre
une nouvelle serie de copies de tablettes babyloniennes datees du regne de
Nabonid. Parmi ces copies, le No. 228 renferme aussi le mot Suhi7tdu au genitif
et il est certain qu'on ne peut pas I'y traduire autrement que par ejicaissement.
En effet il s'agit de revenus du temple, de loyers de boutiques, de produits {irbi)
du portique ou se rendaient les jugements et oil s'installaient les vendeurs du
temple, le tout representant a ce point de vue I'encaissement de I'an 5. Sur cet
encaissement, on avait paye trois des bergers charges de garder les troupeaux du
temple. L'acte debute ainsi : " | de mine d'argent sur I'argent de location de
maisons de de Na . . . iddina, tant de sekels de Virbi de la porta : au
total t de mine tant de sekels sur le siihindu de I'an 5, sans compter I'argent
anterieur, a . . . . Saruzur, Nikudu, et . . . . bergers ont ete donnes."
La meme racine se trouve, avec le meme sens (mais cette fois non plus au
saphel) dans le nouveau No. 215 de M. Strassmaier, qui doit se traduire ainsi :
" trois mines d'argent de Virbi de la porte sur le hindam de I'an 5, a Kudurnu
le rab .... donnees en outre de trois sekels d'argent qui ont ete donnes pour
les sacrificateurs (ou pour les bouchers)."
Le hindam de I'an 5 est evidemment la meme chose que le stihindu de I'an
5 et I'un et I'autre sont des encaissements provenant, au moins en partie, de
Virbi ou des revenus de la porte du temple. On ne saurait desirer une meilleure
preuve de I'etimologie que nous avions donnee dans la note precedente bien
avant d'avoir connu ces deux nouveaux textes.
II est incontestable d'ailleurs, comme I'a note deja Mr. Pinches, qu'en
babylonien le Saphel prenait souvent la forme de saphel, forme, ajouterons nous,
qu'il avait regulierement en Egyptien.
A la ligne 17 du nouveau No. 159 de M. Strassmaier on trouve une legere
variante de ce Saphel: siihundu : et ici encore il ne peut s'agir que d'un encaisse-
ment et non d'un depot, puisque la somme totale dont ce snhundu fait partie sert
a payer des forgerons qui avaient travaille pour le temple.
291^
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1887.
Tel ne devait pas etre le cas du depot dont il est question dans
le No. 55 de M. Strassmaier. En efifet la femme Gugua dit ceder a
son fils la somme d'une demi mine confiee a la face d'un banquier;*
or quand il s'agit d'un suhiiidu que des tiers peuvent absorber en
tout ou en partie, il n'est pas possible de le ceder en estimant la
valeur exacte de cette donation, comme on le ferait pour une somme
d'argent comptant.
A cote de ce confiement, placement tout a fait semblable a celui
que nous exe'cutons dans les maisons de banque pour avoir un livret
de cheque, Facte de la femme Gugua nous offre un type tout
different de confiement, represente par d'autres expressions et qui ne
rentre plus le moins du monde dans la meme serie d'idees.
Le verbe dagalu veut dire en babylonien, comme le verbe 7^]n
en chaldaique, avoir co7ifiance, se ficr^ se confier a. Le Saphel de ce
verbe s'emploie pour ce qu'on confie a quelqu'un en ce sens qu'on
lui attribue sur cette chose un droit determine. Ce verbe s'associe
alors le plus souvent dans le langage juridique avec le verbe kanuku
sceller ; car il s'agit en pareil cas d'une disposition unilaterale tirant
sa force de la volonte, et par consequent metaphoriquement du
* Dans I'acte que Air. Boscawen a public ( Transactions, vol. vi, p. 6), c'est
au contraire un banquier qui confie {pakid) a un particulier, a litre de confiement
[pukitddu), une somme de deux mines pour un laps de temps de deux semaines.
En effet ce confiement a lieu le 17 Tesrit et la restitution de la somme entre
les mains du banquier doit se faire a la fin de ce meme mois de Tesrit. Ccla
fait juste 14 jours en comprenant dans le compte le jour du versement. Ici
le confiement nous parait representer un pret sans interets; car les banquiers
qui recevaient les depots d'autrui, n'avaient pas a en faire eux-memes chez des
particuliers et pour un delai aussi court.
En outre des assez nomhrcux pakdu deja etudies par nous, nous citerons, dans
les dernieres copies de M. Strassmaier, le No. 55 ainsi concju : " J de mine d'argent
.... argent de la femme Nadintmn, et de Nabustum, son mari, que Sinerib
homme .... avait confie a {ipqidi pani) Neboahi iddin : I'ecrit {sihh'ttivi) et le
lien d'engagement {riksi) sur le par mandat (naassipartiim) d'un tel, homme
Sartenu, Neboahi iddin I'a remis a la femme Nidintum." Parmi les temoins
figure un amiri de I'homme Sartenu. Cette espece de pakdzi nous semble un
depot liberatoire fait chcz le bancjuier, probablement a I'occasion d'une vente.
Ajoutons que le mot paqadii a non seulement, en babylonien, le sens de
mandavit, (oinmendavit, deposnit, comme *TpD> niais aussi, comme ^pS encore,
le sens de preposer, praeficit. C'est ainsi qu'Assurbanipal parle des rois, des
prefets, etc., que son pere avait prc])oses hipaqdii en I^gypte et qui a I'approche de
Tahraka abandonnerent leurs prefectures, ///'/iZ/fl sunn. Assurbanipal les ranicna
au lieu oil ils ctaient jjreposes.
292
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
cachet, de celui qui la prend en faveur d'autrui. Ce sont ces
confiements qui se rapprochent le plus de nos dispositions testa-
mentaires : et pour en parler on associe avec iJamkii presque in-
differement _)'//^tf^'"^///^^ ou iddimi.
Le frere de Sulai, c'est-a-dire I'oncle paternel du banquier Neboahi
iddin, dans I'acte 157 de M. Strassmaier,* assure ainsi a sa femme et
a sa fiUe une valeur de dix mines d'argent^ 10 gur de ble et 10 gur
de dattes, tout en laissant sa succession aller pour le reste a Sulai son
frere et son heritier naturel. Or, pour rappeler cette disposition
testamentaire, on emploie les mots ikmikii et idduimi^ comme, dans le
requete de la femme Bunanitum, pour rappeler une disposition tout
a fait parallele, cette femme emploie les expressions ik?iuk ma ana
yumu zaatav paniia yiisatgil " II scella et pour les jours futurs a ma
face il confia." De meme, dans une tablette fort interessante que
Mr. Pinches a publi^e en Amerique dans les Hebraica et que nous
venons de recevoir, nous voyons un fils de famille marie' mais sans
enfant, exprimant a son pere le desir d'adopter, pour fils, un enfant
que sa femme avait eu durant un premier mariage et de lui assurer
toute sa succession, se servir pour rendre cette idee des termes
niimniuni mala basu {lu) kunuk ma panisu sutgil "Que tout ce que
nous avons soit scelle et soit confie a sa face " (dans sa tablette
d'adoption). A cote de ces exemples nous citerons encore le
No. 154 de M. Strassmaier, traduit par nous dans notre volume
* Voir cet acte, traduit et commente par nous I'annee derniere, p. 353 de notre
livre sur les obligations. De cette derniere traduction nous ne voyons aujourd'hui
que deux mots a changer : 1° le mot »^y<y vi^f) qui se trouve a I'avant derniere
ligne et que nous avions traduit par billet accepte en le lisant Jmdu. II faut lire
pakdu et traduire "confiement." La phrase n'en devient d'ailleurs que plus claire
dans le sens indique par nous. En effet Sulai ajoute un post scriptinn ayant
pour but d'exprimer son approbation pleine et entiere au legs fait par son frere.
II dit done : " Pour 10 mines d'argent, pour un confiement, a savoir, de 10 mines,
Sulai a souscrit." On peut se demander seulement si par cette expression /a/f'flfM,
confiement, Sulai se referait ici au legs lui-meme fait sous forme de confiement ou
a cette idee que comme investi de la succession, il s'etait trouve avoir en mains 10
mines d'argent dont il aurait un compte a rendre et qui par consequent n'etaient
plus a ses yeux qu'un depot a lui confie : 2° le mot ^l-^f ^I^T ^T*" '^"^ '^"^^
lisons definitivement itdagal, ce qui nous amene a traduiie la derniere phrase
du corps de I'acte aussi qu'il suit : " Le reste de I'argent, du ble des dattes et
de I'heredite (V ^|| ) de Ziria, telle qu'elle se comporte, il I'a confie a la face de
Sulai." Nous avons deja vu plus haul que le mot ^ ^JH signifie heredite.
Mala basil, " telle qu'elle se comporte," precise d'ailleurs ici cette signification.
293
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1887.
p. 345 et qui est relatif a la dot attribuee a la femme d'Iddina
Marduk. Nous allons reproduire textuellement cette traduction, a
laquelle nous n'avons rien a changer.
"Ziria, fils de Nebo ibni, de la race de Naba'i, a Iddina Marduk,
fils de Basai, de la race de Nursin, parla ainsi, a savoir :
" 7 mines d'argent, 3 esclaves et la jouissance d'une maison, sans
compter trois mines d'argent qui en promesse {ina quubbu en chose
dite), avec la femme Ina Essagil raniat, ma fiUe, en dot si je te
remets, les hommes possesseurs (creanciers gagistes) qui sur Basai,
ton pere, se sont precipites* les feront etre en a compte
" Iddina Marduk a Ziria dit ceci a savoir :
" Comme representation {ktmm) de la dot en question (voici ce)
que je garantirai : la femme Ubartum et ses trois enfants, la femme
Nanaakisirat et ses deux enfants.
" Et tous ses biens de ville et de campagne tels qu'ils sont il les
engagea (mot a mot il les scella iknuk) et en represention (Kuum)
de 7 mines d'argent, dot de la femme Ina Essagil ramat, il les confia
a {lusatgil pa7ii) la femme Ina Essagil ramat, sa femme.
"Babylone le 13 abu de I'an 34 de Nabuchodonosor roi de
Babylone."!
* Nous ajoutions ici en note : " nitfmrii confer .^ prendre a la gorge. Ce
verbe, selon Castelli, s'emploie a la huitieme forme pour ceux qui s'attaquent dans
un proces. Quant aux hommes possesseurs, on les trouve mentionnes par les
memes mots, dans cette phrase du contrat d'hypotheque : homme possesseur
autre ne mettra pas la main par-dessus jusqu'a ce qu'un tel (le creancier hypo-
thecaire) ait refu en entier son argent."
\ Notons que, dans le dernier numero du Babylonian Record, Mr. Pinches, qui
avait d'abord, parait-il, traduit cet acte d'une facon toute differente, a adopte cette
fois notre traduction meme comme base philologique de la sienne. Nous lui
conseillons vivement de faire de meme pour un grand nombre d'actes traduits
par lui d'une fafon singuliere dans les Records of the Fast, et ailleurs. Mal-
heureusement, Mr. Pinches n'a pas pris en meme temps notre interpretation
juridique : et la sienne est, comme d'ordinaire, absolument inadmissible. En
realite la situation etait celle-ci. Le pere d'Iddina Marduk, Basai, avait fait
de mauvaises affaires et bien qu'il eut eu soin d'emanciper son fils avant sa
faillitc, on pouvait craindre que la fortune de celui-ci ne fut compromise par-
cequ'il se trouverait debiteur de son pere. L'hypotheque portant sur des biens
qu'il possedait a ce moment donnait a la femme un droit reel sur ces biens, places
desormais en dehors des atteintes de tout creancier non anterieurement hypo-
thecaire. Tel fut le procede que, d'accord avec son beau-pere, Iddina Marduk mit
en usage pour mcttre la fortune de sa femme a I'abri de toute eventualite.
Souvent les fils, quand ils se mariaient, n'etant point encore emancipes,
les questions de dot, de gage, donnes en garantie, etc., se traitaient non point avec
eux, mais avec leurs peres,
294
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
Ici le confiement constitue pour la femme un privilege hypo-
thecaire, et il est a remarquer que, plus specialement, on lui attribuait
Dans le nouveau No. 165 de M. Strassmaier on voit ainsi des terrains de
dattiers, dont la situation et les voisins sont indiques, etre scellcs et donnh en gage
{iknuku ma itdinu maskanu), pour la dot d'une bru par le beau-pere, qui avait
re9u en mains cette dot. Ce beau-pere, ayant vendu plus tard le meme terrain,
ne put en faire la livraison a I'acheteur qu'apres avoir rendu aux parents de sa bru
la somme totale garantie par cet immeuble.
L'acte commence ainsi: "5 mines d'argent, reliquat de la dot de la femme
Beltisedirat, fille de Nebonazir, femme de Neboedir, fils de Nebosumauzur, de
la tribu des Rabbanu sur Nebosumauzur, fils de Nebohili ilani, de la tribu des Rab-
banu. Un terrain, d'une contenance d'un cor, de dattiers, situe au bord du canal
Ilu banitum, touchant a Banunu, fils de Sillai, de la tribu des Rabbanu, et a Nebo
ahi iddin, fils de Sulai, de la tribu d'Egibi, et touchant au terrain dotal de la mere
de Nebo(nirik)ilani et de Nebouzur, part de Nebouzur. Celui-ci en fit I'objet d'un
acte scelle {iknuku) et le donna, en gage {itdinu viaskami) de la femme Beltisedirat,
a Bania (son tuteur) [avec la clause] : Homme possesseur autre ne mettra pas
la main par-dessus jusqu'a ce que la femme Beltisedirat ait re9U en entier son
argent."
Le reste est trop plein de lacunes pour permettre une traduction suivie. Mais
deja cette partie est extremement interessante au point de vue juridique. Nous y
trouvons en effet : d'une part, comme dans le contrat de mariage No. 243 des
nouvelles copies de M. Strassmaier, dont nous allons avoir a parler, la preuve que
souvent le beau-p^re, ayant garde encore ses fils sous sa puissance, recevait les dots
de ses brus, ainsi que cela se faisait a Rome ; et, d'une autre part, que la femme,
bien que mariee, avait, a defaut de son pere, une epitrope ou tuteur, autre que son
mari, charge de gerer ses affaires et de sauvegarder ses droits. II en etait de meme
a Rome quand la femme mariee n'etait pas in manu.
Dans la suite lacuneuse de notre texte l'acte de vente de ce meme terrain
est rendu par les expressions -^^ >^TT ^ -^[py ^^jf dans lesquelles I'ideo-
gramme Kilain represente, comme d'ordinaire, le semitique inahiru.
Nous venons de dire que nous aurions a parler de l'acte formant ce No. 243
dans les nouvelles copies de M. Strassmaier. En effet, cet acte nous montre
comment les choses avaient du se passer a propos de la femme Beltisedirat
dont il a ete question dans l'acte precedent. Dans le No. 243, c'est un beau-
pere de la fille a marier qui fait la demande pour son fils et qui re9oit la
dot convenue.
"Nebo nadin aha, fils de Belahi iddin, parla ainsi a Sumgina, fils de
Musallimu, a savoir :
" Ina Essagil manaat, ta fille vierge, donne (la) en mariage a Yupallit su Gula,
mon fils.
"Sumgina I'ecouta et il donna Essagil manaat, sa fille vierge, a Yupallit su
Gula, son fils.
"II donna a Nebonadinahi, avec Ina Essagil manaat, une mine d'argent,
les servantes Latubasitnu, Inaismibitirbat, Taaslimu, et une udie bitti."
Vient ensuite le compte relatif a la dation de cette dot, compte que I'oubli
d'un mot par le scribe ou le copiste rend peu comprehensible.
295
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1S87.
avec leurs jeunes enfants deux servantes, qu'on pouvait attacher a
son service afin qu'elle en fut en quekiue sorte en possession. Cette
idee de possession, exprimee si souvent par les mots maskanu
zabtum "gage pris," parait rendue par le verbe suigilu, dans le
No. 132 de M. Strassmaier, dont nous avons d^ja parle dans notre
volume. II s'agit en effet d'un rasufanu, dont la creance privilegiee,
de 2 tiers de mine d'argent, portait a la fois sur des mesures de
terrain, sa pani rasutatni siitgilu, qui avaient ete confiees a la face
de ce rasutanu, et sur une maison vendue au prince Neriglissar.
II cede a celui-ci cette creance de f de mine, apres avoir regu du
banquier Neboahi iddin, sur mandat de Neriglissar, a titre de recette,
effectuee en qualite de rasutanu, moitie de la somme en question,
L'expression usatgil pani est extremement frequente dans les
textes historiques, avec le sens de confier ; voir dans Norris, p. 355,
un texte reproduit par Botta ; voir aussi dans le V'' volume de la
publication du British Museum le grand cylindre d'Assurbanipal,
col. i, 1. 37, col. vi, 1. 112, etc. Voici, du reste, ce que nous disions,
p. 529 de notre volume, sur les formules dont il s'agit :
" Nous aurions encore a parler de cet engagement particulier
auxquels se rapportent les formes iknuku u iusatgilu. Maisces con-
fiements rentreront plutot dans Tetude des attributions soit de
propriete, soit de possession, representant en droit moderne ce que
nous nommerions les alienations a titre gratuit, donations, legs, etc.
" Nous nous bornerons a dire ici que ces confiements, et les
formules qui s'y rattachent, remontent tres haut, car on les retrouve,
relativement a une fondation pieuse, faite par le roi babylonien
Neboapal iddin, rappelee dans une inscription gravee sur un monu-
ment de Sipara, celui qui porte I'image du soleil, et qui a ete public
cette annee dans le dernier fascicule du British Museum. Cette
nouvelle fondation royale, coincidant avec le retablissement du
temple — detruit de fond en comble par des ennemis — consistait
surtout en un certain nombre d'animaux a sacrifier, et en d'autres
allocations, qui, livrees annuellement, devaient servir au culte a
certains quantiemes fixes de tels mois. En pareil cas, les rois se
reservaient, dans les chairs des victimes, etc., une part determinee,
dont ils disposaient en faveur de donataires. Ceux-ci pouvaient
eux-memes les vendre a d'autres, nous en connaissons plusieurs
exemples, ou les transmettre hereditaircment."
Le principe de I'equivalence exacte entre la somme d'argent
representant la valeur d'une chose et cette chose est un vieux
296
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
principe touranien, qui a eu les consequences les plus con-
siderables dans le droit chaldeen de toutes les epoques. Au temps
oil les immeubles etaient des proprietes de famille, attachees a la
descendance de cette famille, a peu pres comme le revenu et le
casuel du pretre etaient attaches a son titre de pretre, on avait permis
cependant d'echanger momentanement, sauf droit de reprise, ces
immeubles contre la somme d'argent equivalente. Celui a qui on
avait ainsi confie sa chose, contre I'argent verse par lui, en jouissait
et en disposait comme d'un bien propre, toujours sauf droit de re-
prise, c'est-a-dire, sauf le droit du proprietaire primitif de rembourser
la somme regue pour rentrer dans I'immeuble, ou, en d'auties termes,
de refaire I'echange en sens contraire. Quand, beaucoup plus tard,
le gage, proprement dit, vint s'introduire en Babylonie, a cote de
I'antichrese, il se rattacha lui-meme un peu au vieux principe
national. On put ceder le gage que Ton avait regu — et qui, a la
difference de I'antichrese, n'empechait pas de courir les interets de
la dette, — a un tiers vous versant le montant de cette dette, C'etait
encore un autre genre de confiement momentane, effectue par le
proprietaire dans le but de se procurer de I'argent ou de n'avoir
point a en verser pour le moment. C'est pourquoi Ton comprend
tres bien comment I'expression " il confia," lusatgil, etait souvent
employee a propos de la constitution d'un vrai gage. C'est ce qui
explique aussi comment la forme de gage put servir en Babylonie,
comme la forme de vente en Egypte, a Rome, etc., pour constituer
une sorte de mariage inferieur, de mariage servile, ou quasi servile.
Les parents, qui confiaient ainsi, en qualite d'epouse inferieure, de
quasi servante, leur enfant a un homme qui etait cense leur verser
pour cela une somme d'argent, ou qui la versait en realite a titre
de quasi don nuptial, avaient toujours le droit de reprendre leur
fiUe, le jour oil ils seraient mecontents de leur quasi gendre, en lui
remboursant la somme indiquee comme constituant sa creance. lis
reprenaient aussi sans doute les enfants qui avaient pu naitre, et
qui suivaient leur mere, comme la suivaient aussi les enfants
engendres dans la maison du gagiste par I'esclave vraie mise en
gage. C'etait meme la, sans doute, le but que cherchaient surtout
les parents qui employaient cette forme legale pour marier leur fiUe.
Ces enfants, d'ailleurs, devaient etre probablement tout aussi legi-
times que les enfants provenant a Rome d'un mariage par cocmptio,
ou les enfants provenant en Egypte d'un mariage servile. Mais a
Rome, comme en Egypte, les fils, en cas de dissolution de I'union
297
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [1887.
conjugale, restaient au pere, parce que la forme du mariage etait
differente.
Un acte du Louvre que nous avons deja cite I'annee derniere
dans notre ouvrage, mais dont nous avons pu dechififrer depuis lors,
dans une nouvelle revue, une ligne enticre fort effacee, nous fournit
un tres bel exemple de ces mariages inferieurs, quasi serviles, resultant
d'un confiement a titre de gage pour une creance pretendue, fort ])eu
importante ; conime dans le mariage servile egyptien, on voit la
femme etre tout a fait, en apparence, la servante, I'esclave de son
epoux. Mais, en la reprenant, la mere devait faire cesser par cela
meme cette supposition legale d'un etat servile.* Voici I'acte en
question ;
V r --]tw ^.< s\] rn iKf ^^ -4- '7^
^ -iT<y -v]A -Hh ^4 ^4 r? t"^ tr
^ IK ¥ -r<yt ^i ^ <HM
<-V ^ t- ^^ V, #T \^] V
y -y-y^ t^] ^^ ^> ^ ^ ^
<- -yy<y -y<y4 ->f ^^ ^4 Vy
^ iy y -t]^w J^r >^-^ ^ -<
y? ^4 ^ -ir<r -t<I4 -+ ^^ ^4 r? j^^t -Ht a
a^-^T V, ^^ y ^^T^r:^ ^r >/--^ ^\) -vn a
* II ne faut pas oublier qu'i Rome pendant longtcmps les peres purent duniicr
leurs enfants en gage pour leurs dcttes.
298
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. , [1887.
"4 sekels ^J:^ >^ ^* (creance en) capital de Nebokinziru, fils
de Ninipkinabal, sur la femme Tsiraa, fiUe de Neboahierib, de la
tribu de Liknaanu. La femme Rimut Nana, fille de la femme
Tsiraa, est le gage de Nebokinziru. Jusqu'a ce que t
homme possesseur autre (ou quelconque) ne mettra pas la main par
dessus. Jusqu'a ce que I'argent de Nebokinzir lui ait ete rendu, la
femme Rimut Nana habite par devant Nebokinzir. La femme
Tsiraa donnera par jour 5 sahia | pour la femme Rimut Nana. Si
cette servante meurt ou s'enfuit, elle (la mere) donnera son argent a
Nebokinzir."
C'etait done bien a titre de gage et en s'appuyant sur les principes
de la matiere que la mere confiait sa fille en manage servile a son
gendre. Le gage conferait moins de droits au possesseur que
I'antichrese dont il differait surtout en ce qu'il laissait courir les
interets de la dette. Aussi, dans un postcriptum, ajoute entre lignes
* Ce mot lummusu ou gutiunnsu se retrouve dans le No. 137 de M. Strassmaier
qui commence ainsi : \| [ [ T|^|]' ^^X- *tJ^ Z ^ '^r ^ ^^'- certain que dans
I'acte de M. Strassmaier les sekels designes ainsi etaient d'argent et non pas d'or.
Dans I'acte du Louvre cela n'est pas aussi certain, car la fin de la premiere
ligne est effacee. Dans la nouvelle serie de copies de M. Strassmaier il est question
d'un sekel bimunisu d'or. Nous nous sommes demande si ^fit: >-^ ^ n'etait
pas un participe passif, se rattacheant a la racine im-X^ palper.
t La fin de la ligne est effacee. Mais on croit y voir d'abord iniii commen^ant
la formule innidiru kaspa sit, "que son argent lui ait ete rendu" (ait ete re^u
par lui).
X La pension que fait un mari a sa femme et a son fils dans le No. 113 de
la nouvelle serie de M. Strassmaier est beaucoup plus forte. Elle se monte
par jour a quatre ga de y ^ YI c'est a dire ici de cereales et a trois t^a
de boisson (^I^ = si'karu) jjour les deux, sans compter par an 15 mines de laine
(JOiv- -^ Ty) ^'''' ^^ ^^^ T -4l Iy ^ done d'abord deux sens: celui de la
mesure qui est le dixieme du Qa, ainsi que I'a prouve M. Oppert, et celui
d'une cereale alimentaire, comme I'a dit Mr. Pinches. Quant a ^y ^ '1, s'il peut
quelquefois representer 10 mesures dixiemes du Qa, ce qui est douteux, car on eut
de preference ecrit un Qa, il parait le plus souvent etre le collectif du signe
\y dont I'equivalent donnee par les bilingues est le mot semitique minutu,
compte, mesure. C'est dans ce sens que nous le trouvons dans une multitude
de pieces relatives a la comptabilite des temples, dont un grand nombre font
partie de notre collection personnelle et dont nous parlons dans le No. actuel
de la Revile '^.gyptologique. Citons aussi parmi les tablettes dont M. Strassmaier
vient de publier les copies les Nos. 20, 23, 24, 25, 35, 62, 99, 237, etc.
299
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.LOLOGV. [1887.
au milieu de la date se referant au r^gne de Neriglissar, eut-on soin
de dire expressement que cet argent produirait les interets legaux :
"qu'il grossirait de 12 sekels par mine et par an."* La perpetuite
desiree de I'union conjugale empeche que Ton compte ici par mois.
Ainsi le gage avait a Babylone des applications au droit des per-
sonnes qu'il ne parait avoir eu chez aucun autre peuple. Ce champ
d'application si vaste, il le devait aux analogies qui s'etaient rapide-
ment etablies entre cette importation etrangere et I'institution
nationale, par excellence, I'ancienne antichrese.
Toute I'histoire de I'antichrese babylonienne, cette particularite
si curieuse du droit chaldeen, a ete longuement exposee par nous
dans notre volume sur les obligations en droit egyptien compare aux
autres droits de I'antiquite. C'est une decouverte qui nous appartient,
comme d'ailleurs une multitude d'autres relatives, non seulement au
droit, mais aux expressions juridiques des Babyloniens, a la forme
et a la portee de leurs contrats, aux details de leur vie intime.
Si Ton commence a pouvoir juger a premiere vue du sens
general d'un contrat babylonien, a pouvoir connaitre, avec precision,
la portee des formules qui le caracterisent et de ses expressions
fondamentales, nous avons contribue, pour un tres large part, a ce
resultat. Nous le disons ici, parcequ'il est toujours desagreable de
voir son bien entrer dans le domaine public sans que la provenance
en soit rappelee, de voir les traductions que Ton a publiees reparaitre,
sous d'autres noms, sans aucun changement essentiel, et cela jusque
dans des journaux politiques. Nous n'insisterons pas sur le nombre
des traductions d'actes soit absolument inedits, soit seulement
publics en texte, qui ont ete donnees par nous dans le volume deja
cite ou ailleurs. Ce nombre s'eleve, il est vrai, a plusieurs centaines,
y compris toute la serie des contrats de Warka, remontant au 23*=
siecle avant notre ere, au regne d'Hammourabi, de ses predecesseurs
et de son successeur. II depasse done de beaucoup celui des actes
traduits par d'autres. IMais la n'est pas la question. Les etudes
babyloniennes en sont arrivees a ce point oil ce qu'il importe, sur-
tout, c'est de preciser. Pour atteindre enfin cette precision neces-
saire, dans tous les details, il faut sans doute, bien des efforts
successifs. C'est a force de revenir sur les memes questions, et sur
les memes textes, en les comparant a des textes nouveaux, et en
300
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
allant chercher la lumiere a toutes les sources possibles, que I'un de
nous est parvenu a faire sortir completement du vague le demotique,
a le fixer comme une des langues les niieux connues, et a rendre
les traductions des contrats, et d'une multitude d'autres textes qu'on
n'avait jamais pu aborder, maintenant certaines et definitives. II
reste encore beaucoup a faire en babylonien pour atteiiidre un tel
resultat. Mais la marche a suivre est la meme, et si Ton commet
des erreurs, il faut savoir les corriger. Ce qu'on voit le mieux tout
d'abord, quand on a le sentiment profond des contextes, ce sont
les ensembles, ce sont les termes juridiques, qui determinent le sens
general d'un contrat.
Nous avons ainsi indique la contexture des actes de gage, en
prouvant que le mot maskanu y avait exactement ce sens de gage*
ignore I ou nie auparavant, et en traduisant les premiers comme
elles doivent I'etre les formules : -J^^ >^ 1 "7^ ¥ "^ '^>^II ^ ^^^¥
tl ^1T H Z. <! 4- 3M *^ ^WM " ^°^s leurs biens de ville et de
campagne (des debiteurs) seront le gage du creancier ;"| — dans cette
formule on n'avait pas meme encore reconnu le mot ^seri\ qui veut
dire campagne ; —
* Nous avons decouvert ce sens dans les premiers mois de 1885, et nous en
avons parle des lors. Par ecrit imprime nous avons traite une premiere fois de
Thypotheque generale et des repondances solidaires, en en fournissant des exemples,
a la page 32 et a la page 38 de la lettre qui precede la These de M. Paturet
a I'ecole du Louvre publiee en Novembre 1885 ; nous en avons fourni d'autres
exemples, avec traduction complete, a M. Paturet, qui les a inseres a la page
II de sa These de Doctorat a I'ecole de droit, sur le rang des hypotheques,
soutenue le 24 Juin 1886, et enfin, vers la meme epoque, nous avons publis
les lecons faites par I'un de nous sur ce sujet, plusieurs mois auparavant, a I'ecole
du Louvre (voir notamment 5" le9on, p. 91, et suiv., 7^ le9on, p. 141, et suiv., etc.)
et dans I'appendice, nous avons consacr§ un chapitre special aux suretes reellee
en droit babylonien (voir p. 502 et suiv.).
t Voici par exemple comment il faut traduire la premiere tablette reproduite
dans la photographie 129 du British Aliiseitm, qui]avait ete traduite tout autrement :
" Une mine d'argent, creance do Nabubanahu, fils d'Abala, de la tribu
des hommes Kipit, [iiigal), sur Babia, fils de Marduk iddin et la femme Sananasi,
sa femme, fille de Nabuzab, homme kipu [nigab) uki, dont sa porte (a elle), les
terrains et tout ce qui est a lui dans la ville et dans la campagne, tels qu'ils se
comportent, sont le gage de Nabubanahu."
J Voir "les obligations en droit egyptien compare aux autres droits de
I'antiquite," pp. 332, 347, 374, 518, 519, 521, etc.
301
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1887.
^ >S. « ¥ -Ht t] - <3I^r^ <-V^ B t^ "-" Vr ^
"homme possesseur (ou creancier gagiste) autre (ou plutot quel-
conque)* ne dominera pasf (ou ne mettra pas la main) dessus jusqu'a
ce que le creancier ait regu en entier son argent.J "
Nous avons indique aussi la portee des mots maskanu zaabtum
ou zabtatum, "gage pris," et nous avons fini par reconnaitre que
quand ces mots sont precedes du signe ^y, il faut voir, dans ce
dernier signe, I'ideogramme qui correspond au verbe semitique
sakanu, et se pronongait en touranien ftial ou 7fia, selon les dialectes.
II faut done traduire " dont tel bien ou tel esclave etait {iskioiu ou
tashinu, suivant le genre) gage pris (ou pris ou prise pour gage."§
Nous avons montre quelle difference separait, en droit, des
contrats de gage proprement dit ceux d'antichrese, || dans lesquels
on trouve souvent exprimee la formule que nous avons expliquee
les premiers :
^ ^ ^T ^i? T? V- < m ^rr \^\ E^T? w ^
ou E^ ^ ^ r? F- ^.^ ^1 ^ y;^ V- < ^ E^T 3.^1
^ ]^ >/-, " II n'y a pas d'interet pour I'argent, et il n'y a pas de
* Mr. Pinches considere le mot sanamma comme semitique et derive du
raoi Sana, "second," uni a la particule ma. Cela conduirait au sens "autre"
puisqu'un second c'est un autre. Mais, en realite, les mots sanam et sanavuiia
sont des mots touraniens, dont le second parait etre'l'emphatique par prolongation
du premier. Sanani Y >-y<y^ en touranien est traduit en semitique par "^^y
a la ligne 14 du revers de I'inscription No. 2 dans la planche 14 du 4"^ volume
de la publication du British 3lHsen!)i, dans la phrase suivante :
v^-M^ >^ -y<r<a V, = t^ET V ^] t] ^4 ^- -m-
■^^y nin, mim ou niiii, (St., Liv. No. 55, 1. 19) veut dire ' quiconque, quelconque,'
comme rilJUL en copte (rempla^ant ^ — y 72eb de I'ancienne langue). On trouve
sanamma avec la lettre de prolongation ligne 3"^ No. 3 meme planche dans la
phrase touranienne traduite en semitique par "^^y >^>^ 4s' ^^'^•
t A la page 390 de notre livre sur les obligations nous disions : " le mot tsallat,
que nous avons rencontre tres souvent a propos des gages dans la formule : autre
possesseur til isallat, ne mettra pas la main, sur cette propriete jusqu'k ce que
I'argent soit paye, se rapporte a la racine I^^II?, dominarc, d'oii vient sultan^
X Voir les obligations, etc., p. 345, 389, 455, etc. Voir these de doctoral
Paturet, p. 12.
§ Obligations, etc., p. 332.
II Voir notre cours sur les obligations, 5'' et 7' le5on et appendice passim
notammcnt p. 306 et suiv.
302
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
terme de loyer pour cette maison, ou pour cet esclave."* Le mot
idi n'etait pas connu dans le sens de terme de location,f d'argent
a payer pour cette location. Or nous avons montre que ce mot J
* Voir notamment Obligations, etc., p. 504 et siiiv. Voir These de doctorat
Paturet, p. 10.
t Parmi les actes de ce genre nous citerons le No. K. 1. m. 38 du Louvre,
non compris jusqu'ici et qui est ainsi con^u : —
^:?:¥y-Ul4^rTT'7^I]y :ffy
T? ^4 ^ ^ '^\ :ff^r 4 \7 ^ <<<? ^^
>^ < ^ y][ .ir 4 >^ in "^r ¥ 4 T?
T>^ri^^^'7^*i?.4T-yq:4^^¥
T -III >^ >V ^1414 -< -:hI ¥ ^ J+:M ^
^ ^^ T<TvI <<<![ ^0 ^][ ^I < <<<][ J:^
V- ^ j^i E^T4 1? 1^^ ^
.4 ^I-^ ^ :?T^I -7^ I? ^ E^
< IMI \^\ E^ -I<It ^ <¥ 4 I?
¥I'7^l]y I-U14^I4IH^
Propriete de rapport (revenu) du soussigne, que Nur, fils de Belbalitsu,
propriete que Nur (dis-je) donne, pour prix de loyer de maison {ana idi bit) a partir
[ta = ultit) du 5 Kiselev de I'an 10 pour trois qa de cereales et un qa 6 littu d'asaan
par jour, aBelbalit, fils de Belsuma uzur, tout ce que (fi//a = inimtnii, gainrit, etc.)
celui-ci place (issakan) et plante {izakaap) il en declarera la declaration {nuptiim
inaal'u) au mois de Nisan, au mois de Duzu et au mois de Kiselev. Le transgressant,
jusqu'a trois ans(c'est-a-dire, jusqu'au terme sus designe), donnera lO sekels d'argent.
Belbalit dira {idibbi) les comptes (^y -^ ly = iitinidn) de Nur."
Uasaait ^t XI *^Hf~ 0^1 asnil etait un des produits des exploitations agricoles ;
on le voit notamment par le No. 181 1 du Louvre ou il est question d'une dette
relative a un fermage et comprenant 6 gur (cor), 6 pi (epha) de dattes {kaluniina)
3 gurs, 3 pi, I de pi A^asaan et dix sekels d'argent portant interet. Les dattes doivent
etre livrees au mois d'arahsamna ; Vasaa/i, au mois de Sivan. \Jasaan figure
egalement dans beaucoup d'autres tablettes, parmi lesquelles nous citerons les
Nos. 36 de notre collection particuliere, 161 et 209 de la nouvelle serie de M.
Strassmaier, etc. Nous doutons fort que sous ce nom ou designe le meme fruit que
par le mot voisin aznie (ou asnie avec un Samech).
;J: Voir notamment "les obligations en droit egyptien compare aux autres
droits de I'antiquite," P- 374? 396, 417, 429, etc.
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1887.
se rencontre dans certains actes de location proprement dite, dont
nous avons ainsi determine la nature reelle.* Nous avons d'ailleurs
indique comment on pouvait reconnaitre, d'apres la forme meme des
actes, chacune des especes de confiements hypothecaires qui co-
existaient en Babylonie et dont personne avant nous n'avait reconnu
I'existence. Nous avons determine ce qui constituait les actes ordi-
naires de creance,tapres avoir prouve : que I'ideogramme ^^ *~*^'^'i'^
avait toujours ce sens de creance;}; (comme nous I'avons dit il y a
trois ans a M. Oppert) ; que souvent les paiements se faisaient par a
compte et qu'alors I'acte commengait generalement par les expres-
sions " sur une creance de tant (ina j^^ >->|- »-^^ sa) ou sur tant
de mines " puis, apres indication de la somme, reprenait par ces
mots "la dessus " {//la libbi);^ que les reliquats etaient indiques
par les mots rihii, rihi, rihitiim ;\ que quand I'acte faisait novation
cette novation etait indiquee par les mots " la creance anterieure est
effacee ^^ ^t\- "-^^ mahritum liipaat*^ " ou par une phrase ana-
logue dans laquelle figurait egalement le verhe/i/hi, /i//>i/,e^ai:er/** que,
dans le cas contraire, quand la creance anterieure subsistait a cote de
la creance nouvelle, c'etait indique par les mots " elat]\ ^^ ^>{- >^^^
mahritum sa, en dehors de la creance anterieure de tant," ou par des
synonymes, avec le mot e/at/lt que, parmi les creances, les unes
portaient a Babylone I'ancien interet touranien §§ de 20 pour 100,
* Voir dans notre cours sur les obligations la 5" le9on sur les locations et
le dernier chapitre de Tappendice.
t Voir notamment dans notre cours sur les obligations la 3" le9on et dans I'ap-
pendice le chapitre special sur les creances et obligations en droit babylonien,
p. 459 et sm'v.
X Voir lettre a M. Paturet en tete de sa these du Louvre, p. 37, etc. Cours
sur les obligations, p. 332, 339, 375, 387, 400, 426, etc.
§ Lettre a M. Paturet, p. 36, obligations, p. 346, 409, 477, 491.
II Lettre a M. Paturet, p. 36, 37. M. Oppert avait une fois indique ce sens
pour Tihitum. Voir obligations, p. 346.
If Lettre a M. Paturet, p. 33. Obligations, p. 471, 495.
** Ce verbe s'emploie aussi pour les tcxtes effaces.
tt Obligations, p. 419, 497.
XX Lettre a M. Paturet, p. 37. 01)ligations, p. 498, 499, 500, etc.
§§ Nous avons aussi montre quels etaient les taux de I'intcret ninivite, taux
variables d'ailleurs.
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
tandis que les autres conduisaient seulement au remboursement ou
au versement du capital ; que, parmi ces dernieres, celle qui etait
exprimee par le mot semitique hubiitutu* correspondait au precaire
romain en ce sens ; que, d'apres le meme principe suivant lequel on
autorisait la transmission de I'antichrese et celle du gage, on avait
permis celle de la creance, chose d'autant plus naturelle d'ailleurs
([u'on confiait souvent ses creances a un mandataire pour les
recouvrer, comme on confiait a des mandataires,t parfois salaries,^ la
gestion de toutes ses affaires. Nous avons ainsi fait entrer a jamais
dans le domaine de la certitude la traduction de toute une classe
d'actes extremement nombreuse.
Nous avons aussi, les premiers, etabli le sens des expressions
fondamentales des actes de societe, de partage et des autres actes
relatifs aux associations si frequentes en Babylonie.§ Le sens reel
de I'ideogramme ^yf, societe,|| dont nous avons trouve le corres-
* Aux preuves que nous avons deja donnees, dans notre volume de I'annee
derniere, au sujet de ce sens du mot hubututti, nous pouvons en ajouter une
nouvelle. En effet le No. 183 de la serie d'actes dont M. Strassmaier vient de
publier les copies est ainsi con9u : " tant de sckels d'argent, hitbtititUi (pret en
precaire) de Marduk suma uzur, fils d'Abala, de la tribu d'Egibi, sur Marduk suma
uzur, fils de Luutzuananur, de la tribu de A la fin du mois de Nisan
celui-ci donnera I'argent en son capital."
f Nous avons traite tres longuement dans notre volume toute cette question du
mandat, dont Mr. Pinches avait d'ailleurs reconnu avant nous le nom babylonien
naspa7'tuin .
X Dans la nouvelle serie de copies de M. Strassmaier nous trouvons, sous le
No. 210, I'exemple suivant de ces mandats salaries: " Depuis le 20 du mois
de Nisam jusqu'au 10 du mois d'Abu, Zamalmal suma iddin, fils de Samasbalit,
de la tribu des forgerons, recevra (prendra illaqii) le mandat [naspartitm)
de Nebokanu, fils de Sinia. 10 sekels d'argent, pour son prix de loyer {idisii).
celui-ci lui donnera. II lui donnera la moitie de I'argent dans le mois de
Nisan et le reste de I'argent a la fin (?) du mois de Duzu. Le contrevenant
a cet acte {napalkitami) donnera 5 sekels d'argent." On voit qu'ici comme en
droit romain le mandat paye est assimile a une locatio ope?-arum. En ceci,
comme en a peu pres tout le reste, le droit romain est tout simplement un emprunt
direct au vieux droit de I'Egypte et de la Chaldee.
§ V. lettreaM. Paturet, p. 30, 40, et dans "les obligations," notre chapitre sur
les banques, societes, et maisons de commerce, p. 374 et suiv. jusqu'a la page 45.
II Obligations, p. 377, 437, 438, 443.
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1887.
l)ondant phonetique, birinu, biriiii* dans les vieux actes de Warka,
— M. Strassmaier le transcrivait par rasiitu, — a ete etabli par nous.
Nous avons etabli, egalement : le sens du mot touranien hala,\
part, et consequemment, de son correspondant semitique, Zittii,
oil Mr. Pinches, le traduisant par possession, voulait voir un
derive de la racine Zanu, orner; le sens de I'expression com-
posee a hi hala, quotepart,| qu'on peut expliquer en se rappelant
qu'en touranien Tideogramme ^i ^, traduit generalement en semitique
par le mot ahi^, et qui figurait dans un grand nombre de formules
juridiques, a cote de son sens de frere, a le sens d'homme ou de
compagnon, ^^ ^^ ^^TI — amilu kima amili :\ sens qui, influant
sur aim, amena les acceptions de son pluriel y][ ^X, ] f ^'( : ana
ahames, I'un par rapport a I'autre, Itti ahames ensemble ; de ahata,
societe, etc.
Nous avons explique tout le systeme des repondances : de la
garantie du vendeur, et parfois de cautions surajoutees dans les
ventes d'esclaves, garanties qui n'avaient encore ete soupgonnees
par personne, quand I'un de nous publia, il y a trois ans, un article
sur ce sujet dans la Revue Egyptologique ;\\ et, sans compter tout
ce qui concerne les cautions solidaires ou non,ir cette garantie
toute particuliere de I'individu qui s'engage a _producere, ou plutot
* Lettre a M. Paturet, p. 30, Obligations, p. 296, etc. Ce sens est du reste
fort bien prouve par le nouveaii No. 199 de M. Strassmaier portant : " i mana
Kaspi sa itti Marduk baladii, abal su sa Nebo ahi iddin, abal Egibi, u Tapikziru,
abal su sa Nebo suma iddin, abal Nadin seim, itti ahames ana liirini (^^j* )
iskunu : nim mala ina eli ibbusu ahata sunu. — i mine d'argent que Itti
marduk baladu et Tapikziru ensemble ont mis en societe {hiriiii). Tout ce
que la dessus ils feront est leur societe." Ici birini est donne comme synonyme
de ahata, dont le sens "societe, fraternite" est bien connu. Ahatu, ahata est
d'ailleurs, comme substantif abstrait, Ic correspondant exact de itti ahames, " I'un
avec I'autre."
t Obligations, p. 299, 399, et 508.
X Lettre a M. Paturet, p. 38 et 39.
§ Voir W.A.Z., V. 40, col. 2, 1. 59.
II Voir aussi lettre a M. Paturet, p. 34.
II Lettre a M. Paturet, p. 34 a 38. Voir dans notre volume sur les obligations
la le9on sur les accessoires de la dette, p. 141 et suiv., et dans I'appendice le
chapitre des creances et obligations, p. 459 ct suiv.
306
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
exhibere et prcestare^'*' en grec avaSe^exOai, (voir un curieux acte grec
du Louvre, public p. 66, du No. I-II, de la 5"= annee de la Revue
Egyptologiqiie\ a un jour ou dans une circonstance determinee, le
debiteur dont il repond et pour lequel il payera s'il manque a I'ac-
complissement de sa promesse. Nous avons montre qu'en pareil cas
* A la page 486 de notre volume sur les obligations nous elisions : " cette
formula : amenera et donnera (ibakamma iiiamdin) est tout-a-fait de regie quand
il s'agit d'une caution sistetidi causa." Page 404: "Taction romaine ad ex-
hibendum que les Babyloniens expriment par le verbe abaku, amener, presenter,
producere, " Et ailleurs : " aussi ce verbe est-il celui qui est employe quand
on s'oblige a produire, producere, soit des temoins, soit un interesse pour la
comparution duquel on s'est engage."
Nous avons aussi, deja dans notre volume, indique un des autres sens du verbe
abaku, celui d'emmener un esclave, par exemple, que I'on a re9u en paiement.
En cas pareil tres souvent il est dit que la somme d'estimation de cet esclave
constitue un prix ou paiement hariis, comme dans d'autres cas qu'il constitue
un prix gamrutu (voir No. 82 de la I* serie de M. Strassmaier, 244 de la 2^ serie).
Nous avions d'abord suppose que le mot hariis devait etre dans ce cas le synonyme
exact des mots gamirttn/i ou gamrutu, "complet." Nous le supposions d'autant
mieux que les sommes indiquees pour le prix gamirtum ou pour le prix hariis
d'un esclave sont en moyenne exactement les memes. Depuis lors, M. Oppert
ayant rappele la parente du mot hariis avec le mot hebreu ^"^H' " couper
a emis I'idee que hariis devait etre oppose a gattiirtuvi et signifier, non point
"complet" mais "partiel." Nous avons etudie cette hypothese au point de vue
juridique et nous avons vu qu'en appliquant ce mot, non point a la valeur de
I'esclave dont I'estimation est bien complete, mais a I'existence d'une dette
anterieure dont le prix de cet esclave ne se trouve constituer qu'une partie,
elle devient soutenable. Ce serait un prix coupe dans cette dette et a en soustraire
desormais, en representant une partie et, a ce point de vue, partiel. Quelquefois,
il est vrai, le meme mot hariis se trouve associe au verbe iddin au lieu de I'etre au
verbe ibuku. C'est ce qui arrive, par exemple, dans I'acte de cession lui-meme,
quand le debiteur, abandonnant son esclave a son creancier, emploie la formule
habituelle des ventes d'esclaves, sauf en ce qui touche ce mot hariis. Mais
une serie de deux actes qui portent les Nos. 39, 40, et 42, dans les nouvelles
copies de M. Strassmaier montre bien que si le debiteur, qui abandonnait ainsi
son esclave, est cense le donner, le creancier qui le re9oit est cense I'emmener
alors meme qu'il en laisse la possession a ce debiteur.
Voici la traduction du premier de ces actes :
" Nebo Kazir, fils de Nebozirlisir, dans la satisfaction de son cceur, a donne
la femme Didinnatum et la femme Asitasulimir, gens de sa maison, pour § de mine
comme prix hariis, a Musezibmarduk, fils de Mardukedir, de la tribu des forgerons,
et a Marduksumaiddin, fils de Beliddina (?) de la tribu des forgerons."
Suit la formule de garantie habituelle, que M. Strassmaier ne parait pas
reconnaitre encore malgre nos publications qu'il a eues entre les mains, car dans
le mot nasi, " se porte garant," qui la termine, il a substitue hypothetiquement
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1887.
le verbe abakn, emmener, amener, dieccre, adducere, froducere, etc.,
notamment a la troisienie personne du futur sous la forme ibaka»n/ia,
repondait, conime idee juridique, tres exactement a I'expression latine
cxhihere, malgre la difference du sens originel, de meme que le mot
inaiiidin associe a cette expression quand il s'agit d'un debiteur,
repondait tres exactement au terme latin praesfare. C'est done une
nuance de sens qu'il convient d'ajouter au mot abaku* dans le
c'litre parentheses le signe ■ii*7~'< ^u Sa*'- Le mot Jiazir ne signifierait rien.
Nous nous etonnons d'autant plus de cette erreur que M. Strassmaier, en copiant
de nouveau les memes actes que nous avions traduits dans notre volume, s'est tres
souvent servi de nos restitutions pour les introduire dans ses textes ; parfois aussi,
cela est vrai, il parait avoir deforme a plaisir ses anciennes lectures pour s'ecarter
de nos le9ons et sans chercher a donner aux nouvelles une signification possible
quelconque. Je me hate de dire que le No. 40 etait ici donne pour la premiere
fois et que par consequent nous ne I'avions pas traduit, mais nous en avions
traduit et transcrit tant d'autres, identiques pour cette formule, que cela revient
a peu pres au meme. Revenons en a la suite de cette affaire et au No. 42, date
du mois suivant. II est ainsi con9U :
" Par rapport a la femme Didinnatum et a la femme Sitasulumir esclavcs
servantes (amilutum) que Iddina Marduk, fils de Basai, de la tribu de Nursin, avail
emmenees des mains (?'/'«/'?< e'wiz (7«/?)deNebokazir, filsde Neboziralisir, Neboiddin,
fils de Nebonaid, de la tribu de Belitu, se porte garant (nasi). II les amenera
{ibakamvia) et a Babylone; avec I'homme dTddina Marduk, il les donnera
a Iddina Marduk."
On voit nettement ici I'espece juridique. Nebokazir, crible de dettes, avait
cede les deux memes esclaves en paiement : d'abord a I'un de ses creanciers,
Iddina Marduk ; puis a deux autres de ses creanciers, Musezib Marduk et Marduk
suma iddin. Quand la nouvelle de cette seconde cession parvint aux oreilles
du preteur sur gage Iddina Marduk, celui-ci, dont nous connaissons I'aprete
au gain, se facha naturellement et mena9a d'exercer des poursuites contre Nebo-
kazir. Heureusement pour ce dernier c'etait une coutume babylonienne, dont
nous avons trouve bien souvent des applications, que de se porter fort pour
ses amis. Un de ses amis done se porta fort et s'engagea personellement, par
rapport a Iddina Marduk, a lui amener et a lui livrer les esclaves en question ;
il prenait en cela un engagement semblable a celui des vendeurs romains qui
s'cngageaient a livrer eux-memes, en pleine possession, a un acheteur, la chose
d'autrui ; bien entendu, cela ne pouvait se faire qu'en obtenant d'abord du
possesseur actuel I'abandon de la chose.
* Le No. 26 de la nouvelle serie de M. Strassmaier, relatif h. une cautio
sistefidi, contenait ccrtainement aussi, dans une des lacunes, ce mot tant de fois
signale par nous dans des cautions sistendi du meme genre. Samas suma ukin, fils
<le .Sulai, de la tribu de Mandidi, s'y engage a produire, le 6 ulul suivant, a la porte
du temple de Samas, un nomme Neboahi iddin, fils de Asaridu, de la tribu de
Helederu, pour le reglement d'une creance au sujet de lafjuclle il se porte fort.
Dans une autre tablettc de la mcnie collection, le No. 102, ce n'est plus une
308
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
fascicule qui vient de paraitre du dictionnaire de M. Delitzsch.
La meme expression se rencontre, ainsi que nous I'avons montre,
alors qu'il s'agit de temoins, par exemple dans Facte dent nous
avons donne la traduction a la page 371 de notre volume sur les
obligations dans les termes suivants:* " Le 5 du mois de Kiselev,
Sargina produira ses temoins,| de la ville de Pikudu, mukmi su ina
all Pikudi, ibbakamma), at par rapport a Iddin ilu (?) etablira {aiia
iddhiilu (?) iukattu^ que {sa) Iddinilu a Sargina a parle ainsi :
I affaire de ton esclave qui fut tue {dini sa galli ka sa diki) tu ne
disputeras pas avec moi {iffiia la tadibbiib). Moi, je to ferai recevoir
caution qui promet semblable cumparution ; c'est la personne meme qui doit
comparaltre. " Le 6 du mois de Sivan, est-il dit, Satrap iddin, fils de Marduka,
viendra et dira son affaire, avec telle femme, par devant les bela d'Essaggil. S'il
ne vient pas, il donnera (la chose en litige)." Ce contrat representait un engage-
ment solennel et decisoire analogue dans ses resultats a ces serments dont nous
avons parle assez longuement dans un recent article et que nous avons les premiers
determines. La collection nouvelle de ^L Strassmaier en contient plusieurs de ce
genre, nous citerons particulierement le No. 45. "3 cors, 3 ephas de dattes
(creance de) Neboahi iddin fils de Sulai, de la tribu d'Egibi etde Nirgalkanu, fils de
Nadin suma, sur Musezib Marduk, fils de Samas ahi iddin, et Nirgalkanu, fils de
Tabnie. L'un pour I'autre ils repondent. — Musezib Marduk et Nirgalkanu sur
le roi jurent a savoir : a la fin du mois de Sabat (nous donnerons) les dattes a
Neboahiiddin et Nirgalkanu." Notons que cet acte termine la question pour
^1 -4(1 ^T r "1"'°" pouvait lire ittciiii ou itfesib (ce qui revenait au meme pour
le sens) ; car nous avons ici au pluriel ^f.^! "^f >^ sJSt ittcinmi. Les
Nos. 83 et 197 contiennent egalement des serments.
* C'est un des assez nombreux actes que nous avons vu reparaitre avec des
changements insignifiants sous un autre nom que le notre.
t Nous avons deja cite dans notre volume sur les obligations plusieurs temoi-
gnages. La nouvelle collection de copies de IVL Strassmaier en contient d'autres.
Nous citerons particulierement les Nos. (5) 68, et 69, relatifs soit a Iddina
Marduk, soit a la faillite de Basai son pere. Le No. 68, se trouvait deja sous le
No. 58 dans le precedent volume et avait ete traduit par nous. Mais le No. 69
est nouveau ; il est ainsi con9u : " ceux-ci sont temoins qu'en leur presence Rimut,
fils de Belnadinabal, parla ainsi a Labasi, fils de Ziria, de la tribu de Nabai : Oui est
atteint [knsdit) comme repondance de Basai ? Et Labasi dit ainsi : je ne reclamerai
pas" {ul abakkur). Suivent les noms. Cet acte est du meme jour du meme mois
de la meme annee que le No. 68 (ancien 58) contenant un temoignage relatif a une
dette de Basai qui aurait ete payee. On voit quel soin Iddina Marduk apportait a
regler les affaires tres embrouillees de son pere. On n'a pas oublie que ces affaires
embrouillees avaient failli empecher son mariage et qu'il avait ete oblige de
donner des garanties tres serieuses a son beau-pere. Ici c'est son beau-frere,
le frere de sa femme, Labasi, fils de Ziria, qui etait creancier du pere d'Iddina
Marduk et qui s'engage, par des motifs faciles a comprendre, a ne pas inquieter
ses repondants.
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1887.
(je te paierai le prix de) la vie de ton esclavc {Anaku iiapsati sa galli
ka usallamaka). S'il etablit cela, Iddinilu donnera a Sargina une
mine, prix de son esclave ; s'il ne I'etablit pas (mot efface)."*
Nous citerons aussi le No. 159 de M. Strassmaier que nous en avons
rapproche a la page 468 et qui contient exactement les memes
tbrmules, sauf qu'a la place d'ibbakkamma, on trouve cette fois
ipakamma et, a la place de iuka?iu, iiikkinnu. Bien entendu, en cas
pareil, celui cpi s'engageait a produire ses temoins ne s'engageait
pas a les livrer, a les mettre a la pleine disposition de la partie
adverse, comme le faisait celui qui s'obligeait a amener un debiteur
de la comparution duquel il repondait. C'est encore a I'idee, pleine-
ment chaldeenne, des confiements ayant pour resultat dautoriser
celui qui, au fond, n'etait pas le proprietaire de la chose, a la livrer
legalement, que se rattache, comme origine, cette singuliere expression
"■inamdin, il donnera" s'appliquant dans ce cas a un homme libre.
Get homme libre devait se confier lui-meme a son repondant, qui
devait le livrer au jour dit aux poursuites de son creancier. La
theorie des confiements babyloniens est done importante a bien
connaitre ; car c'est une des bases du droit antique. Si a I'epoque
secondaire des emprunts faits au droit des gens on a pu vendre en
droit romain la chose d'autrui, — soit en qualite de gagiste, et en en
transmettant alors la possession a I'acheteur, soit en qualite de
creancier hypothecaire n'ayant pas encore la possession mais trou-
vant dans son droit d'hypotheque un moyen de se la faire donner
afin de la transmettre, soit enfin comme tiers depourvu de droit
reel, sauf a s'arranger pour etre en etat de livrer la chose au jour
dit — tout ceci n'est qu'une consequence des vieilles traditions toura-
niennes qui attribuaient au confiement des effets analogues a ceux
du transfert reel d'une propriete.
Nous ne releverons pas ici nos autrcs decouvertes relativement,
par exemple, aux echanges d'immeubles, dont nous avons public
des actes remontant au siecle d'Hammourabi et d'autres actes
beaucoup plus modernes ; relativement aux servitudes reellcs ; rela-
tivement a I'etat des personnes ; relativement a une multitude de mots
dont nous avons determine le sens juridique. Ceci nous amenerait a
une parenthese trop longue, et qui ferait perdre de vue le sujet de
cet article ; confiements en droit egyptien et en droit Babylonien.
* Com])arcz dans le dernier volume baljylonien des Records of the Past, la
traduction ultra fanlaisiste que Mr. Pinches avait donnee de ce menie acte.
310
_ Z^0METC:R cZiScoiereU. a-t PH/LOE
m.
vm.
j-y/t.OM£rer/f a& f-LPHi^/^r/NS.
/r^ ^A ^^«M JV.^,^ y^
nr.
jr. ',*
^Ji
9 C
J^
^l
-lei'CL t/ JPifrs^i -T-
June 7] TROCEEDINGS. [1887.
The following Communication has been received from
Major Plunkett :—
The Nilometer of Philce.
Almost the whole of the small island called Philoe, including not
only the courts but even the roofs of the temples, has been covered
for ages with the ruins of a village which was built by the Christians
who took refuge here when driven by persecution from places more
accessible and therefore more exposed to danger. In 1885, a certain
amount of prison labour being available, Captain Jackson, R.A.,
who commanded at Shellal, the Military Station and terminus of the
railway on the bank of the Nile opposite Philoe, cleared away the
ruins and rubbish from the roofs of the temples, and discovered and
cleared out a staircase on the west side of the great temple which
descended below the lowest level of the Nile, and is supposed by
some to lead to a passage under the bed of the river communicating
with the island of Biggah. The work of clearing out the courts
of the temple and this staircase was continued by Major Grogan, of
the Black Watch, from December, 1885, till April, 1886, when Captain
Handcock of the Yorkshire Regiment took over the Command, and
continued energetically the work of clearing the large court of the
temple, and also uncovered a small temple to the east, which had
been almost hidden in rubbish. In examining the ground outside
the " Mammisi " or temple which stands on the west side of the
large court of the greater temple, Captain Handcock found a well
constructed staircase, not unlike the one discovered by Captain
Jackson ; at the top there was a short flight of steps parallel to the
river bank, and from the bottom of these the main staircase descended
directly to the river.
This staircase is cut in the solid rock, and is in no way injured
by time, and on the left hand side when descending there is cut
the Nilometer. It consists of eleven vertical lines at irregular
intervals from each other, each approximately one dira in length,
and the bottom of each is on the same level (or nearly so) with
the top of the next below it, so that as the water rose above the
top of any portion the readings would be continued on the next
higher. These sections from I to X are each evidently intended
to represent one dira or cubit, and it will be observed that they
actually vary very slightly in length, the total of tlie ten being
17 feet 5 inches, which gives an average length for the cubit of
311
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1887.
2o'9 inches. On reaching the bottom of the staircase one emerges
by a doorway through the wall with which this side of the island
is rivetted on to a i)latform of stone. 'I'here was no doubt from
this i)lace a prolongation downwards of the Kilometer on the face
of the wall, or on a projecting buttress or staircase, to the lowest
level of the river, but when I examined it on January 7th, the
water was up nearly to the level of this platform, so that nothing
below it could be seen.
As however nothing was noticed here when the Nile was low
in the last and previous summers, it is probable that the scale was
cut in some projecting masonry which has fallen away. Each of
the marks has been cut in the rock to a depth of about a quarter
of an inch, and is again divided by transverse cuts into fourteen
subdivisions. On the accompanying plate I have shown the
sections of the Nilometer drawn to scale, merely diminishing the
horizontal distances between the sections to save space. It will be
noticed that the sign •+■ is placed over the top of the second section,
and probably this indicated the ordinary level of high Nile. The
top of the Nilometer is 5 feet 95 inches below the level of the
rails by the southern end of the platform at the Assouan railway
station opposite to the temples, so it will be easy to compare with
the old Nilometer the level of the high Nile. I should .say that
this is about the same as when the Nilometer was constructed,
and that a high Nile would probably come within about six feet
of the rails at the present day ; but an estimate thus made from
memory is not worth much. On this plate I have also shown the
well known Nilometer on the island of Elephantine, and have
compared the levels marked on it with those on the wooden post
fixed as a Nilometer in the Nile bed by the Assouan railway station.
I hoped by levelling along the Hne of railway to have given the
differences of level between the high water marks of the two
Nilometers, but had to leave Assouan sooner than I expected,
and was consequently unable to do this. It will be noticed
that this Nilometer is not so accurately divided as the one
discovered at Philce, the cubit varies from i foot 8f inches to
I foot II inches in length, and if we take the total of the five
upper sections, which represent a length of seven cubits, we find
this to be 12 feet 5:^ inches, which gives an average per cubit of
21-32 inches. Omitting the upper two sections, we have for five
cubits an average of 20'85 inches, which differs by only a twentieth
312
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
part of an inch from the vakic obtained at Philoe. It can hardly
have been from carelessness that the uppermost two sections were
made respectively 23 and 22 inches long; could it have been to
avoid some remission of taxation which should have been made
if the river rose above a certain level ? On the opposite or right
hand side of the staircase at Philoe are two other vertical lines,
which were apparently scales or standards of measurement ; so far
as it is possible to determine accurately their original lengths, the
lower one was divided into units of 3i inches, and each of these
is subdivided into iive ; the upper scale is about 5 feet long, and
is divided into twenty units, of which eight measure 23*5 inches,
giving an average of 2-937 inches each. Opposite the eighth
division of the scale is inscribed K K.
Malta, y)///^, 18S7.
The following has been received from Mr. P. le Page
Renouf, President.
Note on the Silurus Fish Q^ _M> ^^^=*^ (^b^ti and the
Hieroglyphic Sign of Battle CH^.
I have shown in these Proceedings* that the Egyptian sign
ideographic of Battle Q^ has for variant another well-known sign
Y, and this sign, when so used as a variant, has very commonly
its lower limb crossed with a fish ; the same, in all probability,
which in the Ebers Papyrus is called Q^ _^ ^^;:^. I have
moreover proved that ^^v^ , jg identical with the well-known ex-
pression T . These facts lead to the irresistible conclusion
that Q -^ rz: Y = -^z::^ ^^ T ^^ "^''^' That ^ is not in these
variants to be read a v - Q '-'^l''-^ is manifest from the vocalisation
of Q /^ ^. r /^j which is identical with that of ._ a J (*^^ ^
aba.
This reading at once furnishes the radical meaning of the Egyptian
word for Battle, and shows its connection in the Vocabulary with a
* Vol. VI, pp. 229 — 231, and Vol. VII, pp. 100 — 108.
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [18S7.
large number of other words which have the same sound and the same
primitive sense, but whose ordinary signification is different.
The evidence upon which this reading rests cannot be over-
thrown. There are, however, other readings which it is necessary
to consider.
A very late, and in other respects untrustworthy, papyrus (B.M.
9911) twice reads [||, (jl''?;^, ah, instead of Q^ ^^ \ n
in the opening chapter of the Book of the Dead. It is but natural
to identify this reading with [] \ {\r\* which occurs on a well-
known monument in the IMuseum of Ikilaq. These forms are,
however, identical with 01^, and this is nothing but the well-
known \ ^ with the prosthetic vowel [l a prefixed.f It occurs among
the variants of the sixth chapter of the Book of the Dead : (| ^ ^
CT ^ "^^ 1 1 ^^^^' "^i^^-f^^ setcbn, " I have beaten down
obstacles," or ' obstructions,' instead of | ^. So again on the tablets
of Marseilles, published by M. Naville,^ we have [1 ft C^^
. fl instead of \ ^, inik ah sat/, " I it is, who beat down the sands."
Now although I ^ may on some occasions prove synonymous
with r\y\ "^k. % l\ > the two words are certainly not identical. Their
meanings generally diverge, and are evidently derived from different
primitive conceptions. I had always therefore considered ah to
be a genuine different reading — not a phonetic variant of Q -/^
— until some of the ancient texts published by M. Maspero have
inclined me to the belief that it rests upon the blunder of a copyist.
The Pyramid of Teta has ^ Q \ ^_^, aha, in a passage where
the Pyramid of Pepi II has Q-/^.§
The tomb of Horhotep contains two recensions of the 17th
chapter of the Book of the Dead. One of them reads (j X ^ w=:/]'
aha, where the other has (3A.-
* Mariette, Monuments Divers, pi. 90.
t The prosthetic a is most commonly prefixed to words beginning with two
consonants (as in the Semitic and other languages), with aspirated consonants,
and with n.
X Quatre Steles de Marseilles, p. 14.
§ Zeitschrift, 1883, n. 69, and 1S85, p. 9.
.314
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
It may sound paradoxical, but it is a certain fact, that instead of
adding strength to the evidence in behalf of l] |, the new texts
strongly favour the notion that the three readings ah, aha, and aha
are all founded on a mistake. The resemblance is too close for us
to look upon them as independent, whilst the differences are philo-
logically irreconcileable. The « of [| | ^ is ^m&lY prosthetic, but the
a of ^ ^ is radical. There can be no connection whatever
between a ,| \ and [j | Q^, or [jl \ ^_Z], if such a word
really exists. There is no interchange between \\ and a. The
sarcophagus of Nechthorheb has indeed the group (1 § - fl, but this
is to be explained by the addition of the prosthetic [l to the group
f fl, not by a weakening of ^ — a to I). It has its parallel in
-4p X7 and (1 ■-jM X7 , and several other words which, though
commonly written with an initial ... d, are frequently found with A
prefixed.
Without seeing the original texts it is impossible to speak with full
confidence, for it must be remembered that they are written not with
our unchangeable type, but in very cursive characters. But if we
ask what cursive forms are liable to be taken for others in this case,
I answer without hesitation that the confusion of f and 1 is not
only possible, but demonstrable. It is on the strength of the faulty
variant I ^ — ' Q of the Belmore Papyrus that Birch
and E. de Rouge gave to ^ the value hd, once universally accepted,
and to which some Egyptologists still cling, but which has long since
been shown to be erroneous. ^ QQQ for \q 00 is another instance
of the confusion, which becomes perfectly intelligible if we take for
instance the Berlin Papyrus i, and compare the | in x ppp (line 24)
with the f in the frequent form ^ ZjJ^ - The two hieratic signs for
8 and |, carefully written, are not to be mistaken, but when they are
negligently written or have been damaged, they become undistinguish-
able, and are liable to be wrongly transcribed. I cannot give a better
315
June 7] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOCV. [1SS7.
instance of this than by referring to a passage of the tale of Senehat
(line 197), where I] >^\ (E v i^ transcribed o *^^ Q
by M. jMasperc*
III
In these ancient papyri and other documents of the same character
(in the sarcophagus, for instance, of Queen IMentuhotep) the cursive
sign corresponding to ^ approaches very closely to the cursive sign
corresponding to Q/^ .
I do not think therefore that any reading, much less any phonetic
variant, of C\/\ can be considered as satisfactorily established by
the side of dl/a.
Besides the fish called dl>a, there is a bird of the same name,
which M. Maspero f conjectures to be a crow. It sometimes appears
(as in Todt., 63, 3) as the determinative of o 1 v\ '^^j dhi,
which as the variants show is only one of the forms of the word
meaning ' encounter.'
Now it is worthy of note that two gods appear in the lists of
Egyptian divinities under the following circumstances : —
At Medinet Habu (in the time of Seti I) the first of them is called
Y Q/\ "^^^ ^ , dlmu ?init, and the second y fV^ '=> ^^ J] ■ ^^
Dendera the name of the first Warrior god is fV^ V^ ; that of the
second is Qv^ ^^^^ I I ■ •!• ^^ would be interesting to
identify the birds. The second bird at Medinet Habu is shown by
the plate in the Denhndler to be partially effaced. Mariette's copy
from Dendera sets them down as geese or ducks, but this ought to
be verified, as well as the question whether ^^i*, nrd, should not
rather be written than ^^, Horus.
It is almost superfluous for me to say that Q^ being written
after a word in phonetic characters is no reason for assuming it to be
Q r\/\ ' ^"^b^nn2t^ is a well-known
word. But it occurs sometimes in the same sentence as a different
word from Q/^.
* Alc'langes cTArckJologic, III, p. 15S; see note 4.
+ Genre S pistol aire, p. 57.
* Dc'itkmala; III, 37, l> ; Maiiette, Daidcrah, HI, 36,/
3 '^
JuxE 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS7.
To the description of the Silurus which I gave from Cuvier, as
justifying the Egyptian name Q -/"^ _^ «it=s^ , (^l><^-, the " Armed one,"
the "Warrior" (o lav^^ai^s), I now add a passage, which I had
forgotten, from the late Mr. Darwin's Naturalist'' s Voyage round the
IVorid.'^
"A fish called the 'Armado' (a Silurus) is remarkable from a
harsh grating noise which it makes when caught by hook and line,
and which can be distinctly heard when the fish is beneath the water.
The same fish has the power of firmly catching hold of any object,
such as the blade of an oar or the fishing line, with the stony spine
both of its pectoral and dorsal fin."
The following Communication has been received from
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A.
On a Fragment of a Coptic Version of Saint Ephraim's
Discourse on the Transfiguration of our LoRD.t
The manuscript from which the Coptic version of S. Ephraim's
discourse on the Transfiguration of our Lord is taken, is in the
possession of Lord Zouche, and has been already described \ and
partly published. § I am not able to say when the Coptic version
was made, but it is very probably of a fair antiquity ; and from the
fact of its occupying a place of honour in the manuscript, it must
have been much esteemed by the Copts. The translator from the
* P. 136, Ed. 1870. See also the picture of Callichthys annatus in Dr.
Giinther's article " Siluridae," in the recently published volume of Xhe Encyclopedia
Britannica.
t For the Greek text see Assemani, Ephraem Syri opera omnia quir exstant,
Romse, 1743, t. ii. p. 41, and the edition by Thwaites, printed at Oxford, p. '2fi^.
A Latin version of this discourse was published by Assemani and by Gerard Voss
on pp. 6S6-692 of his translation of S. Ephraim's works, printed at Cologne
in the year 1603. The pagination of the British Museum copy of Voss's works is
defective.
X See Froc. Soc. Bib. Arch., May, 1886, p. 183.
§ See Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch., Vol. IX, pt. I, pp. 74-111. The complete
Coptic text and a translation of S. Chrysostom's encomium on Elijah will appear
in Trans. Soc. Bib. Arch., Vol. IX, pt. 2.
VI
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1SS7.
Greek contented himself with turning into Coptic only such portions
ot S. Ephraim's discourse as agreed generally with the views of the
Copts ; and having used his arguments up to the point where
S. Ephraim discusses the double nature of our Lord, he interpolates
without any scruple the Coptic belief that Christ has one nature only.
To attribute to S. Ephraim views so different to those which he
really held, is, to say the least of it, a " pious fraud." Judging from
the Coptic text which we have in Lord Zouche's MS., the translator
did not know his Greek very well ; for besides the clerical errors which
are found in it, there are some mistakes which show that he did not
understand many of the passages w^hich he tried to translate. The
order, too, of the passages which he has rendered into Coptic differs
in his version from that of the Greek. I suspect that the Greek
text is a translation from the Syriac, for many of the sentences appear
in form to be imitations of a metrical original.
pJKo. otXovoc nxe ni^.vioc 4>pejuL eo^e 'fjuLe-
^-^-JULop4)(JDCIc nxe iieitoc ikc nx^ ^ixert
nixcooT ftxe eA.E.cjDp ex^qoTon^^q
erteqjULZ,oHT-Hc ft^HTq neJUL
eeE.e ^I^.^Ioc hXi^.c ninpo-
<:{)HT"HC eTcuaj ^eit cotF
juLni^.^oT- JULex^P
^eit onf^IpKItK
ftTe 4)-f-
^JULHIt.
fcJSioX^eit nx^^pJu^^rtin ijL4)p^.cyi ftxe -f x^P^
cl^^.qcyaJUI itxe onro-rnoq e^oX^en ^te^K^-p^oc
no'sfii.^^^XoXi cLj^,cajcJoni ftxe o-reYf^pocTHH
pK. eS^oX^en nertc^co ft'fvp^-4)H eeonr^.^. ftniqi
ftTe cj)'f" cLjA.qcija5ni ftxe oTCJun^ ftnmicxoc
.^ett nix^P*^ JULen onrKepoc^ ftonrcjoT K^.T^-
CHOT eTojon juLncooT (.vv) 'frpz.4>H 2^e fteoc
' Read OnfK^.ipOC.
318
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
ncHO'sf niJ^eit cfi-eE^i enajcoi ft^HTc fixe otcKuo
fixe nuort^ enfT"^.rt^o nix^P^ ^oT^-it
A.Taj^.rt(JOC^ ftitoTxrt^'*' cy^.Tojajovi c^JTo^ot
ecyojn ^.')faj^.n(5^X iUL^^^-^^.XoXI cy^.qoe^io
i"vp^.ci)H 2^e eTcoc^ juljuloc juLJULuni cy^.pe
p7\X. rti^ejuLc eTpcjoo-cT- eT-epetoHnm ftTe
rtiepJULHiieTT-Hc e-re ft^HTc juLn^-TJULoTHK
oTo^ cecfuoX JULJULOC JULJULHni onfog^ nicJULe^^
ex^oXx ftTe rtert^^.4)pH ft-f^^eXnic juLn^-nr-
(Tboo'v e£.oX JUL^.pert^cJom- e^oTit e^"^.I-
X^P*^ ^^i ^^ o'*"!^ OTO^ jULecoXcoJUL («v) fipeqi"
jULnaoit^ fiTeneq^-noX^.Tm juljulcoot onrog^
ftTertcjoc^ e^oX ft^HXc ftni^ejutc ftpeq-
T^-it^o exe nic^.xi ncon^ ite fiTe nert oc
pKK. mc njQc 4)k eT^-qepn^exoc xe onroit ^^.rt-
oToit ^ert rtH cto^^i epz-TOT JUL^^,I jul^- hk
eTenceit^-xejuL-f ni julc^julot ^.n cy^, rtTonfrt^-T
encyHpi JULc^puojuLi eqrtuoT ^en nequooT JULe-
neitc^. £^ fie^ooT ^,q(^i juLnexpoc nejuL i^.kcx5-
E_oc nejuL itJO^-nriHc neqcort ^.qe^o'r encytui
^ixert OTTOJOT e^cTbci ejuL^Lcyuo ^.qcyoJS.xq
fix^P^^ JULnoTJULoo e^oX ovo^ neq^^o ^.qep-
oToomi JULc^pH-f jul4>ph neq^^cjDc ^.TO'r^.oj
pXr. JUL4>pHi~ juLnixi^rt nipcjojuLi v^-p ex^-qxcc
epojoT xe JULn^.nfxejuL'fni jul4)julot ctj^,T-ov-
rt^-T enajHpi JULc{)pcjDJULi eqitHOT ^eit neqoJOT
fiouDOT ne nir ft^-nocxoXoc eT^.qepriKeT^.-
JULCOOT neqcJooT ^ixert niTcoov e'jfpA.cyi fixe
nmpoc^KTHc rtejuL nn exA-Tepnpoc^HTeTin
eo£.HT-q nejuL oToeXnX («v) ftTe («v) iti^nocTo -
Xoc eT^-TepuKe^icoicy juLJULoq ^ert nicHcr
TKpq eTccoTejuL ei" cjulh ftTe c^icuT eqepjULeope
pA^. ^^ neqojHpi eqxuo juljuloc xe ^^i ne n^^cynpi
319
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [18S7.
n<?JULenpn- ex^.i'fjuLi.'f ft^m-q cuoTejuL
ftctoq oTo^ Z-Tepcc^p^-Vi^m ux^^iJULexJULeepe
iX^^.I pH'f eT"e c{)iuox ne exen neqcynpi
juuutenpiT" iHc njQc nenoc itxe n<Li v ft^-noc-
ToXoc neJUL n«Li E. juLnpocJ)HTHc eTe JULuonrcHc
nejuL hXi^.c ne ^coc 2^e xe e^oX^eit puooT
juuuLeepe S le v clJ^,pe iXeojuLHi niE.en o^i
ep^-TOT rtA.1 iXn^-ipH-f ert^.T o^^i ep^-TOT
epoq ne juLc^pHi" n2j<?^ne£.ii.iK eTcojuLc en^.i
pXe, cynpi ftrtoT-f no-jfuoT onro^ ^.-rejULi e^oX^ert
Tc^e xe fteoK ne n^.cgHpi n^-JULe^pn" ^ert
oTJULeoJULHi onro^ eE.oX^en T-n<LpoTci2-
ijL4>oTajn^ e^oX iXniS ftnicy-f ijLnpo4)HT"HC
evc^.XI neJUL^.q xe neoq noc ex^-qoToe^oT
eJS.oX cro^^ rieoq on nex^.qo'¥■^-^c^.^^I ^.qe-
poTi juLneqjuLOO e£.oX ^en otuoot oto^^
^.qepoTub nxe neT"[poc] nex^.q ixnoc xe noc
nA.nec n^.it nTencgcjoni ixn^-i jul^. onr neTCKxa
pXe^. juuuLoq ub nexpoc ecyo^n ^,ncy^>.nog^i i>.n^.i-
juLi. niJUL ne een^-X(JOK e^oX nnic^-xi ctat
epcyopn nxoxoT itxe ninpoc^HTHc oto^ hh
eT^-TXOTOT ftxe nipeq^icjoicy rtiJUL ne een^.-
epc4)p^.v^^m juuuLooonf oto^ niJULTCTupion
itTe nH eooT^.K niJUL ne eon^-o')fo^^oT e^oX
le rtTeqxoKo-r e^oX oto^ nixmxoc xe ^^'(6'-
cjoXk ftTOT rteJUL p^.T"T ^.•«■cJDn nn^.K^.c THpoT
eqrt<LX(joK e^oX exen uijul nixiit4)CJDcij ftrt^.^-
Kuoc e^pi^T T-^-^^e^ccjo ^.v£,i twn epoc ^.qTo-
pxf. JULI eniJUL oTo^^ ni6^rtxonc xe ^.^ffnoT
noj^-oji eT^^^pe z,vxcoi ftoT^^eJULX ^eit
n^.iE.I eqn^>tJo£. eniJUL oto^^ xe neToi ftpeJUL^e
^eit nipeqjULuoonfT uijul ne eert^-T-Lxpoq eajcon
^.Icy^.^o^I iJLn^,IJUL^. nixipo"^P^^o^ ct^i-
320
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7..
c^HTq ^ixert ^.2^a.jul rtiJUL ne e©n^-4)i,^q
ovo^ neqxpeoc nijut ne eon^-Tonq e^oTit
onfo^ niexHJL5L<L itTe neqcjuoT niJUL ne een^.-
zc^oq n^.q ecytjon onrrt ^.ncy^.no^i jutn^-iJUL^.
itH THpoT ex^-ixoxoT n^.K nuoc cen<?..cytJoni
pXK. i~eKJ<XHci^- ^t^.aJ npHi" enfit^-KOTOT eg^pni
excjuK iticyocgx ftTe oJULeTonrpo fini4)KO'«fi rtK
eT^.q (TiTOT («v) OT ne 'f XP^^ ^^ "^-^^ ^^ CT-eK
n^-con^q ie rtiJU. ne exeKit^-jS^oXq eE^oX ecyojn
^.^tctJ^.^o^I iXn^-i jul<l oj^TKcwpq ftxe ^(Jo£.
ni^en eT"<LTXoT"OT n^-Xirt on nexe neTpoc
ixnoc xe ecycon xo'«'^cij ftTerto^-JULio itvi"
ncK-rriK iXn^-i jul^. oti it^-K nejuL ovi juljuluo-
TCHc neJUL oTi ftkXiA.c nexpoc ne eT^.q-
pXe. oTopnq xe ^I^^. itTeqKCJOT ftoTeKKXHci^.
^en niKocJULoc oto^ qog^i ep^-Tq eepsqe^.-
JULl[o] e^A-ItCKTHK £,IXen niTOJOT ^.KJULHn(«V>
v^-p cy^. -fnoT JULi-pe ^enq julctc eoTJULex-
pojJULi exert mc oto^ n^.quon juuuLoq ^ojq
ne nejuL julcotckc nejut kXiA.c onro^^ &5r^^
tVTe^^^>.JULVoox xe ftqepitxp^^ ^i^ nxeq-
cKTitH ^.qx^JULoq xe fiooq neT■^.qe^-JULIo
nneqio^ juLnicHOT ftonfcKTrtH ^en ^(Tkni
h^JjL npoJULni ^mcy^.qe exi eTc^,XI ic o^CfHWi
pjuL. no-yuoini ^.cep^Hi^i exuooT ic ^nnne x^^-^'*^
(JO neT"poc eoTCKTitH ^ckojt ^^.K ^.(5^e ^ici
IC ^Hnne ic otckthh ecepKcoXm iJLnIK^-'ifc(Jort
excoK eTe juuuLon ^o itx^^J n^KTov ic
oTcKTitH ecoTort^^ e£-oX oto^ ec^ie£.pHX
e^oX eTi eTepcijc^Hpi ftxe rtiJUL^-OKTKc ic
OTCJULH ^.tcoojULoc («v) e^oX^eit -f 6^ni ecxtu
juuuLoc xe 4)^.1 ne n^Lcynpi n^-JULertpix eT^-i-
pHX -f JULA-i" ft^HT-q coDxeJUL ftcojq JULene^c^>
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1S87.
T^-i cjuLH itTe c^icjoT efi^oX^ert T"c{)e eqep-
JULeepe ^6, neqcynpi juuuLertpiT" xe <l>^i ne
n^.cyHpi ^.qT^-ceoq itxe JULconrcHc eneqTouoc
OTO^ kXI^,c exeqx^P^ oto^^ niA.nocxoXoc
[iS\f^€i ^ixeit noT^o iHc iJUUL^.'<'^.^"q nexi.-
qo^i epA-Tq xe othi -f cjulh exeJULJUL^-T fteoq
JUuuL^.T^,^~q ne eT"<Lci enecHT oto^ eT^-c-
xojK e£.oX e^^pHi exuoq ^>'yc^a3^- rtxe nmpo-
4)HT"HC oTo^ ni^nocT"oXoc ^.T^ei ^ixert iiot^^o
pjuiE xe o-THi n^.pe -j-cjulh xhk e^oX e^pHi
exuooT [^^n] oh eTxao juuuloc xe 4>^-i ne n^,cLjHpi
n^.JULenpIT■ eT~^.ii~JULi.i~ n^HT~q caoT"eJUL
ftctwq ng^pHi oTrt ^eit nA.i c^,xi ^.q-f c^o? rtcjooT
xe Z.CXUUK eE_oX nxe i^oiKortojuLi^. e^oX ^en
JULODTCHC nejuL hXia.c ^.'¥'oT^.^c^.^rtI rtuoonr
eopoTccoTejUL ftc^. noc liTc iXnepxoc xe
-f noT xe rt^-i nn nn eT^.qxoxo'r nxe julojtchc
oTo^ xe n^.1 ne nH eT-A-qxoTOT nxe hXi^.c
pjuLv n^-i vA-p 2J^^^e^I^-IK ne juLc^pn-f tT^.'roT.L^-
c^.^ni nuooT n^-i pH-f neT^-Tc^-xi ijL4>pHi~
e^~^.'«'c^.XI nejuLOJOT nA.i pH-f eT^.'^f^icjoiaj noc
v^-p nooq nicyHpi JUUULonovenHc nT"e (^-f
4)icoT- nonfcijHpi ^.n juuuLec ^en hi oT2^e
hoT£.a3K A.n ne ^.XX^. otoc ne o-ro^ onrnoT'f
enrcon ne eE_oX^en 4>J(J^t onro^ oT2^.ecnoxHc
ne HTe nienTHpq juljuloh kg o'c^.i eqoi noc
e^pHi exojq eonrcynpi ijLJUL^.T^-T-q ftTe c^'f
eqoi nS ^.n iX nveneTo oT2^e c^nrcic K'f
pjutS;. ^.XX^. o'y4)Tcic honfuoT" ftTe niXoroc e^,cep-
c<Lp^ eo£.e cj)^.i enepojuLoXovm xe o-rnoT^
ne ex^- -foeoi^oKoc eoo•r^.EL JUL^-piA. JUL^.cq
n<Ln eqoi hno-r-f ftxeXion eqoi npujJULi riTe-
Xion enA.1 onf^.i ftajHpi no'Toox ne eqoi ^.It
322
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
ijL4>Tcic citoTi" K^,T-<L -f^nX^-nH ftT"e ni4>^.rt-
T^-ci^-CTHc njuLc^nfciT-Hc ft^epeTiKoc eTXO)
ijuuLoc JULc^Tcic cHOT-f e^pHi exGH nojHpi JULC^i".
o-^-o^ ne eqoi ftE ne k<lt-Z- uotXa-c fiajoTcy^,T-q
pjuie. eE-oX nojc n xcjo^ juuuloc e oh e^"^,c-
jULA.cq xe eeoxoKoc onro^ Tenxco juuuloc ^.rt
xe ^-noponoTOKoc oto^ ene onrnoT-f" z,n ne
eTA-q6^ c<Lp^ ncjoc qjuLo-r-f epoq ftrtoT^ hxe
v^^-KprnX nex^.q xe ^.vjulici ncuTen jul4>oot
fto'rccoT-Hp eTe noc c^-f ne ^ert TnoXic
rt2^^.Ti2^ ertn^-^-f otn Jutn^-ipH-f k^lt^. Tn^.-
pertecic ft^I^.noc^-oXoc neJUL ^IeT^.v^eXIc^-Hc
eT^-T^ioDicL} ^^-rt eepert it^^^^i" eonrnovf
pXJLF. rtonrcoT" f^i^J^T" nin^,rtTOKp^.T-cjop nejut onroc
ftonfcjuT iHc njQc ncyHpi JULc^-f niJULonorertHc
rtejUL nimtZ eeoT^-B. ftpeqT-^-it^o eqnnoT
efLoX^ert 4)ia5X eqjutoTeit JULJULoq exert nctjHpi
ftTe e^-i Te -f T"pi^,c eeoT^.^ eit^-T~c^ujpx clja.
eite^ ftTe nierteg; n<Li pH'f ne ex^-cajcun epoc
iULnirtz,^i~ rtopeo2io^oc rtxe 'fKA.eoXiKH fteK-
kXhci^- ftT~e nicToc ft^Ti (jojulc ft^HXc
eoTCJon^ ftene^ eeKe 4>^-I v^-p a. noc epn-
Kemi itni^-nocToXoc enojuoi ^ixert nixtuoT
pXiCf . xe ^Irt^, ftT"eqT<i,JUL(jooT xe rtiJUL ne ncynpi
JULc^-f ^oT^-n ^-qcij^,rtirti ftTOTonf xe ^.pe
rtipojJULi x(jo juLJULoc epoi xe ^-rtoK hijul n^.TXuo
juLJULoc ne 2><^nonfon JULert xe Ia3^.rt^Hc nipeq-
'fojJULc ne ^z^nKeyQVdofm T^e xe hai^.c
^^^nKey^^xiOfm 2^e xe iepejuLiA.c le o'*'^.I e£.oX
^ert ninpo4)HT-HC eo£.e c{)A.i ^.qoXoT enojcjoi
^ixert n^-i tcuot «^^.i ftTe o^,£.tJop ^.qT^-JULa30T
xe fteoq ^.n ne kXI^.c oT2.e ico^^rtrtHc oT2^e
' A leaf appears to be missing here.
3^3
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/LOLOGV. [1SS7.
pjuLH. TepejuLi^-c ^.XX^. fteoq ne (^-f ^en otjulg-
oJULHi nT"e kXia-c nejuL (^-f itiuo^-itrtac nejuL
(^-f ftiepejULiZ-c fteoq ne c{)-f- e^"^.qep^.VI^m (-«v)
ftiepejuLi^-c icxen eq^ert ortezi 0-^2^6 ot^.i
A.n ne ^ert ninpo4)KT-H[c] A.XXi. xe noc ftT-e
ninpo4)HT"Hc c^h ex^.qopnKeo'copnoT ^^.x(Joq
ixneq^^i hxi c^.p^ eejuie^ noTX^-i fteoq
(^'f niXovoc ececyaoni 2^e n^,n THpoT eepen-
ctj^.ajrti encJULOT iXniTuooT eeonr^-K hTe
p5Jo. nIe^-KuopIort ^eit mc njQc nertoc cj)^.i exe
e^oX^iTOTq epe (jbonr niKert neJUL m"^.io
ni^ert nejuL npocK-cnHcic niKeit epnpeni
ijL4)ia3X nejuL^,q nejUL nniru! eeo'r^.E. ftpeq-
T"A-rt^o OTO^ it ojuLoofcioc neJULi-q i" noT
rtejUL ficHo-r ni^en rtejuL oj^, ene^ itTe itierte^
THpO-r ^.JULHIt.
(^'f n^.1 iJLc^HeT^.qc^.^^.I («v) ^.juLKit ♦^-
Translatio7i.
[pKo] The discourse of Saint Ephraim on the Transfiguration of
our Lord Jesus Christ on Mount Tabor, in which He
appeared to His disciples with Saint Elijah the Prophet,
which is read on the sixth day of the month Mechir, (^) in
the peace of God, Amen. (")
From the joy of the gladness of the field shall there be pleasure ;
(^) from the fruit of the vineyard shall there be joy, and from the
[pX] knowledge of the Holy Scriptures of the Spirit of God shall
there be light to those who believe. The fields have, however, one
period (of harvest) according to their (■*) stated time; (^) but in the
Scriptures there bubbles up at all times the knowledge of vivifying
life. \Vhen the fields have been reaped into their sheaves, they dry
up straightway ; and when a vine has been stripped of fruit, it becomes
of no account ; but if the Scriptures are stripped daily [pX^] the
fine ears which are in it, and which abound in interpretations, never
fail, and if the Scriptures are reaped daily the sweet grass of our
3-4
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. ^ [iHiiy.
grains of hope never, never comes to an end. Let us draw near then
to this field and Hfe-giving furrow C') that we may enjoy them ('),
and that we may reap therein the vivifying ears which are the words
of hfe of our Lord Jesus Christ, [pX^] who said, " There are some
among those who stand here who shall not taste death until they see
the Son of Man coming in His glory." (*) And after six days He
took Peter and James and John his brother, and brought them up
on to an exceedingly high mountain, and was changed in form before
them. And His face shone like the sun, and His clothing was white
as snow ("). Now the men [pXv] to whom He said that they should
not taste death until they saw the Son of Man coming in His glory,
were the three apostles unto whom He showed His glory upon the
mountain. ( ^" ) The prophets and those who prophesied concerning
Him rejoiced, and the apostles (") who proclaimed Him at all
times were glad when they heard the voice of the Father testifying
concerning His Son, saying, [pX2^] "This is My beloved Son in
whom I am well pleased, hear Him." ('-) And these three apostles
and the two prophets, which were Moses and Elias, were thus sealed
in the testimony of the Father concerning His Son Jesus Christ our
Lord ; for by the testimony of two or three witnesses shall every
truth stand. (^^) So these (apostles) who were standing by Him
like servants looked upon this only Son of God, [pXe] and knew in
truth by (the words) from heaven, "Thou art My beloved Son," and
from the presence of the manifestation of these two mighty prophets
who spake with Him, that He was God who had changed them, and
that it was He who had commanded and made them appear in glory.
(") Then Peter ('^) answered and said to the Lord, " Lord, it is good
for us to be here." (^'^)" What sayest thou, Peter ? If we stand here,
[pXj>] who shall fulfil the things Avhich the prophets have foretold ?
Who shall seal the things which the preachers have spoken ? And
who shall manifest or fulfil the mysteries of the saints ? By whom
shall the saying, ' They pierce My hands and My feet, they count all
My bones,' (") be fulfilled ? To whom do (the words), ' The division of
my clothes among them, they cast lots for My raiment,' ('®) apply?
[pX^] To whom do (the words), ' They put gall into My food, and
they made Me drink vinegar in My thirst,' (^') apply ? And who shall
estabhsh the saying, ' Free among the dead?' (--) If we stand here,
who shall tear asunder the handwriting which I have written against
Adam?(-^) Who shall discharge his debt? and who shall obtain
325
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICxVL ARCIL-EOLOGV. [1887.
for him the garment of his glory? If we stand here, how shall all
the tilings which I have spoken come to pass? [P^h] How shall
the Church be built upon thee ? and what is the need of the keys
('") of the Kingdom of Heaven which thou hast received? Whom
wilt thou bind? Whom wilt thou loose? If we stand here, all
things which have been said will become of none effect." And again
Peter said to the Lord, " If Thou wishest we will make three taber-
nacles here, one for Thee, and one for Moses, and one for Elias." ('■■')
Peter had been sent [pAOj to build a Church in the Avorld, and he
thought that he ought to make tabernacles upon the mountain.
Hitherto he had considered Jesus after the manner of a man, and
had numbered Him with Moses and Elias. But in order that He
might show them that He had no need of a tabernacle, He told him
that it was He that had made to his fathers of old a tabernacle in
the clouds forty years in the desert. (-*)
And while they were talking, behold [pJUL], a cloud of light
overshadowed them (-'). Behold, Peter, a tabernacle built for thee
without trouble ! Behold a tabernacle which keeps away the heat
from thee and which has no darkness in it ! Behold a tabernacle
which shines and throws out lightnings ! And while the disciples
were marvelling, behold, they heard a voice from the cloud, saying
"This is My beloved Son in whom I am well pleased, hear Him." (■*)
rpJUL<L] And after this voice of the Father from heaven, which
testified concerning His beloved Son, saying, "This is My Son,"
Moses returned to his place, and Elijah to his country, and the
apostles fell upon their faces, and Jesus remained standing alone,
for it was to Him that the voice alone had descended and was
fulfilled in Him. The prophets fled and the aposdes fell upon their
faces, because [pJUL^] the voice which said, " This is My beloved
Son in whom I am well pleased, hear Him," was (not) fulfilled in
them.
By these words He taught them that the dispensation had been
fulfilled by Moses and Elijah, and He commanded them to hear the
Lord Jesus, and did not say, " These are the things which Moses
spake," or, "these are the things which Elijah spake;" for these
(prophets) were servants [pJULV], and spake according to what had
been commanded them, and they preached according to what had been
told them. For the Lord is the only-begotten Son of God the Father,
and is neither a house-born child nor a servant ; but is Lord and God
326
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS7
together from the Father, and is the ruler of all things, and there
is no one who is lord over Him (-'), the Only Son of God. He
was not two in birth neither had He two natures [pJUL2!.], but one
nature of the Word that became flesh. Therefore we confess that
He whom Mary the holy mother of God bore for us is God, perfect
God and perfect man in this Only Son. He has not two natures
according to the error of those who believe in the mere appearance
of Christ, and the heretical believers in this mere physical form
who say, "There are two natures in the Son of God." And if He
were two natures according to their tongues, which ought to be cut
out, why is it that we [pJUL^] call her who bore Him " God bearer "
and not "Man bearer?" And if He be not God who took flesh
(upon Himself), why did Gabriel {•^) call Him "God?" for he said,
" There is born to you this day in the city of David, a Saviour who is
the Lord God " (-^). We believe then according to the exhortation of
the Apostles and Evangelists who preached that we should believe in
One God the Father Almighty [pJULH] (*'), and in one Lord Jesus
Christ the only begotten Son of God, and the Holy Vivifying Spirit
proceeding from the Father and resting upon the Son ; this is the
Holy and Undividable Trinity for ever and ever. In this wise has
the Catholic Church of the believers accepted the orthodox faith,
being baptized in it unto everlasting life. God brought the apostles
up on to a mountain (^^) that [pJULO] He might show them
who was the Son of God. When He asked them, " Who do men
say that I am ?" (^') They answered, "Some (say) John, and some
(say) Elias, and others (say) Jeremiah, or one of the prophets."
Therefore He took them up on to this mountain of Tabor that
He might show them that He was neither Elias, nor John, nor
Jeremiah, but that He [pn] was in truth the God of Elias, and
the God of John, and the God of Jeremiah, and that He was the
God Who had sanctified Jeremiah in the womb, and that He was
not one of the prophets, but the God of the prophets, for whose
sake He had sent them, when as yet He, God the Word, had not
taken the flesh full of salvation. May we all then obtain the
blessing of the holy mountain Tabor through Jesus Christ our Lord
[prtA.], through Whom be all glory, honour, and adoration, meet for
Him with the Father and the holy, vivifying, and consubstantial
Spirit, now and always and for ever and ever. Amen.
God have mercy upon him that wrote (this). Amen.
327
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1SS7.
Notes.
(i) This month began on the 26th of January. Hier. ""TT^ ^\^
(2) The heading is written in red ink, and has a laced border
painted in green, red, and yellow ; the side of the page is filled
up with a graceful design painted in the same colours, and at
the bottom of the page is a bird.
(3) This clause ofifers a good example of the mistakes which the
translator makes. The Greek has eV t/;s- x"-'/'"*? Oejwis x«p/^ovi'j.
(4
(5
(6
(7
(8
(9
(12
<i3
(14
(15
<i6
(17
(18
(19
(20
(21
(22
(23
(24
(25
(26
<27
<28
<29
Read JULULUOOf ?
Read OTKAipoC nOYUOT, Gr. tV« Kaii/ou.
Read JULSoXoDJUL ?
Read tVTe rteIt^.^oX^.'rm ? Gr. a-o\avaicfici'.
S. Matt, xvi, 28 ; S. Mark ix, i ; S. Luke ix, 27.
S. Matt, xvii, i. The Greek has a-s -o 0a'v.
There is no Coptic for the Greek passages after atn^'ia-iev its to
0/J09 (Assemani, p. 42, line 10) until we come to cx^api^aav ol
■7rpo4>^Tca (Assemani, p. 44, line 13).
Read ^,ToeXKX ftxe ni^-nocToXoc.
S. Matt, xvii, 5.
There is nothing like this in the Greek.
These lines are a very loose paraphrase. Lines 25 — 42 of the
Greek (Assemani, p. 44) have no equivalent in the Coptic.
Read TieTpoC.
S. Matt, xvii, 4.
Psalm xxii, 16, 17.
Psalm xxii, 18.
Psalm Ixix, 2 1 .
Psalm Ixxxviii, 5.
See Coloss. ii, 14.
S. Matt, xvi, 18, 19. Read ^.K6 IXOT.
S. Matt, xvii, 4.
Numbers ix, 18.
S. Matt, xvii, 5.
S. Matt, xvii, 5,
There is no Coptic equivalent for the Greek text printed by
Assemani on p. 46.
See Assemani, p. 47, line 2.
S. Luke ii, II.
328
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
(30) A leaf is wanting here. The whole of S. Ephraim's arguments
on the subject of Christ's divinity and double nature are
omitted.
(31) See Assemani, p. 42, line 10.
(32) S. Matt, xvi, 13 ; S. Mark viii, 27 ; S. Luke ix, 18.
The following Communication has been received from
Professor Wright : —
KuFic Tombstones in the British Museum.
Sixteen tombstones of Muhammadans have been recently brought
home from a ruined and deserted graveyard in Upper Egypt, and are
now deposited in the British Museum. They are exceedingly well
preserved, considering that they are merely blocks of sandstone and
have been exposed to the weather for from 800 to 1000 years or more.
Archaeologically and historically they are of but little importance,
as they are the gravestones of humble villagers, men and women,
potters and dyers and goldsmiths and the like. Still it is interesting
to see what such folk thought worth recording of themselves ; and
the record is, on the whole, surprisingly like that of tradesmen or
peasants of our own day in a country churchyard — name, profession,
date of death, and a verse from the Kor'an, in place of the Bible,
setting forth the deceased's hope of happiness in the life ever-
lasting.
The character of these inscriptions is generally an ornate
flourished KufL' The first two, which are likewise the oldest, are
exceptions. No. I being more like Naskhi. No. XV is also very
cursive.
I should hardly have ventured to offer this paper to our
Society, had not some of its leading members expressed a wish
to see its range somewhat widened, so as to include not merely
things pertaining to " Biblical " Archaeology in particular, but to
Semitic Archaeology in general.
Cambridge, St/i July, 1SS7.
3-9
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1887.
I.
About i2| in. by 6|.
ji>\\ jJ3 Lvt yb,lyc3 Ij^Jfc
Jj^Jl ^f^W ^^ ^J^ lSj[a^ ^< 10
, . tAA,' Lc t , fA>J Lc •
/?/ the name of God, the Compassionate, the Merciful. This is the
grave of Azhar, son of'Abd as-Saldm, son of Ishdk, son of Kdsim, the
mercy of God and His forgiveness and His favour be upon him ! He
died on Thursday, lohen five flights remained (i.e. the 25///) of the first
Jumddd, ifi the year 252 (a.d. 866).
II.
About
15 1 in-
by
6.
.U^^.
^^j\ ^}\ ^
Ji
' r^^J"^
t J. A ^^J\
S^\ ^\]\^^
Sj^\ M\ »i»
For i(,4j>^ (as in Kor'an, Sur. xi. 76 and elsewhere), like !,_•• ^\A for
dJo\ (l::.^).
t This line shows the only attempt at punctuation in this whole series.
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
]
PROCEEDINGS. [1
jj s^\ ^]\
^ xkJI m>\
^^j j^ ^j
jjy Jj jjj 5
^i^ ^ c/:! ^.
ly.? 4 J. fi,
^jJJ Uj& Sj>~\
jj^ IcXfc Jo-^
J-^*
(_• U- '^
^y-c ^Ij^ jjJ iXfcsyo
^^'
^ g-a^ '^^ ' (j-*^'>-
Lj'^^ ^aJI ^^^
^l^^ ^ J
^Ia^ ^i- ^j 10
i^Xxmjj J lSSs^\ Aj^^
^j-XAto J ;_5'As-i Aa-j
^^-'^^
U^ l't:j
/« //z^ ;za;;?i? etc. " Say^ He is God, One ; He is the resort (of all);
He hath not begotten, and He was 7iot begotten ; arid there is nofie His
•equal." (Kor'an, Sur. cxii.) This is the grave of Muhammad, son of
Sabdh, the freedman of Hasan al-Miidliji (of the tribe of Mudlij).
He died on the last night {the 29M) of Sha'bdn, in the year 291
{a.d. 904)
III.
About 19^ in. by 9^^.
1 \
J^ J..U1 [,^^-i d.<3 *^;.-. ^1 5^^ c_<! 5
* So in all these inscriptions instead of \^,
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1887.
/// M(f ;/^w^ etc. " Blessed be He 7vho, if He pleased, could give thee
better thati that, {to 7int) gardens beiieath ivhich flotv streams, aftd could
oive thee palaces." (Sur. xxv. 11.) O God, bless Muhammad the
prophet atid his family the pure ; a7id have mercy upofi Thy servant
fshCik, son of YcCkub, son of Ishak, son of Ibrahim. He died on
Sunday, 7vhe7i five {nights) remained (i.e. the 24///) of the latter
JumadCi, in the year 408 (a.d. 1017).
IV.
About i7i in. by 13.
jvi,sy< ^J-^ ^^ ^■^\ >^^^ y^
(_^aj1 ^L' («.>-j\j 'J\; (^_5-^^ ^
,1. i.*o-Cj ^^1 (<A-mj ys-jl
\
A,Ka>^ 1^^ ij-tf *^11^ '^^^ "^jii
* Incorrectly for ^ -^.^U t Read \li<.
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
l:: — Kj\ tuLli ff^j^j ^^_} l5■^-*^'^ ^
^. ^^^"^y i\j^\ Xkswc ^ _a.)ej>--
lU .>_ui-C-« , gAJl iLA*.: j-^*
In the name etc. ^'' Say, God is One'''' ; etc. (Sur, cxii.) O God,
bless Muh. the prophet and his family ; and have mercy upon Fdtima,
daughter of Jdfar, son of Muhammad, the dyer. She died on Sunday,
the first of the latter Jumddd, in the year 412 (a.d. 1021).
V.
About 17 in. by 13.
^)\ ^^)\ ji ^
1
Incorrectly for iJ;,^ ^^^"^
333
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1887.
Si:^\j ^■]\ ^ V-c ijj)\ l^j^iLt-Oj
/^z //z^ name etc. " 77/ /> /j' a suficiejit annou7icement for men ;■
and {it is revealed) that they may be warned thereby, and that they
may know that He is one God, and that the discreet may renumber^
(Sur. xiv. 52.) O God, bless Muh. the prophet and his fa??iily and save
(them) ; and have ?jiercy upon Thy servant that hath tieed of Thy mercy,
/afar, son of AJimad, son of 'All, son of Muhammad, son of Kasim,
son of 'Abd as-Samad. He died on Thursday when six days (jiights)'
were past (the dtli) of al-Muharram, iji the year 4 [8 (a.d. 1027).
May the mercy of God be up07i him arid ITis favour.
* These words are rather indistinct on the stone. The engraver was going to-
carve 1 JbUJ \ > but stopped short at the alif, which he neglected to erase.
l/f_vL-j should be \,^jvi^j^ (\a~Am^\ but I am not certain as to what is orv
the stone ; it might be only ^_xL-:. The letters \^ at the end of this line, and
^^ at the beginning of the next, (making up the word ^^ , 1 «') ^^^ outside of
the boundary line. They were evidently omitted by the engraver and inserted
afterwards.
t The composer of the epitaph should have written JljJ l •• ^ ..J.
X Incorrectly for i' /^ Jl/*w'- ^ shall not notice any more of these
discords.
334
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
VI.
About 19 in. by 12^ in width at the top and 11 in. below.
^^j^\ ^A^llj \y^\j \yj:sr 5
J.3 .Ul 11.^ yii ^>!1 J
^iW aJ^sjSlj \jJu:\^ Vv^ ^
335
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [18S7.
In the name etc. " Verily those who say ' Our Lord is God' and
then walk uprightly, upon them shall the angels descend {saying), ' Fear
ye not, 7ieither be ye sad, but rejoice ye in the Paradise which ye have
been promised."' (Sur. xli. 30.) O God, bless Muh. the prophet and
his family the pure and save {them). T/iere died Ibrdliim, soti of al-
Husain, son of Ishdk, son of Ycikiib, so7i of IsJiak, on Saturday, wJien
eigJit {nig/its) remained {the 21st) of the latter Rabt, in tlie year 420
(a.d. 1029).
VII.
About 16 in. by 12 in. at the top and \o\ below.
l^^-V^' ^/Ksy< ^^^ (..5^ [*r^' (♦
u^'
^\^\ ^^^}\
cy ^
^y
u'j-
KuS- t'U--J jS>-3\
OjU.i^
lT
^i^ f-'jj
I
^j\ l\^\
^.
_^\ XKiy< J-C ^_J-^ ^\ I*
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
PROCEEDINGS.
l::^a.'^ tuirli ♦•^^ t\j '^^j
5
^ J^ ^:^\ ^..:_ Li^y
yjjjLs. tO-j .r^i!l ^jl^^ 1^
tijLo f-^ j^j
/« ///g ;/^;;/^ etc. '■'■Every one that is upon it (viz. the earth)
perisheth, but the pej'son (Hterally, face^ of thy Lord abiddh, the pos-
sessor of glory and honour" {Sur. Iv. 26, 27.) O God, bless Muh.
the prophet and his family, and have mercy on Fufima, daughter of
'All, son of ' Abd- Allah, son of Jundda. She died 07i Monday, when
eight flights remained {the 21st) of the latter Jumadd, in the year 420
(a.d. 1029),
VIII.
About 19^ in. by 135, narrowing to 13.
(sic) Ip ^ c_>U:=-j J^y^j^
ljJ.Jbiyi aJl iJ^J 15-*^^ tX-Kaj-'O ^<i-=- ^J^
y ^i" j"^ u" ^^^^u"
S,4^\ Sj^
lt
(sic) ju^ (sic) ^ ^^ju^ JtVi] ^^1x1 ^jju^''i\ J, -10
337
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1887.
I
>Ai-^l ^rA.S^J\ rill ♦^uJ
[read l^J^i] l^* ^! c:jll?-j L,'^J-^^LJ
^I^ILSI all ^i:j 1^-^^ A,*.s>^ ^_^ j^^Ls
/« ///6' //^;«^ etc. " T/ieir Lord sendeth them glad tidings of mercy
from Himself atid of goodwill, and of gardens wherein lasting pleasure
shall be theirs, abiding therei?i for ever ; verily with God is a great
reward!" (Sur. ix. 21, 22.) O God, bless Miih. the prophet and his
family the pure, and have mercy on Thy servaftt that hath 7ieed of Thy
mercy, Yahyd,\ son of Ahmad, son of 'All, son of Muhammad, son of
Kdsim, son of 'Abd as-Samad, so7i of Yahyd, son of Badr. He died
on Monday, when three days remained (i.e. the 26th) of Safar, i?i the
year 422 (a.d. 1031).
IX.
About 15 in. by 1 1 at the top and 10 below.
^AiN-^l ^jAJ:^J\ -ill j^AuJ
X*<5>5^ jJ-C jJ-tf (»*111 iLu!-« ^jjM.s>^\j \
* Instead of the usual .,jJb /jlj^i Cil^^^O
t A brother of no. V.
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
\
iX-issyo ^J:^ j^-«* j«-gJi^ ^r^*^ CJ*"-"^!? ^
^^^^y s^y^^-'^ Li^ry^^
In the name etc. " The himates of Paradise on that day shall be
best as to abode and fairest as to restitig place." (Sur. xxv. 26.) O
God, bless Muh. the prophet and his family the pure, and have mercy
on Habiba, daughter of 'Alt, son of Ahmad, son of 'Obaid- Allah, the
potter,* from Udfii {Edfii). She died on the first of ShauwCd in the
year 423 (a.d. 1032).
X.
About 15 in. by 11 5.
< ^t3 ^j^ \jJ<s>- cJ^! Jjt;5- Lj ^ lJ?jJ^ 1-J^Iaj
Jx^i^j j\^^l\ l^iA^sT ^ ^j:^ ^JKj^
J ^_^^ XKsy< ^ J-a f^\ \jy^ t_<S
^»-<-ajl, from the Greek Ktpafitvg.
339
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1887.
cr lT^--^ o"' -V-^^ Jr* J^^* LJ-' ^^^
J*^^ jW-'^-!^ W^^ CT* o7^ cuIa?-
J ^_^1 Xk^v^ J^ J,^ j^l l^_j^« cL^
c,': c;:^^^^ C.':' ^^/:^^ J^* J^^ c^ c;"^^
/« ///^ name etc. (Sur. xxv. 11, as in no. III.) O God, bless
Muh. the prophet a?id his fafiiily the pure, and have mercy up07t Thy
servant , son of Hasan, son of Kibcd, the freedfnan of Hub air a,
soJi of Husain, son of Hub air a. He died on Sunday, the first of . . . .,
in the year 424 (a.d, 1033).
XL
About 17^ in. by \2\ at the top and 11 at the foot.
^aA\ JJl J^i-1 ^\ y^ ^Ls
* As the word > after , ' ^ ax^ seems to be clear, the engraver appears
to have misplaced the name of the deceased. The next word is indistinctly cut,
and I can read with certainty only t^^ ...£■•
t Here again the carving is indistinct. Originally it was, I think, Kajab,
altered to Shaban,
June 7]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1887.
^jJ^\ XKsy<= ^ J^ *i^\ iX^l \^^
J .MJ^t J—J-l^ <^Js^^ t^
J.^! ^1 A^l ^^ ^ Ji
^_^JoJl ^.♦.csy* ^J^ ^J^ A^^\ "As-l V^
cUU
■::^b
/;? f/ie name etc. (Sur. cxii., as in no. II.) (9 God, bless Muh.
etc., ««^ have mercy upon Maty a, daughter of 'All, son of Ahmad,
son of Ishak. She died when ten {nights) remained {ofi the 20th) of
the first RabT of the year ^21 (a.d. 1036).
XII.
About 2 1 in. by 1 2^. It shows traces of decoration painted in black
round the edges.
* Originally ^ȣ, A.^.^ (L^ Lwj')' ^^"t ^^^ fourth stroke has been partially
erased, leaving ^^x-.L:-
341
10
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1887.
fj-.w.^^j it'^^'' ^-uo^l A»j <Ujsr^ Uju
jSi" ci-*U:>- Lli3i 1^^ [read Lx~-]^^j^ cliO Jxj;- 5
^_^^ XKiyc ^J^ Jl^ J^\ [read \jy^'}j^
£i'ead Juotxw^] Jocw^ l1XUj>-j ^\ j:>^\ lI/^^
•^42
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
In the 7iame etc. " Hasten unto forgiveness from your Lord and a
Paradise the width ivhereof is (as) the heavens and the earth, which is
prepared for the God-fearing.^^ (Sur. iii. 127.) " Blessed be He who, if
He pleased" etc. (Sur. xxv. 11, as in no. III.) O God, bless Muh.
etc. (as in no. VI.), and have mercy on Thy servant that hath need of
Thy mercy, Ismail, son of al-Husain, soti of Ishdk, son of YdkUb, son
of Ishdk. He died on Monday, when twenty and three {iiights) were
passed {on the 22,rd) of Rajab, in the year ^t,i (a.d. 1040). The mercy
of God be upon him, and His forgiveness and His favour be upon him I
XIII.
About 18^ in. by 10^.
Xf.Jl M\ ^\ ^]\ y^ Jj
Jx J^ ^\ s^\ \y^ ^
Jb\!ai\ ^\ ^^J^^ ^5-*^^ t\,K«y< 5
y ^ly yX^^j^y^ ^ ^\=^ ^
^J^^,<:j *ji^J Uy^ U^^ (jAA.'Jl *
<uU ^Jj^j ;j-*^'^bj U'^'^^ "^'LWj 10
* The mark J before ^^ and tU.~J seems to be meant for ^^.
343
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1887.
Jl. j^ ^\ s^\ ijK ^
^kjL,<j jjJ:^ ^^ u^^ ,j;UjJ (jr*^"*^ /♦
/// t/ie name etc. (Sur. cxii., as in no. II.) O God, bless M21/1.
the prophet and his family the pure, atid have mercy o?i Thy servatit
that hath need of Thy 7>iercy, Hdrun, son of Vahyd, the goldsniith, son
of . . . ., son of Graziafio* He died on Mojiday, wheti eight {nights)
were passed {on the Sth) of the month of Ramadan, i?i the year 432
(a.d. 1041).
XIV.
About 18 in. by i2|.
».'ljUU-A-' " seems to me to be intended for ,j\ y ^^"y ~, an Italian Graziano.
> J^ V •• J'
But I have not yet succeeded in hitting upon the equivalent of ,\;^.
344
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
*r^^
i\ ..^i\ ^l\
i" ^ ^ ^ r •
^Joii,' u_>.A,ci f*''^")'? '''^'* I i~:*^*" ' Jk/*.iv,< 1 <r-^ ljT"'*
1 ,^01 ^^^ ^^y ^^l ^,^^\ jl ^,
In the name etc. ''^ Every sonl sJiall taste of death; and ye shall
receive your recompenses only on the day of the resurrection ; and whoso
is moved away fro^n the fire {of hell) and made to enter Paradise, hath
obtained salvation : and the life of this world is fioiight but deceitful
luares." (Sur. iii. 1S2.) O God, bless Muh. the prophet and his
family, and have mercy on Thy handmaiden that hath need of Thy
mercy, FCidila, daughter of Muhammad, son of 'Abd- Allah, son of 'All,
knoii.ni by {the name of) al-Wddi.* She died on the twenty-second day
of the month of Ramadan of the year 443 (a.d. 1052).
* Whence named I cannot say. He may have come from Wadi 'l-Kora,
'^\ ,j'.,, in al-Hijaz. The name might be read ^Lll) ^^t the j has the
same form in ^jtj\^ (1. 2) and J,^_nL (1- 4)-
345
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1887.
XV.
About i9j in. by 12^.
^11 l^sr ^„c ^-^ ci,Aa^ ui3i ^^
... (^. ^^ V V^ . •• • Iw'-
i.A»i.<, -j-i ,..^ [read j AxlH ,.,j>x.j,^1 ,.tJs-»j!lJl ^4J , J J Juo^ ,.r)
/// ///^ ^/r?;;/^ etc. '"'■ Blessed be He wJio''' etc. (Sur. xxv. 11, as in
no. III.) O God, bless Miih. the prophet afid his family the p2i7-e, and
have mercy upon Thy sen^ant that hath need of Thy mercy, Muhammad,
so?i of 'Obaid- Allah, son of MF/sd, son of "^Obaid- Allah, son of'Obaid.
He died on Monday the 40th {irad, the 20th)* of the month of
Ramadan, i?i the year ^^^ (a.d. 1054).
* The engraver was probably thinking of tlie numlicr 40 in the following
date.
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
XVI.
About 19^ by 9^. Width of margin about i|in. The last four
lines are much damaged.
A^!l ^U! s^\ Mi\ y, jj
^ JL^ ^\ J^l \y<
jW [ J ^^^,] ^Jl . ^_,_^3
^ ^ ^11! j.^1 ij^
t^*^ ^^ aV en' O-^r^^ ^^^-^:'^ -^
y ^;Ui 0..1J ^^ ^^^ ^.. j^
>[...- J ^i]^l ^ ^^i
J ;^.U^ .u-^ ^,.]^^.^ ^,^ ^
10
[in^ t^LL- ^^^
347
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1SS7.
On the margin we read as follows, beginning at the upper right-
hand corner : —
u/_^l ./^, .b^ ^.^1 J^ »>J ^Jl ^..^
(^ V. ■ I J '- vy> • ^ ^ ^ V
^^^J\ i^< ^_j J^ ^.^a!1 ^,L i^^lii-0 ji^Jl ^.o^.
/// f/ie jiamc, etc. (Sur. cxii., as in no. II.) O God, bless Muh. the
prophet and his family the pure, and have mercy on Thy handmaiden
that hath need of Thy mercy, Baraka, daughter of ITusain, son of
Rizk-Allah, son of '^Ali, son of ITusain, son of DcCud, the goldsmith.
She died on Monday (?), whe7i .... (?tights) remained of Safar, [ifi
the year'] 455 (a.d. 1063). And she testifieth that there is no God
but Allah alone, He hath no compajiion ; and she testifieth that
Muhammad is His servant and His apostle ; " He hath sent Jiim
with the Guidance aiid the true religion, that He may make it
prevail over every other religion, averse though the polytheists may
he." (Sur. ix. 2,3-)
To these I may add a stone from the same cemetery, which is in
my possession, bearing the same date as no. IV.
XVIL
About :
[2;^ in.
by 5^
^.^J\ ^,^J\ M\ ^
*oU.^^. ^,L. UvU ^.c ^l^
JV' :^ cJ^^j ^1
JU^ j^ ^<.^ ^^j
J_- ^\ ^i<v,
> ^\ ^\JM\,
* The circlet al llie cm\ of this line seems to have no meaning; \\hatever
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
cM Icj Ljr*^^^ >A^cswc ^^J-:: <:^\ ^_J-C5 ^_c-v-\!\ J>xusv-« ^^J^ 5
c.-* ^'v'^ t^ l/^ r"^'' ^^^^ ^'"^ ^^^^ ^"^ ^'^^''' ^^^ ^
In the name, etc. ^^ Every one that is upon it" etc. (Sur. Iv. 26,
27, as in no. VII.) O God, bless Mu/i. the prophet and his family
the pure, and have mercy on Thy servant 'Abd- Allah, son of'Isd, son
of 'Abd- Allah, son of AJunad, son of 'All, son of Muhammad, son of
Kasim. He died when seven {nights) ivere passed (i.e. on the ph)
of Sha'bdn, in the year 412 (a.d. 102 i).
The following Communication has been received from
Edward Falkener : —
The Site of Gethsemane.
Naturally the pilgrim to Jerusalem approaches the Holy City with
very different feelings to those which would influence him in going
to any other place. We may go to Athens, or Carthage, or Troy, or
Nineveh, or Babylon, or Thebes, and ponder upon the history of
those cities in their pristine glory, and the people who inhabited
them ; we may think of the events which took place at Salamis, or
Plataea, or Thermopylse, and strive to realize them ; we may place
ourselves in the theatre of Ephesus, or on " Mars' Hill " at Athens,
or at Konieh (Iconium), or Bin-bir-kilisseh (Lystra), or at Tarsoos in
Pamphylia, or at Antioch in Pisidia, or in the " Straight Street " or on
the walls of Damascus, or at the numerous other places associated
with St. Paul's life and labours ; we may now, thanks to the researches
of the Egypt Exploration Fund, go to Tel el Maskhuta (Succoth), and
349
JuxE 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1SS7.
see the real route which the Israehtes took hi fleeing from the land of
Egypt ; we may go to l\aphanes in Egypt, and stand on the pavement
which Jeremiah was ordered to construct in front of Pharaoh's house,
and to declare that Nebuchadnezzar would place his throne there,
and spread his royal pavilion over it.* And what is most remark-
able, we have photographs of Seti I, the builder of Karnac, the most
magnificent temple ever built, the columns of which are 13 feet in
diameter ; and of his son Rameses the Great, and the Pharaoh of
the Exodus, who built the temple at Luxor, the columns of which
are 12 feet in diameter.
But these discoveries and identifications of sites connected with
important histories and important personages, are as nothing when
compared with anything relating to that city in the streets of which
our Saviour walked, in the Temple of which He prayed, to the
surrounding hills and gardens of which He often resorted, and in one
of which He was buried.
There are two classes of pilgrims to the Holy Land : those who
go there with the Bible in their hand, and seek to identify the
principal localities; and those whose religion calls upon them to
pay their devotions in the exact spot where everything mentioned in
the Bible took place. They must see the house of Caiaphas, the
house of the rich man, the house of the poor man at Jerusalem, and
the house of Lazarus, and the house of Simon the Leper at Bethany ;
descending not only to the minutest things mentioned in the Bible,
but even to imaginary things and imaginary persons, as the window
out of which Pontius Pilate looked, the house of St. Veronica, and
the spot on which the Blessed Virgin's girdle fell at her supposed
assumption. At an age when it was considered neces.sary to treat
exoteric worship differently to esoteric worship, all these spots were
" discovered " and pointed out in order to increase the devotion of
* Jer. xliii, 8—13. The words in the Authorized Version are : "Take great
stones in thine hand, and hide them in the clay, and hide them in the brick kihi
which is at the entry of Pharaoh's house in Taphancs." In tlie Revised Version
we read : "And hide them in the mortar in the brickwork." Mr. Petrie, to
whom we are so much indebted for the discovery of this interesting site, and for
other important researches, "looked for these great stones diligently, and turned
up the brickwork in every part." Perhaps the meaning may be that Jeremiah was
directed, not to "hide" or bury these great stones, but to lay them, or, as we
should say, to bed them in the mortar of the pavement. If so, they constituted
the pavement, which has unfortunately been broken up in many parts (or, as
Mr. Petrie says, " in every part ") in order to discover these stones which were
presumed to be " hidden " purposely underneath.
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1SS7.
the ignorant and credulous ; and thus the Church of the Ascension
was built on the summit of the Mount of Olives, instead of at
Bethany, on its further base.* So also the site of Gethsemane has
been established, and this site has been accepted universally by all
Christians. The writer in the article in Smith's " Dictionary of the
Bible " says of it,t " Of these (sacred) sites Gethsemane is the only
one which has any claim to be authentic." But independently of the
Bible narrative, the only evidence for the site of Gethsemane is
afforded by the eight olive trees-enclosure on the banks of the Kidron.
These trees doubtless are of very great antiquity, but no one pretends
that they existed 1887 years ago. Not only, as we are told by
Josephus, did Titus cut down all the trees within a radius of about
ten miles:]: of the city, for the purpose of building his wall of 39 stadia
in circumference, which was completed in the incredibly short period
of three days, though it took twenty-one days afterwards to strengthen
and raise it higher ; but Josephus expressly mentions that in doing
so he destroyed all the "places which were before adorned with
trees and pleasant gardens,^'' and " the most beautit'ul suburbs of the
•city." But even if Titus had not laid waste the gardens immediately
below the city walls, the Jews themselves would have done so, as
besieged cities invariably do to prevent the enemy approaching the
walls unperceived. The trees therefore must have been planted
afterwards, and probably in the time of Helena when the holy sites
were sought for and "discovered;" though the first notice of them
by modern travellers is only about 300 years ago. We are therefore
thrown back upon the sacred narrative to ascertain the approximate
site. That it was near the Kidron, and not far from the bridge, is
evident. We are told that this is all that we can gather relative to
"it. The object of the following pages is to show that this is not so.
The question before us is — Where was Gethsemane, the place of our
Lord's Agony in the Garden ?
Gethsemane is mentioned by name by St. Matthew, " Then
cometh Jesus unto a place named Gethsemane ; " and by St. Mark,
■" And they came to a place which was named Gethsemane." St. Luke
refers to it, " And when He was at the place ; " while St. John says
that our Lord " went forth with His disciples over the brook Cedron,
where was a garden, into the which He entered, and His disciples : "
but St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. Luke mention that " they went
* Luke xxiv, 50. t \S\-\^<tx 7yc\\c\^ Aloutit of Olives.
X " 90 stadia," Josephus, Bell., v, 12, ^ ; " 100 stadia," vi, 8, I.
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1887.
out into the Mount of Olives." From all these data Gethsemane
has been pointed out from the fourth century to the present time as
at the foot of the Mount of Olives. Who that has been to Jerusalem,
and been shown a host of imaginary spots within the city, has
not felt a relief to go outside the city, to breathe the pure air of the
Mount of Olives, to contemplate the city from thence which our
Saviour so often looked upon ; and who has not thought that he has
been treading that same path up the mountain which our Saviour so
often trod, that he has been sitting upon that mountain, perhaps in the
very place, where our Saviour sat, and thought with awe that on His way
thither He had passed Oethsemane, the place of our Lord's Agony
in the Garden, and had turned his eyes towards that secluded dell
where our Lord was crucified ! Mount Olivet does indeed remain ;
and there are various other sites connected with the Holy City of
which we may feel sure. But is the spot called Gethsemane one of
them ? It is not : But if not, where was it ? Let us now consider
the objections.
According to the above data it was on the Mount of Olives. We
grant that the sides and slopes of a mountain may be called the
mountain ; just as Bethany (Luke xxiv, 50), which lies in a hollow of
the slopes of the Mount of Olives, about a mile from the summit, is
referred to by St. Luke as the "mount called Olivet" (Acts i, 12).
But can a place which stands in the valley, close to the brook which
is in the centre of the valley, be said to be on the mountain ? Again,
from what St. John tells us — "And Judas also knew the place; for
Jesus ofttimes resorted thither with His disciples " — ^we may infer
that it was a secluded place ; but how can a place answer to this
description which, before it was reduced to its present size by a
wall, had a public road running through it, leading to Bethany
Bethabara, and Jericho? But there are other difficulties. St. John
gives us the parting discourse of our Lord contained in four long
chapters, xiv — xvii. There are two suppositions connected with
this discourse : one is, that the whole discourse was pronounced in
the "upper chamber;" but this is disproved by the words, "Arise,
let us go hence " — at the end of the fourteenth chapter ; the other that
our Lord left the upper chamber immediately after saying these
words, and that He continued His discourse in chapters xv — xvii
while passing through the busy city, crowded with people who from
all parts of the land had come up to the feast, and while descending
afterwards the steep path going down to the Kidron. But it is
352
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
impossible that such a discourse could have been delivered under
such circumstances ; or that so short a walk could have occupied the
time which elapsed between the Supper and our Lord's betrayal in
the garden. But there is another objection, and that a fatal one.
When our Lord said, " Arise, let us go hence," we must believe^
as stated by the Synoptists, that our Lord and His apostles " went
out into the Mount of Olives," and that tJiere our Lord gave that
solemn address to His apostles which we read in John xv — xvii ; and
that "when Jesus had spoken these words. He went forth with His
disciples over the brook Cedron, where was a garden, into the which
He entered, and His disciples." Consequently our Lord crossed over
the Cedron in going to Mount Olivet, and crossed it back again in
going to Gethsemane. The pretended site therefore is oji the wrong
side of the Cedro7i !
Thus so far from Gethsemane being on the western side of Mount
Olivet, or even, as has been suggested by one writer, on the south-
eastern side, " on the road to Bethany .... where the family of
Lazarus might have had possessions ; "* it was on the slopes of the
city, and at some little distance from the public path and the bridge ;
for it was in a secluded spot. On these slopes were gardens all
round the city.t On the north side were the gardens " obliquely
situated " (made to face the south-east), among which Titus was
entangled when surveying the city walls. | On the west side was the
"Garden Gate" (Gennath), close to which were the gardens of
Herod's palace, " containing porticos, and groves of trees, with long
walks through them."§ On the south-west corner, below the " Dung
Gate" (Porta stercoris, or stercoraria), was Tophet, originally "the
Pleasant Valley," or the "Valley of Gardens," " a pleasant spot in
the Valley of Hinnom,. with trees and gardens watered by Siloam"||
Here I have endeavoured to show in another place, as a " Pilgrim
to the Holy Place," was the garden of Joseph of Arimathaea, and
the sepulchre in which our Lord was buried.'^ On the south-east
* Smith's "Diet, of the Bible," s.v.
t Jos., Bell., vi, I, § I. Lightfoot, Chorog. Cent., xxi, vol. x, 46.
X Bell., V. 2, § 2.
§ Bell., V, 4, § 4, Villalpandus, Appar. Urh. ac Tempi., 215 b. lib. iii, 26.
II " Sua primaria significatione voluptuosum, amoenumque locum significat. . . ^
Locus erat in suburbanis Jerusalem .... amoenissimus .... viridaris et hortis
consitus, totusque nemorosus ac deliciis plenus." Hieron., In ferciii., vii, 19, 31,.
32 ; Brocardus, Itin., 6 ; Adrichonius, Theatnaii Ter. Sanct., 169 b.
TT Mus. Class. Antic]., ii, 454 — 464.
353
June 7] SOCIETY OF I5IHLICAL ARCII.EOLOGV. [1SS7.
coiner were the "King's Gardens" of Solomon's palace,* which
stood on Ophel, and the garden of En-rogel.f Consequently the
King's gardens occupied the whole valley of Siloam, " between the
two walls" (2 Kings xxv, 4) of Ophel and Zion, and extending from
the king's palace to the Pool of Siloam, to which steps in the rocks
appear to have led down. Gardens still exist in this locality.^ And
lastly, on the east was the Garden of Gethsemane. Of course other
gardens existed, but of these only we have mention ; but naturally
from the nature of the rock on which Jerusalem is built, the eastern,
southern, and western slopes would be laid out in walks and gardens
having a lovely view; Avhile the level ground to the north would
consist of fields and gardens, extending, as Josephus tells us, to a
great distance.
So much for facts. If these facts prove the case, there is no
occasion to state anything in confirmation. Yet the subject of our
Lord's actions upon earth previous to His betrayal are of such trans-
cendent interest to us all, that we would fain dwell upon the incidents,
so as to fix the places in our memory : for of what use is it to establish
sites, unless we know the incidents connected with them ? And
more especially are these incidents of interest to the student of
biblical archaeology.
St. Luke is the only Evangelist who mentions that at the Last
Supper " there was a strife among the apostles which of them should
be accounted the greatest ; " as they had disputed once before,
immediately after the Transfiguration ; and as on another occasion
the two sons of Zebedee sought to have the pre-eminence, to the
great displeasure of the others. It seems probable that the place
where St. Luke records this is a metachronism, and that the circum-
stance occurred at the time of their taking their seats at the
table; and that in consequence of this our Lord "rose" from the
table, and proceeded to wash their feet, as a lesson of humility and
brotherly love ; after which He " sat down again." For St. John
makes the address on humility (v. 12 — 17), which was given after
the washing of feet (v. 4 — 12), to precede the Last Supper; for v. 2
means only at supper time, not "supper being ended;" but St. Luke
^ives the Supper first (v. 17 — 20), and the address on humility,
* 2 Kings, xxv, 4 ; Jer. xxxix, 4 ; Jos., Aiiliq., vii, 14, § 4.
t Jos. Aniiq., ix, 10, § 4.
X E)e Saulcy, ii, 244 ; .Schultz, /^;7/j-., 79.
354
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S87.
which immediately followed the "strife," afterwards (v. 25 — 27).
Let us now follow St. John.
The supper being ended, our Lord declared unto them that He
was about to leave them, but comforted them with the assurance of
His going to prepare for them a home in heaven ; and that the way
there was through Him ; and told them that He and His Father
were one. He teaches them to pray to the Father in His name, and
that He will give them what they pray for. He enjoins them to love,
and promises to dwell with them, and that He will send the Holy
Ghost to comfort them, and He then gives them His blessing. All
this occupies the greater part of two chapters (xiii and xiv), at the
conclusion of which they sang a hymn ; after which our Lord said,
" Arise, let us go /lence."
Is not this act of blessing, the singing a hymn, and the invitation
to depart, a proof that they did then leave the upper chamber ?
Accordingly St. Matthew and St. Mark say, " And when they had
-sung a hymn, they went out into the Mount of Olives." St. Luke
however gives us one more incident prior to their so doing. He
informs us that our Lord revealed to them that a time of trouble
awaited them, and that they must now be prepared to provide for
and defend themselves. In token of which He allows them to take
the two swords they had with them : another proof that they were
about to sally out. And now they leave the room ;* St. Luke imme-
diately adding, "And He came out, and went as He was wont to
the Mount of Olives : and His disciples followed Him."
The Mount of Olives is intimately associated with our Lord's life
upon earth, but more especially with the week immediately preceding
His crucifixion; during which He "lodged "at Bethany, crossing
the mountain every day to and fro, except the day prior to His
betrayal. It was here that our Lord " abode at night time," where
He was " wont to go." It was on "journeying towards Jerusalem "
that our Lord uttered that touching apostrophe, " O Jerusalem,
Jerusalem ! thou that killest the prophets, and stonest them that are
sent unto thee, how often would I have gathered thy children
together, as a hen doth gather her chickens under her wings, and ye
would not ! " It was on another occasion that when " on the descent
of the Mount of Olives .... He beheld the city and wept over it,
* We naturally call to mind how when our Lord was approaching Jerusalem
for His Passion— " Jesus went before them : and they were amazed ; and as they
followed, they were afraid." Mark, x, 32.
355
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1SS7.
saying, "If thou hadst known, even thou, in this thy day, the things
which belong unto thy peace ! But now they are hid from thine
eyes," and then foretelUng its destruction. It was across the Mount
of Olives that our Lord made His triumphant entry into Jerusalem ;
and now it is from this mount that our Lord is about to go, giving
Himself up to His enemies ; and it is from this mount that our Lord
was to ascend into heaven, after His resurrection ; and upon th[s
mountain our Lord is figuratively foretold to come again to Judgment.
How natural then that our Lord should, on this awful occasion,
proceed, " as He was wont," to the Mount of Olives, that hill which
He crossed so frequently to visit the family of Martha and Mary and
Lazarus, walking, or sitting down, as when " He sat upon the Mount
of Olives, over against the Temple ; " where being away from the
haunts of man, He might commune with God the Father, enjoying
the quiet solitude of the place, the pure air, and the beautiful view
of the city. It was from here that the Psalmist sang : —
Great is the Lord !
And highly to be praised !
In the city of our God,
In the mountain of His holiness.
Beautiful for situation,
The joy of the whole earth,
Is the mountain of Sion !
The hill of God is as the hill of Bashan
Even a high hill, as the hill of Bashan.
The hills stand about Jerusalem :
Even so doth the Lord stand about 11 is people,
From this time forth for evermore.
Jerusalem is built as a city
That is compacted well together.
O pray for the peace of Jerusalem !
They shall prosper that love thee.
Peace be within thy walls,
And prosperity within thy palaces !
Because of my brethren and companions
I will say — Peace be within thee !
Because of the house of the Lord our God
I will pray for thy good.*
* 'J'he Book of Psalms of David the King and Prophet : Longmans.
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
How natural then, I say, that our Lord should proceed to take a
last view of such a city previous to His suffering ; a city associated
with so many memories, with so many blessings from God ; which
was God's vineyard, and which was now about to " kill the Son," and
to associate itself with ignominy by crucifying its Messiah, the Lord
of Glory ; but which, notwithstanding this, was, from its former cha-
racter, the type of a heavenly city wherein all the children of God
will dwell hereafter. Here, on this spot, looking up at the city with its
beautiful Temple, now lit up by the full moon, shining as it does
only in such climates, and looking down upon that garden of Gethse-
mane, where He had so often, in company with His disciples, prayed
imto His Father, when most of the inhabitants of the city were
asleep ; and when now He was about to deliver Himself up for
sacrifice, beholding with His spiritual eye that spot beneath the
Porta Stercoris, though hidden from the natural eye by the heights of
Zion, where He knew that He was about to suffer, and that adjoining
garden where His body was to be laid for three short days. He
continues His farewell discourse to His apostles. As the olive
trees — with which, in common with cedars and fig trees, the moun-
tain then abounded, and from which it took its name — with their
old gnarled stems sending out branches which interlace and entwine
together, suggested to David the idea of children living in love
and harmony together, being a blessing from the Lord to those
who serve Him ; so it is probable that the vines which then clothed
these hills* furnished our Lord with a picture of the connection
between our Lord and His Church, with the description of whicli
He begins His discourse : —
" I am the Vine ; and my Father is the Husbandman. Every
branch in Me that beareth not fruit. He purgeth it that it may bring
forth more fruit." But though the figure was thus made use of to
show His disciples their dependence upon Himself, it is evident from
His thus speaking of His Father as the husbandman, that He was
also thinking in His own mind of His parable of the Vineyard, and
of the Master of the vineyard sending at last His "one Son, His
well-beloved, saying, They will reverence My Son " . . . . but they
"cast Him out of the vineyard and slew Him."
* Where Isaiah says : " Now will I sing to my well-beloved a song of my
beloved touching his vineyard. My well-beloved hath a vineyard in a ^ery
fruitful hill" he uses a word which signifies in Hebrew "a horn of a son of
oil," probably referring to olive trees ; and the name of Gethsemane itself seems
to be taken from the olive and vine, viz.: gath (a wine-press) and shonen (oil).
357
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1S87.
He then enjoins them to love one another, and to love all men, as
being the first requirement of God. He reminds them of His
having chosen them, and that they must follow Him, and suffer
because of Him, and that they will have to bear witness of Him.
He then tells them that He is about to leave them, but that they
must not sorrow, but rather rejoice ; and that He will send the Holy
Ghost to comfort them, to instruct them, and to guide them ; and
that He will hear their prayers, and will answer them ; for though
He is leaving them, He is going to His Father. He gently tells
them of their being about to forsake Him, and then again gives them
His blessing. We then read, " These words spake Jesus, and lifted up
His eyes to heaven and said : Father, the hour is come : glorify Thy
Son, that Thy Son also may glorify Thee." Then follows the beautiful
prayer contained in the seventeenth chapter. After which we read,
"When Jesus had finished these words, He went forth with His
disciples over the brook Cedron, where was a garden, into the which
He entered, with His disciples."
We think our readers will not fail to see not merely that the
place now shown as Gethsemane is on the wrong side of the Kidron,
but that the sacred narrative gains much by the fifteenth, sixteenth,
and seventeenth chapters of St. John being connected with the
Mount of Olives.
The following Communication has been received from
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A. :—
Dear Mr. Rvlands,
Among the recent acquisitions to the National Egyptian Collec-
tion is a limestone sepulchral stele, which on account of the
curious names, etc., found in it deserves some notice in the
Proceedings of our Society. It measures 2o2- in. by 13I in.
and was found at Ahmim ; its registration number is 87-4-2, 1431.
The top of the stele is rounded, and the whole inscribed surface
is divided into four parts. The first contains a representation
of the disk of the sun having three pairs of wings, and a figure of
the disk shedding rays of light, ^, on each side of which is a
358
June 7] TROCEEDINGS. [1887.
figure kneeling in adoration. The body of the one remaining
figure is painted red, and it wears a long flowing head-dress, the
execution of which is very fine.
In the second division the deceased, called Nes-Heru, is standing
with both hands raised in adoration before the god Harpocrates,
who sits at one end of the first boat. The young Sun-god holds
his finger to his mouth and carries a whip over his shoulder, and
reminds us of the figures of him which are found engraved on
Gnostic gems. In the centre of the boat is a representation of
the sun's disk on the horizon rOl . The short lines of inscription
above the boat read : —
" Said by the Visitor, the d7u x^^A the ka priest, /lepf id at, Osiris
Nes-Heru. Hail shining in life, hail shining in life in the eastern
part of the sky destroying the darkness. The Visitor, the am xent
the ka priest, hepi ut'at, Nes-Heru." A second figure of the deceased,
in the same attitude as before, stands before a second boat of
the sun, which contains a representation of the sun's disk on the
horizon with a ram ^:3\ inside it. The inscription reads : —
'Hail Atmu at the head of Manu
thou restest upon
In the third division the deceased Nes-Heru is represented
kneeling before two gods ; behind these is a collection of offerings.
Next come two seated gods, each holding -^ in his hands, whose
names appear to be | -^ ©^ Net'em-anchet, i.e., " Sweet life," and
359
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1S87.
Net'em-nif, i.e., "Sweet breath." A standing figure of the deceased
with his wife is next shown adoring before the god Osiris. The words
" Said by Osiris at the head of Amenta" [| \^ jj ^ ^^ F ^0^
occur here, but the sculptor seems to have omitted to finish the
sentence which would give. us what Osiris said. Near Osiris stands
Isis, and behind them is a third small boat containing a shrine in
which is a seated figure of Osiris ; the deceased stands adoring
at one end, and at the other stand Isis and her sister Nephthys.
The fourth division contains 13 lines of well-cut hieroglyphs whicli
read as follows : —
" May Osiris at the head of Amenta, the great god, lord of
Abydos, Socharis Osiris dwelling in Panopolis, Horus of the double
horizon, Atmu lord of the two earths and Heliopolis, Amsu lord
of Panopolis, Horus the avenger of his father, Isis the great one,
the divine mother dwelling in Panopolis and occupying the throne
there, and the great cycle of the gods of the temple of Panopolis,
give sepulchral meals of oxen, ducks, incense, and bandages, and
all good, sweet, and pure things, the gifts of heaven, the products
which the Nile brings forth from his storehouse, and the sweet
breath of the north wind to the ka of Osiris, the Visitor, the
am xeut, the ka priest, the kept ut'at* priest of Horus, royal kins-
man, judge of the royal mother, Nes-Heru triumphant ! He was
the son Senet'em-ab-ur-s'en-t'et-hra who held the like dignities, the
son of Senet'em-ab-ur-s'en-arit-Heru who held the like dignities, the
son of Senet'em-ab-t'et-hra who held the like dignities, the son of
Heru-em-saf who held the like dignities, the son of Nutar-un-ren-em-
pet-em-Aptet-t'et-hra who held the like dignities, the son of Pa-nes-
qa-Suti who held the like dignities. He was the son of the lady
of the house Aru-ru, a priestess of Amsu, the daughter of T'et-Hra,
the Visitor of Panopolis, the priest of Horus, the royal kinsman,
the judge of the divine mother, the son of Pet-s'es-en-Amsu-arit-Heru
who held the like dignities. Says Nes-Heru to all the gods of
Panopolis, 'Protect ye the son Osiris, this Nes-Heru, as a king(?)
in the cemetery of Sentf without injury in the underworld for ever !
* I cannot translate these words. Hcpt jt/'at was a dignity frequently held by
the ka priest in the later times.
t The name of a very renowned sanctuary of the god Ames, situated in the
]'anoi»lite nome. See Brugsch, DicL Geogr., p. 723, and Brugsch, Giogr., I,
jil. 40.
360
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [18S7.
with the orders executed by his eldest son who makes
his name to live for ever, the Visitor, the am x^«A the ka priest,
T'et-hra, son of a man of like dignity, Nes-Heru, the son of the
lady of the house Hetep-nes-Amsu."
suten ta hetep Uasar x^'^t Amenta nutar aa
Royal give oblation Osiris at the head of Amenta god great
- -^JV-- s JS % \i^
neb Abtu Seker Uasar her ab Apu
lord of Abydos, Socharis Osiris within Panopolis,
Heru x^ti Atmu neb taiu Annu
Horns of the ttao horizons, Atmu lord of the two earths Heliopolis,
T ^ \°\^ % T! ! .1.M
Amsu neb Apu Heru net' hra tef
Amsu lord of Panopolis, Bonis the avenger of father [/lis'],
Uast ur nutar mat her ab Apu aper
Is is the great one divine mother within Panopolis occupying {?)
uast henut Apu paut nutaru aati
the throne of the mistress of Panopolis, the cycle of the gods great
xent pa Apu tat sen per xeru
at the head of the temple of Panopolis, may give they sepulchral meals,
361
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1S87.
(S!C)
ah apt nutar sentra ses' x^t nefer
oxen, ducks, i?ice?ise, bandages, things good
neb ab net'emet tata en pet qema en
all pure sweet, the gifts of heaven, the products which
an Hap em tepeh - f nif net'em en
bring Hdpi from storehouse his, breath siveet of
i-.^ V iLj 13 A^ i ffi
meh en ka en Uasar ut'eb am x^^^t
north wind to the ka of Osiris the Visitor, the a7n xent,
hen ka hept ut'at hen Heru suten rex ^^b
the priest of the kvi, priest of Horus, royal kinsjnan, judge
en nutar mat Nes-Heru se ma ennu ut'cb
of the royal mother Nes-Heru, son of a like,* Visitor,
iffi If m \ % \
am xG'''t ^y^^ ka hept ut'at hen Heru suten
dm x^'^^ priest of the ka, the hept ut'at prophet of Horus, royal
T 1^ "™ 1 ^ f1 ^
rex ^^^ "-^ nutar mat nutar hen Heru
kinsnian, judge of the divine mother divine prophet of Horus
* i.e., of a man who licld the like dignities.
362
June 7]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1887.
9 ^
-V^
Senet'em-ab-ur-s'en-t'et-hra se ma ennu ut'eb
Senefem-ab -iir-s'en-t'et-hra son of a like, the Visitor,
\
ly
! ^ \
am x^rit hen ka hept ut'at hen Heru suten
the Chamberlain, theVdu priest, the hept itt' at the prophet of Horns, royal
T 1^ ™ 1 ^ i 1 ^
rex sab en nutar mat nutar hen Heru
kiiisnian, judge of divi?ie mother, divine prophet of Horiis
n ? T -, ^5
Senet'em-ab-ur-s'en - arit - Heru
Senet'em ab-ur-s'en - arit- Heru
©
se ma ennu
son of a like
7
i 1 ^ P
I ^-^ '< I 2LL
nutar hen Heru Se-net'em - ab - t'et - hra se
divine prophet of Horns Se-net'eni-ab-t'et-hra son
ma ennu Heru - em - sa-f
of a like Heru-cm-saf,
1
^^^^ :iiiiini I a
„„,,^ iminr 1 .W"
nutar - un - reu - em
o □ ^
se ma ennu
son of a like
Aptet - t'et - lira
pet - em -
Nutar - un - reu - cm -pet - em - Aptet - t'et - Jird
se
son
ma ennu
of a like
A
E
pa - nes - qa - Suti
Pa - nes - qa - Suti,
363
mat ^eru
triumphant,
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S87.
mes nebt pa Aheb en Amsu
born of the lady of the house the priestess of Amsu
III <s I
Aru - ru set - 1 uteb Apu hen Hem
Aru-ru, the daughter of the Visitor of Fa?iopolis, priest of Horus,
\ T ^ ^ ^°- 1
suten rex ^^ ^'^ niitar mat t'et - hni
royal kijisman, Judge of the divine mother T'et - hra^
^ (Ig^o J
§
se ma ennu ut'eb Apu hen Heru
the son of a like. Visitor of Fa?iopolis, priest of Horus,
suten rex ^^^ en nutar mat Pet - s'es - en - Amsu -
royal kinsman, judge of the divine mother Pet-s'es -en-Amsic-
arit-Heru t'et-f x^^ nutaru nebu Apu
cirit - Heru. Says he to the gods all of Panopolis,
1<S> ^ ^ H "1^ ™ ^ 1
nutar ten se Uasar Nes-Heru pen suten suten
'Protect ye the child Osiris Nes-Heru this king{?) king{?)
_^!^ I <r-=> fv^^/i 'k-k-k © ^==3:^ ^^^^ -a*^
em nutar- x^rt Sent an nek em
in the cemetery of Sent without injury in the
364
June 7]
PROCEEDINGS.
[18S7.
m
n
tuat t'etta hesu ennu unen - f ? xG'' hesu
unde7-%oorld for ever ! with the orders
13-
P
1 KJ A/WW\ ^
ari en se - f ur s - an^ ren-f
executed by soji his eldest making to live name his.
A^ I
1I;
[cS=.]
ut'eb am x^^^ ben - ka T'et - hra se
the Visitor, the am x^«^, the ka priest, T'et - hra son of
D
M
AAAAAA -==aOD=*
ma ennu Nes-Heru mes neb pa Hetep-nes-Amsu
a like Nes-Heru, born of the lady of the house HeteJ>-nes-A?ns7i.
The following Communication has been received from
M. C. de Harlez:—
SATAN ET AHRIMAN,
Le Demon Biblique et celui de l'Avesta.
Etude d'Histoire Religieuse.
La question qui fait Tobjet de cette courte etude est certainement
d'un haut interet ; elle se rapporte a I'un des faits les plus importants
de rhistoire des idees religieuses. La Bible et l'Avesta presentent
I'une et I'autre la conception d'un esprit du mal, de nature mechante,
ennemi des hommes et provocateur de maux nombreux. Entre la
notion biblique et I'idee mazdeenne il y a certainement quelque
analogic. Aussi les savants se sont demande s'il fallait y voir une
coincidence fortuite ou si Ton devait considerer ces deux croyances
comme derivant I'une de I'autre.
Beaucoup d'hagiographes et de mythologues n'ont pas hesite dans
la reponse ; une analogic partielle leur sufifisant, ils se sont pro-
nonces categoriquement pour la filiation de ces concepts. Bien plus
ils ont determine avec la meme certitude les rapports qui les
365
June 7] SOCIETY Or BIBLICAL AftCH^OLOGY. [1887.
unissent, et afifirme que la paternite de la croyance au demon,
c\ Varch-cneiny, appartient h, I'Avesta, que le Satati de la Judee etait
une copie de \ Aiiro-Alainyus de I'Eran. Pour eux, cela ne fait aucun
doute, ils I'enseignent comme verite indiscutable. Cependant les
motifs sur lesquels on peut baser cet arret ne sont ni decisifs ni
bien solides. Tout se re'sume en un trait de ressemblance general,
et I'analogie entre le nom de Satan (I'adversaire) et le iexme paitydrem
(opposition, oeuvre contraire) qui designe les ceuvres d'Ahriman dans
I'Avesta. Cela ne sufifit point sans doute ; pour arriver a un resultat
incontestable il faudrait analyser exactement les caractbres essentiels
des deux chefs de demons, et voir s'ils sont identiques ou contra-
dictoires. II faudrait en outre soumettre ^ un examen minutieux les
titres d'anciennete du diable mazde'en; prouver et non supposer
I'antiquite de I'Avesta. Nous croyons done devoir traiter a nouveau
cette interessante question, et I'examiner dans ses points fonda-
mentaux. Nous nous attacherons d'abord a I'etude des caracteres
essentiels des deux personnages infernaux que Ton a cru pouvoir
identifier ; nous verrons ensuite si les faits chronologiques autorisent
I'hypothese d'un emprunt du cote de la Judee.
Une lecture meme superficielle permet sans doute de constater,
comme il a dejk ete dit, entre le Satan du livre de Job (c'est lui surtout
qui est en cause en cette question) et I'Anro-Mainyus ou Ahriman
du Vendidad, un trait de ressemblance qui n'est point purement
accessoire ; c'est celui qui les constitue, tous deux, de vrais demons
dans le sens chretien, c'est-a-dire d'esprits du mal, adversaires du
bien et de I'homme. Toutefois cette similitude d'un trait unique
n'est on le verra, plus loin, que partielle, et pour tout le reste nous
chercherions en vain la moindre analogic ; nous trouverons meme
tout le contraire.
Mais procedons avec methode et critique et examinons attentive-
ment les qualites fondamentales des deux mauvais genies que nous
avons a comparer. C'est au livre de Job, quant a la Bible, que
nous devons principalement recourir. Voyons done ce qu'il nous
dit du Satan qu'il met principalement en scene.
Le debut meme de ce livre nous le peint sous les plus vive
couleurs :
"Un jour," y est-il dit, "les enfants de Dieu s'etaient reunis pour
paraitre devant lui et le servir. Satan se presenta au milieu d'eux,
et Dieu lui dit : " D'ou viens-tu ? " " D'avoir parcouru la terre en
allant 9a et la," dit Satan." Et Dieu reprit : " ton coeur s'est-il port^
366
June 7] TROCEEDINGS. [1887.
vers mon serviteur Job? car il n'en est point de semblable a lui,
parfait, droit, craignant Dieu et fuyant le mal." " (Est-il etonnant
qu'il en soit ainsi?) Est-ce gratuitement que Job sert Dieu?"
repondit Satan. " Ne I'as-tu pas entoure lui, sa famille et ses biens
comme d'une enceinte protectrice. Tu as beni I'oeuvre de ses mains,
et ses troupeaux se sont multiplies sur la terre. Mais etends un peu
ta main, touche ses possessions (et tu verras) s'il ne te maudit pas en
face." " Eh bien," dit Dieu a Satan, " tout ce qu'il possede est en
ta main ; mais ne I'etends pas sur lui." Muni done de la permission
divine, Satan quitta la presence de Jahveh et s'en vint sur la terre
accabler Job de maux cruels. Ses boeufs, ses anes et leurs gardiens
sont pris ou tues par les Sabeens, ses troupeaux de brebis sont brules
avec leurs bergers par le feu celeste, ses chameaux sont enleves, tous
ses serviteurs egorges, enfin ses enfants meme perissent tous, sous
les ruines des murs de la maison ou ils fetaient leur frere aine.
Peu apres la meme scene se renouvelle. Les enfants de Dieu
se rassemblent devant lui, et Satan se presente au milieu d'eux. " As-
tu vu," lui dit Jahveh, " mon serviteur Job ? as-tu contemple sa vertu,
sa patience ? Tu m'as excite a eprouver sa patience, sa soumission
h. ma volonte, mais cela a ete vain. II est reste fidele a sa foi." " C'est
vrai," repond Satan, "mais je n'ai pu toucher sa peau, et I'homme
donne tout pour sa vie. Envoie done ta main ; touche ses os et sa
chair, et tu verras s'il ne te maudit pas en face." "Va," reprend le
Seigneur ; " son corps est en ta main ; mais ne touche pas' a sa vie."
La dessus Satan quitte la cour celeste, et s'en va frapper Job de
ces plaies horribles qui ont fait du saint homme le modele humain de
la douleur et de la patience, mais reste dans les limites tracees par
la volonte du Tout-puissant, et ne cherche pas a attenter a ses jours.
On connait la suite du recit. Lorsque I'epreuve fiit finie, et que
la vertu du saint patriarche eut brille de tout son eclat, Dieu guerit
le mal affreux qui devorait ses chairs, et lui rendit au centuple tous
les biens qu'il avait perdus, sans que Satan put en rien troubler
I'oeuvre divine, ni meme osat I'essayer d'aucune maniere.
II serait difficile de mieux caracteriser la nature et les qualites
du demon biblique que ne le fait ici I'auteur sacre, quelqu'il soit.
Dans tout ce recit, Satan n'est evidemment qu'un esprit inferieur,
un agent subalterne, entierement dependant des volontes de Dieu.
Porte spontanement a nuire a I'homme, il ne pense cependant a mettre
ses desseins a execution, a realiser ses desirs que quand Dieu le lui
a permis ; bien plus, I'y a pour ainsi dire provoque. S'il agit, c'est
367
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1S87.
dans les limites tracees par Dieu ; impuissant a contrarier ses desseins
ou h empecher la reparation des maux que Dieu lui a permis de
susciter, il n'est en realite que le promoteur involontaire de la gloire
divine, I'instrument de la puissance celeste.
En est-il de meme du demon mazdeen, de TAhriman avestique ?
Nos lecteurs ont deja repondu pour nous; non, Ahriman est pre-
cisement tout le contraire. Pour mettre plus en evidence cette
opposition essentielle des deux esprits mauvais, opposons aussi au
tableau que nous a fourni le livre de Job, une scene extraite de
I'Avesta, ou nous trouverons peints d'une maniere saisissante les
caracteres fondamentaux de son genie infernal. Nous I'emprun-
tons au chapitre xxii du Vendidad ; en voici le commencement et le
resume.
Ahura INIazda dit au saint Zarathustra : " Moi qui suis Ahura
Mazda . . . lorsque je creai cette demeure * d'une beaute', d'une
splendeur eclatantes, le de'va criminel me regarda. Anro-Mainyus,
le meurtrier, cre'a contre moi 99,999 maux. Gueris moi done, O
Manthra-9penta,t a I'eclat pur. Je te donnerai en retour mille
chevaux, mille boeufs, mille chameaux " Manthra-^penta repondit :
" Comment te guerirai-je de ces maux ? " Alors Ahura Mazda dit a
Nairyo-ganha. " Sage Nairyo-ganha ! vas appeler Airyaman, et dis lui
qu' Anro-Mainyus m'accable de 99,999 maux. ..." Airyaman
accourut aussitot ; il amena une nouvelle race de chevaux, de jeunes
chameaux, une nouvelle espece de fourrages, et traga des sillons
pour combattre les maux suscites par le chef des devas." Nous voila
certainement dans un tout autre monde que celui oil nous avons
apergu le Satan persecuteur du Saint de I'ldumee. Nous pouvons
meme dire que la scene est entierement me'tamorphosee. Dieu n'est
plus le maitre tout puissant qui fixe a Taction du demon les limites
que celui-ci ne peut franchir, c'est un roi presque decouronne tremblant
devant un rival qui lui a ravi la moitie de son empire et qui frappe
a son gre les creatures. Au genie subalterne attendant la permission
divine pour nuire h. I'homme, et se conformant entierement aux
volontes du Seigneur, s'est substitue un genie d'existence eternelle,
subsistant en soi et par soi, ne reconnaissant en aucune fagon les lois
(le Dieu dont il est presque I'egal, et detruisant quand il lui jjlait les
(Jiuvres de son adversaire.
Le monde visible, la terre principalement, comine on Ic voit plus loin par
la nature des remedes.
t La loi sainte, rensemble des formules magiques.
368
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
Et ce n'est point la une conception propre a I'un ou I'autre
chapitre de I'Avesta. La nature d'Ahriman est partout la meme, et
la commencement du Vendidad nous montre, comme la fin, Ahura
Mazda se plaignant des maux que son rival deteste, suscite pour
detruire successivement chacune de ses plus excellentes creations.
( Vendidad^ chap, i.)
Que Ton suppose un instant Anro-Mainyus se presentant au milieu
du conseil d' Ahura Mazda et lui demandant I'autorisation de frapper
I'un de ses fideles \ puis apres en avoir obtenu la permission, se
conformant avec une scrupuleuse fidelite aux injonctions du Maitre
du ciel et Ton sentira, a I'instant, que Ton veut unir deux choses,
deux conceptions absolument inconciliables.
Peut-on croire que les Juifs, s'ils eussent precedemment ignore
la conception du demon et I'eussent regue des Mazdeens, en eussent
fait precisement le contrepied de ce qu'ils empruntaient ? Cette
supposition est absolument improbable, et Ton ne pent I'admettre
sans raisons plausibles ; or ces raisons font completement defaut.
Ce n'est point tout; si nous prolongeons I'examen du livre de
Job, nous trouverons que toutes les idees religieuses y sont aux
antipodes de celles de I'Avesta. Notons les points suivants :
I''. Pour Job Dieu seul est createur, et nul ne peut limiter sa
puissance. Pour I'Avesta, au contraire, Anro-Mainyus est eternel,
et participe largement au pouvoir createur; en outre les astres, la
lumiere sont eternels {anaghra raocad). 2^. Ni Job ni aucun des per-
sonnages qui figurent dans la scene biblique, et qui viennent de pays
differents, ne soupgonne qu'on puisse attribuer les maux physiques
a une autre cause qu'a la volonte divine. Satan ne demande pas
meme a Dieu de pouvoir frapper lui-meme le saint homme. Tout
ce qu'il sollicite c'est que Dieu envoie sa main et suscite les maux.
Pour Job les maux comme les biens sont des dons de Dieu, qu'il
faut accepter de la meme maniere (ii, 10). "Simple que tu es,"
lui dit sa femme, " maudis Dieu qui te traite de la sorte et meurs."
Ses trois amis dans leurs longs discours n'ont qu'un seul but, ne sont
domines que par une seule idee, lui prouver que si Dieu Fafiflige de
la sorte, c'est qu'il est pecheur, c'est qu'il est couvert de fautes
cachees. II ne vient a I'esprit de personne que Satan puisse etre
cause de ces maux. Un mazdeen, cependant, ne pouvait hesiter
une minute a en attribuer entierement et exclusivement I'origine au
mauvais genie. Pour un sectateur de I'Avesta, Anro-Mainyus seul
est I'auteur des maux tant moraux que physiques; Ahura Mazda n'a
369
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1SS7.
fait que les blens. La mort, la maladie, la brulure du feu, la
suffocation que produit I'eau, et tout le reste, sent non seulement
les oeuvres mais les inventions du Mauvais Esprit.
Si done I'auteur du livre de Job eut ete simplement sous
I'influence des doctrines avestiques ; bien plus encore s'il n'eut
connu le demon, le chef ennemi, que par une communication de
I'Eran zoroastrien, on en trouverait dans son oeuvre au moins une
trace quelque faible qu'elle soit ; d'autant plus qu'au moyen de la
theorie avestique^ Job pouvait repondre victorieusement h. ses ac-
cusateurs et leur fermer la bouche.
Et remarquons bien que nous n'usons pas ici d'un argument
a silentio, car Job professe ouvertement une croyance opposee,
destructive meme de la doctrine avestique. Quand a-t-on jamais vu
un peuple emprunter a un autre une idee religieuse, nouvelle,
inconnue, pour la retourner completement et professer uniquement
tout le contraire ?
Les autres points d'une importance inferieure presentent le meme
contraste.
Pour I'auteur sacre nul n'est pur devant Dieu, et I'iniquite atteint
jusqu'a certains anges. C'est au contraire un principe fondamental
de I'Avesta que les genies celestes sont essentiellement purs, et que
les fideles le sont par nature.
Job ne connait, pour les cadavres d'autre traitement que I'en-
sevelissement sous terre (?'. iii, 14, 22. x, 19, etc.), tandis que
I'Avesta prohibe cet usage comme un crime detestable, irremissible.
Le serpent, dans la Bible, est une creation de Dieu ; dans
I'Avesta c'est la creature demoniaque par excellence, II en est de
meme de I'hiver. {Cp. Job xxv, 13, et Vendidad i, 8; Job xxxvii,
6, et Vendidad i, 8 ; xix, 43, etc.) Pour le zoroastrisme les maux
physiques sont essentiellement mauvais ; I'aise et la jouissance
moderes sont fondamentalement des biens.
Les idees sur la resurrection des corps sont aussi radicalement
differentes. L'Avesta attend h, la fin du monde un prophete qui
restaurera I'univers {frashokereti, restauration, perennisation), mais ne
parle pas de la resurrection proprement dite. Ce ne sont que les
livres pehlevis des 3^ 4*=, ou 5*^ si^cles dc notre ere qui I'enseignent et
qui pour cela ont du order un nouveau mot, inconnu de I'Avesta :
tan I pasin, le corps ulterieur, dernier. Job, par contre, proclame
que son redempteur est vivant, et que lui-memc resuscitera dans
sa propre chair.
370
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
La meme contradiction rhgne jusque dans les moindres details.
Le livre de Job n'est point le seul dans lequel elle se manifeste
Guvertement. Partout ou il est question de demons, de mauvais
esprits, elle se montre d'une maniere non moins evidente. Nous
pourrions citer maints passages; mais quelques-uns sufifiront ample-
ment, et nous nous en contenterons.
C'est ainsi que pour I'auteur du chap, xxxii du Deuteronome,
les demons ne sont autre chose que les dieux des nations ; il ne
pense nullement a chercher leur nature chez les peuples qui form-
aient pour lui I'extreme Orient, si toutefois ils en soupgonnait
I'existence ; ce ne sont point des dieux, c'est la vanite meme
(~)^|1, V. 21), expression qu'un mazdeen ne penserait point a em-
ployer pour designer Ahriman, puissant et redoute. La meme idee
se retrouve tres frequemment dans les Psaumes et autres livres
bibliques.
Enfin au Psaume Ixxviii le prophete, enumerant les maux dont
Dieu a frappe les enfants d'Israel dans le desert, termine par cette
phrase : " Misit in eos iram furoris sui, indignationem et com-
minationem et angustiam, immissionem angelorum malorum, mis/i-
lahaf, malaki rdhtm." Ces inalakim etaient bien des etres surnaturels,
puisque les actes qui leur sont attribues sont tous miraculeux.
Nous avons done encore ici des esprits mauvais, agissant comme
instruments de la volonte divine et dans la mesure de cette volonte.
Nous croyons done pouvoir deduire de ces faits et affirmer
sans hesitation ni restriction que la Judee n'a point emprunte la
conception du demon aux disciples de I'Avesta, mais qu'elle I'a
acquise d'une maniere completement independante.
L'examen des donnees chronologiques nous conduira au meme
resultat.
II resulte, je pense bien, de I'etude des monuments historiques
de I'Assyrie que cet empire n'est point entre en rapport avec les
Eraniens avant le 8^ siecle de I'ere ancienne. Nulle part avant cette
epoque on ne trouve dans les textes cuneiformes le nom ni d'un roi,
ni d'une ville, ni d'une contree qui soit certainement d'origine
aryaque.* C'est aux Annales de Sargon (721 — 704) qu'il faut
arriver pour trouver des noms tels que Khumbanigas, Bagatti, Bagai
(ville de Medie ?), qui soit de source eranienne. Dans leurs annales
de victoire, les monarques assyriens mentionnent toujours les dieux
* La syllabe ar, Jiar initiale est toute semitique.
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1SS7.
des peuples vaincus, vaincus avec eux, et nulle part a cette lointaine
epoque nous ne voyons rien qui rappelle le dieu ou les genies
celestes de I'Avesta. L'Avesta, le Zoroastrisme, existaient-ils meme
avant le VHP siecle, c'est ce que personne ne saurait affirmer.
Or la croyance a I'existence du demon se manifeste dans les
livres les plus anciens de I'Ecriture Sainte, depuis le premier chapitre
de la Genese ou I'exegese, que ne preoccupe aucun esprit de systeme,
le reconnait avec toute la tradition.
Nous ne nous arreterons qu'au Ps. Ixxviii cite dejk plus haut, parce
qu'il sufifit a la preuve et contient sa date en lui-meme. L'auteur
de ce chant sacre se propose pour but de rappeler aux Israelites
les bienfaits dont Dieu a comble son peuple depuis sa sortie
d'Egypte et toute sa conduite a leur egard. II fait des actes divins
une enumeration complete et detaillee, " afin que leurs enfants
ne I'oublient point et ne deviennent point comme leurs peres, une
generation mauvaise qui irrite son Dieu, eloigne son coeur de lui, et
provoque ses vengeances" (Ps. Ixxviii, i — 8). Or cette enumeration
s'arrete a I'avenement de David, et ne mentionne pas meme le regne
brillant de Salomon et le temple si splendide qu'il eleva au Tres-
Haut. II est evident que l'auteur ne les connaissait pas, autrement
il n'eut point manque de rappeler ces gloires du peuple d'Israel, ces
preuves e'clatantes de la protection divine.
Le V. 61, il est vrai, parle de captivite ; mais il s'agit la evidemment
de I'Arche sainte ou des guerriers (it^, irilt^Dn, leur force, leur
gloire) non de la captivite generale du peuple ; il s'agit dun fait
accompli avant le regne de David, de la defaite des Israelites,
de la prise de I'Arche par les Philistins, qui sont raconte's au Livre i
des Rois ou de Samuel, chap, iv, 4 et ss. Le v. 69, se rapporte au
chap, vi du meme livre, ou nous voyons David etablir I'arche
k Jerusalem et en faire le centre du culte. L'auteur etait done con-
temporain de David ou des commencements du regne de Salomon.
Or c'est lui qui nous parle des Malaki rdhim frappant le peuple
de maux sans nombre {i\ 49). La croyance aux demons fut done
en Judee de beaucoup anterieure a I'epoque des premiers rapports
possibles entre ce pays et les contre'es eraniennes oli Ton abjurait
et conjurait Anro-mainyus.
Quant h, I'analogie de sens entre le nom de S^atan I'adversaire et
le paityarein (opposition, chose contraire), il est h, remarquer que
ce dernier mot n'est nullement le nom du mauvais genie, qu'il ne
joue qu'un role tres secondaire dans I'Avesta, et ne faisait point
372
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
partie de la terminologie repandue du Zoroastrisme. II est done
tres peu probable que I'auteur du livre de Job ait ete le choisir
et le traduire en Hebreu pour en faire le nom du he'ros infernal
de son histoire.
Ce qui est encore moins admissible c'est que les Hebreux,
entoures, depuis des siecles, de peuples qui croyaient aux esprits
mauvais, et allaient meme jusqu'a leur vouer un culte, pour adoucir
leurs penchants a nuire et se les rendre favorables, eussent attendu
leurs rapports tardifs avec les Eraniens du Nord pour adherer a une
croyance qu'ils auraient rejetee jusque la, et pour en faire une partie
integrante et principale de leur religion. Cette consideration seule
aurait du suffire, ce me semble, pour empecher d'admettre la filiation
de Satan comme emanant d'Anro-mainyus.
Citons seulement pour I'Assyrie le dragon Tiamat, et les sept
mauvais esprits toujours prets a nuire au petit comme au grand,
aux hommes comme aux animaux, destructeurs du ciel meme ; en
Chaldee les Jtias combattants, les lainma geants, les alal destructeurs,
les telal guerriers, les itiaskim tendeurs d'embuches, et cette foule de
mauvais genies (iituq) contre lesquels e'taient dirigees les nombreuses
prieres incantatrices et conjuratoires des formulaires d'Accad, ces
Utuq qui habitent des lieux sauvages et guettent I'homme du fond
de leurs deserts.
Voisins de peuples qui s'imaginaient etre entoures, a chaque
moment de leur existence, de demons et d'influences diaboliques,
les Israelites n'avaient nullement besoin des legons du Mazdeisme,
si meme leur religion particuliere ne leur avaient point appris
a craindre et detester la puissance des mauvais esprits.
Remarquons enfin que les termes accadiens mas^ alal, viaskim,
correspondent suffisamment au sens du hebreu S'atan pour nous
dispenser de chercher au loin une qualification analogue. C'etait
une idee repandue dans I'Asie occidentale.
II est done sans but comme sans motif, pensons-nous, de re-
chercher I'origine du Satan biblique dans I'Avesta, ce n'est point la
qu'on pourra la trouver. Cette conception est d'ailleurs trop originale
pour qu'elle ait pu etre emprunte'e quelque part, d'une maniere pure
et simple. Le demon, entierement soumis a la puissance divine,
instrument des volontes du Tout-puissant, et servant entre ses mains
a grandir les merites des justes, c'est une conception exclusivement
propre a la Bible, qu'aucun pays voisin n'a pu lui communiquer.
LOUVAIN, 2^Jmn, 1887.
373
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1SS7.
South Elms, Oxford,
Dear Sir, J>me 3, 1887.
A long absence from home has prevented me from reading
Professor Amelineau's important paper on the Sahidic translation of
the Book of Job in the Proceedings of our Society for March 1.
I hesitate to refer to certain omissions in it, lest I should seem to
offer a censure on the author. Such is not my intention : he has
worked independently, and has left it to us to fill up the lacunas
arising from his own complete absorption in his personal work.
The side from which I approach this subject (as a learner) is one
only just touched upon by M. Amelineau, viz., the value of these
Sahidic fragments for the ascertainment of the original text of the
Septuagint oi Job. It was on October 26, 1883, that an article in
the Moiiiteur de Rome made known the existence of the Sahidic
version of the Septuagint text, and by degrees Old Testament
scholars became aware of the fact, and, as I have done myself in
Job and Solomon, pointed out the great use which will soon be made
of this version in text-critical studies. Dr. Bickell, whose Old Testa-
ment researches since 1862 extended to the origin of the present
Septuagint text oijob, published last year in the Zeitschrift fur kaiho-
lische Theologie (pp. 557 — 564), a study on the original Septuagint
text with special reference to the Sahidic fragments, correcting and
supplementing his own earlier results (in his Latin tractate of 1862)
in accordance with this version, and remarking that " we may suppose
that the Thebaic Job in the edition already begun by P. Ciasca will
soon appear in print." Are there to be two rival editions, or have I
misunderstood the purport and reference of M. Amelineau's proposal
to the Society ? I shall be most happy to receive any correction or
explanation.
Yours faithfully, T. K. Cheyne,
The Inscribed Lion from Merash.
At the Meeting held on November 3rd, 1SS5, I had the pleasure
of announcing that Mr. F. D. Mocatta had, as well as a comi)lcte set
of casts of the four inscribed stones taken from Hamath, presented to
the Society a plaster cast of the lion preserved with them in the
Museum at Constantinople. I am now pleased to be able to fulfil
the promise then made, and submit to the Society sketches of the whole
of the characters carved upon the front and side of the animal.
374
Plate I
■2 &i
UJ [iq
CO ,
=] ^
2 1
z ^
~ ^
o o
^.;
< 4)
Ul S
o o
o ^
WH.Ryla/ids del
/ rriiiidi cuT^r ffbcvse.
INSCRIPTION ON LION FROM MERASH,
from a Cast presenle
Plate E.
Proc-e^idLruis , Sec Biil. ArchJvj
Chippetl/ rtnay slanJzn^ hcLckv^iuds.
/ IN THE IMPERIAL MUSEUM AT CONSTANTINOPLE
Ke Society b\ F.D.Mocatta. Esq.
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
In the second edition of " The Land of the Hittites," by the Rev.
W. Wright, D.D., will be found a photograph of the lion, giving the
inscription, but necessarily incomplete, from the fact that in the
original the characters are carved in the curves and hollows caused
by the legs, feet, and tail of the animal.
Two of these lions appear to have been found at Merash ;
squeezes and photographs were taken by Dr. James Gw}-ther, of
Torquay, who has kindly sent me copies, and informs me, that when
he saw them, they were over a gateway.
On the shoulder of the lion at Constantinople is a human figure,
cut in cameo, like the characters, doubtless that of a king or priest ;
he is evidently clothed in a long robe, and holds something erect in
his hands, but the carving is much too worn to make out exactly what.
It may be a staff or sceptre similar to that borne by one of the figures
brought from Jerabis (J. II. Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch.., Vol. VII.) or
an object similar to that borne by the figure from Birejic. {Trmis.
S. B. A., VoL VII., p. 250.)
The figure has, I think, evidently been standing upon sometliing,
part of which remains, and seems to take the form of an animal ;
this, in its turn, perhaps resting on a crescent. This figure,
most probably a monument of majesty, forms no part of the
inscription.
The general form of the lion at once calls to mind the one in the
British Museum from the palace of Assurnazirpal (Nimroud), and
seems to be worked much in the Assyrian style. The Merash Lions
must, I think, have been, as was also customary in Assyria, the bases
of columns, probably one on each side of an entrance, or niche inside.
That they — this is an assumption that they were both cut on the same
model — were built with one side against a wall is evident, as the
inscription is only on one side, the other being worked flat. One line
of the inscription runs along the back-bone, and then there is a slightly
raised part of stone also worked flat on the side and top, evidently to
be built upon with something, probably the column. The hinder
part, to the depth of about six inches, is treated in the same manner,
which would, perhaps, indicate the lion with its column being placed
in a recess. That from the dexter side of the doorway is the one of
which the cast is now in the possession of the Society. It will be
noticed that certain spaces underneath the body of the animal, behind
the legs, &c., are not engraved, possibly because in facing and
looking down at the lion these could not be easily seen.
375
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1887.
Such blank spaces I have marked on the plates, and owing to the
characters being also in some instances carved round curves, the
general form has become somewhat distorted. The characters on
the side of the sinister fore-leg have been repeated, to show where
the lines of the inscription may be really intended to be undivided.
If the two plates are placed side by side, and this part be allowed to
overlap, the whole of the inscription becomes arranged in continuous
lines.
The line of characters along the back-bone runs down to the root
of the tail, as far as the top of the third line of the inscription (on the
side. Plate I), without any evidence of division, but the fact that the
two sets of characters are thus placed at right angles to one another,
would be quite sufficient to prevent any confusion in reading.
On the other inscriptions known, the characters covimence in their
general arrangement reading right to left ; it will be noticed that tlie
first line in the front of the animal (Plate II) thus commences, and
runs across the forelegs for three lines ~ — » ; then follow a few
characters between the claws, running left to right in the same
direction as the line along the back-bone, which would perhaps serve
to show the way the inscription is to be read. One or two of the
heads of animals appear to have been carved the wrong way round,
but the general direction of the lines is sufficiently evident.
It is interesting to note that this inscription contains several new
and apparently composite characters, as well as, in some instances,
forms which would have appeared from the stones either from Hamath
and Jerabis alone, to have been peculiar to those districts.
What seems to be the manner of writing one particular com-
posite group may be noticed, as it often occurs here, as well as
in H. V. The two characters 30 Q appear to be generally con-
joined thus ^\.
The inscription is in some places much worn and eaten away
by exposure to the weather. I have endeavoured to represent the
parts remaining as exactly as possible, and have spent many hours
examining the characters in different lights. On going over the
original drawings with Prof. Sayce, with the cast before us, only a few
small corrections seemed necessary, and therefore I can only hope
that few errors will be discovered in my sketches, and these not
sufficient to seriously affect the value of this first effort to give in full
the whole of the longest and most confused inscription of this class
at present known to us.
W. Harry Rylands.
376
June 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1887.
Dear Mr. Rylands, London, October j,, 1887.
Allow me to call the attention of your readers to a fragment of an
Assyrian "list" in the British Museum, marked K. 2100, measuring
4J in. by 3 in. The end of the obverse and the beginning of the
reverse are wanting. It contains four columns, having 42, 35, 19,
and 27 lines respectively. In one of the early numbers of our
Froceedifigs I hope to give you the full text of this tablet, which con-
tains a list of gods, with their ideographs, partly explained by glosses ;
but for the present it will be sufficient to remark that we find words of
different languages in this text. Thus, in Col. I, 16 f, the god Ramman,
'-'-f -<^'-yy, is said to be equal to the god >->-y ^^f ^^^ or (1. 17) to
>-.-y ^yy .-l^y, which I restore (in agreement with Mr. Pinches, in
my Zeitschrift, 1885, 66) to Addii, Baddu, in [the language of]
j:yy- <'T£y, i.e., "WesUand," or Phoenicia; see also K. 215, rev., 8.
The same god is connected with the god >-'-y '!i<^y -<-« '•^yy [^]^
in the [language of] "-^yy ^Jiy, see Frdr. Delitzsch, Wo lag das
Paradies, p. 236 ; with the god >->-y ^^y ^-^-^ in the [language of]
-^IT A—\\\ m ■> ^^-ith the god -^y -y^-yyy -]]'^ -.^y <^:: in
the [language of] ^^y ^]^]i i-^-^ the Elamites ; and with the god
^^y '!i5^- -yy^ ^^y^ ^, Biirias in the [language of] ^ ^y j^yyyjr,
viz., the Kossseans. (See Dehtzsch, Kossder, pp. 22 and 25.)
In Col. IV, 1. 8^ we read :—
I A-r ^ry ^
\i^ -yy^ iin -yyi^
I ^v, ^^y ^ yy ^£yy m
i^T -^y -M m\
yy .^ ^ ^^yy ^^ ^yyy^
yr ^ir- m
\i ina-la-hu-uin is to be connected with ^li,<, XvTTl', the Sumerian
origin of the word should be abandoned, and the Babylono-Assyrians
must have borrowed their word for "sailor" from Phoenicia, as the
Arabs, according to Paul de Lagarde, borrowed their (jj.ii from
Greece (ecpoXKiov).
C. Bezot.d.
377
June 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHiEOLOGY, [1887.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
BoTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1 847-1 850.
Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, 1866-1869. 3 vols., folio.
Brugsch-Bev, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler.
Vols. I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et
publics par H. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and
the text by Diimichen of vols. 3 and 4.)
DiJMiCHEN, Historische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
— ■ Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1866.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
GoLENiscHEFF, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &:c., 1880.
De Rouge, Etudes Egyptologiciues. 13 vols., complete to 1880,
Wright, Arabic Grammar and Chrestomathy.
Schroeder, Die Phbnizische Sprache.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
Schrader, Die Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament. 1872.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchies.
PiERRET, Dictionnaire d'Arche'ologie Egyptienne. 8vo. Paris, 1875.
Burkhardt, Eastern Travels.
Wilkinson, Materia Hieroglyphica. Malta, 1824-30. {Text only.)
Chabas, Me'langes Egyptologiques. Series I, II, III. 1862-1873.
Voyage d'un Egyptien en Syrie, en Phe'nicie, &:c. 4to. 1867.
Le Calendrier des Jours Pastes et NeTastes de I'anne'e
Egyptienne. 8vo. 1877.
Maspero, De Carchemis oppidi Situ et Historia Antiquissima.
8vo. Paris, 1872.
HARRISON AND SONS, PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTV, ST. MARTIN S LANE, LONDON
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS.
Ibe Bvoii3e ©cnameiits of the
ll^alace 6ates from JSalawat.
[Shalmaneser II, B.C. 859-825.]
Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers.
In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus, the price for
:ach part is now raised to ;^i los. ; to Members of the Society (the original
)rice) /^i IS.
Uejts in the Babylonian
Mebge=wnting.
Being a series of carefully autographed plates, copied from tablets
rritten in the Babylonian character only ; compiled by Theo. G. Pinches,
f the Department of Oriental Antiquities, British Museum.
The design of the Author is to furnish students with the means of
Liaking themselves acquainted with the Babylonian style of writing, and to
his end the texts, which will be of high value and interest, will be
ccompanied by as complete a syllabary of the Babylonian characters
s can now be made, arranged in a convenient form for reference
It is proposed to issue the work in two parts : — Part I has been issued
rice 4s. 6d
Society of Biblical Archeology.
COUNCIL, 1886-87.
President : —
P. LE Page Renouf.
Vice-Presidents : —
Rev. Frederick Charles Cook, M.A., Canon of Exeter.
Lord Halseury, The Lord High Chancellor.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.
The Right Hon. Sir A. H. La-.ard, G.C.B., &c.
The Right Rev. J. B. Lightfoot, D.D., &c., Bishop of Durham.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Charles T. Newton, C.B., D.C.L., &c., &c.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., Cv..^ . &c.
J. Manship Norman, M.A.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, K.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c.
Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.
Council :-
\V. A. Tyssen Amherst, M.P., &c.
Robert Bagster.
Rev. Charles James Ball.
Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A.
E. A. Wallis Budge, M.A.
Arthur Gates.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Charles Harrison, F.S.A.
Rev. Albi.kt Lowy.
Professor A. Macalister, M.D.,
F.R.S.
F. D. Mocatta.
Claude Montefiore.
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.
J. Pollard.
F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A.
E. TovvRY Whyte, M.A.
Rev. W. Wright, D.D.
Honorary 7>rrt^«rtr— Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Prof. A. H. Sayce, M.A.
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HAUKISdN ANIJ SONS, I'KINTERS IN onDINARV TO HICK MAJKSTV, ST. MARTINS LANK.
