PROCEEDINGS
THE SOCIETY
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
NOVEMBER, 1892,
JUNE, 1893.
VOL. XV. TWENTY-THIRD SESSION.
PUBLISHED AT
THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY,
37, Great Russell Street, Bloomseury, W.C.
1893.
HARRISON AND SONS,
I'RINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY.
ST. martin's LANE, LONDON.
COUNCIL, 1892-93.
President.
P. LE Page Renouf.
Vice-Presidents,
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Right Hon Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., cSic.
The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury.
The Right Hon. Sir A. II. Layard, G.C.B., &c.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., ]\LD., &c.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, Bart., G.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c.
Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.
Council.
Rev. Charles James Ball.
Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A.
Rev. E. B. Birks.
Arthur Gates.
Thomas Christy, F.L. S.
Rev. A. J. Delattre, S.J.
Charles Harrison, F.S, A.
Gray Hill.
Rev. Albert Lowy.
Rev. James Marshall.
Claude G. Montetiore.
Alexander Peckover, F.S. A.
J. Pollard.
Professor Waklemar Schniiilt.
E. Towry Whyte, ^LA.
Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S. A.
Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A.
Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F. R.G.S.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Secretary's Report for 1892 ... ... ... ... 91-95
List of Council and Officers for 1892-3 ... ... ... 97
Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year ending
31st December, 1892
Donations to Library |
Purchases for Library)
Nomination of Candidates
Election of Members
Errata
96
I, 57, 89, 153, 217, 273, 375
3, 59> 905 ^54, 218, 275, 376
58, 90, 154, 218, 275, 376
88
Notices of decease of Members ... ... ... ...89,273
November i, 1892. No. ex.
P. LE Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapters XVII I-XX 4-12
Theo. G. Pinches. Ya and Yawa (Jah and Jahweh) in
Assyro-Babylonian Inscriptions ... ... ... 13-15
Rev. a. J. Delattre, S.J. Lettres de Tell el-Amarna.
(5®Serie)... ... ... ... ... ... ... 16-30
Dr. Karl Piehl. Notes de Philologie Egyptienne.
{Continued from Vol. XIV, p. 142) ... ... ... 31-47
Rev. C. J. Ball. The Ideogram S^ffy^nTBy 48-50
Rev, C. J. Ball. A BiHngual Hymn (4 R. 46, 5-19) ... 51-54
December 6, 1892. No. cxl
P, LE Page Renouf {President). Summary of Remarks,
November I. Parti. The Pharaoh of the Exodus ... 60-62
P. LE Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapters XXI-XXV 63-69
CONTENTS.
PAGE
W. Francis Ainsworth, F.S.A. The Two Captivities.
The Habor and Chebar... ... ... ... ... 70-76
F. Cope Whitehouse. The Raiyan-Mceris and the
Ptolemaic Maps. Demosthenes against Meidias ... 77-87
January 10, 1893. No. cxii.
P. LE Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapters XXVI-XXX B 98-107
Prof. Dr. Fritz Hommell, Gisgalla-ki — Babylon.
Ki-nu-nir-ki — Borsippa ... ... ... ... ... 1 08-1 10
Prof. Dr. Fritz Hommell. The Ideogram g^TJ T^ f ... 111-112
Dr. a. Wiedemann. Cobalt in Ancient Egypt ... ... 1 13-114
Rev. a. J. Delattre, S.J. Lettres de Tell el-Amarna
(6«Serie) 115-134
Prof. E. Lef^bure. 6tude sur Abydos ... ... 1 35-1 51
February 7, 1893. No. cxin.
P. LE Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapters XXXI-XXXVII 155-1^3
Rev. G. Margoliouth. The Superlinear Punctuation,
its origin, the different stages of its development, and
its relation to other Semitic systems of Punctuation ... 164-205
A. C. Bryant, B.A., and F. W. Read. An Inscription
of Khuenaten ... ... ... ... ... ... 206-215
March 7, 1893. No. cxiv.
P. LE Page Renouf (President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapters XXXVIII-XLl 219-22S
Rev. A. LowY. The Tower of Babel ... 229-230
H. Brugsch-Pasha. A , ou la Lumiere Zodiacale ... 231-236
The Hon. Miss E. M. Plunket. The Constellation
Aries
257-342
VI * CONTENTS.
PAGE
Prof. Dr. Fritz Hommel. The Ten Patriarchs of
Berosus ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 243-246
Dr. Karl Piehl. Notes de Philologie I^gyptienne ... 247-208
April. No meeting.
May 2, 1893. (Double number. No. cxv.
Parts 6 and 7.)
P. LE Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapters XLII-LVI ... ... ... ... ... 276-290
Prof. Dr. Fritz Hommel. Gish-dubarra, Gibil-gamish,
Nimrod ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 291-300
F. L. Griffith, F.S.A. Notes on Egyptian Weights and
Measures ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 301-316
Robert Brown, Junr., F.S.A. Euphratean Stellar Re-
searches ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 317-342
W. Max Muller. The Story of a Peasant ... ... 343-344
Rev. a. J. Delattre, S.J. Lettres de Tell el-Amarna
(7« Serie) 345-373
June 6, 1893. No. cxvi.
P. LE Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapters LVII-LXIIlB 377-384
P. LE Page Renouf {President). The Gods Akar and
Seb 385-386
H. Brugsch-Pasha. La Lumiere Zodiacale et sa repre-
sentation sur les Monuments egyptiens {note supple-
mentaire) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 387-391
Rev. C. J. Ball. The Origin of the Phoenician Alphabet 392-408
E. TowRY Whyte, M.A. Notes on Pectorals ... ... 409-416
Theo. G. Pinches. A Babylonian Decree that a certain
Rite should be performed ... ... ... ... 417-420
P. LE Page Renouf {President). The Name of
Pharaoh ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 421-422
CONTENTS. VI
PAGE
A. L. Lewis. Note on the Pharaoh of the Exodus, etc. 423-424
William F. Aimsworth, F.S.A., F.R.G.S. The
Achmethas or Ecbatanas of Western Asia ... ... 425-432
Prof. E. Lefebure. 6tude sur Abydos ... ... 433-455
Robert Brown, Junr., F.S.A. Euphratean Stellar Re-
searches. Part III ... ... ... ... ... 456-470
Prof. Dr. PiEHL. Notes de Philologie Egyptienne ... 471-493
G. WiLLOUGHBY Fraser, F.S.A. El Kab and Gebilin 494-500
Rev. a. J. Delattre, S.J. Lettres de Tell el-Amarna
(8® Serie) ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 501-520
Rev. Camden M. Cobern, Ph.D. A peculiarly Sacred
Posture avoided in Ancestor Worship ... ... ... 521
Dr. W. Spiegelberg. The Viziers of the New Empire 522-526
ILLUSTRATIONS.
The Book of the Dead. Vignettes. Chapters XVIII and
XIX. (Plates VII and VIII)
Egypt from the Atlas of Ptolemy
Middle Egypt from the latest survey
Papyrus Codex of Demosthenes {facsimile)
Transcription from a Papyrus Codex of Demosthenes
{Two plates)
The Book of the Dead. Vignettes. Plates IX and X..
PACE
5
81
81
86
87
99
vni
ILLUSTRATIONS.
The Book of the Dead.
The Book of the Dead.
The Book of the Dead.
Vignettes. Plates XI and XII
Plate XIII
Plates XIV and XV ...
Star Map in Illustration of Tablet K. 2310. Reverse
The Book of the Dead. Plates XVI and XVII
Comparative Table of Alphabets ...
Egyptian Pectorals
Plate
I
»j
11
)5
III
)>
IV
J)
V
J>
VI
Plate
I
M
II
5)
III
5>
IV
5)
V
Inscriptions from El-Kab and Gebilin ]
PAGE
221
277
377
392
y 409
> 494
VOL. XV. VAR'i^.-i.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OK
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
-^v#-
VOL. XV. TWENTY-THIRD SESSION.
First Meeting, November ist, 1892.
■ sk;^ —
CONTE^^TS.
. rAGE
p. LE Page Rexouf {President). — The Book of ihe Dead.
Chapter XVIII-XX {continued from Vol. XIV, page 395) ... 4-12
Theo. G. Pinches. — Ya and Yawa (Ja)i and Jahvveh) in Assyro-
Babylonian IpscriptionsJJ*^ ; ,. 13-15
^9
Rev. a. J. Delattre, S.J.^^fttres de Tell el-Amama {5* Seiie) 16-30
Prof. Karl Piehl.— Notes de Philologie Egyptienne {coniinttcd
from Yo\. XIV, page 142) ...:*. 3 '"47
Rev. C. J. Ball.— The Ideogram ^yyy^TTTEy 4^"^ 50
Rev." C. J. Ball. — A Bilingual Hymn 5'-54
-^^
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PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
TWENTY-THIRD SESSION, 1892-93.
First Meeting, ist November, 1892.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Trustees of the British Museum : — The Tell el-Amarna
Tablets, in the British Museum, -with autotype facsimiles.
London. 4to. 1892.
From la Societe Finno-Ougrienne : — Inscriptions de I'Orkhow,
recueillies par I'Expedition Finnoise, 1890. Helsingfors. Folio.
1892.
From the Publisher :— David Nutt. Medum. By W. M.
Flinders Petrie, with chapters by F. LI. Griffith, Dr. A.
Wiedemann, Dr. W. J. Russell, F.R.S., and W. E. Crum.
London. 4to. 1892.
From the Author : — Sir Henry Layard, G.C.B. Early Adventures
in Persia, Susiana, and Babylonia. In two volumes with Maps
and Illustrations. London. 8vo. 18S7.
From the Editor : — J. A. Coles, A.M., D.D. Abraham Coles :
Biographical Sketch. Memorial Tribute, Selections from his
Works. Edited by his son. New York. 8vo. 1S92.
[No. ex.] I B
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1892.
From the University : — The Benefactors of the University of
Toronto, after the Great Fire of 14th February, 1890. 8vo.
1892.
From Alfred E. Hudd, F.S.A. : — Notes on Ancient Egyptian
Methods of Hewing, Dressing, Sculpturing and Polishing Stone.
By Francis Fox Tuckett, F.R.G.S. 8vo. 1891.
From the Author : — E. Schiaparelli. Una Tomba Egiziana
inedita della VP Dinastia con Iscrizioni Storiche e Geografiche.
Roma. 4to. 1892.
Reprint. Reale Accad. dei Lincei. Anno ccLXxxix, 1892.
From the Author : — F. E. Reiser. Die Hetitischen Inschriften.
Ein Versuch ihrer Entzifferung nebst einer das weitere Studium
Vorbereitenden, methodish geordneten ausgabe. Berlin.
8vo. 1892.
From the Author : — Dr. O. v. Lemm. Koptische Aprokryphe
Apostelacten. II. St. Petersburg. Folio. 1892.
Reprint. Melanges Asiatiques. Tome X.
From the Author: — Dr. A. Wiedemann. Die Milchverwandtschaft
im Alten Agypten. Lunden. 8vo. 1892.
Am-ur-Quell. Ill Band. IX Heft.
From the Author : — M. G. INIarmier. Recherches Geographiques
sur la Syrie Antique. Paris. 8vo. 1892.
Reprint. Bull. Soc; de Geogr. 4® Trimestre. 1891.
From the Author :— Dr. Paul Haupt. Report on [the] Inter-
national Congress of Orientalists. Washington. 8vo. 1891.
Reprint. Smithsonian Report for 1890.
From the Author: — Prof. A. Mliller, Ph.D. Memoir of Hein-
rich Leberecht Fleischer. 8vo. Washington. 1892.
, Reprint. Smithsonian Report, 1889.
From the Author :— Bishop John P. Newman, D.D., LL.D. The
Mission of Science, [a paper read] before The North-western
University [New York, U.S.A.]
"Commencement, June 16, 1892."
From the Author : — Rev. C. A. de Cara, S.J. Degli Hittim o
Hethci, e delle loro migrazioni. Cap. XX. 8vo. 1892.
Civilta Cattolica, Serie XV. Chap. XX. 1892.
From the Rev. Robert Gwynne {^Secretary for Foreign Corres-
pondence) : — Catalogue of Antiquities from Tell el-Amarna,
Upper Egypt, excavated by W. M. Flinders Petrie. 8vo. 1892.
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
From the Rev. Robert Gwynne {Secretary for Foreign Corres-
po?idence) : — Die Vorstellung vom Moi/o'/cr/jw? und ihr ursprung,
von Eb. Schrader.
Reprint. Acad, der Wissenschaften zu Berlin. 1892. xxxi. 8vo.
Purcha.sed by the Council : — A Catalogue of Books, Manuscripts,
Letters, etc., belonging to the Dutch Church, Austin Friars,
London, Deposited in the Library of the Corporation of the
City of London. 8vo. 1879. Privately Printed.
The follo\vin[T Candidates were nominated for election at
the next Meeting, 6th December, 1S92 : —
Mrs. Aitken, 27, Great King Street, Edinburgh.
Miss Brocklehurst, Bagstones, Macclesfield.
Miss Cropper, Eller Green, near Kendal.
Thomas Goffey, " Amalfi," Blundell Sands, near Liverpool.
William Sutherland Hunter, Kildonan, Pollokshields, Glasgow.
Rev. Harry Hamilton Jackson, M. A., Cheriton, Bromley Common,
Kent.
The President in opening the twenty-third Session of the
Society, offered some remarks on certain subjects discussed
in the year just elapsed, which were of special interest to
the Society.
A summary of these remarks on, (i) the Pharaoh of the
Exodus ; (2) the relations between the Old Eg}'ptian and
the Semitic languages; and (3) the relations between the
Chinese language and the Accadian or Sumerian, will appear
in the ensuino; number of the Proceedinsrs.
A Paper was read by P. le Page Renouf {President) in
continuation of his former Papers on the Egyptian Book of
the Dead. A Translation with commentary of the XVIIIth
Chapter.
Remarks were added by the Rev. A. Lowy, the Rev. C.J.
Ball, the Rev. Canon Beechcy, and the President.
A Paper by W. Francis Ainsworth, F.S.A., "The Two
Captivities : The Habor and the Chebar," was postponed
owing to the lateness of the hour.
3 B 2
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.'EOLOGY. > [1892.
THE BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By p. le Page Renouf.
{Contmiied from Vol. XIV, Part 8.)
Chapter XVIII.
\Inlroductory^
The Aii-maiit (i) saith: —
I come to you, ye Great Circles of gods (2) in Heaven, upon
Earth and in the World below ! I bring to you N void of offence
towards any of the gods, grant that he may be with you daily.
Glory to Osiris, Lord of Restau, and to the great gods who are
in the World below. Here is N who saith : — Hail to thee, Prince
of Amenta, Unneferu who presidest in Abydos, I come to thee with
Righteousness ; without sin upon me. I am not knowingly a
speaker of wrong ; I am not given to duplicity ; grant me Bread,
the right of appearance at the tables of the Lords of Maat, entering
in and going out of the Netherworld, and that my soul may not
suffer repulse in its devotion to the orb of the Sun and the vision of
the Moon-god for ever.
The Se-meri-f saith : — ,
I come to you, O Circle of gods in Restau, and I bring to you JV.
Grant to him Bread, Water, Air and an allotment in the Sechit-
hotepu like Horas.
Glory to Osiris, the Lord of Eternity and to the Circle of gods in
Restau. Here is iVand he saith : — I come to thee, I know thy
will, and I am furnished with thine attributes of the Tuat. Grant
me an abiding place in the Netherworld by the Lords of Maat, my
permanent allotment in the Sechit-hotepu, and the receiving of
cakes before thee.
[Litany.]
I. Oh Thoth, who makest Osiris triumphant over his adversaries,
let JV be made triumphant over his adversaries, even as thou makest
Osiris triumphant over his adversaries, before the Circle of gods
about Ra and about Osiris and the Great Circle of gods in Heliopolis,
on that Night of the E7'e's Provender (■^ and the Night of Battle
when there befel the Defeat of the Sebau, and the Day of the
extinction of the adversaries of the Inviolate god.
4
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. 1 1892.
The Great Circle of gods in Heliopolis is of Tmu, Shu and
Tefnut, and the Sebau who were defeated and extinguished were the
associates of Sut on the renewal of his assault.
2. Oh Thoth who niakest Osiris triumphant over his adversaries,
let N be made triumphant over his adversaries, even as thcu
makest Osiris triumphant over his adversaries before the Great Circle
of gods in Tattu, on the Night wherein the Tat is set up in Tattu (4).
The Great Circle of gods in Tattu is of Osiris, Isis, Nephthys
and Horus the Avenger of his Father ; and they who set up the Tat
are the two arms of Horus, Prince of Sechem. They are behmd
Osiris as bindings of his raiment.
3. Oh Thoth who makest Osiris triumphant over his adversaries,
let iV^be made triumphant over his adversaries, even as thou makest
Osiris triumphant over his adversaries, before the Great Circle of
gods in Sechem on that Night of the Eve's Provender in Sechem.
The Great Circle of gods in Sechem is of Horus in the Dark (5),
and Thoth, who is of the Great Circle of An-arer-ef.
The Eve's Procetider is the dawn upon the Coffin of Osiris.
4. Oh Thoth, who makest Osiris triumphant over his adversaries,
let iVbe made triumphant over bis adversaries, even as thou makest
Osiris triumphant over his adversaries, before the Great Circle of
gods in Pu and Tepu (6), on that Night of erecting the pillars r.
Horus, and of establishing him as heir of his Father's property.
The Great Circle of gods in Pu and Tepu is of Horus, Isis,
Emsta, Hapi ; and the pillars of Horus are erected when Horus
saiih to those who follow him " let the pillars be erected there."
5. Oh Thoth, who makest Osiris triumphant over his adversaries,
let iVbe made triumphant over his adversaries, even as thou makest
Osiris triumphant over his adversaries, before the Great Circle of
gods of the Two Shores* of Rechit, on that Night when Isis lay
watching in tears over her brother Osiris.
The Great Circle of gods on the Two Shores of Rechit is of Isis,
Nephthys, Emsta and Hapi.
6. Oh Thoth, who makest Osiris triumphant over his adversaries,
let JSI be made triumphant over his adversaries, even as thou makest
* ^Sfeifc cr. - The later recensions lead . The first Coffin
of Menluhotep [AcUesie Texie, 4, 61) has the phonetic IJ c-'^-a Jj .
5
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCFL4;0L0GY. [1S92.
Osiris triumphant over his adversaries, before the Great Circle of
gods in Abydos on the night of Hakra (7), when the evil dead are
parted off, when the glorious ones are rightly judged, and joy goeth
its round in Thinis.
The Great Circle of gods in Abydos is of Osiris, Isis and Apuat.
7. Oh Thoth, who makest Osiris triumphant over his adversaries,
let N be made triumphant over his adversaries, even as thou makest
Osiris triumphant over his adversaries, before the Great Circle of
gods on the Highway of the Damned (8), upon the Night when
judgment is passed upon those who are no more.
The Great Circle of gods on the Highway of the Damned are
Thoth, Osiris, Anubis and Astes. And judgment is passed on the
Highway of the Damned when the suit is closed* against the souls
of the Children of Failure.
8. Oh Thoth, who makest Osiris triumphant over his adversaries,
let iVbe made triumphant over his adversaries, even as thou makest
Osiris triumphant over his adversaries, before the Great Circle of
gods at the Great Hoeing in Tattu, on the Night of Hoeing in their
blood and effecting the triumph of Osiris over his adversaries.
The Great Circle of gods at the Great Hoeing in Tattu (9), when
the associates of Sut arrive, and take the forms of goats, slay them
before the gods there, while their blood runneth down ; and this
is done according to the judgment of those gods who are in Tattu.
9. Oh Thoth, who makest Osiris triumphant over his adversaries,
let i\^be made triumphant over his adversaries, even as thou makest
Osiris triumphant over his adversaries, before the Great Circle of
gods in An-arer-ef on the Night of Hiding him who is Supreme in
Attributes.!
The Great Circle of gods in An-arer-ef is of Shu, Babai, Ra and
Osiris, and the Night of Hiding him who is Supreme of Attributes
is when there are at the Coffin, the Thigh, the Head, the Heel and
the Leg of Unneferu.
10. Oh Thoth, who makest Osiris triumphant over his adversaries,
let tV be made triumphant over his adversaries, even as thou
makest Osiris triumphant over his adversaries before the Great
Literally, " when the things , w , are shut up."
I I I
\\r^
6
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1S92.
Circle of gods in Restau on the Night when Anubis lieth (10) with
his hands upon the objects behind Osiris, when Osiris is made to
triumph over his adversaries.
The Great Circle of gods in Restau is of Osiris, Horus, and
Isis. The heart of Horus rejoiceth, the heart of Osiris is glad and
the two Parts * of Heaven are satisfied when Thoth effecteth the
triumph of JV before these ten Great Circles about Ra and about
Osiris and the Circles of gods attached to every god and every
goddess before the Inviolate god. All his adversaries are destroyed
and all that was wrong in him is also destroyed.
Let the person say this chapter, he will be purified and come forth
by day, after his death, and take all forms for the satisfaction of his
7vill, and if this chapter be recited over him, he will be prosperous upon
earth, he ivill come forth safe from every fire, and no evil thing will
approach him : with imdeviating regularity for times infinite (11).
Notes.
The eighteenth chapter is one of those found in the earliest
copies of the Book of the Dead, on the wooden coffins of the ' Old '
and ' Middle ' Empires ; the most complete ancient copy being on
the coffin of Queen Mentuhotep of the eleventh dynasty.
It consists of a Litany addressed to Thoth, who is invoked for
securing the triumph of the departed against his adversaries in
presence of the gods of certain localities. Each petition has
reference to some mythological event, and is supplemented by the
enumeration of the gods constituting the divine company presiding
at the locality named, and sometimes by a short comment on the
myth referred to.
The order of petitions is somewhat different in the later recen-
sions, and the text has suffered other alterations.
Copies of this chapter are extremely numerous, particularly in
the later periods.
The chapter really begins with the petitions to Thoth. The
preceding portion is, as far as I know, found only in the Papyrus of
Ani. But as the vignette which belongs to this portion has a place
in the great Leyden Papyrus of Kenna, the text cannot have been
confined to a single manuscript. It is particularly valuable as
illustrative of the ritual use of portions of the Book of the Dead.
■^' Q ^ ■^ *^^^^^ ^I^ , North and South.
7
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1892
I. The deceased person is supposed to be presented to the gods
by two priests in succession, one called A?i-inout-ef m |,
and the other '^^ <rr> Se-meri-f. Both names are titles of
Horus, and it is the usual thing for Egyptian priests to bear divine
titles ; their ritual observances being dramatic and symbolical
representations of the actions of the gods. An-maut-ef literally
signifies ' column (support) of his mother.' Horus is called
0
T
' the An-maut-ef of the Great
Company of the gods' (Mariette, Abydos, I, p. 34), and in Denk??idlcr,
III, 206 e, he is called the Afi-niaut-ef of Osiris {cf. Abyd. II, 54).
Se-meri-f signifies ' the Beloved Son,' and the priest of this
name in the funereal rites personified Horus in his dutiful offices
to his father Osiris. I do not know why '4>^ <rr> is always
translated ' the son who loves him,' instead of ' the son he loves,'
which is the right meaning. <rr> is ' the place which he
loves ' not ' the place which loves him.' And similarly <cir> is
' the wife whom he loves,' not ' who loves him.'
2. There is a short note (6) on Chapter i, upon the word
|l Jj I , but the present seems to be the suitable place for a
more extended notice of this feminine word, which is a collective
noun, and never found in any other sense.
The ancient form | h O^ -7| I renders it more than probable
that 0 is not phonetic in the later form, but that as in I „ kaf,
originally \ (whence the Coptic KOT. KCJOTG, a circle, a round
vessel, to go round), it is ideographic of roundness. This concept
is certainly to be found in the word ^^^, the Coptic XCJOX , a
head (or rather top of the head), as in the Latin vertex, akin to
vortex, from the same root as vertere. The sign ^ , which in later
texts is often put instead of 1 — I — 1, offers some difficulty, but the
weight of probability is against its being phonetic in this place.
Instead of 1 — I — 1 we also find y , which is certainly not phonetic
but ideographic of enclosure, as in the word |, ^ |j jj a wall, paries,
c/iKo<.\ This word occurs already in the Pyramid Texts under the
form 1,1, Q . See Pepi I, 571, which M. Maspero renders ' la Grande
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
Encehite d'On.' The evident etymological relationship to the Coptic
X(JOX has led some scholars to translate the Egyptian word as
signifying chiefs, princes. But though the lexicons give dux and
princeps as meanings of the Coptic word, these are but secondary
applications of head. We have to enquire why X(JOX means head,
or top of the head. And the reason is its roundness, as indicated by
the ideographic signs Q or O-
The old Egyptian word A \ O^ I invariably implies an as-
tiiiiii I— H — I \ I
sociation of persons, and this is why in consequence of its etymology
I translate it as ' Circle of gods.'
3. The Eve's Provender. Later authorities read , -^ , T \\ V\ ^^ ,
the ' Provender of the altars,' but this is a corruption of the ancient
■ ^ I T "^^v v\ '-^^ , which had probably ceased to be intelligible.
Accoruing to the pantheistic system the deceased through his identi-
fication with the Sun absorbed and consumed all that came in his
way. And this is expressed in somewhat brutal style. Men and
gods disappear before Unas, he makes his breakfast at dawn
M ^ n _ , upon great gods, his dinner upon gods of middling
quality ^\, and 'his supper at even' (1 '^ ® RMJ ^ ^^
upon the muior deities, «= — s> ° . IJ is the ancient dialectic
variant of , -^ ,, which however is leally the older form. This
III
word which means ' things ' has, like the Latin res, a wide applica-
tion. It frequently means property, estate, and sometimes suit.
4. On the last day of the month of Choiak the great solemnity of
setting up the Tat W as the symbol of Osiris was observed down to
the latest periods. The tablets of Pasherenptah, high priest of Ptah
at Memphis, speak of this great dignitary as the king's second or
deputy in ' Raising the Tat.' But Brugsch has published a picture
{Thesaurus, V, IJ190), copied by Dr. Erman from a tomb of the
XVIIIth dynasty, in which Amenophis III himself helps to raise
the Tat, and the queen Ti and the royal princesses take i)art in the
ceremony. The procession is described as marching four times
round the sanctuary of Ptah-Seker-Osiris.
5. On Horus in the Dark, or Blindness, or Invisibility -^^ , see
my note, Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch., June, 1886.
9
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1892.
6. Pu and Tepu are named together in the earHest texts as one
locaHty, which is recognised by Brugsch as the metropohs of the
northern nome called by the Greeks a>06j^oT/ys.
7. The feast of "-' derives its name, as Goodwin supposes
with great probability, from the words pjj ^^, ^czipe <n:> M^i
ha-k-er-d, 'Come thou to me,' said of a legendary incident like that
mentioned at the end of note 15 on Chapter XVII. The early
papyri read [~[] n^ g7\ but this is no objection, the sign QA
being here the determinative of the entire group which gives its
name to the feast.
8. ^^^^ o v\ ^^ I literally the dead, that is those who have died
' the second death.'
9. The vignette is given by M. Naville from the tracing taken by
Lepsius of the now lost Papyrus Busca. It represents ' the Great
Hoeing in Tattu.' The long text at Dendera (Mariette, tom. IV,
pi. 39) contains directions to be observed on the festival com-
memorative of the ancient myth. Two black cows .are put under a
yoke of [I I n dm wood, the plough is of tamarisk wood and the
share of black bronze. The plougher goes behind, with a cow led
by a halter. A little child with the lock ^ attached to its head is to
scatter the seed in the field of Osiris, a piece of land of which the
dimensions were given in the text (now imperfect). Barley is sown
at one end, spelt at the other, and flax between the two. And the
Cher-heb in chief recites the Office for the Sowing of the Field.
10. The older texts have n. <7^ lie, the later ones ^ lay.
II. In the formula ^ | <_ . ' ^, , g ^es is "the measuring line
used by builders, and em ses signifies 'ad amussim,' 'nach der
Schnur,' 'au cordeau,' 'according to the line,' hence 'with the
strictest accuracy.' Hibbert Lectures, 1879, P- 121. ' According to
the line of Maat ' means 'with undeviating regularity.'
Chapter XIX.
Chapter of the Crown of Triianph.
Thy Father Tmu has prepared for thee this beautiful Crown of
Triumph, the living diadem which the gods love, that thou mayest
Jsfov. i] PROCEEDINGS. 1892.
live for ever. Osiris, Prince of Amenta, maketh thee to triumph
over thine adversaries. Thy Father Seb hath decreed that thou
should be his heir, and be heralded as Triumphant, Horus son of
Isis and son of Osiris, upon the throne of thy Father Ra, through
the defeat of thine adversaries. He hath decreed for thee the Two
Earths, absolutely and without condition (i). And so hath Atmu
decreed, and the Cycle of the gods hath repeated the glorious act of
the triumph of Horus the son of Isis and the son of Osiris for ever
and ever.
Osiris, the Prince of Amenta, the Two Parts of Heaven united,
all gods and all goddesses who are in heaven and upon earth join
in effecting the Triumph of Horus the son of Isis and son of
Osiris over his adversaries before the Great Circle of gods in
Heliopolis, on the Nighty etc.
Horus repeateth the proclamation four times. All the adversaries
fall and are overthrown and slaughtered.
N repeateth the proclamation four times, and all his adversaries
fall and are overthrown and slaughtered.
Horus son of Isis and son of Horus repeateth an infinite number
of festivals, and all his adversaries fall down, are overthrown and
slaughtered. Their abode is transferred to the slaughtering block
of the East, their heads are cut away, their necks are crushed, their
thighs are lopped off, they are given to the great Annihilator who
resideth in the Valley (2) that they may not ever escape from under
the custody of Seb (3).
This chapter is said over a cotisecrated crotvn placed upon the face
of the person, and thou shalt put incense upon the flame, for iV {the
deceased), effecting his triumph over all his adversaries, whether Dead
or Livi?ig, that he may becojne one of the followers of Osiris. And
there shall be given to him drink and food i?i presence of this god.
Thou shall say it at daivn twice ; A great protection is it: ivith
undeviating regularity for. times infinite.
Notes.
The nineteenth chapter is a very recent recension of the
eighteenth. The MSS. containing it, as far as we know, are not
older than the Greek period. It derives its origin from the practice
of placing garlands or floral crowns upon the mummies. The
mummy of Aahmes I, the first king of the eighteenth dynasty, when
11
Nov. i] SOCIETY OF 15I15LICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1892.
found " portait au cou," M. Maspero writes, " une guirlande de jolies
fleurs roses de Delphirnum orieniale." Remains of such crowns are
to be found in our Museums. For farther details I must refer to an
excellent paper entitled La Coiironne de la Justification^ by Dr.
Pleyte of Leyden, in the second volume of the Transactions of the
Oriental Congress held at Leyden in 1884.
1. ^ v?\ ^. This adverbial expression is apparently con-
nected with v ^"^^^-^^ and I therefore understand it in the sense of
u7roT6uw<i, praccise, absolutely^ 7cnthoui condition.
2. [I ^"^ "=" the Valley of Darkness {Todt, 130, 6) and
Death, " whose secrets are absolutely unknown " "— ^ _ <=z=> — »—
^ JJ 111 ® £52
(148, 2).
3. That is they shall remain interred for ever.
Chapter XX.
The twentieth chapter is entitled Another Chapter of Crown of
Triumph, but it is simply a tabulated form of Chapter XVIII, with
the Rubric. Let the person say this Chapter, and purify himself with
water of natron, he will come forth by day after death, and take all
forms according to his ivish, and escape from the fire. With un-
deviating regularity for times infinite. The earliest example of this
tabulated form of the chapter is found on the Berlin Sarcophagus
of Mentuhotep.
N.B. — The Plates illustrating these Chapters will be issued
with the next Part of the Proceedi?igs. — W.H.R.
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1892
YA AND YAWA (JAH AND JAHWEH) IN ASSYRO-
BABYLONIAN INSCRIPTIONS.
By Theo. G. Pinches.
In the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archceology for
Nov., 1885, I pointed out (pp. 27, 28) that the group >->^ f^ Jy,
when not standing for the Moongoddess as consort of the Sungod,
was not to be read Mahk, as had been done with common consent,
but A or Aa, and that, in certain names, it interchanged with t^f^ ,
Ya, {=/ah), as, for example, f J^^fy Yy< J^Tf , Ya-ha-lu, which is
also given under the form of J ]] "^ \\{ y][ ][gjy , A-a-ha-a-lu ( YaMlu
or Aahdlu).
Since that time, I have accumulated a large amount of material
tending to confirm this identification, and among the many names
containing the divine element Ya may be quoted the following : —
I *;^UlE^n •;^,^^/-J'«-^^,"BelisYa"(S + .39o;S + .379^),
ancestor of a man named Nergal-epus, father of Ea-ibni,
who, in his turn, was father of a woman named Gula-ka'isat.
(Apparently a genuine Babylonian family.) Bel-Yau corresponds
with the Heb. n^7i^!l, the name of one of David's sons
(i Chron. xii, 5).
y ^i^ ^^y ^ t^y]^ ]] ^TTTJ^? Na-ad-hl-ya-a-u.^ an Assyrian officer
bearing the title of ^^ JEJ >-^yy ^ y**'-'- in the eponymy of
Mannu-ki-Assur-idu, 709 b.c. This is the Hebrew n*'!!2"T2.
y ^>{- t^^yy ^yy 4>->y- , (D.PP.) Ya-da-\, a not uncommon name,
of which y y]^ y]^ ^>^ '^y<y ^>-.-, Aa--da- {Aa'it-da'ii) is
evidently a variant. The Rev. C. J. Ball is of opinion that this
name is, in all likelihood, the same as V^'^, and related to
Beeliada or Eliada as Nathan to Elnathan.
* loth and nth years of Nabonidus (Strassmaier, nos. 461 and 50S).
t IV. A. I. Ill, pi. 49, no. I, 1. 30
X Tablet S. 30.
13
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF lUliLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1S92.
y ^^ yr <; ^^ ^^>f <;y>^ ,* (D.PP.) A-u-na-'^di {Au^na'idi),
apparently = Yau-nd'idi, " Ya is glorious." Eponymy of Barku-
rimani.
y^^^^ppj^^ ^yr, Gab-ri-ya {Gabri-Ya), a parallel to ^i^"inn^,
Gabriel,
y ^ *^XZ]] 4fl E^Ir't Nu-nr-ri-ya { = Nuri-Ya), a Babylonian
parallel to the Hebrew np2 , Neriah.
The number of names compounded with the divine monosyllable
Aa or Ya is 100 great to be quoted here, but the examples given
above will probably suffice to prove its existence — if proof be
needed. It will be noted that all these forms ( Ya, Yau, Ydu, Aa,
An, Aahi) correspond with the Hebrew terminal forms T\*^ and ^TV
(unless, as is possible, the terminal 1 of the latter be 7iot the
nominative ending corresponding with the u of the forms Yau, Ydu,
Au, Au).X
All the above cited forms are both early and late ; but there is
another form (found in names occurring during the captivity) which
is of the highest interest, and may prove to be of importance.
The earliest tablet known to me containing this form is 82-9-18,
4215, dated in the loth year of Darius Hystaspis. The name in
which it occurs is as follows : —
y >:yyi^ ^y^ ^]] y| *0 , Ga-ma7--ya~a-ma (or -wa).
This name is given as the father of a witness (whose name is
lost) to the sale of a slave. §
On another tablet (82-7-14, 550), probably of about the same
date, there occurs, among a list of workmen, the name : —
y ^/r ^<y w^ ^y^ y^ '^y, Na-ta-iui-ya-a-ma (or -wa).
This same tablet also gives a form without the ^, / (or ^y][,
ya):—
y ';::y ^^ y^ "^y Ba-7ia-a-ma (or -wa).
* W.A.I. Ill, pi. 47> no- 3. 1- 3- + 82-9-18, 4074.
■*■ In view of the above, the question naturally arises whether, in the nam
y >_>_YJ^l_ X^tXi yi y Nalm-ya-a-Sfi (82-3-23, 3170), we have the same divine
name. If this be the case, the translation would be " Nebo is his God " (A^abii-
Yd-Sn).
§ Another witness to the transaction is y ^y ■>^\ J[py ^y^ Ba-ri-ki-ia -
Berechiah.
14
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
The tablet 82-7-14, 4175, rev., 1. 4, gives also the very interesting
form y ]^| ■^*- >^ i*-]1[ Iy "^I' Su-bu-7iu-ya-a-ma (or wd), the Hebrew
My opinion concerning these names I have already expressed
in a paper read before the Philological Society on Feb. ist, 1889.*
They seemed to me to be Hebrew names compounded with rT^n^
instead of XV^ or IH'', parallel to rin^??, H^^O-.^ -ind n^Zl
(or the corresponding forms ending in '\XT). I did not like to put
this forward too emphatically, however, because, though convinced
in my own mind that my asumption was correct, there was still the
possibility that -ydma might be a termination of an entirely different
nature.
Two more examples of this ending having come to light, how-
ever, I am now in a position to state that the termination is really
to be read -ycnva, and that it is a synonym of ilu and ya (= Jah).
The new name proving this, which occurs on 82-5-22, 1394 (reign
of one of the Artaxerxes) is as follows : —
y y]f >^y ^ ^]} "^y , A-ka-l?iya-wa ( Akabi- Ydwa).
This is a parallel to the names y y^ S\ ■^>- ^y]^, Akabnya
(83-1 -1 8, 173!)) and y yj^ .^y ^ '->f-, Akabi-Uu {Transactions of
the Society of Biblical Archaeology, Vol. VHI, pp. 284, 285, and 295),
the last being probably the name of a Syrian. | The defective
writing of ^^] *^ , ya-wa, for ^^ ^ ^y, ya-a-wa (see above),
makes no difficulty. The Rev. C. J. Ball tells me that the Heb.
form of this name occurs in Aboth iii, i, as n^^p^, thus clinching
the matter.
The occurrence of the above-mentioned names adds one more
testimony to the true pronunciation of ^'^^^ and shows that, during
the time of the Persian rulers of Babylon, the Jews had no objection
to pronouncing the name which is now generally read as Jehovah.
To the speculations as to the origin of XV\T\^ may be added the
question whether it is not a derivative from H'', formed, by analogy,
upon a real or supposed etymological connection between v't^ and
* See the Academy, Feb. 19th, 1SS9. Cf. Records of the Past, N.S. Vol. IV,
p. 107.
t Strassmaier, Nahonidus, No. 542.
% The text in which the name Aknbi-tlu occurs relates to a family the father
of which was a Syrian, who in his native country, must have borne the name of
Ben-Hadad-nathan, but who was called by the Babylonians Abil-Addu-natanu.
15
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1892.
LETTRES DE TELL EL-AMARNA.
(5-= Serie.)
Par a. T- Delattre, SJ.
I.
Les Habitants de Tunip au Roi d'Egypte.
{British Musetim, 41.)
Si nous les comprenons bien, les habitants de Tunip, menaces
par Azirou, protestent, preuves en main, de leur fidelite a I'Egypte,
fidelite qui ne s'est pas dementie depuis les jours, deja eloign^s, de
Totmes III. Le roi d'Egypte, de son cote, ne leur tient pas sa
promesse de protection ; il ne repond pas meme a leurs multiples
messages. L'auteur de tout le mal, c'est Azirou, qui les fait passer
pour traitres. De la sorte, il s'emparera de leur ville, la maltraitera,
et la detachera du service de I'Egypte, comme il I'a deja fait pour les
villes de Ni et de Zoumour, tombees en son pouvoir ; et cette fois
encore, le roi eprouvera du domraage. Tunip est dans la derniere
detresse, et celui qui devrait le plus s'interesser a elle, s'obstine dans
son indifference.
Transcpription.
1. A-na sar mat Mi-is-ri bi-ili-ni,
2. 7iin-ma : mari viaJiazi Dii-Jii-ip amil ardii-ka-ina.
3. A-na viuhhi-ka lu-ti siil-mu,
4. u a-na si-pa bi/i-ni ni-am-kuf.
5. Bili-ni uni-ma : inahazu Du-ni-ip, amil ardti-ka, ik-ta-bi :
6. mahazu Dii-7ii-ip ma-an-nu i-7ia pa-na-mi-utn
7. u-us-sa-bu-su ? La 7i-iis-sa-b?c-su
8. Ma-na-ah-bi-ir-ia ? Kanisa-tu am-ma-ii t-ni-fam.
9. Ilani-sii u i-mu-ga-as-sii kansis na-ab-ri. Il-la-aii
10. sa sar mat Mi-is-ri bi-ili-ni ina 7nahazu Dii-ni-ip as-bu-nim ;
11. u U-is-al-su-nu bi-ili-ni la-bi-ru-ti kanisati am-ma-ti.
12. U i-nu-ma-7ni ni-i-nu sa-la bi-ili-ni sar mat Mi-is-ri
16
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS, [1892.
13. U i-fia-an-tia XX satiiti a-na sarri bi-ili-ni ni-is-tap-ru,
14. 71 amiliiti mar sipri-ni a-na sarri bi-ili-ni as-bti-nim ;
15. u i-na-an-na^ bi-ili-fti ia-ki Hit Adda,
16. a-nn sarri bi-ili-ni ni-ir-ri-is su-nim,
17. 71 li-id-din-sit bi-ili-ni.
\Z. U bilu-ni, ia-ki ilu Adda, sar mat Mi-is-ri
1 9. id-diti ; 71 a-na mi-nim sar-rii bi-ili-ni
20. i-na harran-ni i-ta-ar-ra-as-su 1
21. U i-na-an-na A-zi-ra attiila arda-ka
22. ainil nakar is-sir-ka i-si-im-7ni-hi-7iu ;
23. 71 i-7ia mat Ha-at-at,
24. 7ia-m7tr-ra-t7ini ik-su-7id-su-t7u.
25. U i-ftu-ma sabi-su u nar^abati-su
26. ih-ru-n7i7n-7ni ;
2"]. u ni-i-nu, A-zi-ra
28. ki-i-ma tnahaza Ni-i i-it-bu-us-su-ni.
29. S7im-7na ni-i-Ji7i-77ia ga-a-la-mt,
30. u sar 7nat Mi-is-ri i-ga-al-)7ii.
31. As-S7(//i a-ma-ti ar7-i7i-tii7n sa i-ib-bii-su-nii
32. A-zi-ra, i-tm-ma-mi il^>-< sii-ta
33. a-na m7ih-hi bi-ili-ni li-i7ia-as-sir-ru.
34. U i-nu-ma-7ni A-zi-ra 7)7ahaza S7i-ii7U-ri i-rii-bu
35. 71 i-ti-b7i-7{s-sii-nu A-zi-ra
36. sa lib-bi-su, i-na bit-ii
37. sa sar-ri bi-ili-ni, u as-swn a-7tia-ii
38. an-{77i)-l7wi bi-ili-f7i i-ga-al-mi.
39. U i-7ia-afi-na tnahazu Du-ni-ip,
40. mahazii-ka, i-ba bu-ki,
41. u ti-7}ia-ti-sii i-la-bu,
42. 71 sa-ba-ti-s7i sa ^I^*< sii-77n-ni ia-7i7i-7i)n.
43. Ni-i-nu-7na a-na sarri bi-ili-ni sar Mi-is-ri.
44. a-na XX sa7uti 7ii-is-tap-ru,
45. 7C a-ma-at sa bi-ili-ni
46. ist-i?i a-na m7i-7ih-hi-7it la i-kas-sa-ad-)i7i.
17 c
Nov. i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S92.
Traduction.
(i) Au roi du pays de Misri, notre maitre, (2) en ces termes :
Les habitants de Tunip tes serviteurs. (3) A toi salut, (4) et nous
nous prosternons aux pieds de notre maitre.
(5) Notre maitre, en ces termes [nous parlons]. La ville de
Tunip, [dont les habitants sont] tes serviteurs, dit : (6) La ville de
Tunip, qui, jadis, (7) en a regu les serments? (7, 8) N'est-ce pas
Manakhbiria qui les a regus? Cette soumission est ancienne
(9) Nous avons reconnu avec soumission ses dieux et sa puissance.
Les statues (10) du roi de Misri, notre maitre, se trouvent dans la
ville de Tunip; (11) que notre maitre les interroge sur la duree de
cette soumission. (12) Et cependant il nous abandonne notre
maitre, le roi de Misri.
(13) Nous avons maintenant envoye vingt fois nos messages au
roi notre maitre, (14) et nos messagers se trouvent chez le roi notre
maitre, [attendant en vain]. (15) Et maintenant, 6 notre maitre,
[toi] lie par serment au dieu Adda [notre dieu], (16) nous demandons
une reponse au roi notre maitre. (17) Que notre maitre veuille bien
la donner. (18) Notre maitre, lie au dieu Adda, le roi de Misri,
(19) [en] avait donne [une precedemment]. Mais pourquoi le roi
notre maitre (20) I'a-t-il arretee en chemin ?
(21, 22) Et maintenant Azirou a represente tes serviteurs comma
des ennemis de ta prosp^rite, (23) et au pays de Khatti, (24) on est
saisi de frayeur; (25) car voila que ses soldats et ses chars, (26) se
sont mis en marche.
(27, 28) Et nous, Azirou nous traitera comme la ville de Ni.
(29) Si nous, nous sommes leses, (30) le roi de Misri le sera.
(30) A cause de ce que leur a fait (31) Azirou, voila (32, 33) qu'ils
ont cesse [les habitants de Ni] de rendre obeissance au roi notre
maitre. (34) Lorsque Azirou fut entre dans la ville de Zoumour,
(35) Azirou leur fit [aux habitants] (36) ce qu'il lui plut, [et cela]
dans la maison [le royaume] (37) du roi notre maitre, (37, 38) et
notre maitre en eprouve du dommage.
(39) Et maintenant la ville de Tunip, (40) ta ville, pousse des
sanglots, (41) et ses larmes sont enflammees, (42) et nous n'avons
pas de reponse a attendre.
(43) Nous, au roi notre maitre, au roi de Misri, (44) nous avons
envoye message jusqu'a vingt fois, (45) et nouvelles de notre maitre
(46) a nous adressees ne nous sont pas parvenues une seule fois.
18
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1892,
Remarques.
Ligne 2. — Amil ardu-ka, singulier collectif.
Ligne 7. — Ussabu, pour ussabu^ forme particuliere de schafel, de
la racine i^lttj. Cf. Delitzsch, Gram., § 85.
Lignes 8, 9, 11. — Kanisatu ou kassatii, kafisis, voir Briinnow,
7322, 7325.
Ligne 9. — lilan est un pluriel, comme I'indique as-bu-?iim, 3* p.
pi. permansif d'asabu. Ce verbe rend fort naturel le sens de statues
(jue nous attribuons a Ulan. Peut-etre aussi est-ce un pluriel de i/i/,
dieu ; illan etant une expression incorrecte pour i/ati. II s'agirait
dans ce cas de statues de divinites egyptiennes. Quoi qu'il en soit,
ce sont des monuments qui attestent la prise de possession de
'J'unip ])ar Manakhbiria autrement dit Totmes III, et qui ont ele
respectes, en signe de soumission a I'Egypte, jusqu'a Amenophis III,
ou Amenophis IV, auquel s'adresse la lettre.
Ligne 11. — Lisals/niu =^ qviW les interroge, au figure. Cos
monuments temoignent par le fait qu'ils sont toujours la.
Ligne 13. — Je crois que I'ideogramme >t<^, qui exprime I'idee
de sattu, pi. satiati, annee, represente ici le mot tres voisin sani-tu,
fois. L'ideogramme est suivi d'un double signe du pluriel. — Je ne
pense pas que la consfruction, surtout a la ligne 44, ou le mot
revient, permette de lire sandti, annees, et d'inlerpreter : Depuis
vingt ans nous nous adressons au roi.
Ligne 15. — laki Adda ne semble pas etre un nom propre
d'homme. U est employe deux fois dans la lettre sans le deter-
minatif y des noms d'hommes, tandis que Manakhbiria, qui s'y
rencontre une fois, et Azira qui s'y rencontre six fois, sont toujours
])recedes de ce determinatif. De plus, il est difficile de s'en rendre
compte a la ligne 18, si c'est un nom propre d'homme, ou meme,
si ce n'est pas un qualificatif du roi d'Egypte.
Ligne 22. — Issir, pour issir. Cf. hebr, '^tl''^^.
Lignes 23, 24. — Tunip, d'apres la maniere dont nous com-
prenons le texte, ferait partie du pays de Khatti.
Ligne 32. — Je ne sais comment il faut lire l'ideogramme ^i:;^>-<,
qui en cet endroit, comme a la ligne 42, doit exprimer un nom
renfermant I'idee de rendre, renvoyer. Toutefois, je me demande
si l'ideogramme n'est pas a lire sunu ou suni, et si a la ligne 42, le
19 c 2
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1892.
mot sunu n'est pas ecrit deux fois, d'abord ideographiquement et
ensuite en toiites syllabes, comme sabi sa-bi (Berlin, 31, ligne 4),
pour ne citer qu'un exemple de cet usage propre a nos lettres.
II.
Addu-nirar, Prince de Noukhassi, au Roi d'Egypte,
(^Berlin, 30.)
Le commencement de cette piece, tres mutilee, a excite un
certain interet, a cause du signataire de la lettre, un pretendu fils de
Manakhbiya ou Manakhbiria, c'est-a-dire de Totmes III, que son
pere aurait dote d'un apanage en Syrie.
Transcription.
1. {A)-?ia ilu Sa/nsi, sarri bi-ili-ia, sar mat Mi-is-ri
2. uni-ma : Adda-ni-ra-ri, ardu-ka-ma.
3. A-na sipa bi-ili-ia am-kut.
4. . . . I-nu-ma Ma-Jia-ah-bi-ia sar mat Mi-is-ri a-bi-ia
5 i-na mat Nii-ha-as-si
6. a-7ia sar-riMit i-ib-bii-sa-as-sii, u J^ !>-►«- a->ia kakkadu-su
7. is-kn-mi-su
Traduction.
(i) Au dieu Soleil, le roi mon maitre, roi de Misri, (2) en ces
termes : Adda-nirar, ton serviteur. (3) Je me prosterne aux pieds
de mon maitre.
(4) Lorsque Manakhbiya, roi de Misri, (4-6) eut eleve mon
pere k la royaute dans le pays de Noukhassi, (6, 7) et qu'il lui eut
mis Vhuile (?) sur la tete
Remarques.
Lignes 4-9. — Ces lignes he signifient point : " Lorsque Manakh-
biya, roi de Misri, mon pere, m'eut e'tabli roi en Noukhassi . . . ."
Pour traduire ainsi, il faut donner a su, qui signifie lid, le sens de
moi. D'ailleurs Addu-nirar (plutot que Raman-nirar, pour un
prince syrien), s'il a ete etabli roi par Totmes III, et qu'il ecrive a
Amenophis III, ou a Amenophis IV, a regne par trop longtemps.
II se peut meme que celui qu'il appelle son pere, soit son grand-pere.
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
Lignes 6, 7. — L'ideogramme peut exprimer samnu, huile. La
phrase signifierait bien : Lorsque tu lui eus assure I'abondance, et
la joie qu'elle procure. Ce serait la meme image qu'au psaume xxiii,
V. 6.
III.
AziROu AU Roi d'Egypte.
{Berlin, 34.)
Cette lettre en rappelle une autre, traduite par nous dans les
Proceedings (mars, 1891), dans laquelle un officier du roi d'Egypte,
intime au chef du pays d'Amourou, probablement a Azirou.lui-meme,
I'ordre de Hvrer divers personnages gravement compromis.
Transcription.
1. A-na sarri bili-ia ili-ia Samsi-ia.
2. um-tna : A-zi-ru ardu-ka-ma.
3. VII satiitu u VII sanita a-na sipa bili-ia am-kut..
4. A-nu-um-nia mi-rii-is-tii
5. sa i-ti-ir-ru-is
6. ilu Samsu bilu-ia, a-na-ku ardu-ka
7. a-di ta-ru-i-ti {ibbus\
8. u marani-ia ardani-ka.
9. A-nu-uvi-ma II am Hut i ....
10. ai-ta-din marafii . . .
11. u li-ib-bu-su-(nia)
12. sa i-kab-bi {sarru bilu-ia),
i^. u li-nia-as-sir-(su-nu)
14. i-na mat A-mur-{ri).
Traduction.
(i) Au roi, mon maitre, mon dieu, mon soleil, (2) en ces termes :
Azirou ton serviteur. {3) Sept fois et sept fois, aux pieds de mon
maitre, je me me prosterne.
(4) Voici que [tout] desir (5) que formera (6) le dieu Soleil, mon
maitre, moi, ton serviteur, (7) toujours je I'cxecuterai, (8) et mes
fils sont tes serviteurs.
(9, 10) Voila que j'ai remis [a tes agents] deux hommes de . . .
fils [ou gens] de . . . (11) Qu'ils fassent (12) ce que le roi dira,
(13) et qu'ils les renvoie [qu'il veuille bien les renvoyer] (14) au
pays d'Amourou.
21
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1892.
Remarques.
Lignes 4, 5, 6. — Mi-ru-is-tu^ i-ti-ir-ru-is, ta-ru-i-ti, sont a lire
tniristi, itirris, tariti. On a de meme dans la lettre des habitants
de Tunip, ligne 4, ni-am-kut pour namkut. Dans ces mots, les
caracteres que nous avons rendus ru, ni, representaient, pour les
scribes auxquels les correspondances furent dictees, les consonnes
r, n. Si ceux qui ecrivaient ainsi n'ont pas simplifie leur ecriture
syllabique en ecriture alphabetique, c'est qu'ils n'ont pas voulu ; car
I'avant-dernier pas dans cette voie, c'est I'abstraction de la consonne.
Voir nos considerations sur ce sujet dans la brochure intitulee :
Les inscriptions histoiiques de Ninive et de Babylone (Paris, Leroux),
p. 7. A ce propos, npus nous rappelons avoir lu chez un assyrio-
logue les lignes que voici : " Une langue qui ignore I'union de deux
consonnes avant et apres la voyelle, et I'assyrien est precisement une
langue de cette nature, ne pouvant jamais inspirer I'idee de la
consonne separee de la voyelle, conserve naturellement le systeme
syllabique adopte tout d'abord pour son expression. On comprend
maintenant combien on est peu fonde a demander aux Assyro-
babyloniens la creation d'une ecriture alphabetique." Mais qui
nous prouvera que la langue assyrienne ne presentait pas de formes
comme katalt et kd-tid, et que dans ces cas, on ne supprimait pas
dans la prononciation la voyelle adherente aux caracteres syllabiques ?
IV.
Amenophis III A Kallimma-Sin, Roi de Babylonie.
{British Museum, i.)
Amenophis III, design^ dans la lettre sous le nom de Nip-
muariya, avait demande, soit pour lui, soit pour un prince de sa
famille, une fille de Kallimma-Sin, et celui-ci avait refuse en disant
qu'on ne savait pas meme ce qu'etait devenue une princesse baby-
lonienne, sa sceur a lui, envoyee precedemment par son pere pour le
harem du roi d'Egypte. Celui-ci, k Ten croire, avait montre la
princesse, comblee d'honneurs, a des envoyes babyloniens, homnies
d'extraction obscure malheureusement, qui n'avaient jamais eu oc-
casion de la voir dans leur pays, et ainsi n'avaient pu constater son
identite. En consequence, il avait prie Kallimma-Sin de lui envoyer
des gens plus propres a s'acquitter d'une pareille mission. Kallimma-
22
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
Sin avait repondu qu'une seconde ambassade envoyee a cet effet
ne reussirait pas mieux que la premiere. II avait tenu a cette
occasion, dans sa lettre, d'autres propos blessants. Amenophis
s'efforce de refuter un a un tous ces reproches dans la lettre que
nous traduisons ici, et dont une copie a ete retrouvee dans les
archives de Khoutnaton (Tell el-Amarna).
Amenophis semble n'avoir pas ecrit jusque-la a Kallimma-Sin,
mais avoir repondu verbalement a ses envoyes, lesquels, d'apres lui,
s'etaient fort mal acquittes des commissions dont il les avait charges
pour leur maitre.
Si le texte de la derniere ligne de la lettre, marque comme
douteux par M. Bezold, est neanmoins exact, nous avons la la
signature du scribe responsable, auteur de la copie destinee aux
archives de Khoutnaton. Je crois qu'il en est reellement ainsi, car
le nom, tel qu'il se lit, est assyrien et non egyptien.
Transcription.
1 . A-na Ka-al-lim-ma-Sin sar mat Ka-ra-ilu-Du-ni-ia-as,
2. ahi-ia ki tim-ma mn-ma : Ni-ip-mu-a-ri-a, sarru rabu,
3. sar mat Mi-is-ri-i ahu-ka-ma. A-na mah-ri-ia sul-mu.
4. A-7ia mah-ri-ka lu-u sul-mu ; a-na biti-ka, a-na assati-ka,
5. a-na 7nari-ka, a-?ia a?nihiti rabutl-ka, sisi-ka,
6. narkabati-ka, a-na kab-bi matati-ka, da-an-tii-is lu-u sul-mu.
7. A-na ia-si sul-mu ; a-na biti-ia, a-na assdti-ia, a-na mari-ia,
8. a-na amiluti rabuti-ia, sisi-ia, narkabati-ia,
9. sabi ma-ad sul-mu, ii kab-bi matati-ia rabis sul-mu.
10. A-nu-tim-ma as-ti-mi a-ma-tani sa ta-as-pu-ra ili-si a-na ia-si
11. um-jna-a-mi : a-nu-2im-ma tu-ba-a marat-ia a-na assu-ut-ti-ka,
12. u a-ha-ti-ia sa id-di-na-ku a-bi-ia as-ra-nu it-ti-ka,
13. u ma-am-ma u-ul i-mic-ur-si i-na-an-na, sum-ma ba-al-ta-at,
1 4. sum-ma mi-ta-at. Sa ta-as-pu-ra-ati-ni i-na kab-bi dup-pi-ka
15. an-nu-tum a-7?ia-ti-ka, u itn-ma-ti ta-as-pu-ra amilu ka-mi-rum
16. sa i-ti a-ha-at-ka, sa i-tab-bu-ub it-ti-si
17. It u-ma-an-di-si u li-it-bu-ub it-ti-si}
18. Sabi sa ta-sa-ap-pa-ra ri-i-kci mar sipri {isti-in\
19. sa Za-ka-ra, ist-in amil ri/iu
20. i-ia-nu ist-in lib-bi-su-(nu sa im-ma-ti-ma it)-ta-ka-ri-ib
21. a-na a-bi-ka {J-mu-ur a-ha-ti-ka). Ap-pu-na
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1892.
22. amiliiti marl sipri-ka (a-h{a)-ti-ka u i-ka-bi-si
23 {i-k)ab-l>i-si a-si
24 ap-pu-na via ti-na-din
25 ///// su bat su-la-tam a-na um-mi-si.
26. U i-mi-ma ta-aspu-ra um-ma-am-mi : ta-ak-ta-bi-mi
27. a-tia amiluti mari sipri-ia, ti assati-ka pu-hu-rinn iz-za-za-zic
28. i-na pa-ni-ka, iim-ma-a : a-7nur bi-il-ti-ku-nu sa iz-za-az
29. i-na pa-tii-ku-tiu, u amiluti ?nari sipri-ia u-ul i-ti-si,
30. si-i a-ha-ti-ia sa itti ka-sa. A-nu-ian-ma at-ta-ma
31. ta-aspu-ra um-ma-a : u-ul i-du-si amiluti mari sipri-ia^
32. u 7?ia-a?i-ftu {lu\mi-di-si-ma fa-ka-ab-bi : am-fiil-nl
33. la ta-sap-pa-ra amilu ka-mi-rum sa i-kab-ba-ku a-7na-at ki-ti
34. su-ul-ma-ni sa a-ha-ti-ka sa an-ni-ka-a ?
35. u-ta-ka-ab sa ir-ru-ub a-tia na-ma-ra ardatu (^)-si,
36. u tim-si it-ti sarri ; u i-nu-ma ta-as-pu-ra
37. um-ma-a-mi : mi-in-di marata ist-ifi mii-us-ki-nu,
38. u sum-ma ist-in mat Ga-ga-ia, sum-ma mar at mat Ha-ni-gal-bi-i^
39. u mi-in-di s a mat U-ga-ri-it, ki sa i-mu-rum
40. amiluti marl sipri-ia, u ma-an-nu i-ka-ab-su-nu
41. sa itti kasa tt-ul ip- bi-si,
42. u mi-im-ma u-ul i-ka-ab-su-{iiii) ati-?iu-tu??i
43. a-ma-ti-ka u sum-ma mi-fa-at{assat)-ka,
44. u ma-tni-nu u-ka-ta-mu di
45. ... nu-si-zi-iz sa-ni-{ta)
46 ilu A-ma-jiu-2{m a
47 ha-at assati ra-(ba-ti)
48 bi-il-ti ip-
49 gal-la-ti sa i-
50. ill ka-li assati
51. sa sarrani sa mat Mi-is-ri-i
52. i-na mat Mi-is-ri-i. U i-nu-ma ta-as-pu-ra um-ma-a:
53. marati ia-na-an-diti) i-na ass-ut-ti it-ti sarrani sa mat Kar(^)-
ilu {7)-Du (?)
54. U sum-ma amiluti mari sipri-ia as-ra-fiu u i-tab-bu-bu
55. itti-si, (lu u)-si-bi-lu-ni-in-ni su-ul-ma-na.
56. Sa itti ka-isa-ma) an-nu-tum a-ma-ti-ka, jni-in-ti sarrani
57. sa li-mi-(ti-ka\ sa-ru-ti ra-bu-ti, marati-ka
24
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
58. i-ra-as-su-u, uii-im-ftia it-ti-su-nu u u-si-bi-lu-ni-kii.
59. U mi-ni it-ti-si a-ha-at-ka sa it-ti-ia u
60. ta-ka-sa-ad nii-im-ma u u-si-bi-la-ak-kii ?
6 1 . Damku ki-i ta-na-ati-din i7iardti-ka a-na ra-si kalbii-ta
62. sa li-i7ii-ti-ka, u i-nu-ma ta-as-pu-ra a-ma-ti
63. sa a-bi-ia i-zi-ib, la ta-kab-bi a-ma-ti-su.
64. Ap-pii-7ia-ma su-ku-tm a-Jm-nt-ta tabati t-na bi-ri-nu
65. sa ta-aspu-ra ati-tm-tum a-ma-ti-ka : a-nu-icm-ma a-ha-nu
66. a-tia-kii u at-ta ki-la-Ii-nu ; it az-zi-il Hi
67. amiliiti mari sipri-ka ki-i i-ka-ab-bu-ic pa-ni-ka tan-ma-a: mi-im-ma
68. u-iil i-na-an-di-nu-na-s i sa i-la-ku i-na mat Mi-is-ri-i
69. (/«) il-la-ku-num inu-hi-ia, u i-la-ak ist-in lib-bi-si-iia
70 il~ti-ki kaspi, harasi, sattini mahditfi, sjibati takalti mahduti
ka-li-7ni-ma
71 mat sa-ni-ti u i-kab-bi su-di-ti kam dai/iki.
72. A-na sa a(i)-ip-par-su, istin-nu-ti it-ta-a-la-kii
73. amiluti mari sipri ana a- -di u pi-su-nii za-ru-ti i-tab-bii-bie ;
74. sa-nu-ti it-tal-ku-ifud) za-ru-ti i-tab-bu-bu-ni-ik-ku.
75. U ak-bi a-na-ku : su7n-ma {a-na-an)-di-na-as-su-?ui-ti mi-im-ma,
7 6. sum-ma u-ul a-na-an-din-su-nu-{ti\ i-tab-bu-bu ka-na-ma,
TJ. u as-ku-un-su-nu-ti u-ul ap-(lu-u}i)~hi-su-nu-ti ap-pu-na-ma.
78. U i-nu-ma ta-as-pu-ra um-ma-a : ta-ak-ta-bi
79. a-na amiluti mari sipri-ia um-ma-a : i-ia-nu sabi a-na bi-li-{ku-nii)
80. u u-ul ba-na-at zu-ha-ar-ti id-di-7iu-tii.
81. An-nu-tum a-)na-tu-ka i-ia-nu; la ki-ti i-tab-bu-bu-ka
82. amiluti mari sipri-ka. Ka-an-na-ma sum-ma i-ba-as-si sabi bak-
ra-tafn ;
83. sum-ma la i-ba-as-si, ut-tu-?ii mi-?iu fii-as-sa-a-li-su.
84. Sum-ma sabi i-ba-as-si, at-tu-ka ; sum-ma i-ba-as-si
85. sisi at-tu-ka-ma-i la ti-si-mi-si-na
86. amiluti mari sipri-ka sa pi-su-nu za-a-ru sa ta-sap-par,
87. an-ni-ka-a ; sutn-7na pal-hu-ni-ik-ku u i-bu-bu za-ra-ti,
88. as-su77i a-zi-ia i-na kat-ti-ka. I-nu-7na tak-ba-a
89. U77i-77ia-a : it-ta-din narkabati-ia ina lib-bi narkabati
90. a/niluti ha-za-nu-ti, u-ul ta-7/iu-ur-su-7tu a-sir-ta/n,
9 1 . tu-ti-bi-il-su-7iu a-na pa-7ii 77ia-a-ti sa itti-ka,
92. u-ul ta-77iu-su-7iu a-sir-tam ; lu a7i-ni-ka, u
93. 7iarkabati, lu a7i-ni-ka-a, sisi
25
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1892.
94. {ityti-ia ; i-ri-su kap-pa sist,
95. 7iarkabdti i-nu-ma ta-aspu-ra a-na mat (?)-ia
96. Ka-ti-ri-ka a-na sa-ka-an-ni mahdu a-na-ku.
97. Zu-ha-ar-ti at-ta ta-as-bu-ra.
98. y Kistu-7ii-za-az-a7i-7ii. ?
Traduction.
(i) A Kallimma-Sin, roi du pays de Karduniyas, (2) mon frere,
pour information, en ces termes : Nipmuaria, grand roi, (3) roi du
pays de Misri, ton frere. II y a salut [bon etat, prosperite] chez
moi ; (4) qu'il y ait [de meme] salut, chez toi. A ta maison, a tes
femmes (5) a tes enfants, a tes nobles, a tes chevaux, (6) a tes
chars, a toutes tes terres, salut soit a un haut degre. (7) II y a
salut pour moi ; pour mes femmes, pour mes enfants, (8) pour mes
nobles, mes chevaux, mes chars, (9) mes nombreux soldats, il y a
salut ; dans toutes mes terres, il y a salut, a un haut degre.
(10) J'ai entendu ce sur quoi tu me mandes (11) ce qui suit:
" Voila que tu veux ma fille pour alliance matrimoniale avec toi,
(12) et ma soeur que mon pere t'a donnee par bienveillance pour toi,
(13, 14) personne [parmi mes messagers], qu'elle vive ou qu'elle
soit morte, ne I'avue actuellement" (14) Puisque tu m'envoies dans
toutes tes tablettes (15) de pareilles observations, quand [enfin]
enverras-tu un homme de qualite (?) (16) qui ait connu ta soeur, parle
avec elle, (17) et qui puisse la reconnaitre et s'entretenir avec elle.
(18) Quant aux hommes que tu as envoyes, a part un des messagers,
(19) qui est Zakara, un [simple] pasteur , (20) il n'y
en a pas un parmi eux qui (ait jamais ap)proche (21) de ton pere
et (qui ait vu ta soeur). En outre, (21) tes messagers
ta soeur, et lui ont dit (23) lui ont dit
(24) en outre et elle donnera, (25) ....
une question a sa mere.
(26) Et alors tu m'envoies message en ces termes : " Tu as parle
(27) a mes messagers, — et tes femmes se trouvaient la rassemblees
(28) en ta presence, — de cette fagon : Voila votre maitresse qui se
trouve (29) devant vous, et mes envoyes ne la reconnurent point,
(30) ehe ma sceur, qui [a ce que tu dis] est chez toi ! " A present
(31) tu me mandes ce qui suit: "Mes messagers ne I'ont pas
reconnue (32) et qui la reconnaitra? Et tu dis: Pourquoi (33)
n'envoies-tu pas un homme de qualite (?) qui te dira le vrai,
26
Nov. i] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
[c'est-a-dire] (34) les bonnes nouvelles de ta soeur, dont je t'assure?"
(35) Et tu [te] dis que " une de ses servantes (?) s'exhibera [a sa place],
(36) qu'elle se sera entendue avec le roi [pour jouer son role], et la-
dessus tu me mandes (37) ce qui suit : "Si on presente une fille,
(38) soit une du pays de Gagaya, soit une fille du pays de Khani-
galbi, (39) soit une fille du pays d'Ugarit, (39, 40) lorsque mes
messagers la verront, qui leur dira [de maniere a les convaincre]
(41) que ce n'est pas (une autre qui) la (represente) [elle ma sceur]
aupres de toi ? (42) et rien ne leur dira [revelera] ces (43) expedients
dont tu tes sers, et si ta (femme) est morte, (44)
(45) (Si) nous en presentons une autre , (46) ....
(que) le dieu Amanou [Amnion] (47)
femme grande (?) (48) maitresse
(49) grande qui (50)
sur toutes les femmes (51) des rois de Misri
(52) au pays de Misri.
Et cela etant, tu me mandes ce qui suit : (53) " (Je donnerai)
mes fiUes en mariage chez les rois du pays de Karduniyas (?). (54)
Aussi bien, si tu avais regu mes messagers avec bienveillance, et
qu'ils eussent [reellement) parle avec elle [avec ma fille], ils eussent
rapporte des presents."
(56) Puisque tels sont tes desseins en ce qui te concerne, si les
rois (57) de ton voisinage, ces grands rois, (57, 58) demandent tes
filles, (58) qu'ils te fassent apporter ce qui se trouve chez eux. (59)
Et que m'a done apporte ta soeur qui est chez moi, pour que (60)
tu regoives quoi que ce soit [en retour], et que je te le fasse
apporter? (61) Chose excellente [pour toi J que de donner tes filles
aux chefs de la valetaille (?) (62) de ton voisinage, et en [me] com-
muniquant les promesses (63) que mon pere a laissees [a accomplir],
de ne pas dire ses conditions, [c'est-a-dire, I'obligation de donner
des femmes]. (64) Pratique done une bonne fraternite entre nous,
(65) pour pouvoir m'envoyer de ces paroles: "Voila que nous
sommes freres, (66) moi et toi rdciproquement."
Je suis froid envers (67) tes messagers, parce qu'ils ont parlt$
devant toi en ces teimes : (67, 68) " On ne nous a rien donne qu'on
puisse recevoir, au pays de Misri." (69) lis viennent chez moi, et
une fois entre autres, (70) ils regurent beaucoup d'argent, d'or,
d'huiles [parfums], d'habits de pourpre, toute sorte (70) (de produits)
des pays etrangers, et ils tinrent des propos pernicieux, au lieu de
27
Nov. i] SOCIETY OP^ BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY, [1892.
propos bienveillants. (72) Quand ils se furent echappes, les uns
s'en allerent, (73) parmi les messagers, a tt leur bouche parla
hostilite ; (74) les autres s'en allerent parler de meme chez toi. (75)
Et je me dis, moi : que je leur donne quelque chose, (76) que je ne
leur donne rien, ils parleront de la meme fa9on ; (77) Je les traiterai
de maniere a ne plus les (craindre) a I'avenir.
(78) Et lorsque tu me mandes ceci : " Tu as parle (79) a mes
messagers en ces termes : Votre maitre n'a pas de soldats [qu'il
puisse me fournir], (80) et il ne me donne pas [meme] une jeune
fille," (81) ta communication est sans londement, (81, 82) et tes
messagers ne t'ont pas dit la verite. (82) De vrai, si tu as des
soldats de valeur (?) [y W/ desire (?)] ; (83) si tu n'en n'as pas, dis-
moi ce qu'il y a que nous puissions demander. (84) [Cependant]
si tu as des soldats, ils t'appartiennent ; si tu as (85) des chevaux,
ils t'appartiennent ; [et je n'exige rien]. Mais n'ecoute point la-
dessus (86) tes messagers, qui tiennent le langage hostile que tu
me communiques ; (87) je t'atteste [qu'ils mentent]. S'ils te res-
pectent, ils mettront un terme a leur hostilite (88) par egard pour
ce qui passe de chez moi dans ta main. Bien que tu paries (89)
ainsi : " Mes chars [que j'ai envoyes pour etre vendus en Egypte] ont
ete confondus avec les chars (90) des gouverneurs [avec les chars
envoyes par ceux-ci, chars moins riches], tu ne les a pas regardes
avec equite ; (91) tu les a fait passer [tu les a exposes comme une
marchandise vulgaire] aux yeux de la multitude (?) qui est chez toi,
(92) sans en parler avec equite;" je te I'atteste, (93) les chars, je te
I'atteste, les chevaux sont chez moi ; tous veulent les chevaux,
(95) et les chars, lorsque tu en envoies dans mon pays.
(96) Je suis ton allie pour faire beaucoup [en ta faveur]. (97) Toi
tu m'enverras la jeune fille. (98) Kistu-nizaz-anni. [Nom d'homme ?]
Remarques.
Ligne 3. — Ana niahri-ia, devant moi, dans ce qui m'entoure.
Ligne 11. — Assufti. Je rends ce mot par allionce matrimofiiale.
II pourrait designer aussi I'ensemble des femmes unies aux princes
royaux. On ne voit pas bien si le roi demande la femme pour
lui-meme ou pour quelque membre de sa famille.
Ligne 15. — Amilu kawirum. Si cette expression ne signifie pas
formellement hoinme de quolite, elle en implique tout au moins
I'idee, commc on le voit par la suite.
28
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
Ligne 17. — Uniandj, ou, plus correctement peut-etre, uwandi,
me semble etre un present ou futur kal de la racine J*!^ ou yil.
Sur I'insertion du 71, voir Delitzsch, Gramm., ^ 52.
Ligne 18. — Rika = excepte, comma I'hebreu p"^.
Lignes 22-25. — r)'apres Amenophis, autant qu'on peut le voir
dans ces lignes mutilees, la princesse babylonienne qui se trouve
dans son harem, a suffisamment prouve son identite aux messagers
de son frere.
Ligne 27.^ — Iz-za-za-zii, faute de transcription pour iz-za-zu ou
iz-za-a-zu ?
Ligne 30. — A?iumnia, a present, c'est-a-dire, lorsque je t'ai
demande de m'envoyer un messager plus capable de constater
I'identite de la princesse.
Ligne 30. — Ltimidi, luwidi, voir la note a la ligne 1 7.
Ibid. — Anni-ka, je t'atteste. Ce sens convient aussi aux lignes
87, 92, 93, oil la meme expression revient.
Ligne 36. — Tim^ a le meme sens que notre mot i?itelligence dans
cette expression : etre d'intelligence avec quelqu'un.
Lignes 37-39. — Le role qu'on regarde comme possible pour des
femmes de Khanigalbi, de Gagaya et d'Ugarit, suppose I'usage de
I'assyrien dans ces pays.
Lignes 45-52.^ — La reponse d' Amenophis III au propos qu'il
vient de citer, se trouve dans ces lignes. II semble promettre au
nom du dieu Ammon, qu'il ne montrera pas une autre femme a la
place de la soeur de Kallimma-Sin. II s'etend ensuite sur la haute
position que cette derniere occupe dans son palais.
Ligne 53. — Le mot Kardi/niias est tres douteux. II supposerait
d'autres princes portant le titre de roi de Karduniyas comme
Kallimma-Sin.
Ligne 57. — Saruti rabuti, grands rois, par ironie.
Ligne 61. — Je lis ^*- ][]y en deux caract^res, et la fin de la
ligne devient ainsi rasi kalbuta, au lieu de rahulta qui ne me
presente aucun sens. Kallmti deriv^ kalbu, chien, repond, s'il
existe, a notre mot canaille, mais avec un sens different. Je re-
marque, en effet, dans une lettre du recueil de Berlin (60, lignes
18-21) qu'Arad-asirtou, le pt;re d'Azirou, est nomme le serviteur et
le chiefi, c'est-a-dire le plat valet des rois de Mitani et de Kassi, et
c'est ce qui me suggere pour kalbuti le sens de valetaille.
29
Nov. i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILIiOLOG V. [1S92.
Lignes 62, 63. — D'apres cela, le pere d'Amenophis III aurait
laisse non accomplies des promesses faites a Kallimma-Sin. Les
lettres 18, 23, du recueil de Berlin, que nous avons traduites dans
les Proceedings^ en juin 1891, supposent qu'Anienophis III lui-nieme
laissa en mourant des arrieres de cette sorte a son fils. — Le mot
amati qui est aussi vague que I'hebreu "^^.T, comme je I'ai dit
X T
precedemment, et qui est employe deux fois dans ces lignes, a du
se preciser dans la traduction.
Ligne 6^.—Qiion piiisse recevoir, c'est-a-dire, qu'il vaille la peine
d'emporter.
Ligne 69. — Ilak isti)i, lors d'une venue en Egypte, ou line fois.
Ligne 71. — Sudi/i, propos, chose pernicieuse, d'apres le contexte.
Je suppose que ka?n est un equivalent de kuni = a la place de.
Voir Delitzsch, Granim., § 81, a.
Ligne 72. — Ana sa ipparsii, litteralement, lorsqu'ils se furent
envoles, c'est-a-dire, lorsqu'ils se furent echappes, apres avoir attendu
longtemps et impatiemment, comme cela arrivait aux ambassadeurs
d'apres d'autres letttes, leur conge du roi d'Egypte. Ana sa =
Ligne 80. — Banat zuharti^ la jeune fille. Zuharti = suharti,
n'est pas un nom propre, c'est une epithete signifiant petite, jeune.
A la ligne 97, le mot zuharti est employe substantivement, dans le
sens de jeune fille. Le nom propre de la personne dont il s'agit,
etait Irtabi, comme on le voit par la premiere lettre du recueil de
Berlin (lignes 7, 8), que nous avons traduite dans les Proceedings,
t. XIII, pp. 127, 130.
Ligne 82. — Je lis hak-ra-tam, d'apres British Museiwi, 9, 1, 8.
Dans le premier enonce conditionnel, a la fin de cette ligne, la pro-
position exprimant la consequence, facile a suppleer pour Kallima-
Sin, est sous-entendue, comme il arrive aussi en hebreu dans le cas
de deux enonces conditionnels qui se suivent. Voir Ewald Ausfiirh.
Lehrbuch der heb. Sprache, 6^ ed., § 355, c.
Ligne 87. — Ibubu semble signifier proprement etoi/ffer. Com-
parer I'hebreu ^1^.
Ligne 88. — Azi = asi, de la racine fc^^'^, = latin provenius.
Ligne 98. — Nous nous sommes explique plus haut sur ce nom
propre.
30
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
NOTES DE PHILOLOGIE EGYPTIENNE,
Par Karl Piehl.
{Suite.)*
yft o ;^ Q
67. L'etymologie du groupe £--v|i< o ; 68. fTl motnouveau;
69. Passage du Dictionnaire Hieroglyphique ; 70. Lemot® J X f
71. Y a-t-il un pronom absolu ^ m1^ , ^ et varr. ? 72. Passage
d'un texte copte ; 73, Serie de mots, ecrits a I'aide de / = kse ;
74. Le pr^tendu groupe ^ D ^h bun, comment doit-il se lire ?
75. Le mot P=^^, ; 76. Le groupe Q ^ %> ^ .
67. Brugsch, il y a tres longtemps,t a identifie les deux groupes
et ^^-rrvr/l ° , toutefois sans faire I'analyse du signe qui
represente un "homme qui tire un pore par la queue." C'est
Goodwin \ qui, le premier a ma connaissance, a explique ce
dernier hieroglyphe qu'il considere comme devant se transcrire
® 1^^ ^ i1r-=>i j h^I^ "celui qui empeche ou arrete le pore."
Je serais dispose a introduire une legere modification dans cette
lecture du savant anglais, en proposant de la remplacer par celle-ci
Q I J\ ^-'^^ ir^f>^ " celui qui accompagne le pore," ou peut-etre
plutot "celui qui conduit le pore,"
* Voir Proceedings, Vol. XIV, p. 142.
+ Geographische Inschriften altiigyptischer Denkmiilcr, III, XVII, No. 159.
Dans cet exemple I'hieroglyphe en question a la forme suivanle ^-^
X Zeitschiift, 1868, page 7.
31
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^iOLOGY. [1892.
Pour I'exactitude de ce rapprochement je citerai d'un cote la
locution bien connue 51 H A ^^ ^ \ " '^''^'^"spo''tei' une statue," de
I'autre cote I'emploi du mot 5^ I dans des expressions comme
d V * " offrir de I'encens," etc.
68. Les textes nous font connaitre un groupe [n qui jusqu'ici
n'a pas trouve de place au Dictionnaire hieroglyphique. Le mot en
Question n'etant point rare, je suis dans la mesure d'en fournir
beaucoup d'exemples. En voici un petit nombre :
^=^ o o 'iil /www (^ ^ (ul 111 III /www-S- I 1 1 1 ^^^'^n
■^-^^ "^ "Mehenit, Renenut, maitresse des vieschd, celle qui
a ouvert les portes de I'horizon oriental du ciel." t
rajeunit constamment, celui qui renouvelle les mescha, sans cesse.J
Ptolemee XIII est designe comme cMfri \m , '^t^
" resplendissant par vieschd sur le trone de son pere."§ Hathor est
#■ fti ^ g^ 1 i U I = O I § G " Pl"=^ ^ resplendissan.e
par mescha que tout le cycle de dieux, celle qui se leve a la premiere
heure du matin, chaque jour." ||
Isis est dite fll J^ 1 "etre etincelante par mescha
^^_ o o oil! Ill o^ I
parmi les dieux." U
Hathor est dite ^S riSs^ ^fpEclf&f^ cz^^Y^ZT^ O
" de cribler la terre de poudre d'or, d'etre un esprit femelle divin qui
resplendit par viesc/ta, qui fait briller de la lumiere." **
* DiJMiCHEN, Tcmpel-hischriften, I, LXIV, et ibid., I, LIV,
+ De Rouge, Inscriptions iVEdfoii, CXX,
X Mariette, Dcnderah, II, 44.
§ De Rouge, Inscriptions d' Edfoit, IV.
II Mariette, Dcndera/i, I, 43a.
IT Mariette, ibid., I, 50(7.
** Mariette, ibid., II, 18.
32
Nov. i]
TROCEEDINGS.
[1892.
III
□ o
"Horus qui renouvelle
la maison de fete (?), celui qui est stable par nieschd, a I'instar du
seigneur(?) du ciel."*
Hathor est
f
O
(^ o
III
0
I I "un
oeil puissant, muni de sanctuaire, dont les mesc/ia sont secrets au
cycle de dieux."t
Ill ^:^ 1 i
Un roi dit a Osiris
^
tu renouvelles
les ineschd en qualite de seigneur de vie." %
Ail
Un roi est
" jeune gar--;on qui
Ptolemee IX est dit etre \\^ ^^ \\
y III <=>! I III A A n .1 _
bienheureux, majestueux par ses mescha avec le taureau Apis."g
subsiste par mescha, palme d'amour." j|
Tous ces exemples rendent une traduction " splendeur, manifes-
tation brillante, sortie brillante," tres vraisemblable pour le mot
nouveau, et une pareille traduction est appuyee par le parallelisme
des membres qu'on peut relever pour les passages cites, comme pour
beaucoup d'autres. Les qualificatifs V=^ , c^fw , ' M it
que nous rencontrons dans les dites expressions, s'emploient aussi
dans des combinaisons analogues pour d'autres textes, ce qu'un
regard aux dictionnaires suffit de constater.
Etymologiquement, le groupe |Tj me parait etre un compose
de la meme espece que, par exemple, le mot copte OTeP.COI
OT^L^COI tectum^ ou les groupes hieroglyphiques -4M^ ))
O J ; etc.
, CISZ3
-"ill
6g. Le Dictionnaire de Brugsch donne (V, page 170) I'exemple
suivant, emprunte a la porte de Chonsou de Karnak :
O
I I
2q^
O
(2
^
■^u^^^J
f
* Brugsch, Thesaurus, VI, 1376.
t Mariette, Denda-ali, II, d'^b.
X Brugsch and Dumichen, Recueil, V, 36.
§ You passiifi. II Mariette, DcnJcrah, III, lot.
Nov. i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1892.
I "^4^:) ^ T > — I M<i /v^AA^ -^=^ ce qu'a traduit I'eminent
savant de la sorte "Schopfer aller Wesen aus dem Ei, ohne dessen
Einfliisse nichts besteht, welcher die Zeit beschreibt und die Jahre
berechnet, der Rechner der Ernte in seifie?H Gefolge, deren Gaben
er allenvlirts speiidet, das Lehen wird gegebeti dem, wclchen er will,
welcher der Schopfer des verstandigen Herzens des Freundes seines
illustren Herrn ist."
La partie souligne'e de cette traduction, je serais dispose a la
modifier et la remplacer par celle-ci : " Schou et Renenit sont sous
ses ordres, qui fournit des provisions, qui distribue (?) les places,
seigneur de vie, qui donne a qui il veut."
C'est le dieu Thoth qui fait le sujet des developpements de
notre texte, nous avons done tout droit de voir raconter que
" Schou et Renenit sont sous ces ordres ; " de meme qu'un autre
texte,* plus ancien et egalement dedid a Thoth, contient la remarque :
T^T^ ^s [1(1 \ AAA/vA/v > ^^\ Schai et Renenit sont aupr^s de
toi." De cette comparaison il resulte avec evidence que les deux
groupes V r^ et JjiT^T ^^^ [1(1 \ sont identiques de sens, quelle
qu'en soit d'ailleurs la prononciation. En effet, le premier peut fort
bien avoir une autre lecture que celle de Schou que nous venons
d'indiquer.
Nous connaissons du reste d'autres cas ou le dieu ~^ ^ d'epoque
ptolemaique et romaine joue un role qui est visiblement celui de
T^T^T ^^ [][] |Jf de la periode Thebaine. Ainsi un texte, public par
Brugsch,! dit, en parlant d'une certaine deesse : ipLr'imt
4. n ""^^^ — (f— (S =0=
m I ^AAAA/^ "que Schou I'a distinguee dans les deux Meschent, |
* Papyrus Anastasi, V, 9, 7.
+ Thesaurtcs, IV, page 773. Le meme texte a ete public de nouveau par
le meme savant, Thesaurus, VI, page 1378. Un double s'en voit dans Dumichen,
Bauttrkunde, VI, oil le passage, cite en haut, a la forme suivante
^'^s
®i
[=][ZD
% Cf. Brugsch, Thesaurus, IV, page 759, ou Thoth est dit dC\^^~^ "T
^ (Tl "^ O • Ici, imi^ parait etre le regime de la phrase.
34
Nov. i] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
D'ailleurs les textes des basses epoques renferment des formes
comme JIij(](j||a'*l4H ^ Wi'^ ^^ ^^' '"''ontve que I'an-
cienne forme n'est pas entierement tombee en desuetude.
La meilleure preuve que je connaisse en faveur do I'equation
Q = sc/io/^, c'est le passage suivant, emprunte aux Tempel-Inschriften
de M. DuMiCHEN :| ^ ^ ^i^ i=. C=s=i
i-Tv-i Jf^ lir=l J\ 111 0-.^^:=^
ou I'alliteration necessite la lecture a i' initial pour le groupe ^.
II faut se rappeler que, parmi les differentes valeurs du signe
polyphone Q, il y en a qui, dans ce cas particulier, nieritent un
examen, par suite de la lumiere qu'elles peuvent repandre sur la
matiere en discussion. Premierement, la lecture ^ ut. Elle
paraitrait, au premier abord, appuyee par le nom de dieu | ^ , -
'Y>,~.=-^ eg II V O ili
I |,ll qu'offrent les textes recents, surtout puisque <$_ et
X] s'echangent, I'un centre I'autre, dans ces textes. Toutefois,
il y a encore assez de difference entre les combinaisons de signes
I'^et — cette derniere ne donnant jamais de o final dans le
nom de dieu ^ — pour que ce rapprochement doive etre ecarte.
Un autre lecture hsb, pour le meme signe, est digne de plus d'atten-
tion ; c'est que nous savons par les textes % que JoT^T UO c^ T 0 ' 1
'^111 , "Schai compte les jours" de I'homme, d'oli Ton
i=i?f=.l Mo _ n 6:1
pourrait bien tirer la conclusion que r^ .Jv serait un surnom du dieu
Schai, opinion qui paraitrait peut-etre bien fondee. Mais I'accouple-
ment de V* ^ et ^vww. r>^ que nous avons constate en haut, me
semble une forte raison centre I'emploi de la lecture hsb pour ce cas.
Neanmoins la lecture nouvelle, proposee pour le groupe -7| ,
reste un peu incertaine, comme la vocalisation en differe notablement
* Lepsius, Denkiiidlcr, IV, 62 a.
+ Brugsch, Thesaurus, IV, page 627.
J /./. I, IIL, 8.
§ PlEHL, Inscriptions Hieroglyphiqties. Seconde Scrio, CXX\'I, i.
II De Rouge, Edfou, 98, 3.
IT Stern, dans la Zcitschrift, 1S73, page 62. .
35 D 2
Ndv. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S92.
du celle qui caracterise le nom de divinite J^T^T ^^ ijl] i| . D'autres
savants seront sans doute a meme de corroborer ou de refuter mon
acception sur ce point.
70. Les textes des pyramides de Saqqarah contiennent un groupe
®J o" \> ' ® J A \' ^^^ I'editeur de ces textes a explique par
" train de derribre," par exemple dans le passage suivant :
\J-JSk:^i
qui a ete traduit de la sorte : " Semblable a un chacal pour la tete, a
un lion sauvage pour le train de derriere."
On peut deja a priori hesiter quant a I'exactitude de cette inter-
pretation, car le mot <^ — qui ne signifie jannais "la tete," mais "le
visage, la figure" — n'est pas le correlatif de mots, designant la queue
ou le derriere, mais plutot de groupes ayant le sens de " partie de la
tete " ou " la tete " elle-meme. Pour admettre la signification "train
de derriere " pour le mot chebset, le groupe <^ du debut aurait dii etre
remplace par ^, =^ ou quelque chose d'analogue. Cf. p. ex.
" ton avant-train en forme de chacal, ton arriere-train en forme
d'epervier."
Je ne crois pas me tromper, en traduisant le passage, soumis a la
discussion, de la maniere que voici : "Ta figure est celle du chacal,
ta barbe (criniere) celle d'un lion sauvage." Je rapproche alors le
groupe® de celui, deja connu, de T '*^^ M [Brugsch,
Worterbuch, VI, 8gi]. La diffe'rence d'ecriture qu'il y a entre les
•deux groupes n'est pas de nature a embarasser ceux auxquels le
developpement de Tecriture hieroglyphique est familier.
Pour ecarter tout semblant meme d'un doute qu'on put concevoir
a cet egard, j'attire I'attention du lecteur sur cet exemple-ci :
\ I ,w.^ ^^ I I ® J Q tl ^ " brillant de visage, parfait de barbe
(ou cheveux)." %
* Pyramide de Tela, 165 ; cf. Mcrenra, 176 ; Pepi II, 6S8.
+ Pyramide de Alerenra, 183.
X Leemans, Moumens de Leide, III, K. XVII.
36
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1S92.
71. La theorie nouvelle, enonceepar Erman, concernant les pro-
noms personnels en egyptien,*merite un examen serieux et approfondi
qu'il n'est pas le moment de fournir ici, quand meme j'aurais term ne
les preparatifs d'un travail pareil. Toutefois, je crois deja pouvoir
afifirmer que plusieurs des faits, constates dans le dit article, se sent
montres absolument inattaquables. Je pense alors tout particulil-re-
ment aux deux formes t s=3 v\ ^ g > ^|\ de la seconde i)er-
sonne du feminin singulier, dont originairement j'avais cru pouvoir
revoquer en doute I'existence, mais qui maintenant, grace aux textes
de Pepi II, sont hors d'atteinte. Voici une bonne preuve en faveur
de la forme s=i v\ , empruntee a ce dernier document : J. v\
( X |\ ] F o ^^^ '"*" exemple qui se com-
pare tres a propos avec celui-ci : I v"^ -<2>- I' i ( X | '
t I' .§ De la comparaison de ces deux expressions il resulte
avec evidence qui, si l' est un mot, s=3 ^l\ Test necessairement
AAA/V\A
L'analogie que nous offre :|: _^ ^^^ {sujet prothetique) par rapport a
i % {sujet paragogique), donne un fort appui a I'existence d'une
forme g > li^^ {sujet prothetique) par rapport a celle de g -> ^
{regime paragogique).
Sur un point capital de I'ouvrage susmentionne je crois devoir
faire de I'opposition, c'est concernant le pronom absolu de la pre-
miere personne.
Je suis alors bien entendu dispose a reconnaitre la possibilitc —
mais possibilite n^est pas certitude — de I'existence d'un pronom
absolu ^ IjQ " moi," quant aux textes des pyramides, mais les autrcs
* Zeilschrift, XXX, pages 15-24.
t L'existence de ces deux formes avait deja ete etablie dans la Zei'tsc/iri/t,
XXIX, pages 40 et 42. Au moment, ou j'ai re9U ce numero dujournalde Berlin,
j'etaisen train de faire un memoire sur le pronom masculin g > y~>^^ et son
histoire. Plusieurs des nouvelles de I'article d'ERMAN avaient ete decouvertes par
moi-meme, notamment le sens des g=:=5 yr*^^ 1 i 1 '^^ '^ " litanie du soleil."
J'ai done trouve inutile a imprimer le susdit article. Toutefois, il devait aussi
renfermer certaines autres choses inconnues, celles-la relatives a I'epoque
ptolemaique. Je reviendrai ailleurs k ces questions.
X Pyramide de Pepi II, 777. § Pyrainide de J\pi II, 7S2.
37
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1892.
exemples, cites d'apres d'autres monuments, ne me semblent aucune-
ment de nature a faire admettre la pretendue forme pronominale.
Pour prouver mon dire il est indispensable de proceder a
I'examen de la serie complete des exemples, qu'a cites M. Erman en
faveur d'un pronom absolu p'^, V ^'^ de la premiere personne
du singulier.
'-"^^ P ^= ^ 1^ ^ S i" "^'^ •■"= '"Se."* C/.
" Tu es dans I'horizon, et lui, le sceptre a la main, fait naviguer ta
barque, 6 Ra."t Si le second 2=* du groupe H ^^ qui introduit le
dernier passage, est a expliquer comme un pronom suffixe, il faut
aussi expliquer comme tel le signe ^ du groupe 1 g > %>, emprunte
a ^inscription d'Una. Contrairement a Tavis de notre coUegue de
Berlin, on doit done admettre que \\^=^ de cet exemple reellement
a de la " direction verbale." D'ailleurs, en consultant les textes, on
trouve, a toutes les epoques, que le pronom 0, [| n, 0 g >, 0 '^ — ^,
efc, etant accompagne d'un pronom personnel absolu (a I'exception
de ^ p), c'est le dernier qui precede, p. ex. ^ (11 | ^ "Je
suis juste de voix sur terre," J Q (1 P P T .^ P '^ Q ^.^ '^-==— " J^
suis un smer qui exalte ses peres ; "§
"Tu es Ra, sorti de Nout;" || eU.
^-/]n^t=^i\ °^
* Inscription cT Una, 1. 8.
+ Pyramide if Unas, 1. d,-]% = Pepi 11, 1. 748.
X PlEHL, Inscriptions Hicroglvphiques, CXXIX, 1. 7.
§ Sharpe, Egyptian Inscriptions, I, 99.
II Pyramide de Mei-enra, 1. 452 M. Erman semble regarder le /ww\a de
c — )^ a^ comme une conjonction. Ainsi p. ex. ^^^ 'iK ^ O | ^^' jli VS p '^
a etc traduit par lui, "well du ja der Geist bist, der den Nut gebar," avec la
/W\AAA TV
transcription : n tint, etc. Je pense que ._ \l>^ ici est Jin mot dont I'emploi,
au lieu de S=> "p ^ simple, est du a la presence de Q 1 . Cf. Unas, 365 :
Nr ^ V^ \^ " Tu es I'etoile du soir," par rapport a Fepi I, 1. 162 :
g * _n^^ I D V '^^""'^^ " Tu es la grande etoile." Brugsch {Die Aegypto-
logie, page 322) semble embrasser les memes vues que nous, quant a /www de
38
Nov. i] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
(^). -^^ XXZ 0 |\ -^^ % V§^ Q l\ " II n'y a pas d'eau la,
je ne m'y trouve pas " (/V- ^'^'^'^^, 69, 6); ^^ T ^ "^ ^n ^z=^
A?\ " Je suis ton compagnon, 6 Osiris ! " {Todtenbuch, ed. Naville,
/■A/VW\ C\
I' 5)' ^^Ojj "Js s^^s ^^" (^'^A ^^^^-^j I' 7)-* Dans le
premier de ces trois examples, M. Erman transcrit la fin, comme s'il
fallait lire an ud dm, au lieu de : dn nud dm, comme nous lirions.
Quant aux deux autres, le /^.^^/vv en est considere par lui comme con-
jonction " car, parce que." Mais il y a assurement un pronom
^vgi,qui au temps des basses epoques s'ecrit aussi M^. Voici
quelques examples, ou le mot nud commence une phrase indepen-
dante :
In (^ II ^ ^ ^ ^ "^^ ^^'^ *°" compagnon, 6
seigneur de joie."
" Je suis ton serviteur, 6 Chensou-Thoth, je suis le principal parmi
les serviteurs d'Horus " ;
" Je suis le mesureur du temps, qui dirige le fil a plomb, § je donne
de la solidite aux angles de ton sanctuaire."
li^^f miS&DjSS^I' "Je--1^ demon
qui approvisionne le temple de la deesse Herhotepit."
* La transcription correcte de ce passage a ete fournie pour la premiere fois
par Chabas {Notice sur le Papyrus Ebers, page 2). Apres lui, M. Maspero
(Zeitschriff, XVI, page 86) a propose la meme transcription, toutefois sans citer
son celebre devancier.
t PlEHL, dans k Zcitschrift, 1885, page 85.
X Brugsch, dans la Zcitschrift, 1870, page 154 ; M. DiJMlCHEN (ibid., 1872,
page 38) a partiellement corrige la traduction qu'avait fournie Brugsch pour ce
passage.
fllo
§ Que le signe '\ represente un fil a plomb, c'est ce que m'a fait voir
mon honorable confrere et ami, M. Ch. Wilbour, lors de notre sejourcommun a
Edfou en 1888.
II Mariette, Dendcrah, III, 14a. Le pendant de ce texte offre ceci :
39
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1892.
J| "^r^"^ /i\ I * " J^ ^^^^ ^^ ^'^^ ^^ ^^^^ resplendissant,"
expression qui a pour pendant celle-ci :
D §^ Q SO
^ , " Te suis la fille du Soleil."
Ces exemples pourraient se multiplier facilement, mais je crois
qu'ils suffisent a demontrer I'existence du pronom absolu (s vg^, W^
et varr, et par consequent la non-existence du pronom absolu
^, pour les passages que malgre la presence d'un /wwv^ on a
voulu interpreter dans ce sens. •
id- \ V^V)r ,5^ ^ \>\^ " Comme ]e connais " {Tod^end.,
iCiO
/v^^s/v\
ed. Naville 72, =;); ^ '•^•^•^^ o\\W ^^=^ "ilssavent
que je suis loin " {Destruction des homines, 1. 58). Si nous admettons
que ces deux exemples contiennent un pronom ^ '^ absolu, il fau-
drait du meme coup effacer le theme ^ '^j ^ "^ — ^, ^ '^-^^ etc., si
commun a toutes les epoques de la litterature egyptienne. Une
expression comme celle-ci : /wwsa '^ \\h M^ VQ^ f «< je suis
assis," se transcrirait alors er entit ua hems-kua, etc., tandis qu'il
faudrait bon gre mal gre transcrire par tua hems-kua I'expression
YVr «ii ^ X\r — sans aaa^wv initial ; a moins de supposer
pour le / de tad une valeur d'expletif, de guillemet, ou je ne sais
quoi.
Cela etant, on serait autorise k pretendre, sur la foi de I'ex-
emple que voici : S^ "^^ ^ (J ^ v\ n (1
" car tu es venu en paix, doue d'intelligencc," qu'il y aurait egale-
ment un pronom absolu ^ ^, celui-la relatif a la seconde personne
du masculin singulier. Toutefois, je prefere une autre acception.
Pour moi D^ ^ ^ equivaut a B^ -s^. '"::3::^ ou B?
* Mariette, Deuderah, IV, 2^a.
t Papyrus Anastasi, IV, 12, 5.
J PiEHL, dans la Zeitschrift, 1881, page 18. Ce texte, qui date de la XII^
dynastie, a ete republic en 1883 par M. Maspero {Recueil de Vie-Mcg, III, page
116) d'une maniere qui est tres inferieure a celle de la Zeiischrijt de 1881. La
traduction de M. Maspero, bien que posterieure de date, est aussi notablement
inferieure a la mienne, comme les collegues pourront certainement constater, s'ils
veulent bien prendre a tache de comparer les deux editions.
40
Nov. i] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
ci V> 'vz:::^ et de" meme ^ V>*A?^^7 ^\>f5rO^
y ''^ ^ ^o ^ . Si nous prenons la peine d'examiner le chapitre
89 du Livre des Morts, nous verrons que les differentes redactions en
presentent des lectures qui sont fort instructives pour la question qui
nous occupe. La ou selon I'edition de Lepsius il se lit :
une caisse de momie, conservee au Musee du Caire et dont nous
avons, il y a 8 ans,* public les textes, offre ceci :
I — 1 ^/^AAAA — ^
--\
Les deux expressions paralleles se rencontrant plusieurs fois, on
ne pent en douter de I'exactitude.
Maintenant est a [| ^ , ce que S?
, ce que
; et a peu prcs ce que ^ v\ ^^ serait a
--. ^^ !?> • Sou's ces conditions, la phrase ^
(/./. page 1 7, n. 4) s'explique fort bien, sans qu'on ait a
recount a la supposition : "vor^?/ war also das /von ;;//verschliffen."
(^.) ^^ ^ , V^^\- )| 1^^; ^^ ^c=^ Je suis debout par
devant toi." {Fap. de Berlift, i, 263.) M. Erman parait hesitersur
I'existence dans cet exemple d'un pronom absolu _p '^j et en realite
cette hesitation est fort justifiee. Autrement, il faudrait etablir un
pronom absolu g > de la seconde personne du masculin, d'apres le
passage que voici : .^N/i ^ Ic^^nT rJr " Tu es roi
sur le trone du Soleil."t
Ayant passe en revue toutes les citations, alleguees par M. Erman
en faveur d'un pronom absolu ^^'^j _^ et varr. de la premiere
personne du singulier, j'ai ete amene a en nier I'existence, quant
aux exemples cites, II est done evident que je dois refuser de
donner droit de cite a la dite forme pronominale dans la grammaire
^gyptienne, telle au moins que je la connais par mes propres dtudes.
72. Les textes bibliques, rediges en langue copte, nous sont
souvent conserves en un grand nombre de copies, ce qui permet de
* PiEHL, Inscriptions Hi^roglyphiqncs, LXVII, 1. 3 et suiv.
t Brugsch, Hierogl. Gra7ninatik, page 49.
41
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1892.
constater — ce qui d'ailleurs n'a rien d'extraordinaire — combien
changent quelquefois les dialectes des scribes entre eux. Bien
entendu, les diversites qui separent ces derniers, ne sont pas neces-
sairement dues a des differences de prononciation : tout le monde,
s'occupant du copte, a pu mainte fois relever des fautes d'ortho-
graphe et d'autres especes chez les scribes copiant des textes, congus
dans la dite langue. Ce sont surtout les Evangiles qui ont ete
conserves en des copies nombreuses et qui nous ont livre matiere
a ces reflextions. J'ai sous les yeux un petit fragment, renfermant en
dialecte thebain les versets 14-31 du chap, xxv de I'Evangile selon
St, Matthieu.* L'ecrivain a une predilection pour la lettre K, aux
depens de celle de C|, et il emploie la premiere non seulement dans
I'equivalent copte t de I'ancien "^ ^ (E.I(JOH " faire le compte,"
ceit<5,JS.n"CJ " ils vont I'enlever "), mais a la place de I'ancien suffixe
possesifa;^ .| comnie dans <LJS.^U3K " il s'en alia"; l^^'f It^-K
"il lui donna"; n^^JUL^^-X eTItA-ItOTK "6 brave domestique."
L'ancien ^ jj X ^ s'ecrit ici 0Ta3CLjq,§ Le verbe XCO " en-
semencer," muni de suffixe, s'ecrit deux fois XCU — , ce qui parait
incorrect. De meme, le mot £KO rt^OT "fidele," qui revient deux
fois, me semble une faute pour eKO It It^^OT. Au lieu de TieX^.C|
"il dit," notre texte porte ^ex^^.q.
Le passage, le plus difficile, de notre fragment a la teneur
suivante : —
u^JUL^^.X JULnoitHpoc ^^tuo npeqxrt^-nfcajxe
KCOOTIt, "O domestique miserable et Tu sais." Que
signifie le mot npeqxrt<LTCtX3Xe ? A mon avis, ce n'est pas une
faute de scribe, mais une erreur, commise par le copiste moderne.
Si nous reflechissons que le C copte ressemble beaucoup au e copte,
et que la lettre cy peut devenir (JO par suite d'usure, on pourrait
introduire un petit changement : npeqXIt^LT eCLJze, ce qui nous
donnerait pour le passage entier :
* Voir Maspero clans le Recueil de Vieweg, VII, pages 47, 48. Le type est
dit appartenir au plus tot au X^, au plus tard au XIIP siecle.
+ Fait deja note par les dictionnaires coptes.
X Cf. Stern, Grammatik, §30. Suivant le systeme de ce savant, notre petit
texte contiendrait des traces d'une influence de la " mittelagyptischer dialect."
§ Stern, /./. , §31.
42
Nov. i] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
n^jUL£,^.X JutnortHpoc ^.vaj rtpeqxrti.nf ecyxe
KCOOTn, ce qui correspond fort bien a ni£.UOK eT^^UOOTf
onro^ ri CTenite ICXe KeXXl de la redaction niemphitique du
meme texte.
Cette petite correction* est assez importante pour rendre legitime
la publication de la petite note qu'on vient de lire.
73. Dans une note anterieure, t j'ai montre que le signe / ,
quand il entre dans le groupe ^ ^ et varr., a la valeur a p.
Apr^s avoir ^nonce cette remarque, j'ai pu constater une serie de
cas, ou le signe / , formant element d'autres mots, est susceptible
de la meme lecture. |
Voici les groupes nouveaux, ou entre le signe / , ayant la
valeur a P ^^s : —
I. ■^i (Mariette, Denderah, I, 77^'') '—— ^^^ (Brugsch,
Worterbuch, II, 715: ertis), Jl'\J^ ^^__^ [Brugsch, /./. IV, 1519],
" oindre " = copte 0(S^Q litiire.
(Brugsch, Worterbuch, VI, 523 : mama)^
■^ „ (Brugsch, Worterbuch, VI, 645 : mesmes),
(Mariete, Denderah, III, 22a), ^= ^= ^ " (Brugsch, IVorter-
buch, VI, 645), ^ J^ \ 0 (Mariette, Detiderah, III, 19;?) " mesurer,
soigneusement executer."
3. '^^^ J\ [Mariette, Denderak, I, 53, 3] — m — j\ [PiEUE,/nsc.,
Nouv. Ser., CIX, 7], ^— -— ^ [Mariette, jDefidt-ra/i, III, 2iz/],
[PiEHL, /./., LXXXVIII] = copte (Tbxi ciirrere.^
* Le Dictionnaire (Peyron, 388) ne connait que la forme Xn<?..<LT. H
faut done par elle remplacer celle de Xlt^'C
t Proceedim^s, XII, page 114 et suiv. Simultanement avec moi, M. Erman
parait etre arrive au meme resultat {Die Sprache dcs Papyrus IVestcar, 1889,
page 77).
X PlEHL, Inscriptions Hieroglyphiques, Nouvelle Serie, II, page 39.
§ Le substantif -^ [| ^y ^^ "jambes" [Brugsch, I For/eriuc/i, 11, 592]
n'a rien a faire avec le groupe ^— :=l^ 7\ et varr. (JOXI derive de ^^J, -A
exactement, comme JUL^^XG " oreille " derive de (111' B^
43
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1S92.
4- ^^ ^^ ' J\ [Brugsch, Worterhuch, I, 261; : tinmcsX % "= ' ^^
[PiEHL, Nouv. Serie, XXIT, 7], "courir."*
5. ^\ Avvw\ [Brugsch, Worterbuch, II, 716 : ^W5^-
5//] courant," tourbillon "(?)* = copte (5^CJUL, (ToCJUL, rii'6(t}o^,
"brume."
6. (^ /"■'^^ [-^^/. Ebers, Brugsch, Worterbuch, VI, 645 :
mesii\ "morbus mulieris," = copte (TtUC, "coaguler" (qualit. (5^c).
7. ^^ ' '^ rPiEHL, Nojivelle Serie, CXX. 3 : ^ ^ ^^ 2
-4K- III'- ' ' ' ^ _^^ I I I (2^
^- — • I 0 — n ^" — * <2 (B^ (2
"^ JA , phrase a alliteration !] " espece de pain."
« I I I _^- Ci Si' Oh
C'est la le seul exemple que je coimaisse de ce groupe. Mais
nous rencontrons tres souvent, aux textes de basses epoques, un
groupe compose -n [Mariette, Denderah II, 48 d\, var.
„ , -^111
k- ^^ I \ibid., Ill, 21 j] qui parait etre apparente a I'autre.f
8. ^^^ '^^'^ o I^Pap. Ebers), ^ '^"^~ o [ibid. Voir Ebers,
A'WsAA O
Die Masse, etc., page 72].
Dans cette serie de mots, j'ai du omettre d'enumerer plusieurs
vocables, contenant le signe / dans la valeur ^ f] ^ parceque je
n'ai pas encore re'ussi a les expliquer, d'une maniere suffisamment
nette. J'espere pouvoir plus tard reprendre 1 etude de ces mots.
Je ne veux pas quitter cette mati^re sans mentionner le verbe
(1 [1 r J, que j'ai releve dans I'expression que voici : (J (J r- - ^^
0 \\ TT^ 1 " celui qui mesure I'reil divin, k I'egal de Mehi " %
— ' 7\ est a '= '"^,06 que, p. ex. .^3^3 A " mansrer" (Fyra-
-« M V A /V^^«AA ^
mideifC/nas, passim) est a ^ ^ (Brugsch, WorterlnicJi, IV, 1476).
t Cf. Brugsch, Worterbuch, II, 503 : ( ) ^ 1 fer^. Q ^ ^ -n
^ A y^^^l " Sans nombre sont les pains Sejts et les pains kespech,
I I I ®(S^ I 0^ ^ ' .,
qui son repartis sur la table a offrandes." (La traduction de Brugsch differe
sensiblement de la notre.)
X Mariette, Denderah, II, 31/'.
44
Nov. i] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
expression qui peut se comparer a celle-ci : N T fl Hi ^::^ T V°7
"" _H— :^p= I U ° I "^^ " celui qui acheve les yeux divins au
moyen de leur accessoire, qui rend parfait (ou mesure) Toeil par toutes
ses parures : " * A mon avis l]l\c n ^^^ identique a ^ J^ f, a ; je
le transcris par consequent keskes. Mais comment expliquer cette
nouvelle valeur de M ? Ou bien c'est simplement une faute^ prove-
nant de I'habitude qu'avait le scribe des basses epoques de remplacer
/ = m, par K = m.t Ou bien il faut reellement admettre la
valeur ^ pour le signe [i. Cette derniere alternative parait etre
appuyee par le parallelisme qu'offre les deux exemples suivants :
d'ou il semble resulter que H ^ = kest. Mais le signe \\ ^ aux
temps des Ptolemees et des empereurs remains, remplace tant celui
de \ , que celui de J ; et le verbe ( Vv^ ou entre ce dernier signe
s'emploie d'une maniere analogue a celle de \\ et ^HT des preuves
cites — comme p. ex. dans 1 expression suivante : aaa^^na I /S^
'^^^'^X J^ "il hate sa marche, il saisit son arme" || — on peut done
toujours hesiter sur I'opportunite de I'equation |j = kes.
II nous reste neanmoins encore une raison a citer en faveur de
cette Equation : j'entends le fait, qui nous est reveld par les textes de
* Mariette, Dendcrah^ III, i9«.
t Pour p = m (/. ^3^ P W ^ ^ n, Lepsius, DcnkmdUr, IV, i^d.
X DUMICHEN, Tetnpcl-Inschriftcn, I, xxxvii, 13.
§ PiEHL, Nouvelle Serie, CIV, 3. Cf. p ^^ ^ ' <=z=> J — ^
U3c, Q.
[DuMiCHEN, Kalendcr - Inscriften, CXIX, 4] ct H l] ^^^ U ^^ A <cr=>
<i> " Mets-toi a courir vers le temple de Dendcrah." (Mariette, Den-
derail, I, 9.)
II DiJMlCHEN, Tempel-Inschriften, I, xxxvi, 21,
45
Nov. i] SOCIETY OP^ BIBLICAL ARCILliOLOGY. [1892.
basses epoques, que le groupe <^~ ' kes " cote " quelquefois est rem-
place par la variante R p. ex. dans '^ C 0 TTT "aupres d'eux " * ;
I W' ^ '•"■"^^ Y ' ] ] M?> " lis tubrent des multitudes, autour
de moi." f Mais, nous sommes encore loin d'etre fixes sous ce
rapport. II faut attendre des preuves nouvelles qui puissent lever
les dernieres difificultes qui s'obstinent a garder leur place.
74. Le Dictionnaire [Brugsch, Worferbuch, V, page 426]
renferme un groupe O <2 ^ qui a ete transcrit bun et traduit "mit
lauter Stimme vernehmen lassen." Voici les deux exemples, ou le
dit mot a ete releve: r-v ^o "^^ — ^ t^CA x ,
" La chienne Anoubis aboie apr^s tout venant ; " fh ^ ®
^ ' ill ® \^^^
^ ^ ^ \ /wvwv I © " Denderah est une tres grande joie, on
fait beaucoup de tapage dans le pays de Kens."
Dans le second passage de texte, qui a ^te extrait des textes,
relatifs au Mythe d'Horus,| le groupe en question s'ecrit plutot
^ , d'accord tant avec la copie Naville qu'avec la mienne.
Cette forme vous amenerait, a elle seule, tout aussi bien a la trans-
cription aun. Et cette derniere, selon moi, est la seule admissible.
C'est que nous sommes en mesure d'alleguer une variante ^g^ ^h
du groupe en question. Le passage ou se voit cette variante, a la
" Rdjouissez-vous, Habitants d'Edfou ! Que le tapage soit grand
dans Kenem."§
J. ^A/^AAA
Remplagons done le groupe incorrect ^ ^ , bun, par le correct
r~T /VAAAAA
^ , dun, tout en gardant le sens qui a ete propose pour le
premier. Le mot sans doute est onomatopee, imitant I'aboiement
du chien ou d'un animal congdnere.
* PiEHL, Nouvclle Serie, PI. XX, 1. 8.
t La StHe de Naples. Cf. Brugsch, Wbrterbuch, II, page 573.
X Naville, Mythe (T Horns, PI. X.
§ Naville, ibid., PI. VII.
46
.Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
75. Le Dictionnaire [Brugsch, IVorterbuch, IV, i338]donne un
mot ? — ^ , " Bankj Scheme!," qui a etd releve dans un texte,
^ I
provenant de Scheikh-abd-el-Gourna. Voici la teneur du passage ou
le dit groupe a ete' trouve :
1 C ) A o o o I ^ I _
je n'he'site pas a rapprocher cette phrase de celle-ci, empruntee
a un monument de Florence :
D ■=* ^ ^^ * " Tu
laves tes pieds sur une plaque d'argent, sur un pave de turquoise."
Ce rapprochement montre que le groupe r — ^ , qui n'a ete
trouve ailleurs, est fautif pour ^T^ ? et qu'il doit par consequent
disparaitre du dictionnaire hieroglyphique.
76. Le groupe [I ^ (^ , hieru, par Brugsch {Worterbuch,
V, 165), qui a ce sujet cite Chabas, a ete traduit "ausgiessen, sich
ergiessen," traduction qui s'est uniquement appliquee au passage
suivant : k \\\\\ ^^^^^^ /^ ^s. "^^ |^ " ein Lichtschein der sich
an der Spitze der Krieger ergiesst."
Je serais dispose a proposer pour le passage cite la traduction que
voici: "celui qui fait resplendir le fleuve (le Nil), a la tete des
soldats."
A nion avis, [I v\ /^ n'est qu'une variante d'ecriture du
groupe frequent (J v\/wwva ,t par lequel les textes designent le
I <: :> II AAAAAA
Nil.
* PlEHL, Petites "Chides '^s;yptologiques, page 60, note,
t Brugsch, Wdrterbuch, I, 164.
47
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [1892..
THE IDEOGRAM Jrlff ^TTTET •
By The Rev. C. J. Ball.
Unlikely as it might seem, this extremely common character
may be shown to afford an excellent illustration of the pictorial
origin of the Cuneiform syllabary. The linear form is ^^^=4
a figure which hardly suggests the idea of bearing and carrying,
which is the meaning of the symbol, even when we have restored
it to the upright position which, in fact, it occupies in the inscriptions
of Gudea and in the seal-writing (Gudea, D. 5, 3, etc.).
The correct analysis of Hjl ga, " to carry," was suggested to
me by the Chinese yil, " to [±\ carry, " which, in the oldest
accessible form, consists of JJ- two hands holding up a vessel.
The lower part of the Accadian character is 4r ^<^gi " the head."
The upper part is a vessel of some kind, which appears also in
the symbol f^Hy^, linear |||| ga ; while | is the raised arm,
bent round to hold the v vessel on the head in the ordinary
Oriental fashion {see Birch, Ancient Pottery, p. 195). As the entire
ideogram was read ga, we may, if we please, regard t^fff^ as
phonetic : cj). X^y^\^ a'na ( from ana ?) in which an, am, is
phonetic*
Having now solved ouf puzzle, we may note the remarkable
similarity of the Accadian tfyf^TTTEy, ga, "to bear," "lift," etc., to
the Egyptian % and %\^f<^ (Brugsch, Worth., p. 534).
Some two or three years ago I reached the conclusion that the
Egyptian language was akin to and younger than Accadian. In the
Froceeditigs, June, 1890, I pointed out the identity of the Merodach
symbol j-^YKM , the linear n^ , with the Egyptian H , Osiris, and
observed in a footnote that the evidence of certain terms common
to the two tongues appeared to indicate "a very early connexion
* With >-'-y ana, ama, "heaven," fy '-'^f "rain," cp. Japanese ama,
"heaven," "rain."
48
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
between the primitive languages of Babylonia and Egypt ; although
the latter has developed on quite independent lines, and been
influenced by its own environment." This inference was not based
on isolated facts of possibly accidental coincidence. Our learned
President, Mr. Renouf, remembers that I asked his judgment upon
part of the evidence I had collected prior to June, 1890. One
of the points which appear important is that Egypt achieved a real
alphabet, the symbols of which are non-significant, whereas every
symbol of the Accadian script is a significant word. This fact
suggests the priority of the hieroglyphic system of Babylonia.
As Professor Hommel, in a paper read in the Assyrian section
of the recent Oriental Congress, quite unexpectedly advocated a
similar thesis, I may be permitted to give here a few more illustrations
of the sort of evidence which led me to my conclusions, and which
I have always hoped to lay before the Society.*
Among the common words to which I called Mr. Renouf's
attention above two years ago were ^--^ \\ p '~17~^ kekiu, " dark-
ness," the Accadian ^CCi ^^Ci kukki, and gagig, with the same
meaning ; also \\ |1 <;^> ^ mes-t'er, and >^ ^f '^ 7nus-tug,
" ear." The correspondence of /' = /, d, observable in the latter
instance, is seen again in f'e(, " say," " speak," = Ace. duttii, in
t'er^ "all," the Ace. diri^ in t'a, " strength " = Ace. da, in
t'am = dan, "might," in "^^ O hat', "light" =^%^, ^ud, "to
shine," and other terms. It is natural, again, to suspect a relation
between ^ /le/ii-t, " wife," and ^/;;, ^^;//d', "handmaid," or ^v/;/, ;/;<,'7^//,
" lady " ; between ^ /V /jem and gin, " to return " ; between /iioi,
"infant," ^and gin, "little," "young." But the relation of /, d to /'
(English ch), and of g to ^, h, is the relation of original to derived
sounds. So, too, a a agrees with the younger Accadian ^^ a,
"hand" (from ^(7^), and ' ^ ' dr, "to come," "bring," with
ir (from gir, gar). The very frequent ar, " to do," is plainly
posterior to gar, "to do," and the same is true of un, "to be,"
compared with men, wen. Many of the alphabetic symbols admit
* I was unfortunately not present when Dr. Hommel read his paper ; l)ut at
a subsequent meeting the learned Assyriologist frankly informed the Section that
I had anticipated him in regard to several of the ideograms u on which his
theory was grounded.
49 E
1
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^OLOGV. [1892.
of reduction to Accadian forms; e.g., 0, x^ agrees with^<^,
4^ ,^V, originally a circle, and a;^ , /, with the linear form of
^*l]ff^ ;;//^-i=, 7C'u-s, or v/i-s, " serpent " (see Amiaud et Mechineau,
Tabl. Comp., 198 bis, 154).
Of the pronouns the demonstratives pe, pa, tienu, enen, resemble
the Accadian ba, bi, ne, ene, nene, "this," "that," "those."
Among other comparisons which I find in my old notes is that
of nu-tai; nomti, nouti, i.e., nun-tar, "god," with the Accadian din-gir.
The Egyptian term means " mighty," " strong " (Renouf, Hibbert
Lecture, pp. 93, sqq.^ ; and this may very well have been the original
sense of the Ace. dingir, dimmer, for >i^ >i^ dim is rabu, which
presupposes an older din, and >-yfff nun, ten, is also rabu (S'' 129 ;
see Sayce in Z. K. II, 67, note, for the name of the character,
nun-ten) ; and <^^ gir, {iner), ne{r), is " strong," " strength,"
The Accadian nu?i and din, dim, ten, are only dialectically
different (so ^^J is tium, nim, turn) ; and a similar relation holds
between gir and dir, gar and dar.
It would seem, therefore, that nun-tar is a dialectical equivalent
of din-gir.
The Accadian symbol for "god" is the star, ^, and i<: is also
used in that sense in Egyptian. The axe-symbol, "^ , which is the
usual one, may remind us that Bel is armed with an axe in Baby-
lonian representations {cp. Baruch, vi, 15), doubtless as a symbol of
j>o\ver. Apart from the question of the primitive sense of the terms,
grounds of formal resemblance and recognized phonetic variation
appear to justify the comparison of din-gir with fiun-tar. The same
may be said for the comparison of -<^4f ^^ni, imi = an, am, ang,
" wind," " breath," with the Egyptian ^ dnch, " life," " living." The
symbols agree, for ^^ may be a simplification of ^, the linear
form of the Accadian -<^>ff • '^^^^ primary sound will have been
gun, gan ( = the old Chinese bam, gam, modern /^^^-^ ]iong, "wind").
I conclude with the expression of my opinion that Egyptian
presents many phenomena which recall the salient features of the
so called ^///^ i'a/ dialect of the Accadian (e.g., /tr, "to bear":=K'c?,
ma-=-ga).
50
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1S92
A BILINGUAL HYMN.
4 R- 46, 5-19-
{Cp. Sayce,* Hibbert Lectures^ pp. 79, 80.)
By Rev. C. J. Ball.
5. u-mu nu a-pa-ag (?) bi sig-gid (?) e-ne
Lord {whom) not {in) his fury withstand they
belu sa ina uzzisu mahir la isu
Lord who in his fury withstander hath not
u-mu bara shigga u-mu kur-kurra
Lord, sovereign pure, lord of the world
belu sarru damqa bel matati
Lord, sovereign pure, lord of the ivorld
ngan-ngan id-^unna kia anu zu
That stayeth the strife of earth a?id heavefi
10. mutir sulme sa ilani rabuti
Restorer of the peace of the g?-eat gods
ena-ni u-mu a-na u-mu an-tugga
( Who with) his eye, the lofty lord, lo?'ds casteth down
belu sa ina nikilmisu usamqit dannutu
Lord who with his look felleth the mighties
dimmer bara mulu mulu dimmer bara
The god of the sovereig7is of men, the god {that) sovereignty
mulu tukua
man maketh possess
bel sarrani sa amelutu muza'iz beletu
Lord of the sovereigns of men, that apportioneth lordship,
* Professor Sayce could see "no connexion between the Accadian and the
Semitic verses " of this piece ; and held it to be "more than probable that the
meaning was but little understood by the Semitic priests." In another place he
calls these verses " maccaronic." So far, however, as I am able to judge, the
Semitic lines appear to be a correct paraphrase, in the few cases where they are
not a literal translation, of the Accadian.
51
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S92
15. u-mu ku mu shu gish-galla sham-mir kin-nir
Lord thy seat {is) Babylon, {t/iy) garland Borsippa
})clu Subtaku Babili Barsib aguku
Lord thy seat (is) Babylon, Borsippa (is) thy croxvn
ana ana mu ana ana shag hi pesh-e
The heavens wide, the heavens, they all (are thine) heart (or fulness).
same rapsutu gimir kabittiku
The heavens wide all (are) thy liver.
Notes.
5. Is ^ >^ to be read unni, from timttn ? or is it rather nu/n-
niu = muinmu, " lord," " lady " (fnutfmiii Tia?nat) ? or, as ^ is shu,
is it sliumti (cp. san-shum, "man"; Lehmann, Sam., p. 163, note),
a by form of 7iin, ntm ?
There is no reason to distrust the Assyrian rendering of
Yl^ ^ ^^i^^f) viz., uzzu, "strength," "violence," "fierceness,"
"wrath." Cp. the Chinese /^/(', /«/<-, "heat," "fierce," "angry." Or,
transcribing i-sig-aka (?), cp. ^ sig, zardbu sa libbi ; and Zimmern,
B.P.S., 55-
In ^ "^j- frflf ^^^T the first element ^ sig = mahdsu,
nardtu, "to strike," "thrust," "resist," "thwart," "hinder," or the
like; the second ■^>- ?:^ is mahdru, "to confront," " withstand,"
2 R. 22, ^ob. Sig-gid-i-ene is contracted to sig-gid-ene.
7. ^Qf bara, is strictly the throne or royal seat ; then, by a
natural transfer, the occupant of the throne, the sovereign ; and
again, the throne-room of an earthly king, or the inner shrine of a
heavenly one {a god) : cp. 4 R. 9, 32 and 34 « ; 5 R. 62, 47 a. The
old Chinese bak, no\N pao, denotes any symbol of royal dignity, such
as a sceptre or a throne (cp. Shi-king, III. iii. V. 5). Pao-tso
means both "throne" and "shrine"; and tso, "seat,' is used as a
classifier of buildings, pagodas, etc.
9. J^y >^y : see Brunnow, 3 1 94. But ngan may be compared
with Chinese ngan, " peaceful," " to tranquillize."
The analysis of )Hl-<^! I^ ^^I seems to be hand + lift up :
J^ is ^U7i = nam sa eni. Cp. also ?iam-K\]-na = sahluqtu, " des-
truction," 4 R. 30, 22/25 ^- " Stopper of hand-lifting " (i.e., fighting) —
viiitir sulme, " restorer of peace." zu appears to be used as a copula ;
52
Nov. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
Brunnow, 142 ; 5 R. 2 1, 19 / (= ^). kta anu zu = earth heaven-
with ; ///. perhaps "earth heaven add." The Assyrian paraphrases
by "the mighty gods"; a general expression which here includes
all the Powers of heaven and earth. The Chinese of the south say
fien-ti {= diin-dil>), "heaven (and) earth," for God or gods.
II. e7i-a-7ii is probably not "his lord" here. Taking the
Assyrian line for our guide, we identify it with iiia nikilmisu, "with
his look"; cp. en-nun, "to watch"; igi{n), "eye"; kifi (=z gin), "to
look to"; and the Chinese _>'^«, ngan, nge", "eye." En is from gan,
gin.
ana = saqu, " high " (Chinese ang).
*"*^T IeJ ^T an-tugga (tunga) is defined itasu sa 7ni!nma,
2 R. 26, 47 c, which hardly suits here, unless the idea be that of
taking up in order to throw down. But ]^ is ?iadu, " to throw,"
S*^ I, 3, Rev.
The noun ^ »t{S is rendered dan?mtu, " mighty ones." Cp.
shu zu, "thy hands"; Chinese zhu sheic (in reverse order); gin
dugga, "sweet reeds"; and many other instances, which prove that
Accadian, like Chinese, has no plural inflexion. The plural may be
indicated in both languages by repetition ; kur kur{ra), " the lands,"
" the world," 1. 7 ; 7)iulu inulu (or gal gat), " men," I. 13, cp. Cantonese
yin yin, "men" (= Ace. gin, gin); ana ana, "the heavens," 1. 17
(where also the adjective mu, "great," rabi(, 2 R. 48, 19 a, has no
"plural-suffix").
13. Assyrian: "the lord of kings ^\ :^= ^f " both in 4 R^
and 4 R2. Leg. either y :^i= ^\, or perhaps ^\ ^^:=. ^\ (" the
lord of the kings — sarrTitu (?) — of men ").
J]^ "to hold,'' "to have," is also causative, "to make to have or
hold"; " to confer on " ; rasu, "to grant," "bestow," 4 R. 12, 40.
The Assyrian here renders it by zdzu, " to part " and " impart."
With jrf ]gf ^\\ ^y cp. fry HJ, , belu"\ 5 R. 13, 52 ii. Is beletu
{belitu) a later equivalent of bclutu ?
15- I^ >^ !iT S=T ^H"^ ^^T' Assyrian subtaku Babili, "Thy
seat is Babylon." As >t<S is one of the values of ]^, it may be a
gloss, so that 7nu, " seat," would correspond to gu {cp. gn-za).
As for [By sIm, it may be equivalent to >-J:yy zu, "thy," the
Chinese zhu. Ought we rather to read JEJ zi or s/ii, " thy "?
53
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1892.
Gis/igalla, "door," as a name of Babylon, recalls ka-dingirra,
" Gate of God." Cp. Ur-Bau, col. II, 2, Gisgalla-ki (Amiaud).
tyyic: tlllET looks like plants + crown {mer = agii). Kinnir =
ki{n), "place" + ;«>, "temple-tower" {ziggurratu ; 2 R. 50, \ a).
" Place of the Tower" was a suitable name for Borsippa, the site of
the Birs AUmnid. Kin-nir resembles kin-gi^ kin-dir, etc.
1 7. sag, sab, sa, " heart," " middle," is also " total," " all " {pxihni ;
5 R. 21, 63^) ; so that sag bi =^ "all of them": the Assyrian ^m/r,
which is brief for gimir-siam. Bi is plural ; see on 1. 11.
^TY^ /^i, kir, is defined kablttii, " liver," libbu, " heart," mamh,
"fullness." Another pes is "pregnant" {cp. Chinese pit, p^ei,
'■pregnant," "fullness").
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9,
Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 6th
December, 1892, at 8 p.m., when the following Papers will
be read : —
I. P. LE Page Renouf {President). — " Notes on the different
Egyptian Versions of the Bible."
II. P. LE Page Renouf {President). — " The Book of the Dead,"
Chapter XIX, and following.
III. W. F. AiNSwoRTH, F.S.A. — "The Two Captivities: The
Habor and Chebar."
54
Nov. i] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Alker, E., Die Chronologic der Bucher der Konige und Paralipomenon im
Einklang mit der Chronologic der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder.
Amelineau, Ilistoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de I'Egypie Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
• Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, Thomme de Dieu.
A., AND L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
der Gotter der Heiden.
Blass, a. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aeg)-ptiaca superest.
BOTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1S47-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols.
I— III (Brugsch).
—— Recueil de Monuments figyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics par
H. Brugsch et J. Dlimichen. (4 vols., and the text by DUmichen
of vols. 3 and 4. )
BUDINGER, M., De Colomarium guarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis.
BuRCKHARDT, Eastcm Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen.
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873.
DiJMlCHEN, Historische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Earle's Philology of the English Tongue.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers. Die Masse und das Kapitel iiber die Augcn
krankheiten.
Erman, Papyrus Weslcar.
^Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Gayet, E., Steles de la XII dynastic au Musee du Louvre.
Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Vingt-qualre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen P'amiliengesetze.
Hess, Der Gnostische Papyrus von London.
Jastrow, M., a Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra " Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zcit Nubukadnezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen.
55
Nov. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1892.
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde.
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology.
Krebs, F. , De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichiignung der Re-
resultate der Assyriologie und der Aeg>'ptologie.
Ledrain, Les Momiments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
LEFfcBURE, Le Mythe Osirien. 2nd partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonian 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c., 1880.
Lieblein, J., Dictionnaire des Noms Hieroglyphiques. 1871. 2 vols., 8vo.
Lyon, D. G. An Assyrian Manual.
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
MiJLLER, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabian.
NooRDTZiG, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out-
dekkingen.
Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, 1866-1869. 3 vols., folio.
PoGNON, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
RoBiou, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en JEgypte et sur le chronologic des Lagides.
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
ScHAEFFER, Coinmentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
SCHOUW, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiam Velitris.
ScHROEDER, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Alfagyptishe Gcitterglaube.
ViREY, P., Quelques Observations sur I'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d'un
Monument Egyptien.
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
WiLCKEN, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
Wiltzke, De Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra.
WiNCKLER, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
WiNCKLER, Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847 ; Vols. IV to XII,
1850 to 1858, inclusive ; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 1878.
ZiMMERN, II., Die Assyriologie als Hulfswissenschaft fur das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
56
PLATE TX.
rroi. Soc. Bihl. Arch., January, 1893.
ROOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter XV. Papyrus of Ani.
Chapter XXVIII.
Papyrus, Leyden, T. 16.
f
Chapter XXVIII.
Nicholson, " Egyptiaca."
Chapter XXII. Tomb of Bekenrenef.
Lepsius, " Uenkmaler," Abth. Ill, Bl. 267.
Chapter XXIII. Tomb of Bekenrenef.
Lepsius, " Denkmiiler," Al)th. Ill, 131. 260.
Chapter XXII. Papyrus of Ani.
Chapter XXIII.
Papyrus, British Museum, 9900.
Chapter XXIV. Papyrus of Ani.
PLATE X.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., January, 1893.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter XXII.
Chapter XXVII.
Chapter XXIII.
Lei'sius, " Todtenbuch,
17, \'ignette.
Chapter XXVII.
Papyrus, Mus^e du
Louvre, III, 36.
Chapter XXVII.
&A
w
R^^ y
^ n
rrffx/^
^\\ L
^^
1 \ 1
\\
J
y )j (
/
,/ -
;^Li^:.
Papyrus, Musee du Louvre, III, 89.
Papyrus of Ani.
Proc. SocBvbl .^Kh, Dec^lS-
PAPYRUS
Codex of Demosthenes
PLATE VII.
Proc. Soc. Bihl. Arch., December, 1892.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Papyrus of Ani.
Introduction to Chapter XVIII.
Leyden Papyrus.
Chapter XVIII. Papyrus Busca.
Sec Navili.e, " Bdok of the Dead."
Proc. Sec. Bib!, Arch., December, 1S92.
PLATE VIII.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter XVIII. Bruc.scii, " Thesaurus," Vol. V, p. 1190.
CiiAiTF.K XIX. Papyrus du Louvre, 440.
E. DE RouGK, " Etudes sur le Ritucl Eunerairc," p. 14.
Chapter XIX. Papyrus du Louvre, 3079.
E. DE Rouge, " Etudes sur le Ritucl Funciairc," p. 13.
VOL. XV. Part 2.
PROCEEDINGS
THE SOCIETY
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
VOL. XV. TWENTY-THIRD SESSION.
Second Meeting, December 6th, 1892.
CONTENTS.
PACE
P. LE Page Renouf {President). — Summary of Remarks.
November 1st. Parti. — The Pharaoh of the Exodus 60-62
P. LE Page Renouf {President). — The Book of the Dead.
Chapters XXI-XXV. {Continued ]rom ■^. \2) 63-69
W. Francis Ainsworth, F.S.A. — The Two Captivities. The
Habor and Chebar 70-76
F. Cope Whitehouse. — The Raiyan-Moeris and the Ptolemaic
Maps. (2 Plates.) Demosthenes against Meidias. (2 Plates) 77-87
PUBLISHED AT
THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY,
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1892.
[No. CXI.]
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A few complete sets of the Transactions still remain for sale, which may l^e
obtained on application to the Secretary, W. H. Rylanixs, F.S.A., 37, Great
Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
TWENTY-THIRD SESSION, 1892-93.
Second Meeting;, 6ih December, 1892.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President
IN THE CHAIR.
-€'^•^^-
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors: —
A special vote of thanks was awarded to Mr. E. de
Bunsen for his present to the Library.
From the Secretary of State for India in Council : —
The Sacred Books of the East : —
Vol. XXX, The Grihya-Sutras : Rules of Vedic Domestic
Ceremonies. Translated by Herman Oldenburg. 8vo.
1892.
Vol. XXXII, Vedic Hymns. Translated by F. Max Miiller.
8vo. 1891.
Vol. XXXVII, Pahlavi Texts. Translated by E. W. West,
Esq. 8vo. 1892.
[No. CXI.] 57 F
Dec. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1892.
From Ernst de Bunsen : —
I Monument! dell' Egitto e della Nubia, illustrati dal Prof.
Ippolito Rosellini. Folio. 3 vols, of Plates in 2. Pisa. 1832.
Text. 8vo. Pisa.
Monumenti Storici. 4 vols, in 5. Pisa. 1832-41,
Monument! Civili. 3 vols. 1834-36.
Monumenti del Culto. i vol. 1844-
From Walter L. Nash : —
Antiquity of the Egyptian Calendar. By D. W. Nash, Esq.,
F.L.S. London. 1849.
Merlin the Enchanter and Merlin the Bard. By W. D Nash.
From the Author :— Rev. C. A. de Cara, S.J. Degli Hittim o
Hethei e delle Loro Migrazioni. Cap. XXII.
From the Author :— Rev. C. J. Ball, M.R.A.S. A Babylonian
Ritual Text.
From the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society. 8vo. 1892.
From J. Offord, jun. : — P. Bortolotti. Del Primitive Cubito
Egizio. Fascicolo II. Folio Modena. 1789.
From the Author: — Dr. Fritz Hommel. Der babylonische Ur-
sprung der agyptischen Kultur. Miinchen. 8vo. 1892.
From the Author : — Dr. Fritz Hommel Aufsatze und Abhand-
lungen arabistisch-semitologischen Inhalts. Miinchen. 8vo.
1892.
From the Publisher: — Mayer and Miiller. Aus Masorah und
Talmudkritik. Exegetische Studien von Bernhard Koenigs-
berger. Berlin. 8vo. 1892.
The following Candidates were submitted for election,
having been nominated at the last Meeting, ist November,
1892, and elected Members of the Society : —
Mrs. Aitken, 27, Great King Street, Edinburgh.
Miss Brocklehurst, Bagstones, Macclesfield.
Miss Cropper, EUer Green, near Kendal.
Thomas Goffey, "Amalfi," Blundell Sands, near Liverpool.
William Sutherland Hunter, Kildonan, PoUokshields, Glasgow.
Rev. Harry Hamilton Jackson, M.A., Cheriton, Bromley Common,
Kent.
58
Dec. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at
the next Meeting, loth January, 1893 : —
Elijah Coffin, 222, Gresham House, Old Broad Street, E.C.
Charles Stanley Hopkins, 6, Peel Terrace, Gosport, Hants.
Count Riano d'Hulst, Cairo, Egypt.
George Margoliouth, B.A., British Museum, W.C.
Rev. Joseph Henry Sutton Moxly, B.A., The Firs, Brentwood,
Essex.
A Paper was read by P. le Page Renouf {President),
^' Notes on the different Egyptian Versions of the Bible."
Remarks were added by the Rev. A. Lowy and the
President.
A Paper was read by P. le Page Renouf {President) in
continuation of his former Papers on the Egyptian Book of
the Dead. A Translation with commentary of the XXIst
and other Chapters.
Remarks were added by E. Towry Whyte, Dr. Gladstone,
Walter L. Nash, P. R. Reed and the President.
A Paper by W. P'rancis Ainsworth, F.S.A., " The Two
Captivities : The Habor and the Chebar," was read by the
Secretary.
Remarks were added by the Rev. A. Lowy.
Thanks were returned for these Communications.
59 F 2
Dec. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1892.
The following is the first part of a Summary of the
Remarks made by the President, when opening the Twenty-
third Session of the Society, on certain topics of interest
to the Society to which attention has been directed either
here or abroad. The remaining part will appear in February.
I. Several attempts have been made during the last year or two,
both here and in America, to identify the Pharaoh of the Exodus
with one or another of the kings of the XVII Ith dynasty, in opposi-
tion to the now generally received opinion that the Exodus did not
take place till a much later time. There is an interval of three
centuries at least between Thothmes I and Hatshepsit (whom I have
seen identified with the Princess who saved the infant Moses) on the
one side and Menepthah on the other.
As these essays do not proceed from Egyptologists, but from
writers who are apparently under the impression that their views are
in closer harmony with the Biblical narrative and with the belief in
the Mosaic authorship of the Pentateuch, I think it well to state the
exact nature of the extremely small amount of help which Egyptology
can contribute to the solution of the question.
It should be thoroughly understood that the Egyptian records,
on the one hand, know absolutely nothing about the Israelites ; and,
on the other, that the Biblical references to Egyptian matters are
never characteristic of any particular reign or epoch, until we have
come to a much later date than that of the Exodus. It is easy
enough to identify Tirhakah or Necho or Shishak, but we are entirely
deficient in data from which to identify the Pharaohs of Abraham,
Isaac, Joseph or Moses. We do not even know whence the Biblical
writers took the name or title of Pharaoh.
The early histories of Israel and of Egypt, so far as the records
are known to us, are so absolutely independent of each other and so
deficient in positive synchronisms, that the date of the Exodus, and
of the Egyptian king who is connected with it, may be assigned to
any year we fancy to be most consistent with our individual notions
of Biblical chronology, without incurring the shadow of a chance of
either contradiction or confirmation from Egyptian history.
60
Dec. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
There is, it is true, one word (but one word only) in the BibUcal
narrative which holds out the promise of a synchronism. This is
the name of Rameses, as that of one of the cities which the captive
Israelites were occupied in building. The name of Rameses points
to a particular date. It is as significant of a celebrated historical
personage as those of Alexandria, Ptolemais, Seleucia, Petersburg,
or Washington. The name itself did not exist before the XlXth
dynasty. It is not formed like those of Thoth-mes, Hor-mes,
Chonsu-mes, or Ra-mes. A reduplicated form of the last of these
names was assumed by the first Rameses and by his descendants.
We must be careful, however, before we draw an inference from
this important fact. Egyptologists have generally inferred from it
that the Exodus could not have taken place before the XlXth
dynasty. Are they, however, prepared to draw a like inference
from the statement in the book of Genesis, xlvii, 11, that Joseph
gave his father and his brethren " a possession in the land of Egypt,
in the land of Rameses, as Pharaoh had commanded " ?
No one, as far as I am aware, has inferred from this that Joseph
and his Pharaoh were later than the XVIIIth dynasty. It is
generally understood that Rameses was the name given, at a later
period, to the land which was once possessed by the Israelites.
And the name of Rameses may have been used in like manner by
" anticipation " in the book of Exodus. The town built by the
Israelites may have received the name of Rameses in later days in
honour of the great conqueror. If this be so, no real synchronism
exists, and the Exodus may have taken place at any time before the
beginning of the XlXth dynasty.
All this is quite true, but what advantage do our pious friends
see in such a result ?
They may dissociate Moses and the Exodus from the date of any
Rameses, but they cannot so dissociate the writer of the sacred
narrative. He certainly did not live before the great Rameses, and
he may have lived many centuries later. The farther back they
place the Exodus the more clear it becomes that the Pentateuch
could not have been written by Moses, and the less claim has the
narrative to be considered contemporaneous or even recent history.
The name of Rameses is the one and only basis of an argument
in this question. But two other sources have been mentioned, and
I must say a word or two about them.
The first of these is a passage of Manetho, who is quoted by
61
Dec. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1892.
Josephus, as giving the name of Amenophis to the king who
expelled the lepers and other unclean people, under which term the
Hebrews are supposed to be meant. The royal name of Amenophis
is never found after the XVIIIth dysnasty. But either Josephus or
a copyist has blundered at this name, because Manetho in this
quotation says the king in question was the son of Rampses and the
father of Sethos, names belonging to the XlXth dynasty.
No importance should be attached to any of the statements
attributed to Manetho when it cannot be verified by the monuments.
They are in general unhistorical, and for the most part fabulous.
No one who had access to genuine historical information could
possibly ascribe the third Pyramid to a queen Nitokris, or tell us
that the Saite nome derived its name from the foreign king Saites.
Egyptologists have wasted too much time upon his rubbish, and
those who are not Egyptologists are sure to go wrong if they depend
upon him.
Astronomical calculations have been referred to, and I can have
no objection to them if they are correct and if the data upon which
they depend are true. But however infaUible the Multiplication
Table may be, or yet the Logarithmic Tables, they cannot help us
unless we have solid facts upon which we can bring them to bear.
Unfortunately there is jwthing on the Egyptian documents which
have as yet come down to us which can by astronomical calculation
be made to result in a date. I know that some Egyptologists have
thought so, but a man may be an excellent Egyptologist and a very
bad astronomer. Some of our best scholars are ignorant of the
difference between the rising and the culmination of a star, and they
talk as if the heliacal risings could be noted at each of the twelve
hours before sun-rise. When ignorance of astronomical science is
so complete, what can be expected ? In proportion to this know-
ledge of both science and languages the conviction grows upon one,
as it did upon the late M. de Rouge, that no materials have yet
been discovered for fixing historical dates in periods of Egyptian
history as far back as the Hebrew Exodus.*
* I am not arguing against my own Dissertation on the Calendars of
Biban-el-Moluk.
I did not attempt, for I knew that it was hopeless, to find the historical date
of the reigns to which the tombs belong in which the Calendar is found. What
I attempted, and I trust with success, was something quite different.
62
Dec. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
THE BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By p. t.e Page Renouf.
Chapter XXI.
Chapter 70/iereby the mouth of a persoti is given to him in the
Netheriiwrld.
Hail to thee, Lord of Light, who art Prince of the House which
is encircled by Darkness and Obscurity. I am come to thee glori-
fied and purified.
My hands are behind thee; thy portion is that of those who have
gone before thee, (i)
Give me my mouth that I may speak with it ; and guide (2) my
heart at its hour of Darkness and Night.
Notes.
The oldest papyrus containing this chapter is that of Ani, and
the translation is based upon it. But the text differs both from
those written on the very ancient coffins of Heru and Set-Bastit,
copied by M. Maspero,* and from the later texts.
The second paragraph seems to be spoken by the god, the first
and third being from the deceased.
" My hands are behind thee " is a formula implying protection.
On the coffins the invocation is addressed not to " Osiris, Lord
of Light " or " Radiant One " ^^z^ ^n , but to the 1=^=^ ^1 /o ,
no <=> 1 ^
" one whose head is clothed with radiant white, of the House of
l^arkness and Obscurity."
Instead of X^flfl^^ "obscurity" the coffin has fj] %\
without a determinative, but fTj I [1 (1 ^' shows what the word
* Mission Archcologiqitc Fraucaisc, II, p. 216 and 223. The text is
unfortunately incomplete on both coffins.
Dec. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [1892.
This ancient text continues — " Come thou to me, glorified and
purified ; let thy hands [/let-e the text is obliterated\ shine thou with
thine head (I K\ I ^3:^ ) • Give me my mouth that
I may speak with it, and guide me on the glorious roads which
are in heaven."
The Turin text is very corrupt, and parts of it are incapable of
translation.
2. " Let me guide," according to the Am Papyrus. But the
later (hieratic) texts have the second person l''^'^:::>i ^. ^ ^^^ — ^>
which is more correct.
Chapter XXII.
Another Chapter it'hereby the Mouth of a pe?'son is given to
him in the Nethej'woi'ld.
I shine forth out of the Egg which is in the unseen world. (1)
Let there be given my mouth that I may speak with it in presence
of the great god, Lord of the Tuat. Let not my hand be repulsed
by the Divine Circle of the great god.
I am Osiris, the Lord of Restau, the same who is at the head of
the Staircase. (2)
I am come to do the will of my heart, out of the Abode of
Flame, which I extinguish when I come forth. (3)
Notes.
This is one of the chapters of which the text certainly belongs
to the earliest epoch. It is one of those copied by Wilkinson from
the cofifin (2) of Queen Mentuhotep. In the Papyrus of Ani it is
followed by Chapter 21 as its conclusion, and both chapters are
appended to Chapter i, before the rubric belonging to that chapter.
I. The Egg in the unseen world is the globe of the Sun while
yet below the horizon. It is only through a mistranslation of
Chapter 54, 2 that the Indian notion of a ' Mundane Egg ' has
been ascribed to the Egyptians.
The 17th Chapter addresses "Ra in thine Egg, who risest up
in thine orb, and shinest from thine Horizon."
64
Dec. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
2. See the picture of Osiris at the head of the Staircase, which
is here given as represented on the alabaster sarcophagus of Seti I
in the Soane Museum. Similar pictures are given on other
sarcophagi. The gods on the stairs are called '=^IJnr ^. rV['
' the Divine Circle about Osiris.'
The ' Staircase of the great god ' c!_J j A at Abydos, is
frequently mentioned on the funeral stelae.
3. The Alwdc of Flame. See Chapter i, note 15. The red
glow of the Sky disappears after the Sun has risen, he is therefore
said to "extinguish the Flame " after he has come forth. The same
notion is expressed in the myth according to which Horus strikes
off the head of his mother.
Chapter XXIII.
Chapter 7vherehy the Alottth of a person is opened for him in the
Netheruwrld.
He saifh : Let my mouth be opened by Ptah, and let the
muzzles which are upon my mouth be loosed by the god of my
domain. (i)
Then let Thoth come, full and equipped with Words of Power,*
and let him loose the muzzles of Sutu which are upon my mouth,
and let Tmu lend a hand to fling them at the assailants.
Let my mouth be given to me. Let my mouth be opened by
Ptah with that instrument of steel (2) wherewith he openeth the
mouths of the gods.
I am Sechit (3) Uat'it who sitteth on the right side of Heaven :
I am Sahit encircled by the Spirits of Heliopolis.f
And all the Words of Power, and all the accusations which are
uttered against me — the gods stand firm against them : the cycles of
the gods unitedly.
Notes.
I. Osiris. On the sense of H J] , literally 'the god of the
domain,' see the articles of M. Naville and Professor Piehl, Zeifschr.,
* \\J\^\ ^\. t Tmu, Shu and Tefnut.
65
Dec. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S92.
1880, 146 ; 1881, 24 and 64. I hold with Dr. Piehl that the domain
meant in this formula is Abydos, and that the god is Osiris.
2. The word here translated ' steel 'is J (J ^ j upon which
see M. Deveria's dissertation, " Le Fer et I'Aimant " in the Melanges
d' Archcologie Egyptienne et Assyrieime, tome I, p. 2.
A description of the Ceremonies of the Opening of the Mouth
as performed at the tomb will be found in the Introduction to this
translation.
3. The name of this goddess is phonetically written 1 Sht
in the Pyramid texts of Unas (1. 390), where the ^Murray Papyrus
and other texts have the ordinary y . The reading Sechemet
is indefensible. Cf. Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., XII, p. 365.
Chapter XXIV.
Chapter whereby the Words of Poiuer are brought to a Perso7i in the
Netherivorld,
I am Chepera, the self-produced, on his Mother's thigh, (i)
The speed of bloodhounds is given to those who are in
Heaven,* and the mettle of hyaenas (2) to those who belong to the
Divine Circle.
Lo, I bring this my Word of Power, and I collect this Word of
Power from every quarter in which it is, more persistently (3) than
hounds of chase and more swiftly than the Light.
O thou who guidest the Bark of Ra, sound is thy rigging and
free from disaster as thou passest on to the Abode of Flame.
Lo, I collect t this my Word of Power from every quarter in
which it is, in behalf of every person whom it concerneth. more
persistently than hounds of chase and more swiftly than Light ; the
same (4) who create the gods out of Silence, or reduce them to
inactivity ; the same who impart warmth to the gods.
Lo, I collect this my Word of Power from every quarter in which
it is, in behalf of every person whom it concerneth, more persistendy
than hounds of chase and more swiftly than the Light.
ODD J® ^^r^^ t ^^
66
Dec. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
Notes.
This is another of those chapters of which the antiquity is
proved by the coffins of Horhotep and Queen Mentuhotep. And
even in the early times to which these coffins belong it must have
been extremely difficult to understand. In the translation here
given I have adhered as closely as possible to the oldest texts, but
these, as the variants show, are not entirely trustworthy.
1. Thigh. This is the usual translation, which accords with the
frequent pictures of the goddess Nut, as the Sky, with the divine
Scarab in the position described.* But Y\<r:>^ signifies that
which rims, from V\ ^ udr, run, fi/gere ; and the noun {the
runner) is often applied to running ivater. It is the geographical
name of a river or canal. M. Naville has already pointed out that
in the Book of the Dead it has for variants \ ^^ /wwv\ and f \ ci /wvw\ ,
of which l>ath is a fair translation.
2. The names of these two animals (especially of the second)
vary greatly in the texts. But if we wish rightly to understand the
sense of the chapter, we must bear in mind that it is not the animals
themselves that are meant, but the characteristics implied by the
names of the animals. And as the Sanskrit vrkas, the Greek \vko'^
the old Slavonic vlukti, the Gothic vul/s, and our own wolf, signify
the robber, so does the Egyptian ^^ ^ ^ J\ , whether signifying
wo/f, wolfhound, or bloodhound, indicate speed.
The names of the second animal in the earlier texts, whether
they stand for hyoenas J X \\ y^ '\r^ ' '^^ ^°'' ^^^"^ animals of the
chase J 9 ' ^ ) 3 imply either speed or ferocity. And what must
we understand under the latter term ? We must look to the context.
It is of a god speaking of himself and of his attributes. He is proud
of them, and certainly does not wish them to be taken in a bad
sense. Nor is it necessary that we should do so. We have only to
remember what we learnt at school.
* See also the last picture in the Vignette of Chapter 17 in the Turin and all
the later papyri.
67
Dec. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1892.
Cicero (de Sen., 10, 33) contrasts the 'ferocitas juvenum,' the
high pluck of the young, with the * infirmitas puerorum,' and the
^gravitas' and 'maturitas' of later periods of Hfe.
Livy uses the term ferox, in the same sense as Cicero.
What we have to understand of the Egyptian expression is,
*■ mettlesome, of high, unbridled spirit.'
In the later texts the Beiuui bird has been substituted for the
beasts of the chase.
'"'^'^'^, but all the earUer ones give
another word /wwxa or 1 ^^^aa . This is often used in a bad
J y^ J a
sense, when spoken of the enemy ; but it merely implies tenacity,
pertinacity, obstinacy, which are, of course, very bad things in
opposition, but in themselves virtues of a high order.*
The word is used as a name for the divine Cynocephali
JO v\ W' I who appear at sunrise over the Abode of Flame.
S V^ idh ' ' ^^^'' -^^'''^ ^^-^^^ bringeth into being t/ie gods out of
J
Silence., or reduce fh them to inactivity.
In addition to this interesting utterance of Egyptian theology,
we have to note the idea of Silenc^ 1 ^ ^ ^^ ^^ origin of the
gods, or powers of nature. The notion was also current in the
Greek world. The writer of the Philosoplmmena (VI, 22) speaks
of '/y vfivov^iei')^ cicelinj irapa -rol's "EWijai 2<7/y. It waS from this
source that the early Gnostic Valentinus borrowed this item of his
system. St. Irenaeus {Haeres, II, 14) charges him with having
taken it from the theogony of the comic poet Antiphanes.
Chapter XXV.
Chapter whereby a person remenibereth his ?iame in the Netherivorld.
Let my name be given to me in the Great House. Let me
remember my name in the House of Flame (i) on the Night
wherein the Years are counted and the Months are reckoned, one
by one.
* Columella speaks of the "contumacia pervicax bourn."
68
Dec. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
I am He who dwelleth in Heaven, and who sitteth on the
Eastern side of Heaven : and if there be any god who cometh not
in my train, I utter his name at once.
Notes.
I. Every Egyptian Temple being symbohcal of Heaven, had its
Great House ITD ■^^C^ and its House of Flame U3 \ l c~3,
as most sacred adyta at the extremity opposite to the entrance.
The former occupied the central position, like the Ladye Chapel in
our cathedrals, and the latter stood by the side of it.
6y
Dec. 6j SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1892
THE TWO CAPTIVITIES.
THE HABOR AND THE CHEBAR.
By W. Francis Aixsworth, F.S.A.
It is essential in determining the difference between the two
rivers of Habor and Chebar, and connecting them with existing
representatives, tliat it should be understood that there were several
deportations of Judah and Israel to the East, but these divide
themselves into two separate and distinct groups.
The first on record was effected by Tiglath Pileser, who carried
off the pastoral population beyond Jordan with Zebulon and
Napthali (2 Kings xv, 29). This was in 741 B.C. Assyria was
at that epoch rising in power, and it was probably to populate out-
lying districts that these deportations were effected.
The Egyptians according to 2 Chron. xxxv, 20, came up at a
later period to fight against '' Carchemish by Euphrates,' and Josiah
went out against them, and it would appear from Jer. xlvi, 2, that
Pharaoh Necho still held that land in the time of Nebuchadrezzar.
The second deportation was carried out by Shalmaneser in the
days of Hosea and Jehoiakim, and this king attacked and reduced
Samaria and transported the children of Israel away into Assyria,
and placed them in Halah, and Habor by the river of Gozan and
in the cities of the Medes (2 Kings xvii, 6).
The third deportation, and the second group, took place in the
time of Nebuchadrezzar, in the days of Jehoiakim, and this monarch
removed king and people into Babylonia. This indeed constituted
the Babylonish captivity, or that of the seventy years (Jer. xxv, 1 1, 12).
Two separate deportations are alluded to in the book of Kings,
three in that of Jeremiah, while an earlier one is alluded to in the
l:)Ook of Daniel. The discrepancy not only occurs between the
events recorded in the book of Daniel and those narrated in the
books of Kings and Chronicles, but 2 Chron. xxxvi, 6, is not in
accordance with 2 Kings xxiv,
70
Dec. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
Daniel and his companions appear to have been the first removed
to Babylonia. Next Jehoiakim or Jehoiachin and his court were
deported to " Babylonia and the land of the Chaldaeans " (2 Kings
xxiv, I, 2 ; 2 Chron. xxxvi, 6, 7 ; Jer. xxiv, 5, 6). It was then also
that Ezekiel was carried into Babylonia (Ezek. i, 2); whilst Mordecai
was removed as far as Shushan (Esth. ii, 6).
Subsequently, the Holy City and Temple were destroyed by
Nebu-zar-adan, when there was a further deportation as well as a
general exode or emigration of Jews into Egypt, Sheba, Spain, and
other lands.
Although it is impossible in the present day to determine all the
places to which Judah and Israel were deported by the Assyrians,
still we have quite enough information to fix upon the chief places.
It appears from passages in 2 Kings xix, 12, and Isa. xxxvii, 12,
in which Rezeph (Resapha) is included, that they went by the old
road, and indeed the only available one across the desert by Tadmor
or Palmyra, whence some were directed upon the Kliabur, and others
by the pass at Thapsacus to Halah and l)y the river Bilecha to
Haran (i Chron. v, 26).
Halah, afterwards Callinicus (Chalne of Benj. of Tudela), and
then as Rakka, the summer residence of Harun Ar Rashid, stood at
the mouth of the Bilecha, the Cyrus, Belius, Basileum Flumen of
different epochs, and the transit thence by Ichnae, fatal to Crassus
Publius and Alama, a "mansio regia" according to Isidorus of
Charax, on the same river, would present no difficulties.
Habor is mentioned as a town on the river of Gozan. Gozan,
which signifies "pasture land," and the Assyrians of Kurdistan still
call their summer pastures Zozan, was the Gauzanitis of the Romans,
and from fertility may well have given its name to the river of Habor.
The pastures of Gozan were watered by the Jerjub, and to the east
was the Aeger Eliensis or pastures of Eleia (Amm. Marcellinus writes
it Heleia), now Ai-uj ; also known as the pastures of Nahab in Dyar-
Rabbia watered by the Huali, both rivers being tributaries to the
Khabur. The latter plain is renowned for a conflict between the
Romans under Constantine and the Persians. The valley of the
river Khabur presented a line of traffic in the time of the Assyrians
and of the Khalifs of Baglidad, and was at both epochs dotted with
towns and villages. The names of these in the latter epoch are
recorded by El Wakedi in his history of the conquest of the Christian
Kingdom of Resaina or Ras-al-Ain and Karkisha or Kirkisya. The
71
Dec. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S92.
MS. recording the subjugation of Mesopotamia by the Muhammadans,
was known to Gibbon and to Ockley, the author of the History of
the Saracens, but was not available to either. It was however
recovered by, Ewald and a faithful translation is given in my Pers.
Narr. of the Euph. Exped. (Vol. I, p. 327 f/ seq}j.
Sir H. A. Layard discovered many relics of Assyrian times on the
banks of the river, and among them the remains of a palatial temple,
called Arban, which he identifies with the Arbonai of Judith. This
was very probably the Habor of Holy Writ. Simocatta calls it
" Castellum Aborensium." El Wakedi also notices it as a castle on
the Khabur distinct from Karkisha, and Schultens makes mention of
it in his Life of Saladin. The town gave its name to the Khabur,
which river was known to Strabo as the Aborras ; to Ptolemy as the
Khabora, and to Ammianus Marcellinus and Zozimus as the Aboras.
The Madai or Medes who dwelt on the banks of the Khabur
can scarcely have been the same as the Medes of Media proper,
and we are indebted to Mr. E. A. Wallis Budge for discovering that
their name in the cuneiform was Mitani. They had their kings, and
Amenophis III, who was as partial to these renowned hunting
grounds as Tiglath Pileser, married one of their daughters.* It has
also been found that Karkisha is written Kirki in the Inscriptions.
This is simply Kir in 2 Kings xvi, 9, and Isaiah xxii, 6. Kir
signifies naphtha or bitumen. We have an example in the well-
known naphtha springs at Kir-Kuk in Kurdistan. f Neubauer tells
us {Geo. du Talmud, p. 354) that Kir of Isaiah was also Kirkisyon,
* The cuneiform despatches decyphered by Mr. Biulge, state that " .Mitani
was situated in front of Hatti (Khetta or Hittites), that is to say somewhere near
Car'chemish, or in the district called by the F'gyptians Neherna, that is
Mesopotamia."
+ Kir-Kuk was one of the treasuries or chief strongholds of the East, known
to the Greeks as Ecbatanas. Its fortress, now in ruins, was of vast dimensions.
Plutarch describes Alexander the Great as proceeding after the battle of Arbela
through the provinces of Babylon to Ecbatana, where he was particularly struck
with a gulf of fire, which streamed perpetually from an inexhaustible source. He
was surprised also by a flood of naphtha which flowed in such abundance that it
formed a lake. Transpose " hill " for " gulf," these phenomena are to be seen at
Kir-Kuk to the present day, lait are not to be met with at the .'Vtropatenian
Ecbatana (Takhti Sulaiman), at the Median Ecbatana (Hamadan), at the
Assyrian Ecbatana (Amadiyah), the Persian Ecbatana (Persepolis), the Parthian
treasuries at Anatho and Thilultha, or the Syrian treasuries of Gaza and Mount
Carmel. The identification is of importance to commentators on the historians of
Alexander.
72
Dec. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
whence Kirkisyeh and Kircessium or Circessium and Cercusium,
both Roman names for Karkisha. There was also a Kir in Moab,
now Kirak, believed to be the same as Kir-haraseth and Kir-heres
(2 Kings iii, 21 ; Jer. xlviii, 31, 36).
Unfortunately, from proximity of name, although Habor is
written with a cheth and Chebar with a caph in Kmgs and
Chronicles, the Habor has been confounded with the latter river
from olden to modern times. The mistake is propagated in the
Bible Dictionary (Art. Ezekiel), and in the Cyclopedia of
Biblical Literature (Art. Chebar and Ezekiel), and so discerning a
traveller as Sir H. A. Layard perpetuates the same error when he
writes : " To the Chebar " (applying this name to the Khabur)
"were transported by the Assyrian king, after the destruction of
Samaria, the captive children of Israel, and on its banks ' the
heavens were opened ' to Ezekiel, and ' he saw visions of God,'
and spake his prophecies to his brother exiles. Around Arban may
have been pitched the tents of the sorrowing Jews, as those of the
Arabs were during my visit. To the same pastures they led their
sheep, and they drank of the same waters. Then the banks of the
river were covered with towns and villages, and a palace-temple still
stood on the mound, reflected in the transparent stream."
The latter part of the paragraph applies eloquently and pic-
turesquely to the Israelites deported by the Assyrians ; but Ezekiel,
as we have before shown, was one of the victims of the Babylonian
Captivity. " We know," adds the same great authority, ' that
Jews still lingered in the cities of the Khabur until long after the
Arab invasion, and we may perhaps recognise in the Jewish com-
munities of Ras-al-A'in, at the sources of the river, and of Karkisia or
Carchemish, at its confluence with the Euphrates, visited and
described by Benjamin of Tudela in the latter end of the twelfth
century of the Christian era, the descendants of the captive Israelites.
Benjamin of Tudela, it is to be observed, identified Karkisia or
Karkisha with Carchemish or Kharkh'mish, as he writes it, as he did
Rakka with Calneh, by which it is presumed he meant Halah or
Calah, not Chalne, a primeval city in the land of Shinar.
We now come to the Chebar, or 'great river ' of Babylonia, for
that is the meaning of the appelation — in Arabic ' kebir.' Mr.
Ormuzd Rassam has recently advocated in the Jour, of Trans, of
the Victoria Institnte (2nd part of Vol. XXV), the identity of the four
rivers of the ' Garden of Eden,' with the Euphrates, Tigris, Greater
73 G
Dfx-. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1892.
Zab and Jaihun or Pyramus. The idea is very ingenious, and the
arguments brought forward in its favour equally so — if not con-
vincing. They are all the more so, as the original population must have
descended from higher lands. But the ' Garden of Eden ' must be
looked upon as a Jewish legend. Still as it stands we ought to
abide by the strict Biblical record, " And a river went out of Eden
to water the garden, and from thence it was parted and became into
four heads." It is the same in the Vulgate, and Mr. Rassam's
rendering of the text by which he establishes that the river could
have four heads apart, and at great distances from one another, is by
no means satisfactory.
We still hold then by the idea, elsewhere advocated, that the
Jewish notion of a Garden of Eden had Babylonia in view. It is
only in such a country, that of a delta, that we can find a river —
in this case the Euphrates — dividing into four or more branches,
after passing from the higher country to the alluvial plains. This
it does after passing a remarkable spot which Neubauer tells us in his
Gcographie dn Talmud, p. 327, was known to the Jews as the " Gates
of Paradise." This corresponds to the WiiXm or Pylse of Xenophon,
and the Massices and Macepracta of the Romans. The Sidd or
Khalu Nimrud, commonly known as 'the Median Wall,' took its
departure from the same point to cross over to the Tigris. Below
the derivatives from the Euphrates have flowed at times into the
Tigris, at others the Tigris, as is still the case with the Shat-al-Hye
or Hai, have flowed into the Euphrates.
The first derivative from the Euphrates occurs at Lake Jazrun,
on the right bank of the river, and it is by its size and its historical
importance well qualified to represent the Pison or ' spreading of
waters,' or the Chebar, ' the great river.' It constituted indeed the
Western Euphrates, and was looked upon by Pliny as the Euphrates
proper, which at one time it appears to have been. Describing the
division of the Euphrates (lib. V, cap. xxvi), he says, " Scinditur a
Zeugmate cctoginta tribus millibus passuum circa vicum Massicen et
parte laeva in Mesopaiamimn vadit per ipsafn Seleuciam, circa eatn
prcBfljienti infusus Tigri. (The Nahr-Malcha.) Dexieriore autem
alveo Babylonem, qiwfidam Chaldcea capttt petit, itiediamqne permeans
distrahitiir in Paludes.^' In another passage the same historian says,
" Sed longo tevipore Etiphratetn prceclusere Orcheni et accolce agros
rigantes ; nee nisi Pasitigri dejertur in mare " (lib. VI, cap. xxvii).
The Orcheni here alluded to were the people of Ur of the Chaldees
74
Dec. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
(Mukayir), and the Pasitigris was the name given to the lower part
of the Western Euphrates, after the channel had been re-opened by
the Macedonians.
It is to be observed here, that Sir Henry Rawlinson has
published an exhaustive and eminently satisfactory paper upon the
identity of the plain of Babylonia, or that portion of it which he
calls Gan Eden, as the site of the Jewish legend, and this view of
the subject is strengthened by the researches of modern Assyriolgists.
Professor Sayce, for example, has shown that the plain of Babylonia is
called in the cuneiform inscrijjtions Edinu, and in the older
Akkadian Edin, 'a plain.' Pinches and Delitzch have also
corroborated the statement that one of the Akkadian words for the
country is Edina, and further that the Assyrian form of Edina
or Edinu, is the same as Eden.
Neubauer, in his Geographic du Talmud, (p. 365) calls this
first derivative of the Euphrates Nahr Sur or Sar. It was also
known as Sura of Rab, or Sura Lake, now Jazrun. Also as Sura of
Perath or Frat (Euphrates). It is still called Sura, albeit pro-
nounced as Sora.
According to the Talmud, Matha Meshaya,- — the Massices of
the Romans, — was a suburb of the city of Sura, which itself was one
of the great seats of learning in the time of the ' Principalitv of the
captive Jews.' The river or canal was also known to the Romans
as the Nahr Sares, corrupted by Ptolemy into Maarsarcs and
Marses.
It was, according to Pliny (vi, 24), ''the Chehar or Chohar of the
Old Testament ; " the Kobar of the Septuagint and the Gobya of the
Talmudists, upon the banks of which Nebuchadrezzar planted a
colony of Jews, among whom was the prophet Ezekiel. In
another paragraph (lib. VI, cap. 26) Pliny calls it Goharis, and
identifies it with the Nahr Malcha or Royal River, The Gobya of
the Talmud and the Gobaris of Pliny are only other forms of Chebar,
a name which Hieronymus (St. Jerome), referring to Ezekiel, says
should be written Chebar.
It is a remarkable fact that all the towns of old were built on the
Western Euphrates, as Hira and Kufa, as also the more modern
towns of Masjid Ali and Kerbellah. There were no towns on the
Euphrates below Babylon, save the Ur of the Chaldees where the
two rivers came into close conjunction. The cities of Chaldaja
proper were all on derivatives of the Euphrates or the Tigris.
7^ G 2
Dfx. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1892,
The tomb of Ezekiel, visited by many travellers, lies at Keffil on
the Hindiah beyond Borsippa. The prophet appears to have dwelt
chiefly at Tel Abib, which has been identified with the Birs Nimrud
at Borsippa. Hence, Rabbi Petachia in his Travels translated by
Dr. Benisch, was led to identify the Hindiyah canal with the Chebar,
or Chabor as he has it, and he says " the river Euphrates and the
river Chabor join ; they can nevertheless be distinguished " — not a
very clear statement.
But I think I have said enough to show that there were two
different regions of captivity — the Assyrian and the Babylonian —
and that the tov/n and river of Habor in Mesopotamia was not the
Chebar in Babylonia, where Ezekiel dwelt, saw his vision, and was
ultimately buried. It is only surprising that such a question should
require to be set at rest in the present day.
76
Dec. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
THE RAIYAN-MOERIS AND THE PTOLEMAIC MAPS.
By Cope Whitehouse.
Prior to June, 1882, the entire scientific world accepted the
theory of M. Linant de Bellefonds in regard to Lake Moeris.
According to all Egyptologists, there was, in the fifth century B.C.,
a shallow reservoir, on the upper eastern plateau of the Fayouni.
It was used to irrigate the fertile Arsinoite Nome, which occupied the
rest of the depression to the West. It covered about 45 miles and
had a maximum depth, during the inundation, of about 30 feet.
Herodotus, therefore, if this were correct, had wholly misdescribed
what he had seen. There was no lake 450 miles in circumference,
50 fathoms deep, with its major axis from North to South, rising at
each annual flood above the level of the low Nile at Memphis. No
island, with two pyramids, two statues and a tomb, stood where the
lake was deepest. On two low platforms at Biahmu, where the
depth of water never exceeded 20 feet, two statues were believed to
have been placed. These monuments, it was said, had been erro-
neously depicted as pyramids surmounted by two colossal enthroned
figures. This was, briefly, the theory, which, from its adoption by
Dr. Lepsius, had gained universal credence. It was challenged by
me, in every material particular, in the Proceedings of this Society in
June, 1882. There is no doubt that M. Linant was wrong. It
seems almost inconceivable that the weight of authority attaching to
the Director-General of Public Works (1843), Brugsch, Bunsen,
Ebers, Lepsius, Mariette, Maspero, Oliphant (1881), and Schwein-
furth (1880), should not have proved a guaranty of entire accuracy.
So far as M. Linant is concerned, he deserves a larger measure of
indulgence than was meted to him at my hands. Deeply impressed
with the need of a storage-reservoir for Middle Egypt, he was led to
identify the project he designed with that which he thought might
have existed, '■'■ I raoiofiai/iefiti, per cos) dire, viateiiiatici di Linant"
(Benetti, Carta Idrografica d' Italia, 1892, p. 63), misled those who
followed him.
77
Dec. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1892.
According to tlie views put forward in tlie Proceedings of this
Society (June, 1882, June, 1883), the entire Fayoum was submerged
at the time it was visited by Herodotus. The Arsinoite Nome had
no existence. The depression had been a back-water of the Nile,
Hke Albert Nyanza, before the natural intake of el-Lahun-Hawara
was controlled by a regulator. The Arabic traditions on this point
are correct. The Bahr Jusuf, partly natural, partly artificial, was
called by this name centuries before the time of Saladin. The
tiadition which associates the conversion of the Fayoum from a
marsh and lake into a fertile province, by an engineer of alien race,
before the Ramesside dynasty, with the preservation of Lower Egypt
from the plagues of an ill-regulated Nile, contains a large element of
truth. Manetho, supported by other ancient authorities, rightly says
that the region was subsequently neglected. The use of the Fayoum
as a flood-escape for the Nile, and a drainage basin for the adjacent
province of Beni-Suef, is of such importance, that it is not difficult
to understand, how even a fairly-enlightened government might
permit the waters to rise inside the Fayoum to the natural level of
the Nile. At all events, Herodotus saw it in this state. The
Fayoum papyri, however, show, in detail, the reclamation under
Ptolemy Philadelphus, whose success is described by Strabo and
Diodorus. At length, the lake no longer curved round to the South,
on the North-eastern shore ; so that Pliny used the past tense, "/?///',"
of that part of the lake which had previously interposed between the
Arsinoite and the Memphile Nome, Medinet el-Fayoum and Dashur,
as described by Mutianus.
So far as the theory of a Fayoum-Moeris is concerned, full
corroboration of my levels, facts, and conclusions will be found in
the recent \vork of Major Brown, Director-General of Irrigation for
Upper Egypt. In The Fayoum a>id Lake AIoe?-is, justly commended
for its lucid statements and admirable illustrations, he arrives at the
same results as regards Linant's theory, and cites the opinion of
Colonel Ross, formerly Inspector-General of Irrigation, to the same
effect.
Two points deserve special consideration. In 1882, I mentioned
the existence of a temple in the desert to the north of Dimeh, which
was indicated to my companion, Mr. Tristram Ellis, and myself, but
which we were, for various reasons, prevented from approaching.
Dr. Schweinfurth justly claims the honour of having made it known
in 1885, by his accurate descrii)tion. It was visited, photographed,
78
Dec. 6]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1892.
and levelled by me in 1889. Major Brown now furnishes the
scientific world with the results of his visit in 1892.
This desert-temple is of great archaeological importance, because
it is six miles from the shore of the present lake el-Qerun, nearly
250 feet above its level, without a possibility of a local water-supply,
and possesses, in the present condition of the Fayoum, no charac-
teristic feature to explain its situation. On the other hand, with a
submerged Fayoum, it would be an important post on the direct
route from the Little Oasis to Alexandria.
The promontory of Dimeh rises abruptly from the deepest part of
the Fayoum. According to my view this is the pyramid-island in
the Fayoum-Moeris. The repeated aneroid observations, on which
I relied, are now replaced by an accurate line of levels, run by two
skilled engineers, Messrs. W. O. Joseph and A. Pini, employed by
the Egyptian Government, under the direction of Major Brown.
Line of Levels from the Birket el-Qej-un over Dimeh to the
Desert Temple.
Lake Qerun, water surface. May 2, 1892
Plateau of Dimeh (South end)
Plateau „ (North end)
Causeway ...
Mounds in Dimeh...
Depression, north of Dimeh
Ridge
Depression ...
Elevation ...
Depression ...
Pottery Mound at Desert Temple
Floor of Temple Chamber
These measurements are in metres below and above sea-level.
Low-Nile at Memphis may be taken at 16 metres : High-Nile at el-
Lahun at 26. Thus, if the Fayoum were submerged to the level of
22 metres, the surface of the lake el-Qerun would be 65 metres
higher than at present. Dimeh would be an island surmounted by
ruins, "where the lake was deepest" (Herodotus). This lake might
nowhere exceed 230 feet in depth, but, iri such a matter, it would
79
-43 "5
^^Z'Z
17-0
25-4
28-3
77
14-4
6-1
166
9-6
24'6
35"5
Dec. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1892.
surely be hypercritical to consider the 50 paces (250 feet) of Pliny,
or the 50 fathoms of Herodotus and Diodorus, a serious exaggeration.
Without doubt this vast area would easily receive the dangerous
surplus of the Nile. In order to double the Nile supply during the
three months of early summer, it has been calculated that 2,000
million cubic metres should be available. If this Fayoum-Moeris
rose and fell four metres, it would have sufficed to accomplish its
annual task. Upper Egypt having taken from the river all it
required, the Greek engineers were able, during the low-Nile, to
keep all the channels of navigation and irrigation abundantly
supplied from the Lake, by a stream of equal, if not greater volume,
than that which reached Egypt at Philse.
The Fayoum has not yet been fully contoured, but the accom-
panying map * shows, approximately, the area below the level of the
highest possible Nile in the adjacent valley. It will be seen that it is
connected with the Raiyan basin on the South. The two passes
are now blocked with sand and gravel to the height of high-Nile at
el-Lahun.
Professor Renetti says: "Z^ ricerche archeologiche aprirono al
Whitehouse la via per lanciare 7iel mondo una di qiielle proposte destinate
afar epoca ?iella storia deW ingegiieria ;" but, with these possible
benefits to Egypt, this inquiry does not concern itself The sole
question is, whether the Raiyan Basin formed part of the great Lake
of Herodotus, and was the only reservoir, the " Meridis Lacus " of
CI. Ptolemy, in a.d. 150.
It is certainly surprising, even if it is not a fatal objection, that no
definite lacustrine remains, of late historic date, should have been
found, either by myself in my nine expeditions, with their total of
many weeks stay, or by the Government survey-parties, by Dr.
Schweinfurth and Professor Mayer-Eymar. Herodotus states, with
great precision, that the Lake, in his day, was longer than it was wide.
It is easy to see that if this be admitted, even tentatively, I was bound
to press to the South of the Fayoum, to ascertain whether there
could have been an extension in that direction. It is indisputable
that such an extension might have existed. If the Fayoum were
again filled to the level conceded by Major Brown and Colonel Ross,
* This map and the map from the atlas of CI. Ptolemy were drawn by me for
the Royal Geographical Society {Proceedings, Nov., 1890).
80
Proc. Soc. Bill. Arch., Dcceinlcr, 1S92.
MIDDLE EGYPT
From the latest Surve)'
Proc. Soc. BihL Arch., December, 1892.
GY
moeridi5 lacu^
dioaifia^
oal'fi^ parva
EGYPT
FROM THE ATLAS OF
CI. Ptolemy.
xvn 29
Dec. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
and fixed by the causeway at Dimeh, the insignificant barriers of
sand could be easily removed, and the unbroken sheet of water
would have its major axis parallel with the Nile.
It is not sufficient, in an exhaustive analysis of Lake Moeris, to
commence with Herodotus and end with Pliny. We are quite as
much bound to believe the Alexandrian geographer as the Ionian
traveller, and to seek a rational explanation of his statements. My
views were fully set out in the Proceedwgs for December, 1885. I
now, however, add a copy of a manuscript map from an atlas in the
Library at Venice. It is dated 1554, but it is obvious that its author
copied the Moeridis Lacus from an exceptionally fine manuscript of
CI. Ptolemy.
The Latin text of Claudius Ptolemy is as follows: —
Et circa Moeridis paludem: Mastitae populi
Bacchis ... ... 60° 30' ... ... 29° 40'
Dionysias ... ... 60° 30' ... ... 29" 00'
28° 45'
30' 50'
29"^' 20'
CI. Ptolemy therefore says that, in a.d. 150 there were two
towns, forty minutes of latitude apart, in the province of Mer-ur, the
land of ta-Se, the abode of the Mastitae, with the same longitude.
There is no place in the Fayoum which could be Bacchis, North of
lat. 29° 20', or more than six miles North of the present Lake.
Dionysias was, then, at least ten miles South of Gharaq, and some-
what South of the Raiyan entrance to the long, narrow, Muellah
depression. If the VVadi Raiyan formed no part of the district, con-
nected with the Nile through the el-Lahun-Hawara intake, why
should the oasis of Muellah have been reckoned as "circa Moeridis
paludem " ?
The Alexandrian cartographer also gives the centre of " Moeridis
Lacus." It is ten minutes of longitude to the West of the line
joining Bacchis and Dionysias, and equidistant from each of them.
It is, therefore, not the centre of the Birket el-Qerun, or of any
Fayoum-Moeris which did not extend as far to the South of
81
et in Oasitas,
Oassis parva...
60° 15'
Et Maria palus
60° 15'
Et Moeridis Lacus ...
60° 20'
Dec. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1892.
29° 20' as it did to the North, (see authorities cited, Proceedings,
December, 1885). These Ptolemaic data have since been worked out
for me, separately, by three experts in Ptolemaic cartography. There
is no gainsaying the plain fact that, if the Raiyan-Moeris never
existed, it is an archaeological problem of peculiar interest to know
why CI. Ptolemy carefully defined the situation of a dry valley,
possessing now no sort of value, except as it may once more become,
a Meri, capable of discharging the functions of a flood-escape, and
a storage reservoir.
The text of CI. Ptolemy has never been disputed : the maps,
prior to 1882, had been universally rejected. Masudi, however,
mentions a map of Egypt extant in a.d. 950. The MountAthos atlas
is of the twelfth century. Dr. Nordenskiold has now restored this
monument of ancient geography to the rank which it held for
sixteen centuries, and from which it is incredible that it should ever
have been displaced. Lake Moeris varies in shape, but not in
position, according to the technical execution and-character of the
map, from a point surrounded by colour, as in the MS. of Mount
Athos, replaced by a cinquefoil in the printed edition of Berlingheri,
to a definite form in the Roman editions (see Nordenskiold), and
the Venetian manuscript atlas of 1554. It undergoes modifications
in the seventeenth century, as shown in the Frankfurt edition of
Mercator, a.d. 1605. These changes are clearly due to the erro-
neous identification of the Raiyan-Moeris of a.d. 150, with the
Fayoum-Moeris of b.c. 450, reconstructed from the text of Herodo-
tus. They arise, therefore, from attempts to combine and confound,
not to reconcile, the descriptions of the earlier Greek authors with
that of CI. Ptolemy, as if they were synchronous, and no changes
had taken place in the development of the Arsinoite Nome, when
Qasr Qeroun was built 50 feet below the level of the causeway at
Dimeh.
The Fayoum-Moeris was reached by the traveller from Memphis
before he arrived at Arsinoe : It was not far from Hawara : It extended
not less than twenty miles to the South of it. The Ptolemaic-Moeris
is entirely South and South-West of the Fayoum : its form is uncon-
ventional : Bacchis is not on its northern shore : Dionysias is not, as
the Ptolemaic text might otherwise have been thought to imply, at
the Southern extremity : The long, narrow, valley does not communi-
cate with the Nile.
82
Dec. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1S92.
In this connection, I ought, perhaps, to cite the inscription which
I found on a fragment of the Fayoum papyrus, previously unknown.
AAAAA^
^
Tftir^
Ra it is who enters the Southern pool, Mer of fa-Se.
It would be, however, a mistake to attach much weight to the
Southern position here assigned to Moeris. It may refer to the
Fayoum-Moeris, as bearing South from Memphis. More importance
attaches to the four Canals of the Fayoum papyrus, as completed
by my discovery of the first line (Lee/naus' Fo/ume, 1885), and
the Western Canal' of Arabic tradition, " into the desert of Beni
Hamed."
The Wadi Raiyan can be converted into a lake having this form
and position. It would make an efficient regulator of the Nile
flood, and an efficient feeder for supplementing the low Nile. " The
reservoir would return to the Nile Valley 2,160 million cubic metres
available for irrigation. Now 60 days is given as the critical period
in Lower Egypt, when the Nile supply is generally insufficient.
Calculating with a period of 100 days, which is the length of the
critical period for Upper Egypt, we obtain a mean discharge of
20 million cubic metres a day, which might be so distributed as to
prevent the minimum Nile falling, at any rate, below 45 million
cubic metres a day" (Brown, p. 107).
How far these coincidences amount to proof must be left for
each student of the Fayoum to determine for himself. The map of
the French Expedition {1809, and 1882,) marks unbroken desert to
the South of the Fayoum. In 1887, Lord Cromer informed the
Marquis of Salisbury that, " Mr. Cope Whitehouse's scholastic re-
searches led him to believe that a depression existed to the South of
the Fayoum. Levels were taken (by engineers in the employ of the
Egyptian Government) last winter, and it was discovered that the
depression termed (by him) the Raiyan Basin did actually exist."
" It was very much to Mr. Whilehouse's credit that he should have
made the discovery." " There is good hope that it may be utilized
to the benefit of Egypt. If this hope is realised, Mr. Cope White-
house will have a fair claim to a reward proportionate to the advan-
tages which, after full examination, it is found will accrue to the
Government and population of Egypt from this discovery." I^Memo-
Dec. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1892.
randuvi on the RaiyaJi Project atid the actio7i of Her Majesty's
Government, 1891, p. 6).
In 1892, the Egyptian Government states that the Wadi Raiyan is
a depression, a short distance from the Nile valley (13 kilom.), which
if filled with water up to 24 metres (above sea) would become a lake,
having a surface of about 600 million square metres, and a greatest
depth of 64 metres. The only question being now considered by
the Ministry of Public Works, is whether it is also the best plan for
accomplishing the desired results.
In B.C. 1800, it is said, in Semitic records, that a Hyksos Pharaoh,
Raiyan ibn el-Walid, was haunted by the vision of the ever-recurring
periods of drought and deluge. Seven years of good Nile, with an
inundation rising to a beneficent height, and falling rapidly to a volume
which never shrank below the requirements of the summer crops,
filled the treasury of Egypt, while the surplus of its granaries fed the
neighbouring lands, from Arabia on the East to Tripoli on the West.
Seven years of bad Nile, however, surely followed. The cattle were
driven to the desert, or took refuge on mounds, amid a waste of
waters. Food was exhausted. It seemed as if the river would never
suffice to carry off the enormous tropical rain-fall. It ebbed a few
inches to rise again with renewed destructive force. Again, it seemed
as if the Nile would never rise, and stories of its diversion into the
Red Sea were eagerly believed. Egypt, after a series of such conflicts,
would lie exhausted, until a fresh cycle of good years had restored
her wealth, filled out the seven ears of corn, upon one stalk, rank
and good ; while the well-favoured kine, fat-fleshed, fed in the
meadows (Gen. xli). At this juncture an engineer of the royal, alien
race, bearing the auspicious name of Joseph (Jusuf) is recommended
to the notice of the king. The valley of the Nile was already filled
with monuments of human achievements in enduring stone, of such
unrivalled perfection, that they are as highly esteemed by the Phoe-
nicians of to-day as when they ranked among the Wonders of the
Roman world : one-half of Lower Egypt was morass and shallow
lake, or alluvial soil covered with drift-sand and saline efflorescence,
as it also is to-day.
This statesman, or engineer, is said to have been invested with
supreme control over feudal lord and peasant. He receives a name
which denotes " the Life " {pa-nnx) he gives to a land, where he
" added " a second perennial stream to that which entered Egypt at
84
Dfc. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
the Cataracts of Assuan. He " took away " the reproach of barren-
ness (Gen. XXX, 23, 24) from the country, in which, for the last
twelve centuries, he has been paid the heroic honours due to that
" el- Aziz," " the mighty one," who, by his wise conciliation of the
forces of nature, governed the Nile by the aid of the Fayoum depres-
sion, and raised to social order the semi-independent nomads of the
Delta.
Whether the records are trustworthy as strict history, or there
has been personification of a science, an epoch, or a race, is beside
the question. It is now contended, that there is no foundation for
the claim w^hich I make to disallow my own originality. The whole
drama, the Labyrinth and Pyramids, the Fayoum and the Sphinx,
the Hyksos and Goshen, the Bahr Jusuf and the Prophecy of
Jacob, the Raiyan Gate of Paradise and the Raiyan Canal, the
Blessings and the Plagues, the scene and the actors, are, neverthe-
less, the direct outcome of the abstract research to which Lord
Cromer alluded, verified by careful study of the region in which
the events took their rise. The occurrences may be mythical
in their legendary presentment. Apion denied that there had
been an Exodus ; but Josephus correctly cited Manetho, whether
he, thereby, strengthened or weakened his case. It was clearly my
duty to disclaim, at the outset, that a vision of prosperity, with a
Delta cultivated to the Mediterranean, Cairo a sea-port, and modern
inventions utilising the flood-force of the Nile, was so wholly mine,
that never, from the foundation of Egyptian society under Menes, had
it occurred to anyone what a simple means existed of doubling the
wealth of the country. By retracing ancient lines, deciphering
obscure records, a scheme presented itself which considered even
Greek mythology, as did Herodotus, to be fertile in historical result.
AIMNH XAP0NT02 is the Birket el-Qerun on Greek medioeval maps,
even if Phlegethon had no prototype in the Libyan desert, or the
statue of the Nile in the Vatican does not include a reference to the
Horn of Plenty, a few miles from the Sphinx.
It is said by an Arab writer, that Joseph could never have com-
pleted his reclamation of the Fayoum had it not been for Divine aid.
The Angel Gabriel with the tip of the i)inion of his wing dug deep
the channel midway between Assiout and el-Lahun. The proof of
the miracle was thought to lie in the fact that, the water never failed in
this section, even when there was none entering the artificial intake.
It does not imply a belief in the historical accuracy of the narrative
85
Dec. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIT/EOLOGY. [1892.
to quote it, in order to show that the channel was known to be
partly the work of nature. "The P'ayoum was badly supplied with
water in 1889, the springs in the Bahr Jusuf having partially failed
from the drought of 1888," {Report, Department of Irrigation for
1889, Cairo, 1890, p. 31). Similar springs must have existed when
the tradition of the Demiurge Gabriel was reduced to writing. It
would have been unfair to suppress the legend and cite the fiict. So
with this Raiyan-Moeris ; if claim were made for the originality of a
discovery, which had been only re-discovered, there might be room
for animadversion, but it is a novel incident in literary controversy
that blame should be imputed, because genuine documents were cor-
rectly cited in these Proceedings in 1882-3-5, which have had the
imdoubted effect of turning the attention of scholars, statesmen, and
engineers to the past, as well as future, of the Fayoum. It was said
in 1883, that I "discovered everything in the Fayoum" {Academy).
It seems to me that no discredit can now attach to any impulse that
I may have given to research, by pointing to the sources of knowledge,
to which I gratefully attributed the little that I had done, in the
hope that others, who would prove themselves more competent,
might profit by drinking more deeply from the fount which, duly
filtered, furnished me with many a wholesome draught.
Demosthenes against Meidias.
In April 1887, several fragments of papyri were obtained by me
in Medinet el-Fayoum, which came, I was informed, and believe,
from the ruins of a town, visited several times by me, and especially
in 1887, on the expedition in which Captain Surtees was detailed to
accompany me. Up to that time no one had examined it, although
its traditional origin is from an ante-H}ksos date. In 1887, I pressed
upon Her Majesty's Government the necessity of sedulously guarding
the priceless treasures of the Fayoum from rapine. Assuming that
Egypt was now passing through a transition stage, similar to the
Alexandrian-Ptolemaic period, and from similar causes, it was reason-
able to suppose that, before a.d. 1900, every monument of ancient
prosperity in the Fayoum and its neighbourhood would once more
mark a thriving town, a perennial canal, or an important military
station. As the capital of Athens, in its latest renaissance, deplores
the artistic losses sustained in this century, while the excavations at
Pompeii show the utmost care, so the Arsinoite Nome deserved
special protection, from the certainty of renewed prosperity, and the
86
Proc-, Soc. Bill, Arch., December, lS92.
Col. I. [fixe]
[txit] •
[ncjoJ
[nhj^i]
[to t y]
.[x\Me]
[to NX]
[cxcez]
[exikx]
[ttoih]
[reNK})]
[hkgn]
[ttoxx]
[erriTT]
[fXCTTX]
[MOyCTT]
[TIC^)]
[VMONO]
[TOYf^H]
KHN|/IC<t)XNei
CDNTTeTTfXrMe
NXyTCDIOfrH
X'KxirxfToy
xoNxeneixx
NXNTICXC{)Na3
oriCMONcf)ex
XXeHTX TTf X
NyBflCTI KCOC
CHIJJ^IOfrHN
HCXITTeTTOI
XI X-^XNGK
oy cyNexcDG
OXXXCHMe
fXTOyCNO
fXTTCON
COfXTXIO
NXHTTOy
MeTOf r
[HCXTrexe] inxxxxk
[xiBesoyx] eyneN
[CDCOTOIOyT^OCyK]
[f IZCONeCTINHAH]
[<()XNefOCXXXXMH]
[NOTTHNI KXKXITTe]
Transcription from a Papyrus Codex of Demosthenes.
Proc. Soc. Bil'l. Aicli., Dccemlcr, J 892.
Col. II. TTOIHKGD
«[»(JDI<M
TTOIHKO)
^XITOVG
HAHXe
fKXTXrX
^iKxcei
Koreio.
occjuiMe
FHCKXI
EioyciTO
«Ci3CI<lvlA
[X\}XC1)C
f^MXjj'T^N
[CXKXTHro]
[yBfeine]
[c(f)^iNe]
[nomovc]
[iCKorreiN]
[CXIKXCT-Xl]
[l^ToyToycJ
[nomcdmo]
[l20N0C0f]
[7JHMrXCX]
[yceKoyci]
[iVKflNTTXhi]
[txctcon]
[TTCUCeH'Xl
[ontcdn]
Transcription from a Papyrus Codex of Demosthenes.
I
Dec. 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1892.
ease with which graveyards are now rifled, and papyri, especially,
scattered or destroyed.
This specimen of exceptional calligraphy is part of the Oration of
Demosthenes against Meidias (p. 527); the only codex thus far
recovered older than the Xth century. Its publication in fac-simile
may possibly lead to the identification of other fragments. It will
be remembered, that this is the oration of which some student
draughted a syllabus on the back of those farm accounts, now so
famous for the Constitution of Athens by Aristotle.
The Society has been indebted to the Royal Geographical
Society for the use of the two maps illustrating this Paper.
S7
Dec. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1892.
N.B. — The Plates illustrating Mr. Renouf's translation of
the Book of the Dead, and the facsimile of the Papyrus
(paper by Mr. Cope Whitehouse), have unfortunately been
delayed, owing to the weather ; they will be issued with the
next number of the Proceedings.
W.H.R.
The Anniversary Meeting of the Society will be held
at 9, Conduit Street, Hanover Square, on Tuesday, icth
January, 1893, at 8 p.m., when the usual business of the
Meeting will be transacted.
The following Paper will be read : —
P. LE Page Renouf {President). "The Book of the Dead"
(continuation).
ERRATUM.
Proceedings, Vol. XIV (June), page 421, line 9, for Jj read ^j.
88
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS.
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UEING A
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By p. LE page RENOUF, Esq. {President);
CONTAINIXc; ALSO
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The first XVII Chapters have already been issued in the Proceedings.
The request having been made by a number of friends that this
translation, &c., should be issued in a different form, so as to be a
separate book, and Mr. Renouf having kindly consented, it is proposed
to issue a limited number of copies upon large paper, in numbers, at %s.
each. Members desirous of obtaining copies should at once communicate
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Parts I, II, III and IV have now been issued to Subscribers.
In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus the price for
each part is now raised \o ;£i los. ; to Members of the Society (the original
price) /[\ If.
Society of Biblical Archaeology.
COUNCIL, 1892.
President,
P. LE Page Renouf.
Vice- Presidents .
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P.; D.C.L., &c.
Lord Halsbury.
The Ven. J. A. Hessey, D.C.L., D.D., Archdeacon of Middlesex.
The Right Hon, Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c.
F. D. MocATTA, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, Bart., G.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c.
Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.
Council.
Lord Amherst of Hackney.
Rev. Charles James Ball.
Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A.
Rev. E. B. Birks.
Arthur Gates.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Rev. a. J. Delattre, S.J.
Charles Harrison, F.S.a.
Rev. Albert Lowy.
Rev. James Marshall.
Professor Maspero.
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.
J. Pollard.
F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A.
Professor E. Schrader.
E. TowRY Whyte, M.A.
Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A.
Honorary Librarian — WiLLIAM SlMPSON, F.R.G.S.
HARRISON AND SONS, PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJESTY, ST. MARTINS I.ANE.
VOL. XV. . Part 3.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
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BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
-*v^'-
VOL. XV. TWENTY-THIRD SESSION.
Third Meeting, January loth, 1893..
[anniversary.]
A^
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Secretary's Report for the Year 1892 9i~95
Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the Year ending 31st
December, 1892 96
Council and Officers for 1S93 97
r. Le Page Renouf {President). -^The Book of the Dead.
Chapters XXVI-XXXh. {Continued from p. 69) 98-107
rROK. Dr. Fritz Hommel. — Gisgalla-ki — Babylon. Ki-nu
nir-ki — Borsippa 1 08- 1 1 o
Prof. Dr. Fritz Hommel.— The Ideogram g:TT T^y 111-112
Dr. a. Wiedemann. — Cobalt in Ancient Egypt 113-114
Rev. a. J. Delattre, S.J. — Lettres de Tell el-Amarna (6'= Scrie) 1 15-134
Prof. E. Lekebure. — Etude sur Abydos '35-151
published at
THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY,
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PROCEEDINGS
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BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
TWENTY-THIRD SESSION, 1892-93.
Third Meeting, loth January, 1893,
[anniversary.]
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
The President referred to the loss the Society had suffered
by the death of the Venerable James Augustus Hessey,
D.C.L., D.D., Archdeacon of Middlesex, and a Vice-President
of the Society. Dr. Hessey was born in 1814, and died on
the 24th of December, 1892. He was elected a member of
the Society on the 3rd of December, 1889, and although none
of his writings have appeared in the publications, he took a
warm interest in the deliberations of the Society.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author :— Charles E. Moldenke, A.M., Ph.D. The
New York Obelisk Cleopatra's Needle, with a preliminary
sketch of the history, erection, uses, and signification of obelisks.
New York. 8vo. 1891.
From the Author : — Dr. A. Wiedemann. Notices of Books from
the Jahrb. d. Ver. v. alterthumsfr. im Rheinl, XCII. Svo.
1892.
[No. cxii.] 89 H
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
From Dr. Wiedemann : — Der byzantinische Purpurstoff im Ge-
werbe-Museum zu Diisseldorf von Heinrich Frauberger.
Jahrb. d. Ver. v. Alterthumsfr. im Rheinl, XCIII. 8vo. 1892.
From the Society : — La Stele funeraire du Teghin Giogh, et ses
copistes et traducteurs chinois, russes et allemands. Par Prof.
G. Schlegel. Helsingissa. Svo. 1892.
From the Memoires de la Societe Finno-Ougrienne, III.
The following Candidates were submitted for election,
having been nominated at the last Meeting, 6th December,
1892, and elected Members of the Society : —
Elijah Coffin, 222, Gresham House, E.G.
Charles Stanley Hopkins, 6, Peel Terrace, Gosport, Hants.
Count Riano d'Hulst, Cairo, Egypt.
George Margoliouth, B.A., British Museum, W.C.
Rev. Joseph Henry Sutton Moxly, B.A., The Firs, Brentwood,
Essex.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at
the next Meeting, 7th February, 1893: —
Rev. Walter William Crump, B.A., Marlborough House, Cotten-
ham, Cambridge.
Rev. A. W. Greenup, Leighton Bromeswold, W. Huntingdon.
Rev. Owen J. Jones, The Old Meeting Parsonage, West Hill,
Mansfield, Notts.
Rev. Charles Lerebourg, Vicaire de Saint Philippe du Roule,
164, Faubourg Saint Honore, Paris.
Miss Agnes L. Money, Stodham Park, East Liss, Hants.
Henry Spicer, B.A. (Lond.), F.L.S., F.G.S., 14, Aberdeen Park,
Highbury, N.
A Paper was read by P. le Page Renouf {President) in
continuation of his former Papers on the Egyptian Book of
the Dead.
Remarks were added by Miss Ingram, the Rev. A. Lowy,
the Rev. C. J. Ball, the Rev. Dr. Caster, W. G. Thorpe,
W. J. Haywood, and the President.
Thanks were returned for this communication.
90
Jan. io] . PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
SECRETARY'S REPORT
FOR THE YEAR 1892.
Notwithstanding the loss suffered by the Society during the year
1892 through death and other causes, it is satisfactory to be able to
state that with the assistance of the Members the number on the
Roll has been fairly maintained. I hope, however, that during the year
1893 there will be a further effort, and when the annual Report is pre-
sented at the end of that year, it will be possible to state that our list of
Members has very considerably increased. Year after year I rep)eat the
request, and it is only surprising that, if only in self-interest, so many
of the Members remain perfectly passive, and really do nothing. As
is nearly always the case, the labour rests on the few, who, possessing
a true interest in the Society, exert every endeavour in their power
for its advancement and welfare. The Society, it must never be for-
gotten, is by no means restricted to the particular studies of Egyptology
and Assyriology. It has published many communications upon other
subjects embraced in the general title of Biblical ArchjEology, and the
Council are quite prepared and always willing^, within limits, to extend
the radius of operations. To do this satisfactorily we must receive the
assistance and cooperation of those interested in the other subjects
included in our studies, and I can only express the hope that this
assistance and cooperation will be freely given during the coming year.
The twenty-second session of the Society commenced on the 3rd of
November, 1891, and was completed in June, 1892. During this period
a number of papers have been submitted to the Society, which may fairly
be said to have equalled both in value and interest those received during
former years.
In my last Report mention was made of the proposed translation with
commentary by our President, of the Egyptian Book of the Dead. This
most valuable work is, as the readers of our Proceedings are aware,
well advanced. I cannot help feeling that it is a subject of great con-
gratulation that Mr. Renouf has thus given to our Society the result of
many years' careful examination and study ; and has enabled us to issue his
translation of the Book of the Dead, with his commentary and notes. The
labour entailed few will ever realize, and the advantages which will come
to the Society from its publication it would be difficult to judge, as also
how greatly it will increase the value of our Proceedings to scholars.
Having been requested, by a number of friends, Mr. Renouf very
kindly consented to allow a separate large paper edition to be published,
91 H 2
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
in order that those persons wishing to do so might be enabled to possess
this valuable work in the form of a separate book. Only a limited
number of copies will be issued, and I am happy to be able to state that
the first part, Chapters I to XIV, with illustrations of the vignettes, is
in the press, and will be ready for issue very shortly.
Commencing with a few preliminary notes, in the December (1891)
number of the Proceedings, Mr. Renouf added further remarks in May,
1892, on the meanings of certain primitive Egyptian words. In March
appeared Chapter I ; in April, Chapters II to XIV ; in May, Chapters XV
and XVI ; in June, Chapter XVII ; in November, Chapters XVIII to
XX ; and in December, Chapters XXI to XXV.
In opening the Twenty-third Session (1892-3), at the Meeting in
November, the President offered some remarks on certain subjects dis-
cussed in the year just elapsed, which were of special interest to the
Society. These remarks embraced the question of the Pharaoh of the
Exodus, which appeared in December ; the relations between the old
Egyptian and the vSemitic languages, and the relations between the
Chinese language and the Accadian or Sumerian. These will appear in
a future Number.
Besides the above invaluable series, the Society has been indebted to
Mr. Renouf for other communications. In January', he called attention
to a difficult passage in the Pyramid Text of King Teta. In June, there
appeared a very interesting communication entitled, A Second Note on
the Royal Title j^, the first having been printed in the previous January.
Also in February, in a paper entitled An Ambassador Royal of
Rameses the Great, Mr. Renouf describes an inscribed seated statue
dug up in the neighbourhood of Norwood. It is supposed that, having
originally been an ornament in the garden, it, from lapse of time,
gradually became covered with earth, and was thus lost sight of.
A very exhaustive paper from the pen of one of the Honorary
Members, PROFESSOR E. Revillout, will be found in the Proceedings
for January and March, the first part having appeared in December, 1891.
In it, the author gives besides a translation of the Bilingual Papyrus
written in Demotic and Greek, preserved in the British Museum, a very
careful and valuable analysis of its contents.
A note upon this papyrus by ProfessOR Dr. E. Eisenlohr appeared
in the Proceeding's for April.
Professor Karl Piehl {Honorary Member), in January and
November, continued his Notes on Egyptian Philology, and Professor
Maspero {Honorary Member), in February and April, carried forward
his Notes from Day to Day upon Egyptology (Part IV). Victor Loret,
i.i his paper on the Title Ahems-n-kip, added his own notes on the same
subject, already treated by Professor E. Lef^bure {Proceedings,
Vol XIII, June, 1891). Dr. Gladstone in March supplied further
92
Jan. io] proceedings. [1893.
interesting information on Metallic Copper, Tin and Antimony from
Upper Egypt, in continuation of his paper printed in the Proceedings of
March, 1890 (Vol. XII). Remarks were added by PROFESSOR Roberts-
Austen.
In the same Part (March) F. L. Griffith discussed on the
Egyptian year, to which the President added a note. Again, in April the
same writer described, and illustrated, an interesting cup bearing an
Hieratic inscription. This was followed in June by two valuable papers
on Egyptian Weights and Measures, and an account of a number of
fragments of papyrus giving the fragments of the Egyptian tales — The
Story of Sanehat, The Story of Sekhti, and The Dialogue between a
Man and a Ghost. This paper was illustrated with nine plates. In June
also Mr. Griffith, in a notice of Dr. Petrie's new book on Meidiim,
added some interesting notes upon the paintings in Egyptian tombs.
To Dr. Wiedemann {Honorary Member) the Society has been
indebted, as in former years, for several communications of interest. In
April, he describes some Egyptian inscriptions in the Musde Guimet, at
Paris, and again in June, added a note on Dr. Young's interpretation of
Hieroglyphics.
The last paper, following the order I have usually pursued, is that by
Joseph Offord, junr. on Isis and Osiris, printed in May.
Of papers dealing with Assyriology the number has not been so
great as in former years, but they have been of more general interest
than the publication of untranslated texts. In January, the Hon. Miss
Plunkett advanced a theory with reference to the Accadian Calendar.
In the same part appeared the text, followed in February by the transla-
tion, by the Rev. Charles James Ball, of a Babylonian Deed of Sale,
containing points of interest. In February, also, was printed a valuable
paper by the same writer, entitled Glimpses of Babylonian Religion.
This paper, which contained notes upon Human Sacrifice, and the Gods
and their Images, was illustrated by a number of unpublished cylinder
seals.
Mr. Ball in November called attention to his conclusion that the
Egyptian language is akin to, and younger than, the Accadian. In it
will be found several very remarkable instances of the correspondence of
words in the two languages which point clearly to the connexion. His
translation (November) of a difiicult Bilingual Hymn, will be studied
with interest. In April, Robert Brown, junr., continued his Kuphra-
tean Stellar Researches, and Theo. G. Pinches in a short note on Ya
and Yawa, in November, supplied some additions to our knowledge of
this interesting subject.
In the same Part (November) the Rev. A. J. Delattre, S.J.,
continued his very valuable series of papers on the Letters of Tell el
Amarna, and I am happy to be able to report that other papers b)- him
(jn the same subject will be published during the present session.
93
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S93.
Of papers dealing' with other and more general subjects I may
mention the communication from W. Francis Ainsworth, on Masons'
Marks at Al-Hadhr, or Hatra, which appeared in May. Also the second
note from PROF. Dr. Eisenlohr, on a Phoenician Monument at the
frontier of Palestine, illustrated by a facsimile of his own sketch.
To W. E. Crum we have been indebted for the text with translation
and notes on another fragment of the story of Alexander, preserved in
the British Museum. This Coptic MS. adds to the text preserved in the
Biblioth^que Nationale already published by M. Bouriant in the Jouriial
asiatiqiie.
Illustrated papers by F. COPE Whitehouse, entitled the Raiyan-
Moeris and the Ptolemaic Maps, together with a note on a fragment of
the Oration of Demosthenes against Meidias, appeared in the December
number of the Proceedings.
In my last Report I mentioned that the Council had made arrange-
ments for the issue of the second part of Volume IX of the Transactions,
thus completing that series of our publications. This would have
appeared during the past year, but for my own inability to carry on
the necessary work, owing to the confusion and labour caused by
removing the library and effects of the Society to its new house. I am
happy to be able to state, however, that the publication of the Part will
not much longer be delayed.
Before passing on to the other portions of my Report, I may well at
this point say something about the removal of the Offices and Library.
Since its foundation the Society has occupied a somewhat anomalous
position. It is a large body of men possessing a library of considerable
value, a small collection of antiquities, and other objects of interest, but
really holding no position in the eyes of the law. Year by year the
operations of the Society have increased, and its library has been
extended to such an extent that it was difficult to find a suitable home
It also appeared absolutely necessary that the Society should follow the
example of other similar bodies, and become incorporated. This, I am
glad to say, by the kindness of Mr. Charles Harrison, a member
of the Council, has been effected, and we are now a properly constituted
Corporate Institution. The lease of the house at 11, Hart Street, in
which the Society occupied rooms, having expired, and the Society's
effects having grown too large for the accommodation there given, it
became necessary to find another and more permanent home. For-
tunately the house, 37, Great Russell Street, was then unoccupied, and
the Council considering that it was the most suitable, at all likely to
be obtained, again called in the assistance of MR. Charles Harrison,
who so often and so kindly has acted in the interests of the Society, and
the house was secured on lease. Necessarily such a step caused very
considerable alteration and addition to the furniture and fittings of the
94
Jan. io] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
library and offices. The best means of obtaining the necessary funds
was considered to be a circular stating what had been done, and what
was required. In June last a copy of the circular giving full information
was sent to every Member of the Society, which has resulted in sub-
scriptions from several of the Members. In a future number of the
Proceedings, the list of subscriptions will be published, and it is to be
hoped that there will be no difficulty in obtaining the amount required to
properly complete the necessary alterations.
It is more than desirable that the ordinary funds of the Society'
should not be drawn upon, and I must therefore urge upon the Members
the necessity of at once giving their assistance to so excellent an object.
I have stated that year by year the number of books in the library
has increased. During the past year, besides the Journals received in
exchange from kindred institutions, the list of which has been increased,
many authors and kind friends have added to the completeness of the
library. In each number of the Proceedings have been acknowledged,
and on the last leaf will be found a list of books more particularly re-
quired for the use of students ; it is to be hoped that, month by month,
some book or books may be removed from this list, and our library may
thus become more and more perfect in the different departments.
We have received several valuable gifts during the past year, of which
I may particularly mention the copy of Rosellini presented by Mr.
Ernst de Bunsen. Besides being a work much required, it possesses
a peculiar value and interest to the Members, being the copy formerly
belonging to his father the late Baron de Bunsen.
The audited Balance Sheet annexed shows that the funds available
for the year 1892 have been ^508 \os. ^d., and the expenditure in the
like period ^^470 4^-. ^d. The balance carried forward to the current
year 1893 is ^38 6^-. od.
W. Harry Rvlands,
Secretary.
The thanks of the meeting were voted to the President and
Secretary for their labours in behalf of the Society during the past
year.
95
Jan. io]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY,
[1893.
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Jan. io]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1893.
The following Officers and Council for the current year
were elected : —
COUNCIL, 1893.
President.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF.
Vice-Presidents.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., <S:c.
The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury.
The Right Hon. Sir A. H. La yard, G.C.B., &c.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles T. Nevvton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c.
Rev. George Ravvlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, Bart., G.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c.
Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.
CounciL
Rev. Charles James Ball.
Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A.
Rev. E. B. Birks.
Arthur Gates.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Rev. a. J. Delattre, S.J.
Charles Harrison, F.S.A.
Gray Hill.
Rev. Albert L5wy.
Rev. James Marshall.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Alexander Peckovek, F.S.A.
J. Pollard.
F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A,
Prof. Waldemar Schmidt.
E. Towry Whyte, M.A.
Honorary Treasurer.
Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary.
W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Hon. Secretary for Foreign Correspondence.
Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A.
Honorary Librarian,
William Simpson, F.R.G.S.
97
Jan. io] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By p. le Page Renouf.
Chapter XXVI.
Chapter luhereby the Heart (i) is given to a J>erso?i in the JVetherworld.
He saith : Heart * mine to me, in the place of Hearts ! Whole
Heart t mine to me, in the place of Whole Hearts !
Let me have my Heart that it may rest within me ; but (2) I shall
feed upon the food of Osiris, on the eastern side of the mead of
amaranthine flowers. (3)
Be mine a bark for descending the stream and another for
ascending.
I go down into the bark wherein thou art.
Be there given to me my mouth wherewith to speak, and my
feet for walking ; and let me have my arms wherewith to overthrow
my adversaries.
Let two hands from the Earth open my mouth : Let Seb, the
Erpa of the gods, part my two jaws ; (4) let him open my two eyes
which are closed, and give motion to my two hands which are
powerless : and let Anubis give vigour to my legs, that I may raise
myself up upon them.
And may Sechit the divine one lift me up, so that I may arise in
Heaven and issue my behest in Memphis.
I am in possession of my Heart, I am possession of my Whole
Heart, I am possession of my arms and I have possession of my
legs. (5)
[I do whatsoever my Genius willeth, and my Soul is not bound
to my body at the gates of Amenta.]
Notes.
"0"
I. The Egyptian texts have two names for the Heart, phoneti-
cally written i] jO' (il>, and '=^ O also written X "^ "O" and
* '0' al>, 'heart.' t ^v\ ^^^"^ 'whole heart.'
98
Jan. io] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
t^ hatu* The two words are commonly used synony-
W
mously, but they are sometimes pointedly distinguished one from
the other. Etymologically [I V^"^ ab is connected with the sense
of Hvely motion (1 j X^ al>, Hke the Greek Kapri'a, K/mcirj {cia to
aTravffrwi aoKcveaOai) with KpaPdw and Kpacaivw. Other Indo-
European names, our own heart, the Latin cor {cord-is), the Sanskrit
hrd, and the corresponding Slavonic and Lithuanian names have
the same origin.
From the orthography of -^^ ^ it seems to have been connected
o W
in popular opinion with its position in the anterior part of the body.
And from various uses of the word it appears to denote not merely
the heart, but the heart with all that is attached to it, especially the
liins!:s which embrace it. It is for instance to the '=^ ^ that air is
o W
conducted according to the medical Papyri. And it is not im-
probable that X Y ^"^d [I 9 Y •? 5 organs of respiration, are
closely connected words.
But perhaps the best argument may be found in the Vignettes of
chapter 28, where the two lungs are actually drawn as in the hieratic
papyrus (PI. 2) published by Sir Charles Nicholson, In others (as
Leyden, T. 16) even the larynx is visible. {See Plate.)
The Italian word corata is immortalised through its occurrence
in a memorable passage in Dante {Jnf., XXVIII), but for want of
a better English term than the butcher's technical \iox6. pluck ^ I use
the expression whole heart.
2. But, ""(]'• This is the most frequent reading both in the
earliest and in the latest papyri. But some texts have simply ,,,.^,,^ ,
which is certainly a mistake, and others omit the conjunction before
the verb. The sense is not much affected by this omission.
signifies if not, unless, until, but, but surely. Cf. the Semitic
t^VD«, VI ^Jl
* This variant already occurs on the coffin of Amamu.
+ In late Latin coralluin, whence the Romanic forms corajhe, corata, coratella,
cores, couraille. In Garin le Loherens we find " la coraille del cuers."
99
Tan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
3. The f/iead of amaranthine floivers. S *^^. [1 [1 ^^ ^ kaiu
is the name of a plant which frequently occurs in the medical
prescriptions. It is also mentioned among the aromatic plants
1 ^^ °°° 0^ ) '^6*1^1''^^ ^'^ the sacred laboratory of Dendera.
One of the kinds is named kaiu of the Oasis \\ Q I . It is
.21 I r^^^
identified with the Coptic KIOtJOT, amaranthus. In several copies
of this chapter the name of the plant is followed by the geographical
determinative 'j~' , which is really implied in the context. Was
this mythological ' mead of amaranth ' suggested by the Oasis and
its vegetation ?
4. This sentence is a repetition (in other words) of the preceding
one. On the title Erpd, see Trans. Soc. Bibl. Arch.., XII, 359.
My chief difficulty about understanding it as compounded of <cz=>
and Q, and signifying keeper of the Pat, that is of the deceased
(human beings), is that Seb is essentially the Erpa of the gods.
Erpa is one of those titles which cannot be translated without
perverting the sense of the original.
5. This passage is a very frequent formula not only in the Book
of the Dead, as the papyri give it, but in other texts of the same
nature; see, e.g.., Aelteste Texte, 34, 14. The next passage included
in [ ] is an addition to the original text. It occurs however in
some excellent MSS.
Chapter XXVII.
Chapter whereby the Heart of a person is not taken fj-om hijn in
the Netherworld.
O ye gods who seize upon Hearts, and who pluck out the Whole
Heart ; and whose hands fashion anew the Heart of a person accord-
ing to what he hath done ; lo now, let that be forgiven to him by
you. (i)
Hail to you, O ye Lords of Everlasting Time and Eternity !
Let not my Heart be torn from me by your fingers.
Let not my Heart be fashioned anew according to all the evil
things said against me.
For this Heart of mine is the Heart of the god of mighty names, (2)
of the great god whose words are in his members, and who giveth
free course to his Heart which is within him.
Jan. io] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
And most keen of insight (3) is his Heart among the gods.
Ho to me ! Heart of mine ; I am in possession of thee, I am thy
master, and thou art by me ; fall not away from me ; I am the
dictator to whom thou shalt obey in the Netherworld.
Notes.
1. There is a great difference here as in so many other places
between the MSS. of different periods. I long ago translated the
^|\ ® ^^\ -^^^^ /wwvA of the Todtenbuch by non ignoretur a
volu's, M. de Rouge, after me, by 7ion nniiahir a vobis. But
M. Naville pointed out the fact that in some of the oldest MSS.
the particle ^ did not occur. It now appears that the particle is
not found in any of the older MSS., and I have also found it
omitted in hieratic papyri. The passage therefore must be trans-
lated differently, and this is possible through a slight change in the
interpretation of ® ff^ from ignorare to ignoscere ; ignoscatur illi a
vobis. The pronoun I ^c\ which in the older texts follows ® ^.
refers to ' what he hath done ' of the last clause.
2. The god of mighty names is Thoth, and the later texts read
" For this is the Heart of the great god who is in Hermopolis."
V ° °J^ \\ a , ^ js^ • According to another reading
>
new, fresh, young, vigorous.
Chapter XXVHI.
Chapter whereby the Heart of a person is tiot taken from him in the
Nethenvorld.
0 Lion-god !
1 am Unbu, (i) and what I abominate is the block of execution.
Let not this Whole Heart of mine be torn from me by the divine
Champions (2) in Heliopolis !
O thou who clothest (3) Osiris and hast seen Sutu :
O thou who turnest back after having smitten him, and hast
accomplished the overthrow.
This Whole Heart of mine remaineth weeping over itself in
presence of Osiris.
lOI
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
Its strength proceedeth from him, it hath obtained it by prayer
from him.
I have had granted to it and awarded to it the glow of heart at
the hour of the god of the Broad Face, and have offered the
sacrificial cakes in Hermopolis,
Let not this Whole Heart of mine be torn from me. (4) It is
I who entrust to you its place, and vehemently stir your Whole
Hearts towards it in Sechit-hotepit and the years of triumph over all
that it abhors and taking all provisions at thine appointed time from
thine hand after thee.
And this Whole Heart of mine is laid upon the tablets (5) of
Tmu, who guideth me to the caverns of Sutu and who giveth me
back my Whole Heart which hath accomplished its desire in presence
of the divine Circle which is in the Netherworld.
The sacrificial joint and the funereal raiment, let those who find
them bury them. (6)
Notes.
1. Unbu, -^^ J V^ ^^ ^"^^ °^ ^^ names of the solar god,
the offspring {Todt., 42, 19) of Nu and Nut. As a common noun
the word Jinbu means the Hawthorn or some other kind of flowering
bush. This god is called ^^ 11 ^ f;S=^ % ' the golden Unbu '
in the Pyramid Texts (Teta 39). We have no means of determining
the exact sense of this word, which as an appellative expresses an
attribute possessed both by the Sun and by the fruit, foliage, or
other parts of the tree.
2. Divine Champions. Qy^ ^x. 0 U v Wl ' ^^ ^^^ earlier
papyri, [j *^^\ v_^ p\ I in the later ; and sometimes both readings
occur in the same MS. Such determinatives as 1 certainly do not
denote very pugnacious qualities in the divine Champions.
3. Clothest. \ \> is a word of many meanings, and the context
generally determines which is the right one. In the present instance
we have no such help. Some of the more recent MSS. give 1 1 ,
the determinative of clothing. One of the meanings of the word is
U7ido, let loose, but this undoing probably implies destruction ; which
cannot be meant here.
■XCt2
Jan. 10] . PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
4. M. Pierret here breaks off his translation of the chapter, with
the note: "La fin de ce chapitre est absolument inintelligible ; les
variantes des manuscrits hieratiques ne I'eclaircissent pas."
Like many other portions of the book this chapter is hopelessly
corrupt, and the scribes did not understand it better than we do.
They have probably mixed up different recensions without regard to
grammatical sense. The deceased addresses gods in the plural ,vv^ ,
but immediately afterwards we have the singular suffix ^::zz^.
5. Tablets ox records. ^ d'vN^I . See Z?/V^r-^r., 1867,
A/V^A/V^
Ml
50. The word already occurs in the Pyramid Texts, Pepi I, 364, in
the sense of memory, ^^,vw^ ^ s=> v\ '
'his memory for man and his love for the gods.'
But there is another word, ^ 0^1111 {Denkm., Ill, 65 a),
which signifies a stand upon which objects are placed.
6. The last words of the chapter were extremely puzzling to the
scribes of the later periods, who altered them in ever so many ways.
The older MSS. read -^ ^ ? J "^ ^^ ^. ^ ~^^ ° V
<cz=> h^^^^3^. And this is borrowed from an ancient text, which
may be found on the sarcophagus of Horhotep, line 338. The
variants ^a/vwv j -wwva t^^ of the papyri, and I^ of the
sarcophagus show that it is the sacrificial joint which is meant, and
not a verb as the scribes of a later period thought. For this verb
^ AAAAAA
they had to discover an object and accordingly we find /wwva js^ ><2
'^ 8 Vf^ '^ ^'■^^ M^zV caverns.' x ) 1^ was in like
manner converted into a verb. See the introductory note to
Chapter 29.
Chapter XXIX.
Chapter whereby the Heart of a person may not be taken frofn him
in the Netherworld.
Back thou Messenger (i) of thy god ! Art thou come to carry
off by violence (2) this Whole Heart of mine, of the Living. (3) But
I shall not surrender to thee this Heart of the Living. The gods
have regards to my offerings and fall upon their faces, all together,
upon their own earth.
103
Tan, io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
Notes.
The two most ancient copies of this chapter are found upon the
coffins of Amamu, Plate XXX, and of Horhotep, Mission Arch.
Fra?tcaise au Caire, t. i, p. 157, lines 335-337- The papyrus of Ani
is the only one of the early period in which it occurs. None of these
texts is perfect. A part of the text of Amamu has been destroyed,
but there remains enough to show that Horhotep has omissions.
And in the text of Ani the word v\ has slipped in from
the 28th chapter, and is entirely out of place where it now stands.
The scribes of a later period had to exercise their ingenuity on
the subject. They changed V\ hentu into iJ r /i
heiia, and this being itself a disagreeable word, they prefixed to it
a negative — '^-^ or |] |s, ^=^.
1. Messene-er, 1 \J \)^, a word used here and elsewhere in
in X -^ ^
religious texts in the same sense as Tj^^So an angel, ambassador of
God. The later texts have | Jj ^ — y 'every god,' by the change
of '^. ^ into v_^.
2. By violence, ^\ ^^ VOi 1 . Cf. \ )) \/ V
Harris Papyrus, 500, verso.
3. The Living "T" (<<^ 00 v *Sr Jl ' ^"^ saved, in opposition
to the Dead and damned. This plural form is a mere sign of a
common noun.
Chapter XXIXb.
Another Chapter of the Heart ; upon Carnelian.
I am the Heron, the Soul of Ra, who conduct the Glorious ones
to the Tuat.
It is granted to their Souls to come forth upon the Earth to do
whatsoever their Genius willeth.
It is granted to the soul of the Osiris N to come forth upon the
Earth to do whatsoever his Genius willeth.
Note.
Certain chapters having reference to the Heart were written
upon gems* and served as amulets, the 26th upon Lapis-lazuli, the
* See a charming article by Professor Ebers in the Zeitschrift qI 1880, entitled
" Einige inedita."
104
Jan. lol PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
27th upon green Felspar, the 30th upon Serpentine, and the fore-
going chapter upon Carnelian.
M. Naville has called this chapter 29B, as marking its natural
place in the Book of the Dead. It is not often found in the Papyri.
M. Naville found one copy in the Berlin Papyrus of Nechtuamen,
and another traced by Lepsius in Rome from a papyrus now lost.
A third copy will be found in the papyrus of Ani* in the British
Museum. It differs from the two others in "conducting the ^ods to
the Tuat," and by omitting some w^ords for which there was no room
in the space provided.
Chapter XXXa.
Chapter 7vhereby the Heart of a per soil is not kept hack from him
in the Netherworld.
Heart mine which is that of my Mother,
Whole Heart mine which was that of my coming upon Earth,
Let there be no estoppel against me through evidence ; let not
hindrance be made to be by the Divine Circle ; (1) let there not be
a fall of the scale (2) against me in presence of the great god, Lord
of Amenta.
Hail to thee, Heart mine ; Hail to thee, Whole Heart mine,
Hail to thee. Liver (3) mine !
Hail to you, ye gods who are on the side lock, conspicuous by
your sceptres, (4) announce my glory to Ra and convey it to
Nehabkau.
[And lo, though he be buried in the deep deep Grave, and
bowed down to the region of annihilation, he is glorified there. (5)]
Chapter XXXb.
Heart mine which is that of my Mother,
Whole Heart mine which is that of my birth
Let there be no estoppel against me through evidence, let no
hindrance be made to me by the divine Circle ; fall thou not against
me in presence of him who is at the Balance.
Thou art my Genius, who art by me, the Artist (6) who givest
soundness to my limbs.
Come forth (7) to the bliss f towards which we are bound ;
*P1.3J. M^J^-
105 I
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLCGY. [1893.
Let not those Ministrants (8) who deal with a man according to
the course of his hfe (9) give a bad odour to my name.
Pleasant for us, pleasant for the listener, is the joy of the
Weighing of the Words.
Let not lies be uttered in presence of the great god, Lord of the
Amenta.
Lo ! how great art thou [as the Triumphant one (10),]
Notes.
This chapter is found not only on papyri but upon innumerable
scarabs. The differences of text are very great, but the principal
ones may be considered as represented by M. Naville's 30A and 30B.
They branch off from each other after the mention of the Balance,
The oldest copy known on a scarab is that of King Sebak-em-saf
of the Xlllth dynasty. It is in the British Museum (No. 7876) and
has been described by Dr. Birch in his study* of the " Formulas
relating to the heart." " This amulet," he says, " is of unusual
shape ; the body of the insect is made of a remarkably fine green
jasper carved in shape of the body and head of the insect. This is
inserted into a base of gold in shape of a tablet .... The legs of the
insect are .... of gold and carved in relief .... The hieroglyphs
are incised in outline, are coarse, and not very legible."
I . The Divine Circle, \\ Jn \. This word on the scarab of
tlidiil— HH \il 1
Sebak-em-saf is written Jr I , which shows that I — 1 — I (a wall
D o^ 1 \ _
of enclosure) is ideographic of the whole word. And this sign in
hieratiCj when placed upright -l, has given rise to the I , which
takes its place in the later texts.
2. Fa// of the sca/e, ^^^\\ .-r-S. = the Coptic pIKI nOTJUL^,cqi
or the Greek /jott;} jov ^v^/oD.
3. Liver ; This seems to be the real meaning of I ' j=^, •
4. These gods are mentioned in the Pyramid Texts in a passage
closely resembling this one of the Book of the Dead. " They bring
to Unas (line 479) the four Glorious ones who are on the side lock
of Horus ; who stand upon the Eastern side of Heaven, and who
* Zeitsc/ir., 1870, p. 32. •
: 106
Jan. io] proceedings. [1893.
are conspicuous through their sceptres | ^^^ ill* They
announce to Ra the glorious name of Unas, and proclaim ( I ^:;gi,^'
cf. CJfCJD. epCifUo) Unas to Neheb-kau." The text of Teta is
very imperfect in this place.
The word [Tl ^*^ appears to have the sense of insignire,
designare. This sense is a key to every passage in which the word
occurs.
5. The few early copies of this paragraph are too fragmentary
and too contradictory to furnish a restoration of the text, which
must have meant something like what is expressed in this translation.
6. The Artist, \]\\ v m ' "^^'^ich is here a common noun
rather than a proper name.
7. The deceased addresses his heart, and thereupon speaks in
the first person plural, we ; that is you and I.
8. The Ministrants. The ^ flfl TO I were high officials in the
Egyptian court, l)ut here they minister to Osiris in the Netherworld.
They are apparently the same gods who are addressed in the
27th Chapter as fashioning the heart of a person according to his
deeds when living.
9. The determinative O shows that _ ^ ^ is here to be taken
in the sense of the duration of human life, and the pronominal
suffixes w^ or a;^-^ show whose life is spoken of. The latter
suffix has reference to Vra ^U 1 , which is accordingly to be
translated in the singular. The plural sign merely indicates a
common or collective noun.
10. As the Triiinip]iant one. So Aa, the papyrus of Nebseni.
0q/ 1
Another authority (B.M. 7865) quoted by Dr. Birch has t
like Ra, the Triumphant One.
The formula "How great art thou"! occurs in other primitive
texts ; cf. Aelteste Texte, PI. 5, lines 7 and 8. In line 8 it occurs
twice.
107 I 2
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
GISGALLA-KI—B^^YLO^. AV-iVt/--iV//?-A'/— BORSIPPA.
Dear Mr. Rylands,
Every Assyriologist must congratulate you and the whole Society
of Biblical Archeology, on the important discovery of Rev. C. J.
Ball in your last number. I refer here not only to the happy
explanation of the ideogram gryfy^TTTBy giir, gil, vil, //, " to lift up,"
and its identification with the Egyptian ^ fa {tva), but above all
to the analysis of 4 R. 46, 15/6, where we find t^f ^'\-^^ ^^ gis-
gal-la, "door," as a name of Babylon ; upon which Rev. C. J. Ball
remarks: "it recalls Ka-dingirra, Gate of God; cp. Ur-Bau, col. II, 2,
Gisga/hi-ki [Auixvd).'^ To the other identification, in the same line
of the quoted text, Ki-in-nir = Borsippa, Rev. C. J. Ball adds only
" Place {/ci") of the Tower {^/ir) was a suitable name for Borsippa,
the site of the Birs Nimrud ; kin-nir resembles kin-gi, kin-dir,'" etc.
Now, not the late Aahaud but myself was the first who identified
the town rija <(ml> , so often mentioned in the inscriptions of Tello,
with the Assyrian '-Jifyyl, explained in the great Syllabary S^
line 267, by gi-is-gal = manzazu, "dwelling-place" {Geschic/ite
Babyloniois 2ind Assyriens, p. 314, in the 2nd livraison, which
appeared August, 1886, half a year before Amiaud's Tableau Com-
pare). No doubt that in all places where we meet this "-^ffyy ^I^
(or only >-^yy ^IeJ)' ^^^ have to read Gisgalla-ki and to understand
Babylon. This is at the same time of higher historical importance
than we may imagine at first sight.
But also Ball's Ki-in-nir = Borsippa I can identify with an old
town of the Tello inscriptions. We read in the last line of Ur-bau
"To the goddess Du-zi-zuab., lady o{ Ki-mt-nir-ki, he has built the
house (temple) of her town Gisgalla-ki." It cannot be by accident
that we read here in the same line Gisgalla-ki and Ki-?iu-nir-ki, and
in the text translated by Rev. C. J. Ball, Gis-gal-la (Babel) and
Ki-in-nir (Borsippa), also in the same line.
We understand now why Nebukadrezzar employs the ideogram
»-^yy <|£y specially for Babylon (see the instances in Delitzsch's
108
Jan. io] PROCEEDINGS. [1893
Worterlmch, p. 6). As a cosmical term, ^'^ ^HJ means the
southern part of the heavenly abyss, beyond the horizon, which was
called otherwise s'llu^ silan (see my "Astronomy of the Chaldeans,''
Ausland, 1892, and for the etymology oi s'llu (^^t^tl?), Jensen, Z?//5r-^r.
filr Assyr., V, p. 131.* Therefore the synonyms of >-t1] ^HJ '•
viz., X'al^ara-ki {" tomb, sepulchre"), A^ukar-ki {" town of enemy''),
Kanis-ki ("town of the subduer"), Malak-ki {" town of decision ") —
Babyl. Geschichte, p. 399, note 4 — are all names of the underworld
or Scheol, and the south wind {sfitu) is called ^^^ gisgal-lu (or
perhaps better gisgul-In). In the translation of Kabara-kt, A'likar-ki,
etc., su Gisgulla-ki {the same as Gisgalla-ki), Prof. Delitzsch saw the
Babylonian equivalent of Scheol, si'/-alu{-ki). It is certain that here we
really have a name of Scheol, if not also the name Scheol itself;
but I think it not impossible that the tablet-writer intended by the
prefix shii a kind of rebus, so that instead of the common reading
su Gisgalla-ki he gave also the possibility of reading S/iu-alici^-ki):,
siidlu then, an older form of silu.
I,et us now see what role the newly discovered town played in
the time before Hammurabi and his dynasty gave it the name and
the rank of the Babel as it is known to us.
In the first place, I give as a mere hypothesis that the title sar ali,
"king of the town," in the name of Sar-gani-sar-ali and his son Bi>i-
gani-sar-ali of Agade, is the same as sar -^ffyf i^\ ; only the
determinative ideogram -ki is left out, and ^X^ is put (as in other
cases) for the fuller '-^ffff.
Then, Ur-'f^%<\ {Ur-Ghanna, Orchamus) of Sir-gul-la, mentions
the same deity Lugal--'^Xi\\ as Ur-bau, only that the name is written
in Ur-Bau's statue LugaI-'^X\'\'\\-ki — so proving the existence of
Gisgalla-BaheX even for this remote period as a holy place ; com-
pare the inscription published. Revue d' Assyr., II, 4 (1892), p. 147,
last column, first line.
In the inscriptions of the grandson of Ur-ghanna, the king or
patesi E-anna-du, are mentioned not only the towns Ur (communi-
cation of Mr. Heuzey), Gis-ban-ki, Uruk (the latter, Dccouvertes,
pi. 31, 2, col. 5), but also, immediately after Uruk, our Gisgalla-ki
* Notwithstanding, Jensen translates silliui still by "west" (instead of
"south"). In my quoted articles I proved that cUan is the culminating point of
the sun in the north, and shtlan the t)ther (unseen for us) in the south.
109
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
and another town, Az-ki, which I identify with Azu, commonly
known as "Azu of the elephants" (yAzu-pirani).
If we go on, we find in the inscription of a somewhat younger
patesi of SirguUa (Revue d'Assyr., II, 4, p. 148), En-timbma {^IX.
"^1 *-^f)j the phrase: "To the god Lugal-Gisgalla-ki ("king of
Gisgalla " or Babel) I built the palace {e-gal) of his town G/sga/Za."
For Ur-Bau, patesi of Sirgulla, see above ; Gudea mentions
" Du-zi-zuab, lady of Ki-mi-nir-ki" (Borsippa) as "his goddess," so
that we may conclude this mighty prince possessed also Babel and
Borsippa.*
Some centuries before Hammurabi, the king Sin-idina of Larsa
built a canal from Larsa to Gisgalla-ki {Geschichte, p. 351), and
Iri-Aku (Rim-Sin), t before his overthrow by Hammurabi, " rebuilt
Gisgalla-ki oi the goddess Ma-sig-dug " (4 R. 35, No. 6 ; Gesc/iichfe,
p. 359) — a striking illustration at the same time for the vassalship
of Amraphel to Larsa in the days of xA.riokh (Gen. xiv). A few years
afterwards Hammurabi overthrew his former patron and rebuilt the
temples of Larsa.
Finally, I will draw attention to a cylinder-seal, published in
E. de Sarzec's Deconverfes, pi. 30 bis, No. 21, where we read (in old
Babylonian characters) : —
i.e., E. Ki-rapal-tu (or -rapastu), king of Gishgalla-ki. Who can help
thinking of Kimtu-rapastu, the other name of Hammu-rabi, though
we have not yet direct proof that i-ki (or i-di}) — kiintu or
g/iamtfm ? And is not a form Hamnm-rapal{ti() the prototype of the
Hebrew transcription 75"^^^ (LXX : 'A^mpTraX) ? In this case
-raifi (also in other proper names, as Samas-rabi, Sin-rabi, etc.),
would be a mere ideograph for raj>is, rapastu, rapattu ; compare
5 R. 73^ -^ {^'(^g) = rapdsu, and the possibility of reading ra-ln
as ra-gas.
Prof. Dr. Fritz Hommel.
Munich, Dece?nl>er 19///, 1892.
* The Semitic translation of Ki-im-nir we find in A^ith Sa saltu (" Streites-
ruhe"), Delitzsch, Paradies, p. 216.
t King of Larsa.
Jan. io] proceedings. [1893.
THE IDEOGRAM tTTjrjJ.
By Prof. Dr. Fritz Hommel.
The linear form of this ideogram, which is explained in S'' 238
by Sumerian dubbi-sag {i.e., dubbi-sa^ for dubbi-sar), Babylonian
dupsarru, "writer," and otherwise by alal, ilal {jiasabu sa kane), is
jp . Now, we have in Egyptian an ideogram of the same signifi-
cation, "writer" {sah, sas even in the Pyramid texts, the same
words as Sumerian sar, sa^, "to write") which represents the
writing-utensils of the scribes Hpi (ink-vessel, kalam, palette). Both
ideograms are the same, not only as a whole, but also in the
slightest details j [=] is [T], 'WW is a linear contraction of ^, and
the upright wedge at the side is the T [kalam) of the Egyptian hiero-
glyph. In the fifth chapter of my book The Babylonian Origin of the
Egyptian Civilisation* I have given thirty-four instances of identical
Babylonian and Egyptian signs, to which I can add now some ten
more. Three of them, J 4^, Merodach = ji .<2>., Osiris, >lc afsu =
■^ du'at "(heavenly) abyss," and '^ "to live" = Y) " '^'^ live,"
were identified even in 1890 by Rev. C. J. Ball in these Proceedings.
Not yet noticed in my Ursprung are : —
35. The above named ideogram for " writer."
36.
Bab,
37-
))
38.
ii
39-
))
-| "net," Egypt.
P " door," Egypt. iiiMi' .
1 "seed," Egypt. \\ "seed, grow."
^^\ " hill " (Sumerian dul, du, originally f^ ) Egypt.
r^-0 du, " mountain."
40. „ J gub, "left," Egypt. I 'ib, "left."!
* Der Babyl. Ursprung der Aegyptischen fCultur, 68 pages in 4'^, Munich
(Franz), 1892.
t The Babylonian figure gives the side view, the Egyptian the front view.
Ill
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
41. Bab.^^^ /«;;/* Egypt. '^ "plough."
42. ,, ^ "upon," "above," Egypt. <^.
43- » ^, \\/, ^, "right" (sa^-), Egypt. ^ "right" (Vw«).
44- „ liUJ su, "hand," Egypt. ^ i//, "feather" (wing) (?).
45- M 3 "bow," Egypt, coo, ^==7.t
That in Egyptian, besides the pure Semitic grammar and syntax,
there existed a great number of Sumerian borrowed words, and these
in most cases in the younger Neo-Sumerian form, I have pointed out
in several places of my above quoted book. This fact, so impor-
tant for the Babylo7iian origin of the two eldest civilisations of the
Euphrates and Nile valleys, is corroborated by several new instances
given by Rev. C. J. Ball in the last number of the Proceedings, of
which the most striking is the Egyptian nisdr ("^^tTQ), Neo-Sumerian
musdug, " ear," (Turkish eset-mek, " to hear "), of which the old
Sumerian form was gisdi/g. The Berber amezzug, " ear," stands in
the midst between fnusdiig and msdr (the latter in the Pyramid texts
with P = s, not with — h — =1 s).
Concerning the concordance of the Babylonian ideogram for
"writer" with the Egyptian '^lii, it may be noticed that Prof.
A. H. Sayce in the Tnuisactiotis of this Society, Vol. I (1872),
explained alal ^ nacabii sa kane ("shaft of a reed") by papyrus,
to which he compared also the expression tf li-hu-si dub — li'u
(with the determinative-prefix gis, " wood, plant ") for tablet.
* Comp. the agricultural t.t. ki-lanima, and ufSubu, " to make grow."
+ The first thirty-four instances are given in my Der Babyl, Ursprung der
Aegyptischen Kultur, pp. 61-63.
112
Jan. io] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
COBALT IN ANCIENT EGYPT.
By a. Wiedemann.
In the Proceedings of March, 1890, and March, 1892 (XII,
p. 227, sqq.) XIV, p. 223, sqq.\ Dr. Gladstone gave a series of
important notes about the use of copper, antimony, and tin in
ancient Egypt ; I may add here some words about another interest-
ing mineral manufactured by the same people. The knowledge of
cobalt has been very often erroneously given to the Ancients.*
Already Humphry Davyt showed by analysis, its occurrence in
Roman glasses. John in Minutoli, " Reise zum Tempel des Jupiter
Ammon," Berlin, 1824, expresses a double opinion : p. 334, 339 he
pretends that the Egyptians did not know or at least did not use
cobalt-blue as a pigment ; on p. 353 he gives the analysis of a
Roman glass found in the Thermes of Titus or at Pompeii containing
cobalt, and on p. 352, that of a blue glass of Thebes showing some
oxide of cobalt. Other analyses were made at the instigation of
Lepsius.J A small quadrangular Egyptian amulet, which from the
description of Lepsius appears to date from the later time of the new
Empire, turned out to be a dark blue opaque glassy flux, painted
with cobalt. An oblong dark blue glass-bead was painted likewise
with cobalt; the quantitative analysis gave 2 "86 per cent, oxide of
cobalt ; and another glass-bead contained o'95 per cent, oxide of
cobalt. The celebrated chemist A. W. Hofmann remarked on these
analyses, that certainly the cobalt was added to the glassy fluxes in
the form of a cobalt-mineral, but that it was impossible to define
this mineral. Afterwards K. B. Hofmann § found out that the blue
frits of the time of Ramses III, at Tell el lehiidije were painted with
* For instance by Quenstaedt, " Handb. der Mineral," p. 250; Beckniann,
" Beitr. zur Gesch. der Erfind.," Ill, p. 200,, sqq,
+ " Annales de chimie," tome xcvi ; cf. " Descr. d'Egj'pte," ii, p. 34, and
Rosellini, " Mon. civ.," ii, p. 191, sqq.
X Lepsius, " Metalle in den Aeg. Inschriften," in " Abh. der Berl. Akad.,"
1871, p. 64 sq.
% " Aeg. Zeitschr.," I885, p. 65.
"3
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [1893.
cobalt. The mineral was therefore often used by the Egyptians,
though the blue colour was usually obtained from copper.
The chief difficulty was now to find out whence the workmen
got the mineral. Boudet* thought that it came from India, from
which country, especially from Surat, oxide of cobalt is imported
even to the present time. But India is very remote, and so this
guess remained necessarily a doubtful one; and with good reason, as
in 1892 cobalt was discovered in Egypt itself Johnson Pascha
found in a very little known part of the country, a mineral, which
was analysed by Droop Richmond and Hussein Off.t They dis-
covered a new element in it, to which they gave the name Masrium,
and after which the mineral was called Masnt. Besides this element
and some other ingredients the mineral contained i"o2 percent,
oxide of cobalt. The same authors tried vainly to find cobalt in
some samples of Egyptian colours handed over to them by M,
Grebaut ; they found only combinations of copper and iron. The
analyses put together above show this negative result to be only an
accidental one, and that cobalt was used by the Egyptians. The
discovery of Richmond and Off proves sufficiently on the other hand
that cobalt might have been found found by the Egyptians in their
own country, and that they did not need to import it from foreign
shores.
* "Descr. d'Eg.," Ic; Rosellini, I.e.
t "Journal of the Chemical Society," vol. 6i-52, nr. 35$: J'lne, 1892,
p. 491-5.
.114
Jan. 10] PROCEEDINGS.
LETTRES DE TELL EL-AMARNA.
(6« Serie.)
Par a. J. Delattre, SJ.
BURRABURIYAS, ROI DE BaBYLONIE, A Am^NOPHIS IV,
Roi d'Egypte.
{British Museum 3.)
Dans cette lettre, passablement obscure, a cause surtout du
mauvais etat de la tablette, Burraburiyas propose a Amenophis IV
des echanges plus considerables que ceux qu'ils ont faits precedem-
ment sous le nom de presents mutuels. II semble offrir ses fiUes
au roi d'Egypte. On a dit que Burraburiyas parlait aussi dans
cette lettre d'une princesse egyptienne comme de sa belle-fille: nous
sommes d'un avis different, bien que nous otions par-la au monu-
ment ce qui en ferait le principal interet. Nous justifions notre
maniere de voir dans les notes.
Transcription.
Recto.
1. A-na Na-ap-hu-ra-ri-ia, sar mat Mi-{is-ri-i\
2. um-ma : Bur-ra-bu-ri-ia-as^ sar mat Ka-ra-ilu-du-7n-{ia-as).
3. A-na ia-a-si suul-mu.
4. A-na ka-a-sa, a-na bi-ti-ka, a-na as-sa-ti-ka, a-na . . . ,
5. a-na ra-ab-bu-ti-ka, a-tia sa-bi-ka,
6. a-na narkabati-ka, a-na si-si-ka, u a-na ma-ti-ka,
7. da-an-ni-is lu su-id-mu.
8. Is-tu Ka-ra-in-da-as, is-tu mari si-ip-ri
9. sa ab-bi-ka a-na 7tiu-uh-hi ab-bi-ia it-ta-al-la-ku-ni
10. a-di i-na-an-na^ da-bu-tu su-nu.
11. I-na-an-na a-na-ku u ka-sa da-bu-tu ni-nu.
1 2. Mari si-ip-ri-ka a-di III-su [ = silasu'\ if-ta-ai-ku-ni,
13. u su-ul-ma-na ba-na-a ?ni-im-ma ul iu-si-bi-lam ;
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
14. « a-7ia-ku-ma su-ul-via-na ba-na-a
15. mi-im-ma ul u-si-bi-la-ku.
16. A-na ia-a-si-ma mi-iiii-ma ul ak-ra ?
17. U a-na ka-sa-ma mi-iin-iiia ul a-kar-ku ?
18. Afar si-ip-ri-ka sa ta-as-pu-ra,
i(). X ma-na hurasi sa na-sa-a ul ma-li,
20. 11 a-na u-tu-ni-ku i-is-ku-nu V ma-na hurasi ul i-la-a.
21 kap i-la-a i-na sa-la-mi pa-an di-ki-tii-sii . . . in
22 ma-a-'"i-du
23 da-bu-tn it-ti-a (?)
24 ul ip-si.
Des lignes manquent a la fin du recto et au commencement du
verso.
Verso.
25
26 i-sa-ri-vii a-na mat (?)
27 lib-bi {?) i-mu-su-nu-ti mar si-ip-ri-ka ki-i il-la-ak {?\
28. li-il-ka-a,
29. u zinnissati li-u-tu i-tu-ka i-ba-as-su-u
30. sam-ma ma-lu sa ta-ba-bi lu-sa-a-la,
31. a-na(?)-si-i, ba-al-di li-gal, u nia-ma-as-ku
32. ki-i sa ba-al-di ma-lu i-bu-us ; mar si-ip-ri-ka li-il-ka-a.
33. U jT^y (?) la-bi-ru-tu ip-su-tu i-ba-as-su-u.
34. Ki-i Si-in-di-su-ga-ap mar si-ip-ri-ia ik-ta-al-la-ku,
35. narkabati ki-i ka-al-li-i ha-niu-ut-ia li-is-sa am-ma
36. a-na mu-uh-hi-ia, li-ik-su-da
37. 21 is(?)-su{?)-li ar-ku-ti li-bu-su-ma.
38. Ki-i 7>iar si-ip-riia u mar si-ip-ri-ka il-la-ka.
39. it-ti a-ha-mi-is li-il-ku-ni.
40. A-na su-ul-ma-ni-ka II ma-fia abni ttkni ul-ti-bi-la-ku ;
41. u as-su marati-ka as sat mar-ia is-mu-u
42. istin abtia kisadi sa ti im si i ti Xa abnu uknu
43. M XL VIII mi-tiu-si-na,
44. a-na su-ul-?na-tii-sa ul-ti-bi-la-ka.
45. U ki-i mar h-ip-ri-ka it-ti Si-in-di su-ga-ab
46 i-bu-us-ma u-tu
116
Jan. io] PROCEEDINGS. [1893
Traduction.
(i) A Napkhurariya, roi du pays de Misri, (2) en ces termes :
Burraburiyas, roi du pays de Karduniyas. (3) Pour moi, je vais
bien. (4) A toi, a ta maison, a ta femme (5) a tes nobles,
a tes soldats, (6) a tes chars, a tes chevaux, a ton pays, (7) salut soit
grandement.
(8) Depuis Karaindas [roi de Babylonie, et] depuis que les
messagers (9) de ton pere se sont rendus chez mon pere, (10) jusque
tout recemment, ils [les rois d'Egypte et de Babylonie] furent amis,
(n) Presentement moi et toi nous sommes amis. (12) [Cependant]
tes messagers sont venus trois fois (13) sans que tu m'aies fait par-
venir aucun present de valeiir (?), (14, 15) et moi non plus je ne t'en
ai envoye aucun. (16) [Mais] n'ai-je rien de precieux, (17) et toi,
n'y a-t-il rien de precieux qui t'appartienne ? (18) Quant aux
messagers que tu m'as envoyes, (19) les dix mines d'or qu'ils m'ont
apportees n'etaient pas completes, (20) et pour tes objets [les objets
a fabriquer pour toi], ils ont depose cinq mines d'or non epure.
(20-26) (27, 28) Que tes messagers,
quand ils seront venus, en prennent suivant leur desir (?).
(29) II y a chez moi de jeunes femmes ; C30) demande n'im-
porte laquelle, que tu veuilles epouser, (31) je I'amenerai [la feral
amener, et] le puisse-je bientot, et ton manias, (32) quand je
I'aurai fait en toute hate, ton messager I'emportera. {t^2>) H y a
aussi [chez moi a ta disposition] un X, ceuvre ancienne [ou de fagon
antique].
(34) Lorsque Sindisugab, mon messager, partira [de chez toi],
(35) puisse-t-il emporter les chars en toute hate, (36) et me les
apporter, (37) pour que j'en fasse d'autres, neufs, [sur leur modele].
(38) Quand mon messager et le tien partiront [de chez toi], (39)
qu'ils fassent route ensemble.
(40) Je te fais apporter comme present deux mines de pierre
uktiu [cristal?], (41) et pour ta fille, la femme de mon fils, {suivant ce
que (?) Ton entend [dire], (42-44) je t'envoie un co/lier (?) en pierre
de dix de i)ierre uknu, dont le poids (?) est de 1048,
(45, 46), et lorsque ton messager (sera venu) avec Sindisugab ....
je ferai
Remarques.
Ligne 13. — Les sulmana bana, paraissent etre dans la rc^alite des
objets d'echange lucratif.
117.
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF. BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1S93.
Ligne 30. — J'ai supposepour tabali, la racine Ti^^..
Lignes 41-44. — La traduction que nous avons donnee de ce
passage, suppose assat inari-ia appose a marati-ka. C'est ce qu'il y
a de plus favorable a I'hypothese d'une fiUe d'x\menophis IV mariee
a un fils de Burraburiyas. Mais il s'agirait d'un mariage projete et
non d'un mariage accompli. En effet, la princesse que Burraburiyas
appellerait la femme de mon fils, est encore en Egypte, et c'est par
rintermediaire du pere que le roi de Babylonie lui fait parvenir des
presents. Ce dernier s'autoriserait, pour parler et agir comme il le
fait, d'une rumeur suivant laquelle Amenophis IV se montrerait
favorable a la future union. Mais une autre traduction est possible,
qui ecarte toute idee de mariage. La voici :
La fejntne de mon fils, ayant appris fenvoie comme
presai t pour ta fille, etc.
Dans la phrase ainsi comprise, les verbes sent a la 3® personne
du singulier masculin avec un sujet feminin, mais le cas se presente
frequemment dans nos lettres.
II y a malheureusement une lacune a I'endroit qui fixerait le sens
de la phrase.
Ligne 43. — Alinu, le nombre des unites du poids dont le nom
est sous-entendu. Comme il s'agit de bijoux precieux, I'unite de
poids est probablement tres petite, vu le nombre inscrit.
IL
TUSRATTA, Roi DE MiTANNI, A AmeNOPHIS III.
{British Museum, 9.)
Tusratta raconte qu'un certain Pirkhi, ou Tamkhi, sans doute un
chef du voisinage et probablement du pays de Khatti. I'a inquiete au
debut de son regne, en soutenant les pretentions d'Artassoumara,
son frere a lui Tusratta. Le roi de Mitanni a extermine les partisans
indigenes de ce dernier, et puis les bandes de Khatti venues a son
secours. II s'est empare d'Artassoumara lui-meme et I'a tue. II
fait hommage a Amenophis III de depouilles enlevees aux gens de
Khatti. II lui envoie des presents ainsi qu'a sa femme Ghiloukhipa.
Pour attenuer I'impression facheu'e que ce r^cit devait produire,
etant donne que Ghiloukhipa etait soeur d'Artassoumara aussi bien
118
Jan. io] proceedings. [1893.
que de Tusratta, il insiste, chemin faisant, sur les bons rapports qui
existent entre les deux cours, et accable le roi d'Egypte de protesta-
tions d'amitie.
Transcription.
1 . A-na y Ni-ip-mii-a-ri-a^ sar mat Mi-is-ri i,
2. a-hi-ia, ki tiin-?na
3. imi-via : \ Tu-is-i-rat-ta sar mat Mi-i-it-ta-an-ni
4. ahu-ka-ma. A-na ia-si sul-mu.
5. A-na ka-a-sa lu-u sul-mu ; a-na -^ Gi-lu-hi-pa
6. a-ha-ti-ia lu-sul-znu, a-na bit-ka.
7. a-na as-sa-ti-ka a-na niari-ka, a-na amiluti rahuti-ka,
8. a-na sabi bak-ra-ti-ka, a-na sisi-ka,
9. a-na narkabati-ka u a-na lib-bi mati-ka,
10. ta-an-Tii-is lu sul-mu
11. Is-tu i-na kussi sa a-bi-ia a-si-bti,
12. 2i si-ih-ri-ku, u J Pir-Jn a-ma-ta
13. la pa-ni-ta a-?ia mat-ti-ia i-ti-bu-us-ma
14. u bi-il-su id-du-uk, u as-suin a-ni-tim
15. ia-si it-ti sa i-ra-h-ma-an-ni-ni da-bu-u-ta
16. ia u-ma-as-sa-ra-an-ni. U a-na-ku ap-pu-na-ma
17. as-him a-ma-a-ti afi-na-tim la pa-na-a-tim
1 8. sa i-na mat-ti-ia ifi-Jii-ip-su, ul im-ti-ki,
ig. u amilutu ta-i-ka-ni-su sa y Ar-ta-as-su-nia-ra
20. ahi-ia ka-du mi-im-mu-su-nu ad-du-uk-hi-nu-ti.
21. Ki-i at-ta it-ti a-bi-ia da-ba-a-ta^
22. u as-sum an-ni-tim al-tapar-ma ak-ta-ba-ak-ku,
23. ki-mi-i ahu-ia i-si-im-mi-su-nu-ma ,
24. u i-ha-ad-du. A-bu-ia i-ra-ha-am-ka
25. u at-ta ap-pu-na-ma a-bu-ia
26. ta-ra-ha-am-su, u a-bu-ia
27. ki-i ra-a-mi a-ha-ti a-tia ka-a-sa
28. {id)-ta-na-ak-ku. U {}) anQ)-nu uni ma-sa (?)-(ku(?)
29 ki-i ka-a-sa it {?)-ti (?) a-bi-ia.
30. (Z« ti)-ti-'na ap-pu-na-ma sa ahu-ia,
31. ki-i id-du-u su(?)-pur (?) lib{?)-bi mat Ha-at-ti
32. kap-pa-am-ma ki-i amiluti nakruti a-na mat-ti-ia
33. it-ta-al-ka, *->{- Raman bi-li a-na ka-ti-ia
34. id-din-su-ma u ad-du-uk-su.
35. Is-tu kab-bi-su-nu sa i-na mat-ti-su Sa i-du-ru, ia-nu.
119
Jan. io] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
36. A-7iu-uin-ina I narkabat^ II sisi
37. I aiiiila zulia-ru, I zinnista zulia-ar-tum,
38. sa Jui-up-ti sa mat Ha-at-ti ul-ti-bila-ak-ku.
39. A-na sul-7na-7ii sa ahi-ia V markabati^
40. V si-mi-it-tum sisi nl-ii-bila-ak-kii.
41. U a-na sul-?na-ni sa -J^ Gi-hi-hi-pa
42. a-ha-ti-ia istin-nu-tum tu-ti-na-tufti hurasi,
43. istiti-nii-tum an-za-ba-tum hurasi, I ma-as-hu hiirasj,
44. u I abna ta-ba-tum sa sam7ii 7nalu-u^
45. ul-ti-bi-la-as-si.
46. A'7iiM{77i-77ia y Gili-ia ^^^ sukkalli^
47. II \ Tu 771-71 i-ip-ip-ri al'ta-par-su-7iu. AJiu-ia ha-77iu-7it-ta
48. li-7/ii-is-sir-su-7iu-77ia, ti-i-7/ia ha-}7iu-7it-ta
49. Ii-ti-ru-7ii-i77i-77ia , ki-7/ii4 siil-/7ia-a7i-su
50. sa ahi-ia i-si-i77i-77ii-77ia ii a-ha-ad-dii.
51. Ahu-ia da-bu-u-ta it-ti-ia li-bi-h-i,
52. 11 ahu-ia /7iari sipri-su li-is-pu-ra-ai/i-i/ia^
53. ki-77ii-i sul-77ia-an-su sa ahi-ia
54. i-li-ik-ku-Jii-i/7i-7iia u i-si-i 771-/711
Traduction.
(i) A Nipmuaria, roi du pays de Misri, (2) mon frere, pour
information, (3) en ces termes : Tusratta, roi du pays de Mittanni,
(4) ton frere. Four moi, je vais bien. (5) A toi, salut ; a Ghilou-
khipa, (6) ma soeur salut ; a ta maison, (7) a tes femmes, a tes fils, a
tes nobles, (8) a tes vaillants soldats, a tes chevaux, (9) a tes chars,
et dans ton pays, (10) salut soit a un haut degre.
(ii) Depuis que je me suis assis sur le trone de mon pere,
(12) et j'etais tout jeune, (12, 13) Pirkhi a inflige de mauvais
traitements a mon pays, (14) et il en a tue la population, (14-16) et
quant a moi la bienveillance ne me fit pas defaut pour cela chez
ceux qui m'aimaient, (16) et aussi de mon cote, (17, 18) je ne me
laissai pas abattre (?) par ces choses facheuses qui se passaient dans
mon pays, (19) et les homicides [au service] d'Artassoumara (20)
mon frere, avec tout ce qui tenait a eux, je les tuai.
(21) Comme tu usais d'amitie envers mon pere, (22) pour ce
motif, j'envoie message et te declare [ces faits], (23) afin que mon
frere apprenne ces choses, (24) et s'en rejouisse. Mon pere
120
Jan. io] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
t'aimait, (25, 26) et toi aussi tu aimais mon pere, et mon pere, (27-28)
par amitie, t'a donne ma soeur. Et je (?) (29) . . .
comme toi envers mon pere.
(30) Tu sauras{}) aussi que mon frere [Artassoumara], (31) ayant
lance des tnessagers dans (J) le pays de Khatti (32) tout entier,
(32, 33) et que des ennemis [gens de Khatti] s'etant rendus dans
mon pays, {n, 34) le dieu Raman, mon maitre, le livra a ma main,
et que je le tuai. (35) D'eux tous, il n'en est pas un qui soit
retourne dans son pays.
(36-38) Maintenant je t'envoie un char, deux chevaux, un jeune
homme, une jeune fille, du butin du pays de Khatti.
(39, 40) Comme present a mon frere, je t'envoie cinq chars et
cinq attelages de chevaux.
(41, 42) Comme present a Ghiloukhipa ma soeur, (45) je lui
envoie (42) un tutinahim d'or, (43) un anzabatum d'or, un mashu
d'or, (44) et une houteille remplie d'huile [parfum].
(46, 47) Maintenant je t'envoie Gilia, [mon] messager, et
Tumnipipri. (47, 48) Que mon frere les laisse partir sans retard ;
(48, 49) qu'ils me rapportent bien vite des nouvelles, (40) pour que
j'apprenne I'heureux etat de mon frere, et que je m'en rejouisse.
(51) Que mon frere ressente de I'amitie a mon endroit, (52) et
que mon fr^re envoie ses messagers, (53, 54) pour qu'ils apportent
de bonnes nouvelles de mon frere et que je [les] entende.
Remarques.
Ligne 8. — Bakrafam, vaillance, de la racine *l3i, qui exprime
en hebreu I'idee de primogeniture, a laquelle se rattache celle de
force. Cf. Genese, xlix, 3.
Ligne 14. — Bi-il ne me semble pas pouvoir signifier ici maitre.
En effet, si Pirkhi est et.ranger, comme je le pense, et qu'il ait tue
un prince etranger, son maitre, la chose importe peu pour Tusratta.
Si Pirkhi est un sujet de Tusratta, il ne peut avoir tue celui-ci ;
il ne peut pas davantage avoir tue e roi precedent, car il ne causait
des embarras au pays de Mittanni que depuis I'avenement de
Dusratta. Je considere bi-il comme un equivalent masculin de
bahlat, bahulatu, qui signifie peuple.
Ligne \g. — Taikani-sii ( = da/kani-su) sa Artassii inara, ne peut
signifier les meurtriers d'Artassoumara, car celui-ci reparait vivant
dans la suite, aux lignes 30-34.
121 K
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1893.
Lignes 30-34. — Malgre les incertitudes du texte, il semble que
aJui-ia ( = 111011 frere, c'est-a-dire Artassoumara) soit le seul antecedent
possible de su, qui se lit deux fois a la ligne 34.
III.
Autre lettre de Tusratta a Amenophis III.
[British Museum, 10.)
Dans cette lettre, Tusratta annonce a Amenophis III le depart
d'une statue de I'lstar de Ninive, qui doit sejourner quelque temps
en Egypte, et revenir ensuite au pays de Mitanni, 011 elle etait
I'objet d'une veneration speciale. La statue avait deja fait le
voyage sous Satarna, pere de Tusratta. On la portait de temps
en temps en Egypte apparemment pour satisfaire la devotion des
princesses de Mitanni, epouses des Pharaons.
Inutile de dire que le culte rendu en Mitanni a la grande deesse
du pantheon ninivite, suppose des affinites entre ce pays et
I'Assyrie.
Je reviens, a roccasion de cette lettre, sur les alliances qui
unissaient les families royales d'Rgypte et de Mitanni, afin de
completer autant que possible, et de rectifier en partie, ce que j'en
ai dit avant la publication du recueil anglais.
En tete de la lettre 8 du British Museum, ecrivant a Amenophis
III, Im-mu-ri-ia, Tusratta I'appelle ha-ta-tii-ia, = mon gendre ; il
s'appelle lui-meme i-mi-i-ka, = ton beau-pere. II dit de plus : Sa/uf
a ma sceur et au reste de tes fe7nities. Les appellations de hatan et
de imi semblent se justifier dans cette lettre, non par le mariage de
la soeur de Dusratta, qui se nommait Giloukhipa [British Miiseum,
9, 1. 5, 27) mais par la promesse qu'il fait d'envoyer sa propre fille a
Amenophis III, qui I'a demandee pour en faire la maifresse de
I'Egypte, c'est-a-dire reine (1. 18, 19). Ce serait des appellations
anticipees.
La princesse mitannienne, epouse d'Amenophis III, ne semble
pas pouvoir etre Tadukhipa, parce que celle-ci avait epouse
Amenophis IV. En effet, Tusratta, dans une lettre au fils et
successeur immediat d'Amenophis III, a Amenophis IV par
consequent, dit a celuici tnon gendre, et dit de lui-meme ton beau-
pere. II dit egalement : Salut a Tadukhipa, ma fille, ta femtne.
(Berlin^ 24. Voir notre traduction du document dans les
Jan. io] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Proceedings, juin 1891, p. 558-561.) Le meme Tusratta, dans une
lettre a Tii, veuve d'Amenophis III, lui dit : Sabit a TadukJiipa, ta
belle-fille, kallati-ka {Brit. Miis., 11, 1. 4, 5. Voir la traduction,
No. IV, ci-apres). Et on admettra difficilement qu'Araenophis I\'
ait epouse une veuve de son pere.
Quelle est done cette fiUe de Tusratta qu'Amenophis III avait
epousee et faite reine, sans doute apres avoir perdu Giloukhipa, dont
a partir d'une certaine epoque on ne trouve plus de trace dans la
correspondance de Tusratta? A m'en tenir aux documents de Tell
el-Amarna, je croirais que c'est Tii, a laquelle nous verrons Tusratta
ecrire familierement, dans une lettre dont I'en-tete, qui aurait pu
nous renseigner, est par malheur deteriore comme I'ensemble du
document. Cette opinion me semble au moins plus probable que
celle que j'ai suivie jusqu'a present, et qui faisait de Tii la soeur, non
la fiUe de Tusratta.
Par contre, chez les egyptologues, dit M. Maspero {Hisfoire, 4"
ed , 1886, p. 210), "on s'accorde generalement a la croire etrangere,
mais les uns affirment qu'elle etait Semite, les autres qu'elle etait
lybienne. Tii etait pourtant une egyptienne de vieille souche,
comme I'indiquent son nom et le nom de ses parents. Elle
n'appartenait pas a la race royale, mais sortait d'une famille de
simples particuliers : peut-etre, si nous connaissions le fond de son
histoire, n'y verrions-nous qu'un episode de roman, un roi epousant
par amour la bergere traditionnelle."
Transcription.
1. A-na y Ni-im-mii-ri-ia, sar mat Mi-is-ri-i,
2. a/ii-ia, /la-ta-fii-ia, sa a-ra-ha-mu,
3. u sa i-ra-ha-a-ma-an-ni, ki tim-ma
4. um-ma : y Dii-iis-rat-ta sar Mi-i-ta-an-ni
5. sa i-ra-ha-a-mu-ka, i-mu-ka-ma.
6. A-na ia-si sul-mu. A-na ka-a-sa lu-u sul-mu.
7. A-na bit-ka, a-na -^ Ta-a-tu-hi-pa ??iarat-ia,
8. a-na assat-ka sa ta-ra-ha-mn, hi-u sul-mu.
9. A-na assdti-ka, a-na mari-ka, a-na amiluti rabuti-ka,
10. a-na narkabdti-ka, a-na sisi-ka,
11. a-na sabi-ka, a-na mat-ka u a-na
12. mim-tnu-ka, dan-is dan-is dan-is lu-u sul-mu.
1 3. Um-ma »->[- Istar sa >-^yy Ni-i-na-a, bilit matoti
1 4. kaj)-pi-si-na-ma, a-fia mat Mi-is-ri-i,
123 K 2
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1893.
15. i-7ia Jiiati sa a-ra-ha-a-mti, lu-ul-lik-ku-nii
16. ht-us-za-hi-ir-mi ; a-nu-iim-ma i-7ia-an-?ia
17. til-ti-i-bil-ma it-tal-ka.
18. A-fm-um-ma i-na tir-si a-hi-ia-nia
19. >->y- Istar bil-tum i-na inati sa-a-si it-tal-ka,
20. u ki-i-nii-i i-na pa-na-a-nu-um-ma
21. it- fa-sap-ma 7ik-ti-ib-H-du-si {7),
22. u i-na-an-na aiui-ia a-na X sanitu
23. Hi sa pa-fia-a-ti ii-gi-ib-l>i-is-si.
24. Ahu-ia li-gi-ib-bi-is-su i-7ia /la-di-i,
25. li-tnis-sir-su-ma li-du-ii-ra.
26. *~->\- Istar bilit sa-mi-i aha-ia ti ia-si
27. li-is-sur-an-na-si C li-ifti-mu !>->-»-,
28. tc hi-du-ta ra-bi-ta bilit anniti
29. a-iia ki-la-a-al-li-ni li-d-din-an-na-si-ma,
30. u ki-i ta-a-bi i-ni-bu-iis.
31. >->]P Istar a-na ia-si-ma i-li,
32. u a-na ahi-ia la-a is-su.
Traduction.
(i) A Nimmuaria, roi de Misri, (2) mon frere, mon gendre, que
j'aime, (3) et qui m'aime, pour information, (4) en ces termes :
Tusratta, roi de Mitanni, (5) qui t'ainie, ton beau-pbre. (6) Je vais
bien. A toi, soit salut. (7) A ta maison, a Tadukhipa, ma fille,
(8) a ta femme que tu aimes, soit salut. (9) A tes femmes, a tes
fils, a tes nobles, (10) a tes chars, 'k tes chevaux, (11) a tes soldats
a ton pays, et a (12) lout ce qui t'appartient, salut a un tres haut
degre.
(13) [Je parle] ainsi : Istar de Nina [Ninive], (13, 14) la
maitresse de tous les pays, au pays de Misri, (15) au pays que
j'aime, qu'elle se rende, et (16) qu'elle revienne. Voila que
maintenant, (17) je I'envoie et qu'elle part.
(18) Au temps de mon p^re, (19) Istar, la maitresse, s'est rendue
en ce pays, (20) Et comme precedemment (21) elle y a sejourne et
qu'on I'y a honoree, (22) maintenant mon fr^re, dix fois (23) plus
qu'auparavant, puisse-t-il I'honorer ! (24) Que mon frere I'honore
avec joie, (25) qu'il la laisse partir et qu'elle revienne.
(26) Istar, la maitresse du ciel, mon frere et moi (27) qu'elle
nous conserve cent ans, (28, 29) et que cette maitresse clemente (?)
124
Jan io.] proceedings. [1893.
nous donne a Fun et I'autre grande joie et faveur, (30) et que nous
agissions en amis.
(31) Istar [rejmontera vers moi, (32) et ne s'attardera (?) pas
chez mon frere.
Remarques.
Ligne 21. — Uktibidu, de la racine 113-
Ligne 23. — Ligibissi pour likibissi, pour likibid-si, de la meme
racine.
Ligne 27. — Limnm = annee. On se rappelle I'expression :
limniu d'un tel, dans les inscriptions de Ninive, et qui, d'apres notre
passage, doit signifier simplement Vannee d'un tel.
Ligne 28. — Anniti, voir Briinnow, 4580. L'expression bilit anniii
signifierait litteralement : la ?naitresse de demence.
IV.
TUSRATTA A Til, VEUVE D'AmENOPHIS III ET ReINE D'EgYPTF.
{British Afuseum, 11.)
Piece tres fruste, et neanmoins facile a comprendre en plusieurs
endroits parce qu'elle roule sur le meme sujet que la lettre 24 du
recueil de Berlin, dont nous avons donne la traduction dans les
Proceedings, en juin 1891, p. 558-561.
Dans cette derniere lettre, adressee a Amenophis IV, Tusratta
demande I'execution de promesses faites par Amenophis III, lequel
etait mort avant d'avoir pu tenir parole ; il invoque le temoignage
de la grande Tii, femme d'x^menophis III et mfere d'Amenophis IV,
qui connaissait les engagements de son mari defunt.
Dans la lettre a Tii, probablement portee en Egypte par le memo
courrier, Tusratta prie la reine de temoigner en sa faveur auprbs de
son fils, le nouveau roi. Elle connaissait seule, avec Mani, porteur
ordinaire des messages d'Amenophis III h, Tusratta, les engage-
ments conclus aprbs d^bat entre les deux monarques. Tusratta,
a ce qu'il semble, s'etait execute le premier, et Amenophis III, un
moment, lui avait inspire des craintes par sa lenteur a s'acquitter de
ce qu'il devait. Mais Tii avait rassure Tusratta par I'intermediaire
de Giliya, un messager souvent employe par lui ; elle lui avait
conseille de continuer ses dons, lui predisant qu'il finirait par s'en
125
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1893.
trouver bien, comme cela etait arrive a son pere. Tusratta rappelle
ces faits, ou la responsabilite de Tii est engagee, afm de la decider
a intervenir.
A la fin de la lettre, Tusratta parle de sa femme Youni, qui etait
en correspondance avec Tii par des messagers particuliers et reci-
proques.
Transcription.
1. A-na (-jV Ti-i) bilit mat Mi-is-{ri-i\
2. 2cm-ma : y {Dii-JisYrai-ta sar Mi-{ta-a)i-7ii A-7ia ia-si)
3. sul-vui. A-na ka-a-si lu-u sul-inu. (A-fia ] Na-ap-hur-ri-d)
4. inar-ka lu-u sul-mu. A-na -^ Ta-a-tu-hi-pa (inarat-ia)
5. kallati-ka, lu-u sul-mu, a-na matati-ka, a-(7ia bit(^)-ka),
6. u ?nim-mu-ka, dan-is dan-is lu-u sul-mu.
7. At-ti-i-ma ti-i-ta-a-an-ni ki-mi-i {a-fia-ku it-ti)
8. y Mi-im-7tm-ri-ia mu-ti-i-ka ar-(ta-na-ha-am-??ia),
9. u Mi-im-mu-ri-ia ap-pu-na mit-{ti-i-ki^
10. ki-i-mi-i it-ti-ia ir-ia-7ia-ha-am u {ti-i-ti)
1 1 . (a-n)a j Afi-im-mu-ri-a nm-ti-i-ki sa a-ma-{ti al-ta-na-ap-par)
12. (?^) sa a-dab-bu-bn^ u j Mi-im-mu-ri-a
13. (ap-pii)-na mu-ti-i-ki a-ma-ti y>->-w- a-na ia-si
14. (il-td)-7ia-appa-ru u sa i-dab-bu-bu. At-ti-t
15 -ya u y Ma-7ii-i i-ii, u at-ti-i-77ia
16 il kap-pi-su-nu. Ti-i-ti a-7na-fi '\^->->*-
17. [sa it)-ti a-/ia-7ni-is tii-id-bu-bu ; 7na-ai7i-ma
1 8. {sa-7ut)-u7n-/na la i-ti-su-nu.
19. A-nu-U77i-7Jia at-ti-i-ma a-na \ Gi-li-ia
7.0. {ta-ak)-ta-bi : a-na bi-li-i-ka ki-bi-i-{7na)
21. y Mi-i77i-77iu-ri-a 77ju-ti it-ti a-bi-i-ka
22. {ir)-ta-7ia-ha-a/7i-/ni u ak ka-a-sa it-ta-za-ar w/7- . .
23. u (?) it-ti a-bi-ka ra-h-mu-ut-ta-su la i//i- ....
24. (i-7ia) as-ra-7ia sa il-ta-tia-ap-pa-f2i la ip-ti ....
25. {U i-7ta)-an-na at-ta it-ti y Mi-iin-mii-ri-ia
26 ra-h-77iu-ut-ka la ta-ma-as-si-ra-{am-7ua^
27 ru-ub-bi n u-zu-ur-su
28 [i-na) hi-du-ti tq-al-ta-na-ap-{pa-ra)
29. {u lib-bi-su id ta-7tid)-ar-ra-as
30 mu-ti-i-ki ra-h-7HU-ut-ta
126
Jan. io] proceedings. [1893.
31 nu i-na-an-7ia-a-ma . . .
32 mar-ka a-?i X san'iti
33 am u a-ma-ti
34 7)11-1-711 i-7ia- . .
35 ki-it-ti-7ia 71 a7i-7ii . .
36 7ia-ta-a-7ii i-ti
37 SU' u U77i-7na a-7ia . .
38 sh\ Na-ap-hur-ri-ia
39 u a-nu-u77i-77ia i-na
40 i-na-att-ti-nu la ... .
41 i'tfia i-na bi-i-ki a
42 u a-na pant y Na-ap-hur-iri-a)
43 ta-at-ru-us ; su7/i-77ia
44. {a-7ia pa-7ii)-sn la fa-far-ra-as, u a{t-ti-i)
45. {lu-u- ti)-i-ti. Gar-gar^->^>>- sa hiirasi ub-bu-{ku-ii-dii)
46. y Na-ap-hur-ri-ia li-id-ti-na ; la 77ii-i7/i-77ia
47. {lib)-bi lu-u la-a u-sa-a7/i-ra-as ; 77ia-la-a
48. i(J)-di7i(J) a-bi-sii, X sa7iitu li-i-it-ti-ir-an-(^7ii)
49. (i-7i)a ra-a-}i-77iH-ti 71 i-7ia gii-ub-b/t-ti (?).
50. U ad-d7i-ki ^^w '''^^^ sipri-ka it-ti mari sip-ri
51. ia y Na-ap-hiir-ri-ia, it-ti
52. sa -^ I-7i-7ii assat-ia li-il-{li-ku)
53. a-7ia 77ia-al-ta-ri-is-777a u ^^jf^ 7/iari sipri
54. sa -^ I-n-7ii assat-ia a-7ta 77iat-ia
55. Ii-il-li-k7i a-77a /7ia-al-ta-{ri-is).
56. A-7tu-U7n-7?ia a-7ia si/l-77ia-7ti-i-ka
57 >4?^Y tapa-tn)7i sa sa/7i7ii ta-pa-a-ti (77ia-li-i),
58. isti7l-7Ul-tll)77 ^^y
Traduction.
(i) A (Tii), maitresse du pays de Misri . . . , (2) en ces termes :
Tusratta, roi de Mitanni Je (3) vais bien. A toi, salut,
(a Napkhurriya) (4) ton fils, salut. A Tadukhipa, (ma fiUe), (5) ta
belle-fille, salut. A tes pays, a ta 77iaison (?), (6) et a tout ce (\\\\
t'appartient, salut a un haut degre.
127
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1892.
(7, 8) Tu sais comment moi j'ai use d'amitie envers Mimmuriya
ton mari, (9, 10) et comment Mimmuriya aussi a use d'amitie
envers moi. (Tu sais) (11) que (j'ai envoye) des propositions a
Mimmuriya, (12) et que je les ai debattues, et que Mimmuriya (13,
14) aussi, ton e'poux, m'a envoye des propositions et qu'il les a
debattues. Toi (15) mon .... et Mani vous le savez. Et toi,
(/?/ as ete melee) (?) a tout cela. Tu sais les propositions (17) que
nous avons debattues ensemble. Aucun (18) autre (J) ne les connait.
(19, 20) Voila que tu as dit a Giliya : " Dis a ton maitre [de ma
part]: (21) Mimmuriya, mon epoux, (21, 22) a use d'amitie envers
ton pere, et pour toi comment gardera-t-il ? (23) Et envers
ton pere il n'a point daneiiti (?) son amitie, (24) et ce qu'il [ton
pere] a envoye (par) bienveillance, il [Mimmuriya] ne I'a pas
(25) (Et main)tenant, toi, envers Mimmuriya (26) ne donne
point de relache a ton amitie. (27) Augmente et
garde-lui (28) tu lui enverras avec joie, (29) (et tu ne
lui frois)seras pas le coeur.
Les ligiies 30-44 sont trop mutilces pour q%i'il soit per?nis d'essayer
aucune reconstitution ni traduction.
(45, 46) Que Napkhurriya donne les gargar d'or x ; (46, 47)
qu'en rien il ne me froisse le coeur ; tout ce que (48) son pere
donnait, qu'il le donne a son tour au decuple, (49) par amitie et
g'en'erosite (?).
(50-52) Et pour toi, que tes messagers viennent avec les
messagers de Napkhurriya, avec les de Youni, ma femme,
(53) ^" P^^^ ^^^(?) fit que les messagers (54) de Youni, ma femme,
(55) partent au plus tdt(>).
(56-58) Voila que comme presents pour toi, (j'envoie)
un vase de . . . . (rempli) de boinie (?) huile , un
Remarques.
Eigne 4. — Marat-ia, d'apres British Museum, 10, 1. 7. Voir
plus haut, introduction du n' III.
Eigne 8. — Muti-ka sic; mais 1. 13, regulierement inuti-ki.
Ar-ta-na-ha-am restitue d'apres 1. 10, ir-fa-iia-Zia-am^en consideration
de la symetrie de la phrase.
Eigne 11. — Al-ta-na-ap-par, restitue d'apres son symetrique
(il-ta)-7ia-ap-pa-ru a la ligne 13. Peut-etre faut-il, a cause du
manque d'espace a la fin de la ligne, restituer as-pur, qui a le meme
sens.
128
Jan. io] TROCEEDINGS. [1803.
Ligne 15. — ///, a pour sujet Mani. Le verbe est sous-entendu
apres le premier sujet atti.
Ligne 29. — Restitution d'apres 1. 47, et Berli?!, 24, recto, 1. 54.
Yoiv Froceedi?igs, t. XIII, 1890-91, p. 561.
I.ignes 42-45. — Tusratta me semble dire: " Tu te presenteras
devant Na])khurriya, ton fils ; si tu ne te presentes pas a lui [pour
temoigner en ma faveur], tu sais pourtant bien [ce qu'il en est]."
Ligne 50. — Addu-ki, pour attu-ki. Formation analogue a attu-o,
aftu-kutm, etc. Voir Delitzsch, Granufi., p. 132.
Ligne 5 7. — Mali d'apres Brit. Mus., 9, 1. 44. Voir plus haut,
n° II.
V.
Le Roi d'Alasiya au Roi d'Egypte.
{Berlin, 11.)
Le roi d'Egypte s'est plaint de certains mefaits commis par les
gens du pays de Loukki, sans doute voisin d'Alasiya, de connivence
avec les habitants de cette derniere contree, et il a fait des menaces
a ce sujet. La lettre du roi d'Alasiya repond a ce message.
II me semble qu'il s'agit de brigandages dont auraient eu a
souffrir des Egyptiens venus pour affaires en Alasiya, ou traversant
cette principaute pour ce rendre ailleurs dans le meme but. C'est
ainsi que Burraburiyas, roi de Babylonie, se plaint a Amenophis IV
des mauvais traitements subis par des voyageurs, ses sujets, en
Palestine, sur un territoire dependant de I'Egypte {Berlin, 7, verso,
11. 27-36.)
Transcription.
1. A-na sar-ri mat Mi-is-ri a/ii-ia, ki tim-ma
2. uni-nia : sar-ri mat A-la-si-ia ahii-kn-ma.
3. A-na ia-si sul-mu, u a-na ka-sa lu-u sul-viu.
4. A-7ia bit-ka, assati{})-ka, mari-ka, sisi-ka,
5. ttarkabati-ka, u i-na via-a-du sahi-ka,
6. matati-ka, amiluti rabuti-ka, dan-is lu-u sul-tnu.
7. Am-nii-tii, ahu-ia, a-ma-ta an-ni-ta
8. a-7ia ia-si ta-kab-bi ? Su-u ahu-ia
9. la i-ti-su ; a-ma-ti an-ni-ta la i-bu-us.
10. A-na-ku, i-nu-ma amiluti sa mat Bu-uk-ki,
129
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1893.
11. Sa-ai-ta sa-fa-ma, i-tia mat-ia la(J) . . -i/i-ra,
12. i'->ii-gi.
13. Ah-hi, at-ta ta-kab-bi a-)ia ia-si :
14. amiliiti sa mat-ka it-ti-su-titi i-ba-as-si ;
15. u a-na-ku a/iu-ia la i-ti-mi ki-i it-ti-su-mi
16. i-ba-as-si. Smn-ina i-ba-as-si amiluti sa mat-ia,
17. u at-ta a-na ia-si sii-piir, ti a-na-kji
18. ki-i Hb-bi-ia i-bii-iis.
19. At-ta-ma la-a ti-ii-i. Amiluti sa jiiat-ia
20. la-a i-bu-us a-ma-ta an-ni-ta. Sum-ma
21. i-bu-su amiluti sa mat-ia, u at-ta ki-i lib-bi-ka
22. i-bu-us.
23. I-nu-ma, alju-ia, ki-i mar sipri-ia
24. la-a ta-as-pur, dup-pi an-ni-tum aJiu sa sa7-n
25. {lu) is-pur. Sa i-bu-us mar sipri-ka
26. i-kab-bu-ni.
27. Sa-ni-tam a-i-tum a-ba-i-ga a-na
28. a-ba-i-ia i-Jia ba-na-ni i-bu-su
29. a-ma-ita) an-ni-ta ; u i-7ia-an-?ia, a/iu-ia,
30. la ta-sa-ga-an i-na lib-bi-ka.
Traduction.
(i) Au roi du pays de Misri, mon frere, pour information, (2) en
ces termes : Le roi du pays d'Alasiya ton frere. (3) Je vais bien.
A toi salut. (4) A ta maison, a tes femfues (?), a tes enfants, a tes
chevaux, (5) a tes chars, a tes nombreux soldats, (6) a tes terres, a
tes nobles, salut a un haut degre.
(7, 8) Pourquoi, mon frere. me dis-tu chose pareille ? (8, 9) Lui-
meme mon frere ne le sait pas [n'est pas bien informe de ce dont il
s'agit]. (9) Je n'ai pas fait chose pareille. (10) Pour moi, si les
gens du pays de Loukki, (11) chaque annee, font dans mon
pays, (12) je suis innocent.
(13) Mon frere, tu me dis : (14) *' I.es gens de ton pays sont
avec eux." (15, 16) Et moi j'ignore qu'ils sont avec eux. (16) Si
les gens de mon pays sont avec eux, (17) toi, mande-le moi [le cas
echeant], et moi (18) je ferai selon mon coeur [volonte].
(19) Mais toi, tu n'es pas au courant [de la chose]. Les gens
de mon pays (20) n'ont pas fait chose pareille. Si (21) les gens de
130
Jan. io] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
mon pays le font [reellement] (21, 22) toi, agis suivant ton cceur
[volonte, j'y consens].
(23) Maintenant, mon frere, (23, 24) comme tu nc renvoyais pas
mon messager, (24, 25) le frere du roi [c'est-a-dire, moi] a envoye
cette tablette. (25) Ce que j'ai a faire, ton messager (26) me le dira,
C28) Au surplus, quand tes p^res (27-29) ont-ils fait prece-
demment chose pareille a mes peres ? (29) Et maintenant, mon
fr^re, ne te mets pas [pareille resolution] dans I'esprit.
Remarques.
Ligne 11. — Safa, pour satta. Satta satta = annee annee, c'est-
a-dire, tous les ans.
Ligne 12. — I-ni-gi, pour i-ni-ki, de la racine Jlpi- Sur la pre-
formante /' a la premiere personne, voir nos observations dans les
Proceedings, t. XII, p. 220, 221.
Ligne 27. — A-i-tiim, interrogntif. Nous I'avons traduit qtwnd,
mais il signifierait bien aussi esi-ce que.
VI.
Autre Lettre du Roi d'Alasiya au Roi d'Egvpte,
{British Museum, 6.)
D'apres ce que je crois saisir dans cette lettre, d'une interpreta-
tion trbs difficile, elle a ete dictee par les memes circonstances que la
precedente. Le roi d'Egypte, mal dispose a I'egard du roi d'Alasiya,
lui avait fait parvenir un message epistolaire contenant des ordres
ou des menaces, sans donner au porteur le pouvoir de traiter per-
sonnellement avec lui. Precedemment, il avait refuse audience a un
ambassadeur de son vassal. Le roi d'Alasiya I'engage a reflechir et
a entendre son nouvel envoye. Ce dernier apportera cent talents de
bronze au roi d'Egypte, dont le messager retourne aussi charge de
presents. A la fin du long passage mutile, au milieu de la piece, le
roi d'Alasiya parle, dirait-on, d'une difficulte qu'il a reglee de son
mieux entre un marchand alasiyen et un marchand e'gyptien. II
demande encore pour le futur envoye egyptien la permission de
traiter avec lui, et pour le sien la faveur d'une audience. En ter-
minant, il reproche au Pharaon de ne lui avoir pas rendu certaines
politesses qu'il lui avait faites.
131
Jan. 10] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
Transcription.
1 . Um-tfia : sar mat A-la-si-ia
2. a-tia sar ttiat Mi-is-ri ahi-ia-ma.
3. Li-ma-ad i-nu-ma sal-ma-ku u
4. ra-si mat-ia, 71 is-tu sul-mui^)-ka(^').
5 . U su-hi-lum-ka^ su-lum bit-ka^ mari-ka,
6. as sat/, s/si, 7iarkabati-ka,
7. mati-ka, rabis lu-u sal-mu. A-mur at a/in-ia,
8. i-nu-ma ta-as-tap-ra a-na ia-a-si,
9. a-na mi-ni7n-mi la-a tu-ma-si-ra
I o. tnaj'i si-ip-ri-ka a-na mah-ri-ia (?)
1 1 . Sa-ni-tum u la-a is-mi i-nu-ma
12. ti-na-ku ni-ka-atn, u la ti-id-du
13. mi-ma i-na lib-bi-ka u as-su-u
14. is-ma-am ; u a-nu-ma ut-ta-sir
15. mar si-ip-ri-ia i-na mah-ri-ka
16. u al-lu-u ut-ta-sir-ka.
17. I-na ka-ti mar si-ip-{ri)-ia a-na ka-tam
18. C bilat iri. Sa-ni-tum, u a-fiu-ttia
19. u-nu-ti i-ba-al mar si-ip-ri-ka :
20. ist-in >^ ir-su isi um hurasi su-ki-a,
21. 21 narkab-tum su-hi-tum i-na hurasi,
22. u II sis i, u XLII illuriij) u
23. L X^naparki (?) illuri {}), u II ku-si-ti illuri (?), u
24. XIV ^y kalli (?), u XV ^^]f ha-ba-na-tu sa samni iabi.
25. iyU) is-tu illuri {}) sarri IV ilbiri (?) u IV napraki (?) illuri (f)
26 tu u-nu-ti sa i-ia-nu
27 u su (J) i-ma-ru
28 5:y ir-si u
29 na tu-kir i-ia-nu
30 !«.)->- ut-ta-sir
31 si-ip-ri-ia.
32 si-mu
33 na u
34 ri-ia . .
35 su-us-si
36 u mar si ip . .
132
Jan. io] proceedings. [1893.
37 ki-ia u
38 ki-jfia ar~hi-is
39 A-la-si-ia amil tam-ga-ri
40 amil tam-ga-ru-ka 11 amil tamgarn-ia
41 / // S'^-gi it-ti-su-7iu
42. u hi-u {i)-bii-us ki-it-ti
43. i-na bi- ku-ni ; u
44. mar si-ip-(ri)-ia a-?ia mah-ri-ka
45. i-li-ku u mar si-ip-ri-ka
46. a-7ia mali-ri-ia i-li-ku. Sa-fii-fum,
47. samni u illuri {}) a-na mi-nim la-a
48. tu-ma-si-ru-ni a-na-ku-ma sa
49. ti-ri-su at-ta u a-na-ku id-di-nu
5 o. ic al-lu-ii ha-ba-na-at (sa) samni tahi
51. ma-la-at a-na ta-pa-ki a-na (ka-ka)-di-ka
5 2 . us-si-ir-ti i-nu-ma tu-sa-ab a-na kiissi
5 3. sar-ru-ta-ka.
Traduction.
(i) En ces termes : Le roi d'Alasiya (2) au roi du pays de Misri
mon frere. (3) Apprends que je vais bien, ainsi que (4) les
principaux de mon pays, et qu'ils font des vceux pour ta prosperite (?).
(5) Salut a toi, salut a ta maison, a tes enfants, (6) a tes femmes,
chevaux et chars, (7) a ton pays. Salut a un haut degre.
Considere, toi, mon frere : (8) quand tu m'envoies message, (9, 10)
pourquoi ne laisses-tu pas venir ton envoye en ma presence?
(11) De plus, [mon frere] ne comprend pas que (12, 1 3) je juge sui vant
I'equite, et tu ne mets rien dans ton esprit [tu ne consid^res rien],
et pour ... (14) , qu'il soit admis, maintenant,
(15) mon messager, en ta presence. (16) Et ne sera-t-il pas admis
chez toi? (17) II se trouve dans la main de mon messager, pour
toi, (18) cent talents de bronze, et voila (19) que ton messager aussi
apporte [de ma part] des objets : (20) un lit de bois ^iisu, incrust^
d'or, (21) un char incruste d'or, (22) deux chevaux . . .
L^ emimeration des objets se poursuit jusqu'' a la fin de la ligne 25,
mais je ne comprends le sens de presque aucun mot., et les lectures meme
que je propose sont tres problhnattques ; je vols seulement (1. 25) qu''on
envoie un vase contenant une huile excellente. II n'y a rien a trouver
dans les lignes 26-38, irop mutilees.
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
(39) Alasiya, marchand. (40) ....
.... ton marchand, et mon marchand. (41)
(42) Et j'ai fait chose juste. (43) (44, 45)
Mon messager ira en ta presence, et ton messager (46) viendra en
ma presence. (47, 48) Pourquoi ne m'envoies-rii pas a moi des
huiles et du ; tandis que ce que (49) tu desires, moi, je I'ai
donne. (50-52) N'ai-je pas envoye un habanat d'excellente huile a
verser sur ta tete (52, 53) quand tu t'assieds sur ton tr6ne royal ?
Remakques.
Ligne 4. — Istu, ipteal de la racine miT ?
Ligne 12. — Tinaku pour difiaku. Nikam, voir le n" V, note
sur la ligne 12.
Ligne i6.— Alli1 aurait-il le sens du latin ?ionfie, qui convient
ici, et mieux encore a la ligne 50 ?
Ligne 48. — Tumasiru-ni anaku. Je considere le pronom separe
comme une repetition du sufifixe ni.
Ligne 49. — U introduit la proposition principale de la phrase
comme 1 en hebreu.
Ligne 52. — Ussir-ti. On s'attendrait a avoir simplement ttUir ;
ti fait penser a la desinence // de la i'"® personne du singulier
dans les preterits hebraiques.
134
Jan. io] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
ETUDE SUR ABYDOS.
Par E. Lef^bure.
II n'y a pas ici une monographic historique, religieuse ou geo-
graphique d'Abydos, loin de la : c'est seulement, sur le role principal
de cette ville, unc courte serie de recherches menant a une conclusion
qui se degagera d'une maniere plus ou rnoins nelte.
Le pilote de la barque osirienne.
I.
M. Max Muller a signale aux chapitres 76 et 104 du Todten-
buch thebain, a la place du groupe plus recent fi 1 ^^^^ , J \\
'J 11 "^'^ ^^ "'°^ '"^'''^' '"^''^' ''^'^' 1J%^11^' 0
\ (J j [l{l<=i, determine par un oiseau, ou bebait, bait, \
^\ 00^5 I "^^^ *^\ UfJ^' determine par un insecte.-
M. Le Page Renouf^ pense que le meme nom d'oiseau-abait, donne
par extension ^ une partie du gouvernail de la barque osirienne/ s'ap-
pliquait a un personnage mythique, "^^ ^^ >J^\ V^\ ^ wl
ou ^^ ^^ <=i \l^\ ^' ^^^ bird-fl}\ represente aux pyramides
royales dans une barque, sous une forme d'oiseau, ou symbolist par
la barque seule. ^ Quant a I'insecte bait qui figure au Todtenbuch,
ce ne serait pas une guepe, car le scribe qui I'a dessine savait par-
faitement faire une guepe, mais a very queer insect.
*
' Lepsius, Todtenbuch, ch, 76 et 104.
^ Zeitschrift, xxx, p. 56-9.
^ Proceedings, Juin 1892, p. 396-402.
* Sarcophage dc Horhotep, 1. 744.
^ Id.,\. 468.
* Pepi I, 1. 79, et Merenra, 1. 109 et 706.
' Merenra, 1. 334, et Pepi II, 1. 22 et 852.
135
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1893.
Quelques remarques nouvelles, en permettant d'identifier le hait^
montreront que ces vues sont justes.
Le mot abait a pour determinatif un petit oiseau a aigrette, ^^^
{cf. le Copte K<i.I upupa), peut-etre I'alouette huppee, si ce n'est
pas simplement le jeune epervier, tandis que sa variante bait est
determinee par un insecte dont les pattes anterieures depassent la
tete : cette attitude est rendue d'une maniere contradictoire, et par
consequent douteuse, au tome premier et au tome second du Tod-
tenbuch de M. Naville, mais en recourant au texte meme, le papyrus
de Nebseni ou papyrus Burton, qui est au British Museum, toute
incertitude disparait. Voici, d'apres une obligeante communication
de M. Wallis Budge, la veritable forme donnee au bait par le scribe :
, chapitre 76, et (^7^ , chapitre 104.-
Cette esquisse ne rappelle a I'esprit que le mantis, celebre dans
les legendes africaines.^ L'oiseau abait a. done pour variante un
insecte de nom analogue, qui est le mantis : or cet insecte se retrou-
vant, comme I'aviron-oiseau abait, dans la barque d'Abydos, et, au
rituel de I'Ap-ro, se combinant avec la guepe comme ailleurs l'oiseau,
il y a la une double raison pour que l'oiseau guepe ou bird-fly soit
\abait.
En premier lieu, une st^le de la iS*" dynastie publiee par S. Sharpe*
et etudiee par M. ^Vallis Budge,^ mentionne la navigation des ames
qui s'en allaient chaque annee a la Fente d'Abydos, analogue ou
identique a la porte de I'enfer ou Ro-sta, dans la barque osirienne,
(comme les ames qui passaient de Gaule en Angleterre, d'apres une
tradition deja recueillie par Procope) : "
insecte-Ba d'Abydos, dit le texte a I'elu, large est pour lui la place
dans la barque, et il suit le dieu a U-Fuka, lors de la fete d' Uaka
' Cf. vSchiaparelli, Una tomba Egiziana incdila della Via diiiastia, p. 20.
2 Cf. Naville, Todteiibiuh, II, pi. 159 et 240.
^ Girard de Rialle, Mythologie coniparee, I, p. 103.
"* Egyptian Jnscriplions, I, pi. 105.
* Transactions, VIII, part 3, p. 327.
^ Leroux dc Lincy, Le Livre des Legendes, p. 92.
136
Jan. io] proceedings. [1893.
les 17 et 18 du mois de Thoth).' Le texte ajoute plus loin que
I'elu etait appele a la table d'offrandes dans I'oasis nommee Vile de
Testes, detail a remarquer.
Ici, le ba est une sauterelle, comme le prouve la copie que M.
Wallis Budge a eu la bonte de prendre a nouveau sur le monument,
qui est a Londres : \j^p^ ; mais le mantis, qui tient a la fois de la
libellule et de la sauterelle, est encore appele aujourd'hui dans le
langage courant, et meme dans differents vocabulaires, une
sauterelle ; a plus forte raison a-t-il ete denomme de la meme
manibre par les anciens. Dans son commentaire sur le Ly-
curgue d'Eschyle, Aristarque - disait du mantis que cette saute-
relle, Ti]v uKpica Tavrtjv, porte malheur aux betes qu'elle regarde.
Recemment, dans son grand article Mythology de X Encyclopedia
Britanntca, M. Andrew Lang a ecrit que I'Etre supreme de la mytho-
logie boschimane est la sauterelle appelee mantis.^ Dans la pre-
mibre partie de // Libro del funerali,^ I'Ap-ro, M. Schiaparelli a
remplace par une sauterelle le mantis du tombeau de Seti I ; et il
est visible que la meme identification a ete faite, comme sur la stHe
de Londres, par les Egyptians, qui divinisaient la sauterelle (et la
colombe), suivant Theodoret cite par ChampoUion dans le manuscrit
de son Pantheon.^ Aux pyramides royales, ou I'elu prend la forme
de la sauterelle de Ra pour atteindre le ciel, Uy,J\ ^ 1\ "
I O O , ^ il est parle du feu sortant du gosier de la
sauterelle, et de I'eau que produit le criquet, v\ ) /[ ^^\
^ Kzz^ . (Le determinatif du mot imitatif Keket ressemble beau-
coup moins a une courtilifere ou a un charan^on qu'a une forme
de la sauterelle donnee par M. Birch).*
En second lieu, le passage de I'Ap-ro qui vient d'etre indique
meniionne le mantis avec la guepe.
1 Cf. Merenra, 1. 67, et Pepi II, 1. 48.
' Eschyle, edition Didot, fragment 28 (d'apres le scholiaste de Theocrite ad
Idyl. X, 18).
3 2' partie, II, ch. i, § I. •• Page 65.
* T. I, p. 42, a la Bibliotheque nationale. ' Pepi II, 1. 860.
' Pepi II, 1. 159. 8 Zeitschrift, 1S66, p. 86.-
137 L
Jan. io]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY.
[1893.
Apres la purification de la statue funeraire qu'il s'agissait de
consacrer par I'ouverture symbolique de la bouche, et avant
Veclairage de cette statue, avait lieu sa presentation au pretre offi-
ciant, le Sem, qui dormait ' dans la tombe d'un sommeil visite par
les dieux, et que reveillait I'arriv^e des autres pretres. (Le texte de
I'Ap-ro, aux tombes royales, est divise en colonnes au bas des-
quelles se trouvent, nettement separes du reste par une barre, des
especes de titres, notes, ou mementos).
Ligne 40.^ Le Sem couche ieveille, et decouvre les Amu-Khent. —
Les dieux et le couche.
Ligne 41. Le Sem dit : Je vols le pere e?i sa forme complete?
Ligne 42. Les Amu-Khe?it disent devant le Sem :
Ligne 43. II n^existait plus pour toi, ton pere.
Ligne 44. Le Sem dit devant les Amu-Khefit :
Ligne 45. Le Chasseur^ de dieu F avail pris. — Le Chasseur de dieu.
Ligne 46. Les Amu-Khetit disent devant le Sem :
Ligne A1- J^ ^^^'-^ ^^ P^^^ ^^^ ^^ forme complete. — Forme de Mantis.
Ligne 48. Quelles choses I II n''existait plus, — Guepes.
Ligne 49. Et il n'y a pas de ?7ianque en lui.^ — Ombre.
L. 47.
L. 48.
ee
0
L. 49.
]1
V
T
(et le corps
noir et nu).
' C/. Stele C 3 du Louvre, 1. 14 et 15. * Se'ti I, III, p. 3.
3 Cf. Zeitschrift, 1881, pi, /^b, 1. 26-7, * Cf. Todtenbuck, ch. 112, 1. I.
*• Cf. Teti, 1. 269 et 278, et Tombeau de Horhotep, 1. 43.
138
Jan. io] PROCEEDINGS. [1S93.
Pour I'avant-derniere ligne, Ramses III et Tauser ont, au lieu de
la legon de Seti I, ® ^^ , et Rekhmara V\ ) — h— .
etc./ pour t^J, etc. : ^ue/ bo7iheur ! II existe. Cf. , w ,
..^ j2 variant avec i®j , etc.^
II.
Bien que les textes qui parlent de Vahait ne soient pas nombreux,
ils permettent cependant de reconstituer a peu pres la physionomie
de ce type bizarre.
Le mot qui le designe est un compose, puisqu'on rencontre
Vabait seul dans plusieurs cas et meme la guepe seule dans un passage
du Todtenbuch thebain, qui joue en meme temps sur le nom de
Vabait : 6 ce portier de la Bat (maison ou caverne) de la Guepe, qui
est dans rArnenti {ch. 41). Si le mot est un compose, c'est aussi
un collectif, car on le trouve employe indifferemment au singulier
comme au pluriel, et peut-etre aussi au duel ; I'Ap-ro semble le
mettre au pluriel en triplant le signe de la guepe ; le sarcophage
de Mentuhotep remplace la phrase du sarcophage de Horhotep,
le bird-fly est nion guide, \ ^^ ^^ V^^ V^^ ^ wi ' ^'S^
V^ \> ,* par celle-ci : \ ^ \M. I ^ ^
v\ 1 ,5 dest le bird-fly qui est mes guides; et de meme
le chapitre de la barque Neshemt, au tombeau de Horhotep,
interpelle Vabait de I'aviron tantot au singulier et tantot au pluriel :
1 ti ^y %''kii '^^--^'^i^ k "™ k
,6 salut a toi, J bait du gouvernail de la Neshemt d' Osiris,
III AAAAA/^
Horhotep votis connait en vos formes. On pouvait done dire un bait-
t^i^i^Q' P^^ exemple, comme on disait un ^^^ J) i , d'ou
il suit que le mot s'appliquait a toute une classe d etres.
' Virey, Le Tombeau de Rekhmara, pi. 33.
" l^iimichen, Der Grabpalast des Patuamenaf, II, pi. 2, 1. 40.
^ .Schiaparelli, II Libra del Funerali, parte prima, p. 115.
* L. 468-9. * Aelteste Texte, pi. 14, 1. 41-2. « L. 744.
139 L 2
JAX. lo] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
Cette categorie est celle des manes, comma I'indiquerait le mot bait
(ou abait avecle pre'fixe archaique^), ressemblant a <<^^ \ [1 , anime,-
et comme le montre I'Ap-ro, qui appelle V de mantis - guepes -
ombre le mort figure par sa statue, \ -r^ • La statue de I'Ap-ro
restait pareille a I'ombre jusqu'aux derniers rites de la cer^monie,
ceux de I'habillement, car elle etait nue comme I'ombre egyptienne,
et c'est par anticipation que les premiers tableaux la montrent armee
et vetue ; le titre du livre dans Seti I dit formellement : faire VAp-ro
dans la salle de For a la statue, la premiere fois : on la place s%ir du
sable da7is la salle de For, la face an Sud, et elle est nue dans la terre,
le Jour oil ses habits so?it derriere elle?
L'ombre n'etait que le decalque dn corps ; aussi voit-on souvent
I'hieroglyphe qui la designe sur la tete de la momie, indice du
rapport etroit de ces deux parties de I'homme ; dans les differents
exemplaires du Todtenbuch, le mot ombre varie meme avec le mot
H
corps,^ et on lit dans un texte cite par M. Birch :° vos ames ® J\
A^v\/\rj\
AA/NAAA
y I , se pose7it sur vos ombres (c'est-a-dire sur vos coi'ps, cf-
(^^ J\ ^ ^ITl ), ce qu'illustrent certaines vignettes des papyrus
funeraires.'' Au Livre de I'Enfer, le corps et I'ombre sont en paral-
lelisme : " le dieu est venu a son corps, kha-t ; le dieu a ete re-
morque a son ombre, khab-t ; tu as rejoint ton corps, t'e-t."^ (C'est
le Soleil infernal ayant a la fois la tete du belier, c'est-a-dire de
I'ame, ba, et le nom du cadavre, af.) L'idee qui ressort de ces
textes est celle-ci : I'enfer, tombe collective, devant contenir les
momies, qu'on savait neanmoins ailleurs, les momies y furent
representees par les ombres. Lucien peuplait de meme son Had^s
de squelettes imaginaires, substituts des vrais corps.
• Cf. Merenra, 1. 105, et Tepi II, 1. 17.
" Merenra, 1. 74, et Pepi II, 1. 77.
'^ Cf. Schiaparelli, // Libra dei Ftmerali, parte prima, p. 27.
"• Chapitres 89 et 92, editions Lepsius et Naville.
* Transactions, VIII, part 3, " On the Shade or the Shadow of the Dead,"
V 394-
'■ Pierret, Etudes Egyptologiques, VIII, p. 13, Siele C I17 du Louvre.
' Naville, Todtenbuch, I, ch. 89, 97 et 104.
" Sharpe et Bonomi, Sarcophage de Seti /, pi. 13, B.
140
Jan. io] proceedings. [1893.
Si I'oiseau abait correspondait a I'ame ba,"" pourquoi la guepe ® 1
ne correspondrait-elle pas a I'ombre T J T > ^""^ J "^ T ' X ^^ J
^K I , le phonetique kheb etant tres usite pour la guepe (meme
dans le titre royal) ? La reunion des groupes abait et kheb,
toute pareille au compose \iai-i]Q, ame et caur, qu'HorapoUon -
donne pour le nom de I'epervier, n'aurait rien que de naturel ; en
effet, les mots ame et ombre avaient une tendance prononcee a se
reunir, ba khebt, comme on le voit au Todtenbiich et ailleurs :
' 't^ '^k "t™^ ^^T^ -:!. I lA ^ i^ * 9" '^
S Ci I I ^wvvAA W=/l C» I -iT^ ^ Ci I I ^ I 1
etc. M. Birch a public un assez grand nombre de figures d'ames
oiseaux ayant I'eventail de I'ombre derriere elles :' d'autres I'ont,
comme la momie, sur la tete.*
On remarquera que le mot ombre pouvait recevoir la marque du
pluriel quand il ne s'agissait que d'une seule personne, par exemple
les trois guepes paraissant former un pluriel dans la rubrique de
TAp-ro (si la repetition du signe n'est pas la pour la lettre u^ comme
dans ^ ^=^=^,1' Q ■^ ^ ^ ,'■- etc.) En tout cas, cette
rubrique, faisant de I'ombre une sorte d'intermediaire entre I'ame
et le corps, semble bien devoir se comprendre ainsi, d'apres les
observations qui precedent : forme de mantis et guepes (on guepe), ce
qui est Pombre, et les trois groupes n'en seraient pour ainsi dire
qu'un, ayant I'ombre humaine pour determinatif, en hieroglyphes
* Cf. Proceediiif^s, Jiiin 1892, p. 400-2. ' I, 7.
^ Todlenhtich, ch. 91, 1. 2. ^ Tod/enhucli, ch. 91 et 92.
* Birch, On the Shade, p. 393. * Champollion, Notices, II, p. 621.
■ On the Shade, planches. " Id., p. 622.
» Birch, On the Shade, p. 391. '» Naville, Todtcnhttch, II, ch. 149, k.
" Diimichen, Der Grabpalast des Patttaiiienap, II, pi. 2, 1. 40.
'" Flinders Petrie, Ten Years' Digging in Egypt, p. 73.
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY, [1893.
encore f^^ | ^o J] ; le nom de I'ombre est ecrit | ^>c\ dans
I'Ap-ro de Butehamen.^
Le type bird-fly, fantastique au meme titre que le scorpion \
deux aiguillons des anciens, serait done I'ombre, legere et fuyante
comme un etre aile, mais identique au corps nu par le contour,
quelque chose comme le revenant, ei'cwXou ajuavpov, le corps fluide
de I'ame, le p^risprit des modernes. Aussi, tout en le representant
par un oiseau et par un insecte (la sauterelle et la colombe de
7'heodoret, sans doute), les Egyptiens ne perdaient-ils pas de vue
le corps qu'il figurait, de meme que pour les rekhm, dont le
phonetique est determine comme celui de Vabait par I'oie ■ ou par
I'oiseau huppe, et dont ils faisaient tantot des oiseaux et tantot des
hommes.^ Les Grecs ne concevaient pas les choses autrement
lorsqu'ils donnaient a r5.me la forme humaine malgre son nom de
Y/i/XV) comme dans la Ne/iv/n de I'Odyssee.
La conjecture que le birdfly de I'ame pourrait etre le papillon,*
comme chez les Grecs (et chez plusieurs autres peuples), parait
tres plausible : c'est a tout le moins quelque chose de ce genre, un
oiseau ou un insecte figurant (par comparaison cm calembour)
I'ame-ombre, qui figure le corps ; le vol de I'ame au dessus du corps
est indique par le papillon lui-meme dans un texte de basse
epoque. *
Par contre, en Grece, I'abeille symbolisait aussi les ames, que
Sophocle comparait a un essaim,'' comme Virgile : ac velnti ifi pratis,
etc.;' suivant Porphyre, les anciens appelaient abeilles les ames
destinees a renaitre ; * Saon fut guide vers I'antre de Trophonius
par un essaim d'abeilles ; ^ et ce caractere h, demi fun^bre de
I'insecte a du etre pour quelque chose dans la croyance, si fortement
enracinee chez les Romains, qu'un essaim portait malheur la ou il
s'arretait.
' Schiaparelli, // Lihro dei Ftiuerah\ parte prima, p. 66, et pi. 4, 1. 20.
2 Cf. Naville, Todtenbuch, ch. i, pi. 6, el ch. 18, pi. 78, 79.
3 Cf. Diodore, I, 87.
■* Proceedings, Juin 1892, p. 400.
" Kecucil de travaux, IX, p. 90.
'' Porphyre, de Antro Nympliartitn, i?.
' Eneide, VI, v. 705.
■" Porphyre, de Antro Nympharttm, 18 et 19.
' Pausanias, IX, 40.
142
Jan. io] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
L'Ap-ro montre Vobait dans son role humain : les autres textes
le representent dans son role divin, qui n'est d'ailleurs que
I'elargissement du premier. Analogue peut-etre au (<^^ ^^. (1(1
ornithocephale des hypogees royaux ^ et au [ ^/[ des Aelteste
Texte^ Vabait alors n'^tait plus seulement Tame et I'ombre, mais le
type, le chef, et le guide des manes.
Aux pyramides royales, entre Tatun qui parfume Id pharaon et
Ra qui I'appelle, le bird-fly enfante ou fagonnfe, (]] I , le royal
defunt. Ce texte montre le dieu en barque sous 4a forme, ou d'un
oiseau becquetant, dans Merenra, 1. 706, ou d'un epervier dans le
meme, 1. 109, ou d'une oie dans Pepi I, 1. 79, ce qui coincide assez
bien avec I'un des cartouches de Merenra, le Me06ffo<)0«9 de
Mancthon, Mi> ^^\ °8Mo ^^=:^ , et *^^ ^>. j^ ^i^m qui se
lirait Batemsaf, et dont le b serait devenu un ;«, comme dans
Khemmis pour Kheb et Meroe pour Beroua ; Ton aurait encore ici
Vabait protecteur et pilote represente par differents oiseaux, ce
dont il ne faut pas s'etonner, car les Egyptiens se plaisaient
a ces reunions de symboles ; ils faisaient dire par exemple k
I'elu, au sujet d'un des endroits sacres d'Abydos : je vole en epervier-
bak, je glousse en oie-smen, et je me pose sur cette Rottte du bassin,
\^^\^ '^'^ ';g ' I '/ ^^ ^ '• J^ -^"^-^ Poiseau-nenu sur la Route sans
>'A^1T--^PI
Les autres textes mentionnant le birdfly presentent le per-
sonnage sous un meme aspect que les pyramides royales, c'est-a-
dire qu'ils font de lui une sorte d'Hermes psychopompe ou de
Charon egyptien.
Les deux chapitres du Todtenbuch ou on le rencontre sont ainsi
congus : —
Chapitre 76. — Formule pour prendre toutes les formes qu^on veui.
r entre dans le palais du roi (Osiris) ;^ l' Aba it tn'afnene. Salut a toi,
* Champollion, Notices, II, p. 600.
' PI. 26, 1. 8 ; cf. Todtenbuch, ch. loi, 1. 7.
' Cf. Daressy, Kecucil Je travau\, XI, p. 79.
* Todtenbuch, edition Naville, ch. I, 1. 49.
* id., h.
« Cf. Pepi I, 1. 646 et 651.
'' Cf Pierret, Etudes t\^yplologiques, I, p. 34.
143
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILliOLOGY. [1893,
qui voles au del pour eclairer les etoiks. Je veille stir la mitre}
C'est Moi. Je prospere a jamais. Dieu grand:, livre-moi le passage
par oil je penctrerai.
Chapitre 104. — Formule pour s'asseoir entrt les grands dieux.
Je vi'assieds entre les grands dieux., je passe par Vendroit de la
barque-sekti (un des aspects de la nef solaire, k laquelle O"
identifiait la Neshemt - ) ; PAbait m^amene pour voir les grands dieux
qui sont dans le monde souterrain. Je suis un de ceux doni la parole
es^t infaillible en leur presence. — Tu es pur.
Au sarcophage de Horhotep, chapitre damener la barque, 1. 468-9,
I'elu questionne sur son guide vers I'Elysee repond : moti guide est le
bird-ply, ou, d'apres la variante des Aelteste Texte, le bird-Jiy, c'est
mes guides.
Enfin, dans la barque meme, une partie du gouvernail est
appelee I'oiseau abait, et le role de pilote des ames qu'avait Vabait
explique bien pourquoi le gouvernail de la nef des ames a regu ce
nom. C'est par une confusion d'autant plus natureile entre la rame
et le rameur, que les Egyptiens personnifiaient toutes les parties de
chaque navire divin/ dont I'ensemble s'identifiait souvent avec
son dieu, comme on I'a vu pour le bird-Jly. La Neshemt elle-meme
etait une deesse,^ et avait des pretres/ Les rites du voyage reel ou
fictif des morts a Abydos, lors des funerailles, pour conna'itre les
choses d' Abydos,^ coniportaient I'adoration des poteaux ou I'on
attachait la proue et la poupe des barques.''
Quand done I'elu est dit naviguer en ba-sauterelle d' Abydos, cette
expression peut I'assimiler aussi bien au gouvernail qu'au conducteur
de la Neshemt. II se represente ailleurs comme Vaviron du Soleil,
dont on le voit souvent diriger la barque," ^ [1 ^A^ ^^\ ^ 9 -"^^
^ O Jf \^ .'^-^ , je suis Vaviron du ^oUil qui passe
' Cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 92, 1. 3.
^ Denderah IV, 74, h.
' Cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 58, 99 et 122.
* Mariette, Ahydos, III, p. 26, 426 et 451.
* Id., Ill, p. 493-
* Champollion, Notices, II, 404.
^ Virey, Le^ Tombeau de Kekhmara, pi. 26 ; cf. Champollion, Notices, II,
p. 620.
" Pepi II, 1. 857 ; Todtenbuch, ch. 130, 1. 10, ch. 49 b, et passim ; Pierret,
Etudes Egyptologiques, I, p. 54 ; etc.
144
Jan. io] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
en barque par hit ses vieillards,je siiis la baguette de la Destinee qut
fait marcher par elle la barque des ahies, etc' Au papyrus No. 2 de
Berlin, Meruitens compare a Thoth est appele le gouvernail de la
terre entiere, d'aprbs la traduction de M. Chabas, f^ Ky ^^\ (^
?V ^ ^__^ _^ ^^^^ ^ (^ Ig n^ot ^ a N^^ (j , ///^/e').
Dans un papyrus magique du British Museum, le nom de baton ou
de ranie du lac est donne a Horus, et c'est Horus^ qui manoeuvre
d'habitude, dans la barque divine, les deux grands avirons de
I'arriere, lesquels portent la tete d'epervier d'Horus lui-meme a leur
extremite superieure la ou se trouvait sans doute aussi, dans la
Neshemt, la tete de V aba it, dit Vml, ^^ c^ ■<2>-^5 ^^^ ^jj (j^ggse
Mert qui accompagnait le mort amenant la nef des ames ;* la
tete du pharaon, dans le vaisseau de I'autre monde qui porte
Ramses III,'' termine pareillement les avirons.
La meme qualification de baton ou de rame, formait un des
titres de la hierarchie egyptienne ; s'il existait une fonction de /I\ jj ,
porteur de baton, ou peut-etre d'enseigne ((/• fl j I | | |*), et de
samer porteur de la rame ? bai du roi^ une autre charge etait celle
de baton du roi dans les teffiples, sous les Ptolemees, ft ..^^-^ J. 1
|1 ^^y ou 1^^, baton ou rame du Rekhi, c'est-a-dire du pharaon;
le pharaon etait Fhomme ou le Rekhi supreme, puisque, au
' Sarcophage de Horhotep, 1. 329 et 31 1-2 ; cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 63, 1. I.
' Zeitschyift, 1864, p. 101.
^ Marietta, Abydos, III, p. 398.
* Todtenbuch, cb. 15, 1. 27.
* Id., edition Naville, II, ch. 99, pi. 226.
* Id. , ch. 58 et 1 22.
" Rosellini, II, pi. 107-8 ; et Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient
£s}'ptians, Edition Birch, II, pi. 13, 2.
8 Denderah, III, 37, h ; cf. id., IV, 23.
' Brugsch, Supplement au Dictionnaire, p. 422.
'" Stele d'Imhotep, fils de Khahap, 1. 4.
• " Lepsius, Auswahl, pi. 16.
MS
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1893.
Ramess^um, Ramsbs II est ^^^ ^^:::z:7 H- , que, a Philse,
^000,^ 111!
SOUS Auguste, les rois d'Egypte sont appeles "^^^^ 1 , et que la
reine est assez souvent dite la Rekhit, aux basses epoques/ comme
Hathor dans son protocole royal.*
III.
L'oiseau Rekhi pourrait etre I'oiseau Ahait sous un autre nom :
le premier est exactement semblable au deuxieme ; I'epervier
par excellence, Horus, qu'un nom saite parait identifier avec le bird-
•^' ^\ "^^^ "^ J uy ^ ' ^^^ ^^ guide des Rekhiu ; ^ les Rekhiu,
ou certains Rekhiu ont pour protecteur ou chef, d'apres les
Pyramides royales, un dieu j (^^ \ ^ J^ (si tu repousses
Batu dont ses deux Rekhiu, ou ses deux groupes de Rekhiu,
^ (s:^ "^^ '^^ ^ ^^ ^-— 3 aiment Varriv'ee, ce sera repousser le rot) ;
il y avait dans I'enfer une porte du retour des Rekhiu f' et I'idee
du Rekhi en barque est quelquefois suggeree par les textes ou
les tableaux : ainsi la nef menant Ramsbs III au paradis est
decoree de Rekhiu peints sur la voile,^ et une barque sacree de
I'ancien Empire s'appelle "^:37 ^^^ ^^y ^•^y ^.,.3^ ; ces rapports
entre VAbaif et le Rekhi ont peut-etre leur valeur, mais il faudrait
des documents plus precis pour qu'il fut permis de se prononcer.
II n'est pas plus certain qu'on doive assimiler le dieu abait ou
bebait au dieu Baba, Babi, Babou, Bai," personnage dont le
Todtenbuch fait un chien qui garde le bassin infernal,^- et que divers
' ChampoUion, Notices, i, p. 882; cf. id. I, p. 341, et II, p. 71, 81 et 232.
" Id., 1, p. 176.
^ J. de Rouge, Edfou, II, pi. 132 ; Denktndler, IV, pi. 82, b,\. i; etc.
■• Denderah, I, pi. 29, a, 59, c, 79, a, et II, 26, etc.
* Mariette, Ahydos, III, p. 469.
" Teti, I. 282 ; ChampoUion, Notices, II, p. 345 ; etc.
^ Pepi I, 1. 648 et 720, et Merenra, 1. 748-9.
■^ Merenra, 1. 65.
' Wilkinson, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, edition Birch,
t. II, pi. 13, 2.
'" Denknuilcr, II, pi. 18 et 22.
" Unas, 1. 644 et 647 ; Sarcophage de Horhotep, 1. 446 ; etc.
>- Todtenbuch, ch. 17, 1. 67 ; cf. id., ch. 125, 1. 36, et edit. Naville, II, pi. 313.
146
Jan. io] proceedings. [1893.
documents disent fils aine d'Osiris,' ou juge des morts a Heracleo-
polis, avec Osiris et Shu,- ou guide des heures,^ ou servant de type k
I'une des parties du corps,* ou ne de la deesse Akhemt, f| ® ^ '"^j*
ou meme, en un sens, analogue a Khem dont son hieroglyphe
semble ioindre le fouet a la mitre osirienne, Q^ .^ Malgre ces
affiliations, Baba, maitre des tenebres,^ monstre que Ton conjurait,'
devorateur des entrailles des grands," auteur de la terebentine
produite par le saignement de son nez,'" etc., etait prx)fondement
typhonien, comme I'ont compris les Grecs," et comme le montre
bien un texte du moyen Empire, au sarcophage de Horhotep,
chapitre d'amener la barque, 1. 437-440.'-
Ce caractere hostile concorde assez mal avec les donnees que
Ton a sur Vabait psychopompe, et, de plus, le nom du Baba, qui
ressemble bien a celui de la caverne, baba, n'est jamais determine par
I'oiseau ou I'insecte, deux objections importantes.
On pourrait repondre a la premiere que le mantis, insecte parti-
culierement vorace, a un double aspect, malfaisant et bienfaisant,
dans les fables africaines, de meme que le revenant chez tons les
peuples, en sorte qu'il n'y a pas d'impossibilite non plus, theorique-
ment, a ce que Vabait et Yombre aient eu un r61e bon et mauvais, en
Egypte. Ce seraient alors, dans leur mauvais role, le Babys-Typhon
triomphant d'Osiris, d'aprfes les traditions d'Abydos,'^ et la guepe
servant d'hieroglyphe au mot meurtrier, ou au sang malfaisant du
crocodile (le saignement de nez de Baba), d'apres Horapollon.'*
^ Todtenbuch, ch. 63, 1. 2.
2 Id., ch, 18, 1. 30.
' Unas, 1. 643-4.
" Pepi I, 1. 568, et Aelteste Texte, pi. 11, 1. 15,
* Unas, 1. 644-5 ; (/• Sarcophage de Horhotep, 1. 413-4 ; et Diimichen,
Der Grabpalast, I, 2" partie, p. 53.
* Proceedings, Juin, 1886, p. 198; cf. Sarcophage de Horhotep, 1. 446.
' Unas, 1. 646-7.
" Pepi I, 1. 604.
9 Todtenbuch, ch. 125, 1. 36 ; (f. id., ch. 17, 1. 64-8.
'" Birch, Revue Archcologique, 1863, p. 121.
" De hide et Osiride, 62, et Athhi^e, XV, 7.
'- Cf. Aelteste Texte, Sarcophage de Mentuhotep, pi. 12, 1. 9-12.
>:' AtUnee, XV, 7.
" n, 24.
147
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.'EOLOGY. [1893,
La seconde objection serait aussi contrebalancee, non seulement
par le passage des pyramides royales ou Babu, J |^ J _p, est
adjure de se retirer apres avoir passe le pharaon en barque?
k m^. >~^ '' ^""'^^^ encore par le chapitre 63 du Todtenbuch (version A
de I'edition Naville) :
Formule pour boire de Peau et ne pas etre briile par le feu. — O
taureau de V Anient, je guide vers tot. Je suis cet aviron de Ra qui
passe en barque par lui les anciens. Que je ne sois pas brule, que je
ne sois pas consume. Je suis Baba, le premier jils d' Osiris : la puri-
jication de chaque dieu est dans son ceil a Heliopolis {cf. Ain Schams).
Je suis le premier enfant d' Osiris, Paine, le grand preneur, qui ie
repose. La prosper ite d' Osiris est son nom. II delivre, et iu vis pa?
luir
On voit que le chapitre 63 assimile I'elu a la rame et an Baba, et,
si le Baba ne se trouve pas par la meme assimile a la rame (comme
Yabaii), la coincidence est veritablement etrange. Malheureuse-
ment, quelques analogies indirectes ne suffisent pas, en pareille
matiere, pour amener a confondre deux types d'apparence aussi
distincte, qui ont pu n'avoir que des points de contact.
On ne saurait, encore moins, voir Vabait dans le ba ou sacred
boat 1 \\ ^K Ov; , qui parait bien designer une barque de trans-
port/ ni dans le bat du passage que voici, des pyramides royales :*
Merira est le Venerable, Merira est le Sistre a deux faces, ( a,^_ tjl] |
n I 1^^ V\ ^ 1 -^ V "" v^ , /V// est Celui qui delivre, et il se
delivre lui-meme de tout mal.^ Que le mot bat (dont le determinatif
n'a pas I'edicule qui figure ici entre les deux cornes) ait le sens de
maillet 1 (*^^ ^k\ <ci 1, et de sceptre, abt,^' car le sistre chassait
Typhon,'' ou de fetiche, chose-esprit, Tobjet rt-present^ dans ce texte
n'en est pas moins la forme archaique du sistre. On le retrouve a la
> Pepi I, 1. 604 ; cf. Den/:., IV, pi. 46 a, 1. 32.
' Todtenbuch, ch. 63, 1. 1-3. ' Proceedings, Juin. 1892, p. 40T.
* Proceedings, Juin, 1892, p. 400. * Pepi I, 1. 267-8 ; cf. Merenra, 1. 480.
* Pierret, Vocahiilaire hieroglyphique, p. 125 ; Simeone Levi, Vocabularie
geroglifico-copto-ebraico, t. II, p. 120; et Brugsch, SuppUmeiit au Dielionnaire,
p. 12.
' Plutarque, de /side et Osiride, 63.
Jan. io] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
basse epoque, a Denderah/ et bien anterieurement on le voit, sous
I'ancien et le moyen Empires, porte par certains grands.'- II y avait
des chefs, ou |, haq bat^ de cet embleme,* comme Hathor elle-meme,
qui etait j>= j '\J -^ C'est ainsi que, chez les Romains, le
bucrane etait la marque distinctive des Sodales Augustales.^ Le
sistre, crecelle derivee du bucrane, □ ll T O P^l ^ et figurant la tete
de la deesse vache avec ses cornes, avait deux faces qui, au dire de
Plutarque,^ etaient Isis et Nephthys ; de plus, un de ses noms etait
abt.^
S'il reste douteux que Xabait soit I'oiseau rekhi ou le dieu Baba,
et s'il differe de la barque ba comme du fetiche bat, les croyances
que resume son nom paraissent neanmoins avoir laisse quelques
traces. II s'agit en definitive de la conduite des ames {bau, khebtu),
par un oiseau leur pareil vers les Symplegades egyptiennes, ou la
Fente d'Abydos,^" de sorte qu'on peut voir la (les Egyptiens aimant
assez a joindre les idees de voguer et de voler)," I'origine de I'emi-
gration fabuleuse des eperviers d'Egypte, et par suite de la fameuse
legende du Mont des Oiseaux, Gebel el Tair.
D'aprbs cette legende, dont la forme et le lieu ont souvent change,
il existe en Egypte une montagne des oiseaux, ou de la grotte,^- qui
a une gorge servant " tous les ans, a un jour fixe," de rendez-vous a
une foule d'oiseaux. Suivant Quatremere," les historiens arabes
contaient que ces oiseaux, appeles boukir, etaient attires par un
' Denderah, I, pi. 25, 1. 3, et IV, pi. 15.
^ Mariette, Mastabas, p. 466-7 ; et J. de Rouge, Inscriptions hieroglyphiques,
pi. 304.
^ Horhotep, 1. 455.
•* Denkmiiler. II, pi. 81 ; J. de Rouge, Inscriptions hiiroglyphiques , pi. 56;
Mastabas, p. 530 ; Champollion, Notices, II, p. 434 ; Pierret, Etudes egyplo-
loqiques, VIII, p. 130 ; etc.
* Denderah, I, pi. 28 ; cf. Abydos, II, pi. 39, et III, p. 23.
* J. Marquardt, le Culte chez les Romains, 11, les Sodales Augustales.
^ Denderah, I, pi. 28 ; cf. stele C. 15 du Louvre.
* De hide et Osiride, 63.
' Brugsch, Dictionnaire, p. 37.
^0 Cf. Birch, Zeitschrift, 1864, p. 95.
" Pepi I, 1. 390 ; Pepi II, 1. 916 ; Horhotep, 1. 730, 731 ; etc.
'^ Cf. Todtenbuch, 149, g, edition Naville.
" Minioires historiques et geographiques sur V F.g)pte, t. I, p. 29-38.
149
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1S93.
talisman, et venaient successivement introduire leur bee dans une
fente de la montagne. La fente se refermait sur I'un d'eux, et las
autres s'envolaient (vers I'interieur de I'Afrique).' L'emplacenient
tantot occidental et tantot oriental de la montagne, variait entre leg
environs d'Aschmounein, de Siout et d'Akhmin (mais toujours dans
le voisinage d'un convent), c'est-a-dire qu'il flottait dans la partie de
I'Egypte oil le fleuve est resserre entre les deux montagnes qui le
bordent. D'aprt^s la Description de I'Egypte, les oiseaux sont des
ramiers noirs, appeles Segaou el-Hadd, nom qui indiquerait pourtant
une petite espece d'epervier.-
Le depart des eperviers est raconte par Elien : ' au commence-
ment du printemps ils s'en allaient (a peu pres comme les colombes
de I'Eryx *), en Libye, sous la conduite de deux des leurs, dans des
lies oil ils faisaient leurs nids et d'oii ils ramenaient leurs petits.
Le meme auteur parle aussi de deux corbeaux consacres dans la
montagne a I'ApoUon de Coptos, ^ lequel etait Horus-Khem,
^\ / ^^ / qui, sous le nom d'Horus de Shent, ou de Coptos,
participait aux fetes d'Abydos.' Les deux corbeaux sont probable-
ment une variante des deux eperviers® du sud et du nord ^ figurant le
nome Coptite, dont le dieu Khem presidait a une des fetes funeraires,
la sortie de Khem, possedait une Neshemt comme Osiris,^" etait sou-
vent mentionne a Abydos, dtait adore aux gorges conduisant comme
Abydos hors de I'Egypte, etait le maitre des Mat'aiu," et avait son nid
dans I'oasis dite i^ile de Testes^"^ ou s'en allaient les manes, comme
nous I'apprend la stele de Londres.^^ Si ces eperviers et ces corbeaux
correspondaient aux deux ^^ et aux deux ^^, emblemes de I'ame,^*
' Guide Joanne, Egypte, p. 468.
* Heptanomide, ch. xvi, § 2.
* De Nahira Animalium, II, 43.
^ Id., IV, 2, et VariiB Historicr, I, 15.
* De Natura Animalium, VII, 18.
* J. de Rouge, Inscriptions Geographiqties cTEdfou, pi. 139 ; cf. Pepi II,
1. 738.
^ Stile du Louvre, C. 3, I, 14 et 15 ; cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 17, 1. 61-3.
« Cf. Horapnllon, I, 8.
' Denderah, IV, pi. 'i,'^.
'" J. de Rouge, Revue Archeologique, 1 865, p. 334.
" Mariette, Papyrtis de Boulaq, II, pi. 11, 1. 4,
^' Chabas, Papyrus Magique Harris, pi. 6, 1. II-13.
'^ Cf. Brugsch, Dictionnaire Geographique, p. looi.
'^ Cf. Champollion, Notices, II, p. 514 ; et Horapollon, I, 7.
Jan. io] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
qui representent Vahait aux pyramides royales (cf. comme couples de
conducteurs les deux chacals Ap-uatu, et les deux loups qui menerent
Rampsinit aux enfers), on s'expliquerait pourquoi la fable du Mont
des Oiseaux a hante les parages d'Akhmin, une des villes de Khem,
qui aurait herite avec Coptos des traditions d'Abydos dechue,'
en les adaptant aux siennes. Aujourd'hui, la legende est fixee pres
de Minieh, et I'antique region ou porte de la Fente, U-pek, dont
le site se trouvait assez eloigne du Nil, est tombee dans le meme
oubli qu'Abydos.
Par une fortune analogue, le Mantis a cede aussi la place "k I'oiseau
dans les croyances locales, mais son caractere de guide reste fort
explicable. II existe des oiseaux qu'on appelle indicateurs, et le
mantis a une faculte du meme genre que la leur, du moins en
apparence : en effet, une des particularites de cet insecte, objet de
superstitions chez presque tous les peuples, est qu'il etend souvent
ses pattes anterieures a droite ou a gauche comme s'il de'signait une
direction, et de la vient qu'on a cru, en Provence comme en Angle-
terre," par exemple, qu'il enseignait le chemin aux passants.
En somme, il y avait a apprecier le raisonnement suivant : Yabaii-
oiseau est parfois un gouvernail de barque, done I'oiseau-guepe en
barque est Vabait, et cette conjecture se trouve confirmee ainsi :
le ^a/V-mantis est une variante de V abait-o\%Q2iVi, et il y a un mantis-
guepe, done le mantis-guepe est aussi une variante de I'oiseau-guepe,
qui par la se ramene encore a \abait.
Uabait ou bait, serait la forme spiritualisee du corps nu, ou
I'ombre, le spectre, le revenant ; devenu le type des ombres, et
represente par un dieu, une barque, ou un aviron, il servait de
guide aux ames s'en allant dans I'autre monde par la Fente d'Abydos,
et c'est de cette Emigration que vient sans doute la legende du Mont
des Oiseaux.
' Cf. Strabon. XVII, 41.
' Cf. Blanchard, Metamorphoses des Insectes, p. 574,
151
Jan. io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.flOLOGY. [1893.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 9,
Conduit Street, Hanover Square, W., on Tuesday, 7th
February, 1893, at 8 p.m., when the following Papers will be
read : —
P. LE Page Renouf {President). "The Book of the Dead." —
Translation and Commentary {continuation).
Rev. a. Lowy : — " Notes on a Babylonian Brick."
[N.B. — The plates for the December number of the Pro-
ceedings, and those for the present number, will be issued in
February.— W.H.R.]
152
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS,
In 8 Parts. Price 5s. each. With full Illustrations of the Vignettes.
Parts cannot be sold separately.
Xtbe Egyptian ^Boo\i of the Scab,
Complete Translation, Commentary, and Notes,
By p. LE page RENOUF, Esq. {President);
CONTAINING ALSO
^ Series of ^^Intts of tf)c Figncttcs of tljc UiffcmU OTfjaptcrs.
The first XVII Chapters have already been issued in the Proceedings.
The request having been made by a number of friends that this
translation, &c.,, should be issued in a different form, so as to be a
separate book, and Mr. Renouf having kindly consented, it is ])roposed
to issue a limited number of copies upon large paper, in numbers, at 5.^.
each. Members desirous of obtaining copies should at once communicate
with the Secretary.
ITbe JSvonse ©rnaments of the
lP>alace (Bates from Balawat.
[Shalmaneser II, B.C. 859-825.]
Parts I, II, III and IV have now been issued to Subscribers,
In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus the price for
each part is now raised \.Q £1 \os.; to Members of the Society (the original
price) ;^i iJ.
Society of Biblical Archaeology,
COUNCIL, 1893.
President.
P. LE Page Renouf.
Vice- Presidents ,
The Most Rev. Mis Grace The Lord Archbishoi' of Canterburv.
The .Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The RiCxHt Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.
The Rkjht Hon. Lord Halsbquy.
The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, Bart., G.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c.
Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.
Council.
Rev. Charles James Ball.
Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A,
Rev. E. B. Birks.
Arthur Cates.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Rev. a. J. Delattre, S.J.
Charles Harrison, F.S.A.
Gray Hill.
Rev. Albert Lowy.
Rev. James Marshall.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.
J. Pollard,
F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A.
Prof. Waldemar Schmidt.
E. Towry Whyte, M.A.
Honorary Ti-easurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Ho)iora)y Sccretaiy for Foreign Correspondence — Rev. R. G\A'Y.nne, B.A.
Honorary Librarian — WiLLLi^M SiMPSON, F.R.G.S.
HARRISON ANU SO.VS, PRINTERS IN ORDIN.\RY TO HER MAJESTY, ST. MARTIN S LANE.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-THIRD SESSION, 1892-93.
FourtJi Meeting, "jth February, 1893.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR,
-^0^<9'^
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author: — Major R. H. Brown, R.E. The Fayum and
Lake Moeris, with illustrations. London. 4to. 1892.
From Walter L. Nash : — The Pharaoh of the Exodus, an ex-
amination of the modern systems of Egyptian Chronology.
By D. W. Nash. London. 8vo. 1863.
From the Author: — Rev. C. A. de Cara, S.J. Degli Hittim o
Hethei e delle loro migrazioni, Chap. XXIII.
Estratto dalla Civilta Cattolica. Serie XV. Vol. V. 1893.
From the Author : — Rev. A. Lowy. Half a Century of Progress
in the Knowledge and Practice of Judaism. 1892.
[No. cxiii.] 153 M
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
The following Candidates were submitted for election,
having been nominated at the last Meeting, loth January,
1893, and elected Members of the Society : —
Rev. Walter William Crump, B.A., Marlborough House, Cotten-
ham, Cambridge.
Rev. A. W. Greenup, Leighton Bromeswold, near Huntingdon.
Rev. Owen J. Jones, The Old Meeting Parsonage, West Hill,
Mansfieli, Notts.
Rev. Charles Lerebourg, Vicaire de Saint Philippe du Roule,
164, Faubourg Saint Honore, Paris.
Miss Agnes L. Money, Stodham Park, East Liss, Hants.
Henry Spicer, B.A. (Lond.), F.L.S., F.G.S., 14, Aberdeen Park,
Highbury, N.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at
the next Meeting, 7th March, 1893 : —
Rev. A. Schmitz, Curate Herzogenrathe, bei Aachen, Germany.
Harry R. G. Inglis, 20, Bernard Terrace, Edinburgh.
Pundit S. E. Gopalacharlu, South Mada Street, Mylapore, Madras,
India.
Major David Fitzgerald Downing, R.A., The Arsenal, Woolwich.
Professor William Matthew Flinders Petrie, D.C.L., 32, Torrington
Square, W.C.
Miss Bradbury, Rivers Vale, Ashton-under-Lyne.
A Paper was read by P. le Page Renouf {President) in
continuation of his former Papers on the Egyptian Book of
the Dead.
Remarks were added by the Rev. A. Lowy, Rev. James
Marshall, and the President.
A Paper was read by the Rev. A. Lowy, " Note on a
Babylonian Brick," which will appear in the next number of
the Proceedings.
Thanks were returned for the.se Communications.
154
PLATF. XI.
Free. Sflc. Bl!>i. Aivh., Fihriiaiy, 1S93.
I'.OOK Ol' 'mK DT^.AI).
■1)
ClIArTER XXVllI.
Papyrus, Brocklehurst, II.
j^
Chapter XXVIII.
Papyrus, Mus^e du
Louvre, III, 93.
CiiAi-ncKs XXVI— XXIX.
Papyrus, Berlin Museum, 22.
Chapter XXX.
Papyrus, Musee du Louvre, III, 93.
Chapter XXXI.
Papyrus, Musee du Louvre, III, 89,
CllAl'TKR XXXIII.
Papyrus, Leyden Museum, IV.
Chapter XXXVI.
Papyrus, Leyden Museum, IV.
PLATE XII.
Proc. Soc. Bill. Arch., February, 1893.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter XXXVI.
Papyrus, Berlin Museum, 2.
Chapter XXXVIII.
Papyrus, Musee du Louvre,
Cat. des Medailles.
Chapter XXXVII.
Papyrus, Cairo, Bulaq, 21.
Chapter XXX\ III.
Papyrus, Leyden Museum, V.
Chapter XXXIX. Pyramid of Saqara, Grab 24.
Lepsius, "Denkmalcr," Al)tli. Ill, P.l 266.
I
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. (1893.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By p. le Page Renouf.
Chapter XXXI.
Chapter zvhereby the Crocodiles are repulsed who cof/ie to carry off the
Words of Power from a persoti in the Netherworld.
Back, in retreat ! Back, Crocodile Sui ! Come not against me,
who live by the Words of Power ( i ).
I utter (2) that Name of the great god, who granteth that two of
his Messengers* should come ; the name of one is Batta (3), and tiie
name of the other is Thine Aspect is Fixed Law (4).
Heaven determineth (5) its hour ; my Word of Power determineth
all that which concerneth it ; and my mouth determineth my Word
of Power. I eat, and my teeth are like flint, and my grinders are
like theChffofTuf(6).
O thou who art sitting (7) with a watchful eye against this my
Word of Power ; do not thou carry it off, O Crocodile who livest by
thine own Word of Power.
Notes.
This chapter is but rarely found in the more ancient collections.
It was on the coffin of Queen Mentuhotep, but M. Naville gives the
readings of only two early papyri. The later recensions add a text
which we shall find later on in chapter 69, and which has no
connection whatever with the present chapter.
1. The Words of Power are supplied to the deceased by Thoth
in chapter 23.
2. The Turin text and those which agree with it read " Do not
thou utter," as if the Crocodile were about to use the Word of Power.
I read \ \ ^r^\. The \ was first corrupted into |^, and 1] |^
was farther improved into \ |^ .-fU- , which in its turn necessitated
the addition of a suffix of the second person.
* See chapter 29, note i.
15s M 2
Fei:. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.IiOLOGY. [1893.
3. This name was changed in the later texts to the more familiar
one of the divine Ape J ^^ Benit.
4. Fixed Line, ' ^^ ' or '^'^^ TtT • '^^^ central idea of theology
in the Book of the Dead is that of Regularity, whether in per-
manence or change. Those things alone are divine which abide
unceasingly or which recur in accordance with undeviating rule.
0 <S
5. Determineth. The word -^ » here, as in other places,
yWNAAA T^ 'I
has the sense of circumscribing, as in a circuit -^ Q > prescribing
the limits, fixing and determining.
6. The Cliff of Tuf^ ®, literally 'his cliff,' namely of Anubis,
in allusion to his frequent title g ^^ ,
7. Sitting. Here follow Fc and the papyri generally in reading
The scribe of Ca seems to have been thinking of — » — ^o
Xix: of a well-known magic text (Unas, 320).
C?
J4^
Chapter XXXII,
Chapter tuhereby the Crocodiles are repulsed who come to carry off the
Words of Forver fro?n the glorified in the JSietherworld.
Osiris standeth up upon his feet (i) ; his company of gods raise
him up.
0 Son who converses! with thy father, do thou protect this Great
one from these four (2) crocodiles here who devour the dead and
live by the Words of Power.
1 know them by their names and their way of living, and it is I
who protect his own father from them.
Back, thou Crocodile of the West, who livest on the Setting
Stars (3). What thou execratest is upon me. Thou hast devoured
the head of Osiris, but I am Ra (4).
Back, thou Crocodile of the East, who livest upon those who
devour their own foulness. What thou execratest is upon me. I
have come, and I am Osiris.
Back, thou Crocodile of the South, who livest upon impurities.
What thou execratest is upon me. Let not the red flame be upon
thee. For I am Septu (5).
156
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Back, thou Crocodile of the North, who livest upon that which
lieth between the hours (6). What thou execratest is upon me.
Let not thy fiery water be inflicted upon me. [For I am Tmu (7).]
All things which exist are in my grasp, and those depend upon
me which are not yet.
I am arrayed and equipped with thy Words of Power, O Ra ;
with that which is above and with that which is below me.
I have received increase of length and depth, and fulness of
breathing within the domain of my father, the Great one.
He hath given to me that beautiful Amenta in which the living
are destroyed. But strong is its possessor though he faint in it
daily.
My face is unveiled, and my heart is in its place.
The Urgeus is upon me daily.
I am Ra, who protecteth himself, and no evil things can over-
throw me.
Notes.
This chapter is in even worse condition than the one which
precedes it. There are a few scraps of it on a coffin at St. Peters-
burg which M. Golenischeff assigns to the earliest period. The
only early MS. which is of any use, Ba, the BerUn papyrus of
Nechtuamon, is here in a very mutilated condition, as may be seen
on referring to M. Naville's edition.
1. Osiris standeth ?// upon his feet. So Ba ; but the coffin at
St. Petersburg lends its support to the text of Bekenrenef (of the
26th Dynasty), which opens the chapter with the name of a crocodile
-/^ ^^=* y <=» "ss?*. " Let the Great one fall upon his
belly " !
2. The ancient text had only four crocodiles, and only four are
mentioned in the text of Bekenrenef. The Turin text speaks of
eight ; two for each of the cardinal points. But the Saitic text
already has two invocations instead of one for each crocodile.
3. The sense of this myth is obvious. Every star which sets is
supposed to be swallowed by the Crocodile of the West. It was
stated in Note 3 to chapter 15 that the (J are stars*
1 / ickrk
* 1 ® ^^ """^T^ '"^^ ^ feminine noun and proper name occurs in the
Pyramid Texts (Unas, 644).
157
Ff.b. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
Besides the n ^^^ ci^^a /^A jj 1 the sfars which set and
the (1 / 1 'j^i:? -T^ I the circumpolar stars, whose navigation
Ms -J CtOK is continuous, there are the \\ m \S K 1
whose name is very significant, fi n •^ and 8 have the sense of
turning back,* and the only stars whose apparent motion is ever
retrograde are the. planets.
All these stars are supposed as divinities to aid in the navigation
of the Bark of Ra. The Egyptians could not have had a correct
l)lanetary theory (which only became possible through Kepler), but
they understood at least that the motions of the planets were regular,
and that they depended upon the Sun. Eudoxus is reported to
have derived the data for his theory from his Egyptian instructors.
4. Instead of Ra the name of Sut is found in the later texts.
Bekenrenef has I 1 .
Septu, HA ° ^^'/\f\ , the 'armed,' one of the Solar
appellations, already found in the Pyramid texts {Unas, 281). He
appears in chapter 130, 7, in connection with the block of execution.
6. The text is here hopelessly corrupt. M. Pierret has ' offrande,'
which he most probably derives from qJI or a 1(^3) > ^
reading found in some papyri. But Ba, our oldest authority, has
-g-^ ym,'irid Bekenrenef has — p-fl D ^ Otl • The Turin copy has | ;
and the context does not help us. Of these four readings (and there
are probably others which I do not know) that of Bekenrenef seems
to me the best ; but — ^ has so many possible applications that I
will not venture to suggest one.
7. [I am Tmu.] These words are not in Ba, but they occur in
all other copies, and the omission of the divine name which stops
the crocodile is an evident fault.
* Brugsch has produced excellent evidence for the supposition that 1 1 TT TT
iL'o ttirniiigs
being the southern solstice and T[ \l the northern
^ signifies the two ttirniiigs of the vSun, that is at the solstices,
158
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
The chapter ends here, and what follows is an addition for which
our earliest authority is that of Bekenrenef. But even this text is
already corrupt, and requires to be corrected by more recent ones.
Chapter XXXIII.
Chapter whereby all Serpents are kept backt
Oh serpent Rerek, advance not ! Here are the gods Seb and
Shu!
Stop ! or thou shalt eat the rat which Ra execrateth, and gnaw
the bones of a putrid she-cat.
Note.
This chapter is often found in coffins. There is a chapter much
resembling it in the tomb of Horhotep (line 364), at least as regards
the opening words. It addresses Rerek and tells him that Shu and
another deity are coming, and that the speaker is Horus. No
allusion, however, is made to the dead rat and cat. These typify
the impurities and abominations to which the damned are liable in
the world to come.
Chapter XXXIV.
Chapter whereby a person is not devoured by the dweller in the
shrine (i).
O Urasus ! I am the Flame which shineth, and which openeth
out eternity (2), the column of Tenpua (3) [othericise said — the
column on which are blossoming plants.]
Away from me ! I am the Lynx goddess (4).
Notes.
I. It is not possible to say what is here actually meant by
a ...
hat. Every word almost in this tmy chapter was a
puzzle to the Egyptian scribes, who altered the text in a hundred
ways. The Turin text provides against the persons being bitten by
the Eater of the head, - - ^ d|) ^ f^ ' instead of -||-
^|\ as even Bekenrenef has it.
159
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
2. Open out Eternity \/^^ j. This is the oldest and
most approved reading even in later times. But in Fe the flame
' shineth on the brow of the Glorified ones.'
3. A quite unknown deity and most probably a mere blunder.
The MS. which contains it, Ca, suggests another reading Tenpua with
'^ , the determinative of plants. This not proving satisfactory,
'wvAAAA (1(1 ^ -I \J. renpit was substituted. But all this was mere con-
jectural emendation.
4. The Lynx goddess, ^^ c-=^ \^V D.. Maftit. The name of
this deity is generally translated 1-ynx, and it is certainly applied to
an animal of the feline species closely resembling the cat. But the
notion expressed by the name is that of S7cnft speed ^^^ \ J\.
(See Diimichen, JRec. IV, 100, where this verb is in parallel with
others of the same sense.)
This deity is again mentioned in the 39th chapter as taking part
in the conflict with the dragon of darkness, and it is named in the
strange magic formulae already found in the Pyramid texts. She is
called -^ c:^:3 ,^^ "^ "^ I -?■ (Teta 310), and she apparently
defends the deceased (/A, 1. 303) against two serpent divinities, one
of whom at least, [jl ^ T'eser-tepu (praedaro capite), is
known to us as one of the forty-two assessors of Osiris {Todtenbiich,
125-33)-
Chapter XXXV.
Chapter whereby the person is not devotcred by a Serpent in the
Netherworld.
Oh Shu, here is Tattu, and conversely, under the wig (i) of
Hathor. They scent (2) Osiris.
Here is the one who is to devour me. They wait apart (3).
The serpent Seksek passeth over me.
Here are wormwood bruised (4) and reeds.
Osiris is he who prayeth that he may be buried.
The eyes of the Great One are bent down, and he doth for thee
the work of cleansing (5) ; marking out what is conformable to law
and balancing the issues (6).
160
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Notes.
The translator of this chapter cannot pretend to do more than
give an accurate meaning to each word. The true sense of the
chapter must have been lost when the earliest copies known to us
were written.
I. Wig, ^^?7; ^^ . The head-dress of the gods is one of the
mythical forms of representing the light cloud at sunrise or sunset,
in which the deity is pileatus.
2. Scent, ^ I V\ S3 . The Egyptian word is also used for
nursi?tg, putting to steep, probably through influencing the breathing.
The nose as a determinative is used in the different senses of the
word.
3. They wait apart. The early MSS. do not agree here in a
single word, and they defy translation. The later MSS. are scarcely
less discordant. ® W^ ^^ ^^ alight, rest, and this must also
be the meaning of ® >rv<, . r— , ^^^ 1 is connected with . rn .
ne^ in the sense of dispersing, separating.
4. Bruised, or trodderi. There being no rational context it is
impossible to fix the sense of a word like ''u| ^\ ^=/], which may
mean either guard or bruise by beating or treading down.
5. Cleansing r o or ~?"? r n- The result of the process
is certainly cleansing, but the operation itself is generally supposed
to be ivashing. This agrees with the Coptic p^^T a fuller, of
which the old Egyptian form is T^"2 r n • But pA-^X has also
the sense of beating, and the operation is in many countries thought
to be one of the most important duties of washerwomen, ^\'ith
this sense of the word I would connect the names Rechit gi\-en to
Isis and Nephthys, as signifying ' mourners.' Compare the Greek
TviTTcaQai iivu, KUTT-rcaOai -riva, to nwurti a person, and the Latin
plangtre.
161
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
6. Balaficing the issues \\ '^ X _|j] "^ ^ . The first of
these words is unambiguous. -^ !\ Y\ J\ signifies literally ' stand-
ing,' like status, or a-raai^, and like those words also signifies
position, situation, condition, circumstances, and also the point at
issue, the question to be decided.
A well known passage in Cicero's Topics (93, c. 35) may be
quoted here : " Refutatio accusationis, in quae est depositio criminis,
Graece o-rao-^? dicitur, Latine status appelletur : in quo insistit, quasi
ad repugnandum congressa defensio."
Perhaps the passage in chapter 30 B, in which "the divine
ministrants are said to deal with a man " according to his -I /I O
may have reference to the circumstances of his life.
Chapters like this, however worthless in themselves, contain
small fragments highly illustrative of the ideas of the Egyptians at
an extremely remote period.
Chapter XXXVI.
Chapter wJiereby the Apshait is kept back.
Away from me, thou with parted lips ! I am Chnemu, the Lord
of Shennsu, who am bringing the words of the gods to Ra. And I
announce the news to Nebes.
Note.
The insect called J^TJ ^\ ^ ^ 0 ^Z-^"^"' or ~n (1 'r7
dpsait is difficult of identification. It is certainly not a tortoise as
was formerly thought, but looks rather like the voracious Blatta
orietitalis. The form in Le is peculiar, but I have met it in a later
papyrus. The last word of the chapter is doubtful. The most
recent papyri have r^wwv 'their Lord,' which gives a very good
sense, but even the Turin copy has | ' her Lord ' which agrees
with the oldest papyrus. Bekenrenef has T\ Nebes, a lion-headed
goddess.
162
Feb. 7], PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Chapter XXXVII.
Chapter whereby the Merta goddesses are kept back.
Hail ye Pair of goddesses Merta, Sister Pair, Merta ! (i) I inform
you of my Words of Power.
It is I who rise up from the Sektit boat. I am Horus the son of
Isis, and I am come to see my father, Osiris.
Note.
The Pair of goddesses consists of Isis and Nephthys fi
Reheta, as the word is written at Denderah. ^
Merta signifies tiuo eyes.
^63
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, [1893.
THE SUPERLINEAR PUNCTUATION, ITS ORIGIN, THE
DIFFERENT STAGES OF ITS DEVELOPMENT, AND
ITS RELATION TO OTHER SEMITIC SYSTEMS OF
PUNCTUATION.
By G. Margoliouth (British Museum).
Introductory Remarks.
1. The subject and scope of this treatise are fully and clearly
indicated in its title. It must be remarked, however, that the
order of the different parts as given there follows what may be
called an ideal sequence, whilst in the treatise itself a practical
arrangement will be adopted. From an ideal point of view, the
origin of a system comes first, and then the consideration of the
different stages of its development ; but for practical purposes it is
much more serviceable in this case first of all to fix our attention on
the system of punctuation which forms the subject of this treatise,
and to take in the characteristics exhibited in the different forms in
which it appears, and then to proceed with the argument on its
origin and its relation to Semitic systems of punctuation in general.
This treatise will therefore be divided into the following two parts : —
I. The superlinear punctuation in the different stages of its develop-
ment. II. The origin of this vowel-system, and its relation to other
Semitic systems of punctuation.
2. The "rationale" for the arrangement of the subject in the
first part and for many statements in its different sections must,
however, as the nature of the case requires, be sought in the con-
clusions at which the student is expected to arrive after having read
through the second part of the treatise. This could not be other-
wise, because the author could not but look upon the various
questions connected with the first part of his subject in the light
thrown upon them by the definite results at which he had arrived
with regard to the problems that arc discussed in the second part.
164
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
But great care will be taken to present the " phoenomena " of the
system itself in such a manner as to make it profitable to the student
independently of the conclusions aimed at in the second part, and
the author will also be careful to indicate with sufificient force and
clearness the arguments which may be advanced in favour of the
theories that are opposed to his own.
Part I.
The iuperlinear punctuation in the different stages of its development.
§ I. There are two principal forms in which the superlinear
punctuation is known to us. The oldest known MSS. which
exhibit the "simple" form of this punctuation are the British
Museum MSS. Or. 1467 and 2363,* and the chief representative of
what may be called the superlinear "composite" form is the
"Codex Babylonicus Petropolitanus,"t containing the " Prophetae
Posteriores."
§ 2. The simple system of punctuation as exhibited in Or. 1467
and 2363 will be shown in the following table : —
Name of Sign. Sublinear Form.^: Superlinear Form.
nriQ rpn
(ynp r)r2n)l
mil
* Professor Merx's Chrestomathia Targumica {Foita. Ling. Orient., Pars VIII)
is very largely drawn from these two MSS., and a page of Or. 1467 is exhibited
in Plate LIV of the Palaeographical Society's Oriental Series. They are both of
the nth or 12th century.
t See Dr. H. Strack's photographic facsimile edition, St. Petersburg, 1876.
+ ll and ^^ being the only exceptions, the ordinary forms, usually attributed
to the school of Tiberias, may not unfitly be styled "sublinear," in contradistinc-
tion to the "superlinear " system.
§ The nQ"1 , which is an important feature in Or. 1467 and 2363, is altogether
omitted in Merx's Chrestoiiiathy.
II In Dip .
*Q)
n
(^)
1
11
n
^n
^
^n
1
^n
n
Fee. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY, [1893.
Name of Sign. Sublinear Form. Superlinear Form.
nh^n ii n in n
Y^np >p^iii? ^n ^ "an
p-^^n ' ^n n ^n i
§ 3. The following short passages exemplify all the signs con-
tained in the above table.
(a) Hebrew. Num. xi, i, 2.
pOT^ * n:nnn nijpi ^i«riT np^ ii^^ ni -^Hir) if^U
(Or. 1467, fol. 47a, col. I.)
Ibidem^ v, 10.
{^Ibidem, col. 2.)
Ibidem^ xii, 7.
(^Ibidem, fol. 48(^, col. 2.)
* As often Baer, following MSS. of German origiil.
<i66
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
{b) Targum. Gen. xxxii, 3, 4.
jinn"^n j^'iS -(^•'6^ ]"inn^ "iS"^i * ^^^^ "^^^-^rh •^^i^-'c^
rcSm^T n^S4 ]i^ nv pT l^iiv "^ii^ piS "uri;^ ^Tor^-h
X - X
(Or. 2363, fol. 30dr, col. 2.)
Num. xi, 20.
(Or. 1467, fol. 47(^, Col. 2.)
Ibidem xxxii, 29.
pb^iT jiiiJ^S ^'ini i^ ''B p-ini^^^ § d^^ pri^ rri^b "i^sit
•t^^onA^ Ti^^j :r^« rv pn^ p2nnT p3"^?2-Ip
(Or. 1467, fol. 73/^, Col. I.)
§ 4. Before discussing the differences to be noticed in the appli-
cation of this vowel-system to the Hebrew and the Aramaic re-
spectively (note e.g. the absence of tr3"T in the Aramaic), and before
fixing our attention on the power and usage of each sign in detail,
it seems best first to exemplify a later variation of which Or. 1470
(containing the Haftaroth) is a very good representative. It will be
* Or. 2363 ni% + Or. 2363 "sni-i, X Or. 2363 ^1-^-J .
§ Or. 2363 p^njT''-
167
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
noticed that the sublniear sign -^ is there represented by the super-
: a . : X si
linear —* in DTD. Tf^T^ip, etc., and that the sign of HQ*^ is
absent.
The Hebrew text of the Haftar5th in Or. 1470 has the subhnear
punctuation, and of the Targum the following passages will serve as
examples : —
Habakkuk iii, i, 2.
• ■';i'' : t^ni^xz^5 ^n ^rnn4p lin-r jin^iiin h^ \\n^^ • pn^
p3i^T inn ifi^^ ^n-inii^^ jiiin^ Db^i i^^i;^ti?i'3 t^3ii^ n^n^
i>nir rii^ p5n • ir^^n \\rh nnrrn t^'^^ttr iii '^nippiiD
♦ b^S^i; h^nin^ b^riin«4 «vnz^ iii ^nSini b^ir4in^"
'^ "I
(Or. 1470, fol. 67 rt. Col. 2, and 67 (^, Col. i.) Compare Merx's
Chrestomathy, p. 105.
* In the Prolegomena to his Chrestomathy, p. xi, Prof. Merx says : " Signum
-^ quo Hatef Qames expriinitur in mp his codicibus proprium est," as if this
composite sign were a "general" characteristic of the British Museum MSS.
with the superlinear punctuation ; but the examples given by him on pp. 69 and 71
are evidently ascribed by some strange oversight to Or. 2363, the passages in
question being mutilated and quite illegible in that MS. I have not noticed any
instance of the sign _^ in either Or. 1467 or 2363, and this sign is no dpubt a
later development.
t Note the pauses within verses.
i68
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Habakkuk, v, 16.
(Or. 1470, fol. 68, Col. i); compare Merx's Chreston!ath}\ p. iii.)
§ 5. It had been thought that ^- was the only composite sign
used in this variation, and that the Aramaic Qlp was the only
word* which exemplifies it, but the following extracts from Or. 2227,
a Yemenite Service Book written by a son f of the scribe who wrote
Or. 1470 show that ^- was in the i6th century, at any rate, used
largely in Hebrew, and that the sign -^ was as common as -^.
Psalm xlviii, 8 : —
Ibidem, v. 14 : —
^rr) ^-^con jr^7 n^ni^r^-^^ i:idd Torn on? in^'tir
: pSnA
Ibidem, Ixxxii, i : —
: D^^i ]v^y ^'im Drii^ D'^n^t^ ^^n-^Si^ ^iS
Ibidem, v. 6 : —
(These four verses are on fol. 21^7.)
* It is, however, also used in ^^^.p /"T- -"^ee e.g. Or. 1472, folio 31,
column I. In Or. 2364 (Num. 25, 4), however, 7"'3.pT' ( /"^^.p / i" Or- 1467).
t The scribe of Or. 2227 (a.d. 1540) was
and Or. 1470 (a.d. 1484) was written by , , , rT^^l Vl 111 • Here then we
have an authentic list giving seven successive generations of a family of Yemenite
scribes.
169 N
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-FOLOGY. [1893.
Psalm xciv, 10 : —
Ti:
(Fol. 2l/^)
Ibidem, Ixxxiii, i : —
Ibidetn, v. 7 : —
(These two verses are on fol. 231^.)
§ 6. Two differences will be noticed between the Hebrew arid
the Targum in the extracts taken from Or. 1467 and 2363 : — (i) In
the Targum the tL^^T is not used, whilst it is largely employed in
the Hebrew.* From this fact the inference may be drawn that the
1^'y~\ is not a part of the superlinear system as such, but that in
the Hebrew a sign from a different system was added for the sake
of marking the traditional pronunciation more clearly. (2) A com-
parison of this punctuation with the sublinear system makes it
necessary to differentiate the y^ h^lUJ represented by 2, i"to 3,
^ (iTin^^) being represented by 3.; whilst in the Targum the
want of such a differentiation is not felt at all, the pronunciation
being more like that of the Syriac where such distinctions have
never been expressed by signs.
§ 7. An important feature of the earliest known examples of this
punctuation as exhibited in Or. 1467 and 2363 is the use of the HQ'^t
(represented by £) for the letters riD^"T33,-|. In the Hebrew,
* Not indeed as regularly as with the sublinear punctuation, but even the
irregularity in its usage would seem to show that the tjj^l is imported into the
superlinear punctuation from another system. Notice, however, in e.i^., n^lH*'
(Lev. xxvi, 4, in Or. 1467), the use of the p"l5?2 besides the tT^T.
t Not regularly, however.
J I have not, however, noticed a Q with the sign of n3"1 i" l^^e Aramaic ;
and if it is used at all, it can only be very rarely. This circumstance reminds one
of the fact that the Nestorians also pronounced the Q hard, except in rare cases.
»SV6' Noldcke, Syrische Granimatik, p. 15.
170
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
where the tiiy] is used, this sign is really not necessary,* as the
absence of '{i^Xl implies the pronunciation indicated by HCl ; but
in the Aramaic, which lacks the 'Q^Xl, the HC"^ is of considerable
importance. In Or. 1470, however, where the tT^n is largely used
in the Aramaic, the necessity for employing the TIB') is no more
felt ; hence its absence there.
§ 8. The sign of the ^> b^lty has been already remarked on (see
§ 6). The composite sign 2,, having the sound o in too marked a
degree, is in the oldest and simplest system expressed by 3^. To
the example ^Spfi^ add such words as n-^^, i^n, "^ii^, "^Sn- In the
Targum, however, Q^p = Q-^p .
The composite signs ^,t ^ in Or. 1470 and 2227 (besides
several other MSS.) appear to mark an endeavour to assimilate the
superlinear system to the more marked vocal differentiation exhibited
in the sublinear punctuation. This inference may be looked upon
as sufficiently evident. The Yemenite scribes of the fifteenth and
sixteenth centuries were in the constant habit of using both systems,
and it is only natural to think that the composite signs of the one
system should suggest a similar formation in the other.
The two signs ^ and ^ really represent 3, and 3, as well as
X t: -:
5, the vowel 3, representing both 3 and "2 {vide infra).
The Hi t^ltr is not expressed at all, there being in reality no
need for such a sign.
§ 9. It had been suggested:}: that the signs 2 and 3, represent in
form the letter ^ in different stages of modification. It is, however,
* The endeavour of the Masorites to indicate the pronunciation as clearly as
possible has produced a tendency to a superfluity of signs in the Hebrew.
+ In the Targum, where only |2 appears to be used, it seems to be confined
to the p (nip, T'^D.p); lli^t letter requiring a fuller vocalisation on account
of its hardness ; compare in Hel)rew Q^t^Hp from tl^l'p.
_ X See S. Pimsker's : '^2ir\ 1^^ nitLT^H 'Sy^lT^ ^b^ «i::*2 . or
Einleitung in das Babylonisch-lJchraischc PiDiktationssystcin, pp. S and xvi.
Prof. Wright, Arabic Graiiiinar, 2nd edition, \o\. 1, y>. 7, is, however, much
more careful, restricting himself even in the Arabic to the statement that " -^
is a small J ."
171 X 2
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1893.
much more likely that 3, is a modified form of the Jacobite Syriac
Pethoho (-^), and that similarly the sign 3, is nothing but the Greek
10 which is found in early Syriac MSS,* instead of -^, the Jacobite
vowel Zekofo. If the Greek letter in question is written down so as
to have its opening on the left, a shortening of the two sides at once
produces the superlinear Kames (n); and as the force of these two
superlinear signs is analogous to the two Syriac vowels respectively,
there seems to be no reason for doubting the correctness of this
theory.
J-
§ 10. The sign ^ represents both ^ and n, that is both the short a
and the short e. It does not follow, however, that no difference
was made in the pronunciation. It is well known that the Arabic
feth (-^) is subject to different modifications t of sound, and it is
J-
only reasonable to suppose that the vowel ^ ^vas not uniformly
pronounced like 3, , but that it actually had the sound of ^ where
it corresponds to this sublinear sign. It is also probable that 3,
was not originally so decidedly like the vowel-letter e as we are
apt to think, but that ^ and ^ were at first more closely related
to one another in their pronunciation. Take for instance the word
"tS;^ = 'HT'^ • It is at once clear that neither in the one system
nor in the other were the two syllables of the word pronounced
alike. The strong accentuation of the first syllable as compared
with the secondary character of the ultimate vowel precludes the
idea of equality of sound. It would follow, therefore, that neither
3 nor 3, possessed an invariable pronunciation in the respective
systems, but that it was only on account of a general relationship
in sound that one sign was adopted for two or even three vocal
variations.
§ II. From the fact that \my ^np and ]1I2p y^^p are both
* See Add. 14,429, fol. 88/', and the account of Add. 14,667 in Wright's
Syriac Catalogue, p. 11 1. The former MS. is dated A.n. 719, the latter is of
the tenth century. See also Noldeke's Syrische Gra;iiiiiatik, p. 8.
t .See, e.'^., Wright's Coinparati'je Granuitar, pp. 76, 77. Compare also the
various modes of pronouncing the vowel-letter a in English.
172
Feb. 7] TROCEEDINGS. [1893.
represented by 1,* it may safely be inferred that the originators of
this vowel-system pronounced the y^p as the western Syrians pro-
nounced their -^, and not like the Nestorian — . If 3, were pro-
nounced <r, the same sign would hardly have been adopted for
the short 0 ; but if 3, was pronounced 6, or rather like the vowel
sound in "small" {see % 12), the identity of the sign is at once
explained. The same remark applies of course equally to the
sublinear sign 3, which is also both 0 and 0, and it therefore follows
that the originators of the two systems did not differ from one another
in their pronunciation of the ^Tl)} V^P- '^^^^ observation is of
considerable importance with reference to the origin of this vowel-
system, and its relation to the sublinear punctuation, and will obtain
due consideration in the second part of this treatise.
§ 12. It is noticeable that both the sublinear and the superlinear
systems of punctuation agree with the Nestorian differentiation of
O and 6 in Syriac. In the sublinear system there is a very close
agreement with the Nestorian Syriac even in form, for ^ is clearly
identical with 9 ^^^d "i with 6 ; and in the superlinear punctuation
(1)3 = (i)3 = O, and (1)3 = 13 = 9- I" the Jacobite pronunciation
of the Syriac there is, as is well known, no sign corresponding to
the 6. This may be due to the circumstance that -^ was practically
pronounced like 6 by the western Syrians, so that a fresh sound of
the same or a similar character would have been confusing. In the
two systems of punctuation, however, which meet us in Hebrew, we
are actually confronted with a sign 3 or 3 = -^ {see § 11) and also
a sign 13 or 13 = o.t This would lead one to think that the origi-
nators of the two systems, though not pronouncing 3, 3 like a pure
T
long a, did not either pronounce it quite like a pure long 0, but that
the sound of 3 , 3 lay between the two, and was probably pronoun-
ced like the a in " small." %
* It has already been noticed that 3 also represents t*^p ril^n i'l t'lc
oldest known examples of this vowel-system, as e.g. "^^^ , "i^n
t No reference is of course intended here to the etymology of the two vowels.
% This is the now generally adopted view.
173
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGY. [1S93.
§ 13. A noteworthy and instructive feature meets us here in
connection with the copulative ^. The ^^ItT following it is not
^2, ^s one is accustomed to pronounce it in connection with the
sublinear vowel-system, but is everywhere * resting ; so e.g. 'i^^l >
•"ri^^v an-^^tri, ^^^-i:i (not ^:ni, <':^i^^, etc.). so also in
the Targum l'^D2V rp'^l'l!>1, p'^^Dl, etc. The ^ is indeed not to
be looked upon as a long vowel, but is to be classed with the
" half-open " or " loose " syllables, like the — in ^3"]-) or the -^
in ''I]7^- This accounts not only for the absence of the ^TV^
(except in cases like IHT^ 5 rrpU?^)> but also explains the HD"^
of the nf;:Di:a following the i^itr , as e.g. "nni:^ , vi3n^ •
§ 14. The signs "i^ 3, and '^^ ^ t require no special remark as
far as the simple form of this punctuation is concerned ; they cor-
respond exactly to ^3^ ^ and '^^ "2 respectively. But before closing
our observations on this part of the subject, it may be useful to
observe that the Sacred Name is never pointed with the superlinear
signs in the earlier codices. Or. 1467 and 2363 exhibit Tl^'il'^
in the Hebrew, whilst in the Targum, Or. 1467 has '^V., and Or.
2363 "11V Later MSS. are, however, less scrupulous, applying the
superlinear signs to the Sacred Name equally with other words.
* See Merx's Cliresto7iiathy, p. 191, where a full account is given of the
vocalisation of the copulative ^ . It must be noticed, however, that the
vocalisation J^f^-I (Num. xxv, 8, in the Targum) is a mistaken reading. In
Or. 1467, on which Merx's text rests, the i«51tL^ *^^'ci' the 3, was evidently
erased prima manii, whilst the reading in Or. 2363 is ^^^^ • The reading
nil^i^i > P- S4» ^s also incorrect.
t The reading TO"!^^ mentioned in Merx's Clu-estomathy, pp. xi and 15,
note 2, is not at all clear in the MS., and it is quite possible that the very faint
upper stroke is due to an accidental touch, or that, at any rate, it had been
subsequently almost entirely effaced.
174
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Another interesting observation to be made concerns tiie
" furtive pathah." Instead of its being written over the letters
H) H) i^ ) it is placed over the preceding vowel-letter;* so
m7i»^> i^llTj mi) n^l, etc This distinctly points to a pronun-
ciation which treated the letters H) H; ^ as "resting" consonants
with a " preceding " a sound. Where, however, there is no vowel-
letter, the usage appears to waver between e.g. J^lfn and J?"^fn.
§ 15. It is due to a strange freak in the fortunes of literature
that the later and composite form of the superlinear punctuation is
mainly known to us by a MS. of much earlier date than Or. 1467
and 2363, which are the earliest known representatives of the simple
form of this punctuation. It is of course possible that MSS. of
the eighth and ninth centuries may sooner or later make their
appearance to enrich our knowledge of both systems of punctuation,
and to widen the scope of our view on this field of enquiry;
but for the present the Codex Babylonicus Petropolitanus remains
preeminent for its antiquity! as an exemplification of the composite
superlinear punctuation.
§ 16. The following table illustrates the vowel-system as used in
the above-named MS. of the later Prophets : —
Name of sign.
Sublinear form. !
Superlinear form.
HD"-!
i
1
^
i
hr\y \72p
1
T
1
Pl"II5n \72p ante ^^^T]
1
Q)
n
idem ante Hj 1
n
1
X
T ;
mA
* So also in Or. 2349 and the Hebrew text of the Ilaftaroth in Or. 1470,
n'^^ i^Tnt etc. (the same peculiarity is found in the Cambridge Add. MS.
1 174, which was written by the same scribe as Or. 2349 and Or. 1470).
t Or. 4445, containing the Pentateuch with the sublinear punctuation, is,
however, in all probability older than the St. Petersburg Codex of the latter
Prophets. For a descri])tion of it see the Academy of April 2, 1S92.
Feb. 7]
Name of sign.
Sublinear form.
.Siiperlinear
(^i:jd) nriQ
5 (1)
J.
1
idem ante '^^^^"T
—
1
idoii ante pj^ 1
nriQ rpn 1
— n^
i
nS'in
in n
in n
(^i^p) P'^iii^
^n (^)
1
^2 1
idem ante tT^n
—
T
1
?Vi?;/^ ante XX^
—
1
1
>fys^
"•^ ?
■''n ii
idem ante tT^T
—
ii
idem ante fU 1
~ ?.
n
pn^n
'^ ;i
■^n n
z^i?;« ante tT^ll
—
1
zrt'^w ante n^
—
1
§ 17. The following passages from the Codex Bahyloniciis will
exemplify all the signs contained in the above table : —
Isaiah xlii, 11-13 : —
D m^'' ^i-^'^ -1-fp* ntrn om^n mri "mn ^t^to*"
D'^'i^a in^nn^ -nns mn^^ ^n^ii:'^ : ^mi:-' ann trt^-^6
ii^n"- n''«':p ■^■^y^ ri'i^n^n tr'^t^s t^'ii'' ms^ mn-' : rv{^
in^^h'' i-'i^^-^r n"'V:i''-Ji«
* Of the accents only the Athnah and Silluk are marked in these extracts.
See § 24.
176
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Ezekiel xl, 42-44 : —
nnA nSi^-p« n-'f^* ^iin^^ n^"iir^ nr.vhi^ riy!i•^iir\
^n^'l^^ un^hi^ nni^ ns^-nni") "^oti nn« nt^t^ nmi "^i*m
^^'^:srT ^^na anti? ni^iB'^ ''?2'':2n -^i^ti?^ rr^^n'^'i : ]!iSpn
Isaiah xlix, 8 : —
ypi-^iv nirm^^ avi^ ^^n-'^v ]rj^ ni;i mn^ ^ii<i ni:
iii^ro ^"'ren^ yiA apn^ oy nni^ -[:n«"i '^Si'i^T
Habakkuk i, 8, 9 : —
b^in^ D^n^ rr^3 : ^"iSt^^ irn iir:5 ^n^?^ it^n^ pim?5j
: m^ ^im ?|D^^''^t nS^-^ip □fi'':^ nS^n
Ibidem^ iii, 2, 3 : —
D'^iiS n-^pi '7^^D mn^ "Tii^S^ '-ji^^tij TO^Sti^ mn*'
p"^nb ni^^ :"^i3Tri dh"^ nSi i?"^Sin a'':iJ iipi ^n^'^n
ix j; A - X
in^nn^ 'r^^T^ a'^^S noi n^o )-i«3 '^r^72 trnpi t^in''
X /< _<<)_/<:
: p«rT n^^^!2
* Evidently deriving this word from 7TJ > ^""-^ '^o'- ^''^"^ nt^ • ^*-'c Pinsker,
p. 17.
+ Note this pointing for the sul (linear jniin^tl^
J So in the MS. with double indication of the 0.
^11
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1803.
Habakkuk iii, 7 : —
§ 19. The use of the same sign (^) for 7131? ^2 i^IlT) and
TO ^^liy is very inconvenient, and must be looked upon as a retro-
grade step, if compared with the pointing of, e.g., Or. 1467, where
the nC"^ is represented by 2., and the i>2 ^^112? by 3,, whilst the
Hi b^lty is not indicated at all. The explanation of this unsatis-
factory fusion of signs must be sought in the design of assimilating
the superlinear vowel-system as much as possible to the sublinear
punctuation.* The sign 3, was made to represent both kinds of
b^1t!l) t simply because the sign "2 was found to serve both purposes ;
and as the sign of the rrd as used in connection with the
sublinear system is also 2, this sign thus chanced to obtain a
threefold signification in the vowel-system exhibited in the Codex
Babyloiiicus.
§ 20. As there are special signs in the superlinear punctuation to
indicate a following doubled consonant, the tl^jT is not really neces-
sary, except in cases like r7inn'l+ (Jer. xlviii, i), nnPl {ibidem, v. 20),
and n2"r^5n (Is. xxxii, 9); and if it be considered that in the simpler
and older form of this vowel-system the Targum is practically with-
out the use of the tTIll, one is led to the conclusion that also in
* The reader is asked not to draw from this statement the inference that the
sublinear punctuation is the older of the two, but to refer to Part II for further
information.
t The name i^ltl) appears to be confined to the sublinear sign ^, and not to
apply to the superlinear 3- Compare the Syriac term ^C19 for the sign of
interpunction (:); see Bernstein's Chrcstoinathy, p. 205, 1. 3, and Lexicon,
p. 508. — It is, in any case, a serious mistake to look upon the horizontal stroke
in composite vowels as a ^^'ItT) ^"'1 to transcribe, e.g., ^137 1^7 T^2T» ^^"^
"^rr^l!^ l^y "^n^l^i (as Pinsker does on the page facing p. 45). The line under and
over the vowel -sign respectively indicates ^l^jj or tijm for the following
consonant, and not a ^'^tl? for the consonant bearing the composite sign.
•.A
X It is noticeable that ^^"^'1 is without a tT^T in the 3 i" ^'1 its four occur-
rences in Isaiah. Pinsker, who is usually most reliable in his references, is at
fault here.
178
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
this respect the superlinear punctuation shows distinct marks of an
attempt to assimilate it as much as possible to the sublinear system.
On the supposition that the superlinear vowel-signs were grafted on
a text which had been previously punctuated on the sublinear
method, such an element as the tTJJ"! would not unnaturally remain
in the text notwithstanding the fact that the new punctuation could
in most cases dispense with it. •
§ 21. Long vowels may of course in the tone-syllable be followed
by a Hi or a \iiTl without the accompanying line under or over the
- yi /C ^
vowel-sign respectively. To words like nXnm , etc., mentioned in
the preceding section, add instances like yi^D^ l!l~lT2? ^11'^' "^HD,
etc.
The same remark applies to the "pathah"* as the most promi-
- A X- - ^ J- ^ !
nent of the short vowels, e.g., T\T\V\^ TSP!^^ llL'b^ •
§ 22. It is generally thought that the punctuation of the Codex
Babylonicus shares with the simpler superlinear system the entire
absence of a sign corresponding to the sublinear -r.-, but there is no
reason why the sign J- in words like -r'^^, ^l*^"!, t^'^ni' ^T't^l »
etc., should not be treated as the equivalent of Vf in a certain
limited measure. The fact is that the sublinear "^ represents a
sound of diverse origin and of very uncertain quality. Students
of Hebrew are familiar with examples illustrating the various
derivations of this sound, and a few instances will therefore suffice
to bring these etymological facts to the reader's remembrance.
Dn^t^tr is, e.g., obtained from tn^^^tT, ^^^ from ^^■■, ^ ^^^^^
from \y^^ = Arab. J^j^, and ^l^QH from ^211; so also arii^ =
vj^ and -JiSi must be looked upon as standmg for "ili^.:,: The
* The " pathah " would naturally be of greater importance in a system in
which the " Karnes " is pronounced similar to 0 (_^). Hence the Nestorians
often employ the vowel _:;_, where the Jacobites have ^, whilst the reverse is
much rarer ; see Noldeke's Syrische Grammatik, p. ZZ-
t The name "J^^D ' generally rendered by "botrus," would, indeed, not
apply to the sign jj_, but it is not identity of name that is suggested here, but
partial identity of power.
% For a fuller treatment of this subject see e.g. Wright's Co/ii/arative
Grammar of the Semitic Languages, pp, 75, ff.
179
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1893.
Codex BahylonicHs, influenced as its pronunciation evidently was
partly by the more original Arabic vocalization, and partly by a
certain kind of provincialism,* avoids the permutation of the various
vowel-sounds into ~ in most cases, and only allows itself to repre-
sent the ~ by -^ in a very limited number of instances, a large
proportion of these being cases in which the ~ represents the
secondary syllable in the so-called segolate nouns. The following
examples will suffice to illustrate this part of the subject : — t
Codex B. has / instead of the sublinear — in, e.g.^ h^ % — H^
(Ezek. ix, 3, etc.), \Ts^^ = in^^^, ^rn^i § = Tr^'^\ '^'^ =
-^S!, rhy^^rhy^^ Dnsi^ = a^2^<5 • it has -^^ instead of ^inD
in cases like l-^n'"' = n■^^^ "Jl^ii^T = fll'^^l (Isaiah xlix, 8),
n"\D«i = a"iD«"i (Hosea x, 10), "tr^prirr = -iripnn, "iVni =
iSni • The sign -- takes the place of ~ in instances like the
following:— arinnj^=amnt^, D^Sai^aj-^m, ^nn=^nn>
There is, however, also a considerable number of instances in
which the superlinear ^l corresponds to the sublinear T, and it is
'" The term " provincialism " is here used in opposition to the " traditional '"
pronunciation as represented in the Iiest codices provided vvitli the sublinear
punctuation.
t A larger number of systematised instances will be found in Pinsker's
Einleitung in das Bahylonisch- Hebrdische Pmikiaiionssys/eiii, pp. xxi - x.w.
Pinsker, however, thought that the punctuation of Codex Babylonicus was anterior
to the sublinear system.
J Compare the Arab. ^\.
§ So almost universally i for c with the ^ of the tirst person singular of the
Imperfect. The only two exceptions '-"Tl^^^il ^nd Q"^Di^V ''^''^ included in
.. # >: r. /<
the examples given in the text. □"lyDb^l (^ech. vii, 14) corresponds to
D"^^D^1 in the sublinear system. These are the only three occurrences of the
sign (JL) in the Codex Babylouicits. See Pinsker, p. 18 (where he only gives the
first two), and p. xxix.
I So
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
this circumstance wliich leads me to look upon _^ as being in a
certain measure equivalent to ^. Thus is D^npS^^- (^^- '^''' ^)
represented in Codex Bahylonicus by □"inp7?22'* Cn''r)t")3^
(Joel i, 17) appears as DHTlQ^^b, and so -j'^TD. ■^iTD, 'I'^V ^
nSpi, ^^nt^ (Isaiah xvi, 9), n!Jp, b^-ii^v -['^'^v ^^:i:b t
(Hoseaviii, 5) = ^^^, nSD , n"^.!^, I'^.p^^, '^"l.p.^' ^"1^;}.^
i'^'^i^V "^^''1'+ "^'^^^ ^'^ ^^ '^^^^ '^^''^^ ""* ^ \-^xg^ number of
cases -^ = — , as, e.g., in D^Sl = 051"=!, n^Sn == il'^nin,
n'^B^ = ^"!pS^ -"in: =-^n: DSti^n = a^tril ; but this cir-
cumstance only shows the uncertainty of the sound represented
by j_, § and proves its affinity to ~ also in this respect.
It is in any case quite unreasonable to look upon J— as being
simply a weakened "^ and to class it with " pathah " entirely.
A glance at the instances given above are sufficient to show that it
largely represents an original /(e) sound. Besides its usage with the-
the ^ of nouns of instrument like D^Plpv^ and the other examples
already given, it occurs in all the suffixed forms of "^li^ (as, e.g.,
* Nouns of instrument are purposely chosen here, ns the original sound
appears to be i for the ^ in such cases, witness the Arabic noun form , Uti^ ^
t This is the only instance of this vocalization of "Tt'^Vj it-'' usual form is
^•^^J^ (see Pinsker, p. xxxv).
X Pinsker speaks of this and similar instances as occurring " auffallender
Weise " (p. xxxiv), but as little surprise need be felt in this case as in, e.g.,
"T^Q , "^QD . He was under the impression that the only regular and legitimate
use of j_ was to represent a weak a sound by it, but in reality it represents the
original sound of i almost as much as that of a {vide infra).
§ The variability in the pronunciation of _^ has already been touched
upon, see § 10. The reader must have noticed besides that _i- is also used to
represent ~^., VT.
181
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
1"ny), ^'^•id in forms like *]"^!i"'l (Jer. xliii, i, etc.), QlDlll,
"Tnpl^l, etc. Among the largest classes of instances in which it
occurs must no doubt be reckoned the segolate noun-forms, but the
auxiliary vowel which j_ represents in these cases is an / (e)
sound rather than a "pathah," the latter sound being only used
with gutturals, as, e.g., nill, "l^^^, n^^iT. etc.
The following few rules should be remembered in connection
with the use of -i- .
(i.) It never occurs in a syllable which has either a full tone or
a half-tone (i.e., the ^r\72 of the sublinear system)
(2.) It is never used before a consonant which has a \iiyi.
(3.) It never stands in an open syllable.
(4.) It represents either an original a sound, or is derived from
an / (or e).
§ 23. The following remarks remain yet to be made in connec-
tion with the punctuation of the Codex Babylonicus : —
(i.) There is no "furtive pathah" in the Codex, so '^'^"^ for the
sublinear ;^1-)^ n^!^^ for n^-)^J^ niiri, for nll^ (or more
commonly Hlil).
(2.) There is no yp^ in this system of punctuation, and there is
indeed much less need for it than in the sublinear system. In the
latter method of vocalization the ^Ijl^ under the "^ in, e.g., Ii^'1*' from
the root t<5"^"i differentiates it from ^b^"^"^ root ni^"^ ', ^ut in the Codex
Bahxlonicus the vocalization itself marks the difference, ^i>^"1i from
^^^■^"1 being printed with a long / over the ^ , and ^'^"^1 from nhi")
having a short i over the same letter. The accentual power of
the 3^72 , iis in e.g. ^'yi^^, Vtr"lQ ^^ rather missed in Codex B.,
•• : I X TIT
but it is not unlikely that the ^n?2 "^^'^s very little used even witli
the sublinear punctuation at the beginning of the tenth century,*
when Codex B. was written.
(3.) It is also worthy of notice that the vowel-signs are thrown as
much as possible to the left in this system of punctuation, so
* Witness its rare and irregular use in Or. 4445, which is, however, in all
probability older than Codex B.
182
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
n^rih , V^lt^^, ™ > b^^n:, ""'n, m'^^n, etc. This fact seems
to indicate an appreciation of the principle that the vowel-sounds
follow the consonants, and are not simultaneous with them in
pronunciation.*
(4.) Another noticeable feature is the use of the tTJI with all
letters, except ^"TlTl , that are provided with a ^2 i^ItT and follow
upon a consonant with a n^ ^^1^^ , so, e.g., '^t2i^2^^ (Jci". xxiii, 31),
^^QtStiJ'i (Is. xliii, 2), niS^nn (Jer. i, 15), ^mtB^'T (Jer. xxxviii, 2i).t
I'he most noteworthy part of it is the tZT^T with the ^^ and "1 , and if
the view indicated above (see § 20) that the t^^lT is really not an
original sign of the superlinear system be correct, it follows that we
ought to find the same feature in early MSS. with the sublinear
punctuation, whenever such should be discovered.
(5.) The Sacred Name is not pointed at all, when it is pronounced
like "i^l^^ , but is provided with vowel-signs when the pronunciation
is that of n^rh^ , as, e.g., n'^rV (Jer. i, 6).
(6.) The conjunctive 1 , when attached to words beginning with
^?2ij is pointed with i^ltjj and not with u as in the sublinear
system, except when the letters r)^3, are themselves pronounced
with fc^ltl); so, e.g., VtrhDV but DH^'rC^;
(7.) The words "ilb^ , "t^^, '3 ^^^ usually provided with the
sublinear punctuation in the Codex Babylonicus, and only occasion-
ally bear the superlinear signs.
* Pinsker, who is generally a very accurate observer, and from whom the
present writer has^learned much that is most helpful (many observations on the
Codex Babylonicus he indeed primarily owes to Pinsker) only notices the position
> T
of the vowel-signs m words like 2T^^' "T^i^ , mxin (P- I?)' ''^'^ omits to
notice the general principle as stated here. It is in consequence of this omission
that he finds it necessary to give a forced explanation of the phoenomenon partially
noticed by him ; see loc. cit.
+ For a longer list of examples, see Pinsker, pp. in, 112.
X Pinsker (p. 3) mentions the different pointing of the conjunctive ^ as one of
his proofs in favour of the Babylonian origin of this vowel-system, but as he can
only prove his point by first emending a passage in the TT^p'^n "^CD > ^^^t
much weight can be allowed to such a proof. See § 30.
183
Fee. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1893.
(8.) Coaex B. distinguishes ^:t2^, ^^^V^ from ^^j^b) ^i^b^,
the former pointing being ahvays used when the suffix is that
of the third person singular, and the latter forms, when the "1^ is the
suffix of the first person plural. The " pathah " is also used before
the suffix of the third person singular masculine and feminine in
verbs, as ^2113''; H-^i^"^ • It is of course possible that the -^ was
in fact pronounced similar to the T' of the sublinear system in the
forms in question, and that also the ^^ in y^iyOi ■> ^IT''^ was
pronounced similar to the -ir in ^3?p^ , ^2-'^^^ , when these forms
represent a suffix of the first person plural, but the omission of any
kind of sign for doubling the ^ of the suffix is a more significant
deviation from the pronunciation of these forms in the sublinear
system. Notice also that there is no tL^^n in the accusative suffix
of the second person singular masculine in words corresponding to
superlinear forms like 7l"1p^7.
(9.) It is admitted on all hands that in most cases in which
the '1^53,"^^^ o^ Palestinian school differs from the 'i^^n2"T^ or
Babylonian school, the Codex Babylonlcus agrees with the readings
of the "^i*^n21?2 ?* but in a not inconsiderable minority of instances
the reverse takes place, so that no sufficiently decisive theory as to
the origin of this punctuation can be founded on its relation to
these two Masoretic schools.
§ 24. It is not intended to discuss here the system of accents
used in the Codex Bahylonicus and a few other MSS. ; but partly for
the sake of completeness, and partly because the superlinear
accentual system will have to be mentioned in connection with the
question regarding the origin of this punctuation (see § 39), it is
* The differentiation of ^^^O ^'""^1 ^^^TiD' etc., appears to be one of the
more important cases of agreement between the Codex Bahylonicus and the
"I^HjITD ; ^^ reading QJ^D2T (three times in Zech. xiv, 5) instead of D^D31
is evidently another. Dr. Ginsburg's careful Masoretic collation of Codex B.
has resulted in the tabulation of a considerable number of instances in
which that codex agrees with the 'ifc^i'^i^?^ • Pinsker attaches too great
weight to its more frequent agreement with the ^^^ri-IT^ •
184
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
found useful to subjoin a list of the pausal or *disjunctive signs as
used in the St. Petersburg MSS. Codex B.^ Nos. 132, 133! and
Tschufut-Kale 8", J and the Oxford Hebrew MS. No. 64.§
Name of sign.
Ordinary form.
Superlinear form.
T : ~
?
i
v<thyD_
1
111
thy^\^
ni
4
1
nS
n. i
i^
^riDI^ (ante Athnah) )
idem ante Silluk J
1
V
3
* The conjuctive signs are the same as those used with the sublinear
punctuation, with only this difference that ^^^"^ (T) and ^^1i«^?2*(~) ^""^ "o*^
used.
t See §§ 26, 27.
X A specimen of this codex (Job xxxvi, i-ii) is prefixed to Baer's edition of
Job. The punctuation used in it agrees, to judge from this specimen, with Codex
B., and does not show the characteristics of Nos. 132, 133, which will be
discussed later on ; so ^17^^/ (without " furtive pathah "), I^Qt^^QI (not
tODUJQ^)- The ty^l in the ^ of li^^tl?*^ is, however, wanting.
§ According to Dr. Wickes, this MS. (consisting of one leaf) is a fragment
of No. 132 in the St. Petersburg Library ; see Q'^^DD fc^'D ^^i^tO > P- I42j
note.
II For further information on the names and forms, see Dr. Wickes'
0^*^20 b^ 3 '^?2VtO- The order of the accents adopted here is that given
by Dr. Wickes It is, however, rather difficult to follow him in his explanations
of the superlinear forms. It is by no means certain that jL represents the first
letter of 1"^UJ, or that ^ is the first '^ of 1^]!^, and jl the ^ of "^lli!?.
The sign _+_ appears to be the form of a cross rather than the letter f (compare
fc^D^pT = crux). It is, however, clear that the first letters of the names of the
signs largely determined the forms ; so _n_> the H ^^ "IfH = i?^^'^ > J?., the
to of D^.i: = tLh:i-
IF 71^^ plpf and T\l^'p Plpt ^"^2 not distinguished from one another in the
superlinear system.
185 O
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
Name of sign.
Ordi
inary form.
Super!
:inear form.
^^7^,
i
n
31
^iiy.
CO
n
t^t^trs
^
3
£•
n^n;n
?
n
1
^1^.
n
n
m^^n^^
D
n
§ 25. The application of the composite superlinear vowel-system
to the Targum appears to present no special features for consider-
ation. It is only in its adaptation to the Hebrew text that a good
many interesting characteristics offer themselves for observation. It
will therefore suffice to quote a few instances from the Oxford MS.
64:— t
Deut. ix, 6 :—
:nA hip """trp-ai^ nt^ nnS"^n^' b^in ^f\2,i
From the same page may be quoted the phrases : —
\h>^i^ii tr»ion^ '^nini "'•ni^ -{yh n^i^^'iz^pi^
^nip )6 and ^nii2.iS ''V 6^"$ ^1
It should be added, however, that although offering no special
features in the punctuation, a careful study of the extant examples
* The sign _^ is used for the second Pashta, when it is repeated.
t Vide supra, § 24. The example given here was copied from Plate I of the
Facsimiles published with Dr Neui^auer's Catalogue of the Hebrew MSS. in the
Bodleian Library. It is to be noticed that the Targum as well as the Hebrew
text are provided with the superlinear accents in this MS. The only leaf of
which the MS. consists is, however, mutilated.
186
Ffb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
will in cVl probability serve as a considerable aid in the grammatical
study of the Jewish Aramaic*
§ 26. The school of punctuators who attempted to adapt the
snperlinear system to the traditional pronunciation of the Hebrew
text did not, however, stop at the approach made in the Codex
Babylonicus, but made a further advance in the same direction in
MSS. of a later date of which the St. Petersburg Codices 132, 133
are at present the best known representatives.
Simcha Pinsker's great fidelity to the MSS. from which he made
transcriptions is beyond doubt, and in the present writer's want of
access to the originals, he feels justified in making for once a
transcription of parts of the CnUn ]1"^1I^J^ given by Pinsker
on pp. 48-50, and in summarising that author's remarks on pp. 45,
46 of his important work on this punctuation : —
m^ Dniin ySi^n -j-iii^^iin -iu?« yh^^ mn*' ""^zk
" • ■ yrh^ r^^p^ ^^^ -^ii^^s i^r■^p9 mtSn Qvn^ lir^tS
"jj^nni-^:]-! y\i2rv\ ^litrS y^r:l^^ "jini^T ^.nn^ "j:!^ rinA
* Instances from the Targum contained in the St. Petersburg M.S.S. Nos. 132,
133 will be found in Prof. Merx's Chrestoniathy, pp. 46-48, 132-139, and 149 ft".
It is to be hoped, however, that Prof. Merx will at some future time subject his
otherwise most useful work to a careful revision. In his list of composite vowels
•• ^. .1^ JL
given on p. xvi, he gives the following: — ^, J^ , ^, ^, adding: "Alias
vocalium cum lineola infra posita compositiones non legi"; but in his own book
he presents us with the form 'ipJlDIp (P- 46» ^^^-^ ^'^^ "^^"Tp7 (■'') (P- 132).
t In the textus receptiis, the verse ends here, and the pointing is "^^D (indica-
T T
ting, however, an alternative arrangement), but in the MS. from which the above
text is copied, the verse does not end before imjJTD (^"<i of ^' 6 in the texitis
receptiis). On the two styles of pointing the Decalogue, see Pinsker's Einkifimg,
pp. 46, 50, and VVickes D'^'^CD fc^"3 "'TDVt^ . PP- 130. IS'-
187 O 2
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S93.
§ 27. The Decalogue, though given by Pinsker in its entirety,
does not show all the peculiarities of Nos. 132, 133, etc.; but
they are contained in the following summary of Pinsker's * rTi?!Jn
□^-^3,^n rr^ll^i^/ ^^ found in his Einleitung, pp. 45, 46.
(i.) In this more advanced f stage of the superlinear punctuation,
the " pathah furtive " is used, as in e.g. XViT* •
(2.) The Divine Name has the sublinear sign -^ under the \
when pronounced like '^2"!^ •
(3.) There is a t^^ll in the 2 of the suffixes n3^) 13^", as, e.g.,
J.- ^.. J-.- ^ AJ..-J.
^j'a?^' ^33''^' ^22^-*"^' nS^y- So also in the suffix of the 2nd pers.
singl. masc. in verbs, as '^"^D"' 7 •
(4.) The conjunctive 1 has the u sound before ?^^3,, even if these
letters are pronounced with full vowels, so e.g. ^22^1 ■
(5.) In Nos. 132, 133, the vocalization "IQ, "'JQ1 is used instead
of ■'?•: , "]C^ of the Codex Bahyloiiicus.
» # - - -
(6.) The pointing "73, n» "Jl^ is here used everywhere, and
never "73 ^3. Tlb^ as often in Codex 3.%
t:' ) V '
(7.) No tr;n is used with any consonant that is provided with a
V- t^lty and preceded by a TO b^ltiJ-
(8.) The yp^ is occasionally used in these codices, so e.g.
nrrv
J. : A
(9.) Pinsker also quotes the reading "IT^b^l (Zech. iii, 5) as
A A -
against "^^i^l of Codex B. to show that the |IOp '^"'Ip also
approaches to the textus receptiis with regard to different Masoretic
readings.
* Pinsker comprises Nos. 132, 133 under the term l^p V'^^'P ' ^'^ work
s written before either Codex B., or any MSS. of the collection were trans-
ferred from Odessa to St. Petersburg.
t Even Pinsker acknowledged the deliberate adaptation to the Hebrew text
in case of Nos. 132, 133.
X This circumstance shows the "gradual" naturalization of the superlinear
si<Tns in the traditional pronunciation of the Hebrew text.
188
Feb. 7] TROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Part II.
The origin of this Vowel-System, and its relation to other
Semitic systems of Punctuation.
§ 28. Having now completed the survey of the superlinear
punctuation in its different stages of development, an attempt must
be made to use the facts thus gained, together with such other
information as may yet remain to be gleaned, as a basis of further
investigation into the origin of these signs and their place among
other Semitic methods of punctuation. Before, however, placing
before the student a complete view of the results arrived at by the
author of this treatise, it will be necessary to discuss three different
theories that have been propounded on the subject : —
(i.) The view that the superlinear punctuation is of Karaite
origin has, perhaps, never been seriously held by scholars,* and the
idea may be looked upon as extinct in the present day. But for
the sake of completeness a short investigation of this theory will
be offered in the following outline.
(2.) The view which most scholars f are inclined to accept is to
the effect that the superlinear ])unctuation had its origin in the
Babylonian schools, and is closely connected with the Masoretic
methods of the "^^H^"!^ or " Easterns."
(3.) Dr. Wickes, in his well-known work on The Accentuation of
the twenty-one so-called Prose Books of the Old Testament, first of all
ably combats \ the theory named under (2), and tlien maintains
that the superlinear punctuation " seems to have been an attempt to
simplify and introduce regularity into the older system," i^ thus
declaring the superlinear vowel-system to be later than the sublinear
punctuation.
* See Ewald's remarks in fahrbikhey der Biblischen Wissenschaft, 1848,
p. 161 ; (jeiger's Urschrift, pp. 167, 168. Neither of these scholars appears to
have given much countenance to the Karaite theory of " origin," although they
are sometimes both quoted as having held this view.
t The fullest and on the whole ablest defence of this view is, no doubt, still
that of Pinsker in his Einlcitung in das Bahylonisch-Hebriiisrhe Funktations.-
system.
X See Appendix II of Dr. Wickes' work.
§ Opci'. cit., p. 146. See also the Rev. I. Harris' article on the "Rise and
Development of the Massorah" in The Jewish Quarterly Keviezv, April, 18S9,
pp. 241, 242.
189
Ff.b. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIMiOLOGY. [1893.
§ 29. The theory which ascribes the origin of the superhnear
punctuation to the Karaites appears to rest on no foundation what-
ever, and must be considered as a pardonably false guess suggested
by the fact that MSS. so punctuated were first discovered in the
Crimea, famous for its Karaite settlements.* But even this scanty
sort of evidence is more than completely counterbalanced by
the large number of Yemenite MSS. now in the British Museum
that are provided with the simpler and more ancient type of the
same punctuation, and it should also be remembered that Or. 1467
and 2363, which are the oldest codices of this simpler style, are in
all probability of Persian origin, and have no connection with the
Crimea.
It is quite unnecessary in the present state of the controversy to
ofter a refutation of the Karaite tradition that Rab Aha of ' Irak
invented this system of vocalisation at the commencement of the
sixth century ; t and even if the statement mentioned in Pinner's
Prospectus^ p. 54, according to which the Karaites only adopted the
sublinear or so-called Palestinian punctuation in the year 957, could
be relied on, it would by no means prove that they were the inventors
of the superlinear system. Being in the habit of using a system, and
may be contributing to its development, is one thing, and inventing
it is another- and all that Geiger J says in connection with this
statement is that the Karaites had adopted the superlinear system
before their separation from the Rabbanites.
It is of course very likely that the Karaites, who professed to
take their religious stand upon the plain sense of the Scriptures,
should take a very great interest in the work of providing graphic
signs for the traditional reading of the Sacred Books, § and there is
also the significant fact that the distinguished family of Masorites
and Punctuators which can be traced back to the latter half of the
eighth century, II and whose last and best known scion was the
famous Aaron ben Moses ben Asher, is by the best authorities
looked upon as Karaite;^ but of actual evidence that the super-
* See Ewald, loc. cit.
t See the number o^ \\\q. Jewish Quarterly Revie'M already mentioned, p. 243.
± Urschrift, p. 168.
§ The Karaites have in fact lieen credited, or have credited themselves,
with the invention of the sublinear punctuation as well. Ibidem, pp. 242, 243.
II Same number of the_/i?7C'?'j'// Quarterly Revie-w, p. 247.
If So Graetz, I'insker and Fuerst ; as cjuoted in the Jewis/i Quarterly Keviexv,
ibidem, p. 247.
190
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
linear punctuation originally emanated from these interesting op
ponents of the Rabbanites there is as yet none to adduce.* On the
contrary, the fact that no trace of this punctuation is found in the
large number of partly very ancient Karaite MSS. now in the British
Museum may be looked upon as evidence in favour of the opposite
theory ; and if Derenbourg's view,! that vowel-signs were first used to
facilitate elementary school teaching, be correct, it would be quite as
natural for the Rabbanites as for the Karaites to interest themselves
in the origination and elaboration of graphic vowel-signs.
§ 30. The theory which identifies the originators of the super-
linear punctuation with the Masoretic schools of the ''t^nilQ or
" Easterns " occupies a much stronger position, and deserves a very
careful investigation. It will therelore be serviceable first to state as
clearly as possible the arguments that have been advanced in favour
of this theory, and then to proceed with an examination of the
evidence before us : —
(i.) In the Parma Codex de Rossi 12, containing the Pentateuch
with Targum, and dated a.d. 131 i, the following note is found : —
n^m hii yi^^^ «mn n\r« idd?:) pn^^: nt xy\r\r\X
inoii in^:im \\'plr^ pm 'm Dn:n '12 -[-^i2!2n □"ii-n
In this subscription the superlinear punctuation is distincdy called
■^ItL^b^ y^i^ ^T)1 ; and it is contended that, as the terms Assyria
and Babylonia are very loosely used and sometimes interchanged,
the vowel-system in question may well claim a Babylonian, or, at any
rate, a Babylonico-i^ssyrian origin, and therefore coincide with the
* It will, however, be seen later on that the theory held by the author of this
treatise is entirely unaffected by the question of the Karaite origin of this
punctuation in its simpler form ; see, however, § 36.
t Revue Critique, January 21, 1879, p. 455 ; Jeioish Quarterly Review,
ibidem, p. 233.
% The wording of this epigraphis taken from Dr. Wickes' Q'^ICD b^"2 ''^Vli)
p. 142, note. Prof. Merx's wording of the same note difleis irom it in a lew
unessential j)oints.
191
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
graphic signs used by the Masoretic schools of the ^^<5n2"Tl^- Similar
testimony appears to be found in some of the Tschufut-Kale Bible
Codices (48, 87, 103, 116), to which, according to extracts made by
Prof. Strack(see Q"^1CD h^"3^^J^ID5 P- 145), certain readings with the
superlinear punctuation are ascribed to the "^^^n^lT^-
(2.) It is argued that the omission of the euphonic tL^^lT in tlie 2
of the suffixes ^2) H-? iri e.g. ^2?3D> Jl^^i^"^) ^^ well as the differen-
X- .. -
tiation of ^272D (3rd pers. sing.) from ^2^?2* (ist. pers. plural),
show the close affinity of this punctuation with the Masoretic system
of the " Easterns," and it is added that the reading criD^T t in Zech.
xiv, 5, points to the same conclusion.
(3.) The pronunciation of the conjunctive 1 with fc^ltjj :}: in words
like Vtl^lDl , Itrci is also advanced as an argument in favour of
this theory, it being contended that this is an Eastern or " Baby-
lonian " peculiarity.
(4.) From the fact that the Codex Babylonicus generally agrees
with the requirements of the Masoretic schools of the ^b^TO"!^, it is
not unreasonably inferred that that MS. must have been written
under the influence of the eastern Masoretic schools, and it is then
further asserted that the superlinear punctuation itself must have
had its origin in the same schools.
(5.) A special Mosoretic argument is also drawn from the number
of verses (i292)§ which the Masora ascribes to the Book of Isaiah,
it being argued that a Masoretic note to chapter xx, verse 2, of
Codex B. itself shows that the Palestinians did not divide up that
verse, whilst the Babylonian schools made two verses of it, thus
providing the missing verse needed to make up the number 1292;
for without the division of xx, 2 there would only be 1291 verses.
§ 31. It will be seen that this theory rests — apart from the epi-
graph contained in Codex de Rossi 12 — mainly on the Masoretic
evidence afforded by the readings and marginal rubrics of the Codex
* See § 23, (8.) t Ibidem, note. X But see § 23, (6), note.
§ The actual number given is niitJ^I Q'^iritT') □Tlh^'Ol Fl7t^ 1
but □1i^3,\2,^T is assumed to be simply a mistake for Q^^^tTni ' ^^'^ Pinsker,
Einleitung, p. 4.
192
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Babylonicus.'^ But even if the term "^ItTt^ y^h^ "Tlp3 of the sub-
scripton given above should unquestioningly be taken as identical
with "172D, "Tlp^jt Dr. Wickes' objection to this evidence is quite
strong enough to deprive it of the weight given to it by Pinsker and
others: "Can we trust," so he asks,} "the unsupported testimony
of a single copyist ? Is it likely that an Italian Jew, of the fourteenth
century, should have known the origin of the system, when scribes
living in the East were ignorant of it?" It may be fairly argued
that Dr. Wickes overstates his case a little, for according to his own
statement, § the scribes of the Tschufut-Kale Bible Codices 48, 87,
103, and 116, appear to share the view of the "single copyist."
But this apparent underrating of evidence is rectified by what Dr.
Wickes says || himself with regard to the scribes of the Tschufut-
Kale Bible Codices in question : " The writers of these notices were
doubtless in the same position as modern scholars. They had no
other texts with Oriental readings, and naturally concluded that the
texts which contained such readings, exhibited also the Oriental
mode of punctuation."
The argument from the very considerable agreement of Codex B.
with the ''i^n^l^ has two weak points. In the first place. Codex B.
can now no more be looked upon as practically co-extensive with
our knowledge of the superlinear punctuation. It is only one MS.
representing a certain highly developed phase of this vowel-system,
but in our attempt to discover the origin of the system we must go
back to the primary and simpler forms in which it appears. Sup-
posing, therefore, that conclusive evidence could be furnished to
show that Codex B. emanated from the Eastern Masoretic schools,
the same evidence could not, without further proof, be held to apply
equally to the earlier forms of the system, which, for aught we
* The further argument based by Pinsker on the very frequent agreement
of Codex B. with the readings of "^TinC^ X^ requires no special consideration,
as there is no authority for connecting that Masorite with the Eastern Masoretic
schools ; SQQjezaish Quarterly Review, ibidem, p. 248, note 2.
t See § 36.
t D^DD ^^"D *'t2i^t5. P- 146.
§ Dr. Wickes must also be regarded as a little biassed, for he adds : " The
statements contained in the ei)igraphs to Jewish texts have always to be received
aim grano." — Are the Jews the only forgers of epigraphs ?
II Ibidem,
193
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
know, might have been connected with the Western schools. And
secondly, it is most important to remember that Codex B. itself
can by no means be described as agreeing with the Eastern readings
entirely. The Western readings are, it is true, in a minority ; but
it is a minority which is numerous enough to vitiate any positive
inference that might be drawn in favour of the exclusive Eastern
origin of the MS. in question.*
§ 32. It is true that the "argumentum e silentio" must not be
pressed too far, but it must be allowed some weight as an auxiliary
kind of evidence ; and it is certainly a remarkable fact that a writer
like Sa'adyah Gaon, who was called to occupy the chief place
in the Academy of Sura some i&w years after the completion of the
Codex B., should not even so much as mention the superlinear
punctuation, when treating on subjects that are closely connected
with problems offered by the peculiarities of that Codex. In
chapter iv, § 3,! of his commentary on the H!''!*'' "^DD he assigns
the 7i;!D to the article in D"i"inn) and lays down the rule that the
final guttural in words like i^lbtlv niust be pronounced with
"pathah," but entirely omits to mention that according to the
Babylonian schools — with which he was then connected — the article
in Q''"inn must be pointed with "pathah,"and that there was no
"pathah furtive" in the superlinear punctuation. The only inference
that can be drawn from Sa'adyah's silence J is that this vowel-system
was either not known, or, at any rate, not authorised in Babylonia in
connection with the Hebrew text of the Bible in that Gaon's time, i.e.,
about the date when Codex B. was written.
* See § 23, {9), note.
t See Wickes, op. cit., p. 145. The argument drawn by Dr. \Yickes from
Sa'adyah's mention of the 7"1^D' ^^ also from the Masoretic note to Ezek. xxiii, 5 :
"l^^D ^.ni^n") {ibidem, p. 144), rests on a mistake. Dr. ^Vickes says that the
superlinear punctuation has no ^IJJD '■> ^^'^ ^'^ ^as shown above (§ 22) that the
sign ^L answers to the ^I^D i"' ^ certain limited measure. See also Geiger's
Ursclu-ift, pp. 485, 4S6.
X Sa'adyah Gaon is only mentioned as a prominent example, for there appears
to be "universal" silence among the scholars of the time with regard to the
superlinear punctuation.
194
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
§ ^;^. Dr. Wickes who, in a measure, convincingly argues against
the identity of the superlinear punctuation with the graphic signs of
the " Easterns," is much less fortunate when he attempts to establish
a theory of his own on the subject. It will be best to give
Dr. Wickes' view in his own words: "The superlinear punctuation
stands," he says, "outside the system common to the Oriental and
Occidental schools, and would seem to have been an attempt to
simplify and introduce regularity into the older system,"* and lower
down on the same page he states that " it was an Oriental, but not
f/ie Oriental system."
Now it is quite true that the silence of Sa'adyah and others would
be less startUng, if the superlinear punctuation was only one of the
systems used in Babylonia for the Hebrew text of the Bible, and not
^/le system ; but it must be admitted that even so Dr. Wickes' own
" argumentum e silentio " would still retain some force. If the
superlinear vowel-system was one of the acknowledged methods of
Bible punctuation used in Babylonia, we can hardly suppose Sa'adyah
Gaori to have been ignorant of it ; and if he had knowledge of it,
it seems very strange that he should not have referred to it in a
passage like the one mentioned in § 32. The inference, therefore,
would seem to be that the superlinear punctuation as used in the
Codex Babylonicus was not even one of the authorised modes of
Bible vocalisation in Babylonia.
But Dr. Wickes' view appears to be open to still graver doubts.
He says that the superlinear punctuation " seems to have been an
attempt to simplify " the older system. But the question must be
asked : what style of the superlinear system was an attempt at simpli-
fication ? Does Dr. Wickes mean that the composite punctuation
of Codex B. embodies this attempt, or does he refer to the older
and simpler superlinear style ? If he means the former, the ques-
tion may fairly be asked : how can a vowel-system which is itself
a highly composite development of an older superlinear style of
punctuation be looked upon as a simplification of a system which
exhibits a different arrangement altogether? A complicated develop-
ment which is at the same time a simplification is a notion that is
not easy to grasp. And if it is the older and simpler style that
Dr. Wickes had in mind, how is it that a movement towards fresh
complication began almost immediately after the accom[)lished sim-
* Wickes, of', cit.^ p. 146.
195
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1893.
plification ? Before an attempt to simplify could reasonably be
made, one must suppose an older fully developed style in existence ;
after this would come a reaction against the complications of such a
highly developed style, and it is in consequence of this reaction that
the simpler superlinear system would be introduced. For these
processes a fairly long period of time must be conceded, and yet we
are asked to believe that at the beginning of the tenth century the
simplified system itself was already fully developed into a highly
composite one.
Judging from the very scanty notice that Dr. Wickes is disposed
to give to the Yemen MSS.* in the British Museum, it seems clear
that he occupies the former of these alternative positions, and it is
therefore unnecessary to enlarge on the difficulties in which the
second position would seem to involve us. But the idea of sim-
plification is in itself open to a serious objection in connection with
systems of vocalisation. If a single authentic and indisputable
instance of such a step could be brought forward in support of the
theory proposed by Dr. Wickes, one should perhaps feel obliged to
enter into a further examination of the whole subject ; but it appears
that the tendency is all in the opposite direction, and one is there-
fore forced to dissent from Dr. Wickes' view on this point, however
much regard one may feel obliged to pay to his excellent studies on
the accents.
§ 34. The fact seems to be that the origin of the superlinear
punctuation is not to be sought in a sectarian body like the Karaites,
or in a special Masoretic school like the Babylonian, but rather in
that branch of Semitic speech which is known by the name of Jewish
Aramaic. In speaking of the origin of this vowel-system, one must
of course take the simplest style in which it appears as the main
subject of investigation ; and in doing so, one cannot help observing
the following two important facts : (a) The superlinear punctuation
as exhibited in Or. 1467 and 2363 presents us with a grammatically
consistent vocalisation of the Targum, whilst the all but hopeless
state in which the Jewish Aramaic versions appear in printed editions
* Dr. Wickes is no doubt right in saying that he has found these MSS. of no
service in his investigations into the use of the accents ; but can the same be said
with regard to the punctuation ? It is quite possible for a careful student
like Dr. Wickes to overlook points in one science whilst successfully engaged
in the elucidation of another.
196
Ffb. 7] PROCEEDINGS, [1893.
and many MSS. is apparently due to vocalised transcriptions from the
superlinear into the sublinear system.* This circumstance may be
taken as evidence in favour of the natural aptitude of the superlinear
punctuation to the Jewish Aramaic and of its original and close
relationship to it. (d) Another important observation is that the
simpler form in which this system appears is not sufficient to express
the traditional pronunciation of Biblical Hebrew as it was used in
liturgical readings from the Scriptures. It has already been noticed f
that there is no UJ^ll in the superlinear system pure and simple.
Another important want is the differentiation of ^^Itl? into the simple
y^ i^ltlj and the three semi-vowels nnO ?]IOn, ^^p ?]lDn, and
bl^D f^I^n ; and one misses besides the traditional differentiation
of pathah from ^I^D? a differentiation which clearly appears in
Or. 4445 of probably the ninth century, and was no doubt known
for centuries before.
I do not expect that much weight — if any — will be attached by
modern scholars to the view that the vocalisation of the Scriptures
was constructed independently of tradition, J and that therefore no
argument can be founded on the insufficiency of the superlinear
system to express the " nuances " of the sublinear vocalisation.
Such a view is on the face of it totally unreasonable. For if it be
allowed at all that the Scriptures were read or rather chanted in the
Synagogue Services, it is quite impossible to assume that any other
except the pronunciation used at such services should be perpetuated
in MSS. that were to a great extent written for the guidance and
preparation of public liturgical readers ; and Mr. Isidore Harris is no
doubt right in saying § that " the substantial agreement in regard to
* See Merx's Chrestomathia, Prolegomena, pp. viii, ix, where he ju5.tly says : —
" Desperandum erat de instaurandis textibus, de scribenda gramniatica
At mutata est hoec rerum condicio Londinium allatis ex Arabia meridionali
codicibus Vocales in libris tiberiensibus picti ex libris babylonicis hausti
sunt. . . . Vocalismus babylonicorum librorum in Arabia ssec. xii scriptorum in
rebus gravissimis cum vocalismo syriaco edesseno convenit, ubi recedit, semper
et eodem modo recedit. . ." Whilst not agreeing with Prof. Merx in the use
of the terms " tiberian " and " baljylonian," his view of the relation of the Jewish-
Aramaic to the two systems is no doubt the correct one.
t § 6.
X ?ie.Q Jewish Quarterly Review, pp. 239, 240.
§ I.oe. cit.
197
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1893,
punctuation between the Babylonian and Palestinian schools, not-
withstanding that they worked in independence of each other^ is
itself a proof that the system common to both was shaped on the
lines of tradition. It was this fidelity to tradition which gave the
Masorites their name."
But it might be argued that, although the superlinear punctuation
does not express all the " nuances " of the traditional pronunciation,
it may have been the first important stage of a graphic rendering of
such pronunciation, and that it is only natural that greater perfect-
ness should be the result of further elaboration and development.
But even if this be so, it would at any rate follow that the simple
superlinear punctuation could not be held to do " sufficient " justice
to the traditional ]ironunciation of the Scriptures, and that, whilst
the Jewish Aramaic would be likely to retain this form of vocalisa-
tion, an onward movement for the further development of graphic
signs for the Hebrew Scriptures would be a necessity that was likely
to be felt very strongly.
§35. If the superlinear punctuation was originally associated with
the Jewish Aramaic (and possibly also with such Hebrew writings as
were in their nature less sacred than the Scriptures), the use of the sub-
linear vowel-signs with the Divine Name rfin^ * in the oldest MSS. of
this kind, viz., Or. 1467 and 2363, would be at once explained. It was
only natural that when the attempt was made to transfer the profane
vocalisation to the sacred Scriptures, the punctuators should have
felt conscientious scruples with regard to the application of these
signs to the Sacred Name.
This theory would also explain the motive which prompted so
many scribes to vocalise the Hebrew text after the sublinear and the
Targum after the superlinear method in such a large number of
MSS., and the subsequent addition of the sublinear signs to MSS.
in which the Hebrew had been provided with the superlinear system
would also require no further explanation.
Before going further, it may also be useful to add the testimony
of Jacob Sappir as to the tradition of the Yemenite Jews themselves
on the subject. In the second part of his Reisebeschreibtmg, entitled
"^■^QD 'jli"^, p. 198, he says:t " Und sie {i.e., die Juden in Yemen)
* See § 14.
t See Dr. li. Strack in the Zeitschrift fu>- Ltitherische Theolo^ie, 1875, P- 607.
198
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
sagten mir, dass man diese Punktation zu profanen zwec.'.en an-
wende und mit ihr nur das Targum und die Gehetbikher wersehe,
nicht aber die Bibelcodices." Traditional evidence of this sort may
not be very weighty in itself; but if such evidence is found sup-
ported by several other important considerations, it is impossible
not to accord to it its proper recognition in a critical enquiry like
the one before us.*
§ 36. The correctness of the theory proposed here becomes more
apparent still, if a comparison be instituted between the superlinear
punctuation and the two kinds of vowel-signs used in another branch
of the Aramaic family of dialects, namely the Syriac. It has been
already shown f that the superlinear sign -^ is only a variation of the
Jacobite vowel-sign -^, and it has also been suggested that jf_ pro-
bably represents the letter w which is used in ancient Syriac MSS.
instead of " .\ These two vowel-signs therefore appear to have
been borrowed from the Jacobite or Edessene vowel-system. A fur-
ther glance at the various systems of vocalisation will reveal the fact
that the signs ^, i, and 3, bear a very close relationship to the
Nestorian system of punctuation. It therefore seems only natural
to assume that in the superlinear punctuation we are presented with
* It was with genuine delight that the author of this treatise, after having
arrived at definite results in his enquiry, found that so great a scholar as
Derenbourg had already guessed the true bearings of the case : " Die bahy-
lonische Punktation ist vielleicht urspriinglich nur fiir das Targum verwendet
worden . . . und hat daher einen profanen Charakter behalten." See the
quotation op. cit., p. 607. The subsequent discovery of so much evidence in
favour of Dr. D.'s opinion must be looked upon as a strong testimony to his
scholarly insight. Dr. H. Strack says himself on p. 608 of the same article
(" DieBiblischen und Masoretischen Handschriften der Krim ") : " fiir die Annah-
me, dass der babylonischen Punktation (seit wann?) ein weniger heiliger Charakter
zugeschrieben sei, scheint mir der Umstand zu sprechen, dass in der Masora
auch solcher (Tschufut-Kalescher) Codices, in welchen die babylonische Text-
recension nicht erwahnt wird, denen also babylonische Codices nicht vorlagen,
die besprochenen Bibelworter zuweilen mit babylonischen Vocalzeichen verschen
sind." Dr. Strack's query "seit wann?" can, I think, be answered with "from
the very first."
t See § 9.
% Ibidem. It is of course not suggested that the Jews adopted signs straight
from the Greeks, but that they borrowed them from the Syriac, when their power
as letters had become merged into their nature as mere signs.
199
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^IOLOGY. [1893.
a vowel-system that combines Jacobite with Nestorian elements,* in
fact with a system which is in its nature very similar to the mixed
Jacobite-Nestorian Syriac vocalisation that is found in later MSS. of
the Western school, and in many of our printed Syriac books.f
Another remarkable testimony to the mixed Jacobite-Nestorian
character of the superlinear punctuation, namely, the differentiation
t^f 2. {= 7i = O) from ^ (= (? = 6) side by side with the Jacobite
pronunciation of the Vt^p, has also been already noticed; and the
absence of the 71^0 also appears less strange, if this theory be
adopted, for the distinction between -rr {= e, t) and -r {= e)\?,hy no
means uniformly observed in the Nestorian system,^ and the sign -^
has to do duty for both e and e in the Jacobite punctuation, so that
there appears to be a certain indefiniteness about the e sound in all
the Aramaic systems of vocalisation.
It seems besides very natural that the Jewish Aramaic should
partake of the characteristics — both in pronunciation and application
of graphic signs — of the closely allied Syriac dialect, and it is also
not unimportant to observe that the term *)*}XL>b^ V'^i'^ T/pl in the
subscription of the Parma Codex de Rossi, i2,§ need not, strictly
speaking, mean more than the vocalisation used with the Aramaic
branch of Semitic speech, more especially so if it be considered that
the designation "Syrians" is merely an abbreviation of "Assyrians."
§ 37. A system of graphic signs derived from combined Jacobite-
Nestorian sources could not be framed before the beginning of the
eighth century, or at the earliest before the end of the seventh cen-
tury ; and as there is no evidence to show the previous use of such
vowels, one may well acquiesce in this estimate of the earliest
appearance of a complete system of punctuation among the Jews.
At first only Jewish Aramaic, or perhaps also non-Biblical Hebrew,
would be thus vocalised. With regard to the text of the Scriptures
themselves a good deal of prejudice would have to be overcome,
before vowel-signs would at all be allowed to intrude into the sacred
* Only the u sound was represented by a sign taken from the Hebrew
alphabet ^ ^/, probal)ly under the Arabic influence, where _1_ is only a smallj,
+ See Noeldeke's Syrische GraniDiatik, p. 8.
X Noeldeke, op. cit., p. 7.
§ See § 30.
200
Feb. 7] TROCEEDINGS. [1893.
text. Gradually, however, the principle of utility and the general
custom in connection with the Aramaic would overcome the pre-
judice. Vowel-signs would probably first be allowed in schools for
the instruction of children.* and from there they would pass into
general use among all classes of the Jewish community. It is
probably at this stage that the need of a more expressive vowel-
system would be felt for the traditional pronunciation of the Hebrew
text of the Scriptures, and more especially of the Pentateuch ; and
it is here suggested that the sublinear vowel-system was the result
of an effort thus made not only to invent a sufficiently expressive
system of punctuation f for the Scriptures, but also to formulate a
scheme of signs that would not be likely to be confused with the
punctuation used in profane literature. It is probable that the
" pathah " (-^) is in form only a simplification of the superlinear
sign — ,1 and therefore a lineal descendant through the Syriac
sign -^ of the Greek a, and that the Kames (-7) is merely a slight
modification of the superlinear -^.§ All the other vowel-signs are
clearly of Nestorian origin, || so that the sublinear punctuation is in
reality nothing else than a modified form of the mixed superlinear
Jacobite-Nestorian vocalisation, and it has been already shown that
the pronunciation of both — and -7- like the a in small, and the
presence in both of "i = -i- point to the practical identity of the
two systems as far as the quality of sounds is concerned.H The
placing of the signs under the consonants instead of above them,
may have been due partly to the desire of making a difference
between the sacred and profane methods, and partly to the con-
fusion with the accents which the superlinear style would have
occasioned; for the accentual forms ^, ^, 3,, ^ bear a very close
* See § 29.
t For the similar efforts made in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries for the
superlinear punctuation itself, see §§ 4, 5.
X A remarkable confirmation of this view seems to be Dr. Franz Delitzsch's
observation in his " rra.>fatio " to Baer's edition of Job, p. iv, that in the
Tschufut-Kale Codex 8«, the sublinear pathah is formed like a parallelogram.
§ It is true that Or. 4445 already presents the form T" for the Kames, thus
appearing to give an air of greater probability to the remark of Elias Levita that
this was the original form of the sign ; but it is not at all unlikely that "^ is a
natural modification of ~T' . In Or. 1476 and 2363 the _£_ is often written -
II See § 12, where it is shown that •) = O, and ''l = 6.
IT See §§ II, 12.
201 P
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [ibigj.
resemblance to some of the vowel-signs, and are only distinguished
from them by their position over the line.
It is clear that the establishment of the sublinear system in the
form in which it is at present known, could not have taken place
before the middle or latter part of the eighth century, as at least half
a century ought to be allowed for the overcoming of prejudices and
the development of the new system. Or. 4445, in all probability of
the middle of the ninth century, is the oldest known MS. of this
kind at present ; and if the theory proposed here be correct, we can
only look forward to the discovery of sublinear MSS. of about
three-quarters of a century older than Or. 4445. More ancient
codices would either be without vowels altogether, or exhibit the
sublinear style in process of formation.*
§ 38. The sublinear vowel-system thus became the authorised
style of punctuation for the Scriptures, and there is no ground for
thinking that its use was confined to the Palestinian schools. On
the contrary, there is sufficient evidence — though of a negative
kindf — to show that the Babylonian schools used it equally with
the Palestinian. Codex B., however, makes us acquainted with
another early movement in the direction of vocalic development.
Not long after the introduction of the sublinear style, an attempt
was made to represent the traditional pronunciation of the Scriptures
on different lines from the authorised method ; and Codex B.
presents us with a perfect specimen of the result of these labours.
That this MS. was written at a time when the sublinear punctuation
was in entire possession of the field is clear, not only from the
fact that Or. 4445 bears distinct traces of greater antiquity than
Codex B., but also from the use of the sublinear signs in "73
-]-\^ "l^., and from the scrupulous avoidance of punctuating the
Name TV\TV with the superlinear signs when read like "^^li^-t
The inconvenient identity of i?i fc^ltr, T\l ^^ItlSand 'n>T\ points
to a desire to assimilate the superlinear punctuation as much as
possible to the authorised method, § and the not infrequent use of
* Or. 4445 exhibits the use of the ^^^ in its earlier stage.
t vSee § 32.
X Compare § 35.
§ The adoption of the t!JJ1 testifies to the same endeavour ; see § 20.
202
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
sublinear signs in the Masoretic rubrics of that codex also shows
that that style was perfectly familiar to its scribe or scribes.
But the question must be asked : for what object and under
what influences was the punctuation of Codex B. elaborated, and
how are its considerable variations from the authorised method to
be explained ? To give a satisfactory answer to these legitimate
enquiries is as yet impossible, as no sufficient data are known on
which to form a judgment. That Arabic influence was at work in
connection with it has already been noted,* and it is probable that
the retention of the a sound in so large a number of cases in which
the subhnear style has the tiI^D, as well as the absence of the
" furtive pathah," is also due to this influence. On the other hand,
it is certain that the scribe or scribes of Codex B. inclined much
more to the Babylonian Masoretic schools than to the Palestinian ;
but the complete silence of Sa'adyah and his contemporaries on
the peculiarities exhibited in Codex B. is on the other hand sufficient
to prove that the vocalising methods followed therein were not in
accord with the authorised use.
It is true that in a certain direction, namely, in the differentiation
of long vowels from short ones, Codex B. is much more thorough-
going than the usual system ; t but it is hardly likely that such
.stronger differentiation should have been the main object of its
introduction, considering that in pronunciation itself the difference
from the authorised system was considerable. One should be
inclined to ascribe its elaboration to a schismatical body who refused
to be tied by the authorised method of the schools, and proceeded
to formulate a system that was more in accord with its own habits of
pronunciation. This would remind us of the Karaite theory already
discussed, v/ith this difference that instead of ascribing the invention
of the original superlinear system to the Karaites, one might be
tempted to concede to them that peculiar development of it which
is presented to us in Codex B. That such a solution of the
question is a possibility has already been hinted at,:}: but sufficient
certainty there is not.
* See § 22.
t Ewald already noticed that the punctuation of Codex B. presented " cine
in einigen Theilen durchgcbildetere, in anderen aber weniger ausgebildete
Unterscheidung der Vocale." Die Assyiisch-hel'raisc/ic Fii tut nation. Ja/irbiichcr
de7- Biblischen IVissenschaft, 1848, pp. 160-172.
X See § 29.
203 P 2
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
§ 39. The system of accentuation that first meets us in the Codex
Bahylonicus may safely be looked upon as an after-thought. Having
elaborated a new composite vowel-system for the Scriptures, its
inventors felt bound to produce a fresh series of signs for the cantil-
lation as well. Further information on the subject will be found in
Appendix II of Wickes' work on the Prose-accents, and it need only
be remarked here that the forms of Hebrew letters that are still clearly
visible in several of the signs may safely be taken as a proof of their
recent introduction. If the signs in question had any pretence to
antiquity, they would hardly have retained the forms JT_, _n , _n , and
U_, but would, judging by all analogy, have undergone changes which
would have partly deprived their forms of their original identity with
the letters of the alphabet. It must also be noticed that the new
accentual signs are in their forms so different from the vowel-signs
that no fear of confusion * needed any more to be entertained. One
is justified in assuming that the ordinary accentual forms are older
than the sublinear vowels which had to be placed under the line in
order to avoid confusion ; but that for the same reason a new series
of superlinear accents were formed, when the punctuation of Codex
B. was brought into use. The conjunctive accents, however, were
left untouched, as their forms gave no fear of being confused with
the vowel-signs.
§ 40. The modified form of the composite superlinear punctuation
exemplified by the St. Petersburg Codices 132, 134 presents to us
the last known phase of its development. It is quite possible that
when the first attempt at adaptation was made, the Pentateuch itself
was exempted from the change, as peculiar sanctity has always been
accorded to the Law in the more restricted sense of the word. Later
on the prejudice would wear out, and Nos. 132, 133 (embracing the
Pentateuch) would then represent this fresh advance, and it has
been shown already t that the various peculiarities of these MSS
clearly show a conscious effort to assimilate the composite super-
linear punctuation as much as possible with the traditional pronun-
ciation.
§ 41. The sequence then in which the different styles of
punctuating the Hebrew and the Jewish Aramaic are to be taken is
as follows : —
* See § 37. + See § 27.
204
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
I. The simple superlinear punctuation, a? exhibited in Or.
1467 and 2363, of which the styles of 1470 and 2227 are later
partial developments.
IT. The sublinear punctuation as already shown, barring the Jin^,
in Or. 4445.
III. The punctuation of the Codex Babylonicus.
IV. The style of vocalisation exemplified in the St. Petersburg
MSS. Nos. 132, 133.
In a larger view of the subject, all these styles of vocalisation are
to be traced to the combined elements of the Jacobite-Nestorian
punctuation, and these in their turn are, as is well known, derived
from Greek vowel-letters on the one hand, and developed from the
ancient diacritic signs already found in Syriac MSS of the fifth
century on the other hand.
205
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
AN INSCRIPTION OF KHUENATEN,
TRANSLATED AND ANNOTATED BY
A. C. Bryant, B.A., and F. W. Read.
The following inscription is copied from a rectangular slab ot
black granite in the British Museum (Northern Egyptian Gallery,
No. 1000). The text is arranged in two horizontal lines carved on
the vertical faces of the slab, and running completely round it.
What is evidently a somewhat faulty copy of this inscription is given
in Sh-arpe's " Egyptian Inscriptions," Second Series, Plate 48, where it
is said to be taken "from a block in a garden in Cairo." Nothing
is known of the way in which the slab came into the possession of
the British Museum, nor of its history prior to the time when it was
noticed by Mr. Sharpe.
This monument is of interest as being one of the few memorials
which the national collection possesses of Khuenaten or Amen-
hetep IV, the so-called "heretic king," and as illustrating on a
small scale the religion which he favoured, and the attitude of his
successors to him and to it.
The beginning of the religious and social changes which cul-
minated under Khuenaten is to be found in the reign of his father
Amenhetep III (about 1500 B.C.). This king had married Thii, a
daughter of one of the Mesopotamian kings or chiefs, and to her
was doubtless due the special reverence p;iid to Aten, the god of
the solar disk, which made its first appearance in the reign of her
husband, and reached its highest point in that of her son. This
son, to whose reign our monument belongs, married Nefer-neferu-
Aten-Neferti, also a Mesopotamian princess, and her influence
added to that of his mother seems to have completed the revolution
already begun. In the early part of his reign he assumed the name
of Khu-en-Aten (glory of Aten) in lieu of his ancestral name of
Amen-hetep (servant of Amen). It was probably about this time
that he commenced his crusade against the god of Thebes, obliter-
ating the name of Amen on the monuments, and ultimately removing
206
Fei!. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
his court from the old capital to the new city of Khut-Aten on the
site of the modern Tell el-Amarna. Here are the tombs of some of
his officials ; here also were found some six years ago the famous
"Tell el-Amarna tablets," and quite recently the grave of Khuenaten
himself.
It must not be imagined that Khuenaten was merely a worshipper
of the physical disk of the sun. He is certainly represented in an
attitude of adoration before it, and there is ample evidence that it
was held in great honour; but this was only as the emblem or visible
representation of the true Aten, as the instrument through which he
poured his blessings upon the world. That the word Aten is used
in two senses can readily be shown. The forms [I aaa/vva Aten and
Jbx'^ 1 A^^AA fia ate?i are of constant occurrence in the same inscrip-
tion, and the use of articles was so rare in the "lapidary" style, that
some strong reason for the insertion of the J>a must have existed.
But the argument is concluded by the phrase [I /vw^ '^ [I aaa^aa
Ateji 671 pa aten, which can only be translated "Aten of the Disk."
[" Denkmaler," Abth. HI, Band VI, Bl. 97 e]. Although, however,
pa aten must always be rendered "the Disk," the word aten by itself
is by no means to be taken in every case as the name of the god,
and in several places in this inscription it occurs in the sense of
"the Disk."
The " heresy " of which Khuenaten was guilty did not consist
simply in the worship of Aten. This was quite legitimate, and was
practised both before and after his reign without provoking hostility.
It was the adoration of Aten as the chief god (exalting the name of
Aten,* as we read in the inscriptions), and above all the attempt to
blot out the very name of Amen, which excited the hatred of the
priestly class. But it is hardly true, as has been asserted, that the
religion of Khuenaten was a monotheism. In this slab alone, in
addition to Aten we find Horus and Ra mentioned. It may be,
however, that Khuenaten regarded these as merely so many names
of the one god. The inscription itself states that Horus rises from
the horizon in his form of the light which is in the Disk, and this
~j piiAA M ,,^^^^ /^.f ,,j,„ f,ji ^(^,j (" Denkmiiler," Abth. Ill, Band VI,
Bl. 105 c).
207
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.FIOLOGY. [1S93.
would certainly appear to identify him with Aten. The word Ra
probably possessed a double signification ; either that of the physical
sun simply; or the sun-god apart from his particular aspects typified
by Horus, Aten, and many others.
Besides Khuenaten there arc mentioned in this inscription his
wife Nefer-neferu-Aten-Neferti, and his daughter Aten-merit. Alto-
gether contrary to custom, the wife is only mentioned incidentally
as the mother of the daughter, the object of the inscription being to
glorify Khuenaten and Aten-merit. Among the numerous inscrip-
tions of this reign in the " Denkmaler," not one is to be found
similar in this respect. Aten-merit was the eldest of the king's
seven daughters (he had no son), and she married Saa-nekht Kheperu-
ka-Ra, one of the three ephemeral kings who succeeded her father.
The text of the inscription, consisting as it does for the most
part of strings of epithets, presents little difficulty to the translator.
There only occurs one doubtful expression, c^ ^^. y^ ^
ta Haibit-Ra, which will be found discussed at length in note [6],
at the end of the paper. The phrase is also found in two inscrip-
tions in the " Denkmaler," one of which has been translated by Dr.
Brugschin his "History." But the suggestion of Mr. Renouf, which
we have adopted, that it is to be regarded as the name of some
temple, appears preferable to the translation of Brugsch, from the
fact that the plates which accompany the two inscriptions represent
the king and his mother Thii actually engaged in visiting a temple.
It is worth noting that in the " Denkmaler" it is the Khaibit-Ra of
the queen mother Thii which is spoken of, while in our text it is the
Khaibit-Ra of Princess Aten-merit. Perhaps two different temples
are intended, or it may be that at the death of Thii her Khaibit-Ra
passed into the possession of her grand-daughter.
The erasures on our slab are of considerable interest. The one
at the beginning of the upper line on Face 3 has every appearance
of being accidental; the others were certainly intentional. The
queen's name has been erased in both places where it occurs, so
that it can only be made out by one who knows what to look for.
It is particularly to be noted that the word aten is nowhere mutilated,
except in the queen's name, though it occurs in no less than nine
other places. The same fact is observable on other monuments of
this reign ; in some cases the name of Aten seems to have been
carefully preserved when the bulk of an inscription has been
208
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
mercilessly chiselled out (" Denkmaler," Abth. Ill, Band VI, Bl. 92
and 93). This goes to show that the attack upon Khuenaten's
monuments was of a personal rather than a religious nature, and
quite unlike that of Khuenaten upon those of his predecessors.
That was pure religious fanaticism. He indeed defaced the royal
cartouches, but only because they contained the name of Amen ;
elsewhere great care v^as taken to preserve the Q which is commonly
written at the end of that god's name. But Khuenaten and all his
family were hated personally, probably on account of their foreign
origin and relationship. There are slight traces of the erasure of the
name of Thii, Khuenaten's mother ("Denkmaler," Abth. Ill, Bde. V
and VI, Bl. 86 and 101), and more obvious signs of the hatred of
Khuenaten's successors. Yet these latter had adopted the old
Egyptian worship. The name of Ai has been erased in one place
where he is represented worshipping some half-dozen of the traditional
gods! ("Denkmaler," Abth. Ill, Band VI, Bl. ii4g.) We are
therefore forced to the conclusion that it was the "Khuenaten dynasty"
(if we may so call it) upon which the anger of the later kings fell.
This we may consider as beginning with his mother Thii and ter-
minating with the brief and disturbed reigns of Saa-nekht and Tut-
ankh-Amen, his sons-in-law, and Ai, the husband of his nurse. After
them came Heru-em-heb, who restored the old order.
We wish in conclusion to acknowledge our indebtedness to Mr.
Renouf for the assistance he has so kindly and readily rendered us
in preparing this paper.
Upper Line of Hieroglyphs.
Anh atef(i) Anh Heru huti haa(2) em hut
Live the father {/"" ^"^.l^/r-'St"" '■""'^}
Em ren - ef em su enti em aten (3) ta anh
III form /lis of the light 7vhich is in the Dish, gi^^'i^g Hfi
OX
t'eta er en heh
for ever and ever,
209
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1S93.
Face
(4)
Suten Nat anh em maat neb taui
{^'^%wf£o'/''^} ^'''"'^ ^-^' ''"^' ^''''^ ''■^^^'' ^''''^ '''''^^''
®1 (5)
Ra nefer heperu Ra ua en ta anh
Nefer - kheperu Ra - iia-en-Ra, giver of life.
Face 3. [^ © * ^=:z ^= (^) ^=17 ^1
LJS* 1 o lllJ
sa Ra anh em maat neb hau
son of the Sun, living by r2(le\ lord of diadems,
Q -^ J ^^=£^ -S4 T o I T 111 :^
Aten hu en aa em aha - ef suten sat
Klmeriaten great i?i duration his {and) the royal daughter
S 0
en hat - ef merit - ef Aten merit
of body his, beloved his, Aten - merit
mes en suten hemit urit Nefer neferu Aten nefer tiith
born of royal ivife great Nefer - nefeni - Aten - Nefer -tii
f] Si hi
anhth t'eta heh
living for ever and ever.
Lower Line of Hieroglyphs.
F.C. :. (I'f^ f 7 ^ -I- ® ^ arrc^
Aten anh ur am heb neb senen
Aten, living, great in the panegyry, lord cf the orbit.
Fei;. 7]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1893.
neb aten neb pet neb ta em ta
lord of the Disk, lord of /leavcfi, lord of earth, in the
Haibit Ra (6)
Khaibit - Ra
Face 2.
\
\
JS
o\ I
) — \
en suten sat en hat - ef mer - ef
of the royal daughter of body his, beloved his,
1 O
Aten
Aten ■
Face 3.
> — I
merit
merit
n 1
"a
nebt
mes en suten hemit urit - ef nebt tarn
born of royal wife great his, lady of the two earths.
Nefer neferu Aten nefer
Nejer - neferu. - Aten - N^efer
tiith anhth snebtha
tii living and stroiig
O
heh
teta heh em per
for ever ajid ever, in the house
Face 4. 9
haa(2)
en
of the 7-isifig
of
f
i 0
em
Hut Aten
in
Khut - Aten.
pa
o
aten
the Disk,
Ln2
I
per Aten
O
em
/';/ the dwelling of Aten,
21 1
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHzFOLOGV. [1893.
Free Translation.
Hail to the father " Hail-to-Horus-of-the-t\vo-horizons-rising-from-
the-horizon-in-his-form-of-the-light-which-is-in-the-Disk," who giveth
life for ever and ever ; the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, whose
attribute is unchangeableness, the lord of the two divisions of the
world, Nefer-kheperu-Ra-ua-en-Ra, who giveth life ; the Son of the
Sun, whose attribute is unchangeableness, the lord of diadems,
Khuenaten, great in his duration : and to the king's daughter, the
issue of his body, whom he loves, Aten-merit (born of the great
queen-consort, Nefer-neferu-Aten-Neferti, who livelh for ever and
ever).
And hail to Aten, the living, who presides over the panegyry,
lord of the orbit, lord of the disk, lord of heaven, and lord of earth,
in the Khaibit-Ra of the king's daughter, the issue of his body,
whom he loves, Aten-merit (born of his great queen-consort, the
lady of the two divisions of the world, Nefer-neferu-Aten-Neferti,
who liveth in strength for ever and ever) ; that is, in the House-
of-the-rising-of-the-Disk, which is in the Dwelling-of-Aten, even in
Khutaten.
Notes.
(i.) Such phrases as these are translated by some Egyptologists
"the living father," "the living Horus," etc. This translation,
however, is opposed to the grammatical structure of the language,
and is least of all admissible when avh is followed by the name of a
god. Names of gods frequently precede words which by ordinary
rules of construction they should follow, and would certainly not be
placed after words which by the ordinary rules should follow them.
(2.) Mr. Renouf considers \\ in this case expressive of the
doubling of the vowel.
(3.) The use of phrases of this kind within cartouches appears to
be pecuhar to Khuenaten and his successor Saanekht. The separa-
tion into two names is quite arbitrary, as the sense requires us to
read them as one. They are constructed on a totally different
pattern from the royal names of any other period, if, indeed, they
can be properly called " names " at all. Khuenaten, as we see, used
besides two names after the manner of his predecessors, and before
these he wrote the customary royal titles, but the cartouches we are
now considering are not accompanied by any titles of royalty, and
212
Feb. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
were therefore probably regarded as mere epithets. We find as
variants
CMiE53 C^mS
(" Denkmaler," Abth. Ill, Band VI, Bl. 100 c). This form was
adopted by Saanekht. ("Denkmaler," Abth. Ill, Band VT, Bl. 99 a.)
(4.) Variant ^^ ("Denkmaler," Abth. Ill, Band VI, Bl. 98 a).
As to the expression y ^ ^ see Renouf, " Hibbert Lectures,"
pp. 1 19-12 1.
(5,) Restored from parallel inscriptions ("Denkmaler," Abth. Ill,
Band VI, Bl. 91 i and 105 c). For the value ^ ^^=- \ a gee the
banner-titles of Thothmes III as given in the " Denkmaler," Abth.
Ill, Bd. V, Bl. 2>Z c and f.
(6.) This expression occurs three times in the "Denkmaler;"
Abth. Ill, Band VI, Bl. loi and 102. Both these plates are from
the tomb of an architect and sculptor of Khuenaten, and represent
the monarch and his mother visiting a newly-erected temple. On
Bl. .cweread p^^.^;^^f^Ql«|]g
™ '^ (I 1^ y^ ^'^'^ ^-"^ ^^^ ^^"^ °' ^ representation
of the Disk on Bl. 102 (] ^^ ^ ^^^ 'vZ^ BH ^^37 Q d^W
^^ ^=^ ^^^^ ^-— ^'K <e> ^<=> o ^ 1 ^= n ^^
O r 1 ^^s=^ "^ _^ I I a I T ^ T ^ <::i
which is repeated with hardly any variation on the opposite side.
The first sentence is translated by Brugsch as follows : " Intro-
duction of the queen mother Thi to behold her sun-shadow."* The
phrase ^^ is here translated sun-shadow (Sonnen-
^ I I 0 I ^
schatten), and this is no doubt literally accurate, but what meaning it
is intended to convey is by no means clear. To make sense of the
passage a different translation must evidently be adopted, although
* " Geschichte Aegypten's unter den Pharaonen," Seitc 42S, Lin. iS, 19.
English edition, vol. i, p. 502. As is customary with him, he gives no reference,
but he is evitlently translating the passage \vc have quoted.
213
Feb. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1893.
none has yet been proposed. Mr. Renouf suggests that it is the
name of the temple, just as Khutaten is the name of the town. In
support of this view it maybe pointed out tliat the expression occurs
iiowhere in the " Denkmaler " except in connection with the visit to the
temple. The first part of the sentence on Bl. 102 is repeated in
several other plates in the " Denkmaler," and c^ \\ Y ' etc.
is replaced by " [1 ^^^^^ / cQ] [I ^^^^^ thus strongly suggesting,
as Mr. Renouf points out, that though not identical both are expres-
sive of locality.
In our inscription there appears to be a double parallelism, and
the phrase V\ c^ \\ ci Y %)) is explamed by /
\\ /vv^/vv\ ,-v\ K^ lI '"^_^~^vv as / [| AAr>w^ is by / rOi n /^aaaa
<^ ur3f
tz^
A^-^as /- ■ I
^A/^-^yV\
0 1
0
It would seem therefore that Khaibit-Ra and Per-haa-en-pa-aten are
alternative names of a temple of Aten in the new capital of Khu-
enaten, but not necessarily of the great temple of the town. The
phrases /w^/w | | <:::^> and ^^-^a | V?) ^;;;^ would seem
rather to suggest on the contrary that some small cliapel for more
strictly private devotion is intended:
The name Khaibit-Ra (Shade or shadow of Ra) is certainly a
strange one for a temple, but not more so than Khut-Aten (horizon
of the disk) for a town. So too the absence of any determinative of
a building is not such a forcible objection in this case as it would
be in a text of any other period, for the name of the town itself,
rd [1 ^-^^ , as usually spelt, is similarly deficient.
What idea the expression " Shade of Ra " as the name of a
building could convey to the mind of an Egyptian must still be
doubtful. To explain it literally, as a protection fiom the sun,
seems very unsatisfactory, although not perhaps impossible. It is
also possible that the temple may have been regarded as an
emanation or visible expression of Ra, just as a shadow is a
representation of the object from which it is thrown. The word
Khaibit however, like our own word " shade " had another meaning.
The being of both gods and men comprised several principles, —
body, soul, ka, and khaibit ; but it is difficult to understand that a
building could receive the name of one of these principles of the Sun
214
Feb. 7]
PROCEEDINGS.
[i«93-
god. A curious name which presents some likeness to this is found,
however, in China, where a noted Buddhist temple is called T"in
Dong, " Heavenly Boy," in memory of a celestial messenger who
appeared to a hermit there.* If the tale of its origin were lost, the
name "Heavenly Boy" would be as great a puzzle as "Shade
of Ra."
The determinative v) is probably a scribe's error for \f}.
* Rev. A. E. Moule, "Four Hundred Millions," pp. 217, 21S.
215
Feb, 7]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY.
[1893.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 37,
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, 7th
March, 1893, at 8 p.m., when the following Paper will be
read : —
P. LE Page Renouf {President). — " The Book of the Dead : "
Translation and Commentary (continuation).
216
VOL. XV. Part 5.
PROCEEDINGS
THE SOCIETY
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY,
-^.^.-
VOL. XV. TWENTY-THIRD SESSION.
4
FiftJi Meeting, March yth, 1893.
«C^
CONTENTS.
I'AGE
P. Le Page Renouf {President). — The Book of the Dead
{Continuation). Chapters XXXVIII to XLI. {Plate) 219-228
Rev. a. Lowy. — The Tower of Babel 229-230
Prof. H. Brugsch-Bey. — A ou la Lumiere Zodiacale 231-236
The Hon. Miss E. M. Plunket. — The Constellation Aries 237-242
Prof. Dr. J'ritz Hommel. — The Ten Patriarchs of Berosus ... 243-246
Dr, Karl Piehl. — Notes de Philologie Egyplienne,
( Continuation) 247-26S
-^«-
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PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-THIRD SESSION, 1892-93.
Fifth Meeting, -jth March, 1893.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
• ece #;-e>-
The President mentioned that, reviving the Archaic Classes
formerly held by the Society, he would deliver a series of
lectures upon the Egyptian language and writing, at the
rooms of the Society. The first lecture to be held on
Wednesday week next, the iSth, at half-past four in the
afternoon.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Palestine Exploration Fund : — The Tell Aniarna Tablets
Translated by C. R. Conder, Major R.E., &c., &:c. London.
8vo. 1893.
From the Anthropological Institute : — Notes and Queries on
Anthropology, edited for the Council of the Anthropological
Institute, by John George Garson, M.D., and Chades Hercules
Read, F.S.A. Second Edition. London. 8vo. 1892.
[No. cxiv.] 217 Q
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893,
From the Author: — Rev. C. A. de Cara, S.J. DegH Hittim o
Hethei e delle loro migrazioni, Chap. XXIV.
Estratto dalla Civilta Cattolica. Serie XV, Vol. V. 1893.
The following Candidates were submitted for election,
having been nominated at the last Meeting, 7th February,
1893, and elected Members of the Society : —
Rev. A. Schmitz, Curate Herzogenrathe, bei Aachen, Germany.
Harry R. G. Inglis, 20, Bernard Terrace, Edinburgh.
Pundit S. E. Gopalacharlu, South Mada Street, Mylapore, Madras,
India.
Major David Fitzgerald Downing, R.A., The Arsenal, Woolwich.
Professor William Matthew Flinders Petrie, D.C.L., 32, Torrington
Square, W.C.
Miss Bradbury, Rivers Vale, Ashton-underT,yne.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at
the next Meeting, 2nd May, 1893 : —
Miss Nash, Cranham, Kents Road, Torquay, Devon.
Mrs. A. Heymanson, 13, Abbey Road, St. John's Wood, N.W.
Prof. Lewis B. Baton, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford,
Conn., U.S.A.
Rev. James Davidson, B.D., Free Church Manse, North Berwick,
Scotland.
A Paper was read by P. le Page Renouf {President) in
continuation of his former Papers on the Egyptian Book of
the Dead.
Remarks were added by Rev, C. J. Ball ; Rev. R.
Gwynne ; Rev. A. Lowy ; Rev. Jas. Marshall ; J. Pollard ;
and Jos. Offord, Junr.
Thanks were returned for this communication.
218
Proi. Soc, Bibl. Air/i., Marcli, 1893.
PLATE XIII.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter XXXIX. Saqara. Grab 24.
Lepsius, Denkmiiler, Abth. Ill, Bl. 265.
Chapter XXXIX.
Papyrus Musee du Louvre, 93.
Chaiter XL. Papyrus, Leyden Museum. No. IV.
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S93.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By p. le Page Renouf.
Chapter XXXVIII.
Chapter whereby one liveth by the breath of air i?i the Nether
7VorId, a7id keepeth back Merta.
I am the god in Lion form ; the heir of Ra and Tmu in Chem-
mis(i), the Master in their halls.
Those who are in their cells (2) accompany me as guides. I
have made my way and gone round the heavenly Ocean on the path
of the Bark of Ra, and standing on the girders* of the Bark of Ra.
I utter his words to the men of the present generation f and I
repeat his words to him who is deprived of breath (3).
I spy out for my father Ra at sunset, compressing my mouth (4),
and feeding upon life.
I live in Tattu, and I repeat my life after death like the Sun,
daily.
Notes.
There are two recensions of this chapter, and both are found in
the papyrus Lb. They are called by M. Naville, 38A and 38B. The
latter is that adopted as canonical by all the manuscripts of a later
date, and is the one here translated. The other recension is longer,
and contains passages which are also found in other chapters, to
which it accordingly furnishes important variants. It may possibly
be older than those chapters.
I. In Cheminis. The name of the place where Isis gave birth to
Horus is in the Pyramid texts written v\ '^jK }sQ © (Pepi I, 428),
and iS^ V\ W (Merenra I, 683), ah-hebit or hebit-ah; but simply
hebit in the texts of the eighteenth dynasty, as in the annals of
Z^
' Jl I I I •
t The men of the present generation, the Kehtt.
219
Mar. 7]
SOCIEFY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL*;OLOGY.
[1893-
Thothmes III (Mariette, Kar/iak, pi. 16, line 47),* or in the divine and
proper names j"
^
J
Jl
O
It is certain therefore that the sign yV is here only an
ideogram of ® P||/ ' "^^ of the ancient ^^^ u/ • From the
eighteenth dynasty at least, and for a time belonging to a period of
unknown length between the sixth and the eighteenth dynasties, and
for ever afterwards, the name of the place was ® l^C ^ u/^ Ifebtt,
where, as the Tablet of the Dream says, /\ v\
(Mariette, Mon. din., pi 7).
2 . In their cells : -
has
n
u
I II I I I
. Here ^8a
i^ I 1 I I
ifi their shrines, followed in
•'I fraternize with Horus
some papyri by
and Sut."
3. Deprived of breath, ' the dead.' In 38A, the privation of
breath is mentioned but in a different connection. But the text of
the passage is uncertain. Here as in Chapter 41, O ^^. (^
' the Breathless one ' is Osiris.
\ / is the ancient reading,
c^ \^==J\ 1
not ~ X \^ "=>, as in the more recent texts. The same observation
ap^^lies to the name of the god in Chapter 125, 15.
4. Compressing my month :
D
* Here the king is compared to the god called ® ^ ^
AAAAAA
and in the next line [J ^ . And Thothmes IV {Dcnkiit. Ill, 6j) is compared
220
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Chapter XXXIX.
Chipter wJiereby the Serpent Rekrek is repulsed in the NetJicr-
ivoi'ld.
Back! down with thee, stabber (i) from Apepi ! Drown in the
lake of Heaven, in the spot wherein thy father ordered that thy
murder should be carried out. Away from this birth-place of Ka,
the god encompassed by* his terrors.
I am Ra, encompassed by his terrors.
Back! the dark demon and the sword which he makcth to flash!
Ra flingeth down thy words ; thy face is twisted round by the
gods ; thy whole heart is torn out by the Lynx goddess ; chains are
flung upon thee by the Scorpion goddess ; and slaughter is dealt
upon thee by Maat.
The gods who are on the roads overthrow thee.
Apep falleth down, the enemy of Ra.
0 thou who removest the bolt from the East of Heaven at the
stormy voice of bellowings, and openest the gates of the Horizon
before Ra : he cometh forth fainting from the wounds.
1 am a doer of thy will, I am a doer of thy will, O Ra.
I have done well, I have done well ; I have done to the satis-
faction of Ra.
And I raise shouts of acclamation at thy success at fettering, O
Ra. Apep is fallen and is in bonds.
The gods of the South, the North, the West and the East bind
him ; their bonds are upon him.
Aker (2) overthroweth him, and the lord of the ruddy sky doth
bind him.
Ra is satisfied ; Ra is satisfied ; Ra maketh his progress
peacefully.
Apep falleth ; Apep goeth down ; the enemy of Ra. And more
grave for thee is the proof (3) than that sweet proof through the
Scorpion goddess, which she practised for thee, in the pain which
she suffered .... (4).
Be thou emasculate, O Apep, enemy of Ra ; be thou repulsed
whom Ra hateth ; look behind thee : a chopper is over thy head to
divide it into two parts, and those who are above thy head assail it.
Thy bones are broken, thy limbs are severed under the direction of
Aker, O x'\pep, enemy of Ra.
fk
bctioecn, in the midst of, surrounded by.
221
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
Thy boatmen [O Ra], succeed in measuring out thy path, and
a journey, with which thou art satisfied ; a progress, a progress
towards home ; and the progress which thou hast made towards
home is a fair progress.
Let no evil hindrances come forth against me from thy mouth
in what thou doest towards me.
I am Sutu, who causeth the storms and tempests, and who goeth
round in the Horizon of Heaven, Hke to one whose heart is veiled.
Tmu saith : Let your countenances be raised up, ye soldiers of
Ra, and drive back Nebtu in presence of the Divine Circle.
Seb saith : establish those who are upon their thrones in the
middle of the Bark of Chepera ; seize your shields and spears, and
hold them in your hands.
Hathor saith : Seize your daggers.
Nut saith : Come and drive back Nebtu, who cometh against
him who dwelleth in his shrine, and maketh his voyage in solitary
guise : the Inviolate god, the resistless one.
O ye gods in your Divine cycles, who travel round the lake of
Emerald, come and defend the Great one who is in the shrine from
which all the Divine cycle proceedeth. Let glory be ascribed to
him, and let honour be given to him. Oh then, proclaim him with
me.
Nut saith, the mother of the gods : He cometh forth and findeth
his path, and maketh captures of the gods ; he hath the first place
in the two houses of Nut.
Seb standeth still, the great cycle of the gods is in terror, Hathor
is under terror, and Ra is triumphant over Apep.
Notes.
The extreme uncertainty of the text is such that no translation at
present can be other than conjectural.
I. Back, doivn ivith thee, Stabber. The first word is clear
enough ; not so the two next.
Are we to read H J ^^, J H ^^ or [1 J (1 '^ ? for each of
M. Naville's authorities gives a ditferent word. The last of these
readings has some support in a subsequent passage, but almost all
copies have I 1 "^^^sr • There has evidently been a confusion
between P J and J P , and the determinative "^Y^ of ^^ latter
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
word has been transferred to the first. I believe that the true word is
|| J AAAAAA which is used in the ancient forms of conjuration (see the
texts of Unas, 304, 311, 542, 545, 554, etc.). It is always used in
expressions of lying down or falling do7an 1 B? '■v=^ — tf— \| w^^ ,
U <> — " — J '^■^^^ , and it is also found in parallelism with
1
^www without a determinative is susceptible of different mean-
er
ings, and the very recent texts have it written with the determinative
of motion 7^ or A. , as significant of retreat. But the oldest de-
terminative in this place is ^, — /] , and this inclines me to identify the
word with (1 .vw^vx \\ , and translate it ' stabber.' But this is mere
conjecture. See note 5 on Chapter 40.
2. Akar. The older MSS. differ hopelessly from each other as
to the name of the god. ^^^ Jj, or as the name is also written
' , is the Personification of the Aorizon, and ' the two
gates of Akar' are mentioned in the Pyramid text of Pepi I (line 72)
as equivalent in sense to ' the two gates of Seb.' But with Akar the
notion of obscurity is connected, whereas the notion of brightness
is essentially connected with that of ^. Champollion translated
this by 'Solar Mount,' and it would perhaps have been better to
adhere to this term ; for the word does not mean the horizon at all,
but only the two places in it where the sun rises and where he sets.
See picture of the god in Plate XIV.
3. The proof . Lit. the taste, ] iepit, with the tongue as a
determinative, in the sense of a probe. The hand of an Egyptian
hero is said to taste his enemy. In the Bremner Papyrus the
god tastes Apep four times. The same conception is found in the
Homeric poems,
dW a7c, Quaaov
'^levtroficG' aWijXwv y^aXKijpeatu e'^i')^eitj(Tti'.*
though in Greek the taste comes generally to the patient rather than
to the agent.
* Iliad, 20, 258.
223
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1893.
4. This passage, which would be most interesting if we could only
get it accurately, is wretchedly corrupt. It is impossible from the
variants to obtain a text grammatically intelligible. The Scorpion
goddess is Isis.
Chapter XL.
Chapter 7vhereby the Eater of the Ass is kept back.
Back, serpent Haiu (i), whom Osiris execrateth. May Thoth
cut off thy head, and may there accrue to me whatsoever property
proceedeth from thee [according to] what was decreed against thee
by the Company of the gods for the accomplishment of thy slaughter.
Back, thou whom Osiris execrateth, from the Neshemet galley,
which saileth towards the south with favourable breeze.
Pure are ye, all ye gods who overthrow the enemy of Osiris.
The gods upon the larboard utter loud acclamation.
Back, thou Eater of the Ass, whom the god Chas (2), who is in
the Tuat, execrateth.
Know me ! {Repeated four times).
" Who art thou ? "
I am *
Down upon thy face (3) ! thou who art eating at my sanctuary.
I am the Season, which cometh at its own will.
" Come not against me ; thou who comest without being called,
and who art unknown."
I am the master of thine utterance, and the check upon thy
pride (4).
O Ha-as, whose horns (5) Horus doth cut : by my children, the
cycle of gods in Pu and Tepit, thou art severed from thy fold and
thy fold is severed from thee.
And he who cutteth thee off cometh forth as the Eye of Horus ;
thou art kept back and assailed, and stopped (6) by the breath of my
speech.
O thou god who devourest all wrong, and carriest off with
violence (7); there is no wrong in me, my tablets (8) are free from
wrong. Let me not suffer violence before the Divine Circle ; let
not disaster be hurled upon me.
* There is a lacuna here in the only MS. containing the text. The dialogue
continues through the next line of the original.
224
MAr. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
I am he who giveth or taketh according to thy behest.
Let not TV be seized, let him not be devoured (9).
He is Possessor of Life, and Sovereign Lord(io) on the Horizon.
Notes.
The translation of this chapter is based upon the important
papyrus T 5 of Leyden, known as Lb. This is the only MS. which
contains the whole chapter. All other copies begin after the sixth
line. The usual chapter begins in Lb with a [j [] ^^, which is
the ordinary way of indicating a various reading. But the difference
of reading applies rather to a mere paragraph than to the whole
chapter. In this case we should expect ^^^ or something equivalent.
The Eater of the Ass is a Serpent, but who is the Ass ?
Here, as in each case of mythological name, the animal is not
meant, but something which is connoted by it. The name of ihe ass
is given to it in consequence of one of its characteristics. It is
g ^ (==0^- But this is one of the seventy-five names of the
Sun-god in the Solar Litany.* And he derives this appellation from
his fructifying power.
But if the Ass is the Sun, who is the Eater of the Ass? This
must be Darkness or Eclipse of some kind.
1. Haiu, the serpent who devours the sun, is undoubtedly the
same as iri fj _^ "'^'^ Haiu, the serpent who in the Pyramid texts is
ordered to lie down (Unas, 545, "fee), and cease from his attacks.
2. The god C/ias, . s^- ^.
3. The usual chapter begins here. The text of IJ> has generally
been followed, but in some places later authorities have been
preferred.
4. Pride or boastings, r^,^ \\ O aiifa, "glory," cf. glorior.
The speaker addresses his adversary as being a miles gloriosiis.
5. Horns or barbed hooks, t] ™' 4 ^ ^ 111 "^^ ^ ^ _F ! "
The horns here spoken of, as possessed by a viper, are those of the
deadly Cerastes, which are spines projecting from the arched eye-
brows of the creature. See i:)icturc in Long's Egyptian Antiquities
of British Museum, II, p. 316, copied from the great French work.
* Naville, La Litanie du Soleil, p. 49 and 55, with the plates corresponding.
225
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
But the Sun-god is also called in his Litany* v ^ (I v\ 1
<:z> '^■^ ^^ • And a picture of the godf under the name
[I ° ' exhibits him as characterized by a pair of hooked weapons,
suggested apparently by the mandibles of a beetle.
6. Stopped. There are three important variants here <n>,
<=^>, and W . And the last of these is possibly a corrupt
,ra u ^ 'I
reading from 1^ . The first two are synonymous. <:zz>
may in certain contexts mean destroy, but it only signifies ' bring to
a limit, to an end, stop,' like the re/j in jep-fui, ter-min-o. It is used
in many cases, such as the staunching of blood, where no destruction
is intended.
7. There is a picture in Deukm., Ill, 279, of the god who carrieth
off with violence t-^-^ 4p] ^ ■ But it is a mummied form
holding the T'a;n sceptre.
8. Ta/dets, If] 0 ffil ' • These are the tablets on which Thoth
has written down the evidence taken at the Weig/iiiig of the Words,
the examination at the Psychostasia. They are mentioned again at
the end of Chapter 41.
9. Here I follow the general authority of the later texts.
10 Sovereign Lord [1 IOm- This word is closely connected,
and was so from the first, with ^^=^ ' seize.' The best commentary
upon it may be derived from the legal terms us2(capio, saisine, seisin.
The Sovereign Lord of Egypt is in our current legal phrase "seized
of the Two Earths," that is of the whole Universe, North and South.
Chapter XLI.
Chapter whereby one avoideth the Slaughter 7vhich is carried out
in the Nethenvorld.
O Tmu, let me be glorified in presence of the god in Lion form,
the great god ; that he may open to me the gate of Seb.
* In the 64th invoc.ition.
t Lefebure Tombeau de .Seti I, pi. XVII.
226
Mar. 7] PROCEEDIXGS. [1893.
I prostrate myself to earth to the great god who is in the Nether-
world. Let nie be introduced into the presence of the company of
gods who preside over those who are in Amenta.
O thou who art at the gate of Tebat ; god with the Red Crown (i ),
who art in Amenta ; let me feed, let me live by the breath of air and
accompany the great Cleaver (2), and the Bark of Chepera.
Let me speak to the divine Boatman at the gloaming, let me
enter in and let me go out ; that I may see who is there ; that I may
raise him up and speak my words to him.
O Breathless one (3) : Let me live and be saved after death.
0 thou Bearer of peace offerings, who openest thy moulh for the
presentation of the tablets (4), for the acceptation (5) of the offerings
and for the establishment of Maat upon her throne; let the tablets be
brought forward, and let the goddess be firmly established.
1 am Osiris, the great god, the eternal king, who numbereth his
seasons and who lifted up his right arm, who judgeth the great ones
and giveth mission to the gods of the great Circle (6) which is in the
Netherworld.
Notes.
The most noteworthy difference between the older recension of
this chapter and that of the Saitic and later periods is that in the
latter the god addressed at the opening is Osiris Unneferu, who is
identified with Tmu. In the older recensions the identification may
be seen in another way. Tmu is the god invoked, and in answer he
says that he is Osiris, the great god.
1. God tvith the Red Crown M^ Jn is W \1^\IqC , one of
the titles of Osiris with the V crown. See picture in Lefebure,
Tombeau de Seti I, part IV, pi. 34. This title, derived from the
crown "^"^^^^ \/ ^ is N'et-td or Nait-ta. It was borne by the high
priest at Coptos (Brugsch, Diet. Geogr., pp. 1374, 1377), and the
King of Egypt derived his title IsQ from the Crown V of the
North which he wore as representing Osiris, or rather the heir of
Osiris, Horus.
2. The great Cleaver, ^'wJ "^^f ^ , the name of the god who
cleaves his path through the sky.
227
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGV. [1893.
3. Breathless one, S ^ ^[1 Q « ^ Nil ^ T Osiris.
4. Thoth is the person here addressed, and the speaker is Osiris.
The tablets are those containing the evidence at the trial at the
Balance.
5. Acceptation -p- ^. | | /^-f'^j besides the physical sense of
coinprehendere, ' to lay hold of ' with the hands, has that of ' taking
in, embracing with the mind,' and perhaps 'setting forth in words.'
6. On the Sarcophagus of Seti (Bonomi, pi. 3. D), and the other
copies of the same text, there is a picture of these \ \ ^x^ r.
J^^^. Such is the title written over them. But the text
D D
S
peaks of them as © J) I O ^,_
228
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
THE TOWER OF BABEL.
By the Rev. A. Lowy.
In a pamphlet under the title of Half a Century of Progress in
the Knowledge and Practice of Judaism, I incidentally alluded to
specimens of Egyptian bricks which Lepsius deposited in the Royal
Museum of Berlin. I stated that a specimen of a similar description
of brick, bound together with straw fibres, has recently been brought
by Mr. Edward Livingstone of Manchester from the so-called
"Tower of Babel." The dimensions of that brick are 13 by 13
inches, with a thickness of 3^ inches ; these dimensions very nearly
agree with the figures given by several writers on Chaldsean antiquities.
The specimen here mentioned was removed by him from Birs
Nimrud, the Borsippa of the Greek and Jewish writers.
Considering the countless millions of such sun-baked bricks
which were used in Babylonian and Assyrian buildings, and that the
system of binding the sun-dried material by means of vegetable fibres
was known in Mesopotamia, we notice a fact that goes beyond a
mere analogy in the elements of Babylonian and Egyptian archi-
tecture. A suggestion forcibly presents itself that as in Egypt so in
Babylonia the bricks were made by prisoners of war whom the
captor was always prone to transport from their native lands. The
exiles, whose fate was much alike everywhere, were on the rivers of
Babel employed in the making of bricks and in the erection of
memorial palaces and temples, as well as in the canalisation of their
enemies' territory. An unread page of history is laid before us by
Oppert, in La condition des esclaves a Babylone, where he points
out that the names of a considerable number of slaves denote
their Canaanite origin.
An extremely interesting account of the great buildings erected
in Babylon and Borsippa was put on record by Nebuchadnezzar in
the cylinders which he deposited in Birs Nimrud (Borsippa) and
which have been studied and translated by em.inent decipherers
of Cuneiform inscriptions. Mr. Budge in his " Babylonian Life and
229
^fAK. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1893.
History" among other scholars, has furnished translations of Nebu
chadnezzar's records. That king says with regard to Borsippa : " I
rebuilt the quay and the raoat (lined and built) with bitumen and
brick made to surround the citadel for protection. For the God
Turkit, the breaker of the weapons of my enemies, I rebuilt the
temple of Borsippa."*
The Talmudists and the ancient Midrashic expositors of
Genesis looked upon Borsippa as the site of the " Tower of Babel."
Some of their notices of that Tower have been frequently cited as
illustrative of the Babylonian records. But the following noteworthy
legend has, so far as I know, escaped the attention of writers on this
subject. In Treatise Sanhedrin, fol. 109^, occurs this tradition,
and is there cited in the name of R. Johanan : " Migdal,
SHALISH NISRAF, SHALISH NIBLA, SHALISH KAYEM." " Of the TowCt
(of Babel), one-third was burnt, one-third was buried underground"
(literally, ' was swallowed up '), " and one-third remains standing."
Sir Henry Layard, following the measurements made by Rich,
states that Birs Nimrud rises 198 feet, and has on its summit a mass
of brickwork 37 feet high by 28 broad. He points out that "the
vitreous surface, fused into rock-like masses, shows that their fall
may have been caused by lightning." This conjecture gains
additional force from the foregoing statement preserved in the
Babylonian Talmud.
* Pages 18 and 19.
230
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
[The following important communication which I have
received from Brugsch Pasha has reference to one of the most
brilliant and interesting discoveries of the day.
The ancient Egyptians not only personified natural phe-
nomena, but when these were observed to follow a fixed law
(Madt), deified them. The Zodiacal Light is one of these
phenomena, and is now identified with a god known and
worshipped in the earliest days of Egyptian civilization. —
P. LE P. R.J
&
OU LA LUMlfeRE ZODIACALE.
Par H. Brugsch.
Mon illustre compatriote, Monsieur Her:mann Gruson, de
Magdebourg, connu du monde entier par la decouverte de la fonte
durcie at son application a la fabrication de fortifications gigan-
tesques, vient de publier en langue allemande im remarquable livre
intitule : Im Reiche des Lichtesj* Plus et mieux qu'un autre initie
dans les mysteres de la lumiere et de la chaleur, I'auteur de ce travail
a consacre ses loisirs a des recherches extremement importantes qui,
dans le domaine de la physique astronomiques, se rattachent aux
apparitions lumineuses du ciel et, en premier lieu, au soleil qui
repand ses rayons sur le monde terrestre. L'examen approfondi
auquel il a souniis les lois de la lumibre, relativement a toute una
serie de phenomenes celestes, lui a ouvert des vues parfaitement
nouvelles au sujet de I'origine de la lumiere et de la chaleur. Je
n'ai pas la pretention de me placer en juge sur la haute valeur des
conclusions qui ressortent des etudes sagaces de Mr. Gruson,
mais je ne peux pas me taire en voyant qu'un des chapitres les plus
interessants de son livre s'occupe d'une apparition ^ laquelle la
science a donne le nom de Lumiere zodiacale. II est vrai que la
connaissance de la lumiere en question ne date que d'une epoque
relativement tres-recente. Elle a ete observee pour la premiere fois
* Sous le litre complet : Im Reiche des Lichtes. — Sonnen, Zodiakallichte,
Kometen. — Dammerungslicht-Pyramiclen nach den altesten agyptischen Quellen.
Von Hermann Gruson. Mil 28 Figurcn u. 9 Tafeln. Braunsthweig, George
Westermann. London, Asher and Co., 1893.
231
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.iiOLOGY. [1893.
vers I'an 1660. Les savants ont pu constater, des le temps de sa
decouverte, que la lumiere zodiacale, surtout dans les regions du
niidi de notre globe, se manifeste reguli^rement, a peu de jours
pres, chaque matin et vers I'orient avant le lever du soleil et chaque
soir, vers I'occident, aprh le coucher du soleil. lis ont pu verifier
egalement que la lumifere zodiacale presente la figure d'une pyramide,
un peu courbee a sa tete, dont la base repose sur la terre et dont la
pointe se dirige vers le zenith du ciel. lis ont finalement observe
que la visibilite de I'apparition lumineuse disparait lentement apres
une duree de trois quarts d'heure a peu pres. Je I'ai observee moi-
meme pendant ce long s^jour que j'ai fait en Egypte (des I'an 1853),
a des centaines de fois, et a chaque occasion ou la lumiere magique
se presentait a ma vue, j'ai senti un vrai plaisir en admirant la
splendeur de la pyramide en Fair. Malheureusement il y a peu de
voyageurs, et parmi eux des savants de distinction, qui pendant leur
sejour en Egypte ont dii jouir de ce plaisir, et cela par la raison la
plus simple, c'est qu'ils n'en avaient aucune connaissance.
L'hiver de I'annee passee j'ai eu la satisfaction de rencontrer aux
heureux bords du Nil Mr. H. Gruson, et de renouveler une amitie
de bien ancienne date. Nous nous revimes apres un laps de temps
de 43 annees ! Je fus informe par lui-meme qu'il avait entrepris son
voyage dans le seul but d'etudier sur les lieux la lueur resplendis-
sante de la lumiere zodiacale. Grand etonnement de mon cote
la-dessus.
Sur la question de mon illustre ami, si la lumiere pyramidale a
ete connue aux anciens Egyptiens, ma reponse n'afifirma rien, et je ne
supprimai nullement mes doutes sur le peu d'espoir de rencontrer
des traces monumentales de sa connaissance soit aux temps pharao-
niques soit a I'epoque de I'empire greco-romain en Egypte. II faut le
dire, Mr. H. Gruson n'etait pas du tout de mon avis. Sans mon
entremise il avait fait la connaissance d'un dieu egyptien montrant
la figure d'un homme en costume royal, la tete surmontee d'une
espece de triangle A . Selon sa conviction cette personne divine
aurait du representer la lumiere zodiacale. En meme temps il
m'exprima la priere de poursuivre dans mes recherches scientifiques
les traces de ce dieu luminaire pour me convaincre moi-meme de
I'exactitude de sa trouvaille.
Je me chargeai de la tache, presque en regrettant d'avance le
temps et la peine que j'aurais a perdre pendant la longue chasse au
232
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1^93.
dieu et a son fameux triangle. Aujourd'hui je sais bien que j'ai eu
tort de jouer I'incredule. Mais les recherches, les plus minutieuses
qu'on puisse s'imaginer, que j'ai entamees et continuees pendant
toute une annee, ont fini par me demontrer toute la justesse de
I'observation de Mr. H. Gruson. Par suite de mes etudes il est
assure que le dieu en question representait, deja a I'epoque de la
construction des pyramides, la lumiere zodiacale aux points du lever
et du coucher du soleil. C'est done de plein droit a Mr. H. Gruson
que notre science egyptologique doit une des plus rares et des plus
curieuses revelations.
Pour le moment je suis occupe de rediger un memoire special
qui reunira les nombreuses preuves et tons les documents tires des
monuments et des textes d'origine e'gyptienne et presentant, dans
leur ensemble, les riches materiaux pour trancher impartialement la
question. Je me permets aujourd'hui d'extraire de mon travail les
exemples qui me paraissent meriter la premiere place dans la discus-
sion, et dont quelques-uns se trouvent deja cites dans la publication
de Mr. H. Gruson.
1. Remarquons d'abord que le nom du dieu A JH , autrement
ecrit A T\ , se prononce So/>d on Sopdou M 1 A ^ , v. Oiitias,
1. 281). C'est, pour ainsi dire, la forme masculine du nom fiminin
A donne comme on sait a la deesse IsisSothis^ representant la
constellation du Sirius.
2. L'origine des deux designations, dont la premiere se rapporte
a une des nombreuses formes du dieu Horns, I'autre a la deesse Jsis,
provient d'un substantif bien connu I A ' H A ^ > du
genre tantot masculin (voir I'exemple en bas sous numero 5) tantot
feminin. Je n'y vois pas une difference quant au sens general de
triangle. Dans le papyr. mathem. du British Museum lecriture
adoptee est I c^ h (ou A ; I j sopde-t, done dans la forme
feminin. Dans les textes hieroglyphiques de la basse epoque le
dessin antique A s'echange assez frequemment avec cette autre : \
(voir a la page 86 du "Thesaurus").
3. Le nom compose du dieu C\ I A ^v\ " Horus le
triangule," ou " Horus le triangulaire " (v. Ou/ias, 1. 465), confondu
233 R
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
parfois avec ^v. ' /\ "^ '' Horus le Sothiaque " {Teti, 1. 216)
servait a designer une apparition lumineuse du ciel. On n'a qu'a
comparer le passage Oiaias, 464-467, pour se convaincre qu'il y est
cite aprbs Ra (le soleil) et T/iot (la lune) et avant les deux constella-
tions am-dait et Nekhekh.
4. D'accord avec cette supposition le signe du triangle A 3 L
auquel nous donnerons desormais la valeur de lumiere zodiacale
remplace occasionellement les mots exprimant I'idee de lumiere de
la crepuscule comme dans 1 exemple suivant tire d'un texte
funeraire de I'epoque de Thotmes I"'. Apres avoir parle d'of-
frandes presentees ^ (1 1 T V V "^IT^ " ^^ moment de
la soiree" (traduction de Mr. Piehl) ou "a I'heure du soir"
(dapres Mr. Maspj^ro), I'auteur du texte continue : v\
^ A II " qu'on lui amene un vase au lever du soleil "
V7 .
(Mr. Piehl), ou " qu'on lui apporte la coupe au lever du soleil (?) "
(Mr. Maspero, v. le Recueil de Paris, 1883, pages 121 at 126). Les
deux savants cites, comme on se convainc, ont remplace le sens qui
s'attache au mot A } c'est-a-dire la lumiere zodiacale, par le mot
" soleil." Its voyaient bien qu'il ne s'agissait dans cet exemple que
du temps matinal tout au commencement du jour. D'apres mes
remarques la veritable traduction aurait ete : " au lever de la lumiere
zodiacale."
5. Comme la dite lumiere sous la figure d'une pyramide avance
le lever ([uotidien du soleil, les anciens Egyptiens la regardaient
comme une espece de messager ou heraut du soleil naissant au
premier jour de la creation du monde. Cette idee toute naturelle se
trouve exprimee par exemple dans un hymne adresse au dieu cr^ateur
Ptah (de Memphis) et conserve sur le Papyrus hieratique No. VII
du Musee ^gyptien de Berlin (v. les Denkmaeler, VI, pi. 118, k la
ligne 118). I>e texte est d'une clarte qui ne laisse rien a desirer.
Dans des termes poetiques, qui du teste se repetent ailleurs, il y est
nettement dit que le dieu a cree ce monde pour lui servir de corps.
"Tu n'as pas eu le pere qui I'aurait engendre dans ton essence, tu
n'as pas eu la mere, qui t'aurait enfante, tu t'as forme toi-meme
{an atk ontt-tou fn khoprek an tnoutk inastou khnoumek t'fsck), telle
est la phrase qui termine la description de la creation. Ce qui suit
presente un interet lout particulier par la mention du triangle ou de
234
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
la lumiere zodiacale. Le texte continue ainsi : I A ; (ou )
^^ I A ; A flyt ^ ^ I ^^n" "le triangle se manifesta, le
triangle presenta une forme pour toi sur la terre," en d'autres mots
le soleil naissant, cache encore dans les tenebres, annon^a son
arrivee, au premier jour de la creation, par la lueur pyramidale de
lumiere zodiacale — telle qu'on la voit presque tous les jours en
Egypte — et sa forme pyramidale fut la cause pour les habitants de
la terre de representer le dieu createur sous la forme d'une pyramide,
devenue des lors le plus haut symbole de la lumiere naissante.
J'ai prouve, dans mon memoire a publier, I'exactitude de mon
explication du passage pr^cite par des observations tres-curieuses
faites dans des ouvrages classiques de I'antiquite au sujet des
obelisques et pyramides qui s'y trouvent mises en rapport avec le
rayon solaire.
6. Nous Savons done, grace aux mots susmentionnes du papyrus
de Berlin, que le lever du 1 A ■ ou de la lumiere zodiacale
donne lieu a la forme, () U, d'une pyramide pour representer
mysterieusement la figure du dieu createur. On comprendra
maintenant les titres du dieu tels que le suivant : y r^ H A 1
in * V^ "I " image des lumieres zodiacales, qui se forme lui-
meme " (v. le Papyr. Magique IV, 2). Les traductions qu'on a
proposee de ce titre : " Dominateur accompli qui s'est enfante lui-
meme," ou "le Khem pourvu de s'enfanter lui-meme," demanderaient
certainement une rectification fondamentale. Les memes mots se
recontrent du reste encore dans les textes de la basse epoque.
C'est ainsi que le dieu solaire d'Edfou est invoque sous sa forme
locale, veneree dans le nome d'Arabia ou de la terre Goshen, par les
paroles: ^ 0 A^M^'^F "toi. I'image de la lumiere zodia-
K3^ I I W {sic) I t£H]
cale, I'ame de I'orient " (v. Brugsch, Diet. Geogr., a la page 1390).
7. L'id^e de rayonner est inseparable du mot A dans son sens
de lumiere zodiacale. Parmi les nombreuses preuves que j'ai a ma
disposition, je ne cite que I'exemple suivant tire d'une stble du Musee
de Turin (v. Le Recueil de Paris, vol. VIII, p. 119, ad VII, publ.
par Mr. Maspero). Le texte datant de la ti''"'^ ou 12^""= dynastic,
parle entre autre d'une offrande funeraire composee de toutes esp^ces
235 R 2
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILiiOLOGY. [1893
de bonnes choses et de : ^ , , j\ "-"^-^^ Q J-^
N^\ w-AAT. -V- ''Sv^ (^ A " ce que le ciel donne, ce que la terre
produit, ce que le Nil apporte, les vents pour la vie, la splendeur de
la figure de la lumiere zodiacale." Dans d'autres exemples du
meme genre (v. 1.1. ad X), on lit vers la fin de la phrase: —
IZH v^ 8 ^Aw^ "Y* 0 'Sv^ " les vents doux pour la vie et la
splendeur," sans I'addition du groupe () A .
8. Dans la "Litanie du soleil" public par le piofesseur Naville,
le mot A joue de meme son role dans le sens indique. Je fixe
iattention de mes lecteurs sur le passage suivant : ?nd khonti spd
ouben pir em oiibnet (y. pi. IX, 11 et pi. XLII, 36, suiv.), traduit par
mon savant coUegue : " comme Chiiti (le dieu des dieux horizons)
le triangle brillant qui apparait dans lelieu brillant." La traduction
litterale est aussi exacte que possible, mais le veritable sens s'y
cache. Toute difficulte disparait des qu'on se conforme aux idees
enoncees plus haut. On n'a qu'a lire, " comme la lueur au lever de
la lumiere zodiacale qui apparait a I'endroit du lever," etle sens de la
phrase devient parfaitement compre'hensible et clair. Le lever
matinal du triangle est du cote de I'orient, la oil le soleil se Ifeve
journellement en sortant de I'ocean. On ne sera pas surpris de voir
que les textes egyptiens eux-memes font surgir le triangle, la lumiere
zodiacale, de I'ocean comme heraut du soleil naissant. C'est Mr.
Naville encore qui m'a fourni un passage constatant ce fait
important (v. " Litatiie du Soleil" a la page 78, la (f^^ note). Nous y
lisons : Spd piret m Nou, " la lumiere zodiacale qui se leve de
I'ocean."
Avec ces remarques je me permets de terminer ma courte note
destinee a fixer prealablement I'attention du lecteur sur le triangle
dans son role particulier comme representant figuratif de la
lumiere zodiacale. Je suis heureux d'avoir pu constater, par
I'etude soigneuse des textes egyptiens mis a ma disposition, la pleine
justesse de I'observation faite par Mr. H. Gruson. Les exemples
que j'ai examines sans forcer le sens des mots, forment les bases de
nies recherches de ce sujet. La science, je n'en doute pas, en tirera
grandement profit ; elle peut se f^liciter que la sagacitd d'un lai'que
en egyptologie I'a enrichie d'une decouvertc a mon avis des plus
brillants.
236
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS [1893.
THE CONSTELLATION ARIES.
By E. M. Plunket.
In the January number of the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical
ArchcBology for last year, under the title " The Accadian Calendar,"
two propositions were advanced : —
I. The Accadian year was counted as a sidereal year.
II. The Accadian calendar was first thought out and originated
at a date not later than 6000 B.C.
The fact that the sun's entry into the constellation Aries appears
to have marked through many millenniums the beginning of the
Accadian year, was cited in support of the first proposition, and the
fact that the sun's entry into Aries coincided in 6000 (or perhaps
6500) B.C. with the Winter Solstice, was relied on to support the
probability of the second proposition, namely, that at the above date
the calendar, which so honoured the inconspicuous constellation
Aries, was first drawn up.*
If we now find this inconspicuous part of the heavens equally
honoured by several nations in very ancient times, we shall be led
to think either that these nations, independently of each other,
happened to observe and mark out the sun's annual course through
the heavens at exactly the same date, and therefore chose the same
point as marking the Winter Solstice ; or we must suppose that they
derived their calendar and knowledge of the Zodiac from observations
originally made by some one civilized race.
Bailly in his work on the history of ancient astronomy, speaking
of the Brahmins of India, the initial point of whose Zodiac is at the
first star in the constellation Aries, observes : " Mais pourquoi ont-
ils choisi cette constellation pour la premiere? II est evident que
* A corroboration of this view, i.e., that the Accadian year originally began
at the winter Solstice, is to be found in the name of the thirteenth (intercalary)
month, " Dir Se," the dark (month) of sowing. This name suits a month imnie-
diately preceding the winter Solstice — it does not suit a month immcdiau-ly
preceding the spring Equinox.
237
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
c'est une affaire de prejuge et de superstition ; le choix du premier
point dans un cercle est arbitraire, ils auront ete decide par quelque
ancienne tradition," etc.
Dupuis, writing at the same date as Bailly, about a hundred years
ago, and in conflict with him on many points relating to the Zodiac,
was also struck by the choice of this same inconspicuous point in
the great circle of the ecliptic, not only by the Brahmins of India,
but also by other ancient nations. This fact, amongst others, he
relied on to support his view of the unity of the astronomical and
religious myths of all nations — he looked upon southern Egypt as
the locality from whence these myths had chiefly been derived, and
he suggested a date of more than 11 000 B.C. for the mapping out of
the Zodiac, at a time when the Autumn Equinox would have coin-
cided with the sun's entry into Aries.
The argument drawn from the choice by several nations of the
first division of Aries as initial point of the Zodiac and year, is of
equal cogency m support of a calendar such as Dupuis suggests
drawn up more than iiooo B.C. for a year beginning at the Autumn
Equinox ; or for one, as suggested in this paper, drawn up about
6500 B.C., and dealing with a year beginning at the IVinter Solstice.
Oriental scholars and historians, from other than astronomical data,
may probably be able, by a study of the records of many nations
now within their reach, to decide whether either of these dates, and
if so which of them, meets with corroboration from the monuments.
Dupuis at the end of his work, Menwires Explicatif du Zodiaque,
gives in a diagram several Zodiacs in concentric circles ; some
divided into twelve, some into twenty-seven or twenty-eight parts.
He represents the colures by a cross which quarters these concentric
Zodiacs, and he observes as follows : " On remarque d'abord que
ces divers systemes lunaires tires de I'astronomie de differens
peuples, s'accordent tous a placer dans les cases correspondantes
a peu pres les memes etoiles. II sufflt pour s'en assurer de
comparer les etoiles designees dans la meme case de la division
de chaque peuple. On remarque aussi qu'ils ont pris tous excepte
les Chinois les memes etoiles pour point initial de la division, savoir
celles de la tete du Belier. Les Chinois au contraire ont fixe le point
initial dans la partie du ciel diametralement opposee, vers les pieds
de la Vierge et pr^s I'Epi."
Dupuis in another passage points out that the Chinese months
took their names from the constellations in opposition^ and not from
2:;8
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
those in conjtinctioji with the sun. Their month called after the
group of stars containing Spica (or I'Epi), the first Chinese constel-
lation in opposition, corresponded thus with the Accadian month
" Bar Ziggar," called after the constellation Aries in conju7iction. We
have then in the Chinese and Accadian Zodiacs really, though not
nominally, the same initial point. It is to this fact and not to the
many other resemblances between the calendars of these two nations,
that in this paper we wish to call attention.
Of the Brahmins of India we have already si)oken ; their
astronomy, like that of the Chinese, claims a high antiquity, and their
observations and calculations date back to the fourth millennium
B.C. The names of the Indian constellations are preserved to us in
the Sanscrit language ; this in itself is a guarantee of antiquity, and
these names are so to speak identical with those that we use at the
present day when we speak of the figures of the Zodiac.
We have then the Accadians, the Chinese, and the Aryans of
India all recognising the same point in the great circle of the
heavens as the starting point of the Zodiac.
It is difficult, with Bailly, to attribute this " to some matter of
prejudice or superstition;" rather with Dupuis we are inclined to
attribute it to a scientific observation, on the part of the early
calendar makers, of the coincidence of that point with one of the
four great natural divisions of the year.
Turning from the Accadians, the Chinese, and Indians to the
Egyptians, it will be interesting to see if there are any indications
in their astronomy or mythology, of honour paid to the constellation
Aries in connection with the progress of the sun and moon through
the figures of the Zodiac.
It is true that the acquaintance of the ancient Egyptians with
these figures is a matter still in dispute, and their method of count
ing the year also presents great difficulties to scholars. They were,
however, a people much given to the observation and worship of
the heavenly bodies, and their astronomy and mythology were very
closely woven with each other.
In the time of the Middle Empire it seems the months were not
counted as lunar months, but as months of thirty days each. The
year was not counted as a sidereal year, but as one of three hundred
and sixty days — twelve months of thirty days — and five days added
at the end of each year to bring up the number to three hundred
and sixty-five days. No attention was paid to the odd hours and
239
Mar 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
minutes over and above the three hundred and sixty-five days, which
are occupied by the Sun in completing his annual course.
Mr. Griffiths has remarked in the number of the Proceedings of the
Society of Biblical Archceology for ]\tarch, 1892, tliat the hieroglyph
for month points to an originally lunar month ; the star under the
first crescent would seem to point also to a month counted sidereally,
i.e., dependent upon the conjunction of the sun and moon in some
particular star group of the ecliptic.
In the long and probably disastrous interval between the Ancient
and Middle Empire many changes in ritual and civil observances
were doubtless made, and the knowledge of how to count the years
and months by the stars, if it was originally possessed by the priests
and kings of the Ancient Empire, may have been lost, or abandoned
voluntarily by those who had the charge of such matters.
Now in the Theban triad of Amen, Maut, and Chons — Chons,
the Moon-god, is always represented as ram-headed, and his temple,
at right angles, and in close proximity to, the great temple of
Amen-Ra, is approached through an avenue of gigantic ram-headed
sphynxes. Chons as Moon-god (or may we not say Month-god ?) —
if the first month of the year was that in which the sun and moon
were in conjunction in Aries — might with justice be represented as
ram-headed.
But Amen, the great god of the Theban triad, is also sometimes
represented as ram-headed — his boat and his sceptre are always
adorned with a ram's head, and the great temple to him in con-
junction with the sun, i.e., to Amen-Ra, is also approached through
an avenue of ram-headed sphynxes.
We know that Horus, Isis, and Osiris — the Memphian triad —
symbolised the diurnal motion of the sun and other heavenly
bodies. May not the great Theban triad Amen, Maut, and Chons
have originally symbolised the anm/al course of the sun and moon
through the constellations the Zodiac, of which, as we have argued,
the constellation Aries was the first division ?
A prayer to Amen is translated by G. Maspero, in the April
number for 1 89 1 of the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archcc-
ology ; from this translation it would appear that Amen is implored
to bring the calendar in to touch with the real seasons of the year.
If Amen represented the yearly course of the sun, such a prayer
might suitably have been addressed to him.
The great temple to Amen-Ra at Thebes is oriented to the
240
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
setting sun at the summer solstice. This is a very marked point in
the sun's annual course. On the other hand, the temple at Aboo
Simbel is oriented to the rising sun — not at the time of either
solstice or equinox ; * on the 26tn of February the sun shines into
the Holy of Holies of that rock-hewn temple, and now, 1893 a.d.,
the sun is in conjunction with the constellation Aquarius on the
26th of February. But if we calculate back to the date when
Rameses II dedicated this temple to Amen-Ra, we shall find that
the sun when first its rays penetrated into the shrine of the temple
at Aboo Simbel was in conjunction with the constellation Aries — a
group of stars not marking any of the four great divisions of the
year ; but, as we have supposed, still held traditionally in honour as
the initial point of the Zodiac, and selected for that honour at a date
when the winter solstice coincided with the sun's entry into that
constellation.
The Hebrews had a calendar before the exile counted evidently
by lunar months ; these months are described, like those in the
Accadian calendar, sometimes by name, and more often as " the first
month," "the second month," and so on. After the exile the writers
in the Bible make use of Babylonian names for the months ; no
comment is added which should lead us to think that the Babylonian
and Hebrew months differed from each other in any way. It has
been very generally taken for granted that when Aloses com-
manded the Hebrews to observe the month Abib, i.e., "the month
* Extract from the Pall Mall Gazette, April 20, 1892 : — " I was fortunate in
seeing another wonderful thing during my visit to Aboo Simbel. The great
temple is dedicated to Amen-Ra, the sun god, and on two days in the year the
sun is said to rise at such a point that it sends a beam of light through both halls
till it falls on the shrine itself in the very ' Holy of Holies.' Many theories are
based on the orientation of the temples, and Captain Johnston wished to find on
which day in the spring of the year the phenomenon took place ; so he took his
instruments, and we all went up to the temple before dawn. It was the 26th
February. The great hall with its eight Osiritle pillars was wrapped in semi-
darkness ; still darker were the inner hall and the shrine. Behind the altar sat
the four gods Amen, Horus, Ptah, and Rameses himself, now deified. All the
east was a deep rosy flush ; then that paled, and a hard while light filled the sky.
Clearer and whiter it grew, till with a sudden joyous rush the sun swung up over
the low ridge of hill, and in an instant, like an arrow from the bow of Phoebus
Apollo, one level shaft of light pierced the great hall and fell in living glory
straight upon the shrine itself
A. F."
241
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.'EOLOGV. [1893.
of the ears of corn," he meant thereby the month in which the ears
of corn ripened. But a month dependent on the uncertain ripening
of corn could not have corresponded with any exactness to the
month Nisan — calculated as it was by a rigid astronomical rule.
If however the month Abib with the Hebrews corresponded to
Bar Ziggar or Nisan, the first month of the Accadian year — or as
we have suggested in this paper, to the first month of an almost
universally accepted year : there would be a simple astronomical
reason for calling the month Abib — the month of the ears of corn —
Abib would, in fact, like the Chinese and Indian first month, have
been called after the constellation containing " the ears of corn "
(marked by the bright star Spica) in the Virgin's hand, which rises
in opposition as the sun sets in cojijunction with the constellation
Aries, and would have been identical with Nisan, i.e.^ the month in
which the sun is in conjunction with Aries.
We find then indications that the Accadians, the Chinese, the
Aryans of India, the Egyptians, and the Hebrews, reckoned their
year as beginning when the sun and moon entered the Constellation
Aries. It is difficult to think that this method of reckoning the year
was arrived at by each of these nations independently : that they
should have also recognised in the star groups of the ecliptic the
same fanciful figures, seems to make the theory of independent
observation incredible. Whether one nation borrowed these ideas
from another, or whether some " earlier race of men " bequeathed
this knowledge to their many descendants, is still an open question.
Scholars have not unanimously awarded the palm of seniority in
civilization to any one nation, and we are not at variance with proved
facts, if we elect to adopt the theory of a common stock from which
the divergent races sprang. If then it should appear that these races
possessed and incorporated into their earliest mythologies, a knowledge
of the Zodiac, and of the head of Aries as its initial point : their
separation from the parent stock must have been subsequent to the
formation of the scheme that dealt with a calendar based on the
figures of the Zodiac, and the date of 6000 B.C. becomes a foothold
for the chronology of ancient history. We should also be led to
think of the common ancestors of the civilized races: not as ignorant
barbarians, but rather as men graced with high intellectual gifts —
men whose teachings have been handed down through all the ages
to this present day, and of whose imaginings the Zodiac remains the
most ancient monument of the work of intelligent man.
242
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
THE TEN PATRIARCHS OF BEROSUS.
By Prof. Dr. Fritz Hommel.
It is well known, not only that Berosus gives the names of ten
patriarchs as living before the great flood, but that also the number
of the antediluvian patriarchs in Gen. v. is ten. But a comparison
of both lists did not give a sufficient result till now, concerning the
original identity of the two lists. I will give first the text of
both : —
1. "AXwpo'i, Alorus Q"T^^ (Adam).
2. 'AXcivrapo^, Alaparus Jlti? (Sheth)
3. 'A^ii'jXwv, 'AjulWa/w^, Almelon UJ'iii^ (Enosh).
4. 'Aiuii.ie.vwv, Ammenon V^^T) (Kenan).
5. Mc7aXa/Jov, Amegalarus 7t^77n^ (Mahalal-el).
6. Aawi/os, Auto's, Davonus 1^^ (Yered).
7. Evecwpaxo'i, Edoranchus '^"'l-n (Hanok).
8. 'Aytte'/tY^tj/o?, Amemphsinus nTlT^n?? (Metia-shelah).
9. 'QTTa/jT/;?, Opartes 'Tf?27 (Lemek).
ID. 'SiaovOpo'i, Xisuthros nil (No^h).
The corrupted forms of the Berosian list cannot hinder us from
seeing in it a mere copy or Greek transcription of a Babylonian original.
Long known is the identification of Opartes (fl instead of Tl of ihe
MSS.) with Ubara-tiitu, the father of Xisuthros, or of the Babylonian
Noah. The origin of Xisuthros is probably Khis-zud, ^y '^ff^
(Zimmern, Bahyl. Busspsabnen, p. 26, note i), in Semitic Pii-
napisti, " offspring of life," or better, as I would propose, NiVi-
napisti, " rest of the soul."* Amelon is anu/i/, " man," and so
* Compare ^jyy -^y t^y Sag-itd-dii, Briinn, No. "j^^t,, puSSuh libbi, " rest of
the heart," of which mih libbi would be a mere synonym. In Svnnerian the
oldest form of tid is gud (compare *^ , giid = nam&ru " to be bright," and ^y^
nd = namdru, neo-Sumerian gis).
243
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.iiOLOGY. [1893.
closely agrees with tTl^t^ , whilst Amemphsinus is very probably
a corruption of AMEA 4^1 NOC (A for M) = Amel-sin (Delitzsch,
Parodies^ p. 149). lUit if the name of the third patriarch is
" man " {a/nclu, in Hebrew tL^l^i^), then the names of the two
first kings must be names of gods, and of course of the two creator
gods Ea and his son Merodach. Now Alorus is none other than
Arum, the wife of Ea (compare her name helit Hani, and the name
of her creature Ea-bam, i.e., " Ea is creating ") ; and for Alaparus I
should like to read Adaparus (A for A) = Adapa, another name of
Merodach {e.g., in the mythological text of the Berlin Tell Amarna
collection). Amegalarus I correct to Amel-Alaros, amil-Aruru
A for r). The second element of Evedorachos, Edoranchus, may
perhaps be Akii ( = Sifi, as in Ariokh, Gen. yXv^^Iri-Akii), and so
also of Han ok. In Davonus, Daos, Prof. Delitzsch sees the
Sumerian dunni, duvu, " son," " child," and compares it with T^^
"descendant" [Paradies, p. 149). Ammenon is, I think, the Baby-
lonian ii/nmann, "workman," "artifex;" which is the more probable,
as the Hebrew p^p (compare Arabic ,jj kain, " faber, artifex ") is
a mere translation of it. This leads us to our present investigation
about the origin of the Hebrew list in Genesis, chapter v.
An unprejudiced comparison of the so called Cainitic list of
patriarchs in Gen. iv, shows us that originally both lists were the
ame.
Gen. v (so called Priest-codex) : — Gen. iv (so-called Jehovist) : —
I. "{"T^^ Adon (see below)
2. TW Sheth («y J^ Shiti = Merodach)
3- tti'lib^ Eiwsh " man " □"T^^Pr ha-Adam, " The man."
4. pip Kenan (out of Kainan) 7ip Kain.
5- ^t^^SnQ Mahalal-el "Ti:!! Han ok.
6. "TT« Ycred "n"^^* ' Irad (LXX TaiCac, read
7- 112n Ha7idk \vC\XV::i Mchuya-el.
8. n^U^1Jl?2 Metu-shelah ^fc^^^^in^ Metu-sa-el.
9. TJQ"' Leniek TfD / Leniek.
10. XV\1 Nd"h (and his three sons (Three sons): —
Shein, Yaphet, and Hani) Yabal, Yuba/ and Tubal{kai)i).
244
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
With the exception of the transposition of Nos. 5 and 7, and
,ome sHght variants, the second Hst is absolutely identical with
the first. At the same time it is clear, that the name of No. i
cannot have been Adam, because we have ha-adavi in the second
list as a variant of No. 3, Enosh, but perhaps T"Ti< (only 7 instead of
Q) adon, "Lord" (for Yahve, Yahu=^ Yd'u, Ea, compare the
interesting paper of Mr. Pinches about Ya in these Proceedings,
p. 13-15), compare Luke iii. 38. Now we have : —
Babylonian. Hebrew.
Arum (wife of Ea) Add?i (= Yahu or Ea ?).
Adapaira ?) = Marduk Sheth (ilu Shiti or Marduk).
Amilu (" man ") Enosh or Adam (" man ").
Ummctnii (" artifex ") Kaifian or Kain (" artifex ").
Amil-Aruru (" man of Aruru ") Amel-alil (see below).
Duvii (" child ") Yered (" descendant ").
Adar-Aku (" splendour of A.") Han-ok (" beauty of Aku " ?),
Amil-Sin (" man of the Moon ") Metu-Shelah (" man of Sh.").
Uhara - Tutu ("servant of Lemek (Lamga, " the servant :"
Merodach") a title of Sin).
JSIuh-tiapisti (" rest of the soul ") No^h (" rest ").
One glance on this juxtaposition will suggest a close relation
and probably a common original of these two lists. In 71^
(for Dlh^) and HU? we have only other names of the same gods ;
compare also the Egyptian Shet (the Babylonian Nergal, and
brother of Merodach-Osiris). The same is the case in Metu-Shelah,
because Shelah seems to be a younger pronunciation of Sharrahu
( = " Sin, as the god of the king Dungi of Ur," the same Ur, which
was the original home of Abraham), being thus the exact equivalent
of Amil-Sin. Mere translation:^ are Enosh or Adam for Amilu,
Kainan for Ummanu, and perhaps Yered for Duvu,* if Duvu is
indeed the Babylonian original of the Berosian Daonos or Daos.
For Amil-Aruru the Hebrew writer put probably 7"^ , ^^- 7?2fc^ ;
another redactor wrote St^— ^?2t^ (compare 77??^:^, Neh. iii, 34,
as a reminiscence of it, like 7''7t^ " idol " of 7''7t^ = Aruru ?), and
* Also *T^W ghtrad seems to be an expression for "child," compare
Egyptian x^'^ > it is perhaps only an older form for ivarad, yarad (compare also
■wa.aa,yalaa.)
245
:Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.KOLOGY. [1893.
a third, no longer understanding the sense of "7^t^ , replaced it by
the similar sounding word 7711^2, "praise." Edoranchus is
perhaps Adar-Aku (compare addni, " splendour," Delitzsch, Worter-
hiich, p. 167), of which *Tyh^-7n ^^T\ would be a partial translation
(compare in, "favour," but also "loveliness, beauty," in Hebrew).
But the translations of Anuiu (E/ios/i), the following Ummanu
{Kainau), and the concluding Nuh (or TaJ>sn/j)-fiaJ>isfi {JVo''li) vfOu\d
alone be sufficient to set it beyond doubt, that the list of the ten
Hebrew patriarchs bears the marks of the closest relation to the
Babylonian list of the ten antediluvian kings. Concluding, I remark,
that in my opinion the Hebrew copyist (author of the so-called
"priest-codex") must have lived centuries before the exile, because
the names of the list of the so-called Jehovist (Gen. iv), are not so
well preserved, and so presuppose the existence of the list of
Genesis v.
246
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1S93.
NOTES DE PHII-OLOGIE EGYPTIENNE.
Par Karl Piehl.
{Suite.)*
77. Le groupe |1 ' Af^j 7^- Pithom et Heroonpolis ; 79.
Observations sur la maniere de traduire adoptee par I'editeur des
textes des pyramides • 80. Passages de I'inscription d'Ahm^s d'EI-
Kab ; 81. Expression, empruntee a une stele du Musee de Leide ;
82. Differents points de la stele poetique de Thotmes III ; 83. Le mot
^ ; 84. Le mot ^ ° cnn J ; 85. Le mot ^ « fils " ;
Le groupe ^;;;;3^Q£^<^^; 87. Lesigne"!".
86.
77. Dans un ouvrage qui a paru recemment,t j'ai rapproche le
groupe \ I N\ du mot frequent C 1 1 |AA . Le passage, pour lequel
j'ai cru pouvoir attribuer au groupe en question la lecture hemes, a
la teneur suivante :
dont la traduction (" Ta Saintete est assise a Utes-Hor, sur le
grand siege d'Harmachis ") n'ofifre pas de difficultes.
Actuellement, je dois retracter la lecture hemes, retractation qui a
ete necessitee par les exemples que voici, ou se voient des variantes
du groupe A 1 AA :
* Voir Proceedings, Vol. XV, p. 47.
t Piehl, Inscriptions Hicroglyphiqiies, Nouvelle Serie, II, page 44.
+ Piehl, /./. I, LXX, 1. 6. Cf. Brugsch, Thesaurus, VI, 1359 :
247
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF lilBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1893.
ll 'J W ' ^ I Pn " ^^ ni'assois sur le front de ta
Saintete."*
"II s'est place sur I'appui d'Horus."!
[~^^] & "^^ "^^ ^ ® " ^^ ^'^^* ^^^*^ ^^'^ ^^ ^^^^^
d'Horus." I
II est evident que, dans ces circonstances, il faut lire notre groupe
^es. Je n'hesiterais point de le rapprocher du groupe, generalement
connu, ~1 et varr. A cet egard, on peut consulter I'exemple
que voici :
, f y\rs / ^ ^ le me place sur le trone
de I'horizon dans la villa de Tentyra"§ Brugsch \_lVdrterbuc/i, IV,
1579], a deja adopte un mot I [1 M ^ fits, " sich niederlassen,
sich setzen," mais il en fait un vocable nouveau, separe de celui de
78. Au sujet de la ville de Pithom, Brugsch|| dans son dernier
travail se prononce ainsi : " Die Stadt selber hiess neben Pitum,
das Herodot unter dem Namen Patumos kannte, bei den Griechen
Heroopolis und diese Benennung selber schuldete wiederum einem
*■ DiJMlCHEN, Tempel-Inschrifteu, I, 57, 2.
t DiJMlCHEN, ibid., 27, 9.
X DUMICHEN, ibid., 23, 9. On doit corriger, suivant les exemples d'en haut,
le passage que voici: | W) Au 1 '^ ^ ^ j] y^ " assis sur le lertre (?) a
Edfou, Du MICH EN, /./. 34, 4. ^
§ Texte de Denderah.
11 Brugsch, Steiniuschri/t tmd Bibekvori, page 117. En constatant, que
I'auleur traduit la variante 'i ^^T r^^^^ (Papyrus Harris, N°. I, 77, lo) du
groupe , ... ."i rs^n , par " die beiden Lander Gottes an den Kiisten Ostafrikas "
d^age 168), nous ne pouvons ne pas faire remarquer qu'il aurait ete logique de
placer ces " pays" des deux cotes de la Mer Rouge, par oil Tanalogie avec " les
deux p?ys " de I'figypte aurait ete complete. Toutefois, je regarde toujours
I . p^^.^ comme une variante purement graphique du mot | j ,^^-^^ .
248
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
agyptischen Worte seinen bisher imbekatintett Ursprung. Die
Inschriften von Tell-el-Maschuta nennen denselben Platz Eru oder
Ero, an welches Wort sich die Bedeutung von ' Vorrathshaus,
Provianthaus ' kniipft. Die Griechen machten aus Ero ein Hero,
und die Namensbildung von Heroopolis war wie von selber
gegeben."
C'est sans doute un oubli involontaire qui a conduit notre
Eminent confrere a parler de "I'origine jusqu'ici inconnue" du nom
Heroopolis.— Goodwin — I'infatigable Goodwin — a ici, comme bien
souvent ailleurs, donne la clef de I'enigme ; du reste dans un sens,
bien different de celui, propose par M. Brugsch. Dans un article,
paru a la Zeitschrift de 1873,* le regrette egyptologue a montre que
le nom Heron grec correspond au nom egyptien Tmou, par exemple
dans la traduction : 'AttoXXwi/ Kpmepo^^ vlh'^ "H/ja-j/o-? qu'a fournie
Hermapion pour la banniere : ^\ '^^ ^. J] ^^ \A " Horus,
taureau victorieux, fils de Tmou," tracee sur I'obelisque flaminien de
Rome. Goodwin, a ce sujet, fait observer que cela nous amene
a identifier Pithom et Heroonpolis, et il se sert de cette combinaison
pour modifier la lecture des Septantes : 'Upwwv 7r6\i9 en celle de
"H/>wi/os 7r6\i9, tout en invoquant la traduction copte qui donne ici
fort justemenl Tie-OCOJUL.
Les formes Eru, Ero, s'expliquent sans difiiculte comme des
abreviations, legerement defigurees, du nom de localite Heroopolis
ou Heroonpolis.
79. L'editeur des textes des pyramides, qui en accompagne son
edition de traductions litterales,! me semble assez souvent tourner
des mots, deja connus, de leurs sens avoues, pour remplacer ces
derniers par d'autres qui n'ont pas ete prouves et dont introduction
* Zeitschrift, XI, page 13.
t J'ai plusieurs fois blame les traductions litterales de M. Maspero. Une
excellente preuve du grand danger que presentent de pareilles traductions, nous
offre le penchant de cet eg)'ptologue de rendre la locution -.— A— ^ yj^
par "ne pas chaque jour"; c'est-a-dire ^^ (jtiel(juefois," au lieu de " ne
.... jamais." Le principe qui s'applique a de tels precedes, c'est evidemment
une espece d'addition mathematique : si ■,-!\-^ = "ne pas," et que ^^^ / =
"chaque jour," il faut que »-A_ yj, = " ne pas chaque jour."
Mais le developpement, de meme que I'analyse, des langues ne sont nullemcnt
249 S
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
quelquefois modifie notablement le fond reel de I'original. J'ex-
aminerai quelques-uns des cas, ou M. Maspero, selon moi, a echoue
quand il a voulu introduire des significations nouvelles pour des
mots, depuis longtemps connus.
I. n 1 1 ffi f^. La traduction "cracher, salive," que Brugsch,
il y a longtemps, a prouvee pour ce groupe, est fortement appuyee
par le determinatif /'''^ qui represente d'une fa^on irrefutable " une
bouche qui crache ou bave."* Cela etant le sens d'un passage
comme le suivant : t
doit se presenter de la sorte : " Pepi crache sur ta chevelure, 6
Osiris. II empeche qu'elle soit malade." La traduction de notre
coUegue frangais : "Pepi Noferkiri oint ta chevelure, Osiris, il ne
met pas sa souffrance," par contre est inadmissible et d'ailleurs en
partie incomprehensible. La premiere des deux traductions nous
revele du reste un phenomene qui a sa valeur, j'entends I'emploi
soumis a des regies mathematiques, non plus que I'ame humaine, elle-meme. —
A propos de la traduction des textes des pyramides, que dit-on de celle-ci faite
par I'editeur d'apres las textes A^Unas, lignes 218-220 : " Alors tu deviens
TAtoum de tout dieu : ta lete est Hor-Taouti ; V Akhim-sok de ton interieur est
Khont-}niriti ; VAkhivi-sok de tes deux oreilles, c'est les deux jumelles de Toum ;
V Akhim-sok de tes yeux, c'est les deux jumelles de Toum ; V Akhim-sok de ton
nez, c'est Anoubis ; V Akhim-sok de tes dents, c'est Soupti ; V Akhim-sok de tes
bras, c'est Hopi et Touatiiotit'it'" etc. Pour ma part, je prefererais traduire le
passage en question de cette maniere : " Tu deviens la plenitude de tout dieu :
ta tete est Horus de Taoiti, 6 indestructible ! Ton devant est Chont-merti, 6
indestructible ! Tes deux oreilles sont les deux filles de Tmou, 6 indestructible !
Tes deux yeux sont les deux filles de Tmou, 6 indestructible ! Ton nez est
Anoubis, 6 indestructible ! Tes dents sont -Sopt, 6 indestructible ! Tes deux
bras sont Hapi et Touamoutf," etc. Je me demande vainement ce que c'est que
V Akhim-sok d'un nez, V Akhim-sok des deux jume//es de Toum,Q\.c. Quand on
n'est pas capable de traduire mieux les textes, il est, k mon avis, preferable de ne
pas les traduire du tout. De cette maniere, on evite des peines inutiles aux
hommes du metier. A la meme fois, on echappe aux turlupinades des profanes
qui exigent, avec quelque raison, que les traductions — sauf pour les termes
techniques — soient intelligibles a tout le monde.
* PiEHL, Remarqties sur plusieurs si^nes et groupes hieroglyphiques, § I
(Actes du Congres des Orientalistes de Stockholm).
t Pyramide de Pepi II, 958.
250
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
de la salive comme moyen prophylactique, fait auquel la scconde
traduction ne fait pas d'allusion.
De meme, le passage que voici : □ I ZS f^ Vvv
[J <::3> V. ^ [1 * ne signifie-t-il pas : "Tu fends la face d'Hor
et tu detruis ses peches," comme le veut M. Maspero, mais plutot :
" Tu craches a la figure d'Horus et {par la !) tu chasses ses peches."
D'oii vient ici le sens "fendre"? Le determinatif /''^ du mot
pesek represente d'ailleurs " une bouche qui crache ou have," t ce
qui n'est guere de nature arendre admissible un sens "fendre" pour
le mot en question.
Quand M. Maspero, critiquant Brugsch, se prononce ainsi : %
" Le passage du Todtenbuch auquel il (= Brugsch) renvoie (ch. 147,
que le passage de notre texte, indiquent necessaire7netit le sens
tailler, couper, hlesser. Le determinatif /^ serait ici, comme dr.ns
I /"^ et dans plusieurs autres mots, le determinatif de la
blessure laissant ecouler le sang " — il faut faire remarquer que
I'egyptologue frangais se trompe doublement : i'^ parce que le deter-
minatif /'^ , comme nous venons d'observer, ne presente pas u/ie
plaie saignante ; 2° parce que I'exemple, emprunte au TodtetibiicJi,
signifie ceci : " Je repousse le serpent Apophis, je crache sur (= je
rends inoffensifs) les nespu ( = "morsures"?).
II me semble done que, d'accord avec Brugsch, nous pouvons
toujours en rester a la traduction "cracher, salive," comme la seule
admissible pour le groupe D 1 0 /"^ et varr. §
2. Selon M. Maspero, || " le mot fl» signifie travailler an
couteau par suite egorger, — travailler a V hertnittette ou a la haclie, par
sxxii&fa^onner, tailler, etc."
* Pyramide (TUnas, 214. + Piehl, loc. cit.
X Dans une note, relative au passage, cite d'apres le texte d'Unas, note qui
se voit Recueil III, page 203.
§ Dans les textes religieux, le crachement equivalait au terrassenient tic Ten-
nemi, cfr. Budge, The hieratic papyrus of Ncsi-Amsii, page no.
II Recueil XII, page 68, note 4,
251 S 2
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGV. [1893.
Je suis tente de croire que le groupe A* derive du substantif
B^ "main," suivant la meme regie qui a preside a la forma-
tion de mots, comme Q o par rapport a °, / — z — « — par
rapport a , etc.* Si cette explication est etymologique-
— H H — y\
ment exacte, ce que je pense, le sens originaire du groupe & a du
etre " traiter a la main, maiiie?-" en allem-"behandeln." Ce sens
parait d'ailleurs convenir a bien des cas, ou celui de "travailler au
couteau " est inadmissible. Comparez par exemple le passage sui-
vant : t
Ar^AAA^
ce qui, a mon avis, signifie : "Sa sandale est saisie ou maniee par la
main levee. "|
Dans cette expression, I'auteur semble vouloir indiquer qu'il y a,
selon luL un lien etymologique entre & et B^ . Le role
preponderant de la main dans Taction, exercee par le mot neter, est
ulterieurement marque par le determinatif Vj^ "une main tenant
une instrument contondant " que nous fait voir I'exemple que voici : j^
& u^^^wv^^^^ a^^^ '■I " Thoth a traite a la main, fnunie
d'2in pilon, ton ennemi " — comme on pourrait peut-etre le traduire.
Du sens " traiter, travailler a la main " derive fort naturellement
celui de "traiter, travailler," par une sorte d'ellipse dont on pourrait
citer force analogies. Ce sens convient pour cet exemple-ci : ||
y^ r, B^ (J r « i^ " " tes griffes travaillent
O K ^z=z^ ^AAAAA <r^ 1 l=Zl_ ^ ^ ^ ^'^ ""
leurs peaux." Une explication comme " tes griffes travaillait au
couteau^'' etc., ferait ici une impression, moins satisfaisante.
* PlEHl. dans le Rccueil I, page 200. La note 2 de cette page a ete com-
posee et introduite par le Redacteur de ce journal sans ma permission et sans ma
connaissance.
t Pyramide de Tefa, 32.
X La traduction que donne M. Maspf.ro pour ce passage, est celleci : "Quand
il lui arrange sa sandale, (alors) c'est la main de Teti qui le souleve."
§ Pyramide de Teta, 278.
II VON Bergmann, Ilierogl. Inschriftcn, XXVIII, 3.
252
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
D'autres exemples tres instructifs sont les suivants :
ti
^ ( S '1 1 "^ V J 7 " ^^^-^^ ^^ ^°^^' ^^^^ ^^ travaille a ta
queue, Teta te saisit par ta partie lumineuse."*
I v\ v\ <cz> " II a accorde que
tu le travailles de ta main." t
/WNAAA AAAAAA
& n ■=■ ^ ' ^~^^ fe^ ' VS " ^^^^ travaille (^//
saisit ?j ses deux mamelles pour son fils, Horus." |
AA/^A^A
La locution & qui parait intriguer M. Maspero, mais
qui selon lui semble avoir le sens general " prendre la main de
quelqu'un " — a reellement ce sens partout 011 — dans des exemples
innombrables — je I'ai rencontree. " Serrer, presser la main"serait
peut-etre plus conforme a la signification originaire de & . Par
contra, I'explication "die Hand ausstrecken " que, a Tcxcmple du
regrette von Bergmann, Brugsch§ propose pour la locution
AA/WSA
& , doit necessairement etre abandonnee.
Par I'etymologie que j'ai donnee en haut, tous les emplois du
groupe fl* s'expliquent sans aucune difficulte. Je crois inutile
d'en faire longuement la preuve, a moins qu'on ne critique I'acccptioii
que je soutiens, auquel cas j'aurai le plaisir de publicr une partie
des materiaux que j'ai ramasses sous ce rapport.
3. n 1 1 ~^ des textes des pyramides est sans doutc une variante
de n I ^^ . II De cette fagon je crois devoir m'expliquer la pre-
sence de ce premier groupe dans des phrases, comme —
* Pyrauiide de Teta, 45. M. MasI'ERO propose pour ce passage la traduction
suivante : " Quand tu fais tes sorties, Tcti est frappc de ta (jueue, Teti est saisi de
ta splendeur."
t Pyrainide de Teta, 176. J Fyramide dc Pcpi II, 9S2.
§ Dictionnaire Hie7'oglyphiqi4e, VI, page 706.
II Cette derniere forme se voit aussi aux textes des pyramides. Cfr., jiar
exemple, Unas, 1. 445. On peut d'ailleurs pretendre que les signes Q, ^, m ,
comme determinatifs, s'echangent entre eux a presque toutes les epoques de
I'ecriture egyptienne.
253
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S93.
(I ^^^^ 1 wwvA * " Horus t'a donne de maltraiter tes ennemis
avec (cet ceil), lui qui avec cet oeil brille sur son ennemi,"
dont la variante A "^ ^ '^^3^ ^-^ [1 ^. — A-^ □ I
^^ [I ^^^^ 1 ^Aw^A ^t "Horus t'a donne de maltraiter
tes ennemis avec (cet oeil), lui qui ne brille pas avec son oeil sur ton
ennemi " — indique qu'un changement s'est produit dans I'acception
originaire (?).
{^.) (] K.=^ ^^^ *^^^^^ ,wvAAA >==\. >'=^ >=v. ^ [1 ^^^
D 1^ '^(1^^^ + "lui qui brille par vous "
(ou sur vous ?).§
Les sens "abattre, multiplier" demandent a etre prouves. Sans
cela, il me parait preferable de garder pour le groupe n 1 ]) et
varr. la signification, communement adoptee, de " briller, resplendir,
illuminer," etc,
4. Les textes des pyramides nous font voir bien souvent deux
mots, y I et 1*^^,11 qui, la plupart du temps^ entrent dans une
meme expression pour former des membres paralleles, L'editeur de
* Pyramide de Tela, 174. Selon M. Maspero, il faut traduire ici : " Hor
t'a donne de tailler en pieces ton ennemi avec (cet oeil), il abat avec (cet oeil) ton
ennemi."
t Pyramide de Pepi /, 120.
X Pyramide de Pepi II, 66b. M. Maspero : "quand il s'est multiplie en
vous. "
§ Pour la forme u\\\ g^, cfr. □ P "qI ^ ^^, Pepi II, ligne 109.
II Le radical "^^ est assurement apparente a j-aP' "aufhacken" (Brugsch,
Diclionnaire Hieroglyphique, V, 406). Ce dernier mot se voit, par exemple, dans
les textes de Pepi II, ligne 707, ou il y a ^^^ ^2222^ J yP/~7 ^■^^(J o ,
ce qu'en a traduit l'editeur : "j'ai beni pour toi le ble, j'ai laboure pour toi I'orge."
Est-ce que le mot fran9ais " benir " s'emploie jamais comme synonyme de
" labourer "?
254
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893-
ces te.xtes propose pour ces deux vocables des significations assez
diverses, X |i u 1 suivant lui se traduisant tantot par "force," tantot
par "avoir une destinee," tantot par " etre doue de volonte";
^^^ signifiant une fois " etre fort," une autre " etre garni," une
troisienie "ame," un quatrieme "avoir une ame," et ainsi de suite.
Dans les textes de Pepi II, qui viennent * de paraitre, nous ren-
controns le passage suivant (1 ll I/wvaaa MA |l [I \
ce qu'a traduit M. Maspero " qu'eux soient fournis, qu'eux lis aie;if
une destinee^ qu'eux ils aient Jtne ame, qu'eux ils predominent," etc.
Les deux expressions soulignees nous offrent done le sens des deux
dits mots, tel qu'a ce moment notre honorable confrere le recom-
mande. Nous connaissons pour d'autres epoques des expressions,
analogues a I'exeniple cite d'apres les textes de Pepi II, et qui a la
meme fois fournissent des de'terminatifs pour les mots en question.
J'en citerai ici quelques-unes, dignes d'etre consultees :
Les determinatifs qui accompagnent uas et buua de ces exemples
montrent qu'il faut conferer a ces mots d'autres significations que
celles preconisees par notre confrere frangais. M. von Bergmann §
a deja pour "J^ ' J "^ ^
prouve le sens " erhaben sein"; je
n'ai done pas a m'occuper de developpcr ulterieurement des
conclusions pour fixer la signification de ce mot. || Quant a
* Le fascicule du Recueil oil ils se voient portent la date de 1892.
t SCHIAPARELLI, II Ubro dei fuuerali, page 1 17.
X DiJMlCHEN, Grabpalast des Petita7)teitapet, II, 2.
§ Der Sarko/ag des Pane/ienii'sis, II, 17,
II Je crois toutefois que le sens originaire de "^4 est plutot " erheben," lever.
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
•je ) ^. r-vn T et varr., je ne vois aucune raison d'abandonner les
sens de " etre gai, se rejouir," etc., qu'a proposes Brugsch* pour ce
vocable.
Peut-etre avons-nous a regarder X | v\ 1 w 1 , comme apparente
au verbe R ^ ;t le sens originaire en deviendrait alors " etre eleve,
s'^lever," ou quelque chose de pareil.
80. Ayant dernierement, a mon cours h. I'universite d'Upsal, traite
de I'inscription d'Ahmes d'El-Kab, j'ai du examiner a fonds plusieurs
passages difficiles que renferme ce texte. De cet examen sont
resultees quelques nouvelles interpretations^ que je prends la liberte
de soumettre a I'examen des collegues.
Ligneio:-+ ^ ^ %. f [K:^ \_^ f^ ^Q g 1 ^
^ . Tout le monde a cru trouver mention ici d'une
localite Taqeriit, qui d'ailleurs a eu de la place dans le Dic-
tionnaire geograpkique, comme elle est aussi enregistree dans
I'ouvrage historique que nous venons de citer. Je pense qu'on
pourrait bien traduire le passage cite : " On combattait, au sud de
cette localite d'Egypte," et je donnerai comme appui de cette
traduction, I'analogie que nous offre le texte historique de Stabel
Antar, dont la ligne 36 contient ceci :§ "J'ai retabli ce qui etait en
* Dlctionnaire Hieroglypliiijiie, V, 399. De meme que pour "^^ , je crois
que quant a -LI ^ I \\ 1 un sens actif ait pu etre I'originaire. Cfr. par exemple
® ''^^^ Y "1 "(^^ Ac^Ov ^^^=^ Bergmann, Hierogl. InschriJ-
ten, XLIII, 9. Cfr., maintenant, Le Page Renouf, Proceedings, XIV,
page 401.
t Le nom de dieu [j <S J) signifie a mon sens, " celui qui souleve."
X Je doute toujours de 1 existence d'un lac " Fat'etku'" ou " Zcdku d'Auaris"
(cfr. Brugsch, Dlctionnaire Geographixjue, page 1006, et Meyer, Gcschichtc des
alien ^gypteiis, page 213). II y a maintenant plus de 13 ans, j'ai formule inon
opinion a ce sujet {Recueil de Vieweg, I, page 134).
§ Voir Zeitschrift, XXVIII, page 16, oil j'ai cite cet exemple et a la meme
fois enonce une regie nouvelle, relative a la syntaxe egyptienne — regie qui
parait etre consideree comme exacte, parceque d'autres interpretes s'en sont deja
servi aprcs moi, bien entendu avec la discretion ouable de passer sous silence le
nom de son auieur.
256
Mar. 7]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1893-
ruine, j'ai releve ce qui etait rest^ inachev^"
dim
I ^ n
Amou furent a la ville d'Avaris de la Basse Egypte."
depuis que les
du
premier texte
du
correspond de tres pres a ^^\ A J
second texte, comme construction grammaticale. Le seul obstacle
qu'il y aurait a notre interpretation " au sud de cette localite
d'Egypte," serait peut-etre la presence de I'article devant ^ 1 g .
Mais le texte d'Ahmes emploie si souvent I'article defini qu'une
expression comme ^"^ ^^ — 1 g I'Egypte " ne parait guere trop
hasardee.
Eigne 1 1
ra
j\
j^
^£55
V
ce que ic
traduirais : (J'enlevais un ennemi vaincu.) " Lorsque je descendais
vers I'eau, il fut captive', ayant ete saisi sur la voie, conduisant a la
ville."
Brugsch* a traduit ce passage : " Ich stieg hinab ins Wasser.
Ihn also fUhrend, urn abseitszu bleiben von der Strasse der Stadt," et
tout le monde parait avoir admib sa maniere de voir. Mais " ich
stieg hinab ins Wasser" (/V descendis dans reau) ne se dit pas
"TL V\ Q. "^ /^ AA/^AA^
nH "^iiv rJT "^^-^-^ /v^ '^'''''^ • Pour obtenir pareil sens, il
faudrait substituer la preposition ^|\ a la place de celle de
Voici quelques preuves en faveur de mon assertion :
place qu'il occupe."t
" La terre descend vers la
o
n ^
terre.'' t
Le roi s'eleve vers le ciel, il descend vers la
* Geschichte Aegyptens, page 232. Bkugsch suit ici la version de CUAUAS,
'Les pastears en £gypte, page 20.
t Papyrus Anastasi, II, 2, I. J Pyramide de Mcrenra, 1. 531.
257
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
Pour I'exactitude de mon acception des paroles |\ v\ a^^-^
v\ r. ^ etc., je citerai la l{g7ie 20 de notre texte, ou il y a ^
tivai deux mousses, en les enlevant de I'embarcation."
Je ne puis comprendre d'ou Ton prend "abseits zu bleiben von"
qui se trouve dans les traductions que j'ai vues pour notre passage.
I I " On assiegeait Scharohana durant cinq ans."
Ill ^
Pour les mots soulignes, les autres traductions offrent "en
I'an V" (Chabas), "im Jahre VI" {sic, Brugsch).* Mais, alors il
aurait foUu rencontrer ^^ \ ^ . En realite, les textes de la
-Mt I Ol I I _ . ^
belle epoque hieroglyphique n'emploient pas indiferemment J ^ et
\ . La premiere forme est d'usage quand il s'agit de dater les
evenements d'un regne pharaonique, J ^ designe plutot une somme
d'annees additionnees. Cfr. p. ex. <ir> T}T}T v\ V\ \ r\ .
J f cbiiii ^^ ^^^ Jgj^ (V) I
<rr> i ^ \ c>. a partir de Ian i lusqua Ian -xi.
Total 31 ans."t
i^^^
ilflu=^/^f !l^ III I ^ m^ — ^1 3
d
signifie peut-etre : "Je manifestais ma vaillance, en sa presence, sur
I'eau affreuse, en sauvant (?) les navires de charge de chavirer " (et
grace h, ces merites, je fus promu au grade de capitaine). Cette
traduction est purement conjecturale, mais me semble bien vraisem-
blable. Toutefois je n'ose pas combler la lacune qui devrait ren-
fermer le substantif verbal, signifiant " sauvetage."
* Edouard Meyer (/./. page 216) : " Im fiinften Jahre seiner Regierung."
t Papyrus Harris No. i, 33 a, 4. Une confusion dans I'emploi de j q et j c^
se produit de bonne heure. Vers I'epoque saite et les basses epoques, la regie,
donnee en haut, est presque effacee.
258
etc,
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
81. Le musee de Leide possede une stele, provenanl de I'em-
placement de I'ancien Achmim.* Ce monument se trouve actuelle-
ment dans un etat de degradation assez avance, ce qui m'empeche
d'en donner ici le texte. II m'a cependant fourni une variante
curieuse d'une formule tr^s connue, j'entends la suivante : ^ — ^
La mani^re dont s'ecrit ici la preposition frequente <^> > merite
d'etre relevee. Une fois, il y a J, une autre ^ <ci:>, une troisieme
® ou <;5>>' suivant qu'on suppose qu'un v_^ ait ^te saute devant
I O I ou que le signe <:;:^> qui precede ce dernier groupe soit a
corriger en v_^. Le plus vraisemblable, c'est que nous avons a
considerer les trois variantes comme caracteristiques de la basse
epoque. Dans cecas,t J se lirait comme ® et J <!:>• comme <;^>.
J'ai ailleursj montre que la preposition <^!^ de bonne heure
s'ecrit ®.
82. Ayant dernierement repris I'etude de la stMe poetique de
Thotm^s III, j'ai cru devoir apporter certaines modifications aux
traductions§ anterieures de ce texte. Je les passerai en revue dans
cette note.
* La stele porte le numero V, 20. La presence des de'esses fj ^ .^^ j
\\ ^ (1 n v\ [ I r| X ^ [I D V^ dans la serie de divinites, invoquees
dans le preambule de la formule d'oftrande, m'a determine a trouver a Achmlm la
place d'oii aurait ete transportee la pierre de Leide.
t La forme ^ de la preposition en question a peut-c-tre perdu son <ci:>
final devant le y suivant.
t Zeitschrijt, 1886, page 82.
§ J'ai pu consulter celles de de Rouge {Rev. Arch., N.S., vol. iv, page 199),
de Brugsch {Geschichte Aegyptens, page 352), et de M. Masi'ERO {Du genre
epistolaire). Cette derniere ne diftere que fort peu — et alors surtout grace au
Dictionnaire de Brugsch — de la traduction de de Rouge.
259
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
Ligne:J(]](l J|_.|]()^ ^J|| Ici.i.faut
admettre I'acception, soutenue par de Rouge, suivant laqiielle
Li [1 li (I est un imperatif. Cela parait aussi etre I'avis de Brugsch *
et de Maspero,! tandisque Erman| prefere un sens indicatif. En
faveur de notre these nous citons les exemples suivants : (1 Ol (J
" ' I ^AA/^AA
" Amon-ra, seigneur de Karnak, dit : Viens en paix, dieu bon,
seigneur des deux terres, Seti I ! Je te donne d'etre victorieux dans
tous les pays.§
" Eveille-toi en paix, Ptah-Seker, sois attentif aux paroles de
1
ton cycle divin.'
Eigne 2.
^^ ^ .™ m « Je t'ai ^abli
dans mon sanctuaire." Ici de Rouge et, apres lui, M. Maspero,
traduisent, "je suis etabli dans ma demeure"; et I'acception de
Brugsch ("ich stehe aufrecht da in meiner Wohnung") ne differe
guere des autres. Actuellement, je n'ai guere besoin d'accumuler
des preuves en faveur d'une observation que Brugsch, lui-meme, a
enoncee U a une epoque, anterieure a celle ou il a livre la traduc-
tion de la stele poetique de Thotmes III.
Ce passage se compare tres-a-propos avec celui-ci h c^^ ^^^ i-j-i
'wwvA ^^^^ "^^^ ^\ <:7-^k=J, emprunt^ a une inscription** de la
meme epoque. Cette seconde citation montre bien que !^3I^e3
/WAVWV 1 1
* Geschichte^ p3.ge 352.
+ Du genre epistolaire, page 85.
X Zeitschrift, 1889, page 75. — Voir maintenant Max MiJLLER, Zeitschrift^
XXIX, page 99, oil I'acception imperative est defendue.
§ Lepsius, Denk7ndler, III, 127 b.
II Mariette, Ahydos, II, 51.
H Hierogl. Graiiuiiatik (1872), page 40.
** Lepsius, Denkmiilcr, III, 60 W.
260
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
de la premiere n'est gu^re tine settle expression, comme I'ont voulu
DE Rouge* et Brugsch.I A mon avis, le groupe ^^^^ de ce pas-
sage serai t un determinatif, appartenant au mot l^ _^^^, d'ou il
aurait ete separe par suite d'une inadvertance du lapidaire. II est
certain que le monument qui nous occupe fournit beaucoup d'autres
exemples d'une inadvertance pareille.
\jr \fr ^ " il a ramene captifs (les peuples de Ad ?), lies par
leurs chevelures," selon de Rouge, dont la traduction a ete adoptee
par M. Maspero, sauf pour le nom de peuple M o, <^/1 'Nj "Nl "^^^
ce dernier savant lit Kadi. J'avoue que cette traduction me parait
fort attrayante. En tout cas, elle est preferable a celle de Brugsch :
" Sie zieht heran und bemachtigt sich der falschen Brut der Kittim "
pour le meme passage.
Dans ces circonstances, ce n'est qu'avec la plus grande hesitation
que je voudrais proposer ici I'interpretation suivante : " Elle am^ne
prisonniers des Nebetu-ket.''' Ce dernier nom de peuple est jusqu'ici
inconnu et je ne connais — en dehors de ce passage — qu'un seul
texte qui en fasse mention, a savoir la stele de Toinbos, ou la ligne 7
donne: ^ g ^ ^ ^ |^ J = ^ ^. ^ ^ |]^|
Si ce dernier passage se rapproche d'un cote du suivant :
" ils ne s'esquivent pas, approchant pour payer leur respect, a Tegal
m
^^ ^vbs^ ¥\ 1^ I Wi " il n'y a pas eu de desertion de mes
guerriers"§ — il faut convenir qu'une traduction "il n'y a pas de
* Rev. Archeol., IV, page 205.
t Verhandlungen dcs fihtften internatioualcn Oricntalistnt-Congrcsses II, page
43 : mu-Sen-iir oAqx j/m-rer-ur "das stark gewundene "oder" in einem grossen
Bogen dahinlaufende Wasser."
X L'in';criptio7t d'' Ahmis d'EI-Kab.
§ V inscription d^Ameni de Beni-Hassan.
261
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
desertion de la part des Nehetu-ket qui viennent pour le proteger,
sans qu'un seul en fasse defaut," pour la citation d'apres le texte de
Tombos, puisse paraitre tres-vraisemblable.
Je me demande si nous retrouvons le pretendu nom de peuple
danslepem .ex. suivan.:* | ^ 111^1 T^^^l ^ □!
qui frappe les princes des pays etrangers qui s'approchent de lui, le
dieu, grand par force, qui ecrase les contrees des . . . . , causant leur
destruction dans leurs vallees." Ce serait bien entendu alors le
groupe I ei^^a ^ Y ^ ^^^ fournirait une forme defiguree du
nom de peuple pretendu.
En faveur de interpretation nouvelle de /a ligne 9 de la stele
poetique de Thotmes III, je citerai d'ailleurs I'emploi de la locution
[1 "HLP ^^^ r n , par exemple dans I'expression suivante :
^ VOi (I T^" yhr r n "tout son monde etant butin
captive." t
Mais, je le repete, je ne donne cette explication nouvelle de la
ligne 9 de notre monument qu'avec la plus grande hesitation,
hesitation fondee sur I'experience que j'ai souvent faite, qu'une
phrase ou une expression pent avoir quelquefois deux sens differents,
sans que rien indique la necessite ni de I'un ni de I'autre.
Ligne 10. — 1;$i.1k,|Il ''nem. Cette forme ^tant 'dna^ Xe^/o/tei/oi/,
je prefere la corriger en ^ ^ |^ am, correction d'autant plus
autorisee que nous pouvons citer un autre cas (ligne 4) ou notre
Ligne .0.-== ^„ hI ] ^ ^ If i _ rO Jl> 111
AAAAAA
/VNAAAA
^ J^ftlPP ^ ^ f ^"V^ ' ' ' "^"^ aneantit {lisez:
* Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 61.
+ Viiiscripticn cV Ahmcs d'El-Kab.
X Le sens originaire de ^ Ik, j]l "'^^t pas "d^vorer" (DE Rouoi), mais
plutot "saisir, embrasser."
262
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
t, 0 , en renversant I'ordre des signes) les chefs des Amou ; ils ne
savent pas se sauver, leurs enfants tombant par sa puissance."
Cette traduction s'ecarte beaucoup des traductions anterieures, dont
le principal tort est d'avoir rendu le groupe par"tetes."* Le
groupe**"*^^ I ne signifie pas "resister" (de Rouge, M. Maspero),
mais plutot " se sauver, s'eclipser," d'accord avec I'acception de
Brugsch. De meme, <^-> ^^^ ^'^ jamais le sens transitif de
" detruire " (de Rouge, M. Maspero), mais bien I'intransitif de
" tomber, se detruire " (Brugsch). Dans le groupe (Tl I M 2^ A , je
vois avec de Rouge et M. Maspero une forme du mot fl ' ^
" enfant "au pluriel, plus le sufifixe pronominal 1 a.vwvs {lisez done peut-
ctre : 0 1 S) I 1 '^'^'''^)- Le rapprochement qu'a fait Brugsch,
quant a ce mot, du groupe nix W {Worterbuch, II, page 704) ne
me sourit pas. Je n'ai d'ailleurs pas besoin de citer d'autres textes
en faveur de nion acception de ce passage, car chaque egyptologue
pourra en trouver, s'il veut bien se donner la peine de chercher.
Ligne 16. — ■ >^ ft doit sans doute se lire T^ tt "^
Ligne i6.-^Sf ^^^A^^^^^pQ ^ ^\
" Taureau jeune, ferme de coeur, muni de comes, qu^on tie repousse
pas." La partie soulignee de cette traduction, qui differe des autres,
faites pour le meme passage, presuppose une correction de la fin de
1 expression egyptienne, a savoir ju v\h — ou rg
~^ // /VAAAAA C^
" taureau victorieux, qui repousse tous les pays, qui se pique (?) des
victoires de son glaive ";t et ^ A '^ "^^^ ^ WSi ^^
ra '
^AA/s/^/\
\^ .1 Les autres traducteurs semblent lire an-/ie-nfi//,
* Cfr. PlEHL, dans la Zcitschrift, 1888, page 114.
t De Rouge, Inscriptions Hicroglyphiques, PI. LX\'III.
X Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 73 d.
2^3
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S93.
d'accord avec de Roug6, mais je ne connais pas d'exemples d'un
pareil emploi du verbe ' '-' , ayant a la meme fois soit le sens de
"resister" (de Roug6 et M. Maspero) soit celui de "approcher"
(Brugsch).
<G-3
Ligne ,9.-1^ y I] ^ |1 5^ ^ ^ ^ . „ -^-
(I ,wvwx— H— "Semblable a un lion furieux, qui les reduit a I'etat de
cadavres dans leurs valle'es." J'ai ailleurs* propose et motive cette
explication qui differe foncierement de celle des autres traducteurs.
ordonne de la faire et j'en suis satisfait." C'est la la traduction de
DE Rouge, et elle parfaitement exacte. Par contre ni M. Maspero
(" je t'ai ordonne d'en agir ainsi et je me repose") ni Brugsch ("ich
gab dir den Befehl sie auszufiihren, und du warst einverstanden
damit ) n'ont ici reussi a trouver le vrai sens du fond de notre texte.
Voila les observations que m'a suggerees un examen recent de
la stele poetique de Thothmes Ill.t
83. En parcourant le commentaire, si instructif, dont accom-
pagne notre maitre a tous, M. le Page Renouf, son excellente
traduction du Livre des Morts, je vols que le mot hieroglyphique
I OIJ ^^ varr. par lui est explique comme "the Look-out on the
bow," la vigie a la prone d'un navire.X Pour ma part j'ai soutenu, et
je soutiens toujours, que T [1(1 designe la partie opposee d'un
navire, c'est-a-dire la poupe, et je demanderai la permission de citer
une preuve qui me parait parler tr^s vigoureusement en faveur de
mon opinion sur cette matiere.
* PlEHL, dans la Zcitschrift, 1886, page 19.
t Ayant deja termine cette note, j'ai eu I'occasion de parcourir la traduction,
livree par Birch {Records of the Past, II, p-iges 29-35) pour cette inscription.
J'ajoute que la dite traduction semble aussi etre inexacte pour tous les points,
critiques en haul, excepte celui de la ligne 10, oil I'auteur a decouvert la moitic de
la verile.
X Proceedings, XIV, page 359,
264
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Le papyrus Ani qui a ete edite avec tant de soin par M. Le Pace
Renouf, porte (I, i5)ceci: :^ f II ^ ° ® ^ h"^^
En rapprochant de ce passage I'extrait suivant d'un texte de la
belle epoque hieroglyphique : ^ J f^-0 <&< D © ^
f"^[l^----TP VkPf]™^"^ ^
"fW i^ l^ "^ :i=5 * il me semble evident que
crr> 'C
W z:=
' Horus en qualite de timonier "
doit s'accorder avec I'expression ^^. y T [I [1 c^ du second exemple.
Mais le timon — ou plutot /es timons — etant attache a la poupe du
navire egyptien, il faut que I QQ ^ en denote cette partie.
J'ai encore une raison — celle-ci egalenient philologique— en
faveur de mon acception du mot ]M ^ Dans les textes
egyptiens, le radical t sert a exprimer les notions " acconiplir,
terminer, fin, terme," a la difference par exemple de J^f^J "^ - ^- "
qui rend les notions opposees "debuter, commencer, debut,
commencement." La correlation qu'il y a entre ces deux radicaux
est surtout manifeste pour la locution composee J^TtT ''^ -^_r" 1^
I^^<-^~>"^ partir de jusqu'a " . . . . que nous
rencontrons fort souvent dans les textes.
Si de ce fait on rapproche celui que la prouesedit -=^j^ "I'avant,
le commencement," en egyptien, il est plus que probable que pour la
notion " poupe " on ait eu un mot, comme T Oil ^ .t
* De Rouge, Inscriptions Hieroglyphiques, XX\'.
t Notre venere confrere nous permettra-t-il de lui soumettre ciuelques obser-
vations sur un autre point de sa traduction du chapitre XV' du Todtenbuch ! C'est
concernant I'expre.ssion suivante =g^"]l^:^'^'^r$f'^
o o or\/x/i I .^au i\^-\^ I 1 o^ Jl H ,„vvwN I .2] '
iTAni 20, 10] "The Land of the gods, the colours of Punit are seen in them ; that
265 T
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1893.
84. Le Dictionnaire (Brugsch, VI, page 574) donne un mot
^ - - n [^73] J) , ayant le sens de " Hausfrau, Frau." A cette
occasion, I'autorite de Goodwin est citee, suivant lequel le dit mot
se verrait au Papyrus Sallier, IV, page i, /. 4. En consultant ce
texte hieratique, on voit que la transcription du passage en question
est a peu pres celle-ci : [] ^^^^ ^=^ .^^ hh '^1^ " ne regois
])as d'un etranger " En d'autres termes, il n'y a pas de
determinatif i ' apres la combinaison de signes ^ k^_Z^ , niais au
lieu de I 1 il faut transcrire O (1 , ce qui donne un excellent sens.
II n'y a par consequent aucune raison d'accorder droit de cite au
mot pretendu ^ - -^ [i^-^i J) " Hausfrau." Effa(^ons-le done du
Dictionnaire.
85. Parmi les differentes formes d'eciiture qu'il y a pour le mot
egyptien ^^ " fils," le Dictionnaire (Brugsch, Worterbuc/i, IV,
1 151 ; voir aussi Brugsch, Hierogl. Grammatik, page 122, No. 145)
compte aussi -^A " le chacal avec un barre vertical superpose."
Cette derniere variante est dite provenir dUEl-Kab et appartenir a la
belle epoque hieroglyphique.
Ayant longuement examine' des textes de cette derniere localite,
comme d'autres, provenant de Thebes et datant de la meme epoque.
i'ai pu me convaincre qu'on n'y rencontre nulle part un mot ^J, ,
ayant le sens de " fils," tandisque j'ai mainte fois releve oti le
signe ^fj^ seul, ayant la valeur d'un titre de fonctionnaire ("juge"
ou quelque chose de semblable) on Ic groupe -k^.^ , compose du
mot Qi I '* fils " et du titre de fonctionnaire susmentionnee.
Je n'hesite pas a expliquer le pretendu mot -Vl (" fils "), comme
une erreur a la place de -k,.^^ "fils du juge," que cette erreur soit
due au copiste moderne ou au scribe egyptien.
men may form an estimate of that which is hidden from their faces," selon M. Le
Paiie Renouf. Je pre'ere couper le tout en deux phrases paralleles, en re-
sjardant . ^-^ et r^^"^-^ ^^ ^-i, , deux expressions ulentiques de sens,
^ ===== I I I I [i^^ I ^^
comme sujets des deux phrases : " Les terres des dieux te voient dans des ecrits,
les contrees de Pounet te verifient (dans leurs comptes), 6 mysterieux ! " Par
cette expression, un peu bizarre, I'auteur egyptien a probablement voulu faire
comprendre que V Oneut, ou sont situes los pays en question, est le domicile origi-
naire du soleil. Voir d"aiileurs PiEHl, dans le Redicil Vieweg, II, page 73.
266
Mak. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
A mon avis, le mot -^'^ " fils " doit done disparaitre du Diciion-
naire hicroglyphique.
^^- /w!La Q£!1 ^^ ■'^''•^'^ [Brugsch, Didionnaire, VII,
page 1088] est dit etre un mot, signifiant "mit einander fechten, zu
zweien kampfen." Mais il n'en est rien. II faut plutot lire ser-sei.-
dhd et traduire "ils arrangent une bataille." Le determinatif du
mot dhd est exceptionel, mais tout-i-fait conforme a I'usage des
auteurs de basses epoques, d'ou datent les textes auxquels a ete
empruntee la citation en question. Quant au mot "^ ser, I'em-
ploi n'en offre ici aucune particularite non plus. Cfr., par exemple,
la phrase suivante, relative au dieu Thoth :
%
I <:!> QA "celui qui prepare la venue d Horus pour prendre
possession de son navire de guerre, celui qui renverse ses adversaires
par ses formules." *
Je me vols done dans la necessite de demander que le groupe
pretendu ^^J^ Q^ T^'X ^^'-^'^ disp^''^'sse du Dictionnaire.t
87. Dans un article de la Zeitschrift,\ j'ai fait remarquer que Ic
signe, jusque-la inexplique | , represente I'ensemble des yeux et du
bee de I'oiseau ^ .
* Naville, Alythe (T Horus, PI. I. Le pictendu mot scr-scn provient de la
meme collection de textes.
t Je maintiens toujours I'avis favorable que j'ai enonce (Zt' Musc'oii, I, 594)
concernant le Dictionnaire Hieroglyphiqiie de Brugsch, avis qui est partage par
un savant de la valeur de M. Dumichen. Mes critiques s'adressent la plupart
du temps uniquement a des details de cet admirable cuvrage. Quel serait
d'ailleurs I'ouvrage qui sur le terrain d'une science en progres quotidien, comme
I'egypiologie, put constamment faire face ^ toutes les exigences ? Je tiens a
relever cela tout particulierement pour le compte d'un de ces egyptologues qui
parlent beaucoup et n'ecrivent rien de bien serieux, et qui tout dernicrenient dans
ma presence s'est permis des paroles bien negligcntes a I'endruit du principal
vadevieciim des egyptologues.
X Zcitscluift, 18S8, page 113.
267
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
Cette observation est corroboree par la variante 'vvwvs ^ * que
nous rencontrons pour le mot qui communement s'ecrit ^^^aaaa ^ ou
/vwAA /^ . Le determinatif de la dernibre forme represente I'en-
semble du nez et de I'ceil d'un individu humain.
Une autre preuve en faveur du meme avis, c'est la variante
(1 ^ ^ du mot frequent 0 r ' n- -^^ forme (1 T-
est a regarder comme une " Contamination-form " des deux autres.
* Birch dans la Zeitschrift, 1871, page 51.
268
Mak. 7
PROCEEDINGS.
[iJi93.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 1J,
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C, on Tuesday, 2nd
May, 1893, at 8 p.m., when the following Paper will be
read : —
P. LE Page Renouf {President). "The Book of the Dead."—
Translation and Commentary (continuation).
269
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY.
THE FOLLOW^ING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Alker, E., Die Chronologic der Buclier der Konige und Paralipomenon im
Einklang niit der Chronologic der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder.
Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Coptc Isaac.
Contes de I'Egyptc Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaquc de Saint Alexis, I'homme de Dieu.
A., AND L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungcn aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden.
Blass, a. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca supcrest.
Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vols.
.1— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egypticns, copies sur licux et publics par
H. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Diimichen
of vols. 3 and 4. )
Budinger, M., De Colomarium quarundam Phocniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis.
Burckhardt, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegj'ptische Deutungen.
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873
DiJMiCHEN, Historische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867.
2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Earle's Philology of the English Tongue.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers. Die Masse und das Kapitel iiber die Augen
krankheiten.
Erman, Papyrus Westcar.
Etudes figyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Gayet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre.
GOL^NISCHEFF, Die Mettcrnichstcle. Folio, 1877.
Vingt-qualre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
Hess, Der Gnostische Papyrus von London.
HoMMEL, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
Jastrow, M., a Fragment of the Babylonian "Dibbarra" Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
270
Mar. 7] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschichtliclie Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen.
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde.
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology.
Krebs, F., De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegj'ptiaca commentatio.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtignung der R.e-
resultate der Assyriologie und der Aeg}'ptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
LEFfeBURE, Le Mythe Osirien. 2'"« partie. "Osiris."'
Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c., 1880.
LlEBLRiN, J., Dictionnaire des Noms Hieroglyphiques. 1871. 2 s'ols. , 8vo.
Lyon, D. G. An Assyrian Manual.
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
MuLLER, D. H. , Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien.
NooRDTZiG, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out-
dekkingen.
Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, 1866-1869. 3 vols., folio.
PoGNON, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
RoBiou, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologic des Lagidcs.
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Cotnmentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
Schouw, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptishe Gotterglaube.
Virey, p., Quelques Observations sur I'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d'lin
Monument Egyptien.
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrcclit, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
WiLCKEN, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
Wiltzke, De Biblische Simson der Agj'ptische IIorus-Ra.
Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
WiNCKLER, Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley. C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El P"ajuni.
Zeitsch, der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847; Vols. IV to XII,
1850 to 1858, inclusive ; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 187S.
ZiMMERN, H., Die Assyriologie als Iliilfswissenschaft fiir das .Suulium des Allen
Testaments.
271
Mar. 7] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
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Society of Biblical Archeology.
COUNCIL, 1893.
President.
P. LE Page Renouf.
7 'ice- Presidents.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.
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Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
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Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbuiy.
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Gray Hill.
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VOL. XV. TWENTY-THIRD SESSION.
«
APRIL [Nf MEETING].
S/,vt/i Meeting, May 2nd, 1893.
Aj^
CONTENTS.
PAGE
1*. Le Page Re.nouf {President). — The Book of the Dead
{Continuation). Chapters XLII to LVI. {Plate) 276-290
Prof. Dr. Frit/, Hommell.— Gish-dul.arra, Gibil-gamish,
Nimrod 291-300
F. L. Griffith, F.S.A., Notes on Egyptian Weights and
Measures 301-316
RoiiERT Browx, Jr., F.S.A., Euphratean Stellar Researches.
{Pl(iic) 317-342
W. Max Mui.ler.— The Story of the Peq^ant 343-344
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PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
TWENTY-THIRD SESSION, 1892-93.
Sixth Meetzjig, 2nd May, 1893.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
The President referred to the very great loss which
Oriental learning had sustained, and this Society in particular,
of which he was one of the most honoured Members, by the
death of Mr. Robert Bensly, Lord Almoner Professor of
Arabic in the University of Cambridge. He referred to
Professor Bensly's very great and especial merits, not the least
of which was the austere conscientiousness with which he drew
his conclusions on any matter submitted to his judgment.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Societe Imp^riale Archeologique de Moscou
Antiquites Orientales ; Travaux de la Commission Orientale
de la Societe. Tome I, livr. III. Moscou, 1893. 410. (In
Russian.)
From the Author: — M. V. Nicolski. Deux fragments assyriens,
appurtenant au prince P. A. Pontiatine. 410. 1893.
[No. cxv.] 273 U
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
From the Author : — M. V. Nicolski. Les inscriptions cuneiformes
des rois de Van, trouvees en Russie. 4to. 1893.
From the Travaux de la Commission Orientale de la Societe
Tmperiale Archeologique de Moscou.
From the Author : — Prof. Eduard Sachau. Die Altaramaische
Inschrift auf des Statue des Konigs Panammu von Sam-al, aus
dem 8 Jahrhundert vor Chr. Geb. Folio. Berlin. 1893.
Reprinted from der Mittheilungen aus den Orient. Samml.
des Konigl. Museums zu Berlin. Hefte XI.
From the Author : — Theo. G. Pinches. Notes on some recent
discoveries in the realm of Assyriology, v/ith special reference
to the private life of the Babylonians. 8vo. 1893 (?)
Reprinted from the Journal of the Victoria Institute (?) Vol.
XXVI.
From the Author : — Rev. C. A. de Cara, S.J. Degli Hittim o
Hethei. Parte seconda, Introduzione. 8vo. 1893.
Civilta Cattolica. Serie XV. Vol. VI.
From the Author : — Rev. Jos. Horner, D.D. The Chronology of
Israel and Assyria in the reign of Shalmaneser II. 8vo.
From the Methodist Review, Sept. -Oct., 1889.
From the Author: — Rev. Joseph Horner, D.D. Hezekiah,
Sargon, and Sennacherib, a chronological study. 8vo.
From the Methodist Review. Jan., 1893.
From the Author : — Prof. W. D. Whitney. On Delbriick's
Vedic Syntax.
From the American Journ. of Philology. Vol. XIII.
From the Author : — Dr. A. Wiedemann. Der Tanz im alten
Aegypten. Am Ur-Quell. IV. Band. I. Heft. 8vo. 1893.
From the Author : — T. Hunter Boyd. A Crisis in Egypt (?), or
what happened on the day of the Exodus. 8vo. London.
1893.
From Rev. R. Gwynne (Sec. For. Corresp.) : — dementis Romani
Epistulae. Ad ipsius Codicis Alexandrini fidem ac modum
repetitis curfs edidit Constantinus de Tischendorf. Lipsiae.
4to. 1873.
From T. Hunter Boyd : — Versuch iiber die Religion der alten
Aegypter und Griechen von Paul Joachim Siegmund Vogel.
Niirnberg. 4to. 1793.
274
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. 1893.
The following Candidates were submitted for election,
having been nominated at the last Meeting, 7th March,
1893, and elected Members of the Society: —
Miss Nash, Cranham, Kents Road, Torquay, Devon.
Mrs. A. Heymanson, 13, Abbey Road, St. John's Wood, N.W.
Prof. Lewis B. Paton, Hartford Theological Seminary, Hartford,
Conn., U.S.A.
Rev. James Davidson, B.D., Free Church Manse, North Berwick,
Scotland.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at
the next Meeting, 6th June, 1893: —
J. H. Barber, B A., (Lond.), The Accacias, Grange Road, Sutton,
W. E. Crum, Savile Club, Piccadilly, W. [ Surrey.
Henry A. Harper, Cliff House, Milford on Sea. Lymington, Hants.
Miss S. C. Rucker, 4, Vanbrugh Terrace, Blackheath.
Mr. P. le Page Renouf {President) read his translations of
Chapters 76-88 of the Book of the Dead.
These chapters have reference to the transformations after death.
It was pointed out, in the first place, that every one of the transfor-
mations assumed by the deceased is a well-known mythical form of
the Sun god ; and secondly, that no identity or connection can be
established between the Egyptian doctrines and those of Hindus or
Greeks on the subject of Metempsychosis. The Egyptian transfor-
mations are expressly stated to be entirely voluntary, and the nature
of them to depend upon the will and pleasure of the glorified per-
sonage himself, whereas both in India and in Greece transmigration
is a penalty incurred for sin in a previous life. There is no trace in
the Rig-Veda of any doctrine of transmigration, so that it cannot be
considered as Indo-European. The ignorance of Herodotos may
be excused, when he ascribes to the Egyptians a doctrine which he
had heard of among the Pythagoreans or other Greeks, but it is
simple quackery when those who pretend to understand Egyptian
texts talk of " the belief that the soul, having passed through various
transformations, would reinhabit the body, after undefined ages."
No such belief is known to any one worthy of the name of a scholar.
Remarks were added by Walter Morison ; Rev. A. Lowy ;
Rev. James Marshall ; Joseph Pollard ; E. Towry Whyte.
Thanks were returned for this communication.
27s u 2
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By p. le Page Renouf.
Chapter XLII.
Chapter ivhereby one hindereth the slaughter tvhich is wrought at
Sutenhcnen (i).
Land of the Rod, of the White Crown of the Image, and the
Pedestal of the gods.
I am the Babe (2). {Said Four Times.)
0 Serpent Abur ! (3) Thou sayest this day, "The Block of
Execution is furnished with what thou knowest," and thou art come
to soil (4) the Mighty One.
But I am he whose honours are abiding.
1 am the Link (5), the god within the Tamarisk (6), who
connecteth (7) the Solar orb with Yesterday, {Four Times.)
I am Ra, whose honours are abiding.
I a'n the Link, the god within the Tamarisk.
My course is the course of Ra, and the course of Ra is my
course.
My hair is that of Nu, (8)
My two eyes are those of Hathor,
My two ears those of Apuat,
]\Iy nose that of Chenti-chas,
My two lips those of Anubis,
My teeth those of Selkit,
My neck that of Isis, the Mighty,
My two hands those of the Soul most Mighty, Lord of Tattu,
My shoulders those of Neith, Mistress of Sais,
My back is that of Sut,
My phallus that of Osiris,
My liver is that of the Lords of Cher-abat,
My knees those of the most Mighty one.
My belly and my back are those of Sechit,
My hinder parts are those of the Eye of Horus,
My legs and thighs those of Nut,
My feet those of Ptah,
276
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. 1S93.
My nails and bones those of the Living Uraei.
There is not a limb in me which is without a god. And Thoth
is a protection to my flesh.
I shall not be grasped by my arms or seized by my hands.
Not men or gods, or the glorified ones or the damned; not
generations past, present, or future, shall inflict any injury upon me.
I am he who cometh forth and proceedeth, and whose name is
unknown to man.
I am Yesterday, "Witness of Eternity" is my Name: the
persistent traveller upon the heavenly highways which 1 survey. I
am the Everlasting one.
I am felt and thought of as Chepera. I am the Crowned one.
I am the Dweller in the Eye and in the Egg.
It is an attribute of mine that I live within them.
I am the Dweller in the Eye, even in its closing.
I am that by which it is supported.
I come forth and I rise up : I enter and I have life.
I am the Dweller in the Eye ; my seat is upon my throne, and I
sit conspicuously upon it.
I am Horus, who steppeth onwards through Eternity.
I have instituted the throne of which I am the master.
As regards my mouth : whether in speech or in silence, I am
right and fair.
As regards my attributes : I hasten headlong, I the god Uncn,*
with all that pertaineth to me, hour proceeding from hour, the One
proceeding from the One, in my course.
I am the Dweller in the Eye ; no evil or calamitous things
befall me.
It is I who open the gates of Heaven ; it is I who am master o
the throne, and who open the series of births ui)on this day.
I am the Babe, who treadeth his path of Yesterday.
I am "This Day" to generation of men after generation.
I am he who giveth you stableness for eternity, whether ye be in
heaven or upon earth ; in the South or in the North, in the West or
in the East — and the fear of me is upon you.
I am he who fashioneth with his eye, and who dieth not a second
time.
* Another reading is Unneferu.
277
i\lAV 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
A moment of mine belongeth to you, but my attributes belong to
my own domain.
I am the Unknown one, but the gods of Ruddy Countenance
belong to me.
I am the Gladsome one, and no time hath been found, but
served to create for me the Heaven and the increase of Earth, and
the increase of their offspring.
They sever and join not — they sever my nanie from all evil
things, according to the words which I say unto you.
It is I who rise up and shine forth ; strength proceeding from
strength (9), the One proceeding from the One.
There is not a day devoid of that which belongeth to it; for ever
and for ever (10),
I am Unbu,* who proceedeth from Nu, and my mother is Nut.
0 thou who hast set me in motion (11)! for I was motionless, a
mighty link within the close of Yesterday ; my present activity is a
link within the close of my hand.
1 am not known, but I am one who knoweth thee.
I am not to be grasped, but I am one who graspeth thee.
[Oh Dweller in the Egg ! Oh Dweller in the Egg !]
I am Horus, Prince of Eternity, a fire before your faces, which
inflameth your hearts towards me.
I am master of my throne and I pass onwards. The present
time is the path which I have opened, and I have set myself free
from all things evil.
I am the golden Cynocephalus, three palms in height, without
legs or arms in the Temple of Ptah(i2); and my course is the
course of the golden Cynocephalus, three palms in height, without
legs or arms in the Temple of Ptah.
Let these words be said — Ababak ter-ek (13).
Notes.
This chapter is in itself most interesting, and it is one of the
most important as illustrative of Egyptian mythology. It is impos-
sible at present to explain every detail, but the general drift of the
chapter is not to be mistaken. And the same drift is to be recog-
nised in the whole course of Egyptian religious literature from the
beginning.
* See note l on chapter 28.
278
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S93.
The speaker throughout identifies himself with the divinity whose
manifestation is the Sun ; he is not the Sun of this or that moment
but of Yesterday, To-day and of all eternity, the " One proceeding
from the One."
1. SutenJmien. The later texts say the "Netherworld."
2. The Babe ® [1|1 ^ Ji , an appellative applied to the rising Sun.
See Brugsch, Rev. II, pi. 71,3, where this babe is compared to the Lotus
coming forth from the great stream y (I ^ — => ^ ^O ^ 1 /www .
^1 J\ W W C '>-=' /WAA/V\
The word signifies that which is " lifted up," " un eleve,"
3. Serpent Ab-ur [1 1 A<^ "^^^f c^ Tj . The two important
MSS. Ca and Rb seem to imply a female personage, but as the verb
in connection with the name is masculine the final c^ cannot be
meant for a feminine ending, and it is peculiar to those two MSS.
Ab-ur " the very thirsty," as the appellative of a viper, recalls that
of the hLylra<s, whose bite caused intense thirst. But it may have
originated in the fact that these reptiles are in the habit of lying in
wait by the water side for the sake of the animals who come there to
drink.
4. To soil: \^ U ' CI ^^ ^^^ ^yP^ °^ ^^^ word in the earlier
texts. The late ones have the well known (I ff *'^-=-- Q •
5. The Link v\ \ 3) . Another appellative of the Sun god,
applied to Tmu and Horus in the oldest texts. The notion of ^^
is that of concatefiaiio?i, connecii?tg, cofubining, fastening, binding, setting
in order together, avvra^ifxa, avvra^i^, as in — h— _^^ Q v\ Q^
nectere coronam. Hence its occurrence in words signifying 'the ver-
tebral column,' *a row of teeth,' 'a chain of hills,' 'a body of troops'
[avvTiir^^a LTnrewv OX Trt^wv), OX their 'captains,' literary 'composition'
v\ AAAAAA K T <;— -> (Pap. Prlsse V, 6), and the seven
divine 'v ^ ' ''^ (^vvraaaoPTcs, the first authors of artistic
composition. See note to Chapter 71.
6 The god within the Tamarisk. The rising sun under his
yarious names is frequently represented as being in a tree or bush,
279
May. 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
which partly conceals him. This is a mythological way of treating
the light cloud or mist which so commonly accompanies the sun's
first appearance. Tamarisk is only a provisional translation of
|l Q. The god Apuat, who is identical with Osiris, is said
in the Pyramid Texts {Unas 107, Teta 66) to come forth from the
7. Who connedeth. This I believe to be the sense of T
if the next word is [J -ww^^ . But the text is quite uncertain.
T<rz>^isar^^ or rrt<5/i? (Bonomi, Sarc. II, c, 34), and like
the Latin copula or the Semitic 7^11 ' J-)^^ has the sense of tie^
bond, comteciion*
When the prince of Tennu {Berlin Pap. i, line 31) proposed a
8 Mr li^-ioi
avec moi! And he gave him his daughter to wife.
In the expression T [1 [1 <:i>, nefrit signifies continuously^
connectedly, and the sense of 7intil is only completed by the addition
of the preposition <cr> .
Instead of [l^^ 'the Solar orb,' some MSS. read 0 O,
0^ Ypi , (1 vw^~^ ^5 O'' (J 'wwvN 5 5 ^ud lu cach of these cases
''''^ must be understood as an adjective raised to the comparative
degree by the preposition <cz> '• " More beautiful [my] splendour
(colour, hair or veil) than Yesterday.". None of these readings seem
very attractive.
8. Here follows the identification of the limbs of the deceased
person with those of various gods. There are many similar texts
belonging to all the periods of the Egyptian religion. For the
Pyramid Texts, see e.g. Unas, line 218 &:c., ib. line 570, &c., Fepi I,
line 565, &c. Compare the Coffin of Aniamu, pi. XXIV, line 11, &c.,
Naville, Lita?iie de Rd, p. 96, and Golenischeff, Metternichstele, lines
9-35-
"M.j^js^ non modo fjinem, set! et in Alcorano ?,^.e\)Q foedus significat."
Gesenius, Thesaur in voc. ^^.H-
280
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
9. Strength \ J V 3 E ' literally a wall or tower, like the
Tr7"r:iQ of Ps. XI, 4.
lo- J!ws ^^ 9 ' continuously, continuously.'
11. The interjection \^ seems to imply that a second person
is addressed. The passage would otherwise be translated, " I have
set myself in motion," which would be more consistent with the
doctrine contained in this chapter.
12. All the more recent copies have J P' — ' , the Sanctuary
of Ptah at Memphis.
13. Ababa-k ter-ek. This is only one of the readings of a formula
which had soon become utterly unintelligible to the copyists.
Hieratic copies like Louvre 3079, published by M. de Rouge, B.M.
10,257 (Rollin) and Leyden, T. 16, record several conjectural emen-
dations, to which modern scholars might add others, were they so
disposed.
Chapter XLIII.
Chapter whereby the head of a perso)i is not severed from him in
the Netherworld.
I am a Prince, the son of a Prince ; a Flame, the Son of a
Flame, whose head is restored to him after it hath been cut off.
The head of Osiris is not taken from him, and my head shall
not be taken from me.
I raise myself up, I renew myself, and I grow young again.
I am Osiris.
Note.
An early recension of this chapter is found in the tomb of
Horhotep {Miss. Arch. II, p. 159), and an apparent reference on
the Coffin of Amaniu.
Chapter XLIV.
Chapter whereby one dieth not a second time.
Let the Cavern of Putrata (i) be opened for me, where the dead
fall into the darkness, but the Eye of Horus supportcth me, and
Apuat reareth me up. I hide myself among you, O ye Stars that
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
set not. My front is that of Ra, my face is revealed, according to
the words of Thoth ; my heart is in its place, my speech is intelligent.
I am Ra himself, I am not to be ignored, I am not to be
molested.
Thy father liveth for thee, O Son of Nut ! I am thy son Horus,
I see thy mysteries, and am crowned as King of the gods. I die
not a second time in the Netherworld.
Note.
I. Putrata or \\\ 1 — (. This name has
W
disappeared in nearly all the MSS. It is mentioned in the Pyramid
Texts {Pepi I, 332, Merra 635) as a lake traversed by the glorified
personage.
Chapter XLV.
Chapter whereby one escapeth corruption in the Netherworld.
Here is the Osiris iV., motionless, motionless like Osiris; motion-
less his limbs like Osiris — let them not remain motionless, let them
not corrupt. They move not, they stir not : be it done for me as for
Osiris. I am Osiris.
Chapter XLVI.
Chapter whereby he that is living is ?iot destroyed in the Nether-
world.
Oh ye recent offspring of Shu, who dawn after dawn is possessor
of his diadem at sunrise; ye future generations of men, my springing
iforth* is the springing forth of Osiris.
Note.
This chapter is addressed to the m ^^^ ^^^^ <=i W^ J| hammemU^
who are known from other quarters to be h2iman beings, as the
younglings of the god Shu. But the reference is not to men who
have yet lived upon the earth. They are spoken of as men of a
future generation. Queen Hatshepsu on her obelisk when speaking
of them connects them with the period of 120 years, that is as if we
* The Day-Spring.
282
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
said " men of the next century." Before their appearance upon the
earth they circle round the Sun, and the glorified dead hold con-
verse with them (Chapter 124, 6).
The Egyptians, like many other ancient nations, held the
doctrine of the preexistence of souls. They held it not like
philosophers or poets, but as an article of their popular and tradi-
tional creed.
Chapter XLVII.
Chapter whereby the Seat of a person is fiot taken from him in the
Netherworld.
Chair and Throne of mine, which are coming to me and circling
round to me ; divine ones !
I am a noble Sahu (i), grant that I may become one of those
who follow the great god.
I am the Son of Maat, and wrong is what I execrate.
I am the Victorious one.
Note.
I. Sdhu S ^K Q t is not a mummy, as it is sometimes
rendered, but a living personality in mummied form.
Chapters XLVIII and XLIX
are identical with X and XI respectively.
Chapter L.
Chapter whereby one cometh not to the divi?ie Block of Execution.
The four (i) fastenings of the hinder part of my head are
fastened.
He who is in heaven it was who made firm the fastening for him
who was fainting upon his two haunches on that day when the fleece
was shorn.
The fastenings of the hinder part of my head were fastened by
Sutu and the company of gods in his first triumph. Let there be no
disaster. Preserve me safe from him who slew my father.
283
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
I am seized of the 'Two Earths.'
The fastenings of the hinder part of my head were fastened by
Nu, on the first time of my beholding the Law in virtue of which
the gods and their symbols (2) come into existence.
I am the Heedful one, and become the executioner for you, ye
great gods (3).
Notes.
The antiquity of the chapter is proved by its occurrence on the
second coffin of Mentuhotep ; but its condition there is such that
no one can read it who is not already familiar with it from other
sources. It begins, Aelteste Texte, p. 22, line 34, and goes on till
the red letters at line 50, The text, in spite of its importance, is
very inaccurate.
1. The four fastenings. The number /f/^r is only found in the
oldest copies. The later copies have a different text. It is im-
possible to say what kind of fastening is meant. — «— might be a
ligament or a vertebra — though more probably the latter. But it
might be a combination of several pieces. 'SlTP ^^. ^ is the
occiput, and this suggests the hypothesis of cervical vertebrae. But
the number of these is not four but seven. Of these three are
peculiar ; the Atlas which supports the head, the Axis upon which
the head turns, and the Vertebra prominens with its long spinal
process. But see the Vignette of Chap. 42 from Pd where four
vertebrae are figured.
2. Symbols, or symbolical representations, 1 ■ 1 ^^ ^^ 1 or
□ 5\ , n
3. The Heedful one /H , perhaps ^, Unas 584,
Pepi I, 199 and 667.
Chapter LI.
Chapter whereby one goeth ?iot headlong in the Netherworld.
I execrate, I execrate, I do not eat it.
That which I execrate is dirt. I eat it not, that I may appease
my Genius.
Let me not fall into it ; let me not approach it with my hands,
let me not tread upon it with my sandals.
284
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Note.
The Chapters numbered 51 and 52 are not found in the most
ancient papyri, but the substance of them and their formulas are
met with on the ancient coffins* and in the Pyramid texts. See, for
instance, Unas 189, Teta 68, with M. Maspero's note on the latter
text. I do not, however, believe, as M. Maspero does, that these
texts convey the idea "so frequent [!] among half-civilised peoples,
of another life in which the deceased will have nothing to eat and
drink but excremental matter." That the x 1 ' ^ which I translate
A I 000
' dirt ' and ^ ""S"" ' lye ' are of this nature is quite certain, but they
are objects of abhorrence to the Sun-god, like the dead rat and the
putrid cat in chapter ^^, because he is a consuming fire, and " what-
soever he findeth upon his path he devoureth it," /'^^^ ^ ^ ^\ ^
JL, 1 ^ Unas 515. It is only natural then that the
deceased who is identified with the Sun-god in these texts should
express his execration of such offensive matter. He is not afraid
of being limited to this food, his fear springs from the opposite
extreme.
Chapter LII.
Chapter whereby one eateth not dirt in the Netherzuorld.
I execrate, I execrate, I do not eat it.
That which I execrate is dirt. I eat it not, that I may appease
my Genius ( I ).
Let it not fall upon me ; let me not approach it with my hands,
let me not tread upon it with my sandals.
Henceforth let me live upon corn (2) in your presence, ye gods,
and let there come one who bringeth to me that I may feed from
those seven loaves which he hath brought for Horus and upon the
loaves for Thoth.
" What willst thou eat ? " say the gods to him.
Let me eat under the Sycamore of Hathor the Sovereign, and
let my turn be given to me among those who rest there.
* There is a chapter in Lepsius, Alteste Tcxte, p. 34, with the s.ime title as
chapter 51, but the contents are different.
285
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [189^.
And let me manage the fields in Tattu and prosper in Helio-
polis.
And let me feed upon the bread of the white corn and upon the
beer of the red barley.
And let the forms (3) of my father and of my mother be granted
to me ; the gate-keepers of the stream.
Let room be thrown open for me, let the path be made, and let
me sit in any place that I desire.
Notes.
(i) Here, as in the corresponding passage in the preceding
chapter and in several other places, the later texts often read J^ ,
which is a serious error.
(2) The unintelligible (J ^ QA of the later texts should be cor-
rected to 0 5 {Alteste Texte 42, lines 50, 54 and 67). The
H O 00
error may be traced to a form of the word with the prothetic [I .
There are several words varying in their applications which may be
traced to the same origin.
^ User ' spica ' a point, hence an ear of corn, and
M — o
0 ,0 ' spiculum,' an arrow, a javelin, are very clearly
< — m.
connected, and the notion in both is, as in the Hebrew ^^^t^, that
of 'shooting iorih,' proferre, protendere.
^'^'"^~",, a term applied to horned animals, has surely nothing
to do with the Coptic cypO) of Leviticus xv, 19. It refers to the
pointed weapons presented by the beasts.
— "— ^ is 'put forward' in the way of speech, and may be
command or prayer, or simple statement.
0 the builder's line is something ' stretched out ' prola-
ium, proiensum.
And with reference to walls, buildings, and the like, ^
may always be translated by proferre, protendere.
(3) The forms, f J"^!' "o^ f J^,'' as in the Turin
Todtenbuch. There is a most interesting text but unfortunately
286
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1803.
imperfect on the Leyden Coffin M. 3 (M. PI. 13). The deceased is
told that on arriving at the mysterious gate he will find his father
and his mother, ^^91 U ^^ M . This is followed by M H and
then apparently by .^^^ but the middle sign is almost entirely
effaced. This would mean ' at the resurrection of thy body.'
Chapter LIII a.
Chapter whereby one is not made to eat dirt or to drink lye.
I am the sharp-horned Bull, who regulateth the sky, the Lord of
the risings in heaven ; the great Giver of Light, who issueth from
Flame ; the Bond of Time, richly supplied with years ; the god in
Lion form, to whom is given a march of Glory.
I execrate, I execrate, I do not eat that which my Genius
execrateth.
Let it not enter into my stomach, let it not approach to my
hands, let me not tread upon it with my sandals.
Let me not drink lye, let me not advance headlong in the
Netherworld.
I am the possessor of bread in Heliopolis, who hath bread in
Heaven with Ra, and bread upon earth with Seb.
It is the Sektit boat which hath brought it from the house of the
great god in Heliopolis.
I am gladdened in my very entrails, and am associated with the
divine mariners, who circle round to the East of Heaven. I eat as
they eat, and I feed upon what they feed. I eat bread from the
house of the Lord of offerings.
Chapter LHI b.
Whereby one eateth not dirt.
I execrate, I execrate ! I do not eat it.
Dirt is what I execrate ; I do not eat it.
I execrate lye, I do not drink it.
Let me not approach it with my fingers, let me not tread up n it
with my sandals.
287
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
Seb, the father of Osiris, hath ordained that I should not eat dirt
or drink lye, but my father hath four times said that I should eat of
the red corn.
There are seven loaves in Heaven at Heliopolis with Ra, and
there are seven loaves upon earth with Seb, and there are seven
loaves with Osiris.
It is the god of the Sektit galley, and of the Maatit galley, who
hath brought them to me at Heliopolis.
I shout with joy, and my Genius shouteth with joy, because I
am in Heliopolis, and I live in excellent condition before Ra, on the
day when bread is presented in Heliopolis.
Note.
Chapter 53 a is taken from the papyri of the older period, 53 B
is a still older text from the Coffin of Horhotep.
Chapter LIV.
Chapter tuhereby air is given in the Nethcnvorld.
I am the god in Lion-form (i), the Egg in the Great Cackler,
and I watch over that great Egg which Seb hath parted from the
earth (2) ; my Life is the Life thereof, and the same is true of my
advance in life and of my breathing of the air.
I am the god who keepeth opposition in equipoise (3) as his Egg
circleth round. For me dawneth (4) the moment of the most
mighty one, Sut.
O ye gods who are pleasant through the alternate successions of
the Earth, who preside over sustenance and who live in the Blue (5),
do ye keep watch over him who abideth in his Nest ; the Infant god
who cometh forth towards you.
Notes.
The text here followed is that of Pa which is much preferable to
that of Ani. There is a far older text, that of Horhotep, line 344
and sqq., but it is too inaccurate to serve as the basis of a transla-
tion. It is however very valuable for other purposes.
(i) Tlie god in Lion form. These words are not in Horhotej"),
the chapter beginning as in later texts "Oh Tmu let there come to
288
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
me the air which is in thy nostrils." The word for air is written
^ V:^ ^-sy-^- (hnes 344 and 346) as in other places.
(2) It is a mistake to speak of a mundane egg, of which tliere is
no trace in Egyptian mythology. Seb, the great cackling goose,
lays the golden egg, which is the Sun ; but \J does not mean
'lay upon the earth,' but '■divide, separate from the earth.' The egg
springs from the back of Seb.
(3) Who keepeth opposition in equipoise. This sense may be
inferred from Pa, but is made very clear by the ZL ^ \ 0 \
of Horhotep. The equilibrium of forces is maintained by the revo-
lution of the Sun.
(4) Dawneth, U U (H ' Horhotep ; whose text breaks off
without a word on Sutu.
(5) The Blue, ® Y^^ 'lapis lazuli.' The French Tazur
H ^000
exactly corresponds to the Egyptian, for the word azure is derived
from lazuluvi.
Ancients and modern differ greatly, as is well known, from each
other as to the impressions derived from colour. It seems strange to
read in the tale of the Destruction of Mankind that the ' hair of Ra
was of real chesbet,' that is ' dark blue.' But we have an exact paral-
lel to this in Greek. Kvavo^ is lapis lazuli in Theophrastus, who
even mentions the artificial lapis made in Egypt. But in the
Homeric poems the hair of Hector (//., 22, 401), and the hair and
beard of Odysseus {Od., 16, 176), as well as the eyebrows of Zeus
(//., I, 528; 17, 209) are described as KvAuem.
Chapter LV.
Another chapter whereby air is gix'en.
I am the Jackal of jackals, I am Shu, who convey breezes in
presence of the Glorious one (i), to the ends of the sky, to the ends
of the earth, to the ends of the filaments of Cloud (2).
I give air to those Younglings as I open my mouth and gaze
with my two eyes.
289 X
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
Notes.
1. The Glo7- ions one. This is the most usual reading. Pa has Ra.
2. Filaments of Cloud. Cloud is the sense, not the translation of
j] I ^^ vl , or, as it is also written, pw^ 0 0^' 'which is the
name of some tree or shrub which has not been identified. The
filaments (3 s^ or [) v\ , which are among its characteristics, point
in this context to the long fibrous forms presented by the cirrus
cloud.
Chapter LVI.
Another chapter of breathing.
Oh Tmu ! give me that delicious air which is in thine own
nostrils.
It is I who cherish that great station which is in the heart of
Heracleopolis.
I watch over that egg of the Great Cackler, my strength is the
strength thereof, my life is the life thereof, and my breath is the
breath thereof.
290
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
CxISH-DUBARRA, GIBIL-GAMISH, NIMROD.
By Prof. Dr. Fritz Hommel.
In Vol. VIII of these Proceedings (1885-6), p. 119 f., I tried to
prove, that the hero Namraslt of 4 Rawl. 2, 21^, is the same deity as
>-- y Gish-du-bar, inasmuch as the Lord of both is the Moon-god
(Sin or Lugal-banda) and as the ideograph of Namrasit, >-»-y »— ^^T
•^1 ^^Tf) is to be read ilu Gis-du-har-ra, Hke •-•^y X^ TTTty »f- ilii Gish-
dii-bar, with an often occurring kind of interchange of ideographs
so common in other ideographical systems of writing, as in Chinese
and Egyptian.
To-day I am in a position to bring definite evidence for this
statement, and in addition to it I shall give in this paper the proofs
for the following facts and identifications :
1. 5:y IPfT^y >f- is not to be read Gish-gi-tjiash, as Prof. Jensen
asserts {^Zeitschr. f. Assyr., VI, p. 340), but Gish-du-barra.
2. Gilgamish {FiX'^/a/iio'} of Aelian), which Mr. Pinches found in
a lexicographical tablet as an explanation of Gish-du-bar, is originally
Gibilgamish^ and a synonym of Gishdubar. AlgamisJm " fire-stone,"
"flint" (Hebr. t!)''22^S^) and ilmhhu (Hebr. tT'^pTn) are only
variants of the same name.
3. Gishdubar is an old hero of fire ; his place on the sky is in
the region south of the ram or Aries, at the entrance to Hades
according to the opinion of the Babylonians, his special star being
the kakkab t^ >y- ^\ {gish-bar-birra) = Mira ceti, or kakkab
^ ^^^^y ^yy>^ {stg-gtbU-sagga). He is, like Nergal (who is
sometimes also called "god of fire," and so also >->-y *3f^ and
>->-y ^ J^ Nabil and Nusku), the leader and lord of the seven
evil demons (Igigi or Anunnaki).
4. The element i^ jHfTty in the name Gishdubar is a mere
synonym of "py >{-, gisbar (wood or stone for making fire).
5. The Semitic reading of the Sumerian Gishdubarra or Gibil-
gamish was Namrasit, and beside it Narudu (out of Namra-uddi/,
Namruddu, N^aiuruddu). The Hebrew Nimrod has of course its
291 X 2
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.LOLOGY. [1893.
nenrest prototype in this Namriidu. The wtll-known Uiidti-shu-
namir of Istar's descent to Hades is only a variant of this Semitic
translation of Gishdubarra.
These new results and discoveries are the best answer to
Prof. Jensen's inconsiderate and hasty assertion {Kosinologie der
Babvlonier, p. 105): " Gegen die Hommel'sche Ansicht, dass in
Namrasit der famose Nimrod zu suchen sei, ist eine Polemik iiber-
fliissig ; dagegen spricht eben alles, Grammatik, Lexikon, Zusam-
menhang, etc."
Ad. I. We have in Gudea E. 5, 22 : 7, 13; G. 4, 16; 6, 11,
amongst the offerings to the goddess Ba'u :
forty .^ I|!y ^H
seven ,f^ :::^-y ^\\A Hh
one 4:4 jrf ^y ^
which I translate : forty receptacles for writing-utensils (dih-sar),
seven boxes (or jars) for fire-lighting {gii gibil-bar, t\- being here the
sign T bar^ not >f- mash I) and one vessel for wooden staffs.
Since Sij >^l1^ ^^i^^T {gish-gn-billa) = uturtii is a synonym of
kis-kibirru (for gish-gibil), "wood for lighting," and of kuddu (_j^ ;
comp. Arab, kaddcih, "fire-steel"), and kuddu is also the Semitic
translation of the ideograph tf TTTEJ (see below, sub. No. 4), it is
clear, that gibil-bar is a formation quite parallel with gish-du-bar, the
element A^ having in both cases the same meaning.
Ad. 2. In 5 Rawl. 30, 6^ we read :
lag-ga VII ^^y ^y :r:^-^y ^\\\^ ^jn
lag-ga VII muk-tab-lu
lag-ga VII a-lik pa-na
This passage shows that we have also in K. 4359 (Jensen,
Kosmol, p. 386) to restore
Gish-du-bar-ra = Gi-bil (not 7ie !)\ga-i}iis}i\
and that Mr. Pinches' Gi-il-ga-mish (with ^.»*■ for misJi) was originally
Gibil-gamish ; lagga VII is asharid sibiffi, i.e., the chief of the seven
evil demons. The latter was probably the motive for Gudea to offer
in four cases seven fire-utensils to the goddess Ba'u.
292
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
In a hymn to Nindar in Neo-Babylonian writing (Berlin Museum,
V.A., Th., 251, published by Hugo Winckler in his Keilschrifttexte,
p. 60/), it is said of this god (obv. 18-9) :
ur-sag tag (stone) iid-'^-kab ba-giib
karradu ana al-ga-mi-shi iz-ziz-ma
i.e., " the valiant hero (Nindar) entered upon the rock-crystal " (comp.
tlJ'^mSt^ "hailstone," Ezekiel, xiii, 11, 13; xxxviii, 22). And in the
same hymn obv. 28-9 :
tak (stone) ud-gal-kab sa-dug-jid-da niji-giirru
al-ga-mi-shu sattuk i2mi ina nashi
i.e., "if he takes the algamishu as a daily offering (in his hands)."
The ideograph, in which -^ is evidently spoken gal, shows that the
original form was gal-gamish, -jV corresponding to the syllable al,
and kab to the second part of the word, gamishu (Sumerian root gab
or gam). The same ideograph occurs in K. 4378, IV, 6-16
(Briinnow, p. 336) with the Semitic translation kutu, "vessel;" but
the original meaning is probably "daily fire-hghting," ud-gal-gab (var.
gal-gamish or gal-gabish, in which the ending -ish is either like
Sumerian amash, " hurdle," from am, " bull," or perhaps an Elamitic
case-ending as in Kassitic names of Babylonian kings).
No doubt that we here have the same word as in Gil-gaviish,
because all these names {Gish-diibarra, Gibil-gamish, comp. gibil-
barra, in the Gudea inscription) meant originally the instrument for
striking fire with the rock-crystal or flint ; the second element kab
{gab) occurs again in another synonym of " wood for lightmg " (or
perhaps better " wooden handle of the fire-stone "), tiiurtu, viz.,
^y ^y^ At '^IT'<4) gish-gab-gibir (Briinnow, 2685 ; comp. Briinnow,
No. 1 1 79: A^ i^^^T '"1I'<^' where ^lii^Ji^y is a mere gloss to
A;- "-yy-s^)) ^"d probably too in ^^y Jl^^^iy t:"^, Gibil-gab, the
great "door-keeper" of Hades (4 Rawl. i, 49, 50/'). But also the
well-known word ibtiishu " rock-crystal " (Guyard and Delitzsch :
"diamond"), Hebr. tlJ'^?:^ ^Tf (Zimmern, Bussps., p. 104), whose ideo-
graph sud-agga, " light-making," is also translated by tmru, " light,"
suggests a meaning like " fire-stone," of course a very precious kind
of it, even the rock-crystal, and is therefore only a shortening of our
algamishu. The corresponding old Hebrew word is Iiallamish (for
ghalgatuisJi), whilst elgabish of Ezekiel is a later Babylonian loan-word.
293
Mav 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1893.
Ad. 3. In 2 Rawl. 62, 6ga, du-bar is paraphrased by shaptii
shapiitai/i, " a judge of the earthly (things)," so A. Jeremias in his
valuable book " Izdubar-Nimrod," or better "judge of Sheol or
Hades ;" compare K. 3474, Z.A., 4, i ff (in a Sun-hymn) :
(15.) shaplati ska >->-y ^]JJ '!^>- {Azag-suddd) >->-|
Anunnaki tapakkid.
(16.) ilati sha dadmi kali-shina tushteshir.
" the Hades thou (O Sun-god) hast entrusted to the god A. (the
lord) of the Anunnaki, whilst thou thyself governest all the habita-
tions above," and the prayer to Gishdubarra, published by Haupt
and translated by A. Jeremias (loco citato^ p. 3 f), where Gishdubar
is called "judge of the Anunnaki," "lord of below" {ki-ta, i.e.,
shaplati), to whom the Sun god has entrusted (delivered) sceptre
and decision " {shibta u punissa katukka ipkid). The word is-bar
(van ash-bar, Sem. purussii), "decision," is a Neo-Sumerian pro-
nunciation of gish-bar, " fire ; " comp. bil-sig-gi = shhntu, " destiny,"
(5 Rawl. 39, 31^), with bil-sigga =^ ka7nu, "to burn" (2 Rawl. 34,
70), also >\- (pil) gi (5 R. 42, S'] e) = shipti{, "judgment (from
sliapdtti), there in alliteration with shlbu and shibiu (" old man,''
" matron "). In 4 Rawl. 49 (56), 37^, we read :—
" Earth, earth, earth (three times, in correspondence with the
before-named three night watches !), Gishdubar is the lord of your
ban,
what {inimniu) you do, I know,
but what I do, you don't know ;
what my enchantresses do, has no unbinder, loosener,
deliverer."
In the same text (the first tablet of the series maklu, "burning !")
we read prayers to Nuskii (35-46 (^) and to the fire god (>->-y Gish-bar).
The latter is addressed in almost the same manner as Gishdubar in
the prayer translated by A. Jeremias; comp. 26b, "I pray to thee
like to the Sun-god, the judge " (because he is the sub-judge of the
sun, this judge of the day, i.e., is the judge of the night and of
Hades), or 27/7, "judge my judgment, decide my decision."
Hence it is clear that Gishdubar is the same judge of Hades as
Nabd-Nusku (comp. the planet Dun-ghad-ud-du and his name da-wi-
nu, "judge," and udda al-kud, "judging day," />., "day of judg-
ment "), and as the fire star S:y Jf- ^'\, 5 R. 46, 14 { = ilu Nusku),
who follows immediately the kakkab Apil-i:i\]]y>?ia^ ( = ilu Sd-kud,
294
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
"judge," comp. 4 R. 32, 47, ihi Sd-kud, son of the goddess Belit-
Igurra or >->-| Magh ; ilu c:^ ►^1111 •*"^'^ Maliki, Synchr. Hist., 4, 8,
or ^7^^ t^ ^1111 ^'^'^ Malaki, 3 R. 38, 18, Malak here being
Hades or Sheol as " place of decision," comp. Nusku malik Hani
rabiiti {j^ R. 49, c^db of the 2nd ed.) ; ilu Tur-zi = Dumu-zi, Tam-
muz, i.e., Nergal as the sun below the horizon, the winter sun, night
sun, or, as the Babylonians say, southern sun, >->-y ^"^ •"^Ifff IeIJ) °''
as the star [Sig-bil-sag, which is called, too, "judge," 3 R. 57, No. 6
{see below). In line 15 of 5 R. 46, these two stars {kakkab Sa-kud sind
k. Nusku) are paraphrased : " the station-giving (ecliptical) stars of
Igurra (heavenly ocean), Sin and Nergal," whilst the pole stars (Anu and
Bel) are called (line 16) "the sitting (immoveable) stars of Igurra."'
See my paper on the Astr. der alten Chaldder, III, "Ausland,"
1892. In the same paper I proved that the beginning and end of
" the way of Ea " (from Sagittarius to Aries) is marked by the two
stars ^ ^yy^ {Sig-sagga) in the Sagittarius, and J:y *^ ^1^ {gish-
bar birra, " whose fire is shining ") or ^ ^^^^y "^yy*^ Sig-bil-
sagga, in which word bi/ also means "fire") in Aries ( = Mira
Ceti, amongst the seven stars of the Cetus, south of Aries). Here
also, in the region of the god /n-mi-s/iarra or Nergal (the >->-y r^
bi, or god of the seven evil demons, the Igigi or Anunnaki), of Sin
and of Nusku, and of the main entrance to Hades (the other is
ka-sil-sigga, " mouth of the street of pain," i.e., the " way of Ea "
leading to Hades, in Sagittarius), is heavenly place of our fire-
hero Gishdubar, and therefore the first canto of the Gishdubar
epic bears his name as the station of Aries, just as the second bears
the name of Eabani as the station of Taurus.
In a bilingual incantation (4 R. i, dob ff) the evil works of the
seven bad demons are enumerated ; then the text runs thus : — •
before Nergal, the valiant hero of Bel, they walk.
The name of Heaven, the name of Earth recite (or conjure) !
The name of Sin (Moon god), the lord of >->-y >— Ji^^y* ^y
-ra (Semitic, Namra-sit) conjure ;
The name of the god Sig-sagga, the leader into the " street of
pain " (see above) conjure !
JI^^T ^^ originally only a so called guni\ of t^y {du, tuiii), and indeed
in 2 R. 47, 18 and z\ef we still find the phonetical value turn; in mash-kirn =
rdbisu, ^ »^^y, we have the other value of J^y {gin, kin, kirn), whilst
^ is a double A^ , mash. Afterwards Jl^y was confounded with ^I^yy
t^ir, ur), so similar to it in Old Babylonian writing.
295
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1893
In the same text, only in the foregoing incantation (4 R. i, 36 ff)
we find the following gods conjured : '->-] )^ (Ba'u), mother of
Ea (wife of Bel); ^-| SrjKT .§-/^«^"'« = ^-f {;[< J^, 4 R. 52 =
59, 5, immediately after Nergal and Laz !), daughter of Ea (and sister
and wife of Nergal, the Egyptian Nephthys) ; >->-y Nin- '>^y^y ^,
I.e., Nergal-Nindar, "shepherd of the ladies," fe'i utuUdti ;
>->-y Sig-bil-sag, governor of the earth {i.e.. Hades) and >--y Nin-gish
zid-da (otherwise god of the fire month Ab ; comp. Sarg. Cyl.,
line 61 and 4 R. 2)l)\ then follow the "seven doors" of
Hades, the "seven door-bars" of Hades, and the above-named
>->-y Bil-gab (or Gibil-gab).
In an astronomical text, 3 R. 57, No. 6, 48, the same Stg-bil-
sagga is named sa-kud (written di-kud), "judge," and in a lexico-
graphical list, 2 R. 57, ']^cd he is identified with the " southern sun, the
god Nindar" (meaning here Nergal, as the sun below the horizon).
In the Hst of ships of the gods, K. 4378, col. 5, 20 ff (Delitzsch,
Lesestikkf, 3rd. ed., p. 88 f.) we have the order : Nin-girsu (Nergal),
Sin, Sig-bil-sagga.
Whilst in the Gishdubar-epic Eabani addresses his prayers to the
Sun god (so also Gishdubar, if accompanied by Eabani), Gishdubar
himself (especially if he is alone) prays to Sin {e.g., in tablet 9th) or
to his special god Lugal-banda (and his wife Nin-shunna, comp.
Gudea, Cyl. B, 23, 19 f., communicated by Scheil, Rec, 12, 208,
note 2 : Nin-gish-zidda tur-sag amia-kam, dingir ama-zti *--^ Nin-
<E:*<y -na, i.e., " O Fire-god, son of Anu, the goddess thy mother
is Nin-shunna "), to whom also Sin-gashid, like Gishdubar king of
Uruk, prays as to his mother. The original adoration place of this
Lugal-bafida (written Lugal-tur-da and only another form of the god
Sin) was the town Marad (as Kutha that of Nergal ; but also in
Kutha was a temple of Sin, this stereotyped companion of Nergal,
as in Marad again was a temple of Nergal; compare my Geschichte
p. 227 and 401 f.). If a third god is associated with Sin and Nergal, as
in the above-translated incantation (where Sig-sagga is evidently
Nergal himself, comp. 4 R. 26, No. i, 8), he cannot be another god
than the old fire hero Gish-dubar, whose lord or special god is the
Moon-god Sin, and whose name Namra-sit ("whose rising is
bright ") is so well-fitting for the god of fire. Probably, too, in the
hymn to the Moon god, 4 R. 9, rev., 27-8, the name of Namra-sit or
(}ish-dubar (or Sig-bil-sagga) was written, since in the line before
296
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. ti893-
the wife of the Moon god, and in the following lines the seven Igigi
and Anunnaki are named ; the god and leader of these seven gods
was, indeed, Gibil-gamish (see above) or the god Gibil (4 R. 15,
No. i) ! Comp. also 49, 51a of the same hymn to Sin (4 R. 9) : —
Sumer. : ^ >-*■] (rain) >->-y Mii-har-ra (fire-god) shu vnindab-^a-za.
Semit. : tdmih >->-y Gir-ri (god of lightning) u 7ne (water).*
with 3 R. 66, 2\h obv. (>->-y Gihil-nim-gir, 10/, rev. >->-y Gibil-bir-ku),
where we find Sin again connected with the god of fire or lightning,
whilst the other, the rain, is not personified, which is remarkable
in this case.
By all these facts I think it is proved that the servant of Sin,
the god »— >l^y ■^y -ra, is not only readable Gish-dii-bar-ra, but
fnust be read so, because he is really no other deity than the Gish-
dubar of the epic, the Gibil-gamish, Gibil-gab, Du-gab (Atu-gabshu),
of the lists, the old fire hero of the Babylonians.
Ad. 4. Also that t:y TTT^y in the name Gish-du-bar is a synonym
of gish-bar, " fire," can be proved by the lexicographical lists. In
Briinnow, No. 1 1,909, we have for it the translation ^//^^/^, in No. 11,908
for ][fT^y alone kiidu, for c:y TTT^y -^ ihztt (setting, of jewels ;
handle, see above, sub 2) ; another translation of it is pashu,
which seems to mean something like torch or firebrand in 4 R. 50
(57), 41 ^, Sin .... likatta pasha-ki^ "may Sin extinguish thy torch."
Now we have an ideograph X^ J^, gish-kur, which is translated
(Br. 10,186 and 10,189) ^^ kis-kibirru (see above) and hy kuddii ; the
same kis-kibirru (wood for making fire, or perhaps better, wooden
handle of the fire-stone) is a synonym of the words utiirtu^ t/iisu,
misirru and inirditu (Ethiopic beltit, " fire-stone," as a Babylonian
loan-word ?), all these corresponding to the Sum. ^ *C^ (comp.
the Gudea-words above) -si-ki-ir. With the first of these synonyms,
uturtii, is translated too the Sumerian ^ ^^^^y •"yy-<^i gish-gibilla
(lit., "wood for fire "), 5 R. 26, 46 ! Further variants of ::y gi'i-s'i-ki-ir
are ^ .-yj[J[^ {gab)-gibir (see above) and ::y ,4!^ i^I^y {gish-gu-
bil), both being translated vvith the same utjiriu, whilst another
synonym of firestone-handle seems to be ^y a-fn-gab-sku (Semiticiscd
homadun-gabis/i), translated hy sarbatu (comp. Hebr.^,"^^, "to burn").
In K. 2866, 13 (Strassmaier, No. 8381) we have the following order
of gods : Nergai, Ishutn (i.e., Sig-sagga, in the Sagittarius), Shu-sil-Ia
* I.e.^ holding in his hands rain and lightning.
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May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY, [1893.
(^y ■^>- y*"), his wife (comp. K. 2096, Is/mm and Shu-sil-la as the-
tvvo gods of Tigris and Euphrates on the sky, i.e., the stars Anunit
and Sinuntu of 5 R. 46, between Antares and Sagittarius), Lugal-
gish-a-tu-gab-shu and (his wife) Mamitu (" ban "), which would
be in the common nomenclature Nergal (or his twin brother Sin\
Sig-sagga and Gish-dubarra (or Gibil-gafnish).
By these instances it is clear that t^ TTT^y means nothing
else than uturtu, and that kuddu or kiidu comes from the root kdh
(comp. Arabic kaddd/i, "fire-stone"). As for ihzu, it is not im-
possible that the Ethiopic ezeh, " fire-stone," is only a Babylonian
loan-word from it, like beltit from mifditu.
Ad. 5. In No. 3 we saw that >->-y Gish-du-bar-ra (here written
>— Jl4§T '^I "^^^) ^^'^^ translated by the Semitic 7iamra-sit (i.e., situ-
s/iu namir), "whose rising is shining or brilliant " (comp. the Uddu,
shu-namir of Ishtar's descent into Hades, Geschic/ite Babyloniens
und Assyriens, p. 394, note 4). Here we have two possibilities : bar-
ra can be namaru (comp. ^\-ra, ^\-ga., ^\di{, i.e., barra, lagga and
iiddii or ghuddu^ all three being translated in the lists by namaru\
but also situ (comp. ^\ra, i.e., barra or redupl. babbarra=-asii, "to
rise," and tcd-du^^asfi, whose infin. is sttti). The most probable
is, to see the element na/nra in barra, and then of course sUu in
gish'du. This situ may also mean, " coming out of the fire-stone," said
of the sparkle. As we learn by the name Uddu-shu-namir (to which
Dr. Jeremias compared uddu, " light," in Sen. Kuy. 4, 6, kima umi
uddi, "like the bright day"), uddu (Sum. loan-word from ud-du, "to
come out," "to rise") must have been a synonym of situ in Namra-
sit ; so we would get a hypothetical Namra-uddii.
In 5 R. 46, 43, the star Ud-ka-gab-a, " beast opening the mouth,"
is translated by ilmu nd'ri, elsewhere by nimru, " leopard " (out of
namiru, nimru ; another shortening is namru) ; here we see that
in the vulgar language namru was spoken nearly like na'ru, naru.
Now we have really a deity, called Narudu, occupying the same
place in the sky as the star of the fire-hero Gish-dubar ! That the
name is Semitic, not Sumerian, we see by the fact that the genitive
is Nd nidi {so 4 R. 21, 23) and the Accusative Ndriida (K. 2866, ii).
The form of this word is masculine, not feminine (otherwise we would
expect Naruttii), and so we find the name in K. 2866, ii (S. A.
Smith, Miscell. Texts) : Gi-bil, ^^] <^ {Nergal), Tutu (Marduk),
»->"y Yll-bi, >-»-y Na-ru-da, *-*^ '^X^ -ra-gal {Urra-gal or Gir-ra-gal,
298
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
i.e., JVefgal again), >->y A-ri-a, Nindar, Nin-girsii, Ba-u u Gu-la
K I^iHT (^'^'^ tdmata nis-sunu, or something similar), because the
names of the goddesses follow, as it is clear, at the end. But in
another place, viz., 4 R. 21, No. i, 23, we read : —
alan >->-y Liigal-girra gab-ri nu tug-a i-sar-da gub-ba-zu
salam »->-y |y sha mahira la ishu itia rikis biti ulziz
alafi »->-y Na-ru-di nin di/igir-gal-gal-i-ni
salam >->-y Ahi-ru-di ahat Hani rabuti
ki-ta gish-7id-ta gub-ba-zu =^ ina shaplan irshi ulziz
i.e., " the image of the god Lugal-girra (comp. the variant in line 22 :
Shid-lamta-iiddu, i.e., Nergal) who has no rival, he (may) fasten it on
the framework of the house ; the image of the god N^iti-ditigir-galgal-
ini (Lord of the seven great gods), he (may) fasten it on the foot
of the bed (of the sick) ;" for the original ran probably thus : —
(Sum.) alan >->-y JVin-dingir-gal-gal-i-fii
(Sem.) salam >->-y Na-rii-di
as we can still suggest from the commentary to a parallel text, which
runs (5 R. 21, 28-30) : — •
gullu »->-y Zal-ba-tu ishshipti (priest of Nergal)
gish-sar-da riksu (framework)
>->-y Dam-nun-gal-i-ni >->-y Na-ru-du
where we have of course to read Nin (-J^^y) for Dam (-J^^y). A
later copyist of 4 R. 21 transposed falsely the Semitic translation
•-•^y Na-ru-di into the Sumerian line, and consequently added the
false translation, " sister of the great gods " (ahat Hani rabuti), nin
being in god-names Lord or Lady, but as a separate noun, also
"sister" instead of "lady." This is the origin of Ndrudu as a
name for a goddess,* to which we have some analogies in the Baby-
lonian texts, e.g., Nin- ^y-<^y (Nergal) and Nin-ddr-anna (Venus,
comp. >-«-y ^ ^y-<^y), ->-y Da-mu, masc, 4 R. 19, 5^ (elsewhere
fern.), or -^y Ul-sharra, ^^\ ^:r^yy {Siris), ^^\ <|[;^ ^^yyy (see
below) etc. So too in 3 R. 66, 39 /(/7?^ N\\-bi, >->-y Na-ru-du ; ilu
Nabii, Hat Tashmctu ; ilu N'ergal, Hat Laz ; ilu ]^T\, Hat Nin-lil)
Ndriidu seems to be meant as feminine (wife of Hu NW-bi), whilst
in the same tablet, 12^ {ilu W\-bi ; Hu Du-miz-zi ; ilu Na-ru-du,
* Instead of a god.
299
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1893.
ihi Ishtar ihhii sha bit ilu NW-hi) or 2 f {ilu W\-bi, ilu Na
7-u-du ; ilu Nergal sha alu Tarbisii) or 14/^ {ilu Na-ru-du, ilu ^^J[ 4<^>-
in one line ; //// ^]J| ■^»-, elsewhere >->-y ^^^ ^J^'-ffy, Ku-sirra, being
a synonym of >->-y Sig-sagga, and in the later pronunciation Shti-
silla, >->-y ^y ^>- y, the name of the wife of the same Sig-sagga or
Islmm, see above) Ndriidu is in all likelihood a god, closely con-
nected with -»-y NW'bi and JVergal, like them and like Gish-dubarra,
the lord of the seven hostile gods (Igigi or Anunnaki), and not
the sister (which never occurs elsewhere !) of the seven. If we
add 4 R. 52 (59) col. 4, line 12 (a list of stars): kakkab kashti
(Sirius), k. MUL (Pleiades), k. kak-mishri (Procyon), >-»-y . . . . , ilu
Na-ru-du lipfuru, ilu Sig-sagga, k. Sib-zi-anna (Orion) lipturit, where
Narudu is named before Sig-sagga, like Nam7-asit before Sig-sagga
(or Ishuni) in 4 R. 2, 21 ; then it becomes clear that this Narudu
is no other deity than the long sought Namra-uddu or Nimrod.
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
NOTES ON EGYPTIAN WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.*
By F. L. Griffith, F.S.A.
Fully one half of this supplement is due to the author of
"Inductive Metrology," and of "The Pyraniids of Gizeh," for he has
given me permission to use the metrological material which he dis-
covered at Tell el-Amarna, and has added to this a sheet of brief
but valuable criticisms upon my previous essay.
Section I. — Measures of Length.
Quasi-stibdivisions of the cubit.
The remen is the side of a square of which the royal cubit
is the diagonal, and
The standard digit is ^'^ of this remen.
" The cubit and digit have no integral relation one to the other ;
the equation of 28 digits with the cubit being certainly inexact, and
merely adopted to avoid fractions : the digit when used indepen-
denUy is not = 2V ^^ the cubit, but is shorter, 28 making only
2o"3 inches. But a square cubit of 2o"62 inches would have a
diagonal of 20 digits of 729 inch (such being the mean values of
the best monumental instances of digits and cubits respectively in
the Ancient Empire), and this perhaps indicates their true relation-
ship since the mathematical relations that exist between squares
and their diagonals were intentionally introduced by the architect
into the dimensions of the Great Pyramid."
Such is the substance of Mr. Petrie's argument on the subject
in his " Pyramids of Gizeh. "f
Now, Lepsius placed the remen ,.t~~^ on the cubit rods at
20 digits. The position of the sign ,t-~^ on the various examples
is terribly vague ; but, so far as I am aware, no one has since
ventured to dispute the identity of the remen with the Greek w/u'v
of 20 digits, however much they may have desired further proof.
* Continued from Vol. XIV, ]). 450.
t First edition, pp. 180-I ; conii)are " Inductive Metrology," p. 47 ff.
.^01
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGV. [1893.
Therefore, when Mr. Petrie's formula is applied, Lepsius' remen
of 20 digits, squared, should have the cubit for its diagonal.
Further, in measures of area, remen is the name of the half anira
of 100 square cubits. If we assume, as I think we fairly may,*
that the word remen was given to this superficial measure because it
was the square of 100 of the linear remen of the cubit rods, the
whole argument is at once clinched by the mathematically correct
agreement of the results, as follows : —
ariira : remen :: 2 : i
i.e. (100 cubits)- : (100 remen)- :: 2 : i
.". cubit'- : remen- :: 2 : i
.•. The cubit is the diagonal of the square rentefi.
This coincidence of results from three probable hypotheses, two
of which are absolutely independent of each other, shows that the
assumptions are correct : —
(i) That the standard digit is to be fixed at 729 inch when
the cubit is at 20 "62 inches.
(2) That the remen of the cubit rods is to be fixed at 20 of
these real digits, or at i4'58 inches.
(3) That the ha.\{ arura is named remen owing to its being a
square of 1 00 remen of the cubit rods (while the arura
itself is a square of 100 cubits).
Also, it is clear from the relation of cubit to remen that the
arura is a square of 100 mv?/ cubits, and that it is tht. royal cubit
and no other that forms the basis of the system of /and measurement.
It will be well to remind the reader that the word remen in
metrology is capable of three meanings : —
(1) Linear measure of 20 digits = 5 palms.
(2) Superficial measure of a square of 100 remen (No. t) or
rather a rectangle of half the arura, derived from the
last.
(3) Linear measure of 50 cubits, derived from the last, being
the length of the oblong remen (No. 2) in the side of
the arura.
* And as I have already done, Proccediugs, XH', p. 417.
302
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S93.
Itinerary Measures. — The atru, the ar, and the
schoenus.
In the XVIIIth dynasty the atru is found as a multiple
of the kJiet, etc. Its value has not yet been ascertained ; it
appears to lie between 3,300 and 3,600 cubits.
The Ptolemaic and Roman ar, called by the Greeks
schoenus, is of uncertain value. It was probably not less than
three times as long as the atru^ although its name is but a
later form of the same word.
The standard (?) schoenus of 12,000 cubits, mentioned by
an Alexandrine metrologist, is found marked upon a road of
unknown datef (Ptolemaic or Roman?).
With regard to the ar and the schoenus, the above statements are
sufficient, but the new material for the atru must be published and
discussed.
The stelse of Tell el-Amarna record that, as fixed by Akhuenaten
a^^\j^ Ci£] h n 0\>'-^^^ n Q -Cp^/VWVAA .Py ^,VAAAA 1^11,1,1
, etc.
X I I I I
" Akhut-aten, from the south stela to the north stela, when measured
from stela to stela on the eastern hill of Akhut-aten, amounts to
6 atru, [i khet{^)\ i remen, \ k/ief, 4 cubits."
and further that :
"likewise on the western hill from stela to stela it is 6 atru [i khet{})],
I remen, \ khet, 4 cubits."
* The evidence of the classical authors for the schoenus (see Hultsch), as well
as that of the Ptolemaic texts for the ar (see Proceedings, XIV, p. 409), indicate a
highly variable measure, from 30 to I20 stades in length ; it is possible that the
differences may be due to mistakes of ancients and moderns ; but compare the
vague league ciUed malakeh ,)J>J_^ in modern Egypt and Nubia, and the
explanation by St. Jerome quoted in Hultsch, of oxotvoifuniculum as a stage in
towing vessels on the Nile.
+ From Memphis to the FayCim, see Petrie, " .Season in Egj'pt," PI. .KXVI.
May 2]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1893-
This text, dating from the end of the XVIIIth dynasty, apart
from its historical importance, is of great value for Egyptian metro-
logy. For the first time it gives an early hieroglyphic notation of
the khet measures : for the first time it associates the atrn with the
khet, etc., treating it as one of a series and as a measure of fixed
length : and further it affords a hope of determining the value of
this standard atru.
On the Eastern and Western hills of Akhutaten exist a large
number of stelae* nearly all of which show fragments of one and
the same text.f
The Eastern hill is the one that was most closely examined
by Mr. Petrie, who detected upon it remains of no less than nine rock
tablets. On his mapj the northernmost J is exactly 6| miles from
* From Mr. Petrte's notes of these, the vague copies published by Prisse,
and a MS. copy by Wilkinson of the Tiineh stela, I have been able to complete
the text of the cast that was exhibited by Mr. Petrie at Oxford Mansion, almost
to the last word. The short extract above is from this restored text.
+ According to the inscription, Akhutaten extended from clifl' to cliff across
the Nile valley, and it mentions only three boundary stelae, South, Central, and
North, on each side ; but supplementary stelae were rendered necessary by the
Wadys which interrupt the Eastern and Western cliffs.
X The sketch published herewith is intended only to show in a general way
the positions of the stelae and city on the East bank.
3C4
May 2] PK0C::EDIN'GS. [1893.
each of two at the extreme south, A and E, which owing to a deej)
bay in the hills are at equal distances from the first in spite of being
themselves 3^ miles apart. Doubtless these three tablets fix the
north and south limits of Akhutaten on the East side* : hence 6|
miles n^ust be (approximately) the equivalent of
6 atru [i khet\ (?)] i remeti \ khet 4 cubits ^
= 6 atrus + 179 (or 79) cubits.
Since 6f miles = 20760 cubits, the atru would according to this
be about 3460 cubits.
It is not likely that the distances between the stelae were
measured by the Egyptians with any great amount of accuracy ;
the ground is none too level even across the plain, so that the
specification of " 4 cubits " seems an over-refinement if the measure-
ment was the distance between two points fixed by the king. If on
the other hand, the points were fixed to agree with a previously
determined plan, it must be admitted that 6 atrus -f- 179 (or 79)
cubits is a very extraordinary measure for a person to select in
laying out a new city.
Mr. Petrie has made a happy conjecture with regard to this.
20,760 cubits, the actual length of Akhutaten, suggests a connec-
tion with the Babylonian measure kaspu, which appears to be
21,600 Babylonian cubits. A Babylonian architect may have been
employed by Akhuenaten (whose dealings with western Asia
have lately been revealed in so surprising a fashion), and have
settled the length at i kaspu. The atru may have been fixed at
3,600 cubits (as it were 10 Babylonian sos) and the six atru would
then be practically the kaspu. The odd 179 (or 79) cubits would
be the amount, carefully calculated, resulting from the difference
between the Egyptian cubit and the Babylonian.
However this may be, and I do not at present see that any
othet plausible explanation can be found — the atru at Tell el-
Amarna cannot be very far from 3,600 Egyptian cubits, about i^
English miles. It is worth adding that the stela of Kijm el-Ahmar,J
* A (with E) is the South limii and J the Northern : also G, lying Eastward
and about halfway between A and J, must be the " central " | | stela.
t I do not know whether the signs . form merely a heading for the
fractions that follow, or are to be read as a distinct member of the group.
:|: Proceedings, XIV, p. 407.
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1893.
mentioning 21 khet, implies that the atru wOiS not yet reached at
2,100 cubits.
♦ Section II.— Measures of Area.
Page 4:0, line 21, after "in breadth," add as a note, "thus
the land system was in strips of i x 100 cubits, the latter no doubt
the length of the plough-cut or furrow length, which was the basis
of field measuring in Egypt as in the West." — W.M.F.P.
For evidence that the royal cubit was the cubit used in the land
measures, see above, p. 302.
Section III. — Measures of Capacity.
Page 421, line 10, for -^-^ read ^^.
The hekt, Dynasty XVIII, p. 430.
The double hekt •'"—; and the quadruple hekt .'"Q are found
on fragments of a stela, recording offerings with pefsu fl entries,
from the temple of Akhutaten (Tell el-Amarna), exhibited by
Mr. Petrie, and now in Lord Amherst's collection.
The ;r, p. 426. Some accounts written on the verso of the
fragmentary papyrus 10,371 of the British Museum (Proverbs of
Ptahhotep, Xll-XIIIth dynasty) include a few clear groups in
which <-— -> , etc., are followed by a series of peculiar symbols,
undoubtedly indicating fractions of the re. I had already been
puzzled by some obscurer traces of the same in the Kahun papyri,
and now that the nature of them is known, identification may
perhaps follow. In any case the existence of these special symbols,
which must have gone out of use at an early date, is worth noting.
The niedimnus, p. 433. The " Ptolemaic medimnus,""^ equal
to the jj of the New Kingdom, was probably not used in the
accounts of the Greeks. I have not been able to find any reference
to it, and according to information kindly given by Professor
Mahaffy and Mr. Kenyon, it has not yet been met with in the large
collections of Greek papyri under their care. This circumstance
need not diminish its theoretical importance as the root of the new
system in the old.
* The reference to Hultsch should be ist ed., p. 284, or better 2nd ed.,
p. 624.
306
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Section IV. — Weights.
Page 438, values of gold, silver, and lead ?
*'"' \ \ u can hardly be lead, as lead was common enough in the
XVIIIth dynasty for nails and strainers, and would hardly be worth
5 of gold just before.
" If we suppose that fwS^ was gold, j[ (>m^ was electrum, and
I I ^x was silver in the early time before the XVIIIth dynasty, then
as electrum was paled down by competition, the name might come
to mean only silver ; and as lead came into common use it might
be dignified by the older name for silver ? We must never assume
that names continue to mean the same things in different ages. I
quite distrust all arguments about names of materials — only see
the utter confusion of materials in Pliny and classical authors,
whom we cannot safely clear up.
" '' I I f^ may have some connection with s^ ("* | | h ^^^
or with the moon, the silvery light." — W.M.F.P.*
Page 439, 1. 13, "abounds" is quite the wrong word. The
published papyri, unfortunately, offer but few instances of the
copper unit, for which see p. 104, 109 of Chabas' excellent Rechenhes
stir les poids mesures et vionnaies. f
The ox unit, pp. 438-439.
In writing these two pages, I drew attention by a typographical
device to sundry facts bearing on the question of an " ox-unit " in
Egypt, while I intentionally abstained from using the word itself
until I had studied Professor Ridge way's valuable work,| of which I
had already heard the principle.
To show that an ox unit existed from the Hyksos period to the
time of Amenhotep III, 1700— -1450 b c, it is only necessary to put
together three facts already mentioned in two consecutive paragraphs.
In the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus g | 5^ khetetn (?) means " heads
of oxen," and the same word knefem ? with a different determi-
* Professor Brugsch has since pul)lished evidence, A.Z., XXX, p. no fl.,
which makes it almost certain that this ^^ \ \\\\\ '^ "iron. Another word
resembling | \ Will '"^y '^^^ri "lead."
t Academic des Inscriptions, Mem. des Savants Etrangers, IX.
t "Origin of Cuirency and Weight Standards,'" 1)y William Ridgow.nv.
307 V 2
Mav 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILtOLOGY. [1893.
native Q 1 ' , Y 1 ' is a unit of value for metals, while in the XVIIIth
dynasty an ox ^)^^ is valued at one Q 1 ^^ khetejn (?).
The word ^ at Edfu is perhaps different, and I was wrong
in thinking that I had found Q I used of land in the Kahiln
papyri. But I believe I have found the word Q 1 ' , 7 1 ' used of
oxen in another of those documents, which unfortunately has long
been at the photographer's, and not available for study. This would
put back its use to nearly 2500 B.C.
The name khetem may on the one hand mean a "seal," or
" seal ring," * and so perhaps a " ring " of metal ; or, on the other
perhaps a "sealing" i.e., " branding of an ox."
The weight of the metals in the ox-unit is uncertain, f and its
value in the Hyksos period, as well as in the XVIIIth dynasty,
varied with the metal ; the latter fact is an anomaly probably due to
changes in the relative values of the metals compared to gold after
the weight or proportional weights of the khetem of various metals
had become fixed.
Inscribed Weights.
Notes to the previous catalogue, Vol. XIV, pp. 442-449.
No. 2. Gold standard. Prefessor Wiedemann informs me that
this weight, now in the Louvre, is identical with that mentioned on
p. 261 of his Geschichte : it was formerly in his own collection and
came from Kus (near Coptos).
No. 6a. 5 kiti. Herr Borchardt has pointed out to me that the
strange inscription on the top can be interpreted as a hieroglyphic
spelling of the German words i unz, " one ounce " ! yet it can hardly
be the work of a forger.
No. 10. Translate " Uahabra (Apries), ^ (uten), 10 khepen
(-kiti)" (or "khenp-kiti").
units, uten =■ [1460 (?) grains]
khenpWtx — [73 (?) grains] (half kiti).J
Additional specimens. A reference in Hultsch's great Metrologie
has directed me to a publication in 1875, by Bergmann, of two
* In this connection Mr. I'etrie points out that gold seal rings in Egypt are
of fairly uniform weight, about 140 grains, and may have been adjusted to a
standard equal to the value of an ox : some heavy ones probably reach 210 grains.
Accurate weighings might give interesting results.
t Probably 200 grains ; see p. 313. X See the hhenp weights (p. 310).
308
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
inscribed weights in the Vienna Museum.* It will be seen that one
of these (No. 39 below) is of the highest importance. The par-
ticulars of his five new weights (Nos. 31-35) are furnished by
Mr. Petrie. Mr. Hilton Price kindly lent me the fine Saite specimen
(No. 36) to describe.
31. Oblong steatite ' O 322*8 grains, -^ 3.
Unit ioy6.
107 "6 must be half of the ordinary gold standard (heavy
variety), forming a second gold unit :t an important
weight.
32. Oblong steatite {[jj 1507-3 grains, -=- 8, from Egypt.
Unit 188-4.
The gold standard (light variety).
33. Square basalt, archaic 'iii' 1276-6 grains, -^ 6, from Koft
(Coptos). Unit 212-6.
Gold standard (heavy variety).
34. Broad oblong limestone nnnfin 13563-0 grains, ^50, from
Koft. Unit 271-26 grains.
Double kiti : a new and interesting standard for an
inscribed weight.
35. Oblong limestone, 2 cuts in edge 841-9 grains, -f- 2, from
Koft. Unit 421-0.
The copper (?) standard, see Nos. 20-23.
36. Hq Domed basalt. " The sep of Uahabramernet,"'
/WAAA weight 14,840 grains, from Cairo. Collection of
® F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A.
X (10 utens of 1484 grains).
•O" Probably sep is the name of this weight, which
' — ' belonged to a personage called after one of the
'^-—'^ kings of the XXVIth dynasty.
* These were again published, with No. 37, by the same scholar in the
Recueil de Travaux. I have to thank Dr. Kenner, Director of the Vienna
iMuseum, and Dr. Dedekind, Assistant-curator of the F,g)'ptian Collection, for full
information respecting the objects themselves and references to the works in
which they have appeared.
t Most of the Assyrian weights existed in two forms, single and double, the
corresponding members of each series none the less having the same names.
Mr. Petrie has long since recognised double forms amongst the uninscribed
weights in Egypt.
M\\ 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1893.
37. White quartz, oblong, with all the edges rounded : on one
tace ( '] \\ "^^ ^Z^ " Usertesen [!(?)]," on the other n^ y ^^ U
"the goldsmith Hormeri," 55 "3 grammes = 853-4 grains.
Clearly 4 "gold units " of 213-3 grains.
Xllth dynasty. Vienna Museum, No. 3148 : figured, Anton von
Steinblichel, Scarabees e'gyptiens figures du Musee des Antiquites
de sa Majeste I'Empereur (Vienna, 1824), Taf. II, 43 a and d (the
inscriptions reversed) ; described, Bergmann, Reciteil de Travaux,
XII, p. 10.
38. Domed basalt | U <cz=> D 1 ^ " Psemtek
(Psammetichus) priest of Astarte," weight 455 grammes = 7022
grains.
(5 utens of 1404 grains.)
XXVIth dynasty by the name. Vienna Museum. Bergmann,
Niimismatische Zeitschrift (Vienna), IV, p. 166. Reciieil de Tra-
7'ai/x, XII, 10.
^q. Domed basalt ©Y =0" " Uahabra (Apries),
I uten, (equal) to 5 khenp-uten," weight 94-65 grammes =1460
grains.
units, uten = T460 grains
khenp-\x\.tVi. = 292 grains (double kiti).
XXVIth dynasty. Vienna Museum. Bergmann, A^um. Z, p. 167.
Recueil de Travaux, XII, 10.
The Khenp Weights.
No. 39. 0^0 No. 10. O JO"
I «— =» D mil s
D n
The two weights,-**- No. 39 at Vienna, and No. 10 from
Naucratis, each bearing the name of Uahabra (Apries) are evidently
closely allied. The first is in good condition, but the second
has been broken and readjusted, so that it has hitherto been
impossible to ascertain its original standard, nor could the inscription
* 39 figured, Bergmann, Num. Zeitsch., IV, p. 167 ; 10 figured, Pelrie,
Naucratis, I, PI. XXII, fig. 100, and descril^ed ou p. 79.
310
May 2] TROCEEDINGS. [1893.
be correctly translated until the nature of the group ^— => ^^^^ was
made clear by its occurrence as *»— =- g on the parallel example,
which I had overlooked.
Now these difficulties are practically overcome. No. 38 weighs
1460 grains, and is therefore, as the signs "— j— ' imply, an ordinary
uten. No. 10 in its mutilated condition weighs 5707 grains; "it
has been broken off below and ground down again to a flat bottom,
rather roughly, and apparently adjusted to 4 kats " : this process has
injured the inscription, which must therefore refer to its original
condition, not to the readjustment. As probably more than one
fifth of its bulk has been lost in the fracture and subsequent grinding,
we cannot be wrong in adding 160 grains to its present weight, and
so making it ^ of the uten No. 38. In this way we satisfactorily
explain the sign / ^, which has here the same value as on No. 7,
where 'j,, , , means " ^ (uten or) 5 (kiti)."
Having thus ascertained these primary standards, we can proceed
to consider the other indications of weight in the two inscriptions.
No. 38 is "5 k/ienj>-utens,"* No. 10 "10 k/iepen(-kitis)." Khenp
and khepeti being evidently the .^ame word, we can deduce from
them the following values for a " khenp " series : —
khenp-uten = -^ uten {2 kiti) — 292 grains.
khenp-(kiti) = g'o "^*^''' (2 ^^^^) = 73 grains.
and khenp-uten = 4 khenp-(kiti.)
It is not easy to identify these by absolute weight with any known
units : Mr. Petrie has indeed long suspected the existence of a
double uten and double kiti standard (No. 34 in the catalogue seems
to be an example of a standard equal to the double of a light kiti),
so that the khenp-uten might be the name of the supposed double
kiti; but there are two important considerations that I think tend to
place these equation-weights in a definite historical position.
These weights evidently belong to a series issued under the
XXVIth dynasty. The locality Irom which No. 38 came is un-
* The inscription on the Vienna weight has, however, been read, " i uten
(fixed) by the standard of the 5-uten (weight)." See Bergmann, Recueii de Traviux,
I.e. The Naucralis specimen could likewise be read (though with difficulty) as
"i uten (fixed by the) standard of the lo-utcn (weight)." As an alternative
rendering of the inscriptions which, if proved to be conect, would annihilate ihe
khenp theory, it must be here recorded in spile of some orthographic and linguistic
improbability.
3"
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.TIOLOGY. [1893.
fortunately not known ; but No. 10 was obtained at Naucratis, the
Greek trading colony established in the Western Delta by the kings
of the XXVIth dynasty.
The khenp-kiti is i kiti, the khenp uten 1 uten. Now the
Ptolemaic and Roman papyri render in demotic the drachm by
" i kiti," or 2-^0 uten, while the tetradrachm is the " stater," equated
with 2 kiti, or \ uten. There is certainly here an analogy.
Apries however must have lived under the XXVIth dynasty,
and most probably under his namesake Psammetichus I, or Apries
the predecessor of Amasis. At any rate these weights cannot be
later than the first few years following the Persian conquest, i.e.,
about 520 B.C. Even at that date Athenian comage alone could
not have seriously affected commerce in Egypt so as to induce the
Egyptians to divide their ancient standard on a new system.
But the exigencies of commerce with all quarters may have in-
troduced a change about the time of the foundation of Naucratis.
Amongst the Phoenicians the heavy shekel of 260 grains was
prabably the standard for gold ; while, as Professor Ridgeway has
shown, the ox-unit of 130-138 grains was the ancient gold standard
throughout Greece, where also the half-unit or drachma was pre-
valent at a very early time. It is not unlikely that the traders had
already combined the Phoenician shekel with the Greek drachma,
producing drachma and tetradrachm, when our Apries and the
Egyptians adapted the system to their native standard,* and gave to
its chief elements the names of khenp-uten and khenp-(kiti ?) ; the
original kiti at the same time corresponded to the didrachm or
'^' ox-unit " of 130 grains.
The word *>-'==' ^ , var. *^*"*^,,,,^) khenp, khepeti, is not
known in the Egyptian dictionaries. Its double orthography (and
perhaps the absence of a determinative) is in favour of a foreign
origin. I do not know of any Greek word or proper name to suit it,
but in Hebrew there is a root P]3n, "profane," which seems to fit
the requirements admirably. According to this, the Greek standard
would be designated by the somewhat contemptuous word " profane,"
the Semitic term having perhaps already been in use amongst
Phoenician traders with Greece and Egypt, since the system was not
purely native in any of the countries concerned.
* The ancient Egyptians seem to have had a kind of ihachma and tetra-
drachm in their early system of the 200-grain standard ; but the klienp-weighls
should be foreign by their names.
312
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Principal Standards of JV'eight iji Egypt.
The variation of the standards shown by the weights in the
catalogue makes the task of classification very difficult ; two
standards emerge from the chaos, being marked out by the specific
information contained in their inscriptions.
Gold standard, 200 grains : —
The first of these is the gold standard of about 200 grains. We
now know three units that may be referred to it : No. 37 shows a
"gold" unit of icy grains; this may for convenience be termed
" gold drachma." The didrachm is far commoner : Nos. 2, 3, 4,
and 38 have a "gold" unit varying from 196 to 212 grains, and
there are evidently other specimens without the name " gold." A
tetradrachm also appears frequently ; although there is no specimen
naming " gold " ; on the other hand No. 20 appears to name it
" copper unit."
Multiples of the didrachm belonging to this standard are dated
by cartouches extending from Chufu of the IVth dynasty to
Thothmes I of the XVIlIth, the date of the latter being about the
beginning of the i6th century B.C. The evidence of excavation,
however, shows that the standard existed to a much later date, and a
lighter variety reappears in the Greek monetary standard named the
Aeginetan.
The gold drachma varies certainly from 98 to 106 grains, and
probably No. 13 (the didrachm apparently named uten) should, be
l)laced in this class with a drachma of 109 grains.
The didrachm is probably the ancient ox-unit, named khetem
and khetem-uten in the papyri of the XVHIth dynasty and earlier.
Uten-kiti, 1400-140 graitis : —
I'robably this is the standard of the inscriptions of the XVIIIth
dynasty as well as of the later inscriptions and papyri. The examples
of it * inscribed with personal names and royal cartouches are all
of the XXVIth dynasty or later. The standard of those on which
"kiti " and " uten" are specified varies only from 140 to 146 grains
for the kiti, but there is evidently a much wider range of variation
amongst other specimens. The kiti nearly corresponds to the average
ox-unit t (of Professor Ridgeway), as found in the shekels and
* Nos. 10, 39 ; also 9, 30, 36, 38.
+ I need hardly explain tbat "ox-unit " means the nominal woighl-equivalcnt
of an ox in j^old, or in any other metal if it he specified.
2>^Z
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY, [1893.
talents of Greece and Western Asia. The old Egyptian gold
drachma * is about f of the kiti, and the kiti is about f of the gold
didrachm, />., the old Egyptian ox-unit. Gold was abundant in
Egypt in early times, but conquest and commerce tended to bring
it to a uniform value throughout the ancient world.
It would appear that in the XXV Ith dynasty the kiti was halved
to form a drachma of 73 grains, and doubled to form a tetradrachm
or heavy shekel of 292 grains ; these new units are named on the
weights " khenp [kiti ?] " and "khenp-uten" respectively, in which
names khenp appears to mean " profane." Tetradrachms soon
afterwards, namely in the 5th century B.C., took the leading place
in coinage of various standards, those of Athens especially being
found abundantly throughout the Greek world f ; and in Egypt
the demotic papyri render the tetradrachm (probably meaning
thereby the coins of the contemporary Ptolemaic standards) by the
name " stater," nominally equated to \ uten of silver, so that the
stater corresponds apparently to an earlier "profane (?) uten," while the
drachma in the same documents is \ kiti of silver, like the earlier
"profane (?) [kiti ?]."
The pek, -^^ of the uten, is found once as a unit for gold in an
inscription of an Ethiopian king, perhaps of the 5th century B.C.
(See Vol. XIV, p. 441.) -
ADDENDA.
In the divisions of the cubit the " span " should be read sat (?),
not //.J
For the aim and ar see some further instances quoted by Brugsch,
Die sieben Jahre der hungersnoth, p. 70 ff. The form [j ^ \\ <^ J\
is especially interesting, as intermediate both in age and orthography
between (1 ^ V^ ^AAA/>A (XVI II th dynasty) and (1 <r=> ^ A (late
Ptolemaic). This completing link in the chain of forms of the word
is found in an inscription of Darius, and on the stela of the seven
years of famine at Sehel.
The full text of the Tell el Amarna stelce has just been published
by Daressy in the Rccueil de Travaux, XV, pp. 50-62. The passage
printed above (p. 303) is not quite correct in the French edition.
* This word is a convenient term for what is probably by origin not a unit
but a half-unit.
t They were common at Naucratis. J Brugsch, IVih., Suppl., p. 1228.
314'
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
POSTSCRIPT.
Es wird sie interessieren, dass ich im Augenblick daran bin, die
bislang iibliche — so viel ich weiss— auf sehr schwachen Fussen
stehende Tesung ivtn fiir ^^ tnmi umzustossen, und — freilich nicht
mit unbedingter sicherheit* — durch db7i zu ersetzen. Ich stutze mich
dabei auf deii Passus der Bauerngeschichte Z. 165/6 —
(2
n
" dcine Zunge ist das th gewicht,"
^ mna Y_ ' "dein Herz ist das c//'^/ gewicht."
W. Spiegelberg.
Charluttenburg, 18 Aprils 1893.
The word uten {iifn) has been so long current in metrology as the
principal weight-name in Egypt, that one has been content to leave
it undisturbed until a new variant of ^~t c™ should show it to be
wrong or right. Besides Jitn] it might read tbn, and now Dr. Spiegel-
berg's happy decipherment of an obscurel)j|written group in the story
of the Sekhti gives unmistakeably the latter reading for ^,^,^,^^1111111.
Consequently throughout metrological literature, including the above
" Notes," Ul'EN, wherever it occurs, must be changed to TEBEN,
or, in the Berlin style, deben.
It is remarkable that teben and kiti can both be connected
etymologically with the idea of "circle," "ring." Teben is well known
in the sense of "circular," etc., and has no other root-meaning.
Moreover, the sign ■ j properly represents only such ideas as
circulate, encircle, etc.
We are now in a position to explain the sign Q) which represents
the unit on many inscribed weights (viz., i, 4, 14, 18, 22, 31), by the
followmg series:— O, ^^O (No. 13), ^: Dnm , c^> J ^^ qiie .
It is, in fact, simply a picture, used for extreme brevity in writing, of
the ring teben, and it is actually to be read teben, "ring." onni is of
course a picture of the rectangular stone weight.
^' I venture to think that doubt is impoi>sible.
t utn would more correctly be '
3'5
May 2]
SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY.
[«893-
Teben, " a ring," is a generic term. The standard of the rings
might vary, and we know two standards, namely, the old gold and
the teben-kiti standards.
I beg to congratulate Dr. Spiegelberg on his interesting discovery,
and to thank him most cordially for permitting me to publish it here
without delay. An article on the values of the sign ^=D may
shortly be looked for from his pen.
31^
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
EUPHRATEAxN STELLAR RESEARCHES.
By Robert Brown, Juxr., F.S.A.
Part II.
The Tablet K, 2'^^^.— Obverse. And
The Tablet K, 2310. — Reverse.
I.
The Tablet K, 2894, Ob., a copy of which was given in the
Proceedings, March, 1888, and which in many respects is closely
connected with the Tablet K, 2310, Ob., translated by me in the
Proceedings, April, 1892, reads as follows: —
I- r ^^^Hh Hii ( = ^^, -nil) <^ -[ ]<^ ( = -W)
Kakkab Nun- ki, Nabu
The-star Prince-of-the-Earth, the-Proclamaiion
[^r]
[va]
\and^^
In the Tablet of the Thirty Stars, Star No. XXIX, " The Star
of the Proclamation of the Sea " = " the Star Prince of the Earth.'''''
Nunki =i a Sagittarii,\ and the Sea, whose coming is proclaimed,
is the celestial space occupied by the Dolphi?i, Sea-goat, IVatcr-
pourer, and the three Fishes, oXz.X In W.A.I., III, Ivii, No. 1, we
read : —
VIII. r -K-f ^m m y— \\< a^- -v ^r
Kakkab Nun- ki mes - x^ ini - sax-
The-star Princc-ofthe-Earth a measure tneasi^red {=■ rose)
Mil ^1 -TI^ "-" "^TT <l^
Sibirri (u) gan - zi mati e.siri.
The-crops (and) herbage (?) ofthc-land prosperous (a'e).
* Vide Pyoceedi)ii[s, January, i8qo, p. 14S.
+ Vide Ibid., April, 1892, p. 298.
+ \'ide /^i</. , January, 1890, p. 149.
3^7
May 2] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCILliOLOGY. [1893.
According to the astrologers, who have preserved so much that
is ancient, Sagittarius " inchnes to fruitfulness." In IV. A./., Ill,
lii, No. 2, we read : —
XII. -^>f j^nys. ^?:^ -m-^ -H T tth^
Kakkab U - rax " §,^ X" ^"^ kakkab
The-star Uraxga the-Bird to ihe-star
m <n ^T ^i -rr^^ - ^-^ ^ t?
Nun - ki dixu gan - zi ina mata kal - a
Prince-of-the-earth (is) opposite. Herbage (?) in land all
su'ata ibassi.
t/ie {tkis) is.
The term dixu, 'faces,' appears to denote what astrologers call
the ' aspect,' and therefore permits two stars or planets to be at
various distances from each other, and does not necessarily imply
that they are on opposite sides of the heaven. Ganzi is probably,
like sibirri, ' crops,' an Akkadian loan-word, connected in meaning
with the Akkadian gan, 'field,' 'garden.'
2.
T ^^I-Hh
-^^\^ ^
<T- r--
kakkab
Girtab - tab
innamiru,
The-constellation
of -the- Scorpion
is-seen,
V
T "^^W • •
. .
sa
ana isitta . .
. .
7C'hich portends a-foundation ....
Scorpio and Sagittarius are adjoining constellations. For further
comment on this line, vide Proceedings, February, 1889, p. 145.
kakkab Sak - vi - sa . . . . ( ^ 2'^X<='^ ''""'^ 't^pf^ov aarljp.
The-star the-Suvimoner .... Ba/ivXwftot. Hesychios)
Mercury, "the dog of the Sun," is so styled from its heliacal
rising, and is also called JVadu ("the Proclaimer "), and Sulpauddu
(vide inf. 1. 9). After the lacuna the line ends »-t{^ J^If, perhaps
to be read satti itik "... year crosses."
318
May 2]
PROCEEDINGS.
[i«93-
4. r -h>^
--rrr ^ ->f j^^r -Mr
^^ ^^- IH
kakkab
Gir-tab D.P. Iz - ^i
yub - bu - ur ;
The-constellation
of-the-Scorpioti the-Fiery-one
crossed ;
^-^Hh r™ V
'^rij^ -^Hh
-^\\\ ^
kakkabi sa
risi kakkab
Gir - tab
j/^rj <?/" /5^^
ginning {form) the constellation
of-the-Scorpion
tv r— ^r
rabi - va
great ; and
Izsi, x\s. C/y//,= "the red planet" Mars. As to the expression
' beginning,' vide note on 1. 8. Orion was a giant, but the Scorpion
was "huger still."* So Ovid {Metam. i, 195-7): —
" Est locus, in geminos ubi brachia concavat arcus
Scorpios ; et cauda flexisque utrinque lacertis,
Porrigit in spatium signorum membra duorum."f
There is a special connexion in the Tablets between Mars and
Scorpio, which, in astrology, " is the House of Mars and also his
Joy," as there is between the red "Aptj^, known in Greek astronomy
as Fyroeis, and the star Cor Scorpionis, vw^Kiftfjo^ [= "saffron-yellow "]
KaXov^evo^ 'AvTapr]9 (Ptolemy), a term meaning at once " Equal-to-"
and " Opposite-to-Ares." Thus, in W.A.I. Ill, liii, No. i, we
read : —
XX. T ^t^HF- ^^Vi*/- T ^^V^
kakkab Ni - bat- a - nu ana kakkab
The-star Death-in-heaven {Mars) to t/ie-constellation-of-tlie-
-HIT ^
Gir - tab
Scorpion {is)
XXI.
dixu
opposite ;
--IT
Zu
The-Zodiacal-sign
ina saplit - si
by its-lower-part
itsab - bat
it-seizes.
* Aratos, Phainomena, 643.
t As to the Scorpion, vide Proceeiin^^s, February, 1890, pp. 196-201 ; ^^.^rcl^,
1891, pp. 263-5.
3^9
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
This is a conjunction, as mentioned in our Tablet, 1. 4 ; and the
statement is of rather special interest, inasmuch as in Hindu astro-
nomy we find "the term for planet [is] graha, 'the seizer,' [which]
is evidently of astrological origin."* Hence planetary seizing =
entering a Sign.
xxvni. ^.y jr^tr ^T -1141 -K>f -^TTT ^
D.P. Iz - si kakkab Gir-tab
The-Fiery-one the-constellation of-the-Scorpion
X\ - ->^ ^^ V, ^ ^ ^-]]] ti:]
ka-bi; D.P. Ni-bat-a-nu ina libbi izzaz.
addresses ; Death-in-heaven in the-midst is-fixed.
Here Izsi is identified with Nibafauii (vide Fig. i), and its
position is i/ia libbi absi, "in the midst of the abyss" {Tablet of the
Thirty Stars, 1. 25), which is deemed to be somewhere in or near
Scorpio.-\ With Izsi ci. the Magyar izzo, 'fervens.'
'■Addresses.'' — A technical term, which frequently occurs. It
indicates a special connexion between two heavenly bodies, and
reappears in Classical astrology. Thus, according to Manilius
{Astron.,'\\ 486 et seq.), the Ram hears himself, the Bull the. Fishes,
the Ttvins the Water-pourer, the C?-ab the Goat, the Lion the Archer,
the Virgin the Scorpion, and the Balance " suos sequitur sensus."
D.P. Iz - si yu - ta - ma - al - va
The- Fiery-one goes-slowly. And
Mars "goes slowly " across Scorpio, as Jupiter "lingers" {yudan-
nat) in the constellation of Gula ( IV.A.I. Ill, Ivii, No. i, Sec. i, 1. 2 ;
vide inf p. 33"). Mr. Pinches conneci'i yutaninial w'xth. emelu, "to
toil wearily." Cf. Heb. ^t^V .
T T
The doctrine of the planetary Houses is certainly Euphratean in
origin, witness the following Fragment from Dorotheos, who appears
* ^Yeber, Hist. Indian Literattii-e, l87cS, p. 250.
t Vide FrocccJings, February, 1890, p. 197.
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
to have been a native of Sidon, and who is called by Plutarch*
o ^a\^a2o<i\ : —
Ai/JCTOl eK TOVTWV fluWol' KpOl^O^ eiV YCfiO')(^l]l,
Zee? o' eui To^evrij, Kui 'EKopTnto rjheTai 'Aptjv '
KfTT/ji? o' eV Tavpiv fyai/fTfl* vooi', ev ^e vv K.ov/Jif
Epf^ieia^' €t? 0' etTTi cofiof (pwar^ipos' eKurxTov.
Here the poet uses the technical term " House" {Po^to^), assign-
ing the Water-pourer to Saturn, the Archer to Jupiter, the Scorpion
to Mars (vide i-?.?/. 1. 4), the Bull to Venus, and the Virgin to
Kakkab Gir - tab karni - sa
The-constellation of-the-Scorpion, its horns
-^\\ A-^ -W- t-^^} V m ill! -^ V Tl
zu - h - u ra sa - ru - ru sami isakkin-a.
Splendour (and) brightness of-Jieaven they-cause.
Tsuru, zuru, Heb. IH^. As to saruru, cf. Z'a<5'. A'. 2310
Rev. 1. 6.
The explanation of this difificult passage seems to be as follows ; —
We have seen J that Antares "is identified with Lugal-tudda . . . the
god of the lightning," and that the ideograph «->^yyy, gir, " pictorially
representing 'blade,' 'sting,' or 'pointed tail,' means 'to strike,'
' scorpion,' 'plough ' and 'lightning.'" Hence, the constellation of
the Scorpion is connected with the Storm-King and his thunderbolt,
and its stars are grouped to the eye of the scribe somewhat like a
thunderbolt.
7- -4- III! -^ - ^!!! ^-A-^ -!!^ --!! ^ ->f <
D.P. Lu-bat ina libbi kakkabi Zi - ba - ni - ti
Jupiter iti the-place of-the-star Boundary-of-heaven
J^! ^!
izzaz - va
is-fixed. And
* Peri Fotomdn, xxiii.
f It is not probable that Plutarch used the term ' Chaklivan ' in the sense of
an astronomico-astrological professor, which is its meaning in Juvenal, Tacitus,
and Suetonius.
X Proceedings, February, 1S90, p. 199.
321 Z
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
Zihanna = Saturn* t::^^ <-- ^IT^ "'^TI ^ ^% {W.A.I.
II, Ivii, 49), Kakkab Mi Zi-ba-7ii-tui\ "the Star Zibafifia, the Black."
Jensen renders 1. 7 : " Bibbu ina libbi Zibaniti /s:;rts: = Mars stand im
Zibani/ii"^ which he connects with the Arabic El-sitbhia, "the
Claivs" (of the Scorpion). But, as I have endeavoured to show, J
there was no Euphratean Sign of the Claics ; and the Akkadian
name Zibanna does not mean 'claws,' and has no connexion with
zubena, which is a translation of the Greek X>j\(ii'. Further, it will
be observed that Jensen does not translate the word /ibbi ; the scribe
does not say that some planet "stands in Zibaniiu," but "in the
place of Zibanifu," a fact which proves that Zibanna is not a constel-
lation. In W.A.I. II, Ivii, 44 ei seq., it is connected with single
stars, such as Dilgan (Capella) and Kaksisa (Sirius). In W.A.I.
III, Ivii, No. 6, where the names of certain stars in several 7-star
groups are given, Zibanna appears as the 7th star in the group of
the 7 ^y Iy ^ ma-a-su, "Twin-stars"; the others are (i) the Mas-
tabbagalgal (" Great-twins ") = Castor and Folliix. (2) The Mastab-
^fl'////-/«r ('Little-twins') perhaps here 7 and >/ Geniinornm. (3) The
Mastabba (' Twins ') near Sibziafma, = (probably) c and e Virgi?tis.
(4) Ninsar and Urragal (vide Proceedings., February, 1890, p. 193)
= /3 and ?/ Virginis. (5) "The Star of Nebo," i.e.. Mercury, in his
two phases, Nabu and Nusku.% And (6) Sarur and Sargas (vide
Ibid.yT^. 207), = (probably) \ -{- v and 6 Scorpionis. The planet
Saturn, like the planet Mercury, will be regarded as a " Twin-star "
by virtue of two different phases. ||
The form Zibanna is akin to such names as Tiranna {^A-
if^^YYTY ""Hi" *~^I' ^'^- Dayan-samCs " Judge-of-heaven," i.e., Polaris),
* Vide Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 269.
+ Die KosDiologie der Bahylonicr, 68.
X Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 262, et seq.
§ Mercury as Sulpauddii, Hermes, the Morninir-star, is associated with Tu
('Death.' Vide W.A.I. Ill, Ixvii, 21); and Nusku, the "Ewervrng- Mercury,
reappears in a familiar Homeric scene : —
'Ep/Lt>jc St -^vy^ciQ KvWfivtoc f^E/caAfiTfl
arSp'iJi' /j.vrjTTi'jpcov tx^ 5f pa^Soi' /ufrd X^P'^'
KaKiji' xp'^'''£"/*'j ''■y t' at'Spiov ufi/xara 6l:\yci
uip tdt\n Torc,- 5' aire Kal v-rrvMOVTag tytlpfi. (Od. XXIV, I-4.)
That is to say, Hermes the Evening-star 'lulls,' and Hermes the Morning-star
' rouses.'
II Vide Proceedings, .March, 1 891, p. 248.
322
May 2]
PROCEEDINGS,
[1893.
Aganna (" Lord-of-heaven,'' i.e., Ursa Major ; vide Proceedings,
March, 1887, p. 130), Uruanna {:= Orion, " Light-of-heaven " ; vide
Proceedings, April, 1892, p. 293), Ni7isianna (■J*^'^^! '^"T-'^T """"I *'^T>
" Lady - of- the - Garden - of - heaven," i.e., Venus), Sibzia?ina*
(^Ilil -TT^ M ^^T . " Shepherd - of - the - life - of- heaven," i.e.,
Arcturus), Gutanna (tf^ ^^\ *^\^ " Bull-of-heaven," i.e., Taurus),.
and Etanna (^\\ ^\\ — f v^f), the Titan. In W.A.I. Ill, lix.
No. 12, we read : —
-m<^^ <«
ina tarbatsi Sini
in the-setting of-the-Moon.
IV ->f ^
.... an - na
.... of-heaven
V SrY T"^ -tTYY
^- "-I It '-^ty
Iz - za - az
Is-fixed.
I would supply the lacuna in 1. iv : \ ^^![>-»Jf- ""ff'^ ^*~^ ,
kakkab Ziba- and understand the passage, " Saturn is fixed where
the Moon set."
Kakkab Dil - gan ^alabu ;
The-star Messenger-of-light is-niisty
ki mati erib, - va ina musi
yu - mi illak,-va
at-daybreak it-goes, and
id innamar. Sarru
according to (its) region, sets, and in the-night is not seen. The-king
imat - va
dies, and
^USUT^I^U
famine
ibas - si.
occurs.
* This name, translated in Assyrian by RT u-hut-samc, also reappears in
Greek, i.e., as Bowtjjc {Od., V, 272; Anakreon, Fragments, iii, .\xxi), "the
Ploughman." The star (8 Bo'dtis is El-bakkdr, Bubithus, and the idea of the
ox-driving Ploughman or Herdsman, as applied to the constellation, is Eujihratcan
in origin. Its other and more strictly Greek name is 'ApKTO(pv\aK ("the A'^;-
ward"), in which the Euphratean idea of taking charge of some animal is applied
in connexion with the Aryan constellation of the Great Bear. Bootes, says
Aratos, ipipirai iKc'invri iuiKMq "moves as if he drove" (P/iainonieita, 91).
Actual inspection will show that this is mere fancy, and that the simile arises,
not naturally, but from the application to Bootes of the foreign (Euphratean) idea
of a driver of some kind. Jensen {Die Kosmologie der Buhylonicr, 48-9) supposes
that Sihzianna must be a star "in der Nahe wenigstens der Ekliptik." This
view is based on two errors: (l) a mistranslation of the passage ft'. .-}./. Ill,
May 2]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1893.
The star-name >- ^^y is read by Jensen and others, As-kar, but,
as the name of the planet Venus, >->-y >->—<= Gk. AeXe'^ar, 6 tJ}?
'A0/io5/T>/9 aa-ri]/), vtto XuXcai'tvv (Hesychios, in voc), we need not
hesitate to transhterate the first syllable by di7, as Prof. Sayce has
done. J^ar is a secondary value of >^f, but the value gmi (= As.
iiabadhu^ ' light '), is far more appropriate. " In Akkadian times,"
says Prof. Sayce, " the commencement of the year was determined
by the position of the star . . . Dilgan ... in relation to the new
moon at the vernal equinox."* So we read in the W.A.I. Ill, Hi,
No. 3, Rev. 1. 8 : Mitxcirti ris satti sa kakkabi Dilgan, tamurti D.P.
Sini, etc., " the appearance at the beginning of the year of the star
Dilgan, the sight of the Moon," etc. Messrs Sayce and Bosanquetf
have ably shown that Dilgan, in As. Ikti, "the Leader " {i.e., of the
year), J and called >— ^^\ ^^y '"'^T f***) Dil-gan Bab-ili, being the
patron star of Babylon, = Capella {a Aurigce).% In the Tablet of the
Thirty Stars we read : —
Kakkab Dil - gan = Kakkab Ma - a - tu :
The-Star Messenger-of-light = the-Star Tetnpest {i.e.)
Ma - a - tu Tin - tir - ki.
the- Tempest of the-Abode-oflife.
li, 17-19 : "During the period when the Moon is Anu," *~ J7" ^^^, ina gag-
gar, " in the region [vide Sayce and Bosanquet, The Babylonian Astron., No. 2,
p. 121] of the star Sihzianna it is seen." Ina gaggar might also be rendered
"over the orbit" (vide Proceedings, April, 1892, p. 296). For ^a^^ar Jensen
reads " kakkar {kakkabu)." And (2) on a misunderstanding of the passage
IV. A. I. Ill, liii, No. I, Rev., I. 28: Sin tarbatsa ipaxxi''-'^'^ kakkab Sibziantta
ina libbi-sii izzaz, which means that the star Sibzianna is fixed in its own place,
not in that of the Moon (cf. W.A.I. HI, lix, No. 12, lines 4, 5, inf. ; and
W.A.I. Ill, lix, No. 15, Rev., I. 5 : Satnas erib-va ina fnanzazi Sin izzaz, " the
Sun sets, and the Moon in its (own) fortress [= place] is fixed"). Hommel
{Die Astronomie der alien Chaldder, iii, 10, 11), who renders Sibzianna by
" treue Hiiter des Himmels," holds that it may be some stars in the Twins, or
Betelgeuse (o Orionis), or Sirius ; so that, according to him, it may or may not be
an ecliptic star.
* Herodotus, 402.
t The Babylonian Astronomy, No. 2, in the Monthly Notices of the Royal
Astronomical Society, Vol. XL, No. 3.
:J: Vide Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 249,
§ Vide Ibid., April, 1892, pps. 301-4.
324
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Matu, the Tempest-god, had been the agent of vengeance against
mankind at the Flood ; « Capella, the Tempest-star,* of Tintirki {i.(.,
Babylon) is sacred to him.
Ki mati. Cf. Ki libbi {inf. p. 334).
Yu - me sub - tim yu-ma-mi; sama
For-days in-its-place it {Dilgati)-is-obscured ; the-heavci
utala - a D.P. Sul -pa-ud-du <jl ibassi.
an-eclipse {possesses). The-Messenger-of-the Rising-Sun is not {seen).
Kibitta
At-last
Sulpauddu = Mercury (vide Proceedings., March, 189 1, p])S.
247-8).
D.P. Lu-bat-gut-tav innamar-va erib-va ul ibassi-\a
Jupiter is-seen, and it-sets, and is not {visible) ; and
- yy 5.^ 4 <^^ >^ _ <r-
ina sanni nahidi yu - mi ul innamar.
on the-second clear day it is not seen.
Lubatguttav (" the-old-Sheep-of-the-furrow-of-heaven ") —Jupiter
(vide Proceedings^ March, 1891, p. 248).
Innamar-va yumi-su yulabbaru-va ina tsit-samsi
It-is-seen, and its-days are-established, and at sunrise
kibitta erib, sa sanni nahidi ar^i (il innamar.
at-last it-sets, when on-the-second clear {day) of-the-month it is not seen.
12. y x.^^^ ^ ^-yyy< e?TI ?? ^TT- ^ InlT i\
Kakkab Nu - tsir - da za - mar i - lav - va
The-constellation Image-of-the-Serpent at-the-same time it-rises and
* Cf. Proceedings, March, 1891, pps. 300 303.
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARClL^iOLOGY. [1893.
za - mar it - pal ; enuva kakkabi - su kima
a/ thc-sanie'timc it-sets ; then its-stars like
ka - ra - ri - e ibassu.
circles are.
This consteUation, which is mentioned in the Tablet of the Thirty
Stars (1. 44), may be in As. Tsalamu-tsiri or Riibu-tsiri (" Prince-of-
the-Serpent "). Star No. XXV of the Thirty is Kakkab T^zV ("the
Star of the Snake "), which appears to be // Serpentarii* Nutsirda
is probably Serpentarius and Serpens, or a part of thein. I am
indebted to Prof. Sayce for the translation of zainar.
13. -4- liu -^ ^\^ 4 <i- ^r <:^y t\ ^ <r-
D.P. Lu-bat-gut-tav innamar-va itpal-va ul innamar
Jupiter is-seen, and it-sets and is not seen ;
<:[ii ^T ^ 4 <^^ <r- <^i ^y ^ <y
ki-ma ina yu-mi innamar: itpal-va 01 innamar.
thus at daybreak it-is-seen : it-sets and is not seen.
u. t-^y^ ;<viy ^-irj t-]} -]]itv, -^idf 5^yyy^^ v ^ <y
Kakkab- su kima ka - ra - ri - e ka - ga sak-nu-si.
Its-star like circles an-appearance makes.
In W.A.I. Ill, lii, No. i, lines 1-2, Jupiter, when rising brightly
is said to form a tail ; on which Prof. Sayce observes, " This would
refer to the streak of light thrown by the rising planet upon a misty
atmosphere. "t The stars of a constellation may of course be so
regarded as to form circles (vide 1. 12), like e.g., those of LibraX or
Corona.
15. f--^>f ^y -yy4 -yyyy<Ty xx^-^-^>->-
Kakkab Su - gi tarbatsa, kakkabi
The-constellation of-the-Chariot-yoke sets, the-stars
* Vide Proceedings, February, 1S90, p. 200.
+ Transactions, IV, p. 37.
X ^\(ii^ Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 261.
326
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
ta <« - n]\ tth^
ipaY;i^iru. Sin ina libbi kakkabi
co//ecf ( = sef). The-Moon in the-midst of-the-constellation
.IT -IT4 -TTKTT CO ^T
Su - gi tarbatsa ipa^^^ir, - va
of-the-Chariot-yoke sets (lit. disappearance makes), and
Hence, Hommel's identification of Sugi with Orion falls to the
ground.
16. y t^y^ B -114 ^t^-f y^- I tr ^T
Kakkab Su - gi, kakkabi - su min - ma
The-cons fellatio n of-the-Chariot-yoke, its-stars during-whatever
satti nazuzu sibirri ina satti suati imakaru.
year they-are conspicuous, the-crops in year this {men) sell.
4 . -^^^
Yumi ibassi
At-daybreak it-appears (lit. is).
17. ^^^Hpy™ z. --y 4->f IH!
Kakkabi - su ba - ah - lu
Its-stars are-produced.
As to Sugi, vide Proceedings, April, 1892, pps. 280-1 ; inf. p. 328.
18. The-star the-Leader i^Kaksisa) for a north wind its appcaiance
makes :
19. At daybreak it-is-seen ; a north ivind blows.
Translated by me in Proceedings, April, 1892, p. 281.
20. y -;[.>f -4: -^yy <y^ '^yyyr
Kakkab Kak - si - sa ^alabu mati
The-star the-Leader \is) misty : in-tlie-land
??< ^jn :^ 5.y? -^gj
p^a - ru - bi - e ikkalu
locusts devour.
■=- K. 2310, Ob. 1. 6.
327
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
21. /// the-month Tatnmuz the-star the-Leader {^nd) the-star the-
Eagle are-in-the-asccndant : the sesame tuill be fioutishhig.
= K. 2310, Ob. 1. 7 (vide Proceedings^ April, 1892, p. 282).
22. The-star the-Leader and the-star the-Eagle together are-seen ;
and,
= K. 2310, Ob. 1. 8 (vide Ibid., p. 283).
23. The-constellaiion the Yoke {^Capricorn') at sunrise its-appearance
makes : at daybreak {it is) bright. An east tvind.
= K. 2310, Ob. lines 9-10. For comment on lines 18-23, vide
Proceedings, April, 1892, p. 281, et seq.
24 .... ^S\ ^y, illak-va, "blows and " . . . .
II.
The constellation Sugi. In W.A.I. Ill, Ivii, No. 6, we read : —
LI II. Kakkab Sugi, kakkab Ud-ka-gab-a (vide inf. p. 332),
LIV. Kakkab Sib-zi-an-na, (Arcturus, vide sup. p. 323), kakkab
Kak-sisa {Sirius),
LV. Kakkab En-te-mas-mur (vide inf. p. 330), kakkab Id-xu
{Altair, vide Proceedings, April, 1892, pps. 284-6),
LVI. Kakkab Pa-pil-sak (vide Ibid., March, 1891, pps. 265-6),
7 Lun-ma-si.'^
The Ak. mas. As. niasu, means 'hero,' the original ouranic
' Hero ' being the Sun,* an admirable instance of the application of
the constant principle of reduplication ;] and the Ak. lu-mas =
"sheep (i.e., stars) of the hero." But mas (>|-) also = "to divide,"
'half,' "a second," 'brother,' etc. Hence, lu-mas i^{\\\..) "sheep
(or in As. ' oxen ')-two," = 'Twins' (of some kind). Hence,
therefore, Sibzianna, considered as one of the 7 pairs of Twins, will
= a and r] Bootis ; Sirius = a and ft Canis, or a Canis and a Canis
Minoris [Procyon) ;X and Altair = a and ft AquilcB. We therefore
require a pair of stars in the ecliptic (vide I. 15) for Sugi.
Jensen and Hommel hold that the Ak. name Sugi = As. Sibu,
"Old-man," 'Sheik,' Heb. ni^ity and quote W.A.L III, liii,
T " '
No. I, Rev. 1. 30, in illustration. But all that is there stated is that
* Vide Sayce, Rel. Ancient Bads., p. 49.
t Vide Proceedings, January, 1890, p. 145.
X Vide Jdid., April, 1892, p. 297.
328
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
" the constellation of the Pregnant-woman {Kakkab Eratii) with the
constellation Sibi {4^^ ^, "Double-eye") and the constellation of
Anu \i.e., Lullim^ " the Ram^ is fixed." Sibi may be identical with
Sugi, though this passage does not show that it is ; and, if so, its
name is exactly suitable for one of the Lumasi. In 1. 32 " the
constellation of the Pregnani-womati " is said to ' speak ' (vide S7i/>.
p. 320) to Si/gi. M. Oppert, Prof. Sayce agreeing, "since i:.] ]^
^T *"n-<^ ^^ translated ' the front part of a chariot,' "* renders Sugi\
" Of-the-helm," meaning, I presume, " Helm-star," but Mr. Pinches
translates Sugi by ' Chariot-yoke,' which appears to me to be, on the
whole, much the better rendering, and which I have followed
accordingly. The idea of a sky-yoke is a very natural one; we find
the ecliptic itself styled " the Yoke of the sky,"t and, as we have seen, |
the Yoke was a name for the Goat-fish (vide 1. 23), for, be it
remembered, the same star or constellation may have, and frequently
has, many different names. § In W.A.I. Ill, Ivii, No. 4, we
read : —
XI. ^>f ^ ^ ^ <;y^ ^>f ^1 ^yy^ >:;<y
D.P. Dil-bat ina pan D.P. Su - gi illak.
Venus from before the Chariot-yoke goes.
This passage further illustrates the position of Sugi as an ecliptic-
constellation. In W.A.I., III, lix. No. 11, we read: —
XII. r <« ^yyy<TT D ^I ^^y^ -h^ -
Sin tarbatsa ipa^^ir-va kakkabi ina
The-Moon sets and the-stars in
libbi nazuzu.
{their) place are-fixed.
* Transactions, III, p. 173, note 2.
t Vide Sayce, Babylonian Literature, 55.
X Proceedings, April, 1892, p. 299.
§ Popular names of constellations are, naturally enough, frequently based
upon the shapes of their star-combinations, £..$., the two Wains. So Orion was
called ' A\(.Tpoirb^iov ( = ' WiKTpmro^iov), ' Cock's-foot ' (vide Hesych. in voc.
'Qpitav. Ideler, Sternnameti, p. 220).
329
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
XIV. n ^T
.IT -WA
-
Sanu : - va
kakkab
Su - gi
ina
Ditto: and
the-constellation
of -the- Chariot-yoke
in
-*iTr 1 j^r
libbi - su izzaz.
its-place is-fixed.
To be ' fixed ' = " to wax " (as the moon), " to appear," " shine
bright " (as of stars).
I give these Hnes in further illustration of the meaning of " its
place" (vide sup. p. 324 note). Sugi is fixed in its own place, not in
that of the Moon, although, as an ecliptic-constellation, it might
have occupied the place where the Moon had set ; so, when the
Moon sets, the stars are not all fixed in its place, but in their own
piaces.
In W.A.I. Ill, li. No. 9, lines 26-8, the Moon is represented as
being near XX\-^Ar '^ j^ > kakkab Rukubi, Heb. ID"^, "the
constellation of the Chariot ;" and Prof. Sayce renders the line
Ana kakkab Rukiibi [Ak. Sll-gar^^ luik?-i>n, " Round the star of the
Chariot it [i.e., the Moon] circled." It seems clear, however, from
the late Greeko-Babylonian astronomy, that "the constellation of the
Chariot" was where, indeed, we should expect to find it, i.e., between,
or forming part of, Auriga and Taurus.^ The description in the
Tablet well applies to stars slightly north of the Moon. " The con-
stellation of the Chariot" is thus quite distinct from "the constel-
lation of the Chariot-yoke."
In W.A.I. Ill, liii. No. i. Rev. 1. 33, the kakkab Entenamasluv
{=■ Entejnasmur, sup., p. 328) is said to be "fixed behind" {Kakkab
sa arki-su izu-zu) Eratu ("the Pregnant-woman^^), or else behind
Sugi, I think behind Eratu. Now, Entenamasluv is Star No. XXI,
in the Tablet of the Thirty Stars, and this Akkadian name was
rendered (not translated) in Assyrian by Etsen-tsiri\ (" the-Tip-of-
the-Tail"); and, as I have shown, :5^ it will be certain, stars near the
tip of the tail oi Hydra, including the star 20 Librce, the 7 of the
' unformed ' stars around the ' Claws of Ptolemy. Hommel regards
'* Vide Epping, Astrofi. aiis Bab., pp. 121-2.
t The Akkadian equivalent for Etsen-tsiri is Gis-kun ("Heaven-tail"), a
• name which would be perfectly applicable to the constellation.
X Vide Proceedings, February, 1890, pp. 195-6.
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Enteinasjnur, which he reads as In-finnina-bar-shigga, as meaning at
times De7iebola ("the Lion's Tail," Dzeneb-al-ased, ji Leonis), and at
other times Deneb {i.e., Dzeneb, "the Tail," « Cygni). But, we are
not entitled thus to divide Entcmasmiir ; nor, if Sugi^=^ Orion (as
Hommel supposes, vide sup. p. 327) does it appear how either
Denebola or Deneb could be said to be ' behind ' Orion., or behind
any star near Orion. In any case Detieb, a star far north of the
ecliptic, is out of the question.
From the combination of the foregoing considerations I think it
will follow that the constellation of the Chariot-yoke =. a and /3 Libra,
Zuben-el-genubi ("the Southern-claw") and Zubeti-el-chcmali ("the
Northern-claw "). Nor can there be much doubt that, on account
of SUGI, "the {Chariot) Yoke" the constellation was called in the
West Zv^fov,* "the Yoke," the Lat. /Hgnm,\ for both sound and
sense agree in the identification. Zv^fov, a secondary meaning of
which is " the beam of the balance," as that which joins the scales,
thus became the sire of the constellation Libra. I have noticed J
that Achilleus Tatios, in a Fragment preserved by Petavius,§ speaks
of Ta5 X/^Xa?, Ta9 KuXovjuduas; ott' Xi^jvTniwv Z>v'fov. That the Egyptians
borrowed much star-lore from Euphratean regions is certain. Bertin
thought that they devised a Zodiac of 12 signs out of the 30 stars,
and Prof Hommel has recently given much attention to this subject,||
but it is one into which I cannot enter here. There is no sugges-
tion that the Sugi-sto-xs were very bright, but, when they were clear
the crops were good (1. 16); and, similarly, the astrologers describe
Libra as "rather a fruitful Sign."
* Of course I do not mean that the Greek word t,v-yov is derived from the
Akkadian sugi.
t So Cicero: " In y/c»i7 cum esset Luna," or, as our Tablet soys, Sin iiia
lihbi kakkahi Sugi (1. 15). The Sign reappears in the borrowed astronomy of
India as Jteka, and "in an Irish hand of the 9th century on fol. l6b of the
Karlsruhe codex of Beda's De Temporum Katione, as zichos^' (Ap. Whitely
Stokes, in the Academy, January 5, 1884). Geminos, cir. B.C. 77, uses the form
X Proceedings, January, 1890, p. 145.
§ Uranologion, edit. 1 630, p, 168.
II Vide his Die Astronomie der alteti Chaldiier, iii, 10, and his paper at the
Ninth International Congress of Orientalists (September, 1892), Der babylouisclte
Ursprung der degyptischen Kultiir.
May 2]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY.
[1893-
Hommel places the constellation ZTdkagaba {sup. p. 328), which
he renders "Throat-opening-beast," either in the region oi Lepus, or
in the comparatively starless space occupied by the modern constel-
lation the Unicorn, between the two Dogs. I will merely observe
that, in the abstract, this view appears to me to be in the highest
degree improbable for a variety of reasons ; but the question is
decided by Tablet S. 162, Ob. (Fig. i) which gives this constellation
as next Girtab (" the Scorpion "), and as specially connected with
the 9th month and the Sign Sagittarius.
^r^""^"^^
^'f'Uo,
jFiff.L Fragment ofEuphraUa/v Flanispherc.
The name ^] "^^Idf ^^ Ty Js transliterated Utucagaba by Prof.
Sayce, who translates it "the Light-of-the-white-face," whilst Mr.
Pinches reads Ud-gti-du-a, "the Flowing(?)-day." In the Tablet of
the Thirty Stars we find Nibatanu placed next to Udgudua (Rev.
1. 42), as in Tablet S. 162, and we read : —
xLiii. tBf ^r ^T::r t\\ VA ^T ^ ^h 4- ^<T
Kakkab Ud - gu - du - a = Yu-mu na - ah - ri.
The-constellation of-the-Smiting-sun-face — The-day of-dawn.
The phrase yurnu tiahri must^= nahru sa yumi {^\), "the dawn
of day." The constellation-name, however read, appears to be
formed of words meaning ' Sun ' + ' face ' + ' smite ' + the participle-
form «, and the rendering I suggest is also exactly suitable to stars
332
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
in Sagittarius, the original Sagittary being the Sun, who smites from
his face with his arrowy rays,* and the h.?,. yumu nahri ^= 'sunrise,'
is a very good translation of the Ak. constellation-name. We thus
get rid of the " Rachen offnenden Bestie," the " schnappender oder
briillender Qmu" of Hommel ; and can leave the ^^oox Bare {Lepus)\
to the Dog alone, as usual.
III.
The Tablet K. 2310. — Rev. This Tablet, a copy of which is
given in the Proceedings, March, 18S8, is perhaps peculiarly difificult
to translate, especially since not a single line is perfect ; the render-
ing in parts, therefore, is necessarily somewhat tentative, and will
doubtless ultimately be improved upon,
Kakkab Kastu ....
The-constellation of-the-Bow ....
The Bab. form ^ ^ = the As. •{^f \ kastu, the constellation
in question, in Ak. Ban, being the ^(^r^-stars of Sagittarius (vide
Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 267, Fig. XVII), otherwise described
as the Stars of Anunit and Sinuntu (vide Ibid., April, 1892, p. 298),
and forming Star ( = Constellation) No. XXXVIII, of the Thirty
Stars (vide Ibid., February, 1890, p. 203). Similarly, Aratos§ calls
Sagittarius simply the Bow (To^ov),
2 ^"it] -HF- <r- ^^ :^i1 « . • • •
.... ris ili innamar-va ina libbi ....
.... t he-he ad of -t he-god is-seen, and in the tnidst ....
A correct restoration of the constellation-name in line 1, enables
us to understand the difificult expression "the head of the god," i.e.,
of Sagittarius, "the god" being originally Nergal, || whose arrows
slay, like those of the solar Apollon, and who is constellationally
* Vide Proceedings, January, 1890, p. 145.
t As to Lepus in Euphratean regions, vide R. Brown, Jr., EriJaniis,
p >. 10, II. As to the Kakkab Urbat {" the Constellation of the Beast -of-death ")
of the Planisphere (Fig. i), vide Prnceeditigs, February, 1890, p. 202. In the
Tablet of the Thirty Stars Urbat is similarly next to Girtab.
I Vide Amiaud et Mechineau, Tableau Cojiiparc, No. 145.
§ Phainonieua, 623, 664-5.
II Vide Proceedings, April, 1892, p. 298.
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
reduplicated. Further, we may observe fr.nn the Tablets as well as
from actual representations, that many of the constellation-forms
were like our own, e.g., Sagittarius and Capricorn had ' heads ' (vide
1. 5), as with us ; and, again, if the Boic were a single star, e.g.,
Sirius, as several writers suppose, what would be the sense or mean-
ing of the expression " head of the god," as applied to it ? *
Ina libbi: This phrase (vide sup. p. 324) has probably one or
more astronomical meanings; the word lihlm, Heb. ^.T*, signifies
primarily 'heart,' and hence is used in the sense of "the midst,"
but, when applied to a star or constellation, it frequently signifies
"in its (own) place" {ina lib-su ; cf., 1. 14), i.e., its proper place in
the heavenly array, in accordance with kosmic harmony and order.
Here, however, we have to decide what is meant by " the midst."
In W.A.I. Ill, liii, No. i, 1. 18, we read, Guttav ina libbi izzaz,.
'■'■Jupiter in the midst is fixed ; " and in W.A.J. Ill, Hi, No. 3, Ob.
1. 58, we read, " the star Tiranna " (vide sup. p. ) ^]^ 5:^ -^yTf ,
ki-i-libbi, " according-to the midst," "is bound" (LTj).t Here, the
Pole-star (whatever star may then have been Polaris') is represented
as being fixed immovably, and in some way with reference to "the
midst " of the heavens. It was not itself in the midst, being en-
throned at the northern extremity.
3 -J:I->f "E! -^ T Tr «r ^^ ■ • • •
.... Kakkab Lu - bat an-a libbi di;i^u ....
.... the-siar Jupiter to the-midst {is) opposite ....
Line 4 is similar. Here we see ihzl Jupiter which at times "in
the midst is fixed," may at other times be "opposite^ to the midst."
In considering such questions it is frequently of assistance to refer
to archaic Greek astronomy which, as a whole, is chiefly represented
* That Kastu = the i?o'f-stars of Sagittarius, vide ]V.A.I. W (2nd edit.),
lii, A., 1. II ; Sayce, Rel. Ancient Babs., 509; R. Brown, Jr., in Proceedings,
March, 1891, pp. 270-1.
t lT and LIZJ ^^^'^ — ^^^'<^^'u, "to bind." Cf. the dictum attributed to
Eudoxos : " Est verro Stella quaedam in eodem consistens loco, quaequidem polus
est mundi." So, the Moon .- J^ ][«-«- t^l^ {W.A.I. Ill, li, No. Ill, I. 2),
" in enclosures is fixed."
X As to the meaning oi dix", vide stif>. p. 318.
334
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
by Aratos ; and in this instance we shall at once find a solution of
the difficulty. Speaking of the Ram^ Aratos says : —
" In midst* of the vast heaven he moves, just where
The Clatv-lv^s and Orion's headt revolve." |
"Just where" means in the same division of the heaven, i.e., the
ecliptic; hence, "in the midst " = (1) in the ecliptic, and (2) in some
special part of the ecliptic, e.g., that point connected with the
beginning of the year. " The Claw-i\\)S " = Sugi (vide sup. p. 331).
The statement '■'^ Jupiter to the midst (is) opposite" (1. 4) being
repeated, implies at least two distinct observations of the same
phenomenon, and refers to the apparently stationary position of
Jupiter (vide 1. 8).
Kakkab Enzu di^u - va ina libbi ....
The constellatio7i of-the-Goat (is) opposite, ajid in the-niidst ....
It will be remembered that "the constellation of the Goat'' (Ak.
C/2) = "the top of the head of the constellation of the Goat-Jish,"%=.
those stars of Capricorn which Ptolemy calls
fl. "The northern-one of the 3 in the hindmost horn."
I'. " The centre-one of them."
yS. "The southern-one of the 3."
It will now be observed that the Tablet is specially concerned
with the planet y/z/Z/^r, and with certain {i.e., "the head") stars in
Sagittarius and Capricornus. The head of Sagittarius is " in the
midst," SiVid Jupiter is " opposite to the midst ; " the Goat is opposite
to something, and (apparently) "in the midst," although, the line
being broken off, the reading may possibly be " in its place."
Taking the £ow (1. i) as the starting point of these astronomical
observations, and the particular quarter of the heavens upon which
the scribe's attention is fixed, we see that "the midst "=the portion
of the ecliptic occupied by the adjoining constellations Kastu and
* MsffffoOi = ina libhi.
t For the readinq; Kt^aXi\ instead of ^tirj;, vide R. Brown, Jr., The Heavenly
Display, p. 82.
X Phainoinena, 23 1-2.
§ Vide Proceedings, January, 1890, p. 145.
335
May 2] S0CIB;TY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
Enzu. Having observed the ^<?7e^-stars, the scribe's eye is naturally
(on astrological principles) directed to the opposite sideof the
heaven, where, apparently in the dark constellation of the Ram^ he
sees the brilliant y^////^/-, "opposite to the midst," i.e., to the part of
the heavens occupied by the ^^w-stars. His eye, returning from E.
to S.W., falls on the Goat next to Sagittarius, and so he continues
that "the Goat is opposite," i.e., to Jupiter, and, being next to
Sagittarius, is " in the midst."
6. Tj5 < -III -III - HhH
Padani il saruri ina bar-qu ;
The-plains and the-heavens-bright with lightning {are) ;
<« ^] ....
Sin nazuz ....
the- Moon waxes ....
Saruru=-^' the bright firmament" (vide Trans., iii, 297). As to
bai-qu, vide Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 257. So, in Classical
Calendars, such as the Eisagoge of Geminos,* there are occasional
notices of thunder and lightning in connexion with certain stars and
constellations. Thus, on the i6th day of Sol in Sagittarius, Geminos
says (Lat. version) ; — '■^ Aqnila oritur simul cum Sole, et insuper signifi-
care solet tonitru et fulgur."t In the Tablet, lightning is connected
with the stormy Goat.
^\^
<«
vm
•7^
-^<^l
Ultu
Sina
agu
ai
ab - ru.
From
the-Moon
a-halo
does
not pass away.
The Ak. ega, in As. agu, means primarily "a crown." Abru,
Heb. "^nV .
So, in W.A.I. HI, Ivii, No. 3, we read : —
I- T <«] - <v r I ^iiiet i; '\ m
Sin] ina namuri-su aga ippir.
The-Moon^ at its-appearanee a-halo put-on.
* Vide Proceedings, April, 1892, p. 293.
t Viue Ibid., p. 294.
May 2]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1893.
J^^I'^
-
ne - \x
ina
rests
in
8. r ^^y^ -? "ET -¥ ^
Kakkab izarri;^"'^^ tsiriur su
The-star (^Jupiter) rises, and at-its-rising
gabli sam - e - su - va
the-viidst of-its-heaven ; ajtd
9. r ^^^>f ^? ^i ^? ^ g< -ri4 ^ n
Kakkab izarri^ - va tsiriur-su ^a - mut in - a
The-star {Jupiter) rises, and at-its-rising moves in
zar - rak - ki - su . . .
its-rising . . .
Neix, Heb. n^2. Xamut, cf. Heb. n?2n.
Here we have two very interesting astronomical observations of
the planet, and which record the actual fact that its rate of progress
appears to be different at different times (vide sup. p. 320). The
Tablet apparently contains observations made on the nocturnal sky
of July, and from it I came to the conclusion that Jupiter was then
in Aries (vide sup. p. 336). I have since come across the following
passage in Landseer's Sabcean Researches, p. 239, which admirably
illustrates the Tablet generally, and the scribe's remarks upon Jupiter.
Landseer is attempting to expound a passage in Herodotos (ii, 42),
and observes : — ''Jupiter's fabled reluctance is aptly explained by the
occasiotial seeming retrogradatiotts of that planet, even in the course of
its actual advancement. Of this we had, not very long ago, in the
heavens themselves an ocular instance, and which took place in this
very sign Aries." It would, therefore, seem that the " ocular
instance " to which he refers, was an almost exact repetition of the
circumstances described in the Tablet. Smyth* gives a very curious
instance, in which to himself and to two other observers, all three
being at different stations, and "the moon being nearly full [cf 1.
6, 7], and the evening extremely fine," Jupiter "seemed to jump
back."
* Cycle of Celestial Objects, 1S44, Vol. I, p. 184.
337 2 A
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
10. ^^f « ^i HI ^? "^y 4
Ultu Samsi nazu - zu ; izarri^ - va yumi
From t he-Sun it-is-fixed ; it-rises^ and at-day-break
^r\ ^Ti T tt\ ■■•■
pidhna-su ana asri ....
its-path to the-statmi ....
Supposing we take the same date for the observations recorded
in the Reverse of this Tablet as for those of the Obverse, i.e
July 10, B.C. 2000,* at midnight we shall obtain stellar conditions
exactly suitable. Jupiter is stationary ('fixed') in Aries in the
eastern sky, " in the midst of its sky " (1. 8) Aries being fie^soOi
{sup. p. 335) and "from the Sun," i.e., on the opposite side to the
setting Sun. The lacuna renders the meaning of the latter part of
the line somewhat uncertain. Jupiter is called Guttav {"' Bull-of-the-
Sun," vide sup. p. 325), which "is explained by the As. pidh}iu-
sa-same, 'the furrow of heaven,'/.^., the ecliptic, to which Jupiter
is near;"! and hQxe pidhnu, the 'yoke' or 'furrow,' of heaven =
the ecliptic-path, on \^h\ch Jupiter proceeds to some ' station,' | a
technical term. This connexion between Guttav and pidh?iu, ex-
plains why in Greeko-Babylonian astronomy, Aldebaran, " the Bull's
Eye," part of the tf-^ >->-y ^i^, Gut-an-tta {W.A.I. Ill, liii. No. i.
Rev. 1. 15), or " Bull-of-heaven," is technically known as Fidhnu.%
The text of 1. 11 appears to be doubtful in part, so I omit it.
12. ^ ->f *^]^ <
4^T -^>
^\
-M^ ^
<
Ina sam - e ft
irtsi - tiv
- va
nabu - u
ft
In heaven ajid
earth
also
it-is-propitious,
ajid
A^ ^ • • • •
Gut-tav (?) ....
Jupiter (?) ....
* Vide Proceedings, April, 1892, p. 292.
+ Sayce, in Transactions, III, p. 170.
X Asru. Vide Proceedings, February, 1890, p. 204,"and cf. JV.A.I. Ill, li,
No. 3, Rev., 1. 18 : Asri ?niki, " the Places of setting."
§ Vide Epping, Astron. aus Babylon, 121.
May 2]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1893.
13 tty^ a< y tth>^
.... Kakkab Xa-dis (d) kakkab
.... The-star ' Gladly ' {and) the-star
^y y OH?
Ma-dis adannu
■ Greatly ' at-eventide
<y- <y- • • • •
innamaru ....
are-seen ....
Mr. Pinches has suggested this reading of these two star-names,
which perhaps were conventional names for Venus dj\di Jupiter. The
passage is very interesting, as an extremely early instance of that
name-jingle " in which Orientals, more especially Arabs [and there-
fore their Semitic kinsmen of the Euphrates Valley] delight, e.g., Abil
and Kabil for Cain and Abel."* We are, of course, at once reminded
of the Kpu!(pi and Ma'0t of Herodotos (ii, 38), with respect to
which Prof. Sayce makes the above remark. On the passage in
Herodotos, Sir J. G. Wilkinson observes, " The names Crophi and
Mophi are like the unmeaning words used in joke, or in the nursery,
by Orientals, at the present day ; the second repeating the sound of
the first, and always beginning with vi, as ' fersh mersh,' ' salta
malta.'" On the same passage Canon Rawlinson remarks, ''The
formation of unmeaning words by means of a rhyming repetition,
together with a change of the initial letter, is common in our own
language. With us the second word begins ordinarily not with m,
but with the labial nearest to in, viz., b, or with its cognate tenuis,
/ .... In hugger-mugger, and pell-mell, \ we keep to the Oriental
usage and employ the m. % Some such formations may be ' un-
meaning,' but these two examples are not more unmeaning than the
words x'^dis and madis.
J^^, Ak. bara, = y][ iz\]^ *J- a-dan-nu (vide W.A.I. Ill, li.
No. VII. 3), "a season," "more especially 'the season of evening.'"§
. . . . - u ina
^5-
asli
-*JL j^y "^y
lib - su izzaz - va
its-place is-fixed, and
w ^ ■■■
p^amsa illak (?)...
double-hours five goes (?) .
* Sayce, Herod., 138.
t T.e., "stirred up with a shovel" (vide Skeat, Etymol. Diet, in voc).
X Hist, of Herod., ii, 31. § Sayce, in Transactions, III, p. 227, note.
339 2 A 2
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
The Ak. ^ ^t, kas-bu (" double-hour ") = As. ^ -g^,
as-U (vide W.A.I. Ill, xxix, E, 1. 20), originally a measure of 60
cubits ; as a time-measure it = 2 hours or 60°. Thus, in W.A.I.
Ill, li. No. 2, we read of the nycthemeron at the vernal equinox : —
L ^r <v/ ^
%\\ -:^]f
tB
Yumu 1 5
sa arp^i
Nisanni
Day the-fifteenth
of the-month
Nisati :
I- ^r >^ <M^
^ <v
Yu - mu va
mu - si
The-day and
t he-night
in. ^ ^;r^ m
Sit - ku - lu
Were-balanced ;
IV. ^nnr j^ ^^ ^y ^
6 kas - bu yu - mu
Six dotible-hours itvas) the-day,
6 kas - bu mu - si
Six double-hours of-night.
I have thus endeavoured to give an explanation as well as a
translation of the Tablet, for the latter alone, even if correct, would
be altogether insufficient to enable the reader to understand the real
purport of the observations recorded.
Re?narks on Fig. 2. — As to Hamal (« Arietis), vide Pro-
ceedings, March, 1891, p. 249.
The vernal equinox fell at /3 Arietis tern. Hipparchos, B.C. 145.
Riksu.—ThQ Ak. Z'/^r-x^w^^C'Cord-of-the-Fishes "), Okda ("the
Knot." Vide Proceedi?igs, Feb. 1890, pp. 180-1). The Northern
Fish XaXcaioi KoXoumu 'l^Ovi/ ■)(^e\tcovuw (Schol. in Aratos, Phai.
241). The Sign iV/<';// ("the Fishes ") is called Z/y-" in the Greeco-
Babylonian astronomy (vide Proceedi?tgs, March, 1891, pp. 269-70).
Gu. — The Sign Aquarius (vide Ibid. p. 268). Prof. Lacouperie,
as I noticed, compares the Ak. gu with the old Chinese yu, "a vase-
full " ; but a nearer allied form is found in the Yenissei kf/, " a
340
>
0^
CO
M
W
<D
X5
rt
■g
h
c
(4-1
0
■r^
"rt
-q
c
g
0
0
-JJ
r^
rt
3
<U
w
rt
3
>,
S I
ho
1
May 2] PROCEEDINGS, [1893.
vessel," and probably other allied forms are the Turkic qa-b, Tcha-
gatai ka-b^ Kottic ha-m^ whilst the As. is ka, and the Heb. ka-d, all
meaning a 'pitcher ' or 'jar,' and here, of course, Gu = the ' Urn ' of
Aquarii^s.
Sa/i, sa/iu, = " the Ibex," and is the Sign Capricor7i^ also called
Niru ("the Yoke"), in Ak. Mufiaxa ("the Goat-fish." Vide Pro-
ceedings, Jan., 1890, p. 145). Efizu ("the Goat ") = the Ak. Uz.
As to Nu7iki (" Prince-of-the-Earth") vide sup. p. 317 ; as to Kasiu,
vide sup. p. 2>2>l-
IV.
The star Sibzianna. — The importance of this star, which I have
already had occasion to mention (vide sup. p. 323), makes every
reference to it worthy of careful notice. The tutelary divinity of the
loth month, Dhabitu (Tebet), is the obscure Papsukal, "attendant
of Anu and Istar," " lord of bliss," " lord of the earth," and husband
of "the queen of copper."* In the famous story of the Descent of
Istar to the Underworld, it is Papsukal, "the messenger of the
mighty gods," who informs the Sun-god of the woe wrought upon
earth by the departure of the goddess, he being evidently in some
special way a guardian of the earth. As/rt;/>=:'male,' 'youth,' "to
defend," and sukal, ' messenger,' we may render the name Papsukal
by " Guardian-messenger." Now whatever Papsukal may have pri-
marily represented, it is clear that in a stellar aspect he is identical
with Sibzianna- Arctjirus, the heavenly shepherd-guardian, 4th in
magnitude of the stellar host and brightest star N. of the ecliptic ;
for, in W.A.I. Ill, liii, No. i. Rev. 11. 26-8, we read -.—Kakkab
Sibzia7ina >->-y A^ ^TII'^' " the star Shepherd-of-thc-life-of-heaven, i.e.,
the god Pap-sukal," and Sibzia?ma, as I understand the passage, is
stated to be "fixed after" the kakkab ^^-^1, or "star of Merodax,
i.e., Dilgan-Capella.\ And this is perfectly true; for, if we take the
heaven-circle and treat it circularly, there is no special star between
the brilliant Capella, 6th in magnitude of the starry host, and Arc-
turus. The Lynx, Little Lion, Himting-dog, and Tresses cover a
comparatively dark portion of the heavens. Now, in one place Pap-
sukal is called Ugur ["the Falchion]^, the usual name of Nergal ; §
* Vide Transactions, III, p. 170.
t Vide Transactions. Ill, p. 171.
% Vide Sayce, Rel. Ancient Babs., p. 196.
§ Sayce, in Transactions, III, p. 170.
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
and we are told that one of the weapons of Merodax in his contest
with Tiamat was the t-^^^>\- tt}'~>\- >-^y, nml-mul-la, which Fox
Talbot rendered 'falchion,'* and which Prof. Sayce, in his latest
reading, renders ' club.' t In translating the Tablet of the Thirty
Stars, 1. 26, I followed Talbot, and rendered the passage, "The
falchion {mul-mul-la), the weapon of the hand of Merodax-" Bertin
rendered viuhnulla, " the Shining-one " ; and it will be noticed that
the mulmuUa here alluded to is composed of stars. I observed that
"the ideograph is star + star + the phonetic prolongation la" and
that 7nulnmlla = ^^\.\\e very bright one."
We find, therefore, in this connexion (i) the Warrior-sun (Mero-
dax, the destroyer of Tiamat), armed with the saparu, yereb, harpe^
"portentous sickle," "sickle-shaped sword," 'falchion,' or 'scime-
tar,'| i.e., the lunar crescent, and who appears in borrowed Greek
myth as Perseus ("the Destroyer"); and (2) the usual stellar redupli-
cation-forms, as (a) the constellational Perseus, and {b) the stellar
phase of Papsukal, who, Perseus-like, is a "Guardian-messenger,"
and, as Sibzianna-Ardurus, a weapon of light, shepherds the starry
host, and would go to the Sun-god in the unseen world and inform
him, were kosmic harmony infringed.
* Ibid., V, p. 15.
I" Rel. Ancient Babs., p. 382.
X Vide Proceedings, February, 1890, p.
342
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893-
THE STORY OF THE PEASANT.
By W. Max Muller.
The tendency of the Egyptian "Story of the Peasant," lately
treated by Mr. Griffith, is perceptible in the names of its two princi-
pal acting persons.
The first one is mentioned always as " that shfi (pronounce sehiti),
/.^., peasant " IJIJl] M?i a .* 67;/^- is not the hero's name (\vhich,
evidently, has been lost with the first lines of the story). Berlin H,
(45) 75) ^i ^^ is called "one of the shti {sehat/),'" o.wd no proper
name would be conneted with pn, " this, that," at least not in this
literary style.
These reasons prove also the alleged name of the second man
to be a designation according to his occupation. He is called
T \A ™ "that hmwti" \ i.e., "tcktwi', artisan, sculptor, car-
penter, joiner," or generally " mechanic." He represents a class of
the common people who, being townsmen in most cases, and proud
of their skill, claimed intellectual superiority over the peasants.
The contempt of the townsmen for the rude and ignorant
peasants has been the same in almost every country and every age,
but it is especially remarkable in ancient Egypt. The Memphitic
artists of the earliest period caricature the poor peasants and shep-
herds so exaggeratedly that some modern scholars could not believe
* The pronunciation sekzfi (not se^^'i and still less soli//') is based upon Stern,
Copt Gramni., § 150. The Coptic form would be ''^XCyiT. Is Butler,
verso 2, y U U (1(1 '>^ ^ to be read shyt'i, or is it a mere mistake for the plural
sht'iy? Sohet is "meadow, field," furthermore the open and thinly populated
"country ;" see the note in my book Asien tmd Europa, p. 50.
t See the collection of hieratic forms of the sign hm, Rcc. trav., 9, 164.
Butler, 22, 27, 31 and Berlin III, 4, 14, 16 prove best the correct reading, while
Berlin II has reduced km to three or four strokes. Berlin III, 4, 14 seems to
give the more usual orthography h/n-w, instead of hm-t'i.
343
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
the victims of their sarcastic humour to be Egyptians.* Our story
tells us how a mechanic tried to swindle a peasant coming to market
from the most remote and uncivilized part of the country. He
expected that the stupid rustic would be unable to obtain justice in
the court. But the wronged peasant showed not only courage and
perseverance in his complaints before the magistrates, but also an
unexpected eloquence by which he conquered his wicked adversary.
The magistrates were even so delighted with the originality of his
pleading, that they reported the miracle of a peasant " excellent of
speech "(75) to the king.
The typical part of "that peasant" and "that mechanic"! has
many parallels in other literatures, especially in those of mediseval
Europe.
Mr. Max Muller has communicated to me by letter two
additional improvements in the text of the Butler Papyrus : viz.,
line 29, 1 1 , "girdle," for 1 1 , and line 37 restore
[^If'p-it]-
* See further references in the book quoted above.
t Butler, 20-21, seems to misunderstand these designations, but the passage is
corrupted. One rnf seems incorrect, and the words s " son " and s " man" are
to be separated.
344
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
LETTRES DE TELL EL-AMARNA.
(7^ Sene).
Par a. J. Delattre, S.J.
I.
Rib-Addou a Khayapazi. . .
{Berlin, 72).
Le destinataire dont le nom ne se lit plus qu'en partie, est un
adorateur d'Ammon, et par consequent un egyptien. C'est de plus,
a en juger par I'humble debut de la lettre et par I'influence qu'on
prete a Khayapazi. . . , un haut officier du Pharaon. Rib-Addou
espere obtenir par son entremise un secours en hommes et en
chevaux, contre les empietements d'Arad-Asirta, pbre d'Azirou, qui
menace la ville de Zoumour. En attendant I'arrivee du secours
sollicite, il defendra la ville de Sigata et tiendra ainsi en echec son
ennemi, homme meprisable, qui s'appuie sur des brigands.
Cette lettre est une des premieres en date parmi celles de Rib-
Addou. Celui-ci n'y parait pas encore reduit a I'extremite comme
dans la plupart de ses autres messages.
Transcription.
1. (A-na) Ha-ia-pa-zii^) . .
2. (iim)-ma : J Ri-ib-'-^A^-Addu ....
3. A-na sipd-ka am-ku-{iid\
4. >->|- A-via-na ilu sa . . . .
5. ti-di-mc ur(^)-ka i-na
6. pa-ni sarri bi-ii-ka.
7. A-mur, at-ta aniil .... -ku.
8. I-di sarru, u i-na ijnQ)-ti-ka
9. is-ta-par-ka sar-ru
10. i-na amil hazanu. A-na ini-nim
1 1 . ka-la-ta u la-a
12. ti-ik-bii a-na sar-ri
13. u u-tna-si-ru-na
14. sabi bi-ta-ti u
345
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
15. ti-il-ti-ku-7ia
16. *"^yy Su-?nu-ra? Mi-nic
17. '\ Arad-A-si-ir-ta ? Ardu,
18. kalbu. U i-il-ku
19. mat sarri a-7ia sa-a-su.
20. Mi-mi ti-la-at-iu
21. iidannut? I-na amil daik dannut
22. til-la-at-su. U
23. us-si-rii-na ni-si-ta-pal
24. m« ?/! // C ^'rt/;/ i//iiiki,
25. ?^ i-zi-za i-7ia *-'t^ Si-ga-ta
26. i-di pa-ni-su a-di
2 7 . rt:-s/ JY?/^/ bi-ta-ti ;
28. U-21I i-pa-hi-ra ka-li
29. aviiluti ddikani u
30. /-//-/('a >-^yy Si-ga-ta.
Traduction.
(i) A Khayapazi . . . , (2) en ces termes: [Moi] Rib-Addou . . ,
(3) a tes pieds je me prosterne. (4) Qu'Ammon le dieu de
(5) te ^oxvae faveur {}) en (6) presence du roi ton maitre. (7) Voici
tu es un homme de . . . . , (8) le roi le salt, et en . . . (9) le roi t'a
envoye (10) comme gouverneur. Pourquoi (ii) te tais-tu, et ne
(12) parles-tu pas au roi, (13) afin qu'il m'envoie (14) des soldats
auxiliaires et (15) qu'ils prennent (16) la ville de Zoumour? Qu'est-
ce (17) qu'Arad-Asirta? Un esclave, (18) un chien. Et cependant
il prend (19) le pays du roi pour lui-meme. (20) Qu'est-ce que sa
grandeur (21) et puissance? (21, 22) Sa puissance et sa grandeur
[resident] en des assassins [soudoyes par lui]. Et (23) qu'on envoie,
nous le demandons humblement (^), (24) des chevaux et deux cents
soldats. (25) Et je me tiendrai a Sigata, (26) en face de lui,
jusqu' a (27) I'apparition des soldats auxiliaires, (28) pour qu'il ne
rassemble pas tous (29) ses brigands, et (30) ne prenne pas Sigata
Remarques.
Ligne 10. — Ina semble avoir ici le sens du Beth essentiae.
Ibid.— On pent hesiter entre la lecture hazanu qui transcrit
I'ideogramme, Berlin, 129, 1. 21, et rablsu (v. Briinnow, 5569) ex-
plique dans nos textes par le chananeen zukinu, hebreu biblique ]5^>
346
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
gouverneur, inspecteur. Voir Bezold et Budge, The Tell el-Ai?iarna
tablets, p. XIII.
Ligne 11. — Kalata, d'apres le contexte, pourrait signifier aussi
til hesites, tu refuses.
Ligne 21. — Amil daik, coUectif. Pour la lecture et la signification,
comparez Brit. Mus. 9, 1. 19. Voir dans la precedente livraison,
notre 6'^ serie, W II.
Ligne 27. — Azi, pour a^/ de asu, id prodire, sens que le meme
verba a souvent en hebreu.
Ibid. — Les soldats bi-ta-ti (et non kastati, a cause des vanantes
pi-da-ft, Berlin, 102, verso 1. 59, et bi-it-ta-ti, Brit. Mus. 37, 1. 47),
doivent etre des archers, ou plus probablement des auxiliaires
etrangers a la solde des Pharaons, Ce sens, comme I'origine
egyptienne du mot, que je soupgonnais, est confirme a mes yeux par
la note suivante que M. A. Wiedmann a bien voulu rediger pour
moi, en vue des lecteurs etrangers a I'egyptologie :
"L'egyptien possede, pour dire arc, un mot -^^^y ^-^^"-^
pt ci ptt, dans les monuments de I'ancien empire n 1) //
(Pyramide de Mer-en-ra, 1. 349, de Pepi I*^"", 1. 607) n ]) j^^ptt
(Pyramide de Mer-en-ra, 1. 338, Unas, 1. 497 ; n ]) j=^^ pt'ti dans
^ II I
Lepsius Deiikm. II, 147 b, et n '^^^^^^ pt't ibid. II, 148 c). L'ecriture
hidroglyphique n'exprime pas la voyelle a I'interieur du mot, mais
comme le nom copte correspondant, signifiant arc, Tlixe (masc),
^y^ (fem.), cJ)HTT"e (fem.), a un /, (le H de cJ)HTTe devant aussi
se prononcer i comme le 7 grec a la periode alexandrine), le mot
egyptien se sera egalement prononce pit, au feminin quelque chose
comme pitit, ou ////, car la terminaison feminine // a perdu de bonne
heure son t final dans beaucoup de mots. — La derni^re consonne de
la racine est /' (-9^, dans les transcriptions du semitique '^) plus tard
/ (r), en copte /.
" De ce mot derive ^°^ '^ ptt, qui designe une troupe par-
ticuliere dans I'armee egyptienne, d'abord sans doute les archers, et
ensuite, semble-t-il, les auxiliaires etrangers en general. Ces ///, et
notamment leurs chefs, sont souvent mentionnes, principalement dans
les textes de la XIX*^ et de la XX^ dynastie. Nous les voyons dans
les forteresses de la frontiere orientale du Delta (Pap. Anastasi, III,
347
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
6 verso 1. 4, 7 1. 6), dans les postes aupres des puits dans la Palestine
meridionale (Ibid. V, 11 1. 7), a Heliopolis (Ibid. I, 10 1. i), en
Ethiopie (Pap. Jur. de Turin V, 1. 3, — Groupe de statues de Naples,
chez Lieblein, Did. des twins, n°. 905; r/. n°. 628,
1^ iiilXlll'
" le prepose des Ftf et prepose des pays du sud." Voir egalement
Lieblein n°'. 236, 690, 870, 900, 997, 1169). Mais ce n'est pas
seulement dans Tarmee egyptienne qu'on signale ce genre de troupes ;
on nomme aussi plusieurs ^^, chefs des pt, dans I'armee federale
des Cheta qui se battit centre Ramses II (Leps. Denk?n. Ill, 165).
" On a beaucoup discute le point de savoir si le -^^s^ dans le mot
^ I °^ doit se lire //, ou .y m r. Ainsi Brugsch, Woerterb-
page 1391, lit i' m r, mais il lit /// dans son Supplemetit, page 492,
tandis que Levy, apres lui, revient a la prononciation i' ni r. De fait
les deux lectures sont possibles et legitimes. Cela ressort des
legendes relatives aux archers dans les textes du livre Am-Tuat.
Ici, dans le texte du tombeau de Seti I"" (Lefebure, Hypogks royaux
de Thebes, I, Toinbeau de Seti 1" part. II, pi. 22), un de ces archers
re9oit la qualification de <-5=-^ n // //, et un autre celle de
I \\ I <:ii> ^
a s s m r ti. Les textes paralleles donnent des lectures
"^=31 II
analogues, par exemple, Lepsius, Denkm. Ill, 225/^ D fj et
' ''\ ' '^^^^, . II est inutile d'insister sur le fait que la difference de
^==X, ^11 ^
prononciation du son /, exprime selon toute probabilite a I'origine
par ^ et s=5 (le / semitique est rendu par g > ^ | , | Q , c^ ^ , et le
to rendu par ^^X est constamment negligee dans ces textes.
" La double lecture (p t, s m r) vient sans doute de ce que/ / et
J ;;/ r designaient a I'origine des varietes d'arcs (sur les arcs egyptiens
voir Lepsius, Aeg. Zeitschrift, 1872, pp. 79 et suiv.), et que plus tard
on aura nomme Tare en general tantot / /, tantot .y m r, indifferem-
ment. — La syllabe finale // est le sufiixe ordinaire pour designer
I'appartenance ; ainsi le p t ti, ou le i^ m r ti, est celui qui est attache
a Tare, I'archer. Le meme sens s'attache a I'expression graphique
^"^ "^5 qui, d'apres cela, se lira avec les voyelles ///-//, ou, peut-etre
plus exactement, ////-//, a cause de Xi final dans // //."
Lignes 31-35- — Nous avons omis ces lignes, les dernieres de la
lettre, comme trop effacees pour fournir aucun sens.
348
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
II.
Rib-Addou au Roi d'Egypte.
{British Museum, 12.)
Rib-Addou gouvernait dans le principe, comme nous I'apprend
cette lettre, outre Goubla ou Byblos, plusieurs villes et local ites dans
le Liban et la plaine maritime. Malgre la fidelite hereditaire de
Goubla envers les rois d'Egypte, son chef, anime des memes senti-
ments, a ete ddpouille de tout par Arad-Asirta ; il vient de perdre
les deux dernieres villes qu'il possedait encore avec Goubla, et il
s'estimerait heureux de garder, avec le secours de son maitre, cette
place, menacee elle-meme par Arad-Asirta et ses allies, volontaires
ou forces. Bien que les habitants de Goubla aient transporte leurs
enfants dans le pays de Yarimouta, sans doute par mer et hors de la
portee d' Arad-Asirta, les vivres leur font d^faut, parce que leur terres
sont en friche depuis trois ans. Les inspecteurs egyptiens se sont
derobes ; un chef de brigands se verra bientot maitre d'une foule de
territoires qui appartenaient au roi d'Egypte. Rib-Addou prend a
temoin de la verite de ses rapports, dont on s'est peu soucie jusqu'a
present, Abanappa, un fonctionnaire egyptien qui se trouve actuelle-
ment aupres du Pharaon.
La fin du document, assez mutilee, presente un sens trop peu
suivi.
Pour cette pi^ce et les suivantes, comme pour celles qui forment
notre serie precedente (a I'exception du numero V), on pent com-
parer nos versions avec les sommaires et les traductions partielles de
Bezold et Budge dans introduction du recueil public par le British
Museum. Nous avons profite de ces indications et nous nous en
sommes ecarte suivant les cas.
Transcription.
1 . y Ri-ib-Ad-da ik-bi a-na bit matati,
2. sar inatati, sarru rabu, sar ta-am-/ia-ar : *~>\- bilit
3. sa >"^y| Gnb-la ti-di-in dannuta a-na sarri
4. bil-ia. A-na sipd bil-li-ia, *~^ Sanias-ia,
5 . VII-su VII-a-a?i am-ku-ut. Lu-u i-di sarru
6. bilu i-nu-tna sal-ma-at •-^jy Gub-la, amat
7. ki-it-ti sa sar-ri is-tu utni
8. sa ab-bu-ti-su ; u an-nu-us i-na-an-na
349
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
9. i-ti-zi-ib sar-ra mahaz ki-it-ti-sii
10. is-tu ka-tl-sii. Li-da-gal sarru Ml viatati
11. sa bit a-bi-sti i-nu-nia 7/-2/1 arad ki-ti
I 2. Jiis-si sa i-ba-as-si i-na >^^yf Gub-la ;
13. u-ul ta-ka-al-mi a-na arad-ka sum-ma
14. dajinat nu-kur-tum sa sabi diktu Hi, u
15. Hani 'V' ? ga-am-ru marani-nu marati
16. ka-ab-Jiu i-{iia) 7ia-da-jiim i-na mat la-ri-nni-ta ;
17. i-na ba-{la)-ta fiapsati-nu, ikil-ia ina sa-ta
18. sa-{la)-as-ta is-si-il as-sum ba-li
19. i-ri-si ; kab mahazi-ia sa i-na
20. sadi \ ha-ar-ri u i-Jia a-hi tamti
21. i-ba-as-su, in-ni-ip-sii, a-7ia sabi diktu.
22. *-^yy Gub-{la) ka-du II mahazani ii'-ti-hu a-na ia-si.
23. U an-nu-iis i-na-an-7ta il-ti-ki
24. I Arad-a-si-ir-ta >-^yy Si-ga-ta a-na sa-a-su,
25. 7i ik-bi a-fia 7iisi ^-Xil'l A/ii-/iii-ia : d7i-k7i-7ni
26. id-la-k7i-777i, u i-ba-sa-tu-n7i ki-77ia ia-ti-nu
27. u pa-as-ha-tu-nu ; u ti-ni-ip-sii ki-ma
28. a-7na-ti-s7i u i-ba-as-su ki-tna
29. amiliit dikti. U an-7i7(-7is i-na-a7i-7ia
30. is-tap-pa-a7' y Arad-a-si-ii'-ta a-na sabi
3 1 . /;^(7 pit-r7i-ka ; ip-pu-/m-ru-7ii7)i-nii, u
32. ni-77ia-kU'77ia f//>-^yy G7ib-la su77i-ma i-7i(a-a7i-7id)
33. iiis-si-sa 7i-si-zi-b7i.-ni is-t7i ka-ti-{s 11-7171).
34. t^ 7i7i-da-na77i a7niluti ha-za-7i7i-ta is-t7i
35. ///^'-Z'/ 7/iatdti u ti-7ii-b7i-7is ka-li n/atdti
36. a-Jta a7nilut dikti. U ki-t7i ti-i7i-/na
37. fl'-;?rt ^a-// 7natati u pa-as-Jnc 7/iafa7ti
38. ?/! mardti-a da-ri-ti U77ii.
39. U S7t77i-77ia ap-pu-na-ma i-za-na sar-r7(,
40. ?^ ka-ii matati nu-kur-tum a-77a sa-s7e,
41. 7i 77ii-na i-bu-S7i a-na ia-si-n7i ?
42. Kina-na ii-is-k7i-7iu na77i-r7i a-na bi-ri-s7i-7i7i.
43. U ki-na-na pa-al-ha-ti rabis 7-abis, i-nu-ina
44. {ci)-nu-ma ia-nu a77iilu sa 7i-si-zi-ba-an-7ii
45. {is)-tu k(i-ti-su-nu. Ki-uza issuri sa
35°
May 2j PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
46. i-7ia lib-bi hu-ha-ri \ ki-hi-bi
47. sa-ak-na-at subat-su-ma a-na-ku i-na
48. »"^yy Gub-la. Am-mi-ni ta-ka-al-mi a-na mat-ka ?
49. A-nu-ma ki-a-ma as-ta-pa-ar a-na ikal,
50. i( u-ul ti-is-niu-na a-?na-tu-ia.
51. A-nu-ma y A-ba-an-ap-pa it-if-ka, sa-al-su ;
52. su-z(t i-di u ia-ta-mar bu-7is- . .
53. sa ili-ia ; li-is-mi sar-nc a-nia-ti ardi-su,
54. ?/ ia-di-na ba-la-ta ardi-su,
55. ti i-ba-li-it ardu-su, tt
56. a-na-za-ra it-ti-su a-di ni- 7iu
57. ilani-nu a u i-da
58 su u ur a-na
59. 21 na ba-li-it ri . . . .
60. i-na pa-ni sarri bil-ia i-ma-si-ra
61 su 11 i-zi-iz i-im-an-na 11 ak-SH-{ud)
62. a-na-ku a-na ma-har sar-ri bili da-vii-ik it-ti-ka.
63. A-na ia-si mi-na i-bu-su-na ? A-na-ku i-na
64 di-ni-ia ; a-fiu-ma ki-a-via u-ba-ti ur-ra
65. niu-sa.
Traduction.
(1) Rib-Adda dit au Seigneur des pays, (2) au roi des pays, au
grand roi, au roi du combat : Que la maitresse (3) de Goubla donne
puissance au roi (4) mon maitre. Aux pieds de mon maitre, de mon
dieu Soleil, (5) sept fois, sept fois, je me prosterne. (5, 6) Le roi
mon seigneur sait bien qu'elle [lui] est devouee la ville de Goubla, la
servante (7) fidele du roi, depuis les jours (8) de ses peres ; et voila
que maintenant (9, 10) le roi a abandonne sa ville fidMe. Qu'il ne
croie pas, le roi seigneur des pays (11) de la maison de son p^re,
qu'ils ne sont pas fideles (12) les gens qui se trouvent dans Goubla.
(13) N'aie point d'hesitation a I'endroit de ton serviteur (14) quand
une force ennemie, formee de brigands, s'avance, et que (15) les
dieux tous nos fils (15, 16) et toutes nos fiUes sont deposes
[ont du etre deposes] au pays de Yarimouta. (17) Quant a I'entre-
tien de notre vie, mes champs (17, 18) durant trois ans ont etc
steriles{J) faute (19) de culture; toutes mes places, dans (20) la
montagne et au bord de la mer, (21) se sont soumises aux brigands ;
(22) Goubla, avec deux [autres] places, me restaient. (23, 24) Et
351
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
voila que maintenant Arad-Asirta s'est approprie la ville de Sigata,
(25) et qu'il a dit aux habitants d'Ammia : Tuez (26) votre maxt'-'^.
vous serez comme nous, (27) et vous vivrez en paix. Et ils se sont
soumis suivant (28) sa parole, et ils sont comme (29) les brigands.
Et voila (30) qu'Arad-Asirta a envoye message a ses hommes, (31) en
se revoltant contre toi. lis se sont reunis, et (32) je serai bien con-
tent de la ville de Goubla, si maintenant (33) ses habitants me
sauvent de (leurs) mains. (34) Les gardiens [fonctionnaires du roi
d'Egypte] se sont mis hors (35) de [nos] cantons, et tous les cantons
se sont soumis (36) aux brigands. Prends done de justes mesures
(37) envers tous les cantons; (37, 38) que [mes] fils et mes filles
soient tranquilles a jamais. (39) Si le roi attend encore, (40) lorsque
tous les cantons sont souleves contre lui, (41) que nous fera-t-on a
nous? (42) C'est maintenant que tu dois mettre la frayeur parmi
eux. (43) Maintenant je crains tres fort, car (44) voila qu'il n'y a
point d'homme qui puisse me delivrer (45) de leurs mains. (45-47)
Comme des oiseaux dont la demeure est dans une cage, [ainsi
suis-je] moi dans (48) Goubla. Pourquoi restes-tu inactif a I'egard
d'un pays qui t'appartient ? (49) Deja j'ai envoye pareil message au
palais, (50) et tu n'as pas ecoute mes paroles. (51) Voila qu'Aban-
appa est chez toi, interroge-le ; (52) II connait la verite, et ilavu le
• • • • (53) '^^^ ^s presse. Que le roi entende le message de son
serviteur, (54) qu'il accorde la vie a son serviteur, (55) et son servi-
teur vivra, et (56) je garderai (le pays du roi) (57-59)
(60) On [rjadmettra en presence du roi, (61) on le . . . . et il de-
meurera maintenant, et j'obtiendrai (62) faveur devant le roi mon
maitre, chez toi. (63) A moi que feront-ils [alors] ? Je suis dans
(64) mon Voila que j'attends ainsi jour (65) et nuit.
Remarques.
Lignes 9, 10. — L'expression que je traduis a ahandonne^ signifie a
la lettre a lach'e de sa 77iain.
Ligne 10. — Nous voyons dans li-da-gal le precatif d'un verbe a
sens negatif, d'apres le contexte. Le d appartient-il a la racine, ou
bien li-da-kal est-il ecrit pour le t formatif apres une premiere radicale
gutturale devenue insensible dans I'assyrien ?
Ligne 12. — JVis-si, a lire nisi, si etant un simple complement
phonetique.
Ligne 20. — -^^^ ^y|^ constamment transcrit sadu dans les
textes dits bilingues, n'est peut-etre qu'un mot assyrien har-ris, mon-
352
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
tagne, de la meme racine que harsati, que I'hebreu 12^"in, arabe
Ljs^ , foret. — L'assyrien est suivi dans notre passage d'une glose,
harri, en dialecte chananeen.
Lignes 25, 26. — Idla, maitre, chef. II est question, semble-t-il,
d'un chef qui gouvernait la ville d'Ammia au nom de Rib-Addou.
Ligne 26.— A remarquer la-ti-nu, signifiant notis, qui ne s'est pas,
a notre connaissance du moins, rencontre jusqu'ici.
Ligne 32. — Nimaku, permansif kal de la racine Qi^2-
Ligne 2,Z- — J^is-si=^ nisi, voir la note sur la ligne 12.
Ligne 33. — Ka-ti-{su-mt), voir ligne 45.
Ligne 36. — Kitu fin (pour din), litteralement, juge justice.
Ligne 39.- — Izana, d'apres le contexte, doit signifier attend, hesite,
ou impliquer ces idees.
Ligne 42. — Namru, frayeur, epouvante, comme le feminin na??ii/r-
rat, qui se rencontre frequemment dans les inscriptions de Ninive.
Ligne 43. — Huhari, cage, avec la glose chananeenne kiioubi,
hebreu biblique ^^73 .
Ligne 55. — Que le roi accorde la vie a son serviteur, c'est-a-dire,
qu'il lui accorde le secours necessaire pour s'en tirer la vie sauve.
IIL
Rib-Addou a Abanappa.
{British Museum, 15.)
Cette lettre ecrite par Rib-Addou a un grand personnage egyptien
qu'il appelle son pere, c'est-a-dire son protecteur, a visiblement ete
ecrite peu de temps apres la precedente. Dans sa lettre au roi, Rib-
Addou signale Abanappa comme un homme capable de le renseigner
sur I'etat des affaires en Palestine, qu'il a constate par lui-meme sur
les lieux ; dans sa lettre a Abanappa, il engage celui-ci a se presenter
au roi et a lui demander des troupes pour venir avec elles retablir
I'ordre dans les parages de Byblos. Pour le decider plus silrement,
il I'instruit de changenients survenus en Phenicie aprbs son retour en
Egypte, et apres I'envoi de la lettre precedente, oil il en aurait
certainement parl^ dans la supposition contraire. Les gens du pays
d'Amouri se detachent d'Arad-Asirta, ils n'attendent que I'arrivee des
troupes egyptiennes pour s'echapper de leurs villes, oil ils sont
353 2 B
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
probablenient maintenues par les bandes d'Arad-Asirta, et a se
mettre a couvert dans une retraite sure deja occupee par une partie
d'entre eux. Les gouverneurs ou inspecteurs au service du roi
d'Egypte en Phenicie ont enfin reconnu les mauvaises intentions
d'Arad-Asirta a leur egard et ses visees ambitieuses ; ils ne desirent
pas moins que Rib-Addou I'arrivee des auxiliaires egyptiens.
Transcription.
1. A-?m y A-ba-an-ap-pa a-bi-ia
2. um-ma\ j Ri-ib-Ad-da i-ka-ba :
3. A-na sipa a-bi-ia ani-ku-ut.
4. >->|- Bilit sa »-^yy Gub-la ti-din
5. via-as-ta-ka i-na pa-ni
6. sar-ri bil-ka. A-na mi-nim
7. ka-la-ta u la-a tak-bu
8. a-na sar-ri bil-li-ka
g. 11 tu-sa-na ka-dii sabi
I o. bi-ta-ti u ti-nia-ku-hi
11. ili mat A-mur-ri 1 Sum-ma
12. ti-is-mu-na a-zi-mi sabi
13. bi-ta-ti u i-zi-bu ma/iazani-sH-7iu,
14. u pa-at-ru. At-ta ti-nl
15. ti-i-di mat A-mur-ri i-nu-7na
16. a-sar da-an-?ii ti-la-kii-tia,
17. u an-nu-zis i-na-an-na
1 8. 1/1 i-ra-a-mii a-?ia y Arad-A-si-ir-ta
19. i-na-na as-bu-na a-na sa-su-nre
20. u tu-ba-u-na ur-ra
21. u mu-sa-am a-zi sabi
22. bi-ta-fi, u ni-ti-b7i-7is-{mi)
23. a-na sa-a-si ; u ka-li
24. a7niluti /la-za-fiu-ti iu-ba-u-na
25. i-bi-is an-nii-tum a-na Arad-a-si-ir-fa,
26. i-nu-ma i-is-ta-par a-fia am Hut
27. *~t-]] Am-mi-ia : du-ku-mi bil-ku-nu^
2%. u in-ni-ip-su a-na
29. amilut diktu. Ki-na-na ti-ik-bu-na
30. amiluti /la-za-nu-tum : ki-na-na
31. i-bu-su a-na ia-si-nu,
354
May 2] TROCEEDINGS. [1S93.
32. u ti-fii-bu-su ka-li fnatdfi
33. a-na aniiliit diktu. U ki-ba-Jjii
34. a-via-tam an-ni-ta a-na pa-tii
35. sar-ri bil-li-ka, i-7iu-ma
36. a-bu 7t bi-lu at-ta-ma
37. a-na ia-si, u a-?ta ka-tam
38. pa-ni-ia na-ad-na-ti.
39. Ti-i-di pa-ar-za-ia
40. i-mi-tna i-ba-sa-ta i na
41. >"^yy Su-/nu-ra, i-nii-nia
42 it-ti-ka a-Jia-ku.
43. U ki-bi a-fia sarri bi-li
44. «i! tu-pi-da bi-la-tu ....
45. . . ia-si ki-nia ar-hi-is
Traduction.
(i) A Abanappa mon pere, (2) en ces termes : Rib-Adda dit :
(3) Aux pieds de mon pere je me prosterne. (4) Que la deesse de
Goubla assure (5) ta faveur devant (6) le roi ton maitre. Pourquoi
(7) t'abstiens-tu et ne parles-tu pas (8) au roi ton maitre, (9) afin
que tu partes avec des hommes (10) (^& secours i^^ et que tu tonibcsi^)
(11) sur le pays dAmouri? Quand (12) ils [les gens d'Amouri]
apprendront la marche des soldats (13) auxiliaires, ils abandon-
neront leurs villes [les villes qu'ils occupent] (14) et se revolteront.
(14, 15) Tu ignores, toi, que le peuple d'Amouri (16) a fait choix
d'un lieu star; (17) et voila que maintenant (iS) ils ne s'attachent
plus a Arad-Asirta ; (19) actuellement ils se tiennent entre eux
(20) et ils attendent jour (21) et nuit qu'apparaissent les soldats
(22) auxiliaires, et que nous agissions (23) de cette sorte. Tous les
gouverneurs [ou inspecteurs egyptiens] desirent (25) qu'on en agisse
ainsi k I'egard d' Arad-Asirta, (26) depuis qu'il a mande aux habitants
(27) d'Ammiya : "Tuez votre maitre," (28) et qu'ils se sont soumis
(29) aux brigands. Dans ces circonstances, (29, 30) les gouverneurs
ont dit : Ainsi (31) nous traitera-t-on, (32) et tous les cantons se sou-
mettront (33) aux brigands. Dis done (34) ces choses devant (35) le
roi ton maitre, puisque (36) tu es un j)ere et un maitre (37) pour
moi, et que vers toi (38) je tourne mes regards. (39) Tu as connu
mes sentiments (40) lorsque tu t'es trouve a (41) Zoumour, lorsque
(42) avec toi moi. {43) Dis au roi ton maitre . . .
(44, 45) et assure-moi la vie le plus tot possible.
355 2 B 2
MvY 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.iiOLOGY. [1893.
Remarques.
l.ignes 4, 5. — Masta, faveur. Ce sens est pour ainsi dire impose
par le contexte. La phrase entibre, qu'on traduirait litteralement :
Que in deesse de Goubla donne ia faveur en presence du roi ton niaitre,
correspond exactement a la formule hebraique : "ito ^?.'^i^5' "^I^D 1^'^'^
Ligne 7. — Kalata. Voir la note a la ligne i de la premiere lettre
de cette serie.
Ligne 12. — Tismuna, 3'' p. du fern, plur., au lieu du masculin.
De meme, 1. 16, tilakmia ; 1. 20, tubailna ; 1. 29, tikbuna ; 1. 29,
tinibusu.
Ligne 20. — Attendent jour et nuit, formule qui se rencontre
frequemment dans nos lettres pour dire attendre avec anxiete.
IV.
Rib-Addou au roi d'Egypte.
{British Museum, 13.)
Lettre posterieure, peut-etre de beaucoup, aux precedentes.
Azirou, et non plus son pere Arad-Asirta ou Arad-Asratou, est le
grand adversaire du gouverneur de Byblos ; il lui a enleve des
hommes, il le cerne par terre et par mer. Tons les vaisseaux de
Zoumour, de Beyrouth et de Sidon sont reunis au pays d'Amouri, la
principaute d'Azirou, laquelle d'apres cela confine a la mer. Un
allie d'Azirou, Yapa-Addou, capture sur mer les vaisseaux de
Byblos. Yapa-Addou est peut-etre chef du pays de Yarimouta,
(1. 54-59), ou Rib-Addou avait jadis rencontre de meilleures
dispositions, com me on le voit par la seconde piece de cette serie
(1. 15, 16). Rib-Addou est dans une situation si desesperee que les
gens de sa famille, a moins d'un prompt secours du roi d'Egypte,
veulent faire defection, c'est-a-dire se rendre a Azirou, qui de son
cote vante toujours sa fide'lite envers le Pharaon. Rib-Addou s'en
|)rend aussi aux inspecteurs egyptiens qui n'ont rien fait pour lui.
Dans un passage tres incomplet, il semble dire qu'il s'est rendu
precedemment a Zoumour, et qu'il I'a quittee sans avoir rien obtenu.
II dit plus certainement ensuite qu'il a essaye en vain d'y faire
parvenir un messager egyptien. Ce dernier est reste chez lui, et il le
traite fort bien. II semble qu'on I'ait accuse Rib-Addou de n'avoir
356
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
pas aide, sans doute en lui fournissant vivres et escorte, un autre
envoye egyptien a parvenir au pays d'Alasiya. Puisque I'envoye est
de retour en Egypte, le roi n'a qu'a I'interroger. — Les derni^res lignes
de la lettre n'offrent plus assez de mots pour justifier un essai
d'interpretation suivie.
On voit que les vaisseaux de Sidon, de Beyrouth, de Byblos, de
Zoumour, sillonnaient deja la Mediterranee a une epoque si reculee.
II en etait de meme des vaisseaux d'Aradus qui se joignent a ceux
d'Azirou pour assieger Tyr {British Museum, 28, 1. 58-63^. Pre-
cedemment le roi d'Alasiya nous a appris qu'il commergait par mer
avec I'Egypte {Berlin, 12, 1. 17; cf. notre 3^ serie. No. Ill); nous
verrons que les vaisseaux d'Aradus poussaient aussi jusque-la, et
Ton peut bien croire que les marins des autres villes de la cote
phenicienne en faisaient autant.
Transcription.
1. (I Ri-ib- Ad-da ik-bi a-fia bil matati,
2. sar niatati, sarri rabi,) sar ta-am-ha-ar :
3. »->J^ bilit sa »-Jiff Gub-Ia ti-di-in
4. danmita a-tia sarri bil-ia. A-na si-pa
5. bil-ia, »->f- Samas-ia, VII-su Vll-ta-an
6. am-ku-ut. Lu-u i-di sar r it bil-ia
7. i-nu-wa nu-kur y A-zi-ru amiluti-ia,
8. u sa-bat XII amiluti-ia u sa-ka-an
9. ip-ti-ra bi-ri-nu L kaspi, u
10. amiluti sa-a us-si-ir-ti a-na
1 1 . *-^yy Su-mu-ra sa-ab-bat i-na
12. »"^yy Tam-bu-li-ia. Ilapi amiluti
13. >-Ciyy Su-mu-ri, ^X^ Bi-ru-ta, >-^yy Zi-du-na,
1 4. kab-bu i-na mat A-mur-ri mim-mu-su-nu.
15. A-na-ku-jni nu-kur. U an-7iu-u i-na-na
16. nu-kur y la-pa-Addu it-ti \ A-zi-ri
1 7. a-na ia-si. U al-lu-u sa-bat ilapi-ia ?
18. U al-lu-u ki-na-na-ma i-ti-lu
19. i-na lib-bi tamti as-sum sa-ba-at
20. ilapi-ia? U i-am-lik sarru
2 1 . a-na mahazi-Su u ardi-Su. U amilut
22. hu-U-ia pa-ta-ra-ma tu-ba-u-na,
23. sum-ma la ti-li-u la-ka-am(J)
357
>rAV 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893,
24. is-tu ka-at iia-ak-ri-ia. U
25. ti-ra-ni a-ma-tam, u i-di
26. ip-sa sa i-bu-su. A-fui-f/ia,
27. ki-?na as (^)-pu-ru a-na ka-tain, ili
28. »"^y| Su-mii-ra a-7iu-ma i-ti-lik,
29. u ta-Jii sabi (J) a-na
30 u a-7iu i-ti-zi-ib (?)-«.
31-
dii tc
2 ru a-nu-ma
33 mar si-ip-ri
34. {ns)-si-ir-ti-su ii as-ia-ni
35. ati (})-}ii-ta niatati u-ma-si-?'U-na^
36. z^ /a-fl z'-//-?^
37. i-ri-ba a-na *-X^ Su-mu-ra. Sa-ab-tu
38. ka-li harrani a-na sa-a-su,
39. a-na nu-kur sa ili-ia, u ili
40. >-^yy Su-mu-ra su-pur i-da-gal.
41. II arJii a-si-ib it-ti-ia^ ill
42. ^a-/a {f)-a?i-ni l-pa-7ia. Ki-a-tna
43. fl'ra^ ki-ti-ka ill a-ra-di-ka.
44. Sum-?na la-a ll-ll-u la-kl arad-ka,
45. z^ us-sl-ra sabi bi-ta-tl,
46. tl-ll-kl-nl da-7ni-ik-it-la-ka.
47. A-ia-bu sarri fiu-kur it-la u a7tillutl
48. ha-za-7iu 7ia-sa-a l-7/ia-ll-a
49. a-?zrt sa-a-su-7ui. Kl-na-7ia-t/ia
50. 7na-rl-ls rabis a-7ia la-sl.
5 I . y4/-/?^ y A-7na-a7i-77ia sa sa-7iu ?
52. Sa-al-su su77i-77ia la-a mat A-la-si-ia
53. ussl-lr-tl-su a-7ia 7nu-hl-ka.
54. Ml-Uk a-7ia arad kl-tl-ka as-su-u
55. /i-/?(! 7Hat Ia-rl-7nu-ta ...
56. tu-ba-li-tu-7ia a/nilutl
57. hu-bi-si-la. U a7i-7iu-u
58. a7i-7iii-7i la-a la-dl-7iu-su
59. y la-pa-Addu ; a-la-sl-a . . .
60 «rt! a7nilut 7na-sa-ar-(^fl)
61 l-si-ru-na ....
62 /■/
358
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
63 ^^^{^)
64
65 za-m u ti-da-lu-na
66 ki-ti sa-ni-tian vii-lik a-na ia-si
67 ka-za-na sa a-ra-dii-ka i-na
68 ia i-ra-iim u a-mu
69 al-lu y la-pa-Ad-du it-ti\A-zi-ri.
Traduction.
(i) (Rib-Adda dit au seigneur des pays, (2) au roi des pays, au
grand roi), au roi du combat : (3) Que la deesse de Goubla donne
(4) puissance au roi mon maitre. Aux pieds (5) de mon maitre, de
mon dieu Soleil, sept fois, sept fois (6), je me prosterne. Le roi mon
maitre sait bien (7) qu'Azirou se livre a des actes d'hostilite contra
mes gens. (8) II a pris douze de mes hommes et fixe (9) entre nous,
comme rangon, cinquante [sides] d'argent, et (10-12) il a pris dans
la ville de Tambuliya des hommes que j'avais envojes a Zoumour.
Les vaisseaux des gens (13) de Zoumour, Birouta [Beyrouth], Ziduna
[Sidon], (14) tous ces vaisseaux, autant qu'il y en a, sont au pays
d'Amouri. (15) Et moi, je suis I'ennemi. Et voila que maintenant
(16) Yapa-Addou, avec Aziru, se livre a des hostilites (17) contra
moi. N'a-t-il pas [Yapa-Addou] pris mes vaisseaux? (18) Et
maintenant [encore] ne monte-t-il pas (19) dans la mer pour prendre
(20) mes vaisseaux? Que le roi pourvoie (21) a sa ville et a son
serviteur. Les gens (22) de ma famille veulent faire defection,
(23) si tu ne viens pas [nous] delivrer (24) de la main de mes
ennemis. Done (25) rends-moi reponse, pour que je sache (26) la
conduite que j'aurai a tenir. Voila que, (27) comme je te I'ai
mande, (27, 28) je me suis rendu a Zoumour, (29) et des
hommes vers (30) et ainsi je I'ai quittee. (3J)
(32) {ZZ) le messager. (34) Je I'envoyai
de nouveau. (35) Je le fis partir en ces jours-li, (36) et il na
s'avanga point (37) jusqu'a entrer dans Zoumour. (37, 38) Tous les
chemins etaient interceptes pour lui, (39) a cause des ennemis qui
[tenaient la campagne] contre moi, (39, 40) et il renon^a a la mission
[reQue] pour Zoumour. (41) II reste depuis deux mois chez moi,
(41, 42) et prend place a fiotre table (?). Ainsi se montre (43) ton
serviteur fidele envers tes serviteurs. (44) Si tu na viens pas delivrer
ton serviteur, (45) envoie des soldats auxiliaires, (46) et sauve-moi
359
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
dans ta bonte. (47) C'est I'ennemi du roi qui me fait la guerre, et
les hommes (48, 49) gouverneurs [royaux] sont responsables de ma
detresse. Maintenant (50) il y a grande angoisse pour moi. (51)
Amanma 7i\iurait-il pas fait son rapport (?) Demande-lui si (52, 53)
je ne I'ai pas fait aller pour toi au pays d'Alasiya. (54) Pourvois a
ton serviteur fidele, pour que (55) du pays de Yarimouta (56)
on nourrisse les gens (57) de mon peuple ; car (58, 59) cette faveur,
Yapa-Addou ne I'accordera pas. (59-69)
Remarques.
Ligne 17. — AI-Iu-u, si frequent dans nos textes, me semble
correspondre a I'hebreu t^T'n . Serait-ce un emprunt au dialecte
chananeen ?
Ligne 19. — Le mot tamtu, mer, est exprime par le groupe
ideographique y][ ^^Ty *"'^T' ^^.ns la copie ideographique, au lieu de
y^ ^^y ""jty employe ailleurs. Cette variante, a-ia-ba, a lire les
caractbres avec leur valeur phonetique, au lieu de a-ab-ba^ sera
notee avec plaisir par les anti-sumeristes.
Ligne 23. — Le verbe lakam^=lakd est employe ici au figure
coram e I'hebreu ^"^Vr' et le latin eripere, qui ont le meme sens
fondamental.
Ligne 27. — Le texte autographic' donne ispuru, avec un signe de
doute pour is. Ispuru pourrait anssi signifier fefwoyai, car nous
avons signale de nombreux cas de i^""^ personne de forme iskun{u)
dans nos textes.
Ligne 40. — Idagal, il omit, il abandonna. Sur ce mot voir n°. II,
note a la ligne 10.
Ligne 42. — Salati = 111711?? — Ipa?ia, de pa>iii = I^^^?
Ligne 46. — Da-mi-ik-it-ta-ka pour da-mi-ik-ta. Ou bien da-mt-ik
it-ta-ka, pour it-ti-ka. Dans le dernier cas on pourrait traduire :
" Prends-moi en faveur aupres de toi." — Nous traduisons tilki par
I'imperatif parce qu'il est coordonne, par u, a un imp^ratif pr(!cedent,
ussira.
Ligne 48. — Nasil = porter, charger sur soi.
360
Ligne 48.— /;««// = ho^ .
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Ligne 50. — Maris rabis ana tasi, pour le tour et pour le sens
comparez ib^Tp ^ / "^^J .
Ligne 51. — Sarin, permansif conditionnel ? Sanu serait-il em-
ploye dans le sens de raconter, repeter ? II est certain du moins
que cette signification ne repugne pas au mot.
Ligne 57. — Le mot hubisi peut signifier famille, peuple, sujets,
a ne considerer que ce passage.
V.
Rib-Addou au roi d'Egypte.
(^British Museum, 16.)
La lettre roule sur le meme sujet que les precedentes, mais donne
quelques details particulierement interessants. Les gens de Byblos,
les parents de Rid-Addou, et notamment sa femme, c'est-a-dire,
son epouse principale, d'apres les derniers mots de la lettre, le
poussent a se ranger derriere Azirou. Rib-Addou souffre de la
disette. Mu par cette necessite, il s'est rendu chez un certain
Ammounira pour faire provision de ble. Get Ammounira, on va le
voir par ses propres lettres, est gouverneur ou cheik de Beyrouth.
De retour a Byblos, Rib-Addou, si je ne me tronipe, n'y retrouve
plus sa famille, qui aura cherche un refuge ailleurs. Cette fuite
expliquerait ce que dit Rib-Addou en terminant, savoir que deux
de ses fils et deux de ses femmes sont tombes aux mains des
ennemis du roi.
Transcription.
1 . A-na sarri bil-ia,
2. um-ma : Ri-ib-Addu arad-ka
3. ibiri \ i-bi-ri sa II si pi ka.
4. A-na sipa sarri bil-ia
5. VII u Vll-ta-an am-ku-tit.
6. U lu-u i-is-mi sarru bil-ia
7. a-7na-ti ardi-su.
8. Amiliit ^yy Giib-la u bit-ia
9. u -^ assat-ia
10. ti-ik-bu-na a-na ia-si-ia :
1 1 . a-li-ik-mi arki
12. y i7iar Arad-a-si-ir-ta^
361
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
13. u ni-bu-us sal-ma bi-ri-nii.
14. U i-ma-i a-na-ku
15. la-a is-mi a-na sa-su-nu.
1 6. Sa-ni-tum sap-ra-ti a-na sarri bil-ia,
17. u is-ia-ni ; us-si-ra-am-mi
18. ainilut masarta \ ma-sa-ar-ta^
19. a-iia ardi-ka, u lii-u
20. ti-7ia-sa-ru mahaza
2 1 . a-7ia sarri bili. U la-a
22. ka-si-id a-ma-tu
23. sarri bil-ia a-na ardi-sii.
24. sa-ni-tum^ u in-tu-um
25. i-za-hi-ra-am a-na ia-si-iaQ),
26. u im-lu-uk is -hi
27. lib-ia : a-li-ik-mi a-na-ku
28. i-bu-baQ)-ain tuka \ tu-ka
29. it-ti-su sa y Am-mu-ni-ra.
30. U al-ka-ti
31. a-«a biti-sii as-sutn
32. i-bu-iis sad-ga bi-ri.
33. U a-na-ku a-tii-nr a-?ia biti-ia,
34. z^ id-dii-ul bitu is-tu
35. pa-ni-ia. U sarrii bil-ia
36. i-im-lu-iik a-na ardi-su.
37. A-nu-iin-ma urn u mu-sa
38. u-ka-mu sabi bi-ta-at
39. id'rr/ bil-ia. U sarru bil-ia
40. i-im-lu-uk a-na ardi-su.
41. Sum-ma i-ia-nu libbu sa-na-am
42. Hi sarri bil-ia^ init a-na-ku.
43. U sarru bil-ia balat ardi-su.
44. Sa-ni-tum II marani-ia u II -^ assat
45. na-ad-nu a-na amil ar-ni
46. ,ya sarru.
Traduction.
(i) Au roi mon maitre, (2) en ces termes : Rib-Adda, ton ser-
viteur, (3) la poussiere de tes deux pieds. (4) Aux pieds du roi
mon maitre, (5) sept fois et sept fois je me prosterne.
362
May 2] PROCEEDINGS, [1893.
(6) Que le roi mon maitre entende (7) les communications de
son serviteur. (8) Les hommes de Goubla et de ma maison, (9) et
ma femme (10) m'ont dit : (11) Marche a la suite (12) du fils
d'Arad-Asirta, (13) et faisons la paix entre nous, (14) Je m'y
opposai, moi, (15) et je ne les ecoutai point.
(16) De plus, j'ai envoye un messager au roi mon maitre, (17) et
j'ai reitere, [en ces termes] : Envoie (18) des hommes de garde
(19) k ton serviteur, et que (20) il garde la ville [de Goubla]
(21) pour le roi seigneur. (21-23) Et aucune reponse du roi mon
maitre n'est parvenue a son serviteur. (24) Le ble aussi (25) di-
minuait chez moi, (26) et j'ai pris conseil de (27) moi-meme, [je
me dis] : J'irai moi, (28) je parlerai de mon mieux (29) avec
Ammounira. (30) Et j'allai (31) chez lui pour (32) faire provision
de ble. (33) Je retournai chez moi, (34) et la maison [ma famille]
avait /ui{?) de (35) devant moi. Que le roi (36) prenne des mesures
en faveur de son serviteur.
(37) Voila que, jour et nuit, (38) j'attends les soldats auxiliaires
(39) du roi mon maitre. Que le roi mon maitre (40) prenne des
mesures en faveur de son serviteur, (41) S'il ne se produit pas
d'autres dispositions (42) chez le roi mon maitre, je suis mort,
(43) car le roi mon maitre est la vie de son serviteur.
(44) Deux de mes fils et deux de mes femmes (45) ont ete livres
aux sujets rebelles (46) du roi,
Remarques,
Ligne 14. — I-ma-i, j'empechai. Comparez le chaldeen t^Hp,
Daniel, iv, 32.
Ligne 28. — Le groupe -<^t:yyy^ qui exprime d'ordinaire le mot
tabu^ bon, est transcrit ici iuka = tumka ou tiinka, synonyme de
tabu.
Ligne 32, — Sadga — sadka, forme shapel du verbe daku^ ras-
sembler.
Ligne 32, — Biri^ hebr. "^2. ble
Ligne 38, — Ukamu ou bien ukavu, hebr, rTlp.
363
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
VI.
Ammounira au Roi d'Egypte.
{^British Museum^ 26.)
Ammounira, gouverneur de Beyrouth, etait pour le moment allid,
volontaire ou force, de Rib-Addou et adversaire d'Azirou^ comme il
ressort de la lettre suivante, et meme deja de la piece precedente
qui reflete les memes circonstances. Le roi d'Egypte s'est enfin
decide a secourir Rib-Addou, car c'est Rib-Addou, et non Ammou-
nira, qui est le serviteur opprime dont il s'agit k la ligne 38, car
Ammounira est a I'aise chez lui. Le roi d'Egypte envoie un corps
d'auxiliaires etrangers pour degager Rib-Addou et il ordonne a
Ammounira d'y joindre ses propres forces. Celui-ci accuse reception
de I'ordre a lui adresse ; il fait des voeux pour le succes du roi.
II s'aneantit, dans chaque phrase, aux pieds du roi. En fait d'humble
obsequiosite, la presente lettre I'emporte sur la plupart des autres.
Beyrouth, comme I'a deja fait observer M. Zimmern, est figure
par un groupe ideographique >^yy J<y -<^yT' ^"^ signifie la ville
des puits, ce qui est cense expliquer le nom lui-meme. Aujourd'hui
encore, cette etymologic est en faveur a Beyrouth et en Syrie ; elle
est aussi donnee par Stephane de Byzance au VP siecle. Elle semble
done avoir cours depuis plus de 3,000 ans. Mais on la regarde
generalement comme invraisemblable, parce que Beyrouth n'a qu'une
eau peu abondante et de mauvaise qualite, et qu'on a ete forc^ d'y
amener celle des fleuves voisins, celle du Magoras (Nahr-Beyrouth)
a Tepoque romaine, et celle du Lycus (Nahr-el-kelb) de nos jours.
Toutefois le mot bir, ou beer, pluriel be'erot, peut signifier puits, citerne,
fosse quelconque, et nous ne savons pas assez ce que Beyrouth
possedait en ce genre du temps d'Ammounira et des rois de la
XVIIP dynastie egyptienne pour rejeter retymologie.
Transcription.
1. A-na sa sarri bil-ia, >->f- SamaS-ia,
2. ilani-ia, sa-ri balati-ia
3. ki tim-jna, um-ma : Ani-mu-7ii-ra
4. bil >-^yy Biruta, ardu-ka u ibir-rii \ a-pa-ru
5. sa sipa-ka.
6. A-na si pa sarri bil-ia, *~>^ Samas-ia, ilani-ia,
7. sa-ri balati-ia, VII n Vl-ta-an
364
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
8. am-ku-uf. Sa-ni-titm is-ti-tni
9. a-ma-ti sa sar-ri bil-ia
I o. >->|- Samas-ia, ilani-ia, sa-ri ba-la-ti-ia ;
11. u ha-di lib ardi-ka u
1 2. i-bi-ri sa sipa snrri bil-ia^
13. >->f- Samas-ia u ilani-ia, sa-ri balati
14. rabis rabis, i-nu-ma a-sa-at
1 5. sa-ru-ta sarri bil-ia,
16. >->|- Samas-ia, ilani-ia
1 7. a-7ia ardi-su 11 i-bi-ri sa sipa-su.
18. Sa-ni-tum i-nu-ma sa-pa-ar sar-ru,
19. bil-ia, >->|- Samas-ia, a-na ardi-su,
20. u i-bi-ri sa sipd-su :
2 1 . Su-si-ir-mi a-na pa-ni
22. sabi bi-ta-at sa sarru bil-ka ;
23. is-ti-mi rabis rabis.
24. U a-na-nu-um-jna su-si-ra-ku
25. ka-du sisi-ia, u
26. ka-du narkabati-ia, u ka-du
27. kab-bi mi-im-mi-ia x^Jf
28. j'rt i-ba-as-sa it-ti
29. ar^/ i'rt' sarru bil-ia, a-na
30. />««/ f<7<^/ bi-ta-at sa sarru bilu,
31. u lu-u ti-ra-Jia-as sab hi-bi-ta-su
32. sa sarru bil-ia, >->^ Samas-ia, ilani-ia
33. sir-ta-du amiluti a-ia-bi-su,
34. /^ //^-/'<' ti-mu-ru II ina ardi-ka
35. /-;?« balati sa sarri bil-ia.
36. Sa-ni-tum u a-mur, sa sarru bilu,
37. »->^ Samas-ia, ilani-ia sa-ri balati-ia
38. tu-ti-ru gi-mili ardi-su,
39. a-nu-um-ma a-na-ku, ardu sa sarru bilu,
40. u i^ kabasu sa sipa-su
41. a-nu-u7n-ma li-zji-ru
42. ma/jaza sa sarru bil-ia >->^ Samas-ia
43. irt-r/ ba-la-ti-ia,
44. « har-si \ ri-mi-tu
45. a-^/ i-mu-ru II hia
365
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S93.
46 sabi bi-ta-{at sa) sarru hil-ia
47. u di . . . . ardu sa sarru
48. a-7ia a
Traduction.
(i) Au roi mon maitre, mon Soleil, (2) mon dieu, I'arbitre dema
vie, (3) il est parle en ces termes : Ammunira (4) le chef de
Birouta, ton serviteur et la poussiere (5) de tes pieds.
(6) Aux pieds du roi mon maitre, mon Soleil, mon dieu, (7)
I'arbitre de ma vie, sept fois et sept fois, (8) je me prosterne. J'ai
entendu (9) les ordres (tres bons) du roi mon maitre, (10) mon
Soleil, mon dieu, I'arbitre de ma vie ; (11) et il s'est rejoui le coeur
de ton serviteur, (12) la poussibre des pieds du roi mon maitre, (13)
mon Soleil et mon dieu, I'arbitre de ma vie, (14) [il s'est rejoui]
grandement, grandement, lorsque vint (15) la decision du roi mon
maitre, (16) mon Soleil, mon dieu, (17) a son serviteur la poussiere
de ses pieds.
(18-20) Lorsque le roi mon maitre, mon Soleil, mon dieu, manda
a son serviteur, la poussiere de ses pieds : (21) Dirige-toi au devant
(22) des soldats auxiliaires du roi ton maitre, (23) j'ai ecoute gran-
dement, grandement.
(24) Et voila que je me dirige, (25) avec mes chevaux, et (26)
avec mes chars, et avec (27) tout ce qui m'appartient, (28) [et] qui
se trouve chez (29) le serviteur du roi mon maitre, a (30) la rencontre
des soldats auxiliaires du roi seigneur, (31, 32) et puissent les soldats
de . . . . du roi mon maitre, mon Soleil, mon dieu, repandre comme
I'inondation (33) la frayeur parmi ses ennemis, (34) et que les deux
yeux de ton serviteur contemplent (35) la victoire du roi mon maitre.
(36) Ensuite, voici : puis que le roi seigneur, (37) mon Soleil,
mon dieu, I'arbitre de ma vie, (38) r^tablit les affaires de son
serviteur, (39) maintenant moi, le serviteur du roi seigneur (40) et
I'escabeau de ses pieds, (41) maintenant, puisse-je garder (42) la ville
du roi mon maitre, mon Soleil, (43) I'arbitre de ma vie, (44) et
(45) jusqu'a ce que mes deux yeux voient (46) les soldats
auxiliaires du roi mon maitre
Remarques.
Ligne 2. — Sari, arbitre comme sandu^ 1. 15, semble signifier
decision.
Ligne 2. — >-< >-^y. Ce groupe est ideographique et doit se lire
balatu, comme on le voit a la ligne 10. Cf. Briinnow, 1494 et 1546.
366
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
J'ai mal lu et par consequent mal traduit cette expression au com-
mencement de la lettre de Zimriddi {Berlin^ 90), dans les Pro-
ceedings, t. XI f, p. 317.
Ligne 4. — ^hw ~ ^^^^^^ '^''^' chef, Brlinnow, 6401.
Ligne 4. — Ibira est accompagne de la glose chananeenne afaru,
hebreu*>Cy.
Ligne 21. — Siisir, imper. shaphel de la racine *^tL^''.
Ligne 33. — Sirtadii, comparez I'hebreu t^I?"^., terreur.
Ligne 35. — Balati. vie, est employe ici dans un sens figure a peu
prbs de la meme maniere que Hi^^©'^,, victoire. La racine assyrienne
blt^ synonyme de la racine hebraique t57Q, doit signifier proprement
echapper de.
Ligne 40. — ^ ^^ J^y. Le groupe des deux derniers signes
expriment I'idee de fouler aux pieds, kabasu (Briinnow, 9206), et
precede du determinatif SiJ il doit designer I'instrument kabasu,
makbasn, ou quelque autre derive.
VIL
Ammounira au roi d'Egypte.
{British Museum, 27.)
Sur le meme sujet que la lettre traduite ci-dessus. Ammounira
eprouve la joie la plus vive d'avoir re^u une lettre, ou, comme il dit
une tablette du roi d'Egypte. Sans negliger la defense de Beyrouth
centre les surprises d'Azirou, il va se joindre avec les forces dont il
dispose aux troupes du roi d'Egypte. II nous apprend que Rib-
Addou s'est refugie a Beyrouth sous sa protection ; et que les fils de
Rib-Addou ont ete livres aux rebelles du pays d'Amouri par son
propre frere qui I'a supplante a Byblos. Ammounira confirme de la
sorte les faits rapportes par Rib-x\ddou dans la lettre traduite au
n°. V de cette serie.
Transcription.
1. {A-na sarri sa-ri) balati-ia
2. {um-nia : Am-mu-7ii\ra ardu-ka,
3. ibiri \ i-bi-ri sa II sipi-ka.
4. A-na sipa sarri bil-ia VII u Vll-ta a-an
5. ain-ku-ut. Sa(^)-?ii-ta
367
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
6. {is-ti-i/ii) a-ma-ti djtppi sa us-ti-sir-su
7. {a-fia ia-si) satru bil-ia ; u in kinu-ta
8. is-ti-mi a-ina-ti dup sarri bil-ia^
9. u ihii-di lib-ia ii
10. in-nam-mu-ru II ini-ia rabis.
1 1 . Sa-ni-tum a-nu-u??i-ma na-as-ra-ku rabis
12. u uz-zu-rn "-^yy ^J^ Biruta
13. a-7ta sarri bil-ia a-di ka-sa-di
14. sabi bi-ta-ti sarri bil-ia
15. Sa-iii-tiim a-na bill ■•-X^ Gid>-la sa i-ba-as-sa
16. it-ti-ia a-nii-u77i-ina i-na-za-ru-su,
17. a-di i-im-lu-kii same a-tia ardi-su.
18. Sa-ni-tum i-ilmaad sarru bil-ia
19. i-bi-is ahi-su sa i-ba-as-sa
20. i-tia *''t-W Gub-la, i-nu-ma na-da-{a?i)
2 1 . marani sa y Rib-Addu
22. sa i-ba-as-su it-ti-iaQ)
23. a-na a^niluti ar-nu-ti sa (?)
24. sar-ri sa i-na mat A-7nur(})-ri {})
25. Sa-fii-tum a-nu-um-ma su-si-ra-ku
26. ka-du sisi-ia, u
27. u ka-du narkabdti-ia, u ka-du
28. kab-bi nii-i/n-mi ^yy
29. sa i-ba-as-sa it-ti-ia^
30. a-na pa-ni sabi bi-ta-at
3 1 . sarri bil-ia.
32. Sa-ni tuni a-fia si pa sarii bil-ia
T^T^. VII u Vll-ta-an atn-ku-ut.
Traduction.
(i) (Au roi I'arbitre) de ma vie, (2) (en ces termes :
Am-mu-ni)-ra, ton serviteur, (3) (la poussi^re) de tes deux pieds.
(4) Aux pieds du roi mon niaitre, sept fois et sept fois, (5) je me
prosterne.
(6, 7) (J'ai entendu) les paroles de la tablette que m'a envoyee
le roi mon maitre. (7, 8) J'ai entendu avec fidelite les paroles de la
tablette du roi mon maitre. (9) Et mon cceur s'est rejoui et (10)
mes deux yeux ont grandement brille.
.-.68
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
(11) Maintenant je garde avec soin, (12) et je garderai la ville de
Birouta (13) pour le roi mon maitre, jusqu'a I'arrivee (i4)de.s soldats
auxiliaires du roi mon maitre.
(15) Quant au chef de Goubla qui se trouve (16) chez moi,
maintenant je le garderai [veillerai a sa siarete] (17) jusqu'a ce que le
roi ait pris des mesures en faveur de son serviteur [Rib-Addou].
(16) Que le roi mon maitre apprenne (19) la conduite de son frere
[du frere de Rib-Addou] qui est (20) dans la ville de Goubla, [a
savoir], qu'il a livre (21) les fils de Rib-Addou, (22) qui est chez moi,
(23) aux sujets rebelles du (24) roi mon maitre, au pays d'Amouri.
(25) Maintenant je me dirige (26) avec mes chars, et . . . . (27) et
avec mes chevaux, et avec (28) absolument tout (29) ce qui m'ap-
partient [en fait d'hommes, etc.] (30) a la rencontre des soldats
auxiliaires (31) du roi mon maitre.
(32) Aux pieds du roi mon maitre, (33) sept fois et sept fois, je
me prosterne.
Remarques.
Ligne r5. — Bili. Sur cette lecture, voir n° VI, note a la ligne 4
VIII.
AziROU AU Roi d'Egypte.
{British Museum, 35.)
Voici une des pieces les plus interessantes du depot de Tell el-
Amarna.
Azirou, se trouvant naguere en Egypte, s'est parfaitement lav^,
devant le roi, des accusations qui pesaient sur lui; il continue
n^anmoins d'etre en butte a la calomnie, et il prie le roi de ne point
preter I'oreille aux delateurs. Le roi reproche a Azirou de n'avoir
pas re9U Khani, son messager, alors qu'il en usait tout autrement
envers un messager du roi de Khatti ; Azirou repond par trois fois a
cette plainte de son suzerain, et toujours faiblement.
D'abord, lorsque arriva Khani, Azirou etait a Tunip, au sud
d'Alep, ainsi loin de chez lui, car Ic pays d'Amouri, son pays,
confinait k la Mediterranee, dans les parages de Batroun ou de
Tripoli ; il avait quitte Tunip a la nouvelle de la venue du messager,
et ne I'ayant plus trouve chez lui, il avait marche sur ses traces,
sans pouvoir I'atteindre. Au reste les fr^res d' Azirou et un per-
369 2 c
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
sonnage du nom de Bitil ou de Bitian avaient parfaitement regu
Khani ; ils I'avaient pourvu de vivres, au nom d'Azirou, pour la
route, c'est-a-dire, a en juger par I'ensemble de la lettre, pour le
retour en Egypte.
En second lieu, Azirou n'aurait jamais a ce point manqu6
d'egards pour Khani, qui I'avait regu lui-meme en Egypte avec
la bonte d'un pere et d'une mere. L'absence d'Azirou n'a done
pas 6te premeditee comme le pretend le roi.
Enfin, comment celui-ci peut-il croire qu' Azirou, gouverneur
d'un pays soumis a I'Egypte, eut moins bien regu le mandataire du
Pharaon que I'agent du roi de Khatti. Que le messager du roi
d'Egypte revienne, et Azirou lui fournira vaisseaux, armes, et autres
objets, suivant la promesse qu'il en a faite au roi lors de son voyage
en Egypte.
D'apres cela, la messager egyptien avait ete charge d'une oeuvre
pour laquelle Azirou promettait son concours. Azirou avait dli
I'attendre, et son absence paraissait justement equivoque.
Chemin faisant, Azirou se justifie d'un autre reproche. Malgre
I'ordre regu, il n'avait point rebati la ville de Zoumour, ruinee sans
doute par lui-meme dans une de ces guerres qui armaient con-
stamment les cantons syro-palestiniens les uns contre les autres a
cette epoque. Mais Azirou a ete occupe a la defense de son
territoire contre les rois du pays de Noukhassi, instigues par Khatib,
que nous voyons ailleurs marcher la main dans la main avec Azirou
(Berlin, 38, cf. notre Azirou, Proceedings, t. XIII, p. 227). Azirou
promet de s'executer sans delai et de rebatir Zoumour, tout en
montrant, semble-t-il, la difficulte de I'oeuvre. Khatib, dit-il, s'est
empare de la moitie des ustensiles, ainsi que de tout Tor et de tout
I'argent envoye, a cet effet probablement, par le roi d'Egypte.
Au total, Azirou n'a pas la conscience nette aux yeux de son
suzerain ; il cherche evidemment a le tromper.
Transcription.
1. A-7ia sarri rab-bi bil-ia ilu-ia >->|- Samas-ia.
2. Um-ma ; y A-zi-ru ^^1 ardu-ka-ma.
3. Yll-su u YJl-su a-na sipi bil-ia ilu-ia *^>{- Samas-ia am-kut.
4. Bil-ia a-na-hi ^J^ ardu-ka u i-?ia-ga ga-ti-ia
5. a-na pa-ni sarri bil-ia, u ak-ta-bi
6. kab-bi a-ma-ti-^»^-ia a-na pa-ni bil-ia.
370
PROCEEDINGS. [1893
7. Btl-li-mi, a-na amiluti sa-ar-ru-ti
8. ia-i-ga-lu-u-niin kar-si-ia
g. a-na pa-ni sarri bil-ia la-a ti-si-im-mi-i:
I o. a-na-ku-mi ^^^^ ardu-ka a-di ta-ru-ti.
11. U as-siim y Ha-an-i sarru bil-ia ik-ta-bi,
12. bil-ia i-iia ^-^^ Tii-ni-ip as-pa-ku,
13. u la i-ti-i i-nu-nia ga-si-id ;
14. im-ina-ti-i-i)ii-i i-si-im-mi
15. u i-ti-il-li i-na ar-ki-su
16. u la-a a-ga-sa-ad-m.
17. U li-ik-su-u-ud ^ Ha-ati-i
18. /-?m std-Jiii, u li-is-al-su
19. sarru bil-ia ki-i-mi-'i ti-ta-na-pal-su
20. ahi-ia u y B i-ti-i I : iz-za-zu-nivi
21. a-tia pa-ni-su ; alpi, karani (J) u issuri
22. akala-su sikari-su i-din-nu-nuju.
23. jm /;«/>/ a-ta-din
24. fl!-«a harran-ni-su. U sarru bil-ia
25. a-ma-li-^>*->*~ia li-is-mi :
26. /-«a a-la-ak-ia a-na muh-hi sarri bil-ia
27. y Ha-an-i i-la-ak a-na pa-ni-ia,
28. U-ut-ta-na-ab-bal-7ii ki-i-ma
29. -^ um-mi ki-i-ma a-bi
30. ?/! i-na-an i-ga-ab-bi bil-ia :
31. is-tu-mi pa-ni y Ha-an-i
32. ti-ir-ta, ki-i-mi ilan-nu-ka
33. 2<J >->|- Samas lu-u i-du-u-nivi
34. sum-ma la i-na »-^yy Tu-7ii-ip as-pa-ku.
35. Sa-ni-tum as-sum pa-na-i-su sa >-^yy Su-mur
36. sarru bil-ia ik-ta-bi, sarrani mat Nu-ha-as-si
37. na-ak-ru it-ti-a u mahazani-ia
38. i-li-ik-ku-nujH i-na JI^>-< /^/-/ y Ha-ti-ib ;
39. 2/t /a u-pa-an-ni-si ; i-na-an-na
40. /-«« ha-mut-is u-pa-an-ni-si.
41. C^ ^//-/« 7?^ /-//-/ i-nu-ma
42. mislu-su-nu sa u-nu-ti y>-»->*- .yfl- id-din
37i
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
43. sarru bil-ia y Ha-ti-ib i-li-ig-gi,
44. u hurasa 21 kaspa sa sarru
45. bil-ia id-din-an-iii kap-pa i-li-ig-gi
46. I Ha-ti-ib ; u bil-ia lu-u i-ti.
47. Sa-?ii-tum ab-bu-na-ma sarru bil-ia
48. ik-bi : am-mi-i-7ii-mi tii-ta-na-bal
49- ^^^ ^'1(1^ sipri-ri sarri mat Ha-at-ti
50. ti ^^^ mar sipri-ia la tu-ta-iia-ball
51. U an-Jiu-u mat bil-ia u sar-ru
52. bil-ia is-ku-na-an-tii
53. i-na amiluti ha-za-nu-ti.
54. Li-il-U-ga-am ^^^ mar sipri-ri bi-li-ia
55. //! kab-bi sa ak-ta-bi a-na pa-ni bi-li-ia lu-u-din,
56. lassi (J) ^y i-lapi, samni, X\ kakki^ u . . . . li-din.
Traduction,
(i) Au grand roi, mon maitre, mon dieu, mon dieu soleil, (2) en
ces termes : Azirou ton serviteur. 3) Sept fois, encore sept fois,
aux pieds de mon maitre, mon dieu, mon dieu soleil, je me
prosterne.
(2) O mon maitre, je suis ton serviteur, et ma main est pure
(5) devant le roi mon maitre, et je dis [avec sincerite] (6) toutes mes
affaires en presence de mon maitre. (7) O mon maitre, aux
hommes de calomnie (8) qui me decrient (9) devant le roi mon
maitre, ne prete point attention : (10) je suis ton serviteur a jamais.
(11) Puisque le roi mon maitre a parle de Khani, (12) 6 mon
maitre, je me trouvais a Tunip (13) et je ne savais pas qu'il etaii
arrive. (14) Des que je I'appris je le suivis, (16) mais je ne
I'atteignis point. (17) Que Khani arrive [en Egypte] (18) en bon
etat, et qu'il lui demande, (19) le roi mon maitre, comment le rejnrent
(20) mes freres et Bitil. lis se tinrent (21) devant lui [a son seivice] ;
(21, 22) ils donnerent des boeufs, differents vitis (?), de la volaille
pour sa nourriture et sa boisson. (23) Je lui donnai des chevaux
et des anes (24) pour son voyage [son retour].
Que le roi mon maitre, (25) entende mes paroles : (26) lorsque
je me rendis chez le roi mon maitre, (27) Khani vint au-devant de
moi ; (28) il me regut comme (29) une mere, comme un pere ; (30)
et maintenant mon maitre dit : (31, 32) " tu t'es detourne de devant
372
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Khani," alors que tes dieux (;^;^) et le dieu Soleil savent (34) si je
n'etais pas a Tunip.
(35) 36) Puisque le roi mon maitre m'aparlede la reconstruction
de Zoumour, [je reponds :] les rois du pays de Noukhassi (37)
etaient en guerre avec moi, (37, 38) et prenaient mes villes a
I'instigation de Khatib, (39) et je ne I'ai pas rebatie. Maintenant
(40) je la rebatirai en hate.
(41) Et que mon maitre sache bien que (42, 43) Khatib a pris
la moitie des ustensiles que le roi mon maitre m'avait donne's ; (44)
et que I'or et I'argent que le roi (45) mon maitre m'avait donnes,
(45 . 46) Khatib I'a tout pris. Que mon maitre le sache bien.
(47) Le roi mon maitre de plus (48) a dit : Pourquois as-tu
accueilli (49) le messager du roi de Khatti, (50) et n'as-tu pas
accueilli mon messager? (51) Et cependant c'estici le pays de mon
maitre, (52) et mon maitre m'a range (53) parmi les gouverneurs.
(54) [Mais] que le messager de mon maitre vienne, (55) et tout ce
que j'ai promis devant mon maitre, jele [lui] donnerai ; (56) je veux
lui donner des . . . dcs bateaux, des huiles, des armes des . . .
Remarques.
Eigne 4. — I-na-ga-=i-7ia-ka. Naku, etre pur, innocent, deja
signale dans Berlin, 11, 1. 12 ; voir notre 6" serie, V.
Eignes 21, 22. Ee signe lu dubitaviment karani, vins, designe
vraisemblablement une boisson, et doit correspondre a sikari dans
la ligne 22, qui ne continue pas I'enumeration, mais renferme une
apposition aux objets enumeres 1. 21.
Eigne 23. — Atiadin, je donnai, bien qu'Azirou n'ait pas donne
en personne ; on a donne en son nom et suivant son intention
presumee.
Eigne 35. — Fa-?ia-i=ba-na-i, comme ti-pa-an-ni (1. 39, 40)=
u-ba-an-7ii.
Eigne 38. — Bi-i = pi-i, bouchc.
37:
May 2]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
1893
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 37,
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C, on Tuesday, 6th
June, 1893, at 8 p.m., when the following Paper will be
read : —
P. LE Page Renouf {President). " The Book of the Dead."—
Translation and Commentary {continuatioti).
374
May 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, will confer a favour by presetttifig them to the
Society.
Alker, E., Die Chronologic der Bucher der Konige und Paralipomenon im
Einklang mit der Chronologic der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder.
Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarchc Copte Isaac.
Contcs de I'Egyptc Chretiennc.
La Morale Egyptiennc quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, rhomme de Dieu.
A., AND L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des ficritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Bcitrage zur Semitischen Religiongcshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden.
Blass, a. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest.
BOTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriftcn Altaegyptischc Denkmaeler. Vols.
I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics par
H. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Diimichen
of vols. 3 and 4. )
BUDINGER, M.. De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis.
BuRCKHARDT, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen.
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873
DuMiCHEN, Ilistorische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1S67.
2nd series, 1869.
Altaegyptischc Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.
Tempel-Inschriflen, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Earle's Philology of the English Tongue.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers. Die Masse und das Kapitel iiber die Augen
krankheiten.
Erman, Papyrus Westcar.
Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 18S0.
Gayet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre.
Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Vingt-quatre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
PIess, Der Gnostische Papyrus von London.
Hommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
Jastrow, M., a Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra " Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
375
May 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen.
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch liber Heilkunde.
Johns HorKiNS University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology.
Krebs, F. , De Chnemothis noraarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten 1>)S zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtignung der Re-
resultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
Lef^bure, Le Mythe Osirien. 2"^^ partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c., 18S0.
Lyon, D. G. An Assyrian Manual.
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
MiJLLER, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmiiler aus Arabien.
Noordtzig, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out-
dekkingen.
Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, 1866-1869. 3 vols., folio.
Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
ROBIOU, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologic des Lagides,
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
SCHOUW, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
Schroeder, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Alt'agyptishe Gotterglaube.
ViREY, P., Quelques Observations sur I'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d'un
Monument Egyptien.
ViSSER, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
Wilcken, M., Actenstucke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
Wiltzke, De Biblische Sinison der Agyptische Horus-Ra.
WiNCKLER, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
Winckler, Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847 ; Vols. IV to XII,
1850 to 1858, inclusive ; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 1878.
ZiMMERN, H., Die Assyriologie als Iliilfswissenschaft fiir das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
37f>
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS.
In 8 Parts. Price 5s. each. With full Illustrations of the Vignettes.
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Zhc Eo^ptian Booh of the 2>eab,
BEING A
Complete Translation, Commentary, and Notes,
By p. LE page RENOUF, Esq. {President);
CONTAINING ALSO
^ ^aits of ^Slates of tj^e Uigncttcs of tj^c tiiffercut (iDt)apicrs.
The first XVII Chapters have aheady been issued in the Proceedings.
The request having been made by a number of friends that this
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Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers.
In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus the price for
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Society of Biblical Archeology.
COUNCIL, 1893.
President.
P. LE Page Rendu f.
Vice- Presidents ,
The Most Rev. tlis Grace The Lord Archbishop of Canterrury.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.
The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury.
The Right Hon. Sir A. H. Layard, G.C.B., &c.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, ^LP.
Sir Charles T. Newton, K.C.B., D.C.L., &c.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Sir Henry C. Rawlinson, Bart., G.C.B., D.C.L., F.R.S., &c.
Very Rev. Robert Payne Smith, Dean of Canterbury.
Council.
Rev. Charles James Ball. [ Rev. Albert Lowy.
Rev. Canon Beechey, M.A.
Rev. E. B. Birks.
Arthur Gates.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Rev. a. J. Delattre, S.J.
Charles Harrison, F.S.a.
Gray Hill.
Rev. James Marshall.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.
J. Pollard,
F. G. Hilton Price, F.S.A.
Prof. Waldemar Schmidt.
E. Towry Whyte, M.A.
Honorary T7-casnrer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Honorary Secretary for Forei^i Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A.
Honoraiy Librai-ian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S.
ll.\RKISON AND SONS, PIUNIKKS I .\ (INDINAUV TO IIKK MAJESTY, ST. MAKTIn's LANI:.
VOL. XV. Fart 8.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY ,
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
VOL. XV. TWENTY-THIRD SESSION.
Seventh Alectiu^, Jjuie 6th, 1893.
CONTENTS.
I'AGE
P. LE Page Renouf (Presiden/).—The Book of the Dead {continuation'), chapters
LVII to LXIIIb {Plates) 377-384
P. le Page Renouf (Frc.r/^fw/). — The Gods Akar and Seb 385-386
H. Brugsch-Pasha. — La Luniiere Zodiacale et sa representation sur les Monu-
ments egyptiens {tiote supplemcntaire) 387-391
Rev. C. J. Ball. — The Origin of the Phoenician .\lphabtt (/'/aif) 392-408
E. TowRY Whyte, M.A.^Notes on Pectorals (6 /'/rt/f.y) 409-416
Theo. G. Pi.nches. — A Babylonian Decree that a certain Rite should be performed 417-420
P. LE Page '^^•xovf {President). — The name of Pharaoh 421-422
A. L. Lewis. — Note on the Pharaoh of the Exodus, etc 423-423
William F. Ainswokth, F.S.A., F.R.G.S. — The Achmethas or Ecbatanas of
Western Asia 425-432
Prof. E. Lefebure. — Etude sur .Abydos 433-455
Robert Brown, Junr., F.S.A. — Euphratean Stellar Researches. Part III 456-470
Prof. Dr. Piehl. — Notes de Phiiologie Egyptienne {Continued from p. 268) 471-493
G. Willoughby Frazer, F.S.A. — El Kab and Geliilin (5 /Vrt/«) 494-500
Rev. a. J. Delattre, S.J. — Lettres de Tell el-Aniarna fSeserie) 501-520
Rev. Camden INL Cober.v, Ph.D. — A peculiarly Sacred Posture avoided in
Ancestor Worship , 521
Dr. M. Si'iegelberg. — The Viziers of the N-^w Empire 522-526
PUBLISHED AT
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1893.
[No. cxvi.]
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I
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHiEOLOGY.
TWENTY-THIRD SESSION, 1892-93.
Seventh Meetings 6th /u?ie, 1893,
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
•9ce #;-«>-
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author :— Die Sprache der Contracte Nahu-Na'ids
(555-538 V. CHR.), Mit Beriicksichtigung der contracte
Nebukadrezars und Cyrus. Von K. L. Tallqvist. 8vo. Hel-
singfors, 1890.
From the Author : — Studien zu den Babylonische Texten, Heft
VI B. Von. K. L. Tallqvist. 8vo. Helsingfors, 1892.
Babylonische Schenkungsbriefe, Transscribiert, iibersetzt und
Commentiert. Von. K. L. Tallqvist. 8vo. Helsingfors,
1891.
[No. cxvi.] 375 2D
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S93.
From the Author : — Degh Hittim e Hethei e delle loro migrazioni,
Ricerche di Archeologia Biblico-Italica Chap. i. 8vo.
Rev. C. A. de Cara, S.J.
Estratto dalla Civilta CattoHca, Serie xv. Vol. VI. 1893.
From the Author : — Graven in the Rock ; or, the Historical
Accuracy of the Bible Confirmed, etc., etc. Rev. Samuel
Kinns, Ph.D., Jena. London. Svo. 1893.
The following Candidates were elected Members of the
Society, having been nogiinated at the last Meeting, 2nd
May: —
James Henry Barber, B.A. (Lond.), The Acacias, Grange Road,
Sutton, Surrey.
AV. E. Crum, Savile Club, Piccadilly, W.
Henry A. Harper, Cliff House, Milford on Sea, Lymington,
Hants.
Miss S. C. Rucker, 4, Vanbrugh Terrace, Blackheath.
The Rev. J. Calhoun Newton, M.A., Dean and Professor of The
Biblical Department, Kwansei Gatuin, Kobe, Japan, was
nominated for election, and this being the last meeting of the
present session, was, by special order of the Council, submitted
to the meeting, and elected a Member of the Society.
A Paper was read by P. le Page Renouf {President) in
continuation of his former Papers on the Egyptian Book of
the Dead.
Remarks were added by Jos. Pollard, Rev. R. Gwynne,
Rev. A. Lowy, Rev. J. S. Moxly, F. D. Mocatta {Vice-
President), Rev. J as. Marshall, and Rev. D, Kinns.
A Paper was read by Theo. G. Pinches, on a Babylonian
Decree that a certain Rite should be performed.
Remarks were added by Rev. A. Lowy, Rev. Jas.
Marshall, Rev. Dr. Kinns, and Mr. T. G. Pinches.
Thanks were returned for these communications.
376
Proc, Soc. BiH. Arch., June, 1893.
PLATE XIV.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Tomb of Rameses IV. (Musee Guimet, Vol. XV, Plate 27.)
Chapter XV. Notes 3 and 9.
Tomb of Rameses IV. (Musee Guimet, Vol. XV, Plate 40.)
Tomb of Rameses IX. (Musee Guimet, Vol. XVI, Plate 6.)
Chapter XLI. Note i.
Chapter XLVII.
Sk I
\r-t I
%
Leyden Papyrus, No. 16.
Tombeau de Seti I.
(Musee Guimet, \o\. IX, Plate 34.)
PLATE XV.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arc/i., June, 1893.
i,0U-H ^=^^
^WJi^ t
\\\
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®
^l^
i^a
(^
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L-H
Ifl'll^ l^iC:==^
^v.M ,^gt^
fPlt'^Q
(I
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g[llM
CQ
ex
nl
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Proc. Soc. Bill. Arch., June, 1S93.
PLATE XVI.
Chapter XLVII.
n
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter L.
Papyrus of Ani.
Chapter LVII.
Nicholson Papyrus.
(. Egypt iaca, Plate 5).
Papyrus of Ani.
Chapter LVIII.
Papyrus, British Museum, No. 9949
Chapter LXI.
Papyrus of Ani.
Chapter LXTV.
Papyrus du Louvre, iir, 93.
Papyrus du Louvre, iii, 93.
PLATE XVII.
BOOK OF THE DEAD. Chapter LXVUI.
Leyden Sarcophagus.
Wilkinson (>[at. llicrog.,
Plate 23).
Lf.I'sius (Ttidl., riale 21
Lepsius (TocU., Plate 23).
June 6] TROCEEDINGS. [1893.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By p. Lii Page Renouf.
Chapter LVII.
Chapter for breathing air and conuiiand of water in the N^ether
world.
Let the Great One (i) be opened to Osiris; let the two folding
doors of Kabhu (2) be thrown wide to Ra.
O thou great Coverer (3) of Heaven, in thy name of Stretcher (4)
[of Heaven], grant that I may have the command of water, even as
Sut hath command of force (5) on the night of the Great Disaster :
grant that I may prevail over those who preside at the Inundation,
even as that venerable god prevaileth over them, whose name they
know not. May I prevail over them.
My nostril is opened in Tattu, and I go to rest in Heliopolis,
my dwelling, which the goddess Seshait (6) built, and which Chnum
raised on its foundation.
If the Sky is at the North I sit at the South ; if the Sky is at the
South I sit at the North ; if the Sky is at the West I sit at the East ;
and if the Sky is at the East 1 sit at the West.
And drawing up my eyebrows (7) I pierce through into every
place that I desire.
Notes.
This chapter and the following are recensions and combinations
of extremely ancient texts.
The first portion of the present chapter follows the ancient text
of Horhotep. Even at that early period two recensions were hi
existence, and are copied one after the other. The translation here
given is the nearest possible approach to the original text.
The second portion (beginning with My nostri/) dates from the
papyri of the Theban period, though we must depend ui)on later
authorities for the entire Section.
377 2D2
JuNF. 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCM.EOLOGV. [1893.
1. The Great One <czr> jU ^i'^'^t — Heaven.
X Y^ y /WAAAA , literally the Cool (water) is another
name for the Sky,* and is here in parallelism with the Great One.
3. Coverer 9 . Jj , a name applied both to the Nile, as
covering the^ land during the inundation, and to the Sky as the
covering above us. Cf. my paper on Nile Mythology, P.S.B.A.,
November, 1890.
4. Stretcher 1^' ^'^"'i^h I consider as a nasalised (per-
haps the original) form of D |) stretch. The papyri read
(« r=^3 '^^ P*-'^ ' Cleaver of the Sky,' but the word at,
without the determinative ^^^^^-^j may also mean stretch, as in the
expression Xix: X | X ) .
5. Force n ^^. ill, n ^. r ' /i' ^^^ ^^^ Latin vis, may,
but need not, be of a criminal nature. The name of the goddess
Y Jy in this place is a manifest blunder of the more recent scribes.
6. The goddess Seshait T- ^ commonly but erroneously called
Safch, through an error against which Lepsius {Aelt. Texte, p. 3)
and Brugsch {Zcitschr., 1872, p. 9) have both spoken. The real
name of the goddess, as I have elsewheref shown by actual variants,
is n r^^ "^ c> ^^ Seshait (Teta, 1. 268) or M ""^^ ^ (Louvre,
— " — — ** — in
A. 07). She is so called from the root crsm, ii[S] , writing, that
' r-^-^ r^;rn I y
being one of her occupations.
7. Drawing up my eyebrows (IciX^ (I oV ^^' '"
scornful pride, superciliously, like the Greek t«? hf^pu's avaaTrav.
* The name occurs repeatedly in the Pyramid Texts, and even the very
.g. Unas, 375, and the Litany at Pepi I, 631.
expression
t 071 some Religious Texts of tlie Early Egyptian Period in Trans. Soc.
Bibl. Arch., Vol. IX, p. 303,
378
June 6] rROCEEDIXGS. [1S93.
CHAPTER LVIII.
Chapter for breathing air and command of luater.
Let the door be opened to me !
Who art thou ? What is thy name ?
I am One of You !
Who is with thee ?
It is the Merta.
Turn away then (i) front to front, on entering the Meskat. (2)
He grants that I may sail to the Abode of those who have found
their faces.
Collector of Souls is the name of my Bark, Bristler of Hair is the
name of the Oars, Point* is the name of its Hatch, Right and
Straight the name of the Rudder.
The picture of it is the representation of my glorious journey
upon the Canal.
Give me jars of milk and cakes and flesh meat at the House
of Anubis.
If this chapter is known he entereth after having go?ie out.
Notes.
The 58th and 122nd chapters are reproductions of the same
text, the earliest copy known being that of Ani.
1. Turn aioay then. Merta as we have seen is the name given to
the goddess pair Isis and Nephthys. It is therefore not possible to
account for the masculine pronoun ^^ as having reference to
Merta. ^^ must be taken in the sense of idco, idcirco, then,
therefore.
2. Meskat, or according to another reading Afeschenit.
Chapter LIX.
Chapter for breathing air and command of water.
Oh thou Sycomore of Nut, give me of the water and of the wind
which are within thee.
It is I who cherish that abode which is in Heracleopolis. I
watch over that Egg of the Great Cackler. My strength is the
strength thereof, my life the life thereof, and my breaUi the breath
thereof.
"* All this part is coniiiit.
379
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIIzEOLOGY. [1893.
Notes.
On the mj'thological tree in heaven which produces both wmd
and water, that is the rain-cloud, see my Egyptiati Mythology,
particularly with ?-eference to Mist and Cloud, in Trans. Soc. Bibl.
Arch., Vol. VIII.
The same kind of imagery is still current in Europe. German
authorities tell us about the ' Wetterbaum,' which in some places is
called ' Abraham's Tree,' in others, 'Adam's Tree.' The Yggdrasill
myth is supposed to have the same origin. The Rainbow is the
heavenly Mountain Ash of a well known Swedish and Esthonian
r'ddle. The water from heaven was supposed in Egypt to be
especially refreshing for the dead.
Chapter LX.
Another Chapter.
Let the doors of Heaven be open to me, let the doors of Kabhu
be thrown wide to me ; by Thoth and by Hapu, the great Coverer of
Heaven, at daybreak.
Grant ye that I may have the command of water even as the
mighty Sut had the command of his enemies on the Day of Disaster
to the Earth. May I prevail over the Long-armed ones in their
corners, * even as that glorious and ready god prevaileth over them,
whose name they know not. May I prevail over the Long-armed
ones.
Chapter LXI.
Another Chapter.
I, even I, am he who proceedeth from the Weeper (i), and
whose attribute is Overflowing. (2) I (3) have the command of it as
Hapu.
Notes.
I. The great Weeper is primarily Heaven, and it is so in this
place. The Nile god who proceeds from it also bears the same
name.
* The four cardinal points; the Eastern and the Western ^^— ^ , and
the Southern and the Northern 0 ^^^
380
June 6] PROCEEDINGS.
2. Overflowing: J 9 ^i^ aaaaaa .
AAA^AA
AJV^TAA
3. /. The original is in the third person ; in reference to " he
who proceedeth," &c.
Chapter LXII.
Chapter ivhereby tvater is drank in the Netherworld.
Let the Great One be opened to Osiris ; let the Kabhu be thrown
wide to Thoth, the Coverer, Lord of the Horizon in his name of the
Divider of the Earth.
May I have command of the water even as the might of Sutu
had over his enemies.
It is I who traverse the Heaven :
I am Ra :
I am the god in Lion form :
I am the Steer; (i)
I eat the haunch, and pierce through the joint.*
I go round the Sechit-Aarru.
There hath been assigned to me Eternity, without end.
And'lo! I am the Heir of Endless Time, and my attribute is
Eternity.
Note,
I. The Steer, / ^^^^^^^5^ smau, a solar title frequent in
the Pyramid texts. His mother, Heaven, is called I J^ yr^
, or (as the name is written Teta 359) I
She is called the Spouse on the Mountain U '^ , and by a nla\-
upon words 1 1 ^ ^^ jj ^^^ Unas, 493.
The usual meaning of M ^v 0^, like that of the Greek xXo»;,
or the Hebrew i^'Q)'! , is the light green shoot of plants in spring,
and this is the key to the sense of the proper name. The goddess
Demeter had a temple at Athens under the name of Ch/oe, and it is
in allusion to this that Sophocles calls her e.''x\oos- (Oed. Col. 1600).
* The sacrificial offerings C?^ and
381
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
This Egyptian goddess was ^"^J. ] ©, a principal deity at
Enchebit, she had the White Crown and the wig with two plumes.
She is described as having drooping dugs, and as suckling her son.
Cf. with this information from Unas the whole chapter beginning
with line 283 of Pepi I.
Chapter LXIIIa.
Chapter ivhereby one is not burnt with fire, but drinketh %c<ater in
the Netherworld. .
0 Bull of Amenta ! let me be borne to thee !
1 am that Rudder of Ra, wherewith he conveyeth the Ancient (1)
ones.
I am not burnt, I am not consumed.
I am Babai, the eldest son of Osiris, who striketh the eye of
every god (2) in Heliopolis.
1 am the Heir, the primary power of motion and of rest (3).
I have made firm my name, and have preserved it that I may
have life through it.
Chapter LXIIIb.
Chapter whereby one is not boiled ifi water.
I am that ready Rudder wherewith Ra conveyeth the Ancient
ones, and I raise the effluxes (4) of Osiris to the Tank from flames
impassable ; a wrecked one, (5) but not to be consumed.
I lie helpless as a dead person, (6) and I arrive at the lair of the
Lion who defieth slaughter, ... (7) following the road by which I
set out.
Notes.
The Chapters 63A and 63B are united into one in the later MSS.
without any other division than ^~~r^, indicative of a different
reading. None of the early papyri contains both chapters. The
text of 63B is extremely corrupt, and without rational interpretation.
I. / am that Rudder of Ra, wherezvith he conveyeth the Ancient
ones. This passage is twice found in Horhotep (311 and 329),
the word for Rudder being written ^\ Ik Q -^.z^-^^ .
382
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
2, Who striketh the eye, (1 -41-^ \ . The peaceful determina-
tive may perhaps be intended to diminish the force of the very
expressive \ in the verb of striking. But I beheve that this
passage may fairly be illustrated by the words of Lucretius IV,
324 and following : —
Splendida porro oculi fugitant vitantque tueri,
Sol etiam caecat, contra si tendere pergas.
Praeterea splendor quicumque est acer adurit
Saepe oculos ideo quod semina possidet ignis
Multa, dolorem oculis quae gignunt insinuando.
3. The primary power of motion and of rest. These words have
a modern sound, but they express the sense of the original.
4. Effluxes, \\ {X3 , the /xayj, the vital sap, as it were, of the
body of Osiris, which is the source of life both to men and to
gods,* and in default of which his own heart (Unas 12) would
cease to beat. It is celebrated in all the mythological texts extant
from the time of the Pyramids down to the latest inscriptions of
Denderah and Edfu, and even in Demotic documents, f All
moisture was supposed to proceed from it, and the Nile was
naturally identified with it.
In the Pyramid texts (Pepi66) t^^^„?„^|^
11 is put in parallelism with v\ ^^ |.
5. A ivrecked one. So I understand S:;^:^ from Chapter 125, 38,
but the whole context here is so doubtful that no translator who
respects himself would warrant the sense.
* In one of the ancient chajiters preserved in the tomb of Ilorliotep, the
deceased, speaking in the person of Horns, talks (319) of quenching his thirst
with the 1^^ _p 1^ of his father Osiris.
t See a very interesting passage in Pap. Khiiid 4, 4, with Ikugsch's
translation.
June 6]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.'EOLOGY.
[1893.
6. / lie helpless like a dead person. x AA, heft is the
condition of an infant on the knees of its nurse. And I understand
in its well known euphemistic application to the dead.
l\
-«— W \> ^ .71 is the most probable reading here, but it is a
hapax Icgomenon with nothing in the context to explain it.
384
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
THE GODS AKAR AND SEB.
By p. le Page Renouf.
In order to understand the nature of the god ^ ]^
Akar, we have to imagine a tunnel starting from the spot where the
sun sets, and extending throtigh the earth as far as where the sun
rises. Each end of the tunnel has a sphinx-hke form. A human-
headed Hon stands at the entrance and also at the terminus. It
is through the paws of this double sphinx that the galley of the
Sungod enters on the Western horizon and comes out on the
Eastern.
In the picture Plate XIV, taken from the tomb of Rameses IV,
J, Fair Entrance, is written at one end of the tunnel: <r^> I,
Fair Exit, at the other. As the solar bark could not be represented
inside the dark tunnel, it is placed above.* The Sungod in the
lower world is represented with the head of a ram. He generally
grasps in his hand a serpent called [ 1 (var. ^^^) <>///, his enemy,!
^ ^ ^ 1 MSI ^ «ML^ . \
who in several pictures has, like the serpent ot Moses (Ex. iv, 4),
grown into "a rod in his hand." But, if the texts are to be trusted,
the god himself has the same name with another signification.
Now the Pyramid texts of Pepi I (line 72) mention "the two
gates of Akar" as synonymous with "the two gates of Seb."
The picture taken from the tomb of Rameses IX has an inscrip-
tion which also identifies Akar with Seb as keeping guard over
those whom the Earth covers.
Although Akar is specially connected with the two opposite ends
the Earth and the dark passage between them, whilst Seb is most
frequently mentioned with reference to cheerful phenomena, there
is nevertheless a very striking conception of the Earth which is
common to both.
* The same picture occurs in the Tombs of Rameses VI and Tauscr. In
the picture belonging to the Tomb of Rameses IX the god is in the form of a
Scarab enclosed in a ring, and represented over the tunnel.
t See Bonomi, Sare. 2, D. 35, where (J 1 appears in parallelism with
1 Vihhh* ^^^ ^'^° \\nQS 42 and 43, and note the form d ^"~ V'lhJ^'
385
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1893.
The hieroglyphic sign ===== for the Earth is a hollow tuhe^ a
reed, flute or pipe. It is already used as a determinative of the
divine name Seb, ^^ J , in the Pyramid texts {e.g., Unas, 41 7^
Teta, 237), because P J '] --^-^ shii is the name of the ?-eed or pipe.
The sign ->==. has evidently the same significance in the names of
the Goose called P J , the Piper,''' and of the god ^^ J Seb,
as written in the tomb of Seti I. The corresponding Coptic is
Ch£.I (in the Memphitic dialect), which has the double value of
tiln'a, first as Kd\a/no9, oi'Xos, reed, pipe ; and secondly as leg-bo7ie.
This fully explains the equation of < ... - = ^^^ ^ and of the
group \? Q so frequent in the Ptolemaic inscriptions. It is because
^^^ ^ is a tibia that <- ... > is used as its equivalent.
The Greek word avpri^ is used not only in the sense of a pipe,
but of any covered passage, such as the galleries of the royal tombs
at Thebes.
It is worth remarking that the wedge V? which so commonly
accompanies ====> as a determinative, is also found as a determina-
tive of the divine name ^^J Y* I^ ^^^^ ^^^ tooth by which the
subterranean passages, mines, caverns and the like have been
created ?
The subterranean journey of the Sungod through the twelve
hours of the night forms the subject of a book, considerable por-
tions of which are inscribed on the walls of the royal tombs and
upon coffins, as well as upon papyri ; the text being in great part
an explanation of the pictures. The most complete account of it
is contained in M. Maspero's Hypogees royaux de Thebes, published
in the Revue de thistoire des Religions, in the year 1888.
M. Maspero, however, does not consider the journey as subter-
ranean but as made round the horizon.
* Perhaps Wliistler or Hisser.
386
June 6] PROCEEUINfiS, [1893,
LA LUMIERE ZODIACALE ET SA REPRESENTATION
SUR LES MONUMENTS EGYPTIENS.
Par H. Brugsch.
(Note SuppU'inentaire.)
Lorsque je redigeai la note relative au mot et au signe hierogly-
phique pour designer la lumiere zodiacale et reproduite dans le
dernier numero des Proceedings, c'etait les textes eux-meraes qui me
guidaient dans mes recherches et dont le langage clair et net, a ce
qu'il parait, ne laisse rien a desirer. J'ai gagne, grace a eux, la
pleine conviction que la lumiere en question a ete parfaitement
connue aux Egyptiens, qui I'ont observee deja a I'epoque de la
construction des pyramides, et qui Font designee par un mot et par
un signe en correspondance avec sa forme particuliere d'un triangle.
C'est avec le plus grand plaisir que j'ai vu Mr. Le Page Renouf se
ranger de mon opinion, et le jugement flatteur que ce savant si dis-
tingue a prononce au sujet de la valeur scientifique de mon observa-
tion, a corrobore grandement ma propre conviction a ce sujet.
II y a un autre point a mettre en profit quant a I'exactitude de
mon opinion. II regarde la question si les monuments egyptiens
ont conserve quelque part de veritables representations de la lumiere
zodiacale dans sa forme triangulaire ? Nous connaissons, sous ce
rapport, un nombre tres considerable de representations du lever du
soleil et de son coucher qui se trouvent ainsi figurees :
L'image est tellement intelligible (pie je n'ai rien \ y ajouter,
peut-etre encore la remarque qu'il est entre comme signe parliculier
dans le systemo hieroglyphiciuc pour maixjuer la clarte et la splendeur
du soleil.
387
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
Je me suis rappele que j ai trouve dans le temps des representa-
tions, quoique bien rares, du meme genre, cependant avec la diffe-
rence que le rond du soleil y est remplace par un triangle. J'attri-
buais si peu de valeur a cette observation que j'oubliais parfaitement
d'en prendre note. Etant assure plus tard par mes etudes que le
triangle avait parfois la valeur astronomique de la lumiere zodiacale,
j'ai repris de nouvelles recherches aux fins de rencontrer un beau
jour les pistes perdues.
J'ai ete assez heureux de decouvrir le premier exemple dans une
publication de notre coUegue, Mr. Ernest Schiaparelli. Dans
son travail qui porte le titre : // Significato Simbolico delle Pyramidi
Egiziane (Roma, 1884), I'auteur s'occupe, a la page 7 suiv., des
petites pyramides funeraires, les soi-disant J J A benben, qu'on
decouvre parfois dans les tombeaux pres du sarcophage d'un mort.
II fait la juste remarque que les scenes sculptees sur ces monuments
et illustrees de textes hieroglyphiques font reconnaitre, en general,
le soleil a son lever et a son coucher auquel le defunt adresse des
louanges. " Finalmente," continue-t-il, " nella faccia orientale di
una piccola piramide del museo di Torino, vedesi rappresentata nell'
alto una piramide che sorge fra due monte (fig. A), e sotto ad essa il
Fig. A.
defunto Consu, che la sta adorando insieme ad altre persone della
sua famiglia, rappresentazione parallela a quella del sole nascente
(fOi), che vedesi ripetuta sulla maggior parte degli altri benben."
J'ai rencontre une autre copie de la meme composition dans le
Dictio/maire Mythologiqiie de Mr. Lanzone. Sur la planche clxxx
(No. 2) le meme dessin est reproduit, mais avec une remarquable
addition qui ne touche, il est vrai, qu'un detail, mais un detail d'une
certaine importance par la raison que des lignes verticales, imitant
388
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
les rayons de la lumiere, remplissent la partie interieure du triangle
de la pyramide (voir la figure ci-dessous).
Dans tous les cas il est sur que la representation en question se
rapporte a la lueur pyramidale qui precede le lever du soleil ou qui
apparait apres son coucher, en d'autres termes a la lumiere appelee
zodiacale par nos savants modernes. Les Egyptiens des temps
passes I'adoraient comme ils adoraient le soleil ([Oj) et on com-
prendra ainsi ce sacrificeoffert Vv iP J A j^ "au lever de la lumiere
zodiacale " dont j'ai parle en haut (voir la page 204).
Depuis les temps les plus anciens le culte de la lumiere zodiacale
possedait un centre au mileu de la province de I'Arabie, situee du
cote oriental du Delta. C'etait dans la metropole ^ Ix ©
Gosem ("la ville du crepuscule,"^/ le mot copte \l-6^CXJL, (TcOCJUL,
iur/>(?, rp'ocpo'i, caligo), le Goshen biblique, qu'un sanctuaire splendide
fut consacre au dieu A rC. sopdou, le representant solaire de la
lumiere zodiacale. C'est lui qui donna a la ville meme son nom
sacre de A ^ ou 1 A Pe-sopdou, comme elle est
appelee sur la stele d'El-Arish. Les nombreuses representations du
dieu ainsi que celles de ses paredres et des objets de son culte,
sculptees sur la chapelle de Soft el-Henneh et publiees par les soins
de Mr. le professeur Naville, nous fournissent I'occasion de
composer un tableau extremement complet et curieux du service de
cette divinite, comme je I'ai amplement demontre dans mon travail
sous presse. Pour a present, je me permets de fixer I'attention du
lecteur sur un fiiit incontestable qui n'est pas sans valeur pour juger
les rapports existant entre la lumifere zodiacale, sous sa forme divine
de dieu A H, et les phenomenes celestes au temps du cr^puscule.
C'est ainsi que le dieu en question se trouve combine avec la figure de
la deesse Sothis, | A (X avec le phenix ( ^^ appele
389
June 6J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1893.
bnoii) et avec un serpent aile nomme >i<: O I /^ o " celui du crepus-
cule matinal" (voir Naville, Goshen, pi. 5, b ei 6, b.) Effective-
ment, d'autres textes de nature astronomique nous font connaitreune
divinite du nom vX protectrice de la septieme heure de la nuit
(voir mon Thesaitrus, page 28), tandis que la meme divinite, appelee
^galement ^v, >*<: *^\ Yj;^ j "Horus crepusculin," est attribuee
dans un papyrus hieratique du INIusee de Guizeh a la onzieme heure
de la nuit, une heure avant le lever du soleil. Le meme papyrus,
que j'ai copie dans I'ancien Musee de Boulak, renferme ce curieux
^^ \ "lumiere zodiacale du crepuscule matinal sauve le
(Pharaon) de tous les maux de cette annee ! "
Les figures nombreuses sculptees sur la chapelle de Sqf^ el-He7ineh
font reconnaitre en outre et a plusieurs reprises des divinites lunaires,
telles que Thoth (pi. 2, 4), ou son animal sacre, le cynocephale
(pi. 2, 4; 3, 2 ; 6, I ; le Pan egyptien (pi. 2, 5 ; 2, 6; 3, i^ter); et le
dieu Khonsoii lunaire (pi. 6, 6). II parait evident que la lune etait
censee etre en rapport avec la lumiere zodiacale. Mr. H. Gruson
a reellement fait I'observation et prouve par des calculs, que la
hauteur de la pyramide zodiacale depend uniquement des jours
lunaires ou de la position de la lune vis-a-vis de notre globe terrestre.
Parmi ces jours, le vingt-deuxieme, d'apres I'assertion de Mr. Gruson,
I'emporte sur les autres en provoquant la plus grand extension de
hauteur de la lumiere zodiacale. Les deux listes de jours lunaires
que j'ai copiees dans les temples de Denderah et d'Edfou (voir
Thesaurus, page 46) et qui datent de Tepoque des Ptolemees et des
premiers Remains, rappellent miraculeusement le meme fait, car
elles donnent au vingt-deuxieme jour lunaire la designation de
^ A '^ ou ^ \ ^ phousflpde-t, ce que j'avais traduit dans
ledit Thesaurus (page 51) par " fete de la fin du triangle" (Feier des
Schlusses des Dreieckes), mais ce qui egalement, et plus probable,
ment, peut signifier " I'extremite, la derniere limite (c'est-a-dire de
la hauteur) du triangle " (voir mon Dictionnaire Supplementaire,
page 477). II est, du reste, a noter que le substantif sopde-t ou
sopdou-t, dans les deux redactions, se trouve muni de la marque du
genre fcmini)i.
390
June 6]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1893.
J 'observe encore que la chapelle de Saft el-Hettneh sur le
meme plan, nous presente deux scenes tres remarquables, dont
le sujet me parait etre mis en rapport avec le culte de la lumiere
zodiacale. On n'a qu'a regarder le dessin reproduit ci-apres :
pour se convaincre que le Pharaon s'est prosterne par terra, et a
la belle etoile, pour adorer la lumiere zodiacale. La matiere
resplendissante de la lueur est indiquee par des lignes rayonnantes
qui sortent des deux cotes de la lumiere pyramidale. La double
representation du meme dessin est tout naturellement en rapport
avec les deux lumieres zodiacales, celle du matin et celle du soir.
Dans les inscriptions des pyramides, le crepuscule du matin est
indiquee parfois par les signes /f "^^^ {Mirinril, 679) » | (7>//,
276), T I ^(^Pepil, 29). Ce sont des combinaisons composees
du triangle A , du soleil Q, du phenix accroupi sur le triangle
ou du phenix seul ^^ , mal dessine dans lesdits textes.
391
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June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
THE ORIGIN OF THE PHCENICIAN ALPHABET.
By the Rev. C. J. Ball.
It is not so likely that the great monumental systems of hiero-
glyphic writing originated independently, as that they are offshoots
from one original stock. In all branches of research, science looks
for ultimate unity in the apparent multiplicity of actual phenomena,
and the present case is not to be assumed without reason as an
exception to the general rule. If, however, people want a priori
grounds for a provisional theory of connexion, such may be found at
once in the contiguity of Babylonia, Syria, Egypt, and their imme-
morial intercourse with each other. But, further, this theory is
strongly corroborated by two considerations. The first is that of the
still accumulating evidence for the Babylonian origin of the vast
system of the Chinese characters ; the second, that of the probable
derivation of the Egyptian writing and even language from the same
ultimate source.
So much, by way of starting ab ovo. Levy indeed denies the
hieroglyphic origin of the Phcenician alphabet. And Von Gutschmid
affirms "That the Semitic alphabet did not come from cuneiform
writing may be taken as certain ; but also it is not probable that it
came from the hieratic character of the Egyptians." {Encyd. Brit.
s.v. Phoenicia). Against such opinions it may be urged in limine
(i) that the hieroglyphic or pictorial origin of writing in general is
now almost universally recognized by those who have given special
attention to the subject ; (2) that the old Persian cuneiform writing
supplies an actual instance of alphabetic development from the
Assyrio-Babylonian syllabic system ; (3) that the ancient Egyptian
system, which probably started from a Babylonian basis, has already
developed a set of some twenty-five strictly alphabetic signs, which
it uses in combination with pictorial syllabic symbols and deter-
minatives ; (4) that the Cypriote syllabary obviously represents an
intermediate stage between the pictorial or ideographic indication of
entire words, and the alphabetic indication of elementary sounds ;
and (5) that the Japanese alphabet or syllabaiy of seventy-two open
392
<C M OS f-
■^ 4"^
^§
t> nm
»^iv« ztz <>^-i^ju >1 c^ 1 M ^ -t- * *H *-
X
PI
►^
S'_
U
hII ^^4If^P'tl:^^g^r^^ei^i i1^^<?fi^-ih
^^
xn
i-c'-tza ^ n J^ ^ ^o
p\
a yii:^r
^
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
syllables, with the vowels a, e, i, 0, u, and the diphthongs ai, an, is
historically known to have originated in abridgments and contractions
of more or less complex Chinese ideographs.
To build an alphabet on the basis of other alphabets is doubt-
less no insuperable task. We have the historical examples of
Mesrop, the Armenian, of the Gothic bishop Ulphilas, and of many
modern missionaries. The old Wigur script, which was the archetype
of Mongolian and Manchau, was adapted from a form of the Semitic
alphabet ; and that splendid monument of the scientific analysis of
articulate sounds, the Devanagari, appears to depend on another
form of it. The one alphabet has gone the round of the world.
It does not look as if men were much given to absolute originality
in these matters.
We assume then, that the writing of words preceded the writing
of the phonetic elements of words. The first writing was pictorial
and ideographic ; then came the stage of phonetic spelling, partial
or complete, in the case of ideograms likely to be misread owing
to polyphony or other causes. In Accadian the addition of the
symbol tfyf^ ga, to the symbol ^ ^ad, ^iid, pa, sig (from sag,
zag), restricts us to the sound sig, and excludes the other values
of the character. And when the symbol ^^^, which might be read
either es or i>a or sin, is provided with the gloss "pyy .-Hjm: si-iit,
we understand that in this instance it is to be read si?i, and not es or
ba. Now this resolution of words which are closed syllables, like
dad, gal?, dug, sin, into the elements ba-ad, ga-ab, du-ng, si-in, is an
important step towards the achievement of alphabetic writing.
The same may be said of such resolutions as ^H skid into shi-ta,
shi-ti, or ][]yf lig into li-ki, or ^f {g)ud (also ^is) into {g)u-tu,
where s/iita, shiti, liki, etc., seem to be later developments of the
original monosyllabic root. Before however the analysis of closed
monosyllables like bad, gab, etc., into ba-ad, ga-ab, etc., was possible
or likely to suggest itself, the existence of words consisting of a
single open syllable w^is necessary. The strong tendency of
Accadian to drop final consonants when not followed by a vowel,
gave rise, at a comparatively early period, to a number of words of
this kind. Thus there can be little question that ^f ba, to divide,
was originally identical with the root bad, to split, to open, $''222;
cp. also bar, ba, half, and bal, axe. This tendency prepared the
way for phonetic spelling of the kind under consideration. The
393 2 E 2
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^iOLOGY. [1893.
comparatively modern Chinese method which spells a word by
writing two characters together, and taking the initial sound of the
first with the final sound of the second, is similar in principle, if
clumsier in effect. Thus the native lexicographers spell ^^ sim,
heart, ^ ^ iik-l/>;/, s-i)n, the middle letters being disregarded
(Edkins).* The Accadian and the Chinese modes have this in
common, that both combine words to suggest the sound of another
word. To return to one of our instances, the ^yy si, originally sig,
and ^H;^: i>i, by which we spell ^^^ si/i, are by themselves as
much significant words as the ^- sik, si, and 7^ Urn, lin, of the
Chinese example. And in both languages, when two monosyllables
are thus combined to spell another word, they are absolutely as
non-significant individually as alphabetic signs. The meanings of
si{g) and /;/, siiji) and /////, have no bearing whatever on the meaning
of sin, sim. This is surely a decided step in the direction of alphabetic
writing, consisting as it does in the use of written symbols to suggest
only sounds, not sense. The Chinese, it is true, got no further ;
but a quick-witted people like the Japanese could find out how to
utilize simple open syllables for the purpose of constructing a
scientific syllabary analogous to the ancient Cypriote.
The ordinary progress of phonetic change and of dialectic
variation, by which the vowel of a syllable might fluctuate between
a, i, n, would further tend to emphasize the consonantal sound as
the constant element in a syllable. When it was observed that
*->t:y ba had also the value l>i, that ^ was Jia, and ///, that ^Jl^^^
was both na and ;///, the possibility of using a written symbol to
suggest the constant sound directly and to imply the vowel required
by the sense, may have presented itself to the unknown authors of
so-called alphabetic writing. I say so-called, for it is evident that
the Semitic alphabet and all its ancient off'shoots are essentially
syllabic. This is probably the true explanation of the fact that the
Phoenician alphabet is destitute of any special symbols for vowel
sounds. They were not necessary while the language was still a
living one, because each of the twenty-two symbols was itself of
syllabic origin and thus implied the presence of a vowel, which was
a, i, u, according to circumstances,
* The Accadian ideogram ^[i:][cyj sib, shepherd, looks like an instance of
the same mode of spelling, being composed of jjp sig -+- ][^|J dib (crook +
flock).
394
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
It would seem, then, that when a sufficient number of open
syllabic sounds, like ha, ga, da, already find appropriate symbols in
the script of a language, an alphabet virtually exists. The practical
obstacle to the immediate perception or utilization of the fact will
lie in the number of symbols, greater or less, with identical values.
This and other difficulties in the way of alphabetic origination
would not be overcome in a day. We have not to imagine a
deliberate invention of the Semitic alphabet by some reflective
scribe. A hieroglyphic system like that of Babylonia, Egypt, or
China, presenting a great number of homophonous symbols, is
naturally an embarras de ric/iesses to the first simplifiers of writing.
The choice, therefore, does not immediately fall on a single sign as
the fittest representative of a particular sound. Each simple sound
will at first have several allowable symbols. For instance, the
Japanese adapters of the enormously complex system of Chinese
writing, bewildered by the multitude of available symbols, at the
outset naturally adopted too many characters for each of the sounds
of their own language. This in turn caused much uncertainty and
embarrassment to Japanese writers and readers, until things were
reduced to order and uniformity by the introduction of printing from
metal blocks, when the number of possible forms was greatly
diminished, and fixity was given to the elements of writing (Hep-
burn). Such difficulties are natural in the attempt to pass from
a vast pictorial system to the simpler methods of a syllabary. We
may therefore suppose that analogous perplexities beset the primary
adaptation of the Babylonian symbols to the purposes of alphabetic
writing.
Since De Rouge, it has, no doubt, been a widely circulated
opinion that the Phoenician characters were originally borrowed
from the hieratic Egyptian. But almost every scholar who has
given any particular attention to the subject has expressed him-
self dissatisfied with the comparisons suggested by De Roug6 and
his followers. In some instances the supposed resemblances are
remote, in others altogether invisible. No one, surely, who is not
pledged to the theory, will see much likeness between Xr aleph
and rx^ or V , -J' ; between ^ beth and ^^^ or ^ ;
between "1 gimel and 1 . How little even those scholars who
were disposed to favour the Egyptain theory Avere satisfied with
the details of it, may be inferred from the fact that Dr. Land thought
395
;uNE 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
that only ten or eleven of the Canaanite symbols were easily
identifiable with their supposed Egyptian prototypes ; and in the
table of alphabets appended to his Hebrew Grammar (English ed.,
London, 1876) the six letters "2, X t3j D, i^ Jl, 'ire left unprovided
with Egyptian counterparts. Nor can it be said that any of these
characters, with the doubtful exception of 0, finds a good parallel
in the Egyptian columns supplied by Ebers to Euting's table
of Semitic characters in Bickell's Hebrew Grammar. It is not,
however, necessary to review here the controversy on the subject,
in which Lagarde and others took part. My purpose is not so much
to write a criticism of previous speculations on the origin of the
alphabet, as to set forth and justify the conclusion which has forced
itself upon my own mind in the course of a prolonged study of the
primitive forms of Babylonian writing. Some years have passed
since I first began to suspect that Egyptian civilization had its
beginnings in the valley of the Euphrates (see I'roc. Soc. Bibl. Arch.,
June, 1890). I had noticed several remarkable ideograms common
to the Babylonian and Egyptian systems of writing, among them that
of Merodach-Osiris, Babylonian n^ Egyptian H , and that of the
nether abyss, Babylonian y\^ Egyptian ®. I showed these and
other things to Mr. Le Page Renouf, who by no means discouraged
further research, and even remarked that the Egyptains traditionally
came from the east. My main interest at the time was absorbed by
other enquiries, but I continued to note fresh material as it occurred,
especially facts which seemed to indicate that the Egyptian alpha-
betic signs might be of Babylonian origin. All the world now
knows that al the last Oriental Congress Professor Hommel advocated
a similar theory, illustrating it with much learning and ingenuity
in a paper which is the basis of a work published at the time {Der
Bahylonische Urspnmg der Aegyptischai Cnltiir : Munich, 1892); so
that one may now hope that the question will be thoroughly sifted.
I hold it, then, to be highly probable that the same old Turanian
people which gave writing to the founders of Chinese civilization
on the east, gave it also to the Semites and Egyptians on the west.
I will not now attempt to discuss the hieroglyphs of northern Syria
and Anatolia; but it may be mentioned that in June, 1888 {Proc.
Soc. Bibl. Arch), I maintained that points of contact were apparent
between the Cypriote and old Babylonian characters. Some of the
instances then adduced must be given up; others appear to be valid,
396
June 6J ROCEEDINGS, [1893.
and the withdrawal of the former may be partially compensated
by the addition of Babylonian ^ ra, ru = Cypriote X/ , Q, ra ;
Babylonian "P we, ve = Cypriote J ve : Babylonian qj^ la =
Cypriote ]^ la, Babylonian y^AX ku = Cypriote j^, y^, ku ;
Babylonian Q ma, \^ mu, = Cypriote, Qj, | |, ^J^, mo;
Babylonian PXj tu, ty = Cypriote \J£ te;* Babylonian w^ lig
= Cypriote §, ^, ^, le ; Babylonian JIL ne = Cypriote ill ne ;
Babylonian ijjl, e = Cypriote \\\ e ; Babylonian /f^ hal ( = 'al) =
Cypriorite ^ a.
It has often been objected that the great number of the cuneiform
symbols renders it almost a hopeless task to identify among them
the prototypes of the twenty-two signs of the Phoenician alphabet.
Something has already been said by way of meeting this objection
beforehand. If the old Egyptians could develope a true alphabet
out of the multitude of syllabic symbols at their command ; if the
Japanese could arrive at a syllabary of seventy-two characters by
subjecting the unwieldy mass of Chinese ideograms to a sort of
process of elimination, this difficulty cannot be justly regarded as
insuperable. But further, let us look steadily at this fact : T/ie
six letters beth, gimel, teth, samech, ain, tan, which we saw could
not be satisfactorily derived from the hieratic Egyptian., may be
identified with great verisimilitude in the Babylonian syllabary.
It will, I think, be generally recognized that A bet is sufficiently
like /\ ba, bi, to split (Accadian bad, bid, = Chinese ///). The
Babylonian character for the eye is very similar, viz., /N , bad
(ba^, mad, and other values), because the eye is a slit or opening
(>-< bad, to open) in the face. The difference of shape between
the Babylonian sign and the Phoenician A is merely a variation
for convenience of writing. The latter may be called a one-stroke
adaptation of the former. As to the name, beth, b-t (Semitic
* This Cypriote character should perhaps be compared with the linear forms
of the Babylonian '^j ^e ; see p. 8. Since this paper was written, I have
succeeded in identifying many more of the Cypriote symbols with Accadian
prototypes.
397
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1893.
Babylonian hit, bet) is the common Semitic term for house. The
original sound of the symbol becomes its name in the Phoenician
alphabet ; the original meaning is naturally exchanged for a familiar
Semitic one which happens to be that of the corresponding Semitic
sound.
The complete sacrifice of the old traditional names of the letters
has been felt to be a difficulty in the way of the Egyptian theory.
Canon Isaac Taylor indeed very fairly meets the objection by
instancing the modern Russian alphabet, in which the original
Greek names are displaced by Slavonian designations. But it is
plainly in favour of our own view that it for the most part retains
and accounts for the names of the letters. We shall show for the
other letters, as for the one just considered, that what happened
was the retention of the Accadian sounds, so far as that was
possible, with the substitution of Semitic meanings. The principle
of attaching a native sense to sounds of foreign origin is too
universal to require illustration.
Gimel, j, ^, l\, Arabic guii, Greek gamma, resembles "^,
the linear equivalent of the Babylonian "^ gam, gamma, to bow,
bend, curve (Assyrian qadiidii). This root occurs in \ ^y
gam-mal, "camel," strictly, "the humped"; a term which passed
into Assyrian and the other Semitic languages, and of which the
Sanskrit kramela, kramelaka, is probably an adaptation, ushta being
the true Aryan term for camel. Gam, as the name of the third
letter, was Semitized into gimel, naturally enough in view of these
facts. But besides gimel, only three or four of the twenty-two
letters can be called perfect triliterals (lamed, samech, aleph,
tzaddi ??). The monosyllabic form of almost all the names agrees
with our theory that they are partially Semitized (imperfectly tri-
literalized) Accadian ternis. As for the conventional vocalization of
the names, too much stress must not be laid upon it, as it is, at
least in part, demonstrably modern, e.g., zayin, ayin, pf, T^^; and
again, ?)7^^, vh'^^ "fP^' *=IP9 i'-'P- ^^"'^ Syriac 'alaph, gamal,
dalath with a variant dalad, semkath). These curious forms look
like pausal pronunciations of 'alp(u), dalt(u), lamd(u), samk(u).
Teth, unfortunately wanting on the Moabite Stone, appears in
Phoenician as f^H , (^^}, {'^), and under similar forms in Greek, as
398
June 6] * PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
ff^, 0, 07jTa. The old Babylonian writing supplies several good
analogues for this letter. There is A— ^ te, marks, ornaments,
characters, the Assyrian ^^f. The linear figure looks like a
modification of /\ te (newer sound of de, di, from dug, dyg) ; a
symbol which was originally rounded, as it represented the knee
(dug, birku). Phoenician forms of Teth without the cross line, eg.
I \ , curiously resemble the second symbol. Further Pfj tu.
tu-r (= ty, ty-t), modern Qf, p\| tu-1, pit, well, modern T<J,
— — dib, tib, enclosure, may have had something to do with the
origin of Teth; and comparing the Athenian l-jJ, rK, ^^'C ™^y
perhaps even say the same of ^-v de, te, the fire-symbol (^i:^^!).
Looking at these facts, one might be inclined to think that the
Phcenician characters represent the common element of Accadian
signs acrophonically similar in sound. Perhaps, however, we should
rather say that for an indefinite period the various related Babylonian
symbols were used indifferently as alphabetic representatives of the
Semitic sounds indicated by the corresponding letters. This would
be the first step ; and it seems to account for the varying forms of
the Phoenician signs, which need not all be deduced from a single
ancestor, but may preserve traces of several. One locality, even one
individual scribe, might prefer one form of a letter, another another,
until at last by the intercourse of commerce and diplomacy a form
would result exhibiting a likeness to all, but not exactly identical
with any of the prototypes.
As to the name Jl"^I3, Tcf/i, which is obscure if regarded as a
term of Semitic origin, Gesenius derived it from Arabic luJ^
tait, serpent. In our view, te has been made te-th, to rhyme with
the preceding letter, heth, by way of memoria tecJmica ; cp. the
Ethiopic succession tait, pait.
Samech, ^ , in the oldest Phoenician form =±=, might be sup-
posed to resemble the vertebral axis of a fish ; cp. the Semitized
names "^^D' Semkath, with the Arabic t ' C^.^ samak, fish (Kamus).
The meaning, as a Semitic sound, of the name of the preceding
399
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
letter, Nun (Assyrian 7iunu, Aramaic nun, fish), may have deter-
mined the Canaanite form of the name, and the position of the
letter in the alphabet. Moreover, as we shall see, the Babylonian
symbol for fish is one of the archetypes of the following letter Ain.
The Accadian ideograms out of which Samech was evolved were
probably =fe sam, Sam, Assyrian f^yffc:) herbs, greens {cp.
Egyptian R ^^^ \^ sam, greens), and ^ sil (from sin ; cp. the
other value, nun), great, high ; a figure possibly representing a tall
plant or reed. Cp. also — j— sit, and even t|t sa, ffl sa^ (sang).
In the case of the first and last of these symbols, the perpendicular
lines are reduced to one in the adaptation to alphabetical purposes.
The letter Ain, JT, anciently Q > ^ . 0 , agrees with 4^ en, in,
originally yTV or C > J^ 0^- the Egyptian .<2>-, to which it
corresponds in the equation ^'Xi\{y{J\ = r^ . This old Babylonian
symbol for the eye is the source of the Canaanite name. But,
further, it is now generally recognized that the Accadian ^ had a
certain correspondence to the sound of the Semitic J^ (c) • and we
actually find Canaanite proper names like X^^V > Gaza, transcribed
in Assyrian by help of ][{<, ha, which, in the old writing was
y/^j ^\ ^ ^'"^^ originally represented the outline of a
fish (Accadian ^^%, kii). The open forms of ain, such as ^, Q»
suggest comparison with {\ ha, he (also dug: vid. supr. Hence
the similarity between Teth and Ain).
Tau, n, Phcenician x , the last letter of the alphabet, w^hich,
as it were, sums up the total of the symbols, is probably the
Babylonian )( tab (tav), "total," Assyrian «/- napharu. The
>/-, napharu, of the Contract Tablets appears to be only a variant
mode of writing ^ tab, 7iapharu i^" 155; cp. Proc. Soc. BibL
Arch., IV, 113). The pronunciation tav suggested identification with
"^n, from mn, i^in. other old forms of this letter somewhat
" ■ 1 •
resemble the Babylonian A ti.
In not restricting myself to the comparison of a single Babylonian
character with each letter, I have followed the precedent of Ebers-
400
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Euting, as well as the apparent probabilities of each case. The
truth would seem to be that, while in a few instances the authors
of the alphabet transferred a symbol, practically unaltered, to its
new uses, in others they had to perform a sort of generalization,
abstracting the finally adopted form from a number of forms more
or less akin to each other. As the Babylonian syllabary presents, in
many cases, a series of symbols which have come, through a process
of gradual assimilation, to reflect their relationship of sound in the
likeness of their forms, the symbol ultimately adopted by the
authors of the Semitic alphabet may be regarded as the element
of likeness in each related group. The letter )2?, shin, sin, y/V,
^, for instance, looks like a sort of abstraction from various
Babylonian characters denoting growth and vegetation, viz. : >^^
syn, sim, sing, "garlick" (Assyrian, shumii); |^ sar, shar (and
shag ? cp. the name ni-sigu, and sig, " green "), greens, to come out,
grow up, etc. ; ^ she, sheg, corn ; XN esh, sin (from san ;
<y
4^
cp. San-herib. The moon waxes and wanes) ; ^\ shin, lord
(5 R 30. 38 a). The old Chinese \\ sak, tsak, now tsau, grass,
is from shar (sar, sag, sig) ; and the Egyptian T?uT she, a bed of
water plants, hieratic ^, may be ultimately of the same origin.
It is not denied that the hieratic Egyptian may have had some,
though not the originating, influence in determining a few of the
foims of the Canaanite alphabet. We may also compare the
Cypriote pj, Y, se.
The facts suggest an ultimate kinship of the symbols for \I7 and
Dj such as we should expect from the ambiguity of Accadian
characters with initial s. Indeed, some of the old forms of Samech
approach the form of shin, e.g., % ; but this is really due to the
attempt to write Samech without lifting the reed, that is, with a
single stroke.
In the Phoenician alphabet — even in the oldest known form of
it — certain letters bear a really striking likeness to each other. It is
probable that the similarities in (luestion go back to the original
symbols which were the prototypes of these letters. At all events
it will be a point in our favour if we can show the existence of the
same feature in the corresponding Babylonian characters. Now the
401
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. -. [1S93.
Phcenician Shin resembles a letter of a different origin, viz., Mem.
Mem looks like Shin with a tail, which indeed Shin sometimes
has, though rarely. The Egyptian m \_j) and s do not account
for the fact. But a reason for the unquestionable similarity of
the letters may be seen in the two values of the Babylonian
f^^ , which was read ma, mu, as well as shar, sar. Ma and mu
were naturally synonymous with shar. They denoted the cojuing
forth of stalks and reeds {^asu sd isi 71 qane). It is at least
curious, if not confirmatory, that the symbol y^ shin was more
usually read min, and that y^ ^vas mad and shad, among other
sounds. The Babylonian symbol, however, which perhaps exer-
cised as much influence as any upon the final form of Mem was
-^ me, " ears," of which ^ might be considered a one-stroke
adaptation ; cp. the Cypriote AA nii. The Greek MT/ has been
compared with Phcenician "IQ, "water" (Gesen.) ; but its vowel was
probably determined by the following Nf/. The Semitic name
Q^^, i.e., Q^^5 "waters," was suggested by the fact that the sound
mc has that meaning as an Assyrio-Babylonian word {cp. Hebrew
"1^). The Egyptian '^vaaa j-na, "water," may also have had something
to do with it.
The lower part of the character -T-, which is the character |
me, we, used as a phonetic, appears to be one of the prototypes
of the Phcenician ^ Waw (written ^ , with one stroke). The
curving upwards of the horizontal stroke is nothing anomalous, as
any one acquainted with the old forms of the Chinese characters
will readily admit ; and the change of vowel might be due to
the fact that i)ia, wa, was an older sound of me {cp. ^f ma, to call,
y>— to speak). But the chief model for Y, ^5 J, Waw, was the
Babylonian y mu, wu, tree, stalk, rod, etc., which in Chinese
was simplified to T, Y, and in Cypriote to ^ vo. The South
Semitic forms of the letter, Himyarite 0, Ethiopic Q, wa, may be
compared with ^ mu, wu, and Cypriote (J), Q^ mo.
The old Babylonian -y ma, me, most commonly represents the
sounds pe, pi, in Semitic cuneiform texts. These sounds doubtless
402
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
sprang from an earlier bi, be, which in Accadian would be dialectic
equivalents of me. Written with one stroke of the pen, the character
as we have seen becomes ^ me(m). To distinguish its other
function pe, this was simply abridged to 'T', 7, y, that is, the
letter Pe, by the authors of the Semitic alphabet. Pe finds no
satisfactory counterpart in Egyptian. There is, moreover, a certain
resemblance between Pe and Gimel ; but none whatever between
^V k and jn^^ p the hieratic symbols which have been fanci-
fully compared with them. But in Accadian the character /V
is both ge ["ear"; cp. me, properly "the (two) ears," Japanese
mi-mi !] and bur, pur, pu (phonetic in ]^ p2c that is, f/U ). Pe,
which originally meant ear, has been identified by Gesenius and
others with the Semitic HQ, mouth. But in the alphabet ear
follows eye, the two Babylonian symbols being somewhat similar :
Up eye, —^ e^r, as Gudea writes them.
The reciprocal similarity of the letters beth, daleth, resh, is
also better accounted for by reference to the Babylonian script
than is any other way. With v\ or A, we may fairly
compare SJ da, ra, or du, ru, and <j dal, ri(s). The
character ^\ ba(t), bi(t), involves a triangle, and so far resembles
both of the latter ideograms. But there is another Babylonian
symbol, h , including the values bi (= bir, or bis) and ras, ris,*
which, when reversed thus ^ may be compared with both A
be-t and A resh, which may be considered as one-stroke modifi-
cations of it. With resh, "head," cp. also the Babylonian TT ris,
applying the same principle.
The name Daleth is simply the non-significant dal Scmitized by
assimilation to the common TvT\ > Assyrian daltii, Arabic dalt''",
Hebrew daleth, " door."
* That ^ ras is not merely " an Assyrian value," is evident from the analysis
of ^_^JIJ] ] si-ris, written ris-si or ras-si, because originally pronounced so.
403
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1893.
Another pair of letters ultimately traceable to the same origin is
Zain and Tzaddi, '^"I^J (^VJ^t^). The Accadian symbols for sounds
with initial z have, as is well known, to do duty also for sounds with
initial tz (s, ss, q, ts) in Semitic Babylonian writing ; ][][ is za or sa,
according to context ; >-Ty^ zi is used also for si, and so on. That
being the case, it is not surprising to find that the Phoenician
^ zain and W tzaddi may both be referred to the one Babylonian
symbol I, zi, zidda ( = zida). The name Tzaddi or rather Sade is
apparently a transformation of the Accadian zi'da ; and the Phoenician
letter might possibly have been reached by omission of two cross
lines at the top and bottom of the Accadian figure. On the other
hand, Tzaddi looks like the common Phoenician /\/ zain with
an added side stroke ; but this is only a later one-stroke adapta-
tion of the form of Zain given above. Zain, in fact, appears to
preserve the upper half of the archetypal character, while tzaddi is
a simplification of the lower half of it. As for the name Zain
(pli zayin), it is probably modern; for in Syriac we find ^] and
«-»|l , zai (vi^. Payne Smith's T/ies.), and Cxesenius refers to the
Mishna Shabbath 12.5 for ^^^"f as a plural of i^ . Cp. also the
Greek name Z/yTo, which Gesenius explains as equivalent to an
Aramaic t^]l''7, but which undoubtedly agrees as well with the
Accadian z'lda, called by the Assyrians Z'ltii, as Beth does with
bid, bit. Perhaps the best way of accounting for the appended n
of the Hebrew name is to suppose that zida, zi, zai, have been
assimilated to the Semitic pt, ]i »]. \^\'> ^O^'^'^j zamd, zain,
arms, ornament, equipment.
It would be interesting to detect some principle of order at
the basis of the present arrangement of the letters. The juxta-
position of the three surds b, g, d, at the outset, has often been
noticed, as also that of the three so-called liquids 1, m, n, in the
middle ; but no particular order is observed continuously through-
out the alphabet. Some of the symbols are arranged according to
the real or apparent meaning of their names, the object being no
doubt the practical one of an aid to memory. This is the case with
yod, caph ; mem, nun, samech ; ain, pe ; and, as we shall now see,
with heth, teth. The letter heth, tj , P , appears to be derived from
the Babylonian -|-j. gad, hat, gud, hut (pronounced nearly ^yd,
404
June 6J PROCEEDINGS. [1S93.
hyt, hit, whence het, heth), meaning the stylus or writing-reed.
The Babylonian scribes called the character Gis-tar or Ges-daru,
names which imply that it was formed from I gis, stick, stalk, and
tar (dar), to cut. The primary form may therefore have been LJ.-
The hopeless obscurity of the name rVTl Heth, if regarded as
a word of Semitic origin, may be judged of by reference to Gesenius
(r/ies., p. 436).
From the Accadian term gad, the Semitic Babylonians derived
their hattu ; and it seems probable, considering the afifinity of ^, h,
and ^ mentioned above (p. 400), that the Hebrew t^y stylus,
Jer. viii, 8 ; Ps. xlv, i, is a variant form of the same word (from gyd
^it) J lO'^n {^J^^(, dissimilated from hatt) may be another offshoot of
^ad.
The Semitic names Yod and Caph, "IV, yQu-> rod, yud, H-i^
kaf, mean hand and palm. The latter is an ordinary Hebrew
term; the vocalization of the former is peculiar, and suggestive of
foreign origin. Now the Phoenician '^ may very well be the
Babylonian ^ id, i, the hand (and fore-arm ?), looked at sideways
instead of full front, so that only the thumb and forefinger are
visible, instead of all the five fingers, as in the archetype. Some of
the Phoenician variants show three fingers, as ^, r^, like the old
Chinese characters, and indeed like the modern Babylonian and
Assyrian equivalents ^•<^y and ^^f. The figure may originally
have represented the right hand, the hand par excellence ; cp. the
name of the corresponding Ethiopic letter, Yaman. The vocaliza-
tion of Yod may perhaps be accounted for thus : the Accadian id
= ud, from yud, ^ud, gud, a byform of ^| gad, hand. The other
values of ^S^f id, viz., ia, a, are distinctly traces of ya, ^a, ga(d).
The letter Caph, KnTnra, Phoenician ~j , old Hebrew \j , may
possibly preserve the form and sound of the Babylonian character
which denoted the left hand, viz., ^]ll, variant J^M , the linear
form of which is unhappily not yet found, but which was doubtless
originally an outline of a hand facing to the right, like the old
Chinese ^. The sounds were gub and kab (=kap).
We must not however ignore the fact that in the instance of
Caph and Koph, as in that of Zain and Tsaddi, the non-Semitic
405
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1S93
language of the inventors of the Babylonian script did not dis-
tinguish k, k, (q) ; the "emphatic consonants" were unknown in
Accadian. Consequently the symbol ji-J ka, which in Semitic
writing constantly represents p, was an indeterminate k (from g) in
the old language. Now the archaic form of this sign A/ , as we
see it in Gudea's inscriptions, greatly resembles the old Phoenician
Caph, especially when turned to the left thus, ^| , as in the old
Babylonian cuneiform. When it is added that the symbol repre-
sented a measure, which was probably the original of the Hebrew
2p, K('if3o'i (2 Kings, vi, 25), as Oppert has shown, v;e can hardly
doubt that this character had some bearing on the name and form
of the Phoenician Caph.
For Koph, ^, M^, ko-ttci <p , we may with some probability
refer to CT)'> ^'i archaic form of J^ ku(p). I infer /'/(/> from the
known values iil> and hd? {iib, as in other cases, being worn down
from glib; whence also kiip, kii, along another line of differentiation).
The prolongation of the middle stroke is parallel to that observed in
A , /\, ba, and other known instances, e.g. ^, which becomes
V in the old Babylonian writing. Another analogue for Koph
may be recognized in \X^ qam (qav), modified similarly to y
Phoenician variants like ^ are due to the attempt to write the letter
without raising the reed, that is, with a single stroke or movement of
the pen. The name Pjip qof has naturally been connected with
the Semitic t^Q^p qfifd, needle's eye, f^'ipD ^'i^'^'jof, hole of an axe,
because of the axe-like appearance of the character. The Accadian
ku{j>) denoted a weapon of some kind, but also many other things.
The letter Lamed, Arabic lam, Greek X«/(/3r«, is one of the
symbols for which several clear prototypes can be specified in the
old Babylonian. The Moabite (j perhaps agrees best with t/ lam,
the antique form of ^Jz^ff . The Moabite character looks like the
outer line of this ideogram somewhat rounded. The meaning of
lam is to grow, and to cause to grow, to plant (r/. Tigl. Pil. prism
vii, 27); and Prof. Hommel thinks that the figure represents a
plough {Froc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Jan., 1893, p. 112). However that
may be, the term lam, having no significance as a Semitic root, has
been triliteralized into lamd, a familiar stem in Assyrian, Hebrew
406
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
and Arabic, in the senses of beating and teaching. Gesenius says
of the ox-goad, "apud Phoenices hoc instrumentum [Heb. "I^"?^]
I'ch n?p7) dictum est " {T/ies., p. 757), but I have not been able
to verify this statement. Other Babylonian analogues for lamed are
fT^ la, an Accadian term meaning abundance, joy, and -j|||
la^, lu^, li^ (=lang, etc.), servant, to wash.
Nun, "n, /, the Greek vo, seems to correspond with the
Babylonian VT nu, image, likeness, efc. (= old Chinese nuJ:, like).
The Phoenician sign, which presents no marked variants, retains two
sides of the reversed character ""17. As for the name, A^i/i denotes
fish in Aramaic, Assyrian, and Arabic ; and if, as Hommel supposes,
^a;i was the older sound of the Accadian ^a, fish, fiun (from ngun)
may be ultimately a term of Accadian origin.
As to He, ^, the ordinary Phoenician forms of Heth, e.g. ^^
might suggest that it was formed from that letter by omission of
the left side. But this will not hold for the Moabite forms. The
cuneiform .<^'->-y, which sometimes represents He in transcriptions
of Canaanite names, never occurs in old Accadian texts, and is
perhaps of Semitic origin (Lehmann). It is often confused with
^>^|^ ah, ih, uh, archaic \H^, ^^ Babylonian inscriptions. Has
the Canaanite He any relation to the inner element of this
character ?
The old Greek uses of the two Phoenician letters may throw some
light on our problem. In Greek He represents E, e ; Heth is used
both for initial h (') and for H, >/. These facts seem to point us to
the archaic Babylonian Tm c, house, strictly /4<', from ^V (=^:;y es
= gas, house ; r/. Jj^y ga, house). If the four vertical lines be
regarded as one, this Accadian symbol will be seen to resemble the
Phoenician derivative.^
' The Babylonian writing does not formally indicate the implied initial h,
which is only inferred from etymology. C/. the Hebrew, "^plpf' H'dd^qel,
implying Ijid, gid, river (though the name is \vritten I-digna, I-diglat, in the
cuneiform ), and YT j^ id, river.
407 2 F
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1893.
For Aleph, ^ we may refer to the old Babylonian r^W ox,
Assyrian a//>!/, and the related symbols. The character is slanted)
and written with two strokes of the reed, instead of three or four.
The Accadian sound of the character was gud, gu, strictly ngud,
ngu ; so that in this case the Canaanites have chosen the Semitic
reading of the ideogram for their name of the derived letter, much
as J]y was called ka//>/t by the Assyrians. C/. also the derivative
^4^ ama, from ana (= "^ff na, bullock), wild ox, which implies
initial ^^. The ideogram ^i^]^ ulu (u-lu?), another derivative,
suggests that ala (= ana = ama) was also a value of the original
symbol for oxen ; as dialectically it might have been. Another
possible archetype of the letter was the character j]^ a, water, which
is used in Semitic Babylonian writing to indicate b^. The old form
|> may have been modified first to \ and then to <p. The figure
might then be called Alp, Aleph, from a fancied resemblance to
the horned head of an ox. It is at least curious to find Vi and
K among the old Chinese forms of the symbol for water ; figures
which might almost be mistaken for a modern Hebrew ^ (see
Luh shu tung, fg and fj;).
These notes embody the substance of a paper which was read
before the Royal Asiatic Society, Dec. 13, 1892. The writer is
greatly indebted to Mr. W. H. Rylands for material assistance in
dealirig with typographical difficulties, which were considerable.
The archaic forms of the Babylonian characters should be verified
by reference to M. Leon Heuzey's work Decouvertes en Chaldec par
Ernest de Sarzec, etc. (Paris, 1891), and to. MM. Amiaud and
Mechineau's Tableau compare des ccritures, etc. (Paris, 1887).
408
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., fiute, 1893.
PLATE I
, ' ,(11 i"^
Mini ililll>:^l
■^ '■
Pectoral of Cha-em-uas, son of Rameses II.
PLATE II.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1893.
f Iff I). ?«
[red jasper ^ lapis la3uU '////. pLuama 2f glajed ateaf iCe
Egyptian Pectoral.
In the possession of F. G. Hilton Price, Esq
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1893.
PLATE III.
In the rossESsiON of E. Towry Whyte, Esq.
'J L.
■^ ■ ''
vchea
British Museum, No. 7847.
Froc. Soc. Bibl. Arch,, June, 1S93.
PLATE IV.
From Tel Basta, in the possession of F. G. Hilton Price, Esq.
£_^ i^ . ■'
ITlcht'j
British Museum, No. 7853.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1893.
PLATE V.
inches
British Museum, No. 7849.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., June, 1893.
PLATE VI.
British Museum, No. 7852,
£_, !*_. iL
T:c.;.-a
British Museum, No. 7865.
Tune 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
NOTES ON PECTORALS.
By E. Towry Whyte, M.A.
In the following few notes on pectorals, I do not propose to
include the large number of scarabs, commonly called the heart
scarab, which are generally found in place of the pectoral ; they are
found both as painted ornaments on the mummy case or cartonage
wrapping, and as carved or moulded objects made in various materials.
Of course they are in one sense pectorals, but I shall restrict myself
to the pectoral plate, or ornament, an object much less frequently
found. Dr. Petrie told me that in the course of his excavations he
has discovered very few indeed, only two or three I think he said,
and those in a very bad state of preservation. As I have failed to find
any description other than the mere catalogue ones, I fear that I
shall not be able to throw much light on the subject, but hope that
by drawing attention to it, someone else may be able to make some-
thing more out of it, and that by this means we may get the history
of these objects worked out ; for I think there must be a history.
Pectorals or pectoral plates are funereal objects, being, as the name
indicates, flat plates laid on the breast of the mummy ; they were
held in position by cords fastened to loops or holes in the top of
the pectoral, sometimes they have holes in the bottom as well ; and
were hung round the neck of the mummy or tied on to the collar.
They are usually in the form of a naos or shrine, but are also
found of an oval shape ; they are called in Egyptian 7ii'a, which name
was also given to the symbolical eye of the sun.
They were made of various materials, being found in gold, silver,
bronze, lead, stone, porcelain, wood and composition. The gold
ones are generally inlaid with either coloured stones, glass or com-
position. No enamel in the proper sense of the term has yet been
discovered. The pattern on the gold is formed by walls of gold being
soldered on the ground in the same manner as cloisonne enamel,
and the stones or glass cut to shape and fixed in with cement.
Where composition is employed in place of stone or glass, it appears
to be a very hard gum, which is capable of being coloured as desired.
409 2 F 2
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
This gum seems almost indestructible, as it retains its polished
surface in many cases to the present day. The bronze pectorals were
inlaid in a similar manner and heavily gilt ; possibly in some cases
they are undertakers' substitutions for gold ; they seem to be very
rare, the best I have seen being that of Rameses III, now in the
possession of Mr. Hilton Price. There is but one example in bronze
in the British Museum, No. 22,840 being a hawk with very large
wings spread out, and holding in its claws two feathers. This is
probably of late times, Ptolemaic, or perhaps Roman ; it and the one
I mention later on as belonging to myself are perhaps hardly to be
regarded as pectorals at all. The catalogues of most of the museums
make no mention of them either. Silver and lead are of excessive
rarity, the porcelain ones are the commonest.
Age.
The earliest pectoral I have been able to find out is that of
King Aahmes, first king of the XVIIIth dynasty, now in the
Gizeh Museum. It was found in the tomb of Aahotep with other
objects, and is of gold inlaid with lapis lazuli and other stones ; they
seem to have been used from that period down to the late Roman
times.
The gold inlaid pectorals seem to be the earliest ; porcelain ones
date mostly from the XXIst to the XXVIth dynastry, which of course
is the great pottery era in Egypt.
I have seen a very fine grained limestone one of Thothmes III.
but whether of that date I am unable to say. Some of the stone and
steatite ones in the British Museum are probably of the XlXth and
XXth dynasties, judging by the style of workmanship.
General Description.
There seems to be a marked difference between the few of the
gold pectorals known and many of the stone and porcelain ones in
design and subject : for instance, in that of King Aahmes, a remark-
ably fine and elaborate specimen of gold inlay, the king is re-
presented as standing on a boat between two gods, who are pouring
the water of purification over his head ; in the top corners are
cartouches with his name on them ; surrounding this subject is the
naos or shrine ; it is described and illustrated by M. Ernest Des-
jardins, in a sequel to the "Histoire d'Egypte" and in colours, beauti-
fully drawn by T. Kiddle ; it is the most beautiful piece of Egyptian
410
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
jewelry known. In that of Cha-em-uas, the son of Rameses II,
the shrine encloses a uraeus and vulture side by side ; the latter holds
a seal in its right claw ; over their heads is a hawk with ram's horns,
holding a seal in each claw, above the hawk and under the frieze of
the naos is a cartouche with the prenomen of Rameses II, User ma
ra sotep en ra. A tat is placed at each of the lower angles of the
frame ; this pectoral is made of gold, inlaid with lapis and other
stones and glass. The reverse is a flat sheet of gold engraved with
a similar design, except that in place of the hawk's head with ram's
horns a female head is substituted ; it is well illustrated in colours in
Marriette's " Le Serapeum," 1857, part 3.
In the same book are two other gold pectorals of the XlXth
dynasty; in these cases the design is more like those of the later
times, that is if they are as early as the XlXth dynasty. They have the
usual shrine, inside which is one case is a large blue glass scarab on
a gold plate of the same size, and standing in the act of adoration
are Isis and Nephthys, one on either side ; this pectoral is open work
and uninscribed. The other is a gold plate with a greenstone scarab
let in, with Isis and Nephthys on either side, and above a band of
grey-green with white hieroglyphics.
Inscription above green stone scarab.
The reverse is a sheet of the same colour bound round with gold,
with the heart chapter in an oval in the centre, and a long inscrip-
tion. Both pectorals have the sides of the shrines inlaid in colours
similar to Cha-em-uas.
The bronze pectoral belonging to Mr. Hilton Price has been
very heavily gilded, and inlaid with lapis lazuli and red and
green glass or root of emerald; it is of the usual shrine form, but
above the cornice are seven large ur.xi inlaid and crowned with
disks, and on either side is an inlaid urceus crowned with the het
and resting upon an anch ^ The fringe at the bottom is the usual
lotus; the subject in the centre is of pierced work; Amen Ra is seated
holding the user sceptre and a crook ; behind him Chonsu is seated;
in front of Amen Ra is the king kneeling on a footstool and making
an offering ; above his hand are two cartouches inscribed : the one
has User mat Ra mer Amen, and the other Amen Ra Lord of Uast
4i[
I
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
(that is Thebes). Behind the king stands Mut. This very rare object
is a pectoral of Rameses III of the XXth dynasty. I would suggest
that it may have been an undertaker's substitution for a gold one
which had been ordered ; the urgei in this pectoral have been cast
and then rivetted on to a wrought plate with three rivets behind ; the
wrought work shows great carelessness in setting out, as the top line
has not been made anything like parallel to the bottom.
A very late form of bronze pectoral is in my own possession ; it is
a cow-headed hawk or vulture with drooping wings and cows' legs ;
the head is crowned with the plumes and disk ; this is probably not
earlier than Roman times.
There is a fragment of a wooden one in the British Museum,
No. 14,655, which has been heavily gilded and inlaid with blue and
red glass in a somewhat similar style to the metal ones above des-
cribed, but it can only have been imitative, as the weight would at
once betray it, also the much greater coarseness of the gold lines.
It is probably an early specimen.
In many of the glazed steatite pectorals the subjects are some-
what similar to the bronze one described above, and are probably
mostly of that date, that is XXth dynasty, for instance. No. 7852 in
the British Museum is of glazed steatite in the usual shrine form,
colour turquoise-blue glaze, with the border of the shrine inlaid
with red jasper and lapis ; the inlays are cemented in with a compo-
sition of the colour of red lead. The centre subject is a kneeling
figure adoring Anpu, with sceptre and flail, who is seated on the top
of a shrine. There is an inscription in the top right hand corner ;
on the reverse are two knots or loops with a tat between in a shrine,
very roughly done, all in incised lines (1) |(m)- No. 7850 is also a
blue glazed one ; the subject in this case is the deceased, a priest,
adoring Osiris, who is seated before a table of offerings ; above is an
inscription. Some steatite ones have scarabs let into the centre, as
in No. 7859, which has probably had a yellow glaze, and is inlaid
with coloured stones and composition ; it is of the shrine form, the
cornice being decorated with a winged disk of the sun incised ; in
the centre is a boat with a rudder, which has held a raised scarab,
now lost. On either side stand Isis and Nephthys in the act of
adoration; the ground surrounding the subject has been filled up
with inlay. No. 7860 is glazed green, and is of the shrine form.
It is very beautifully decorated with inlay; the centre has a boat with
412
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
a lotus flower on the bow and stern, with Isis and Nephthys standing
adoring, and in the middle the matrix of a double scarab (?) on a
stand. Above is the winged disk ; the figures, boat, winged sun, &c.,
are in low relief with a bright blue ground, lapis ; the edge is inlaid
with red and blue alternately, with bars of steatite between.
These I fancy are later work than the two first described, perhaps
XXIInd Dynasty. I think that many of the very beautiful hard stone
scarabs which are uninscribed and unpierced, but most carefully carved,
have been at one time or were intended to be let into stone pectorals ;
they are sometimes found let into porcelain, but not so frequently as
those scarabs made of glass or porcelain. In most of the porcelain
pectorals the scarabseus either with or without wings forms the
central subject, and those without it have the subject generally
painted in outline, usually representing the deceased standing or
kneeling, worshipping Osiris, as in No. 7849 B.M., in which the
deceased, a priest, is kneeling before Osiris, who is seated holding a
sceptre, and in front of him a table of offerings; above an inscription ;
on the reverse Anpu with collar and flail is seated on the top of a
shrine, and in the right hand corner his name (J □ %• This pectoral is
a rich blue, with the lines painted on in dark purple almost black. In
others Anpu alone is shown seated on a shrine, and sometimes a
whole row of gods and goddesses are given, as in No. 7847 B.M. ;
the reverse of this one is very similar to the steatite one No. 7852
already described, except that instead of the flail and sceptre, there
is a winged eye in the corner above the back of Anpu ; the front is a
dull blue inclining to greenish shade, the reverse a good blue, the
outlines are dark purple nearly black, the front is not very carefully
done, the back much better.
The scarab is usually raised, having been moulded separately and
planted on the plaque previous to firing, or let into the plate, a hole
having been left to receive it. WHien the scarab is inscribed the thirtieth
chapter of the Ritual, more or less complete, is that used, showing
that there is some connection between the pectoral and the Heart
scarab : as an example. No. 7854 B.M., which is a painted one of a
dull green coloured ground with black lines, has the usual boat, and
instead of the back of the scarab the base is shown, with the Heart
chapter on it ; also in some later stone ones the thirtieth chapter is
cut on the back of the whole plate, while the front shows the usual
design of boat, scarab, Isis, and Nephthys.
413
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
The colours of these pectorals are very various, being blue, green,
yellow, and sometimes white. As specimens I may quote No. 14,654,
which is in the usual shrine form, and is a very bright blue with
darker blue enrichments to the cornice and base. There are also
squares and triangles of virteous paste of red, dark blue, and turquoise-
blue let in ; the centre has held a scarab without the usual boat, with
a figure done in incised lines filled in with blue kneeling in adoration
on either side ; above are two eyes.
Another, No. 14,653, is very heavily glazed and coloured, the
ground being gamboge-yellow, with red and blue decorations. The
usual shrine form, but the sides batter in, much more than usual ; the
centre subject is Anpu holding a staff, seated on a shrine; above is an
eye, in front a kneeling figure adoring and holding an object in his
left hand; the ground of the subject is blue, the figures yellow.
No. 7853 is another of the usual shrine form, it is a sort of pale
lemon-yellow ground, with lines incised slightly, and blue painted in ;
the central subject is Anpu, with a collar, seated on the top of a
shrine, and above on the left hand side a winged right eye ; the
eyebrow, eye, eyelash and also Anpu are filled in with blue com-
position previous to firing.
No. 7865 is another very fine inlaid porcelain one of the usual
shape, with the sides of the shrine inlaid with red glass strips and
squares of light cream coloured paste (or stone) ; the dark blue
squares and light blue strips are painted and fired on ; the light blue
is now mostly green, probably the blue and yellow mixed somewhat
in firing. In the centre is a very fine large blue porcelain scarab
and the usual boat, on the left side a tat, on the right a knot, and
standing behind on the left Isis, and on the right Nephthys in the
act of adoration ; above are two eyes ; below both the tat and knot
are inscriptions; the ground is a rich gamboge-yellow; the face, arms,
and feet green, the wigs and crowns blue, the body from the waist
downwards inlaid with cream coloured stone or glass.
Many pectorals of course are much plainer in their decoration,
and evidently not so expensively got up. Some are pierced, so as to
make the centre subject without a background. Some have had
the subject printed on, as in a blue porcelain one from Ahmin,
belonging to Mr. Hilton Price. In this specimen the central subject,
which is Anubis or Anpu seated with a flail, is black, and has
apparently been printed on the clay from a stamp. An unusual
414
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
type also belongs to Mr. Price, and comes from Bubastes ; it was
formerly blue, the cornice to the shrine being decorated with a
winged disk incised. The space within the shrine is divided into
three compartments; the upper one has a lepidotus fish with the nose
to the right. In the lower left hand compartment is another
lepidotus, and in a separate square a seated cat to right ; the fish and
cat are moulded in low relief.
Another unusual form was sold at the Vize sale at Messrs.
Sothebys ; it was a black or very dark blue glazed porcelain scarab
undercut right through, and cemented on to a light blue porcelain
plaque about -} inch larger than the scarab all round ; at the top a
loop for suspension ; the edge of the plaque was slightly raised, and
on the back the thirtieth chapter of the Ritual This object might
be taken as a sort of transition from the scarab to the pectoral plate.
As far as I remember it was, judging by the colour, &c., a XlXth
dynasty one, the blue being very similar to the blue glaze on the
ushabtis of Seti.
The wooden pectorals are also of the shrine form usually : a well
preserved one is in the British Museum on a mummy, No. 6665, from
Thebes, dated about b c. 800, being the mummy of a lady of the
college of Amen Ra, by name Katebet ; it is in the usual shrine form ;
the cornice is silver, the frame gold ; the centre subject is Anpu with
flail and collar, seated, in gold, on a silver shrine; the ground is dark
green. Another, No. 7855, is of sycamore wood, and has been
covered with tempera on fine cloth ; a i)orcelain scarab is inserted
into an oval hole in the centre, and the whole coated with bitumen ;
it is of very coarse work.
In the same case as the pectoral of Katebet is a composition one
in the usual form, with silver cornice and gold frame ; the centre has
a gold boat, large black porcelain scarab with gold eyes ; the ground
is black ; above the shrine is a winged kneeling figure of Mut, in
gold, hair in silver ; the outer feathers of her wings are gold, the next
row silver, the top black ; on either side of the shrine, on a red ground,
stands a figure adoring, with face, arms and feet gold, wig black,
clothes silver ; this mummy is very elaborately decorated with jewelry,
necklaces, earrings and rings, bracelets, &c.
The painted pectorals found on the coverings, of the mummies
are similar to the real ones in design and colour, sometimes imitating
jewelry, as in No. 15,659, of the XVIIIth dynasty, about u.c. 1600,
415
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1893.
and in late specimens being moulded in low relief on the cartonnage,
and coloured or gilded, as No. 6679, being the mummy case of
Heru net atef, of the Ptolemaic period.
Symbolism.
There seems to have been no special symbolism attached to the
pectoral, by this I mean no fixed ritual form. The subjects all have a
meaning, as would be expected from general objects, but they are
very diverse, although most have allusions to Ra in some form or
other, or to the resurrection, and by far the largest number to the
Heart chapter of the Ritual. I almost think they were pure orna-
ments, perhaps at first copies of pendants worn on the collars of high
officials as badges of office, somewhat similar to the breastplate
that was worn by the Jewish high priest ; or the earliest specimens,
in gold inlay, may have been the actual pendants themselves, though
I am bound to admit I have failed to find a trace of this idea in any
of the various books showing sculpture or paintings from Egypt,
unless it is to be found in the limestone figure of Piaai, a royal
scribe under Rameses II, No. 46 in the British Museum: there he
is represented as a squatting figure wearing a chain composed of
long and round beads, with some plaited material, perhaps leather,
between, and attached to this chain a large pectoral with the
cartouches of Rameses II, and a figure of Osiris (?) in the middle;
also the colossus of Rameses II at Memphis, which was raised up
from the mud and turned over by Major A. H. Bagnold, shows that
king wearing a pectoral suspended by a chain or band with a row
of beads in the middle, vide the Proceedings of this Society for June,
1888, and the plaster cast No. 1670 in the British Museum, of the
cow of Hathor and of Psammetichus, an officer of high rank in the
XXVIth dynasty, shows that officer wearing a chain with a pectoral
attached; the original is at Gizeh. Unfortunately but little is known
of Egyptian jewelry other than funereal, which is of course always
of very thin gold, but undoubtedly imitated, to a great extent, the
real articles as worn. In all cases where coloured inlay has been
used the heraldic system is adopted as far as possible to indicate
the same.
410
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [i 89J
A BABYLONIAN DECREE THAT A CERTAIN RITE
SHOULD BE PERFORMED.
By Theo, G. Pinches.
The text which I here transcribe and translate is inscribed on a
fragment of a tablet (about half) in the possession of W. Harding
Smith, Esq., by whose kindness I am allowed to publish it. It is
the lower portion (looking on the obverse) of a tablet of baked clay,
inscribed on the obverse (3 lines), edge (2 lines), and reverse
{5 lines), with a total of 10 lines of writing in the late-Babylonian
style. Above the text on the obverse is a blank space, on the
broken edge of which traces of another line of writing are visible ;
and below the text on the reverse, in an uninscribed place, are the
remains of an impression of a cylinder-seal in the style of the period
when the tablet was written. The fragment is if in. high, 3 in. long,
and I" in. thick. The colour is a red grey.
Obverse.
Vy .^ T -^ui ^^ m. >^ ^ ^M
T -^iM- -¥ n I ¥ r -^ni -^ ¥ -;? V, ^ bV
Reverse.
T ->f <:l1^ ^4^ ir I ¥ T "-" ^^ IMM ^M :^
H MBM^* l^'^T^ ^
M^^M..:.. , .. - ,..,..-. .M^MMLM,.:.^^.:^^
417
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
Transcription.
A-na y Bel-ahe-iddina, ^^ res sarri,
ki-a-am ik-bu-u um-ma : ] NabiVbalat-su-ik-bi,
3. mari-su sa J Bu-na-nu, mar y E-gi-bi ; .
y Nabfl-etir abli-su sa y Bel-sum-isk-un, abil ^^ rabu sa
parzilli ;
y Iddina-a, mari-su sa y Nabu-et-ir, abil ^:= nappahi ;
6. y Nergal-iddina, mari-su sa y Gin-na-a, abil y E-gi-bi,
ina pan >->f- ■^^^ *;zT^^t] a-na gul-lu-bu ta-a-bi
lu - gal - li - bi
9. Kunuk y'->f' Marduk-sapik-zeri ; kunuk >->f- Sin-ilu ; kunuk
y Bel-uball-it
E-sag-ila ; [kunuk] y Ina-E-ku-a ^^ za-zak-ku.
[Here, the remains of an impression of a cylinder-seal.]
Translation.
To Bel-ahe-iddi7ia, the captain of the king
thus they said that " Nabn-balat-su-ikln,
3. sofi of Bu7iani(, son of Egibi ;
N^abil-etir, son of Bi'i-sum-isktin, son of the iro7imaster ;
Iddi7id, son of Nabn-ctir, S07i of the smith ;
6. (a7id) Nergal-iddi7ia, son of Gi7ind, so7i of Egibi,
before Ni7i-* to be 7narked is good.
Let the7n be marked.
9. Seal of Marduk-sapik-zeri ; seal of Si/i-ilu ; seal of Bcl-uballit ;
.... E-sagila ; [seal of] Ina-E-kua^ the zazakku.
[Here, the remains of a cylinder-seal impression, showing a shaven priest before
the figures of the moon and a star, mounted upon two round-ended objects.]
As it is possible that the names of the signatories were given at
the beginning (with the addition of their fathers' and remote
ancestors' names, as in the case of the people mentioned in lines
2 — 6), the text may be restored as follows : —
418
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
" Marduk-sapik-z6ri, Sin-ilu, Bel-ubalHt, [Ina]-E-sagila (?), and
Ina-E-kua the zaznkku, said as follows to Bel-ahe-iddina, the king's
captain (or head-man) : ' It is good that Nabu-balat-su-ikbi, son of
Bunanu, descendant of Egibi ; Nabu-etir, son of Bel-sum-iskun,
descendant of the ironmaster ; Iddina, son of Nabu-etir, descendant
of the smith ; and Nergal-iddina, son of Ginna, descendant of Egibi,
be marked before the god Nin-* '.
" Let them be marked."
The names of the men mentioned at the beginning are then
repeated, with impressions of their seals, part of one of which
(described above) remains. Below the seal-impressions probably
came the date, unfortunately lost, but as the name of Iddina, son of
Nabu-etir, descendant of the smith, occurs on the tablet S. + , 564*,
we know that the text now printed must have been drawn up about
543 B.C. (the 1 2th year of Nabonidus).
The text is a very simple one, but its nature is not altogether
certain ; the meaning of the key-words {giillicbu in 1. 7, and lugallibi
in 1. 8) being doubtful. The root galdbu was treated of by Haupt,
in his Suvierische Fajniliengesetze, pp. 33 — 35 and 71, 72, in 1879,
and at that time he was of opinion that it meant " to shave," and
compared the Heb. IT^il " barber," and the Chald. l^^i "razor."!
T — ' T : '
Delitzsch, however, is of opinion that giillubu means " to cut," and
Meissner {Beitrage zum a/tbabylo?usc/ien Privatrecht, Leipzig, 1893,
p. 152) follows him in this. The Akkadian equivalents oi gullubu^
namely, >f- i^^\\ ^1:^:^11 -J^f, nmlmi-sa, or Jrf >f i^\\\\ ^^zff "^ ,
D.P. umbiti-kiid, " to cut a nailmark," w'ould agree wath this
latter view. ^-^fTf ^f S^^, gir-sui = naglabu, seems to indicate
the instrument ('^^fyj, gir, is a short sword or dagger) with which
the cutting was done. Meissner (I.e.) points out that slaves w-ere
marked,^ but in the tablet here translated the people who had to
submit to the act called gullubu were certainly not slaves. It is
therefore clear that the meaning of the word is still doubtful, and
when we recollect that shaving the head and face was a very ancient
custom in Babylonia, and that certain classes of priests, to a very
* Strassmaier's Inschriften von Nabonidus, no. 68 1.
t Also Syriac (,Q^. "razor."
X Compare also my paper in the Proceedings of ten years ago (April 3, 1S83,
p. 106, also Feb. 5, 1884, p. 102 ei scq.).
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
late dale, shaved the head (the fragment of a cyUnder-seal impression
at the end of this text shows the head of a shaven priest), Prof.
Haupt's first suggestion can hardly be regarded as set aside by later
and fuller knowledge. Judging from the statue of Assur-nasir-apli,
it would seem that that king used to wear a wig, and it is also not
impossible that the beard was artificial. Whether this king had a
shaven head in virtue of his priestly dignity, or not, is uncertain, as
he wears both wig and beard when performing seemingly religious
ceremonies.* Of course there may have been different kinds of
shaving — the head and not the face, the face and not the head, or a
portion of the head (like a small monastic tonsure), as well as the
whole head and face. Any of these could have been regarded as a
special mark, and one of them may have been intended in the
present case. It will be noted that one of the persons who were to
be distinguished in this way Avas descendant of a " master of iron "
(^=» ^y>- y >->^ >^, ralul sa parzilH), and another of a smith
(.^^ ^£:t=!^, nappahii) — perhaps a blacksmith — and that both
therefore, probably had to do with the production of the implements
used for marking, whether razors or otherwise.
The identification of the deity >->^ "J^"^! ^KT?J^y is unknown,
except that, as a star, he (or she) was one of the " little twins "
( Bar-taba-turtur), as they were called. The values of the second
character ("J^^lf) are ;//;/, ;//, c, and eres, but the pronunciation of
the last (^KT^fCf) is unknown. If the " great twins " ( Bar-t aba-
gala) be, as is implied (W.A.I. V., pi. 46, 1. 4, 5 ah), Sin and Nergal,
it is not impossible that the "little twans" were Istar C^f^y K^^'^Dt
and >->^ "i^l^T '»=^n^y^y> i-^-i possibly two forms of Venus. As is
well known, various ceremonies were performed in honour of this
goddess.
The meaning of the name of the official called ^= ^][ l^*^ *I^T>
D.P. zazakku, is unknown. The word also occurs in Strassmaier's
Inschriften von Nabonidus, no. 1055, 1. 11: " i giir 2 // 30 full, for the
17th year, Remut, the zazakku (^^ y][ !§*S *IHT)' '^^^ given to
Bel-kasir, his messenger" (^^ yy y>- ^\ \^ D.P. dbil-sipri-su).
* A reproduction of a statuette of a female wearing a wig will be found in the
Transactions, Vol. VIII. (plate illustrating j\Ir. Rassam's "Recent Discoveries,"
p. 174). This is apparently of the time of the Assyrian dominion (Sennacherib
— Saracos. See my remarks on p. 354 of the same vol.).
t This apparently indicates Istar as daughter of Sin (cf. I.e., 1. 22).
420
June 6] PROCEEDINGS.
THE NAME OF PHARAOH.
Dear Mr. Ball,
I have for very many years been of opinion that the origin of
the name of Pharaoh cannot be Egyptian. It is a purely Hebrew
designation of the King of Egypt, just as our word Mufidarin is
applied to Chinese dignitaries, in whose language the word does
not exist.
It is quite true that even in very ancient times ^ -" , the great
house,' was one of the many ways in which the king was spoken of.
But there is no proof that this expression is to be read per da, or
rather peru dau. The sign nr~3 is polyphonous, and Brugsch in
his great work, die Geographie das alien Aegyptens, I, pp. 23, 24,
showed that in certain proper names it corresponded to the syllable
pa, and sometimes to the Greek ^ov, as in Biibastis.
I have myself, in these Proceedings, 7th March, 1882, quoted a
very remarkable variant in which the very frequent word CT] Jl CD
* the double house of flame ' is written ^1 . ''ind this
renders it very probable that in divine and royal namts iz~T3 is
1 V\ cri] bu ; in later orthography
In the Zeitschrift of 1872 (pp. 77, 78) I derived the Coptic word
king, OTpUJ, from ^^^ nrd. In the treaty between Rameses II
and the King of the Chetta, the former is styled f^. \ ^V ^^^^ ^^^^
latter A^ Ik (1 ^'^ '^^'^ ^'^' '^^^ latter title, which was then given
\o foreign princes, was subsequently adopted by the Egyptian kings,
especially by those of foreign origin, such as Darius, Cambyses, and
the Ptolemies.* I cannot believe that Pharaoh is derived from
this title.
At our first meeting of this Session you threw out a suggestion
upon which I have reflected a good deal, and I really think you
have hit the nail upon the head.
* See references in the article of the Zcitsclirifl.
421
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
You referred to the opening words of the Song of Deborah and
Barak, ^Siltp')^! Jl'lV"^? i^^?^ .
A hundred years ago it was rightly said,* " Magna est virorum
doctorum in exphcandis his vocibus dissensio." But this can
hardly be said at the present day. There is a general consensus of
authorities with the Septuagint (as represented by the Cod. Alex.)
and Theodotion, cy no up^affOai af)x>rioi"s fcV ^lai)cn'j\, quod praeiverunt
principes in Israel (Gesenius, Thes.\ "Sich behappteten die Haupter
in Israel" (Ewald, Dichter das A.B., I, p. 125), "que les chefs se
soient leves en Israel" (Reuss, La Bible in loco.).
There are only two places where the word rTli^lD occurs, and
both are poetical and archaic. lu Deut. xxxii, 42, the word signifies
princes as certainly as it does in Judges v, 2.
If we only look at an Arabic dictionary at the ramifications of
the root c J , we shall have reason to be astonished that anyone
should have thought it necessary to search for the etymology of
nyiQt when a Semitic root like j;"^Q is actually staring one in
the face.
Were I writing for you alone it would not be necessary to add
that the words nielek, king, emperor, czar, prince, rex, fiaaiXam do not
in themselves any more than Pharaoh involve the concept of
sovereign rule.
I am only afraid now that people who read this will fancy that
new evidence has turned up that the Pharaoh of Abraham was a
Hyksos, and that the Hyksos were undoubtedly Semitic. Let us
not anticipate evil ! To cijjuepov fiikei fioi.
Most truly yours,
P. LE Page Renouf.
Rev. C. J. Ball.
* Schnurrer, Diss. PliiloL, p. 40.
422
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
NOTE ON THE PHARAOH OF THE EXODUS.
Dear Mr. Rylands,
As one of those who have endeavoured to show that the
oppression of the IsraeHtes probably occurred during the XVHIth
Dynasty, I have read with much interest the remarks of your
President on the subject in the December number of your Proceed-
ings, and I would ask leave to offer one suggestion concerning them.
Is it not most likely that the words " in the land of Rameses," in
Gen. xlvii, 11, and "Pithom and Raamses," in Exodus i, 11, are not
part of the original text, but additions of a more or less conjectural
nature, made by some archgeologically-minded Jews of Alexandria,
after the time of Josephus ? The text in both places reads quite as
well without these words as with them, and it is hardly conceivable
that if they had been in the sacred books of the Temple at
Jerusalem, to which Josephus had access, he, who has given us so
many more details than our versions of those books contain, would
have omitted those names.
It is, as the President has said, impossible to prove the truth of
any theory on the subject from the Egyptian records hitherto
brought before us, and it might therefore be deemed a waste of time
to write about the subject at all, were it not so often stated as
settled facts that Rameses II was the oppressor, and that his son
Merenptah was the Pharaoh of the Exodus. The objections to this
view are, firstly, that the time between Merenptah and Shishak is
barely sufficient for the events narrated in Hebrew history between
the Exodus and Rehoboam (without regard to the periods assigned
to them), even on the supposition that Merenptah began to reign
1322 B.C., and utterly insufficient if, as some say, his reign did not
commence till 1200 b.c, and, secondly, the extreme improbability
that Rameses, who had several sons, would have countenanced the
bringing up of an alien foundling as the heir to his throne. Neither
of these objections applies to the theory which I was permitted to
place before your Society in February, 1890, and which I would
423 2 G
June 6] SO ^lETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, [1893.
take this opportunity of reviewing in the h'ght of the recent dis-
coveries by Professor Petrie at Tell el-Amarna.
It now appears that the reign of Khueriaten (who in my opinion
was the first oppressor of the Israelites) lasted for 17 years only
instead of 37. It would therefore have been his eldest daughter
Meri Aten who adopted Moses, which agrees very well with the
tradition mentioned by Dr. Wiedemann, that the princess in
question was Merris, daughter of Palmanothis, king of Egypt, and
wife of Chenephres, king of Egypt. Tia, the wife of Ai, whom I
have suggested as the Thermuthis of Josephus, and who is said to
have been the nurse of Khuenaten, was certainly a person of note
at the court of the latter, and probably in attendance upon Meri
Aten, and associated with her in bringing up the infant. The family
life of Khuenaten, who is depicted with his wife and daughter sitting
on his knee, is also more consistent with the account given by
Josephus of the placing of the infant Moses in the arms of the
oppressor by the princess than anything that we know of any other
Egyptian king. If, as I have suggested, the flight of Moses took
place shortly before the accession of Horemhebi and his return on
the death of that sovereign, he would have been about thirty when
he left Egypt, and about fifty-two when he returned, and if
Rameses I were the king of the Exodus, the journey through the
wilderness would have lasted through the reign of Seti I (which is
not now thought to have extended over many years) and through
the first few years of that of Rameses II ; indeed, it may be doubted
whether they had made much impression on the south of Palestine
before the reign of Rameses III. These suggestions, while showing
how the histories of Israel and Egypt may be most conveniently
fitted together, do not, of course, comply literally with our text of
the Old Testament, but neither does the Rameses and Merenptah
theory, nor any other theory which has been or can be advanced and
which can be harmonized with the contemporary Egyptian records.
Yours truly,
A. L. Lewis.
54, Highbury Hill, N.
424
June 6J PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
THE ACHMETHAS OR ECBATANAS OF WESTERN ASIA.
By William F. Ainsvvorth, F.S.A., F.R.G.S.
Treasuries, as also " treasure-houses," are frequently referred to
in Holy Writ. So great is their antiquity, that they may be con-
sidered as coeval with the search for security to property. According
to Exodus i, 2, the Israelites when dwelling in the land of Goshen
built treasure cities (Pithom and Raamses), for Pharaoh.
With the progress of time, came cities with strong castles,
citadels, or strongholds, as treasuries, and they constitute the
Achmethas or Ecbatanas of Western Asia.
The first mention of such is met with in the Books of Ezra, when
the captive Jews, desirous of proceeding with the rebuilding of the
temple, sought for the decree of Cyrus enabling them to do so in
"the house of rolls" in Babylon, and not finding it there, it was
sought for and found at Achmetha "in the palace that is in the
province of the Medes." (Ezra vii, 11.) The translators have put
Ecbatana in the margin, and this, in the form of Ecbatana and
Acbatana, as also Egbatana and Agbatana, were the Greek
renderings of Achmetha.
The Ecbatana of Greater Media.
The Achmetha here alluded to has been generally identified
with Hamadan, the name of which has been looked upon as a
modernised pronunciation of Achmetha. In the Syriac we find the
word indeed in a transition state — Achmathana, and Hamadan is
often written Amadan. Amadiya, the Ecbatana of Assyria, is
another form of the same word.
Hamadan was a very strong place, built, according to Herodotus,
by Dejoces, but according to Judith (i, xxiv) by Arphaxad, king of
the Medes. Whether of Median or Persian origin, there seems
to be little doubt as to its claim to represent the Achmetha of the
captive Jews.
425 2 G 2
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
The Ecbatana of Lesser Media or of Atropatene.
Sir Henry Rawlinson, while admitting that Hamadan occupies
the site of the Ecbatana of Greater Media, has an elaborate and
exhaustive paper in the Journal of the Royal Geographical Society
(Vol. X) in which he endeavours to show that the present Takht-i-
Sulaiman, or " Throne of Solomon," was the site of another — the
Atropatenian Ecbatana ; and that to it, rather than to the Ecbatana
of Greater Media, the statements of Herodotus and most of the
ancient accounts are to be understood to refer. Sir Henry
Rawlinson seems also inclined to consider the Ecbatana of the
Apocryphal Books as his Atropatenian Ecbatana, but is rather more
doubtful in claiming it as the Achmetha of Ezra. If any doubts
could be suggested as to the sites of the different Ecbatanas, the
claims of the Babylonian Ecbatana (Kir-Kuk) and of the Persian
Ecbatana (Pasagarda) would also have to be duly considered.
A contributor to the " Bible Dictionary" (Art Media) says : "The
principal city of Media for many centuries was Ecbatana, but it has
been very much disputed where this stood. The Rev. J. Williams
{^Essays on the Geography oj Ancient Asia) maintains it was at
Ispahan. (This owing to the difficulty in explaining the movements
of Alexander the Great, when the existence of a Babylonian Ecba-
tana was overlooked.) Sir William Jones thought it was at Tabriz,
and d'Anville and others have placed it at Hamadan. The last
opinion seems to be correct ; but we must add that some writers,
with Mr. Ainsworth, believe in two Median Ecbatanas, one at
Hamadan and one at Takht-i-Sulaiman."
If we admit the two great divisions of Media as given by Strabo,
and the exhaustive researches of Sir Henry Rawlinson in Azar-
baijan (Atropatene), there is no getting over the fact that there
were two Ecbatanas in Media.
I cannot help remarking here, however, that justice has scarcely
been done to the vast additions to our knowledge of the compara-
tive geography of Western Asia made by Sir Henry Rawlinspn, but
it will be done some day, when our intimacy with the countries in
question increases.*
* l^liny applied the title of Ecbatana to the Arsacidan stronghold of Europiis
(VI, 19), but Sir Henry Rawlinson tells us that this Ecbatana, the Ragau of the
Book of Tobit, and Rhagos of Alexander, is represented by the remarkable ruins
of Kal'eh Erig, near Veramin. The ruins of Arsacia are to be seen at Shehri-
Toghan, twelve miles south of Veramin. {Journal K.G.S., X, 135.)
426
June 6J PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
The Ecbatana of Babylonia.
The fact that the Babylonians — at all events in later times — had
a treasury or stronghold (Ecbatana) in the mountains, must depend
a good deal upon the authority of Plutarch ; but that authority
happens, by the details that accompany it, to be alike clear and
irrefutable.
The historian and biographer, in his life of Alexander the Great,
describes the conqueror as proceeding, after the battle of Arbela,
through the province of Babylonia^ to Ecbatana, where he was parti-
cularly struck with a gulf of fire which streamed continually from
an inexhaustible source. He was surprised also by the flood of
naphtha, not far from the gulf, which flowed in such abundance that
it formed a lake.
Now such a phenomenon as this is not to be met with at any
of the known Ecbatanas, and only (excepting at Baku) at Kir-Kuk,
in Babylonia or on its confines. The Arabs call the naphtha fires at
this place, Abu Geger, and the Turks, Kurkur Baba, both signifying
the same thing, " Father of Naphtha." When the writer was there
in 1837, the fires were burning, not in a gulf, but on a low hill
or eminence. The flames issued from openings in a marly rock,
and they burnt with intense ardour, but the light produced by them
was most distinct at night. There were some twenty of these
openings, but wherever a stick was thrust into the ground, it was
followed by a jet of flame. As these fires were burning in the time
of Alexander the Great, and in 1837, it may be presumed that they
are doing so in the present day. Naphtha was collected by the
natives at the same epoch from seven different springs, as usual of
saline waters, at the foot of the hill. These may have accumulated
into a small lake in the time of the Macedonian conqueror. It may
be remarked of the ater-gash, pyraea or fire-altars of the Parsis or
Fire-worshippers that they were frequently — more especially in
Susiana — connected by a tube with naphtha springs, and the vapour
being lighted, ensured a perpetual flame.
The mere existence of naphtha springs and perpetual fires, does
not establish an Ecbatana ; but close by there exists a town or city,
in the midst of which rises a lofty rock, crowned by a castle of vast
dimensions, only comparable to the castles of Arbela, Amadiya and
Urfah. Arbela may also have been an Ecbatana, but we have no
427
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
historical reference to it as such. Unfortunately the interior of the
castle at Kir-Kuk is a mass of ruin.
Kir-Kuk has been identified with the Kor-Kuk or Gorkuk of
Ptolemy, but there seems to be no doubt, from the evidence of
Plutarch, that it was also once an Ecbatana, and the confusion
brought about by commentators of Arrian, Quintus Curtius, and
other historians of Alexander's movements, as well as by geogra-
phers of old in seeking for an Ecbatana in Media or Persia, when
the Macedonian hero was on his way to Susa, is most deserving of
future correction.
The Ecbatana of Assyria.
We are indebted to Mr. Rich, formerly Resident at Baghdad, and
a well known writer on Babylon and Kurdistan, for first pointing
out that the Castle of Amadiya — the strongest fortress in all
Kurdistan — was an Assyrian Ecbatana.* According to Mr. Rich,
this castle retains the title of Ikbadan. But under either name its
present appellation would indicate a modification of Achmetha. Sir
Henry Rawlinson — who punctuates the word 'Amadi'yah — does not
believe in an Assyrian Ecbatana, but neither he, nor Mr. Rich had
actually visited Amadiya, and when we consider the vast dimensions
of its castle, situated as it is on a lofty precipitous rock, approached
only on one side, its ascent protected by strong portals, with colossal
representations of Assyrian monarchs sculptured on the rock side,
one cannot but feel that it was well worthy of being an Ecbatana of
the Assyrians. Unlike the castles of Kirkuk, Arbela, and Urfah, it
had not, however, a city around it or on the plain below. The
habitations appear to have been confined from olden times, as they
are in the present day, owing to its seclusion, and the insecurity of
its position, to the castle itself. It was when the writer visited it
garrisoned by Arnauts in the pay of the Pasha of Mosul.
The Ecbatana of Persia.
Pliny says : "^^/ orientem Magi obtinet Pasargardas castellum, in
quo Cyri sepidchruin est : et honun Ecbatana oppidiim translatuni ab.
Dario rego ad jnontes." f The passage here quoted would seem to
* Narrative of a Journey in Kurdistan, Vol. I, p. 153.
t Plinius, lib. VI, c. 29.
428
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
indicate that the Castle of Pasargada (written variously by the
classical geographers, Pasargadis, Pasargada, and Pasargadse)
stood apart from Persepolis, and in the mountains, nigh the tomb of
Cyrus, at Murgh-ab. The fact however that there was an Ecbatana
— whether a castle or a city, as Pliny would intimate — is corroborated
by numerous authorities. Sir Henry Rawlinson however says that
the Persian Ecbatana of Pliny and Josephus (Anfi(/., \ih. X, c. 11,
s. 7) can only be represented by the treasury citadel of Persepolis,
and in a note he calls it the palace or castle of Persepolis. This is
most likely the case, but the two statements are difficult to recon-
cile. Perhaps Pliny meant that Darius removed the Magi from the
Median Ecbatana to Pasargada. One of the castellated rocks near
Persopolis is called Takht-i-Kur, or ' Throne of Cyrus,' according to
Colonel Shee, a ripe Persian scholar, who accompanied the writer
to Persepolis. There are however several castles on the rocky
heights of the neighbourhood : the best known is that called
Istakhar, with its twin sisters, Sheikusteh and Shemgan, with their
respective strongholds. There is also the Castle of Shah Rik, on an
isolated rock, whose governor is said to have been slain in defending
the place against the Saracens in the seventh century.
It is not improbable that Mal-i-Mir — the Aidij of the Oriental
geographers, and probably the city of Elymais, sacked by Antiochus
and Mithridates on account of its wealth — may have been a treasure-
stronghold of the Achccmenian kings of Susa. But we have no data
to go upon until the inscriptions at the latter place are deciphered.
The Ecbatanas of Syria.
Gaza, by its name, its antiquity, and its historical renown, stands
unquestionably at the head of the Ecbatanas of Syria. The Atro-
patenian Ecbatana having had the same name. Sir Henry Rawlinson
said the Greeks uniformly asserted their adoption of the word Gaza,
' a treasury,' from the Persian. The root, however, he remarks, is of
Semitic origin, so he only looks upon it as " very early naturalised in
Persia.'' But Gaza, in Syria, is described as early as Genesis (x, 19)
as one of the border cities of the Canaanites. The name occurs also
in Deut. ii, 28 ; and as Azzah in Josh, x, 41 ; xi, 42. Stephanus
says, '' etiam Aza vacatur et usque hodie Syris Azam ilUvn ad
pellant." Such names could scarcely have had a Persian origin,
and they appear to have been corruptions of Achmetha, or, as
429
JuxE 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
Sir Henry Rawlinson suggests in another place {Joiirn. R.G.S.y
Vol. X, p. 157), " a translation of Ecbatana."
Gaza was held in succession by Avims, Caphtorims, Anakims,
Philistines, Egyptians, and Israelites. Conquered by Cambyses, it
is here also that the Persian monarch is said to have died, and
Stephanus relates that the oracles having foretold that he would perish
in an Ecbatana, he thought that the prediction attached itself to
the Ecbatana of Media, while, as Herodotus remarks (HI, LXIV),
the oracle had reference to the Ecbatana of Syria. It seems then
that the confusion ever existing between different Ecbatanas dates
back to this remote period.
Pliny (V, xix) notices Carmelus or Carmel as a promontory,
and he adds that on the mountain was a city of the same name,
which was an Ecbatana. Some have associated the death of
Cambyses with this Ecbatana, but it seems to have been but a
secondary stronghold, occupying the site of what was once a temple,
and now a monastery {Tacitus, lib. II, Hist., cap. LXXVIII).
Pomponius Mela (I, xi) describe Ecbatana, where Cambyses
perished, as " ingens urbs et munita," and they add that the Persian
king was attracted thither by its wealth and riches. This would
scarcely apply to the lesser stronghold of Carmelus or Carmel.
The Treasuries of Parthia.
According to Isidorus of Charax, the Parthians had a Gaza, or
treasury, at Anatho, or Anatha (Anah on the Euphrates), known
as Phraates Gaza. The same waiter describes the stronghold as
being situated on an island. Ammianus Marcellinus attributes the
same position to it, '•'■Anathan inuniinentum quod Euphrates circum-
luebat"; and Zozimus speaks of an island on which was a castle,
which opened its gates to Julian. There are several islands on
the Euphrates at Anah, and most have ruins of olden edifices,
beautifully clad in verdure, but in the present day chiefly belonging
to Muhammadam times. According to Ibn Hankal, the castle
of Anatho was afterwards called Hisn Musalamah, from a Muham-
medan of that name who restored it. Ptolemy makes mention of
two fortresses, which he calls Addffia and Pacoria, the latter from
Pacorus, a Parthian king, father to Phraates ; so the stronghold
appears to have been in existence before the time of the
latter king.
430
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [i893-
The Persians, on their side, erected under Teridates an
opposition stronghold, also on an island of the Euphrates, twelve
schceni below Anatho. This island is called Olabus by Isidorus,
but by Ptolemy, Teridata. Ammianus Marcellinus called it, in
the time of Julian, Thilutha. It is now known as Tilbes, or Telbes.
So strong was this place, that whilst Julian entered Anatho in
triumph, to use the words of Gibbon, " the impregnable fortress o^
Thilutha could scorn the menace of a siege, and the Emperor was
obliged to content himself with an insulting promise, that when he
had subdued the interior provinces of Persia, Thilutha would no
longer refuse to grace the triumph of a conqueror."
The two names, Pacoria and Teridates, Cellarius justly pointed
out {Not. Orbis. Antiq., Vol. II, p. 6io), "have reference to a
Parthian and Persian sovereign " ; and hence it is that in the time
of Julian the Parthians held Anah and the Persians Tilbes as a
limit to their power.
A remarkable passage occurs in Tacitus (lib. XV, cap. xxxi) ;
when writing of the movements of Tiridates, he says, "D/gressus
Paconim apnd Medos, Vologesen Ecbatnnis repperitT Cellarius quotes
upon this Th. Ryckius, who remarks, ^'■Miruin, quod Pacoriim apnd
Medos reperhan, Vologesen Ecbafanis, quasi Ecbntatia, quce media
metropolis, in Medis 7ion fueri>it."
But the passage becomes quite clear when we find that Teri-
dates had a stronghold near Pacorus, held by the Medes or
Parthians, and that he repaired thence by the Euphrates to the
Ecbatana of Vologeses. Vologeses was a king of the Parthians, who
lived in the time of Nero, and he founded a city on the Maarsares,
or Western Euphrates ; according to the Peutingerian tables,
xxiii millibus, from Babylon. Ptolemy calls it Vologesia, and
Pliny Vologesscerta : cert, or kert, being a well known Parthian
name for a stronghold, as in Tigrano-Certa.
Little however is known of this remote, and probably
evanescent Ecbatana. As Cellarius remarks upon the better known
Gaza : — " Quod vero in Syria etiam hujiis no?nininis oppidum fuit^
uti ex Cambyses fato notum est ; hcec urbs scepius cum Medice cogno-
mento vocitatiir." (II, 669.)
The Vologesian Ecbatana is another example of the same
kind ; and owing to the Babylonian and Assyrian Ecbatanas having
been so constantly overlooked, the confusion of Ecbatanas — the
one with the other — is so great, that it would require a paper of
431
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
inordinate length to enumerate and elucidate them. Nor does the
writer by any means assume that he has exhausted the possible
number of Achmethas, or Ecbatanas — cities with strongholds and
treasuries — or Gazas, or castellated treasuries, to be met with in
Western Asia. He has merely attempted to enumerate and dis-
tinguish from one another such as are as yet known, and which
possess an historical interest, so as, if possible, to prevent further
confusion.
432
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
6tude SUR ABYDOS.
Par E. Lefebure.
L'Office des Morts a Arydos.
I.
II y a, au chapitie 17 du Livre des Alorts, un passage qui
s'explique presque entierement par une ceremonie d'Abydos.
Voici le texte du Todte?ilmch : cet Osiris un tel est celui qui a
traverse pur {oM sauf, v\ \ V\ .— ^■^-■, d'apres un anciea texte,*)
la Mesek-t, et celui a qui ron a donne (ou apporte, j\ (1(1 .
d'apres un texte thebain,t) le gateau (ou les gateaux, variantes
fn n (1(1 ^ '=§=' ^^^ et n P (](] c^,) du Tehen qui est dans Tanent,
] i o o o -[1- ^ ™ ^^ ZI [^ • I^a glo^e ajoute : celui qui a
traverse, pur, la Mesekt, c'est Anubis, qui est derriere le coffre contenant
les entr allies d^ Osiris. Celui a qui Von a donne, W\ ,
le gateau de Tehen dans Tane?i, c'est Osiris ; ou bien : le gateau de
Teheti dans Tanent, ^est le del et la terre ; ou bien : dest le chdtiment
des deux terres par Shu, zi [) V Wl 'TT^ ° V ' ^""^
Heracleopolis ; le Tehen, dest V (Eil d'Horus, et Tanent, dest le lit
d'Osiris.\
/V^AAy^A
L'expression c^ ou (1(1 ne signifie pas celui qui
donne, mais celui a qui Poji donne, comme dans (1(1 ^^=f
* Lepsius, AeUeste Texte, pi. 19, I- 59 et 60.
t Naville, Todtcnbuch, II, pi. 69.
t Lepsius, Todtenbuch, ch. 17, 1. 79-S3 ; et Naville, Todlenbuch, II, pi. 69
€t 70.
433
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
"^""^ 1 I ^^ -S Le chapitre 176 du Todtenbuch est ainsi
con^u : Fornmle poicr fie pas recommencer a inoiirir dans la contree
divine d^en dessous. — Oest mon horrettr ie fays de FEst ;\\ que je
ji'entre pas a P abattoir, qiion ne me fasse pas celles des choses qui sont
en horreur aux dieiix, car Je suis celiii qui a traverse, pur, la Mesekt,
et a qtii le Maitre di Vu?iivers a dotiiie son talisman, <^ ^ ^?i (i
as;,^ , en ce jour de Vetiterrement par devant les maitres des
■''... .
choses. — Qui salt ce chapitre est un Bienheureux parfait dans la contree
divine d'en dessous. Ce petit texte, variante des lignes etudiees ici du
chapitre 1 7, montre bien comment il faut traduire la formule relative
au talisman, ou Tehen.
La solennite d'Abydos est representee dans le tombeau de
Rekhmara,1I ou se voient les funerailles fictives des personnages de
distinction aupres d'Osiris : la, le convoi funebre, qui aborde a
Thinis, puis a Abydos,** fait trois visites, une a Osiris, une a Anubis,
une a la deesse de I'Occident, et c'est pendant la premiere que se
pratique un rite, point essentiel de la ceremonie, qui met en scene le
renseignement du Todtetibuch.
Pour se dinger vers Osiris, le convoi part du gynecee, f 1 /^^^^
I , r appartement des femmes representees par deux personnes
debout devant la daine de la principale maisofi, — .
Le convoi se compose de deux barques dont Tune, seule figuree
d'abord et precedee par les deux pleureuses, contient les pretres,
Kher-heb en chef, Neter-ur, Erpa, Neter-ta, Neter-mer, et Semer,
assis sous une tente. Les serviteurs disent : sortie, descente, voyage,
vers Vetidroit on est ce dieu !
* Naville, Todtenbuch, ch. 17, pi. 65, et ch. 181, 1. 17.
t Id., ch. 181, 1. 19.
X Itl., 1. 22.
§ Id., ch. 43 ; et Sarcophage de Horhotep, 1. 367-8.
II Cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 93.
IT Virey, Le Tombeau de Rckhmara, pi. 25-27, et V Episode d^Aristi'e, p. 9-10.
** Cf. Merenra, 1. 104.
434
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Aussitot apres a lieu I'arrivee ; le Kher-heb est a terre, derriere un
her-ur agenouille devant une table d'offrandes, puis deux autres
her-ur, <^ ''^^f 111, presentent la cuisse de boeuf a chacun des
deux poteaux d'abordage, celui de I'avant et celui de I'arriere,
fel A^^ft „_^g_^n „ o^_ carles
Egyptiens faisaient du poteau d'Abydos une deesse, et son appel est
souvent mentionne aux pyramides royales ;* (on est ici au port de
Thinis ; ) apres le sacrifice d'un bceuf, la barque arrive a I'Occident
(par le canal d'Abydos), avec un semer au gouvernail, un her-ur
a la proue, et un flambeau devant la tente, indice que la cere-
monie avait lieu la nuit. A I'Occident figurent quatorze chapelles
consacrees a differents dieux funeraires, et une salle ou sont deux
bouffonSj-f- coiffes du meme bonnet de roseaux, ou a joiir,X que
les baladines d'une scene reproduite par Wilkinson ;§ ce sont
les /wvAw v\ v\ , mot analogue a '^XCCC'. , nom du nain ou farceur egyp-
tien, le Nemma.
Tout ce debut est separe du voyage de la seconde barque,
amenant sur un lit le cofifre qui est cense contenir la momie ou ses
entrailles.|| L'arrivee de la seconde barque aux deux mouillages
comporte des offrandes d'eau et d'encens aux deux poteaux de
I'avant et de I'arriere. Les deux barques ainsi parvenues au meme
point, on voit les pretres, dont les uns s'en vont et dont les autres
reviennent, dans une vaste place qui a, au centre, un bassin ombrage
qu'entourent huit bceufs de sacrifice, puis, a I'extremite, une liste
ou table d'offrandes, un bassin dans un groupe de palmiers, et
quatre autres bassins devant lesquels les pleureuses, a genoux,
tiennent chacune deux vases.
II reste a franchir les portes du temple. Apres le nouveau
sacrifice d'un boeuf, un Kher-heb, qui deharque dans I'obscuritc^
prononce en face d'un Semer I'appel suivant, C::::^ \ : levez la fcfe,
dieux qui etes dans fenfer! Un tel vient pour vous voir. II est
devenu un dieu, it ne perira plus jamais. Et les Amu-Khent, les
* Pepi I, 1. 6ii ; Merenra, 1. loi, 330, 415 ; etc.
t Cf. Denkinaeler, III, pi. 11, e.
X Champollion, Notices, I, p. 493.
§ Manners and Customs of the ancient Egyptians, cciilion Birch, II, p. 54.
II Cf. Todtcnbiuh, ch. 17, 1. 81,
435
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
Kheru-heb, les Sahu et les Semeru s'ecrient : debout ! Poussez vos
acclamations imiltiplices ! Asseyez-vous, et accojuplissez votre acte de
saint magique ! Que la necropole soit a un tel ! Les portes ne sont
pas encore ouvertes : un Kher-heb debout, un Neter-ta et un Am-
khent assis, le Sem qui frappe deux batons I'un contre I'autre, sorte
d'appel, et les deux pleureuses qui presentent I'encens, se tiennent
dans I'attente devant le premier pylone du temple. Le pylone
franchi, trois flambeaux sont places derriere un personnage pelotonne
et enveloppe sur un lit : le Kher-heb offre Pencens et fait poser les
Hambeaux, puis: faire venir a la cite de la Feau, et en arrivant se
coucher sous elk au bassin de Kheper, o (J (I ^^^v^/vn H lj| j^sl
k^P^<^=lk5^% (Undes„on.s
d'Abydos est M ^jT ^^ ^^^^ ^^ Kheper ; 0 n'a pas ici son
determinatif, mais on le trouve au Todienbuch : % pars, va vers lui,
tete-a-tete, ^\ ^^ ^Wv ■— — ' ^^' ^'^ approchant du Mesek du
del, ou de la Meskhen-t, \\y® , car les deux groupes ont ete
employes en variante par le scribe).
La ceremonie est presque terminee : le Sem et un Semer purifient
par des libations d'eau une nouvelle porte dont les cotes Sud et Nord
sont indiques, un Suten-rekh, \ ,|| pioche quatre fois sous deux
obelisques que deux autres Suten-rekh semblent etayer, le Kher-
heb se presente devant un veau lie pour le sacrifice et une des
pleureuses qui ofifre du collyre, die pain et des etoffes, puis le depart
commence ; les Am-Khentu, (jT f[[h ^ pour - h [fin ^ a peu prbs
comme (j [][1 pour H- [1(1 )*\ sejettentdans le canal, ./^a/'^a/vs "^^f,
* Cf. Rekhmara, pi. 24.
t J. de Rouge, Edjou, pi. 93 ; et Brugsch, Dictioniiaire giographiquCy
p. 715-6.
X Ch. 58, 1. 2, et ch. 122, 1. 2.
§ Cf. Id. ch. 72, 1. 5.
II Cf. Flinders Petrie, Illahun, Kahuii, mid Guroh, pi. 9, 14 ; id., A Season
in Egypt, pi. 13, No. 337; Denkmaclej; II, pi. 151,6; et Abydos, III,
No. 1394.
IT Rekhmara, pi. 36.
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. • [1893.
pour retourner la barque a tente et flambeau des pretres, et I'equipage
se precipite vers Osiris pour le saluer, J\ ' c — u) fUnft o ^\ 1 ;
c'est le Virement de lord en retoitrfiant vers le haut du cajtal, en face
de VEscalier (le chemin du temple), afin de debarquer a la grande
ville du nome Thinite, c'est-a-dire a Thinis :
"^^=9 ^\ ¥ • (Les rites du retour se trouvent au tombeau
de Neferhotep, comme ceux du depart.)
En comparant cette description avec le passage du Todteyibuch,
on voit que les particularites des funerailles d'Osiris etaient repro-
duites au voyage des morts a Abydos. Le Kher-heb ou officiant, qui
representait le defunt, passait sous le Mesek comme Anubis, le
Kher-heb d'Osiris, /jA M?i '^~^~vv .<a>. H j ;* de plus, le defunt re-
cevait un gateau de Tehen comme Osiris, le dieu d'Abydos. Ce
dernier rite, complement du premier, ne figure pas explicitement au
tombeau de Rekhmara, mais un texte des pyramides royales le
mentionne conjointement avec celui du Mesek, comme on le verra
plus loin lorsque celui du Mesek aura ete explique.
II.
Quels que soient ses determinatifs, le mot mesek se rambne
toujours a son sens primitif de peau, ainsi que I'a remarque M.
Brugsch.f Avec ce sens propre il se dit de I'epiderme de
I'hommeJ comme du cuir de I'animal, et se trouve souvent em-
ploye lorsqu'il s'agit de Typhon ou des betes qui le personnifient.
Sefekh, la deesse-Calame, s'enveloppe le corps d'une peau de Nehes,
qui est dans ce cas une peau de panthere, A v- ':^T| t [Tj I ZJi^
m C3^§ il est parle de sandales en mesek de Nehes;||
* Todtenlmch, ch. 145, 1. 31.
+ Brugsch, Supplement au Diciioiinaire, j-i. 643.
X Pierret, Vocalmlaire hieroglyphique , p. 238.
§ Dendeiah, iv, pi. 82. •
II Duemichen, Gcschichte des altcn Aegyptens, p. 162.
437
0
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.'EOLOGY. [1893.
la pique d'Horus et le fer du pretre fendent la peau de I'hippo-
potame, [H -q,* comme du taureau rouge,! et si les attaches de I'echelle
celeste sont faites avec le m 1 \ j l^ d'un dieu ne de la vache
Heset,! les cuirs de la barque infernale sont faits aussi, a ce qu'il
semble, d'une peau, (\\\ | j i^, de Mnevis marquee en rouge, ou
marque'e par Set.g Le Rituel de I'Embaumement nous apprend
rx ^ /VV\AAA
meme que le ^/iesek des funerailles etait la peau de Set :
on a celcbre pour toi les bons rites et les bonnes funerailles de la peau de
Set, to7i ennemi, pour satisfaire ton coeur dans la tombe, et alors I'elu,
pleure par ses sceurs dans Mendes et Abydos, se leve le jour, comme
le bel eclat du Soleil brillant sur tout pays, parait la nuit en belle
Lu7ie, etc.
Ce detail fait entrevoir qu' a I'origine on ensevelissait les morts
dans des peaux de betes provenant ou non d'un sacrifice funeraire,
pratique jadis employee par les Colchidiens,1I qu' Herodote croyait
venus d'Egypte,** et encore en usage de nos jours sur le Haut Nil. ft
Une des momies de Deir el-Bahari, celle d'un jeune prince thebain
anonyme, etait entouree d'une peau de mouton, en souvenir peut-
etre, bien que la laine fut impure des le moyen Empire au moins,|J
de la coutume thebaine d'apres laquelle on enveloppait la statue
d'Ammon, une fois par an, avec la peau d'un belier sacrifie.§§ Osiris,
qui est represente sur une peau de mouton dans un papyrus magique
* Naville, Testes relatifs an mytJte (T Hants, pi. 5, 1. 2, et. j)l. II, 1. 5.
t Denderah, iv, pi. 85, b.
X Pepi II, 1. 976.
§ Naville, Todtenlnich, ch. 99, pi. 224.
II Maspero, Sur qnehpies papyrus du Louvre, p. 40.
IT Fragmenta Historicorum Grcecoruvi, ii, p. 380 ; Apollonius de Rhodes,
Argoitautiques, iii, 202 ; et Elien, Variir Historiic, iv, i.
** Herodote, II, 104.
tt Cf. Andrew Lang, The Nineteenth Century, September, 1886, Egyptian
Divine Myths, p. 440.
XX Maspero, Melanges d'areheologie, X, Le Papyrus de Berlin No. I, p. 158 ;
ef. Plutarque, de /side et Osiride, 4.
§§ Herodote, II, 42.
438
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
du British Museum,* avait ete enseveli dans une vache de bois,
d'apres Diodore,t comme la fiUe de Mycerinus, d'apres Herodote.t
Toinbees en desuetude, ces pratiques furent remplacees par des
equivalents, ainsi que le montrent differents indices : on transporta
les momies a la necropole sous un tapis de cuir,§ comme celui de la
princesse Astemkheb, ou bien sous un ciel a charpente de bois, sorte
de dais recouvert de cuir, et appele la peau dans I'histoire de Sineh,
Etre sous le cuir, c'etait etre mort, et metaphoriquement la tombe
fut aussi la peau ; c'est pourquoi I'annonce que les bceufs tra'inent
(la momie) vers la demeure du corps, I ^ Sf5i i ^^w/^ ^^ H
est exprimee ainsi au tombeau d'Anna (dix-huitieme dynastie) : les
bceufs vigoureux tra'inent (le prince) vers le Mesek, — ^— f M '
i ^ l] ,c=gj 5^ 5^ ^ I P , , , ^** quoique legerement
deforme par le graveur, ou par le temps, avec £^ pour Zl et ^
pour n~2, le mot Mesek est facilement reconnaissable ici.
Le mort mis dans une peau, ou sous une peau, semblait obtenir
par la I'excellence ou tout au moins la protection de I'animal dont la
depouille I'entourait, comme ces anciens Ethiopiens qui s'etran-
glaient avec une queue de vache.tt ou ces modemes Hindous qui
tiennent en expirant la queue d'une vache. S'afflubler d'une peau
de victime, en effet, a toujours paru un des plus siirs moyens de
s'approprier la vertu du sacrifice, a preuve la peau de holier qu'avait
a ses pieds le futur myste se purifiant aux Eleusinies, + :|: les toisons de
beliers dont se revetaient les pretres de Zeus allant conjurer la Cani-
cule sur le Pelion,§§ la peau de brebis dont les visiteurs d'Hierapolis,
en Syrie, se couvraient avant de partir,|||| et la peau de bauf sur la-
quelle s'asseyaient les Scythes qui voulaient contracter une alliance.mi
* Birch, Revue Arch^ologique, 1863, p. 438.
t I, 85. X II, 132.
§ Cf. ChampolHon, Notices, I, p. 491 ; et Wilkinson, The ancient Egyptians,
edition Birch, pi. 61.
II Denkmaeler, VI, pi. 106, 1. 193-4. ^ Rekhmara, pi. 21.
** ChampolHon, Notices, I, p. 836. ft Diodore, III, 32.
++ Suidas, Atoc koiSiov.
§§ Dicearque, dans les Fragmeuta Ilistoriconim grtccorum, II, p. 262.
nil De Dea Syria, 55. HIT Lucicn, Toxaris, 47-8.
439 2 H
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S93,
Mais les Egyptiens ne s'en tinrent pas a cette conception initiale.
Comme toute chose a son bon et son mauvais cote, I'idee facheuse
de la mort fit de la peau un embleme funeste et par consequent
typhonien, d'une part, d'autre part, comme \^ processus polytheiste
assimile la nature a I'humanite, chaque defaillance divine devint une
mort humaine, et les dieux passerent aussi sous la peau.
Dins la representation commemorative des obseques d'Osiris,
son Kher-heb divin, c'est-a-dire Anubis ou Horus, traversait pour
lui le Mesek, comme le chapitre 17 du Todtenbuch I'a montre
pour Anubis, et comme le montrera pour Horus un passage de
la stele Metternich, 1. 74-76 : me void, me void, mon fits Horns,
dit Isis au jeune dieu (Kher-heb et Simeref de son pere),* sois
sans crainte, sois sans crainte, fits de ftwn bonheur ! 11 ne farrivera
rien de tnal ; tu as en toi V essence du createiir des etres, tii es le fils qui
est mi milieu du Pays de la peau, et qui sort du Nun ; tu ne periras
. . , r , ' . ^^^-^-9 1 ^^*Z1 , , ^ r5D0
pas par le feu du venin, ^ ^^^ '^ V ( | r^^'^ 1 " J\ / ,
etc.
L'hieroglyphe de la terre accompagnant la le mot, Q:£^, indique
bien que la peau avait pris avec les dieux un sens de plus en plus
symbolique. Ce sens est precise dans un hymne a la divinite solaire,
reproduit au papyrus magique Harris et au temple d'El-Khargeh : t
Q ^ ^ "V f 1 N ^ ^"^ (°) "=" "V "^ ^ ' ^' ^'''^ ^'■^'''"^
et ta mere fetreint quand tu franchis V horizon, F Occident tend les bras
pour te recevoir, et tous les Hres fadorent quand tu te couches dans
lenfer a rheure de la nuit : tu reveilles Osiris par tes rayons, etc.
Ici le Mesek a pour determinatif, outre la peau, le firmament. Cast
le ciel souterrain ou le i)ays infernal franchi la nuit par le soleil, et
symbolise dans les Livres qui decrivent I'enfer, notamment au debut
de la Litanie,:}: par un crocodile, un serpent et un taureau (celui de la
peau, sans doute). De la vinrent les serpents, les taureaux et les
crocodiles a une ou a deux tetes, que traversait I'astre dans son
voyage nocturne, semblable a celui de ce dieu de la Nouvelle
Zelande qui descendit dans le corps de la nuit, son aieule. On
* Todtenbuch, ch. 145, 1. 19.
t Chabas, Le papyrus magique Harris, pi. vi, 1. 3-4 ; Birch, Transactions, V,
part i, 1. 18-9 ; et Brugsch, Thesaurus, iv, p. 633, 1. 14.
X Denkmaeler, iii, pi. 134, a.
440
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
remarquera a ce propos, sans parler de Peau d'ane, de I'outre d'Eole
et de la tente 011 du sac auxquels la Bible compare le ciel,* que les
Orphiques voyaient le firmament etoile dans la nebride tacheiee
d'Osiris.t
Le temple, qui a en Egypte un caractere funebre et infernal si
marque, fut a son tourassimile a la peau, fu\ ' ~^ ,1 et la peau resta
pour les hommes ce qu'elle etait pour les dieux,c't;st-a-dire un embleme
de I'enfer ou, plus exactement, de I'entree de I'enfer. Aussi, a son arri-
vee dans I'autre monde et devant la barque infernale, I'Egyptien adres-
sait-il aux divinites de la justice une priere souvent repetee sur les
sarcophages : Sa/uf a vous, 0 Bans, Gcnies, Maitres de la Justice, qui
etes vivants pour letertiite! Ne me detruisez pas mi Mesek, que les impies
ne semparent pas de ines chairs, ^^=iJ va7\ f V
^ ^ ', — v^ «==:=> e ^ Mill □ X
k^pjn^i-fl^r^ii.'-"-
chapitre 99 du Todtenbuch, 1. 30-1, et, ajoute le chapitre 72,
1. 5-6, ne me reponssez pas de tos partes, ne fermez point vos battants
pour mot, allusion a I'entree de I'ame dans I'enfer et peut-etre aussi,
par un retour aux choses terrestres, a I'entree du corps dans le
tombeau, d'oii un jugement pouvait I'exclure s'il faut en croire
Diodore.§ Ici, le mot Mesek est determine par la pierre du
supplice. II On trouve la reponse a ce texte, (jui est intitule au cha-
pitre 72 Formule pour sortir le jour et ouv7-ir Amehet, sur les sarco-
phages du moyen Empire. Les Bons, les Gcni'-s, les Maitres des
choses. qui existent pour Veternitl;, disent : l^ Osiris un tel, qu'll ouvre
Amehet, qiiil force la resistance dcs partes pour pen'etrer dans le
mystere de cette Mesekt, "^ ^ \\\\ , et qui I
voie le dieu qui est laS\
La meme idee du Mesek ou plutot de la Mesekt, car le mot
etait surtout feminin dans le sens de contree, se r^vele aux pyramides
royales : Unas chemine vers sanpalais, le Taureau du grand bassin**
le protege, le J?ugissant'\i ne ptend pas se. niets sur la grande barque, il
* Psaume civ, 2 ; Isaie, 50, 3 ; etc. t Diodore, i, li.
X Bnigsch, Zeitschrift, 1875, p. 122. § I, 72, 92 et 93.
II Cf. Chabas, Le Calcndrier dcs jours pastes et ncfastes, p. 35.
■ U Recueil, XII, p. 37.
** Cf. Champollion, Notices, I, p. 407.
+t Cf. Amtuat, sixieme heure, premier regislre.
441. 2 H 2
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
ne le repousse pas de la Salle d'eclairage* des grands vers la Mesekt du
firmament infirnaL ^ \\ | ™ 1^ "^^ ^ | I [ ^=f ^==* T I
T j^? 1 Q F=5 , void qii' Unas atteint le hajit du del, il
S3
voit son corps dans la barque de la nuit,\ par laquelle Unas effedue le
voya'^^e, il distingue VUrccus dans la barque du jour dont Unas apporie
I'ecope, les hotnmes rexaminetit, les cyclones du del Penlevent et
conduisent Unas au Soleil.% Le meme texte est dans la pyramide de
Teta avec quelques variantes, notamment celle-ci : la Salle d'edairoge
des grands ne le ret>07isse pas vers la Mesekt du firmament infernal,
(dans le mot Mesekt, qui n'a pas ici le determinatif du chemin, le
g|„j-,g £S est une petite faute du graveur pour Z]||). Aux pyramides
de Pepi I, de Merenra et de Pepi II, cette phrase fait partie d'une
formule differente : He ! Batelier ! J'apporte ceci d, Horus: f apporie
son ocil. J'appoiie ceci a Set : J'apporte son scrotum. £n cheminant,
rCEil d' Horus est tombe de la partie orientate du del, et en cheminavt
avec lui tu es tombe de la partie orientate du del, (mais) Merenra
vient et pratique son ade de salut magiqne pottr le Soldi dans le sejour
des dieux, guides de leurs Ghiies,^ qui vivent aux demeures dHorus et
vivent aux demeures de Set. Merenra arrive, Merenra pardit, il
atteint le haul du del, la Salle d'edairage des grands ne le repousse
point vers la Mesekt du firma ment infernal, 1 "Y i ^ ^ ^ [
^^^ \ |p..=£r^ "^pl^"^^^, la barque du Jour
appelle Merenra, void qu'il I'ecope, et Ra fait de Merenra le premier
des Immortels.**
D'apres ces textes, la Mesekt appartient au Sehetu ou Sehut, que
determinent le firmament et I'etoile, et qui a des portes de fer,
d'apres une formule, ft ^^ J ^ fl " f P i ^"^^ ^ '^^^' ^^"^^^
* Cf. Merenra, 1. 207, Pepi II, 1. 669, et Rcauil, XIV, p. 35.
t Cf. Horhotep, 1. 708-9. :|: Unas, 1, 468-471.
§ Teta, 1. 219-223. II Cf. Unas, 1. 229 et 395-
H Cf. Bonomi et Sharpe, The Alabaster sarcoptiagtis of Oimenepthah I, pi. 8, R.
** Merenra, 1. 290-5, Pepi I, 1. 183-4, et Pepi II, 1. 896-7.
tt Pepi 1, 1. 169.
442
June 6] PROCEEDINGS, [1893.
qu'une autre formule I'appelle del d' or, et chamhre da Taureau lumi-
neux, (le gardien de la ll Q c/ ^^fff^ ° ' premiere porte de la
ce serait Tagrandissement de la salle d'or des tombes, comnie la
Mesekt est I'agrandissement de I'enveloppe des morts.
Le mesek, d'abord simple linceul ou dais de cuir, etait done
devenu la Alesekt ou I'enfer, c'est-a-dire la contree de la peau du
taureau typhonien ou s'engloutissaient les dieux comme les manes,
et qui passait pour une gorge montagneuse, cy!^], nn chemin, T j^T,
une lie, d^), un endroit de supplice, CZl, un ciel, c=^, ou, d'une
maniere plus generale, un lieu, CT"^, et ©.| Traverser cette peau
ou cette region, c'etait se purifier pour passer, par la mort, d'une vie
ancienne a une vie nouvelle. Ainsi avait fait Osiris, et ainsi faisaicnt
par procuration a Abydos les grands personnages, qui s'identifiaient
de la sorte avec le dieu.
III.
Les differentes gloses deja citees du chapitre 17, au TodtenhucJi ^
nous apprennent peu de chose sur le rite assez obscur du Tehen ; le
commentaire suivant, qui remonte au moyen Empire, est un peu plus
explicite : O ce Kheper qui est mi viilieu de sa barque, et dont i'Eiitieade
est le corps etertiel, delivre-vwi de ces bojirreaux inquisiteurs a qui le
Seigneur universel a domie la puissance, et qui font office de bourreaux
contre ses ennen/is, etc., \it-on au sarcophage de Horhotep, 1. 552 et
suivantes,/«?'r^ que je suis celui qui a traverse, pur, la Mesekt, et a qui il
a ete donn'e le gateau de Tehen dans Tatient. Explication: la Mesekt est
le lieu du chatiment datis Heracleopolis, le Tehen est V CEil chatiant le
/VSAAAA _^ I ^ .
monstre-Hau^ et Tanent est la salle d^ Osiris ,
>VWsA/^
* Mariette, Denderah, IV, pi. 84, a ; cf. Naville, Textes rclatifs au mytke
d'' Horns, pi. 4 ; Champollion, Notict-s, II, p. 663 ; etc.
t Pepi 1,1. 164, et Merenra, 1. 327; ,/. Unas, 1. 560, Pei)i I, 1. 66S, tt
Pepi II, 1. 703, 857-8, et 983.
X Aelteste Texte, pi. 19, 1. 60.
443
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1893.
D'apres ce texte c'est )e Hau, monstre ou reptile typhonien,*
variante du serpent ( Rerek) et du taureau ( Ka),\ qu'on chatiait avec
le Tehen. Quelque chose d'analogue avait lieu en Theba'ide^ d'apres
les textes magiques des papyrus du Louvre et du temple d'El-
Khargeh^ conjurant le reptile ennemi dont la gueule a une ecume de
feu,X et qui v lent pour s'e?n_parer du disque de P Avienranef qui reside
a Karnak, I'Osiris thebain (papyrus No. 3237).§ Recule, toiirne la
fete en arriere^ Set^ maiivais compagnon, m'echant reptile dont la gueule
a une ecume de feu, n'approche pas des membres divins. C'est toi que
designent les quatre briques de Tehen qui sont dans le grand temple aux
deux cites d' An (Heliopo-lis et Hermonthis). Brisees aujourd hui,
elles frapp eront ta fete, elks casseront tes reins-, elks detruiront ton amt
en toutes tes places, \\ -^ H '^X '^^^^^ | '^ S^ ^ J
[Z3
Oi
M7:iZ.^%^%.kVl\\\\^
La brique de Tehen equivaut au gateau de Tehen ; elle etait, en
effet, mangee par le serpent, de meme que des oies de calcaire et des
pains d'argile (si ce sont des pains) en cones ou en briques avec
inscriptions nominatives,** etaient censes servir de repas aux morts,
pa?i>a petunt Ma?ies ; dans la conjuration ou shen du reptile
typhonien, Rerek, le dernier paragraphe debute par une interpellation
ironique au monstre, ^ qui I'on faisait vomir ce quil avait niangi\
d'apres d'^autres textes :tt vomissements du mur, expectorations de la
brique I (] ^=1 ^ (Z^ 0 "^ "^ " ^^ J^ '^^' ^"^
r ecume sortie de ta gueule soit contre toi! Le feu est cteinty on ne
trouve plus laJlamMie^etcll
* Cf. Amtuat, deuxlemeheure, grand texte.
t Cf. Pleyte, Proceedings, Novembre, 1890, p. I4-16.
I Cf. Job, 41, 9-12.
§ Chassinat, Recueil de Travmix, xiv, p. 11.
(I Id., p. 14, Papyrus No. 3239.
IT Id., p. 14, Texte d'El-Khaigeh.
** Flinders Petrie, A Season in E^ypt, p. 23.
-t-f Todtenbuch, ch. 108, 1. 5.
XX Unas, 1. 333-5; cf- Todteubuch, ch. 125, I. 52.
444
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Un chapitre du sarcoi)hage de Horhotep, pour que la fete
ne soit pas enlevee a la personne, represente aussi comme un
aliment le Tehen, * dont les gateaux etaient probablenient
en forme de briques : 0 serpent -Rerek, rodeii?; (voici)t Sim et
Apuatu. Je suis celui qui detntit^ pour le Mangeur de lei. en
S^ /] v\ M1^ /wwva - L ^ |l 0 „ IV je suis Horus, je viens
<=:=>^^ ji m. X^i Oa^ P I I 1 ' -"
de nouveau a la limite du del et de l'e?ifer, Je passe par la deuiiure oil
sont caches les quatre piliers du del. J'ai vu Celui qui irpousse le
Velu, AAAAAA 1 ^^^^ , et violente les Genies au lieu qu'habitent les
Castigateurs, ^^\ ,j\\ • J^ dis qui fai trouvc la, oil je
suis venu : Celui qui repousse le Velu et violente les Genies. Je suis
le Grand, fits du Feu, celui a qui sa tcte est rendue apres sa decollation.
Qu^on enleve a quelqu'un sa tete apres sa decollation, on ne m'enlevera
pas ma tete. Je suis la baguette du Sort qui fait marcher par elle les
barques des aines,X la cordc-serpent Nenudji § de ceiix qui sont dans
r horizon, cette nuit de chasser le rddeur.\\ Dans les conjurations de
Rerek, on disait encore au serpent : le pain de ton pcre est pour toi,
\\ ,^ nouvelle illusion sans doute a la substance
indigeste que determine la marque des coupures, ^^:>^, au chapitre
qui vient d'etre traduit.
Un des serpents de I'autre monde, Ankahuef, analogue au
typhonien Nehaher, et parfuis comme lui gardien et juge, avait le
titre de -r- / i^fftw , Celui qui se nourrit de Tehen : ** il habitait le
bassin de Mati, ou I'Amenti, ou Rosta, ou Auker, c'est-a-dire I'enfer,
et il punissait le blaspheme contre le dieu d'Abydos, Neter-nuti.ft
Le Tehen est le cristal, d'apres plusieurs egyptolo»ues, et notam-
ment M. Chabas,|+ dont I'opinion se trouve confirmee par un texte
* Cf. Denkmaeler, IV, pi. 46, 1. 13.
t Cf. Todtenbuch, 33, 1. I.
X Cf. Horhotep, 1. 330.
§ Cf. Bonomi et Sharpe, The Alabaster sarcophagus cf Oiiitciiepthali\,\i\. 6, c.
II Horhotep, 1. 364-370.
IF Pleyte, Proceedings, Novembre, 1 890, p. 24.
** Dend^rah, III, pi. 69, c ; et Denkmaeler, IV, pi. 46, a, 1. 13.
tt Naville, Todtenbuch, II, ch. 125, pi. 309.
XX Antiquite historique, p. 31 a 36 ; cf. de Ilorrack, Laiitcntaliotn d'Isis et de
Nephthys, p. 13.
445
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
des pyramides royales qui mentionne a cote du rite de la peau celui
du verre : La grande Rosee (la libation*) est au Taureau de Nekhen
(Horus),t et la flamme du fen de ce Teta est pour vous, gtii etes
derricre le sarcopliage divin {^'0€\x\%).\ O dieti grand, dont h nom
est ignore, il y a des offrandes a la place du Seigneur unique.
O Seigneur de f horizon, fais une place a ce Teta I Si tu ne pais
pas une place a ce Teta, tu (en) /eras une proie au sein du pere Seh,
la terre.% Seb ne lui parlera pas, il ne le re lever a pas s'il trouve ce
Teta sur son cheinin, il le mangera,\\ lui le devorate^ir sacre du Lad
Que paraisse le Lumineux, que se leve le Grand, que parlent les dix-
huit dicux de la ter?-e, que vente le vent, que se reunissent les deux
ejifers, que se rejoignent les deux sanctuaires, que se voilent les passages
en faveur des Passants, que s" aneantissent les mctitees en faveur des
Sortants ! Apport de la corde, trave?'see de la Mesekt, bris du verre a.
V entree du canal du Nil ! — ^ a „ X <2 A >\ >-^^.
%
r^^^
On voit que la traversee de la Mesekt et le bris du verre,
1 ^^ V' ^" copte El^XHIRI,** correspondent ici au passage de
la Mesekt et a I'apport du Tehen nientionnes par le chapitre 17 du
Todtenbuch ; il suit de la que le Bedju n'est qu'une variante du
Tehen, mati^re bien connue d^sl'ancien Empire.tt comme le verre,t|
et employee pour la confection des amulettes, dessistres, des cachets,
des vases, etc.§§ Comme on distinguait le Tehen vrai, le faux ne
pouvait etre que le verre, dont les Arabes font aussi des amulettes, ||||
et la faience.
* Horhotep, 1. 71 ; et Abydos, I, p. 60. t Unas, 1. 433-4.
:J: Cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 17, 1. 39. § Cf. Horhotep, 1. 68.
^ 1! Cf. Abydos, I, p. 38 ; et Unas, 1. 515 et 555.
1 Teta, 1. 237-9, et Unas, 1. 416-9.
** Maspero, Melanges d'archeologie, X, p. 150, et Rccueil de travaux, IV,
p. 47 ; cf. Pleyte, Proceedings, Novenibre, 1890, p. 25.
tt De Rouge. Mcmoire sur les six premieres dynasties, p. 69.
XX Schliemann, Tirynthe, edition fran9aise, p. 270.
§§ Lepsius, Les mitaux dans les inscriptions t'gyptiennes, traduction W. Berend,
p. 38 ; Naville, Todtenbuch, I. pi. 182, 1. lO, et Les qiiatre stiles orientees, pi. 15;
Denderah, IV, pi 87 ; Denkmaeler, IV, pi. 46, 1. 14 et 37 ; Brugsch, Supple-
ment au Dictionnaire, p. 1349 ; etc.
nil Czsa.r\ova., Bulletin de P/nstitut t[iivpfien, l89t, p. II3-121.
446
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Si le texte des pyramides royales dit qu'on brisait le verre, le
chapitre 125 du Todtenbuch fournit un renseignement de meme
nature sur le cristal. Toutefois ce dernier texte contient une
description du symbolisme qui parait fortement melangee d'elements
heliopolitains, les idees d'Heliopolis ayant penetre dans le culte
Osirien par Mendes, comme celles d'Heracleopolis par Abydos.
D'apres le chapitre 125, quand le mort va se presenter devant
ses juges, il interpelle les dieux qui sont dans la salle de la Justice,
Ma-ti, ainsi que les bourreaux et les messagers qu'il redoute, puis, il
declare qu'il s'est purifie dans les lacs voisins d'Heliopolis, et les
dieux lui font alors subir un interrogatoire en regie :
Faites-le venir, disent les dietix. Osiris un tel, qui es-tu ? Quel
est ton nom ? — -Je suis l' Osiris un tel. Celui qui prospere sous les
papyrus, celui qui est dans son baumier* voila mon nom. — Par ou es-tu
venu, lui disent-ils ?^/e suis veiiu par la ville qui est au N'ord du
^rt//////(?r (arbre sacre d'Heliopolis). — Qu'as-tu vu la? — Le pied et la
jambe (d'Osiris ; un texte thebain a la maiti et la jambe, ce qui est
plus conforme aux traditions.!) — Qu'as-tu vu (encore) ? — Des rejouis-
sances en ce pays des Devoilcs (ou des Phcniciens, d'apres presque
tous les textes thebains). — Que fa-t-on donnel — Une flaynme de feu
avec un sceptre-uadj de cristal, j 1 j ]| n ^ -vv^^^ 0 \ aaaaa/»
Il 0 • — Qu'en as-tu faitl—Je les ai enter rcs\ sur les rives du
bassin de Mali, (a Abydos et sur la route de I'enfer.^ mais quelques
textes nomment ici le bassin heracleopolitain de Maa), dans les cere-
monies fwcturnes, \\ , w ,T "^v ^ W ^""^^ ^ II, (peut-etre le rite
consistant a piocher sous deux obelisques qui rappellent ceux des
tables d'offrandes, prfes du bassin de Kheper). — Qu'as-tu trouve sur ces
rives du bassin de Ala-til — Un sceptrc-uas en pierre (celui d'Anubis,11
dieu des morts et de la nuit, trouv^ peut-etre en piochant le champ
d'Abydos, dans la visite a Anubis, rite figure au tombeau de Rekh-
mara).** — Tu Pas ramassc? Parle J — L' Osiris un tel fa ramasse. —
* Cf. Pepi I, 1. 180.
t Naville, Todtenbuch, I, ch. I02.
X Cf. Naville Les qtiatre steles orientks, pi. 13 et 15.
§ Todtenbuch, ch. 17, 1. 19.
II Cf. Unas, 1. 512 ; et Pepi II, 1. 690.
If Cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 97,1. I.
** PI. 22; cf. Todtenbuch. ch. 97, 1. i,
447
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1893.
Qii'est-il, ce sceptre de pierre 1 — Celui qui domie le souffle, voila son novi-
Qu'aS'tu fait de ceci, hi flamnie de feu et le sceptre de crista!, apres
les avoir enlerres ?—J\ii prie sjireuxje les ai retires, fai eteint lefeu*
et fai brise le sceptre en le jetant an bassin, (1 \\ ''^^ W=5 ^
-^^^wrr;'-^5^^^^^
^ . ^ a ^
^-^^ V§i ^ ^^^ (cf ^] ^^ — ^^ ^ ^ ^ 'T
^ ^ si —^ I n cr^ ^ w T=r _S5^ j^
Jeter la cuisse et le ca'ur dans le canal du peliu, k Abydos). — l^iens,
entre dans la gra?tde salle de la fustice ; tu nous connais.X
Cette serie d'actes extra- lerrestres, correspondant sans aucun
doute a de vrais rites, est rappelee en resume au Livre de I'Hemis-
phere inferieur, dont la troisieme heure contient la scfene suivante :
un homme accroupi tient une prunelle, Celui qui apporte Poiil et
apaise les dieux ; derriere lui sont un chacal et un sceptre-uas sur un
pylone, § VAnubis du sceptre-uas, (1 V\ ^-w^v 1 ; devant lui est
un sceptre-uadj surmonte d'un morceau de chair, Ur-ltekau.\\
A la dixieme demeure infernale decrite par le chapitre 149 du
Todtenbuch, il est parle ausi du sceptre-uadj de cristal {protecteur de
son maUre, "^ \\Zl ^\\^s '^ '''^^Tt, ^
, d'apres une version de Denderah),1] mais le passage
I
est incorrect et obscur.
Au fond, le cristal brise pres d'un canal au chnpitre 125 du 71?^-
tenbucli, ne parait pas plus differer du verre brise pres d'un canal et
pres de la Mesekt, aux pyramides royales, que, dans le meme texte
des pyramides, la Mesekt et le verre ne different du cristal et de la
Mesekt du chapitre 17. S'il en est ainsi, ces concordances per-
mettront d'eclaircir la signification donnee a I'offrande du Tehen.
* Cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 22, fin.
t Rekhmara, pi. 22 ; cf. Erman, Papyrus IVestcar, i, Berichtigung, et
pi. 4, 1. 10.
X L. 46-53, et edition Naville, II, pi. 323-6.
§ Cf. Champollion, Notices, II, p. 651.
II Denkmaeler, III, pi. 79, b.
^ Denderah, IV, pi. 83.
448
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [iScj.
IV.
Le Tehen etait offert en gateau pres de la Mesekt, et son sub-
stitut, le verre, etait casse pres de la Mesekt ; de meme la brique de
Tehen, mangee, etait aussi cassee ; de meme encore le sceptre de
Tehen etait enterre et casse. C'est Typhon ou un des siens qui avalait
le Tehen, et c'est sur sa tete qu'on le brisait, mais Typhon per-
sonnifiait la terre ou tout au moins la terre de la necropole, de sorte
qu'enterrer le Tehen c'etait tou jours le faire avaler a ce dieu. II
y a la une suite d'analogies montrant que les formes du gateau,
de la brique et du sceptre peuvent se ramener a une seule, celle,
par exemple, de I'amulette rectangulaire en faience marque d'un
sceptre uadj* et de meme les rites relatifs a ces talismans ou khu
se reduisent a un seul rite, dont le sens le plus visible rentre dans le
symbolisme solaire. Ce sens fut admis des une haute antiquite
par les Egypiiens, qui voyaient dans le Tehen I'image du chatiment
de Typhon par I'oeil celeste,! ou du chatiment des deux parties du
monde par le dieu de I'air et de la lumiere, Shu.:j: Si, en effet, le
Tehen est proprement le crista!, les gloses du Todtenbuch montrent
que le mot avait ete pris aussi dans son acception derivee.
Le cristal etant le corps brillant par excellence, le Tehen etait
la lumiere : la flnmme ro7igit, le scarabee surgit, la splendeur resplendit^
(au moment de I'offrande), ^§ (1 ^ |1 ■¥■ ""^"^ ® "^^^ t==i | )
AAAAArt Q AAAA/SA
'wwNA gr=r3 0 /wwv> _ § Sekhet etait ufw face de Tehen dans la salle
du feu,\\ et on offrait le Tehen a la deesse Maut le 6 du mois, avec
tons les rites d'allumer le feii.^ On comparait au Tehen le luisant
des feuilles, le brillant de la peau, I'aurore, le clair de lune ou Thot-
Tehen, etc. L'expression d'aten tehen ou dis(jue resplendissant**
n'est pas rare, au moins sous le nouvel Empire. De plus, un des
couples males et femelles representant les Genies du Soleil etait
celui du Tehen, tt et I'astre lui-meme etait dit tehen atii ow forme
de lumiere. \ \
* Golenischeff, Ertnitage imperial, p. 257 ; et Ahydos, III, p. 566.
t Horhotep, I. 559 et 560. J Todtcuhuc/i, ch. 17, 1. 82.
§ Teta, 1. 89, Merenra, 1. 240, et Pepi II, 1. 619.
II Denderah, III, pi. 66. II Recueil, XIII, p. 164 ; cf. p. 166.
** Zeitschrift, 1877, p. 87, et 1881, p. 119; Stele C, 207 du Louvre; etc.
+t J. de Rouge, Edfoit, pi. 8 et 126 ; Chainpolliun, Notices, i, i^ 279; etc.
XX Papyrus No. 6 de Berlin, Denkmaeler, VI, pi. 117, 1. 3.
449
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY, [1893.
Mais la lumiere etant I'ceil sacre, le Tehen fut aussi cet oeil. Le
Tehen est Fceil d' Horns :* tu resplendis par liii an milieti des dieux
en son noin de Tehen, t=iy^^ """^ llll Q '^^(J ^\ I ^v | | |
^^ I D V> K y II j T Unas apporte le Tehen an grand
_E^ /www I Jl S=> X nil ^ /WWVV
o^il qui est au milieu de la canipagne, l\ f ^^ l| 1 j s=5 Q till
'^~ww <:::;:2> , + etc. D'apres le rite qu'on pourrait dire helio-
c^ I o
politain, le Tehen recevait la forme d'un des amulettes les plus
veneres, § celle d'un sceptre imitant une colonnette ou plutot le lotus
de la Basse Egypte, et designant la verdeur, la force, la prosperite ; la
deesse de ce lotus || de vie, I >/ "T '^ ^^^^^ ainsi, dans la religion
solaire qui admettait un Ka-Uadj"^* a cote du Ka-Tehen, la force et
par consequent I'oeil du Soleil : ^ "MK r^, n" ^v '^ V'il
^ D ^ , Uadjit flamme est I'a'il de Ra, dit une glose du chapitre 1 7,
1. 93. (On remarquera que I'un des temples de la deesse s'appelait la
Place de ramasser son sceptre-uadj , j ^^''-^ | n ^i^i^ expression
identique a celle du chapitre 125, 1. 52).
Dans ce r61e solaire I'amulette de cristal, Tehen, mange par
Typhon ou enterre sous le sol avec une flamme, doit symboliser le
soleil qui devient a son coucher la pature de I'enfer. Mais I'enfer ne
garde pas sa proie, c'est-a-dire le Tehen, I'CEil d'Horus ou la lumiere.
Un passage de I'Ap-ro dit que Fanl est dclivre de la gueule du Taureau,
^^ j], etc. ;Jt I'hymne du papyrus No. 5 de Berlin parle du
Serpent (neknu) a qui le Soleil fait rendre ce qu'il a mange,
J I 1 ^AAAM '-1 f\ -fl ra ^o /www
^ ^.z^ I ^'^'^ ^ *^ ^^ m m ^ ^^''' '' '''''
Todlenbuch, ch. 17, 1. 83. t Unas, 1. 563.
X Unas, 1. 625. § Todtenbuch, ch. 102, lS9 et 160.
II Cf. Pepi II, 1. 705. \ Denderah, I, pi. 56, a.
'* Cf. Todtenbuch, ch. 105, 1, 3.
tt J. de Rouge, Geographie de la Basse Egypte, p. 130, et Textes giogra-
fhiques dEdfou, pi. 148 ; Denderah, IV, pi, 75, 1. 25.
XX Schiaparelli, // Libra dei Funerali, p. 83.
§§ Denkmaeler, vi, pi. 115, 1. 25.
450
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
scene des hypogees royaux* montre le Cf-ocodile qui expectore Tail
I I I <2>-0
AA/vNAA n ( 1 ^ > ^r\ n
du Soleil, j^vj '^s^^S' ^ ^^ \\ ,^
-]p \^ i^^ . Le chapitre 149 du Todtenhuh, 1. 45, dit
aussi, dans un sens probablement analogue, au sujet d'Urhekau donL
on a vu le nom donne au sceptre uadj dans I'Amtuat : je siiis cet
ceil d' Horns, Urhekau,\ la pierre sortie de Set.
Le Tehen etait done deterre ou arrache k son ennemi, sur la tete
duquel on le brisait comme un carreau de foudre, et on le brisait sans
doute parce que le soleil couche semblait un soleil mort, de sorte
que chaque matin le ciel enfantait non I'ancien astre, mais un astre
nouveau, fils de lui-meme : le feu nait du feu,
^
.^)+ disent les formules traditionnelles, et hier est Osiris.
le dieu defunt, demain est Ra, le soleil vivant, ^ I <2>_ r ^
° \> 1 ^^^ 1° V'^ On abandonnait ensuite les debris
du Tehen a I'eau sainte du ^W., pere des dieux, qui les cachait dans
I'espace inconnu ou tout se defait et se reforme.
Telle est la signification apparente que presente le rite du Tehen
"k. I'epoque historique, sans prejudice du symbolisme annuel qui a pu
s'ajouter ici au symbolisme diurne, et qu'a signale M. de Rouge || sans
prejudice non plus d'une dernibre allegoric dont I'existence est au
moins probable : le mot Tehen, si souvent determine par le ciel
orageux, designait encore la foudre qui produit le verre des fulgurites
et dont I'eclair brille comme le cristal ; il est en consequence fort
possible que le Tehen avec lequel Shu punissait le monde et I'impie,
ou qui tombait en briques sur la tete de Typhon, ait ete parfois
quelque chose comme le tonnerre avec lequel Zeus chatiait les
mechants. Certains determinatifs du Tehen representent le ciel
orageux avec trois ou avec quatre \ , et meme, semble-t-il, avec
trois pierres tombant,n les pierres de foudre, peut-etre les briques
* Ramses VII, Salle, Paroi gauche, et Ramses IX, Troisieme Salle, Paroi
droite.
t Cf. Unas, 1. 271, et Horhotep, 1. 150.
X Todtenbuch. ch. 43, 1. I. § Todtcnbuch, ch. 17, 1. 5 et 6.
II Etudes sur k Rituel fuiit-raiie, p. 71. H Unas, 1. 625.
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1893.
ecrites jetees sur la tete de Set, et analogues en un sens a ces pierres
marquees au ciel pour etre lancees contre les infideles, d'apres un
passage du Koran.*
Quoiqu'il en soit, la ceremonie du cristal n'a pu tire'- son origine
d'allegories aussi etendues. Le bris d'un verre ou d'un vase, par
exemple, comme on le voit encore dans les mariages israelites, les
toasts russes, et les coutumes cairotes.t a par lui-meme un sens
visiblement restreint, qui convient seul a I'epoque ou le rite du
Tehen prit naissance. Accompli en effet pour Osiris dont les
obseques representent celles de I'homme, ce rite etait essentielle-
ment funeraire, et les coutumes funeraires appartiennent, en Egypte
comme ailleurs, a une couche d'idees tres primitives.
Parmi ces idees, figure celle de la matidticatio7i des hommes par
les dieux,:j: sortes d'anthropophages ou de harpies qui causent la
mort en ce monde par leur voracite. Ce n'est done pas seulement
I'oeil du Soleil, ce sont encore les habitants de I'Egypte que
Typhon cherchait a devorer. Aussi trouve-t-on dans les livres
egyptiens sur I'autre monde des renseignements comme celui-ci, qui
est relatif a un serpent duquel emergent Tmu et I'oeil sacre, c'est-a-
dire le soleil "• Pimage de Timi sort de son dos, puis il ravale son
image. II vit des ombres des morts, son corps est fait de tetes,
f\ ^ ^f^ .% Un autre monstre, compose d'une chaine
/ I iiiI11k_^ 111
de tetes, sorte de Nehebka, s'appelle Tepi, Celui des tetes ;\\ au
tombeau de Seti I, les tetes sortent d'un serpent sous les coups de
baton qu'on applique a celui-ci, comme ailleurs a Set,1l pour lui faire
rendre ce qu'il a englouti.**
Cette conception des morts devores par I'enfer ou la terre ft en
amene une autre. Puisque les dieux de I'autre monde ont faim, il
faut leur donner a manger en passant pour n'etre pas mange soi-
* Chapitre 105, 4.
t Lane, The Moderu Egyptiatis, edition Poole, p. 252 et 256.
% A. Reville, Les Religions des peuples non civilises, t. I, ]x 210, et t. II,
p. 94., 97, et 128.
§ Amtuat, onzieme heure, premier registre; cf. Champollion, Notices, I, p. 790,
et p. 767.
II Bonomi et Sharpe, The Alabaster Sarcophagus, pi. 12, A.
IT Todten'nich, ch. 108, 1. 5.
** Champollion, N'otices, I, p. 770 et 775.
tt Teta, 1. 238 ; et Abydos, I, p. 38.
452
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1S93.
meme. De la les gateaux de Cerbere, et les gateaux tenus par les
visiteurs de I'antre de Trophonius. De la aussi, tres vraisemblable-
ment, le gateau de Tehen, remis au mort egyptien pour Typhon.
Le gateau aurait figure par substitution la vie humaine (avant de
symboliser la clarte solaire), et on I'aurait rompu, suivant la vieille
coutume de casser les amulettes des tombes, pour punir le monstre
infernal comme pour representer I'existence brisee. II est meme
admissible qu'une intention de supercherie, comme par exemple dans
la remise a Kronos d'une pierre pour un enfant, ait motive en partie
le choix du Tehen. Tandis qu'on offrait de vrais gateaux viesi
aux fideles d'Osiris,* les personnages typhoniens recevaient de faux
gateaux mesi faits de verre, et plus faciles par consequent a engloutir
qu'a digerer. C'est ainsi qu'Horus-ichneumon dechirait les entrailles
du crocodile.
Les vieux rites du Tehen offert et rompu une fois etablis, le
symbolisme du cristal dut s'elargir peu a peu. II y eut en enfer une
porte du Tehen dans Tanent, c'est-a-dire dans la terre,t
^ # U I _m^ Ji AAA/w. DA o o o u jj)j^ I I I
;% Thoth put dire au Soleil, pour faire entrer le mort dans la barque
divme, Tanent est satisfaile de son niaitre, ( \n ) J L
# r^/J ;§ le jour passa pour etre cache dans le Tehen,
chapitre 97 du Todtenbuch\\ (si toutefois le texte en est correct);
VuadJ ou le jour appartint a Horus comme la nuit h Set : tu as
divise r ombre, separee de Set, et brise /' Uadj^ ® \ ® iMf ) ^^ ■>
favori d'Isis, que tu as separe d'' Horus, tu ne seras pas renverse, tu ne
seras pas tcatt'e ;% enfin, le gateau prit les proportions d'un astre,
* Brugsch, Supplentent au Dictionnairc, p. 700-
t Bonomi et Sharpe, The Alabaster Sarcophagus, pi. 14, a, et 7, 15; cf. pi. 3, R.
X Todtenlmrh. ch. 146, 1. 25.
§ Todtetibuch, ch. 129, 1. 8 et 9.
II Naville, Todtevlntch, pi. 215, ct Lepsius, Todtcvhiich,z\\. 97, I. 4.
H Unas, 1. 286-8; Horhotep, 1. 15S-9 ; et Denkmaeler. II, pi. 145, />, 2.
453
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1893.
comnie ce fromage d'lo dont parle La Fontaine dans ses fables :*
La lune a F horizon montait, hostie hiorme, a dit aussi V. Hugo.f
Ainsi le cristal eut le sort de la peau. Tous deux regurent avec
le temps une valeur plus relevee ou plus comprehensive, et comme
tous deux concernent un nieme point du culte des morts, I'envoi de
I'ame dans I'autre monde, il n'est pas etonnant qu'ils soient entres et
demeures dans une relation etroite. Cette relation ressort de la
formule des pyramides ro) ales accolant les deux objets, ainsi que du
chapitre 17 du Todtenbuch. Sur ce point la version que le sarco-
phage de Horhotep^: donne du chapitre 17 est tres instructive,
puisqu'elle fait du Tehen le Castigateur, ^ \\ ^=^% ,,, |||l
' <r~> 1 A £^ III Wit
° V "^ nH ^ V M'' ^^ ^^ ^^ Mesekt le lieu du chatiment,
Un lien pareil existait naturellement entre ces coutumes fune-
raires et la cite funeraire, Abydos. Bien que la conception du
chatiment de la terre, origine du nom de ville Kenkentaui, ^.^j^^
^ \ \ ©, § ait pu naitre a Heracleopolis ou le chatiment avait
lieu, Abydos n'en resta pas moins la ville par excellence des rites de
la peau et du cristal, crees ou non par elle et pratiques ou non par
d'autres. On la trouve done appelee Tanent et Aa-mesek, par
exemple sur une statue du Louvre (nouvel Empire), dans une priere
du d«ica.eur. ^^f ^^^J ^(t^QZZ^'^'
je suis le grand favori (si y n'est pas pour j| U) dans Abydos, h /res
pur dans Tanent, et sur une stele du Caire, dans une adoration
a Osins^epoque saVte), f^ P^ ^| 21^ | = J^ 1
/v^^w\ ,** Aa-mesek est en joie, et Tanent entre en alligresse.
* XI, 6.
+ V. Hugo, Les Contemplations, Livre vi, 20, Relligio.
t L. 559-560.
§ Papyrus Anastasi IV, p. 12, 1. 6.
II Statue A 65 du Louvre
H Cf. Todtenbuch, ch. I, I. 9.
** Mariette, Abydos, III, p. 481, No. 1276.
454
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1S93.
Voici maintenant I'idee generale que suggerent les deux rites qui
viennent d'etre etudies, et dont les developpements ainsi que les
rapports existaient sous I'ancien Empire, comme le montrent les
pyramides royales :
Osiris etant la momie par excellence, ses funerailles furent
I'image solennisee des obseques humaines, de sorte que les gens de
distinction participerent aux avantages de cette ceremonie grandiose
en la faisant celebrer pour leur compte a Abydos, dans le temple du
dieu. L'office avait lieu la nuit, aux flambeaux, et Tune de ses
parties essentielles consistait dans le passage de I'officiant sous une
peau, puis dans le bris d'un morceau de cristal. La peau, souvenir
des anciens linceuls en cuir, avait fini par symboliser le pays des
morts qu'il fallait traverser en se purifiant pour renaitre, de meme
que le cristal, sorte d'offrande fallacieuse aux mauvais esprits, etait
devenu la lumifere disparue, et peut-etre aussi la foudre dont le ciel
frappait Typhon. L'ensemble de ces vigilice ^nortuorian n'est pas
sans ressemblance exterieure avec les messes commemoratives, cele-
brees devant un catafalque, ou avec les prises de voile dans lesquelles
la novice, comme une defunte, est couchee sous un drap mortuaire
qui la separe a jamais du monde.
455 2 I
JUXE 6]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOI.OGY.
[1893-
EUPHRATEAN STELLAR RESEARCHES.
By Robert Brown, Junr., F.S.A.
Part in. The Tablet A", 2894. — Reverse ; etc.
I.
This Tablet, a copy of which is given in the Proceedings, March,
1888, reads as follows : — ■
tin A-\\ -\v-m ^t\ A-}\---
nam]-ru. Ru^ a^arri. Enu-va ru^ . . .
. (// is) bright.'] A west wind. JV//en a-wind . . .
f. K. 2310, Ob. 1. 10 (^Proceedings, April, 1892, p. 283).
:^^>M™ V -r^-ni---
Kakkabi sa zumba . . .
the-stars which a-tail . . .
The constellation last mentioned on the Obverse of the Tablet,
and about which the scribe is still speaking, is Capricorn (vide Pro-
ceedings, May, 1893, p. 328) ; and its tail-forming stars are thus
described in Ptolemy's List : —
The foremost of the 2 beside the tail."
The hindmost of them " (Deneb Algedi).
42. " The foremost of the 4 at the northern part of the tail."
/<. "The southern-one of the 3 remaining."
\, " The centre-one of them."
46. "The northern-one of them and the one at the end of the tail."
3. . . . ^>f ^ ^\\ ^ ^ ^^yyy . . .
Kakkab Ni - bat - a - nu ina libbi . . .
the-star Mars in the-niidst . . .
4-
Kakkabi
the-stars
zumbi innamaru
of-the-tails are-seen
456
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
I.e., the tails of Capricorn and Piscis Australis (vide Proceedings,
January, 1890, p. 144).
5- •.. ^iH ?];<f— < -RT™ -^ ...
. . . \zdsx\'^. Nuni il itstsuri innamaru . . .
. . . begins. Pishes and birds are-seen . . .
So, when ^^ Mars to the Star of the Fish \ = Fomalhaut. Vide
Proceedings, January, 1890, p. T47] is opposite, the presence of
many fish in the land is reported." ( W.A.I. Ill, Ivii, 2, 1. 3).
. . . D.P. Lu-bat etik. D.P. Sak - vi - sa ina libbi
Jupiter crosses. Mercury in ihe-??iidsi
kakkabi A-nu[-ni-tum . . .
of-the-constellation of-Anu\-nit . . .
I.e., the Pow-stars of Sagittarius (vide Proceedings, February,
1890, p. 203; April, 1892, p. 298).
7. . . . ^^ (= -11^) -^z; j^r ^r -t^>f ??<
, . . Kakkab] Nam - ma;)^ izzaz-va kakkab Nuni
. . . the-star\ of-Mighty-destiny is-fixed, and the-star of-the-Pish
ana kakkab A[-nu-ni-tum . . .
to the-constellation of-A\-nu-nit . . .
8 ii jfF --r • • •
. . . Kakkab Nam]-ma^ i - zaz . . .
. . . the-star of-Destiny\inighty is-fixed . . .
In W.A.I. Ill, Ixiv, Rev. 1. 2, we read : — Tarbatsa kakkab Nam-
max u kakkab A-nu-ni- . . . "A setting the star o( Alighty-destiny and
the constellation of Anunit "... These two are therefore usually
classed together, as in 1. 7, and " the star of Mighty-destiny " will be
Sa'd el su'ud {Sadalsund, " Fortuna fortunarum"), ^Aquarii, a lucky
star; the Arabic name seems to be a translation, or, at all events, an
echo of the original Akkadian appellation. Aquarius in astrology
" is deemed a fortunate sign," and its stars, as we have seen
{Proceedings, January, 1890, pp. 139-43), are connected with one
457 212
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
beginning of the year and calendar. Similarly, a Aquarii is Sadal-
melix (" Faustum sidus regis "), "the Auspicious Star of the King,"
being evidently dedicated to the god An-sar (= Assur), of whom
Uras-Ramanu (vide Proceedings, April, 1892, p. 302), the presiding
divinity of Sabatu, the month of Aquarius, is a phase.
9. . . . '^TII? ^ A<^ AW r™ ^ I ^ -t\
, . . ;;i^alabu ; la issu nisi as-su yuma ul
. . . clouded ; not strong {are) the-people, for the-day not
.jf< ^y 5.yyy . . .
ti - du - u . . .
ye-kjioiv . . .
. . . kab - tuv ina mati ibas - si as-su kabta HI
. . . Jwnour in the-country is, for honour not
-',< ^T ^yyr • • •
ti - du - u ...
ye-knozv . . .
11. ... ^yyyy ^ tth>^ th V^tlU^^n-..
. . . nunu imat ; kakkabu rabu sa - ru - ru ...
. . . the-priiice dies ; the-star great brightness . . .
A kakkab rabu, perhaps a comet, is mentioned in W.A.I. Ill, lii,
No. I, 1. 9.
12. ...^c^>f -K-t^s^y i^-R..-
. . . kakkab tar - tsu - va mes-p^^u . . .
. . . the-star is-fixed, and a-measure {measured, i.e., rose).
13. At present this line appears to be untranslatable.
14. 1^1:^4-... 4j^t j^t^t <s-^\ r->f
Kakkab . . . samsi-atsi izzaz-va dunku. D.P.
The-star . . . at-simrise isfixed, and {is) propitious.
samsi-eribi izzaz-va . . .
At-sunset it-is fixed, and . . .
458
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1S93.
15. ]tth>^ ^ ^ Vr -7^ -W -Wr ^4 ^t] ^y
Kakkab Ni - bat - a - nu yu - dan - na - at - va
The-star Mars lingers and
<y-^? _ D _ ^T • • •
dunku ippa;)^;^ir-va . . .
(/i') propitious ; it-sets aftd . . .
Yudannat {inde Proceedings^ May, 1893 p. 320).
16. vc^ ^y <- <v 4 <5^^ «T 4 <^:: ->f
7 yu - mi, 14 yu - mi, 21 yu - mi, D.P.
The 'jth day, the 14th day, the 21st day, —
:^ Id! ^^ . . .
hi - ib - bu ...
the jP/anet . . .
Lit. "seven days," etc. Bibbu is the rendering suggested to me
by Mr. Pinches. It seemed tempting to read /-// suatu ip-pu,
" To God that (day) is holy," and to compare the " Saints' Calendar "
translated by Professor Sayce,* e.g.,
"The 19th day (is) the white day of Gula. A lucky day. A
Sabbath."
On this passage he remarks : — " Ippi't, like its synomym el/u
(Heb. iialal), has the secondary meaning of ' holy.' Cf. the Lat.
dies Candidas.''''
17. ^i? -7 <- <V ^ <^^ «T 4 <j:^ -it ^T
7 yu - mi, 1 4 yu - mi, 21 yu - mi itar - va
The 'jfh day, the \\th day, the 21st day has-rcturned, and
T? AV, "T^ V . • •
a - dan - nu sa . . .
a-season of . . .
18. y<^< ^:^-^^ tr -IT- «_ TJ^T 6%^-
Irbaya kas - bu ^^XX} ' ^^'- samsi ; sus kas - bu
Forty degrees = the-circuit of-the-sun ; sixty degrees =
D -IT---
six%i - rat . . .
the-circuit . . ,
* liel. Aitcieitt Babs., p. 70 et seq.
459
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
Sixx^^<^^- From J^x^^^, "to surround." Heb. "^j-jp.
This passage, perhaps a gloss, contains a difficult and important
statement, the explanation of which is, I think, as follows : — The
kasbii (As. asli) = 60° (vide Froceedings, May, 1893, p. 340), and
" sixty was the unexpressed denominator of a fraction.* Hence, the
meaning of the passage appears to be that |§ (=|) of 60°, = 40"^ =
"the circuit of the sun." This "circuit of the sun" can hardly
refer to anything other than the sum of the degrees of its greatest
declination from the celestial equator during its annual revolution,
i.e., 23-^° N. and S. at the Tropics of Cancer and Capricorn respec-
tively, =47°, not 40°, as estimated by the scribe. And this view is
strengthened by the latter part of the line, which doubtless read, —
" 6o° = the circuit of the moon." That is, |{j=i {/iasi??i) = 60°. Now
the actual sum of the moon's greatest declinations is (23^° + 5°) +
(23f + 5°)i=57°, which is very near the round number of 60° given
by the scribe. He evidently gives 20° as a round number for the
solar tropic, and 30° as a round number for the lunar tropic, instead
of 23-|° and 28-^° respectively. From these statements it follows,
also, that the scribe was perfectly well acquainted with the obliquity
of the ecliptic ; an astronomical fact the discovery of which, on the
Greek side, has been attributed to Pythagoras,! or to his follower
Oinopides of Chios, cir. B.C. 480. Such statements by classical
writers mean no more than that such and such a Greek was the
introducer, not the inventor or discoverer, of this or that item of
astronomical knowledge. Thus, according to Eudoxos of Rhodes,:}:
Oinopides " first discovered the cincture of the Zodiac " (evije
7rpu)To<i r))v TOO ^wctuKov cid^offiv) ; in which, according to Pliny, §
* Sayce, Herodotos, 403.
t " Pythagoras was a Samian ; according to Arisfoxenos, in his life of
Pythagoras, he was a Tyrrhenian ; and, according to Neanthes, a Syrian or a
Tyrian. So that Pythagoras was, according to most authorities, of barbarian
extraction." (Clem. Alex., Stroinata I, xiv, 62). "He had intercourse with the
chief men both of the Chaldaeans and of the Magi." (Ibid., xv, 66.) "Alexander
[Polyhistor] in his book On the Pythagorean Symbols, relates that Pythagoras
was a pupil of Nazaratos the Assyrian." (/Zi/if., 70-) "The name of his teacher is
correct enough. This is also the case with the Chaldeans, Kidenas, Naburianus,
and Sudinas, who, according to Strabo (XVI, i, 6), were held by the Greeks to
have been eminent in science." (Sayce, in 7'ransactiotis, iii, 149.)
X Astrologike Ilistoria ^ap. Theun, Smyrn., xl).
P //• Nat., ii, 6.
460
\
June 6]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1893-
Kleostratos, who "lived sometime between B.C. 548 and 432,"
placed the Signs, "et prima Arietis ac Sagittarii." The under-
lying historical fact is simply that archaic Euphratean lore pene-
trating across Asia Minor, /ell into fruitful soil in meeting with the
quick intelligence of sages, partly or wholly Greek, connected with
the eastern seaboard of the Aegaean, and some of whom had also
doubtless travelled in the East.
J^ '-]]'^. Mr. Pinches suggests that perhaps the reading of this
word may he gir-raf, "meaning 'progress,' 'advance,' from gardru,
'to advance.'" Such a rendering would be in accordance with the
explanation above given ; and would refer to the extreme N. and S.
" progress " or " advance " of sun and moon.
19. T^^^>f T™
-+5^1?
>^
-i;^ F-
V ^T
Kakkabi
sam - e
ul
ibassu ;
matu-va
The-stars
of-heaven
not
are ;
the-land also
-t] r? • • ■
la - a ...
not . . .
Sa D.P. Lu-bat-gut-tav e - ma
ar^i
•7^ <I-
ul innamar,
Jupiter ai'ound for-a-month not is-seen,
When
A', ^r 5.-; ...
e - ma ar^i . . .
{theft) a7-oiind for-a-f>ionth . . .
2x. ...™ y ^>f ij^^r Jr:^^T >^ iin . . .
Kakkabi] ana D.P. samsi-atsi iz - mu - ru . . .
Tlu-stars^ at sunrise rise . . .
I.e., the heliacal rising of stars. Cf. W.A.I. Ill, liii, No. 1, 1. 36,
where a similar observation is recorded.
II.
Mr. Pinches has kindly supplied me with a copy of a small
fragment of a tablet, British Museum 33-1-18, 205, which reads : —
YY/
YY^
Kakkab Enzu mes-^a
The-star the-Goat a-measure
Proceedings^ May, 1893, p. 317).
* <6i
im - sa^
measured (
Vide
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1893
1 gather from the copy that the Inscription is partly biUngual, the
reading Kakkah Enzu being given as >^ K^I^ *^III^ YT' ^- ^'U-UL
u-ZA, "the star Uz," /.(?., Algcdi (« Capricorni. Vide Proceedings^
May, 1S93, p. 34 0-
2. ->f F- T ^.^ -HTT-^ . • •
Hani ana mati ippasaru . . .
T/ie-gods to the-land are-rez'ealed . . .
3. T V ^^3:T-.-
Ana mati remu . . .
To the-land grace . . .
"^y is explained as '-]]<] f^Ty >-^ ri-e-mu.
This fragment supplies an excellent opportunity of illustrating
the origin and original meaning of a stellar figure. Why should the
gods be specially revealed when the star Enzu rises ? In W.A.I.
II, xlviii, 34, the archaic Babylonian form, which later appears as
A^ ^^y<, and is to be read UZ,* is explained as >^SS\*^ *"t^T ^IsJ '
u-TU-Ki, " Sun-of-the-Earth," and is stated to be equivalent to
D.P. -^y, Sainsu, "the Sun." That is to say, the Goat (-sun) =
" the-Sun-of-the-Earth," i.e., the Morning-sun, coming up from the
Underworld, or from the sea.f Now the solar goat-god Uz "is
depicted as sitting on a throne, watching the revolution of the solar
disk, which is placed upon a table and slowly turned by means of a
rope," and he " is clad in a rope of goats' skins, the sacred dress of
the Babylonian priests,! whilst "Sin, Samas, and Istar" are "set as
companions " in his sight. That is to say, it is the solar goat-god
Uz who presides over " the revolution of the solar disk," which
process brings into sight the moon, the sun itself, and the morning-
and-evening star. Hence, to the star Enzu, which, moreover, is
"the top of the head of the constellation of the Goat-Jis/i,"% is
attributed by reduplication the power originally possessed by the
Goat-sun, i.e., that of (physically) revealing the gods; but to the
* Vide Sayce, Kel. Ancient Ba/>s., 284, n. 3.
t Hence the figure of the Sea-goat (vide Proceedings, Januar}', 1890, p. 145 ;
April, 1892, p. 301).
J Sayce, AW. Ancient Babs., 285 ; vide the Illustration in W.A.I., V, Ix.
§ W.A.I., III, Ivii, No. 7, Sec. IV, 1. 8. The solar Enzu thus exactly
corresponds to Kephalos, " the Head " (of the sun), in Greek mythology.
462
\
June 6] TROCEEDINGS. [1893.
mind of the writer of the Tablet the simple physical fact originally
referred to, has been lost in an ordinary spiritual application.
III.
The ' Cyi7osure.^ The name ¥.vv6aovpn as applied to the Lesser
Bear by Aratos has never yet been satisfactorily explained. When
writing on Euphratean names of the Greater Bear* I quoted the
testimony of Achilleus Tatios, t which is in perfect harmony with
the monuments, that these two Bears were not Euphratean constel-
lation-figures. If Kynosoura, as is commonly supposed, means
^Dog's-tail,' then it is incomprehensible why all the 7 (principal)
stars of the constellation, and not merely the 3 tail-stars, should be
so called. ^Dog's-tail, like ' Cock's-foot,'% might be the popular name
of a constellation, but in this case there is no resemblance in form ;
and popular names, being the result of simple occular observation,
are always based on a resemblance which is fairly obvious. So far,
then, we should be led to conclude that Kynosoura does not mean
'■Dog's-tail,' which interpretation would seem to be a mere popular
etymology. And such is the fact ; for Sir G. W. Cox, speaking of
XvKoaovpa, " which the Arkadians insisted was the most ancient of
all cities, and the first which Helios had ever beheld," observes,
" The Kynosoura has the same meaning, the association of the word
with a dog being the result purely of a false etymology." § Hence,
in my version of Aratos, I have rendered Kynosoura by "Trail-of-
light." But, whilst I fully agree with Burnouf and Sir G. W. Cox
respecting the meaning of the Greek word Kwoaoffxt, I am not
satisfied that such was the signification of the name given to the
Lesser Bear, or that the name preserved by Aratos is Hellenic in.
origin; inasmuch as such names as " Trail-of-light " or " Tail-of
light " have no special suitability, and, indeed, are, on the whole
distinctly unsuitable to the constellation. And I would suggest that
the constellation-name Kynosoura, like many other names once
supposed to be purely Hellenic, is non-Hellenic, and possibly
Euphratean in origin. In ]V.AJ., Ill, liii. No. i, Ob. 1. 12, we
* Froceedin(;s, March, 1S87, p. 127 et seq.
+ Eisagdge, xxxix.
X Vide Proceedmgs, May, 1893, p. 329 n. 4.
§ Introduction to Mythology and Folklore, p. 40. lie quotes Emile Burnouf,
La Lt'gende Athenienne, p. ill, where the matter is fully investigated.
463
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893,
meet with the kakkah ^--^ j^fff *^ ^^ff, which Prof. Sayce
transHterates An-ta-sur-ra, and renders " the star of the Upper
Sphere." I would transhterate the name as An-?ias-sur-ra, and
render it as it hterally means, " High-in-rising," i.e., in heavenly
position, a description peculiarly appropriate to the Lesser Bear,
whilst I think we may fairly compare the two names :
. , , AN -NAS-SUR- RA
'■{
_ ANN-ASS- U -RRA
Gk. K-vv- 6a - ov - pa
The prefixing of a consonant not in the original, is by no means
unknown in Greek transcriptions. Thus, we read in Hesychios A/«A.
(i.e., the Semitic Vdei). t?)i/ "eXa(/)ov. XaXcaloi.* A non-Hellenic
name rendered as Unosoura, might easily become Xufiosoura under
the influence of a popular etymology, aided by the appearance of
the tail-stars of the constellation. And in exact accordance with
the foregoing view is the following somewhat curious passage in the
Fhainomena, 308-9 : —
Ti^l/iio'i k-nl Ke<pa\7j Kvuo(Tovpi7o9 ciKpoOi i'0Kr69
vyjri fiaXa Tpo-xaei,
" Then, too, the head of Kynosure runs very high,
When night begins."
IV.
All who are interested in Assyriology will be glad to hear that
Professor Hommel has commenced a series of articles in The
Babylonian and Oriental Record., on " Babylonian Astronomy."
These Papers are to contain an abstract of his work, Die Astro-
nomie der alien Glial dder, and the first is devoted to "the Planets."
Although it may seem somewhat strange, there is still considerable
difference of opinion amongst Assyriologists respecting the trans-
literation, identification, and significance of various planetary names
found in the Inscriptions ; a few remarks, therefore, on the subject
may not be inopportune.!
* So, again, Antipatros of Tarsos calls 'Ati F-tTtc.
t Vide R. Brown, Jr., Remarks on some Euphratean Astronomical Names in
the Lexikon of Hesychios (in the Babylonian and Oriental Record, July- August,
1887).
464
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
I. The Lexikon of Hesychios, cir. a.d. 370, supplies us with the
following forms of Euphratean words more or less connected with
astronomy and kindred matters : —
"Kca-'wh BafBvXici't'wi' y"Hp(i. 'Ati (in Atar-atah, Atar-'ati, = Atar-
TciTi^. Antipatros of Tarsos, ap. Athenaios, viii, 8), "AOa^- 0c6v
(Philon Byb. ap. Stephanos Byzant. m voc. AaociK-eta). In Phrygia
the goddess was called A^e ; Ilion was founded errl Tor \e~i6^iei'ov
T//9 ^ijv-/ia9 ''Artjs \6(pou (Apollod., Ill, xii, 3), and hence called
''At?/? \6(po^' oV7io<s TO 'Wtov eKuXeiTO 7rf)W7ov (Hesych. Ifl VOC). ThlS
goddess, and not the Greek Athene, was the ttojvi 'AOi^vmtj,
poalinoXi {II., vi, 305), whose temple at Troy was accordingly tV 7r6\t-
aicp)) {Ibid., 297). This great goddess of Western Asia, who was
regarded as the analogue of Hera, had at Ephesos a priestess called
in Greek Koafo'jTpta (= Koafii'petpa, 'Orderer'); whilst it appears
that a non-Hellenic name for her was '2apax>]p(o (vide ifif. in voc. ;
and, as this name is given by Berosos, it is evidently Euphratean.
We may therefore conclude that '^a/jax'jpto = Koo-yu/yT/^/n, and is
connected with the Heb. "^IX* " to arrange in order." 'Edpmxo^
appears as a Babylonian name in lamblichos (vide Chwolsohn, Die
Ssabier und der Ssabisimis, 1856, ii, 281).
'ABaei' firjv irapa 'X.aXtuioi's. Sem. Adiir.
'A'iSr]<}, 'Atcw^' 'rj ffeXi'jvrj, irapa XaXcaiots. Ak. /du, Itu. On this
very interesting moon-name and its connexions, vide Lenormant,
Etude sur qnelqiies parties des Syllabaires Cnneiformes, 282 ;
R. Brown, Jr., The Myth of Kirke, p. 33 ; Ibid., in Academy,
March, 10, 1888, pp. 173-4.
BeXe'/SaTos* o rod vvpo'i uari'jp. B(i/3uXici'tot. Ak. * Bilbat (" Fire-of-
death "). I have not yet met with the originals of BcAt'/^fiTo? and
MoXo(36l3ap in the Inscriptions. The " Fire-of-death," or the
" Ancient-fire," would be a very suitable rendering for the former
term ; and it is unwise to try and force these classical forms to fit
in with widely-different names found in the text. With * Bilbat and
Diibat compare Xadis and Madis {Proceedings, May, 1893, j). 339).
B/}X^>/'?" ») "'H/Jrt. ?)' 'A0/)of/T//, Sem. Bilat, Gk. BanXTA- B^XOk.
BalthH was the Aphrodite of the men of Harran (vide Chwolsohn,
Die Ssahier, ii, 22).
B/yAo9* ovpnvov. k(U Zers, JlorTcicivi>of f/o?. Sem. Bllu, LXX B/}\.
A confused and incorrect account, in which Bel of Nipur, the Ak.
Mul-lilla, is confounded with the late Babylonian Bel Merodax, the
465
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
son of Ea ("Water-house"), who is here rightly equated with
Poseidon, lord of the deep.
Ae\(£(pcn' o tJ/s 'A0yoo?/T//? ci(TT)'jp, vTTO ^ciXcai'ui'. Ak. Dllbat.
Ko/n/3rj' Koi'pi'jTwv /n'jTijp. Cf. the Storm-god Khumbaha^ Gk.
Ko/ii/3fi/3o^ (Pt'ri tes Surics Theoii, xix), whose name, according to
Mr. Boscawen {Modern Thought, Sept., 1882, p. 327), means " Maker-
of-darkness " ; probably originally identical with the Elamite divinity
Khmnba {:=K6/.(,/3)j), or Khumbu-7ne.
M^tfCaXoeaffci^' apiO/iia. Kai -ra Trepi ovpuvia avvTa^i's. ^ajivXwvioi.
This term is evidently compounded of words connected with the
Heb. 7?iidiioh, 'measure,' and osar, "to bind,"m6'r, 'bond/ As. Jtsuru,
' bound.'
MoXo^6/3ap' o 70U A109 atnijp, irapa yiaXraiot?. Ak. * Alulbabar
(" Star-of-sunrise "). Cf. W.A.I. Ill, Hi, No. i, 1. i : Kakkab izarix-
va tsi-ri-ir-su kinia iirru na-ffiir, " The-star {Jupiter') rises, and its-
rising like the-day is bright." (Vide also Proceedings, May, 1893,
P- 337-)
'Po/ms* o vylri(rro9 9e'o?. As. Bamami, Syrian Raman, LXX
'Eci\aju/3w' y 'AcppociTrj irapu BajSuXivi't'ot^. The Etymologikon Mega
gives ^a\dfifia9 . . . y cai/^iwi'. Even Sanskrit has been invoked to
assist in the explanation of this name (Vide Movers, Die Phonizier,
i. 545), which I take to represent the As. tsalanni {tsa-lam-mu) ,
'image,' 'symbol,' itself the daughter of the Ak. alavi, "which
probably has the same root as alad, 'a colossus,' alal or ala, 'a
demon ' [vide the explanation of the Etymol. Mega], a/a/a, 'the Sun-
god,' and a/im, 'a steer,' literally 'the strong animal.' The word also
seems to have been read 'Sn/im " (Sayce, Pel. Ancient Babs., p. 196,
n. 2). " Alad is ' the spirit,' from a/a, with the suffix d (a)." (Ibid.,
p. 290, n. ). Allam ( = Alain) is a title of Nergal {Ibid., p. 196), and
ala, alad, alam, 'spirit' (cai'ftwi'), would be a name applicable to
any divinity, and one which apparently became specially connected
with some of the gods, such as the Sun -god, Nergal, and Istar
( = Aphrodite).
^(ipaxt)pw TTitpa B)jpw(ru; y Koufu'jrpca T/y? "H/jas. Vide SUp, in
vac. "Aca.
'S.apo'}' dpiOiud'} Tf>^ TTapd Ba/iuXtvi'ioi^. Bab. sar.
"Eavy' o Koajtwi Ba/3vXwvio'i. Bab. sawe, same, "the heavens."
^aws' "//X(09. Ba(3v\winot. Bab. sawas, samas.
2exe's. 10U 'Epfiou daTi'ip. BaftuXwvioi. Ak. Sahnsa {Mercury).
466
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Vide Sayce, in Transactions, iii, 168. Sak- y^^^ | -sa = 2fx-e'«'. Jensen
{Kosmologie, p. 124) understands Sexes as ^ ^^. sa-gas, but I
do not gather from the passages in the W.A.I, which he refers to,
that this was a planetary, or even a stellar, name. As to the star
^ J^<^^ Sar-gas {9 Sco7-pionis),\\(lc. Proceedings, February, 1890^
p. 201 ; May, 1893, p. 322.
^louv' oinw KfiXouai ^(iXcaioi roi' l\ui>rjftou /^i7jvci. Sem. SlVan.
The terms ' Babylonians ' and ' Chaldaeans ' appear to be used
indifferently. There are also certain words in the Lexikon which,
although not expressly attributed to the Euphrates Valley, are
probably or possibly connected with it, e.g. : — -
'A'^/dvva' ufia^a . . . Kal ?y eu ovpavic ufiKTOi- (vide R. Brown Jr., in
Proceedings, May, 1887, p. 127 et set/.).
Kvvoaovpa' . . . y uiKpa tifJKro^ (Vide S7{p. p. 456).
SoTtWa* 7r[>;]\6/«s to ua-rpov. Satilla is thus said to be a name
for the constellation (darpoi') of the Pleiades (' Clusterers.' Vide
R. Brown, Jr., The Heavenly Display, p. 9). I have quoted the remark
of Delitzsch, that the Heb. Kimah (=the Pleiades)=:^i\ie As. Kimtii,
' family,' from the stem kaniu, " to tie " (vide Proceedings, February,
1890, p. 185). Satilla = {\n Ak.) "the bond of life," and therefore
Kimah ("the Bound-ones,"= family) would be a rendering of the
Akkadian name of this closely united and very important little stellar
group of season-makers.
'Qptwv' ua-rpov ovtu) KaXov^ieuou (vide Proceedings, May, 1893,
P- 323)-
2. During the Arsakidan period the astronomical (technical)
names of the live planets, according to Epping and Strassmaier,*
were : —
i:]^ -^y, Gut~tu,-=. Mei'cury.
*—>-<, Dilbat C = A6\6'0aT), = Ve7ius.
»->>|-, Anil, =^ Mars.
"^f ^f, Te-ut,— Jupiter.
^C^.y , Mullalu, =: Saturn.
According to Prof. Hommel we should read : — Gud-hir {Mercury),
An {Mars), Mul-bir {Jupiter), and Gin {Saturn), t^y, ginna, being,
I presume, a variant of ^^y. Mul-bir, he thinks,= ^\o\o^6^ap,
* Astronomisches aus Babylov.
467
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIIzEOLOGY, [1893.
As the solar Merodax was known in archaic Akkadian astronomy as
Gudibir (A^ myyt)' " the-Bull-of-light," and as bir, pir, is a phonetic
value of -^y, we need not doubt that "Jupiter, the nearest of the
planets to the ecliptic, was known as Lubat-gudibir, ' the wether of
the BuU-of-light.'"* And, further, according to Prof. Hommel,
there was in course of time an exchange of names between Jupiter
and Mercury, and between 3Iars and Saturn ; so that Gnd-bir
{Gudibir), once an appellation of Jupiter, became transferred to
Mercury.
As regards the name "^f ^f, it does not appear why we
should transhterate it either as Te-ut or as Mul-bir. ■^y = Ak. te,\
gal, and dix (of Assyrian origin), and we might perhaps read Te-bir
(" Foundation-of-light ") ; 4<^y \-=.mtdla, but that is not the reading
of the Tablets Sp. 128-9. Nor can we fairly say that bir = p6pat>.
Now, babar. As. tsif-saf/isi, etc., is an actual variant of -^y ; such a
form as ^^^ "^y, ^Mul-babar, would = MoXo/3o/3a/j.
3. Prof. Honnnel gives the earlier names of the five planets as : —
{!,-]]]] ^ ^] ^y, nun-[^^^';f]-ud-du, = Mercury.
>—>-<, Dil-bat,— Venus.
[^yy ^y>-, Lu-lim, = Mars.
S^y^ -^y, Gud-bir,^=- Jupiter.
Js: >— < y![ *^, Zal-bad-a-m{,-='S)3Lturn.
He appears to refer to the list in W.A.I., II, xlviii, Ob., lines
48-54 ; see also Ibid., Ill, Ixii, No. 6, lines 65-7, translated by me
in the Proceedings, March, 1891, pps. 247-8 ; and he observes,
" Quite false is the explanation of Jensen : | Jupiter, Venus,
Saturn, Mars, Mercury ; especially the equations ^y-^ ^y = Mars,
and Zal-bad-A-nu = Mercury." Jensen, however, is admittedly
correct in the case of Vetius ; and, as I believe, also in that of
Satur?i.
As to the forms: ^{CIytty is perhaps better read dun ('hero')
than sul, which latter, however, is the reading of Oppert and Sayce.
Jensen, whilst admitting that sul may be read, prefers to read umun.
* Sayce, Rel. Ancient Babs., p. 291.
t Vide Proceedings, March, 1 89 1, p. 250.
X Kosntologie,\i\)S. 100-141.
468
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
J^ may also be read zal, and >-<, bad (vide Proceedings, April,
1892, p. 284). But why should we prefer the less usual reading
zal, to the more usual reading nil which latter rendering, moreover,
has the great authority of both Prof. Sayce and Mr. Pinches, who
read the name Ni-bat-a-mi, a form I have always employed.
Apparently we are to read Zal-bad in order to bring the name into
harmony with BeXejBaro'i, which is itself to be corrected into
' Ze/ebafos.' Of course a Greek form Ze\-£-(iaT-o9 would supply an
excellent foundation for the reading Zalbad. But, unfortunately,
there is no such Greek form known to us, the proposed correction
being purely arbitrary.
Lu-lim, in this list, is explained as ^ff^ J^f , Sak-us, a name
which Prof. Hommel does not mention in his enumeration, merely
giving the As. Kdiwdnu, Heb. Kiyyiin {Chitifi, Amos, v. 26),
Arabic Keyvan, which, as he admits, was at one time a name of
Saturn. But Saktis signifies " top-of-the-head," 'eldest,' terms
perfectly suitable to Saturn *, but certainly inapplicable to Mars.
In each of the above lists of the seven pi? nets the two first are
Aku (Sin) and l/tu (San/as), Sun and Moon ; and Prof. Hommel's
theory with respect to Sakus and Zalbad (JVibad) is based apparently
on the following consideration : — " If the moon precedes the sun
[in the lists, — which it does], and Nos. 3 and 4 are Mercury and
Venus, and No. 6 Jupiter, we have here [if Sakus =. Mars and
Zalbad = Saturn] the old order of the planets according to their
distance from the earth." But this is just what we have not, even on
the above suppositions ; for, in this case, as Prof. Hommel himself
notes, the order ought to be that observed in the Temple of the
Seven Spheres (Planets) at Borsippa, whose seven stages from the
basis were respectively — Black for Saturn, Orange for Jupiter, Red
for Mars, Golden for the Sun, pale Yellow for Venus, Blue iox Mercurv,
and Silver for the Moon, t Now " the Babylonians . . . had a week
of seven days called after the seven planets," \ "the days of the
week being dedicated to the moon, sun, and five planets" ;§ not an
order "according to their distance from the earth," but in
accordance with the representations on the Boundary-stones, where
* Vide Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 248.
t Vide Canon Rawlinson, Ancient Monarc/iies, ii, 546-7.
\ Sayce, Herodotos, p. 62.
§ Ibid., p. 402.
469
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCILEOLOGY. [1893.
the Moon and Sun are placed together in the centre in a position of
dignity and priority, not with reference to thtir locaHzation in space.
I see no reason, therefore, to differ from the dictum of Prof. Sayce,
"The order in which the planets is arranged is always the same:
the Moon, the Sun, INIercury, Venus, Saturn, Jupiter, and Mars ;" *
and we may regard the Akkadian planetary names as Aku,
Utii, \ '\i' \-pa-iid-du, Dilbat, Sakiis, Gut- 1 ^''ll' \ and Nibatatm.^
* Transactions, m, 167. Cf. Platon, Timaios, ap. Jowett, Dialogues of Plato,
iii, 620 : " There were 7 orbits, as the stars were 7 ; first, there was the moon
which is the planet nearest the earth, and then the sun next nearest beyond the
earth."
t Apropos of the name Nn-uiia ("the Star which-is-not ") as applied to
Nibatanu {Mars), it is interesting to find that amongst the Sabaeans, Mars was
considered to be " the god of the Blind." (Thos. Stanley, Hist, of the Chaldaick
Philosophy, 1662, p. 87. He gives an interesting description of the Sabaean cult
"from a MS. of Mahumed ben Isaac, cited by Ilottinger." Cf. Chwulsohn,
Die Ssabier, ii, 24, etc.).
470
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
NOTES DE PHILOLOGIE EGYPTIENNE,
Par Karl Piehl.
{Suite.)*
88. Le groupe [| ^ _^ et la racine \, 2=33 8g. Doublets d'un
meme mot, avec et sans <z:> medial ou final ; go. L'equivalent du
copte CKert latus ; 91. Passage du chapitre XV du Livre des
Marts ; 92. Quelques remarques sur la lecture du signe x£ik,
a propos dune critique recente ; 93. Le nom egyptien de la Lionne ;
94. Passage du Papyrus Abbot.
88. Dans un article,! paru il y a longtemps, j'ai attire I'attention
des collegues sur la combinaison de signes |) :|: ^ que j'ai trans-
crite men-S7i ([|=[|) et regardee comme une expression verbale.
J'avais a cette epoque ignore que Brugsch,| bien avant moi, fut
arrive exactement au memo resultat.
Vers les derniers temps, j'ai eu de quoi changer d'avis concernant
cette matiere. D'ailleurs, la lecture \^=7)ien etait bien hazard e, car
de ce que \ equivaut a jnen, il ne s'en suit nullement que cette
meme lecture doive etre conferee au signe \ qui — il est vrai — res-
semble beaucoup a | , sans etre toutefois le meme signe que ce
dernier.
Ce qui, d'ailleurs, me porte maintenant a examiner la lecture du
groupe I) :|: _g> , c'est un point d'un memoire qui vient de paraitre,
memoire dont I'auteur est M. Erman.§ Celui-ci, qui ne parait
avoir connu ni mon article, ni celui de M. Brugsch, considere
H de () ^ _p comme un prefixe, dont la lecture serait ta. M. Erman
ne cite que quelques exemples du groupe (1 ]: _p.
* Voir Proceedings, XV, page 26S.
t Zeitschrifi, 1 883, page 135.
X Zeitschrift, 1876, page 100. Brugsch diffcre de moi en ce qu'il a lu notre
groupe jj i Y^, forme qui rend plus vraisemblable une transcription men sit.
§ Zeitschrifi, XXX, page 81.
471 2 K
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
Comme mes annotations fournissent un tres grand nombre
d'exemples du groupe en question, et qu'il est tres utile d'en avoir
en quantite pour bien juger de la question, je me permets de les
donner ici : —
k^TWA^k^Pm-k!fil
I
I
# yy " Le favori du bon dieu, compagnon du roi des la pre-
miere enfance, ou il fut favori, celui qui des la jeunesse,
celui qui a ete place a la tete des amis du roi, comme chef de ses
compagnons."*
mniMzmk
" Le sunerieur des compagnons de sa Saintete, celui qui d^s
sa jeunesse Paser, juste de voix."t
c. 1 ftA/wvv 1 ci jl 1 ^ ^^. ^ " Celui qui a agrandi aupres
du roi, celui qui des I'enfance."!
I'enfance, qui a saisi "§
dans I'adversite, seigneur de sagesse."||
le champ de bataille, compagnon du Pharaon."1I
se traduit a peu pres comme celle qui precede.
* PlEHL, Inscriptions Hieroglyphiques. Premiere Serie, PI. CXIII, lignes 6, 7.
t PiEHi., loc. cit., PI. CXVI, lignes 4-5. Cfr. aussi Lefebure, dans les
Proceedings, XIII, page 467.
X Voirmon article des Proceedings, X, page 531.
§ PiEHL, dans la Zeitschrift, 1885, page 61.
II De Rouge, Inscriptions Hieroglyphiques, XXIV, 7.
If Sharpe, Egyptian Inscriptions, I, 93.
** Texte historiqne A'Amenefnheb de Scheikh-ahd-el-Courna, ligne 2. Voir
PiEHL, dans la Zcitschrift, 1885, page 61.
472
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893,
"■l^.\\\--p,
(Pharaon) " qui reunit les deux terres, celui qui .... dans ' le nid
celui dont la vaillance protege I'^^gypte." *
/wwv\
© I "Seigneur de largesses, qui arrange la succession des deux
terres, celui qui dans Nou, au milieu du ciel d'en haut et du
ciel d'en bas."t
<zr> £=> I / '\^ n "Tu as etabli mon heritier, de sorte
qu'il s'assoit sur mon trone, lui, le seigneur des deux terres,
Ramses II, qui devant lui (moi?), en qualite de mon fils
cheri."!
/. 1 d| Q ^ P ^^1 1 f-^P " L^ "°^'^' ^'g"^ ^e respect,
qui sur la terre,"§ expression qui se compare tres a-propos
avei celle-ci, empruntee a un monument d'Abydos : —
Ce dernier exemple, ainsi que le suivant : —
^;. ^^ »=^ "O" I 1 ^ 2 tk ^ :;^ u Prince heritier,
coeur du Pharaon, celui qui en qualite d'unique,"1I montrent
clairement que le signe |j de (| ^ ^ est la lettre \. Sous ce rapport,
nous pouvons done corroborer et meme changer en verite complete
la supposition de M. Erman, selon laquelle le J de J ]. _g> aurait la
meme valeur phonetique que le || de f) ^ ^ |^ r^^^ ^ et d'autres
expressions, tirees du tombeau de Her chuf.
* Champollion, Notices, II, 102.
t Lepsius, Denkmdkr, III, 150a, ligne 2 (epoque de Ramses II). Cfr. Le-
FKHURE, dans les Proceedings, XII, page 441, note 5.
X Lepsius, Denkmciler, III, 150a, ligne 5.
§ De Rouge, Inscriptions Hieroglyphiqnes, XXIV, ligne 5.
II Mariette, Abydos, II, 56e.
IT Extrait de texte, emprunte a un tombeau de Scheikh-abd-el-Gourna.
473 2 K 2
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOaV. [1893.
Quant au sens du groupe qui nous occupe, celui de " Genosse "
caviarade^ propose par notre collegue de Berlin, pourrait peut-etre
s'entendre pour les trois ou quatre exemples qu'il a allegues, mais si
Ton veut appliquer ce meme sens i la serie de preuves que nous
venons d'enumerer, on va se heurter, en plusieurs occasions, a des
difficultes insurmontables. Cfr. notablement les exemples /, k, /, w,
d'en haut ; et de meme un exemple que nous donnons dans la
suite.
En cherchant une valeur substantive pour le mot [|:^_^, on serait
possiblement autorise a etablir une comparaison avec le groupe
|1 vs,„^,._,i-j qui est connu par un monument* de la meme epoque —
le Nouvel Empire — de laquelle datent tous les passages f ou se voit
le mot qui est notre sujet d'etude. Ce groupe \W ^-=^=^ accom-
pagne comme etiquette des objets qui ressemblent a I'hieroglyphe |j
et qui representent evidemment des bato>is, des appuis. Ces objets
sont fails en ebene, avec le manche en or et la virole en argent, par
consequent ce sont, dans ce cas, des objets de luxe, ce qui n'exclue
point qu'on ait pu avoir des \W ^i^-^^ de fabrication moins
couteuse.
Le mot 1 1 % ^=-r^ se rapproche tres a-propos du mot frequent
^-^ ] I " appui, soutien," et il est a presumer que I'egyptien a
saiti, au moins d'une maniere inconsciente, ce sens quand il s'est
servi du groupe 1 1 ^ » comme dans la serie d'exemples, precedem-
ment donnee.
Toutefois, la Constance avec laquelle partout on emploie le signe
syllabique ^, me porte a regarder |) :|: _p, s=* \ _^ comme una
formation analogue a TX Q ' "^M ^ "negre," ^^v [Tj 1 y
" sceptre," etc. § II faut done peut-etre admettre I'existence d'un
* Lepsius, Denkindler, III, 64. Tombeau qui occupe un point de I'Occident
Thebain.
t Excepte un seul, celui-la tire de VOstracon Sinoiihc. Mais comme je n'ai
pas ete a meme d'etudier cet ostracon — car je n'en possede pas de photographic,
et c'est seulement par la remarque de M. Erman que j'ai su qu'il renferme le
groupe D 4 V — je ne sais pas s'il date reellement du Moyen Empire ; il se
pourrait qu'il fut une copie plus moderne, dont la forme aussi aurait ete
modernisee.
X PiEHL, Inscriptions HieroglypJiiqiies. Premiere Serie, PI. I, ligne 6.
§ Voir mon article dans les Proceedings, XI, pages 139-142.
474
TtJNE 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
radical egyptien J, s=>^ qui serait a S^p* un peu ce que, par
exemple, 1 w 1 est a i-^, ou Q est a J] — ces radicaux a une con-
sonne et une voyelle (la derniere souvent sous-entendjie) paraissent
de bonne heure avoir eu la tendance de disparaitre de la langue
egyptienne, ce qui explique leur rarete relative dans la litterature de
cette langue.
" Se montrer sous un jour favorable, se manifester brillamment "
— voila des sens qui semblent convenir aux passages ou se rencontre
le pretendu radical J, s=, du groupe J ^ _^, s=j ^ ^.
On serait peut-etre dispose a rapprocher le radical nouveau
H , t=i du verbe commun ^ a-" , et alors on pourrait citer a I'appui
les deux formes dialectales \ lyr^l l\ et ^ a V^ 'tf ^ que nous
offre le Papyrus Harris No. i * pour un meme mot. A ce sujet, il
faudrait relever nombre de passages ou le verbe ^ ^ " s'emploie
exactement, comme par exemple, \{^\ _p) du passage de texte
marque par la lettre // ainsi que le passage de texte que voici :
oil I) _p semble etre en parallelisme avec ^^, dont le sens origi-
naire parait etre, ^^up, rise, spring up, start tip." (Voir Le Page
Renouf dans les Proceedings, VIII, page 115. II est visible que le
H .a ^ que nous rencontrons si souvent dans les textes de
Thotmes III a la place de % '^ — tous les deux en qualite d'auxi-
liaires de la premiere personne du singulier — doit etre compte a la
meme categoric de mots. II est done possible que ^ "^ et | ^ *;^
representent deux mots, compl^tement distincts, qui ont et^ rap-
proches, I'un de I'autre, par suite d'effets de I'etymologie populaire.)
La stele de Tombos, que j'ai traitee dans ma thfese de doctorat,t
renferme deux passages — M. Erman n'en cite qu'un — ou se voit un
groupe \ [] qui merite peut-etre de la place dans notre discussion.
Les voici : —
Zl'^tc. (1. 3).
\\%
NA/\AAA
* PlEHL, Diakctes Egypt tens, retroitvcs au Papyrus Harris No. I, page 13.
t Petites Etudes Egyptologiques, pages I -28.
475
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
Dans ma dissertation, j'avais regarde H 4 de ces exeniples comme
sufifixe, tandis que M. Erman a prefere y voir un prefixe* quant
au premier exemple — car il ne dit rien au sujet du second. En
admettant comme valable pour (| 1] de ces exemples le sens que nous
venons de proposer pour (j de (| | _p , on obtient une traduction
tres intelligible. D'^in cote: " Sa Majeste s'est brillamment mani-
festee et s'est emparee de son heritage."! De V autre cote: "Sa
* Que je n'avais pas ete trop hardi, en assignant a la combinaison de son
Il 1] de la stele de Tombos le role de suffixe, cela est prouve par d'autres textes
egyptiens ou Ton s'est plu a accumuler des suffixes d'ordre divers. A ce sujet, je
citerai une petite inscription que vient de publier M. Georges Daressy (Recneil
g_-3 r. ^w.^ <^ ^ -FV >.s)^Vv- ^=i -r^s:_ ^=3 ^ Q ^AAAAA
Ci 11 I III I I /' ii^"/'//^- /WAAAA <^ > yWNAft/N 111 1 ^^
^^ 111 ^ W ^^ 5 S '^ I ^ 111 T ^ /A ^ D ■
Nous renconlrons ici un nombre de preuves indiquant que I'ecrivain de ce texte
n'a pas ete inspire par un gout bien litteraire ; nous voyons, au contraire, que son
style accuse des tendances bien rustiques, mais — d'autant plus sympatiques aux
veux du linguiste. IX) ^^\ /wwvv 1 "passants" est une forme
^ I 0 ( _M> o 111 III
"^^'^ '^^ P f] '^ ^ ^' P f] ^ M p TiT- ^•'^"^
^ m ' ■^fc^-i ' '" suffixe [qu'on appelle a tort
<: :> AAAAAA III III I ^S^ f.AJ^/y/^ 111 v»
"Nisbe"] a ete mis apres le suffixe pronominal et de cette maniere, le
susdit se trouve employe deux fois dans chacun de ces exemples — ce qu'il y a
d'enigmatique dans mes paroles sera clair, quand je trouverai I'occasion de parler
plus longuement de "Nisbe" — comme aussi visibleinent dans les mots finals :
c^^ /vwAA . Le plconasme est une figure syntactique for aimee chez les
^ ([ ^ 111
individus incultes, comme chez les classes de bas etage.
+ A un moment, j'ai voulu corriger les deux | (j en 1] P , correction d'autant
plus raisonnable que I'edition de Lei'SIUS, dans ce cas, est criblee d'errcur.
J'avoue que la dite correction me sourit encore.
476
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1S93.
Majeste s'est brillamment manifestee comme Horus, prenant posses-
sion de sa royaute pour des annees innombrables."
I>e rapprochement que, fonde sur des formes dialectales du
Papyrus Harris No. i, j'ai hypothetiquement etabli entre (|, ° * et
■^-r-", semble encore plus acceptable pour \ [| par rapport a '^-^.
II est done possible que nous devons enregistrer pour le Nouvel
Empire un mot | f], varr. \ et s=>, ayant le sens qu'en haut nous
avons propose ou un sens analogue.*
89. En attendant que je puisse trouver I'occasion de traiter a fond
la question, relative a la liqicida sonans en egyptien, je me permets de
citer une serie de mots, ecrits a I'aide du syllabique ^ (er ou ter —
selon les epoques — qui ont des doublets sans le <cz> final. Les
voici : —
<=^^ ^^iSxi {Pyramide d'Unas, ligne 3) et
A {Pyra}>iide d^Unas,\\gne \^^), "main."
B^ ^ DiJMiCHEN, Tempel-Inschr., I, 79] et
"^ ' DiJMiCHEN, Tempel-Inschr.^l, 81, 14] "selon."
B? \ [Pyramide Merenra, 2,z\ et
\. ^K\ >^c^^ {Unas, 451 ; Teta, 259), "etendre.
B ° ^ {ep.ptol.\ varr. B^ et
' ^ \i ■J
"ce que donne le ciel."
AC
A
* Je ne saurais actuellement dire s'il faut expliqucr, comme appartenant a
cette categorie, le litre v\ \ n, que nous presentent les monuments de I'Ancien
Empire.
t Dans la formule frequente A. H I , etc. De meme qu'on rencontre
<:il> \ \ ^ cote de A " selon son desir," on a aussi
D '^^ < - ' , A. n
a cute de '■* " .
477
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1S93.
Je crois devoir compter aussi ici :
a cote de
Au moins pour les quatre premieres paires, il me semble absolu-
ment stir que chacune represente des mots d'origine identique.*
90. L'equivalent hieroglyphique du pretendu mot copte CKert
/afus n'a pas e'te retrouve jusqu'ici, et cela a bon droit, car la dite
combinaison de signes represente en realite //eux mots : CKe
+ la marque de relation ft, si frequente dans la litterature copte.
Je serais dispose a chercher I'origine du mot CKG dans I'ancien
^ ^ I /afus qui par metathese serait devenu CKe, de meme que
par exemple, ^OVp copte-sahidique est devenu cy6 OTp copte-
bohairique, ou I'ancien ^^^ r^^ ^ est devenu CJO^C dans le
dialecte sahidique, ou I'ancien — t. — est devenu (juajX dans le dialecte
bohairique, etc. Un exemple comme celui-ci : ecjecytOHI eCKen
c^ItOJUL " il va sejourner ^res de la mer," se rapproche tres bien
'^^^ IT '^ "^j "Tu entres et sors dans la grande salle des deux
Maat, a?iprt's des Esprits de I'Occident ; " f GCKG du premier
exemple correspond parfaitement a t| % ^ du second. Ce
dernier groupe n'est, bien entendu, qu'une variante tr^s rare, du mot
<rz> ^ I frequent, pour lequel nous pourrions citer des preuves
innombrables, offrant un emploi analogue a, celui du copte eCKG.
Le copte se sert d'ailleurs du mot CKe dans une autre combinaison,
j'entends celle-ci ^ICKG, ou la preposition ^I occupe la place de
celle de e de la forme sus-mentionnee. Et de meme, la langue
* Un exemple, particulierement interessant, de la liquida sonans nous offre la
forme m r\ V\ n [PiEiiL, Dictionnaire du Papyrus Har7-is No. I.
page 88] varr. rTT-l -C) ^^^ ^ ^^^ ^ [Pafynis de Siiieha, ligne 308J
par rapport au frequent 'J Vf^ ""^^^ "petit."
t Passage, emprunte au sarcophage 83 du British Museum.
478
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
ancienne nous offre une expression f ^— j — , d'ou il ressort avec
toute evidence que ^--f~ equivaut au copte CK£.
Je n'ai guere besoin d'expliquer le K de la forme CKG a me'ta-
these, par rapport au (T' de la forme reguliere (Tbc, CTlC "demi,''
car d'un cote les lettres K et 6^se permutent quelquefois entre
elles * au copte, de I'autre cote la presence de K de CKe peut
montrer une tendance de faciliter la prononciation du son qui vient
apres s.f
91. Le chapitre 15 du Zi'vre des Morts\ contient, a la ligne 38,
le passage suivant : —
"J
que personne, a ma connaissance, jusqu'ici n'a su bien expliquer.
M. Lefebure, en i868,§ a donne pour notre passage cette traduc-
tion : " Les grands font des offrandes a toi, hi as cree eux, salut de la
terre ;" et en 1892, M. Le Page Renouf || traduit de la sorte :
'^ The great Ones make offerings to thee, who for thee have created
the soil of earth."
C'est la partie soulignee des deux traductions qui me semble
etre susceptible d'une modification importante et que, pour ma part,
je voudrais rendre ainsi : ("Les grands te presentent des oblations,)
ils te font des prosternations."
Le groupe y^ ====., var. °^^^, qui surtout est frequent pendant
la periode, dite des Basses Epoques, signifie, comme I'a prouve fort
bien notre regrette coUegue von Bergmann,1I "lobpreisen,
CJr. Stern, Koptische Grantinatik, page 24.
01 W I
" L'acasia (?) qui se trouve a cote de la maison "compare au passage
detexte copte que voici: R^.cJ)Z.pni-OTJUL OH GT ^ICKCn ci)IOJUL,
" Kapernaoum qui est situe a cote de la mer " (Ev. sel. St. Math. 4, 13) fournit
une preuve nouvelle a I'appui de notre rapprochement.
X Lepsius, Todtenlmch, XV, 38.
§ Lefebure, Traduction coinparee des Jtymncs du A'f' chapitre du Rituel
luniraire cgyptien, page 88.
II Proceedings, XIV, page 356.
ir Der Sarkophag des Paneheiiiisis, page 19.
479
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1S93.
Lobpreis," loner, louange, et la locution U^ • V =====, ou le mot
qema^Qw^ le role qu'a souvent ailleurs le verbe ^^, a done le
sens de "faire des louanges," "se prosterner." A cet egard, on pent
consulter d'un cote I'exemple suivant : A n r^ /! f j <c^ H^
^ ^^ " Je fais des adorations a ton ka, en t'adressant des
louanges et des temoignages de veneration ; "* de I'autre cote cette
expression-ci : ^^^ ^|Jf| ° Al/ I ^^wvna _ " Les esprits lui
presentent leurs hommages t ^^ du premier equivaut alors bien
entendu a °^^ du second exemple. Tres instructif pour I'emploi
du groupe tj^ ; est aussi le passage de texte suivant : i^ 4^
<^3,
H
I " L'abondance et la sagesse lui font des
ovations."!
92. Dans une de mes notes anterieures, § jai donne une serie
d'exemples a I'effct de faire voir que le signe ^\^ quelquefois au
moins, a la valeur ^Qfii. A cette occasion, je n'ignorais nuUement
qu'on pfit relever des|| cas ou — del' avis d'autres savants — ^j^ semblait
devoir se lire d'une fagon differente. Toutefois mon opinion n'etant
pas arretee sous ce dernier rapport, je crus prudent de laisser hors
de compte les cas susmentionnes.
Un article, public dernierement par M. ISIax Muller dans le
Recueil de Vie7veg*\ critiquant mes quelques lignes sur la lecture
du signe jx ^ je regarde comme cpportun d'examiner ici les vues
* Brugsch, Thesaurus, IV, page 758.
t PiEHL, Inscriptions Hieroglyphiqites, Premiere Serie, PI. LXXXI, 3.
X Brugsch and Dumichen, Rcaicil, VI, 186.
§ Proceedings, XI, page 224.
Il A ce sujet, je pense particulierement au passage des textes d'Ounas el
Teta {Zeitsclirifi, 1S84, page 86), oil -^ "^ P ^ f=^ de I'un correspond a
A \y (^ \ P— ^ de I'autre. La presence de ,^ m'avait paru necessiter
pour le second une prononciation, quclque peu differente de celle du premier,
acception que je maintiens encore, comme on va le voir dans la suite.
H XV, pages 32-36.
480
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
de mon honorable contradicteur, d'autant plus que celles-1^, sous
plusieurs rapports, ne lui sont pas personnelles, mais bien au
contraire sont partagees par d'autres egyptologues, voire meme par
toute une ecole egyptologique.
Premierement, je proteste contra la maniere nonchalante, dont
M. Max Muller traite les hierogrammates des basses epoques ;
et cette nonchalance n'en est pas moins blamable, parce qu'elle peut
invoquer I'exemple d'autres savants — fort autorises sur d'autres
terrains, il est vrai, mais ne connaissant que tres superficiellement la
langue de I'epoque greco-romaine. Plus on penetre loin dans I'etude
de I'egyptien de cette derniere epoque, plus on s'etonne que les
traditions d'autrefois aient pu si bien se conserver, comme nous le font
voir justement les textes des temples de Dendera et d'Edfou et
d'autres, datant des derniers siecles de I'Egypte pharaonique.
J'emplois ici le terme "pharaonique" pour designer tout le temps
ou Ton s'est servi d'hieroglyphes comme ecriture, cette ecriture
denotant le souverain par le titre "Pharaon." Si Ton se donne
d'ailleurs la peine de comparer les redactions greco-romaines de
textes egyptiens a de plus anciennes, faites pour les memes documents,
on verra que les premieres en general sont tres correctes et qu'elles
ne renferment qu'un tres petit nombre de fautes — ccs fautes etant
souvent dues a des ecrivains d'epoque anterieure. L'emploi frequent
de I'ecriture enigmatique dans les textes de basse epoque nous
permet souvent de controler et d'apprecier les connaissances des
scribes d'alors, connaissances qui se montrent la plupart des fois tres
exactes et qui nous autorisent a desapprouver hautement de la these
de M. Max Muller : " Denn was ist der Unterschied von
i], ^, 0, fiir einen Hierogrammaten der Romerzeit!" Sans
cette exactitude des lettres de basse epoque, il nous serait sans doute
impossible de retrouver, comme nous le faisons constamment, la
valeur et la lecture de bon nombre de ces signes qui sont caracte'ris-
tiques a la periode susdite.
Deuxiemement, il n'est nuUement prouve — et je tiens particu-
librement a relever cette circonstance non seulement a I'adresse de
M. Muller, mais aussi a celle de beaucoup d'autres egyptologues,
partisans du meme avis que lui — que la langue qui nous est connue
par les textes des pyramides de Saqqarah, de meme, que par les niasta-
bas de I'ancien empire, soit a regarder comme la mere, par exemple,
de la langue, conservee dans les inscriptions des tombeaux de Beni-
481
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893
Hassan. En d'autres termes, la parente qu'il y a entre la langue
des 4-6 premieres dynasties et celle de la XIP, n'implique pas avec
necessity la notion d'une filiation directe. La premiere — pour
employer une image — peut tout aussi bien etre la taiitc de la seconde.
N'ayant pas encore pousse assez loin mes investigations sur ce
terrain, je ne me hasarderai pas a donner une tournure plus affirma-
tive a mon acception que j'espere pouvoir mieux soutenir une autre
fois.
Toutefois, on n'a, ce me semble, aucune raison de douter de
I'existence de dialectes, deja quant a I'egyptien de I'ancien empire,
ce qui nous amene a donner un peu de place aux changements.
phonetiques dans nos recherches, relatives aux differents syllabiques.
Cela etant, il faut proceder avec de la derniere circonspection quand
on veut recourir au procede mathematique. Ainsi, par exemple,
quand un texte offre Zl ^ IpIFj ^^ °^ ^"^ variante en donne
Zl ^ iT^ ^ 1 il ne faut pas pretendre avec assurafice absolue, que
fO~^ ■p comiue transcriptio7i et prononciatioji equivaut a _^_p i
surtout lorsqu'il y a d'autres faits qui semblent rendre une telle
equation moins probable.*
Troisiemement, il n'est pas encore etabli que I'egyptien soit une
langue semitique, et quand meme il y ait des indices qui parlent en
faveur d'une liaison entre les deux idiomes, il est d'une methode
vraiment scientifique de ne pas proceder, comme si les preuves.
definitives avaient deja ete delivrees a I'appui de la susdite parente.
Qu'on laisse I'egyptien etre egyptien jusqu'au moment qu'il se soit
revele comme une langue bien semitique ! Cela dit, je proteste
centre I'adoption de ces signes idcographiqties I , *^, etc., qu'on
a voulu introduire dans les transcriptions des textes egyptiens.
Je sais bien que les dits signes representent des sons pour les
* " Die mathematische Gleichung : J3,. •=. ^ jg> que M. MiJLLER
proclame a I'aide des variantes, fournies par les textes des pyramides pour
I'expression £\ ^^ J^^ ^ , me semble mal prouvce. II aurait fallu plutot
etablir ici I'equation ^-CL = ^^' Mais cette equation ne s'accorde pas
bien avec le temoignage cjue notre critique croit pouvoir trouver dans d'autres
extes, plus niodernes.
482
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1S93.
langues semitiques, mais tant qu'on n'a pas prouve la presence
de ces sons* en dgyptien — et je n'en ai rien vu — je persisterai
a appeler ', *^, des signes ideographiques, quant a I'egyptien.
A la meme occasion, je proteste contre la these, soutenue et
developpee par I'ecole a laquelle appartient M. Muller, suivant
laquelle I'e'gyptien supprimerait constamment les voyelles ; cette
these resulte aussi de tendances vers le semitisme. Suivant
cette maniere de voir, ^, d, L|, _p, (|l], ne seraient que des
consonnes. En rapprochant, par exemple, les mots anciens
^^W., (3 t , ^ EH] des equivalents coptes OTCOItcy, TOTUOT,
TOOT, on ne peut eviter, selon la nouvelle ecole, d'etablir I'equi-
valence ^^ (2 = la semi-voyelle ovl semi-cotisonne OT.t Je ne puis ne
pas enoncer ici la remarque que cette derniere assertion est par-
ticulierement malencontreuse, quand elle vient d'un allemand, car
I'histoire de la langue allemande devait presque amener a formuler
une these diametralement opposee a la susdite. Cette langue, en
passant de " mittelhochdeutsch " a " neuhochdeutsch," subit des
changements qui sont tres instructifs pour le sujet qui nous occupe.
Ainsi, par exemple, la voyelle longue ?/, caracteristique du premier,
s'ouvre a la diphtongue au^ a I'entree de la seconde periode. Le
mot hus se transforme en celui de haus par suite de ce developpe-
ment. De meme mus passe a mans, lies a laus, etc, Supposons
maintenant que le " mittelhochdeutsch " dans I'ecriture sautat les
voyelles, comme le fait I'egyptien, et que par conse'quent la dite
langue ecrivit les exemples susdits : hs, ins, Is, ne serait-on pas tente
de proposer pour ces derniers mots medievals la vocalisation haus^
mans, laus, parce que le " neuhochdeutsch " les presente sous cette
* Un bon exemple du grand danger qu'il y a a vouloir a priori attribuer a
•des lettres, appartenant a deux langues indiscutablement congeneres, la meme
prononciation, nous est fourni par la coniparaison du F latin avec le * grec, qui,
etyinologiqucrnent, sont identiques (f/)'., par exemple, fero = <p(p("), niais qui,
neanmoins, se pronon9aient de manieres differentes ; temoin, entre autre, Cicero,
qui s'amuse a propos d'un £^rec qui, au tribunal, cite un remain, Fiindauitis, tout
en I'appelant Phnndaniiis, (RUMI'ELT, Das natiirlichc System dcr Sprachlaute,
page 57.)
Si done la plus grande reserve est exigee pour des langues qui sont notoiremcnt
et peremptoirement apparentees, elle a encore plus d'a-propos quand il s'agit de
langues dont la parente n'est pas encore suffisamment etablie.
t Steindorff, Das Altiigyptisclic Alphabet iind seine Umschreibung, page 722.
483
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
forme ? Si fait — bien entendu, en se plagant sur le terrain de ceux
qui nient la valeur vocalique de |p , ^^ ,* etc.
Toutefois, il faut bien se garder de contester les faits, quand
meme ils s'opposent a des theories precongues sur I'inalt^rabilite des
langues. D'ailleurs, je trouve bien risque de me prononcer des
maintenant sur la lecture phonetique adoptee pendant la XIX® et
XX"" dynasties, pour les mots qui existent encore dans la langue
copte du 3'' et 4*" siecle de notre ere, tant que le copte reste le point
de depart essentiel de nos developpements, relatifs a la prononciation
de I'egyptien ancien.
QuATRiEMEMENT, dans Ics recherches de cet ordre, oii il s'agit
de comparer au point de vue phonetique des formes de mots,
separees tres souvent par des milliers d'annees, quant a leurs emploi
'■" Loc. cit., page 721, se lit : Im Koptischcn wird Q durch kein
besonderes Zeichen wiedergegeben ; z.B. r" (vocalisirt * re')= pH "Sonne"?
'hm (vocalisirt, nach Art der meisten trilitteralen Verben, 'ohem) = (J0CtJ6JUL
" ausloschen " ; §' (vocalisirt * 56') = ClJtA3 " Sand " ; 'k " Brot " (vocalisirt *'oik»
wie die zweiradicaligen ItOeiT" " Mehl", ItOGIK " Ehebrecher ") = 0eiK.
Es bedarf wohl dcm7iach keines besonderen Hiirweises mehr, dass in diesen
Beispielen die Vocale H (JO oder der Diphthong 0€I nicht dem fl ent-
sprechen, sondern vielmehr die von dem n vollig unabhangigen Bildungsvokale
dieser Worter sind." Pour ma part, je ne me contente pas de cette argumenta-
tion en faveur d'un n non-vocalique, et je me permets d'attirer I'attention de
M. Steindorff sur les facons dont en " althochdeutsch " s'ecrit la conjonction
allemande mid, a s'avoir ant, ent, int, out, unt, etc. La difference de voyelles
pourrait nous amenener ici a identifier cntre elles toutes ces voyelles, cela
d'accord avec le systeme, preconise par I'ecole dont MM. Steindorff et Max
MiJLLER sont des eleves — bien que nous ne pensions pas qu'il faille accepter cette
maniere de voir. On serait aussi autorise — suivant le meme systeme — a formuler
la these, que les snsdites formes ant, ent, etc, n'avaient exprime que les
viatres lectionis de leurs voyelles : cela ferait peut-etre le meilleur pendant de
Tassertion que nous venons de citer, suivant laquelle " 0 n'est represente par
aucun signe special dans la langue copte." — Comme un bon sujet de reflexion
pour les philologues, aimant a voir en chaque voyelle le porteur d'un setd son,
nous citerons quelques paroles d'un auteur, bien competent en la matiere. C'est
^V}ln•NEY, qui dit au sujet de I'anglais moderne : " in Betreff der Vocale findet
das Vcrh'altniss statt, dassyV^/^r der geschriebenen Vocale zwischen drci und mint
verschiedene Lautwerthe besitzt, wahrend auch umgekehrt jeder gesprochene
Vocal auf mehrere Arten, von zwei bis zu zu<olf, in der Schrift ausgedriickt
werden kann" {Die Sprachwissenschaft, bearb. von Jolly, page 149). Pour une
ecriture, aussi conservatrice que celle de I'egyptien, on ne peut guere citer un
meilleur pendant moderne que Tortographe anglaise actuelle.
484
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
dans la langue egyptienne, il faut etre tres circonspect dans I'applica-
tion du precede mathematique. Car les langues n'agissent pas
seulement conformement a des lois logiques et mecaniques, mais
elles sont aussi sujettes a I'influence, voire meme aux caprices de
I'esprit humain. Les lois analogiques ont un vaste champ libre ou
elles peuvent s'exercer, et, par exemple, la difference de vocalisation
que, dans une note precedente, nous venons de constater entre
oeiK, pH, (JDOjeJUL, qui tons renvoient a un n ancien, peut fort
bien resulter d'un jeu ou plutot de plusieurs jeux de I'analogie,
ayant opere a des epoques differentes. N'oublions pas non plus
I'influence de I'accent, les mots empruntant surtout leur valeur a la
place qu'ils occupent dans I'enchainement dont ils forment des
anneaux.
Un petit exemple, emprunte au copte, peut nous eclairer sur
I'influence de I'analogie. L'ancien egyptien a un mot ^^ T™™"
"ouvrir" qui correspond, dans la langue-fiUe,* a OTtJOrt, OXen —
[oTort=], OTHIt, comme se presente la serie complete des
formes que nous connaissons pour I'equivalent du susdit mot
hieroglyphique. II y a aussi un mot ^^ y , compose de
^^ :,"™"/i et '^ , qui dans la langue-fille est reflete par oT (JOIt^^ .
Suivant le precede mathematique, la forme qualitative de ce dernier
devait etre OTHIt^ , la forme qualitative du onfOOrt simple etant
OTHIt , mais il n'en est rien. C'est que I'analogie a fait passer
OTCUIt^ par la meme serie de formes qui caracterisent des verbes
simples, comme CtJOXn , CCOH^ , KOoXlt , etc.
De meme eiUJpJUL , eiOJp^ , composes par le verbe ^^
et les substantifs ^^ , y, ont ete traites comme des verbes simples
d'apres la sixieme classe de Stern, bien qu'on aurait pu s'attendre a
une serie de forme comme ipiJUL, epJUL-, ^.IJUL=, OIJUL, etc., si
Ton se serait place sur le terrain du procede mathematique. Les
examples pourraient se multiplier indefiniment, mais o I'xwif wtu
UKIJK'OC ,
* En appelant le copte laiigue-Jille de I'egyiHien, je me conforme a un usage
Ires repandu, mais qui n'est sans doute pas tout-a-fait correct j
485
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1893.
Apres ces remarques generales, nous pouvons nous adresser plus
specialement a la critique, relative a notre lecture fu pour le signe
M-^. Nous en parlerons, d'ailleurs, tres brievement, ne voulant pas
trop empieter sur I'espace des Proceedings. Notre critique formule sa
these de la maniere que voici : " priifen wir die alteren Schreibungen,
aus welchen man friiher den vermeintlichen Wert/^c/ beweisen wollte,
so ergiebt sich in alien Fallen die Lesung ^ _p %iv " (c'est-a-
dire, selon notre maniere de transcrire, a2i).
Je me permets toujours — et malgre I'affirmation peremptoire
qu'on vient de lire — de soutenir que ^j^ ^ equivaut a fu, ce qui
n'empeche pas que I'e'gyptien ait pu quelquefois introduire una
voyelle entre/et u, comme, par example, dans 1] ^ ^^, a- cote de
0 ^^ ; et je citerai, en faveur de ma these, quelques exeinples qui
me semblent meriter un peu d'attention de la part de mon critique.
Ce sont : —
I • + ^ jx j^ ^^^ 2^1^=^^ etc.* r7 „
de cet exemple necessite pour des expressions comme ^,^ p Y,t
'^z^if^.a l'+ ^^^ transcriptions /« d^, ixb-k fit. Douter que le
signe J^ de ces derniers exemples ait la valeur de ///, cela ne me
semble aucunement possible. J'avoue d'ailleurs ne pas bien com-
prendre la difference de transcription que M. Muller pretend
exister entre f%iv {= r?
) "puissant" et ?w {= (f^) )
" long, large " — cette derniere forme, selon lui, ne signifiant jamais
"reich, voU" — car rien n'est plus commun dans le langage que le
passage de la signification " long, large," a cette de " puissant,
riche." Toutefois, on pent eprouver le besoin de differencier par
I'e'criture les deux sens et cela explique peut-etre, pourquoi /u
" puissant " s'ecrit le plus souvent ri ^o C , tandisque fu
" large," a adopte comme reguliere la forme ^j^ % | . Une
pareille distinction ne serait guere plus choquante que celle, etablie
par exemple en suedois entre " pligt " (devoir) et " plikt " (amende),
* Champollion, Mo>iumenis, LXVIII.
t DiJMiCHEN, Tempel-Insc/irt'fien, I, CVI, 3.
X Papyrus cTAni, 19, ligne 2 and 7.
486
June 6] PROCEEDINGS, [1893.
tous les deux ayant une origine commune (I'allem. Pflicht). — A
ce sujet, il ne faut point identifier comme prononciation les deux
mots r, y I' et ^^ (f^ . Ce dernier date des basses
epoques et doit se lire afu. En comparant entre elles la version
du chapter XV qui nous a ete conservee par le papyrus d'Ani, et
celle du Todtenbuch, nous voyons que -^^ r? \\ *" ^ ' du
premier document correspond a ^^^ ^^\ r? du second.
Mais je ne connais aucune preuve du mot ^^^ j-,
quant a la belle epoque hieroglyphique, et je ne vois pas pourquoi
les basses epoques n'auraient pu creer des mots nouveaux et des
formes nouvelles ; du reste il serait aise d'en citer en nombre.
2°- ^^^^|o<=.^J^ljl]3^ "le souffle doux du vent du
nord."* Nous savons par d'autres textes que le signe T^ se
pronon^ait entre autre , ^'Lr^ ; f il serait done temeraire de
vouloir combattre la lecture ^j^^^ p du signe M^ du groupe
r7 %i ^T ■ ■^^"^ ^^^ circonstances, je n'hesiterais nullement a
lire ds-nefu le groupe ptolemai'que {vky )^J j^ "v^ T^ .
Les variantes qu'on en a relevees, a savoir fl ft P 1^ | '^'"""^ "^
'S4 T I'Stfl T Z^ etc., indiquent peut-etre des tendances
de I'etymologie populaire de se faire chemin. On avait les formes
pronominales \^^ ^ et ^^^^ ^ %5 , et on s'est cru devoir
admettre un '^'^'^^ ^..-^ IZ3 a cote du XZ3 reel. La
transition de <r^ X^ nefu en ^ (j(j 1^ n'est pas plus
etonnante, que celle de W\ en ° [](1 , formes du pronom
demonstratif.
* PiEHL, Inscriptions HieroglypJiiqties, Premiere Serie, pi. CI, 8. Duppli-
cata du meme texte, Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 114.
t Voir PiEHL dans les Proceedings, XIII, page 45.
487 2 L
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [15^93.
connaisons
30. ^(sl^^j*ac6te de ^X^i.t Nous
aussi pour ce mot une forme | ] -O-i I qui est a M^
a peu pres ce que "^ [j[] I^H , est a ^_^^ /^^ ^ 1^2 , .
Les exemples cites me paraissent concluants pour la lecture
fu que je soutiens toujours, quant au signe ^j^ ,
L'examen des mots, ecrits a I'aide de y^, nous a inspire, il
y a longtemps, des incertitudes quant a I'opportunite de Fequation
rz =z fu pour certains cas. Mais ces incertitudes n'ont pas ete
enlevees par I'auteur du dernier essai sur le syllabique en question.
II m'a semble que la presence de ^^ dans des formes d'une serie de
mots qui offrent des variantes sans J3^ ni Ka=^ , comme par exemple
a cote de A ^^ ^ V\n -. , etc., pourrait peut-etre
s'expliquer de la meme maniere que I'insertion de 7v % dans I'arabe
vulgaire hoinua, "lui," doublet de Jwiia^ ou celle de _;' dans I'arabe
vulgaire /^//'fl', "elle," doublet de Ma. L'existence de doublets de
mots comme ceux que nous venons de citer quant a I'Egyptien et
quant au dialecte arabe de I'Egypte actuelle, est d'ailleurs un fait
reconnu pour toutes les langues. Cfr., par exemple, I'allem. Schlucht
et Schliiff, " fente," I'allem. sacht et sanft, tous les deux identiques
a I'anglais soft ; pour le frangais on pourrait citer chaire et chaise
(lat. cathedra), con et col {collum), etc.§
II y a encore un point de I'article de M. Max Muller, sur
lequel je ne me suis pas prononce et que je ne puis guere passer
sous silence : j'entends la nouvelle regie, etablie par lui, selon
laquelle I'egyptien, quand il s'agissait d'ecrire un mot qui ne pouvait
s'ecrire que par des lettres, aucun syllabique n'existant qui repro-
duisit une partie quelconque du mot ou le mot entier, aurait
* Recueilde Vieweg, VII, 122; VIII, 165.
t Brugsch, Wbrterhuch, VIII, page 1380.
X L'effort d'eviter le hiatus qu'ici nous constatons, est un fait, souvent ren-
contre dans les langues. Cfr., par exemple, Weinhold, Mittelhochdeutsche
Grammatik, page 146 : " Euphonisches w in bilweuy gnhoeii," etc.
§ Darmesteter, La vie des mots, page 141.
488
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
interverti I'ordre des signes, si par cette mesure se formait une
combinaison de signes qui put se remplacer par un syllabique.
Selon cette r^gle, le groupe ri v^ representerait la lecture ifw
(= afu de notre transcription), lecture qui ne pouvait se rendre
que par des lettres \\i\ : ) si Ton ne preferait intervertir
I'ordre des signes flw, auquel cas J^ remplacerait la combinaison
de sons yiv*
Les exemples cites en faveur de la nouvelle regie t ne sont pas
de nature a vous convaincre, et le point de depart de I'auleur — des
mots empruntes aux langues semitiques, dans lesquels il aurait
d'abord constate la dite inversion — semble bien sujet a de la
critique. En effet, rien n'est plus frequent dans le langage que la
denaturation des mots e'trangers qui s'inoculent dans tel ou tel
idiome. Les indigenes font de leur mieux pour adapter la forme
de I'etranger a leurs organes vocaux et, a cet effet, se servent de
tous les moyens qui leur sont accessibles. Non seulement ils
modifient des sons et suppriment des desinences, mais tres souvent
ils renversent I'ordre des syllabes et des sons % — du vocable
etranger. Cette derniere mesure est presque de rigueur quand
le mot a transplanter contient des combinaisons de sons qui
ne sont pas familieres a la langue adoptante ou quand, par un ren-
versement des sons du dit mot, on obtient des combinaisons de
sons, bien frequentes dans I'idiome en question. Nous croyons
done que le choix de mots d'origine semitique comme base de la
nouvelle theorie, concernant I'ecriture hieroglyphique, a ete bien
malheureux. Mais les mots d'origine egyptienne que notre auteur
a alle'gues en faveur de sa these ne sont, a notre avis, pas plus
* On se souvient que I'auteur de la nouvelle regie a formule la these
t Quand I'auteur cite ce sien ouvrage, oii a paru cette pretendue regie, il
nous renvoie a la Zeitschrift, 1892, sans indication ulterieure. Je prendrui la
permission de designer cette espece de citation cornme pour la moins negligente
J'ai du regarder et parcourir 3 articles de notre jeune collegue avant d'avoir trouve
I'endroit de la Zeitschrift, oil la matiere en question a ete exposee.
X Le copte KeAeEiHt, "cognee," fournit un bon exemple d'un pareij
renversement de sons, car, selon moi, nous devons le regarder comme une forme
defiguree du grec TrcXeKVi . Ou faut-il reellement le rapprocher de JTip^^^ i
489 2 I, 2
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
probants. C'est la le cas du nom fil de la ville d'Heliopolis,
au sujet duquel il est dit que la valeur phonetique en devait etre
i'tcm (= duti selon la transcription ordinaire) parce que le copte
bohairique correspondant est GTItl )?wla. Toujours le procede
mathematique ! D'ailleurs, est-ce que Q de [n reellement a la
valeur de m(, ou ne faut-il pas plutot remettre ici son jugement
jusqu'au moment ou Ton connait le role qu'a joue le 0 final
que nous rencontrons dans nombre de mots egyptiens.
Le groupe "T"^ " Bumerang " forme un anneau important
dans la demonstration. Notre auteur qui passe sous silence la
lecture da, proposee par Brugsch, offre lui-meme pour ce mot la
transcription darn. Mais il faut encore prouver cette nouvelle
lecture, car M. Max Muller ne I'a pas fait jusqu'ici, autant que je
sais. Et la forme o !H- , rencontree sur un monument de
I'ancien empire, se corrige tres-simplement a ^ q ^ , apres quoi
tous les indices de I'application quant au groupe "j"^ de la nouvelle
regie, ont disparu.
Je ne nie du reste pas qu'une regie, semblable a celle que nous
venons de mentionner, ne puisse avoir existe en egyptien, bien que
je n'en aie aucun exemple et que M, M. Muller n'en ait pu fournir
non plus, dans I'ouvrage auquel il nous a renvoye avec tant
d'abandon.
93. Dans une note qui a paru dernierement,* il est dit : "On
sait que le Lion se nomme ^ ^^ H^ (niJULOTI = Jk-;jl),
tandisque la Lionne s'appelle _2s& T jPoff^ (t ^<?-^0I = i^\).
Cette these a ete enoncee en guise d'exemple de la regie generale-
ment reconnue, qu'en egyptien, tout comme en d'autres langues, deux
racines differentes quelquefois doivent etre mises a contribution
quand il s'agit de designer le male et la femelle d'une seule et meme
espece.
* Zf.itschri/t, XXX, page 28.
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Toutefois, I'exemple en question n'est guere correct. Car si le
Lion s'appelle incontestablement j^ ^^, i^ , il faut dire que la
Lionne se nomme avec la meme certitude ^^^'=»5J7V-* Quant a
la forme copte ("^jX^^OI, elle est bien exacte, mais n'est en
realite qu'un emprunt, fait aux langues semitiques, temoin non
seulement la forme arabe j'^jj qui vient d'etre citee, mais encore
I'hebreu t^^3.? ' lionne." On poiirrait etre tente de voir en
-^^T llV^^ egalement un emprunt semitique. Ce n'est pour-
tant pas mon opinion. Et je ne crois pas que le determinatif Z^ ,
donnetant par BRUGScnf que par de Rouge, J existe dans I'original.
Au moins la copie, publiee par Champollion, i$ ne fournit pas ce
signe, et il a vu la tombe de [1 QA (^^ || — celle d'ou provient le seul
exemple connu du mot _g^ T 1 ^ i^ — a une epoque ou elle
etait sans doute mieux conservee que lorsque les Brugsch et les
DE Rouge I'ont visitee. A I'aide de la copie Champollion, je crois
devoir lire la legende du lion couche (!) de la sorte : i I ^ _^:^ ^^,
Ov\ H 3 ^ "travailler le lion au ciseau par le modeleur."
La maniere dont a ete tracee notre inscription autorise pleine-
ment I'arrangement que, par exemple a la difference de Brugsch, je
me suis permis d'adopter, et contre ma traduction il n'y a guere non
plus de remarques serieuses a faire. Cette traduction part d'ailleurs
du fait qui bien merite d'etre note'e, qu'il s'agit ici non pas d'une lionne,
mais d'un lion couche. En realite, quiconque regarde le dessin de
* Brugsch, Recueil dc monuments, II, pi. 71, 1. 4.
t Worterbiich, page 883.
+ Memoire de Porigine t'sryptientie dc F alphabet phcnicien, page 66.
§ Alonuments, pi. CLXXX.
II La tombe se trouve a EI-Assassif, actuellement clans un etat fort degrade.
Lors de ma derniere visite, je n'ai pu retrouver la legende ni I'image, publiees par
Champollion. Pour les inscriptions du monument, voir mes Inscriptions Ilicro-
glyphiqnes. Premiere Serie, pi. CXLII, CXLIII, et le texte explicatif que j'y ai
joint.
491
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
ChampoUion pourra se convaincre de I'exactitude de cette derniere
observation. Par cela, la lecture £:£> r \ v^ "lionne" deviant
definitivement ecartee.
II y a encore une raison, assez pesante, qui parle contre I'existencc
d'un mot indigene egyptien Sa^V JlV^' ^"''P^oy^ comme designa-
tion de la feinelle de I'espece, dont le male s'appelle 7? ^^, J>N\ .
C'est I'etymologie du mot ^ ^^ ^- ^" "^ P^^^ guere separer
ce mot* de la designation, § (1 ^ W, du chat, par cette raison que les
deux doivent avoir ete differencies originairement d'un meme mot.
y ^v ^^ signifierait peut-etre alors "le gros chat" ou quelque
chose de pareil. Maintenant il est connu, que c'est la Lionne qui
ressemble surtout au chat, tandisque le Lion, grace a sa criniere, offre
un aspect assez divers. Mais alors il faut presumer, que le nom
7^ ^^^^ '^^^ ^^^ d'abord donne a la Lionne, d'ou le nom
y ^> l^ du male de I'espece se serait forme.
94. Au Papyrus Abbot, dont nous devons une si magnifique
reproduction a I'administration eclair^e du British Museum, se lit a
la page 2, lignes 2 et 3, les paroles suivantes :
(5
■i — t /\ /\ J /vvwv^ > ' \~ y\ i I 1 feud I
~~n M fr\ D 1 n ^•'^^^ -<^cri_ c><=K n <3l n n <?
cm
<--^n
.,_ ^ 3^ , , ' QS^I] f i P etc., ce qu'a traduit Chabas t
"I'horizon eternel du roi Sorka, fils du Soleil, Amenhotep, qui a 120
coudees de profondeur a sa chambre principal ; le long corridor qui
en depend est au nord de I'Amenophium," etc.
* Je sais qu'on a fourni d'autres etymologies pour le mot 7?
H w^ ^^ ^^^ evidemment une onomatopee.
t Milanges Egyptologiques, III, i, page 60.
492
J^-
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
La traduction de M. Maspero* est celle-ci : " L'horizon eternel
du roi Sarka, fils du Soleil, Amenophis, qui a cxx coudees de pro-
fondeur dans sa grande salle [ainsi que] le long couloir qui se trouve
au nord du temple d'Amenophis," etc.
Pour etre independantes f et fautives a la fois, ces deux traduc-
tions se ressemblent etonnamment I'une a I'autre.
II y a deux points, sur lesquels je crois devoir faire de I'opposition.
D'abord, le groupe ¥ U IJ ^^ masculin ne signifie, a ma connaissance,
nulle part ailleurs "chambre principale, grande salle;" tandisque
" stele, monument, monument dresse " \ semble etre un sens frequent
pour le dit mot.
De meme, "^ ne§ signifie ni "en dependre," ni "se
trouver," mais plutot " s'appeler, se nommer." Cfr.^ par exemple,
Pap. Harris No. .. 60, 3: ";" f^ iTPT4l ^ ^ ^^^^ 1^
Ji — I '^ -* VI, /vw-/\r- <i_l! I \ -'I I I
'^'^'^'^'^ (^ ^ cs I ''^^'^'^ <r ^ jQ
® ^^ I I I <d> Q. j Kr-^ /vww\ Si'
Cela etant, je proposerai de traduire le passage cite d'apres le
Papyrus Abbot, de la maniere suivante : " L'horizon eternel du roi
Amenhotep, qui a 120 coudees de profondeur a partir de son
monument {d'etitree) ; il se nomrae " le long corridor," etant situe au
nord de I'Amenophium," etc.
* Une enqitcte jiidiciairc, page 13.
+ Maspero, ibid., preface.
:J: Brugsch, IVdrterluich, page 928.
§ Je corrige et lis .^^H.^ (p ^^_ • Cette correction en nccessite une autre.
PI. II, ligne 4, il faut lire : ' * 0 5j\ (J ^\ — *• — • L'erreur qu'ici nous avons
supposee, s'explique aisement, si I'on considere que le tombeau de Sorka est
enumere parmi une serie de monuments pareils qui s'appellent T ^-^ /\ '
substantif qui est du genre masculin.
:^>
493
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
EL KAB AND CxEBELEN.
By G. Willoughky Eraser, F.S.A.
§ I. El Kab. This winter Mr. Blackden and myself visited both
places in his dahabeah the "Strange Hathor." At El Kab we
copied some hitherto unpublished graffiti, but on reaching Cairo we
found that Prof. Sayce had anticipated our would-be discovery by a
few weeks, and we are indebted to him for kind permission to pubhsh
the El Kab notes.
The temple of Amenophis III is the best preserved of the desert
monuments : the walls have been decorated by both ancient and
modern tourists. Baedeker mentions an inscription in the third
year of Napoleon III, and there is one which puzzled us greatly,
dated in the 46th year of a king whose name read Henri-banr-merit,
intended doubtless for Henri le bien aime. The weathering in this
case affords no clue, it is just the same as ancient graffiti of the
XVIIIth or XXth dynasty. After photographing the interior of
the temple, some of whose clearer graffiti have been published by
Prof. Petrie ("Season in Egypt," PI. XVII), we examined the rocks
to the west of the temple, on the desert road.
Here the inscriptions are very numerous, ranging from the Vth
to the XVIIIth dynasty. Names compounded with the cartouches
of Teta and Pepi occur again and again. But Pepi's name is far
the commonest.
The most important graffito of this date (Vlth dynasty) was
Fig. I. It is, we believe, quite new : its interest lies chiefly in the
fact that it appears to point to there having been a temple near by
even as early as the Vlth dynasty. The date appears to be year 2,
the 3rd month of Pert, the 5th day of the month. No king's name is
given, but as the proper names are compounded with that of Pepi I,
it perhaps refers to his reign. It is not as in the case of the Hat-nub
griffiti, dated in the year of the monarch.
The rest of the inscription continues merely with a list of family
names and titles : the chief man seems to have been IIer-?i-ank, his
494
Proc. Soo. BM.Arch , Jitn e 1893.
41.
in
y
INSCRPTIONS FROM
EL KAB ANB GEBELEN.L
Proc.SocBibl.Arch.Jarve 1893
L'-f ^
U^ Lust
VII.
in
:i .
f 1 1
h
^5'^ / 'ii/.; *";•■ >^ */ ^^^
11 1
INSCRIPTIONS FROM
EL KAB A2U; GEBELEN 11
proc. Soo,B03l,Arch,Jar^ f8S3.
Tm.
XV
Tables of
Ofrenn^s.
Stand.
Man
CMS
'^^
t"*Mj
H"
"atifJ' i/ie tVh/te Croivn irasps a
«^ 4?^ man &y<Ae nairfc sli
s/dyhim I
Foreigner ditto
festheronfiisheai/
kneels
I I I
ditto
without feather
;^>— >
.6—^
XVI
xyn.
tM®ir*ii(i^iD
Inscriptions from
EL KAB AND GEBELEN.III.
Proc, Scc.Kbl.Aroh: Jane,, 1893.
Zll.
Id I
XI.
flj ' *
IX.
D.
f -4
oiC
INSCRPTIONS FROM
EL KAB AND GEBELEN. IV
Proc. Soc£iJbl,Arch,Jtm£. 1893.
I^TD^^M)
Kin^ offering to AnubiS
below isihis Inscription.
XVIII.
XIX
Elevalion.
SkcLch of VI dyn.Column,
XXT.
XX
I NSCRI PTI ONS FROM.
EL KAB A>JD gii:bele]M.v:
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
son was Ur-n-mena, his eldest son x^^'^^t then the " dep-xer-suten,"
instructor of the divine priest(s), scribe of the temple Ra-meri-ank,
etc.
On a large free-standing rock with many names and titles of the
Vlth dynasty surrounding it, is a square tablet (Fig. II) bearing the
name of a king who is only known by two other examples; he appears
to have been called Saradudmnes, and has no cartouche in this
instance ; his name is followed by a short inscription which reads
" Kha-m-uas ; the amanuensis of the son of the sun Dudemes."
Fig. Ill gives the titles of a man named Teta-ank, who was a
"courtier" (admitted to single or private audience) and chief of the
agricultural department ; also his son, the priest, who was " over the
secrets," -x^iia.
(Fig. IV.) A cartouche doubtless intended for Asset, but on a
very weathered and half-buried stone.
(Fig. V.) A courtier and seal-bearer {sdhii) Pepi-ineri, and his son
the instructor (?) antef.
(Fig. VI.) The titles begin Fer-da-shen (?), the man's name being
Her-11-dnk, his son Knietid, his son Ra-meri-dnk, his son Ra-meri-dnk-
7iehen, his son ....(?) and the "dep x^r suten," temple scribe,
Kh7iicm-n-dnk.
(Fig. VIII.) Pepi-dnk and his son -^ti-iiadz.
(Fig. IX.) Here we have a different set of titles slightly. The
royal superintendent of the temple, the instructor of the divine
priest(s), the " Sdb-ard-7ner," divine priest and temple scribe, Fepi-
?i-dnk, his son of many titles, ending with " chief of the prison (?) "
Khnum-n-ank, who is said to be "devoted to his father."
(Fig. X.) Teta-ank and his son ^uA-
(Fig. XI.) The Per-aa-sab-ard-mer (of) Ari-necheb (El kab), the
divine priest Jiefer-seviem (?)
(Fig. XII.) The seal-bearer apa, and one named Teta-ank ; it is
worth remarking that this is one of the inscriptions beside (Fig. II)
that of Dudumes.
(Fig. XIII.) Here we have an officer of the palace, Thes-xcn,
whose name was Antef.
(Fig. XIV.) ... his brother, the instructor of the divine priest(s),
Thesek.
Thus we have a list of titles and names which, with few excep-
tions, belong to the Vlth dynasty or thereabouts. It is curious
495
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1893.
that El Kab is only once mentioned (Fig. XI). We get the name
Antef only twice in Fig. V, where his father has a Vlth dynasty
name, and in Fig. XIII, where the name may belong to a later
date slightly.
The XVIIIth dynasty graffiti were partly published by Stern
{Z.A.S., May and June, 1875). but there is one we have shown in
Fig. VII, which is interesting, as it appears to have been cut by or for
a man named -A^xA who lived under a queen, perhaps Hatshepset ;
he was " Kerheb," priest, and " Depi " of the town of El Kab ; he
speaks of an "arrival" from "his expedition," but there is un-
fortunately a good deal missing ; his son was the " Kerheb," priest,
Dzhuti-m-heb, and his sister the " royal nurse,' Ta-nefert.
Leaving the desert, we visited the tombs in the hills ; the principal
ones are well known, but there is a Vlth dynasty tomb which seems
to have been overlooked. It was never entirely finished, and has
now fallen in, but the finished part shows the roof cut to represent
the half round under sides of the rafters of a wooden roof. As far
as I am aware the only other example of this occurs in a tomb of
the Vth or Vlth dynasty at Tehneh (owner's name destroyed), but
in the buried tombs of Sakarah there may be similar examples.
The roof was supported by columns, one of which has a finished
capital with twenty-three (?) fluted sides, bound with five bands below,
representing no doubt a palm. A sketch of it is shown (Fig. XIX),
as we had no time to measure carefully.
It is very unlike the rough capitals of the same age at Sheik
Said, and is interesting as one of the earliest examples yet known,
I believe. In concluding these notes on El Kab, I ought to men-
tion that the graffiti here given are only examples of a very large
number which are scattered about there.
During this year a sphinx in white marble limestone from
El Kab has been set up in the Museum at Ghizeh, it is identical in
style with the black sphinxes from Tanis, which Mariette supposed
to be Hyksos monuments. There is however no inscription on it
either original or usurped. It has been broken in several pieces
and a good deal defaced, still there is no mistaking it ; even in
small details it and the Tanis sphinxes are the same. We shall
have occasion to refer to it again, but will now proceed to speak of
(iebelen.
§ II. Gebelen is an isolated mass of rock situated on the west
bank of the river within a day's sail of Thebes.
496
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
It is a spot of great natural strength and strategical importance,
&s it completely commands the water way. The rock itself is so
narrow on top that it would not contain a town, but there is sufficient
space for a strong fort and dependent buildings. The guide books
tell us very little about it, as the first important excavations there
were made by Monsieur Grebaut, late director of the Ghizeh
Museum.
As far as we have been able to gather, the results of his works
consist as follows : On the top of the rock he found the remains of
a Ptolemaic shrine built by Ptolemy IX (Eueregtes II) ; in this shrine
must have been a considerable statue in black basalt, fragments of
which we saw on the ground during our visit. A few inscribed
limestone blocks are still lying about {vide Figs. XX and XX^z, Y^Y^b).
The shrine was surrounded by Ptolemaic houses, and in their
walls and foundations were found several older inscribed blocks of
limestone; amongst them portions of an early temple built by
Menthuhotep of the Xlth dynasty, besides several fragments of the
roof with stars cut on it, a piece of the corner exterior moulding (?)
of the shrine and fragments of scenes. A fairly complete scene was
found on one block : the king wearing the white crown is shown,
with his mace raised, and grasping a captive by the hair; before him
kneel three figures, representatives of the peoples called Thhen-idu,
Sethti and the Set-tiu (?) (Fig. XV).
In his cartouche in this scene the king is called " Menthuhotep,
son of Hathor lady of Ant " (Denderah). This title is unusual, but
occurs in the name of Pepi I at Tanis, and on an alabaster lid with
the name of Pepi (?) from Kena ("Tanis," Vol. I, PI. i). Another
block gives the ordinary cartouche Sa Ra Menthuhotep.
The inscription shewn Fig. XV is given in the "Recueil,"
Vol. XIV, p. 26, but there are some mistakes in it which are here
corrected from the original. The blocks are slightly reddened as if
from the effects of fire.
A stela on bad stone represents a king Dad-7iefer-ra son of the
sun Dudumes led by I ^ ( > a H ^ W ^^ ^■'^ ^^^ ^
hawk's head and the plumes of Mentou ; he is received by Anubis
(Fig. XVIII); below are two lines of inscription. I am indebted to
Monsieur Duressy's copy in the " Recueil," Vol. XIV, p. 26, for this
stela, as I have been unable to find the original. He attributes it to
the Xlllth or XlVth dynasty, but as before mentioned in El Kab
497
Juxtt 6J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1893.
there are grounds for thinking it may belong to the Vlth dynasty.
These two inscriptions and a scarab giving his cartouche name are,
I beheve, the only records we have of this king.
A stone which has done duty in later times as a doorstep, but
which is not much worn, gives us the name of J^a-da-user (Fig. XVII)^
who is known to us as the Hyksos king Apepi I of Eisenlohr's
" Mathematical Papyrus."
The sign 2(ser is here made with two legs surmounted by the
head of Set.
Besides kings' names there are three private stelae which seem to
have come from Gebelen. Two of them are exceedingly rough, and
bear the name of a man Sebek-hotep ; the third is a large better-
worked piece representing a man (name (?) destroyed) and his wife
Sent with some lines of inscription.
Some fragments of Greek papyri and some curious Greek pottery
with figures of dancing men painted inside and small loop handles
with rings through them, complete, I believe, the list of objects
found by the Museum.
We paid the place a visit this year and spent some time
examining the old town on the plain at the north-west corner of
the rock; it does not look older than the XVIIIth dynasty; on
the surface is plenty of blue and red painted pottery; we found a
piece of a great jar elaborately covered with lotus-flowers, buds and
wreath round it, the pottery was red faced-yellow-white ; the pattern
in a dirty brown colour, the whole like the XlXth dynasty pottery ;
another jar of a much later style was white-faced with an ivy pattern
in chocolate, this was however found on the top of the rock, not in
the lower town ; v/e picked up the cutting edge of a small hornstone
adze highly polished, and then suddenly came upon a piece of a
stela in good limestone (Fig. XVI) bearing the name of an unknown
king Senb-iu-ina ; we are just able to see that he is called the " son of
the sun," and that he wears both the red and white crowns ; the
stela was surmounted by the winged disk. The name should perhaps
be read Senh-i-7na-u, and belongs, we should imagine, to the Xlllth
or XlVth dynasty.
A brick was brought us stamped with the cartouches of
Penedzem III and his wife Iset-m-nut (Fig. XXI), it measured
17x7x4 inches. A few ostraca in demotic, and one apparently
of the transition period between hieratic and demotic, were also
found. To complete the list of kings' names found here we should
498
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
mention that Professor Sayce had already noted the cartouche of
Hormheb on limestone, and some fine cutting on hmestone very
like the work of Sethi I, and which we can perhaps safely attribute
to him.
And now, taking the history of kings' names as far as we know
them, we get something like this : —
The earliest Dudumes Vl-XIth (?) dynasty.
Menthuhotep, Xlth dynasty
Senb-i-mau Xlllth or XlVih dynasty.
Ra-aa-user (?) XVIIth, Hyksos.
Hor-em-heb XVIIIth dynasty.
Sethi I XlXth dynasty.
Penedzem III XXIst dynasty.
And Ptolemy (IX Euergetes II).
To particularise : Diidiimes is a difficulty, there is no doubt that
his name at El Kab, surrounded as it is with Vlth dynasty names
and titles, must be contemporaneous with them ; in fact some of
them were probably actually cut after his had been placed there,
but at Gebelen we have his second name Dad-nefer-ra, which seems
like those of the Xlth or Xlllth and XlVth dynasties. His scarab
bears the second name contained in a continuous scroll ; the work
is better than the Xlllth or XlVth, so perhaps we shall not be
wrong to place him between the Vlth dynasty and the Antef kings
of the Xlth.
Menthuhotep appears to have built a temple in limestone, which
we may presume was added to by Horemheb and Sethi I, as their
work was also limestone.
Sefibimaiis cartouche was on a small stela which may have come
from the temple, or from a tomb in the neighbourhood.
Ra-da-user, or Apepi I's cartouches are on limestone, but the
block, though, complete, is small, and may have been brought there
as ballast in a boat, still it may possibly have belonged to some
building or addition to the temple of Menthuhotep.
There is not much doubt about Penedzem III ; he probably
Duilt a fortress similar to the ones he erected at El Howarteh,
opposite Minia, and at El Hebeh, opposite Feshu. As has been
pointed out in the Academy^ April 8th, 1893, by Professor Sayce,
there are the remains of a mud brick building, perhaps his palace
at Rawafa on the eastern bank, between Tud and Lu.\or.
499
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGY. [1893.
Ptolemy IX built a sandstone shrine on the top of the rock, and
with him our history ceases, unless we include the shrine of the
Arab Sheik el Moussa which now adorns the summit of the hill.
§ III. The Hyksos. Taking El Kab and Gebelen together,
there is a question of considerable interest which presents itself.
If we allow that the so called Hyksos sphinxes are really Hyksos
monuments, and not merely older monuments usurped by them,
how are we to account for the El Kab sphinx and the name of
Ra-da-user at Gebelen ?
Taking the view that the sphinxes are really what they have
been supposed to be, we seem to have two alternatives in regard to
El Kab, either that the sphinx was a trophy brought there by the
victorious Ahmes after the victory of Avaris, or that it was placed
there by the Hyksos themselves.
AVe learn from Manetho, quoted by Josephus, that the first king
Salads imposed a tribute on both Upper and Lower Egypt, and,
in order to do so and to maintain their hold on the country, the
Hyksos garrisoned certain strong places ; what more likely than that
El Kab and Gebelen were amongst the number, and that one of
his successors, Aphophis, placed the sphinx at El Kab, and built
some building from which the stone bearing his cartouches came ?
This building may have been at Gebelen, or near by.
During the XVth and XVIth dynasties the Hyksos seem to
have held complete sway, and it is not till the XVI Ith dynasty, or,
according to Africanus, 518 years after their arrival in Egypt, that we
again hear of a contemporary dynasty of native kings at Thebes.
500
June 6J PROCEEDINGS. [ii>9j
LETTRES DE TELL EL-AMARNA.
(S'^ Serie).
Par a. J. Delattre, SJ.
I.
Arad-Asratou au roi d'Egvpte.
{Berlin^ 97).
Protestation de fidelite d'Arad-Asratou, le meme qu'Arad-Asirta,
pere d'Azirou.
Transcription.
1 . A-na sarri ^>\- Saiusi bil-ia
2. U7n-7na y Arad--^>^-As-7'a-tu
3. ardu-ka, ip-ri sa sipi-{kd).
4. A-na sipi sarri bil-ia
5. VII-su u VII-su am-kiif.
6. A-nmr, a-na-ku arad sarri 11
7. kalhii sa biti-su, u
8. mat A-mur-ri kab-ba-sii
9. a-na sarri bil-ia a-iia-sa-ar-hi .
10. Ak-bi as-ta-iii a-na y Pa-ha-na-ti
1 1 . ^i^ 7-abisi-ia : li-ka-mi
I 2. sabi bi-ta{?)-ti a-na na-sa-ri
13. amiluti sarri a-nu-ma kab-bi
14. sarru i-ta same sabi liabali{?)
15. . . . ki sa-nint mat A-{miir-ri)
16. a-na ha-ba-lini is-tu
17 la H sii
18 sar-ri . . . .
19 na-sa-ar ....
20 y Ha-7ia ,
21. i-is-al-su sarru bili((?)
501
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
22, sum-ma la a-na-sa-ar
23. >-^|y ^s"?/-///?^-^'/ »-^yy ui-ia-za.
24. I-nu-ma ^^ rahisu-ia
2 5 . i-na-si sim-ti sarri >->y- Samas,
26. ti a-na-ku si-kin tar-si-i
27. Sa *-^yy Su-vmr, 11 kab-bi
28. matati a-na sar-ri »->^ Samas-ia
29. ^//-m a-na-sa-ar-su,
30. z^ sarrii bili-a lu-u i-da.
31. £/" i-ip-ku (?)-id-7ii i-na kat
32. y Pa-/ia-na-fi ^^^ rabisu-ia.
Traduction.
(i) Au roi, dieu Soleil, mon maitre, (2) en ces termes : Arad-
Asratou (3) ton serviteur, la poussiere de tes pieds. (4) Aux pieds
du roi mon maitre, (5) sept fois, encore sept fois, je me prosterne.
(6) Void, je suis le serviteur du roi et (7) le chien de sa maison,
et (8, 9) et je garderai le pays d'Amouri tout entier pour le roi mon
maitre. (10) Je I'ai dit et repete a Pakhanati (11) mon inspecteur :
" Prends des soldats auxiliaires pour garder (13) les sujets du roi,
parce que tout (13-19) 20 Khana
(21) que le roi mon maitre lui demande [a Khana . . .]
(22) si je ne garde pas (23) les villes de Zoumour et d'UUaza. (24)
Lorsque mon inspecteur (25) aura apporte la decision du roi, dieu
Soleil, (26) alors moi je ferai la restitution (27) de Zoumour. (28)
Aussi bien tout le pays, c'est pour le roi, mon dieu Soleil, (29) mon
maitre, que je le garde, (31) et le roi mon maitre le sait. (31) que le
roi me donne ses ordres par I'intermediaire, (32) de Pakhanati mon
inspecteur.
Remarques.
Ligne 12. — U'apres I'autographie bi-la-ti, mais dans les passages
analogues on trouve toujours bi-ta-ti, pi-da-ti.
Lignes 13-19.- — D'apres les vestiges qui restent du texte, il semble
qu'Arad-Asratou se plaigne de pillards qui nuisent k son pays. II
demanderait done des soldats auxiliaires pour les repousser.
Ligne 31. — I-ip-ku (?)-id-ni pour i-ip-ki-id-ni 7
502
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
II.
Yatibiri au roi d'Egypte.
(^British Museum, 57.)
Chaude protestation de devouement au roi d'Egypte. Yatibiri
rappelle qu'il a ete mene en Egypte dans sa jeunesse par un grand
officier, dont il semble etre le client, et qu'il a ete attache au service
du palais royal. Dans la suite il a porte constamment les armes
pour le monarque dans le corps des auxiliaires, et il s'est signale par
de brillants exploits sous les yeux du meme grand officier. Yatibiri
porte et portera toujours le joug du Pharaon. Rien ne revele ni
les circonstances, ni I'intention particuliere qui ont inspire cette
lettre d'une allure assez originale.
Transcription.
1. A-na y sarri bil-ia
2. ilani-ia »->|- Sanisani-ia
3. ki-bi-ma
4. uni-m-a : la-bi-ti-ri ardu-ka,
5. ip-ri sa sipi-ka.
6. A-na sipi- sarri bil-ia
7. ilani-ia *^>{- Samsani-ia VII-su
8. u Vll-it-ta-a-an am-ku-ut.
9. Sa-ni-tam, a-mur, a-na-ku ardi-ti
10. sa ki-it-ti sarri bil-ia.
1 1. Da-ag-la-ti ki-ia-am,
12. u da-ag-la-ti
13. ki-ia-am, u la-a
1 4. na-7ni-ir ; u da-ag-la-ti
15. a-na mu-uh-hi sarri bil-ia,
1 6. u na-mi-ir : u
17. ti-na-mu-su labitu
18. '^ la-bi-tu is-tu
19. su-pal tap-pa-ti-si,
20. u a-na-ku la-a i-na-mu-su
21. iS-tu su-pal sipi
22. sar-ri bi-li-ia. U
23. i-sa-al sarri bi-li
503 2 M
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
24. y la-an-ha-ma ^^^ rabisa-su.
25. I-nu-fna sihru a-na-ku, u
26. su-ri-ba-ni a-ita 7nat Mi-is- ri
27. u ur-ra-at-ti sarri
28. bi-li-ia u iz-zi-iz-ti
29. i-na abulli sarri bi-li-ia ;
30. u i-sa-al sarru bil-ia
3 1 . ^^^ rabisa-su i-nu-ma a-na-ktt a-na-m-rii
32. abulia »^^yy Az-za-ti u abulia
33. >-C^yy Ia-p7i. U a-na-ku it-ti
34. Jrt-/5/ bi-ta-at sarri bi-li-ia ;
35. a-sar ti-la-ku a-7ia-ktt it-ti -su-nu(?). . .
36. ?/ a-nu-ma u i-na-an(?)-na(^). . .
37. it-ti{?)-su-m/{?) a-na-ku
38. f:y ;?/-;7 '^ hji-ul-lu sarri bil-ia a-na. . .
39- i^^*^ kisadi-ia u ub-ba-lu-su.
Traduction.
(i) Au roi mon maitre, (2) mon dieu, mon Soleil, (3) il est parle
( ^) en ces termes : Yatibiri ton serviteur, (5) la poussiere de tes
])ieds. (6) Aux pieds du roi mon maitre, (7) mon dieu, mon Soleil
>ept fois, (8) encore sept fois, je me prosterne.
(9) Vois, je suis le serviteur (10) fidele du roi mon maitre.
(it) Que je porte mes regards d'un cote, (12) que je les porte
(13) de I'autre, il n'y a point (14) de lumiere [bonheur] ; mais que je
les porte (15) sur le roi mon maitre, (16) il y a lumiere: et (16-19)
ine brique pourra bouger de dessous son four, (20) mais moi je ne
l)0ugerai pas (21) de dessous les pieds (22) du roi mon maitre. Et
(23) que le roi mon maitre interroge [sur ma fidelite] (24) Yankhama
-on inspecteur. (25) Lorsque j'etais jeune, (26) il [Yankhama]
iii'introduisit au pays de Misri, (27) et je m'attachai au roi (28) mon
maitre, et je demeurai (29) a la porte du roi mon maitre. (30) Que
le roi mon maitre demande (31) a son inspecteur comment moi j'ai
i^^arde (32) la porte de Gaza et la porte {11) de Jopp^. Moi je suis
;ivec (34) les soldals auxiliaires du roi mon maitre ; (35) oil ils vont,
moi (je vais) avec eux, (36) et en ce moment meme (37) je suis avec
(Ux. (38) Le joug du roi mon maitre est a (39) mon cou, et je le
porterai.
504
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1S93.
Remarques.
Lignes it, 13. — Ki-ia-nm ki-ia-atii, litteralement : (Vune
maniere ^'une mitre inaniere.
Ligne 19. — Tappati wieni d'une racine HDi^} que Ton connait
par I'hebreu, et qui exprime I'idee de cuire.
Lignes 38, 39. — II est probable qu'aucun caractere ne manque
a la fin de la ligne 38, quoique endommagee, et qu'il faut simplo-
ment lire : a-naki-sa-di-ia.
III.
Abi-sarri au roi d'Egypte.
{^British Museum, 30.)
Abi-sarri, gouverneur de Tyr, voudrait se rendre aupres du roi
d'Egypte, par lequel il semble avoir ete appele. Mais Tyr se tronve
bloque par Zimrida, gouverneur de Sidon, qui a regu des sccours
d'Azirou, et a moins que le roi ne renforce la garnison de la ville,
Abi-sarri ne peut quitter son poste. II prie done son suzerain de
recevoir a sa place son messager. A la fin de la lettre, Abi-sarri,
conformement aux ordres du roi, lui donne des renseignements sur
ce qui se passe au pays de Chanaan.
Transcription.
1 . A-tui sarri >-»|- Samas-ia ihi-ia ilani-ia
2. um-ma : y A-bi-sarri ardu-ka.
3. VII u VII a-na sipi sarri in-ni-ia am-kut.
4. A-na-ku ip-rii is-tii su-pa-li
5. shii si-ni sarri in-ni-ia.
6. An-nu-ii a-na-au-sur mahaza sarri
7. sa ip-ki-id i-na ka-ti-ia rahis.
8. Pa-Jiu-ia a-na a-la-ki
9. a-na a-ma-ri pa-ni sarri bi-li-ia,
10. u la-a i-ni-i is-tu.
I I. ka-ti y Zi-im-ri-da >-^yy Zi-du-na ^|^.
12. Is-mi-ni-ma i-nu-ma
13. i-ra-bu, n i-bu-us
14. nii-kur-tu it-fi-ia. U-id-din-ni
505 2 M 2
June 6] hu^iETY Ol- i>.BLICAL ARCH.IiOLOl. y . [1893.
15. sarru hil-il-ia X ajniliiti a-na
1 6. na-sn-ri inahaza sarri bi-li-ia,
17. u li-ru-ub a-na mah-ri
1 8. sarri bi-li-ia, da-ga-li
19. pa-ni-su damki. Ta-at-ta-din
20. pa-ni-ia a-na miX?)-ru-ti \ sa (?)-bi<-fi
2 1 . sarri in-ni-ia. Li-is-al
2 2 . sarru bi-li-ia ^^^ 7'abisa-su :
23. i-nu-ma at-ta-din pa-fii-ia
24. a-fia viah-ri-ti sarri bi-li-ia.
25. A nu-um-77ia atnil sipri-ri-ia{J)
26. iis-si-ir-ti a-na
27. sarri bi-li-ia u
28. sarru {?) bi-li-ia amilu
29 dup-pa-su a
30. 71 li-ru-ub a-na
31. sarri bilil-ia-ma
3 2 . It-ta-din pa-?ii-ia
33. a-na viah-ri-ti a
34. pa-ni sarri in-ni-ia,
35. • la-a i-ti-zi-ib , .
36. ardu-su is-tu ka-ti
37. li-it-ta-din pa-ni . . . .
38. sarru bi-li-ia 71 it
39. 77ii a-na si-it-ya-{7/ia^
40. 71 isi a-na ardi-su
41. i-ti sarru bi-li i-7ui-77ta
42. i-na ^'^^)'^*\- taniti 7ii-ta-sa-ab ;
43. ia-7iu 7ni u ia-7i7i isi
44. a-na ia-si-7iu. A-nu-utn-nia
45. us-si-ir y Ilu-77iilku a?nil sipri-7'i
46. a-na 7/iah-ri sarri bi-li-ia,
47. u at-ta-di7i V bilati siparri
48. S:y su-bu-77ia, is tin tf gi7iazu \ gi-7ia-zu
49. Sarru bi-li-ia is-ta-par a-7ia ia-si{})-7naQ) :
50. sa ta-as-77ii is-tu 7nat Ki-na-ah-na,
51. u su-pur a-na ia-si :
52. sar 7nat Da-nu-na mit,
53. u sa-ar-ra ahu-su
54. a-na arki-su, u pa-as-ha-at
506
June 6J PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
55. inatu-su ; u hit sar >-^yy U-ga-ri-it <|Ey.
56. i-ku'Ul i-sa-tum, mi-si-il-su
57. i-kul u mi-si-iil)-su ia-nii ;
58. u ^^^ y>-^>-^ sabi mat Ha-at-ii, ia-mi ;
59. y I-ta-ga-ma pa-pi{})ri
60. >-^yy Ki-id-si u
61. y A-zi-ra nu-kur-tum,
62. it-ti y Nam-ia-piQ)-za :
63. nu-kur-tum^
64 a-ta-tu^ ha-ba-li.
65. y Zi-im-ri-da,
66. i-nu-nia ip-hu-ur
67. ilapi sabi is-tu mahazani y A-zi-ra
68. <z «rt mu/i/ii-ia, u da-mi-ik i-mi-ma IV(^) ti . . . .
69. i-^?/^ iinuki bi-li-ia u ipQ)-li-hu kab-bu. Li-id-din . . .
70. pa-ui-su sarru a-na ar-di-su u li-za-tu \ i-za
Traduction.
(i) Au roi, mon Soleil, mon dieu, mes dieux, (2) en ces termes :
Abi-sarri, ton serviteur. (3) Sept fois et sept fois, aux pieds du roi
men maitre, je me prosterne. (4, 5) Je suis poussiere de dessous
(6) les chaussures du roi mon maitre. (6, 7) Pour le moment je
garderai avec grand soin la ville du roi, qu'il a confiee a ma rr.ain.
(8) Mon dessein est d'aller (9) voir la face du roi mon maitre,
(10) mais je ne puis me tirer des (11) mains de Zimrida, prefet de
Zidouna. (12) II a appris que (13) j'allais venir, et il a fait (14) la
guerre contre moi. Qu'il me donne, (15) le roi mon maitre, dix
hommes pour (16) la garde de la ville du roi mon maitre, (17) et
que je vienne en presence (18) du roi mon maitre, pour contempler
(19) sa face bienfaisante. (19, 20) Mon dessein est de visiter
(21) le roi mon maitre. Qu'il interroge, (22) le roi mon maitre, son
inspecteur, (23) [et qu'il sache] que mon dessein est d'aller (24) en
presence du roi mon maitre. (25, 26) Pour le moment, j'ai envoye
mon messager en (presence) (27) du roi mon maitre, el (ciu'il
accueille), (28) le roi mon maitre I'homme (messager), (29)
sa tablette .... (30) et qu'il vienne [le messager] en (presence)
(31) du roi mon maitre (32) Mon dessein est bien {2^2)^ 34)
de me presenter (pour voir) la face du roi mon maitre, (mais) {i^) \\
ne peut se degager, (36) ton serviteur, de la main (de Zimrida).
507
June 6J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
(37? 38) Q'JS le roi mon maitre en prenne la resolution, et qu'il soil
(lourni) (39) de I'eau pour ma boisson, (40) et du bois pour son
serviteur. (41) Le roi salt que (nous), (42) nous sommes situes an
l'ord{}) de la mer, (43, 44) et que nous n'avons ni eau, ni bois.
Maintenant, (45) j'envoie Ilou-milkou, le messager, (46) en presence
du roi mon maitre, (47) et je donne cinq talents de cuivre, (48) du
sultu, et un ginazu. (49) Le roi mon maitre m'a mande : (50) Ce
que tu apprendras concernant le pays de Chanaan, (51) mande le
nioi. (52) Le roi du pays de Danouna est mort, (53) et son frere
est devenu roi (54) apres lui, {54, 55) et le pays est tranquille ; et la
maison{?) du roi d'Ugarit, (56) ie feu Ta devoree ; (56, 57) il en
a devore une moitie et I'autre moitie, non. (58) Quant aux gens du
pays de Khatti, rien. (59) Itamagapapiri (60) de la ville de Kidsou,
et (61) Azirou, hostilite (62) avec Namyapiza : (63) hostilite, (64)
ravages, destruction, (65) Zimrida, (66) apres avoir rassemble (67)
des vaisseaux et des soldats des villes d'Azirou, (a marche) (68)contre
nioi, et bonne fortune si (je re^ois) (69) des soldats de mon maitre :
lis seront tous effrayes{>y (69, 70) Que le roi tourne ses regards
vers son serviteur^ et que
Remarques.
Ligne 15. — Dix Jiammes. On est souvent frappe dans nos iettres
du nombre insignifiant de soldats auxiliaires,, dix, vingt, trente, que
les chefs syTO-palestiniens demandent pour la garde de leurs villes.
Sans doute qu'ils parlent ainsi par litote ; ils demo.ndent, comma
nous dirions, une poignee d'bommes.
Ljgne 42. — •<^[>- >->f-. Ce groupe cache probablement un mot
qui caracterise la situation de Tyr dans son ile rocheuse au bord de
la mer.
Ligne 48. — Gi-na-zie, L'ideogramme <^« , ainsi transcrit dans
le texte original, exprime en assyrien le mot kissaiUj pour kinsatu.
D'apres cela, gi-na-zu doit etre une expression incorrecte pour kinasu.
— Nous avons fait observer plus d'une fois que les scribes syro-
palestiniens confondent souvent dans I'ecriture les consonnes de
me me organe.
Ligne 58. — La phrase qui forme cette ligne signifie, je crois,
qu'Abi-sarri n'a recueilli aucun renseignement sur les gens de Khatti
508
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
IV.
Ab-sarri au roi d'Egypte
{^British Museum^ 28.)
Apres s'etre plaint de rindifference du roi, qui ne repond pas a
ses communications, Abi-sarri expose avec plus de detail que dans la
lettre precedente, la meme situation qui lui est faite par les chefs
voisins : il montre les flottilles de plusieurs villes pheniciennes
reunies contre lui. II semble dire que la ville de Zoumour a ^te
livre naguere a Azirou, sur un faux message du roi, apporte par
Zimrida.
Transcription.
1. A-na Sarri in-ni-ia >->|- Sainsi-ia ilani-it
2. um-tna : ^ A-bi-sarri ardu-ka.
3. VII u VI a-na sipi sarri bi-ili am-kut.
4. A-7ia-ku ip-ru is-tii su-pa-al sipi
5. siiii si-ni sarri bi-li-ia.
6. Barru bi-li-ia^ ki4-ma *->^ Sam hi,
7. ki-7na ^>\- Addu i-na sa-/ni at-ta.
8. li-iJH-li-ik sarru a-na ardi-su.
9. Sarru bi-li-ia ip-ki-id-ni
I o. a-na-sa-ar »-^yy ^ur-ri ainat sarri ;
11. u as-ta-par dup-pa, ii-mu-da
12. a-na sarri in-ni-ia, u la-a
1 3. it-ti-ir a-ma-tam a-na ia-si.
14. A-fia-ku ^^^ rabisu sarri bi-li-ia,
15. u a-na-ku sa u-bal a-ma-tam
16. taba u a-na a-t>ia-(iam) li-im-na
17. a-na sarri bi-li-ia. Li-ma-as-sir
18. same XX amil Imuki, a-na-sa-ar
19. maliaza-su, u li-ru-ub a-na muh-hi
20. sarri bi-li-ia, u li-?nur pa-fii-su.
21. Ma-ati-7iu ba-la-at amil imuki,
22. i-nu-ma la-a it-ta-zi
23. sa-a-ru is-tu ^I^*-< pi sarri bi-li-sii,
24. u ba-li-it sum-ma sarru is -la -par
25. a-na ardi-su, u ba-li-it
26. a-tia da-ri-ti a-na-ku.
509
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
27 sa il-ti-ga-ti-ma
28 a-tia i-ri-bi
29 (daYga-H pa-ni sarri bi-li-ia
30 pi-ra
31 it-ti-ir-mi
32 ki sarru bi-li-ia
T^T, si-ri-ib-ka
34 via bi-li
35 ra\ A-zi-ra
36 {Arad)-as-ra-tum
37 {a)r-ni sarri y Ha-a-bi
38 i-li sa{?)-ri ^^^ mar sipri-ri
39 it-ta-din >"^]y Su-mu-ra
40. a-na j A-zi-ra^ u la-a
41. t-ku-ul sarru is-tu mahazt-su{u)
42. /,y-/z/ mat-ti-su. I-nu-ma as-ti-?nu
43. su-um sarri u sii-um uvi-jna-jii-su, ■
44. u pal-hu rabis u kab-bi
45. mat-tipal-ha-at, u sa-a la-a
46. i'la-ak a-na arki sarri bi-li-ia
47. sarru i-ti. Su-um-ma sa-ak-na-ta-ni
48. i-na ^^^ rabisi i-na ^X^ Sur-ri,
49. //-^' y Zi-i7n-ri-da *-'t^ Sa-zu,
50. «-/« ardu-ti i-ta-zi-ib-su ;
51. « /«-«?^ mi^ ia-nu isi a-ita ia-si-nu ;
52. u ia-nu a-ia-ka-mi ni-is-kan
53. ^t^ P^S^^^- U sarru bi-li-ia
54. li-im-li-ik a-na ardi-su. Sarru bi-li-ia
55. i-fia dup-pi is-ta-par a-7ia ia-si :
56. mi-nu-um-mi ta-as-ti-mi^ u su-pur
57. a-na sarri. y Zi-im-ri-da sa *-X^ Zi-du-na,
58. ?^ y A-zi-ra amil ar-ni sa?'ri,
59. 2^ amilut >-^yy Ar-va-da ii-mu-ni,
60. ;^ is-ia-ni nia-nii-ta i-na bi-ri-su-nu
61. « ip-hu-ru-niin ilapi-su-nu
62. t:y narkabati-su-nu sabi imnki-su-nu
63. rt-«a sa-la-ii >-^yy Sur-ri amat sarri.
64. G a-as-ta-at ka-ti sarri da-an-na-iuni
5'o
June 6] PROCEEDTNGS. [1893.
65. u da-ga-at-hi-nu ^-X^ Siir-ri
66. la-a i-ni-u-nivi a-na sa-bat.
67. t/^>-Ciyy Su-mii-ra sa-ab-du-niin
68. i-na ^I^*< pi I Zi-im-ri-da
69. sa u-ba-lam a-ma-tam sarri
70. a-na^ A-zi-ra. U as-ta-par
7 r . dup-pa a-na sarri bi-H-ia,
72. u la-a it-ti-ir-ni
73. a-ma-tam a-na ardi-su.
74. Is-tu mu-ga-ti nu-kur-tum
75. i-na viuh-hi-ia, ia-nu mi
76. ia-nu isi. Li-nia-as-sir
77. dup-pa a-na ardi-su^
78. ?/ li-ru-ub u li-mur pa-ni-su u sarru
79. a-na ardi-su a-na nia/iazi-su, u la-a
80. mahazu-su tnatu-su ; atn-mi-nim i-nam-mu
81. sarru bi-li-nu is-tu mat-ti u i-ti
82. u i-ti sa-a-i-ru-it sarru sa ia-nu. A-?iu-u)n-{ma)
2>T,. dup-pi-ia amil imuki a-na muh-hi sarj-i «-Jp Samsi bil-
(^■^0
84. u sarru li-it-ti-ir a-na ardi-su.
Traduction.
(i) All roi mon maitre, mon dieu Soleil, mon dieu, (2) en ces
termes : Abi-sarri ton serviteur. (3) Sept fois, encore sept fois, aux
pieds du roi seigneur, je me prosterne. (4) Je suis poussiere de
dessous les pieds (5) [et] les chaussures du roi mon maitre. (6) "O
roi seigneur, corame le dieu Soleil, (7) comme le dieu Addou, [ainsi]
es-tu dans le ciel.
(8) Que le roi prenne des mesures en faveur de son serviteur.
(9) Le roi mon maitre m'a etabli (10) pour que je garde la ville de
Tyr, sa servante ; (11) cependant j'ai envoye une tablette, yW donuc
des renseignements {J) (12; au roi mon maitre, (12, 13) et il no m'a
pas rendu de reponse. (14) Moi, je suis gouverneur du roi, (15)
et je le suis pour faire parvenir nouvelle (16) bonne et nouvelle
mauvaise, (17) au roi mon maitre. Qu'il envoie (18), le roi, vingt
soldats, j'assurerai la garde (19) de sa ville, et puisse-je venir (20)
chez le roi mon maitre, et voir sa face. (21) Quel soldat vit (22)
losqu'il ne sort pas (23) d'ordre de la bouche du roi son maitre?
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, [1S93.
(24) II vit lorsque le roi mande ses ordres (25) a son serviteur,
(25, 26) et moi [alors] je vis a jamais,
(27) que j'ai pris (28) pour venir (29)
voir la face du roi nion maitre, (30)
(31) repondit. (32) roi mon maitre.
(SS) te faire parvenir (34) seigneur
(35) Azirou (36) (Arad)-As-
ratou (37) revoke contre le roi, Khabi.
(38) (Si) un messager s'"y etait rendu, (39) Zoumour (n')eut (pas) ete
livre a Azirou, (40, 41) et le roi n'ellt pas ete prive d'une ville a lui et
(42) d'un territoire a lui. Lorsqu'on entend (43) le nom du roi et le
nom de son armee, (44) on eprouve une grande crainte, et (45) tout
le pays est effraye, (45, 46) et celui qui ne se met pas a la suite du roi
mon maitre, (47) le roi le connait.
Lorsque tu m'etablis (48) comme gouverneur de Tyr, (49) Zim-
rida s'empara de la ville de Sazu, (50) et la separa de [mon]
obedience, (51) Et nous n'avons plus [en consequence] ni eau, ni
bois; (52) nous n'avons plus ou deposer (53) les morts. Que le roi
mon maitre (54) subvienne en faveur de son serviteur.
Le roi moi maitre (55) ra'a mande par tablette : (56) Tout ce
que tu entendras, maade-le (57) au roi. Zimrida de Zidouna, (58)
et Azirou, sujet rebelle du roi, (59) et les gens de la ville d'Arvada
ont jure, (60) et ils ont echange leurs serments entre eux, (61) et ils
ont [en consequence] rassemble leurs vaisseaux, (62) leurs chars et
leurs soldats, (6;^) pour prendre Tyr, la servante du roi. (64) Que
la main puissante du roi intervienne (65, 66) et leur troupe n'osera
s'emparer du Tyr. (67) Aussi bien ont-ils pris la ville de Zoumour
(68) sur la parole dede Zimrida, (69) qui a apporte un [faux] message
du roi (70) a Azirou. J'avais envoye [a cette occasion] (71) une
tablette au roi mon maitre, (72) et il n'avait pas rendu (73) reponse
a son serviteur. (74) A cause de la presence des ennemis (75)
aupres de moi, il n'y a plus d'eau (76) il n'y a plus de bois, Qu'il
envoie (77) une tablette a son serviteur, (78) et que celui-ci vienne
et voie sa face, et le roi (79) a son serviteur et a sa ville, et
ne pas (80) sa ville et son pays. Pourquoi •
(81) le roi notre maitre du pays . . . . et il sait (82) et il sait
qu'il n'y a pas de Maintenant (83) un soldat porte ma
tablette au roi mon maitre, mon dieu Soleil (84) et que le roi
reponde a son serviteur.
512
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
Remarques.
Ligne 11. — U-mu-da, ou bien u-wu-da, piel de 7(.ndu^ ^^ =
Ligne 82. — Sa-i-ru-if, pour sa-i-riit.
V.
Abi-sarri au roi d'Egypte.
{^British Museum^ 31.)
Abi-sarri recommande a la bienveillance du roi, Tyr, la ville de
Salmayati, et lui-nieme, le serviteur de Sabnayati. Salmayati, pre-
cede du clou vertical, determinatif des noms d'hommes, designe
apparemment un chef tyrien qui s'etait distingue au service du roi
d'Egypte, et sous le commandement duquel Abi-sarri s'etait lui-
meme trouve jadis. — Abi-sarri se plaint de ce que les ordres donnes
en sa faveur par le roi n'ont pas re(,'u leur execution, ce qui fait qu'il
est toujours bloque. II proteste de sa bonne conduite, qui con-
traste avec celle de ses voisins.
Transcription.
1. A-na sarri *->{-
2. u?n-ma : A-bi-sarri
3. VII u VII a-na sipi
4. A-na-ku ip-ru is-tu
5. su-pali sini si-ni
6. u sarru, >~>^ Samas da-ri-(tiun).
7. Sarru ik-bi a-na ardi-m
8. a-na arad Sal-ma-ia-a-ii,
9. a-na na-da-ni si-ffu u a-na
10. ;-'// \ mi-ma a-na si-ti-su.
11. U la-a i-bu-us-su-nim
12. ki-ma ka-bi same bi-Ii-ia,
13. la-a i-na-afi-din-nu-nim.
14. U li-im-li-ik sarru
1 5 . a-na arad J Sal-nia-ia-a-ti,
16. ana na-da-ni mi
ig. as-sum ba-la-ti-su. Sa-ni-tam,
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1893.
18. bi-lisami, i-nu-ma ia-mc
19. isi-ia, mi ia-nu, in-nu
20 rti ia-nu, sa-mii
21 li-ti sarrii bi-li,
22 Sal-ma-ia-a-ti
23 ha-la-ti a-na sasu
24 '. {t)a-din
25 a-7ia si-ti
26 ti
27
28. {U la-d) id-diti-nu-fiim
29. ... ki-ma ka-bi sarru . . .
30. u li-ti sarru a-na ardi-su
31. u a-na >^^yy Sur-ri
32. ma-haz | Sal-ma-ia-a-ti. \
33. U sa it-ta-zi a-ma-tam
34. is-tu iI^>-< // sarri
35. a-na ardi-su sa i-bu-us
36. a-ma-tam sarri \ pa-ni mu- . . -la-ak.
37. sarri >->f- Somas da-ri-tum.
38. U a-na ardi-su ki-it-ti . .
39. Sarru bi-li-ia
40. a-na fia{})-sa{})-ri mahaz J Sal-ma-ia-a-ti
41. bi-ti-ia. A-?iu-um{})-ma(>) bi.
42. Sa-ni-tam bi-li (J)
43. sabi niuh-hi-ia la > • • .
44. a-na ir-si-ti . . . sarriQ)
45. i-nu-ma ru sa um(?)
46. sarru bi-li-ia u i-ga-ru
47. i-na ir-zi-ti, ti
48. sarru bi-li-ia lib-bi kab-bi(?)
49. mat-ti i-ti, u li-id-(din)
50. pa-7ii-su sarru a-na ar-di-su(^),
51. u "^Jiyy Sur-ri
52. mahaz y Sal-ma-ia-a-ti
53. a-na na-da-ni (isi),
54. a-;/^ ;;// a-na ba-(la-ti) . .
55. Sa-ni-tam bi-li
56. (^Hyis-al san u ^^^ rabisa : i-nu-}na , ,
514
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
57. (a)-tia >-^yy Su-mu-ri, a-mur. Ml "^^Tf
58 a-li-ik It bil ^X^ Zi-du-{na)
59 la-ak, II a-7ia-ku i-la-ak ka-du kab-bi kab-bi . . .
60. U li-im-li-ik sarru a-na ardi-su
61. «(?) i-sur is
Traduction,
(i) Au roi (2) en ces termes : Abi-sarri .... (3)
Sept fois, encore sept fois aux pieds (4) Je suis
poussiere de (5) dessous les chaussures (6) et le roi
est le dieu Soleil pour toujours. (7) Le roi a parle en faveur de son
serviteur . . . , (8) en faveur du serviteur de Salmayati, (9) pour
qu'on lui donne du bois et pour (qu'on hii donne) (10) de I'eau a
boire. (11) Et on n'a pas agi (12) conformement a I'ordre du roi
mon maitre ; (13) on n'a rien donne. (14) Que le roi prenne done
des mesures (15) en faveur du serviteur de Salmayati, (16) afin
qu'on lui donne de I'eau (17) pour vivre. De plus, (18, 19), 6
seigneur roi, comme je n'ai pas de bois, pas d'eau, pas de innu
[orge?] (20) pas de samu^ (21) que le
roi mon maitre sache (22) (le serviteur de) Sal-
mayati (23) vie pour lui. (24)
qu'on lui donne (25) pour boire.
(26) (27)
. . . (28) Et on n'a pas donne (29) .... suivant I'ordre du roi
(mon maitre). (30) Que le roi en prenne connaissance en faveur de
son serviteur, (31) et de Tyr, (32) la ville de Salmayati. {T)'^
Puisqu'un ordre est sorti (34) de la bouche du roi (35) a I'adresse de
son serviteur pour qu'il I'execute, (35, 36) je m^applique a executer (?)
I'ordre excellent du roi, (37) du roi, dieu Soleil perpetuel. (38) A
son serviteur fidele, (39) le roi mon maitre (a ordonne) (40) de
garder la ville de Salmayati (41) ma demeure. Maintenant
. . . (42) De plus, (43) soldats con/re (?)
moi (44) pour le pays (45) puisque . . .
(46) le roi mon maitre, et la campagne (47) dans le
pays. Et (48, 49) le roi mon maitre connait les sentiments (?) de
tout le pays; qu'il tourne (50) sa face vers son serviteur (51) et la
ville de Tyr, (52) la ville de Salmayati, (53) pour qu'on donne (du
bois), (54) pour qu'on lui donne de I'eau pour vivre. (55) De plus,
le seigneur (roi) (56) Que le roi interroge son in-
specteur [sur ceci] : lorsque (I'inspecteur se rendit) (57) a Zoumour,
515
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1893.
le prefet de . . . (58) (n')al]a (point au devant de lui), et le prefet
de Zidouna (59) (n'y) alia point, et moi, j'y allai avec
tout tout .... (60) Que le roi done prenne des mesures
en faveur de son serviteur, (61) et il gardera
Remarques.
Ligne 5. — Le signe '^^], qui a entre autres valeurs celle de
inasku, peau, cuir, est ici I'ideogramme sinu^ transcrit immediate-
nient aprbs en ses syllabes si-nu, ou bien c'est un determinatif
aphone du meme mot. Ce luxe graphique inutile est omis, dans le
meme contexte (Brit. Mas., 29, 1. 5).
Ligne 14. — Li-im-li-ik. Le verbe malaku ne peut avoir ici le
sens de conseiller. II signifie poiirvoir i, sens qui convient aux
autres passages ou il se rencontre.
VL
Abi-sarri au roi d'Egypte.
{British Mtiseum, 29.)
Cette lettre est remplie de I'eloge dithyrambique du roi d'Egypte.
C'est la reconnaissance, sincere ou affectee, qui inspire Abi-sarri,
lequel vient d'etre honoie par le roi d'un message favorable et d'une
distinction qui lui donne rang parmi les hauts officiers. En meme
temps, Abi-sarri a ete' delivre, par I'intervention du roi, des difficultes
contre lesquelles il luttait. Neanmoins Abi-sarri regrette toujours
de ne pouvoir aller en Egypte. II termine en attirant I'attention du
roi sur les intrigues de Zimrida et d'Azirou.
Transcription.
1 . A-na sarri in-ni-ia ilani-ia >->^ Samsi-ia,
2. um-ma : y A-hi-sarri ardii-ka.
3. VII ti VII a-na sipi sarri in-ni-ia am-kiit.
4. A-na-ku ip-ru is-tu su-pali
5.- si-tii sarri in-ni-ia, hi-Ii,
6. >- Jf- Samsi sa it-ta-zi i-na muh-hi
7. mat ma-fa-ti ina um-mi u um-nii-ma
8. ki-via si-ma-at ^>\- Safnsu a-lm-su daniku,
9. sa i-ha-li-it i-jia si-Jii-sii tabi,
' 5'6
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. - [1S9:
10. u i-sa-hlr i-na sa-pa-7ii-su ;
11. ia it-ta-sa-ab kab-bi viat-ti
12. i-na pa-^a-hi, i-na kiti-ni asariduti \ ha-ab-ni ;
13. sa id-din ri-ig-ma-su i-na sa-mi
14. ki-ma >->f- Addu, u {tar)-ku-ub kab-bi
15. niat-ti is-tu ri-ig-tni-su.
16. An-nu-ti is-pJi-ur ardti-du a-na bi-li-su
1 7. i-nu-ma is-mi mar sipri-ri damki
18. sa sarm, sa i-ga-sa-ad a-tia ardi-su
19. u si-hu tabu sa it-ta-zi
20. is-tii ^^I^-^ pi y>->->-»- sarri bi-li-ia
21. a-na ardi-su ii i-za-hir si-hii-sii.
22. La-am ga-sa-ad ami! sipri-ri sarri bi-li-ia,
23. la-a i-za-hir si-hu , i-za-gir
24. appi ap-pi-ia. A-mur, i-na-an-na
25. i-nu-ma itta-zi
26. si-hu sarri a-na muh-hi-ia,
27. u ha-ad-ia-ti rabis
28. timiSamiJ), \ a-ru-u i-na um-mi u um-mi-ma.
29. As-suni ha-ti-ia-fi, la-a ti
30. ir-zi-ium. I-nu-ma is-mi
31. mar sipri-ri damki sa is-tu bi-Ii-ia,
32. u kab-bi mat-ti pal-Jia-at
33. is-tu pa-ni bi-li-ia. I-nu-ma
34. is-mi si-hu tabu u mar sipri-ri damki
35. sa i-gu-sa-ta-ni, i-nu-ma
36. ik-bi Sarru bi-li-ia \ ku-na
37. a-na pa-ni sabi rabuti, u ik-bi
38. ardu-du a-na bi-li-su \ ia-a-ia-ia
39. a-na muh-hi ga-bi-ti-ia muh-hi "^ zu-ri-ia
40. u-bal a-ma-tam sarru bi-li-ia.
41. Sa is-mi a-na sarri bi-li-su u
42. u-ra-ad-su i-na as-ra-tu'-su,
43. u it-zi »->f- Samsu i-tia muh-hi-su,
44. u i-zaliir si-hu tabu is-tu ^I^^ pi bi-li-su ,
45. u la-a is-ti-mi a-7na-tam sarri bi-li-su,
46. hal-ga-at ma-hazu-su ha-li-ik bitu-su,
47. ia-nu su-um-su i-na kab-bi
48. mat-ti i-na da-ri-ti. A-mur
5n
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY, [1893.
49. arda-da sa is-mi a-fia bi-li-su,
50. tar-fnu mahazii-sii tar-mu lu'iu-sn,
51. SU-UJ71-SII a-na da-ri-ti.
52. At-ta >-*f- Samsu sa it-ta-zi i-na tnu/i-hi-ia,
53. u du-u-ri siparri sa is-kii-bu
54. a-Tia sa-a-su ; 11 as-sum asandut sarri
55. bi-li-ia da-na-ti
56. \ 7iu-iig-ti\ ba-ti-i'ti.
57. An-nn-u ik-bi
58. a-7ia >->-f- Satnsi A-bi-saf-ri : bi-li-ia
59. ma-ti-mi i-i/iur
60. pa-ni sarri bi-li-ia ?
61. U a-nit-iim-via a-na-ansur
62. »-^yf Sur-ri mahazu ra-bi-tu
63. a-na sarri bi-li-ia ; sa{7)-lain{})
64. i-pi-zi asaridut sarrn da-na-tii i-na nne/i-hi-ia,
65. rt-?/rt! na-da-an mi-i a-na su-ta-ia
66. ?/ w/ rt-'/m su-Jm-ni-ia. Sa-?ii-tam y Zi-im-ri-da
67. /^/7 >-^yy Zi-du-na is-pu-ur ina nni-tni u U7Ji-mi-ma
68. amil ar-ni y A-zi-7'i mar y Arad-'-^-A^-an-ra-tion
69. as-su7n kab-hi a-7na-ta7n sa is-ti-77ii is-iu 77iat Mi-is-ri.
70. A-7iu-iit7i-7na is-pu-ur a-na bi-li-ia, u da77i^u
71. i-nu-77ia i-ti.
Traduction.
(i) Au roi, mon maitre, mon dieu, mon dieu Soleil, (2) en ces
termes : Abi-sarri, ton serviteur. (3) Sept fois, encore sept fois, aux
pieds du roi mon maitre, je me prosterne. (4) Je suis poussiere de
dessous (5) les chaussures du roi, mon maitre, mon seigneur, (6) du
dieu Soleil qui se leve sur (7) les regions tons les jours, (8) suivant
la disposition du dieu Soleil, son pere bienfaisant; (9) par les
paroles propices duquel on vit, (10) et par les doux discours duquel
on se ranime ; (11) qui etablit tous les pays (12) dans le repos par
la force de son autorit^ ; (13) qui fait entendre son tonnerre dans le
ciel (14) comme le dieu Addou, (14, 15) et toute la terre tremble
par I'effet de son tonnerre.
(16) Maintenant le serviteur envoie message a son maitre,
(17) aprbs avoir entendu le porteur du message propice (18) de la
part du roi, qui est parvenu a son serviteur, (19) et la bonne parole
qui est sortie (20) de la bouche du roi mon maitre (21) a I'adresse
518
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
de son serviteur, et apres que sa parole [r]a reconforte. (22) Si le
messager du roi mon maitre n'etait pas arrive (23) et que cette parole
ne [m'Jeut pas reconforte, (23, 24) mon visage se serait contracte.
Vois, maintenant (25) qu'est sortie (26) la parole du roi a mon
adresse, (27) je me suis grandement rejoui (28) chaque jourQ), j'ai
eprouve du contentement tous les jours. (29) Parce que je me
rejouissais, ne pas (30) la terre. Lorsqa'il eut entendu
(31) le porteur du message propice venant de mon maitre, (32) tout
le pays fut saisi de la crainte (33) du roi mon maitre. Lorsque
(34) j'eus entendu la bonne parole et le porteur du message propice
(35) qui m'est parvenu, lorsque (36) le roi mon maitre m'eijt dit [par
la bouche de son messager] : Prends place (37) en presence des
grands ofificiers, alors (38, 39) le serviteur repondit a son maitre :
Yayaya ! (39) sur mon dos, sur mes bras, (40) je porterai le com-
mandement du roi mon maitre. (41) Celui qui obeit au roi son
maitre (42) et s'atcache a lui par son amour, (43) le dieu Soleil [le
roi] se leve sur lui, (44) et une bonne parole sortie de la bouche de
son maitre [le] ranime ; (45) n'ecoute-il pas I'ordre du roi son maitre,
(46) sa ville perit, sa maison perit, (47) son nom n'existe plus en
aucun (48) pays, a jamais. (49) Le serviteur qui obeit a son maitre,
(50) sa ville est fondee, sa maison est fondee, (51) son nom se main-
tient a jamais. (52) Tu es le dieu Soleil qui se leve sur moi, (53,
54) et le rempart d'airain contre lequel on se brtse (?) ; par I'autorite
du roi (55) mon maitre, [j'ai] puissance, (56) conieniement, deliv-
ranee (?)
(57, 58) Maintenant Abi-sarri dit au dieu Soleil: Mon seigneur,
(59) quand verrai-je (60) la face du roi mon maitre? (61) Pour le
moment, je garderai (62) Tyr, la grande ville, (63) pour le roi mon
maitre ; (63, 64) I'autorite du roi mon maitre a ^tendu son ombre
[protection] sur moi, (65) afin qu'on me donne de I'eau pour ma soif,
(66) et de I'eau pour mon chauffage.
Enfin Zimrida (67) prefet de Zidouna, envoie journellement
message (68) au rebelle Azirou, fils d'Arad-Asratou, (69) pour toute
nouvelle qu'il entend du pays de Misri. (70) Je le mande done a
mon maitre, car il est bon (71) qu'il le sache.
Remarques.
Ligne 8. — Le dieu Soleil ici n'est pas le roi d'Egypte, mais le
vrai soleil.
519 2 N
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1893.
Ligne 9. — Sihu, a rapprocher de I'hebreu TX^^ dans le sens de
parole, discours.
Ligne 10. — Sapaiii, pluriel de sapu, d'une racine so2/p, ( = !r|D2J?).
On voit par le rapprochement de lignes 10 et 23 que saj>u et si/m
sont synonymes.
Ligne 12. — Le signe ^^i est susceptible de la lecture asaridut
(Brunnow, 6468), puissance, autorite. Le nom exprim^ par ce
signe, enonce dans tous les cas, d'apr^s la ligne 54, une qualite ou
un attribut du roi. — Habsi me semble etre une glose chananeenne
expliquant asaridut. On se rappellera I'hebreu tL''5'7j doniiner,
gouverner (Job, xxxiv, 17 ; Isaie, iii, 7).
Ligne 14. — {Tar)-ku-ub, les vestiges du premier signe indiquent
►>^ . A comparer avec I'arameen f^5*l , trembler.
Ligne 56. — Ni/gti, cf. Strassmaier, 6396, mi-ug lib-bi. — Ba-ti-i-ti^
plus correctement pa-dl-i-ti}
520
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
A PECULIARLY SACRED POSTURE AVOIDED IN
ANCESTOR WORSPIIP.
Rev. Camden M. Cobern, Ph.D.
The writer, a few winters ago, while in the Ghizeh Museum,
made the observation that the typically sacred posture of the uplifted
empty hands, which was used in innumerable instances where men
appeared before the divinities, was carefully avoided in the Old and
Middle Kingdoms, and very rarely used in the New Kingdom, when
they appeared before their ancestors.
This observation was afterwards confirmed by a visit to the
British Museum and the Louvre, and by an examination of the
plates of Rosellini, Lepsius, &c.
That this posture was a peculiarly sacred one is proved by its use
from the very earliest times in the hieroglyphic " to worship." Thus
also the gods adored the supreme divinity : —
"Hail to thee, Ra . . . thy mother Nut presents her hands to
thee in the act of homage." [Ani Papyrus, Plate I.]
This attitude is of all others the most common one taken by the
worshipper when he enters the presence of his god ; yet almost
universally is it avoided when the relatives gather to reverence their
ancestors.
It cannot be denied that there are a few exceptions to the
general practice, but in almost every case the exception proves the
rule.
Hate . . . and Kheti do stand in the sacred posture before
Usertesen and Mes-en-hotep, who are figured as little creatures
standing on top of the table of offerings ; but the inscription is one
distinctly addressed to Osiris and Anubis. (Louvre, C. 19.)
Another significant exception is that of Khent-Khat-ur, who
stands before his ancestors in this sacred posture ; but stands with
his face turned from them and his hands uplifted — towards the
unseen. [Plate 109, Eg. Inscrips. British Museum, London, 1S37.]
There can be no doubt that this habit was too universal to allow
the possibility of its being accidental. That there was one special
attitude saved for the deity proves how greatly elevated were the gods
above the deceased, and would seem to have some bearing upon the
theory of the origin and meaning of Ancestor Worship which is now
generally accepted.
521
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1893.
THE VIZIERS OF THE NEW EMPIRE.
By Dr. W. Spiegelberg.
Kurt Sethe* has drawn up a list of names of the viziers of the
Old Empire, and in connexion with it a history of this office ; this
work has to be done yet for the New Empire, and I should like to
make a beginning at least in the following to close this palpable gap.
The subjoined list, which gives besides the names only an abbre-
viated reference to the respective sources and also, as far as possible,
the degree of kindred of the officials, is divided into two parts. In
the first I have put together the viziers whose time of office could be
established with certainty,! in the second I put in alphabetic order
those whose dates I did not succeed in fixing exactly. I do not
assert that this list has any pretension to completeness in spite of the
care bestowed upon the perusal of the material appertaining to it.
However, I trust that even in its present state it may be of good
service especially for the fixing of dates.
l.—XVIIIth Dytiasty.
1. ^v.l^'+ Sharpe : ^^^. /«^rr., 1/7. Amenophis I.
2. n A Mfi , Grebaut : Musee de Boulaq, T. XVI.
Thutmosis I.
3. ^"^s=5"%>V^, L.D., III, 2S,lnso{cf. Griffith: "Notes
•Li— ^ — il ir 1
on a Tour," Froc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 1889, p. 103). Virey : Tomheau
de Rec/wiara, PI. III. Thutmosis III.
* A.Z., 1890. 43fol.
t The fixing of dates of the viziers is given according to the Pharaohs in the
sense that the respective governor officiated under the rule of the king quoted in
the margin without precise limitation, i.e., it not being excluded that he was
already acting under the predecessor or successor.
:;: About U U <rr> a<^ /yi , cf. my Stitdicn und Matcrialien,
p. 100, A, 14.
522
June 6] PROCEEDINGS. [1893.
4. (,«. I y ^ ) son of the preceding. Virey : Tombeau de
Rechmara. Louvre: StUe 74 (Lieblein : Diet., p. 914). Louvre:
Sallt hist., No. 368 (cf. Brugsch : DicL, V, p. 393). Louvre : Fap.
3326 (published by Brugsch : Thesaurus, p. 1079).
5. I I r. Mii , Mariette : Karnak, 32^. Pierret : Rec. III24C.
A.Z., 1883, p. 133. Pleyte-Rossi : Fa/'. Turin, I/3 (?).
6. 0,7^ \\ 'yr ) Lieblein: p. 608, 657. Berlin: Palette 3427.
Schiapareili : CataL, p. 1570 {cf. ib., p. 205).
7. 0 fn ' Vjt^ J see the literature in Schiapareili : CataL, p. 197.
I cite beside, Deveria : Musee de Lyon, Stcie 88. Mariette : Cata-
logtie d'Abydos,\). 4,0"^. Amenophis III.
° , Inscr, in the hieratic character, 29/2.
1 AAAA/^A £Z^
D
%, L.D., III, p. 114/^. Ay(?).
IL— ;^/X//i Dynasty.
10. A^ f^ ^^f ) his tomb at Thebes (Champollion : Notices,
p. 520-525, 846-847. Uiimichen : H. I., II/41. Champ.: Mon.
11/ pi. 170, I. L. : D., Ill, 132 n-r). Leemans : Monufn. v.
Leyden, II/44. Statue Wilbour.* Proc. Sac. Bibl. Arch., 1886,
p. 230. Catalogue, Almvick Castle, p. 72. Pierret: Rec, II 85,
and a number of antiquities with his name in the Museum of Berlin
and the Louvre. Sety I-Rameses II.
II- /5C\ T '^1 )t Mariette: Abydos, II/41. Mariette:
U TTS I c^ L) ^ J
Catalogue d' Abydos, y>. 1160 (dated of the 42iid year). Louvre: yi
66 (Pierret, i?er., 1/5). J Rameses II.
12. ^ i (jll^, Champollion: Notices, p. 647. Brugsch:
^^^., I, 83/2, Brugsch: Thesaurus, p. 11 28.*
* Found near Tell el-Robb. I do not know the reason for a distinction
between a ^L^ \k '^ of the reign of Sety I — Rameses II and that of Ameno-
phis III-IV. According to my opinion the two supposed viziers are identical.
t This vizier is not to be confounded with the below named Rc-htp without
the article. ^-^
X In the curious orthography '=^^ ^ -^J based apparently on a faulty
transcription of the hieratic text. ^ ' -^
523
June 6] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1893.
13. T ] W^, Sharpe : Inscr., I/103. Lieblein : Did., p. 886,
1068. Berlin: Cafal., p. 220, 2290 (286). Jiec, X/i3i.
^4" //^ feV 'W R ^^'ST' ^■^' ^^^' ^°°' ^' Brugsch
Rec, I., 74/5 rt.j Champollion : Notices, p. 648; r/! 2594
Mr-n-pth.
^5' ^^ SI) f ^' ^^^-^* -^^^^S^<^ 1086, II/2.
16. (1 "^^^^ n n \ ^, i'^?/. ^7//, 2/17. Mariette: Karnak,
46/12. Sety II.
XXth Dynasty.
17. v°°°T Vir) Champollion: Notices, p. 271 ( = Brugsch : The-
saurus, p. 1 1 29). Ostracon Caillaud : (published by Chabas :
Voyage). Pap. Turin, 44/18. Ostracon : Louvre, p. 696 (published
by Maspero). J/m/6';/.- III/183. § Recueil,Y^N ,^^. 6%.
Rameses III.
18. T ] M^,Brugsch: Thesaurus, i^. 1456. Pap. Turin,
49/3) 58/^ 2. II Rameses IV.
xy. P -^--^ ^ ^ ^' ^'^^- ^^^'^^^^ 4/^5' ^/^- 20. /'^{/^.
Mayer (Liverpool) A, 1/6. Rameses IX.
S .
I ^ 'r^ ' ^^^' ^^-^'^^^ (/assini). Pap. Turin,
20.
fl
S3/A, 3, 90/1. Pap. Turin (ed. Chabas-Lieblein), 3/7 {sic).
Rameses IX-Rameses X.
21. ^^^ 1 ^^ M?i, i?^^., XIII/173. /'^zA ^/^^/>^ 61/I. 6.
AA/VWA U <C_^> C_X __
Rameses X.
t Dated -T^
* P^our inscriptions dated of the year 44 + x {i.e., 44, 45, or 46) of the reign
of Rameses II.
Oil III ;r^o II ^i"
X From the last passage it follows that the vizier yet officiated under the reign
of Sety II.
§ See Rccncil XV, p. 6S. II See A. Z., 91/83.
524
June 6]
PROCEEDINGS,
[1893-
Alphabetical List of the Undated Viziers.
22. jt^ n )^, Z.Z>., Ill, 72 ( = Brugsch: Thesaurus, p. 1216^^)
A.Z., 1883, p. 131.
23. jl ^v ^' Son of a Governor. Mariette : Karnak,
46/11. Mariette: Afydos, y>. 439 {i?a\, IV/105). Petrie : Season,
XXII/60. Wiedemann : Grabkege/, 6.
24.
1 M?i, Pap. Brit. Museuvi 10054, 1/3, his
tomb is mentioned. Accordingly to his title | y ^ \\ [1
he IS to be counted amongst the yVd'7<:' Empire.
25-
o
J^O^^' ^^'-^•'^^^^' ^/3-
26. ^^:7n'^^ ^, Mariette: ^Z^)'^^^, II/56 (=de Rouge, I.H.,
47). /'rt/. Rolliii, 1882, 2/4, 2.
27. ^"^^^ ® (li P ^' ^- '^•' ^^^•5' P- ^7- ^^^^ie"e : J/. Z*.,
70/21.
O'
28. ^ M?i, Lieblein : p. 997. Mariette: Catalogue (TAbydos,
p. 1 138. Brugsch : Thesaurus,'^. 950.
29. -^^ ^ ^^ , Petrie : Season, ^^\\\(i2. Prisse: J/<?//., pi. 27.
30. ^.(l^j Pierret: Rec. d'lnscr.^ II/58. Rec, XII, p. 18
(=Lieblein p. 975). Perhaps are identical with him.
a. ^^ , Stele Berlin 8169 (published in Brugsch: Thesaurus,
p. 811).
b. ^^ U (^) ^ ' Me moires de la Mission, III, 185.*
* Over the hieratic signs, which may be easily read Wx (J , is written the
above hieroglyphic group.
June 6]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY.
[1893-
POSTSCRIPTUM.
In the following lines I take the liberty of appending some
necessary additions. Concerning the reign of Rameses II, there is
to be supplied the vizier n| (J U ^ > of ^^^ well known statue of
Tanis, whose father O fll ' ' v\ » wearing the same dignity, yet
officiated possibly under the reign of the Pharaoh named. So we
have five viziers at least under the reign of Rameses II but I have
not succeeded in ascertaining exactly which of them were contem-
porary in office.
The vizier 1^ "^ O ^ | J ^^ M^ (No. 25), who was,
according to Pap. Salt, 1I3, a predecessor of [1 f | ' ^ ^' ^^
stated in an inscription of the Wadi-Hamamat, which I found in
the papers of Nestor VHote,* to have officiated under Sety II So
he is to be inserted between Nos. 15 and 16.
For completeness I will further mention a vizier q7\ ^ of
the {Pap. Sa/t verso 1/6), whose name, and no less the obscurity of
the passage in question, have withheld me from inserting him in the
ordinary list of the viziers.
Vol. Ill, p. 33. His titles
IIP
526
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