^^fi^^MM^
E
PROCEEDINGS
THE SOCIETY
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
JANUARY
DECEMBER, 1896.
VOL. XVIII. TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION.
PUBLISHED AT
THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY,
37, Great Russell Street, Eloomsbury, W.C.
1896.
HARRISON AND SONS,
PHINTKRS IN ORUINARV TO HER MAJESTY,
sr. martin's lane, lonoon.
COUNCIL, 1896.
President.
Sir p. le Page Renouf, Knt.
Vice-Presidents.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c., &c.
The Right Hon Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury. ^
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P,, D.C.L., &c.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C. L., M. D., &c.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Council.
Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A.
Arthur Gates.
Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S.
Charles Harrison, F. S.A.
Gray Hill.
Prof. T. Hayter Lewis, F.S.A.
Rev, Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c.
Rev. James Marshall, M.A.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Walter L. Nash, F.S.A.
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.
Prof. F. Pierret.
J. Pollard.
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., F.R.S.
&c.
E. Towry Whyte, M.A., F.S.A.
Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Honorary Seortary for Foreign Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A.
Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F. R.G.S.
CONTENTS.
Donations to Library 45, 79, 147, 163, 193, 241
Nomination of Candidates ... ... 2, 46, 80, 148, 194, 242
Election of Members ... ... 1, 46, 80, 148, 164, 242
Errata ... ... ... ... ... ... ... no
Notices of decease of Members ... ... ... ... 193
No. cxxxiv. Janu.\ry.
Secretary's Report, 1895 ... ... ... ... ... 3-5
Council and Officers for the year 1896 ... ... ... 6
P. LE Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead.
Chapter CXXV, Part IV (Z'A^/efj) 7-16
Prof. Dr. Fritz Hommel. Assyriological Notes ... 17-24
RoiiERT Brown, Jr., F.S.A. Euphratean Stellar Re-
searches {continued) ... ... ... ... ... 25-44
Statement of Receipts and E.xpenditure for the year ending
the 31st December, 1895 ... ... ... ... 45
No. cxxxv. February.
P. LE P.vGE Renouf (President). The Book of the Dead,
Notes to Chapter CXXV {continued) ... ... ... 47-53
F. L. Griffith. Chaereu to Hermopolis on a Bilingual
Milestone 54,55
W. M. Flinders Pktrie, D.C.L., Szc. The Arrange
ment of the XX 1st Dynasty (/Ya/f) ... ... ... 56-64
The Hon. Miss Plunket. ■J>^^ {G^Ot the Eleventh
Constellation of the Zodiac ... ... ... ... 65-70
Rev. A. J. Delattre, S.J. A-niur-ri o\x A-har-ril ... 71-75
Alfred Boissier. Lettre de Laba au roi d'Egypte ... 76-78
CONTENTS.
No. cxxxvi, March.
P. LE Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead,
Notes to Chapter CXXV (rw/z'/w^i?^) 81-85
Rev. Dr. M. Friedlander. — Some Fragments of the
Hebrew Bible with PecuUar Abbreviations and Peculiar
Signs for Vowels and Accents ... ... ... •.. 86-98
R. D. FoTHERiNGHAM, B.A. Some Considerations re-
garding Professor Petrie's Egyptian Chronology ... 99-102
F.L.Griffith. Note on Demotic Philology ... ... 103-105
Joseph Offord, Junr. The name Chaereu ... ... 106
Prof. Savce. — Roman Inscriptions at Assuan ... ... 107-109
No. cxxxiv. April.
P. LE Page Renouf {President). The God
^■Sl1-I'^\x-|
p. LE Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead
Notes to Chapter CXXV {continued)
Prof. Wm. F. Petrie, D.C.L. Note on Chronology ..
Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A. The Blessing of Moses (Deut
xxxiii)
E. TowRv Whyte, M.A., F.S.A.— Some Remarks on the
Sepulchral Figures usually called Ushabti. (10 Plates) 138-146
III, 112
113-117
117
118-137
No. cxxxviii. May.
P. LE Page Renouf {President). The Book of the Dead.
(3 Plates) 149-155
J. Offord, Jun. — The Nude Goddess in Assyrio-Baby-
lonian Art 156,157
Alfred BoissiER.— Bas-Reliefs de Tiglat-Pileser III ... 158-160
E. TowRY Whyte. — Sepulchral Figures usually called
Ushabti 161
VI CONTENTS.
TACili
No. cxxxix. June.
Sir p. le Page Renouf {President). The Book of the
Dead. Notes to Chapter CXXVIII 165-169
Professor A. H. Savce. Assyriological Notes. No. I 170-186
Dr. W. Max Muller. — On a Hieroglyphic Sign ... 1 87-1 91
No. cxL. November.
F. Ll. Griffith. — Stela of Mentuhetep, Son of Hepy.
{Plate) 195-204
Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A.— A New Eponym List.
82-5-22, 121 205-207
Dr. M. Gaster. — -Two Unknown Hebrew Versions of
the Tobit Legend . 208-222
Rev. G. Margoliouth. — More Fragments of the Pales-
tinian Syriac Version of the Holy Scriptures ... ... 223-236
Alfred Boissier. — Notes Assyriologiques ... ... 237-239
No. cxLi. December.
Prof. Flinders Petrie. — The Period of the Judges ... 243-249
Theophilus G. Pinches. Assyriological Gleanings.
{\ Plates) 250-258
Dr. M. Gaster. — Two Unknown Hebrew Versions of
the Tobit Legend (^6'«//«/^<?i^) ... ... ... ... 259-271
W. E. Crum. — A Stele of the XHIth Dynasty ... ... 272-274
Rev. G. Margoliouth. — More Fragments of the Pales-
tinian Syriac Version of the Holy Scriptures {continued) 275-285
ILLUSTRATIONS. yii
LIST OF PLATES,
The Book of the Dead. Plates XXXIII, XXXIV, XXXV.
{Three plates) 8
The XXXIst Egyptian Dynasty 60
Some Remarks on the Sepulchral Figures usually called
Ushabti. (Ten plates) ... ... ... ... ... 142
The Book of the Dead. Plates XXXVI, XXXVII,
XXXVIII. {Three plates) 148
Stela of Mentuhetep, Son of Hepy ... ... ... 196
Assyriological Gleanings, {Four plates) ... ... ... 256
VOL. XVIII. Part i.
PROCEEDINGS
THE SOCIETY
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
VOL. XVIII. TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION.
Ftrst Meeting, January \^th, 1896.
[a.nniversary,]
^m
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Secretary's Report, 1895 3-5
Council and Officers for the Year 1896 6
P. Le Page Renouf {President). — The Book of the Dead,
Chapter CXXV, Part IV {Plates) 7-16
Prof. Dr. Hommel. — Assyriological Notes 17-24
Robert Brown, Junr., F.S.A. — Euphralean Stellar Researches
{continued) 25-44
Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the Year ending 31st
December, 1895.
^^ :
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PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION, 1896.
First Meeting, i^th Januaiy, 1896.
[anniversary.]
REV. JAMES MARSHALL, M.A.,
IN THE CHAIR.
The following Candidates were elected Members of the
Society, having been nominated at the last Meeting, held on
the 3rd December, 1895 : —
VV. H. Brown, B.A., London, 21, Cambridge Street, Eccleston
Square.
John Stanton, Chorley, Lancashire.
Rev. C. H. W. Johns, Queens' College, Cambridge.
James Wheeler, Chardmore Road, Upper Clapton.
[No. CXXXIV.] I A
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1896.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
Newcastle-upon-Tyne Public Libraries (Basil Anderton, B.A.,
Chief Librarian).
Doctor Ceriani, The Ambrosian Library, Milan, was
elected an Honorary Member of the Society.
The following were nominated for election at the next
Meeting on February the 4th : —
Arthur E. Fardon, Vaudry Bank, Fleetwood.
William G. Jones, 6, Ashfield Terrace West, Newcastle-on-Tyne.
A Paper was read by Dr. Gaster on " Some Unique
Hebrew Illuminated Manuscripts of the Bible, of the 9th
or loth Century," which will be printed in a future Part of
the Proceedmgs.
Several of these interesting manuscripts were exhibited
by Dr. Gaster, having a peculiar and well marked style of
coloured borders to the pages, as well as within the lines of
text. There were also exhibited a number of other MSS. of
Bibles and Prayer Books, showing the styles of decoration
ordinarily used at certain dates.
Thanks were returned for this communication.
Remarks were added by Dr. Friedlander, Mr. W. G.
Thorpe, Dr. Gaster, and the Chairman.
The Secretary's Report, and the Statement of Receipts
and Expenditure to the 31st December, 1895, were received
and adopted.
Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
SECRETARY'S REPORT
FOR THE YEAR 1895.
It has been my duty during the year just passed, to notice from time
to time the heavy loss the Society has suffered by the death of some of
its distinguished Members. It must be a subject of great regret to all
to see the ranks thus thinned.
The number on the roll of Members has, however, been fairly
maintained ; still, it is in every way desirable that it should be increased ;
a most desirable addition could easily be obtained if every individual
Member, or even a large portion of those now on the list, would each
make the effort to secure at least one new Member. I have to thank
many who recognize this duty as one they owe to the Society, for
their efforts, and it is to be hoped that others will realize the same duty,
and make an effort to give some help.
The twenty-fifth session of the Society commenced on November,
1894, but, according to the recently adopted and more convenient
arrangement, the seventeenth volume includes the Proceedings issued
from January to December, 1895. The publications therefore now form
an annual volume.
The Society is certainly to be congratulated on the number of Papers
and shorter communications which have been printed ; their interest is
not unequal to those of former years. It is to be hoped, however, that
the personal efforts of all those interested in the Society will, by in-
creasing the number of Members, enable the Council to print many
other original texts, which are only waiting the time when the cost of
publication is forthcoming.
Classing the Papers according to subjects, it may be well to take, in
the first place, those which more directly refer to matters connected with
the Bible ; many of these are of peculiar interest, and I may state that
the authors have kindly consented to submit their researches in similar
subjects to the Society during the present and future sessions.
Rev. Dr. Lowy : On the Pre-Mosaic Culture of the Hebrews (read
in February and April). Rev. J. Margoliouth : The Divine Name
mn^ (February). Rev. Dr. Caster : An Unknown Aramaic Original
of Theodotion's Additions to the Book of Daniel (February) ; Part III, the
Commentary. Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A. : The Name Shinar, Genesis xi, 2,
and the meaning of ]T^^^ of Genesis xliii, 1 1 (April). Rev. C. J. Ball,
M.A. : The Testament of Jacob, Genesis xlix. (May). John E. Gilmore
and P. le p. Renouf {Presideftt) : Coptic Fragments of Genesis xiii
and xiv, and Psalm cv (November).
3 A 2
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1896.
Of Papers dealing with the antiquities and mythology of Egypt, the
number submitted has been in excess of those of former years. The
President has continued his translation and commentary of the Book
of the Dead. It must not be forgotten that this is the only complete
translation that has been issued.
The title of the Papers are as follows :— P. I.E P. Renouf : The
Book of the Dead, additional note to chapter CIX and Chapters CXI
to CXVI (January), Chapter CX (February) ; Notes, Chapter X (March) ;
Chapters CXVI I to CXXIII (April) ; Chapter CXXIV (May) ; Chapter
CXXV, Parts I and II (November); Part III (December). The Bow
in the Egyptian Sky, Part II (January). Human Sacrifice, and the
Theory of Substitution in Egyptian and other Ancient Religions (March).
Note on Length and Breadth in Egyptian (May). E. Lefebure,
Etude sur I'Abydos, un dialogue des Morts : le chapitre d'amener la
Barque : traduction et commentaire (March). Dr. A. Wiedemann :
An Inscription of the time of Amenophis the IVth (April). Two Monu-
ments with a Votive Formula for a Living Person (May). MiSS M. A.
Murray : The Descent of Property in the Early Periods of Egyptian
History (November). Alfred C. Bryant, B.A., and F. W. Read:
Akhuenaten and Queen Tii (November) PROFESSOR Dr. Karl Piehl :
Notes de Philologie Egyptienne {continued) (November). PROFESSOR
Dr. Aug. Eisenlohr : Egyptian Chronology (December). Walter
L. N.\SH, F.S.A. : Bronze Figure of Isis with silver head covering
(May). Professor Paul Pierret : La Coudee Royale du Musee
Egyptienne du Louvre (May).
Babylonian and Assyrian Antiquities have not been neglected, and
I am happy to be able to state that other Papers will be brought before
the Society during the present year.
Robert Brown, Junr., F.S.A. : Euphratean Stellar Researches,
Part IV (January) ; Part V, The Archaic Lunar Zodiac {to be cofitinued).
S. Arthur Strong : Additional Note on a Fragment of the Adapa
Legend (January). Theo. G. Pinches : The Lament of the "Daughter
of Sin," illustrated with the text (February) ; Water Rate in Ancient
Babylonia (December). S. Arthur Strong : Some Assyrian Allitera-
tive Texts (April). Rev. C. H. W. Johns : Sennacherib's Letters to
his Father, Sargon (November). Professor Dr. Fritz Hommel :
a continuation of his Assyriological Notes (May). Professor Sayce :
The Karian and Lydian Inscriptions (January) ; with a further note,
which appeared in May.
The best thanks of the Society are due to the many writers who
have so willingly given their assistance by giving so varied and in-
teresting series of Papers to the Society.
Of the Large Paper Edition of Mr. Rcnoufs Translation, with
Commentary and Notes, of the Book of the Dead, Parts I, II, III, and
IV have been issued to subscribers, and it is very satisfactory to be
4
Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [iSg.Oi
able to record that the whole of the edition had been subscribed for
before the issue of the fourth part. That the Society should have had
the opportunity of issuing this monumental work, the result of the
study of many years, is a subject of great congratulation, as also that
it should have been so appreciated by scholars. Of the Bronze Orna-
ments of the Gates of Balawat, Part V, the last and concluding portion,
still remains to be issued. If it had not been for the unfortunate illness
which seized me last year, the work would have been completed. I hope
before many months are over to issue the final part.
The number of kindred Societies with which publications are ex-
changed has been considerably increased ; and others have been purchased
by the Council, but it is to be regretted that the funds at their disposal for
this purpose are not sufficient to make this department of the Library as
complete as could be wished. Many donations of books have also been
made by various authors, to whom the best thanks of the Society are
due for thus placing their works within the reach of many to whom they
may be of real service.
The audited Statement of Receipts and Expenditure for the year
1895 shows that the funds available for that year have been £7i?> ^s. 2d.,
and the expenditure for the same period has been £62,^ 6s. /\d. The
balance carried forward from 1894 was ^90 45-., and that from the year
just ended ^80 is. lod.
We have to thank Mr. Walter ^lorrison, M.P., one of the Vice-
Presidents, who has so often generously given assistance, for a sub-
stantial addition to our funds. A small amount will also be found
entered in the annexed statement of accounts towards the arrears for
printing referred to in former Reports. The cost of printing the publi-
cations is necessarily very great, and it surely ought to be unnecessary
for me to point out year after year, that, in order that the work may be
properly carried out, liberal contributions are to be desired from the
Members.
W. Harry Rvi.axds,
Secrcta7y.
The thanks of the Society were voted to the President, the
Secretary and Officers for their efforts in behalf of the Society.
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHJiOLOGY. [1896.
The following Officers and Council for the current year
were elected : —
COUNCIL, 1896.
President.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF.
Vice-Presidents,
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop ok Canterbury.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c., &c.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A.
Arthur Gates.
Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S.
Charles Harrison, F.S.A.
Gray Hill.
Prof. T. Hayter Lewis, F.S.A.
Rev. Albert Lovvy, LL.U., &c.
CounciL
Rev. James Marshall, M.A.
Claude G. Montefiore.
\Valter L. Nash, F.S.A.
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.
Prof. P. Pierret.
J. Pollard.
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D.,
F.R.S., &c.
E. Towry Whyte, M.A.
Honorary Treasurer.
Bernard T. Bosanqukt.
Secretary.
W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Hon. Secretary for Foreign Correspondence.
Rev. R. G WYNNE, B.A.
Honorary Librarian.
William Simpson, F".R.G.S.
6
Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By p. le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CXXV.
Notes.
For the significance of this most important chapter with reference
to the reh'gion and ethics of ancient Egypt I must refer to the Intro-
duction. The notes in this place must be confined to the text and
its elucidation.
No copy of the chapter is known of more ancient date than the
eighteenth dynasty, but the oldest papyri contain the three parts of
which the chapter consists. That the chapter is of much earlier
date than the eighteenth dynasty is quite certain from the nature of
the corruptions which had already made their appearance in the
earliest copies which have come down to us. But the three parts
are not necessarily of the same antiquity. The second part seems
to have grown out of the first and to have been suggested by the
mention of the "Forty-two" gods and the "negative confession," as
it is called, of certain sins. It is a tabulated form in which the gods
are named and a sin is mentioned in connection with each god.
The number of sins in this form is therefore forty-two ; a higher
number than in Part I.
The two catalogues agree to a certain extent, but they also
disagree, and the second is evidently the result of a different process
of thought than that which gave birth to the first. The author of
Part I is not the author of Part II, unless perhaps at a different and
later period. Nor is there any indication in Part I of the extra-
ordinary examination to which the deceased person is subjected in
Part III. This in itself would not be a serious objection, but the
7
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1896.
matter becomes more complicated if we remember that the picture
of the Psyschostasia has the right to be considered as a part of the
chapter. The texts which are written upon it differ, indeed,
according to the taste of the artist, and can therefore claim no
canonical authority. But the question as to the order of succession
in the trials, or the precise moment at which the deceased person is
finally freed from all anxiety as to his fate, cannot be satisfactorily
solved on the supposition that all these documents form parts of a
consistent whole. It seems much more natural to consider them as
really independent compositions brought together in consequence of
their subject matter. The artists of the Ramseside period (in the
papyri of Hunefer and Ani) add another scene * in which the
deceased is judged not by the forty-two assessors of Osiris but by a
smaller company of gods (twelve or fourteen), sitting on thrones and
bearing the names of well known divinities.
The essential notion was that of a trial before Osiris, in which the
man's conduct or conscience was weighed in the Balance. This trial
is referred to in various chapters of the Book of the Dead and in
other texts which prove that, with reference to the details, free scope
was allowed to the imagination of the scribes or artists.
The number of the Forty-two assessors might be thought con-
nected with that of the Nomes of Egypt. But this number is only
certain for the later periods of Egyptian history, and is not true for
earlier times. Moreover the localities in which the gods are said to
make their appearances do not correspond to the nomes, or places
within them. Some of the localities occur more than once, and
some of them, if not all, are localities not upon earth. Heaven
occurs twice, the eleventh god makes his appearance at Amenta and
the forty-second in the Netherworld. But the names which have a
more earthly sound may have a mystical meaning. The first god
makes his appearance in Annu, so does the seventeenth and so does
the twenty-fourth. But does this mean Heliopolis of Egypt? On
referring to an important text in Mariette's Momivients Divers^
pi. 46, it will be seen that Annu is the Eastern Solai- Mountain
T fll ' ^^'^'^''^' ^^ ^^" rises, and where he is saluted by the Powers
of the East. There cannot be a more striking illustration of " the
* Apparently suggested by the scene in llic tomb of Hor-eni-heb (see
Deiihii., Ill, 78), in the time of Amenophis III. (Plate XXXIl, fig. 15.)
8
TLATE XXXIII.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Proc. Soc. Bihl. Arch., January, 1S96.
Tfi-'fr-frrTri-i'i-r'r-fTi-rT-i-rrTTT
Fig. II. Chattkr CXX\\
Sarcophagus of Sebek-aa, Berlin Museum.
Fig. 12. Chapter CXXV. Lepsius, " Denkm'aler," Abth. Ill, Bl. 232.
Fig, 13. Chapter CXXV.
Lepsius, " Denkmaler," Abth. Ill, Bl. 232.
PLATE XXXIV.
BOOK
M^^IMMIMMI^
m
Fig. 14.
Chapter CXXV. Papyrus, Leyden Museum, No. i.
Chapter CXXV. Pap
A
Proc. Sec. Bihl. Arch., January, 1896.
HE DEAD.
Fig. 15.
CHArrER CXXV. Lepsius, " Denkmaler," Abth. Ill, Bl. 78.
Ani, British Museum.
PLATE XXXV.
BOOK OF
Chapter C
Hg. 17. Lepsius, " Denkmaler," Abth. Ill, Bl. 39.
y'if^. 19. Mariette, "Deir cl Bahari,"
PI. VIII.
Fig. 20. KosEi.i.iNi, "M.C.," PI. LI.
Proc. Soc, Bibl. Arch., January, \i
)EAD.
les).
Fig. i8. Lepsius, " Deiikmaler," Abth. Ill, Bl. 39.
tx
;, 21. ROSEI.LINI,
'M.C., PI. LII.
Fig. 22. RosEi.LiNi, "M.C.," PI. LII.
Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
Divine Babe who makeUi his appearance in Annu " (the twenty-
fourth Assessor), than ih.e picture I refer to.*
And Chemunnu, ZZq ^ ®, is surely not the Hermopolis of
Egypt, but the place of the Eight gods I ' O ^ ^Ji i > four to the
Left and four to the Right of the rising sun, who hail his coming
and help him to rise; where Shu, according to the MSS. of the 17th
Chapter, raises up the Sky, and where " the children of Failure,"
(that is, shades of darkness) are exterminated. It is not simply of
I .^ /VNAAAA
Hermopolis nor yet of Lake Moeris that one may say n D v
j I ^.w>AA ^ Jl I AL ■ n ^. i\^ ig ^\^Q place of the Eight deities
where Ra riseth {Zeitschr., 1872, p. 8).
The same considerations apply to such names as those of
Sutenhunen and Tattu.
The presence of the divine ''Babe," of the god "of long strides"
(Ra), of the god " of Lion form," of the goddess Bast, of Nefer-
tmu, of the " Striker " {Ahi, a name of Horus), and of Nehebkau,
not to mention others, among the Assessors, would of itself be
sufficient to convince us that, in spite of the strange and terrific
names of some of these personages, they are not to be looked upon
as fiends, like Malacoda, Scarmiglione, and the rest of the demon
crew in the Inferno of Dante. They are not evil spirits, but gods,
all of them, "subsisting on righteousness;" there is "nothing zvrong
about them."t They are the gods who accompany Osiris, and.
* The picture of the Babe lifted up into the upper world l)y two divinities
speaks for itself. Of the birth of the Sun as the Winged Scarab at the beginning
of the first hour of the day, M. Maspero, in his description of the text, says :
" II est salue a ton apparition par les huit .... ' les esprits d'Orient, dieux
du ciel, des terres, des pays etrangers, de la montagne d'horizon orientale qui
est On.'"
t This is the principle by which to judge the cases of the god of writhhig aspect,
W ^^ iPh Wl s^''PS"ti'^6» or crocodile 5]V , ^SSs. ' ^'""^ of Uammeta
4= ) ^n!S. ^\ ^\ 5 against both of whom a t^assage of the ' Book of
Hades' (Bonomi, Save, pi. II A) has been quoted. The book, of course, is of
inferior authority to the 'Book of the Dead,' but in any case it must be
remembered that these names, as appellatives, are common nouns {Uammetii is in
the plural number in the passage in question), and may simply mean Serpents. .
9
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1896.
according to Egyptian theology, are his Names, his Limbs, his
Body. If the names of some of them appear harsh or cruel, it is
because strict Justice is inexorable, and Mercy is a quality never
thought of in Egyptian theology.
The exact notion of Maat in Egyptian texts is discussed in
another part of the present work. In this chapter I have translated
it J^/\'-///eo»s/iess, because the question here is about moral conduct :
and conformity to the strict Rule of Right towards one's fellow
men, one's own self and the heavenly powers is what is meant by
Righteousness. And here it is opposed to moral transgression or
sin, not to physical evil, which itself is a very frequent result from
the operation of the inexorable Maat.
But in the expression, " Hall of Righteousness," the word in
Egyptian is used in the dual number : hence the erroneous or
inadequate translations, "the Two Truths," or "Double Justice,"
and the guesses which have been made as to their meaning.
A very important determinative of the Egyptian word is found
not only in the papyri but in the very earliest mention yet known
of the Hall. The great inscription of the tomb of Peher at El Kab,
calls it the "^ . The repetition of the sign © indi-
[3U Q all® ^ ^
cates a locality in which the Sun-god \s present, as in the cases of
cQ] [m , , ,, .,..,,.
and many others. Space is divided into two
parts ; one on the Southern and one on the Northern side of the
god as he proceeds on his course. And when we have for de-
terminatives two Ur?ei [X fX , or two ostrich Feathers n K , we
have to understand two goddesses Maat, one to the Left and one to
to the Right side of Osiris.
These goddesses are Isis and Nephthys, who play very con-
spicuous parts in a symbolism discussed in note 2 of the present
chapter.
It would be well if evidence could be brought with equal facility
to bear upon all the difficulties witli which the chapter abounds.
But though a very lively interest was attracted to it ever since
Sulu is called by the first of these names at Edfu {Zeitschr., 1871, p. 108). But
even at Dendera (Lanzone, Diz., pi. 173, l) this 'god of serpent face' is
'disastrous to the Sebau,' the enemies of Osiris and Ra, and is therefore not one
of them.
10
Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
Champollion quoted extracts from it in his Grammar, the difficulties
with which he did not attempt to cope have only increased with our
knowledge of the language and its scientific treatment. The text is
extremely doubtful in many important parts, the forty-two sins are
not the same in all the manuscripts, and they are not assigned to
the jurisdiction of the same gods. So important a papyrus as that
of Sutimes omits some sins of which an Egyptian would certainly be
expected to give an account. The same word is made to appear
with different meanings in the same passage of the papyri when they
are compared together. And there are not a few important words
of which the meaning was first only guessed at by the first translators,
but has been retained without sufficient warrant by their successors.
The present translation is presented under the full consciousness of
all its imperfections, and of the difficulties which have yet to be
overcome before a version can be called satisfactory.
A very admirable contribution towards our acquaintance with
the first part of the chapter was made as far back as 1866 by Dr.
Pleyte in his Etudes Egyptologiques. Since then other versions have
appeared by MM. Deveria, Lefebure and Pierret.
The Demotic text of the chapter, first published by Brugsch, and
now more recently, with a complete translation, by M. Revillout, is
in itself most interesting, but written, as it is, in the days of imperial
Rome, cannot always be appealed to as to an authoritative exposition
of the ancient text.
I. The Day of searching examination or reckoning. The word
'M<r--^^-g5^ has to be compared with the Coptic Kco'f" in the
sense of search, enq7iiry, ^>]Teiv, ^iprjai's. This sense is derived from
M a circle ( 1 M ^ p\,^ sail round) and the notion of going
■completely round a thing and approaching it from all sides.
2. Thou [literally he'] of the Fair of Eyes ^rfr^s^
m^s
* This title of Osiris is made clear by the 37th
"^ The "^^ is not to be read Ji or fy. The sign \\ is merely the ideogram
of the number 2, like the letter ^ in Coptic. The belief in an Egj'ptian dual
with \^ as a final syllable is an illusion, though a very pardonable one, of our
■grammarians.
II
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1S96.
chapter, which begins with an invocation to the Sister Pair of
Goddes.es, Merta '^ X^^j^^'^^^^W; ^^'^ta signi-
fying Two Eyes, and the divine Sister pair being Isis and Nephthys.
In vignettes of the chapter (see, e.g., PI. XXXIII and XXXIV,
figs. 14 and 16 for instances) the two goddesses appear in human
form with their brotlier Osiris within the naos where the judgment
is delivered. It is not so easy to recognise them under the form
^^^^ which they have in the vignette of Pb. (see PI. XXXI),.
or in the picture which is found in many papyri {e.g., those of
Nebseni, Hunefer, Ani and the Turin Todtenbuch), wherein the
cornice or top row of the decoration surmounting the forty-two
judges has for central figure a man (Osiris) either supporting the
Two Eyes or extending his hands above them (see PI. XXXIV,
fig. 14).
We have here a symbolism of such extreme importance as to
justify a short excursus on the subject.
The Two Eyes =^^ "^^ are a most frequent symbol on all
funereal monuments ; on the most ancient coffins, such as those of
Apaanchu, Antuf, Taka {Denkm., II, 98, 146, 147), Mentuhotep
{Aelfeste Texte, pi. 9 and 25), Sebak-aa (Gio. d'Athmasi, pi. 3) and
Amamu, as on mummy cases generally, and on funereal tablets.
Between the Eyes on many tablets we frequently find the sign Q ,
AAA/VA/V
and this is often followed by the sign of Water ';:;XC^ or the Vase ^;7 ,
and very frequently by both. Very often we have two signs Q , one
by each Eye, and not less frequently a pair of jackals, £i^ or ^^
facing each other. No two tablets are exactly alike, but the
meaning is always the same.
Nor is the meaning changed when the tablet is headed by the
Winged Disk ^j^J or^^^ even though the Eyes are not seen.
Their place is supplied by two Urrei, sometimes crowned with the
Q and the \J , insignia of Southern and Northern sovereignty.
On a fine tablet of the twelfth dynasty {Denkm., II, 136^), the
sign Q is attached to each Uraeus, and this device is repeated on
innumerable monuments.
According to another device the Two Eyes are represented
within the Winged Disk (see^.^., Leemans, J/^«., Ill, J/., PI. XVI).
" He of the Pair of Eyes " is always Osiris. But Osiris is a god
12
Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
" of many names," as the Pyramid Texts show no less than the
Book of the Dead, where in the seventeenth chapter he is identified
with Tmu, Ra, the Bennu, Amsu and Horus, not to mention others,
and where in the Schoha the Two Feathers, the Two Uraei, the Two
Eyes and the Two Kites* are identified with the Sister pair Isis and
Nephthys. And wherever these symbols occur in pairs Isis and
Nephthys are meant, one for the right or northern side and the other
for the left or southern. The same idea is conveyed under such forms
^s ^^m 1 ^^ ' o^ 1^^ ' ^^^^ many others. Dr. Birch long ago
a
{Zeitschr., 1877, p. t,^) mentioned || u n as representing Osiris
between his two sisters. Osiris is often represented as a living u,
■with eyes.
The royal crowns and their decorations, such as
^M , and /Aj , abound in this symbolism.
The ancient coffin of Sebakaa at Berlin {Aelteste Texte, pi. 29), in
the phrase [1 ii H ^"^^ ^ •> recognizes Isis as one of the Two
Eyes. Down to the latest periods the Sisters were known as
<cn> r^ fl ^i^ , Eye of the Southern or Left side (Isis), and <:n> r^ fl ¥ ,
Eye of the Northern or Right side (Nephthys). On countless coffins
and sarcophagi these goddesses are represented on opposite sides,
in kneeling attitude, holding the Q in their hands, like the equi-
valent Vultures of the North and South, with their claws, and the
Ursi on their bodies.
The meaning of the sign Q is well known. It is a ring, and
is applied to the circuit of the heavens made by the sun and other
heavenly bodies. It is also applied to the yearly recurring flow of
the Nile. It has numerically the signification of 10,000,000 or an
indefinitely large number. As attached, j, to the sign of years -j , 3
it means Eternity.
It is therefore an appropriate emblem of Osiris, the Lord of
Years, ^d7 J -I J, antwsus, A \ ^\ the King of Eternity.
* Or Vultures. See M. Gayet's Temple de Litxour, PI. xliii, fig. 127, where
the Bird at each end of the picture holds Q in its claw. And note the taber-
nacles (a very frequent picture) where a winged goddess bearing the Ij kneels on
either side of the solar scarab.
13
JAX. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1896.
The sim of JVafer a^^vwv, and the Vase vj , are also emblems of
Osiris, one of whose names is JVafer of Reneiaal. A chapter of the
Pyramid Texts, Teta, 176, Pepi I, 518, which begins by saying that
Seb has given to the departed (identified with Osiris) the Two Eyes
oi that Great One* and has done that through Horus who recognizes
his father, proceeds after this to say : " He renews thee in thy name
of 7X;CC^ ^^ { %, Water of Renewal."
I cannot say if the Fase y7 is a mere appendage to the
Water, but if it is not it most probably was meant to contain the
, the divine and life-giving Sap flowing from Osiris, which is
mentioned in another Pyramid Text (Pepi I, 33), also speaking of
the Water of Renewal, as a name of Osiris.
The goddesses Isis and Nephthys as mythological figures
represent not merely the Light at Dawn and Sunset, but the Light
thrown out right and left by the Sun in his entire course, whether
in the heavens or in the Netherworld. 1 ^^ <===> /
<^zr> _ K.=-__, "he lightens up the earth with his two eyes," an
c^ w
expression most frequent in the texts, is not confined to special
moments, though it is said of these emphatically.
In all that has been said thus far, the Two Eyes have been
considered as acting conjointly and discharging one and the same
function. When they are distinguished one from the other as acting
in different ways the symbolism is altered.
The ancient scholion on the 17th Chapter speaks of the Right
Eye of Ra, and the more recent scholion of the papyri speaks of the
Eye as being in pain and weeping for its sister || . The
'^^ H —
Eg)'ptian name for the Eye is here V^. i ^h\ ^^ td'ait. The fre-
^^^_^^^^^ Jl ^ J^ K^
quent expression ^ "^^ means fill moon, and is constantly
identified with the fifteenth day of the month '^^wva _ q']-,^ moon is
in these texts called the Left Eye 4 ^ , and Osiris is said to unite
with her (or with her sister) in order to renew her revolution f Q [1 .
* Or as it is said in other words (Teta, 172 ; Pepi I, 130 ; Pepi II, 107, and
Merenra, 152), " Seb hath brought to thy side thy two sisters, Isis and Nephthys."
14
Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
And of the Eye it is said that ' she renews her revolution on the
fifteenth day 'HI ^-^ and the god (Osiris) makes her full of
her^/<?rj' or sple7idour (TIT I) or what she requires, ""^^ I =
^-=^ 1 Q \ / . This explains the symbol ^^ III "^^ which is.
seen on certain tablets.
But what is the meaning of the passage at the end of Part I of
this chapter — " when the Eye is full in Annu, on the last day of
Mechir" / <n=> , an expression which is repeated in
II O I O I ^
the title of Chapter 140? The moon, which is always represented
as full on the fifteenth of the month, cannot be full on the thirtieth-
It must be the other Eye, the Sun. Now we know what is meant
by the Full Moon, the Plenilunium, but what is the Full Sun ?
M. de Rouge, in his commentary on the 17th Chapter, gave the
key to this, by pointing out that the 30th Mechir was the last day
of the sixth month of the year ; that is the 180th day after the first
of Thoth, which is supposed to coincide with the Summer Solstice.
It is therefore at the time of the Winter Solstice that the Eye is
said to be full. The inaccuracy, of course, arises from the length
of the Egyptian year. But there can be no doubt that the time
of the Winter Solstice is meant.
In the year 1470 B.C. the Egyptian year began on July 20, and
the 30th Mechir coincided with January 15 of the Julian calendar.
If the Eye (considered as the Sun) is said to be ///// at the
Winter Solstice, it was most probably spoken of in the same way
not only at the Summer Solstice, but also at the two Equinoxes.
And this is the most probable reason why in the pictures repre-
senting the Four Rudders of Heaven (North, South, East and West)
an Eye "^^ is attached to each rudder. (See Vignettes of
Chapter 148.)
The Two Eyes, considered as Sun and Moon, are attributed not
only to Ra and Osiris, but to gods identified with these. Of the
two passages which have been most frequently quoted, "Thy
Right Eye is the Sun M -v^ % and thy left is the Moon ( .fl,"
"His Right Eye is the Sun and his left is the Moon," the first is
addressed to Ptah (in the Pap. Berlin, VII, 1. 42), and the second,
which occurs on the Neapolitan Stele, is really addressed to Osiris
15
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1896.
as god of Suten-hunen, under the form of the Ram-headed deity
Her-sefit. Reference is made towards the end of the inscription to
the " divine Eyes which are in Suten-hunen."
Horus according to the Pyramid Texts has two eyes, a Light
one and a Dark one. But the " Eye of Horus " is most frequently
spoken of in the singular number. It is certainly meant for the Sun,
and the name of it is given to cakes and ale, wine, corn, oil, honey,
and all the good things which come to maturity through the bene-
ficent god : who has in himself all the attributes of ' Ceres and
Bacchus.'
I must bring this long note to an end with one or two obser-
vations.
Many goddesses will be found bearing the title of Eye of Ra.
There is not one of these who is not identified with Isis or Nephthys,
who are in fact one, and personify the Light of the Sun.
Shu and Tefnut, who are brother and sister, play the same parts
as the two goddesses.
There is a picture, which appears in the vignette of Chapter 1 7
in most of the papyri of the second and later periods, of two male
deities bearing the Eyes over their heads (see PI. XXXVI). If the
beards upon their chins are not a mistake,* copied from one
papyrus upon another, they must represent not Isis and Nephthys
but the two Rehu ''^^"^ Q V '^ 'J^ "^'^ '^"^ Thoth, Sun and Moon,
instead of the
II
It is important to note that if Sun and Moon are Eyes of Osiris
or Ra or Ptah, the deity is not to be confounded with them : they
are but manifestations of himself.
* A very conceivable, because a very frequent, one.
{The Holes on Chapter 125 ivill be conlinued in the next number
of the Proceedings. )
16
Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
ASSYRIOLOGICAL NOTES.
By Professor Dr. Fritz Hommel.
§13. The real name of the "Western Country," mentioned in
the Cuneiform inscriptions: In a paper printed in the "Sitzungs
berichte der kgl.-preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berhn,"
1894, No. 53, p. 1299-1308 ("das Westland und das Land
Amurri nach den babylonischen und assyrischen Inschriften "), Pro-
fessor ScHRADER tries for several reasons to reject M. Delattre's
ingenious assertion, that the well-known geographical term mat
■^--^^.-ri-i should in all places be read A-mur-ri-i. M. Delattre
was led to this reading by the Amarna tablets (compare these Pro
ceedings, XIII (1891), p. 233/), because in these letters Coelesyria
is not on\y n^xnedA-mu-ri, A-iim-ur-ra,hut also A- ^^-ri (A-;;/ur-ri),
and because Assur-nasir-pal, 3, 84^ denotes with mdf A-^^-ra-i
the same district. In the Amarna tablets, Berlin, Nos. 31 and 32,.
this district (Coelesyria, compare W. Max Muller, "Asien und
Europa," in several places — this important work is not at all cited
by Schrader) is called mat Mar-tu : the king of Khatti marches,
against the land Nukhassi (Inaugas of the Egyptian documents) and
the town Dunip (near Aleppo, if ^_^^ is to be identified with
Dunip), and then mounts to the highland of Martu^ which is here
of course (against Schrader) nothing else than Amuri, the land of
the governor Aziru (the writer of the letters, Berlin, 31, 32, 33).
Now, in the Assyrian inscriptions, and also, more than a dozen
centuries ago, in the old Babylonian texts (of Gudea, the later kings
of Ur, and of the time of Khammu-rabi), Martu (or mat A- ^^
-ri-i) is used in a wider sense, designating almost the whole of
Palestine ; and because Palestine was to the Babylonians and
Assyrians the Western country, Ka-r r^oxyi', A--^^-ri4 (as also
Mar-tu) is used as the common term for "Western." Concerning.
17 B
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCILLOLOGV. [1S96.
A- ^^ -/■/-/, if used in this wider sense, Professor Schrader pleads
for the reading A-khar-ri-'i.
But also in the Old Testament, "'"^'^j?;^ (the so-called Nishat or
local adjective of an unused singular il'^pl^^ , which I identify with
Martii, out of Aniarti/, Ijecause the accent lies in the syllable Mat-)
is used in this wider sense, especially in some books, e.g., the so-called
later Elohist (here ,"^~)^^^. a mere synonym of ]V-3) ; and in the
list of winds in the Talmud (Delitzsch, " Assyrische Studien,"
p. 139), this A-.^^-ru-u is transcribed h5"^lTt^, which cannot be
read otherwise than minirriya. Atvurriya is the Neo-Babylonian
])ronunciation for Ainiirriyd (comp. argaman?2u, p^^^ ; Aiitil-
Mardiik 'TT"!"^ti"?''1^^, etc., etc.), and so we have a new proof for
Dki.attre's assertion (instead of a counter-evidence, as Professor
ScHRADER maintains).
A last and concluding proof for Marfii =^ A-i/ii/r-ri-i lies in two
passages (overlooked by Assyriologists) of the old Babylonian con-
tract tablets, as I will now shortly show. We read, Bu. 88-5-12,
47 (time of the king Ammi-zaduga) : 2% gan ikli ugar A-viu-ur-ri-i
(-/&/), compare Meissner, " Beitrage zum altbabyl. Privatrecht,"
p. 41/ In another tablet of the same collection (Bu. 88-5-12, 179;
Meissner, p. 61) and of the time of the same king, the same field
is called vgar Alar-tii (9 gan ikiu ah-siiii ugar Mar-/n).
§ 14. In K. 257 (Haupt's " Keilschrifttexte," No. 21), lines 29
and 30, we read t^yfyf an-na tyfTy ki-n sii-inii-ta ni , in
Semitic : bit y][ y][ -ak., bit >->-y -//, ana ka-ti-ya N-//ia-aI[-Ii ?\ Here
/'// lyak corresponds to t^yyyy -an-na, " house of heaven," and J^yyyy
>--y -// to tyyyy kZ-a, " house of earth." Compare for >->-y -///;;/,
" earth," K. 9417 (Bezold's "Catalogue," III, p. loio) : u-tam-ni'i-ku-
nu-sim (" I conjure 50U ") sanii (>->^y -/' to be pronounced in Sumerian
ayi, and the same as iya in y][ yj[ -ak) irsitini : >->-y A-uii ->-y -turn ;
"-^ Dii- >-Cyy, •^•^y -^a- ^t-]]; '-*-] Luh-ma, >->-y La-ha-tna, etc., etc.,
which is always, in several variations, the same expression, " heaven
and earth." For y][ T]^ -ak (a noun like asi/rakku, abarakku, etc.)
compare the goddess >->-Y y\ yy, the wife of the Sun-god, written in
"W.A.I.," Ill, 66, 2d^^\ \\ y{ -i-tii (i.e., lyaitu, "the heaven-like,"
compare Anunitii, from A'lioi, the older form o^ Anion), and names
like •->-T Ty Yy rani-mii, 'Senach.,'" 2, 54 (\'oram, as Mr. Pinches
18
Tan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
showed, "P.B.A.S." VIII, 28), or — f f^ ]"{ -ka-ma-ru, "W.A.I."
IV, 2^ ed., pi. 47, No. I (the name of a Masaean sheikh).*
Of the greatest grammatical interest is Da- »-^yy, the fem. of
Du- >-^yy (compare Arabic ,i, fem. ci-J^j?), or Laha?na, fem. of
Liihma, in this latter case evidently an internal formation for the
feminine gender. Or should we compare the Arabic fem. form
jUi? compare Paul de Lagarde, " Ubersicht," p. 23: "(die
Femininform c^xi begegnet recht haufig in Schimpfnamen fiir Frauer,
denen fiir Manner Ji.i; . Formen zur Seite gehen, wie t±-«lX>-
khahdzi und ei^vlri. khubazu 'Scheusal,' u.a.") So I think it very
probable that we should see in LuJwia an original masculine form
Luhamu (which must become in Babyl. Assyr. Ltihmu) and in
LaJhhna an original feminine form Lahami. For the etymology
may be compared Arabic ////;;//, "a large kind of fish," in best
accordance with the chaotic character of Liihmu and Lalnhnu in
the cosmogonic texts of the Babylonians. Professor Sayce sees
also in Beth-Lekhem the same mythological being ; that he is right,
is proved by the names of other towns, such as Beth-Dagon, Beth-El,
Beth-Ba'al-Ma'on, Beth-'Anat, Beth-Shemesh — all these composed
with beth, " house," and the name of a god.
§ 15. In S'^ 287-8 ^yyy *^]L' Sumerian sur-ru, is translated
by the Semitic kal/'/, "priest, sorcerer;" the same meaning has
>^yyy ^ ^r_, "w.a.l," ii, 21, 41 and 46 (compare *;^yyy !^
/iz='mzu, S'' 286, "she-goat"). In the star hst, "W.A.L," V,
46, 38, we have ^yyy ^^y (instead of "^yyy "^IL?), "she-goat;"
compare "Zeitschr. fiir Assyr.," Ill, p. 204. The sign S^^ seems
to have had two different values, the one ^as, ras, and the other sur,
si.'d, for which latter may be compared "W.A.L," IV, 2, 4, S^^- S^^
(with the variant "lif^- ^- !) and "W.A.L," IV, 3, 23, ^^ S%: -da
(Semitic ha-ani-rd). In ^yyy S^^, " she-goat,"' ^^, seems to me
* Jensen too, in his " Kosmologie," p. 274, identified Auatu in a similar list
(''W.A.I.," Ill, 69, No. I, obv., compare Jensen's book, p. 272) with the
earth ; notwithstanding, he explains bit Irak in K. 257 as Semitic translation of
tTTfl I'i-a, "house of earth," and /'// >->-y -ti (bit Anati) as Semitic translation
<:if tlfyy an-na, "house of heaven," in Schrader's " Keilinschr. Bibl.," Ill,
y>. 202. note.
19 B 2
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1S96.
to be the phonetic indicator for the pronunciation ^i^az (Neo-Sumerian
2iz), semitisized J^asu ("W.A.I," IV, 29, 52, ka-si-i hai-lu-ti, "slaugh-
tered goats," in Sumerian * ^ Jt^ItJ ^<^ ^T). '^vhilst in
';iyY| s^^ "^y I think ^:^ the phonetic indicator for the pronun-
ciation sur. Concerning ^]^ in * ^f fetW) "goat," wc have
here probably the same determinative suffix as in ^J ^J^ ( =
askaru), because askar was really a Sumerian word for "goat;"
compare -^ ^ ^^ {sal as-kar) = ini'iki/, Arabic 'anak (Homimel,
" Saugethiernamen," Leipzig, 1879, p. 435)) and the star »— ^J,
i.e., as-kar, " Capella " (Semitic iku, -i^ls.)-
Concerning *^]]] ^^i "she-goat," I cannot agree with Jensen
and ZiMMERN, "Z.A.," III, 204, and see in it the Assyrian form of
the old Babylonian sign •- <;^ in the inscriptions of Gudea
(statue F, 4, 5 ; cyl. B, 10, 4) ; I would rathLi identify the latter
with Assyrian >-^^^^ {gutui of *~t^ ^, " Sumerische LesestUcke,"
p. 8, No. 91), dara=^iiirahu. Compare, too, Lenorm ant's "Choix,"
No. 56 (upon a statue of the god Nabu-Nusku) ^<T>~~i
<^ ;^^hmi, which I think to be transcribed Jl^^^y >"^^J|!|^
->^yy l:j:y, BU-dara-zuab (syn. of ^^y Bil-'^\^ "W.A.I.," V,
43, 37 = NabQ, and --y Bil-gab, "W.A.I.," IV, i, 49/^).
Even Lenormant ("Journal Asiatique," yieme serie, vol. X, 1877,
p. 126, note i) translated '>^yyy *^I_ kalu with " vaisseau " (Heb.
"'Vw). It is true, that this kalii generally signifies "priest," but it
must have existed as a Babylonian word, kalii, "ship." This
is proved not only by the determ. ^yyy, "ship," but also by the
inscriptions of Gudea. We read, Gudea D 3, 3 and 8, the word ma
(ship) *sJ^) which is translated by Amiaud with "bark." Jensen
(" Keilinschr. Bibl.," Ill, p. 52) adopts this translation, and cites
for the reading ma-gur the interesting syllabary 83, 1-18, 1330
(published by Bezold in these "Proceedings," December, 1888),
Rev. 4, 26, where we read : —
u-ru *^\ a-bu-bii ; siib-tum
gur t:^M sa ilippi : tu-ba (>)-bu.
Here, the sign t^[ is evidently intended to represent not only
the Old-Babylonian (-^ = >-Xyfyy ali/, mafizasu, mihu, sutu, and =
Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
>-J:yi^yy alu, abfibu (Sumerian uru), but also the Old-Babylonian
<^%>l {i.e., <C7^) "^T ^^'ith the reading gal, 7>iiil, orig. gur, and
an inscribed %). Compare also the two words y][ **~Wi *"^I —
abubii and J:yy^ ^t|y (Gudea B, 6, 41 ZZ:| |— <J> ) = abiilue{^o
also >->-y tyy>- *^^^y) Rammamt, or better, Abiibii, Egypt. ' Apep,
compare ^^), where *-^y ^vas used to render the sign <^1|^!-
But, since '^yyy '^T_ kalu (orig. "ship," Heb. '^7^) is evidently
the same as "jjj <^f^ " bark " (see above), also *ST_ was used
in some cases to render the sign •<C^>]-
So we have, as the rhiune of this whole investigation, for <C^^
in Assyrian writing :
1. ■^y {giir, ur, also gid, vul) compare the name of the daemon
■^y y*", 711 iil-la^= gall i"/, '^y, "taurus" in the zodiac.
2. >-^Ey {gur, di/r?) in }nar-->^'^\, " storm," " storm-god," and
a-ind-*-'^\, "storm," (orig. "water in the ship?").
3. "ST^ {giif) in 't:yyy *^T_, "ship, bark."
4. *"Cyyyy (and >-^yi^yy), this fouith perhaps being only a
synonym, because '-^yffy has otherwise the equivalent of p-^ in
the inscriptions of Telloh, e.g., i" j-J ((^ , gisgalla-ki (Babel).
§ 16. Professor Strong in his learned and interesting paper on
alliteration in Babylonian poetry ("Proceedings," XVII, pp. 131-151)
gives a transliteration and translation of the text K. 8204 {ibidem,
p. 139). In this text we have not only alliteration, but (not noticed
till now) rhyme. Compare lines : —
3. sa diiJiha kdsa
4. sarka icisa
5. alsi-ka allal
6. altapil 7idial
7. allapit ubal
8. altanasi kdial
9. diin}ia?>iii diihdu
10. durus isdii
1 1 . dunki hidu
12. ditr abni tiddii
21
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^OLOG V. [1896.
'Jherefore we must restore lines i and 2, not
1. sa lakata ina Hani ul iiitiasi [ri-sa'\
2. sa hi si u dutmavn tukaii is[dii\
as Professor Strong does, but
1. sa lakata [^-m//]
2. sa i/isi is\_issu']
written probably ri-is-su and is-sis-su (for ris-su and isid-su).
In line ii, dunki tatirakku cannot mean: "with favour thou
coverest me," since tatirakku (2nd sing, of it'iru^ "to save") has the
sufifix of the 2nd person; or, should we read ta-sar-ra-ku "(which)
thou bestowest " (-<^ being also sar. not only /// and //) }
^17. In the same paper, Professor Strong published an
incantation to the fire god, K. 2455, which begins : Gibil sarhii
bukur Aiiim, ilitti il'/ti/ii sakut {Hat) Salas. I translate these lines :
" Gibil the mighty, the firstborn of Anu, the pure child of the
sublimity of the goddess Shala." ' I think we have here the well-
known consort of the god Ramman, Shala, with the Kassitic ending
in -as*
Another interesting name of a deity is Mi/'at, Iv 3600 (a hymn
addressed to the goddess Nana, the latter called here himt •— ^Y
Mii-'ji-a-ti), cited by Professor Strong, p. 135, note. This name
seems to me the same as the Phenician Mot (Mu't) of Philo, the
offspring of llo.?os- and Ui'c?'i.iii, and the father of sun, moon, and stars.
The etymology is perhaps given by the Ethiopic O^lyf- : [mu'at),
"victory." If WveofLia is Bel (the air) and the sun and the stars
Marduk and the other jilanets, Ma'-T must be Ea, the god of earth
and water; in this case, Nana must be in K. 3600 an epithet of
Dam-gal-nunna, the wife of Ea.
§ 18. Another alliterative hymn i.s K. 9852 — compare Bezold's
"Catalogue," vol. Ill, p. 1043; here we read ti-is-sih-ki (or li-is-
lil-kii) iir-kit s'lri, li-si-si-ki >->-y I' -a bit [//iwiki ?], li-id-di-ki .-.^y
* Supplementary note : Compare on Shalash (by the side of Shala), Jensen,
"Z.A.," VI, 69.
22
JA\. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
Nuii-giin-iiiud (eic). In this text, the writing ^Vi!^«-^/w-/;«/^, instead
of the well-known epithet of Ea, >->-y N'u-gim-fuud, is very remarkable.
We learn from it, also, that the Babylonians spelled Ahdi, the old
name of the heavenly ocean, as Nu, like the Egyptians.
§ 1 9. The expression ^VI %X\ ^!!f :
Gudea, Cyl. A, 15, 7 «"•, we%ead : -Vf %ll>]]} /V- ^VT
Tt^^^llPf -ia mu-na J^y, Ma-gaii Mi-hi^-^a hir-bi-ta gi't gis (= kal
is/, "all sorts of woods'') mu-na-ab-gal, i ("house") >->-y Nin-gir-su-ka
X^. -ni, i.e., "out of the land of >-'^T -irin he fetched the wood (or
resin ?) of cedars, out of the mountains of Magan and Milukh he
ordered (caused to be brought) all sorts of woods and built with it
the temple of Ningirsu.'
The same ex])ression is used in an old Babylonian inscription,
published by H. AVinckler in his " Untersuchungen," p. 157 :
Ka{})-sd- ^^y ^Vy %ll>m, Pc^-ti-si -VI m>\% '^^^kanak
ina-ti riaiii-ti.
Mr. George Smith in his " Early History of Babylonia " {Records
of the Fast, III), translated the same inscription erroneously Mi{7)-sa
A^Tiia kalaiii-ini (?), '" viceroy of Ridu (= Eridu), high priest of Mati-
.... num."
Concerning the god >->-y ^^'^ TtJI^ffy, perhaps the names
-I -V l^llNnr (^-'-^ -T -Vl§Il^ of Elam?) and -^y -V
^T lEZl^^^II) both signifying Nindar (Brunnow, No. 3007 and
3045) are to be compared. Compare also Delitzsch, "Paradies,'"
p. 327 ; the name of this god was TiSbak (which I think Tisub
with the Elamitic ending -ak) and he was also the god of Susa
(Susinak). Delitzsch reads Tiskhu ; but Ti-is- *-\<\ is evident))-
to be read Ti-is-bak. On Tisup see also Jensen, "Zeitschr. fi.r
Assyr.," V, p. 202, note, and VI, 68 ff. (in IMitanni and Su Tisi/J^as).
% 20. In the Elamitic proper name Ma-nk-ti-ti (" Rec. de trav.,"
XIII, pi. IX, cited by Jensen, "W.Z.K.M.," VI, 217) we have
evidently the same deity as in the well-known name Kudur-Mabuk.
Mabuk and Ma^uk are only variants of spelling. Since the Baby-
lonian goddess Ba'ti is also written Babu. I think that we should
probably see in Mabuk this same name, but in an Elamiticized form.
Mr. Pinches found a tablet with all the names of the kings of
Gen. xiv (see the still unpublished "Acts of the Geneva Congress"),
23
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOI.OGV. [1896.
viz., Ifai!U!iu-7-abi\ Iriakii, Kitdiir-Ditgiiial (for -Luminal, compare
Tugdammi and Lygdamis), the latter written J^ JEJ JEJ ^y, and
Tudhul ; the form "^^i^^lT^ in Gen. xiv goes back to an older
Kudur-Lagamar. Now, Lagamar was an Elamitic goddess, and I
tliink it not impossible to see in Kudur-Mabuk a half-Semitisized
form of Kudur-Lagamar. In this case, Ba'u (Elamitisized Mabuk)
would have been the Babylonian correspondent of the Elamitic
Lagamar. We find quite an analogous Semitisizing in Rim-sin of
the inscriptions (for the more Elamitic Iri-Aku) ; compare also
Harbi-Bel for Harbi-Shipak, etc.
Jan. 14] rROCEEDlNGS. [1896.
EUPHRATEAN STELLAR RESEARCHES.
By Robert IjROwn, Junr., F.S.A.
Part V. — Tlie Archaic Stellar Researches. (Continued.)
X.
GUSIRKESDA ("The Yoke of the Enclosure "), = 7, f, '/- 0
and (Pi'iTi'ij (i't0eAo6<c//v) Caiicri. According to Prof. Hommel, at this
point in the tablet we enter on an ' Excursus,' and the scene, for
.some reason unknown, is suddenly shifted to the North Pole {vide
Vol. XVII, p. 289). This asterism, the name of which he reads as
^^ Musir-sar-da {?,\)x\c\\ Mi/sir-sadda)" or '■ Miisir-Kisda,' is, he states,
the "Grossen Gott Anu des Himmels," the "Joch des Himmels," the
' Nordpol,' and the Pole-star, which, cir. B.C. 3000, was « Draconis
{Vie Astro7i., iii, i, 5). So, again, " Stern mii-sir-sadda (Nord polar-
.stern) Gott Anu " (/Z^/^. 12). In JF.A.I., V, xviii, 24 Gusirkesda
is explained as J^ -^TT V »^Hf- f^fy, Ni-ru sa sain-c, "the Yoke
of the heaven ; " and in Ihid. V, xlvi, 47, as Nirii rakisu, "Yoke-
binding." In the passage before us (//v'^. V, xlvi, 12) it is called
"the Yoke 0/ the Ejic/osiirc oi Ar\u\Ani/ii, n. genitive with mimma-
tion] prince of the great heaven " (vide Proceedings, Feb., 1890,
p. 190). In JF.A./., II, xlvii, 16, it is styled, similarly, "the Yoke
of the Enclosure" ^^- \\ <^;<y ^f- < V ^*f tf^ 'Hi A-nim [gen.,
:\'r, "A^osQ^rab-ii sa sani-e, "of Anu, prince of heaven." It is thus
clear that neither the ' Yoke,' nor the 'Enclosure,' is Anu, but is
said to belong to him ; nor can we imagine how a single star could
well be described as a ' Yoke.'* Nor, in all this, is there anything
about the North Pole or the Pole-star; but, on the contrary, as Prof.
Sayce observes, "the ecliptic was termed 'the yoke of heaven ' "
{Rel. Aftcf. Babs , p. 48), an idea perfectly natural and comprehen-
sible. Thus, Aldebaran {a Taiiri) was technically called Fidnii,
" the Yoke " {vide Vol, XVII, p. 289), the ecliptic being regarded as a
' yoke ' laid across heaven, and its name being technically transferred
to its first great star. And if in JF.A./., II, xlvii, 16, we read
^y >— < {ina-viit, Sayce), instead of ^y>- ^ {rab-u, Bertin), the result is
similar ; for the As. maniit (derived from an Ak. goddess Mami,
who fixes destinies) = Ak. sabba. Sum. sagga, sangua, = sanga,
"a bond" (= yoke), "whence the Sem. sanaqu, 'to bind,'" (Sayce,
* For an instance of two or more stars being so regarded, vide Proceedings,
April, 1S92, p. 299.
25
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOCV. [icSyC.
Rel. Anct. Babs., p. 306, n. i). Either Anu is the 'arbiter' (Sayct.)
of heaven, or " the Yoke of the Enclobure" is "the Yoke of heaven.'
Jensen also quotes W.A.I., II, xlvii, 16, to show that '■^ Mu-sir-kisda
= Ami,'" and Anu, he thinks, is " ein Pol des Hinnnels." "Anu =
Pol der Ekliptik oder = Pol des Aequators ''{Die KosfnoIogii\
iS, 19). He may well hesitate ; there is as much, and as little, to
be said for one pole as the other. That Kesda means enclosure
(vide Sayce, Rel. And. Babs., ]). 154, n. i), further appears from the
Ak. x^-*"? "to cut," 'division,' and the Turko-Tataric root ' kes, kee','
" to cut," "to cut up," ' small,' 'narrow,' i.e., that whicn is cut up or
cut off; whence such words as tlie Tchagatai kes-ek, 'apiece."
Hence, too, Kirgish kes-u, ' lot,' ' destiny,' i.e., that cut off for anrl
appointed to anyone (vide Vambery, Etymologisches Worterbuch der
Tui'ko-Tatarischen Sprache?!, p. 98); which illustrates the connexion
between Kesda {da = the " individualizing affix ") and Mami, the
destiny-goddess, and explains why the common Crane was called in
Ak. Kesda (vide Rev. Wm. Houghton, in Transactions, viii, 141).
i.e , on account of its sonorous and (supposed) fatidical voice (vide
Xas, the Crab, Proceedings, March, 1891, p. 253).
That the name "Yoke of the Enclosure" (= the Ecliptic) should
be applied, with a secondary reference, to the stars of Cancer.
is both natural and appropriate (i) because Cancer has always
been regarded as the beginning or highest gate of the ecliptic ; and
(2) because there are no particular stars in this — " the Dark Con-
stellation " — to suggest at first sight a special stellar name. I have at
length discovered the Ak. name of the crab, i.e, '^\ f^ ^T»^T ^T'
Nagar-asagga ("The Workman-of-the- Water-way," lit. ' yoke ;' vide
Slip, sagga) ; and this name is applied to Cancer, for, in a Dilbaf
Tablet (No. 81-7-6, 102), the Kakkab Nagar-asagga is the star (or
constellation) of the 4th (the ' Crab ') month (Tammuz). Hence,
we see that the Sum. Gusir ('Yoke ') = the Sum. Nagga (' Bond '),
so that, astronomically, Gusirkesda (" The Yoke of the Enclosure "")
= Nagar-asagga ("The \Vorkman-of-the-\\'ater-yoke ") = the con-
stellation Cancer. In further illustration of the above explanation,
we find that the 4th antediluvian king, who, as I have shown (vide
The Celestial Equator of Aratos, sec. ii ; the Academy, July, 15.
1893, p. 56), is equated with J\)llux, just at the beginning of Cancer,
is named '\^if.iivwv, =z Ak. Uniun-an ("Girdle-of-heaven ") ; and
vide i?if. Asterism No. XXX, GUSIRAbBA. The Yoke appears
with other lunar zodiacal emblems on the monuments.
26
Jan. 14] 'PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
= Per. 9. Avra-k (= 7, r, »;, £?, and <^dTin], Lat. Fraesepe, the
Cr/^, Cancrt), "the Cloud" (= vecpeXoeidrj^), Av. awra, Per. rt/v,
'cloud,' Gk. 'a0/jo'9, 'foam.' Cf. Bundahis, vii, 1: — "The star
Tis^tar \^Siniis\ was in Cancer [/>., was a paranatellon of the Cr(7(^]
... in the sub-division they call Avrak."
Ind. 8. Fusliya (= c, 9 Cancri), 'Foam,' 'froth' (not the com-
paratively meaningless signiiication 'auspicious'), = Avrak-acjifxl^.
Sometimes called Tishya (= Per. Tistar, sup.), from the connexion
above noticed between Cancer and Sirius, an illustration of the
non-original character of the Ind. scheme.
Chi. 8. Kuei, anc. Kut (= 7, r, q, 6 and Praesepe Cancri), " the
Cloud-like," hence "the Ghost" ( = Ak. kit, ' dust-cloud,' 'ghost,' the
phantom being likened to a cloud of dust, Altaic kut, ' ghost ').
Cf. Mr. Kingsmill : " Kzvei, a name of ill omen applied to the
manes of the departed." We can now see how and why.
Ar. 8. An-Nathrah (=■ Same stars), "the point between lip and
nostrils" — of Leo, unduly extended (vide Ar. 7).
Cop. 8. Ermelia (= Same stars), "the Nurturing- (place)?" Cf.
Gk. (tp^iaXia = ■)] rpoCpi'j = 'I>h'ti'7/.
The following stars do not seem to be included in the Ak.
scheme : —
^ Caner/, X Leonis -= Ar. 9. Al Tarf, " the Eyes " — of Leo.
Per. 10. Nahn, "the Nose" (Av. Naonka,
' nose ') — of Leo.
Cop. 9. Fiautos, "the Eye" (Eg. //, + //A/,
" symbolic eye ") — of Leo.
c, 6, p, tf, 7j, a LLydrae = Ind. 9. Aclesha, " the Entwiner." Said
to mean ' embracing,' ' serpents.' Possibly a reference to LLydra
is contained in the name.
^, e, p, ^, 0 LLydrae = Chi. 9. Liu, " the Willow. A ' binder,'
" Circular garland." The reference in each case appears to be to
the more or less circular form of the stars in question, and such an
origin illustrates the variant character of these asterisms.
XL
TUR-US-MAL MAx ("The Son of the Supreme Temple") =
u Hydrae {Alphard, "the Solitary"). The identifications of theXtli
and Xllth mansions leave us with this notable star for the Xlth.
The name seems to imply a single star.
= Chi, 10. Sing{= a, 7 LLydrae), "the Star," anc. Tah (cf. Ak. Tur).
27
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF J5I1JLICAL ARCILliOLOGV. [1896.
XIT.
GISMES (" The Curved Weapon "), = >/,-/, jT, ;<, c, \Leo/iis(=The
Sic/c/e). CJ. the Turko-Tartaric root kaj, kij, "to bend," 'curve,'
etc., whence the Tchagatai kas, '■how '=.Ak. gis-?iie, gis-ba7>i, 'bow'
(vide Sayce, J^el. Aucf. Babs., p. 480 n. 3).
= Sog. and Kho. 9. Khanishish ( = 7, 7, tT? /'> '> '^ Leonis), "the
Scimetar " (Per. shimshir). The name is also curiously like one
meaning "the crooked six" (Per. kliani, ' crooked,' + .$-//(?^//, 'six,'
Av khshvas).
Ind. 10. Magha ( = «, Vj 7) K, fU e Leonis), "the Cireat." So,
Rcguhis (a Leonis), in the Per. scheme, is " the Great-one in the
middle [e/. Per. 11] of the sky" {Bimdahis, ii, 8).
Ar. 10. Aj-Jabhah ( = «, */, 7, 'C, Leonis), "the Forehead" — of
Leo.
Cop. 10. Tifefni (= Same stars), " the Forehead " (Eg. imi. Cop.
//, 'the' + Cop. fe/ni, 'forehead,' Eg. fe/ien)—oi Leo.
XIII.
GUBBARA ("The Fire-flame"), = « Leonis {Regulus). The
5th antediluvian king 'Afieyd\a/>o'}, = Ak. Amil-gal-ur (" King-of-the-
celestial-sphere "), is equated with Regjilus, a star in the late Bab.
astronomy called ^rtrn^C'the King"). 'O Ae'a-i/ e'xc tTrJ t)/? Kophius
tiaTHiid KaatXivKov Xc/oftci'O}', ui> 01 \a\r(i?ot vofii^ouaiu cip^rii' Til'V
oi'imviicv (Schol. in Arat., Fhai., 148).
= Per. II. Miyan (= « Leonis), " the Centre" {Av. Maid/iydna,
' middle ') — of heaven, and of Leo {rf. Ind. 10).
Sog. 10. Magh (= Same star), "the Great,"=Ind. 10 (Av. niaz,
great,' Lat. magnus).
Kho. 10. Achir (= Same star), " Possessing- luminous - rays "
(Av. ^r, "to penetrate," aaxn, " rays-of-light." Cf. Lat. acer).
XIV.
KUA ("The Oracle "),=:r, 0 Leonis.
= Sog. II. Wadha ( = f, 0 Leonis), "the Wise" (A v. 7'id, "to
know," vidits, ' wise,' Sk. vida, ' one-knowing ').
Kho. 1 1. Amagh ( = Same stars), " the Great," = Sog. 10.
Ind. II. Piuva rhalguni{= Same stars), "the Former Red-one."
28
Jan. 14] TROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
Ar, II. Az-Zubrah (= Same stars), "the Shoulder" — oi Leo.
Cop. II. Fikhorion (= Same stars), "the Shoulder " (Eg. ////,
Cop. //, ' ihty^-'tqa/iu, ' shoulder ') — of Zeo.
The following is a variant of the Ak. scheme : —
Chi. II. Tc/iang, anc. Tjun^ ( = \ «') /'j 0> v Hydme), "the
Archer."
XV.
LAMAS ("The Colossus"), called in As. Mikid-isati ("The
Burning-of-fire "). This star is also called Sa, As. Sanuc (" the
Blue "), which, from its colour, was also a name of Mercury.
Smyth describes Denebola as " a standard Greenwich star, with a
distant companion, on the switch of Leo's tail, A 2^, bluish ; B S,
dull red" {Celestial Cycle ^ ii, 257). = /^ Leonis {Denelwla, :=
Dhanab-al-asad, " the Tail of the Lion ").
= Per. 12. Avdem {=/3 Leom's), " the One in the tail" (Av. avl,
' in,' + Per. dumb, ' tail.'
Sog. 12. Widhu {= Same star), " the Burning-one " (Aryan root
Md ; cf. Sk. root v/da/i, " to burn ").
Kho. 12. Widhayii (= Same star), "the Burning-one" {cf. Sk.
vidaha, ' burning '). The reference is probably to the time of year,
as Aratos says of Zeo, "These are the hottest pathways of the Sun"
iyPhai.., 149).
Ind. 12. Ultara Fhalgum{=[i, i^T, Leo?us),^^i\\e'L^liQx Red-one."
The Phalgunyau are called Arjunyau (" The Bright "). The Vedic
Arjuni = Gk. Argytmis.
Ar. 12. As-Sarfah {-^fiLeojiis., "the Changer" — of the weather:
otherwise Al-Dafirah {^Daphird), " the Tuft-of-hair " — at the end
of the tail of Leo.
Cop. 12. Asphidia (=/3, 0 Leonis). Possibly = Gk. 'A(T0aX^o>
("the Securer"), applied to the Dog {cf. Per. 13), as a guard; but,
more probably, = Ar. Azyal (" The Tail "), the reference being to
0 Leonis., called in late Bab. astronomy " the Tail of the Dog of the
Lion " (t| -y-<4-Jff| Ijy y{), and {i Leonis, called " the Tail of the
Lion"(^y^y4Hfn;f)-*
A variant or ' external ' asterism here occurring is : —
a, /3, 7, r, f Crateris = Q\\\. 12. Yh, o.nc. /j'h ("The Wing")
The Bird-idea is preserved.
* Vide R. B. Jr., in the Academy, Nov. 10, 1894, p. 379.
29
Jan. 14J SOJIETV OF BIIJLICAL ARCH.-FOLOGV. [1896.
XVI.
NINSAR ("The Lady-of-hcaven," = Uiav- Virgo), = ft, ,], 7 , c, <;
Viri^i'/iis.
= Per. 13. Mashaha (= A >h 7> '~' ^ Virgi?iis), "the Domestic-
animal " (Av. Mashyovanha), i.e., the Dog.
Sog. 13. Fastashat (= Same stars). A variant corruption of tlie
I'er. name.
Kho. 13. Afsasat (= Same stars). The like. Af ■=^ Fa reversed
(vide Vol. XVH, p. 292).
Ar. 13. Al-Auwa (= S;ime stars), "the Howler.'' It seems that
a Z^^^s,-" (vide sup.. Cop. 12) was imagined after the Lion, and flying
from the latter, fearing lest it should turn round.
ft Virginis was called Zdwiyat-al- autva (" the Retreat-of-the-
Howler '') = Zavijava, or Min-al-'amva, i.e., the stars of the Barker or
Barking-bitch. This Dog was not a se larate constellation, hut
included in Leo, as e.g., the Goaf {Cape/la) in Auriga. J'roctor,
speaking of c, f, 7, 7, and ft Virginis, says, " For some cause or
other . . . this corner was called by Arabian [and other] astronomers
' ihe retreat of the howling dog.' {Easy Star La'ssous, p. 109.) The
cause now appears, and it supplies an interesting instance of the
connexion between the Aral)ian lunar mansions and ]>abylonia.
Cop. 13. Abukia (= Same stars), "the Lair of the Howler"
/ I'-g. ab, '•X'Mx.' -\- akbu, 'lament'). 'I'he patron-divinities of the Ak.
asterism are Nergal, the War-and-death-god, and Istar as the
• Double-one,' "Star of the morn and eve"; and, in this connexion
we meet with a Twy-headed Dog, respecting which Mr. \\". St. Chad
Hoscawen observes : " The double-headed dog often represented
on the boundary-stones was the emblem of the god Tutu ... as god
of the morning and evening dawns, 'the begetter and restorer of
the gods,' like the Indian Yama or dog-headed god of death and
the dawn." (In Western Origin, p. 81.) This dog-myth is widely
diffused; in China we fnid the belief in "two monstrous dogs
[= the Twy-headed Dog], guardians of the road from which there
is no return" \Ibidl\ ; and " the identity of the four-eyed dog of the
Parsi with Kerberos and \'ama"s dogs appears from the Parsi
tradition that the yellow-eared dog watches at the head of the
A'inva/ bridge, which leads from this to the next world, and with
his barking drives away the fiend from the souls of the holy ones."
( Darmesteter, in Sacred Books of the East, IV, Introd., p. Ixxxvii).
Jan. 14J PROCEEDINGS. [iUgG.
Thus, in Euphratean idea, besides the Death-god and the Evening-
goddess stands the mystic Dog, guardian of the good, terrible to
the wicked ; and the five mansions above mentioned have faithfully
preserved the Euphratean connexion.
XVII.
DANNU-DAMU C The Hero of the Sky-furrow ") = a Jlrginis
{Spica). " The furrow of heaven " = the ecliptic, and Anawos-, the
6th antediluvian king, Dun ( = Dannu), "the Hero," or "Mighty-
one," is equated with Spica. The Eg. name of the star is somewhat
similar in signification, Repa ("the Lord," 'Governor'). The
ordinary astronomical name of Virgo is Ki (cf. Chi. 14, Ki-o/i), and
in K. 121 26 we meet with the Kakkab ^"^ X^--^^') which may
perhaps mean " the Propitious-one-of-wheal," and refer to Spica*
= Per. 14. (^piir {=^a Virginis), "the Point" (Av. Cparegha,
• point,' = Spica).
Sog. 14. Shaghar (=: Same star), "the Point," = Per. 14.
Kho. 14. Akhshafarti ( = Same star), "the Sign of the Point "
(Per. akh., ' sign,' + shafar = shaghar).
Ind. 14. Kitra (= Same star), "the Conspicuous," ' Brilliant.'
Chi. 14. A7(?/z, anc. Giiik^ Keok (= Same star), "the Horn,"
* Spike.'
Ar. 14. Sii/ink (== Same star), "the Prop." The great star is a
support of heaven, of the ecliptic-path, and of kosmic order
generally. Cf. such concepts as Atlas ; Mithra, " who upholds the
columns of the loft^y house "; and the Eg. god Shu, uplifter of the
sky. The star is also called As-Sunibuleh ("the Ear of Corn'"),
( rk. STa^y?.
Cop. 14. Khoritos (=Same star). Probably "the Solitary"
(Ar. hdrid, 'lonely'). Cf. No. XI, and Ind. 14. Chrysococcas
calls it [^/(Trt'] /iUKpov Koi'-api'iTo^; "the little lance-bearer" (Smyth,
Celestial Cycle, ii, 296). I have fully entered into the history of
]lrgo and Spica elsewhere,! and have given from the monuments
lepresentations of \%\.'!iX- Virgo holding Spica. The Per. Sog., Kho..
and Chi. asterisms have all carefully preserved " the point " of their
<jriginal.
* For a Tablet picture of the zodiacal Ear-of-coi-ii, vide R. B. Jr., The Celestial
Equator of Aratos, p. II, tig. 7.
+ Remarks 0)1 the Zodiacal Virgo ( Yorks, Archaeological Pournal, Part .\'XX\'I,
1886).
31
Jan. 14J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1S96.
XVIII.
KURRA (" The Horse ") = a, ft, 7, c, e Corri. On the Stone
figured in JV.A.I., V, Ivii, the Tzvo-headed Dog, the Horse, and the
C}-oiv are depicted next each other, just as their asterisms adjoin
each other ; and here, the patron-divinity of the asterism is
I/n-dugud-xu (" the Great Storm-bird ") = Conms, who elsewhere
{W.A.I., III, hii. No. I, Ob., lines 26-7) appears in a stellar aspect,
Tsjs, Kakkab Im-dugud-yii, in As. Ramdmi ikabbid ("the Storm-god
is terrible "). The figure of the Horse shows a horse's head and
neck, not winged ;* and there is thus a close connexion between
the Horse and the constellation Corvus, the Kakkab Kurra being
ultimately identical, or identified, with the Kakkab Im-dugud-x^i-
The heavens show various constellations of the same name, one
reason for this being the fact that it is often easier to reproduce an
existing idea than to work out a fresh one ; and thus we have two
Bears, Dogs, Lions, Horses [Pegasus and Eqiiulcus), etc. So, it is
quite unnecessary to conclude hastily that the Horse in question
must be Pegasus ; but the latter has faded from the later zodiac,
his place being taken by the Croiv. I have not met with any
record of the Kakkab Kurra except here.
= Ind. 13. Hasta (=0, (3, 7, c, e Con'i), "the Hand" (Av. zaefa,
Old Per. daffa, ' hand '). It is possible that the asterism may have
been compared to an outspread hand, but the name is not one of
an archaic character ; and it is far more probable that kasfa here is
a corruption of Sk. asva, Lith. aszva, Av. aspa, ' horse.'
Chi. 13. Tchifi, anc. Kusa?n (= Same stars), " the Crossbar of a
chariot." Here, again, the shape of the asterism may possibly
have suggested the name ; or Kusa{tn) may be a reminiscence of
Kurra. The idea of 'horse' seems to be preserved to some extent.
XIX.
LULIM ("The He-goat "),= /, k, \ Virginis. Prof. Sayce
observes that '■'■lulim signified both 'king' and 'stag'" [TransaetionSy
iii, 169) ;t and " Ltibat in the bilingual list is identified with lulimii
[a word taken from the Ak. luliin\ and that word with sar, ' king '
or ' leader,' from the idea of the ram or he-goat taking the lead of
the flock." (Rev. Wm. Houghton, in Ibid., v, 45.) We are not here
* As to Pegasus, vide R. B. Jr., 71ie Celestial Equator, sec. xi.
t lie quotes W.A.I. II, vi, 8, 31, 41 in illustration.
32
Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
concerned with the Ram of the solar zodiac, but with the He-goat
of the lunar zodiac, which appears with other lunar figures on the
monuments (vide IV.A./., Ill, xlv) ; and the name of this Sar or
* Flock-leader ' is faithfully preserved in five of the Derivatives.
Lnliin is also a name of Saturn (IK A. I., II, xviii, 52 ; Proceedifigx,
June, 1893, p. 469) as leader of the planetary flock in the remoteness
of space.
= Per. 15. Hiicru {= i, k, \ Virginis), "the Good-goer" (A v.
Hucraya?io, from Av. hit, Gk. e?, ' well,' + Av. cri, " to advance ").
Sog. 15. Sarwa (= Same stars), "the Leader" (Av. sara, Per.
sa?', ' head,' sanvar, ' chief,' ' head ').
Kho. 15. Shushak (= Same stars), perhaps a corruption of Sog.
15 ; but cf. Per. shahdz, "the leading He-goat of the flock."
Chi. 15. Kang, anc. Shukafi {= Same stars), said to mean "the
Strong," "the Opposing." Very likely SJmka{n) = Kho. Shusha{k).
As noticed, final letters are frequently added in the corrupt and
borrowed forms of the names of the asterisms.
Ar. 15. Al-Gafr (= Same stars), "the young Ibex," not " a/-
Ghafr (of uncertain sense)," and by some explained as "the Cover-
ing," an expression of which various futile explanations have been
given.
Cop. 15. AV/^/w/W/Vz = Same stars), "the Crooked - clawed "
(Gk. 7<7/<i/^a'\»/, = ^/a/jY^oTz/s'. Hesychios), i.e., the tips of the bent
claws oi Scorpio, extending through XijXai (= Libra).
One of the Derivatives here shows a remarkable and most
unwarranted variation : —
Ind. 15. Svati {^= a Bodtis), "the Good-goer" (Sk. su, Av. ////,
* well,' and the root af, "to go constantly," ' walk '),= Per. 15. The
asterism is also naturally known as Nishtya (" the External "). The
Hindu adapters evidently despised the comparatively insignificant
stars of No. XIX, and determined to include the magnificent
Arcturiis, although unsuitable ; but, at the same time, they pre-
served the name of " Good-goer," which, however, had no meaning
in this new connexion.
XX.
MULU IZI (" The Man of Fire "), = (probably) ^ Virginis and
c Librae. With this asterism is associated the star-god Latarak, who,
as appears from the Planisphere K. 8538, was connected with this
part of the heavens; and who is also mentioned in K. 9741 with
33 c
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILKOLOGV. [1896.
other star-gods, e.g., the Honey-god (--Jf- ^^ t^, As. 't'/u A'is-
dispi) and the Twins (yMastahba, c and < Virginis). The compara-
tively small size of the stars is doubtless the reason why the asterism
only appears in two of the Derivatives.
= Sog. 16. Fasarwa (probably = /< Virginis and c Librae), "the
One next to the Leader" ( Per. /a = 7^/^?, " opposite to," -f 6'rt'/7i'<i',
vide Sog. 15). This closely defines the position of the asterism.
Kho. 16. Sara-fsariwa (probably = same stars), "the Chief one
next to the Leader," i.e., next to the asterism, 1, k, X Virginis.
XXL
BILAT ("The Lady") = a and /3 Librae. "The Lady" =
" Beltis of Babylon," who is further defined as " the Might of the
Abode of life," i.e., Babylon. We only get here a connexion be-
tween the asterism and a particular goddess, not the actual name of
the former, which we know from other ])assages was Sugi (" the
Chariot-yoke," vide Proceedings, May, 1S93, p. 328, et seq.); and we
find that " in the night the king presents his freewill offering ... to
Beltis of Babylon before the constellation of the Chariot." * I am
aware that this latter constellation may be the Wain ; but, even in
this case, a special connexion between Bilat and chariot-stars is
established. The Derivatives are naturally mainly concerned with
the Clatvs of the .4//rt'r-embracing (vide Proceedings, March, 1891.
p. 260, ct seq.) Scorpion.
— Per. 16. Crob (= a and ft Librae), "the Horned" (Av. cru =
^n'a, ' horn,' cruvara, ' horned '). " Nom d'un monstre " (Dc
Harlez), and here referring to the Scorpion, a monster in size {cf.
Aratos, Phai., 643), the huge claws sticking out in frout of the body
being compared to horns. The horns of the Scorpion are alluded
to in K. 2894, 1. 6 {Proceedings, May, 1893, p. 321).
Sog. 17. Ghanwand (= Same stars), "the Claw-possessing"
(Per. Chang, 'claw,' -f wand, 'possessing' {cf. Sog. 6).
Kho. 17. Lghnuna (= Same stars), "the Claw-possessing," a
corruption of Sog. 17, viz. :
L-ghn-un-{a)
Gh{a)n-wan'{d)
Lid. 16. Vi^akha {= 1, 7, ft, <> Librae), "the Fork," i.e., 2
forked branches, a derivative way of referring to the 2 C/a7C's.
* Vide "A hemerology of the intercalary mouth of Ekil," ap. Sayce, in A\'/.
A lie/. Bal>s., p. 74.
34
Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS, [1896.
Also called Radha^ i.e., standing with the feet a span apart, like
2 forked branches.
Chi. 16. 7/', anc. Dzi, earlier I-shi (= «, /3, 7, '^Librae), "the
Foundation " {cf. Ak. hi, ' mountain,' ' heap '). A very important
name (cf. inf., No. XXII).
Ar. 16. Az-ziibdndn (= a, /i Librae), "the Two-claws," a Librae
being Zuben-el-genii-bi (" the Southern-claw "), and /3 Librae Zuben-
el-chemali (" the Northern-claw ").
Cop. 16. Pritithi (= Same stars), "the Two-claws" (Eg., pet,
' claw,' -)- ti, ' two,' — prit-i-thi).
XXII.
ENTENAMASLUV = ENTEMASMUR ("The Lord of the
Foundation, the Hero of the Brickwork "). As a lunar asterism,
it = 20 Librae and stars adjoining. As a constellation, it = Hydra,
wholly or in part.* There are few more difficult questions in Bab.
astronomy than the explanation of this star, asterism, or constellation,!
but, in addition to my previous remarks, I would add the following
suggestions : —
The name appears to signify 'Lord' {^Xk., Ak. e7i. As. behi) of the
'foundation' (^\, Ak. te, tena, abraded forms of Ak. dimmena,
As. temenmi, ' foundation-stone '), the ' hero ' ('->f- Ak. mas) of the
'bricks' or 'brickwork' ("^^^555, Ak. mur, Ks,. labinu) ; and the
reference is to the famous Zikkurat or " terraced tower " of Babel-
Babylon,! the original Altar-tower of the 7th or Libra month, Tisri,
called in Ak. Tul-ku (" the Holy Altar "), and which Altar-tcnvtr
appears with other lunar figures on the Stone of Merodax Baladan I.
This explains the position of the asterism at the base of Libra, the
Sign and season connected with the Tower, and also shows the
meaning of the Chi. name Ishi-Ti {sup.); whilst Siru-etsen-tsii i
{IV.A.L, II, xlix, 47), "the Limb Tip-of-the-Tail," the As. explana-
tion of Entefiamasluv, marks the position of the asterism at the end
of the tail of Hydra ; for, as Jensen saw, it must be " in der Nahe
der Ekliptik," § and cannot be the tail of the Great Bear, or of the
* Mr. J. F. Hewitt [The Rtiling Races of Prehistoric Times, p. 371) identifies
Entenauiashiv with Hydra, but for other reasons.
t Vide Proceedings, Feb., 1890, pp. 195-6; May, 1893, pp. 330-1.
X Vide Simpson, Ph^ Toiver of Babel and the Birs Niniroud, in Transactions,
IX, 307, et seq.
§ Die Kosmologie der Bahylouier, ji. C4.
35 c 2
Jan. 14] SOCIKTV OF lilHLICAL ARCILliOLOGV. [1896.
S7van (Hommel), nor, again, is it the tail of the Lion (Hommel),
Antares (Bertin), or Aldebamn (Oppert). Eniemasmurxs, also called
in As. Xabatsiratiu (IV.A./., II, xlix, 47), written Xabafsi in some
passages, which " is probably the same word as khabatsillii, ' the
lily,' which grows up like a tail" (Sayce, in Transactions, III, 170).
Etsen-tsiri is equated with the Ak. Gis-kun (" Heaven-tail ''). The
insignificance of 20 Librae and the adjoining stars, coupled with the
early disappearance of the Altar-to7ver as a Sign (vide Proceedings,
"March, 1891, p. 262), accounts for the fact that the Asterism is not
reproduced in any of the Derivatives.
But Entemasniiir, as the references to it clearly show, is more
than an obscure lunar mansion. In the month Tammuz, with
which it is specially connected, at its rising it raises " the waves of
the sea" (JV.A.L, III, Ivii, No. i, 1. 12), and ' holds ' /u/> Her (Lbid.,
Ill, Hi, No. I, 11. 17-18), with which it is connected (Lbid., II, Ivii,
48), being near the ecliptic. As 20 Librae, it is fixed ' behind ' Si/gi
{Lbid., Ill, liii. No. i. Rev. 1. 23), ^^ind "fixed at its extremity"
(Lbid., Ob., 1. 10, ina garni-sn), an expression which shows a double
use of the term, as a thing cannot be fixed at its own extremity ;
and, hence, we are informed that "the asterism behind which it
[either Sugi or Erafii] is fixed (is) the asterism Etiienamasliiv : the
asterism Entenamasluv { = ) Kakkab Aliab,'' otherwise Alhtl ; and
Allab, according to the Te Tablet (No. 85-4-30, 15), is the star of
the 4th, or Tammuz, month, which I have found reason to identify
with Alphard {a LLydrae).* In W.A.L., III, Ivii, No. 2, the Kakkab
Allab (1. 7) = Alphard, and the Kakkab Entenamasluv (1. 9) = 20
Librae, etc. Entenamasluv is thus at one end of LLydra, and
Alphard nearly at the other ; and Entenamasluv is, or is an equiva-
lent of, Allab, in the sense that they both form part of the Great
(Sea) Serpent, which appears on the monuments, but is far too long
to form a single lunar asterism.
XXIII.
GISGANGUSUR ("The Tree of the Garden of Light"), other-
wise rendered "the Light of the Hero" (Ak. gusur, cf. ^\xxY\q. ghazi,
' hero '), ■= [i,c, IT Scorpionis. This asterism, like No. XI, is described
as "the weapon of the hand of Merodax"; and, hence, is curved,
like the Scimetar and No. XII, and this idea of circularity reappears
* Vide R. 15. Jr., in the Academy, Nov. 4, 1893, p. 396.
36
Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
in the names of the Ar. and Cop. Derivatives. In IV.A.I., II, Ivii
47 the kakkab Gangiisur and 5 other stars are in some way con-
nected with Lubat-giittav i, Jupiter).
— Per. 17. Nur (=/3, h, -n- Sccrpionis), "the Bright" {cf. Per.
nur, "rays of Hght," naur^ 'shining'). It is noticeable that the Ak.
gan = As. ;////'//, ' hght,' a name which might have been handed on
to Persia.
Sog. and Kho. 18. Bighamvand (= Same stars), "the Clawless "
(Per. M, ' without' + G/hi^m'afid, Sog. 17), i.e., the Scorpion without
its Claws, which belong to the previous Sign.
Ind. 17. Amirddha (= Same stars). Said to mean " Causing-
welfare" (M. Williams), "the Blissful" (Max Muller), or "the
Completed " (Kingsmill) ; but probably merely meaning " After-
Rddhd'' (vide Ind., 16), and thus showing that the original name
of the asterism had been lost.
Chi. 17. -Fcjng, anc. I^ong (=/i, r, v, /> Sco)pioiiis), "the Room,"
i.e., enclosure {cf. Ak. gan, 'garden '). The sign ^, Ak. gis, 'tree,'
has also the variant phonetic values sii, mu ; and in Chinese we find
the following words for 'tree,' "Chi. Nankin ^-/z//, muh ; Chi. Pekin
shii, mu ; Chi. Canton shit, niuk ; Chi. Shanghai, zii ; Amoy
colloquial Ch'in."*
As. 17. Al-Iklil {ft, c, TT Scorpionis), "the Crown."
Cop. 17. Stephani {■=^ Same stars), "the Crown" (Gk. a-lcfiavo^).
XXIV.
DAR-LUGAL ("The Great-one, the King") = a Scorpionis
{Anfares). The patron-divinty of the asterism is Lugal-tudda (" the
Lusty-king "), who is " the Zu-bird," " the divine Storm-bird " ; and,
similarly, Evecwpa^xo^ {■=■ Udda-an--x}i, "the Day-heaven-bird,"
originally the Sun), the 7th antediluvian king, is equated with
Antares.
= Per. 18. Gel (= « Scorpionis), " the Red " (Per. gil, " red earth
like vermilion "; gul, ' red '). Antares is one of those stars called by
Ptolemy 'vttSkiijijo'} ("reddish-yellow"), and is particularly connected
with "the red planet" Mars. It is probably the kakkab ■^^■,
Bir (' Vermilion ').
Sog. 19. Alaghan Sadwis (=Same stars), "the Great-one, saffron
coloured" {Maghan =■ Magha, Sog. 10, with "the on-hanging N ";
* Hunter, T/ie Non-Aryan Languages of ludia and High Asia, p. 162.
37
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGV. [1S96.
-\- Xv. Jairi, Per. zard, Sk. harit, 'yellow,' 'saffron-coloured,' Per.
znrdi, ' yellowness ').
Kho. 19. Dharind {= Same star), "the Seizer " (Av. dar^ d/iar,
'' to hold," Per. harrar, a name of the Cor Scorpionis.) Probably
originally derived from the Ak. i:;irfal) ('scorpion'), ' seizer-and-
stinger ;' and hence specially applied to the chief star of the (solar)
Scorpion.
Ind. 18. Ro/iini, "the Red" {cf. Ind. 4), also caWed /yes ht/ia
(= /7, ff, T Scorpio7iis\ "the Oldest." This name is said to indicate
"its position as the original head of the series," an opinion which I
do not accept ; for " the Krittikas occupy the first place in all
the ancient lists of the [Hindu] Nakshatras " (Max Miiller, Rig-Veda-
Sainhita, iv, 31). The reference is probably originally mythological,
and the title has been borrowed without being understood. The
Scorpion, as a type of Darkness (vide Proceedings^ February, 1890,
p. 198) is "the Oldest."
(Jhi. 18. Ho, "Fire," Ho-sing, "the Fire-star." Also called Sin,
anc. Sam (=Same stars), " the Heart." Not, as might be expected,
tlie Cor Scorpionis. " The name is probably of comparatively
modern introduction and refers to the Ts'ing Lung (the Blue
Dragon) of the quadripartite division of the zodiac, of which it
forms a fair centre " (Kingsmill).
Ar. 18. Al-Kali> { = a Scorpionis), " the Heart," = Cor Scorpionis,
Kalb Al-akrab (Ulugh Beigh).
Cop. 18. Kharthian (= Same star), "the Heart" (Gk. Kapcla,
with " the on-hanging N ").
XXV.
MULU-BAT("The Man of death ") = f, if Ophiuchi. "The
7 Wicked Spirits" are called in the Ak. version of their legend "Men-
of-death," which is rendered in the As. tninslation " Serpents-of-
dcath."* The name might mean " the Old-man." Ophiiichus is
elsewhere referred to as N'u-isir-da (K. 2894, Ob., 1. 20), As. Rubu-
/j/WCPrince-of-the-Serpent "): and in W.A.I., V, xlvi. No. i, 1. 44,
the Kakkab Nutsirda is connected with the god ^ >ff-<^ »^
Sa-gi-mu, apparently the god of invocation, whose name is
idcographically expressed by >-^Tfc!r |, i.e., ' mouth ' -f ' invoke.'
* Vide .Siiyce, in Smith's Chaldean Aaoiiiit of Gciu'sis, p. 102.
38
Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
= Per. 19. Garafsa (= cf, '/> ^1 ^^ Ophinchi), "the Serpent-
tamer " (Av. gara, ' poison,' + Per. afsa^ ' wizard '). So the Per.
Afar-afsa is " a serpent-tamer."
Sog. 20. Bastham (= t^, 7 OplnucJii], "the Bound" (Per. /^rt'^A?,
' bound,' ' tied '), /.c, Ophiiichiis enveloped in the coils of Ophis.
Kho. 20. Sardhnva (=Same stars), "the Head of the Evil-one"
(.\v. (^am-daevahe, Per. dev, div, Sk. dei'a).
XXVI.
TSIR ("The Snake" = Ophis), = /;, ^, 0 Ophhichi.
= Sog. 21. Wajrik {= ^, 0 Ophiuchi), "the Magician" (Av. Yatu,
* Evil-genius,' Per. /(/^Z//', ' conjurer,' /a^//S(7//, 'magician,' /implies
relation, e.g., Hiiid-i, ' Indian,' ]Va-j-{ii) r-i, + an arbitrary final
letter (here k), so frequently added to these corrupted names, =■
' Magician.'
Kho. 21. Markhashik {^S)3.me stars), "the Serpent-bitten" (Per.
inar-gazid-a, ' snake-bitten '). The Sog. and Kho. schemes do
not clearly distinguish between Ophiuchus and Ophis, which are,
similarly, one constellation in the Hipparcho-Ptolemy Star-list.
Coi). 19. Tshio (= //, f, 6 Ophiiichi), "the Snake" (Eg. shi,
* snake ') ; also called Aggia, " the Magician " (Eg. ak, " kind of
superior," 'Magus.' Piirch, in Bunsen's Egypfs Place, v, 342).
It thus appears that Nos. XXV and XXVI of the Euphratean
lunar zodiac, being asterisms which do not appear in the solar
zodiac, have been faithfully preserved in three, if not in four, of the
Derivatives ; and it is especially curious to find them in the com-
paratively late Cop. list. It is further quite clear that the Per., Sog.,
and Kho. schemes in the East, and the Cop. in the West, had a
common original ; for, if the Cop. scheme had been copied from the
Per., it would only have had a name for Ophiuchus, and not also for
Ophis ; and if it had been copied from the Sog. or Kho. schemes,
it would have had two asterisms, instead of only one. The
Iviphratean scheme was not limited to 28 asterisms, as are the
Derivatives; and the Ind., Ar., and Chi. schemes have perhaps
dropped Nos. XXV and XXVI, in order to reduce the number of
asterisms, just as all the Derivatives ignore Nos. VIII, XXII, and
XXVIII. Prof. Hommel suggests that the " Death-star " {i.e.,
MULU-BAT) may be k Virgijiis ; the Snake /< or a Serpentis ; the
Scorpion (GIRTAB) c and ft Scorpionis : and URBAT, which he calls
39
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S96.
\.\\e Jackal, Antarcs {Die Astro/i., iii, 16). But, it is only when the
Euphratean list is studied in connexion with the Derivatives, that it
can be properly understood. Thus, Tablet S. 162 (of which I have
given a copy in the Proceedings, May, 1893, p. 332) shows that
URBAT was no part of the (solar) zodiacal Scorpion.
XXVII.
GIRTAB (" The Scorpion ■'), = 0, 1, k; A, v Scorpionis. The
Scorpion, like the Sea-goaf, is a figure which appears both in the
solar and the lunar zodiac ; the solar Scorpion, at times called
>"»v ""Hf- *~^y Gir-an-na (" Scorpion-of-heaven "'), being the con-
stellation as we know it, and the lunar Scorpion the above asterism.
Few of the mansions more clearly indicate the pristine unity of the
various schemes.
= Per. 20. Vanant ( = 0, /, /.-, X, v Scorpionis), "the Stinger"
(Av. van, " to strike," -atit pres. part, ending. " Vanant means
' who smites ' " (Darmesteter, in Sacred Books of the East, xxiii,
97, n. 6). "The Vatiant Yasht is a prayer addressed to the star
Vanant, by which the Dasturs understand the Milky Way " (Haug,
Essays, p. 217). The basis of this error, which illustrates the
location of the asterism, is that the Via Lactea runs through Scorpio
and Girtah. Vanant is one of the four chief asterisms in the
Persian stellar scheme. '' Tistar [^Sirius'] is the chieftain of the
East, Cataves [Catavaeca, Per. 25] the chieftain of the South [vide
Bundahis, xiii, 2], Vanand the chieftain of the West, Haptokriug
[the JVain] the chieftain of the North" {/oid., ii, 7), an illustration
of the great importance of the Scorpion, which is so frequently
referred to in the Tablets.
Sog. 22. Vanand (= Same stars), "the Stinger," = Per. 20.
"When a sheep is slaughtered ... the testes are for the star Vanand "
(Skdjast La-Shayast, xi, 4, ap. E. W. West). Cf. the position of
the Scorpion and the Bull on Mithraic monuments.*
Kho. 22. Khachman (= Same stars), "the Curved" (Per. kazh^
' curved,' Kazh-dum, ' Crook-tail,' a name of the Sign Scorpio).
Ind. 19. Vikritau ( = f, //, JT, v/, 0, 1, v, X, u Scorpionis), "the
Destroyer" ; also called Mu/a, "the Root." If this be the original
meaning of the name, the reference is probably to the asterism as
the ' tail' or 'basis' of Scorpio; but it is quite possible that here,
* \ide R. B. Jr., in tlie Acaitciiiy, XIarch, 23. 1S95, Pi 259.
40
Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
as in Chi. 3, we have the Euphratean Mul, i.e.^ "the (important)
Asterism."
Chi. 19. Wei, anc. Mi, Vi ( = 6, ^i- Scorpio ftis), "the Tail"; of
the " Blue Dragon" in the later astronomy {cf. Chi. 18) but probably
originally referring to Girtab.
Ar. 19. Ash-Shaulah {■= \, v Scorpionis), "the Sting."
Cop. 20. Mi7iamref {^ Same stars), "the Sting" (Cop. maiiiref,
reduplicated form of meref,^=- Lat. spiculum, ' sting ').
XXVIII.
URBAT ("the Beast-of-death"), = n, /3, 7, c Liipi. This creature,
the Qi](Hov of Ptolemy, appears on the monuments with his brother
UROARRA (No. II), but is properly excluded from the schemes of
the Derivatives.*
XXIX.
ANUNITUM ("The Great Goddess," i.e., Istar),=:\,/t Sagittarii.
And SINUNUTUM ("the Swallow"), As. Sinimtuv, Rabbinical
Senunitha, Ak. nam-xu ("The Destiny-bird "), = 7, f , e Sagittarii.
The two asterisms are side by side, like the Tigris and Euphrates, to
which they are respectively dedicated. Istar, the Bow-goddess, and
the Euphrates, "the Curving-river," are naturally connected with the
constellation of the Bow. A Bird, which may be the Swallow,
appears with other lunar zodiacal figures on the monuments. The
annual migrations of the Swallow connect it alike with destiny (as
a prophetic bird), and with the autumn {Sagittarijis) season.
= Per. 21. Gail {=■ Sagittarius, particularly the ^(?7t'-stars),
" the Bull " (Av. gao, ' ox,' ' cow,' ' bull '), =: Arcitaurus {^Sagittarius).
So the Centaur, a variant of Sagittarius, is called on the monuments
Gud-elim ("the Horned-bull." Vide Proceedings, ]?ir\., 1895, p. 16).
Sog. and Kho. 23. Yaugh (= Same stars), " the Bull,"= Per. 21.
Ind. 20. Purva-Ashadha (= c, e Sagittarii). Said to mean
"the Former Unconquered-onej" ; also called Apja ("the Stout,"
'Strong'). An unoriginal name probably astrological. The Ind.
20 and 21 are represented by two elephants' tusks, which give the
ideas of ' horn,' and ' curved.'
Chi. A7, anc. J^it {= c, e, 7 Sagittarii), "the Sieve" — -from the
shape. " The commentators tell us that his name was Lii yi'L"
(Kingsmill. Cf. Sog. 23.)
" Vide Proceedings, May, 1S93, p. 332, fig. I.
41
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1896.
Ar. 20. An- AW aim ( = 7, r, ,/, c, 0, a, t, ^ Sagitfarii), " the
Ostriches." Whether the group be an arbitrary invention or not,
tlie idea of a bird and the Ak. swallow- name A^ani are preserved
in it.
Cop. 21. Foil's {= Sagittarius, particularly the Bmi'-sizas), "the
Foal" (Gk. TTa'Xov), the Hippocentaur.
XXX.
GUSIRABBA ("The Yoke of the Sea"), = cT, '^, ^ Sagittarii.
Cf. No. X. These stars form a ' yoke ' thrown across the ecliptic
near the commencement of the great Sea which extends thence to
Aries, and includes Capricornvs, Fiscis, Aquarius, Fisces, and Cetus.
On the Tablet (Rev. 1. i) GUSIRABBA is identified with the
kakkab NUN-KI, " i)ronounced Nunpe, according to 82. 8-16,
I Obv., 21," and meaning "the Lordly-city," i.e., Eridu, an archaic
centre of the Ea-cult, and once "at the mouth of the Euphrates and
on the edge of the Persian Clulf,"* and thus a "Yoke of the Sea."
Hence the role of GUSIRABBA as the patron asterism of the
seaport town of Eridu. The ecliptic thus appears as a 'Yoke' at
Cancer and Capricorn.
= Ind. 21. Uttara-Ashadha (= ^7, ^ Sagittarii), "the Latter
Unconquered-one."
Chi. 21. Tlw, anc. Den (= «t. t, 'C, 0, A., /< Sagittarii), "the
Ladle." A popular name from the shape.
Ar. 21. Al-Baldah (= space north of tt Sagittarii), "the Hairless
space between the eyebrows." A comparatively starless region, part
of the Ku7naru Udgudua ("the Dusky" part of Sagittarius. Vide
Froceedings, Jan., 1895, p. 25).
XXXI.
MUNAx'A ("The Cioat-fish") = Capricorn, including c, /<, v
Aquarii. In previous articles (Vide Froceedings, March, 1891,
pp. 267-8; April, 1892, p. 220) et seq.) I have fully treated of this
.Sign, which has remained unaltered in both lunar and solar zodiacs.
= Per. 22. Goi {^^^ Capricorn). Perhaps "the Dawn" (^Cf. Per.
gall, ' time,' " the dawn," " the Sign Capricorn "). This illustrates
my observation " Nebo, in origin, is 'the Sun of the Dawn ' . . . and
tiius, as an ultimate anal)'sis, Nebo and Capricorn are identical '
' h'ayce, !<,■!. .In,/. A'u/'s., p. 135.
42
Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
{Proceedings, }7in., 1890, p. 151). Perhaps Goi {'=, simply the Ak. x*?,
"the (Goat) Fish." Mr. Kingsmill identifies Goi with the "Zend
Gaoya (the Ox leader)." Vide Chi. 22.
Chi 22. Niii, Ngeii, anc. Ngii, Gu (= «, /J, v Capricorni), "the
Ox." This naturally reminds us of the Per. 21, and it is possible
that the same original name may have been applied in China to a
different asterism. But it is to be observed that the eighth
antediluvian king, who is equated with Algedi {a Capricorni)^ is
'Aue'yuYr/j/o? {=Aniar-Sin)^ "the Ox of the Moon"; and the word
amar may very likely include small cattle, such as the goat.
Ar. 22. Sa'd ad/i Dhabih (= «, ft Capricorni), " Luck the
sacrificer," or " the Lucky asterism of the Slaughterer," Ak. Saksadi
(" Bright-horn-of-slaughter "), = ft Capricorni (Vide Proceedings,
Jan.,31895, p. 35).
Cop. 22. Eupeiitos (=:Same stars), "the Fortunate" (Gk.
^vire-rip, " falling-well " — of dice).
Chi. 23. Niu, anc. Nok, also called Mii, anc. Mo (= c, /(, v.
Aqiiarii). Said to mean " the Woman," which is evidently not the
original signification. Cf. Ak. nuk, " to sacrifice," and Ar. 22.
Ar. 23. Sa'd Biila (= Same stars), "Greedy Sa'd," "because
the larger star seems to swallow the smaller " (Robertson Smith).
Cop. 23. Upeuritos (= Same stars), "the Discoverer" (Gk.
t0ct;/3eT?/9, " one who discovers beside another ") — of the smaller star
(./Ar.23).
This completes the stellar circle, and it only remains to notice
several instances in which the Derivatives, attracted by brighter
stars, have incorrectly left the legitimate ground of the lunar
zodiac :—
n, e, ^ Lyrae = lnd. 22. Abhijit ("The Victorious"). "An
outsider " (Whitney).
n, ft, 7 Aqui/ae = Per. 23. AJuri/ ("The Bird"), A v. nieregha,
' bird.'
Sog. 24. Shad Mashir (" The Noble Falcon "). Cf. Per. shah-
baz, " noblest falcon."
Kho. 24. Sadniasij ("The Noble Falcon "),= Sog. 24.
Ind. 23. Cravana ("The Seizer "). The idea of a Bird {cf. No.
XXIX) is preserved in these names.
«) A 7) '^ Delphini = Ind. 24. Cravishtha (" The Most-
glorious "). A name probably originally connected with some part
of No. I.
Jan. 14] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCLLEOLOGV. [iSf;6.
Note on Asterism No. XV.
LAMAS. In the text I have followed the customary rendering
of this word, />., ' colossus,' which i.s, of course, merely a paraphrase,
the /aiiiassi being the colossal statues at the entrance of temj^le.-.,
personifications of the propitious guardian Genii of the place {vide
Ffoceedifigs, Feb., 1890, p. 193). But LAMAS, as noticed {sup.
p. 29), is translated by the scribe "the Eurning-of-fire " ; and we
are able to prove the correctness of this rendering by comparison
with the corresponding words in certain dialects connected, though
remotely, with the Sum.-Ak. LAM, LAMM A, LAMAS = the
Magyar -La fig, \':\X. flanuna ignis. = Bab. Mikid isati {'^T\\e Burning-
of-fire "), Finnic Loiinic ('Strong-flame'), loiiniia ("to flame").
The Turko-Tatar dialects do not employ an initial /, but re[)lace it
byy (f.^., Magyar Iclek, 'soul,' = Os. jel, 'wind,' Ostiak Ijil., 'ghost,'
= Sum.-Ak. LIL, 'ghost,' whence As. lilatu, Heb. Liieih); hence
a Sum.-Ak. LAM, LAV. becomes in Turko-Tatar jav, Jar, j'al,
" to gleam," ' burn,' ' flame,' etc., e.g., Tchagatai jalau, ' flame.
The Lamassi, therefore, are " the Burning-ones," and the name is
equivalent to the Heb. Seraphim, who have been incorrectly ex-
plained by certain modern writers as Dragons {vide Goldziher,
Mythology among the Hebs., Eng. edit., p. 197).
The next Meeting o{ the Society will be held at })"/,
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, 4th
February, 1896, at 8 p.m., when the following Papers will be
read : —
P. le P. Renouf, President. The Symbols on Funeral Stelae.
Rev. Dr. M. Friedlander. Some Fragments of the Hebrew Bible,
with peculiar abbreviations, and a peculiar system of vowel signs.
44
M]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1S96.
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Jan. 14] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
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Contes de I'Egypte Chretiehne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, Thomnie de Dieu.
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Blass, a. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aegyptiaca superest.
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Altaegyptische Kalendcr-Inschriften, 1886.
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EliERS. G., Papyrus Ebers. Die Masse und das Kapitel iiber die Augcn-
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Gayet, E , Steles de la XII dynastic au Musee du Louvre.
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Vingt-quatre Tablettcs Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Haupt, Die Sumcrischen Familicngesetze.
Hess, Der Gnostische Papyrus von London.
HOMMEL, Dr., Geschichte Babylonicns und Assyriens. 1892.
Jastrow, M., a Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra " Epi>-.
Jenskn, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
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Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde.
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
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Krebs, p., De Chnemothis nomarclii inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio.
Lederer, Die Biblischc Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
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sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Eg)-ptiens de la Bil)Hotheque Nationale.
Lefebure, Le Mj'the Osirien. 2""-' partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmann, Samassumukin KTmig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates.
Lepsiu'S, Nubian Grammar, dtc. , 1S80.
Lyon, D. G., An Assyrian Manual.
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
MuLLER, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien.
NoORDTZiG, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out-
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Place, Ninive et I'Assyrie, 1S66-1869. 3 vols., folio.
POGNON, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
ROBiou, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en I^gypte et sur la chronologic des Lagides
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
SCHAEFFER, Couimentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
Schouw, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
SCHROEDER, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptishe Gotterglaube.
ViREY, P., Quelques Observations sur I'Episode d'Aristec, a propos d'un
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Vhser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaelogie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
Wii.CKEN, M., Actenstucke aus der Kcinigl. Bank zu Theben.
WiLTZKE, Der Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra.
WiNCKLER, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, F. II., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El F'ajum.
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PROCEEDINGS
THE SOCIETY
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BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
VOL. XVIIL TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION.
Second Meetings February d^th, 1896.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
P. Le Page Renouf {^President). — The Book of the Dead,
Notes to Chapter CX.XN , continued 47-53
F. L. Griffith. — Chaereu to Hermopolis on a Bilingual
Milestone 54, 55
W. M. Flinders Petrie, D.C.L., &c. — The An-angement of the
XXIst Dynasty {Flate) „ 56-64
The Hon. Miss Plunket. — ■jj^'^ {Gu), the Eleventh Constel-
lation of the Zodiac 65-70
Rev. a. J. Delattre, S.J. — A-mur-ri ou A-hiur-ri? 7i-75
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. 12 6
I. .,
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99
VII,
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7
6
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VIII,
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VIII,
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PROCEI
:di
NGS.
To
To Members.
Non- Members.
Vol. I,
Session
1878-79
2
0
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1879-80
2
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1880-S1
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1881-82
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1882-83
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1883-84
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J,
1884-85
5
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,,
1885-86
5
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5,
1886-87
2
0 per Part
2
6
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Part 7,
1886-87
8
0 „ ,,
10
6
X,
Parts I to
7,
1887-88
2
0 „ „
2
6
X,
Part 8,
1887-88
7
6 „ „
10
6
„ XI,
Parts I to
7,
1S88-89
2
0 „ „
2
6
M XI,
Part 8,
1888-89
7
6 „ „
10
6
„ XII,
Parts I to
7,
1889-90
2
0 „ „
2
6
„ XII,
Part 8,
1889-90
5
0 „ „
6
0
„ XIII,
Parts I to
7,
1890-91
2
0 „ „
2
6
„ XIII,
Part 8,
1890-91
5
0 „ „
6
0
„ XIV,
Parts I to
7,
1891-92
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2
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Part 8,
1891-92
5
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6
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Parts I to
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1892-93
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2
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„ XV,
Part 8,
1892-93
5
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6
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„ XVI,
Parts I to lO, 1893-94
2
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2
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„ XVII,
Parts I to 8
1895
2
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2
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„ XVIII,
In progress
1896
2
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"
2
6
A few complete sets of the Transactions still remain for sale, which may be
obtained on application to the Secretary, W. H. Rylands, F.S.A., 37, Great
Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION, 1896.
Second Meetings ^th February, 1896.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President,
IN THE CHAIR.
-^;4?'^^i-
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author : — Dr. A. Wiedemann. Die Kulturbeziehungen
Altagyptens zum Auslande. (Separat-abdruck aus den Bonner
Jahrbiichern. Heft XCIX.) Bonn. 8vo. 1895.
From David J. Waugh : — Historical Scarabs ; a series of
Drawings from the Principal Collections, arranged chrono-
logically by W. M. Flinders Petrie. London. 8vo. 1889.
[No. cxxxv.] 45 D
Feb, 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1896.
From Rev. R. Gvvynne. — Where is Mount Sinai ? by Prof. Edward
Hull, LL.D., F.R.S., &c. Paper read before the Victoria
Institute, 3rd February, 1896.
The following Candidates were elected Members of the
Society, having been nominated at the last Meeting, held
on the 14th January, 1896: —
William G. Jones, 6, Ashfield Terrace West, Newcastle-on-Tyne.
Arthur E. Fardon, Vaudry Bank, Fleetwood.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at
the next Meeting on March the 3rd : —
Mrs. Freeman Cell, 27, Bramham Gardens, South Kensington.
Edward John Pilcher, 49, Charlwood Street, South Belgravia, S.W.
A Paper w^as read by P. le Page Renouf, President, on
*' The Symbols on Funeral Stelae."
A Paper was read by the Rev. Dr. M. Friedlander, on
'■' Some Fragments of the Hebrew Bible with peculiar Abbre-
viations, and a peculiar System of Vowel Signs," which will
be printed in the March Proceedings.
Remarks were added by Dr. Caster, Mr. W. G. Thorpe,
Mr. Elkan Adler, and Dr. Friedlander.
Thanks were returned for these communications.
46
Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By p. le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CXXV.
Notes — continued.
3. Kindred, Ir IJu ^ Mr cV| ' • ^^^ ^^&^ ^^ plurality does not
here, any more than in Ciiapter i, necessarily imply more than one
person. The crime in question is one to which men are easily
tempted in certain stages of society. Abimelech, in the book of
Judges (ix, 5), " slew his brethren, the sons of Jerubbaal." Jephthah
had to "flee from the face of his brethren." Absalom had his
brother Amnon assasinated, and all the king's sons fled in fear of
sharing the same fate. Solomon put to death his elder brother
Adonijah. Athaliah, the queen mother, "destroyed all the seed
royal " of Judah. The annals of eastern* and even westernf nations
are full of such occurrences. But, in positions less exalted than
that of claimants to royalty, ambition or covetousness are motives
to crimes like that of the wicked uncle of ' the Babes in the Wood.' %
* *• His sons were kept in prison, till they grew
Of years to fill a bowstring or a throne."
+ To quote only well known cases, we have ' the massacre of the princes/
involving the two uncles and seven cousins of the Emperor Constantius, and
those of our own King John and Richard III.
X The legislation of Solon is said by Diogenes Laertius (who is however
contradicted by notorious evidence) to have excluded from the position of
guardian anyone who had the right of succession to the ward's estate. And this
was also the law of England with reference to guardians in socage. In France
the next in succession had the charge of the estate, but was excluded from the
custody of the person of the ward.
47 D 2
FE15. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH-FOLOGY. [1896.
The readint: Ht [\i\ ^ ^^, which has for determinative the sign "^a.
"^ [^^ii I I I
of smalbiess, seems to indicate that the victims of the crime are
minors, perhaps ivards.
Some of the papyri (even that of Nebseni) have a calf, "^^^
as determinative of the word, and as the ' slaying of calves ' is not
necessarily a crime, other scribes have added | *^s^, 'sacred,' and
thus made the sin one of sacrilege.
The same word, like the Greek noaxo'' and the Latin piiUits.
might be applied to the young of all kinds of animals ; but the
Egyptian scribes have in such cases a propensity to use a deter-
minative which forces a wrong sense upon the word.
^«5>
4. Instead of truth, %\ J S^ I) • There are two
ways according to which this expression may be translated, but only
one of them can be the right one. ^ r is a compound pre-
position, instead of in loco, anstatt, au lieu de, i\ ;a.^' . And this is
evidently the right construction. If vX be taken as the simple
preposition governing r ^^ <=, \\ , the meaning will be that the
deceased did not " tell lies in the cemetery^ The Pyramid Texts
(Unas, 394) have the expression — ^ v^\ r [ ^~ {sic),
" Right instead of Wrong."
5. This is only an approximate version of a passage, the true
text of which was lost at an early period. M. Maspero {Origines,
p. 189) understands it as follows : " Je n'ai jamais impose du travail
a I'homme libre quelconque, en plus de celui qu'il faisait pour lui-
meme ! " The last words are the translation of ^^^ ^^ "^^ ,
according to Td. (tomb of Ramses IV) all the other ancient
texts having \^ , 'for me.' But the chief difficulties occur at the
beginning of the sentence.
6. Shorten the palm's length, ® Jr^t\ ^^^"^- ^^''^"Y
pa])yri read ^^o, which is a superficial measure, more in place
I 1
under the next precept.
7. The fields' measure, V\ x
48
FEii. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
8. The beam of the balance, ^"^ "^ "^1^ ^ 1^ ^ ^ '
The tongue [rather plummet^ of the balance, v\ ^ r-^-^
The balance is so frequently represented in false perspective by-
Egyptian artists, that Sir J. G. Wilkinson has given an account of it,
which is quite unintelligible to those who have ever so moderate
a knowledge of statics. j\Ir. Petrie's description is the true one-
" The beam was suspended by a loop or ring from a bracket pro-
jecting from the stand. . . . Then below the beam, a long tongue
was attached, not above the beam as with us. To test the level
of the beam, a plummet hung down the tongue, and it was this
plummet which was observed to see if the tongue was vertical and
the beam horizontal." — A Season in Egypt, p. 42.
In' PI. XXXV, a few pictures will be found which give a more
correct notion of the Egyptian balance than some of the absurd
representations which defy a scientific explanation.
It is evident that if the tongue is fastened at a wrong angle, the
beam will not really be horizontal when the tongue is shown by the
plummet line to be vertical. This seems to be the fraud alluded tO'
in the text.
The word J =0= . § ""^"^ > ^'^^ name given to the plummet, ap-
parently signifies a cup pull of liquid. It is etymologically identical
^^'^^^ (<s^ V "^ ^' ''' ^^P^^ i^^i^^i 'f"^^) ebrius, ebrietas)y
^ ^^, XI^I, a crane, and 1] ^ the crane-god, Thoth.
The apparatus of which the plummet forms so important a
|)art, whether for the balance or for building purposes, is called
9, The manors of the s;ods, d III. I understand d as-
■^ "^ N 111 II I Ns:
property acquired by royal grant. Aahmes at El Kab says that he
has acquired | V=^ '^ x<> ^y\ M^^ ) much land through the royal
bounty. The deceased in the later copies of the Book of the Dead
(Ch. I, 24), acquires the allotment of land, }=^ h ^\ ^^. x 1 y
in the Clarden of Aarru, and Ani (PI. Ill) acquires "a permanent
49
Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1896.
allotment {f=^ ^3 ) in the Garden of Hotepit like the followers
of Horus."
10. Fo/ids. The right reading is "^ ^^, t— T' ^^ ^^^^"'^
already noted in his Dictionary, from the excellent papyrus Ao of
the XVIIIth dynasty.
Hieratic papyri also give the determinative t==t.
The determinative . ^ -■ which some of the papyri give to the
word, and which is a self-evident blunder, is probably copied either
from I \, or from t=^. The sign ^^5>^, and a man striking with
an instrument, which also occur, are mere symbols of the operation
by which either quarries, or ponds, are cut.
11. Thou of the Nose, or rather Beak, -^^^ mB^, in allusion
to one of the chief characteristic features of the Ibis god {Trp6aivTroi>
fc9 Trt /iidXicna iiri^ipvirou ; Herodotus, II, 76, in his description of the
bird). Thoth, the god of Chemunnu, is meant by this appellative.
He is so called, ' (lO ^ , on the statue of the King Horus in the
Museum of Turin (1. 8), and tl[l ^ on the very much more ancient
altar, of the Vlth dynasty, belonging to the same museum. The
same appellative * is found in the list of gods upon each of the
Memphite cubits described by Lepsius.t
12. Eater of the Shadoiv. The Demotic version interprets this
of " his own shadow." I am rather inclined to interpret it by " the
gnomons which were without shadows at noon," and the " well of
Syene" (Strabo, 817) at the Summer Solstice; when the Sun was
vertical.
13. Thou of Lion form, -^^^^^^ The Demotic has "Shu
and Tefnut." But as there are only forty-two gods in all, we must
here think of a single god with a lion's head, as in such pictures
as Wilkinson, III, PI. XLIX ; Denkm., Ill, 276, and many sarco-
phagi {e.g., Leemans, Mon., Ill, L, PI. III).
Even some of the Theban papyri have two divinities by way of
determinatives to the group.
* The true sense of the name has been missed by Birch, who reads it Teti,
and by Brugsch, who reads it " Chonti, der Anfanglichc."
t D. Acgyptische Elle, Taf. I and 2.
5»
Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
sluggishness. Coptic 6^n<LT. See my note {Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch.,
XI, p. 76) on the Inscription of Kum el Ahmar.
There are however other readings ; none of them apparently of
any value.
15. Thou of the Bright Teeth, | '^ (] J f ^ j^, • The
Demotic equivalent is, " who openeth his teeth," and so exhibits
their brightness.
16. Aati, ^^ c-°=-^ (1(1 Jj , a name about which the
copyists have bungled. It is one of the names of Ra in the Solar
Litany, where it appears (1. 23) as ^k> ^^^^^ "v ^^^ ^ ' °''
<0«i- Whether applied to the Sun, to the Fish of the name,
or to a Ship, the name means Cutter, ' that which cleaves ' its way.
1 7. Tutu\_f'f\ , Dr£i ^ C^^ ^ ^^ , with many variants, show-
ing that the scribes did not understand the sense of the syllable
r^-0 ^ , some of them adding the bird of evil "^^^ , others the 1 — — 1
determinative of mountain. Such a name occurs nowhere else,
but some papyri call him Tutu, and if this be an equivalent name
the god may be recognised in later texts. In the Calendar of
Esneh there is a feast on the 14th day of Thoth, in honour of
li^^ , Tutu,* ' the son of Neith,' and the text gives the
important determinative 1||||^, of a serpent, worm, or slug. I
suspect, therefore, that we should in the text read the name Tutu,
and consider a!;.^ as a determinative. The symbolism would then
be identical with that in PI. XXIII, illustrative of Chapter 87. The
Sun-god there rises up like a worm out of the Lotus of Dawn,
whereas in another picture a slug (*^-=^) is seen moving upon the
flower.
W c^ Q ' ^^^'' ^^'h^''^ ^h^ ?>^^ makes his appearance, is the name
of the ninth Nome of Lower Egypt.
18. / trouble myself only 7vith my oivn affairs. I understand
""■ This god's name is also written with a <~'=^ But in the late periods no
difference was made between the / sounds.
51"
Feu. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1S96.
this of the virtue spoken of by Cicero {de Officiis, I, 34), " nihil
praeter suum negotium agere, nihil de alieno anquirere, minimeque
esse in aliena republica curiosum." It is the same to which Plato
refers in the Tiniaeiis, 72 A; n"' k(u 7rd\oi \c~j(T(it to Trp/nrcti' vr/J
'^/I'ivi'at T« TC IdiiToi' k((i linnoi' (ricfjijio t> i ^toi'ic 7ri)U(7)jKviv, not in the
sense of a selfish indifference to a neighbour's welfare or the public
good, but in opposition to the ways of the busybodies, who tattle
and "speak things which they ought not" (i Tim., v, 13).
The Eg)'ptian _i;so ^ j^^ ^ j-are word. Brugsch's etymology
of it is an impossible one, and his identification of it with cycucJUL
is not less unfortunate.
„. A,„„, or A„.i,, (} 1^ ^ ^> 000 :■ 0 ko- ^'"'^
seems to be the favourite reading. It means the iou'u of Palm.
But, as the name was written ideographically, it appears in some
copies as the town of other trees, such as Nehait, or Narit.
Amu was a place in the north of Egypt, which Brugsch thinks
he has identified wnth a town called Apis (the site of which is itself
doubtful).
The most interesting thing known about Amu (Diimichen, Rec.
de Af., IV, PI. XV, 90 rt), is that in the rites performed on the 16
Choiak, Horus is represented as raising up the body of Osiris out of
the water in the form of a crocodile ; and that Osiris was known
under the name of ^ -OOO®- ^^^'^ Crocodile, Lord of Amu.
The 142nd chapter of the Book of the Dead, which gives a list
of the names of Osiris, has (1. 17) that of A , 'Osiris of
Crocodile form,' or 'with Crocodile head."* The variants of this
group, however, show the reading [Igj |I1Q j^' 'l^'"g.'(^r f) j|l)l]?^fl^
' of kingly form.' There is but little doubt that (as M. Naville .says,
Zeiischr., 1882, p. 190) Wl 1 ' °" ^^^ Turin tablet published
by Professor Piehl, n)eans ' King of the gods,' and that Ptahhotep
in the Prisse papyrus (IV, i) addresses not Osiris, but King Assa as
' my Lord the King.' Goodwin had already asserted this meaning
in his ^^ Story of Satteha," and in the Zeifsc/ir., 1874, p. 38.
If
* On the oilier hand in the standard ^^<^^. of Dcndcra, the Crocodile is Sut,
and the Feather upon his head is Osiris.
52
Feh. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
The orthography of the crocodile name here played upon is
1 11 'tk tk n Tk <:~°^^ 1 'tk ^ iR.
remarkably vague, v\ cr:^::^ v^ 'Ss^- , ij v\ , and V\ Mf^
rapax, Louvre, C, 26). It is this last form which enables us to
see the paranomasia in °^— ' j. n y [I =ss=> , rapax siait Raptor
{crocodiliis) of the Prisse papyrus (VII, 6), and brings the word into
connection with aia, or aii, ' he who is seized ' of the Sovereignty
(see supra, Ch. 40, note 10).
2C. CJieviiu, ® ix\ I I y\ 1 E^ , 'one who overthrows.' His
_^4
ap]:)earance is made at Kami, ^ rjwv^ the Canobic
entrance to the Nile, which the Libyan invaders had taken possession
of in the time of Rameses III (Great Ham's Pap., 77, 2).
The transgression here disavowed is understood by some of the
scribes as a violation of ritual precepts, such as those regarding
sacred seasons.
53
Feb. 4]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY.
[1S96.
CHAEREU TO HERMOPOLIS ON A BILINGUAL
MILESTONE.
By F. L. Griffith.
By the kindness of Mr. H. J. Moule, Honorary Curator of the
Dorset County Museum, I am enabled to pubhsh an interesting
tablet which I noticed on a recent visit to Dorchester, and wnich
the Rev. H. C. Reichardt had deposited there, temporarily, with
other objects collected during his labours as a missionary in Turkey,
Syria, and Egypt. It is a thin slab of limestone, 16 inches wide and
12 inches high, purchased in Alexandria about iSSo, and said at the
time to have been found in that neighbourhood. The inscription
enables us to fix very closely the locality to which it belonged.
A Chaereu m. xii.
foro 'S.aipeov /.i ifi
The last sign alone is injured, but is quite legible. The
characters are of about the IVth century a.d., not unlike those on
the Ero-Clusma milestone of Maximian and Severus from Tell el
Maskhuteh. The first and second lines give in Latin and Greek
respectively a distance of 1 2 miles from Chaereu ; these two lines
are well spaced and were ruled for the engraver. The rest of the
* The mark of abbreviation is very uncommon.
54
Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
inscription is a nearly contemporary addition (the first line being
cramped and abbreviated) ; it gives, in Greek only, a similar distance
of T2 miles from Hermopolis. We have, therefore, before us the
milestone that marked the half distance between Hermopolis and
Chaereu. The former is of course Hermopolis Parva in the Delta,
the site of which is well known to be that of Damanhur. Chaereu,
likewise, is known from the Antonine Itinerary to be xx or xxiv
miles from Hermopolis, and to have been the last station on the
way to Alexandria. It is satisfactory to have epigraphic evidence
for the distance and for the spelling of the name. According to
Procopius (lib. vi, de Aedificiis) : " The river Nile does not quite
reach Alexandria, but after running to a village called Xftipeov, it
goes on the left (i.e. east, looking up the river), leaving the confines
of the Alexandras. " It is thus evident that Chaereu was the nearest
point to Alexandria on the river, that is to say it was the station at
which the canal to Alexandria branched off from the Canopic arm of
the Nile. Chaereu is therefore to be identified with Strabo's
Schedia, "The Bridges,'' where the tolls were taken on vessels
going up or down the river. Chaereu is also mentioned in Coptic
texts (see Amelineau, Geographie, s.v. "Kerioun"), and is identified
in the Scalae with ,.,»i .i^\ . Between Nishweh and Keryiln (pro-
nounced now I think ^^ ^\ , though always written with cJ ) there
are extensive mounds deeply covered with Roman remains. I do
not know of any Egyptian name which might answer to Chaereu :
probably the eponymous Xaipecu- was an Alexandrian.
To judge by the 18S2 map of the ^^''ar Department, the direct
distance between the Nishweh-Keryuii mound and that of Damanhur
is about 18 English miles (= 19^ Roman miles). This is the
measurement of xx to be read by preference in the Itinerary. The
faulty (?) reading of xxiiii agrees with the inscription, which no
doubt reckoned in the windings of the river ; on the other hand the
final /3 has been considerably injured, as if travellers or boatmen had
found the measurement of 12 miles to Hermopolis excessive, and
had hacked at the offending letter, it being the only damaged sign
upon the stone.
Thus the milestone only confirms the general conclusion as to
the site of Chaereu.
I have to thank Mr. Reichardt for permission to publish his
tablet, and Mr. Moule for an excellent rubbing of it.
55
Fei:. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILFOLOGV. [1S96.
THE ARRANGEMENT OF THE XXIsx DYNASTY.
Bv \V. M. Flinders Petrie, D.C.L., etc.
The following sketch of the information at present at our com-
mand, and the results which may be gathered, is based on the
careful study of the period in question by Professor Maspero in his
" Momies Royales de Deir el Bahari," 1889. No departure is here
made from his conclusions and treatment of the material, except
where circumstances have to be considered which he has not taken
into account.
The two limiting dates which absolutely bound the XX — XXIst
dynasties, are two of the Sothis festivals ; first of the twenty-ninth
Thoth, in the second year of Merenptah ;* second, a feast in the
twenty-second year of Usarken H. The first gives an absolute date
of 1206 B.C. within two or three years either way. This contradicts
the Sirius rising of i Paophi falling in the reign of Ramessu VI, as
shown in his tombjf but it is far more likely that the artist took
for his decorations of the tomb an older star diagram which had
been compiled in Merenptah's reign, rather than Merenptah should
have put up a wrong date for his Sirius festival on a public monu-
ment. On testing which of these data is correct, by dead reckoning
of reigns from other fixed points, there can be no question but that
1206 i!.c. for the second year of Merenptah agrees with the other
material far better than the star diagram does.
The other limit given by a Sirius festival under Usarken H, in
his twenty-second year, has no month and day to it ; but we know
that it must have been a multiple of thirty years after the previous
festival in 1206, or perhaps on the first of a month rather than the
close of a month like that of Merenptah. Hence it should fall
* Brugsch, " Reiseberichte," 299. Date in " Denk.," Ill, 199 c.
t A. Zeits., XXXII, 99.
56
Fkb. 4] rROCEEDINGS. [1896.
about 899 B.C., or thirty years before or after that. This would,
l)y the lengths of reigns, set the accession of Sheshenk I to 960 B.C. ;
as all the generally received chronologies would preclude our dating
it thirty years earlier or later, at 990 B.C., or 930 B.C. These
results may easily be a few years uncertain either way, owing to
various minor causes, but it is very unlikely that they are ten years
in error ; and they at least show what range of time we have to
deal with.
Taking then the lengths of reigns which are guaranteed by the
monuments, or stated by Manetho, it seems that we cannot be far
out in timing the Ramessides as follows : —
1207
Merenptah
IIS7
B.C
II87
Sety II
II80
II80
Amen'meses
II75
1 1 75
Sa'ptah
II68
1168
Sefnekht
II67
1167
Ramessu
III
II35
1135
))
IV
II29
1 129
5J
V
II25
1125
)»
VI
II23
1123
5)
VII
II2I
1 121
„ VIII
II20
1120
5)
IX
III3
1113
J)
X
1094
1094
))
XI
1087
10S7
55
XII
1060
The uncertain points in this list are (i) the length of Sety II's
reign, only two years being stated on monuments : here seven has
been allowed as likely, leaving of course a doubt of a few years
either way. (2) Ramessu VII and VIII, of whom but very little is
known, are allowed four years. The data for the other reigns of
the XXth dynasty will be found stated by Maspero. Such a
chronology will at least show what length of time is available for
the XXIst dynasty within general limits, and 1060 b.c. for the close
of the XXth to 960 b.c. for the rise of the XXIInd dynasty, may
be adopted without great uncertainty.
On looking at Manetho's list of the Tanite dynasty, the first
point is that some corruption has come in, either to the total or to
some item. The question is, whether twenty years has dropped
57
Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1896.
from a reign, or been added to the total. Another question is, what
reign corresponds to one of the most active Tanite kings, Sa'amen?
As we shall see below, it is certain that he cannot be Smendes nor
Herhor ; and yet there is evidence at Deir el Bahri that he reigned
over sixteen years, and his rebuildings at Tanis point to a long reign.
He must therefore be looked for as a long reign, and yet cannot be
any of the three long reigns (Smendes, Psusennes I, or Psusennes II)
which are in the dynasty. Probably, then, the twenty years has
dropped off his reign. Which of the reigns is his, Neferkheres,
Osokhor or Psinakhes — none of which are yet identified — we may
probably venture by an emendation of Neterkheres, or Neter'khe-
per-ra (Neter-khar-riya) Sa'amen, for Neferkheres ; and then restore
ihe lost twenty years by placing his reign at twenty-four instead of
four years. This is but an hypothesis, and one that it remains for us
to test ; but some such emendation is absolutely indicated, and this
form is the more likely.
We therefore restore the Tanite dynasty, with approximate dates,
as follows : —
10S9 Smendes Nesi'ba'neb'dad
1063 Psusennes Pa'seb'khanu
1022 Neterkheres Neter"kheper*ra
998 Amenopthis Amen'emapt
989 Osokhor
983 Psinakhes
974 Psusennes Hor Pa'seb"khanu
960 Sheshenk I
Thus we have reckoned back through the Tanite series of the
XXIst dynasty, from a fixed point of later date. The next process
is to reckon forward the priest-kings of Thebes of the XXIst dynasty,
from the end of the Ramessides. For this we have no lengths of
reigns nor personal data, and are confined to merely genealogic
probabilities.
There seems no reason to question in any way Maspero's
arrangement of the family genealogy. Herhor was contemporary
with Ramessu XI and XII ; as this is a space of thirty years we
cannot allow tliat he reigned for long after Ramessu XII. As he
must have been of mature age — for his grandson succeeded him in
the priesthood — we may safely assign him about thirty years on
accession, and betWLcn sixty to seventy at his death. Thus we may
58
1063 B.C.
1022 „
998
989
983
974
960
l-Ei!. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
place his birth about 11 20 B.C. Allowing an average of twenty years
to a generation, including the female links (which go two to one
male generation at Men'kheper'ra and Pai'nezem II) the succession
of births would be approximately as follows : —
B.C.
1 1 20 Herhor
1 1 00 Pai"ankh
1080 Pai'nezem I
1060 Masa hart
1040 Isfemkheb ; m. 1020? Men'kheperTa
1020 Pai'nezem II
1000 Nesi'khonsu ; m. Pai'nezem II
980 Nesi'ta'neb'ashru
This of course shows nothing about the lengths of priesthoods,
or the ages, but merely indicates about what period we may expect
to find a priest contemporary with a Tanite king.
For fitting these two series — priests and kings — together, we must
use the dates of the Tanite kings recorded by various priests ; unfor-
tunately stated merely as years, without naming the king. These
dates have all been collected and discussed by Maspero in his
volume on the " Momies."
The first thing to notice in these mummy endorsements is that
certain officials frequently recur, as shown below, with page refer-
ences to Maspero's " Momies."
P. 573, Year 16.
{Zed'khonsu'auf'ankh, treasurer.
Nesi'su-pa-ka-shutiu, scribe.
Un'nefer.
P. 551. Year 16 of Sa'amen.
r Ankh'fen'amen.
Removal of Ramessu I by ... Wr . , , .. .,
•' L Nesrpa ka'shuti, scribe.
P. 553. Year 16 of Sa'amen.
, ^^ ,, f Ankh*fen"amen.
Removal of Sety I by ...«^-. . , , . .,
•^ ^ LNesrpa'ka'shuti, scribe.
P. 558. Year 16 of Sa'amen.
D 1 f r. TTT , / Ankh'fen-amen.
Removal of Ramessu III by < ^. . , , . .,
I. Nesrpa'ka'shuti, scribe.
59
Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1896.
P. 520. Year 5.
■ Zed'khonsuMufankh, treasurer.
Burial of Nesi-khonsu by ... i Ankh-fen-amen, prophet
rZed
■> .'\nk.ll ICll cllliv;;!!, |JlWpiH,l.
LNesi"su"pa'ka"shutiu, divine father.
P. 559. Year 10.
r Zed'khonsu'auf'ankh, treasurer.
Removal of Ramessu II by < Aufen-amen, son of Nesi'su-pa-shutiu
I Un'nefer.
Though one name might be repeated in the same office in a
succeeding generation, it would be (^uite unlikely that a group of two
or three names should recur together in the same offices at very
different epochs. We must in reason therefore place all these
endorsements within about twenty or thirty years ; and these include
the burial of a Pai'nezem, which must by this group be Pai'nezem I,
say about 1000 B.C.; the burial of Nesi-khonsu not before 975 i;.c.,
and the si.\teenth year of Sa'arnen which would be 1006 h.c. as
already stated. We see from this how utterly impossible it is for
Sa-amen to be the same as Herhor, whose sixteenth year would be
about 1075 B.C., or a hundred years before the same officials appear
as in the Nesi-khonsu endorsement. Setting aside all dating, and
looking only at generations, it is obviously impossible for the same
officials to act six generations apart, viz., under Herhor, Pai-ankh,
Pai-nezem I, Masa-hart, Isifemkheb, Nesi-ba-neb-dad, and Nesi'
khonsu. Moreover the officials under Herhor are entirely different
in name to these : see p. 553.*
Sa-amen being therefore certainly not Herhor, he is evidently
the Sa-amen Neter-kheper-ra of Tanis, for the sixteenth year of the
Tanite agrees well with the other dates of these officials, as approxi-
mately indicated by the priestly family. For clearness we will here
anticipate, and show the results in a tabular form, and then proceed
to the details.
In fixing the contemporaneousness of the two series, of Tanis
and of Thebes, the high regnal numbers are of most value. Men"-
kheper-ra took up the priesthood amid great rejoicing at Thebes on
his accession in a twenty-fifth year.t The only reigns in which this
* A totally different proof can also be given, thus : under Pai'nezeni I,
Ramessu 11 's mummy was in the tomb of Sety I, and under .Sa'amen it was
removed from the tomb of Sety I with two others. Sa-amen therefore came after
I'ai-nezem, the grandson of Herhor.
+ Stela. Brugsch, " History," II, 194.
60
BlltlclI of
A/es i kkonsu
(aj l9tBcuntssiill
ueuildftmtnkotep/
S tiLJe. of Mtn kheptr ra
BuLYLCLLof Pintze^m. I
SL-tjj I %*■ RcLmessiL II
yyiouLcL to /^KhuLpu
Rtynoucd of AcLhryit^
Re.movcLl of pr^inces
Rcimtssu.ll ttujrtxppid inSeJiy I
WrcLJDfDLYigs of Se^ I
Rtujrappin^ SeJj/J, Bamtssu. II
^
Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
would be possible are the first three of the Tanites ; and as this must
by the generations be late in the series, this will be the twenty-fifth
year of the twenty-four years and some months of the reign of
Sa'amen. In short, Men'kheperTa could not take up his position
until Sa"amen's death. Next we see that Pai'nezem I died in a
sixteenth year, and as only an unimportant priesthood of Masahart
comes between this and Men'kheper'ra, it is clearly the sixteenth
year of Sa'amen. Since there are no monuments or endorsements
cf Masa'hart, it appears that Sa'amen took over the control of Thebes
himself on the death of Pai'nezem I (endorsements being dated
with Sa'amen's name), and that he held the power till his death,
or last illness^ when Thebes reverted with joy to the priest-rule
re-established by Men'kheper'ra.
Another high date is the tenth year removals of the mummies
of Sety I and Ramessu II, by the same officials as acted under
Sa'amen. This cannot be the tenth year of Sa'amen, as in the
sixteenth year Sety I still lay in his own tomb (Masp., p. 553), and
in this tenth year he was moved to the tomb of Amenhotep. This
must therefore be the tenth year of the nine years and some months
of the reign of Amen'em'apt.
In both of these cases of the twenty-fifth year of Sa'amen and
tenth of Amen'em'apt, we have to resort to the fraction of the last
regnal year, which must be under six months, or it would be
reckoned as; a year more in Manetho. As the months and days are
stated, this enables us to test this matter still more closely. This
results in finding that we are limited in uncertainty to the mere
fringe of weeks needed for the news of events to pass from Tanis to
Thebes. Painezem's burial took place on Pharmuthi twentieth ;
Sa'amen's death must have been in Paophi, and Amen'em'apt's
death in Pharmuthi. The requirements of dates to allow of such
dating of documents as is found, fall within very close limits, but
yet there is no contradiction. The fifth year in which Nesi'khonsu
died cannot be the fifth of any one before Psinakhes, as she was
born about 1000 b.c. If we drive the generations further back, we
have unlikely longevity for the priests, the ages postulated at present
being from fifty to seventy-five, and if we thus date her birth at
about 1000 BiC, we cannot put her death earlier than 978 B.C., as
she had four children. This would be the fifth year of Psinakhes,
and we can hardly drive it on to the fifth of Pa'seb'khanu II, as
that would require Zed'khonsu'auf'ankh to have acted from 1006
61 E
Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1896.
to 969 B.C., or thirty-seven years in the same ofifice with his colleagues.
By taking the fifth of Psinakhes, the range of those officials is from
1006 to 978 B.C., or twenty-eight years, which is as long as it is at
all likely.
We close therefore the evidence given by these ofificial names^
which has secured the beginning of Men'kheperra to the death of
Sa'amen, so making him co-equal with Amen'em'apt ; and we have
another point, that Men'kheper'ra reigns till a sixth year {p. 555),
which must be that of Amen'em*apt, as Painezem II was con-
temporary with that Tanite (p. 728). The death of Men'kheper*ra
and succession of Painezem II must then have been between the
si.xth and tenth, or last, year of Amen'em-apt.
Pai"nezem II was succeeded by Auput, son of Sheshenk I. This
would be unlikely before Sheshenk had taken the kingdom ; and yet
Sheshenk's dates of endorsements begin in year 5. So Pai'nezem II
must have died between the first and fifth year of Sheshenk. Prob-
ably the fifth year was the time, as in that, and the sixth year, we
find the rights of the remainder of the priestly family elaborately
guarded, as by a treaty or compact, in the inscriptions on the pylon
of Horemheb (p. 705). That these dates refer to the reign of
Sheshenk is shown by Pai'nezem II being already dead {jna-kheru),
and Au-put therefore in office.
Turning now to the beginning of the dynasty, we find Herhor
dating endorsements in a sixth year ; this is not likely to be the
sixth of Ramessu XII, as the Theban king's name would probably
have been given. This ignoring of the royal name in endorsements
indicates the half-independence under a distant dynasty. As Pa"seb"
khanu I begins in 1063 B.C., his sixth year is 1057 B.C., and by that
time Herhor must have succeeded Ramessu XII. Next we see in
an eighth year Pai'nezem has royal titles (p. 534), while in a ninth
and tenth years he has not (pp. 555, 564). Probably therefore the
ninth and tenth years belong to Pa'seb "khanu I, and the eighth year
to his successor Sa'amen, when Pai'nezem had become more inde-
pendent. This would then limit the death of Herhor, and accession
of Pai'nezem I, between the sixth and ninth years of Pa'seb'khanu I.
Thus the priesthoods of Thebes are limited by these data to the
following years, accepting as a basis the approximate dates of the
Tanite kings as stated before.
Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1896
PROCEEDINGS.
B.C.
B.C.
About logo
Herhor
1057-4
1057-4
Pai'nezem I
1006
1006
Masa-hart
998
998
Men'kheper-ra
992-989
992-989
Pai'nezem II
955
This long reign of Pai'nezem I agrees well to the fact of his
coming early into office in succession to his grandfather. The dates
we thus reach agree reasonably with the presumptive birth dates
which we noticed before. The ages at accession and death coming
out as follow : — Herhor, 30 — 65; Pai'nezem T, 25 — 74; Masa-hart,
54 — 62; Men'kheperTa, 52 — 60; Pai'nezem II, 30 — 65. These
are all reasonable ages, and show that the starting-point cannot be
put far different, nor the scale of the generations much changed.
Above all, this result of bringing the dating of the Ramessides down
from Merenptah's festival to meet the dating of the Tanites carried
up from Usarken's festival, proves to be quite successful (the absolute
contact being fixed by Amen'em'apt and Pai'nezem II) ; and this
must give considerable confidence in a chronology which works out
so consistently when tested in details.
We will lastly look at the general history of the XXIst dynasty
as thus set out. The series of the Ramessides, from IV to XII,
follows — with but two additions — the order of the sons of Ra-
messu III. The only exceptions are Ramessu V, probably a son of
Ramessu IV; and Ramessu IX, probably a son of the Vlllth. All
the others, IV, VI, VII, VIII, Merilum, X, XI and XII, stand with
the same personal names and order of succession as the recorded
sons of Ramessu III. Such a coincidence of succession would be
very unlikely, and down to Ramessu VIII the identity of the princes
and kings is already well recognized. This descent of Ramessu XII
as a son of Ramessu III is not at all improbable in its dates : if this
last Ramesside were born even five years before his father's death
he would be not more than eighty at his own death.
But what can be the cause of such a strange — such a unique —
succession of brothers ? It cannot have been that they all killed
their predecessors, for if so they would have been equally hkely to
kill off their presumptive successors. It can hardly have been that
they had no sons. The only apparent cause is in the power of the
priests of Arnen, and it seems as if the high-priest had attained such
63 E 2
Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1896.
power in Thebes that he could depose one king and set up another
at pleasure. It would be his policy to rule through a long series of
old men, taking always the eldest of the long family, and then putting
forward another when a change was needed. The longest reign of
all was the last of the brothers, when there was no further any need
to shift, and when power was entirely in the priestly hands.
During the time of Herhor, Smendes (Nesi'ba'neb'dad) either
raided the south, or perhaps had a peaceful mission there for stone,
as his name is found in the quarry opposite Gebelen. Pai'nezem I,
however, firmly established his power, and called himself king in the
latter part of his reign. On his death the active king of Tanis —
Sa'amen — controlled Thebes and held Masa'hart in check, so that
he did little or nothing to assert himself. So soon as Sa'amen
became mortally ill Men'kheper'ra came forward and re-established
the Theban power, Pai"nezem II succeeded him ; and dying soon
after the new ruler Sheshenk had established his dynasty, a prince
of the new line was sent up to appropriate the priesthood and so
bring that authority into subjection. A formal treaty assured the
priestly princesses of the security of their rights, and thus the
transfer of power was rendered more acceptable to the Thebans,
The essence of this re-arrangement, which is here outlined, lies
in the evidence of the names of officials Jinking together three
different epochs of dates, and thus proving Sa"amen to be long
posterior to Herhor. While the only conjectural emendation is in
identifying Sa'amen Neter"kheper"ra — or Neterkhurriya as the cunei-
form transliterations would indicate the pronunciation to have been
— with Nefer'kheres, and restoring to this reign the lost twenty years
shown by the total of the dynasty. Such an emendation is called
for by the facts of the case, the greatness of Neter'khurriya at Tanis,
Sa'amen's sixteen years at Deir el Bahri, and the evident omission
in the list of reigns. The other results naturally follow on this basis,
and stand or fall along with it. At least we have now a working
hypothesis which fits every known fact of the period, and which can
now be confirmed or overthrown by any new facts of importance
that may be found.
:64
Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
^i^ {GU), THE ELEVENTH CONSTELLATION OF
THE ZODIAC.
By The Hon. Miss Plunket.
In the astronomical tablets (of the ist and 2nd century b.c.)
translated by Epping and Strassmaier, the twelve constellations of
the Babylonian Zodiac are constantly referred to. Their names
appear under very abbreviated forms in the tablets, and are as
follows : — *
1. ][£j {kii{saj-ikkii)) = aries.
2. 4*^1 {teijnennu)) = taurus.
3. >f- >]P (jnasii) = gemini.
4. "jl^^ {pulukkii) = cancer.
5. "{] (an/) = leo.
6. ][£[»■ (sen/) = virgo.
7. ^"^ {zibai2ilii) = libra.
8. «- *^ (aqrahii) = scorpio.
9. ^ {J>d) = arcitenens.
10. X, 4k.T (^'^■^^O = caper.
11. -^^ {gu) = amphora [aquarius].
12. ^ (ziV>) = pisces.
Also in Epping and Strassmaier's work " Astronomisches aus
Babylon," under the heading " Die Zeichen des Thierkreises,"
pp. 170, 171, and "Die Namen der Sterne," pp. 174, 175, the
twelve abbreviations met with in the tablets are discussed at some
length.
From a study of the list here given and of the passages referred
to, we learn that it has been found possible to suggest, for some of
* Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie, v Band, 4 Heft, October, 1890, p. 351.
65
Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1896.
the abbreviations, suitable terminations, and in the completed words
thus obtained, the familiar constellations of the zodiac as we know
them are easily to be recognised.
As regards other of the abbreviations, and amongst them that of
•j^^ (gii) for the eleventh sign (amphora or aquarius), no termina-
tion has been suggested; and of it Strassmaier thus writes,* p. 171 :
" — gu ist sonst fast ausschliesslich nur als Silbenzeichen gu
bekannt;" and Jensen, discussing Epping and Strassmaier's constella-
tion list, writes thus of the abbreviation ^'gu" for the eleventh
constellation:! "Ob Gu einen Wassereimer, Schopfeimer, be-
zeichnen kann weiss ich nicht. Die bisher veroffentlichen Texte
geben keinen Aufschluss dariiber."
As a probable completion for the abbreviation "gu," the
following suggestion is here put forward : —
In the ancient astrological tablets translated by Professor Sayce
in his paper on the astronomy and astrology of the Babylonians, |
pp. 189, 190, "the star of Gula." is mentioned, and the cuneiform
syllables for Gu-la are thus printed f>"^ *-^]-"
The cuneiform syllable •J^■<^ (gu) in the Epping and Strassmaier
tablets bears, as may be seen, a very close resemblance to the first
syllable of the name Gula as given in Professor Sayce's paper. It
is indeed the same cuneiform group in each instance differently
represented in modern type.
But this fact if it stood alone would not be enough to do more
than point to a possible identification of " Gu " in the late tablets
with Gula in the ancient astrological works. Amongst the many
constellations in the heavens the name of more than one might have
begun with the syllable "Gu."
We find however at a later page (206) of Professor Sayce's paper,
this sentence translated from W.A.I. Ill, 57, i: —
"Jupiter in the star of Gula lingers." None of the five planets
known to the Babylonians could ever with truth have been described
as appearing or "lingering" in any part of the heavens outside the
band of the zodiac stars: "the star (or constellation) Gula" we
must therefore assume was a zodiacal star or constellation. This
restriction of the position of the "star Gula" renders it scarcely a
rash conclusion to arrive at, that the zodiacal "gu" of the later
* Astronomisches aus Babylon.
t Kosmologie der Babylonier, p. 314.
X Transactions, Biblical Archeology, Vol. Ill, February, 1894.
66
Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
tablets is an abbreviation for the zodiacal " Gula " of the ancient
astrological works.
As to a mythological reason for the choice of the goddess Gula
to preside over the constellation known to us as " Aquarius," we
find it in the fact that "Gula" appears as another name for the
goddess Bau* and Bau (or Bahu) was a personification of the dark
7vater or chaos.
If we adopt this identification of the star or constellation Gula
with the constellation or some star in the constellation Aquarius,
it will throw light on many of the inscriptions found on statues and
other monuments at Telloh (the modern name of the mound which
covers the ruins cf the ancient city of Lagash).
AVe find from these inscriptions that the deities especially
worshipped at Lagash were not the same as those who held the
foremost places contemporaneously in the Accadian, and at a later
time in the Babylonian pantheon. Nin-girsu and " his beloved
consort," the goddess Bau, received in Lagash the highest honours.
On one of the statues of Gudea, "the priestly governor of Lagash,"
this inscription occurs : — t
" To Nin-girsu, the powerful warrior, of Ellillu [this is dedicated]
" by Gudea, priestly governor of Lagash, who has constructed the
" temple of Einunu, consecrated to Nin-girsu.
" For Nin-girsu, his lord, he has built the temple of Ekhud, the
*' tower in stages, from the summit of which Nin-girsu grants him a
" happy lot.
" Besides the offerings which Gudea made of his free will to
" Nin-girsu and to the goddess Bau, daughter of Annu, his
" beloved consort, he has made others to his god Nin-giszida.
" That year he had a block of rare stone brought from the
" country of Magan ; he had it carved into a statue of himself.
" On the day of the beginning of the year, the day of the
" festival of Bau, on which offerings were made : one calf, one fat
*' sheep, two ram.s, seven pat of dates, seven sab of cream, seven
" palm buds.
" Such were the offerings made to the goddess Bau in the
" ancient temple on that day."
Nin-girsu, the god — so highly exalted in this and in other
inscriptions found in the mounds of Telloh — has been identified
* Maspero, Egypt and Chaldea, p. 672, notes i, 2.
t Evetts, Ne~o Light on the Bible, p. 162.
67
JEB. 4] SOCIETY OF i;iliLICAL ARCH.^iOLOGV. [1S96.
with the god Ninib* of the Babylonians. Much difference of
opinion prevails as to what astronomical ideas were connected by
the ancient inhabitants of Mesopotomia with the god Ninib.
Jensen admits that the generally received opinion as to Ninib is
that he represents the "southern sun."t He, however, contends,
with great eagerness that this is a mistaken opinion, and that Ninib
is really the eastern or rising sun. Many of Jensen's arguments
against the possibility of Ninib representing the southern sun are
based on the assumption that the epithet •' southern," applied to the
sun, denotes the power of the mid-day sun ; whereas in other
descriptious of Ninib he appears as struggling with, though in the
end triumphant over, storm, and cloud, and darkness.
But " southern sun," instead of the " alles verzehrenden und
versengenden Sud-oder Mittags Sonne," may more fitly in an
astronomical sense mean the struggling and finally triumphant sun
of the winter solstice. And if we so understand the expression, the
apparently contradictory references to Ninib are easily explained.
At mid-winter the sun rises and sets more to the south than at
any other time of the year ; at noon on the day of the winter
solstice the sun is forty-seven degrees nearer to the south pole of the
heavens than it is at the summer solstice.
If instead of adopting Jensen's contention, and looking upon
Ninib as the eastern rising sun, we revert to the generally held
opinion that Ninib was the god of the southern sun, and if we
understand the southern sun in its astronomical sense as the winter,
or more strictly speaking the mid-winter sun, it will naturally lead
us to the conclusion that " the day of the beginning ot the year," the
day of the festival of Bau Ningirsu's (= Ninib's) "beloved consort,"
was held at the time of the winter solstice.
Speaking in round numbers, from 4000-2000 B.C. the winter
solstice took place when the sun was in conjunction with the con-
stellation Aquarius, which constellation, or some one of its stars,
was, as we have suggested, called by the astronomers of Babylonia
'' dula," Gula being another name for Bau.
It is not therefore surprising to find that those rulers of Lagash
whose dates fell between 4000 and 2000 b.c. should have so often
associated together Ningirsu and Bau ; and further, that Gudea,
whose rule is placed at about 2900 b.c, should on "the day of the
* Maspero, Egypt and Chaldea, pp. 637, 645.
t Jensen, Die Kosinologic der Babylonicr, p. 460.
68
Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
beginning of the year " have kept high festival in honour of Bau, as
the beneficent deity presiding in conjunction with Ningirsu over the
revolving years.
The precession of the equinoxes must necessarily in the course
of ages introduce confusion into all zodiacal calendars and into all
ritual and mythological symbolism founded on such calendars.
From 2000 B.C. down to the beginning of our era, the winter
solstice took place when the sun was in conjunction with Capri-
cornus, not with Aquarius. In those later days, if the inhabitants
of Lagash still celebrated their new year's festival at the winter
solstice, Bau (= Gula = Aquarius) could only have laid a traditional
claim to preside over it.
In accordance with these astronomical facts, we learn from
the teachings of the tablets that the especial reverence paid to
Bau = Gula., in the Lagash inscriptions was not extended to her in
later times.
As to Ninib, we know that even at Gudea's date in the neigh-
bouring state of Accad, and in later times in Babylon, he did not
hold the pre-eminent position accorded to him by the early rulers of
Lagash.
This difference in the religious observances of Accad and Lagash
regarding Ninib — the god of the winter solstice — as we here suppose
him to be, may also receive an astronomical explanation.
According to the evidence of " The Standard Astrological Work,"
the compilation of which is generally attributed to the date 3800 e.g.,
and according to the evidence of many other tablets, the year in
Accad and afterwards in Babylon began not at the winter solstice,
but on the ist day of Nisan, and Nisan (Ace. Bar Zig-gar), the month
of " the right making sacrifice," was, as its name suggests, the month
during which the sun was in conjunction with the constellation
Aries.*
At Gudea's date, about 3000 e.g., the ist of Nisan, if it was
dependant on the sun's entry into Aries, must have fallen about
mid-way between the winter solstice and the spring equinox, and as
* Some scholars hold that the year in Babylon, and in Accad, was always
counted from the spring equinox, not from the entry of the sun into the constel-
lation Aries. They resort to the expedient of decrying the authority and
reliability of the standard astrological work, of which so many copies were
found in Assurbanipal's library. — See Sayce's Hibbert Lectures, pp. 48, 397,
and Encyclopedia Bntannica, Art. Zodiac.
69
Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1896.
century succeeded century, the ist of Nisan must slowly but surely
have receded further from the solstice and have approached more
and more to the equinoctial point.
In Accad therefore, neither at Gudea's nor at any later date, did
the year begin at the winter solstice, and hence we can understand
why in that state, and afterwards in Babylon, Ninib was not as
highly honoured as in Lagash, and why he and his consort Bau
(= Gnla) were not referred to as the deities presiding over the
lieginning of the year.
In a former number of these Proceedings* we drew attention to
the Accadian calendar. We there suggested that the choice of the
first degree of Aries as initial point of the zodiac was originally
made when the winter solstice coincided with the sun's entry into
•that constellation, i.e., about 6000 b.c.
If that suggestion, and our present one concerning the new
year's festival in Lagash are accepted, it will be easy to imagine that
the Lagash observance betokened a sort of effort at reform of the
sidereal calendar in use in Accad, and it may be elsewhere.
In Accad the calendar makers clung to the originally instituted
star mark for the year, and made it begin with the sun's entry into
Aries, therefore by degrees the beginning of their year moved away
from the winter solstice, and in the first century B.C. coincided very
closely with the spring equinox.
In Lagash, on the contrary, the calendar makers clung to the
originally established season of the year, and made it begin at the
winter solstice, therefore by degrees the beginning of their year
moved away from the constellation Aries, and in Gudea's time the
new year's festival was held in honour of the goddess Bau = Gula=
Aquarius.
* January, 1S92.
70
Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
A-MUR-RI OU A-HAR-RI1
Par a. J. Delattre, SJ.
Dans une etude sur quelques letlres de Tell el-Amarna, publiee
•dans les Proceedings, en mars 1891, nous avons ecrit les lignes
suivantes :
" La principaute ou gouvernement d'Azirou est designe sous le
nom d'A-mu-ri, A-mu-ur-ra, A-mur-ri ; plus d'une fois Azirou semble
designer aussi son district par le nom de pays de Mar-tu. Tous
les assyriologues savent que Martu est I'equivalent d'un autre nom
■qu'on a toujours lu, A-har-ri, mais qu'on pourrait aussi bien lire en
lui-meme A-mur-ri, et qui est exprime par les memes signes que
notre A-mur-ri. On s'est decide pour la lecture A-har-ri, en se
basant uniquement sur une etymologic presumee, car je ne pense
pas qu'il existe une seul variante A-/ia-ar-ri, qui justifie la lecture
devenue classique. Je sais bien que \ A-mur-ri, ou A-mu-ri, de nos
textes represente un district phenicien, et non toute la Phenicie
comme \ A-har-ri des Assyriens (c'est-a-dire, des assyriologues).
Mais il y a une exception remarquable a cet usage dans la grande
inscription d'Assournazirpal. Celui-ci raconte qu'arrive au bord
•de la Mediterranee, il regut le tribut des pays de " Tyr, Sidon,
Gebal, Makhallata, Maiza, Kaiza, A-har-ra-a, Aradus." Ici,
A-har-ra-a, represente evidemment un canton particulier (voir
notre travail, L'Asie occidentale dans les itiscriptions assyrie?ines,
1885, p. 76); n'est-ce pas celui dont Azirou avait ete le chef, et
■ne faut-il pas lire A-mitr-ra-a .?"
J'ai appris par M, Eb. Schrader {Das West/and un das Land
Amurri, dans les Sitzungsberichte de I'academie Berlin, 1894,
p. 1 301) que M. Sayce avait defendu la meme idee dans \ Academy,
20 mai 1893.
Quant a M. Schrader, il approuve naturellement la lecture
Amurri, justifiee par les variantes, quand il s'agit de la principaute
d'Azirou. II ne nous conteste pas cette lecture dans le passage
71
Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1S96.
cite d'Assournazirpal. Mais il maintient la lecture A-/iar-ri, comma
nom de la Phenicie ; il nie que dans les lettres d'Azirou le pays de
Martu et le pays d'Amurri soient identiques, comme le Martu et
le soi-disant Aharri dans les inscriptions de Babylone et de Ninive.
M. Schrader insiste sur ce que les mots Martu et le pretendu Aharri
signifient I'ouest dans les memes inscriptions : un tel role ne con-
viendrait pas a Amurri ; le nom d'une principaute si insignifiante
ne serait jamais devenu le nom d'un point cardinal.
Je crois cependant que tout doit ceder devant un fait sur lequel
M. Fritz Hommel a bien voulu attirer mon attention. Ce savant
a observe' que dans les contrats babyloniens publics par M. Br.
Meissner {Beitnige zum Altbahylonischem Frivatrecht), un meme
terrain est nomme, p. 43, iigar A-mn-ur-ri ki, et, p. 6r, 2igar
Mar-tu, c'est-a-dire, le terrain de I'ouest, d'ou il s'ensuit que,,
dans les documents assyro-babyloniens, Amurri est bien le synonyme
de Martu, meme comme expression du point cardinal. L'equivalence
des deux termes dans les lettres de Tell el-Amarna devient ainsi
evidente car la lecture A-/iar-ri, comme synonyme de Martu, n'a
jamais eu d'autre soutien qu'un rapprochement avec a/ior, le nom
de I'ouest en hebreu, et ce soutien lui echappe manifestement.
Azirou etait done le chef du pays d'Amurri, autrement dit Martu.
INIais comment expliquer I'usage d'Amurri et de Martu pour signifier
I'ouest, a Ninive et a Babylone ? II y a reponse a la question.
Le district d'Amurri confinait a la Mediterranee au nord de la
ville de Simyra et du fleuve Eleutheros, actuellement le Nahr el-
Kebir. En effet, les vaisseaux abordaient au pays d'Amurri {The
Tell el-Amarna Tablets in the British Museum^ 13, lignes 12-14;.
44, lignes 32-36). Dans le texte cite d'Assournazirpal, I'enumeration
procede du sud au nord : Tyr, Sidon, Gebal, ou Byblos
Amurra (nous ne lisons plus Aharra), Aradus. D'aprfes les lettres
de Tell el-Amarna, la ville de Sumura, Simyra, est I'eternelle pomme
de discorde entre Rib-Addou, prefet de Byblos, et les chefs qui se
succedent au pays d'Amurri. On peut s'en assurer par un coup'
d'ueil jete sur les passages qu'indique M. Bezold a I'article Sumura,.
dans la liste des noms propres a la suite des textes du British
Museum. A certain moment, Simyra est bloque sur terra par les
princes d'Amurri, ct sur mer par les vaisseaux d'Aradus {Der Thon-
tafclfiind von el-Amarna, 51, lignes 7-13). Enfin, au nord de
Simyra et au sud-est d'Aradus, nous avons vu, comme beaucoup-
d'autres, les vestiges d'une anciennc ville phenicienne, aujourd'hui
72
Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
Amrit, jadis Marathus, et peut-etre plus anciennement encore
Martu, ce qui supposerait une forme Marat ou Marath-os moiiis
la desinence grecque. Si les lettres de Tell el-Amarna, a notre
connaissance, ne parlent pas d'une maniere certaine de vaisseaux
d'Amurri, comrae elles parlent des vaisseaux d'Aradus, de Byblos,
de Beyrouth, et de Sidon, c'est que, suivant une observation deja faite
par Strabon, la cote de Marathus ne se pretait pas au developpement
d'une marine, meme modeste. (Voir la description geographique,
tres exacte, de cette cote, Strabon, XVI, n, 12, 13, et Pline I'ancien,
edition Littre, V, xvii, 3, 4. Cf. Biideker-Socin, Palestine et Syrie,
1882, p. 565-570-)
Les princes d'Amurri etaient des personnages considerables en
comparaison des autres chefs du pays de Chanaan, a I'epoque dont
les lettres de Tell el-Amarna ont rappele le souvenir. L'action
d'Azirou se fait sentir depuis la region Homs-Baalbek jusqu'a Tyr.
Neanmoins, en soi, I'Amurri etait peu de chose. A la verite, il se
peut qu'au temps des plus anciens rois de Babylonie, I'Amurri ait
eu plus d'importance politique. Mais la celebrite d'un peuple
ne depend pas necessairement de sa puissance. Qu'y a-t-il,
par exemple, de plus connu dans I'antiquite que Tyr avec son
insignifiante banlieue ? II n'est done pas invraisemblable que, sans
avoir jamais ete le centre d'un grand Etat, I'Amurri, ou Martu, ait
assez occupe la pensee des Babyloniens pour donner son nom chez
eux a un des quatre points cardinaux. Voici probablement la
maniere dont la chose se fit.
Les lettres de Tell el-Amarna montrent les Babyloniens et les
Assyriens frequentant le pays de Chanaan et I'Egypte. D'autre
part, I'emploi de la langue assyro-babylonienne en Syrie et en
Palestine, a I'epoque de ces lettres, prouve, quelle que soit I'origine
de cet usage, que ces relations etaient assez anciennes. Or, par le
chemin naturel, les caravanes de Mesopotamie, apres avoir quitt^
la vallee de I'Oronte, aboutissaient a la Mediterranee precisement
au pays d'Anmrri, toujours I'etape la plus remarquable du voyage,
quand il n'en etait pas leterme. Que ce fut la le chemin naturel
on va le comprendre par quelque lignes de M. Elisee Reclus
{NoiiveUe geographie tcniverselie, t. IX, p. 692), qui semblent avoir
ete ecrites pour nous :
" Les montagnes des Ansarieh, au sud d'Antioche, dressent
leur massif le plus eleve immediatement au sud des bouches de
I'Oronte : c'est le Casius ou Djebel-Akra, le ' mont Chauve '
73
Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1896.
(1769 metres), a la cime pyramidale En se prolongeant vers
le sud, les monts des Ansarieh, composes en grande partie de roches
crayeuses aux croupes faiblement ondulees, a travers lesquelles
se sont fait jour quelques roches dioritiques, n'atteignent nuUe part
a la hauteur du Djebel-Akra : en plusieurs endroits, ils sont meme
inferieurs a 1000 metres, tres penibles a franchir neanmoins, a cause
des innombrables ravins qui les decoupent en un vaste labyrinthe.
A I'orient, I'Oronte les separe des collines bordieres du desert,
et leur extremite me'ridionale est limitde par le val du Nahr el-Kebir,
qui nait, comme I'Oronte, sur le versant oriental du Liban ; entre
les deux vallees, on n'a qu'a traverser un petit seuil de coteaux."
A la rigueur nous pouvions dire cela nous-meme, puisque nous
avons franchi le petit seuil de coteaux et failli mourir de faim dans
le labyrinthe. Nous avons donne la parole a M. Elisee Reclus,
parce qu'il decrit si bien les sites et qu'on ne le soupgonnera pas
d'avoir voulu, coiite que coute, mener les Babyloniens au pays
d'Amurri, dont il n'avait naturellement aucune idee en 1884.
Dans toute la chaine du Liban, nous voulons dire depuis la
vallee de I'Eleutheros ou Nahr el-Kebir jusqu'a la plaine d'Esdrelon,
les Babyloniens eussent en vain cherche un passage aussi commode.
Les Franc^ais n'avaient encore construit ni la belle route carrossable,
ni le chemin de fer de Beyrouth a Damas.
A un autre point de vue, la cote de Marathus formait un point
remarquable du littoral phenicien. A trois quarts d'heure de
Marathus, s'eleve Aradus, actuellement Rouad, un ilot de 800 metres
de long sur 500 metres de large, avec une echancrure servant de
port, du cote de la terre, a Test. Si les vaisseaux d'Aradus, au
temoignage des lettres de Tell el-Amarna (British Museum, 44,
lignes 12-18), poussaient au sud jusqu'aux ports de I'Egypte, on
peut bien croire qu'ils visitaient aussi, a I'ouest et au nord, Chypre,
I'Asie-Mineure, les iles de la mer Egee. Pour commercer avec ces
regions, Aradus etait le mieux situe des ports pheniciens. C'etait
une raison de plus pour les caravanes de Babylonie et d'Assyrie
de penetrer au pays de Chanaan par la vallee du Nahr el-Kebir,
et de visiter Marathus en face d'Aradus.
La situation respective d'Amurri et d'Aradus explique parfaite-
ment I'alliance d'Azirou et des Aradiens. Les habitants d'Aradus,
sur leur ilot sterile et sans autre eau que celle de quelques sources
sous-marines, fort difficile h puiscr, ne pouvaient vivre que moyennant
des possessions en terre ferme ou des relations amicales avec les
74
Feb. 4] FROCEEDINGS. [1896.
riverains d'en face. II leur fallait aussi, pour leur negoce, des points
d'appui sur le continent voisin, ce que furent certainement a une
epoque plus recente Antaradus et INIarathus. Dans tous les cas,
au temps ou nous sommes, il leur importait de s'entendre avec
Azirou. Celui-ci d'ailleurs ne pouvait etre aussi riche en vaisseaux
que les Aradiens. Aussi comptait-il sur leur flotte comme nous
I'avons vu. (Outre le passage cite plus haut, voir British Museum,
28, lignes 57-63, et notre traduction de cette piece dans les
Proceedings, juin 1893, p. 509-511.)
La situation du pays d'Amurri rend egalement compte de
I'ardeur avec laquelle ses chefs, malgre les defenses du roi d'Egypte,
s'acharnent a la conquete de Simyra. Simyra, c'etait la vallee du
Nahr el-Kebir, une des plus fertiles et des plus faciles a cultiver du
littoral phenicien. Arad-Asrati, ou plutot Abd-Asrati, le pere
d'Azirou, ecrivait un jour au roi d'Egypte qu'il gardait pour son
suzerain, c'est-a-dire, probablement pour I'entretien des soldats
egyptiens en garnison au pays de Chanaan, les moissons de Simyra.
C'etait une fagon fort honnete de colorer un vol commis au preju-
dice du voisin. (Recueil de Berlin, 97, lignes 26-29, Voir notre
traduction dans les Proceedings, avril 1891, p, 321.)
(Note presentee pour les Proceedings au commencement de
decembre 1895. ^f- Fri^^z Hommel, Proceedings, Janvier 1896,
p. 17, 18.)
75
Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF UIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1S96.
LETTRE DE LABA AU ROI D'EGYPTE.
El A ma ma No. 112 {IVinkkr-Abel).
Alfred Boissier.
Cette lettre, fort interessante au point de vue paleographique, ne
Test pas moins au point de vue philoiogique. Les signes de sarrii,
de amclu, de am, de ka affectent des formes particulieres ; ayant colla-
tionne cette lettre, je me permets d'attirer I'attention sur ce document.
Le nom du perscnnage semble devoir se lire Laba, ou Labaia,
d'apres les textes du British Museum (v. la publication de Budge et
Bezold, p. 151). Lui et ses deux fils sont souvent accuses par les
gouverneurs d'avoir mal agi envers le roi d'Egypte et de s'etre re'-
voltes contre lui.
M. Halevy a donne une traduction de cette lettre dans le
Journal Asiatique, vol. xix (1892), p. 272; la mienne differe sur
plusieurs points ; quoique je sois loin d'avoir compris la lettre dans
son entier, je me permets de presenter ma traduction dans I'espoir
qu'elle interessera ceux qui etudient les documents d'El Amarna : —
1. Au roi mon maitre et mon soleil
2. ton serviteur Laba
3. la poussiere que tu foules (litteral. la poussiere des semelles
de tes pieds)
4. aux pieds du roi mon maitre,
5. mon soleil sept fois et sept fois encore
6. je tombe. J'ai execute les ordres
7. (jue le roi m'a envoyes.
8. Suis-je un chien pour que
9. le roi perde son pays
10. a cause de moi. Voici je suis un serviteur loyal
I r. du roi, je n'ai pas peche
12. je n'ai pas commis de faute
13. je n'ai jamais refuse (de payer) mes impots
14. je n'ai pas davantage fait opposition
76
Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
15. aux demandes de mon superieur.
16. On me calomnie maintenant, ,
17. c'est la ruine, mais le roi mon maitre \
18. ne pensera (?) pas que c'est ma faute.
19.
20. est-ce ma faute ?
21. lors de mon entree
22. dans la ville de Gazri
23. j'ai annonce cela
24. chacun I'a entendu ;
25. le roi peut s'emparer
26. de ma vie et de la vie
27. de Milkili ;
28. mais connait-il (le roi) la manit;re d'agir
29. de Milkili envers moi ?
3°-
31. Le roi a donne un ordre a I-mu-ia,
32. mais j 'ignore si
33. Imuia est parti
34. avec les brigands (?)
35-
36. et ses (?)
37. sont dans les mains d'Adda (?)
38.
39. Si le roi m'ordonne de lui envoyer ma femme (pour son
harem)
40. comment la lui refuserai-je (litteralement, comment la
retiendrais-je)
41. si a moi
43. le roi donne cet ordre :
43. mets un poignard de cuivre
44. sur ton coeur et
45. meurs ! comment n'executerais-je pas I'ordre du roi.
Le passage le plus curieux de cette lettre est s^ns contredit celui
oil le gouverneur Laba declare que meme si le ro' xige qu'il lui
livre sa femme, il doit acceder au desir du roi, c'ebt assez montrer
les exigences du souverain de I'Egypte.
Ce passage se lit ainsi en assyrien, 1. 38 a 46 : Kie suiiiina ana
aHatiia sapar sarni, kie akallidi, kie sionina ana iasi sapar sarni
liikun patar siparri ina libbika 11 nut kie id ippusu sipirti sarri.
77 F
Feb. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1S96.
Notes.
Dans un prochain article nous donnerons queUjues details sur
Laba, qui joua un role important a cette epoquc.
1 18, Cette phrase est obscure, la forme verbale izanniku em-
barrasse. L'assyrien ne possede pas de verbes zanaku, zanaqu ; je
serais tente de voir ici le verbe sanaqu, mais je n'ose donner una
ex])lication de cette forme verbale. II est evident que le sujet est
§arru, arniia I'objet. II y a une meme tournure de phrase a la ligne
25 : iltequ §arru §almiia, etc.
1 31. II faut lire Imuia de preference a Turmuia.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at '})'j^
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C., on Tuesday, 3rd
March, 1896, at 8 p.m., when the following Paper will be
read : —
Theo. G. Pinches, Assyriological Gleanings,
7S
Feb. 4] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
THE FOLLO^UVING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, zvill confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Alker, E., Die CI onologie der Bucher der Koqige und Paralipomenon im
Einklang mit dev Chronologic der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Nieder,
Amelineau, Histo^'i^ du Patriarche Copte Isaac,
— — Contes de I'Egypte Chretienne.
^- La Morale Egyptienne qqinze siecles avant notre ere,
Ami^UD, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, I'homme de Dieu.
A., AND L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rajner. 2 parts.
BaeTHGEN, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte, Der Gott Israels unci
die Gotter der Heiden.
Bl.ASS, A. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualjs in Charta Aegyptiaca sqperest,
Bni'TA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio, 1S47-1850.
BRtTGSCH-BEY, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler, Vol,
I— III (Brugsch),
-=-= — ' Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics pas
II. Brugsch et J. DLimichen. (4 vols., and the text by DUmiclien
of vols. 3 and 4.)
BuDiNGER, AL, De Colonarium quarundani Phoeniciarum primordijs cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis.
BuRCKHARDT, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen.
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiqucs. Series I, III. 1862-1873,
DiJMicHEN, Ilistorischc Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867.
— ■- = ■ 2nd series, 1869.
■ Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.
= — ^ — Tempei-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols,, folio,
EiiF.Rs, G., Papyrus Ebers.
Erman, Papyrus Weslcar.
Etudes Egyptologiqucs. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Gavet, E. , Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre,
GoLENisCHEFF, Die Mettcrnichstelc. Folio, 1877.
• Vingt'quaire Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de,
(iKA\T-BEV, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerted
on the Religions that came in contact with it.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
IIks^, Der Gnostische Papyrus von London.
Hummel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1893.
Fed. 4] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCII.FOLOGY. [1896.
Jastrow, M., a Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra " Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen.
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde.
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology.
Krebs, F., De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegj'ptiaca commentatio.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefan^enschaft mit Borichsichiignung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
LefiiBURE, Le Mythe Osirien. 2""^ partie. "Osiris,"
Legrain, G., Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus d^motique du Louvre.
Lehmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p, xiv, 173.
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c., 1880,
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
MiJLLER, D. H. , Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien.
NooRDTZiG, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out-
dekkingen.
Pognon, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
RoBlOU, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologic des Lagidcs.
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
SCHOUW, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
ScHROEDER, Die Phtinizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Alfagyptishe Gotterglaube.
Virey, p., Quelques Observations sur I'Episode d'Aristee, h propos d'un
Monument Egyptian.
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
WiLCKEX, M., Actenstlicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
WiLTZKE, De Biblische Simson der Agyptische Horus-Ra.
WiNCKLER, Huc;o, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keiiinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, F. H,, Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zwciter Art.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch, der Deutr,:hen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847 ; Vols. IV to XII,
1850 to 1858, inclusive ; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 1878.
ZiMMEKN, 11., Die Assyriologie als Iliilfswissenschaft fiir das Studium des Alten
Testaments,
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Society of Biblical Archaeology.
COUNCIL, 1896.
President,
P. LE Page Renouf.
Vice- Presidents,
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of Canterburv.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c., &c.
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VOL. XVIII. Part 3.
PROCEEDINGS
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-^^-
VOL. XVIIL TV^ENTY-SIXTH SESSION.
Third Meetings March 2,^d, 1896.
4^
CONTENTS.
PAGE
P. Le Page Renouf (President).— Hht Book of the Dead,
Notes to Chapter CXXN, coniimied 81-85
Rev. Dr. M. Friedlander. — Some Fragments of the Hebrew
Bible with Peculiar Abbreviations and Peculiar Signs for
Vowels and Accents 86-98
D. R. FOTHERiNGHAM, B.A. — Some Considerations regarding
Professor Pelrie's Egyptian Chronology 99-102
F. L. Griffith. — Note on Demotic Philology „ 103-105
Joseph Offord, Junr. — The Name Chaereu 106
Prof. Sayce. — Roman Inscriptions at Assuan 107-109
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PROCEEDINGS
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BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION, 1896.
Third Meeting, 2)^d March, 1896.
P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Esq., President.
IN THE CHAIR.
-#o#-
The following" Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author : — Notes sur les fouilles entreprises dans la haute
vallee de rOronte pour retrouver remplacement de I'ancienne
ville de Kadech, par M. J.-E. Gautier. Paris. 8vo. 1895.
Extraits des Comptes-Rendus de I'Acad. des Inscrip. et
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[No. cxxxvi.] 79 G
Mar. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1896
From the Publisher : — C. C. B. Mohr. Freiburg and Leipzig.
Jesu Muttersprache. Das GaUliiische Aramaisch in seiner
Bedeutung fiir die Erklarung der Reden Jesu und der Evan-
gelien iiberhaupt, von Lie. Arnold Meyer.
The following Candidates were elected Members of the
Society, having been nominated at the last Meeting, held
on the 4th February, 1 896 : —
Mrs. Freeman Gell, 27, Bramham Gardens, South Kensington.
Edward John Pilcher, 49, Charlwood Street, South Belgravia, S.W.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at
the next Meeting on May the 5th : —
F. L. Gardener, Buxton House, Chiswick.
F. W. Gilbertson, Clanrhyd, Swansea Vale.
William Eugene Gregson, Moor Lane, Great Crosby, W. Liverpool.
William Peek, F.R.A.S., F.R.S.E., City Astronomer, Observatory
House, Calton Hill, Edinburgh.
Rev. Herbert Lavallin Puxley, Catton Rectory, Stamford Bridge,
York.
Rev. Lonsdale Ragg, M.A., Vice-Principal of Cuddesdon College,
Wheatley, Oxon.
Rev. James Blunt Wilkinson, M.A., 5, Orme Square, Bayswater.
A Paper was read by Theo. G. Pinches, entitled "Assyrio-
logical Gleanings."
Remarks were added by Mr. W. G. Thorpe. Mr. F.
Mocatta, Mr. Jos. Offord, Mr. P. R. Reed, Mr. Pinches, and
the President.
80
Mar. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By p. le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CXXV.
Notes.
21. JVAo raisest thy voice words of Righieousness.
^^^ I V Si) ^^ ^" attribute assigned to Isis in the Hymn to Osiris
{line 14) on the Stele of Amenemhait in the Biblioth^que Nationale ;
and it is there further defined through the addition of the words
^\ ^^ r-^-^-. , 'with clearness of utterance' {cf. Ch. i, note 2).
One of the chief names of Isis is <:zr> X I— J 1 ' Mighty in Words of
Power.' She is also described in the Hymn as ' Most potent of
tongue j 1 (1 <:r:> | | and unfailing of speech.'*
Her name Urii hekait may have suggested the name Urit as the
place of her manifestation. But we do not know if Urit is to be
taken as the name of a town or if some papyri are correct in reading
■^^ [1[1 , which may mean tribunal.
There were in ancient Egypt six great courts of justice,
□ftiSCEE-
* Her son Horus inherited these gifts. He is invoked {Aleiternich Stele,
'V
1 1 1
G 2
Mar. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1896.
A High Priest of Ptah of Memphis, named Ptahmes, in the early
part of the eighteenth dynasty, who was President of these six Courts,*
has left a very remarkable attestation relative to the 24th Precept, on
a beautiful scribe's palette in basalt (Louvre, Inv.^ 3026). The
inscription, after saying that the whole country was subject to the
-^*- ^ # I f? ^ I
jurisdiction of Ptahmes, proceeds ._fU. ^^-^^"^ <zz> \\ i-^"^
1\ V l*^! [v^AAwv^^. "He turned not a deaf ear to the
truth, through the terrors of his Eye ; " that is, " the terrors of his
Eye " were not used for the perversion of Justice. But what is
meant by his *' Eye " ? M. Pierret (in his Inscf. inedites du Louvre,
pt. I, p. 96) suggested the ' Eye of Horus.' I think it has reference
to the position of Ptahmes as "^^^ ^-^^ 1 T T ^ ' ^^ ^^^
' the King's Eye,' « /BnfftXewv 6(p9a\ju69,\ and had in consequence,
an unlimited power of defeating justice had he been so inclined.
It is only by a blunder^ that the papyrus of Ani makes
111 "^^^ (^^^ nineteenth Nome of Upper Egypt) the scene of
the divine Babe's manifestation, which is unquestionably Heliopolis.
The name of the Nome has numerous variants, but they always
* Rechmara filled this office shortly before this, in the time of Thothmes III,
and the inscriptions of his tomb give interesting information of the duties dis-
charged. His clerks are praised for the virtue of discretion (i8th Precept).
Each heard the reports read by others, but without troubling himself with what
did not concern him. See next note.
t This office is often referred to by Greek writers as existing in the Persian
hierarchy. Pseudartabas, the ' King's Eye,' is one of the Dramatis Personse in
the Acharnians of Aristophanes. Herodotus (i, 114) tells how Cyrus being
chosen king by his playfellows, selected his principal officers, and one among the
boys to be the ' King's Eye.' Aeschylus does not forget in his Persae (line 976)
to make the Chorus bewail the loss of the King's faithful Eye.
The most ancient personage who is known to me as the ' King's Eye ' in
Egypt is Antuf, whose tablet (of the 12th dynasty) is in the Louvre (C. 26). His
duties are detailed on this magnificent tablet, and they are very similar to those
of Rechmara. He is described not only as the King's Eyes which see, but
/^7\A — —
1^ the "Tongue which speaks, of the lord of
the Palace."
J I I in cursive writing might be mistaken for or for | |, and the
scribe, to show his learning, might interpolate the J , but even this might be an
fori,
82
or
name
Mar. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [189^^
consist of two signs, a crooked staff ( | , 1 , f , 1 I either double
with a twisted cord ( U > I ) X ? fft)) ^"^d the final sound of the
(when expressed) is in I, — h — . The key to the phonetic reading
of the name of the Heliopolitan Nome is to be found in the
inscription at Edfu (J. de Rouge, Edfou, pi. 46) ; |\ /vwwn j Q
"^^ [1 ^ ^ T '^P^ ^ P" ^^^^ *^ ^^^^^ °^ ^^^ "^^^^ ^^
identified with the crook znd flail ^^\ ^. l-v:=-^rt'W5-, (I V\
ams, 1 /\ or ^^ emsit of Osiris, who is called in the
Book of the Dead {Todt., 142, 9) R °_ % H ^^;^ ftl , the
August Dismembered* one of the Powers of Annii. And this is how,
in the important papyrus Pc, we find f « ' in Ch. 17 as the
equivalent of — 1 \\ ^, a few words after, in the same papyrus.
Both groups are to be read amsu ; which means furnished with the
crook {or sceptre^ and flail, [ /\ or y^.f
22. ^^^^/>^5%f|2i
The Coptic OTGiUL^^HT, poenitentiam agere, would be the
natural representative of a ^\ I ^ ' ^^^ ^^^ meanings of
the terms cannot be the same. The latter is expressive of a passion,
the indulgence in which may be laudable in the gods and yet blame-
worthy in men. For the divine wrath is necessarily just ; whereas
human anger, even when it seems to listen to reason, listens, as the
philosopher says, but imperfectly. J
The 2Qth god, Kene^nta, / ^^ i^A, has also for
* The determinatives in ' Xx. > ' 1 express the sense of division,
n °
Sia^tXtff^oe, and the insect (a scolopendron) in I exhibits the very
notion which has given rise to the Latin insect a and the Greek ivrofiov.
t For more particular details, see P.S.B.A. , viii, p. 245, and following.
+ 'Akovhv Ti Tov Xoyov, -KapaKovtiv de : Ethic. Nich., viii. 7-
83
Mar. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1S96.
determinative the sign J\ of a cynocephalus. This is explained
by his identity with the constellation which occupies the whole
month of Thoth in the list of the Decans. But though the name
means 'in Ape form,' the word ^^^^^ \a\ in the Pyramid
Texts (Pepi i, 408, and Merira 579) is used in the sense of 'vested,'
' clad,' perhaps simply ' covered.'
Brugsch has identified the locaUty Kenemit with the Great Oasis
at Khargeh. It may be asked if the Oasis bore this name at the
time when this chapter was composed. The determinative
^ II < proves nothing beyond the actual sense of the word, but it
suggests that the Dark may be a sufficient translation. From the
etymology I should like to assimilate it to the TroiKiXel/iwv vh^ of the
Prometheus Vinctus, or to the ' furvo circumdata peplo ' of the
Latin poet.
J\ I *
24. Another intelligible reading of the precept is, "I rob not the
dead of their wrappings " ; but the text is so corrupt that none of the
readings are of any value.
23. Of inconstatit mind,
The god is called O UU \> §7) OM ' ® -^^^^^ m gA , both of
which words I understand in the sense of busy-?ninded, planriing,
devising, crafty, wise.
The appellative Horned one, ^:37 -4M \\ ^ A^ > of the next
precept, is the exact equivalent of the Hebrew □"'3^(7 vi^S. ^.nd is
the attribute of Osiris {Todt., 144, 4), especially in the character
of y as;.-^ fp ; under which name he was worshipped at Sutenhunen.
215. Noisy in speech "^^^ 1 ^^^ ^"^ f\ 5A •
26. Striker [ V [ [ ^y\ . A name of Horus, on which see ch.
103, note,
27. There is no locality about which there is any agreement
between the older papyri, and many of them omit the mention of a
locality ; later authorities, like the Turin text, read 111 Antiu.
28. No unjust preferences, s=3 [|[1 U^ ^^^^. There is no virtue
84
Mar. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
more frequently extolled on the funereal monuments than the
absence of favouritism. Great personages in their epitaphs are strong
in their declarations that they made no distinction between great
and small, rich or poor, wise or simple. The declaration of Ameni
is a type of many others.
29. Of raised head, &-=^ ^ ,-^^^ \ /? > or (B.M. QQ71)
&-=^ ^ . This, like the last two, is a name of the Nile god,
who is one of the manifestations of Osiris.
29. Who liftest an artn, |\ q, not ' amener son bras.' |\ , like
the Greek (jiipeiv, means bear in the sense of holding up, supporting.
\Vhen it signifies bring the collateral notion of inotio?i is imported
from the context. The god Shu, who is called A p=^ , holds tip,
supports, the sky, but does not bring it. The god who holds up his arm,
is of course the ithyphallic Amon * iT , who in Ch. 1 7 is identified
not only with Horus but with Osiris.
* There is no such god as Min or Minn, except as an abbreviated (or
perhaps primitive) orM(?^;-rt;?/nV form of /iw«?«. v\ J^ and 1 ifll bear to
/WV«AA _Z1 1 (L!l \ li
(1 ™ exactly the same relationship that I ^ , /wwv^ w" j 11 eJl >
! .■•■v." i_i I i::^ V — H — U lii
luve to [1 I ^ , (I ,vwws W and [ |1 cnM •
Neither Amen nor the shorter form can be the phonetic equivalent of ^ N> .
The image of Horus with the Flail at Edfii is described (J. de Rouge, pi. C. 1 1 1) a.s
W^ / ^"eT"' 0 J Horus as Amsu-Amen, and I have elsewhere quoted
from Tempel insch., T, 32, the v^^ 1 M Amsu- Afen [or Amen] as well as
Amsu Uoj-Ms.
vy-
85
Mar. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.l-:OLOGY. [1896.
SOME FRAGMENTS OF THE HEBREW BIBLE WITH
PECULIAR ABBREVIATIONS AND PECULIAR
SIGNS FOR VOWELS AND ACCENTS.
Rev. Dr. M. Friedlander.
Postbiblical Hebrew writings abound in abbreviations, and some
books have thus been reduced to half their bulk. Students of
Hebrew literature do not experience much difficulty in reading
and understanding such texts. Occasionally, however, abbreviations
lead to some misunderstanding, because the reader does not always
guess what the writer expected him to supply. Instances of this
kind are ^"U^l and ^"n, which were read Rabbi Sh'lomoh Yarhi and
Targum Jonathan instead of Rabbi Sh'lomoh Yitshaki and Targum
Yerushalmi. A more ancient instance of ambiguity caused by
abbreviations we find in the Mishnah, Maaser sheni iv, 11. If a
vessel be found marked with one of the letters p, Jn or J2, the
contents of such vessel must accordingly be treated as 'j^'np, "rin
offering," n?3Tin' " heave-offering," or llZ^i?^, " tithe." Rabbi Jose,
however, is of opinion that these letters indicate the name of the
owner. A letter that represents a whole word is called " notaricon "
(Mishnah Shabbath xii, 5), Siman = n/nijctov (Sifre on Deut. xxvi, 8).
In the Talmud we meet frequently with such abbreviations. Were
there copies of the Bible that contained words in an abbreviated
form ? Some deviations in the ancient translations of the Bible
from the Masoretic text suggest the idea that such copies existed ;
and attempts have been made to explain and alter some difficult
passages of the Masoretic text in accordance with this view. It is
nevertheless unlikely that copyists made extensive use of abbrevia-
tions. With regard to the Pentateuch it is certain that copies for
public use required HDn Hl'^nD, " perfect writing," perfect as
regards the form of each letter, and perfect that nothing was to be
omitted. The same applies to the book of Esther, and to the
sections of the Pentateuch contained in the mezuzah and in the
tefillin. If there existed copies of the Bible with abbreviations they
86
Mar. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
were probably contrary to the existing custom, and on that account
less trustworthy. Important for this question is a discussion recorded
in Talmud B. Yoma 37b, in reference to the golden tablet presented
by Queen Helena of Adiabene to the Temple in Jerusalem. On
this tablet two verses (Num. v, 21,22) were written, and it was
intended to serve as a guide for the priest when he had to write
these verses in accordance with Num. v, 23. There existed, how-
ever, a rule not to copy small passages {nigiUin) of the Torah, and
in order to reconcile the inscription on the golden tablet with this
rale two explanations were offered : {a) the inscription was written
Jn^2 ri7i^^, i.e., by letters, so that of each word only one letter was
written (Rashi) ; {b) I^TT^'DI-, " ^^ith omissions," i.e., having the first
two or three words of each verse in full and the remaining words in
an abbreviated form (Rashi). The priest was expected to know the
passage by heart, or almost by heart ; otherwise such a tablet would
have been useless to him. At all events it is evident from these
explanations that the method of writing parts of the Bible in the
above manner was well known in the time of the Talmud, and seems
also to have been know^n to Rashi. Was a whole book or the whole
Bible ever written in this shorthand form ? Dr. A. Neubauer called
attention in the Jezv is h Quarterly Jieviezu {]an\i2ixy, 1895) to some
fragments of this kind found in Egypt and acquired by the Bodleian
Library ; other fragments have since been added. I examined these
fragments and discovered in them a hitherto unknown system of
signs for vow^els and accents. All these fragments may be divided
into three groups : —
A. Ez. xl, 4-xli, 16 and Exod. xxiii, 14-22 ; xxvi, 12-19.
B. Exod. iii, 8-ix, 10; xi, i-xii, 18; xviii, i6-xix, 16; and
xxvi, 31-xxviii, 3.
C. Is. V, 8-vii, 10 ; and xlv, 20-xlviii, 11.*
A. The first piece Ez. xl, 4-xli, 16 is written in short lines, each
page consisting of two columns. The text is running on and the new
verse begins immediately after the last word of the preceding verse,
though in the middle of the line. There are no Masoretic notes
whatever; the signs for vowels and accents are the ordinary ones,
except that long u ^ is marked by three dots like shiirek, and that
the accent zarka has the same form as it has in the Yemen MSS.
Of every verse the first word is written in full, and of the rest of the
* A specimen of each fragment is given in Appendix A.
S7
Mar. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1S96.
verse only the tonesyllable of each word is given with vowel and
accent : pesik and makkefzixe marked even when the letter immediately
preceding is absent: e.g., "Sl="7^i; I !l = I D.'^D.D- There are
several exceptions : instead of the first word of the verse the first
two or three are given in some cases ; also in the middle of a verse
a word is occasionally written in full. In a few instances the cause
of this irregularity is apparent ; the writer desired to prevent mis-
understanding ; but in most cases this cannot be the cause of the
exception. Later on in the description of the next fragment this
[)oint will be fully explained. There are a few instances in which the
tonesyllable is given together with the vowels of the preceding
syllable, without the consonant; ^.e-, ^ ~ H^^^; Hi — "VlWl''
1^ — ^^5'^_3^'1; in Others the tonesyllable is only represented by vowel
and accent, whilst of the toneless syllable the consonant is given; e.g.,
r) , ^^ nn3 > ^ — 'Vy^'^ • There is also an instance of a whole
word being represented by the accent ; viz., n = DTl):^ T172i^-
- < - - <.-r -
On the whole the fragment agrees with the Masoretic text; there are
only a few exceptions : D^^rilp for airitlj; Tl^T^ for nS!^l
(Comp. Est. i, 6), rlD) for TlB72^ (xl, 10); 71172^ for H"!^- The
second fragment of the first group, Ex. xiv, 11 s^^. and xxvi, 12 s^^.
differs from the first in two points : First, each verse begins a new
line ; the same is the case of all the fragments of the second and
third groups. Exceptionally, when a very short verse is followed by
a fairly long one, the second verse begins in the f)receding line. In
some cases, when the copyist made a miscalculation, and has not
sufficient space in the line lor the whole verse, the last part of the
verse is placed over or under the line at the left hand side. Generally
the writer endeavoured to have a line for a verse, and when the verse
is short, only few words are abbreviated. The longer the verse is,
the smaller is the number of words written in full. The first frag-
ment was i^robably copied from a IMS. written in this way, a line for
each verse ; the copyist with an original of this kind before him
forgot that he wrote in a different style, and retained the words,
which, only for a certain reason — to fill the line — were written in the
original in full ; the fact that he mechanically copied from another
MS. seems also evident from other circumstances, e.g., for the original
O,,.. ~ n05 ^^ wrote .. r)- Secondly, a few traces of the Masora
88
Mar. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
are to be noticed in this fragment ; the notes are not, as is usually
the case, in the margin, but in the body of the page over the letter,
viz., n'l'^D, Ex. xxvi, 1 2, is marked y ; it is hapax legomenofi :
xxvi, 13, iip^P is marked 3,> there being only two instances of the
word in the absolute state ; ^'Ht^^ {ibid.) has y to indicate that the
word TTTb^ with the prefix ^ occurs three times, and n^^h? (ver. 16)
is marked 772 , referring to the presence of vau in the word.
B. The Second Group. This group is distinguished from the
first by one characteristic : the vowel O has two different signs,
according as it occurs in the middle of a word written in full or
almost in full, or in a syllable that represents a whole word. In the
former case it is expressed by the ordinary sign for holem, in the
latter case by the three dots over the letter {C^. The accent segol,
which is likewise superlinear and has the same form, is inverted in
this fragment (s^). There are only a few exceptions from this rule,
that the ordinary sign for hole?H occurs in abbreviations, and the
three dots in words written in full. A plausible reason can be given
for some of these exceptions, whilst others seem to be due to
mere carelessness or indifference on the part of the copyist ; e.g.,
2p5;i and •'i'^ = 'i"^tL"'n3 • The difference in the form of the holem
does not appear to affect the pronunciation or the meaning of the
word, and the question may naturally be asked why a second form
of /loletn was introduced. The ordinary sign for holem is identical
with that of rebia., so that the one may easily be taken for the other,
especially when only one letter is given of the whole word. In order
to prevent misunderstanding, a different sign, or rather one borrowed
from another system, was introduced. The Masoretic notes, which
are more numerous than in the first fragment, are given in the
margin. They deviate but little from the Masora in the ordinary
editions of the Bible, e.g., 'TD^ — ^ instead of i, and the difference
may be due to an error on the part of the copyist. Noteworthy is
the dagesh in the hvned oi the word J^>5 (iii, 19, iv, i), for the sake
of emphasis. In the margin the beginning of the Sedra is indicated
by the letter q to which a second letter is added indicating the
number of the Sedra. Ex. iv, 18 is marked ''yj; vi, 2, ^b^ vii, 8,
7VD'^ viii, 16, 'iij; xi, i begins again with 0 (probably for first Sedra);
so also xix, 7 ; xxvi, 31, HD- It is possible that Exodus was divided
89
Mar. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/KOLOGY. [1896.
into four or five sections, each of which was subdivided into sedras,
and that the division refers to the triennial course for the public
reading of the Pentateuch.
C. The Third Group., consisting of two fragments of Isaiah.
These differ from those already described in two points : {a) they
contain a peculiar system of signs for vowels and accents ; let us
call it the Palestinian system ; {b) the method of shortening the
words is different from that employed in the other fragments.
(fl-.) Voiuels."^ — The signs for vowels are the following : J*
(kamets), ^ (pathah), ^ (segol), "^ (tsere), ^ (hirek), ^ (holcm),
and J* (shurek). All these signs are superlinear. Two of them
consist of a small line, a perpendicular one (kamets), and a horizontal
one (pathah). All other vowels, viz., i, e, e, ei and also u are
represented by a pair of dots, and are distinguished from each other
by the relative position of the two dots to each other, the second
dot being placed exactly over it, or slantingly to the right, or to the
left, or beside it in a horizontal line ; holem, being considered the
strongest and fullest vowel, in accordance with the meaning of the
name holem ( — "strength"), is represented by three dots in form of
a segol. This arrangement classifies shurek in one group with i, c,
ei, and thus seems perhaps to imply that the originators of the
system pronounced shurek like the French u, or the German
modified ii. Long kamets and short kamets were pronounced alike,
and were accordingly expressed by one and the same sign, e.i:;.,
pj^ii") = Pli^^l ; D"1D,"73, = D'm^- How kamets was pronounced
is not quite certain, but it is certain that it was unlike pathah as
the difference between the signs of these two vowels (sa s^) is
greater than in the other systems. No vowel is represented by one
dot, this sign being reserved for the accents. There is no sign for
sheva ; sheva viobile has become in this system a short vowel (i, e or a),
e.g.., "i")^1 = "I"!''")- The presence or absence of dagesh is indicated
by a semicircle over the letter, in two different positions, with the
opening on the right hand side or downwards ; the former indicates
the presence of dagesh (w^), the latter (J*) its absence; only in one
case the dagesh is marked in the ordinary way, by a dot in the
middle of the letter, namely in the case of mappek he, e.g.^
* A synopsis of the vowel signs of the three systems is given in Appendix C.
90
Mar. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
pfS = nS- It is noteworth}^ that aleph has occasionally the
ordinary sign of rafeh or absence of dagesh, and we assume there-
fore that aleph had perhaps two different sounds, as is the case with
the letters n D 3 T :i 1-
{b) Accents. — The signs for the accents are of the same simple
arrangement as those for the vowels. The system includes only four
signs for disjunctive, and four signs for conjunctive accents ; namely
rcbi'a {^\ tipha (^ = ^), tebhir (s^ = ^), pashta ({^ = 't^ or ^ ),
p
j/iunah {^ = ^), mercha (^ = j.^), telisha ketatiah (^ = jj^) and
<
kadma (^ = ^ ). A single dot, according as it is placed over, in,
<
or under the letter, represents rebi^a, tipha., or tebhir ; two points, in
a horizontal line, are pashta ; of the conjunctive accents three are
<
sulilinear : munah (^), mercha (j»^), and telisha (^), kadma (^ )
alone is superlinear ; besides these signs there is one for pesik
(>5 == 1^)) separating two words, joined by a conjunctive accent,
and for makkef a horizontal line between two words, the first of
which is toneless. Athnah and sofpasuk are not represented in this
system. Athiiah and sof-pasnk, as the signs for the chief pauses, are
expected to be known by the reader, even if they are entirely
omitted. Besides, tiphah is the forerunner of these two accents ; in
each line or verse, almost identical in this fragment, the first tipha is
followed by athnah., the second by sofpasuk; if a word stands
between tipha and the pause, that word has munah or mercha.
Tiphah., tebhir, pashta., mercha, and telisha correspond exactly to the
same accents in the Tiberian system ; of the remaining three each
one represents two or more accents of the ordinary system.
The two sets of signs, that of the vowels and that of the accents,
are part of one and the same scheme ; the author of the one must
be the author of the other. For all the variations in the position of
one dot occur only in the system of accents, whilst all the possible
variations of tw^o dots indicate only vowels — with one exception —
viz., the sign for shurek is also the sign for pashta. The apparent
exception may be explained as follows : The two dots representing
pashta were perhaps placed over the letter a little to the left, like
the sign for pashta in the Tiberian system, and pashta was thus
distinguished by its position from the vowel shurek ; subsequently,
however, copyists neglected this distinction, and the two signs
91
Mak. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [1896.
became identical. But even then it would seem strange, that the
author of this; system could not find a new sign ior pashta, and keep
to the above distinction between the signs for accents and those for
vowels. We conclude therefore that this fragment contains a
modified and amplified form of the original simple system. Originally
there were only four signs for accents: three disjunctive, tip/ia, tebhir,
and rehhi''a ; and one sign for all conjunctive accents, namely, a
perpendicular under the letter. In course of time it was found
necessary successively to give special signs to fashia, telisha, and
kadma, and to distinguish between menka and nmna/i. These
additions were made irrespective of the original plan ; hence the
seeming absence of plan and unity. Comparing this system with
the Tiberian, we notice two s'gns that occur in both : mujiah i^)
and rebhVa (^) ; the former representing two different accents in the
two systems, the latter, though denoting the same accent in both, is
in the Palestinian system of a more comprehensive character. Did
the author, or the authors, of the Palestinian system know the other
two systems? The fragment before us does not betray any such
knowledge on the part of the authors. When special signs were
wanted for mercha and pashta^ these would have been selected from
the signs of the other two systems, if they were known to the
authors. As this was not done, it follows that either the two other
systems did not exist at all at the time, or at least were not yet
generally known.*
(/;.) The second peculiarity of this fragment is the peculiar
method of abbreviating the text. The first word of the verse
is written in full, the rest of the verse is given only by siinanim,
which do not, as in the other fragments, consist exclusively of the
tonesyllables, nor are they rashe tebhoth, the initial syllables of the
word ; but only such syllables were selected as seemed to the
copyist most characteristic of the words. Nor are all the words of
the verse rej^resented ; whilst accentless words are regularly repre-
sented by a letter with the sign of fuakkef, words with aihnah and
sqf-pasuk and other weighty words are frequently absent. In some
cases two or more syllables of a word are given, probably where,
according to the judgment of the scribe, a mistake on the part of the
reader was anticipated, in respect to vowel, accent, or dagesh and
* A synopsis of the signs for the accents of the three systems is given in
Appendix B.
92
Mar. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
rafeh: e.g., in the verse Is. xlv, 21* "nil^ and ^\y^'^ are not
represented at all ; of every other word the tonesyllable is given ;
of ^lVy^_ the first two syllables were added to the tonesyllable, in
order to remind the reader of the Nifal form of the word ; an extra
syllable has for a similar reason been added to the tonesyllable of
J^'^Dtpn and n"l3>rT- In v, 27 there are three instances of an
accenriess syllable representing the word : r^y (^r) '7ti?3( 5) ''^i'»d
V^V2(i^i)- "^ ° ^^^ scribe these syllables seemed more characteristic
of the words than the tonesyllables. The Tetragrammaton is as a
rule read adonai. Six words of this verse are not represented.
What was the object of writing these abbreviations ? Was it to
replace the complete Bible? Under what circumstances? Although
the copying of the Bible, or at least the Pentateuch, was considered
a religious duty for every Israelite, copies of the Bible, or of Biblical
books, were not in superabundance, and were not found in the
house or in the hands of every Israelite. In every synagogue and
Beth hammidrash there was probably kept at least one complete
copy for the use of the public and for the guidance of copyists.
But copies of parts of the Bible in an abbreviated form could
easier be prepared in larger numbers ; pupils of the schools might
have had such copies for the purpose of repeating at home what
they had learnt in school. Official readers in the synagogue could
in this way repeat and practice the correct reading, without each
time resorting to a complete copy of the Torah or Bible ; such
copies were also convenient for another reason : they did not
require the great care which the holiness of the Bible, and especially
the Torah, demanded; when torn, they could be thrown away;
mistakes could be corrected in any number, without requiring
genizah as pasul, i.e., unfit for public use. Another circumstance
might also have favoured the preparation of abbreviated Bibles : 1
mentioned already the rule that Biblical books were not to be
written piecewise ; even for the use of pupils a whole book, or at
least a complete section of a book, had to be written at a time,
whilst a copy in the abbreviated form was not restricted in any way
as to its length. Biblical books of this kind, it may be suggested,
were also used by copyists and punctators as a help or guide in
their professional work. But the last mentioned fragment would, in
* See Appendix A.
93
Mar. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [1S96.
consequence of the method adopted for the abbreviations, be least
suitable for the purpose ; for not all writers experience the same
difficulty, whilst in this fragment the omissions and the selection of
syllables depended entirely on the facility or difficulty in reading
which this particular writer experienced. Not so the first two groups
of fragments. In these no word is wanting ; the tonesyllable is
regularly given ; they would therefore have served also this purpose.
But where are all these copies ? As they were not considered as
holy, and did not require HPi^j they were thrown away or
destroyed when no longer wanted. It may also be, that in order to
show that such copies were different from the ordinary copies of the
Scriptures, the copyists did not use the ordinary signs, and where
these appear, they seem to have been employed accidentally. The
second group of fragments betrays a knowledge of the third or
Palestinian system in addition to the Tiberian one, in the double
form of the vowel o, and shows also that in the mind of the copyist
the third system was somehow connected with abbreviations.
It seems therefore that these signs for vowels and accents, as we
have them in the third group of fragments, were not only arranged
independently of the Tiberian system, but even before the birth of
the latter, and when superseded by the Tiberian signs, it continued
only to live in copies of the Bible with abbreviations.
Mention is made in the Commentary on Aboth contained in
Mahzor Vitri of three different ways of punctuation {nikhid).
Before these fragments were known to me, I was of opinion that the
author of the Commentary merely referred here to three variations of
the Tiberian system, because he wrote in France, in the beginning
of the thirteenth century, when this was the only system known to
grammarians and commentators. But now, as we are in possession
of three distinct systems of signs for vowels and accents, I am
inclined to think that these are really referred to in Mahzor Vitri in
the Commentary on Aboth i, i. The three ways of punctuation are
called shellanu (ours), shel erets yisrael (Palestinian), and nikkud
Tlbrani (Tiberian). Now it is well known that in the age of the
author of Mahzor Vitri, the Tiberian system was the only one then
in use in Europe ; and yet by " our system " either of the other two
must be understood. The Commentary is a compilation from
di/ferent authors, and this note has Babylon for its birthplace, and
its father is probably a Rabbi who lived there several centuries
before R. Simluih, the author of Mahzor Viiri ; and he uses the term
94
Mar. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
" ours " in the way it is used in the Babylonian Tahnud in contrast
to " Palestinian." These two systems preceded the work of the
Tiberian school, and were of the earliest attempts to mark in a
systematic way vowels and accents. There were probably several
other attempts, but these two were adopted by scribes, the one in
Palestine, the other in Babylon. When the work of the Tiberian
school was completed, and adopted both in Palestine and in Babylon,
the two older systems were supplemented from the new one, but had
ultimately to leave the new competitor alone in the iield. The
Babylonian system continued for a long time to live in countries too
distant to be in constant contact with the central seats of learning ;
and when at last the new system became known to them, they did
not like to give up entirely the system already hallowed by age ;
they retained it chiefly for the Targums, the lessons from the
Prophets, and Hagiographa. How long the Palestinian lived, and
how far it spread, and whether it was only restricted to abbreviated
texts, cannot be learnt from the one MS. of the Bodleian Library. But
as these fragments were slow in coming forth to light, some more
may still linger behind, which I hope, in the interest of science, will
soon come forth from the place in which they were allowed to enjoy
a long rest.
95
Mar. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY [1896.
APPENDIX A.
Ez. xl, 13.
IT ):• -{.:•/, \." J • T - .<- • - V TJT-
Ex. xxiii, 14, 15.
J- V IT v.- ^ • T : J T
I T V- ^ ■■. At JT T (.
Ex. iv, 1 8.
,': ;i « T^ D"^ '^ i'^ '^ ^^"^- ^"^ O.!^- "^ ^^^^ V^ *^'^?.'^-
Is. vi, 2.
Is. V, 27.
Is. xlv, 21.
I 7 I I ' v/ I J I
96
Mak. 3]
PROCEEDINGS.
APPENDIX B.
(a.) Disjunctive Accents.
[1896.
Tiberian.
Babylonian.
Palestinian.
Sof pasuk . . .
1
1
Athnah ....
^
A
Tipha ....
N
b^ or t^
f
^
Tebhir ....
■J
n
^
Rebhi a . .
«
n
Zakef-gadol
|:
T
1 ^
^ i^
Zakef-katan
J^
i ..
1
J
Pashta . .
"t^
<
Yethib . .
<
1
^ fc^ or t^
Geresh . .
1
>
^
Gershayin .
If
1
J
1 "
Zarka
"J^
Segol . .
"b^
t^i
Pesik . .
i«
•«
{/?.) Conjunctive Accents.
Tiberian.
Babylonian.
Palestinian.
Munah ....
J
t
Meicha ....
Mahpach . . .
fc^ or b^
1 i
Darga ....
^
«
J
Telisha ....
«
ISi
Makkef . . ,
■^
^
■^^ or -t^
97
H 2
Mar. 3]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY.
[1896.
APPENDIX C.
Vowels.
Tiberian.
Bal
ylonian.
Palestinian.
« or «
^
«
1
i;<i
A
t>^
^
^
^
^
t^
hi
^
«
^^'
fc^
«
i^
't^ or ^b^
i^
t^
t>^ or ^^^
1
J?^
a
a
or Q-*
n or tS
Kamets
Pathah
Tsere
Segol
Sh'va
Hirek
Holem
Shurek
Dagesh
* In Pinsker's Einlcitiiiiq in das Bahyl.-IIchr, Piuictationssystcni this line
modifies the vowel preceding the letter with dagesh ; but in a fragment brought
by my friend Mr. Elkan Adler from Egypt I noticed that the sign for dagesh is
absent and is replaced by a line over the preceding vowel.
98
Mar. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
SOME CONSIDERATIONS REGARDING
PROFESSOR PETRIE'S EGYPTIAN CHRONOLOGY.
By D. R. FOTHERINGHAM, B.A.
Queens^ College, Cainbndge.
The last chapter of Professor Petrie's " History of Egypt," which
deals with the difficult question of chronology, calls for a few remarks
in consequence of an inaccurate estimate of the length of certain
astronomical periods, to which attention has not been drawn by the
leading Egyptologists.
Egyptian chronology may be calculated in two distinct ways.
First there is the method of dead reckoning, by which the reigns of
successive kings or dynasties are simply added together, and the sum
taken for the number of years from one point of time to another.
This method is capable of universal application and needs no
explanation. For short periods it is irreproachable, but for long ones
it is less trustworthy, as any error once introduced is necessarily
perpetuated or increased.
The second method is peculiar to Egypt. It depends on the
observed inaccuracy of the Egyptian calendar. The year in Egypt
always contained 365 days. Hence the civil calendar fell one day
behind the astronomical every four years. The Egyptians were
aware of this retrogression, but made no attempt to rectify it. At
the same time they occasionally noted the extent of the discrepancy,
and some of their observations, separated by wide intervals, have
been preserved.
It is clear that if every four years the Egyptian calendar fell one
day behind the true calendar, in course of time it must necessarily
fall a whole year behind, and then a new cycle would begin in which
the previous relationships of the civil and astronomical calendars
would be exactly repeated. It is on the length of this cycle that
Egyptian chronology depends. It has been calculated at 1460 years,
that being the time required for the calendar to lose 365 days at the
rate of a quarter of a day every year. A curious error is involved in
this apparently simple calculation.
99
Mar. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1896.
The exact length of the year is not 36 5 j days. That number is
only an approximation due to Sosigenes, and adopted by Julius
Caesar, but now abandoned by all western nations in favour of the
closer approximation of Gregory XIII. The true length of the
tropical year is 365'2422i6 days. The consequence is that the
error of the Egyptian calendar is rather less than a quarter of a day
in a year. The cycle must therefore be extended, and its true
length is 1507 years. Major Conder has, I believe, called attention
to the necessity of this correction, but Egyptologists generally have
ignored it.
Further correction is necessary in consequence of the preression
of the Ecliptic. The Egyptians in their observations did not regard
the natural seasons of the year, but the position of the sun in relation
to the fixed stars. Now the length of the sidereal year is 365'256374
days, and the cycle corresponding is 1423^ years. But even this is
not the end. For the particular star chosen by them for comparison
was Sirius, a star which unfortunately has a large proper motion of
its own. So that while the annual precession of the Ecliptic amounts
to 5o"*262 2, the corresponding change in the right ascension of
Sirius is only 39""66. The year then as regulated by Sirius is
intermediate between the sidereal and tropical years, and actually
amounts to 3*^5 '253388 days, and the corresponding length of the
cycle is 1440^ years. Professor Petrie therefore, in company with
other Egyptologists, is involved in an error of 19^ years in each cycle,
or one year in seventy-five.
Note was taken each year of the day on which Sirius could
first be seen emerging from the glow of the morning sunlight. The
cycle began when it was so seen on the ist of Thoth. Now one cycle
is recorded by Censorinus as beginning a.d. 139. 'i'he ])revious
one has therefore been calculated for p,.c. 1322, and before that
cycles began B.C. 2782, 4242, and 5702. But, from a wrong estimate
of the length of the cycle, all these dates are too early, and we should
correct them to 1302, 2743, 4183, and 5624.
Now we have three records of this heliacal rising Ijelonging to
the important period of the eighteenth and nineteenth dynasties.
The last of these, which should be considered first, belongs to the
second year of Merenptah, the Pharaoh of the Exodus, in which
year Sirius rose witli the sun on the 29th of Thoth. The date of
this has been calculated by Professor Petrie thus : — 1322 — (29x4)
= 1206. But the date 1322 is, as we have seen, nineteen or
100
Mar. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
twenty years too early, and an error of a year or two in the opposite
direction is involved in the period of 116 years during which the
day of the heliacal rising moved from the ist to the 29th of Thoth.
The true date therefore is B.C. 1 188. That of Merenptah's accession
would consequently be 1190, and of the Exodus about 11 83. It
is necessary to remark that in all these dates there is a possible
error of four years.
Another heliacal rising of Sirius is recorded in the reign of
Tahutmes III, this time on the 28th of Epiphi. Mahler, followed
by Professor Petrie, dates this B.C. 1470, but, his error being now
22 years, this date must be reduced to 1448.
The third case is supposed to belong to the ninth year of
Amenhotep I, when Sirius rose with the sun on the 9th of Epiphi.
This has been dated b.c. 1546, but should be reduced to 1523.
But Mahler has further checked his chronology by the calculation
of the new moons recorded in the reign of Tahutmes III. This
introduces a totally new element, but does not in reality fortify his
dates. The length of the lunar month is 2 9 -5 306 days, and that
of the lunar year is consequntly twelve times as long, or 354*373
days, the deficiency as compared with the Egyptian year being 10-627
days. From these figures it will be seen that the accumulated
deficiencies of twenty-five years differ from nine lunations by only
two hours. In other words, after twenty-five years the moon has
returned to nearly the same position, and its phases recur with so
great exactness that a day's error would only arise in three centuries.
■When then Mahler dates the reign of Tahutmes III from the 20th
of March, b.c. 1503, to the 14th of February, 1449, we may un-
hesitatingly substitute the 14th of March, 1478, and the 8th of
February, 1424, the Julian and Egyptian calendars having diverged
six days in tw^enty-five years.
But here I confess to some doubt as to the true date of the new
moons. The new moon is properly counted from the moment of
actual conjunction with the sun. But the Jews and Arabs, and
probably Tahutmes also, counted from the first appearance of the
crescent moon in the evening sky. This takes place two days later
than the conjunction, and if Tahutmes so counted, we must date him
three years later. For a lunar month is two days less than three
times the annual deficiency of the lunar year. I hazard this sugges-
tion, but without sufficient confidence to depart further than is
necessary from the dates calculated by Mahler and Professor Petrie.
TOI
Mar. 3]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1896.
The dates of the kings of these dynasties as corrected on the
Hnes indicated above would be much as follows : —
B.C.
B.C.
Aahmes ...
• 1557
Amenhotep IV
.. 1360
Amenhotep I ...
• 1532
Rasmenkhka
•• 1348
Tahutmes I
• 1511
Tutankhamen
• 1339
Tahutmes II
. 1490
Ay
.. 1327
r Queen Hatshepsut
1 Tahutmes III
• 1478
Horemheb ...
• 1315
• 1456
Ramessu I ...
... 1310
Amenhotep II ...
. 1424
Sety
... 1308
Tahutmes IV
1406
Ramessu II.,.
... 1257
Amenhotep III...
• 1397
Merenptah ...
II90
On the chronology of all the earlier kings there is but one check
that can be applied to the dead reckoning. It depends upon the
fall of the Nile in the reign of Merenra, fourth king of the sixth
dynasty. By means of the cycle of 1460 years this has been dated
about B.C. 3350, with a possible error of 28 years. Professor Petrie
indeed speaks of "an uncertainty (to put it liberally) of 50 or 100
years," but surely this is too great a latitude, as his own parenthesis
implies, since not more than seven days of Epiphi are in question.
But here again the cycle of 1460 years is misleading. Yet in such
a question as the rise or fall of the Nile we are clearly not de-
pendent on the sidereal cycle we have used hitherto, but on the
tropical cycle ; for the seasons all over the world are regulated by
the tropical year. Instead of 1460 years we must therefore reckon
1507, and advance the date of Merenra from b.c. 3350 to 3466,
again with a possible error of 28 years. This date will be found
in striking agreement with Professor Petrie's dead reckoning, by which
he dated the reign of Merenra from B.C. 3447 to 3443.
I must apologize for the length of this contribution, and for
venturing to raise my voice among those whose services to Egyptology
are so remarkable.
102
Mar. 3J PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
NOTE ON DEMOTIC PHILOLOGV.
F. L. Griffith.
The study of demotic as the Hnk between New Egyptian and
Coptic has reached a stage from which its further development
promises to be full of interest, now that Erman's Neudgyptische
Grammatik and Egyptian Grammar have been added to Brugsch's
Worterlnich, and Stern's masterly Koptische Grammatik has come to
the aid of Peyron's Lexicon.''' The grammars and lexicons are now
so far advanced, especially in Coptic, that the beginner in demotic
is startled at his own progress in a subject which he finds to have
been treated generally with little regard for accuracy. Many, indeed,
are the " discoveries " which can be made by anyone who has
obtained the merest smattering of Coptic, without reference to Stern
or any other authority. It is strange, for example, to find that
Brugsch, who carried forward the study with giant strides, should
have read ce for GT, and ^ for ce, but stranger still that
writers of huge tomes on demotic, whose knowledge it would seem
is based on Coptic, should have perpetuated instead of correcting
his error to this day.
The following examples of some of the first fruits taken from
the best know^n text, the Story of Setna, may serve to indicate the
nature of the harvest for such as have time and strength to reap it.
The Prefixes corresponding to the Coptic First Present.
Sing. I -^ =: ,„ ) :^ ttty.
„ 2 m. K = ~> ek.
„ 3 "i- ^ = ^>' ^/
» 3/ C = ^ es.
Plur. 3 ce= il St.
* Remarkable as it is, SteindorfTs "Grammar" is, by its nature, of far less
importance to the demotist as a work of reference than Stem's.
103
Mar. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARClI/liOLOGY. [1S96.
All, except the last, are derived from the New Egyptian ^ Nt\,
v_^, ^-^ . etc. The first of them retains the f^ ; in the
case of the others it is almost entirely lost ; a trace of it remains,
however, in the n = 6, which indicates the form £K, ecj, ec,
as in the participle. The last group, which has hitherto, but im-
possibly, been read ^ > is simply I .* These forms are found
in demotic, (i) in the present tense of verbs, (2) in the present tense
with prepositions, (3) iv. the past tense with the verb )<w;u, "come."
, ") , , hitherto read ungrammatically as ce , is of course par-
ticipial et.
Negatives.
4 (to be read /';/) is always followed by ^ = Coptic It . . . ^It.
It is used with the prefixes of the present tense and with the
absolute pronouns ^ ) , etc., and has a present or else a participial
meaning. It thus corresponds to the New Egyptian J . The
AAAAA/".
"post negation" ^L, ^rt is probably identical with the interro-
gative.
1 £_ (to be read 1>7V J>7v), on the other hand, is followed by
suffixes, or by the nominal subject of the sentence. It thus
corresponds to JULTTG, J (2 □ <2. —/".-«. seems to be entirely
obsolete in demotic.
The above "finds "relate to the granunar ; the following con-
cern the lexicon. The schoe7ius measure has not as yet been noticed
in demotic, although it occurs frequently in Setna under the form
^ /xj (hieroglyphic ^<=> )\ J\, etc.; cf. Proc. Soc. Bib/. Arch.,
XIV, 409), viz., I, 30, 31: — there was 'a schocnus of scorpions,
etc., etc., surrounding the box " that contained the sacred book of
Thoth : also again and again it is stated (II, 5, 13, 17) that it was
at " one schoenus north from Coptos " that fate overtook Merab,
Ahura, and Ptah-neferka, and, one after another, they fell into the
river.
* Prof. Piehl has shown that | ,., not I , . . corresponds in New Egyptian
to C€. ^^g- Zeils., xxxiii, 40.
104
Mar. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
According to all authorities ^ /<, = (JoX ; really it = ^.XhI :
^Xe, ascendere, conscendere navem. Se/zia, 1, 24 ; II, 5, etc., etc.
^^y /k = (pIKI !); really = Xo : \(MXl . N.B.— The
Coptic words quoted agree with the demotic exactly in the usage
with the reflexive pronoun for "to cease," and in the other meaning
" to be healed," as in the Moschion text : also in the rare impera-
tive form with / = ^, viz., ^,^ //, Sef/ia, III, 6 = S. ^.Xo-K,
The dropping of the X?, or (T^?, in the Sahidic is very curious and
unexpected, so also is the o_ for Boheiric X ; but if. the causative,
T<lX6o . There is another curious and unexpected example
concerning (T^and X in (ToXI, ^))i4-i+- AX-^', "run," Se/z/a, III, 31
(the determinative shows that it cannot be XHX).*
/ADT^IO hr twn, Sefna, III, 29, IV, 13 = the Sahidic preposi-
tion ^ITOTn, "by the side of." What the etymology of the
word may be I do not yet see ; Stern's account of it can only be
correct if the demotic spelling is false.
Much more of the same kind could be gathered from the text
of Setna alone, but the above hastily gleaned notes are, I think,
enough to prove the truth of my opening statements. f In Germany,
Austria, Switzerland, Holland, and America^ there are signs that
several sound Coptic and hieroglyphic scholars are closing in upon
this branch of enquiry, and we may expect a brilliant future for it,
important not only for philology, but also, in connection with Greek
papyri, for history in the widest sense of the word.
* I have been so fortunate as to find a second example of the word, confirm-
ing entirely the above identification, in a text which will be published shortly.
t It follows that the translations of Hess, Maspero and Revillout, as well as
that printed in Professor Petrie's Egyptian Tales (second series), require much
correction in detail. One of the most striking of these is in III, 31, where Ptah
appears to Setna like a king, not "taller than a staff, and with many men trampled
under his feet!" (a description that suggests, if anything, some Lamaist mon-
strosity), but "riding in a chariot (or litter), with many attendants running at
his feet."
+ In France, Prof Maspero has unfortunately withdrawn from active partici-
pation in the study : to Prof Revillout demotists will be lastingly grateful for
his energy in publishing splendid photographic plates of papyri, as well as for
highly useful pioneer work amongst certain classes of texts.
105
Mar. 3]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHzTiOLOGV.
[1S96.
THE NAME CHAEREU.
ECCLESBOURNE, KeW GARDENS,
Febrjiary 29, 1 5
Dear I\Ir. Rylaxds,
Mr. F. L. Griffith, in his " Chaereu to HermopoHs," in this
month's Proceedings, says, " I do not know of any Egyptian
name that might answer to Chaereu." But Vicomte Jacques de
Rouge, in his " Geographie Ancienne de la Basse-Egypte," suggests
\^ V^ Keruu, saying it is frequently found in the
Geographical lists, and that Brugsch thought it was to be recognised
in the town of Xmpeov cited by Strabo, which in Coptic was called
^epe*^', the modern Al Kerim to the east of Lake Mareotis.
As apropos of Egyptian names, may I venture to call attention,
because of its appropriateness to our Society, of the identification by
Professor Maspero of two names mentioned in the " Travels of
Saneha," with their counterparts in the Old Testament ?
These are the Kadima
with Kedemah
T\^~\\) son of Ishmael of Genesis xxv, 15 ; and the Aaa, I a a, with
Aia n'^i;^ son of Zibeon, son of Seir, the Horite, of Genesis xxxvi, 24.
See " Recueil de Travaux," vol. xvii, p. 142.
Yours sincerely,
Jos. Offord, Junior.
106
JlAR. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
ROMAN INSCRIPTIONS AT ASSUAN.
By Prof. A. H. Sayce.
This winter the diggers for sehakh or nitrous earth have
uncovered some very interesting monuments of the Roman age
at Assuan, to the south of the modern town and a httle to the east
of the raihvay station. Here they have found the remains of a
paved road, running east up to a point where on one side of it (the
north) is the granite base of a statue, and on the other or southern
side are two granite bases. The easternmost of these adjoins a
block of hmestone which served as part of a gate-post. It must
therefore have been the entrance to one of the temples (if not the
chief temple) of Syene.
The granite base (No. i) on the north side is engraved with tv/o
dedicatory inscriptions, one to Germanicus, the other to Nerva
Trajan ; the two on the south side are dedicated to Antoninus
Pius and Aurelius Verus, the inscriptions facing north. The historical
value of the inscriptions is considerable, as they give the names,
not only of the prsefects of Egypt, but also of the prasfects of the
Camps, as well as the names of the officers commanding the cavalry
at Syene. Indeed the information they afford in regard to the
military occupation of Syene at the time is most welcome.
The date of the prasfecture of Heliodorus over Egypt is moved
a few years back by the newly-found inscriptions, while M. Annius
Suriacus is new. The " prsefects of the Camps " were the
commanders of the Roman army stationed in Egypt, which was
not under senatorial legates as elsewhere. During the reign of
Augustus, when there were three legions in the country, there were
three prcefects, but when the third legion was withdrawn by Tibeiius,
and the camps of the other two fixed at Alexandria, only one
commander-in-chief was appointed, who took the title of " prosfectus
castrorum." The names of a few of these prcefects are known, and
the newly-discovered text will add to their number.
107
Mar. 3] SOCIETV OF J5IBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1896.
The inscriptions, I should add, are well engraved and well
preserved. These are my copies of them : —
Pedestal I : on the north side : inscription on the south face :
C . CAESARl . AVC. . GERMANICO . DIVI . AVG .
PRONEPOTI . TI . CAESARIS . AVG . N . GER
MANICI . CAESARTS F .
COS . n . TRIP. . POTEST . PONTIF . MAXIMO .
IMP . PATRI . PATRIAE
PER . C . VITRASIVM . POLLIONEM . PRAEF .
AEGVP . COHORS . ITVRAEOR .
CVI . PRAEST . L . FIENIVS . L . F . FAL . SA
TVRNINVS . ANNO . 7TT . C . CAESARIS .
AVGVSTl .
GERMAN] CI . nil . K . MA IAS . M
. . . . N . JIHII I . . .
Pedestal 1 : inscription on the east face :
IMP . CAESARl
NERVAE TRAIANO . AVG .
GERM . PONT MAX . TRIBVNIC .
POTEST . COS . H . P . P . PER . C . POMPEIVM .
PLANTAM . PRAEF . AEG . ET . L . CINVCIVM .
PRISCVM .
PRAEF . CASTROR . COH . TRES 1 HISPA
NOR . EQ . CV 1 . PRAEEST . TI . CLAV DIVS .
AFRICANVS . ET . TT . ITVR . EQ . CVI . PRAE
EST . TI . CLAVDIVS . BERENICAEVS .
ET . r. THEB . EQ . CVI PRAEEST . P . CIRVDI
VS . IVSTVS . CVRAM . AGENTE . I (?) .
CLAVUIO .
IVSTO . PRAEF . COH . T . THEB . EQ . ET . CV
RATORE . COH . T . HISPANOR . EQ . ET
COH . n . ITVRAEOR . EQVIT ,
Pedestal II : on the south side : north face :
IMP . CAESARl . DIVI . HADRIANI . FIL .
DIVI . TRAIANI . PARTHICl . NEPOTI .
DIVI . N 1: R VAE . PRONEPOTI .
108
Mar. 3]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1896.
PVBLIO . CAESARI . HADRIANO . ANTONINO .
AVG . no .
PER . C . AVIDIVM . HELIODORVM . PRAEF . AEG . ET
M . OSCIVM . DRVSVM . PRAEF . CASTROR . COH .
I . FL . CILIC . EQVIT .
CVRAM . AGENTE . TARIDIO . MARCELLING .
^LEG . II . TR . FOR .
Pedestal III : on the south side : north face :
IMP . CAESARI . L . AVRELIO . VERO . AVG .
DIVI . ANTONINI . FIL . DIVI . HADRIANI . NEPOT .
DIVI . TRAIANI . PRONEPOT . DIVI . NERVAE , ABNE
POT .
PONT . MAX . TRIE . POTEST . II . COS .P.P. PER .
M . ANNIVM . SVRIACVM . PRAEF . AEG . ET ,
L . CINTASIVM . CASIANVM . PRAEF . CAST .
COH . I . FL . CIL , EQ .
CVRANTE . VALERIO . CORDO . i . LEG . II .
TR . FORT .
109
Mar. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH^-EOLOGY. [1896.
There being no Meeting in April (Bye-law XXXIX),
the next Meeting of the Society will be held at '^'j, Great
Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C, on Tuesday, 5th May,
1896, at 8 p.m.
The Library and Offices will be closed for cleaning and
decorating from Wednesday, April 8th, to Monday, the 13th
of April, inclusive.
ERRATA IN FEBRUARY NUMBER.
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110
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS.
In 8 Parts. Price 5s. each. With full Illustrations of the Vignettes.
Parts cannot be sold separately.
The Fourth Part having been issued, the Price is now Raised to £5 for the 8 Parts.
XCbe JEg^ptian Book of tbe IDeab,
BEING A
Complete Translation, Commentary, and Notes,
By p. LE page RENOUF, Esq. {President);
CONTAINING ALSO
^ ^tms of ^9latcs of tte Fignettes of t^c different aP!)a|)ters.
The request having been made by a number of friends that this
ranslation, &c., should be issued in a different form, so as to be a
eparate boolc, and Mr. Renouf having kindly consented, it is proposed
0 issue a limited number of copies upon large paper, in numbers, at 5^-.
ach. Members desirous of obtaining copies should at once communicate
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[Shalmaneser II, B.C. 859-825.]
Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers.
In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus the price for
:ach part is now raised to ;^i loj. ; to Members of the Society (the original
)rice) £^\ \s.
Society of Biblical Archaeology.
COUNCIL, 1896.
President,
P, LE Page Renouf.
Vue- Presidents,
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c., &c.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P.; D.C.L., &c.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles Micholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Council.
Rev. Charles James Ball., M.A.
Arthur Gates.
Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S.
Charles Harrison, F.S.A.
Gray Hill.
Prof. T. Hayter Lewis, F.S.A.
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c.
Rev. James Marshall, M.A.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Walter L. Nash, F.S.A.
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.
Prof. P. Pierret.
J. Pollard.
Edward B. Tylor, LL. D., F. R.S.,
&c.
E. TowRY Whyte, M.A., F.S.A.
Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A.
Honorary Librarian — William Simpson, F.R.G.S.
HARRISON AND SONS, TRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HEK MAJKSIY, ST. MARTIN's LANE.
VOL. XVIII. Part 4.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
#x
VOL. XVIIL TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION.
[APRIL, 1896. NO MEETING.]
^^
CONTENTS.
PAGE
P. LE Page Renouf (Preside^).— The God [1[1 ^, ffi Jj,
'^i\^^i,^Zai ' '
P. Le Page Renouf {President). — The Book of the Dead,
Notes to Chapter CXXN , continued I13-117
Prof. Wm. F. Petrie, D.CL. — Note on Chronology 117
Rev. C. J. Ball. — The Blessing of Moses (Deut. xxxiii) 11S-137
E. TowRY White, M.A., F.S.A.— Some Remarks on the Sepul-
chral Fig\u-es usually called Ushabii. (10 Plates) 138-146
^:^
PUBLISHED AT
THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY,
37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C,
18 96.
No. cxxxvii.]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY,
37, Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C.
TRANSACTIONS
To
To Non-
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A few complete sets of the Transactions still remain for sale, wliich may he
obtained on application to the Secretary, \V. H. 1s.yi,anu.s, F.S.A., 37, Great
Russell Street, Bloonislmry, W.C.
PROCEEDINGS
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THE SOCIETY
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BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION, 1896.
Part 4.
\April, 1896. No Meeting?^
•#;^4cft-
THEG0Df[|y.7i]y,^(][)aj.^;a
Dear Mr. Rylands,
The Museum at Turin has among its treasures one of the
most important and interesting monuments illustrative of Egyptian
religion in the ' Early Empire.' The third volume of our Transactions
•contains pictures of this most ancient altar, drawn by Mr. Bonomi,
with a translation by Dr. Birch of the inscriptions upon it. The
chief interest of this monument of the Vlth dynasty lies in the list
•of gods which it presents.
The name of the very first of these gods is written [|[| ^ , and
numberless guesses at the phonetic reading of it have been made.
The same name occurs among the names of gods upon two cubits
of Memphite origin, which have been fully described by Lepsius in
.a dissertation published by the Berlin Academy of Sciences in 1865.
I was in hopes that in note 11 to my translation of Chapter
CXX"^^ of the Book of the Dead, I had settled the question of the
phonetic reading of the divine name, which I identified (i) with
(1(1 S on the statue of King Horus at Turin, the inscription of
[No. cxxxvii.] Ill I
April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY [1896.
which leaves no doubt that the name is one of the appellatives of
Thoth, and (2) with ''-'^^ [In £) r^ the god of Chemunnu, who
appears as the third among the 42 judges in the Hall of
Righteousness.
When it is known who Feiiti is, there can be no doubt about the
appropriateness of the name or yet of its meaning. The Egyptian
^^^^^ Qfenf, like the Latin rosfnu/i and the Greek f'v^ixo'^, is applied
not only to the snout or nose of an animal, but to the beak or bill
of a bird. /^ww. I [1 £> tv or, as the name is also written in the Solar
Litanies, ^s;;^"^ rJ[ '* signifies the Ibis deity, so called from one of
its most strikingly conspicuous features. Cf. the Latin names Naso,
Labeo, Fronto.
Why have I to repeat this ?
It is because in the February number of our Proceedings the
unfortunate god was (after correct proof and correct revise) docked of
liis characteristic feature, and the passage in which this outrage
upon the deity occurred was thereby reduced to nonsense. I
attempted a correction in the March number, but the erratum at
page no was corrected in the proof, but the correction has dropped
out of the published number.
I am therefore compelled to call special attention to what is
really a horrible grievance.
I confess that a worse fate might have beflillen me. I see
certain Egyptological publications in which the horned head ^ is
substituted for <£?, and we even find ^ put down with the syllabic
value x^'^^- ^I'^c wiseacre who invented this is like a foreign
schoolmaster who, in teaching English, instructed his class to
substitute Fudge whenever Judge had to be written.
This is being translated like Bottom.!
Believe me.
Very truly yours,
P. LK P. RkNOUF.
* This is not a, simple variant. The suffix >> must not be confounded with (1(1.
Naso is not the same word as Nastitus, though the meaning is not very unlike,
t Snout. O Bottom, thou art changed ! what do I see on thee ?
Bottom. What do you see ? you see an ass's head of your own, do you ?
Quia. Bless thee, Bottom ! l)less thee ! thou art translated.
112
Ai'RiL] PROCEEDINGS. [1896,
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By p. le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CXXV.
Notes — continued.
31. This introduction to Part HI of this chapter occurs only in
the Papyrus of .Nebkat {Pe). Another ancient manuscript {Ph) has
the words "Said upon approaching triumphantly to the Hall of
Righteousness." But the texts generally begin with the invocation,
" Hail ye gods, I know you and I know your names."
X2. Reverse of mine, ^M?>, a turn of the wheel, which the
context implies to be unfortunate. A very absurd reading is v
as if the defendant were master of the fates of his divine
III I ^'
judges.
2,Z- The King zvho resideth within His own Day. A very
doubtful passage at present. The words do not occur in the oldest
text of the chapter (that of Nebseni), and they are omitted here in
the later recensions. Ad is, as far as I know, the only authority for
' ^ ^^ ; other papyri having merely ^^ ' ? which might
possibly correspond to the ^^ immediately preceding. The
Royal tombs have m v\ v^ , and one of the papyri has
(1 ^ instead of 1 ^ ^. All this reminds one of an obscure
passage in Chapter 115, where Ra is speaking with I ^ /
f[] \\ J\ according to the Text of the Turin Todtenhuch.
Goodwin conjectured that King Amhauf belonged ' to the race of
-mythical kings who preceded Menes,' and that his history is 'a
113 I 2
April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1896.
legend somewhat analogous to that of Deucalion and Pyrrha.' There
is a much more probable solution of the matter,
I ^ ^ is meant for I JH Suf, and it was with this god
/ m V\ ^ i^.-^ or ^|\ rn k\ \^ I I I * ^\n\\\?, course'
that Ra was speaking when the disaster happened to the latter
divinity, who for his talk had chosen a wrong moment, which really
belonged to his adversary. Cf. supra note 3 on Chapter no.
And here too I would instead of I read I , and the
sense of the passage would be '"'let not reverse of mine come to pass
through Sutu, when his time cometh."
•^4. Cares.. '^^ "^ in the later texts. The older texts differ
o W III • V -n fV
greatly from each other: ^ \j/ ^fc\ V^ '^ ^^e most frequent
reading.
35, The Ass and the Cat in the house of Hept-ro. The two per-
sonages who take part in this dialogue are known from other portions
of the Book of the Dead. The Cat is Ra in the 17th chapter. And
the Ass appears in the 40th chapter, as the victim of the devouring
Serpent. The Sun-god overcome by darkness is Osiris ; and he is
so called by name in the Demotic version of this chapter.
Hept-ro,^ 5^ID ^, 'god of the gaping mouth.' The
word X g-g^ is not found elsewhere^ but the meaning of it
seems to be indicated by the determinative. It is very probably
akin to the more common x N\, '^-^^ ^^, which does not
mean 'squat' or 'sit,' but 'stretch out,' distendi. Cf. Note 6,
Chapter 63B.
The ' house of the god of the gaping mouth,' seems to be the
Earthy considered as the universal tomb («\\,' uvtou <~ia7(i /mlXaira
TTuai x^voi, II. 14, 417). And here Osiris and Ra (the Ass and the
Cat) meet daily, 'Yesterday' speaketh to 'To-day.'
"in« v^y" Dv^ ai\
* The Luynes papyrus reads -
son for thinking that in Ch
written without its phonetic value,
fU V\ , which affords good
reason for thinking that in Chapter 115, as elsewhere, a^^-^ was originally
114
April] TROCEEDINGS. [1896.
36. Ferd/rf, ^J^ 1) i ' ^ -^ ^1 ' ',',' ^^^ i) ' ^ "^^ i) '
A note of M. Guyesse in the Reaieil^ X, p. 64, contains references
to the chief passages in which this word occurs. I will add a very-
important one, the picture of a god (Lefebure, Tombeau de Seti\
p. Ill, pi. 2>2>) ^^'ith sword in hand, whose name is this word. The
ideographic signs which express it imply (i) ' a cutting in two, parting,
division,' (2) that the act is one of speech or intellect, such as 'judg-
ment, decision, verdict.' The phonetic equivalence of the signs -^
and 'I'l' or [ I ] show that the value is that of Seb.
37. Covereth. The right Egyptian word here, as in a similar
passage in Chapter 17, is uncertain, but the meaning is plain enough.
There are many pictures showing a divinity (the sun or moon-god)
hidden within or behind a tree.
38. That the Balance may be set upon its sta?id within the bower
of amaranth.
Cf. the passage (Rochemonteix, Edfou, p. 191) where mention is
made of the divine powers which animate the Princes who are in the
train of Osiris and who lift the Balance upon the stand before them
j_i. r*i J_l. "^ I /VW^AA
Ml D i U \ J\ a:. \ \ \
Amaranth (see Note 3 of Chapter 26) is only one of the readings
of this doubtful text.
39. Disasters, [1 (Tl H [1(1 \> f°h ^^^ ' ^^^ '''^^^' ^''''^^f'^^tune. See
my note on this word, T.S.B.A., II, p. 313.
40. Grasshoppers, <^v Vv Y\ ^^^^ . The similar word
7 _^ ^ -^ Jl 1 1 I
□i^7D, which only occurs in Lev. xi, 22, does not appear to be
Semitic. It is a sufficiently familiar word in Egyptian to serve as a
term in comparison, 'as plentiful as grasshoppers.'
41. The text here is quite uncertain. The Turin Todtenbuch has
"the fourth hour of the Night and the eighth hour of the Day,""
which does not agree with any early reading. Cd. has " the fourth
hour of the Night and of the Day." Several papyri have the " second
hour of the Night and the third (==^^ — of the Day." It was in
this passage, as written in B.M. 9904, that, in the year i860, I found
the phonetic value of the Egyptian number 3 : a discovery first
ascribed by Brugsch* to Goodwin, and afterwards by others to
Brugsch himself.
* Zcitschr., No. 3.
IIS
April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.KOLOGY. [ih'gS.
42. The hearts of the gods are appeased, l2I2j]tjp] = a^va^/vn j | j .
Cf. n<i.I, iXurriccaOdi, and ItAHT, tXo'juwi', oiKTi'pfiwi'. This ex-
plains Pap. Prisse XVII, ^^jI^'^O^^^J^.
43. Let him come. J\ v\ is a tolerably certain reading, but
it is not possible to say what should be the word preceding this.
The scribes have written 'there he cometh,' 'we grant that he come,'
* I grant,' 'let him be brought in,' and the like.
44. He who s:roweth under the Grass, ^ <^r> ; %Y (JO 1 •
cr^ia W U a 1 1 ^ I
45. A thigh, ^A/v^N^(2, also written ^| .
46. See the greetings: fpiovij ^jap oi>w, to ({)(ni^6i.ievov, Oedip.
Col. 138.
\ '==^
47. The Leaf, J ix v-:^^.
48. Poititer [or Plummet'] of Truth, "^ % 0 "^^^ J] "^ S^ ; •
49. The Scale Pan, \ ^ ^^^=^\^^, \ ^ ^'^.
c:o. The Drac-on Brood, m \\ L^?sm.
51. The Truncheon of LLathor, -^^ ^^:^t^ does not appear to
be a very familiar word to the scribes, who write it in the most
diverse ways possible ; one of them even understanding it as the
' opening of heaven ' ^^^ . AH that we can say is that the
word is shown by its determinative to be of wood, and by its
etymology {cf ^^ \\ , I to serve for striking, blinding, or
slaying. Some of the texts name Hathor, and others Nephthys.
'I'he sign occurs in both names, and the scribes have read the
rest of the name as best they could.
52. He "who hiurweth the heart and exploreththeperson, J^^a "^v S^
I l«
5^i
I A . This is so exactly the equivalent of "Searching
the heart and trying the reins" of Jeremiah (xvii, 10), that we
might have expected to find something like it in the Coptic version
of the Bible. But there we have nothing but a close adherence to
the sense of the Septuagint, and even to such a word as coxtjud'C^cn'.
116
April] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
53. Who provideth for. ^V^ <::{}=:>' ^ is the equivalent of the
Greek irpovoetv in the inscription of Tanis, and of /(e'/j^u'H in the
Demotic text of the verses of Moschion. The Coptic form is
JULe**"!, iULeenre, which stands for (j)pove7v in Phil, iv, 10, "Your
care of me, wherein ye also were careful."
Thoth is thus represented as the divine Providence, which takes
care of the universe. The same view is found in a text at Edfu.
54. The Eye of Horus ; see latter part of Note 2, of this
chapter.
NOTE ON CHRONOLOGY.
By Wm. F. Petrie, D.C.L.
In giving an outline of the bases of the chronology, I did not
think it necessary to show the various stages or considerations which
lay under the surface. But I can assure Mr. Fotheringham that full
account was taken of all the details which he mentions, as far back
as Biot's classical paper in the Acadeinie des Inscriptions, 30th March,
1831 (see pp. 597, 602-4, «S:c.). Biot fully calculated the details
and concludes that, owing to proper motion and various causes,
Sirius rose heliacally in B.C. 3285 on the same day that it did in
Roman times. As the difference of 365^ from 365 '242, the preces-
sion, and the proper motion, have all been before those who have
calculated the details during the last two generations, I did not
think it competent for anyone but a professed astronomer to deal
with the method and accuracy of Mahler's results.
I should gladly see anyone examine the matter again, with fuller
accuracy and detail ; but the criticisms of Mr. Fotheringham and
Major Conder are on points already long familiar and already under-
stood. More refinement may be attained, but in points much less
obvious than these.
T17
xVrRiL] SOCIETY OF lilHLICAL ARCH/liOLOGV. [1896.
THE BLESSING OF MOSES (Deut. xxxiii).
By the Rev. C. J. Ball.
M. = The iMasoietic Text. G. = The Greek Version. S. = The Syriac
Version. A. = The Arabic Version. J. = Jerome (The Vulgate). T. =
Targiim. ma = The Samaritan Text. a**."!". = The Samaritan Targum.
As the penultimate chapter of Genesis is mainly occupied by
what the compiler regarded as the dying Jacob's blessing of his sons,
so the corresponding chapter of Deuteronomy gives what is declared
to be the parting benediction of Moses upon the tribes of Israel.
Though a younger piece than the one we have already discussed, it
is hardly less obscure, owing to manifold corruptions of the Maso-
retic text. The task here undertaken is the difficult but necessary
preliminary to all true exegesis — the restoration, so far as possible, of
what the poet originally wrote, or may reasonably be supposed to
have written. Our resources will be of the same nature as in the
former case. Appeal will be made to the ancient versions, to the
indications of context, to the laws of grammar and of poetical con-
struction, and finally to the more ancient models which the author
evidently followed.
The opening stanza at once recalls the great Song of Deborah,
where the royal progress of Jahvah from the mountain-sanctuary of
the south is described in similar language (Judges v, 4, 5). The
splendid hymn of Habakkuk as obviously echoes the present strain
(Hab. iii, 3).
t^!2 "^2^00 mn"^ Jahvah from Sinai came,
127 1''i^'^?3 nitl He rose on us from Scir ;
T\i^'^ "in^ i^^Qin He shone from Parans highlands,
"ll^lp ni'inn nnt^l He fared to Meribah-Xadesh -,
J lh illirt^ '12"^?2'*?2 At His right He had streaming rays^
118
•April] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
In the second line we read 127, to us, instead of 1^27? to^
them, after G., J., T., S. In 1. 4, we restore ttHp ni'''^^, to
Meribah-Kadcsh (Ezek. xlvii, 19 ; xlviii, 28), in place of the meaning-
less U^lp n!2!l"^^2, from holy myriads. See Ewald. Parallelism
demands the local name, which, in fact, is partially preserved by
G., ovv ^ivpiacriv KaS>)<^, With the myriads of Kadesh (reading il3,D,"13.
or r\3.^3. ^ ^ Enoch i, 9; Jude 14, ec /.wpiaaiv). See Ex. xvii ;
Num. XX ; Deut. xxxii, 51.
The fifth line might be regarded as an early addition, especially
as nothing satisfactory can be made of ^ch r\1 U,*b^ 12'^?:2^?2
(so the Masoretic note directs us to read the line). It is true that
T. renders: ^:h ir\^ t^nn"i« ^ilU^b^ "iiin n-ii^D"" irS2, A
writing His right ha?id out of the midst of the f re — a law — gave to us ;
cf. J. In dextera ejus ignea lex, In His right hand was a fiery law :
and the version in Gesenius-Buhl^-, Zu seiner Rechten ein Gesetzes-
feucr ihnen. But even if jll, law, the Persian data, which only
occurs in such late books as Esther, Ezra, Daniel, were allowed to
be possible in this context, what, we may ask, is a law fire 1 It is
needless to speculate on the answer. If 1^?^^, fire, be right, it must,
of course, refer to the normal accompaniment or environment of
O.T. theophanies; and Dillmann suggested the correction li^?^"!^
'h' JlTcS UJ'i^, At His right He had flashing fires ; cf. DTD^,
Ex. XX, 18. But the Aramaic p»|, "IXI?^; f'dit, effudit, which is
used of the outpouring and diffusion of light, e.g., ^JOIQJ ?&•(,
pour forth thy light! \r^»\ (JOIQJ, light shed abroad ox dispersed
— a phrase occurring several times in Ephrem Syrus, who also
applies the epithet (nk't, late coruscans to a star, and uses (ZOpjjf
of the outpouring of light (see the reff. in Payne Smith), — may
be thought to justify the aira^ \e^/6jn. pTH'^i^, in the sense of
outpourings of light, beams, or rays {cf. perhaps ^^illll^b^ in
Targ. I Kings vii, 32, sqq. = Heb. r\l"l"i, axles, or, as others have
thought, spokes, radii, of a wheel). The line thus becomes synony-
mous with 17 1T72 D^-"1p5 Hab. iii, 4; while the Aramaism (or
rather perhaps Northern Israelitish term) is nothing wonderful in a
poem which is generally admitted to be of Ephraimite, not Judean,
origin: cf. mil^lIlSLn, .oATfi in the very next verse, which
is likewise a-rra^ \c^i6f.i. in the O.T. ; the repeated 1i?2 = ^^"f3?D r
I IQ
Ai'RIl] society of BIBLICAL ARCILliOLOGY. [1896.
lr>J^, in V. 13, sqq. ; i;D11,>, v. 19 ; p^T, v. 22 ; and D1"^T, v. 23 :
all of which find more affinities in Aramean than in Biblical Hebrew.
Perhaps, with T., we should read "l^S rather than y^ here also : Out
of His right hand rays poured on us. The rays, in any case, are
rays of blessing on Israel. Compare the remarkable Egyptian
picture appended to this paper.
(•);r|i^), the translator's eye having wandered to V^Tp in the next
verse; cf. Job xxxvi, 14, D^U^Ipl = inri (h/^icXtvi' {\) an error due
to mispointing.
The next stanza too has suffered greatly in the course of transmis-
sion. We read :
^QiT lin nh^ Yea, He loved His people ;
^■^l VXl^lp T^^il ^^l His saifits He blessed ;
yr^yy^ Xj^TI Dni And they — they followed after Him ;
•^1^-^-y^ li.^D'^ 77/cj did journey on in His zvays.
In the first line *»* has 2^^, The Father, instead of f]t^, also. We
have followed G- tov \aod avrod = "j^J^, and prefixed •) to the next.
D*'t2V niight perhaps mean the clansmen, or tribal warriors {cf.
verse 19; and Judges v, 14); and VtlHp may be equivalent to
*liXt?~IpT2 (Isa. xiii, 3), His consecrated ones, i.e., His warriors. S.
has preserved the true reading "1"^^, instead of '7"T"^2, n,t the end
of line 2. The attempts to extract a reasonable sense out of lines
3 and 4, as they stand in the received text, are simply exegetical
curiosities. I^n is doubtless a corruption of some verb of motion,
such as is required by the context, and suggested by S. (,-»^>r^).
The extension of the predicate ^7^"17 {leg. yhXr?) almost implies
ISSn or 1271 {cf. Hab. iii, 5 ; i Sam. xxv, 42 ; Judges iv, 10; v, 15).
For the sing. ^^'Vl?'', parallelism demands a plur., which is actually
given by ** (l^^'C^l), T., S., J., A. The sense of the previous
line being. And they (Jahvah's people, or the tribal warriors) followed
in Thy (His) train, we might explain l^^ty after Gen. xxix, 1,
*T'^3'-1 :ipi;"i t^U?''1 , And Jacob lifted up his feet, stepped onward.
It is, however, simpler to restore IJ^D^, they journey or march on {cf.
Ex. xiv, 10); a term specially used of nomadic wanderings, like
those of Israel in the wilderness (Num. ix, 17-23). The scribal
confusion of D, tT, '^ found in l*s. iv, 7, HD^ for t^ll^i ; cf. also
120
April] PROCEEDINGS. [iSc^6.
V. 19 of the present chapter, where "^^DU? = '^-iTD =^ "^^C^i- As to
the o.Tra^ ^'^H'^'2.1t2 (G. f'TTo Twi' Xo'iwv uinov, with probably correct
suffix), 'I'^D'^ID, (V2TT3) '^ ''^'i easy correction, so far as concerns
the letters, and it satisfies the context. On the other hand, the
reference to the giving of the Law, which we find in the Versions,
anticipates the next stanza. The subject of this one is Jahvah's
leading His people through the wilderness (cf. Isa. Ixiii, 9-14).
The third stanza (vv. 4, 5) is in better preservation than the
previous verses :
nii?!2 IjT' TXS"! T\'y\r\ a Laio did Moses ordain for its, —
3.pi^^ 7'npT' nil?'^'!?^ All heirloom for the assembly of Jacob ;
\70 'J1"^U?''3. '^n'^T Attd a king was ffiade i?i Jeshiirun,
UV ''II^^"^ riDi^iim JVhen the heads of the people gathered, —
: ^^^■^1I>'' ''lOllI^ "ih"' ( IVhen) the tribes of Israel met to-
gether.
In the second line we might also read 2py^ n /npS 1I?"11^
{cf. Isa. xiv, 23), or ^pi?"" il^Hp ntl?"^!^- The Masoretic nt2^*^^^
'i?^ n /(Ip is out of construction. In the fifth line, parallelism
suggests the pointing of Ijl"^ as an infin., dependent on ^ repeated
from the preceding line. Cf. Gen. xlix, 6 for the verb in'' in con-
nexion with TTlp- ^Ve might even restore IJl^;}, supposing 3, to
have fallen out after the similar letter ^ ; but this is not necessary.
The above three stanzas constitute the prelude of the poem,
which presents an historical retrospect. In the first stanza Jahvah
comes from His eastern sanctuary (to call Israel out of Egypt ? cf. the
narratives of Ex. iii-iv; and Hos. xi, i) ; in the second, the people
follow their Divine Leader through the wilderness ; in the third,
Moses gives the Torah (at Sinai or Horeb) ; and lastly, after the
settlement in Canaan, a king is chosen by the chiefs of the tribes,
according to the prescription of the Law (Deut. xvii, 14 sq. — "TT^I
is consecutive to Hl!^)- The prelude, therefore, gives a rapid
sketch of the history of Israel from the E.\odus to the establishment
of the monarchy.
The blessings of the individual tribes follow. (The analogy of
the others makes one suspect that some such heading as il^^lT
121
Ai-KiL] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGV. [1S96.
I^lb^l^ "^^i^, And this /ic said of Reuben, or simply lllh^l^ '^^t^''\
And he said of Reuben, has been accidentally omitted.)
n^"* ^t^l l^li"^"^ TT' Let Reuben live on, let him not die
out !
J "IDD^ ^JlQ '^n'^'l Bui let him become a handful of me7i t
In M., the second line seems not quite correct in grammar ; and
the phrase "ICDD TlT^ (Gen. xxxiv, 30; Dent, iv, 27) favours
■^n^ here in place of VJlD, his men. The line interprets the
nn'^n T'i^ of (len. xlix, 4 as meaning Become not abundant or
numerous I Cf also Isa. x, 19. a» has the remarkable reading
nCD^ lili^Q 'TT'')) A/id let there be from him a number ! Cf.
G., nai emic Tro\v<i ci> tipiO)}/? ; and A., which repeats the negative of
the previous line. But as the tribe was only represented by a few
families in the historical period, it is probable that the view we have
taken is correct. Simeon is passed over altogether, because at the
time of the writer this tribe had become entirely absorbed by
Judah (cf Josh, xix, 1-9, with i Sam. xxvii, 6; xxx, 30; i Kings
xix, 3; and see Bleek-\Vellhausen, Einleitung, p. 119). G'^ drags
him in, by giving him the second line of Reuben's couplet : Koi
"I^h^^l nnn^^ ni^n Andtlusofjudah. He said:
7ry\rV ^1p T^'^TV V^^ Hear, Jahvah,Judah's cry,
■|-^^''ir\ l^i^ ^^^1 And to his people brino; him !
'h ni'''^ "[n"" With Thine hands strive for him,
: nTrn m:^^ -S\':;i'\ And a Help against his foes be Tlwuf
I^TT Tr\TV "T^l Bless, Jahvah, his valour,
\
rT!^"in 1^"!"' T'i^Q'l And his enterprise favour Thou !
V?^p □'^2ri^2 ^V\yi Crush the loins of his adversaries
\ ]lQ1p'' ]C 1''t<:i!^^'1 And his enemies, that they rise not
again !
Contrast the long blessing of Judah in Gen. xlix. Not Judah
but Joseph is the principal tribe in the present piece — a proof of
its northern origin. In the second line, as Graf was the first to
perceive, tlie author very naturally prays for the reunion of the great
122
April]
PROCEEDINGS,
[1S96.
southern tribe with " his people," the Ten Tribes who constituted
the mass of the Israelitish nation.
In the third hne, I now follow the emendation ^^"^ "["'"T"^ {^^^
Gesenius-Buhl^-). M. ^h 11 V"!'', TJ7f/i his hands he strove for
himself (not for it, which would be VT'i^ or TVhl^-, Gen. xxvi, 2 1 )
violates the parallelism.
Kohler's opinion that v. 1 1, now attached to the blessing of Levi,
really belongs to that of Judah, seems very probable . h quatrain
is too short measure for the actual importance of the latter tribe at
all periods of Hebrew history. Besides, the verse does not agree
with what is otherwise known about Levi ; while it forms an
excellent sequel to v. 7. Accidental transpositions are by no means
unknown in the existing text of the Old Testament.
It is needless to read "'ip^ with am^ and the Versions ((/.
Ps. iii, 8), but we substitute iQ for the isolated 1^2 with imperf.
(*v> actually replaces pt^liT p by i:^*'p'' "i^, from Gen. xlix, 9).
And of Levi he said — according to M., something which is
neither clear in sense, nor correct in poetical form, however possible
from the point of view of mere grammar. We propose to read : —
7^iDn u>^«^ ^mb^"i
7^sb^^ rr^iiDp in^'U?''
Grant unto Levi Thy Tiinunini,
And Thy Uriin to Thy beloved^
Whom Thou didst try at Massah,
Tor tt'hom Thou strovest by the
2vaters of Me rib ah :
Who said of his father, ' L have not
seen him ! '
And his brethren he disowned.
For they have kept Thy command,
And Thy covenant they observe ;
They teach Jacob Thy laius,
And Lsrael Thy tor ah ;
They set on the incense before Thee,
Aftd the holocaust upon Thine altar.
123
April] SOCIF.TY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/l'IOLOGY. [1896.
The correction of Stanza I is based on G., which has AoVc Acue}
CtjXov^- aVToi' I Kal a\7]6ei(ii> ainov ric (ire/)} 71? uat'u'. The □"^'^li*^ and
□"'T^n ^i^Q possibly the afifirmative and negative answers obtained by
the priestly lot-throwing ; ni^ being connected with the Assyrian
root ^"'i^, whence come 7irfu, tcrtu, scndifig, message, bidding, oracle,
or perhaps rather with 'n^i*^ (weakened to "^1^^), to bid, while D'^^D
may mean prohibitions, lit. endings, from D^jlj to come to an end
(Gen. xlvii, 18). Then, by a natural association, these terms came
to denote the two lots themselves. The change of ^TDH into
"|''~TDn yields a more natural construction.
In Stanza II we have rejected lO^^T'l, (Tid of his mother, as a
marginal gloss which spoils the rhythm, not to mention that it ill
accords with the suffix in Vil'^i^l- 'I'he term *T^^^1, and of thy
mother, is similarly inserted by ***■, G. in Gen. xlix, 26. We have
also omitted the line J?T ^^7 V21 n^^l; And his sons he kneiu not.
The fact of the other two stanzas being quatrains, is some slight
presumption that the second was such also. Otherwise (and this,
after all, is perhaps preferable) we might restore the Masoretic text
of the verse somewhat thus : —
i^in "^li^ i^^ Vli^^ 1?2^n ^Vho said of his father, 'He is not
my fatJier l'
T\^T^\^ b^T* l^^bl And of his 7nother, 'I have not seen
her r
T^jPf ^7 Vnt^ n^^l And his brethren he 07vned not ;
i^n^ ^^7 1'^23, ni^l A)id his sons he regarded ?iot.
^il'^^b^ n^l!? ^:] For they have kept Thy command,
\ yyiy^ 'rn^li.l And Thy covenant they observe.
That adhesion to a Levitical or priestly guild involved, as we
should say, renouncing the world, was natural enough. The ties of
clan and kindred no longer existed for the man who was consecrated
to Jahvah's service {cf i Sam. i, 11, 22, 24, sqq. : ii, 18). This
disregard of the claims of blood and friendship is illustrated by the
story of Exod. xxxii (see especially, vv. 26-29), which belongs to the
IClohistic or Ephraimitic section of the Hexatcuch. Cf. also Luke
xiv, 26.
In Stanza III, 1. 3, we restore ^"^D^^7, before Thee (i Sam. xxv,
124
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PROCEEDINGS.
[1896.
23), for "TQb^l, in Thy nostril. G., S., J., read IDt^^, and render
in Thine anger, doubtless a reminiscence of Num. xvi, 46, sqg. : but
T. has "[^"Tp and A. uJ^-'A.; .a.', I'efore Thee.
■1
And of Benjamin he said {leg. *^y^'y, with ***-, G., S., J., A.,
prefixing ^ as in all the other cases) :
niDlT' ]31i^'' niri'' I'^l'' JalivaKs beloved shall divell secure :
□"ITI 73 'v^V flDH die overshado7veth him all the day
(i.e., ahvay) ;
: \y^ VQH^ J''!'! And betwixt his shoulders hath His
dwelling.
We have omitted V^i^ ^t the end of line i, with *^, G., S.
It spoils both sense and rhythm, and is merely an accidental
anticipation of the same term in the next line. The metre, which
is the usual hexasyllabic, or perhaps rather triaccentual rhythm, may
l)e further improved by restoring Ht^H (Prov. i, t,t,) and DV without
the article (Ps. cxl, 3). With the metai)horical P]2n, (/• the use of
nSn in Isa. iv, 5. The phrase (1. 3) VCDiD ^2 (= upon his
back, I Sam. xvii, 6) refers to the Temple-site on Mount Zion ;
nri3 denoting hill-side or slope (Josh, xv, 8, 10) : ef. Q^U^,
shoulder, in Gen. xlviii, 22.
The oracle about Joseph is mainly a paraphrastic adaptation of
the easier half of the older utterance (Gen. xlix, 25, 26), only the
closing stanza being entirely original.
■^Qt^ flDv'?') And of Joseph he said :
^T\'i^ niH"' r\5"ll^ Blessed of Jahvah be his land
With the bounty of heaven above,
hv^^ D^'^ii^ i:i^?2
nnn niJi^ Dinn -rrir^r^i
Dip mn n^ur^n^i
And with the bounty of the deep that
coucheth beneath,
And with the bounteous harvests of
the sun,
And 7t'ith the bounteous increase of
the 7noons ;
And 7i'ith the choicest yield of the
ancient inouiitains,
125
April] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1896.
nh^y mi^n:! "1:1^^*1 ^"'^ "^vHh tin bounty of the eternal
hills ;
ni^^^l Y"l^^ ^yCliy\ ^"^ "^i^ilh Hie bounty of earth and
her fulness,
H-D '^I'Zi^ T\T\'\ And the goodivill of Him who haunted
the Bush ;
flDV tl^^^"!/ ri-b^in ^^^ (^^0 ^"'"'^ ^^ Hie head of Joseph,
\ T'Xy^ 1"^T- "Tplp/I "^'id to the cro^vn of the hated oj
his brothers !
'h nin -yyo lira
v:-ip D«i •'i'^p"!
Qnct«5 mnii dn)
He is stately as the firstling of an ox,
And the hor^is of the wild-ox are his ;
IVith them let him butt the peoples,
And thrust them to the ends of earth !
{They are Ephraini's myriads,
Yea, they are Manasselfs thousands.)
In 1. I G. t7r' [leg. (itt" with G^'') elXo^iuf^, pointing n3l3.*2
rather unintelhgently. In Hne 2 n-n-o w p w i> oi'pai'or kui rpdaoo,
perhaps reading 1^^, season, for the Aramaism *i:i^, i'///, boon, fruit
<so also in 11. 4, 8 ; r/ Num. ix, 2, Ka& H^av = ^ly^T^^,)- We read
bv^72 for 7tO!^ of M. and G., which spoils the antithesis with
Jinn, 1. 3 : see Gen. xlix, 25. In 1. 3 M. has Dinn^l ; but ef
the preceding and following lines (also (xen. xlix, 25). The bold
personification of Dllin (Babylonian Tiamat) as couchant, like a
beast of prey, under the earth, is misunderstood by G., which has :
Kiu uTTo uftv(7(rwi> TTijywi' KHTwOcif. Posslbly Tnjyici' rcprcsents a bad
guess ni*n!2 {= D^y:ir2) for Ji::!!'^ : but it may be only a para-
phrase, like UTTO avvocwi' jLD/i'wi', And fro)u conjunctions of montJis, i.e.,
perhaps the monthly conjunctions of the sun and moon, 1. 5. Of
course, parallelism requires a meaning for U?"^^ corresponding to
that of Jl^l^n in the former line. According to Barth, the root
U?"1^ = ^-^ which is used of the dawn going forth ; 12?'^^ therefore
is 7vhat springs forth ; cf. j^^ , herbs or leguminous plants (f the
126
April] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
autumn and spring : see Lane. Q'^ni^ XI^^^ will thus be mojithly
growth or produce, probably of the pastures, as '^lyO T\\i^'2.T\ are
the annualcrops or harvest of cereals. But the entire couplet is
strange, as an interpretation of the single line nrfm D^"Ttt^ n^'^H,
Blessings (i.e. gifts) of the breasts and womb, Gen. xlix, 25. Considering
that QTI"^^— anciently written Oni^ — closely resembles Qn"Tl, and
that a half-effaced Q^TIl? might have suggested lIT^tl^, it seems
likely that the poet's MS. of his model was imperfect at this point,
and that he had to guess at the text of Gen. xlix, much as we
have to do in dealing with his own piece.
The only way of escaping this assumption is to suppose that the
Xy"C^^ ^\'^^^'^ln And the □TT^'' Uri:i denote births {cf. Gen. xviii, 10,
n^n ni^3) ; but this is unlikely in face of the ordinary use of
As regards the next couplet, the model passage (Gen. xlix, 26")
has n^n^, blessings {i.e., gifts, Gen. xxxiii, 11), where the imitation
has 1I^^^"1 ; and the former has ill^il (n^b^ri ?) things desired
{cf. Gen. iii, 6), where the latter has 1^^^ largess, boon, or bounty.
But everywhere else in the present passage 1^?2 is the equivalent of
ri3n3,. It thus appears (i) that the parallel terms of the original
are transposed in the copy; (2) that ri3"^2, which was assumed to
be corrupted from DT^^ in my paper on Gen. xlix, probably stood
in the MS. which lay before the later poet ; (3) that if mt^il was
really parallel to jH^ll in the original text of Gen. xlix, it must,
after all, have meant objects of desire, prizes, and not peaks, hill-tops ;
and (4) that Xl^h^'^ in the present passage should probably be
rr^ll^i^^, best products, prime yield (cf. Assyr. risitu, said of wine,
dates, etc.). However, D'^nn 12?^^*^ might be either the highest or
the chief of the mountains (Isa. ii, 2); and our couplet may once
have run
mp nnn Xr>«^^1 A>id with the highest of the ancient
mountains,
37li; nii^n:i ahrD^l And with the loftiest of the eternal
hills ;
The fertile hills of Ephraim being considered a special "blessing"
or gift from God to the country, as they were at once its glory and
Its defence. G. has uirh KOjw^^>i in both lines ; which suggests
127 K
A.i'RiL] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^iOLOGV. [1S96.
l'Pl'P72i instead of "t:i^^ as the parallel to IZ^b^ll^ : cf. the
Talmudic phrase "^nir^ h^tl^ M^^p^ i^^UT, ^o/io cometh from the
top of the wilderness.
There is no counterpart to the next couplet in Gen. xlix,
25, 26.
In 1. 10, M. nn^^1D,n seems to be an error of transcription for
nZ^liri- The model passage, Gen. xlix, 26, with which this
otherwise agrees word for word, has 'I'^'^nrij which is synomymous.
So G. eXOoiaav. Barth has ingeniously argued for a root ^^^jH =
Assyr. ///w, and considers nn^^lin ^ perf. 3 fem. sing., like
nr\t^7Q3, 2 Sam. i, 26. But the evidence of G., T., S., J.
and the parallel passage is against a perf. ; and both here and in
I Sam. XXV, 34; Job xxii, 21, the forms are plainly corrupt. (May
not the anomalous nHi^inri be due to amalgamation of 't^liri
with a marginal 'njl, that is, il-"''^!!]! ? Possibly only t^liri, let it
cfliJie, originally stood here.)
In M., the first line of the concluding stanza runs : TlIU^ m^l
17 "nn, The firstlifig of his ox hath stateliness ; but this does
not suit the context, which requires a reference to Joseph himself:
see the parallel stichus, And the horns of a wild ox are his. *>* "S^^,
omitting the suffix ; and so G., Tr/iwToroko'-; -ravpov to a:«/\Xov avroi'y
The firstling of a hull— such is his beauty I S., J., also rightly omit
the suffix.
In M., the next couplet appears thus : 'Sr\T^ XMT* D'^T^i^ DHZl
Vli^ "'DOt^ ^Vitli than he butteth the peoples together — the ends of the
earth ; which is incoherent as well as unmetrical. The corruption is
older than G. ; but rhythm and sense are easily restored by reading
nni"', or rather JlTI, and taking in "TJ^ from G. (ea-*.- tV uKpov 779),
T., S., J. NVith the sense, cf. Zedekiah's prophecy to Ahab
before the battle of Ramoth-Gilead (i Kings xxii, 1 1) : "With these
(iron horns) shalt thou butt the Syrians."
lliey (i.e., the horns) are Ephraini's myriads,
And they are Manasselfs thousands.
This explanatory distich may be an early interpolation. It
certainly weakens the effect of the spirited lines which precede it
(M., Dill in 1. I : but '^ G., S., J., DH rightly, no doubt).
128
April] I'ROCEEDINGS. [1896.
1t2t^ ]^")1^^') And of Zeluiliin he said:
'VTSi^l^ 'I7IIT nDtl^ Rejoice, O Zebulun, in thy galleys^
T^TTTi^D, ^Dtl^tl?'"^') ■^'^'^ Issachar in thy tents !
1i^"lD Tyyr\ D"^7;2V "^^^^ dans to the mountain call ye ;
T^^l "^riD.T in^.t'^ D\I^ There let them offer duteous offerings /
IM"''^ D''?^'^ yDXfc^ '^!D F<-^^ they suck the abundance of the sea y
vin "^^IT^IS 1!^?;2'^T ^//rf' drain the treasures of the shore.
In 1. I the received reading is T|rii^!i^ , /-'-' Thy goijig forth ;
which might refer either to warHke expeditions (i Sam. viii, 20;
Amos V, 3), or to trading voyages by sea. The parallel passage in
Gen. xlix, 13 suggests the latter sense. It also suggests the change
in the points which we have adopted. Ships are evidently a better
contrast to tents than an abstract term like going forth. It is true
that n«l* (for ni'';? = a^^!^, Isa. xxxiii, 21; Dan. xi, 30)—^
"rni*^^!^!, in one MS. of *»* — adds another to the isolated expres-
sions of the poem ; but that is hardly an insuperable objection. If
it be felt so, we may restore '7"'"'!J!I1, or even the term used in Gen.
xlix, 13, 'T\n''2^^!2- The imitation or paraphrase of the older
passage is evident also in the closing couplet (Q''?^'' and "''in =
?|in) ; a.s well as in the contrast between Zebulun's seafaring
activity and the preference of his fellow-tribe for a home-life of quiet
ease (Gen. xxv, 27, D'^^nt^ 11L*'', of Jacob). Issachar's inertia is.
not, however, made a reproach as in the more ancient poem.
In 1. 3 we have substituted ^^^"Ip "^lO ^'^^ M. I^^'^pi "1^7 .
Though the change is not absolutely necessary, it seems to improve the
sense. The holy hill, whither the two neighbour-tribes repair to worship,
is not Zion, as T. naturally understands, but probably Carmel by the
sea, where Elijah offered his memorable sacrifice {cf the next couplet),
or else Tabor. G. tOvrj c^oXeepcvaovaiv — y^^'y'^ C^^i^; which,
shows that TVyn was not understood. ^ too reads I'^H ; doubtless
because H n,nd "^ are often confused in the old writing.
In my paper on Gen. xlix, I showed that the last line may refer
partly to the wealth gained by dealing in the famous purple dye of
the Phoenician shore, and noted an undesigned coincidence in the
name of the leading clan of Issachar, viz. J?7')n (Gen. xlvi, 13),
which is the word for the purple fish, and purple robes (Isa. i, 18 ;.
129 K 2
April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1896.
Lam. iv, 5). But the Hebrew of M., h^Tl ^2^^l2 ^2^^^, is not
quite satisfactory. The «V. X67. ^2^'^ seems to he explained by the
commoner ^21DtO ; but what we really desiderate is a verb parallel
to IpZ^'^- IDDII^^j ^«^ shall pour out or heap up, resembles '^2D\2?1 ;
but "1!^^'^1, a)id press out, drink dry, agrees better with the context.
(G., Vf/J efi'n-ofJia —(i/jd\toi' kutoikovvtioi' = ?) iH "'^^t!) ^jl^tO") ; cf. Gen.
xlix, 13, ZajiovXicv —(t/)a\iov icaroiictjaii . Thus G. Understood a
reference to maritime trade in our passage.)
-]^ n^ni?:!) "Tl"^^ ^A'.f^^^ l^e He 7vho broadeneth the
bounds of Gad !
pli!^ t^'^D, v'iS ^^^^ ^^^^ lioness he settled down ;
1T)1'0 7\^ 3)TTf r]"^I5 ff^ mangled arm and head.
"h y^t^ n"''C>b^"1 ^^"1"'') Atid he chose him the first-fruits of
the land ;
ppp^ npTTf U^ ''D ^^f" there zvas the leader's lot.
iDi^n ll^i*^'^! t^rr^T And he came as the people's head :
X^'^V nin'^ nbl!^ JahvalCs righteous acts he 7vrought,
: bt^")117'' i2V 1"'I;3DU;'?31 And His judgments with Israel.
Cf. The half-poetical fragment about the Gadite warriors who
joined David at Ziklag, i Chron. xii, 8 : Dn^:i: H^^^^ ^rCl
■^rr^^ □''"inn 'ri-* □"^^IllOl, Their looks zvere those of the lion,
And like deer on the hills zvere they for speed ; as also what is said of
judah, Gen. xlix, 9.
In 1. 2 we have pointed i^'^i~'D, to the advantage of the rhythm.
In 1. 3, ^ reads V^^ instead of ?]'^t^^, and so, apparently,
G. {nvvTpiy^iis). Cf. Driver, Tenses, chap, ix, The Perfect ivith
Weak Wa7v.
The next lines appear thus in M. and G. respectively :
TiM^y mn'' npi!* /^iK<iii>nvvip' kv/>iov c~t>itj(Tti>
130
April] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
The redundancy of the rhythm brings suspicion on the second
hne ; and, apart from the question of rhythm, no translation that
can be suggested commends itself to an unfettered judgment. The
notion of the Targums and Rashi, accepted by Ewald and Diestel,
that pDD pipr\12 is ^/le /u'dden (i.e. buried) Lazi{s;iver, meaning
Moses (Deut. xxxiv, 6), is very surprising in the context, and utterly
preposterous on the supposition that the words are spoken by Moses
himself. The rendering in Gesenius-Buhl 12 ; Er sah dass dori
ein Fiihrerteil aufbewahrt sei, He saw that a leader's portion 7C'as
tliere reserved, ignores the division of the stichi. Both take
pDD {pannelled ; i Kings, vii, 7 ; Hag. i, 4) as equivalent to
pD!J- There can be no question whatever that M. is unsound.
The second line of G. seems to imply V^^^ npyPf QII^ ^^
DppnO ; i^nd as Jl"'1fc?i^*1 requires a defining genitive, we transfer
Vni^ to 1. I ; thus getting the more satisfactory distich —
And he chose him the first-fruits of the land,
For there was the leader's lot.
The historical allusion is to the circumstance related in Num.
xxxii ; Deut. iii, 12, etc. The bene Gad chose the land on the east
of Jordan, which, as the first to be conquered, might be called the
first-fruits of the whole country ; and the tribe had a right to this
first choice, as having been foremost in the strife, according to the
character ascribed to its warriors, i Chron. xii, 8 {cf also the
episode, i Chron. v, 19-22).
The third line in G. — avv^'i^itmcv '/ijnd apxvi'^^'^ \au'i' — possibl}'
indicates the Hebrew (D'')r2V ^U^t^l {Qy) pDDt^il^l ; (f- v. 5'',
supra, where Q^? ''\^''^^1 ?lD^?nn3,is rendered a-virnxOci'Twi' apxoi^Twi'
\au)v. Thus G. will have either read or conjectured pCD^^n'^'l
for the meaningless i^n"^1 pDD of M., as another member of this
Society, Dr. Hayman, has pointed out in a paper which I have not
had the good fortune to see. Perhaps, however, what the version
of G. really presupposes is rather Q^ '^1I?h5") Di^ ?]D^^nni, the
p of p2D being a vestige of the D of the particle DJ7. In that
case, the line certainly resembles an interpolation, based on v. 5''.
At all events, it does not well cohere with what precedes and follows
it, whichever correction we adopt. But if we reject pDD ( = tlQlJ)
as a gloss on Q'C?, which was misread by the glossator Qt,"' or QtT,
131
April] SOCIETY OF 15IBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1896.
laid up, and restore U^^^niH in place of ^^i^H, we at least get a
sense which agrees with the context and with the history ; for the
tribe of Oad, after having demanded for its own territory the first-
fruits of concjuest (which was the leader's natural domain for the
further reason that it was exposed to the brunt of hostile attack from
without, as being the borderland),
. . lurought JahvaJi's righteous deeds,
And His decrees with Israel :
that is to say, like Dan according to the parallel passage, (len. xlix,
16, Gad was a champion of Israel's rights, which he nobly vindicated
against the national enemies. This he did in the first instance, by
passing over the Jordan at the head of the other tribes to the
conquest of Canaan (Num. xxxii, 17, sqq., and parallel passages.
For ]ip"!!J rather than n)2"T!J) see Judges v, 11). The construction
ir^«^n t^n^l (DVn, ^; D^r^V, "the dans," or "tribes"? G.) is
like ^^11'' p;ra, Isa. xl, 10 ; cf. also Ex. vi, 3.
n^^^ ]1^"1 A?id of Dan he said :
rT'li^ "11^ ]1 Dan is the lion's ivhelp :
lli^nn 10 p2P Making his spring from Bashan.
In the first line, what the older poet had said of Judah is said
of Dan. In the second, as I pointed out before, reference is
made to Laish, the northern settlement of the tribe ; and as laish
is one of the Hebrew terms for lion (Job iv, 11), there seems to be
an allusion to the local name ; an allusion which would prove, if
proof were otherwise wanting, that the distich cannot have been
written before the conquest of Laish by the Danites (Judges xviii).
^ G. read p:n in 1. 2.
"1^^ ''^nC-'?! And of Naphtali he said:
p!il i^llt^ "^TiliDi Naphtali, be sated with favour,
T\"\TV^ rCiy^. i^^^l And be full of Jahvah's blessing!
(: ';y'")'»"i ai")"!"! D'') (^^^^ ^'^^^ ^"^ ^^^^ ^^^^^^^ (^/'O ^'^
shall possess.)
The general sense of the utterance corresponds with that of
Naphtali's distich in (ien. xlix. The third line seems to be an
132
April] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
early interpolation, like the one in Gen. xlix, 13. It is a somewhat
prosaic geographical determination, and as such unique in the
entire poem. The lake is, of course, Cinneroth or Gennesaret
{cf. Josh, xix, 34 ; i Kings xv, 20), as T. renders ("^Dli''^ D"*)-
In 1. 3 'C^'l'''' is the reading of ^, as also of G., S., T., J. The
received Heb. text is HU^T, possess thou ! but the precative form
of the imperative seems inappropriate here.
In 1. I, G. rather absurdly pronounced V5^ -irX^af.ioin], instead
of i^lto, which might be either an imperative, or stat. constr. of
the verbal adj. ^i^ ■ In 1. 2, M. points i^S?^, but t^^^ imperat.
seems preferable. A. has imperat. in all three lines.
"^l^i^ "Ili^^7l And of Asher he said :
'^'^ Q^J^^ TT^^ Most blessed of sons be Asher !
Vni^ '''1!^"^ Tl'' Let him be the favoured of his
brothers !
\'hT\ p^n Tntp"! And let him dip his foot in oil!
The verse turns on the idea that "lU^^^ means the Happy, Fortunate^
MaKapto^ ; cf. Leah's utterance at his birth (Gen. xxx, 13), and
Jacob's (Gen. xlix, 20), with which this opening triplet agrees in
sense.
G. renders 1. 2 : Ka< ea-rai BeKjo^ Toh aoeA0o?¥ ainov, and similarly
S., T., J. ; cf Esth. X, 3, where Mordecai is said to have been
THi^ ^1 / '^1!^'^, popular with the mass of his brethren.
In 1. 3 we point 73,131 instead of 7l't£)1 • G. ^a^^i suggests
7215"'. For the sense, we may recall what is said of Judah in
Gen. xlix. :
He shall tether his ass colt to the vine . . .
He shall wash his apparel in wine.
As the fruit of the vine in Judah, so the yield of the olive in Asher
is to be so plenteous that it may be used for the commonest
purposes, such as bathing the feet, or perhaps trodden under foot as
a thing of no account. Most likely, however, the reference is simply
to the soil itself, which is so rich that to walk on it is like wading
in oil {cf Deut. xxxii, 13; Job xxix, 6). The term t)T\ suggests
April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1896.
an allusion to ■^'H*^ sfcj^, and thus another possible play on the
name "lU^^^.
The next couplet (v. 25) is very obscure, owing to corruption
of the text. M. runs : —
^bi^^O rrC^nil T'f^l iron and bronze thy \\\\x\i\\
• ^^3,"^ ■T^?2'^3'l -^''d as thy days thy dobe.
Neither mi}idl nor dbhc occurs elsewhere. G. (to vTrdfij/na uinod)
S. (;,*l£Qk>), J. {^calceavientuvi ejus), connect 7i^2^ with h^2,sanda/.
But iron and bronze are more usually spoken of in connection with
bars and doors {e.g., Ps. cvii, 16 ; Isa. xlv, 2) ; and it is easy to read
^"•^^2^, ^/(y ^^^^'-s", or V^P^P, hts bolts (Cant, v, 5 ; Nch. iii, 3-6).
This is supported by A. (lI^^aJU,*, thy locks) and by ^ (f^pi^JQ,
thy bars). The next line must correspond, even at the sacrifice of
the beautiful but not parallel sentiment, A7id as thy days so shall thy
strength be, which we find in G., S. (and practically in A., T.)-
These Versions took ^i^^LT to mean thy strength, perhaps reading
or guessing ^TJ^D- J., Sicut dies juventutis tuae, ita et senectiis tua,
seems to depend on T. "[Dpil "[niT^'^IJ^ ''?2V:]') , And as the
days of thy youth thy strcngtii {shall be); *77)^2?2< in the former
line, having suggested 'T'^'^J^^^, from thy youth, to the Targumist.
^53,1 has no discoverable kindred in the cognate languages,
unless we may compare the Assyrian ^1^ ]^T\ ^*~ dibbu, a
synonym of daltii"\ "door" (2 R., xxiii, 3, cd.). But the reading
of MA is '7'^Iin, an easy corruption of "T'^H, thy bars (Job xvii, 16).
Iro9i and brofize thy bolts | And .... thy bars : what is to take the
place of ■7''?2''D ? In default of anything better, we suggest '^^?2'C*2
(Jer. xvii, i ; Ezek. iii, 9), and read :
vhv^T^ nil^n^l h'^'y'2. iron and bronze be his bolts,
• "^l-y^, "^^?2U?'21 -^'^^ ^^^'^ adamant his bars !
For the second line, other possible emendations occur, e.g.y
'^\^ Vn"5:n, And ins bars eternal {cf.^wm. xxiv, 21, '"^nU^ID ]n''t^ ;
Neh. iii, 3, Trfll") V^li^I^)- Whatever be thought of either of
these two suggestions, the context and general usage demand some
such sense, which is appropriate also to Asher's position, reaching
134
April]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1896.
northwards to the very gates of the land of Israel, of which the
tribe might very naturally be conceived as warder.
We have come to the concluding strophe ; a spirited address to
Israel, felicitating the nation on its prosperity and security through
the favour of Jahvah.
Dip ^nhvi hvr2r2
There is 7ione like El, O Jeshiiritn !
Who rideth heaven as thy Helper,
And the clouds as thine Exalter.
tz^i'i^n'i ]:n ph^ Sir
10
Above was the God of old.
And beneath were the Arms eternal :
He drove out the foe before thee,
He bade {thee) 'Destroy ."
So Israel divelt secu?'e —
Alone the folk of Jacob ;
In a land of corn and wine —
Yea, the heavens drop de7v.
O happy ! zvho is thy peer ?
Thou people saved by Jahvah,
Who is the Shield of thine help.
And the Sivord of thine exaltation ;
So that thy foes fnt'fi upon thee,
And thou — thou walkest on their
highplaces.
imply the pointing i^^/ (^^'^'^ ^^'^
God of Jeshnrun ; cf, Ps. xxix, 3 ; xciv, i) ; but the sequel favours M.
In 1. 3 we read ^nit^^!! instead of imb?^!!, as the parallelism
seems to demand; cf. lines 14, 15, where "Wy and Hli^^ are again
parallel terms. In 1. 4, 7i??2 or rather ~>'^12'i2, above, must be
restored in place of n^i^Q, dwelling, haunt (of God; Ps. Ixxvi, 3),
lair (of wild beasts ; Amos iii, 4), as the parallel expression Jinjnt^
indicates (7ir?2^ should also be read for 7i?^, Gen. xxvii, 39;
xlix, 25 ; see Gesenius Buhl^", p. 574). Cf. J. : Habifaculuni ejjis
135
iri'imrDn Si; nns^i
In 1. I, G., J., S., T., A.
April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGY. [1896.
sursum. Et subter brachia sempiterna ; which shows that the need
of the antithetical term was felt. G., kiu aKn-aaci o-f, apparently
guessing pi^^ from p^», in the sense of ovcrshadoiving with clouds.
Kuenen's
A place of refuge is the God of old,
Aud the stretching out of the eternal arms.
(pointing jinnp, from nn^, ausspannen, Lsa. xl, 22) is ingenious
but not convincing- With the phrase D71i? Pi^lt, cf. Gen. xlix, 24,
^^"I'C?^ "y^V ""i^^T^, By the arms of the Helper of Israel.
In 1. 9, Q^;, people, for *^)^ •, fountain, is an easy and natural
correction, as in several other O.T. passages. TT2. is joined with
ni52 as in Ps. iv, 9. In 1. 10, M., 7^^ for 73^ ; a common clerical
error. G. has e-/ ^yv^ transferred to the ])receding line.
In 1. 1 1 we substitute D'^':2tZ^ for T^^^'iJJ^, his heavens, which is
unique ; although "["^^21^*, thy heavens, occurs Deut. xxviii, 23, and
elsewhere, and ^ has it here.
As it stands in M, the final hexastich is defective, both metrically
and in point of grammatical construction. We have omitted
7^^'TC?'' after '-^nU.''i^ as an interpolation. ^ has i?U?"i:n for i?"lZ?"i: ;
and in the last line, Qntll for I^TilQ!!- In M., 1. 15 begins
2.'^n TC^^^I ; but as the preceding line is too short, we have
transferred the relative particle "^117^^ (pronounced ir) to that
place. Robertson Smith rendered lines 14, 15 "Whose help is
the shield, whose pride is the sword" {Prophets, p. 119); but </
lines 2, 3; Ps. xxxiii, 20 ; cxv, 9, 10, 11. In 1. 16 M. points
Vkl^TO"^") ; and perhaps Ps. xviii, 45 ; Ixvi, 3, &c., should be pointed
so, rather than as Pi'el {cf 2 Sam. xxii, 45, Hithpa el). In the last
line G. may be right with c~\ tov ipayrff^ov uh-rihv = Qh^ll!^ 7i?,
giving the sense, And thou — thou treadest on their neck (Josh, x, 24) :
yet cf. Deut. xxxii, 13; Hab. iii, 19.
It is evident that this ancient poem, which we have now examined
with some care, neither has nor makes any claim to be the work of
Moses. We may go further, and say that the anonymous author,
so far from personating Moses, as he might have done without
reproach, had he chosen to make the great Lawgiver the mouth-
piece of his sentiments, plainly refers to Moses (v. 4) as a hero of
136
April]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1896.
the far-off past, in the brief retrospect of Israel's history which
forms the prelude to his poem. No secret is made of the fact that
the writer lived at a period later than that of the Judges (v. 22 ; cf.
Judg. xviii) ; later than that of the first institution of the monarchy
(v. 5) ; later than the building of the Temple at Jerusalem (v. 12) :
later even than the division of the kingdom (v. 7). In contrast with
Gen. xlix, Joseph, not Judah, is here the predominant figure, a fact
which indicates that the author belonged to the kingdom of the
Ten Tribes. This is further confirmed by the occasional Aramaisms
of the piece, as also by the aspiration for the reunion of Judah
with Israel (v. 7). The Temple of Jerusalem, though mentioned with
special distinction (v. 12), is not the only lawful place of sacrificial
worship. The tribes of Zebulun and Issachar have their own holy
mountain, where they offer grateful dues to Jahvah (v. 19). The
poet everywhere evinces an enthusiastic confidence in Jahvah's
protection of His people ; and is wholly unconscious of any national
disloyalty to the national God. His utterances thus stand in
conspicuous contrast to those of the poet of ch. xxxii, and to those of
the great prophets of Judah. He probably lived in the prosperous
times of Jeroboam II, in the first half of the eighth century b.c.
What is said of Judah, v. 7 [v. 11], need not at all imply that the
fortunes of the tribe were at a low ebb, but rather that it was
engaged in vigorous warfare (see 2 Chron. xxvi and xxvii), upon
which the northern poet looked with a friendly eye and good wishes
for the success of a kindred people.
'37
Ai'RiL] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1896.
SOME REMARKS ON THE SEPULCHRAL FIGURES
USUALLY CALLED USHABTL
By E. TowRV Whyte, M.A., F.S.A.
The word i/s/ia/ifi, which is translated as meaning "Respondant'"(?),
or the one who answers, is generally applied to the small figures of
mumnn'es found in the tombs, either placed in wooden boxes or
merely laid on the floor. Sometimes they were placed inside the
sarcophagus or coffin, and in the tomb of Horuta, a priest of the
XXVIth dynasty, found by Dr. Petrie, there were 399 built up in rows
in the wall ; but this method of depositing them is unusual, if not
unicjue. They are frequently found in great numbers all together, as
for instance nearly 700 were found in the tomb of Seti I ; many of
them inscribed with his name and titles. The wealthy classes nearly
always had a large number deposited with them in their tombs, and
even the every poorest managed usually to get some buried with
them. As might be expected, the iishahti exhibit great variety of
manufacture : those for the wealthy being often beautifully finished
and decorated; whilst those for the lower class are frecjuently almost
shapeless lumps of clay or wood. They are found both with and
without inscriptions. Sometimes the inscribed and uninscribed are
found together. When inscribed, it is sometimes merely with the
name and titles of the deceased, sometimes adding his or her
mother's name — seldom the father's name — and when so done only in
late times. Others have in addition to the name and titles a full or
more or less abbreviated version of the 6th chapter of the "Ritual of
the Dead." They are also found with a blank space which has been
left for the name but never filled in. The inscriptions are in hierogly-
phics, hieratic, and demotic, this last being of very late date. A word
T^T^T Vn 1 ^\ \ I shalm is found in the early texts of the 6th
chapter, and Profes or I\L^riette in his " Catalogue d'Abydos,'' p. 4^,
138
April] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
gives a Vlth dynasty f 3rm of this chapter. Although the word is not
the same as the later v^ 1 w 1 1 ( 1 iishabti, it seems to refer to
.something allied to the funeral figures ; but from the absence of any of
these mummy shaped figures at that early date, it would almost seem
that it must have had some other meaning, and a question has arise in
my mind as to whether it is altogether certain that the figures are the
?<j7m/^// or respondants; but the term is almost universally accepted
and applied to such figures, and is moreover a convenient method of
alluding to them. These ushabti are supposed to do the work
allotted to the deceased in the lower world ; in fact they are practi-
cally his servants or substitutes, and if this is so, it looks very like a
survival of an ancient tradition of the times when the slaves were
sacrificed to accompany their masters to the underworld. I venture
to make this statement with considerable hesitation, as I know that
such an eminent authority as Mr. l,e Page Renouf holds that there
is no trace of such a custom amongst the ancient Egyptians; also the
lack of such figures in the earlier burials is a very strong point
against its being a survival. May they occupy a dual position,* or
can they have had any connection with the burial rites of " The New
Race " of Dr. Petrie ?
Ushabtis are found made in stone — granite, steatite, both glazed
and unglazed limestone, and alabaster; the latter belong mostly to the
XXth dynasty, though XVIIIth and XlXth dynasty ones exist: in
wood — accacia, sycamore and ebony : in porcelain (so called), and
terracotta, also in wax ; none have been found in metal.
The earliest known may perhaps be of the Xlth dynasty, but this
is doubtful. The early ones are made of granite, wood or limestone,
the latter being the commonest ; clay ones do not seem to have been
made before the end of the XVIIIth dynasty. The early ones
generally have the hands crossed over the breasts, sometimes covered
over with bandages ; they do not hold anything in their hands as
those of the later times do ; they have the name and titles of the
deceased usually inscribed in a vertical column down the front ;
and sometimes in the Xlllth dynasty a scarab with outspread
wings is inscribed on the breast. These early ushabti are not
* Mr. Renouf informs me that the statuettes represent not slaves (as lias been
suggested), Ijut the departed vvorlhy, as is proved by the inscription "l r| ^ , yV.
AAAAAA _LI 2J.
this is the Osiris A''., for such is the meaning of ihe words, not Says tJic Osiris.''^
139
Apkii.] society of BIBLICAL AKCI I/LOLOGV. [1896.
common : as far as 1 know no X\'th (.^r XVIth dynasty iisliabtis
are known : none have yet been found with the name of any
known king or official of those times, and I think this remark also
applies to those that are supposed to be Xllth and Xlllth
dynasty ones. In the XVIIIth dynasty they are found made
of stone and wood as in the earlier times ; also in this dynasty
glazed and unglazed pottery begins to appear, the colours of
the glaze being a blue-green, a brown, and a red. In the earlier
part of this dynasty the hands are folded across the breast, and do
not carry any instruments. The inscriptions are usually short, and
in a vertical line down the front, giving simply the name and titles.
But they are also found running in horizontal lines, and with the
Vlth Chapter of the Ritual. Towards the end of the dynasty the
hoe and mattock, or two hoes, one in each hand, first appear ; also
the figures are sometimes represented not as mummies but as
wearing the costume they wore during life : but if Dr. Budge is
correct in the date he assigns to the female figure No. 9447D, which
he thinks is XVIIth dynasty, this is a revival of a former custom.
The ushablis both of this and the XlXth dynasty seem frequently
to have a trace of attem])t at portraiture ; at any rate, the faces are
much more life-like than later ones, and do not have the set type of
features which afterwards became the conventional portrait of Osiris.
In both dynasties the figures are often very beautifully decorated with
collars, &:c., and the wooden ones are sometimes covered with a
very fine, golden coloured, transparent glaze made from some kind
of gum. I have noticed traces of this gum in the inscriptions on
granite iishahti. One of the largest figures 1 have seen belongs
to the XVIIIth dynasty probably. It is beautifully carved in hard
dark wood, ])erhaps ebony ; the eyes and eyebrows are of glass,
and the beard is platted. It has a horizontal and two vertical lines
of hierogly|ihics in front, with the Vlth Chapter of the Ritual. Its
height is sixteen inches, and is enclosed in a plain wooden coffin,
which is eighteen inches high. It was made for a high official of
Thebes ; but a few have been found which are three feet or more in
height, according to Messrs. Perrot and Chipiez. In the XlXth
dynasty porcelain ones, with a very fine blue glaze, were made, the
colour being a light cobalt of remarkable brilliancy, as, for instance,
those made for Seti I. .V darker blue, but not so clear, was also
made; those with a white glaze ground with decorations and inscrip-
tions in purple, and many of those with red slip hands and faces
140
Ai'Rii.] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
belong to this dynasty. They are much rarer than either the stone
or wooden ones. The rare Hapi or Bull ushahtis all belong to this
dynasty, according to Mariette, who found them in the Serapeum.
They are glazed blue or dull green. The XXth dynasty ones are
generally squarer in form than those of the earlier dynasties, and
often they are most carelessly finished ; in fact, frequently they are
almost shapeless, and these are not always of the poorer class of
burials. In this dynasty a hoe is carried in each hand, and a
basket over the shoulder. The XXIst dynasty is remarkable for
the very beautiful bright blue ushabtis which were found in great
numbers at Deir-el-Bahari ; the colour is different to the blue
of the XlXth dynasty, being much deeper. These all belong
to one time, or very nearly so, eleven different names being
found on them, mostly relations. They date from about B.C. 1040
to r..c. 1000. The XXIInd dynasty also produced bright blue
ones, but they are not quite such a good colour as the pre-
ceding dynasty. In neither case was the modelling well done,
they evidently trusted to the colour for effect. The hieroglyphics
are written on the blue in a bright black ink, and fired on.
No ushabtis of the XXIIIrd, XXIVth, or XXVth dynasty are
known. In the XXVIth dynasty there seems to have been a great
revival in art, in which the ushabti shared. Glazed porcelain is
almost universally employed, and great numbers are found most
beautifully finished. The figure stands on a square pedestal, with
an upright plinth behind. They have been made in moulds, and
in many cases the inscriptions are very well cut, and the whole
figure has been gone over with a modelling tool. They carry in
each hand a hoe or mattock, and always have the seed basket over
their shoulder. Their colour is usually a light bluish-green. Some of
the largest porcelain ones known belong to this dynasty, being those of
Horuta, discovered by Dr. Petrie, some of which are ten and a half
inches high. No XXVIIth dynasty, or Persian, ones are known,
and it is improbable that any of the high officials, who were most likely
foreigners, used them, nor are any of the XXVIIIth or XXIXth
dynasty known. The XXXth dynasty ones are poor in colour, and
small ; they retain the pedestal and plinth. The glaze is usually a
dull green. No XXXIst or XXXI Ind dynasty are known. After
the XXVIth dynasty the figure was sometimes placed in a model coflin,
which was painted with figures of the four genii of the Amenti, or with
various deities connected with the burial rites. They also had inscrip-
141
April] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1896.
tions. These inscriptions are usually in hieratic or demotic, and are
often almost illegible ; these probably date, according to some
authorities, from B.C. 500 to B.C. 300, which about covers the period
between the end of the XXVIth dynasty and the beginning of the
Ptolemies, but if they do not belong to the XXXth dynasty of
the Nectanebo's, I should have thought they might have been
assigned a somewhat later date, and put most of them down as of
Ptolemaic manufacture.* The Ptolemaic iis/iabiis are generally
very poor both in workmanship and glaze, though in some there
is a good cobalt-blue glaze used ; they are frequently uninscribed,
but when so done the inscription runs in one or two vertical
columns down the front, the hieroglyphics being often most
carelessly formed ; or they are written in a brownish-black ink,
and frequently in hieratic. The wooden ones made at this time
are heavily coated with bitumen, on which almost illegible characters
are written in white ;t it would seem that the belief in the necessity
of such things had almost died out, and many of those made very
likely belonged to the lower classes, who no doubt would retain the
ancient religious ideas long after the upper classes had to a great
extent abandoned them owing to the intercourse with the Greeks.
The figures certainly did not keep pace with the georgeous ornament-
ation used on the coffins of this time, they being remarkable for
their ugliness. The Roman ushabtis are still worse, and finally the
Osiris form was abandoned, and the figures had the head of a monkey
instead ; no inscription were placed on these figures, which are very
rare, and, I may add, very ugly.|
A translation of the 6th chapter of the " Ritual of the Dead," by
Mr. Renouf, is given in the Proceedings^ vol. xiv, p. 273. Observations
on ushabtis have been made by Dr. Birch in Aeg. Zeit., 1864,
pp. 89-103, and in 1865, pp. 4-20; Marietta's "Catalogue des
Monuments d'Abydos," pp. 46-48. The three forms of this chapter
will be found in Loret, " Recueil de Travaux," vol. IV, pp. 90, 91 ;
V, p. 70 ; and in Dr. Budge's book, " The Mummy," page 212, with
a translation.
^ Some of those decorated coffins iire known to be of caiiier dale.
t But by some these black ones are nearly all put down to u date lietween
li.c. 400-3CO.
X In the Gieek and Roman times the name was preserved by writing it on a
slip of papyrus, or on a wooden ticket, which was tied on to the mummy : this
took the place of the nsliabti.
142
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., April, 1896.
PLATE I.
7--V
WOODEN SHABTI BOXES.
Free. Soc. BibL Arch., April, 1896.
PLATE II.
XVIlTH Dynasty (?).
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., April, 1896.
Proc. So(. Bibl. Arch., April, l{
PLATE IV.
XVIIIth Dynasty.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Apiil, 1896.
PLATE V
l^inc.^e^
XIXth Dynasty.
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., April, 1896.
i'J.ATE VI.
XIXth Dynasty.
Proc. Soc. Bihl. Arch., April, 1896.
PLATE VII.
XXth Dynasty.
XfTKL^^S
Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., April, 1896.
PLATE VIII.
J — 1 — u
al
II
j^i^cAes
XXVIth Dynasty.
Proc. Soc. Bill Arc/i., April, 1896.
PLATE IX.
i-Tic/t e.^
DATE UNCERTAIN.
Proc. Soc. Bihl. Arch., April, \i
PLATE X,
April] PROCKEDINGS. [1896.
DESCRIPTION OF PLATES.
Plate I. The upper drawing shows the ordinar)^ form of a wooden
ushabti box. This particular case, which belongs to myself, has lost
its covers, but I have shown the usual form of these covers with the
method of securing them to the box. These boxes vary in size, and
of course in the style of the decorations, but this one is a fair average
specimen. The colours used are red, which I have lined |1|1; a
lighter red //// ; green ^ ; yellow ochre \\\\ ; the ground is white;
it was made for " a singer of Amen, Ta-neb-ma," and is probably of
the XlXth or XXth dynasty. Its size is : length of base ii^ inches,
width of base 5I inches, total height 11^ inches; the wood is
sycamore. Sometimes these boxes were made with one compart-
ment only, in which case, whilst retaining the height and width, they
were only one-third of the length. The other box shown is likewise
of sycamore, and was formerly painted white, with the hieroglyphics
in black. Most of the white paint has got rubbed off, but the black
is still very clear. Its length is 8 inches, wndth 2^ inches, and total
height 4|- inches. The inside contains an almost shapeless bit of
wood meant for a ushabti ; it is laid on some coarse mummy cloth ;
it has a suten-ta-Jwttp inscription on the lid, and is a late specimen,
probably Ptolemaic. It is in the British Museum, No. 16,005. I
have not given an illustration of the more decorated coffin-shaped
boxes, as they, in all respects, resemble miniature coffins, and with-
out a coloured drawing would not convey much idea of what they
look like.
Plate II. This is an extremely beautiful ushabti of a female.
The name is wanting, having never been put on. The figure is
made of a fine-grained limestone, painted ; the dress white, with red
lines ; the face, arms, and feet red, and glazed over with a gum.
The wig is black ; the collar red and black lines on a yellow ground.
It is supposed to belong to the XVIIth dynasty, but this is doubtful,
143 L
April] SOCII-: TV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1896.
there being nothing except the style of the figure and the position of
the hands to judge by. It is remarkable for displaying the contour
of the figure, much iiiore than is usual in ushabtis; even if not of the
XVIIth dyna:5ty, it is undoubtedly an early one.
Plate III. The smaller of these two is made of limestone,
painted, the body white, the wig and inscription black, the collar,
which is very elaborate, is red and black alternating. It is the
ordinary mummy form of the XVTIIth dynasty; the hands are
folded across the breast, but hold nothing ; the face appears to be
an attempt at portraiture ; it was made for Har-em-na. The other
is made of accacia, and is a specimen of those ushabtis in which the
deceased is represented as wearing his ordinary costume. In this
case also the hands are crossed, but hold nothing. The inscription
down the apron is painted in black on a yellow ground ; it was made
for a scribe named Hara ; it is in the British Museum, No. 8,595,
and is also of the XVIIIth dynasty.
Plate IV. It is unusual to find double ushabtis. In this case a
man and his wife are represented side by side. It is made of lime-
stone, formerly painted red all over. I think, remains of a darker
red are still on the faces and hands ; the wigs were black ; the style
of execution is coarse. Dr. Budge thought it dated from the
XVth to XVIIth dynasty, but I think it cannot be earlier than the
latter part of the XVIIIth dynasty, as the man holds a hoe in each
hand. Unfortunately there is no inscription to help one. It is in
the British Museum, No. 8,894.
Plate V. This magnificent ushabti is made of a light-coloured
friable clay, not strictly porcelain, although often so called in
alluding to Egyptian faience. It is covered with a very beautiful
light cobalt-coloured gla/.e, with black lines and hieroglyphics. It
can have been no easy matter to make so large an article in solid
pottery without twisting or spoiling. It was made for Seti, the great
king of the XlXth dynasty, whose sarcophagus is in the Soane
Museum, and whose body is at Gezeh, being one of those recovered
in the Deir el Bahari find. This fi'^^ure carries a hoe in each hand;
the one in the left hand is interesting, as clearly showing how in
actual tools the bronze tips were put on to the wood frames. He
wears the royal head-dress with a urseus on the forehead, which, in
this case, has unfortunately been broken off. The tail extends some
distance down the back of the headdress. The inscription is the
usual Vlth chapter of the Ritual, with the king's nomen and pre-
144
.April] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
nomen. Over the left shoulder he carries a peculiar shaped seed
bag. It is in the British Museum, No. 22,818, and came from
Biban-el-Molook.
Plate VI. The large figure is made of accacia, and is very
finely carved. It is also partly coloured, the eyes, wig, and tools
being black ; the collar has been gilt, most of which has gone. The
face is red, probably the hands were the same. The hieroglyphics
are incised, and were filled in with white ; the bar incised and
painted black, extending from each hand to the elbow, is unusual.
It was made for a man named Pasheti, and is of the XlXth dynasty.
It is in the British Museum, 67, 8-12, 453, from the Blacas CoUec^
tion. The other one is of dark steatite, and has been coated with
a yellow gum. The name has never been filled in. The wig is
different to the others I have illustrated, having plaited curls on each
side. He also wears a short beard. Over the heart the soul, in the
form of a human-headed bird, is hovering. He carries a hoe in each
hand, and over the left shoulder a seed bag similar to that carried
by Seti. In addition is another object occasionally found, but vary-
ing in form : it resembles some sort of bottles on a yoke, but
whether intended to be such is doubtful. This figure is also probably
of the XlXth dynasty, and is in the British Museum, No. 8,711.
Plate VII. The largest ushabti is made of accacia ; it was made
for Rameses VI. The head-dress is similar to that worn by Seti
but with a double ur^i. He wears a long artificial beard, the strap
for fixing it on being plainly indicated. The carving fe inferior to
that of Pasheti in finish. There are no traces of colour. It belongs
to the XXth dynasty, and is in the British Museum, No. 8,570. The
next in size at the top of the page is a porcelain one made for a
cher heb named Pet-amen-apt, and is the ordinary type of this dynasty.
He carries two hoes, and has a seed bag over the left shoulder. The
inscription, which is incised, is the Vlth chapter of the Ritual. The
one below is of white alabaster, almost shapeless, with no attempt
at carving. The outlines of the face, wig, and hands, also the
inscription, are black ; and there are traces of a blue glaze on the
head-dress, and green glaze on the body. It was made for Rameses V,
of the XXth dynasty, a king about which very little is known. He
is believed to have been a usurper by some. It is in the British
Museum, No. 8,699, ^"^ came from Biban-el-Molook. It is a type
of ushabti often found in this dynasty.
The XXIst and XXIInd dynasty ushabtis I have not illustrated,
145
Ai'Ki!.] SOCIKTV OF BIllLICAL AKCII.EOLOGV. [iUgG.
as the porcelain ones entirely depend upon colour for their effect,
and I have not been able to find any stone or wooden ones that are
of that date for certain.
Plate VIII. This is a specimen of an average XXVIth dynasty
ushabti. It is made of green glazed porcelain (so called). The
greenish glaze is the usual one used in this dynasty, but sometimes
a fine blue is used instead. He wears a long plaited beard, and
carries a hoe in either hand and a seed bag over the left shoulder.
This ushabli was made for a iner-suten-7ia named Psamtik.
Plaie IX. This very curious ushabti is, as far as I known,
unique. It is also impossible to date, except that it is earlier than
the XXVIth dynasty. It is made of a fine grained limestone. The
bands and inscription retain traces of gilding. The face and ears
are gilded. The wig has been blue ; the collar red and blue. It
has a sj{ten-ta-/wtep inscription to the ka of Aua. It is in the
British Museum, No. 24,390.
Plate X. The first is a bull ushabti- INIarriette says they date
from the XlXth dynasty, and were found by him in the Serapeum.
It is glazed a dull green — some are blue — and is made of porcelain
(so called). Note that the hands are replaced by hoofs. The
manufacture is coarse. The next one has on it an old label
describing it as an ape-faced ushabti, which I think is correct. It
is of porcelain, with a dull green glaze of very poor colour. The
style of workmanship is very rough. It is very laLe indeed, probably
Roman. The third is also porcelain, with a dark green glaze. It
is Ptolemaic, probably about R.c. 200. It was made for a man
named Tes-necht, and gives both his father and mother's name,
a sure siirn of being of late work.
ii^^^^^^
The next Meeting of the Societ}' will be holden at '^y,
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C, on Tuesday, 5th
May, 1896, at 8 p.m., when the following Paper will be
read : —
Rev. C. J. Ball, "The First Chapter of Genesis and the
Babylonian Cosmogonies."
145
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATiOSS.
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Society of Biblical ARCHiEOLOGY.
COUNCIL, 1896.
President.
P. LE Page Renouf.
Vice- P7-esidents.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c., &c.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. Lord Halskuky.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Council.
Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A. | Rev. James Marshall, M.A.
Arthur Gates. I Claude G. Montefiore.
Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S.
Charles Harrison, F.S.A.
Gray Hill.
Pkof. T. PIayter Lewis, F.S.A.
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Prof. P. Pierret.
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Honorary Treasurer — BERNARD T. BOSANQUET.
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HARRISON AND SONS, HtlNTERS IN ORDINARY TO K ER MAJESTY, ST. MARTINS LANE.
VOL. XVIII. Part 5.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
VOL. XVIII. TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION.
Meeting; May 5, 1896.
-*o^-
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Sir p. Le Page Renouf [President). — The Book of the Dead.
(3 Plates) ^ 149-155
J. Offord, JuN. — The Nude Goddess in Assyrio-Babylonian Art 156,157
Alfred Boissier. — Bas-Reliefs de Tiglat-Pileser III 158-160
E. TowRY WiiYTE. — Sepulchral Figures usually called Ushabti 161
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PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION, 1896.
I
Fourth Meeting, ^th May, 1896.
REV. JAMES MARSHALL, M.A.,
IN THE CHAIK.
^^
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A. {Vice-President): — Un Necropole
Royal a Sidon fouilles de Hamdy Bey. Par O. Hamdy Bey et
(Theodore Reinach. Paris. FoUo. 1896.
From Rev. R. Gwynne : — Arabic Grammar, by the late William
Wright, LL.D. Third edition. Edited by De Goeje. Vol. I.
Cambridge, 1896.
From the Author, H. Martin Kennard : — The Veil Lifted ; a new
Light on the World's History. 8vo. London, 1896.
b From the Author, Prof. Friedrich Delitzsch : — Das Babylonische
K Weltschopfungsepos, No. II. Leipzig. 8vo. 1896.
HI From the Author, Dr. Ignazio Guidi : — II " Gadla 'Aragawi."
Folio. Rome. 1895. (Reali Accad. dei Lincei. Anno
ccxci. 1894.)
From the Author, D. Mallet : — Queiques Monuments egyptiens
du Musee d'Athenes. Folio. Paris. 1S96. (Recueil de
Travaux, Vol. XVIII.)
[No. cxxxviii.] 147 M
May 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.-EOLOGY. [liige.
From the Author, Dr. O. v. Lemm : — Nachtrag zu den " Koptischen
Fragmenten zur Patriarchengeschichte Alexandriens." Folio.
St. Petersburg. 1896. (Bulletin de I'Acad. Imp. des Sciences,
T. IV, No. 2.)
From the Author : — tJber die Poesie in der Volkssprache
der Nestorianer, von Eduard Sachau. Berlin. 8vo. i8g6.
(Akad. der Wissenschaften, Vol. XI.)
The following Candidates were elected Members of the
Society, having been nominated at the last Meeting, held
on the 3rd March, 1896: —
F. L. Gardner, Buxton House, Chiswick.
F. W. C'lilbertson, Clanrhyd, Swansea Vale.
William Eugene Gregson, Moor Lane, Great Crosby, W. Liverpool.
William Peek, F.R.A.S., F.R S.E., City Astronomer, Observatory
House, Calton Hill, Edinburgh.
Rev. Herbert Lavallin Puxley, Catton Rectory, Stamford Bridge,
York.
Rev. Lonsdale Ragg, M.A., A^ice-Principal of Cuddesdon College,
Wheatley, Oxon.
Rev. James Blunt Wilkinson, M.A., 5, Orme Square, Bayswater.
The following Candidate was nominated for election at
the next Meeting on June the 2nd : —
Miss Elizabeth S. Colton, Easthampton, Mass., U.S.A.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
The Edinburgh Public Library, Hew Morrison, F.S.A. Scot.,
Librarian.
A Paper was read by the Rev. C. J. Ball : *' The First
Chapter of Genesis and the Babylonian Cosmogonies."
148
Proc. Soc. Bibl Arch., May, \\
PLATE XXXVI.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter CXXV.
Tombeau de Seti I" {Ann. du Musce Guimel, Vol. IX).
rroc. Soc. Bib I. Arch., May, 1S96.
PLATE XXXVIL
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter CXXV. (Note 2.)
Papyrus, British Museum, No. 9900.
Mummy Case, Leyden Museum,
Proc, Soc, Bibl. Ardu, May, 1896.
PLATE XXXVIII.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
Chapter CXXV. (Note 2.)
Papyrus, Leyden Museura.
Papyrus, British Museum, No. 9964.
Mummy Case, Leyden Museum.
May 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By Sir P. le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CXXVI.
Oh ye four Harbingers (i) vvho sit at the prow of the Bark of Ra,
and convey the fixed ordinances (2) of the Inviolate One, ye who
are judges of my di'itress (3) and of my good fortune, and propitiate
the gods with the flames from j^our mouths : ye who present to the
gods their oblations and the sacrificial meals to the Glorified : ye
who live through Maat ;md are sated with Maat : who have nothing
wrong in you and execrate that which is disordered, (4) do ye put
an end to my ills and remove that which is disorderly in me through
my being smitten to the earth. (5)
Grant that I may penetrate into the Ammehit and enter into
Restau ; and that I may pass through the mysterious portals of
Amenta.
Be there given to me the Shensu cakes and the Persen cakes
[and all things] even as to the Glorified, who make their appearance
on entering into Restau or on coming forth. (6)
Enter thou, Osiris JV: We put an end to thine ills, and we
remove that which is disorderly in thee through thy being smitten
to the earth. AVe put away from thee all the ills which thou hast.
Enter thou into Restau and pass through the mysterious portals of
Amenta. Enter thou in and come forth at thy pleasure, like the
Glorified ones ; and be thou invoked each day in the Mount of
Glory. (7)
Notes.
In the older papyri the vignette of this chapter is unaccompanied
by any text. The only exception as yet known is that of the papyrus
Ab, of the XVIIIth dynasty. The text is also found in the tomb
of Rameses VI, with the important addition of the answer made by
the four Harbingers to the prayer of the deceased. This addition
M9
May 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILIiOLOGY. [1896.
is retained in all the later recensions. Other discrepancies between
the two texts lead to the conclusion that even the older one has
suffered from interpolation.
I. Harbingers or Sahiters, ^ V w !( ' ' '^^^ Chapter 5,
Note 5, for an explanation of the name of those Apes who salute*
the Daybreak. Here/ottr only are spoken of, and this was probably
the original number, corresponding to the four portals of the Mount
of Glory. The number e/g/i^ (the Chemunnu) is more easy to explain
than six, which is the number stated in the text quoted from the
tomb of Rameses VI.
2 Fixed ordinances, ^^ . ■^ . : OeiuaTc^ in the different accep-
a III
tations of that word.
^ Distress, v^ (J vv "^^^ • " Te semper anteit saeva neces-
sitas," Horace says to Fortuna. The determinative "^ and the
Coptic JULp evidently point to the notion of consti-aint, but the few
texts in which the word is found imply 7uant, need {angustice,
liva'-iKi]),\ rather than captivity. Amenemhat at Benihassan (tomb 2)
boasts that in his days and under his government no one was seen
"in distress i^ "^ (I <^ ^^^j> or starving." And Horus
at Edfu (Naville, Mythe d'Horus, pi. XXII) is said to protect the
needy or distressed (^? ')5\ O) '^8^'^"''^^ '^'"'^ powerful. This is
an honour already claimed by Antuf on his tablet (Louvre, C. 26,
line 17), who mentions the maaru as being an object of interest to
him, like the orphan and the widow.
4. Disordered, flft '^^^'' '^ the absence of S^ ^ , strict
order, and always spoken of as in opposition to it. One is Koa^iof
and the other is ov Kma Koa/noi^, and may be predicated of whatever
is contrary to rule, faulty, defective, out of line, deformed, or dis-
figured, not only in a moral but in a purely physical sense.
"^ ~^^, ///, does not mean ivickedness or sin, but simply physical
o I I I
* The Gothic Hnna (the Cock), German Hahn and our hen signify the
Singer, and are words cognate to the Latin can-crc. The Latin Gallits is
probably related to our call.
t The Greek language would furnish an interesting parallel to the Egyptian if
it could be shown that Situ, bind, and 5tw, -vant, need, had the same root. Uut the
latter was originally Offw.
May 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
evil, mischief, pain or sorrow. There are many texts to prove this,
but perhaps the most interesting is the great text at Dendera
(Mariette, Denderah, IV, pi. 73, or Diimichen, Rec, III, pi. 96),
where Osiris is invoked at Apu (Panopolis) as the fiery Bull, hiding
(or scarcely seen) on the day of the New Moon . . . . , but at length
rising into full strength,* and seeing the Golden Horus fixed upon
the throne of the universe. ^ ^ J 4/) c^] "^^^^ (continues the
text), "Joy Cometh round afterf pain," or sorrow; most certainly, not
after sin.
The meaning of <crr> , which governs the noun, has been
explained (Chapter 40, Note 6) as stoppitig, bringing to an end ; not
destroying, and still \qss forgivi7ig.
5. Through my bein^ [or because I am] smitten to the earth
[I v\ in this position, without a suffix or nominal subject, is not
an auxiliary verb, but a particle of correlation, used when a cause,
motive, or circumstance is asserted or implied in connection with a
preceding statement.
Like all such particles, of which the function was originally only
deictic, it is susceptible of very many shades of meaning, and it
would be impossible in this place to do justice to a word so frequently
occurring, especially in the hieratic papyri of a secular character.
* Such is the real meaning of -^-^ /^^^^^ \^\ ^ ^^^ pj^jy j^ jj^jg pi^ce, but
A/v\A/v\ ^mi^ _iir^ I
in the extremely ancient text found on many sarcophagi and already in the
Pyramid Texts (see Pepi I, li), A "^X ^ ^ ^ &^ ^^-^ VX '^ ,,,„^
/wvwx Jih) ^=^13:^ F=^ /wwvv J^ I
® ^ <=> cj
^^-~- V o ^\ r-^'-^^^^ f'jM-j-j\:s I "Thy mother Nut bringeth it to pass that thou
risest into full strength, without an adversary, in thy name oi the St)-ong one.'"''
In this translation it is assumed that the second '•'wws jg ihe negative ---/l^,
as it was always understood in later times (see for an instance Zeitschr., 1869,
p. 51, and the beautiful text of Bakenrenf, Deukm., Ill, 263).
The true meaning of j is not simply ' this god ' but ' the Strong one,
h 'ItTxvwi'. I 1 is the 'Strong and Beautiful ;' | A is sy£* ^x> o rXairoKparwiO.
+ That is, 'succeedeth.'
May 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGV. [1S96.
The following examples are only intended to illustrate its graiiunatical
use in our text.
The particle occurs three times before as many [)ropositions at
the beginning of Chapter 123; 'I have balanced the divine Pair,'
'I have put a stop, etc.,^ 'I have ended their complaints;' (I v\
connects each of these statements with the preceding one, ' I am
Thoth.' It is as if the speaker said, '// is in consequence ofiwy being
Thoth, that I have balanced,' etc.
In Chapter 36, ' I am the bearer of the divine words 'is followed
'^y iJ V A M V ^ ^ ' ' ^'^^ ^^ '^ comes that I make the report.'
In Chapter 15, line 7, 'I am one of those who honoured thee
upon earth ' is followed by [I v\ — ^ " let me therefore
attain to the Land of eternity."
Aahmes, the son of Abana, says in his inscription (line 5) that
rs .rt\ r\ 0000 /W^^^^A
he was young and unwedded, (J \> ' O^ ^f^ \§i " ^'^^ ^^ ^
continued to wear " a certain dress.
Amenemheb was, he tell us {Zeitchr., 1S73, P- 3)' high in the
favour of the King, ^'' and so it comes that I followed my Lord
Una was sent by his sovereign on a certain mission, and the
negro chieftains of certain districts furnished the wood for his
purpose, " and so it came to pass that he spent [J Y^ ^ ye^^' it^
this wise.
After verlm dicendi [1 v\ corresponds to our as how, comme qtioi,
or the quod or quia of late Latinity. It often needs no more
translation than the Greek oti in such a relation.
In the inscription of Pianchi (line 2) one came to tell his
Majesty " tJiat {comme quoi) a prince [or magnate] had started up
(j V "^^"^^^^ Ik " ^^^ seized upon a part of the kingdom.
(J V ^^ '^^°^'' ^'•-'■t''^i"^y <^^oss ^^o*^ mean ' est, est . ' any more
than it means '• Dominus mens mortuus est.'
Nebuaiu {Zeitschr., 1876, p. 5) in the time of Thothmes III ^:^
\\ ^^ <^:^ ^ %s ^^ " says, as how ' I have i)resided over many
constructions.' "
152
May 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
The Naophoros of the ^'atican in hke manner r=^ (I Y\
\A "says that ' I made a petition ' " to Cambyses.
Long before this Chnumhotep of Benihassan begins his biography
(Hne 14) I ^:=S^ [I Y)>^a a ^ Mr "his mouth, it says as ]iow
'his Majesty appointed me ' to the dignity oi Erpa /la."
The absence of Verbal character becomes especially apparent in
such combinations as(]^^,(]^J^,l]^J^.
6. The older texts finish here. What follows in the translation
is taken from the later recensions. It is the reply made by the four
Harbingers to the prayer addressed to them.
7. Mount of Glory . This is the real meanmg of the word,
and there is no reason why we should continue to use the mis-
leading term hoi'izon.
CHAPTER CXXVn.
The Book {i) for invoking the gods of the jBou?ids, (2) which the person
rcciteth zvhefi he approaclietii t/ieni, that he may enter a?id see the
Strong one (3) in the Great Abode of the Tuat.
Hail, ye gods of the Bounds, who are in Amenta.
Hail, ye Doorkeepers of the Tuat, who guard this Strong one,
and who bring the reports before Osiris ; ye who protect them who
worship you, and who annihilate the adversaries of Ra : who give
light and put away your darkness : ye who see and extol your Great
one, who live even as he liveth, and invoke him who is in his Solar
disk.
Guide me, and let the gates of Heaven, Earth, and the Tuat be
opened to me.
I am the Soul of Osiris and rest in him.
Let me pass through the Gateways, and let them raise acclamation
when they see me.
Let me enter as I will, and come forth at my pleasure, and make
my way without there being found any defect or any evil attaching
to me.
153
May 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1896.
Notes.
The text which has been followed in the translation of this
chapter is that of the Royal Tombs of Rameses IV and Rameses VI,
called by ^I. Naville Chapter 127 a. The lost Busca papyrus, of which
Lepsius had a tracing, furnishes a different text, (127 b), and the
text of the Turin Todtejihuch has been enlarged by means of
numerous interpolations. M. Naville has called attention to the
close relationship between this chapter and the second part of the
" Solar Litany."
T. Book ' '''* /, 0 , properly a Roll ; a title given to several of
the chapters (125, 127, 129, 130, 140, 141, 142 and 14S in the
Turin Todfe?il>i/ch), instead of the usual , . Too much im-
portance should not be attached to the difference of terms. This
chapter is called , by the Busca papyrus; and Chapter 125,
which is called , in the earliest texts containing it whenever a
title is given, is called '_''\^ 0 ever since the time of Rameses IV.
2. Bounds, <~>^C^' ''^ ^^^ <\vi^\ form, though ^^^^^ ^ pj-J
is not unfrequent, here and in other places. The English word is
not a translation of the Egyptian one, which has to be explained
before any equivalent for it can be pro])Osed. And the explanation
of it has to be sought in the 'Solar Eitany,' first completely pub-
lished by Al. Naville.
There we find the Sun-god Ra invoked as a Power pouring itself
forth or overflowing ^~7\ ^ (JO '^ ' * ^''' 75 f^^"'^ ^'^d the forms
^■* ^ cin=i 1 1 r i I , i^ „ . .
in 75 <:zz> ^ I. P^ach of these divine forms ( ® 1 1 ) has its
own ^h'^ ^^ ^ dwelling-place, to which however it is not
confined.
The seventy-five P^orms in question (each of which is a god) are,
* jSI. Naville leaves this word untranslated, though he rightly conjectures
it to be the origin of XCUCU effutiJcre, effiisio, infuudere, immergere.
a "^ \ ^^ I at chapter 64, 23, is undoubtedly the overflowing, or otitpcKring.
There are the reduplicated Coptic forms (^^CLJ^Tcy and CTecyCrUJCtj ;
and (TeClje, a name of the goose, has its origin in a ^^ 1 w 1 'J'j X 53^»
and has the same sense etymologically as the Latin mergus.
May 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
as the text itself shows, simply so many names of the Solar god
or solar phenomena. Each of them is addressed as rvi ^ R Y'
' Ra, supreme of power,' after which some attribute of the deity
is mentioned, and the name of the deity is connected with this
attribute.
In Greece, Apollo was called t/sri^/JoXo?, Kcnnijiaaio^, aTrorpoTratoi;
vcouiji'iov, and by ever so many other names expressive of the
attributes with which he was credited. These names correspond to
what Egyptian mythology called the v? ( I of a god, and each
of the names has but a limited application. The god is not always
thought of as 'Far-darting'; under the conception of ' Neo-
menios,' he dtvells in what Egyptian mythology called another
^^^-^[^, which is the local habitation, or, as mathematicians would
say, the loc2is of the concept.
M. de Rouge, without giving any reason, but probably guided
by what Champollion had written, translates the word zone.
M. Naville, who has carefully studied the word, prefers sphere. And
no better word could be thought of, if we used it as we do in
speaking of 'moving in a certain sphere,' 'each in his own sphere,'
or, 'the sphere of action ;' without applying a strict geometrical sense
to the word. For the Egyptian ^^^^^ ^ was a hollow cylinder like
a round tower, a chimney, or a deep well rather than a sphere.
With the explanation I have just given, I prefer Bounds as a
more expressive translation. The word appears in the dual form
on account of the presence of the god.
The name was given to the fabulous Source of the
Nile, supposed to be in the neighbourhood of Elephantine. The
inscription of Seti I at Redesieh {Denkm., Ill, 140B) compares
the abundance of water at the King's cistern to that of the
^ I J /\ ^ W n J tk O u the cavern of the Double Well ot
Elephantine." -^^iii^
In the later orthography the word is written 't'^^^" or ^""^ X?'^
It has been supposed that the Coptic KOpI cataracts might be
connected with the old Egyptian name. But the history of the
Coptic word is not sufficiently known to justify any inferences.
•;. The Strons: one, ^ ^ , the name of Osiris. See footnote
to Chapter 126, Note 4.
155
May 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1S96.
THE NUDE GODDESS IN ASSYRIO-BABYLONIAN ART.
ECCLESBORNE, KeW,
May Tf/i, 1S96.
Dear Mr. Rylands,
M. Salomon Reinach in a recent article, entitled " Les
Deeses nues dans I'art oriental et dans I'art Grec,"* endeavours to
prove from a supposed absence of early representations of an
unclothed female form, " that the type of a nude goddess is
absolutely strange to archaic Assyrio-Babylonian art," and " que
la Deesse nue des Cylindres est une statue importee."
He then proceeds to suggest that the nude goddess of late
Babylonian and Assyrian art is a type which reached Mesopotamia
from the "^gean," that is to say, from the Pelasgi, and probably
did not obtain currency in the East until about 2000 b.c. Finally,
he declares his view emphatically to be, " that the figure of an
unclothed goddess could never have been transmitted to Greece by
the old civilisations of Asia Minor."
In the elaboration of his thesis M. Reinach admits that among
other savants MM. Lenormant, Heuzey, and Menant are opposed to
his views ; especially the latter, who, among many other cylinders
described by him, speaks of one in M. de Clerc's collection as
"Une deesse nue debout," beneath her an animal, perhaps "a dog."
M. Reinach, very properly I think, suggests a lion, but then
proceeds to utilise the scene on this cylinder for his hypothesis, upon
the ground that we only know of o?}e type of a nude female, upon a
lion, in oriental art: that of the deity at Kadesh, "an Amorite or
Hittitc city of comparatively late date which had come under
Egyptian influence."
* Revue Archcologiqitc, 1S95, p. 370.
May 5]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1896.
There are various reasons which should cause Orientalists to
hesitate before accepting M. Reinach's novel theory, but beyond
these there is one fact apparently absolutely fatal to it.
I
^h"^^'-^^^"^ "i
ilk «i,.^j^^>,|
This is that we have an extremely archaic cylinder which, as
many authors have held to be the case, precisely proves the presence
in Chaldean iconography of a nude goddess. The cylinder was
iirst figured and described by Dr. Hayes Ward (see sketch), and in
regard to its age he says, "We have in the cylinder one of the
precious early examples of Babylonian art when mythological
designs were in the formative period ; when full pictures were made,
and the artist's originality had not yet been reduced to conventual
signs and hints." It seems likely that students familiar with
cylinders will agree with Dr. Ward, and so M. Reinach's proposal
to change our views will fail. It is singular that Dr. Ward argues
that the goddess is Zarpanit, the same whom Lenormant tells us was
represented nude and originated the nudity of Greek art.
Yours sincerely,
J. Offord, Junr.
157
May 5]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV.
[1896
BAS-RELIEFS DE TIGLAT-PILESER III.
Par Alfred Boissier.
Le Musee de la Societe des Antiquaires de Zurich installe dans
le " Helmhaus " possede un certain nombre de monuments assyriens
d'une re'elle valeur. La plupart d'entre eux sont deja connus par
les savants travaux de MAI. Oppert, Schrader, Grivel, et Delitzsch.
Parmi les beaux bas-reliefs qui se trouvent dans la salle des monu-
ments orientaux je voudrais attirer specialement I'attention des
savants sur les bas-reliefs * de Tiglat-Pileser III, qui sont places a
gauche de I'entree, pres de la fenetre, et en face de ceux
d'Assournasirpal. J'ai cherche vainement la mention de ces bas-
reliefs dans le travail de ]\I. Paul Rost, Die Keilschrifiextc Tiii^lat-
Pileser's III, Leipzig 1893. Aussi m'a-t-il paru utile de donner une
petite note sur les monuments de ce roi, dont le nombre est peu
considerable.
lis se composent de sept fragments bien conserves, qui ont et^
disposes sur deux rangees; trois forment la rangde superieure;
quatre la rangee inferieure.
Quatre seulement de ces bas-reliefs portent de courtes inscrip-
tions, ce sont les Nos. 2, 3, 5 et 7 du plan.
I
2
3
4
5
6
7
Sur le No. 2 on lit
2 E^iT ^t ^- AW -ir<i A\ ^i A\\ ^ ^T ^m^m
3 ?3^y tr ^ tin --\< m t\ m ^i? ^^^ ^ -^^ -m ^m
* Ces bas-reliefs ont cte decouveits par Layard dans ses fouilles a Nimroud.
158
May 5] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
Dans les inscriptions de Tiglat-Pileser III les signes da et // sont
les memes que leurs correspondants dans les inscriptions vanniques,
c'est-a-dire qu'ils sont ecrits ainsi ^|<y et >-^^y<T.
1. le puissant, le fort, himicre de tons ses peiipks. . .
2. g'ui aneantit ses adversaires ie noble, le coiirageux,
3. qui coupe les itguruti comme uii fil.
1. zikaru dannu nur kissat nise — su,
2. daibu (taibu) garesu itlu qardu sapin . . .
3. itguruti (idguruti) kima qie usallitunia. *
No. 3.
2 ^T- .tA -4- tr^r :w^iiii V Vt ^\ mm
3 m ^- ^m^ Vr -^r tt^ ^^m^ ^^r< <Bmm
No. 5.
1 7/ T- 1« ^i t:^ ^- E?Tr !MM -- -r<r -^r ^^rr
[^ \ i^^mm
M. Oppert a depuis longtemps reconnu que Tuna = Tyane
(Asie-Mineure). Le nom de cette ville se trouve aussi mentionne
K 3061, voir le Catalogue de Bezold : Tu-'-ia-na.
No. 7.
[>^y| ^. ^1 .^yy .yy^ >^ ^yy^ ^.yy yr p^^^
2 ii][]^ r: :: ^r?i3p -r ]^ -B -ri - j^^t ^ iin
3 li ^rii^ « y- ^r -ir;; ^r igf ^n -^rr ^yrrr <^ ^rrr^
V. pour ces inscriptions Jiost Autograpliierte Texte, page i, PI. Ill,
page 2, Pis. IV, V et VI.
* Ce passage a ete deja cite par Zimmern, Babyloiiische Busspsalmen, p. 104.
May 5] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1S96.
Nous sommes loin d'avoir les annales de Tiglat-Pileser III en
entier. Comme on le voit les Nos. 2 et 3 nous donnent un peu de
nouveau. Mais nous aimerions en savoir plus long sur I'oeuvre d'art
rjue le prince fit faire en I'honneur de Nindagal. Quant au No. 2,
il fait partie du commencement des annales. Tiglat-Pileser III et son
predecesseur, Tiglat-Pileser I, sont celebres par leurs expeditions
dans rOccident, et, d'apres une conjecture de Noldeke, leur nom
s'est conserve en Asie-Mineure dans celui de " Philottos," epoux de
la Niobe du Sipyle.
M. Schrader a donne, en 1879, une excellente edition de Vln-
scription cC Assurnasirpal* du Musee de Zurich, qu'il a revisee
depuis.
M. Oppert le premier a publie' le Contrat de Pacorus,\ qui d'apres
nos recherches date de I'epoque Achemenide, et porta non pas le
nom de Pacorus, mais celui de Xerxes. Nous lisons Ih-ha-ri-su,
forme peu correcte, pour Ih-sa-ha-ri-su (v. une note sur ce contrat
dans le prochain numero de la Zeitschrift de Bezold). Xerxes se lit
dans les contrats publics par Evetts : Ak-ka-si-ar-si, Ih-si-ia-ar-su ; en
susien : Iksersa, Ikserissa ; dans le vieux perse : Hisi'arsi.+
Enfin le vocabulaire de Zurich a ete publie par Delitzsch dans
ses Assyrische 1 sestiicke (3*^ edition).
Au point de vue artistique les bas-reliefs de Tiglat-Pileser III
sont interessai :s. Les personnages sont traites avec habilete.
Le detail des r uscles est un peu exagere, mais dans ces scenes de
combat il y a > u mouvement. — Nous avons le regret de ne pouvoir
accompagner cette petite note d'une photographic. Quoi qu'il en
soit, le petit musee de Zi.irich merite une visite des assyriologues de
passage en Suisse.
* Inschrift Assiiriiasirhahars, Text unci Ubersetzung, von Eberhard Schrader,
Berlin, 1879, et Standard- fnschri ft Kiinig Asiiniasiradals, seulenient le texte.
(V. aussi le travail de j\1. (irivel publie en 1867.)
t Melanges d'Arch'-ologie egyptienne et a':syrictiiit-, T. I., p. 24, et Docu-
ments Jiiridiqiies en collaboration avec M. Menant, p. 342.
Pour les inscriptions de Tiglat-Pileser III v. le memoire d'Eberhard Schrader
Zitr Kritik der Inschriften Tiglat-Pilesers II, Berlin, 1880.
X M. Schrader m'ecrit quePei^er a emis recemment la meme conjecture. J'ai
examine avec soin I'original, et j'ai la certitude que le premier signe est Ih.
160
May 5] PROCEEDINGS, [1896.
SEPULCHRAL FIGURES USUALLY CALLED USHABTL
31, Lansdowne Road, S.W.,
May lyh, 1896.
Dear Mr. Rylands,
In a letter I have received from Dr. Petrie he informs
me that I am in error in saying, that no XXIIIrd, XXIVth, or
XXVth dynasty ushabtis are known. He says there are plenty " not
only by inference, but absolutely dated, e.g., those of Amenardus
and Shepenapt."
Referring to Ptolemaic and Roman ushabti he also says, that
"in the hundreds of graves of those ages that I have opened not a
trace of an ushabti has been found." He also draws my attention to
a word I have used which probably conveys a wrong idea, viz.,
" glaze " on alabaster. I did not mean to imply that it was fired on,
which of course is impossible, but alluded more to the appearance ;
it was probably coloured wax that was used.
Also Mrs. Goodison has drawn my attention to a very beautiful
bright blue ushabti of the XXXth dynasty, in the' Turin Museum,
bearing the cartouche of Nectanebo I ; it is about )^ inches high ;
but ytill I think these bright coloured ones are the ;xception at that
date, I had quite forgotten it. Also there is no doubt, as she says,
it is only one of a number.
In looking at the Turin Catalogue my eye caught another
number a little higher up the same page as the Nectanebo one, it is
described as a bronze ushabti, about 5 inches high, and has the
cartouche of Rameses III on it. Dr. Petrie says that to the best of
his belief it is genuine ; if this is so I must modify my statement
about no metal ones being known ; I have seen metal ones, but they
were undoubtedly forgeries.
Believe me, dear Mr. Rylands,
Yours faithfully,
E. TowRY Whyte.
161
May 5]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/LOLOGY
[1896.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 37,
'Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, VV.C, on Tuesday, 2nd
June, 1896, at 8 p.m., when the following Papers will be
read : —
Rev. G. Margoliouth — "Some Fragments of the Palestinian
Syriac Version of the Holy Scriptures."
Sir p. Le P. Renouf {Presidenf)^^'- Young and Champollion
•on Hieroglyphic Discovery."
162
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS.
In 8 Parts. Price 5s. each. With full Illustrations of the Vignettes.
Parts cannot be sold separately.
The Fourth Part haYing been issued, the Price is now Raised to £5 for the 8 Parts.
Zhc lEQWtinn Book of the 2)eab,
BEING A
Complete Translation, Commentary, and Notes,
By sir p. LE page RENOUF, Knt. {President);
CONTAINING ALSO
^ Series of ^9lates of tte ITigncttcs of tf)e tn'fferent (Q^ftapters.
The request having been made by a number of friends that this
translation, &€., should be issued in a different form, so as to be a
separate book, and Mr. Renouf having kindly consented, it is proposed
to issue a limited number of copies upon large paper, in numbers, at 5^.
each. Members desirous of obtaining copies should at once communicate
with the Secretary. The fourth part having been issued, the price is now
raised to 1 2s. Gd. a Part.
^be JBronse ©tnaments of tbe
I lp>alace 6ates from Balawat.
[Shalmaneser II, B.C. 859-825.]
Parts I, II, III, and IV have now beea issued to Subscribers.
In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus the price for
:ach part is now raised to ^\ 10s. ; to Members of the Society (the original
J)rice) £x IS.
Society of Biblical Archaeology.
COUNCIL, 1896.
President.
Sir p. le Page Renouf, Knt.
Vice- Presidents .
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of Canterbury.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Most Noble the Marquess ok Bute, K.T., &c., &c.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. Lord Hai.skury.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Council.
Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A.
Arthur Gates.
Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S,
Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, l-'.R.S.
Charles Harrison, F.S.A.
Gray Hill.
Prof. T. Hayter Lewis, F.S.A.
l-'r.v. Albert Luwy, LL.D., &c.
Rev. James Marshall, ^LA.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Walter L. Nash, F.S.A.
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.
Prof. P. Pierret.
J. Pollard.
EdwardB. Tylor, LL.D.,F.R.S.,
&c.
E. TowRY Whyte, M.A., F.S.A.
Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Rev, R. Gwynne, B.A.
Honorary Librarian — WiLLIAM SIMPSON, F.K.G.S.
HARRISON AND SONS, PRINTERS IN ORDINARY TO HER MAJIiSTV, ST. MARTIN S LANli.
VOL. XVIII. Part 6.
PROCEEDINGS
THE SOCIETY
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
-4y.^>-
VOL. XVIII. TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION.
Fz/t/i Meeting, J line 2nd, 1896.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Sir p. Le Page Renouf {President). — The Book of the Dead.
Notes to Chapter CXXVIII 165-169
Prof. A. II. Sayce.— Assyriological Notes. No. I 170-186
Dr. W. Max Muller. — On a Hieroglyphic Sign 187-191
^H^-
PUBLISHED AT
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PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION, 1896.
Fifth Meetings 2nd June ^ 1 896.
SIR P. LE PAGE RENOUF, President,
IN THE CHAIR.
-^m-
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From F. Legge, Esq. : — Der gnostische Papyrus von London.
Einleitung, text, und demotisch-deutsches glossar, von J. J. Hess.
Freiburg (Schweiz). 1892. Folio.
From the Author, Professor R. V. Lanzone : — Les Papyrus du
lac Moeris, reunis et reproduits en fac-simile, et accompagnes
d'un texte explicatif Turin. 1896. Folio.
[No. cxxxix.] 163 N
June 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1896.
From the Author, Professor E. Lefebure : — Le lievre dans la
Mythologie. Foho. 1896. Paris.
Mc In sine. Tome VIII. No. 2.
The following Candidate was submitted for election,
having been nominated at the last Meeting, held on the
5th May, 1896: —
Miss Elizabeth S. Colton, Easthampton, Mass., U.S.A.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
The Edinburgh Public Library, Hew Morrison, F.S.A. Scot.,
Librarian.
Sir P. le P. Renouf {PresideJit), made some remarks on
the Inscription recently discovered in Egypt by Dr. Petrie.
A Paper was read by the Rev. G. Margoliouth : " Some
Fragments of the Palestinian Version of the Holy Scriptures."
Remarks were added by the Rev. R. Gwynne {Sec. for For.
Corr.), Rev. G. Margoliouth, and the President. Thanks were
returned for these communications.
A Paper was read by Sir P. le P. Renouf {^President) :
"Young and Champollion on Hieroglyphic Discovery."
A vote offering the congratulations of the Society to Sir
P. le P. Renouf {President), for the honour Her Majesty the
Queen had recently conferred on him, was proposed by
Mr. T. Christy, seconded by Mr. P. R. Reed, carried
unanimously and ordered to be entered on the minutes.
164
June 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
BOOK OF THE DEAD.
By P, le Page Renouf.
CHAPTER CXXVHI.
Invocation of Osiris.
Hail to thee, Osiris Unneferu, son of Nut and eldest son of
Seb : the Great One who proceed eth from Nut ; the king in
Nefu-urit; (i) the Prince in Amenta; the Lord of Abydos ; the
Lord of Forces ; the most Mighty ; the Lord of the Atef crown
in Suten-hunen, the Lord of Power in Nefu-urit, (2) the Lord of
the Mansion : most Powerful in Tattu : Lord of Administration, (3)
and of many festivals in Tattu.
Horus exalteth his father Osiris in every place ; associating Isis
the Great with her sister Nephthys.
Thoth speaketh to [Horus] with the potent utterances (4) which
have in himself their origin and proceed from his mouth, and which
strengthen the heart of Horus beyond all gods.
Rise up Horus, son of Isis, and restore thy father
Osiris !
Ha, Osiris ! I am come to thee ; I am Horus and I restore
thee unto life upon this day, with the funereal offerings and all good
things for Osiris.
Rise up, then, Osiris : I have stricken down for thee thine
enemies, I have delivered thee from them.
I am Horus on this fair day, at the beautiful coming forth (5)
of thy Powers : who lifteth thee up with himself on this fair day as
thine associate god. (6)
Ha, Osiris ! thou hast come and with thee thy Ka, which uniteth
with thee in thy name of Ka-hotep. (7)
He glorifieth thee in thy name of the Glorified : he invoketh thee
in thy name of Hekau : he openeth for thee the paths in thy name
of Ap-uat. (8)
Ha, Osiris ! I am come to thee that I may set thine adversaries
beneath thee in every place, and that thou mayest be triumphant in
presence of all the gods who are around thee.
165 N 2
June 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1896.
Ha, Osiris ! thou hast received thy sceptre, thy pedestal and the
flight of stairs beneatli thee. (9)
Regulate thou the festivals of the gods, and do thou regulate the
oblations to those who reside in their mansions.
Grant thou thy greatness to the gods whom thou hast made,
great god, and make thine appearance with them as their Ensign. (10)
Take thou precedence (11) over all the gods and listen to the
Voice of Maat on this day.
Said aver the oblations made to the Strong One on the Festival
of Uaka. (12)
Notes.
The ancient papyri do not contain this chapter. The translation
follows the text of the Turin Todtenbuch, occasionally corrected by
other papyri of the later period. There is nothing specially in-
teresting in the chapter : the first portion of it is an invocation to
Osiris under certain names, as in many other hymns* to the god
from the time of the Xllth dynasty down to the latest times : the
latter portion consists of evocations addressed by Horus to his
father. Their prototype is to be found in formulas frequent in the
Pyramid Texts. These were much admired and imitated in the
Saitic and the later periods.
1. King in Nefii-urit I ^ ^ -C-^ ^^^ S • Osiris is also
called 0 1 OQ |4 ^v ^T^ '^1'^ at Philos. And in the second line of
this chapter he is called ^kZ^ () J] /« Nefu-urit which, if not identical
with Abydos, must have been a part of that town or in its immediate
neighbourhood.
2. ^:Z^ I ^ z= X^ ^^ ^ g is equivalent to | ^ ^ , the
title of Osiris in Fepi /, line 8. And the Power is defined as
"thy Power which is upon the
Glorified.'
X. Administration E^ ; literally things. See note 3 on
^ III
Chapter 18.
* Cf. the Hymn to Osiris in the V>\\A. Nationale, the Hymn of Tunrei (Mariette,
Mou. (liv., pi. 57), and an inscription copied l)y Mariette from the temple of Ptah
at Memphis [Mon. div., pi. 28 c). There are plenty others of the same kind.
166
June 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
4. Utterances '^^ • See note 2 on Chapter i, and compare
Merenrd, 103, and Fepi II, 13.
5. Conmig forth i^- Cf. cyA.1, avcneKXeu^, (iunroX)), and the
meanings d^ocet'a and lopr)) which, on the tablet of Canopus, corres
pond to the Egyptian Q„. The first hour after sunrise was called
I I ; so that " the beautiful Coming forth of thy Powers " may
be a mere technical periphrasis for daybreak.
Besides the ^ "v^ ""^^^ X^ of Ra in Chapter 1 7, it is well to
remember such proper names as Q ^ } , r>i^
v__-* Q '^m ' ^^'■^^ several others.
6. Thine associate god, or one of those about thee,
fl u
O ff\ I I I
Ki) tSi lO
See Note 2 on Chapter 18. M. Chabas in his commentary upon
the fine hymn translated by him in the Rev. Arch., 1857, considers
it " une circonstance bizarre " that Osiris is several times included
among his ' Djadjou.^ The bizarrerie is easily explained by parallel
expressions known to every Greek scholar, ol uf-ifjil Hctatarpajov in
Herodotus means Pisistratus with his troops, and in Thucydides,
Of 7re/j< QpacrvjiovKoi' means Thrasybuliis with his soldiers. In the
Iliad (3, 146) OL u^KJii UiMu/iioi' is explained by the Scholiast as
meaning Priam himself : tout iajiv^ o Upia^io^.
7. This passage as it stands is the alteration of one of the
Pyramid Texts (Teta, 284; Pepi I, 54): " Horus hath brought to
pass that his Ka [? image] which is in thee should unite with thee in
thy name of Ka-hotep."
8. This whole passage is also taken from the Pyramid Texts.
Its chief value in this place is in evidence of a truth not yet
generally acknowledged by Egyptologists, that Ap-uat (or as written
in the Pyramid Texts, Up-uat) is really Osiris. The proofs are
numerous and overwhelming.
I produced evidence of this identity in the P.S.B.A. of June i,
1886, from an obelisk of the Xllth dynasty now at Alnwick Castle,
and in 1891 Brugsch published in his Thesaurus (p. 1420) a tablet,
now in the I>ouvre, of the same period as the obelisk, which also
treats Ap-uat as one of the names of Osiris. But the earliest as well
167
June 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1896.
as the most instructive evidence is tliat of the Pyramid Texts. The
later form of it is thus given on the coffin of Nes-Shu-Tefmit at
Vienna (see Bergman, Rcaieil, VI, p. 165): " Horus openeth for
thee thy Two Eyes that thou mayest see with them in thy name of
Ap-uat."
But the Pyramids of Teta (I. 281) and Pepi (1. 131) say, "Horus
openeth for thee thine Eye that thou mayest see with it in its name
Ap-uat." Each of the Eyes of Osiris is Ap-uat, one of them is the
Southern and the other is the Northern Jackal. These two facing
each other form part of the symbolism explained in Note 2 upon
Chapter 125.
The figure of the Jackal is wholly insufficient as an argument
that Ap-uat is identical with Anubis. Much better evidence is found
in the fact that the name of Anubis is sometimes written over the
figure.* But the true explanation of this is, what might have seemed
incredible to some of our older scholars, that Anubis is itself only
one of the names of Osiris.
The Pyramids of Pepi I (line 474 and following) and Pepi II
(1. 1262 and following) give imaginary etymologies of certain names
of Osiris which are repeated in the inscriptions of the tomb of
Horhotep, published by M. Maspero {Miss. Arch., I, 260). One of
— ••— \ ji —rr
these names is '^ a, ^\M. , which is said to be derived from v ^t ,
"pass thou over to me." The next is (I J^:^). ^ Anpu, which
is derived from v\ ! The true meaning of (I v^ is not
jackal., but avhelp ; the fierce young of an animal ; not only of jackals
or lions but of men, kings or gods, [1 4 . Thus Orestes speaks
(Eur., Orest., i) of (tkv/hi'oi' avoalov ttht/jo's-, and the Chorus of another
play talks of the reception of tov 'Ax^'A-Xg^oi/ aKvfivov {Andr., 11 70).
And Shakespeare speaks of "the young whelp of Talbot's raging
brood."
9. Pedestal., [I "^v y ^ ; the stand upon which the images or
emblems of the god were carried in procession. The | | is very
frequently supported by it ; '--| .
* See Marietta, Mon. div., pi. 61, where each of the jackals is surmounted
with the Eye and bears the name A npu.
168
June 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
Flight of stairs, ^^ . See Note 2 on Chapter 22.
10. Etisign, i.e., insignis, one who bears the distinguishing mark
or sign of investiture fi ^ 9-* See Note 4 on Chapter 78.
Osiris is here presented as the Sahu of the gods whom he has
called into existence. The Hymn of the Bibliotheque Nationale
(line 7) calls him ^ % ffUl ^ | •
Chnumhotep at Benihassan says of the king, ^^5^ v\
^ /W-.W. v\ ^r^ rJfl , " he distinguished me above all his
nobles" that is the order of men bearing the sign of investiture.
1 1 . Take precedence, 1 1 ■=^:5-^ . I take the word in the same
sense as where it occurs (without the determinative of sound) in
Denkm.,\\\, 2(^'ix.-, in parallelism with ^^ .
12. Uaka, Y^ ® ^^ CT\ ' "^ ^'^ older texts -^ ] S {~\ (as
in Pepi I, 98) ; one of the oldest festivals of the Egyptian calendar,
kept on the 17th and 18th of the month Thoth.
The Pyramid Text says "Behold, he cometh to thee as Orion
( Q U )j behold Osiris cometh as Orion the Lord of Wine
( ^Ziy (I , vinosus, full of wine), who cometh on the fair festival
of Uaka."
Uaka, ^S Vv T=r or -jb ) ^^^. i^zn is also one of the
names given to the Nile.
* The importance of this sign is manifest in the Pyramid Text {Merenrii, 634),
" A^maketh his appearance as King, he hath possession of his I X Q and of
his throne. ' [Since the above was in print M. Naville has published an inscrip-
tion of Queen Hatshepsit, in which the remarkable expression 1 1 \ ^;:rV V
occurs three times.]
t Does "ffl^ represent what we call the Belt of Orion with its three bright stars ?
The word written [1|^'^'[1 ^f"^' ^"^ ^^^'^ P ^ i ^T^ °'
I Y^ « ^ (and also without any vowel, though ^\ is understood), has
determinatives in Pepi I, 635, and Merenra, 509, which imply the sense oi girdle,
zone. Hence the sense of neighbourhood, " the men or places round about one."
169
June 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1896.
ASSYRIOLOGICAL NOTES. No. i.
By Professor A. H. Sayce.
I feel I cannot do better than follow the excellent example set
by Prof. Hommel, and send the Society some notes I have made
on certain points connected with cuneiform research. They are
part of a collection that has been lying by me for some time, though
I have not hitherto found the leisure to throw them into a form fit
for publication. Most of them relate to matters of history and
geography.
I. Prof. Hommel's acute suggestion that the name of the
country in the mountains of " Martu," from which Gudea imported
7iagal or " limestone " must be read Subsalla, and identified with
the land of Zabsali which was overrun by Gamil-Sin, king of Ur,
is confirmed by a passage in the old geographical list published in
W.A.I. , II. 50. 71. where it is called Sa77i-sal-\la\. The pronun-
ciation of the name was probably Savsalla ; as is well known, final
V or w is represented in the Sumerian texts by an interchange of
b and in (or v). The 14 preceding lines of the list read : — "The
land of Martu is the land of the Amcrites {A/iiurrc) ; the land of
Tidnum is the land of the Amorites ; the land of Girgir is the
land of the Amorites ; the land of Suri is the land of Suwarti
(Northern Mesopotamia) ; the land of Nimma is the land of Elam ;
the land of Gutium is the land of Gutu (Kurdistan) ; Zag-Gutium is
the frontier of Gutu ; the land of Sirum (?) is the land of Sir[iJ ;
the land of Cedars is the land of Mar[tu] ; the land of Markhasi
(Mer'ash) is the land of S[uwarti] ; the land of Sirrum is [the land
of] ... ; the land of Bit-Anu is [the land of Ararat] ; the land of
Khana is [the land of] ... ; the land of Lulubi is [the land of
Gutu ?] ; the land of Samsal[!a is the land of Martu]." The Kurds
of Kurdistan derive their name from the Babylonian g2/radu, " a
warrior " — a word which was also borrowed by the Vannic language
of ancient Armenia, under the form of khiiradi — and quradu is
given as the equivalent of ,?/^/ (W.A.I. , 11. 36. 2), the sister form
170
June 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
qarradu being also given as a translation of gutu. Giid or gudi
in Sumerian signified "a bull"; Gutu, however, was probably not
a Sumerian but a native Kurdish word. The Sumerian geographical
name Gutium was borrowed from a Semitic language (probably that
of Babylonia) which possessed the case-ending -um. Bit-Anu, a
play upon the name Bilanu (? the land of "palaces") applied to
Biainas or Van in Armenia, is also Semitic.
Suri or Suru, for the character t:'^^{ had the value of 7-u or
rum, as well as of ri (see W.A.I., II. 56. 59^), corresponded in a
general way to the classical Mesopotamia, though it extended
further to the north-west, and when Cyrus attacked its king he is
said, in his Annalistic Tablet i^Obv. II, 16) to have crossed the
Tigris below the city of Arbela. Suri seems to be a contracted
form of the Semitic Babylonian Suwarti or Subarti, also written
Subarti and Subari (W.A.I., I. 10. 89, II. i. 3). Subari is found
in the Tel el-Amarna tablets. Tiglath-Pileser I uses it in the
restricted Assyrian sense of the district north of Harran and Diar-
bekir. It is questionable whether Suri has any connection with the
city of Suri mentioned in the Assyrian historical inscription. This
Suri is the classical Sura, the modern Suriyeh, on the west bank
of the Euphrates, to the north of Thapsacus ; it is called Sur by
the Egyptian kingThothmes III, in his list of conquered localities in
northern Syria (No. 252). Since Noldeke's discussion of the subject
it has been generally assumed that " Syria " is an abbreviated form
of "Assyria" ; it may, however, after all be descended from Suri.*
The land of Khana has been confounded by Prof. Jensen
(Z.D.M.G., XLVIII, II, p. 239) with Khani-rabbat, with which it
has nothing to do. As I pointed out in 1889 (Records of the Past,
New Ser., II, p. 149, note 3), while Khani-rabbat was eastern
Kappadokia, Khana lay on the eastern frontier of Babylonia, and
is associated with Lulume (Luluwe) or Lulubi, W.A.I., I. 28. 17,
18. The kings of Khana bore Babylonian names, and wrote in the
Babylonian language, as we know from the inscription of one of them
now in the British Museum, and words belonging to the language
of Khana are to be found in the lexical tablets.
The "land of the Amorites " included not only Central Syria,
but also Canaan, and " Amorite " is accordingly often the equivalent
* It is noteworthy that in the Mujellibeh inscription of Nabonidos, discovered
by Dr. Scheil, the Assyrian king is called "the king of Su-ri" (Col. I, 35,
II, 18).
171
June 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1896.
of "Canaanite," as in certain passages of the Pentateuch. This
shows that when the Babylonians first became acquainted with
Syria the Amorites were the dominant population there. When
the Assyrians first invaded Central Syria and Palestine, the place
of the Amorites had been taken by the Hittites, and consequently
in the Assyrian texts the inhabitants of the west are summed up
under the name of Hittites. Shalmaneser II even calls the Kings
of Israel, of Arvad, and of Ammon Kings of "the Hittites" {Black
Obelisk, 88). The Sumerian Martu, "the land of the Amorites,"
must have been taken from a Semitic form of the name which
had the feminine suffix attached to it, and then by a Volksety-
mologie have been slightly changed in pronunciation so as to
resemble the two Sumerian words Mar-tu, " the abode of the setting
(sun)." The Semitic language from which Martu was borrowed,
however, was not Babylonian, as the only form of the name known
to the latter dialect was Aimirrii, and it was probably one of the
Semitic dialects of the west. It is noticeable that in Gen. xxii, 2
the Septuagint translators read Moreh ( = Martu) instead of Moriah,
and that the Syriac has " Amorites." It is possible that the name
of the Phoenician town of Marathus is the same as Martu, and
Brathy was a mountain famous in Phoenician mythology.
Why the name of the Amorite-land should have been symbolised
by two feet facing one another {g i R - G i r) in early Babylonian
writing it is impossible to say. Perhaps we shall discover the reason
when the Hittite Hieroglyphs are deciphered. In the syllabaries
the double ideograph is given as the equivalent of Tidnu. Prof.
Hommel has long since pointed out that Tidnu is the Tidanum of
Gudea from which the stone called sir-gal khab-hi-a was brought to
Chaldea.
2. The origin of the name Kasdim applied in the Old Testament
to Babylonia is still enveloped in mystery. But it should be noticed
that Chesed (Gen. xxii. 22) was an Aramrean, the brother of the
North Arabian tribes, Uz, Buz, and Hazo and that Arphaxad, the
representative of the Babylonians (Gen. x. 22) is a compound of
Chesed, not Chesed itself. In W.A.I., III. 66, Rev., 16-35 / ^^^
have a list of the deities of the Suti or Bedawin ; among them is
Um-Kasda-KI (1. 31) "the Mother of the land of Kasda," which
would therefore have presumably been in the desert west of the
Euphrates. It is noticeable that in 81. 2-4. 287, kasdu is given as
the equivalent oi i7-zitum "land" and qaqqaru "ground." It would
172
June 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
seem that Kasda (which was a city as well as a country), lay on the
west side of the Euphrates in the Arabian territory of the Bedawin,
and that the Hebrew use of the name to denote Babylonia east of
the Euphrates must have been a later extension of it. How it
came about we may perhaps understand from the following con-
siderations. The dynasty of Ur, which immediately preceded that
founded by Sumu-abi or Samu-abi ("Shem is my father") at
Babylon, was not only supreme in Babylonia, but had also made
conquests in the west. As has been observed above, Gamil- Sin
over-ran the land of Zabsali, of which the daughter either of himself
or of some other king of Ur married the patesi or High-priest. At
this period, accordingly, the representative of Babylonia to the
Hebrew-speaking people of Canaan would have been the city of Ur^
which was rather in the desert, in the domain of the Suti, than in
Babylonia proper. In the great Babylonian astronomical work we
read (W.A.I., HI. 60. 2. 83), "To the King of Kisarra power is-
given ; misfortune to Ur." Kisarra means " the land of the hordes,"
that is to say Arabia Petrsea with its hordes of nomad Bedawin.
I believe that the Babylonian Kisurru, " the frontier," is a Semitised
form of Kisarra which has assumed the general sense of " frontier,"
Kisarra having for so many centuries bounded Babylonia on the
west. At all events Kisarra represents that part of the world in
which Uz, Buz, and Hazo were situated, and to which therefore
Chesed presumably belonged. While to the Babylonian Ur was
distinct from Kisarra, by the western Semite it would have been
included in it. In this way, Chesed being equivalent to Kisarra,.
and Kisarra including Ur, the capital of Babylonia, Babylonia
would have come to be known in the west as the land of Chesed.
(3.) The same transference of geographical meaning has, I
believe, also taken place in the use of the name Shinar in the Old
Testament. Shinar is usually identified with Sumer— an identifica-
tion first proposed by Dr. Haigh — but a form Sungir has never been
found by the side of Sumer in the inscriptions, and the recent
discoveries of Mr. Pinches in regard to Khammurabi and his con-
temporaries make it very difficult to maintain the identification any
longer. It is now clear that Khammurabi must be the Biblical
Amraphel of Shinar, and since the kingdom of Khammurabi was
in northern Babylonia while Sumer denotes southern Babylonia,
it would seem to follow that Shinar and Sumer cannot be the
same, The ingenious identifications proposed by Mr. Ball and
17^
June 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1896.
Prof. Hommel are equally unsatisfactory. On the other hand, the
Hebrew Shin'ar is the Babylonian Sankhar, which is mentioned in
Tel el-Amarna tablets (B.M., V. 49). Sankhar is the Sangair of the
Egyptian hieroglyphics, the classical Singara, the Sinjar of to-day.
It is an oasis in the middle of Mesopotamia, on the road from
Kirkesion, the Assyrian Sirki, to Nineveh. In the war between
Rome and the Parthians its possession meant the control of
Babylonia as well as of Mesopotamia. The kingdom of Sankhar
adjoined Northern Babylonia, and it may have been the leading
state in Suri before the rise of Mitanni. In any case it was through
Sankhar that the caravans from the west made their way to northern
Babylonia, if they travelled by land. The transference of name
would have been like that of " Scotland " from the north-east of
Ireland to the whole of the northern part of Britain.
4. Ophir — That Ophir was the trading port to which gold was
brought and not itself a gold-producing country, seems now to be
pretty well agreed ; and since Mr. Bent's researches in Central
Africa, it has been supposed that Zimbabwe and its neighbourhood
were the original source of the gold which was exported from Ophir.
However, this may be, the Old Testament places Ophir in south-
eastern Arabia in conjunction with Hadhramaut and Saba (Gen. x.
26-30). Now Sargon states that after his overthrow of Merodach-
baladan, the ambassadors of Uperi, king of Dilmun, an island " in
the middle of the sea," 30 kasbii distant from the Babylonian coast,
came to offer him homage. Sir H. Rawlinson (J.R.A.S., XII. 2,
New Sen, 1880), was doubtless right in identifying Dilmun with
Bahrein, where Capt. Durand found a cuneiform inscription
dedicated to the god Enzag, which we are told in W.A.I. , II. 54.
66, was the name given to Nebo in Dilmun. I believe that Sargon,
or his scribe, has confounded the name of the king with the name
of his chief city, and that Uperi is really Ophir. The king of
Dilmun, would therefore have been, not " Uperi," but the " king of
Uperi," and we should have to look for Ophir in the neighbourhood
of Bahrein. Dilmun was called Zal-tu(g) by the Sumerians, that is,
" the oil-bearing land." It may be asked whether Zaltu is the
origin of jl'^t, which is a loan-word in the Semitic languages.*
* 'EAoi'a, oliva, is equally a loan-word in Western Indo-European, and must
be connected with (the perhaps Sumerian) idii, also written urti, which is given
as the equivalent of saman, " oil " in W.A.I., V. 28. 2. 26, 27. Ulu or nru has,
of course, nothing to do with the Semitic root n?y in the sense of " highest," as
June 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
Dr. Oppert is doubtless right in identifying Dilmun (Dilvun) with
Tyrus or Tylus, the classical name of Bahrein ; Bahrein lies in the
Gulf of Gerrha, a town which in Roman times was still celebrated
for its commercial activity, and since Gerrha is merely the Arabic
Jera'a " desert," Ophir may have been its original name.
5. I have been asked why I write the name of Nin-girsu, the
goddess of Lagas or Tello, Inguris'a. The answer will be found in
W.A.I., III. 66, where In-gu-ri-s'a, 14^. (0/>v.), is replaced by
Nin-girs'u, 3/ (J?ev.) ; Ingurisa seems to have been the Semitic
pronunciation of the Sumerian name.*
6. As I have observed above, the recent discoveries of
Mr, Pinches show that Profs. Schrader and Hommel and M, Halevy
were right in identifying Khammurabi with the Amraphel of Genesis.
But no satisfactory explanation of the form assumed by the name in
the Biblical record has as yet been offered ; my own suggestion is as
follows. The campaign against Canaan took place while Babylon
was still in subjection to Elam, and before Khammurabi had made
himself independent and overthrown the rival kingdom of Eri-Aku,
or Arioch. Consequently it must have taken place in the early part
of his reign, possibly even in the reign of his father. We learn
from the tablet (W.A.I., V. 44. I. 21, 22), in which the names of
the foreign kings of Babylonia are translated into Semitic Assyrian,
that Khanunu and Ammi were different modes of representing in
Babylonian the same word which began with the Arabic and
Canaanite 'ay In. Consequently the name of Khammurabi would
have been pronounced Ammurabi or Ammi-rabi by his subjects, as
well as Khammurabi. Now, it is possible that Chedor-laomer's
campaign occurred in the reign of Khammurabi's father, but that
the forces of Babylon were led not by the king but by his son the
crown prince. In this case a Babylonian writer would have spoken
of him as Ainini-rabi apil sar Babili, " Ammi-rabi, the son of the
king of Babylon." This would have been rendered in Hebrew
■^i^ili^'^?^ TCLlh^i^, the Hebrew^ writer overlooking the fact that
Delitzsch supposes. Uhi was borrowed by Assyrian, and iilii sainan is accord-
ingly used in the sense of "olive-oil." In the language of Suri or Mitanni,
nhut, which is doubtless connected with nhi, also signified "oil" (W.A.I., V.
28. 2. 28).
* The Assyrian loan-word gi-ir-ii-e is given as the equivalent of the Akkadian
(or Neo-Sumerian) nic-ir-si, in Sni. 1366. 4, 5, where it must have the signifi-
cation of " bank "or " dyke."
June 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY, [1896.
apil was not part of the royal name, and the ^ before Q subsequently
dropping out of the text. The change of Larsa into "^D^i^
shows that the text has been actually corrupted in one word at
least.
(7.) An attempt has recently been made to connect Manda in
the name of the Umman Manda, or barbarians on the eastern
frontier of Babylonia, with the Assyrian viahdii, " much." This,
however, is philologically inadmissible. The word always has the
stereotyped form of Manda, and the vowel with which it terminates
{a instead of /) shows, as in the similar case of aha, that it is of
foreign origin. It probably comes from one of the Semitic dialects
spoken to the east or north of Babylonia ; and since the Umman
Manda correspond geographically with the land of Nod, or land of
■" Nomads," of the Old Testament, I adhere to my old opinion that
in Manda we have a derivative from the same root as Nod (which in
Gen. X. 22, has been corrupted into the better-known Lud.). At
any rate, the term Umman Manda was used by the Babylonians as
the term " Barbarians " was by rhe (ireeks to denote tribes and
peoples who lay outside Babylonian religion and civilisation, and it
was thus the equivalent of the Hebrew Goyyim, " Gentiles." Now
in the important tablets discovered by Mr. Pinches relating to
Khammurabi and his contemporaries, while mention is made in one
fragment of Tudkhula or Tid'al, in another fragment we read :
All Kudar-Laga\jnar e\pis liuitieti idkamma d.p. Umman Man[da,
■erumma ana bahii\lat Bel yimammaDWia . . . . " ^^'ho is Chedor-
laomer, who has wrought evil ? He has assembled the Umman
Manda, [he has invaded the peojple of Bel, and has destroyed
[their sanctuaries."] (" Certain Inscriptions and Records referring
to Babylonia and Elam," by Theo. G. Pinches, Paper read before'
the Victoria Institute, January 20, 1896.) I am, therefore, inclined to
see in Tudkhula, a ruler of the Umman Manda, corresponding with
the Biblical Tid'al, king of Goyyim. As the Kurdish mountains,
where the Umman Manda were located by the Babylonians,
adjoined Elam on the north, they were as easily able to pass under
the power of an Elamite conqueror as the states of Babylonia itself.
It may be that there is a reference to the invasion of Babylonia by
the combined forces of Chedor-laomer and the Umman Manda in a
passage in the great Babylonian work on astronomy (W.A.L, III.
61. 21, 22), translated by me for the first time 23 years ago.
Here we read: " The Umman Manda comes and governs the land.
176
June 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
The mercy-seats of the great gods are taken away. Bel goes to
Elam. It is prophesied that after 30 years the tuktii shall be
restored, (and that) the great gods shall return with them." It is
clear from the context thar tuktu must mean " the vanquished " or
"the exiles," but the explanation of the form is by no means easy.
The same word occurs in a similar context on the stela of Nabonidos,
recently found at the ^MujelUbeh, Babylon, by Dr. Scheil {Couiptes-
rendus, Acadhnie des Inscriptions^ 4'"^ ser., tom. xxiii, 1895), where
we have : " [Merodach] gave him (the Babylonian king) a helper,
and he furnished him with an ally, even the king of the Umman
Manda, who has no rival : he made him (the king of the U. M.)
obey his commands : he caused him to go to his help : above and
below like the deluge he swept ; he avenged Babylon. The king of
the Umman Manda, the fearless, destroyed the iukte {iriba fiiktc), he
laid waste their sanctuaries." We learn from an inscription of
Assur-bani-pal, published by Prof. Strong, that Tuktamme, the king
of the Umman Manda, whom I have long since identified with the
Lygdamis of Strabo (i. 3, 16), had done terrible injury to Assyria,
but had finally been overthrown along with his son Sandaksatru.
Tuktamme, therefore, whose name could also be read Dugdamme,
must be the king of the Umman-Manda referred to by Nabonidos.
The resemblance of his name to the word tuktu, which had been
connected with an invasion of Babylonia by the Umman Manda
2000 years before, cannot be an accident. And considering that
Strabo gives the name as Lygdamis, I believe that the Assyrian
scribes altered it a little, so as to assimilate it to tuktu. This now
seems to me more probable than my former supposition that
Lygdamis is a Greek clerical error for Dygdamis.
However this may be, the passage in the great astronomical
work, now, for the first time, receives its explanation from the text
discovered by Mr. Pinches. It was not easy to understand why
an invasion of Babylonia by the Umman Manda should have as
its result that the image of Bel was carried to Elam from his temple
at Babylon. But if the Umman Manda had been summoned to
the war by their suzerain lord, the king of Elam, all is explained.
The Greek writers confounded the Manda of the cuneiform
text with the Mada or Medes, with whom they had nothing to do.
Hence, as I pointed out in 1890 {Records of the Fast, New Series,
HI, p. XV), the Medes of Berossos, who conquered Babylon at the
beginning of history, must be the Manda. The dynasties of Berossos,
177
June 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1896.
as they have been handed down to us, are in such confusion that
it is impossible to say whether this conquest of Babylon by the
Medes was connected with its conquest by Kudur-Lagamar. If it
were, we must suppose that the conquest took place in the reign
of Sin-muballidh the father of Khammurabi, that tlie king of the
Manda was counted as the leader of the " Median " dynasty, and
that Sin-muballidh and his successors were regarded as completing it.
In the age of the second Assyrian empire, when the Kimmerians
burst upon Western Asia, the old name of Umman Manda was
applied to them, and their conquest of the kingdom of Ellipi in the
neighbourhood of the Kurdish mountains, where the city of
Ekbatana was built, made it seem peculiarly suitable. This
conquest took place in the reign of Esar-haddon, as we learn from
the oracles addressed to that king, published by Prof. Strong {Beitrdge
zur Assyriologie, II, 1893). Here it was that Istuvegu reigned over
them, whom the Greek writers call Astyages king of the Medes.
By way of compensating for the identification of the Manda
with the Medes, Herodotos, and the writers who followed him,
have divided the Manda Gimirra or Kimmerians of the inscriptions
into two separate peoples, the Kimmerians and the Skyths. The
Skyths are made, however, to follow on the heels of the Kimmeiians,
and while the Kimmerians are sent into Asia Minor, the Skyths
are stated to have settled in Ekbatanian Media, and from thence
to have overrun Western Asia.
The true facts are these : The Gimirra and the Saka, the
Kimmerians and the Skyths of classical history, are one and the
same people, Saka or Skyth being the Persian name, and Gimirru,
the Gomer of the Old Testament, being the Assyrian. That the
Persian Saka is represented by Gimirra in the Naksh-i-Rustem
inscription of Darius was recognised long ago by Norris and
Rawlinson, long before the name of the Gimirra had been found
in the older texts of Assyria. The mistake of Herodotos was
occasioned by the fact that the Greeks and Lydians of Asia Minor
called the invaders Kimmerians, whereas in his Persian sources of
information they were termed Saka. He consequently supposed
the Kimmerians and Saka to be different, and transformed two
successive hordes of Gimirra or Saka into two separate peoples,
Kimmerians and Skyths.
His second error was due to a combination of his confusion
between " Manda " and " Mede " with Medo-Persian folk-lore,
178
June 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
which changed the Manda chiefs into Median kings, and ascribed
the overthrow of the Assyrian empire to the power and prowess of
Median princes. But we now know that the old kingdom of Ellipi
where Ekbatana stood was not Media, and that there were no
Medes in it till the days of the Persian empire. The Mada or
Medes of the inscriptions lived further to the north-east, in Media
Atropatene ; Astyages was king of the Manda, not of the Medes,
and we learn from the inscription of Nabonidos, quoted above, that
it was a king of the Umman Manda, not of the Medes, who assisted
the king of Babylonia in taking vengeance on Nineveh. The
natural vanity of the Medo-Persian writers, from whom Herodotos
drew his materials, has led them to appropriate the victories of the
Manda and to substitute the names of Medians for those of the
Manda chieftains.
As I pointed out years ago, in my Herodotos^ the Median
chronology of Herodotos is impossible. Not only does it give the
artificial number of 150 years, but it makes the Medians revolt
from Assyria and bring about the overthrow of the Assyrian empire
in the reign of Sennacherib, in the heyday of Assyrian power. The
Median revolt is merely a distorted tradition of the Kimmerian
war of Esar-haddon, 130 years before the conquest of Astyages by
Cyrus. The Deiokes of Herodotos will thus correspond with the
Teuspa or Teispes of the Assyrian monuments, the " Manda " chief
of the Gimirra, whom Esar-haddon defeated and drove westward
into Asia Minor. Teuspa was in alliance with the Manna or Minni,
to the east of Ararat, with the Mada or Medes, with Saparda or
Sepharad, with Asguza or Ashkenaz, and above all with Kastarit
king of Kar-Kassi, the "Wall" or "Fortress of the Kassi." We
shall have to look for the latter place among the Kossaeans of the
western mountains of Elam, where Sennacherib found and subju-
gated the Kassi.
Deiokes is the Assyrian Daiukku or Daukku, a chief of the
Manna who was made prisoner by Sargon, and transported to
Hamath in B.C. 715. A year or two later Sargon associates Bit-
Daukku, "The House of Deiokes," with Ellipi the future seat of
the Manda. It is noticeable that in the list of Median kings given
by Ktesias the name of Deiokes appears as Mandaukes, perhaps
for Manda-Daukku.*
* In Diodoros {Epit., 30-32) the name appears as Madaukes where Mada
takes the place of Manda.
179 O
June 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII/EOLOGY. [1896.
Phraortes, whom Herodotos places after Deiokes, really is a
Median name, the Persian Fravartish. As he is stated to have
besieged Nineveh, and nearly destroyed the Assyrian power, but
at last, after a reign of 22 years, to have been defeated and slain in
battle, he must correspond with the historical Tuktamme (Lygdamis),
the Manda king, who had a similar history according to Assur-
bani-pal. In this case, Sanda-ksatru the son of Tuktamme will
correspond with the Kyaxares of the Greek writer. When we
remember that Arta-ksatru is the Assyrian mode of writing the
name which was made Artaxerxes by the Greeks, there is perhaps
something to be said for the assimilation of (Sanda)-ksatru to
(Kya)xares. So far, however, as the names are concerned, Kyaxares
is Kastarit, who, as we have just seen, was king of Kar-Kassi in the
time of Esar-haddon.
Was Sanda-ksatru, rather than his father Tuktamme, " the king
of the Umman Manda" who assisted Nabopolassar in destroying
Nineveh ? He may have been, but there is another possible
candidate for the place. Some years ago I published in the
Proceedings of this Society a curious inscription in the cuneiform
characters of the Amardian (or Neo-Susian) syllabary, engraved on
a gryphon's head of red stone which had once formed the head of
a sceptre. The object was found in Kappadokia, and the inscription
was that of " Ku-ar-u-van, the Mandhuvian {Man-dhu-vas) king." If
Mandlmvas is the right reading, the name may be compared with
Manda ; in the royal name, however, the first character in it must
certainly be read va7i, and not ma7i, so that I should now prefer
the transcription Vand/mvas. In this case I should connect the
name with that of the Veneti (Horn., //., I. 851) in reference to
whom Mceander says that the white Syrians {XivKoaviyoi), Kappa-
dokians and 'Eitto/ were all the same people.
If, however, Kuar-uvan is a Manda and not a Hittite king, we
should have an explanation of his use of the Amardian system of
writing. According to Herodotos (I, 74) Kyaxares carried on war
against Alyattes of Lydia, and peace was made between them only
after a battle on the banks of the Halys, westward of Kappadokia.
It would, therefore, be intelligible that an object made in Susiana,
or in its immediate neighbourhood, should have been discovered
in Kajipadokia.
The last of the Manda kings who ruled at Ekbatana was
Istuvegu or Astyages, concjuered by Cyrus in b.c. 549. That he
iSo
June 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1896
was not a Mede might have been gathered from the great inscription
of Darius at Behistun. Here we read that Fravartish, the pretender
to the crown of Media, did not call himself Istuvegu or the son of
Istuvegu, but (adopting the Babylonian forms of the names)
Khasatriti the son of Uvaku-istar. Khasatriti is almost identical
with Kastarit, which may explain how in the person of Kyaxares
Kastarit has become a Median king.
The transformation of Kimmerians or Skyths into Medes was
rendered easier by the fact that both peoples apparently belonged
to the same race and spoke the language. The names of the
Kimmerian or Manda chieftains — with the exception perhaps of
Astyages, Istuvegu — are not only Indo-European, but Iranian.
Teuspa or Teispes, Tuktamme and Sanda-ksatru are all Iranian
names. It may be that the Medes and Persians formed the advance-
guard of a migration from the West which ended with the Kim-
merians or Skyths.
Finally, it must be remembered that, although the Umman
Manda of the 7th and 6th centuries B.C. were Kimmerians, it does
not follow that the Umman Manda of the age of Khammurabi
were Kimmerians also, or even of Indo-European race. In all
probability they were not. But they were the barbarous or nomad
population of the mountainous region on the eastern side of
Babylonia, where the Kimmerian nomads afterwards came to plant
themselves.
(8) While Herodotos makes the Mannian chief Deiokes the
leader of the Median revolt against Assyria, Ktesias calls him
Arbakes, which as we learn from the Assyrian monuments was
really a Median name. All the nine Median kings of Ktesias, in
fact, bear good Iranian names, with the exception of Man-daukes,
who takes the place of Deiokes, and his successor Sosarmos, who
is the Assyrian Samas-Rimmon. The last of them, Aspadas, is
identified with Istuvegu, but as we now know that Istuvegu was
not a king of the Medes at all, we may interpret the statement to
mean that Istuvegu was unknown to Ktesias's authority which gave
a list, not of Manda princes, but of those who were believed to have
been really Median kings. There may be something in Lenormant's
suggestion that the Artaios and Astibaras of the list are the two
kings of Ellipi, Rita and Aspabara, who were the contemporaries
of Sargon and Sennacherib.
According to Megasthenes the fall of Nineveh at the hands of
181 o 2
June 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1896.
Arbakes and Belesys took place 304 years before the accession of
Darius I. This brings us to B.C. 825, the very year in which,
according to the Assyrian Canon, Assur-dain-pal revolted against
his father Shalmaneser II, who died shortly afterwards. For five
years Assur-dain pal ruled in Nineveh, Assur the old capital of the
country, Arbela, the sacred city of Istar, and in fact in the whole
of Assyria as well as in Mesopotamia, and it was not until B.C. 823
that his brother Samas-Rimmon first succeeded in overthrowing him,
in capturing Nineveh, and in establishing himself as king. As I
have long since pointed out, Assur-dain-pal is the Sardanapallos of
the Greeks, and in his defeat and death, and the accompanying
capture of Nineveh we must see the historical basis of the Perso-
Greek legend of Sardanapallos. The Babylonian contemporary
of Samas-Rimmon was Merodach-bala'su-iqbi, w-hose name, as we
learn from the Babylonian Chronicle, where Nebo-nadin-zira becomes
Nadin, could be officially abbreviated into Balasu. Balasu is the
Greek Belesys, the name of the Babylonian ally of Arbakes.
Samas {i.e. Sawas) is written Saa-? by Hesykhios, and con-
sequently the Sosarmos of Ktesias must be the Assyrian Samas-
Rimmon. Samas-Rimmon was, so far as we know, the first Assyrian
king who made a campaign on a large scale against the Medes
whom he calls Mata — the form found in Alaticnc — though his
successor Rimmon-nirari III gives them what is henceforth their
regular title, Mada. A reminiscence of his Median conquests is
preserved in the fact that Ktesias makes Sosarmos the immediate
successor of Man-daukes, who is placed after Arbakes. It has long
ago been observed, however, that if we look at the number of
regnal years attached to the names of the Median kings of Ktesias,
we shall find that they constitute a duplicate list, the second division
of which is headed by Sosarmos, who is thus placed in parallelism
with Arbakes. The list is as follows :
Years.
Years.
(irt) Arbakes ... 28 -f 2 years {\b) Sosarmos .
.. 30
of war against Assyria.
{id) Man-daukes 50 {zb) Ar-tykas .,
.. SO
(3a) Arbiancs ... 22 (31^) Artynes* .
oo
(4a) Artaios ... 40 {i\b) Astibaras .,
.. 40
(5) Aspadas,t or .'\styigas ... — -
* Artynes seems to be formed out of Arliiancs by assimilation to Artykas
though Arbia-nes also reminds us of Arba-kes.
t If Artaios and Astibaras are the Rita and Aspabara of the Assyrian
182
June 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
As might be expected Sosarmos appears again in Ktesias's list
of Assyrian kings. In this Hst also the same system of duplication
is to be found, the same name being repeated under two different
forms which are separated from one another by one or more names.
Thus we have the couplets Ninos and Ninyas (from the Assyrian
Ninua), Mamythos and Mamylos, Sphairos and Sparthaios or
Sparetos, Lamprides and Lampraes, Teutamos or Tautanes and
Teutaios ; and similarly we have also Sosares by the side of
Sosarmos. But this is not all. The list is further eked out by
transforming Grecised Persian translations of the Assyrian names
into separate kings, and accordingly we find Sosarmos followed by
Mithraios "he who has to do with the Sun-god" (Mithra, the
equivalent of Sam.as), while in an earlier part of the list Armamithres
is simply Samas-Rimmon transposed, with the Persian Mithra
substituted for Samas.
The chief difficulty of the list is the corrupt form in which it
has come down to us. It has been preserved in the Latin and
Armenian versions of the C/ironicle oi Eusebius (pp. 11, 15, etc.),
in the Syncellus, in Moses of Khorene {Hist. Ami., I, 18) who
derived it from Eusebius, and in Masudi ; and without reckoning
the ExcerJ)ta Barbara, the names of individual kings are quoted
by various other writers. But the different copies of it differ
considerably, not only in the regnal years assigned to the kings,
but also in their names, and in two cases it can be shown that
they must all be in error. The last king is said to be, not
Sardanapallos, but Thonos Konkholeros (Henqlus in Masudi) ; yet
we know that the name given by Ktesias was Sardanapallos, and
that the Greek legend of Sardanapallos was derived from him.
Thonos Konkholeros must, therefore, be some misunderstood or
corrupted title, unless it is intended to be a reference to
Sin-(sar-)iskun and his contemporary Kandalanu, who belonged to
what was historically the last period of Assyrian history.
The second instance in which we can show that all the copies
must be wrong is still clearer. We learn from Agathias (II. 25),
quoting Bion and Alexander Polyhistor, that the descendants of
Semiramis reigned over Assyria down to Beleous the son of
Derketades, when the royal gardener Beletaras seized the throne
and founded a new dynasty. Beleous appears as Bellothus in
inscriptions, Aspadas may have been their successor, the last king of Ellipi, who
was conquered by the Kimmerians.
183
June 2] SOCIETY OF lUBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1896.
Eusebius, Belokhos in the Syncellus, Vestaskalus in Moses Khor.,
Tbaulius in Masudi, while Beletaras is Bellepares in Eusebius,
Balatores in the Syncellus and Atirus in Masudi. The immediate
predecessor of Belokhos is Amyntes, who is preceded by Ascades or
Astakadis in Euseb., Askatades in the Sync, and Moses Khor., and
Ustalim in Masudi. Amyntes is merely a Greek translation of an
Assyrian nazir or nirari (as in Assur-nazir-pal and Rimmon-nirari),
and we must restore the name of his predecessor as Derketades,
Derketades is simply " the descendant of Derketo " or Semiramis,
in allusion to the worship paid by the Assyrian kings to Istar of
Nineveh and Istar of Arbela, and the first syllable in the name
Askatades, &c., must be corrected into Der.
Nevertheless in spite of the corrupted character of the hst, it is
possible to explain several of the names in it. Years ago in my
Memoir on the Vannic inscriptions (J.R.A.S., XIV. 3; 1883), I
showed that Arios and Aralios are the Ara and Aralez of Armenian
mythology — Ara reappearing in Plato's " Er " the Armenian, — the
Aria and Arali of the Sumerians. Xerxes (Khshayarsha) is given
as the Persian equivalent of Balaios, a Greek derivative from the
Babylonian bilu " lord " (see Hdt., VI. 98, where Xerxes is said to
mean upeio^). Balaios reappears as the successor of Belokhos
between whom and Xerxes-Balaios Armamithres is made to inter-
vene. As we have seen above, Belokhos occurs again later on in
the list, as the predecessor of Balatores who seems to be the Belimos
of Kephalion {Fr. 13). We have two more doublets in Mamitos and
Mamylos (probably from the Assyrian goddess Mamit, or Destiny),
and Sphairos (Euseb. Iphereus, Mos. Khor. Spharos, Masudi Safrus),
and Sparetos (Sync. Sparthaios). Sibir was a king of Babylonia in
the loth century B.C. Next we have the three doublets Lamprides
and Lampares (Sync. Lampraes), Sosares and Sosarmos, followed by
Mithraios, Tautanes and Tautaios. Tautaios seems to be a derivative
from the Assyrian Tavti " the sea " or Persian Gulf, of which the
Babylonian equivalent would be Tavtanu. Tautaios would therefore
be the king or dynasty "from the Sea," and correspond with the
Vth Babylonian dynasty which the Dynastic Tablet calls " the dynasty
of the Sea." The Syncellus identifies Tautanes with the Teutamos
of Greek legend who sent troops to Troy. Derkylos, the 29th king
according to Eusebius, bears the same relation to Derketo that
Mamylos does to Mamitos, and so takes us back to Derketades ;
Ophrataios, the 33rd king, is a derivative from the Persian Ufratu,
184
June 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
" the Euphrates," Hke Tautaios from Tavti, and his predecessor,
Pertiades, is merely a doublet, from Purattu, the Babylonian form of
the river's name. That the patronymics Pertiades and Lamprides
should be made to precede Ophrataios and Lampares, is explained
by the analogy of Derketades when the latter had been trans-
formed from an epithet of Belokhos — " the descendant of
Derketo " — into the name of his father. Ophratanes, the 34th king
according to Eusebius, will bear the same relation to Ophrataios that
Tautanes does to Tautaios, if the reading is right, but as the
Syncellus gives Ephekheres this is doubtful. However, Masudi has
Frutalus, though he gives Menturus for Ophrataios. The 35th king-
is made Akrazapes by Eusebius, Akraganes by the Sync, Akrazanes
by Moses Khor. Perhaps Sargon is the original of it.
Of the other kings in the list the name of the loth it is impossible
to restore. Eusebius makes it Altadas, the Syncellus Sethos, Moses
of Khorene Azatagus, and Masudi Alhalus. Since a sibilant before
a dental in Assyrian became /, Ktesias may have given the two forms
Astadas and Altadas. If so, Astadas may have been the cause of
the corruption of Derketades into Askatades. It would also
explain why, in the name of the next king but one, the Syncellus has
Askhalios, while Eusebius has Mancalseus and Moses Khor.
Maskhaleos, (Masudi, Kelus).
Thineus (Thinaios) the 28th king in Euseb. is omitted by the
Sync, but would be a derivative, like Balaios, from Sin, the Moon
God. S. Augustine {Civ. Dei, xviii. 11) calls him Oneus, and
makes him the 29th king. The successor of Derkylos is called
Eupoles by Euseb., Eupakmes by the Sync, Eupalmes by Moses
Khor., and Afrus by Masudi. It is, therefore, impossible to restore
the original name, though it seems to have contained the Assyrian
pal, "son."
There still remain three names, Amyntes, Panyas, and Laosthenes.
Each of these kings is made to reign 45 years, and the names of two
of them, if not of all three, are Greek, They are, in fact, Greek
translations of either Assyrian or Persian names. Amyntes, as I
have already said, is the Assyrian jiazir and nirari ; Laosthenes
corresponds with danan, as in Assur-danan, " Assur is strong " (or,
perhaps, with Assur-bil-nisi-su, '' Assur is lord of his people") ; and
Panyas (if that is the right form) is probably formed from Panu, like
Ninyas from Ninua. Panu in Assyrian means " face," but the
correct reading may be Uavia-i, " belonging to the god Pan," as is
^85
June 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1896.
indicated by the Paunias of Euseb., and the Paneas of Moses Khor.^
since the Excerpta Barbara give " Paunias, that is to say Zeus."
The change of dynasty recorded by Agathias, when the
" gardener " Beletares usurped the throne, seems to be that which,
as we may gather from our cuneiform documents, transferred the
royal power from Bel-kudurri-uzur to Ninip-pileser, about B.C. 1200.
Ninip-pileser was the founder of the dynasty to which Tiglath-
pileser I belonged, and the legend that he had been a gardener was
probably derived from the old tradition which made Sargon of
Akkad a gardener before he ascended the throne. If Beletaras —
Balatores in the Syncellus — is (Nmip-)pileser, with the Aramaic
change of i- to / which meets us in Aturia for Assyria, Belokhos will
be Bel-kudur-(uzur), We know from the Babylonian Chronicle
and other documents that royal names were often used in an
abbreviated form.
My conclusion, therefore, is that the list of Assyrian kings given
by Ktesias is really derived from the names of a limited numljer of
Assyro-Babylonian gods and sovereigns which have been multiplied
in various ways, the most usual of which is to duplicate a name
under two different forms. We have no reason to doubt the state-
ment of Ktesias that he had derived his information from the " royal
records " of Persia, that is to say, the documents in the library of
the royal palace (Diod., II. 22. 5), and those records, in spite of
their mythical character, were based upon historical materials, like
the historical novels of Sir Walter Scott. We cannot extract history
out of them, but when the history is once known we can determine
to what extent it has been used.
As to the four kings, Arabelos, Khalaos, Anebos, and Babios,
interpolated by the Syncellus in the place of Thinaios, they have
probably come from the beginning of the list, where, indeed, they
are placed by Moses of Khorene. They represent the two Assyrian
cities Arbela and Calah, and the two Babylonian cities E-Nabi,
" the temple of Nebo," or Borsippa, and Babylon, and correspond
in a way with the four Assyrian cities of Gen. x. Their original
order was probably (i«) Babylon) (i^) Calah
^ ^ {2a) E-Nabi (2/^) Arbela.
Nineveh, it must be remembered, had already been mentioned
under the names of Nines and Ninyas.
186
June 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
ON A HIEROGLYPHIC SIGN.
By W. Max Muller.
After Professor Piehl's detailed criticism {Proceedings, 93, 481 fF.)
of my article on the sign g^^ {Rec. trav., 15, 32 ff.), it does not
seem difficult to sum up all results of the many studies published
thus far on that hieroglyphic sign. In order to explain some mis-
understandings, I confine myself strictly to this one question and,
for the sake of avoiding all other disputations, I use the same
transcription as Professor Piehl.*
I. T/ie value \^\ " au " of f\.
No attempt has been made, so far, to refute the numerous
examples of the value au, collected in my article. It is easy to
increase them. E.g., Benihasan, 38, 5 1^^ h^ ss-au, "oryx,"
cyoJCyoT, occurs in almost the same place and in the same time
{Ros., 19, 4; Champ., 383, 428) as rr^ I j, '^^ V^ ss-au {sos\'w).
The equation ^*-^^ = ^^. ^?\ results. The Coptic pronunciation
CtJOJajOT which fits only with this orthography is, at least, as old as
850 B.C.; cf, Zeitschrift f. Assyriologie, 93, 210. The tomb of
Elephantine discovered by Mr. Schiaparelli has furnished the some-
what uncommon orthography () J C^) f^ (flflfi)^! ^
abau 7it_r, equivalent {Rec. trav., 14, 187, A.Z., 92, 81) in the
py.,..s .0 y flflfl (^)^, p.. ,0. M. „3. \ l\, m^,
p., II, 1 180, "the sacred dances." The equation ^^ /f^ V ^^
"^^^ V\ au, again ! The word " dance " (1 J "(^^ %^ aba is well
known; see Rec. trav., 9, 161. Above, we have the plural abpjj,
"dances."
* I beg the reader to obser^'e that I do so only for this reason.
187
}
June 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.LOLOGY. [1896.
This is the value as a syllabic sign. Of course, the ideographic
value must be the same. In such cases, it is always underlying the
syllabic one. As ideograph J^ means, " to extend, to stretch out "
{or the passive). I have already shown the noun, " that which is
stretched forth (presented) by the arms," i.e., " offering," to be
written once ^f^ ^\ v w ^ '"'f-^?/ [l'^<^'-'^{^c')i], L.D., II, 28.
See furthermore in the- pyramids (P., 336, similarly 339) ^^. r^
"he presents* him (to the gods"). Comparing this
with the orthography mentioned above, we obtain /i^^ ^\ V^ =
^^ (T^ V^ '^''' I'^'^i^ ^^ th^ regular value for the Ancient, Middle,
and New Empire. It has been recognized already by Mr. F. L.
Griffith.
2. T/ie alleged old value " FU."
I must state that, so far, no proofs have been found for an
earlier pronunciation fu. Formerly, the / of the two words
hfau, " snake," and afaz4, " honour, respect," t was mistaken for a
part of J^ . The error is shown by the absence of / in all other
words, and by the _^ a, overlooked entirely by the old reading fu.
This error being recognized, we have no more reason for reading an
f in any word where it is not written. If we try to read words like
y ^V Jvi wrt?^/, "sticks" {Anasf., 4, 16, 6), with an/
where must it stand ? In the two words li/au and a/au, responsible
for the' misreading, the / stands before a. How can it stand
after it in the alleged reading ma{/)//l ? If somebody wishes to
make / a part of ^<^^, he ought to transliterate f/ia(/a)ul, and to
treat y^ as fau. But we have no room for this in words like
* The h is the ending of the first person singular, used in the original text
and left here by mistake ; see Sethe's thesis on his dissertation, De Aleph
Prosihetko. The varying position, P., 339, betrays this. Nevertheless, the root
seems to belong to the class tertia; Jodh '^ ^ 0 ; compare, e.g., ^^^ IjO ,J ^,
R.I.H., 256, Abbott, 3, 5, Mar., Karn., II, 5.
+ The word kfau, " power," does not count. It is a late disfiguration of the
old kbat or hfat, and dales from that time in which ^O^ was already used for
fau. Somewhat better forms are still found (/v'tY. trav., 15, 15S, A.Z., 87, 122).
188
June 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
mauf, written ^ ^. V"^!' (^^^'^•' ^49 '^j ^t<^-)' ^^'^ never show-
ing an /. No instance of the suppression or insertion * of / has
been found in Egyptian so far.
If the word ^ i-^ ««?/, "wind" (Z.Z>., Ill, 114/), would be
a younger or dialectic form of the old word -^y^ ///j this would
not change anything. If the / has been changed (?) here to 7((7ci),
of course, it is no longer an /. No one can prove the perfect
identity of letters by their being interchanged mutatis muta7idis. It
will be a very interesting philological question, why and how the
seeming change (?) of/ into w has taken place, but this question has
nothing to do with our present study. Besides, there are some
difficulties attached to that word nau. f
In my article on the sign au, I had not mentioned the manifest
blunder of an Egyptian scribe (Champ., Mon., 68). The hierograui-
mateus copied the old poetic phrase, " lord of honour ( el ,-^-^-1
fau\ great of respect." Being unfamiliar with the old group fau,
"honour," and thinking of the more frequent phrase j%„
au-ab, " wide {i.e., joyful) of heart," because a phrase referring to the
" gladness " {rsii) of Egypt was not far off, he confounded both and
put in a senseless "^ ("heart"): ML i^ . What shall this
plain blunder prove ? Certainly not that the two words illtreated by
the thoughtless scribe are identical. — I repeat : there is no proof for
a value fu in the first 3000 years of Egyptian writing.
* The insertion of the semi-vowels -dj and y («), frequent in many languages,
is a well known fact. Its conditions are likewise known : it takes the place of a
hiatus and must be supported by the corresponding vowels. Whether these
conditions apply here, whether we have any right to confound the consonant f
with these semi-vowels, whether such insertions occur in Egyptian and
whether / appears as helping consonant in any living language or not, all these
questions we do not need to discuss here. We could try it, if/ would stand
between the (alleged) vowels a and n. But the only cases are hfaii, afau
{kfan), quite a different position !
t The identity of nf and nan not being recognized by the later Egyptians, I
am afraid the latter one is a derivation of a root nau, or nu (nw), the exact
meaning of which still remains to be determined. So far, no case of an /dissolved
into V, w is known. Fiiy, " this," and ///, "that," are by no means developed
from one another, although they may have the common demonstrative element pa.
180
June 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1896.
3. The comnw7i Ptolemaic use of ^-Gi " au."
Professor Piehl (p. 488) has drawn attention to the orthography
^^^^ 2Z!I d(77i, a very bad speUing * for the old (C^ ^^ ^^ -^-^
lau, later A??/, in old Greek glosses -rev, Coptic THT, OHOT,
"wind" {A.Z., 86, 87). Nowhere an // This is one more instance
that the correct reading ^ _p a:c still was known and used in latest
times. Other instances see in my article.
4. The late prommciatmi " fau," or " FU."
Here I have to retract my previous doubts. Rec. trav., 15, 35,
I had still asked if the variant v\ q\ a-{f)ii, instead of the
correct ^^. JSL 'M (^fun, discovered by Professor Piehl, was not
a simple mistake of the old or modern copyist (Duemichen), /
being omitted? Professor Piehl has shown that this suspicion is
to be abandoned. Indeed, the Egyptians of latest times employed
^^'^ sometimes {ox fan IK ^. Two instances {Proceedings, 93,
88) — practically one, as they are copied from one another — show
that a scribe considered the above orthography, ^^^ ^^^ -'^"'
not strange enough, and "improved" it to ^) (^ -^y ^ dfu,
rendering r^ by fa. If he wished this novel spelling to be
pronounced tefe (?) instead of the regular te2v{e), is a question
which I do not dare to answer. Most likely, the late spelling
* Till now, all Egyptologists had agreed that grammar and spelling of the
Ptolemaic and Roman inscriptions were, as a rule, very bad. To my surprise,
Professor Piehl censures me for this common opinion, and protests against my
declaration (AVr. trav., 15, 34) that hicrogrammates of Roman time did not care
much about the distinction of such letters as a, a (X), and a {V). But his protest
seems to depend on a misunderstanding for, in his refutation of my maniire
nonchalante, he quotes the above word, a blending of ^P) \\ y^ ^"''
Y\ Y^, proving confusion of d and /, of ^v and _^ Q. No better
example of the ignorance of later scribes and of the necessity of careful distinction
between the " Egyptian " and the Ptolemaic-Roman style could be found.
190
June 2]
PROCEEDINGS.
[iJi96.
kfmi "power," possibly also the strange disfiguration of the word
jcha in the " Rituel de Tembaument" {Rec. trav., 15, 36), con-
firm, that some scribes used j'^ for f{a)u. The reasons for this
play were, as I have said {Rec. trav., 15, 35), the same as have
deceived modern decipherers. The sign j'^ had become very
obsolete, and was regularly written only in the two words afau and
hfati. So the later scribes were induced to treat / as belonging to
the sign an. How old this mistake is, we do not yet know, but,
certainly, the value belongs only to those marked in Brugsch's List
of Hieroglyphs ^x'Cvi "Basse Epoque." To introduce it into the texts
of the pyramids, would hardly be better than reading their rrrn with
the Ptolemaic value «, etc.
I hope my esteemed colleague can agree with the compromise :
/f^ is ^^v ^^ an up to Ptolemaic time, later on it is used some-
times for "^ yN. fan., possibly even for u. fu.
191
June 2] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1896.
THE FOLLOA?VING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members havino' dtiplicate copies, -luill confer a favour by presenting them to the
Society.
Alker, E., Die Chronologie der Bucher der Kiinige und Paralipomenon im
Einklang mit der Chronologie der Aegypter, Assyrer, Babylonier und Meder.
Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de TEgj^pte Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant not re ere.
vJVmiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, rhomme de Dieu.
A., AND L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden.
Blass, a. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aeg)'ptiaca superest.
BOTTA, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847- 1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vol.
I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments i^gyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics pas
H. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen
of vols. 3 and 4. )
BuDiNGER, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis.
BuRCKHARDT, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegj'ptische Deutungen.
Chabas, Melanges iSgyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1S73.
Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867.
2nd series, 1S69.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1SS6.
• Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers.
Erman, Papyrus Westcar.
Etudes Egyptologiques. 13 vols., complete to 1880.
Gayet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au Musee du Louvre.
Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
'■ Vingt-qualre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Grant-Bey, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerted
on the Religions that came in contact with it.
IIaupt, Die .Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
PIommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1892.
June 2] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
Jastrow, M., a Fragment of the Babylonian " Dibbarra " Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen.
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde.
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology.
Krebs, F., De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtignung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egj'ptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
LEFfeBURE, Le Mythe Osirien. 2™^ partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G., Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvre.
Lehmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c., 1880.
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegj'ptia.
MiJLLER, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmaler aus Arabien.
NooKDTZiG, Israel's verblijf in Egj'pte bezien int licht der Egyptische out-^
dekkingen.
PoGNON, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
ROBiou, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides..
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
Schaeffer, Commentationes de papyro medicinal! Lipsiensi.
Schouw, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
ScHROEDER, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altag}'ptishe Gotterglaube.
ViREY, P., Quelques Observations sur I'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d'un
Monument Egyptien.
Visser, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1 890.
WiLCKEN, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
Wiltzke, De Biblische Simson der Ag)-ptische Horus-Ra.
Winckler, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriftliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847 ; Vols. IV to XII,
1850 to 1858, inclusive ; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 1878.
ZiMMERN, H., Die Assyriologie als Hillfswissenschaft fur das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS.
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COUNCIL, 1896.
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Vice- Presidents ,
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VOL. XVIII. Part 7.
PROCEEDINGS
THE SOCIETY
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
-1K*'-
VOL. XVIII. TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION.
Sixth Meeting, November T^rd, 1896.
CONTENTS.
VAGK
V. Ll. Griffith. — Stela of Mentuhetep, son of Hepy. (Plate). 195-204
Rev. C. II. W. Johns, M.A. — A New Eponym List 205-207
Rev. Dr. Gaster. — Two Unknown Hebrew Versions of the
Tobit Legend ^ 208-222
Rev. G, Margoliouth. — More Fragments of the Palestinian
Syriac Version of the Holy Scriptures 223-236
Alfred Boissier. — Notes Assyriologiques 237-239
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PROCEEDINGS
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BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION, 1896.
Sixth Meetings yd November, 1896.
JOSEPH POLLARD, Esq.,
IN THE CHAIR.
The Society have to regret the loss by death of the
following Members : —
His Grace the Lord Archbishop of Canter-
bury, Viee-P resident.
James Grant-Bey, M.D., LL.D., CM.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author, Rev. A. J. Delattre, S.J. : — Le Pays de Chanan,
province de I'ancien empire egyptien. 8vo. Paris. 1896.
Revue des questions Historiques. 1896, Juillet.
From the Authors, J. E. Gautier et Gustave Jequier : — Fouilles
de Licht. 8vo. Paris. 1896.
Revue Arch.
From the Author, Dr. A. Wiedemann : — Remarques et Notes.
8vo. 1896,
Recueil de Travaux, XVIII.
[No. cxL.] 193 r
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGV. [1896.
From the Author, Prof. E. Lefebure : — Le lievre dans la Mytho-
logie. Paris. 8vo. 1896.
Melusine, Tome VIII.
From the Author, E. AmeUneau: — Les nouvelles fouilles d'Abydos.
Svo. Angers. 1896.
From the Author, Joseph Pollard {Member of Council) : — The
Land of the Monuments, Notes on Egyptian Travel. 8vo.
1896.
From the Author, Rev. C. A. de Cara, S.J. : — I Fenchi e la Civilta
Micenea secondo il Prof. W. Helbig. Svo. Rome. 1896.
Civilta Cattolica, Vol. VI.
From Rev. R. Gwynne {^Sec. for For. Corr.) : — Catalogue of
Antiquities from Tliebes, exhibited at University College, July
6th to Aug. I St, 1896.
Egyptian Research Account. Svo. London.
From J. Pollard : — Another copy.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at
th2 next Meeting to be held on the ist December, 1896: —
Alexander Snell Cantlay, Avalonia, Dunheved Road South,
Thornton Heath.
Richard Cooke, The Croft, Detling, Maidstone.
Francis A. Cunningham, A.M., B.Sc, 825, Arch Street, Philadel-
phia, U.S.A.
Mrs. Grenfell, Via San Martino, 114, Viareggio, Riviera di
Levante, Italy.
Eduard Kotalla, Domplatz 4, Breslau.
Reginald Arthur Rye, Fernie-Knowe, Lancaster-road, West
Norwood, S.E.
M. I'Abbe de la Paquerie, Superieur du Bon Pasteur, Marseilles.
Rev. W. Merrell White, Harrop Edge House, Stalybridge.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
The Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A.
A Paper was read by the Rev. Dr. Lowy : " The Song
of Deborah."
Remarks were added by Rev. R. Gwynne, Rev. Dr. Caster,
and Dr. Lowy.
Thanks were returned for this communication.
194
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [iS?6.
STELA OF MENTUHETEP SON OF HEPY.
By F. Ll. Griffith.
In 1894, Professor Petrie purchased in Luxor a limestone stela
of the Middle Kingdom, which he deposited in the Edwards
Library at University College, London. It had been broken across
and mended by the Arabs, and the surface was a good deal injured,
while some of the engraving upon it was filled with the powdered
lime, etc., used in the repairs.* Unfortunately also the stons was
full of salt, and the variable English climate actmg upon this soon
caused ihe surface to crumble away. The only remedy was to give
the tablet a long soaking in water and so extract the salt. About a
month after its arrival this was done by Professor Petrie himself,
who took all possible precautions to save the surface from dropping
off piecemeal. The tablet was laid face upwards in still water, which
was occasionally drawn off and renewed without any disturbance,
and after about a month of this treatment the tablet was cleaned
and dried and the fragments replaced. The losses, which with less
care might have been serious, amount to only three or four signs
gone and a few others injured, while what remains is now perfectly
secure from decay.
The reading of some passages in the inscription was made
clearer by the cleaning process, and fortunately Mr. Crum and I
had made rough though careful copies of the tablet soon after it was
unpacked. Mr. Crum with his usual generosity lent me his copy
for comparison, so that I have had the fullest possible materials
to work from in restoring the readings, and repeated examination
* There are also several broad and irregular groovings, or channels, down
the face, such as are sometimes observable in monuments of limestone. Professor
Petrie believes that they were caused by the decay of large plant roots against the
face of the stone.
195 P 2
Nov. 3] SOCFETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1S96.
of the original has cleared up almost every doubtful point. For
an excellent and careful copy of the original the Society is
indebted to Miss Carthew. In the plate, broken outlines mean
that the signs are no longer traceable, but have clear warrant in the
first copies.
The tablet measures 19 x 25 inches (in the plate reduced to
little more than one third linear). On the left side we have the
standing figure of the deceased, named Mentuhetep, wearing collar,
curled wig, and waist cloth with triangular fold in front. He is
striding forward with a long staff in one hand and a kherp wand
of dignity in the other. The artist as usual desired to show as
much as possible of the front part of the body, and since it faced to
the right, he was compelled to reverse the position of the arms, the
advanced "staff" hand becoming the left, and the klierp hand the
right. The top line of writing contains a prayer and ends with
Mentuhetep's name and titles over his head ; the description of this
personage follows in fifteen lines engraved in front of the figure.
Line i. May the king grant hetep (a), and may Osiris lord of
Dedu (Busiris), the great god lord of Abydos (grant hetep), may he
(Osiris) grant a ready service {h) (with) bread, beer, flesh of beasts
and fowl, thousands of cloth and stuffs and of every good and pure
thing, to the worthy {c) crpa ha, superintendent of the priests,
Mentuhetep, born of Hepy, justified (?) {d).
n ^ r- ft- ■
{a) The ever-recurring formula, I A , is pronounced by
Professor Erman to be unintelligible {Gra)ninnr, p. 40*), and the
more one studies the variants the less certain does any single
rendering appear. Probably the variants are somewhat contradictory
through the formula having lost the sharpness of its meaning by
repetition. It seems to me that, in the case of a very ancient
formula used over and over again millions of times, where there is
a choice of variants it is safest to take the fullest form ; contraction,
both phonetic and graphic, being probable and undue expansion
improbable. Thus I A "^^ A ' '' l"^^'^P g'^^ the kmg, and
/tefep give Anubis," may be taken as the standard expansion of
1 A ^>^ foi' the decipherer to work from ; and any difficulties
in the variant I ^ A ^^=^=1, which is common enough, may
lje disregarded as due to abbreviation of a kind that obscures the
196
CM /#^^!>-' _g
A.C.F.".. d
Tablet in the Fl
rdoU;ed ouUines
Froc. Soc,Bibl,Arch. .Nov '.' I8yb.
;/^, ^n;:^^^ Lir ' : t f rtAJLf
^
S^^r^^l, * //) X"^ It L^ ■■■- ^^
1i^fl*/f^S/f!n^^Mf/MLiTf
""''^P'/' -^n /^L^LWuL/^^I vL I^wwv /vivwvA A'^'^W.^-;^)!^^,
.A ^ Z\:liCr*^Qt'Wi^^///T •...i 1^ — lAii - ' fei4^
M^S^s^^^^?l<;?sTJ^'a
/«
t^5*i*f?^;^fWv^it^^H^^
<■ Petri e Collection
' ';;iy first Copies)
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
sense : just as an ignorant or thoughtless writer might produce a
meaningless quotation out of " Pater noster " or use it in a perverted
sense. The history of an abbreviation is often forgotten.
The variants show that 1 , the king, was as much appealed
to for r-^^ as ^^\ the god ; indeed more so, for the king's title is
hardly once omitted from the prayer. The king always stands first
in the appeal, and the prayer is constantly referred to in the in-
scriptions by a name taken from its first three words, 1 A .
There can be no question that in the early texts the apj^eal to
the king is a real one, but in the Xllth Dynasty we find an
extension of the formuja, thus I \ ^^\ f , etc., in
which the V and all the other blessings except the , 0 .. are
given by the god or gods solely, without the co-operation of the
king, and it looks as if the word Ic^ was retained here only from
custom in order to introduce the formula, and that it had no real sig-
nificance. It is possible, however, that it had a very serious meaning.
In that case the formula will show that while the king was equal with
the gods in granting //etej>, and his /je/e/> was almost, if not quite,
I 1
indispensable, he never specifically shared in the giving of 1 •
Hettp might mean (i) "an offering," (2) "rest" (in the tomb),
or (3) "grace." As to the first, Jietep here seems by no means an
appropriate word for the gift of a god or king to a deceased mortal,
for it rather denotes an offering from an inferior made to gain the
favour of a superior. " Rest," " repose " fits better ; but if " grace "
is the real meaning, as I have long suspected, then the king (if the
king's name is really important at all) appears as a mediator whose
" sanction " is required to the petition, yet who is unable to grant
the enjoyment of the supplies, while the gods, who cannot or will
not act without the sanction of the king, when that is obtained give
their own sanction and enable the deceased to partake of the joys
of the blessed dead. In hieratic of the XVIIIth Dynasty, ^-Q— , is
written ^^ ^^^ ■, or ^^ Trf ' ^"^ orthography which is in favour
of the sense "offering./ With regard to its position in the formula
//// di^ sin htp di^ Inpw, it seems to be placed first as a matter of
emphasis : " Grace (?) grant the king," etc.
197
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1896.
{l>) V . This group was discussed in 1858 by Birch, in his
admirable Mhiioife sur luie paicre cgypticuue, p. 72, and recently by
Maspero, Eiud'^s de iMytho/ogie, I., j). 112. It is a graphic con-
traction found in the earliest known texts, and two extensions of
it are authorized by the ancient scribes. For the Xllth Dynasty
Dr. Birch tpioted from stelae — one of them Sharpe, Eg. I/isc,
I, xvu — two almost identical examples of <crr> 1 v\ ^\ n
^C\ y =0" , etc., corresi^onding to V , and M. MasiDcro added
to these two remarkable examples of the use of the phrase
J\ I Y^ QA in a funerary formula from the time of the New
Kingdom. Better still, Sir P. De Page Renouf has quoted from
the Pyramid texts of the Old Kingdom the weighty phrase
^^\ <:rz> \l[ ^! ) which constantly recurs without impor-
tant variation in Unas and Pepy II. (see Schack-Schackenburg,
Index zii dc?i Pyramidetitexten, p. 33,* under g), in a context
which can hardly leave a doubt that it is connected with ? •
But Dr. Birch also (Quoted from the Book of the Dead,
Chapter CV, the phrase J\ <cz::> 1 Y> ^ determined by
I 1
the sign of food. That this was recognized as a solution of ?
by some of the best scribes of the XVIIIth Dynasty is shown by
a passage in the tomb of Paheri (back wall, 1. 41), in which priests,
etc., visiting the tomb are desired to "say I A , in accordance
with what was in writing, and <r:r> 1 v\ , as the
*' <=^ 7\ 0 Jr III'
ancestors said, even as that which issued from the mouth of the
god." The j)arallel position of the two formulae in these sentences
leaves no doubt as to <cr> I v\ being intended to
<=::>7\ OJrill "
represent the inevitable ? • 'fhe Paheri text is doubtless written
carefully in order to represent accurately the true reading of the
antique formula as it was pronounced by the "ancestors."
There ha[)pens to be a very striking instance of ? in a tomb
198
Nov. 3] rUOCEEDINGS, [1896.
of the time of Snefru, at the very commencement of the monu-
mental period in Egypt, namely the tomb of Methen brought from
Abusir, and now in the Berlin Museum : J^=^ A (llll "^c=^
I U V\ I ^\ -JpIS, etc.* Such a passage, taken
9 1 -Hmr AAA/vvA ©^ ^^ZZ^ W^ 0 [
from the earliest monuments and varying the context of the formulae
to an extraordinary degree, even the appeal to the king being for
once omitted, affords the best possible test by which to try the
extension and the meaning. The readmg A I \> Q()' "issue
of the voice," " utterance of the voice," would be meaningless with
the following 4 ; but by reading
obtain the following excellent sense : " May Anubis, chief of the
Sacred Land, give //ete/', that there may be a coming out in answer
to the call therein (?) by all his domains in the feast of Uag, etc."
Below are figured the domains personified as women, and bringing
the food, drink, etc. (It is only difficult to fix the word to which
[1 ^^^^ refers ; it might mean " therein," i.e., in the Sacred Land ;
" thereby," i.e., by the grace {hetep) of Anubis ; or " therewith," i.e ,
supplied from the offering {hetep) of Anubis). Here the farms as
servants or attendants are necessarily the agents of , so that
. <^^^^ A \> ^M should mean " a coming out (of servants in
obedience) to the voice (of their master)." It might very well be
an ancient household term that found its way at a remote date into
the ritual. So also in Naville, Tdtb., Cap. CV., the best texts
have, "but I am not an ox of victims, one does not come out to the
voice >vith n,e," ^ ^^^'^<=^W , , ,\%^^< --
"I am not served up for funerary food."
We have therefore two readings well authenticated, namely,
"""^ ^ I % ^ and ^^^^ ^ <=> I %> d|l- It is difficult to know
what to do with them ; perhaps both were recognized as correct
from the earliest times, and were used indifferently according to the
preference of the scribe. Perhaps, on the other hand, " <rr:>
I V ^ ' ^'^^ch ^^^^ "o'^ been found in any text dating from before
* L. D., II, 5.
199
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/i:OLOGY. [1896.
the New Kingdom, represents a false attempt on tlie part of the
scribe to s;ive a meaning to the contraction. But if | ^^ ^
is to make sense in the Methen text, we must suppose one of two
things : either t 1 j^ retains here a transitive sense by ancient
usage, otherwise obsolete, so that the phrase means not " a coming
out of the voice," but " a making to come out, an utterance of the
voice by the cities," or else the two words had already at that early
time formed, by an " Americanism," a single compound verb capable
of being constructed with an agent. Even so it is not very clear how
I w^ ^ should come to mean practically " funerary
offerings."
Lastly, to note what the leading views on the subject are at
present : In his Grammar, p. 50*, Professor Erman cautiously reads
L J J doubtfully, prt-hrw (?), " Uarbringung fiir die Toten," with-
out discussing it. This general meaning of course no one disputes.
Professor Maspero allows both extensions, ^ I >^ §[)
" sortie de voix," ^__^ A <=> 1 _y gA , . , " ^°"'^ ^ ^^ ^'^^^" ^^^^'
however, meaning "coming forth (of the offerings in answer) to the
voice (of the sacrificer)." Lastly, Sir P. Renouf, Proc, XVI, 272,
reads it '~^ K\<- simply "coming forth of food," and so
"mortuary gifts." I^"^- however, cannot be ^pe, " food,''
for the Coptic word is teminuie, and c»J^ appears to be the deter-
minative not of 1 "vX alone, but of the whole phrase ; moreover,
the hieroglyphic original of ^pe (a word very common also in
Demotic) is certainly ^^ . ^ 1 •
{c) ^ seems to denote the quality of having earned favour by
faithful service.
id) Professor Maspero's translation "true of voice,"^ in the
intonation of spells, etc. (see his well-known article in Etudes de
Mythologie, I., p. 93), agrees best with the usual meaning of j, but
I am not yet persuaded that the old rendering " triumjjhant,"
"justified" does not give the best sense, the words mlc (irw
200
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96
literally expressing that the person named is proved "true of
statement," " true of claim." It is quite possible that in this
ancient formula I v\ ^h should have had a special meaning not
found elsewhere. In line 10 below there is a good example of the
expression.
The inscription continues : —
2. He says : I was firm of foot, forcing a way (through obstacles),
one whom his lord caused to be loved?. I was a great one of
{i.e., in dealing witli) a difficult situation (?),* applying (?) the heart,
free of weariness (c:arelessness),t
3. not rude (sulky ?) before the powerful : my affection was in
the body of the royal friends and the magnates of the palace who
appeared^ there gloriously; (I was one that) entered to his lord
with magnates at his back,
4. and the doorkeepers bending down as far as (or, ' until I
reached') the place in which (his)§ majesty was. Coming out
thence my heart was exalted, I had praises in the sight of all
people. His [majesty] || did,
5. these things to his servant of the greatness of my forcing a
way (determination and energy). He made me " Satisfier of the
desire"^ of his majesty, in An (Hermonthis), the best of his estates
(or, ' the chief city of his nomes '), The learned and the ignorant
loved me, every one praised God for me,**
6. in praying for me long life upon earth, of the greatness of the
praises that his majesty accorded to me beyond the others who had
been (?) in this city, I it was that brought up the child and buried
the aged,
* Apparently U , which is sometimes used in an abstract case.
t Crum has nH ? for the first IT], but there is no ? in my copy. The word
is of the same formation as nmstns, nftft, Saneha, line 4, etc.
X I do not feel sure of the construction here.
§ ^^-^ — must have been omitted by accident. The complication of persons
has produced confusion.
II Restore \_l\ \ .
IT A title, not a mere epithet.
201
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1896.
7. and as to every oppressed one belonging thereto,* I gave
bread to the hungry, clothes to the naked : I was the son of Nepra
(god of the harvest), husband of Tayt (goddess of weaving, etc.) :
one to whom grew
8. cowsf : possessor of precious things in every mineral | a
(very) Meschent (goddess of birth) and Khnumu (god of creation)
(in) making (establishing) people : when there was a deficient Nile§
for twenty-five years, ||
9. not allowing my nome to be irrigated (?),^ I gave to it
southern corn and spelt, not allowing misery** to take place in it,
until there came abundant Niles. I fed the children with
10. my hands, and I anointed the widows. There was not a
poor man wretched in my time. I strove to make myself beloved
of the desire that my name should be good, and that my claim
should be justified. ft
11. in Khertneter. The children were instructed (?) for me
in pleasantness of speech (?). Attentive of heart to prevent strife
with a poor man ; not was there an overseer rude ; desiring to
comfort (?) the heart until it should tell
? ?
* The reading would seem to be | ? ^ (1(1 v_^ (J <;;;2^ \s\\\\ liUle
duubt except as to the | I , but the translation is very doubtful.
I * Jii^ .M> 111
t See DE Morgan, Fouilles a DahcJioitr, for examples of such jewellery.
§ If <::2> tloes not belong to \X , this may be f ■ 1 ^^^va^ 0 1 — 1 ,
W . L' J AD
"height'' of Nile, as in the measurements at Semneh.
II This might be " in the year XXV of the king " ; but no reign is mentioned
on the stela. Or it might refer to the nomarchship ; but the stela seuns to
belong to the Xllth Dynasty, and the dating by nomarchship hardly existetl so
late,
'i^jy.^WrfdKH^';^- i niiiie <:r:> >^;--l; i ^Sv-v , . The reading
anpears to be <:n> --•'■;.c\n-o ■ ! 5 f Zl 1 , I did not allow my nome
to be famished," suggests itself as a restoration, but there is hardly space for
the /^r^v^y^r^ .
** %> S ^^ perhaps = "^ V "^ of Prisse, sec Proc. Soc. Bibl.
Arch., XIII, 74.
tt See note d on line i .
202
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
12. its troubles, until it should discuss (?) the things of its
interior : listening to its speech, curing its woe ; causing a man to
be just beyond (mere) silence (inaction?), that desire should be
drowned (?). Bending the back (?)* (in condescension or reverence)
13. to everybody, not veiling the face from the hungry. It was
a kindly (or 'beloved') hand, it was a unique complexion (species?):
as to the people (?),t there was not any disputer with an overseer (?)
14. or with any under-officer (?) of (my?) house (department?),
but rather I (?) said : ' let thy heart be encouraged (?), be not
grieved (?)| at complaints ' until he told that for which he had
come. Were reported to me the affairs of the poor,
15. of widows and of orphans likewise. § I made their
to give breath to him who had gone to wretchedness. Verily it
is a good distinction of a man for himself, more than thousands
of armsful of accomplishment. I heard the mouth of men
16. in (the manner of) that proverb concerning the overseer of
geese (?) : 'the monument of a man is his glory (lit. "good things"),
oblivion is an evil.' Distinction, verily it did come to passjl as hath
been said : whereas I have indeed a good V, name, established in my
city, my monument shall not decay to eternity.
The above epitaph, which contains plenty of difficult words and
expressions, nevertheless gives us a remarkable picture of a kindly
and beneficent ruler, lacking selfish ambition, but not ability or
energy. Whether it be a true character of Mentuhetep in particular
is another matter. We learn from it that Mentuhetep son of Hepy
was /^rt-prince and superintendent of the priests in Hermonthis.
These combined titles were seldom, if ever, held except by the
nomarch ; we might therefore be tolerably sure that Mentuhetep
was nomarch of the Hermonthite nome, in which Thebes itself was
A^^^AA
* Probably the engraver has written | for 1" or '^
t The reading is practically certain, but the passage is difficult to translate,
t A variant of S=:;S\ m Sts , Brugsch, iF^l/. SnppL ; lit. "burdened,"
but perhaps "do not load we with complaints" would account better for the v\.
§ Read ^111 2 ^ .
li The <:zi> after >j^ is very uncertain.
\ Crum agrees with me in c-'^-^ , I , and .^^ , all of which are now lost.
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1S96.
situated, even if the general tenor of the inscription did not imply
this fact. By its style the stela belongs to the Middle Kingdom,
and from insistance on virtues which can best flourish in times of
peace we may be sure that it dates from a period when Egypt was
in. a thoroughly settled condition. The text makes mention of
a succession of deficient rises of the Nile continuing apparently Srr
the unparalleled period of twenty-five years. This famine might well
be identified with that mentioned in the inscription of Amenemhat
at Beni Hasan which must have occurred in the time of Usertesen I.
As regards the personality of the man for whom this epitaph
was written little can be discovered. Mentuhetep was certainly
a common name in the Hermonthite nome, where Mentu was at
that time the principal deity, and Hepy also was a common name,
so perhaps no further identification of the Mentuhetep of this stela
will ever be satisfactorily made.
204
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
A NEW EPONYM LIST. 82-5-22, 121.
By the Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A.
This tablet first attracted my attention on October 17th, when
seeking for " lists of officials " by aid of the great Catalogue of
Kouyunjik Tablets. Owing to the failing light I could then only
make out a few names, but noted that it was an Eponym List. I
have since carefully copied it, and though it mostly repeats a
sequence already well-known, I thought it worth while to make it
common property at once. One line, however, Column 11,5, deviates
remarkably from the usual Canon. Unfortunately the whole tablet
is much injured, and this line is rather uncertain in its reading.
The name Zer-bani is read in Canon I, K. 4329, by an almost
certain restoration of the traces left in Column V, 6. On Canon III,
K. 4389, Column IV, line 6, it is clearly Zer-bini, and on Canon IV,
Column IV, i, it is the same. In this new copy, however, the line
begins with Assur-m^t . . . su . . . . Mr. Pinches, who very kindly
has collated my copy with the original, suggests that the traces may
read Assur-mat-i-pii-su, and in that case the Zer-bani of the other
copies must be resolved into (»— = ) Assur-mat-(^ =: ) ipus.
That an entirely different name might occur is shown by the
Eponym Lists for B.C. 787 ; where Nabil-sar-usur is given by Rm.
580 and 81-2-4, 187, but Balatu by K. 4389. The explanation in
both cases may be the same. In my copy after the name a sign
occurs which may be sar. This also occurs after the name Gi-hi-ilu
in Column III, 3. In neither case can I feel certain of the character
nor suggest a meaning for it. At the bottom of Column I were
certainly two more lines, but though it is easy to guess what they
contained, I cannot identify the traces sufficiently to be sure of
them. In Column IV there are traces at the top edge besides those
I give lower. The latter may have been part of Assurbanipal's usual
colophon.
The older sequence of state officers seems to have been
abandoned in Sargon's time. Assur-iska-danin who preceded
Saigon seems to have been tartan: for in K. 998 Assur-is .... is
na.ned as tarta?i {Catalogue, p. 207). Assuming the old order he
205
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BI15LICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1896.
should have /o//(/7i'ed Sa'-gon. The /las^/r ekalli ought to come next,
and this may have been Assur-mat-ipus. Then Zer-bani, if a
different person, could have been rab-bi-lul, whatever that means,
and would be followed properly by Tab-sar-Assur, the tukultu. As
far as I know this distribution of offices is not confirmed by any-
dated contracts. Other deviations from the old order occur in
Sargon's reign, and in Sennacherib's all seems changed. So this
must remain conjecture at present. Possibly the character at end
of line 5, Column II, is an ideogram for fiagir ckalii, and if so
Gihilu in B.C. 689 held that office. If as a fact Zerbani was nagir
ikalli and Assur-mat-ipus the rablnliil, then the unknown character
may be an ideogram for rahbihil : and Gihilu held that office.
Such a conjecture is not impossible, for assuming his predecessor
Nabu-ukin-ahi to be nagh- ekalli^ then the Eponym of B.C. 691, Bel-
emuranni was tartan. The latter was the case in B.C. 686 at any
rate ; and though in B.C. 691 the Taylor Cylinder calls him governor
of Carchemish, he may have come to the office of tartan the same
year, so as to make the sequence I have suggested the true one.
The tablet has been broken in two pieces, and was rejoined in
the Museum. The crack passes down bet\\een the Columns I and 11,
but does not cause much difficulty. 'J"he surface is bruised, and the
characters were already distorted while the clay was damp. I did
not see any Museum "label" with it. The Catalogue (p. 1837)
calls it, " part of a list of names of persons, probably officials." I
believe it has not been hitherto noticed elsewhere.
82-5-22, 121.
Obverse.
Column I. Column II.
T -n -^IT ^^ -n >v T « ^\ «
T < -XV i^r \ AA <-- m\ A ^^ir
y ^>-v -.^y ^
206
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [i!^'96.
Reverse.
Column IV. Column. III.
y ^^y ^ j:^y ^
y ^yy4 ^->f ^m^
Piii^^ rmmB y « >^ j:^ ^.y^;
y ^>f ^ « ^
bottom edge
N.B. — The solid type indicates \vhat I am sure I can see, the hollow
type what probable restoration suits the traces best in my opinion.
As the first column begins with Tiglath-pileser III, B.C. 743. and
the second with Ninip-ilai, B.C. 722, Colunm I contained 21 lines,
or 22 if Shalmaneser IV had 2 lines to himself. Column II
probably contains another 21 or 22 lines, ending with B.C. 700 or
B.C. 701. Column III must have had 18 or 19 lines, of which 10
remain. Column IV thus had about g lines, or the list reached
from B.C. 743 to B.C. 673.
If the reasons no longer exist which caused the esteemed com-
l)iler of the Catalogue to withhold the information that 82-5-22, 121
is an Eponym List, perhaps he would state for the public good what
were the characters in line 5 of Column II when he first examined
the tablet.
207
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1S96.
TWO UNKNOWN HEBREW VERSIONS OF THE
TOBIT LEGEND.
\_Pi(i'/ishcd /(>?■ the First Tiine.'\
By Dr. M. Gaster.
I.— INTRODUCTION.
Of all the Apocrypha of the Old Testament the legend of Tobit
alone may be said to have come down to us in the greatest variety
of texts and translations. There are no less than three more or less
different Greek texts, which are not slight alterations of one and the
same original, but diff"er often in essential points. Then there are
two distinct classes of Latin translations : one the Vetus Latin,
represented by a variety of texts, and agreeing in some points with
the so-called Greek Sinaiticus (C), and the translation of Jerome,
i.e., the Vulgate. We have then at least two Syriac translations,
both however imperfect, each of these representing a somewhat
different text.
Ui' to a very short time ago only two Hebrew texts of Tobit were
known. Both had appeared Cor the first time in Constantinople
(I possess both editions) {a) in 15 16, and {b) in 15 19. The first is
better known as Hebraeus Munsteri (H.M.), and the second as
Hebraeus Fagii (H.F.), after the names of these two scholars who
edited them in 1542. In 1878 Dr. Neubauer published* the till
then unknown Aramaic text (Ar.), and furnished thus an important
* The Book of Tobit, Oxford, 1S7S.
208
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
addition to the literary tradition of the Tobit legend. In the light
of Dr. Neubauer's discovery the question of the relation in which
the different texts stand to one anodier became a little more
simplified, but the material thus available was not yet sufficient
to clear up, for instance, the true origin of Jerome's text. The
result of the investigation, conducted by many scholars, and sum-
marised here, has not been able to establish definitely which of the
various Greek texts can claim absolute priority. Noeldeke, and
following him Schuerer, adopted the view propounded by Fritzsche
and others. They consider the text of our LXX (A) as the most
ancient and best. The other two texts (B) and (C) are, according
to them, secondary developments and modifications of that oldest
text. From the same text (A) originate, so we are told, (<?) the first
fragment of the Syriac ; {/>) the yEthiopic translation ; and (<:) the
Hebrew text (HF) ; this latter is not exactly a translation, but rather
an adaptation. From the secondary Greek text, or a mixed text
(B, C), arises to a certain extent (a) an old Aramaic text differing
from that of Dr. Neubauer, which would also be more an adap-
tation with many characteristic changes and differences; (d) Vetus
Lat. ; and (<r) the second fragment of the Syriac. That supposed
more complete Aramaic text now lost (a), is then the reputed source
of the Aramaic text discovered by Dr. Neubauer (Ar.), and also of
the Hebrew version of 15 16 (H.M.). To the same lost Aramaic
source the translation of Jerome is also traced. The net outcome
of this scheme formulated by Noeldeke is that we have on the one
hand the Greek text A of the LXX forming a distinct group ; and,
on the other hand, a number of texts which seem to go back to one
partly represented by Greek B, C, to which latter group all the
Semitic versions as well as the Latin, both the Vetus and Jerome,
except Syr. I, belong. Others again look to B, C as the primary
source, and A as the secondary development and enlargement ; so
Reusch and others.
The connection between the Latin and Aramaic-Hebrew texts,
and the reasons for such marked differences between them, has
not yet found an adequate explanation. Nor, to my mind, has the
priority claimed for the Greek text A or for any Greek text, been
established on firm ground. It is very surprising that most of the
versions should favour a text (A) which, according to modern
scholars, would be far from being the authentic and the oldest one,
and that the authors of these numerous versions should select, as
209 Q
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1896.
if it were, for their model, the secondary version B, C. Still more
surprising is it that the old Latin, and especially Jerome, should so
completely neglect that old Greek version (A) and prefer instead, a
totally different text. Nor have we any reason to doubt Jerome's
deliberate statement that he took his Tobit from an Aramaic
original ; Dr. Neubauer's discovery goes a long way to prove it,
although Jerome's Aramaic version must have been very different
from that of Dr. Neubauer.
In order to unravel the somewhat entangled skein of the
numerous versions, it is advisable to start from the text of Jerome,
about the date of which there cannot be any doubt. Illgen, who
has written a very elaborate and minute study on the book of
Tobit,* has shown that Jerome has laid the older Latin version
under considerable contribution. According to Jerome's own state-
ment, the text he had before him was written in Aramaic, and a Jew
who knew both languages translated it to him into Hebrew, from
which language he made his Latin translation. Not a word, how-
ever, is mentioned by him of the Old Latin, and it is not a little sur-
prising to find in his version a number of incidents and details wanting
in all the others. These additions and differences, which I will
enumerate afterwards, have been lightly set down as due to his
invention (Fritzsche). I am not aware of any such liberty having
been taken by Jerome with any other canonical or apocryphal book
translated by him. And although he may not have had a high
respect for the Book of Tobit, it is nevertheless singular that he
should have indulged in such a fanciful enlargement of a text,
which he knew to be held in esteem by the Church, and that he
should try to palm off his fiction as truth on the devout people who
wrote to him for the book. This, as well as his silence about the
Old Latin, and the choice deliberately made by him in the selection
of this version in preference to that of the LXX, call for an ex-
planation. This can only be found, if we assume that he had
followed faithfully a text which contained those peculiar incidents
and variations. That text must have had the reputation of being
the genuine version, and for that very reason had also been followed
in the main by the Old Latin translation. I do not wish to say
that the Vetus Latin was translated directly from the very same
text which served Jerome as a source. Vetus Latin follows in the
* Die Gcschichlc Tobits. Jena, 1800.
210
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
main Greek texts, which may have been, and probably were, a
Greek version of the B C type, in its turn a translation from the
Aramaic, and which served thus as an intermediary source for the
Old Latin. Being in the main identical with his own text, Jerome
could have recourse to the Old Latin for touching up his version,,
which he owns to have completed in one single day. There was
thus no need for him to acknowledge more than one source, namely
Aramaic, as the O. Lat. was of secondary importance, and merely
used by him for the purpose of rectifying the translation where it
agreed with his. He took from the Old Latin, if he has taken any-
thing at all, only materials for verbal alterations, but none of the
realia. They agree both, because both are based upon almost one
and the same text. Jerome also differs from the Vetus Latin in not
a few instances, showing himself independent of it.
Having cleared the road thus far, we proceed now to the study
of his original, which according to his explicit statement was Aramaic.
The text published by Dr. Neubauer differs, however, in most of the
peculiar incidents characteristic of the version of Jerome, and must
therefore be considered merely as a faint reflex, or as a later modifi-
cation of the ancient and more elaborate version. This shorter
version had been incorporated into a collection of homiletical
interpretations of the Pentateuch, and has suffered in consequence.
This is probably the reason for the abridgement. As we shall see
later on, this text has a history of its own, and by means of undoubted
evidence it can be proved that it had suffered curtailment and other
changes, in consequence of that connection with the Liturgy. The
Hebrew text H.M. is considered to be a translation from an older
and more complete Aramaic text, but it differs also in many, if not
in most of the essential points, from the version of Jerome.
Before proceeding further I will point out the most important
differences between Jerome and the Greek text of the LXX (A).
Gr. reads Tobit whilst Jer. reads Tobias. According to Gr. Tobit
was purveyor to the king (I, 13) ; Jer. he has leave to go whither-
soever he would (I, 14). Gr. (I, 19) TohxX. flees alone; Jer. (I, 23)^
he flees with his wife and child. Gr. (H, 10) sparrows blind him ;.
Jer. swallow. Gr. (HI, 10) Sara wishes to stratigle herself; Jer.
she fasts three days. Gr. (IX, 2) the angel Raphael starts for Rages
with otily one slave ; Jer. •^\'Ci\ four. Gr. (XI, 14-19) Sara comes
to Nineveh the same day as Tobias ; Jer. (XI, 14-19) after seven
days.
211 Q 2
]S^ov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.TiOLOGY. [1896.
The dog plays a very inferior part in Jerome, and it is not
unlikely that it is a later interpolation (XI, 9). The three nights of
continence are also peculiar to Jerome, not a trace of it in the
Greek. Many passages that are in the Greek are missing in Jerome.
Thus tliere is not a trace in Jerome of Tobit being maintained by
Achiacharos during his blindness (II, 10), nor of the doctors
attempting to cure him ; and, on the other hand, not a trace can
be found in the Greek of the parallel to Job (Jer. II, 12-15). The
various prayers inserted in the texts are different. The wife of
Reuel is called by Jerome Hanna^ against all the other texts where she
is called Edna. One could easily increase the number of variations,
which point conclusively to a text different in many essential features
from that of the LXX. Only here and there does the other text,
B C, offer parallels to Jerome. The Aramaic text agrees with
Jerome only in a few instances, such as the number of servants
taken by the angel, the position occupied by Tobi at the court of
Shahnanassar, whilst on the other hand it differs from Jerome's
text in almost every other incident. The dog is not mentioned
at all, and Aqiqar appears only in the commencement of the
tale. Nothing better can be said of the more complete text H.M.
In it there are a few other additions which are missing in the
Aramaic ; H.M. contains some of the same moral reflections as
Jerome, and leans more towards the Greek B C than towards the
Aramaic (Ar.). Another version which belongs to this cycle is the
fragmentary Syriac from VII, 11, on. But this is still more remote
from Jerome and from the other Aramaic text, as well as from the
Greek versions in the form in which we have them. I will mention
only one or two points which Syr. II has, contrary to all the rest. In
XI, 13, the friends bring presents after the wedding. Tobias prays
(VII, 8) for children. The angel does not say, as in the Greek
(XII, 12), that he had brought the prayers before God, nor that he
presents the prayers of the saints (XII, 15). On the other hand Syr. II
calls the father Tobi \ his friend Aqiqar; the wife of Reuel Edna, the
man to whom Tobit had lent the money, is called Gab.^el (Jer. Gabel).
Enough has now been said to show the great divergence that
exists in not unimportant portions and incidents between the various
texts belonging to this one group. Not any of these texts can,
therefore, be considered as the probable direct source for the others.
Neither the Aramaic, nor, so far, the Hebrew Munsteri, nor the
•Greek B C, nor the Syriac, though they have many points in
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
common. And as for the Itala, and, in a higher degree, for Jerome,,
the resemblance between them and the others is of the slenderest
nature.
What we are in search of is to find a single text, be it in Aramaic
or in Hebrew, which should offer the same characteristics as the
version of Jerome, without being a translation from the latter ;
having also its own points of divergence, so that the original
character of that text should be established beyond doubt or cavil.
At the same time it must have points in common with one or the
other Greek text.
I think, now, that I have discovered such an ideal text, which
comes up to all the requirements of the case. It is a Hebrew text
copied, latest in the 13th century, from an older MS. which, if my
conjecture is correct, belonged to the nth century. In its turn,
it may be, and in every probability was a copy of the original
text. The MS. in the British Museum Add. 11639 is one of the
finest specimens of mediaeval calligraphy ; it is of the choicest pen-
manship imaginable, and is placed among the Select on account
of its artistic merits, being full of admirable illuminations and
drawings. It was written by a certain Benjamin, the scribe, on very-
thin and perfect vellum. The larger part of the MS. is taken up
by the Pentateuch, round the margin of which portions of the Hagio-
grapha are written. Then follow prayers, poetical and liturgical
compositions, laws, regulations, rules, calendar, and many other
similar compositions and texts. Round some of the liturgical poems,
this history of Tobit is written by the same hand and with the same
care. The calendar on folio 563/.' begins with the moon-cycle 266,
which corresponds to the year 5036, i.e., 1276, probably the date of
the writing. On folio 568(^, however, the date 828 or 858 (= 4858)
is given, which is probably the date of the original, and corresponds
to the year 1068 or 1098.
The legend is written with special care ; in a few places cor-
rections are added over the text, and in one instance (III, 20), not
having been able to read an obliterated or erased word, the scribe
indicated the lacuna by dots, and did not try to correct the text.
In a few instances he did not distinguish correctly the letters of
the original ; he writes, e.g., the name of the place where Tobit and
the angel went, Dage, instead of Rage. The mistake points to the
form of letters in which that original, from which he copied, was
written. In the Spanish and the old Palestinian cursive writing it
213
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHylLOLOGY. [1896.
is almost impossible to distinguish between D and R. I must
point out, however, what cannot be a mere coincidence, that in an
ancient Hebrew version of the 12th century of the longer recension
of Judith discovered by me, the town (I, 5) is called JDage, instead
oi Ragau; absolutely identical with the Tobit text.
The text is divided in verses. At the end of Chapter VI stands
the word Half, exactly as it is customary with sacred texts. As our
text is apparently not complete at the end, this division could not be
the work of the copyist, but he must have found it already in his
original. I point out all these minute details, as it is necessary to
convince ourselves of the fact, that we have in our MS. a copy of a
more ancient text, and not a production of the 13th century. The
contents of this new version which, for brevity's sake, I will call H.L.
{Hebrew London), had so thoroughly surprised me, that I had to con-
vince myself by the examination of all the details, and by a careful
comparison with the known versions, and more especially with
Jerome's, that we have here a really genuine, independent and thus
very important version ; and not merely a translation or slight adap-
tation of one of the known versions. For to state it briefly, we have
here, if not the very original of Jerome's text, at least a version
which comes nearer to that ancient version than any other, and may
be the old original. All the peculiar incidents which distinguish that
text occur also in this Hebrew version. The similarity is so great,
that at the first glance, one appears to be the direct translation
of the other. On more minute examination we find, however, a
number of variants, great and important enough to secure the
independence of the Hebrew from the Latin, but not so easily
vice versa. The Hebrew text is in some parts more enlarged,
and in others shorter than Jerome. It is characteristic that both
the dog and every mention of Aqiqar as well as of Nadan or Laban
is missing in H.L. The latter part of the XII Ith and of the XlVth
chapter are also wanting. The prayers are mostly different, and
greatly resemble the prayers of che Hebrew liturgy. The language
is modelled after that of the Bible, the phraseology of which is closely
imitated, and is, in skill and expression, vastly superior to that of
H.M. and H.F., both of which betray the influence of the rabbinical
terminology. The author of H.L. had the Bible at his fingers' ends.
At the same time, there occur at least two direct parallels to formulas
of the liturgy (VIII, 5, 6; XIII, 11), and numerous other reminis-
cences. But as these were known already in the time of the Talmud
214
Nov. 3] TROCEEDINGS. [1896.
and probably in that of the Mishna, they are of comparatively
great antiquity. A few might be interpolations made by the first
copyist. The language seems in some passages rather forced and
somewhat artificial.
And yet by a close examination we convince ourselves that it is
to a great extent the language of the prayers formulated at the time
of the Second Temple, and what is more important, that this
peculiar form of biblical and postbiblical language is shared by the
recently discovered fragments of Ecclesiasticus and also of other
Hebrew apocryphal texts such as the Testament of Naftali and the
History of Judith in the version to which I have referred above.
This language resembles more that of the last writers in the Bible,
such as Ezra and Nehemia, as well as Daniel, in spite of the frequent
use of other more archaic forms borrowed from older texts. There
are also a few peculiarities, which I point out at the end of this
publication, that show the transition from the language of the Bible
to the so-called New-Hebrew. We may therefore safely see in this
text the oldest ?-eflex of the very original from which all the rest has
flown. That it should have been translated at a very early period
into the vernacular (Aramaic) is not at all surprising, and being
excluded from the Canon, the Hebrew original soon disappeared.
For this reason Jerome speaks only of the Aramaic, which must
henceforth be considered as one of the versions and not as the original.
One can also not easily set aside the argument of Prof. Graetz
{Monaischrift, 1879 p. 145 ff.), according to which the "Aramaic"
of Jerome may mean the Hebrew language of the postbiblical time
in distinction of that of the Bible. Jerome had no name for this
development of Hebrew, and as some Aramaic words had been
admitted into this language, not having a better to designate it, he
called it pure and simple Aramaic. Graetz has pointed out many
mistakes in the Greek and Latin translations, which can only be
explained as misunderstandings of a purely Hebrew text. True,
against this view stand the explicit words of Jerome, that the
original of Tobit had to be translated to him into Hebrew.
The language of this newly discovered text is, however, so much
akin to bibilical Hebrew, that if we believe this to have been the
source of Jerome, it is somewhat difficult to explain the necessity for
another translator. Jerome could have easily mastered the text
without any further assistance from a Jew. But he may have had the
Aramaic version of this text.
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Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1896.
If H.L. should be a translation from another language, and in
this case Aramaic is the nearest to be thought of, then the translator
has disguised his dependence upon another text so skilfully that
it cannot be detected. The deep-going differences from the Greek
versions exclude these from our purview, and the frequent discre-
])ancies between this text and Jerome's, make it equally impossible
to look upon the latter as a possible source from which the Hebrew
might have been translated. There are so many obscure passages in
the Latin and Greek versions which are now satisfactorily explained
through this text, that they warrant the assumption that we have in
our text, thus far, not a translation, but the oldest and best Semitic
form of that original, from which Jerome made his translation,
and to which B.C. refer, though indirectly. Quite peculiar to this
text is the fact, that the author introduces the three friends of Job,
who come and speak to Tobit, in the same manner in which they spoke
to Job. The author must have thought these two to have been
contemporaries, both living in the time of the first Assyrian conquest
of Palestine. He alone avoids the confusion between the various
forms of tithes, so conspicuous in all the other versions. He alone
gives a correct reason for the sleeping of Tobit outside the house and
being blinded by it. There is no trace of the agnate-marriage of
which so much has been made by Rosenmann* and others. The
men die in the first night only because they are not those who
were appointed by God to be wedded to Sarah. We find here
the explanation of the mysterious passage in Jerome (vi, 20=
Hebrew vi, 15), "In the second night thou shalt be admitted in
the society of the holy patriarchs." The Hebrew has, " on the first
night, remember the name of the holy patriarchs," which is in
strict accordance with the Hebrew formulas of prayers, in which
mention in the first instance is made of the names of the patriarchs,
and their intercession is invoked on behalf of the one who prays to
obtain grace from God. The prayers uttered by Tobit and Sarah
are the outcome of that very injunction. Both appeal to the history
of the patriarchs, and add : as God had heard their prayers, so may
He listen to the prayers of these two youths. An ancient analogy
is to be found in the liturgy of the fast day as prescribed in the
Mishna (Taanilh, cli. ii). There are besides other numerous
analogies to the forms of the ancient Hebrew liturgy in this version
* Sludicn zum Buche Tobit : Berlin, 1S94.
216
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
of Tobit, which if they are due to the author, and are not later
interpolations and amplifications, might assist to fix the date of this
composition. As far as I have been able to ascertain, all these
allusions and parallels are found also in the Talmud, and in those
prayers which form the basis of the Hebrew service, and are not later
than the last century before the common era. The author know^s,
however, also the conclusion of the Amidah (the "Acathiston" of
the Greek Church), to be Ps. xix, v. 15 (viii, 12), which may be
much older than it has hitherto been assumed. The formula of
betrothal (iii, 5-7) is more archaic than that of the actual liturgy,
and on the other hand there is a poem connected with it (V. 8)
which is an alphabtetical acrostic, and has been retained in a
fragmentary form in the German liturgy. As it resembles similar
hymns in the Hechaloth of R. Ishmael, it may also be very old.
These indications do not allow us to see in our text a modern
compilation or a translation made in comparatively recent times. It
reflects much more the time when the liturgy had not yet been fixed,
and much latitude was given to the individual. The form of these
hymns and praises remind one of those in the book of Judith, the
Song of the Three Children, and the so called Psalms of Solomon,
all belonging to the first century before the common era.
Minor differences between this text and Jerome's, as this
alone can truly be compared with it, I need not mention here.
They are apparent to every one who reads the translation with
the variations from Jerome which I have added thereunto.
The MS., as I remarked above, is very calligraphically written and
with some care. The original must however not have been very
correct, as in many instances there are evident lacunse and other
mistakes, with which I should not like to charge the copyist, as he
seems to have done his work with care and circumspection, noting
what he believed to be a mistake, and omitting to write those letters
which he probably could not decipher.
In publishing this text I have reproduced it exactly as it stands
in the MS., and in footnotes I have, in the first instance, indicated
the biblical passages which the writer or translator had used in his
work ; I have also referred to the passages in the Talmud which
present analogies to the liturgical portions, and I have inserted in
brackets in the text itself all the corrections and emendations.
Looking now upon our newly-recovered Hebrew text in the light
which I have tried to throw upon it, we may confidently assert that
217
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILi:OLOGY. [1896.
we have here undoubtedly the oldest Semitic text extant— older
than Jerome and Vetus Latin, and coming nearest to the lost
Hebrew original, if it does not faithfully represent it. I am not pre-
pared to state dogmatically the relation in which this text stands to
the Greek, be it the B-C or be it the A version. It is evident from
the comparison that B-C comes nearer to our text, but there are so
many points of difference even between B-C and H.L. that it is
exceedingly difificult to say with any certainty whether B-C depends
on H.L. or is independent of it. There are also a few points of
contact between H.L. and A, although more scarce.
In apportioning the right place to H.L. in the history of the
texts, we are guided by the same considerations which must
have guided Jerome when he made his translation. He preferred
the text, which was almost identical with H.L., to the Greek. He
must have believed, if he had not known it for a fact, that that was
the original, while the Greek, in whatever recension, was an
adaptation and a revision of that Semitic text. If that be the case,
and I am inclined to believe it, then H.L. will be the oldest and
best text, and of the Greek, B-C will represent the older version, as
Reusch and others thought, and not A, as has been asserted by
Fritzsche, Noeldeke, Schuerer, and others.
I publish together with the Hebrew text an English translation
and a few notes. In order to facilitate research I have divided it into
chapters, following the division of the Greek version, and have
numbered the verses according to the division I found in the MS. I
have also added the numbers of the verses according to A and to
Jerome's division. As H.L. stands in the closest connection with
Jerome's text, I print in square brackets [] those portions wherein
H.L. differs from Jerome's text, and add in footnotes the variations
and the verses from Jerome missing in our text. The numbers of
verses as added in round brackets are those of Jerome's version.
I pass now to the study of the other text, no less interesting than
the last, but from another point of view. Whilst H.L. furnished us
a link upwards, this here furnishes a link downwards in the history
of the transmission of the text in the later literature. Dr. Neubauer
published together with the Aramaic text a peculiar legend from
the Midras Tanhuma, the first half of which contains a parallel
to the incident of Sara and her seven husbands who died, whilst
Tobit withstood successfully the attack of the demon, whose place
is taken in this legend by the angel of death. The second half
218
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
belongs to a different cycle of legends of which the oldest and most
•complete version is found in my MS. No. 82, fol. 100a, No. 130
(cf. Jellinek, BetJi-hamidrasch V, 152-154 and I, p. 83-84). That
legend was added to the Tanhuma by the editor of the Mantua
edition, who indicates as his source the same work as that given for
the Aramaic version of Dr. Neubauer, viz., the Midrash Rabba of
R. Moses had Darshan (the Preacher). The connection between
these two versions is however very slender. There are many inter-
mediary links missing, which should explain the gradual shrinking
of the elaborate tale to a small legend. Joseph Zabara, who lived
about the year 1200, and who wrote his "Book cf Delight" in
Barcelona or Narbonne, introduces among other tales a peculiar
version of the Tobit-legend (translated into English along with the
other tales by Mr. I. Abrahams, in The Jeivish Quarterly Review, VI,
1894, pp. 522-524). This version, reprinted by Hugin in
D*'!11I2 D'^liJ'i^^ Bagdad, 1890, fol. da-Zb, is almost a perversion of
the legend. The only point of interest is that only three persons are
mentioned in connection with Sara instead of seven, and in this
number the Tanhuma agrees with Zabara. Not from this source
however did the legend come into the Midrash, but, as we have
seen, from the Midrash of Moses the preacher. I have discovered now
the exact counterpart in Hebrew to the Aramaic text of Dr. Neubauer,
and what is more, have found it also in a collection of homiletic
interpretations of the Pentateuch. The MS. is private property,
and I was allowed many years ago to take a complete copy of this
Midrash. It was then already half deteriorated by age and damp-
ness and portions of the leaves were crumbling away at the slightest
touch. I have reason to believe that we may consider the original
MS. as lost since. Happily I have a complete copy of the whole work.
The original was written in a Spanish hand, and belonged in all
probability to the 15th century, if not earlier. The character of this
Midrash is very much like that published by Buber in 1894 under the
title "Agadischer Commentar zum Pentateuch." My MS. (I may now
call it my MS., the other being as good as lost) seems to represent
an older and more complete text, as it also contains homilies to
the Haphtaroth and to the various festivals, which are not to be
found in that edited by Buber. In the contents there are also
marked differences, but still both texts belong to one and the same
group, having many points in common. In this MS. (Codex Or.
Gaster 28), we find a homily for the second day of Pentecost,
219
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1896.
the first part of which is a literal translation of the Aramaic text,
but very much shortened towards the end. The greatest stress is
laid on the giving of tithes, and the history of Tobit is adduced as
an example of the grace of God bestowed on the man who fulfils
faithfully the duty of paying his tithes. The lesson for the second
day of Pentecost commences with the verse, Deut. xiv, 22, "Thou
shalt surely tithe all the increase of thy seed, that which cometh
forth of the field year by year." The same words stand at the head
of the Aramaic text and of the Hebrew. Here the introduction is
more spun out than in the Aramaic text, which is merely an abridged
copy of the original. Through this official connection with the
liturgy one understands the reason why in the Aramaic and in this
Hebrew version, which I will call H.G. (Hebrew Gaster), and in Ar.
mention is made (H, i) of the feast of Pentecost. Jerome and
H.L. have merely a feast of the Lord. It may just as well be, that
because this feast is mentioned in the legend the legend itself was
brought in connection with the lesson of that day.
Now H.G. follows Aramaic as closely as possible, though leaving
out the greater part of the legend ; all the minor incidents and
almost all the prayers are missing, so that the whole book is reduced
to a comparatively short tale. But whatever there is left, is a literal
translation which sometimes forces the character of the Hebrew.
Thus it proves also the fact that Aramaic texts were translated into
Hebrew at a later period, and that the legend of Tobit enjoyed a
great reputation, and was preserved mainly through its connection
with the liturgy. H.L. is also included in a volume containing all
those books and poems which are usually associated with the prayer-
book and synagogue service. Through this connection one under-
stands the reason for its continual dwindling in size. It served as
an illustration of the teaching of the Law, and was treated as such.
By comparing H.G. with the Aramaic, we shall find that
among other things omitted in both is that peculiar legend of the
intended sacrifice of the two sons of Sennacherib, mentioned in
H.M., chapter I. But the very same legend occurs in my MS. (28) in
the homily preceding that of the Tobit legend. We have thus an
indication of the probable source of this version (H.M.). It was in
every probability taken from this or a very similar collection of
homilies.
The minute comparison of the Aramaic (Neub.) with H.G.
(for which that is the direct original), besides being interesting as
220
Nov. 3] ■ PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
illustrating the way how the abridgement was effected, is also of
value for critical purposes. One point is especially important.
When Tobi deposits the money with Gabael he received from him,
according to the Greek, a ]ia)idwriting (v, 3) or a 7iote of hafid, so
also Itala and Jer. H. L. has, a token (iv, 10), Ar. and H.M. have
instead a bag, which to say the least, is very incongruous. In H.G.
we have a ring as a token, which seems to be superior to all the rest.
With a slight alteration one could amend the word nnH^b^, bag,
of H.M., into n?2nn, which means a seal. This would imply that
the Aramaic is a! translation from the corrupted Hebrew text and
not vice versa. But one example alone would not suffice to
determine definitely the position in which those texts stand
to one another. Without pursuing, therefore, this question any
further, I limit myself merely to pointing it out. Many other similar
contributions to the criticism of the text are to be found in this
Hebrew version, for which reason I publish this also, and add an
English translation to it. I have divided it into chapters according
to the Aramaic and Greek, but without the division of verses, as these
chapters are very small, and it is quite unnecessary to subdivide
them any further.
In order to be as complete as possible, I will mention in con-
clusion another text of the Tobit legend, which although printed,
has, so far as I have been able to ascertain, escaped the notice
of every bibliographer, nor have I been able to find another copy
in any library but my own. In 1851 there appeared in Lemberg
a book called Osar Haqqodesh, which gives itself out to be a
reprint of an older Amsterdam edition. I have not been able to
trace it. Perhaps some one else will be more fortunate in that
respect. Now this litde book contains, in the first place, our Tobit
legend in a very shortened form. The text is divided into twelve
chapters, and agrees in the main, as far as the plot is concerned, with
A., but not absolutely. Without being a literal translation, it is a
more faithful reflex of A than H.F. A few incidents are worth
noticing, such as the correct Hebrew name Ahmata for Egbatanis ;
the proper translation of the name of the river, as Hideqel instead of
Tigris, though Rage is spelt Ragez, and Raguel instead of Reuel.
In one point, this text agrees with H.L. alone, where all the other
versions differ. When Sara prays in the anguish of her soul, she
says in H.L., "I know that thou (oh God) hast appointed the
right man to be my husband, and if it be Thy will, send him to me."
221
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1896.
In Jerome we have a faint trace of it. Sara says (in III, 19),
"because, perhaps thou hast kept me for another man." In this
printed edition we find that she ahnost expects her relative to be
her husband but he would certainly shrink from marrying a woman
who would thereby cause his death, and she prays either to be
healed or rather to die. Nothing of this is to be found in the
Greek ; there are also a few other incidents similarly independent
of the Greek. I must limit myself merely to point these out and
to draw the attention of scholars to the vast material in Hebrew
literature which has hitherto not been utilised for a thorough study
of the Apocrypha.
(Z<? be ccntinued.)
Price 7s. 6d. Only a Limited Number of Copies will be Printed.
THE
PALESTINIAN SYRIAC VERSION
OF THE
HOLY SCRIPTURES,
FOUR RECENTLY DISCOVERED PORTIONS
(Together with verses from the Psalms and the Gospel of St. Luke).
Edited, in Photographic Facsimile, from a Unique MS. in the
British Museum, with a Transcription, Translation,
Introduction, Vocabulary, and Notes.
REV. G. MARGOLIOUTH. M.A.,
Assistant hi the Department of Oriental Printed Books and MSS. in the
British Museum : formerly Tyrwhitt Hebre-w Scholar.
privately printed by the
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY,
37, Great Russell Street. Bloomsbury. London. 1896.
\* Subscribers' A'atiies to be Addressed to the Secretary.
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
MORE FRAGMENTS OF THE PALESTINIAN SYRIAC
VERSION OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES.
By Rev. G. Margoliouth.
Introduction.
The Manuscript. — The four Biblical lessons in the Palestinian
Syriac version which form the subject of the present publication
are taken from a recently acquired MS. of the British Museum,
bearing the designation Or. 4951. The eleven photographic plates,
which embody these lessons in their entirety, represent the pages
of the MS. in their original dimensions, measuring about 6| in by 5,
with mostly 15 lines to a page. There are 7 quires of ten leaves
each. The style*'' of writing, though smaller, approaches very
nearly to that of PI. XX (representing fol. 34a, of Add. 14,664), in
Vol. Ill of Wright's Catalogue of the Syriac MSS. in the British
Museum, which has been assigned to the 12th or 13th century.
The MS. contains a series of Services belonging to the Malkite
ritual, written in the Palestinian Syriac dialect, the rubrical directions
and several of the headings being in Karshuni, and also embodying
prayers and liturgical "formulae" in Greek transcribed into the
Syriac character.
It begins with two Services for the consecration of a Church,
the first to include the Holy Table, and the second applying to the
chancel only. Then follows a series of three Ordination Services
for celibate clergy (i. readers; 2. deacons; 3. priests). Another
series of Ordination Services (i. readers; 2. sub-deacons;
3. deacons ; 4. priests), occupies the latter part of the MS.
Between these two series of Offices stands a hitherto unknown
Service, which I have designated "The Liturgy of the Nile."
* For some further remarks on the style of writing, etc., see p. 2.^4.
223
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1896.
It occupies 32 pages of the MS. (foil. 2 7a-42b), and bears the
following heading : —
♦ ^'^V^ ^\s\ ]«)QO) ]>j050 I'rOjO ]ci\y G\l£UMCi
I.e., " In the name of the P'ather, and of the Son, and of the
Holy Spirit, for ever and ever, do we write the Order of the feast
of the blessed Nile, [which is observed] on the Sunday* of the 318
fathers, [and also] from the Sunday* of Pentecost [and onwards],
and after the completion of the feast of St. Mark* the Evangelist."
It will be seen from this heading that the Service was recited
at intervals from about the middle of May to near the end of
September, thus covering a longer period of time than is usually
assigned to the gradual increase of the Nile water in Lower Egypt.
T/ie Lessons contained in The Nile Service. — The lessons contained
in this Service were clearly chosen on account of their distinct
bearing on a Service which had the rising of the Nile waters for
their object. In Gen. ii, 4-19, is an account of the rivers of
Paradise, with one of which, namely Gihon, the Nile is identified ;
in 2 Kings ii, 19-22, the healing of the water by Elisha is related;
Amos ix, 5-14^ contains an express reference to the Nile; and
Acts xvi, 16-34 was no doubt chosen on account of the baptism of
the Philippian jailer, with which the passage ends. A fifth lesson,
namely St. Matthew xiv, 22-34 (containing the account of Jesus
walking on the Sea of Galilee), which was also read, is not written
out in the MS., but is indicated by a reference to the Palestinian
Syriac Gospel Lectionary (edited by Miniscalchi Erizzo and
Lagarde), this lesson being identical with that of the ninth Sunday
after Pentecost.
* The Sunday of Pentecost (Whitsunday) coincides this year (1S96) with the
Latin date of the same festival (May 12, Gr. Cal. = May 24, Lat. Cal.). The
Sunday of the 318 Nicene Fathers is the one which immediately precedes
Whitsunday. The feast of St. Mark the Evangelist was celebrated on Sept. 23
in ancient times at Alexandria. For fuller information on this point, as also on
other matters connected with the Nile Service, see " The Liturgy of the Nile"
(David Nutt).
224
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
The Photographic Plates. — The eleven plates contained in this
publication embody some small portions of the Liturgy besides
the lessons themselves, and it will be serviceable to give a brief
description of each : —
PI. I (fol. 30^?), begins with the conclusion of a short hymn
(|a;i25Q^ = T/joTTrt'/J'oi'), which contains a summary of Christ's
manifestation on earth. The first words of the hymn are :
Aa2«> |Ld ^QD «^01 Z,Ji>jZ]. The words occupying the first line
of fol. 30a, together wiih the first word of the second line, are :
: »^Zoail.V ^i»»nak?o ^j'^i-Ak) wioijj : \»^f^. Then follows
the liturgical direction for the first lesson: *(Z(n i*^i 1 ^^k^^O
];r)Ak3j \\D \La'^ ^ . »V)n, i.e. (literally), " And one reads the
first lesson, that which is read from Genesis." The lesson itself
(Gen. ii, 4-19) begins with the fourth line, and the last word on
the page is piQlZfO, in v. 7.
PI. II (fol. 30/^) continues the same lesson up to the end of
v. 12.
PI. Ill (fol. 3irt') contains vv. 12-18, together with the first two
words of V. rg.
PI. IV (fol. 3i(^) concludes the lesson from the second chapter
of Genesis, and aleo contains the greater part of 2 Kings ii, 19-22
(the page closing with the end of v. 21). The rubrical direction
between the two lessons (the last word of 1. 5, and the whole of 1. 6),
is ]*^ALo> ]Ld lZna\V)> :>: )^Ad ^, ie., "That which is
read from the fourth book of Kings."!
PI. V (fol. 32^7) concludes the second lesson, and begins the
third (Amos ix, 5-14^'), the page ending with the first two words of
v. 8. The rubrical direction between the lessons (last word of 1. 2
and the whole of I. 3) is 1;oALdj |Ld U-£U ^'^^^ ^^ ♦ V»Aj^Z,
i.e.., "The third, that which is read from the Prophet Amos."
PI. VI (fol. 32/^) continues the third lesson, the last word being
1 1 1 1 V), in v. 12.
PI. VII (fol. 33(7) concludes the third lesson and begins the
fourth (Acts xvi, 16-34). Between the two lessons (from the last
* |Z|Ql2.iJ (comp. Arabic itAJ) represents the term ai'«7?'W(iic in its
liturgical sense, as applying properly to the lessons from the Old Testament.
+ IZqD^LD) is probably a plural ((Zq^^SD)), literally of "Kingdoms"
(LXX )3a(TiAK(I-/ ).
225 R
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLO(;V. [1896.
word in 1. 7 to the second word in the fourth hne from the bottom)
is the lollowing : —
/.£■., " Finished is the lesson from the Propliets.* Then shall be
said a Psalm in the third t tone. T/ie Lord is my light and my
redeemer, wJu»ii s/iall I fear. \ Its response: The Lord protects my
life, of whom shall L i^e afraid. Then is recited that which is read
from the Acts of the Apostles."
The page ends with the word PsDQCQOj, in v. 16.
PI. VIII (fol. T,T,/>) continues the lesson up to fal^lQ ^^^019
in V. 20.
PI. IX (fol. 34rt) continues the same, ending with the first clause
of V. 26.
PI. X (fol. 34/') carries the lesson on to |>x^Zo, near the end of
V. 31.
PI. XI (fol. T,yi) concludes the lesson from the Acts (end : last
word but one in 1. 8), and continues as follows : —
: ^9a^j : ^-lId §AjALdZ1 VpLoj oijou : ].nV Am v^o
^k) ail^ V^^o : aTru.£iL .ooiZu Aa.^cd]o Zuoi] cnSn^Z
fijOi ^cdoASd ^^ \1qd1A!^ ,**.^ 'i^^l : ^qdoASdj oi>Q£Di;j
I.e., " And for the Allelujah : The river of God is filled with water}\
Another, Lts ridges hast thou watered, and increased the fruit thereof.^
And a lesson shall be read from the Gospel of Matthew. Look for
* JjAa^OJ^ = irpn(pr]Ttla.
+ The third of the eight tones of the Greek Church is 0' (see. Neale, 7/.«:
//o/}' Eastern CInircli, General Introduction, p. S30).
X Ps. xxvii, I.
§ For - A<^;]
II I's. Ixv, \ob.
1) I's. Ixv, II.
226
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
the ninth Sunday after Pentecost* (from Matthew). And when
the gospel lesson is finished shall the deacon say a prayer; and
the chief priest shall say this [prayer]."
The Greek Text represented by the Old Testamciit Lessons. — The
Palestinian Syriac translation of Gen. ii, 4-19, 2 Kings ii, 19-22,
and Amos ix, 5-14(1, as contained in the Nile Service, was clearly
made from the LXX, but to the question as to what special recension
of the LXX the Palestinian version represents no definite answer
can as yet be given, the following remarks being the only ones that
can at present be made : —
Not Luciati's Text. — The evidence of the present portions
shows, as far as it goes, that Lucian's recension of the LXX was
decidedly not the one from which the Palestinian translation was
made. There are not less than eight clear textual criteria to
show that the two belong to two different categories of the Greek
version, and in the two or three cases in which the Palestinian
Syriac appears to exhibit an approach to Lucian's Greek text, the
Peshitta also happens to agree with the respective readings, and the
probability is, therefore, very strong that the Palestinian translator
(or translators ?) used the Peshitta rather than Lucian in these
points of agreement.
Relation to the Syro-Hexaplar. — There appears to be a nearer
approach to the Syro-Hexaplar in a number of passages contained
in the lessons from 2 Kings and x\mos, but here again the agreement
between these two versions is often shared by the Peshitta as well,
and there are besides an almost equal number of instances in which
the Palestinian Syriac differs from the Syro-Hexaplar.
Relation to Texts Rep?-esented by AISS. — Much less certain,
because much less complete, is the evidence as to the relation of
the fragments before us to the different texts of the LXX, as
represented by the best known MSS. To say that there are two
points of agreement with A against B, and two other points in which
B is followed against A, is to say very little indeed, and the gain of
adding that in one place E is preferred to A appears also a rather
slight sort of help. The fact is that the whole question is as yet
sub judice, and that no definite judgment can be arrived at
without a very considerable amount of additional evidence both
* See Min. Erizzo, Evangeliarium Hierosolymitanum, p. 143. The lesson
comprises St. Matt, xiv, 22-34.
227 R 2
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL'EOLOGY. [1896.
on the Greek text itself and on the Palestinian translation based
upon it.
Did the Palestinian Translator Consult the Hebre^v Text ? — The
Old Testament portions contained in the Nile Service supply no
decisive answer to the question as to whether the Palestinian
translator was in the habit of consulting the Hebrew text in
connection with his task. One pretty clear indication* of such an
influence is found in Amos ix, 13 (see notes), but in all other
instances of an apparent approach between the Masoretic text and
the present version, the Peshitta is also found to agree with
the respective peculiar reading, and there is, therefore, a strong
inclination to assume that the Peshitta was consulted by the
Palestinian translator rather than the Hebrew text.
The Lesson from the '■'■ Acts."- — Much more decisive is the evidence
as to the manner in which the lesson from the " Acts of the
Apostles" has assumed its Palestinian Syriac form. Acts xvi, 16-34,
as contained in the Nile Service, is in fact merely an adaptation
from the Peshitta, and can lay no claim at all to rank as an
independent translation from the Greek text. In the textual notes
on this lesson some of the more striking agreements with the
Peshitta will be noted. But it will be useful to print in this place
a specimen of the Palestinian Syriac, the Peshitta, and the
Harklensian version in three parallel columns, as this is no doubt
the best way of gaining a clear comparative insight into the three
Syriac presentations of the same passage. For this purpose
vv. 19-24 may be selected as being sufficiently striking for purposes
of comparison.
* Another such indication appears to lie before us in Ps. Ixv, 11 (see p. 232).
228
Nov. 3]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1896.
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230
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
The verses from other parts of the Holy Scriptures which are
contained in the " Liturgy of the Nile," are Ps. xxvii, i ; Ps. xxix, 3 ;
Ps. li, 17 ; Ps. Ixv, 10^-14; Ps. Ixxi, 8 ; St. Luke ii, 14.
It will be best to place the Greek from the LXX * and the
Gospel of St. Luke respectively by the side of the Palestinian
Syriac translations, and to add textual remarks where such appear
necessary.
(i.) Ps. xxvii. I ( = LXX, Ps. xxvi, i) :—
Kr/)<09 (pwTiaii6>! uov Kfii (Tit'Tij/j fiov, ri'i'a (pofSijOijffo/nui • Kvpio^
VTrefjciaTriffjijf rij'j ^a'/ys- /noi'. uvro rii'O'i ceiXinaw.
■ .1 . ..tVnn — Km awrijp fiov, the Masoretic text having the
abstract "'^^U^'^'l " and my help," or " salvation." The rendering
_^JiD (protects), does not, however, answers exactly either to
vTre/JiiffTrta-tji or tO f Ij^t^ •
(2.) Ps. xxix, 3 ( = LXX, Ps. xxviii, 3) :^
^lovrj Kvpi'ov erri tuw vcc'nici', o 6eo9 T/y? c6^ij9 t/Sp6i'T)j(Tei', Ki'piov
eTTi v^arwi' ttoWwi'.
Both LXX and Palestinian Syriac agree with the Masoretic text
of this verse.
(3.) Ps. li, i7( = LXX, Ps. 1, 17):-
Kvp(€. TO. X^'"^'/ /*"" "''O'fc'S '»""< TO (T-6fin fioi' ai'(i-/'j€\ei. -']>'
uiveaiv aov.
The Palestinian Syriac rendering L^LZi l\ "Thou hast opened,"
and Ij/^Ld " relatest," is at variance with both M. and LXX, the two
Imperfects of the former being rendered by the Future in the latter.
It is not hkely that )jAk5 is a deliberate participial representation of
the Hebrew Imperfect used for the purpose of expressing continuous
action.
* The LXX passages are here quoted from Swete's edition.
231
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILliOLOCV. [1896.
(4.) Ps. Ixv, iO(r-i4 ( = LXX, Ps. Ixiv, io/>-i4): —
w»ai ^P? ]jo]lD 2jAl : ,_jkiD * n i \v>2l loilLj oijcru
Usil ^ : 0Tpj.2i!^ .oqiAj Aa^^qdIo Auoj] aiSiAZ : »^joAi
»j2qSQa£Q05 1A*> ]1a^ 21 >»*r^^ :]»^^k)0 ]vnrr> '-.AVi ^oi
^)1 Gio ^\flu2 <* ^Aj.^k)QA ^xlDQA .qILoAa >^;«iV>0
tUVfLDj .OOlapJ QAinl : l0r*J^ «0;£D]a \J!Llo ^>^^?
'( ) — oT«/(09 ToT' 6>cot' dTrXiiJJLvOij vrmiL'i'' yToijuaacif t1ji> Tpoc^ijf ainwi', on
oi'TWi y tiTOifiaaia aov. toi'? avXnKWi aln^<s fxaOvaov^ ttXIjOvi'uv tu yeuij/tiaTa
(tinTjV^ ev Tai9 dra^oati' fiiniji' evfjijiavOijntnai ai'mnWovan. evXu'^/ijaei'} rof
ffTiifhai'oi' TOO evtainoTi Tiy? ■^^pijmoTijTO'i aoi', hdi rn Treria aov TrXtfffOij-
nui'Tat TrioriiTos-' TriavOijacTai ra opi/ tijv tzpij nor, kiii I'l^piXXittfTii' oi jiovt'oi
TTipii^waovrat. tveCvfTtwTo oi Kpioi rtii' TrpojidTici', kch al KoiXaca
■jrXnOi'vovai anoi'' KCKpa^ovrai, kcii r-fap vjiivyaouaii'.
\iO}^ in V. 10 = Tin' Tpo(p)]u (Syr. Hex. and Pesh. tOOlAAQIjp^) ;
uli-wf is, however, left untranslated. The rendering *^joAl (Syr.
Hex. s*.-^-*) y^^^'L) is = ?} e-7oi/j.aaiu aov. In these two words
there is respectively a wide divergence from n^J"? and PF'^^'^Dn of
tlie Masoretic text.
The Palestinian Syriac of v. 1 1 is clearly based on the LXX,
thou'jh it is free in the usage of the tenses as well as tlie rendering
mVr>\/ (singular noun). That it cannot be based on the Hebrew
text will be seen at a glance, though it must be admitted that
tA*iD^SDO appears to be a reminiscence of nPTTlDIJ- The Syro-
Hexaplar translation corresponds exactly with the Greek : —
V. 12 is also clearly translated from the LXX, though ^« V)Q*
,^ 1 1 » V)Qj (fatness of fatnesses) is used instead of the one word
TTiojijTO'i (of fatness). The LXX translator evidently began v. 1 2
with the last word of v. 11 as it stands in the Masoretic text, and
pronounced ^jll1t2 il^lL* rT^u^i^ f"^!]!- It is noiineable that
* Read wi.LLd2]- t Kor "JAj^^J.
Nov. 3] I'ROCEEDINGS. [1896.
there is a "Pasek,"* or dividing accent, after nnO!? in the Masoretic
text, and it wou'd, therefore, seem that the division of the verses as
adopted in the LXX had some support in ancient Jewish tradition.
V. 13 is remarkable for its adaptation to the nature of the
Service in which it was used, " may the land of Egypt prosper in
it," being used instead Tnai'Oi^treTai tu optf t>/9 epy/nov, which was
meant vaguely to represent the Hebrew 13,"T?2 ilTb^^ TQi?"T'.
V. 14 is also clearly based on the LXX, as is shown by Q.^£Q^
= TrXrjevvova-t, the Hebrew being IQt^i^''. The Palestinian Syriac
jZijLdj, which appears to stand for (Aj.1;^>, is free.
(5.) Ps. Ixxi, 8 (= LXX, Ps. Ixx, 8) : —
7r\rjpio0)]rw to cnoua /noi> aivcffeicf, uttws v^ivijaw riju So^aw aov,
o\tft' Tt]i' ijf^ieftai' Ti)i' f^i(z^/(t\o7rpe—iau aov.
Clearly a translation from the LXX, though somewhat free,
•.u.^^Z| being used for TrXijpwOijTw (possibly, however, - '^V'/]
to be taken as n/'recafive perfect).
(6.) St. Luke ii, 14) : —
Ao^« 61/ v\lriffTO(v 6eu-, Kfii iiri fy/y? elpiji'tj iu ai'Opwiroi'i evdoki'av
[cvf^oKia being the alternative reading).
The Palestinian Syriac translation of this verse betrays, in a
rather striking way, a dependence on the Harklensian version of the
New Testament. The latter has |l.».£D* Zo;a« to represent the
reading evroKiu of the original. In the Palestinian Syriac Lectionary
of the Gospels Lo\ZlM is left out, evcoKia being there represented by
(jQA,r^» only, and in the rendering before us |JQ^£D. was further
altered into j^Q^i:}.. As the Palestinian Syriac translation stands
The " Pasek " has, however, been noticed to serve more than one purpose
in the Masoretic text.
t MS. yL^aaaly.
I aiA^Q^sZ = jA>jQn»Z, the Ol being often used instead of final |
in the MS.
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY. [1896.
now, the only natural meaning yielded by it is " Amongst men thy
will [be done] ;" but there can be no doubt that we here merely
have a curious and erroneous development of a word representing
the Greek cvcokki.
* * * * *
It will be seen that the five short passages from the Psalms
contribute some further evidence to show that the Palestinian Syriac
version of the Old Testament was, as far as it is at present known
to have existed, based on the LXX. The single verse from the
New Testament, on the other hand, shows an unmistakable depen-
dence on the Harklensian version, and as the lesson from the " Acts
of the Apostles " is clearly an adaptation of the Peshitta, one is
driven to the conclusion that the Palestinian Syriac translators were
not as ready to prepare original translations from the Greek New
Testament as from the Greek version of the Old Testament.
T/ie Falceographical Aspect of the MS. — Some further remarks
should now be offered on the palaeographical aspect of the Palestinian
writing used in the present MS. The letter ''rish" is, with very
few exceptions, written J* (with two dots instead of one), and the
" daleth " is, as a rule, not distinguished by a dot below; there are
no diacritic points below the letters, and points over the text are
merely employed in the following cases : (i), one dot over the letter
L to mark the aspirate; (2), a dot often placed over the 01 of both
the third person suffix masc. and fern. sing. ; (3), the occasional
distinction of the plural form by the two dots known as " seyame "
{e.g., ]Ji1LD0, pi. V, 1. I ; ]i i>j>, PI. II, I. 6) ; (4), two dots over the
inverted " pe " (»C) which is here not only used in Greek, but also
in Syriac words {e.g., *j.c1 ; PL I, 1. 10 ; ^.»^c2>, PI. \TII, 1. 10 ;
(5), sometimes also two dots over the letter O {e.g. PI. II, 1. 6).
A different pronunciation from that of the Edessene dialect is
noticeable, e.g., in the soft pronunciation of the L in (Zu^ ( =
Jewish Aramaic i^fi''n), ^QSu^ (after Zlj) ( = ~'i::''n)- 'I"be theory
that the inverted " pe " (*0) was used solely for the purpose of dis-
tmguishing the Trfrom the 0 appears to be contradicted by the employ-
ment of such a form as |AA_.Q-ikC( ( — cvXa-icin) in another part of
* It is well known that there was a double pronunciation of the "rish" in
Palestine (see J. Derenbourg, Manuel du Lecteur, Journal Asiatiqtie, vol. 16,
p. 446), but one can hardly refer the occasional use of ) (with one dot) in iliis
MS. to a diflerencc of pronunciation.
234
Nov. 3l PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
the MS., and an unexpected usage of the same letter is also found in
)a-*.QC (for 1l-»«Ci^; see PI. X, 1, 11). The present MS. indeed
deserves a thorough study from a palaeographical point of view,*
besides the interest of the subject matter which it contains ; and the
manner of transcribing the Greek prayers, and liturgical formulae,
which are found in it, also deserves investigation (see the specimen
contained in Liturgy of the Nile, PI. II).
Grnmmaiical and Lexical Peculiarities. — The evidence which
the Biblical fragments before us afford with regard to the gramma-
tical and lexical peculiarities of the Palestinian Syriac dialect will
be found further on in the "Notes on Palestinian Words and
Phrases," and the vocabulary at the end contains an alphabetical
list of the more important linguistic features of this branch of
Semitic speech, which, as has already been clearly pointed out by
others,! exhibits some considerable affinity with the so-called
Jerusalem " Targum," and the Samaritan dialect, without being
destitute of likeness in other points to the classical language which
in ancient times had its centre in the schools of Edessa.
The Extant Portions of the Palestinian Syriac Literature. — A
bibliography of the " Remains of the Palestinian Version of the
Holy Scriptures," so far as they had become known up to 1893,
was given by the Rev. G. H. Gwilliam in " Anecdota Oxoniensia,"
Vol. I, Part V, Semitic Series. The Biblical portions of this
version contained in " Biblical and Patristic Relics of the Palestinian
Literature" (Part IX, Vol. I, of the same series) published in 1896,
are Exodus xxviii, \-\2a; Wisdom ix, 8^-x, 2 ; 3 Kings ii, \ob-\^a,
and ix, 4, 5^ ; Job xxii, 3^-12. To these must now be added | the
fragments contained in the present volume, and an addition to the
same series of works is soon to be made by the publication of a
Palestininian Syriac Lectionary which Prof. Nestle is preparing for
the Cambridge University Press.
Of the hymnal literature. § which must have been very faiiiy
* The earlier stages of Palestinian Syriac writing are exemplified in Plates
XVIII and XIX, published in Wright's Catalogue ; see also the facsimiles
given in Land's "Anecdota Syrica," Vol. IV, and in "Anecdota Oxoniensia,"'
Semitic Series, Vol. I, Parts V and IX.
t See «,?-., Noldeke, Z.D.M.G., Vol. XXII, p. 513-599.
X An edition of the complete text of the Nile Service is designed to appear
simultaneously with the present publication.
§ Two "troparia" or short hymns are contained in the Nile Service alove
referred to.
235
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGY. [1896.
represented in the Malkite communities, only very little has as yet
become known. It will all be found on pp. 111-113 in Vol. IV of
Land's "Anecdota Syriaca," the codex from which the pieces were
copied being the British Museum Add. MS. 14,664. Some
fragments of "Acta Sanctorum " and of Homilies, both taken from
St. Petersburg MSS., were printed in the same volume on pp. 169-
170 and 1 7 1-2 1 1 respectively. Other fragments of Homilies are
contained in the latter portion of " Biblical and Patristic Relics of
the Palestinian Syriac Literature " already referred to.
The most important contributions to the grammar and lexico-
graphy of the dialect that have as yet been made are Noldeke's
'• Beitrage zur Kenntniss der Aramaischen Dialecte II " (Z.D.M.G.,
Vol. 22, pp. 443-527), and F. Schwally's " Idioticon des Christlich
Palastinischen Aramaeisch" (Giessen, 1893); and besides the other
authorities mentioned on pp. 17, 18 in Mr. Gwilliam's first work
on the subject {vide supra), one must mention the late Dean Payne
Smith's " Thesaurus Syriacus," which is, in fact, also a " Thesaurus "
of the Palestinian Syriac dialect.
The literature of the dialect is, however, now showing signs of
rapid expansion. Each new publication is bound to make us
acquainted Avith some fresh forms and idiomatic peculiarities of
diction, and it is quite likely that in the course of another ten
years or so it will become possible to compile a fairly complete
vocabulary and a sutihciently exhaustive grammar of this branch
of Semitic speech, thus continuing the work which Noldeke,
Schwally, and others have so carefully and so lucidly mapped out
fur students.
(To be continued.)
236
Nov. 3] • TROCEEDINGS. [1896.
NOTES ASSYRTOLOGIQUES.
Par Alfred Boissier.
§ I. Les align res dnctylo)naniiques et le Mene thekel upharsin.
Parmi les innombrables tablettes augurales que possede le Musee
Britannique il en est une qui offre un certain interet. C'est le
No. 4030, dont M. Bezold nous a donne un extrait a la page 588
de son Catalogue. Voici ce qu'on lit : —
1. Enuma ina res ekalli SU.SI usurta palakat itabbi amelu HAL.
2. Enuma ina napsat ekalli SU.SI usurta palakat qibiti la kitti la
gamrat.
3. Enuma ina qabal ekalli SU.SI usurta palakat habbatum mat
lisaddu.
4. Enuma ina isid ekalli SU.SI usurta palakat amelu HAL sa
mat nakirtu emuqa (?) ikassad.
C'est-a-dire —
1 . Si mi sonimet iTun palm's un doigf dessine une figure : le devin
accourra.
2. Si sur la? d'un pnlais tin doigt dessine une figure : parole
nienteuse, incomplete.
3. Si au milieu d'un palais un doigt dessine une figure : les bri-
gands domineront sur le pays.
4. Si a la base d'un palais un doigt dessine une figure : le devin
du pays etranger atteindra la puissance.
En lisant ces predictions, tirees des figures qu'un doigt mysterieux
pouvait tracer sur le mur d'un palais, comment ne pas penser invo-
lontairement au recit du cinquieme chapitre du livre de Daniel.
Assis au milieu de ses grands et de ses femmes, le roi Belschatsar
preside un festin dans la grande salle du palais. Tout-a-coup le roi
distingue a travers une porte qui reliait la salle de banquet au
'■'■ kutallu" I'extremite d'une main qui ecrivait la fameuse sentence,
Mene, mene, thekel, tipharsin. II y a une erreur dans toutes les
traductions, qui disparait si Ton donne au mot arameen le vrai sens
237
Nov. 3] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1896.
([u'il comporte ici. L'assyrien '''■ kutallu,'' qui rend le mot arameen
bil^, ne signifie pas mnraillc, mais une salle speciale dont il est
difficile de definir I'usage, Sancherib avait fait construire une
maison du '•'■ kutallu,'" c'est-a-dire un arsenal a en croire la plupart
des assyriologues. Dans le recit qui nous importe, il faut regarder
le '''' kiita//u" comme une piece qui conununiquait a la salle du
festin par une grande porte. Le roi, etant assis en face, pouvait par
consequent tres bien distinguer I'ombre projetee par le chandelier
sur cette extremite de main qui ecrivait sur la muraille. BelscJiatsar
changea de couleur, nous dit I'ecrivain biblique ; il fit mander
aussitot tous les astrologues et les devins, qui passerent des heures a
parcourir les ouvrages auguraux. La clef de I'enignie ne se laissait
pas decouvrir ; il appartenait a Daniel de reveler au grand roi le
sens tragique de cette ecriture sanglante.
Voici done comme je propose de traduire le verset du cinqui^me
chapitre de Daniel : —
" En ce moment apparurent les doigts de la main d'un homme,
et ils ^crivirent en face du chandelier, sur la muraille (?) du ^ kutallu'
du palais royal. "
Je traduis le mot i^'^''^ par " muraille,^'' et non par " chai/x."
§ 2. Les habitants de Perge, en Pamphylie, adoraient le dieu
Adonis sous le titre d' '"A^wfia^ (voir Roscher, Lexicon der Griechis-
chen und Romischen Mythologie, page 3 et page 73, ou il faut lire
'A/3ii>^a^ et non 'A/^w/Jd?). L'on a reconnu depuis longtemps que ce
nom est semitique. Mais I'etymologie qu'ont proposee Engel,
Movers, Preller (v. Roscher. loc. cit, page 73), qui rapprochent 'A/SwySas-
de abub (ambub) '■'■flnte^' ne me satisfait pas. Je verrai plutdt dans
ce mot l'assyrien "abubu," qui signifie, " tourbillon, tempete,
ouragan." Chez les Israelites Jahweh etait h. I'origine un dieu
atmospherique. 'A/Jw/Sa? pourrait done n'etre que le dieu assyrien
Ramman. Mais jamais ce dieu n'a re(^u un culte semblable a celui
d'Adonis, et c'est pourquoi je propose de regarder "A/id'/Sd^ comme
etant synonyme de Marduk-Tammouz, I'amant infortune d' J star.
Lorsque le poete assyrien s'adresse a Merodac il I'invoque comme
le dieu fort dont la puissance est semblable a " I'ouragan " *. 11
n'y a done aucun doute h ce sujet. Le dieu Adonis des Pamphy-
liens n'est autre que celui qui ^tait adore par les Babyloniens sous
Ic titre de Marduk-Tammouz.
* Qarradu Marduk sa izissu abCibu (King, Babylo}jian Magic and Sorcery,
238
Nov. 3] PROCEEDINGS. [1.S96.
§3. Le roi Tiglat-Pileser I (11 20-1 100 a. c), dans le recit qu'il
nous fait de ses campagnes centre les habitants de la Commagene,
nous parle d'un roi KiJianteru, qu'il fit prisonnier. Je propose de
rapprocher ce nom de Kilianteru de celui d'une ville de Cilicie,
dont les monnaies nous ont conserve la mention. Cette ville n'est
autre que Kelenderis (voir Mionnet : Descriptiofi des Medailles
Antiques, supplement, tome vii, page 200, No. 204). Kelenderis est
la ville de Kilianteru, comme Alexandrie la ville d'.Vexandre.
239
Nov. 3] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOC.V
[1896.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held at 37,
Great Russell Street, Bloomsbury, W.C, on Tuesday, ist
December, 1896, at 8 p.m., when the following Paper will be
read : —
Joseph Offord, " The Tell Amarna Tablets relating to Jerusalem
and Central Pa'estine "
240
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHiEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS.
In 8 Parts. Price Ss. each. With full Illustrations of the Vignettes.
Parts cannot be sold separately.
The Fourth Part having been issued, the Price is now Raised to £5 for the 8 Parts.
XTbe Bo^ptian Book of the 2)eab,
BEING A
Complete Translation, Commentary, and Notes,
By SIR P. LE PAGE RENOUF, Knt. {President) ;
CONTAINING ALSO
^ ^nies of ^Blatcs of Wi FigncttES of tibe Hiffermt ®]^apt£rs.
The request having been made by a number of friends that this
translation, &c., should be issued in a different form, so as to be a
separate book, and Mr. Renouf having kindly consented, it is proposed
to issue a limited number of copies upon large paper, in numbers, at 5^.
each. Members desirous of obtaining copies should at once communicate
with the Secretary. The fourth part having been issued, the price is now
raised to 1 2s. 6d. a Part. . ■
Tlbe Bronse ©rnaments of tbe
palace (Bates from Balawat.
[Shalmaneser II, B.C. 859-825.]
Parts I, II, III, and IV have now been issued to Subscribers.
In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus the price for
each part is now raised to £,1 los. ; to Members of the Society (the original
price) ;^i IS.
Society of Biblical Archaeology.
COUNCIL, 1896.
President.
Sir p. le Page Rendu f, Knt.
Vice-Presidents,
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., &c.j &c.
The* Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. Lord Halsbury.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Couiiril.
Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A. ] Rev. James Marshall, M.A.
Arthur Gates. \ Claude G. Montkfiore.
Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D. I Walter L. Nash, F.S.A.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S.
Charles Harrison, F.S.A.
Gray Hill.
Prof. T. Hayter Lewis, F.S.A.
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c.
Alexander Peckover, F.S.A.
Prof. P. Pierret.
J. Pollard.
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., F.R.S.,
&c.
E. Towry Whyte, M.A., F.S.A,
Honorary Treasurer — BERNARD T. BosANQUET.
Secretary — W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — Rev. R. Gwynne, B.A.
Honorary Librarian — WiLLlAM Simpson, F.R.G.S.
IIAKKISON AND SONS, I'KINTEKS IN OHUINAFiV TO HKK MAJIiSlY, ST. MARTIN S I.ANE.
VOL. XVIII. Part 8.
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OK
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY,
.,4: ft-
VOL. XVIII. TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION.
S event Ji Meetings December ist, 1896.
«c#
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Prof. Flinders Petrie. — The Period of the Judges 243-249
Theopuilus G. Pinches. — Assyriological Gleanings. (4 Plates) 250-258
Rev. Dr. Gaster. — Two Unknown Hebrew Versions of the
Tobit Legend (continued) 259-271
W. E. Crum. a Stele of the Xlllth Dynasty 272-274
Rev. G, Margoliouth. — More Fragments of the Palestinian
Syriac Version of the Holy Scriptures (r(7«^2««<£^) 275-285
-^^-
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[No. CXLI ]
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PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
TWENTY-SIXTH SESSION, 1896
Seventh Meeting, ist December, 1896.
REV. JAMES MARSHALL, M.A.,
IN THE CHAIR.
The following Presents were announced, and thanks
ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From Rev. R, Gwynne {Sec. For. Corr.) : — The Tell-el-x^marna
Letters, by Hugo Winckler. 8vo. Berlin, London, New
York. 1896.
From Rev. R. Gwynne {Sec. For. Corr.): — Plagiat ? (The "Place
of the Chaldeans in History"), by Dr. Hugo Winckler
Leipzig. 1889.
From the Author, Edward Sachaw : — Aramaische Inschriften
(Konigl. Preuss. Akad. der Wissenschaften zu Berlin). 1896.
From the Author, G. Margoliouth, M.A. : — The Liturgy of ihe
Nile; the Palestinian Syriac Text, edited from a Unique
MS. in the British Museum {Journ. Roy. Asiatic. Soc.) 8vo.
London. 1896.
[No. CXLI.] 241 s
Dec. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHyEOLOGY. [1S96.
The following Candidates were nominated for election at
the next Meeting, to be held on the 12th January 1897 : —
Mahomad Barakat Ullah-jMoulvie, Oriental Academy, 5, Blooms-
bury Square.
Miss Vera F. Mameroff, P.O. Box 93, New York City, U.S.A.
The following Candidates were elected Members of the
Society, having been nominated at the last Meeting, held
on the 3rd November, 1896: —
Alexander Snell Cantlay, Avalonia, Dunheved Road South,
Thornton Healh.
Richard Cooke, The Croft, Detling, Maidstone.
Francis A. Cunningham, A.M., B.Sc, 825, Arch Street, Phila-
delphia, U.S.A.
Mrs. Grenfell, Beach Cottage, Freshwater Bay, Isle of Wight.
Eduard Kotalla, Domplatz 4, Breslau.
j\I. I'Abbe de la Paquerie, Superieur du Bon Pasteur, ^Marseille.
Rev. W. Merrell White, Harrop Edge House, Stalybridge.
Reginald Arthur Rye, Fernie-Knowe, Lancaster Road, Norwood,
S.E.
To be added to the List of Subscribers : —
The Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, U.S.A.
A Paper was read by Jos. Offord : " The Tell-Amarna
Tablets, relating to Jerusalem and Central Palestine."
Remarks were added by the Rev. C. J. Ball, Rev. R.
Gwynne, Rev. Dr. Lowy, Mr. J. Pollard, Rev. Dr. Gaster,
Mr. J. Offord, and the Chairman.
Thanks were returned for this communication.
242
Dec. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
THE PERIOD OF THE JUDGES.
By Prof. Flinders Petrie.
As some fresh data have lately appeared bearing on this very
vexed question, it is desirable to state the case as it at present
stands.
AVe now know from the inscription of Merenptah that he fought
in Palestine, and there crushed a branch of the Israelites. This
shows that he did not merely restrict the Egyptian invasion to the
Philistine country, and that therefore had the Jews (as I will call
the ex-Egyptian immigrants for distinction) been already in Palestine
this war should have appeared in the Book of Judges. Not only is
there no trace of this, but neither is there any sign of the Palestine
war of Ramessu III. If therefore neither of these invasions falls
within the Book of Judges, it indicates that the Jewish invasion was
subsequent to the last campaign of Ramessu III.
In dealing lately with the XXIst dynasty I showed that the
Ramesside chronology would place Ramessu III 11 67-1 135 b.c.
Since then, however, the interval between Ramessu II and III has
been further shortened by Bakenkhonsu's inscription, so that
Ramessu III cannot be later than 1 180-1 148 B.C. ; and as his last
•campaign was in the i6th year, this limits the Jewish invasion to
about 1 164 B.C. or later. Hence the Exodus would fall in 1204 B.C.
or later ; and this would agree with the general opinion that it was
under Merenptah, whose reign I stated as 1207-1187 b.c. It is
therefore probable from these considerations that the Exodus fell
between 1204 and 1187 b.c, say 11 90 B.C.
On the other hand we are limited by the reign of Sheshenq I,
which I have shown reason in the paper on the XXIst dynasty to
date from 960 B.C. Lasting 21 years, this places Sheshanq 960-
939 B.C., within which must fall the 5th year of Rehoboam. As this
is independently put at 948 b c, solely from the Jewish and Assyrian
chronology,* there cannot be much uncertainty in placing the rise
* For the Jewish kings I here use the chronology of the Oxford " Helps to
the Study of the Bible," as giving probably the best version ; in any case close
enough for the present purposes. By a strange oversight the above date is there
Tnisreckoned as 956 B.C.
243 S 2
Dec. i]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV,
[1S96.
of Rehoboam in 952 B.C. Solomon and David are each stated to
have reigned 40 years. This number is so constantly used as an
approximation, that its exactness is very doubtful; so that 1032 b.c.
for David's accession must be taken with a reservation of doubt as
to possibly five or ten years.
Thus we reach the limits of 1 190-1032 B.C. for the period from
the Exodus to the death of Saul. These are limits so much shorter
than usually supposed that it is necessary to see if they are possible
in view of the other data, before we consider what is probable.
The reign of Saul is usually much exaggerated, owing to the
abuse of the round number of 40 years given for it in Acts xiii, 21.
In Saul's second year he was warned that his successor was already
chosen (i Sam. xiii, 14); and immediately after, as it appears, he
was tested by the Amalekite war, and David was brought forward
(i Sam. xvi, xvii). David cannot have been less than about 20 years
old then, as he was in full vigour as a shepherd ; and yet Saul died
when David was 30 (2 Sam. v, 4). Hence Saul's reign is limited to
about 3 years before David, and about 10 years with David, or about
13 years in all. This would place Saul then 1045-1032 b.c. And
thus the epoch of Judges from the invasion to the rise of Saul is
restricted to 1 150-1045 B.C., or 105 years in all.
Next we take a most valuable criterion in the priestly genealogies
given in i Chron. vi. These seem to be in a fairly good state,
excepting that of Heman, which is badly confused with repetitions
and names of late type inserted, such as Zephaniah and Azariah.
This can however be cleared up as below ; and in two of the families
we have names which occur in the Exodus period, thus giving a
chain from Exodus to David. The following are the series, with
references to the verses of i Chron. vi.
4-8
37
35-33
I Sam. i, I
Eleazar
Ebiasaph =
Zuph =
Zuph
Phinehas
Assir
...
Abishua
Tahath =
Toah =
Tohu
Bukki
(continued with
Eliel =1
Elihu
Uzzi
interpolations
Jeroham =
J eroham
Zerahiah
until repeated
Elkanah =
l<>lkanah
Meraioth
in 35-33)
Shemucl =
Samuel
Amariah
Joel
Ahitub
Hcman
244
Dec. I] TROCEEDINGS. [1896,
Now, Eleazar was in full activity at the Exodus, and married
already, as his son, Phinehas, has an Egyptian name, Pa-nehsi, " the
negro." His wife, daughter of Putiel, appears to have been a
negress, like that of Moses (Num. xii, i). Abiasaph also appears
as the head of a family at the Exodus (Ex. vi, 24). These men
were therefore of the same standing as to age then that their
descendants, Ahitub and Heman, were at David's time. Thus
there are eight generations from the Exodus to David. The royal
line only counts five generations (i Ch. ii, 41-2), but probably
some are omitted. What these generations of eldest sons imply
we see from the Jewish kings, where we are certain none have been
omitted. Setting aside the youthful Solomon, as quite exceptional,
there are sixteen generations from Rehoboam to Jehoiakhin, within
952-598 B.C., or 354 years, giving 22 years for an average eldest-son
generation. The eight generations from the Exodus to David will
thus have been 176 years; and David appointing Heman about
1024 B.C., this would place the Exodus at about 1200 B.C. This is
so near the date 1190 B.C., that it shows that the genealogies do not
contradict this chronology, while they would be quite at variance
with the usual reckoning of 300 to 500 years. That no great
omissions have been made in these genealogies is shown by their
general accord in length from Levi to David ; Asaph is fifteen
generations, Ahitub is twelve, Heman (revised as above) is twelve,
and Ethan is thirteen generations from Levi. Had arbitrary
omissions been made, such a general agreement in length would be
unlikely. We must conclude then that the genealogies distinctly
favour the shorter reckoning.
Now we come to the consideration of Judges. In the various
periods of oppression and independence we find that three different
districts are alluded to, and that the rule in each of these neve
overlaps into adjoining districts ; there are in short three separate
histories given in sections. These are the histories of the North
and Galilee, the East and Moab, and the West or Ephraim, and
the Philistines. It will be shortest and clearest to tabulate these,
stating the region mentioned in each case; and building up the
successive periods in each region from the end of each history in
Saul, reckoning back to the beginning.
245
Dec. i]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGV.
[1896.
"* 1 ■= C
< S
o 5
H 2
00
'^
lu
0 u;
^
^ CO
p
5.^
^ ==
0 tJ3
jy-G
^ "C
</ -c -"^
-5^
C-S
0 Ci^
^O rt -^
-^ W
N -— -
^ 1
^l!
"§ c^>^
-5- 0 i
1— . - 1^
'-' r^
X
o2'
- § c 53
".•sell
tyj ^
g
Pi 3
^^r
^•■p.
W-5
0-5
as C <u
rt >-.
O d N
O C = rt
«j rt i:
C -^ O -3
-SO '^5
IS'- St! c
'^ . o c
00 ^^
OJ c c
> rt .5
O 2 •-
rC: ^Q ts
CO
'-'
u5
r;
ri
0
<
>>
V4-
00
G
<u
C
>-i
rt
,^ — ^
^
o
S-.
■ fy^
c/;
A
C
- — '
rt
c
J=
ri
rt
rt
^
00
«
:s
■^-^
X 0
2 ^"^
w 0
>
i^^
0 r-
•rt 1^
H'-^
I- <D
r> U
%. Xi
'3; N
C •= rt
h3
^ 1^
•p "uS
. ""^
'"x: rt
' — >.i2
rt « rt
C/2 rt -5
<A
c
•^
0
01
'S
N
0
c
s
t—
il
<u
N
'G
J o
246
IV,
3
vi,
I
X,
3
xii,
II
xii.
14,
Dec. i] proceedings. [1S96.
From this table we see that the construction of the periods of
the Book of Judges is as follows : —
Judges iii, 8 North ist captivity and deliverance.
„ iii, 14 East ist captivity and deliverance.
North 2nd captivity and deliverance.
West ist captivity and deliverance.
continuing on into
East history to end
North to end.
West to end.
We also see a connection between the several divisions of the
country. All fall into captivity nearly together; all are delivered
within ten years. A long tranquility succeeds this, broken in the
north by Sisera ; and later on in the west and then the east by the
Philistines. Then with regard to the growth of the Judgeship we
see this to have started with Gideon, who had the power without the
definite title : for neither Othniel nor Ehud are said to have judged.
From Gideon the Judgeship passed to Abimelech, then to Tola
He may well have extended his authority to the east during the
period of rest there, and on his death we see within two years a new
Judge, Jair, in the east, who is said to come after Tola. Abdon
appears to have succeeded in the west : and then the Philistines
pushed forward occupying the west, and 1 6 years later the east also.
While leading up to the united kingdom of Saul we see a stable
period of Judges ruling each division, Elon in Zebulon (north),
Jephthah in Gilead (east) and Samuel in the west.
The total period which results from this arrangement by localities
is 118 years in north, 122 years in east, and 121 years in west.
Each of these periods includes a nominal 40 years ; and judging by
Saul's 40 years being only about 13, we may suppose 10 or 20
years a very probable uncertainty. We have then about 120 years
nominally, or say something over 100 years probably, as the minimum
time allowed by the history for the interval from the close of the
first rush of conquest to the rise of Saul. An uncertain time must
be added from the period of the conquest, between the invasion and
the first oppression.
We can now summarise our results ; taking the period from the
invasion of Canaan to the rise of Saul, it appears to be by —
247
Dec. I]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY.
[1896.
Egyptian History.
1150-1045 D.C.
105 years.
Genealogies.
1 76 -(40 + 13 + 8)
116 years.
Judges.
120 years
+ time of conquest
— somewhat from
round number of 40
years in Palestine.
To reconcile the differences between these numbers is hardly
practicable yet ; but we at least see that there is no impossibility
in the generally short period of a little over a century for this age.
If we were to attempt to make an average of the data given here, we
should take into account : —
In Egyptian history 10 years might be gained at Merenptah, and
possibly 6 or 7 years by bringing Rehoboam's defeat near the end
of Shishak's reign, while the 40 years of David and 40 of Solomon
also influence this; a gain of about 10 or 15 years would be the
maximum likely, or 120 years for maximum period.
In the Genealogies all exactness depends on the equivalence of
age of the first generation at the Exodus to the last generation at
the Davidic organization. 10 years either way is therefore very
possible, or 106 to 126 years, beside the question of the average
generation.
In the Judges, 8 or 10 years at least must be allowed for the
conquest, but we can hardly cut more than 20 years out of the
round 40 ; so that about no years would be the minimum.
On the whole I should myself prefer to take no years, with an
uncertainty of 5 years either way, as the best result we can at
present attain. Provisionally then I should arrange the chronology
of this period somewhat as follows, always remembering that 5 years
of variation is very possible : —
Exodus ...
Invasion of Canaan
First oppressions, about
First deliverances
Abimelech in West
Jabin in North ...
Tola in East
Jair in East
Abdon in West ...
248
B.C.
II92
II52
1142
II35-II25
I II4-IIII
I 112-1092
in 1-1088
1088-1066
1089-1081
Dec. I]
PROCEEDINGS.
[1896.
Philistines in West (including Samson
and Samuel) ...
Philistines in East
Jephthah in East
Elon in North
Saul
David
David's organization
Solomon ...
Rehoboam
Rehoboam invaded
B.C.
1081-1042
1066-1048
1048-1042
1052-1042
1042-1029
1029-992
1022
992-952
952
948
But it seems almost as likely that Rehoboam might be a little
later, and David and Solomon have the whole 40 years named for
each.
However these small differences or under five years are eventu-
ally settled — if ever settled — we at least see that there is a general
accordance between the Egyptian chronology fixed by the Sothis
festivals, the genealogies of the priests, and the history of the Judges
when carefully distinguished into its several districts, that is very
satisfactory ; and unless some very distinct and emphatic evidence
should appear contradictory to this, we may apparently rest with a
tolerable certainty on the outline which I have given above.
The use of the genealogies was pointed out by Lepsius ; but he
did not utilize them to a proved time-scale, nor fix the generation of
the Exodus specifically. The overlapping of the judgeships has
been recognized for long; but the sums of the periods in different
districts are here shown to be about equal, so that the Book of
Judges consists of three complete histories in sections. The whole
treatment above has been worked entirely anew from the materials,
without incorporating previous results.
249
Dfx. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1896.
ASSYRIOLOGICAL GLEANINGS.
By Theophilus G. Pinches.
Among the tablets excavated by Mr. Rassam in Babylonia are
some of an educational nature, being apparently young students'
"copy-books." A Babylonian boy's first exercise in writing was, in
all probability, the repeated impression of the signs >— , y, etc.,
followed by the other more complicated characters, and ultimately
by the whole Babylonian syllabary, exercises in writing words and
names, and extracts from legends and business documents. The
lists of characters sometimes, by filling up gaps in the syllabaries,
prove to be of value.^ It is interesting to note that, in writing out
the characters of the syllabaries, the student began with that
designated by Fried. Delitzsch as " Syllabary a," which gives the
values, the characters, and their names ; proceeding afterwards to
the list now represented by the smaller fragments of the class of
"Syllabary b'' {see Delitzsch's Lesestilcke, 3rd edition, pp. 65-67),
which gives the values, the characters, and their meanings. Last of
all he devoted his attention to " Syllabary b " (the most complete
list that we have), which also gives values, characters, and meanings.
It will thus be seen that our most perfect syllabaries are the first
and third of the lists used by the Babylonian student, and that, full
as our Akkadian dictionary is, we may expect further additions to
it when we find the many missing parts of that syllabary of which
we have now but a few fragments.
I have said that these lists are sometimes of value in restoring
wanting signs broken away in the syllabaries, or in suggesting such
restorations. Thus, in place of <^^^^ (better, as a restoration,
^^^^ ), in line 73 of the greatsyllabary /', the restoration ^W^
' A study of them has been made by Dr. Peiser, who published the results in
the Zcitschrifl fii}- Asyriologic.
250
Dec. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
is suggested (the same characters as in lines 72 and 74). Adopting
this, these three Hnes would read : —
y m^ 4f<y
U - ri
y -^y< ^y ^
Ti - id - nu
y -<y< ^^yy -^y
Ti - il - la
-0 --H 5^1 <, ^^'^'^^■
Ak - ka - du - u
A - mur - ru - u
Ur - tu - u
If this be correct (and in all probability it is the true restoration),
"^^^ not only stands for the highlands to the north of Assyria
( Urff/ = Urartu = Ararat), but also for Amiirru (the land of the
Amorites), used, by extension, for the west in general, including the
mountainous region of Palestine. This seems to be an additional
confirmation of the theory that the name Uri {= Akkadu)^ the land
of Akkad, was originally applied to a tract, probably mountainous,
which was not the Babylonian plain, and in which the Urites or
Akkadians dwelt before settling in Babylonia.
81-1T-3, 435 is also a tablet of some importance. It gives the
Babylonian form of <^f^f, Akk. did, Semitic Bab. katdmii, "to
cover/' as <y|y (S^. i. Col. Ill, 1. 9), but <y^y, with the Akk. value
of ^/7, Sem. Bab. /////, " hill" (S^. Col. IV, 1. 9), is ^gf. We have
also the variant *Y?f >^'^y (Assyr. Jg) "^X^) for ][fclj, Akk. i(du,
S. Bab. immeru, "sheep"- (the same, 1. 11), and the completion
of the characters represented by gukkal = Bab. gakkalu'"^ (from the
Akk.) is ]^ X^]],^ Bab. ^y i^]]. 81-11-3, 435 gives also
^y^y ^>^y as the Babylonian form of ^^<K, Akk. pis and kis,
Bab, hujnsiru'^ zxv^ piazu (according to Delitzsch, Handivorterlmch,
names of a four-footed animal).
In the case of the tablet 81-11-3, 478 (Plate I) the student, after
filling the obverse with lists of characters, proceeded to give a list of
Akkadian names of domestic animals, beginning with the character
' If we may thus coin a name for " the land of the Amorites."
^ &^ Jensen, Z.K.F., II, 28. That this is the proper reading of |[^]_J •"^f
(Bab. M^y >T^y) is shown also by one of the fragments acquired by Dr. Hayes
Ward (Wolf Collection) in 1885. 82-5-22, 941 gives -<^4f ^I ^^'^I' i'^mari.
•'' So K. 6027, which I had noted as being a duplicate of S'' i. Bezold {Cata-
logite, p. 756), says it is " part of an explanatory list of names of animals."
Dec. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1896.
"r?!, udu, apparently = immeru, "sheep." This is followed by *^y '^,
udii niga, possibly = immeru mari'i, " fat sheep " (see Delitzsch's
Handworterbuch, under juarii), and "^f -^ ^I*-**-? ^^» ^^dii niga
sega = yy yy ■i^-'Ey^T^^i^i (? imnieru warn dam\_kji\), "a sheep, fat
and well-favoured." "^y ^ ^>- i^^^, udu masgallu''' and *Yjy Ar
-^ i^tt, ndu massallii'", are explained by ^y ^ >ff^ and ^y ^ >f-|^
respectively, groups that are apparently to be read masgallu'^ lahri
and massallu"' lah/m,^ probably expressions meaning "ewe." The
words puhadii, piihad sizib, and biiru, probably mean "lamb,"
" suckling lamb " (lit. " lamb of milk ") and " steer " respectively.
The student's second column contains the words for Sumer or
Shinar and country, followed by the prepositions " in," " to," and the
adjectives " bright," "mighty " and "great," the last being apparently
represented either by V, or by ^^. Notwithstanding the simi-
larity, this part does not seem to have been copied from the text
published in W.A.I. II, pi. 39, no. i, obv., col. II. The information
it conveys is that Sumer was "the country" /^r excellence, kingt
standing, in the list, both for Sumeri (Sumer or Shinar) and jndtu,
"country." The meaning of elhi, "bright," for *Tty, the second
component of ^]^ ^y, reminds one that jryyyy (Assyr. f:yyy<) has
the similar meaning of "to cleanse," "make pure," and was then
pronounced la^, and that V^ ^t^ Igf has, apparently, in W.A.I.
Ill, pi. 4, 1. 52, the variant \^ -C]3f J:yyy< ]]{, {mat) Eme-la^^a,
an additional argument in favour of the value of la^i^ for Jgf, required
in the name of the Elamite king y "rty "r^y ^y *^y ^^y, Kii-dur-
lap-g2i-7/iaI, identified by me, also by Professors Hommel and Sayce,
with the name Chedor-laomer. My rendering of V >^^][vy ::yyy< ][J<,
mat Eme-la^^a, given in January, 1881,' as "the land of the pure
tongue " is thus shown to be approximately correct, but the expres-
sion ;;/(// Eme-la^-^a seemingly does not, as I then thought, refer to
Akkad, but is simply a variant for V ^^J^IllJ HI? ^'"^^^ Eme-la^a,
apparently pronounced in the same way.
The third column has Semitic Babylonian verbal forms (aorist) —
ikM, " he spoke ; " iksur, " he bound ; " iktaM, " he said ; " iktasur,
' Or are we to read, instead of these two expressions, siidriawA SudJju ? or any
of the numerous other possible transcriptions ?
2 Cf. W.A.I. Ill, pi. 4, lines 51 and 52, reading tyyy< for ^yyy^.
^ .See the Proceedings for that date.
252
Drc. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
" he bound ; " iktasi, " he oppressed (?) ; " iktasa, " he oppresses (?) ; "
ikta\ti\ak, " he sealed ; " iktapap, " he bowed down."
The last column, which has a blank space at the top, seems
to be some sort of an extract from a consecutive text,' as follows : —
Mi-?iam-7na as-me-e-ma \\\\dX have I heard ?
dul{?)-Ia-ka la viar-ku Thy work has not been
delivered (?).
ki-bat-ma dul-la-ka kut-hi-tu Thou sayest thy work has
been destroyed (?).
ki-i as-mic-u a-la-lu (?) Thus have I heard the
acclamations (?)
sa D.P. sa-ku a-7ia a-gan-7ia-ka for the mayor (who) hither
i-ba-as-si is coming -
Another group of these practise-tablets has, on the obverse,
bilingual lists of trade terms and grammatical forms, x\kkadian and
Assyrian, including those in W.A.I. II, pi, 18, No. 2 ; V, pi. 29,
No. I (Haupt, Akk. Sujfi. Keilschriftiexte, pp. 64 ff.) etc. This
portion being published, at least in part, I leave it for the present,
and pass to the reverse of the tablet.
In the first fragment, A.H. 83-1-18, 1846 (Plate II), the student
wrote, in his first column (that close to the right-hand edge) words
signifying offices held by men, such as daanii, "judge;" sa'ii or
za'ii, seemingly meaning the same; riikiiddu^ "bewailer" (? profes-
sional mourner), in Akk. ^== << y^ ^f- -if^^^) r).P. tu-igi-gugu (?),
" he who weeps (with) troubled eye ; " or physical peculiarities like
s'lbu, " grey-haired old man," in Akk. ^=; *ff "^^ I ^tc.
The second column contains verbal forms, most of them written
twice, with one or more of the syllables expressed in two different
ways, e.g., ta-ak-tu-sa- and tak-tu-sa- ; tu-uk-ti-i7i and iuk-ti7i, "thou
has fixed," etc., and the first word, iad-da-a, was probably preceded
by the variant ta-ad-da-a, etc. In some cases these verbal forms
are apparently not very well written.
The third column contains names of men, also written mostly in
duplicate, and with similar variants, such as Nabii-ka-si-ir and
' More probably this is an extemporaneous dictation exercise from the teacher.
^ This rendering is given with all reserve, at least four of the words being very
unusual. Cf. Delitzsch's Handwortcrbicch.
^ Cf. Syr. root ^) — j/non'Vn " bitter weeping, " etc.
253
Dec. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGY. [1896.
Nabu-ka-sir ; and also a name partly in ideographs, and written out
at full length : —
m « ^ m\ ^^m, and "1
Itti-man-ni - ia - Belu 1"^™ ^^'hom (?)
y is Bel ? " or
T 1141 ^H '^T -Hr ^ E^Iy ^ *E! I "the Lord?"
It - ti - ma - an - ni - ia - be - lu J
The fourth column has names of women — (i) Belit-sunu, " Their
lady," (2) A-di-ir-tii^ and (3) A-dir-tu'^, "mourning,"' (4) Bu-'-i-iii'",
and (5) Bu'-i-hf'^, indicating the value of lui' for ]^, derived from
its ordinary value of biii, (6) Ru-lni-ut-tii'^ and (7) Riibu-ut-tu"',
" princess " ("-fflf, ridn\ " prince "), (8) La-ri-iti-du, apparently for
Ld-rhntUy "graceless, ruthless, loveless." The remainder of the
column is occupied with exercises in the ways of writing the female
name Sa-Nana-aninni^ " We are Nana's," in which the only variant
is tr^T' '"'^ ^°^ J^ ^^' "'^'""^"
The fifth (and last ^) column is hke the corresponding column
of Plate II, giving, as it does, names of countries, the first being
^^ ^ ^^ [^-y] ^Y ^yy, ;;/^/-/'rtr-Z>^x?/, "the land of Paradise,"
lines 5, 6. The remainder of the column is more uncertain, but the
districts mentioned seem to be mat Bi-it-da-at-ta-a, " Beth-Datta,"
and Bi-it-via-hi-si-e, " Beth-Mahise " (?), of which last two ways of
writing were apparently given.
The fragment A.H. 83-1-18, 1S66 (Plate III), has a precisely
similar arrangement to the foregoing. In the first column are
titles of men in Akkadian and Assyrian — ^^ ^1^^! ^y = ci^ipu,
"magician," Heb. and Ch. r)tL^)SI, and ^^ ^^y = nam, a word
sometimes rendered " singer," but which seems to be of Akkadian
origin.
The second column has a number of verbal forms in the second
person of the present or aorist. Some of these do not seem to be
quite clear, but among them may be distinguished tulfaksdnia, for
tustaksdina, secondary form of Shaphel ; fnU'ib, possibly from atabn
" to make good," aphel of tabu}
' Delitzsch, IVorterbmh, s.v.
^ For another way of writing this name, see next page.
^ When complete, the tablet must have had several extra columns.
* Ilaupt, A.S.K.T., p. 112, 1. iS, cf. p. 107, 1. 19.
254
Dec. i] proceedings. [1S96.
The third column has names of men written in two ways. From
this we get the equivalence of JX^^f with >^<y ^| .->f-, ri-ma-an,
in the name Nabu-rhnan-su (lines 15-17). In lines 13 and 14 a
name is given with double and with single k (Makka and Maka).
The fourth column has female names, the writing of one being to
a certain extent of the nature of a rebus, ^ ■^>- ^Y >rv^ = t^
•^'- ^>^ ^ S^^, B2i--i-tii"' (lines 6 and 7). From this we see
that the well-known ideograph ^y ^, " side," was pronounced
itu in Assyrian. Lines 3-5, where the name Sa-pi-kari is given, are
noteworthy on account of the equivalence of ^f^f j]^ *ff I.' ka-a-ri,
and lOyf-^ The name seems to mean "(saved) from the mouth of
the dog."
The fifth column has the names of countries, or, rather, in many
cases (notwithstanding the prefix V), cities. The places mentioned
are Eridu, Barsip (lines 5-8) three times (not very clearly written the
first time), Bit-Aggullu"", Magganu (Maganu), Par-Esu and Pardesu,
apparently /rt-rrt-^/V^ (Par-Esu seems to be a mistake for Pardesu, due
to the fact that there was a deity named Esu^ — "the domain of the
god Esu "), and Bit-Napsanu.
The sixth (and last column preserved) has apparently paradigms
of entries in a day-book :—
" * shekels of silver for a depu of iron."
" * shekels of silver for one sinii (?) of copper."
" 4 (?) shekels of silver for one asraga of iron."
" 2 shekels of silver for a caldron (?)* of copper."
The tablet A.H. 83-1-18, 1847 (Plate IV), is apparently the lower
part of the above (Plate III), and has the columns similarly arranged.
The first column has exercises in writing the word marti (? "a fat
man "^) ; the second column has variant spellings of the verbal form
taddinna, " ye have given " (with i===y^I][^ for ^^If J:ty, ta-ad, and
ix. fo'^ -^^T ^^) di-in). Col. Ill continues the names, and
gives a variant for J^y, namely ^|y ^ J^, ki-t-ni, in the name
E-sagila-Mni-iibhib. Col. IV has the female names Amti-Serua and
' This character is to be substituted for the ^^ of the original.
^ The question arises whether kh-i is not a mistake for kalbi, "dog."
^ It occurs in the name y ^^y .^^y '^>f- ^y ^yy, Abdi-Esu, and was
apparently not a native Babylonian deity,
* Cf. Dclitzsch, Handwdrterbitch, sub. voce.
255
Dec. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1896.
TerhiVni, the latter containing the variant "^J J!^, te-ir, for "^^]^,
ter. Col. V has the geographical names inatu sa issiir Ranunaiii,
" the land of Rimmon's bird," and mat bct-Napsanu, " the land of
Beth-Napsan,"^ followed by tahirranjiatu''^^ {with jlj^^"^, Inr, for
^ J!$i^) /'/-/>), which last word is, in its turn, followed by the
variant (?) V bin-amidtu"^ (with iJi^"^ for ^ J^^? as before). There
is just the possibility, therefore, that V has here the value of ta,
which would imply, as Sir P. le Page Renouf remarked, Egyptian
influence, fi meaning " country " in that language, like V' in
Assyrian.
The fifth and sixth columns have the continuation of the trade
entries, with the date of the tablet : — Nahu-satii, zerii suati^, ana
GIS-BAR, iiliu arah Nisanni, sattu sissitu {irbittu, sibUu), Fii-ipsu,
sar mafdti, " Nabu-sani (gives) this grain as a yearly offering from
the month Nisan, year 6th (4th, 7th), Philip, king of countries." It is
to be noted that the spelling of the royal name, J ^Z^Jif j^fj ^U'
Pil-ip-su (instead of Pi-lip-su), seems to indicate the pronounciation
of the aspirate, which is absent in the Greek form. The Babylonians
pronounced it, in all probability, Phil'ipsu, the Assyrian characters
containing/ standing {o\ ph or/as well.
Among other fragments of this class may be noted 81-11-3, 529>
which gives, on the obverse, various names of gods, and, on the
reverse, various ways of writing names and words, among the
former being the female name '^ -^ ^^\ "^^TXl -<f^T J^TT*
D.P. Bu-ul-li-ti-is, variant -^ "^ "^^14 T) ^^-l^- Bul-U-tJs. A
selection of the fragments containing interesting names written both
ideographically and at length, will be given later on.
The students seem sometimes to have devoted the last column
of their practise-tablets to an extract from a legend, one (which was
possibly a favourite) being that of Sargon of Agade. As there are a
few variants, I reproduce the extract here.
^ See the preceding page.
256
8i-
IV.
III.
TEXT.
VERBA!. FORMS.
JL^
X^
<::
JJL^
:w^r :^
{tt m "^T ^ K ^?
•BT
JL^
J^^T <:^
^K?) >-%] :2M "7^ :^r-
*m
JL.<
mi^ <r-
4iT ^ "ET K-rii >-^T ^y^r ^ 4 -^it
JL.<
^ff^r ¥
4^r ^ ^ >^ -^y Vr -^T ^T(?)
ji^^m-^
¥ ^ ¥ "liT n ^4 I? ^^ ^4
:^y^r
ji.<
^^T >v
tJ: *;:Y tT- -" — r;:.,.>7XX. .
rr
•/V
78.
PLATE I.
II.
I.
BILINGUAL LIS'l.
BILINGUAL LIST.
'm
^r F
m
pe^^>vcv^^..^^..
rr
"HI T?
4
TT TT ^•Efr^al
TI
*lil
4- 'IT i!:J:
^T 4 fl^l
n
.4
"E!
:hT 4 -T<T
^- lj< J^T
4fl
"ET
•E!
4^1
TT <T- /
■K-K
M^^,
-i''<>';^\
''-"^m
r,')\-l'^/\-^'^7\-l'^/^'ir^/?^^■j<■
^,^ <y- |ii5{|
W&M
^^M^'^^^j'
■J-:\':'2'-><
il^^lii^ilil
(.Vc-
•/rt^f J 251—253.)
V.
COUNTRIES.
if ^ ::: 1141
?0 It
>^T
IV.
NAMES Ol' WOMEN.
^ -^r m t^
n j^ ^^ j^
^T
T? J^ t^ j^
4ir « j^
^^r « s^
-All—
PLATE II.
846.
E.
II.
VERBAL FORMS.
I^^^ilv^;
-^^T -^Jfx 4fl
TITLES OK MEN.
sV^<Xk<.^k^<VV,<>-'<.>;\0-V"-OVN<iV\0''-'^0
•eT U ^4
->f
:n
4>
X iiy ^i^r 4>
^^T
-1 >4<
JL
4
Vr Vy
<«Y
«Y
«
4f^
<r-
^t-y -^^-^T -<h- {s^-d
, Jk.
fl^^
<r>
(.9fe pa^es 253 a«^/ 254.)
^
A.H. 83-1-18,
VII.
VI.
BUSINESS PHRASES.
V.
COUNTRIES.
(Probably the up
IV
NAMES OF \V0ME1
i
.4£A-.-:
?:^2^2:i;o2&:2
>y^i ¥ <r- -7^ ^
'-^J-^l
^-
¥ 4 ::iy^T +
^:r:eflij!y^ytr¥M-^:::^
»^yy 4 ^^y \ i? 4f i
y<y^^yyH:-jtr- ¥ ;:^y^y i
IH ^ay tr 1^- 4-- E^
"-"iiisfs^af^Ey ^ ^- ^\ ^
-^ Hf- <^ 4Ey> -14 -
t^ ^y-4i -
^y^y^i
^-
vA.
<
^y -y^y^ 7^^^
\-^y^y^y^^^^
\- ^y x^\ ^
^'1 ^yy
<<<Y l!0i'S^
V iy 4^y J4:? ^yy ^-
v-'Ey^y.^^-ty
^;:aMiSMMM&^^. ..:...... ~^
platp: III.
Reverse.
t of 1847.)
III.
II.
I.
NAMES OF MEN.
VERBAL FORMS.
TITLES OF MEN
m^:
J^
-11 >
-¥ Jl^-
-]t]t
.4
^m
^
I -l^^t
.^^
i^>Tx
-]^]^
^-
<^i^^
^^r4
^141
^ir
r ->^i^i^
4
^1}
-^ni
^-
<-h^
^^i4 '
^14!
^ir
-ni
A
^ir
'^i -i^]
t -fci
' I?
•^r
;:^T^r
n
->^icr^
fl^i
'^y
->f I
^^T^r^
^:^^
^
<T-4fl
j^r
4- 1.,^
m ^ ^ ^
Hie
4Vx 4r-A 4-A ^A 4-X ^-^^
^IcT
ly
;^^;
■y
'^zS^lffS^^ fM^
y{
y?
«
<?- t>
^y^y
>ffY
<?- ^^
^^
^i
'/^--/0-.
'■^1!
y:
<y|
*?J^;^^!^'
{See pages
254rt«(f 255.)
83-
VII.
<«
%B
E
VI. V.
y ^ty idi ^TT
^
>f -^ >yyy .4 :^^y
4
y?
Ill H
y?
y >-^y-y^y ? j^^ Hh IMy lifT ^^^' -' ::: J^ -iU -
^ >7^^ >^ y? -^
y? ^^ '^y >f
:??^y ^? ^y ^->f
y ^^y Id! ^yy
•^yy SI ^ -411
4
Vr
y?
PLATE IV.
1847.
LSE.
IV.
TIL
II.
*??
T4 t^T]^
r
-/•0--/0r/(^--/!};' -
I-J-
"'^f:"ffS;
^ir
ir
4
4..
M
:!?
erf ^^\ t^ - HJ.fcT-H 4' P
{See ;( ages 255 nrW 256.
Dec. I] PROCEEDINGS, [1896.
81-11-8, 154, Reverse, Col. III.
J^f ^ >^^ ^Y^' Sar-gina, sarru dannu Sargoj?, the powerful king
^^ J^^ S^^^y ^'' sarri A-ga-de D.S. king of Agadc {am I).
pj'* ^][ ».^ ^^ Ummi e - ni - tu™ My mother {was) a lady,
t^y >-^y ^ ^-^'^ aba la i - si father I had not.
y? Hrif >^!Hy t^y? ^ ■ b'^ ^bl - ia The brother of my father
V' t:^ 'E^ '*~y-^ *^" ^^d^ i - ra - am - mu A^z'd^^ //;«? mountain.
[a-lu a-zu-pi-ra-a-ni] //; //<<? «/y Aztcpirani
[sa i - na a - hi] which beside
. [nar Puratti ] the river Euphrates
^y^y >7^ ^ 'rT7 '^HP Jf^ ^^^ • "" l - ra - an - nl /> placed, she begot ine^
5^y^ ^Y J^ J^^ ummu e - ni - tu"' (;;/y) lady mother
*~ "^ '^*y""*^y ^yy^' ^^^^^ P^ - uz - zu /;^ a secret place
5^ ^^ 'Ey^y^** "^Hh J^ u - lid - da - an - ni brought me forth,
JZ^yy ^^i^ >-^^^ '"'^ >^ is - ku - na - an - ni she placed me
^^»— X^fC^ £v "t^""'^ ^'^^ ku - up - pu /;/ a receptacle^^
Y ^3^y !^ J[i3 ^1^ y][ y^^l sa su - u - su, ina iddi of wicker, 7vith bitzimen
!^Y t^y? I*-yy -^ ^abl - ia ip - hi she closed my door.
Variants from W.A.I. Ill, pi. 4, No. 7 : ^ «-yy-<^ ^^, ^/-«a. - ^;^^ .^,
dan-nti. ^ y^ ^.^y |^, a-na-kii, "(am) I," added. ■» J^^yyy ^JlJ:, nm-ini.
^ y^ C^ <^y^ S:^ <yS^, '^-^''^^ «/ ^■-'^^ "my father I knew not." ^ ^^^,
<?/^«. ' J=^ ^^yy <J:C V E?yy y?' i-ra-ml Sa-da-a. « ^-yy| ^_
um-mu. ^ W.A.I. Ill, 4, 7, more correctly, >^ji^, r; {ina puzri). ^"^'^y'^T
omitted. " >f-^^^yyy, k»n. i" t^ ,^^ S^f ^.^, /.„« Z^//-//.
's ^Y '>^\, Sic-ri { = Silri). This seems to be the real word for "wicker." The
Babylonian student has substituted suBii, apparently meaning " twig."
^* J:^ ^^, i-iia. '-^ Seemingly a square or oblong wicker box, with an opening
at one side, like a birdcage, for which hitppu also stands. The child was not
visible, apparently.
257 T
Dec. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCIL'l'LOLOGY. [1896.
The following occurs on 82-3-23, 4344 4- 4473 and 4593. Its
exact nature is doubtful, but it may also be part of a legend or
story : —
^> >f-^ J^ 5^ P.D. MUSEN-DU-U The hird-caic]iC7-
-^ Jxly ^ se - e - ta'" the net
"^f-^T aI^^T 'tl id - di - ma set, and
J^^ X^^-^ .J^ i'^'' " dah - bar approached
>->^ i^ ^y>- D.P. Sam - si the sungod :
^►f- i^ ^y>- ^ i^ ^ D.P. Sam-si Hmuesraa '■'■ My sungod^the 20th day-
^ >^ >^T^T *^Z^ ^1'- U-mu-ka nam -mar thy day — make bright''^
The above fragment apparently refers to some superstition that
the 20th day of the month (which seems to have been dedicated
to the sungod) was a lucky day. A common name (in use before
the 20th century i;.c.), ^ .^ ^^ '^, Mar-finui-esraa,^ "Child
of the 20th day," seems also to point to the prevalence of the
belief. The hemerologies do not seem to indicate that the 20th
is luckier than the 21st or many other days, but the Kalendar in
W.A.I. V, plates 48 and 49, gives "Eclipse of the sun" as likely
to occur on the 20th of three months of the year. It is doubtful,
however, whether this was a lucky omen.
^ Thus, not Itamman-eres, as I at first read, misled by the indistinct writing
of the first character, >^>^ being often written for tt in the early contract-tablets.
258
Dec. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
TWO UNKNOWN HEBREW VERSIONS OF THE
TOBIT LEGEND.
\_Co)itimied?\
By Dr. M. Gaster.
II.— TRANSLATION.
ToBiT Legend I (H.L.).
I. I (i)* The words of Tobi, son of Tobiel, son of Hananel, the
son of Asael, the son of Gabatiel of the tribe of NephtaU in Gahl,
on (the river) Pishon, behind the way of the going down of the sun
on the left side ; and the name of the town was Safet, 2 (2) And
Tobi was made captive and exiled in the days of Shalmanasar, king
of Assur. (3) Even in his captivity he forsook not the way of
truth, and whatever he got he gave in equal parts to his brethren
the captives. (4) And he was the servant to the whole tribe of
Nephtali, and he did not pull away the shoulder from the work.
3 (5) And when Israel was dwelling in his land he went astray and
worshipped the golden calves, which Jeroboam, the son of Nebat,
had made ; (6) but that man Tobi used to go and bring sacrifices
in the house of the Lord, and adored there the God of Israel.
4 (7) And all the first-fruits of his land and his tithes he brought
faithfully into the house of God even unto his temple in the third
year, the year of tithes ; (8) and from his youth he kept the ways of
the Lord and his commandments. 5 (9) -^^^ when Tobi grew to
be a man, he took a wife from his tribe, by name Anna ; and she
was with child and bare a son ; and she called his name Tobiyah.
6(10) And Tobi poured out his heart over him, and taught him the
* The numbers in round brackets are the verses according to Jerome and
LXX ; and the passages in square brackets [] are missing in or differing from
Jerome's version.
259 T 2
Dec. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^OLOGY. [1896.
ways of the Lord. And he walked in the ways of his father and
abstained from all sin. 7 (^0 ^"^ ^^ ^'"'^ ^^^^ ^^'^^^ ^"^ ^o^"" came
into the land of Assur, into Nineveh the great city, together
with the whole tribe Nephtali. (12) And they all defiled them-
selves with the food of the Gentiles, but Tobi alone did not defile
himself. 8 (13) And he served God with all his heart, and God
gave him grace and favour before Shalmanassar, the king, (14) and
he made him master over everything that he wished, and he gave
him liberty to do whatever he wished in the whole kingdom.
9 (15) And he went into all the towns and fortresses to see the
captivity, and to ask after and seek their welfare. 10 (16) And when
he had come to Madai he had in his hand a large fortune, which
the king had given to him, 1,000 talents of silver. (17) And he
gathered a multitude of Jews from his tribe, and he entrusted the
silver to Gabiel, and they saw it and were witnesses, and he gave
him a token in remembrance of the money. II (18) After a long
time Shalmanassar, the king of Assur, died, and his son Sennacherib
reigned after him, and the children of Israel were evily treated.
12 (19) And Tobi distributed his goods and gave it to his kindred
and comforted them. 13 And he gave to every one as he was able.
(20) He clothed the naked and fed the hungry, and the dead that
were slain he buried. 14 (zt) And when Sennacherib had come
back from the land of Judah with ignominy by reason of the slaughter
that God had made about him because he had blasphemed and
slandered, that Sennacherib having been humbled, slew many of the
Israelites, and Tobi used to bury them. 15 (22) And it was told
the king, and he commanded him to be slain, and all his substance
to be plundered. 16 (23) And Tobi fled with his wife and son, and
they (wandered about) naked and barefooted in the frost without any
covering and without sustenance ; but wherever he went he found
many friends. 17 (24) And it came to pass that after forty-five
days the sons of Sennacherib, Essarhaddon and Sharezer, killed
him, (25) and Tobi hearing of it, returned to his home, and all his
substance was restored to him.
II. 1(1) And it was after this there was a festival of the Lord, and
Tobi prepared a great dinner in his house. 2 (2) And he said to his
son Tobiyah : go and bring some of our tribe that fear God to feast
with us. 3 (3) And Tobiyah went and returned and told his father
that he had seen one of the children of Israel slain lying in the
street. 4 And Tobi got up from his seat and left the dinner ; he ate
260
13ec. i] proceedings. [1896.
nothing, (4) but went to the body, took it up and carried it privately
to his house, and when the sun went down he buried it,* (5) and ate
afterwards with mourning and fear. 5 (6) And he remembered the
word spoken through Amos the prophet, and I will turn your feasts
into mourning and your songs into lamentation.! 6 (8) And his
relations blamed him, saying : Thou knowest well that the king had
given out a command to slay thee because thou didst bury the dead,
and thou didst fiee and savedst thyself by it, and yet thou still
holdest fast thine integrity. 7 (9) And he said : I fear the Lord of
Lords more than the king, who is, like me, formed also of clay.
8 And Tobi continued to go after the slain, and he used to bring
them secretly into his house and bury them at midnight: 9(10) Now
it happened one day that Tobi was wearied with burying them, [and
he had not washed his hands nor cleansed them in water after the
burial of them.] 10 And he cast himself down on a bed by the wall
and slept, (11) and there was the nest of small birds (swallows or
sparrows), and their dung fell upon his eyes and his eyes were dim
so that he could not see. (12) And God did this to him in order to
try him as he had done to Job. II (13) And whereas Tobi feared
God from his infancy, he did not for all this charge God with
foolishness, (14) and he clung to the God of Israel and trusted in his
mercy. 12 (15) And the friends of Job, Eliphaz the Temanite, and
Bildad the Shuhite, and Zophar the Naamathite came to him, and they
all mocked at him saying : (16) where is thy righteousness upon
which thou trustest, saying, I am just and I will bury the dead and
bestow mercy upon them? (17) And Tobi rebuked them and said :
(18) truly [I am clean and I am innocent, and my righteousness will
answer for me, and we must receive the evil as well as the good with
love and gladness of heart, for all the judgments of God are right].
14 For everyone whose faith is perfect will not change nor alter, J and
God gives him the life of the world to come. 15 (19) And his wife
was wise hearted to work in all manner of cunning workmanship, and
she worked for many and she fed her husband by the work of her
hands. 16 (20) Whereby it came to pass that every (1. one) day she
received a young kid for her wages and she brought it home. [And
the kid went through the house bleating.] 17 (21) And Tobi heard
* J. reads : That after the sun was down he might bury him.
t J. 7 omitted here.
t J. 18 reads instead : For we are the children of saints and look for that life
which God will give to those that never change their faith from Him.
261
Dec. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1896.
the voice of the kid and he said to her : take heed lest perhaps it be
stolen, restore it to its owners, for thus are we commanded by our
God, and it is not lawful for us to keep it over night in our house or
to take it to ourselves. 18 (,22) And she answered and said : if
thou art righteous as thou sayest, wherefore has all this trouble
come upon thee ? Such was her custom to speak every day roughly
with him [until he was wearied of his life].
III. I (i) And when Tobi heard [all these rebukes] he sighed
and was sorely grieved, and he turned his face towards the wall, and
he prayed with tears : (2) And he said : thou art just, O Lord, and
thy judgments right and thy ways are mercy and loving kindness and
truth and judgment. 2 (3) And now, O Lord, remember me [for
good and visit me with thy salvation], and do not remember the sins
[of my parents], and hear me quickly, and the offences of my
forefathers do not remember against me. 3 (4) For because we
have not observed thy commandments, therefore have we been made
to be a fable and a reproach among all the nations whither thou hast
brought us. 4 (5) And now, O Lord, great are thy works,* (6) and
thou doest what is right in thy sight. And thou, O perfect Rock, do
with me according to thy mercy, love, and truth, and take my soul ;
for it is better for me to die, than to live. 5 (7) The same time it
came to pass that Sarah, the daughter of Reuel, brother of Tobi [was
praying to God], in Madai. 6 [For] she had heard reproaches [and
contempts and she was despised in the eyes] of one of her father's
servants. 7 (S) '^"'^ ^^''^ provoked her sore every day saying :
woe unto thee and to thy luck, for seven men were given unto thee,
and they died every one of them the very first night they went in to
thee, through thy witchcraft.! 8 And how darest thou to lift up thine
eyes and to raise thy head to speak to me on either a great or a
small thing, as I am better than thou. 9 But this was an untruth in
her mouth, as it was through no fault of hers, as Ashmedai the king
of the demons killed them on the first night, because she was not
appointed for them. 10 (9) And every day she used to say to her :
lo, thou art unworthy of a husband or to have seed upon the earth,
and (10) now thou thinkest to kill me as thou hast killed them.
II And it came to pass one day that she went up into the upper
* J. reads: "Great are thy judgments, because we have not done according
to thy precepts, and have not walked sincerely before thee."
t (8) different in J. (8) Because she had been given to seven husbands, and a
devil named Asmodeus had killed them at their first going in unto her.
262
Dec. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
room and stayed there three days, night and day, she neither ate
bread nor drank any v/ater (11) and stood in prayers and suppHcation
before God that he would avenge her [on that servant] who upbraided
her. 12 [And she thought to have killed herself if she had not been
afraid that she would bring down the gray hairs of her father in
sorrow to the grave and that their enemies should not say in
derision : " he had one single daughter and she has killed herself"].
13 (12) And when the three days had come to an end she fell down
and prayed to God, saying : 14 (13) Blessed art tW)u, O Lord God of
Israel, who keepeth his covenant and mercy with them that observe
his covenant and love his commandments. 15 Thou answerest in
time of tribulation, thou deliverest, rescuest, and savest and bestowest
benefits on the guilty. 16 (14) To thee I lift up my eyes, to thee,
who dwellest in the heavens [for I know that I am dust and to dust
I shall return]. 17 (15) To thee I pray now, and before thee I
present my supplication with regard to those who reproached me
undeservedly.* 18 (16) Thou knowest my heart, that I never coveted
a husband, and I am standing pure before thee. 19 (17) I did not
sit in the seat of the scornful, nor have I joined myself with them
that play, nor did I walk with the wicked. (18) I would not have
desired to take a husband, were it not for my reverence for theef
(19) nor was I appointed for them. 20 I know that thou hast kept (?)
and appointed another man for mej (20) [and if it be thy will, send
him to me], (21) for such is the law of the man who worshippeth
thee in truth, that his end is hope. 21 And when tribulation and
anxiety comes upon him thou deliverest him through thy mercy,
(22) for thou art not delighted § in the death of him that dieth, but
that he return from his way and live, for piety averts the evil decree.
22 (23) Be thy name blessed for ever and ever. Amen! (24) At
that time her cry and that of Tobi were heard as they prayed
together, and their cry went up before God. (25) And he sent
his angel Raphael to heal them and to deliver them from their
tribulation.
* J. reads : I beg, O Lord, that thou loose me from the bond of this reproach,
cr else take me away from the earth.
+ J. reads : But a husliand I consented to take, with thy fear, not with my
hist.
+ J. reads : And either I was unworthy of them, or they perhaps were not
worthy of me : because perhaps thou hast kept me for another man.
§ J. continues : — in our being lost ; because after a storm thou makest a calm,
and after tears and weeping thou jjourest in joyfulness.
263
Dec. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGV. [1S96.
IV. 1(1) *And Tobi was praying for his death, and he called his
son Tobiyah, (2) and said: 2 My son, hear the instruction of thy
father, and forsake not the teaching of thy mother, and bind their
instruction upon thine heart. 3 (3) When God shall take my soul,
thou shalt take me and bury me after the burial of my fathers, and
thou shalt honour thy mother all the days of thy life. 4 (4) And
thou shalt be mindful of the tribulations which have come upon us
and upon her every day; (5) and when she will have fulfilled the
days of her life, bury her with honour by me. 5 (6) And thou shalt
be mindful of thy Creator all the days of thy life, and take heed
never to sin, and keep the commandments of thy God and his law.
6 (7) Thou shalt surely open thine hand to the poor [when thou seest
the naked, do thou cover him. 7 Deal thy bread to the hungry]!
and hide not thine eyes from them, then God will bless thee in all
the work of thy hands, (10) and he will open unto thee his good
treasure, (11) for riches profit not in the day of wrath, but righteous-
ness delivereth from death. 8 (12-14) And fear God with all thy
heart and all thy might ; do not join thyself wuth evil-doers and do
not sit in the seat of the scoffers. 9 (15) Render to every man
according to his work, and give him his wages on the very day, and
let not the wages of the hired servant tarry with thee. (16) Love thy
neighbour as thyself, (17 and 19)^ and seek the counsel of the pious.
10 (21) And now, my son, go and ask for the talents of silver which
I have left in the hand of (rabiel, in the city of Dago (Rage).
(22) And here is the token which I have given him in memory of the
money. (23) Fear not, for God will be with thee wherever thou goest,
if thou keepest his commandments. II [Be not dismayed on account
of the great tribulations which have befallen us, for I trust, through
the fear of God, that we shall still have great salvation and deliverance,
my son; fear not.]
I V. (i) Then Tobiyah answered his father and said: I will do
all the things which thou hast commanded me, (2) but teach me
''' J. reads : — -Therefore when Tobias thought that his prayer was heard that
he might die he called, etc.
t (8 and 9 of J. missing here. (8) According to thy ability be merciful.
(9) If thou have much, give abundantly : if thou have little, take care even so
to bestow willingly a little.
X (J. 18 and 20) missing here. (18) Lay out thy bread and thy wine upon the
burial of a just man, and do not eat and drink thereof with the wicked . (20) Bless
God at all times, and desire of him to direct thy ways, and that all thy counsels
may abide in him.
264
Dec. i] proceedings. [1896.
and show me the way I should go, for I am only one, and how can
I go alone to bring the money ? 2 (4) And he said : go outside
and seek thee out some faithful man that I should give him his hire
while I yet live [and he will go with thee to get the money].*
3 (5) And Tobiyah went out that very day, and went [into the market-
places of the town to seek a faithful man. 4 And the angel Raphael
went out to meet him — he was sent by God to assist himjf (6) and
the lad knew not that he was an angel. 5 And the lad saluted him
and he asked him: who art thou, my lord? (7) And he said: I
am of the children of Judah. 6 And Tobiyah said : knowest thou
the way that leadeth to Naphtali ? (8) And he answered and said :
I know all the boundaries of the lands and countries, 7 and I know
Gabael, our kinsman, who lives in the city of Dage (Rage), in Madai,
in the city of Nineveh, on the mount Abtanim (C. Egbatanis).
8 (9) And Tobiyah said : let not my lord be angry, I will only go
to my father and return. 9(10) And Tobiyah went and told his
father,! and Tobi sent for the man. And (11) he came to Tobi and
saluted him. 10 And the angel said : gladness and joy mayest thou
obtain ! ii (12) And he said to him : What manner of joy can there
be to me who sit in darkness [like the dead] and cannot see any
more the light of the sun? I2 (i3)§ And he said: let it not be
grievous in thy sight, for thy salvation is near at hand ; thou wilt see
again and thy heart will rejoice, 13 (14) And Tobi said to him : I
have called thee to go with my son (to) Gabael, who dwelleth in Dage
(Rage) in the country of Madai, and when thou shalt return I will
pay thee thy hire.
14 (15) And the angel said : Here I am, ready to go with him.
(16) And Tobit said to him : Tell me what is thy name, and of what
family and what tribe art thou ? 16 (17,18) And the angel answered
and said : My name is Azaryah, son of the great (elder) Hananyah.||
* (J- 3) omitted here. (3) Then his father answered him and said : I have
a note of his hand with nie, which thou shalt show bim, he will presently pay it.
t J. reads : Then Tobias going forth found a beautiful young man, standing
girded, and as it were ready to walk.
J J. adds : Upon which, his father being in admiration, desired that he would
come in unto him.
§ Different in J. (13) And the young man said to him : Be of good
courage, thy cure from God is at hand.
II (J. 17-18) Different. (17) And Raphael, the angel, answered : Dost thou
seek the family of him thou hirest or the hired servant himself to go with thy
son? (18) But lest I should make thee uneasy, I am Azarias the son of the great
Ananias.
265
Dec. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1896.
1 am descended from a noble family. V] (19) And Tobi said : let it
not be grievous in thy sight (do not be angry, I pray thee), and tell
me of what family art thou ? And he answered : I am from the
tribe '•' (21) And Tobi said : may God be with you and send
his angel before you. (22) And they prepared provisions for the,
journey, and they set out together. 18 (23-25)! And Anna his mother
went with him until the outskirts of the town, weeping all the way
she went. 19 [And she said to them : May God be with you and
give you grace and mercy in the eyes of the inhabitants of the land.
20 And now let thy footsteps be apace to return quickly to us,
before we die and go down in sorrow to the grave. 21 And when she
returned home] she said to Tobi : what hast thou done that thou
hast sent away from thee [thine only son whom thou lovest? 22 If
mischief befal him, then shall we bring down our grey hairs with
sorrow to the grave. 23 For as long as our son was with us, he
was to us] (as one who refreshes our soul and) a restorer of life and
a nourisher of our old age. 24 (26) And he answered her: Fear
not, my sister,| (27) for God has sent his angel with him, and
he will make his way prosperous for him, and he shall restore him
yet to us. §
VI. I (i) And Tobiyah went, and came to the River Hideqel
(Tigris), and he stayed there. (2) And he went down to wash his
feet, and behold a great fish suddenly leaped out, and would have
SAvallowed (devoured) him, (3) and he was afraid, and cried out with
a loud voice, and said: My Lord, || save me from this great fish.H
2 (5) And the angel said to him : open it and take out its heart,
gall, and liver, and lay them out safely, for they will serve thee as
* J. (20) Omitted here : and the angel said to him, I will lead thy son safe
and bring him to thee again safe.
+ J- (23-25) Different. {23) And when they were departed, his mother began
to weep, and to say : Thou hast taken the statT of our age, and sent him away
from us. (24) I wish the money for which thou hast sent him, had never been.
(25) For our poverty was sufficient for us, that we might account it as riches that
we saw our son.
X Jer. adds : our son will arrive thither safe and will return safe to us and thy
eyes shall see him.
§ J. (28) omitted here, "at these words his mother ceased weeping and held
her peace."
I! Diff. in J : My Lord (Sir), he cometh upon me.
1' J. (4) omitted here. (4) And the angel said to him, take him by the gill,
and draw him to thee. And when he had done so, he drew him out upon the
land, and he began to pant before his feet.
266
Dec. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
medicine. 3 (6) And he took hold of the fish and divided it in the
roidst, and they ate one half, and the other they made into provisions
for the journey, till they came to Dage (Rage) in the land of Madai.
.4 (7) And the lad asked the angel, to what use is the heart and
the liver and the gall which we have put up safely ? 5 (8) And he
answered and said : take the heart to drive away evil spirits from
man or woman, if you burn it on fire.* 6 (10) And the lad asked
him: where shall we lodge to-night? (11) And he said: [in the city
of Rage]. 7 Behold [in this town] there is a good man whose name
is Reuel, of thy father's family, and he has neither son nor daughter
but one single daughter,! (12) and she inherits all the substance of
her father, (13) and when you come there, ask her father for her,
for he will not withhold her from thee. 8 (14) And Tobiyah
answered and said : [hear me, and so may God hear thee!] 9 [I
have heard, and my belly trembled.] I heard [from many who
uttered slander] that she had been given in marriage to seven
husbands, and the first night on their going in to her, Ashmedai,
king of the evil spirits, came in the middle of the night and
killed them. 10 (15) Therefore I hold back, and am afraid lest
(the same thing should happen to me) as to one of them. I am
young, and an only son to my father and mother, and if the same
thing should happen to me, I should bring down their gray hairs
with blood to the grave. II (16) And the angel said to him : be
not affrighted nor be thou dismayed, nor let thy heart faint, for
I will show thee how to drive him away from thee. 12 (17) Know
that all these men who were killed were not suited (or fit) for
her that any seed should come from them, therefore has the
demon killed them.J 13 (18) But thou shalt do what I command
thee : be together with her in one chamber three days and three
nights, and do not approach her.§ 14 (19) And every night thou
shalt burn the liver on the fire [and fumigate the bed on which you
will lie], and the demon will fly away. 15 (20) On the first night.
* J- (9) omitted here. (9) And the gall is good for anointing the eyes in which
there is a white speck, and they shall be cured.
t (12 and 13) somewhat different in J.
J (17) Diff. in J. : For they who in such manner receive matrimony as to shut
-out God from themselves and from their mind, and to give themselves to their
lust, as the horse and mule, which have no understanding, over them the devil hath
power.
§ J. adds : And give thyself to nothing else but to prayers with her.
267
Dec. I] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [1896.
remember the names of the holy patriarchs,* (21) on the second^
pray to God that good men may come from you.t 16 (22) And on
the third night, about the time of the cock-crowing, do thy will with
the fear of the Lord, and he will bless thee.J
VII. I (i) And they went into the house of Reuel, and he
rejoiced very much, (2) and he kissed Tobiyah, and said to his wife
Ednah : behold how like he is to the good man Tobi. 2 (3) And
she [his wife] said : who are ye, and whence do you come? (4) And
he said : from the land of Naphtali, of the captivity in Nineveh.
3 (5) And Reuel said to them : do you know my brother Tobi ?'
[And the angel said :] we know him (6),^ and this young man is
his son, and his name is Tobiyah. 4 (7) And Reuel went and fell
upon his face and kissed him and wept upon his neck. 5 And he
said : blessed be thou of the Lord, for thou art the son of a good
man. (8) And they came, Ednah his wife (and his daughter), and
they wept over him. (9) And they prepared a feast, and they killed
a young goat and sat down to dinner. 6 (10) And Tobiyah said :
Uncle ! [I ask a great request of thee; I pray thee, my lord, deny
me not.] II 7 Consent now to give me thy daughter for a wife [it is
better that you should give her to me, than that you should give her
to another man, as I am thy flesh and thy bone.] 8 (11) And
Reuel was terrified, and he was afraid lest he should die as those-
men died through her, and he kept his mouth with a bridle.
9 (12) And the angel said: be not afraid, as fortune has come,
and in the name of God, give her to him, for the others were not
appointed unto her, and this one is appointed. 10 (13)^ And
Reuel answered : oh, would that it were as thou sayest ! ** [may
*' J. (20) : But the second night thou shall be admitted into the society
of the holy patriarchs.
t J. (21) On the third night thou shalt obtain a blessing, that sound cliildren
may be born of you.
X J. (22) And when the third night is past, thou shalt take the virgin with the
fear of the Lord, moved rather for love of children than for lust, that in the seed of
Abraham thou mayest obtain a blessing in children.
§ J. (6) reads : And when he was speaking many good things of him, the angel
said to Raguel, Tobias, concerning whom thou inquirest, is this young man's father.
II J. adds, I will not eat nor drink this day unless thou, etc.
^ J- (13) reads, I doubt not but God hath regarded my prayers and tears in
his sight.
** J. (14) omitted : — And I believe he hath therefore made you come to me,,
that this maid might be married to one of her own kindred according to the
law of Moses ; and now doubt not, but I will give her to thee !
268
Dec. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
the Lord God of Israel make their house to be Hke the
house of Perez, and fulfil the wishes of their heart and their
desire for good] (15) and the God of our fathers Abraham, Isaac,
and Jacob be with them and command his blessing upon both of
you. II (16) And the elders of the town gathered themselves
together there, and they wrote the things down, (17) and they
blessed God, the bridegroom, and the bride, and they ate and made
merry.
I VIII. (i) And it came to pass after that, that they went both
into the inner chamber. 2 (2) And Tobiyah remembered the words
of the angel, and he took the liver and laid it upon burning coals,
and the smoke thereof ascended. (3) And the angel took the demon
•and bound him and sent him into the desert which is before Egypt.
3 (4) And Tobiyah said to Sarah : arise, and let us pray to God
to-night, and the following night, and on the third night we shall be
in wedlock. (5) For we are children of saints, and we must not
•walk in the statutes of the nations that are round about us. 4 (6) So
they both arose and prayed with reverence before God, [and they
poured out their heart in prayer (supplication) before God].
5 (7) *And Tobiyah said : blessed art thou, O Lord our God, king
of the universe, who has created gladness and joy, bridegroom and
bride. [6 (8) Blessed art thou, O Lord, King of the universe, who
has created man after thy own image and likeness, and who hast
given him from the strength of thy power to know thee and to serve
thee.] 7 Thou hast given him a helpmeet for him, and thou hast
commanded them to be fruitful and to multiply their offspring in the
midst of the land.f 8 [Lord over all, creator of all, mighty over all,
who searches all, he is all powerful and exalted over all, all give
song unto him, he establishes law and commandment for all, he
is good to all, righteous and just to all, all powerful; all give him
praise, he sustains all, he answers all, he delivers all the captives,
he is just and gracious to all, the Lord is nigh unto all, the
Lord is merciful and his mercies are over all ; all give hymn
unto him, his name supports all. 9 God of gods, and Lord
of lords ! merciful has thy name been called from eternity ;
* J, (7 and 8) reads : And Tobias said, Lord God of our fathers, may the
heavens and the earth, and the sea and the fountains, and the rivers, and all thy
creatures that are in them, bless thee. (8) Thou madest Adam of the slime of the
earth, and gavest him Eve for a helper.
t J. (7-10) correspond in our text to (5-25)-
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remember us according to thy loving kindness and mercy, for they
have been ever of old. 10 And remember for me the pious
acts of my father Tobi, who walked before thee in piety and truth ;
save me and rebuke the Satan so that he should not touch us
or hurt us. II Give me from this woman seed of men, that our
offspring may know thy name and study thy law, and it shall
be known among the nations that thou art the Lord and no other.
12 Then hear thou in heaven my prayer, as thou hast heard the
prayer of our holy fathers, the saints, the prayer of Abraham in
Ur Kasdim, and the prayer of Isaac on the Mount Moriah, and
the prayer of Jacob in Bethel, and the prayers of all the just ; and
put my tears into thy bottle. Let the words of my mouth, and the
meditation of my heart be acceptable in thy sight, O Lord, my rock
and my redeemer.* 13 And Sarah prayed and said : The Lord, the
Lord is a god full of compassion, and gracious, slow to anger, and
abundant in mercy and truth ; keeping mercy for the thousands of
those who keep his laws and commandments. 14 O Lord, thou
alone art one, and there is no second beside thee ; who is like unto
thee, who can be likened unto thee, who can be compared with thee ?
there is no other save thee, and there is none beside thee, and there
is none to be equalled to thee. 15 Thou hast created everything,
and there is no forgetfulness before thee ; therefore the hearts
believe that thou art one, wondrous in all thy ways, hidden from
every eye and no eye can see thee. Thou hast been before the
world came into existence, and after its destruction thou wilt be,
and thy years shall have no end. 16 Lo ! the host of heavens were
made by thy word, and thy hand was not in their creation ; thou
didst call them, and they all stood forth ; in thy hand is the power
and might to destroy them, and to change them and to restore them
to their original state. VJ In thy hand is life and good ; thou hast
created this world to try man by the statutes and judgments which
thou hast given to them. And the world to come thou hast created
for tliy pious men — those that love thee and keep thy covenant —
and hell thou hast prepared of old for the abominable and for those
who dealt treacherously with thee. 19 And thou art the Lord who
hast chosen the seed of Jesurun from among all the nations which
* J. (9) reads instead : And now, O Lord, thou knowest not for fleshly hist do
I tal<e my sister to wife, but only for the love of posterity, in which thy name
may be blessed for ever and ever.
270
Dec. i] proceedings. [1S96.
are upon the face of the earth, and hast performed (wrought) signs
and wonders in the face of all those who stood up against them.
20 And now, oh Lord, oh king, full of mercy, give ear to my prayer,
and hold not thy peace at my tears, as thou hast listened to the
prayer of our mother Sara ; when she prayed to thee because of her
handmaid Hagar, and to the prayer of Rebecca when the children
struggled together within her ; 21 and to the prayer of Rachel, the
mother of children, who was the barren woman in the house at the
time when her sister provoked her sore ; thou didst open her
womb, and she bare children that are standing in thy courts to serve
thee. 22 And the prayer of the prophetess Miriam, and the prayer of
the wife of Elqanah, when her rival provoked her sore, in order to
make her fret, thou appointedst a son from her to be a prophet,
to stand before thee and to minister unto thee, so may my prayer
ascend as a pleasure before thee, and may I be worthy of this man,
and send us of thy blessings. 23 And rebuke the Satan that he
should not touch my lord, and not stand at his right hand to be his
adversary. 24 Therefore we praise thee, O Lord our God, for all
thy miracles and numberless wonderful things, for heaven and the
heaven of heavens cannot contain thee, still less is man able to-
investigate one of them. 25 Who can utter thy mighty acts, and
show forth all thy praises ; thou art exalted as head above all, and
extolled over all blessing.]*
* Instead of vv. 13-25. J. reads : (10) Sarah also said, Have mercy on us,
O Lord, have mercy on us, and let us grow old both together in health.
{To be continued.)
271
Dec. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
A STELE OF THE XIIIth DYNASTY.
By W. E. Crum.
The British Museum has recently acquired a limestone monu-
ment (No. 1 163) from "Thebes," of considerable interest. In the
first place, its form is very unusual ; it is a stele in the shape of a
thin cone with four flat faces. Its height is 2 ft. 4 in. ;
the width of each of the broad faces is i ft. 3 in. at
the base, but tapering to a point at the top ; the
width of each narrow face is 9 in. Above the inscrip-
tions there is, upon every face, a blank space of 4
or 5 in. ; below, a like space of some 8 in. The
inscriptions on the two narrow faces (C and D, belo-iv)
were coloured ; the hieroglyphics blue, the male figure red with a
blue collar, the female yellow. On the sides A and B neither texts
nor pictures were coloured.
Secondly, the king's name which the stele bears — that of
Sbkmsaf II — is a very rare one, hitherto known to us only from the
Abbott and Amherst papyri, which tell of the king's tomb at Thebes.*
Thirdly, the texts contain a hymn to the sun-god, very short
indeed, but employing formulae not to be found, so far as I can
recollect, upon any of the monuments of the Middle Kingdom.
Finally, the unusual manner of depicting certain of the offerings
may be noticed. On A, above the table on which lie the smaller
gifts, an inverted lotus blossom with long, wide open petals, is
suspended, while on each side of its stalk hangs a goose, head
downwards, somewhat in the style of those decorated columns which
were fashionable at Tell el-Amarna.
The following are the texts, of which the signs are roughly cut,
and here and there ambiguous. Sometimes they are obviously in
need of correction.
A, I
5- -Ci
q >? a t*o=^ tV I I I
V. Petrie, History, I, 223.
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Dec. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1S96.
Below, a man and woman stand before the table of offerings, with
the inscriptions f^^Q^^^ and ^^|l:^|^?|-
The first words should read [\\%kW^' ^ 1 ^
(Mon. div., 2']b), and show that the monument was a complimentary
gift from the king. Thej^ are not found thus before the end of the
Middle Kingdom. Are we to assume from line 2 that a temple of
Sobek existed at Thebes in the time of the Xlllth dynasty? The
words 'Inpw htp siv appear to be a parenthetic ejaculation, " May
Anubis rest him ! " {or Imperative). After the owner's name,
Sbkhtp, begins the hymn to the rising sun, which, though it contains
no uncommon words, I will not venture to translate.
B. I. ^ ^ 1 ^ ^ 2. Yt -^ :
M?^iSlT-,^fc^P^]rk
5-0-
[O]
^^\z.r^-[^
Below, a man and boy before the table of offerings. The man's
designation is in line 7. The boy is ^^ ^jl^-^ tji(S| H J J>=2i. ^ ^ •
The text continues the hymn, now to the setting sun ; " Praise to
thee, Re' Harmachis on the west of heaven ! To thee is given
(? rdliw *) eternity for food, the ages for drink. The two lands are
fair the day that thou shinest as Re', lord of the horizon,! as Thoth,
lord of Hermopolis. Thou king of heaven, guide of the two lands
that are at peace and beloved (of thee), give peace X to the temple-
scribe Sbkhtp." I cannot identify the word (1.1. 3, 4) for "drink,"
and the signs '. ;;; ! which come after it might be as well read '^!lZZk
I do not know whether r" can at this period be used for " day."
The grammatical forms in the phrases following are difficult to
determine. A translation too which would make Thoth a sun-god
is very questionable.
* But V. Max Miiller, A.Z., XXIX, 89, note.
t The second nb superfluous ?. X This trunslation requires rather shtpzv.
273 U
Dec. i]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
[1896.
c. 1;
fAII^At
o
cics'k
v.^ v^
o n
1
•ip:
0
^
^
U ^^/&//// and
O -CF^ ■ I I I I I I ciDci I
his wife. To their names is added that of S.'s father ;
J "^s^^ fl. The phrase rd!/ l/j, etc., is the abbreviation of the
frequent formula rd!/ Ih in pt hr R\ etc. {e.g., Sharpe, 93). The
preposition m hr seems here to mean "accompanied by," //'/. "in
presence of." The stroke after | slwuld perhaps be I .
D. The royal names, etc., as on C. Then, i. I A
iC^
% o
■^■ft\
t^vtisk^n
r^^
Below this, S. and his wife
with their names and that of S.'s mother
^Pl
With this name may be compared the use of Alr.hvhtp as feminine.
In line 2 read ;// hrt hrw nti r 71b. In line 3 read nfrt ivrt.
P.S. — A fresh collation suggests A. 2
instead of htpsiv with
the translation "the temple of Sobek and Anubis — this is it,"
implying, I suppose, that the stele stood in that temple.
Also, B. 6 _fl^ is more probable, though it is difficult to
o D I II
see the signs.
274
Dec. i] proceedings. L»896.
MORE FRAGMENTS OF THE PALESTINIAN SYRIAC
VERSION OF THE HOLY SCRIPTURES.
{Continued.)
By the Rev. G. Margoliouth.
GENESIS II. 4-19.
f<^n.^CL^:T f^\ ^ \ fin ocn ^ncn foi 30%
r<Ocn :u^ :f<L^ir<^:vc
f^.^ir^':! r^=iai^ mia2kO :r^2^ir<^
yjUL:sn r^ocna :f<^ii<' ^:» jAjqs
t
.*M jjcvrsi
:^1a.^:t ):Maz^ >ciii»<l3 jjl^IO :r<^^f^
:r^li.»j ta2^:X 73nr<' T<2A'ia+ aa.^^f<o foi 30*
275
U 2
Fol. zi'
Dec. i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1896-
:^xZai f<1^2if<'\ r<bcT30 Ta'i^:M acn
OCT3 ^^:t '^cuor<^;i f<l^ir<^ caici^
cn.^a.kJLO : jl.cl^:t r<l^ir<^ craXcvjIlA
r<^icTxAO :^^lClJQ9 XcLn..i3C\X \^\r^
r^^:so •a.fiaia -z^-^o^ con r^,ft.Sa*iii5
r^'\:so cdoxa ma^o : cr^ -jibVl^TaQ crA i6
* Originally poJtoK'O; see note. ' I.e. EiietAar = nb'in.
276
13
14
n
i8
^EC. i] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
^JSn :cq\ iJMr^'o yo:ir^^ r^cr^rf
r<*CT2.»i ^f<L.^ f<lA r^€n:i ir^cra-ir^
A.nJ^ :cn^f<^ci.^ ^j<In tjoaJ^ oo^i
rr^J^ir^" ^:» nc^ f<'cT2\f<'+ r^TJMF^'
crAc^o :r^iCVJL.:T f<^mCA.jj cqXci^
f^'-ija OCT3 r^l^Q r<l^aAiu:f :^nf<'i^cvi
::cn.^a^X. ccn ^ncn r^~A«^ %mJ^\ ;a.ir<'
2 KINGS II. 19-22.
:f^.^a..»j •^r^.'Wn r^"^ v\.aCTD r<ln.^
277
Dec. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1896.
:f<H:5r3 -toar^ ^rUicn r^'MK^O i^jjlN.^tj
Foi. 32\ v<l:M:i>h. ciAjQ3r<'Air^ ^»Acn t^LajSoo + 22
AMOS IX. 5-14 a.
Foi.32». 5*^1 f^cn^r^ r^'%:so -tWr^ ^n^cn
vrycn ACifioftO : cn\ ^'xx^^i^n ^\cn
■ See note.
^ It will be noticed that the MS. is not quite regular in the use of the 'seyamC'
* See note.
278
I5EC- 0 PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
1 X.^ r^cQ-ir^ r<Ho"W:» + >ct3CVJla„^ r<tn foi 32".
^OflNftl CG&U^ 7lA'%.t79 r<llr<^ >0^>iY\
>f^r^ f^crai \.ft:i.nA :r€\JSO 't:5or^
^A^CT3 cnlAs ^j^h%f< r^Ac ^a^ta
: X^n ^ncT3 rucnn coX^xiM 71 i.nSQ
1 Originally A^^rt'.t.
2 For ^^rtrrniyyy-i? Note the form of the 'heth' in the Original (PI. VI. 1. 7^.
* For ^_Oo\0,Sa*.
279
^ 12
13
14
Dec. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [i89<5-
»,ci\j.5aAa ir^-ii-ivi i^l^^jaa :T<la^x^
ACTS XVI. 16-34.
Foi 3: r<^AiiCV\r<'^ cqaI.^^ ciKlc^crj KSa.^Ot
1. 4 from ^ ^ \ ^ ~~" — - ^
bottom
280
19
23
Dec. i] proceedings. {.^^9^-
Qpg fn t>:i cra-^g k T *i >. *\ i.\ r<Llv<^
«^^ CT3 CV—A CV_3H»A0 : ?^.Ai»£3Cl.JL^
A^n-nX ^,Ai:3.s r<^cnJlna '^ t\"i ri*>3
cirt^ r^f^G : «^ct3^ «.X^7i^^^ G:i.a^c
' MS. ^.L
281
EEC. i] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1896.
^!MO : r<^T.£>£^v<'«^cr2i OCCT3 ^^^az.O 26
r<^ocT3 "u-joon X^r^ni :cqs.^ Xc\\^iaAn
:%&.a TiAori vfNTQkVS ns^.^ f^X :ctX
\l^c 1CIJL.0 : rOLA^cuc cTxi 'i»cQ^r<'c 29
30
282
I^EC. i] PROCEEDINGS. [JS96.
f^:^ >l.^Q : ^.OctA K'ocg •tMr^'o -iA
: f«^.4jL^:v vfN-acn n-sJ^ r^cn^^ >A Xaji
31 ^»^^.act3 : cn\ ^'\^!ysr^ OGCT3 ^.^Vlcno
33 cQ^ f^m.\ iL Y.n cQ.na : cv3d\.A.n ila
>JL20 Ccn :r<^CCT3 TcuQas^r^O : f<Ho^\^
283
Dec. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1896.
Translation.
Gen. ii, 4-19.
V. 4. This is the book of the creation of heaven and earth,
when the day was on which the Lord God made heaven and earth.
V. 5. And no green thing of the field was yet upon the earth,
and no herb of the earth had yet sprung up ; for the Tord God had
not caused rain to rain upon the face of the earth, and there was no
man that he should till the earth.
V. 6. But a well was rising up from the earth, and was watering
the whole face of the earth.
V. 7. And the Lord God formed the man Adam of the dust of
the earth, and he blew into his nostrils the breath of life, and the
man Adam became a living soul.
V. 8. And the Lord God planted a paradise in Eden in front on
the east side, and he placed there the man Adam whom he had
formed.
V. 9. And the Lord God caused again to grow every tree that is
pleasing for sight and good for eating ; and the tree of life in the
middle of the paradise, and the tree of understanding the knowledge
of good and evil.
V. 10. And a river was issuing from Eden that it may water the
paradise, and from thence it divided [itself], and became into four
heads.
V, II. The name of one is Pison ; this is it which encircles the
whole land of Olot, where there is gold.
V. 12. And the gold of that land is good, and there is the
carbuncle and the emerald.
V. 13. And the name of the second river is Gihon ; this is it
which encircles the whole land of Gush.
V. 14. And the name of the third river is Hiddekel ; this is it
which goes in the direction of the Syrians ; and the fourth river
is the Euphrates.
V. 15. And the Lord God took the man Adam whom he had
formed, and he placed him into the paradise of Eden that he
should dress it and keep it.
V. 16. And the Lord God commanded Adam and said unto
him, Of all the trees that are in the paradise eating mayest thou eat.
V. 17. But of the tree of understanding the knowledge of good
284
Dec. i] proceedings. [1S96.
and evil, thou shall not eat of it; for on the day on which thou
eatest thereof dying shalt thou die.
V. 18. And the Lord God said, that behold it is not good that
the man Adam should be alone, but let us make him a helper like
unto him.
V. 19. And the Lord formed again from the earth every beast of
the field, and every fowl of heaven, and he brought them to Adam
that he may see what he would call them, and everything that
Adam called them a living soul that was its name.*
* The above is the " verbatim " rendering of the latter part of the verse ; the
meaning appears to be "and whatsoever Adam called every living creature that
was its name."
( To be continued.)
285
Dec I]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
[1896.
The Anniversary Meeting of the Society will be held at
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286
Dec. I] PROCEEDINGS. [1896.
THE FOLLOWING BOOKS ARE REQUIRED FOR THE
LIBRARY OF THE SOCIETY.
Members having duplicate copies, ivill confer a favour by presenting them to the
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Alker, E., Die Chronologie der Bucher der Konige und Paralipomenon im
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Amelineau, Histoire du Patriarche Copte Isaac.
Contes de I'Egypte Chretienne.
La Morale Egyptienne quinze siecles avant notre ere.
Amiaud, La Legende Syriaque de Saint Alexis, I'homme de Dieu.
A., AND L. Mechineau, Tableau Compare des Ecritures Babyloniennes
et Assyriennes.
Mittheilungen aus der Sammlung der Papyrus Erzherzog Rainer. 2 parts.
Baethgen, Beitrage zur Semitischen Religiongeshichte. Der Gott Israels und
die Gotter der Heiden.
Blass, a. F., Eudoxi ars Astronomica qualis in Charta Aeg}-ptiaca superest.
Botta, Monuments de Ninive. 5 vols., folio. 1847-1850.
Brugsch-Bey, Geographische Inschriften Altaegyptische Denkmaeler. Vol.
I— III (Brugsch).
Recueil de Monuments Egyptiens, copies sur lieux et publics pas
H. Brugsch et J. Diimichen. (4 vols., and the text by Dumichen
of vols. 3 and 4. )
Budinger, M., De Colonarium quarundam Phoeniciarum primordiis cum
Hebraeorum exodo conjunctis.
Burckhardt, Eastern Travels.
Cassel, Paulus, Zophnet Paneach Aegyptische Deutungen.
Chabas, Melanges Egyptologiques. Series I, III. 1862-1873.
Dumichen, Historische Inschriften, &c., ist series, 1867.
2nd series, 1S69.
Altaegyptische Kalender-Inschriften, 1886.
Tempel-Inschriften, 1862. 2 vols., folio.
Ebers, G., Papyrus Ebers.
Erman, Papyrus Westcar.
Etudes Egyptologiques. 1 3 vols., complete to 1880.
Gayet, E., Steles de la XII dynastie au JMusee du Louvre.
Golenischeff, Die Metternichstele. Folio, 1877.
Vingt-qualre Tablettes Cappadociennes de la Collection de.
Grant-Bey, Dr., The Ancient Egyptian Religion and the Influence it exerted
on the Religions that came in contact with it.
Haupt, Die Sumerischen Familiengesetze.
Hommel, Dr., Geschichte Babyloniens und Assyriens. 1S92.
Dec. i] society OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1896.
Jastrow, M., a Fragment of the Babylonian "Dibbarra" Epic.
Jensen, Die Kosmologie der Babylonier.
Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nubukadnezar's Geschichtliche Skizze mit beson-
derer Berucksichtigung der Keilschriftlichen Quellen.
Joachim, H., Papyros Ebers, das Alteste Buch iiber Heilkunde.
Johns Hopkins University. Contributions to Assyriology and Comparative
Semitic Philology.
Krebs, F. , De Chnemothis nomarchi inscriptione Aegyptiaca commentatio.
Lederer, Die Biblische Zeitrechnung vom Auszuge aus Aegypten bis zum
Beginne der Babylonische Gefangenschaft mit Berichsichtignung der Re-
sultate der Assyriologie und der Aegyptologie.
Ledrain, Les Monuments Egyptiens de la Bibliotheque Nationale.
LEFfeBURE, Le Mythe Osirien. 2'"^ partie. "Osiris."
Legrain, G. , Le Livre des Transformations. Papyrus demotique du Louvie.
Lehmann, Samassumukin Konig von Babylonien 668 vehr, p. xiv, 173.
47 plates.
Lepsius, Nubian Grammar, &c., 18S0.
Maruchi, Monumenta Papyracea Aegyptia.
MiJLLER, D. H., Epigraphische Denkmiiler aus Arabien.
NooRDTZiG, Israel's verblijf in Egypte bezien int licht der Egyptische out-
dekkingen.
POGNON, Les Inscriptions Babyloniennes du Wadi Brissa.
Rawlinson, Canon, 6th Ancient Monarchy.
ROBIOU, Croyances de I'Egypte a I'epoque des Pyramides.
Recherches sur le Calendrier en Egypte et sur le chronologie des Lagides.
Sainte Marie, Mission a Carthage.
Sarzec, Decouvertes en Chaldee.
ScHAEFFER, Commentationes de papyro medicinali Lipsiensi.
ScHOUW, Charta papyracea graece scripta Musei Borgiani Velitris.
SCHROEDER, Die Phonizische Sprache.
Strauss and Torney, Der Altagyptishe Gotterglaube.
ViREY, P., Quelques Observations sur I'Episode d'Aristee, a propos d'un
Monument Egyptien.
VissER, I., Hebreeuwsche Archaeologie. Utrecht, 1891.
Walther, J., Les Decouvertes de Ninive et de Babylone au point de vue
biblique. Lausanne, 1890.
WiLCKEN, M., Actenstiicke aus der Konigl. Bank zu Theben.
WiLTZKE, De Biblische Simson der Agyptische PIorus-Ra.
WiNCKLER, Hugo, Der Thontafelfund von El Amarna. Vols. I and II.
Textbuch-Keilinschriflliches zum Alten Testament.
Weissleach, F. H., Die Achaemeniden Inschriften Zweiter Art.
Wesseley, C, Die Pariser Papyri des Fundes von El Fajum.
Zeitsch. der Deutschen Morgenl. Gesellsch., Vol. I, 1847 ; Vols. IV to XII,
1850 to 1858, inclusive ; Vol. XX to Vol. XXXII, 1866 to 1878.
ZiMMERN, H., Die Assyriologie als Hiilfsvk'issenschaft fiir das Studium des Alten
Testaments.
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY PUBLICATIONS.
In 8 Parts. Price 5s. each. With full Illustrations of the Vignettes.
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The Fourth Part having been issued, the Price is now Raised to £5 for the 8 Parts.
Zhc I£gi2ptian 1Boo\\ of the 2)eab,
BEING A
Complete Translation, Commentary, and Notes,
By sir p. LE page RENOUF, Knt. {President);
CONTAINING ALSO
^ Series of ^Slates of ttc Figncttes of tf)E tfiffcvcnt ODtjaptErs.
The request having been made by a number of friends that this
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Ube JSronse ©rnaments of tbe
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[Shalmaneser II, B.C. 859-825.]
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In accordance with the terms of the original prospectus the price for
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Society of Biblical Archaeology.
COUNCIL, 1896.
President,
Sir p. le Page Renouf, Knt,
Vice-Presidents,
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Most Noble the Marquess of Bute, K.T., (S:c., <S:c.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
The Right Hon. Lord Halskury.
The Right Hon. W. E. Gladstone, M.P., D.C.L., &c.
F. D. Mocatta, F.S.A., &c.
Walter Morrison, M.P.
Sir Charles Nicholson, Bart., D.C.L., M.D., &c.
Rev. George Rawlinson, D.D., Canon of Canterbury.
Council,
Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A.
Arthur Cates.
Rev. Prof. T. K. Cheyne, D.D.
Thomas Christy, F.L.S.
Dr. J. Hall Gladstone, F.R.S.
Charles Harrison, F.S.A.
Gray Hill.
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