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DECEMBER, 1907. 



37, Great Russell Street, London, W.C, 


COUNCIL, 1907. 

Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D., &c., &c. 


The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York. 

The Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Salisbury. 

The Most Hon. The Marquess of Northampton. 

The Right Hon. the Earl of Halsbury. 

The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney. 

Walter Morrison. 

The Right Hon. Lord Peckover of Wisbeach. 

F. G. Hilton Price, Dir. S.A. 

W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 

The Right Hon. General Lord Grenfell, K.C.B., &c., &c. 

The Right Rev. S. W. Allen, D.D. (R.C. Bishop of Shrewsbury). 

Rev. J. Marshall, M.A. 

Joseph Pollard. 


Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A. 

Dr. M. Gaster. 

F. LI. Gi-iffith, F.S.A. 

H. R. Hall, M.A. 

Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.LE., 

L. W. King, M.A. 
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c. 
Prof. G. Maspero. 

Claude G. Montefiore. 
Prof. E. Naville. 
Edward S. M. Perowne, F.S.A. 
Rev. W. T. Pilter. 
P. Scott-Moncrieff, M.A. 
R. Campbell Thompson, ^LA. 
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., 
F.R.S., &c. 

Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet. 

Secretary— SNsX^tx L. Nash, M.R.C.S. [Eng.), F.S.A. 

Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — F. Legge. 

Honorary Librarian— \N2.\itx L. Nash, M.R.C.S. [Eng.), F.S.A. 


Donations to the Library ... ... 2, 50, 90, 134, 186, 252, 300 

Election of Members ... ... ... 2, 50, 90, 134, 186, 252 

No. ccxv. January. 

The Council's Report for 1906 ... ... ... ... 5, 6 

Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D. — The Chedor-laomer Tablets 

— (contiTuied) ... ... ... ... ... ... 7-17 

F. Legge. — The Tablets of Negadah and Abydos. 

(F/ate) 18-24 

MARG.A.RET A. MuRRAY. — -St. INIenas of Alexandria. 

(3 F/afes) 25-30 

Sir H. H. Ho\vorth, K.C.I.E.., F.R.S.., <^c. — Some 

Unconventional Views on the Text of the Bible. VII. 31-38 
P. ScoTT-MoNCRiEFF, M.A. — Some Notes on the XVIIIth 

4)ynasty Temple at Wady Haifa. {^ Flates) ... ... 39-46 

No. ccxvi. February. 

Margaret A. Murray. — St. Menas of Alexandria — 

(conti7iued) ... ... ... ... ... ... 51-60 

Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.I.E., F.R.S.., ar'c. — Some 
Unconventional Views on the Text of the Bible. VII 
— {contitiued) ... ... ... ... ... ... 61-69 

F. Legge.- — The Tablets of Negadah and Abydos — 

{continued). {Flaie) ... ... ... ... ... 70-73 

The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, J/.^.— The Chronology of 

Asurbanipal's Reign, b.c. 668-626. V... ... ... 74-84 

E. R. Ayrton.— The Tomb of Thyi 85,86 

P. ScOTT-MoNCRiEFF, M.A. — Note on the name Zaph- 

nath Paaneah 87,88 



No. ccxvii. March. 

Prof. A. H. Savce, D.D. — A Hittite Cuneiform Tablet 

from Northern Syria ... ... ... ... ... 91-100 

F. IvEGGE. — The Tablets of Negadah and Abydos — 

(continued). [Plate) ... ... ... ... ... 101-106 

The Rev, C. H. W. Johns, M.A.— The Babylonian 

Chronicle of the First Dynasty of Babylon ... ... 107-111 

Margaret A. Murray. — St. Menas of Alexandria — 

(continued). (5 Plates) ... ... ... ... ... 112-122 

E. J. Pilcher. — The Himyaritic Script derived from 

the Greek. (2 Plates) ... ... ... ... ... 123-132 

No. ccxviii. May. 

W. E. Crum. — Barsauma the Naked ... ... ... 135-149 

F. Legge. — The Tablets of Negadah and Abydos— 
{continued). {Plate) ... ... ... ... ... 150-154 

The Rev. W. T. Filter. — A Hammurabi Text from 

Ashshurbanipal's Library ... ... ... ... 155-164 

R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. — The Folk-lore of 

Mossoul — {contimied). {Plate)... ... ... ... 165-174 

W. L. Nash, F.S.A. — Notes on some Egyptian Antiquities. 

(2 Plates)... ... ... ... ... ... ... 175, 176 

The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A. — A Marriage Contract 

from the Chabour. {Plate) ... ... ... ... 177-184 

No. ccxix. June. 

W. E. Crum. — Barsauma the Naked — {continued). {Plate) 187-206 
Prof. A. H. Sayce, Z>.Z>.— Hittite Inscriptions : The 
Method, Verification, and Results of my Decipherment 
of them ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 207-213 

Prof. J. Lieblein. — The Exodus of the Hebrews ... 214-218 

C. Leonard WooDLEY. — Coptic Bone Figures, {t, Plates) 218-220 
L. W. King, ALA. i^^.^.— Nabu-shum-libur, king of 

Babylon ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 221 



The Rev. W. T. Filter. — A Hammurabi Text from 

Ashshurbanipal's Library — {contitizied) ... ... ... 222-231 

Prof. E. Naville. — Egyptian Writing in Foundation 

Walls and the Age of the Book of Deuteronomy ... 232-242 

F. Legge.— The Tablets of Negadah and Abydos — 

{continued). (2 Plates) ... ... ... ... ... 243-250 

No. ccxx. November. 

Prof. A. H. S.wce, D.D. — Hittite Inscriptions : The 

Method, Verification, and Results of my Decipherment 

of them — {continued) ... ... ... . ■ ... 253-259 

Prof. A. H. S.wce, D.D., and A. H. Cowley, M.A. — 

An Aramaic Papyrus of the Ptolemaic Age from Egypt. 

(2 Plates) 260-272 

The Rev. C. J. B.\ll, M.A.—K " Kassite " Text ; and 

a First Dynasty Tablet. {^Plates) 273-276 

E. R. Ayrton.— The Tomb of Thyi. {Plate) ... ' ... 277-2S1 
R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. — The Folk-lore of 

Mossoul — {contimced). {Plate)... ... ... ... 282-288 

W. E. Crum. — Hagiographica from Leipzig Manuscripts 289-296 
W. L. Nash, F.S.A. — Notes on some Egyptian Antiquities. 

IL {Plate) 297, 298 

No. ccxxL December. 

W. E. Crum. — Hagiographica from Leipzig Manuscripts 

— {continued) ... ... ... ... ... ... 301-307 

The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A. — Note on the Chronicle 

of the First Dynasty of Babylon... ... ... ... 308-310 

Jean Capart. — Some Egyptian Antiquities in the Soane 

Museum ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 31 1-3 14 

E. O. WiNSTEDT. — Some Munich Coptic Fragments. HL 315-322 
R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. — The Folklore of 

Mossoul — {continued). (2 Plates) ... ... ... 323-331 

Title Page. 




The Tablets of Negadah and Abydos (6 Z'/a/t'j) 24,72, 100, 154, 250 

St. Menas of Alexandria (8 Plates) 30, 1 2 2 

The X^TIIth Dynasty Temple at Wady Haifa (5 Plates) 40, 42, 46 

Himyaritic Script (2 Plates)... 

Folk-lore of Mossoul (4 Plates) 

Egyptian Antiquities (3 Plates) 

Marriage Contract from the Chabour 

Barsauma the Naked 

Coptic Bone Figures (3 Plates) 

An Aramaic Papyrus (2 Plates) 

A Kassite Text (2 Plates) ... 

A First Dynasty Tablet 

The Tomb of Thyi 


174, 288, 324, 326 
176, 298 


S.B.A. Proceedings, March, 1907. 


















































































































































,^. Proceedings, Marct 

4, 1907 





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I 650 B.C. 










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First Meethig, January gth, 1907. 

W. H. RYLANDS, Esq., F.S.A. {Vice-President), 


[No. ccxv.] 


The following gifts to the Library were announced, and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D. — "Aramaic Papyri discovered at 
Assuan." Edited by A. H. Sayce and A. E. Cowley. 
(Plates and Text loose in a large Portfolio.) 

From the Author, the Rev. Dr. Heyes. — "Bibel und Agypten." 

From the Author, Prof. G. V. Schiaparelli. — " Venusbeobach- 
tungen und Berechnungen." 

The Rev. A. B. Preston, Finchley Lane, Hendon, 
Mr. C. J. Fraser, Hakodate, Japan, 

were elected Members of the Society. 

The Council's Report for 1906, and the Statement of 
Receipts and Expenditure, were formally presented to the 

The following Resolutions were proposed and seconded 
and unanimously agreed to : — 

That the Council's Report and the Statement of Accounts be 
received and adopted, and be issued with the next Part of 
the Proceedings. 

That thanks be returned to the Council and Officers for their 
services during the past year. 

That the Council and Officers be re-elected for the cnsuing^ 


Jan. 9] 



COUNCIL, 1907. 

Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D., &c., &c. 

Vice- Presidents. 

The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York. 

The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of Salisbury. 

The Most Hon. the Marquess of Northampton. 

The Right Hon. the Earl of Halsbury. 

The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney. 

Walter Morrison. 

Alexander Peckover, LL.D., F.S.A. 

F. G. Hilton Price, Dir. S.A. 

W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A. 

The Right Hon. General Lord Grenfell, K.C.B., &c., &c. 

The Right Rev. S. W. Allen, D.D. (R.C. Bishop of Shrewsbury). 

Rev. J. Marshall, M.A. 

Joseph Pollard. 


Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A. 

Dr. M. Gaster. 

F. Ll. Griffith, F.S.A. 

H. R. Hall, M.A. 

Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.LE., 

F.R.S., &c. 
L. W. King, M.A. 
Rev. Aluert Lowv, LL.D., &c. 
Prof. G. Maspero. 

Claude G. Montefiore. 
Prof. E. Naville. 
Edward S. M. Perowne, F.S.A. 
Rev. W. T. Pilter. 
P. Scott-Moncrieff, B.A. 
R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. 
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D., 
F.R.S., &c. 

Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet. 

5dTr^/^;-;'— Walter L. Nash, M.R.C.S. ^Eng.), F.S.A. 

Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — F. Legge. 

Honorary Librarian— Walter L. Nash, ^LR.C.S. (Eng.), F.S.A. 


The following Paper was read : — 

Miss M. A. Murray : " St. Menas of Alexandria." 
IViih Latitern-slide Illustrations. 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 

Mr. Offord exhibited a MS. vokime, written partly in 
Hebrew and partly in Arabic, called " The writing of Joseph 
the Seer," consisting of magical formulae. 

Jan. 9] THE COUNCIL'S REPORT. [1907. 


The beginning of the Thirty-seventh Session of the Society finds us 
with a heavier death roll than usual, no fewer than thirteen Members 
having been removed by death since the Council's last Report. Among 
these may be specially mentioned Mr. John Edward Gilmore, K.C., who 
of late years was in the habit of spending the winter in Egypt, where he 
collected many fragments of Bibles and lectionaries in Coptic. Many 
of these relics of a fast vanishing literature were of considerable im- 
portance, and attention may be specially drawn to the Sahidic fragments 
published by him in the Proceedings of 1898, which include readings 
of the Pauline epistles not to be found elsewhere. We also have ta 
deplore the death of Mr. R. P. Greg, a numismatist of distinction, who 
no later than last year was a contributor to the Society's Donation Fund. 

In addition to these losses, the Council regret the resignation, from 
various causes, of five Members. This is more than compensated by the 
election of eight new ones, but the balance is against the Society, which 
now numbers 400 Members as against 410 at the presentation of the last 
Report. Although, as will be seen, this is mainly due to a greater loss by 
death than in former years, the Council cannot but view any falling off in 
our numbers with apprehension, and would call upon the Members to do all 
they can to obtain recruits. It cannot be too often impressed upon every- 
body concerned that all the services of the Society's officials are rendered 
without remuneration, and that intending Members may therefore calcu- 
late upon receiving the fullest value for their subscriptions. But the 
Society is reaching the critical period of its existence, and as all those 
who were interested in its foundation are in the course of nature passing 
away, it is only by the discovery of new Members given to the same 
studies, that its traditions can be worthily maintained. In this alone 
the Members of the Society have not, perhaps, supported the Council 
so well as they might have done, most candidates of late having been 
obtained by the officials. It needs no demonstration that if every present 
Member could induce at least one personal friend to offer himself or 
herself for election during the forthcoming year, the activity and 
usefulness of the Society would be at least doubled. 



The Society's financial position continues to improve, and the Council 
is glad to announce that they this year carry forward a sum of 
^148 i2s. \od. as against ^102 i6s ()d. brought forward last year. As 
before, this has been entirely due to the strict and rigid economy 
practised by the Secretary, Dr. Nash, to whom the warmest thanks of 
both the Council and the Members are felt to be due. In spite of frequent 
donations from authors and others, the Library requires renewing by 
the addition of several expensive works necessary to maintain its 
efficiency, and only obtainable by purchase, and the expenditure is there- 
fore likely to be increased in the near future. 

The Papers read before the Society during the last year are at least 
as valuable as in former years, and the Council would particularly draw 
attention to the fact that Profs. Lieblein (of Christiania), Loret (of Lyon), 
D. H. Miiller (of Vienna), P. Pierret and E. Revillout (of Paris) and 
Valdemar Schmidt (of Copenhagen), have during the last year contributed 
to the Proceedings. Help from foreign scholars of such reputation is, it 
is felt, the best testimony that can be aftbrded of the esteem which the 
Society enjoys on the Continent. 


By Prof. A. H. S.^vce, D.D. 

Co?itinued from '■'"Proceedings" Vol. XXVIII, p. 251.) 


A. Obv. 1-3. The restorations are from Rev. 32-35. For 4, 5 
see Rev. 7, 8, 14. 

6. For the restoration see W.A.L, V, 6, 73, which seems a 
parallel passage. 

7. "'The Grand Gate" is placed by Professor Hommel on the 
south-east side of the great court of E-Saggil, the temple of 
Merodach at Babylon ; see his plan, Grundriss der Geographic und 
Geschichte dcs alien Orients, p. 321. 

8. " The door of Istar " was probably that which led from the 
great or outer court of the temple into the second court, that of 
Istar and Zamama. 

Ales from dlii, Sumerian galla " a demon," more especially the 
demon of the south wind. 

9. Gurra, the plague-god. There is a play upon Gurra la-gamil 
and Kudiir-lakhkhamar, the name of the Elamite deity being 
derived from the Assyrian La-gamal. 

10. Dft-makh, "the supreme chamber" of Bel, was the sanctuary 
of E-Saggil. 

12. Magritiim from the same root as egirtu?n. 

13, 14. In sullah and sukhkhah the final h corresponds with the 
pausal rr of Hebrew, as in Gen. xxxix, 7. Sullah is the imperative 
of the causative oi eln. Sakkc is more usually sukkc. 

15. The "lower canal" would be the Arakhtu, in contra- 
distinction from the more northern Libil-khegal. 



17, 18. For these lines see Rev. 17 and 2. E-Sarra, "the 
House of the Host " of heaven, here evidently means E-Saggil. It 
is more usually the title of the temple of In-aristi at Nippur. 

Yurrid, literally "descended," i.e., came down from his post as 
guardian of the gate, and departed. 

20. "The Judge " must here be a title of Merodach in reference 
to \he partsi or "laws " of the preceding line. 

As in the Jewish temple, it would seem that the sanctuary was 
shut off from the eyes of the profane by a veil. 

21. Ennun-dagalla, "guard of the broad place" {natsii- 7-ibi), 
must signify Merodach. For dagalla, cp. 80-1 i-i 2, 185, 6, where 
Ammi-ditana calls himself Ijti^^^al daga[la\ mada Martu-ki "king of 
the broad region of the land of the Amorites." 

22. The use of the plural i/dni for the singular ihi is very 
interesting, as it is parallel with the Hebrew use of elo/iim. In the 
Tel el-Amarna tablets the Pharaoh is cdiWed i/ant-y a "mygod(s)," 
but this has been regarded as a Canaanitism. For "clothed with 
light " cp. Ps. civ, 2. 

24. Ukkis rama7i-sii literally "stayed himself." Nakasu is con- 
nected with uiikusu, on which see Delitzsch, IRvb., p. 466. N'akasu 
(z= 7iadi(, khalaluni, suzukhu, kabcUiifu, nnsari/m, Cuneiform Texts, 
XII, 21, 37485) seems to be a different word. 

25. The 7iisakht \% "a sacrificing priest," who took precedence 
of the libation-pourers, anointers, and other classes of priests. 

28, 29. It is not clear whether we are to translate : "[Fear not] 
to remove the crown of Merodach ; [thou shalt enter] his temple, 
thou shalt take his hand," or " [Fearest thou not] to remove the 
crown of M. ? [Wilt thou enter] his temple, wilt thou take his 
hand." To "take the hand" of Merodach was to become his 
adopted son, and thereby be acknowledged by the priesthood 
legitimate ruler of the land. It would seem that the crown of the 
god — which was a multiple tiara, hence the plural age — was taken off 
his head at the same time and placed on that of his adopted son, 
the vicegerent who governed for him on earth. 

33. In W.A.I., II, 38, 13, katil follows osipii "the prophet," and 
is given as the equivalent of a7tiil dug-gina, " the man of the strong 
voice," i.e., "a crier" or " herald." 

Napaltii)7i, literally " the widespread thing." 

34. The characters a-sib are not quite certain, but Dr. Pinches is 
probably right in seeing in «//// the Heb. 7nt^- 



Rev. I. Rabits2(, "the lier in wait," was the name of an evil 
demon called inaskim in Sumerian ; see Delitzsch, Hivb. s.v. In the 
legend of the Plague-god we read: Frg. II, Col. I, 6, 7, " [Gur]ra 
the lier-in-wait at his door {rabitsu abulli-su) in the blood of men 
and girls has set his seat." Cp. Gen. iv, 7, " If thou doest not well, 
Khidhdhath lies in wait {robeis) at the gate." Since the Lier-in-wait 
appears in the Book of Job as the Accuser, I have ventured to 
paraphrase Rabitsu in this passage by this word. The " lier-in-wait " 
of Nergal was Isum. 

Siilum idibbiib "he spoke peace," i.e., welcomed. 

5. Sama is more probably from sdtmi, "to settle," "determine," 
than from saiiu, savin, "to hear." As in the Babylonian story of 
the Deluge, or in the O.T. prophets, " unrighteousness " brings on 
the people punishment from heaven. 

Akhitum, literally " (foreign) hostility." 

6-8. Cp. 2 Sam. vi, 2. "The Lord of hosts that sitteth upon the 
cherubim " (of the ark). 

9. Dr. Pinches has pointed out that sabiiru is the equivalent of 

10. The reading and consequently the precise meaning of 
yupassidhiij) are doubtful. Perhaps we should redid yi/passiiiiu. 

14. Another yii /I nis, "he made weak," will not suit here. 

15. For nibk/ii see Layard, Cini. I/is., 39, 3, 31 ; W.A.L, I. 46, 
VI. 4; V. 60, I. 18. 

E-Anna was the temple of Anu at Erech, but here it would more 
probably denote the chapel of the god which stood in the inner court 
of E-Saggil along with that of En-lil. Rim-Sin or Eri-Aku, however, 
in one of his inscriptions, declares that Anu, En-lil and Ea had 
delivered Erech with its temple of E-Anna into his hands. 

19. "The land of Bel" or Babylonia meant originally the land 
of Bel of Nippur ; here it is Bel-Merodach of Babylon who is 
referred to. 

Ummati Afa?ida, like umman Kassi, "the horde of the Kassites." 
Delitzsch has shown that Manda is madu, and interchanges with 
viatti, "a multitude." Cp. nmman Akkade mattum, "the numerous 
host of Akkad." Hence tiviman Ma?ida is the exact correspondent 
of the Biblical Goyyim in Gen. xiv, i. 

Sumer was Southern Babylonia ; see 1. 25. 

21. Chedor-laomer, accordingly, the king of Elam, was suzerain 
of the hordes of Kurdistan, whom he summoned to join him in 



making war. as did a later king of Elam, Umman-minan, in the time 
of Sennacherii). 

22. E-Zida, the temple of Nebo at Borsippa; see 1. 30. 

24. " Him," i.e. Chedor-laomer, whose " hordes " were marshalled 
by the god. 

26. The omission of the determinative before Ibi-Tutu may be 
due to the awkwardness of writing y twice. 

Literally "to the southern Sun." 

31. Dauiinnattu is properly "darkness." 

If Meskis is the right reading, the only possible explanation is 
that suggested by Prof. Hommel, that it stands for Mas-Ki or Mas, 
the desert of northern Arabia. But I believe that we ought to read 
Si-es-ki-is, the Sheshach or Babylon of Jer. xxv, 26; li, 41, which in 
this case would not be an example of "atbash"; see C, Rev. 2. 

32. In cmakh there is a play upon the name of E-makh, the 
temple of Nin-makh or Bilat at Babylon, which has recently been 
discovered east of the Qasr and the Gate of Istar. 

4. Markas saf?ic was the name given to the temples of Nippur, 
Sippara and Larsa. Of these, the last alone agrees with what remains 
of the name of the city, . . unu-ki. Its capture must have been 
a matter of importance to the Elamites, since it became the capital 
of Eri-Aku. 

5. I connect sartavi with sartcnu, "chief justice '" ; cp. siitiwimu, 
"public granary," sattammu, "superintendent of the granary." 

6. For the restoration, see 1. 26. The "elders "are contrasted 
with the "youths" of A, Obv. ii. 

8. Yox riddi, " advice," see Jensen : Assyrisch-babylonischc MytJieti 
und Epen, p. 406. 

9. Cp. Gen. X, 10; xi, 2, where "the land of Shinar " = Kar- 

1 1. Bit Khabbixtam, " the house of robbery," seems to mean here 
" the house that has been robbed " and left desolate rather than the 
house that is occupied by "the wicked" desolator. At all events 
the parallel passage in Is. xxxiv, 14, 15 describes a place that has 
been reduced to ruins. 

12. K/iaraku,^^io strike with a pointed instrument," commonly 
used of stone-cutting, itiust here signify to "strike" or "gnash" the 
teeth. Cf. the Arabic k/iaraqa, "to tear to pieces." 

13. Inaqijar is the Arabic mi(]ara^ " to make a shrill noise." 

14. Niii-\diggana\ corresponds with the Lilith of Is. xxxiv, 14. 



15. Tsir-khussu, "the glittering serpent." It is called "the 
glittering serpent of the sea" in W.A.I. II, 19. 17 ; and in W.A.I. 
II, 24, 10, it is described as "the wicked serpent" {kJmlmittum). 
Here it is individualised as "the outlaw" or "the wicked one," 
with the determinative of " man " before khabbatum. This brings 
us near the conception of an evil being, half serpent, half man. 

16. Ni/nnu has the determinative of "wood" here; in W.A.I. 
II, 7, 27, it denotes an object made of "copper." The word 
seems to be borrowed from the Sumerian fiun, which was represented 
in the primitive picture writing of Babylonia by a tree or branch. 

20. Dhur-makh, borrowed by Semitic Babylonian under the form 
oi dhurmakJiu (W.A.I. II, 31, 13.) "the supreme bond," is given as a 
synonym of "king" in W.A.I. II, 31, 8. Perhaps the name is to 
be read as Sumerian Dhurmakh-dimmerene, but the spelling an-me 
makes this improbable. Whether we should read Sar-ilani or 
Dhurmakh-ilani is, however, doubtful. 

22, 23. In opposition to the march of the enemy, the king of 
Babylon, who has been predestined like Cyrus to overthrow the foe 
and rule over Babylonia, is called upon to "march." 

24. The death of Nergal was believed to have taken place in 
Kisleu, that of Tammuz in Tammuz (W.A.I. Ill, 55, 32, 37). 
Hence the ceremonies which were "performed" were probably of a 
funereal character. At any rate, they must have been connected 
with the winter and summer solstices on the 21st of December and 
the 2ist of June.i- 

25, 27. The identification of the word kalu (Sumerian ziirra) in 
these lines is due to Dr. Pinches. 

C. Obv. 8. That Borsippa has to be supplied here results from 
B 20; cp. A. Rev. 30. 

9. The construction of this line is furnished by Rev. 3. 

10. The reading ik-bu-(J)-si is certainly wrong; I gather from 
Dr. Pinches that the characters are not sufficiently clear to be 
determined with certainty. At the beginning of tlie line something 
like " because that " seems to be required. 

11. Dr. Pinches suggests that the name was Gazza[ni], since an 

'-It must also be remembered that the images of the goddess Gudhuna and 
her sister mi-us-sar were taken on the nth of Tammuz from E-Saggil to E-Zida, 
where they spent the night, and that on the 3rd of Kisleu the images of the 
goddesses Gumbaba and Guzal-surra were similarly taken for the night from 
E-Zida to E-Saggil (Hommel : Grundriss der Geographie, p. 337.) 



unpublished tablet connects this name with the country of Lulubi 
and "the land of Khahvan," the modern Holwan, in the part of 
the Babylonian world from which the Manda hordes came. 

12. I have suggested Sippara here, since this was the frontier- 
fortress which defended Babylon on the north, in the direction from 
which the ^landa would naturally have advanced, as Cyrus did in 
later days. The possession of Sippara and Borsippa gave the enemy 
the command of the two canals which regulated the overflow of the 
Euphrates at Babylon, and would thus have enabled them to flood 
the city. Moreover the temple of Anunit was at Sippara. In Rev. 2, 
Borsippa is conjoined with Akkad, which took its name from the 
city of Akkad, a suburb of Sippara, which Professor Hommel identifies 
with "Sippar of Anunit." If he is right, we should have to substitute 
Akkad for Sippar at the beginning of the line. 

Rev. I. Akha is mentioned in conjunction with Babylon and 
Borsippa in Reisner : Sumerische Hyijuien 28, and is the equivalent 
of the Semitic Subaru in Ctineifonn Texts, xvi, 6, 240 ; see Hommel : 
Grufidriss der Geographic utid Geschichte, p. 252. 

Mat Rabbdtum is more probably "land of the capital" than "the 
Great Land." At any rate, the next line shows that only northern 
Babylonia (Akkad) is meant. In W.A.I., II, 47, 15, Rabita, a loan 
word from the Semitic, is given as the Sumerian pronunciation of 
the ideograph of edinna ("the plain of Babylonia") in tiie sense of 
" lands " {mataii). Rabita may bear the same relation to Rabbatu 
that ibila bears to the Semitic abilu {abiu), from which it was 
borrowed by the Sumerians. 

2. See notes on A. Rev. 31, and in C. Obv. 12. 

4. Ilki from Iciki't, "to be weak," whence iaku, "a weakling." 
Dr. Pinches is doubtless right in reading here a-tiu-tit, "these," for 

5. Cp. the Creation-legend, iv, 127 : cli Hani kavmtum tsibiita-su 
yudafinin, " (Merodach) strengthened his watch over the gods (his) 

9, 10. That is, a Penitential Psalm was recited with its stock 
phrases, "may (his anger) return to its place," etc. 

Ya-nis, which may also be read i-nis{i), is explained by i-?ii-[si] 
in line 7. 

12. The last words of the text have been already explained by 
Dr. Pinches — "the sinner shall be rooted out." This is the end of 
the whole matter, the history contained in the poem of which it is 



the conclusion being an illustration of the fact. By the sinner is 
meant, of course, the enemy of Bel-Merodach and his city of 
Babylon. 1' 

All three texts belong to the same late epoch, and the echoes of 
the Cyrus texts which occur in them suggest that they were composed 
in the age which saw the extinction of Babylonian independence. 
In all three cases the same fragment of earlier Babylonian history 
was worked into them by way of parallel, illustration, warning and 
encouragement. In A we have the detailed history of the capture 
and destruction of Babylon and Borsippa by Chedor-laomer and his 
subject allies ; it is ascribed to the unrighteousness of the people 
which caused Merodach to bring evil upon his city of Babylon and 
Nebo to forsake his city of Borsippa. The lesson of the poem is 
thus similar to that inculcated by the Jewish prophets, and the moral 
intended by it was probably that as the fall of Babylon in old days 
was due to the sins of its inhabitants, so its present conquest by 
Cyrus ought to be ascribed to the same cause. In text B the history 
of Chedor-laomer and his allies is associated with the festivals of the 
two solstices and with magical ceremonies, the exact nature and 
relation of which it is impossible to discover owing to the mutilation 
of the final portion of the text. The story of disaster, however, is 
here followed by the promise of a Messiah, a king who had been 
destined to restore his people, and named lord of Babylon " from 
days everlasting." The parallelism with certain passages in the 
Old Testament prophets is striking, more especially with those in the 
Book of Isaiah, in which Cyrus is declared to have been called by 
name (xlv, 4) and destined to his office " from the beginning " (xlv, 
21 ; xlvi, 10). Similar language is used by Cyrus of himself in his 

^•'' Bel-]Merodach thus resembles (El-)EIy6n (Gen. xiv, 20) "the creator" (Hke 
Merodach), rather than "possessor" or " Bel," "of heaven and earth." In-aristi 
(Nin-ip) is called elu " the high one," but the Canaanite name is really equivalent 
to the Ass. (?7«) Tsiru " the supreme (god)," a title of Bel. Melchizedek should 
be corrected into Melech-zedek, that is to say, a name like Ammi-zaduq, which 
would have been written Malik -zadugga in Babylonian. The king of the city 
(tini) of Salem was ■3. pateSi or " high-priest " like other Babylonian governors and 
sub-kings at that period. The "tithe" (Gen. xiv, 20) was a Babylonian institution, 
and would have been paid by Abram (Abi-ramu in a contract tablet) to the god 
out of the captured spoil. The food and drink offered by the Babylonian patesi 
to Abram were a sign of submission to the conqueror. 



cylinder-inscription, 11. 12, 15: "(Merodach) appointed a prince who 
should guide aright the wish of the heart, whose hand he upholds, 
even Cyrus the king of Ansan ; he has proclaimed his name for 
sovereignty .... To the city of Babylon he summoned his march ; 
he bade him take the road to Babylon ; like a friend and a comrade 
he went at his side." 

In text C an illustration is given of the punishment of the wicked 
who have offended Bel-Merodach and done mischief to his land : 
their end is to be rooted out. All three texts belong to the same 
age and order of thought as the cylinder-inscription of Cyrus and 
the Second Isaiah. And the similarity of subject as well as of 
diction and mode of spelling makes it pretty certain that the three 
texts are all by the same author. 

It is evident that the historical events which he has thrown into 
a poetical form and invested with a didactic signification were well 
known to his fellow countrymen. Chedor-laomer, king of Elam, 
had once conquered Babylonia and sacked Babylon, and had 
eventually been murdered by his son. The son of Eri-Aku had 
assisted in the conquest : this fixes the date of the event, since Eri- 
Aku was a contemporary of Khammu-rabi. Like a later king of 
Elam in the days of Sennacherib, Chedor-laomer had collected under 
his banner the vassal hosts of the Manda, or "Nations," and with 
their help had ravaged the whole of Babylonia. The king of the 
"Nations," who served under Chedor-laomer, according to Gen. xiv, 
I, was Tid'al, a name which, as Dr. Pinches first pointed out, is 
letter for letter identical with the Tudkhula of the cuneiform texts. 
Hence in Tudkhula, the associate of Chedor-laomer and the son of 
Eri-Aku, we must see the king of the Manda. 

Now, in the great astrological work which was translated into 
Greek by Berossos, we have a passage which has hitherto been a 
puzzle, but which, I believe, the Chedor-laomer texts at last explain. 
We there read (W.A.I., III, 61, 21-2), " the Manda horde comes and 
rules the land ; the mercy-seats of the great gods are taken away : Bel 
goes to Elam. It is prophesied that after 30 years a remnant {tuktu) 
shall return ; the great gods shall go back with them."i^ 

Dr. Pinches tells me that a duplicate text (Sp. 127) gives i-\be-'\el 
for EN-^/ "he rules," omits gal-mes "great," inserts hi after illak 

" Cf. also W.A.I. , III, 56, 3, 17. For iuktii, see Proc. S.B.A., 1897, p. 75. 
Iriba tuktc in Nabonidos is "he multiplied the remnant.'' 



and ana before //// "with," and has the ideographic gur-mes for 

How the conquest of Babylon by the Manda could have caused 
the god of Babylon to be carried to Elam has hitherto been a 
mystery. But the Chedor-laomer texts solve it. The Manda were 
fighting under the command of the Elamite king ; he took "the lead 
at their side." And the astrological text tells us that the rule of the 
Manda and the Elamites in Babylonia lasted for 30 years. 

At least this is the more probable conclusion to be drawn from 
the passage. It is, of course, possible that " the return of the great 
gods" means merely a successful invasion of Elam by the Baby- 
lonians and the recovery of the images of their divinities. But 
though the recovery of a single image was no unheard-of event, the 
recovery of several images was a different matter, and such an 
interpretation of the text does not harmonise well with the statement 
that the Manda "rule the land." It is more natural to conclude 
that the subjection of Babylon to Elam, the suzerain of the Manda, 
is intended, just as the seventy years of Jeremiah's prophecy (xxv, 
II, 12) represented seventy years of subjection to Babylon. 

Eri-Aku was the contemporary of Khammu-rabi, and the datings 
of Khammu-rabi's reign inform us when the subjection of Babylon 
to Elam came to an end. In the thirtieth year of Khammu-rabi 
" the forces of Elam " were overthrown ; in the following year, " the 
land of Emutbal and its king Eri-Aku " or " Rim-Sin " were " cap- 
tured," and in the thirty-second year of the king "the forces of the 
Ma[nda] " were driven out of the country, and Khammu-rabi ruled 
over a free and united Babylonia. Counting back thirty years from 
the defeat of the Elamites, we arrive at Khammu-rabi's first year. 

When we compare the datings of the last few years of the reign 
of his father Sin-muballidh and those of the earlier part of his own 
reign, we find a remarkable difference between them. The last 
eleven years of Sin-muballidh were characterised by the construction 
of fortresses all over the country, at Muru, at Marad, at Dilbat and 
elsewhere. All this comes suddenly to an end with his death, and 
in the first two years of Khammu-rabi there was not even the 
presentation of a gift to a temple to record, while in his eighteenth 
year came the restoration of "the sanctuary of Bel-Merodach." The 
long reign of Khammu-rabi makes it probable that he was very 
young when he ascended the throne, and we may therefore con- 
jecture that Sin-muballidh after preparing for an attack from the 



east was defeated and dethroned or killed by Elamite invaders, and 
that his young son was placed on the throne in his stead as the 
vassal of the Elamite king. 

^^'ho this Elamite king was has now been made known to us by 
the tablets discovered by Dr. Pinches. He was Kudur-LakhkhaTnar 
or Chedor-laomer, who led against Babylonia his subject-allies, 
Tudghula (Tudkhula) or Tid'al, king of the Manda — the " Nations " — 
and Sar-ilani, the son of Eri-Aku or Arioch. Since Eri-Aku was still 
king of Emutbal 30 years later his son Sar-ilani would have been 
acting for him as commander of his forces, just as Belshazzar did in 
after-days in place of his father Nabonidos. It is noticeable that 
Sar-ilani is called, not the son of a king like Chedor-laomer, but the 
son of the daughter of a king, by whom the king of Elam (the father 
of Chedor-laomer) appears to be meant. 

Eri-Aku was the son of Kudur-Mabug, prince of Emutbal, who 
would thus have been the brother-in-law of Chedor-laomer. Eri-Aku 
became king of Larsa during his father's life-time, as we learn from 
his inscriptions, and since the loss of the Elamite frontier-province 
of Emutbal was the first result of the overthrow of the Elamite 
supremacy in Babylonia, we may conclude that he had been given the 
kingdom of southern Babylonia by Chedor-laomer after its conquest 
by the latter. Ur also formed part of his dominions ; perhaps it 
had been captured in the fourteenth year of Sin-muballidh when 
"the troops of Ur were [slain] with the sword." Eri-Aku assumes 
in his inscriptions the title of king, not only of Sumer or southern 
Babylonia, but also of Akkad or northern Babylonia; the explanation 
of this is to be found in the Spartali tablets, which describe his son 
Sar-ilani as conquering Borsippa and Babylon. 

The official records of Babylon entitle Eri-Aku "king" of 
Emutbal under his Semitised name of Rim-Sin ; in his own texts he 
more correctlyicalls his father Kudur-Mabug, adda "the father" or 
"prince" of Emutbal, the actual king being the king of Elam. 
The precise signification of the title " father " is unknown to me ; it 
may be an Elamitism, or, in view of such Biblical expressions as 
"father of Gilead," "father of Gibea" (i Chr. ii, 21, 49), it may be 
a Semilism, though the fact that Eri-Aku adopted a Suinerian rather 
than a Semitic name is against this, as it shows that the majority of 
his subjects in southern Babylonia still spoke Sumerian. Kudur- 
:Mabug had been not only " father of Emutbal " but also " father of 
the land of the Amorites." Since Khammu-rabi appears as " king 



:)f the land of the Amorites " — i.e., Syria and Palestine — after the 
overthrow of the Elamite supremacy, it would seem that the Elamite 
monarch had claimed this portion of the inheritance of the Babylonian 
empire after Tiis conquest of the Babylonians, and had made the 
prince of Emutbal his representative in the West. 

Prof. Schrader was the first to show that Khammu-rabi was the 
Amraphel of the Old Testament, and Dr. Pinches' discovery of the 
Assyrian form of the name Ammu-rapi, has cleared away the 
difficulties connected with the Hebrew spelling of it. This Assyrian 
form, however, occurs in a letter written from Babylon in the reign 
of Assur-bani-pal, and therefore represents the current Babylonian 
pronunciation of a late date. The spelling of the names Kudur- 
Lakhkhamar, Tudkhula and Eri-(e)kua, or Eri-Aeku, in the Spartali 
tablets points to an equally late, if not later, period. The spelling 
Kudur-Lakhkhamar instead of Lagamar is reproduced in the Biblical 
Chedor-laomer, while the Biblical Arioch may be a metathesis of 
Eri-(e)kua (13''"lt^), just as Ellasar is of al-Larsa, " the city of 
Larsa." This would go to show that the narrative in Genesis xiv was 
copied from cuneiform tablets at a time when the names of Chedor- 
laomer and his allies in their popular forms had already made their 
way into literature. That the tablets were of Babylonian origin is 
proved by the fact that, although Chedor-laomer was suzerain and 
leader of the expedition into Canaan, the history of it is dated in the 
reign of the vassal king of Babylon. If Prof. Hommel is right in 
thinking that the final -/ of the Hebrew Amraphel is due to a 
misreading of the character l>i Jl^^^y, which had also the value of 
pil, we might see in the narrative the translation of a cuneiform text, 
but it is possible that Dr. Lindl is more correct in regarding it as ilu, 
" god," a title which was applied to Khammu-rabi both by himself 
and by his subjects. 




By F, Legge. 

{Continued from Vol. XXVI J J, p. 263.) 

The Abydos Tablets. 

The rest of the tablets discussed in this Paper were all discovered 
at Abydos in the course of the excavations begun by H. Amelineau 
in 1895-8, and continued by Prof. Petrie in 1900-3. As it is now 
announced that further excavations on this site have been entrusted 
to Dr. Naville and Mr. Garstang, and it is possible that other objects 
of the same kind may yet be discovered there, it seems more con- 
venient to number consecutively those already published, and to 
treat the Negadah tablet as the first of the series. I shall therefore 
refer to this hereafter as No. i. For greater convenience of reference, 
I will also take the Abydos tablets in the order of kings' names set 
forth by Prof. Petrie in Royal Tombs, although I have before stated 
in the Proceedings^'^ that this order is founded on assumptions which 
do not seem to me to be justified by the facts at our disposal. 

No. 2. 

{See Plate.) 

This, like No. i, was made for the king whose hawk-name was 
Aha, and is of ebony, having been found by Prof. Petrie in one of 
the smaller tombs at Aby4os. It is in fairly perfect condition, none 
of the signs being so far erased as to leave us in much doubt as to 
their identity. A small piece is broken off the top, but the missing 

' P.S.B.A., XXVI (1904) pp. 125 et seq. and XXVIII (1906) pp. 14 et seq. 



part can be supplied by No. 3, which evidently represents the same 
design so far as the top register is concerned. If my reading of 
No. I be correct, and that tablet was made after the death of " the 
Horus Aha/' this may be of the same date. It is divided into 
four registers, which we will take in their order. 

The first register contains, immediately following the hole made 
for suspension, an object which appears to be a duplicated version 
of the ship with high prow, stern, and deckhouse, represented on' 
Tablet No. i.^ If these two ships are intended to be represented' 
side by side, as seems likely, they violate the convention of later 
Egyptian perspective, according to which the remoter object appeared 
above the nearer. Underneath them is shown a long bar of what 
appears to be a representation of water {cf. its appearance under 
the ships on the third register), above which rises, at the sinister 
extremity, a building. This building is, according to Dr. Sethe,'^ the 

prototype of the palace sign H , and is followed by the standard 

with two arrows crossed on a buckler, which is the emblem of 
the goddess Neith. At the other extremity of the bar rises two 
triangular flags facing each other, while following the bar comes 

a sign z , which in later times was written y- Then comes the 

skin of a four-footed beast dangling from a pole, followed by what 

appears to be the prototype of the sign H, which is in its turn 

followed by the srekh or hawk-crowned rectangle bearing the mace 
and buckler which give us the name Aha. Prof. Petrie ■* describes 
this register briefly as containing "after" — he means before — "the 
name of Aha, with the title ' born of Amiut ' . . . two sacred barks, 
and a shrine and temenos of Neit." Dr. Naville,^ writing the year 
after the publication of the tablet, adopts the same explanation, pointing 
out that on the Palermo stone there are also many examples of the sign 

n followed by the representation of a god being used to denote 

birth, and also that it contains in one compartment a ram walking 

between the palace sign S on the one hand, and the two triangular 

and opposing flags on the other. This last group he interprets as. 

- R.T., II, p. 21. 

' Beitrdge ziir dltesten Geschichte Agyptens (Berlin, 1903), p. 62. 
* R.T., II, iibi cit. s Rec. de Trav., XXIV (1902), p. 120.. 

19 B 2 


recording the foundation of Suten-henen or Heracleopolis, from which 
he argues that our tablet must Hkewise record the foundation of " un 
sanctuaire a Neith." He further assumes that the sign [U together 

with the skin on a pole means " ki naissance d'Amut, Hh^L une 

des formes d'Anubis." In both these conclusions he is followed by 
Dr. Sethe,^ writing a year later ; but although I am conscious of m)- 
temerity in thus disputing the decision of two such profound philo- 
logists, I venture to think the passage is open to a different 
construction for the following reasons : — 

In the first place, the reading of the first register proposed by 
Prof. Petrie does not account for the two boats with which the 
tablet begins. In calling these " two sacred barks," Prof. Petrie, 

no doubt, had in his mind the two barks 

Madif, and I V\ O^l^; Samk-tit, which formed the 

morning and evening chariots of the Sun. But if there is one thing 
here more noticeable than another, it is the complete absence of any 
reference to solar worship in these early tablets, which were evident!)" 
made before the religion of Ra was introduced into Egypt. Nor 
do the two boats of the first register contain any of the equip- 
ment such as the two hawks and the n found in the solar barks, 

while they do present all the characteristics of the boat in which the 
dead Egyptian was supposed to be conveyed to his tomb, as in the 
Anastasi Papyrus, where it is said, " Thou mountest into thy bark 
of cedar wood, with high prow and stern." That these were generally 
two in number, one being for the mummy and the other for the 
mourners, appears from many texts,^ and I therefore suggest that the 
two boats here shown are the funeral ones. I am willing to accept 
the group underneath them as depicting the temple or enclosure of 
Neith, but it does not seem to me that the two signs which follow 
should be read as Mest Amut, or "the'birth of Amut." A skin on 
a pole formed a regular part of the funeral furniture of the Egyptians, 
and M. Lefebure showed us nearly fourteen years ago'' that the 

" Beitrdge, ubi cit. '' Maspero, Etudes ^gyptiennes, t. I, p. 83. 

8 Cf. Lefebure, P.S.B.A., XV (1898), pp. 434 el seq. 
' Ibid. , pp. 44 1 et seq. 



custom in early times of wrapping the dead in the skin of the 

sacrifice was so invariable, that the word (Tj ' U i^ iiiesek had 

nearly the same significance as our expressions "shroud," or " grave." 
Especially was it associated with funerary buildings, or, to use his own 
words, " Le temple, qui a en Egypte un caractere funebre et infernal 

si marque, fut a son tour assimile a la peau, (T| H (Brugsch, 

A.Z., 1875, p. 122), et la peau resta pour les hommes ce qu'elle etait 
pour les dieux, c'est-a-dire un embleme de I'enfer, ou, plus exactement, 
de I'entree de I'enfer " ; and he gives many instances confirmatory 

of this from the Pyramid Texts.^" That the sign v\ which follows 

this is an abbreviation of the word 7itesek, or, to put it another way, 
is a legend descriptive of the object preceding it, seems to me to be 
entirely in accordance with the practice of these early texts. On the 
whole, then, I would read the first register as meaning: "On the 
foundation of the temple to Neith, at the funeral ceremonies of the 
Horus Aha." 

The second register depicts a scene which should be tolerably 
familiar to us. It is inscribed /ioy<T-/3o0j/ooV, or the reverse way to 
the foregoing, and opens with what Prof. Petrie^i describes as "a 
man making an offering, with two signs above, possibly uddu 'alone.'" 
There follows a bull, drawn with great spirit and accuracy, running 
apparently at high .speed over broken ground, and having before him 
a peculiar hemispherical object which Prof. Petrie thinks is "a net 
on two poles " and compares to that shown on one of the Vaphio 
gold cups. Behind the bull is seen a building raised above a bar of 
the chequered water sign and surmounted by a long-legged bird. 
There can, I think, be little doubt that we here have a representation 
of the "Course d'Apis" which we see later as a frequent episode in 
the ceremonies attending the foundation of a temple, but which 
probably has nothing to do with Apis. The king, here represented 
as a bull, as in the great slate of Hierakonpolis,^^ i^ pacing out the 

'" Cf. also Naville, Festival Hall of Osorkon, PL i, i, and viii, 26, where a 
.skin on a pole is said to be the symbol of Osiris. In the alternative, therefore, it 
might be argued that in the tablets in question the same emblem means merely 
" the Osiris Aha." 

" R.T., II, ubicit. 

'■^ P.S.B.A., XXIII (1901), PI. i, obv. 



ground that is going to be assigned to the temple or, as Muham- 
medans say, made wakf. The object in front of him is not a net 
but, as Mr. Griffith suggests in his invaluable Hieroglyphs (p. 64), 
the representation of a stadiuni or racecourse, that is to say of the 
path traversed by the bull. "As much ground as the hawk can fly 
over " was, according to tradition, the form of a grant to at least one 
noble Scottish family, and it is possible that the old measure of land 
by "bull's hides " contains a reference to a similar standard. The 
equation of the king with the bull is made more plain by a represen- 
tation of the foundation ceremonies in Lepsius' Denkmiiler^'^ where 
the king and a bull are seen making the " course " side by side. 
The bird on the building I take to be not a stork, as stated by 
Prof. Petrie, but an ibis, the emblem of I'hoth ; its appearance in 
that position denoting that the course of the bull stretched in one or 
perhaps in all directions from the shrine of Thoth. No doubt the 
situation of all these temples was too well known to the priests who 
engraved the tablet to make any more particular description neces- 
sary. The figure in front of the bull, I suggest, is, in like manner, 
not " a man making an offering," but the king scattering sand from a 
winnowing-fan in order to mark the path traced out by the bull. 

The signs above him I should be inclined to read J, l^C or sute?i 

bat, a variant of the expression siiten seshf, which I have described in 
the first part of this paper as a rubric denoting that this part of the 
ceremony had to be performed by " the king himself." It is possible 
that the signs underneath the winnowing-fan, of which Prof. Petrie 
offers no explanation, are numerals denoting the number of times the 
bull's journey was made, and the half-erased circular 1 sign may be 
a primitive form of the place sign © which afterwards became the 
determinative of an inhabited region.^ ^ 

The third register shows a procession of three boats — evidently 
not funereal barks but barges, proceeding from a city, bearing the 
same bird that we have just seen in the second register, and which 
may be Hermopolis, the city of Thoth. One of them seems to 
journey towards another city denoted by the nome sign IHH , which 

'•' See the reproduction in Moret, R.P., p. 140, and fig. 35. 
'^ So Griffith, Hic7-oglyphsy p. 34. The likeness of the whole group to the 
with which the name of Thoth is written is noteworthy. 



Prof. Petrie would read as the door g, and what appears to be the 
fpTinT] lake or pool of water. Does this refer to the Fayoum ? The 
other two are journeying past two islands < 1 which, contrary to 
custom, have the serrated edges of a city cartouche, and the hoe- 
sign ■'■=:3L mt'r in front of them. Does the whole register suggest 
that the king's benefactions to the temple were brought in barges 
from the city of Thoth ? I am unable to suggest any other 

The last register contains, as did that in Tablet No. i, a 
horizontal line of hieroglyphs. This, which I shall in future refer 
to as "the formula," has been somewhat damaged, but there can be 
little doubt that it should read thus : 


This is the way in which Prof. Petrie transcribes it, with the 
exception of the hawk, for which he substitutes a nondescript 
sign. By comparing it with the other examples of the formula, 
however, the presence of the hawk here seems demanded, and 
may well have been on the original tablet. The sign which I have 
transcribed "^ seems to me to be the usual determinative of 

The meaning of this would be fairly plain were it not for the 
interpolation, as the second sign, of the water-pot, surcharged as it 
were with the city-sign © . The only explanation of this that I 
can suggest — though I do it with little confidence — is that the Q is 
here used by a sort of acrophony for the name of the goddess Neith, 
and that the addition of the city-sign gives the group the meaning of 

^'the city of Neith." The succeeding group ^^^^s=3^ (the ^^. 

having evidently got out of place) should mean, as in No. i, "the 

Horus gave to the temple," while the may be read as before, 

^'a hundred measures of wood." As for those that follow, they 
seem to denote vegetables, meat, loaves, and jars of wine respec- 
tively. The whole formula would therefore read "At the founda- 
tion of the City of Neith (?) the Horus gave to the temple a 
hundred measures of wood, vegetables, meat, loaves, and jars of 


No. 3. 

{See Plate.) 

This was discovered on the same site and at the same time as 
No. 2, of which it was probably when perfect, a complete copy, 
with the exception of the formula. This last reads : 

-^^\^ ^^^ 

The remainder of the formula being broken away. It will be 
noticed that the only omission that can be established is that of 
the vase immediately following the first sign, while the numeral sign 
under the ^<^-^ khet is triplicated. The variation is a fairly strong 
confirmation of the view that it is really measures of some kind that 
are here referred to. 

{To be continued.^ 

P)OC. Soc. Bibl. A nil., Jan., 1907. 

•»«— r .,, . ..,1 ? J — ^i ,v „,' ,> J ,aLa -tl_' '' .UASf^^^m 

> -1^ 

Im^St imf ' mm in iff ^^"^ —^ 

W J 

No. 2. 

From Koynl Toiiihs, II, I'l. iiiA, fig. 5. 


»- ''•*fcm iii & g t::- "W W^ ^ . .», 

No. 3. 

From Koyal 'J oiiibx, II, I'l. iiiA, fig. 6. 

Jan. 9] ST. MENAS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1907. 

By Margaret A. Murray. 

There are two martyrs of this name, St. Menas of Alexandria and 
St. Menas Bishop of Athens. They are often confused together in 
the medieval Synaxaria, and incidents from the martyrdom of one 
have been placed in the history of the other ; but Garucci ^ and 
Neroutsos - have pointed out, and conclusively proved, that Menas, 
the Egyptian saint, was a Roman soldier, martyred at Alexandria 
and buried in that city, while Menas the Bishop of Athens was put 
to death at Kotyaeion in Phrygia Salutaria, and his remains were 
afterwards removed to Constantinople, where several churches were 
dedicated to him. The Greek Church honours both martyrs : Menas 
of Alexandria on Nov. nth, Menas of Athens on Dec. loth. 

It is to the Egyptian saint only that this Paper refers. 

Until the 7th century, St. Menas was not merely the most 
popular saint in his native country, but his cult spread beyond the 
narrow bounds of Egypt along the shores of the Mediterranean, 
penetrating as far west as Arles,'^ as far north as Cologne,^ and 
obtaining recognition even in Rome where, in a church dedicated to 
St. Menas, Gregory the Great preached one of his homilies.^' 

The reason for this wide-spread cult is not difficult to find. His 
martyrdom was cruel,^ but not more so than that of many other 
Christians whose histories are preserved in the Martyrologies, and 
his rank and position were not so distinguished as to make his death 
an important event in local history. It is evidently to the miraculous 
cures effected at his tomb that he owes his fame ; and if, as I have 

^ Archaeologia, XLTV, p. 325. * Bull de Vinst. cg.^ 1874-75, p. 187. 

3 DE Rossi, Bull, di arch, crist., 1869, pp. 20, 31. MiCHON, Bull, dc la soc, 
nat. des Aniiquatrcs de France, 1897, p. 297, note I. 

^ Jahrb. des Fcreliis von Altertumsfreiinde d. Rhcinldnder, LXTX, p. 58^ 
Taf. Ill, 4. 

^ Archaeologia, XLIV, p. 322. 

® Propylaeuni ad Acta Sanctorum, NovemLris. And a curious reference to the 
martyrdom of the saint in Siberus' Martyrologiuiii Metricuin Eccl. Graeciy 
p- 371 '• " Quae gignit in Aegyptus, profecto magna sunt, 

Dissectus ilhid, O Menas, jam comprobus." 



pointed out below, the cures were effected as much by natural means 
as by faith, it is easy to understand why pilgrims flocked to his 

St. Menas ' was the son of Eudoxius, a native of Nakius, and governor 
of a Roman province in Africa. The birth of the saint was miracu- 
lously announced to the mother, when praying one day for a child 
before a picture of the Virgin ; at the end of her prayer, a voice from 
the picture said " Amin " ; therefore when the child was born he was 
called " Mina," as being the same word uttered by the picture. In 
course of time he entered the Roman army in one of the auxiliary 
regiments called the Rutilian Band under the command of 
Arguriskos ; the taxiarch of the division in which the saint served 
being named Phirmilianos. After the death of his parents he suc- 
ceeded to his father's position as mihtary governor, and it was at this 
time, during the Diocletian persecution, that the celebrated Vision 
•of St. Menas occurred. He was in the wilderness praying and fasting 
when he saw heaven open and martyrs wearing beautiful crowns ; a 
voice said to him, "Whosoever bears suffering for the Name of 
Christ shall receive a crown like these." Thereupon he returned to 
Alexandria and " confessed Christ." The prefect Pyrrhus^ (according 
to another account, Maximian) tried both bribery and torture to 
shake his faith, but the saint remained firm ; finally his sufferings 
were ended by the sword. His fellow Christians took the body and 
buried it. The first miracle performed by the martyr's body was 
when the troops of Pentapolis took it with them to protect them on 
their journey to and from Alexandria. ^Vhile they were on the sea, 
two monsters with necks like camels came out of the water and 
began to lick the body, but fire came out of the body, which burnt 
the monsters and drove them away. On the return of the troops 
they put the body of the saint on a camel, but when the animal 
reached a certain spot it refused to go further ; another camel was 
tried, with the same result. Therefore the body was buried there. 
According to the most complete account, the place of burial was 
entirely forgotten, and was miraculously discovered by a shepherd 
who observed that his sick sheep were cured by rolling in the earth 
and water at that place. He applied the same remedies not only to 
sheep but to human beings, and his fame as a healer spread so far 

"• WuSTENFELD, .S>«axrt;7//w, Ilatur 15th. Prcpylscuni ad Acta Sanctorein, 

^ Pleyte, MSS. copies dc Leidc, p. 282. 


Jan. 9] ST. MENAS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1907. 

that the daughter of the Emperor of Constantinople came to him to 
be healed of leprosy. The saint appeared in a vision to the princess 
telling her where to find his body ; and, in gratitude for her restora- 
tion to health, the Emperor built a church over the remains. 

It is very evident from the legend that the miraculous cures 
•wrought by the saint's body were the cause of his fame, and that 
without such aid St. Menas would have remained merely one of the 
■obscure martyrs who perished in the Diocletian persecution. Gener- 
ally, saints of healing could only effect cures at their own shrines, 
and the sick, after a painful pilgrimage, touched the sacred body, or 
even the shrine which contained the body, and were thus healed of 
their diseases. But there is no record of this in the church of 
:St. Menas ; on the contrary, this saint appears to be an exception 
to the rule, and cures were effected at a distance by water from the 
holy well at his shrine. This appears to be the reason for the 
wide-spread cult of St, Menas, whose festival is kept, even now, 
in the Greek and Coptic Churches. 

The period in which his cult was most flourishing appears to 
have been from the 5th to the 7th century, perhaps even earlier. 
The Arab conquest in the 7th century put Egypt under the dominion 
of rulers of an alien faith ; persecutions ensued, and foreign pilgrims 
therefore came no more ; churches were heavily taxed, and the 
priests found it impossible to keep up the glory of the shrines ; with 
a strongly-proselytizing government "the love of many waxed cold" 
towards the older religion, and gifts to the churches became fewer ; 
finally, when the Christians were completely subdued and made to 
realise their subordinate position, outbreaks of fanatical fury on the 
part of the rulers or of the Mahomedan mob resulted in the wholesale 
•destruction of many churches, that of St. Menas among the number. 

But under Christian rule the fame of St. Menas was very great. 
Many miracles were worked by him, and he could even restore the 
dead to life. Surius^ gives many examples of his power collected 
from ancient MSS. ; among others he relates how an innkeeper 
(presumably at Alexandria) killed one of his guests. St. Menas 
appeared to the innkeeper in the guise of a soldier and found the 
body, whereupon the murderer confessed his crime, and as a reward 
for his repentance the saint restored the dead man to life. Again : 
a woman took all her goods to make an offering to St. Menas in 
order to obtain a child ; on her way she was attacked, but she called 

" SuRius, Dc Prob. Sand. Hist., VI, 250. 



upon the saint, who appeared and saved her, and the robber, surprised 
at her miraculous rescue, was converted to Christianity. 

The popularity of the saint was so great that impostors apj)ear to 
have traded upon his name. An instance of this is mentioned among 
the miracles of St. Agathon the Stylite,^" when a woman, declaring 
herself to be acting under the direct commands of St. Menas, caused 
a well to be dug, and those that bathed in it were cured of their 
diseases. St. Agathon promptly stopped this unauthorised working 
of miracles by saying that the woman was possessed of an evil spirit 
and by praying over her until the devil was cast out ; he then ordered 
the well to be filled up. 

The camels, which appear in all the representations of the saint^ 
are not accounted for in the legends. In one,^^ monsters with necks 
like camels come out of the sea and are punished for their temerity 
in touching the body of the saint. Later on in the story, camels 
refuse to bear the martyr's body from the place where God intended 
that it should rest. But another legend^- states that the martyr 
before his death told his friends to lay his corpse upon a camel and 
to let the animal wander where it would, and that where it stopped 
there they were to bury his body. These legends appear to me to be 
a later invention e\olved when the real meaning of the animals was 
lost ; for when we turn to historical sources, or examine the legends- 
critically, we find that the camels are not accounted for. It was the 
custom for the early Christians to bury martyrs beside their birth- 
places, and that St. Menas was no exception to the rule is proved by 
the words of St. Sophronius : i- " You all know the martyrium who 
also know the cottage which belonged to the martyr and which is 
near it." Garucci^'^ points out that this cottage is represented on 
the ivory pyxis, now in the British Museum, which shows the shrine 
of St. Menas (PI. II, figs. 3, 4). There was, then, no need for a 
miraculous camel to indicate the spot where the saint should be buried, 
as this was already decided on. In Wustenfei.d's Syiiaxarium the 
camels are brought in only for the second burial ; the saint's body 
having already been buried once, and then exhumed to protect the 
troops on their journey. The ".sea" of that legend is probably Lake 
Mareotis, which the troops crossed as being the quickest way to 

^o Basset, Synaxaire Arabc. Pair. Orient., I- I, P- 323. 
" WusTEN'KELD, Syiiaxaritiiii. 

'- TiLi.EMONT, Mem. pour sevTir a Phist. cccl^s., t. V, p. 758. 
^•' (Jakucci, Archaeohsiia, XLIV. 

Jan. 9] ST. MENAS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1907. 

Alexandria, but the distance from Alexandria to the church of 
St. Menas, where the body finally rested and where the cottage of 
the martyr still stood, was probably fifteen miles, and therefore they 
must have brought it back either by water on a boat or by land on 
■camels. In the former case, camels would not be required ; in the 
latter, the animals would have a long journey, and that they should 
refuse to go any further can scarcely be called a miraculous event. 
This legend of camels is not confined to St. Menas alone. The 
bodies of the martyrs Abirou and Atoum were also laid upon camels, 
which refused to move on arriving at the spot destined for the shrine 
■erected to the martyrs' memory. ^^ 

Several Egyptologists^^^ have tried to prove that the representations 
of St. Menas are a Christian form of the ancient Egyptian god Horus 
the child (Harpocrates) standing on crocodiles. The tablets on 
which the figures of this god occur are usually called Cippi of Horus, 
the Metternich Stele being the best example. The god is represented 
as a naked boy wearing the lock of youth ; he treads upon two or 
more crocodiles, and holds by their tails in his hands lions, gazelles, 
scorpions and snakes. Above his head appear the hideous features 
■of the god Bes. The inscriptions show that the tablet provides 
magical protection against the bites and stings of all noxious animals, 
perhaps indicating thereby diseases of all sorts. That the Menas- 
bottles were also used for curing diseases is true, both god and saint 
being celebrated for their healing powers. But Birch, Wiedemann, 
and Neroutsos found their contention on the resemblance between 
the figures of Horus and St. Menas, a resemblance more apparent 
than real. In both cases the figure is of a youth standing with 
■outstretched arms, and in both cases animals hang on each side of 
him with their heads down. But here the resemblance, such as it is, 
■ceases. In comparing the two, it is evident that we must take into 
account the space which the artist was required to fill. In the cippi, 
this space was rectangular and the artist was therefore unhampered, 
and could represent the animals in whatever position he preferred ; 
therefore when he represented them head downwards he did so 
purposely. But with the flasks, the case is completely altered. 
There the space is circular, the central figure taking up so much 
room that it was impossible for the artist to squeeze in the camels 

'■* Amelineau, Actes des Martyrs, p. 115. 

i» Wiedemann, 6<= Congres des Orient., 1883, p. 162. Neroutsos, Anciennc 
Alexandrie, p. 48. Birch, Arch. Zeitnng, 1852, p. 223. 



in their proper position, i.e.^ kneeling with their heads up ; he there- 
fore represented them kneehng, but was obHged, by the exigencies 
of the space at his disposal, to make them apparently hang head 
downwards ; his only course if he wished to represent them with 
their heads up being to turn them the other way round, with their 
backs to the saint. But that the intention was to represent the 
camels kneeling with their heads up is shown when an artist was not 
cramped and hampered by the circular space required to be filled, 
as in the ivory pyxis of the British Museum, which is contemporary 
with the bottles, or the ivory tablet at Milan which, although rather 
later, still carries on the traditional representation (PL III). In 
these ivory carvings, the attitude of the saint is that in which all 
departed Christians are represented in early times, the attitude of 
prayer, and is not necessarily Egyptian. The figures on which 
Neroutsos largely depends for the proof of his theory are of a 
beardless Christ standing on a crocodile and a lion, while a snake 
and an ichneumon hang head downwards, one on each side. But 
there are two reasons against these representations being a link 
between St. Menas and Horus on the crocodiles : first, they are of 
later date than the Menas-bottles ; and, second, the attitude of the 
figure is not that of either the saint or the god. The whole picture is 
so evidently an illustration of the text in the Psalms, " Thou shalt go 
upon the lion and the adder, the young lion and the dragon shalt 
thou tread under thy feet," that it is straining the facts to attempt to 
force a connection between these figures and the representations of 
St. Menas or of Horus on the crocodiles. Unless a succession of 
figures are found in the prescribed attitude, and of a date between 
the 2nd and the 5th centuries, and showing the transition from the 
pagan god to the Christian saint — the elimination of the head of Bes, 
the change in the form of the animals, the introduction of the 
Roman costume, the disappearance of the hieroglyphic inscriptions,, 
etc. — we must abandon this fascinating theory, and be content to 
accept the facts as they appear on the surface. The sudden rise ta 
fame of a saint and the oblivion which afterwards overtakes him, 
leaving nothing but the memory of his name and a faint tradition of 
his greatness, is not unprecedented in the annals of Christian history^ 
witness St. Alban, Our Lady of Walsingham, and even so recent and 
historical a personage as St. Thomas a Becket. 

(To be continued.) 


Proc. Soc. P'ihl. .lr,Ii.,Jaii., 1907. 

Fig. I. 

The Emperor viewing the Martyrdom of St. Menas. 

•4^^ J^^^-fS^ 


Fig. 2. 

Martyrdom of St. Menas. 


Proc. Soc. RibL Arch., Jan. ^ 1907. 

Fig-- 3- 

Figure of St. Menas in a Shrine, wilh Worshippers. 

Fig. 4. 

Figure of St. Menas in a Shrine, with Worshippers. 



Proi. Soc. Bibl. Arch. ^ Jan. ^ 1907. 





Daniel and Chronicles. 
By Sir Henry H. Howorth, K.C.I. E., F.R.S., etc. 

As is well known, the text of Daniel in the Greek Bibles is not a 
Septuagint text, but comes from Theodotion's translation. The fact 
is expressly attested by a very good witness, namely, Jerome, who in 
his preface to Daniel says : '''■ Dafiielem prophetajti juxta septnaginta 
interpretes Domini salvatoris Ecclesice non legunt ; titetites Theodotionis 
ediiione. Prcef. in Danielem ad Paulum et Eustochium " ; again, in 
his preface to Joshua, he says : " Qiiare Danielem Juxta Theodotionis 
translatioTie?n ecclesice stisceperunt," and again "illud quoque lectorem 
admoneo Danielem non juxta LXX interpretes sed juxta Theodotionem 
ecclesias legere." Again, in another work, when he is in an apologetic 
mood, he writes : " Ecclesicz juxta Theodotionem legunt Danielem. 
Ego quid peccavi si ecclesiarum judicium sequutus sum " Apol. ad 
Ruf. II. 

In complete conformity with these dicta of Jerome, the canonical 
Daniel, as it occurs in other Greek MSS., is expressly headed Kcna 
OeocoTiwva, while in Codex 2, Marchalianus, in the famous Chisian 
MS. (vide in/ra), the same text is also expressly attributed to 

It is singular, however, that Jerome, while attesting the borrowed 
character of the Greek text of Daniel, should not have made a similar 
statement about the non-Septuagint character of Chronicles — Ezra — 
Nehemiah in the then current Greek Bibles, which is now generally 
accepted, and is in fact, as we have seen in previous papers, un- 
questionable and conclusive. 

I ventured to suggest in an earlier Paper that the text of these 



three books was also ultimately derived from Theodotion's version. 
I did this on the general ground that, as stated by Jerome, Origan 
was in the habit of sophisticating the Septuagint with extracts from 
Theodotion's version ; thus, in the preface to the very books we are 
discussing, after charging Origen with ha^•ing made up an eclectic 
text, he says, " Sed quod viajoris aiidacicc est, in ediiiotie Septuaginla 
Theodotionis editionevi miscuitr I am not so sure now, however, 
that the Greek of the canonical Chronicles — Ezra — Nehemiah is 
Theodotion's. It may have come from the version Symmachus. 
This view would be supported by the extraordinary literalness and 
accuracy with which it follows the Hebrew, which was a feature of 
this translation rather than of that of Theodotion. 

While not a single reference is found in Field to any variants 
from Aquila, Theodotion, or Symmachus in the books of Ezra and 
Nehemiah, it has been said that there are some references in 
Chronicles from all of them. One of these I think it well to 
specifically point out and criticize. This professes to come from 
Theodotion, namely, a note to 2 Chronicles iv, 16, where the first 
section of the verse is quoted by Field exactly as it is found in the 
Vatican MS., in which, however, there is no note or suggestion 
as to its coming from Theodotion. It is apparently attributed to 
Theodotion by Field on the ground that one phrase in it is elsewhere 
used by Theodotion. His words are : " In textu Ed. Rom. a quo 
libri script! non discedunt, duje versiones coaluerunt, quarum priorem 
Theodotioni vindicandum esse testantur hex. ad Exod. xxxviii, 3, 
Jer. lii, 18." This is very inconclusive. The critical words in the 

Greek AIS. B are Ka\ toi".- "Trocta-TTipwi, kuI 701-9 (h'ciKi/fjnrTf/fjav, It 

is true that in Exod. xxxviii, 3, we have the words (a.o< toi\) 
(u'a\ij-77ll)av given by Field and attributed by him to Theodotion. 
This is attributed by him apparently on « /;wr/ grounds, for he gives 
no reference whatever to the text from which he derives it, and 
apparently quotes merely for illustration 4 Kings xxv, 14 and Jer. 
lii, 18, and it would seem, therefore, to be a mere conjectural guess 
of Field's. When we turn to the 4th of Kings xxv, 14, just men- 
tioned, no doubt a similar reading occurs, i.e., koi rav avdkrjTnTjpn^ 
and Codex 243 is given as the authority, but the reading is expressly 
assigned to Symmachus and not to Theodotion. 

It seems to me probable on this evidence that the reading in 
question points to Symmachus as the source and not Theodotion. This 
is in accord \s\\h pj-itna facie probability, based on the fact that not a 



single other positive and direct extract from Theodotion is known in 
either Chronicles i and 2 to sustain this hypothetical reference to 
him of a single word by Field. While Theodotion is only quoted in 
Chronicles in this doubtful instance, Symmachus and Aquila are 
quoted several times, and the former actually uses the critical word 
relied on by Field as a test of Theodotion's Greek, and thus 
strengthens the conclusion that the translation in question was that 
of Symmachus and not Theodotion's. 

This is confirmed again by another fact. While Theodotion 
follows the Septuagint except in its verbal changes and emendations, 
and in the text of Daniel contains all the so-called additions which 
are omitted in the Masoretic Bible, Symmachus and Aquila appa- 
rently follow the Masoretic text very closely and exclude them all. 

Inasmuch, again, as in the Greek text of the canonical Ezra, 
the story of Darius and the three young men is omitted, as it 
is in the Hebrew Bibles, it seems to show that that text was not 
Theodotion's, but either that of Aquila or Symmachus, and much 
more probably that of Symmachus. If this contention be sustained 
it would show that in the canonical Greek Bibles, we have, in certain 
books, the works of two later translators substituted for the Septuagint, 
namely, Theodotion in Daniel and Symmachus in Chronicles — -Ezra — 
Nehemiah. We have, indeed, no direct evidence that Theodotion 
ever translated Chronicles — Ezra — Nehemiah at all. 

Let us now return to Daniel. As we have seen, the ordinary text 
in the Greek Bibles is Theodotion's. We fortunately have the 
Septuagint version preserved, as well as that last named, in a single 
MS., in which both the Greek versions are found. This MS. is known 
as the Chisian MS., Codex 87, from the fact that it once belonged 
to Pope Alexander the Vllth, a member of the Chigi family. 

It is a cursive MS. Dr. Swete says of it, "The handwriting 
appears to belong to the Calabrian school of Greek calligraphy, and 
the date usually assigned to it is the 9th century " (Old Testament 
in Greek, III, p. 12). It may, however, as he suggests, be a century 
or two later. "The MS. contains Jeremiah, Baruch, Lamentations, 
the Epistle of Jeremiah, Ezekiel and Isaiah." In addition to these 
prophetical books, it also contains, as I have said, the Septuagint 
text of Daniel duly headed icaid tovi 6, then Hippolytus on Daniel, 
followed again by another Greek text of Daniel, which is the one 
found in all other published MSS., and headed Kara Qeo^oTiwua. 

While the Chisian MS. is the only Greek one in which the 

33 c 


Septuagint Daniel occurs, the same text in a Syriac dress is found 
in the famous Syro-Hexaplaric MS. in the Ambrosian Library, 
pubUshed in facsimile by Ceriani. At the end of this we have 
the words, '" Daniel according to the Seventy. Finished is the Book 
of Daniel the Prophet, which has been interpreted from the tradition 
of the Seventy and Two, who, in the days of Ptolemy, King of 
Egypt, before the coming of the Messiah a hundred years more or 
less, interpreted the Holy Scriptures out of the Hebrew tongue into 
Greek, in Alexandria, the great city. Now this book was interpreted 
also out of Greek into Syriac in the city of Alexandria, in the month 
KanQn Posterior, of the year nine hundred and twenty-eight of 
Alexander, Fifth Indiction " : i.e., 617 a.d, Mr. Ball adds that its 
language is an accurate rendering from the Greek, and contributes 
much to the restoration of the text. 

Dr. Gwynne further says that the result of an examination of all 
the citations of Daniel (some of them long and important passages) 
that occur in Origen's extant works, is to prove that they all agree, 
almost verbatim, with the text of Theodotion now current, and differ, 
in some instances, materially as well as verbally, from that of the 
reputed LXX, as derived from the Chisian MS. On the other hand, 
Jerome's professed citations of the Septuagint Daniel agree with the 
Chisian and Syro-Hexaplaric texts. There cannot, in fact, be any 
doubt that this last-named text was that accepted by Jerome as the 
true Septuagint of Daniel. While the language and phraseology of 
the two translations differ very greatly, they both agree in including 
the additions to Daniel, namely, Susanna, Bel and the Dragon, and 
the insertions known as the Prayer of Azarias and the Hymn of 
the Three Children, thus attesting the acceptance of these additions, 
not only by the Alexandrian Jews two centuries B.C., but also their 
acceptance by those for whom Theodotion wrote in the second 
century, a.d. This last class was obviously not the Jews but the 

These so-called additions to Daniel do not, as is well known, 
occur in the Hebrew Bibles. They were cleariy discarded by the 
Masorets, who preserved its text, and had been doubtless discarded 
from the primitive archetype which they followed, which was put 
together, as generally now held, about 135 a.d. Their omission from 
the Hebrew Bibles can, at all events, be traced back to 240 a.d., 
when Julius Africanus wrote, for he specially mentions the fact in his 
letter to Origen {vide infra). 



The question that naturally arises is as to whether the editors of 
the iNIasoretic text had any, and what, good reason for rejecting what 
their Greek-speaking countrymen had so long accepted without 
question, and included in their canon, or whether they did so, as 
they rejected certain parts of Chronicles — Ezra — Nehemiah, from 
mere exegetical fancy and caprice, and were blindly followed in doing 
so by the Reformers, who relied implicitly on what they styled the 
Hebrew Verity. 

It appears accordingly that, while the so-called additions can be 
carried back as accepted portions of the genuine Greek Daniel to 
the third or second century B.C., the evidence of their omission from 
the Masoretic text and the Greek translators who followed it cannot 
be carried back by positive evidence further than the first edition of 
that text in the second century a.d., when its archetype was published 
at Jamnia. For those (including the great bulk of German theologians 
and critics) who have treated the Hebrew Old Testament as conclu- 
sive evidence of Canonicity, and of the condition of the primitive 
text, the paradox here referred to has been very easily solved. They 
have declared that those portions of Daniel not in the Hebrew Bible 
are spurious additions and interpolations which ought never to have 
been admitted into the Canon, and they have accordingly justified 
the action of the Reformers in remitting them to the Apocrypha. To 
this view, which is largely an a priori one, and the consequence 
of a peculiar theory in regard to the Hebrew version, there are, 
as several distinguished scholars have pointed out, the gravest 

The so-called interpolations and insertions in question, if they 
were additions, and not integral parts of the text, must, it is acknow- 
ledged, have been made at least as early as the publication of the 
Septuagint, and, if not actually made, must have been countenanced 
by the Seventy. On what possible ground can such a view be 
treated as reasonable ? The Septuagint was not a document meant 
to mystify and to throw dust in the eyes of the Philistine and 
stranger, but was as much the Jewish Bible as the Masoretic Bible 
became in much later times. It was probably edited by the most 
learned and possibly devout Jews of the age, and had been merely 
translated into Greek in order to make it accessible to the Jews who 
were living in Egypt or Greece, and whose daily tongue was Greek. 
Such colonies, instead of being heterodox, have a tendency to cling to 
orthodoxy more closely than the mother community at home. That 

35 c 2 


under these conditions the translators should have conspired 
together to invent a number of folk-tales which they inserted and 
foisted among their sacred books, that this should have been 
allowed by the Jewish commonalty (rigid beyond measure in its 
clinging to tradition in such matters), and that they should not have 
been at once denounced as an abomination by the Jews of Palestine 
or Babylonia, seems to me quite incredible, and yet this is the view 
commonly maintained by those, including the Jews and the Reformers, 
who think it their duty to defend the integrity of the INIasoretic text 
as it stands, at all hazards. In support of their view they claim, in 
the first place, that there is evidence that these additions were not 
originally composed in Hebrew or some other Semitic language, but 
in Greek, and that they were incorporated as a kind of Greek 
Haggadic or Midrashic redundancies and additions by the authors 
of the Septuagint themselves. In all this they do not attempt to 
shew how any one, or how any supposed cause, was benefited or 
furthered by insertions and interpolations which have no apparent 
theological tendency ; but let us take them on their own ground. 
The earliest writer to raise the issue was Julius Africanus in his 
well-known letter to Origen, written about 240 a.d. In this letter he 
rebykes the latter for having in his controversy with Bassus quoted 
" Susanna," which he describes as spurious and a recent forgery, for 
which view he gives several reasons. Thus he urges that, when 
Susanna is condemned to die, the prophet is seized by the Spirit, and 
cries out that the sentence is unjust. Daniel, he says, never prophecies 
in this way, but by visions and dreams, and by an angel appearing to 
him. He then criticizes the way in which the guilty elders are 
detected, as being histrionic and not serious, and especially quotes 
the punning words in the Greek, which he says are quite different 
to their Hebrew synonyms. He asks how those who had lost and 
won at play, had been thrown out unburied on the streets, and had had 
their sons torn from them by eunuchs, and their daughters made con- 
cubines wht-n captives among the Chaldeans, could pass sentence on 
the wife of their king Joiakim, whom the Babylonian king had made 
partner of his own throne, and if it was some other Joiakim, one of 
the common people, how could such a captive have such a mansion 
and spacious garden ? He further declares that " Susanna " was not 
contained in the Daniel received by the Jews, and adds that while 
no other prophet was known to have quoted from another, in this 
work the words of Christ "The innocent and righteous shalt thou 



not slay " are distinctly quoted. Moreover, he says, the style ot 
" Susanna " is different to that of Daniel. 

In his answer Origen begins by pointing out the important fact 
that the book was received in the Churches. As to its not occurring 
in the Hebrew Scriptures, he refers to other considerable variations 
between the Greek copies and the Hebrew ones also countenanced 
by the Church, and occurring in other books besides Daniel, such as 
Esther and Job, Jeremiah and Exodus, etc. 

In regard to the punning words, Origen says that he had 
consulted certain Jews who did not know the Hebrew names of the 
trees upon which the puns were made, but, he adds, it was customary 
among them when they could not recall a corresponding Hebrew 
name, in such cases to have recourse to the Syriac 'word itistead of the 
Hebrew one, a remark the importance of which will be reverted to 
later. He further suggests that the translators of the Greek text 
actually copied the puns by using, if not the exact translation, at 
least analogous words, an argument which has been strongly insisted 
upon by Dr. Ball in our own time. 

Origen then goes on to say that, although the story of Susanna 
was not in the Hebrew Bibles, it was well known to the learned Jews 
whom he had consulted, and that they excluded it from their Bible, as 
they did all passages containing any scandals about the elders, rulers 
and judges, and he quotes as apposite the story told about Isaiah 
and guaranteed by the Epistle to the Hebrews (Hebrews xi, 38), but 
which was excluded from their sacred books. He further quotes 
the passage in Matthew 29-36 as referring to statements which had 
been cancelled from some other book by the Jews for the same 
reason. " We need not wonder, then," says Origen, " if this history 
of the evil desire of the licentious elders against Susanna is true, 
that it should have been removed from the Scriptures by those who 
did not want aspersions to be cast on the elders." 

In regard to the charge of the story being histrionic, Origen rebukes 
Africanus for his levity and impiety in the phrase he uses, and bids 
him test the matter by another story of a similar character in i Kings 
iii, 16-28, which he was not likely to reject although quite as 

In regard to the statements of Africanus about the Jews having lost 
and won at play and been thrown out unburied in the street, Origen 
twits his opponent with having recourse for his statements to Tobias 
and Judith, both of which books were similarly rejected by the Jews 



from their Scriptures. In regard to another argument of Africanus, he 
gives several instances to show that private Jews during the Captivity 
were rich men. As to the statement of the same critic that the 
prophets were not wont to borrow from each other, he completely 
traverses it and puts Isaiah ii, 2 in juxtaposition with Micah iv, i ; 
I Chron. xvi, 8 with part of Psalm civ, and the rest of the latter with 
Psalm xcv; Jeremiah xvii, 21-24 ^^'ith Exodus xxxv, 2, etc., etc. 

He also traverses the statement that the style of Susanna is 
different to that of the rest of Daniel. 

It seems to me that Origen has replied completely and effectively 
to every point made by Africanus, except, perhaps, his argument in 
favour of a Greek and not a Semitic original, for the so-called in- 
sertions, based on the verbal puns. This last contention continued 
to trouble the critics even in early times ; thus Jerome says in the 
Proemium to Daniel, " sed et hoc nosse debemus, inter ccetera Por- 
phyrium de Danielis libro nobis objicere : idcirco ilium apparere 
confectum, nee habere apud Hebrseos, sed Gr^eci sermonis esse 
commentum ; quia in Susanna fabula contineatur, dicente Daniele 

ad PresbyterOS 'Atto roD a^lvov a-^iaat, hul uTTo Tou irpiMoii TTiJiaai, 

quam etymologiam magis Graeco sermoni convenire quam Hebraao. 
Cui et Eusebius et Apollinarius pari sententia responderunt : Susannse 
Belisque ac draconis fabulas non contineri in Hebraico sed partem 
esse prophetas Habacuc filii Jesu de tribu Levi, sicut et nos ante 
annos plurimos, quum verteremus Danielem, has visiones obelo 
praenotavimus, significantes eas in Hebraico non haberi. Et miror 
quosdam /u/(i^<;)o//joi;s- indignari mihi, quasi ego decurtaverim librum : 
quum et Origines et Eusebius et Apollinarius aliique Ecclesiastici viri 
et Doctores Graeci^e, has, ut dixi, visiones non haberi apud Hebra^os 
fateantur." Again, when commenting on chapter xiii, verse 59, he 
says, "If this etymology does not hold good in Hebrew, the passage 
must be rejected ; but if it can be shown to belong to the Hebrew, 
then it may be received." 

{To be coniiimed.) 





\^The capital Utters in the text refer to the corresponding lettering on the Plan 

shoivn on Plate I. ) 

During the months of October and November of 1905, I was 
occupied in clearing the XVHIth dynasty temple at Wady Haifa, in 
conjunction with Mr. J. W. Crowfoot, for the Sudan Government. 
Not much with regard to this interesting httle building has yet been 
published, and I have therefore great pleasure in communicating my 
plan of it and some notes to the Society of Biblical Archceology. 

The temple is situated on the western banks of the river almost 
directly opposite the Arab village of Wady Haifa and about three 
miles above the British station of the same name. A mile to the 
south lies the opening of the Second Cataract, which stretches south- 
wards as far as the eye can reach. The temple has been known since 
the days of ChampoUion, and was explored in 1887 by Dr. Budge 
and Colonel (now General Sir) Charles Holled Smith, and later, in 
1893, by Captain Lyons, who published a small plan of it in the 
Recueil de Travaitx for 1895, to which Prof. Sayce added copies of 
most of the XlXth and XXth dynasty inscriptions and graffiti. To 
the Ancient Egyptians, the locality was known from the time of the 

Middle Empire and onwards as Buhen or Behen 1 ' '-' ® , the 

«sO AftAAAA I 

Ptolemaic Boon, and the cult of the district was that of Horus. 
The inner temple was begun by Thothmes H and continued by 
Thothmes IH, who also built the colonnade. It is of fine 
XVnith dynasty work with well-coloured reliefs. Rameses HI and 
Rameses IX also appear to have made structural additions or 



repairs. A few yards to the north-west are the remains of the 
so-called Xllth dynasty temple (as it stands it is really of XlXth 
dynasty construction) in which was found the celebrated stele of 
Senusert I. 

A glance at the plan will shew that the temple consists of a main 
building of five chambers surrounded on the north, east, and south 
sides by a colonnade containing in all eighteen circular columns. 
The four on the eastern side immediately in front of the entrance are 
of the so-called " proto-Doric " order, and the two centre ones are 
grooved for a door. In front, towards the river, is a courtyard of 
square and circular columns, the arrangement of which offers some 
curious structural anomalies ; the whole was surrounded by a brick 
wall of later date, which I rebuilt in order to keep the sand out. 
Many of the columns stand to nearly their original height, but the 
walls of the central building only remain to a height varying from 
about 7 feet to 3^ feet. Hardly any traces of either the capitals of 
the pillars or the blocks from the walls were found. 

The inner shrine or adytum (A) contains a fine relief with well- 
preserved colouring representing Thothmes II in the presence of the 
Horus of Buhen, to whom the temple is dedicated (Plate II. fig. i). 
Of the next three chambers (B, C, D), B and D contain underground 
vaults roofed over with massive flat paving-stones, which form the 
flooring of the building itself. The chamber under B is perfect, 
while that under D has entirely fallen in. The latter, however, has 
a low roof above the ground level, consisting of massive stone slabs 
(Plate II, fig. 2). It is noticeable how remarkably solid the stone- 
work is for so small a building, which suggests store-chambers of 
an edifice liable to attack in a hostile country. All traces of the 
reliefs on the outer northern wall have been removed by the action 
of wind-blown sand ; those on the eastern wall contain the legs only 
of what was probably a procession. On the southern side are 
processions of animals and tribute. 

Turning to the outer court, it will be seen that this is not entirely 
symmetrical, and seems to point to an alteration of plan. The 
circular pillars at the northern and southern angles of the inner 
colonnade each abut on to a square column (F, F), but whereas the 
one at the northern angle faces the east, that at the south faces 
towards the south. Again, the outer colonnade of the courtyard, on 
the northern and southern sides, consists of four square pillars of 
Thothmes III placed at regular distances and joined up by the 


, So£. Bibl. .In/i.. Jiu 


B. C. D. Chambers wilh underground vaiills, 

E. Outer chamber. 

F.F. Asymmetrical square column>. 

G. Shrine biiill up in iii.nkTn liiin.-s. 

H. Kamesside purlal. 

JJ, Ramesside cohmins. 

K. I'illar grooved for lintel, 

L, Late brick wall. 

M. Brick tower. 

N. Entrance to undLrgrouiid passage. 

P. Main door-way. 

R. Brick chambers. 

S. Inscription of Tholhmes III. 

T. Stone altar. 



Proc. Soc. Bibl. Air/i.,Jaii., 1907. 

< < 


D o 

< a. 



brickwork of a surrounding wall of later date. But on the eastern 
side the arrangement of the columns is not symmetrical ; there are 
only two square pillars to the south of the entrance gateway, but three 
to the north of it, which brings the entrance gateway entirely out 
of line with the entrance of the main building. Of this entrance 
doorway (P) the southern door-post is made up of blocks uniform 
with the rest of the XVIIIth dynasty work and bears the cartouches 
of Thothmes III (Plate III, fig. i). But the northern door-post has 
a number of blocks removed and others put in, besides which it is 
more massive and of a different shape. Prof. Breasted, who visited 
the temple early in 1906 after I cleared it, seems to suggest^ that 
this difference is due to the wholesale removal of blocks bearing the 
name of Hatshepset and Thothmes III by Thothmes II, and to the 
replacing of them by the latter with blocks of his own. He also 
states that in the relief scenes in the temple itself the figure and 
name of Hatshepset were invariably cut out and replaced by those of 
Thothmes II. Prof. Breasted naturally takes for granted the validity 
of his own theory, which is well known, that Thothmes II interrupted 
the co-regency of Hatshepset and Thothmes III. With the pros and 
cons of this argument I have nothing to do,~ but I must say that the 
whole time I was working in the temple I never once observed in it 
a trace of the name or figure of Hatshepset. And, even supposing 
Prof. Breasted were correct about the alteration of the blocks, it 
would be interesting to have his proof that the stones excised (as he 
thinks) bore the name and figure of Hatshepset, or indeed of 
anybody else. For masonry was often laid in peculiar ways, and 
spoilt blocks had always to be reckoned with. Nor can I agree with 
Prof. Breasted when, in order to support his theory of the second reign 
of Thothmes II, he suggests that the outer parts of the temple built 
by Thothmes III are prior in construction to the inner shrine un- 
doubtedly built by Thothmes II. The only reason I can imagine 
for Prof. Breasted's idea is that he thinks that Thothmes III was 
prior to Thothmes II. Certainly the position of the pillars in the 
courtyard point to an alteration of plan in that part of the temple, 

^ Ai)ierican Journal of Semitic Languages, " Temples of Lower Nubia," Oct., 
1906. I can but suppose the door sketched in Prof. Breasted's article but not 
specified refers to this entrance in question. I do not understand his "lintel," 
as not one lintel exists in the whole temple. 

- M. Legrain's recent discovery at Karnak of a relief representing Thothmes II 
attended by Hatshepset as his queen especially invalidates Prof. Breasted's theory. 



possibly after some interval of time, but as nearly all the pillars bear 
the name of Thothmes III, any such alteration can only have taken 
place during his reign. With regard to the eastern gateway (P), 
however, the fact that it is entirely out of line with the entrance to 
the temple itself, but in line with the small Ramesside portal (H), 
and that its northern door-post is a different shape from its XVIIIth 
dynasty fellow and partly reconstructed of coarsely-built blocks, 
points to Ramesside restoration. The two pillars in the eastern wall 
to the north are also so coarsely built as to preclude XVIIIth 
dynasty work, some of the blocks being put in upside down and 
without reference to the run of the reliefs. This would suggest that 
these also were of later construction or re-construction. In front of 
the two columns on either side of the doorway of the temple itself 
are the remains of two small pillars also of Ramesside date (J, J). 
The number of inscriptions made by officials in the reigns of Siptah, 
Rameses III, and Rameses IX,-" in addition to the fact that all the 
circular columns of the eastern colonnade bear the cartouche of 
Rameses III, proves a more or less continued occupation of the 
building during the XlXth and XXth dynasties. That there have 
been alterations of plan there is therefore no doubt, but for the 
supposed alterations of Thothmes II, I cannot see any proof as yet. 
When Prof. Breasted describes the work of his expedition I hope he 
will make clear the reasons on which he bases his supposition. 

The absence of the name of Rameses II is curious. His attention 
must have been mostly occupied by the temple of Serret* el-Gharb, 
about fourteen miles to the north of Wady Haifa, and the far 
greater operations at Abu Simbel. 

Two other points are noticeable in the construction of the court- 
yard. Immediately on the right on entering is a square pillar (K) 
of XVIIIth dynasty work adjoining one of the circular columns of 
the eastern colonnade. The southern face of the top stone of this 
pillar is cut away at an angle, having a ledge as if to receive a lintel. 
There is, iiowever, no square pillar adjoining the corresponding 
circular column to the south, and so if a doorway was intended, its 
construction never got any further than the erection of one door-post 
(Plate III, fig. 2). At the point marked (1 on the plan an attempt 
has been made by someone in modern times to build up a shrine 
between the pillars and the south-east angle of the main building. 

■' These have been published by Prof. Sayce, Kec. de Travattx, 1895. 
■* Miscalled by Prof. Breasted "Aksheh," following Baedeker's mistake. 



Proc. Snc. Bihl. A nil., Jan., 1907. 

14 '^ 
O ^ 
o ^ 

< s 

<< o 




Proc. Soc. Bil'l. Arcli., Jan., '907- 


Lookintr East. 



The slabs have been taken at random from fragments which must 
have been lying about, and the pillars and wall have thus been joined 
up. There is no reason to suppose that there was ever any such 
chamber here ; indeed, one wall as at present constructed abuts on to 
a relief representing a procession of animals on the southern wall 
of the temple ! 

On the western face of the pillar marked on the plan S, is an 
inscription of Thothmes III somewhat garbled and in parts destroyed 
owing to the action of wind-blown sand. According to my copy, the 
text runs as follows : — 

n n ^ n ^ ^^^^ s ^ a ^ i^ /^ f ..,„,, <»i n ^^^"^ ^ 


■=1 > I I /■ Hk ^ N n 1J^ r-^-^ '^^^ <\_ t 

I 1 ^ ^r ^0\ V\ I 11 ^-T^ ^A/WV^ ^ JiSk ^ 

i ^ /\A/wv\ ^^ ■^-S^. 

© .-- . --:-l'^-^,MMTf^™f 

/^-j^l L=z] ^^^°°"i8g 





ii ^^ ^AAA/^A \k-cjbf: I n /v^-wx .m^ _M^ I A T T '^"^'^ 6^r•^6'4■e>S^.'^^rv 

D ^ 



M VV.AAA I 4 — «_ ^ ynh Jf ^ I 1 1 T T 10 






The inscription is dated in the "twenty-third year under the 
majesty of the mighty Horus, appearing in Thebes, king Men-kheper- 
ra, beloved of Amen Ra, lord of the thrones of the [two] lands, 
appearing as a benefactor like the ray of Ra, causing the splendours 
of the two lands to rejoice like the ray of Ra in the horizon of 
heaven, the good god, whose heart is wide, the son of the sun, 
Thothmes-nefer-kheperu, beloved of Horus lord of Buhen." The 
king then goes on to say that he has "united to himself the power of 
his gods to create he has made firm the appear- 
ances of the king upon the throne of Horus of the living, he has 
caused his terrors, he has made his fears to fall upon the bodies 
and the lands of the Fenkhu (?). I am the king who has brought to 
pass [what he intended], building a chamber he established it 

making to live the name 

of every god from whom his majesty has his births 

lightening the moon and the circle of the sun's disk with his ray ; 

My majesty came 

with all ranks to overthrow the Mentiu of Sati : I am the strong bull 
appearing in Thebes, a son of Turn, and beloved of Menthu, one 
who fights at the head of his soldiers himself that they may see [his 
valour]. This is no he. I have come forth from the house of my 
father the king of the gods, Amen. I have commanded my forces as 
a very king who has prepared the way for his soldiers who are valiant 
before him like a devouring flame. They see his valour when he 
comes forth, there is none like him, slaying the desert people, 
trampling down the Syrians. Their princes bring, as imploring life, 
chariots worked in gold and ebony, and present their horses in 
numbers. The Libyans too bring, as propitiating the spirits of his 
majesty, their gifts upon their backs; [they grovel before him] as do 
the dogs. One hastens to give to them the breath of life of the good 
god, the chief and only valiant one, lord of risings like Horem- 
akhti, a great one striking terror (?) into the hearts of the land : all 
countries are under the throne of his majesty, the Nine Bows are 
prostrate [beneath] the sandals of the king, Men-kheper-ra, only lord of 
valour, [chosen] of his father Amen, son of the sun Thothmes-nefer- 
kheperu, beloved of Horus the lord of Buhen, giving life [for ever]." 

It is interesting to note that, in spite of the king's assumption of 
a personal victory over the Libyans, he was during the year 23 
occupied with the conquest of Palestine, and that this was probably 
a mere punitive expedition undertaken by a subordinate officer. 



Outside the temple one or two things call for note. Near the 
north-western corner of the surrounding brick wall, two small brick 
chambers were excavated (R) which were originally roofed with 
vaults. From their similarity in style to the brick shrine of Taharka 
at Semneh, excavated by Dr. Budge and Mr. J. W. Crowfoot, I am 
inclined to think they belong to the period of that king. In one were 
found the Middle Empire objects and the rude doll and Meroitic 
fragments described in F.S.B.A., March, 1906. There are traces 
of an arched door, bricked up, in the surrounding wall, which led 
from the temple court into these chambers. The surrounding wall 
itself joined the XVIIIth dynasty outer square columns in the court- 
yard over the reliefs, and therefore was either built or restored at a 
later time than the XVIIIth dynasty, although a brick temenos wall 
probably encircled the building from the first. On the south side of 
the main entrance is a towering brick structure, which serves as a 
landmark for some miles away (M). It is a fragment of what at 
one time must have been a very large building, possibly a fortress of 
the Middle Empire, connected with the Xllth dynasty temple hard 
by. It is connected with the surrounding wall of the XVIIIth 
dynasty building b}'^ the remains of a brick wall, which is broken by 
a doorway made of stones, obviously taken from the temple in later 
times. If the ruined tower (M) is of Middle Empire period, this 
wall must have been built long after, but both may possibly be of 
the age of the Ethiopian dynasties. A curious stone structure (N) 
seemed to lead to an underground passage to the temple, and 
from the excellence of the masonry it is perhaps of XVIIIth dynasty 
period. The passage or tunnel had all fallen in and filled with 
sand, so that little could be made of it. It is noticeable that it is 
practically in line with the entrance of the inner temple. The 
remains of a good stone quay are visible along the bank of the river, 
which flows only a few hundred feet from the temple. No Christian 
remains or fragments were found during the clearing of the temple. 

At the instance of Mr. Crowfoot I built up the surrounding wall 
of the temple and roofed the inner building with a light roof 
supported on square columns. This will protect the reliefs from the 
discolouring effect of the sun and the destroying action of wind- 
blown sand. The building is now watched over by a ghafir, placed 
there by the Sudan Government, and is in thorough order for the 
inspection of tourists and travellers. 



Free. Soc. Bibl. Arch., Jan., 1907. 


Jan. 9] NEXT MEETING. [1907. 

The next Meeting of the Societ}- will be held on 
Wednesday, February 13th, 1907, at 4.30 p.m., when the 
following Paper will be read : — 

E. J. Pilcher, Esq.— "The Himyaritic Script, derived 
from the Greek." 



Africanus and Porphyry in early times. The argument based on them 
has been revived and put forward as conclusive in more modern days 
by Pusey and Kamphausen, who have both written commentaries on 
Daniel, and by others. The argument, be it remembered, if valid, 
would only apply to the story of Susanna, for the puns occur in 
that alone, and are contained in verses 54-5 and 58-9 of that story. 
They involve a play of words in one case between <tx?i'0 9, translated 
a mastick tree in our Bible and (Txi<yei "will cleave these," and in 
the other between Trpifof, an ilex or evergreen oak, and ttiu'w, to 
cut, and we are told this pun would be impossible in the Hebrew. 
Impossible, no doubt, it would be between words of precisely the 
same meaning, but not between words conveying the general sense 
■of the allusion. 

Dr. Ball points out with remarkable acuteness and point, that, if 
we turn to one of the Syriac versions cited by Lagarde, named Lo, we 
shall find that the puns have in fact been so preserved in a Semitic 
language, by the substitution, in the first pun, of pasteqa, the pistachio 
tree, for the skinos of the Greek, and contrasting it with the verb 
pesaq, to cut off, and in the second, by a similar substitution of 
rummana, a pomegranate tree, for the prinos of the Greek, and 
contrasting it with rumcha, a sword (see Introduction to Susanna, 
Speakers Commentary, p. 324). These puns are quite as good as 
they are in the Greek. 

Dr. Ball goes further, and suggests that they may preserve for us 
the original puns as actually made, and that the Greek puns, instead 
of being the originals, are really substituted and imitated puns. In 
.support of this he cites the remarkable fact, that Jacob of Edessa, as 
mentioned by Bugari, distinctly affirms that neither the ff^tJ^os nor 
the Trpivoi were known in Babylonia, where the Book of Daniel was 
doubtless written, while both the pistachio and the pomegranate 
actually grew there. It would be strange, indeed, to find a writer 
illustrating his story by a pun involving a reference to objects 
unknown to those he was addressing. 

In a very interesting further long paragraph, Dr. Ball gives some 
test instances, to show how easy it would be to invent corresponding 
puns between Hebrew and Aramaic words, and quotes from Briill what 
the latter deems the possible Hebrew paronomasia imitated in the 
Greek, and, as we have seen, quite differently imitated in tne Syriac, 
which is a notable point. Dr. Ball adds : " Other such plays on 
words might be suggested ; but these may suffice to show how far 

65 E 


those of the Greek text are from constituting an insuperable objection 
to the theory of a Hebrew original." 

Dr. Swete seems to imply (Introduction to the Old Testament in 
Greek, 261, note) that Kamphausen in his article on Daniel in the 
Encyclopcedia Biblica has in some way qualified the value of Ball's 
learned and most acute criticisms on the additions to Daniel in the 
Speakers' Commentary, probably the very best part of that book. 

As a matter of fact Kamphausen (would it be wrong to say more 
Germattico) does not condescend to notice them, and merely repeats 
a number of obsolete statements, every one of which Ball had com- 
pletely answered. 

It is clear, therefore, that we may put aside the argument based on 
the existence of paronomasia in the Greek of Susanna as a quite 
inconclusive and ineffective reason for attributing a Greek original to 
that and the other so-called additions to Daniel, and the whole case 
for that view falls to the ground, and with it the only valid reason for 
supposing that these additions were written in a different language to 
the rest of Daniel itself. 

If this was so, the next question is, in what language was Daniel 
itself originally written. Several writers have supposed that it was 
written in Hebrew. Mr. Ball suggests that it was written either in 
Hebrew or Aramaic. I believe it was unquestionably written in 
Aramaic, and *that the Hebrew of the Masoretic text is itself a 
translation. Jerome, in fact, seems to say so, although the sentence 
in which he does so is an ambiguous one. Speaking of its language 
he says, '■^ q^iia sermo chaldaiais est," and Carlstadt, in his work on the 
Canon published in 1520, so understood him for he says, '''' Daniel, qui 
Uteris liebraicis sed oratione Chaldea ejnissus fiierat, varie a Hierouytno- 

Spinoza long ago suggested that the first seven chapters of Daniel 
were taken from an Aramaic chronicle {Zur Theol. CX, j). 130), but we 
have more direct evidence of this than a mere opinion. 

The Masoretic text of the Book of Daniel, Hke that of Ezra, has a 
very remarkable feature, in that it contains embedded in its narrative 
a long section written not in Hebrew but in Aramaic. This extends 
from the 4th verse of chapter ii, where it begins (as Reuss says) in the 
middle of a section which cannot be divided, that is to say, it begins 
in medias res. Not only so, but its termination is even more note- 
worthy. The book of Daniel is very easily separable into two 
portions. The first, the narrative portion, extends to the end of 



chapter vi. With chapter vii an entirely new part of the book begins 
containing not a narrative but a number of visions reported of DanieL 
Now the Aramaic portion quite ignores this division and goes on 
right across the gap and includes the whole of chapter vii, at the end 
of which it stops, but the subsequent narrative in chapter viii, etc., is 
perfectly continuous with it in form and sense, there being only a 
breach in the language. The Aramaic section in Daniel, therefore, is 
in no sense a foreign boulder or interpolation, but a quite integral 
part of the narrative. 

In regard to the Book of Ezra it has been possible for some to 
suggest that similar boulders are inserted documents, and, therefore, 
very naturally given in the vernacular in which they were written. 
I have shown how this entirely fails to explain the problem in the 
case of Ezra, and that the only reasonable explanation of it is, that 
the once united book — Chronicles — Ezra — Nehemiah was originally 
an Aramaic chronicle, of which the Masoretic text is a mutilated 

The same conclusion, only supported by a much larger body of 
evidence, seems inevitable in the case of Daniel, where the Aramaic 
section is not a mere document, but consists of considerable portions 
of narrative quite continuous with the Hebrew. 

Such a patchwork is only explainable, it seems to me, in the case 
not of afi origijial work, but of a translation, in which a writer 
addressing people who were familiar with Aramaic, which was their 
vernacular speech, might think it reasonable and advisable to leave 
portions of the book he was translating into a more classical speech, 
and which were well known to, and popular with, the people for whom 
it was specially meant, in their pristine language. 

Everyone is agreed that the contents of the Book of Daniel which 
are not formally theological, but consist of more or less edifying tales, 
are distinctly popular, and meant for popular edification. This being 
so, how improbable it would be that, if the book was put together at 
any time between the 2nd and 3rd century B.C., it should have been 
written in a dead and classical speech like Hebrew, or in a more or 
less foreign tongue like Greek, instead of in the vernacular, namely 
Aramaic, in which large portions still remain. 

If the work was originally written in Hebrew for the learned 
people who understood Hebrew, why should any portion of it be 
in Aramaic at all? If, on the other hand, as was the case with 
the Aramaic Chronicles, otherwise known as Chronicles — Ezra — 

67 E 2 


Nehemiah, it was originally composed in Aramaic, and was translated 
into Hebrew at the time when the Jewish community was recon- 
stituted after the destruction of Jerusalem, and when, among other 
things, a new edition of the Bible in the old Sacred tongue was 
issued, it is at least a plausible explanation of such a work containing 
considerable fragments of Aramaic writing embedded in it, that a 
portion of the original text was left untranslated in the form in which 
it had become familiar. 

There is evidence in the language even of the Hebrew parts of 
Daniel, that the jV[asoretic text of the whole book was translated from 
an Aramaic original, thus. Professor Brown has collected a number of 
Aramaic forms from different parts of the Hebrew text of Daniel, as in 
chapter i % ^^ i^l^> ktiowkdge ; n2^» to appoint^ in i '\ 10, and ^^ ; 
ITf. to inculpate, i i"; "TiC!?, he-goat, 8 5, s, 21. ^'^■^^ to inscribe. 
lo^ij Flpjl) strefigth, 11 ^' ; "^"^nTn, to shine, 12 -l Introduction to 
the Old Testament (506-507). 

I would add, in support of the contention in this paper, that the 
common fact which apparently attaches to Daniel, and to the joint 
•work Chronicles — Ezra — Nehemiah, in that both, in their Hebrew 
rform, are translations from Aramaic, extends to other points. The 
Hebrew of the Masoretic text in both is very much alike, pointing to 
•the Aramaic original in both having been translated into Hebrew by 
Uhe same hand. The same is true of the Septuagint Greek in the 
two books. In regard to this very important fact, I will quote 
Dr. Gwynne, who, was, I believe, the first to notice it. He says : 
"the analogy between this i (3) Esdras and the Chisian Daniel 
goes further still, and extends even to the diction, which in these two 
books is less Hebraic than in any part of the LXX proper, and 
characterized by an affectation of greater purity of idiom. One 
expression which they have in common : uirijiidaajo avrd [ra aKevi]^ 
iv Tu> e'lCtvXeiiv axnov (Daniel 1 = 3 Esdras H) is so singular, neither 
the noun nor the verb occurring elsewhere in the Old Testament, 
that the coincidence cannot be accidental." Dr. Gwynne suggests 
what seems to me the only possible solution of this fact, namely, that 
the hand responsible for the language of the Chisian text is also the 
hand responsible for the language of Esdras A {Diet, of Chr. Biog., 
Ill, 977, note^). 

1 With Dr. Gwynne's additional views about there having been an older Greek 
text than the Chisian, and as to the real meaning of Esdras A, I am in complete 



This shows that the Greek of the Septuaghit version of Chronicles 
— Ezra — Nehemiah and that of Daniel was certainly from the same 
hand, and adds an additional argument to those I have used in these- 
papers in favour of the original of both books having been Aramaic, 
which would lead to their being put into the same hands, namely, 
those who knew that language, for translation. 

In conclusion, the view I maintain in regard to both of them is^ 
that they were both composed in Aramaic at the time when Aramaic 
was the vernacular speech of Palestine and of Babylonia. From 
Aramaic they were translated, as they stood and intact, into Greek by 
the Alexandrian translators, in whose version they were widely used 
by Hellenized Jews, from whom it passed to the early Christians. 
Lastly, about the year 135 a.d., when the history of Modern Judaism 
commences, when the cult of Hebrew, the old sacred tongue of 
the race, which had become a dead language except among the 
learned, was revived, and when a new edition of the Bible was 
issued in which many changes were made, the two books I have 
discussed, in an altered and modified form, were translated into 
Hebrew, and eventually passed into the Masoretic Bibles. This 
seems to me the only explanation that meets all the facts, and it 
meets them completely. It also accounts for what has been hitherto 
a paradox, namely, that the book of Daniel, which has been much 
esteemed among the Jews, should, nevertheless, not be put among 
the other Prophetical books in the Hebrew Bible, but remitted like- 
Chronicles — Ezra — Nehemiah, and probably for the same reason to^ 
the Hagiographa, where it does not occupy at all a place of importance,, 
while in the Greek Bibles, and doubtless in the Septuagint, Daniel 
was treated as the fourth of the Major Prophets, and was placed! 
immediately after Ezekiel. 



By F. Legge. 

{Cofititiued from p. 24.) 

No. 4. 

{See Plate.) 

The tablet here given was found by I\I. AmeUneau durhig the 
■winter of 1897, in the tomb which he has called No. 22 in his Nouvelles 
Fouilles d'Abydos, (p. 57). It is of ivory, and has since been sold to 
the Berlin Museum. The reproduction in the plate is taken from an 
electrotype, which I owe to the kindness of Dr. Naville, who had it 
taken with M. Amelineau's permission, while the tablet was still in the 
custody of the finder. It bears the hawk-name of the king, whom 
Prof. Petrie calls Zer, and whom he would make the second king of 
the 1st Dynasty, while Dr. Sethe would make him the third. It will 
be noticed that the execution of this tablet is entirely different from 
that of the preceding Tablets Nos. i, 2 and 3, and it is probable that 
if we had no indication of their origin, the connoisseurs of style would 
long ago have pronounced it to be either much earlier or much later 
than the tablets of Aha. In connection with this Dr. Wallis Budge 
has pointed out to me that some of the characters of the present tablet 
resemble those of the earliest Babylonian script, the tree sign in the 
formula exactly corresponding to a similar sign on a clay tablet of 
King Eannadu, now in the British Museum. I do not, however, 
seek to draw any conclusions from this, believing as I do that the 
explanation of the greater part of such differences of style are due 
partly — as M. Maspero has suggested — to the different artistic ideals 
in different villages, and partly to the difference in the material worked 



This tablet is divided, like Nos. 2 and 3, into four registers. The 
top register begins, as do its predecessors, with the bark, which here 
nearly obscures the hole pierced for suspension. It differs verj' much 
in shape from the similar objects shown on Nos. i, 2 and 3, not 
possessing the high stem and stern so characteristic of the other 
examples. It is here drawn with two deck-houses and three objects 
which may be flags, but which I am more inclined to regard as palm- 
trees like those shown upon the carved slate, of which one half is in 
the British and the other in the Ashmolean Museum (see P.S.B.A., 
May and June, 1900). If this view be accepted, it will probably 
be thought that the trees are here represented as standing behi7id 
the bark. Below the bark are seen two other trees, and three objects 
probably intended for conventional representations of houses. The 
usual Egyptian convention regarding perspective would lead us to 
suppose that these houses (including, perhaps, at least one of those which 
I have just called deck-houses) and trees are standing on the banks 
of the river along which the bark is passing, the lower picture showing 
the nearer bank. Next in the register comes a large rectangle 
containing a smaller square which clearly denotes an important 
building. Within the rectangle is seen a bird, probably a hawk, 
perched upon a knife, while above it appears the sign to be found in 
the king's name which we will discuss later. On the top of the large 
rectangle is another bird, which seems to represent the sign "^^^ 
facing another sign which is probably a <:i:> . Behind this comes a 
group which may be decomposed into the city sign © , surmounted 
by a sign of which I can make nothing, which is in turn surmounted 

by another sign, M , repeated in the next register. Although I find 

myself at present unable to propose any reading for this group, it may be 

pointed out that it seems akin to the two objects Q and Q represented 

as following the srekh of Aha in two other monuments from Abydos.^ 
Immediately after it is a hawk-crowned rectangle bearing the name of 
the king. The distinctive sign which gives us this last. Dr. Naville 
declares to be a sort of pavilion or dais reading Schesti, while 

Dr. "Budge and AI. Amelineau read it as f|]|] , khent, and Prof. Petrie 

^ De Morgan, Recherches sur les origines de PEgypte, t. ii, p. 241, figs. 813 
and 814. The same two signs appear in K. T. ii, PL HI, figs, i and 20, and Ilia, 
fig. 13. See Plate for example. 



and Dr. Sethe as ^^ , Zer. It has already been discussed in my 
Paper on the Kings of Abydos {P.S.B.A., May, 1904, p. 133) to 
which I would refer the reader. Finally comes a bird which appears 
to be a hawk above the ^'^^^ sign, the group probably reading suten. 
All that can be said with any likelihood as to the reading of this 
register is that it seems by analogy with the others to refer to the 
festival at the foundation of some building celebrated by the king 
whose name appears on the srekh. 

The second register begins with the kheserf, or crown of Lower 
Egypt, within a cartouche. This last is curious in form, being in 
effect not a closed line as in later times, but a rope or string coiled 
round the emblem. After this is a fairly wide gap, only filled by what 
one would consider another representation of the city sign © , were it 
not that it differs in drawing from that in the top register. Then comes 
a pavilion like that shown in No. i, but formed this time with two 
instead of three lines, and containing within it the two signs ^^ZZ^ and 
o , which apparently read fiebf. Above the pavilion are the door g 
and hand ,^^ signs, and then comes a crenellated cartouche con- 
taining several objects. Reading from left to right these are : The 

staircase-sign, /j , the sign M appearing^ as we have seen, on the 
top register, and what is probably the altar, ^T^ > ^''^'^ certain offer- 
ings or other objects piled on it. Then comes the seated figure of a 
divinity with a headdress like Safkit, %|\ , and then a sign, the 

edges of which are too much broken away to be legible. Beyond 
these comes what appears to be the nome-sign, mn - , with what may 
be the jackal of Anubis, ^^, seated on a slab underneath. All 
that I can say of this register is that it appears to me to describe the 
queen's pavilion belonging to the crown of Lower Egypt, in a city 
situate in the nome of the jackal, and containing a temple dedi- 
cated to Safkt\. But this is entirely conjectural, and I have no great 
faith in the explanation. 

AVith the third register we come to more familiar ground. It 
opens with the ibis standing in a crenellated cartouche, which we may 
read, as in Nos. 2 and 3, as meaning the city of Thoth. Then comes 
a bark, somewhat resembling the barges in the tablets last mentioned, 
but with the usual divine canopy amidships, and with high stem and 
stern, followed by the plants of the North and South respectively, 


Proc. Soc. Bib I. Arch., Feb., 1907. 

^'J^4 p.. 

■i-j-' ♦ « i 


i- ii 

No. 4. 

Fi-oi)i an Electrotype copy made from the original. 

From Royal Tombs, Vol. II, PI. iii, fig. I. 


having underneath them five vertical strokes, evidently intended as 
numerals. The register is closed by the signs A and v^^ , reading 

possibly hcb sed, in front of the ibis, which we may consider the 
emblem of Thoth. We know that Heb-sed was the name of the 
festival of the indiction which settled the incidence of the taxes for 
an unascertained period of time. Does this register mean, that the 
feast of Heb-sed was held for the North and South for the fifth time 
in the city of Thoth ? 

The fourth and lowest register contains, with some variation, the 
formula that should by now have become familiar to us. It runs 
thus : — 

Reading this in the same manner that we have read its pre- 
decessors, this should mean, "At the foundation, the Horus gave 
to the temple trees (?), ten thousand jars of royal wine from the 
South, loaves of bread and wine . . . ." To get at this, I have had 

to take the sign as equivalent to the thumb sign |1, , but I think 

this can be justified. 

On the whole, then, the tablet appears to record the foundation of 
some house or temple by the king Schesti, Khent, or Zer, possibly 
upon crown land of Lower Egypt, which were the appanage of the 
queen, and were situate in a fortified city with a name I have been 
unable to decipher. The two last registers seem to mean, as I have 
before said, that at the fifth fixing of the indiction in the City 
of Thoth for the whole of Egypt, the king gave as a foundation 
gift to the building named in the top register, so many trees, jars of 
wine, and loaves. But the whole of this is rather doubtful, and the 
tablet demands longer study than I have yet been able to give to it. 
I hope to refer to it again after some of the later tablets have been 

{To be continued.) 



B.C. 668-626. 


By the Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A. 

Group HI, This consists of the Eponymies during which one 
person Rimani-Adadi, the mtdii apati, 'holder of the reins,' of the 
king's household, was prominently engaged in business. The docu- 
ments concerned with his business bind together in the closest 
possible connection the Eponymies of — 



Tebetai, the sakmi ot Bit Essi, 







From Group I we already know that the last of these was followed 
by Silirn-Asur. The first two are the last names certain at the end 
of Canon I, Tebetai was not read in this place by G. Smith, in his 
Eponym Canon, but in his History of Assitrhauipal, p. 230, he 
regarded the name as satisfactorily restored. Strassmaier, A. V. 3489, 
gives Tebetai for both B.C. 670 and n.c. 666, without question. As 
I have shewn, A.D.D. § 521, there can be no doubt that the Eponym 
of B.C. 670 was Sartemi^ or Chief Justice, while the Tebetai, who 
was sakfiu of Bit E§si, who dates nos. 192, 258, 331, 420, 421 and 
627, must be later. The traces left on Canon I for the Eponym 



after Gabbaru shew that the name ended in -ai. The close con- 
nection of the Eponyms of this group shew that no other Eponym 
has so good a claim to this place. Arbailai is out of question, as 
Group I shews him to be between Bel-na'id and Gir-Zapunu. 
Dr. Peiser has presented the arguments for this date clearly in his 
reconstruction, and, already in K.B., IV, recognised that nos. 258 
and 420 belong here. 

The traces left of Canon I are given in III R. i, as if the name 
ended in -iisur ; but Delitzsch, in his edition of the Eponym Canon, 
Assyrische Lesestiicke, 2nd Ed., p. 91, probably recognized, as 
Dr. Peiser also thinks, that they are rather the traces of MAN, the 
ideogram for sarru. Whether this influenced G. Smith in placing 
Mannu-ki-sarri next, or not, they are at least consistent with that 

But the conviction that Mannu-ki-sarri and Sarru-liidari are to be 
placed in B.C. 665 and B.C. 664, can only be gained by comparing 
the lists of names dated in these years with those before and after in 
the above group. Thus Mannu-ki-sarri dates documents which 
mention three of the persons named in B.C. 668, three of those 
named in the Eponymy of Tebetai, two of those in Sarru-ludari, two 
of those in Bel-na'id, three of those in Arbailai, two of those in 

Sarru-liidari is even more obviously connected with the Group. 
He shews seven names common with B.C. 668, eight with B.C. 667, 
eleven with Tebetai, two with Mannu-ki-sarri, twelve with Bel-na'id, 
none with Arbailai, but four again with Gir-Zapunu. 

Rimani-Adadi's Group. — Rimani-Adadi first appears as a 
iajnkaru, or commercial agent, in B.C. 676. Then he is only a 
witness, on no. 256. He next appears to be lending or farming out 
sheep in b.c. 671, on no. 121. In B.C. 670 he is already a inukil 
apdti oi the kmg, i.e., Esarhaddon, on no. 172; as also, probably, 
earlier in the same year, on no. 266. He then appears as principal, 
usually a buyer, down to B.C. 660, as the reconstructed Canon List 
shews. In all he appears as principal on no less than thirty-seven 
documents, on twenty-seven of which he bears the same title, in a 
more or less full form, that title being merely not preserved on ten 
more. Of these documents only fourteen preserve a date, which 
lies between b.c. 671 and b.c. 660. Of these dates, B.C. 671 to 
B.C. 667 are certain from the existing Canon Lists. According to 
my arrangement, some of these dated documents occur each year 



from B.C. 668 to R.c. 664. In the whole period the only years 
unrepresented are B.C. 669, and, later, b.c. 662 and b.c. 661. 

Consequently, his business affairs are well established while the 
Canon Lists which guide us are continued over the otherwise 
doubtful years B.C. 666-664 and well into Group I. It is certain 
that if we placed the first of Group I in B.C. 663, then our Eponyms 
are fixed down to b.c 659. 

We have seen that Group II necessarily begins in B.C. 65S and 
reaches down to b.c 649. If we were to displace Group I 
arbitrarily, it must be placed after b.c 648. Rimani-Adadi would 
then have been active in business from B.C. 671 to B.C. 666, and 
not a single transaction of his be recorded from B.C. 666 to 
B.C. 647. 

In the same way, the Eponyms I i)lace in B.C. 665 and B.C. 664 
would, if moved, have to be postponed to B.C. 647, leaving the years 
B.C. 658 to B.C. 647 without a reference to him or his witnesses, and 
then suddenly returning to all the people named for the period 
B.C. 671 to B.C. 666. If, on the other hand, he had continued 
to be active down to the end of Group III and then suddenly 
stopped, we might suspect that Group II did not follow Group III 
at once. But he ceases to be active within the epoch covered by 
Group III. 

The cogency of the argument is enormously increased by the 
fact that not only does Rimani-Adadi, in the same ofifice, appear 
right through this group of Eponyms, but he is accompanied by a 
wonderfully constant set of witnesses, who also for the most part 
retain their ofifices, or are promoted, during the period. A study 
of Rimani-Adadi's witnesses will convince the reader that the group 
is so closely connected that we cannot admit any wide gaps 
within it. 

On the other hand, we may notice that out of the thirty-seven 
documents, no less than twenty-three have lost their dates. Many of 
these doubdess fall within the period, but we may expect some to lie 
either a little before B.C. 671, or a little later than B.C. 660. We may 
look out for close relationships in the list of names with later years, 
and such will, if well made out, be confirmations of the places 
assigned to Group III. 

The argument drawn from these recurrences does not exclude 
the insertion of one or more Eponyms between members of the 
group. It is, of course, possible that, say after b.c 666, there were 



more than two Eponyms before Group I began. But, as we have 
seen, Belsunu must be as high as we can put him above B.C. 647. 
We cannot put him higher than B.C. 648, without displacing one of 
this Group, now under consideration. We cannot therefore admit 
any other Eponym between members of this Group. 

Lastly there remains the uncertainty whether the order of the two 
Eponyms for B.C. 665 and B.C. 664 could be inverted. To this no 
definite answer can now be given. Those who consider that the saktiti 
of Dur-Sarrilkin would be more in place after three other saknute, are 
welcome to their opinion. I have no effective reply. But, so far as 
it goes, there is a gradation and regular rise in ofifices among the 
persons in the name lists, as they stand. That a saht, even if really 
the same officer as a Rabsake, would necessarily precede the 
Tartanu is not clear. It may have become the higher title, after the 
creation of the two-fold offices of ' Tartan of the right ' and ' Tartan 
of the left,' which was actually in force at this period. But while I 
doubt the inferior official taking office as Eponym before the superior, 
there are so many deviations from order in the previous reigns that 
the argument has little weight of itself. 

There is every probability that Rimani-Adadi survived b.c. 660. 
But at present we cannot produce his name from a later dated 
document. What office would be held by a viukil apdti dannn sa 
sarri, on a promotion, is difficult to say. In Ep. R. the same name 
is borne by a scribe of the rab ekallL That was surely a very 
subordinate office. The inusarkis named in the letter K. 655 ; the 
salsu on no. 244; even the rab bit Hani of Asur, on no. 261, are 
possibly mentions of our subject at different points of his career, but 
they are not dated. The mukil apdti named on K. 1359, no. 857, is 
probably our man. But a mutir puti, on K. 8134, seems to belong 
to a different category of officials. 

I shall now give a list of the documents which are concerned 
with Rimani-Adadi's transactions, as far as possible arranged in 
chronological order, of which d efg h i j k I m n I' m certainly fall 
within Group III. Then a list of the names of Rimani-Adadi's 
contemporaries and their offices, as given by these documents, will 
follow. A glance at the list, and the letters suffixed to each name, 
will shew how often each person is associated with Rimani-Adadi. 
The title which he bears in each document is added, and the 
list is closed by a few documents which carry the same set of 


Feb. 13] 















^ -^^ ^ 1^ "S^ ^ 

■^v. ^--i ~^ "~-i ~^ "-Vi 


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<, <. <H ■^ '^ -^ 
S^ ^ «" C" e §• 










































-w _c j= ^ j:: 
►^ O tn to VO 












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X) -Q ^ -;: 

[-H. ^tXl 5(7] [-I- H- 

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to i-i r^ Lo 

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Q Q q Q Q G Q Q Q Q Q d Q d 



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^ ^ ^ ^ '^ ^ 

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•^s^ *>* "^l "N^ IN^ ^^ "^Vi "V^, ">s» 



M N CO CO i-i \D 
N to -^ •^ Tj- M 

as ^ o 

1-1 N vo 

■^t^O (^O^o^l-l M O t^ 
C^ rfu-jiou-jio^OMDCO •^ 

O O 
G C 

O O 


C C C G 

O O 

C O O O O O O 
C C C G C C C 

Q Q Q Q q Q Q Q Q Q Q Q d Q Q Q Q Q Q Q 

M On 


'I- ON 'O 

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r^ CO 

rO 10 •>+ 

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t^ O CO 
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h-l h-i M w -^ 

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■^ r<> -^ 


RLmani-Adadi's Witnesses and Contemporaries. — This list 
is confined to those persons whose names appear on the documents 
where he is a principal. It may be increased considerably by the 
addition of names from the other name-lists of B.C. 671 to B.C. 660. 
Of course, he was of some age in b.c. 671, and the name-lists of 
some twenty years before that, at any rate, must consist of his 
contemporaries. The name-lists of some years after b.c. 660, to the 
date of his death, which we do not know, will also consist of his 
contemporaries. But we have no manner of certainty as to how far 
we should carry the limits in either direction. The list here given is 
in the most useful form for settling the connections of his group. 

Abail, rab {iv) 

Adadi-ahe-iddin {d') 
Adadi-uballit, salsu (;«) 
Adadi-ilai (a) 

Adadi-nasir, aba of {ji) 

Adadi-kassun, son of Adadi-ismeani (bee) 

Adadi-sallim, son of Aka (k) 

Adadi-sar-usur (/' b), (b) son of Asur-sallim, (k) sa eli ali 

Adadi-sum-usur, rab {w) 

Adi, mukil apati [c') 

Ahtl-amur, rakbu {e m). (m) rakbu tabrdte 

Ahu-asu {c) 

Ahu-lamassi, salsii sarri {ghpixi?i') 

Ahu-lamur, rab aldni {u 7c>) 

Ahi-duri (re) 

Ahi-eres (n) 

Ahi-ilai (k) 

Askudi, aba of Nindai (w) 

Aplai (m) 

Akaba (w) 

Arbai {c') 

Arbailai, sami of Barhalza {ay b') 

Asur-ahesu-eres, aba {c) 

Asur-damik [c) 

Asur-etir {d) 

A§ur-ilai {e/lxyl'), {e) son of .... , (/) rab kisir inutir puti 

Asur-kenis-usur (^) 

Asur-kia {w) 








Second Meeting, February i^t^i, IQO/- 
Sir H. H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E., &c., 


[No. CCXVI.] 49 


The following gifts to the Library were announced, and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Publishers. — "Untcrricht im Alten Testament." By 

Dr. G. Rothstein. 
From W. L. Nash, Esq. — "The Penetration of Arabia." By 

D. G. Hogarth. 
From the Author, Lieut.-Col. W. H. Turton, Z>.6'.(9.— " The 

Truth of Christianity." 6th edition. 


The following donations have been received : — 

February, 1907 : — 

The Hon. Miss E. Plunket {2nd donatioti) ^£1 i o 
W. h. Nsish, Esq. {^rd dona f ion)... ... i i o 

Mrs. Aitken, 139, Elm Park Mansions, 
Mrs. Penrose, 44, Finchley Road, 

were elected Members of the Society. 

The following Paper was read : — 

E. J. PiLCHER, Esq.: "The Himyaritic Script, derived from 
the Greek." 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 


Feb. 13] ST. MENAS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1907. 

By Margaret A. Murray. 

{Continued from page 30.) 

The site of the church of "St. Menas in Mareotis," so long 
celebrated as the chief place of pilgrimage in Egypt, has been 
entirely lost, but many indications remain which appear to point to 
the spot. 

Epiphanius^^ says that the church of St. Menas was nine miles 
west from Alexandria ; but this is evidently a mistake for the great 
monastery of the Ennaton, which owes its name to its position nine 
miles away from the capital. The church of St. Menas lay at a still 
greater distance ; and though the site can only be identified by 
excavations on the spot, still the indications for finding it may be 
mentioned here. 

The historian Severus^'' gives one definite indication as to the 
position of the church. The patriarch Benjamin in the 7th cen- 
tury a.d. was celebrating Mass one Christmas Day in the Stoa 
Angelon at Alexandria, when a deputation of monks arrived to 
request him to come to the Dair Macarius in the desert in order to 
consecrate the newly-built church. Benjamin acceded to the request, 
and travelled by way of Al Muna {i.e., the town of St. Menas) and 
Mount Barntaj to the monastery of Baramtls, which he made his 
head-quarters while visiting the monasteries in the neighbourhood. 
He left Alexandria on the 2nd of Tubah, spent two days at Al Muna, 
and one at Baramus, arriving at the convent of Macarius on the 7th 
of Tubah ; five days in all, of which two only were spent in travelling, 
i.e., part of one day from Alexandria to Al Muna, parts of two days 
from Al Muna to Baramus. 

^^ Dressel, Epiphanius ed. et ined., p. 5. 

" EvETTS, Hist, of Pattiarchs : Pair. Orient., t, I, p. 506. 

51 D 2 


Abu Salih^s tells us that in a.d. 630, Benjamin fled from 
Alexandria just before the Mahomedan conquest, and went on foot 
by night along the Maryut road until he arrived at Al Muna, whence 
he travelled to Wadi Habib. The Arabic gives the words " going on 
foot " (mas/ii al rigt) and " travelling " {mdy), apparently emphasising 
the distinction between the two, as though he had here obtained 
means for a more rapid flight. Here, then, we have proof that the 
church of St. Menas lay between Alexandria and Baramus, that it 
was within a night's journey on foot from Alexandria by way of 
Maryflt, and from the fact of Benjamin's apparently obtaining there 
an animal or some other means of being conveyed further and more 
rapidly on his way, it would appear to be on the edge of the desert, 
or at any rate not far from the cultivated land. 

QuATREMERE,!^ quoting from an unknown Arab geographer of 
the 1 2th century, gives still further indications as to the site: 
"Leaving Tarranah and following the road towards Barca,2o one 
comes to Mina, which consists of three abandoned towns in the 
midst of a sandy desert with their buildings still standing. The 
Arabs use it as a place for lying in wait against travellers. There 
m.ay be seen lofty and well-built palaces with enclosure walls about 
them ; they are mostly built over vaulted colonnades and some few 
serve as dwellings for monks. There are some springs of fresh 
water, but somewhat scanty." These springs appear to me to offer 
another possible method of identifying the site. St. Menas was a 
saint of healing, and the earliest cures performed at his shrine were 
effected by the earth and water from his grave smeared upon the 
patient. If, as seems probable from the cure of the sick sheep, the 
diseases healed by St. Menas were those of the skin, a minera) 
spring, either sulphur or arsenic, would account for the miracles. 

On the ordnance map of the district round Lake Mareotis a spot 
at the south-east of the lake is called Tel Muineh, and would appear 
to indicate the position of the ancient church. But on writing these 
particulars to Mr. Ralph Carver of Alexandria, who had offered to 
make enquiries, I received a reply from which I quote verbatim : — 

"August 26th, 1905. — I made several enquiries for the Tel 
Muineh which I found marked on the French survey map of 18 18, 

^^ Abu Salih, Transl. Butler and Evctts, p. 230, note 2. 
^8 QuATREMERE, Mem. Hist. GJog., I, p. 488. 

^ Abu Salih remarks, "It is said that Barkah is also called the Five Cities '* 
[i.e., Pentapolis]. 


Feb. 13] ST. MENAS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1907. 

but which is completely ignored in the Domaines survey of 1897. 
The Bedouins did not know of any place corresponding to the name. 
I gave one Bedouin an idea of the sort of place I wanted to find in 
Mariout district, and he presently told me of an old ruined city 
called Tel Abumna, which at once struck me as a likely corruption 
from Abu Menas. 

" To visit this ruin I took the Mariout train to Behig, a distance 
of 39 kilometres from Gahbari, due west. From Behig I rode for 
two hours south-east, making a distance of perhaps 108 kiloms ; thus 
if one came in a straight line from Alexandria it would be roughly 
35 kiloms. I think Benjamin would have accomplished this journey 
on foot quite easily and his route would naturally take him past 
Mariout, whereas if the site is at Tel Muineh it would be rather out 
of his way to go via Mariout. 

" The ruins on the mound of Abumna are fairly extensive and 
measure perhaps | mile long (east to west) and 5 mile broad. On 
the north side are several small mounds which contained masses of 
broken pottery, and we soon found two broken pieces of Menas- 
bottles lying on ihe surface. We had little time for any digging, so 
unfortunately had nothing to show for our expedition. 

" On a small rise on the east we found a well, very strongly built, 
and here and there we saw small concrete canals evidently used for 
irrigation, as in the gardens here. 

" On the south side there is a long mound covered with cut stones, 
about 18 inches square by 4 inches thick; these are in utter ruin and 
only in two or three places is there any appearance of building. 
This must have been the central spot of the town, and there is 
another big well in the centre with a masonry arch over it. I could 
find no trace of any columns though one of the Bedouins said he 
remembered having seen one lying about, but could not discover 
it. These big ruins occupy a length of some 400 yards by 80 yards, 
and should have been an immense building. 

"To the north of this ruin is a hollow which looks as if it might 
have been used for a garden, and was probably dug out when the 
church was built. 

"To the south there is another long mound divided from the 
first by a small wady, on which there were more stones, but bigger 
and for the most part arranged in some sort of order ; these I think 
were graves as the stones were found in circles, and inside the circles 
remains of bones. This mound is not nearly as broad as the first 



one but runs parallel with it, and on the outside, i.e., the south, the 
caravan road used to run. This therefore looks like the place where 
the robbers lay in wait for travellers, as it would be easy to hide 
either among the graves or in the wady between the church and the 

" Continuing the cemetery mound round to the east I found 
three graves in a row with two separate stones bearing this mark, 
fk^ and this was the only inscription of any sort found in the 
i^ I I whole place. 

" I have it on fairly good evidence that numbers of the bottles 
have been found there. The whole place looks as if it had never 
been touched since the day it was deserted, so that it ought to yield 
a rich harvest to any competent digger.^^ 

" I have asked the local Bedouins if there were any traditions 
about the place, but only learnt that the Tel was full of evil spirits, 
and that no one dared go near the place after dark ; I tried hard to 
find someone who had actually seen the afreet, but no one present 
had, though all knew of others who had seen him covered with fire. 
The curious part is that Tel Abumna is the only place in Mariout 
that the Bedouins are afraid of, and all know the reputation." 

This letter seems to prove, as far as it is possible to prove without 
excavation, that Tel Abumna is the site of the " Church of St. Menas 
in Mareotis." The name, the position, the nature of the ruins, all 
point to the same conclusion. To my mind, one very strong proof 
is the well in the middle of what is presumably the church. The 
cures were effected by means of earth and water, and the woman, 
whom St. Agathon the Stylite discredited, had dug a well and also 
effected cures by water in the name of St. Menas. I have already 
suggested that the miracles of healing had a foundation in fact, that 
fact being a mineral spring ; and it is reasonable to suppose that this 
sacred well would be enclosed in the church, so as to be under the 
control of the guardians of the shrine. The Menas-flasks were 
intended to hold water taken from the sacred well, the curative 
properties of which would be as effective at a distance as at the 
spring itself."- 

-' Herr Kaufmann's excavations on this spot have proved that this is indeed 
the site of the historic church of St. Menas (Kaufmann, Die Aiisgralnmg der 
Menas- Heiligtiimer). 

^ ICauf.mann, op. cit., p. 93. 


Feb. 13] ST. MENAS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1907. 

The church of St. Menas was founded, according to the legend^ 
by an unnamed emperor of Constantinople whose daughter was 
miraculously cured by the saint. Probably the original building 
was merely a small shrine where the sick came to pray, and where 
they presented their offerings when they left. During the reigns of 
Arcadius and Honorius, the original church was either pulled down 
and rebuilt, or restored and enlarged ; therefore the building which 
was the goal of so many pilgrimages in the 5th and 6th centuries, 
dates from this period. But we know almost nothing of the church 
during its palmy days ; it is only when the Mahomedans subdued 
Egypt, and Christians suffered persecution at the hands of their 
conquerors, that we get occasional glimpses of this celebrated 

Lying at a distance from the capital it did not enter into the daily 
lives of the people like the church of St. Mark or the Stoa Angelon, 
nor was it a large and popular monastery like the convent of St. 
Macarius. From what we can gather from the scanty records that 
remain, it was a place of pilgrimage served by a small number of 
priests ; filled to overflowing on festival days, at other times com- 
paratively empty; wealthy, owing to the gifts of the pilgrims, and 
beautiful according to the canons of art of the period. 

The church is described by the same Arab historian whose 
account of the site is given above (p. S^)-~'^ "Next, one comes to 
the church of St. Mina, a huge building embellished with statues and 
paintings of the greatest beauty. There tapers burn day and night 
without ceasing. At one end of the building is a vast tomb with two 
camels in marble, and upon them the statue of a man carved in 
marble, who is standing, one foot upon each camel : one of his 
hands is open, the other shut. This figure is said to represent 
St. Mina. On the right as you enter the church is a great marble 
column, in which a shrine is carved containing figures of Jesus, 
John, and Zacharias ; the door of the shrine is kept closed. There 
is also to be seen the figure of the Virgin Mary covered by twa 
curtains, and figures of all the prophets. Outside the church are 
figures representing all kinds of animals and men of all occupations. 
.... Among the rest is a slave-merchant holding in his hand an 
open purse. Over the midst of the church rises a dome, beneath 
which are eight figures said to represent angels." 

^ Butler, ^>-al> Conquest, p. 177, note 2. 


It was here that the Patriarch Benjamin (a.d. 6 2 2-66 i)^^ came on 
his way to consecrate the church in the great convent of St. Macarius 
in the Wady Natrdn. Later, he came again, not as the head of a 
great and powerful organization, but as a fugitive, on foot and by 
night, flying from the infidel hordes who were conquering the country. 
From Al Muna he made his way to the Wady Natrun, where he 
disappeared for thirteen years, hidden from the enemy by his faithful 
followers, and only re-appearing when the Arab ruler issued a pro- 
clamation requesting him to return to his rightful position. 

The next mention of the churches is during the patriarchate of 
Michael I (a.d. 743-767). At this time the feud between the 
Melkite and Jacobite party had become very acute, both declaring 
themselves the National Church, and both claiming possession of all 
the churches in Egypt. The chief battle was fought over the church 
of St. Menas, which, from its wealth and fame, was a prize worth 
having. Cosmas the Melkite patriarch appealed to the governor, 
Hassan ibn Sohail, who was friendly to Christians, to give the great 
church of St. Menas with its revenues to the party of which he, 
Cosmas, was the head. But Hassan ibn Sohail appears to have been 
a just man, and refused to interfere until he should understand both 
sides of the question. Both claimants — the patriarch of the Melkites 
and the patriarch of the Jacobites — were told to draw up a statement 
to be laid before the governor, who would then adjudge the case on 
its own merits. Michael called his bishops together, and with their 
help compiled a document, which was written in both Coptic and 
Arabic, setting forth the doctrines of Christianity with proofs adduced 
from the Scriptures, and also giving the history of the church of 
St. Menas from its foundation by Theophilus the patriarch in the 
reigns of Arcadius and Honorius, and showing how greatly the 
Jacobites had suffered at the hands of the Melkites, especially in 
having their churches taken from them by force. The Melkites 
failed to prove their right to the church of St. Menas, and Hassan 
ibn Sohail returned it to its rightful owners, the Jacobites. Under 
the strong rule of Michael the Christians had peace for eleven years 
before his death, but the lot of the Faithful in Egypt was continual 
persecution, and the church of St. Menas suffered accordingly. 

** The names and dates of the patriarchs are taken from Mrs. Butcher's 
Story of the Church in Egypt. 

■•" Renauuot, Hist. Patr. Alex., p. 213. 


Feb. 13] ST. MENAS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1907. 

About this time, among the priests of the church of St. Menas, 
was one named John, who later on rose to the Patriarchate (a.d. 766- 
799). Undoubtedly, he used his influence and power to avert trouble 
from the magnificent church in which he had served, and to increase 
its prestige, for in the reign of his immediate successor, Mark II ^^^ 
(a.d. 799-818) we find the church being used for an important 
ceremony, A certain sect of Christians applied to the patriarch to 
be admitted into the Jacobite church ; Mark received them but only 
on certain conditions ; one being, that as their orders were not recog- 
nised, their bishop was not properly consecrated and could not be 
received except as an ordinary priest. The conditions were accepted 
and the sect was absorbed into the Jacobite church. When, after 
a year or more, the patriarch was convinced of their sincerity, he 
re-consecrated the bishop, and to add to the impressiveness of the 
ceremony it was held in the great church of St. Menas. The building 
was filled to overflowing, for it was the festival day of the church 
when great crowds always assembled; and in the presence of this 
vast congregation, the new bishop and his son were re-ordained, and 
robed in the episcopal vestments. 

But there could be only one end to a church with so great 
a reputation for wealth and beauty, when the rulers of the country 
were also persecutors. A certain Eleazar-" came to Egypt with 
orders from the " emperor " to carry off and send to him the most 
beautiful marble columns he could find. The Melkites were not slow 
to seize the opportunity of being revenged on the Jacobites by 
spoiling their churches, and the church of St. Menas was the one to 
which they directed their attention. The plundering of this great 
church was naturally exactly what Eleazar wished, for in it were columns 
of rare and precious marbles " ornamented with relics," excelling in 
beauty any columns in Alexandria or even in the whole of Egypt. 
Joseph the Patriarch (a.d. 837-849) opposed the spoliation with all 
his power but in vain ; Eleazar removed the pillars, tore up the 
decorated pavement, and looted the church, carrying away the spoil 
to Alexandria. The Patriarch, finding he could not prevent this 
wholesale robbery, took other measures ; he collected workmen, and 
repaired the damage replacing the ornamentation and restoring what 
had been destroyed. It is the decoration done at this period which 

2^ Re;<audot, op. cit., p. 248. 
-^ Renaudot, op. cit. p. 288. 



was still to be seen in the 12th century, and which excited the 
admiration of the Arab historian quoted by Quatremere. In spite 
of Joseph's determined action, the sacking of the church was the 
beginning of the end ; we catch one more glimpse before the final 

When Cosmas II-'' occupied the chair of St. Mark (a. d. 851- 
859), Ahmed ibn Dinar was governor of Alexandria. He as well 
as the other rulers of Egypt was a cruel persecutor of the Christians. 
Every kind of humiliation was heaped upon the " Nazarenes " ; 
they were forced to wear a peculiar dress, and one which exposed 
the women to insult, they were dismissed from any office which 
they might hold, and their lives were made as burdensome as 
possible. In spite of persecution, or perhaps an account of it, the 
Christians held firmly to their faith and their forms of worship. 
One festival which was always observed was that of St. Menas, 
the nth of November, according to the Eastern Calendar. On 
this day the people went in crowds to his church, in Cairo to 
the church near Old Cairo, in Alexandria to the celebrated 
church to the south of Lake Mareotis. It was here that on the 
day of the festival, two men fought to the death, and one appears 
to have been killed actually in the church. This was Ahmed ibn 
Dinar's opportunity, and he was not slow to use it. Making the 
crime his excuse, he cast Cosmas into prison until he extorted from 
the unfortunate patriarch all the gifts presented by the Christians 
as alms in that church. This seems to show that the gifts of the 
pilgrims, even in the time of persecution, were very considerable. 

But persecution rigorously applied ends very often in cutting off 
a source of revenue which is generally most acceptable to the 
persecutors. The reputation and wealth of the church of St. Menas 
inflamed the bigotry of the Mahomedans, and the end came before 
the close of the century. In the patriarchate of Shenoude I (859- 
869),29 the Arab forces wrecked the Christian churches and monas- 
teries in the province of Alexandria, destroying and burning them. 
The church of St. Menas was so utterly ruined and the Christians 
so disheartened that there was no possibility of repairing the building; 
it was abandoned, and the town which had grown up round the 
church was deserted also, as its raison d'etre was destroyed. 

^ Renaudot, op. ciL, p. 295. 
'^ Renaudot, o/y. cit., p. 311. 


Feb. 13] ST. MENAS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1907. 

The church of St. Menas figures largely in the accounts of 
the miracles performed by the saint. The events narrated are 
apparently supposed to take place before the Arab conquest, when 
the cult of St. Menas was at its height, and when the church was 
the resort of pilgrims from all countries. 

Two miracles narrated by Surius show the high estimation in 
which the church itself was held. A certain rich man of Alexandria, 
named Eutropius, had two silver dishes made, one for himself and 
one to be presented in the church of St. Menas, the dishes being 
stamped with the respective names of the saint and himself. When 
the dishes were completed that of St. Menas was so much better 
than the other that Eutropius determined to keep it for himself and 
to present the inferior dish to the church. On his way across the 
lake from Alexandria to St. Menas' church, he used the silver dish 
at his dinner in the boat. After the meal, his slave washed the 
dish over the side of the boat, a sudden darkness came on, the dish 
slipped through the slave's fingers, and sank into the waters. The 
slave, afraid to face his master's wrath, sprang overboard and was 
drowned. Eutropius suddenly realized the enormity of his offence 
and repented of his sin ; and immediately the slave was seen 
following the boat, holding the dish in his hands. On reaching 
the boat, he narrated how St. Menas and two companions had 
appeared and rescued him from his perilous plight. Eutropius, 
greatly impressed by this miracle, made his way to the church 
where he presented not only both the silver dishes, but the slave 
as well, for the service of the saint. 

The second miracle shows even more clearly the sanctity of 
the shrine, a false oath sworn in that place being followed by condign 
punishment. A Jew of Alexandria when going on a journey left 
his purse and goods under the care of a Christian. On his return, 
he asked for his property, but the dishonest Christian denied having 
received anything from him. The Jew, unable to prove his case, 
asked the Christian if he were prepared to swear to the truth of his, 
the Christian's, statement in the church of St. Menas. The Christian 
readily assented, and the two went together to the church where the 
Christian swore the required oath. On the return journey the 
Christian's horse stumbled and threw its rider, out of whose pocket 
a ring fell. The Christian appears to have known that he was 
risking the displeasure of the saint by making a false oath in his 
church and was evidently expecting retribution, he therefore thought 



the fall was the destined punishment, not having noticed the loss of 
the ring. But a little later when he and the Jew were having a meal 
together, a slave appeared with the Jew's purse which he handed to 
its rightful owner, saying that a knight had come to the Christian's 
wife and asked for the purse, producing the Christian's ring as his 
authority. The knight was no doubt St. Menas in propria persona, 
the Jew recovered all his property, was converted, and in gratitude to 
the saint made large offerings to his church, 

{To be continued.) 





Daniel and Chronicles. 
By Sir Henry H. Howorth, K.C.I. E., F.R.S ^ etc. 

{Continued from page 38.) 

The argument for a separate and late origin for the so-called 
additions, based on the contention that they were composed in Greek 
and not in Semitic like the rest of Daniel, and are interpolations, and 
not integral parts of the original text, has been similarly pressed by 
many modern writers, notably in Germany, where the Rabbinical 
tradition and the supremacy of the Masoretic text have dominated 
very largely the Criticism of the Bible during the last centur}'. 

It seems to me that a considerable light is available for 
the settling of this question in the fact that we have two Greek 
versions of these fragments and additions, differing not only in 
phraseology and language, but also materially in contents. I mean 
the Septuagint text and that of Theodotion. This difference makes 
it plain, as Eichhorn, indeed, urged long ago, that they are, in a 
large measure, independent translations of some original. It cannot 
be maintained for a moment that Theodotion's is a new edition or 
rechauffee of the Septuagint. What necessity can be urged, or what 
virtue would there be, in any new edition which merely consisted in 
recasting an existing Greek text like the Septuagint and changing its 
vocabulary and putting it into a new syntactical dress ? Theodotion's 
purpose and method in all his other work, so far as we know it, was 
very different to this, namely, to correct the Septuagint by the 
Hebrew. In this case, according to the critics I am answering, 
there was no Hebrew, and Theodotion's work, therefore, would be 
a mere word-play and trifling, and the making, not of a new transla- 



tion, but the creation of a kind of Greek Targum upon a Greek 
version already existing, and which, in the case of this book, was an 
exceptionally good version. Dr. Pusey, in fact, says of it, " the Greek 
itself of the Book of Daniel is in many parts purer and more elegant 
than that of any of the Septuagint translators." He adds what is 
very interesting in view of the contention here urged, " the trans- 
lator avoided Hebraisms, which Theodotion subsequently restored" 
{Pusey's Daniel the Prophet, p. 398 and note). Assuredly these 
Hebraisms are inexplicable and utterly paradoxical unless we allow 
that they were derived by him from some Semitic original which he 
had before him. They could hardly be due to a mere wanton 
wish to sophisticate the good Greek of the Septuagint by foreign 
barbarisms. Besides, as Dr. Ball says, his text differs in many places 
substantially in matter, showing that he had a different text before 
him than the Septuagint when he was translating (see the Book of 
Susanna, Speaker's Commentary, Apocrypha H, 330). Let us pass on, 

Those who deny a former Semitic original for the additions to 
Daniel, profess to find no traces of Semitic influence in their language. 
This is surely due to that form of blindness which will not see. Thus, 
in regard to the so-called Prayer of Azarias and Hymn of the Three 
Children, Eichhom seems to me to show very plainly that the Greek 
translators of these so-called insertions had an original Aramaic or 
Hebrew text before them, which has greatly affected the terminology 
and the ideology of the language {Einleitung in das alte Testament, 
IV, 426-430). See also Bertholdt {Einleitung, H, 1567). Bertholdt's 
prejudices are the other way, but he is constrained to say in regard 
to these two documents, "Ausserdem kommen noch so viele harte 
Aramaismen vor, dass man es mit Eichhorn nicht bios fiir zweifelhaft 
halten kann : ob dieses Gebet urspriinglich in griechischer oder in 
aramaischer Sprache niedergeschrieben worden sei ; sondern man 
muss bestimmt fiir das letzte entscheiden." {Id., 1568.) 

In regard to Susanna, Driver also speaks of the Hebraisms in 
the text of the document, and specially cites the phrase ical tjv avrip 
oIkov (^tp*!^ ttj^t;^ ^i?^!) and the majority of the verses beginning 
with Kul (1), which particle, occurring in the way it does several 
times in short verses, is quite a Hebrew and non-Greek syntactic 
feature. The phrases cVJ to avro, v, 14 ; kqI tr.^ei,cTo, v, 7, 15, 19 
and 28, and cU avrb 700 ei/0'9 in verse 52 again, are not legitimately 
Greek but Hebraisms. 



In regard to Bel and the Dragon, Driver also quotes several 
Hebraisms in the Greek, as, for example, evco^o^ inrep 7r«'i/T«s tov^ 

<pi\oi"^ ai'-Tov in verse r, Trdarj^ aapKoi Kvpeiav in VCrse 4, e/9 Toi/ oiKOv 

Tou Bi]\ in verse 10, eV ra- SaKTvXi'to verse 13. 

He also mentions how kuI occurs eight times in the 13th and 
26th verses, and *.-«< eiTre in the whole narrative quite often, just like 
"l^b^''') in the Hebrew. 

Cornill also refers to the fact that in the so-called additions, 
the translations of Theodotion and of the Seventy are separate and 
distinct, and points out that there are considerable discrepancies 
between them. He then goes on to speak of the Hebraisms they 
contain. Thus, he says, "Accedit hebraismorum frequentia quam in 
Alexandrini tam in Theodotionis versione; quin etiam Theodotion 
nonnuUis in locis, in quibus Alexandrinus phrasin vere graecam habet, 
hebraicam retinuit, ita ut ejus hebraismis non tantum nostra assertio 
demonstretur, sed etiam prius argumentum corroboretur " {Historicce et 
CrititcB, Introd., 1889, etc., 420). He then quotes in a note some 
Hebraisms which are contained in Theodotion's translation but not 
in the Septuagint ; thus, he says, " Babylonii in utraque versione 
dicuntur aTTo<ndTat" see 3, 32 (from the Hebrew D"^"T^i2l, rebels 
and violent men) ; 3, 46 Kiwvje'i riju kA^huou vdcfyOav ktX, duplicem 

aCCUSationem evitavit Alex., vireKcuov hiroicaTwOev avjwv vdcjidav K-r\ ; 
3, 40, nee Theod., iK-rekeaai OTTiffOeu, nec Alex., e^iXdam oTTiadiv aov 

intelliguntur, nisi supposito Hebr. i^'ini ";7^"in^5 (ut perfecto 

sequamur te) cfr. Numbers xvi, 24; xxxii, 11, sq., etc. In historia 
Susannae attende ad continuum usum particulae kuI (a qua solus 
Theodot. apodasin inchoat, xiii, 19), pronominum uvtov aintj'i ainwi' 
(xiii, 3, 4, 30, 63, ubi Alex, ea plerumque pr^termittit), ad formulam 

Kudivs -xOe-i KCUTpiTrprj fie pa's (xiii, 1 5, ubi Alex., Kcnd to e/w^os), cfr. xiii, 

24, 61, etc. In tertia pericope, xiv, 13, Kmaaeieii' a Theod. ponitur 
pro Hebr. Tj^^n (hue illuc agitavit; sparsit), dum Alex, versum 
perspicue expressit ; ibid. Theod. a(f)payiaai ev -nZ- coktuXiw, sed Alex, 
omittit eV (Heb. '2), xiv, 14. Theodotio in apodasi iterum adhibet 
Kai, id quod evitat Alex, etc. (id. 420, note). 

Kaulen in his Einleitung in die Heilige Schrift, 1893, takes 
the same view. He says the style of the so-called additions is not 
distinguishable from that of the main work. 

He also lays stress on the independence of the two translations. 
Thus he says: "beide Texte stehen so selbstandig nebeneinander, 



dass eine Abhangigkeit des einen vom andern nicht denkbar ist. Beide 
sind vielmehr selbstandige Ubersetzungen und werden als solche in 
dem Syrisch-hexaplarischen Texte beriicksichtigt " (p. 400). He 
also speaks of the Hebraisms they contain. Thus, he says : "gibt es 
darin einzelne Ausdriicke, welche nur als Ubersetzungen aus einer 
semitischen Sprache moglich sind ; in iii, 40, eKre\effai oviaecv aov 
Th. ^^tXAaai h-n-iaOcv aov LXX ; femer in dem Lobgesange der Jiing- 
linge die Wiederholungen Bfiotroi, verses 64 and 68, Th. LXX ; Kau^ia 
verses 66 and 67, Th. ; yj^vxo's, verses 67 and 71 Th., wo im Original 
gewiss verschiedene Ausdriicke gestanden haben ; in Susannas Ge- 
schichte das unzahlige Male wiederholte Kal selbst in Nachsatze 19, 
das oft wiederkehrende avTov, avrrj'^, avrivi' statt des Suffixes z. B. 30 

(? 60 and 61) (der Ausdruck alpeTou ^lol ea^iv afiapreii', 23) 

tTroi'ntJuv aVToiv ui> Tpoirov e7roi>}]pcu(T(ii'ro tu- TrKijatoi' TrotTjcrni Kma -ov 

v6^ov Micvaij u.a. : In Kap. 14, besonders, v. 14, kcu in Nachsatz; 
sowie €(T(ppa^/i'aavro ev tic caK7v\iiv zu " (400). For these and similar 
instances he further quotes Wiederholt in the Tubingen Theol. 
Quartelschrifi iox 1869-187 2. 

Dr. Ball says in regard to the closing phrase in verse 62 of 
Susanna : " It is difficult to imagine that Greek was the original 
language of this closing sentence. As Greek it is intolerable as well 
as unintelligible; as a bold rendering from a Semitic tongue its 
peculiarities are intelligible enough." 

The same writer has also given several instances in his introduction 
and also in the notes to the narrative of the Prayer and the Song of 
the Three Children, see op. cif., p. 308, etc., showing the strongly 
Hebraic cast and complexion of the narrative. In regard to all the 
three so-called additions, he concludes, and no one has a better right 
to an opinion on the subject, "As to the original language of all 
the three additions to Daniel, it was probably in each case either 
Aramaic or Hebrew. The Greek text consequently is either a 
translation or a paraphrastic remodelling of the pieces." He urges 
again, that the argument for an original Hebrew (say rather Aramaic) 
text does not rest on merely linguistic grounds, but " may also be 
based upon the contents of all three additions, which, indeed, are 
hardly conceivable as the fictions of Alexandrian Hellenists." 

The only really effective argument used by the champions of a 
Greek original for the so-called additions in Daniel, is that based on 
the presence in the Greek of two puns or paronomasia, as the Greeks 
called them. These puns were referred to as we have seen by 



Asur-natkil, )nu ki I apati o( Crown Prince {c) 

Asur-sallim {l> k) 

Asur-sallim-ahe {i z) 

Asur-si (v) 

Balasu {a) 

Bani {gm), (g) aba {m) sanii o\ rab dsu 

Basiia (/>) 

Barziklitu (tv) 

Bariki, rab {re) 

Barruku, jmikil apati (g il m ov x g j m) 

Bel-aplu-iddin, rab za . . , . ri {af k /') 

Bel-danan, sa eli .... (c") 

Bel-Harran-sar-usur {b) 

Bel-ili-milki, son of Bel-nuri {k) 

Bel-lamur {d') 

Bel-musallim {ii) 

Bel-sar-usur {v) 

Bel-taklak {k) 

Gabbu-ilani-eres {z) 

Gallul, rab kisir (b) 

Gula-eres, aba (e) 

Ginai, tauikarii {e) 

Danani-Nergal {t z) 

Dui, aba {k a) 

Didi, atii} {ad) 

Dilil-Istar {c) 

Diti-Bel-taba (/') 

Erba-ahe (a') 

XJdixhhx^ salsu, {v) salsu datmu {Imvxd'g) 

Uznanu {c) 

Ululai, KU-KA-SAR {c) 

Usani-ilu, rakbu {e) 

Zamama-erba, salsu {c m x e j") 

Zer-ukin {m/iv), rakbu, {71) mukil apati 

Zeruti I, jfiukil apd ft of Crown Prince {el yd') 

Zeriiti II, rab kisir of Crown Prince {hnx) 

Zerilti III, atii {e) 

Zili {t z) 

Habaste, atu, rab ate {bldmuyg K) 

Hiri-ahe, mukil apdti (;«) 

8l F 


Tab-sar rab kisir (d) 

Tebetai, sartenmi {mj") 

lada (e) 

Idati-Bel-alaka, son of Asur-sallim {b) 

Ikaru (a-) ' 

Ilu-dini-amur, son of Bel-aplu-iddin {k) 

Ilu-nadin-aplu (/) 

Isanai (a) 

Isdi-Asur, abarakhu (/) 

Isdi-Nabil, salsu (a) 

Istar-dflri (/) 

Istar-ilai, rab kisir 

Istar-nadin-aplu, aba {hj rv m) 

Istar-sum-eres, rab aba (n 7V d') 

Istar-sum-iddin (71') 

Kakkullanu {u) 

Kalhai {b) 

Kisir-Asur, hazdnu {kf g') 

Latubasani-Adadi {c) 

Lusakin, son of Adseki (y ) 

Li'iti-Marduk {u) 

Mannu-ki-ahi, sanii of Nineveh (/) 

Mannu-ki-Arbaili, rakbit (me) 

Mannu-ki-Asur, mukU apati of Crown Prince {11 ?') 
Mannu-ki-Harran, rakbii tabrdte {Jioiiun) 
Mannu-ki-Ninua {x) 
Marduk-erba («') 

Marduk-zer-ibni, aba (//) 

Marduk-rimani (y) 

Marduk-sakin-sum, rab itias7)'.ase {n w) 

Marduk-sar-usur I, son of Gabbe (ovy) 

Marduk-Sar-usur II, inukil apdti {11) 

Maskaru, salsu (ly) 

Matilai {t z) 

Mukinu-Asur {r q) 

Musezib-Marduk, saknu of horses {e) 

Mutallu {k) 

Milki-idri, rab kisir (m) 

Nabua (v) 

NaM-aplu-iddjn («) 



Nabti-asarid (z) 

Nabu-bel-usur, hazatm {11) 

NabiVetir I {b) 

Naba-etir II {b) 

Nab<i-erba, sanii of rah urate (ceg h m n v 7V d' I' in) 

NabCi-erba-ahe, aba (/y) 

Nabu-zer-iddin {bgne'f'g), rakbu tabrate {ii) miiktl apati 

Nab(i-nadin-ahe, aba^ son of Nabfi-sallimsunu of Higi-an-be {cc) 

NabCi-nasir (s) 

Nabtl-kata-sabit, saM (/) 

Nabii-rihtu-usur (w) 

Nabfl-rimani, rab kisir (m) 

Nabu-sallim (e'/') 

Nabli-sar-usur, rab kisir, sauu (b ?n ef) 

Nabii-sezib, mukil apati {I }?i ^v y d' m) 

Nabti-sezibani (/&) 

Nabti-sura-iddin {eg), (e) rakbu, (g) mukil apati 

Nadinu, aba (g) 

Naharau (b) 

Na'id-Adadi, rakbu tabrate (gk) 

Nergal-sar-usur I, saisu (/ m w xy h' i' d' g') 

Nergal-sar-usur II {flnil'j), (_/") wa/w^ of Tarbuse, {I) rakbu safiii, 

(m) sa/su 
Niniiai (k c) 

Ninip-ilai, sa/ni of Dannai (m) 
Sakanu, mtikil apati (g 1 771 g'j' I' ///) 
Sasi, hazdnu (a d w) 
Sukkai, servant of rab-BI-L UL {d') 
Si'hari, salsu (k m) 
Silim-Asur, stikallu daimu (in n 111) 
Sin-abu-usur {k) 

Sin-asarid, salsu dannu of Crown Prince (g^^i) 
Si-natan (k) 
Sin-rfmani (c) 
Si'rila-ilu, rakbu tabrate (Ji in) 

Sin-sum {x) 

Salmu-husani, rakbu tabrate {hm) 
Salmu-sar-ikbi {eg) 
Rihime-sarri, tamkaru {k) 
Samas-abua {e) 



Samas-ahu-usur (e) 
Samas-bel-usur (d) 
Samas-napisti-iram (g) 
Samas-sallim, saknu ekalli (e d') 

Samas-sar-usur, viukil apati o( (Zrown Prince (l> gl)n ow xy d' e f 
g h' I' ;//') 

Sar-Asur, sa eli {/) 

Sarru-ibni, rakbu (;«) 

Sarru-ilai (dnw) 

Sarru-kenis-usur (d'^ 

Sarru-llidari (<?) 

Sarru-mukin, son of Asur-sallim (/') 

Summa-Asur, bel-pahati (71'') 

Sumnia-ilani, 7nukil apati (dgloe vi) 

Summa-tasezib {c) 

Simanu, tainkaru (b) 

Tarditu-Asur, salsu of Crown Prince («) 

Tursu-Istar (r) 

Having regard to the nature of the evidence, it would be difficult 
to imagine a more complete proof of the essential connection of the 
members of Rimani-Adadi's group. 

A little reflection will show that in making out similar name-lists 
for other groups of Eponyms, supposed to be closely related, it is 
not necessary to register names which occur only once in the group. 
The fact that one name occurs in a large number of the tablets 
belonging to the group is a presumption that they are nearly 
contemporary. When another name is found to be common to a 
large number of the same group, this presumption is greatly 
increased. In the above group we have Rimani-Adadi common to 
all, several names are common to five, six, or more, of the group. 
A careful study of the way in which the names occur will only 
increase the conviction that all these tablets were written about the 
same time. 


Feb. 13] THE TOMB OF THYI. [1907. 

By E. R. Ayrton. 

The work of Mr. Davis and myself in the Valley of the Tombs of 
the Kings at Thebes has again been crowned with success, and 
has resulted in the discovery of the tomb of Thyi, one of the most 
interesting queens of Egyptian history, the wife of Amenhetep HI 
and mother of Akhenaten. 

It is situated deep below the present level of the valley, slightly 
to the South of, and in the same hill as that of Rameses IX (Nefer- 

The plan is simple; a flight of well-cut steps leads down to a 
corridor which opens into a large room with a small side-chamber 
in the South wall. This room was originally covered with white 
stucco but left unpainted. Fragments of a large wooden coffin lie 
on the floor or against the walls, whilst on one side is the royal 
mummy under a cartonnage (shaped to the figure) of exquisite 
workmanship, inlaid with various stones in gold mounts. The surface 
of the large coffin was originally covered with scenes of the Aten 
worship, and was made for the " Royal mother and Great royal wife 
Thyi " by Akhenaten. Besides a few broken boxes this is the only 
furniture in the tomb. 

Unfortunately the whole of the woodwork and stucco is so fragile 
that it crumbles under the touch, and we have consequently been 
unable to move anything. The whole contents of the tomb are 
therefore being photographed before we attempt to handle or pre- 
serve them in any way. 

The two halves of the door of the room were covered with gold 
leaf, and, like the coffin, ornamented with the scenes of Aten worship. 
Four very fine alabaster canopic jars are in the side-chamber and 
a few stone kohl-pots are scattered about the floor, but of other 
small objects the tomb is practically destitute. 



The cartouches of Akhenaten have been erased on the furniture, 
but those of Thyi and Amenhetep III remain intact. 

The outer door had been sealed by the priests of Amen, but 
had been broken into later and then roughly closed again. This 
probably took place after the decay of the Aten worship, and was 
done with the object of erasing the cartouches of Akhenaten. 

It has, till now, been generally supposed that Thyi was buried 
at Tell el Amarna, or in the Western Valley at Thebes, and the 
finding of her tomb here has been a complete surprise. 




By p. Scott-Moncrieff, M.A. 
The well-known reconstruction of the Egyptian name of Joseph 

^ /^ "^1 ^ ^ ^ "?■ TT ^ "^^^^ ^^ Steindorff from the 
Hebrew TO^DTliD!^, is almost incontestably correct, especially 
when allowances are made for the Massoretic pointing of the Hebrew 
and the insertion of " furtive pathah " at the end of the word. Yet 
the actual equivalent of this word, " god spake and he lives," has 
not been found among Egyptian names of this type, all of which 

specify a particular god, e.g., ^^ i Wl ^ « T ^ 

"Khons spake and he lives," ]| Q ^ ^ "T i^ 

" Ptah spake and he lives," '^ (j ^ J (1 ^ "?" "Z 

" Amon spake and he lives," etc. The objection of the Hebrews to 
names compounded with those of foreign gods is well known,i and 
in the later redaction of the historical books, names which were com- 
pounded with Baal (a common form during the early kingdom) were 
invariably changed, either in derision as in iH^S.tlJ'^t^ (Ishbosheth, 

"the man of shame") for ^V^tp**^ (fshbaal, "the man of Baal"), 

or, to a more orthodox form, as in i^T^S^ (Elida, " God knoweth"), 

for i^T^i?^. (Baalida, " Baal knoweth "). The great knowledge of 

Egypt displayed by the writer of the Joseph story makes it, therefore, 
quite conceivable that, as the tradition of the Egyptian name for 
Joseph originally stood, some particular Egyptian god was mentioned. 

' Although names like Mordecai, which is certainly a form of Marduk, appear 
here and there. The names Hur and Phinehas are said by Steindorff to be 
Egyptian. See Enc, Bib., under Names. 


Prof. Naville (From-di/ii^s, XXV, p. 15S), who thinks that the 
name of Joseph has nothing to do with any deity, but impUes that 

he was some official of the per anhh .2. , suggests that if Steindorffs 

theory were correct, the name of a particular god has been omitted 
from fear of making an historical blunder. It may be, however, 
that the piety of either the original writer or the redactor could 
not permit the name of an Egyptian deity to be associated with 
a national hero such as Joseph, and the nearest equivalent which 

he knew for the sacred name would naturally be A^ "^^^ | _J| 

P-nete{f)^ meaning " god " indefinitely, or par excellence.'^ This 
would partly account for the peculiar form of the first part of the 
word, and explain the absence of any exact Egyptian equivalent. 

- With the name of an Egyptian, however, such as Potiphar (i.e., 
^ \ A ^ \ ^ ? I ^ " ^^^^ ^"'^"'" ^^ Siveth," or more correctly, 
according to Naville, ^^ =g , "The peace of Ka"), no care is taken to alter 
the name of the Egyptian deity Ra. 

The next Meeting of the Society will be held on 
Wednesday, March 13th. 1907, at 4.30 p.m., when the 
following Paper will be read : — 

Dr. Pinches.—" Some Account of Cuneiform Tablets— 
their Production and Contents." 

This Paper will be illustrated by Lantern slides. 








Third Meeting, March i^tJi, 1907. 



[No. ccxvii.] 89 


The following gift to the Library was announced, and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donor : 

From Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.I.E. — "Cuneiform Texts from 
Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum." Vols. XVII-XX. 


The following donation has been received : — 

March, 1907 : — 

W. H. Rylands, Esq. (4//^ doiiatioii) ... J[^2 2 o 

E. W. Hollingworth, Esq., M.A., Blackheath 
H. R. Blanchard, Esq., Cairo, Egypt, 
Mons. A. de Lange, Amsterdam, 
Miss Crosfield, Reigate, 
Mrs. Graham, Cornwall, 

were elected Members of the Society. 

The following Paper was read : — 

Dr. Pinches : " Some Account of Cuneiform Tablets — their 
Production and Contents." 

This Paper was illustrated by Lantern slides. 
Thanks were returned for this communication. 




By Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D. 

Mr. Randolph Berens has been so fortunate as to obtain a cunei- 
form tablet from Aleppo, of black clay, 1 1 cent, long and 5^ broad, 
which must have come from one of the Hittite sites in northern 
Syria. A few characters have been lost through a fracture, more are 
illegible from want of cleaning, and the characters are difficult to read 
as they are very small, and often present unfamiliar forms. We must 
therefore wait for the definitive publication of the cuneiform text, 
which it is Mr. Berens' intention to bring out at some future time 
along with that of other tablets in his collection, until the tablet can 
be properly cleaned. Meanwhile the great scientific importance of 
the document induces me, with the permission of the owner, to give 
here a transliteration and translation of it, lost characters being repre- 
sented by lines ( ) and characters that are illegible from want 

of cleaning by dots ( . . . ). Indeed, when the tablet is cleaned it 
is probable that most, if not all, of the characters against which I 
have put a query, will be read with certainty. 

The tablet has been written by a Hittite who was acquainted with 
Assyrian. The leading words, such as the prepositions and verbs, 
are for the most part in Hittite, and have exactly the same forms as 
those found in the Yuzgat tablet recently published by Dr. Pinches 
and myself, showing that the same Hittite language was spoken from 
Cappadocia to northern Syria. What is most curious, however, is 
that we have in the language of the tablet an anticipation of Pehlevi, 
Assyrian words being provided with Hittite grammatical suffixes, so 
that it may be described as Assyrian in a Hittite setting. Apart 
from the language, the tablet throws an interesting light on Hittite 
theology and gives us the names of several new deities, Babis, Katuk, 
Taus, Matim (?), and Ustimius, not to mention Sapa, who was 
already known to us from the name of the Hittite king Sapa-luliuma. 
The sacred "tree" and "grove," or "garden," and the "idol-fetish" 

91 G 2 


of the Sun-tree and the Wine-god find their counterparts in the 
Hittite hieroglyphic inscriptions, as will be seen by a reference to my 
decipherment of them, which is thus indirectly confirmed (see Proc. 
S.B.A., Nov., 1905, pp. 201, 207, 221, etc.). 

On the geographical side also the tablet is of interest. Kaskastl 
(if that is the right reading) will be the Kiskissos of classical geo- 
graphy, the Keshkesh of the inscriptions of Rameses II, and the 
Kaska, prol)ably, of Tiglathpileser I. In Simig we have the city 
from which came Simiginis, "the god of the city of Simigi," men- 
tioned in the letter of the Mitannian king Dusratta {Proc. S.B.A., 
June, 1900, pp. 187-9, 224, where the god "of the warriors of 
Simigi " reminds us of the zadim " warriors " of the present text).i 
The city of Dabi, if that is the right reading, mentioned in line 30, 
might be the city of Ikhib, which could also be read Idib, of which 
Simiginis was the god. If ^ur is correct in line 54, the country 
would be the Suri or Suwarti of the Assyrian inscriptions. 

The tablet is covered with writing on all its edges as well as upon 
its sides. Each line begins with an upright wedge, J; they are 
separated by ruled lines, and the introduction is followed by two 
ruled lines. 


I. nu Amil-e-lum-li 

ba-a-bi-ya um-ma 

To Amil-e-bim 

my father thus 

2. Ut-ta-ti ma-ar 

y(?)2sa ALU 

Uttati the son 

of the city of 


3. ki AN Us-tar-rim a-li-qa 
as follows ; (may) the goddess of thy city, 

4. AN Gis-na-zir ii li (?)-el-um 
the god who protects the tree and the spirit (?) 



the Moon-god who protects the tree and the god of seed-soil. 

1 Siml is the name of a place in the Ililtite portion of northern Syria men- 
tioned by Ramses III at Medinet Habu (VI, 5), where it follows the name of 

- Or ,?a (?) " thy," 



6. NIN-SAKH du-um-qu . . ya (?) ^ 

AUys [grant thee\ prosperity. 

7. GU-ZA a-na ab-bi te ti (?) ^ sa ^ an se-zi 

A throne to the father ... of the god of the Seed of Life, 

8. ili-li-el bilat^ se nu-su-us tum se 
the idol of the mistress of seed, export seed, 

9. mi-si-us-SE sa sib alu Kas-qa-su (?)-u (?) 
misius-seed of the shepherd of the city of Kasqasu (?) 

10. du-mu-ti-im ud i-kam su-lum 
the dues (?) for one day (being) an offering (?) 

11. yy^ Gis-Gi-is u II BAR na-ra pa-u. 
of2^{}) reeds and 2^ . . I have giveti. 

Gis (?)-na-zir u dhu (?) 

[Before the god'\ who protects the tree and the father (?) 

LIB (?) a-li SE-ni 

in (?) the city of our seed 

13. MES 

\the gods ?] 

14. - - - AN-Ta-us-lis-me ra-bi-a-nu-um 
\lBefore'\ Taus-listne the magistrate 

15. DHU sa Mu-se-ru-AN-Ka-tuk 
the father of Museru-Katug, 

16. AN-Us-ti-mi-i-us-GAB 


17. DHU Si-bi-it-su-ba-at-A-bi-il 
the father of Sibit-subat-Abil, 

18. AN Kir-ban-nam li an Ki-nam u-li-u 

the god Kirbanmim and the god Kimim I made oath (?). 

3 Or ilr (?) or bis (?). •» Or nu (?). 

^ Or possibly ta " thy." « *^. 



19. rab XXX II ap-pa-a 
A rabbu 0/2,2 appa 

20. si-lu-nu (?) [sa?] ri-us-su nu 

t/ie . . . [0/] his shepherd to 

21. AN UD-Gis-[sAR]-i-si-ri um-mi 

Samas-kira-isiri my mother 

22. SE AN Mar-[tu-]rab 
the seed of Alur-rabii 

23. DHU Ba-an-ab-bi (?) Nisu gis-mar-gid-da 
the father of Baji-abbiQ) the charioteer, 

24. ma-ti-im sa-[ra ?-]as pa-o 

... ... / have give 71 (?). 

25. sa an UD-tsi-[il]-za-bi-im 
Of Samas-tsil-tsabim 

26. DHU Mu-pa-se-ir-Gis-UD 

the father of the l7iter prefer of {the oracle of) the Sun-tree 

27. DHU Khir-ru-AN-Ri-it-ti-a-a 
the father of Serru-Rittia 


28. ^C^ Gis-SE sa-ar-ra-as ina sum ab-bi 

6 (?) seedlings . . . in the name of mj' father 

29. Gis-us IV I(?)'-\va 
4 trees . . 

30. la-Ii-ya alu Da-bi-il apin-se 
I have sent from the city of Dabis . . , 

31. mu-na 



. . -az 



the four 

. . s 

of the lake. 

Possibly ma. 

Mar. 13] 



32. SE GIS-AN 

the seed of the divi?te tree 

sa AN Ma-mi-im 

of the goddess Mamim (?) 





XXXI ill 

3 1 loads (?) 

of seed (J) 

ra (?)-bi sib 

the . . of the 


shepherd of the temple 



GIS IS-tl 

^/z^ . . tree 

//^^ keeper 





the city 

Gis-SAR sa 

of the garden of 

Dur-ba-ab-me nu 

of the fortrees-gate, for 


the fortress-gate, 

36. Gis-sAR ga-na-ri-iz 
the garden . . . 

37. GIS-SAR 

(and) the garden 


of the road, 





(and for) the keeper of the garden 


the keeper 


the fortress. 

39. Amil-I-lum 
Af nil-Hum 

the high-priest 

40. AN Kha-ti-il 

of the god Khati - from ; 

for her 

41. ni - - - gan-wa 
of. . . 


the field 


42. it-ta 
appointed {T) . . . 

43. GIS-SAR sa y Sa-ap-ib-bi-sa-ar-li-ik-bi 
the garden of Sap-ibbi-sar-likbi 

^ Or /^ (?), i.e., Hi rabi "great loads." 






of the man (?) 





y Za-ar-SE 

the idol 

of the Sun-tree 

the Creator of Seed, 


of Mur 





the sister ; 

she has assig 

tied (?) 



SE kit 

i-li-el AN KAS-EDIN-U 

the loads (?) 

of seed to 

the idol of the ] Vine-god 


DHU Ba-b 

)is-li-ik-bi f 

ba-nu-uq-qa ka-tu (?) 

the father of Bahis-likbi 

thy begetter, for (?) 



XXXIII ap-pa-a 

SE y na(?)-di(?) 

. . . (viz 

) Zl appd 

of seed, the rent i>) 

50. Se-za-ni-sarru-za-bi-im 
of Setsani-sar-tsabim 





the shepherd of the temple of the Sun-god 

ab-bl (character erased) 

of {his) father 

SIB Sa-ap-a-na-bi-qa 

the shepherd Sap-ana-pi-qa- 

ma sum 
in the name 




the oxherd 


monthly {and) dai- 



AN MAR-TU-ba-an-da sarru-as 10 (?) Su (?)-ur 
Alur-banda being king of Sur {J). 



our father 

AN UD sa Kir (?)-ya-tum 
the Sun-god of Kiryatum (?) 



the people. 


Or possibly sa. 

^^ Or ruvi^ 





the priest 


the Earth-goddess 



khat-ri-ikh su.m-m[a] 

the gift 


. . . I have given. 


56. AN Ka-tuk-SIS-GIS-SAR 


57. Na-bi-ili-su sal an mar-tu- 
Naln-ili-su the woman Mur- 

58. sis-a-ni f Sin-su-gur 
utsur-ani, Sin-sugur, 


59. Pa-ar-ma-mi-si J kas a-na zab tsa-bi-a-tum \ a-na 
{and) Par-mamisi ; beer to the soldiery ; to 



1. The third character is ^][. U (^f'^iglj) may be the con- 
junction, but only one person seems to be addressed, and in lines 35^ 
38 it is probably a case suffix. The nominative babis is found in 
line 48. 

2. The proper name Utatis is found in one of M. Chantre's 
tablets from Boghaz Keui (No. 4). For Simig see Introduction. 

3. Ki may be ki, the determinative of place {Simik-Ki).^^ We 
may translate " the Istar of thy city." 

4. The sacred tree is called Uana or Vina in the hieroglyphic 
texts. Sa in Arzawan-Hittite is the third personal pronoun. 

5. Nin-sakh is identified with Tammuz. 

8. Ilci, written ilihi and i-li-el in lines 45, 47, is the Hebrew 
S'^.t^j and represents the idol-fetish or symbol of the deity on a 
pole so often mentioned in the hieroglyphic texts. In the Egyptian 
version of the treaty between Rameses II and the Hittites it is called 
a Sutekh. tum is the transcription of ^^^yj. 

9. The two last characters would naturally be read kii-gur, but 
they are probably intended for su-u. 

'^ Can it mean " I say"? 


10. Sulum may be Assyrian, from ehl:. 

11. The Hittite verb pa-ti is found in a similar position in the 
Yuzgat tablet. From the same root we have pai-wi " I gave," 
J>d-it "he gives," pa-i's " giving," /^-/ssz "for a gift." 

12. There is room at the beginning of the line for nu an. 

13. This line seems to have been erased. 

15. The ideograph dhu denoted "parent" rather than "father" 
in the strict sense of the word (see W. A. I., II, 62, 21, V, 29, 67). 
Hence, perhaps, " progenitor "' would be a better translation than 
"father." The choice of the ideograph may be due to the fact 
that the Hittites counted descent on the mother's side as well as 
upon that of the father. Katug will be the Katu-gha or " Kataonian " 
of the hieroglyphic texts. 

16. Ustimius is an adjectival derivative from Ustim. 

17. The name may signify "Staff of the seat of Abiel." The 
proper name Abiel is met with in the Yuzgat tablet. 

18. Kirbannam and Kinam, "tribute" and "justice." Instead 
of Kinam it is possible to read Dinam "law." U/iu may be the 
Assyrian 7i//i (from eM) with the Hittite suffix of the first pers. 

19. The ra^ was a measure mentioned also in the Yuzgat tablet, 
where a/>pd is written dp/>a. Perhaps we are intended to translate : 
" I rai 32 appa." 

20. "His" probably refers to the god named in line 12. 
22. "Seed" must here be used in a metaphorical sense. 
24. O is the transcription of ^. 

26. From the hieroglyphic texts it may be concluded that the 
name should be Mupaser-Uinnu. 

27. The ru of Serru is written as a gloss underneath Kliir. The 
■country called Ritti is otherwise unknown. 

30. Laliya and lali are found in the Arzawan tablets. There 
may have been a lost character between Da and bi, and it is possible 
that dabi is not the name of a particular city but the latter part of 
some Hittite word for "town." apin-se would be "ground-seed." 

31. In line 42 we have the adjectival numa-was preceded by the 
■determinative of "tree." Since miina could be read wuna it is 
possible that it js the nana or uina, the sacred tree, of the hiero- 
glyphic texts, from which tiimmiii) " wine " was derived. In earlier 
times, however, the tree was the pine or cedar. Hence the meaning 
•of the present passage may be : " The cones of the pine before the 



four sides (?) of the (sacred) lake, the fruit of the sacred tree of 
the god Matim (?) and his brother." For the sacred tree of the 
hieroglyphic texts, see P.S.B.A., Jan. 1905, pp. 22, 24. 

32. The reading is Ma-mi-im, "the goddess Mamim." This is 
probably the name of the Earth-goddess. 

33. The reading is probably /// se qit ra-bi "loads (?) of grain 
for the rabi." 

34. The temple stood beside " the gate of the fortress," the 
governing word in Hittite following the governed. Me is a case 
suffix which is of frequent occurrence in the hieroglyphic texts. 

35. As in line i, it is possible that A is the conjunction, ''for the 
aba and the garden " or " grove." 

36. The suffix of the adjective ganari-z is difficult to understand, 
unless it stands for -izzi which appears to represent the locative case 
in Hittite. 

39. A second 7ii may have stood after the first character ; if so, 
the name would be Amil-ililum. If there is only one ;//, the high- 
priest and the addressee of the letter will probably be the same 

40. The god Khati is "the Hittite." "Her" must be the 
mother of line 21. 

41. In the Yuzgat tablet -itta is the suffix of the passive participle, 
te appears to signify "speaking," though here the more natural 
meaning would be "appointing." 

42. 43. "A garden of muna-trees belonging to Sap-ibbi-sar-likbi " : 
see note on line 31. The proper name means "Sap has proclaimed : 
let the king speak." Sap or Sab is written Sapa and Subbi in the 
name of the Hittite king Subbi- (and Sapa-) luliuma ; it is the Sabos 
of the Greeks, the Suwa or Sawa of the hieroglyphic texts. 

44. At the end of this line insert yj .^, perhaps a-sar "the place 
(of the idol). But amil after a-pa-a may be a badly formed sa, so 
" Sapibbi-sar-liqbi, father-in-law (?) of Sargon-idki my brother " 

46. Khatrat is a third pers. sing. In the Arzawan tablets khatra 
must mean either "former" or "other," but neither sense will suit 
here. Khatrikh ox pai-ikh in line 60 is probably connected. 

47. In the Arzawan tablets kit is a preposition signifying "to." 
The name of the Wine-god is found in the Yuzgat tablet. 

48. Babis may be the phonetic equivalent of dhu; if so we 
should have to understand the conjunction " and " before Babis-likbi. 



Otherwise " the idol of the Wine-god " will have been regarded as the 
ancestor of the man Babis-likbi, or else Ilel-KAS-EDiN is itself a proper 
name. Babis, "the Father," is here doubtless the Father-god. In 
later Phrygian times Attys was addressed in Bithynia and elsewhere 
as Papas. 

50. " Cause me to go forth, O King of hosts." Cp. the Biblical 
" Lord of Hosts.' 

54. The two last characters are written underneath the line, and 
are so crowded together that they may be read ma-ar or ma-lik as 
well as su-ur. I can make nothing of mar, but with malik we 
should have : " Mur-banda-saras being prince." However, da and 
sarrii-as, which have been written over an erasure, may be intended 
for a badly formed id-bu ; in this case we might possibly read 
Mur-ban-idbu ma-lik, " M. being king"(?). It is curious that 
among the Canaanite names found on one of the Taanach tablets 
we have " Yiwi-banda the king " and "... bandu the son of Baduna." 
Yiwi may be nin"^- 

55. The character before ya-tum is zak which has also the value 
of kir. It is just possible, however, that it should be separated 
into the two characters i-zib. The four last characters are written 
below the line. 

57. We should note that the Babylonian god Nabu has no 
determinative of divinity before his name as have the native Hittite 

59. In the Yuzgat tablet sa7igi has become sugi. The Earth- 
goddess is the Amma of the hieroglyphic texts, the Amma and Ma 
of classical tradition. It was from her that all seeds, trees, and 
gardens sprang. 

60. Sa-pa-ri-ikh is written as one word, and it is possible that 
we should read parikh and translate "first-fruits" (from fT^D). But 
it is perhaps better to connect the word with khatrat or parat in 
line 46. 

It only remains to add that the forms of the characters are 
derived from those of the cursive Babylonian of the Khammu-rabi 
age and differ considerably from those of the Boghaz Keui (and 
Yuzgat) tablets, which from a palseographical point of view would 
belong to a later period. 


By F. Legge. 

( Continued from p. 73.) 

No. 5. 

{See Plate.) 

The tablet to which we now come was discovered by Prof. Petrie, 
at Abydos, probably among the debris left by M. Amelineau, although 
its exact provenance is not described in Royal To77ibs. It is made 
of wood, which was at the time of its disqovery thickly coated with 
resin {R.T., I, p. 22), apparently for preservation, and is now in 
the British Museum. It differs from its four predecessors in 
containing for the first time a date, given according to some 
hitherto undeciphered system of chronology, but sufficiently marked 
to show that it had already become conventional. This date is 
shown by the three or four registers of signs appearing on the 
sinister or right hand side of the tablet, which are, so to speak, 

bracketed together by a huge example of the palm-leaf sign i , 
generally read as equivalent to renpit, or year. By comparing this 
with the Palermo stone, it is evident that this was the regular way 
in which the year was denoted, the signs within the embrace of the \ 

being in fact the description of the events by which the year was 
remembered. The whole group thus formed a sort of label bearing 
a date in much the same way as if an inscription were now-a-days to 

begin with the year within an oval, as ( a.d. 1907). It follows from 

this that it is wrong to consider the tablet as being divided into two 
halves vertically (cf. R.T., I, p. 40), the line which runs up at the 


back of the king's canopy not being continued J;o the top edge of the 
tablet, and being evidently put there only to show that the signs to 
the sinister side of it were included in the brackets. The first register 
of this dating or "year-name" shows first the king standing between 
two sets of the hemispherical objects, of which a solitary example is 
given on No. 2. and which we have there seen denotes a stadiinn or 
racecourse. These objects are here six in number, probably signify- 
ing that the " course d'Apis " was here performed six times. The 
king is clothed in the brief tunic or kilt before mentioned, and wears 
the combined crown of Upper and Lower Egypt, while he holds in 
his right hand the scourge,^ and in the left a small baton. We should 
rather expect the other hand to hold the oar or paddle, as was the 
case in later times, but it is just possible that what I have called a 
baton is really a vase, which was used in the continuation of the 
same ceremony.- Behind this figure is another representation of the 
king, bearing the scourge and wearing the crown of Lower Egypt 
only. He is seated under a canopy supported by spear points, and 
on a throne set at the head of a staircase. He also wears the long 
tunic used at his coronation, and the figure here given is an exact 
reproduction of the representation of the king " Narmer " or Boethos 
in the Sed festival depicted on the great mace of Hieraconpolis 
(Quibell, Hieraconpolis I, PI. xxvi b). Prof. Petrie's idea that this 
register represents "the king dancing before Osiris" {R.T., I, p. 22) 
derives no support from Mr. Griffith, who in the volume last quoted 
(p. 40) admits that the figure on the throne and that in front of it 
represent the same personage. 

The second register begins with a broken city cartouche sur- 
mounted by what may be a bucranion or pair of horns rising from a 
bull's skull \^, while below it is a sign which may be intended for 
the throwing-stick or so-called boomerang. Within the remaining 
crenellation of the cartouche are three signs partly effaced, which 
probably conveyed, when perfect, the name of the city. These signs 
seem to me to be not as given in Royal Tombs (I, pi. xv), but 

r| , although I can assign no meaning to them. Mr. Griffith 

* M. Moret, Reviie Critique, 1901, I, p. 43, thinks that this is the square x^. , 
hapit, but it seems to me to be here more like the scourge, with which he admits 
it (see Royatitc Pkaraoniijtie, p. 140) to be interchangeable. 

'^ In Gayet, Louxor (PI. Ixxv), the king is depicted as setting out for the Sed 
festival, with the scourge in his left hand, and an exactly similar object to that 
shown in No. 5 on the Plate, in his right. 



{R.T., I, p. 41) suggests a reading of the group, taken with the horns 
and the jner sign to be next mentioned, as meaning " opening the 
gate of foreign lands to those that desire " ; but as I am unable to 
trace the signs that he suggests on the tablet itself, it seems useless 
for me to discuss this interpretation. Behind this cartouche comes 

the hoe y^ , having underneath it three strokes 1 1 1 above a clearly 

marked <i:>. Followmg this group are two groups of signs, the 

upper one showing the vase walking |\ , a O , and what may be a 

bird. The lower group shows the seated figure of a goddess with 
indistinguishable head-dress, and a man upright, grasping in one 
hand a large paddle or oar. The register is closed by the sign \\\y 
above what appears to be a sedan-chair or palanquin. Little can be 
said with any certainty as to the meaning of this register while the 
obliterated signs remain in doubt, but I may point out that the city 
cartouche with the mer sign breaking into it appears on one of the 
carved slates given in a former paper {F.S.B.A., May, 1900, PI. V), 
where we saw that it represented the capture of a fortified town, and 
that the figure with the paddle may signify its rebuilding. It is 
possible therefore that these two registers may be intended to read : 
" In the year when the Sed festival was celebrated at the thrice 
captured and rebuilt city of .... " 

The third register is much broken away, and all that is left bears 

the mountain sign [^^^ followed {not preceded) by what may be the 
siiieti bat formula, here written I )^. It is quite possible that the 

r];::^ may indicate the word Setui, which, or something like it, we 

know on other grounds to have been the cartouche name of Den, 
but it seems to me unlikely that the snten bat should in that case 
follow instead of preceding the royal title. However, as Mr. Griffith 
supports this idea {-R.T., I, p. 41), I give it without further com- 
ment. There is a row of four birds on a stand underneath, but 
I am unable to suggest any meaning for them, nor do I think the 
other signs in this register have been sufficiently deciphered to make 
any explanation of them satisfactory. 

The left-hand or dexter side of the tablet — that is to say, the 
main inscription other than the "year-name" — is much plainer 
sailing. Here we have first the hawk-crowned srekh containing the 



hand and water sign < r-=-^ /w^/va^ generally accepted as the name 

Den. Behind this comes the group Q, ]Mr\ ^ \ 1' ^^'^ich 

Mr. Griffith reads (/oc. cit.) as "the royal chancellor Hemaka," and 
then two enclosures signifying habitation. The upper one, the top 
of which is broken away, contains on the same authority the nub 
sign f^mS^ and an axe (?), having below them the figure of " a man 
pounding, or opening the door of a trap," which Mr. Griffith suggests 
may mean " governor of the quarry city of Het-nub." I do not see 
why, in this case, the whole title should be enclosed, while that 
of " Royal Chancellor " is not, but I have no alternative suggestion 
to offer. Below this again, comes another enclosure, this time with 
the small square in the corner containing nothing but the plant 

sign 1. This Mr. Griffith would read as Het-suten "the enclosure 

of the King of Upper Egypt," which seems entirely satisfactory. 

Below this, again, comes the further title 1 ^^ suten mabti, which 

Dr. Naville has pointed out {Rec. de T?-av., XXV, p. 205) means 
the royal carpenters or axemen ; and hence architects or builders. 
Is this to be taken in connexion with the residence sign immediately 
above it, and as meaning the royal builders of the Palace of Upper 
Egypt? It seems likely. In that case the enclosure at the top 
■of the tablet may possibly have reference to the building of the 
palace in question. ^ 

Finally we came to the formula, here much broken up and with 
the characters disposed in a higgledy-piggledy, which shows perhaps 
•that it had become so conventional that no particular care was to 
be taken in reading it. Arranging the characters in the order 
most frequently used in the tablets already dealt with, it should 
jead thus : 

which we may translate as before : At the foundation the Horus 
gave to the temple ten thousand jars of water, two hundred measures 
of wood, and two (?) hin of strong wine. 

•• It should be noted that the figure said to be " pounding " is in the same 
altitude as that of the king in No. i, where I have suggested he was mixing the 
the clay and water for making bricks. Also that if the suten plant denotes 

Upper Egypt, as Mr. Griffith here states, the bee, iv^ , in the chancellor's title 
would make Hamaka chancellor of Lower Egypt only. 



To sum up then, the tablet No. 5 should read : 

In the year when the Sed festival was celebrated in the thrice 

captured and rebuilt city of Hemaka being 

chancellor of Lower Egypt, the royal residence for Upper 
Egypt was built by the royal architects. [Formula.] At 
the foundation the Horus gave to the temple ten thousand 
jars of water, two hundred measures of wood, and two (?) 
hill of strong wine. 

There are many fragments recorded in the two volumes of 
Royal Tombs that very possibly once formed part of variants of this 
tablet. With these I will deal at the conclusion of the paper, but 
two are of sufficient importance to be treated separately. Those 
I will call— 

No. 6. 

{See Plate.) 

This fragment of an excellently executed tablet in wood (?) 
evidently bore, like No. 5, a "year name" on the sinister side in at 
least two registers. The upper one contains the double staircase of 
the Sed festival with two signs before it, which without their context 
do not seem to make any sense. In the next register we have a 
complete series of signs beginning with a sign which I do not think 
has been met with elsewhere, and which seems to consist essentially 
of a post with something on the top. Following this is a bird on a 
standard, which is probably one of the nome-standards carried before 
the king at his enthronement, as seen in the great carved slate of 
Hieraconpolis. There then follow two signs, of which I can make 

nothing, followed by a clear representation of the \M sign, here given, 

as usual on these tablets, without the top sprouts, while the register 
ends with the ibis of Thoth. I do not see my way to suggest any 
reading of this register. 

The main inscription of the tablet shows the remains of a well- 
executed hawk-crowned srekh bearing the name of Den, followed by 

the signs Q l^^j which we have before translated, "the royal 

chancellor of Lower Egypt." It is noteworthy that, judging from 
the space underneath, this was followed by no personal name, as 
in No. 5. Was it left blank on purpose, or are we wrong in our 
reading of the last-named tablet ? 

105 H 


No. 7. 

(See Plate.) 

This is a much-obliterated fragment of a tablet which seems to 
have been a variant of No. 5. The part preserved is evidently from 
the second register of the " year-name," and shows the broken city 

cartouche with the sign \jf above it. The pick or hoe \^ does not 

seem here to have the three vertical strokes or the <!:>• below it, as 

in No. 5 , the <z> being here put behind the \>" . I do not think 

the succeeding signs can be usefully identified. The main inscription 
seems, however, to bear unmistakable traces of the name of Hemaka, 
as before, between the loyal sre^/i and some representation of the 
royal buildings. 

(To be cofttintied^ 


S.B.A. Pi-oceedings, March, 1907. 


No. 5. 
From Royal Tombs. Vol. I, PI. xi, fig. 14. 

No. 6. 

From Royal Tombs. Vol. I, PL xi, fig. 5. 

No. 7. 

Froai Royal Tombs. Vol. I, PL xi, fig. 15. 



By Rev. C. H. W. Johns, Af.A. 

This important document, of which a translation by our President 
appeared in the Proceeditigs for January loth, 1899, has since been 
supplemented by a duplicate published by Mr. L. W. King in his 
splendid book, The Letters and Inscriptio7is of Hammurabi, as 
no. 102 of his texts, and by a tablet in the Imperial Ottoman 
Museum at Constantinople, published by Dr. Lindl in the Beitrlige 
zur Semitischen Sprachwissenschaft, Vol. IV, As these scholars have 
given full transcriptions, translations, and comments on their texts 
it is needless to give such apparatus here. 

The lists give the names by which the Babylonians called their 
years, arranged in chronological order, and as these names usually 
refer to the great event of each year, the lists become a sort of 
" Chronicle of the Kings of Babylon." Unfortunately, the texts 
are in a very defective condition, not more than one-third of the 
year-names being complete. The tablets, when perfect, did not 
extend below the tenth year of Ammizaduga, and thus left the last 
two reigns in great disorder for us. Of course, a great many year- 
names can be restored from comparison with other parts of the 
Chronicle, and many more from the dates actually used on docu- 
ments. Both Mr. King and Dr. Lindl used these methods with 
great skill and usually they obtained the same results, which may 
be regarded as certain. 

A large number of documents bearing dates have been published 
since these scholars put forth their work, and it is now possible 
to fill up several blanks and to correct one or two errors. It would 
require a treatise to give all the references and arguments for these 
addenda, but I shall be glad to enter into correspondence on the 
subject with anyone interested in it, and shall be only too pleased 
if any possessor of First Dynasty Tablets would send me their dates, 
so as to carry the process of reconstruction further. I will merely 

107 H 2 


State my results, so that others may, if they please, insert them in 
their copies of the Chronicle for future reference. 

The reigns of Sumu-abum and Sumu-la-ilu are almost completely 
preserved on the date list first published, and no fresh information 
is to hand for them. The king Zabum reigned at least one year 
along with his father, they are named together on one tablet, and 
it is probable that the date, sa/tu Zabiim at2a bit abisu irubu "the 
year Zabum entered his father's house," refers to this year; but 
which year it was, the last given in the list to Sumu-la-ilu, or the 
first assigned to Zabum, is not yet clear. The eighth year is to be 
restored MU Zabum E BAB BAR MU-UN-RU-A "the year 
Zabum built E-Babbar." That Zabum built a Samas temple at 
Sippara is recorded by Nabonidus. For MU-UN-RO'-A, some 
tablets give MU-UN-DIM-MA, with same sense. No fresh infor- 
mation has been published as to the reign of Apil-Sin. 

The sixth year of Sin-mubalit is to be restored as MU US-SA 
year after the shrine of Igi-sig-sig was made." This also restores the 
date for the fifth year. In Hammurabi's seventh year the date was 
MU-BAD-Kl I-SI-IN-NA-KI, "the year when the wall of Isin"; 
as yet we do not know whether it was "destroyed" or "rebuilt," but 
Hammurabi in the Prologue to his Code boasts of having collected 
together the scattered people of Isin, which speaks for a restoration. 
The date for the 17th year is MU ALAM DINGIR-UNU-KI 
niNGIR{BALQ))MAS-RC-KI, "the year when the image of the 
god of Ur, the god Nergal (?)." The defaced sign renders it 
doubtful whether Nergal is meant here. The date for year 18 was 
year when the great shrine for Bel was built " ; but it is not clear 
that the date list had this in full. The date of year 27 seems to be 
MU bAd SI-RA-MAH-KI MU-UNRU-A, "the year when the 
wall Siramah was built," but the traces on the date lists suggest some 
variant of the last part of the date. In Samsu-iluna's reign the date 
for the sixth year was MU DINGIR-UTU DINGIR-Marduk 
duk-SU I-NI-INTURI for which the abbreviated form MU ALAM 
KA-NE was used, and appears to have been in the date list. All the 
year names seem to have been long pompous sentences like the 



above, abbreviated in practice. But more than one abbreviation 
was possible, and hence, judging from the date hsts and the dates 
on documents, many years seem to have had more than one name. 
Consequently there are many dates known from documents to belong 
to a given reign for which no place can be found there in the date 
lists. Until we discover the full date, usually loyally preserved in 
the outlying provinces, we cannot tell to what abbreviated forms it 
gave rise in Babylon or Sippara. Another frequent cause of 
obscurity for us is the fact that the grand year name was not always 
announced at the beginning of the year, and people dated the year 
as that after the last. Thus the eighth year of Samsu-iluna was 
^LUGAL-GUB, while the ninth year was called MU US-SA AB- 
KI LUGAI-GUB, that is "the year after the year AB-KI 
LUGAL-GUB," and also MU UMMAN KASSU, "the year 
when the Kassite army," probably, " was defeated." The abbreviated 
names were often mere abbreviations and we cannot be sure what 
the event denoted really was until we find the full name. This 
secondary sort of name, ALU AS-SA, " the year next," was often in 
use the whole of a year, no event having occurred worthy to give the 
year a special name. This might even go on again, so that we find 
five years running dated after the capture of Kish. In a sense this 
points to the importance of that capture, but even more to the 
exhaustion which followed the conquest, so that not even a shrine or 
an image was set up. The " year after " is also expressed as MU 
BIL-TA EGIR, " the new year after." These secondary forms not 
only tell us what the year itself was called but also what the previous 
year was. 

The 2ist year of Samsu-iluna was called MU GU-ZA BAR- 
RA GU-LA. For the 22nd year a full formula was ALU IGI-A- 
BI-DA-GE. The fullest form for year 23 appears to be MU A- 
AH{}) NA URU Za-ar-ha-nii-um. The full form for year 24, MU 
KIB-NUN-KI MU-UN-RU-A, shows how unsafe it would be to 
complete the abbreviated form AIU BAD KIS-KI by translating it 
*'the year the wall of Kish was destroyed." The date for year 25, 
MU ALAM GIS-KU SIG-GI can hardly yield any sense till its 



full form is discovered. For year 26, MU HAR-SAG-GAL KUR 
MAR-TU-A, beyond its reference to the land of the Amorites, or 
the West, must also be obscure. Year 27 was called shortly MU 

The reign of Abesu' is practically absent from the date-lists, as 
only the first character of three consecutive year names is preserved. 
The usual date for a first year, MU- Abesu' L UGAL-E, is known, 
JB-BI is the date of his last year (25th ?), The dates AIU 
MA occur in this order, but not necessarily consecutively. So the 
A-KAL-GAL-GAL Mardiik BI-DA-GE occur in this order, but 
other years may lie between them. 

The date for the 4th year of Ammiditana is MU BIL EGIR 
MU NAM-GAL-LA DINGIR Marduk-GE, that of the 5th MU 
ALAM NAM-NUN-A-NI. For the 23rd year, MU ALAM- 
INNA-Rtl-A for the 27th MU DINGIR-IB UR-SAG-GAL- 
LA-AS; for the 28th, MU ALAM-A-NI MAS-DA-RI-A ; for the 
for the 33rd, MU BIL EGIR BAD Rhm-Marduk-GE ; for the 
34th, MU ALAM NAM-UR-SAG-GE Sa-am-su-i-lu-na NI-NE- 
E-ME-TE UR-SAG-Gk INNE-EN-TU-RA, for short, MU 
ALAM Samsu-iluna; for the 36th, MU BLL EGIR Dur- 
Aimtiiditana TIG nar ME-Bel, the Dilr-Ammi of the date list is 
an abbreviation for Diir-Ammiditana as its Is-ktt in year 33 is an 
abbreviation for Iskun-Marduk. For the last year the full form is 
MU BAD-BAD-KI Dam-ki-ili-su NE-IN-RU-A IN-GUL-LA. 

The reign of Ammizaduga is only represented on the date lists 
by the traces of two year names, MU SIB-ZI SE-GA DINGIR- 
KALAM-MA-NA IVE-INGAB-A, which came before the tenth 
year. The style MU Ammizaduga LUGAL-E was used for the 
I St year, and MU BIL EGIR Ammizaduga LUGAL-E for the 


second year, but longer forms may also have been in use. Two 
years in succession bore the names MU GIS-KU TIM-NA 
TIM-NA DINGIR-Sin BI-DA-A-AS, but while at least thirty 
other year names are known, no attempt has yet been made to place 
them in chronological order. 

For the reign of Samsuditana few tablets have yet been published, 
and though over twenty year names are known, much more must be 
available before their order can be settled. It is, however, as the 
above partly shows, possible to complete about half the lost or 
doubtful parts of the published dates, and a few more indications 
would settle many more. It usually happens that each fresh date 
fixed, fixes others as well. 


. . Bv Margaret A. Murray. 

{Continued from page 60.) 

St. Menas is now known chiefly by little pottery flasks bearing his 
effigy and his name. The flasks were intended to contain holy oil 
from his shrine, which was used for anointing the sick, and was taken 
by pilgrims from the holy places to their own homes. They are 
generally inscribed €YAOri^ TOY ^riOY MHN^ "the gift, 
or blessing, of the holy Menas " ; this appears in all kinds of variants, 
from the most contracted form TOY ^FIOY MHN^ to the most 
elaborate, EYAOPI^ A^BOM€[N] TOY ^flOY MHN^. 
According to Schultze,i the word Eulogia is explained thus : 
" €YAOriii^, originally the blessing of the Communion, then the 
blessed Elements themselves, became later the designation for holy 
blessed gifts in general, in this case for the holy oil from the mart}T's 
grave." The holy oil, indispensable for the anointing of the sick and 
for the performance of miraculous cures, was obtained only at the 
shrines of martyrs, and was supposed to exude miraculously from the 
bones of the saints, from their tombs or from their images; or it 
acquired its virtue by being placed in contact with the holy relics or 
even with the tomb, or by being burned in lamps before the sacred 
shrine. Gifted with miraculous powers of healing, the holy oil was 
eagerly sought after by pilgrims, who carried it from the shrines which 
they visited to their homes. The flasks are made in a form con- 
venient for slinging on the person ; they are flat, with a comparatively 
long neck and two handles. I know of two only, which have but one 
handle ; one published by Le Blant,^ the other in the Ashmolean 

' SCHULTZE, Airh. der Altchristl. Kiinst, p. 301. 
'^ Le Blant, Rev. An/i., XXXV, p. 303. 

Mar. 13] ST. MENAS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1907. 

Museum at Oxford (PI. I, fig. i). These flasks with one handle are, 
as Le Blant pointed out, for the actual anointing of the sick ; the usual 
type with two handles is for carrying the oil from one place to 
another. The metal flask of St. Scholastica,^ preserved at Juvigny 
les Dames, is of precisely the same shape as the Menas-flasks, and 
still retains the leather bands or cords by which it was carried. 

The flasks found at Monza^^ are chiefly of glass, a few being of lead, 
and of the latter one is inscribed €AAION ZYAOY ZWHC 
TCON An CON TOY XY TOnOON,i showing very clearly 
that they were intended to contain oil from sacred places. Gregory 
of Tours also says that oil in little flasks placed near the tombs of 
martyrs receives a miraculous grace from heaven. 

The Menas-flasks date from the fifth to the seventh century ; the 
persecutions which the Christians endured after the Mohammedan 
Conquest effectually stopped pilgrimages to Egypt, and though 
the church of St. Menas retained its sanctity for two centuries 
afterwards, the fame of its patron saint was gradually restricted and 
then forgotten ; until now " the blessed and glorious martyr " is 
scarcely known outside Egypt and some other parts of the Eastern 
Mediterranean, where his festival is still celebrated to a small extent 
by services and processions. 

These flasks are generally about four to six inches long, are 
coarsely made, and are chiefly of a drab-coloured pottery, a very few 
being of a reddish colour. The flat sides are cast in a mould of which 
the designs vary only in degrees of rudeness. On one flask now in my 
possession (PI. I, fig. 2) the mould has been impressed twice leaving 
one faint, and one clear, impression of the head and causing con- 
fusion in the lines of the border. The neck and handles were made 
separately and joined to the body while the clay was still wet, and the 
soft clay being moulded with the hands and pressed down on the 
body of the flask, the marks of the potter's fingers are often visible 
where the ends of the handle are smoothed to fit the curve of the 
flask. The workmanship is grossly careless, the joint between the 
neck and the body, or between the handles and the body, often 
interferes with the design (PI. I, figs. 3, 4, 5). The flasks were 
glazed when finished ; one in the collection of M. de L'hotellerie, 
now in the Louvre, had remains of red, yellow, and blue glaze upon 

"* Rev. benedictine, 1898, p. 124. 

'' Reubens, EL-ineiits (Tarch. c/urt., I, pp. 243-4. 



it when first bought '" and the flask which Mr. Towry Whyte has 
kindly allowed me to publish (PI. I, fig. 3) also has traces of blue 
on one side of it. 

De Rossi ^ considers that the flasks with the most careful 
inscriptions are the oldest, and that those without inscriptions are the 
latest. Though this dating agrees also with the style of the flasks^ 
those with long inscriptions being of more elaborate workmanship 
than the uninscribed flasks with their rudely modelled figures, yet it is 
impossible to fix any definite sequence to them, until accurate 
excavations shall give us proofs. 

The representation of St. Menas never varies on these flasks. 
He stands with upraised arms in the attitude of prayer, while two 
camels — one on each side — bow their heads to his feet. He is young 
and beardless, dressed in the costume of a Roman soldier, with a 
large cloak fastened sometimes on the right shoulder, sometimes 
at the neck and hanging down the back, leaving the shoulders 
free. Sometimes, though not always, he has a nimbus. The 
vacant space on each side of the head is filled with one or more 
crosses, generally of the square Maltese form, or made of five dots^ 
but occasionally the inscription O ivFIOC MHNiikC is to be found 
(PI. I, figs. 5, 6), showing without doubt whose figure is represented. 
In many of the more rudely moulded flasks there is no inscription 
whatever, the figure of the saint being repeated on each side. 

We now come to the variants from the usual type. Taking the 
representation of St. Menas to be the obverse, we find various devices 
and designs on the reverse. A rather rare design is on the reverse of 
No. 3, PL I ; there is another example in the British Museum. A 
bird like an eagle hovers over a vine of which the bunches of fruit 
and the tendrils fill the vacant spaces. In Coptic art, the dove is 
often indistinguishable from an eagle, therefore this design may 
represent the Holy Spirit protecting the Church. A cross or a star 
enclosed in dot-and-line borders of every variation are perhaps the 
commonest designs, and call to mind the devices on the Communion 
bread used in Coptic churches at the present day. Next in order of 
frequency is the negro's head, with a collar of large beads, and 
surrounded usually with a dot border (PI. I, figs. 2, 7). The other 
designs are comparatively rare and include a ship, two types (PI. II, 

•"' MiCHON, Collection des ampoules dii Louvre. MJlmi^es, G. B. de liossi. 
•^ DE Rossi, Bull, di arch, cristiana, 1872, p. 30. 


Mar. 13] ST. MENAS OF ALEXANDRIA. [igo;, 

figs. 2, 3), a stag, a bird, two types (PI. II, figs. 4, 5), a woman's 
head (PI. 11, fig. 6), a vase with flowers, a tree (PL II, fig. 7), a 
curious and unexplained object (PI. II, fig. 8), St. Thecla (PI. Ill,, 
fig. i), and a riding saint (PL III, fig. 2).^ 

The riding figure is a very curious type, referring, as M. Michon 
suggests, to some now forgotten incident in the fife of the saint. In 
the example in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, the name on the 
reverse is misspelt, an N being substituted for an M , TOY 
h^nOY NHNb, instead of TOY ^flOY MHNi. (PL III, 
fig. 2). 

M. Michon" suggests that flasks having two distinct motifs were in- 
tended to contain oil from two shrines, and had on them the insignia of 
both. His theory receives confirmation in two instances, of which he 
quotes only one, the flasks which bears on the reverse the monogram 
/jTN This, he says, is Peter, patriarch of Alexandria, and the last 
>^fl/ of the martyrs, whose sepulchre was the place of pilgrimage 
which is mentioned by Epiphanius not only as among the sacred 
places which he visited, but also as being in the same region as 
the tomb of St. Menas. The other instance, that of the tree, is 
equally striking. At Anzar wa-A'jab, three days' journey from Marea, 
was "the church of the Pure Lady and Virgin Mary. The biographies 
[of the patriarchs] relate that at the door of this church there stands 
an olive-tree, which has no green leaves upon it ; but that on the day 
of the festival of that church at sunrise, this tree becomes green while 
all the people are looking at it, and its branches spread, and its 
leaves unfold, and fruit appears upon it ; and the fruit deepens in 
colour and grows and multiplies until the middle of the day, when 
the tree is covered with olives. Then the priest in charge of the 
church comes out, and takes some of the olives, which he presses, 
and with the oil of which he lights the lamps. And the people who 
are assembled pray, and receive the communion, and disperse to their 
own homes. Afterwards the priest in charge of the church collects 
that which is left of the olives, and has them pressed ; and they 
supply the church with sufficient oil for lighting the lamps during the 
whole year." ^ 

The figure of St. Thekla occurs only on flasks of a large size.. 
There is no doubt as to the identity of the figure, for the flask in the 

'' MiCHON, BziU. de la sot. nat. des Aniiqiiaires dc France, 1897, p. 301. 
^ Abu Salih. fol. 107, b. 



Hoffmann Collection'' gives the name H ^fliv 0€K, followed by 
a sign of abbreviation. Here she is represented between two lions, 
perhaps in allusion to the lioness which defended her at the expense 
of its own life from the other wild beasts in the Arena at Antioch. 
She is always represented as nearly nude, drawing a garment about 
her, in agreement with the account given in her "Acts,"^" "they 
stripped off her garments and put on her a linen loin-cloth." On the 
flask in the British Museum (No. 16) a bull and another animal, 
perhaps a dog, stand on each side of her. The bulls figured in her 
martyrdom in a very dramatic incident : " And they led Thekla and 
put her between the brutes and took and threw her on her face, and 
tied her feet tight between the two bulls. And they brought spits 
and heated them by placing them in the live fire, and when they were 
kindled they applied them to the sensitive parts of the bulls, to 
infuriate them, that in their fury they might destroy her; and the 
bulls were maddened with the pain of the brands. But the fiame of 
the fire caught the bonds with which the feet of Thekla were bound ; 
and Thekla leapt up in front of the bulls, as if no harm had happened 
to her. and as if she had not been bound at all by the feet." '-' The 
dogs or wolves are perhaps intended to represent the numerous wild 
beasts which were let loose against her in the arena, but they refused 
to attack her, and merely " sat round her, before and behind, and 
■dozed, and not one of them did harm to Thekla." ^^ 

The emblems on the other flasks are not easy to explain. One 
would suppose that the ship was the type of the Christian Church, 
and the bird the representation of the Holy Ghost ; but we have 
seen that both the tree and St. Thekla are illustrations of other 
legends, therefore it is quite possible that all these emblems have a 
literal, and not a mystic, meaning. There are two forms of the 
ship, and in one (PI. H, fig. 2) four fish are always represented. The 
woman's head (PI. H, fig. 6) is undoubtedly that of a saint, the 
difficulty is to identify the saint, in the absence of any special mark. 
There are many female saints who lived or were martyred in Egypt, 
the most celebrated being Thekla (not the apostolic), Theodora, and 
perhaps Catherine, as M. Michon suggests. 

Of other objects bearing the representation or name of St. Menas, 

** Legrain, Coll. Hoffmann, III, 47, No. 553. 

** CO'SS^EXV.V., Acts 0/ Pattl and The/cla. Monuments of Early Christianity. 
" CONVBEARE, Acts of Paul and Thekla. Monuments of Early Christianity. 


Mar. 13] ST. MENAS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1907.. 

the principal is the ivory pyxis in the British Museum. ^~ It im- 
probably of the sixth century, and is made from the section of an 
elephant tusk. The carving shows two scenes ; one represents 
St. Menas with the nimbus standing with arms upraised in the 
attitude of prayer, between the two camels. He stands in the- 
entrance to his sanctuary which is represented by two pillars, 
apparently of wood, supporting a semi-circular arch ; worshippers are 
approaching, men on his left, women on his right. Behind the 
women is the house in which the saint was born. The other scene 
gives the martyrdom of the saint ; he kneels before the Emperor his 
hands tied behind him, while the executioner with upraised sword is 
about to strike off his head, and an angel with veiled hands descends 
from heaven to receive the martyr's soul. The Roman governor, 
who has an attendant beside him and a soldier behind him, is seated 
on a cushioned chair, his feet on a footstool ; he is robed in the 
tunic and pallium, with a fillet round the head, and holds a sceptre 
in his right hand. On his left is a table covered with a cloth,, 
on which, according to Garucci, incense is to be offered. Behind 
the table is the attendant who appears to invite St. Menas to save 
his life by offering the incense, "but the martyr kneeling extends his 
neck to the executioner ; the guard, astonished at the constancy and 
fortitude of the martyr, raises his hand with a gesture of surprise."" 
The guard is in armour with helmet, spear and shield. In the 
background is a building said by Garucci to be the Praetorium., 
This pyxis is interesting also as being one of the first examples of an 
ivory reliquary decorated with scenes from the life of a saint.^-^ 

The ivory tablet at Milan ^^ (see PI. Ill, page 30) is probably a 
panel of a casket or reliquary. It is Byzantine in style, and the date 
is the ninth to tenth century. St. Menas, young and beardless, stands 
in the attitude of prayer ; on each side kneels a camel with the head 
raised. The saint has a nimbus and is robed in the costume of a 
Byzantine noble with a long tunic falling below the knees, and fastened 
at the waist with a girdle, of which the loose end hangs down in front. 
The tunic is elaborately decorated with a wide embroidered border,, 
embroidered bands Hke a short stole fall over the shoulders, and 

'- Garucci, Anhaeolo^ia, XLIV, p. 324. Star, della arte crist. VI, p. 61, 
n. 439. British Museum, Catalogue of Early Christian Antiquities, PI. IX. 

^^ Maskell, Catalogiie of fictile ivories at South Kensington, 1872, PI. LV. 

" Garucci, Archaeologia, XLIV, p. 327. Michon, Bnll. de la soc. nat. des 
Antiqttaircs de France, 1897, p. 298. Graeven, Elfenbeinwerk, 47. 



two circles of embroidery are on the skirt of the tunic just above 
the knees ; the sleeves are tight and wrinkled. He wears either long 
hose or long boots. Over the tunic is a large cloak coming down to 
the ankles, and fastened on the front of the right shoulder so as to 
leave the right arm free, while heavy folds fall over the left arm. 
The saint stands in front of his church, perhaps in the portico. 
Behind his head is a semi-circular shell-like ornament which probably 
has no meaning, though it is just possible that it may represent the 
■dome which, as Quatremere says, surmounted the church. But on 
each side of the figure is a structure which may well be the facade of 
the church. These two buildings are exactly alike, and represent a 
penthouse roof on the top of which is a cross. Below the roof is a 
beam or lintel, with mouldings, supported by wooden pillars ; the 
capitals of these columns are of the poorest design. About half-way 
down is a balustrade of lattice work, probably of wood in the original 
church. The rectangular space between the pillars and above the 
balustrade is evidently a window ; curtains hang on either side and 
are drawn back, and between the curtains hangs a lamp. In the 
spandrels on each side of the pointed roof is an architectural design 
of a palmetto. On the edge of the tablet is the name of the saint 
^ © MHNAL 

In the Alexandria Museum ^-^ there is a white marble tablet 
representing St. Menas between the camels, in the conventional 
attitudes. This was found not far from Mex and to the west. 

In the Christian cemetery of Marusinac^^ a slab of marble was 
found with the words ^ O APIOC MHN^C ►p. This may 
have been the cover of a coffer for relics, or the base of a statue. 
An interesting point about this slab is that it was broken into two 
pieces; the portion with the words O AFIOC was found first, but 
it was not until the year following that the other piece was excavated, 
and the true meaning of the inscription was then understood. 

There is also a distaff i'' engraved with the words: "Receive the 
benediction of the blessed Menas, fair woman." It was probably 
one of the objects sold to pilgrims at the shrine of the Saint. 

At Kherbet-el-ma-el-abiad,'"^ in Algeria, there was found a rect- 

'* Blomfield and Dutilh, Bu//. dc la soc. arch. d^Aiexaiidrie I, p. 38. 
'® BiiH. di arch, e storia Dalmata, 1899, p. 80. 
•^ Berlin Ausfiihrl. Verzeichn., 1899, p. 399. 

'^ MiCHON, Bull, de la soc. nat. des Autiquaires de France, 1897, p. 299. 
Clermont-Ganneau, liec. d'arch. orient. II, p. 180. 


Mar. 13] ST. MENAS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1907. 

angular block of marble with an inscription : " In hoc loco sunt 
memorie sane: martirum (2 palm branches) Laurenti : Ippoliti {palm) 
Euiimie {palm) Minne et de cruce Dni deposite die iii nonas Febrarias 
IQ anp ccccxxxv." The memorial of St. Menas was probably one 
or more of the flasks of holy water from his shrine. 

One jar-sealing (PI. Ill, fig. 3) with a representation of St. Menas 
between the camels has been preserved, and is now in the British 
Museum. It is of white stucco, with a very rough and indistinct 
impression of the seal ; the edges are a good deal broken, and the 
back shows the remains of the straw on which the sealing-clay or 
stucco was laid. Though very rude in workmanship, it is interesting 
as being, I believe, the only seal of this design known. It was found 
in Egypt, but unfortunately the exact provenance is unknown. 

The small leaden medallion (PI. Ill, fig. 4) has on the obverse the 
conventional figure of St. Menas between camels ; on the reverse is a 
warrior saint, perhaps St. Victor or St. Theodore. It was evidently 
intended to be suspended on the person; the ring is formed by a 
strip of metal bent to the required shape. It was brought from 
Egypt and is now in the British Museum. 

A comb 19 is known, on one side of which is a male orans in front 
of a building and between two lions ; on the other side is a female 
orans, also in front of a building and between two lions. Kraus 
sees in these two figures Daniel and Susanna ; but Mr. Crum thinks 
the woman is Thekla, and M. Strzygowski suggests that the man is 
St. Menas. If M. Strzygowski is right, then the small dark-blue 
glass medallion (PI. Ill, fig. 5), now in the Ashmolean Museum at 
Oxford, also represents our saint, though the very indistinct animals 
bear more resemblance to lions than to camels. 

That the cult of St. Menas was still active in the sixteenth century 
is shown by the fact that Paul Veronese painted a picture of the 
great Egyptian saint on the doors of the organ in the church of San 
Geminiano in Venice. This picture was engraved by Zucchi and is 
now in the Pinacoteca at Modena. The doors were painted on both 
sides; on one side are the two bishops St. Geminiano and St. Severus, 
on the other St. John the Baptist and St. Menas. He is represented 
as a fine and stately figure standing in a niche ; the early tradition 
of the youthfulness of the saint has disappeared, this is a bearded 

'' F. X. Kraus, Geschichte de?- christl. R'linsf, I, 522. Strzygowski, Rom. 
Quartalschnft, XII, p. 35. Crum, Eg. Expl. Fimd Arch. Report, 189S, p. 68. 



man in the prime of life. He is clad in armour, but with the head 
and right arm bare; a cloak is wrapped round him. In his left hand 
he holds a sword, and a battle-axe or halberd, which reaches above 
his head, is held in the hollow of his left arm. 

On the other side of the Adriatic the cult of St. Menas continued 
into the eighteenth century, for in 1703 a silver reliquary of this 
saint -" was still in existence at Spalato. 

There is a very curious representation of St. Menas mentioned by 
Vansleb, a representation which was considered miraculous by the 
spectators. It was evidently caused by an effect of light such as is 
obtained in a camera obscura, and which Vansleb appears to have 
understood thoroughly. 

" In the church of (iemiane (in the month of May) is the Festival 
of the Apparition of the Saints. One Chappel, whited with Lime, 
namely that where the supposed Apparition happens, is on the North 
side. I found it (the Apparition) to be nothing else but the re- 
flection of the Objects that went by the Church at a convenient 
distance, which are carried into the Chappel by the Air, through the 
two Windows that give light." A confused reflection of the object 
seems to have been thrown on the wall, "and the people when they 
see the Shadow that represents a Cavalier they say that it is 
St. George. When they see a Woman carrying of an Infant in her 
Arms, they say that it is the blessed Virgin. When they see the 
Shadow of a man on foot of a reddish colour, they say that it is 

St. Menna, because they paint him with a red Habit Of all 

the saints that their Church worships I have heard none called upon " 
(at this festival) " but the blessed Virgin, St. George, St. Menna, and 
St. Pokter " [Victor]. 

Plate I. 

1. Obv. and Rev.: St. Menas between camels. One handle. 

Ashmolean Mtiseiim. 

2. Oi>v.: Negro's head. Rev.: €YAOrii^ TOY ^flOY 

MHNiv. Authors Collection. 

-" Bui.ic, Bull, di arch, e storia Dalmata, XXIII, 124. 

Mau. 13] ST. MENAS OF ALEXANDRIA. [1907. 

3. Ohv. : St. Menas between camels, Oi^riOC MHN^C. 

Rev. : bird and vine. Traces of coloured glaze. 
Mr. E. Towry Whytc's Collection. 

4. Ohv. and Rev. : Designs of crosses. BritisJi Museum. 

5. Ol>v. and Rev. : St. Menas between camels, O^flOC MHNi^C 

at the sides of the head : €YAOri^ Ai.BOM€N TOY 
ivTIOY MHNi^ as a border. British Museum. 

6. Ol'v. and Rev. : St. Menas between camels within palm-branch 

border, O^TIOC MHN^,C beside the head. 
British Museum. 

7. (9/'7'. .- Negro's head within dot-and-line border. Rev.: €YAOri^ 

TOY AnOY MHN^. Prof. Retries Collection. 

Plate II. 

1. Ohv.: Negro's head within palm branch border. Rev.: Cross 

within palm-branch border. British Museum. 

2. Ship and four fish. Ashmolea7i Museum. 

3. Ship with high prow. British Museum. 

4. Bird. British Museum. 

5. Bird within border. British Museum. 

6. Female head within dot-and-line border. British Museum. 

7. Ohv.: Tree. Rev.: TOY ^flOY MHNiv. 

British Museum. 

8. ^^ase, cross and amphora (?). British Museum. 

Pl.\te III. 

Ohv. : St. Menas between camels within palm-branch border. 
Rev. : St. Thekla between bulls and dogs. British Museum. 

Ohv.: St. Menas riding. Rev.: ^flOY NHNiv within dot- 
and-line border. Ashmolean Museum. 

Jar-sealing, St. Menas between camels. British Museum. 

Leaden medallion. Ohv. : St. Menas between camels. 

Rev. : Warrior saint with shield and spear. British Afuseum. 

Glass medallion. Saint between two lions (?). 
Ashmolean Afuseum. 

121 I 


Plate IV. 

T. Ohv.: Cross within palm-branch and trefoil border. Rev.: TOY 
^riOY MHNi< upside down. British Miiseiini. 

2. Obv.: €YAOrii. X^PIC + Rev.: TOY i.YlOY MHN^, 

reversed. Briiis/i Museum. 

3. Obv.: St ^[enas between camels. Rev.: Cross enclosed 1)\ 

TOY ^riOY MHNA within palm-branch border. 
British Museum. 

4. 01>v.: Cross with trefoils, within border of dots and wavy line. 

Rev. : €YAOri^, upside down. British Museum. 

5. Obv.: St. Menas between camels, with €YAOrii< KYPIOY 

€n .... in border. Rev.: Cross within dot border sur 
rounded by TOY AflOC MHNivC. British Museum. 

6. €YAOri^ TOY ^nOY and palm-branch within twisted- 

rope border. British Museum. 

Plate V. 

1. St. Menas between camels, within dot-and-line border. 

British Mtiseum. 

2. St. Menas between camels, within dot-and-line border. 

British Museum. 

3. Cross within dot-and-line border. British Museum. 

4. Six-pointed star surrounded by leaves and fruit within dot-and-line 

border. British Museum. 

5. Cross within dot-and-line borders, surrounded by rays. 

British Museum. 

6. Seven small circles, cross in centre circle. Ashiuoleaii Museum-. 

7. Spiral. British Museum. 


S.B.A. Proceedings, March, 1907. 

S.B.A. Proceedings, March, 1 907. 


S.B.A. Proceedings, March, 1907. 


S.B.A. Proceedhigs, March, 1907. 


S.B.A. Proceedings, March, 1907. 



By E. J. PiLCHER. 

St. Matthew tells us of the Wise Men who came from the East, 
bringing gold, frankincense, and myrrh. The two latter commodities 
do not now excite much interest, nor do they convey to our minds 
any idea of value ; for we no longer delight in incense and perfumes 
as the ancients did, and sweet odours have ceased to be associated 
with wealth and luxury. But for many centuries aromatic spices and 
gums were imported into the Mediterranean countries at vast expense, 
the chief source of supply being Southern Arabia. Herodotus, who 
may be considered our earliest classical geographer, knew that frankin- 
cense and myrrh came from Arabia ; and he credited the same land 
with the production of cinnamon and other spices which we now 
know were really drawn from the islands of the East Indies, though 
they passed into Egypt through Arabian hands. Moreover, he pro- 
fesses to give on the authority of the Arabians, details of the manner 
in which these spices and perfumes were collected. This leads us to 
inquire whether we can give any guess at the period of time when 
the people of Southern Arabia were first able to meet Greeks face to 
face and convey to them these strange stories of commercial 

It need hardly be said that the natural channel of communication 
with Southern Arabia would be by the Gulf of Suez and the Red 
Sea ; and that this route was under the control of the Egyptians in 
the time of Herodotus (484-406 B.C.), and had been for many 
centuries before. We cannot suppose, therefore, that Greeks would 
be able to penetrate to the Gulf of Suez until such time as they were 
received in Egypt as settlers, travellers, and traders. 

Fortunately, Herodotus gives us an account of the first admission 
of Greeks into Egypt, which seems quite in agreement with, what we 
can learn from other sources. Early in the seventh century B.C. 



Egypt was invaded by the Assyrian king Esarhaddon, who held it for 
some )ears. The country was divided into twent)' provinces under a 
number of petty chieftains; but about 664 n.c. one of these 
chieftains, named Psammetichus I, succeeded in throwing off the 
Assyrian yoke and getting himself recognised as the king of all Egypt. 
According to Herodotus, this monarch owed his victories largely to 
the employment of Ionian and Carian mercenaries, clad in brazen 
armour (ii, 152), and he afterwards settled a garrison of these Greek 
soldiers at Daphnse, on the Bulxnstic branch of the Nile, about sixty 
miles from Suez (ii, 30, 154), where they remained many years, and 
where their relics were discovered by Dr. Petrie in 1887.^ 

Necho II, the successor of Psammetichus, paid great attention to 
the navigation of the Red Sea. He established docks and shipyards 
there ; and he despatched an expedition, which sailed southwards, 
and, by continually hugging the coast, finall\- circumnavigated Africa, 
and returned to Egypt by the Mediterranean (Herod, ii, 158-159, 
iv, 42). 

Herodotus is careful to inform us (ii, 154) that from the time of 
the military settlement under Psammetichus I the Greeks were in 
constant communication with Egypt, and accurately informed of the 
condition of the country. It is therefore perfectly clear that, from 
about 660 B.C., Greeks had every opportunity of visiting the Red 
Sea, and making the acquaintance of its inhabitants. 

The people of Southern Arabia were known to the ancients under 
the name of Sab?eans ; and we have occasional notices in classical 
authors of the wealth and splendour of this nation. As in many 
other cases, however, the wealth and splendour waned ; and, when 
we come to the dawn of Arabic literature proper, we no longer read 
of the Sabosans. They had been supplanted by a new tribe, the 
Him}arites, who dominated both the southern shores of the Red Sea, 
until their power was broken by the Persians on the one side, and 
the Abyssinians on the other, shortl}' before the time of Muhammad. 
The Muslim writers inform us that these Him\arites made use of a 
confused kind of writing, which was looked upon with some suspicion, 
and only allowed to be taught and used by special license. This 

' " Nebeshch (Am) and Dcfennch (Tahpanhcs)," l)y W. M. Flinders Petrie. 
/■ ou It It Memoir of t lie Egypt Exploration Fund. London, 1888. Unfortunalcly 
only one inscription was found there (I'l. XXIV). It consists of three letters 
retrograde TT^ T . 



Hiniyaritic writing was contemptuously styled Mnsnad or "spurious,"' 
because it was the script of the heathen ; and, after the rise of Islam, 
it was rapidly superseded by the more orthodox Cufic. In fact, it 
was so completely blotted out that it was not until 1834 that the first 
observed Himyaritic inscription was seen and copied by Europeans. 
In that year Lieutenant J. R. Wellsted discovered at Hisn Ghorab a 
long text, which was puljlished by the Asiatic Society of Bengal. 
In 1843 Louis Arnaud handed a number of transcriptions to the 
French Consul at Jidda. In 1869 Joseph Halevy made an adven- 
turous journey through Arabia Felix, and copied many Himyaritic 
texts. He was followed by Dr. Julius Euting in 1883 ; but the 
greatest amount of work in this direction was done by Dr. E. Glaser 
in 1884 and 1889 ; for he was enabled to travel under Turkish 
protection, and copied some hundreds of inscriptions, many of which 
he has not yet had time to edit and publish. Altogether, therefore, 
we are in possession of a large amount of epigraphic material, 
destined to throw much light upon pre-Islamic Arabia during the 
period which is dismissed by Muhammadan writers as "the time of 

The general appearance of the Himyaritic writing is now fairly 
well known. The characters are upright, and somewhat square in 
outline, giving them the aspect of Roman capitals. They form an 
alphabet of twenty-nine letters, specially adapted to the sounds of the 
Arabic language. It was soon found that the Him3'aritic had not 
been suppressed without leaving a descendant ; and the rediscovery 
of the new script at once solved a very vexed problem, namely the 
origin of the peculiar alphabet employed in Abyssinia under the 
name of the Ethiopic. 

The Ethiopic alphabet had long been known to scholars. It 
consists of twenty-six letters, many of them totally unlike the forms 
found in any other description of writing. The letters have names 
with a remote resemblance to the names of the characters in Hebrew ; 
but the order of the alphabet is quite peculiar. Furthermore, 
although the letters themselves stand for consonants, each one 
can have a series of vowels attached to it, and thus the alphabet is 
really a syllabary. 

These peculiarities had puzzled many, until the Himyaritic 
inscriptions were brought to light, and revealed the originals of the 
strange forms of the Ethiopic characters. Since then Sabsean monu- 
nitMits have been found in Abyssinia itself, and it has been clearly 



demonstrated by Dr. D. H. Miiller, of Vienna,- that the Saba^an or 
Himyaritic form of writing was employed on Abyssinian soil from the 
earliest known period ; and that about the end of the fourth century 
of the Christian era this Himj'ariiic writing was modified by an 
educated Greek residing at the court of the Ethiopian king at Axum, 
and developed into the present Ethiopic alphabet or syllabary ; the 
Ethiopia inscriptions of the fourth century being identical in character 
with the modern MSS. from which the alphabet is chiefly known. 

This Ethiopic alphabet is shown in col. i, Plate I, together with 
the names of the letters.'' These names are not likely to have been 
invented by the Byzantine scholar, and therefore we must accept 
them as having pre-existed in the Himyaritic. I'he order of the 
characters must also be native, because in every other case where 
(irecian scholars influenced a foreign script we find the (ireek order 
of the alphabet has been the model :^ but, on the other hand, the 
juxtaposition of many letters appears to be due to their superficial 
resemblance in their Etliiopic form, whereas they are not alike in the 
Himyaritic (compare Nos. 18 and 19; 13 and 14). 

In col. 2 we have the Himyaritic alphabet "" consisting ot 
twenty-nine letters ; and, as the Ethiopic was undoubtedly derived 
from this script, it remains for us to determine the origin of the 

There is obviously a direct or indirect connection with the 
Phoenician alphabet. The names of the letters, as preserved in the 
F.thiopic, have a sufificient resemblance to the Hebrew names. Then 
Y X h ® I '^^^ almost identical in form with the corresponding 

- The Sacred Cily of Ihc Ethiopians, by J. Tlieodore Bent (London, 1S93), 
p. 231, ff. 

■' With the foll<)\s'ing exceptions, these names have no known meaning in 
Ethiopic : — 

Haiti = fence. 

Mai — water. 

AWj = head. 

Ha}-m = hedge. 

NaMs = snake. 

y'anidit = light hand. 

7.appd = liar. 

Af = nose. 

^ Compare tiie Armenian, Georgian, Glagolitic, M(LSO-Clothic, and Russian. 
■"' Granimali/c tier Athiopischen Sprache, von Dr. August DiUman. Zweite 
verbesserte und verniehrle Auflage, von Dr. Carl Bezold. (Leipzig, 1899.) 



Phcenician characters ; while ^| and p have merely received an 
additional perpendicular line. 

Accordingly, two main theories have hitherto been propounded. 
One school derives it directly from the Phoenician : while the other 
holds the Himyaritic to be the parent script from which the 
Phcenician was derived. 

Phonetic considerations seem to militate against both these 
theories. Sabnsan was a Semitic language ; and the Phoenician 
alphabet was designed for the expression of Semitic sounds. If, 
therefore, the Saba^ans had borrowed the Phcenician characters, they 
would have required very little modification to enable them to be 
applied to the Sabsean language. 

The later Arabs adopted the twenty-two letters of the Syriac 
alphabet ; added six others by means of diacritical points ; and so 
formed the modern Neskhi alphabet of twenty-eight characters, 
properly adapted for the expression of the Arabic language. 

In like manner, the Sabaeans had onl}- to add seven characters to 
the Phoenician alphabet, to get a proper notation for the twenty-nine 
sounds they recognised in their own language. Or, conversely, if the 
Himyaritic were the earlier, the Phoenicians had only to omit seven 
characters in order to have a full notation for the twenty-two sounds 
that they recognised. But a comparison of the two scripts demon- 
strates that the borrowing of one from the other did not take this 
simple form. 

The Semitic languages possess a peculiar series of aspirates, 
sibilants, and dentals, that either do not exist, or have not the same 
importance, in other families of speech ; and it is a remarkable fact 
that the anomalies of the Himyaritic writing lie in the characters 
denoting these specially Semitic sounds. 

Thus, the Phoenician provides characters for n and n : the 
Himyaritic has two entirely different figures for these aspirates, viz. y 
and 4;. 

The Phcenician has separate letters for D and ^^ : the Himyaritic 

ignores these, and writes p ^ ; obvious modifications of one 

In other words, the signs to express the purely Semitic sounds Jiad 
to be re-invented by the Sabccans. The obvious conclusion, therefore, 
would be that the Himyaritic alphabet was derived from a non- 
Semitic source : that is to say an alphabet which did not recognise 



the Semitic distinctions. It is scarcely necessary to add that this 
non-Semitic alphabet could hardly have been anything else than the 
Ancient Greek. 

It may be objected that the names of the Elhiopic letters could 
not have been derived from the customary Greek names. To this it 
may be replied that we only know these Greek names through the 
later grammarians. In early times the letters would certainly be 
denoted by words having greater affinity to the original Phoenician. 
Furthermore our customary Greek alphabet has been handed down 
to us in the form officially adopted at Athens as late as 403 k.c.^ 
(commonly called the Later Attic), whereas, as we shall see, the 
probable parent of the Himyarilic belonged to another branch of 
Grecian epigraphy. 

It may also be objected that the Himyaritic is an alphabet of 
consonants only — whereas an important feature of the Greek is the 
vowels. But it is a remarkable fact that " In no Semitic script has 
an equal value been given to vowels and consonants. Ethiopian is 
only a variant of the other Semitic scripts, like Arabic and Hebrew, 
where the vowels appear like a flying column, sometimes above, 
sometimes below, and sometimes in the middle of the troop of 
consonants." '^ The peculiar structure of the Semitic languages 
makes a purely consonantal sjstem appropriate, if not necessary to 

In support of the Greek derivation, however, we may remark that 
the earliest Himyaritic inscriptions are written boustrophedon. That 
is to say the first line runs from right to left, the second from left to 
right, the third right to left again, so that the column zigzags back- 
wards and forwards in the style of a plough going over a field. This 
method of writing is never found in Phoenician, but is characteristic 
of early Cireek. The oldest Hellenic inscriptions are written from 
right to left (retrograde) like Semitic. Then a spiral fashion was 
adopted ; and this was developed into the " boustrophedon " ; a 
fashion that endured in some parts of Greece down to the time of 
the Persian wars. 

The next peculiarity of the Himyaritic is that each word is 
marked off by a per])endicular stroke. This also is an early Greek 

•^ The Hislory of the Alpliahcl, liy Isaac Taylor (London, 1883), Vol. II, 
PI'- 55-57- 

" Dr. D. II. Miillcr in J. T. Bent's The Sacred Cily of the Elhiopiaiis, 
p. 280. 




custom. The early Phoenician inscriptions have the words divided 
by points, with upright lines at the end of sections. In Greece the 
upright line was gradually discontinued after the simplification of iota 
into I. The Himyaritic met the difficulty by attaching a circle to 
\h& iota (ox yama?t) thus Y, which sufficiently prevented confusion 
with the word-divider. 

Two characters of the Himyaritic have greatly puzzled palaeo- 
graphers. They are No. 1 5 IVazce <D and No. 3 Ilcu(t *Y • Dr. 
Prffitorius'* has explained what these really are. ® is the normal 
early form of the Greek /%/ O. *|^ is a variant of the Dorian or 
Western form of K/n' ^ . Kirchhoff demonstrated that the ancient 
local alphabets of Greece fell into two classes, distinguished by the 
notation employed for the aspirated A', i.e., A7ii. The Eastern, or 
Ionian branch, usedX; hence the form of the letter in the customary 
Greek alphabet. The Western, or Dorian branch, used Y ^ letter 
developed from CD Koppa.^ 

It would therefore appear that we have to look for the origin of 
the Himyaritic in a Dorian form of the Greek alphabet. But, before 
going any further, it will be well to examine the Himyaritic alphabet 
itself more closely. A comparison of the characters will show that 
many of them are diacritical modifications of others belonging to 
the same class in the Semitic system of sounds. Thus — 

I' h is the original of t // and tj //. 

From n -y are derived ^ f , *^ f, ^ ^, 5 and [Q /. 

From X ^ come \ z and % 0. 

Two Gamls \\ side by side make \\ 7. 

Two Sdiits yy back to back make 5^ /. 

Eleven of the Himyaritic characters can thus be confidently 
accounted for as differentiations of other characters; and as there 
are twenty-nine letters in the alphabet, we are only called upon to 
show the origin of eightee/i. 

Plate II will demonstrate that these eighteen Himyaritic letters 
may easily be derived from a Greek alphabet of the Dorian class, 
such as was employed in the seventh century B.C. ; whereas the con- 
temporary (or earlier) Phoenician differs so materially that it cannot 

s Z.D.M.G., Vol. 58, p. 461 fi". 

** Hiitory of ihe Alphabet, Vol. II, p. 93. 

129 K 


be accepted as the parent script. The resemblances with the Greek 
are so close that there is no need to seek for transitional forms. 
The difficulty of the upholders of the Phoenician theory has always 
been to show the transition from Phoenician to Himyaritic. The 
graffiti of Safa have been deduced as being transitional ; but they 
are much too late in date ; for they are attributed to the second 
century of the Christian era. They are merely a degraded form 
of the Himyaritic ; and, so far as they are transitional at all, it is 
between the Himyaritic and the Ethiopic. 

The date 650 b.c. has been fixed upon because we have already 
seen that it was then that Greek adventurers first had the opportunity 
of coming into direct contact with the people of Southern Arabia. 
Some Himyaritic peculiarities would point to an earlier period. 
The word-division by lines, and the boustrophedon direction of 
the writing are early Greek features. On the other hand the 
main characteristics of the Dorian script persisted much later, 
and may be traced, for example, in the well known Spartan trophy 
which still adorns the Atmeidan at Constantinople,^'^ and dates from 
476 B.C. 

Plate n is furnished with the customary names of the Greek 
letters ; though, as already remarked, there is nothing to prevent our 
assuming that in the seventh century B.C. they were practically 
identical with those known from the Hebrew. Herodotus (i, 39) 
tells us in the case of one letter at least the Ionic name differed 
from the Dorian. 

Alpha. This letter sometimes assumed a form n much more 
like the Himyaritic, but the ordinary /\ would have been sufficient. 

Beta. The Himyaritic sign for b was PI ; in the earliest period 
W ; while m was ^ . It is obvious that we have here the Greek M 
and B ; and we have only to assume that ?n and b interchanged 
their powers (not an impossible thing in Arabic) to at once under- 
stand the source of the Sabaean characters. 

Gamma and Delta require no comment, except to note that a 
line has been added to the latter. 

Epsilon and Eta being vowels, were useless to the SabcXans. 
The latter character, it is true, was employed by the Greeks of that 
period as an aspirate ; but the aspiration was probably too feeble for 
Semitic use. 

"' History of the Alphabet, p. 50. 


Fail represented, a sound that exists in modern Arabic ; but the 
Himyaritic preferred to adopt Pi. It may be — of course — that the 
sound was / in Arabic at that time. 

The Greek Zeta, as is well known, was not pronounced like our 
Latin Z, but had a sound like ds which was useless in Arabic. 

Theta, likewise, was an aspirated T or ///, a sound unknown in 

Iota is a striking testimony of the derivation of the Himyaritic 
from the Greek. In the Phoenician and Aram^an alphabets it has a 
somewhat complicated form ; whereas the Early Greek inscriptions 
show us a gradual simplification resulting in I. 

Kappa has passed over into Himyaritic with a slight change, as 
already pointed out in connection with the Phoenician theory. 

Lambda in the earliest Hellenic inscriptions has the same form 
as the Phoenician, with the transverse stroke at the bottom, a fashion 
still preserved in the Latin L. At a later period the stroke crept 
upwards, and we get |- then /^ and finally A. Here again we have 
a distinct Greek form as opposed to the Phoenician. 

Nil is rather more closely allied to the Greek than the Phoenician. 

Ksi 3 was useless to the Semites. 

Omicron and the Semitic 'Ain offer the same form ; and if the 
Dorian letter bore any name like Ain, a Semite could hardly miss 
taking it to represent the sound of y . 

Pi is sufficiently like the Greek letter \^ tilted, to leave us little 
doubt of its origin. 

San yA^ must be included in any complete ancient Grecian 

alphabet. Quite irrespective of its appearance in the abecedarian it 
was a lapidary and numismatic character for a prolonged period. 
This letter at once explains the provenance of the Himyaritic 
Sat n (•*■) which has been slightly differentiated to distinguish it 
from Bet [j (^). Sat D is modified, by the addition of an annulet 

into Saddi ^ to represent the allied sound ^ ; and this gives rise to 
other characteristic Himyaritic symbols. 

Koppa calls for no remark. 

Rho sometimes assumes the form D i^"* Old Greek inscriptions ; 
and this would account for the Himyaritic ) . 

Sigma is another character whose evolution can be traced on 
Greek soil. 



While Tail, or Tmvi \ has a form that never occurs in Greece; 
but is a common Semitic shape for the letter. 

Upsilon, being a vowel, was useless in the Sabaean. 

Phi and KM have already been referred to. 

(^ and n are not Dorian letters ; consequently they do not figure 
in any alphabet of the Western type,) 

We may claim, therefore, that the balance of probability is 
entirely on the side of the derivation of the Himyaritic writing from 
the Greek alphabet. Eighteen Himyaritic letters have to be ac- 
counted for ; and, of these, seventeen clearly resemble the Greek, 
while one only points to a Phoenician source. With the exception of 
Aleph, Ain, Kof and Shin ; only those characters were taken over 
that had the same value in Greek as in Phoenician ; and the framer 
of the Himyaritic alphabet was so ignorant of the Phoenician 
writing, that he took the trouble to invent characters for Semitic 
sounds that were already provided for in the original Phoenician. 
The Himyaritic monuments have the words divided by upright lines; 
and the earlier ones are written boustrophedon. Both these fashions 
are characteristic of the Greek inscriptions of a very early period ; 
but we cannot suppose that the Southern Arabians could have learned 
such methods of writing until Egypt admitted Greeks within her 
borders, so that we must make the middle of the seventh century 
B.C. our earliest date for the origin of the Himyaritic script. 

The next Meetini^ of the Society will be held on 
Wednesday, May 8th, 1907, at 4.30 p.m., when the 
following Paper will be read : — 

Rev. W. T. Filter.— "A Hammurabi Text, from 
Assurbanipal's Library." 







Fourth Meeting, May ?)th, 1907. 

Rev. W. T. FILTER 


[No. CCXVIII.] 133 


The following gift to the Library was announced, and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donor : 

From W. E. Crum, Esq. — Thirty volumes of the "Catalogue 
General du Musee du Caire." 

Miss Hughes, Ross, Hereford, 

Miss C. M. Longdon, Derby, 

R. Berens, Esq., 14, Prince's Gardens, S.W., 

were elected Members of the Society. 

The following Paper was read : — 

Rev. W. T. Filter: "A Hammurabi Text, from Ashshur- 
banipal's Library." 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 


May 8] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 

By W. E. Crum. 

Visitors to the church of St. Mercurius the Two-sworded (Abi3 
's-Saifain), in 'Old Cairo,' may have noticed, among the uncouth 
pictures which decorate its walls, one depicting an old man, naked 
and, if I rightly recollect, standing upon a rubbish mound. ^ This 
represents Barsauma al-'Uryan, one of the latest worthies to be 
added to the Coptic calendar.- His biography, which I here 
publish, states that he died on the last day of the year 1033 of the 
Martyrs = a.d. 13 17,'^ and the Synaxarhim^ which corroborates this 
date, adds that he was then over sixty. He would be born therefore 
shortly after the rule of the Bahri Mamluks had been substituted 
for that of the Ayyubites (1250). 

All the facts known about him are to be found in the texts here 
printed or analyzed, the account in the Arabic Synaxariiim ^ being 

^ Sec A. J. Butler, Ancient Coptic Ch. i, 77. 

'^ Another saint honoured in the Cairo churches and, I think, only there, i& 
Furaij (so in Cairo Enchologion). The son of fellahs at Minyah Tamin, in the 
W. Delta, he spent a wandering life with his camels, selling salt in the 
villages. To one small camel he was much attached and took, like it, the name 
Ruwais, 'little master.' He seems also to have borne the names Theophanios- 
{v. MS. Rylands 69, f. 93 sq.) and Teji (both equated with Ruwais in the diptychs). 
During persecutions, he would hide in the sebakh holes, depending for sustenance 
on heavenly visions. He refused all alms and, concealing his real name, posed 
as a fool 'for Christ's sake.' Followed by his admirers, he was much consulted 
by credulous women and worked various 'miracles.' He died in A.D. 1405,. 
and was buried in ' the church of Al-Handak ' (?;. Paris ai-abe 282, f. 82 b sq.). 

■^ The current calendar, An-Natijah as-sanaiviyah (Tawfik Press, AM. 1623)1 
dates his death in 1320. 

■* Transl. from a Cairo copy in Butler ii, 374. With this I have compared the- 
Florentine and (incomplete) Gottingen MSS. and found no essential variations.. 
The Melkite adaptation, Br. Ahts. Oj: 2328, of course omits him. Barsauma, 
is mentioned by Assemani, BihI. Or. ii, to. 

135 L 2 


but an abbreviation of these or of a common source. The Ethiopia 
version of the Syiiaxariujn (which I have read in Brit. Mus. Or. 661, 
foil. 159^, 1 60 a), though likewise an abbreviation, is quite indepen- 
dent of the foregoing and reproduces much more closely the details 
of our biography. The Copto- Arabic ' Antiphonary ' {JDifnar) has 
three Hymns for Barsauma's festival, but they contain nothing of 
interest.-^ One of them is intended to be sung before his picture 
{hhiah). He is, however, referred to by Makrizi, in his notice of the 
monastery of Shahran,^ and also in the Sa'idic Triado?i, § 687, as 
the 'sage of our time' — words which (as I have elsewhere observed'^) 
should help towards dating that work. 

Whether the Arabic text was the original composition I do not 
feel able to decide. At such a period it is, of course, not impossible 
that the Coptic should rather be a version from the Arabic.^ Yet, 
so far as can be judged from the remnant preserved of the former, 
I do not see sufficient reason to assume this. The occurrence at 
any rate in the Arabic of the word aKovTupto'i (if I am right in so 
reading it), should 'support the more normal presumption of a Coptic 

The Arabic MSS. used are three, (i) Paris MS. arabe 72, 
dated a.d. 1358 and here referred to as P. Though frequently un- 
pointed and demanding control from the other MSS., this shows 
generally the best readings. (2) Bodleian, Cod. Graev. 29. This 
younger text, referred to as O, is decidedly inferior to P, but I have 
collated it throughout. (3) Paris MS. arabe 282, dated a.d. 1650 
and referred to as P2, is accurately written and useful. Unfortu- 
nately I have only been able to collate it at selected points. My 
analysis of the ' Miracles,' which merit a more adequate study than 
I can give them, is taken from this. 

The Coptic fragment, which corresponds to the close of the 
Arabic text, is preserved in Woide's collection (Clarendon Press, 
no. 65), all the other fragments of which are parchment leaves, 
most probably from the White Monastery. Among these our four 
paper leaves (each 7 x 55 in.) appear somewhat incongruous. It 
might indeed be doubted whether the popularity of Barsauma's story 
ever reached the further Thebaid. From those southern districts we 

* I have consulted the Borgian MS., now in tlie Vatican. 

* V. Casanova in Bull, de Plnst.fraitf. i, 175. 
' Eg. Expl. Fund's Report, 1903-04, 78. 

^ Cf. the history of John of Phanijoit and Casanova, loc. cit., 113 ff. 

May 8] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 

have neither mass-books (with the diptychs) nor Synaxaria, whereby 
to ascertain this ; though even if such were available, they would, in 
all probability, but show the usage of recent generations, long 
subsequent to the extinction of provincial differences in matters 
liturgical. On the other hand, it is not easy to see why, in the 
fourteenth century— for to that period we may safely assign our 
MS.^ — Sa'idic texts should still have been in demand in the north ; 
indeed there are examples of a palseographical type, similar to that 
of our fragment, having come both from the White Monastery and 
from Ashmfmain. 

The Sa'idic idiom which it exemplifies is, as might be expected, 
a debased one. Not only are there plain signs of Bohairic influence 
(art. ni-, rel. eTA-, gen. iitij-,^^ forms iihot, ciihot, otab, 
uere, x*J^ = k(ju, aitgu = aaii, oc, though not cfi'h), but the 
scribe violates Sa'idic usage to an extent which shows how far classical 
standards had been forgotten (prep, ^lexu-, IICA?!-, initial T- = eT-, 
omission of genit. 11-, confusion of ^ii- 2eij- ka- with following u- 
of object, incorrect forms Tno = eno, peqra)?, eU.) 

The Arabic text is given from Paris 72, excepting where the 
pointing of the others suggested a more intelligible reading. The 
constant and, in such texts, normal use of j for j, i^ for cu, the 
confusion of \- and o'-, j and j and of the case-endings, have not 
been altered in print. I have, however, for reasons of space, omitted 
certain passages, both from the text and translation, which contained 
nothing of interest or of unusual obscurity. The parts of the trans- 
lation whereof the text is printed, are marked in both by large 
capitals, A to G, the end of each such passage being indicated by a 

^ See the accompanying plate, kindly reproduced by Mr. Nash. The script is 
much like that of Bodl. Hunt. 393 (J/ys/c-re des Letlres) of a.d. 1393, and of 
Paris copfx 44 {Scala) of a.d. 1389. Cf. my Brit. Mus. CataL, pp. xii, xiii. Note 
also that the same rare abbreviation for iri^Ais is used as in Paris 44, f. 78 a. 

^^ In Mat. XXV, 34 ; cf. variants in Horner's Boh. text. 




^' ^ot,v,4>^ cw^.:^ ^J^\ Si. 


18 Matt. V, 39 + Luke vi, 29. 

May 8] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 

^_JL>, ^xl^' \i (JX-y -\:>-l:'. ^^ w)^^ ^r-v. cLo.ll y;J.\ \^,^j[i.j "i 
A! i^lj^ c-^ ^U!l L\Jb co^.< ^1 a.l!U, ^ J^j-^'^ '-r'^-^-*:! J'^^ 

ilsvlL; i'..Cj ~ t'O ,jl ci.^li.tJ ijl=;- ^i^v.!\. ^^A.'_ a-S-IaH ,>A^^ ^jl 

Ly. c:-J^ *UJ a..' ^.C^^U *J^. (j^lJvll cLk:sr ^.a11 j^JilrUll 
i^I^l ^:;^ ULi ~^'^c c^i^,U'l Jjvi (f. 33 h) i->U!L. ^,1^J\ c3^. 

»J^« iLc< j«.i<:« ^wj^^l ^ -~A^,^.I cLcilx.' t'J'j *-^i' i-'r*'-*' lJ*"*? 

> • <^ j-Jj ^ J •• •• - •• • ^•' > ^ Li ^" ^ 7 •• 

^1^. cL>J ^h^ i^\ i.\^rj c:_;\a.«^, Uj ^^^\ l }3t^Xi ^\^ U-^!l ^Aj:^ 

Ui Joi^l 1^1 J^A.; ^l^'l'l^.AiiJ ^' ^z J^ l}:x^\ lJI: ^ 

19 James iv, 4. 20 p ^^, . 

21 So P2 ; P a<jS\. 22 J^I^ 

-^ o ij^<. 2i JaUII 

2^ SoP2; P LkI'U. 



•• cy c; C/ > ^ • t_? > >• 

c 4^b tijLi i'-Co < jL*j^. tV.U^l^ J *-Alij^ IjU.::^ ^A^. JU!1 

c fcX-j^l ^l-<? ^1 ^j' (LjIj <L-v]w''i t^<»J ^»^».'_ f*'*~! ''^-* j^/wJaxju 
Jotljo i'^^ ^^J ^-^^ U^J 'V'^-'^ '^-^^ (J-'^> J-'"* rr^ ivj'* ''^V'*^ 

;_Jl^i ^^Uj^ L::^isr ^AJj^, j^b^vll t_^!j A.srJ c_*l'l iM' ; J^'i 

i', 4_C^' ,^rL^ ^K^ll Ujb '^ \s^\ \}\ LA ^\'l ,.^ ^',Lv^ 
i».o.l'o ,^Ji _k^n t_<l:. , ,11 J-J^.. ^.,l<. ^■ju!l Uuv''. J.L'J jb 

,JJ ^b ^-)J^ C^ldlr. b»^ III ^IL. L.!^ .^i . ^ (f^ 35 a) 
yj • y • ^ jr- 1 -y -J ^- l^r ^ 

,.j^ , J , J-vri-^ Ui'j ^JJU!\ ijOo<!l Ja-j , 1\ U»-ffJ , iA.;JuIl 

26 ^U ,. =7 C/. Pa. xci, 13. 


May 8] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 

[j^\i\ .zJyS U s'^ ^j U UJ Jj^;^ J^jiij Ji^ ^AAln^ 

u:^!.!;. Ia.^'1 ^r.*^^^ ^-V^^ •— ""^^•^ [c^ 15-^^ ljv]l,*xlj I ^IaxJj-Ij 

axx*;^ ^ysi.^^ (f. 35 ^) L_..„jolSl j_^U *-^y t*^' ^:^^-^ ''-^3j 

^^^j^> JU; di\\ J\ Jl^V-' ^^' r»^^-^ ^^^^t-'^-^-' o^^j ~^"J^-!^ 

J[jj wA£ Ajk.^ «J,^ t_-j!il^ L\Jb <ullr ^UIjs.1;-j l_J'_^J^ u-}U:\.--:li J-cK 
*j-^ll A,^S,< ljtjJ^\ .l^^j ^__^jjJiM Lxjb ^Ijjlj ^^Aa.O^ ^^j ^1 

,.,^ t* Aaj:-« ^lj<-i:ll , J^ , -i-wi-'i U->^L=. u_ii.' / ^.^^L!\ ( -'.iJ' L< Ja.£. 

k__iA^ L'li ♦jJcj: ^^j ^1,«>-«J1 4:sr a._vJv.,<yj; «_ij a4a11.' AjUj ,J^^1 

^_»j.!^ ^^ ^\L]\ \x^_^ *^\j Ci;-sj!^ J-sy^: ^_c-' (f- ^6 ") ^jr>^y 
Ua.'^ JUi^ ^-r^^i^ ;^- ^-^ Uij 'V ^>*^ ^* ^^^^ ^^^ c;r^^' 

"8 o ^^^. 29 i'j^n. 

^2 P2 1j^ .Uj u_d^^. 33 Luke xvii, 10. 



J ,,j^ JJ ij-^^ caM. il^l^ .^!l. c:js.A-' jJ ^.Aill 

^' M U^l^^ \^^ ...vv!^ .o.^l.- l-'jJ ;-:.l Lv-b^ l/^ 'J, 

''I •• It -'I M I •• M ■ •• u 

, w..'jJi.I^ Lu^'l "«—*-; UL« .-JL^.' . w..' , J.,< ♦-vli*!! AJo^!l iw-Joi" , j^ 


> V > > . L/ ■• ~ "V r^ ^ 

3G t 35 , / ' 1 • . v . ' • M M ) • 

t^ .V t_;J . . V •• I •• C • > •• •> • 

■iLJvL' wV*,'« ^^x^Ji.\ , ,i to ^-jL-"^}' l_x*'< 'j^ ,.\Sj cij /J J* /•jJi^ 
•i^J.jJb UjJi.c 1IL:\ ,»^j,^\\ ^S'^^\ t -lir. 4__;^'l i'.Jo l::^v4w' ^I'l 


In the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy 
Ghost, one God (unto Whom be glory) : — 

We begin, with the help of Our Lord Jesus Christ (unto Whom 
be Glory), to relate the History of the virtuous father and perfect 

•■'^ O ^'^.. "55 O P2 .,j^,.C. =^° Pom. \. 

•• •• y V • .. ^^ . - 


Ma\ S] barsauma thp: naked. [1907. 

teacher, the saintly, the blessed, the holy, the noble, chosen vessel, 
the great light among champions, the man of God in truth, Anba 
Barsauma the Naked, son of Al-Wajih,-''^ the secretary of Shajr 
ad-Durr,^'^ known as Ibn at-Tabban,^'J and of what wonders God mani- 
fested at his hands and the finishing of his virtuous career, on the 
5 th day of the month Nasi, of the year 1033 of the pure Martyrs. 
May his saintly blessing protect us all. Amen. 

Blessed be God Almighty, Who alone doeth marvels, and blessed 
the Holy Ghost, the Comforter of all them that in faith do seek 
Him. O Christ-loving people, gathered in God's church for the 
commemoration of our saintly father Barsauma, the naked as to vice 
yet clothed in a garment of virtues, be mercy increased upon you 
and may peace and grace descend upon you. Amen. Remember 
what said the Apostle Paul, the tongue of perfume and teacher of the 
nations, in saying : (Eph. iv, i, 2) A. Know, my beloved, that the 
parents of this saintly father, the great [light] among champions, 
Anba Barsauma the Naked, were from the town of Misr, God- 
fearing people, lovers of the poor, and walkers indeed in the paths of 
Christianity ; and they had abundant riches. Furthermore, unto the 
father of this saint was given office, namely, in the employ of Shajr 
ad-Durr, and God granted him acceptance before her, so that his 
name became famous in all the land. And God completed their joy 
and happiness by (the gift of) this blessed child, bearer of the 
honoured name Barsauma. ^^ And they brought him up in all good 
upbringing and book-learning ; and he observed the holy scriptures, 
that are the breath of God. And after a long while and when his 
father had fulfilled his life in a good old age, he went to rest and 
passed peacefully from this world. And they gave alms on his 

•* In title of P, Wajih ad-DIn (not exclusively Christian, z'. Quatremere, 
Sit/L A/aw/., ii, I, pp. 51, 253, Add al-Latif, 479) ; but in Synaxar., Al- Wajih 
Mufaddal, regarding the first as a title. 

'^ The first Mamluke ruler of Egj-pt, widow of es-Salih Aiyub, wife of Aybek. 
Ob. 1257. Neither Makrizi nor as-Safadi (to whom Mr. H. F. Amedroz referred 
me and whom M. Blochet consulted, Paris no. 2065) mentions her Coptic 

■*" 'The Straw-seller,' not exclusively a Christian name {v. Wiistenfeld, Cal- 
caschandi 76), though such trade-names seem to have been common among them : 
b. al-'Assal, b. (as-)Sabbag, b.(ar-)Rahhal. The Synax. has 'his mother was of 
the family {awl&d) of at-Tabban ; ' but the Coptic fragment shows that the name 
applies to Barsauma's father, not grandfather. 

■'^ Honoured because borne by the notorious Monophysite champion, B. the 
monk, ob. 458 {v. Bibl. Or. ii, l, Synax. 9th Emshir). 



behalf unto the poor and friendless and the orphans and widows 
and offered many offerings for him ; and thus they continued until 
the completion of the year.*- And thereafter the mother of Saint 
Barsauma went to rest and he grieved greatly on her account. 

Then began his maternal uncle to interdict him (the use of) the 
inheritance of his parents. And when Saint Barsauma saw how that 
his uncle had got possession of all the property and that his intention 
was to oppose him on account of the love of this world, he left him 
and contended not with him for aught that quickly perisheth. And 
there came unto the saint his relatives and certain of his acquain- 
tance, being urgent with him that he should require of his uncle that 
of his parents' inheritance whereof he had possessed himself. And he 
answered them saying: 'It is not meet for us to do any such thing; 
for the Saviour hath said in His holy gospel : (Mat. v, 39, Lu. vi, 29); 
and James the Apostle hath said in his Epistle : (Ja. iv, 4).' And 
he left them and departed and contended not with his uncle, neither 
sued he him at all at law. And he meditated upon death and the 
forsaking of (worldly) goods, and how no profit is to be had there- 
from.] And he said: 'Arise now and make hastens jii i\]q salva- 
tion of the soul from Judgment; for Our Saviour hath said in His 
holy Gospel: (Mat. xvi, 25-27).' And as for him, he went forth to 
without the town and chose the manner of life of Job the Just ; for 
he, in his affliction, did sit upon the dunghills, and our father 
Barsauma sat upon the rubbish-mounds^^ of this town, five years, in 
the heat of summer and cold of winter. No raiment bore he upon 
his body, but was naked, covered with a cloth.*'' And he would say 
within himself: 'O Barsauma, know^ that thou canst not be but 
naked as thou standest in the presence of God.' And he said again : 
' 'Tis meet I should be naked even as my Lord. For He was naked 
upon the cross. And the body, if I leave it naked for the love of 
God in this world, and it die, so shall it live in that world which is 

*- On commemorations of the dead, z: Lagarde, .'/<f. 285 - Horner, S/aL 385, 
Lane, Mod. Eg. (ist ed.) i, 336; also Brit. Mus. Copt. Catal. no. 846; on offer- 
ings, ib. nos. 398, 445, 786. 

"•'' i'Ux.' ^;JL<- On the abl'dyeh v. Lane, Mod. Eg. i, 43. Here it can 
scarcely be more than a loin cloth (but cf. Dozy, Dkt. des Vctm. 292). The 
Ethiopic b>ynax. has ' The girdle of his loins was of hair cloth.' 


May 8] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 

to come ; and the Lord shall clothe it with a garment of light.' 
B. And he was constant in prayer without ceasing, night and day, 
and oft-repeated fastings and long vigils. 

Now when this time was passed by, he fighting thus mightily, so 
that his tender flesh was dried up and clave unto his skin, through 
the greatness in holy thoughts whereunto he attained by the Holy 
Spirit that dwelt within him, then he said within himself: 'Arise now 
and depart hence, lest I become known here and pride here come 
upon me and vain glory that men love and cleave to.' And forthwith 
he arose and set about taking leave of the place with prayer, ere he 
passed forth from thence. And having ended the prayer and said 
Amen, he signed himself with the sign of the holy cross and went 
thence, repeating psalms, till he reached the church of the great 
martyr Mercurius, in Misr,*^ ^j-j^j [j^^q [^ hg passed and staid in 
the vault that was therein.'*'' And the grace of God began to be 
manifested in him. 

And there was in this vault a mighty serpent and men could not 
descend into it, to light a lamp there, ■^^ for the fear of that beast ; and 
the people of the church {sc. the clergy) were in great grief because 
of this. And when God (be He exalted !) desired the manifestation of 
our saintly father Barsauma the Naked, that at his hands He might 
do mighty works, he (Barsauma) began his prayer, spreading forth his 
hands and praying] unto God (be He exalted !), saying : ' O, my Lord 
Jesus Christ, Son of the living God, Thou it was didst give us power 
that^9 we should tread upon serpents and scorpions, and (over) all the 
power of the enemy. And now, O my Master, Jesus Christ, I beg 
Thee that Thou empower me over this beast, which is in this vault, 
that unto Thee may be the glory and praise, ^° for ever. Amen.' And 
he signed himself with the sign of the holy cross and went into the 
midst of the vault. C. And the serpent, when it beheld the saint, 
was excited against him and struggled with him for a time, whilst our 
father Barsauma recited from this Psalm, saying: (c/. Ps. xci, 13). 
And when he had ceased from his reciting, he laid hold upon that 
serpent with his hand and said unto it : ' From henceforth, O blessed 

^^ Dair Abu 's-Saifain, between Fustat and Cairo. On the vault or subterranean 
chapel zj. Butler, Churches, i, 77. 

•*" Syntax . 'near 20 years,' Ethiop. Synax. '33 years.' 
^ Presumably for the performance of services. 
■*^ Luke X, 19. 

50 .... 

May S] society OF BIBLICAL AKCH/liOLOGY. [1907. 

one, thou hast not power nor might to injure any man ; but thou 
shalt be tame and hearkening and obedient, when I speak unto thee.' 
And ere the words had ceased from the mouth of the saintly Anba 
Barsauma, the serpent was appeased and made an end of (the state) 
in which it had been.] And it became obedient unto the saint and 
humbled itself unto him, even as Daniel the prophet, in the time 
when the fierce lions became obedient and did obeisance unto him. 

Blessed art thou, O Barsauma ! [A parao^^raph in his praise, 
(jiioti ng Co\. iii, 9, or Eph. iv, 22, 2 Tim. ii, 11.] 

D. And this saint had deadened both his body and his soul to the 
desires of this world and made a great fight in the vault, with much 
fatiguing of his passions by hunger and thirst. And he began to fast 
two days at a time and three at a time, until he fasted the whole week 
through, unweariedly ; and he suffered the light to arise (thus) upon 
him. And it was so that, when he stood for prayer, the serpent already 
told of would depart from him. And when the saint was sat down 
and summoned it, it came, and he gave it to eat and to drink ; for it 
was gentle above the other kinds (of beasts). And if there came a 
man intending a visit to the father, he would find that serpent lying 
at rest beneath his feet, and being afraid, would straightway return ; 
for it was frightful to behold. And the saint commanded it, saying : 
' O blessed one, from henceforth, if one shall come to this place, do 
thou hide thyself and appear not ere he be departed.' And that 
serpent moved its head, even as one obeying that saith : It is well ; 
and from that day forth that beast returned not to show itself unto 
such as came on a visit to our saintly father. 

And he descended into the well that is in the church, in the 
month of Tubah,'"'^ and offered unto God many obeisances and 
prayers, without ceasing.] And when he was athirst, he took of that 
water whereof none was able to drink, and of the water that was in 
the tank ;■''- and he said unto his soul : ' Be not thou troubled at the 
drinking of this water, for the water of life is given thee in place of 
this.' And he was zealous in breaking the desires of his souP"' at all 
times and seasons, and he said unto it : 'Turn not thou aside ^' from 

'"^ Presumably at Epiphany, Tiibah 11. The Ethiop. .Sj/wx. has 'in winter 
{^karamt) in the cold.' Cf. the practice of Shenoute, Miss, franc, iv, 4. 


May 8] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 

the fight, lest there be fulfilled upon thee that which is written, and 
thou be left without fruit, repenting and lost, where repentance 
profiteth thee not.^'^ Bestir thyself and fight, lest thy thoughts grow 
corrupt and thou become estranged from God, in the place of 
weeping and lamentation.' And he performed acts of praise-^^ and 
adoration, as nourishment for his soul and food for his body, until 
he became all filled with grace. 

E. And when there befell the Christian people a mighty oppres- 
sion, '^^ our saintly father Barsauma ascended unto the roof of the 
church aforesaid and hid himself in a certain place, busied with 
fasting and prayer, night and day, entreating God for sinners, that 
He would forgive them their sins. And he would say : ' Woe unto 
us, O Lord, whilst our iniquities increase and we anger Thee by our 
deeds, the desires, that is, of our hearts and the passions of our souls. 
And Thou hast been long-suffering unto us, yet have we not turned. 
And 5^ therefore hast Thou given us over unto the powers, with the 
locking of our churches and commanding us to dress in black, 
hideous raiment upon our heads, °^ so that we become laughable unto 
them that behold us.' And the whole Christian people hid them 
from the rulers and cried out and was troubled, when this oppression 
came to pass. And the just and righteous man knew, by the holy 
spirit that dwelt in him, that they were not able (to bear) these 
hardships, and he was full sure of their destruction. So he arose and 
prayed fervently unto God (be He exalted !), with abundant weeping 
and burning heart and heavy groaning, and staying in this wise 
through the length of a whole week. And the Lord (praise unto 
Him !) answered the entreaties of this father and took from off them 
His wrath and opened for them certain of the churches. 

And this saint staid upon the church roof, constant in fasting 
and prayer, night and day, in heat and cold, till his body was 
parched and diminished by reason of the fight. And there was, in 

^^ A biblical reference ? 


^'' On the persecution of the Christians, probably in a.d. 1301 or 1303, v. 
Makrizi, Gesc/i. der Copten, Wustenfeld p. 74 ff-, Renaudot, Hist., 602, R. L. 
Poole, Hist., 300. 

®® From here to 'behold us' in P 2 only. It refers to the sumptuary edict of 
A.D. 1301. 

•'^ The Florence Synax. adds to the text in Butler, I.e., (J.:^\J >^ 'yi,L:>-i» 
on which word v. Dozy, Suppl. , s. v. 



the timbered roof '^^' of the church, a beam of cedar wood, wherein 
he took great deHght ; and it was so that, as the sun set, he would 
stand thereon and would pray until the dawn. And when the 
enemy incited him to sleep, he would raise his eyes unto heaven, 
with much weeping, saying : ' How shall I sleep while God seeth 
me? He that shall die, how shall he sleep? He that must give 
account, how shall he take rest? Fight, O soul, so long as thou 
hast time and leisure, ere thou be translated from this world and 
caused to appear before the Judge, at the Judgment Day, and He 
lay bare thy deeds and find thee disobedient and having trans- 
gressed His commandments, and He deliver thee unto the punishers 
and thou come into the place of grief and tears.' And by these 
words was sleep driven from him and he got spiritual gain. And 
it was so that when there came upon him from the enemy pride 
for the deeds of piety that he had done, he would contend against 
his thoughts, saying : ' Our Saviour hath said, in His holy gospel : 
{Luke xvii, 10).' 

And when the enemy of good beheld the righteous deeds of our 
saintly father, how that they multiplied in fasting and prayer and 
abundant weeping, he was not able to bear it, and he moved wicked, 
evil men, haters of good, and they went and told the judge and the 
inspectors and the magistrates^ in the town, saying: 'The august 
ordinances have decreed that none shall abide in the churches. But 
now there is in this church a Christian who stayeth therein night 
and day And we have informed you concerning him and his case, 
and there remaineth no responsibihty with us.' And forthwith the 
magistrate and the judge and the inspectors met together, and with 
them a great multitude, at the church of the great martyr Mercurius, 
in Misr. And when our saintly father Barsauma the Naked heard 
their great multitude, he feared not, for he trusted in the Lord (glory 
unto Him !) at all times. And he began to pray, saying : ' Our 
Father which art in heaven,' to the end thereof. And he signed 
himself with the sign of the holy cross. And the multitude opened 
the door of the church and brought the saint forth and set him 
before the magistrate. ■ And he asked him, saying : ' Who hath 
suffered thee to abide in this church ? And thou hast set thyself 
against the august ordinances.' And the saint answered him not one 

^ Janialuii, v. Quatremere, SiiKans, ii, I, p. 286. 

^^ The mittawelly, chief police-magistrate. Cf. Lane, Arab. Nights, note on 
ch. ix. 


May 8] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 

word. Thereupon he bade smite him with whips ; and he was 
smitten at the hand of an ofificer that was called scutarii/sp And 
after that he had smitten him, the ofificer cast aside the thing '^'^ that 
was in his hand ; and our saintly father said : ' The slave must 
needs draw the foul blood.' '^^ And he took that wherewith he had 
been smitten and handed it unto the ofificer and said unto him : 
' Keep this ; thou shalt have use for it in the citadel.' And after 
three days the father's prophecy was fulfilled, and the before-named 
ofificer was sought out and advanced in ofifice in the Government. 

^- For (TKovTapios (Ducange), the Copts might write CKOTTApe, the V 
resulting in Arabic b. tiL;' _>,!' ^l^ Jl formed a corps at this period (VVustenfeld, 
Heerwesen, 23). Secundarius (ace. to O and P2) seems less likely here, though 
al-Sikandart (Paris arabe 2450) or al-hkandart ^2ik.\iX ii, 271, Quatremere ii, II, 
p. 251) might be a name ; less likely still a title with the ending -da7- (e.g. 

^^ P 2, the strap, thong. 

^ Or ' The thing must needs.' P 2 omits this. 

(To be continued^ 

149 M 


By F. Legge. 

( Contifuied from p. 106,) 

No. 8. 

The tablet to which we now come was found by M. Amehneau 
during the winter of 1897, and I am sorry that I have been unable to 
obtain communication of it, or even to learn its present whereabouts. 
This is the more to be regretted, because it seems not impossible 
that appropriate means might cause more of the inscription to 
appear than is the case in the very bad reproduction given in 
M. Amelineau's book,^ from which the illustration in the Plate is 
taken ; and we might then have at our disposal a document which 
would do much to clear up the order of succession of the kings of 
the 1st Dynasty. M. Amelineau tells us- that the tablet is of wood, 
covered with grease which he had in part removed by means of 
ether, and that the inscription is in ink only, the ink being in some 
places red, and in others black. From this he draws the conclusion 
that the original inscription was in red, and that one in black had 
been superposed upon it some reigns later. This does not seem, on 
the face of it, very likely, as it is difficult to suggest any reason for 
such a palimpsest. Had the scribe of the black inscription any 
reason for wishing the red to remain visible, his natural course 
would have been to write on the other side, which, so far as can be 
gathered, remains blank. Had he wished, on the other hand, to 
erase it from hostility to the king in whose reign the first inscription 
was made — this is the moti\'e to which Prof. Sethe seems inclined to 

^ Les Noiivelks Fouilles d'Abydos, t. Ill, plie 2. Paris, 1905. I'l. xxxvii, 

fig- 3- 

^ Op. cit.y pp. 425, et seq. 


attribute such erasures^ — he would probably have washed off the red 
inscription altogether, or, if unable to do so, would have planed 
down the surface until he again had a tabula rasa on which to work. 
Moreover, we shall soon see by another example that black and red 
inks were sometimes employed together on similar tablets without one 
of them being by any possibility superposed upon the other, and 
apparently for decorative purposes only. I therefore propose to 
treat the tablet in question as having been inscribed only once, and 
such traces of red ink as appear upon it as forming part of the same 
inscription as those in the black.^ 

The tablet bears the usual hole for suspension at the right-hand 
top corner, and the palm-leaf sign for renpit is also distinctly visible 
down the right side. We may therefore safely conclude that it be- 
longs to the same class of inscriptions as Nos. 5> 6, and 7, described 
in last month's Proceedings^ and like them, bore what I have ventured 
to call a " year name." It is also plain, as M. Amehneau points 
out, that the inscription when complete must have borne a strong 
likeness to that on No. 5, and probably is to be referred to the 
same reign. Next to the palm-leaf, we find the three semicircular or 
" stadium " signs appearing on Nos. 2 and 5) and as they are repeated 
and turned the other way at a httle distance, it seems most likely 
that the figure of the king was originally represented betweem them 
in the act of pacing out the ground, as in the last-named number. 
Behind this was probably the other figure of the king seated under 
the .S^^-canopy at the top of a staircase, as in No. 5, and with 
the help of a good glass and of some imagination, traces of this 
may just be discerned in M. Amelineau's illustration. Behind this, 
again, comes, without any doubt, a hawk-crowned rectangle or srekh 
bearing a royal name, of which the water sign ^^^.aa is alone to be 
seen. Comparing this with No. 5, however, there can be no doubt 
that this name was really Den, the hand sign above the /wvaaa having 
become rubbed out either by age or in the course of M. Amelineau's 
attempts to restore the inscription. Then comes, reading from right 

to left, a blank in which only a fairly distinct sickle sign j^ is 

^ Beitriige zur dlteslen Geschichle Agyptens, Leipzig, 1903, p. 26. 

* M. Amelineau says {op. cit., p. 426) that the red inscription has come out 
in white in the photograph taken for his Plate. I can see at the most two 
or three distinguishable signs in white, and in his text he deals with the black 
inscription only. 

151 M 2 

May 8] 


visible, while behind this again comes the remains of two other 
rectangles placed one over the other, the lower of which shows 

distinctly the plant sign ^ within the house Q which Mr. Griffith 

would read Het-suten, or " The Residence of the King of Upper 
Egypt." » Continuing to read downwards, we see under this lower 

rectangle some half-obliterated sign which may well be the ^ 'Af\ 

suten viabti, or royal architects, of No. 5, and the whole of the signs 
on this tablet treated of up till now would then correspond exactly 
with those on No. 5, and would show that, like this last, it was 
intended to record the building of a palace in the reign of Den,^ 
and when Hemaka was chancellor, or vizier, of Upper Egypt. Imme- 
diately below what must have been, on this hypothesis, the name 

8 J? (_j or Hemaka, the tablet, shows a well-recognizable lion's 

head and forepaw, which marks here, as elsewhere, the beginning of 

the Formula and below the signs which I have taken for ^ 'A^ 

appears in red ink (shown in the Plate by white lines instead of black) 

what seems to be the signs \^, which corresponds with its conclusion 

as given in No. 5. This represents, I am afraid, all the signs that 
can be distinguished with reasonable certainty. 

Returning to the other, or sinister side of the tablet, which should 
contain, from the analogy of No. 5, one or more subsidiary registers 
showing the events which go to make up the " year-name," we can just 
discern the remains of what seems to have been a city cartouche, a vase 
O and two o signs. I do not find myself able to make any sugges- 
tion with regard to these worthy of consideration, but M. Amelineau 
would see there, in addition to those mentioned, the traces of four 

registers, and the signs ^2, ^, "j, — , and V scattered among 
them. He tells us that all this part is covered with grease, which he 
was afraid to remove for fear of causing the tablet to crumble under 
the drying influence of the ether. From what can be deciphered of 
this very interesting tablet, it seems probable that No. 8, recorded, 

5 R.T., I, p. 41- , ,., ■„ 

6 The words " in the time of the Horus Den " somehow shpped out, while m 
proof, of the reading of No. 5, given on p. 105, P.S.B.A., 1907. 


like No. 5, the gifts of King Den to some temple at its foundation, 
but that the year-name (and probably the gifts) were different to those 
recorded in the last-named tablet. 

No. 9. 

This fragment, which was found by Prof. Petrie at Abydos 
during his first year's campaign, evidently once formed part of a 
tablet containing an inscription similar to Nos. 5, 6, 7, and 8. We 
can see from what remains that the whole tablet once contained a 
year-name like these last, and that the name of the year in question 
was probably, as in the other instances, connected with the capture, 
or, here more probably, the building of a city. Taking the right-hand 
or sinister side of the dividing line, and reading from the palm-leaf 
inwards, we have first the remains of a complete city cartouche 
enclosing the signs ^^ and c^. Following this are the signs 
and A- with the remains of what was possibly the circle Q 

above them. Then comes what Prof. Petrie and Mr. Griffith seem to 

be right m identifying as the suteyi bat title =|f\^ followed by fx/'x/i , 

which would seem to read, "the King of Upper and Lower Egypt 

Setui (or Siti)," while underneath this title are perhaps the tongs g s 

and the ladder signs \^^^ (?) followed by three fl H fl . Mr. Griffith 
suggests {R.T., I, p. 41) that this may mean "having seized thirty 
nomes " ; but I do not think the fragment is sufficiently clear for us 
to accept this reading. 

The occurrence of the name Setui or Siti enables us to assign 
the tablet to the reign of Den, or at any rate to that of the king who 
immediately preceded or followed that monarch in the 1st Dynasty.^ 

The inscription to the dexter or left-hand side of the dividing 
line is interesting, as it shows us what the complete or extended form 
of the formula was in or about the time of Den. In front of the 
Hon's fore-part g) , of which we see the traces, is a vase Q, while 

^ In the current number of the Reciieil de Travaiix (t. XXIX, pp. 26-29), 
M. Raymond Weill gives some reasons for believing that x^:^ is not a proper 
name. Yet I find it difficult to accept his conclusions, in view of the fact that, on 
these tablets, it is so often preceded by the suten bat ^!^ . 


May S] society OF BIBLICAL ARCHyEOLOGY. [1907. 

behind it are the signs M and aaaaaa. Underneath are to be seen the 
khet sign v:?-?^ above three shai (2 (5 (? and a T, followed by a vase 

Q. The signs (J and ^^w^ probably form part of some phrase of 
which the rest is missing, but the others evidently read " [The Horus 
gave to the temple] one thousand three hundred measures of wood 

and jars of wine." No doubt if Nos. 5 ^'id 8 were complete 

we should find that they bore similar formulas. 

i^To be cofitim{ed.) 


S.B.A. Proceedings, May, 1907. 

No. 8. 

From Amelineau, Fouilles d'Abydos. Vol. Ill, Part 2, PI. XXXVII, fig. 3. 

No. 9. 

rrom Royal Tombs. Vol. I, PI. XI, fig. 4. 

May 8] A HAMMURABI TEXT. [1907. 


By the Rev. W. T. Filter. 

The tablet to be discussed comes to us from Ashshurbanipal's 
library at Nineveh (Koyunjik), and has not hitherto, so far as I am 
aware, been either transcribed or translated by any modern scholar. 
The text of it, which is in Assyrian cuneiform characters, was 
published for the first time in Part XIII of the Cuneiform Texts f7-07?i 
Babylonian Tablets (Plates 46 and 47), now being issued by the 
Trustees of the British Museum. It is one of a series given under 
the title of "Legends of early Kings," and to this one is added 
the supplementary information, " Mention of Hammurabi, King of 
Babylon." But Dr. Pinches, in calling attention to the great stela 
then newly discovered in ancient Elam, observed*: "Thus much, 
however, is certain, namely, that the Assyrians also possessed a copy 
of [the text of] that important document, as is shown by Plates 46 and 
47 of the British Museum publication, Cuneiform Texts froiti Baby Ionian 
Tablets, Part XIII (1901)." The full truth of this statement we shall 
see by the time we reach the end of our examination of the text. 

The tablet itself, which bears the Registration Number Bu. '91-5-9, 
221, is of hard-baked terra-cotta. Portions have been broken off 
the top, bottom, and each side of the tablet — which is thus but a 
torso and of irregular shape. Dr. Bezold (in his Catalogue of the 
Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum) 
gives its greatest dimensions as 4-^ inches by 4-;^ inches. Part of three 
columns of inscription are preserved on the Obverse, containing about 
18 lines each, and portions of only the initial group of characters on 

* " The Old Testmnent in the Light of the Historical Records of Assyria and 
Babylon." (1902, first edition, p. 520.) 


a few lines of the fourth column. The Reverse preserves the 
beginning of some lines of one column and portions of other two 
columns (some 23 lines of the penultimate and 16 of the last 
column, including the colophon). Each column is ruled off 
longitudinally from its neighbour, while a double line separates the 
end of the inscription proper from its colophon. 

We further observe that the first column of the Obverse, and that 
only, is ruled off by horizontal lines into sections or paragraphs ; 
portions of three of these are preserved, of which the middle one is 
intact, except for a small fracture from the left or initial side. On 
looking into the text of this middle section we see that the first sign 
on it — broken, but still pretty evident — is -ma, followed by a-ivi-lum. 
There are sufficient remains of the first line of the third section to indicate 
that that line repeated the same opening words. We notice, moreover, 
that the middle syllable of the second word, the wi- of a-wi-liim, is 
written as it was in early Babylonian times, viz., with the sign which 
in the Assyrian period was usually read //. To anyone at all familiar 
with Hammurabi's Code, it is clear that the first lines of these 
paragraphs should be completed to read Sum-ma a-wi-lum, " If (any) 
man," and that the old-fashiofted reading of the // syllable makes it 
probable that we have before us a copy of some of Hammurabi's 

As I have said, none of the remaining columns of our tablet are 
crossed by horizontal lines dividing it into sections, and they, therefore, 
do not appear to contain law paragraphs ; yet to one fresh from reading 
the stela some of the words and phrases have an almost startling 
Hammurabian ring about them. And — to cut short merely preliminary 
discussion — I may say at once that the tablet is simply a copy of the 
final part of Hammurabi's Code stela — that is the " Hammurabi Text " 
of which we have now to speak — -and contained originally a number of 
the legal enactments of that stela and the whole of the epilogue; in 
proof thereof is subjoined a transliteration of the whole of the tablet, 
side by side with the corresponding part of the stela text. Then I 
give a translation of our tablet, followed by such philological notes as 
a comparison of the two texts suggests, and, in conclusion, some more 
general observations, partly founded upon similar extant documents. 


May 8] 




5- ■ 
6. , 

Bu. '91-5-9, 221. 

Col. A. 

. . . . ^r>- . . . 

, n]a-ad-di-i[n 

7. . . mja a-wi-]u[m 

8. ardam amtami 

9. . 


10. . 

. -la-am im-ta-la- 

II. . 

. -ir (?)-ni e-li-su 

12. . 

. . ta-ku-ut3 

13- • 


14. . 

. ta-ar 

15- • 


16. . 

. . -lu i-Ia-ki 

17 -w]i-liim 

18 amtam 

Col. B. 

I • (?) (?) 

2. . . (?)-ul-mi-im e-es-te 

3. -i-si-i-na-si-in-im 

4. pu-us-ki wa(^y'-)-as-tu-ti^ 

5. li-bi-it-ti nu-ra ^ 

6. li-se-si-si-na-si-im 

7. i-na kakkim da-an-nim 



Col. XXIII (Col. XXXIX of 
the extant text of the stela). 
(Part of § "277.") 


56. IGI . 6 . GAL kaspi lo-sa 

57. i-na-ad-di-in 

(§ "278") 

58. sum-ma a-wi-lum 
59a. ardam amtam 
59^. i-sa-am-ma 

60. arhu-su la im-la-ma 

61. bi-en-ni e-li-su 
62^. im-ta-ku-ut a-na 
^2b. na-di-na- 

63. ni-su u-ta-ar-ma 

64. sa-a-a-ma-nu-um 

65. 66. kaspu is-ku-lu i-li-ki 

67. sum-ma a-wi-lum 
68a. ardam amtam 

Hammurabi stela, Reverse XXIV 
( = Col. XL. Epilogue). 

17. as-ri su-ul-mi-im 

18. es-te-i-si-na-sim 

19. pu-us-ki Ava-as-tu-tim 

20. d-pi-it-ti 2\a. nu-ra 
21^. u-se-zi-si-na-si-im 

22. i-na kakkim da-an-nim 


May 8] 




9. u ''"Istar 

10. li-sa-at-li-mu-nim 

1 1. i-na IGI . GAL 

12. sa ''"EN . KI i-si-ma 

13. i-na tu-il-tim'' 

14. sa ''"Marduk is-ru-kam" 

15. (?)-ki-ri e-li-is 

16 sa-ap-li-is 

Col. C. 

2 sar {pr^ in) . . 

3 -ru (?) a-na- (?) 

4- a (?) wa* (?) '-at-ii . (?) 

5. na-as- (?) 

6. li-ii-ti sa-ni-nam 

7. li-ul i-sii 

8. i-na ki-bi-it 

9. '■" Samas u "" Adad^ 

10. da-i-nu di-nim 

11. pa-ri-su pu-ru-us-si-e 

12. di-e-ni li-is-te-bi 

13. i-na a-waf-at •'" Alarduk 

14. be-lij-ia 

15. li-zu-ra-tu-u-a 









i-na IGI . GAL 

27. sa ''" EN . KI i-gi-ma-am 

28. i-na li-ii-lim 

29. sa ''" Marduk id-di-nam 

30. na-ak-ri e-li-is 
31a. u sa-ap-li-is 

Reverse, Col. XXIV (Col. XL. 

79. sarru sa-in (<?r, sa in) sar ali 

80. su-tu-ru a-na-ku 
8 1 a. a-wa-tu-d-a 

8 1(5. na-as-ga 

82. li-ii-ti sa-ni-nam 

83. ii-ul i-na§ 
84a. i-na ki-bi-it 
84<5. ■'" Samas 

85. da-a-a-nim ra-bi-im 

86. sa same u irsiti 

87. mi-sa-ri i-na matim || 

88. li-is-te-bi 

89. i-na a-wa-at 

90. ''" Marduk be-li-ia 

91. li-zu-ra-tu-u-a 

* •^y»- Apparently. 

t Written ^\^^ as in 1. 4 above and in 1. 89 of the stela. 

X Written J^, as in 1. 90 of the stela. 

§ No doubt, as Prof. Schiel says, a scribal error for ii-ul i-Sa. In rev. XXV, 
102, i-Ba occurs, Vjut always elsewhere the word is written iSu. 

il KALAM (S^yyi), as in Col. IV, 1. 10, of the bilingual Eulogy of gammurabi 
on the broken statue of black basalt in the British Museum. (It was formerly 
No. 85, now No. 90,842, and is exhibited in the Babylonian and Assyrian Room, 
Wall case 6, No. 73. The text upon it is copied in Mr. King's Letteis and 
Inscriptions of Haiiiniiirabi, Vol. I, p. 1 16, and transcribed and translated in 
Vol. Ill, pp. 175, 176.) 

May 8] 





16. mu-sa-az-zi-ka a ir-si-a 

17. i-naE.SAG.ILAO 

18. sa a-ra-am-mu-um 
19 (?). ..(?)... 

Col. D. 

(Of this column only the be- 
ginnings of the initial groups 
of five lines are visible.) 

Reverse (Plate 47). 

(We may assume that there 
were four columns of inscription 
on this side, but not a vestige 
remains of the first one (Col. E).) 

Col. F. 

(Only portions of the initial 
groups of about nine lines of this 
column are left.) 

Col. G. 
The first legible sign is on — 


5- ir- 

6. ku- 

7. um-ma-ni-su . . 

8. li-is-(?) .... 

9. um-ma-an-su (?) (?) ^^ 

10. ri-(?)-ma-am 

1 1 . a li-sar-si 

12. su-a-ti 

13. a-di 11 ga-at na-ak-ri-su 



92. mu-sa-zi-kam a ir-si-a 

93. i-na E . SAG . ILA 

94. sa a-ra-am-mu su-mi i-na da- 


[Here the column ends.] 

Last Col. of the stela^ reverse, 
Col. XXVIII. (or Col. XLIV.). 


11. li-is-ki 

12. gu-ru-un 

13. sa-al-ma-at 

14. um-ma-na-ti-su 

15. i-na si-ri-im 

16. li-it-ta-ad-di 

17. ummanu-su ri (?)-(?)-(?) am 

18. a-i u-sar-si 

19. su-a-ti 

20. a-na ga-at na-ak-ri-su 


May 8] 










a-na ma-at nu-ku-ur-ti-su 

ka-mi-is li-ru-ii-su 


da-an-nu i-na ili * 

sa ga-ba-al-su ^- 

la im-ma-ah-ha-ru 

um-sak-si-du ir-ni-ti-ia 

i-na ka-su-si-su ra-bi-i 

ki-ma i-il-ti ^-^ 


is-a-am (?) ^* . . . . 


i-na t 

Col. H. 



21. li-ma-al-li-su-ma 

22. a-na ma-at nu-ku-ur-ti-su 

23. ka-mi-is li-ru-su 

24. ""NER.URU.GAL 

25. dan-nu-um i-na ili * 
26a. ga-ba-al 

b. la ma-ha-ar 
27. um-sa-ak-si-du 
29. i-na ka-su-si-su 

31. ki-ma i-sa-tim 

32. iz-zi-tim sa a-bi-im 

2,2,- ni si-su 34. li-ik-me 
35. in dan-nim 

Hammurabi's Code stela. Re- 
verse, Col. XXVIII. (= Col. 

28. ir-ni-ti-ia 
^o. ra-bi-im 

I. . 

. . -riC>V ('!>) 

82. ir-ri-tam 

2. . 

. (?)-us-tam 

83 «. ma-ru-us-tam 

0- • 

. . -ru-ru-su 

b. li-ru-ru 

4. . 

. -ri-tum 

84. ir-ri-tim 


space sufficient for 

one or two 

5- • 

. . ir a-ta-an '^^ 

85. da-ni-a-tim 

86. ""Bel 

6. . 



87. i-na pi (>-^VJ)-su 

7- • 

(?) na-ak-ri-im 

88. sa la ut-ta-ak-ka-ru 

8. . 

. -ru-su-ma 

89. li-ru-ur-5u-ma 

9. . 


90. ar-hi-is 

10. . 

. . 


[End of the Hammurabi Code 

HPF- >flf-- 

* In both tablet and s(£/a ili is written 
t The right reading may be in- (and not i-7ia). 

May 8] 

(Blank space of about four lines.) 


(i) . . . . 5*^^"^ di-na-a-ni 

(2) . . . . ha-am-mu-ra-bi 

(About two lines of blank space.) 

(3) . . . A]L. BAD (^) (i.e. 

ga??ur) * 
(Another two lines blank space.) 

(4) . . . . -su satir-ma bari ^" 

(5) . . . '•" Assur-ban-apli 

(6) . . . "" Assur-KI 



Col. A. 


6. Ae shall give {or, pay). 

7. I^f a vian 

8. a 1/iale slave {or^) fe??iale 

9. has'\ purchased and 

10. . . . has fulfilled'^ 

11. . . . tipon him 

12. . . ha s^ fallen ^ 

13. to] the seller and 

14. . . . shall] return, 

15. . . . the purchaser 

16. \vifhat he pai^d shall receive. 

17. If a ni\an 

18. . . . fejnale slave 

(The remainder of the column is broken away.) 

* Dr. Bezold ( Catalogue of the Ctineiforni Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection 
of the British Museum, Vol. IV., p. 1948) restores the broken sign before >-< 
to > ^_ (f-e., t][<J), from K. 8708, on which (Vol. HI, p. 954) he says the 
whole group is probably to be restored to »jA *^X^ *^ U^ -^L . BAD). The 
scribe here uses the Sumerian grammatical prefix, t^^Kj, apparently to signify- 
that the >-< is not to be read as labaru, for which the same sign probably stood 
in the following line, nor as the adjective gamru, but as the verbal form gamaru, 
and in the third person (of the permansive), gamir. 



Col. B. 

(This is legible from line 1 7 of the next column (Reverse XXIV 
= Col. 40) of stela, where we are at the beginning of the epilogue. 
Our tablet is thus defective to the extent of 50 lines at this place.) 


2 of p\eace I 

3. provided for them ; 

4. difficult places'^ 

5. / opened up ; light ^ 

6. / caused to come forth to them. 

7. With the mighty weapon 

8. which the god Za^nama 

9. and the goddess Ishtar 

10. entrusted to me ; 

1 1 . ivith the clear visio?i 

12. which the god Ea has decreed : 

13. with the power ^ 

14 ivhich the god Merodach has bestowed'^ ; 

15. en\emies above 

16. . . . below 

Col. C. 

(This column, when first legible at line 4, corresponds with line 
8i« of Col. XXIV of the Reverse of the stela, so that 50 lines again 
are missing.) 


4. 7tiy\ ivord 

5. preci]ous ; 

6. my poiver a rival 

7. has fiot. 

8. At the command of 

9. the god Shamash afid the god Adad^ 

10. the fudge of legal fudgment 

11. (and) determiner of decrees, 

12. I make my legalfudgments to shine forth. 


May 8] A HAMMURABI TEXT. [1907. 


13. By the word of Merodach, 

14. my lord, 

15. 7ny canned reliefs 

16. let no one efface. 

17. In Esagil ^ 

18. which I love 

Col. D. 

(Of this column, only the beginnings of the initial syllables of 
5 lines are visible.) 


Col. E. 

(Nothing whatever is left of this.) 

Col. F. 

(Portions of the initial syllables of about 9 lines only remain.) 

Col. G. 
(From Hne 19 of Col. C. to the first legible line (Hne 7) of this 
column the following portions of the stela text (Reverse) are omitted, 
namely, half of the last line of Col. XXIV, the whole of Cols. XXV, 
XXVI, XXVII, and the first 13 lines of Col. XXVIII, which 
omission is equivalent to 32 7^ lines of the stela. It will be 
noticed that at the beginning, here, our text shows several variant 


7. his army 

8. may 

9. his army ^^ .... 

(?) (?) 

11. 7nay {she) not grant 

12. that ofie, 

13. iftto^^ the hand of his enemy 

14. may {she) deliver him atid 

15. to a hostile land 






1 6. bound viay {she) bring hifti. 

1 7 . The god Nerg al, 

1 8. mighty among the gods, 

19. ivhose assault^- 

20. can7iot be withstood. 

21. who causes me to obtain fny triumph. 

22. in his great strength 

23. like a curse ^^ 

24. (.?) 

25. afir\e^' 

26. his people .... 

27. ivith 

Col. H. 

(The first line with legible signs in this our last column 


coincides with line 82 of the final column of the stela, and 

as line 27 

of Col. G. corresponds to line 35 it follows that 55 lines 

are here 

lost from our tablet.) 


2 fat]a!h' 

3 \_jnav he c]urse him 

4 a course 

5 ir a-ta-a7i ^^ 

6 the god B\el with his mouth 

7 altered 

8 cur'\se him and 

9 speedily 


(i) 5 legal-Judgments'^'^ 

(2) . . . . of Xing'] Hammurabi 

(3) . . 710 1 com']plete 

(4) . . . (?), writte7i afid revised'^'^ 

(5) . . . King] Ashshurbanipal 

(6) . . . ofj Assyria. 

{To be conti7iued.) 


May S] the FOLKLORE OF MOSSOUL. [1907. 

By R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. 

{Continued from Vol. XXVIII, page 109.) 

The following is the text and translation of the second of the two 
MSS. referred to in the first part of this Article. I am indebted to 
the Rev. G. Margoliouth, M.A., for many kind suggestions. 

MS. No. 2. 

\>'ni nn NEnrr"! d^d*- nna i3 -\\^\> n-'n^i l^'psn nmn Dip?Di 

in :^•*tr pi'pnn |d nn n^Tin np nD?Dn pn'i^'o'? mnx nSl^lD (2) 
jnn pn inix pinK'n "isx ^^-!^:^• iy L^•xn inix ^Tnt^"'^ D'''pj-i ••o 
: noijoi pnn x^ni nyn xs-in'-'i DyD "p^n nn::'M D'-na init< 

npi c\sn n'-o^n onix ?iix"i DTin "p-l:^ py-ij np D''''jyn "^71117 (s) 

: HDiiDi \>^ii nn nyn xsin'-i D""'jyn hv "issn im nn"?:;' nsx 
mx V\^> vn"lt^'x■lD nnn no h'Cf p u^'C'n dx nj''D' h'l^rh n^tJlD (4) 

•/ iJT'Dn^i' ny in:t'r3 Dip'- j^"? 
'?''yiM ]xv mo ny inix nc'cn n^t^nn 3nd n"? ^^''-tj' mn hs^'n"? (&) 

: "pj^n -iryi n'? 
ainn'' n^nncj' '•»'? orn Dins Dvn •'vnn '•n:; Pi'pp hv niriD nans'? (6> 
D^^i'n ''rh^ TMi mv ncn D3'''?yi Dsnx •'nyat^'n ••n'px n peyrn 
"isyn pnnn"? n"? i::*nni nv^:;' no "pdi aas p^;-! iK'rn:^' pNi 
•Pn iot "pro •''pn t^'' n^ nd du ns*' ?i'?"' rna n:j'2 sas '•'pj-I' 

[See Plate I, No. i.] ; 3'y "|t>>X-|^ IJTlX K^n^l J Dm HiyK^ 
165 N 


QnD {"2 nanx'? ainn ::nn Din ''h^ hv nioL"n I'px mns t^y c; 

: 3'y bhb nanwsa snD a"? istl;>'' nntiy Vxpriy vn 
'px'^D'' hii'ibn '?wsvrims xvt::' >d 't^'? nn'C"') con "py xip> t^iT (S) 
nL'-yi £332'? nns'c afis 27 pscnn d'-dn'^d priwS '^x'-tTIn' n^tid 

•/sab "pc' ivsm ijivi 

n)W\r\ Tddo -iTsip nn -ii^ni imx -i>'?'jTn L"nn Din "py nins'- t<?i^ o) 
-I\-i yx X3")ai ii^'^'^np n^^dx'pd |ins |tod^d p^^^d |''nnp nisn ns 
-ina bas a"? n^ xii^n pnnip p XTiia ttii xddh \sn npinn 

pt ny -[iron^ n"?! r^"* *^'^i 'p"?"^ "'^^'' ^"'"•'^ '^'^^'^ '^"''^^^ """^ ^'^'^ 
: 3'y Tnyn ■'^•sn nnyn sb's x^x nna ^rr-'-n 

L*"'X pa "ix inyi? c^x pa nxri:' nn'? n:»-in dx nxjc"? n7i:!D(io) 
h^ nvnix va nj^a ancp va imx -iiL*'pi '•L'"'d'?c' Din np nL-x"? 
nx DnaxDi Dnnxi n-'prn mDt^•^ i'?x Dt^'n iroxni n'3 n"'vn cj* 
-j^nan "-j^nja n'^jit'o n'^n^i n''j"'cr siis la n*L*'o xn^ ny::'a a'piyn 
••inx nDrn& ribi nTox 5!?"2 nvo£^'n i'?x i^xm inm nx ^I'-'^n^i 
•px^iD "piOiD "px^v '?x>p"-a '?x"^c?DC' nvTD diddd ornpsx fmn 
rrnx X'x xnnxix 5t?n xrrnrx niiDii diSdi 'pxn5])p '?x"^Dnx 
xnm n'-nprym 'nni nam "pn "py ddTtoi nbvT: nnxa "rnx 
-T'^yni T-nxm XTp'^i ^2"' ^n'?XT xn'L^'ni n'-nx id''C' n'-a i»nm 
n"'MT2 m^]^t^' 2:^2 nxy::'"! nyis '?y T'-iixT XTJni x'j-^a xoid 
ninan "rra "ir:;'! nniy^i "in hnt" 'd'2'd id nxij^'i n'-onoi 

nn 3'y 
nm ny3*k:'?D nions nyic' na:"* a*3Dp V33 n'-nnsj' >»'? nTl^Dd') 
Dna ^t^•y> Qo:»*y nionsn on oxb ix xp'pn n-j-yi ni'pinn 
DH'-ax X'2'' n2p: ix idt ix n'?M n'pir;:' nym nnp^*? ix -isr'? 
-|3 "pxn mrya n^n* txi pyc^ Dnip pi:*n b'c van in'?''n d''C"'i 

•.• pMl) Thip 
ni'p-o 'JK' -I13T'' n2''nD3 p dj ix pjy ba n?v'ti' n^'n::' ''?D7(i2) 

•.' '•Jie-y 'T'T' jn I'pxi D'-^ys n'D 

1 Thus the text, but perhaps read in accordance with the last line of the spell. 



■•ja '':Zih n-L*'© dc* x"x minn ns^ri ins'' mnwX n'^iJD "nV(i3) 
x's nsn minn : n-iinn dnti x*s d:;* nL"?D ''3d'? ••32 *.* "rxx-^ 
•.* JX3 ny d*l:> hc'd '•js'? ''^n *.• '?xitr» "jn "'Jd'? hc'd 

IS a nv 2"in3» on -njnn inis t'^ctii cnn D^n "py niriD'- b^y(i4) 
'pw^nnx 'ps'^syo 'px''Tin "^xdi ^ktdn' dSq -nnon "piun fic*a i nv 
hii'i^^ '?x"'W '?x"'QDnD 'pNDy 'pSnoi "psniv 'px'^lin '?x''jDy hii^i 
b L"p2i '?slDy-i "ps^-ia '^N'^oa:;' !?N'dtp 'pn'-odc 'pN'-p'pn "pj^TDiy 

: dv "im 'pn'? nD''i nvint;' lan 

nnom nnx •''732 nvx'n I'ps mriDn n^nn jo D^c'iyisn ■^''DrT7(i5) 
n5ni D'oc? nnv nin^nt:' riTi rr'nn -[ina onis nrni con nnix 
1..'^.'^.'^. I '^3'?i ^'^a -[Sm Sx 12^0"' nisiy n: tron '-'p'px xn^ e^ 

Dn D'j px Tvn I "iv''n i hsin 

nio"L:*n I'ps n^'poK^n n» "py |vj*x"i nrn mnan iDi'pn n7lr^1I?(i6) 
'73 n'?'''?3 -i"? u"*^'^ '?sik>j:' nn bi je'^M Vi^'si nnn n-' d^c^^m 
in^ '?ns noi^Di pna nri Di'pnn ^st;*:r 102 noxn "py in'^xtj' 

[See Plate I, No. 2.] : 3'y n3"in HCHp 

nms '?'ipL"m nov nn n^*''2 np n^m is niD* n'pinn nx Vl^'^T'd?) 
-innn -ipnni n'p^Sn h^ nhm h^^ vmcxio nnn nmx jnni 
nt niD"'::-' yn pL'\sin '?p*j'on -ion'- ds mns Dys nnis 'pipc'm 
n'p'inn nsin* p^'xin 'pp^^^on idd niEJ> bptJ^Dn nt n'py dxi n'pinn 

: 3'y ni?ii 

• ■ nvnix y nn n^'I^DtS 

l^'p'j'ni nmn inis* bc'2) iion nax np :vtb msn ni3 nil"^T(i9) 
nms Dinc'i □•''pij^in'? 'pdx'? n'-nnn |ni '?L"2n^L*' ny D''t2^n isina 

pnn : '?i3si ■ 
nns nyt^' 1:t^'Dnn1 n^:::> linn '?\x pp D*::'n ib''h 7l)i:^^:72h(m 

Dn nyi I'pn t-di 

ND132 D33''C' ny n-'nnniD njn'^n nnix icy"? i'?^'? nitrp?^"' (") (21) 
n^G2 is p-ia myi C'2''n did 'pk' nsiv np^ ins ]':]} w : |C'yn 
• ' no i'?dx n'piin sv^ nr D'^yi nnyn^ •''pn nin::'"? nh jn'-i 

167 N 2 

MayS] society of biblical archaeology. [1907. 

n"? ;nM p-a 2ij?m "nL*' "^'J' mrD np^ -nx r;y w : nnyn'' '•'?n 
mn '''?2 ^y nirrj-n I'px 3in2 inx p:y (o • * nbnn xv-i ninK^V 
i2 nn^n^n n;?2^ i^on rh)\r\ x^^l'-d T'Di mnn "^y D'''J'i L'nn 
: □!!? aii* D^n pin •'bn "py ninsn:;' niccn nn n^yn ni^ 
moii'n I'px ain3 inix x^vin"? n^on n'piin nn i'p'^dx "inx py(/) 
*.* ^DfinD DT:TnD '.* tSDonin n^^y n'pni cnn mn '''?3 hv 

• • mnx nL*'XD ibn Dy aiyn nv-n pi'? ninL**'? n"? |n inx p^y (.9) 
••rijx "Di^x D'DsVw" mt:sn xip^i nritf^n "pvx moy^ inx i^jyco 
XV nip''ja D'j'n |vd''i an htj' nx nps ni xip'' "|3 nnxi lin 
;n "inx pjyo) x Dr hS b'^ mosn xip^ inxi Dyn h'2i nnx 

'/ T'D n'pni nihh n^^ix's ry '?:^' i^D'- pp ni>2 rh 

^nin x'?'n Dxn'? myn hi<m i'bh nin^ D^a nrson inn'? (22) 
: 3y n^h'^'h I'^ni n^sDn iinn mix n'pni x'^lrix x"? Dlrn inai ' 
.I'D X!;n n^nn nirx nncn icx ^yoa non 17"'7(23> 
"lapjpi i;p 2'i -lox'' n'?'''?n '>-\p •n^'? xa"? x'pc' nvnc' ••0(24) 

s'j P^^^iot:^"! 
a-'^n "D Dini2'?2i n^^rD mnpm xiaic'? piny tij mb xasix yxJi^(25> 

• • cx-'^x n'rn x2D"i '?x x'?y cn^yDi n^-'s'? ch'-idi xrjy ^x 
niOK' '?x xnxn nins 12x^^1 |in'?3n'' \)p'\2'' x»i i^nn^ p3> x3nD'?'?(26) 
[See Plate I, No. 3] ^bbTiT- • H^^yj^ p'p^ jis"'') HinDDi xB^Hpa iK'D ''nv fi'ppn 
|mi Dinb^'?i nni 'C'22 '?x nxixo nib ini-x^ C'-'X p nini^7(27) 

. mix anxni nc-xn hii xn-'i i'pl*' x'?''» nnn 
"^x ira ainrn "px (?niX3 ^x itj'i nonx d^3 "d n^'-ja 2nD nin^5 (28> 

• --[ri^i^ l:l6^^ o^:"^^,^ o^iy,^ Tjy bx pp cvi ^s nn^^3>i moc 

i3p3 xjsii nymx "px nr np'?nbx n'^x x^i^nn ains n^^2'll?7(29> 
. 7^5"'lD^ niJ^L" ^x '''pnn xv^n ^x x'py nn^i nnj ^np^x n'?x 
i'7x D'j-a ^hi:i>r2tr' ^i^'inib ^^ni:"6 crni^ ^trirria 
|i:ox nxrj'2 ix:x'j'^i sas pi sns^ pa ipian Dox^on niOEJ'n 

*.* inbyi ^inn nxii^'ai loni 



''jDb injm lyc'n in''DiiL*"i i^s ninE^' n'?3 -^v^' np npnn nx3C''?(30) 

]3i nmax p njT'nr nx^rn Dinrr-n nvi ■'S inDsni yopn nt 
sid'-d'? 'pxx"' pi p'pi npy pm '?xx"' pni nyiD pni "paiDN 
inix nxnn nxc sdd pni s3s p ^x3t^' ijnn p n^ra'-'? nn pi 
xj^yn HNT' n'px /^d n h^ncn ah) iinc' n'?D3 nn'pni N^yn n-'nx 
[See Plate I, fig. 4.] 3'y xDfi DDX '^xj?^") &Ty3 "pybm vpic'D aihi) 

fD» "px py • • nmn pnip -uiya ix'n nr 7''yin n2-\n m^T'l^Doi) 
tjy 'pbT'i nnj xpi3 .'•D pc '?x n^n njy x'p'-i^''' Tix nmn "pxo 
■ ■ • 1D1t^"' ND nnx en I'piDnm iqik'* xjd nnx lyi^Lia nn'" n^x p 

Ixi^'o I 'pnyriD'' nn: i]''3 jia'' bx mv •'2 ip'py inin ha ^2'^'^'2t2 (m 

'.' xnnro tdfi xnjn ^x"? d.t'pdx nmn '?x jvyi 
x"?-! XT3 x'p 13"'^'' i6 ih) ha x'py Dnp'py jx nmn '?x 1"T'S!Jt^ (33) 

•/ iDn"? T'-'jn'' xS HDiD i6i mn 


No. I. Prescription for aji i?icojitine7it. — Take the hair of a camel 
and bind it on his two arms, at the place where amulets are put, and 
let it be thus bound several days, and he shall be cured. And this 
is proved and certain. 

No. 2. Another prescriptio7i for an i)icontine?it. — Take a piece of 
cloth from the inner garments whereon there is urine, and let him 
burn it in fire until it becometh ashes, and let him pound it up small, 
and give it to him in water, and he shall drink it each time and 
be cured by God's help. And this is proved and certain. 

No. 3. For one that hath ophthalmia. — Take olive-stones and 
burn them well in fire, and take their ashes, and put the ashes on 
the eyes and he will be cured by God's help. And this is proved 
and certain. 

No. 4. Prescription to bring on sleep. — If thou puttest a dead 
man's tooth under a man's pillow, he will not rise from his sleep 
until thou removest it. 



No. 5. For a womafi ivith child that hath a pain in her stotnach. — 
Thou shalt anoint it with sheep gall, and it will benefit her by God's 

No. 6. For /^T'^.— Write on gazelle-skin about mid-day, when the 
day is hot, whomsoever thou wishest ; let him write in saffron, 
" O Lord, my God, I adjure thee, and upon thee, in the name of 
Ywwy Wwyw, the god of heaven and earth, that thou shalt do the 
will of N., son of N., in all that he pleaseth, and that ye sway his 
heart to shew favour on the dust of the feet of N., son of N., in the 
name of Buyh Yip Ypt Bus Ka Ayir Yas Bli Mizal Zga" at the 
sixteenth hour on the third iday, and let him put it on his head 
{see Plate I, No. i.) 

No. 7. Another. — Write these names on a new vessel of pot; 
write " For love between N., the son of N., their souls with the soul 
of N., son of N., and they shall do his pleasure, and shall not say 
ought which is not according to his wish. By the might of these 
names written here, Soka Ykal Na'man w'leb sedaw b'yad 'Uzkiel 
'Anzroth, burn the heart of N., the son of N., with love for N., the 
son of N." 

No. 8. Another. — Let him read over water and give it to drink 
to whomever he may desire — "Othothiel Hasdiel Ikriphiel Tathia 
Ithuriel — Ye Heavenly Powers, turn the heart of N., the son of N., 
that he may love N., the son of N., and may do the pleasure and 
will of N., the son of N." 

No. 9. Another. — Let him write on a new potsherd and thou shalt 
cast it into a burning brazier, "Kophor Mkmr har'oth eth-baoth Krhin 
Sphinin Pisgurn — Ye holy powerful Angels, I adjure you, just as 
this pot is burnt ^ in the fire, so shall ye burn in fire the heart of N., 
son of N., (to follow) after N., son of N., after his fate, and my rule, 
and my portion, and he shall not sleep nor slumber until the time 
that he cometh after me, N., the son of N., and doth my pleasure 
and will." 

No. \o. A prescription for hatred. If thou wishest to put hatred 
between a man and his friend or between a man and woman, take 
a thread of the mais-tree and tie twenty-six knots in it, according 
to the twenty-six letters in the name HWYH (so it is), and thou 
shalt say : " In the name of these powerful and mighty names that 

** The text here inserts I'm which seems unnecessary'. 

May S] the FOLKLORE OF MOSSOUL. [1907. 

will destroy the world at the time the Messiah cometh, so may N,, 
son of N., be hated (?) and unnatural in the eyes of creation (?), and 
shall falsify his word ; and he shall say these names : in the name 
of Abgh Wmh Muhsh Abri Rnwh Aphkorom Mksom Mrom Samsiel 
Berekiel Yophiel Sagiel Suriel Armiel Kantiel Rphtom Smrkd 
Azbuga — in the name of Araritha Aser Ehyeh Addir Bariri Gdola 
u-Mromem upon all blessing and under the Name (?), and by the 
great ring wherewith they seal his name I AM and by the great 
and precious name of God which destroyeth and worketh the 
evil and angry blemish wherewith he was angry against Pharaoh 
the godless, as a menstruous woman, despised, contemned, and hated, 
so may N., son of N., be despised, spurned, and hated in the eyes 
of creation." 

No. II. A prescription for one whose babes die. — (Omitted.) 

No. 12. For one who wisheth to prosper in all business, also in 
writifig. — Let him repeat two words twenty-eight times ; and these 
are they: "Thy Hands Made Me." 

No. 13. A?iother prescription. — Let him say, "And this is the 
law w^hich Moses set before Israel." {The rej?iai?tder of the spell 
C07isisis of various inversions in the order of these words. ^ 

No. 14. Another. — Write on a new potsherd, and thou shalt cast 
it into a burning brazier. Write on the second or fourth day in the 
Great and Holy Name, in the name of Asrael Raphael Hurie. 
Ma'phiel Athriel Beniel Amniel Hubiel Suriel Ramiel 'Asael 
Sarsaphiel 'Amiel Saphniel 'Agamuel Balkiel Sakabiel Kumiel 
Saphatiel Barakiel Ra'muel and search out all that thou wisheth 
and it shall be well with everything. 

No. 15. To re?nove fleas frofn a house. — Thou shalt write these 
names on a vessel, and wash them in water, and sprinkle it within 
the house. And this is what thou shalt write : " Sht Sms Wrkt 'As 
Yba Alii Rms Gm 'Upot Ymlt At Wtpk Mspt Wlkl Bkt Bkat Hisr 
Hsir Amen." 

No. 16. Inquiry by a dream. — Thou shalt write on the first day 
upon his left hand these names and he shall put his hand under his 
head and go to sleep ; and everything that he asketh they shall bring 
thee in the night — all his request truthfully, according as he hath 
enquired in the dream. And this is proved and certain, but there is 
necessary great holiness {see Plate I, No. 2). 



No. 17. To know if a sick man will live or die. — Take an egg one 
day old and weigh it, and put it under the pillow of the sick man all 
night, and in the morning take it back and weigh it again. If the 
first weight was less, know that the sick man will die ; but if this 
weight proves equal to the first weight, the sick man will get well by 
God's help. 

No. 18. A helping Kabbala in the case of a fearful danger (is) to 
mention NSvrirn, and this name and the name of Tptia are thirteen 
{sic) letters. 

No. 19. To increase the strength of a viaii for marriage. — 

No. 20. For ofie that lahoureih hard ifi bearing. — Thou shalt put 
a ram's horn between her teeth, and she shall take hold on it for one 
minute, and straightway she shall bring forth by God's help. 

No. 21. (a) For one that laboureth hard in bearing. — To fumigate 
her with incense from underneath her, until she attract the smoke 
into (her) body. 

(b) Another method. — Let him take dry horse-dung and mix it 

with wine, and give it to her to drink without knowing it, 
and thereupon the child will come forth, although dead. 

(c) Another method. — Let him take dry mouse-dung and let him 

give it her to drink in wine or water without her know- 
ing it. 

(d) Another method. — Let him take ox-gall and let him mix it 

with wine, and give it her to drink, and the child will 
come forth. 

(e) Another method.— Write these names on a new vessel of pot 

and put (it) on her navel, and immediately that the child 
cometh forth thou shalt remove the writing from her, lest 
her bowels fall ; and these are the names which thou shalt 
write on the pot : "Hok Hrs Som Som." 

(f) Another method, although the child is dead {in) her zvofnb, to 

bring it forth. — Write these names on a new vessel of pot, 
and hang it on her: "Tormst, Ptgnos, Pthtl. 

(g) Another method. — Give her to drink the white of an egg and 

mix it with milk from another woman. 

May 8] Till-: FOLKLORE OF MOSSOUL. [1907. 

(h) Another method. — Let (one) stand at the side of the door-post 
and read the lesson from Judges, "I, I," etc., and then let 
him read, "And the Lord visited Sarah," twice, and he 
shall intend the name (to be read) with the pointing of, 
"Go forth thou and all the people," and then let him read 
the lesson for the New Year, the iu-st day. 

(i) Anofhei- method. — Put into her hand a goat's right horn when 
she is ready to bring forth, and she will bring forth 

No. 22. To hasten a boat on the sea. — ^^'rite on a gazelle-skin, 
" Rmael H'um Lham Wila Hohi Rbriu Hsm La Arkia," and hang 
it up in the middle of the ship, and she will go in peace. 

No. 23. Fo)- a child that hath died in his mother's loins. — Let her 
drink hyssop in water and it will come forth straightway. 

No. 24. Whoever wisheth that there shall not come to him the 
chance that cometh by night shall say, three times : " Seno w'Sansepho 
w'Samagglak "' three times. 

No. 25. For a fain in the knees. — Take a . . . of fil)res of pepper(?) 
and pound them up well, and mix them in goat's milk, and make 
them into a ball and leave them on the knee for three dajs. 

No. 26. For soniethi/ii^' hidden, that they may hide it aiid they 
shall tiot he able to sax where it is. — Write these names on a gazelle- 
skin, clean in holiness and purity, and let it be hung thereon. And 
this is what thou shalt write : {see Plate I, No. 3). 

No. 27. For hn'e between a man and his wife. — (Omitted.) 

No. 28. Zwc. — Write on a strip of cloth* with red thread and 
bind it to a stone whereon is written the names, and put it in a 
goat's horn : Akinos Akinos Amgd Amgd. 

No. 29. For hatred. — ^^'rite on an egg which was laid on the 
fourth day and bury it in the grave of a man lately murdered, and 
write on the egg these names : Hasdiel Misal Madim Matariel Tobiel 
Sma'el, by the mention of these names, ye angels shall divide between 
N., son of N., and N., son of N., and they shall hate each other 
as the hate of Ammon and Tamar, and as the hate of cat and mouse. 

■• Arabic .J-':. 

173 N 3 

May 8] SOCIET^■ OF lillJLICAL ARC]L-E(JL(JGV. [1907. 

No. 30. Z^/- //r?A' (proved). Take hair of a dog which is black 
all over, and burn the hair and give it to wliomsoever thou wilt in 
water or wine, to man or woman, and they shall hate each other. 
And write this amulet, and bury it in the middle of their house. 
" Like the hate which was between Abraham and Amraphel, and 
1)etween Pharaoh and Israel, and between Jacob and Laban, and 
between Israel and Sisera, and between fish and the dry land, so may 
ye put hatred between N., son of N., and N., daughter of N., that 
if she see him, I {sic) may be in her eyes and her heart as a black 
dog, and she shall not think of him at all except he be in her eyes 
and heart as abominable and foul, in root and beginning, ..." 
{see Plate I, No. 4.) 

No. 31. — Several useful prescriptions ; this is the selck-bird they 
call in Arabic '■'hoopoe." — 1'he right eye of the hoopoe, if he carry 
it with him on the right wrist in a new ring, he may enter (the 
house) of anyone he may please ; when he goeth forth none shall 
see him, and also when he entereth none shall see him. 

No. 31. The iutes tines of the hoopoe. — Hang it on his breast 
wherein is . . . and he will get well. The intestines and eye of the 
hoopoe, give them to drink in . . . and thou wilt become hidden. 

No. 12,. The claws of the hoop(ie.~\{ thou liang them on a child, 
no fright nor terror nor fear shall assail him, nor shall he grow thin. 

{To be continued.) 



S.B.A. Fi-oceedvjgs, May, 1907. 









By W. L. Nash, F.S.A. 

Plate I. 

Three bronze " Standards "—the Mnevis bull, of Heliopolis, fig. i ; 
the Jackal, sacred to Anubis, fig. 2 ; and the Scorpion, sacred to 
Serquet, with the head of a woman, and wearing plumes, fig. 3 ; each 
mounted on a hollow, Lotus-headed, bronze staff intended to be 
attached to a wooden rod. These objects, which no doubt represent 
the Standards of the tribes, depicted on prehistoric pottery, were 
used down to very late times in certain ceremonies, such as those of 
the Sed festival. The Mnevis bull is the most commonly met with, 
the Jackal more rarely, and the Scorpion thus mounted is very 
rare indeed. Mr. Hilton Priced Collection. 

Plate 11. 
I have only recently obtained the objects shown on this Plate. 

(i) A fragment of a large bronze bowl, inscribed "Ra-men- 
kheperu, Tehutimes {Thothmes IV), beloved of Amen-Ra, within the 
house of Aa-kheperu-Ra {Amenketep II) in Thebes." This house 
may have been either the small temple between the Pylons X and 
XI at Karnak, or the mortuary temple to the North of the 

(2) Fragment of an alabaster bowl or vase with the name of 
Aa-kheper-en-Ra, Tehutimes {Thothmes II). Beyond, the second 
cartouche a small part of a third is visible, but there is not enough 
of it left to allow of its being read. 


May 8] 



(3) The lower part of a Ushabti, made of a hard, ahnost black, 
crystalline stone, bearing the name of a Queen Neb-nehat. The 
inscription on the fragment is — - 




Nothing is known about this Queen. The only other known instance 
of her name is on a piece of a canopic jar in Lord Amherst of 
Hackney's collection, which was described and figured by Prof. 
Newberry in S.B.A. Prcccedings, \o\. XXV (1903), p. 358. 

(4) The upper half of a small plaque with rounded top, made of 
blue glazed faience, inscribed " Hathor, lady of Ant" {He/iopoUs). 
Below is what is left of a figure of the Cow of Hathor, wearing 
plumes. This object came from the Temple of Neb-hapet-Ra, which 
has recently been excavated by Prof. Naville and Mr. Hall at the 
instance of the Ei^ypf Exf'lorafioii Fund. 

(5) A small fragment of a votive plaquL' made of very hard blue 
glazed faience, with the name of Queen Amen Ardus, wife of 
Piankhv TI. 



S.B.A. Pi-oceedings, May, 1907. 



Fig. 2. 

Fig. I. 


In the Collection of F. G. Hilton Price, Esq. 


S.B.A. Proceedings, May, 1907. 


I'lG. 4. 

•o 1 

Fig. 5. 

Fig. I. 


Fig. 2. 

In the Colleclion of W. L. Nash, Esq. 



By the Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A. 

It has long been known that the cuneiforni method of writing 
was widely used beyond the limits of Babylonia, and much depends 
upon a recognition of the influence this method of writing must 
have exercised on civilizations not subject to the Babylonian rule. 
Professor Winckler's discoveries in the old Hittite capital, and the 
mysterious Cappadocian inscriptions, first made known in this 
Journal by Dr. Pinches, 1881, have made us aware that wedge 
writing was used far to the west ; while De Morgan's excavations at 
Susa have opened out a new world for history in Elam to the east. 

We know that the kingdom of Mitanni, whose kings corresponded 
in cuneiform with the king of Egypt in the Tell el Amarna letters, 
claimed a suzerainty over Nineveh, and everything relating to that 
kingdom is of weight for the early history of Mesopotamia. Some- 
where north of Babylonia lay the kingdom of Hana, of which land 
we have a few monuments. It shared many features with Assyria 
and Mitanni. The homer as a measure of grain, answering to the 
£-ur in Babylonia, is found in the Bible, and is characteristic of 
Assyria and apparently of Mitanni also. 

Of many texts, such as the Cappadocian tablets, we do not know 
the exact provenance ; but as they increase in number we may hope 
to obtain clues to the locality in which they were written. The 
exploration of sites like Carchemish, or Harran, could probably 
solve many perplexing things in ancient history. Every little helps, 
however, and there is much already to work out. 

The little text here published is unique in its way. I have no 
clue as to the place where it was found. It is written in a script 



singularly like Assyrian. It is dated in the reign of Hammurabih, 
who may not be the same as the great Hammurabi, king of 
Babylonia, usually identified with Amraphel of Genesis xiv. It 
contains few names, but all except one are quite new. If it really 
belongs to the time of Hammurabi, it is dated in a hitherto unknown 
year of his reign. It gives a new month name. It reveals a new 
form of marriage contract. It has new words and forms of expression 
of interest for the student of language. Altogether one can rarely 
find more items of interest crammed into so small a space. 

There are some features which suggest to me a connection with 
the tablets from Vyran-shehir, of which one was published by 
Dr. Br. Meissner in the Oriaitalistische Litteraturzeitung for 1902, 
p. 246. This was found near Kerkuk, between Edessa and Mardin, 
which may well have lain in the district of Hana. There are like- 
nesses also with the tablet Bu. 91-5-9, 246, published by Dr. Pinches 
in the second volume of Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, 
etc., in the British Museum, 1896, p. 21, and commented upon by 
him in \h.^ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for 1897, p. 589 ff. 
As Professor Hommel pointed out in the Proceedings for 1897, p. 80, 
this shows Hittite features and also affinities with the jNIitanni folk. 
Presumably this tablet was found at Abu Habba, the ancient Sippara, 
and despite the very Assyrian looking characters, it undoubtedly 
dates from the period of the First Dynasty of Babylon : while the 
Vyran Shehir tablet suggests a somewhat later date, possibly the 
Kassite period. 

In 1897, Professor F. Thureau-Dangin published in the Revue 
d" Assyriologie (Vol. IV, no. 2) a tablet coming from Hana, a district 
of which a ruler, Tukulti-Mer, was already known from a votive 
inscription found at Abou-Habba. It was also translated by him 
on page 85 of the Revue, and has been commented upon by our 
President (January loth, 1899) in our Proceedings. It was drawn 
up in the style of one of the old Babylonian contracts, and embodied 
a deed of sale of a mansion, by the king of Hana to Abi-hunni, one 
of his subjects. Apart from the old Sumerian formulae, used just as 
in the Babylonian Tablets of the First Dynasty, it was written in 
Semitic, with notable variations, suggesting the Amorite affinities of 
the Hana people. The king was called Isarlim, with which our 
President has compared Israel ; the final m being the so-called 
mimmation, characteristic of the Hammurabi period, appearing also 
in our tablet. He was a son of Idin-kakka, which name suggested 



to some scholars a god Kakka. The father of the buyer was called 
Kaki-Dagan, perhaps "Mace of Dagan," suggesting West-Semitic 
nationality. The oath was by Samas, Dagan, and Idur-mer, Samas 
and Dagan being both West Semitic gods as well as known in 
Babylonia at this time. The name Igitlim borne by the first witness, 
who was a -PA MARTU, or " Scribe of the god Amurru," is com- 
pared with Joktiel. 

The next witness was Idin-abu, the king's son ; then Ili-esuh, a 
name like Abi-esuh, that of the 8th king of the First Dynasty, grand- 
son of Hammurabi, also recalling Abi-shua, Joshua, possibly also 
Hosea. He was Chief Judge. 

The next witness, PA BIR-SII-BU-BU, or scribe of the pasihe 
officials, bore a name Masdi, or Bardi, which is not easy to affiliate. 

Then came Iribu, quite a common Babylonian name, who seems 
to have been scribe of the goldsmiths. The next witness, Idin-Nani, 
son of Idin-Marduk, perhaps presents us with an early form Nani as 
the name of Istar of Nineveh. Then Sin-ki-na, son of Amur-sa- 
Dagan, bears a name that might be West Semitic, as his father's 
certainly was. 

lazi-Dagan is certainly an Amorite name. He was an ikarii^ 
properly "cultivator," or "farmer." 

The next witness was Turi-Dagan, a priest. The name shows the 
West Semitic form Turi, seen in other Amorite names, which later 
appears as sn?-i in my Ha7'ran Census. 

Silli-Samas, " Shelter of Shamash," bears a name which can be 
pure Babylonian, and the fact that he was a scribe confirms this 

It is dated on the 4th day of the month Teritu, which I have 
elsewhere attempted to identify with the so-called "Amorite Calendar," 
in the "year when Isarlim the king made the great gate of the palace 
of the city Kasdah." This is quite in the style of the Babylonian 
year-names of the time of the First Dynasty of Babylon, compare 
Proceedings for January loth, 1899. 

Our President would read the city name as Kasdaim, connecting 
it with Ur of the Chaldaeans (Kashdim), the city Kasda of the Sute 

The seal of Isarlim, repeated twice on the body of the tablet, for 
which a wide space was left, has a border as that on our tablet has. 
It reads "IsarHm, king of the land of Hana, son of Idin-Kakka, 
beloved of Shamash and Dagan," 



The interest which this tablet from Hana has excited makes me 
think that the readers of the Proceedings will be glad to have another 
text clearly related to it. The tablet itself is in private possession, 
but the owner has generously allowed me to publish it. 


(m.) Ki-ik-ki-nu mar A-ba-ia 

i-na bu-ul-ti-sil si-im-ti . . . (f.) Bi-it-ti-(ilu) Da-gan 

assati-sil i-si-mu 

(m.)Ki-ik-ki-nu mCit-za 
5 (f.) Bi-it-ti-(ilu)-Da-gan assat-zu 

sum-ma (m.) Ki-ik-ki-nu miat-za 

a-na (f.) Bi-it-ti-(ilu) Da-gan assati-sii 

I'l-ul assati-mi at-ti i-ka-ab-bi 

ri-ku-zu i-na biti-sil li-si 
10 a-na alpe ekalli ta-tar-hu-sd 

ft sum-ma (f ) Bi-it-ti-(ilu) Da-gan assat-zu 

a-na Ki-ik-ki-ni niutisa 

li-ul muti-mi at-ta i-ka-ab-bi 

e-ri-si-sa u-si a-na bit ru-uk-ba-at 
15 ekalli tj-se-il-lu-§i 

mari (f.) Bi-it-ti-(ilu)-Da-gan 

sa a-na Ki-ik-ki-ni muti-sa u-ul- .... 

zittu i-na biti (m.) Ki-ik-ki-ni 

i-ka-lu (m.) Ki-ik-ki-(nu ?) 
20 (m) Apil-(ilu) Adad- .... 

a-na (f.) Bi-it-(ti-(ilu)-Da-gan) 
ki . . . 

Rev. 25 ... . 

nis ili u (sarri itmu) 
mahar Pa-gi-rum . . 

[Space for Seals.] 

arham Bi-ri-is-sa-ar-ru iim xvii (kan) 
30 sattu (m.) Ha-am-mu-ra-bi-ih sarru 


nar Ha-bur-i-ba-al-bu-ga-as 
is-tu ali Zak-ku I-sar-li-im (ki) 
a-na ali Zak-ku I-gi-it-li-im (ki) 


Kikkinu son of Abaia 

in fidl health the status of Bitti-Dagan 

his wife settled. 

Kikkitm is her husband., 
5 Bitti-Dagan is his wife. 

If Kikkinu., her htisband, 

to Bitti-Dagan his ivife, 

shall say " Thou art not my wife " ; 

he shall leave his house empty handed, 
10 she shall cofisign him to the palace oxen : 

atid if Bitti-Dagan, his wife, 

to Kikkinu her husba?id, 

shall say " Thou art not vty husband'''' ; 

she shall leave her bridegroom, to the . . . 
1$ of the palace he shall devote her : 

the children of Bitti-Dagan 

whom {she bore) to Kikkinu her husband, 

shall enjoy a share in the house of 

Kikkinu {their father). Kikkimi .... 
20 Apil-Adad 

to Bitti-Dagan .... 

25 complaint. 

By god {and king they swore) 
Before Pagirum 

[Space for Seals.] 

Month Birissarru, day I'jth. 


Year that IJamimirabih the king 
opened the canal Hahir-ibal-bugas 
from the city Zakku-Isarlim 
to the city Zakku-Igitlim. 


The transaction may be called a marriage contract. In general 
scope it agrees with the marriage contracts of Babylonia in the time 
of the first dynasty of Babylon. It has, however, its own peculiarities 
which make it worth considering separately. It recalls the Code of 
Hammurabi, both in spirit and letter, but shows local custom. 

The wedded pair bear names Kikkinu and Bitti-Dagan, which 
appear to be new. Abaia is obviously West-Semitic. 

In line 2 the phrase ina bultisu reminds one of the phrase ina 
salmu u baltUy common in Babylonian contracts of the period, on 
which see Meissner's Altbabylonische Privatrecht^ p. 107. The sign 
after simti is not easy to restore from its traces. It could be im, but 
one expects simtam ; sd is possible, but not at all certain. The 
simtu of Bitti-Dagan was her "fate, lot, condition," here apparently 
her " position " as a married woman. This is pregnantly given in 
lines 4 and 5 ; " K. is B.'s husband, B. is K.'s wife." This is ex- 
panded by setting out the pains and penalties for repudiation of 
either by other. If the husband renounce his wife he forfeits his 
property. A verb taralni is entered in the lexicons without a mean- 
ing being assigned to it. It might be the Ifteal of ardhu. Now 
ardhu is given as meaning " to determine, fix." Whether tatarhu is 
feminine singular 3rd person or 2nd person mascuUne seems uncer- 
tain, but the parallel in 1. 15 suggests the former. She can consign 
him to the "palace oxen." What that means exactly is not clear. 
Whether he was to be turned to the beasts, or made to work with 
them, or whether they were to tear him in pieces, as seems to be 
the penalty for a different offence in the Code of Hammurabi, § 256, 
is not easy to decide from the expression in the text. It is remarkable 
that the penalty is not merely a money payment, as in the Code, 
R 138, but complete destitution. 

In line 8 and again line 13, the suffix -mi seems to mean "my," 
usually expressed in Babylonian texts by ia ; but mi may here be a 
variant of -wa, the enclitic particle of emphasis. Then assati and muti 
alone mean "my wife," "my husband." 


May S] marriage CONTRACT FROM THE CHABOUR. [1907. 

Ill line 14, we find that the wife shall lose her erisu. In this 
word we may see the usual word for bridegroom ; but that seems 
inappropriate, and mere tautology. Her marriage portion seems much 
more appropriate, and we may suspect that erisu also meant the 
marriage portion which she brought with her from her father's house. 
It may only be the terhafii, or " bride-price," which the husband paid 
her father for her. What the dilu rukbat means is not clear. In 
contemporary documents we read of an isu (or bitu ?) rukbum, which 
has been thought to be a chariot, or wagon. But rakdlm, or ragdim, 
may mean something like "roofed," see Meissner, Altbabylonische 
Frivatrccht, p. 9, note 3, on ritgiibu. This does not throw much 
liglit on the penalty. Possibly it amounts to her becoming a palace 
slave, and the bit ritidmt must then denote the residence of such 

It is interesting to see that in case the wife was divorced, her 
children were not disinherited. At the end of line 17 one expects 
some part of the verb aladu, "to bear children." 

What part Apil-Adad played is not clear. Perhaps he was the 
father of Bitti-Dagan. His name is perhaps AVest-Semitic. The 
one witness bears the name Pagirum, new to me. The name of 
the month Birissarum also seems to be new. The date is very 
interesting. The spelling of Hammurabi with the rough breathing 
at the end is quite new, and I am not sure how we should account 
for it. As is well known, the Babylonian Chronicle of the First 
Dynasty, or the date lists, are defective. AVe do not yet know the 
year-names for the 36th, 37th, 39th, 40th, 41st, or 42nd year of 
Hammurabi's reign. We might therefore suppose that this new year- 
name belongs to one of these years. It is not quite certain, con- 
sidering the strange month name, which seems to point to a foreign 
land, that this year-name was used in Babylonia. It appears to show 
that Hammurabi opened a canal (the expression is strikingly modern) 
from one city to another. The names of the cities remarkably 
recall the names in the Hana tablet. Isarhm, once king of Hana, 
appears to have given his name to one city, hence he was probably 
dead and the Hana tablet antedates Hammurabi, as one expected. 
The other city is named after Igitlim, who must have been a person 
of great importance, possibly a subsequent king of Hana. The 
name of the canal Habur-ibal-bugash suggests that it was connected 
with the river Habur, a northern affluent of the Euphrates. One of 
these two cities therefore lay on the Habur. What the canal name 

183 ^ 


means I do not know. Bugash is an element contained in Cassite 
names, and appears to be that of a divinity. The element ibal 
looks like a verb, but whether Semitic or Cassite is hard to say. 

Full as the text is of novelties, which, in the absence of similar 
texts for comparison, merely suggest enquiry, it is not without its 
value. For all these new facts may come to fit into a system which 
will throw much light on the early history of the lands north of 
Babylonia. It is better to wait further information than to indulge 
in hasty conjectures now. 

The next Meeting of the Society will be held on 
Wednesday, June 12th, 1907, at 4.30 p.m., when the 
following Paper will be read : — 

Prof A. H. Sayce {President). — " Hittite Inscriptions : 
a Rdsum6 with Proofs and Verifications." 







20 Y 


j?p»>t& ^ .^ f^ 

pir tft^ r^-*f wf ^ fassr >«r >-w^ 

■5:^ H^ <5- ;B»f vffi? Tjar ff^-fwrw'^sa'^ 
?w -gs- v«- ^ ?i?rff JBT ^ 

r -^f fst wf ^rfr- "^ 

im T^-^ ^ JET pj^ ^ ^ ^ 








Fifth Meeting, June 12th, 1907. 
Prof. A. H. SAYCE, B.D. {President), 


[No, ccxix,] 185 


The following gifts to the Library were announced, and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Author, Dr. Brute Teloni.— " Pietre Incise Orientali del 
Museo di Perugia." 

From the Author, Dr. Oscar von Lemm. — " Koptische Miscellen," 
I— XV. 

P>om the Rev. W. T. Pilter.— "The Law of Hammurabi and 
Moses." By H. Grimme. Translated from the German lyy the 

From the Academic des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres. — " Repertoire 
d'Epigraphie Semitique," Tome I. 

From W. E. Crum, Esq.— " Scarab-shaped Seals" {Cat. Gen. du 
Musee du Caire). 

From Sir H. H. Howorth, A". C/.^.— "Cuneiform Texts from 
Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum," Parts XIV, XV, 

The following donations have been received : — 
June, 1907 : — 

D. Paton, Esq. ... ... ... ... ^1 i o 

J. Pollard, Esq. ... ... ... ... iio 

A. W. Oke, Esq., B.A., LL.AL, etc., 
was elected a Member of the Society. 

The following Papers were read : — 

Prof. A. H. S.'vyce, D.D. {President) : " Hittite Inscriptions 
— a Resume, with proofs and verifications." 

Prof. E. Naville : " Egyptian writings in foundation walls, 
and the age of the Book of Deuteronomy." 

Thanks were returned for these communications. 


June 12] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 

By W. E. Crum. 

{Continued from page 149.) 

ARABIC T'&XT—contimied. 
•• > ^^ L^ O > ■ -J • \^ J J > 

">• O^ • -/ > L5- >> >- > L^ 'T* 

3j>-1 -!^ wjl^^ mT'*-^ ._^»^.ss<^ ^-.y c_jJ^ ^ri-l^ aJl^; t_X'iX^ 

^^[i\^ cL^i^: \y^j; (f. 37 a) ju:;^iM ^^ ^^.j^iii ^^^^>-^^ 

4-Jrl) j_^a;j_jJiJ\ cdjlJij Jl.J\ ^-r^^ ^L-Uj _.Jot!\ ,^l^_j 'L^\ 

65 Pss. XX, Iff., XXvii, Iff. 6G \^j^\> 6' u_jljJi!U 

187 O 2 


• V O J • L_r > •• • - • •• • ^ v»; > 

, _>L!1 •j^.Sl.- .X:.x.> 1<. AcJ\ ,,Lz jLv!^. ^\J^\ 1^ o-W^- 
i ^.Uv^^ U!^ ,..c ._^.^:. j.jJ^ ,.Ja!1- j.^j ,j.ll -Li^^S 

d.^- .c „ ^^ .uK J^. .^^\ ^. J Ia.C_c. ICo ,U. (f. 37 6) 

.c ^.^' vA^^. .1^. jL^l^ -^L J ^.^1^ U^ ^U^. ^*,.L 


^.^ d3/^^l^ /^\ ^ >/j cU. iixil^^ cUaIU:^ ajU!^ ^Uib 

iclilj ...^^. ^.il^ .i J^ (f. 38 h) ^UJ^.. .;J.!^ UJ^ , ^a;, 
jU^^l. \.:^1. L.^1. lJ1^\ ,... .a!^ Jb J^ ..^. ^All. c-jII 

l-jIo --^.'._. ^i.«^:3 Jf^--^-^ ^•^' ^'-r^J j::-^:] o'^ ^^/-^V. o>^ cT* 

'1 Read (?) .J^C^,, . 72 ..u^. 

^.. . 

'^- ^ __.i;. :« P <j^<,. 



June 12] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 

i^JiS .^j'^l ^rJ>^ Jl 'V:^^^^ ^^^^ ir^^ ^'* J^A-: ^^i ^^'^ j^<\)y^^^ 

-A.; ,JO %_iJL ^jl-u-^jl'l i^)'^ ij^ <.;! Lli 'UArsai ^Jl*5 ^W Aa£^ 
c-?^!\ ,.,.. A^;.\ ^J ,kkl^.^ L.:^-!!. ^i!l; B.Ji\ ,,^i 

J.^•^J1 ^.AlL ..a( ^..All U' J^ ^L< ^^ ^!1 d!ll.l .,.. G 
. ^1 jU^ls!^ i-sife ivj-^^^^ ^ /r*^-5>^ ' u*^^^ L<^1/ y^!^j i>_^i-».!^ 

^J.;V ilk;:! A:\jJ i^J, ^,^ *../l\ j^lixl^ J.S^J\ ^A ^^^/^^ (^^a!^ 
l_jJ^sr \^jS^\ l^jLutJ ^J.-- ^~^v.J*ii^!l ''^-^^^ (C^ J''^ ^-^ (j;UJ^-<^ 

j^cs5.nj ^J^J^j LJ!A.^!t^ S'^I^^IL S'^UUb L-^l; jA.x:j ^\ L\j& ^^j.*^ 
^j,_^,^. ^^IV Ui\ y^ ^1m ^,^ ^...i ^\^:'i\ J ^\^)\ ^j^ (f. 39 b) 

I -^ >•■ v_ •■ _• ^>' v_ «— .. . ^ .. w 

^_^wj'»:aw i;.**.^*^!' liA.5j^ ^\ Aj^x.^'O IJM.J ,iy i;a*.^»^!l Ijli^-ij <a]ji ^.>3 

'® liliajlL. 8*^ What is underlined is in red. 

^1 ,J\}\ 82 Matt, vii, ;. 



,.^ aj , Jut.' w-JLJO^ ^^^. ,^,*^!1, ^-l!^. -i.jJ^ -^^. 5_^\ 

j^ ^^W ^p J^l '■^,:^^ ^o, Jxi JS ^ ^,^\ ^^ 

c^A^ ^,^i.^^ ^U ^., ^ J^ ^i ^i^\ J\ .^xi^ ^1^^ 

^,L. ,xxx.. ^j u j^. ^'..-.-^ LnU ^1^1 ^J^ .L^ u .u:n 

I.jJ\ .JU^l J^^ .... .».- J.^ J a1!\ J^ iJLi...^ :i^\, 

/o^Jc:l>^^j -^X-sr-^^ -)W^'^ '^^•-'^'^ ^ AJil^ L/-;:-^'^ ^^ 

, Z6^\ \^\ t_<lj ,.,< t_;J.. ,.,,< ♦^^. ♦^(i.l lAAil L!Uui <^^-\iU!^ 

^1 , ^i- a-u J ixi ^ ji ,.... (f. 40 ^.) .AAii^ j;U.< 

^^:k\i ^'A^l c_<l:' ... *^^^J^ ^'l:^-.-. ^-Jl Jl-u^' U!U; ^U. 

\S\ iw'i< .»j^^^ c-jb.^. cijU^Ji. .^i:;^i\ c-^U-^^. ,^jL-^.j ,...< 

^^ \^\ ^\ ,.^^^}\ ^.j.'-> l< .1 ^Xvi ^U^ ,..< i\\ JL. 
c:j^Ji!^. .j^^sLW \si^ \-^\^£-* ,.-wU ,.„>^L- *J;U,^ jl ^Jb. 

U!. UJv.c ->w^0^ i'ju*---. \S:^ LjS^ cO.V ^ ^1 /^K^^ , J^^ 

83 Oom.^„;^.^— ^^i. ''^ P(?) ,^Uo^_. 

^^ P ^.;. 


June 12] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 

i^^\ tdiAJ ♦lUl^ ljk> ,.,.< .rdii-u ^^ <'JWi.<-o ; 5.n ^l-i ^-k,-- .A^ cU<«> 

Lw„c I..U.. ;:ajU., ^_ou:o ^.^ij^ (f. 41 «) ^<!j ,i a!,^ 

..^•c / ,iA/l>.Ji Aiij ^A/uji,' , _5 .^*,j' _\J 4.''^'i ,.•-'1 Va:5^ »j , ^.w-ji, 1 ..i'6« 
JlJ! ,..,<. tU-vi i^ U uJ»l^,l .ibiyi A^i ,.^c Lli ^'lr=-li cUaIUi; 

,.,A.C-c -AJvkcl Ax-^^M ^^ L' 'iJLjJ, ,^lAn ♦-ol.j! iAA/*b' jl 
.i^ I^; ^U Ia,^:-^ V. ^-i J^-* U^^- J^ cJ^^^ ^^-^ W:' t^-'^ 

^^AJA Ic^U.' ^JL> ♦-i,. Ua^^ 1.A.C- L^l 'i.:^''}\ ^\. ^:^\ 

■ •• • \^^ •• ■ y J ^-- y c; 

•> ~ O k^ V ^V .. (^ p.. 

ju u .u^^ -.01 ^.^ji c^A^ ^.X-. U-'^J^ , .n (f. 41 h) 

*l« o'-^ ^' f*"-" *> u;-^ t-' (*^ o"^^^ *-^^-*!^ uJ^Sj J;--y5^ u-Jy 

86 Here the Coptic. «7 P2 om. to , !L 

88 Read ^ Jli. 89 ^k:^. 



•;^ (>«.i!^ i^^Uc" .i_^ ijtJoJ^ (_«;l.« ♦^jJ ..'J>]1.> i'.JoiJ^ jl 
'».w. IaaJI SkiJ '»x-4»-; l-< Aa^ ^.^»r>- -jJ' -jsi'i , . tA,v-^.' Xtu \ 

J^L^!^ .J^L^ j^ J.\ \<. ..AM , ^^jJiM ..'^. JU^ c_<a.-1'. 

JeuiiuoiJAGTHpioii ll^^A^lOG Liep ueiiiTACo iipoLine 
{mavfjin is") Aqovto^y iio"i noc unite eTpeqntocouq oboa 
euniKOGLioG AquTOii ijuoq eeiiGOvl'OT {margin e) iia- 
noTKOTueiioii ecunxtoK uAAq iyouiiT uiioviyo 2eiJ- 
ijpoune iii'OKATAiAiJOG (T^mr-^m a^ai- i^) eiiovoipHiio iito 
niiOTTG epeiiqcuoT tnovAAii iya)ne iieuuAU : (jo ♦ 
IIai neiiiJCATpeqcBo iieuuHH^n crreuneqKUJTe ^IJ^IJ- 
CBUJore uniiA'l-Koii uiieiiiiTOAH c-vovab evpAiiAq uxmiq 
hi'cui^ iiepenpecBVTopoc iioeAiiiiHc n^yHpe neAAo eq- 
Avn(;i c-UATO AquovG ?ijiH;q^nT avu) nGX\v(| epAi iieHTq 
xeov iiGTeiieipt; iiuoq uiiiicAiioqcBcooTe CJTiiAiiOTor 



June 12] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 

(1 b) (eqxto cancelled) xemu^AX ijnGC|iia)K gaaav iica aaaa 
oroii mil GTiiAXooc xam) nApoco n:yiipe npeq-rtu? 
■l-iJAOTcu^B iiAq .xece taxcok e3BOA uneqAiTHUA eA2TU- 
neiioG iiic ne\G Aqcrai^r ucAeieBovp uuo(j iion 
neiieiojT gtotaab neacAq 3:6a) neiisoeic Arqiori epoii 


unoTcreuAAAT eiextoii xeiiXApTiic neueAA ecxtoK gboa 


niioAopooG nequAOGTHG neaiAq iiAq xau.) n?AAO uiia- 


uriAAAC ne:xAq ikvq y^etu nGiieitoT UAjy eiiee eK^yajT gboa 
HAAG ercuov euniioTTG imeqGtOTeu iiGOjq (2 a) aaaa 
Aqxi H'Iwaig'^'^ Aq^juJT G:BOa iiotkoti iineqAAG AquoT^cG 
Liijoq 2iG:xunKA2 AqApxei cquiiAGTA ^unGn-lwAuoG 


^Ancq^ccoK atq) oh xggig 2Hht6 OTneTiiAiiovq H^kiv- 


rmq^iaiK Htgtiiot AqGGnpAnt^G iinGqGtoiiA uuiii uuo(| 

eunuAGiii uncG-PoG 6T0TAAB Aql' uriGiiiiA ^iiaitgaog 
LinuG^:! HToq'hTXH ^yAnnApAAiGOG iitgtpg(|)g Aqntou>iie 


^qGi iioM nGiiGia)T gtovaab iiApxHcncGKonoG ana 


^ Was nCAAIG. "i Was IG, as above. 



(|i<)()'/ I i,\<)'.'ct)T^- {margin 11) eiiii(:ii6iOT(; iinAT|>iAp\HO 

ll(3ll^llllllll)^je LinpeCBVTOpOC UlieCillAIAKOIinC IIOIlllAp- 
\(()ll OTTACHIIV IITOT^ CeilTO AVOpeilBe; ?pAI extoq ATTHO 

A'/.\i rq unTA(|)oc erreuneuTO gbo.v uripo (3 a) iiTeKKAHciA 
^A^T(3u^le^peoBVTepoc gicaak npooicroo unuouocTHp- 
101 1 A(j,"jii)ne euneeoor htoiiuav oriiotr ii.wne 
iiiiovpiiK; iiiiovA^Aeou iiTrioMc oeiiTtj U111JTIU6 ere- 
LinevKiiJTe uTepovccoTU :xBton6iiei«)T ("povaab ht€)ii 


iiiioq ^vnApAKAA(3i iiiiiui xto iiiioc A'ecu neiixoeiG ihc 

OA'aJII AVtt) ll6(|?Ap6e (i|>OII OBOA eilllOVCOII^ lip6(|T(()pn 

Heqpe(-:ui.i(3 uuoii eiiiioqoBtoove iiiiiia'I'KOII (eiTii mn- 

Crllcd) Alton AG ?UJII CO IIAUepAT(3 LIApGI inApAKAAfil linOO 

iiiiiieiinApAnTijuiJA iieq-len iiaii eipc3iieipG(3 Z)) ueiiKAp- 


iiAVGiG eune?ooT iitgkpigig HGqTAAcro iiiieT^cDue 


uiiiiiiGiiHov GT^oon ^u^^yLlll() iiiiiigt?i3:6ii«aaagga 

TGOVrOII ll(':()<p GBOA ^lill^O IIIIKA? THptJ riAOIIlOG 

""- For this form of the numeral t\ Piehl in ,-^<r^'-. Z. xxxiii, 129. 
'■" Was XW*- ■'"' ^'ole this Bohairic form. 


Junk 12] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 


KATABOAH UHKOcuoo Heqeiiie iiAii unuooT iiTepoune 
"lAi 2iJii6Tiyi iiiiiieTKepoc iieqeT^Aiie iiKApnoc ijiika? 
iieqoTUJ^'jq n3:A2^e irreKKAHCiA iieqKATAAv iiiiev^oxiie 
Rata oe iiTAqixCOAe iin,'uto:xii6 iiAvrroiieA iie(|pnu6T6 
eiiiic3(|iiA iiovoii mil erqi npcoo'cy iiiiHnpoc<|)opA 
iiiiiiAriApxH uMniiee uiinxcjutoiie iico;y eiini^A unooT 
i^vto iitHipiiueTG iiOTOii Hill 6TAT3i:ooc iiAii :\:eApi 
neiiLiore ?unni iinoo^eKAc; ecjepnevueTe euTequuiGpo 
(rRHiiiinnoTe iieqiico? un6xiporpA(t)oii^^ inieviioBH 
iieqc^Ai uneiipAii (4 b) (ueiineTpAii added) 2uri:xcjuajue 
Linoii? ATUJ iieqcjineii hchot TKepoune tijhot uoTcoa: 
otouA un^'TXH LiniiA HeqeApee entoiie ueiinTAeo epATq 
imeueitoT iiujgiotatoc niKATeur nop nAOHpoii muii 
iiiiieiioii Ap\*HepnoTO ApxHepeoii tot npc ton op- 
())Aiioii K(; KpiToii roil \Tpoii Hpequi^e kaacoc tbgt- 
niCTiG TGOTToii HOG iiAioGKopoG neiiTAq'l' OTBG HsA3:e 
ureKKAHGiA iioe iiiaieAiiiiHG ncxpeGOGTCiJiioG nciiTAq- 
epovoGiii ^irreqrGiiGA Aq^po eiieqa:A3:6 nog iiaoaiia- 


n6HTAq:xcoK gboa 6:xujq iici n^A^e (sic crpl.) 

»5 Was 3CIAO-. 



Translation — continued. 

And after his beating, the governor bade bind him. And as 
he went to imprisonment, there came to him a number of them that 
were bound ; and for some of them he would beg liberty, and for 
some write from the Psalms^^ of the Prophet David, for one (Ps. xx, 
I to its end), and for another (Ps. xxvii, i to its end) ; and liberty from 
imprisonment was decreed for them that day. And when the morrow 
was come, they brought the saint forth from prison and decreed his 
liberty and his place of abode in the monastery of Shahran ; '^'^ and 
thither he went. And he remained a few days, his doings being hid 
from the eyes of men. And he chose for himself a poor abode, 
between the domes, '^^ and there he staid, zealous in prayer, night 
and day, until he had become all of light, and there was in him 
naught of darkness. And the Enemy contended agamst him by the 
love of riches, whilst the saint opposed him by the forsaking of 
possessions. And he said within himself : ' Behold thine enemy 
Satan, how he setteth for thee his nets and beguileth thee by his 
importunities and bringeth upon thee divers appetites. Stand thou 
against him and do battle with him as it is meet ; for he hateth 
everyone that doeth right. And now arise and fight with him a 
good fight, so that thou conquer him and receive the reward from 
the Lord, in place of thy pains.' And our saintly father gave himself 
over unto a great fight, and he chose his dwelling in a place^^ in the 
court of the monastery and outside thereof, in the summer's heat and 
winter's cold, and by sitting in dust and sleeping upon ashes. And 
he fed himself with parched corn and food that was become bad 
with foulness and worms, and with drinking water that had been kept 
in jars, after that it had become foul a long while, till the grace of 
God was doubled upon him, and he became a temple and an abode 
for the Holy Spirit. And his words went forth from his mouth with 

'"' As amulets. Brit. Mus. Copl. Catal., no. 32, and some ostraca might 
have been so used. 

"^ The monastery at Ma'sara, between Tura and Ilelwan. ^^^ Casanova in 
Bull, de PInst/raiif. i, 174, where Abu .Salih and Makrizi are quoted. The latter 
calls it the mon. of Mercurius, but the former (f. 47/') says that it was the 
neighbouring Dair al-Fahhar which was so dedicated. Makrizi is supported, 
however, by Horner, Bo/i. N. Test, i, p. Ixxxix, in a text written 1 1 years after 
Barsauma's death. V. too the Coptic fragl. below. 

'" Presumably upon the roof of the building, lliough ktthbali may be the canopy 
over the altar in the church. 

"'•' Codd. ' he chose poverty by abiding in the court.' 


June 12] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 

power, like to a dividing sword, cutting and penetrating forthwith, 
according to the needs of his hearer. And his miracles also were 
manifested in other lands by the word alone that went forth from 
his saintly mouth. ^'^"'] 

Great was thy fight, O just and pure one and revered father, our 
father Barsauma the Naked, and many the deeds thou Avroughtest ! 
And everyone beholding him, reverenced him for his righteous 
works. And his matter became known in the monastery, among the 
brethren the monks, and they glorified God, who giveth these 
excellent gifts unto His elect. And there was fulfilled in him the 
scripture (Joh. xiv, 12). And this father observed the evangelical 
commandments and made the Lord his hope. And when the 
Enemy made war upon him with all his weapons, he could not 
obtain power over him by reason of the might of the prayers which 
our father made, night and day, without ceasing. And it was so 
that everyone that came unto him of the Christian folk, asking of 
him a request unto the Lord (glory unto Him !), he had pity on 
them and was compassionate unto them, and the troubles which 
they suffered 101 ceased from them. And the saintly father, Barsauma 
began to pray unto God (be He exhalted !) with supplications and 
abundant tears, that the Lord would cause to cease from them these 
troubles. And the Lord hearkened to his entreaty and had pity 
upon them and caused to cease from them the troubles and destroyed 
him that was the cause thereof, i*^- through the prayers of our elect 
father, the very man of God, Anba Barsauma the Naked. 

And now, O our saintly father, thy acts have been manifested 
and thy light hath shone for every man, even as our saintly fathers 
Antonius and Macarius, who wearied themselves for the love of God. 
For thou didst walk in their paths and didst follow their footsteps 
by thy good deeds. O this thing of wonder, namely, thy sanctity 
and purity and holiness, that were a crown upon thy head ! And all 
thy deeds do shine, even as the holy gospel saith : (Matt, v, 16). 

^'"' J', the Miracles, described below. 
iLiL'Li!^ ,.^<: AAJ \,j^ Lv- 

U-vi >■_ ^^''-W ^^ .,.<• Does this refer to the death of one of the 
persecuting sultans? The Florence Syna.xai-iiiiii, f. ig2b has: 'And God slew 
him that would have slain them, with a terrible slaying, and he died and (God) 
cast him forth from the kingdom by a miracle (? '^ ;.;5jx.^.' ^'Ji' '.osj-'^'*-' \ ™ ^^^ 
sight of all men.' 



F. And our saintly father Barsauma was honoured by God and 
man for his virtuous works and his profitable teaching. And the 
knowledge of him spread abroad through the regions of the world ; 
and every one would sayi^'-" : 'There is a naked man in the monas- 
tery of Shahran, called Barsauma, that is perfect in God's grace.' 
And there came unto him many men, good and bad, righteous and 
wicked ; and all were before him of equal worth, high and low, rich 
and poor. And as for the abbot of that monastery and its monks, 
their joy and happiness were full, through the father's sojourn in the 
monastery ; and whosoever came thither, whether of kings or amirs 
or wazirs or soldiers or chiefs or the rest of the people, the Lord 
would reveal unto this saint the deeds of each one among them, and 
he would comfort them^""' and let them go, saying unto them : ' The 
prayer of Elias be your protection ^^^ and depart unto your dwellings 
safe and sound.' And someone among them he would bid turn his 
face to the east and would pray and would give him a writing from 
the Psalms i"-^ ; and straightway, in doing what the father bade him 
and persisting long therein, the Lord fulfilled his request and he would 
depart in peace. And at times there came unto him some one that 
desired his blessing and (wished to) return in haste. And he would 
find him (Barsauma) praying, neither turned he about unto him, 
because that his mind was in commune with God and in converse with 
Him. But he (sc. the visitor) made bold and entreated him, and he 
(the while) in prayer : and he spake not unto him. And at the 
ending of his prayer, he answered him saying unto him : ' When a 
man standeth in presence of the king, and he converseth with him, 
yet will he leave talking with him and will return to divine service (?) 
and prayer; 106 for that is a prayer unto God.' And straightway that 
man asked pardon of the father.] And our saintly father was a con- 
solation and salvation unto all such as came unto him, and one to 
direct their sins unto repentance. And whoso was burdened with 
worldly filth and sins that are not fit to name, such he would receive 
gladly and would say unto them : ' O friends, all sins are forgiven 
after repentance.' And forthwith tears and contrition would over- 

102a Qj ^ phrase in Alission franc, iv, 30, 31. 

103 Q « recite (the scriptures?) to them.' 

"^^ None of Elijah's prayers seems here appropriate. Perhaps i K. xviii, 36. 
Or may Elias here be the Moslim conception, confused with St. George and 
Al-ljidr? (v. Lane, Arab. Nights, Introd., note 2.) 

'"•'' As a protective charm ; v. above. 

inti Or ? ' to his wonted prayer.' '/V, lit. ' festival.' 


June 12] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 

come them for what had befallen, and they would repent in that 
same hour and become even as them that had not sinned at all. 
And he used to say : ' When the faithful dieth, the Lord doth burn 
up his sins before him. And like as the sun, when he riseth in his 
heat, putteth away all mists, even so the divine mercy, when it 
ariseth, burneth up all sins.' 

G. And of his parables, ^'J'' wherein he spake, are the Noble Elder, 
the Righteous Elder, the Building of the Church, the Fortress, the 
Bulwark, the Guarding of the Five Books, the Bestorifig of the 
Damaged, the Breakitig, and the Giving of Money unto the Poor. 
How beautiful are these parables wherein our saintly father spake 
and the interpretation whereof he desired not, lest there should come 
upon him vain glory and pride of this world. 

And now hear, O my brethren, the interpretation of his parables,^*^^ 
which incite toward repentance and are the support of souls. The 
Noble: that is God, great and generous. Whoso standeth at His 
gate, to him He giveth without reproach, as He said in His holy 
gospel: (Mat. vii, 7). The Righteous: that is the good things of 
heaven and the everlasting joys thereof. The Building of the Church 
the meaning of this is that thou build up thy heart with holiness and 
prayer and charity and love. The Fortress : this is the faith, that a 
man believe that God is the Father, Son and Holy Ghost, three 
Persons (unto Whom glory for ever !). And the Bukvark : thereby 
he meaneth the signing of thyself with the sign of the holy cross and 
that thou fortify thyself with the fear of God. And the Guarding of 
the Five Books: the meaning thereof is the guarding of the five 
senses, hearing and sight and taste and smell and touch. And the 
Restoring of the Damaged : thereby he intendeth Satan, for he is the 
thief that cometh to steal away the virtues of the soul. x\.nd the 
Breaking: that is the breaking of the desires from all bad and evil 
deeds. And the Giving of Money unto the Poor : these are the com- 
mandments which the Lord bade us observe. And if a man observe 
them and act thereby, the angel taketh them daily up to God and 
becometh (their) guardian and protector. Even thus a man, so long 
as he remain filthy and doing that which is not right, the angel whose 
name is our father Bar.sauma the Naked, the guardian, departeth far 
from him, because of the stink of his sins ; and he maketh complaint 

'"" Perhaps the following are titles of Homilies. They are referred to in one 
of the Miracles. 

108 In P2 the interpretations are more lengthy. 



of him unto God, daily, by reason of his evil deeds. And this 
saint fought on the battle-field of the right faith and conquered his 

\A paragraph in praise of Barsanmd, i] noting Mat. \\, 48.] 

H. And there came unto this saint numbers of them that were 
sick and ill and of such as had divers diseases ; and he signed them 
with oil, in the sign of the holy cross, and they got healing straight- 
way. And there were some that drank of that foul and wormish 
water whereof the saint did drink, and were healed of that which was 
upon them, and returned home, restored in health. And some there 
were in distress or misfortune, that came to him and entreated him 
to put an end thereto, that he should entreat the Lord (glory unto 
Him !) for their salvation from that distress ; and they were saved 
from out their misfortunes. And merchantmen and husbandmen 
and the masters of servants, when they came unto him and sought 
him in faith, for the deciding of their business, our saintly father 
prayed God on their behalf and there befell them what they desired. 
And travellers by land, when misfortune overtook them from robbers, 
besought him and he went unto them and saved them. And voyagers 
on the sea, if it arose against them and they called to mind the name 
of this saint, the Lord saved them from drowning and they returned 
to their homes with safety and possessions. And the wonders of this 
saint and the mighty works that God decreed at his hands, were very 
many, and we shall relate a few thereof. 

And when this saint had completed his righteous course, in 
staying upon the rubbish-mounds of the town of Misr and in the 
church of St. Mercurius in Misr many years and [Coptic begins here\ 
in the monastery {^wihktt.) of Saint (ur/io^) Mercurius,!"^ sixteen years, 
the Lord God willed to translate him from this world (kofy/n.) and he 
went to rest, upon the 5th day of the Added ((!~or/6jiici'ov) month, at 
the end of the year 1033 of Diocletian,ii" in the peace («/'•) of God.^^^ 
May his holy blessing be with us.^^- Amen. 

And he, after that he had taught the multitudes that vverei^'^ about 
him, in spiritual {-I'cvfuniKo'.j teachings and holy ordinances (cVtoX)}), 
well-pleasing unto God,!^*^ while the priest {Trpcfr (3 iWr f>ov) John, son of the 

'"'■' Ar. and in the monasteiy of Shahran. 

"" Ar. of the pure Martyrs. "' Ar. cm. 

"- Ar. The Lord grant us his intercession. 

"" Ar. + at that lime. "■• Ar. om. unto God. 

Ji:ne 12] BAKSAU.MA THE NAKED. [1907. 

Old Man,^^-^ much grieving^i*"' {\v7rc1u), reflected and said within him- 
self: 'What shall we do, after his righteous teachingsii"^?', the saintly 
Apa Parsoma answered and said unto him^^^ : 'The servant went no 
whither.119 g^t (^ciwd^ everyone that shall say, O Parso (st'c), the 
straw-seller's son !, him will I answer, saying, 'Yea, I wilU^o fulfil His 
desire (aiTijna) before Our Lord Jesus Christ' And our saintly 
father looked on his left hand and said : O sirs,^-^ we have been called 
to account and nought hath been found against us ; for^~3 the servant's 
book (x"/>T//s) is filled in from day to day.' Then he looked toward 
Abraham, the notary {roTtipio<i), his disciple {jnaO)]ri'j'}), and said unto 
him : ' O blessed {juaKUfjio',) elder, give me a knife or scissors (i/^oX/s), 
that I may cut out my tongue.' He said unto him : ' O our father, 
cuttest thou then out the tongue which blesseth God ?'' He hearkened 
not unto him,i~-' (fol. 2 a) but (r/\X«) took the scissors {^p-.) and cut 
out a little^-* of his tongue^-"^ and cast it upon the ground and began 
{upxew) to recite {/neXcTuu) from the Psalm (xxvii, i) to its end, and 
also (cxxxiii, i) to its end. Thereupon he himself signed {(T(ppa^ii\^eiv) 
his body {aCbiaa) with the sign of the holy cross {<navp6<s) and gave up 
the ghost (Trvev^Ki), and^~^ the angels ("'77.) of God took his soul (\/^.) 
to the paradise of joy {jrapur..^ rpvcpi)). He was translated from thisi-"^ 
world (KOfffio^) and went unto Him he loved, Jesus Christ, and 
enjoyed {caroXaveiv) the everlasting good things (ch/aOou), which eye 
hath not seen, etc. (i Cor. ii, 9). 

"■' Ar. d. ash-Shaih, whereof Copt, would be a translation. Possibly this very 
man is 'John b. al-Mutamin, called b. ash-Shaih,' the cleric of this same monas- 
tery, who lived prior to A.D. 1332 (Joiirn. As., X, 1897, 303). The Ethiopic has 
simply 'his disciple.' 

''•' Ar. om. 

^'^ Ar. reflected upon the loss unto men of his teaching. 

"® Ar. and he answered him, saying with his pure mouth. 

^^^ Ar. There is no absence for the servant. Can this refer to absence of spirit, 
distraughtness, insensibility? v. Quatremere, Siiitans, ii, II, p. 100. Ethiop. 
'Know, O brother John, that I am not far from all that call me by my name. 
And every one that shall say &c.' 

'-'' On this elliptic conjunctive v. Erman, Britchsi. kopt. Voikslztt., p. 13, note, 

'-^ Ar. ' O, our lord ' ; but maulana must refer to his auditors. 

12'^ Ar. -I- truly. 

^"^ Ar. om. 

^^^ Ar. the end. 

"^"^ Ar. -t- with his hand. 

^-•' Ar. and his noble, saintly soul ascended unto the paradise of joy, with the- 
angels of light, etc. 

^'^' Ar. the burdens of this world. Blessed is he, fighter of the great fight, etc., 
with I Cor. ii, as below. 


Then (to'tc) the monkish (noraxd^) brethren prepared him fairly 
(kciXus) for burial, in pure woollen clothes, and brought him in unto 
the church (lkk-X.).'^'^ And our saintly father came, the archbishop^^g 
((i/jXtc-.) Apa John, that was called ' the Son of the Saint,' '•''" the 80th 
of our fathers the patriarchs {-(trp.), with multitudes of priests and 
deacons and honoured notables {-pcaft., ciak., upxu-'t') of both cities 
(tto'.X^v)!"! ; and^'^" they mourned for him and accompanied him with 
great honour and took him and laid him in a cofifin and took him 
unto the tomb (t«0ov) that is before the door (fol. 3 a) of the church 
(eV), beside the priest (-/j.) Isaak,i-^-^ the prior of the monastery 
(7r/9oco-Tw?, /toi/acTT.) And there was, that day, great grief (Xvntj) and 
weeping and groaning in the two cities (ttJ/X.)!'^ and the villages that 
are round about them, when they^'^' learned that our saintly father was 
gone to rest. And they besought {iraimicaKeli') God, saying : ' O Our 
Lord Jesus Christ, merciful ^-^^ God, give^^^ unto us a righteous (ayado^) 
teacher, that may pray for us ^^^ and preserve us from the ravenous 
wolves, and that may guide us by his spiritual (Tri>evfia-iK6^) 
teachings.' ^^^ 

But (ce) as for us, O my beloved, let us beseech {-a/joK-fiXc?!') the 
Lord God Almighty, that He would forgive us our trespasses 
(TrapaTrrw/ia) and give US means to bring forth fruits {Kapir.) meet for 
repentance {fieravoia), that we may find mercy and rest (avdmivats) in 
the Day of Judgment {h-pim^) ; that He would heal the sick among 
His people and grant (x^vTc'") them health ; that He would bring 

'^ Ar. + in the monastery. 

^"^ Ar. the lord patriarch. 

^^ Ar. Jim al-Kiddis. This seems to be a name ; cf. Ilorner, op. cit. iii, p. Ix. 
'Or does it indicate spiritual relationship to Earsauma ? This patriarch was buried 
at Dair Shahran, where he had been a monk (Brit. Mus. Or. 849, f. 28^). 

1^^ Ar. + and great multitudes of the Christian folk. 

^■'■^ Ar. and they made his funeral with great honour and bore him to a tomb 
n the monastery, before the door. 

^'^ Ar. Ishak, son of Karurah. 

^•'^ I.e. Fustat and Cairo. The expression is found in the Martyrdom of John 
of Phanijoit (Journ. As., 8<^ ser. ix, 159 ; cf. Casanova, BiiH. de PinsLfr., i, 191) 
and often in Makrizi (Qualremere, ii, II, pp. 5, 126, 174 &c.). 

!■'' Ar. heard the loss of. 

^'^ Ar. + and gracious. 

^^' Ar. raise up. 

J^ Ar. watch over us. 

139 'Yhe Copt, has been curtailed here. Ar. + For unto Thee is due gloiy and 
majesty and worship and honour and unto Thy good Father and the Holy Spirit, 
now and for ever, unto eternity. Amen {sic expl.). 


June 12] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 

back our brethren which are abroad and such as be upon the sea 
(^f/X.) unto their homes in peace {elpipnj) ; that He would give rest 
unto our fathers and our brethren that are fallen asleep and have 
gone to rest in the right faith (tt/o-t;?) ; that He would take from off 
the face of all the earth pestilence (\oifi6^) and earthquake (<tc«t/(os) 
and famine ^^^ and the sword of the enemy and would set His peace 
among His people (A«o?) alway ; that He would make us worthy to 
hear the blessed (/tuiKafjio^) voice, full of joy and consolation, saying : 
(]\Iat. XXV, 34) (fol. 4a) ; that He would bring us the (river's) waters 
of this year, in their measure and season {Ktupos:) ; that He would 
increase {av^di'cii') the fruits (KapTr.) of the earth and would break in 
pieces the enemies of the Church (t/t/cX.) and overthrow (KmaXvetv) 
their councils, even as (vot«) He did hinder (KwXveiv) the councils of 
Achitophel ; that He would remember in His mercy every one that 
taketh thought for the offerings (7rpo(r(popd) and firstfruits (aTrap^r)) 
and the oil and the reading-books, on this festival to-day ; and that 
He would remember every one that hath said unto us : ' Remember 
us in the house of the Lord,' that He may remember them in His 
kingdom that is in heaven ; and that He would tear up the writing 
(xeip6''/pa(/)ou) of their iniquities; that He would Avrite our name 
{added and their name) in the book of Hfe and that He would bring 
us to the time of the year also that is to come, sound in body, soul 
and spirit {awjua, ^|y., Trr.) ; that He would preserve the life and the 
firm establishment of our most holy (oo-zoTflTo?) father, the wise, the 
chief father (Tra-n'jp Trarepwi'), chief shepherd {Troi/Luji' Trot^ieinou), chief 
high-priest (cipx- "pX'^P^f^''')} the father of orphans and judge of 
widows (joo 7raTp6<i twv upfjiuvwi' Kca Kpnov 7wi' X'i]P'^'^'\ he that 

fighteth well for the right faith (tt/o-t/?), even as Dioscorus, that did 
resist the enemies of the Church (eV-.) and as John Chrysostom, that 
was a light in his generation {^{evcu) and overcame his enemies, and 
as Athanasius, the apostolic {uiroa-ToXiKo's), the pillar {arvKo's) that 
gave light in the world (/.oo-zioy), him in whom was fulfilled the word 
{sic expL). 

In P2 Barsauma's Life is followed (foil. 18/' — 71/') by 'a few of 
his Miracles. '1*^ They are 45 in number, are related in genuine story- 

^■"^ Possibly a reference to the famine of 1294 and the earthquake of 1303. 
^^^ They are also in P, fol. 42. 

20^ P 2 


teller's style and, in several cases, are not without historical or social 
interest. Here, at any rate, there is no evidence of translation nor 
any need for assuming a Coptic original. 

The largest group of stories teils of cures, effected mostly by 
something (oil, water &c.) blessed and sent by the saint. Among 
these, no. 5 relates to Sihyun (Sion ^^-), from Minyat as-Siraj i*^ : 9 to 
At-Taj b. as-Sini, a dropsical scribe, bidden to eat melons and drink 
water, despite medical prohibition ; 21 to a boy healed by water of 
cooked beans (_////) ; 29 to Bay bars' ^^* occulist {/lakim kahhal), cured 
of dropsy by boiled sulphur, oil and clay {tafl^ ; 24 to Najib b. Sadr^ 
from Minshat al-Muhrani^-*" ; 34 to a blind widow in Kasr al-Jam'^"*^ ; 
36 to his blind disciple, Gabriel the steward (JiawlT), cured by a cup 
{zabdiyaJi) of lentils and 3 wheaten cakes (arghifah) ; 40 to Al-Wajih 
al-Iskandari,!-^'' scribe to the amir Itmish,!^^ cured of fever by a thread 
{hait), tied on his arm, and the words : ' Barsauma saith unto thee,. 
Return not henceforth to this man ' ; 25 to a girl anointed with hedge- 
hog's {kunfud) blood,^^^ the animal being subsequently brought to 
life again; 31 to Ya'kub K.azzkz,'^''" whose Muslim friend's daughter 
is healed by the blood of a female hedgehog {kunfudah), procured in 
a garden near the ' Seven Wells,' ^'^ and afterwards replaced in her 
hole, lest her young should perish; 37 to the present of pears 
ijiiimmatra) brought to B., but sent back with his blessing, to heal 
the donor ; 39 to Al-Akram, of the household of the Chief Armourer 
{atiiir sildh), who brought him corn, wax (candles) and incense, 
l)egging to be healed. 

Other instances of B.'s benevolence are : no. 8, a field of the 
amir Shams ad-Din rid of a plague of mice, after B. himself had 

^*- A common Coptic name, at least in one period and district ; v. Brit. Mus. 
Catal. and Krall's Kechtstirk., s.v. 

'^' Between Cairo and Shubra ; v. Casanova, Lc. 179. 

'^ Bay bars al-Jashnajir, ob. 13 10. 

'■'•^' Opposite Raudah ; v. Ravaisse in Mission j'raiic. i, 417, Casanova in Mhn.. 
Just, franc, iii, 308. 

i-"* Read ? ash-Sham'. 

'■*' I do not know whether this form can stand for Iskandarani ' Alexandrian.' 
If not, cf. the reading of O P2 (p. 149 above) for sdttarius. But the title 'scribe' 
should forbid this. 

"^ Makrizl Kital ii, 5:6 inf. (I owe references to Makrizi mostly to a valuable 
index drawn up by Mr. R. Guest.) 

"* On its uses, v. Ibn Beithar, Not. et Ext>: xxvi, 117. 

150 Qj <■ jj^g weaver,' though the article is wanting. 

'■'■'' S.E. of the Lion Bridge ; v. Salmon in Man. Inst, franc, vii, 43. 


June 12] BARSAUMA THE NAKED. [1907. 

sown it; 10, B. helps to restore the stolen money of a Maghraby 
stranger ; 30, helps to trace a theft from Baybars' occulist, whose 
brother was a druggist ly attar) at the Bab al-Futuh ; 23, helps to 
trace strayed camels to the Tabbanah.^'^- No. 16 tells how he drove 
off the devil, who had arisen in the form of an elephant, to frighten 
the monks; ig, how he appeared to a distant Avayfarer and beat 
a snake that was terrifying him, his audience in the monastery the 
meanwhile seeing him beating the ground before them ; 14, how he 
called on SS. George and Mercurius, and so saved a man, though 
far out of his sight, from murder; 17, how a Muslim sailor, wrecked 
near Manfalut,!^^ is directed by St. George 1^* to B.'s monastery. In 
no. 1 1 he assists Sharif ad-Din with a petition to the Sultan, through 
the vizir (sahib) Amin ad-Din ^-^'^ ; in 41 he helps Shams (sic), a 
scribe of the weigh-house (diivdn al-kiyalah i''^), to resist the extortions 
of the nazir, Taki ad-Din ; in 44 a miller from Sanhur,!^'' encouraged 
by B. against local oppression, is eventually righted by the kadi, 
Karim ad-Din as-Saghir^^S; in 42 a monk from the monastery of 
St. George at Damakrat,^'^^ after vainly endeavouring, each Monday 
and Thursday for 10 months, to reach the Citadel with a petition 
relating to monastic property {rizkah), at B.'s advice accosts the 
Sultan, on his way to the hippodrome (maidchi), and is sent to the 
stable {istabil'^^^^), where his request is attended to; in 43 B.'s advice 
leads to the settlement of a financial dispute between two partners in 
an oil-press, at Al-Mahallah ^''"'^ (one of the most interesting stories) : 
in 27 he assists Shams Jabril (Gabriel), scribe of the treasury 

His warning, in no. iS, sends an intending traveller back to 

'■'- A street going between the Citadel and Bab Zuwailah. 

153 N. of Siut. 

^^* The Muslim calls him Abu Jurj. Cf. Lane, Ar. A'tghts, Introd., note 2. 

i!>3 Vizir of An-Nazir (Pseudo-ibn Hallikan in Brit. Mus. Or. 5320, 50 a. 
Reference from Mr. A. G. Ellis). 

^■'® Cf. ? the hus al-l:iycilaJi at Bidak, Makrizi i, 89 sjipra = Bouriant in lilissioii 
franc, xvii, 253. 

"^ In the N.W. Delta. 

'•'^ K. ad-Din al-Kabir is well known, but I cannot find as-Saghir. 

^■'^ S. of Esneh ; v. Amelineau, Geogr. 507. Neither Abu Salih nor Makrizi 
mention this monastery. 

''"'' I cannot find a government office so located. 

"■' Cannot be distinguished among the many place-names, specially in the 
Delta, formed with this. 



help a friend's widow at the Bab az-Zuhiimah i^~ ; in 22 his advice to 
Ishak b. ar-Rafi'ah directs him to Misr, to the monastery of ar-Raisah 
Iskandarah, called al-Amjadiyah,i^^ where, at the rah' of al-Mastiil,^^'^ 
an old man befriends him. In 45 his advice guides Waftah,'^"' a 
fruitseller {tha)nmar),\\\\o visits him on the 25. Babah, a.d. 131 2. 

And other stories too are precisely dated. No. 15 tells how, on 
the very next day, the 26., a number of Frank merchants : Venetians, 
Genoese {Janaivi), Navarrese {N'abari), Barcelonans {Barshamranui), 
Catalans {Kitalani), Marseillese {Marshili), and Greeks {Ri'/iui), 
came, with their interpreters, to get B.'s blessing ; how he read their 
thoughts and foretold their adventures, and how one of them invited 
him to accompany him to Rome, there ' to see Peter and Paul,' who 
would doubtless speak with so holy a man. 32 relates a visit, on the 
13. Bashans, 13 14, from the sildhddr, Saif ad-Din Kisbai, whom 
B. exasperates by talking exclusively in parables ^'^^ and declining to 
explain; while 35 tells how on the 11. Baramhat, 1315, the Sultan, 
just as B. had foretold, ordered the execution of a fanatical soldier 
who had been attempting by violence to enforce conversions. We 
learn, from no. 6, how, when sought out by the Sultan an-Nazir 
himself, on his return from Karak, he begged for the opening 
of the remaining still closed churches. The Sultan wislied to carry 
him off to the palace ; but B. hid himself and foretold An-Nazir's 
end. The sword-bearer 1^''' Baktemir too (no. 7) was so much in- 
fluenced by B., that he acted only after consulting him ; as, for 
instance, when the Sultan desired to appoint him his deputy {iidib). 

This scanty analysis will, I think, show that a publication of the 
' Miracles ' might well contribute towards illustrating the interesting 
period in which Barsauma lived. 

'^^ Somewhere near the mosque of al-Ashraf and the KhaUli : v. 
Ravaisse, I.e. 435. 

'"•' Raisah may be 'abbess.' I cannot find any mention of this monastery. 

"'■' Rab\ a 'tenement' or block of flats; v. De Sacy, '■ Abd al-Latif 402. 
I suppose the next to be tlie owner's name. 

'®'' Should be a Coptic name ; but I cannot identify it. 

'•'^ V. above, p. 199. 


S.B.A. Proceedings, June, 1907. 

tumn^)r(k74Joc j^cJiimrTF/moy 
vuiNuuQ^' turrUikfftfumcr^T 

Coptic Text. 




By Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D. 

I have been asked to give an account, which shall be as short 
and clear as possible, of my decipherment of the Hittite hieroglyphic 
texts, the initial stage of which I laid before this Society four years 
ago. Since then, with the accumulation of fresh materials, and more 
especially the acquisition of more accurate copies of the texts that 
were already known, I have made considerable progress in the task 
of decipherment, correcting erroneous values and conclusions, adding 
to our knowledge of the Hittite syllabary, grammar and vocabulary, 
and verifying the results previously obtained. Each successive step 
in advance is recorded in the past numbers of the Proceedings of the 
Society, but I cannot expect other scholars to follow me through the 
maze of modified or corrected readings which pioneering work 
necessitates. Hence in the present Paper I propose to give a 
resume of the w^hole system of decipherment, its basis, development, 
verification, and results. 

The chief difficulty against which I have had to contend has 
been the imperfection of the materials. The inscriptions we possess 
are not only few in number, but most of them are fragmentary, 
several are but partly legible, and others are only known to us by 
inaccurate copies. Even where we have good casts or squeezes it is 
not always easy to distinguish characters which resemble one another, 
and more than once the progress of decipherment has shown that I 
have been led astray by identifying two characters that were really 
distinct. Above all, the inscriptions are of different ages and 
localities, and though this did not matter much in the earlier stages 
of decipherment, owing to the fact that the language of the script is 
pretty much the same whatever be the date or geography of the 
inscription, it matters a good deal now when I am endeavouring to 
determine the precise vowel sounds of the words represented in them. 



\\'hatever might have been the case with the consonants, the pro- 
nunciation of the vowels differed at different times and in different 
places. If only we had a score of unmutilated inscriptions from 
Carchemish, the decipherment of the texts would be in a far more 
advanced condition than is the case to-day. 

When, after twenty years of baffled efforts, I at last found the kej- 
to the Hittite problem, there were already certain facts known and 
recognized. Dr. Hayes Ward had shown that the inscriptions were 
to be read in boustrophedon fashion, and in the direction towards 
which the animals' heads looked, and that certain characters or 
groups of characters represented grammatical suffixes. I had dis- 
covered the ideograph which denotes deity and the suffix of the 
nominative case of the noun (^\ , together with its phonetic value s. 
I had also shown that o||o must represent a vowel, and Halkvv had 

done the same for ] 1 J , while the inscription of Ibriz had made it clear 

that the god, whose native Cilician name had been proved by 
Eduard Meyer to be Sandes, was denoted by the picture of a serpent. 
Peiser had pointed out that in the later texts 3D was used to divide 
the words from one another, and Leopold Messerschmidt that \ 
denoted the demonstrative pronoun. Moreover, in 1880 I had 
brought to light the bilingual inscription on the seal of Tarkondemos, 
which gave us the phonetic value of one character Oil Ofl ^^^, and, in 
combination with other texts, the meaning of the ideographs for 
"king" and "country." Unfortunately, jn other respects this in- 
scription proved to be misleading ; in fact, before the decipherment 
of the texts a correct analysis of the whole of it was impossible. It 
is only the decipherment which has shown us that 1/ is not a 

phonetic character but the ideograph of "city," that the oblique 
stroke after the character me represents the vowel /V, and that the 
cuneiform transcript is in the Hittite language, so that the word with 
which the inscription terminates is the Hittite me-e^ " I am." 1 

Misled also by the faulty copies of the Hamath inscriptions, I 
had confused the ideographs of " king " and " district " together — an 
error in which I was followed by all the other scholars who attempted 
to solve the Hittite problem. It was not until good casts and, in 

Me-e is given as the equivalent of the Hittite ine-tiy which is written me-i in 
the older texts. Cp. the variants Lubarna and Liburna. II is expressed by the 
oblique stroke, 11 by the boot. 



some cases, the original inscriptions themselves, had revealed the 
true forms of the characters that the error could be corrected, and 
therewith the phonetic decipherment of the texts made possible. 
For Avhen once the determinative of "district" was found, we knew 
where to look for the geographical names, through which alone we 
could hope to arrive at the phonetic values of the characters. The 
first-fruits of the discovery of the determinative of " district " was the 
certainty that in a particular group of characters we had the name of 

Many years ago the Dutch numismatist, M. Six, had suggested 
to me that such was the case. I imagine that what led him to make 
the suggestion was the fact that the group occurs, with one exception, 
only in the inscriptions from Jerablus - or Carchemish, and that it is 
found in them in a prominent position. But the confusion of the 
determinative of "district" with that of "king," and the behef that 
the seal of Tarkondemos obliged us to assign the phonetic value of 
tark2c to the goat's head, led me to reject M. Six's suggestion. With 
more wisdom Prof. Jensen adopted it, and further, correctly main- 
tained that the name of Carchemish is found under a different 
spelHng in an inscription on a bowl from Babylon. Unfortunately, 
other and unfounded assumptions prevented Jensen's discovery of 
the latter fact from bearing fruit, and even caused him to take the 
retrograde step of supposing the determinative of "divinity" to be 
that of " a town." 

Meanwhile I had been devoting myself to the endeavour to 
ascertain what the pictorial Hittite ideographs originally represented, 

- Jerablus (Hierapolis), not Jerabis, is the correct form of the name. Jerabis 
originated with Pococke, who made a hasty tourist's visit to the district and did 
not speak Arabic. Alexander Drummond, who was British Consul at the 
time at Aleppo, who spoke Arabic, and was interested in antiquities, knows 
only Jerablus. So also did Skene, who, like Drummond, was Consul at 
Aleppo, and was the first to identify the site with that of Carchemish. Sir'Charles 
Wilson assured me that none of the natives he had questioned knew any other 
form of the name than Jerablus. According to Mr. Boscawen, Jerabis is the 
Turkish deformation of JerablCis ; but when Dr. Trowbridge was head of the 
American College at Aintab, I asked him to enquire of his converts, one of whom, 
had property on the spot, what was the actual name of the place. The reply 
was : "The only name known is Jerablus." I take this opportunity of mentioning 
that the mutilated figure from Carchemish, now in the British Museum, with a 
Hittite inscription on the back (Messerschmidt XI), was already seen and figured 
by Drummond, who believed it to represent a Christian ecclesiastic {Travels 
{1754)1 P- 197? No. 15). In Drummond's time it was in precisely the same 
condition as to-day. 



and to obtaining accurate facsimiles of them; while in 1899, "'' the 
Froceedifigs of this Society, I suggested that the word accompanying 
the head of a high-priest in the Carchemish texts should be read 
aba-ka-li-s^ ahaklcs (bakelos in Hesychius) being given by Strabo as the 
Cappadocian word for " high-priest." I thus obtained the phonetic 

value of ka for the rabbit's head, 


When at last the determinative of ''district" became known, 
there could no longer be any hesitation about accepting M. Slx's 
suggestion. The determinative was attached in the Carchemish 
texts precisely to that group of characters in which he had divined 
the name of the city. And the group in its simplest form consists of 

the four hieroglyphs j [^ /-^fr^ DO 00 /^ - The last character, the 

goat's head, had already been shown by the Mer'ash Lion inscription 
to have the phonetic value of s in addition to its ideographic value 
of tarku, since it there takes the place of /^ in the nominative ot 
the noun ; we knew from the seal of Tarkondemos that OQ DO had the 

value of iiu\ and I had found for ^t^ the value of ka. The first 

character is met with only in this particular group of characters, 
nowhere else ; hence it was probable that it represented a closed and 
not an open syllable. There could no longer, therefore, be any doubt 
on the matter; the four characters really represented the name of 
Carchemish, phonetically spelt out, and the decipherment of the 
Hittite texts was at last made possible. 

That the name of Carchemish should be phonetically spelt is 
due to the happy accident of its having been of Semitic origin. 
When an attempt was afterwards made to give it a Hittite form, the 
name which probably signified " the Wall of Chemosh " was changed 
into Kamissa, " the gate-city," and expressed by the ideograph of a 
two-leaved gate. 

By the side of Carchemish we find also an adjecti\al form of the 
name, as is shown by the fact that the case-suffixes attached to it are 
the same as those attached to the substantives ("high-priest," &c.) 
with which it is coupled. Now an examination of the Hittite 
geographical names preserved in the Egyptian and Assyrian inscrip- 
tions had indicated that the suffixes belonging to them are -na-s, -si-Sy 
and -7va-s or -u-s. For reasons to be stated presently, the first two 



suffixes were excluded in the case of the word which denotes 
"Carchemishian," and hence I provisionally gave the characters 
composing it the values of Kar-ka-vie-si-yas. As the last character 

interchanges with T ^\ , it followed that F was j'". The progress 
of the decipherment has verified the general accuracy of my con- 
clusions, though instead of y- the true value of T is iias and nis 
(also us), and that of T is ?//, less usually iiaS' 

•* That jT was ui is shown by Ardistama I, 6, where the first person sing. 

of the verb kin, or ku is written ka-i- (boot), the buskin set on its back taking 
the place of the ordinary boot, as in all the early Asianic texts. Hence the first 
person was tti, not tta, and we can consequently explain the hitherto enigmatical 
iiis-ua-ii-i (M. XXXIII, 4.), "I have constructed." This means that tia is here 
to be read ui. Now, also, we can understand why the demonstrative is written 
tta-is-a (M. XVI, A), and tia-ui-iiii-a, i.e., uimia (M. XI, 4.), or why Saii-du-ua 
interchanges with San-dit-tii-i. The word for "wine" will accordingly be 
ui-nu-ii{ti) (M. XXXII, 4), corresponding with the Greek dlvov and the Asianic 
town of Oi'Lv6avZos, and indicating that the name of the sacred tree of the Hittites 
was uin as well as that -^ had the value of uin by the side of that oi nan. It 
would thus appear that the Indo-European (and Semitic) word for "wine" was 

of Hittile origin. Since Jl was ni, it follows that was nis as well as nas. 

A comparison of the words San-dn-tias-nan and Uan-nn-niis-na further shows 

that we must read San-dn-nis-nin (or nan) and Uan-nn-nis-ni, so that m*' will 

have the value of iiis, not of mis. This is verified by forms like Katu-ni-i-is, 
where the formative syllable is expressed by the boot (which has the ideo- 
graphic value of aiiniii, but not of mi), the boot being the ideograph of " the 

earth." Now we can understand how the demonstrative nissii can be written 


W ^'^ ^ iii-Ul-SU-nis-ii in M. VI, 4. ^ is the closed hand flicki 

away a "thing"' {no) and is merely a variant of §Jf[, which therefore has the 
same value, nis. 

It follows from this correction of values that, in the Karaburna inscription 
(M. XLVI, i), there is no mention of the Moschians. The reading and trans- 
lation should be : Si-na-s atn-nis Si-na-s-tni-a na-is-s m-u-is nn-is viii na-iias-ni 
uis-gha-nis a-niissu ui amvii uis-gha-ni i-nis-is-VL. "I, Sinas the king, of the 
Sinasians the prince, the . . priest, have occupied the place, erecting the cities 
of this land I have erected the high places." The verbal formative in nisghuis 
and nisghui is found again in the cuneiform tablets where it is represented by -khn. 
In M. XXI, 6, the word I have left untranslated in my Paper on the Inscriptions 
will thus be uis-uis {a-nis) "building (cities"; ani means "city" as well as 

June 12] SOCIEIV Of lilllLICAL ARCH-IlOLOOV. [1907. 

The common sufifix of geographical names, however, according to 
the Assyrian inscriptions, was -na-s, and one of the two Tel el-Amarna 
letters in the Arzawan language, which the cuneiform tablets found 
at Boghaz Keui had already shown to have been that of the Hittites, 
gives sarriis Khattatvias for " Hittite king," The suffix, in fact, 
signified, "of the land of," as it does also in Vannic. Now in the 
Hamath and Mer'ash inscriptions there were certain words which 
seemed to denote territorial titles, and which were formed by means 
of the suffix (^ . This latter character sometimes interchanges with 
the "sleeve" ^ , and to this I had already been led to assign the 
value of n for the following reason : — 

The nominative of the Arzawan noun terminates in -,s- and the 
accusative in -/;, like the nominative and accusative of the Mitannian 
and Vannic nouns, and since the nominative in the Hittite hiero- 
glyphic texts is characterized by -s, it was reasonable to suppose that 
the accusative would be characterized by -n. On the bowl we have a 
picture of a bowl provided with the suffix ■>// and followed by what 
other inscriptions indicated was probably the first person of a verb. 
It seemed therefore probable that -^Z/ had the value of n. 

I have already stated that I had long since pointed out that oflo 
must be a vowel, not only from its frequency, but also from the fact 
that it could be inserted or omitted at pleasure, and that Halevy had 

done the same for ])/ • Now came the question as to what vowels 
were represented by these two characters. This was settled for jj] 

by the name Carchemish, which is once written with this character 
inserted after the syllable mc ; it must consequently be e or /. The 
sufifix -//«, if rightly read, similarly showed that ojjo had the value of a. 
I had now obtained a certain number of values : the next point 
was to test and extend them. I turned accordingly to the inscription 
from Tyana, the ancient name of which we knew. Here the 
geographical title attached to the name of the priest-king is 

K— n oQo ^ oflo (g (^ 4, in which the value of the first 

character only was unknown to me. The text read : -a-?i-a-?ia-s -\- 
DETERMiN.VTiVE, -7ias being the suffix denoting " of the land of." It 
was therefore evident (i) that we had here the name of Tj'ana, 
(2) that the first character had tlic value of ///, and (3) that the 



values I had assigned to the other characters were correct. Sub- 
sequent research has verified these conclusions with two slight 
modifications : •^// is ua)i, not simple //, and MID is tua, though it is 
also used phonetically for tu. 

The Hamath inscriptions were next questioned. These contained 
a number of geographical names, in one of which I had long since 
conjectured we should see the national name of "Hittite," partly 
because of its occurrence, not only at Hamath, but also at Car- 
chemish, Mer'ash, and Izgin. In one of the forms of the name the 
depressed hand ^^ is inscribed after the ideographic Khatta or 
Khattii (supposing, that is to say, that my conjectural reading of the 
ideograph was correct) ; hence I inferred that it represented the 
syllable ia. The conclusion has since been confirmed by my ftnding 
the name written Kha-ta instead of Khat-ta. Among the names, 
however, in the Hamath texts the name of Hamath itself ought to 
occur, and the Assyrian inscriptions had shown us that tliis would 
be met with under the form of A-mat-ti or A-ina-ti.^ But the first 
geographical name in three of the Hamath texts begins with /, not «, 
so could not be "Hamath." It is followed by what a comparison 
of the seal of Tarkondemos with the other texts had already led me 
to believe was the ideograph of "city." It is the picture of a plough, 
and, as I now know, properly signifies "the cultivated soil" {ajni/ia), 
but is also used to denote "city," possibly through being confused 
with another ideograph of similar shape which signifies " a gate." 
The characters which follow the ideograph of "city" gave me the 
name of Hamath. The values of the first two were known to me 

already. The first, the doll \ , I had found interchanging with a ; 
the second, the seat "^r^ , has the phonetic exponent attached to 
it in one of the Hamath texts (where the place of C is taken by 

eQy , which interchanges with a in the common word a^//ei, 

"I am"), and the value of was known, approximately, from its 
being substituted for me in the name of Carchemish. 

{To he continued^ 

■* The Semitic rUDPI must have been pronounced in this way by its Hittite 
conquerors, from whom the Assyrians derived their form of the name. I have 
long ago suggested that Gar-imerisu for Damascus was of Hittite derivation. 


Bv Prof. J. Lieblein. 

I beg to refer my readers to a former Article of mine, published 
in these Proceedings^ in which I endeavoured to establish the 
opinion, I long ago expressed, that the Israelites, under the leader- 
ship of JNloseS; emigrated from Egypt during the latter part of the 
reign of Amenhetep HI. I propose now to discuss the publications 
of Prof. Petrie and Prof. Spiegelberg, in which they have dealt 
with the same subject in relation to the triumphal stele of Merenptah 
discovered by Prof. Petrie in January, 1896. Both these writers 
suppose that the Exodus took place during the reign of Merenptah, 
a supposition which is in fact generally accepted, but which is, in my 
opinion, quite erroneous. Turning in the first place to Prof. 
Petrie's article "Egypt and Israel,"- the author says that the 
silence of the Old Testament with regard to the invasion by 
Rameses II which extended over Moab, Judea, and Galilee ; the 
invasion by Merenptah which crushed the " People of Israel " ; and 
the invasion by Rameses III, which went through Judea as well as 
the North ; makes it difficult to suppose that the invasion of Canaan 
occurred until after the last raid of Rameses III. He places the 
Exodus under Merenptah, and finds no difficulty in accepting the 
obvious conclusion that the last Egyptian raid was over before the 
Twelve Tribes entered Palestine in a body. He rejects the 
hypothesis that the mention of the People of Israel in the Inscrip- 
tion of Merenptah refers to the Twelve Tribes in Palestine after the 
Exodus, and says that it is very improbable that it refers to the 
oppression of the Israelites in Egypt. He inclines to the hypothesis 
that, cither a part of the Israelites remained behind in Palestine 

^ S.B.A. Proceedings, XX (1898),//. 277/. ; and XXI (1899),//. 53^. 
- Cuutemporary Review, May, 1896. 


Tl'NE 12] 



when the others went down into Egypt ; or that a part of the 
IsraeUtes in Egypt may have returned to Canaan soon after the 
famine. Prof. Petri e's view, of which the above is a summary, is 
based on chronological and historical reasons which I regard as 

Turning to Prof. Spiegelberg's pamphlet Der Aufenthalt Israels 
in Aegypten (Strasburg, 1904) we find that the author resolves the 
problem in much the same way as does Prof. Petrie. He places 
the Exodus under Merenptah, and divides the Israelites into several 
Tribes, some of which dwelt in Palestine while others, contempo- 
raneously, remained in Egypt. He gives, on page 13, the following 
Table : 


Starke Einwande- 
rung semitischer 
Stiimme, von 
denen sich einige 
dauernd im Gosen 

Das Wohlwollen der 
Regierung gegen- 
iiber den Gosen- 
stammen ver- 
mindert sich. 

Auszug der Gosen- 
s t a m m e u n t e r 

Die hebriiischen 
St am me, unter 
ihnen Israel, 
riicken wieder 
vor, werden aber 
von Merenptah 

Vereinigung der beiden Stammes- 



Hebraische Stamme 
(die Chabiri) 
dringen in die 
syrischen Klein- 
staaten ein. 


Die Herrschaft der 
semitischen Hyksos- 
dynastie in Agypten. 

Syrien und Palastina 
werden iigyptischer 

Reformation des 
Konigs Ameno- 
phis IV. 

Sethos I. greift en- 
ergisch in Syrien 
und Palastina ein. 

Ramses II. erhalt die 
Oberhoheit Agyp- 
tens in Siidpalastina 


Nach der ruhmreichen 
Regierung Ram- 
ses III. schneUer 

Jahre v. 

Um 1 700- 1 550. 

Um 1450. 

Um 1400. 

Um 1350. 


Um 1250. 

Um 1200. 



Here we have a striking discord between the Bible and modern 

To begin with, the Books of Moses tell us that the People of 
Israel was constituted during their sojourn in the land of Goshen^ 
and during their march towards Palestine ; whereas according to the 
scholars the Hebrews or Israelites regarding themselves as a unit, 
as a single nation for centuries, were divided into groups or tribes 
which dwelt separately in both Egypt and Palestine. 

Now from this supposition that there were Israelites in Palestine 
and in Egypt at the same time, and that the two parties were in 
constant touch with one another, it necessarily follows that the 
Israelites who emigrated from Egypt would, on their arrival in 
Palestine, find their compatriots as friends and allies. 

But the Bible makes no mention of anything of the kind. It 
tells us on the contrary that the Israelites met with none but enemies, 
the Amorites, Jebusites, Moabites, etc., all of whom were, in 
accordance with the divine command, to be exterminated.-' In 
Exodus XV, 15 we read, "Then were the princes of Edom troubled, 
and trembling seized the strong men of Moab, all the inhabitants of 
Canaan melted away," and again, " The nations have heard it and 
trembled at it ; grief has seized the inhabitants of Palestine." 

But why, simply for the sake of a false chronology, allow our- 
selves to be drawn into such controversies ? In any case the Bible 
is an important historical record which we cannot neglect. We may 
at least ask that Science shall, if possible, reconcile the Biblical 
record with other records. 

In this instance it is possiljle, and moreover the solution is self- 

I commenced this article by saying that the E.xodus of the 
Hebrews took place in the latter part of the reign of Amenhetep III. 

Prof. Petrie seems to have recognized this solution of the 
difficulty, but has rejected it because of the silence of the Old 
Testament on the wars in Syria of Rameses II, Merenptah, and 
Rameses III. On this point I beg to offer the following remarks : — 

■* Cf. Maspero, Hisloire ancienne des pcuples de f Orient, vol. II, p. 65: 
" If the people of Ammon, Moab, Edom, and Ishmael, originally called them- 
selves ' the Hebrews,' this parentage was forgotten at the time of the Exodus, for at 
that time the Iraelites of Goshen alone were Hebrews (Genesis xxxix, 14, 17, etc.; 
Exodus i, 15, 16, etc.), and under Joshua all these people, the Amorites, 
.\monites, etc., were regarded as enemies to be destroyed." 



To begin with, the argumentum e silentlo is not a very strong 
argument, for the wars referred to were, for the Israelites, only raids 
lasting a short time, and the ordinary route of the Egyptian army 
was only along the border of their country. In fact the silence is 
not so absolute as one might suppose. In Judges v, 19 we read, 
" The kings came and fought ; then fought the kings of Canaan in 
Taanach by the waters of Megiddo." These words from the Song 
of Deborah sound like the dull and distant noise of the battles of 
the Pharaohs at Taanach and Megiddo to the south-east of Carmel 
on the principal route of the Egyptian armies, frequented by Seti I, 
Rameses II, and Merenptah. MoxQOvex Joshua xv, 9, and xviii, 15, 
mention, according to the accepted reading, " The fountain of the 
waters of Nephtoah"; but which, according to the happy conjecture 
of M. V. Calice,* should be read, "The fountain of Merenptah." 
This fountain, situated south-west of Jerusalem, was probably named 
after an encampment of Merenptah during the war of the 5th year or 
his reign. 

I conclude with a resume of my views on the history of the 
Israelites with reference to the Egyptian episode. 

Circa 1535 B.C. The entry of the family of Jacob into the land 
of Goshen, under the later kings of the Hyksos. The names of 
Potiphar {Genesis, xxxix, i) ; Asnath; Zaphnath-Paaneah {Genesis 
xli, 45) ; indicate the Hyksos period, not that of the XXth and 
following dynasties.^ 

Circa 1490 B.C. Commencement of the XVIIIth dynasty which 
represents " the new king over Egypt who knew not Joseph " 
{Exodus, i, 8). 

1456-1386 B.C. Thoth.mes III. According to "Theophilus 
ad AuTOLYCUM " III § 20 the oppressor of the Hebrews, who made 
them build the cities of Pithom and Raamses. The Bible text 
{Exodus, i, 11) which records this must have been written under 
Rameses II. 

Circa 1320 B.C. The Exodus of the Hebrews under Moses, 
during the latter years of Amenhetep III. Josephus gives the name 
of Amenophis to the Pharaoh of the Exodus. 

■• Orient. Litt. Zeit., 1903, p. 224. 

^ Cf. my Article "Mots egyptiens dans la Bible," S.B.A. Proceedings, XX 
(1898), pp. 202 flf. 

217 Q 


131S-1286 B.C. Amenhetep IV. According to the Tell el 
Amarna letters the Khabiru made incursions in Palestine during the 
reign of Amenhetep IV, he being occupied with his religious reform. 
It was the Hebrews who under Joshua entered into their promised 

1231-1180 B.C. .Seti I conquered the Israelite tribe of Asser in 

11S0-1114 B.C. Rameses II. The wars in Syria of Seti I and 
Rameses II are probably mentioned \x\ /tidi:[es, v, 19. 

1 1 14-1094 B.C. Merenptah ravaged the country of the Israelites 
in Palestine. A tradition of this raid is probably found in the name 
"The fountain of Merenptah" (see page 217). 

We see, therefore, that the Bible narrative is on all points in 
agreement with the Egyptian records. Is not this evidence of its 
truth ? 

" Lepsius, Denkviiil. Ill, 140(7. 

By C. Leonard Woollev. 

Familiar amongst Coptic objects are small bone carvings 
fashioned more or less roughly to the human shape. Most of these 
are vaguely provenanced as from Old Cairo ; one in the Gizeh 
Museum is from Thebes ; they have been found at Antinoe and in 
the cemetery of el Zaouia near Siout. Strzvgowski, in the Catalogue 
of the Gizeh Museum, says of them : "There can be no doubt about 
the meaning of these little figures. They are not idols, but dolls, 
as is proved by Nos. 368-9 in the K.-Friedrich Museum ^ (see plate, 

' I am much indebted to the authorities of the K.-Friedrich Museum, Berlin, 
for permission to publish Nos. r, 3, 4, 6, 11, 12, and to Prof. Petrie for No. S. 


June 12] COPTIC BONE FIGURES. [1907. 

No. 4), in which the hair is still attached with wax and wool. 
Similar dolls dating from early Egyptian times are in the British 
Museum. According to Gayet, naturally, they are gnostic figures." 

Without inclining to gnosticism I venture to think that 
Strzygowski's judgment is open to doubt, (i) Coptic dolls, such as 
he refers to, of leather, linen-rag, and clay, are all known, and have 
no resemblance at all to these bone figures ; (2) the latter are usually 
too small to be dolls, varying as they do from two inches to 
five and a half inches in height ; (3) they are invariably female, and 
nude, and the sexual organs are always a marked feature ; (4) one 
figure in the Berlin collection is inscribed with the religious formula 
(e)/? 0eo^; (5) the originally realistic human type evolves into the 
purely cruciform. It is on this evolution that I would lay stress, and 
the examples shown illustrate the process fairly clearly. 

At the beginning of the series there is a gross realism. The 
forms are rounded ; the hair, as before said, is of wool and wax ; the 
arms were in some cases moveable, or at any rate made in separate 
pieces — doubtless owing to the material, the bone being too narrow 
to give more than the width of the torso. The heads, too, are some- 
times made separately, with a long spike for insertion in the body, 
in which case the body must have been cut in the round, and 
accordingly, most of these heads come early in the series. Some- 
times the features were painted. The ears are often prominent and 
pierced, as if for ear-rings, or for suspension ; sometimes holes are 
bored through the body at the arm-pits. 

As the series progresses, the figures become squarer in outline and 
more geometrical in their inner markings ; not only is the working 
more superficial and summary, but the body is cut in the flat, its back 
being unworked and showing the natural hollow of the bone. The 
features on which most insistence is laid are the breasts, naturally 
marked by a diagonal cross, and the pudenda, denoted as usual by 
the triangle or a V-shaped incision. The features of the face become 
more and more sketchy, and in No. 8 are ehminated altogether ; in 
most cases the mouth tends to disappear, while the eyes become 
either V-shaped or circular. The feet are shown by a horizontal cut 
jjust above the extremity of the figure ; in a few cases (e.g., No. 5) 
I the cuts denoting the arms seem to be confused with the breast- 
'lines. In the fully-developed cross (wooden ; No. 10) the breast-lines 
iare very prominent, the legs are still divided and the feet marked, 
the pudenda shown merely by the favourite Coptic decorative motive 

219 Q 2 


of concentric circles, while similar circles mark the features of the 
face, others being added, I take it, merely for symmetry. 

No. 12 shows a somewhat divergent type. 

This transition from the human figure to the cross seems fairly 
certain, and coupled with the inscription on No. 4, which comes 
quite early in the series, shows that in the beginning, as at the 
end, the figures had some religious or superstitious import. What 
that may have been cannot be definitely stated, but the insistence 
on sex throughout the series rather points to its being connected 
with fertility in childbirth. If this is the case, they might possibly 
link up with the much earlier type of bone figure. No. 13 ; this 
is a lineal descendant of the Graeco-Egyptian parturition ex-votos 
in terra-cotta or limestone, of which quantities were found at Nau- 
kratis. At the same time there is, it must be admitted, nothing 
in the style of No 13, that would connect it with the Coptic series. 

Such a fertility-amulet might survive amongst the poorer classes ' 
of Copts, in its old form, until this became invidious — and the 
inscription on No. 4 looks rather as if meant to counteract the 
odium of a pagan form — next in a more ambiguous shape, and at 
last as a definitely Christian symbol, still retaining, however, the 
marks of its original. 


Figures Nos. i, 3, 4, 6, 11, 12, in the K.-Friedrich Museum, Berlin. 
„ Nos. 2, 5, 10, 13, in the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford. 
„ Nos. 7, 9, in the Cairo Museum. 
„ No. 8, in University College Museum, London. 

- W. de Bock : L^archeologie de PEgypte chreiienne, p. 93, " les sepultures 
(d'el Zaouia) sont pauvTCs . . . plusieurs poupees en os ont ete trouvees." 



S.B..4. Proceedings, Jituc, 1907. 




S.B..^. Proceedings, June, 1907. 



S.B..-4. Proicedings, June, 1907. 





By L. W. King, M.A., F.S.A. 

An inscription upon a duck-weight (Brit. Mus., No. 91,432), 
found by Layard in the North- West Palace at Nimrud, bears the 
name of a king, about whose country, reign, and period nothing has 
hitherto been definitely ascertained. The inscription reads : — 





¥ ' 







The text may be rendered: (i) XXX ma-[fia\ kinu; (2) sa 
{ilii)Nab{i-sum-li-bur sar kissati. "(i) Thirty mana, correct; (2) of 
Nabu-shum-libur, king of hosts." The text has been previously 
published by Layard, Inscriptions, pi. 83, F,and by 1<Iorkis,/.J^.A.S., 
Vol. XVI (1856), plate; for other references, see Weissbach, 
Z.D.M.G., Bd. LXI, p. 394 f. Since NabCi-shum-libur only bears 
the title sar kissati, "king of hosts," or " king of the world," and the 
weight was found at Nimrud, he has been regarded by some as an 
Assyrian king who ruled at some period before B.C. 893 (see Johns, 
Assyr. Deeds and Doc, II, p. 264). On the the other hand, Winckler 
has recently suggested that he was the last king of the Fourth 
Dynasty of the Kings' List, whose name is written on that document 

as Nabu-shum- [ ]. We now have definite evidence that 

Nabu-shum-libur is to be assigned to the Fourth Dynasty. In the 
Babylonian religious chronicle, No. 35,968, Col. I, 1. 16 (see my 
Chronicles concerning early Babylonian kings. Vol. II, p. 159), the 
name of a king occurs as '^i^ >^ "^^T-^ !e¥> which may be 
restored as \_Nab'\ii-sitm-li-bi/r; and, from internal evidence, we know 
that the king reigned before Nabu-mukin-apli, who was probably the 
founder of the Eighth Dynasty of the Kings' List. As the kings of 
the Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Dynasties are known (see Chronicles, 
Vol. I, p. 184), he must either be identified with the last king of the 
Fourth Dynasty, or placed in the gap at its beginning. In this 
connection it is of interest to note that Erba-Marduk's duck-weight 
(see Weissbach, op. cit., p. 395) is not to be assigned to Merodach- 
baladan's ancestor, but to Erba-Marduk, king of Babylon, who ruled 
in the eight troubled years after the destruction of Babylon by 
Sennacherib in 689 B.C. (see Chrotticles, Vol. I, p. 205/). 




By the Rev. W. T. Filter. 

( Continued fro7n p. 164.) 

{See 7-eference numbers in the Text.) 

1 The omission of "or" {ji hi) which occurs here is faithfully 
copied from the original text of the Hammurabi Code sfela, which 
usually inserts the phrase but omits it just at this part. 

~ I.e., has not fulfilled a certain period. The stela reads arhu-su 
la im-la-ma, "has not fulfilled his month." The reading -la-am of 
our text I do not understand. 

•' The stela reads In-en-ni e-li-su. Bcnnu is believed to be some 
disease, perhaps an ulcerous condition. Prof. Schetl renders the 
expression "une infirmite (paralysie) " ; Dr. R. F. Harper, "bennu 
fever." The -i7--ni of our text is evidently a variant reading which 
might have solved the question, were it not that, unfortunately, the 
first syllable of the word is lost. 

^ I.e.., places hard of access ; perhaps mountain fastnesses rather 
than the difficult ways of bog or fen land. In the bi-lingual inscrip- 
tion on a broken statue of black basalt in the British Museum 
(referred to in the footnote on p. 158 above), a corresponding passage 
to this (Col. Ill, 11. 15-17), Dr. Jensen {Keilmschriftliche Bibliot/iek, 
III, Pt. i, p. 117) read as niii-bi-it-ti pu-us-ki \sadi\ a-as-tu-tim 
(literally : " opener up of difficult mountain places "), a reading 
accepted by Mr. King, although his copy of the inscription (in 
Hammurabi's Letters, Pt. I, 117) shows that it is not certain that 
Sade is to be read. 

=' In the stela. Prof. Schkh, here transcribes ii-pi-it-ti \iti\si-am 
(and translates, "j'ai fraye un chemin, et leur mandai assistance"), 


June 12] A HAMMURABI TEXT. [1907. 

but his text seems rather to read u-pi-it-ti tm-ra, as Drs. Winckler 
and Harper also read. Our tablet thus establishes fiu-ra as the 
correct reading. 

^ I here adopt and translate the li-u-thn of the stela. The reading 
tii-u-tim of our tablet is evidently a scribal error. 

^ Our scribe here for Hammurabi's i-di-nam ("has given") has 
substituted a synonym, is-rii-kani, "has bestowed." 

^ Note the addition here to the stela text of another god of the 
Babylonian pantheon in the words "and the god Adad." This 
appears to have been somewhat of a furtive interpolation, as the 
copyist continues with the attributive epithets in the singular number. 
The copyist, having made the interpolation, then altered the context 
so as to allow for his addition, then he appears to have got his 
passage mixed up with a preceding one (11. 70-73) of the same 
column of the stela, which reads : — di-in ma-tim a-na di-a-nim \ pu- 
ru-zi-e ma-tim \ a-na pa-ra-si-im. These words are immediately 
followed on the stela by others, saying that Hammurabi had written 
his weighty words (the Code) upon his monument, that is, upon the 
stela, whereupon Ashshurbanipal's scribe was recalled to the point 
from which he had wandered, and returned to his text. 

^ E-sagil is, of course, the well-known temple of Merodach in 

^^' The in)i-7na-an-su of the tablet shows us that the ^\ of the 
stela (1. 17) is to be read as mtimdmi, and not as its synonym sdbu, 
by which it has hitherto been transcribed. 

^^ The stela appears to read f^ '^^, but perhaps the correct 
reading is yj .^, which would then be the same as the tablet. 

i~ This line has a pleonastic su and, as well as the next Hne, 
shows a variant reading of the stela. 

1'' ki-ma i-il-ti. The stela has i-sa-tim, " like a fire." 

1^ is-a-a\jH\ the objective case of m/, the masculine form of 
"fire." The stela text, two lines earlier, has the commoner feminine 
form isatu. 

1-^ I can only suggest possible explanations of this variant line. 
The stela reads da-iii-a-tim, " mighty." It may be that our a-ta-an 
is another form, in the construct state, either of addnu, "fixed, 
appointed," or even of adannu, a synonym of dannu. In either case, 
what does the -ir stand for in the earlier part of the line ? Did the 
whole line give a peculiar form of irritu, in the feminine plural 
construct, or with the adverbial termination -tan ? 



^^ Unfortunately, the signs of number, if any, which preceded the 
" 5 ■' are broken off. The line might possibly have meant that the 
total of the enactments of Hammurabi's Code was " — 5," perhaps 
275 or 285. Mr. L. W. King has helpfully suggested to me that the 
line probably stated that our tablet contained " 5 " enactments of 
Hammurabi. No doubt tWs is the true explanation ; but if so, the 
sections must have been divided differently from the way modern 
Assyriologists divide them, because (on data given below) I estimate 
that our first column contained about 60 lines, and so would have 
begun with what we call §274, which would give nine — not five nor 
fifteen — sections. If, however, §274 counted as the first enactment 
on our tablet, §§275-277 as the second, § 278 as the third, §§ 279-281 
as the fourth, and § 282 as the fifth, 5 enactments only (of the ancient 
scribe's reckoning) would have been copied on to our tablet. It 
would, therefore, in any case, as the colophon proceeds to state, be 
an " incomplete " edition, although it may have been one of a series 
of tablets which, taken together, contained a complete copy of 
Hammurabi's Code. 

17 The first part of this line may perhaps be restored, from the 
colophon to the " Prayer of Istar " (given in Mr. King's Seven Tablets 
of Creation ; the text in Vol. II, plate 84, 1. 112, and the transcription 
and translation in Vol. I, pp. 236—7), to ^^ff >-< X, kima labaru-su. 
The whole line would then have read : "like its original, written and 


Our tablet is one of much interest not only to the Assyriologist, 
but also to a larger circle because of the contribution it offers to 
the solution of larger questions. 

First, to the principles which guided ancient copyists. Generally 
speaking, our tablet is faithful to the original. Our scribe even 
copies cuneiform signs (such as •^y»-) which had changed their 
phonetic value since the time of the original text, and does not alter 
them to the current orthography ; quite rarely he uses a synonym 
instead of copying the original word ; occasionally, in the epilogue, 
apparently because of the space at his disposal, a few words are 
omitted or a few lines paraphrased. Then there are a few scribal 
errors, arising from negligence, distraction, or weariness, such as the 
best of human copyists are liable to commit. Evidently, however, the 


June 12] A :HAM]MURABI TEXT. [1907. 

copyist of our tablet did not show the same scrupulous literal fidelity 
to which we are accustomed in the Massoretic copyists of the 
Hebrew Bible. But only once do we find a deliberate falsification 
of the text due to the tendenz or bias of the scribe (or his superiors). 
This occurs in the interpolation (in Col. C, 1. 9) of the words " and 
the god Adad," after the mention in the original of "the god 
Shamash " only. Even then our scribe did not attempt to conceal 
that he had tampered with his text, for he left the epithets applied 
to the divinity as they were, in the singular number, just as though 
" and the god Adad " had not been inserted. The Hammurabi 
text, reproduced on our tablet from x^shshurbanipal's library, thus 
affords us an interesting example of the accuracy of ancient Assyrian 

We next inquire, How much of the contents of the Code stela 
of Hammurabi was contained on our tablet? and, ^^^hat light does 
the copy help to throw upon the knowledge of the Code in later 
times ? 

Our tablet, as already mentioned, is only a fragment of its 
original size. Yet, although both the top and bottom of it are lost, we 
can estimate the length of its columns, as first written, by comparing 
them with those of the stela. On the Obverse, our Col. A, 1, 10, 
is parallel with Col. B, 1. 3, and the matter covered between these 
two points occupies 60 lines on the stela ; here, therefore, our column 
was equal to 60 lines of the stela ; Col. B, 1. 3, is parallel with Col. C, 
1. 7, and this is equal to 65 lines on the stela ; the greater number 
of lines here is accounted for by the fact that our first column 
contains some sections of the laws which are given more spacing 
than is the long epilogue. We might assume, therefore, that the 
obverse of the tablet contained one column of 60 lines and three 
columns of 65 lines each, giving a total of 255 lines for our Obverse. 
For the Reverse, we have only data to estimate one column, namely 
from Col. G, 1. 11, to the parallel place on H, 1. 10, and this gives 
73 lines to the column on our verso; its four columns at 73 lines 
each would give us 292 lines for our Reverse. Thus the total of the 
lines on both sides of our tablet would be 547. 

Turning to the stela we find that the Obverse of it preserves sixteen 
columns, containing 1,054 lines ; besides this, five columns have been 
erased, and allowing them 66 lines each, or a total of 330 lines more, 
we get altogether 1,384 lines for the Obverse of the stela ; the 
Reverse of it contains, in its twenty-eight columns, 2,523 lines. 



The total number of lines on the complete stela were thus 3,907. 
It would therefore require about seven tablets of the contents 
we approximately estimate our own to have possessed, to have 
contained a complete copy of the stela inscription 

Now, if our tablet was one of a series giving a complete copy, 
it shows us the great value attached to the stela text for it to have 
been reproduced in clay so many centuries after the original; even 
if our tablet was not one of a series, but merely a copy of a section 
of the monument, it still seems to signify that the Hammurabi text 
was, in late Assyrian times, looked upon as an ancient classic, in 
law or literature, or in both, from which it was worth while making 
excerpts at the least. 

But, as is well known, our tablet is not the only late copy of 
Hammurabi's Code (or of portions of it) which have come down to 
us ; though it is the longest copy and the only one which contains 
any part of the stela text other than the laws. 

Before speaking of those other copies, I may at this point be 
allowed to call attention to a recent discovery of fragments of a 
second stela which contained the laws of Hammurabi. It has been 
supposed by Professor Hubert Grimme and, I believe, other scholars, 
that the stela discovered b}- the French excavators of Susa in 
December, 1901, and January, 1902, was made to be erected in the 
temple of the god Shamash, at Sippar, while other examples of the 
Code would be inscribed and placed in other temples of Babylonia. 
This view appears to have become justified, in fact, by the further 
discovery by the French delegation at Susa, in the winter of 1905-6, 
of three pieces of basalt, inscribed in cuneiform with §§ 60, 61, and 
62 ; portions of other law sections, which must have appeared on 
the erased columns of the stela (and are found on at least one of the 
other tablets in the British Museum, to be immediately spoken of); 
also §§126 and 127 ; and a passage from the epilogue.* 

Two other tablets from Ashshurbanipal's library contain law 
clauses which, though erased from the stela, are found, in part, on the 
new basalt fragments, viz., Rm. 277 and D.T. 81 ; both of these are 

* See Mons. J. de Morgan, in Comptes Reiidiis, of the Academic des Inscrip- 
tions, Paris, Juin, 1906, pp. 279-280. I presume that the fragment of a like 
stela to that which contained the Code, and to which Prof. Scheil referred in a 
note on p. 122 of his Mihnoire as containing hnes 73-79 of Col. xxv. of the 
Reverse of the steta (part of the epilogue), is another fragment of the same s/e/a 
on which M, de Morgan reports. 


June 12] A HAMMURABI TEXT. [1907. 

in the British Museum, and were published some years ago by 
Dr. Meissner.* 

Rm. 277 cannot have contained more than extracts from the 
laws of the stela, as the remains of the tablet enable us to show, for 
Col. I of its Obverse begins with Obverse XV, 1. 60 of the stela text, 
and the last column of the Reverse of Rm. 277 = Reverse IV, 1. 21 of 
the stela ; so that (reckoning the columns erased from the monument) 
Rm. 277, had it given a complete copy, would have contained no 
fewer than ten of the stela columns. But this it cannot have done. 
For if we allow Rm. 277 the same number of columns to a side that 
our tablet had, namely four (actually there is no trace of more than 
three), and if we further allow that its columns contained as many 
lines as those of the stela (which is somewhat improbable), even then 
the copyist of Rm. 277 cannot have given more than eight — i.e., he 
must have omitted two — columns of the stela text. Rm. 277 con- 
tained, therefore, only extracts from Hammurabi's Code. 

D.T. 81 has been thought to be but another portion of Rm. 277, 
but that does not seem probable. It is true that they cover, to some 
extent, complementary parts of the same text, come from the same 
library, and the columns are of approximately the same width, viz., 
li inches, but not only is Rm. 277 a thicker tablet, it is also made 
of a different and differently baked clay from D.T. 81 ; Rm. 277 
is made of a clay which is yellow throughout and flaky, whereas that 
of D.T. 81 is of a grey-red, and hard in texture. Hence the two 
fragments represent two different origins. 

The data for estimating the original contents of D.T. 81 are less 
exact than those for Rm. 277. But all that is extant of D.T. 81 
is apparently from that part of the text of the stela which is now 
erased, until we come to Col. II of the Reverse, when the sixth line 
of that column is shown to be a line from § 104 of the Code, and 
coincides with Col. I, 1. 35 of the stela's Reverse, while the corre- 
sponding place in the next column of the tablet (Col. Ill, 1. 6) 
appears to be the same as Col. II, 1. 54 of the Reverse of the stela. 
This would give the tablet a column equal to 91 lines of the stela, 
which is improbably large. We must therefore suppose that D.T. 81, 
like Rm. 277, was only a copy of selections from the Code of 

* In the Beitrdge zttr Assyriologie, Band III, pp. 501-504. They are re- 
produced by Prof. ScHEiL in the volume spoken of in the preceding note, viz., in 
tome IV of the Alentoires de la Delegation en Perse, pp. 48-52, in the midst of 
his transcription and translation of the Hammurabi stela. 



Hammurabi, which, it becomes evident, was an ancient classic in the 
law schools of Ashshurbanipal's time. 

Furthermore, the Berlin Museum contains two fragmentary tablets 
which also had written upon them copies of small portions of 
Hammurabi's Code, and of a later date than any of those we have 
yet spoken of, for they belong to the New Babylonian period. Trans- 
criptions and translations of these were published about 17 years 
ago by Dr. Peiskr,* they are known as V.A. Th. 991 and V.A. Th. 
1036. VA. Th. 991 contains remains of §§ 147, 148, 149, 152, 153 
and 154 (from Cols. VHI and IX of the Reverse) of the stela. It is 
hard to say what the contents of the complete tablet may have been, 
but I roughly estimate that one column of it contained about 71 
lines, or one-eighth less than the corresponding column of the 
stela. The second column of this tablet (after giving § 154 of the 
Code) ends thus: diippu wi-kam \jii\7ii/ ''•^^ si-ru-ujji ; that is, "7th 
tablet (of the series beginning) {Ni)-n7i ''" \_/ii\ si-ri/-iii>i" which are the 
opening words of Hammurabi's stela. But, in spite of these closing 
words, the next column of this tablet (Col. Ill) contains, in effect, 
clause 159 (= Reverse X, 11. 33-46) of the stela. 

V. A. Th. 1,036 is considerably smaller than the tablet just treated 
of. It contains only twelve lines, and some of those are imperfect, 
but they form part of Hammurabi's Code, viz.. Reverse, Col. XII, 
11. 61-70 (§ 171). 

In view of these facts, it is difficult to resist the conclusion to 
which Ur. Peiser was led, that these two tablets contain exercises 
made by students of the law schools, in other words, perhaps, temple- 
student scribes, of the New Babylonian Empire, and are excerpts, 
be it remembered, from the law Code of Hammurabi, promulgated 
by him (if the date commonly assigned to him is correct) some 1,800 
years previously. 

Returning to our own Museum Collection, K. 4,223 also contains 
part of the Hammurabi text, as the two lines quoted from the second 
column of it in Prof. Sayce's first Hibbert Lectures (1887) p. 226n ', 
viz., a/ia kharran sarri halak-sti gabu la illip, occur as three lines on 
the stela (Obverse, Col. IX, 11. 68, 69 and (^ol. X, 1. i) and form part of 
what Prof. Scheil numbers § 26 of Hammurabi's Code. 

Yet other legal tablets from Ashshurbanipal's library may be based 

* F. E. Peisek, Jurisprudeiitiae Babylonicae qua: supersitnt (Ccithen, 1890), 
pp. 33 fif. Cf. also Hamiiiurabi\s Gcsetz, von J. Kohler und ¥. E, Peiser (1904), 


June 12] A HAMMURABI TEXT. [1907. 

upon the Code. E.g., some of what are called " grammatical paradigms 
concerning legal subjects," such as K 4,316, begin with legal terms 
which are found in the Code, and are followed by others founded on 
the same model. 82, 7-14, 864 is said to be a duplicate of this. 

Others may be looked upon as supplemental to Hammurabi. 
K 199 + K 245, e.g., refers to a badly built house, somewhat 
differently from §§ 229-233 of the Code ; it may even be a modification 
of §233. 

Lastly, we must advert to the so-called Sumerian Laws of the 
Family : though, as one of them refers to a hired slave, we might 
rather call them Sumerian Domestic Laws. The text is given in 
W.A.L II, 10, better in W.A.I. V, 24, 25 ; also in Vol. VIII of this 
Society's Transactions, and in many other works. These Sumerian 
laws, of which the extant bilingual text also comes from Ashshur- 
banipal's library (K. 251) and, also like our tablet, w^ere copied and 
revised from an ancient original, deal with subjects for the most part 
dealt with by Hammurabi (as in his §§191, 192), but in a different 
manner and with different penalties. It is remarkable that the 
penalties of the Sumerian laws are less barbarous than those of 
Hammurabi. The Sumerian law says that if a son denied his father 
he shall be branded and sold as a slave ; if he denied his mother he 
should be branded and expelled from his city; while Hammurabi's 
Code said that if a son of a certain class denied his foster-father or 
foster-mother, his tongue should be cut out, and if he hated them 
and went back to his own father's house, his eye should be torn out. 
The Sumerian laws were at one time inscribed on no fewer than 
seven tablets, and we might conclude that already, before the time 
of Hammurabi, i.e., before the time of Abraham, there existed among 
the pre-Semitic people of Babylonia a codified system of law. But 
this starthng conclusion scarcely accords with what we know of the 
Sumerian civilization of that early date, we must rather suppose that 
after the time of Hammurabi, when the grasp of his Semitic successors 
became temporarily enfeebled, there was a rail}', both literary and 
political, of the older inhabitants of Babylonia, and they, on 
Hammurabi's model, codified their own law. This may have 
occurred in the period of the so-called Second Dynasty of Babylon, 
those very obscure times in which— as our President has recently 
reminded us * — -the kings bore Sumerian names. 

* Archaeology of the Cuneiform Inscriptions. By Prof. A. H. Sayce (1907), 
pp. 88-89. 



But whatever may be the true explanation of the Sumerian 
legislation, the investigation of our present tablet and its cognate texts 
demonstrate to us that in the times of Ashshurbanipal (b.c. 667- 
626) and for long afterwards — in the period that is, in Hebrew 
history, from the' times of King Manasseh and onward till the time 
of the Jewish Captivity, or later — the laws of Hammurabi, which, as 
we shall presently recall, were mainly the laws under which the 
patriarchs of Israel lived in Canaan, were well known and diligently 
copied by the scribes of Assyria and Babylonia. 

From this we are led to an induction of some importance to 
modern criticism of the Old Testament. For we have further to 
remember that, during the period stated, the contact of Assyria or 
Babylonia with the Jewish people was practically continuous, tolerably 
close, and often friendly (far too friendly, indeed, for the peace and 
safety of the Hebrews). In the earlier part of the period, Israel was 
sending embassages and paying tribute to Assyria ; in the later part, 
Judah was living in exile in the empire of New Babylonia and its 
Persian successor ; some of her sons were on the staff of the court, 
many of them in close relations of trade or service with the subjects 
of their new eastern and north-eastern masters, and not a few of them 
(as tablets discovered by Dr. Hilprecht at Niffer show) were mixed 
up in Babylonian legal processes. In remembrance of all thi.s, it 
must be conceded that the professional classes — the court, the priests, 
and scribes — of the Jews must then have had abundant opportunities 
of becoming acquainted with Hammurabi's Code; the prophet 
Daniel, indeed, and probably many another compatriot, must often, 
with his own eyes, have looked upon that very stela of Hammurabi 
which the French delegation unearthed in December, 1901, and 
January, 1902 ; for that stela must have been standing in the 
precincts of "Shushan the palace," in the then Babylonian "province 
of Elam," * at the time that the prophet Daniel sojourned there. 

Now there was a period in the history of the Hebrews — viz., that 
of its patriarchs, Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob — when the provisions of 
Hammurabi's Code were in force among them ; this is shown by the 
conduct of the patriarchs, as narrated in the Book of Genesis, with 
respect, e.g., to marriage (secondary wives, legitimacy, inheritance, 
and settlements), which was in remarkable accord with the prescrip- 
tions of Hammurabi's Code. But that period had long passed away. 

* Daniel viii, 2. 

June 12] A IIAMMURABI TEXT. [1907. 

In the later times under review, which were the very period when, 
according to the modern criticism, the bulk of the legal system of the 
Pentateuch was being composed, or at least codified — then, in spite 
of the accessibility of Hammurabi's law to Jewish legislators and 
students, in spite also of the fact that Hammurabian law ruled with 
the Hebrew patriarchs, and would therefore have had an attraction 
for later Israel and their sanction — in spite of all these considerations, 
both the civil law itself of the Pentateuch, and the terminology of it, 
are very dissimilar from those of Hammurabi's Code ; indeed, not 
one single clause of the civil law of the Pentateuch can be safely 
attributed to Hammurabi's Code. This is true not only of the later 
civil legislation of Deuteronomy, but also of the earlier, as found in, 
especially in the first part of, the so-called "Book of the Covenant" 
(Exodus, xxi-xxii, 19). This conclusion Professor Hubert Grimme 
has proved by a detailed comparison, clause by clause, of that 
Covenantal book with the corresponding clauses in Hammurabi's 
statutes. He has further shown that the real basis of the earliest 
civil law of the nation of Israel is Old Semitic (such as we may 
believe ruled in the Mosaic period, and earlier, among the half settled 
Semitic tribes of the Egyptian Delta and of the peninsula of Sinai), 
although such Old Semitic law was often modified in a humane sense 
in the Book of the Covenant ; and where the clauses of that Book 
agree with those of the Babylonian Code it is because l)Oth systems 
at that part are Old Semitic* 

This conclusion history also ought to lead us to expect. For at 
the time of the Exodus centuries had elapsed since Israel had left 
Canaan and Hammurabian influence, and during nearly the whole of 
that time had been in close contiguity with the Bedouin pastoral 
tribes of Goshen, who were of the same Semitic race as themselves. 
Naturally, therefore, Semitic customary law was the substratum of the 
earliest civil law of the Israelites, and that, with the very considerable 
modifications of it which Moses was led to make, was never modified, 
so far as we know, by the Babylonian Code, but continued to be, in 
substance at least, the statute law of Israel throughout the Old 
Testament period. It is, therefore, a mistake to suppose that any part of 
the civil law of the Pentateuch was contributed by Babylonian sources. 

* Dr. H. Grimme, Das Gesetz Channntirabis and Moses (Kuin, 1903). An 
English translation of a new edition of this brochure, with additional chapters 
of my own on Pentateuchal Archeology, will shortly be published by the 
Christian Knowledge Society. 




By Prof. E. Naville. 

In the Book of the Dead there is a chapter called the "chapter 
of the heart." It consists of the words which the deceased is 
supposed to speak, in the judgment scene, to his heart when it is 
being weighed on the scale. In connection with it we find the 
following rubric of which the shortest form is as follows : — 

"This chapter was found at Shmun (Hermopolis) on a slab ot 
stone of the South (alabaster?), written in true lapis under the feet of 
this god r^ 

Another papyrus gives it under this form : — 

" This chapter was found at Shmun (Hermopolis) on a brick or 
slab of stone of the South under the feet of the Majesty of this 
venerable god in the writing of the god himself, in the time of the 
Majesty of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Menkaura. The 
royal son Hordudef found it when he was on his way to inspect the 
temples of Egypt." - 

This comes from a papyrus in Parma which was written for an 
official of the XVIIIth dynasty called Amenophis. It follows the 
chapter of the heart, over which is represented the ceremony of the 

Other texts of the same time, such as for instance the papyrus of 
Tuaa newly discovered, or the papyrus of Nu in the British Museum, 
put this rubric at the end of a long version of chapter 64, but always 
before the chapter of the heart, which is sometimes engraved on a 
scarab, and which is a kind of abridgment of the judgment scene. 
In the Paris papyrus P.c.'^ the rubric precedes the picture of the 
weighing of the soul. 

In these three texts the rubric is longer. After speaking of the 
magical effect of the book, it says : — 

" This chapter was found at Hermopolis, on a brick of stone of 
the South (alabaster?) engraved in pure lapis, utider the feet of this 

1 Naville, TodL, II, PI. 139. - /Ind., II, ri.99. ^ llnd., I, PI. 167. 



god, in the time of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Menkaura. 
The royal son Hordudef found it when he was on his way to inspect 
the temples ..." Then follow words which I cannot make out 
with certainty, but which seem to me to indicate that someone who 
was with him explained to him what was written, so that he could 
understand how precious it was . . . "and he (the royal son) brought 
it to the king as a marvel when he saw that it was something 
mysterious which nobody had seen or looked at." 

This rubric is found in the oldest copy which we have of the 64th 
chapter, in the texts of a sarcophagus copied by Wilkinson,* and it 
goes down to the Ptolemaic and Roman times in the late copies of 
the Book of the Dead, of which a great number have been preserved. 

It has been considered to be a kind of forgery by which the 
priests attributed a very old origin to that chapter, so as to make it 
more venerable. But if it were so, why should they have done it 
only for this chapter, or this group of chapters, and for another of 
which I shall speak ? What reason was there for singling out this 
chapter, and regarding it as having an origin distinct from that of the 
others ? 

I believe this rubric has been misunderstood, and that it means 
that from a very remote antiquity this chapter engraved on a stone 
slab was put under the statue of the god Thoth, in the temple which 
was specially dedicated to him : the temple of the city of Shmun 
(Hermopolis). The fact to be learned from these texts seems to me 
to be that it was the custom to make a deposit under the statue of 
Thoth, and perhaps also of other gods : and, as Thoth is above all 
the god of writing and of books, it is natural that one of the books 
attributed to him should be part of this deposit. This custom has 
been recognized not in Egypt itself but in Asia Minor, in the temple 
of Ephesus, where Mr. Hogarth found, under the place where the 
statue of the goddess Artemis stood, a treasure of gold ornaments 
which seem to go back to the earliest temple-structure on the spot. 

It seems very probable that in the rubric we have an allusion to a 
very similar custom, and if at present we have found no deposits 
under statues, this is perhaps due to the attention of excavators in 
Egypt having been directed exclusively to foundation deposits, and 
moreover, to our not always knowing where stood the chief statue of 
a temple if there was one. In a construction like the temple of 

'' Goodwin, Zeitsckr., 1866, p. 53. 

233 R 


Amon at Thebes, covering a very wide area, comprising a great 
number of rooms, courts and halls, it is not easy to find the place 
where was erected the principal statue of the god ; and where was 
the deposit hidden under his feet. The silver floor mentioned several 
times in the XXIst dynasty, and where the god appeared when he 
was to speak and give judgment, may have been a place of that kind. 
But it was probably different in the time of Menkaura of the 
IVth dynasty ; one may imagine at that remote epoch a small 
sanctuary which was the abode of the god, and which he occupied 

If under the feet of Artemis jewels were hidden when for the first 
time her statue was erected on that spot, one may well imagine also 
that when the worshippers of Thoth for the first time raised his 
statue in his own city, they may have put under the base one of the 
books which were supposed to be his words. Evidently the writing 
on the slab was, if not unknown, at least hardly intelligible to those 
who found it, since it is said that it was something very mysterious 
which nobody had seen before. 

The brick or slab is made of J (j '^^L Aj ^ ... "hard 

stone of the South." M. Maspero translates the word (I ^^. ^= 

baa, even in the texts of the Pyramids, as iron, but that sounds rather 
extraordinary in the expression where it occurs most usually : thou 
sittest or he sitteth on a throne of baa. In this case it is evidently 
a stone of which the throne is made. There is no doubt that later 
on the word may have meant iron. But I should think that in the 
time of the pyramids, when evidently they could not work the iron, 
this metal was not distinguished from the stones, and therefore had 
the same name. 

Another reason why it cannot be iron is that our text says that 

the book was ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ J ^ ^ I '' engraved with 

pure lapis." This may be interpreted in two different ways, either 
the signs were engraved and afterwards painted blue, the name of 
the stone being used here for that of its colour, or the characters 
were inlaid in lapis, as has been found occasionally on very fine 
sarcophagi, or in other instances. Both interpretations exclude the 
iron, which would not be appropriate either for engraving nor for 
inlaying. I feel inclined to think that the true interpretation is 
"inlaid with." Since the object spoken of was precious, dedicated 



to a god, and meant to last for centuries, it was necessary to adopt 
some process which would be more durable than painting. Besides, 
this raises a question which cannot be treated fully here : whether, 
in the history of decoration, inlaying is not the starting-point, and 
does not precede painting. 

I consider, therefore, the stone of the South as some valuable 
stone, probably alabaster, as we read in the texts of later times. On 
the slab the book was inlaid in lapis. As for the date, that of king 
Menkaura, we must notice that all the texts mention it. But the 
date itself seems to me less important than the instance we have 
here of a custom going back to a very early age, of putting deposits 
under the statues, and among those deposits occasionally a writing. 

It is not under the statues only that books were deposited. 
Another rubric teaches us that such writings were put in the founda- 
tion walls. They must have been a kind of foundation deposit. 
This rubric belongs to a version of chapter 64, which exists only 
in older texts and which is much shorter than the other one. In 
the best papyri of the XVIIIth dynasty, both these versions are 
generally found in different places, and also in the text of the 
Xlth dynasty. The longer and more detailed version of chapter 
64, to which the rubric which we have just studied is sometimes 
atifixed, with the chapter of the heart, is that which has been preserved 
in the later texts. Its title is "chapter of going out of the day." 
The other version of chapter 64, the shortest, has usually another 
title: "chapter of knowing the chapters of going out of the day 
in one chapter," ^ showing clearly that it is a summary — a condensed 
form— of several chapters of "the going out of the day," of the 
Book of the Dead, existing at that time and which have been abridged 
into one. 

This short chapter has the following rubric. After describing 
its magic effect, it adds: "this chapter was found in the foundations 
of Amihunmi, by the overseer of the men who built a ivall, in the time 
of king Usaphais ; its figures are mysterious, nobody has seen them 
nor looked at them." 

Here the book is no longer under a statue, it is in a foundation 
wall, and the discoverer is the head of the masons who brought 
it to light, probably when some repairs were made to the construction. 

The word ^^^^^Wj "foundation" is perfectly clear, and the dis- 

' Naville, Todt., II, PL 132. Budge, The Book of the Dead, Text, p. 142. 

235 R 2 


covery is made, not by a royal son like the other one, but by a mason, 
by a workman who could certainly not be considered as the author 
of the book. 

The discovery is made in the time of Usaphais, a king of the 
1st dynasty ; this would mean that the book of " the going out of the 
day " went as far back as the earliest kings. Here again too much 
stress must not be put on the name of the king, although we have 
there a tradition which reaches from the Xlth dynasty ^ down to the 
latest papyri. 7 According to that tradition, Usaphais had something 
to do with the composition of the Book of the Dead ; but this is not 
in my opinion the important point. What seems to me the interesting 
feature of this text is that we find here an instance of the custom of 
putting writings in the foundation walls of a temple. 

These foundations are said to belong to the god Amihunnu, the 
god who inhabits Hunnu. This sounds like a very old name, and it 
is not found in later inscriptions. Ch.\bas ^ considers Hunnu as the 

phonetic reading of m, which according to him means Denderah, 

but which in this case would rather mean Heliopolis. Hunnu is the 
same god as Sokaris, a form of Osiris in a boat ; the geographical 
names formed with Hunnu or Sokaris would rather lead us to 
Memphis. But in chapter 178, which is a Pyramid text, Hunnu 
seems connected with Heliopolis. Whether it be the one or the 
other, both are among the oldest cities of Egypt ; and we hear that 
in the foundation wall of the sanctuary was deposited this book, 
discovered afterwards by a mason. 

The description of the book is as follows I ""^^^ 





I semu s/iefau, " mysterious figures which were not seen 

nor looked at." If we turn to the rubrics of the book of the Duat 
describing the course of the sun at night, we find at nearly each hour 
the word se/fiu with the sense of forms, representations, figures which 
are written in certain places of the Duat. So that here we can take 
this word as meaning what was written in the book discovered. It 
was something quite new, which nobody had seen, a writing which 
was a mystery, for perhaps nobody would understand it. We have 

''' Goodwin, Zcitsclir., 1866, p. 54. 

" The Turin text mixes together the two rubrics into one, and affixes it to 
chapter 130 ; a chapter which, in the old texts, never has an historical rubric. * 
* CEtivres, III, p. 42. 



seen already the same description given of the text engraved on the 
alabaster slab under the statue of Thoth. 

Thus we have gone a step further than with the first rubric ; we 
have found a mention of texts being laid in foundation walls. A 
book prepared with such unusual care must have been the object of 
a special veneration, and this summary of funerary texts may have 
been made on purpose to be hidden in the masonry of the foun- 

We shall find still stronger confirmations of this custom in texts of 
a late epoch, of the time of Ptolemy Xlllth. We read them in the 
temple of Denderah, in one of the crypts, on the walls of which are 
described some ceremonies which took place in various festivals, for 

instance, the festival called ^ " the festival of ebriety," and 

©^ ^ 

another about which we shall quote the text itself: 

" In the coming forth of this goddess towards Edfoo,^ when she 
celebrates the festival of the navigation, a great offering is made of 
bulls and geese, and of all things good and pure towards this goddess, 
when this goddess arrives in her great boat Aamer ; (this offering is 
made) by the highest prophets and priests of Hathor of Denderah ; 
the attendants of the goddess are before this goddess (meaning the 
divine standards on poles which are carried before her), the hiero- 
grammatist stands before this goddess. All the prescribed ceremonies 
are performed to her during a festival of four days. The king of Upper 
and Lower Egypt, the Lord of the two lands, Men-kheper-Ra, the son 
of Ra, the lord of diadems, Thothmes, made his monuments to his 
mother, Hathor, the lady of Denderah, the daughter of Ra, the lady 
of the sky and the queen of all the gods, when he had found the 
great rule of Denderah in ancient writings written on the skin of a 

goat in the time of the followers of Horus. // 7vas found 

inside a ivall of bricks of the southern house of the time of the king 
of Upper and Lower Egypt, the lord of the two lands, Meri Ra, the 
son of Ra, the lord of diadems, Pepi." ^" 

This inscription is very clear. Thothmes III is building at 
Denderah ; he is probably renewing in stone what he had found in 

* DiJMiCHEN, Baimi-kitnde, Plates 15 and 16: Brucsch, Thesaurus, II, 
p. 509. 

^^ The inscription reads Pii, but the first cartouche leaves no doubt as to 
the king. 



brick, as he tells us he did at Thebes, in the temple of Ptah, and in 
various other places. 

Inside a brick wall are found old writings ; this wall has been 
built under the reign of Pepi of the Vlth dynasty. Here I differ 
from Mariette, Dlmichen, Birch, Chabas, who all translate as 
though the discovery had taken place in the reign of Pepi. But the 
true interpretation is given by the inscription on the other side of the 
crypt, where we read, after a series of texts relating to ceremonies 
and festivals : "this is the great rule of Denderah. The reconstruc- 
tion of the buildings was made by the king of Upper and Lower 
Egypt, the lord of the two lands Men-kheper-Ra, the son of Ra, the 
lord of diadems, Thothmes, after it was found in old writings of the 
time of king Khufu." Here all Egyptologists agree that the date 
refers to the writings and not to the discovery. I see no reason why 
the same sense should not be given in the former inscription to the 

preposition / . It is true that the word following / is not the 

same in both cases, this is quite natural. Old writing, an old style 

of writing, belongs to an epoch f[] ^^ T j^T O which does not begin 

and end with a single king ; therefore, the Egyptian writer speaks of 
old writings of the time of the followers of Horus, or of the time of 
the king Khufu ; but the building of a wall has a definite date, and 
that is why the writer says that the wall of bricks belonged to the 

' ^ %5 O, of Pepi. 

What is found hidden in the bricks of the wall is the ^'^^^^ Wl of 

^ W 66 

Denderah. We have already met with the same word, which 
certainly means very often the act of founding, the foundation, the 
plan. Therefore Dumichen translates the "foundation of Den- 
derah." Birch also uses the word foundation, but in the sense of 
plan, which is also Chabas' interpretation. One translator only 
seems to me to have hit upon the true sense, Mariette, who 
translates " la grande regie," the rule, the law of ceremonies, giving all 
the prescriptions as to the cult of the goddess. This seems by far 
the most probable sense to give to the word. The sentence comes 
after a long text giving the names and dates of the festivals, all the 

names of the goddess, and the i)rescriptions ^ ^ which are to 

01 I I 

be followed, the figures and statues of the gods and the rites 
performed by the king. Surely this must be the senti of the goddess, 


and there would be no reason for mentioning the foundation, the 
"plan," of the temple at that place. Therefore I should give here 
to the word the figurative sense which it has in other Ptolemaic texts. 
Both in the inscription of Canopus and the Rosetta stone the word 
senti which is found in the hieroglyphic and demotic text is translated 
Tit el0iff/iieva, "the customs," meaning those religious practices and 
rules to which their antiquity has given the force of law. 

But whatever be the sense of the word sen;ft, whether it be the 
record of the foundation of the temple, the plan, or a religious code, 
the important point is that the writings which contained them were 
hidden in a wall so much more ancient than the time of Thothmes, 
that it could only belong to the foundations. 

The writings were on a skin, evidently a kind of leather. The 
name of the animal from which it came, probably a goat, is uncertain ; 
but we know from other texts that leather was used for documents 
Avhich had to be preserved carefully, such as the hsts of tributes of 
conquered nations. They were inscribed on skins deposited in the 

The writings are said to be very old ; in one of the texts they are 
attributed to "the followers of Horus," in the other to the reign of 
Chufu. The first inscription would carry these writings as far back 
as the prehistoric times, the "followers of Horus" being the veKve<t, 
whom I consider as the invaders from Arabia, who conquered the 
old Egyptian stock. The other inscription speaks of writings 
belonging to the reign of Khufu of the IVth dynasty. They may 
be the same writings, the discrepancy between the two texts arising 
from the fact of the Egyptians themselves not knowing exactly to 
whom the writings were to be attributed, since probably they could 
not read them very well. 

Here, again, we would not put too much stress on the names, 
but insist rather on the most important fact to be gathered also from 
these texts, the custom of the Egyptians of putting books in the 
foundation walls, books which, in their hiding-place, could be pre- 
served for centuries, and discovered only long after they had been 
deposited in the masonry. In one case the writing was a summary 
of a religious book, in the other it might have been a record of the 
foundation, a plan, or a code of ceremonial customs. These books 
were discovered by masons when the construction which contained 
them was rebuilt or restored. 

Let us now turn from Egypt to Jerusalem, where we shall find 



an example, the analogy of which with the Egyptian custom, is 
most striking. We read in 2 Chronicles xxxiv, 8 that in the 
eighteenth year of his reign Josiah sent Shaphan the scribe and two 
other officers to repair the house of the Lord his God. Hilkiah, the 
high priest, had to pay the men, the workmen that had the oversight 
i?i the house of the Lord, aitd the workmen that wrought in the house 
of the Lord gave it to amend and repair the house ; even to tlu 
carpenters and to the builders gave they it, to buy hewn stones and 
timber for couplings and to make beams . . . and the men did t/ie 
work faithfully . . . And when they brought out the money that was 
brought into the house of the Lord, Llilkiah, the priest, found the book 
of the laiv of the Lord given by Moses}^ And Hilkiah answered and 
said to Shaphan the scribe : L have found the book of the law in the 
house of the Lord, atid Hilkiah delivered the book to Shaphan, and 
Shaphan carried the book to the king . . . and Shaphan read therein 
before the king. 

The narrative in 2 Kings xxii, 6 is more abridged, except that, 
speaking of the workmen the text calls them carpenters, builders, and 
masons, who have to buy timber and hewn stone. 

Now, I ask : is there not the greatest analogy between this text 
and that which was found at Denderah ? Josiah makes considerable 
repairs in the temple, or as an Egyptian would say, he renews his 
buildings to the Lord. For that work he gathers carpenters, builders, 
and masons. The first thing they have to do is to use hewn stones 
for rebuilding walls which were in a very shaky state, since, as the 
text of 2 Kings says, they had breaches, probably from their old age. 
During that work the high priest finds the book of the law. Is it 
not natural to connect the two things and say that evidently the 
book came out of one of these old and falling walls which must have 
belonged to the foundations of the construction ; for the foundations 
and the lower strata are the proper places for putting the hewn stone 
which is to replace less valuable material like bricks or common 
masonry. This is decidedly the Egyptian explanation of the passage, 
and there is no reason why in this matter the Hebrews should not 
have followed the same custom as the Egyptians, and why they 
should not have put a book which they particularly valued in the 
foundation wall of the temple. The foundation of the temple means 
the work of Solomon. So that I have no hesitation in giving to 
the passage this interpretation : in Josiah's time the book of the law 
'' Or, as tlie margin says, by the liand of Moses. 


was discovered in the foundations of Solomon's construction. It 
may have come out of one of the breaches, or it fell into the temple 
with the stones and rubbish of the demolition, when Hilkiah picked 
it up ; but the important point seems to me this : it was in a wall, 
in the masonry, and came out of it. 

The majority of the critics have asserted that the book found by 
Hilkiah was Deuteronomy. As for the results at which they have 
arrived, I shall take as my guide Prof. Driver's admirable article on 
Deuteronomy. It certainly is striking how this simple fact of the 
book being in the foundations of Solomon's temple throws a peculiar 
light on Deuteronomy. 

It explains to a certain degree the reason why it was written. It 
might have had a title similar to that of chapter 64 of the Book of 
the Dead put in the foundation of Hunnu : the books of the law in 
one book. It is a summary of all that was regarded as the law of 
Moses : an historical introduction describing the situation and occa- 
sion on which were pronounced his discourses which are his legislative 
work and embrace the covenant between the people and God ; then 
comes Moses's farewell to the people, his blessing, and the circum- 
stances of his death. 

At the time when Solomon built his temple all these laws and 
facts, which perhaps had already for very long been in existence, 
might be scattered in various books or preserved by oral tradition. 
In order to be put in a foundation deposit, they must necessarily be 
collected, put together ; it was, perhaps, the first occasion on which 
these laws were condensed and codified, and this explains how, 
originating from various sources, as Prof. Driver says : the body of 
the book is pervaded throughout by a single purpose and bears the 
marks of being the work of a single writer. And one can well 
imagine why, when Solomon raised the sanctuary which his father 
had not been allowed to build, he wished to put in the foundation a 
copy of the law including the book of the covenant, this charter on 
which rested the whole Hebrew state, and which, in its hiding-place 
of masonry, was to last as long as the architectural fabric, and was to 
be discovered intact by future generations. 

And thus an outward fact, which is entirely out of the range of 
arguments which literary critics would consider, gives us a most 
important clue as to the date of the book. I believe this narrative 
of Chronicles and Kings shows that Deuteronomy is to be attributed 
to Solomon's time. I leave to the numerous scholars who make a 



special study of the text of Scripture, to draw their own conclusions 
from this statement as to the age of the documents which were used 
for its composition. 

Another point about which we can only make conjectures is that 
of the characters in which it was written. The expression which is 
found in the Hebrew text, "the law of the Lord by the hand of 
Moses," seems to indicate something which was considered as 
extremely old, like the Egyptian writings of the time of " the fol- 
lowers of Horns," and I should think it was old, not only by the date 
of its composition, but by the style of the writings. The first thing 
Hilkiah, the high priest, does, is to hand the book to Shaphan, who 
is called the scribe. A Hebrew scribe "12D is very much the same 
as the Egyptian Hiii M?i ati, a word which is generally translated "the 

scribe," or "the writer," but which means an official who has sufficient 
literary education to be able to be a recorder, a secretary, a registrar. 
It is Shaphan who reads the book to the king, probably because he 
could do it better than the high priest, although it seems that if any 
one should have been anxious to know the law of the Lord "by the 
hand of Moses," it must have been the high priest. But we must 
suppose either that his education was very imperfect, or that the 
writing used in Solomon's time was not familiar to him. The dis- 
covery of the tablets of Tell el Amarna and the recent excavations 
of Dr. WiNCKLER, which have brought to light monuments of a later 
date, have raised such important questions as to the writing and 
language used in Western Asia, that we remain in the greatest uncer- 
tainty as to the earliest books of the Hebrews. 

The more we study the life and history of the ancient nations of 
that part of the world, the better we recognize how the intercourse 
between them was much closer than was suspected some years ago. 
They knew what was done by their neighbours, and occasionally they 
would imitate them and even ask for their workmen. It seems quite 
natural that when building the temple, which was to be the centre of 
the religious and political life of his people, Solomon should have 
done as the Egyptians did, and put in the foundations the book of 
the law ; thus following the custom of the greatest builders of his 



By F. Legge. 

( Continued from p. 1 54.) 

No. 10. 

The tablet here given was also found by Prof. Petrie in his first 
year's search at Abydos, and seems to have been unbroken. I 
regret to say that with this, as with most of the smaller objects 
excavated by the Egypt Exploration Fund, no record accessible to 
subscribers has been kept of their destination, and that it is therefore 
impossible for me to discover where it is at present. In Royal 
Tombs I (p. 23), it is said to be of ivory, deeply cut, and with the 
inscription coloured in red and black, which goes to negative 
M. Amelineau's suggestion that the use of these two colours in No. 8 
is evidence of a palimpsest. It was evidently written, like Nos. 5> 6^ 
7, and 8, with a "year-name," the sinister side of the tablet showing, 

directly under the usual hole for suspension, the three signs n , "^^-^^ > 
and ^ n\^ j which M. Naville has shown (La Pierre de Falerme, Rec. 

de Trav. XXV, p. 68) to mean a date, and which Dr. Schafer {Eiti 
Bruchstiick, &c., p. 8) would read "the year of the adoration of 
Horus." It should be noticed that in this case the bark has a sign, 
which is probably the serrated or notched stick of the Sed festival, 
hanging from the high stem. Below this come three birds and a 

sign which Mr. Griffith suggests may be the palace sign H, this 

group meaning, according to him, " palace of the great ones {R. T. I, 
p. 42). Below this again comes the figure of a cynocephalus or 
dog-headed baboon, seated in a chair and representing, on the same 
authority, the god Thoth {loc. cit.\ having before him an erased sign 
which, Prof. Petrie seems to think, represents balls of incense. The 
space occupied by the erasure seems to me to be too large to make 



this probable, but I can make no alternative conjecture. Finally, 
under the baboon, comes what Mr. Griffith {ioc. cit.) speaks of as 
"another boat, containing a bird." It seems to me, however, to 
resemble more the standard with a perch on it bearing a hawk that 
we have seen on the carved slates of the 1st Dynasty, which was 
perhaps the totem or rallying sign of the royal tribe. The whole 

of this year-name is embraced within the large palm-leaf -1 , or 

renpit sign, on the one side, while on the other a dividing line, con- 
tinued not quite to the top of the tablet, has plainly been added for 
the purpose of separating this part of the inscription from the rest. 
This abundantly bears out the idea that this part was really a " year- 
name." If we may make a guess at its meaning it may read, " In 
the year Sches Hor} when the royal tribe met in the palace of the 
great ones [in the city of?] Thoth." 

The dexter or left-hand side of the tablet enables us to establish 
with fair certainty the name of the king for whom it was made. Next 
to the dividing line, we find the suten bat formula, having underneath 
the vulture and urjeus or nebti group, the two together making up the 
full royal protocol, which may be read, " King of the North and 
South, Lord of Diadems,"- known at the time of the 1st Dynasty. 
Underneath this comes the name of the king, here denoted by the 
curious human figure with an upright staff and kilt delineated by 
three horizontal lines, which seems to be identified with Manetho's 
Semempses, the seventh king of the 1st Dynasty, and probably 
denotes some such name as Semerkhet. Underneath this comes a 
hand scattering incense, probably completing the king's name by 
some laudatory epithet such as "sacrificer," or "worshipper of the 
gods." The extreme dexter side of the tablet is occupied by signs 
which, taking them as in the rest of the tablet from top to bottom, 

seem to be the hawk ^^, , and khet sj?-7^ signs, followed by the 

much erased enclosure 1 J , the two axes ]£Z-] and the suten plant 

I which we saw in the first tablet of Den {F.S.B.A., 1907, pp. 104 
and 152) meant the architects of the Het suten or enclosure of the 

' The Palermo Stone shows that this date, whatever it was, recurred at 
regular intervals, probably of two years. 

- See MORET, Koyatitc Pharaonitjue, pp. 28-30. The meaning ol the nebli 
s shown by the Greek Inscription at Philae : Kvptos fiadiXniiiv. 



King of Upper Egypt. Under this comes a fragment of the formula 

showing only the lion's forepart , ^ , the vase Q, and the tep W, 

which here means apparently the ordinal number "first." Signs 

which may be C and \^ follow. Are these the beginnings of a 

proper name? I cannot say; Mr. Griffith's and Prof. Petrie's 

attempt to force them into x Q )[_] , so as to form the name Henuka, 

not being, from what I can see, borne out by the remains of the signs 
themselves. Below this come two, or perhaps three signs, which 
have become erased by attrition. One of them looks as if it may 
have been a sledge, but I do not think they afford any solid ground 
for conjecture. 

If the reader is satisfied with what I have before said with regard 
to the formula, he will probably agree with me that at the date of 
this tablet its true form had become either forgotten or so severely 
conventionalized that a very faint indication was sufificient to recall it 

to the memory of those who saw it.'^ If we may consider the v^ 

and ^.z^-^ to have been intended to follow after the ^ g^ , but to have 

been displaced to the top of the tablet for convenience sake, we 
might perhaps restore it thus : — 

reading like No. 5. I admit, however, that this is rather daring, and 
perhaps it would be better to read the whole tablet thus : " In the 
year Sches Hor, when the royal tribe met in the palace of the great 
ones [in the city of Thoth]. At the first foundation of Het suten^ 
[in the reign of the] King of the North and South, Lord of Diadems, 

Semerkhet, [when] the royal architects were and 

the Horus [gave to the temple] measures of wood 

and jars of wine." 

No. II. 

This fragment, which also comes from Prof. Petrie's excavations 
at Abydos, is said, in ^.Z". I (p. 23), to have been found "on 
the east of the tomb of Qa." It is there said to be of ivory, and I 

^ The use of S.P.Q.R. (Senatus populusque Romanus) and D.G. (Dei gratia) 
are cases in point. 



cannot discover where it is at present. It also bears a year-name, 
the fragment remaining clearly showing the hole for suspension, 

the renpit \ , hawk ^^^^ , n , and ^fiS_ signs, and the dividing line, 

which show that this part of the tablet should read like the last : 
" In the year Sches Hor " On the dexter side we 

have a hawk-crowned rectangle, or srekh, containing the name ^ ^ , 

which was at first read Qa, but which we are now told should be 
read either Qebh or Qolniha^ and be identified with Bieneches, or the 
eighth king of Manetho. I have already gone into this matter in 
another article {P.S.B.A., 1904, pp. 138, 139) and see nothing to 
alter in the conclusions that I then came to. To the right of this 
comes the nebti group bearing underneath a sign which Mr. Griffith 

{R.T. I, p. 43) and Profi Petrie {ide?n, p. 23) would read V , and 

would make into a new royal name Se?K Dr. Naville's contention, 
mentioned in my former article {P.S.B.A., 1904, idn cit.), that the 
vulture and uraeus in this case are turned towards, and not away 
from the srekh, and must therefore form part of the name of a 
worshipper of the king's divinity, and not of the king himself, still 
holds good, and we may therefore suppose that this group contains 
the proper name sennebti. The other signs on the tablet are an 
eye" •<2>-, the place sign @, the bolt — h — , loaf ci (twice), reed [I, 
axe u % and one which Mr. Griffith thinks is the ■^^. He 
translates these as " Doing things,'* distinguishing (?) royal axe-maker." 
This seems highly doubtful in the absence of the context. There is 
also to be seen on the tablet the representation of a four-footed 
animal, perhaps a jackal, which does not fit in very well with this 

No. 12. 

Is a complete tablet which may be referred to the same reign. 
It is of ivory, very badly weathered, and is said by Prof. Petrie 
(^R.T. II, p. 26) to have been "picked up from the loose rubbish 
that had been thrown out of the tombs." Its reverse bears an inscrip- 
tion which appears to be a note by a later hand.. Its obverse bears, 
like the Nos. 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, and II, a "year-name," though the 
events depicted within the retipit sign are quite unintelligible to me, 

* Perhaps "making ceremonies," a phrase which Moret (R.P. ) notes. 



and, as the signs are all fairly well-known, there seems no use in re- 
capitulating them here. The dexter side of the tablet is interesting, as 
it gives under the nedti gxowT^, turned about so as to face the royal srekh 
as in No. II, what appears to me to be no variant of that given in the 
last-named tablet, but an entirely new name. It is, perhaps, possible 
that of the two signs which come directly under the nebti, the left- 
hand or dexter one is ^ or ^, although neither sign has, so far 
as I know, been met with in these early moments. But it is quite 
evident that it is not the barbed spear or trident forming part of the 
name sennebti, which, as anyone can see from an inspection of 
No. II, has an especially long handle or shaft, whereas in the 
present tablet there is neither a handle nor any room for one. In 
the same way, it requires a very lively faith to see in the sign by its 
side the nose or j^ which Prof. Petrie's speculations on the subject 
require ; and even if this, too, could be supposed, we should have to 
look in vain for the water sign ^^wwv which he wants to complete the 
name Sen which he here wishes to see. It should be noted also that 
Mr. Griffith gives him no support in his reading of this passage. As 
to what the two signs really are it seems impossible to guess ; but the 
two which follow immediately underneath are clearly the beginning of 

the formula ^ W which appears so clearly in No. 10, and which we 

shall refer to again in a later example. Underneath this comes a basket 
with a handle v_^^, and finally an upright figure, which is probably 

meant, as in No. 10, for a Q . In this case it is tempting to see 

in these four signs some variant of the formula which appears in 

these later tablets, as ^ g) 1 O ^ • This last sign, which appears 

in No. 10 but cannot be found in the tablet before us, may possibly 
have some connection with the vegetable sign which I have taken as 
the equivalent of "^ in the Aha tablets. ^^ 

The next row of the tablet presents little difficulty, because we 
have already seen all the groups contained in it before. At the head 
of the row stands the hawk-crowned rectangle, or srekh, containing 

the two signs , which make up the name of Qa, Kebh, or 

Qobuha. Below this is the enclosure containing the suten plant 
which we have seen in No. 5 and No. 8, but which, this time, 

^ See especially No. 2 and p. 23, P.S.B.A., 1907. 


appears to hold a hawk, and, perhaps, a loaf o as well. If 
Mr. Griffith was right, as he appears to be, in reading this group when 

written 4^|, Het-suten, or the Residence of the King of Upper 

Egvpt, the presence of the Horus-hawk, emblem of the king, ought 
to make no difference to the reading. Below this again comes the 
enclosure with the figure of a man pounding, which in No. 5 is above, 
and not below, the Het-suten enclosure. In this instance it is with- 
out the mib sign f>m«q which led Mr. Griffith, when studying No. 5, 
to consider it as meaning " governor of the city of Het-nub " ; and, 
as this reading must now be abandoned, the significance of the man 
pounding becomes a mystery. On the dexter side of the row of 
enclosures comes a vertical row of signs beginning with the suten 
plant, and followed by two or three others which Prof. Petrie boldly 

assumes to be i. ^^ '^ ^ suten niabti, or, " the royal architects." 

This seems to me extremely doubtful, and I do not know that any- 
thing more than the first sign can be clearly distinguished. Below 
this again come three signs which, if the above suggestion be correct, 
probably made up the name or names of the suten mabti. I can 
make nothing of them, but they certainly are not those of Sennebti 
or Hemaka. 

Generally, we may read this tablet as setting forth that in a year 
with some illegible characteristic, the Horus Qa or Qobuha, or 
perhaps the architect of the palace of Het-suten, made certain gifts. 
Into the name of the last-named functionary, the syllables nebti seem 
to have entered. 

This completes, with two exceptions,^ all the tablets found at 
Negadah or Abydos which can with any reasonable certainty be 
attributed to the reign of any particular king. But there are some 
fragments which no doubt might have been so dated had they been 
complete, and I have added these to the paper in order to make it 
as complete as possible. They will fortunately require only very 

* These exceptions are the fragments of ebony tabids given on PI. iii, figs. 2 
and 4 of Royal Tombs, II. They both clearly contain the hawk-crowned srekh 
of Aha, and one of them bears the traces of a city cartouche as well. The other 
signs, such as the Anubis-jackal, the mesek skin on a pole, and a hawk on a perch 
borne as standard, are all familiar to us, and seem to refer to funeral ceremonies. 
But they throw no additional light on these last, and I have, therefore, reproduced 
them without comment as Nos. 13 and 14. 



brief explanations, but sometimes form valuable links between two 
apparently different classes of tablets. 

No. 15. 

This is a small fragment found at Abydos, which at one time 
must have much resembled No. 12. The dividing line shows that 
It once had a "year-name," and on the dexter side a srekh with an 
illegible name which does not seem to be Qa, and probably the 
enclosure with the man pounding underneath. The middle part is 
too much worn to be legible, with the exception of the commence- 
ment of the formula which can be distinctly seen as ^> W, "or first 
foundation." Below are two signs, one of which may be the stair- 
case /\ . 

No. 16. 

This fragment, of the same provenance as the last, also has pre- 
served for us a part of the formula. Under the signs <:z:> , ® , li It 

and "^M^ , of which I can make nothing without the context, there 

comes the familiar group "^^i^ s=:i y^ , which I have read, "The 

Horus gave to the temple," and by the side the remains of a large (2, 
or s/mi, doubtless once recording the number of the gifts. 

No. 17. 

Is said to have been found in "the tomb of Qa" at Abydos, and 
the broken srek/i, of which only the lower part is left, probably once 
contained the hawk-name of that king. The sinister register which 
probably once contained a year-name is illegible, but that next to it 
clearly shows below the srek/i some fragments of the formula, among 

which we may read ^ , W , ^^. , Q , v^?-?^ , and perhaps ]| . This 

part also contains another sign like /;/ie/, and perhaps a water sign 
inuiUl . To the dexter side of this appears what seems to be an 

enclosure containing quite clearly the signs 9 Q \_J, which Mr. 

Grififith, as I have said, makes into a proper name and reads Henuka. 

249 s 


Having thus finished the description of tlicse moinimen's, let 
me again point out that tlie one comnKui factor which appears in 
all of them is what I have called "the formula" beginning with the 
lion's forepart, which actually appears in all that are complete, and 
which we may therefore conclude with great confidence was to be 
found in the missing part of those that are fragmentary. The 
numerals with which it is generally accompanied show that it relates 
to numbers of something, and the frequent scenes to which it is 
a pendant in the earlier examples show that it had something to 
do with festivals. That the construction I have had to put upon 
it, in some instances, is purely conjectural I have never disguised ; 
and it has seemed to me that this was a likelier way of arriving at 
the truth than trying to construe, according to preconceived notions 
of grammar, disconnected signs or pictures which very possibly never 
had any grammatical meaning at all. Yet the meaning which I have 
sometimes rather forced upon the formula has always proved to be 
consistent with the scenes depicted upon the tablets, and this seems 
to me very cogent evidence that it is the right one. I therefore 
venture to recall the assertion with wliich I began this paper, to the 
effect that these tablets were records, and that "the events that they 
were meant to record were the royal gifts to temples or other religious 
foundations, or the occasion of certain festivals." T further submit 
that T have proved mv case. 


" NoTUS ON Some Eoyptian Antiquities." 
Page 176. In the description of Plaie II, fig. 4. For Heliopolis read Dertderah. 

The next Meetin^^ of the Society will be held on 
Wednesday, November 13th, 1907, at 4.30 p.m., when the 
following Paper will be read : — 

E. R. Ayrton, Esq.: "The Tomb of Thiy, at Thebes." 

With Lantern-slide Illustrations. 

.S". H. A . Proceediiii:;s, June, 1 907. 

No. 10. 

From Koyal Tombs, I, PL xii, fig. i. 

No. II. 

From Royal Tombs, I, PI. xii, fig. 2. 

No. 12. 

From Royal Tombs, II, PI. viii, fig. 

No. 13. 

From Royal Tombs, 11, PI. iii, fig. 2. 

S.B.A. Proccediiii^s, June, 1907. 


^ # "* 

^ tf <e ♦ ' 

No. 14. 

From yp^j/rt/ Tl^w^j, II, Pl. iii, fig. ^_ 

No. 15. No. 16. 

From Royal Tombs, II, I'l. viii, fig. 2. From Royal Tombs, I, PI. xi, fig. 6. 

No. 17. 

From Royal Tombs, I, PI. xi, fig. 12. 







SixtJi Meeting, November i^^th, 1907. 
F. LEGGE, Esq., 


[No. ccxx.] 251 


The following gifts to the Library were announced, and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : — 

From the Publisher. — "Gordon's Tomb, and Golgotha." By A. 

^V. Crawley-Boevey, M.A. 
From the Author, Prof. Dr. A. Wiedemann. — " Das Siegesdenkmal 

des Konigs Scheschonk I." 
From R. Mond, Esq. — "Aramaic Papyri discovered at Assouan." 

By A. H. Sayce and A. E. Cowley. 
From the Author, Prof. J. Capart. — " Chambre funeraire de la 

sixieme dynastie." 
From the Author, M. T. Smolenski. — " E'etat actuel des recherches 

From the Author, Dr. P. J. Hoschander. — " Die Personnamen 

auf dem Obelisk des Manistusu." 
From the Author, Prof. H. V. Hilprecht. — "Die Stellung des 

Kbnigs Ura-imitti in der Geschichte." 
From Dr. Smolenski. — " Babylonian, Assyrian, and Egyptian 

Literature." By Juliana Swiecickiego. {Printed in Polish.) 
From the Translator. — ^"La Religion Egyptienne." By A. Erman. 

Translated into French by C. Vidal. 

Purchased for the Library : — 

" Decouvertes en Chaldee." By E. de Sarzec. In Nine 
Parts, folio. 

Rev. Dr. Olaf A. Tofteen, 
Rev. Prof. R. W. Rogers, 
S. E. Loxton, Esq., 
R. Mond, Esq., 

were elected Members of the Society, 

The following Paper was read : — 

E. R. AvRTON, Esq.: "The Tomb of Thyi at Thebes." 
With Lanteni-slide Illustrations. 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 





By Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D. 

{Continued from p. 213.) 

The name of Hamath is written in various ways, owing, no 
doubt, to the fact that it was of Semitic origin, and the Hittites 
found some difficulty in reproducing it. The fact, however, is 
fortunate for us, as it gives us the values of several fresh characters 
and confirms the value attached to S^ , since in one place we have 
am-ma-ta, the ta being expressed by the depressed hand.'^ Other 
values again were furnished by the inscription on the Mer'ash Lion» 
The name of Mer'ash is written Alarkhasi in the Assyrian inscriptions, 
and we have, therefore, to discover among the territorial titles of the 
Mer'ash king one in which the fourth character — or the third, 
supposing the first character to represent the closed syllable mar — is 
that which in the name of Carchemish has the value of si. Such a 
title occurs four times in the inscription, and since in two cases the 
first character is that which we have found to be ma in the name of 
Hamath, we are justified in concluding that we have here the name 
of Mer'ash, and that the second and third characters represent 
respectively ar and gha. 

The geographical names have thus given me my starting point in 
Hittite decipherment. But the values of many of the characters 
have been arrived at through their interchanging with other 
characters, the values of which had been already discovered. We 

^ Ideographically the depressed hand, which signifies "sacred," had other 
values. In M. Ill, i, we should probably read nnnn-ine-s ; see note 10. 

253 T 2 


find ^(mif , for instance, interchanging with wf,^ and the whip [| 
with s. The name of Tyana first gave me the geographical names of 
the Uanatu or Veneti and the land of Uan or Uin, which took its 
name from the sacred tree called uan {idti) in the Egyptian inscrip- 
tions. This led on to the discovery that the upright or oblique line 
— the numeral n — was not a sentence-divider as I had supposed, but 

the vowel //, that the boot was iii (more rarely n), and that F and 
jT were not I'^z and jvi'i' but i/a and itas (also i/i and nis). 

The determination of the phonetic values of the characters, how- 
ever, constitutes but one-half of a system of decipherment in the case 
of hieroglyphic signs. Along with it must go the determination of 
their ideographic values; in other words, of the objects which the 
characters represent. This is by no means so easy a matter as it 
might appear, since the Hittite characters as we know them have 
already passed into a hieratic or conventional stage. A\'itli the help, 
however, of variants, of the clues furnished by the context, and 
above all, of comparison with the scenes and figures on Hittite 
monuments, I have now succeeded in making out the larger number 
of them. Several of the ideographs are used as determinatives ; 
in many instances the phonetic equivalent of the word either 
accompanies the ideograph or replaces it in a parallel text. 

Such is a brief account of my method of decipherment and the 
bases from which it starts. I must now pass on to its verification. 

was mi. and the Hittite cuneiform texts show that it must be so read 
before a and not simply in as I had supposed. Thus [[ *^^P ^D^ corresponds 

with the cuneiform ji-e-mi-ya. The name of Carchemish proves that (H also had 
the value of mi; in the Hittite cuneiform texts it is represented by y>- when 
used as a suffix after the geographical name ; Mizris-nie, for instance, answering to 
Aaj-ww-Q). I now think it more probable that the name of Syria, written 
Mur-ru in the Boghaz Keui cuneiform texts, should be read Mi-Ml-ur (i.e. A/ur) 
rather than Am-mi-itr. However, Q) sometimes had the value of iini, though 
ii was generally attached to it when this was the case. In M. VI, 2, the reading 
is M{i-)ur-iti-is-nii {Muniis-iin) " the Syrian." 

This use of -mi and -mia (as in Kar-ka-mi-is-mi-a, >L XI, 2) goes to show 
that in the Hamath Inscription, M. IV. A 2, the first nas (before mi-a) is not the 
genlilic suffix as I have hitherto supposed, but the end of a name terminating in 
n. Consequently the spear-head or dagger will not form part of the name, but 
be the accusative after the verb, like qti, " sculptures," and iiiasa-na, " seal," in the 
two parallel texts. Hence we must read "a dagger I the Hittite of Ka-a-na-na(s) 
have made in the temple of this land " {ui-mi-a) Kanana can hardly be anything 
else than Canaan ! 



In the first place, the results are in accordance with common- 
sense. The contents of the inscriptions turn out to be what we 
should expect them to be, and what the analogy of other inscriptions 
of a similar nature would require. Thus the inscription on the stone 
bowl from Babylon runs: "I, Si(?)-Tarku, have made this bowl for 
the men of the king's land in the temi)le of the god Sanduas, being 
governor of this people (?)" ; providing drinking vessels {a-si-mi i-uis 
as at Ivriz, Froc. S.B.A., May, 1906, p. 134, where we should read 
a-si-mi-it'ta a-si-mi-tii, "in the water-channel this water-channel")^ 
for the temple of the god of Carchemish the son of Khalmia {i.e., the 
Akhlamite), I have made this work of stone." The other inscriptions 
for the most part contain accounts of building or restoration, the setting 
up of sacred stones and other religious symbols, references to the 
gods, and a limited number of titles, partly civil and partly religious. 

Secondly, we find the right geographical names in the inscriptions 
in which they ought to occur, Tyana at Tyana, Hamath at Hamath, 
Carchemish at Carchemish, Marghasi at Mer'ash. In each case, 
moreover, the reading of the names follows necessarily from the 
values assigned to the characters composing them. Where the 
same syllabic character is r.equired in two different names we find it 
exactly in the place where it ought to be, si after Karkami in the 
adjective " Carchemisian," and as the fourth character in the name 
of Marghasi, ma as the first character in the latter name and the 
second character in that of Hamath.^ Perhaps the most striking 

"^ This seems the most probable translation. I was wrong in correcting 
Messerschmidt's goat's head [is) into the sheep's head {no) in the second word, 
which is therefore identical with atni-s-mi-amis at Tyana (M. XXXIII, A 2). It 
will be seen that I have been able to improve on the translation of the inscription 
I have given in Proceedings, S.B.A., Nov. 1905, p. 192. 

^ In this Ivriz inscription ta probably has to be supplied before ba, and the 
sheep's head should be the head of the goat, so that we should have 7'1-is-su-iu 
YFa-Yia-lu-is-mi m-amun (?) "I have erected, being a Tabalian, for the Sun- 
god." Hence the translation of the whole text will be, "These sculptures {qiUs) 
executing, I have erected, being a Tabalian, for the Sun-god ; in the water-basin 
of the son of Auminuas making this basin I the king have made (it) for the god." 
The character qa, qii, represents a graving tool. 

^ I ought to mention here that the Mer'ash name I have hitherto read 
" Kalkasu," must be " Nu-kasu," since I can find no example in which the 
character nil is used with the phonetic value kal. Nukasu so closely resembles 
the Nugas of the Egyptian texts as to make me ask whether the latter were not in 
the neighbourhood of Mer'-ash rather than of the Lebanon, as is usually supposed. 
At all events, Harankal, with which it is coupled, is the Kharankal, "Fortress," 
of the cuneiform texts, — a name which refers us to the Hittite region. 


verification of my system of decipherment is the fact that I could 
not find in the Bulgar Maden inscription the name of the city 
Kybistra, which I expected to be there, but did find in place of it 
the name of " the city of the god Sandon " {Sanduan-uis). Sandon 
was identified by the Greeks with Herakles, from whom Kybistra 
received the name of Herakleia, and since the modern name of the 
place is Eregli, it is plain that this, and not Kybistra, was the ordinary 
designation of the town. 

Thirdly, the proper names prove to be of a Hittite stamp. The 
father of one of the Carchemish kings is Mutallis ; the king com- 
memorated in the inscription from Babylon is Tuatues. The high- 
priests of Carchemish call themselves Khalmiame(s) or Kha!amme{s),^" 
"the people of the goddess Khahnia"; in Assyrian this would 
appear as Akhlamme, like Ursa for the Vannic Rusas, and it is 
precisely the Akhlamme who are described by Tiglath-pileser I as the 
inhabitants of the district of which Carchemish was the capital. 
I should add that the epithet was long a puzzle to me, and that' 
it was only by accident, when I was re-reading the Annals of 
Tiglath-pileser I, that the identification flashed across me.^^ 

Fourthly, the decipherment furnishes us with a consistent system 
of grammar, which agrees with that of the Arzawan and Boghaz Keui 
cuneiform tablets. 

^^ This is the singular ; the plural would be Khalammia. 

^' Similarly we have Sandu-ar-na at Izgin (M. XIX, B. 3.), like the Luba-arna 
of the Assyrian texts, Luba-urna at Abu-Simbel. At Izgin also we find Katu-zil 
(B. 16), the name of a king of Kummukh in 858 B.C., the last syllable being 
denoted by three seeds. Hence the name appears to mean " the seed of the god 
Katu." I have long since shown that it is a formation similar to the Sapa-zil of 
the Egyptian texts, just as I was the first to point out, in my Paper on the 
"Monuments of the Hittites " in 1881, that the name read Mauthenara by the 
Egyptologists sho-ild be Mutal, and was identical with the Mutallu of the 
cuneiform inscriptions. With dl cp. the Lydian zul, which signifies "son," 
according to Thomsen. Another proper name brought to light by my decijiher- 
ment exactly where we should expect it, is the Mamis of the Ardistama inscrip- 
tion, — a name which is characteristic of the district to which the inscription 

As for Khalmia or Khalma — the name means "the Khalian," — it occurs in 
the last line of the Bulgar Maden text (M. XXXII, 5), which I was unable to 
explain in my Paper on the Hittite inscriptions. I can do so now, however. 
We have to read (4) ««-«/-? D.r. Ana-ui Jiii-ui{l)-is-na-'s-T).A.. i-uis-i-is-ii-i ainiss-a 
San-dit-iian-vi-ui-s-iti-T).\. D.P. iian-ui Tua-l ID. tin-nii-i nu m-amitiiu-uan 
m-amtinu-uan (6) a-A'Siva-ius na-ui-is a-na-nis vy-tia-jtis a-si-is 
ui-mi-a-uis-D. A., ta-gha-itis kid-s id. yn . . . a-//ii-[/s-//n'-]u//t I). 1'. Satidtt-iti 



Fifthly, the results agree with what we have been able to learn 
of the Hittite language from the cuneiform tablets of Arzawa and 
Boghaz Keui, and with an increasing knowledge of the vowel sounds 
expressed by the characters the agreement continually becomes 
greater. Thus iia-ini-a or ui-mi-a is the cuneiform u-e-ini-ya, and the 
Arzawan i)repositions kasina and fiu recur as kas2ima^ or kasina, and 
nu. Still more striking is the verification of my results in the case 
of one of the geographical names which Professor Winckler has just 
discovered in the Boghaz Keui cuneiform tablets. The name of the 
district in which the Fraktin inscription is found is written Ara-i-un-na, 
if my system of decipherment is right. In the Annals of Tiglath- 
pileser I the name appears as Arinna, as it does also in one of the 
tablets brought by M. Chantre from Boghaz Keui itself. I have 
therefore questioned the correctness of the vowel sounds I found 
myself compelled to attach to the characters composing the name, 
though I did not see how to change them. Now Prof. Winckler tells 
us that in a tablet of Khattu-sili the name is written A-ra-u-un-na ! 
The / of the hieroglyphic texts explains how the form Arinna 
came into existence. In the same way Prof. Winckler's tablets 
confirm my explanation of the characters "^"^ "^IT '^^ the cuneiform 
legend on the seal of Tarkondemos, which was necessitated by my 
decipherment of their Hitiite equivalents, though it ran counter to 
the opinion of other Assyriologists. 

Sixthly, the political situation, with its priest-kings, as well as the 
religious cult and theological conceptions disclosed by the decipher- 
ment, are in striking accordance with the results obtained by 
Sir W. M. Ramsay upon other grounds. 

Seventhly, and lastly, the decipherment has been progressive, one 
discovery completing and leading on to another, or else correcting or 
modifying errors and inaccurate conclusions. With the increase of 

Vti-na-iii-ini ID. Katii-tita D.P. Khal-mi-a-iiin-'i\\ \Jti-na-ka-iti-'K.k.'T\!-i)n-s-7?n- 
\_a-']tta7t-D.A. I'D-tii D.P. Khal-mi-a ID. \V>-i; " (erecting stelse) ... to the name (?) 
of the god Ana I of the land of Muis (?) for the god of the temples of the city of 
Sandon, the Tyanian, have offered sacrifice {or dedicated an altar) to the two 
Sun-gods, making the inscribed (?) royal, divine sacred stones, belonging to the 
Sun, the boundaries of the people of this land, (one being) the citizens' gate of . . , 
the place of the god Sandes, and the (other the) gate of Katu, the place of the 
goddess Khalmia, the goddess of the Kataonians. As thy royalty, O Khalmia, 
the silver I have set apart (?)." By "royalty " I have rendered the ideograph which 
represents a ball of metal poured out of a scoop into an open hand. Naui seems 
to mean " inscription." 


trustworthy materials the certain has been made more certain, and 
the probable or possible confirmed or corrected. And the ultimate 
test of the soundness of a system of decipherment is that it should 
thus contain within itself the seeds of a natural progress. 

But there is still very much to be done. I have had to work 
alone ; no other scholar has come to my assistance, and in such 
matters two brains are always better than one.^- Our materials, 

'"- Thus, for example, I failed to understand the final paragraph of the Tyana 
inscription, which I published in the Froceedings, March, 1906, Plate III, Fig. 3. 
It reads from left to right, and is: id. -a-»a itu-i-is nnt-mti-i ua{?)-f///-s ttia 
D.P. San-du-ui, " afterwards (?) dedicating nine horses to the chariot of Sandes," 
where perhaps the first word is intended for the Assyrian p&na. If I am right in 
identifying the character which represents harness with that which has the value 
of na, there would be a word namis, signifying "horse," by the side oi yiiawts. 
I think inumiii, "nine," is also found at Bulgar Maden (M. XXXII, 3), 
qu-\V).-\y.s. mu-iui-nin-iii ms-iiis, "erecting a stela to the 9 gods (?)," or "to 
the gate of the Nine (?)," since in M. VII, i, i, 2, the suffix -nut denotes " gate." 

It will be noticed that five of the Hittite numerals are now known : ii, "one"; 
kas, "three"; mi, "four"; niumui, "nine"; and ka, "one hundred"; to 
which we may add the Arzawan iskhani, "seven." 

Another illustration of the difficulty of seeing the obvious without the help 
of a second pair of eyes is the word niinti, which I have supposed to signify 
"great." It means, however, "sacred," and is connected with nii-na-s, "priest" 
(M. XXXII, i), my comprehension of which was obscured by my false reading 
kaht instead of mi. The priest's apron, I now find, is always ;;//, when the 
character is used phonetically. Hence in M. IX, 2, 5, we have aha-nih and 
aba-nihi, "high-priest," which is a synonym oi aba-kali(fiis) in M. XI, 3, a;id 
not another form of the same word; in M. XI, 5, we must read D.P. nu-uis ; 
and in M. XI, 4 KAL-(or perhaps d.p.)// nu-7U, "the consecrated priest." In 
M. XXIII, C, I, mi in mi-uis-s is placed within a rope. It would seem from this 
inscription that miwi is rather "I dedicated" than the simple "I gave," so that 
mis in the Yuzgat tablet is " consecrated gifts" rather than "gifts." By the side 
of Ji:i we have the reduplicated mum, as in the Erzerum inscription. This form 
brings us to the adjective mimi, which is given in M. XXI, 6 as the equivalent of 
the depressed hand [ta) when the latter is used as an ideograph (m.-mi-nu-iiis, 
" sacred [altars]." In M. XXIII, A, 3, 4, besides the ideograph of the depressed 
hand, we have the picture of a hand with a ring on the thumb and finger. Hence 
we may conclude that not only laying the hand on a person or object denoted his 
or its consecration, but also that the consecrated person wore the two rings 
pictured in the ideograph. Probably they represented the two small bronze 
cymbals worn by the dancing girls of Egypt on the thumb and second finger ; a 
picture of these latter would have exactly the form of the Hittite ideograph. On 
ihe Obelisk of Izgin (M. XIX) a derived Hittite adjective is denoted by the 
ideograph of the ringed hand, with the phonetic complement na [nun-iia-i-us). 

which is followed by the determinative of a hand holding an instrumc 



moreover, are still very defective. And I am but just beginning tO' 
learn the laws which regulated the representation of the vowels. 

The characters are probably but a selection from a pictorial 
system which was originally of considerable extent. The appropria- 
tion of some of them to express phonetic values was, I believe, due 
to the influence of the cuneiform syllabary, which is also traceable 
in other directions. The civilization of their inventors may be- 
gathered from an examination of the objects represented by them. 

Sir W. M. Ramsay has pointed out that they must have been 
invented on the Cappadocian plateau — a conclusion, indeed, to 
which T also came in the early days of my Hittite studies. The 
conclusion can now be supported linguistically. Tiia meant 
" chariot," and was denoted sometimes by a picture of the body of a 
chariot, sometimes by the picture of a wheel, both of which had the 
phonetic value iiia or tuy^ Now Tua-na (Tyana) was "the chariot- 
town," and since Tyana was in the Cilician or Cappadocian plain, it 
follows that the speakers of the Hittite language and the inventors of 
the Hittite system of writing were inhabitants of this part of Asia 

The fact that the word for " chariot " could be denoted by two 
different characters, brings me to the last remark which I have to 
make. A peculiarity of Hittite script was that the part represented 
the whole. The head of an animal or man, for instance, represented 
the animal or man himself. Hence more than one character could 
be used to express a word or phonetic value ; just as the wheel and 
the body of the chariot are alike tua, '"a chariot," so the heads of a 
goat and kid are alike />, "a goat," and the heads of the ox and 
heifer, as well as a pair of horns, are alike amu or ama, "an ox." 


Dr. Messerschmidt has just published an inscription from 
Nigdeh {Corpus Inscriptionum Hittiticariiiu^ liii) which ought to 
convince the most sceptical of the soundness of my system of 
decipherment. It is on the base of a column, and reads, if my 
system of decipherment is right : iii-iiis-a nsi-uin s-it{i/) a-iia-'s i-us-i-ta 
D.v.-jiii-s kasu-'s, "this stone has the king erected in the temple, 
being a man of Kas." 

, which also has the vakie of tiia, seems to be another mode of repre- 
senting the body of a chariot, with a spear erected in the middle and perhaps two. 
other spears at either end. 




By Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D., and A. Cowley, M.A. 

The papyrus, of which a facsimile accompanies this Paper, was 
acquired by me at Luxor, in January, 1906, along with five other 
small Aramaic fragments belonging to a different document or docu- 
ments, as well as fragments of Demotic, Greek and Arabic papyri. 
One of the Demotic fragments is pronounced by Mr. Griffith 
to be the commencement of a theological text. The dealer from 
whom I bought the papyri had obtained them from a native of Qiis, 
Avhere he believed they had been found. In any case, they were not 
derived from Elephantine, and their Theban origin is made probable 
by the word rvyai in one of the smaller fragments, and what seems 
to be n(3)t3'? in the papyrus itself id. i). On pal^ographical grounds 
I should assign the papyrus and smaller fragments to the end of 
the third or the beginning of the second century B.C., a period not 
otherwise represented by an Aramaic papyrus. 

Mr. Cowley has dealt very fully with the palreographical pecu- 
liarities and difficulties of the text over which he has spent hours 
of patient labour. To me its chief interest lies in the proper names 
which illustrate the early attempts of the Egyptian Jews to transliterate 
Greek words, and throw light on the pronunciation of both Aramaic 
and Greek. On the lexicographical side it contributes a few new 
words to the lexicon. But its main importance will doubtless be 
considered to reside in its contributions to metrology, and the 
abbreviations of which it is full are likely to give employment to 
Semitic metrologists for some time to come. In general character 
the papyrus resembles the papyri or wooden tablets containing the 
private accounts of Greek residents in Egypt, of which I possess 



a. I. p'J'n, "the account." The reading of the next word, which 
seems to be a proper name, is unfortunately uncertain. 
We may translate : " the accounts of Anqa (?) which I have 
written [relating to the property] of his father," \Tnx like 
^rrinx in the Assuan papyri. 

2. "They have paid out of the property of Zechariah i seah and 

a quarter of wheat." 

3. The name of Shabiith, "the daughter of Obadiah Nathan," 

is written Shabti in 1. 9. Obadiah Nathaii for Obadiah bar 
Nathan illustrates the usage of the Jewish seals. The 
symbol which follows the numeral 5 must represent a 
fraction, and since we find only n/ , W , and ^ (see note on 
/. 4) they must stand respectively for ^, i, and |. The 
final f] may represent some fuither fraction; \\\ f. 3, &:c., 
it seems to follow the numeral i. 

4. X must stand for at- tab a : "12 ardebs of wheat." 

5. 33 must signify "on account of"; /. i would appear to indicate 

that it is an abbreviation of n^33. The name is Arsinoe. 

8. "[From Simjeon 2 garb as ; Yahnun the priest, i garba." 

9. "Shabti Yashibh," i.e., "Shabti, daughter of Yashibh," was a 

different person from the Shabtith of /. 3, though the names 

are the same. Notice the dual p3~i3. 
10. Haggai Diaphoros (?)." Is this a Greek name, or a compound 

of n and DID? 
12. mj, perhaps the gera of 16 grs. Troy. 

A I. "The deeds are in the hand of Jonathan and myself." 

2. "Simeon, son of Haggai, has (come up to, i.e.,) joined our 

partnership." ?ix, which occurs again {f. i), can hardly 
have any other meaning; cp. NDN in the sense of "side," 
and N3DX^= Heb. 13'>J3'?. 

3. TltDC is probably a different spelling of the name M3tJ'. 
" For 40 homers " ? 

4. "For 12 hebhasi/i."" The spelling here would indicate that we 

should read kebhesh, and not Cn3, in the Assuan papyri. 
Cp., however, /. 4. 

5. y' stands for " shekels," 

6. The zuza, or quarter-shekel, was equal to about a shilling. 

What particular fraction is denoted by the last sign is 
ditificult to say ; we find it again in /. 9. 


7. For the Babylonian coin called khalluru, see Aramaic Papyri 

discoi'ered at Assuan, pp. 21, etc. 

8. "And for 12 months." But what is the signification of 

x'^n^? Cp. c. \^. 
II. " On her own account " ; see above, note on a. 5. 

c. 3. "A coating (?) of silver, 10, and 2 rings (?) of silver." 

4. If 1 in X2m is part of the word, and not the copulative con- 

junction, tcazzikd would look like a Persian word. 

5. '•^^r and Nj'^V, "mine" and "our," as in the Assuan papyri. 

6. N^iT, perhaps "the cheap one." 

8. -I may represent y^i, hardly the DX~i of /. 2. 

9. " An instrument of bronze." 

11. Cp. /. 3, 4. "The wine which they have given he has given 

to me (?) for a year." 

12. "In Thmuis," or some similar geographical name. "Two 

garbas of vinegar." 

13. "A small shadiif-bucket [for] the garden for 42! b[ekas]." 
•h has been omitted. 

d. I. "To Thebes," a transliteration into Aramaic of the Greek 

e. 5. Hargelti is a proper name; see ^, 13. 

/ I. "The four in our partnership"; see above, b. 2. 

3. " Nikias, 2f logs." The log is usually reckoned as equivalent 
to 0-675 pi'^t- 

5. The Greek Apollonios. 

6. In h. 5, 14, the name is written {<':v, "the Greek," thus 

throwing light on the name Yanias. 

g. II. The Greek Isidores. 
12. Probably Poros. 

14. The Greek Lysimachos. 

16. More probably Doros than Diodoros. 

//. 4. A mistake for D"'23, Nikias. 

16. The form |n3 may show that X3 is the full name of the 


17. We seem to have here a transliteration of the Hellenized 

Egyptian Armais (Hor-m-heb). 


/. I. "On account of Yashibh there is wanting in your account 

2. pny'po seems to be a derivative from ]))'?, yh, "necklace "or 
" cup " (?). 
3, 4. See c. II. "The bronze Avhich they have given for the date 
wine (?) of Pehi for a year, belonging to Eumachos." The 
transhteration of the Greek name 'Evuaxo's by D302X is 
interesting, as it shows that the Greek diphthong ev was 
already pronounced as in modern Greek, and that the 
Aramaic 3 had also acquired its pronunciation of bh. To 
my eyes the papyrus has ^, with only three lines to the 
left. If Mr. Cowley is right we must assume that the 
writer has added an additional line by mistake. 

k. 2. " Nikias has given me the price of the wi[ne]." 
5. " Of the month Thoth." 
9. Perhaps the name is Sostratos. 

/. I. Perhaps "in the shops," i.e., "in store." 

A. H. Sayce. 

Recto. a 

^ ^11 III p\D |n] nnny nnn" n^nni" 3 

w — > X* "03n pD^s 4 

... X \ Toj^ [piDis nn 5 

.!0 . 6 

^// /// —1 vn • . p[-i3] 7 

\ nij X3n3 ]in' 11 p-ij ]Vj['2C' pi s 

\ m: \ jjij I'D w \'2^i 2''C' ^nr." p 9 

w pnij Disn •'jn p 10 

. . "pyT \ ns X • . in n'-^n mn xon 11 

n"i3 . D pi N 12 





-jn -in iU'JOl" Sills'? \h^ , 2 

QQ ;sicnn \ -it2i." \-ini" nn^ 3 

w — ^ i-'irn \ TlDL" py?:j'j' an 4 

^// /// l" 5 

■ti 7// ;[nT3] \ -101" pyoL" 11 e 

x'?-iD -Y// p-i'pnn \ ■it:[-j'] iLiyrx* 33] 7 

xbiD w— ^ pmn s 

Q-6\ ;n:n \ 1::-' 112: innny 9 

— ^ N ii::nn \ -loi" iinr innny nn 10 

• . nrT'nn \ "iol" jnn ^in TiaL" 11 

w/QN jDjnn \ in*_" ^jn ^jitj' nn 12 

• • • ■ y ^i'?3 in pn-- n T hiui" m"! 13 

-e>\ inrn 14 

jnnn n ^// hd-'dt in:v i"! 2 

flD3 n w ]nnT — > ^iDn n n':^sn 3 

wta njTy -in d'?::'^ n xnm ^nj -i*n 4 

m^n xj'pn xm xn-n m*n ^'rn x^ni 5 

[niTDt:' n . . n D m^n x^iti m^n xm e 

..." n XT • • m^n 7 

\"i W X yo:n 8 

00 n>2n mn .Din: ::'n: n xc^'-in nn^ni 9 

xm-vr^n x^^-r xrin m^n 10 

X3CT • • X' x:i xnri:' •'jn^ inn^ n x-ion 11 

• • • :n w pmj "pn \q -i Dx^un 12 

• ■ ■ • \ ^n ^WQQ n p xiyr "iH 13 

\u p-i: TT'nx n^n^an 14 

\ "pn ^// pm: dhd innny 15 

-6\ |Tn "pLrn 16 




n r\ii:h nn . . ^y 1 

T ff T'n ^// . . T 2 

// n^T py-i* . . n^ 3 

iXS ^// n[m] py:; 4 

nnp nn x'rn 5 

5 */// n^ . r 6 

Top 7 


1 Nn 








e'2 ^Tby\r\ 


\ 1 vr qqq 


L*' N 





NJDxn x-'yaix 1 

\t:' ine:^ w -1 \ t:;i \ X3 -^ 3 2 

pl\o nx:^' \\\ -la ^// \h doj — • 3 

\ nxc' III nn ^// \h D^3J 33 4= 

\"1 W C'2 ^\X3 |n> D^J^DX 5 

w in w \\ jj^ ,x^j^ — 6 
\h x-j'' 7 

\-ia 8 

\\\ in ^// pl'p] [x^j^] 9 

w P^ n:)x la 

5l\on \jb >m3 in: 11 

fl\n \ in \\\ \'h x^j^— 12 

\\\ in ^// p^ D>nj an 13 

h X^J*" 14. 




\\\ 13 ^// ]:h D3: 1 
w -\2 111 ]:h ii'y= 2 

\\\ -\2 ^11 \:h D'2: 32 3 
W 1 nsi" 4 

\ 13 w ]:b mm''" 5 

^\r2 \ :b D"'3J 33 6 

[!1]\D3 W ]ib X^J^ 7 

3 ?1\S3 X':)" 8 

\-n • • • • 3 . . . "" 9 

. . nL"an 3-1:3 10 

\-i3 w ]:b D-iiD^ 11 

W -I \ C'3 \ S3 DID 12 

\\\ 13 J^Q Ti^nn 13 

^\'2 \\\ -13 ^111 \:b DprDob 14 

\\\ -13 'V/// ]ih DnD3 15 

w 13 -Jii vih Dnn 16 

\\\ 13 T[:]7 ]n: •'n*3N 17 


\\ 3 VV3S* 1 

\\T . . 3 V// ]:h DUD' ^ 2 

\\\ 13 ^// tJ^ N^: 


fl\r2 \ L"3 ^// /// ]:"? D'Z3 4 

\13 W ]i)> H'lV 5 

^\^ w 13 V//I p^ nnn^ 6 

Ti\^ \ 13 \\\ ;;^ x^:- 7 

?1\03 \ j'? 'p3ni 8 

. . . -b iW' n3y 9 

\\ 13 vV// 10 

W 13 [^]// p^ [XIT' 11 

w 13 in p'? *2ns 12 

\\\i3 /// /// ]'jb inD 13 

W 13 s/// p"? S'':r 14 

\ 13 w \ib msT 15 

^// » -X*J' \\\ L"3 W JX3 inD3 16 

7\\^ \ 1[3] /// ]ib D'OIX 17 



jnnQ w pxnn w "{["iny'^rD NarTinn 2 

••ns n xn?Dn "py nn^ n x^c'm 3 

^/ 7 tr t// pnrj D3onxT xrirj' 4 

\::'3 v// /// p^ ins 22 "" 5 

vj'n *>/// /// \n2 \\\ p^ -iriQ na e 

-in "V/r pb N'-ny ■ • • xjn[''2]'? Ti'-nx 7 

77 SD2 77 8 

w -in "in ■ ■ ■ :pDn 9 

N-nn . 

. . jnn ns:^' 


. ■ an 

••o-i do: '•'? |n: 


\\\ t? 


. . . n 

D'-nJ HD • • • 


mnn^ — .q 


\erasure) "^ 


n ^^//Q inr 


\\\ . . . W . . 8 

fl\rD I -in w ][j^] on-iDD 9 

^// p*? Tvon Tini:' w— > pb n'jN 10 

w -in v// p^ njx nn 11 

/// /// p"? njs nn 12 

^11 p"? n:is nn \ C'n 13 

w -1 -isLCi* wnn \ L" \ xn D'-n^ w in 14 

\\\ -1 -ixi" w ■) \ [L"n] w — . p*? n-nn"' w -in 15 

v// p^ [n:]N nn w nn le 


\ D jLnijnn w 1 

\ o III 2 

\ D jn^nn rrr 3 

\ D w T 4 

ny W 5 


Pal^ographical Notes. 

The document seems to begin with column «, and is evidently 
to be read in columns, as transcribed. The columns are not, how- 
ever, always kept distinct, but sometimes run into one another where 
the lines are long. The lines often slope, so that the beginning 
or end is occasionally lost, and it is not always certain to which 
line a word belongs. 

Probably one line is lost (possibly two) in the middle of each 
column between the two strips. It is unlikely that anything consider- 
able is wanting at the top or bottom. 

The lower edge of the obverse is the top edge of the reverse. 

The writing is rough and unskilful ; clearly not the work of a 
professional scribe. The difificulty of decipherment is increased by 
the broken condition of the papyrus, by the condensed and discon- 
nected nature of the entries, by the abbreviations, and by apparent 
inconsistencies of the writer. 

The characters are the same as those on an ostrakon recently 
published by Lidzbarski,i and are much later in form than those of 
the Assuan papyri. The Greek names, too, require a Ptolemaic date. 
LiDZBARSKi suggests that his ostrakon is of the second century B.C. 

With regard to particular letters it will be observed that n, 2, 
n, h, C have practically arrived at the ordinary square shape; 3 has 
much the same form as in the Assuan papyri ; n and "i are still 
indistinguishable ; T is merely a stroke, difificult to distinguish from 
the numeral \ ; 3 medial, with the bent tail, begins to approximate 
to the square form, but as a final letter the tail is straight, as in the 
square ~| ; in jd the right-hand stroke tends to turn round, and in 
some instances the letter is very like the square form ; 3 medial has 
a bent tail, but j final is generally straight ; D shows the most 
pronounced change : in some instances it is nearly joined below, 
thus approaching the square form : it is sometimes hard to distinguish 
from p, and even from n ; J? still has practically the Assuan form ; 
p is a good deal modified from the earlier form, and only requires 
a lengthened tail to give it the square form ; n has the left-hand 
stroke shorter than at Assuan. 

' Ephemeiis ii, pp. 243 si/i/., where see his remarks. 


In general it must be admitted that, for reasons given above, 
the reading of many words or fragments of words is uncertain, and 
their explanation still more so. Doubtful letters are marked with 
an overline. 

Col. a is very much discoloured and the writing faint, 
line I. ^\>-:v or XDjy, not x^jjy. 

D330 conjectured from the next line. 
"Tinx the back stroke of n is really part of the N. 
I. 2. i^D33?3, the D is like a n. 

VI may be \T, and so throughout. 
1. 3, end. p is probable, not D. The end may be fjV^; cf. 
fl\'3 frequently. 
1. 4. pDiX restored from the next line, since 22 often intro- 
duces a repeated name. 
1. 6. before o perhaps d. 

1. 7. ^''T, there seems to be no other way of reading it. 
1. II. i<Dn. In c 9 the daughter of n'':!n is [n]D"lD3 (?), but 

that is not possible here. 
1. 12. The 3 looks as though it belonged to the word 
beginning with D. 

Col. b. A list of bonds or contracts. ~iD"* is always followed by 2. 
1. 2. At the beginning, a mark of division (?) 
I. 3- "12 might be 22. 
1. 4. Jt^333 probably sheep. The 3 is injured and may 

be "I . 
1. 6. JT1T3 restored from 1. 9 and 1. 14, where the same 
sign -6 (=100 or 1000?) follows. The -6 here 
and elsewhere may be merely a n and so one of the 
many abbreviations. It is not the same as the sign 
explained as = 1000 in Coj-p. Inscr. Sem., 147 c. 
1. 7. The letters supplied would just fit the space. After 
tfhll^ perhaps — , running into the sign between 
c 10 and 1 1. 
1. II, end. Something seems to follow nn"'33. Perhaps . .b , 
but it may be an erasure. 
1. 13, il'?2, or M^S, or ^i"?! as in c 13. 

. . . . y, the next letter may be 2, and there are 
traces (of n ?) at the end of the word. 
1. 14. Probably there was no more in this line. 

269 u 2 


Col. c, 1. I. ^T, there is a faint trace of, perhaps, the >. 
n^33 . ., except the n, is very doubtful. 
1. 2. noon, or '11, or '31. 

1. 4. "i3Ti?, the 3 runs into the tail of the f] above. 
1. 6. i^^iT"! is more probable than x^STI. 
1. 7. NT . . or sn or ?S^'. 

. . . \ only tops of letters remain. Perhaps ^TT". 
1. 9. . D~w3. The first letter may be T or 1. The missing 
termination may be D or ? n . In a 1 1 a daughter 
of r\'in is called XDn. 
The two marks at the end are like DD (not bb), but 
they are probably not letters. 
1. 10. xnVi'rr^. Only the down-stroke of the 1 remains, but 
it can hardly be anything else. 
NJ. There seems to be no other possibility. 
After 'pt' there are traces of at least two letters. 
N'JDT, the "0 may be n. Perhaps Xins. 
1. 12. Perhaps 13 XCDn {i.e. p-|j). 
1. 13. p may be \j. 

The end of the line is faded and broken. Several 
letters are lost. 
1. 14. Ti^nx, so several times and in Lidzbarski's ostrakon, 

not -in"'2X. 
1. 16. ip'j'D may be ''jno. 
Col. d, line i. nac'?, the 1 is very doubtful. Of n only the right- 
hand stroke remains. 
1. 2. The first letter may be -|, l, or n. 
1. 3. py\* or |*yv , and so in the next line. 

nm is fairly certain. 
1. 4. XD , only half the X is left. It may be "> . 
1. 5. "tnS/n are written together. 

1. 6. n\3' or nyr or nyjT . 
1. 7. Very doubtful. 

The left-hand side of this column is broken, and all 
the lines are incomplete. The lower half of the 
colunm is lost. 
Col. e. These two fragments do not appear to join on to d. 

It is quite uncertain whether both belong to one 
1. 6. Scarcely room for //. 


Col f. Probably there was nothing above 1. i. 

1. 3. ti\o, a frequent combination. Here the ?D might 

be 3 , but it is certainly ID elsewhere. The \ may 

be T in all cases. 
1. 5. |n^ . Perhaps |i'' or ? jv . 
1. II. \T\l may be \r\i , but the space after it is against this. 

Col. g. 1. I. D33 . The n is certain. Can it be a mistake for D''3J ? 
1. 4. -|SL*'. There is something above the "i : perhaps an 

1. 7. ti\?D3 is very uncertain. Perhaps .\"I3 . 
1. 14. DpCD^. The d'? is more like p^. 
1. 16. Dlin seems to be the only possible way of reading it. 

Col. h. 1. I. Perhaps a continuation of g^ 17. 

1. 2, end, partly erased. It may be \\\'?[n]3^//. 
1. 4. D''32 not D''D3. 

1. 6. The extra I was put in afterwards. 
1. 9, Only the tops remain. It looks like this. 
1. 15. Or SiDT. 

1. 16. inS3, for ins nn? ^//D above the line. 
1. 17. D^D")S . There is a trace of the >. 
-\2lll . Perhaps TV//. 

Col, /. 1. I. In 'C"", 'p\ ""nn the •• has an unusual shape. 'T'n''31 
or iTiyan . The "1 has distinctly the later final 
form here. 

1. 2. I'Tiy'pn. The tail of the | remains. The space 
suggests the 1 . 

1. 3. In xnon note the form of the tt . 

TlS . The n has an unusual form, but can hardly be 
n, nor can the '' be 1, Hence not inS (1- 5)- 
The name TIS occurs in the Assuan papyrus F 2. 

1. 4. DSOnXT . There is a crease in the papyrus after the t , 
but nothing is hidden by it. 

1. 6 has all been erased, but the reading is fairly certain. 
Possibly p"? stood before %//////. The figures above 
the line are evidently a correction of the amount 
(see 1. 5). Then the writer found he had repeated 
1. 5 and so erased the whole line. 


1. 7. N3n[*]2'?. The "> should be on the crease in the 
papyrus, but there is no trace of it, and hardly room 
for it. The rest of the line runs into the next 

1. 8. Only the tails of the letters remain. 

1. 9. Possibly . . . rpD3 . The j is very doubtful. 
The rest of the column is blank. 

Col. -i'. 1. I. xmn. The n might be D . 

1. 2. Probably [pion . 

1. 3. The last \ is unusually thick but can hardly be any- 
thing else. 

I. 4. Before ns are some marks, but it is impossible to 
guess what they represent. 

1. 10. n:s must be meant, but the 3 has an odd form. 
At the end, there is a thick line through the ^ and 
the 2 below it, perhaps intended to cancel the 

1. II. \\")2 belongs to ^// p*? above. 

1. 13. There are signs of a letter (erased?) before VJ'D. 

Col. /. The connexion of these two small fragments is again 

quite uncertain. 

A. Cowley. 


Piatt; I. 


S.B.A. Prmrilmn. Nmrmhn 







o^ — 


Pi AH 11 



^ *i^ 


S.n.A. Pf-orfi-i/ingx. ,\'avrnif"-r, 1907 



1^ akVo:^^-^*^ 

Nov. 13] A "KASSITE" TEXT. [1907, 



By the Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A. 

Lecturer in Assyriology, Oxford. 


{See Plates J and II. ) 

I obtained this tablet through the good offices of the Rev. C. 
H. W. Johns, who kindly sent me an English transcription of it as 
long ago as last February. Pressure of other work has hitherto 
hindered publication of the cuneiform text. It is a list of revenues 
and expenses for the eleventh year of an unnamed king, and appears 
to be of some importance, both on account of the new names which 
it presents, and also because the tablet is, perhaps, the only example 
of its kind existing in Europe, with the exception of those at 

Some seventeen of about fifty proper names which may be 
identified on the tablet occur in A. T. Clay's Documents frotn the 
Temple Archives at Nippur (Bab. Exped. of the Univ. of Penn- 
sylvanla, Vols. XI, XV, Series A ; cf. also Vol. Ill, Series D, 
Early Bab. Perso?ial Navies, by H. Ranke). The tablet, which is 
considerably fractured, measures about 6 in. by 3 in., and comprises 
sixty-two lines. 

The following is a list of the personal names, so far as I can 
make them out : — 

Abdu-Nergal (Ab-du D. U-GUR) Adad-shada 

Ardi-Nannar (URU AN SES Adad-tukulti 

KI) Akidini {cf. A-ki-ia ; A-ki-ia-tum) 

A-da-a-a-u-tum {cf. A-da-a ; Amar-Simutu {cf. Ammar-ilu) 

Adaiatum) Attabuna 


Nov. 13] 






Damu-imte {cf. D. Damu-GAL 

Dan-Kur {cf. Dania) 
Hanibu {cf. Hunabia) 
Hani (?)-mukin 
Innibi {cf. Innibu) 

Kubbuti {cf. Kubbutum) 
Kur-abu-Iati {cf. Abuiatum) 






Muti-E . KUR . KI 







(D.) SHUL . PA . UD . DU-uqur 

Shuriha ilu 







It will be noticed how closely most of these names resemble 
those of the First Dynasty. 

The -a-ma (Rev. 25) may be a remnant of some name of which 
the second element was I-a-ma, i.e., lawa, Jahweh, as in Gamar-Iama 
and other similar names. 


{.Plate III.) 

The document here figured and transcribed is clearly written 
and perfectly preserved. It is a small but beautiful specimen of its 
class, measuring 3 in. by i^ in. The matter relates to the sale of 
a house, and the date is the sixth year of Sumulailu, the second 



S.B.A. Procecdii'i^s, No7\, 1907. 





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jtV j^ ^yi<y « j^ 



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I >^-^i Hi r <i^ ??? :<<i; 



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BoTTOisi Edge. 


S.B.A. Proceedings, A''ov., 1907. 



-r ^r _y < ^ y ..y T^ .^ ^ ^> 

5< J?^ 11- ^<- Vy J^ 

•7^ ^y tn j^ ^^y y^ "^yy- -y ^y >^ 4 
--y <--7 4^y .4 :r :^ in^y <i^ 
^yy<y <« 4 1 y ^- ^^y h 't^ ^^ j^ oie^i! 
:^y -y 44f ^y^ H<y ^y^ ^ <y- ^ • • 
:^y ^ ^t]ij 4 • • • y <i^ 
T :^? M -y • . • ^y4 <ii^ 
y "^" y? -^- ^y? -<y< ^y^ <My 

^«. <y 
«^ <y 

^^ <y 

!^ y 
Mi y 

2g^ I 

^-y >^ ^y< j^y \- m 

m -y 4 y -y i^^} ^ 4 j^y ^.< 
4 j^y y^ .ij -^? -y U- y ^yy ^y -y a^ 

-y «< ^y ^.^ 

^c'-^^ . . . H<y ^ 44f -<y< -yr^^ 
-y < -^ ^-y<y -yy<y y y? ^y<y y? y;f -^jiyy ^i 
•4?y^ <:^ -y l^<^ -^y ^^y -} -+ 4 
-y 4>=ff ^ly -<-^ ^y< :H-y t> j^- :^ 

■4 ■V-^i'-X 


At <- ^y^ Bl 

y 5t-^y <i 
• • • y -yy<y <« 4 1 
. . . j?^ y -^ly 4 E^y? 

y? "^y 

^< . . . . iin 
Hy . . . • -41^1 
y y? <M <y!^ ;^ 
011^^'^ <y- ^;:y ^- ^-y<y ^yy ij 
-! Vy a <iir 


Bottom Edge. 

31. ^ 'pm-' y« 

"^y L < H 



I- <^-B %11 >^ -iHl -Hf- 

6. :i^ ^- h < 

9- <h -n j^^r r -4- ^^ ^v j^ -^T^ ^n j^ 
10. <v >^-i :^ ^ %] 

^:^ -^^ ^^i< c^ ^i 

1 1 


15- ^M <h ^ j^^ ^n <« 

The date, which Mr. Johns informs me is a new one, is given 
thus (Rev. 13, 14) : — 


" Month Sebat, year after 
the wall of Babylon was built." 

We know from the Chronicle of this Dynasty that the year when the 
wall of Babylon was built was the fifth year of Sumulailu (Savce, 
P.S.B.A., XXI, p. 12 ; King, Hammurabi, Vol. Ill, p. 214). 



S.B.A. Proceedings, IVov., 19c; 

.i^' ^. 



Bottom Edge. 

Right-hand Edge. 


Nov. 13] THE TOMB OF THYI. [1907. 

By E. R. Ayrton. 

Thebes, although a place of no small importance from the earliest 
times, reached its zenith of splendour and power under the Pharaohs 
of the XVIHth, XlXth, and XXth dynasties ; great temples rose 
on both banks of the Nile, and the kings vied with one another 
in building these superb monuments. It is but natural that such 
monarchs should not be content to be buried amongst their subjects 
in the vast cemetery that occupies the whole of the desert on the 
Western side of Thebes, but should seek some separate place in 
which to excavate their last dwelling on this earth. 

The Nile valley is bounded on each side by high desert plateaux, 
and on the Western side this ends in an abrupt precipice on the 
edge of the desert. This plateau is intersected by huge wadis, 
which for untold centuries have led down to the Nile valley the 
accumulated rainfall of the upper desert. Such a ivadi is the 
Valley of the Tombs of the Kings (or, to give it its Arab name, 
the Biban el Moluk), which, beginning as a tiny crevice high on 
the plateau behind Deir el Bahri, opens as a wide channel into the 
Nile valley nearly opposite to Karnak, which lies on the other side 
of the river, after having been joined by two other similar gullies, 
the Western valley and another which is unnamed. 

The Biban el Moluk and the Western valley were the places 
chosen by the great rulers of Thebes for their last resting-place. 

The Upper or Southern end of the Biban el Moluk, in which 
the majority of the tombs are situated, has for some years formed 
the site of Mr. Davis' excavations. 

Each season has borne its fruit — the tombs of Hatshepsut, 
Thothmes IV, luaa and Thuaa, Siptah, and, lastly, the tomb of 
Queen Thyi, of which I shall now speak more fully. 

In the winter of 1906-7 our work commenced by digging near, 
and to the North of, the tomb of Rameses IX (Nefer-ka-ra) in a 



large mound of limestone chippings, which had been thrown here 
by the sculptors of the tomb of Rameses V and VI. We removed 
the greater part of this rubbish, digging down to the face of the 
solid rock, as is our usual method in the valley. We had but few 
hopes of finding a tomb here, however, since our pits were sunk so- 
close to the tomb of Rameses IX that there scarcely seemed any 
room for another burial. We, however, persevered, knowing well that 
in such excavations the unexpected happens only too frequently ; 
and we were certainly amply rewarded, for at some feet below the 
level of the pathway we came upon a square-cut corner in the rock, 
and shortly afterwards found the corresponding one on the other 
side. To avoid the removal of more rubbish than was absolutely 
necessary, in case this should be an unfinished tomb, we placed 
some workmen at the point at which we supposed the first of the 
flight of steps descending into the tomb would lie, and commenced 
to sink a pit there. The men presently found a staircase cut in 
the rock leading downwards, and we now decided to remove all the 
rubbish above the entrance, and shortly afterwards had it completely 

As will be seen, this tomb is considerably below the level of 
the tomb of Rameses IX, and also below the present water-level 
of the valley. We therefore feared that we should find the interior 
damaged by rain-water from the torrents which periodically course 
down the valley. 

After a little more digging to remove all loose and dangerous 
debris above the mouth of the pit, we cleared away the blocking 
of rough limestone chips which had closed the first doorway, and 
entered a long corridor. This was found blocked by a huge tray of 
wood covered with gold-leaf, which we afterwards found was the lid 
of a great stjuare wooden coffin. On this lay one half of a wooden 
door, with a design in gilt stucco on its surface, showing a queen 
standing worshipping a sun-disk from which extended hands holding 
the symbol of life. We now knew that the burial must belong to 
the el Amarna period. Under a great fragment of limestone which 
lay on the door we could just distinguish the edge of a cartouche. 
Beneath this stone we hoped to read what would perhaps be the 
only clue that we should ever have to the identity of the occupant 
of this tomb. 

With the greatest possible care we raised the stone, and moving 
our light backwards and forwards to obtain the best lighting on the 


Nov. 13] THE TOMB OF THYl. [1907. 

hieroglyphs, we were able to read the name of the wife of Amen- 
hotep III and mother of Akhenaten — Queen Thyi. 

Carrying electric lights, we advanced towards the door at the 
further end of the corridor and looked into the burial chamber. 
Here we saw a scene of unexpected disorder, and it was some time 
before we could make out the position of the various objects. 

Immediately in front of us, reaching down from the doorway 
to the floor of the room, was a long slope of limestone fragments, 
on which lay beams of wood covered with gold-leaf, and the other 
half of the door of which we had already found a part in the first 
corridor. Climbing down these chippings, we made a detailed survey 
of the objects in the room. 

Propped against the walls and lying on the floor were the remains 
of an immense wooden shrine, originally covered with gold-leaf, on 
which had been worked the scenes of sun-worship usual to this 
period. Almost all the gold had slipped from the upright pieces 
of wood, and lay in a crumpled mass on the floor, but fortunately 
one end of the shrine was lying flat. On this, on a ground of gold- 
leaf, was a scene in which the king, Akhenaten, followed by Queen 
Thyi, make offerings to the Aten disk, the rays from which are 
terminated by hands, some of which offer the symbol of life to the 
king and queen, while others touch the offerings placed before it. 
AVe learn from the fragments that this shrine was made for Queen 
Thyi by her son Akhenaten. 

Against the West wall, however, lay what we were looking for. 
Here had originally stood a four-legged couch, bearing the cofiin of 
the queen. The legs of this couch had given way, allowing the 
coffin to drop to the floor below. The lid had fallen in, breaking in 
two halves and forcing the mummy out to one side. 

The lid itself had been a beautiful piece of work, made of wood 
and modelled slightly to the human form ; the lower part had been 
covered with gold-leaf, and then inlaid with carnelian and coloured 
glass to give the impression of a feathered robe. Down the centre 
ran a line of inlaid hieroglyphs with an erased cartouche. The 
mummy had been wrapped in plates of gold, but was, itself, so dis- 
integrated by the action of water, that only the bones remained in a 
fit state to be moved. 

On the head of the skeleton lay a crown of gold. It is in the 
form of a vulture grasping the emblem of eternity in either claw ; the 
tail was worn over the forehead, and, by catching the weight of the 



coffin lid, prevented the skull from being completely crushed. The 
feathers and other details are incised on the surface, and two rings 
at the extremities of the wings were probably joined by a pin. 
Round the neck of the mummy had been a necklace, consisting of 
a row of plaques of gold inlaid with stone, and below this four rows 
of hollow gold drops, the four strings being attached at each end to 
a lotus flower of gold, inlaid with stone. 

On each arm were three broad bracelets cf thin gold. 

But yet more surprises were in store for us. We had, on entering, 
noticed that, in an alcove above the coffin, were standing the four 
canopic jars. We now proceeded to examine them more closeh', 
and found that though the bodies of the vases were of plain alabaster 
and contained the decomposed viscera of the deceased, the lids 
were most beautifully carved in the shape of a queen's head ; the 
eyes being inlaid with glass or obsidian, with copper eyeUds and 
lapis lazuli eyebrows. There had also been an urasus over the 
forehead, but this had in each case been broken off. Numerous 
other smaller objects were found in the tomb. In the broken re- 
mains of a large box at the head of the coffin were one hundred 
and fifty-six small glazed objects connected with religious ceremonies 
for the next world. Vases for ointment, model papyrus rolls, 
wands to protect against snake bites, and two typical figures of the 
god Bes bearing dishes in their hands. But the gem of this collection 
is the small figure of a girl, who carries on her shoulder a com- 
paratively large vase. Like the other objects, this figure is made of 
a green-glazed composition, with the exception of her hair, which 
is brown. In the same box were also numerous sacred eyes and 
bunches of grapes of the same green glaze, probably belonging to a 

The upper part of an urceus in copper, inlaid with gold and 
inscribed with the cartouches of the Aten on the breast, is of fine 
work, and was found in the rubbish on the floor. 

In the further corner of the room were the remains of a similar 
box, which had contained the instruments for the " ceremony of the 
opening of the mouth " of the deceased. Here were two instruments 
called /fi'/i-(?;i-/C'^Y(, in form like two ostrich feathers bound together ;, 
one of these bore the queen's name. The handle of a chisel used 
in the ceremony, the four blocks of alabaster used in the ceremony 
to cool the lips after the chisel had done its work, and some flint 


S.B.A. Pi-oceedhiqs, Nov., 1907. 

Lids of Canoiic Iars. 

Cold Head-dress. 


Ton//) nf Raiiieses IX . Tomb of Thy'i. 

Entrance to the Tomi;. 

Nov. 13] THE TOMB OF THYI. [1907. 

knives ; also two red pebbles, by contact with which the lips regained 
their colour. 

In the ceremony of the "opening of the mouth" are described 

four pieces of j Bda, with which the mouth and eyes of the 

deceased are to be touched. This word has generally been translated 
" iron," but as our four pieces of alabaster are certainly to be identified 
with the '■'■ Biia of the North a?id Sotith " of this ceremony, we see that 
the word must mean alabaster in this case at least. This is a strong 
proof of M. Naville's assertion in F.S.B.A., June, 1907, p. 234-5,^ 

that the word 1 [1 "^^^ <^ ^ , which is probably the same word, 

should be translated "alabaster." Several small objects were found 
scattered about the tomb, among them a gold rosette and a small 
gold pendant in the shape of a lotus flower. In the corridor near 
the entrance was the blade of a small copper engraving tool. 

In each corner of the room was a mud block inscribed with a 
prayer and an erased cartouche. 

It will probably be no news to my readers that the skeleton 
found in the tomb has been pronounced by Dr. Elliot-Smith, of 
Cairo, to be that of a young man of about twenty years of age. 
The subject will receive further consideration, but in any case, the 
discovery of a burial of this character cannot be devoid of interest. 



By R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. 

( Continued from p. 174.) 

Hebrew Text — continued. 

. ■ . hir\T\ Tnym hir\r\ so n'px xio 
rpr x"?! i:''D ip'py' ix ijutx x'py io^'^dm nb: -3 iDon b^'^ph^::!^ (33) 
•/ i^;n"io npM VOID''"! iryi jxc'^ivi n-'m D2n "pn 'p3T' s''L*' ijo 

•.* n-13"' |XD?^n IX jssn ^d IwX jr-n ''2 ir'?Dn jx Ity'^lGie) 
iJDii'nn'' iSo nay d'^oh'' "piS '?x»t:' ^x injj p '?iin "px Tli;'''"n(37) 

•.• ''mx \sij' 
^x'j' i3n:;nn'' xn po'' ^x n^r 'py hl"^ ix ip'py nmn "px )i^D^(38) 

*.• '•DTX 

nnn inn^jm poL'-nvj' pen. ix nn pea in'':n nmn' Jt-^irSso) 
*.* mnon iti'pxl" |njn )"!2nn*j' n» b T'Ji::*'? 
•.' "rDn^ nnn ij^n njx 'px n^n ^2 nbnn IZDK^o) 

pn^i x^;^^p 13a py'i rno ^2 lobn pD> nmn ^x J^^^"r(4i) 
nbx nxni an* pn* nnn n^x p *? xnoyoi xnpni xnnnan 
->i^yL"i ':yDDn inbii in»in nmn x** inroynx xviip 'px >'?y "pipn 
.Dx^D '?x hn Tim px p^^DX^ '\mT\ ^x nnc xidd xinrm 

'-': pDx 

« On the margin is written "pXTl'IJ '2* pL'6 'pyit'?X''anX Dt^'aiDD* ^HX 'D 



b]} ninmnn I'rx nin3 ni-x inns xnnc nvin dx nin^^^ (42) 

nn 3'y [See piate i, no. 5] n^'in'::' '•o'? yji :inn Din 
XD?D^:i mn^ nr^xi n>2X n''3m ni-x -|nnx xun QvS niinL" nint^7 («) 
nn D'y [See piate n, xo. ej s^rj -[»^y xu^i nnxriu'' '•o^ vi) jx-iarn 

lynr b n^m nioi'-n I'px ^nv fi'rpn 2inD nx-13 i3\si n«T^^04) 
on y]) [See Plate ir, No. 7] "c"j2"!) •'Hi^'n r\'22 n^'pocn 

myc' nyn'^ rion naipn ins ■•nv ^hpi mo'^'n I'rx ains'- i^'Va^) 

Ui2V li^nnS im Vc'n onx ':2 inix ixi^ x'pi 6 bp'oj. dol''^ 

*.* loy in IX xL"ni 
•/ [See Plate ir. No. 8] |n iVxi "[ynTn n''L"i nironinn i'7X mn3 t^'j7(46) 
n -iipnni" nyao d'pidd nL-yi 'x '•'•pi niycn 'rnni n*j"in3 np x'r(47) 
imx nxT- x"? yDV nmx xL"n [See piate n, no. 9] m?:^n1^^ i^x 

2'y '.• ulX CYC 

miyn n'^n'") ip"? mnnni cxa L:'?:;'nm \pr\12 amy •'V^n np t^"y(4S) 
nj-i?Dt;'ni nnix x^npn nmn 'x px x-'^'i ']h^ wcp D^^'nn xvr3''i 

•.' 2']} D''L"JX TlXT x"?"! I'PVX 

trmi in'?3t:i int;'3"'i )2b nx npi i^nnn mn::' "pinn np ^^"i^(49), 
HMni loy inix xb* mi ix nmn pion nyn mn'j'KD'? -jDy n"'n^i> 

3'y .'. *n b "ry?:) D^'i 
ycDT^ c'b'n Tiivn n^'-i-i nniL" j vb |m "nv fi'rpn ain^ ^^"i^(50)■ 

'.' n^r]^ hp hp hp i5~-^'j 
n-n i::2 "^xir^c-n -lynra n'pni cninn n? mn:Di •'nv ei'jp np t^^' (51) 

*.* 2'y [See Plate II, No. 10] ''nCH 

t«i i^'"^ t^'"^^ ^^'^^: S^-^'^n ^-i^^-l^^ >bv pbm nn^n px '7X yjn^ (•v2) 

'.' 3'y [See Plate ir, Xo. II] ^5 '^(^l "^^^^^ ''u)!^^ "'^PT^t^ 

x^nvxi' xn^n "pnDnxi XDn''i I'h:)? "rx mx"D i)2 p^r '7>i r'>l^(53) 

•.* 2'v xn^n 'pnsxi xiniu n^'??o 

'' Here we should probably read some form of ppn . 
■^ For XJnOXl . 

28x X 

Nov. 13] 




"ry n^i"ni mrDninn I'rx mnn n'p"''?a ku'' '71::^ x'^l** dj:'? (ss) 

3'y [See Plate III, Xo. I2l '•'pXi: pn2 

Nn^n nriD "ry I'^n^i mDmnn I'rx mn::^ x.-r*? niynn sbi** n-ir3'?(5<:) 

[See Plate III, No. 13] {"XrCO h"? l'?3p'' T'lD 

3'y [See Plate .11, No. 14] HTV HinX 



1 n 


y : 

1 X 






















03 n3 












movyn npn 'in^i C''^' '^ ""i' i'PT^ "^'^-i yn^Lv np n3rx7(-"n) 
n^'c -|3'i:i-i3i nx^L"'? cypc'im n3nx'? en d'e^'h d^jd ^':33 D'L"m 
: 3'y mx'ps nxnm nvinc' "'O '?3'? yj dhd n'::u'Q 
|m U''''bi-\ '122 nnix ';l"3i mine* n':'o:nn "rr n^*^3 np nx:L*'? (co) 
13 JIT nx nr D*xr,b' i^xl- 1D3 nr:xn /inn'? x^^i^m 3^^ x^^\'n 

: 3'y hizh 233 p3 nx;L" "riQ^ 
non V'5!ih^ t::'^!' nxn mni"'? |^m T'"': "ry 3in3n n3nx'?(Gi) 
••• en D3b ^j^y3 S3D n3nx3 ^ii5i?72 ^^ritor nit^n c':^' in"" 
Di'2 ^«''pi!r rfnrj nvrt^ dl"3 mcrn I'rx 3in3- n^n^^^s) 

233 'yv2 D3b n3nx i:nnL" ^tr^v ':t^'an« dl-3 nrrni^ 

3'?n3 ix p^3 n^'Ti;' ^a^ imx tn-i rr^lJ dl"3 H"'!? dl*'3 n^ nrc-13 

: ni'i: Dn^:3 n3nx hmm 


DHD ns isntr 103 1DXM niriL**^ in^i niofn I'px DPn D''32^ 
DiT-j^n n\n^ x?i d3s n^ isn'- id D'>''U^"i nmsi xii»j; nxi 
7t^"^::cn dl'-^ nr ns nr ixje^'m s'n's nx xrL'"'i noro jn x'?i nnnx 
:3'y nvrb^ 5 DL-a ]''^T1 bi^^Qpi S«i^yn ^^'^nn 
n:ik6 D^on np'j'ni D''on imx pinci cnn ^"pd "py ninD nnnx'p(G4) 

*.• yv h'lh hv sbb 2'b iisn D1D7 Die'? □1D7 nxin 
n':}y m» '?y nc;*xn -ii:;'pni ninL"n I'px T'''J 'py ninn^ n2nx'?(65) 
ay 121- xbi p^ ah) nn::"' x"?! bx' xS cab n"?! nxn^pi nxri 

: 3'y onn D^ ni^ d5 riF^ ot^-n d-ix die^ 

Translation — continued. 

No. 34. The claws of the hoopoe : — If thou burn them and mix 
them in wine and give them to drink to a woman that conceiveth not, 
then will she habitually conceive. 

No. 35. The beak (? read .iA^) of the hoopoe. — And he shall sew 
it into skin, or sew it on his gown, or hang it on his person, and he 
shall lack nothing, and shall come in to the sage, or minister, or 
sultan, and he shall give him power and honour him and shall 
nominate (him) as his officer. 

No. 36. A feather thereof, if thou leavest it in a house, or shop, 
or place, (that house) will be destroyed. ^ 

No. 37. The long feather from its left wing, if he carry it on him, 
nothing human can be hostile to him. 

No. 38. The tongue of the hoopoe, (if) he hang it or bind it on 
the right wrist, nothing human can be hostile to him. 

No. 39. The tongue of the hoopoe, (if) thou puttest it in olive 
oil, or sesame oil, and put it under thy tongue, whosoever thou 
pleasest shall give thee thy request speedily. 

No. 40. Its blood, if thou shalt burn it as incense in the house 
of a man in which there is sorcery, it shall cease. 

No. 41. The brain of a hoopoe, if thou mix it with flour and 
knead thereof a cake, and if thou crumble it and pound it and give it 
to eat to anyone thou wishest, he shall love (thee) and this is what 

285 X 2 


thou shalt say over the cake: "O hoopoe, . . . and I set thee that 
thou shalt hear me and help me, and bear witness, as the hoopoe 
bore witness to Solomon, son of David, in peace. Amen."^ 

No. 42. For love. — If thou wishest that a woman shall come after 
thee, write these seals on a new potsherd, and touch whomsoever 
thou wishest {see Plate I, No. 5). 

No. 43. For love, ivhen thou wishest that a woman should come 
after thee, and thou shouldst please her father a?id mother. — Write in 
starch (?) and saffron, and touch whomsoever thou lovest and she will 
come with thee, "N, son of N," etc. {see Plate II, No. 6). 

No. 44. For one to see without being seen. — AVrite on gazelle-skin 
these names, and hang it on thy left arm on the shoulder. And 
this is what thou shalt write {see Plate II, No. 7). 

No. 45. Another. — Let him write these names on gazelle-skin 
seven hours after the solstice of Tammuz, and put them in a stick of 
almond wood, and men shall not see him. And this is what thou 
shalt write : "Whw Lhhs 'Amm Nga Gith Mka Bni Na Mayil Hrh 
Msr, and put the stick on thy heart, and thou shalt carry it on thy 

No. 46. Another. — Write these seals and put them on thy arm. 
And these are they {see Plate II, No. 8). 

No. 47. Ajiother. — Take of copper and iron about one oke weight, 
and make of all of them a ring and engrave on it these seals {see 
Plate II, No. 9). (If) thou carry it on thy person, no one shall see 

No. 48. Another. — Take a raven's eggs from the nest and cook 
them on the fire and put them back in the nest, and when the raven 
looketh and findeth the eggs hard, it will go and bring a good stone 
(and) thou shalt take it and keep it near thee and men will not see 

No. 49. Another. — Take a black cat and kill it, and take its heart 
and dry it and steep it in honey and let it be kept by thee. At the 
time of the waning of the moon or the beginning of the month carry 
it on thy person, and thou shalt be concealed from the eyes of all 

* Mar^nal note. A preicription for love. — Let him write the name of Ahabiel, 
and on the tongue let him write Noithiel. 



No. 50. Another. — Write on gazelle-skin and put on it three 
lines and carry it on thy neck. And this is what thou shalt write : 
"Glsps Smrkd Kl Kl Kl Yahweh." 

No. 51. Another. — Take gazelle-skin and write this seal and hang 
it on thy left arm opposite the shoulder (^see Plate II, No. 10). 

No. 52.^ — For a pain in the ear. — Thou shalt write and hang it 
on the ear,^ "Adniya Dniya Niya lya Ya A Am'ami Mami "Ami 
Umi Mi {see Plate II, No. 11). 

No. 53. — For a 7vhitening in the eye. — Take the gall of a hedge- 
hog and dry it and paint thine eyes with it, or pound it up together 
and paint thine eyes with it. 

No. 54. For business. — Write these on a ram's-skin and hang it in 
the shop. And this is what thou shalt write : " In the name of 
Kaphak Gzsab s k s Knkpzk Skh Zszklbokak." 

No. 55. For a thief] that he may not be able to etiter by night. — 
Write these seals and hang them on the door. Prok goali {see 
Plate III, No. 12). 

No. 56. For a girl that is not sought in marriage. — Let him 
(sic) write these seals and hang them up on the door of the house, 
and immediately they shall take her in marriage {see Plate III, 
No. 13). 

No. 57. For love. — Write these seals and throw them in a vessel 
of water — which he drinketh from, and he will love thee with a strong 
love {see Plate III, No. 14). 

No. 58. A diagram for casting lots. 

No. 59. For /(9Z'^.— Take a frog and bury it in the earth for seven 
days, and then thou shalt take the bones and put (them) in a vessel 
of water ; those that swim are for love and those that sink are for 
hatred, and when thou wilt, set them to work ; touch whomsoever 
thou wishest, and thou wilt see wonders. 

No. 60. For hate. — Take the egg of a black hen, and boil it in 
urine, and give half of it to a dog, and half of it to a cat, and say : 
•'As these hate one another, so may hatred fall between N., son 

of N., and N., son of N." 

^ It seems probable that the word for "ear" has been left out by dittography 
with Adniya. Some of these words have peculiar marks over them, not repre- 
sented here. 



No. 61. For love. — Thou shall write on parchment and give it 
to drink ; and this (is it) " Smnit Ktba Bsh Ytr '01am Hozoth 'Atuel 
Ma'tul in love for N., son of N., in the eyes of N,, daughter of N." 

No. 62. Another. — Let him write these names : "In the name of 
Ehyeh Suria Sadkiel, in the name of Arima, in the name of Ahabiel 
Yophiel, that ye shall put love for N., son of N., in the eyes of N., 
daughter of N., by the might of Yah, in the name of Sih, in the name 
of Sih." And let him give it to whomsoever he will, in wine or milk, 
and there shall be love between them by God's help. 

No. 63. For hatred betiveen a man and his wife, or betiveen a man 
and his friend. — Let him write on parchment " Atikos Ankis Hts," 
these names, and give it to drink, and let him say, "As He overthrew 
Sodom and Gomorrah, and Admah, and Zeboim, so may he over- 
throw the heart of N., son of N., and there shall be no love between 
them, nor grace, nor favour, and he shall hate N., daughter of N., 
and they shall hate one another, in the name of Haphniel, Haruwiel, 
Ha'muel, and Kaphsiel, and Knsin, in the name of K Ehyeh." 

No. 64. For love. — Write on a vessel or pot, and wash it off in 
water, and give the water to drink to the one that hateth (thee) ; and 
this is it: " Lprm Lprm Lprm turn the heart of N., daughter of N., 
towards N., son of N." 

No. 65. For love. — Let him write these names on parchment, 
and the woman shall bind them on her right hand, and this is it : 
"(For ?) a burning in the heart of N., son of N., and he shall not 
eat, drink, sleep, or speak with anyone, in the name of At Ks 
At Kis Hts." 

I^To be continued.) 



S.B.A. Procccdins;s, No7'., 1907. 


^o-fpgs ir^-^a-r ^'nHf^^uDa 


Q o o 



''imj ^^^ 







By W. E. Crum. 

The collection of Nitrian MSS. left by Tischendorf to the 
Leipzig University Library has recently been the subject of an 
excellent though brief catalogue by Dr. Leipoldt (in K. V oilers : 

Katalog der islamischen Handschriften i/.s.2v., Leipzig, 1906). 

I had, some years ago, an opportunity of studying them, and have, 
more recently, with the object of reviewing this new catalogue, had 
reason to further investigate them. But my notes, I found, grew so 
voluminous, that I abandoned the projected review, and have put 
them together in the following form. I have only dealt with a 
selection of the saints whose names occur ; of many there was nothing 
to add to the statements of the catalogue. The numbers in brackets 
are those of Dr. Leipoldt's pages, on which the names will be 

Abraham and Garoga (/m^ George) (385). — These are the 
anchorites, ' the shining stars,' so often referred to in the Sjnaxartum, 
where the story of the former is told on the 9th Ttibehi, that of the 
latter on the i8th Bashans.- Abraham's parents suffered from the 
Persian invasion^ (618-628), his spiritual father was John, the 
celebrated hegumenus of Shihet,* who was in office prior to the Arab 
conquest. Younger contemporaries were the patriarch Isaac, ob. 
693,5 and Mina, bishop of Thmuis, who himself assisted at the 
consecration of four patriarchs, the last in the year 743.'' 

Abraham may be the Abraham of Phelbes, mentioned in the 
history of the deposition of the bones of the 49 Martyrs, as a 
colleague of John the hegiunenus." AVith John the two saints dwelt, 
at the Monastery of Macarius, in the cella called 'to this day' 

^ WusTENFELD, 22/. - Mv copv of a Cairo (Al-Mo'allaqah) MS. 

■' WuSTENFELD, Lc. ^ Ih. 2o6, 228. 

•^ Amelineau, Vie ct Isaac 33 ; A. J. Butler, Arab Conq. 548 ff. 
•> lb. 102. '' ZoEGA, p. 95. 

289 *? 


jilj^JL.' or ^^-c\_'.^ Before accompanying his friend thither, George 

had spent ten years in the raonastry of Abba Orion, ^ whence a two 
days' walk into the ' inner desert ' brought him to the Monastery of 
the Greeks.^ 

Ambrosius and Hor (389) — Contents : Apa A. asks Apa H. for 
his prayers and Apa H. asks for his. Thereafter the narrator went 
into the desert and became so ill, that he thought not again of H. 
for a week. Then he quitted ' this mount,' i.e. nTU)OT kigbg . . . 
to visit H., who dwelt in the mount of niC(J[)ii(:Ki, 'distant from 
us a station's (/loj///) journey.' He came upon OTNi^i* KSOTop^MCj 
nqoHp CBOA Kia)Kii.i^ The place-names are difficult. The first 
can, among known places, fit only CBH^T, ApoUinopolis Parva^-; 
the second recalls ncooTW,^'^ though Syene, too, is occasionally 
COTHM.^^ At any rate, no localities in Lower Egypt here suggest 
themselves. Ambrose is a very rare name in Egypt. One, quite 
inconspicuous, occurs in the calendar, i-^ 

Amoun (389). — This is presumably the same martyr who else- 
where (394) appears with Krajon {q.v.). Here an Apollo is also 
mentioned, which recalls the conjunction of these three names in 
the Acts of Anoub.^° At his other occurrence here Amoun is called 
of e6p[e]NOT'l", which points to the martyr of the 27th Abib,^" 

* The first in the Paf>: Hist. (Paris ai-abe 140, f. 249, Evetts), the second in 
the Synax. (Forget 182, 201). Cf. QuATREMiiRE i, 466. The only etymology 
that I can suggest is n 13:0:^3^6^ (or a simpler form nOTIXH^). Cf. Miis. 
Giiimct XXV, 56, where this clearly = ' summit,' though ib. 292, that can hardly 
be the meaning. Another quarter of the monastery is ^_jwiiio (MS. f. 234, 
Evetts), ='hKII^'h Npi {v. Zoega 65, 105, Qu.\tremere I.e., Renaudot, 
Hist. 514.) 

^ ^i')^ ^'^ /-^ ^" "ly Cairo MS., (jyj;\ J-.> (Forget p. 201). Orion 
bishop of Sais (Zoega. 109) is too late to be identical. 

^^ f^f^ y.J Cairo MS. Presumably Dair al-Baramus, elsewhere {Synax,, 
27th Baremhat) f>^y\ (^ — jJ^aJ^ ^o or f^^\ W.^t. 

'' 'A great watch-house, built of (?) stones,' assuming OTOp^tJ, which 
occurs obscurely as a boundary in the deeds Brit. Mus. Or. 6202, 6206, to be 
formed {v. Stern § 100) from ()T(;p^l. This verb in Mission iv, 637, is to 
lay foundations and, less clearly, in ib. 20. In Zoega 499 = build, construct. 

^'- y. my chapter in Petrie's forthcoming Gizeh and Kifeh, pt. ii. 

'•' Mission iv, 737. L.'s other reference, for which I am responsible, is 
clearly unsuitable. 

'^ Brit. Mus. Cat., no. 399. i5 A ASS. March 17. 

'^ Zoega, p. 30. " Amelineau, Actes, 105. 



although his siory tht^re shows no connection with that of Krajon. 
The companion of Krajon ^^ moreover cannot be the Amoun of Brit. 
Mus., no. 344. Two more of our leaves (Nr. 1086, K. 30, 33) seem 
to belong to this cne ; but the mention of the heg^emon of the 
Thebais makes their relation doubtful. 

Apoli (389 &:c.). — Sufficient has been said of this martyr else- 
where. ^^ The text of C. 4 corresponds to that of Cod. Vatic. LXI, 
f. 223. In K. 27 the village where his body is laid to rest is called 
ncoiiT[ ]20l. Can this be connected with the 'moat,' v^u..^!', 
the northern suburb of Cairo, to a monastery in which the Synaxa- 
rmm says that the body was eventually brought ?~o A curious word, 
occurring in the colophon to the Vatican MS., f. 227 ro., may here 
be noted. The donor was rotopri Ki'ie kuakikihg nijjeuc, 
translated, I know not why, as miser by Assemani.-i 

Apollo (420). — In addition to what has been said elsewhere,-- 
I would point out that an inscription at Bawit, naming AFIOAACO 
<|)IA()C N[N]Ari'eAOC,~^ proves that the saint of the 25th Babeh, 
coL'^I^^ o^.l--^i^9 is indeed tlie founder of that great monastery. 

(B)enepi (385). — Elsewhere lieKiim, Beiiiqi, Nini,~^ or trans- 
lated, 2AAIA A.'Ar>-.~'' The ^.^^.^^^^ in some cases calls him 
'presbyter,' making John, who here follows him, his disciple. His 
place in the list is late, among the recent saints. He appears to be 
commemorated in one version of the calendar.^o The name recurs 
in a Jkow (Aphrodito) papyrus, as riewine. Cf. perhaps Uuvi^i^.-'' 

Cross, The (410). — I give an analysis of the text. (B. 13) "The 
Archbishop said, ' How many thieves hast thou slain in this city 
since thou art king ic:x(3NTAKepOTpo ? ' The aviij^ovKoi replied, 
* A great number.' Archb., ' How much money has thou received 

^^ Note that Amoun and Krajon both figure in the Acts of Apa Ter and Erai ; 
Hyvernat, Actes, 94. 

^^ V. Brit. Mus. Cat. no. 338. In a note there, read 1st Mesore for ist 

■^° V. Mai, Set: Ve(. Nov. Coll., iv, 299, Renaudot, Hi^t., 465. Cf. 
Casanova in Bull. Inst. Eg. i, 167. 

-1 Mai, op. cit., v, 156. -- Aeg. Z., XL, 61. 

-^ Cledat, Baotiit, ii, 1 19. 

'■* Leyden, MS. copte 4I {Catal . . . Antiq. copies, 1900). 

-^ Cairo Eiichologioii (1902), p. 360. Transliterated in MS. Curzon 143, 61 

-^ Malan, Calendar, 3d Baremhat. -' CIG., 4883. 



for the crosses ^(5 whereon the thieves hung?' ili'yi/i., 'What 
man of sense would buy these pieces of wood, that are covered with 
the diseased humours utooT wiabi of their bodies? They are 
good for naught but burning.' Archb., 'If it was a thief the Jews 
slew, wherefore requirest thou these 3000 solidi for this small piece 
xoni of wood, found in this Jew's house, and only one span long? 
For thou didst say to me that thieves' crosses were but good for 
burning, by reason of their evil odour. Why, O king, was it not 
likewise burnt, if a thief it were that hung thereon ? ' Then the <ti'/</^. 
was silent a long while, knowing not what to answer. At last he 
said, ' Verily I have been as dumb before thee. For I have talked 
with many sages o-o0o's- and astrologers that do observe the stars, and 
they were silent.' 

(B. 11) 'What I have heard from my fathers, that do I relate.' 
Si'v^/i., ' My law doth write that God hath not known (?) woman 
neither begotten children ; but that He is a spirit and a word, be- 
come as man.' Archb., ' If a man, how then made He water wine 
and cast out demons?' Sc'/t/^., [ ]. Archb., [ ]. SiVv^-, 
' My law doth write that they set Him not upon the cross, but 
God did take Him up to heaven.' Archb., 'Whom then did 
they crucify?' 'EvufS., 'A man that was exchanged for Him, 
(3TA(|(3|>T(3q^eBi(jU, and the Jews believed it was Jesus they had 
crucified.' Archb., 'Is not God then powerful (able) .... wish 
.... slay him in place of Jesus?' 'S./f/nfi., [ 

The first of these leaves is the last of quire 6, the second is 
p. 104. Reckoning a quire at 8 leaves, our two may be almost, if 
not actually, consecutive. 

Clearly this dialogue does not relate to the finding of the Cross 
by Helena. As to that ascribed to her daughter Theodosia, I have 
not been able to study it.-'^ Now the title (nyj/ioiAos', ' governor,' of 
which a good deal has of late been heard,-^ is assumed to indicate a 
post-mohammedan period. In Egypt it was the designation of the 
governors, the earlier khalifs' lieutenants. And indeed the religious 
views professed by our tTv/itftov\o<i accord with those held by Moslims 
regarding Christianity.'"^ But what Cross-legend relates to the period 

^ V. Zotenberg's Ethiopic Catal., p. 64, no. 51. C/. perhaps the story of 
Eudoxia in Rossi, / Fapiri di Torino, i, III, 22. 

^ V. C. H. Becker, Papyri Scholt- Rcinhardt , i, 35; NoLUEKE in Z. f. Assyr. 
xix, 400. 

•*" Cf. Coran, xix, 35, cxii ; iv, 156. 



between 640 and ca. 900, when the Leipzig MS. was probabl)- 
written? May we suppose that a post-mohammedan author has lent 
the features of his own time to an earher age and that we have here 
one of the stories of the Cross's fate in Persia, whence it was 
retrieved, in 628, by HeracHus''^? That emperor finds, it is true, 
no favour with the Copts, so that we should not look for the history 
of his good deeds in their literature ; however, I incline to regard our 
text as relating to one of the several fragments of the Cross dispersed, 
during the 7th century, about the Persian empire — at Apamea, for 
instance, and at Ctesiphon. Indeed the title whereby the ' governor ' 
in our text is once addressed : 'king of neeAiptDiiOKionc;,' might 
almost be taken for a distortion of KTrjatcjiwi'Tn^. It was from 
Ctesiphon that a fragment was sent to Heraclius by Sarbaros.-"- Yet 
the role of the Archbishop and the mention of the Jew's house raise 
further difficulties. ^-^ I may add that the late Prof. Rvssel,^^ to 
whom I, some years ago, showed our text, was unable to identify it. 

DiONYSius THE Areopagite (420). — Those Synaxaria which, 
on the 23rd Babeh, commemorate a Dionysius — several omit him — 
specify the martyr bishop of Corinth, excepting the interesting 
calendar in Abu '1-Barakat's Misbah az-Zuhiah^'' ; that, like our text, 
has the Areopagite, 'chief of the philosophers, the astrologer,' whom 
other lists, however, assign to the 6th of the same month. •'^ 

Gabriel (416). — This is from a very popular encomium on the 
archangel ascribed to Archelaus, a bishop whose diocese it is difficult 
to identify. Another copy, Cod. Vatic. Copt, lix,-'' wherein the 
identical miracle occurs, calls it Neapolis. This too is its name in 
the Sa'idic version and in a sermon attributed to the same writer. '^"^ 
The Vatican MS., opening (like the Sa'idic) with Ps. civ, 4 and 24, 

^^ V. A. J. Butler, Arab. Conq. 126, 164; Noldeke, Gcsch. d. /"(v-jy;- 391, 
392 ; liutychius ed. PococKE, ii, 213 ; Sebeos ed. Maclei;, 89. On the oriental 
legends generally v. Ic Chronique de Seert ed. A. ScHER (Pa/rot. Or., 1907), 272 fif. 
Procopius ((jRETSER, Opera, ii, 413) and Cedrenus (DoBSCHurz, Chrisiiislu'lder^ 
47) relate an earlier recovery, in 574, of a fragment from Apamea. 

^^ GuiDi's Syr. Chronicle (Noldeke), Vienna Acad., Stzh. cxxviii (ix), 25, 32. 

SCHER, Op. cit., 274. 

^•* Unless the archb. were a reminiscence of Ishoyab's mission to Heraclius^ 
Noldeke, Geseh. 391, which is very improbable. 

'^ V. Z. f. Kirchengesch. xv, 222; Archr.'J. A'eiiere Spr. xciii, i. 

^^ Paris, Mi), arabe 203, fol. 257 ff. 

"^ NiLLES, Kalendariuvi^ \\, 708; Zotenberg, op. cit., 157. 

'■""^ Mai, op. cit., V, 154. 

'^^ Paris, MS. cople 131^ foil. 27-29; 131^, ful. 36. 



tells how A. had once, in visiting the holy places at Jerusalem, gone 
to Siloam and arrived at the monastery of Romanus. The hospitable 
monks assign him an ai'dx'-^'/"!'"^"!' and give him the keys of the 
library, kept in a small chapel. There, in an old book, he reads 
a avvTa'/uti of the Apostles, narrating an apocalypse, wherein Christ 
had spoken of the seven archangels. On returning home, A. is 
■desirous to build a church to Gabriel, wherein he is encouraged by 
Nicolas, the bishop, 'whom I succeeded.' Le Quien knows neither 
an Archelaus nor a Nicolas of Neapolis. The Arabic version, 
however, of the encomium '^'^ calls his see Ira ^j\, while in the 
Synaxariu7n (22nd Kihak) the church is built at Danah i'U^J.'*^ 
One calendar simply calls A. episcopus Mesopotami(B.^^ How can 
these statements be reconciled? The last of them recalls the 
legendary Archelaus of Kaskar. Fie however was known, at least to 
Shenoute, by his usual designation^-. If, on the other hand, we 
would regard our author as historical, it must be considered that 
the founder of the monastery of Romanus lived under Marcian 
{Ob. 457).^-^ 

George (414). — This text is less [jrolix than Budge's Sa'idic. 
It may be noted that 0'.\i.\ is here represented by oa-ijpioi'. 

Gregory of Armenia (422). — So, of course, instead of George, 
in A. 8. As to the other texts relating to this saint (Greg. Nyss., 
Encomium) on pp. 3S9, 395, etc., whereof we are promised an 
edition, it may be observed that a fragment of this very MS. is in 
the RvLANDS (Crawford) collection and part (6 foil.) of a Sa'idic 
version at Oxford. ^^ 

Jacobus Intercisus (409, 411).— The sequence is D. 15, U. 16, 
A. 2. The ist and 2nd of these recount the martyrdom of J.'s 
companions as follows. The king bids the soldiers surround them, 
and many are shot down and thus, like the penitent thief for a like 

,-«) i>aris, MSS. arabe 145, 148. 

^^ So Forget, Wustenfeld, Zotenberg (Eihiop. ); Mai, seems to read 
\aU\j [^op. ciL, iv, 103). The only Arabic name which suggests itself is 1^1 J, 
which was a bishopric ; Le Quien ii, 997. 

■*' So the very inadequate Latin version in, 712. 

■*- Leipoldt, Sfhetnite, 86. For the patriarchal chronicler (Evetts, p. 196) 
this A. is bishop ' of a ci^y in Syria.' 

*'^ Of his two foundations, probably that at Eleutheropolis is here meant, 
since one of the miracles concerns a man from Gaza. V. Ahrens-Kruger, 
Zacharias, 261, 306, 359; Kev. Or. Chr., iii, 339; v, 272. 

■*•* Clar. Press, MSS. WoiDE, frag. 54. 



confession, go to heaven. Then the king summons J., points to the 
crowd and the great v-iniKof, which his ' magic ' has brought to 
death, and to the arrows hanging in the air. Yet let him now but 
worship the WOTNl'*'' of the Persians, and he shall go unharmed, 
for the sake of the late king's friendship. J- replies that the world's 
friendship is enmity with God (Ja. iv, 4). ' Let not the Nazarenes,' 
says the king, 'deceive thee, that this death is but a sleep. Even 
the great kings fear to die.' J. retorts that godless kings fear 
because [. (Evidently a text similar so far to that of Mombritius^*^). 

The 2nd leaf tells of further efforts to intimidate the martyr, who 
likens himself to the silent lamb (Is. liii, 7). The 3rd leaf corresponds 
to p. 4, 1. 30 — p. 5, 1. 8 of the Vatican text printed by von Lemm.'*^ 
To the other texts relative to J., enumerated by Leipoldt, may be 
added Paris vol. 129^'"', foil. 78, 79. Is it a mere coincidence that 
the completion of his new fuipTvpiui' at Oxyrhynchus should fall upon 
the 3rd iNIechir,-'^ the festival of another James ^^ ? 

John of Psenhowt (412, 415). — Amelineau has identified this 
Psenhowt.^** Its description here as 'of Pjinatho,' clearly indicates 
a connection with the neighbouring Natho-Leontopolis,''! and not 
with Ptenato in the N.W. Delta. What the meaning of the element 
cri- or criw- may be it is difficult to say. 

John (413). — This is John Colobus, the text being that of 
Musee Guimef, XXV, 361. 

John (421). — The date of commemoration shows this to be the 
hegumenus (read ? ni?Hr) of Shihet, often mentioned in the Sy/iaxa- 

Krajon (390, 394). — Clearly not an Egyptian name. I would 
suggest that AnAKpA:xuiKi,and especially niAnoc AnoKpA,\toii,^^ 

■*•' So my copy. Probably KIOT'h. 

*^ Sanctiiariuni ii, 20 b. I owe the reference to Father P. Peelers. 

*^ Iberica (St. Petersburg Acad., ZapisJd, 1906). 

^« op. cit., p. 8. 

■*" Malan's Calendar, 30th Baremhat, shows that confusion might occur. 

^^ Geogr. 417. 

^^ F. Abii Salih, ed. Evetts, p. 270 n. 

5- V. above, p. 289, also F. M. E. Pereira, Abba Samuel 153 and the 

5^ Hyvernat, Actes 93. The form (:jy?-^^?^ {Synax., 25th Abib) is hardly 
evidence; </. o^';^^, OT*^'? (:Jjj*==-~? ' > which, like many more, contain 



represents 'Ap-oKfxn-iwt', a name common enough among Christians 
— several bishops bear it — though it happens not to occur in Coptic 
texts. -'^ His story here is similar to that in the Sy^/axariu///.'" His 
home I read here as ]u(;iiAKi, Leipoldt as i[.](H)AKI; elsewhere 
it is NOiiAKi,'** or. with the possessive, nAWATAM;^'' in Arabic 
.\^tjj, in which llA- is added. Our ist leaf (K. 25) describes 
him as well versed in Greek, a bold warrior and fair to look upon, 

KIA(|T(iA[r>ll]OTT 0('.l)AI NOTOIKIIhJ NKA[A(l)(;]n(- 0T02 
H(H)TIK).\(3U[lKt)C?]n(; l)nilTl3C|.\OU {3KI(3C(;[no] I l(:C)AI KIKIAT 
opotj. His fellow-robber was the 7/>f/0crv, Ap(a) Amoun (v. 
above) ; together they sat at the feet of a saintly (ci'/io^) old man 
— the monk in Scete, presumably, whom they had set out to rob. 
The 2nd leaf (K. 26) shows Apokr., after wearing the 'J'X'y/'" six 
years, taking leave of his 'brethren,' and setting out for ii^A'h, 
to find the y'/einvf. In the 3rd leaf he is before the 'kings,' 
who wonder at his strength and beauty ; for his shoulder ^coii^ 
reaches above all the soldiers. ' 'Tis well thou art come, O king of 
idols, that hast the keys of heaven and knowest it not, thou through 
whose cruelty many are borne up to God.' He recalls the time 
when his fathers ''^ crossed the Red Sea and God spoke to Moses. 

■'* It is indeed found in the Nicene subscriptions (ZoEGA 244) as ApnO- 

''^ 25th Abib. V. Amelineau, Ac/es 94. 

^ Hyvernat, /.c. 

^' Amelineau, Geogr. 86. 

^ Doubtless in the usual spiritual sense. 

{To be continued.) 





By \y. L. Nash, F.S.A. 

9. An oil jar in faience. Pale blue glaze. Inscribed 1^ I 

sed heb^ "Festival oil," i.e., ''oil for the Sed Festival." This oil is 
mentioned in most of the lists of offerings in temples and tombs, 
e.g.., in the South Hall of Offerings in the Temple of Hatasu at Der 
el Bahari, and in the tomb of Henent at Sheikh Said. 

In the Autho?'^s Collection. 

10. Fragment of palette made of hard limestone. Inscribed 
on the right, " the scribe Nebneteru justified," and on the left, 
"Chantress of Amen Hunu." /// the Author s Collection. 

11. Fragment of a jar made of hard crystalline limestone. 
From Abydos. Engraved \vith the figure of a king standing, 
holding in his right hand a sceptre, and his left an a?ikh. In front 


of him is a rectangular cartouche with the names 

Sekhemab [Perjenmaat. 

A clay jar-sealing with a similar inscription was found at Abydos 
in 1904.1 The only variation between the two inscriptions is that in 
the jar-sealing the ^i^ sign is below the 1^, and (or / ) below 

the j^, whereas in the inscription on my jar the relative positions 

of these signs are reversed. 

i Abydos, III (E. E. Fund), PI. IX, fig. 3. 


This name Sekhem-ab is regarded by Prof. Petrie - as the 
Horus name of a king whose Set name was Perabsen. Captain 
Weill,^ on the other hand, regards the king named on the Abydos 
jar-seahng and on my vase, as a king, distinct from Perabsen, whose 
Horus name was Sekhemab and his Royal name Perenmaat. 

In Abydos, III, p. 47, the jar-seaHng is said to be of "an un- 
known king, Sekhem abt Per en maat." 

The engraving on the jar is rej)roduced the full size of the 
original, but only part of the alabaster fragment^ — which measures 
4 inches x 3I inches — is given. /// f/ie Author's Collection. 

12. Funerary model of a mace-head, made of hard grey lime- 
stone. The stone has not been merely bored for the insertion of a 
haft, but has been hollowed out so that the walls are a mere shell. 
The protruberance which has been worked on the upper surface is 
probably intended to represent the protruding end of the haft of a 
real mace. It was bought at Luxor, but probably came from 
Gebelen, where there are both prehistoric and Xllth dynasty tombs. 
Mr. Ayrton attributes it to prehistoric times. 

In Air. E. R. Ayrton' s Collection. 

2 R. T. 11, p. 31- 

^ Rcc. de Travaiix, XXIX (1907), p. 32. 

The next Meeting of the Societ}^ will be held on 
Wednesday, December iith, 1907, at 4.30 p.m., when the. 
following Paper will be read : — 

Dr. Pinches: "The Legend of Merodach." 


S.B.A. Proceedings, Nov., 1907. 

The illustrations are the full size of the originals. 







Seventh Meeting, December iit/i, 1907. 


[No. ccxxi.] 299 


The following gift to the Library was announced, and 
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donor : — 

From J. Pollard, Esq. — " Strange Survivals." By S. Baring-Gould. 

The following Paper was read : — 

Dr. Pinches : " The Legend of Merodach." 

Thanks were returned for this communication. 



By W. E. Crum. 

{Continued from page 296.) 

LoNGiNUS (422). — I supply this in A. 7'\ as more likely than 
Paul, 'first of hermits,' whom some calendars omit.^^ His career is 
described in the Synaxariti?n, 2nd Amshir. He came from Cilicia to 
Alexandria, where he became abbot of one of the Henaton monas- 
teries and showed himself a convinced anti-chalcedonian. In a 
Sa'idic text*^" he is represented offering to sign Marcian's x'^P'^n'^i 
brought by a decurio, if the other brethren cmht assent ; otherwise 
he will return to prison. ^^i His prayer under these trials is pre- 
served in Ethiopic.6- In the ' Memoirs of Dioscorus ' he is referred 
to as a friend of Marcarius of Tkow.'^'^ He likewise figures in 
the Apophthegm ata ^^ and in the list of monastic heroes preceding 
the Life of John Colobus.^^ He may be the influential monk con- 
cerned in the election of Timothy Aelurus.^^ The monastery over 
which he presided was the ^^'S\ jj, commonly^^ rendered 'The 
Monastery of Glass.' The Arabic however could equally be read 
'Glassmaker,' which is supported by the only Coptic mention of it 
known to me : niuoKiAGTupiOKi ntg KiiAKiABA2i:u3Kii (read 
NiCAM-)^^ On the other hand, a name still connected with the 
locality, Kom el-Zugdeg, would seem to imply Ziigdgah, ' glass.' *'^ 

"^ Paul the Simple is found in that of NiLLES {30th Amshir). V. Ethiop. 
Synax., 22d Sane. 

*^ A small fragm. among the Borgian MSS. at Naples, omitted by Zoega. 
I found it in box i B 17. The title decurio might connect it with the passage in 
Mission iv {v. below). 

••^ Cf. the Synaxariuin. "'- Wright's Catal., p. 225. 

^ Mink. Rainer'w, 65, Mission iv, 135. " MiGNE, PG. 65, 256. 

^^ ZoEGA 116. Has it been observed that this is a geographically classified 
and to some degree chronological list, wherein L. is the latest name ? 

^^ Zacharias ed. Ahrens-Krliger 24, 313, Peter the Iberian ed. Raabe 65. 

^"^ Since Quatremere, Mans, i, 485. 

®^ Paris arabe 203, f. 167 ro. But the Ethiopic takes it as 'glass,' iiidkew, 
where it does not merely transcribe the Arabic, zegdg. 

^^ Breccia in Bull. Soc. Arch. d'Alex., no. 9, 12. 

•;oi Y 2 


Macarius the Egyptian (393, 394, 396, 409)- — K. 22, 32 and 
24 deal with the translation of ^L's remains after his death, in 391, 
the Life by Sarapion ^>^ being cited as authority. The body was at 
first laid in the <T-i)\ntov over against the church that he had built, 
and forthwith attracted crowds to profit by its healing powers. But 
Pjijber, his native village, began to covet so valuable a relic and 
(says the Synaxarium'''^) with the aid of bribes"- succeeded in 
stealing it. A rich coffin and fine church now sheltered it, ' for the 
land of Egypt was in great plenty (eidiji'ia) in those days ; for it was the 
time when the Romans were kings ' (K. 24 /^). But Joseph, the upx'^t' 
(piXdxpia-of of Elmi '3 (K. 24 a), dissatisfied with this arrangement, 
equAT xece^qi ucjjptDor^ aki uniTonoc eNAtjKijjHTq, 
goes in solemn procession and takes possession of the body, 
erceBUJG weueAWUii^y kik.\h|>ikoo eo.vq ec.vui oro? WApe- 

2AKIKeUH^ NcJ)l.\OnONOO '^ UO^I NeUUJOT hjeNOTMIiy-l" 

WAiUH. This was in a.m. 500 = a.d. 784. The Synaxarium 
tells us that it had lain at Pjijber 'over 160 years, until the dominion 
of the Arabs,' i.e. from before a.d. 4S0. Joseph sets about building 
a church for it {K. 24). But we learn from the Synaxarium''"' that 
John, the Patriarch of the day (775-799), having, at the customary 
Lenten retreat at Dair Abii Makar, expressed the desire to see the 
saint's body in their midst again, the porter ^^ of the monastery, with 
other brethren go to Elmi to beg it. But the people and the wdli 
(= ? the same Joseph) resist, until persuaded by a vision. Then 
the monks, amid sorrowing crowds, depart by river to Mariut, where 
the throng is such that only by scattering coin as a counter-attraction 

(^'^-♦.^ ^^,J.sLw *-;l-x!) can they attain the church. Next day 
they enter the desert and, resting only at the spot — recognized by 
the camel's halting — where the cherub had taken Macarius's hand," 

^ ZoEGA, pp. 45, 132, ed. Amelineau, Musee Guimet XXV, 46. 

"'"^ 27th Baremhat (my Cairo copy). 

^"- John, M.'s avaricious disciple (Laiis. Hist. Butler ii, 44), is named as tlie 

''^ In the Synax. (v. below) spelt (UJI, a variant of i..^\ or UJI (De Sacy), 
so confirming Amklineau's identification (Geo^: 163). 

"■* V. Petrides in Echos cTOrieni 1904, 341, my Brit. Mus. Cat. no. 1013, 
Rev. Or. Chr. 1906, 47. '''' 19th Mesori (as before). 



y^\ (lUHOTT. He was an important official in Egyptian monasteries. 
In several deeds [Br. Mus. Or. 6201 A, &c. ) 'the porter of the <^i\ot:6vi.ov of the 
Archangel Gabriel ' represents the community. 

■'" V. Musee Guimet, xxv, 57 ; QuATREMERE, i, 460. 



they reach the monastery, and deposit their burden in the church. 
This took place, we learn from leaf K. 22, in a.d. 831. There are 
many details in this curious story which would repay further inquiry. 

Another leaf from the same MS. (K. 23) relates also to the 
monastery of Macarius. For it has the title and commencement 
of the story of Benjamin's vision {owruaia), when visiting it to con- 
secrate the newly built church,'^ presumably that here referred to 
as ' the aK)pn) of Benjamin.' Traces of a Sa'idic text treating of this 
are extant,'^'-' which tell how the frescoes {Xi/luji') on the walls — 
Anthony, Paul, Pachom, and Macarius, and the archbishops Mark, 
Peter, Athanasius, Liberius, Cyril, and Dioscorus — miraculously 
greeted the patriarch at his entry. 

Macarius is further the subject of a leaf (409) from the story 
of his dispute with a heretic, possibly — seeing that the resurrection 
is in question — the Hieracite ascete of whom w^e hear elsewhere, 
though our text does not, I think, occur exactly in the Vatican MS.^^ 

Mark (385). — Elsewhere, 'Our father Abba M. in the hill of 
Anthony,' ^^ which scarcely helps us towards his identification. 
Malan, whose calendar alone commemorates him (8th Abib), takes 
him (without apparent ground) for the M. of the Lausiac History, A 
MS. hymn-book, belonging to Mr. C. T. Curelly, says that he retired 
to ' the hill of eeptiNiuoc,' i.e. probably eewepHUOC. 

Mary the Virgin (399, 400, 405, 407, 408, 412, 416, 417). — 
It is difficult to ascertain the relationships between these twelwe 
fragments : my notes, at any rate, do not permit me to do so here. 

XXVII, 3; XXVI, A. 2 ; XXVIII, 8, from one MS., belong to the 
story of Matthias among the Parthians (' Bartos'), and the help rendered 
him by the Virgin's magic prayer.^^ xhe first (without a parallel in 
Basset's texts) relates the governor's amazement on learning that 
the chains (///. stocks §') had melted in (the jailer's ?) hands. Others 

'* EvETTS, Patr. Hist., 5046"., a 'restored' (Sa;*^— ^) church; Synax. 
8th Tubah (Forget), ' a new ' (Sjk>Jk=^) church. 

"'•' Paris MS. copte 129''*, 125. 

^0 V. Butler, Laiis. Hist, ii, 194 (28), Preuschen, Pallad. u. Riif. 126. 
Hierax H^iepAKAG is attacked in a long passage in Paris 131", 100, an 
interesting text, with which cf. Athanasius, PG. 28, 516. 

*^ Cairo Eiichologioii (1902), 360. 

®'- V. Basset, Apocr. Ethiop. v, where the piece is ascribed to Cyril of 
Jerusalem, and P.S.B.A. xix, 210. 

*^ CCJ)A.\.\IC = ff<l>a\\6s. We are not told that wood too was aftected by 
the magic. 


declare that when at work upon ^akiiaoc mkck|)AAGON for the king 
of Persia, the iron had become as water. The second leaf^^ tells 
how the Virgin bade the idols go down to Hell ni\OTC kito 
<I)MOTM, there to await judgment ; how, as she proceeds to her 
seat beside Macrinus, the governor, the standards (o-Z^i'oi') bow down 
3:6BC63CtooT, and how, amid thunder and lightning, the dead 
arise, the m/nclu of the earth (xoi^^) ^re revealed. These KoXaaeiv 
and liaaavoi serve, says the third leaf,^^ to bring the townsfolk to 
be baptized by Matthias. And as the Virgin is giving him orders 
for the town ec"l" wneuj^ M'It.AKI WAq, a dove descending 
upon her, sings her praises. 

XXIV O. 50 ; XXV, 21 are from the sermon by Basil of Caesarea 
on the Virgin's church, built 'while Eumenius was governor of 
the east, ^^' and consecrated by Basil on the 21st Paone.^^ The first 
leaf opens in a digression warning men against sexual intercourse 
epAHAKiTAN (;MOTU|>HOT on ' catholic ' days, that is, days of 
divine service {(rvi'd'-jcadai), 'especially the great days of Epiphany^** 
and the blessed day of St. Mary and that of the w'/Za KvpiaK)).' Then 
B. recounts a vision, wherein the Virgin tells him of a heathen temple 
whence the two pillars (aTv\\o</ sic as usual) needed for the church, 
but possessed, since the days of the giants Acf)«Jc|), by demons, may, 
by Christ's help, be brought, and upon which her statue ^^ {(TTt'/Ky) 
may be erected. The second leaf narrates a repetition of the vision 
and Basil's discouragement at the difficulty of his task. 

Other leaves relate to the Transitus of the Virgin. XXIV, p. 49, 
has the title and beginning of an account by Peter and John of the 
appearance to Mary of Jesus surrounded by the children whom 
Herod had slain. The text differs from those published, but, so far, 
is sufficiently like the sermon of Theodosius.'^'^ Leaves XXV, 30, 31, 

** Basset, p. 67 I'n/ra. 

^ Differs from Basset. 

** No such comes orientis appears to be known. 

^ Mai, Scr. Vet. Nov. Coll. v, 163; Arabic in //'. iv, 310, V-xu^ ai-abc 154; 
V. also Synax. sub die = Sane, ed. GuiDi {Patr. Or.), 648, and Zotenberg's 
Ethiop. Cat., p. 67. 

** V. Crum, Ostraca, no. 29 n. OTCDNi^ (JliO.V thus also in C. SCHMIUT, 
T. u. U., NF. V, p. 6, Rossi, I Papi7-i\, v, 9. Cf. Ps. 80 (81), 3, iva-nixos, and 
Stern in Ae^^. Z., 1884, 147, whence it may be that ' Epiphany ' here is too 

*• Ar. Sjy>. DoBSCHLTZ, Cliristtisbilde}- 59, does not mention this. 

"" F. RoBiNso.N, p. 92, II. 



treat of the promises made by Christ to the Virgin on behalf of 
those who shall commemorate her, and XXV, 22, 23, 35 may belong 
here. To the MS. of XXVI, A. i belong the leaves in the Rylands 
(Crawford) collection ; they tell of the Virgin's death and burial 
and of the attempt of the Jews to seize the body.^^ 

Michael (401, 402). — The sequence is XXV, 10, 9, 8. These 
are from the Encomium by Eustathius. They correspond to parts 
of pp. 132, 133 of Dr. Budge's text.^^ Leaf XXV, 15 likewise 
relates to Michael, being from the KciOiypjo-t^ of Peter of Alexandria 
in Cod. Vatic. Copt. LXI.^^ The passage tells of the letter written 
by Eumenius of Alexandria to his colleagues ;yc|)Hp KiApxHG- 
[nic]Konoo, Evodius erxoAioc of Antioch and Theodore of 
Rome,'-'^ announcing the destruction throughout Egypt ^AG^pHl 
GNixtopA GTCABOA by Michael, of the -temples, on the 12th 
Hathor, a great pagan festival, and the conversion of that day into 
the feast of the archangel.^^ 

Pachomius (396, 401). — Two leaves, probably from one MS. 
The first corresponds to a passage otherwise extant only in the 

Arabic. ^^ The text of the second is new. Its page-number, tks", 

makes it very probable that this, and also the other, paged TK, 
belong to the 147 missing from Amelineau's text.^'' This new text 
narrates an address, apparently by the elder brethren, to Theodore, 
who has evidently been newly substituted for Horsiesi, reminding 
him how Pachom has befriended his humble beginnings, and how, 
like Joseph, he had now been raised to high office, and exhorting 
him to maintain their father's precepts. After they had made this 
statement (v/iio\o^/ia) in his presence, they declare : ' We are 
ready to give our obedience {vTi-oTuyij) to the holy community {koi- 
vicvia) of our righteous father.' Theodore then leaves 'the 8 hegu- 
meni' in Pboou,^'^ to weave mats (taag eou) like the rest of the 

^^ The text is that of F. Robinson, 116, 25, to 118, 19. 
^- St. Michael the Archangel. 
"^ Mai, op. cit., v, 156. 

^■^ Eumenius, ob. 143, Evodius, second bishop of Antioch, Theodore i, ob. 649. 
^•' For Eutychius's account of this change, v. Renaudot, 80, 81. 
"^ Mtisde Guimet xvii, 545. 

^ Cod. Vatic. Ixix. V. I\Iusee Guimet, xvii, 214. Hyvernat's Album 
shows no specimen of the script, wherewith to compare ours. 
^'* Cf. Musee Guimet loi. 


brethren, while he sets out to visit and confirm the monasteries 
uoKitooTi in the vo/xoi and Kav6ve<i of Pachom. On his return to 
Pboou, the hegumeni go forth to welcome him. It is unfortunate 
that this leaf does not help in deciding the question as to an inde- 
pendent Life of Theodore.''^ 

PijiMi (396). — Another leaf is to be added here : XXV, i is from 
the same MS. and from the history of the same saint. 

Sergius (422). — In A. 9 I would suggest ni]KC.Kieni wxe 
AOpHBi, referring to the company slain with Sergius. See also 

P- 391- 

Severus of Antioch (404). — XXV, 37 is, I think, the upper half 

of XXV, 16. 

Simeon Stylites (421). — In A. 5' <77/j«t//\«7/;s is doubtless a 
mistake for aivXhtj^^. V. Zoega, p. 62. 

SisiNNius (417, 392, 406, 404). — These leaves are not from one 
MS. (to Judge by what pagination remains) ; as to the text however, 
their sequence is XXVII, 12 ; XXIV, I. 16; XXV, 25, 18, 19. All 
are from the sermon of Cyril, upon circumspection (mtm(|)(3IW for 
vyj(p€ti') of soul, in view of death. ^^'"^ The Leipzig texts differ but Httle 
from Amelineau's, whereof they correspond to pp. 177, 15 — 179, 2 ; 
180, 8 — 181, 15; 190, 2 — 191 top, 191, 7 — 192, 12, respectively. 
Sisinnius is again met with in the story of the church built by 
Theodosius II for Raphael,^oi ^nd is there called 'the eunuch' and 

'the ffTpUTTjXa.TIJ'i. 

Stephen and Gamaliel (402).— The very dilapidated text tells 
how, on the second day of the week, the narrator guided [the bishop] 
and clergy to a certain spot, where, after prayer, they dug a fathom 
(eoqT) and found a cave; how John the bishop [icoJakimhc 
ni(;[iiiCK()noo] recognized the body of Stephen and placed it 
in a silver -/XwacroKojiioi' ; how, while seeking that of Gamaliel, 
Stephen (sic) appeared and bade the bishop be now content and 
have this garden tended (?) 

This is evidently a version of Lucian's well-known narrative,^^- 

*^ K Amelineau, /. c, pp. Hi, liii ; Ladeuze, £.tiide, 48. 

'*• Mission au Caire, iv, 165. 

^•^ Zoega cclvi, Paris 132^ 5-10 (?). Another church of Raphael is ascribed 
to Arcadius, in a sermon of Pseudo-Chrysostom ; Paris 131', 47, 132', 12. 

'*^ Adopted by the Synax. on 15th Tut. In the various copies, however, 
there is great confusion between the Martyrdom, Invention, and Translation. 
V. 1st Tubah. 



with the substitution of Stephen for Gamaliel as appearing to the 
bishop, as in the redactions indicated by M. Nau-^*^'-" There is also 
a Sa'idic text relating to Stephen : an encomium by a bishop of 
Jerusalem, telling of the miracles worked at the toVos-.i"^ It is 
strange that the supposed Translation effected by Cyril of Alexandria 
should not be traceable in Coptic literature.^^^ 

Theodore Stratelates (413, 414, 415)- — Guided by Zoega's 
text,i°^ I should propose the sequence XXVI, G. 32, 30, 31, 34, ;^t„ 28. 

Thomas of Shendelet (398, 399). — The sequence is, to judge 
by the Syniaxarium, as catalogued ; the Ry lands fragment would 
stand between leaves 46 and 47.^'^" 

Three Children (416). — I suspect that these leaves are either 
from the encomium of Theophilus or from that of Cyril. ^"^ The 
first phrases relate perhaps to miracles : this would point to the 
latter. They might indeed be found to belong to the mutilated 
copy of these (?) works in the Vatican. ^''^ 

Finally, I would call attention to a marginal note, a 'rubric,' 
occurring in XXIV, K. 22 and 23. Opposite the quotations from 
Pss. cxxi, 4 and xxxiv, 8 a second hand has written (j)OW2C, 
inserting a sign in the text at the close of each quotation. This 
imperative seems to be an indication to 'translate.' The whole 
being in Coptic, it may show that biblical passages were, at public 
readings of the work,^^" to be given in Greek or in Arabic. Chrono- 
logically the latter is possible ^ ; but, remembering the tradition 
that Arabic was persistently excluded from the services at the 
Macarian monastery,^^- we might assume that Greek is the language 
intended. It is a point of some liturgical interest ; but it must be 
confessed that the Coptic word in question does not normally mean 

i»3 Rev. Or. Chr., 1906, 213. 

^"■^ Paris isr, 20 ; Cairo, no. 8018 ; ZoEGA cxxiii, all one MS. 

105 Peeters in Anal. Bolland. xxiv, 137. 

"« P. 58. 

^''" The reference to my Brit. Mus. Catal. is an error ; Thomas there is the 

1"* Mai, op. cit., v, p. 158 ; Zoega, p. 107. 

io» Mai, p. 166. 

"" The headings to several of such texts (Zoega, pp. 26, 28, 99, 108, 121 note) 
demonstrate this use. 

^^^ The MSS., and these rubrics, are of the ninth or tenth centuries. 

"- V. QuATREMERE, Kecherchcs, 38. 




By the Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A. 

The appearance of Mr. L. W. King's superb " Chronicles 
concerning Early Babylonian Kings" (Luzac and Co., 1907) and 
Dr. A. Ungnad's splendid article in the Beitrdge zur Assyriologie 
on -Die Chronologic der Jiegierung Ammiditayia's iind Ammisaduga! s 
furnish further material for the completion of the previously known 
date lists of the First Dynasty, as left by Mr. King in his Chro7iicle 
of the Kings of Babyloti in the Letters and Inscriptions of Hammurabi 
(Luzac and Co., 1900). Dr. Ungnad's new list gives the dates for 
the whole of the reign of Ammiditana and the first sixteen years of 
Ammizaduga. Mr. King publishes a date list which gives the length 
of the reign of Abesuh and fills up some of the lacunae in previous 
lists. The treatment of their material by these scholars can hardly 
be improved and, though opinions may differ on small details, they 
have added greatly to our knowledge. 

It is satisfactory to the writer to point out that most of the 
conjectures which he hazarded in the Proceedings for March 13, 1907 
{Babylonian Chronicle of First Dynasty, pp. 107 ff.), prove to have 
been correct ; and this may be some excuse for attempting a few 
more. They are founded upon the dates actually occurring on 
tablets and, of course, there would be no means of assigning them 
to their proper places but for the work already done by previous 
writers. All honour to them, as is due. 

The date for the 13th year of Samsu-iluna should be AIU INIM 
GE. Unfortunately neither the published lists nor dated tablets as 
yet give the verb of the sentence, so that we do not know what it 
was that .Samsu-iluna did to the cities of Kisurra and Sabum, but it 
is a relief to be rid of the puzzling tabbian from this date. The date 
of the 14th year appears to be MU LUGAL IM-GE KAR /? 



INIM-BI GAL-LA LNLM-TA-NE ; but, in view of the doubtful 
nature of the reading, a rendering is still precarious. 

For the reign of Ammiditana, Dr. Ungnad's article gives a year 
name for every year ; generally in a short form, which he succeeded 
in filling out, in most cases, from the dates used on tablets already 
published or preserved in the rich collections of the Berlin Museum. 
Such completions are most valuable, from the historical point of 
view, as the shortened forms often leave considerable doubt as to the 
real nature of the event commemorated. 

The short form given by the Berlin date list for the 7th year of 
Ammiditana occurs on two tablets, but neither gives a decisive reading 
for the sign which Dr. Ungnad doubtfully reads as KA + ML. For 
the 9th year a fuller form is MU NAM-GAL KL-DUR DLNGLR 
Marduk-GE Ma-as-ka-an Am-mi-di-ta-na-KL Gil LD UD-KLB- 
NUN^-KL. For the 13th year a fuller form appears to be MU 
/B-GL-ES-A E-BAR-RA-KU LN-TU-RA. The meaning of AS- 
ME is fixed by the date of a year in Samsu-ditana's reign of which 
Dr. L. Messerschmidt gave nearly the full text in the Orientalistische 
Litteraturzeitufig for July, 1905, col. 268 ff. There the signs lost at 
the beginning are to be restored from dated tablets as AS-ME fol- 
lowed by AS-AS-A which Dr. Ungnad has shown to be the sign of 
the plural. The Semitic rendering of this word is given as samsdtim 
and this must be accusative plural of samsatu, or possibly samsu. 
The meaning of AS-ME is therefore "a sun," in the sense of a disk 
or artificial representation of the sun. In a list of a bride's dowry 
we find, as Dr. Ungnad has shown, an AS-ME of gold, of the 
weight of four shekels. Here then Ammiditana made a grand " sun " 
of diisu stone for the surinnu and caused it to enter the temple 
E-Babbar at Sippara. Just thirty years later, Ammizaduga, in his 
6th year made a great " sun," like the sun in its brightness, for the 
sw-umii and caused it to enter E-Babbar. The same thing was done 
again, with greater magnificence, by Samsu-ditana, who made (two ?) 
such "suns " (thirty years later?) again of dum stone, like the sun in 
brightness, adorned with lapis-lazuli, red gold, and pure silver, " and 
for Shamash his exalted lord who had extended his kingdom, dedi- 
cated them in Ebarra." The three dates, Ammiditana 13, Ammi- 
zaduga 6, and Samsu-ditana i4(?), thus explain and complete one 
another. What the "sun" in the temple of Shamash was like may 
be gathered from its representation on the oft-published Cultustafel 



of Sippara, see the plate XXII in the British INIuseum Guide to the 
Babyloniaii and Assyrian Antiquities and the account of it on p. 128. 
The disk stands upon an altar which is probably the sHrinnti of the 
date lists. Although this representation is of much later date, NabCi- 
apliddina, circa B.C. 870, yet the religious conservatism in Babylonia 
seems to warrant us in using it for illustration of the ritual at least a 
thousand years earlier. 

A fuller form of the date for the 32nd year of Ammiditana adds 
the verb NE-IN-RU-A-AA^. For the year 35, Dr. Ungnad's sug- 
gestion that the name of the canal ME-DINGIR-EN^-LIL does not 
mean "Waters of Ellil," but is to be read Faras-EUil, is supported 
by the form MAR-ZA-{DINGIR-EN-LIL\ but, owing to the 
defective state of the tablet, is not yet absolutely certain. 

The year name for the ist year of Ammizaduga may be completed 
by the verb NE-IB-GU-UL-LA. It may help towards the rendering 
of the date of the 2nd year to note that BAL is sometimes preceded 
by GIS and that the missing signs before the verb appear to be 
Sti-BI. In the 6th year some tablets insert after UD-GIM the 
verb IN-NE-EN-DIM-MA-{A\ as in the corresponding Samsu- 
ditana date commented on above. The date for the 7th year may 
be completed by E-BAR-RA-KU IN-NE-EN-TU-RA. 

Space forbids a fuller examination of the many interesting addi- 
tions to our knowledge of this period made by the Berlin tablet, but 
one cannot help noticing the preponderance of Sippara in the events 
chosen for year names. Can this be solely due to the fact that our 
information chiefly comes from that city? The year-names were used 
throughout the kingdom, yet nothing of note is recorded of Babylon 
or other great cities as a rule. 




By Jean Capart. 

I have recently noticed in the Soane Museum in London three 
Egyptian monuments which, hitherto, do not seem to have attracted 
much attention. 


On the first floor is a fragment of a statuette in stone (No. 163) of 
a priest wearing the panther's skin. On his skirt is a vertical line of 

hieroglyphs j V ^^^ <2=- ^. • On the back, also in a vertical line, 

is the inscription ff-^^IOI, R ®^>\^^L_fl^-7t 

_^ J^' a ii AX,© <2>- ^® ^ 

f 1 /wvvA ] U '0^t%i- The inscription here ends on the side 
of the plinth, where can be read the end of the person's name 

This is therefore a statuette of "the chief priest of HieraconpoUs, 
MA." Without pretending to fix with exactitude the date of the 
statuette, I am inclined to refer it to the time of the New Empire. 

In the basement are two stelee (which I distinguish as A and B) 
of the Middle Empire, which certainly come from Abydos. 

A. (No. 447). This stele is especially interesting for the name 
of the person to whom it is dedicated. 

At the top is the Seal Q and the two Eyes. Below are eight 
vertical lines of inscription : — 


Dec. ii] 







I I I 






Figure of a man seated 
and holding an object 
figured by Lange and 


I I 


=^ w 


Kneeling figures of a 
woman and a man. 

.8 _ / " A Royal Offering to Apuat the embalmer (?), Lord of Abydos, 
'v'^-j may he grant funeral gifts to the Xa of the Royal 

g:; i Chancellor, chief of the great house, the scribe Sena-ab." 

I ^. { " A Royal Offering to Ptah Sokaris, may he give funeral 
"i^^i gifts to the Art of the mistress of the house 

1;'^ I Herhorheb." 

To the Xa of the chief scribe of the workmen, Senbetefi, 
son of the mistress of the house Itab justified." 

' C/. Lange and Schafer, " Grad- und Denkstcine dcs i)iittla-en Rcichs.^^ 
Vol. IV, PI. XC, fig. 535- 



The principal person bears the same name, '"^^^ fori Sena-ab, 

as that of the king known by a stele discovered by Mariette^ at 
Abydos, and now in the Cairo Museum. Certain peculiarities 
enabled Mariette to group around this stele a whole series of 
monuments discovered at Abydos and dating from the end of the 
Middle Empire (Xlllth-XIVth dynasties).^ The stete in the 
Catalogue d' Abydos, Nos. 794, 799, 802, also give the Royal name 

■^ as the name of private persons. It must be noted that the 
Royal Stele shows the king adoring ^^ '^^s. ^=^-^ ^ '^^ (1 

Min-Hor-nekht, son of Osiris, who is frequently invoked in the stelse 
that Mariette places in this group, and this enables us to adjoin 
the stele in the Soane Museum, next described. 

B. (No. 448). At the top are represented the two jackals of the 

South and North ^M> "^ 4* , oM> ^ %? • Below are three lines 
£^ II ^ I ±=^ 11 a 

of hieroglyphs, reading from Left to Right. 



" A Royal Offering to Min-Hor-nekht in Abydos, may he grant 
that the Ka of the chief of the Priests Neni may be true of voice in 
the necropolis." The stele is dedicated by "The chief of the 
house of divine offerings at Abydos, Akou, who makes his name 

live anew in the necropolis." The inscription continues H I /vna/^ 
, "Son of Deda," behind the figure of the deceased, 

2 Mariette, '■'■ Abyaos'" II, PI. 27 — '■'■Catalogue des A/omanents d' Abydos." 
No. 771, pp. 236, 237; also Maspero, "Guide to the Cairo Museum," 1906, 
p. 94. 

^ Mariette, "Catalogue," pp. 238-257. 



who is represented standing and looking to the Right. In one hand 
he holds his large staff and in the other a folded band of cloth. His 
clothing consists of a short skirt, which is covered by a second skirt 
coining down to below the knees.* In front of him the stele is 
divided in two Registers. In the upper one a man presents two 

vases of oil ' 1 1 ^ '^ vertical inscription, in two lines, reads : 

" A Royal Offering to Osiris within the West to the Ka of the chief 
of the house of divine offerings, Akou." 

In the lower Register are two persons standing, of whom one 
offers incense, the other flowers and a goose. A vertical inscription, 
partly in the field of the stele reads : 

r ^^^ , 0«=3 ^AAAAA \ i I 1 V^ 

r -_ziP^ ^^^ , 0«=3 ^AAAAA \ i I 1 VL/ 

"Son of Min-m-Kha-f son of Ankh." 

In conclusion I will draw attention to the part played by the 
god Min, identified with Horus in the monuments of the end of the 
Middle Empire. 

He is represented on many of the Royal Stelae, and his Temple at 
Abydos is often mentioned on contemporaneous stelae. 

Prof. Garstang, when excavating at Abydos in 1906-7, dis- 
covered an interesting stele which contains a hymn to Min-Hor-nekht, 
in which it is said of the god that he came " from the North of the 
city," i.e., from Panopolis. 

■« Cf. Lange and Schafer, Op. cit.. Vol. IV, Pis. LXXIV and LXXV, 
figs. 268-277, for similar, but not identical, skirts. 


Dec. ii] 





{For Part II see Proceedings, Vol. XXVIII, p. 229.) 

Copt. 3, LXXIX :— 




iinepcHC : 




epoiiunepcHG • iieover 

reiiHcneev uuav 

wHcneiJxpicTi Alloc 


ije?ooTiiicr [ ] 

ue^oprme [ ] 

ON • ueto [ ] 


xen^y^eAi lepoKeKOTK 
orppoe^AquoT • atoju 
npocoToei^ • ak^i 

[Ap6CKeil]0Tpp06jyATU0T • 

[at LI orn e] A vtoA k'I*2th k 

[ ] npocoroToeijy 

[ ] eBOAFiTArAnH 

[ ] (UUeBOA 


Dec. ii] 



The Metnorials of James the Persian. 

"At that time dwelt the blessed James in (Beth)lapate the city 
of . . . in the kingdom of the Persians. He was noble and was 
(called?) by the name of (son of.^) the palace. And he was a 
noble (?) Christian. His mother 

( Verso) It is not right for thee to turn back from the way of 
truth, wishing to please a mortal and temporal king. Thou hast 
changed the true Christian faith for the vain faith of the Persians (?), 
and preferred to please a mortal king (rather than) Christ the 
(immortal) king. And thou didst take thought (before?) the king 
and his temporal .... from the love." 

The James here referred to is Jacobus Intercisus, martyred 
in Persia, Nov. 27, 421 a.d. : compare the Syriac martyrdom in 
Asseniani Act. Mart. Or., I., 237 foL, and the Latin in Mombrituis 
Acta SS., n., 22. 


Copt. 3, 8 :— 








C)IIOCGTIine(3l Hill IMA 

6TO Tii^yovue 

piTC • AvtouuAinexcu 

or I ITAV U U A V 1 1 1 1 e K^y a 

3:eoTi lAiioToveroiiAT 


(ui)UA • ri(:T;y()onrAp 

1 1 1 lOTU 1 1 AVKA TAXeT 

<|)Vcu:(](|;'joon 1 1 1 HIT 

Recto, 1. 10, irrc, Des R. 
Verso, 1. 2, neA'(| or noXtU, Des R. 

Dec. ii] 

R E c TO — cent ill lied. 

AHiiqiTOT • iiTeporhne 


NeqjyAxeBTi iai lorov 




. . . UHTeilTC) 


V E R SO — continued. 

ci)T6 . -huT .... OTcrr 



GTpenA . . . 

Verso, 11. 13-14, XOOTe or 3:CJUtUTC3, Des R. 

"A letter of the blessed John the Archbishop of Constantinople, 
which he wrote to Basil the Bishop of Caesaria concerning a Greek 
brother who turned away from the right faith and went to the 
Gentiles for the sake of his fathers' possessions which the Greeks 
had taken. When they gave (him) the letter of Saint Basil, through 
the advancement of his good words and the sweetness of his teaching, 

he turned back again to the faith of Christ Jesus midst 

of . . . 

( Verso) They have thy good words which are to them 

as law. Many learned from thee in great .... to the spiritual 
state. For that which happens to those after their nature, happens 
to those with thee. My unworthy self advanced ; I spake in honour 
of pardon for . . ." 

In conclusion, I append what would seem to be copies of ostraca 
— the first certainly is an ostracon, as Des Rivieres has written above 
it, "J'ai envoye cette brique a Peyron '' — which occur, on loose 
sheets of paper in MS. Copt. 3 without any numbers. In some 
cases Des Rivieres seems to have experienced difficulty in reading 
them ; this is especially the case with No. 2, in which he often 
copies the cursive writing. The last is written in large capitals, 
and seems to be part of a gravestone. 

317 z 2 



-f HATAOCni 



__ n 







+ jyopnueiJii 



CAtDpeilAIKlie . . . o . . . 
^xooqcoqiJHiii^AHiJ . . 






1. 3, cf. Crum, Copt. Osi. 93, tnpocKT/ un^Aei^ uiie ovpexe 


1. 5, ejCtUp corrected to eXOJI. 

1. 6, p or B, Des R. IJAI are uncertain. 

1. 7, the last letters of the line are quite uncertain. 

1. 9, Xeeqp TArAIlH suggests itself as a likely emendation of the 
beginning of this line. 











wxHue • xe2AU2UJBiiTnH^eM2o,\o 

LIOG- ApmilAllH-- • enAOK^OIkUj 






1. I, the reading is quite uncertain. Des R. attempts to facsimile the original. 
It would seem to be eyypacpou. 

1. 2, I am not sure if lA or lA is intended, probably lA. 

1. 13, xij, 3:e, cf. Crum, III. 






. . . eijeia)Terrov[AB] 



. . , AAqiJ.^UApilA .... 


I. 8, An or OIT, Des R. 

1. II, TKAC or TIIAC, Des R., but obviously TAAO is correct. 
I. 14, \ or A, Des R. 

. . . npocnoovKAHAnAi 

on • ll|-O^AIIi:^(()K • HAI . 


. . . AlietOIK-pOKTKAC 

poc^iTi inficruojy 


+ iiAiitoK novii 




00 V • eilHA 


1. I, novii] eeoTii. 

1. 2, I do not know what the third letter is intended for. Possibly 
[C;TJ(;KK.\I lOIA. Somethinf^ seems to be nii-;sing at the end of the line. 

1. 8, G should be G. 

1. 9, Des R. shapes the ly as though Bohairic. Possibly this is a paper 
fragment not an oslracon ; but it is strange to find the first part Bohairic and the 
second Sahidic. 

1. 10, GTKGCOn ? 


Dec. ii] 




+ npiiij 








n • ATCOAneqeHTij 

U Al 1 10 VTGOTAeV 

1. 4, IIIITpO? 


6, lO' or T, Des R. Read IFIAOVtO ? 
9, THII or (fJHIl, Des R. 



(7.) MH 


1. One Paul writes to "his son Peter" to do him the favour to 
come and visit him with Joseph and Paul and (?) John. 

2. Owing to Des Rivieres' inability to read the writing the 
meaning is not clear, except an ordinary complimentary beginning, 
and at the end directions for the receipt of some wine through " our 
holy fathers Apa Isaac and Elias and Jacob your brother." 

3. " ist of Hathor, Indiction 14. I, Isaac son of Paul, the* . . . 
of the church, write to the godly Apa Hetoimos, monk of the 
hill of Jeme. The matters of the half solidus behold Sachane (?) 

fulfilled it for me. Do me the favour of giving solidi to 

him, half for me half for him ; and we will give him wine for you 
according as we give it yearly ; for thou wilt not deny it. Behold, 
I write to thee. I, thy brother, Calaprion, greet thee. Farewell." 

4. The text is only fragmentary. It begins with the request of 
one Paul to send him a book ; and is " sent to our reverend father 
by the Ethiopian, the magistrate " 

5. This appears to be part of a hymn. " I will enter the 
church (?). I will . . . my feet. My lips opened, and my tongue 
spake in my humility . . ," 

6. Very fragmentary. Little is intelligible, except that some one 
swears that he did not abuse some one else. 

7. Part of a gravestone, possibly of one Dioscorus, though the 
position of the name would be unusual. For the invocation of Mary 
and Enoch, compare a stone in the Vatican (Maruchi, Cat. Mus. 
Eg., p. 314). 

* pUOVA appears to be a new word. It should literally mean a " single 
man." The persons here mentioned do not occur in any of the Jeme o.straca, 
published by Crum. 



Bv R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. 

{^Continued from p. 288.) 

Hebrew Text — continued. 
[See Plate III, No. 15] :nyh ''HI Tiu'^H nn::'*i D'-ca 

^^iDOT Hf^iD-^ ^^D^c:« ni::^ nt^icn n^d^i:^ h^i:^ t^ni^v 

?Ti;p''"i □'•s"' n''?L"uo nor nn n'':i^2 3 np"* nmoxn n''3n xinc ^xhk^^^ 
•rh'2. KVM D^vnn "p^xm mnTi ^t^•"l'7w'^ x^»*''n ^73 "py i\T\y\ nnix 

0*71 nx3j L"n-t cyoi n^* cyso "tdix nyD \h nnr ni'-'pi yn'p'pceo) 
nxT ^^:n^i ]«^t2 ^prin n^T^f nnr^xr? -h'i' nn^- l":;'^ 

: 3'y r\\>\'^i djx n^^oM nn in-j-'i t^lt^'^rD"!*' pi n'"? mix oysn 
nxin vmL'-xi'D nnn n-ri moL"n I'px airiD'- nT'nx i'? nax'j* ''Q('O) 

: 3'y ^"l5 pp yrXl ■^Cnt^ m'pnn 3:3n 
"IT nyn'j'n n^nys n::r* nir^x Q'xn n^n^^n nxnn'L;'3 n''''3y nTinx(7i) 
«"r^'' nS'D "^^iri ^^'7•'b^ ^t^^-rn i^d i^m: in^^y n^ynL-x 
i3nc' omjon mioyi qhd ''t:'jx on^sn::' ^St"^1j "f^n ^^^^1^ 
^mnn ps nxi tj'x ^n nxi tiix ixi'' x'?::' nnijcn I'pxn □•'w'jxn 
"irox "ID nm^on r\^:^r\ tj'x in-'Dn x^l" nbxn d^l'-jxh 'ps nxi 
: 3'y iixT x'? am nnix nxin ^n^•l -nom yisr:;'? □"oya r\^^ 
nvon Tinn |ni nmx ciriDni rh ti:ix ns^'rp np n^*L:*'iy-iD'? n'7'iJD(v2> 

: D^n ininn s': pxn 'py iisci 



ih'C'i jr^vy D-cnr:) nnx px bn mnon ncn nr mns'- -in:n l"3'''?("3) 
n^r^ 1/^ V ^ rpr^ rr.'^ (ov nrj-n i^ mn^M n^ca psn 

:2'i^ , ^ - d. 

y^yjn n'p'i p^'pini" pi" nx-'^o n^L"L"r mypn d-l'-i ni^n:3i^ i>^">i^ 
l^my^VKn nnix XlTii nyno nDinn NV?^n n'r2' hci'tl" fiiDni hb^ 

: HDi^rDi pVm nwsnj -[^''Xi nxn n-'nm 
DH^'py xipi nniN* iv^'p) did 3JT 're D'-cin 'n np nsx'ron 'rnn'^c'^) 
•"iTT ^nsoD pj^x ''3'^-a iTTix ini ''i[rionn ps'-'D ^Tir uL"2 'x oys 
Dsm^T n^m D^m^L" ni^n pc-np x'-'^x'prD pnx imn -rjin 

: iD'jx mnn in^'porD 'D'n's t* iX'-priL" 

-noxi D-'O N^D rT-siST 013 n^a jni w^u-* v \s 'n pD ly: xanac) 

ixinm D^o 'pL" nr 0122 ixini I'pin ^x^yyno 'pxjinjp yxD d'j 

~nn T'y pi ynL-M niTn^ ix"? cxi 1x2 dx lyj"? "rxn ly^n nr"? 

'rxnpL*' ^x'nns 'rx-'Dit** D20 '•^x L"pnn i^x''"i ixa^w' ny 

:e xa^'rn 'rxn yvpEX oTpbyi y^: n'riv "l/x l"x'? n:ni '3 n3nx'?(") 

nn cmnx ^yi*n nx" nnnx id3 '2'n'D nnnx bv s'3'd 
x^2 x'pn x'pn 3inD nnp3 mi^* 'ry nnp^i iDt pos "i'-":) nL"yri x'y<"8) 
T"3-i 15T "DT -IDT mjiD n'^'cn bv) b2h ^5ri '?nn ifi"? an"? in'? 
Dmx n-L"m -iinxi D":d in*3 Dr:i''L"m TP T2-i tji pi Pi 

an l"X3 
n'-in ti'crnL" Dnipi min'j' n^ij:in mr^ x'-nn nt^y L"rDL"n*i:'D x'ya^) 
nnnx imx mnxn mnx ncx'sxi L"?x'n thxi nT^n -|inn noxn 

on nan 
pni 'px^ix ''xPn'p'j* 'px'Pnx '2'a's DC ijxnD npiD x'?y mriD x'y(&o) 
|X3^x EPS nbp •'£ |xin^i ;x-i"'i'?i ■in'pi pL"y'p"i X3n?:;'?x y'rha pn'px 
{<3no'?i j"'"'nn'?i pL'-y^n ipnnxi n*j nyxp iin * * najx D''''X3 

'.* Dn [^ee Plate III, No. i6] 

n-nnn nnrn Tiinx 'm'pxi •'ni'px 'n T'^s'^^d pVT •'n^ (si) 

b:^' 'q'2'd'? iri\n i-nnL** nipy ncrni pn^"- niDTm Dmnx maTni 
no* t::x d*:^:: iir^c-n 'n ■ -jma' nnra xro-'p '?L" Dn:;! D-ii 



S.B.J. Proceedings, Dec, 1907. 

/I3 ^^Y^^oju 


±^i^ Aujmji^i-3 









o'piyaL** nbn^) y;: 'pddi n^iyni" xi"3 ayv h:^^ nnis -n?2t;Tn 
Dmn iD'jx nh'h^ p:: an pD n'piynt;' nns "pdoi 

"px^^'P l!1"3 js^'JD |2^-o hicYn'] "pjonx nr'n nvr^ pino'i 2inD' i^'j^(82) 
on D'ns yj' n-'nr'pDi n-'ca^i n-'nn ixpn 'ptojn 'pxnfin hwv^^ 

p:L^i-iD ]^irn^« pitn'^i^ y^'^hn yxchri -n o^n '\:2 p^h^) 

ah) "p^xn isV nmx nyvm D'n's fjin loisni ix^^ni" ]''i,n^D 

en sa's •'iivn nL"ym •''pvx xnnL" ny jCTi x"?! nn:;'n 

n^*nn p'^na nn'? nbriM psyrn ^inn- nmD "pyi xuni** ^?'V(^*) 
\''V^-)D j^1in^« ]^1iri^« -p^l^-r l-'XJ.nbl '•l:'Oti hl-xt -lyL'-n 
2'n's a'pp n^'pp'^ I^^ "^^^ nnsy "^x nx'piix x^ I'pTix ]''i^T1D 
on ^yo -i'':i xnoxi ^d "ppy p^'' x'? xnS"^y vj'ivj'm xnoxi iyL*"nni 
]"'m"^n L"xn p'bi') ncx dci nrx-i n^j* nn "py 3in3^ x'y(85) 

an 'pm^n *pnnn 

noy d^VlT xim iny nnsic-* nv^c ncx .nr ''X Di^pn'-'j' nviTj* "^TiSc^e) 
nn''^::' nyL*'3 n* 'py moc'n I'rx 2)r\2' wppn dhd* dhtl:' in'rnM 

3'y : Di'?n'i pen 
TX3n xx" u)nTD n3'''?y '':x yrcvo t^x"* "nL'-nn dh'd D'':i2n'? Ht'I^Dcst) 

: VD1 D'r 131 yv 

x'?! nS^'m xS Dvn x"? yc'^ x'?c» 's'n's n'pn 'D'n'D nnnx i^nn-i;' 
CL"3 '2'n'D nnnx pyi x'?x rr-in x"?"! pr-"3 x*? mx di::' Qy -la-f 
XTDm x:n'i nnnxi xro^L" '•Dx'pa pnx DIZ'D^^ L:"i:p"'^5 aniDn^^ 
an '1D1 on 3'y en d'jx d'^x d':x '2'n's n'''?n ib'^sn 

v^i on D'y 

m« D^y nn^ h^cn irin'' '•nn: ^:i:rn: t^j hv ^ms i<^'i>(89) 

s'n'2 n^nx ijr,n nio^:;'n I'rx Q-j-n '^«^:i^ ^^^n^ ':>5^> D''"5: 
.•. 2'y HDiroi pnn nn nini"'? nnix pnni hdj ;ox 's'a'a '-j-yn 


'h hvjH ir^nx n" hi]} bn) h:]! ha hahn s:xn d^'tddx D^'roaxoo) 
p'"xt: ;*-ix 'rxi nxnxcD "rx 2-\2 irrnx x'' -^'bv ncDpx E'n'a id: 
h^T^r^) "^x^Toja icnx x^ ^^'?y noopx T-va ba y^oD ^x Tas "rx 
♦xyiu ^nx px ba ^£i x»d ^x 'h xin pi ^xnx(?)Tn ^x'^:?dxi 
: '•'J2X pjDX Dxmi nx: p ;x2id i-^y 'rvix x^ri xnraix 

'^D:^•01::' prc-n ija ■i''^:n Piix-i nt'-ns inL'-yi t^j "py 'd nanx'ros) 
nx 1QX•'n•L^• en mxja 'mo xini" p^ni Dim "rxa yxo t"CT"; 
[See Plate in, xo. 17] nin''L"n i'tx Hi^Tn '2'3'E nanx'? '2'n'2 ib 
'"2 Dnix inpi -i"": "rj; nvx-n iVx niriD ini-x bv cnx -ii:;'p'? os) 
n-j'pnc' S-i^-n^ ^i^nn: ^^^n^^ 'ri^'nctl* cL-n nn^p ^n-c 
1^*^ ,11.'' 'E'n'3 inL"x Dy ::'o*j'^ h^^ x'7:^' 's'n'D nx ncxm 
x'px i-iDxi «>^ nc'p rvom "ini n~ii::i rn^^c^n rr\'^v 

^:x-j' ny nn^i-pn n^^ n^n^'i;' n^i'-i x^ c-^ xb l":x -\z bi 's'a'D 
2':2 Dn d:x n-n'' ixpi nox '2'n'B "py p:;'n i*? nv,"' x'pi nsnx 
n'pn^i -i^-'in icy ybvi ^•": bv ir:x dl"i ic'J' 'n^ ircp Tnn'po^) 

pn"^ 7^ n^np hsnp ^hr: 'rric: nTn b^n m nxnvn 
*vin Tin rji'p ?pp S^ S^ ^ 5b n^i5 h^y) ^i:: ti^ 5d 
".* dTx 'd'2'd '?y 's'n'D 7w* on": '?3 n^nn*::' niD^L*'n i'?x ni3T3 
n^n'pno L-'n nL'-xni L*"'xn int^'^i D''03 pin?D"'i t'^] "py 's* b^'lMss) 

Djx ' n'pri'pnD * fi^n'pnm 
"inn vini'i n^nj b'c ;xnx nyj* nvn •'•i-na nirr^mnn I'rx '2' i^'i^W/ 

[SeePIatelV, Xo. i3] JH I'PXI D^On 

xny^i inx'pi hnxt:D^x lu xin "c no "pn nns^ an^r )*i3p(9') 

xony 'pn hxiD t xip- 
xin n'px n';\s xb n^x T ^n Tyo^x ^^?o'?x rx xb^^'^y ^HCVJ 
n-'L"x "rx y^o: pb n'rx -ain jo c'pyxi n^bn p -inbx 
moDpx \-in'inp^3 '•vixbi "huxoo'^i ■'nnozin'n cinr'v^i '•nrmip''2 
n^n xinox 'bv n'?x i^-iy'pi xinx.pi ^ixp-a "inix'px iv2vd x- X3^*'?y 
xoDX ^"-12 n^'t: n'*n cipno Z'^d^d oipcn inni2bx ':nx n^n n^ 

•.' D'n X^i-'X "^X 31 

[See Plate IV, No. 19] fin '?x fai^ '^^'1 3n3'' nionin 7m 


i).B.A. Proicedtjigs, Dec, 1907. 

^ :^g:!_- 




J / 



O — 



Translation — conti/iued. 

No. 66. For one ivhoin a snake or scorpion or mad dog hath 
bitten. — Let him write this taUsman and wash it off in water, and 
let the bitten man drink it and Hve by God's help {see Plate III, 
No. 15). 

No. 67. For toothache. — Let him write on a cake of bread, and 
eat itpon the place of the pain : "Yutma Ata Atita Rpuah Ata Atita 
Rpuah Wmta Atith Rpuah." 

No. 68. For one that is in prison. — Let him take three eggs laid 
that day, well boiled, and shell them and write on each egg the three 
words, and eat the eggs, and he shall go forth, by God's help : 
"Wisksiun Wsksiun Arnin." 

No. 69. For commerce. — Break for us (?) a little food, a little 
balm, a little refined (?) honey, and mastix in six lots, " Samariah 
Zamariah hunki mgan w'lhnyi, now I praise thee, O God, and to 
Yrmiaua," and let him put it in his right hand. Proved. 

No. 70. For one from whom something has been lost. — Let him 
write these names and put them under his pillow, and he will see the 
thief in a dream: "Ahpr Kr' Krn Mrg." 

No. 71. For blindness ivhen thou seest murderers coming. — Say six 
times this oath: "I adjure you Nibara Pelek H'phaUti Elia Wa'lay 
Pelek Yida Nadiel Hephad Nadiel, that smote the men of Sodom 
and Gomorrah with blindness, that ye smite these men with blindness, 
that they see me not, nor that which is (with me), nor all my company 
nor all these men which thou hast not smitten, which thou hast 
smitten with blindness." Thus say six times in succession and in 
order, and thou shalt see them, but they shall not see thee. 

No. 72. Remedy for fleas. — Take the green husk of a walnut and 
break it and put it in water, and pour it on the earth three times, 
and all of them shall die. 

No. 73. To dry up a river. — Let him write this name in purity 
on a stone from the same water, and let him cast the stone into the 
water. And he shall w-rite this on the Sabbath : {see Text). 

No. 74. To see without being seen (from Rabbi Mosheh bar 
Nahman, may his memory be for a blessing !). — Write these names 
on gazelle-skin : " Yeisteb la Agareun," and put it in a dish or glass 



lamp full of oil which thou shalt burn and not spill any, and at the 
end of three days thou shalt find therein a ring, and thou shalt wear 
it on thy finger, and shalt see without being seen. Proved and 

No. 75. To bring work to nought. — Take eight strands from a 
horse's tail and tie them (together) and read over them once : " In 
the name of Znni Maimum Ttrasi Wtr Awwro Brtiki Aminun 
Smpti Znni Brnini — Descend, ye holy angels, by the power of your 
names and by the power of your purity, (I adjure you) that ye bind 
the hand of N., son of N., from his work speedily." 

No. 76. Bring a boy about eight or nine years old and put into 
his hand a glass bowl full of water, and say three times : " I invoke 
you, Kantranael Moza'a'iel, enter and come into this bowl of water 
and appear to this boy." Then ask the boy if they have come, 
and if not, let him {sic) invoke them again, after this fashion, until 
they have come, and then let him say : " I am seeking from you 
Sansiel Pethachiel Sakariel." 

No. 77. For love. — Write and put in the fire: "Alp Sulb Nin 
w"Alkom Apksa' Bal in the heart of N., daughter of N., for love 
of N., son of N., like the love of Sarah in the eyes of Abraham." 

No. 78. Another. — Thou shalt fashion parchment after the fashion 
of male and female ; on the picture of (the) female write : " Bla Bla 
Bla Lhb Lhb Lhb Hbl Hbl Hbl " ; and on the other write : " Zkr 
Zkr Zkr Rkz Rkz Rkz Rkz Rkz Kzr," and thou shalt put them 
together, front and back, and thou shalt put them in the fire. 

No. 79. Another. (Omitted.) 

No. 80. Another. — Write on a linen rag the name of N., son of 
N., Ahabiel, Salhabiel, Ophiel, in very truth, (for) need, love, desire, 
heat, warmth, attachment, in the heart of N., son of N., if asleep, 
announce it, and if sitting up (?) bring him and fire him with desire, 
and need, and love {see Plate III, No. 16). 

No. 81. . . . "The willbe(?) before thee, O Lord, my God, and 
God of my fathers, by the holiness of the Law and the holiness of 
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, that thou givest conception to N., 
daughter of N., for male children of the covenant ; by the holiness 
of " the Lord bless thee and watch over thee like children. Amen, 



SO be it " ... and shall keep her from every Evil Eye in the world, 
and from plague, and from sickness in the world, and from all fear 
in the world both by day and by night." 

No. 82. Another. — Let him write and wash off in water: "In 
the name of Abiel Haniel Mspn Mspn, in the name of Kasmiel 
Kana'iel Hathariel Daniel, that ye bind the spirit, and soul, and 
kidneys of N., son of N." 

No. 83. To hrin^ a disdainful laoman. — Let him write on one of 
her garments and make a wick of it, and burn it in a pottery lamp ; 
this (is it) " Halosin Halosin Alosin Alosin Sru'in Sru'in, that ye 
come and assemble in the body of N., daughter of N., and harass 
her that she eat not, drink not, nor sleep not, until she come near me 
and do the pleasure of me N., son of N." 

No. 84. Another, that a disdainful ivoman should come. — Let him 
write in saffron and hang it up to the wind in the window of the 
house by a hair of her head, and this is what he shall write : "Dlusin 
Dlusin Alusin Alusin Sru'in Sru'in, descend, ye children of the Afarit 
and Jan, and turn the heart of N., daughter of N., and confuse 
her brain, and trouble her thoughts, that there be no thought in her 
head except for me." 

No. 85. Another. — Let him write (this) on one of her garments, 
and her name and that of her mother, and burn it in fire : " Bruhin 
Bruhin Bruhin." 

No. 86. For whomsoever wisheth to drea?}t. (Omitted.) 

No. 87. Prescription for putting a iieedle in his flesh. — Let him 
say : " I adjure you, O needle, that thou pain me not, nor bring out 
of me a drop of blood, in the name of Bub," and when thou puttest 
it in thou shalt say, "Ssu." 

No. 88. For love. — Write, and cast into fire : " In the name of 
Whil Ykidta Bliba I invoke you to put love for N., son of N., in the 
heart of N., daughter of N., that he {sic) sleep not neither by day or 
night, nor shall he speak with any man either in the street or in the 
house, except with relation to love for N., son of N., in the name of 
Atsutm Iknos Amnos, ye angels of peace and love and grace and 
favour, bring down [love] into the heart of N., daughter of N." 



No. 89. Another. — Write on parchment " Ndhnuni Ntrni Ytr'a 
Bpa Yfr 'Aim Ot Nkim 'Amil Mo'il 'Aniel ; in the name of these 
names, ye shall put love for N., son of N., in the eyes of N., daughter 
of N., Amen." Proved. And thou shalt give it (to her) to drink. 
And this is proved and certain. 

No. 90. A charm. — "Absalis, Absalis, this night speedily, 
speedily O Ahmar, descend into the body of N., son of N. ; I invoke 
thee, O Ahmar, by the Lord of heaven and earth, the powerful, the 
mighty, the hearing, the understanding — I invoke thee, O Ahmar, by 
Nabariel, Michael, Asmaphiel, and Azariel (?), and whoever is in 
heaven or on earth, come spontaneously. Conciliate her and I will 
not send against thee touchwood of fire and brass. Amen, Amen." 

No. 91. When thou goest forth on a journey, remember Rgiel, 
and thou shalt be guarded from all evil accident. 

No. 92. For love. — Writs on parchment and make it into a wick, 
and burn the parchment in a lamp with oil of sesame, and this is 
what thou shalt write : " I invoke you by the merciful and gracious 
God, that rulcth the creatures of the sea, that ye should burn the 
heart of N., daughter of N., with love for N., son of N., by the 
holiness of these names " {see Plate III, No. 17). 

93. To bind a man against his wife. — ^^'rite these names on 
parchment and bury them between two graves : " In the name of 
Saphriel 'Azriel Gabriel Serikiel, that ye bind and fetter N., son 
of N., that he be not able to have union with his wife N., daughter 
of N., SI Sid 'Irt W'asgitt Wswrh Wtr Wrrgit, bind and fetter N., 
son of N. ; and let no man have power to unloose him from the 
bond until I loose it myself, and he shall feel no love towards N., 
daughter of N, ; bind and fetter him." 

No. 94. To loose?! a bond. — Let him write his name and the name 
of his mother on parchment, and let him carry the parchment on 
his person and hang it round his neck. And this is what he shall 
write : " Hu Hut Nptl Nptl Krat Krat Mk Ytun Kt Lub Ntl Ubkl 
Tob Mn Mn Mnr Pnr Ksp Ksp Tor Tor — by the purity of these 
names, (I adjure you) that ye loose all limbs of N., son of N., towards 
N., daughter of N." 

No. 95. Another. — Let him write on parchment, and wash it off 
in water, and let the man and woman drink it. And this is what 
he shall write :— " Mithlahlah Mithlahlah Mithlahlah." 



No. 96. Another. — Let him write these names at mid-day at the 
hour of the time of .... , and let him wash them off in 
water ; and these are they : {see Plate IV, No. 18). 

No. 97. To summon demons. — Let him write in gall (?) "C he is 
the light of the heavens and the earth," and then let him read seven 
times this invocation : "I invoke thee, O blessed King by C, there 
is no god but he, greater than thou art great, wiser than thou art 
powerful, who created all things by his power, and their species by 
his wisdom, and the heavens and the earth by his might ; I invoke 
thee, O Maimun, most powerful, by the mountain of Kai and 
Mahu (?) and the throne which is on the porch (?) Hyh Hyh Hyh, 
the constant Lord, Hamkos Maitos Markos Taih Taih Taih, the 
Name, the most high Lord." And these signs let him write and 
place on the forehead of the girl (see Plate IV, No. 19). 


2 A 


The next Meeting of the Society will be held on 
Wednesday, January 15th, 1908, at 4.30 p.m., when the 
following Paper will be read : — 

F. Legge, Esq.: "The Names of the Thinite Kings." 




Vol. Page. 
Aa-kheper-en-Ra {Thothmes II), his cartouche on an alabaster vase XXIX. 175 

Aa-kheperu-Ra (/i;«£«^£/e?/i //), his name on a bronze bowl ... XXIX. 175 

Abu Salih, his account of the Patriarch Benjamin's visit to A! Muna XXIX. 52 

Abydos Tablets, the XXIX. 18 

,, Tablet from, found by M. Amelineau ... ... ... XXIX. 70 

,, ,, ,, records the foundation of some house or temple 

by the king .Schesti, Khent, or Zer ... ... ... ... XXIX. 73 

"Aha" Tablet, shows the king, as a bull, pacing out the ground 

for a temple... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... XXIX. 21 

Aha, the hawk -name of a king, on a tablet from Abydos .. 
Akou, " Chief of the house of divine offerings at Abydos " .. 

AI Muna, " the town of St. Menas " 

Amelineau, Tablet found by, at Abydos 
Amen-ardus, Queen, her name on a faience plaque ... 
Amenhetep III, the Pharaoh of the Exodus ... 
Ammiditana, dates of the 7lh and 9th years of 
Anu, the Temple of, at Erech .. 
Aramaic papyrus, an, from Egj-pt 

,, ,, proper names in 

,, ,, transcription of 

,, ,, palKographical notes on 

Artemis, goddess, gold ornaments found under the site of her statue XXIX. 233 
Asnath, a name indicating the Hyksos period ... ... ... XXIX. 217 

Asurbanipal, chronology of the reign of (V) ... ... ... ... XXIX. 74 


Babis, a deity named on a Hittite cuneiform tablet ... ... ... XXIX. 91 

Babylon, its subjection to Elam in the thirtieth year of Khammu-rabi XXIX. 15 

Babylon, Note on the Chronicle of the 1st Dynasty of XXIX. 308 

Babylonian Chronicle, the, of the 1st dynasty of Babylon XXIX. 107 

2 B 

... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


XXIX. 70; 

, 150 

... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 



... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 



Barsauma the Naked 


Behen or Buhen 

died in A.D. 1317 
Hymns for his festival . . . 
Arabic Text of ... 
translation of Arabic Text 
Coptic Text of ... 

ra ® 

YoL. Page. 

XXIX. 135, 187 

... XXIX. 13s 

... XXIX. 136 

XXIX. 138, 1S7 

XXIX. 142, 196 

... XXIX. 192 

Jl U '®' , the ancient Eg}'ptian name for the 

district called Boon in Ptolemaic times ... ... ... ... XXIX. 39 

Bible, some unconventional views on the Text of the (VII) ... XXIX. 31, 61 

Boats, procession of three, on the " Aha " Tablet ... ... ... XXIX. 22 

" Book of the Law " found in a foundation-wall of the Temple of 

Solomon XXIX. 240 

Boon, the Ptolemaic name of the district anc\ently called Behen ... XXIX. 39 

Camels, in connection with representations of St. Menas ... 

Chabour, a marriage contract from the 

" Chapter of going out by day," the rubric of 

„ ,, ,, said by the rubric to have been 

found in a (oundation-wall.. 

"Chapter of the Heart," the rubric of 

,, ,, meaning of the rubric of ... 

Chedor-laomer Tablets, the 

,, ,, text "A," summary of its contents 

J, ,, ,, " B," summary of its contents 

,, ,, ,, " C," summary of its contents 

,, ,, of Babylonian origin .. 

Chronicle of the 1st dynasty of Babylon, Note on the 

Coptic bone figures 

,, ,, transitions in the forms of 

Coptic fragments, some Munich 


Du-makh, "the supreme chamber" of Bel, was the sanctuary ot 

E-Saggil XXIX. 
































E-Anna, the temple of Anu at Erech ... 
Egyptian Antiquities, notes on some (I) 

.. XXIX. 
.. XXIX. 




Eg\'ptiaii Antiquities, notes on some (II) 

Egyptian Antiquities in the Soane Museum ... 

Egyptian writings in foundation-walls, and tlie age of the Book 

Ennum-dagalla, "guard of the broad place," signifies Merodach 
Eri-Aku, son, of Kudur-Mabug ... 

,, his Semitised name was Rim-Sin ... 
E-Saggil, the temple of Merodach at Babylon 
Exodus, the, of the Hebrews ... 



... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 



... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 



Flasks, St. Menas', intended to hold holy oil from the saint's shrine XXIX 

,, ,, from Monza, are of glass and of lead ... 

,, ,, date from the fifth to the seventh century 

,, ,, mode of manufacture 

,, ,, representation of St. Menas on ... 

,, ,, variatic^ps of reverse 

,, ,, figurt' of St. Thekla on ... 

Folklore of Mossoul 
Foundation-walls, Egyptian writings in 

nine XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


... XXIX. 


XXIX. 165, 


... XXIX. 


'Gate, the Grand," its position in the court of the Temple of Mero- 
dach at Babylon XXIX. 


Hagiographica from Leipzig MSS. ... ... ... ... XXIX. 289,301 

Hammurabi Text, a, h-om Ashshurbanipal's Library ... XXIX. 155,222 

" liathor, lady of Ant " (Denderah), on a plaque from the Temple 

of Neb-hapet-Ra, at Thebes XXIX. 176 

Her-Hor-heb, " Mistress of the house,"' named on a stele ... ... XXIX. 312 

Hittite characters, invented on the Cappadocian Plateau ... ... XXIX. 259 

,, Cuneiform Tablet, a, from Northern Syria ... ... ... XXIX. 91 

,, Inscriptions, the method, verification, and result'; of my 
decipherment of them ... ... ... ... ... XXIX. 207,253 

Himyaritic Script, derived from the Greek ... ... ... ... XXIX. 123 

,, or Sabtean, writing, very early employed in Abyssinia... XXIX. 126 

Hunu, C7iauh-ess 0/ A u/eTi, hex name on a palelte ... ... ... XXIX. 297 




Itab, " Mistress of the house," named on a stele 

lidni, plural, its use for the singular i/ii, parallel with the Hebrew- 
use of ^/c/z/w 

" Istar, the door of," its position in the Temple of Merodach at 

Jacob, the family of, their entry into the land of Goshen 
Jar, fragment of, with the names Sckhemab [Perjenmaat ... 
Jar, inscribed " Festival oil " ... 
Judge, the, a title of Merodach 


Kabiru, the, of the Tell el Amarna letters, were the Hebrews 

Kassite Text, a . . . 

Kaskasu, on a Hittite tablet, the Kiskissos of Classical Geography 

,, the Keshkesh of the inscriptions of Rameses II ... 

,, probably the Kaska of Tiglathpileser II ... 
Katuk, a deity named on a Hittite cuneiform tablet... 
Khammu-rabi, the Amraphel of the Old Testament ... 


MA, chief priest of Hieraconpolis, a statuette of 
Mace-head, funerary model of a 
Marriage contract, a, from the Chabour 

, ,, written in a script resembling the Assyri 

, ,, dated in the reign of Hammurabih 

, ,, transcription of 

, ,, translation of 

Maskiin, a Sumerian demon 

Matim (?), a deity named on a Hittite cuneiform tablet 
Menas, St. , of Alexandria ... ... ... ... ...XXIX. 

,, ,, son of Eudoxius 

,, ,, his vision 

,, ,, miracles performed by the body of 

,, ,, camels always connected with representa- 

tions of the saint 

,, ,, site of the Church of 

,, ,, Abu Salih's description of the Church ot 


















































, 112 














" Meicurius the Two-s worded," St., drawing of Barsauma in the 

church of 
Mesek (H I [_] ^' corresponds nearly with "shroud ' or "grave' 
Min-Hor-neliht, " son of Osiris," on a stele ... 
Min-Hor-nekht, a hymn to, discovered at Abydos ... 
Miracles performed by St. Menas 


Vol. Page. 






Nabu-Shum-Libur, king of Babylon ... 
Neb-hapet-Ra, a plaque from his temple at Thebes ... 
Neb-nehet, Queen, her name on a fragment of a Ushabti 
Nebneteru, scribe, his name on a palette 
Negadah and Abydos, the tablets of ... 
Neni, " Chief of the Priests," on a stele 
Nigdeh, a Hittite inscription from 
Nisakku, " a sacrificing priest," who tool 

... XXIX. 
... XXIX. 
... XXIX. 
... XXIX. 

18, 70 

precedence of other 

XXIX. 313 
XXIX. 259 

XXIX. 8 

Palette, fragment of a, inscribed with the names of Nebneteru and 

Hunu XXIX. 297 

Petrie, Prof., tablet found by, at Abydos ... ... ... ... XXIX. 153 

Potiphar : a name indicating the Hyksos period ... ... ... XXIX. 217 

Quatremere, his indications of the site of the Church of St. Menas... XXIX. 52 


Ra-iJa-Kheperu {Aiiienhetep II), his name on a bronze bowl ... XXIX. 175 
Rabitsu, "the lier in wait," the name of an evil demon called 

?iiaskiin in Sumerian ... ... ... ... ... ... XXIX. 9 

Ra-men-kheperu {Thothiiies IV), his cartouche on a bronze bowl ... XXIX. 175 

Rameses III, Temple at Wady Haifa ... ... ... ... ... XXIX. 39 

Rameses IX, Temple at Wady Haifa ... .. ... ... ... XXIX. 39 

Samsu-iluna, date of the 13th year of ... ... ... ... ... XXIX. 308 

Sandon, the god, identified by the Greeks with Herakles ... ... XXIX. 256 

Sapa, a deity named on a Hittite cuneiform tablet ... ... ... XXIX. 91 



Sekhemab [Per]enmaat, on a fragment of a jar 

Sena-ab, scribe, stele of... 

Senbetifi, " son of the mistress of the house, Itab," named on a stele 

Seti I, his wars in Syria mentioned in Judges v, 19 ... 

,, conquers the Israelite tribe of Asser, in Palestine 
Shamash, the " Sun " in the temple of 
Simig, Ci/y, on a Hittite tablet, is the Simigi of the letter of King 

Skin of sacrificed animal, used for wrapping the dead 
"Standard" of the Mnevis bull 

„ „ Jackal 

,, ,, Scorpion ... 

*' Stone of the South," probably alabaster 
Sumer, Southern Babylonia 






























Tablet, a 1st dynasty 

,, relates to the sale of a house ... 
,, dated in the sixth year of Sumulailu ... 
,, Neo-Babylonian transcript of ... 
Tablets of Negadah and Abydos ... ... ... XXIX. 

Taus, a deity named on a Hittite cuneiform tablet ... 

Tel Abumna, the site of " the Church of St. Menas in Mareotis " ... 

Temple, XVIIIth dynasty at Wady Haifa 

situated on the west bank of the Nile ... 
commenced by Thothmes II 
continued by Thothmes III 
added to by Rameses III and IX. 
Rameses HI ; cartouche of, on all the 
circular columns of the eastern colonnade 
Thothmes II, Temple at Wady Haifa... 
Thothmes III, Temple at Wady Haifa 

,, the oppressor of the Hebrews according to 

" Theophilus ad Autolycum " 
Thyi, the tomb of 

,, account of the tomb of ... 

,, description of the objects found in her tomb ... 

,, doubts as to the sex of the skeleton found in the tomb 









loi, 150 

































Ustimius, a deity named on a Hittite Cuneiform tablet 


Vol. Page. 
XXIX. 91 


Wady Haifa, notes on the XVIIIth dynasty temple at 

... XXIX. 39 

Zaphnath Paaneah, note on the name... ... ... ... ... XXIX. 87 

,, ,, a name indicating the Hyksos period ... ... XXIX. 217 


Ayrton, E. R 

Ball, Rev. C. J., ALA. ... 

Capart, Jean 

Cowley, A., M.A. 

Crum, W. E. 

Howorth, Sir H. H., K.C.I.E. 

Johns, Rev. C. H. W., il/.y^. 

King, L. W., M.A., F.S.A. 

Legge, F. ... 

Lieblein, Prof. J. 

Murray, Miss M. A. 

Nash, W. L., F.S.A. ... 

Naville, Prof. E., D.C.L. 

Pilcher, E. J 

Filter, Rev. W. T. 
Sayce, Prof. A. H., D.D. 
Scott-Moncrieff, P., M.A. 
Thompson, R. Campbell, M.A 

Winstedt, E. O 

Woolley, C. L 

, etc. 

85, 277 




. 135, 187, 289, 301 

31. 61 

. 74, 107, 177, 308 


18, 70, loi, 150, 243 


... 25, 51, 112 




155, 222 
. 7, 90, 207, 253, 260 

39, 87 

165, 282, 323