PROCEEDINGS
THE SOCIETY
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
JANUARY
TO
DECEMBER
1908.
VOL. XXX. THIRTY-EIGHTH SESSION.
PUBLISHED AT
THE OFFICES OF THE SOCIETY,
37, Great Russell Street, London, W.C.
1908.
COUNCIL, 1908.
President.
Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D., &c.
Vice-Presidents.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord Archbishop of York.
The Right Rev. The Lord Bishop of Salisbury.
The Most Hon. The Marquess of Northampton.
The Right Hon. the Earl of Halsbury.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
Walter Morrison.
The Right Hon. Lord Peckover of Wisbeach.
F. G. Hilton Price, Dir. S.A.
W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
The Right Hon. General Lord Grenfell, K.C.B., &c., &c.
Rev. J. Marshall, M.A.
Joseph Pollard.
Council.
Rev. Charles James Ball, M.A.
Dr. M. Gaster.
F. LI. Griffith, F.S.A.
H. R. Hall, M.A.
Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.LE.,
F.R.S.,&c.
L. W. King, M.A.
Prof. G. Maspero.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Prof. E. Naville.
Edward S. M. Perowne, F.S.A.
Rev. W. T. Pilter.
P. Scott-Moncrieff, M.A.
R. Campbell Thompson, M.A.
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D.,
F.R.S.. &c.
Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary— ^zSX&x L. Nash, M.R.C.S. {E7tg.), F.S.A.
Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — F. Legge.
Honorary Libraiian — Walter L. Nash, M.R.C.S. (Eng.), F.S.A.
CONTENTS
Donations to the Library ... ... 2, 38, 76, 120, 162, 210, 254
Election of Members ... ... ... ... 2,38, 120,210
No. ccxxii. January.
The Council's Report for 1907 ... ... ... ... 3
R. H. Hall, M.A. — The Di-hetep-sutefi Formula. A
Funerary Stela of a Man from Gebelen ; and other
Notes. (2 Plates) ... ... ... ... ... 5-12
Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D.., Notes on Assyrian and
Egyptian History. An Aramaic Ostracon ... ... 13-19
Margaret A. Murray. — The Coffin of Ta-aath in the
Brassey Institute at Hastings, {i. Plates) ... ... 20-24
W. Attmore Robinson. — A Monument from Tshok-
Goz-Kdpriikoe. {Plates) ... ... ... ... 25-27
Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D. — Karian, Aramaic, and Greek
Graflfiti from Heshan. {Plate)... ... ... ... 28,29
R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. — The Folk-lore of
Mossou (HI) ... ... ... ... ... ... 30-33
Reviews ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 34-36
No. ccxxin. February.
Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D. — An Aramaic Ostracon from
Elephantine ... ... ... ... ... ... 39-41
GuiLL.vuME de Jerphanion. — Two New Hittite Monu-
ments from the Cappadocian Taurus. (2 Plates) ... 42-44
E. J. PiLCHER. — A Coin of Gaza, and the Vision of
Ezekiel, {2 plates) ... ... ... ... ... 45-52
Theophilus G. Pinches. — The Legend of Merodach ... 53-62
R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. — An Assyrian
Incantation against Rheumatism ... ... ... 63-69
CONTENTS. V
PAGE
The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A.— The First Year of
Samsu-iluna ... ... ■-• .•• .-• •■■ 7°) 7^
The Editor. — Recent Discoveries in Egypt ... ... 72-74
No. ccxxiv. March.
Theophilus G. Pinches. — The Legend of Merodach —
{conti>med) ... ... ... ... ... ... 77-^5
F. Legge. — The Titles of tlie Thinite Kings ... ... S6-94
The Rev. F. A. Jones. — The Ancient Year and the
Sothic Cycle. (4 Plates) ... ... ... ... 95-106
The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, Af.A.— The Lost Ten Tribes
of Israel ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 107-115
E. R. Ayrton. — Recent Discoveries in the Biban
el-Moluk at Thebes. {^Plate) ... ... ... ... 116, 117
No. ccxxv. May.
F. Legge. — The Titles of the Thinite Kings — {contbuied).
(9 Plates)... ... ... ... ... ... ... I2I-I28'
W. E. Crum.— Place-Names in Deubner's Kosmas nnd
Dainian ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 129-136
The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, AT.A.— The Lost Ten Tribes
of Israel — {continued) ... ... ... ... ... 137-141
Prof. A. H. Sayce, I?.D. — Greek Inscriptions from
Upper Egypt ... ... ... ... ... ... 142-144
R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. — An Assyrian
Incantation against Rheumatism — (co?itinued) ... ... 145-152
W. L. Nash, F.S.A. — Notes on some Egyptian
Antiquities (III). (2 Plates) ... ... ... ... 153, 154
E. W. Hollingworth, M.A. — The Hyksos and the
Twelfth Dynasty .. . ... ... ... ... ... 155-158-
Reviews ... ... ... ... ... ... ... 159
No. ccxxvi. June.
F. Legge. — The Titles of the Thinite Kings — {continued).
{Plate) 163-177
VI CONTENTS,
PAGE
S. Langdon. — Surru, Shoulder. A san/, Assemble ... 178-181
Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.Z>. — The Hittite Inscriptions of
Emir Ghazi and Aleppo. {Plate) ... ... ... 182-191
P. D. Scott-Moncrieff, M.A. — The Ruined Sites at
Masawwarat es-Sufra and Naga. {6 Plates) ... ... 192-203
W. E. Crum. — A Coptic Ostracon ... ... ... 204, 205
A. F. R. Platt, M.B. — The Origin of the Name of the
Island of Elephantine. {Plate)... ... ... ... 206-207
No. CCXXVII. NoVEMIiER.
Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D. — -Hittite Inscriptions from
Gurun and Emir Ghazi. {2 Plates) ... ... ... 211-220
The Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A.— On the Length of
the Month in Babylonia... ... ... ... ... 221-230
E. O. WiNSTEDT. — Coptic Saints and Sinners ... ... 231-237
L. W. King, M.A. — Sargon I, King of Kish, and
Shar-Gani-sharri, King of Akkad ... ... ... 238-242
The Rev, C. J. Ball, M.A. — A Phoenician Inscrip-
tion of B.C. 1500... ... ... ... .. ... 243,244
R. Campbell Thompson, M.A. — -An Assyrian
Incantation against Rheumatism — {co/iti/n/ed) ... ... 245-251
No. ccxxviiL December,
W. E. Crum. — A Greek Diptych of the Seventh Century.
(2 Plates) 255-265
S. Langdon. — Lexicographical Studies (I and II) ... 266-271
F. Ll. Griffith. — A Contract of the Fifth Year of
Amenhotp IV. {Plate)... ... ... ... ... 272-275
E. O. WiNSTEDT. — Coptic Saints and Sinners —
{contiriued) ... ... ... ... ... ... 276-2S3
H. H. Spoer, Ph.D.— Notes on Some New Samaritan
Inscriptions. (5 Plates)... ... ... ... ... 284-291
W. L. Nash, F.S.A. — Notes on some Egyptian
Antiquities (IV). (2 Plates) ... ... ... ... 292, 293
Title Page and Contents.
Index.
LIST OF PLATES.
Stela of the Goldsmith Penamitur ...
A Greek Mummy-Ticket
The Coffin of Ta-aath (4 /Ya/^j-)
A Monument from Tshok-Goz-Kopriikoe
Karian Inscriptions ...
Two New Hittite Monuments (2 Plates)
A Coin of Gaza (2 Plates) ...
The Ancient Year (4 Plates)
Wig-Pendant ...
Titles of the Thinite Kings (10 Plates)
Egyptian Antiquities (4 Plates)
Hittite Inscriptions of Emir Ghazi and Aleppo
Ruined Sites at Masawwarat and Naga (6 Plates)
Island of Elephantine
Hittite Inscriptions from Gurun and Emir Ghazi (2
A Greek Diptych (2 Plates)
A Contract of the Fifth Year of Amenhotp IV
Samaritan Inscriptions (5 Plates) ...
PAGE
12
12
24
26
28
• 42, 44
46, 52
106
116
128, 176
154, 292
190
192,
94, 196, 198, 200
206
Plates) 216
262
272
286, 288, 290
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OK
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
THIRTY-EIGHTH SESSION, 1908.
First (^Anniversary) Meeting, January i^tk, 1908.
W. H. RYLANDS, Esq., F.S.A. {Vice-President),.
IN THE CHAIR.
[No. CCXXII.]
Jan. 15] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/LOLOGY. [1908.
The following gifts to the Library were announced, and
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author, Prof. E. Navillc, Z>.C.Z.— "The Origin of
Egyptian Civilization."
From the Author, AL N. Adler, Esq. — "The Itinerary of Benjamin
of Tudela."
From W. E. Crum, Esq. — ^" Amulets" {Catalogue Gen. du Mus'ee
du Cah-e).
From the Author, Jean Capart. — " Une rue de tombeaux a
Saqqarah." Jl'it/i 100 Plates.
From the Author, the Rev. Dr. Joseph Horner. — "The Gospels of
Matthew and Luke."
BOOK-BINDING FUND.
The following donation has been received : —
The Hon. Miss E. Plunket {T,rd donatiott) jQi i o
The Rev. C. L. Bedale, M.A.,
was elected a Member of the Society
The Council's Report for 1907, and the Statement of
Receipts and Expenditure were formally presented to the
Meeting.
The following Resolutions were proposed and seconded
and unanimously agreed to : —
That the Council's Report and the Statement of Accounts be
received and adopted, and be issued with the next Part of
the Proceedings.
That thanks be returned to the Council and Officers for their
services during the past year.
That the Council and Officers be re-elected for the ensuing
year.
The following Paper was read : —
F. Legge, Esq. : "The Titles of the Thinite Kings."
Thanks were returned for this communication.
2
Jan. 15] THE COUNCIL'S REPORT. [1908.
THE COUNCIL'S REPORT
FOR THE YEAR 1907.
At the opening of the Thirty-eighth Session of the Society we have
first to notice the deaths of five Members since the last Report. Among
these may be specially mentioned Mr. C. Martin, one of our oldest
Members, while the other deaths include the Right Rev. H. TuUy
Kingdon, D.I)., Anglican Bishop of Fredericton, Canada, and the Rev.
Dr. Lamy, S.J., of Louvain, in Belgium. The Council is sure that they
are only giving voice to the wishes of the Members in deploring the loss
of these valuable supporters and in condoling with the families of those
thus taken from us. They have further to regret the resignation, from
different causes, of six other Members, the increasing demand upon the
purses of those interested in archjeology by the multiplication of Funds
and Societies being the reason assigned for their withdrawal in the
majority of cases. On the other hand, the Council are glad to announce
the election, during the past year, of seventeen new Members, which
brings up the total Membership to 406, or six more than the figure at
which it stood in the last Report. This is still, however, rather less than
the total of even a few years ago, and it is hoped that the Members will
not relax their efforts to obtain desirable recruits.
The financial position of the Society is a little better than last year,
and although the expenditure on repairs to the House has been unusually
heavy during the past Session, we are able to begin the present one with a
balance of ^155 17s. ^d. For this satisfactory result the Society is again
indebted to the unremitting exertions and the discriminating vigilance of
the Secretary, Dr. Nash. For the first time for many years it has been
found possible to add to the Library by the purchase of several expensive
books often enquired for and urgently needed.
The Meetings of the Society during the past year have been better
attended than has sometimes been the case, and the optical lantern has
been used at most of them — it is believed to the satisfaction of the
Members. The Papers read have more than maintained the reputation
of the Society for solid and learned work, and, together with the con-
tributors of many years standing, Mr. Campbell Thompson and
Mr. E. R. Ayrton deserve hearty thanks for their valuable and original
Papers on "The Folklore of Mossoul" and "The Tomb of Queen Thyi,"
respectively. Special attention may also be drawn to the series of Papers
contributed by Mr. F. Legge under the title of " The Tablets of Negadah
and Abydos," which have received much favourable notice on the
Continent and elsewhere.
Jan. 15]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHiEOLOGY.
[1908.
COUNCIL, 1908.
President.
Prof. A. II. Sayce, D.D., CJcc.
Vice-Presidents.
The Most Rev. His Grace The Lord ARCHBisHor of York.
The Right Rev. the Lord Bishop of Salisbury.
The Most Hon. the Marquess of Northampton.
The Right Hon. the Earl of Halsburv.
The Right Hon. Lord Amherst of Hackney.
Walter Morrison.
The Right Hon. Lord Peckover of Wisbe.a.ch.
F. G. Hilton Price, Dir. S.A.
W. Harry Rylands, F.S.A.
The Right Hon. General Lord Grenfell, K.C.B., &c., &c.
The Right Rev. S. W. Allen, D.D. (R.C. Bishop of Shrewsbury).
Rev. J. Marshall, M.A.
Joseph Pollard.
Council.
Rkv. Charles James Ball, M.A.
Dr. M. Gaster.
F. Ll. Griffith, F.S.A.
H. R. Hall, M.A.
Sir H. H. Howorth, K.C.I.E.,
F.R.S., &c.
L. W. King, M.A.
Rev. Albert Lowy, LL.D., &c.
Prof. G. Maspero.
Claude G. Montefiore.
Prof. E. Naville.
Edward S. M. Perowne, F.S.A.
Rev. W. T. Filter.
P. Scott- Moncrieff, M.A.
R. Campbell Thompson, M.A.
Edward B. Tylor, LL.D.,
F.R.S., &c.
Honorary Treasurer — Bernard T. Bosanquet.
Secretary— \< w.-xv.Vi. L. Nash, M.R.C.S. {Eng.), F.S.A.
Honorary Secretary for Foreign Correspondence — F. Legge.
Honorary /.ibrarian—W AUVV.V. L. Nash, M.R.C.S. (Eng.), F.S.A.
4
Jan. 15] ' NOTES. [1908.
THE DI-HETEP-SUTEN FORMULA,
A FUNERARY STELA OF A MAN FROM GEBELEN,
AND OTHER NOTES.
By H. R. Hall, M.A.
M
The J. /\ Formula.
In translating this formula in the inscription given below, I have
regarded the A ... . as optative, and the god invoked as the
subject of both : he (originally Anubis) is asked to give a royal
oblation, a king's offering, hetep-suten, to the ka. This is a partial
return to the older view, in which I was translated "royal
oblation." Of late the view has been taken that the I is the
subject of A, the god the subject of , or both of A when
does not occur. As expressed by Prof. Erman in his
Handbook of Egyptian Reltgioti (Eng. transL), p. 124, the transla-
tion could run, "May the king give an offering; may the god
give . . . .," or, "An offering that the king gives, and the god; he
gives . . . ." But the evidence for this personal intervention of
the king in the burial of every man in the earliest period, as stated
by Prof. Erman, seems to me to be weak. It rests on this hypo-
thetical translation of 1 A and the fact that the kings often
took an active interest in the burial of their more important subjects.
The translation being hypothetical, other hypothetical translations
are possible, which do not demand the theory of invariable royal
5
Jan. 15] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.IiOLOGY. [1908.
gifts of food for the ka in the archaic period to every man who could
afford decent burial. Instead of proclaiming "an offering that the
king always gives and that Anubis gives," is it not more probable
that one prayed that Anubis would give such an offering as the king
ivojild give, if he had occasion to, and one worthy, therefore, of the
god : a king's offering, J ?
D
I admit that it is convenient to be able to translate
U:
as " May one make for thee an offering that
the king giveth, consisting of ....": the presence of the verb A
seems to preclude the translation " May one make for thee a king's
offering . . . ." Bui I think that the formula "May give
a king's offering " had become at an early period a mere conventional
phrase, di-hetep-sicteii, and that one could describe people as " doing
a di-hetep-siiten,^'' and say, " May one make for thee a dl-hetep-suten, a
give-king's-offering, consisting of . . . ." So Aahmes, on the stela
of Teta-shera, " stretched forth his arm and bent his hand and made
for her the ' May Geb and the Nine Gods, etc., . . . give a king's
offering,' consisting of . . . ."([1 l^y ft ^^ ''^ ^ ' ^HQ
The sign A was sometimes omitted : " May the god hetep-suien to the
ka q{ . . . . " : this shows how meaningless it had become even under
the Middle Kingdom. In many inscriptions the name of a god is
altogether omitted : are we then to suppose that the king only is in-
voked ? Does I A U" 1^'''^^" " -^ri offering that the king gives
1 ' " ■ Lij AAAAAA
to the ^'a of . . . . "? Is it not equally probable that no king was
invoked at all, but that the phrase " May .... give-king's-offering "
having become conventional, the name of the god was sometimes
omitted as much as the sign A was in other cases ? It seems to me
that such a typical example of the simplest form of the phrase as
better translated " May Osiris, prince of eternity, give a king's offering
to the ka of the priest of the necropolis Ankhu, justified and
6
Jan. 15] NOTES. [1908.
venerated," than "An offering that the kuig gives and that Osiris,
prince of eternity, gives," etc. Why should the king come first,
unless he were giving the offering to Anubis, Osiris, or Amen-Ra for
the ka of Ankhu or Penamitur ?
In later times the formula was evidently taken to mean this, and
we get 1 A "~^ ^"^^^ A^^vw. ri'^ « /^ N., which meant either "May
the king give offerings to the Sarapis N.," or, as I think more
probable, "Royal offerings given to the Sarapis N." ; but in view of
the fact that in the ancient inscriptions the ^^'^va never appears, we
must take its Ptolemaic appearance to be an attempt to make sense
of an incomprehensible formula. We cannot then regard A as
originally a perfect participle active {cf. Ay, " the life-given,"
according to one view),i and as final, translated " a royal offer-
ing given to the god .... in order that he may give . . . ." The
verb seems to be in both cases either optative or indicative, and the
subject of both, if it is not the king and the god, must be the god
alone, and this seems to me to be the most probable alternative.
He is asked to give to the justified and venerated dead man such an
offering as a king would give to him : " the very best of everything,"
in fact — thousands of oxen, geese, and so forth. Perhaps there is in
the phrase I A no more than this.
A Man of Gebelen.
A small funerary stela (Plate I), in the possession of Mr. R. G.
Stannard, bears the following inscription : —
u
SIC
r*i^\
J (ir^_r^|j
' Which certainly seems the most probable one. We may compare the same
phrase in Sumerian, used of Babylonian kings on their statues : if. the name of
the statue " Unto-Gudea-the-builder-of-the-tempIe-hath-life-been-given."
7
Jan. 15] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
Di hetep-suten Aitien-Ra neb pet, di-f hesiit-f 11 rd iteb, dtikh 7iefer didi
n ka-f Ptah sepsi neb anh t'dtn, di-f dk vi rehiut dm-f 71 ka n unbi
Pen-da-ni-atr.
" May Amen-Ra, lord of heaven, give a king's offering : may he give
his daily gifts that are praised (///. ' his praised-things of every
day'), the good life that Ptah the venerable, lord of life and
strength, giveth to his ka ; may he give entrance among the
illuminated (///. 'knowers,' rekhiut) who are with him to the ka
of the goldsmith Pen-aa-em-atur (Penarnitur, Penemior)."
In the third line the sign ^^^ is confused with
The stela is a small one of grey steaschist, unglazed, with rounded
top. Above the inscription stand two Amen-rams facing each other :
each has an uraeus on his head, and above him is inscribed the god's
name, I ~vvw . Over both flies the winged sun-disk. The rams and
T O I
the disk are moderately well cut in relief: the inscription is incised.
The date of the object is evidently about the time of the XlXth
Dynasty.
The name of the goldsmith Pen-aa-em-atur, or Penamitur
(probably pronounced something like " Penemioor "), "He who
belongs to Isle-in-Stream," would be in Arabic Gebeleni, "the man
of Gebelen." The modern Gebelen was in ancient times an island,
and on it stood a town which bore the name of Aa-vi-atiir,
As the c^ of the word dtia- was early dropped in pronunciation, the
word was pronounced im-, ior, Coptic CJioop, and so the name of
the town on Gebelen must at the time this stele was made have
sounded something like lemiar or Eniior {Amur)^ so that the name
of the goldsmith, ^^v [1 Mii , " He of Gebelen," must
have been pronounced Penimior or Penemior.
- In Uemotic the forms Em'iir aaJv 7) 2d)» ^i^d Amur aJv 71 2dx^; are
found, see Si'IEGELBERG, Eigenuameu, pp. 68*, 58. Following Dumichen,
Prof. Si'UiGELBERG speaks of Amitur as "welches auf einer Insel gegeniiber Gebelen
lag," and gives Krall, Beitrcige (referred to below), p. 3, as his authority. But
I cannot find that Krai.l has done more than merely quote Dumichen as holding
this belief: he himself seems rather to hold with Daressy (Reciiei/, x, 140), that
Amitur was at Gebelen itself. And this seems to me more probable, Gebelen
having in all probability been an island till a late period.
Jan. 15] NOTES. [1908.
Two thousand years later, at the end of the Roman period,
Gebelen bore, as we learn from the ofificial records of the rule of the
Blemmyes in Upper Egypt, the names Temsir and Tanare The first-
named could only be brought into connection with the ancient leviior
by somewhat drastic methods, which seem hardly justified. In the first
place, we should have to assume a change of gender for the word
■" island," or at any rate a popular confusion of aa, " island,"
which is masculine, and iiat, "dwelling-place." It is true that
in Ptolemaic texts i^-"^ is sometimes written when ( ) is meant :
there is a good example in the name of Philae, sometimes spelt
n P-aa-rk-t (pronounced Fi/ak).^ But this is a mere
mis-writing : there was probably no confusion in speaking between
the words p-'aa, "the island," and t-aa, "the dwelling" — Philae was
never called " Thilae " — so that if the name of Gebelen was ever
given the article it was certainly pronounced *Pimior or *Phemior,
never Temior, for which we might otherwise have supposed that
T6UCip was perhaps a mistake. Nor can we suppose that the
other name, Tanare, is really a mistake for Tamare, which might be
a form of amur with a feminine article, \\'ere the name written
"Panare" or " Phanare " we might well suppose that we ought
to emend the n to i\i, and read Pamare = P-amur. But it is
not.
^ Such confusions in writing were not rare in the later period, e.g., in the
^compound place-name ^L. _^^ "^^ V q -vwvva ^ \ @, transcribed from the
Demotic, in which script the now mute feminine ending -/ was constantly inter-
.polated where it had no right to be (F.S.B.A., xxvii (1905), p. 119). The Greek
form of this name, Bo^ttotj, shows that the final element in the name is really the
masculine aha, perhaps "stele" (rather than "palace," as in P.S.B.A., loc. cit.),
and not the feminine ahat ; the masculine definite article was evidently pronounced,
though it is not found written in the Demotic form. Characteristically, the place-
name ^^ ^ y ^Q is found in hieroglyphs (Brugsch, Diet. Gcogy. 470) : this is
more probably a mis-writing iox p-dha than for t-dhdt. (The Demotic form of the
name Bompae on the Brit. Mus. bilingual tablets, /vO oT I aJi-^U-I Ui
shows that Spiegelberg's proposed form for it, J \ ^^ ^ "^ 1^ Si ®
\yEgypt. Eigeiinanicn, p. 67*) is erroneous, though no doubt as pronounced the
.name was very like UA-U-riA-2H ; see F.S.B.A., I.e., p. 121).
9
Jan. 15] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908..
From Gebelen : " Kharakhein and Kharazieu (?)."
One of the most interesting sets of Egyptian documents of late age
published during the last few years is the number of letters, etc., deal-
ing with the rule of the Blemmyes and Nubians in Upper Egypt, which
were said to have been found at Gebelen, and are published by Krall
in his Beiiriige zur Geschichte der Blemyer iind Nubier. The finest of
these documents is the Greek will of a basilisk {regulns) of the
Blemmyes, handing over to the rule of two of his sons the island of
Tanare, which, as Krall says, seems to be (jebelen, then an island,
as its old Egyptian name " Isle in the Stream," shows. On a similar
document another chief named Pakytimne (?) gives the same isle of
Tanare to "Poae the most noble priest," one of the medicine-men
of the still heathen Blemmyes ; here the island has also the by-name
Temsir.
Krall reads the name of the prince who gave Tanare to his sons
as Charachen (xApA\'HKi), and the names of the sons as Chara-
patchur (vApARATJCOTp) and Charahiet (\\\pA^iGT). The
reading \ApAriAT\()Tp is certainly correct, so that the first son's
name is Kharapatkhour ; but, after an examination of the deed at
Cairo, it seems to me more probable that the king's name is written'
\ApA\(;iKi than VApA\HKi, and that the name of the second son
should be read \ApArjev (or, at any rate, ,\'ApA)f.i(3T), not
VApA?i(;T. These two names should then be Kharakhein and
Kharazieu or Kharaziet, not Kharakhen and Kharahiet. The
alteration from H to ei in the first name would make no difference
in the sound of the name, so that the correction may seem im-
material ; but this is not the case with the second name. The
interjection of a single instance of a Coptic ? into a (ireek deed of
the first half of the fifth century,* to which it probably belongs, seems
to me very doubtful, and I cannot see any particular difference
between the sui)posed ^ of the name " Charahiet " and the t. with
which the name of Laize, occurring in the same document, is written.
I therefore read the name Kharazieu or Kharaziet.
■• KkAi.i, dates it to the last half of the century. The name Sansnos which
occurs on it wouM incline one to prefer an earlier date, if possible.
10
Jan. 15] NOTES. [1908.
MoHON = Mehendi.
In the Coptic document also published by Krall in the same
place, which was written in the reign of the Nubian king Kyrikos,
who invaded Egypt in 737 a.d. to compel the release of the
patriarch Khail, occurs the name of a town uoj^cjun. Prof. Krall
proposed to identify this place with Mdhe/iii, a place in the Apolli-
ropolite nome, but mentioned in a note at the same time that a
place called Mehendi existed south of Hierasykaminos. It seems
to me that the document being dated in the reign of a Nubian
king, and having probably been written in Nubia (since we have no
proof that Kyrikos actually ruled the Sa'id : he only invaded and
plundered it), a Nubian place is more likely to be intended than an
Egyptian one, and that the well-known Mehendi, or Ikhmindi,
"south of Hierasykaminos," is the ancient Mohon.J Here there are
still the remains of a mediaeval Nubian town, and it is not impossible
that this Mohon-Mehendi was the capital, the king's seat, of the
conquering Kyrikos. The document being in the form of a letter
addressed to persons residing at Mohon may very well have been
found at Mehendi.
A Greek Mummy-Ticket.
Plate II shows a mummy-ticket in the possession of the Egypt
Exploration Fund. On the Obverse is the Greek inscription ; on
the Reverse is traced in ink a figure of the jackal Anubis, seated
on a stand, with what is possibly intended for a collar with 7nenat-
counterpoise round his neck. The inscription reads —
^ei'TTaTTweic
yvi'ij YlXijii' Ha
Vpt9 CTUW
I'C
" Senplenis, (daughter of) Senpapoeie, (and) wife of Plein-the-elder ;
55 years (old)."
■' The name is also spelt Moonde on a stela mentioned by Mr. Crum, (/.
E.E.F. , Archaeological Report, 1906-7, p. ']T.
1 1
Jan. 15] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1908.
Senplenis is Tsejiplein, " the daughter of Plein," which was also
the name of her husband. The name Plein or Pleine was fairly
common as late as the seventh to ninth centuries, cf. my Greek and
Coptic Inscriptions of the Christian Period />/ the British Mjiseinn,
pp. 32, 73, 94, 105. The form Pleinos also seems to occur: cf. il>.,
p. 140. On these mummy-tablets, four hundred years earlier, only
the Graecized form Plenis has hitherto been found : the above is the
oldest instance of the real form, Plein. Neither its meaning nor
that of the mother's name, Senpapoeie, are clear. The latter is
"daughter of Papoeie," a name that may be compared with Pabaious
and the feminine Tbaiai, ^)i)n)^3 (Spiegelberg, Eigennamen,
p. 21*), or with P-abaiu, t)*^'*)*^ ju, Pebos, "the panther" {il>.,
p. 57). But these identifications are not altogether satisfactory : the
name may be "The daughter of him who belongs to Foeie" perhaps
a village. rTni'/n^- is probably simply a by-name, "the great" or
"the elder."
PLATE I.
S.B..-]. Proceedings, Jan., i<
STELA OF THE GOLDSMITH PENAMITUR.
Belojigiiig to R. G. Staiiiiard, Esq.
PLATE II.
S.B.A. Proceedings, Jan., 1908.
i ,i^-
/;:zm: \
Reverse.
GREEK MUMMV-TICKET.
Jan. 15] NOTES ON ASSYRIAN AND EGYPTIAN HISTORY. [1908
NOTES ON ASSYRIAN AND EGYPTIAN HISTORY.
AN ARAMAIC OSTRACON.
By Prof. A. H. Savce, D.D.
I.
I can throw a little more light on the names of the Assyrian
kings which have come down to us from Ktesias in a more or less
corrupted form. The i6th king is Askatades (Sync.) or Astakadis
(Euseb.), who was followed by Amyntes, Belokhos II, Balatores
(Sync.) or Bellepares (Euseb.), Lamprides, Sosares, Lampares,
Panyas, Sosarmos, and Mithraios. It is now some years ago since
I pointed out that Sosares and Sosarmos are variants of an Assyrian
Samas-Ramman, the two elements of which are reversed in Arma-
mithres, the 7th king, who is made the predecessor of Belokhos I
and the successor of Baleus. Samas regularly becomes 2ws- in
Greek — Shesh in the Hebrew Shesh-bazzar — and Samas-Ramman II,
the conqueror of Media, is represented by Sosarmos in Ktesias's list
of Median kings. It is true that in the name of Hadad-nirari the
name of the deity was pronounced Hadad or Adad by the Assyrians;
but the divine name is also written Ram-ma-nu, Ra-man, and
Ra-ma-nu, and the Biblical Hadad-Rimmon is evidence that the
two names were equivalent and interchangeable. The Persian
representative of Samas is Mitra, Greek Mithres or Mithras ; hence
Mithraios is merely a translation of Sosarmos and Sosares, and
Arma-mithres is but another form of Arma-sos. It may be noted
that Tukulti-In-aristi calls himself "the Sun-god of all mankind."
I have further pointed out that the Belitaras and Belitanas of the
Ktesian list, as given by George the Syncellus and Photius, is the
Beletaras of Agathias {De regn. Just., II, 25, 15). Beletaras,
13
Jan. 15] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [190S.
according to Bion and Polyhistor, had been the gardener of Beleous,
the last of the Derketades or Delketades, whom he overthrew and
whose crown he seized. Beleous will be the Belokhos of Ktesias
(also written Belokhoos), and the Derketades, who are called the
descendants of Semiramis, are simply the descendants of the goddess
Derketo, that is to say 'Atar-gatis or Istar, the goddess of Nineveh.
The Askatades of Ktesias is clearly a corruption of Derketades,
which has been still further corrupted into Astakadis.
All this I first pointed out twenty-two years ago. But I can now
add somethmg more. Lampares, with the Greek patronymic Lam-
prides which has been formed from it, shows that Bel-lepares must
be the Bilu-labiru, " Bel the elder," of Tiglath-pileser I, to whom a
temple was dedicated at Assur. Panyas, which is formed like Ninyas
from Ninos, is probably taken from the Assyrian paniu, " the older,"
a synonym of lahiru, rather than from sar paid, "former king." It is
possible that there may be also a reference to the fact that the
ideographic name of Assur was " the city of the old dynasty " {pali
labiri). Bellepares, which is the spelling of Jerome, appears as
Balepares in the C/ironicon of Eusebius (II, 36) and Belleropares —
with an obvious reminiscence of the name of Bellerophon — in the
excerpts of the Latin Barbarus.
In another passage of the C/ironicon (I, 65), however, Eusebius
writes Balatores, the Beletaras of Agathias, further transformed by
Photius into Belitanas, whose tomb, according to Ktesias, was the
temple of Bel at Babylon. If the conjecture is right that Belitanas
is 'Jil'^i^/l "Bel the elder," Ktesias will have confounded the
temple of Bel-Merodach at Babylon with the temple of the older
Bel at Nippur. In any case the form Beletaras is due to the
^'euhemerism" which associated the name of Bilu-labiru with the
fall of the first Assyrian dynasty. In-aristi-pal-esarra, according to
his descendant Tiglath-pileser I,^ was the founder of a new line of
Assyrian kings about B.C. 1200, the old line apparently ending with
Bel-kudur-utsur, and as Belokhos could correspond with the abbre-
viated form of the name Bel-kudur-utsur, so in Beletares we could
have the pal-esarra or pileser of In-aristi-pal-esarra. Amyntes is the
Greek tran.slation of natsir or utsur, and it is noticeable that the
' A fragmentary inscription, however, recently found by llie German excava-
tors at Qal'at Sherqat makes In-aristi-pal-esarra the son of Erba-Hadad (Mitt. d.
D. Oi-ievt-GeseIlschaft, April, 1905, p. 60). It is possible that the Arma-mithres
of Ktesias may have lieen influenced by the name of Erba-Hadad.
14
Jan. 15] NOTES ON ASSYRIAN AND EGYPTIAN HISTORY. [1908.
same length of reign (45 years) is ascribed to him as to the other
two kings, Panyas and Laosthenes, who bear Greek names in the
Ktesian list.
The changes are thus rung in the list on the following names :
Belokhos II = Amyntes = Askatades (Derketades), Bel-lepares =
Lampares = Panyas, Sosarmos = Sosares = Lamprides = Mithraios.
A Samas-Ramman, it may be added, built the temple of Bel in
Assur, called the House of the Bull of the World, which may have
been the same as the temple of Bel-labiru (see W.A.I., 1, 14, 87).
The same names, with slight alterations, recur in an earlier part
•of the list of Ktesias, where, however, their order is reversed. Here
-vve have (i) Baleus, of which Xerxes, the Persian Khshayarsha, is
given as an equivalent, (2) Arma-mithres, i.e., Sos-armos, (3) Belo-
khos I, (4) Balaios, " he who belongs to Bel " (the elder), and
{5) Altadas, which a comparison with the variant Sethos in the
Syncellus shows must be a corruption of Askatades, i.e., Derketades.
Altadas is followed by Mamitos, the Assyrian deity Mamit, redupli-
cated a little later in the list under the form of Mamylos, i.e., Mama-
ilu, "Mama the god," where, however, Eusebius has Mamitos II;
by Mankhaleus or Askhalios, which I cannot explain ; and by
Sphairos with its duplicate Sparetos or Sparthaios. Light is thrown
on the latter by bricks found by the German excavators on the site
of Assur, from which we learn that Assur-nirari I built, or rebuilt,
the temple of Bel-sipria. By the side of sipri we also have sipreti.
Mithraios is fitly followed by Thinaios "he of the Moon-god
(Sin)," Teutamos or Tautanes and Teutaios being interposed between
them. But this is because Teutamos was reputed to have sent help
to Troy, and the siege of Troy in the chronology of Ktesias would
have taken place at this particular point. Teutaios seems to be " he
of the sea-coast," Assyrian Tamti or Tavti, a native word with which
the Teutamos of Greek legend was ingeniously connected.
The names which come after that of Thinaios are more difficult
to interpret, partly because the reading is in more than one instance
doubtful. Derkylos, when compared with Mamylos, is probably
Derke(to)-ilu ; Pyriatides or Pertiades, " the son of the Euphrates
(Puratu)," and Ophrataios, "he of the Euphrates," explain themselves,
and indicate the transference of the list from Assyria on the Tigris
to Babylonia on the Euphrates. Thonos-Konkoleros, we are told,
was the iSardanapallos of the Greeks ; perhaps we should read
Konkoderos and identify the name with that of Kandalanu.
^5
Jan. 15] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH-tOLOGY. [1908.
II.
It has long since been observed that Semiraniis is the
Assyrian Sammu-ramat, the name of the wife of the Assyrian king
Hadad-nirari III. But .Sammu-ramat itself has hitherto been diffi-
cult to explain. Now, however, the contract-tablets of the age of
Khammu-rabi show that it is an old West-Semitic (and not purely
Babylonian) name which belongs to the period when Babylon first
became the capital of Babylonia and was provided with walls of
defence. Among the names collected by Dr. Ranke which charac-
terise this epoch is Sumu-rame, the masculine correspondent of
Sam(m)u-ramat. .Sumu and Samu are variant readings of the name
of the West-Semitic god who represents phonetically the Hebrew
Shem, and, as Dr. Ranke points out {Early Babylonian Personal
Names, p. 137), Sumurame is a formation similar to the hypocoristic
Ramayatum and the Hebrew Remaiah (Ezra x, 25). It is quite
possible that Semiramis (Samu-ramat) was a historical character, the
wife of Khammu-rabi or some other king of the First dynasty of
Babylon, though popular tradition subsequently confounded her with
the goddess Istar of Nineveh.
III.
The Septuagfnt counts 2262 years from the Creation to
the Deluge (b.c. 3246). According to Africanus there were 2280
from Menes to the end of the Eleventh dynasty and of the first
Tomos of Manetho, with which therefore we may conclude that
the first period of Egyptian history was supposed to end. When,
however, we add together the years assigned by Africanus to the
several kings and dynasties we find that they amount, not to 2280,
but to 2263 years, which is practically identical with the 2262 years
of the Septuagint. Considering the efforts made by the Septuagint
translators to harmonise the Hebrew chronology with the Egyptian
by altering the dates of the Hebrew text, it is impossible to believe
that the coincidence can be accidental. In other words, the
Manethonian chronology must have been known to the translators,
and, accepting the dates usually assigned to the Septuagint trans-
lation of the Pentateuch on the one side and to Manetho on the
other, it becomes probable that Manetho's chronology was one
16
Jan. 15] NOTES ON ASSYRIAN AND EGYPTIAN HISTORY. [1908.
which was already estabhshed among Egyptian historians before
Manetho's work appeared.
From the Deluge to the migration of Jacob into Egypt the
Septuagint reckons 1362 years. As this number is obtained by
arbitrarily changing the Hebrew text and interpolating a new patri-
arch into the list, there must have been a special object in inventing
it. Now one of the Hyksos kings has been shown by scarabs to
have had the name of Jacob-el, abbreviated into Jacob, and with
him, I believe, the Alexandrine Jews must have identified their own
ancestor. We know from Josephus how ready they were to see
their Israelitish forefathers in the Hyksos. If we knew^ the precise
place of Jacob-el in the three Hyksos dynasties, we should thus have
their chronology fixed according to the Manethonian scheme ; as it
is, the chronology approximates to that which Bockh and Wiede-
mann have obtained from the imperfect data of Africanus and
Eusebius, and altogether excludes the shortened chronology at
present in fashion among the Berlin school of Egyptologists.
IV.
In the Armenian Chronicle of Eusebius the Manethonian
predecessors of Menes are given, but in a confused way. First of
all we are told that the gods. Manes, demi-gods and three pre-Menic
dynasties down to Bytes reigned altogether 13,090 lunar years.
Then we learn that the demi-gods (including the Manes) reigned
1255 years. Then there were "other" kings for 181 7 years, 30
Memphites for 1790 years and 10 Thinites for 350 years. Finally
it is said that the Manes and demi-gods reigned for 5813 years, the
predecessors of Menes reigning altogether 11,000 years. At first
sight the numbers seem hopelessly confused and contradictory.
When, however, we add together 1255 + 1817 -f 1790 + 350 +
5813 the sum total is 11,035, ^^^^ '^ approximately 11,000, and if we
suppose the reign of Bytes to have been computed at 35 years the
number will be exactly 11,000. This would leave (13,090 — 11,035
= ) 2055 years only for the gods. But as the reign of the demi-gods
and Manes is put at 1255 years in one place and at 5813 years in
another, we may conclude that the demi-gods have been counted
twice, once with the Manes and once with the gods, and so obtain
(5813 — 1255 =) 4558 years extra for the gods.
17 B
Jan. 15] SOCIETY OV BIBLICAL ARCH.^OLOC.Y. [1908.
Bytes I identify with Buzau, which Prof. Naville has shown is
the true reading of the second name of the king called Nar-mer by
Prof. Petrik. The archaeological evidence makes it clear that Nar
Buzau was the immediate predecessor of Menes.
Hence, according to the Armenian Eiisebius, Manetho's arrange-
ment of the pre-Menic dynasties would have been : —
Years.
(1) Gods ... ... ... ... ... ... 6613
(2) Manes... ... ... ... ... ... 1255
(3) Other kings ... ... ... ... ... 1817
(4) Memphites, /.£'., kings of Lower Eg)-pt ... 1790
(5) Thinites, i.e., kings of Upper Eg)-pt ... ... 350
the last king of the fifth dynasty being Bytes.
At the northern end of the (lebel el-Tukh, on the eastern
side of the Nile, are the remains of a fortified town, of which little
has now been left by the sebakhin. In one place is a flight of
fifteen steps cut in the rock, which lead at present to a shekh's tomb.
In the cliff" below the wall of the ciiy are some tombs of the Pharaonic
age, and in the desert at the foot of the Gebel an extensive cemetery
of the Roman and Coptic periods, which has been hopelessly
plundered by the natives. The cemeier)- was planted on the site of
a " prehistoric " one. Tlie town must be the Thomu of the itinerary
of Antoninus Augustus. Thomu lay between Panopolis or Ekhmim
and Chenoboscion (Qasr es-Sayyad), being 4 Roman miles from the
former place and 50 miles from the latter. The distances would
agree very fairly with the actual mileage, and there is no ancient
site Southward of Ekhmim that is nearer to the last-named city.
VI.
The Aramaic ostracon which I obtained at Elephantine in
1900, and which has been published by Mr. Cowley as Ostrakon I
{Prihcc dings, June 1903), has received a good deal of elucidation
from the Assuan papyri which I have lately been engaged in
editing. A re-examination of the ostracon shows that Mr. Cowley
is right in reading H^^H and ^7^ in lines 2 and 5 of the concave
18
Jan. 15I NOTES ON ASSYRIAN AND EGYPTIAN HISTORY. [1908.
side. In line i Prof. Clermont-Ganneau sees in h^il^H the
Aramaic word for "shop," but this seems to make no sense here, and
a word like "vessel" or "philtre" is required. I would now suggest
the following translation for the whole inscription :
Convex Side : " Now [writes X] the . . rian to Malchiah my
master, in regard to the document, that when you hear that thy
princes (?) have paid tribute in Assuan send to me ; behold, there
is come the papyrus which thou hast (?) in the hand ; send it to
me ; and the papyrus which I sent to you is part of (?) the papyrus ;
and the great papyrus which Malchiah gave to them, send ; it
belongs to it."
Concave Side : " Now, behold, the vessel (?) which Uriah
has given to me for the libation ; convey it to Gemariah the son of
Achio, and he shall prepare it with the beer, and do you mix it for
Uriah. Moreover, behold [Pe]tosiris ; and he (Gemariah) shall go
and write it on his (Petosiris's) arm above the writing which is upon
his arm. Lo, thus he has sent, saying that they must not forget
his child (whose name) is written above his own name."
Convex : 1. 3. The mysterious T before '^"I'C^ turns out to be
an abbreviation of "^'J used after ■l^h^7, as in Concavk 5.
1. 4. Read inb"C^ or nnT'U?. The meaning I assign to
"VZi) is necessarily conjectural ; no such word is known elsewhere
in Aramaic. Is the Greek vaTrvfto'} for KpaTrvpos: ?
Concave: 1. i. ^^H^n may throw light on the affinities of the
Assyrian unutu, "a vessel," "instrument," "furniture." In an
Aramaic fragment I have acquired this winter we read : "3 manehs . . .
"jn2n2." Compare Heb. n^Pl. See also Ostrakon IV, Concave 6.
1. 3. We hear of Petosiris in the Assuan papyri as having been
tattooed on his arm.
1. 4. Read -[S^^l for ]S^T
1 5. 1^71 is the ITt^ of Dan. ii, 31.
19
Jan. 15J SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.tOLOGY. [1908.
THE COFFIN OF TA-AATH.
IN THE BRASSEV INSTITUTE AT HASTINGS.
Bv Margaret A. Murray.
In the Hastings Museum there is a fine coffin of the XXVIth
dynasty, which was brought from Luxor about the middle of the
last century. It had been opened in order to fix the mummy firmly
for removal to England ; in doing this the head-end had been some-
what damaged, a piece broken out and the stucco and paint chipped.
The floor of the coffin where the mummy lay is a good deal stained,
though not sufficiently to obliterate the figure of Nut ; and the front
of the coffin is also slightly stained. With the exception of these
few defects, the coffin is in perfect condition.
It is of wood, covered with a thin coat of white stucco, and
painted in colour. The upper half was fastened to the lower in
the usual way, with flat tenons fitting into holes in the lower part.
The face is coloured light red. The wig has a heavy tress,
bound at the end, falling over the front of each shoulder, and
surmounted by a form of the vulture head-dress, the wings of which
fall on each side of the face {Plate I, Jig. i). Rows of necklaces
and a winged figure of Maat, kneeling, lie across the chest. Below
this the decoration is arranged to represent the bandages of a
mummy. The transverse bands are in three lines : the upper and
lower lines being the characteristic Egyptian decoration — which
comes down from the Old Kingdom — of squares of colour divided
from each other by black and white lines ; the middle line is white
with a design in black. The spaces between the transverse bands
are filled with scenes, or with inscriptions in vertical columns.
Immediately below the winged Maat is a design of a false door,
with eight columns of inscriptions on one side and seven on the
other. Beyond the inscription on each side {Mate I, Jig. 2) is the
sacred ram on a perch, the symbol of divinity ; he is crowned with
the disc and the double upright feathers. Above the animal is the
20
Jan. 15] THE COFFIN OF TA-AATH. [1908.
sacred eye resting on the nei?-s\gr). The inscription is the usual
formula and should run :
>^ «___ { •< ( X JiK^ I II X .JBh^ III S _B^ III S -a^ II I
in one place, T [I
.^""^"1
AA/VW\_I
'^ May the king give an offering to Osiris- Unnefer, the great god,
lord of Abydos. May he give offerings and failings, thousands oj
bread, thotisands of beer, thousands of cattle, thousands of birds,
thousands of incense, thousands of ointment, for the ka of the Lady
of a House, Ta-aath, true of voice, whose another was Nefet\f\ {or
Nefer\t\-Ame7i):'
This inscription is repeated, in a more or less blundered form, all
over the outside of the coffin, the only variations being in the titles
of Osiris and the mistakes of the scribe.
These fifteen columns of inscription are divided from the scene
which comes below by a triple transverse band. The scene is the
usual one of the Judgment, and is so arranged that the figure of
Osiris, which is otherwise unimportant, should be exactly in the centre
of the coffin. He faces towards the spectator's right and holds an
//oi'-sceptre. He is followed by six bearded figures, each holding
an ostrich feather, and bearing what appear to be scarves over the
arm ; they are the deities of the Under-world. In front of Osiris
is an altar piled with offerings, apparently leaves, as they are painted
green, and on each side of the altar is a small tree or shrub. On
the further side of the altar, and advancing towards Osiris, is the
god Thoth leading the deceased person, here represented as a man,
though the coffin is inscribed for a woman. Behind them is Amemt,
the Eater of Hearts, followed by the personification of the West,
who holds an ostrich feather. Behind them again is the balance,
of which both pans are empty. On each side of the upright of the
balance is the sign of the West ft .
A triple transverse band separates this scene from the next
21
Jan. 15] SOCIETY' OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908
division. The decoration below is somewhat altered ; instead of
the transverse bands running right across the coffin, they appear only
on each side, and a vertical panel of decoration extends to the feet.
At the top of this panel is a narrow white line decorated with tieter--
signs in black ; then comes the scene of the mummy laid upon the
lion-shaped bier with the soul, in the form of a human-headed bird,
hovering above. At the head of the mummy is a hawk perched on
the sign c^ with streamers, emblem of the West. Below the bier
are the four canopic jars, tied up with broad ribbons. A horizontal
band of inscription repeats the name of the deceased, and seven
vertical lines of inscription, all beginning with I A , carry the
decoration of the panel down to the ankles, where it is crossed by a
single transverse band dividing the decoration of the footpiece from
the main part of the coffin. On each side of the panel the decoration
is divided by triple transverse bands into four compartments.
On the side of the coffin which is to the right of the spectator, the
first two compartments are alike : three vertical lines of inscription,
a deity standing, one vertical line of inscription, a deity standing,
a snake upright on its tail ; the third compartment is the same,
with the snake omitted ; the fourth compartment omits one line
of inscription and the second deity, but retains the snake. The
deities are all gods of the dead or of the Underworld, but have
no distinguishing marks by which they can be identified.
On the left side of the coffin {Plate I, fig. 2), the first compartment
has three vertical lines of inscription, the figure of Hapi, one vertical line
of inscription, the figure of Duamutef, one vertical line of inscription.
The second compartment contains three vertical lines of inscription,
the figure of Amset, one vertical line of inscription, a snake-headed
deity. The third compartment has three vertical lines of inscription,
the figure of Qebhsennuf, one vertical line of inscription, an indis-
tinguishable deity. The fourth compartment has two vertical lines
of inscription, an indistinguishable deity, and two vertical lines of
inscription. On both sides three out of the four transverse bands
have inscriptions on the middle line.
The decoration of the footpiece is reversed, in order that the
figures may not appear to be standing on their heads when the coffin
is laid flat. In the middle is a winged figure of Isis standing,
wearing the sign H, which represents her name, on her head; on
each side are two vertical lines of inscription, the sacred eye on the
22
Jan. 15] THE COFFIN OF TA-AATH. [190S.
nel)-?,\gn with three lines of inscription below, then four lines of
inscription, diminishing rapidly in height on account of the sharp
curve of the footpiece.
The square stand under the feet is painted in lines of colour
round its sides, and there are long lines of colour down each side of
the cofifin [Plate I, fi^s[. 2), forming a border to the decoration of the
upper and lower parts.
The back of the coffin {Flaie II, Jig. 3) shows a support like those
on the ushabtis of the same period. The decoration consists of the
^rt^-pillar, emblem of Osiris, surmounted by the horns, emblem of
Khnum the creator. On each bar of the dad-\n\\?ix are ostrich
feathers and uraei.
The top of the coffin {Plate III, fig. 5) shows the sun on the
horizon, either rising or setting, flanked on each side by the emblem
of the West.
The base of the footpiece {Plate Il\ fig. 7) shows the mummy
carried on the back of a bull to its last resting-place. The bull is
also on the horizon or hill-sign C^:^, which, perhaps, is intended to
represent the "Gap of Abydos," the Gate of the Kingdom of Osiris.
The inside of the coffin is painted white, with figures and inscrip-
tions in black. In the lower part 1 {Plate II, fig. 4) is an outline
figure of the goodess Nut with upraised arms, standing on the perch
or support which is the sign of divinity ; ribbons are tied at her
waist, and other ribbons hang over her arms. Her name is above
her head. Above that again is an inscription {Plate III, fig. 6) in
three vertical lines. The upper part has an outhne figure of the
goddess Nut facing in the opposite direction. Her arms hang at her
sides and have no ribbons over them, otherwise she is precisel)-
similar to the figure in the lower part. The inscription over her
head is in five lines. Both inscriptions are roughly written, and the
father's name is not decipherable.
/\rj\/\A/\
' The wooden support at the foot is modern, and was placed there to prevent
the mummy from slipping in transit to England.
23
Jan. 15]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
[1908.
(i) " The ka of the Osiris Pedii-Khnum,
(2) son of Amen
(3) The mother, the lady of a house, Pedu-Amen."
The lines 4 and 5 of the upper part of the coffin are merely
'^? I I), repeated three times. The use of " Pedu " in a
woman's name is certainly curious, and must be a mistake of the
scribe.
I am indebted to Mr. Butterfield, Curator of the Hastings
Museum, for the exact {Metric) measurements of the coffin.
Length. Outside i"83*o
Inside ... ... ... ... i'75"o
Breadth. Outside 557
Inside 48-3
Depth, back to front. Outside ... ... 36*0
Inside ... ... 29*5
Holes for inserting pegs to fasten the lid :
Average length ... ... ... 4*2
„ depth... ... ... ... 4*o
„ width... . . ... ... '9
2A
PLATE I.
S.B.A. Proceedings, Jan., k
Fig- I.
Fig. 2.
PLATE II.
S.B.A. Proceedings, Jan., ic
J
Fig-- 3
Fig. 4.
PLATE III.
S.B.A, Proceedings, Jan., ic
Fig:- 5-
Fig. 6.
PLATE IV.
S.B.A. Proceedings, Jan., 1908.
_„r*-)#Sjjfi(s'-4iis,i
Fig. 7.
Jan. 15] A MONUMENT FROM TSHOK-GOZ-KOPRUKOE. [1908.
A MONUMENT FROM TSHOK-GOZ-KOPRUKOE.
By W. Attmore Robinson.
Our present knowledge of the ancient history of Asia Minor is
so extremely limited, notwithstanding the constantly increasing dis-
coveries of Sir W. Ramsay, Hugo Winckler, and others, that the
following short account of a stone monument I recently discovered
at Tshok-Goz-Kopriikoe may be of interest.
For a long time it had been my intention to travel leisurely in
Asia Minor, and in particular to examine some section of the
territory once inhabited by the Hittites and other kindred peoples.
As a preliminary step towards gratifying this desire, I profited from
an extended visit to Constantinople, in the spring of 1907, to make
a brief excursion through Cappadocia. Generously provided by his
Majesty the Sultan with a special irade, I took the train from
Constantinople to Eskishehir and Koniah, where the managers of
the Anatolian railroad have constructed a comfortable modern hotel.
It happened that Sir W. Ramsay with his wife and son went by
the same train into the interior, in order to join Miss Bell at
Binbirkilessi, where they carried on most interesting excavations,
and where, three weeks later, on my return from Kaisarie, I enjoyed
their unbounded hospitality.
From Koniah I went, accompanied by a servant and two
zaptiyes, through the salt desert by way of Obruk and Newshehir
to the banks of the Kizil-Irmak.
One morning I set out to explore the mountain ridges, following
the course of the ancient Halys, to the north-west of Kaisarie.
Having reached Tshok-Goz-Kopriikoe, a small village situated on
the northern bank of the river, on the main road from Caesarea to
Angora, I inquired of its inhabitants whether any antiquities or
inscriptions were to be found in that general neighbourhood. I was
told that a large stone monument had been seen by a native, some-
where in the mountains to the west of the village. Vague as the
25
Jan. 15] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/LOLOGV. [190S.
information was, I determined at once to follow it up. Accordingly
I remounted my horse, and accompanied by one of my zaptiyes,
I set off in the direction indicated.
The whole district is very barren and desolate, and had evidently
never been previously visited by any European or American traveller.
After a three hours' ride I came suddenly upon a large monument
lying on its side on a high hill overlooking a wild and picturesque
gorge, through which the Kizil-Irmak flows. The accompanying two
photographs, which I took on the spot, will illustrate the brief remarks
offered with regard to this remarkable antiquity.
The monument represents a huge eagle, in granite, perched upon
the rock. The latter is cut in such a way that, seen from the side
(Plate, Fig. i), it looks like the left half of an arch. Each of the
two sides and the front of this peculiar base is adorned with a lion,
carved in high relief. All three lions are crouching, with their front
legs crossed, and their heads turned outwards. The two animals
cut on the front and on the right side of the base turn their heads
towards the right (Plate, Fig. 2), while the lion on the left side,
forming the pendant to that of the right side, naturally turns its head
towards the left.
Unfortunately the head of the eagle has been broken off; whether
this happened at the time when the monument was overthrown, or
later, could not be ascertained. It is by no means impossible that
a careful search of the neighbourhood may lead to the discovery
of the missing part of the bird. In its present condition the statue
is from about 7 to 8 feet high. The feathers of the wings and tail
are represented by long straight lines, connected with each other
by many short ones cut in herring-bone fashion, while those on the
breast look like roof-shingles. The legs are represented as covered
with down as far as the claws.
A few steps away from this statue I noticed a ring of uncut
boulders, in the centre of which stood a large rectangular block
of stone, with a rim about three inches deep around its top. We
may safely assume that this once served as the pedestal for the eagle.
About the age and significance of this monument I do not
venture to express a definite opinion. From Chantre's Mission en
Cappddoce, from an unpublished collection of more than one hundred
small bronzes in the possesion of Mrs. Hii.precht, most of which
came from this neighbourhood, and from another (though much
smaller) stone eagle discovered several years ago in Caesarea by
26
S.B..-1. PiViCedings, Jan., 190S.
1
A MONUMENT FROM TSHOK-GOZ-KOPRUKOE.
Jan. is] A MONUMENT FROM TSHOK-GOZ-KOPRUKOE. [190S.
Prof. HiLPRECHT, to whom I am greatly indebted for valuable
assistance in writing this article, we know that together with the
bull and the wild mountain goat the eagle played an important
role in the art of the ancient population of Asia Minor. Who the
people were that erected this monument, I am unable to state, in view
of our present unsatisfactory knowledge of the ancient history of
a largely unexplored country. In all probability it was carved some
time between 1000 and 500 B.C., and had to do with the religious
cult of that unknown people which possibly belonged to the group
■generally called Hittites.
At my request steps have been taken by Hamdv Bey to secure
the preservation of this important statue, and, if possible, to have
it transferred to the Imperial Ottoman Museum in Constantinople.
27
Jan. 15] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1908.
KARIAN, ARAMAIC, AND GREEK GRAFFITI
FROM HESHAn.
By Prof. A. H. Sayck, D.D.
I was engaged in the spring of 1907 in examining the sandstone
rocks on the west bank of the Nile, between the Shatt es-Seba' Rigala
and Heshan, and there came across the Karian inscription discovered
by M. Legrain in the Gebel Abu-Ghorab, of which he was able
to take only an imperfect copy. Here I give it in full. (Plate No. i.)
It reads : h-d-th-ic-p ivu-a-v-a-v-il (?)-j-t?-[^]. With Hethup we may
compare hathup-on (Sayce, I, 7) and hepugh. The next word is
a (geographical) adjective in -(ti)sos, like Ss9gh-sn-sos (Sayce, I, i)
and 'Eijd-vtTo^- (cf. also Lereiido-nsa), which make it probable that 9,
which I have transcribed ii (?), is really a nasalised vowel. The
first a of the adjective might possibly be also transcribed r.
No. 2. "I Alpigonos (?) Krateros am come (here)." The name
Alpigonos is strange, and I would therefore correct it to Antigonos.
No. 3. "The act of adoration of Apollonios [Gyjmnos." The
graffito, like the Aramaic and other Greek ones, is on the upper
surface of a rock on the top of the cliff.
No. 4. " Khnum-nathan," i.e. "the god Khnum has given."
After writing his name the owner of it has amused himself by
scribbling m in two different forms, to the confusion of the modern
palaeographist.
No. 5. "Shem-Hor," a name like Samuel, &c.
Nos. 6, 7. "Arz(?)d(?)a." Since the Greek name Arkeinis is
written immediately above No. 6, and apparently by the same hand,
it is probable that we are intended to read the Aramaic characters
A-r-kh-n-a. At first I thought that the second and third letters
together formed the single letter ;//, but further examination showed
that this was not the case.
No. 8. " Shar."
28
S.B.J. Proceedings, Jan., 1908.
1 lOM ^"^M^A^'lt^^BX
2 AA/TJlfoNo C
£rYj/HMOY
7 A Pi<€l N iC
'^ F^ ^ p %i-!r
Jan. 15] KARIAN, ARAMAIC, AND GREEK GRAFFITI. [1908.
No. 9. We seem to have here an inscription in an unknown
script. On a boulder of sandstone adjoining that on which the
Karian graffito is inscribed, is an outUne sketch by a first class
Egyptian artist (probably of the age of the Twelfth Dynasty) of two
elephants, followed by a gazelle, with a young gazelle on either
side of it, and a great hippopotamus finishing up the procession.
The drawing is equal to the very best on the Egyptian monuments,
and reminded me of Japanese work. It would be worth while to
take a tin-foil impression of the scene.
Jan. 15] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1908.
THE FOLKLORE OF MOSSOUL.
By R. Campbell Thompson, A/.A.
III.
The following story was told me by my Arab servant, Mejid, a
native of Mossoul. I have tried, as far as possible, to retain the
language and pronunciation that he used in relating it.
How A ;MuslA\vi overreached the Devil.
Arabic Text.
Es-Setan ja al' Musul, saf wahid Muslawi ga'id izra' ba.sal. Ja
alenu es-Setan, gal, Ma t'sarakni ? Gal lu, Bela, asarakuk. Limen-ma
saraku tala' el-basal, sar kidha. Ja a's-Setan el-Muslawi, gal lu, Min
hadh' el-wokti nitgasim ; suf es terid ? min fok ella min jauwa ?
Es-Setan saf el-basal ahdar min foku kwaiyis, gal lu. Ana arid min
fok. Gal lu el-Muslawi, Ana ahodh min jauwa. Es-Setan kull iom
iji al' el-Muslawi yegul lu, Imsi neriih nehiis el-basal. El-Muslawi
gal lu, Ba'ad ma sar tamam. Hallonu el-basal limen-ma yibis. (Sam
el-Muslawi gal lis-Setan, Aruh ajib el-basal. Hadhol ju al' basal,
ga.s.s el-basal el-Muslawi min fok \a'atinu min san es-Setan. • El-
Muslawi islali el-basal min jauwa wa-\idhak 'al' es-Setan, el-basal
kuUoh salu. Gam es-Setan gal lu, Ma yesir kidha. Gal lu el-Muslawi,
'Amiitu sert wiyak ; gultu luk, emahu terid ? Gulet li, Ana arid min
fok. Gal lu, Taiyib, has-sena (= hadha es-sena) nesarak hamminuk.
Zera'u hunta bi-makan el-basal, tala'et el-hunta. El-Muslawi
yidhak 'al' es-Setan, yegul lu, Imsi nuhsed ez-zera'. Gal-lu es-Setan,
Ba'ad, limen-ma }'ibset el-hunta. Ja el-Muslawi al' es-Setan, gal lu,
Imsi nitfarraj 'al' el-hunta. Rahu safu el-hunta, gal lis-Setan el-
Muslawi, Emahu terid ? Gal lu es-Setan, Ana arid min jauwa
ilzim enta tahodh el-fok. Laken gal el-Muslawi, Ahaf yesir mithl
el-basal, enta gulet, ana ahadhtu el-melih w'enta cl-ma-melih. Gal lu
30
Jan. 15] THE FOLKLORE OF MOSSOUL. [1908.
es-Setan, La, ma agCil luk kidha. El-Muslawi hasad el-tokani, salu
waddanu il' el-bet. Es-Setan ja yahfur el-ard wa-talla' el-giss ; dull
yahfur bil-ard sahr wa-ma saf se. Rah il' eI-Musla\vi, gal-lu, Ana ma
suftu kull se, enta hamminuk mithli ma anduk se? Gal lu el-Muslawi,
Kethir, 'andi el-hunta kullo. Gal lu, Imsi farrajni. Rah farraju.
Gal lu, Eslon enta sar anduk el-hunta? Gal lu, Dakketunu wa-sar
tibn, ba'aden zittetunu bil-hawa, et-tibn rah wahido w'el-hunta dullet
wahidah. Gal lu, Arfih asawi kidha mithluk ? Gal lu, Ruh, imkin
yesir. Rah istu"ul fiha, dull istu"ul kidha ma' el-basal wahid sahr.
Ma saf se. Ja il' el-Muslawi, gal lu, Tigdhib 'aleya? Gal lu. Ma
kidhibtu 'alek; enta gulet li, Aruh asawi mithluk, wa-gultu luk, Ruh.
Gal lu, Hadha ma yesir ; enta ahadht kull el-basal wa-kull el-hunta
wa-ma 'andi se abadan. Gal lu, Hadha es-sert ; gultu luk, emahu
terid, hudh. Tala' es-Setan za'alan, gal lu, Ina'al abukum w'abu
elladhi yefut ila beladkum w'abu elladhi 'amil es-sert ; min yigdir
yehassal minkum fulAs !
Wa-a'ati thelath teffah, wahid ileya, wahid ila hakkai el-hikaya
wa-wahid ila Mejid.
Translation.
" The Devil came to Mossou! and saw a Muslawi planting onions,
and going up to him he said, Wilt thou make a pact with me ?
Verily, quoth the other, that I will. After they had agreed, the onions
sprang up so high, and the Muslawi came to the Devil and said, We
will make the division now, see which thou desirest — from above or
below ? Now the Devil saw the onions that they were goodly and
green above, and, quoth he, I desire that which is above. Then
said the Muslawi to him, I will then take of what is underneath. And
the Devil came daily to him, saying. Come, let us go and gather the
onions ; but the Muslawi said. Nay, for they are not yet ready ; and
so they left the onions until they were dried up. Then up rose the
Muslawi, saying to the Devil, I am going to fetch the onions, and
when they came to the onions, the Muslawi cut off the tops of the
onions and gave them to the Devil, while he pulled up the onions
themselves, and laughed at the Devil, as he carried them all away.
Then quoth the Devil, This cannot be ; but the Muslawi said. Nay,
but I made a condition with thee ; I said to thee, which dost thou
desire ? and thou didst say to me, I desire that which is above. And
the Devil said. Be it so, this coming year will we make a pact thus.
Jan. 15] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGY. [1908.
" So they sowed wheat in the place of the onions, and it sprang up,
and the Muslawi laughed at the Devil, saying, Come, let us reap the
corn. But the Devil said. Nay, not yet, until the corn be dry. Then
came the Muslawi to the Devil and said. Come, let us look at the
corn. So they went and saw the corn, and the Muslawi said to the
Devil, Which dost thou desire ? and the Devil said to the Muslawi, I
desire that which is below ; this time thou must take from above.
But the Muslawi said, I am afraid lest it turn out like the onions, for
thou saidst I had taken the good and thou the bad. Quoth the Devil,
Nay, I shall not speak thus to thee. So the Muslawi reaped that which
was above and took it up, and carried it home, and the Devil came and
dug out the stubble from the earth, but although he went on digging
for a month in the earth he saw nothing. Then went he to the
Muslawi and said, I have seen nothing ; hast thou also nothing like
me? And the other answered. Nay, much, for I have all the corn.
The Devil said. Come and show me. So he went and showed him,
and the Devil said. How didst thou get the corn? and he said, I
threshed it, so that the straw was left, and then I tossed it in the air
and the chaff went off, and the wheat stayed behind separate. And
the Devil said, Shall I go and do like thee ; and the other said. Go,
perhaps it will be well. So he went and laboured thus, labouring
with the onions in this way for a whole month, and saw nothing. He
came to the Muslawi and said to him. Art thou lying to me ? And
he said. Nay, I lied not to thee ; thou saidst to me. Shall I go and
do like thee ? and I said. Go. Then said the Devil, This cannot be ;
thou hast taken all the onions and all the corn, and I have nothing at
all. But the other said, This w^as the pact ; I said to thee. Take
whichever thou wilt. Then up rose the Devil in wrath, saying. May
God curse your father, and the father of him that goeth to your city,
and the father of him who made the condition, for who shall be able
to gain money of you ! "
And now give three apples — one to me, one to the teller of the
story, and one to Mejid.
My informant also gave me some of the lullabies which the
women of Mossoul sing to their children. If the babe will not sleep,
a common thing for the mother to say is, Nam, 'hii, nam, jd el-kutchi
32
Jan. 15] THE FOLKLORK OF MOSSOUL. [1908.
vakiluk. " Sleep, ni)- darling, sleep — the dog is coming to eat
thee ! " ; or she will sing the following cradle-song : — -
Nam, ^em, ?idiii,
Ez-zu'-^i-ri tchcla bil-menani,
KnH-mn aiiayyhna ez-zii'-'-cri iva-Jiiya tenamy
KorlhiJiki, ya ^adhera, nayyinuha,
Bijelcl Hindi koppoftha,
'•'■Ab el-gumar iva-''atam '■ali-ya,
N'om el-kutfa, ^^af cI-haniCu)i.
" Sleep, my darling, sleep,
A little one 's best asleep.
Ever I hush my babe to sleep, and she shall sleep,
An offering to thee, O Virgin ! Lull her to sleep,
Wrap her in a coverlet of Hind,
For the moon is gone, and the dark is upon me,
The sleep of the sandgrouse, the slumber of turtle-doves."
Or a variation of our " Bye, Baby Bunting " : —
D'll d'll dilihii,
BaM'ika iva-Bahzdni,
Rdh baha a'-dc\i
Istiri zc'bib u-kedaiin
U'ta'-ania ed-ddmi,
Dii'bi, dihbi.
" Rock-a-bye, rock-a-bye,
Bahsika and Bahzani,^
Dadda's gone to the village.
To buy raisins and chickpeas,
To satisfy Bogey —
Tickle, tickle ! "
^ Two vilhrrcs near Mossoul.
33
Jan. 15] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCII.EOLOGY. [190S.
REVIEWS.
"Une rue de tombcaux a Saqqarah," />af /can Capart. Two Vols.
Vroment & Co., Bruxelles.
During the years 1897-1899, '\l. Victor Loret was engaged in
carrying out excavations among a remarkable series of tombs at
Sakkara, but beyond a short notice in the Bulletin dc Flnstihit
e^^yptien he has never found time to give Egyptologists a proper
publication containing the results of his work. M. Capart, the
Keeper of the Egyptian Antiquities at the Royal Museums of
Brussels, who was in Egypt during the winter of 1 905-1 906 and
in the spring of 1907, proceeded, with the assistance of a former
pupil, Dr. Mathien, to make a complete photographic record of
these tombs, having heard in the meantime from M. Loret, who
wrote and said that he would probably never have the leisure t(3
make a complete publication of his work at Sakkara. The result is
the two handsome volumes before us. The first volume contains
76 pages of introductory matter, in which M. Capart describes with
some detail the many and varied scenes represented on the walls
and columns and reproduced in 107 photographic plates in the
second volume. M. Capart has, however, given us no elucidation
of the texts which accompany the scenes, and we think this is a
pity, for these texts offer most interesting material, both linguistic
and religious. Here and there he discusses the meaning of a
reading, but in his foreword he says that he reserves to himself the
right of publishing later the complete texts. Egyptologists may
therefore hope that some day the publication will be made complete.
The three tombs with which this publication deals are of the
nobles of the VI th dynasty, Nefer-shcshem-ra^ Ankli-jna-hor, and
Nefer-shesJiem-ptah. The workmanship and skill lavished on the
hieroglyphs and scenes are typical of the best work of the period.
It is impossible here to go into all the representations of fowling,
hunting, agriculture, river scenes, etc., reproduced in M. Capart's
34
Jan. 15] REVIEWS. [190S.
photographs, but atttntion may be drawn to one or two scenes ot
particular interest. It is curious to notice that both Xefer-sheshem-ra
and Ankh-ma-hor are depicted in two different ways. One is the
regular conventional portrait showing the deceased wearing a long
wig and a short beard, standing with his shoulders squared, his
broad chest and narrow loins being front view on, while his face is
in profile. The other not only attempts to give a perspective view o-f
the chest and shoulders, but, moreover, represents the dead man not
as an ideal, but as he really was, with flabby fat chest muscles and
pot-belly, and wearing a tight little skull-cap. Nefer-sheshem-ptali is
represented thus invariably, except where he appears with his wife in
conventional aspect with broad shoulders and slim waist. Even
here the artist has shaken off the strict etiquette, for the deceased
leans gracefully on a long staff", with one leg carelessly bent. One ot
the most interesting scenes is that representing two youths under-
going circumcision in the tomb of Ankh-ma-hor. One of the youths
stands, a man holding his arms from behind to prevent him struggling,
while the hen-ka squats on the ground and performs the operation
with what looks like a flint. Above is written 1 jLf=^ J fl L " ^^'^
hen-ka circumcises^ The other young man also stands while a man
squats before him and appears at first sight to be performing the
same operation as the hoi-ka. Max Muller would make this man
M
a doctor from the word <e=< in the text above. M. Capart, how-
ever, is right in his reading of the word as "anoint," for the text
— ** — '^k "^^—^ © . •
above gives us <e=cl ^^^ 1^^^^^ , '■'' anointing that I may he healed'.
while above the anointer is [ Y\ ^^ 7^ ^ , " he is making it
pleasant r'' Besides which, circumcision is a religious rite and not a
medical operation, for it especially states that the hen-ka performs
the duty. Whether, as M. Capart suggests, this scene indicates
that it was thought that the ghost of the dead could have ghostly
children in the underworld, is another matter. Surely it merely
represents one of the many events of the deceased's daily life which
might be re-enacted in the underworld without reference to any
particular children. ]\I. Capart also raises a very interesting ques-
tion with regard to the funeral procession depicted in the same tomb.
Was this done by the relatives of the deceased in order to delude his
35
Jan. 15] SOCIETY OF IlIHLICAL ARCIL^OLOGV. [1908.
ghost into the hehef that he had really had a magnificent funeral,
when as a matter of fact, in order to save expense, he had been
shabbily and quickly buried ? Perhaps the most remarkable thing in
all three tombs is the false door in the west wall of the tomb of
Nefer-sheshem-ptah. The door is flanked on either side by a full-size
statue of the deceased, while over the top is a bust representing the
dead man's head and shoulders, looking as it were over the door of
his tomb. Although the face of this bust is somewhat mutilated, the
execution is splendid, and reminiscent of Donatello's masterpiece, the
portrait of Niccolo da Uzzano in Florence. Altogether, I\I. Capart
has performed a most useful piece of work in giving this record of these
three splendid tombs, ^\'e need hardly say that the photographs are
for the most part excellent, the whole book being got up de luxe,
and what is highly commendable in a foreign publication, properly
bound. The (uily pity is that M. Capart has not given us the texts.
P. I). S-M.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held on
Wednesday, February 12th, 190S, at 4.30 p.m., when the
following Paper will be read : —
E. J. Pilcher, Esq. : "A Coin of Gaza and the Vision
of Ezekiel."
36
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHiEOLOGY.
THIRTY-EIGHTH SESSION, 1908.
Second Meetings February I2th, 1908.
Sir H. H. HOWORTH, K.C.I.E.,
IN THE CHAIR.
[No. CCXXIII.] 37
Fkb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1908.
The following gifts to the Library were announced, and
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author, Jules Baillet. — "Les Tapisseries d'Antinoe
au Musee d'Orleans."
From the Publishers. — " The Dated Events of the Old Testament,"
by W. J. Beech er, D.D.
From the Author, The Rev. Colin Campbell, D.D. — "The first
three Gospels in Greek."
From Prof. H. V. Hilprecht. — " The Babylonian Expedition of the
University of Pennsylvania." Vol. I, in two Parts.
BOOK-BINDING FUND.
The following donation has been received : —
W. H. Rylands, Esq., F.S.A. {^ih donatio?i) j[,2
M. Cledat, Ismailia, Egypt,
Miss B. K. C. Thirlwall, Timperley,
were elected Members of the Society.
The following Paper was read : —
E. J. PiLCHER, Esq. : " A Coin of Gaza and the Vision of
Ezekiel."
Thanks were returned for this communication.
Feb. 12] ARAMAIC OSTRACON FROM ELEPHANTINE. [1908.
AN ARAMAIC OSTRACON FROM ELEPHANTINE.
By Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D.
Thanks to the discovery of the " Assuan " and other Papyri,
it is now possible to offer a translation of the Aramaic Ostracon I,
from Elephantine, published by Mr. Cowley in the Proceedings of
this Society, June, 1903, p. 264, and belonging to the Jewish com-
munity, whose memorial to the governor of Judaea, recently edited
by Professor Sachau, has cast such an unexpected light on the books
of Ezra and Nehemiah. With the exception of the first line, the
ostracon is complete, and some of the readings in it can now be
improved. The following is my translation of it : — -
Obverse.
1. Now [they have sent ?)
2. to Malchiah my master for what is written. So, when
3. you hear that his princes (?) are giving pay
4. in Assuan, send (a letter) to me. Behold, the papyrus is
come
5. which I had in [my] possession ; forward it to me ; and
the papyrus which
6. I forwarded to you from among the (other) papyri
7. as well as the great papyrus which
8. Malchiah gave to you, forward
9. them to me.
Reverse.
1. Now look at the cellar which Uriah has given to me for
the drink-offering,
2. give it to Gemariah the son of Ahio, and he will value the
amount
39 D 2
Fee. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
3. of the liquor, and do you pay the excise-duty to {or for)
Uriah. Now see [Pjetosiris
4. who belongs to us ; they shall write it {i.e., the amount)
upon his arm above the writing
5. which is (already) upon his arm. Lo, thus has he {i.e.,
Uriah) written saying that
6. they {i.e., the princes ?) must not discover the secret
intelligence
7. written over
8. his {i.e., the slave's) name.
Obv. 3, nK' is certain, but the meaning " princes " is difficult
to understand. The last letter is uncertain, and may be i< or 1.
The latter would suit the context.
4. The reading is n[l]n'?K'.
The context requires for Tisp a signification like " document,"
or " bond." The reading is certain, but the word is absolutely
unknown. I believe, however, that it throws light at last upon the
origin of the Greek jraTrv/wi, for which an Indo-European or Egyptian
etymology has been sought in vain. ndTrdpov would exactly represent
"i*Bp, initial ^ becoming w according to rule, as in Tre'i're, wi/jLVe, and
V representing a labialised < after tt. Now, in Assyrian, gipdru, from
SnvciQnan gi-para, is "papyrus," and gipdru is, I believe, the word from
which Tisp has been borrowed. Hence the three stages in the history
of the word will be: Ass. giparu, Egyptian Aram. "i"'Dp, Greek ira-rrvpo^.
6. The writer has omitted the second yod which ought to mark
the plural in K[*]n*Bp.
8. He has also omitted 1\\q kaph oi D[3]^. d!? "saying," which
is foimd in the papyri published by Prof. Sachau, would here give
no sense.
The ostracon has nc^'in.
9. This line reads 'h IDH.
Rev. I. The occurrence of )n:n in my Luxor papyrus confirms
Prof. Clermont-Ganne.\u's suggestion that ^T\in is the ordinary
word for " the shop," and the Berlin papyri published by Prof. Sachau
explain what is meant by " the drink-offering." In the Jewish
temple in Elephantine the regular ritual of the Jerusalem temple
•was carried on, and large quantities of wine were therefore required
for the prescribed drink-offerings. The Hquor was, naturally, provided
by the Jews themselves, who, doubtless, made a fair profit out of the
.sale of it for temple uses.
40
Feb. 12] ARAMAIC OSTRACON FROM ELEPHANTINI;. [1908.
2. The scribe has written rrinn, but the "• is a mistake for 1 .
For -]-iy in the sense of " valuing," see Job xxxvi, 19.
3. Mr. Cowley has already compared niVn with ihl, "excise-
duty," in Ezra iv, 13.
The slave is mentioned in the " Assuan Papyri," which show
that novon is a mistake for noiDS, and refer to the tatooing on
his arm.
4. Read |^n " belonging to us," i.e., our slave.
5. i'?n for the ordinary i^x. In the Berhn papyri rhu^ is used
in the sense of " sending (a letter)."
6. As duty had to be paid on the amount of liquor in the store,
the actual amount of it, as ascertained by Gemariah, was to be
tatooed on the slave's arm, so that it should not be discovered by
the imperial excise-officers. Are these the [iiVy^ of Obverse 3 ?
7. 8. The slave's name was tatooed upon his arm, and the
number communicated by Gemariah was to be tatooed over it, so
as to be discoverable by the writer of the letter — who knew how the
name had been originally written— but not by the non-Jewish
officials.
In the Proceedings of this Society, June, 1906, Plate II, No. X,
I have given a copy of an inscription consisting of two Aramaic
characters which I discovered in a sandstone quarry east of Assuan,
and which, as I have said, marked the ownership and destination
of the quarry, and were shown, by the " Assuan Papyri," to represent
n''2, "house." The Berlin papyri now make it clear what this
"house" was. It was the Jewish temple on Elephantine, and the
quarry was that from which the sandstone blocks were brought,
either for its construction, in the time of the XXVIth dynasty,
or, more propably, considering that the forms of the letters are
identical with those in the papyri from Elephantine, for its recon-
struction in the reign of Darius II.
41
Feb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1908.
TWO NEW HITTITE MONUMENTS IN THE
CAPPADOCIAN TAURUS.
By Guillaume de Jerphanion.
In the course of a journey I made last summer through Asia
Minor, I had the good fortune to discover two monuments which,
as far as I know, have not been mentioned by any other traveller.
Although no absolute evidence can be drawn from the rude inscrip-
tions they bear, it would seem that their attribution to the ancient
Hittite population cannot be called into question.
I.
The first monument, called " Arslan Tach " (Plate I), that is the
" Lion's Stone," is situated on the lofty mountain of Soghan Dagh,
about 16 kilometres to the north-west of Comana, in Cappadocia (now
the Armenian village of Shahr). It does not stand on the very top
of the mountain, but on a small plateau at the altitude of 2,320
metres above sea level. This plateau, covered with short coarse
grass, forms a "yaila," or pasturage, surrounded by the three peaks
of Soghan Dagh. In the centre there rises a mass of lime stone, on
which stands our "Arslan Tach."
The lion's stone itself is a block of rough, sonorous, grey trachyte,
a rock which is not found until we penetrate 15 or 20 kilometres
farther into the Mount Argaeus region. It has, therefore, been
transported from a distance, and the problem arises, how they were
able to carry this heavy block to such a height ; the precipitous path
is so difficult and arduous, that we could scarcely get our horses up
to the yaila. From the stone I detached a small specimen, in order
that I might afterwards measure its densit}-, and calculate the weight
of the whole mass. The latter proved to be about 1,150 kilo-
grammes, a weight which neither horse nor camel can carry. It
42
PLATE I.
S.B.A. Proceedings, Feb., 190S.
>l/
(^^
I I
i^Ji
Q
c-....A°|a
"THE LION'S STONE," NEAR COMANA.
Feb. 12] TWO NEW HITTITE MONUMENTS. [1908.
may be that a road was specially constructed to bring the stone in
some vehicle; or, more likely, they drew it thither on a wooden
sledge or, in winter time, on ice and snow.
The stone forms a regular quadrangular base, on which are two
lions; the dimensions of the base are: length 122 centimetres,
width 85 centimetres, height 43 centimetres. The lions are couchant,
and are cut out of the same block. Their length is 80 centimetres,
width 27 centimetres, and height 25 centimetres. Between them
there is an interval of 60 centimetres.
From time immemorial the shepherds have been accustomed to
crush on these lions the roots from which they extract the dye for
marking their sheep. Thus each lion bears three deep holes, like
mortars, on head, back, and crupper. We even found in these holes
the round polished stones used as pestles.
On the right side of the anterior face of the base is an inscrip-
tion which occupies a space of 34 x 18 centimetres. The left part
of it has been destroyed and the rest is in a poor state of preservation.
Some of the signs are easily recognizable as belonging to the Hittite
alphabet, others seem to be unknown. However, I transcribe them
as exactly as possible.
For this purpose I have three documents to work upon : (i) The
copy of the inscription which I made on the spot. (2) The photo-
graph ; as I had only a single plate, I could not photograph the
inscription apart from the whole stone, but on the plate the
characters, though small, are quite legible. (3) A rough paper cast
or impression. This, however, on account of the roughness of the
stone, proved to be of little or no use.
The transcription I give is drawn up from the copy and the
photograph, the paper impression being used merely to keep the
relative size of each character. I indicate with lines the signs I read
in both documents, and with dotted lines those I read in one or other
as being more doubtful.
II.
The second monument (Plate II) was found near the Greek
village of Tachdji in a narrow glen, on the bank of a small stream
which flows into the river of Zamantia Sou (Carmalas). It is
therefore only 13 kilometres from the Hittite bas-reliefs of Fraktin.
On it are cut two human figures and a few characters. Neither the
figures (the height of which is about 80 centimetres) nor the characters
43
Feb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILFOLOGV. [190S.
are in relief, but are carved in the mountain rock, like the inscription
of Arslan Tach. The first figure is much damaged ; still, it can be
seen that he wears a long gown, and seems to be holding something
in his outstretched hand, and to be bowing down his head respect-
fully. The second figure wears the same kind of dress, and holds
the hand in the same way, but the pose of the head is quite different.
It shows a very characteristic Hittite profile. Both figures are
bareheaded.
The inscription is somewhat peculiar. The characters, most of
which seem quite unknown, are carved in a promiscuous order.
On account of the nature of the rock and of the carved signs
and figures, the reproduction of the photograph I took will be scarcely
intelligible. For this reason I join to it a sketch drawn principally
from the photograph.
44
PLATE II.
S.B.A. Proceed! )!,iis, Fel>., 190S.
ROCK SCULPTL'RE NEAR TACHDJL
Feb. 12] A COIN OF GAZA. [1908..
A COIN OF GAZA, AND THE VISION OF EZEKIEL..
By E. J. PiLCHER.
Whenever the divine name niH'' occurs in the Hebrew Bible, it
is provided with the vowels of Adotiai or Elohim, so that we cannot
directly learn its true pronunciation. When it enters into the com-
position of personal proper names, however, nin'' loses its final n,
and is rendered Yahu or Yeho. Thus, Jintn"; is Yeho-hanan, but
•in^^Jjn is Hanan-yahu. It would appear from this that the latter is
the true pronunciation, because the Hebrew accent usually falls at
the end of a word, and the vowels are most fully pronounced in that
position ; whereas, at the beginning of the word the vowels are
slurred over in speaking, and tend to become shortened. In the
Assyrian inscriptions the Jewish name of nsin*, Yeho-ahaz, figures as-
Yahu-hazi ; so that it would seem that this process of phonetic
decay had not set in in the initial syllables of Hebrew words in the
seventh century b.c.
Owing to the imperfections of the cuneiform system of writing,,
we cannot be sure whether the final n of niH'' was then pronounced,
but the jSIesha Stela may be cited as evidence that, at a slightly
earlier period, the n was fully audible, because the name of the God
of Israel figures upon it with its complete four letters. When we
come to the Persian period, however, the evidence seems conclusive,
for the newly discovered Aramaic papyri regularly omit the final
letter, and the divine name is no longer a tetragrammaton, but a
tri-grammaton irr*.^ This indisputable fact may be considered to
have removed any doubt as to the meaning of the legend upon the
' "Aramaic Papyri discovered at Assuan." Edited by A. H. Sayce and
A. E. Cowley. London, 1906. " Drei Aramaische Papyrus- Urkunden aus
Elephantine," von Ed. Sachau. Berlin, 1907. (In one instance in the Sayce-
CowLEY Papyri the divine name is '\\T\'', but that may be merely a scribal error.)
45
•Feb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1908.
interesting coin shown in Plate I, fig. i. It is a silver drachma^ or
quarter shekel, and may be described as follows : —
Obverse. Bearded male head, in crested Corinthian helmet, to
right. The face is slightly turned to the spectator, but the beard is
not shown on the further half. The helmet is in full profile, and
has some kind of ornament upon the side, probably a wreath. An
illegible object at the back of the plume. The whole in a circle.
Reverse. Above, the three letters irT* in the Phoenician character.
Zeus Aetophoros facing to right, holding the eagle in his outstretched
left hand. The right arm entirely wanting. The lower part of the
body is draped in a mantle, the end of which is carried round at the
back, and turned over the upper part of the left arm. The god is
seated upon a winged Avheel. Opposite, a bearded face or mask
{-poGw-ov) turned to the left. The whole in incuse square, with
guilloche border.
Weight. 507 grains {t^'2, grammes). That is to say, it was
struck on the Phoenician coin-standard, and was lighter than the
average.
This remarkable piece has been in the British Museum Collection
since a.d. 1814, when it was described and figured in Taylor
Combe's Coin Catalogue, No other specimen is known, and it
])resents several puzzling features which have not yet been satis-
factorily explained.
The main types may be compared with the didrachm of Tarsus
in Plate I, fig. 2.
Obverse, vwb^l (Baal of Tarsus). Zeus seated on throne,
facing to the left, wearing mantle over left shoulder and about lower
limbs. Right hand resting on sceptre. Bunch of grapes under
throne.
Reverse. 1T2:"1D (Pharnabazus) and "]'?3 (Cilicia). Bearded
male head, in Athenian helmet, facing to the left.
Weight. 164 grains. Babylonic standard.-
This Tarsian coin differs in fabric, in style, and in standard from
the drachm in fig. i, and the legends are in the Aramaic character,
so that, although the types may be similar in idea, the relationship
between the two pieces is somewhat remote. Pharnabazus was
satrap of Cilicia between 379 and 374 r,.c.
- B. M. Catalogue, Lycaonia, p. 165, No. 20, I'l. XXIX, fig. 5. (The speci-
men figured is oxidized on the obverse ; and the reverse has been stabbed by some
ancient silversmith to test the metal.)
46
PLATE I.
S.B.A. Proccediiio-s, Feb., igoS.
/=J
A\
f-- -.-fe
:^ \
/E
Feb. 12] A COIN OF GAZA. [190S.
The obverse of the drachm (fig. i) has been inspired by some
Greek original, hke the helmeted head of Leucippus upon the coins
of Metapontum ; but the artist was not content merely to copy his
prototype. He attempted to improve upon it — and failed, for he
tried to convert a side face into a full face, and his skill was not equal
to the task. The full face was a favourite device among the Greek
■die-engravers of the first half of the fourth century B.C., who have
left us many beautiful examples ; and the fashion was greatly
admired by the Orientals, if we may judge by the barbaric
imitations.
Turning to the reverse of our drachma, we may note that the
inscription is not in the Jewish, or Old Hebrew character, but is
distinctly Phoenician ; and this makes it the more remarkable that it
should contain the name of the Hebrew deity. The final n is
omitted, so that the word appears under the form in\ exactly as in
the Aramaic papyri of Elephantine. Consequently the figure beneath
must be intended for the god Yahii^ just as the figure upon the
Tarsian coin is indicated, by its inscription, to be the Baal of Tarsus.
We know, from 2 Maccabees vi, 2, that the Jewish deity was
identified with Jupiter, because Antiochus IV re-dedicated the
temple at Jerusalem to Zeus Olympics, and that at Gerizim to Zeus
Xenios.
The Father of Gods and Men is almost invariably represented
upon coins with the further arm extended, and an eagle or victory
perched upon the fingers, while the nearer arm is raised, and the
hand rests upon a sceptre. All this is reproduced upon our drachma,
with the exception of the right arm and sceptre, which the artist has
omitted, in order to give full prominence to the wing which stretches
behind the figure. The wing and the wheel are thus shown to be
the features to which the designer attached the most importance ;
and this combination of wheel and wing is the most original part
of the composition, for it is practically unique in numismatics.'^
Another remarkable feature is the head, or mask, facing the
seated figure. It may remind us that we learn from Strabo (XVI,
2, 15) that the spur of Lebanon running into the Mediterranean,
and now called Ras-esh-S/iekah, was then styled 0oot) Trpooio-oi',
^ In Greek Ceramics, however, the figure of Triptolemus offers some analogies,
see J. Overbeck's Atlas der Gi-iechischcn Kunstinythologie (Leipzig, 1872),
Tafd XV.
47
Ffb, 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILIIOLOGY. [igog.
" God's face," which must be a Greek translation of some Phoenician
name like ^X"'JD, either because the headland was supposed to
resemble a gigantic face ; or else, like the Jewish Peniel, it was the
scene of a theophany. The latter is the most probable, especially
as the Hebrew ijs frequently means " the presence of" ; and we may
compare the Septuagint of Gen. xxxii, 30, euov '^/rt/i Qcoi' TrpdawTrov
TTfjc^ TT/joawTTov. Unfortunatcly we know nothing of Theuprosopon
except its name, however suggestive that may be. The nearest
town of importance to the headland was Tripolis, so-called because
it was the federal capital of the three allied cities of Tyre, Sidon and
Aradus. The Phoenician name of Tripolis is unknown, and the
place is first mentioned in history in 352 k.c, when it was the scene
of an assembly of the Phoenician states, who were incited to rebel
against the Persian rule by Tennes, king of Sidon, who relied upon
the assistance of Nectanebus, king of Egypt, and the valour of the
Greek mercenary Mentor, of Rhodes. The rebellion was quelled by
Artaxerxes III in the following year, and Mentor and his condottieri
transferred their services to the Persian monarch.'* During the
Seleucid period Tripolis struck silver coins with the principal type
of the Dioscuri, who were especially venerated by sea-faring men as
the 6co\ aw7TJpe<f, and who were often associated with theophanies,
because the electric discharges frequently seen on the points of
masts and spars during a storm were supposed by the ancients to
be the stars of the Great Twin Brethren, who thus made themselves-
visible to mankind.
But our silver drachma cannot possibly have any connection with
the Seleucids. In fact, on numismatic grounds, it must be dated
about 350 B.C. Its weight-standard alone would prove it earlier
than Alexander, though not very much earlier. The style is
archaistic, more especially the incuse square of the reverse ; but
this archaisticism was common to the whole Phoenician series, as-
that part of the Mediterranean was powerfully influenced by the
atavistic mintage of Athens and the singular coinage of Cyprus.
M. Six attributed the coin to the city of Gaza in Southern Palestine,^-
which was a very important place under the Persian Empire, becau.se
the drachma seems to be related to a number of other pieces that
* Diodorns Sictdtis, XVI, 41-45.
* " Observations sur les monnaies ]3licnicienncs," Ntimisinatic Chronicle,.
N.S., Vol. XVII (1877), pp. 177, 229.
48
Feb. 12] A COIN OF GAZA. [1908.
must be referred to this locality. The earliest of the series are
obviously imitated from the coinage of Athens. On some the place
of issue is rendered manifest by the inscription nry = Gaza, in the
Phoenician character ; and most of the others were in all probability
struck in the same workshop. The ultimate reason for this issue
of coins must be sought in the changing condition of Grecian
politics. So long as the Athenian supremacy was maintained, the
Syrian markets were kept supplied with Attic silver ; but the capture
of Athens by Lysander in 404 B.C. put an end to this state of affairs ;
and the Phoenician traders were compelled to supply the want of
currency out of their own resources. At first they imitated the
appearance of the Attic coins that had become familiar to their
customers ; and they struck them on the Attic standard of 67 grains
to the drachm, but the weight was rapidly lowered to the Phoenician
coin-standard of 56 grains to the drachm, and about 350 e.c. we
find them commonly of that weight, or even lighter.
But we are still confronted with the problem of the intention of
the strange types upon our coin in fig. i. We have seen that the
artist attached the greatest importance of all to the peculiar device of
the winged wheel, even going so far as to omit the right arm of the
principal figure in order to give the wing its due prominence. This
device is therefore the key to the composition. It is foreign to
Greek art, but suggests comparison with the imagery of the Old
Testament, more especially the descriptions contained in the first
and tenth chapters of Ezekiel.
It is evident from many passages that the ancient Hebrew
imagination pictured the deity under the form of a monarch seated
upon a throne : perfectly analogous, in fact, to the enthroned Zeus of
Greek art. In their higher exaltation the poets declared the whole
of the blue sky to be the seat of Yahweh, while the world itself was
merely a place to rest his feet upon, as in Isaiah Ixvi, i : "Thus
saith the Lord, The heaven is my throne, and the earth is my foot-
stool;" but, as a general rule, the imagery was more circumscribed,
and the blue expanse of sky was reduced to a sapphire throne, with
the host of heaven standing upon the right hand and the left
(i Kings xxii, 19), and as the Jews, like other ancient nations,
imagined the celestial beings to be equipped with wings, and the
greater the office the greater the number of wings, so we learn from
Isaiah vi, 2, that these seraphim were provided with three pairs
a-piece ; and we may compare these hexapteral angels with the figure
49
Feb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1908.
of El, or Kronos, upon the small bronze coin of Byblus in Plate I,.
fig. 3, from the de Luynes Collection.''
In addition to the angels, the winds were also equipped with
wings (Hosea iv, 1), as became their office as the messengers of God
(Psalms civ, 4), and to the winds was entrusted the task of conveying
the throne of Yahweh from place to place, as in 2 Sam. xxii, 11 : —
" He rode upon a cherub, and did fly :
Yea, he was seen upon the wings of the wind."
On turning to the first chapter of Ezekiel, therefore, we find no
novelties in the shape of celestial machinery, but merely a detailed
summary of the ideas contained in other parts of the Old Testament ;;
and although there are difficulties in the shape of unfamiliar words,
and the usual obscurities of prophetic diction, yet the general picture
leaves us in no doubt as to Ezekiel's conception of the mn^ 133, the
Glory of the Lord.
The most important figure in the Vision is Yahweh himself,
seated upon a sapphire throne. The Greek artists attempted to
indicate the supernatural attributes of Zeus by representing him as
clothed from the waist downwards, to show that he was invisible to
mortals : while he was nude from the waist upwards, as being visible
to the immortals. In like manner, the Hebrew Yahweh is presented
to us shrouded below in empyreal fiame, w'hereas above he assumes-
the more solid, but still unearthly, appearance of electrum.
The throne stands upon a clear firmament that shines like " the
terrible ice," and this glacial hemisphere is supported by four multi-
winged creatures, hayyoth, or cherubim, w'ho are described in some
detail but are still obscure. It may be that the text is at fault. For
instance, we read : "their feet were straight feet, and the sole of their
foot was like the sole of a calf's foot." But it is very probable that
instead of ^jy, "calf," we should understand n^jy, "wagon." This
at once makes the passage more intelligible. "The foot was Hke the
sole of the foot of a wagon." In other words, it was an axletree,
upon which revolved a wheel that inspired the awe of the beholder,,
both from its size and its unearthly surroundings. There were four
of these hayyoth, and four wheels ; and the whole vehicle rolled
^ This coin has on the obverse the head of Antiochus IV, diademed and'
radiated, facing to the right. Reverse as figured, willi the Phoenician inscriptiorb
ni^'lp 7li7, "of Gebal the Holy," and the Greek BaaiXfws 'Avrioxov. See
Ernest Babelon, Les rois de Syric. Paris, 1890. P. 85, PI. XIV, fig. 18.
50
Feb. 12] .A COIN OF GAZA. [1908.
forward with a sound like the thunder of a cataract, or the voice of
Shaddai, or the shout of armies.
If we make due allowance for the difference between a literary
description and the possibilities of representation upon the limited
field of a coin, we shall find many features of this conception of
Ezekiel that are more or less embodied in the devices upon Syrian
coins ; and this is exactly what we might expect, for the artistic ideas
of the Hebrews appear to have been identical with those of their
neighbours, and Solomon called in Phoenician workmen to build and
decorate the temple at Jerusalem. Thus Plate I, fig. 4," shows us
a shrine composed of a domed roof, or firmament, supported upon
four pillars : essentially the same arrangement as that of the Hebrew
prophet. The eagle within it is probably merely a solar emblem, as
in other cases it is transferred to the roof of the edifice.
In some cases these Syrian shrines were provided with wheels for
processional purposes, as in Plate II, fig. 5, where we have the naos
of the Sidonian goddess, which appears to have been an important
element in the cult of Astarte, if we may judge by the frequency of
its representation upon the coins of Sidon.^ Only two wheels are
shown, but that may be due to the exigencies of the die-engraving.
The symbol of the goddess appears within the car, supported by
winged figures. Plate II, fig. 6, gives us another example on a coin of
Marcus Aurelius struck at Philadelphia (Ccele-Syria).^ The legend
informs us that this represents the 'WpaKKeiov op/na, or chariot of
Hercules, in the form of a wheeled car, having a domed roof
supported by four pillars. Philadelphia was a still nearer neighbour
of Jerusalem than Sidon, for it is the Rabbath Ammon of Scripture.
The Ammonites appear to have lived under a theocracy, as we hear
of no monarch of theirs, except the local deity ; for the reader need
not be reminded that the name Molech is merely the word "]^?D =
"king," provided by rabbinical ingenuity with the vowel-points of
Bosheih, " abomination." Thus the Herakles of Philadelphia would
seem to be analogous to the Herakles of Tyre, who was also styled
Melcarth, i.e., mp -j'po = " king of the city."
In all these wheeled shrines the symbol of the deity appears
within the pillars, whereas in the vision of the Hebrew prophet the
"^ This is a bronze coin of Philip, senior, struck at Laodicea ad Mare. See
B.M. Catalogue, Galatia, p. 362, PI. XXXI, fig. 7.
* Les perses achemhiides, par Ernest Babelon. Paris, 1893. PI. XXXII.
« B.M. Catalogue, Galatia, p. 306, Pi. XXXVIII, fig. 9.
51
Feb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCH.-F.OLOGV. [190S.
•figure of Yahweh no longer dwells between the cherubim, but is
seated above the firmament. With this exception, however, the
general arrangement of the vehicles is remarkably like that of Ezekiel.
Yet there are some characteristics of the Vision that seem more
clearly expressed in the little drachma of Gaza that we have under
consideration, for this shows the deity borne up by the wing, and
carried along by the wheel. The crystal firmament is not indicated,
and the Atlantean pillars are omitted ; but the singular combination
of the winged wheel presents a masterly condensation of the prophetic
imagery, and would tend to show that the designer of the coin had
in mind a conception of a theophany that was very similar to that
described in the book of Ezekiel. The name of in* may not be
■ conclusive of Jewish influence, though it is more than probable that
in the fourth century B.C. there was already a road that went from
Jerusalem to Gaza (Acts viii, 26).
All the coins illustrated, with the exception of Plate I, fig. 3,
are from the British Museum Collection ; and the author has to
thank the Department of Coins and Medals for much valuable infor-
mation and assistance. Plate II, fig. 7 is a silver tetradrachm of
Smyrna with the name and types of Alexander the Great {Coins of
the Ancients, PI. 48^ 2), to illustrate the attitude of the eagle-beaiing
Zeus.
.52
PLATE II.
S.B.A. Proceedings, Feb., 190S.
/E
^^•
/R
Feb. 12] THE LEGEND OF MERODACH. [1908.
THE LEGEND OF MERODACH.i
By Theophilus G. Pinches.
It will probably be long ere the last word has been said, or even
nearly said, concerning Merodach, the central divinity of the Baby-
lonian pantheon from the time of Hammurabi's dynasty onwards.
Thanks to the scholars who have made a study of the so-called
legend of the Creation — the late G. Smith, Profs. Sayce, Friederich
Delitzsch, Jensen, and Mr. King — we know fairly well what was
the nature of this legend, and though it certainly deals with the
Creation, the question seems naturally to arise whether it would not
be more correctly called " The Story of Bel and the Dragon." This
remarkable poetical composition is devoted entirely, or almost so, to
the glorification of Merodach, with special reference to his fight with
the great dragon of chaos, which takes up by far the greater part of
the six tablets upon which the legend itself (omitting " the Tablet of
the 5 1 names ") is inscribed.
According to Damascius, whose account seems to have been
derived from the documents possessed by the descendants of the
Babylonians in his day (the end of the fifth and the beginning of the
sixth century of our era), Merodach was fourth in descent from Tauthe
or Tiawath — that is, if we take the names in the groups as given by
that philosopher. First came Moumis (Mummu-Tiawath), then
Lahmu and Lahamu, followed, in their turn, by Ansar and Kisar.
These were succeeded by the triad, Anu, god of the heavens ; Illil
(for Enlila), god of the earth ; and Ea or Aa, god of the sea. Of
these the last-named, by the goddess Dawkina, became the father of
^ In this paper no attempt has been made to form a theory with regard to the
origin of the legend or legends involved, nor is there, in the introductory portion,
anything new. The object of the author is simply to bring to the notice of
scholars what he believes to be an unknown text, with a few notes thereon.
Concerning the circumstances under which the legend may have been composed,
compare Sir H. H. Howorth's very noteworthy paper, " The god Asshur and
the Epic of ' Marduk and Tiamat,' " in the Proceedings of this Society for
December 14th, 1904, pp. 175-282, and January nth, 1905, pp. 7-12.
53 E
Feb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILFOLOGY. [190S.
Merodach, the creator of the world and of all living things, including
mankind.
In this we have the teaching of the Babylonians concerning the
origin of the universe and the world in which they lived. To all
appearance creation presented itself to their minds as a kind of
evolution — such, indeed, as all theories dealing with that event are
bound to be. First comes the watery waste, typified by Tiawath,
the personification of chaos ; then (as may, perhaps, be supposed)
the unformed heavens above, Lahmu and Lahamu ; after that
heaven, earth, and sea, much as we see them now, but awaiting the
word of the creator (Merodach) to set all in order, and produce life
upon the earth. But before that life could be brought into existence,
and order be established in the universe, the old creator of chaos
(Tiawath) and the brood which she had given birth to whilst the
higher gods were coming into existence, had to be destroyed. In
conjunction wnth her evil progeny, Tiawath had become a hostile
power, whose only thought was to destroy the gods whose paths
were on the higher plane, and who were advancing to still greater
perfection and more exalted aims. Tiawath, "the sea," Apsu, "the
abyss," and Mummu, possibly "craft," her son, therefore conspired
together how they might overthrow all the descendants of her first
offspring, Lahmu and Lahamu. The news of their designs, and the
preparations which they had made, was first announced to Ansar, a
deity typical of "the host of heaven," according to the generally-
received explanation of the name,^ and, in the legend, he immediately
communicates it to Anu, his son, with a loud voice, and with
expressions of vexation and grief. It is arranged that Anu shall try
to overcome Tiawath^ and he sets out on the road to her lair with
that intention, but fearing for the result he retraces his steps without
accomplishing anything, and returns to announce his failure. Another
deity, the god Nudimmud, typifying Ea or Aa as the creator, then
took the task in hand, but was also unsuccessful. As a last resort,
Merodach was appealed to, and accepted the task with rejoicing,
stipulating merely that he might receive, as his reward, the power of
- In AnSar and KiSar, it really correctly rendered as "heaven-host," and
" earth-host," we may, perhaps, see a reflection of Gen. ii, i : " And the heaven
and the earth were finished, and all the host of them." The ground-meaning of
the character <^, Sar, seems to have been "plentifulness," or the like {duhhiidii,
duiifi, mcCadu, 7iahMu Sa nnJiSi, rabu, etc.). The two names possibly typify
" heaven, earth, and all that is therein."
54
Fek. 12] THE LEGEND OF MERODACH. [1908.
determining the fates, and that his command, when given, might be
rendered fixed and unchangeable.^
The gods were then invited to a feast, at which bread was eaten
and wine drunk, and being thereby, apparently, brought into the state
of mind suited to the occasion, "for Merodach, their avenger, they
decided the fate."
They founded for him a princely chamber, where he stood to rule
in the presence of his fathers ; announced to him that he was the
honoured one among the great gods, possessing a destiny without
equal, and a command like that of Anu, the god ruling over the
heavens. His hand was that which was to raise and abase — none of
the gods was to cross his boundaries, but in his place they were to
find all that they could desire. Merodach was to be their avenger,
and to him had they given the dominion — the universe to its whole
extent. Sitting in the assembly, his was to be the authoritative
command, and the unfailing weapon to destroy his enemy.
" O Lord, who trusts in thee, protect thou his life ;
And he who taketh up evil things, pour thou his life away."
Then comes the test of the vanishing garment, which disappears
and reappears at Merodach's word, and seeing how effective the
power which they had conferred upon him was, the gods rejoiced and
did homage, shouting " Merodach is king." Then followed the
handing to him of sceptre, throne, and emblem of reign, and an
unsurpassed weapon, destroying those who hate.
" ' Come, then, cut off the life of Tiawath,
Let the wind carrj' her blood into hidden places.'
After the gods, his fathers, had fixed the fate of Bel,
They caused him to receive a path of goodwill and obedience as
his road."
Merodach then armed himself for the fight. He shouldered his
javelin, placed on his left "the divine weapon," probably a special
kind of sword, hung his bow and quiver at his side, and set lightning
before him, filling his body with darting flame. He then made a net
wherewith to enclose Tiawath, to whose name here, and in the
passages which follow, the word kirbis is added, implying that the
■' Concerning the chnngelessness of Merodach's word, and that of the other
great gods, there are several references in the Babylonian mythological texts, some
of which recall the words of Psalm xxix in praise of " the voice of the Lord."
55 E 2
Feb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [190S.
Babylonians thought of her as being "in the midst," probably of the
earth. He caused the four winds to take up their position north,
south, east, and west, in order that no part of her might escape. The
net was placed at his side, and appears to have been the gift of his
father Anu, though one of the duplicates inserts ana before the name
of the god, implying a gift "to" that deity. More winds, seven in
number this time, were then added as his means of attack — "they
rose up behind him to cause trouble to Kirbis-Tiawath." " The
Lord then took his great weapon, the storm-flood ; he rode in his
chariot terrible, a creature unrivalled." To this chariot was attached
a fourfold yoke, but the nature of the steeds is uncertain. They
were as terrible, however, as almost anything else mentioned in this
wonderful story — unsparing, sweeping down, swift of flight, sharp of
tooth, poison-bearing, knowing how to overthrow (as Jensen com-
pletes), skilled in destruction.
As for the god himself, he was covered with the cloak of his
dreadful majesty, and his head was crowned with his overwhelming
brilliance.
Thus arrayed for the fray, he set out for Tiawath's lair, where,
enraged, she awaited him. With his lip he restrained her fury, or
something of the kind, holding in his hand the plant of incantation —
even the king of the gods did not disdain that means which mortals
have employed and still employ to gain an advantage over those
whom they hate.
"In that day they clustered around him.
The gods clustered around him ;
The gods his fathers clustered around him.
The gods clustered around him ;
Whilst the lord advanced scrutinising Tiawath's mind,
Searching out the intentions of Kingu, her husband.
As he looked, his thoughts became troubled.
His understanding cast down, his action confused ;
And the gods, his helpers, going by his side.
Saw the trembling (?) of the leader — their glance was troubled
(too)."
The words in the last four lines apparently refer to Kingu,
Tiawath's spouse, and not to Merodach, for it is unlikely that the
Babylonians would have admitted that their great divinity could be
overcome with such weakness. The failings attributed to Kingu,
however, did not overtake Tiawath herself, at least at first, but raising
56
Feb. 12] THE LEGEND OF MERODACH. [1908.
her voice, she seems to have reproached Merodach, who, in his turn,
utters a long reply, ending with a challenge to Tiawath to begin the
fight. With many expressions of rage, she, similarly to Merodach,
repeated an incantation and a charm, and then stood forth.
But Tiawath, according to the legend, had no chance from the
first. Spreading out his net, he caused it to enclose her ; the evil
wind attending him he sent on in front, and when Tiawath opened
her mouth, he caused that evil wind to enter, so that she could not
close her lips.
"The angry winds filled out her body.
Her heart was oppressed, wide opened she her mouth ;
He drove in his spear, cut asunder her body,
Slit her inner part, cut through her heart.
Captured her, and destroyed her life,
Threw her body down, and stood thereon."
Having been thus subjugated, her helpers — divine beings whom
she had begotten — were scattered, and departed. The gods who had
assisted her, and who had accompanied her, trembled, feared, and
turned away. Being surrounded, however, they found themselves
unable to flee, and were made captive, bearing, in the prison into
which they were cast, Merodach's anger. As for Kingu, her spouse,
he was bound, and counted worthy to be set with Ugga, the god of
death ; and the Tablets of Fate, which Tiawath had entrusted to
him, were taken away by Merodach, who sealed them with his signet,
and grasped them to his breast. Thus was the power of Ansara
restored, and thus did Merodach attain the desire of Nudimmud, the
Creator, whose son he was. As for Tiawath, she was to be com-
pletely destroyed, so her skull was cleft, and the veins of her body
cut through, her blood being carried away by the north wind into
secret places. This rejoiced the hearts of the gods, who brought to
him gifts and offerings. Dividing her members, he thought out what
he might do, and cut her body, like a masdc-^sh, into two parts,
placing half thereof as a covering for the heavens. There he fixed
it, and a watchman was set with instructions not to let her waters
come forth. It was thus that the Babylonians conceived the forma-
tion of "the waters which were above the firmament" or "ex-
pansion." With regard to the other half of the Dragon of Chaos, it
may be supposed that it remained below, on the earth, as "the
waters under the firmament."
57
Feb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1908.
Traversing then the heavens, he examined the places, and set
E-sara, the heavens, as the city of Anu, Bel, and Ea or Aa. He
erected the stations of the great gods, stars being their emblems.
The year was instituted, with its twelve months, to each month three
stars, or, perhaps better, three constellations. Nibiru, his own star,
the planet Jupiter, received his special attention. In the middle of
the heavens he placed the zenith, and caused Nannaru (the moon) to
shine forth as the ruler of the night, and to show the divisions of
time. Many other things were then created by him, including man,
whom, as is shown by the fragment first published by Mr. King, he
formed from his blood, obtained, Berosus says, by cutting off his
own head. It is on this account, the priest of Babylon adds, that
men are rational, and partake of divine knowledge. At this again,
to all appearance, the gods rejoiced, and met in the great assembly-
hall, Upsukenaku, to celebrate the occasion. It is a great pity that
this portion of the legend is so defective, and it is to be hoped that
more of it will speedily come to light. There is a fragment regarded
as belonging to this part, which refers to the city of Assur, the old
capital of Assyria ; and this, if more perfect, would probably explain
why the legend was so popular in Assyria as it is known to have
been.
But in all probability there is no portion of the series of tablets
dealing with the exploits of Merodach more interesting than that
which proves to have been called "the Tablet of the 51 names " and
formed the 7th of the series — whether originally belonging to it,
or added after the six preceding tablets had been composed in order
to make up the sacred number of seven is at present uncertain.
That in some way it was distinct from the others may be surmised
not only from the difference in subject and also, probabl}', in style,
but from the fact, that the seventh tablet, and that one only (to all
appearance), was provided with a glossary, in Sumero-Akkadian, in
which the words of a version in the popular dialect are explained,
line for line, by the Semitic roots, as given in the text which we
possess. The existence of the glossary shows the great importance
which the Babylonians and Assyrians attached to this portion, and it
is only to be regretted that so little of it has so far come to light.
The text of the seventh tablet is divided into sections, indicated
by the name Tutu (designating Merodach as the creator and begetter
of the gods) on the obverse, but there is no such distinction in the
case of the reverse, at least in the copies of it with which I am
58
Feb. 12] THE LEGEND OF MERODACH. [1908.
acquainted. It gives his various names, with an indication of his
attributes when they were used, and is of considerable interest and
importance on that account. He is described as the creator of
vegetation, the Hght of the father his begetter,^ the Hfe of the people,
the pure being, the pure or holy crown, the pure incantation, he who
knoweth the heart, etc., in each case under an appropriate Sumero-
Akkadian name. The most interesting of these paragraphs, however,
is that of the " Pure " or " Holy Crown " :—
"Tutu (is), fourthly, Aga-azaga (the Holy Crown)— may he make
the crowns holy —
The Lord of the Holy Incantation bringing the dead to life ;
He who had mercy on the gods who were imprisoned.
Took off the yoke laid on the gods who were his enemies.
To redeem them, created mankind.
The merciful one, with whom is the giving of life.
May his word be established, and not forgotten.
In the mouth of the black-headed ones (mankind) whom his hands
have made."
Concerning ajia padi-sunu, which I translate doubtfully, with
Jensen, " to redeem them," it is not my intention to speak — we do
not know sufficient to discuss the matter satisfactorily. It will be
sufficient to say, however, that padii, the infinitive from which padi
comes,. means "to spare," and that the rendering suggested is one
which is worthy of consideration. There is no doubt, however, that
Merodach received the title of "the Merciful One," on account of
the forbearance which he showed to the followers of Tiawath who
had fought against him and the gods of heaven at the beginning of
the world, a story which was probably the original of that given by
Avitus, Bishop of Vienne, and repeated by Caedmon in The Fall of
the Angels, and by Milton in Paradise Lost.
And this leads up to the inscription to which the preceding
outline of the Legend of Merodach forms the introduction. It is a
tablet of late date, but from the words in the extract quoted above,
" he who had mercy on the gods who were imprisoned," there is
every likelihood that the text it bears is a copy of a document of a
more ancient period, though probably not as old as the originals of
the seven tablets of the Babylonian Creation-Story. It seems to
consist of an introduction (which is, for the present comparison, the
* The god Aa or Ea.
59
Feb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.LOLOGV. [1908.
most important part), followed by references to the gods going forth
from the various cities to greet, apparently, Saturn^ and Merodach.
The following is a rendering of this inscription as far as I am able to
make it out, the text being sometimes defectively written, probably
in consequence of damaged places in the scribe's original : —
Column A.
1 . He strengthened his bonds.
2. He goes down to the prison.
3. He rises (?) and approaches the prison.
4. He opened the gate of the prison, he comforts them.
5. He looked up07i them then, all of them ; he rejoices.
6. Then the captive gods looked upon him —
7. Kindly the whole of them
8. regarded {him). Their seat
9. Nergal took, he is angry (?) with them.
10. To glorious (?) En-me-sara a word he speaks —
11. Merodach says thus . , .
12. '•''Lord Kayatiu, thy children are 7 —
13. In the morning he will violently make an end to them.'''
1 4. En-me-sara, hearing this,
15. Said " JVoe/" His mind became doivticast ;
16. He opened his month and said a word :
17. " They are strong, and their judgment is the desire of my
children. ^^
18. Nergal opened his mouth, and
1 9. Pronounced the word to En-me-sa7-a the glorious (?) .•
20. '''' From the begintmig —
21. Even from the beginning,
22. Has thy creator (f) done this."
2T, En-me-sara, Kayanu
Column B.
I
2. The god
3. and
■' The same as Aa or Ea, the father of Merodach.
60
Feb. 12] THE. LEGEND OF MERODACII. [1908.
4. /^e?
5- ^ft^r
6. And the god
7. In the morning
8. He took
9. He took
10. I zv as angry
11. Merodach [opened his mouth, and]
12. [Pronounced the word] to En-m\e-sara ;]
Thus (?)
14. Kayanu, the god
15. Thou (J)
16. and [thy] sons
17. He took
18. Kay ami, the son
19. His image
20. To his fathers
21. All
22. His image
23
Column C.
I fatii'ig ' • •
2. record (?) of . . .
3 falling . . .
4. all the heart . . .
5. and he . . .
6. Glory . . .
7. Merodach . . .
8. and in heaven thou (?)...
9. lord of heaven . . .
1 o. dwelling in the temple of . . .
1 1 . periodical offering . . .
12. coming forth from . . .
13. / the sin . . .
14. Until this{?) . . .
15. Altogether 8 tablets {f) . . ,
61 E 3
Feb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.KOLOGY. [1908.
16. JJVieu . . .
17. a7id Merodach . . .
18. since ifi . . .
19. /or the goods . . .
20. a//d he . . .
2\. for future (^) days . . .
22. sceptre and Sjhronel^ ....
Column D.
1. The gods, all of them — the gods of . . .
2. Borsippa, Cut hah, Kis,
3. And the gods of the cities, all
4. to take the hands of Kayafiu {and) the great lord Aferodach
5. to Babylon go, and with him
6. at the new year's festival, in the sanctuary of the king,
7. offer gifts before them.
8. As for the day, on his appea?-ance (^), Anu and Ellila
9. fro7n Erech and Nippur to Babylon,
10. to take the hands of Kaya?iu {and) Bel, to Babylon
1 1 . 2vill go, and with him
12. unll march iti procession. To the temple of offerings
13. together the great gods all
14. to Babylon ivill go.
15. The gods, all of them, Kayafiu with Bel{?),
16. to the temple of offerings will go ; like the king
17. Kayanu will give forth i^) his light.
1 8. The star Dic-sisa ; Merodach ;
1 9. Nirig ; Nebo ;
20. Samas, Anu, Bel and Nebo,
21 in two parts.
{To be continued.)
62
Fep. 12] INCANTATION AGAINST RHEUMATISM. [1908.
AN ASSYRIAN INCANTATION
AGAINST RHEUMATISM.
By R. Campbell Thompson, ALA.
The following is a translation of my copy of the series SA . GAL .
LA published in Cuneiform Texts from Babyloniati Tablets, Part
XXIII, Plates I-XIV. Of the rest of this Part, Plates XV-XXII
were translated in F.S.B.A., November, 1906, and Plates XXIII-L
in i]\e A/iie!ica7i Jourfiai of Semitic Languages, October, 1907^
SA.GAL.LA apparently means "the enlarged (swollen) joint,
muscle, or sinew," and the ceremonies all refer to pains in the
lumbar region, back, and thighs, which are expected to last two
years. Hence it seems most i)robable that the incantations were
written as prescriptions against rheumatism. Many of the passages
are absolutely unintelligible to me, and serve to show that our
knowledge of the cuneiform medical texts is still very imperfect.
From the standpoint of comparative magic, one of the exorcisms
is extremely interesting. The Assyrian magician claims that the
incantation is not from man, but from Ba'u, Gula and Nin-aha-kuddu,
and he is adopting it (PI. III). Skeat (in his Malay Magic, p. 427)
has published a similar Malay spell : "Not mine are the materials,
they are the materials of Kemal-ul-hakim ; Not to me belongs this
neutralizing charm. To Malim Sidi belongs this neutralizing charm.
It is not I who apply it, It is Malim Karimun who applies it."
The philological value of such a text as this is considerable.
The meanings of several words, hitherto doubtful, can be cleared up,
or at least to some extent elucidated. Especially noticeable are the
words hi, kinsu, sasallu, gissu, kisallu, and the as}ian-?>tonQ.
Lu.
Lit is a word that has hitherto given a good deal of trouble. I
think, however, some such meaning as "refuse," with a secondary
special significance of " excrement," is at least plausible. That two
Feb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCILFOLOGV. [1908.
such meanings could be combined in one word is paralleled by the
two meanings for the Syriac ncijiju stercus (t^Aiia ^iuu is "dross
of iron "). Luii has the particular meaning of " filthy " in regard to
streets : nllila suUisumi Muti, "I cleansed their filthy streets" (BA I,
10, quoted Muss-Arnolt, p. 464), and there is also a group HAR .
TU .NA = /u-'-i gi-ri-^i (Brijnnow, No. 8596). A classical text
(Sennacherib VI, 16) gives " the deluge of my fighting h'ma li-e
zumursiin ishup swept away their bodies like dung" (Delitzsch,
H. J KB., p. 374, refers possibly to another ///). It has to be some
plastic material, for little magical figures are made from it : e.g.,
Maklu II, 113, INIM. INIM. MA. vwssaprata nadii^) salam li
KAM, " Prayer of uttering a chant (?) over a figure of // {i.e. dung),"
parallel hymns to this being recited over figures of bitumen, bronze,
etc., in the same tablet. Compare also IV, 41 {salviaui) lu sa iddu
\lti'\ sa titu lu sa li " (figures) either of bitumen, or clay, or // (dung)."
Tallqvist translates " honig," but this cannot be correct. In the
grammatical text, K. 246 (I, 65, W.A.I. II, 17), two 'unclean'
substances are mentioned : // sa in a zii7nri kuppuru, paralleled by
akahi sa ztimur ameli mussudii . The latter must be "food which
a man's body has expressed " (less probably "rejected," i.e., vomited),
and hence the former must have a meaning, at least, in connection.
Kuppuru is, as is now unnecessary to explain, "to make atonement,"
and the li is constantly used in connection with it, and hence we
may try a tentative translation : " refuse which has made atonement
for the body of a man." The sense of this last passage becomes
clear from an "atonement ceremony" (see my Devils and Evil
5/wVj, Vol. II, Tablet XI ; W.A.I.,' \\\ 27, 52-54 b): "The kid,
whereof thou hast taken out the heart (becomes) //'/- food (unclean),
with which thou shalt make atonement for the man ; bring a censer
(and) a torch, scatter it (the unclean food) in the street." Another
such is tablet "T," line 38 {ibidem) Akala 11 ina hakkadi-su sukun-ma,
"set refuse-food at his head." The word apparently obtains a
pregnant sense here.
An additional argument for the meaning "excrement" is found
in Makhc VIII, 87-88; II kiimmmati I"^<'-^'' salam ^'^«^^' kassapi
u ""^ kassapti akal li epus-ma libbi kurummati suruh-tna, " Make two
meals of dung, one each for the figures of sorcerer and sorceress,
and make invocation over the food." Tallqvist translates " mache
von leckerhafter Nahrung," but this seems less probable. Hostile
64
Feb. 12] INCANTATION AGAINST RHEUMATISM. [190S.
magicians in effigy are not treated well, and the most abominable
food is set before them to drive them away. Delicacies are more
likely to attract them than to attain the desired object. Kuchler,
in treating of this word, shortly (in his Ass. Bab. Medizhi) translates
it by "dough," which seems less probable.
It is interesting to see, in Skeat's account of a Malay ceremony
{Malay Magic, p. 431), a parallel which may support this view of
the meaning of //. When a Malay is under a ' waxen-image ' spell,
the magician rubs him all over with limes, and next morning, after
various ceremonies, the limes are squeezed into a bowl and used,
partly for washing and partly medicinally. " The ' trash ' of the
limes (after squeezing) is wrapped up in a bit-ah leaf at evening, and
either carried out to the sea (into which it is dropped), or deposited
ashore at a safe distance from the house." Li should correspond
to the word ' trash ' here.
In the present text {C.T. XXIII, i, 4), the priest must put one
ka of leaven on the sasii}'-rQe.d, and put the sick foot thereon,
and "make the atonement" for the foot with the li (refuse) of the
leaven. Again the use appears to be pregnant ; it will become
"refuse" when it has done its work.
Kinsu,
Kinsu is a word which occurs several times. It is known from
{a) the descriptions of mythical beings {Devils and Evil Spirits II,
146 ff.), i.e. (i) ina sepisu sa imitti irsita \sapis\, libit sepisu sa
imitti stipiir issui-i . . . , sepisu sa su)i:eli tarlsatma], ki7isa sa tappisu
\sapis^ (p. 152) "with his right foot he . . , the earth, the base of
his right foot is a bird's claw . . his left foot is stretched out [and]
the kinsa of its sole [ . . ] " ; (2) \ina sepisii] sa suvieli irsita sapis,
[sepiht] sa imitti sutegtiratma, \liitisa^ sa tappisu sapis, [libit sepisii]
sa imittisu ziipiir issurima, [/('///]j77 sa tappisu ma sap is {p. 152), "[with
his] left [foot] he . . . the earth, [his] right [foot] . . . and [the kinsa~\
of its sole . . . , [the base of his] right [foot] ... is a bird's claw, and
the \kiti\sa of this sole also . . . . "
From if)) K. 1285, 19 (published by Strong, Trans. IX Orient.
Congr. II, 207) it occurs in the phrase kamis ina kinsisu '"^^'^'-Assur-
baniaplu ittanahar ana ^^^^ Nabi belisu ; "Bowing on his kifisj,
Assurbanipal presents himself before NabCi, his lord."
65
Feb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY. [190S,
From (f) (the present text) it occurs between the words kablu
("belly") and \]iisanu'\ ('?p|, "hips" or "loins") PI. Ill, 17 ; with
kablu, PI. V, II, 2, and kisal/u, PI. XII, 49, the text being broken ;
between gissu ("neck"?) and kisal/u, kablu rapastu and sasallu
("shoulders"), being mentioned with it (PL IV, 16-17, PI- XI, 38;.
between sir ulli{'^ the flesh of the loin.s," or similar) and kisal/u,
PI. VII, 34 ; (in PL IV, 8, and PL VIII, 42, ullu takes the place of
kifisu between kablu and kisallu).
From (a) it is a part close to the foot-sole. There is no doubt as
to the meaning of fa/>/>u, " sole " ; it is the Heb. nsp, " palm " ;
ka/i tappi, "the base of the fappu" occurs constantly in the descrip-
tion of mythical beings quoted above, and it " has no heel " {ikba la
isi, ibidem, 148, 1. 23). But although near the sole in case {a) 2, it
must be noted that the " sole " is a bird's claw.
Case (b) certainly looks as if we are to translate it "knees,"
although Assyrian has a word birka. But the ^'kinsa of the foot-sole"
does not seem to coincide with such an explanation, and the case
apparently demands some part nearer the foot. I would therefore
suggest "shin" as a possibility. As, however, the specification "of
the foot-sole" is added, it may be that kitisu meant the forearm as-
well. In the sculptures {e.g. of Jehu, on the Black Obelisk) the
suppliant is suing on hands and knees, and it may be that Assurbanipal
describes himself in this way. Secondly, the order of the words ^m//,
kitisu, kisal/u, seems to demand some part between the neck and
the loins, although the sequence in these cases apparently does
not denote necessarily anatomical order.
Gissu occurs elsewhere in C.T. XXIII, PL 36, L 57 : "when a
man holdeth water on his head [and] thou touch the place where
it holdeth the water with thy forefinger; if the flesh of the gissu
stinketh {or, is evil) . . . . " ; and in 1. 64 : " if the flesh of his gissu
stinketh {or, is evil), put 'fire of stones' at the base of his head."'
Cf. also PL IX, 12, ina gissisu sepisu u kisa/lisu.
We have therefore to identify some part of the body with gissu
which will agree with these two descriptions : {a) in some form of
suppuration on the head, where if the pus be touched, pain {or,
possibly foetor) is produced in the flesh of the gissu ; {b) in the case
of rheumatism where the pain can be felt. Taking into considera-
tion that the charm in the case of the head-suppuration is to put
"fire of stones" to the base of the head, the back of the neck seems
the most probable part, and this, being in close connection with the
66
Feb. 12] INCANTATION AGAINST RHEUMATISM. [1908.
top of the spine, may well be affected by rheumatic pains. Hence
gisSu would appear to mean "neck," or "back of the neck." But it
is only a tentative suggestion.
This stone was long ago pointed out to be the cornelian or onyx
by Meissner and Rost i^Bauinschrifteii Sanheribs, p. 58), on the con-
nection between certain discoveries of cornelian by George Smith
in Sennacherib's palace and the description which Sennacherib him-
self gives of his building as follows: — " ^/;/fl;'?-stone, whose shape
like cucumber seeds is fashioned, as many as are valued for necklet-
stones, a stone telling (?) of favour and confidence to be obtained,
that no sickness draw near to man, which were brought down from
Mount Nipur" (p. 52). I cannot, however, see that the reference
given here to Smith's Assyrian Discoveries, passim^ proves the point
satisfactorily, as the discoveries in question appear to have been only
(i) half an amulet in onyx, inscribed (p. 98), (2) bracelets and rings
in glass and cornelian (p. 435), probably most of late date, although
two cornelian rings were of true Assyrian workmanship. Personally
I do not remember finding any cornelian object of great interest on
the mound of Kouyunjik, and I think the point of the comparison
with "cucumber-seeds," or, in fact, the actual meaning of the word
"corn-stone " has been missed by these authors. But it is not far to
seek. There is a class of amulet very common in Egypt made of
small cornelians in the shape of small arrowheads, about half an inch
long, and pierced to wear in necklaces. As far as I can recollect, I
saw none in Mesopotamia, but I was able to buy about 500 in
Sawakin, where they were said to have come from Arabia. The
description "cucumber-seeds" accurately fits them.
Transliteration.
Series Sagallu.
K. 2432 -f S. 1899. Obverse.
{PL I.)
1. Enuma buaniP' sir utli-su estenis(nis) ikkaluP' . . .-a u izzazuP'
ka-la i-h-' SA . GAL satti II
2. Naru ir-ha-an sa KU . SE . SIS te-sir [usurti (?)] sa nari
GI . SA . SUR tuserab(ab) SE . GIS . BAR tuzarrab(?)-ma
3. ina eli GI.SA.SUR tasakan(an) ameli marsi [ina muh]-hi
tusesib(ib) I ka SE . SIS tuzarrab(?)-ma
67
Feb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1908.
4. ina eli GI . SA . SUR tasakan(an) sepi-su marsi [ina] eli
tasakan(an) ina li'i SE . SIS sepi-su tu-kap-par
5. Siptu HUS RI . A HUS RI . A : la . . . bi §a nab si na ab
6. a na ni ib bi sa ab si na ab : tu-[se-sa]-am-ma ''"Samsu ''"Zu-uk
si sa nab
7. litti ina karni-sa udurti ina sarti-sa naru ir-ha-[an ina] kib-ri-sa
ki-ba-ma pulanu apil pulani lib-lut TU EN
8. INIM.INIM.MA SA . GAL . LA . KAM
9. Kikittu-su sipta an-ni-ta ina tak-pir-ti sir utli tamannu li'u
su-a-tum
10. ina . . . sa erib ''"Samsi tasakan-ma ina tit pi babi-su
tugammar ina =^'^""kunukki (?) subi (?) u ^''""gin-nu
11. babi-su ta-bar-ram sir utli-su ina gibilli tu-kil te-di-ik-ki-su-ma
kat-su tasabat-ma
12. naru ir-ha-an sa te-si-ru VII-su u VILsu tu-sib-bir-su e-nu-ma
ib-bi-ru HAR. GIM takabbi
\Pl- 2.) ^
13. Siptu epus(us) ''"E-a ip-sur ''"E-a pa-tar lum-ni sup-su-hi uz-zu
14. pu-su-us ki-sir lum-ni ''"E-a it-ti-ka-ma
15. Siptu A.ZU KALAM. MA DINGIR. NIN.NI SLIN
AMA *SAL KALAM . MA ME . EN
16. *ITI ARALI NIN E . DUB . BA . . . GAL . AN . NA
NIN SAG.GIG.GA.GE
17 AMA DINGIR KUR LAB.BA GAR
same(e) a-gi-e nam-ri-ri
18 rabiitiP' i-na-as-su-u-su
19 ul gi-gi-tu
20 kibri-sa
Translation.
K. 2432 -l-S. 1899.
KPl. I.)
1. When the joints of the flesh of his loins are all painful . . . ,
and are stiff {}), {but) all having po7ver, {the diagnosis is) a
szvolleti Joint las ti fig tzvo years.
2. Make a circle with an irha.n-^' river" of leavened meal ; put
into [the circle^ of the "■river" a ^^zsnr-reed {?) ; hiead {^) some
68
Feb. 12] INCANTATION AGAINST RHEUMATISM. [1908..
gishar-torn and piit it on the ^asur-reed (?) ; make the sick man
rest thereon; knead (?) one ka 0/ leaven and put it on the
?,zs\xx-reed (?) / put his sick foot thereon. It is with the ?-ef use-
food of the leaven that thou makest the atottement.
5. Incantation : — 1 invoke the cow with its horn,.
the sheep ivith its fleece, the irhan-"m'^/'" with its bank that N.,,
son of N., may recover.
Perform the incantation.
8. Prayer for the sivollen joint
9. Ritual for this : — Repeat this incantation in the Atonement for
the flesh of the loins : put this refuse food in a 7vester?i . . . and
complete the door thereof zvith clay mixed with stubble ; seal tip
the door thereof with a signet (?) of subfi (?)- and gmnu-stone,
and then hold the flesh of his loins in {the flame of) a torch ; take
hold of his dress and his hand and lead him across the irhan-
'■^ river" {with which thou hast encircled him) seven and seven
times. When he has crossed {for the last time), say clearly^- : —
{PI. 2.)
13. Incafitatioti : — Ea hath created, Ea hath loosed ; free the evil,
still the ivrath, ufido the knots of the evil, {for) Ea is with thee.
15. Incafitation : — O Physician of the zvorld, O Ninnisin . . .!'^
Thou art the gracious mother of the world, the leader of the
undertvorld, mistress of E-dubba . . . \JSfin\gal-anna, lady of
the black-headed race of heaven, a shinifig crown,
great, they bear him
^ The first two lines (for which compare PI. 5, 11. 11-13) are unintelligible to
me. Apart from their meaning, they appear to have something in common with
such words as hoais-poais, abracadabra, and other magic gibberish.
2 On :gAR, GIM = "clearly (?)," see P.S.B.A., Nov. 1906, p. 221.
^ There is a form of Ba'u DINGIR NIN.IN.NI.SI. AN.NA, which is
probably the same as this, especially when Ba'u is mentioned on PI. 3, 1. 14,
under the form DINGIR. DA. MU and DINGIR. GU. LA. Furthermore Ba'u is.
caWtd asttu gallatii, "the great physician" {IV. A./., Ill, 41, b. 29).
{To be contifiued.)
69
Feb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.FOLOGV. [1908.
THE FIRST YEAR OF SAMSU-ILUNA.
By the Rev. C. H. W. Johns.
The new date-list published by Mr. L. W. King in his " Chronicles
Concerning Early Babylotiian Kings" (see Vol. II, p. 103), gives the
traces of the year-name for the first year of Samsu-iluna as MU
Sa-am-su-i-lii-na LU[GAL-E ], and, in the
second line, NAM-EN-BI KUR-KUR-R[A ] IN-GAR.
Here the verb IN-GAR is restored from the Constantinople date-list,
but Dr. Messerschmidt's copy in the Orientalistische Litteratur-
zeifufig {igo"], col- 172) makes it clear that IN-GAR really belongs
to the end of the date for the second year. This is borne out by the
fact that tablets dated in the second year, and given by Mr. King
in his Letters and Descriptions of Hamnmrabi (Vol. Ill, p. 242,
note 76), and Dr. Ranke in The Babylonian Expedition of the
University of Pennsylvania^ Series A (Vol. VI, I, 49), have the
same verb in the variant forms — I-NI-GAR-RA and UN-GAR.
It does not seem to have been noted that two of the Warka
tablets, B 79A and B 96, are dated in the first year of Samsu-iluna,
and serve, further, to restore the above traces. Their dates were
published by George Smith, in the first edition of the Fourth
Volume of Rawlinson's Inscriptions of Western Asia (p. 36, nos.
64 and 65). They were repeated in Strassmaier's Texte Alt-
babylofiischer Vertrdge aus Warka (nos. 51 and 68). The latter
was also published by Dr. B. Meissner, in his Beitrdge zum Alt-
baby lonischen Privatrecht (no. 66), and in Schrader's Keilinschrift-
liche Bibliothek (Vol. IV, p. 30). Unfortunately these copies evidently
need collating with the originals. SxMITH and Strassmaier give, in
B 79A, MAH for EN, and, at the end of the date, three signs which
it is difficult to recognise. These signs may be the same as those
Dr. Ranke read UN-GAR, but suggest an ending in A(i-A, At any
rate, they should be collated now. The reading MAH for EN makes
little difference to the sense — something like " supremacy " in place
70
Feb. 12] THE FIRST YEAR OF SAMSU-ILUNA. [190S.
of "lordship." Nor would the last verb make a great difference to
Mr. King's translation. Taking his readings as correct, so far as
they go, we see that it was the year when " Samsu-iluna, the king,
at the sure word of Marduk (established ?), extended his dominion
over the lands." The date may be restored, MU Sa-am-su-i-lu-na
LUGAL-E DUG-GA Zl-DA J/ar^?//&-GU-TA NAM-EN-BI
KUR-KUR-RA PA-E' BA-AG-A.
Mr. King has suggested. Chronicles (Vol. I, p. 170), that the
closing years of Hammurabi's reign may have been clouded by
some disaster — either the recovery of Rim-Sin's power in the south,
or events which led to that. We may further conjecture that
Samsu-iluna had to fight for his throne, and possibly this may be
the secret of the discrepancy between the Date Lists and the
King's List. The former give Hammurabi 43 years, the latter 55.
If there were an interregnum of 12 years, during which Samsu-
iluna had no acknowledged supremacy, this would account for the
■discrepancy, as the King's List would reckon the interregnum to
Hammurabi's reign. It may be pointed out that 55 years is an
abnormal length of reign for one so active in his earlier years as
Hammurabi seems to have been. If he was of age on coming to
the throne, his last years would have to be extremely peaceful for
him to retain his power. It is certain they were not so, however long
we reckon them. This is, however, the merest conjecture, and can
•only await evidence one way or another.
71
Fkb. 12] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
RECENT DISCOVERIES IN EGYPT.
At Karnak, M. Legrain has discovered the original Sanctuary,
which seems to have been a tomb-temple of the 1st dynasty. The
tomb was crowded with vast numbers of votive vases of cylindrical
shape of later date. He has also found the primitive wall of enceinte,
and the remains of a temple of Ra-neb-hepu, Mentuhetep, within it.
At Elephantine M. Clermont-Ganneau, assisted by M. Cledat,
is continuing his excavation of the burial-place of the Sacred Rams,
and on the cartonnage of one of them found the name of the
cemetery. He has also found the chamber in which the embalm-
ment of the Rams took place, and the granite altar on which they
were placed while the prescribed ritual was performed. The granite
slab, on which the Ram was given its bath of bitumen, is still
smeared with pitch, and, like another granite slab on which the
viscera of the animal were extracted, bears the cartouches of
Usertesen I, showing that a temple of that king once stood here.
Close by he has discovered a fine granite naos of Pepi I, which
carries the history of the temple still further back. His last discovery
is that of a "cachette" into which the builders of a temple of
Ptolemaic or Roman age have thrown broken statuettes of stone and
wood, and beautiful specimens of XVIIIth dynasty blue faience,
including a hippopotamus, together v/ith other objects. As none of
these is later than the XVIIIth dynasty they must have come from
the temples of Thothmes I, Amenhetep II, and Amenhetep III,
which are shown by numerous sculptured and inscribed blocks of
stone to have existed here.
The German explorers were not fortunate enough to find any
more Aramaic papyri at Elephantine, and are now engaged on the
Cemetery of the Sacred Crocodiles at Kom Ombo.
72
Feb 12] RECENT DISCOVERIES IN EGYPT. [1908.
At Shellal, Mr. Reisner has had most interesting results, from
an anthropological point of view. A prc-historic cemetery runs
under the village, in which green-stone scorpions were found ; to the
East of it are four other cemeteries ; one of them of the Xllth dynasty
with negro skeletons, one of the XXth-XXVIth dynasty period, also
with negro skeletons ; a cemetery of Roman period ; and another,
also Roman, containing sixty-two bodies, all of which had been
decapitated or hanged. To the North is a late Christian necropolis ;
on the island of Hessa, a Ptolemaic or Roman cemetery ; and on
Bigga, a cemetery of the early Christian period, the occupants of
which, according to Dr. Elliott Smith, were all of Asia Minor
origin.
At Asswan, excavations for the foundations of a building on the
North side of the English church, last autumn, have brought to light
the remains of an Egyptian temple. The temple seems to have
been erected by Ptolemy Philopater, but was subsequently repaired
and enlarged by Tiberius, Claudius, and Trajan. On a block of
sandstone is a well-preserved inscription in red letters, which reads :
salvis ddd nnn
valentiniano valente et
GRATIANO SEMPER AVGVSTOS {si'c)
FL. MAVRICIVS VC. COM. ET DVX
RENOVARI IVSSIT HVNC LOCVM FL.
TRAIANVS. PP.
CVM THEB. MIL. REPARAVIT.
At a later date a portion of the temple was converted into a
Christian church, one of the granite columns being consecrated to
the new faith by having a cross within a circle sculptured in relief on
it. On the capitals of other granite columns there are w^ell-preserved
examples of carved " Byzantine " designs. The granite pedestal of a
statue — the bronze feet of which have left a mark on the stone — has
been "Christianized" by the erasure of the inscription on it and the
carving of a cross within a circle.
The Copts have utilized a granite altar dedicated to Jupiter, and
the base of a statue, the inscriptions on both of which have been
erased. The temple stood immediately to the East of the bases of
statues discovered in 1895 (the inscriptions on which were published
73 F
Fee. 12] SOCIETY OF I'.IIUJCAL ARCIIJiOLOGV. [190S.
hy Prof. Sayck in these Proceedings, Vol. XVIII, 1896, pp. \o'] ff.) ;
as well as of the base of a statue of Diadumenianus discovered in
1904.
At Thebes, Mr. T. H. Davis, for whom Mr. E. R. Ayrton is again
excavating in the Biban el Mohik, has discovered in a plundered
tomb a quantity of funerary jewellery of Queen Ta-usert of the
XlXth dynasty. Among the objects are a magnificent necklace of
filagree beads and pendants ; two large silver pendants ; three gold
bangles ; a large silver ring, and eight gold rings, with the cartouches
of Ta-usert and Seti II, these rings were enclosed in silver cases ;
two superb gold ear-rings, about 4 inches long ; and numerous
smaller objects and beads.
Editor.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held on
Wednesday, March nth, 1908, at 4.30 p.m., when the
following Paper will be read : —
The Rev. F.A.Jones: "The Ancient Year and the
Sothic Cycle."
74
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
THIRTY-EIGHTH SESSION, 1908.
Third Meeting, MarcJi nth, 1908.
W. MORRISON, Esq. {Vice-President).
IN THE CHAIR.
[No. ccxxiv.] 75
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.T.OLOG V. [1908.
The following gifts to the Library were announced, and
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author, Dr. D. G. Lyon. — "Recent Excavations in
Palestine."
From the Author, Dr. O. von Lemm. — " Koptische Miscellen,"
Parts 26-40.
From the Author, Prof. Dr. Sachau. — " Drei Aramaische
Papyrusurkunden aus Elephantine."
BOOK-BINDING FUND.
The following donation has been received : —
W. H. Rylands, Esq., F.S.A. {e^th donation) £,2 2 o
The following Paper was read : —
The Rev. F. A. Jones : " The Ancient Year and the Sothic
Cycle."
Thanks were returned for this communication.
76
Mar. II] THE LEGEND OF MERODACH. [1908.
THE LEGEND OF MERODACH.
By Theophilus G. Pinches.
( Con tin tied from p. 62.)
The " strengthening of the bond " (Col. A, line i) probably means
simply the connection between some divine being and another being
or beings. There is no direct statement as to who the person was
who went down to the prison, but it may be surmised that it was
Merodach, whose name occurs in line 11. In the matter of those
who were released and comforted, we are not left in doubt — they are
described, in line 6, as the captive gods {ildni sabtutii). If I am
right in my rendering of imtasii as "they regarded"- — according to
Muss-Arnolt, there are three roots- masii, the other two meaning,
"to forget" and "to find" respectively^ — the disposition of those
who had been incarcerated was no longer hostile to him.
Why Nergal " took their seat " — apparently that of the imprisoned!
gods — does not appear, and I am far from being satisfied with the
translation. As I have said, the state of the scribe's original seems tc<
have been defective, and the rendering is here and there uncertain —
doubtless much will be cleared up when (and if) we get a better text.
Unrecognizable characters appear at the beginning of line 3, and an
important word may be hidden in the difficult group at the end ef
line II, which begins "Merodach thus said," and is followed by the
words "lord Kayanu, thy sons are 7" {bclu kayatiu mare-ku sibitii
suna-ma)^ and I should doubt my rendering, were it not that PI. 23
* As, however, " to look for," and " to finrl," could be expressed by the same
root, there may in reality be only two words ntaiu.
77 G 2-
Mar. II] SOCIETY OK BIBLICAL ARCIL1<:OLO(;V. [1908.
of the fourth volume of the Ciuieifoi'm Itiscriptions of Western Asia,
line 5^-, mentions "the 7 gods, sons of En-me-sara." If it was
Merodach who was going to make an end to Kayanu's sons, this
seems strange, in view of the fact that the head of the Babylonian
pantheon was regarded as the merciful god par excelletice. My
translation of line 17 is only provisional, though the rendering of all
the words therein could be sustained from other passages in Babylonian
literature. The last word but one, however, which I have read nis-
mat and translated "desire of," is uncertain, and this doubtful word
may be the key to the true rendering. Perhaps the phrase dannii u
sipti-sunu ?iismaf(?) aiimua would be better translated by slightly
modifying the meaning I have given to the first two words — "they
(the gods of heaven) are severe, but their judgment is the desire of
my children," an answer which would denote submission to
Merodach's will. If En-me-sara be Kayanit or Saturn (Cronus), his
seven sons are probably the days of the week. Unlike the Greek
legend of Cronus, it was apparently Nerigal, or Nergal, the god of
war and death, who destroyed them.
The New Year's festival was held at Babylon on the 8th and i ith
(of Nisan) — see the Rev. C. J. Ball's rendering of the India House
Inscription, Proceedings, Dec. 8th, 1887, p. 95, hne 57. The present
text may refer, however, to the occasion of the sacrifices to Nerigal,
which was also on the 8th (Phillipps Cylinder, Proceedings, Feb. 7 th,
1888). In any case, it suggests a reason for allowing seven days to
pass before celebrating the festivals.
The imperfect columns, which are next in order, do not give us
much information. They enable us to see, however, that the text
was carried on in the same strain, and two of the lines (Col. B,
II and 12) maybe completed: "Merodach opened his mouth and
pronounced the word to En-Jtie-sara.'^ Kay ami is twice mentioned,
and there is twice a reference to "his image," but the god intended
by the pronoun does not appear. Column C refers to offerings, and
one of the paragraphs into which it is divided may be an address to
Merodach.
Column D, however, is in a fairly satisfactory state, referring, as
it does, to the gods of the various cities of Babylonia going to
Babylon to take the hands of Kayanu and Merodach, who is certainly
intended in line 4, and must also be the deity referred to as Bel in
line 10. The curious thing is, however, that Kayanu should be
placed before Merodach. This reminds us that Chiun in Amos v, 26,
78
Mar. II] THE LEGEND OF MERODACH. [1908.
is explained as being for Kayawan or Kaytvan, the Arabic form of
the name of the planet Saturn, and that, in that passage, the Hebrews
are reproached for carrying about this divinity, of which they made
their images, and which was the star of their god, which they made
for themselves. Perhaps^ therefore, the words "his image," tamsil-sji,
which occurs twice in the defective column "B," refers to the repre-
sentations of this deity, which were carried in procession, and Jewish
worship of Kayawan or Saturn may have been due to Babylonian
influence, which, as we know, was for many centuries strong in the
Mediterranean tract.
From column A, lines 10 ff., it would seem that En-me-sara and
Kayanu are the same, and this is supported by the astronomical list
published in the fifth volume of the Cuneifortii Inscriptions of
JVestern Asia, PI. 46, where ^::{'->^ ][§1J ^^ ""''lii-lim is explained
as identical with that god. Concerning Lnlini also we are not left in
doubt, as the second volume of the same work, Plate 48, Une $2ab,
explains '""'lii-lini as CJ:][>->f- IHJ *^ ^^-TI^^ ^T '""'ii^-bat-sag-us,
which has long been recognised as the planet Saturn — literally " the
head-firm ( — phlegmatic) planet," which is also, probably, the meaning
of liixyanu, the root of which, notwithstanding the speUing of the
word, is probably kdnii (for kawdnii), "to fix." The star ^^][>->]P ^ J[-,
which is generally read ^Vrrz^t, is explained (Cuneiform Tnscriptiotis,
Vol. V, PI. 46, 1. \\al>) as "the light which is before En-me-
sara," or "the god Nusku," an equivalence which needs further
explanation.
But " further explanation," notwithstanding the constant additions
to our knowledge, is what many a passage in Assyro-Babylonian
literature requires. The inscription here dealt with is one among
many upon which more light would be most welcome, as I have
already said — but when, if ever, will a duplicate copy be found ?
As practically stated in the fragment of the Creation-Story
announcing Merodach's intention to create mankind, human beings
were created in order that the gods might have creatures to worship
them upon earth, and the delight with which, in the Flood-Legend,
the gods gathered around the patriarch, after coming out of
the ark, to enjoy the resumed sacrifices, is a confirmation of this.
The text so imperfectly treated of, in this paper, and many
another from Babylonia and Assyria, shows that the Babylonians
did not neglect what they considered to be their divine duty in that
respect.
79
Mar. II]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV.
[1908.
I.
2.
3-
4-
.5-
6.
7-
8.
9-
10.
1 1.
I 2.
13-
14.
15-
16.
17-
18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
23-
Column A.
4 :ffl irlE! :^F- J^S -^I ^I
T+MK s^r j^ <y -^y ^ ^^ ^ -:y^y ^yy ^
t^ r& :§T "5^ ><>< "Er ^r^i -:iT ^i -t^ ^ 4 ^
^ t^-^ < <:::^T^y ^y v-
>^Sr-
t^ >^ ^ ^y ^y
.^y ^yy a
4Jff ^^y ^y «f
-y -^ -Hh <j^yy
y -n y- 4 4f^ >^ -5^ y? ^-^ -
-+ c:^7 ^n 'Ey ^.. 'ty<y ;^ -^^
< ^] ^ m- -m ^^ ^y ^4 yif
4 y :??w< ^ ^y^y ^-^ <?- <^- ^y -^
-5 y- 4 -+ ^ 4 - ^ y- :?? ^y
Ijl/ j -^yf? y? JL^ 'Ey<y :^ ^y :^? ^y^^y ^ ^yy
^y^y ^y ^ 1^- ^y y? ^ Ji.<^ t^
^'y^< y- ^ ^y "7^ « "-" ^Bf >^ -m Vr
H
-4- <-yy
y -n y- 4
^H 4f^
^ y? :gy
^- -^f ^y
^-^^ -mvy x^ ^
:iy
^y
-+ V- "^yy? Ey .4 ^ -^y iJiy ^y^y
?$?^?^^5^»iic5^?^»i^^ii y^ 4 ^^y
(Remainder broken away.)
80
Mar. II]
THE LEGEND OF MERODACH.
[1908.
Column B.
Column C.
I
2
4
5
6
7
8
9
10
1 1
12
13
M
15
16
17
18
19
20
21
22
2 7,
r ^r m- ^y|
^^.:<^Mm
<
>— « v>-* J '2''"-', ■'''!?)•
< >- ->f ^i mmm
Ty T^ ^T ^YppU
«v
44f
M-Y
' If S
< ->f c
j^yy ^^y
y ^- ¥
<
Mar. ii]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.tOLOGV.
[1908.
Column D.
m^^mm
Y YY ,
I YY '
< -+ J^ "ET 'll< Vy Vy y- ^ii t^
^iTT m ^m ^h- -m ->f <:::^t
^ t^^^i >-^r %] <xi -ET ^ :h!
- ^r m ^I v^ -^- H ^ 4 tr
y Vy -< ^iTT 'in ^^m r :^]^ ^
E^ V ^ >f JL '^iff r ^T <:s <K
5- -Hf- I^
^T^T -
El [Hi
^
^n
^
^li'^ri
6- I :ffT
<K <^
J^T
^
^r
>-i^=-'
7. -in
* ^I
^^J
>-<
m
^r j^ -5:1 ^
Transcription.
Column A.
1. Ud-dan-nin mar-kas-si-su
2. i-rid-di ki-suk-kis
3. itba (?)-am-ma ik-rib ana ki-suk-ku
4. ip-ti bab ki-suk-ku i-na-as res-su-nu
5. i-mur-su-nu-ti-ma ka-la-su-nu i-hi-di
6. i-mu-ru-su-ma ilani sab-tu-tu
7. gim-mil-lis ka-la-su-nu
8. im-ta-su-u subat-su-nu
82
Mar. II] THE LEGEND OF MERODACH. [1908.
9. is-bat Nerigal i-rag-gu-u eli-su-nu
10. ana En-me-sara zi-mu-u a-mat izakkar (-ar)
11. ''"Maruduk uin-ma iq-ta-bi zir (?)-ku (?)
12. Bel Kayanu mare-ku sibitti su-na-a-wa
13. ud-dis dan-nis i-sak-kan si-lim-su-nu^
14. En-me-sara an-ni-ta ina se-me-e-su
15. '-u-a iq-ta-bi is-kal ka-bat-su
16. pa-su i-pu-su a-mat iq-bi
17. dan-nu u sip-ti-su-nu nis-mat (?) ad-mu-u-a
1 8. ''" Nerigal pa-a-su i-pu-sam-ma
ig. ana En-me-sara zi-mu-u a-mat izakkar (-ar)
20. ultu ri - e - su
21. ultu re - si - im (?) - ma
22. an-nu-u ib-na pa-la-tu-ka
23 En-me-sara Kayanu
Column B.
I- ul(?)
'J ilu
3- u
4- il-
5. ar-ku(?)
6. u '1"
7. ud-dis ^
8. is-si
9. is-si
10. a-gu-ug
11. ''"Maruduk
12. ana En-m[e-sara a-mat izakkar (-ar)]
13. ki a tu(?)
14. Kayanu''"
15- at-ta (?)
16. u mare
17. is-si
18. Kayanu mare
19. tam-sil-su
" Or Si-liin-kii-nii.
^ The two wedges following ud-dis may be part of dan — compare col. A,
line 13.
83
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHy^.OLOGV. [1908.
20. ana abe-su
21. kal-la zi (?)
22. tam-5il-su '■'
Column C.
1. hi turn mas
2. ku gar pal (?)
3. hi turn mas
4. kal-la lib
5. u su-u
6. Ta-nit-tum
7. '''"Maruduk
8. u ina same at
9. bel same-e
10. a-sib bit e
11. sa-an-tak
12. si-it bi
13. atia-ku hi-tum
14. A-di an-na
15. Gamris samantu im . . . .
16. E - nu - ma
17. u ''"Maruduk
18. is - tu ina
19. ana bu-sa-a
20. u su - u
21. ana u-mu arki (?)
22. '?"hattu u '?"
Column D.
1. ilani ka-la-su-nu ilani sa . . .
2. Bar-sip (ki) KutCi (ki) Kis (ki)
3. u ilani ma-ha-za-a-nu gab-bi
4. ana sa-bat qate Kayani B^li rabu-u ''"Maruduk
5. ana Babili il-la-ku-nim-ma itti-su
6. ana it-ki-tum du-u sarri
7. ina ma-har-su-nu sir-qa i-sar-raq
" The small character { on the left-hand margin mav be the numeral " 10.
84
Mar. II] THE LEGEND OF MERODACH. [1908.
8. As-su umi ina namari-ma ''"A-num u ''"Ellila
9. ultu Uruk (ki) u Nippur (ki) ana Babili (ki)
10. ana sa-bat qate Kayani Beli ana Babili (ki)
1 1 . il-la-ku-nim-ma itti - su
12. i-sad-di-hu-u ana bit niqe
i^. ki-mu-su-nu ilani rabuti s;ab-bi
14. ana Babili il-la-ku-u-ni.
15. ilani ka-la-su-nu Kayanu itti Bel (?)
16. ana bit niqe illakuni kima sarri
17. Kayanu nur-su AT BAT HAR
18. Kakkab mesre ''"Maruduk
19. ''"Ni-rig ""Na-bi-um
20. P'"]Samas ''"A-num Bel u Nabu
21 -ti . . . mal-ma-lis
The characters in outline in Col. A, lines 3, 10, 14, 17, 19, and
21, seem to have been defective in the scribe's original, and he has
simply reproduced what he saw. The restitution of the defective
characters in lines 10, 14, and 19 may be regarded as certain, but
the others are doubtful, as are also the last two characters in line 11.
Influenced by the name >->f- ^Jj^ ]>- ^ t^]], ''^'' En-me-sar-ra
{Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, Vol. Ill, PL 63, line 30 r;
IV, PI. 1, 1. 23 ; V. PI. 46, lines 14^ and 2i(^), I have read >-I]^y- ^
(Col. A, lines 10, 14, 19, 23) as En-me-sara, but the correctness of
this may be doubted. ^ has also the value of dug{a), so that the
real reading may be En-me-dug, probably the EvecwKO's of Berosus
(Abydenus in Syncellus, 38), one of four " double-shaped personages "
who came out of the sea. Eusebius's Armefiian Chi-onide has lotagi/s.
The paragraph pointing to the identity of ^\^ y>- ^ with Kayanu
(p. 79) may, therefore, need modification.
In Col. D, line 15, I have regarded the last character as mis-
written for *i^y^|^. The Sumerian pronunciation of the first four
characters in line 18 would be '""^du-si-sa.
After copying this inscription, I revised it carefully, but, when I
came to study it more closely, found that there were several points
which an inspection of the original might have elucidated. Time for
this, however, has altogether failed me, and I have decided to give
it as it is rather than further delay the publication. I hope to return
to the subject when less occupied.
85
Mar. II]
SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV.
[1908.
THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS.
Bv F. Legge.
THE PROTOCOL OF EGYPT.
The form of the protocol, or full royal style of the Kings of Egypt,
is settled for us by the rescript of Thothmes I, discovered by Emu,
Brugsch Bey on a limestone stele in the Gizeh Museum, and
published by Dr. Erman seventeen years ago.^ It may be read
thus : —
" [Letter from the] king to let you know that my Majesty (Life,
" health, strength !) has been crowned King of the South
" and North on the throne of the living Horus, peerless
'• and eternal. My protocol ( 1 nekhebit) has been
" decreed to be this " : —
5?5»
\
\l
0
p
^'iJ^Ll
mm
o
[(MPiif;
^
" The Horns, Mighty Bull, beloved of ALaat.
" Lord of Diadems, Who rises like a flame, the great twice
" strong one.
" Horus of Gold, Beautiful of years. Who makes hearts to live.
" King of the South atid North, Fair incarnation of the double
" Ra {Aa-kheper-ka-ra).
" Soti of Ra, Thothmes, living for ever."
' Agyptische Zeitschrijl, Bd. XXIX (1891), pp. 116-119. Cf. MORKT, Royaiiti
Pliaraonique, pp. 84 and 85.
86
Mar. ii]
THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS.
[1908.
And he goes on to say that the recipient, the officer in charge at
Elephantine, is to make offerings to the gods of the South and of
Elephantine, and to swear fealty to him in the name of Nefer-
kheper-ka-ra.
Let us take another instance of the protocol, that of Ptolemy V
Epiphanes, the first of the Greek kings of Egypt to thoroughly adopt
Egyptian customs, which is to be found on the Rosetta stone in
Demotic and Greek, and in hieroglyphs on the Stele of Damanhur- : —
Q
1]^
. X .
mm
I cUlTD
m
I 3X Ci
^
1 1
Mfn%.^\^wim^
C:i iCi ^^^ \ '^ \ X7 \7 AAAftAA ^^ /\ I IIL All I 1 A
f —
3"!
Ilpf
3
" Horus-Ra, The youth who has risen as a king on the throne
" of his father.
" Lord of Diadems, Great twice-strong one, making firm the
" two lands, beautifier of Egypt, beneficent of heart towards
" the gods.
" Horus of Gold, Giver of life to men, lord of the Sed-festivals
" like Ptah, prince like Ra.
" King of the South and North, Heir of the father-loving gods,
" chosen of Ptah, strength of the double of Ra, living
" power of Amen.
" Son of Ra, Ptolemy, living for ever, beloved of Ptah."
It will be noticed that this protocol is modelled on the same
lines as that of Thothmes I, the commencement (or italicized part)
of each line being evidently a separate title and intended to be
constant, while the remainder is a name varying with the occupant
- Bodge, The Decrees of Memphis and Canopiis, Vol. I, pp. 184-186 ; Vol. II,
pp. 57, 124-125.
87
Mar. II]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
[1908.
of the throne.-' The titles in the two cases exactly correspond, —
with the exception of the first, which, in Thothmes I's case, is
simply Horus, and in Ptolemy V's, Horus-Ra. If, for Thothmes'
protocol, we substitute that of Tutankhamen, which M, Legrain
has just discovered at Karnak, even this discrepancy vanishes. "^ The
protocol of Tutankhamen, the last king but two of the XVIIIth
Dynasty, runs thus : —
'^
"^
■rfiiP^#,
?^ip
s
1 1 1
im
\> V
i
" Horus-Ra^ Mighty Bull, living image of those who are born.
" Lord of Diadems, Good of laws, who makes the two lands
" content.
" Horns of Gold, renewer of risings, who pleases the gods.
" King of the South and North, Lord of the incarnations of Ra
" {IVeb-kheperu-ra).
" Son of Ra, Tutankhamen, Prince of Heliopolis Royal." ^
■' It should be noticed, however, that these names have a strong family like-
ness. Thus, the name following the title Lord of Diadems in both cases contains
the expression o-=- "Q '2 oi^ ^^ l\ ^Z.1 '^'^ o' "'' p<^fiti, "twice-strong one"
or " great warrior," that following the title Horns of Gold an allusion to the
calendar, and that following the title Son of Ra the expression ^ q^ aiikh zetta,
" ever living." We know from the inscriptions of Queen Hatasu at Deir el-Bahari
(Naville, Deir el-Bahari, III, PI. LXII) that these "great names" were given
to the king on his coronation by a council of nobles and great officers of the
kingdom, and that " the God put it into their hearts to make these names like
those which he had made beforehand." As we shall see later, the names of each
dynasty generally resemble one another {cf. Moret, Royaiite Phai-aoiiique, p. 83).
* Recueil de Travaux, 1907, p. 169.
'•' I have given this last name as it is given by M. Legrain (loc. cit.) and by
Mr. Hilton Price in P.S.B.J., X, p. 130. But the final \ sutcn is probably
a mistake for X res, the whole title hiq an resti being " Prince of Annu of the
South," or Hermonthis. Cf. BUOGE, History of Egypt, Vol. IV, p. 143.
Mar. II] THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS. [1908.
Here we see the emblem of Ra added to the Horus on the srekh,
no doubt in further pursuance of the tendency to identify all the gods
with the Sun, which had already brought about a like conjunction in
the names Amen-ra, Aten-ra, and the like.^ The Horus-name begins
with " Mighty Bull," as do those of the king's predecessors in the
dynasty, and the King of the South and North title contains, in
both cases, an allusion to the incarnation of Ra. As Ptolemy
Epiphanes' date is 197 B.C., and Tutankhamen's may be put at
1400 B.C., it will be seen that the protocol remained unchanged for
a period of twelve centuries.
THE EVOLUTION OF THE TROTOCOL.
But although the protocol thus became stereotyped, like so many
other things in Egypt, after the fall of the glorious XVIIIth Dynasty,
before the Hyksos invasion it was subjected to the universal law
of evolution. In modern Europe we find royal titles constantly
changing from conquests and other causes. The protocol of our
own sovereigns, for instance, is an epitome of our history ; the titles of
" King of France " and " Elector of Hanover," which at one time
formed part of it, having been taken into and afterwards cast out of it,
owing to dynastic changes. So, too, the title, "Defender of the Faith,"
still retained in it, marks the relations of Henry VIII with the Papacy,
while that of " Emperor of India " bears witness to the assumption
by the Crown of the East India Company's territory after the Mutiny
of 1857, although the title was formally added only in 1876. It is
therefore natural that we should look at the Egyptian protocol for
evidence of changes brought about by conquest, or, at any rate,
extension of rule, and we find that this is actually to be found there
if we go back far enough. But these changes take place entirely
under the Thinite or first three dynasties, when, as we may suppose,
the empire was in the making. Before coming to them it may be
as well to see what other changes took place in the protocol, and,
if possible, what brought them about.
* The emblem of Ra ?Q also appears above the srekh of Queen Hatasu at
Deir el-Bahari and that of Khuenaten at El-Amarna. But in neither place does
it occur invariably, and it may therefore be the addition of a later hand.
89
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [190S.
Now, going backwards to the time of Usertesen II, tlie protocol
is what it was in the reign of Thothmes I. Usertesen's protocol
reads' : —
P-^^
fls
km
p
f^n
i\ij7 ( ^^
" The Horus, Guide of the Two Lands.
" Lord of Diadems, Who makes Truth to rise (?)
" Horns of Gold, Repose of the gods.
" King of the South and Norths Rising of the incarnation of Ra
" {Kha-kheper-rd).
" Son of Ra, Usertesen."
But with Usertesen's immediate predecessor, Amenemhat II, we
find a difference. Amenemhat's protocol is^ : —
}
rssf^
Mfe^^u"!
%\\
r""^
_£>
]
' Newberry, Beui Hasan, i, PI. XXVI and p. 63. A slightly different one
is'given in Brugsch and Bouriant's IJvrc des RoiS.
8 Newberry, B.H. i, PI. XXV and p. 58.
90
Mar. II] THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS. [1908.
" The Horns, Praised in (?) Truth.
" Lord of Diadems, Praised in Truth.
" Horits of Gold, Triumphant.
" King of the South afid North, Gold of the doubles of Ra
" {Nub-kaii-ra).
" SoTi of Ra, Amenemhat."
There is no great likeness between the Horus-names of Amenem-
hat and Usertesen, the last half of the Xllth Dynasty being very
unconventional in this respect, although the King of the North and
South titles all show a certain analogy. But the j^^ nebti, or Lord
of Diadems title, of Amenemhat merely repeats the name in the srekh,
and no special name follows it. This is the rule from this reign back
to the very earliest occurrence of the title,^ and both Dr. Sethe and
Dr. Naville draw from it the inference that the Horus and nebti names
were, in these early times, the same. I should prefer to see in it proof
that the nebti was, at this period, a mere epithet like ] T neter nefer,
" Fair God," or - ... ■ neb taui, " Lord of the two lands," both of
which were later used sporadically after the royal protocol, but
without forming part of it or acquiring a special name to follow
them.
The next change that we see in the protocol is in the time of the
Vth Dynasty, the first king of which was User-kaf, who, according
to the Westcar Papyrus, i*^ was High Priest of Ra in Heliopolis. It
seems extremely probable that if we had the full protocols of all the
kings of this dynasty, we should find that they all bore the Son of
Ra title, with a distinctive name, in a cartouche ; but we can only
prove this with regard to Kakai, the third king, Ases-ka-ra or
Shepses-ka-ra the fourth, A-kau-hor the fifth, and Assa the eighth
of these kings. I will therefore give here the protocol of Ne-user-ra
(or, as we should call him in accordance with the later practice, An^
one of the four kings remaining, who comes sixth in the dynasty.
It runs thus 11 : —
" Sethe, A.Z., XXX, 1892, p. 53, n. 4. This has' since been accepted by
Dr. Naville and other writers (see P.S.B.A., 1904, p. 132). Dr. Schafer,,
A.Z., XLI (1904), pp. 87 and 88, tries to show that Unas and Khafra forin
exceptions to this rule, but to my mind without success.
'" Cf. Budge, History of Egypt, II, p. 67.
" Brugsch and Bouriant, Livre des Rois, p. 7.
91 H
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
[1908.
jlS--
i
O
pSiiiS^
o
ll^J
" The Horus, Seat of the Heart of the Two Lands.
" Lord of Diadems, Seat of the Heart.
" Horus of Gold, Divine.
" Kmg of the South and North, Strength of Ra {Ne-user-rd).
" Son of Ra, An."
This is the earliest protocol that we have that contains all the
five royal titles, and it is fairly certain that the "Son of Ra" title
was not used before the Vth Dynasty,^- a fact which is sufficiently
explained by its founder, Userkaf, being the high priest of Ra-
Avorship.
We have now got back to the IVth Dynasty, in which it is to be
noticed that while Khafra, its third king, has as his Horus of Gold
title the name () sekheni, "power," his predecessor, Khufu, bears the
title j^ without any distinguishing addition.^' As this is the case
with all the Horus of Gold titles belonging to Khufu's predecessors
that have yet been found, and the name which follows it consists
both here and in the other protocols of this dynasty of a single sign,
we may conclude that Khafra was the first to attach a special name
to this title, and that before his time the ]^ was merely an epithet.
^- Nefer-ka-ra, the predecessor of Sneferu in the Abydos list, is replaced in the
Saqqara Tablet by | ^ r^"^^, in the Papyrus Prisse spelt |j^ ^^"^ q,. /fj,fii^
whence it has been thought that this name is the Son of Ra name of Nefer-ka-ra.
This does not seem to follow, for the Saqqara Tablet gives but few Son of Ra
names, and the Prisse Papyrus is not good evidence on the point, being certainly
later than the IVth Dynasty.
'3 Brugsch and Bouriant, hr. cit., p. 5.
92
Mar. ii] THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS. [1908.
as I have suggested was the case with the nehti or _]^^. The
complete and primitive form ot the protocol under this dynasty is
well shown in the case of its founder Sneferu, which is evidently the
model of that of his successor Khufu.
r>^
MCll^U
•" The Horns, Lord of Truth.
■" Lord of Diadems, Lord of Truth.
" Hones of Gold.
'■'■ King of the South a?id North, Who makes beauties {Sneferu).'"
This is the first instance of the employment of the cartouche
surrounding the 41^ " ^i"§ of the South and North " name, and it
may therefore be as well to give here an undoubted cartouche of
Sneferu, carved by his orders on the rock at Wadi Maghara ^■^ : —
HZISSES
It will be seen that here all Sneferu's names and titles are
crammed together into one cartouche, which would therefore read — ■
if its contents be taken as a connected sentence — " King of the South
and North, Lord of Diadems, Neb-maat, Horus of Gold, Sneferu."
A separate cartouche containing the name Sneferu, and a srekh with
the name Neb-maat surmounted by the Horus-hawk wearing the
crowns of Upper and Lower Egypt appear on the same monument ;
but the arrangement within the cartouche given above should be
borne in mind in considering the titles of the Thinite Dynasties.
" Lepsius, Denhndlcr, II, PI. 2. Cj. Budge, History of Egypt, II, p. 22,
where the whole monument is reproduced : also Weill, Rec. des Inscr., p. 103.
93 H 2
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGY. [1908.
We see then from what has gone before, that : —
At the beginning of the IVth Dynasty the protocol included four
titles only, viz. : the Horns (or hawk), consisting of a name special
to the particular king, borne in a srekh or rectangle and surmounted
by a hawk ; the Lord of Diadems, or nebti, a simple epithet without
a distinguishing name to follow ; the Horns of Gold, of which the
same thing may be said ; and the King of the South and North, or
suten bat, consisting of the I^otus and Hornet followed by the name
peculiar to the king bearing it, which was always different to that
borne in his srekh.
Sneferu was the first king to use a cartouche.
Khafra was the first king to add any special name to his Horus
of Gold tide.
An, i.e., Ne-user-ra, was the first king who can be shown to have
used the ^^ Son of Ra title and the complete protocol of later
times, although it is almost certain that this practice came in with
Userkaf, first king of the Vth Dynasty.
Usertesen II was the first king to add a special name to the nebti
title in his protocol.
Tutankhamen was the first kmg to use regularly the title *^,
" Horus-Ra" instead of the single v\ "Horus " on the top of his
srekh.
After this the protocol remained stereotyped, and it was used in
the form in w'hich Tutankhamen left it.
(71? be continued.)
94
Mar. II] THE ANCIENT YEAR AND THE SOTHIC CYCLE. [1908.
THE ANCIENT YEAR AND THE SOTHIC CYCLE.
By the Rev. F. A. Jones.
In the belief that it may throw some light upon Chronology as
recorded in the Ancient Monuments, it is proposed, in this paper,
to examine the time-measurements of the Ancient World, and
especially of Egypt, from the standpoint of the possibilities open to
observers without modern appliances.
Ptolemy, Hipparchus, and others, long before the present era,
had made observations without either telescope or chronometer, as
far as we know, and yet the record of their results is considered
sufficiently accurate to quote side by side with modern figures.
But Hipparchus is acknowledged to have learned much from those
before him, as his predecessor, Pythagoras, who anticipated the
Copernican system, is said to have obtained his knowledge from
Egypt. The measure of the length of the solar year, which comes to
us from at least 2000 B.C., is more accurate than that of Hipparchus :
and M. Baily attributed the Indian tables, which contain some
marvellous approximations, to 3101 B.C.
The most obvious unit of time is the day. Although no two
days are, perhaps, precisely alike in length, the mean of a few years
is so constant that it could not lead astray those who relied upon it ;
and noon, at all events, was an easily recognised point from which
to measure by means of the shadow, and capable of being readily
compared with sunrise.
Next in simplicity is the lunation, arresting the attention of the
most careless observer by the changes in the moon's form, and
recurring with sufficient frequency to constitute it the second great
measure of time. In nearly every language the word for month
seems to make reference to the moon ; while in most lands, both in
ancient and modern eras, the new moon has been a starting point
in the reckoning of time.
95
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF lUBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
Even now the great Mahommedan world retains the year of twelve
lunations, and it seems most probable, if not absolutely certain, that
this lunar year of 354 days, which survives to-day, is the oldest
reckoning of all.
The lunar year, however, unless modified by occasional inter-
calation, involves the ignoring of the year as indicated by the
return of the seasons, Spring, Summer, Autumn, and Winter : divisions
so perfectly obvious that they share with the day and the lunation
the position of natural measures of time for the observation and
record of which no astronomical knowledge is needed.
It is the necessity of a calendar of some sort that gives the
student of the heavens his opportunity. These natural divisions of
time have to be correlated in some fashion before they can be com-
bined ; and, had they been intentionally arranged not to agree, they
could hardly have been more incommensurable.
The first departure from the year of 354 days — if one allows the
Indian astronomy to be ancient — is 355 days, in which time the moon
nearly completes thirteen revolutions among the stars. The existence
of this record points to observation by careful observers. It intro-
duces a new feature : the use of the sidereal heavens as a background
on which to measure the movements of the moon. The sun's
apparent movement was far more difificult to observe, no stars being
visible throughout its course ; and yet their existence was recognised
and the sun's course traced through the zodiac. Mr. E. W. Maunder,
of Greenwich Observatory, in his Astronomy ivithozit a Telescope, gives
convincing evidence of the origin of the zodiac in the era about
3000 B.C., which was the only period within 25,000 years when the
blank space represented by the South Polar stars — invisible to an
observer in the northern hemisphere — could have been just where it
was then depicted.
This 355 day lunar year is b}- no means common. It was so
near to the more obvious year of 12 lunations as to make it a mere
refinement ; but it indicates a different character of observation. As
far as lunar observations are concerned, the eclipses would call
attention to some of the more obscure phenomena of the moon's
movements, and the lunar Saros of 18 years and about 10 days
completing a cycle of remarkable accuracy in 649 years comes down
to us from very early times indeed.
There would be no need to have special appliances for the obser-
vation of the eclipses, but to know that 223 lunations take place in
96
Mar. II] THE ANCIENT YEAR AND THE SOTHIC CYCLE. [1908.
18 years and 10 days, or ;^6 times 223 in 649 years and i month,
implies a determination of the true length of the year more accurate
than most are willing to concede to those early ages.
If Josephus is right {Anf. I, 39) the accurate knowledge of the
length of the tropical year possessed by men in early times (he says
before the Flood) is proved by their use of the Great Year of 600
years. In 600 tropical years and one day there are 7,421 lunations.
In that period the New Moon and the Spring Equinox correspond
within an hour.
It must not be forgotten, however, that merely counting the luna-
tions and days side by side for so long a period, and comparing them
with the changes connected with the seasons, would of itself yield all
the data necessary for the determination of the length of the year with
considerable accuracy. Still, a rough idea of the solar year must have
been formed without waiting so long as that. There are simple means
of observation available to anyone really set on using them. The
equinox seems to have been noted at least as early as Sargon's
astrological work, "The sixth day of Nisan the day and the night
were balanced, there were six Kapsu of day and six Kapsu of night,"
W.A.I. Ill, 51, I. And when we remember that the equinox is
marked not only by the equality of day and night but by the mean
length of the shadow and, most simple of all, by the rising of the sun
due east, and that the Great Pyramid is oriented with almost absolute
accuracy by the stars, we need not deny such a degree of learning
even to very early observers.
Granted a means of knowing the day on which the equinoxes and
solstices occurred, we cannot attribute to the ancients ignorance of
the fact that there were between 365 and 366 days in a solar year.
One of the most ancient of the Chinese records places these words
in the mouth of Yao, the Chinese Noah : "The Ti said, 'Ah ! you,
Hsis and Hos, a round year consists of three hundred sixty and six
days. Do you by means of the intercalary month fix the four seasons
and complete the period of the year,' " — Shu-King, Vol. Ill, Sacred
Books of the East., p. 34.
They could not, however, have observed the stars very long with-
out discovering that there was a want of agreement between the
length of the year, as determined by the return of the equinox, and
that indicated by a star occupying the same position again after its
apparent annual revolution. Owing, however, to this annual revolu-
tion being complicated with the diurnal motion, it would be extremely
97
Mak. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCILliOLOGV. [190S.
difficult for an early observer to determine with accuracy the true
length of the sidereal year in the absence of some artificial time-
keeper.
There comes down to us from the very earliest ages the record
of a 360-day year of 12 equal months. It remained the basis of the
calendar in Chaldean astronomy to very late times, with differing
methods of intercalation. It was modified in Egypt by the insertion
of five days at the end of the last month of the year, making the
so-called vague year of 365 days. According to Syncellus, quoting
from Manetho (p. 123, CD., Paris ed.. Catalogue of the Egyptian
Kings), this was done by Asseth who he says was the father of
Tethmosis. The quotation is as follows : " He added the five addi-
tional days of the year, and in his time as they say, the Egyptian year
was appointed to consist of 365 days, when it before this w^as com-
posed of 360." Several difficulties are raised by referring the change
to so late a date, but Mr. F. G. Fleay in his Egyptiaii Chronolog)\
who reckons Asseth as about 1629 B.C. (p. 108), maintains that the
earlier Sed festivals before 2000 B.C. were at intervals of 30 years, and
were calculated on the year of 360 days, while in those after the
Sothic Cycle was established, which would only reckon by multiples
of four, the interval was 28 years (pp. 1 01-105).
There is no lack of evidence for this 360-day reckoning, but the
explanation usually given of it, as a mere approximation through
ignorance, is far from satisfactory.
Idelier has asserted : " I do not hesitate ... to declare that the
existence of such a time-cycle, used without reference to the course
of the sun and moon, for the sake of simple figures, is extremely
doubtful to me." We need not wonder at this repudiation. Why
should the ancients supersede the lunar year of 354 or 355 days,
based on actual observation, by one of 360 days, which would
correspond accurately with no phenomenon and more or less clash
with all ? And yet they did.
Ancient China is said to have divided the circle into 365^ degrees,
but all the rest of the world adopted 360 degrees for its division.
May it not have been the use of the circle to express a complete
revolution and the necessity of dividing it into a convenient number
of parts, which gave rise first to a 360-degree year, and hence for
astronomical purposes to a 360-day year ?
When we examine the period of 360 days more closel)- in the
light of exact modern knowledge, we find relations between its
98
Mar. ii] THE ANCIENT YEAR AND THE SOTHIC CYCLE. [1908.
sidereal time and solar time which are so remarkable that it is
difficult to suppose that they could have been understood then. For
instance, the stars rise 3 minutes 56 seconds earlier every day, com-
pleting a gain over the sun of one sidereal day in a sidereal year. After
360 mean solar days the gain is just 20 minutes 40 seconds short of
the whole. This closely corresponds with the difference between the
tropical year and the sidereal year which, according to Stockwell,
averages 20 minutes 28 seconds. 360 mean solar days in this way
represent the tropical year with remarkable accuracy. There is also
a relationship to the anomalistic year, when the earth returns to the
perihelion, which is not so simple.
The period of 360 days is, however, the representative of a more
simple relationship into which we may easily enter. The Egyptians,
it is well known, had a vague year of 365 days, which they used
side by side either with the natural year or with the Sirius year of
about 365;! days, of which we shall have more to say presently,
but I suggest that the 360-day year was also a vague year used for
a similar purpose. The day is without question the simplest
natural unit. It was not difficult to determine the actual day on
which any sidereal year ended, but impossible to reckon more
closely in the absence of an exact method of artificially dividing
time in the night. Besides this the year did not end at the same
hour at which it began, but somewhere about six hours later. If,
however, the days were counted and grouped into batches of 360,
then at the end of 365 such batches or years, the position of the
stars would mark off the following year in terms of days. The
sidereal year would be found to end on the 92nd day of the
366th year, and this would give the length of the sidereal year
to three places of decimals. We then only have to suppose that
the reckoning commenced with the equinox, which is the most
probable time for commencing, and the fact that in this same
366th year the equinox fell on the 87th day would immediately give
the difference of five days between the mean solar year and the sidereal
year. How really accurate this method is may be seen by the fact
that these five days being the y\y of the whole, it yields 25,920 years
for the complete circle of precession which modern science reckons
at 25,868 years and does not claim certainty at that. It need
hardly be pointed out that 3655 of these 360-day periods are
exactly the same as 360 years of 365^ days each, so that by this
simple method the length of the sidereal year and solar year and
99
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
the difference between them due to precession would be exhibited
very closely.
It also accounts for the ancient method of recording the days
in order to afford means of ascertaining years, and adds to the
already abounding testimony that the extended periods of Berossus
120 Sari = 432,000 are really days, and mean 1,200 years of 360
days, or 1182^ mean solar years. This is even more apparent in
his next figure, 33,091, in which the final figures supply the key and
suggest that 33,000 days are 91 years of 360 days. The Babylonian
Chronology of Berossus, thus dealt with, shows the 3,200 years of
the Nabonidus inscription to be 1,700 ordinary years + 1,500 days,
as included in the 33,091, and the date of Naram Sin, consequently,
somewhere about 2250 B.C.
The accompanj'ing table (Plate I) of the Berossus chronology
will show this. The relation of this explanation to the excavations
at Nippur was dealt with by me in these Proceedings, Vol. XXVIII,
1906, pp. 264 ff. This seems to require a reduction of about
1,500 years in the date usually attributed to Naram Sin.
Plate II gives the comparative lengths of the calendar and
natural years already referred to.
The Egyptian Year.
While the Chaldeans kept the calendar true to nature by inter-
calating months into a 360-day year — just as the Hebrews intercalated
months into the 354-day lunar year — the Egyptians, as we ha\e seen,
made an important departure by adding regularly five days to the
360-day year. That this, however, was done in the full knowledge
that it did not accurately represent the natural facts is evident from
the year so formed being always known as a vague year, and used
side by side with an observation of the heliacal rising of Sirius.
Prof. E. Naville, in a lecture given in the College de France,
1905, maintains that the Sed festivals were regulated by a natural
year, and Prof. E. Mahler, S.B.A., Vol. XXVII, Pt. 6, pp. 255-9,
says : "Among the Egyptians there was, besides the usual year forms
(Sothis year and vague year) also a so-called natural year . . . The
months of the respective year forms bore the same names : the first
month of every year form was called Thoth." While these quotations
confirm the suggestion just made as to the real purpose of both
100
J^lAR. II] THE ANCIENT YEAR AND THE SOTHIC CYCLE. [1908.
vague year and Sirius year being astronomical methods for regulating
the calendar year, they further suggest how difficult it is to determine
now what year is referred to in such inscriptions as give dates at all.
If all three forms of year ran concurrently and entered into the
popular calendar, there would necessarily be great confusion, for
though, as we shall see, the vague year and the Sirius year were
correlated as to sidereal time, and coincided in about 1460 years, the
vague year and the natural year would not coincide till about 1507
years had elapsed. This would be clear to the astronomer, but
very perplexing in an almanack for civil purposes. Most of the
inscriptions, however, refer to the religious feasts and were probably
dictated by priests, the astronomers of the time.
Some other considerations vital to the enquiry follow upon an
investigation of the nature of the Sothic or Sirius year, and the
misunderstandings which are embodied in much extant literature on
the subject make this investigation desirable.
If the vague year of 36.5 days is thoug-ht of as running side by
side with the Julian year of 365;! days exactly, the ist of Thoth of
the vague year will fall one day earlier every four years till it agrees
again after 1,461 vague years. As this is a backward motion, it may
also be thought of as the ist of Thoth of the Julian year advancing
through the vague year in 1460 Julian years. Thus far is common
knowledge, but, unfortunately, the Julian year (365 "2 5 days) is often
mistaken for the true Sirius year, and the Sirius year is sometimes
taken to be the same as the true tropical year of 365 "242 242" days.
The Julian year is merely a round figure, nearer to the true
length of the year than 365 days, but still more than 10 minutes
too long for agreement with the mean solar or tropical year. It did
not become a calendar year till B.C. 45, and in that capacity was
unknown to the ancient Egyptians, though it was anticipated by the
decree of Tanis, B.C. 238. It has now been superseded by our
Gregorian calendar year, adopted in Europe a.d. 1582, which is,
however, still slightly in excess of tropical time, being 365 2425, or
one day too much in 3,600 years.
The Egyptians, however, did know and observe the year, as it was
indicated by the first observation of the rising of the Dog Star, Sirius,
at or just before sunrise. The length of this year depends upon the
difference between the precession, as it affects the star on the one
hand and the sun rising on the other, and involves some very curious
complications.
lOI
Mar. II] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [190S.
The following table, published recently by Professor E. Mahler,^
shows that from B.C. 4000 to B.C. 1000 this yielded a year so close
to the Julian year, that it would not make one day difference in the
complete cycle of 1,460 years on the vague year; but the table for
the whole precessional cycle of 25,920 years, accompanying this
Paper, shows how very irregular it was at other times (Plate III).
]
Length of
Difference
FROM
SiRius Year.
Julian
Year.
B.C.
Days.
Day.
Minutes.
4000
365-2498677 =
= -
0-0001323
=
- 0-19
3000
365-2500471 =
- +
0-000047 1
=
+ 0-07
2000
365-2502908 =
= +
0-0002908
=
+ 0-42
1000
365-2505990 =
= +
0-0005990
=
+ 0-86
0
365-2509715 -
- +
0-00097 1 5
=
+ 1-40
These problems may be roughly solved on a precessional globe,
in which the position of the pole is altered for each date required;
but I have found the following method to possess many advantages,
and to make it possible to work them out without special appliances.
On any globe that is provided with a horizon circle (whether
celestial or terrestrial), draw a circle parallel to the ecliptic and 40°
south of it. Divide this circle into 72 equal parts, and each division
will then mark the position the Dog Star will occupy in relation to
the equinoctial and solstitial colures at intervals of 360 years. (Of
course, the whole celestial sphere is to be taken as moving with this
star on the surface of the globe. Any other star's apparent position
may be traced in a similar way by a circle parallel to the ecliptic and
passing through the present position of the star.) Take the point on
the circle where the summer solstice intersects it to represent
approximately 1000 a.d., and reckon westward for earlier and east-
ward for later positions. Set the globe with the pole above the
northern horizon 30° for Memphis or 25° 44' for Thebes, and it will
then exhibit the relation between the sun and the star at rising and
setting.
For observation at a single date it is sufficient to find the position
of the star by reckoning in the same way along the ecliptic 72 years
for a degree, and marking the then position of the star 40° south of
the ecliptic on a great circle passing through that point on the ecliptic:
' " Sothis und Monddaten der Alten yligypter." Acles dii XlVth Congrcs
inlernational des Orients. Paris, 1906.
Mar. II] THE ANCIENT YEAR AND THE SOTHIC CYCLE. [1908.
and the south pole of the ecHptic. The latter being always where
what is called on the terrestrial globe the Antarctic Circle cuts the
summer solstitial colure.
To convert right ascension and declination into celestial longitude
and latitude, set the globe with both the pole of the ecliptic and the
position indicated on the horizon. The number of degrees on
the horizon from the ecliptic to that position will be the latitude, and
the degrees on the ecliptic from the vernal equinox will be the
longitude.
This method allows of ready modification for change in obliquity
of the orbit and varying rate of precession.
There is one element of great uncertainty in the calculation of
the hehacal rising of a star. How long before sunrise could the star
be seen? It is sometimes reckoned as one hour, 15° on the equator,
but should always be measured vertically below the horizon.
According to Hincks {Years and Cycles used by the Ancient
Egyptians), Biot calculated the sun's depression at 11° at Memphis.
In the accompanying table 9° is assumed, which seems the very
utmost that could be allowed for trained observers. Sirius is nine
times as bright as the average of first magnitude stars, and the atmos-
phere of Egypt is exceptionally clear.
According to both Ptolemy and Kepler, first magnitude stars
are visible with the sun 12° below the horizon, but J. Schmidt, from
the mean results of observation (A.N. No. 1495), '^^^^ that first
magnitude stars may be seen with the sun actually 0° 40' above the
horizon. The angle of the sun's depression affects very considerably
the date at which the star would be seen to rise with it, and to some
extent alters the length of the Sirius year.
On reference to the accompanying Diagram, Plate /, giving the
length of the Sirius year for the whole cycle of precession, the
following points will be obvious : —
ist. The very limited period for which the cycle of 1,460 years
would hold good. Any system such as that of Manetho, or the Old
Chronicle based on 25 Sothic cycles, is purely artificial.
2nd. That no Sothic cycle dependent upon the heliacal rising of
Sirius at the solstice could be observed at Memphis earlier than
B.C. 2960 or at Thebes before B.C. 2600, but more accurately
B.C. 2600 at Memphis and B.C. 2000 at Thebes, reckoning depression
of the sun at 9°.
3rd. That the difference between the Sirius Year and the tropical
103
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/KOLOGV. [1908.
year indicated by natural phenomena such as the shortest shadow,
the most northern position of the sun at rising, or the inundation
of the Nile, would amount to more than 1 1 days in the course of
one Sothic cycle of 1,460 years.
4th. That the statement of Censorinus that Sirius rose regularly
with the sun on July 21st, and that a cycle commenced a.d. 139,
requires a very abnormal sun depression, 1 5°, and confirms the view
expressed by Sir J. Norman Lockver in the Dawn of Astronomy^
pp. 261 and 280, that the decree of Tanis altered the reckoning,
and that a date near to 600 B.C. is indicated as marking a change,
and also that the cycle really commenced, not 139 a.d., but about
270 B.C., a difference of at least 400 years. He makes the previous
cycle commence 1728 b.c, a date which would agree remarkably
well with the time of Asseth if that monarch was the same described
by Josephus as Assis, the last of the Shepherd Kings.
The Date of the Great Pyramid.
To apply these results to the recorded dates of the monuments
is beyond the purpose of this paper, but the facts of precession must
have an important bearing on these problems, and there is no more
interesting application of them than to the determination of the date
of the Great Pyramid.
It is unfortunate that such extravagant deductions have been
made from its measurements as to cast discredit upon facts so easy
of verification, but there is one thing that all astronomers since
Sir John Herschel are agreed upon, namely, that the inclination of
the so-called entrance passage indicates the observance of Alpha
Draconis as the pole star of the period. When Herschel investi-
gated the problem the common opinion for the date of the Pyramid
agreed with the famous despatch of Napoleon to his troops in Egypt :
" Forty centuries look down upon you." Herschel looked for
confirmation of about 2160 B.C. as the date of the Pyramid and found
what he looked for {Outlines of Astronomy, 8vo., 1859, p. 205).
Pl\zzi Smith gave great attention to this measurement, and adopted
2170 B.C. as the date, and his map of the heavens showing the effect
of precession on the direction of the pole has been copied into
other standard astronomical books. This, however, did not agree
with the later views of Egyptologists, and R. A. Proctor very pro-
perly called attention to the fact that Alpha Draconis twice had
104
Mar. II] THE ANCIENT YEAR AND THE SOTHIC CYCLE. [1908.
occupied the position required by the angle of 26° 18' below the
pole at which this passage is pointed, and these two occasions were
separated by a period of about 1,200 years. He adopted the earlier
of the two and fixed the date of building the Pyramid at 3400 b.c.
{The Great Pyramid, p. 50.)
I subjoin a diagram (Plate IV, fig. i) of the problem as
presented by the actual facts, and accompanied by the data upon
which there is general agreement. The singular fact is that, though
Mr. Proctor recognised the probability of the Pyramid being built
subsequent to the date when Alpha Draconis was at the nearest point
to the pole, f..c. 2790 (for he says, "it was still the pole star"), he
entirely ignores that very conclusive argument by fixing on the era
before, when the pole was gradually approaching the star, but
comparatively distant from it.
Singularly enough, the Pyramid builders appear to have recognised
the uncertainty, and to have left us an indication of a most remark-
able character, that 2170 B.C., and not 3400 B.C., was the true date.
Among all the characteristics of that marvellously accurate con-
struction, there is one anomaly which has never received adequate
explanation. Everything is geometrical except the position of this
entrance passage, and the whole system of passages and chambers
has been placed truly oriented but considerably out of the centre.
Col. Howard Vyse's measurements give it as 24 feet 6 inches from
the centre, and to the east of the centre of the north side. This
eccentricity made not the slightest difference to the portion of
the heavens to be seen through it, but it very obviously indicates
that, at the time the observation was recorded, the pole was to the
west and not to the east of the star observed. When we further
discover that the amount of the eccentricity makes exactly the same
angle with the line of the true pole, as indicated by the centre of the
north side, it forces the conviction upon us, not only that the later
date, 2170 B.C., was indicated in the construction of the Pyramid,
but also that it was intended to be so indicated, which is a greater
wonder still.
In the diagram the two small circles mark the apparent diurnal
rotation of the star round the pole at the two eras concerned.
Midway between the centres the star was actually very near indeed
to the pole itself about the date 2790 b.c
The rectangular figures represent the view of the heavens through
the passage at 63 feet, the point of junction with the ascending
105
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1908.
passage, and again at the lowest end of the passage. The dimensions
of the passage itself secured the central position of the star at lower
culmination, and also the inclusion at its upper limit of the position
of the true pole. According to Proctor (p. 112), from a point in
the passage very carefully marked, the upper culmination could also
be just seen from the floor of the passage.
Diagram (Plate IV, fig. 2) indicates the position of the passages
east of the centre and the way of measuring the angle to reveal
the 3° 42' of difference between the pole and the star.
This seems to require a reduction of about 1,200 years in the
accepted date for the erection of the Pyramid, and supports the view
of Wilkinson {Ancient Egyptians, Vol. II, p. 276) and others, that
part, at least, of the dynasties of Manetho were contemporary.
J 06
PLATE I.
S.B.A. Proceedins;s, March, 1908.
Cor^PARAT/VB LE.NGTHS, OF THE YEAR.,
TiBiME OF TH£ /^//?
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PLATE II.
S.B.A. Proceedings, March, ic
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2540
22So
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4
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I
PLATE III.
S.S..^. rmcitdin
A Cl//IY£ /f£PRES£Arr//yq APPA!OX//»AT£lY THE VA./itAJION IN ZS,9Z0 YEARS
Of TH£ LENGTH Of TH£ Y£AR INOICATED BYTHE HELIACAL R/Sllia OF ^/R/(JS
0£P/iess/on ofSciM SEcoiv »oK/2/^/if 9'— LATrruoe />^eM/>fffs'io° rusges 2.f°-4-4-'.
£>/^Fe/i£ftC£
t^U^ArTWees
S.I /9 /a /8° /fll" ZK. ZS' X.»' 34-° 47' 7f' SS "
'^Su/i ,T Mempmi
/f /S° /7° /8^ Z/° Jul ■^8° 38i° S'ol
^ /'^Acr/c Ait Y ■5'fi.ius oof^snor i/se at all. //v th/s ska at Afe/^Pf/'S
f Sum's LoNoiri/oe at the RisiNd or Sinius (os/'K£ssn)n9''J ^r /nrenvAL^ of Z/60YfAlS
[I'E IV.
S.B.A. Proceedings, March, 1908.
'\'
^JCl
>5o^
SA KTH
'^^
POLE
.1 \>u
9oOf
yo/y
Wow Pole 3*: 42'
'"^^e ol Kev^ cdsift V.i'
So ^ro7n lou^cf QjiJ 2." o'
■tciimf. of Circle /28SS/
I noh i/ritK Qnlre ^"4^
Fig. I.
tv^vV
Fig. 2.
Mar. II] THE LOST TEN TRIBES OF ISRAEL. [190S.
THE LOST TEN TRIBES OF ISRAEL.
By the Rev. C. H. W. Johns.
When Samaria fell after its three years' siege, commenced under
Shalmaneser IV and finished under Sargon, the Assyrian ruler
deported over 27,000 of its inhabitants to the river of Gozan, the
Chabour, Halah, and "the cities of the Medes." They thus dis-
appeared from history. Many attempts have been made to trace
them further, and there has never been lacking a perennial interest
in every question which could throw light upon the exiled Israelites.
Obviously Gozan, Habur, and Halah are the keys to the situa-
tion. The Bible dictionaries will show how much light has been
thrown upon these names by the cuneiform inscriptions, and it would
be out of place here to recapitulate what is known of them. It is
clear that a number of Jewish names do occur in the domestic
records of Assyria, and there is even a suggestion that the mother of
Esarhaddon was an Israelite. But all these, it may be thought, were
slaves, or the descendants of slaves. We should expect the Israelites,
as a whole, to have been settled in or around the districts above
named, much as the serfs were in and around Harran, as shown by
the texts published in my Assyrian Doomsday Book. Though tied
to the soil they had lands, houses, homesteads, cattle, families,
probably as independently as in their own home. They were subject
to no greater imposts than before, and had the protection of Assyrian
power. In fact, the picture which the Rabshakeh drew in 2 Kings,
xviii, 32, of a land like their own land, a land of corn and wine, a
land of bread and vineyards, a land of olive and of honey, where
they might live and not die, was no fancy picture, but most probably
true to the experience of the captive Ten Tribes in Gozan.
Their existence there can be documented, as we shall see later.
The banks of the Habur, the land of Halahhi, and the district of
Gozan are not a large area. Were they the cities of the Medes ?
The time came, after Nineveh fell, and the Assyrian Empire was
107 I
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
portioned out between Babylonians and Medes, when this district
was distinctly under Median sway, and at that period it might well
be called "the cities of the Medes." Still, before long, Cyrus made
" cities of the Persians " more appropriate. In the book of Tobit,
the Hebrews seem to be in Media, but this might .be due to the
influence of the view that the phrase necessarily implied Media itself.
There was a land called Mad-a-a in the Assyrian inscriptions. It is
by no means clear that this meant Media, but it may be the land
intended by "the cities of the Medes." Volumes have been written
on the subject, and, as long as we have no facts, volumes more may
be written. There is just enough to excite the imagination and to
romance about.
We now have some facts to go upon, and it is well to start by
excluding romance as much as possible. It is alleged that we have
documentary evidence of Israelites in the above district, before the
fall of Nineveh; that, like the Jews at Assuan, they had their own
temple of Jahve, which had special privileges, and that they were
prominent as traders. These assertions must be examined carefully
before they are accepted as historic facts.
Dr. S. ScHiFFER has published, as a Beiheft of the Orientalistische
Litteratiir-Zeitung for 1907, a most interesting memoir called Keil-
inschriftUche Spur en der in der zweiten Hdlfte des 8. Jahrhunderfs von
den Assy rem nach Mesopotamien deportierten Samarier (10 Sfiinwie).
He discusses the contents of fifteen texts published by Dr. Ungnad
in He/i I of the Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmdler der Koniglichen
Mnseen zu Berlin, which are remarkable as forming a group of deeds
of sales, etc., connected with the inhabitants of a city called Kannu',
whose city-god was Au. It has been suggested that Au is an ideo-
graphic writing of Apla-Addu, but Dr. Schiffer argues for its being
a cuneiform writing of Jahve. He further places the city in the
district to which the ten tribes were carried away, and recognizes
many Israelite names among them. Hitherto we have had small
reference in the cuneiform texts to the existence of the Ten Tribes
after their deportation.
In the Assyrian and Babylonian Letters (Vol. VI, p. 684 ff.),
edited by Professor R. F. Harper, K. 1366, unfortunately in a very
fragmentary state, already published by Dr. H. Winckler {Samm-
lung von Keilschrifttexten, 1894), contains some interesting references.
Samaria is named in line 5, Bi'li-rakabbi of Sama'al in line 6, Tarasu
the scribe of Gozan in line 9, with whose affairs the letter is chiefly
io8
Mar. II] THE LOST TEN TRIBES OF ISRAEL. [190S.
concerned ; while on the reverse Niri-Iau (BibHcal Neriah), Palti-Iau
(Biblical Pelatiah, cf. Palti-el, Paiti), are connected directly with the
city of Gozan. Beside a number of Assyrian officials, we have also
Au-killani. In the Proceedings for June 14, 1905, p. 188, I pointed
out the significance of these facts.
The reading Abladdu in place of Au is very uncertain, as
Professor F. E. Peiser shows in his preface to Dr. Schiffer's
Memoir ; but also the identification of Au with Jahve needs some
confirmation. A spelling lau (as is attested for the historical period
by such names as Hezekiah, Hazaki-Iau, also Hazaki-Au ; Azariah,
Azria-Au, Azri-Au ; Jo-ahaz, Ahaz, lau-hazi ; extra-Biblical names as
lau-bi'di, Nadbi-Iau, Ili-Iau like Elijah, and others, just as we have
Niri-Iau, Palti-Iau in K. 1366 above) is much to be preferred. What
would help greatly would be the occurrence of {ilu)Iati, somewhere
as a variant of Au. My own conviction is that Dr. Schiffer is
quite right in his view of the names in Au ; but I admit that further
evidence may help to overthrow this opinion once more. At any
rate, there are a number of names such as Absalami like Absalom,
Ilu-idri like Eleazar, Palti like Palti, Haninaia like Hananiah, Saulu
like Saul, not to mention hybrids of mixed Assyrian and Hebrew
elements, which have a Hebrew smack about them. Many more
may be either Hebrew or Aramaic, while a number are purely
Assyrian. It is absurd to suppose that the Bible gives us a complete
list of Hebrew names, and the force of Dr. Schiffer's argument
gains greatly by insisting only on such as are certainly Hebrew, if
Au be Jahve. Many more may be Hebrew, at least in part.
The identification of the city Kannu' with the Canneh of
Ezekiel xxvii, 23, is very interesting; but it is doubtful whether
Ezekiel's Chebar is the Chabour, as Dr. Schiffer seems to think.
Professor Hilprecht, Babylonian Expedition of the University of
Pennsylvania, Vol. IX, p. 28, considers that he has found Chebar in
the name of a Canal Kabari, near Nippur, where it is certain that
many Jews settled after the Babylonian Captivity. The frequent use
of the sign for the soft breathing about this period to replace the
letter n makes one wonder if Kannu' was a local speaking or pro-
nunciation of Kanu'n, and suggests that these Israelites called their
settlement Canaan, after their old home. Its exact locality is not
easy to fix, but it is mentioned in Bu. 9i-S-9> 95, Assyrian Deeds
and Documents, no. 443. There the boundaries of an estate are
given as, " the king's road, the road to the city Maliati, the road to
109
Mak. ii] society of BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1908.
Kaiiiiu', the brook that runs down from the city Adi-ilu to (another
city whose name is effaced), and the road from that city to Kannu'
as far as the brook." The analogy of similar lists of boundaries
elsewhere makes it very clear that Maliati, Kannu' and Adi-ilu are
close neighbours. Of Maliati I can find no other trace, but the city
Adi-ilu is often named. It occurs in a geographical list, K. 4384,
published in the second volume of Rawlinson's Inscriptions of
Westerfi Asia, p. 53, just before Higi-anbe and another city, Bel-ilu
(or is this a variant of the name Adi-ilu ?). The same column
continues with a list of cities, among which Arabha, Halahhu, and
Rasappa are named, and soon after Apku, Isana, Guzana, Nasibina
and Amedi. In the next column we find Damascus, Samalla, Car-
chemish, etc. Hence we may conclude that Adi-ilu was not far
away from Halah and Gozan. It is difficult to be sure on what
principle this list was arranged, and it would be unsafe to draw more
definite conclusions from it.
In 83-1-18, 335, Assyrian Deeds and Documents, no. 350, in
another list of boundaries, " the brook, or canal, of the city Adi-ilu "
in mentioned. Also one neighbour was Kurdi-Istar, probably the
same as the father of the witness Auluai in 1. ^^ of our no. 2. The
property was situated in the city Beth-Dagan. Among the witnesses
are three inhabitants of Adi-ilu. The deed is dated in B.C. 707.
The city Adi-ilu is also named in K. 3495, Assyrian Deeds and
DocH?fienis, no. 396, but with no indication of locality. It is also
named in a list of estates in K. 985S, Assyrian Deeds and Dociwients,
no. 1 1 16, and little can be made of the fact that the next city named
is Rasappa, for a number of names may have come between ; the
order may be that on one well known route, or may not be geo-
graphically arranged at all. The name Adi-ilu, " How long, O God! "
seems very appropriate for a land of exile. But this meaning can
hardly be pressed.
By the kindness of a friend, in whose possession they now are,
I am permitted to publish the texts of two more documents closely
connected with this subject. They are said to have come from
Nineveh, as did K. 1366 and several others in the British Museum
quoted by Dr. Schiffer. Those in the Berlin Museums are not
localised in the publication by Dr. Ungnad, save that he points out
their close connection with the district of the Chabour, and suggests
that Kannu' is the Biblical Canneh.
The tablet published by Professor Peiser in Orientalistische
no
Mar. ii] THE LOST TEN TRIBES OF ISRAEL. [190S.
Litterattirzcitung^ i905) 13° ff-j ^'id also quoted by Dr. Schiffer,
was bought apparently, and so we are not told where it was found.
The indications of locality given by the dealers or native finders are
rarely reliable for obvious reasons.
Now, though the district inhabited by these Israelites was on the
Chabour, we see that their deeds of sale were found in the archives
at Nineveh. We may suppose that all deeds to be valid had to be
deposited in the archives at the capital, as our wills have to lie in the
Record Office in London, or possibly the Israelites sought refuge
there when the invading Medes devasted MesoiDOtamia. But we
know^ that remains of great Assyrian buildings were found on the
Chabour by Layard. Here is a grand prospect for future explorers
to discover the traces of the Ten Tribes in their exile home.
No. I— Case.
:^^;? -ji! y -^ir -irr -^n n n
TT ^lE ^ <v y— y? -^y -un :^ V
V ^y ^y ;:^y y-- ^yy y ^ ^^y >f <y-
- iv ^\ m <\\\ iin c: -y? ¥ ^^y y—
5. ^yyy v J^Ie V, '}\\ A\\\ -yy^ j^^y
Space with indistinct seals.
^ xx^ xt\ -XL\\ A<>A y "-" ^ ->f y? y?
A<>A y « j^ -^ y;f -^yy y? -^y >^ ->f ^y y—
^ -;f ny <c^ -yyi ^ yyy -^h ^:^wmm
Edge. -^| f..- ^ i^-]^ ^\\ ^i^^m VW^
^o. Vy ^lyy I 5.111!. ^ tr ^< ^ V - Vy ^]
Rev. < t] s] tt] y-- #? -Hh « <iiiy-
- ^^y -yyi ^? -4- ^ t] -t] <jm^m
- -<--H j^yyy s^:^ tz
Space iminscribed.
<y- y ^yy <w ^t <y- y '^yy ^^^ m. <v/
15- <y- y ^y v, Vr <h y ->f 5^ < yM?
-::i}^V^ <1 <yy ^^
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1908.
Tarlet.
- <T- T -^n ^"i^^ -^TT T? y{
m -m iin ::: ^^y? v i^^r r—
5. ^yyyy v >:^th yr ^yyy ^.yyyy .yy!^^ jr^j^y
- ^? j^yyr -^yy y? .ny >^ ^>f ^y y--
^ ^] yyy <tt -vx <y^
yyy ^yy? tt^ a
Edge, -^y y^ - i^t^zi ^^yy -<^^y y-
Rev. 10. v->f y?^yyyi^yyy^^??
^>4 y ^<" r: -+ y? y?
^>4 y « j^ !r^
<y- y "^yy iin <V7
<y- y ^yy <y^ -t
15. <y- y ^y <y:^ ^t
<y^ y ^>f ^ < yn?
-— ? ^y<^ -^y <yy ^ee
Edge. <y. >^ y .Hp ^ ^ .^y <«
Left-hand yy ^IB ^ <V y«^
E^^^- ^y^yy «
Transliteration.
No. I— Case.
Kunuk Assur-a-a
II imere SE-PAT-MES a-na ru-bi .sa
IV ma-na AT-MES sa Ahu-la-mas-si
ina pini-su ku-um ru-bi-e sa AT-MES
5. istu IV imere ekli bit zi-bil
Space for seals.
ina babi sa (?) ali ummu Kiir-bi-ilu-a-a
ummu Man-ni-i. Eklu a-na sandte
ina hab III nii-ri-se III ka-rab-(hi issakan)
1 12
Mar. II] THE LOST TEN TRIBES OF ISRAEL. [1908.
Edge. AT-MES ina muhhi ta-ram-me
10. eklu u-se-sa; man-nu sa ina sa-te
Rev. X ma-na AT-MES idd-an XX me
ina at-ri idd-an. Sum-ma la-di-in
ina muhhi ta-rab-bi
Space uninscribed.
pan Da-di-i pan Si-in-ki-Istar
15. pan Dih-a-a pan Nabft-u-a-a
arhu Aiaru Cim XII KAN
lim-mu Nabft-ahi-eres
Tablet,
IV ma-na AT-MES
sa Ahu-la-mas-si
ina pani Assur-a-a
ku-um ru-bi-e sa AT-MES
5. bit IV imere ekli bit zi-bil
ina bab sa ali a-na sanate
ina bab III mi-ri-si
III kar-ab-hi
Edge. AT-MES ina muhhi ta-ram-me
Rev. 10. issak-an eklu-su il-se-sa
ummu Kur-bi-ihi-a-a
ummu Man-ni-i
pan Si-ki-Istar
pan Da-di-i
15. pan Na-di-i
pan Nabu-u-a-a
arhu Aiaru Am XII KAN
Edge, lim-mu Nabu-ahi-eres
Left-hand II imeri SE-PAT-MES
Edge. 20. is-si-nis
Translation.
No. I— Case.
Seal of AUiirai
Two homers of corn for interest of
four vmias of dates (?) which AhulamaUi
had due from him. In lieu of the i?iterest of the dates
5. from four homers of field., bit zibil,
X13
Mak. ir] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGY. [1908.
at the gate of the city, [next Kurln-ilai,
next Manni) the field for (a term of) years
iti the gate, three soivings three fallows he shall set.
Edge. The dates on it shall remain (?)
10. TJie field he has let. Whoever i?i future : —
Rev. ten minas of dates (?) shall give, twenty
in addition shall give. If he do not give
interest shall accrue on it.
In the presence of Dadi, in the presence of Sinki-Istar,
15. in the presence of Nabu-ai.
Month Aiaru, day 12th,
Eponymy of Nabu-ah-cres.
Tablet.
Four minas of dates (?)
belonging to Ahu-la>nassi,
due from Assurai ;
in lieu of ititei-est of dates (?).
5. a parcel of four ho7ners of land, bit zihil,
in the gate of the city, for (a term of ) years
in the gate ; three sowings
three fallows ;
Edge. The dates on it shall remain (?)
Rev 10. he shall set. His field he has let.
N'ext Kurbi-ilai
next Maimi.
In the presence of Siki-Istar,
In the presence of Dad'i
15. In the presence of N^adi
In the prese7ice of Nabfi-ai
Month Aiarii, day 12th,
Edge. Eponymy of N'ab^-ah-cres.
Left-hand Two omers of corn
Edge. 20. each.
The scribe vwas either careless or hurried. He has cut short his
sentences, mixed up clauses, left out signs. Further, one or two
places are covered with incrustations which partly obscure the
characters. On the whole the transaction is exactly like a number of
those published in my Assyrian Deeds and Documents (A.D.D.).
The ideogram AT, perfectly certain on the tablets, is new to me, and
114
Mar. II] THE LOST TEN TRIBES OF ISRAEL. [1908.
Brunnow's Sis;n List does not give any meaning for it that would be
likely to suit here. In Meissner's Seltene Ideogramme, no. 1747,
we find a quotation from Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets,
etc., in the British Museum, Vol. XII, p. 47, 1. 82b, where we may
perhaps restore {TAK)-AT ^ abati suluppi. If this be certain,
AT^= suluppu, and the meaning is "a date fruit." Hence my
rendering "dates."
Tlie expression applied to the field, bit zibil, compare bit zibli
{A.D.D., 630, 1. 2), may be the Talmudic D''^3Tn T\'''2, said to mean
"land needing manure." It is interesting to meet here a Hebrew
expression. It is not likely that the usual Assyrian zabdlu, "to bring,"
would yield a good sense ; while the Talmudic hl\ means " to
manure," in many passages. The gate of the city is a difficulty,
because in one place the scribe seems to have written AT before
alu, in another TA, and again to have repeated " in the gate " in the
next line. I have conjectured what seems likely to have been his
purpose, but some of my readers may further penetrate this obscurity.
The name Assurai, literally "Assyrian," is fairly common as a
proper name. Ahu-lamassi is also common, and both are Assyrian
in type. Kurbi-ilai may not be Assyrian, but Hebrew, compare
Kurbu-ilu and Kurbu-ahu in my Assyrian Deeds and Documents.
The verb kardbu, "to draw near," occurs in Assyrian, but names like
this are rare and Kurbi may not be the way to read the signs. Dadi
has affinities with David and with Phoenician names. Sinki-Istar,
Dihai, Nabu-ai and Nadi occur in my Assyrian Deeds and Documents,
the latter along with Assurai as here. The date is b.c. 681.
{To be continued.)
1^5
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1908.
RECENT DISCOVERIES IX THE BIBAN EL MOLUK
AT THEBES.
Bv E. R. Ayrtox.
The excavations made by Mr. Davis have this year resulted in
two finds of considerable archaeological interest. Digging along the
South slope of the hill of rock occupied by the already opened tomb
of Rameses VI (No. 9), we found, early in the season, at the depth
of some fifteen feet below the present surface of the valley, the
entrance to a deep shaft cut vertically in the rock. From this a
single chamber opens off to the North. This was found to be full
of rubbish, and apparently contained nothing of interest. On
removing the rubbish, we found some pottery and alabaster vases, two
of the latter inscribed with the name of Rameses II, and a small
heap of jewelry. This jewelry bears the name of Tausert, with that
of Sety II, and on one piece is the name of Rameses II.
The chief objects are : — Two broad silver bracelets, with a scene
stamped in low relief showing Tausert I I .^^^ I playing the
sistrum before Sety Merenptah (Sety II), who is seated. Eight
gold rings, one of which, in filigree work, bears the name of
Rameses II, a second that of Tausert, and a third the cartouches of
Sety II, whilst two have scarabs with Tausert's name on the bezel.
Six plain gold bangles and a silver ring with the cartouches of Sety II.
The rings were all found in two hollow silver bands. Besides these
we found the beads and pendants of a necklace in filigree gold-work
and two heavy gold wig-pendants, with the cartouches of Sety II
{see Plate). These, with numerous smaller objects, were the only
things found in the pit, which is probably to be regarded as a cache,
and not an original burial place. The queen's real tomb was No. 14
of the valley, which was altered for the burial of Setnekht, the father
of Rameses III.
116
S.B.A. Proceedings, Manh, 1908.
C;OLD WIG-PENDANT WITH THE NAMES OF SETY II.
Mar. II] DISCOVERIES IN THE BIBAN EL MOLUK. [1908.
After clearing out this pit we worked on Westward along the
same rock-face, and about a month later discovered the tomb of
Horemheb, the last king of the XVIIIth Dynasty.
This runs into the rock from South to North, and consists of a
flight of entry steps, a long corridor, a second flight of steps, another
corridor, and then a deep pit. Thus far the tomb is filled with
rubbish, and water has penetrated as far as the well.
The pit is decorated at the top with brilliantly coloured reliefs,
showing the king before various gods and goddesses. The door
beyond had already been broken in, and leads into a large undecorated
room, the roof of which is supported by two columns. In the left-
hand corner of this room a flight of steps leads down to a corridor
and small square chamber, both of which are decorated with painted
reliefs. Beyond this is the large burial chamber, the roof of which
is upheld by several columns. The decoration of this is in an
unfinished state ; several small rooms open out on each side.
In a hollow at the further end stands the sarcophagus containing
only a few bones, the lid lying broken by the side. The whole
tomb has been almost completely plundered, but numerous wooden
figures of deities remain, and on removal of the debris which covers
the greater part of the floor, we may hope to find more objects of
interest. From the pit to this room the roof has fallen in to a
considerable extent, and these large blocks will make the examination
a matter of some difificulty.
Perhaps one of the most interesting points in connection with
the burial is, that though the sarcophagus rests on the ground yet it
appears to be supported by six wooden figures of deities placed in
hollows in the rock beneath it, five of which are still in position.
The sarcophagus itself is of granite, and similar to that in the tomb
of Ay, being encircled by the wings of goddesses, which are cut in
relief over the usual figures of the genii of the dead.
The whole tomb is of great interest, as showing the transition
from the style of the XVIIIth Dynasty to that of the XlXth, the
plan and style being intermediate between those of the tombs of
Amenhetep III and Sety I.
117
Mar. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held on
Wednesday, May 13th, 1908, at 4.30 p.m., when the
following Paper will be read : —
P. Scott-Moncrieff, Esq., M.A.: "The Temples at
Massawrat and Naga, in the Sudan."
U'it/i Lantern-slide Illustrations.
118
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
THIRTY-EIGHTH SESSION, 1908.
Fourth Meeting, May i^th, 1908.
W. MORRISON, Esq. {Vice-President),
IN THE CHAIR.
[No. ccxxv.] 119
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1908.
The following gifts to the Library were announced, and
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From W. E. Crum, Esq. — "JSIiroirs," by G. Benedite. {Catalogue
Gin. du Mil see dii Caire.)
From the Egyptian Survey Dept. — " The Archaeological Survey of
Nubia." Part i.
From J. Pollard, Esq — "Studies in the History and Art of the
Eastern Provinces of the Roman Empire." Edited by
W. M. Ramsay.
From the Author, Dr. O. von Lemm. — " Koptische Miscellen,"
XLI-XLVL
Rev. F. C. Norton, Uitchling Vicarage,
H. Hirschefeld, Esq., Muswell Hill,
Miss P. Glendinning, Edinburgh,
Miss M. L. King, Wotton-under-Edge,
C. K. N. Blakiston, Esq., Wellington College, Berks,
were elected Members of the Society,
BOOK-BINDING FUND.
The following donation has been received : —
Miss Rucker ... ... ... ... £1 i o
The following Paper was read : —
P. ScoTT-MoNCRiEFF, Esq., M.A.: "The Temples at
Masawwarat es-Sufra and Naga, in the Sudan."
Thanks were returned for this communication.
May 13] THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS. [190S.
THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS.
By F. Legge.
i^Coiifiinied from page 94.)
In the first part of this paper I pointed out how the protocol of
Egypt, in the form in which it remained from the end of the
XVIIIth Dynasty up to Roman times, evolved from the simpler form
used by Snefru, the founder of the IVth or pyramid-building
dynasty. I shall now endeavour to show how the evolution of the
protocol can be traced still further back until we find its origin in the
totemistic practices of most primitive peoples. But before we can
consider this we must first examine what are the titles that have come
down to us of the kings of Egypt who reigned before Snefru. As
was to be expected, the evidence for this is scanty, and most of it
is derived from objects of small intrinsic importance. It is, however,
unlikely that it will be much added to in the future, and we must
therefore get as much out of it as we can.
THE TITLE-BEARING MONUMENTS OF THE THINITES.
In this category I include, as has been before said, the kings of
Manetho's first three dynasties, although, according to that author,
Dynasty III came, not from This or Abydos, but from Memphis.
The reason for this is that all the monuments of these rulers yet
discovered seem to be of about the same style, and therefore to
belong to what has been called, with great propriety, the Thinite
period, i-" rather than to its successor, the Memphite. No satisfactory
dividing-line has yet been discovered between any two of these three
'' I must, however, repeat what I have said in a previous paper [P.S.B.A.,
1904, p. 142, and note) as to the untrustworthiness of the argument from style
when applied to monuments the exact provenance of which is not known. The
examples there given should convince an unprejudiced observer that style under
the earlier, as under the later Pharaohs, had much more to do with locality than
j period. (See too p. 122 inf.)
I 121 L 2
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
dynasties: Khasekhmui, who, from the occurrence of his monuments
at Hieraconpolis, has been placed in Dynasty II, being plainly
connected through his queen Ne-maat-hap or Hapenmaat^'' with
Neterkhet or Zeser,i" who is generally assigned to Dynasty III,
as well as with Snefru himself; while the occurrence of both
" Narmer's " and Khasekhmui's monuments at Abydos as well as
at Hieraconpolis seems to show that Dynasties I, II and III were
continuous and probably related.
The attempts that have been made from time to time to identify
the names given in the inscriptions of this period with those recorded
by Manetho and in the King-Lists have in the opinion of competent
judges 1^ failed — largely because the tombs or funerary chapels left
by them at Abydos have been so frequently disturbed as to make the
argument from neighbourhood entirely useless ^^ — yet the existence
among these inscriptions of Khasekhmui's monuments offers good
ground for the belief that they were all made before Snefru, and the
discovery by M. Weill of two bas-reliefs of this last king on the rocks
at Wady Maghara, fashioned, one in the Thinite, and the other in the
Memphite style, ~*^' shows that it was with his accession that a change
of style took place. In view of the great advance in culture made
under Snefru and his immediate successors, as shown by the
conquests of Sinai and Nubia and the building of the pyramids and
other monuments, we can hardly doubt that we have evidence here
of the rise of a new dynasty, coming from a different part of Egypt
from their predecessors, the Thinites, and possibly from one more
dominated by foreign ideas. IMoreover, the order of the kings
succeeding Snefru is fairly well ascertained and evidenced until at
least the end of the Vlth Dynasty, and the unplaced or Thinite
kings must therefore be earlier than he. Khasekhmui was, as
Prof. Sethe has shown, the consort of Ne-maat-hap, queen mother
in Snefru's reign, and we thus possess in him a starting-point from
10 "Xruiii belongs to Apis," see Sethe in Garstang's Mahasna and BH
Kkalldf, p. 22.
" See Sethe, op. et loc. cit.
^^ E.g., Maspero, Hist. anc. dcs peuples, etc., 6th ed., pp. 55, 57.
^^ See arA cit. P.S.B.A., 1904, pp. \2^ sqq. My point is that it is useless
to try to date a "tomb" from its proximity to, or distance from, for instance, the
" tomb of Zet," when the original contents of these tombs are at the same time
described as so inextricably mixed that there is nothing to show whether the tomb
in question was made for Zet or for some other king.
^ \Veill, Recueil des Inscriptions Egyptiennes dti Sinai, p. 105.
122
May 13] THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS. [1908.
which we can continue to trace backwards the evolution of the
protocol that we have seen existing unchanged from the end of the
XVIIIth Dynasty to the extinction of the Egyptian monarchy.
Further evidence of the existence, before Snefru, of this series of
Thinite kings is to be found in the bas-reliefs of Sinai, which include
the representations of two kings TT I ^-=> Semerkhet, and the ] <=>
Y I I ^-=>
Nete7'khet~^ already mentioned. Now Semerkhet is one of the
" Kings of Abydos " mentioned in my former paper, whose inscrip-
tions were found there in abundance by Prof. Petrie, while the tomb
or funerary chapel of Neterkhet was unearthed by Prof. Garstang at
Bet Khallaf, the result being recorded in his work quoted above.
In this last tomb was also found a sealing of Queen Ne-maat-hap,-^
in which she is described as "Royal Mother" (or Queen Dowager),
and which, therefore, must have been made after the death of her
consort Khasekhmui. King Neterkhet must therefore have reigned
after Khasekhmui and before Snefru, in whose reign Ne-maat-hap
was also " Royal Mother ";~-^ and the relative position of their bas-
reliefs at Wady Maghara, if I understand M. Weill rightly, supports
this conclusion. Nor is this all. The bas-reliefs of Semerkhet and
Neterkhet show the king smiting with a club a kneeling captive
whom he holds by the hair. But this is the very posture adopted
by the king whose Horus-name is Den in the ivory tablet now
in Mr, Macgregor's collection at Tarn worth {see PI. I inf.), which
M. Amelineau says-^ was found by himself at Abydos, and from
the time of Snefru onward it passed into Egyptian art as the con-
ventional representation of an Egyptian king defeating a foreign
enemy. But Den's inscriptions are too frequent at Abydos for us
to doubt his having belonged to the Thinite period, and there is
no room for him between Khasekhmui and Neterkhet on the one
hand and Snefru on the other, while on the Palermo Stone what
appear to be his annals occur some lines earlier than those of
Khasekhmui. 25 We may therefore rest assured, before commencing
^^ See Weill, Reciieil des Inscriptions Agyptiennes dn Sinai, pp. 96 and 100.
^ Garstang, Mahasna, etc., PL X., 7 and p. 22.
^ Sethe, op. cit., p. 22, and L.D. II., 6. Cf. Maspero, Et. Egnnes, II.,
p. 225.
^ Noiivelles Fouilles d' Abydos, t. I., p. 221.
"^ Prof. Newberry has convinced me that nearly all the events recorded in
the third register of Face A of the Palermo Stone can also be found noticed in one
or other of the tablets of Den given in P.S.B.A., 1906- 1907.
123
May 13]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGY,
[1908,
in detail the study of the titles of the Thinite kings, that Khasekhmui
and Neterkhet (in that order) are the last of the Thinite period, and
that Den is anterior to them in date.
The inscriptions, other than those just referred to, are all
written on stelas, vases of which we have but fragments, the ivory
tablets formerly examined in the Proceedings {see last note), or the
clay sealings of wine-jars discovered by M. Amelineau and Prof.
Petrie at Abydos, by Mr. Quibell at Hieraconpolis, or by Prof.
Garstang at Bet Khallaf. No cartouches,-^ or Golden Horus-
names,27 are found among them ; but they contain many Horus and
suten bat titles and names which we will now consider. To avoid
discussion at this point of conflicting theories as to date or order, I
will arrange them alphabetically. In the first place we have seventeen
undoubted Horus-names occurring on stelas, vase-fragments, ivories,
or jar-sealings found on find-spots of the Thinite period, viz. : —
Horns-Names of Thmites.
TITLE AND NAME.
(0
(2)
(3)
[Kx
Z^
:> — c
0
=
A/V^^A
=
PROBABLE READING. WHENCE COPIED.
The Horus Aha. F.S.B.A., 1906, pp. 253
' — The Plorus Azab.
zir The Horus Den.
sqq.. Pis. I and H.
Amelineau, N.F.d'A.,
H, Pi. XXI, 4.
R.T., I, PI. XXVI, Jar-
sealing No. 57.
Amelineau, JV.F.d'A.,
I, PI. XLI.
F.S.B.A., 1907, p. loi
. sqq., PI. No. 5.
^ Except city-ones. The scene of the sam-tatii or uniting of the Two Lands
on the Hieraconpolis vases does not, to my thinking, show any cartouche, but
merely the female vulture grasping the ring Q so common in later times, where
she is shown with it hovering over the king at his enthronement. [Cf. Quibell's
Hierakonpolis , I, Pis. 36, 37, and 38.)
^ Khaba's sealing given by Prof. Petrie {H.E., I, 5th Ed., p. 36) does not
show any Horus of Gold title, as he seems to think, since there is no hawk on the
nub. A golden Ra title, or something like one (p^)i is shown on Neterkhet's
door-post at Berlin ; but this inscription is suspected, with reason, of having been
altered after its execution. See Weill, Rcciieil des Inscriptions, etc., p. lOO,
n. 2, for authorities.
124
May 13] THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS.
Horiis-Na77ies of Thinites — continued.
[1908.
TITLE AND NAME.
(4)
(5)
Q
PROBABLE READING.
— The Horus
=: Hotep-sekhmui.
m The Horus
i= Kha-ba.
WHENCE COPIED.
Amelineau, N.F.d'A.,
II, PI. XXI.
Annales dii Service, III,
p. 187.
^.7^,11, PI. VIII, 8-1 1.
Hierakonpolis, II, PI.
LXX, I, 4.
Petrie, H.E., 5th Ed.,
p. 36.
(6)
Q
The Horus
Kha-sekhem.
Hierakonpolis, I, Pis.
XXXVI & XXXVII.
id., II, PI. LVIII, and
pp. 44 and 45.
(7)
Q
— The Horus
;= Kha-sekhmui.
Hiemkonpolis, II, PI.
LXIX, 8.
Amelineau, N.F.d'A.,
PI. XXI, 12.
(8)
?S2<)
The Horus
Narmer.
Hierakonpnlis, I, PI.
XXVI, B.
Amelineau, N.F.d'A.,
I, PI. XLII.
R.T. 11, PI. 11.
(9)
The Horus
Neteren.
Palermo Stone and
Statue No. i Gizeh.
>)
— The Horus
Neter-khet.
125
Weill, F. des I/is. ^g.
du Sinai, p. 100.
Garstang, Mahasna,
Pis. VIII, IX, and X.
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY,
Horus-Names of Thi)dtes — continued.
(11)
[1908.
TITLE AND NAME.
A
fl
PROBABLE READING.
The Horus Qa.
WHENCE COPIED.
Abydos, I, PI. V.
QuiBELL, Archaic Ob
jects, II, PI. 62, No.
14,631.
(12)
O
The Horus
Ra-neb.
Statue No. i, Gizeh.
A7in. du Service, III,
pp. 188, 189.
^03)
The Horus
Sekhem-ab.
QuiBELL, Archaic Ob-
jects, II, PI. 8, 165.
Amelineau, N.F.dA.,
Ill, Pt. I, PI. XXVII,
4, 8, 9.
(14)
^f^sr^
The Horus
Sekhem-ab
Peren-maat.
Abydos, III, PI. IX, 3.
1(15)
(16)
m
The Horus Quibell, A.O., No.
Semer-khet. 14,630, (PI. LXII).
Weill, R. des Ins., p.
96.
^.r., I, PI. VII, 2,3.
The Horus Zer, or F.S.B.A., 1907, p. 71
(better) Khent (and PI.) No. 4.
Amelineau, N.F.d^A.,
Ill, Pt. I, PI. XXVII.
156.
(17)
^
The Horus Zet.
126
Amelineau, N.FJ'A..
I, PI. XLII.
R.T., I, PI. IV, 4, and
X, 8.
May 13]
THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS.
[1908.
To which, I think, may be added the following, who use the s7-€kh
surmounted by some emblem other than the Horus hawk : —
Horns-Names of Thinites — continued.
TITLE AND NAME.
(.8) ^1;
(■9) ^
CT]
(20) ^
PROBABLE READING. WHENCE COPIED.
^ The Set 28 Amelineau, N.F.d'A.,
= rerabsen. Ill, Pt. i, PI. XX.
R.T., II, PI XXXI.
Garstang, Mahastia,
PL X.
(?)
flss
The Neith ~9
Hotep-ba.
TheAmen3'^Se(?;
De Morgan, Orightes,
II, 169.
QUIBELL, A.O., II, PL
15, No. 11,319.
Do.
do.
28 By analogy with the usual translation of the ^^ title as "The Horus."
The name of the Set animal is probably, as M. Loret has pointed out, to be read
*' Asch." See his excellent essay " L'Egypte au temps du Totemisme," Ann. du
Musee Guiinct, Bibl. de Vitlg., t. XIX, p. 213. That the signs _^ czsa refer to
the animal and not to the god seems plain on comparison with the phylactery
No. 48, r.S.B.A., 1905, p. 301.
^ The bird seems to be the Ba-bird "^ or, at all events, the bird in the s7-ekh
of Kha-ba (see above). Yet I am still uncertain whether the word in the s7-ekh
which has been read hotep is not really three superposed mountain signs t^^i^ ^
in which case we may be back again at the name of " Setui."
^^ That the name of the god Amen, or that of his sacred animal, was known in
Thinite times perhaps appears from the Jar-sealing 194 in R.T., II, PL XXIII.
As is but too frequently the case with certain of the E.E. F. expeditions, no correct
record seems to have been kept of the destination of this object, and I have there-
fore failed to get a sight of the original sealing from which the "hand-copy" was
made. If the \\ sign on it be turned round, we have here the name of Menes
written as under the XVIIIth Dynasty, and by parity of reasoning with the case of
Azab-Merbapen given later this must be the suten bat name of Khasekhmui. I can
make nothing of the second sign ip the si-ekh (20) in the text, and am not sure whether
it is a si-ekk at all, the part which would contain iYvq facade being broken away.
According to M. Amelineau (N.F.d'A., t. Ill, pt. 2, p. 641), a stela exists
bearing the name ^^ 1 ^3?\ ^ not enclosed in a rectangle, which he reads
" The Horus Sbat," but this seems very doubtful.
127
May 13]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^iOLOGV.
[1908.
^Ve have also nine =fi^ siiten bat or King of the South and
North titles occurring on similar monuments from the same sites as
the Horus titles. These I will also arrange alphabetically, and,
except where otherwise noted, all the inscriptions where they occur
will be found reproduced in the Plates.
Suten bat Names of Thinites.
TITLE AND NAME.
PROBABLE READING.
King of the South and JVorth, Lord oj
Diadems, Hotep.
King of the South and North, Lord of
Diadems, Hu {or Nekht).
King of the South and North, Lord of
Diadems, Khasekhmui.
King of the South and North, Merbapen.
King of the South and North, Lord of
Diadems, Neteren.
King of the South and North, Lord of
Diadems, Neterkhet.
King of the South and North, Perabsen.
King of the South and N'orth, Lord of
Diadems, Qa.
King of the South and N'orth, Setui.
{To be continued.)
128
I>LATE 1.
S.B.A. Proceedings, May, 190S.
TABLET OF DEN.
IN THE REV. \V. MACGREGOR S COLLECTION AT TAMWORTH.
From a photograph of the original ohject.
PLATE II.
S.B.A. Proceedings, Jl/ay, 1908.
II.
INSCRIPTIONS OF SETUI.
m,'i^ZZ^'-,
FRAGMENT OF A WOODEN TABLET.
J^.T., II, PI. vii, II.
FRAGMENT OF A WOODEN TABLET, NOW IN THE BRITISH MUSEUM.
A'.T., I, PI. xi, 14.
VI. AVE III. S. H. A. Proceedings, May, \iio'6.
INSCRIPTIONS OF 'i'KlXil— continued.
FRAGMENT OK A WOODEN TABLET.
R.T., I, PI. xi, 4.
FRAGMENT OF A SERPENTINE VASE, NOW IN THE I.OUVRE.
From a photograph of the original object given by M. Benedite.
Cf. Amelineau, N.F.iCA., t. I, PI. xlii.
FRAGMENT OF A RED LIMESTONE VASE.
R. '/:, I, PI. V, 12.
S.B.A. Proieedings, Ma}\
INSCRIPTIONS OF MERBArEN.
g
/f. 7;, I, I'l. xxvi. No. 58.
Cf. Quibsll, W.O., II, PI. iv.
R.T., I, PI. xxvi, No. 57.
(y. Quibell, yf.O., II, PI. iv.
K.T., I, II. vi, 6.
K.T., I, PI. xxvi, No. 59.
r
PLATE V.
S.B.A. Proceedings, May, 1908.
IV.
INSCRirXIONS OF HU.
•ik^
IVORY TABLET.
7v'.r., I, PI. xii, I.
Cf. P.S.B.A., XXIX, //. 243 ct scq.
FRAGMENT OF A HARD STONE VASE.
Amelineau, N.F.d'A., t. I, PI. xlii.
Cf. P.S.B.A., XXI, PI. iii, fig. 5, facing p. 188.
(The same fragment as PI. Ill, fig. b, sup).
V.
INSCRIPTIONS OF QA.
f
RAGMENT OF A WHITE MARBLE VASE. FRAGMENT OF A WHITE MARBLE VASE.
R. T., I, PI. viii, I. P. T., I, PI. viii, 9.
PLATE
l^iSS^^
It|>^ff
^
S.B..I. Proi^eJings, May, 1908.
INSCKirXIONS OF Q.\—<oiirinued.
-^
/'.r., I, PI. viii, 14.
/I'.r., 1, PI. ix, 8.
PLATE VI]
FRAGMENT OF A Y
R.T.,
FRAGMENT (
R.T., :
PLATE VII.
i'i.B.A. Proceedings, May, 190S.
INSCRIPTIONS OF (>A-^m;,iu/J.
/t.r.,1, PI. ix, 3.
a: r., II, I'l. viii", s.
Amaineau, N.F.d'A.. 1. I, V\
r
PLATE VIII.
S.B.A. Proceedings, May, ic
VI.
INSCRIPTION OF IIOTEP.
14
re
JAR-SEALIXG. Maspero, A/males du Set-vice, t. Ill, p. 187, Type No. 2 A.
VII.
INSCRIPTIONS OF NETEREN.
Iav
• Vf
FRAGMENT OF A BOWL.
A\T., II, PI. viii, 12.
FRAG.MENT OF A BOWL. H.T., II, PI. viii, I3.
PLATE IX.
S.B.A, Proceedings, May, 1908.
INSCRIPTIONS OF l<iKYEKEl^— continued.
FRAGMENT OF A ROCK-CRYSTAL VASE.
Amelineau, N.F.d'A., t. II, PI. xxi, 5.
VIII.
INSCRIPTIONS OF PERABSEN.
•V-J ^^7 (rm^, if^^ c=. :'^'
JAR-SEALING.
R.T.,\, PI. xxix, No. 87.
JAR-SEALING.
i?. r., II, PL xxii. No. 190.
IX.
INSCRIPTION OF KHASEKHEMUI.
^#
f^'
l€lrM%i
JAR-SEALING.
R.T., II, PI. xxiii, No. 201.
May 13] PLACE-NAMES IN A'OSMAS UND DAMIAN. [1908.
PLACE-NAMES
IN DEUBNER'S KOSMAS UND DAMIAN.
By W. E. Crum.
Among the subjects most in the air — hagiographically speaking —
at the present time are, on the one hand, that of twin saints and twin
gods and, on the other, that of the practice of ' incubation ' in the
shrines of medical saints and divinities. In the investigation of both
subjects Professor Deubner has taken a foremost part.
In the dissertation preHminary to his excellent edition of the
Acts and Miracles of the 'gratuitous' physicians, Cosmas and
Damianus,^ he discusses the name of the burial-place attributed to
these saints in the 'Asiatic' version of their story: p. 91 it is stated
that they were laid tV Ta- ToVat tu' kiCkov^^vw (t'e/je/ndi', and pp. 92, 93
their resting-place is referred to in the same words. Variants are
^cpe/njiiai', <l>e/Y<a^',~ ^^epj^u'vav. Deubner (p. 47) takes it as beyond
doubt that we have here but a form of Peremoun-Faramd,^ the native
(Coptic and Arabic) name of the border town Pelusiian. His main
support for this assumption is the observation of the 9th century
writer, Epiphanius of Hagiopolis, who places the saints' bodies at
Askelon, apparently holding this to be identical with 'the castrum
called <I)«/j/(a', the beginning of Egypt ' (D. p. 48). It will be noted
that Epiphanius has his own spelling of the name ; what is more,
his inaccuracy argues against any personal acquaintance wath the
locality.
^ Kosiiias luid Damian. Texte u. Einleitung. Leipzig, 1907.
^ A reminiscence of this name is perhaps to be seen in ^epfiay for ^'fpfxri (in
Nitria) in one MS. of the JLaits tar History, BuTLER ii, 62.
^ So Yakut iii, 882 (not Ferma), who observes V^>U»i <i.»-<..£=.\ (.•♦■a^c ^— \ »jfc«.
129
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1908.
It may be worth enquiring whether the Egyptian version of the
legend offers anything towards confirming or weakening the hypothesis
of Pherer/ian =^ Pehishitn.^
Deubner refers (p. 77 n.) to the Egyptian (Arabic) Synaxarium,
but not to the Acts whence the short story there is derived. These
are to be read in the MSS. Paris arabe 154 and 258; Bodleian
Hunt. 470 and Seld. 54; Brit. Mus. Or. 4723. The Paris MSS. I
have not seen ; the others (designated here H.^ S., and jBAf.) show
the same text, differing, however in certain features. H. is dated
A.D. 1577, ^. is ahiiost modern, BJf. of about the 17th century.
But the Arabic Acts were of course merely a version from a Coptic
text, and it happens that a few fragments of this are preserved. They
belong to three Sa'idic MSS., all dating from about i a.d. iooo.^ In
the following abstract I have indicated the points at which the
Arabic is supported by a parallel Coptic passage.
Under Diocletian and ^Nlaximian there lived ' in the castle {burg,
TTup^oi) built in the name of the Son of God ' {BM.) a widow,
Theodota, with five sons : the two elder Cosmas and Damianus,
learn the art of medicine, the others become monks. Palladia and
the eggs. The talking camel. Diocletian's apostacy, owing to the
dishonesty of the archbishop to whom the Persian prince had been
entrusted.^ His edict enjoining worship of the gods \^H'ere Paris
MS. copte 102, f. 8]. He summons C. and D. to Antioch and
threatens them. Lycias (Lasius ^^»jw-' "'), the waly of the city,
begs they may be mildly treated ; but persuasion fails to move
them. Cast into a furnace .iJ^, they remain steadfast; so too,
under various tortures, in presence now of the king,'' now of Lycias.
In BM. they give their home as in Arabia 'u^-^/, in the province
JUj:1 of the castle {as above), in the city called Dabarma U.-'j;
■• It is a curious coincidence that Arab tradition (Istakhrl) should place the
tomb of Galen at Pelusium. V. A. J. Butler, Arab Conq., 210 n.
5 ZOEGA cliii (pp. CIA, Clli) and Berlin Kgl. Bibl., Cod. Copt. fol. 1611,
f. 6 (pp. CKY^, CKII) are from one MS. ; Paris MSS. copies 102, f. 8 (pp. ?)
and 129^'', f. 17 (pp. pr,, pH) from another; Pans 129^', f. 18 from a third.
** V. Amelineau, Ades 129, 177 ; IIvvernat, Actes 192. This and the
subsequent introduction of St. Victor are the commonplace furniture of the Coptic
versions of many Diocletian martyrdoms.
■^ Hence the ' Osius' of Wusteneeld's, ' Asius ' of B.xsset's Synaxarium.
^ This direct intervention of Diocletian is quite in character with Coptic usage.
130
May 13] PLACE-NAMES IN KOSMAS UND DAMIAN. [1908.
H. and 6". read ' from ar-Rdbiah, of the province of the pillar whereon
is the picture of the Lord Christ, Son of God,' ajj_c i_f JJl ^y^\
.\\ i ,t^, ' from a noble city named Birama or Tarama,' l.<, J , l.c -U
The three younger brothers are likewise brought to Antioch, where the
king offers them life or death. They choose their elder brothers' death.
Further tortures (dragged through streets by horses, crushed in a
press ..c2x^, roasted in the bath furnace, buried in a deep pit .aas-)-
Several times an angel is sent to deliver or heal them. The king,
exasperated, threatens to behead Lysias ; hence a new series of
tortures, but all in vain. The waly begs to be taught their magic
{Here Zoega CLIII] ; they exhort him to believe. In wrath he
imprisons and tortures them afresh. A lebakh tree, to which they
had been fastened, is destroyed by the angel Michael and, falling,
injures Lysias, whom Cosmas then heals. After once more im-
prisoning them, Lysias in despair resigns his office. The king
appoints Claudius in his stead,^ who threatens to flay the saints
{Here Paris MS. copte 129^^ f. 17, AC^oine Ae uneqpAore
Aq3:noT wm nppo At|Gm6 kik.vataioc AqAAq NeHreKiuuKi
enUA NATCIAC -l-KiAeiTe uneTN^yAAp tagkitot
GBOA 2NKieTMGtOUA • UnpUe6T6 WHTN 3:eMeUOOT GTKHB
KiAeciACKie^°]. While their tortures are renewed, Lysias returns
and declares it a disgrace that two governors should be thus defeated.
It is agreed to try drowning. But Christ himself descends into the
deep to encourage them ; their bonds are loosed \Here Paris MS.
copte 129^^, f. 18], the stones about their necks float Uke ships
AMKe(|)AAIcl^ NCOUe peOJT NOG UOT3COI GpGNGTOTAAB
TAAHT GpooT ^AWTOTGI GRGKpo. The two governors de-
clare their inability to overcome these men. The king in anger sets
his miHi in the theatre of Antioch, where the saints are bound to a
'^ The introduction of this personage, unknown to the other versions (unless
we see some hint of him in ' Clinius,' the judge at the opening of Mombritius'
text) inevitably recalls the 'Claudius Lysias' of Acts xxiii, 26. Even such a
blunder would not be beyond the capacity of a Coptic adapter. Claudius is the
judge in Synax., 5th Thut [cf. Nili.es, Xal. ii, 696) and in that of CPle.
(July 14, Delehaye 819) in the Passion of Justus, apparently the martyr so
popular in Egypt.
^^ 'Think not that these be the cool waters of Lysias.' BM. f. 13 a, ^f^ ^
jjU\ <^iUcj ^-^--S J,\^ H., S., misunderstanding, ijr^ ,S^ Or^' 1^^ ■
" KccpaXi^ the capital of a. column.
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGV. [1908.
pillar, a fire being kindled in their faces o^pAi ^AfiGT^O. But
at Cosmas' bidding the pillar bows down, AnecTT.XAOC ka xcoq
eneoMT, and the theatre quakes. He calms the affrighted crowd.
Their mother then reviling the king, is forthwith executed. A young
courtier, Victor, son of Romanus,^^ h^g the courage to bury her, in
a place named :Jo 'the treasury,'!-^ whereat he is banished to Egypt,
there to die a martyr. The five saints are finally executed, at a place
named .,^\ .
An Ethiopic version of the Arabian legend in Br. Mus. Or. 691,
f. ijga (also in 686, 67^?, and 689, 87;^), gives their home 'in the
province of Atrdnya or Atrydnos, the town of Daremd.' The story
is a good deal elaborated, introducing at the close, two brothers
Behhvos and Belsdivos (or Belyos and Abelyos) with a crowd of others,
martyred at the same time. But here their death takes place at
Agaivos or Agdas, showing that some Arabic (Coptic) version had
actually preserved the correct Ai'/ai. This is indeed demonstrated
by the Difndr (Antiphonarium), where, under this date, we read
AqoTcupn {sc. the king) NOTOHpiON NeiireutuM efeAC
triO.MC c-A.oJ\ O^J^^ J^ (^IS. RVLANDS, p. X^ a)}^
These Acts, which, it will be seen, contain little of interest
beyond the Synaxarium's abstract, are followed (in the Arabic only)
by seven Miracles (Or. 4723, ff. i6a-22b). They are (i) the man
who swallowed the snake = Deubner, p. 91 ; \Ifere Berli?i, Kgi. Bibl.,
Cod. Copt. 1611 foL, f. 6]; (2) Malchus's wife, though here no name
is given = D. p. 93 ; (3) the Jewess healed = D. p. loi, but with a
prolongation at the close ; (4) the sons of a rich vintner who had
made a vow to the saints, are helped in evil days by renewing their
father's offering. Not in Deubner ; (5) a soldier, conveying the
bodies of C. and D. to burial at Dabarmd., is robbed of his clothes
on the road, but, at his prayer, the five saints, riding white horses, ^^
appear and restore them. Not in Deubner; (6) the virtuous
wife= D. p. 164, but with an additional incident at the close;
^- The Acts of Victor recount his charity in burying the martyrs' bodies, but
give no names (Pereira, Acta mart, i, Versio, p. 211, in Corp. Scr. Chr. Or.).
Bouriant's Encomia (Mission fraiif. viii) do not refer to this.
^•^ So BM. Perhaps misunderstanding yKu)(ra-6icofj.ov or ra/xelov. But /I. , S.
read this y'-"^ and the following name '^; (or ? ^jijf ).
" So MS. Gottingen Kopt. 9 (Pietschmann).
'^ Cf. Deubner, p. 53.
132
May 13] PLACE-NAMES IN A'OSMAS UND DAMIAN. [190S.
(7) a sheep-devouring lion at Dabarfiid tamed by the saints. Not
in Deubner.i"
Of the miracles which recur in the Greek, nos. i and 3 give no
place-names, nos. 2, 5, 7 name Dabaniia, nos. 4, 6 ' the castle built
in the name of the Son of God o?- of the living God.' It is thus
evident that Dabarma in no. 2 corresponds to ' the place called
Phercinan' in the Greek text. The name L,:..'j is variously pointed.
The BM. MS. of the Acts and Basset's Synaxarium i" have always
Lc_'J Dabarma, Forget's^^ and one Cxottingen MS. Lc'J Dairaiiia,
J. ° J- ^
Dtra?iid, the Brit. Mus. Synaxarium (Or. 2328, f. 29^) l^ Jj Datarmd,
the other Gottingen MS. Dirijd,^^ the corresponding Ethiopic
version-" Dcyomd, i.e. L«».'j for U..>j. MSS. H. and ^. of the
Acts have somewhat differently Uj and LcJv.'- Now apart from
these variants, it would not be difficult to read U Jj and, regarding
the initial consonant as the Greek article, to see here a mere
transcript of to (t>ep€^ui(i'). It is however to be observed that none
of the Arabic scribes have so read it, although the form {Da)bar;;id
might, it is true, be held to represent (DaYarmd.
But the main difficulty in accepting such an equation between
the Arabic and Greek forms lies in the one and only Coptic passage,
so far as I know, wherein the place is named. The Berlin fragment
(v. above, p. 132) gives the beginning of Miracle 2 (Malchus) thus:
[ ]aion[ . . . .]pu)ue Ki[ . . . ] . crAAH[T-i eJTnoAic
TAOApuA- 6AC| . . Aq 6KToq (32pAi eneqKA2 • ne:^Aq
KITOqC^lUG XGTCOOTN UApON CeOTN enUApTTpiOKI
MN(5T()'i"AAii TATOOT6 (s/t:) GTOOTOT &:c., ' a man
^•^ These additional miracles, were they not so commonplace, might recall the
collection said to have been made by Christodorus (D. pp. 51, 82). But v. also
D., p. 79 note.
'' Synaxau-e Jacobite Arabe, in Patrol. Orient., T. i, p. 330.
'^* In Corp. Scr. Chr. Or., p. 1 1 7.
" Hence WiJSTENFELD's ' Darija.' (Was he thinking of b.^j, S. o
Damascus?) Prof. Pietschmann has kindly collated these MSS.
-" According to Brit. Mus. Or. 660, f. 72/) and 667, f. %oa and MS. d'Abbadie
no. 66, f. 77a, kindly examined by the Abbe Tisserant.
-' Cf. Paris, 132', 42, 'I'neTpA GTeTMCTAAHT epOC, and probably
CTAAHTT, Pistis, 346.
^ Ap slightly doubtful. Kindly examined by Prof. Stern". My copy was
made years ago, before the present problem had been raised.
May 13] SOCIETY' OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
dwelling in the city Tatharma and (about to ?) return to his own
land. He said unto his wife, Arise, let us go in to the martyrium of
the saints, that I may deliver thee into their hands &c. ' To this
the Arabic parallel (Or. 4723, f. xdb) is ,_^^ .i J.j- , U..-J ^i ^1^
•J^ ,.)^ S\^-i 'There was in D. a stranger, who desired &:c.' In the
Greek (D. p. 93) it is after IMalchus and his wife have decided to
apply to the saints that they go to Phereitian. But although the
position in the context is thus not identical, it cannot be doubtful
that both versions point to the same place.
It is hardly imaginable that the Copt should by Tatharma intend
to transcribe any Greek form resembling to ^cpe^u'iv. But still less
probable is it that by Tatharma he would designate the town familiar
among his own countrymen as Peremoicn or Pebisium ; for it he
would surely have used one or other of these names.
AVhat, then, did he and his Arabic-writing follower intend by
Tatharma, Datarma ? The word has anything but an Egyptian
appearance ; rather its form recalls many localities in Syria. The
Arabic Acts {v. above) connect the place with 'Arabia.' Is there
any place so or similarly named in the 'Arabian' deserts, E. and
S.E. of Palestine? I have sought it in vain.-^ The only name
which seems within the bounds of possibility is Tadmor (Palmyra).
Recalling the form Qaca^ofta, used at any rate by Josephus,^^ and
assuming a quite conceivable metathesis on the part of the Coptic
scribe, the two names appear not unlike. The situation too of
Palmyra vvould suit well with the 'Arabia!! land,' whence the saints
came. One might even — allowing again for the fusion here which
Deubner has noted (pp. 69 n., 77 n.) of the 'Asiatic 'and 'Arabian'
legends — see a connection between the vahv (or tottov) 'Ac/jkivov
(D. pp. 218, 219) and the name \\c/iun'ov7ro\is; given to Palmyra
after Hadrian's visit, in 129.-^
23 I have searched M. Hartmann's lists, Z. Deutsch. Pal. Ver. xxiii, 131,
and Eli Smith's in E. Robinson's Researches.
" DiNDORF, viii, VI, I. I cannot find this form elsewhere. AssEMANl's
Thodniora, B.O. iii, II, p. xiv, is not justified. On the usual form of the name
cf. 'Lkgav.'dts., Bildiing der Nomina 125, Reckendorf, ZDAIG. xlii, 402. The
confusion QtSfiop — eep/xae in 2 Chr. viii, 4, i Kings ix, 18 might support my
assumption. Unfortunately neither passage is extant in Coptic.
2' Marquardt u. Mommsen, Handbiuh iv, P, 414, Le Quien ii, 845. But
Hadrianopolis is a frequent name ; see e.g. , Ramsay's Geogr. of Asia Minor,
Index.
May 13] PLACE-NAMES IN KOSMAS UND DAMIAN. [1908.
But there are two strong objections to this solution of the
problem: (i) Fheref?iafi could never be accepted as a phonetic
equivalent, however degenerate, for Palmyra ; (2) we have no authority
for connecting Cosmas and Damianus with Palmyra, either in life or
after death.
'Arabia' too, it must be owned, might be, not the Asiatic
country, but the district in the Eastern Delta. "*^ Nor does the
additional description of the locality in the Arabic Acts, 'the
castle built in the name of the Son of God,' or 'the pillar
whereon is the picture of the Lord Christ,' offer any help. It
may be taken for granted that the words embody a reminiscence
of a real place — perhaps some KaPat ^Isd — but I have found
no such name in the modern lists, maps, or the mediaeval
geographers.
Phereman has been sought not in Egypt only {v. D. p. 65 n.).
In modern times a bishop of Amida (Diarbekr) is quoted,-''' who
maintained that it was a town, now destroyed, two days' journey from
his city, and that the relics of our saints had been deposited there
at the time of the first Turkish invasions (? nth century). Might
this tradition be connected with the ancient claim of Cyrrhus, or its
district ?} Kt'piJijffTihi'i, to possess the bodies^s? It may be noted
that the Greek MS. of the Miracles newly acquired (from Egypt)
by the British Museum places Phereman itself in that province :
<i>epe/ujna -twv KvpetniKwv.^^ Possibly this however is merely a
superficial confusion, due to the scribe.
It is significant that the Melkite Synaxarium (Bodleian Marsh.
445, I St of Tishrin ii), which gives the 'Asiatic' story, accepts
^epejiiav 3.S Paramd LcJ.
Finally, I may mention here a short version of the ' Arabian '
legend given in the Arabic MS., Brit. Mus. Or. 5019, fol. ^ga.
This beautiful parchment volume is dated AH. 562 = AD. 1172.
MS. Add. 26 1 1 7, which is but a part of it, was brought by
-® V. Amelineau, G^ogr. 483, Brit. Mus., Catal. of Copt. MSS. p. 147.
'' From a work by Rudneff (1865), cited in Rtissian Palestine Soc, vol. iv,
pt. 2, p. 141 (kindly translated by Mr. C. Faminsky).
^ D. pp. 51, 81. M. Delehaye, I see, accepts Cyrrhus as the burial place,
Anal. Boll, xxvii, 225.
^ I owe this to Mr. R. Flower, who is entrusted with the examination of
the MS.
135 M
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
TiscHENDORF from Sinai.-"" Its text will therefore be independent
of Egyptian tradition "'^ : —
Lysias U^.!, the representative dij.ls>- of Diocletian and Max-
iniian, is waly of the city As-Si/wdri/ (in) the mountain of Samaria,32
i"..<L«!! . 'uc?- ( i,\*^\ <Ia.'A^, and holds his court on the 2i;th of
Tishrin the Second, '^-^ in the temple of Hadrian i^^Aj ,Sj\ J.xAi'.
The saints give their city as Al-Bathaniyah JLiJU^a]^ U! JUj IaJvjuX<.
They are martyred at As-Si(U'drif^ on the 25th of Tishrin the
First {sic).
No such town as As-Suwarif is to be found. ^\''e should, in
this context, look for it in Aegae of Cilicia, but the text places it in
Samaria'^*. In Bathaniyah, on the other hand, we should see the
small town SSE. of the Hauran,''^'^ unless indeed the district of that
name, and not a town, is meant. The names in this text appear
therefore to point to ignorant confusion, based perhaps upon some
Palestinean form of the legend. As-Suwdrif itself may be a mere
imaginary name, ' The City of Vicissitudes.'
I am aware of having, in all this, contributed little towards a
solution of the geographical problems involved — of having indeed
but added an element to the confusion. Let us hope that other
sources, perhaps further Coptic fragments, may prove of greater
service.
"■'" So Mr. A. G. Ellis informs me. V. Brit. Mus. Catal. Codd. Orient.
1871, p. 675.
^^ The pagination, in Coptic numerals, was added later, says the scribe's note,
fol. \a.
^ The MS. is sparsely pointed ; this word is written 'j-*^, which must be
erroneous.
^ = November. On this date, v. Deubner, p. 80, supra.
^ I had thought of reading oj^^, for Suwerek, SW. of Diarbekr. But this
appears to be a Turkish word, presumably spelt otherwise. Might <— *;^^ be a
corruption of (^jW Aegae {v. above)? (graphically the words are not unlike.
■''•' V. Le Strange, Palestine tinder the I\IosIejiis, 34, NoLDEKE in ZDMG.
xxix, 433.
136
May 13] THE LOST TEN TRIBES OF ISRAEL. [1908.
THE LOST TEN TRIBES OF ISRAEL.
By the Rev. C. H. \V. Johns.
( Continued fro m page 115.)
Transcription — continued.
No. 2. Obv.
^fr m. I ^^r >^ -^i !-
\ III ^^ i^^ ^4- "T^ <ii?i
Two badly preserved seal impressions.
-^T r? tin <r^ife^,^,j^:...^^
1 Or ^y.
137
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
20. ^}]i < >^ < ^y ^y <rr.^| 5,yyy<
I t] -^r <Vr J^4 -1^^ ill!
yr ^^y _v -t} -+ 5^^^ ^- Vr -^r
< y— ^T Vr -^i -II r— I -II ^^11
^ ^^y <y^ i^ ^y
25- -^H -^M ^I '7^ -I<
I m \- ^ 4-HF- I? I V <f- ^^
-^11 -^H -7^ ^-Hh I? I?^MiP
^l^y< gll <I->^^^i^
<M-ii^ -11^ ^t "^mm
30. iM n < &^i -III ^
<y-y-l.^^yn? I? I n <I- ^ItH
<M ->f n < iHi 1? Vr m
y? y ,tyy <y:^ ^>f <V7 a
<I- I -^I^ 4 I? n -^ I ^1^
Edge. 35. <y^ ] ->W -- \
<h I -V >i£II
<I- I -^Id >f ->f
Left-hand ^— ][ I j.y^ ^y Mi^<I- -^ --V sM
Edge. <y^ y ^-JrJ ^ H< I? -^I1P^<?PT
I? ^I tHi <]ie
Transliteration.
Kunuk Abu-sa-la-me
mar Ha-am-bu-su
Kunuk Rahi-me-sarri
Kunuk (ilu)Ba-ni-tu-i-
5. mare Nu-na-1ime-
naphar III amele an-nu-u-(te)
sa (alu)Da-ri
bele .... za-lal tada-ni
Seals.
si-i nu
138
May 13] THE LOST TEN TRIBES OF ISRAEL. [1908.
10 nu g3-(?)
na{?) a-te
Edge.
15 un
zar-pat-TI-
tu-a-ru di-(e-nu)
dababu la su man-(nu)
sa ina ur-kis-si ina mat-e-me
20. iparrik-u-nu X ma-na kaspi misi
I ma-na hurasi sak-ru
a-na Aslir idd-an gab-bu a-na
X-MES-te a-na belesu uta-ra
ina la di-ni-su
25, idabub-ma la ilekki
Marduk
Ha-sat-sa-' apil Sa-si-i
(alu)Ka-nu-' a-a
arku-u sa lim-mu (?) .
pan Zi-zi-i
30. apil A-u-id-ri
pan Gad-ia a apil A-si
pan (ilu)A-u-lu-a-a
apil Kur-di-Istar
pan Bul-ti-a-a mar Rid
Edge. 35. pan Asur-nadin-ahi
pan Asur-erba
pan Ka-bar-ili
Left-hand arhu Aiaru um .... lim-mu Asur-rim-(ani)
Edge. pan Ka-bat-ti apil La kaspu (?)
a-ba da- ?
Translation.
No. 2. Sea/ of Abu-salatnu
son of Hambusu
Seal of Rahime-sarru
Seal of Banitu-i- . . .
139
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
5. sons of Nuna-i/nic (?)
in all these 3 persons
owners of za-lal sold
si -nu
nu -?'^ (?)
;/a (?) -te
Mardiik
-iisur
Edge.
15 nn
is sold {and) taken
return laivsuit
discussion shall not be, 7vhosoever
that in future on any accoimt
20. shall repudiate shall pay ten minas of pure silver
one mina of precious gold
to Ashur ; all to
tenfold to its owners they shall return.
In his non-suit
25. he may plead but shall not gaifi.
Hasatsa^ son of Sasi
the Ka?iu'-ite
deputy who {zuas Eponym ?)
In presence of Zizi
30. son of Au-idri
In presence of Gadia ?07i of Asir{u ?)
In pj'esence of Au-Uiai
S071 of Kurdi-Istar
In presence of Bultiai soti of Rid (?)....
Edge. 35. I71 presence of Asur-nadin-ahi
In presence of Asur-erba
In presence of Kabar-ili
Left-hand Month lyyar, day {?), Ep07iyviy of Asur-rimdni
Edge. I71 presence of Kabatti son of la silver
a-ba da-
Although so broken, the permansive zdrpat in 1. 16 shows that
something feminine was sold, and comparison with the texts quoted
by Dr. Schiffer makes it probable that a female slave was the
140
May 13] THE LOST TEN TRIBES OF ISRAEL. [1908.
object of the purchase. The formula of the sale is the same as in
Dr. Schikfer's group. In 1. 27 we see that Hasatsa' was an
inhabitant of Canneh. This is usually the place for the date ; it is
quite likely that the people of Canneh dated by their own ruler,
Hasatsa' was an arku, or deputy. But the scribe adds the Assyrian
date on the edge. Among the witnesses Gadia, Auluai, Asur-nadin-
ahi, Asur-erba, and Kabar-ili also occur in Dr. Schiffer's texts.
Palti-ai is very closely connected as a name with Palti, may even
denote the same person. The Eponym Asur-rimani dates several of
Dr. Schiffer's lists. We can hardly doubt that no. 2 belongs ta
the Berlin group.
There are many points which call for a more extended discussion
than I have been able to give now, but it seemed desirable to put on
record this additional material as soon as possible, in the hope that
others may find time to work out the problems raised.
141
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM UPPER EGYPT.
By Prof. A. H. Savce, D.D.
On an isolated hill of sandstone, on the east bank of the Nile,
opposite Kilh island, and south of the village of Maghalsa, which is
itself five miles south of El-Kab, are the remains of a quarry. Above
the quarry, on the top of the hill, impressions of feet have been cut
in the rock, accompanied in several cases by half-obliterated graffiti
of the early Coptic period. The feet indicate that the rock has
been a place of pilgrimage, and that a Christian shrine once stood
there — the predecessor of a Shekh's tomb, which now exists at the
foot of the hill. In the plain on the other (E.) side of the hill are
a number of large cairns of stone, marking Ababda graves, which,
judging from those near El-Kab, would be of the fifth or sixth
century.
Among the records of the pilgrims, and partially injured by one
of them, is an inscription which tells us approximately when the
quarry was opened. If my restoration of the lost portion of the
inscription is correct, it would have been in the eleventh year of
Hadrian, or shortly afterwards. The inscription, of which I give a
facsimile, I would read as follows : —
/A^AOYC^YW COCOV WM^M
CTPv^TIWij :. HC Ln|P^^^
(0 N ,A\ E¥f I A/S ^€n A I T 10<I> A P
>\OYe^v : LiaAapiAnoy
TOYK^^IO^
(l) M[o yjcoyv K[;' ?J(«.'<T09 o (2) ffT/j«T/tti[T];/9 L n \jx3le.
^'/t] (3) '^^ /xeT^aJWa eTratvJ) 0a/j (4) /(orO[/] , . Lm klpiiivov
(5) TOO K\yp\io\y\
"I M(o?)dus C(n ?)osos . . a soldier of the 2nd legion [comjing
[here] am looking for quarry-stone, the . . th day of Pharmuthi, the
nth year of Hadrian the lord."
142
May 13] GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FROM UPPER EGYPT. [1908.
One of the Coptic graffiti
NOCKATAl^
contains the name of Adam: "Adam, the son of Ps . . n [comes?]
down [here]." Another,
d
>
attached to the drawing of a shoe of pecuhar shape, seems to be a
curious mixture of Latin and Greek. At all events, the first word
appears to be intended for "vixit," while the name was probably
Pylagoras.
In another,
XYP/I€NN^C
Al<
instead of a shoe or foot, the picture of a candlestick (?) has been
attached to the name of Aurelius Zennas, On another part of the
rock a Roman soldier has been diawn.
A day or two before visiting the Maghalsa quarry I was at
Hoshan (opposite Silwa), on the west bank of the river. Here I
re-copied the inscriptions in the northern quarry, which have been
published by Prof. Flinders Petrie in his Season iti Egypt, Nos.
570-579, and found that the three longer ones, 570, 571, and 572,
need correcting. No. 570 consists of three lines only: — (i) Lui
AvTiDvivo'i )iieaopi] (2) o N(Xos €i(TtfKOev €19 (3) TOP opjiioi' fieffoptj /iff,
" The I ith year of Antoninus (Pius), month Mesore, the Nile entered
the basin on the 26th of Mesore." The three additional lines, given
in Prof. Petrie's book, have nothing to do with the inscription,
the first two being later graffiti, and the third belonging to No. 571.
143
May. 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1908.
This latter (No. 571) should be: (i) c- ayr,0u' (2) Lia Avtw-
I'lva QKO^f'/dUci' (3) TOf? fic-/a\ou9 \iOov^ (4) —tj-^wi' la ei<s T/jf
Tri'Xiji' (5) 'i'ov Kvpiov A~o\Xfi'[^/^o?J (6) L/*^"'] T;y? Kvpia's [A^yToi'?"],
"For luck! The nth year of Antoninus we cut the large stones
of II cubits for the gate of the lord Apollo and the lady (Latona)"
at Edfu.
No. 572, which, instead of being incised* like the other inscrip-
tions, is painted in red letters, reads: (i) ui L Autiv\^uii^o]v Kmaufw^
(2) eiai]i\6\_ci'~\ci'i 701' op/Lioi' t?/9 (3) XoTaJL/uaJ? /te/jv/t (^"^) iTff Kn (4) t«
To[i'9 fYjjxfl'of? \_M^"^~\'> "The nth year of Antoninus Csesar, it
entered the basin of the quarry, the 26th of Mesore, according to
the old [calendar]."
The u'puoi, or "basin," was the quarry itself, which has the form
of a passage running into the cliff. From another inscription we
learn that Apollonius, the son of Petesos, was the " chief engineer."
In the same quarry there is a graffito in Latin characters :
ACHARRINI.
I examined the rocks north of the quarries as far as the village of
El-Reqiqiya, but found only three hieroglyphic and one hieratic
graffiti.
144
May 13] INCANTATION AGAINST RHEUMATISM. [1908.
AN ASSYRIAN INCANTATION
AGAINST RHEUMATISM.
By R. Campbell Thompson, M.A.
{Continued from p. 69.)
Transliteration — continued.
K. 2473. Obverse.
(PL 2 — continued.)
II.
I ti
2. gir-gis-sum bu-'-sa-nu
3. rigma isakkanu(nu) e-sa-du i-zu-bu ri-
4. uz-zar-ri-bu idliP' kal-lu-mi uz-zar-ri-bu . . .
5. man-nu lu-us-pur ana marat ''"A-nim sa same(e) lis-sa-a ....
6. u karpatiP'-si-na sa ^'^""ukni ib-bi li-ih-ba-a-ni meP^ a-
{PI. 3-)
7. meP' "^™Idiklat meP' "^™Puratti ....
8. sa ur-ru-us-ti la u-si-ir-ru u mu-suk-ka-[ni] . . .
9. li-bi-la-nim-ma li-ri-ka-ni ki-is-sa-tum . . .
10. sa-as-sa-tu si-en-ni-tum si-rip-tum ip ki na sa . . .
pi-a-su bi-'-a-ra u bu-'-sa-nu kima idliP' sa < I -
^ [ nam j
12. a-na ah-ra-a-tim ki-is-sa-tum i-sa ....
13. la i-ta-ar ana pulani apil pulani siptu ul ia-ut-tu nisla sipat
[''"Ea u "" Marduk]
14. sipat ^'"Ba'u u ''"Gu-la sipat ''"Nin-a-ha-kud-du bel sipti su-nu
[id-du-ma ana-ku assi TU EN]
15. [sipta] an-ni-ta a-na ku-ta-ri u rimki sa SA . GAL
16. [Kikittu-su] isid balti isid asagi sa eli kimahhi kus (?) -sat
samni (?) tabi (?)....
17 mul-lap-pi ta-lap-pap ina kabli-su kin-si-su u [ki-sal-li-su
tarakas . . . . ]
145
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. 1908.
18 SA GI HU u a
19. [INIM.INIMJ.MA SA . [GAL . LA . KAM]
20 [sarat] kalbi sarat nesi tetimmi III ^''""AN . SE . TIR
tasakak(ak)[ma tarakassuma ibalut]
K. 2473. Reverse.
{PL 4.)
1. [Siptu] su-uh-ra-am su-uh-ra-am : ia-an-[bi-tum mu-ut-ta-an-
bi-tum]
2. NU . UP . TUR . TUR . RI : ''"Samsu [bel napisti LA SI .
NA . AH
3. Z AG . GA . RA SI . NA . AH : NI . IN
4. lA.BI.TU E.BI.TU E.TE.MA.AH E.BI.TU
E.TE.[MA.AH E.BI.TU TIL.LA^.GE . . . .]
5. INIM.INIM.MA [SA. GAL. LA. KAM]
6. Kikittu-su SIG.RID ^^^'puhatti SIG.RID utli zumbi bu-
ha-lim . . . [telikki]
7. DUR tetimmi ^^'"■""TAR . HU ^^^'"■""SI . SI ^^'■"'""[SI . MAN
tal-pap]
8. VII kasir takasar sipti VII-su ana eli tamannu(nu)-ma kabli-
su utli-[su u ki-sal-li-su tarakas]
9. Siptu a-ra-ah-hi ra ma-ni : a-ra-ah-[hu pag-ri kima]
10. kalbu kalbata sahu sahita lit-tab-ku ina seri-su : kima '^"[nartabi
ir-si-tu ir-hu-u]
11. ir-si-ti im-hu-ru ziri-su : ir-hi ra-ma-ni in (?)- ....
12. INIM.INIM.MA SA. [GAL. LA. KAM]
13. Kikittu-su VII hi-ir-si sa '^"eri telikki(ki) [estenis isidsunu isati
tukabbab]
14. ina sipat nabasi tasakak(ak) VII kasir takasar sipti VII-su
tamannu[ma tarakassuma ibalut]
15. Siptu su-u sum-su mas-ka-du ki-nu-us-su : is-tu kakkabi
[p'sa-ma-mi ur-da]
16. [isbat] sa kal sim-ma-tu kal pag-ri-su : is-bat gis-sa kin-[sa
ki-sal-la]
17. [kablu ra]-pa-as-tu u sa-sal-la : ''"Marduksa na-'-u-[du u mudfl]
146
May 13]
INCANTATION AGAINST RHEUMATISM.
[1908.
18. [kali idisumma sipti] sa su-si-i kali kima ur-ru mu-su i-zu-zu
li-[zu-za mursi sa zumri-su EN]
{PL 5.)
(I)
(4)
(5)
(6)
(7)
(9)
Col. I
K. 2453 + 81-2-4, 194-
(2) . . . . ^bnu _ _ (3) . . . puhadi u ^^'puhatti ....
["^'""'" SI]. MAN ^^™"^"kur-ka-nam . . .
. KI.A ""Nari UH ""Nari
. puhadi tal-pap siptu III-su tamannu(nu)
. naru ir-ha-an (8) . . . . GI . SA . SUR tasakan(an)
GI . SA. SUR tasakan(an) (10) . . . . tu-kap-par
(lO
si naab (12) . . . P"]Zu-uk si sa nab (13) .... lib-lut
(14)
(Col. I!.
(0
(3)
a (15)
har-bi (2) . . . . ina kabli-su kin-si-su
sihli RAT ina samni tapasas-su
[PL 6.)
(4)
(6)
. . . . -a kakkabu zi-ia-rum (5) . . . . ia ka ris-ti (or KA SAK
TI) ina ditto ri-in-ti
. . . . ra ba la ba tu-um-ma-ha (7) . . . . kakkabu zi-ia-rum
(8) [INIM.INIM.MA
SA] . GAL . LA . KAM
(9)
(10)
(,2)
(13)
. . telikki-su-ma dis-si-nis
. P'pa-si-rin nari (11) .... VILsu ana muk-kal-pi-ti
sa ana ka(?)-ku(?)-ban-nu tasakan(an)
ana arki-ka ta-na-suk (14) isatti-su-ma ibalut
(15)
(16)
gi pa ta u a na an ku par ri
. ri an ta na an ku par ri
(17) [INIM . INIM] . MA SA . GAL . LA . KAM
(18)
^^""AN. SE.TIR (19) tarakas-su
(20)
[PLi.)
(28)
v3o)
. . . (21) ru ru u (21) .
{About four lines tvanting.)
a ra . . . . (28) u . .
. ta-bu-u is ... . (31) . .
147
(29) ia . . pi
-si-ma sur-si-sa . .
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1908.
(32) ... . ra-as ana lib samni tanadi(di) siptu an-ni-[tu] ....
(33) DUR sarta samta sarta pisata tetimmi
(34) sipta tamannu(nu) ina sir utli-su kin-si-su u
ki-sal-li-[su]
(35) takasar(ar ?) kisti (?) ana ''"Samsi u ''"Gu-la tasakan(an) samni
har-tu tapasas ana pani(?)utli . . ibalut
36. Siptu su-uh-ra-am su-uh-ra-[am ta-an-bi]-tum mu-ut-ta-an-
bi-tum
{PI. 8.)
37. NU . UP . TUR . TUR . RI ''"Samsu bel napisti LA SI.NA.
AH : ZAG . GAR . R A SI . NA . AH . . G A
38. lA.BI.TUM E.BI.TUM E.TE.MA.AH E.BI.TUM
E.TE.MA.AH E.BI.TU TH.-LA^GE] . . .
39. INIM.INIM.MA SA.GAL.LA.KAM
40. Kikittu-su SIG. RID puhadi u ^^'puhatti sarat zibbat bu-ha-li
u sarat ^^'uniki . . .
41. telikki(ki) DUR tetimmi *=i">"^"TAR . HU ^^"^'""SI . SI
sammusi , MAN tal-pap VII kasir takasar . .
42. siptu VII-su ana eli tamannu(nu) ina kabli utli u ki-sal-li
tarakas ^ammugLSI ....
43. ina samni tapasas-su "=''^'""^" kur-ka-nam ^ammugjjviAN tahasal
ina isat 'S^eri tusahar(?)-ma [ibalut]
44. Siptu KU UT TE MA HA TE MA HA NA HI LA TE
E HA MUL ZI E HA
45. [TE] E HA NI GA ZI lA SI MA HI MA : lA KU
UT TE MA HA lA
46. . . RA BI IL UD MAH KU . . .
47. [INIM].INIM.MA SA.GAL.LA.KAM
48. . . . amelu sa"^ sa-gal-lu-su ana nari telikki(ki)-su-ma i-na
sar-ti ....
49. ... GAR(?).NA burasi tasakan(an) ina met'' karpta
GAR . TA . RIN . TUR . RA . RA telikki (ki)
50 nari . . sar-ti ta-hap (?)-pu-u ana sar-ru (?)-su ....
Probably to be read instead of da.
148
ISlAY 13] INCANTATION AGAINST RHEUMATISM. [1908.
Translation,
K. 2473. Obverse.
I
2. The girgissu '" \_gave forth ?] a7i evil savour
They raised a cry {a?id) left the pillow ^
They oppressed, groivn men {and) children (?) ~ they oppressed,
\iintil stich and such a god spake]
" JVhom shall I send unto the daughter of Ann who heaven
" and their cups of shining crystal may hold 7vater
''^ for us
{PI- 3.)
" ivater fr07n the Tigris, {and) water fro ?fi the Euphrates ....
" which grozveth no crops or [zcateret/i] palmtrees . . . He
" shall bring {it) to 21s and shall delay for us the wrath.^
'"''the ulcer, the . . ., the . . .,
"Its stench^ . . .{?), and an evil smell as of men
that
'■'■ To a later time the anger is deferred (^)
"// will not return ufito JV., son of NP The incafttatioti is
not invented of ma?tkind, it is the ificantation of \_Ea and
Marduk i*^]. // is the incantation of Bd'u and Gula, the
incantation of Nin-aha-kuddu, the lord of incantation ; it is
they [who have performed, and it is I who have adopted.
Perform the inca7itation^
^ Girgisstt is known from Brunnow, List, No. 4636, where it is the
Assyrian equivalent for an ideogram with the determinative for wood. The same
ideogram is translated iiyatu, another wood. There is a Syriac word i«unj.X«tv
a7butus itfiedi, which is comparable, but the whole sense of the cuneiform passage
is doubtful. Philologically, the Syriac rcivJL^jt^^ gleba is nearer.
* Esadu, Syriac ^xta^ .
' Kalltiini {? kalntni), very doubtful.
^ Kissatiun from kasasii. See also 1. 12.
^ Pi-a-Su ; possibly the nominative \s pi-u, connected with Arab. g\i, "to
0 -
exhale (a perfume)," and ■^Ji " the exhalation of an odour."
" jMyhrman {ZA., XVI, translating IV.A.L, IV, 56; II, 20, Siptu ul u-tu
nissipat ^'"Ea ^'"A/arduk, etc., from which I have restored this line) compares
W.A.I., IV, 29, 4, C. 4, ul ia-at-tii ni&ii, K. 2573 zd i-at-tic niSu, and King,
Magic, No. 61, 20. He translates " Nicht suckt das Volk (?) die Beschworung."
149
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1908.
15. \^Thou shalt perfor])i\ this incantation for the fiiniigatioit
and ^cashing of the S7volleti joint
16. \Ritual for this] : — [Take] the roots of the caper, the roots of a
thorn-bush which on a grave hath beefi cut out (?) siveet (?)
oil (?) Roll (it) up in a band (and) \bind //] on his
belly, his shins (?), and \his hips]}^
1 9. Prayer for the [swollen] joint.
20. [Ritual for this] : — Spin together a hair from a dog and a hair
from a lion (and) thread i- three cornelians (thereon), [bind it
on, and he shall recover].
K. 2473. Reverse.
(PI. 4.)
I. [I?tcantation^ : — Tiirn away, turn away ! ^'^
5. Prayer for the [swollen joint].
6. Ritual for this: — Take hair from a female lamb (and) hair from
the rump of a male (goat) . . . ., spin a tlvcad (}) (ther-eof a fid
inter)twine the plants tarhu, sisi (and) siman ; tie seven knots
(therein), repeat the incantatioti seven times over it (and) [bind
it] oti his belly, his loins [and his hips].
Q. Incantation : — / cherish thee, myself I cherish thee, [my body,
as] the dog the bitch, as the hog the sow ; may it be poured forth
in its desert ; as [the shaduf cherisheth the earth], the earth
receive th its seed, it cherisheth myself i-^
12. Prayer for the [swollen] joint.
" Kisallu = Heb. ^D3 .
'- UD. DU =Sal:&ku =Arab. cSiA " pierce, transfix" [Mttss-Artio/t, p. 1026).
'■' The remainder is unintelligible to me. The text is repeated on PI. 7, 1. 36 ff.
'^ A difficult text, repeated on PI. 10, 11. 26 ff., and amplified in Maklu
(Tablet VII, 1. 23 ff.). Whether arahhi and irhi are to be translated " cherish"
or "water" is difficult to say, and iiia xeri-Su may he "on its back."
May 13] INCANTATION AGAINST RHEUMATISM. [190S.
13. Ritual for this : — Take seve?i cuttings^''' of tamarisk, [char their
loiver ends in fire togethet-\}^ thread them on a scarlet thread,
tie {thereifi) seven knots, repeat the incantatioii seven times,
[bind {it) on him and he tvill recover.]
15. Incantation : — This is its name — maskadu is its appeUatio7i 17 ;
[// hath co?ne dou'n] from the stars [of heaven ; it hath seized]
with every (?) poison his ivhole body ; it hath seized neck (?),
shins (?), [hips], broad [belly] and shoulders. Marduk, who is
glorious [and wise, knoweth it all, too, a?id may the incanta-
tion] which divideth all results (?) as between day and night,
[divide also between the sickness and his body. Inca?itation\ ^^
Plates 5 and 6 contain the mutilated ends of lines which do not
help much beyond giving some useful repetition of groups.
K. 2453. Col. II, continued, 1. 32.
{PL 7.)
32 thou shall put itito the oil. [Repeat] this incan-
tation spiti a thread {f) of dark and white threads
{or hairs) repeat the inca?itation ; bind it on his loins,
his shins (?) and his hips ; present agift^^ to Samas and Gula ;
tvith oil (?) of . . . rub . . . and he shall recover.
36. Incantation : — Turn away, turn away -^
(PI. 8.)
39. Prayer for the sivollen joint.
'• Eirsi (cf. also PI. 11, 1. 30), from hardm, "to cut into."
'* For this restoration see PI. II, 1. 30. Tukabbab is from kab&bu, Aram.
323 Pa. "to roast," probably the same root from which kakkabii, "a star,"
comes. See Myhrman, ZA., XVI, 158; II, 1. 4.
'■^ Kimissu = kiniitsii, kimitii probably being connected with the Syriac
. 1 1.1 and ftlucA. The passage is duplicated on PI. 11, 1. 37. MaSkadu
has been known as a form of disease.
^* This is repeated on PI. 11, 11. 37 ff.
" KtStu, Brunnow, List, No. 11988.
20 See PI. 4, 1. I.
iqi N
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
40. Ritual for this: — Take the hair of a male and female lamb,
the hair from the tail of a male {goat), and the hair of a
[virgin'] kid, spin a thread {J) {thereof and inter)twine the
plants tarhu, sisi {and) siman, tie seven knots {therein), repeat
the incantation seven times over it, {and) bind it on belly,
loins, and hips ; sisi-plant . . . . ; 7C'ith oil anoint him, bray up
saffron {and) siman-plant, in a fire of tamarisk reduce {them
to ashes) a?id [he shall recover'].
44. Incantation : — -^
4 7 . Pra} 'er for the swollen joint.
48. . . . take the man whom the swollen joint affection hath seized
to the " river," and with the hair (?) Put cypress
take water in a "^ gartarinturrara 0)-cup
^^ Unintelligible to me.
{To be continued.)
^52
May 13] NOTES ON SOME EGYPTIAN ANTIQUITIES. [1908.
NOTES ON SOME EGYPTIAN ANTIQUITIES.
III.
By W. L. Nash, F.S.A.
Plate I.
( IVhere no dimensions are given, the illustration is the full size of the object.)
13. A fragment of a faience plaque with a brilliant light-blue
glaze, of Queen Hatshepsut. It is interesting as having on one side
the queen's pre-nomen with the feminine title '''■Beautiful goddess, Lady
of the two lands" and on the other her throne-name with masculine
title " Son of the Sun of his body." Length 25 inches. From
Der el Bahari. I?i Dr. Colin Catnfbeirs Collection.
14. Doll (?), consisting of a plate of ivory, the upper end notched
to represent the hair. The junction of the head and body roughly
defined by a notch on each side. The surface is divided into four
parts by three bands, each composed of two lines. In each of the
two middle divisions is a circle wath a dot in the centre, meant to
indicate the face and the pudenda. On the lowest band are two
holes. This object appears to be one of the class described by
Mr. C. L. WooLLEY in his article on " Coptic bone figures "
{Proceedings, Vol. XXIX, p. 218), but is of a more degraded type
than any shown by him. From the Fayoum (?).
In Mr. L. S. Loate's Collection.
15. Part of a sistrum handle wdth the throne-name of Antharyuash,
Darius. More probably Darius the first than the second. Dark
green faience. In the Author's Collection.
16. A Dad amulet, of dark blue glass. On the reverse is the
cartouche of Neb Maat Ra, Amenhetep III, and "Seten hemt
[I'hyii]." From Hadj Kandil. In the Author's Collection.
153
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/ILOLOGY. [1908.
Plate II.
17. A fragment of hard white Hmestone engraved with the
cartouche of Neb-hepet-Ra, Metituhetep II, "■beloved of Hathor"
A part of the figure of the king standing on a sledge is on the left.
From the king's temple at Der el Eahari. Length 3 inches.
In Dr. Colin CatnpbelVs Collection.
18. A large bead, of Amenhetep III, "• beloved of the Circle of
the gods in Hebyt." Green glazed faience, with the hieroglyphs in
dark purple paste. Hebyt was a town in the Delta, now called
Behbit el hagar. In the Author's Collection.
19. A tile, measuring 3 inches x i^ inch, inlaid in yellow glaze
with the pre-nomen of Seti II. On the reverse side are the di sign
and a seated figure, probably a deity, but the edge of the tile is
broken away. From Toura, in the Delta.
In the Author's Collection.
20. A blue glazed faience figure of the goddess Mehi, cow-headed
and wearing a long wig. The lower part of the object is fashioned
as a staff, with a forked end. Mehi was a goddess of the Amenti,
probably a form of Hathor. /// the Author's Collection.
154
PLATE I.
S.B.J. Prcrcedinos, May, 1908.
I * 1 : -I
13
* ..
i^f ^
16
PLATE II.
S.B.A. Proceedings, May, 1908.
>i
.#:^>
r>
i -1 J':j
i ' 1 1
■>*
'. ;._ J-, A' /.r
■msMi
19
20
May 13] THE HYKSOS AND THE TWELFTH DYNASTY. [1908.
THE HYKSOS AND THE TWELFTH DYNASTY.
By E. W. Hollingworth, M.A.
The present Paper attempts to show that several independent
lines of evidence unite in pointing to the identity of the great Hyksos
with the kings of the Twelfth dynasty. The identification is
supported by : —
(a) The dates on the monuments.
{/') The known lists of kings.
(c) The general evidence of the monuments,
(d) The features of the statues.
(e) The similarity of the facts recorded of the two dynasties.
(a) The 7th year of Usertesen HI was dated, according to papyri
from Kahun, by a heliacal rising of Sirius on the i6th day of the
4th month of winter, while the 33rd year of Tahutmes IH is dated
by a rising on the 28th Epiphi. Since a sidereal year contains
365'256374 days and the old Egyptian year 365, the above dates
would be 398 (or 102 h- 0-256374) years apart, and the interval
between the end of the Twelfth and the beginning of the Eighteenth
dynasty would be about 200 years. The Twelfth dynasty thus falls
in the Hyksos period, which according to Josephus and Julius
Africanus lasted for more than 500 years.
(^) The second book ^ of Herodotus agrees with the conclusion
that the Twelfth was a Hyksos dynasty, for it states that there were
eighteen foreign kings before Moeris (Amenemhat IH), and it may
be read as stating that Moeris himself was a foreigner. Herodotus
passes from Moeris to Sesostris and his successor Pheron. The
name and exploits of Sesostris suggest Zeserkara (Amenhetep I), but
however this may be, Pheron is identified with Tahutmes, the
^ §§ 100 £/ se//.
155
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1908.
obelisks, ico cubits high, erected by Tahutmes III, being far larger
than any others known. If the Hyksos had reigned in the interval
between Moeris (Amenemhat III) and Pheron (Tahutmes), it is
strange that they should have been passed over by Herodotus, for
some of them were powerful and ruled the whole of Egypt, while the
foreigners who preceded Moeris would be otherwise unknown.
The list of Abydos follows the same course, and omits all kings
between the Twelfth and Eighteenth dynasties.
The list of Saqquara goes further, for besides omitting all kings
between these dynasties, it makes a distinction between the Twelfth
and the other dynasties by writing it in the reverse order.
The list of Karnak places the Hyksos, Ra-en-user (Khyan or
Janias), in the Twelfth dynasty.
The copies of Manetho's lists are too uncertain for much stress
to be laid upon them, but the version of Julius Africanus supplies
a reason for the omission from the Abydos and Saqquara lists of the
kings who immediately preceded the Eighteenth dynasty : the country
being divided between Shepherd and Theban kings for a period of
151 years,
(if) The general evidence of the monuments strongly supports the
proposed identification, for between the Sixth and Eleventh dynasties
a great change came over Egypt, the shape of the skulls of the
mummies,- the family names, official titles, the writing, the religion,
and the capital being altered, and the objects belonging to the
Eleventh dynasty not resembling in the least those of the earlier
periods.^ Mariette considered that these facts proved that the
country had been under the rule of foreigners.^ On the other hand,
the objects belonging to the Seventeenth dynasty are so similar to
those of the Eleventh that it is difficult for even the most practised
eye to distinguish them."
{d) The features of the kings of the Twelfth dynasty are so
markedly un-Egyptian, that the "Hyksos" sphinxes are now attri-
buted to Amenemhat III.^ The Hyksos statues, as pointed out by
Prof. GoLENiscHEFF, rescmblc Amenemhat III, although one in the
^ F. Lenormant, Manual of the Ancient History of the East, V. I, p. 212.
■'' Mariette, Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History, trans, by >L Brodkick,
pp. 12, 102.
■• Ibid., p. 10. * Ibid., p. 108.
« Dr. E. W. Budge, A History oj Egypt, Vol. Ill, p. 64.
J
DSEPHUS.
Years.
Years.
:ncy) 20
Salatis
19
) 44
Bnon
44
35
Pachnan
36, 7 months
62
Apofis
61
53
Janias
50
("after all these"
Assis
49
May 13] THE HYKSOS AND THE TWELFTH DYNASTY. [1908.
British Museum is attributed by Dr. Wallis Budge to Khyan,7
whose name was found on a fellow statue.
{e) The facts known of the Hyksos are few, but they apply in a
curious way to the corresponding kings of the Twelfth dynasty.
The lengths of reign worked out by Prof. Petrie for the kings of
the Twelfth dynasty are nearly those assigned by Josephus to the
Hyksos.
Prof. Petrie.
Amenemhat I (excluding co-regency)
Usertesen I (including
Amenemhat H ,,
Usertesen H \
Usertesen HI J
Amenemhat HI \
Amenemhat IV ) "
Sebekhotep (?)
In the above, the co-regency of Amenemhat I has been excluded,
for monuments are dated in the early years of Usertesen I, who
appears therefore to have taken over the government. Apofis and
Janias have been taken to correspond with the two consecutive
Usertesens and Amenemhats respectively, for it seems necessary to
split up the figures given by Josephus. It is hardly possible that
four reigns, averaging 48 years a-piece, could be consecutive.
Salatis lived at Memphis, rendered Upper and Lower Egypt
tributary, and fortified Avaris. Amenemhat I extended the power
of Thebes over the whole country, and estabhshed a fortress on his
eastern frontier. ^
Bnon is said to mean the "man of On,"^ at which city Usertesen I
founded the original temple.
Apepa and Usertesen III appear to have built at the same places,
Gebelen, Tanis, and Bubastis. At the last place Apepa "erected
many columns and a gate of brass," and Usertesen III rebuilt the
temple. A monument in the Louvre, read as of Apepa, contains a
list of 36 conquered Nubian races ; ^^ the conquest of Nubia was
pre-eminently the work of Usertesen III. The name of Apepa
7 Dr. E. W. Budge, A History of Egypt, Vol. HI, p. 162.
^ Records of the Past, Vol. VI, p. 135.
^ Prof. Sayce, Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 1901, Vol. XXIII, p. 98.
1° Prof. Petrie, History of Egypt, Vol. I, p. 243.
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
occurs as that of private persons not uncommonly in or about the
time of the Thirteenth dynasty, z>., before the period usually assigned
to Apepa's reign.
Semitic records relate that the Hyksos Pharaoh Raiyan-ibn-el-walid
in 1800 B.C. employed Joseph to dig the Bahr Yussuf canal in con-
nection with Lake Moeris, which is called Wadi Raiyan after this
king.^i The lake was regarded as the work of Amenemhat III, who
was called Moeris. The date 1800 B.C., taken as a round number,
agrees very well with Borchardt's calculation of 1876-2 B.C. for the
7th j^ear of Usertesen III, based on the dates of the heliacal rising of
Sirius given in the Kahun papyri. The name of Khyan has been
found on a statue of Twelfth dynasty style and on a cylinder similar
in general style to those of the Thirteenth dynasty and Sebekhotep.^^
Khyan is now generally recognized to be the Hyksos Pharaoh
Janias.i'^ He appears also to have been called lan-ra or Raian and
User-en-ra.
In conclusion, it should be noticed that the identification of the
great Hyksos with the kings of the Twelfth dynasty is the natural
consequence of two views which are widely held, viz., (a) that the
Twelfth dynasty were descendants of foreigners, to whom the so-
called Hyksos statues should be attributed ; (/') that there was no
Hyksos invasion between the Twelfth and Eighteenth Dynasties.^*
" F. Cope Whitehouse, Froc. Soc Bibl. Arch.f 1892, Vol. XV, p. 84.
12 F. L. Griffith, Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 1897, Vol. XIX, p. 296.
" Prof. A. H. Sayce, Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch., 1901, Vol. XXIII, p. 95.
1* Dr. E. W. Budge, History of Egypt, Vol. Ill, p. 144.
158
May 13] REVIEWS. [1908.
REVIEWS.
"Les Tapisseries d'Antinoe au Musee d'Or\ea.ns" par/ules Baillet.
This is a small work dealing entirely with those textiles unearthed
by M. Gayet at Antinoe, which are now at the Orleans Museum.
From the year 1896, and onwards, M. Gayet has been at work on a
cemetery, part Christian, part pagan, which was used as a burial
ground from a period so remote, according to the excavator, as the
reign of Hadrian, and continued in use far down into Byzantine
times. The textiles therefore belong to a very interesting period
— the period which should date from the final decay of the old
Egyptian art down to the definite establishment of the so-called
"Byzantine" influence and spirit. Unfortunately, it is extremely
difficult to place any certain date on these materials, although those
described by M. Baillet do not seem, any of them, to be as old as
the age of Hadrian. On the other hand, there is a remarkable
absence of any definite Christian symbolism. M. Baillet has very
carefully described the texture and patterns of the stuffs illustrated.
At the same time we find it difficult to agree with him when he
states that many of these patterns represent an easily traced family
descent from old Egyptian motives. It seems to us that the spirit
is almost entirely non-Egyptian, and rather that of a debased
Hellenism, although perhaps here and there in the figures of birds
and animals we may catch a glimpse of the genius of ancient Egypt.
That the old ?notives lingered on there can be no doubt, but it is
difficult to recognize them as easily as M. Baillet does in the
baskets, tables, flowers, etc., figured on these textiles. In short,
whatever may be their date, they are unsatisfactory evidence of a
steady transition from pure Egyptian to Hellenistic or Byzantine art.
In textiles, especially, the gap is a wide one. M. Baillet's contribu-
tion is nevertheless very welcome, as the study of these stuff's is likely
to become of considerable importance to a proper understanding of the
art of this period, and may make it possible to reconcile Strzygowski's
theories as to the Syrian origin of Byzantine motives with a genuine
and traceable development of national feeling and spirit. The book
also contains a catalogue list of terracottas, bronzes, etc., from the
same site, now in the Orleans Museum.
P. D. S-M.
159 o
May 13] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held on
Wednesday, June lOth, 1908, at 4.30 p.m., when the
following Paper will be read : —
Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D. {President): "Notes on Some
Recent Discoveries in Egypt."
160
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
THIRTY-EIGHTH SESSION, 1908.
Fifth Meeting, June loth, 1908.
Prof. A. H. SAYCE, B.B. {President),
IN THE CHAIR.
.\:.^
[No. ccxxvi.] 161
June io] SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.IiOLOC V. [1908.
The following gifts to the Library were announced, and
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors : —
From the Author, Prof. A. J. Reinach. — "TEgypte prehistorique."
From W. H. Rylands, Esq., F.S.A. — "The Literature of Egypt
and the Soudan : a Bibliography," by his Highness Prince
Ibrahim-Hilmy. Vol. II.
From the Author, S. F. Pells, Esq. — " Hades," and " Introduction
to Charles Thomson's Septuagint."
The following Paper was read : —
Prof. A. H. S.WCE, D.D. {Presidetif) : "Notes on some
Recent Discoveries in Egypt."
Thanks were returned for this communication.
162
June io] THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS.
[1908.
THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS.
By F. Legge.
( Continued from p. 128.)
PROTOCOLS OF THE THINITES.
From these two lists we can reconstruct without further difficulty
the protocols of some at least of the Thinite kings. No one will be
inclined to dispute, for instance, that the Horus Khasekhmui (No. 7
in list of Horus-names) is the same person as the suteii bat nebti
Khasekhmui (No. 3 in the list of suten bat names). On this principle
we find we have the protocols of five of the Thinite kings, viz. : —
r
X/3
Q
= \1
Q (){) " The Horus Khasekhmui,
Ki7ig of the South and North, Lord of Diadems,
Khasekhmui."
1
1=^ c^ KIP^
1
" The Horus Neteren, King
of the South and North, Lord of Diadems, Neteren."
1
i=^ a ^yr.
1
" The Horus Neterkhet,
King of the South and N'orth, Lord of Diadems, Neterkhet."
un
1 i^^j^ __ :^\^ _ I ^^A^/^ " The Set Perabsen, King
of the South and Noi-tJi, Perabsen."
A
" The Horus Qa, King of the
c^ c^ ^^ZP'Z
South and North, Lord of Diadems, Qa."
16^
p 2
JrNE lo] SOCIETV OK IJIHLICAL ARCH.liOLQCJV. [190S.
Besides these, however, there are certain names in the list of
Horus-names which may be identified with greater or less certainty
with other and different ones in the list of si/tcn bat names. This
is the case with the Horus Az-ab (No, 2 in list cf Horus-names)
who, on the strength of a jar-sealing which s'hows this title and
name alternating with that numbered 4 in list of suieu hat names,
bas been identified witli " the King of the South and North
Merbapen," who has in turn been identified with the Miebis of
Manetho (see P.S.B.A., 1904, p. 136). I am by no means so sure
of this identity as I was in my paper last quoted, but as it makes no
great difference to my main argument, I will pass over this for the
present.'^^ The case of the Horus Den (No. 3 in list of Horus-names)
is on all fours with this, having been formerly identified by common
consent (see P.S.B.A., 1904, p. 135) with the supposed " Setui,"
who is No. 9 in the list of suten bat names. M. Weill's very clear
argument in his article in the Recite il de Travaux (t. XXIX,
pp. 26 sqq.) has severely shaken this identification ; but as the
question cannot yet be settled, this also may be left as it-is for the
present. That of the Horus Hotep-sekhmui (No. 4 in the list of
Horus-names) is a little clearer. M. Amelineau found the fragment
of a vase at Abydos inscribed with the srekh of the Horus Hotep-
sekhmui followed by a house sign containing some much-
defaced signs, which are probably '=W^ V ^ ^T/ • ' -^ house
sign thus inscribed is frequently found in a similar position following
the Horus-name of Qa {cf. R.T., i, VHI, 12 ; also IX, 2), which
may therefore be thought to refer to a "castle'' or house of that
monarch. This is confirmed by the instances given in the list from
Prof. Petrie's excavations on the same spot, where the srekh of the
Horus Hotep-sekhmui precedes a house sign bearing the signs
v\ fi & above the ordinary Ka standard v-=^, and apparently
meaning " the House of the Ka of the Horus Hotep-sekhmui."
Hotep-sekhmui, therefore, seems to have adopted for some purpose
^'^ I hope to return to the whole question of the identification of the Thinite
kings with those mentioned in the Manetho and in the King-lists of Abydcs and
Saqqara in a future paper, which will be, in effect, the continuation of that called
" The Kings of Abydos.''
^- So Mr. Griffith, K.T., i, p. 40, who suggests for the group the
extraordinary translation of " Residence of all Protection behind."
164
U'NE lo] TIIK TITLES OF THE TIIINITE KINGS. [190S.
or another the house of the Horus Qa and to have possessed
besides a residence for his own double. But M. Barsanti has
recently found (Ann. dii Service^ iii, p. 187, Type No. 2 A), under the
Pyramid of Unas, certain jar-sealings, which show not only the hawk-
crowned srekh of Hotep-sekhmui, as it appears on the shoulder of
Statue No. i in the Gizeh Museum, but, following it, a house sign
containing the signs 44<^ YNjZ c=^, which M. Maspero reads
"Chateau du Roi des deux Egyptes, maitre du nord et du sud
Hotpou" [Hotep]. Unless, therefore, we choose to believe that a
siiten bat nebti Hotep reigned before Hotep-sekhmui, it seems likely
that the two sekhe/n signs () () were here dropped from his stifeu bat
name by the carelessness or haste of the scribe.*^ If this is the case,
Hotepsekhmui and Hotep must be the same person, and his protocol
must be read like those of Khasekhmui, Neteren, Neterkhet, and Qa.
It seems also extremely likely that "The Horus Khasekhem "
(No. 6 in list of Horus-names) and " The Horus Khasekhmui " (No. 7)
are the same person. Khasekhem's name appears at Hieraconpolis
only, and the signification of the double form of the name is suffi-
ciently shown by the wearing of the crown of the North only by the
hawk on the srekh in the Sam-taui scene there depicted, and by the
remark of Mr. Quirei.l {Hie?-ako>ipo/is, ii, p. 44) that there are
traces of another sekhem sign having been begun but never finished
in the king's srekh. This accords with the meaning of the names
" The Rising of the Sceptre " and " The Rising of the Two Sceptres,"
respectively, and is evidently intended to mark the annexation
(peaceable or otherwise), of the kingdom of Set to the crown of the
North. This would doubtless account for Khasekhmui employing on
his jar-sealings the " Asch " or Set-animal in addition to the Horus-
hawk, the two being borne on a srekh containing his name
Q Y Y' sometimes with and sometimes without the addition of the
signs c=5=i Ht" ^^^=— - .^^ -^ "the peace of his two gods."
In like case to this last is the Horus Sekhemab (No. 14 in the list of
Horus-names), of whom M. Amklineau and, after him, Prof. Petrik
discovered many jar-sealings at Abydos. M. Weill has made it
•*■' A similar abbreviation occurs in the protocol of Ne-user-ra given in Part I
of this paper, /"..S-i?.^., igcS, p. 92.
l6q
June io]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCH.tOLOGY.
[1908.
perfectly plain (i'^fr. de T., art. cit., pp. 29, sqq.) that Sekhemab is not
Perabsen as Prof. Petrie thought, the last-named king having been
already provided with a Horus, or rather, a Set name of his own ;
while in Abydos, Til, Messrs. Ayrton, Currkllv, and Weigall
show a jar sealing giving the name of Sekhemab in a srckh^ together
rr
with the signs i^td /v^a-w^ / 1 ^ reading Per-en-maat, "' House
of Truth. "•'^'^ From this, M. Weill argues that Per-en-maat is the
suteii hat name of Sekhemab. This may well be so, as a srekh of
Ne-user-ra, which he quotes,-''^ shows a hawk-crowned srckh con-
taining the Horus and sitten bat names side by side. But the usage
of the Vth Dynasty is no warrant for that of the Thinites, and I do
not agree with M. Weill that Neterui hotep iin-f is the siiten bat
name of Khasekhmui, whom he quotes as a precedent. •'^^ While,
therefore, believing Sekhem-ab and Sekhem-ab-Perenmaat to be the
same person, I do not suggest any siiten bat name for the former.
We can, then, reconstitute, although with far less certainty than
the five first given, the following additional protocols : —
^ ^z. f'^^ V" " ^^^ Ho7-us .\z-ab, King of the South
and JVorth, Merbapen."
— ^\^ r^-^^-0 " The Horns Den, Kifig of the South
and North, .Setui."
m\
" The Horus Hotep-sekhmui,
£=. ^=1 ^r?^
King of the South and North, Lord of Diaderns, Hotep."
while the Horus Kha-sekhem is otherwise acccjunted for. Of those
remaining in the list of Horus-names there is nothing to give us any
^■' A fine alabaster vase fragment bearing the same inscription is in Mr. Nash's
collection. See P.S.B,.-!., 1907, pp. 297-298, and Plate.
^" Given in Brugsch and Bouriant's Livre Jcs A'ots, p. 7.
^^ M. Mastero reads these signs //o/eJ> Netenii aiiif. " In whom the two
Horuses [gods ?] are joined." Amklineau, 7'onihtau a'Osirts, -p- 129.
166
June io] THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS. [1908.
indication as to whether the Horus Kha-ba possessed a suteii hat
title or name, and although the Horus Ra-neb, from his manifest
proximity in date to Neteren and Neterkhet respectively, probably
did so, we have no means of even guessing what it was.
We have now accounted for all the names in the list of suien hat
names, with the exception of No. 2 4^^ mlL, ^ ' ^^'^''ich according
to Mr. H. R. Hall should be read "Hu" or "Nekht." I should much
like to identify him with the Horus Semerkhet (No. 15 in the list
of Horus-names), as I should thereby get rid of two more numbers.
But I cannot do so, as the only serious argument that has yet been
adduced for the identification is the appearance of the srekh of the
Horus Semerkhet on a jar-sealing {R.T., I, No. 72), alternately with a
house sign containing the signs I ^^=5 ^^ ^ , which may be
read "the great house of the Lord of Diadems Hu." If this
proves that Hu was Semerkhet, then the next seal to it in the Plate
(viz., No. 73) which bears alternately with Semerkhet's srekh another
house sign containing the signs 4^1^ \ y^ ^^ p>iw«c^ must mean that
Semerkhet was also the King of the South and North Ti-mer-ka-nub.
We must therefore suppose that Semerkhet was not only the one
king yet discovered before Usertesen H to possess a nehti name
different from his Horus-name, but that Manetho and Seti's scribes
all put this fiehii name into their lists to the disregard of his sute/i hat
name, which was something quite different from both. This seems
to be a sufficient rednctio ad ahsurdum of the whole argument, and I
am afraid that I must leave the suten hat Hu without suggesting any
Horus-name to which he can be attached.
There remain, then, out of the list of Horus-names, besides the
Horus Sekhem-ab, the Horus Aha (No. 1), the Horus Narmer
(No. 8), the Horus Semerkhet (No. 15), the Horus Zer or Khent
(No. 16), the Horus Zet (No. 17), the Neith Hotep Ba (No. 19), and
the Amen Se- (No. 20), without sitten hat names corresponding to
them, and I shall ask the reader to believe that in these seven cases
the protocol consisted merely of the srekh containing the king's name
and surmounted by the animal chosen as his emblem. We have
many inscriptions, amounting in some cases to more than 100, of each
of these kings, and it seems incredible that if any suten hat names
belonging to them exist, they should not have come down to us.
Omitting, then, those instances where we have clearly only a
167
JfNE lo] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1908.
mutilated protocol, we are left with the following protocols, which I
will divide into three groups : —
Group A {Srckk title and name).
Q^ ^ " T/ic Horns Aha."
,= " T/ie Horus Narmer."
n
^ " The Horns Semerkhet.'
fl [] 1= " 77/." Horns Zer [Khent]/
^
" T/ic Horns Zet."
f |=-=%.|^ •
T/ie Xtif/i Hotep-Ba.
^ n :;-.' ll^ " The Amen Se-(?)."
Group B (Horus and .uth'u bat titles and name).
i=r ^\^ ^^ " The Horns Den, King oj the Sonth
c^ <ci i:^
and .Vorth, Setui (?) '
D
'' 2'he Horns Az-al), King of the Sonth
and Norths Merbapen (?) "
S</nth and North, Peraijsen."
168
June io] THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KEXGS.
[190S.
Group C {Srck/i, suteii hat and iiebti titles and name).
\\ IN M M =^ t f ^''' ^'"'' ^°''P'
sekhmui, King of the Soiit/i and North, Lord of Diadems^
HoteD-sekhmui."'
Q
& 8 1= ^1^ '^S ^ § t " '^^^'^ ^'"'"^ Khasekhmui,
King of the South and North, Lord of Diadems, Kha-
sekhmui."
1
ci iz^ ^^17':
1
" The Liorus Neteren, King
of the South and North, L.ord of Diadems, Neteren."
= ^\^ \V i """^^^ " The Horns Neterkhet,
Lung of the South and North, Lord (f Diadems, Neterkhet."
^f=
^\
" The LLorus Qa, King of the
c^ <=^ ^c:?^
South and North, Lord of Diadems, Qa."
If, as ]\I. Weill {Rec. de Trav., loc. cit.) makes probable, it here-
after appears that the name read as " suten bat Setui " in Den's
protocol is only the epithet " King of Deserts," his protocol will fall
into Group A, and the same will be the case with that of Az-ab, if,
as I am inclined to think possible, he should turn out not to be the
suten hat Merbapen. In any event, their protocols, as well as that of
Perabsen, are sufficiently distinguished from Group C, from the fact
that they do not include the nehti title.
THE EVOLUTION OF THE TIILMTE PROTOCOL.
In considering this, we must first notice that the chain of
evolution is continuous between Snefru and the greater part of
Group C. Khasekhmui and Neterkhet (in that order) were, as we
have seen, his immediate predecessors ; while Neteren and Hotep-
sekhmui are shown to be consecutive by the occurrence of their
] 69
June lo] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCH.liOLOGY. [1908.
names side by side on Statue No. i, and anterior to Khasekhmui by
the position of Neteren's name some lines above his on the Palermo
Stone. Qa, in like manner, must have reigned before — and, probably,
immediately before — Hotep-sekhmui for the last named to have
adopted his house; and we can, therefore, arrange Group C thus : —
Qa,
Hotep-sekhmui,
Neteren,
Khasekhmui,
Neterkhet,
although we should not lose sight of the possibility of a reign, or
perhaps several reigns, having occurred between Qa and Hotep-
sekhmui or between Neteren and Khasekhmui. But we have no
inscription which shows the iiehti title as forming part of the protocol
before Qa^"; and until proof to the contrary, we are justified in saying
that its use in this connection began with that king.
Passing to Group B, the distinguishing feature of which is that
here we have the Horus and sute7i bat titles together in the protocol
without the nehti, we find more than one question awaiting us.
Merbapen can hardly be any other than the 6th king of the Abydos
list, who figures in the King-list of Saqqara as the first to reign over
the whole of Egypt. But of the nine inscriptions given in the Plate,
which it is believed are all that exist of this king, only one gives
any colour to the theory that the " King of the South and North,
Merbapen," has anything to do with the Horus Az-ab. This is the
jar-sealing No. 57, found by Prof. Petri k, which is perhaps at the
Cairo Museum.-^** The only reproduction of it that has been pub-
lished hitherto is a " hand-copy," that is to say, a sketch made up from
different impressions of the seal, showing (see PI. W\ h) the name
of Merbapen with the sute7i bat above it alternating with the srekh
of the Horus Az-ab. The evidential value of this form of record is,
as we shall see later, not high, and no other instance is found among
Thinite jar-sealings of a king thus giving his siiteii bat title and name
by the side of his \ioxw%-srek]i. It should be noticed also that out
'^'' The so-called "Tablet of Mena " is, of course, no exception. It shows a
hawk and not a vulture on the first iich basket, and a viper and not a cobra or
uraeus on the second.
^ Mr. Quibell's Introduction to Airhaic Objects in the Catalogue Genaale
leaves it quite uncertain whether the jar-sealings there copied are actually in the
Cairo Museum or not.
170
TrNE lo] THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS. [1908.
of the six vase-fragments bearing Merbapen's suten bat name, the
four which are complete all bear two hawks on perches going before
it. Mr. Griffith {R.T. I, p. 36) says that this group is certainly to
be read /icterui, and signifies Horus and Set. But he has perhaps not
noticed that these two hawks on perches are also the emblem
(probably the totem) of a tribe, and in one of the carved slates (see
F.S.B.A., 1900, p. 135 and PI. V) are shown, as such, breaking into
a town which may be Coptos. Is it possible from this that Merbapen
was merely a tribal chieftain or nomarch who claimed the title of
King of the South and North without actually possessing the
kingdom, to which perhaps his descendants may have attained ? At
present I see no way of solving this question or of deciding whether
he really was the same person as the Horus Az-ab, but it is evident
that, if the first question be answered in the affirmative, he may never
have received the two crowns of the nebti or have been entitled to
call himself Lord of the Shrines of Nekhebit and Uazit, which is one
of the explanations of the uebti title.
With regard to the proposed equation Den=::Setui, the evidence
is even less satisfactory. Of the five inscriptions in Pis. 11 and III
showing the suten bat title followed by the name Q:;C^, which has
been read Setui, three are taken from the wooden tablets which,
as I endeavoured to show last year (F.S.B.A., 1907, passi/n), are the
records of temple donations made by the king on different occasions.
In one of these three cases the tablet records the donation of a
king who is certainly, and in the other two possibly, no other than
Den; but the group ^1^ f^^^^ (written in two instances, as
appears in the plates, \ W^ C^£}^) (jccurs only in one of the
registers of the date, or of what I have called the year-name of the
tablet, in which it seems connected with the taking of some city.
But a deed, for instance, made in the time of James II, which alluded,
as it well might, to an incident in the Rebellion under Charles I,
would certainly not prove these kings to be identical ; and until the
whole of the phrases in which these signs occur can be read, they
can hardly be said to prove the equation mentioned above. The
remaining two inscriptions (see PI. Ill) are even less conclusive
for this purpose, for they show, by the side of the ^f^^ I'v^v/i, not the
srekh of the Horus Den, but another suten tnit, preceding, in the one
171
JL-N-E lo] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.-EOLOC.V. [1908.
case, the name of Hu before mentioned, and, in the other, that of
Merbapen accompanied by the two hawks on perches. One of these
inscriptions is said to show signs of "usurpation"' or erasure, although
none appear in the reproductions published ; but the other, which is
copied in the Plate from a photograph of the original in the Louvre,
most kindly put at my disposal by INI. Bkxkuite, exhibits no trace of
anything of the kind. M. "\\ kill's suggestion that C^O^, instead of
being a proper name, here means, when taken with the sufe/i l>af,
something like " King of the Southern and Northern Desert " is
therefore perfectly tenable.
No ambiguity of this kind troubles us with regard to Perabsen,
the third member of Group B. The siite?i bat Perabsen of the jar-
sealings shown in the plates is undoubtedly the same person as "the
Set Perabsen " whose tomb^'^ was discovered by M. Amelin?:au, and
whose funeral stele was recovered later by Prof. Petrie {R.T., \\y
PL XXXI). Pie was also a historical personage, and was worshipped
after his death, as is shown by the door-frame of his priest Sheri,
reproduced by M. Maspero {Hist. Anc, 1895, t. i, p. 237) and by
M. Amelixeau {N.F. d'A., vol. cit., PI. XX). Why, then, did he use
the Set-animal or asch on his srek/i, instead of the Horus-hawk, and
why does his name appear neither in the King-lists of Abydos,
Saqqara or Karnak, nor in the Turin Papyrus? The only answers
that suggest themselves are, that either he was, like Khuenaten
three millenia later, a "heretic king," who introduced the worship of
strange gods, or that he was the chief of the Set tribe, who waged
war against the " Followers of Horus " in the fratricidal stri'e
recorded in the legend of Edfu, and was for a time so successful as to
have ruled over a part of Southern Egypt. In this connection it may
be noticed that in the jar-sealings of this king, which show the figure
of the god Set, animal-headed and upright beside the srekh (A'. /.',
II, Nos. 178 and 179), he wears the Southern crown only. As to
Perabsen's date, if M. Amklineau be correct in saying that he
found a vase-fragment with the name of the Horus Qa in the
undespoiled part of Perabsen's Tomb {JV.F. d'A. vol. cit.., p. 259),
•■^ The attribution is more certain than in any other case occurring in the
Thinite period ; for M. Amkt,ineau tells us that more than 100 objects bearing
this name were found in the " tomb," ami that one of the chambers had not been
despoiled. Cf. N.F. d'A., t.- iii, pt. I, Chap. XI passim, and especially p. 270.
"Nearly all" Perabsen's inscriptions discovered by M. Amklineau are said to
be at Cairo [vol. ciL, y>- 270).
172
Junk io] THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS. [1908.
"he should be later in date than Qa, and it seems reasonable to
believe, from the union of the two animals on Khasekhmui's srekh,
that the separate reign of the chief of the Set tribe was put an end
to by the accession of Khasekhmui. The hypothesis that Perabsen
Avas never king over the whole of Egypt would account for his not
assuming the nebti title.
We come now to Group A, in which the Horus title and name
alone is used, and where no trace of either suten hat or nebti appears.
This is especially the case with Aha, Narmer, Zer (or Khent),
and Zet, whose jar-sealings all show a continuous line of hawk-
crowned srekhs {see Plate) without intermediate words or phrases.
All these names seem to be written with a single sign, a fact which,
from the first, was noticed by M. Maspero.^'^ It is probable, there-
fore, that these four kings are all close together in point of date, and
that we have here another example of the rule that the names of the
kings of the same dynasty generally resemble one another. Den,
indeed, possessed a seal of the same kind, but wrote his name with
two signs, and in this way also he and, I think, Az-ab and Sekhem-ab,
form links between the earlier and later Thinites. Semerkhet, from
the greater complication of his name, would, on this reasoning, be
later than Den, Az-ab, and Sekhem-ab, and this, I think, is borne
out by the fact of his being the first royal name to appear on the
rocks at Sinai. So far, then, as we can see at present, and subject
to what has been said with regard to Group B, we may provisionally
arrange those kings earlier than Qa whom we have just discussed,
thus : —
order uncertain.
Aha
Narmer
Zer [Khent]
Zet
Den if he be not Setui.
Az-ab if he be not Merbapen.
Sekhem-ab Perenmaat.
Semerkhet.
^ Hist. atic. des peiiples, etc., 1895, t. i, p. 236. Narmer would, perhaps',
be an exception ; but in once instance, at least {R.T., ii, PI. XIII, No. 91), the
second sign in his name has been cast out of the srekh, as if with the intention
of making his name "like those which have been made before." This seems
more likely than that Mer should be, as M. Weill {Rec. de Trav., art. cif.)
suggests, his siilcii bat name.
173
June io] SOCIETY OF ISIBLICAL ARCH.TiOLOGV. [1908.
The Neith Hotep-Ba, the Amen Se-, and the suten bat Hu cannot,
in the present state of our information, be usefully placed.
Taking this in connection with what has l)een said at the end of
the first part of this paper, we see, then, that : —
The Horus of Gold title did not come in before Neterkhet, and
probably formed no regular part of the protocol before
Snefru.
The nebti or Lord of Diadems title came in with Qa.
The use of the suteti hat or King of the South and North title
also came in with this last king, unless we choose to
believe that Den was Setui and Az-ab, Merbapen.
The earliest group known to us, viz.. Aha, Narmer, Zer [Khent],
and Zet, used as protocol the Horus-name alone, and
wrote it with a single sign.
THE MEANING OF THK TIIINITE TITLES.
The only question that remains to be considered is that of the
meaning of these titles and the historical events to which they
probably refer. The vebti, or vulture and uraeus title, which is
probably the last comer but one into the Thinite ])rotocol, has
been discussed at very great length by Dr. Naville, Prof. Sethe,
Prof. AViEDEMANX and the late K. Piehl, and the theory formerly
put forward by Prof. Ermax, that it is to be read sviawti " the uniter,"
is now quite given up (a F.S.B.A., 1898, pp. 117-119) in favour of
the view of M. Maspero in his masterly essay on " Les Quatre Noms
Officiels des Rois Egyptiens " {Etudes E^i^yptiennes, 1879, t. II) that it
means Lord of the shrines of Nekhebit and Uazit. Now Nekhebit, the
vulture-goddess, was the divine guardian of Nekhab, or the ancient
Eileithyiopolis, now El-Kab, a long way to the south of Thebes,
while Uazit, a form of Isis, occupied the same position with regard
to Buto or Tell Fera'in at almost the northernmost point of the
Delta. It may therefore well be that this title, when joined to the
suten bat, marks the subjugation of the whole length and breadth of
Egypt so far as it was known to the Thinite kings. Later it came
to be confused with the actual head-coverings that were the sign
of this supremacy, and came to be known as the 7iebti or "two
goddesses," as Dr. Naville {A.Z., XXXVI, 1898, p. 134) has
174
June io] THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS. [190S.
shown from a text in Queen Hatasu's temple at Deir el-Bahari,
That the Egyptians of the decadence — turning, as they did in
everything, to magic to explain the points in their national
beliefs of which they had forgotten the historical explanation —
attributed a mystic power to all the regalia is well known, and is
illustrated by a passage in the Pisiis Sop/iia, where the royal crown
is made to sing a hymn. Thus is explained the passage in the Stela
of Damanhur, where the _^^ is translated Kvpto^ jiaaCKeiwv " Lord
of Diadems."
The 41^ sufen bat title can best be explained in a similar way.
The 1 suten seems to ha\e been the emblem of the high-priest of
I y% /v>AA/«A Sute7i-]ienen, or Heracleopolis Magna, while the 1/^ bat
was that of the corresponding official at A , Qebt, or Coptos.
This last town was, according to some, the first point reached by the
invaders whose chiefs afterwards became the first dynastic kings of
Egypt when they came into the Nile Valley from Koseir on the Red
Sea ; and Suten-henen is often spoken of in the earlier myths as the
place where Ra rose for the first time, where the great slaughter of
mankind was made, and where the T ^•^ " ' '' , sani tend.
"the union," or even the ^fW^ . temt taui, "the completion "
of the two lands (Budge, Gods of the Egyptians, II, pp. 58, 59), took
place. Hence there seems little doubt that these two towns formed
the limits of the first conquest made by the invaders, and that the
priesthood of them thus naturally passed into the protocol of the
kingship, a view that was long since put forward by Le Page Renouf
and Prof. Wiedemann {F.S.B.A., XII, p. 358, and XX, p. 117) and
is supported by M. Moret {Roy. Fhar., p. 34). In the Damanhiir
Stela the suteit bat title is translated B«ff/\ct'v tu/- -c arw kui tut Kcino
X(^'pi^'i', " King of the Upper and Lower Land."
We come at last to the Horus or srek/i title, consisting, as I have
said so many times, cf an animal, generally a hawk, ^^^ upright
upon a sreAh or rectangk- containing the personal or distinguishing
name of the king, and representing in its lower part the facade or
175
" The Horus who
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGV. [1908.
front elevation of a building. 'i This agrees singularly with the
description of the king as v\
is in the palace" (Morkt, op. cit., p. 19, n, 2), and leaves no doubt as
to the meaning of the group. But why was the king known as " the
Horus"? Because, says M. Loret, in the essay I have before
referred to, the chief of the premier clan of the invaders was called
"the Falcon," as the leader of a tribe or sept who bore that animal as
their ensign and tofe??i, the word Horr or Haur being Arabic as well
as Egyptian for a falcon.'*'- Herein they anticipated exactly the
usage of our Highland clans, one of whom, the clan Chattan,
gave its name to Caithness and called its chieftain, the Earl of
Sutherland, Mohr a?i Chat, "The Great Wild Cat."-*^ That the
same explanation would by itself account for the example of names
included in a s?-ek/i, surmounted by some other animal than the
falcon, such as those given above of the Set Perabsen, the Neith
Hotep-Ba, and the Amen Se — , needs no demonstration.
CONCLUSIONS.
We see, then, that the Thinite protocol is not only connected in
an uninterrupted manner with the protocol used by all succeeding
dynasties, but can be traced back by regular steps to the totems
of the invading clans. From this we can conclude, I think, that the
form of a king's protocol is a valuable help in determining his place
in the King-lists, and one, ])erhaps, more trustworthy than those
hitherto employed. It may also be remarked that its use furnishes
a proof the more that Aha cannot possibly be Menes. For the
pavilion sign 11 , whirh, in the table of Aha, covers the supposed
name of Men or Mena, not only appears, as I showed in a former
paper {F.S.B.A., 1906, p. 14, et se<j.),un(\tr King Khent, as covering
■*' See MORET, I\.P., p. 19, n. 3, and aulhorities there quoted.
■*^ See V Egypte au Temps dii Totemismc, Hoi-iis-Le-Fattcoii {Biilhtin de
r Inslitiit Francais cfArc/ieo/o^s^ie Oritiitale., 1903, p. I, sqq.) and Les Eiiscigiies
Mililaires des Tribns {Rev. Egyptol, 1902). The same contention is put forward
by Prof. Newberry in P.S.B.A., 1904, p. 295, et se<j.
^ See C. L. Go.mme, Toleinis/n in Britain, Archaeological Review, \q\. 3,
P- 355> ^t seq. He gives there many oilier examples of the practice, including, of
course, that of the leaders of the Saxon invasion, Ilengist and llorsa, "Stallion"
and " Mare.''
176
S.B.^'l. rroceediugs,Juuc, 1908.
S^^s^^^SS,'^
13 ESS
HODJ QDDD IDDDD
DDDD DDDO
K.T., II, PI. xiv, 97.
^rM^^ Siir^
nDDon
Ifll
mrni
:^^
Kitz;
innnll I [nni||irinr| I vm
Lnnnl
t
nmJ
!]
nnnnnr iSri"r;
JDd^
oinnJ
K.T., II, PI. XV, 105.
^
^=^
:]:;:
:oQoa
^^
^.
S^ ^u^ P^^
A'. 7:, I, PL xviii. I.
R.T., II, PI. xiii, 92.
Ar^Si^'^
I • I
"/yy^i^
1 1
^i^Jift^
C^y^^y,
DOfflBD
■■0"
A'. T., I, PI. xxiv, 44.
June io] THE TITLES OF THE THINITE KINGS. [1908.
two other signs without any added royal titles at all, but can in no
circumstances be mistaken for the cartouche which did not come
into use until the time of Snefru. Nor can the hawk and viper
which appear in the same tablet of Aha on iicb baskets have any
connection with the iiebti title wliich, as we have seen, made its first
appearance in the reign of Qa.
I must here express my thanks to my colleague, Dr. Nash, for
the untiring energy and patience he has shown in photographing the
different illustrations which go to make up the plates accompanying
this paper. Although all have appeared before, either in the
Froceedings or elsewhere, it seemed in every way more satisfactory
to have the actual monuments under the eyes of the reader wherever
possible.
m
June lo] SOCIETY OF I'lHLlCAL ARCH.liOI.OGY. [igcS.
SURRU, SHOULDER. ASARU, ASSEMBLE.
By S. Laxgdon.
L
Surni.
In K. 4995, obv. 16 [— Haupt, ASKT, 124], occurs the
following passage : SE-KAK sa!^-ds-l>a — ina snrri habbursii ; here
as, the Sumerian post-position, is evidently for ina and sag = surrFi.
For SE-KAK = ge-en-hur = gehbur — Juibbitrn, a loan word for
grain vessel, see Babyloniaca II, 109. In the preceding lines the
god Nergal is described as /// sa ina niri sandn, ' the ox who is bound
to a yoke ' and sebir epinnisu ' the water-wheel is his sebrii.' If we
translate line sixteen, ' his grain vessel upon his shoulder,' we would
have a consistent description of Nergal as an ox working on the
farm lands. That surru does mean 'shoulder' seems evident from
several facts. In the first place, sag is here used for surru.
[Brunnow, No. 7461, is to be corrected to habbiiru?^ A second
ideogram iox sitrru is »^!^ X' ^" ^"^- 343^ rev. 4 [ = CT, XIX, 20],
followed by J^^ ^^^ makaku and j;:^ "-^^ ^^^ mitangitgu,
and, in the next group, rev. 7-10, is a list of words for parts of the
hand isdi kiifi, wrist (?) kimkimn = ^f >|- side of the hand [restored
from SBH, 75, 8], etc. It is evident from the Sumerian tig-sir,
'what binds the neck,' that mak\gdk\gu and viitangugu must be
a part of the body near the neck. Still another ideogram is ^f C:Tyj
siigbar — surru vcv 81-4-28, rev. 15 [JRAS, 1905], where sugbar has
the Semitic equivalents surru and irnitUt} ' sublime power.' Sugbar
means 2i\sokirinimu, 'breast,' abaru and umasu, words for 'enclosure,
see Babyloniaca II, 106. Therefore surru, certainly a word for
part of the breast ; in case of an ox, the fore-shoulder (?).
^ Probal)ly from iniiui - iiuiiiii, the Sumerian f 5r t'ac goddess lilar.
178
June io] SURRU, SHOULDER. Al^AIW, ASSEMBLE. [1908.
II.
Asdni.
Hebrew presents with certainty a root, t_"N ' come in,' ' pursue
a way,' generally distinguished by lexicographers from another root
TJ'X, whose piel means to 'make lucky.' Arabic presents a root .j\
whose fundamental meaning is not clear, but the piel means ' leave
traces,' the 'afa'al, 'give preference to,' and the isiafa'al, 'choose for
oneself; the meaning ' choose/ is common in the kal. From this stem
Arabic has ■':] 'sign,' 'monument,' ;• \\ 'merit,' 'mention' and ^';\
'marked for excellence.' Evidently Arabic has one root with the rather
Tague meaning ' mark what is preferred,' and with this root must be
connected Hebrew 1?^*^?, 'make lucky,' and the adverbial form ^Tf>!?,
of wishing. Hebrew, however, in the word "'r'^, 'step,' 'pace,' shows
traces of a meaning 'pursue a way,' 'walk.'
It would be difficult not to assume two roots were it not for the
rather decisive veto which Assyrian puts upon this matter. It is
customary to derive Assyrian asrn ' place ' from the root Tj'X ' walk ' (?),
see Gesenius, Biihl-Zimmern, p. 64b, although a more natural derivation
would be 'marked spot,' the only meaning which TJ'N, inx has in
Aramaic and Nabatean. Assyrian has in fact three meanings for asm
(a) sanctuary, (b) place, (c) excellent; (a) and (b) are probably pa'-al
forms = Arabic J\\ and (c) is a pa'-il form = ^^■';\_ It is usual
J" >•• •-
among Assyriologists to derive asni^ ' excellent,' from tj'I 'be sub-
missive,' a root which is said to exist, and to which Delitzsch gives
the meaning [HW 247b], ' prostrate oneself,' and to asm he assigns the
meaning 'submissive,' since asm is a synonym of ka/isu, and is
occasionally spelled wasm, but this hardly proves a root tj'I , since
the fem. of asm, ' sanctuary,' is also spelled once tvasrati, and if we are
to take this writing with 7va as indicating a VS root we must then
assume a VD root for the whole list, which comparative philology
obviously forbids. I seriously question a root X'l ' fall down,'
although Muss-Arnolt also gives such a root, p. 119b. At least
ildni asm asbi ina bikiti, Nlmrod Epic XI, 126, means rather 'the
gods assembled, sat in tears.' To examine this supposed root and its
179 <;) 2
Tune io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILLOLOGV. [1908.
supposed derivatives would take us too far a-field, and I content
myself with expressing a doubt in the matter.
That asr2i [HW 248a], asn's, 'excellent' and 'in an excellent
manner,' are from the same root di^ asm, 'place/ is evident from the
fact that the Sumerian wrote the same word for both of these Semitic
words. Thus ki [Br 9627] is the common word in Sumerian for the
word asm, ' place,' but in Reisner's Sumerisch-Babylonische Hymnen,
p. 74, rev. 13, ki-bi-su = asriP = 'fittingly,' 'as it becomes one who
is excellent.' The passage leaves no doubt concerning the meaning :
di'tg-a mu^-7ia-su ki-bl-su iiia-ma-da
ana amat (ilidisu asris illikma
'At the command of his father, his begetter, he went befittingly.'
Asm and asirlii, 'sanctuary,' ah-ii, 'place,' ahit, "■ excellent^ asris,
' excellently,' are therefore all from a root a/Mm, asdm, ' prefer,'
'select,' 'mark out.' With this result agrees Delitzsch's meaning
for the piel of TC'x [p. 148a], 'to show respect unto.' Despite
Jensen'.s statement to the contrary that asdm means only ' muster,'
' oversee,' there is strong probability that the fundamental sense is
' prefer,' ' show favour to.' Asdm does mean ' muster,' and dsi?i/ is
a synonym o{ pakidu, see KB VI i, 409: KAT' 420; AL' 159^ •
BA V, 324 ; and K 7331, obv. 6.
So far as Assyrian is concerned we have, therefore, the following
results : —
Tj'S asam [Ar. J\\ ] choose, show favour to, mark out (?) ; (b)
assemble, oversee.
IP make happy.
Ill" - imperfect ustafasim/ii they [the stars] muster them-
selves forth, see Zimmern, Ritual, index, p. 221.
Asm, fem. asirtu, sanctuary, fem. pi. asrdti and esrcti.
Asm, place.
Asm, excellent, good.
Asris, excellently, well.
Hebrew X'\S 'walk' (?) and "^'f^* 'pace,' '.step,' probably belong to
the same root. Certain it is that the Amorite Asratii consort of the
-For asris = ki-hi-Sti see also ASKT 81, 29, aSris iktaiiSiiS bowed to him as
wasfitting, and compare Epic OF Creation rtiVvj? //-rtwtr/ gaf paniiSSti
iiktm, as one pre-eminent he faced Tiamat.
180
June io] ^UJ^KU, SHOULDER. ASAKU, ASSEMBLE. [1908.
Amorite Adad is from this root, and probably means she that brings
prosperity, or if the form in the Amarna letters Asirfn be a fem. of
^.^'1 = asri/, I.e., aSiru, the original notion would be ' the pre-eminent
goddess.' At most, etymology can do little toward settling the
primitive conception of a deity. It is not likely that the original idea
of Asirtit, Asratii, or of Istartu, 'Astoreth, all of which probably go
back to this common root, was astral.
181
Ji'NE lo] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILT.OLOGY. [1908.
THE HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS OF EMIR GHAZI
AND ALEPPO.
By Prof. A. H. Savce, D.D.
I. The Great Altar Inscription of Ardi.stania (or Emir Ghazi)
is now in the Museum at Constantinople, where it has been copied
by Dr. Leopold Messerschmidt, who has published it in the
Second Supplement to his Corpus Inscriptionian Hetlificariim {if^o€)y
pi. L. The revised copy has introduced many corrections into the
copy made from Sir W. M. Ramsay's squeeze, which I have given
in the Proceedings of this Society (Jan., 1905), and has further
enabled me (with the help of photographs) to make out the inscrip-
tion on the Broken Altar, of which I published a very imperfect
copy in the same number of the Proceedings. The original of the
latter inscription has not been taken to Constantinople, and conse-
quently I publish here my corrected copy of it. It turns out that
the second and third lines are a repetition of the first line of the
Great Altar Inscription, the text of which they serve to complete
and emend, and that the fourth line is a repetition of the third line
of the other text.
I will first take the Great Altar Inscription (referred to as A) in
its emended form (Messerschmidt, L.), and then pass on to that
portion of the Broken Altar Inscription (referred to as B), which
differs from it.
A. I. The "Broken" text (B) shows that Dr. Messerschmidt
is right in making the line begin with the ideograph which represents
a tiara, and phonetically expresses Mama or Mamia. Between
Ma-me and Khaf B inserts the ideograph of "country," followed by
what I would identify with the determinative of a country and
the phonetic complement /. In M. IV, B 2, the ideograph is
assigned the phonetic value of niiu or miy : hence we must read
June io] HITTITE IXSCKU'TIUNS. [1908.
here Ma-me-uw-i, where the insertion of the ideograph is intended
to show that it is the country of king Mamis (or Mameas), and not
the king himself that is referred to. The characters which follow
K/iaf, {Khat)-uan-mi-a det. U).-jias ues-i, are lost in A. Messer-
schmidt's j- after Ka-si-i-mia must be corrected into mia. The lost
character which follows is shown by B to be the human head. The
next picture of the head is shown by B (which inserts the determina-
tive of "city") to be the determinative of "deity," not "Sanda,"
as in M. The whole line is, consequently :
Ma{i}ia)-mia-{ii)aii det. Ma-me-{in\-DKT.-i)-K/iaf-ua}i-t/n-a
Of the Mamoassians, Mames-Hittites, from the land
DET. \D.-iias 7ies-i ka-\T). iD.-a n^.-a-(a)raini.
a servant of the Ram-god this altar for the Ram-god for the King
amia iD.-ua?i aini-a Ka-si-i-mia
of the city, in the city of the Ram-god peoj)le, (I) of the Kasians
aramis kai-s
the king making
'DVJV.-ant m-/n i-[it)an
belonging to the divine king
That is : " I, a servant of the Ram-god in the land of the
Mamoassians, Hittites of the country of Mames, (and) king of the
Kasians, having made this altar for the Ram-god, the king of the
city, in the city of the people of the Ram-god, have, as lord, erected
it that it should belong to the divine king within the city."
Newly-published inscriptions (M. LI, 3, etc.,) show that "^Tijf is
jui and CD »ii-(i, though the latter, when followed by the vocalic
complement /, was pronounced ////, and could be so pronounced
even without its complement. Kasimia is found at Hamath (M.
VI, i); ami-a Am-ai{i)-M^.-\_mia\-s Ka-a {^)-si i^.)-mia [a-^na, "the
Hamathite, king of the Kasians," where I have only recently
recognised it. -Alia is the -fuija of the cuneiform tablets. Si, "to
erect," is of frequent occurrence in various forms, and also occurs
in the cuneiform tablets. Since the boot seems to have had the
values of u and 7iv' as well as mi, and the first person of the verb
in the cuneiform tablets ends in -mi as well as -n and -/, I am
doubtful about the reading of the verbal form.
atii-
being
■s
lord
si-u (or
I have
-w/)-DET.
erected;
is-tu-uiia
within
ami-a
the city,
JLNE 10] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILIIOLOGY. [1908.
Islu-inia with ^ as first character is found in M. V, 3, where
the signification of " within " would best suit the context {ishi-mia
Amat-wa, " within Hamath "). I read the second character tii
instead of fa, since the borrowed Assyrian tsiu appears in the cunei-
form tablets of Boghaz Keui in the sense of "in," which would suit
the compound istit-mia, " in the place."
2. The third character is the ass's head, as in my copy. It had
the values of viias and mis, perhaps also of as. Hence the name of
Mames was probably pronounced Ma-me-as, which in Greek would
be Mamoas. The line runs : —
j\[a-])ie-{ini)as Ka-si-\f\-ini-a aramis ues-i ka-\T). TARKU-/'a
(I) Mameas of the Kasians the king this altar to Tarkus
Nv-;i//-/ ky'^-wi-a ^v-//a/i fir {?)-a a-me-}^ii-DKT.
have dedicated ; the building sacred of the sanctuary to the lord
a/nia . . . det. Sa?i{da\da id. iwji. Sn-wi det. Atiii,
of the city... Sandes (T) being corybant of Subbi (and) Attys,
DET. ID. DET. Aiiinia (3) IP. o^Jiau i^y%va (sic)
dirk-bearer of Am ma, the queen of the rock
Katu-ii (?)-7£'rt (?) ...
of the image, [have erected.]
Ideographically ia (the depressed hand) denoted "to dedicate,"
"consecrate a gift" by laying the hand upon it, and in this case
had the value nii ; see M. XXIII, A 3, where the value of the
ideograph is given as ;///. Xii has the same sense in the cuneiform
tablets.
The phonetic complement of Sanda is the "dish," or "table,"
on which, according to the sculptures and the cuneiform tablets,
offerings were made to the gods. I'he tablets show that da was the
technical word for " setting " the offering on the dish before the god.
I have lately noticed that Sir W. M. Ramsay's original copy of
the Gurun inscription (M. XVIII, B i) gives lu as the phonectic
complement of the ideograph (two legs walking) which represents
the name of the god Attys.
^ I now represent the oblique stroke by y rather than by 11 or «, since I find
that it interchanges with i as well as with u. On the Tarkondenios boss it is
equivalent to the Assyrian e.
184
June lo] ]1ITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1908.
The "dirk-bearers" of Islar at Erech are mentioned in the
Babylonian legend of the Plague-god (II, 11).
Amma, represented by the feather (?) which I found rising above
the head of the goddess when I climbed to the shoulders of the
so-called "Niobe" on Mount Sipylus, is similarly called "the queen
of the rock " in the inscription which accompanies the figure. The
rock itself was called Koddine, "belonging to Koddi," or Katu.
3. The next paragraph is repeated in the fourth hne of B.
Messerschmidt's 0 must be corrected into
\_Ma-me-mias Ka-si-i-mi-a'\ aramis iies-i ka-\V) ara-me-uaii
[Mames of the Kasians] the king this altar royal
DET. a-ta a/Ilia fir (?)-a katu Q)-jt-i-a-{ita)/i
for the lord of the city of the sanctuary belonging to the shrine (?)
. . -/ DET. Saii((Id)-Ja (4) ID. DET. Su-2vi
I have [built] ; for Sandes (I) being corybant of Subbi
DET. Ati/i DET. ID. DET. Amiiia, asi-{ua)n
(and) Attys, dirk-bearer of Amma, the (sacred) stone
s-iii a-ra-)iie-Mi (or wi) Ka-si-i-mia det. Atui . . .
I have erected ; for the king of the Kasians, Attys, . . .
siu-iias ....
dances [I have established].
4. In the fifth line a verb in the first person is represented by an
ideograph which looks something like the "shuttle" of the Egyptian
goddess Nit. There (and again in the sixth line) we have, "to the
king of the Kasians, the high-priest of the sanctuary of the place of
the image, the king [of the city]," where the word "high-priest" is
denoted by the high-priestly head-dress on the upper part of a face.
In the 6th line mention, is again made of "erecting a (sacred) stone"
to some deity whose name is lost. The last word is a?fiei (?) ka-i-wi
(or -mi) " I have made."
B. The text of the " Broken " Altar contains a new ideograph,
denoting the name of a city, in what remains of the first column.
The first line of the second column has Ka-si-i-mia arami followed
by the name of a god. The name is expressed by an ideograph
which I have reproduced exactly, and which seems intended for
1S5
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARClL'tOLOGV. [190S.
Khattii. The passage ends in the second line with " lord of the
land of the city " ; then conies the first line of the other inscription,
which has already been dealt with.
II. I have received from Professor Garstang an exceedingly
good photograph of the famous Aleppo inscription (M. Ill, A),
which enables us to read it at last, and of which therefore I publish
a facsimile. The second character is, I think, ka, but may be uas.
If ha, the word is ka-i, " I have made : " if vas, it is i\ud)s-i (pro-
nounced, I believe, isi) " for the temple." In any case, the inscrip-
tion is only a fragment of a larger text. After Kai, or isi, we have
DET. ID. -;/// "of" or "for my Sun-god "' ; then the legs which, as
I have already said, had the value of a///, so that the sense perhaps
is aiii-mi " my lord " ; then the name of the god Katu. There does
not seem to have been any character between this and the "house,"
suinia, siian (which may also have had the value dime). Atu is
probably the phonetic rendering of the ideograph of "king," which
follows it (as in M. XXV, 2) ; if so, we might read : " Katu-sunna the
king." Next comes the name of the district which is mentioned in
the Hamath texts (M. Ill, B 3) as well as in the inscription found
at Babylon (M. II, i), and which, as wc may gather from the
Malatiyeh inscription (M. X\T, A i), took its name from that of a
king.
What is practically the same territorial name appears again in
the INIer'ash inscriptions. Hitherto I have regarded it as, in this
case, compounded with Katu, "Kataonian;" but erroneously. The
character \~a^ is not katu, which is Q , but simply // or at (jat).
In M. \TII, A 3, the correct reading is KATU-ka-at-ua/t (not
ka-KATV-2/afi) and in M. XXXII, 5, it is A'a-ga'tiia-it-inia-s, i.e.,
Nagit(ii)-miyas, the classical Nagidos. I'he important inscription
recently found on the base of a column at Nigdeh and published by
Messerschmidt (LIII) reads : itc-ues-a {iicsa) asi-n s-it (|^^ V/iJ)
a-7/a-s i-iias-i-ta (isi-ta) a-iui-s Kasy-s, " This stone has the king
erected in the temple, being lord of Kas." Sii-e-it, " he has erected,"
occurs also in the cuneiform tablet from "Yuzghat," i.e., Boghaz
Keui {Rev. i, 2). Hence the territorial title of the Mer'ash kings
must be read Sanda-gam i^)-mi-it-vii-i-is-s, " of the land of Sanda-
ga (?)-mi-t," where we find the .same sufiix as in Tarkondima-tos by
the side of Tarkondemos. That the land in question included
186
June io] IIITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1908.
Aleppo seems to result from the Aleppo inscription. It follows
from the correction of the value to be assigned to \^_), that the
territorial adjective in M. VII, i, i, is not Ir-katu-nas, but Kha-
ai{i)-nas, and that, consequently, Qn is k/ui (or k/iat), not />. Since
the upright hand ^ ) interchanged with (2) (^^- ^XI, i, 2), it too will
have had the value of //, at. It denoted '"a prince" and so could
represent indifferently the words a7-amis, anas, amis and atiis, or afes.
Sometimes it interchanges with a7!as, sometimes with atuis, " lord " ;
the value af points to aii/s. In M. XXI, 6 (written with \W^ i'l M.
XXI, 5), it is the name of a god, who would be the Eta, Aida, Ita
in the name of the Hittite vassal, Eta-gama, in the Tel el-Amarna
tablets. 2 Followed by three drops of (silver) metal it represents the
name of a city on the Izgin Obelisk (M. XIX, B 16).
Now this city may be the Yadi of vSinjerli. I find that the value
I originally assigned to ^^ was right, and that it expresses, not am,
but at. In the Hamath texts the obliterated character at the end
of M. V, I, is not qp, and in M. \T, i, the true reading is
Am-at\iiiia\ma-s, where -mas (or mias) is the suffix denoting "of
the land of." Hence, in M. V, 3, there is no longer any difficulty
about reading the name of Hamath, and the line should be trans-
literated : is-tii-mi-a '^ Am-at-7va si-na/i zr/'-DET. Am-at{i)-nas a;/ii-as,
"within Hamath I have founded, being of the land of Hamath."
The repetition of at, which elsewhere ideographically represents the
plural, may have to do with the plural suffix -/—hence my at — or
it may indicate that the / is followed by a short vowel.'^
- The name of the same deity is found in the Bogcha inscription (M. LI, 2.) ;
at Bulgar Maden (M. XXXII, 2, 4.) the place of the upright hand is taken by
y V . As at Bogcha, the name is preceded by the word ua-iiii-is, na-ini-i-s.
■* The whole sentence is uiina ^)-{n)da ue-st-vis-j' iiii-i-y tiis \V>-ina-asi[n)-!ni
"grandly this country ruling (?), my throne (within Hamath I have founded)."
The same formula occurs in M. VI, 4, «i?-ue-j-/-uis-j' /;/?-/'-j'-det. atiiy-[n)da
a-ins Aram-ina vi{ia)-ttan Uaii-\J A'H-yju-uis iie-mia amis-inia atu-nau-ahi-tiaii
Aina-at-wa-PM.\\-mia-a aiiia (?)-i'D-»iz-Ml-i/au vtasi-tian ; "this country royally
ruling (?) (and) the land of Aram, the royal city of the people of Uan, the very
great, in the city of Hamath a throne for the symbol of the bull [I founded]."
■* In the inscription of Bogcha (M. LI, 2, 3), the name of the city is Uaii (?)-
ai-ta-na. Unfortunately the first character is not certain ; otherwise we should
have here the city of Vcnata.
187
Tune io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1908.
The correct determination of the value of '^J^ clears up the last
line of the Carchemish inscription (^L XI, 5). This reads : t/e-i's
DET. ;/u-as /mis di id. id. det. me-yn\-iiii-a-as id. Kaiu Amma (?)
Tarkii-mias-s det. Khal-viia-s mi ij)-at-sc-)ia, " these priests making,
before the pillar ^ of the symbol of Aramis, as ministers of Hadad,
Katu and Amma (?) in the land of Tarkus ** the goddess Khalmia
has consecrated them (for the king of the place of the Sun-god)."
-T is the sufifix of the third person of the verb, which is followed by
the accusative of the personal pronoun ; iiietnis, ineinian, is found
with the signification of " servant " in the cuneiform tablets.
In the new inscription from Mer'ash, published by Messerschmidt
(PI. LII), the king is called (1. i) aiui-a-as I-at 4p -sis "the son ot
the land of lat," which, further on, is written I-a-atu-iii-DK^.-uan
*'of the Yatuans," and in line 2, I-at-asi-iiafi-Tt'E'v., "of the sons of
Yata" {cp. also line 3). In Yatu, Yata, Yat, I see the Yaeti of
Shalmaneser II, which is probably to be identified with the Yadi of
the Sinjerli texts. It is possible that the name of the city mentioned
on the Izgin Obelisk {see aboi'c) is to be read in the same way.
We can now return to the Aleppo inscription. The last
character of the first line represents a tree, which also occurs on the
Izgin Obelisk (A, last line) where it is followed by si-is, " erecting,"
"planting." The second line begins with : "(of) the divine temple,"
<3=ji being sometimes written over the ideograph of divinity (as at
(iurun) and sometimes taking its place, thus answering to the use
of AN in the cuneiform texts of Boghaz Keui. Next comes
7iais or anas, "prince," the translation being more probably "for
the prince of the god's house " than " the (sacred) tree of the god's
house, (I) being prince." Under the ideograph of "king" which
•'' The pillar had the value of di (or dal), as appears from the new Mer'ash
inscription (M. LII), where (in line 4) the name of the city of Melid (Malatiyeh)
is written Ma-lid-di (or da). Another city is named in line 5) the name of which
also terminates in di, while the first character had, among other values, that of ar.
Can the name be that of Arpad ?
•" Or perhaps : " ministers of Hadad, Katu, Amma (?), and Tarkus," or, if -t
was the sufifix of the third person plural as well as singular, "Tarkus (and)
Khalmias have consecrated." Instead of 'DWi.-iiie-yiw-iiii-a-as we could read
n-hyi\?,-ini-a-{iiii)as, and identify the word with the common aiiits-vies, since the
boot, when used ideographical ly for " earth," had the value oi amis, oblique case
amia, whence its phonetic values of mia and ////.
188
June io] IIITTITE INSCRirTIOXS. [190S.
follows is what looks like a boot turned the wrong way, but it must
represent either the recumbent leg of Ardistama (M. L, 5.), or PL.
at (for (■?/(?, atus). The clenched fist which follows wf-rt^i-/ (" of the
city"?) recurs in ]\I. LII, 3, and is an earlier form of ^]jf (from
amis "lord"). Then comes Kas-pat Q) XMi-Jiii l-g/ia/i-a-/iis-T)KV.
"the Yakhanite of the city of Kaspat." It was of Yakhan that the
Hamathite princes call themselves kings (M. lY, A and B i, YI, i.),
and we learn from the Assyrian inscriptions that its territory extended
to Aleppo.
III. Dr. Messerschmidt has lately published {Corp2is Iiisa-ip-
tionum Hettlticaruiu, 2nd SuppL, No. LIII.) the inscription found
on the base of a column at Nigdeh. It reads : ue-ites-a asi-uaii s-if
a-na-s i-uas-i-ta KMi-s-mi-s Kasy-s (i.e., itesa asiii sU anas iesi-ta
amismis Kasys), " this stone has the king erected in the temple,
being lord of Kas."
IV. Dr. jNIesserschmidt has also published (No. LI) the in-
scription discovered by Dr. Belck on an obelisk at Bogcha, about
25 miles \vest of Kaisariyeh. It begins with the words a-7ne Khaly-
jiii-i-s, " I am of the land of the Halys." In the second line we have :
"making of stone for Sandes alone (i/ey), royal (?) stone for the
king carving in stone {k{})y-wes) I have erected (sir) being lord
{uamis) of the city of the Attanians (?) ; for Atys (Eta) ~ a place (?)
{jiii-ay-uaii) I have built {iiiis-ici), obelisks (d.p. is-7?ii-is) of royal (?)
stone for the king alone causing to be built {fnis-ghy-is) [I have
erected]." f/r, which I have rendered "alone," identifying it with
liis, "unus," may be a dialectal form of nd, "this." In the third line
we have.- na-ini-is-s a-Jiie-is-mi-a atu-i-is qa-ini-is-mia /ca-{i)s-is ka-iui-a
D.P. San-dn-ua-s di ka-inia-uaii {kai/iyn) ay-i-is a-iia-a kay ; ay-i-is a-iia
aksy-{7v)es sy, " being lord of the royal city, king of the gate-land,,
who has made the monument, a Sandian, the work of the column
I alone for the king have made ; I alone for the king building of stone
have erected." In amis-inia (from amis-mis, which is spelt in different
ways in M. IX, 5, a-mi-is-mi-is, XXXI, A, a-mi-{m)is-T>v.-mi-s,
XXXII, 4, a-mi-s-mi-a, XXXIII, 3, amis-mia, &c.), as well as in «■////>,
and kamis-mia, //as clearly has the value of is. So (D mia is ////
(as in the name of Carchemish, M. I, 3), while in this Bogcha
inscription, in a-//te-is-///ia, at the end of line 3, it interchanges with
^ Or perhaps Aramis, if the boot has here the value of w/ iu~-tead of //.
189
June lo] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCII.LOLOGV. [1908.
mi-a. Amis-mis is more i)robably "lord," from amis "mighty," than
" citizen •' from rt////i' "a city."' ^ "Gate-land"' seems to be used as
in the \'annic inscriptions of a country where there was a pass. In
line 4 a\-i-is " unus " is written \]-{m)is. The end of the inscription
seems to be : " I have made of stone ; table[s] of offerings and
dish[es] dedicating {nu\is'\) I alone have made."' A7ias, " king,"
refers to the god.
V. The new inscription from Mer'ash, published by Dr. Messer-
SCHMIDT (LII), contains the name of lati {I-at{i)-si-is, line i ; I-at-a-si-
iiati, line 2 ; I-ai . . , line 4), which, as I have already said, is the Yaeti
of Shalmaneser II. In the first line the name is written I-a-atn-y-iian-
DET. '-^ " The nine Hittite cities " are mentioned in lines 2 and 4, and
in line 2 the numeral II is furnished with its phonetic equivalent ///(^tj
(or, Avith the grammatical suffix, tuassd). In line 3 we have the
picture of a cut stone, which I formerly identified wrongly with nu
(the quiver) on the I/gin Obelisk, thereby obtaining the word nu-kas
for "stone."" The word for stone is really .'rj,--^// or gissy. In lines
3 and 4 the reading is amei San{da)--^-mi-it(u)-mi-is-s si-is mia
na-a-(m)is-Si-si DET.-;/rtr-XA-rt-(r£')/-/ ;ia-a-(7L')i-si aiu Ma-Iid-di-nu-s,
" 1 (am) the San . . mitian who has erected the place of the people
of the prince, being prince of princes {or of the people of the prince),
king of Melid." The latter name seems to show that the column
had the value of di (or da). For the termination -ni/s (or m's),
cf. M. VII, I. I, Uan-ka-ny-i {''' the. pavement of the gate of Unqa").
In line 2 we probably have the phonetic reading of the word for
"dirk-bearer," which, in this case, would be amesi(s). The word
seems to recur in line 5 : amesi-si-{ii)an isi isimiya, "the high-place
of the high-place (or temple) of the dirk-bearers"; cp. M. XXIII,
A, 2, 3, ysimiya U)-am{e)-s-si-is-ini. (In the earlier part of this
latter line we have the genitive plural v-isi-si-miaa-(2/)au.) Finally
in line i we must read [G7/a-] ii-[i-]is-si-i-mia, "land of the Hittites."'
as in M. XXV, i.
VI. In the Karaburna inscrijotion {.M. XLVI) tiais (/la-is-s) is
given as the e<|uivalent of ^ , jn "king"' (lines 2 and 3). In the
same inscription I (J) ^^j in line 2 is written ui-is-mi-a-??ns in line 3 ;
* Or does it mean "the dirk-bearer," i.e., " the pritsl"? Aiiicsis seems to
be the word for "dirk-bearer" ; see infra.
' The tame name is found in M. XXV, 2.
190
S.B.A. Proceedhigs,June, 1908.
1
^^C
i
Ai5
i=5'
d
^%
ha
^^
f=3
/^>^
\/
t<
ho
June io] HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1908
hence the boot here is amis, "the earth." This explains the inter-
change of xjx£3 and m^ in M. VI, 4 and V, 2. With icismia-mis which
must be read ut'sjuias, cp. uis-iiiia, M. X, 6.
VII. The name in the Bowl Inscription (M. I, 3) I have hitherto
transcribed Is- (or Isi-) Tarkus, since the name of the god is that
which is attached at Kasili Kaya to the figure of the divine repre-
sentative of Boghaz Keui, and is accompanied by the figure of a
goat. The goat-god of Cilicia, however, as we now^ know from the
cuneiform tablets of Boghaz Keui, had there the title of Khattu, or
Khatti, the Hittite cities being deified. Hence it is probable that
on the Bowl we ought to read Is-Khattu. If so, since the bowl was
dedicated to " Sandes the Atunian,'' the dedicator may be identical
with Us-Khitti of Atuna, or Tuna, who became the vassal of Tiglath-
pileser IV. The whole inscription I should now transcribe and
translate as follows : itesa kuin aoissi i/d id. -//an Sandayi isi-ta Aiimai
kuwi Is-Khatti{s) aiiayis amtma-tu asimiyas khallies kasymc isi-miva
Khalnii-inisi Karkamcsi, '"this work of the stone-cutters (or of stone),
namely this bowl, for the temple of Sandes the Atunian I have made,
(even I) Is-Khattu, the king of this land, providing water-basins for
the temple of the Carchemishian god the son of Khalmias." Asi/iuya,
"water-basin," occurs again in the lower inscription at Ivriz.
191
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILIiOLOGY. [1908.
THE RUINED SITES AT MASAWWARAT ES-SUFRA
AND XACiA.
BV P. D. SCOTT-MONXRIEFF, M.A.
The ruins of IMasawwarat es-Sufra and Naga are the Southern-
most remains known of that strange Negro-Egyptian civiUzation that
flourished from the time when the priests of Anion fled Southwards
from Thebes, down to the period when Egypt became a Roman
province. The first named locahty is so called from the table-like
depression in the hills in which it is situated, the Arabic meaning
" The sculptured stones of the table top." It lies one day's camel
ride almost due South of the town of Shendy, and as the river runs
South-^^'est by West from Shendy, Masawwarat es-Sufra is situated
well out in the desert. The first part of the journey is monotonous
enough, although the barrenness of the Egyptian desert is not in
evidence here, for the whole ground is covered with thickly-growing
" scrub," stunted thorn trees, and bushes, which for a few weeks after
the rains become a brilliant green, but which quickly return to their
usual gnarled and faded appearance. Some three hours out of Shendy
on the left are a few blocks of red sandstone, the remains of a temple,
but what little is left is in an extremely weather-beaten state so that
not much can be made out of it. .\ few hours' more riding brings
the traveller to a gap in a chain of low hills which he has been
gradually approaching ever since he left Shendy. After the camels
have scrambled up a steep and stony A-Z/or a magnificent panorama
comes into view. The hills form a circle like a giant bowl or cup
some six to eight miles in diameter, and in the centre lies the ruined
mass of Masawwarat es-Sufra.
The first Europeans to give us an\ definite account of this site
were the l-"rench archaeologists Caii.i.i.\i'I) and Lktorzec, who visited
192
PLATE I.
S.B.A. Proceedings, June, u
June io] RUINED SITES. [1908.
it in 1821,1 and made plans and sketches, the accuracy of which
considering the then infantine stage of Egyptology is remarkable.
About the same time they were visited by the English traveller
HosKiNS, and some twenty-five years later, in 1844, by Lepsius,^
who made careful plans and drawings of the reliefs for the famous
Denkmdler. Since then the only Egyptologists of note who have
visited the site are Dr. Budge ^ and Prof. Schafer, the former of
whom has written an account of them in his recent book on the
Sudan. I shall therefore content myself here with giving a few notes
which I made when I was enabled in the autumn of 1905 to visit
these ruins and those of Naga in the immediate neighbourhood, by
the kindness of the Sudan Government, for which I was then doing
some archaeological w^ork.
The central feature of Masawwarat es-Sufra is a building raised
on a platform well above the plain and consisting of a rectangular
hall with a main entrance to the East, three small entrances to the
North, and two to the South. It has niches in the West and South
walls (Plate I, fig. i). It is surrounded by a colonnade consisting
of a double row of six columns each on the East side, and a single
row on the remaining three sides, making twenty-eight in all. If this
building is a temple, as has been generally supposed, I would point out
that it appears to be built on a Greek model and not on an Egyptiaa
one. Nevertheless the columns are of the Egyptian lotus capital!
type, and some are rounded inwards at the base. The two rows
forming the portico on the East side were elaborately carved with a
fluted design and ornamentations which can scarcely be said to be
either Greek or Egyptian (Plate I, fig. 2). Two still show reliefs
of Egyptian gods and figures (Plate II, fig. i), but a third has
round its base a ring of naked boys dancing with their backs to the
spectator — a thoroughly Greek motif. The reliefs have a certain
barbaric vigour, but have suffered much from the rain and weather.
Cailliaud thought that the eight columns of the portico were of
earlier date than the others from their being differently carved and of
a slightly different tint, but I see no reason why this should be so..
The difference in the tint of the sandstone is hardly noticeable, and
would not prevent it coming from the same quarry as the other,
■while the whole plan of the temple, if such it is, seems to be Greek,,
^ Cailliaud, Voyage a Mcroe.
* Lepsius, Briefe aus Agypten, and Denkmdler, Vol. V.
^ Budge, The Egyptian Sudan.
193 R
June io] SOCIETV OF BIF.LICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
that is to say a central rectangular building surrounded by a
colonnade with a portico in front. The building is in a very
shattered state, but the columns on the North side are in good
preservation (Plate I, fig. 2). The measurements of the area
occupied by temple and colonnades is about 25x18 metres.
Round the platform on which the temple stands are the debris of
a number of intricate chambers. To the North, West, and South
run three long ramparts raised high up above the ground and faced
on either side with sandstone masonry, which is carried on up to
make a double parapet, the top course of which is formed of rounded
stones. These ramparts are approached from below by sloping
ramps also faced with masonry. That to the North is about
70 metres long and has on its Western side a group of chambers. It
leads to another elevated group of buildings, in the centre of which
is a structure which may also be a temple. It appears to consist of
an adytum, an outer chamber containing the remains of four columns,
and a portico of perhaps eight columns, two of which remain
standing almost entire, and which are of the plain lotus capital
order (Plate I, fig. 3). The rampart running to the West, which is
the best preserved, ends in a small building which may have been
a guard chamber. Its length is about 50 metres. The rampart to
the South leads to a group of chambers which were probably, as
Cailliaud suggests, the living apartments. One of them contains
the remains of three columns. All round, on every side, are the
remains of low walls which must have enclosed huge compounds,
possibly for keeping cattle.
The buildings face practically East or South-East-East, and,
including the compounds, cover an area of nearly 250 square yards.
In front of them, about 60 metres to the East of the platform on
-which stands the central temple, is a small building which was
undoubtedly used for religious purposes (Plate II, fig. 2). It is
only 15 X 12 metres, but appears to have had a portico of four
columns, according to Cailliaud and Lepsius, in front of it, but
when I visited the site, scarcely anything could be made out of the
tumbled debris. On either side of the door are the legs and loins of
.a male statue, wearing the archaic short skirt. On the side posts are
the remains of a twisted serpent in low relief similar to one on the
pyloned temple at Naga. There appear to have been four columns
■.within.
Some 100 yards to the South-West are the chaotic remains of a
194
PLATE II.
S.B.A. Proceedings, /tine, 1908.
•^--
June io] RUINED SITES. [1908.
building consisting of intricate chambers, perhaps a palace or royal
harim, away from the main structure. About a quarter of a mile to
the South-East is the debris of what Cailliaud and Lepsius called
a small temple, and is chiefly remarkable for the extraordinary figures
carved in relief on some of the columns, of men riding on animals,
etc., which have all been reproduced in the Denhndler of Lepsius.^
They represent a style of art which cannot be earlier than the first
century .\.d.
The date of these buildings I propose to discuss further on. As
to their use, there have been various suggestions. Cailliaud
thought that they formed a coltege, and Hoskins a hospital, neither
of which views have much to recommend them. Although the locality
is a long way from the Nile, and there is only one well now in
the neighbourhood, there is every reason to suppose that at one time
it was capable of supporting a numerous population if only the
abundant rainfall during the rainy season were carefully stored and
used. That this was done to a certain extent, though to how great
it is impossible to tell until the whole district has been thoroughly
examined, is proved from the remains of several ancient reservoirs
that are still to be seen in the neighbourhood of the ruins. As it is,
to-day, the desert teems with life — gazelle of various kinds, sand
grouse, etc., while Hoskins was much disturbed by lions, and even
Lepsius' relates how he saw their spoor, although he did not
actually see any of the beasts themselves. The latter also states
that he found natives who had moved to the locality from
the river after the rainy season and who had utilized the rich
soil for growing dhurra. Dr. Budge's hypothesis that these build-
ings were a fortified khan seems the most probable that has
hitherto been put forward.^ The long ramparts with parapets seem
certainly to have been constructed with a view to defence. They
almost resemble mediaeval embattlements, and the defenders would
be raised high above the level of their adversaries. The large com-
pounds that surround the place and which may have been meant for
huge cattle pens, were doubtless those in use during peaceful times,
while those close in under the ramparts would be used during attacks.
The main drawback to these last, however, is that they do not appear,
as the ruins now stand, to have had any protection on the North-
■• Denk/iidkr, Vol. V, p. 75. ^ Briefe.
'^ Budge, Egyptian Sudan, I, p. 328.
195 R 2
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
West side, although it is quite possible that a rampart might be
traced with a little excavation. I think that it can be hardly possible
that the large enclosed areas were great tanks or reservoirs although
the theory is attractive. Their structural appearance does not seem
to have been designed for that purpose. The argument that the
general style of building is too delicate and weak to be meant for a
fortified place does not appear to be of much weight. It seemed to
me at least, that the buildings looked solid enough, especially for
any kind of barbaric warfare. That they are built in a very
degenerate form of Romano-Ptolemaic style is of course undeniable,
although they possess a striking picturesqueness of their own.
Both these buildings and those at Naga present a striking con-
trast to the neighbouring pyramid field of Meroe (Plate III, figs, i
and 2) where nothing is left of any temple or house except the
pyramids and their chapels (Plate IV, fig. 1). Meroe, it would
seem, was entirely a city of the dead and connected with their cult.
It is, however, clear that Masawwarat es-Sufra was also connected
with religion. The small building outside the ramparts with the
colossal figures before the door was certainly a temple, and so most
probably was the central building with the colonnade and portico of
sculptured pillars. It may have also been a palace to which the
Aethiopian court occasionally moved.
The position of this site helps us, however, to understand
best what the buildings were intended for. Naga, which lies about
fifteen miles farther South, was probably the most Southern town
of the late Aethiopian kingdom, and lay on the route which led
from the Blue Nile and Abyssinia into Egypt. Masawwarat es-Sufra
would therefore be the connecting post built to link up Naga with
the river which the route would naturally strike somewhere near
Meroe, probably more to the South, near what is now Shendy.
From there traders would pursue their way either by river or across
the desert to the comparative civilization of Napata. An ancient
road is also said to lead from Naga to the Blue Nile, and ruins are
alleged to lie along the route.''' One thing further is particularly
noticeable about these ruins, and to which we shall return later, when
we discuss the dates. With the exception of the figures on the portico
columns of the central building, the serpents on the side posts of the
doors of the little detached temple, and the extraordinary reliefs of
'' Ward, Our Sudan, p. 163.
196
PLATE III.
S.B.A. Proceedings, June, 1908.
T v«^Cm,
y£.
r> >n
*Mfcifc-&^^,-,,.„,
PLATE IV.
S.B.A. Proceedings, Jutie, ic
June io] RUINED SITES. [1908.
men riding on animals in the building to the South-East, all the vast
area of walls and columns remain undecorated. And nowhere has
there yet been seen a single hieroglyphic sign. Cailliaud, however,
found an inscription in Meroitic ; and in Latin, on the walls of one of
the ramps, the following graffito : Vidua post ?/iuitos aiinos
feliciter venit ex Jirbe,^ mense Athyr die xv anni The note
of some Roman traveller in the wilds ! Most unfortunately the date
is lost.
A few miles farther brings the traveller out of the great bowl of
hills in which the above-described ruins lie into a valley, shut in all
round, in which is situated a picturesque desert well. Leaving this
valley he descends from the hills again into the plain, and continues
to travel in a Southerly direction, keeping at the foot of the long chain
of gebel on his left, until when about fourteen miles from Masawwarat
es-Sufra he will come to Naga.
The whole site of Naga bears traces of a great many buildings,
and it was doubtless a place of some size ; but the only structures
that are left in any of their entirety are four in number. Down in
the level of the plain is a temple of the regular Egyptian type with a
pyioned entrance. Just opposite it is a remarkable building of
Graeco-Roman style of architecture, with Egyptian decorations
introduced on the doors and some of the windows. About a quarter
of a mile up the hill-side is another temple, approached by a flight of
steps and a dromos flanked on either side by six crio-sphinxes on
large stone bases. In the centre of the dromos is an altar. Nestling
under the brow of the gebel itself is a further building, in such a
chaotic state of ruin that I could make but little of it.
I do not propose to go into a detailed description of these
temples, as they have been fully described by Cailliaud, Lepsius,
and Dr. Budge, but will content myself with giving a rough sketch
of their salient features and discussing some particular points that
seem hitherto to have escaped notice. Taking first the pyioned
temple at the foot of the hill (Plate III, fig. 3) : this faces East. On
the outer wall of each pylon are colossal figures cut in cavo relievo^
after the conventional Egyptian style, of the king and queen, each
clubbing a group of enemies whom they hold by the hair (Plates IV
and V, figs. 2 and i ). The attitude of both. the king and queen is
entirely conventional, and they wear Egyptian dress overloaded with
® I.e. Alexandria.
197
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^OLOGV. [1908.
ornaments and barbaric detail after the regular style of the Aethiopian
reliefs. On the outer North wall the king and queen accompanied
by an attendant stand in adoration before three goddesses and two
gods, all human-headed and wearing the elaborate Egypto-barbaric
robes and ornaments typical of this kind of Aethiopian work. On
the outer South wall is a similar scene, the gods in this case being
a lion-headed god, a hawk-headed god, two ram-headed gods, and
a deity who has all the appearance of being the Egyptian Ptah
(Plate III, fig. 2). On the outer West wall the king and queen, each
accompanied by an attendant, stand on the right and left respectively
of a male deity with three lions' heads, one of which is in full face
and the other two in profile (Plate III, fig. 2). The reliefs on the
inner walls are in a very bad state, but are chiefly remarkable for two
male deities wearing curly beards and represented ///// face, very
much after the type of Alexandrine Serapis or Zeus Amnion, and
also a youth seated on a chair of Egyptian type but crowned with
the rays of Helios. It is impossible to tell who each of all these
deities is meant to be, although a few lines of battered but unin-
telligible hieroglyphic text is carved over each figure. The cartouches
of the king and queen are, however, well known ; the king's name is
r^^^^^^~^^^ J , which is generally read, according to the
late Nubian values of the signs, A^ekkame?!, while that of the queen
•g / a /vvAA/vA va/ >^ I ^^ I ] I ^ the supposed reading of which is
Aitie/iiarit.
It is obvious that the inspiration which guided the style of this
temple is drawn from Ptolemaic ideals of the most florid period.
The winged and scaled garments are reproduced with an excess of
elaboration and detail, while the complicated headgears have all the
air of those represented on the heads of the Macedonian kings, and
which were probably never worn at all. At tlie same time, the full-
faced bearded deities and the youthful Helios on the interior walls
are extremely interesting, and must point lo Alexandrian influence.
As this latter had so very little effect on reliefs of Egyptian temple
architecture, it comes as all the greater surprise to find it on the
Southernmost temple of Aethiopia. It is for this reason, it seems to
me, that the temple must be very late, and dating from the days of
the last Ptolemies. That the artists were natives there can be little
doubt, as they have carefully portrayed all the non-Egyptian details,
PLATE V.
S.B.A. Proceedings, June, 1 908.
June io] RUINED SITES. [1908..
and as the whole thing has so distinctly a style of its own that it is
impossible to think otherwise. Another thing worthy of remark in'
connection with the figures on this temple is that there are two-
distinct kinds of clothing. On the outer pylon walls the king and!
queen wear conventional Egyptian dress of the Ptolemaic style^
albeit elaborated with all the negro's love of showy finery. Else-
where they wear a robe which is not in the least Egyptian, although
in one case it is depicted decorated with wings, which we may
believe from a similar garment worn by an attendant to have been
winged lions' heads. This robe seems to have been a loose garment
hanging from the shoulders down to the feet and tied at the neck by
a tasselled cord. It is worn by the attendants and also by two of
the gods, and was apparently usually covered with some kind of
pattern.^ Over the right shoulder was worn, probably by the king
and queen only, a sort of fringed shawl. This dress appears to be
the general one for royal personages, not only here but at Meroe and
Napata also, and it is very probable that the elaborate Egyptian
costume was never worn at all, and is simply a conventional style
of portraiture adopted for religious purposes and handed down by
tradition from the time of Taharka. f>om what remains of the
reliefs, the jewelry was of the most elaborate and barbaric kind,
Egyptian in design, but in some details curiously like modern Sudani
work.^'^ In view of the general idea that the queen took the supreme
place in the government, it is noteworthy that at Naga the king takes
precedence of the queen in every case.
A few yards to the East of the temple described above stands a
remarkable building- in Graeco-Roman style with a doorway and two
side windows of Egyptian detail ; the rest of the windows are arched
the arches being supported by pilasters (Plate V, fig. 2). The
doorway, which is thoroughly Egyptian in style, has an entablature
decorated with uraei and designs of the winged solar disk ; each of
the centre side windows is in similar style. On the inner side is a
relief of two couchant lions. The rest of the building, however, is
^ This robe is also frequently decorated by a small ornament that at first sight
has the appearance of a cross, but which is in reality a degenerate form of the
Egyptian "T" or (Pi . The argument that it is a symbol of Christianity is obviously
impossible.
^^ It should be noted that the detailed drawings in the Denkuialcr owe much
of their finish to restorations by the draughtsman. The originals are, and must
have been for a long time, in a very bad state.
199
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY. [1908.
Roman. The archivolts on either side of the door have a curious
moulding, consisting entirely of rows of projecting bosses, almost
like certain kinds of Norman work. Those at the side are more
elaborate and are ornamented with a floral decoration of what I
took to be alternate "tongues" and lotus blooms. The sills of
all the windows have this latter moulding. The columns have
capitals of debased acanthus leaves, and are grouped in two
three-quarter columns at the corners. They support a frieze, above
which was a heavy cornice which has now fallen away. The building
is clumsy and heavy, and yet obviously much more Roman than
Egyptian in style.
Some 250 yards up the hill-side to the East we come to the third
temple. This is quite Egyptian in style. It is approached by a
sloping ramp and then a dromos of twelve crio-sphinxes on large
pedestals, six on either side, and divided in the middle by a large
stone altar-like construction. These crio-sphinxes have been badly
knocked about, only one remaining in anything like its original state,
and even that has been knocked off its pedestal (Plate VI, fig. i).
Of the temple itself only the three doorways of each of its main
divisions and one pillar remain i7t situ (Plate VI, fig. 2). These are
.all covered with very well carved reliefs, in a much purer Egyptian
style than on any other building at Naga. The scenes, most of
which represent the king and queen worshipping or dancing before
Anion and other gods, are accompanied by hieroglyphic texts. In
this temple neither of the royal devotees are represented as wearing
the native robe and shawl, or overladen with barbaric ornaments.
The figures, which are clad in the different ceremonial dresses as
•depicted on the Ptolemaic temples, have little or nothing barbaric
about them, while the gods might be the work of an Egyptian artist.
Everything is much more restrained and dominated by Egyptian
conventionality. The figures and hieroglyphs are all in low relief,
and the style is obviously inspired by late Ptolemaic or early Roman
influence. The god principally worshipped is, as one would expect,
Amon, and he is represented on the reliefs alternately as ram- and
human-headed. The temple, which differs so surprisingly from
the pyloned building below, nevertheless bears the cartouches of
Netekamen and Amen tar it.
At the top of the slope, immediately under the stony cliff that
crowns the gebel, are the jumbled remains of two or three other
buildings, which are in an almost complete state of ruin. Lepsius,
200
PIATE VI.
S.B.A. Proceedings, June, 1908.
June lo] RUINED SITES. [1908.
however, was able to read on the doorways of one the cartouche of
Shankpitah (?), f EJ Z: ^ ^ tj ^ fp] • Scattered here and
there over the slope of the hill are also the remains of several other
buildings, the plans of which Lepsius succeeded in making for the
Denknuiler, but which are now in a more or less totally ruined
•condition. There are plenty of evidences that Naga was a large
place, and there is no doubt that excavations would yield very
interesting results if the situation and difficulty of obtaining labour
•did not put such insuperable barriers in the way.
In considering the date of these buildings, it will be best to deal
first with the pyloned temple in the plain. This probably dates to
middle or late Ptolemaic times, for reasons that have been stated
above. While outwardly thoroughly Egyptian, it shows various
evidences of Alexandrian influence, and this I am inclined to think
was introduced into Aethiopia by Ergamenes (Arkamen), who was
educated at the court of Ptolemy Philadelphus. The traditions of
the native workmen were those of a barbaric imitation of Egyptian
styles, probably acquired in Egypt, but we see in this temple that
the royal builders have introduced deities who are probably meant
to be Greek. It is therefore almost conclusive that they reigned
after Ergamenes and the introduction of Greek influence, while the
general style of the ornamentation points to late and degenerate
Ptolemaic Egyptian influence. The temple dedicated to Amon and
approached by the dromos of crio-sphinxes bears the same cartouches
as that of the pyloned temple below, and so must in all probability
be its contemporary. Nevertheless it differs very considerably in
style and character, being, as pointed out above, much more
orthodoxly Egyptian, confined to the worship of Amon and purely
Egyptian gods, and depicting the royal couple in orthodox Egyptian
dress, and not in the native robe and shawl overloaded with barbaric
(Ornaments. It is possible that the pyloned temple was dedicated to
.a native lion-headed deity who appears at the head of the procession
■of gods on the South wall, and as chief and only god on the West
"wall, with three heads and four arms. Strabo relates that " the
inhabitants of Meroe worship Hercules, Pan, and Isis, besides some
•other barbaric deity," and this lion-headed god may be the barbaric
deity in question. It appears, too, that the fame of great Serapis
must have reached this southern region, and possibly that of Ra or
Harpocrates, in the Greek form of Helios, for so, as we have seen
201
Tune io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908,
above, two of the reliefs indicate. At the other temple, however^
was carried on the orthodox Egyptian worship of Amon, before
whom tradition compelled that the king and queen should be
depicted wearing the conventional garb assigned to them by the
monuments, although probably they never wore them actually.
The classical temple presents greater difficulties. Nearly all the
architectural works carried on in Upper Egypt for the first two hundred
years of the Roman Empire were in the native style, and even as late
as the reign of Antoninus Pius so beautiful a native piece of work as
the entrance to Medinet Habu was created. There were, of course,
occasional classic buildings, such as the temple built in honour of
Antinous by Hadrian,ii but for the most part outside Alexandria the
old Egyptian traditions prevailed. It is therefore the more astonish-
ing to come across a building of this kind so far South, when Romaru
style had such little influence in Egypt. The capitals and mouldings,
of the archivolts and sills are elaborate, and scarcely permit of the
building being earlier than the end of the second century ; indeed,,
their semi-floral pattern almost point to Syrian influence, if that were
only possible. The general state of the country, however, would not
permit of the building bemg as late as the time of Diocletian, after
which date the country speedily lapsed back into utter barbarism.
The Egyptian details, too, prohibit it from being much later than
250 A.D., and. it is therefore probable that its date must be placed
somewhere between 200-250 a.d. Considering how little influence
Rome had over this part of the world during that period, it seems as-
if the builders must have been natives who had gained their know-
ledge in Alexandria, and it stands as another example of the adaptive
and imitative power of the semi-civilized negro.
Returning now to the ruins of Masawwarat es-Sufra, it seems-
probable that here we have buildings which lie some time between
the Egyptian temples and the classic construction of Naga just con-
sidered. We have again Alexandrian influence, where the predomi-
nating style is nevertheless Egyptian. The place, however, is bare of
hieroglyphics, and what Egyptian motifs do remain are so thoroughly
degenerate as to point to the knowledge of Egyptian things being on
the wane. On the other hand, the place was in existence when the
country was still accessible to Roman travellers, as proved by the
inscription found by Cailliaud and Letorzec. The general style
'^ See Description de P Egypte.
202
June io] RUINED SITES. [1908.
and appearance also bears out the view that the buildings must
belong to some period of the first century, probably the latter half.
I am led to this view owing to the total lack of hieroglyphics,
although panels are carved to receive them above the figures of gods
on the columns of the portico in front of the central building. There
is no knowledge of the arch, which precludes any actual Roman
influence.
At these sites, therefore, Masawwarat es-Sufra and Naga, we have
the last and most Southerly stage of that strange imitative negro
civilization which was founded at Napata. It existed long enough
to be influenced by Roman ideals in architecture at least, and at
Naga we probably have the most southerly Egyptian temple and the
most southerly Roman building, side by side, that there is ia
existence.
Ji;ne io]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCII.EOLOGY,
[1908.
A COPTIC OSTRACOX.
By W. E. Crum.
This ostracon (which is published at the request of the
Secretary of the Society) belongs to Dr. Colin Campbell. It is a slice
of white limestone, 9x12 cm. in size. The script, though closely
resembling Hands ' A ' and ' D ' in my Ostraca} is not, I think,
identical with either. The writer is probably not the bishop, so
often occurring there; for, though the bishop too calls himself simply
'the humble,'- he would not speak of himself as his correspondent's
' son ' or employ such subservient greetings. The ostracon should
date from about the year 600.
Recto.
"P 2Ae6 ueKi un^A-
3C6 TunpocroKK-i ne-
2.\00" MOTpJITe TeKUNGI-
tUT GTAIHTe ATU) GTOTAAB KA-
5. TA CUOT NIU nneiAG ATGKUKI-
eitoT :xooT aatgia oboa kiai
eqeipG [u]npocorioN nta-
PAHH . . . . KlOX 0T20Te
eA?[T .... ^tOKI-
10. G A[n]A[TOp]uOTTC
.... 2AeTN ^
Verso.
"P iiJANAT nYu
eTArAHM NAGI UKI-
HATGpUOTTG KII'A'OOT
nein.xA^ mai tgco weeTe
5. UOG NTATAAT NAT TAAC
UHAUGpiT GItOT GTTAIH'
. . u^ eiTWRGq^iipe
ABpAeAU nCIG.VA-
3eicf
'Before (+ fxiv) words, I do obeisance {niioaKwdv) unto the sweet-
ness of the feet'' of thy honoured and in all ways holy fatherhood.
Since [H-einj) thy fatherhood hath sent David out to me, as
^ Coptic Ostraca, pp. xiv, xv. On the date of these hands, v. Brit. Mus.,
Catal. of Coptic A/SS., p. xx, n. 2.
2 Crum, Ostr., nos. 61 and (?) 59, Berlin Ostr. P. 8727.
^ Or 2A2TIII.
•* Probably an erasure.
* 2AOCr similarly in Crum, op. cit., nos. 195, 255, 398.
204
June lo] A COPTIC OSTRACON. [1908..
representing {- Trp^awvov) Tagape^ cause to fear
sick (?), Patermoute did before me (?) {verso), till such
time as Tagape shall come with Patermoute and thou send
this tablet {7r\a^) unto me, I am ready (eTo^/os) to give them
to them. 7
Give it unto my beloved, honoured father, from his son the humble
(cXn'pj^(<TT09) Abraham.'
® This name in Brit. Mus. Ca/aL, no. 406, Crum op. cit., no. 450, Turaieff's
Ostraca in Bitll. de PAcad. Imp. 1899, no. 13.
"^ Does this imply that the present ostracon was subsequently to be produced
as a witness or reminder of an earlier agreement? On irAa$ v. Crum, op. cit.,,
p. xi, and Krall, Blemyer 71. Nubier (Denkschr. xlvi), p. 2, note.
205
June io] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
THE ORIGIN OF THE NAME OF THE ISLAND OF
ELEPHANTINE.
Bv A. F. R. Platt, M.B.
Two explanations of the origin of the word Elephantine are
•current. One is that the island (or city on it) was the centre of the
ivory trade, which is not very convincing. The other is that the
Egyptians first saw elephants in the neighbourhood. There are
difficulties in accepting this if the elephants were wild, because the
Nile Valley in Nubia or Egypt was not, in historical times, a suitable
habitat for the animal which requires large tracts of forest.
There is a third possible explanation not less plausible than the
■other two.
At Assuan the intrusion of the granite into the sandstone breaks
up the Nile into a series of rocks and rapids, extending some five miles
up the river, to form what is known as the First Cataract. This granite
has been split up and weathered into rounded water-worn masses,
often covered with a dark grey or black shiny deposit of manganese
dioxide. In many of them " pot-holes " have been scoured out when
the Nile was much higher and swifter. These holes vary in depth
and position, some are deep, vertical and conical, such as that near
the Nilometer on Elephantine; others are lateral and often mere
shallow depressions.
Some of these rocks present a curious resemblance to elephants,
the general outhne of the rock corresponding to that of the animal ;
while the proboscis, legs, tail, ears, and eyes may appear more or
less clearly according to the position, number, depth, and arrange-
ment of the shadows formed by the pot-holes and other markings,
and particularly by the direction and amount of light.
Sometimes only the head, trunk, and an eye can be made out, as
on the Southern extremity of the Island of Elephantine ; some-
times a whole animal or a group of them appears. They occur
both in profile and with head or stern directed towards the spectator.
When close to the water they look as if walking down to drink.
There is a remarkable group to be seen from the terrace of the
Cataract Hotel on a little island just to the left of and South of
206
S.B..-1. Proceedings, Jtme, ic
w
^
H
^
<
E
P-
w
hJ
w
fe
O
o
a
■S
Q
u
?i
P?;
«'
r;
-r'
•o"
GO
H
u
w
§
p
■j^
H
■8,
^
o
C/2
1
o
i^O
HH
J
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■>
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?;
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1-; X
5^
L4 til
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O ^
O
5n
June io] NAME OF THE ISLAND OF ELEPHANTINE. [1908.
Elephantine. As the sun sinks behind the Western hills, and direct
light ceases to fall on the rocks, they stand out very clearly.
This essential condition as to light unfortunately renders it
impossible to take a satisfactory photograph at the most favourable
moment, and the accompanying view shows little more than the
group of rocks in question (immediately above the arrow).
A common form of the word Elephantine is T 1 v\ © which
evidently refers to the city. I do not know of any example
with the ( 3 island sign. Another common form (as for example
in the Xllth dynasty tomb of Sa renput at Assuan (No. 31)) is
? I %^ f^^^ or ^^ r\/^>l. In the still older Vlth dynasty
inscription of Una, he tells us that he obtained stone from
1^
four different quarries (f^^ ■^ (Turah, near Helwan),
•Q 1 rQ ^v "^ (Abhat), I ^ r^ii^ r^-/^ ( Hat Nub, near Tell
El Amarna), and T ] ^^ ^ f^^'^ (Elephantine). The quarry
r-^ I
determinative does not occur in any of them, but thev all have
\>
the " desert hill " sign Q:£^£l. The conclusion is that T ^^ V^ 1^-^^
means not the island, but the " District of the Elephant Hocks" or
Elephant Hills — so called from their resemblance to the animal.
Long before Una's time granite was quarried at Assuan, and large
quantities have l)een removed from the rocks, where the channel is
narrowest both on the Elephantine and Assuan side. It is possible
that here, in very early times, existed a bold outstanding rock or group
of rocks, which still more strikingly resembled an elephant (or
elephants^) than those which remain at the present day. A?, the
elephant does not appear to have been a sacred animal, such rocks
may have long since been quarried away.
I hope members of the Society may know of facts in favour
of this Petrous derivation of the word Elejjhantine, for without
confirmatory evidence this "elephant " hypothesis, like the other two,
must remain as nebulous as Hamlet's camel, weasel and whale.
■* In this connection it would be interesting to know if the word occurs in the
full plural form, with the elephant written three limes.
207
June io] SOCIETY OK BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held on
Wednesday, November nth, 1908, at 4.30 p.m., when the-
following Paper will be read : —
E. R. Ayrton, Esq, : " The recently excavated Tomb
of Hor-e'n-heb."
This Paper unll be illustrated by Lanterti-slides.
208
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
THIRTY-EIGHTH SESSION, 1908.
Sixth Meeting, November nth, 1908.
F. LEGGE, Esq.,
IN THE CHAIR.
■9r)%-
[No. ccxxvii.] 2og
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^OLOGV. [1908.
The following gifts to the Library were announced, and
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors :
From the Author, W. S. Auchincloss, Esq. — " The Book of
Daniel Unlocked," and "Chronology of the Holy Bible."
From the Author, Prof Dr. A. Wiedemann. — '* Jahresberichte der
Geschichtswissenschaft." XXIX. igo6.
From Dr. T. Smolenski. — "Origins of the Jewish-Christian
Literature." By Ignacy Radhnski. (In Polish.)
From W. E. Crum, Esq. — " Grab- und Denksteine des mittleren
Reichs." Part II ; a«^ "Bijoux et Orfeveries." Being volumes
of the " Cat. Gen. du Musee du Caire."
From the Author, the Rev. F. C. Norton. — " A Popular Hand-
book to Assyriology."
From the Author, The Hon. Emmeline Plunket. —
"The Judgment of Paris."
A. Heber-Percy, Esq., Hodnet Hall, Salop.
Harold Holmes, Esq., Marlinhoe, N. Devon.
W. Moir Bryce, Esq., Edinburgh.
were elected Members of the Society.
The following Paper was read : —
E. R. AvRTON, Esq.: "The recently excatated Tomb of
Hor-em-heb."
Thanks were returned for this communication.
210
Nov. II] HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1908.
HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS
FROM GURUN AND EMIR GHAZI.
By Prof. A. H. Sayce, D.D.
I.
Gurun, called Guriania by the Assyrians, Gauraina in classical
geography, lies on the modern road from Sivas to Albistan, and at
the northern end of the early road which led from Mer'ash to the
Tokhma Su and the valley of the Euphrates. There are two Hittite
inscriptions engraved on the rocks in the pass to the N.W. of the
town which were discovered by Sir Charles Wilson in 1879. I"
1882 he visited the place again with Prof. Sir W. Ramsay who
took impressions of the inscriptions, and also eye-copies of them.
These were published in the Reaieil de Travaux relatifs a la Philologie
et a r Archeologie egyptiennes et assyriennes XIV, i, 2 (1892). Little,
however, could be made out of the shorter of the two inscriptions,
and a photograph which was taken of it unfortunately proved to be
a failure. Hence I have never been able to make use of the texts,
beyond pointing out that they were the work of a king of Carchemish.
Last summer M. G. de Jerphanion* succeeded in taking an
excellent photograph of the shorter inscription, the result being that,
with the help of Sir W. Ramsay's copy of the longer text, I am now in
a position to give a fairly complete copy of the whole. This is
attached to the present paper (Plate I). The inscription is important,
not only historically but also from the point of view of Hittite
decipherment. The variations between the shorter and the longer
texts are more especially of value.
"The inscriptions," says Sir William Ramsay, "are N.W. of
the town, at the lower end of a very narrow gorge through which the
Tokhma Su forces its way. Both are a short distance up the slope
on the right bank of the stream. No. i (the shorter text) is cut on
the face of a cliff, hanging slightly over a natural recess ; a little to
the left is a small spring. The inscription is about 15 feet above the
ground ; the symbols, cut in high relief, are disposed in four panels,
and cover a space of about 4 feet by 3 No. 2 is cut, not
* Proceedings^ Vol. XXX, p. 42.
211 S 2
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
like No. I on the cliffs through which the river makes its way, but on
the face of a mass of rock, which projects amid the debris in front
of the cliff, a little higher up the slope than No. i. The symbols are
in six panels, and worn almost entirely away, so much so that, on
the rotten surface of the stone, they appear rather as depressions than
projections. They are larger than those in No. i, and less care-
fully cut."
Sir William Ramsay's eye- copies vary in a few particulars from
the published copies which were made from a comparison of them
with the impressions. The variations, however, are of slight
importance.
The first line of the shorter inscription is gone ; but the longer
inscription enables us to restore it, with the exception, unfortunately,
of the royal name :
1. [det.-det. Sanda det.-det. {Ma)-j?ii det.-det. {A)-fu-DE'r.
[To the supreme gods Sandes, Mamis (or Ammis) and Atys
. . . -nan (?) ASi-yas-s/-vas],
. . . uan (?), the son of the sanctuary],
2. [dET.]-ID. [ANA-;m-J'«^] DET.-ID. [dET.-ID
the king [great], the supreme . . , [the dirk-bearer
Kar-ka-//ie-2-si-]yas-T>ET. [bet.-uu-i's] ana-na-
of Carchemish], [the high-priest]
3. NA-rt-j'a^ am-lme]-j'as-DET. DET.-Kasi-a-na-yas Mar (J)\ka}\uan-
great, of the land of the Kasians, in the city of
DET.-Zrt Kas-i-mia-E)E'T.-uik iiy-yas
Maroga (?) the Kasian people ruling,
4. . . . DET. ix-miyas-yiiAS yas-i-y kiy-mia (?) Mar (?)-Aa{?)
. . . supreme over the 9 states, this inscription for Mar-
-/ IX a-mia [ya-me-a]-
oga (?), of the 9 states [here]
5. DET.-[j7'] nd {?)yas (?) . . -DET. . . . [det.] f/ii'-MiA-mi-a-snAS
the pass, [I have made], being minister
det.-det. Sanda det.-det. J/a-;«/-Mi-MAMi det.-det.
of the supreme gods Sandes, Mamis or (Ammis) and
IG.-DKT.-hi DET.-ID. . . .
Atys the god (s).
PLATE I.
S.B.A. Proceed/ iis^s, A^o7\, 1908.
III"
.ij;
4r-
^\ =,
^-^
xw^Ct.^
Cl
<-
e
— a
•^\ZT
^'1}
r-i
I 1
#^^
^
>^\
Nov. II] HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1908.
I. Sir W. Ramsay's eye-copy of the longer text (Plate II) correctly
gives the symbol of Sandes at the beginning of this line, as in line 5.
The name of the goddess in No. 2 seems to be written ^) ^(Vmf ,
in which case the first character would have the value of via or ant
instead of atu as I have supposed. But the exact form of this first
character is questionable, and it may be intended for the feather
head-dress, 7 \, which I found rising from the top of the head of
the so-called "Niobe " on Mount Sipylos.
The name of Atys in No. 2 is written with the character tu or
tua^ followed by the ideograph of two legs walking, which I have long
since shown must represent Atys. Here we have proof that I was
right. A character, probably a, has been lost between the deter
minative of divinity and tu. On the divine names see further the
note on line 5.
The same title asi-yas-si-yas is found in one of the Carchemish
inscriptions (Messerschmidt XV), where it is written asi-s-si-i (in
the genitive). Yas, therefore, should probably be read is here, as is
certainly the case in some of the later inscriptions. Since the last
character is the equivalent of X in the next line, I give it the same
phonetic value.
2. The first character in Sir W. Ramsay's copy should probably
be corrected into the usual form c3=o. The restorations in this line
are taken from his copy of the longer text.
I have found the ideograph of " dirk-bearer " interchanging with
the title amis, which will therefore be the equivalent of it. Nzi-is or
nu-mis (" the consecrated one ") is the title assumed by the Hamath
princes ; perhaps it should rather be read e-inis.
3. Possibly we should read and translate Kasc anais " king of
Kas " instead of Kase-a-na-yas. The oblique line is not u, but
interchanges with /, at all events in the older texts, and is represented
in Assyrian by e (as on the Tarkondemos seal). Hence it is best
expressed by i or c or the Welsh y.
The animal's head in line 4 may be intended for ka, and the
quiver with the double line may be an abbreviation of the quiver
crossed by two arrows which has the value of mar^ '^. Hence
we could read the name of the city as Mar(it)-ka, and identify it
with the classical Maroga, now Maragos, which was not far from
Gurun. However, Sennacherib, in a letter to his father, couples Nagi-u
213
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
or Nagi, with Guriania, and since the quiver had the value of tm or
tie, we might read Nega. Unfortunately the animal's head does not
exactly resemble any of those I have met with in the inscriptions. The
name of the city is omitted in Sir W. Ramsay's copy of the longer text.
The proper value of Q was inia^ written tniya in the cuneiform
texts, see F.S.B.A., June, 1908, p. 183. The boot, when it signified
" the earth," was called ajuia (or ammid) ; this became the phonetic
values mia and 7tii. In the Emir Ghazi texts Kasi-mia is written
Ka-si-i-mitiy with 0 for [^, and the oblique stroke (as in this
passage) replaced by /.
I do not know whether we should write {Mark})-ua?:-ta or
{Mark })-ua?i-'S\-ta.
4. The same title, " supreme over the nine (states)," is given to
the god Aramis by the Carchemish king Khalmi-*-me (M. X, 2).
Since the word atnta, " state," is expressed further on in the line,
)>iias may not be the suffix of the numeral, but should be read ainias.
Yas-i " this " is used in a similar way in the Emir Ghazi inscrip-
tions, F.S.B.A., June, 1908, where I have transliterated the word
iies-i. It should, however, he yasi or yesi, the sibilant being probably
pronounced like z. In the photograph the traces of the following
character show that it is the graving-tool, *~^ {Ideograph \f)-
Ya-t?ie-a is from Sir W. Ramsay's copy of the longer text, like yi,
which I cannot explain, at the beginning of the next line.
5. Only the right-hand portion of the animal's head is preserved
according to the photograph. After the ideograph of "gate " (which
seems to be used in the sense of a " pass," as in the Vannic
inscriptions) we should expect the suffix -ta "in." The characters
preceding the ideograph ought to give its phonetic reading.
In AI. XLVI, 2, 3, Jid-ayas seems to be " towers." Perhaps we
should translate : " [in] this fortress of the nine (Hittite) states."
Sennacherib describes Nagi-u as " the fortress of the Highlands "
{birte bur-bur). ^
In Sir W. Ramsay's copy of the longer inscription the leg inter-
venes between mia and ini-a. Memis, 7?ietmas, will therefore be the
phonetic equivalent of the ideograph, and not abz or abu, as I
formerly conjectured. In the Arzawa tablets memis, memian, signifies
"servant," "minister."
^ Unless hirtc stands for birit, the translation being "the district between
the Highlands and Gamir."
214
Nov. II] HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1908.
At Carchemish (M. XI, 5), the king, who is possibly the king
also of the Gurun texts, calls himself ;;«-MiA-;;«'-a-MiAS, i.e., memias,
" servant " of three gods, whom I have long since shown to be the
triad of father-god, mother-goddess, and son Atys. The father-god
is denoted by the numeral X, which in Assyrian represents the god
Hadad. On the Babylon stela (M. II) Sandes is identified with the
Syrian Hadad ; this will explain why the numeral X became his
symbol in Syria. The mother-goddess is not represented (in
M. XI, 5) by Xatu, ^^^, as I have hitherto supposed, but by the
ideograph that immediately follows the numeral, since it is the same
ideograph as that which in our Gurun texts is attached to the
phonetically-written name of the goddess Ammia (or Mami). Katu
must, therefore, represent Atys, either as being " the Kataonian "
god, or because the character Katu had the secondary value atu,
just as W mias was also as and 11 amis was also is. ^Vhether the
picture of the sky (?) over the circle of the earth Q) represents a??i or
nia cannot be decided ; both forms, Mami and Ammia, could be
supported by Greek inscriptions and writers. -
The boot, after the picture of the two legs, is the determinative of
"walking," as in the newly-discovered inscription of Emir Ghazi.
The close similarity between the formulae of the Gurun inscriptions
and those of the two Carchemish texts, Messerschmidt XI and XV,
suggests the probability that they all belong to the same king of
Carchemish and Kas, whose name seems to have been Sunna-mes
or, less probably. Dimes. They are records of an expedition which
he made to the North, beyond the borders of the Hittite territory.
II.
In 1908 Prof. Sir W. Ramsay discovered two more Hittite
inscriptions at Emir Ghazi (Ardistama) : one of them is a fragment
- The form Ammia, however, seems preferable, since the ideograph is
apparently the same as that which constitutes part of the territorial name in
M. IV, A 3, and which accordingly would read Na-amvii-gha-s, Nammighas,
" Of the land of Nammi." An Amorite in the Tel el-Amarna letters (W. and
A. 50, Rev. 32) bears the similar name of Nimmakhi. Perhaps we have the
name of the country in the shorter Hamath inscription (M. IV, B 2), Na-mi-a-
«a-(«a)i--DET. , with which the personal name Namya-waza in the Tel el-Amarna
letters may be compared.
215
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1908.
only, but the other is on the base of another mushroom-like altar,
and the larger part of it is preserved. The first line, however, which
presumably ran round the edge of the altar-table is lost, as well as
a line at the foot of the base, which has been cut off. The following
is my reading of the text, derived from a squeeze with the help of
photographs and an eye-copy made by Sir W. Ramsay. Line i, it
must be remembered, is probably the first line only on the base,
and the second line of the whole inscription : —
1. J/a-MiA-w/a-j'-MiAS ID. DET.- . . -mias na-a-me
I Mamias, of the Atys-table the priest this
ID. ID.-DET. DET.-a-RA-;///> lian-mlya-^sU.K
altar, of the Flower-city being king, the place of the sacred tree
i-si-is mi-si ....
having planted, have built ....
2. Ka-a?ia-T)ET: . Aa-mia-yiiA ka-i-s mi-si-DET. . . me (?)
for the city of Kana the monument making have built ;
.... fm'a ka-7nia-a-yas id. . . -/
.... monuments (?), viz., an altar for the sacred ram (?)
tir {?)-sz Ka-si-imiya id. tir-\si^^
of the sanctuar}', of the Kasians the Tarkus (?) sanctuary,
Ka-si-i-\jiiiya\ na- . . -a-mias ana (?) . . ain-mia (?)
of the Kasians the ... for the king (?) of the city (?),
Ka-si-i-viiya ka-mi-a ana-iyas (?)
of the Kasians the monument, being king (?)
3. Ka Q)-ana . . -si me-si Li-mia-{inid)s . . .
of the Kanians (?) I have built. The walls of the . . .
DET.- Uan-aifiiya
Ka-si-i-miya
Ka-ana-mia
a-(d)na
of the city of Uan,
for the Kasians' (and)
Kanians'
king
ID.
;;//-j-/-DET.
. . yas (?)-/-
. . -inia
a monument
I have built :
216
PLATE 11.
S.B..-1. Procecdiu'^s, N^oz'., 1908.
•<r-&.
a
1^
9
©^
S
i
-1 n
1=3
a
Nov. II] ■ HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1908.
DET.-w/-a .... -mi- . . . s-yas am {?)-mi- , . -det.
the place of the god erecting, a throne
II ami-i-BET. l\-a7iii-{jni)a iv>.-i
for the two cities' Sun-god
4 AMIA AIa-7ne-DKT.-ml-ni Uan-mi-a
In the city of Mamias, of the place of the God
IHJ)-;ni-Yas (?) yas-i id. id. -a
the walls (?) for this altar, being the ram-fetish's
UE'sn-mi-(mm)-s M\mia-{ia)n amia Ka-si-i-miya
servant in the city of the Mamoassians, for the Kasians'
DET.-ID ara-mi Kas-iaii ka-is atus
Ram-god the king of the Kasians making as king
\si-mi\
[I have erected].
5. [jWd-] mi-a-uiA-(mia)s Ka-\si-i-miya anas\ yas-i id.
I Mamias, the Kasians' king, this altar
Tark-ka ka-i ka-mi-a-{ia)n-da tir (?)-a
for Tarkus have made, by way of a monument in the sanctuary,
DET.-W/-DET.-/V DET. -Aram-i DET. San-da
being priest of the gods Aramis (and) Sandes,
ME.MIAS [det. -A"-] mi DET. Afui DET.-ID. DET.-Ammia
servant of Simi (and) Atys, dirk-bearer of Ammia
ID. ID
the queen of the rock
r. The spelling of the name of the king shows that I was right in
believing that it should be read Mameas, Mamias, — Mamoas in
Greek, — and settles the phonetic value of the ass's head.
In these inscriptions the Sun-god Atys is represented by a phallus
placed on the table on which, in Hittite reliefs, bread and wine are
usually set, with the deity and the worshipper partaking of the
sacrificial meal on either side (see F.S.B.A., May, 1906, p. 95).
Whether the na7?ie of Atys was applied to the god at Emir Ghazi is of
217
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1908.
course ilncertain. The difference in meaning between the demon-
stratives ya-mis and nd-juis has yet to be determined.
The hieroglyph which I have supposed to be a picture of a
flower may be intended for a pomegranate.
2. The value of atia for S-3 is given in M. X, 8. The city of
Kanna is placed by Sir W. Ramsay in the close neighbourhood of
Khasbia and Emir Ghazi. He identifies Kasi with Khasbia. The
Kasi-miya, or " Kasians," have left their name in the classical Kases,
the Kusa of the Assyrians, who describe them as the inhabitants
of Cappadocia south of the Halys.
3. In M. II, 2, 3, 5, limias seems to signify "walls."
Kasi and Kana appear to be " the two cities " of the end of the
line, which were so closely connected with one another as to be
under the protection of the same Sun-god. The attachment of the
numeral " two " shows that the duplication of a word in the Hittite
script denoted the dual. We should probably read ami here, / being
in this case the termination of the dual.
4. This line is practically a repetition of line i of the first Emir
Ghazi altar (A) and lines 2, 3 of the second altar (B). The
variations are : (i) (§0 for the phonetic -^ , (2) " the city of Mamia "
instead of " the Ram-city," (3) the addition of the phonetic
complement mi after ara{mi), and (4) the omission of the words
" city of the Ram-god." The characters which follow km are
shown to represent the sky (?) above the circle of the earth, and it
becomes probable that /^^ is to be read ni, and not K/iat, as
I have done. Mamoassus, "the city of Mamias," would appear to
be the same as " the city of the Ram-god."
5. This line is again a repetition of A 2, and B 4, and shows that
the god who is coupled with Sandes is Aramis. The name of the
father-god, which I have hitherto read Su-wi, is either Si-mi or Si.
Perhaps the latter is best, since in M. XI, 4, it seems to be the
phonetic equivalent of both " boots " and at Fraktin the lower boot
is omitted altogether.
The ideograph of "king" must be read anas, since in a frag-
mentary inscription copied by Sir W. Ramsay in which this line is
218
Nov. II] HITTITE INSCRIPTIONS. [1908.
repeated we have Ka-si-i-ini a-na-{i)-s, with -//// for -miya Uke -ine by
the side of -miya in the cuneiform tablets of Boghaz-Keui.
It will be observed that I have reverted to my original reading of
ya, etc., instead of wa, etc. for T , etc. This is made necessary by
instances like Md-mia-ian in line 4, as well as by the fact that the
oblique line turns out to be the equivalent of e or /, Assyrian e. In
the later Cilician texts ti or zv takes the place of r, except where the
latter reading is indicated by the use of the oblique line. Thus
the Tuates of the Vannic monuments is written Tua-a-tua-e-s,
i.e., Tuates, in M. II, i, and at Tyana the equivalent of the i?ii-si or
me-sioi the Emir Ghazi texts is written viis-ui's.-ye-i {M. XXXIII, A 4.)
The difference between u and y was probably dialectal ; however, in
the Assyrian transcriptions of Hittite proper names we find variations
like Liburna by the side of Lubarna.
It is possible that while 21 distinguished the Hittites of Boghaz
Keui and Arzawa, e, i, or y distinguished those of Kas. For it is
now clear that the Hittites of Kas, to whom the main part of the
hieroglyphic texts belong, are not to be identified with the Hittites
who founded the empire North of the Halys. In the Tel el-Amarna
tablets, while the Hittites and the Kas are associated together,
a distinction is nevertheless drawn between them. The Kasi once
constituted one of the confederated states over which the Hittite
kings of Boghaz Keui held rule, and are probably referred to by
Khattu-sil under the name of Gaswya. Their seat was in Cappadocia
South of the Halys, and they must, therefore, be the Kusa of the
Assyrians who occupied the same region. Their empire, which
is shown by the hieroglyphic texts to have extended from Carchemish
in the East to Lydia in the West, and from Gurun in the North
Southward to the Mediterranean, appears to have followed that of
Boghaz Keui, after the latter was destroyed, probably by the
"Northern" barbarians of Ramses III. Upon its ruins would have
risen the Kasian power, which will be the empire of Cilicia described
by SoLiNUS, and which, according to him, extended to Pelusium on
the borders of Egypt, and embraced the Lydians, Medes, Armenians,
Pamphylia and Cappadocia {Dc Mirab. Mimdi XLIX). In the
mention of Pelusium there may be a reference to the invasion of
Egypt by the " Northern " barbarians. The Kasians left their name,
not only in Asia Minor, but also in Mons Casius in the territory of
the Khatti-na on the Gulf of Antioch.
219
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [190S.
III.
Seal from Smyrna.
At Smyrna, Sir W. Ramsay obtained a seal of steatite, in the
shape of a disk, flat on either side, which bears the same Hittite
inscription on both obverse and reverse, the only difference being
that the small circle which marks the end of the name is omitted on
the reverse. The dirk, or short Hittite sword, here takes the place
of the dirk grasped in the hand, which, on other seals, indicates
" prince " or the like. I do not know whether the repetition of the
first syllable Khal is due merely to the artist's desire for symmetry, or
whether it is intended to signify that the vocalic termination of the
dual (in -'i ?) should be read after. Khal. In any case, the name
would be : Khaly-nuan or Khaly-nian or Khal-nian. It is a pity
that we do not know the precise spot where the seal was found.
220
Nov. II] LENGTH OF THE MONTH IN BABYLONIA. [1908.
ON THE LENGTH OF THE MONTH IN BABYLONIA.
By the Rev. C. H. W. Johns, M.A.
Any information bearing on the Calendar of the ancient
Babylonians must be of value, especially now that we are beginning
to appreciate the services those early sages of Chaldaea rendered to
the progress of the world's civilization. Judging from the confident
assertions of many writers, there would seem to be no doubt about
any point in the Calendar, but one may search in vain for evidence
to substantiate their statements.
It has been asserted that each month had, at least normally,
thirty days. Also we are told that the months were alternately thirty
and twenty-nine days long. One scientist was ready to give the
length of the Babylonian month correct to eight places of decimals.
There are, however, many pitfalls for the unwary dabbler in Calendar
lore. To the plain man no statement can be simpler than that a
period lasted from one day of a particular month to another stated
day of another given month. All depends on the length of the
month, and if all months are not the same length, we need to know
the lengths of the months named and also of those that intervened..
Further, even the length of time from the first of one month to the
first of the next month depends upon whether we reckon in both first
days or only one. The former method of reckoning is often said to
be that usual in the East, and it is important to know whether it was.
the custom in early times. If, therefore, we could find a series of
original calculations of the length of time in days from one given
date to another, we ought to be able to give a definite answer to
some perplexing questions, the answers to which seem generally to
be assumed without enquiry.
Now there was published in 1896, in the second volume of
Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, etc., in the British Museum,
221
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCPLEOLOGV. [1908.
a text Bu. 91-5-9, 283 (on page 18), which does not seem to have yet
received the notice it deserves. It gives the length in days between
fixed stated dates, and adds a means of checking them in several
cases. Adopting the usual Hebrew names of the months for the
sake of clearness, we may examine these data for settling the
questions raised above.
The reckonings are for a certain number of days at so much per
day, and when the number of days, amount per day, and total
amount are all given, we have a perfect specimen of the sort of
evidence we desire. Thus, in lines 5-8, we have 49!- GUR, from
the 3rd of Elul to the 26th of Marchesvan, two months 23 days, at
|- GUR per day. Now 4 of 83 is exactly 49*. Hence the scribe
reckoned from the 3rd of Elul to the 26th of Marchesvan as 83 days.
We have here two alternatives possible. In the first case, Elul and
the next month Tesri had each 30 days, and the scribe did not count
in the 26th of Marchesvan. In the second case, either Elul or Tesri
had only 29 days, and the scribe did count in the 26th of Marchesvan.
The next reckoning, lines 9-1 1, gives 16 GUR, from the 28th of
Marchesvan to the 8th of Tebet, one month 10 days, at f GUR per
day. Now f of 40 is exactly 16. Hence, if both Marchesvan and
Chislev had 30 days, the scribe did not count in the 8th of Tebet ;
but, if either had only 29 days, he did.
The next reckoning, lines 14-16, gives i|^ GUR from the 27th
of Tebet to the 25th of Sebat, at yV GUR per day. This interval
the scribe says is 29 days. Now -^^ of 29 is j\\ exactly. To make
up 29 days, Tebet must have had 30 days, and the scribe must have
counted in the 25th of Sebat. We may conclude that in the two
previous cases he also counted in the later named dates. Then we
see that either Elul or Tesri must have had only 29 days : and either
Marchesvan or Chislev had 29 days only.
The next reckoning occurs in lines 22-25. Here T-^-^ GUR are
obtained as the result of four months 8 days at -3^0 GUR per day,
from the loth of Tammuz to the 20th of Marchesvan. This reckon
ing is exact for 128 days. Hence, as the scribe counted in the last
day named, the 20th of Marchesvan, and as four full months with
II odd days would make 131 days, at least three of the four months,
Tammuz, Ab, Elul, and Tesri, must have had only 29 days each.
Then, in no case, can the months have alter 7iately had 29 and 30
days. We have already seen that either Elul or Tesri had 29 days
only.
222
Nov. II] LENGTH OF THE MONTH IN BABYLONIA. [1908.
In lines 26-29, the interval from the 20th of Marchesvan to the
i8th of Tebet appears to be stated to be 56 days, though Dr. Pinches
queries the figures. The amount per day is 3 KA, and the total
171 KA, which shows that we must read 5 7 days. Hence Marches-
van, or Chislev, must have had 29 days only, as we saw before.
Lastly, in lines 30-33, we have i-gVo GUR as the amount of
3 KA per day for three months 24 days. There must be some
mistake here, because this would make the time only 104 days, and
that could only be three months 14 days. The dates are from the
1 6th of Elul to the 12th of Tebet, which is three months (full) and
26 days. We may suppose then that 24 is not a mistake for 14, but
that two out of the four months Elul, Tesri, Marchesvan, or Chislev
had 29 days only. Then the time is 114 days, the total amount is
13*^ GUR, and the mistake is in the total. We need suppose but
one error of the scribe or copyist.
The text, or its copy, is not faultless. Usually the separate
accounts are marked off by a line across the tablet, but this is
omitted between lines 4 and 5. The scribe not only inserts or omits
KA at pleasure, but also he omits TA at the end of lines 15, 24,
and 32. The first calculation, lines 1-4, gave 12 GUR as the
amount of 24 days at \ GUR per day, which is exact, but unfortu-
nately at the end of line 2 the day of the month Elul is no longer
preserved. Hence the text gives us no assurance as to how the
scribe reckoned his 24 days. This is particularly unfortunate, as we
should have been able to decide whether Tammuz had 29 or 30
days.
In line 17 the scribe gives accurately the total of the amounts in
each of the first five sections. In line 18 he has given exactly
one-quarter of this amount. The former is said to be GAB-A
{haShi), that is "threshed out"; the latter, SE-BI, "its corn." Now
as the amount in lines i, 5, 9, 12 and 14 is called GAB-A SE-BI,
and we see that the corn (in ears with short stalks) was reduced in
measure to one-fourth by threshing, we can only conclude that at the
end of these lines a space was left to fill in the amount of the grain,
and that the scribe never did fill in these amounts. What is note-
worthy is that so much corn was received in an unthreshed state
from Tammuz the 8th to Sebet the 27th. It is hardly possible to
think of harvests coming in all that time. The harvest fell in Ab
or Elul at this epoch, or rather corn loans were generally repaid then.
The first entry may well be the temple receipts just after harvest,
223
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCILKOLOGV. [1908.
half a GUR a day : but the quantity per day rose considerably
during the next three months. It did not decline much to the end
of Tebet, but fell to less than a seventh in the end of Tebet and
Sebat. This seems to imply that unthreshed corn came in diminish-
ing amounts from Tammuz to the end of the year. We do find
instances of corn loans being returned in Adar. Practically then,
while from Nisan to Tammuz the corn was growing, and the early
harvest, 150 KA per day, came in from the 8th of that month to the
ist (or 2nd?) of Elul, while the bulk of the crop, 49 out of 82 GUR,
came in from the 3rd of Elul to the 26th of Marchesvan, 180 KA
per day, the rate fell to 120 KA per day from the 28th of Marchesvan
to the 8th of Tebet, while from the 28th of Tebet to the 25th of
Sebat it was only 20 KA a day.
If these quantities had been served out from the temple granaries,
there is no obvious reason why the quantity served out per day should
be nine times as much at one time of the year as it was at another.
If my hypothesis is correct, we obtain a striking sidelight on the
course of agriculture during the year.
It wnll be observed that no entry is given for the 2nd (?) of Elul,
the 27th of Marchesvan, and the 9th to 27th of Tebet. Now, in
line 4, we read isiu faiii i KAN UDDA GIDDA nashti, which
seems to mean " from (it, the total ?) was abstracted one day, a long
day." That UDDA GIDDA, {tmu arkii, can mean "a long day"
is certain ; but it may here have some technical meaning, which
escapes us now. The reason for the subtraction is not stated, but
nashit is commonly used of the exactions of the tax collector. Here
he seems to have taken one full day's crop or return from the harvest.
That would account for the harvest of the 2nd being omitted. Then
the scribe would have reckoned from the 8th of Tammuz to the ist
of Elul inclusive as 24 days. Tammuz must then have had 30 days.
In line 8 we read that two days, UDDA GIDDA, were
abstracted. Counting these as the 27th and 28th of Marchesvan,
we must readjust either the entry for lines 5-7 or that for lines 9-1 1.
This is very perplexing, as it invalidates either our conclusions for
the months Elul and Tesri or for Marchesvan and Chislev.
The entry in lines 12-13 apparently covers the 9th to the 27th of
Tebet inclusive : that is 19 days on any count. But 3 GUR 40 KA
is not divisible exactly by 19, and 50 KA per day, the nearest whole
number, is a great fall from the preceding 120 KA, though succeeded
by 20 KA for the next period. Possibly the rate per day was too
224
Nov. iij LENGTH OF THE MONTH IN BABYLONIA. [1908.
variable to enter as an average, and the scribe was content with
giving the total receipt. At any rate, it is included in the total of
line 17. What the phrase sa hi sih (or is it si liar 1) bitivi means I
do not see. Analogy with the rest of the entries would suggest that
it marked a date. The bitii referred to may well be the temple,
which is often called simply /;//// at this period.
With line 19 starts a fresh class of entry, called GAB-UD-DU,
the exact meaning of which escapes me. It looks as if in this case
the yield of grain was only a fifth. Possibly it was a second winnow-
ing. The reverse deals with measures of masiu, to which, in line 22,
the determinative of drinks is prefixed. Hence mastu is more pro-
bably "drink" here than " drinking vessel." The words or groups
of signs, AD-Un-GA, I-IB-RU, BAL-DA-SU, in lines 22, 26, 30,
are, even if correctly read, unintelligible to me, but possibly are
kinds of vessels. Whether the entry in line 35 is complete or not
seems doubtful, but the signs are too uncertain to yield any sense.
In line 36 we have another summation, the scribe gives XI-^^
KU-BI. He should have had 109 in place of 108. Possibly one
of the totals above is incorrect. All the corn is now said to be in
the form of "meal," ka?ui, KU. The traces in lines 37-38 probably
contained other summations.
The text is dated on the 3olh of Adar in the 15th year of
Ammizaduga, the 263rd year of the Hammurabi Dynasty. This was
obviously the last day of the old year when the scribe made up his
accounts.
Transliteration.
1. XII GUR GAB-A SE-BI
2. sa is-tu arhi NE-NE-GAR umi VIII KAN a-di arhi KIN-
DINGIR-NINNI u(m )
3. sa XXIV u-mi i-na umi I KAN CL (KA)-TA
4. is-tu umi I KAN UD-DA GI[D-DA na]-as-hu
5. XLIX (GUR) CCXL (KA) GAB-A SE-BI
6. sa is-tu arhi KIN-DINGIR-NINNI umi III KAN a-di arhi
PIN-GAB-A umi XXVI KAN
7. sa arhi II KAN XXIII A-mi i-na umi I KAN
CLXXX(KA)-TA
8. is-tu II u-mi UU-DA GID-DA na-as-hu
9. XVI GUR GAB-A SE-BI
225 T
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL AKCH.-tOLOGV. [1908.
10. sa is-tu arhi PIN-GAB-A umi XXVIII KAN a-di aihi
AB-UD-DU umi VIII KAN
11. sa arhi I KAN X d-mi i-na umi I KAN CXX{KA)-TA
12. IIiTgUR) XL(KA) GAB-A SE-BI "
13. sa bi-i-si-ih bi-tim a-di arhi AB-UD-DU Qmi XXVII (?)
KAN
14. I (GUR) CCLXXX (KA) GAB-A SE-BI
15. is-tu arhi AB-UD-DU umi XXVII (?) KAN a-di arhi AS-A
umi XXV KAN
16. sa XXIX (?) u-mi i-na umi I KAN XX(KA)-TA
17. LXXXII (GUR) CCLX (KA) GAB-A
18. §E-BI XX (GUR) CCXV (KA)
Tg. XX(IV?) GUR G AB-UD-DU
20. SE-BI IV (GUR) CCXL KA-KU
21. XXIV (GUR) CCXV KA SE-GUR sa GAB-A ft
GAB-UD-DU
Rev.
22. VII (GUR) LXXVI KA BI ma-as-ti AD-UD-GA
23. sa is-tu arhi SU-KUL-A limi X KAN a-di arhi PIN-GAB-A
umi XX KAN
24. saarhi IV KAN VIII u-mi i-na umi I KAN XVII KA
25. istu II u-mi UD-DA GID-DA na-as-hu
26. CLXXI KA ma-as-ti i-na i-ib-rum
27. sa is-tu arhi PIN-GAB-A umi XX KAN a-di arhi AB-UD-DU
(umi) xVlII KAN
28. sa LVII u-mi i-na umi I KAN III-KA-TA
29. is-tu ( ) u-mi UD-DA GID-DA na-as-hu
30. I (GUR) xfl^A ma-as-ti i-na BAL(?) dA^§5
31. sa is-tu arhi KIN-DINGIR-NINNI umi XVI KAN a-di arhi
AB-UD-DU ftmi XII KAN
32. sa arhi III KAN XXIV u-mi i-na umi I KAN III KA
33. i5tu II u-mi UD-DA GID-DA na-as-ri {for hu)
34^ II (CiUR) CL (KA) ma-as-ti i-na mu-si(?)-bi(?)-nu u (?)
35. sa is-tu arhi KIN-DINGIR-NINNI ftmi II KAN a-di arhi
AB-UD-DU umi XXX KAN
36^ XI (GUR) CVIlf^A KU-BI
37. {traces oily)
226
Nov. II] LENGTH OF THE MONTH IN BABYLONIA. [1908.
38. {traces only)
Edge.
39. arhu SE-KIN-KUD Cim XXX KAN
40. MU Am-mi-za-du-ga LUGAL-E
41. ALAM-A-NI SU SILIM-MA AB-DI-DI-NE (?)
Semitic words are in ordinary type, ideograms and Sumerian
words in capitals, numerals in Roman notation, restorations in
curved brackets, Dr. Pinches' restorations of the text in square
brackets.
The lines across the text are due to the scribe.
Translation of the more Important Parts.
1 2 cor of corn threshed^ its grain
which (zvas received) from the %th of Ab to the ist{?) of Elul,
ivhich {was) 24 days^ each day 150 KA.
From one day a full dayi^s yield) was abstracted.
49 cor 240 KA of corn threshed^ its grain
tvhich {^vas received) from the T^rd of Elul to the 26th of Marchesvan
which {was) two months 23 days, each day 180 KA.
From tivo days a full day {^s yield) was abstracted.
16 cor 0/ corn threshed, its grain
which {was received) from the 2Zth of Marchesvan to the Sth of
Tebet,
ivhich {zvas) one month 10 days, each day 120 KA
3 cor 40 KA of corn threshed, its grain
ivhich tuas accorditig to the sih of the House, to the 2'jth of
Tebet.
14. I cor 280 KA of corn threshed, its grain
15. fr07?i the 2']th (?) of Tebet to the 25M of Sebat,
16. which was 29 (?) days, each day 20 KA.
17. 82 cor 260 KA threshed
18. its grain 20 cor 215 KA.
19. 24 (?) cor ground {J)
20. its grain 4 cor 240 KA in meal
21. 24 cor 215 KA of corn which was threshed and ground (J)
Rev.
22. 7 cor 76 KA of drink hashuru (?)
227 T 2 ,
Nov. II]
SOCIETV OF BIBLICAL ARCH.EOLOGY.
[190S.
24.
25-
which from the 10th of Tammuz to the 20th of Marchesvati {ivas
received).
which ivas four 7?ionths 8 days, each day 17 KA.
From two days a full day('s yield) 7vas abstracted.
26. 171 KA of drink iti ilurum (?)
27. which from the 20th of Marchesvan to the \Zth of Tebet {ivas
received),
28. 7vhich {was) 57 days, each day 3 KA
29. From (?) days a full dayi^s yield) zvas abstracted.
30. \ cor \2 KA of drink in BAL-DA-SU (?)
31. ivhichfrom the 16 th of Elul to the X2th of Tebet (ivas received),
32. which {zvas) three months 24 days, each day 3 KA.
33. From two days a full dayCs yield) was abstracted.
34. 2 cor 150 KA of drink in musibinu (?) a?id (?)
35. ivhich from the 2nd of Elul to the T^oth of Tebet (was received).
36.
37-
38.
Edge,
39-
40.
41.
II cor 108 KA its meal.
(traces only)
(traces only)
Month Adar, day 30///,
Year when Anwiizaduga, the king,
his statue SU-SILIM-MA consecrated i^)
For the convenience of those unacquainted with the old
Babylonian Calendar, the names of the months with their Semitic
equivalents are here given in their proper order : —
SUMERIAN.
Babylonian.
Hebrew.
I.
BARA-ZAG-GAR
Nisanu
Nisan
2.
GUD-SI-DI
Aiaru
lyyar
3-
SEG-GA
Simanu
Sivan
4-
SU-KUL-A
Du'uzu
Tammuz
5-
NE-NE-GAR
Abu
Ab
6.
KIN-DINGIR-NINNI
Ululu
Elul
7-
DUL-AZAG
Tesritu
Tesri
8.
PIN-GAB -A
Arahsamna
Marchesvan
9-
KAN-KAN-UD-DU
Kislimu
Chislev
10.
AB-UD-DU
Tebitus
Tebet
11.
AS-A
Sabatu
Sebat
12.
SE-KIN-KUD
Addaru
Adar
228
Nov. II] LENGTH OF THE MONTH IN BABYLONIA. [1908.
The GUR was a measure used for grain and liquids containing
300 KA. The scribe usually writes first the number of GUR, then
the number of KA, after which he sometimes writes KA, then puts
GUR after the whole expression. It seems to be clearer to transfer
the GUR from the end of the quantity and place it (in brackets)
after the numeral giving the number of GUR. The reason for the
scribe's usage is clearly that he thought of the KA as -g^oth of the
GUR, rather than of the GUR as 300 KA. He reckoned in GUR.
Professor A. T. Clay, in his Aramaic Endorsements on the Documents
of the Murasu Sons, contributed to the W. R. Harper Memorial
Volume of Old Testament and Semitic Studies, has furnished the
proof of the long-suspected fact that the GUR was the same (in
name at least) as the Hebrew cor.
It may be thought that since there are so many obscurities in the
text, no great reliance can be placed on conclusions drawn from it.
The obscurities, however, will be seen, on careful consideration, to
be entirely irrelevant to the arguments. I think the only probable
solution of the above evidence is that Tammuz had 30 days, Ab,
Elul, and Tesri each 29, Marchesvan 30, Chislev 29, Tebet 30, and
from the date of the text we know Adar had 30 days. The ingenuity
of some reader may discern a different arrangement which will satisfy
the conditions better.
Some guesses as to truth may be hazarded here. As the total of
lines 22-35 is expressed in line 36 as KU, kemii, "meal," and the
grain said in line 19 to be GAB-UD-DU y'loidLS in line 20 one-fifth
of its amount as KU, we may suppose that GAB-UD-DU means
" to grind " corn.
In line 22 the sign AD may be a mistake for the sign given in
Brunnow's List of Cmieifor77i Signs as no. 4192. Followed by UD
(read LA^?), to which GA would be a phonetic complement, it
would be the ideogram for hashuru. This is certainly the name of a
plant, which is unlikely here, unless it were used as a flavouring to
the drink. What else it could mean is not very clear. In K. 164,
line 30, hashursJm seems to be an epithet of karfat kalmtu, but it
may be the name of a vessel. In the text Bu. 91-5-9, 399, line 20
{C.T. VI, p. 25/'), a list of household goods, after 5 chairs of one
sort and 5 of another, followed by one isji ka-ak GIS-KU, we have
hashuru kakkadu sd GIS BU-IB-DA. It can hardly be a plant
here \ but a vessel with a head (cover ?) of the wood B U-IB-DA
229
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
would be in place. The plant might give its name to a basket ; we
read of hashur along with reeds.
In line 26, i-ib-ri/m may be misread for iliirum, for illiiru7n, which
is a "sprout," but also something a Bull colossus might wear on its
head, and some article of royal attire. The high artificial head-dress
of the colossal bulls might well give its name to a similarly shaped
basket.
230
Nov. II] COPTIC SAINTS AND SINNERS. [1908.
COPTIC SAINTS AND SINNERS.
By E. O. Wixstedt.
I.
ABRAHAM.
It seems a pity that in the case of a small collection of Coptic
fragments such as that which passed from Woide's hands into the
possession of the Clarendon Press and is now preserved on loan in
the Bodleian Library,^ at least all the hagiographical fragments should
not have been published. The fragments of the New Testament
were all published by Woide himself, or rather by Ford after his
death. 2 The scraps of Apocryphal literature have found their way
into GuiDi's^ and Forbes Robinson's* collections. Schmidt has
edited one page of the two-paged fragment of Athanasius' Festal
Letters'^; Amelineau, a fragment containing homilies of Pachom
and Athanasius*'; Crum has translated part of a sermon of which
the text resembles the Apostolic Constitutions'"; and the remains
of Shenoudi's sermons will appear in Leipoldt's collective edition
of his works. Of the hagiographical fragments, five have been
edited by Amelineau,^ one by Hyvernat, '^ and one recently by
1 MSS. Clarendon Press b. x-5, containing 65 fragments.
- Clarendon Press fragments 3-13, in Woide's Appendix ad cditionem
N.T. Gr. (Oxford, 1799).
'■"' Clarendon Press fragment 16, in Rcndiconti dcUa R. Acad, dei Lincei, III
(1888), p. 376.
^ Clarendon Press fragments 14 and 15, Coptic Apocryphal Gospels [Cambridge
Texts and Studies, IV, 2), pp. 2, 12, and 70.
'^ Clarendon Press fragment 50 (fol. i), Nachrichtcn dcr K. Ges. dcr IVissen-
schaften zu Gottingen, 190 1, p. 326.
*" Clarendon Press fragment 26, Ulanoires . . . de la mission archcologiqiie an.
Caire, IV, 2, p. 612.
' Clarendon I'ress fragment 39, Crum and Riedel, Canons of Athanaiius
(Text and Trans. See, 1904), p. 141.
'^ Clarendon Press fragments 57, 60, 61-63, ^duiioircs , . . de la mission
archeologiqiie an Caire, IV, 2, pp. 539, 703, 774, Tindi Joni-nal Asiafiqi/e, 1888,
p. 362.
'•* Clarendon Press fragment 59, Kcvne de T Orient chrctien, VII (1902), p. 136.
231
ignient
54
55-
56
58.
64.
61.
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGV. [1908.
Crum.1'^ There remain six others, which I hope to pubUsh in a
series of articles : —
Life of Gregory Thaumaturgus. (6 foil.)
Martyrdom of Psote. (i fol.)
A martyrdom. (4 foil.)
Life of Athanasius. (i fol.)
Life of the monk John. (6 foil.)
Life of St. Matthew the poor. (2 foil.) This
last fragment Amelineau'^ professed to have copied, and to
have published a collation of it with the text of the Naples
MS. of the same life. No such collation, however, does he
give; which is not surprising, as the text is quite different
and belongs apparently to the earlier part of the work of
which he publishes fragments.
But besides these strictly hagiographical fragments, several of the
numbers classified in Hvvernat's unpublished catalogue as homilies
are rather hagiographical than homiletic, being probably fragments of
encomia. And it is with one of these that I would open the series.
Clarendon Press b. 4 {48), is a fragment of five leaves with writing in
two columns of about thirty-one lines each, dated by Hyvernat as of
the twelfth century, which is perhaps rather later than, necessary. He
states that " the subject matter is rather difficult to make out . . .
leaves r-H contain the history of Abraham delivered from the
furnace. Afterwards the orator extols David and the Apostles, to
whom he exhorts his hearers to pay devotion ; he praises the martyrs
and finally each of the Apostles separately." Certainly the text is
more than a little incoherent, but, as that is no uncommon thing in
encomia, one need have little doubt that the main purport of the
orator was a panegyric on Abraham. The question is what Abraham ?
And there the oracle is dumb. From his silence one would infer that
HvvERNAT understands it to refer to the patriarch Abraham ; and,
therefore, presumably to the tradition that Abraham was cast into
a fiery furnace by Nimrod.^- And that view is supported by the fact
that the orator quotes a passage from the Psalms as referring to this
^^ Clarendon Press fragmenl 65, P.S.B.A., XXIX (1907), p. 195.
" Alaiioires . . . de la mission archi'ologique an Cairc, IV, 2, pp. 507-10.
'- C.f. Jewish Encyclopedia, vol. I, p. 86, wheie the legend is stated to be
probably of Persian origin.
232
Kov. II] COPTIC SAINTS AND SINNERS. [1908.
particular Abraham. But, on the other hand, there is a serious, and
indeed, insuperable, objection to that identification — the name of the
king in whose reign Abraham suffered is given as Sapor. Crum,
therefore, in editing a British Museum fragment, which contains part
■of the same text, identifies the martyr, probably correctly, with the
Persian martyr Abraham. That Abraham, according to the very
meagre accounts of his life extant, was bishop of Arbela in Sapor's
reign, and was accused of Christianity before Adelforas (or Aderforas)
the (7>x''/<"7o? and beheaded at Thelam on February 5th. In those
accounts there is nothing about furnace or fire, save in the shape of
\a/ii-dc£9 TTvpo^ mentioned casually among the usual list of horrifying,
but quite ineffectual, preliminary tortures. It is strange then that the
fiery ordeal should appear in the Coptic fragment as apparently the
most important part of the martyrdom. But the Greek accounts are
mere summaries, and hurry one to the final act of beheadal without
entering into details ; and, besides, the details may well have differed
considerably in the Coptic and Greek accounts. Legends invariably
grow by telling ; and authors of hagiographical panegyrics seem to aim
more at entertainment than at accuracy. The Coptic writer may well
have attributed to the Persian martyr sufferings similar to those which
the patriarch was said to have endured at the hands of Nimrod, just
as he refers David's words about the patriarch to the saint. Of the
rest of the fragment the subject certainly is not clear. Why David
and the Apostles should come in for special panegyrics interrupting
the thread of the narrative, or what applicability strict injunctions to
persons desirous of paying their respects to the Apostles not to
set asunder the couples which tradition had put together, have to
Abraham's martyrdom, it is difficult to imagine. Probably they had
none, and were mere padding.
As I have already mentioned, part of the same text is preserved
in a British Museum fragment. Or. 35S1B (30) (= Crum 31S, part of
a leaf, paged t., h). The text of that page is printed by Crum in his
catalogue, and from his copy I give the few and unimportant variants.
Crum compares the Borgian fragment Zoeg.\ ccxxii, '^ now at Naples,
^^ One account is printed in the SynaxarhiDi Constantmopolitamim , under
Pebruary 5th {Acta Sanctoi-iini, Supplement to November), and .two by
H. Delehaye {^^ Les Versions Gr. des Actes des Marl. Petsans sons Sapor 11.^'
-Pair. Or., tome II, fasc. 4, pp. 412 and 450). Assemani, Mart Or., I,
p. 141, foil, mentions him among the 40 martyrs, Abdas, etc., slain in the
233
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-EOLOGV. [1908.
which he thinks may be from the same MS. as the British Museum
fragment. At any rate Zoega's description — " De Abrahamio . . .
qui a Sapore rege Mesopatamiae in roguni conjectus salvus evasit,
quo facto rex ad eum misit duodecim principes populi ut interrogarent,
quis esset Deus ejus qui eum servaverat," — shows that it contains
precisely the same text as the beginning of the Bodleian fragment,
though, unfortunately, I have not been able to collate it.
In my copy I have not attempted to reproduce the capital letters —
which are coloured red and black, and placed outside the line — nor
to adhere to the original division into paragraphs ; and though I
have attempted to distinguish between dots and lines above letters,
the distinction cannot be implicitly relied on. In this MS. the lines
are so short as to be practically indistinguishable from dots in many
cases.
Coptic Text.
[a-IsIAP\(UKI UNKI.VAOC] (UOOTe LmilNOVT(- KIAIipA^AU : —
A^pA(| (re ABPA2AU (3K.\CU UUOG (Ipoq :i:H-ATGtOOT2
UKinNOVTC: NABpAeAU : — OTKOTN iTB Oie UKI-AAAT
Npcnuc; ^i^:u^KA^ uneToei'jy emuAT • N(;AAr.pA^AU
UATAAq . eKTAlO UU()(| KIT6l2e T»pT: : —
Gfi n(5^:A(j mri riGiip()(|)iiTiir. aatgVa • otm 2A2 TJpcouG
^V.\u^KA^ uneoToni^ NAP.pA^AU •:• aaaa uhg-.xaav uuat
GOTGW imOTTG WOG | NABpAeAU • GBOA AG-KIG-ABpA^AU
ATliO UUOOT UKINGTGIAtOAON • AG-NeNKIOTTG AW-NG •
ATQ) UHGqAO GCjAmo UUOOT • ^AKITOTO'COKIT GpOq
KIGei'-KtneT Gpoq •:• NTGpOTNOVAt; AG MABpA2AU 620TM
GHKCOex • H- AT(0 A-nArrG.\OG UIIAOGIG Gl ^Apoq
»JT(3TMOV • ATtO A(|TOTAOq eTlMKtOeT • UMGqA't02 Gpoq
66th year of Sapor II's reign (a.d. 375), but gives no details except that he was
beheaded.
G. Hoffmann (Ausziige aits syi-ischcii AL-tot pcrsischcr Mcirtyj-cr, Ahhaiid-
hmgen fiir die Ktinde des Morgcnlatids, Bd. VII, No. 3, p. 52) also mentions
Abraham among the martyrs of Kark''a d'> Bet'' Srok'' slain by command of
Tohmjazdgard.
234
Nov. II] COPTIC SAINTS AND SINNERS. [190S.
eriTHptj : -^ atco A-neqcoeiT ei 6bo.\ ^utika^ Tiipq
NTueconoTAUiA • I :!te-A-neqKioTT6 Torxoq enKcuer A
KicABtop rippo • H- NTepe-nppo ag gcotu encoeir
NABpAeAU :x(3-AqoT^:Ai enKCjueT • ATto Aq^ine kj:xoot
Nocxjq • 3:e-KiToq neKiTACiTperl- • iiuaj^T (3poq : h-
KIT(3TKIOT Ae A-nppO CtCJOTe UU KITGNOOTC KIAp\a)KI
MTenAAoc neAwq mat 3:e-BtuK ^Aneipcoue :v6-abpa?au
KJTeTNGlUe 6TU(J ewetUr. NIU • A'e-NTAqOT3:AI enKUU^T
KIA^ Nee • ATto OKI XI NUUHTN WeUKeptOUB NXa)«jpC3
eiTeeiH • uuon • aiccotu :>Le-A-Nef;OWoo kcotg epoq •
uHHOTe KiceTopnq kitoot-thttn • ^MAWTeTKieiue gtuc;
Mwei^A^^e THpOT.
ATCO NTeTWOT A-riUKITCKIOOTC KIAp\COKI • etOKI eeOTKl
epoq • A-Kit3:xcotope o^oj^t epooT- — atco atkiat hn(--
.\Aoc ercooT? eeoTN eneNeitoT AspAeAu • neA'e KiAp\toKi
KiAq Ao-neweitoT ABpAeAU • eqxtoN neuwoTTe • iiai
NTA(|TOT3:OK eunKt02T TMMAT epoq | etOOJW • TMOTtO^fJT H
WAq : ATCO KJI'TAUIO KIAKI etOtOW KIOTKIOTTt; OqO'UO'OU
wee uneKKioTTG • MqTOT:xoN eriKco^T • wee NTAqxoT-
:XOK : -f- ATCO NTeTKIOT AABpA?AU KieTB pCOq NCCCJC|e : -T-
riexAci KiAT xe-co Kiepcoue NTueconoTAUiA • uh tagt-
KineiA neTAUJo-NOTTe • Kiee WKieTNKioTTe'eie NTA,*yu^e
KIAT ?OAU)() : H- HKIOTTe HaT KITAC|TOT3kOI enKa)2T •
une-nA6icoT kiat epo(| ewe? • OTAe oki uwecj^u^o
KiA(| •:
ne:\:e napxcon kiacj A:e-neu:i'oeiG ABpAgAU • kitan3:ooc;
epoK 3:e-epe-neKKioTTe TAeiHT m^oto encou • exBe
a:e-AqTOT3:oK enKa)2T :
235
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [190S.
ncxe AiipA2Au NAT 3:e-nAKioTTe akiok ta(;Tht nApAn-
NOTB • UNntOWe UUG • UWNKA NIU NTeneTKocuoc • A.V\A
6^X6 TOTKIOTCOiy eWAT OnAKIOTT6 • ATtt) NTeTKieiUfi
."VeCJTAeiHT HApAKIKA nYu eT-eiA'UnKA2 : -r- I (FtO^^T KIHTKI
eNeiXcOOKI NTAHANOTTG TAUIOOT eKITHG • lipil UKIHOO? •
UKINGGIOT • UKINGKAOOAe WAHp : ^- TApGTeTKieiUe XB-
OTNCTOU UU OC| GTOT.XOI GHKCUeT -i- NTGTKIOT ATOTtOjyT
KIAt| N(ri UUHH^G GT>:CU UUOG : -i- 3CG-nGKIGiaJT ABpA-
Z\\J • UriATGKp ?UG NpOUnG 20A(JUG • NIU HGNTAqTAUOK^^
GIIGIiyAXG HAi AK3i'OOq GpON : H- 6^X6 HGKNOTTG AqTA-
UOK^^ GHGIUTCTHpiON HAI • TNOTtO^ ^"^ 2tOtON GNAT
GTUTCTHpiON NTA()TApGNniGTGTG (jpoq ?tCJCON • ATtU^"
NT6TNOT A-ABpAeAU GAKq ^^ NGAOTCA 2UnOTG • AqntOp^
NNGqCFIX GBOA Aq^AHA G2pAI GNNOTTG : -H ATtO
A-eNGBpHO'G • UN^N?porBAI 13A eNTHG ^" • : -^ ATOJ
NTGTNOT A-HNOTTG ^AXG UN^^ABpAeAU Gq:v:«) UUOG*:
AG-ANOK-HG HNOTTG NNKA-^ NIU : H- ATCO NTGTNOT
A-neO" NABpA?AU Gp-OTOGIN NBG UmO \ NOTArPGAOG
HTGHNOTTG"'^ • GTBGHGOOT UTINOTTG NTAq^AXG NUUA(| •
ATtO NTGTNOT A-UUMH^G 2G CepAl 6:VUnKA? • UHOT^-
^"' The British Museum fragment begins with UOK.
[?]
15 AqTAUA[u]U0K, B.M.
16 TGNOT[aNOTIO],'"J, B.M.
17 [toTG] Crum.
'■* [GOJKq, B.^L
1* ATCO [n]tGTNOT [AeGNjGqpHO^G [UGNjgGNepOTBAI
UGNeGN[?OT]unG ^'JA eGNTHG, B.M.
-" UGN, B.M.
-1 NGNKA, B.M.
•^ ^A, B.M.
-• NTCHNOTTG], om., B.M.
236
Nov. II] COPTIC SAINTS AND SINNERS. [190S.
crutrou-^ etrco^T • neoTM euneo-^ WABpAeAU ■ exBeneooT
UI1MOTT6 NTAtjiyA-*^ eepAi e^^totj • : — atcu kitotkiot
ATcu^ GBOA eT3:uJ uuoc ^Ki-'^orepooT notcjut • ye-
-ABPA2AU ne^BHp UnKIOTTG GOHC Un6KlslOTT6 GT-
BHHTN-^ T6-nei^TC3pTp AO ^^ UUAT 2l3k<JUN • TApON^CTU-
crou"''^ e^yAxe kiuuak: — atui WTerwor AnwoTTe guot
eneNeftjUT ABpAeAu Aqt ca • ?r\Apic KiAq unuro gboa
MOTOKI KIIU • : -f- ATtO AnNOTTG OTaJN? epoq^^ N?KI-32
KeuTCTHpioN eNA>yujoT • HA|3^ GTNA^ujne^^ uuoq
MCABH • ATOJ MTeTNOT Aqeonq epoq:-H-
WTCTKIOT Ae A-ABpA?AU CO^ 6BOA eqSCO UUOC MOTOKI^^
Niu • 2ce-nppo NMcscucjupe THpoT unKA2 KiTenejN-
KioTTG • xice uuoq: — atcu A-nei;yAxe hai ^cone |
eqt^^-COeiT eTBe-ABpA?AU xe-A-KiApxtoN uki^^maaog
cojore uTiriNOTTe''^ KiABpAeAu • xe-nppo wNexcoujpe
THpoT unKA2 HTeneNNOTTe sice uuoq : -r-
(To be cofitifizied.)
^ ejao'eucou, b.m.
25 eneo, b.m.
26 MTA[q . . . ], B.M.
27 26KI, B.M.
28 GTBHHTeW, B.M.
29 AA, B.M.
=*o o-eucou, B.M.
31 OTOiNAe eBOA, B.M.
32 Kieew, B.M.
33 MAl], om., B.M.
3^ eWA[i'] ... 6, B.M.
35 eOTON, B.M.
3« ATco Ane[? u]nAiiy[.']'h, b.m.
37 U6N, B.M.
38 unWOTTe, B.M., which ends two lines lower at neM6ICJU[T],
237
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1908
SARGON I, KING OF KISH,
AND
SHAR-GANI-SHARRI, KING OF AKKAD.
By L. W. King, M.A.
One of the most important finds recently made at Susa by the
Delegation en Perse consists of two portions of a great monolith,
engraved with sculptures and bearing traces of an inscription of an
early Semitic king of Babylonia. The monument has not yet been
brought to Europe, but from the description of it published by
M. J. -Ex. Gautier 1 it may clearly be regarded as one of the most
valuable specimens of early Babylonian sculpture that has yet been
recovered. The stone is roughly triangular in shape, the longest
side being curved, and on all three sides reHefs are sculptured in
two registers. In the upper register are battle scenes and a row of
captives, and in the lower are representations of the king and his
suite. On the third face of the monolith, to the right of the king
in the lower register, is a scene in which vultures are represented
feeding on the slain ; and on a smaller detached fragment of the
stone is a figure, probably that of a god, clubbing the king's enemies,
who are caught in a net. The details of the net and the vultures
obviously recall the similar scenes on the stele of Eannatum, but the
treatment of the birds, and also of the figures in the battle scenes, is
said to be far more varied and less conventional than in Eannatum's
sculpture. That they are Semitic and not Sumerian work is proved
by the Semitic inscription, of which a few phrases of the closing
imprecations are still visible. The king, also, is bearded, and is of
the Semitic type.
Though the main inscription has unfortunately been hammered
out, the king's name has been preserved in a cartouche in front of
him, where he is termed " Sharru-Gi, the king." Now Sarrit-Qi, in
Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian texts, is to be read Sarru-tik/n, Sargon,
^ • Nee. de trav.. Vol. XXVII, pp. 176 ff.
238
Nov. II] SARGON I AND SHAR-GANI-SHARRI. [1908.
and this is the form under which late tradition has preserved the
name of Naram-Sin's father, the early king of Akkad. Hitherto
Sargon, the traditional father of Naram-Sin, has been identified with
Shar-Gani-shar-ali, or, better, Shar-Gani-sharri,2 the early king of Akkad,
whose inscriptions have been recovered at Sippar, Niffer, and Tello,
and in whose reign tablets from Tello are dated. The question
obviously suggests itself: are we to identify the Sargon of the new
monument with Shar-Gani-sharri ? M. Gautier propounded the
question, but did not attempt to answer it.
The first solution of the problem was offered by Pere Scheil,''
who is clearly right in regarding Sharru-ukin of the new monument
and Shar-Gani-sharri as different personages. And, since the names
Sharru-Gi and Naram-Sin are both mentioned on a tablet found at
Tello (R.T.C., No. 83), he concluded that Sharru-ukin was the
father of Naram-Sin, as represented in the late tradition ; Shar-Gani-
sharri he would regard as another sovereign of Akkad, of the same
dynasty as Sharru-ukin and Naram-Sin, and one of their successors.
It would be tempting to accept Pere Scheil's explanation, for it
would reconcile the later tradition with the early monuments.
Difficulties in the way of its acceptance have already been pointed
out by M. Thureau-Daxgin."* From the occurrence of the proper
name Sharru-ukin-ili, "Sargon is my god," on the obelisk of Manishtusu,
he argues that a king bearing the name of Sharru-ukin, and probably
identical with the Sharru-ukin of the new stele, preceded Manishtusu ;
similarly, from the occurrence of another proper name, Urumush-ili,
" Urumush is my god," on an undated tablet of the same epoch as
those of Shar-Gani-sharri and Naram-Sin, he suggests that Urumush
was anterior to Naram-Sin. Granting these conclusions, if Naram-
Sin had been the son of Sharru-ukin, as suggested by Pere Scheil,
Urumush would have been separated from Manishtusu by the
dynasty of Akkad, a combination that is scarcely probable. More-
over, he pointed out that the context of the passage on the tablet
R.T.C., No. 83, though its interpretation is doubtful, does not
necessarily imply that Sharru-ukin and Naram-Sin were living at the
same time ; they might have been separated by several generations.
- Cf. Dhorme, O.L.-Z., 1907, col. 230 ; roEBEL, Z.A., XXI, p. 228, n. i ;
and Thureau-Dangin, O.L.-Z., 1908, col. 313. Gani is probably a divine
name, cf. ScHEiL, Textes Elam.-Semit., I, p. 16, n. 3. It is also possible that
Uru-mu-us should be read as a Semitic name Ki-iint-iiS.
" Textes Elaiii.-Scmit., IV, pp. 4 ff. ^ O.L.-Z., 1908, col. 313 ff.
239
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^OLOGV. [1908.
For these reasons he contended that Sharru-ukin was not the founder
of Naram-Sin's dynasty, but was probably a predecessor of Manishtusu
and Urumush. It may be admitted that the grounds on which
M. Thureau-Daxgin based his acute suggestion are not quite
conclusive, and in themselves they might perhaps run the risk of
being disregarded in favour of the advantages attaching to Pere
Scheil's arrangement.
That Sharru-ukin of the new stele was not a king of the dynasty
of Akkad, but was a still earlier king of Kish, can, however, be
definitely proved by an inscription of his own, which was published
in 1900, but has not as yet been identified as his. The inscription
is preserved in the Imperial Ottoman Museum at Constantinople,
and was found by Pere Scheie at Abu Habba during the excavations
he conducted on that site for the Turkish Government in 1892-3.
It is numbered S. 3,^ and a transliteration and translation of it have
been given by Pere Scheie in his Texfes Eiamites-Semitiques, I
(1900), p. 4, n. I. According to the published transliteration of the
text, the first column of the inscription begins : —
GI
the mighty king,
king of Kish,
the paskishi(-Yine?,\. of the god (prob.
of Shamash, the Sun-god),
5. pa-te- si {ihi) En - HI 5. the patesi of Enlil,
6. sakkaiiak {ihi) A-mal 6. the representative of A-mal,
7. la-bi-in libiitt, etc. 7. the moulder of bricks, etc.
It will be noticed that the king's name in the first line ^ ends
with the sign gi, and I think there can be little doubt that we
should restore the name as \^Sarn(\-G\, i.e., Sarru-uk'in, and identify
him with Sharru-ukin, the king of the new monolith from Susa.
^ Cf. SCHEIL, Une saison defouilles a Sippar, p. 96.
'° This would appear to be the first line of the text, according to Pere Scheil's
transliteration, which marks no gap before it. If there is a gap and 1. I is not
the beginning of the inscription, it is possible that [Sharru]-ukin's name occurs,
not as that of the writer of the inscription, but as the name of his father ; that he
should be mentioned as his grandfather, or earlier ancestor, is unlikely. But,
in any case, the titles Sarin dan-iiti Sar A'iS are to be taken as applying to
[Sharru]-ukin, so that the point does not affect the conclusion that Sharru-ukin
was a king of Kish.
240
I.
.... Gl (?)
I
2.
\sarru
da\n - nu
2,
3-
\_sar
] Kis
3'
4-
pa -
sis Hi
4.
Nov. II] SARGON I AND SHAR-GANI-SHARRI. [1908.
Since he claimed the title patesi of EnHl, we may infer that he
controlled the sanctuary of Nippur ; and one of his foreign conquests
is recorded in the second column of the text, of which II. ,3 ff. read :
(3) 7iap-har itm-ina-ni-ia (4) a-iia se-iia {5) lu-u a-zu-uz. (6) A/i-sa~
(7/'/(ki) (7) /.f Su iJ)-ri-hii-i/iii{K\) (S) /// anctr, "All my troops into
two parts I divided, Anshan and Shurikhum "^ I conquered." The
text goes on to state that the king brought out the captured king of
Anshan and Shurikhum, together with tribute and gifts, apparently
on his triumphant return from the campaign. From his conquest
of Anshan we may infer that, under Sharru-ukin, the power of Kish
was felt l)eyond the limits of Babylonia, and it is possible that the
battle scenes sculptured on his newly found monument at Susa
represent the campaigns described in the text at Constantinople.
When the former monument arrives in Paris, it will be possible to
tell whether any traces of the inscription upon it correspond with
what is preserved of the Constantinople text.^
The proof that Sharru-ukin, the ancient and famous Sargon, was
not identical with Shar-Cani-sharri carries with it far-reaching con
sequences. In late Assyrian and Babylonian tradition Sargon appears
as a king of Agade, or Akkad, and the father of Naram-Sin. It is
clear, therefore, that the name of Sargon, king of Kish, has been
borrowed for the king of Akkad, whose real name, Shar-Cani-sharri,
has disappeared. Are we to imagine that the great achievements,
which late tradition ascribed to Sargon of /\kkad, were also borrowed,
along with his name, from the historical Sargon of Kish ? His
own inscriptions and date-formulae prove that Shar-Gani-sharri ruled
Southern as well as Northern Babylonia, and that he conquered, or,
at any rate, defeated the Elamites, the Amurru, the Kutii, and
Gutium. It is certain, therefore, that a considerable body of truth
underlies the traditions with regard to the extent of his empire. But
the possibility exists that some of the achievements of Sargon of
Kish were credited to Naram-Sin's father, and that in Sargon of
Agade we have the reflected image of two early kings, who, after
'' Pere Scheil reads 1. 7 as SQ [alu] Mu-tiin (ki), " the forces {eiituku) of the
town of Khum." It is preferable, however, to take both the signs su and URU
as part of the name.
'^ Another inscription we may perhaps assign to Sargon of Kish is the spear-
head, found at Tello, inscribed Samt-[. . . .] Sar Kish, " Sarru-[ukin (?)],
king of Kish" (De Sarzec, DSc, pi. 5 '«■', No. i ; Thureau-Dangin, S.A.K.,
pp. 160 f. ).
241 U
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.-tOLOGY. [1908.
the lapse of many centuries, gradually assumed, in tradition, a single
form ,
It is not difficult to suggest causes for such a confusion. Both
kings were great conquerors ; both belonged to the same epoch and
were representatives of the same wave of Semitic domination which
at this time succeeded in imposing itself on Babylonia from the
north ; both kings restored the great temple of the Sun-god at
Sippar,^ where Nabonidus discovered the foundation-inscription of
one of them ; and, finally, both kings bore names which, in part,
are not dissimilar.^" That the confusion may have taken place
affords fresh grounds for refusing to accept blindly the late traditions
of As.syrian and Neo-Babylonian scribes with regard to the earlier
history of their country.
" That Sargon of Kish did so may probably be inferred from the finding of the
Constantinople text at Sippar, and from the reference it contains to Aa, the
Sun-god's consort.
^^ With §ar-Gani-Sarri we may compare Sai rit-Gl Sarin, the name and title
of Sargon on the new monolith. The use of the unqualified title LUGAL, iarni,
certainly increases the resemblance. There is no proof that the name Sarfu-GX,
on the new monolith and on the obelisk of Manishtusu, was read as ^arru-ukin,
or Sarrii-kaiit, at the time of the kingdom of Kish. J'or, like Gatii, GI may
have been a divine name as in Sii-mu-ci, parallel in form to Sii-mii-Ea, in
Manishtusu's text (see ScHElL, Tcxles £.lam.-Sauit., I, p. 26, n. i) ; cf. also the
names Bcli-G\, SuruS-Gl, etc. Thus its rendering as iikin in Assyrian and
Neo-Babylonian times may have been a secondary explanation, adopted after the
original meaning of the sign had been forgotten.
242
Nov. II] A PHOENICIAN INSCRIPTION OF b.c. 1500. [1908.
A PHOENICIAN INSCRIPTION OF b.c. 1500.
By the Rev. C. J. Ball, M.A.
Some months ago Mr. C. F. Burney, of St. John's College,
Oxford, called my attention to an inscription in Prof. Petrie's
Si/iai, fig. 139, which he strongly suspected was Phoenician, although
he could not read it. I saw at once that the first four letters,
read from right to left, gave the name of inny ''Athtdr, the South
Arabian equivalent of Ishtar. Here is the inscription, with the first
pair of letters placed above the main line, as they are on the stone : —
+ X
vin
On this. Prof. Petrie observes: — "Besides this figure [fig. 138],
and parts of others, there is a figure of a sphinx of small size,
fig. 141. This has along the upper sides of the base a line of
inscription, which contains the same signs as those in fig. 139. On
the shoulder is a square containing a dedication to Hathor, ' Mistress
of Turquoise,' in ordinary Egyptian hieroglyphs. And between the
paws, as on Egyptian sphinxes, is a Horus-name, which is very rough
and small, and which seems only to contain the sign of the sickle,
iftadt. We can hardly doubt that this is the Horus-name of Sneferu
. . . But it is clearly of local work, and not done by a trained
Egyptian sculptor." The discoverer concludes that " common Syrian
243
Nov. iij SOCltTV OF 15II5L1CAI. ARCH^Ol.OClV. [1908.
workmen, who could not command the skill of an Egyptian sculptor,
were familiar with writing in 1500 B.C., and this a writing independent
of hieroglyphics and cuneiform. It finally disproves the hypothesis
that the Israelites, who came through this region into Egypt and
passed back again, could not have used writing."
There are nine characters, all clear except 6 and 7, where
there are flaws in the stone. We may read either: (i) mn^J? "inny
'■Athtdr ^A?itarta, the second word being the name of Ishtar in the
famous Treaty of Rameses II with the Hittites ("Antarta of the
land of Kheta" — though this reading of the name is said to be
false); or (2) naVJJ? "innj?, i-e., perhaps "Ishtar of the ear-rings (?)" ;
cf. Assyr., ansabtu or insahtu, "ear-ring." The chief interest of the
thing, however, lies in the fact that the identity of Hathor with
Ishara-lstar is proved by the inscription, and that we have here
Phoenician writing of a date apparently as early as B.C. 1500.
244
Nov. II] INCANTATION AGAINST RHEUMATISM. [1908.
AN ASSYRIAN INCANTATION
AGAINST RHEUMATISM.
By R. Campbell Thoisfpson, Af.A.
( Continued from p. 152.)
Transliteration — confiniied.
K. 2453. Reverse.
{PL 9.) Col. III.
I RA VII-su ta-tab-bak e-ma ta-tab-ba-[ku] sipta
tamannu(nu)
2. ina URUDU . DU . UT . TAG . GA tamahas(as) URUDU .
DU . UT . TAG . C;A ana ku-tal-li-ka ta-na-suk isatti (?)-
[ma] ibalut
3. Siptu SE ZA AH LI lA MIR ZI HAR GIM
KUR KAL . . SU
4. ZA . ZI . IB HA . ZI . IB TA . ZI . IB . BA AN . ZI AN . GI
ES TE IP TA TI IB . BA
5. AN.ZI AN.GI ES TI IP TE IS HI EN NI E KA
SAK TI LA GI BA TU EN
6. Siptu SI ZA AH LI MU ZA AH LI IM : ZA AH
LI IM U ME ZA AH ME EN
7. SU GIM HU UM MA AK KUR KA AS TA U TA U
ZA AM
8. I GA ZAK TI MU HI TI MAH : I GA ZAK TI TIL
LA SA SU TE MA
9. IS TA RA GA AB IS TA RA GA AB TU EN
10. II INIM.INIM.MA SA.GAL.LA.KAM
II. Kikittu-su sarta ZA . GIN . NA sarta pisata estenis(nis) III
DUR tetimmi III --i''"" AN . SE . TIR tasakak
245 u 2
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^.OLOGV. [1908.
12. Vll-ta-a-an kasir takasar e-nia takasaru sipta taiTiannu(nu) ina
gis-si-su sepi-su u ki-sal-li-su tarakas-nia ibalut.
{PL 10.)
13. Siptu ta-tab-ha kima kakkahaniP' bi-li kinia la- -me : sur-su-ka
li-ba-lu ki-sit-ta-ka li-"-ar
14. kima su-ut ri-e-si la a-li-di ni-il-ka li-bal : ki-ma lap-ti lip-zu-u
pa-nu-ka
15. kima ir-pi-tu ina same(e) la i-bur-ru : kima u-la-lu la i-mu-ru
ki-bi-is-su
16. kima amelu mitu la e-ti-ku bab balati : kima ti-za-bu la e-ni-ku
tulat ummi-su
17. kima zir kali la ib-nu-u surri : ta-at-ta-lak ta-al-tal-lak bi-li is di
il di EX
18. Siptu li-iz-iu-uh kima kakkabi lib-li ki-ma na-al-si : sur-su-su
li-ta-"-pu ki-sit-ta-su li-bal
19. kima kali pi-ri-'-su kima zir lap-ti lip-su-u pa-nu-su : ni-il-su
li-bal kima la a-lit-ti
20. kima u-la-lu la ip-tu-u pa-nu-su : siptu ul ia-ut-tu nisii sipat
""Ba"u u ''"Gu-la
21. sipat ''"Nin-a-ha-kud-du bel sipti su-nu id-du-ma ana-ku as-si
TU EN
22. II INIM.INIM.MA SA . GAL . LA . KAM
23. Kikittu-su sarta samta sarta pisata estenis(nis) tetimmi W\
^b""SU . U . ERI tasakak epir kibis NU . IGI . GAB
24. epir kibis sinnisti la alitti epir kibis kalbi salmi zir lap-ti
KU . SE . SA . A ina sarti samti
25. VII lap-pi tal-pap VII kasir takasar sipta tamannu(nu) -ma
tarakas-su-ma ibalut
26. Siptu a-ra-ah-hi ra-ma-ni a-ra-hi pag-ri kima kalbi u ^'kalbati
sahi ^^'sahiti . . .-bu-u
27. ina seri-su : kima '^."nartabi ir-si-tu ir-hu-u ir-si-tu im-hu-ru
[zir-su]
{PI. II.)
28. lim-im-hur ra-ma-ni li-ir-hi ra-ma-ni ....
29. INIM.INIM.MA SA . GAL . LA . [KAM]
30. Kikittu-su VII hi-ir-si sa '-i^eri estenis(nis) isid-su-nu isati
tu-kab-bab ina sarat nabasi
246
Nov. II] INCANTATION AGAINST RHEUMATISM. [1908.
31. tasakak(ak) VII kasir takasar e-ma takasaru sipta taniannu(nu)
tarakas-su-ma ibalut
32. Siptu bel 5i-pat balati ^'"E-a sar apsi lid-di-ka ta-a-su sa balati
33. ''"Marduk mas-mas ilani si-pat balati lid-di-ka : . . -li ''"Gibil
li-nu-uh kab-lum
34. ka-sis-tum lit-ta-si sa zumri-ka EN
35. INIM. INIM.MA SA.GAL.LA.KAM
36. Kikittu-su ana lib samni BUR sipta tamannu(nu) muk-kal-
pi-ti tu-mas-sa-'-su u sipta tamannu(nu)-ma ibalut
37. siptu su-u sum-su mas-ka-du [ki-nu]-us-su is-tu kakkabaniP'
sa-ma-mi ur-da
38. is-bat sa kal sim-ma-tu [ka]-lu ''""'^'" pagri-su is-bat gis-sa kin-sa
ki-sal-la kab-la ra-pa-as-tu u §a-sal-li
39. ''"Marduk [na-u]-du u mu-du-u kali i-di-suni-ma siptu sa su-
su-u ka-li-su
40. ki-ma [ur-ru] ana mu-si i-zu-zu li-zu-za marsa .sa zumri-su EN
41. [INIM. INIM]. MA SA.GAL.LA.KAM
{PL 12.)
42. . . . sum-ma sepi ameli marsi sa imitti buani utul immeri sa
imitti sum-ma sepi ^"''^'"marsi
43. [sa suraeli] buani utul immeri sa sumeli telikki(ki) SIG . RID
puhadi u ^-"^'puhatti tetimmi
44. [VII ?]-ta-a-an takasar e-ma takasaru sipta tamannu(nu) -ma
tarakas-su
45. ... MA GIR.KI.MA SE.EN.SE.NA MU.RU.UK
DU . GU . UR MA UR . GAL . LA . TA
46 I SU DU U MU UN DI BU RA LU KA TU EN
47. [INIM. INIM. MA] SA.GAL.LA.KAM
48 [SIG . RID] puhadi u ^^'puhatti tetimmi
49 kin-si-su u ki-sal-li-su tarakas-su
50 marsi kat ''"Samsi huzabi tasakkan(an)
51. ... marsi KU . GU . GAL (52) .... sikaru sur-sum-me
karani SUR
53. ... tasamid-ma ibalut
54 erini >^."surmenu iSS) • • • • su-na
247
\ov. II] SOCIETV OF IJIBLICAL ARCII.^OLOGY. [1908.
I<- 2453-
Col. lA'. {Four lines 7vantin^ from the he^^inntn^?)
{PI. 1 3-)
5 -tu I (6) . . . . tusabsal(sal)
7 tapaisas | (8) . . . . kat ''"Samsi
9 ina URUDU.SIN.DU tar-bak
10 -ri tasamid(id)
II -si '^"surmenu kani tabi "H'f"ballukki
12 I ka ki-es-la-su-nu tar kit samni
13 -bat SAK.KA.U.KAL ina URUDU.SIN.DU
14 kisad-su himeti tapasas(as)
15 MULU.TIN.NA tanadi-su ina uini(mi) tusappi(?)
16 taramuk-su
17 kan an-nam teppu.s(us)
• • 1 • r i-par-ru-ud 1 :,„ • •
18 ina pi 2;am la pi earn <^ .^ , ^'^"enni
^ ^ ^ ^ \: i-sar-ru-ud J
ig tig (?) '■'V':"ballukki kani tabi tahasal ina sikari
20 SIS tc-li-ih kisad-su
21 '^"irsi-su te-ti-en
22 5a ''"Samsi
23 ta-ra-ah-ha-su
{PI- 14.)
24 ina '^"irsi-su tanadi-s:i
25 sihli tu-kat-tar-su
26 [URUDUj.SIN.DU :j:-:.ak
27 ta.samid(id)
28 ina URUDU.SIN.DU
29 '^''^'''™u-sa
30 tasamid-su
31 ta-sar-rap
32 '."suni
33 ■;■'"". salalu
34 tusappi-su-ma
35 tapasas-su-ma
36 ikkalui''
248
Nov. II] INCANTATION AC.AINST RIIKUNtATlSM. [1908.
37 ibalut
38 '^"irsi turn mad
39 tasabat-su tapatar
40.
Transi.atiox — continued.
K. 2453. Reverse. Col. III.
(/^/. 9-)
I. \Tlu' water from the gartarinturra]ra \ciip\ seven times thou
shalt pour out : whe)i thou pourest {it) out, repeat the incanta-
tion ; l>eat {it) with a bronze tool {}) ; put the bronze too/ {?)
behind thee, /et him drink (?) [// and\ he shall recover.
3. Incantation : — --
6. Incantation : — -~
10. Two prayers for the sivollen joint.
1 1 . Ritual for this : — of grey (?) hair {and) white hair together thou
shalt spin three threads (?) .• thread three cornelians {thereon)
and t:e seven knots in each ; when thou niakest the knots, repeat
the incantation {and) bind {them) on his neck (?), his foot, and
his hips and he shall recover.
{Pt. 10.)
13. Incantation : — Thou shinest forth as the stars: go out like a
flame ; may thy 7-00 1 be carried away, may thy back-part go.
Like one in high authority that hath had no child may thy rest
be broken, like tlie turnip nuiy thy face be white ; as the cloud in
the sky endureth not, as the blind seeth not his steps, as the dead
man rcturneth not through the gate of life, as the babe untimely
born sucketh not the breast of its mother, as roast corn cannot
give shoots — so thou shalt depart, thou shalt go off . . .
Incantation.
'- UiiinlcUigil.le to me.
249
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL-EOLOGV. [190S.
18. Jiuantalion : — Z<'/ // rise (7S a s/ar, /nay if 00 out like a /ii^/if ;
viav i/s root i>c jri/iovi'd,-'' may its back-part he carried a^vav.
Like roast corn he its shoot {impossible^, may its face l>e white
as the turnip, may its rest be broken as one that ItearetJi not,
as a blind man that cannot open his face. The incantation
is not i?ivented of mankind, it is the incantation of Ba^u and
Gula, the incantation of Aln-aha-kuddu, the lord of incanta-
tion ; it is they wh'j have performed, and it is I who have
adopted. Perform the i?irantation.
22. Two prayers for the sivollen foitit.
23. Ritual for this : — Spin a dark and a white hair together, thread
seven su-u-eri-'^ stones thereon: intertwine dust from the foot-
print of one unseen, dust from the footprint of a 7Voman that
hath not borne children, dust from the footprint of a black dog,
turnip-seed {and) flour of roast corti in the dark hair witJi
seven folds, tie seven knots, repeat the incantation, and bind it
on him, and he shall recover.
{PI. II.)
26. Incantation :—I cherish thee, O myself, I cherish thee, my
body, as the dog the bitch, as the hog the so7t> : may it be poured
forth in its desert ; as the ■:A\'^^\!S. cherisheth the earth {and) the
earth 7-eceiveth [her seed {and) cherisheth it\ may it receive
myself, may it cherish myself ....-■'
29. Prayer for the swollen joint.
30. Ritual for this : — Seven cuttings of tamarisk together their loiver
ends in fire thou shall char, thread them on scarlet thread, tie
seven knots therein {and) when thou tiest {the knots) repeat the
incantation ; bind it on him and he will recover.
32. Iticantation : — May the lord of the i/ica?itation of life, Ea,
King of the Deep, perform for thee his exorcism of life ; may
Marduk, priest of the gods, perform for thee the incantation
of life ; through (?) the Fire-god may {thy) iniddle be at peace ;
may the pain (?) -^ go forth from thy body. Incantation.
"^ ^AJ Etlaph. sublatus est.
^ Po.sbibly a mistake for in u-lm, but this siiuuld be Su-ba-a, and hence my
reading is more probable.
•-•^ See ri. IV, H. 9 ff .
■'''' Kasisluin, hitherto iinl<ni)\vn.
2qo
Nov. II] INCANTATION AGAINST RHEUMATISM. [190S.
35. Prayer for the swollen joint.
36. Ritual for this : — Over hwx-oil repeat the incantation . . . thou
shall anoint him and repeat the incantation and he shall recover.
37. Incantation: — This is its name — maskadu is its appellation ;
it hath come dotvn from the stars of heaven ; it hath seized
with every (?) poison his whole body, it hath seized neck (?),
shins (?), hips, broad belly and shoulders. JMarduk, ivlw is
glorious and tvise, knoiveth it all, too, and may the incaiita-
tioti which divideth all results (?) as between \day\ and night,
divide also betiveen the sickness and his body.-"' Iticantation.
4 r . Prayer for the swollen joint.
(PI. 12.)
. . . if the leg of the man hurts on its right side, the right
thigh of a sheep ; if the leg of the man hurts on its \left side\,
the left thigh of a sheep thou shall take : spin the hair of a
male and female lamb, tie \seve}i\ knots in each, and where
thou tiest (jlieni) repeat the incantation and bind it on him.
\_lncantation'\ : — -'^
Perform the Iticantation.
\Prayer\ for the sivollen joint.
The remainder of the texts consist of the broken ends of lines,
containing directions for spinning magical threads, etc.
'^ This is repeated on PI. 4, 11. 15 ff.
-* Unintellifrible to me.
25T
Nov. II] SOCIETY OF BIIILICAL ARCILEOLOGV. [1908.
The next Meeting of the Society will be held on
Wednesda}', December 9th, 1908, at 4.30 p.m., when the
following Paper will be read : —
F. Legge, Esq. : " Egyptian Chronology and its
Astronomical Foundation."
PROCEEDINGS
OF
THE SOCIETY
OF
BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
THIRTY-EIGHTH SESSION, 1908.
Sevejith Meeting, December gth, 1908,
H. R. HALL, Esq., M.A.,
IN THE CHAIR.
-%^-
[No. ccxxviii.]
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL'EOLOGY. [190S.
The following gifts to the Library were announced, and
thanks ordered to be returned to the Donors :
From the Author, Dr. O. von Lemm. — " Koptische Miscellen,"
Parts XLVII-L; and "Koptische Studien," Parts LI-LV.
From the Author, W. F. Warren, Esq. — "The Babylonian Universe,
newly interpreted."
From the Author, Miss M. A. Murray. — " Index of Names and
Titles of the Old Kingdom."
The following Paper was read : —
F. Legge, Esq. : " Egyptian Chronology and its Astronomical
foundation."
Thanks were returned for this communication.
254
Dfx. 9] A GREEK DIPTYCH OF THE 7th CENTURY.
[1968.
The text of B appears
A GREEK DIPTYCH OF THE SEVENTH CENTURY.
By W. E. Crum.
The fragmentary diptych here to be described is the property of
INIr. W. MoiR Bryce, of Edinburgh, who bought it at Luxor in 1903,
and now kindly permits its publication. The excellent photographs
which Mr. Nash has contributed show its general form and (on a
somewhat enlarged scale) its palaeographical character. The larger
fragment or panel will here be called A, the smaller B. The material
is ivory, very much yellowed in A, of a faint brownish-white in B,
which almost suggests scorching. The height of a panel is 25*5 cm.,
width 12 cm., thickness 0*4 or 0*5 cm. Although diptychs, with
more than two panels, are not unknown, 1 there is no reason to
assume more than the normal number here,
to follow quite suitably on that of A,
while itself forming the customary con-
clusion of the whole. The plain border
surrounding each panel is o"8 or 0*9 cm.
in width. This border is pierced by a
series of small holes, shown on the
accompanying sketch of panel A, wherein
the right side is reconstructed from the
evidence of B. Besides these holes, there
are, on the edge of B, three, now broken,
inlets (opposite a, b, c), which, being at
irregular intervals, I should assume to
indicate some supplementary means of
joining the panels, found needful at a later
time. The surface of the border, at the
two pairs of larger holes (at any rate in
panel A), is cut down, presumably to
admit of affixing hinges. On the broken
edge, at e in panel A, and at a point in B which would be opposite
to_;^ are remnants of such hinges, made of bronze and fastened with
^ DiPPEL in Kraus, re. i, 370.
255
X 2
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
iron pins (now oxidized). I do not feel certain as to the object of
the 14 smaller holes in the border; there is not, in the neighbourhood
of any of them, a trace of oxidation or verdigris. But the remaining
metal hinge in B (opposite to /) shows — if indeed now in its proper
place — that certain of them served to connect the panels. This,
however, could not be the intention of the four small holes pierced
in the middle of panel A. Possibly they held some ornamental
addition upon the back. But whether they were made prior to the
writing of the present text and later on filled in, to give a surface for
that when written, or whether, as seems more likely, they are of later
origin, and were pierced regardless of the writing, it is hard to
decide. At the top of the broken edge of B there are clear signs
of oxidation ; so too half way down that edge and again at the
very bottom. This is evidence of former metal pins, whereby the
now lost fragment of this panel was once joined, after breakage,
to the extant piece. Among the diptychs published, ours seems,
in general form, most to resemble that at Brescia, the ecclesiastical
use of which is judged to date from the 8th century.- The back of
both panels shows an entirely plain surface, with no trace of
ornament or writing. A circular stain on the back of A (diameter
10 cm.) indicates that this panel had, in recent times, been put to
base uses, serving probably as cover to a jar.
The text now legible is not the original. Unmistakable traces of
earlier writing, in a clumsy, slightly ligatured hand, are visible at
various points on A ^ ; not, however (now), upon B. But these traces
are quite undecipherable, and we shall therefore confine ourselves to
the later text. The scribe of this has certain idiosyncrasies, but for the
most part his hand is not unlike that of the British Museum Festal
Letter,^ which dates more probably from the year 672 than 577.
His distinguishing features are : the form of a, which mostly is made in
two strokes, A with vi inserted below it,'^ and which occasionally results
in that angular, lapidary form, common on tombstones.^ But beside
2 Figured in Rohault de Fleurv, La Messe, vi, pi. cdlxxxvi.
^ V. pi. i, opposite 1. 14.
•* New Palaeogr. Soc, pt. iii, pi. 48. Cf. Grenfell and Hunt, Gk.
Pap. ii, 163.
° Cf. Canons of Athanasim, ed. RiEDEL and Crum, plate, Brit. Mus. Copt.
Catal., pi. 8, 274, pi. 2, 971.
« Cf. Hall, Gk. and Copt. Texts, pi. 3, Crum, Copt. Mon. {Cairo Catal.),
nos. 8584, 8590, 8499 etc.
256
Dec. 9] A.GREEK DIPTYCH OF THE 7TI1 CENTURY. ' [1908.
it, we see h^re the usual, looped form, as in the Festal Letter. The
ti and G are, with few exceptions, marked by a short cross-stroke,
appended to the lower hook.7 So too, k often has, upon its upper,
right-hand point, a similar cross-piece,^ while its straight and angular
limbs are unconnected. As contrasted with the Festal Letter^ we
may further notice : the shortness of the cross-bar in g ; the forms
of A, A, the apex of which is made in a single, uninterrupted
stroke; also the pendent ends to the upper limb of T. On the whole
the palaeographical type is just such as to suggest the date fixed by
the internal evidence of the text.
It is the contents of the text which give our diptych its unique
character. So far as I can ascertain, there are but very few inscribed
ecclesiastical diptychs extant, especially from Eastern Christendom ;
none showing a liturgical text at all similar to this. For here we find,
upon the deacon's tablets, not only the names inscribed of those to
be commemorated, but also parts of those preliminary formulae ol
prayer which usually have their place in the ofifice book and in the
mouth of the priest. The tablets were, we may suppose, taken by
the deacon from the altar at that point in the Mass where we read the
words o cic'tKoiwi 7(1 Ci'wrvxa,^ Or elsewhere ei'Trajc ru oi'ofiaTa, 6("/rnT6,10
and read by him while the priest continued his prayer.^^ The form
of words here used is characterized (as Mr. Brightmax has pointed
out to me) by the precedence given to the names of the living over
those of the dead ;i~ the first person named is the reigning patriarch
of Alexandria.
And here we must take note of the evidence of a revision which
this diptych has undergone. Not only is the text we are describing
a palimpsest, but we see, in 11. i and 35, that a third hand has been
at work. Its script is coarse and the ink, though faded, is quite
black, in contrast to the reddish-brown of the other. This third
" Cf. Brit. Mus. CoJ>/. CataL, pi. 8, 171, Can. Athanasitis, plate.
^ Cf. Can. Ath.\ plate, 1. 16.
■' Brightman 129, 9.
^" JUNKER>in Aeg. Zeitschr. xl, 12, 13, with references.
" Brightman 331, 3. Tuki, Missale pKS". Elsewhere the priest is
distincitly to/^//(?w. e.g. Baumstark in Oriens Christ, i, 21.
^'' Ma/captaJraTos of a living bishop (or patriarch), BRIGHTMAN 1 29, 33,
Leyden MSS. Copies, 131, Renaudot, Lit. Or. (1847)1, 100 {cf. fiaKapiSriiis,
' e.g. Rev. Egypt, ix, I75)'; of a deceased, Aeg. Zeifsch'. xl, 12, Brit. Mus. Pap.
Ixxviii, 35.
'257
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
scribe either washed out the text of 1. i, or merely ignored it,
obliterating it with the name of the actual patriarch.
The patriarch's name is followed as usual by that of the local
bishop actually in ofifice. Then come the mentions of the clergy
and people, of those making offerings, and those who have done so.
The repeated phrase ending with to evxf^pia-Tijinov should imply a
preceding verbal clause, such as Trijoace^ui 6 Geo? . . . i3 The exactly
parallel words in the Bohairic liturgy : 'Aj3/3u AA (eV) kv/jiil' tou
(if>)(^ie7ri(jKo~ov 7iJ9 f^ieya\o~6\eiv9 ^AXe^avcpeia^ Kui twu vpOoco^wv ijf.i(bi>
e-iaKo-wv TO evxapi(r-)]ptoi',^^ are not casy to fit grammatically
into their context, unless to cvX' refers solely to the immediately
before-mentioned reigning patriarch.
The second section (11. 15 ff.) commemorates, or rather invokes,^"'
the Virgin, John Baptist, John the Apostle, Mark Evangelist, Peter,
and the rest of the Apostles. Mr. Brightman remarks here upon
the unwonted presence of the Apostle John and of Peter. As to
the former, I would suggest that his addition is an error. For the
remnants of a Sa'idic liturgy name this group twice over, and in this
self-same context: NgOTO Ae TeN3:ooic THpKi TeT^ACOov
TeoeOACOKOC GTOTAAB UApiA UKineAriOC ia)2AKIKIHC
nenpoApouoc atco nBAHTiGTHC ATto nnApeeNOG Avtu
nuApTTpoc UNn?AiMOC CTecfiANOc etc.,^*^ applying the title
'Virgin ' to the Baptist.'" So too does Grenfell-Hunt, Gk. Pap. ii,
no. cxiii. As to St. Peter, his traditional connection with Mark
may possibly account for his presence, though not indeed for his
place after his disciple.
Thereupon follows the usual catalogue of past Alexandrine
patriarchs, extending here to Andronicus. We are thus enabled to
fix pretty closely the date of our text : it must have been written
after the death of Andronicus (623) and before that of Benjamin
^■^ Brightman 129, 21, 29.
1^ Cairo Eiichologion T^H (emended). Cf. too Brit. Mus. Copt. Catal.y
no. 971. Somewhat differently phrased in the deacon's office appended to h}-mn
books, e.g.^ Brit. Mus. /.<r., no. 890, p. 453, Bodl. Hunt. 256, priH.
^5 Baumstark, Messe ini 3Iorgeiilaiid (igo6) 176.
'® Paris i1/5. copte 12920 ff. 121, 126 (being pp. 61 and 136 of a MS. which
contained several Anaphoras).
*^ Tlapdevos as epithet of the Baptist, e.g. Brit. Mus. Co/t. Cat., p. 404/^,
Tdki's Theotohia, GIG. Cf. Synax., 30th Baunah, '. . . and he drank no wine,
neither knew he woman.'
258
Dec. 9] A GREEK DIPTYCH OF THE 7th CENTURY. [1908.
(662), whose name we assume to have occupied 1. i. Subsequently
the third scribe, relegating Benjamin, in his turn, to the catalogue of
the deceased (1. 35), inserted in 1. i, as we have already observed,
the name of Agatho (662-680). We notice moreover that this
revising scribe leaves the name of the actual local bishop (II. 3, 4)
untouched. Is this an oversight or does it imply that that bishop
survived the accession of Agatho ? On this see belozv.
Comparison of the names in this catalogue with those of other
lists shows that the forms ^^ here are, for the most part, the
'Jacobite,' to be found in the Patriarchal Chronicle and its derivates —
Synaxarium, liturgical lists such as the present etc. — and differing
considerably from the earlier forms preserved by Eusebius. This
is especially conspicuous in the cases of uiaiot ^^k^|ni\to^i)}'^
erueNIOT (Ei^/teVj/s), UAPKIAKIOT (M«7j/co9), HpAK.VeiOT
('H/)(»/l-A«s'). The constant genitive termination is due, of course, to
the foregoing to cvxe'pKrTljpiov.
The sequel, upon panel B, consists of two sections : one
(11. 41-57) giving the catalogue of the local bishops, the other
(11. 58-65) commeniQrating, anonymously, the saint — it is noticeable
that still only ' martyrs ' are intended — proper to the day. Though
the panel is blank from 1. 65 to the bottom, we cannot be sure that
nothing was upon the right-hand fragment, now lost. For it will
be observed that the last section (11. 58-65) is written, not Hke
the first and second (11. 1-19), continuously, across the whole panel,
but in short lines, extending just half way — and, as it happens, just
up to the broken edge of this actually preserved fragment. One
is thus inclined to wonder whether panel B had not already lost its
right side, before the present text was written.
This list of bishops is very perplexing. The actual bishop, at the
'** The forms were collected by Gutschmid, A7. Sc/ir. ii, 422 and 498. For
theT'atr. Chron., v. now Evetts' edition {Patr. Or.). For the Bohairic diptych
lists, V. Delaporte, Rev. Egypt, xii, 5 (I have compared several in MS.); for
the Synaxarium.^ the editions of Basset and Forget. The earliest Bohairic
forms are those in the Passion of Peter (Hyvernat, Actes 266, 271, 274).
Besides these there are interesting fragments of three Sa'idic diptychs ; Brit. Mus.
Catal. no. 971 (contemporary with ours), ib. no. 155 (not much younger) and
Berlin Kopt. Urk. no. 186 (where for j-ecto, read verso). This last reaches Mark,
49th patr., ob. 819. Note, following him, the mention of Ignatius @€0(p6pos, as in
Brit. Mus. no. 514, which is itself a sort of diptych, though difficult to interpret.
^^ On this name, £». De Ricci, Rev. ArcheoL, 1906, 320.
259
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
time of writing, is Pesynthius -"^ (11. 3, 4). It is natural, having
regard to the contemporary patriarch, to assume this to be the
famous bishop of Coptos, canonized in the calendar upon the 13th
of Abib, and belauded for his virtues and miracles in a well-known
Encomium. -1 Few Coptic worthies have bequeathed to us so much
biographical material as he. Besides the facts to be gathered from
his Encomium, we have a considerable collection of the actual
letters — fragmentary, it is true — addressed to him on matters of
diocesan administration, by clerics and civil officials ; and besides
these, incidental references in the ostraca, in Abii Salih and
elsewhere. Quite recently he has appeared afresh in the interesting
Upper Egyptian recension of the Sjnaxaruim, utilized by M.
Basset.-- And further, the British Museum has lately acquired a
sermon ascribed to Pesynthius,--^ wherein he is called first aha
n[iceNOioc;] [nonicjuonoc KiTno.\i[G Kogr] and, at the end,
AHA n. unTOOT NTCINTI, i.e. his dwelling place prior to (and
perhaps after) his appointment as bishop. If then it is this familiar
figure whom we have to see in 1. 3, it should follow that the 15
(possibly 16) names in U. 42-57 are those of his predecessors in the
diocese of Coptos. But Le Quien^^ is able to record only three
bishops here, prior to Pesynthius (Theodore ca. 320, Phoebammon
in 431, Sabinus in 451). To these a vague addition is made by
Basset's Synaxariinn, which mentions a bishop Timothy, of un-
known date.-'' We seem then to be here upon a false track ; for not
'-" A name properly Theban, though occasionally met in other districts (except
Ashmunain). In the bishop's correspondence [Rcz'. Egypt, ix, x) the Hellenized
neCTWeiOC is the invariable form. In Jeme deeds and ostraca neGKIT(;
is commonest, with its variant neCTMTe. The Boh. Eulogy has niCGNTI,
niGGNTIOC; Mid. Eg. texts, niG(3Kll', niGIKI'K I have noted 31
variant forms. (niGTNOeOG, dixo Eiicholog. TNB, looks like an etymo-
logical emendation by the editor.) The Arabic has adopted both the popular
6ju~«i {Synax., Abu .Salih) and literary ^j^^^sj~^ (Paris MS. Arabe 150)
,^.Uj!--«-i (Basset, Synax. 490) ; Ethiopic, the latter only. .
-' Ed. A.MKLINEAU in Mem. de r fnst. Egyptien ii (1889).
-- Basset, I.e. The narrative wherein he occurs is incomplete and obscure.
Shenoute and Constantine recall bishops so named in Grenfell, Gk. Pap. i,
nos. Ixiii, Ixvi, the latter being presumably the well-known writer (Brit. Mus.
Catal. p. 363, note). Cf. also the names in the letter Rev. Egypt, ix, 145.
Again, Abraham, bishop of Hu-Diospolis, recalls the bishop in the Acts of
Manasse (Mission iv, 673). If identical, we could thence date these Acts.
'•" Or. 6800. -* ii, 607. '^' Basse r, op. cit., 497.
260
Dec. 9] A GREEK DIPTYCH OF THE 7TH CENTURY. [190S.
one of these names occurs in this diptych. But perhaps our Hst does
not pretend to completeness ; it may, for example, begin only after
the monophysite schism. ^c If we take 600 as an approximate date for
the episcopal consecration of Pesynthius ~~' and assign an average
of 10 years of ofifice to each of the 15 names in our list, we
arrive at 450, the year preceding Chalcedon. And so the absence of
Le Quien's three might be accounted for. An argument of course
for the diocese of Coptos would lie in the 15th and last name,
Moses, that being also the name of the author of Pesynthius' Encomium,
whom — though this is nowhere distinctly stated — it is usual to take
for his successor.-''' But here unfortunately Moses is certainly his
immediate predecessor. For had Pesynthius been dead,-^ his name
would naturally have appeared in the blank space below that of Moses,
and not in 1. 3, the " diptych of the living."
Let us then consider the claims of a neighbouring diocese.^"
The second name, Pleinis,''i is that borne by a contemporary of
Athanasius, in the see of Hermonthis,-^- some 35 miles further
South. The 6th name, Patermuthius is that of a bishop whose
church (or tomb?) stood, in the 8th century, at Jeme, in the diocese
of Hermonthis.-"'^ The loth, Ananias, is the name of another bishop
of that town, met with thrice in documents of about the year 600.^^
The 13th, Andreas, is that of a bishop of . . ., mentioned upon a
-'' Various other principles of selection are conceivable, which need not involve
an unbroken chronological sequence.
'^' He was consecrated by Damianus (578-605), z'. Mi-nt. Inst. Eg. ii, 368.
■■^ Op. cit. 417, P. dying says to M., " Do thou take charge of my books, for
■"thou wilt need them and shalt not escape that heavy burden." This
Amelineau (pp. 266, 309) and A. J. Butler {Arab Conq. 87) interpret as
referred to the episcopacy. The title of the Encomium names M. as bishop of
Coptos, but says nothing as to his having succeeded P. immediately.
-^ Tradition put his death before the Arab conquest ; see his ' Prophecies,'
foretelling the arrival of Mdmadius and his people (Paris MS. Arabe 150, f. 6 ff.).
^° Not the adjoining ; for according to the list of sees (Amelineau, d'ogr. 573),
that of Kus intervened.
"^ Another Theban name, common in the Jeme documents and ostraka.
Means ? 'Steel' (forms HAAeiMe, UKaiv are found) ; cf. ^GU\r\\-Hadid, and
^ofivr (Brit. Mus. Copf. Catal. p. 449). (NB. Peyro.n's flAAeiM is merely
iraAAtoT/; f, Rossi, /'a/, i, II, 41.)
■^' Le Quien ii, 609. The same or ? a namesake had been ordained before 328
^Atiianas., Hist. Ar. § 72).
^'' Aeg. Zeitschr. xxix, 12, xxvi, 130.
^ Crum, Ostr. no. 85 ; referred to as dead in middle of 8th cent., Berlin F.
10606 (Jeme).
261
Dec. 9] • SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1908.
Jeme ostracon of about the same date."^ The 14th, Abraamios,
is borne by the bishop of Hermonthis in the Greek will, Brit. Mus
Pap. Ixxvii, who is probably identical with the Abraham, so repeatedly
occurring in the Der el-Bahri (Jeme) ostraca, and contemporary with
the patriarch Damianus (578-6o5).36 But of these Hermonthite
bishops, Pleinis must, by his date, be excluded, if we are assuming
our catalogue to be solely monophysite. Abandoning that assump-
tion, however, and at the same time increasing the average of years
imputed to each bishop, say to 15, we may reach back into the latter
half of the 4th century, and so perhaps include him.
Another hypothesis indeed suggests itself, whereby the appearance
of Pesynthius of Coptos, in company with the Hermonthite bishops
might be reconciled. He was, says his panegyrist,^-" not merely a light
" in our poor nome (of Coptos, no doubt), but rather a protector for
" all our district " {xt^'pc). An ostracon, most probably from Der el-
Bahri (i.e. diocese of Hermonthis), refers to him as " bishop of our
" bodies and souls " ; '^^ while the writer of another, certainly coming
thence, appears to appeal to him in regard to a matter relating to the
clergy of Jeme.''^^ Several of those who write letters, asking his help
or instructions, come from places at some distance from Coptos. But
we cannot be certain as to the diocese in which these lay,'^ and the
above citations may suffice to justify the suggestion that the position
of Pesynthius, either as bishop of Coptos, ^^ or owing to the
veneration in which he was held, was somewhat that of a metropolitan
among his neighbouring colleagues. If so, his mention, among
bishops of Hermonthis, may seem less irregular.
It is unfortunate that internal evidence does not then allow us to
fix precisely the provenance of Mr. Bryce's diptych ; but that
detracts little from the liturgical value and palaeographical importance
of this interesting relic.
'^ Crum, op. cit., no. 288.
^ L.C., p. xiii ff., and Brit. Mus. Copt. Cat., p. xx, note.
"^ Instit. Eg. ii, 344.
^ Crum, Ostr. no. 25.
39 Op. cit., no. 2S6.
^ V. Letters nos. i, 2, 5, ii, 19, 37, in I'^cv. Egypt, ix. Neither Kus nor
Shenhor (nos. 19, 2) could well be in that of Coptos.
■*' Coptos, at a later period, was termed the metropolis of the second Theban
province [.Byz. Z. ii, 25).
262
Plate I.
SB. A. Proceedings. December, igo8.
I
jij I -^^^afi^-'E-po'-
^:^>
-vM'nnH'^L
T - •
i#
:.^i-=i^
fet:^
A GREEK DIPTYCH OF THE SEVENTH CENTURY,
In Mr. W, Moir Bryce's Collection.
Plate II.
S.B.A. Proceedings, December, jgo8.
f *.
^»«#«Vdt
j
i/.t
;;>.f ^.
\k:
^H
<*f ■. , ^
PART OF THE SCRIPT SLIGHTLY ENLARGED.
Dec. 9] A GREEK DIPTVCH OF THE 7TH CENTURY. [1908.
Panel A.
^.^^^- A.r^.e[a3noc ? ?
[tot] UAKcVpiCUTATOT HUCUN nATp[lAp\-]
• • .... (k a •
[ot] to eTXWpiGTHpiOM : KAI AHA HG-
[cJthoiot TOT ocicjotatot HuioKi enic-
5. KOnOT, TO eTXApiGTHpiOKI : KAI T-
[n]ep THG Ca)THpiAC K^ eTGTAOIAC HAN-
TOG TOT HApeGTCUTOG GTAreCTATOT
KAHpOT KAI HAKITOC TOT c|)IAO-
XpiGTOT AAOT : KAI THGp GUJ-
10. THpiAG K^ TrieiAC TtoM npoGHKier-
KAKITCOKI, TOTAe K^ THCAG K^ npOG-
HNerKONTUJKI TA ACOpA ATTION GN
TH GHUepOM HUepA • K^ HAKITtOKI TCju[n]
npoGcjjepoKiTtoKi :
7-
15. THG HANAriAC GKIAO^OT eeOTOKO[T KAl]
AemApoeuoT UApiAC • aha IUJAIs|[kIOT]
BARTIGTOT • K^ AHA ICOANKIOT nAp[oeKIOT • ]
UApKOT GTArreAIGTOT • HCTpOT [aHOGTO-]
AOT K^ HANTCON TCjUKI AritOM An[oCTOAtON]
20. ANIANOT OeO(|)IAOT
UIAIOT KTpiAAOT
KepACDKlOG AlOGKOpOT
1. What was here, in the original hand, is wholly illegible now.
2. Scarce room for TOT. Perhaps merely flATpOG at end and nothing
before TO in 3.
3. ABBA possible (</, 61), but less probable. 16. Room for TOT at end.
17. Room for K^ at end. 19 end. So Brightman.
263
.Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^iOLOGV.
[1908.
npiuuoT
lOTGTOT
25. GTUeMIOT
UApKIAMOT
K<;.\.\AAICOKIO(;
ArpmnmoT
lOTAIANOT
30. AHUHTpiOT
HpAKA6IQT
AIOKITCIOV
UA^IUOT
eeCUKIA
35. n(3TpOT
A\IAA
AAG^ANApOT
ABAKIACIOT
nOTpOT
40. TIUOOeOT
Tiuooeo[T]
nCJTpOT
aoanaci[ot]
iujakiwo[t]
iaJANM()[T]
AIOCKO[pOT]
Tiuoe[eoT]
eeoA()[cioT]
neTpo[T]
aauiaw[ot]
anagt[aciot]
AKIApOKl[lKOT]
^ertiA[juLm]
(blank)
Panel B.
OTI a[g KAI ]
...u[
AnoAA[a)M()(;
nAHlKlo[T
45 UAKApiOT [
"uOANNOr [
. 41. Calculated on the assumption that lines 41, 42 extended rij'ht across th
panej.
^264
Dec. 9] A GREEK DIPTYCH OF THE 7TH CENTURY. [1908.
•l'eceNnKCjo[
nATepuoT[oioT
ItOANNOT [
50. nAnKioTeio[T
lepAKOC [
AKIANIA [
nexpoT [
UI\AIOT [
55. ANApeA [
AlipAAUIOT [
UtOTCAIOT [
GTI AG KAI TOT
AriOT AeAO(|)OpOT
60. K^ KIIKH(t>OpOT
UApTTpOC ABBA
o
TIWOC : OT THKI
UKIHUHKI eniTG-
AOTU6KI KATA THM
65. CHUepOM HUepAN
47. I cannot complete this name, so strange in Christian times.^
nKOJAIG (ntrCOA) is hardly likely; cf. ^^vkkvKis (Spiegelberg, Eigen-
namen no. 287). Forms such as "VevffevireTefjLlvis (/<5., no. 440), are similar,
though here the first v has fallen out. The prefixes ^(v- and 'Zev- again seem to
be, in almost all cases, Theban.
57. Something, apparently in the hand of the present scribe, has been effaced
between this and 58. Above GTI one can clearly read CO, perhaps ^tO.
Further up no trace of anything is recognizable.
265
Dec. 9] .SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [190S.
LEXICOGRAPHICAL STUDIES.
By S. Langdon.
I.
The Root Sakdku and its Derivatives.
One of the most difificult problems of Assyrian lexicography
is the root t[2^ concerning which the lexicons offer uncertain
information. Delitzsch gave two roots {a) to "rise above,"
{b) " fence about " (?). Muss-Arnolt seems to have been unable
to classify the meanings, but I infer that he assumes two roots
(a) "to pierce," (li) "harrow": the former is probably based upon
ZiMMERN {Ritual Tafehi, 113//), where, in two passages,' the priest is
told to string or thread stones upon a thread \_wa nahasi damiisakkak,
ilia riksi tami isakkak\ In two other passages cited by Zimmern
the same construction occurs: IV R., 57^ 11-13 (= King, Magic,
no. 12) 4 ildni hadiiti isteii sa "*"" pamtti is ten sa hurasi istefi sa
"'"'" ukni isten sa '•" mesi tepus aban parutti abafi hurasi aban ukni
ku7mkka ina birit ilCmi hadCttiina ki kiti tasakkak, "four joy-bringing
gods thou shalt make, one of alabaster, one of gold, one of lapis-
lazuli, and one of i>iesu-\\oo^ : a jewel of alabaster, of gold, of lapis-
lazuli and a seaU among the joy-bringing gods upon <i linen thread
thou shalt string." IV R., 55a 14 (= Z.A., XVI, 186, 34) ifia sipati
salmati tasakkak. In only one ease is a thread (Jkfi) used, the idea
does not fit with riksu, "a band;" nor sipati, "a woollen garment," so
that this meaning is certainly not clear.
Delitzsch assumes a meaning "to rise above," as certain; for
■ ' Abtiti il/ZS",, which, if intended to correspond lo the fourth image above,
should rather mean a " trinket of wa?<-wood."
2^6 .
Dec. 9] LEXICOGRAPHICAL STUDIES. [1908.
which the Sumerian is UD-DU{= e). Certain is sikkaiu,^'-'- vaonw-
tain height," "preeminence," "leadership" (cf. in addition to
Delitzsch, 656^, Muss-Arnolt, io34<^, also Streck in Bahyloniaca,
II, 52 and Jensen, K.B.^ VI, i, 314). Sikkatutu, "preeminence,"
is evidently a double formation from sikkatu. A further proof for
the same sense is sag =. sakdku in K., 4196. Yet sakaku in the
ritual texts above is usually written UD-DU with or without a
phonetic complement -ak. Furthermore, UD-DU =■ sakdhc in
V R., 19, 30 is followed by sakaku sa ab?ti scad sakaku sa sikkatim.
Evidently then UD-DU =■ sakaku, "to be preeminent," is the
same verb as that used for placing jewels or trinkets upon a thread or
woollen cloth ; this latter act is expressly intended by sakaku sa abni.
In sakaku sa sikkatim we have probably to assume for sikkatu the
meaning "sprout," "young stalk" and "the whole" = "to harrow
the springing grain sprouts " -; the Sumerian ideogram here, is tig-e-slg-
ga, in which tig-e = sikkatim and sig = sakaku, hence a synonym of
ma/jdsu.
The meanings "project," "be eminent," "fasten or string jewels
to a cloth," and "to harrow land," seem at first impossible of
combination into a single root, yet the Arabic *ilw " to bore with a
pointed instrument," "to attach oneself to," "cling to," is evidently,
at the basis of the entire series.-^
For sakaku, "to harrow," the usual Sumerian word is ??r
[Meissner, S.A.I., 3829] which occurs in gdn-2'tr = ma-as-ka-ak-
ka-tam, perhaps = "cultivation," "husbandry," in V Raw., 52a, 43.
The piel permansive sukkitku in the Amarna Letters is used for
"placing jewels in a setting," Muss-Arnolt, 1026^; Meissner,
Supplemejit, 93^^. The verb can therefore mean " fasten stones to
the surface of a cloth," or " sew them to the cloth " (?), " string them
upon a thread," or "place them in a metal setting." Only one root,,
however, exists. For additional examples of sakaku = " harrow,"
V. Hammurabi Code, 13, 12, and Meissner, Altbaby. Privatrecht, 77,
and for sakikis = " eminently," Sumerian an-7iu, Reisner, Sumerisch-
Bab.-Hymneti, 39, 6. A sikkatu, "fence," has been entered in the
lexicons for sik{?)-kat musari usakkak, Haupt, A.S.K.T., 73, 5 f.,-
• 2 Or sikkatu = "thorn," "bramble," Heb. tjlEJ', pi. W^b, v. Gesenius-Buhl,
717. Cy^ also Aramaic NSD, "a thorn," "ploughshare," "spade." [This com-
parison I owe to Dr. A. Cowley. ]
* Aramaic and Hebrew "^30, "be pointed."
?67
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.^iOLOGY. [190S.
provided the text is correct this probably means " he harrowed the
brambles of the garden."
Other words which belong doubtfully to this root are sakku, sikkn
Muss-Arxolt, 1025/^, and sikkaiii, 1034^^, 3, and Meissner,
SuppkmeTif, 93. Sikkatu is " a box for ointment " and a synonym of
sappafi/, "pot," or " leather bag," both having the ideogram ^J:>^
[K.B., VI, I, 490], and cf sikkat pissati (J), "ointment box," in
K.B., VI, I, 234, 76, also Baby/ojiiaca, II, 116. Direct evidence for
sikkatit as " ointment box " is the Sumerian duk-ses = (karpat pnssati)
= sikkatu, cited after Meissner by Jensen and Muss-Arxolt
Since sappatu was probably a "leather purse," sikkatu then was a
"leather bottle or bag," and has the determinative subatu \KU'\ "a
pliable article," in the Sumerian KU-fii-kesda, Br., 11926, which, as
Jensen (loc. cit.) shows, is a synonym of sunn (119 12) and {takalhi)
1 1914, and in V R., \<^a, 30-335 takaliu^ follows sikkatu. Moreover,
TTTEy = tu-un = saptu in a list of vessels and articles 83-1-18,
1330, obv. II, 30 [F.S.B.A., t888, Dec] there =■ sunn saku (?) a
tall sunu (?) with which compare sap/u sap/liu, Br., 119 18. sapfit of
course-=sappaf/t (both loan words) with which compare huppu and
huptum, both = TTT^y , 83-1-18, 1330, II, 35 and 27. [The root
sapdiu is used in at least two forms for "a basin," sapiltiim, II R., 62,
no. 3, 59-66, and supptihi, 83-1-18, 1330, II, 36]. For sikkatu
with a determinative isu, v. IV R., 55/-, 23, 28 in both cases =
"ointment box."
It follows then that siktum with the determinative subatu is the
same word as sikkatum on the analogy of sappatu, saptu, etc., which
is to be explained also as "ointment bottle or bag." From ointment
bottle to ointment is an easy step, hence the phrase kima buri sikkati
parallel to kima buri himeti in Surpu VII, 90-92, i.e., "like an
ointment vase."
Sikku, with the Sumerian value a/-us-sa, Br., 5763, is "a vessel"
* Takaltu, " a leather bag " [JIIF., 320/;] belongs under the root 72S, "to
eat," as is clear from 83-1-18, 1330, obv. II, 28 f., where /u-un = takaltum, du-uH
— makaltiim, both words for "dish,"' "bowl," especially of the bowl used by
barn priests in hydromancy, Gray, BamaS, V\. II, 43 ; K.B., VI, i, 372 ; Z.A.,
XVII, iQon, 6. Takaltu, possibly = "stomach," Zimmern, Beitriige, 98, 36,
KucHLER, Medicitie, 82, but as the 7"6'' occurs in omens over the liver, BoissiER,
Choix de Textes, 64, 14, and according to Jastrow [Religion, II, 213] only the
liver can be taken into consideration in omens, the meaning "stomach" is
doubtful.
268
Dec. 9] LEXICOGRAPHICAL STUDIES. [190S.
{karpalii), and of course to be separated from sikku "hog"(?) or
"mouse" (?) \K.B., VI, i, 537], Delitzsch, 657, S.A.I., 394, with
Muss-Arnolt [and Kuchler, Medicitie, 1 1 6J. Im-kalig-ga = susikku,
K. 55, rev. 17, is not to be read masak sikku, and cannot be admitted
with Muss-Arnolt under this heading. The ideogram iig- -^yy^^y =
eseniifi sa karpatu sikki, Br., 3295, indicates possibly the "neck of a
sikkit bottle." Another Sumerian word is na-ru-a, S.A.I., 910, but
the context is obscure. Ai-us-sa occurs in KOchler's texts, Taf. X, 5,
where Jensen's correction is certain, i.e., arki-su sikki iabati isati,
"then he shall drink a bottle of mixed wine." There is then no
reason for assuming a meaning alum after the Syriac '^•^ "- with
Zimmern and Kuchler. Sikku is certainly the same word as
sikkatu, "leather bag," "bottle," and especially "ointment bottle or
box."
For sakku, "a vessel," Br., 6523, Muss-Arnolt, 1025, the reading
AL-", 87, 65, is very uncertain, so that the form had better be
omitted.
'"'?naskakatu abafi sadi, in Cutieiform Texts, VI, 28^, 12, I would
translate " instrument for piercing or hewing limestone " ; for aba}i
sadi =■ "Hmestone," v. Kuchler, Medicitie, 127.
The corrections that must be made under this root are therefore
many and compel us to rearrange the entire material of both lexicons.
There is no reason for assuming a double root; a connection of
sikku and sikkatu with the Syriac word for alum is impossible ; a
word sikkatu, " fence," does not exist. Siktuvi is the same word
(under another form) as sikkatu.
The lexicographical formula for these words would then be : —
1)31", sakdku, "be pointed," "penetrate," "project," "attach jewels
to a cloth or string," " harrow." [Sum. <^, ur\. IP (perman-
sive sukkukti), "set a jewel."
Sikkatu, "leadership," "eminence," "mountain peak," "bramble,"
" thorn."
Sikkatutu, "leadership."
* Sikkatu, "ointment bottle, box, bag." [Sum. sagaji, (duk)-sei
(tug)-tu-kesda, na-ru-a^
* Sikku, idem.
^Siktum, idem. [The connection of the last three words with
this root is uncertain.]
269 Y
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [190S
Maskakkatu, "husbandry," "agriculture" [gdn-iir].
Maskakatu, "an implement for boring or smoothing stones "■'
Sakikis, "eminently." [Sum. an-Jiu.^
Sakku, "command," to Delitzsch, 6571:7, and Muss-Arxolt,
i'025<^, add B.A.V., 311, 44.
II.
Pusku, IV RaWLINSOX, 30a, II.
BoLLEXRUCHER, jVerga/, p. 48, argues for a meaning "womb,"
"lap," since /a/^a/, Br., 1157, has also the xnQdinmgpuridu, "leg."
This is denied by Jastrow, Rel. I, 479, n. 8. Bollexrucher's
explanation is, however, favoured by the facts. Jexsex's exposition,
K.B.i VI, I, 508, whereby he arrives at the meaning "leg" for
piiridu^ is convincing. The root is ^j^-, "shiver with cold," from an
original meaning "hurry," "hasten," seen in j^j^ "messenger."
Further, paradu is a syn. of arahu, " to journey," and galdtu, "be
nervous," all of which in Sumerian =^ gir, S.A.I., 192, 175 and 178.
On galatu and galddt/, " tremble," see Bahyloniaca, II, 123. Further,
pirittu— "fright" {i.e., "trembling"), Br., 8463 and K., 41, III, r,
here Sum. im-fe?i, which has usually the meaning "fear." In the
intensive forms piel and shafel these roots mean "cause one to
hasten," "to frighten" ; cf 2irrilian7ii, "they hurried me about," K., 41,
II, 23 : tiparridanni, "he hurried me away," K., 41, II, 9. See also
BabyL, II, 204. IP forms seem to mean "shp away"; cf. iajnit
uptarridu, "an oath slipped away thoughtlessly," K., 4668, 6. Hence
piirJdu, " that which hastens," " leg," and pit purldi, " to extend
the limbs," i.e., " to stride." Puridu also = " fright " as the fem.
pirittu in LSS, I, p. 54, 46, ajtiebi ina piirldifn u dandtim ussi,
" the man will escape from fear and trouble."
^ n'313K'P, "shepherd's staff"; in Babylonia used as the name of the "bell
sheep," i.e., " the leader," v. Jastrow, Dictionary of the Talmud, etc., p. 854 :
most likely a loan word in late Hebrew,
270
Dec. 9] LEXICOGRAPHICAL STUDIES. [1908.
In C.T., XIV, 3, 9, birif piirldl ^ "^ bu-lu, followed by bissuric.
= libissaiu ; the meaning of bissuru = " secret part," is certain,
hence a similar meaning is probable for these four words, panldii,
IfW., 538, therefore = "hurry." For other Sumerian words for
pjzradu cf. S.A.I., 240, bi^r and 3339 D17, here = "cause to go" :
Br., 2279, 7;iud, here perhaps "writhe in child-birth," hence mud
= aladu, " bring forth."
The root /flia^?^ = pb'D "separate," "spread the legs," hence
ptiskii \piristu is given as a gloss to puskii in our text], "womb."
Y 2
Dec. 9]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH.tOLOGV.
[1908.
A CONTRACT OF THE FIFTH YEAR OF AMENHOTP IV.
By F. Ll. Griffith.
The collection of Mr. Moir Bryce, of Edinburgh, contains a
piece of an Egyptian writing tablet which the owner has permitted
me to study and publish. It is of wood, finely stuccoed so as to
produce a hard yellowish glazed ivory surface. The fragment
measures i4"5 cm. in length and about 2*5 in breadth. Mr. Nash's
admirable photographs represent it almost full size, and show the
writing on both sides as clearly as the original. The bevelled edge
remains at each of the narrow sides, and although the top edge is
broken, the beginning of the bevelling is clearly seen ; so nothing
of importance has been lost there. The fracture is along the grain
of the wood. The tablet, when perfect, was doubtless oblong, but
it must have been unusually small if the lines of writing were along
the length of the tablet ; more probably they were written across it.
On one side, beginning close to the top, are three lines of hieratic
in the style of the end of the XVIIIth dynasty. The text runs : —
^111 /^^ C=D C-.
o II III ix;^^ oc-
MdMlfiP
1 hj\r\r\N\ i_i n 1 1 r 1 D I 1 I I I — h —
A 111 ^ I ^^A/w\ I w ,111 I l-J
I Vif "^^ -W SIC.
^111 -Ci III
1. I. Year 5, fourth harvest month, day 25, under the Majesty
of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt Napkhuria L. P. H., Son
(of the Sun) Amenhotp, living for ever to eternity,
272
S.B.A. Proceedings, December, igo8.
a:
.'.. . '
Sx^** 0-^ §t^-
r^W
<
i'S'^r
v*^^
A CONTRACT OF THE 5TH YEAR OF AMENHOTEP IV.
In Mr. W. Moir Bryce's Collection.
Dec. 9] CONTRACT OF FIFTH YEAR OF AMENHOTP IV. [1908.
]. 2. Bargain made by Esse (JVss) with her brother the priest of
Amnion Kha-raey : —
Given to her (1. 3), 10 khetem of silver, for payment for
ten days (of service) of the slave Ash-okhi ("i-V/V).
The second line ends with "^•^ ^ these two signs being prolonged
to near the edge : a dark brown stain obscures this part in the
photograph, but the signs are quite certain on the original. The
beginning of the third line has suffered in the fracture. It is quite
possible that other lines followed immediately below, but if so, they
must have been shorter, as nothing more is visible.
The form of the second cartouche is rare, having [l| , On =
Heliopolis, instead of the usual L Thebes. Lepsius gives two
examples in his Konigsbuch^ but I have not been able to trace their
provenance.
The date is of interest in connection with the history of the
religious reform. In Kahun Papyri, PL XXXVIII, a letter from
Apiy to the king, found at Gurob, is dated in the same year, on the
19th day of the third winter month. The present text seems at first
sight to be five months later, but this is by no means certain. The
years in dates under the XVIIIth dynasty commenced independently
of the calendrical New Year, on the anniversaries of the king's
coronation. The date of this for Amenhotp IV being quite unknown,
it cannot as yet be ascertained which of the two documents is the
earlier ; it is clear, however, that they cover a good part of the fifth
year, being either five or seven months apart, and thus reach to a
date far later than the first dedication of Akhetaton (El Amarna) on
the 4th (or 13th?) day of the fourth winter month in the year 4
(Davies, El Amarna V, p. 28). In each the king is named Amen-
hotp \ the god Ptah is mentioned in the Gurob papyrus, and Ammon
on the tablet. One other date is known of the king as Amenhotp.
A papyrus at Berlin, from Kahun or Gurob (see below), was written
in year 4, on the 7th of the second month of inundation, and
another papyrus in the same group refers back to the second and
third years of Amenhotp. A second dedication was performed at
Akhetaton precisely two years after the first (day 13 : possibly this
was the regnal New Year). The condition of the boundary stelae
recording the earlier ceremony is such that it would be difficult to
273
Pec. 9] . SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY. [1908.
decide whether the king was named Amenhotp upon them in the
first instance : but if that was the case, the -name was inevitably
altered afterwards to Akhenaton {ib. PI. XXV, 1. 7, and PI. XXXVII).
In the sixth year Akhenaton was almost certainly the form originally
engraved {ib. PL XXXIX). An addition was made to some of the
stelae in the eighth year.
By Amenhotp's fourth year the reform can have reached only to
the promotion of the new monotheistic Sun-god Aton (with cult-
features borrowed from the Re-worship of Heliopolis) to a leading
position in the hierarchy as sole god of the new Residence or capital.
The suppression of Ammon and of the other gods must have been
subsequent to the fifth year.
The text following the date on Mr. Brvce's tablet is well illustrated
by a group of four papyri from Kahun or Gurob. Two of them, in
the collection of Prof. Petrie, were first published by myself in
Kahun Papyri, and were given again in an excellent edition by
Mr. Gardiner with two more from the Berlin collection {Aeg. Zeits.
1906, 27). They range from year 27 of Amenhotp III to year 4
of Amenhotp IV. All concern a certain herdsman named Mosi,
and especially his hiring of female slaves. Two are prepaid
" Bargains " like the present, and the other two are, respectively, a
review of various transactions of this nature, and a decision of the
village council in a dispute regarding a similar contract.
Written contracts of any kind are exceedingly rare and scattered
before the XXVth dynasty. This makes the group of " Bargains "
for hire of slaves the more remarkable. Mr. Gardiner has drawn
attention to the very high prices paid for the hire. A papyrus of
the Xllth dynasty also, published in Kahun Papyri PI. XIII,
11. 9-18, begins with the word translated " Bargain" (meaning literally
" price "), and records the giving of four Asiatic slaves to two
brothers, apparently as their emolument on appointment as priests.
It would seem that in early times contracts were seldom made in
writing, except in regard to valuable slaves. Mosi's arrangements
were in all cases for women slaves, but in one instance it is stated
that as the woman — or the weather?— was unfit on two days
bargained for, the services of two male slaves for two days each were
substituted (this may mean that a penalty of doubling the service was
exacted). In the present document the slave is evidently male in
name and designation, although the determinative to the name is
marked with the spot which should distinguish the feminine.
274
Pec. 9] CONTRACT OF FIFTH YEAR OF AMENHOTP IV. [1908.
^AA^^V\
In the second line the preposition R , translated " with,"
might possibly signify that the bargain was made "between" Esse and
her brother, but in the parallel documents -i^ is the preposition
so used, and X joins names of partners. Thus the meaning
must be that the bargain was made between Esse and her brother on
the one part and some unnamed person on the other. Esse was
probably the real owner of the slave ; the payment is made to her,
but her brother has rights which necessitate his consent to the
bargain. So also in Gurob II, i, the bargain is made with the
woman Piehe and her son Mina, but the payment is to her alone.
«
A D 11 I I I r ' I ' /VWWS r-^-^ i W
Mr. Gardiner has shown that in all probability the khetem is
y'^th of the teben. The services of the slave were thus worth rather
under a kite or didrachma of silver per diem. At Gurob a female
slave seems to have earned for her master the price of a bull
(8 khetem) by four days' service to Mosi (Gardiner, ib., p. 44).
The contract on the tablet is brief enough to be merely a
memorandum ; possibly, however, some further details and the
names of the witnesses followed below the fracture.
On the other side of the tablet four lines are traceable from the
end of an account :
(?)
\\iz\.:.vx-iL)z.mm
iL_D 11 11
J'^ '^ c. (?)
t\hjsrsN\
The third line I am unable to decipher : the signs printed may
help towards the reading of the photograph.
275
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [190S.
COPTIC SAINTS AND SINNERS
By E. O. Winstedt.
I.
ABRAHAM,
( Continued from page 237.)
Coptic Text — continued.
AAHGCJUC TAP ci) nOnpO<|)HTHC GTOTAAB R G N oTa)T AATgTa -
HKAAtOC IWp TOOUe epOK MKIAT KIIU ■ IKIKI3i:TeKUKiT^(X)0
UUAKIGCOOT • ^ATOKUNTnpO(|)IITIIG : H- CBOA Xe-OTA2n
KiojNe . ne neKA^o to nppo kiaTkaioc neKieicuT
(3TOTAAB AAT6IA : -f-
AAHOtOC to NGMeiOTe GTOTAAIi KIAnt)CTOAO(; • HGT^^e-
ne NTG-AAC NIU • eiCnOTOT MIU Xa) UnGTNTAGIO:: —
GliOA XG-A-HGXC nGKItOWe TlipGN UOTTG GptOTiT M^TkIG-
TGTN^'JOOn 2l2CUnKA2 • XG-KIACWHT • ATtO WA^Blip:-^-
\tOpiG HNOCr MGOOT NTAt|XApTr.G UUO() NIITN UHUTO
GBOA URGqCltOT • UKINGqArrGAOG GTOTAAB • GqXtt)
O UUOC . 2CG-nAGItOT lOTtOjy . XGKAC FIUA A | KIOK gI'
UUO(J UApG-KIGTGKIOTI-NC; ^ytOHG WeilTq" • XGKAG GTG^NAT
(iriGOOT NTAKA\Vpir.G UUOtj NAI GBOA XG-ATCApGe GHA-
iyA2CG • NOG ?a) WTAieApG? GRGK^yAXG : HAGItOT
276
Dec. 9] COPTIC SAINTS AND SINNERS. [1908.
OTOTAAB • nOTMOq UnGK^AXG-ne TUe • ATtO ANQK
UMMAnOGTOAOC • AN2ApG2 Gpotj H- 'I'TIiBO UUOI ?ApOOT
nAGIOJT • 2C6-AT^tUn6 GTTBBIIT ^KITUG •: HAGICOT
KIGMTAKTAeUOT THpOT • AICAKOT jyApOl eUH^AXG KITA-
TAnpo : H- unoT^ymG mcaaaat ntoot • giuhtgi hgk-
pAKI UUAT6 . GTpGKeApG2 GpOOT J^G-MKIG-AAAT TAKO
GBOA W2HTOT • GIUHTGI H^^HpG UHTAKO • G^XG CO
N6MGIOTG GTOTAAB KIAnOCTOAOC • A-njyUpG UnWOTTB
CTKie'lCTA UUCOTkT UHUTO GBOA UnGC|GI(OT 3CG-ATUGpiT •
ner^^e Gpow ?uja)Ki-nG • GxpGNUGpG thttki ghg-
20T0 : H- eOTAKI AG GK^yAKIUGpG OTUApTTpOC • GIG
OTAi I KAioc • ncoq nGConc 2i3:toK • gboa sG-nGTGonc [T]
O^UCOU UUATG UnUTO GBOA KIOTOKI WIU :
GK^yAKip OTUNTKIA euFTpAN • UKIGIAnOCTOAOG GTOTAAB •
KAN ?KIOTOTCIA GKNATAAC ?UnGTpAKI • KAM ^WOTSU)-
tOUG GKNATAAq ^UnGTpAN • KirTAAq GeOTN GTGK-
KAHGIA • GTpGTtO:^ KieHTq • KAN OTAAAT ^tOAOC •
(JKNATAACJ ^UHGTpAN KATA CUOT NIU-:-f- KAN 2NOV-
^ioTlC GTNAAAC cJUnGTpAN GNGeHKG • UNNG^UUO •
UNNGTi^AAT • pA^G NAK ea)a)K U) HAUGpiT • JCG-ATOTtO
GTCeAl UHGKpAN GHGTStOaJUG • GBOA XG-2NpGqGOnG-
NG 6T:XHK GBOA : H- NCjAIKAIOG AG UNNGUApTTpOG •
^NpCqGOHG etlJOT-NG : -r- NGIAHOCTOAOC AG NTOOT
?NpGq'l-2An-NG • eUHGIA NIUJGA(J)AT • : H- ia)eANNMG
nGTArrGAICTHG Gp-UNTpG • Gq2CCO UUOG • 3:6-GpiyAN-
n^HpG Gp THTTN NpU2G • ONTtOC TGTNNA^COHG
KipUJG : -H I TGIGNTOAH NTAHGItOT TAAG URGqUGpiT f^
NjyHpe A-n^HpG etOtOCJ XApit.G UUOG NNGqAHOG-
277
Dec. 9] SOCJETV OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [190S.
TO.\OC (iTOTAAB : -^ GTBOnAI nOT6p(>WAnOCTO.\00
KiAAAq Kipueo • n^^Hpe UHKIOTTG NAAAC| Kipuec: •
n6Tept3-KIAnOCTO.\OC NAKCU NA(| tiBOA • neX'G WAKtO
MAC| GBOA etOtUq : H- ATtO ne:THpe-NAnOGTOAOG NA'h-
ITAHpONQUIA NAq • A-n^^HpG UHNOTTO 'l-KAl ipONOUIA
KIACJ : H- AAAA T6TNGOOTKI tO n.\AOG UU AI-HGXG GHGIiyAXC
G-|-NASOOq • XG-MWCTKI-GA^yT • OTA6 NKIGTKT-liAliOJCOT •
AAAA NBG KIOTAIM'GAOG WTGnNOTTG • ^CH HAjyAXG
GptUTM • GTNGBpG Kl WGTN'I'TXII • CpiyAKI-OTGOKJ • H
OTGOJWG NeHTTHTTM TG2U OTA ?UnpAM NKIGIAnOGTOAOG
GTOTAAB : ^- G^jtnnG n(;Tp()G-nG • unpnopxq gakiapgag
nGqGON:-^- gk^awI- kiotai'ahh eunpAW nicd^akinhg •
[TiT] u I [njGKHopxq giakcobog nGqGou : — gk^akitaag ?un-
pAKi u<|)iAinnoG • unGKnop:xq gboa gbapooaouaiog •
GBOA 3^6-OTTa)eU KIOTOJT-nG : GK^ANTAAG 2UnpAKI
MOtOUAG • UHGKnnpxq GBOA 6UAOAIOG • GBOA KG-
OTKOINtONIA NOT«)T TGT-^NTGTUHTG e'lOTGOH : 6K-
^yAWTAAG ^UnpAN KIGIUtOKI • UnGKHOpiXq GBOA GIAKUJ-
BOG n^yMpG WAA(|)AIOG • : UnGKMAT GHGTpOG XC-
HMOO'-nG ^KINAnOCTOAOC • ATtO ^^G-ApG-KIG^O^^T MKIU-
HHTG WTOOT(J • NTGTUOGCOpGI KlltOeAKIWHG • a^G-Gq-
?KITuTjTATUOT • KITGTNKA nKGCGGHG MMGIAHOGTOAOC
islGtOTW • UUOKI OTU(: NOTtOT nGTCpG-HGTSOGIC UG
UUOOT N^HTq:^ — ATtO nGieUt)T Nt)TtOT-nG NTAn-
XOGIG \Apir;<^ UUOtJ mat TlipOT GtjXtO UUOG KIAT •
3CG-TGTKIKIAt)TtOU WTGTWGtO NUUAI ei3:NTGTpAnGO^
WTAUKITGpO':-
278
Dec. 9] , COPTIC SAINTS AND SINNERS. [1908.
Translation.
[the rulers and the peoples] •^'^ assembled with the God of Abraham. ■•
What of Abraham that thou shouldst say : " they assembled with the
God of Abraham " ? AVere there then no men upon the earth at
that time save Abraham alone, that thou shouldst honour him in
such wise? "Yea," said the prophet, David, "There were many
men upon the earth in the time of Abraham ; but none knew God as
Abraham." For Abraham reproved them and their idols that were
not gods ; and he ceased not to reprove them, till they were wroth
with him and set fire to him. And when they cast Abraham into the
fire, (and)^o the angel of the Lord came straightway to him and saved
him from the fire ; it did not touch him at all. And his fame went
forth in the whole land of Mesopotamia, | that his God saved him
from the fire of king Sapor.
And when the king heard the report that Abraham was saved
from the fire, (and) he was ashamed to send for him, as he had
caused them to set fire to him. And straightway the king assembled
twelve rulers of the people, and said to them : " Go to this man
Abraham, and learn the truth in all things, how he has been saved
from the fire. And again, take with you other mighty men on the
way — for I have heard that the nations encircle him — that they take
him not away from you before ye know the truth of all these things."
And straightway the twelve rulers drew nigh unto him, and the
mighty men looked, and they saw the peoples gathered togethe'r to
our father, Abraham. Said the rulers to him : " Our father, Abraham,
where is thy God that saved thee from the fire ? That we too may
see him | and worship him. And do thou make us a god able like
thy god to save us from the fire as he saved thee." And straightway
Abraham smiled and said unto them : "Ye men of Mesopotamia, it
is not my wont to make gods like your gods, nor to worship them at
all. This god who saved me from the fire my father never saw nor
worshipped." Said the rulers to him : " Our father, Abraham, we
have told thee that thy God is more honourable than ours, for he
saved thee from the fire." Said Abraham to them : " My God is
more honourable than gold and precious stones, and anything of
•''•' I supply these words from below, p. 8. The plural of Aao's seems to be
used for the singular.
^** Round brackets denote words unnecessarily inserted in the text ; square
brackets necessary words omitted.
279
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGY. [1908.
this world. But if ye wish to see my God and to know that he is
honourable beyond everything upon the earth, | look ye at these
creatures (i^icoi^ pi.) which God made in the sky, the sun and the
moon and the stars and the clouds of the air, that ye may know that
he has power to save me from the fire." Straightway the crowds
looked at him, saying : " Our father, Abraham, thou art not forty
years old. ^^'ho taught thee this word which thou hast spoken to
us ? If thy God taught thee this mystery, we wish too to see
a mystery, that he make us too believe on him." And straightway
Abraham withdrew to one side apart and stretched out his hands
and prayed to God. And thunder and lightning came from the sky,
And straightway God spake with Abraham, saying : "I am the God
of all things." | And straightway Abraham's face grew bright like the
face of an angel of God through the glory of God who spake with
him. And straightway the crowds fell upon the ground ; they were
not able to look in the face of Abraham because of the glory of God
which came upon him. And straightway they cried aloud saying
with a single voice : " Abraham, friend of God, pray to thy God for
us that this horror may depart from us, that we be able to speak
with thee." And straightway God blessed our father, Abraham ;
he gave beauty and grace to him in the presence of everyone. And
God revealed to him many other mysteries, the things which would
happen to him afterwards : and straightway he hid himself from him.
And straightway Abraham cried aloud saying to every one : " The king
of ail the mighty men of the earth, our God is (?) exalted." And this
saying | was spread abroad concerning Abraham : " The rulers and
the peoples were gathered together with the God of Abraham, for
the king of all the mighty men of the earth, our God is (?) exalted,"
For verily, holy prophet, our father, David, (for) what is fair
(/caXa's !) is fitting to thee at all times, from thy shepherding of sheep
to thy prophesying : for a living life was thy life, just king, our holy
father, David.
Verily, our holy fathers the Apostles, it is right that every tongue
and every lip voice your glory, for Christ, the life of us all, called you
while ye were yet upon the earth, "my brethern and my friends,"
apart from the great glory he rendered unto you in the presence of
his father and the holy angels, saying : " My father, I will that,
where I am, | these that are mine may also be there, that they may
see the glory which thou hast given to me, for they have kept my
word, even as I have kept thy word, holy father. The joy of thy
280
Dec. 9] COPTIC SAINTS AND SINNERS. [1908-
word is the truth : and I, with the Apostles, have kept it. I sanctify
myself for them, my father, for they have been sanctified in truth.
My father, all whom thou didst call, I drew to myself with the word
of my mouth. They sought nothing from me save thy name alone,
that thou keep them, that none of them perish save the son of
perdition."
Our holy fathers the Apostles, if the Son of God commended
{avi'iajuvai) you in the presence of his father [saying], "They loved
me," it is right for us too to love you the more. And when thou
lovest a martyr or a just | man his consolation *i is with thee, for p- ic
their consolation is very great in the presence of everyone.
If thou doest an act of charity in the name of these holy Apostles,
whether it be a sacrifice thou offerest in their name, or a book thou
givest in their name, and thou givest it to the church that they may
read it, or anything whatsoever that thou givest in their name in any
way : or (in) a feast given in their name to the poor and strangers
and needy, rejoice my beloved, they have written thy name in their
books, for they are perfect consolers. And the just men and the
martyrs are consolers ; but these Apostles are judges in the valley of J°^' "'
Josaphat. John, the Evangelist, bears witness, saying: " If the Son Jo^n^
make you free, verily you shall be free." | This commandment which p. 1 1
the Father gave to his beloved Son, the Son, too, gave to his holy
Apostles. For this reason, whomsoever the Apostles shall make free,
the Son of God shall make him free : whomsoever the Apostles shall
forgive, Christ will forgive him too, and to whomsoever the Apostles
shall give inheritance, the Son of God giveth him inheritance.
But, god-loving people, mark this word which I utter, that ye
restrain ■^~ (?) not yourselves nor act foolishly, but receive my word
as [that of] an angel of God for the good of your souls. If a brother
or a sister among you call on the name of one of these holy Apostles ;
if it be Peter, separate him not from Andrew, his brother : if thou
givest charity in the name of John, | separate him not from James, p. li
his brother : if thou givest in the name of Philip, separate him not
*i The word translated here and later, " consolation," may also mean prayer ;
and a compound of the same word I have translated " consolers," rather than
*' offerers of prayer."
^ The word CA^T (or CUJ^T) generally means "be under restraint,"
"be detained," or "detain" (cf. Koptische Urkuiiden aits dem K. Mits. zii Berlin
3, 26 ; 7, 13); but its meaning is often doubtful (cf. CruMj Coptic Ostraka,
p. 16, no. 61, note 4).
281
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [190S.
from Bartholomew, since they are one invocation : if thou givest in
the name of Thomas, separate him not from Matthew, since they
share all things in common j'ls jf thou givest in the name of Simon,
separate him not from James, the son of Alphaeos. Look not to
Peter because he is the greatest of the Apostles and has the keys
of heaven in his hands, and to John because he is undying, and
leave the rest of the Apostles, for it was one love with which their
Lord loved them, and this same grace did the Lord bestow upon
them all, saying to them : "Ye shall eat and drink with me at the
table of my kingdom."
Since the publication of the first part of this article. Dr. von Lemm,
with his accustomed generosity, has sent me a copy of the Borgian
fragment of this life, Zoega ccxxii* (not ccxxii, as I inadvertently
stated). It contains part of the same text as the Bodleian fragment,
beginning at TOT::^oq (p. 235, 1. 2) and ending at ATUJ WTeTWOT
(=ATco A-2KiOBpHcre, p. 236, 1. 14-15): and it cannot, as
Crum suggests, come from the same MS. as the Brit. Mus. fragment,
since the two overlap. The fact that three distinct MSS. exist
shows that the life must have been fairly popular.
I give a collation of Dr. von Lemm's copy with the text as
printed from the Bodleian fragment, marking the readings with the
letter N (= Neapolitanus).
235, 1. 3, Ae] om. N. 4-5, ATto-Kiccuq] Aq:xooT wcaxj
Aq^yine, N. (= he sent to him being ashamed). 6, A(i]
om. N. 8, KiTeTweiue-Kiiu] uiipKAAq eei ^yApoi
^AWleiUO e^tOB wiu, N. (= let him not come to me till
I know everything). 8-9, enKtueT KiA^ wee] KiA,"i
Kieeeu nKcn[2]T, N. 9, Ki2eKi[Ke]pcoue, N. ii,mtoot]
MTG, N. 14, Ki:xcoa3pe, N. 14-15, ATUJ-eeoTN] atco
M.VAOC ercoore, N. 16, hai] om. N. 17, ghkco^t •
NTNKIAT, N. KITKIOTCUiyT, N. 18, ATtO-eqCTUCTOU]
ATU) NTMNAT KIAKI OTKIOTTG • CqO'UO'OU 2(UtUN, N.
{= and let us too see a god who is mighty). 18-19, NTA(J-
TOT2COK] KITAqTOTXOK eOJtOK, N. 1 9, AARpAeAU]
LiL, " a single Koivuivia it is which is in their midst at a time."
282
Dec. 9] COPTIC SAINTS AND SINNERS. tiQoS
<vq, N. iJctJUBe, N. 20, ueconoAAUiA, N. 2i,TAU!e,
N. 23, unetj^u^e] uneqorcju^T, N. 25, neu^ioeic]
neweicoT, N. 27, xe] hai, N.
236, 1. I, mat] om. N. 2, UKINKA-Kocuoc] om. N. 4, ex-
ei3:unKAe] WTeneiKocuoc, N. kihtki] KiTeruNAT, N
5, )t;UJON] CtONT, N. HAKIOTTe] HMOTTti, N. 6, UN
NCIOT, N. KIAUp] UN KIAHp, N. 13, COKq, N.
enore, N. 15, A-eweBpHcre] MT[eTKioT], N.
283
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCIL^OLOGV. [190S.
NOTES ON SOME NEW SAMARITAN INSCRIPTIONS.
Bv H. H. Spoer, Ph.D.
The following twelve inscriptions which I have lately had the
good fortune to copy at Nablus were found, those with sunk letters
for the most part on Mount Ebal, the others among the ruins of
houses in and about the town.
The form of the sunk letters is the same as in the inscriptions
published by G. Rosen, which he assigns to a period earlier than
that of Justinian. 1 Schroeder, arguing from the form of the
letters — practically identical with those of the following illustrations
with incised characters — concluded that an inscription which he has
lately published belongs to the twelfth century.^ The inscription
with similar letters which I here reproduce (Inscription A) was
Inscription A.
idJK
found built into the wall of a recently discovered church, obviously
Crusading, excavated opposite Jacob's Well. This therefore gives us
1 Z.D.M.G., Vol. XIV, pp. 620 ff.
- Z.D.P. v., Vol. XXX, pp. 251 ff., 1908.
284
Dec. 9] SOME NEW SAMARITAN INSCRIPTIONS. [1908.
a date at least prior to the Crusades — how much older we have no
means to ascertain. Positive evidence for the date of early inscrip-
tions being very rare, this fact is of special epigraphical value. It
would be very interesting should an actual date be discovered upon
the stone itself, which is still encrusted with plaster which I could
not get permission to remove.
An interesting date is found in sunk letters on Inscription 2 : In
the year 2800 of the dwelling of Israel in the land of Canaafi.
According to the Samaritan Chronicle^ the occupation of Palestine
took place in the year 2844 after the Creation, which would give
5644 as the date of this inscription. Our present year, 1908,
corresponds with the Samaritan year 6187 ; the inscription therefore
belongs to the year 1365 a.d., having been made 543 years ago. We
may therefore infer that the use of sunk letters extends at least into
the second half of the fourteenth century.
Inscriptions with raised lettering are younger than the others ;
those dated belong to the eighteenth century a.d. In regard to some
published by Sobernheim,^ a scholar, un-named, has suggested the
twelfth century a.d. On the roll-case of a Samaritan Pentateuch,
which I have elsewhere described,^ the inlaid silver letters are of a
form similar to that of raised lettering. The roll-case is dated. In
the year 930 of the Beni Ishmael, i.e. 1538 .\.D.
We have, therefore, for the latest dated incised inscription, the
year 1365. The lettering of this can hardly be said to differ from
that found in the church at Nablus, which again very closely
resembles that to which Rosen assigns a period pre-Justinian.
On the other hand the earliest dated inscription in raised letters
(the date, however, is in Arabic) among the following inscriptions, is
of the year 1785. The lettering of this is almost identical with
those (undated) of Sobernheim, which are assigned to the twelfth
century.
We may hence infer the extreme difficulty as yet to be en-
countered in the dating of Samaritan inscriptions.
Inscriptions in incised letters have the abbreviations usually
indicated by two dots. Words are divided in all cases by one dot.
The photographs are taken from squeezes and may have suffered
•' Une Nouvelle Chroniqiic Saiiiaritaiiie, ed. Adler and SeligsohN, Paris,
1903.
■* Mittheihtngen und Nachrichten des D.F. V., 1902, p. 71.
' Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. XXVII, pp. 104 ff.
385 Z
Dec. 9]
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHiEOLOGY.
[1908.
from the fact that, the squeezes having been made in wet weather, I
was obHged to blacken the letters to prevent their obliteration.
Some of the stones are much worn.
Inscription i. (Plate I.)
Exodus xii, 2;
(?)
by ' nin* • nDB[i]
in'' x^i nnsn
Deut. xxxi, 8.
Deut. xxxiii, 29 r.
r^'n' xini -[•<:zh
rx^i] IDT x^ : i^y
XITl x^ -\2W
px |0X nnn x'pi
■l''2''X rj'nJDCM]
[-j-nn DnD2 bv nnxt n'?
The size of the inscription is 14 inches x 15 inches. The last
two lines are so badly damaged, that, except 3 , no letter can be
recognized on this portion of the squeeze ; the text is taken from my
written copy.
Line 4. MT, writes xa^ instead of xiab •
Line 8. MT. omits 1 before xin .
Line 13. MT. reads iDTilOn instead of anoa , (/■ Insc. 8.
Exodus xiii, 11.
I )eut. xxvii, 4.
Inscription 2. (Plate II.)
• IX'T • "2 • n>m
• px • ha ■ ynha ■ nin'
nx • DDiaya • n^m • i^n
• ]2iir\ ■ nx • \^'pn ■ th
VD • '•2:x • X'X • n'rxn
naina • orn • DDnx
sj^x • Q^yc' • nya • px
3:^•1o'? • niXD • n:D:;'i
• n^ • nx • mix
?86
PLATE I. ^^^^ Prcceedutgs, Der., 190S.
1
PLATE II. S.B.A. /'rotrrdn/^ns, /),<:, 190S.
Dec. 9]
SOME NEW SAMARltAN INSCRIPTIONS.
[1908.
The size of the inscription is 18 inches x 12 inches,
letters are sunk.
Line i. MT. has "j^^ii instead of in''2^ •
T^ine 2. MT. omits "i^n^x.
Line 3. pn abbrev. for ^jyjsn ■
Line 4. -|>n abbrev. for pn^n ■ pxn abbrev. for D''33Sn .
Line 5. VD abbrev. for niVO •
Line 6. MT. has ^2''J? "ina instead of nnnn = Dnnj "inn .
Line g. Workman omitted 3 before j'-ix •
Line 10. m^ followed by riN, cf. Jer. xxxiii, 11.
The
Inscription 3. (Plate IL)
Exodus XX, 2. ^K • nin'' • ••3:n
Exodus XX, 3. 'px • -|'? • n^n-" • n^
"•JQ • /y • Dnnx
Exodus XX, 7. Qc;' • ns • ^^r\ • ah
:•' • N^ • "-a • NiK'^
^ • ntJ'N • nx • nin^
xiB*^ • iDti^ • nx
The size of the inscription is i4-|- inches x 18 inches. The
letters are sunk.
The last words of lines i, 2, 6, 7 are abbreviated.
Exodus XX, 12-17.
Inscription 4. (Plate II.)
[mn]"' - D^l
nsi • T'2x • nx • nan
[|]iDnx"' • lyo"? • -[JDH
i? • ;n3 • in'pN • nin'
six3n • n'? : n^iin • s^
[n]3yn • i6 : nijjn • xb
xS : -\p^ ■ ny • iy"i3
[K]"? • lyi • n'3 • nonn
[ininB' • lyi nt^x • i»nn
rmiK' • in»Ki • nny
nw^ ' '?3i • n[i]oni
287
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
The size of the inscription is 13 inches x 15 inches. The letters
are sunk. It is injured on the left margin.
Line 4. MT. has ynbn instead of "^n^N.
Line 9. Li accordance with Deut. v, 18, we have here im::'.
Line 10. MT. has ni::'l.
Line 11. MT. has nDm instead of nirom.
Inscription 5. (Plate III.)
CO ,
N • no::''?
Deut. iv, 31. [DJim • ba ■ '2
[']]'nhii nin'"
Deut. xxviii, 6. cmnN • ^n2
On the margin was the following verse, preserved only on the
bottom and on the right-hand side. It begins at the top on the left.
Exodus xii, 23. nnsn • bv • nin' • noai]
• ^i:b ■ D^Tin • Sx xn^
The inscription is 15 inches x 9^ inches. The letters are sunk.
Ex. xii, 23. MT. xn*? instead of xn^.
Inscription 6. (Plate III.)
Deut. v, i2<z. cnnjjj'n dv • nx • -no:r
„ V, 14. ''y''n:^•^ • nn
Exodus XX, III). [^yj^n^n • DV3 • nn
nx nin^ fia ■ \'2 -hv
iriK'niTi • ni^in • div
y^x • p • Dmc'D • ninao
The inscription is 12^^ inches x 21 inches. The letters are sunk.
The stone was "written by Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, the priest,
for a Keniseh."
288
PLATE III.
S.B.A. Jhoicediiigs, Dec, 190S.
Ob «1=)9
-:7^ ij/f^ r,c.. ^^■^
PLATE IV. S. B. A. Pron-ediiios, Dc.:, ic
8
Dec. 9] SOME NEW SAMARITAN INSCRIPTIONS. [1908.
The last letters in lines 3 and 4 are much smaller than the
others.
]}hii abbrev. for iry'pN-
Several individuals named Phinehas, "son of Eleazar," are
mentioned in the "Chronicles," who, however, are /itg/i priests, and
are, therefore, not to be identified with the builder of this Keniseh.
Inscription 7. (Plate III.)
Deut. vi, 4-7. n* yN-iEJ'» . "am?
rix : h'- : i^'^n^x
[^] hs • hhsi : n
n"? : ^[3] • yrh'^ ' n
ni • ^niND : ^33
n • Dnain : r
^l? • Drn • -i3V»
[2] nimi -[[^n]^
n^33 • inac^n • d
31] "ims • "|n3'?[3]
"10p3[1 • ^335^'
The size of the inscription is 12 inches x 6 inches. The letters
are sunk. The top is decorated ; many dots are used for this
purpose, especially in the first three lines.
Line 3. The n is omitted after the n in n3nK1.
Line g. "]3V0 is evidently a mistake for "^i^.
Lines 12, 13. MT. has '631 1:1^33 instead of in3^3 n''33.
Line 14. MT. has -ii?Dp31 instead of "^0^31.
Inscription 8. (Plate IV.)
Deut. xxviii, 12. N • l'? • nin^ • nns''
^ riN • 3it3n • nvix
3 • nx • "ii3'?i • ins;3
K • in* • HK'yD
289
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY. [1908.
i:)eut. xxxiii, 29. -I''a''X • VC'm
DnD3 hv ' nnxi • i'?
The size of the inscription is 19 inches x 12^ inches. The letters
are sunk.
The lines are not always perfect. The last word is sometimes
abbreviated, or the final letter may be broken from the stone.
The last letter visible in line 2 appears to be a 'C, although we
should expect an n, the first letter of QiOEi^n.
Instead of the dual yii in line 5, the MT. has the Singular.
There is an N after the *] ; the letters following are illegible ; w^e may
perhaps conjecture that the word should be px, (f- Insc. i, 10.
Line 7. MT. has lO^nion instead of DnD3, cf. Insc. i.
Inscription 9. (Plate IV.)
Genesis xlix, 25. • i-iryi • -["ax • ^NO
The size of the inscription is 23 inches x 12 inches. The letters
are raised.
Line 2. MT. reads nUD instead of ^nD-
Line 3. MT. has nxi for "pKI , and 1 before 1312''.
The date is given in Arabic : —
"This blessed house was built in the month of Jumada 1153."
A.H. Whether the ist or 2nd month of Jumada is not stated.
Inscription id. (Plate V.)
Exodus xii, 23. irr noQi
[N]^i • nnsn • Sy
jT'nc'on • in-
nn • ha xn*?
Numbers vi, 24. nin- laiT
290
PLATE y. S.B.J. Proreediiigs, Dec, 1908.
10
11
12
Dec. 9] SOME NEW SAMARITAN INSCRIPTIONS. [1908.
The size of the inscription is 1 1 inches x 9^ inches. The letters
are raised. This inscription, hke 12, indicates the purpose for
which it was intended.
Line 4. xn"?, MT. Nni? ; cf. Inscr. i.
Inscription u. (Plate V.)
Numbers vi, 24. : E^>ii : n'' : "IT
• 1 : N : D : n> -tx*
: Sn : js : .t* • kk'^
: N : ^e* : i^ : i:'^')
> V
The size of the inscription is 1 1 inches x 1 1 inches. The letters
are raised. This inscription is, in part, identical with the preceding.
It may be noted that the abbreviated words are indicated by two
dots.
Line 3. MT. has -is^ instead of i^x''.
Line 5. The letter x may possibly be the abbreviation of JD^^ ;
cf. Insc. I, V, VIII.
The inscription was made in " the month el-qa^ade, in the year
1183." A.H. The complete name of this month is 'isxi^\ .j.
Inscription 12. (Plate V.)
Numbers vi, 24. : 'jm^ . nin"' • "jmn''
Exodus xii, 23. : DH • 'py : n'' • noai
The size of the inscription is 15^ inches x 4^ inches. The
letters are raised.
The purpose is indicated in the last line, namely, its insertion
into the wall of a house.
The abbreviations are indicated here, as in 11, by two dots.
291
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY. [1908.
NOTES ON SOME EGYPTIAN ANTIQUITIES.
IV.
By W. L. Nash, F.S.A.
(Where tw dimensions are given, the illustration is the full size of the object. \
Plate I.
21. One of a pair of ebony wands, made in the form of a human
hand and fore-arm. These objects are found crossed on the breast
of mummies, beneath the bandages. The lower part represents the
uaz sceptre (commonly called the " Papyrus " sceptre). This is
surmounted by a head of Hathor with a cow's ears, and beyond is a
hand wath outstretched fingers. Mr. Whyte thinks these wands
were used as castanets in the Temple services. However this may
be, it seems probable that they were intended to be magical. The
uaz sceptre typified renewed youth and virility. Hathor played a very
important part in connection with the welfare of the dead. Her
cow-headed form may refer to the Cow-fetish, which is of Nubian
origin. On the Xlth dynasty coffin of Sepa from El Bersheh, now
in the Cairo Museum, the goddess Hathor is said to "surround
Sepa with the magical protection of life." ' The magical effect of the
hand (or perhaps of the complete wand) may have been to con-
secrate and to give air — i.e., breath — and water to the deceased.-
Or it may have afforded protection against dangers in the Other
World. In the ''^ Book of Gates'' the chain with which the great
serpent Apep is bound is said to be held fast by the " Hidden-
Hand," and twelve of the gods who grasj) the chain are called warders
of the "sons of the helpless one" {i.e., of Apep), and are said to
"keep guard over the deadly chain which is in the Hidden-Hand.""'
Length 6^ inches. In Mr. E. Toivry Whyte's Collection.
' Dr. Budge, " The Egyftian Heaven and Hell,''' III, 69.
- I am indebted to Dr. Budge for these suggestions. Also see his " Book of
the Dead'' (English translation), Chapter CXXV, pp. 374.^, and his " The Gods
of the Egyptians,'' under " Hathor," etc.
^ Dr. Budge, " The Egyptian Heaven and Hell," II, 273.
292
PLATE I.
S.B.A. Proreedings, Dec, 190S.
21
22
PLATE II.
S.B.A. Proceediugs, Dec, 190S.
23
24
MK
\i/i
25
26
'viiajMy^'^''
S ¥&■
27
Dec. 9] NOTES ON SOME EC>YPTIAN ANTIQUITIES. [1908.
22. Another similar wand, made of ivory. It is probably of
much later date than the one described above. The arm is curved,
and has lost the form of the sceptre, and the representation of the
head of Hathor is omitted. But, no doubt, it was intended for the
same magical purpose. Many examples of these wands have been
found, e.g., one with the cartouche of Queen Aahmes, wife of
Thothmes I, in the Turin Museum ; others in the British Museum,
etc. Length 6^ inches. In Mr. E. Totvry JF/iyie's Collection.
Plate II.
23. A pyramidal lid of a case to hold a mummied scarab, sur-
mounted by the figure of a scarab, the wings of which hang down on
either side. Part of the flange which fitted into the receptacle for
the scarab remains. What is the purpose of the hole in one side,
I do not know. Green glazed faience.
In Mr. R. H. Blanchard's Collection.
24. An oblong bronze box for holding a mummied scarab, much
corroded. On the top is a figure of a scarab. At the bottom of the
case is a tang for fixing into a wooden stand.
/// Mr. R. H. Blafichard's Collection.
25. The lid of a box to contain a mummied scarab. On it a
figure of the beetle is painted in black. 2\ inches square.
In Mr. R. H. BlancharcT s Collection.
These boxes for mummied scarabs are more usually found made
of wood or bronze than of faience, and they are by no means common
in any material.
26. Part of a sistrum-handle, having on one side O |^ U
{Nectanebus II), " beloved of Anhur," and on the other side his
Throne name, nekht-neb-f, " beloved of Mehit."
In the Antlio/s Collection.
27. A bronze Temple-seal, with the inscription "Amen per," the
hieroglyphs being pierced. This was probably a seal of the Temple
at Karnak, where it was found. It is much corroded.
In Mr. R. H. Blanckard's Collection.
293 2 A
Dec. 9] SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGV. [1908.
The Anniversary Meeting of the Society will be held on
Wednesday, January 13th, 1909, at 4.30 p.m., when the
following Paper will be read : —
Dr. Pinches: "The Goddess Istar in Assyro-Baby-
lonian Literature."
294
INDEX.
A.
Aa-m-atur, a town on the island now the site of the modern Gebelen
,, probably pronounced lemiar or Emior ...
Amenemhat II, protocol of
Amenhotp IV, a contract of the 5th year of ...
,, peculiarities of cartouche of ...
Ancient year, the, and the Sothic cycle
Antharyuash (Darius I), sistrum handle with his cartouche ...
Aramaic Ostracon, an, from Elephantine
Arslan Tach, the " Lion's Stone"— a Hittite monument so called
Asswan, Egj-ptian Temple found at
,, ,, erected by Ptolemy Philopater ...
,, ,, part of it used by the Copts as a Church
Assyrian and Egyptian History ; Notes on
Assyrian incantation against rheumatism ... ... XXX
Vol. Page.
en XXX.
8
... XXX.
8
... XXX.
90
... XXX.
272
... XXX.
273
... XXX.
95
... XXX.
153
... XXX.
18
... XXX.
42
... XXX.
73
... XXX.
73
ch XXX.
73
... XXX.
13
<•■ 63, 145
245
B.
Babylonian teaching concerning the origin of the universe
Biban el Moluk, recent discoveries at ...
Blemmyes, rule of the, in Upper Egjpt
XXX. 54
XXX. 116
XXX. 10
Cartouche, first used by Sneferu
Cemetery, a Roman, at Shellal...
,, decapitated bodies found in.
,, a prehistoric, at Shellal
,, green-stone scorpions found in
Cemeteries of Xllth and XX th dynasties at Shellal
,, Negro skeletons found in ...
Coffin, the, of Ta-aath ...
Coptic Saints and Sinners
XXX.
94
XXX.
73
XXX.
73
XXX.
73
XXX.
73
XXX.
73
XXX.
73
XXX.
20
XXX. 231
,276
2 B
296
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGY.
D.
Dad amulet of blue glass, with cartouche of Amenhetep III, and
nameofThyi
Devil, the, over-reached by a Muslawi
Di-hetep-suten formula, the
Diptych, a Greek, of the 7th century ...
Doll (?) of ivory ...
Vol. Page.
XXX.
153
XXX.
30
XXX.
5
XXX.
255
XXX.
153
E.
Eg}-pt, recent discoveries in
Egyptian and Assyrian History, Notes on
Egj'ptian antiquites, Notes on some (III)
(IV)
Emir Ghazi, Hittite Inscriptions from ...
XXX. 72
XXX. 13
XXX. 153
XXX. 292
XXX. 211
Esse, a woman named in a contract of the 5th year of Amenhotp IV XXX. 273
F.
Folklore of Mossoul (III)
XXX.
30
G.
Gaza, a coin of, and the Vision of Ezekiel
,, description of ...
,, compared with a didrachm of Tarsus
,, Inscription on reverse, in Phoenician characters
,, its date ...
,, winged wheel on
Gebelen, a man of
Gebelen, anciently an island
" Golden-Horus" title, a special name first attached to it by Khafra XXX
Greek Inscriptions from Upper Egypt ...
Gurun, Hittite Inscriptions from
XXX.
45
XXX.
46
XXX.
46
XXX.
47
XXX.
48
XXX.
49
XXX.
7
XXX.
8
XXX.
92
XXX.
142
XXX.
211
H.
Hatshepsut, Queen, plaque with both a feminine and a masculine
title
Keshan, Graffiti from
Hittite Monuments, two new, from the Cappadocian Taurus
Hittite Inscriptions from Gurun and Emir Ghazi
XXX.
153
XXX.
28
XXX.
42
XXX.
211
XXX.
219
XXX.
219
XXX.
219
XXX.
219
INDEX. 297
Vol. Page.
Horemheb, discoveiy of the tomb of ... ... ... ... ... XXX. 117
,, Sarcophagus of, supported by wooden figures of deities XXX. 117
Horus-Names of Thinites ... ... ... ... ... ... XXX. 124
Hyksos, the, and the Xllth dynasty ... ... ... ... ... XXX. 155
I.
Incantation,. an Assyrian, against rheumatism ... ...XXX. 63, 145,245
Israel, the lost ten Tribes of ... ... ... ... ... ... XXX. 107
K.
Karian, Aramaic, and Greek Graffiti, from Keshan ... ... ... XXX. 28
Kasi, the, one of the confederated states ruled by the Hittite kings
of Boghaz Keui
,, from Cappadocia, South of the Halys
,, the Kusa of the Assyrians ...
,, extent of their empire
L.
Le.xicographical Studies (I) ... ... ... ... ... ... XXX. 266
„ (11) XXX. 270
Lullaby songs, Arab XXX. 32
M.
Masawwarat es-Sufra and Naga, the ruined sites at ...
Masawwarat es-Sufra, description of the chief building at ...
,, ,, ruins of a palace (?) at ...
,, ,, ruins with columns, carved in relief with men
riding on animals
,, ,, difference between the buildings at, and those
at Meroe
,, ,, buildings at, exhibit the most southerly stage
of the Negro civilization founded at Napata XXX. 203
Mehi, goddess, faience figure of ... ... ... ... ••• XXX. 154
Mehit, beloved of, a Title on a sistrum-handle of Nectanebus II ... XXX. 293
" Merciful one," the, a title of Merodach XXX. 59
Merodach, the legend of XXX. 53,77
,, his contest with Tiawath ... ... ... ... ... XXX. 55
XXX.
192
XXX.
193
XXX.
19s
XXX.
195
XXX.
196
298
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCH/EOLOGY.
Mohon, town, the mediDeval Mehendi
Month, length of the, in Babylonia
Mossoul, the folk-lore of (III) ...
Mummy-ticket, a Greek ...
Vol. Page.
XXX. II
XXX. 221
XXX. 30
XXX. 1 1
N.
Nablus, Samaritan inscriptions found at ... ... ... ... XXX. 284
Naga, temple of Egyptian type at XXX. 197
,, building at, in Grseco-Roman style, with Egj-ptian decoration XXX. 197
,, temple at, with a dromos flanked with crio-sphinxes ... ... XXX. 197
,, buildings at, exhibit the most southerly stage of the Negro
civilization founded at Napata ... .. ... ... ... XXX. 203
Neb-hapet-Ra [Meuttihefep II), fragment of limestone with his
cartouche ... ... ... ... ... ... ... ... XXX. 154
Nectanebus II, sistrum-handle with his cartouche, and Title "Beloved
ofMehit" XXX. 293
Ne-user-ra, protocol of, the earliest that contains all the five Royal
Titles XXX. 92
O.
Ostracon, an Aramaic
Ostracon, an Aramaic, from Elephantine
XXX. 18
XXX. 39
P.
Penamitur, "he who belongs to Isle in stream"
Pepi I, a naos of, at Elephantine
Phoenician Inscription, a, of B.C. 1500
Place-Names in Deubner's "Kosmas und Damian"
Plein-the-elder, his name on a Greek mummy-ticket ...
Protocol, the, of Eg)pt ...
,, ,, evolution of
,, at beginning of IVth dynasty, included four Titles only
,, unchanged after the time of Tutankhamen
Ptolemy V, protocol of ...
I'uSku
Pyramid, the Great, date of
.. XXX.
8
.. XXX.
72
.. XXX.
243
.. XXX.
129
.. XXX.
II
.. XXX.
86
.. XXX.
90
ly XXX.
94
.. XXX.
94
.. XXX.
87
.. XXX.
270
.. XXX.
104
INDEX.
R.
299
Vol. Page.
... XXX. 72
XXX. 63, 145, 245
Rams, sacred, discovery of altar of, at Elephantine ...
Rheumatism, an Assyrian incantation against...
„ ,, ,, transliteration of ...XXX. 67, 145,245
,, ,, ,, translation of ...XXX. 68, 149,249
Saints and Sinners, Coptic ... ... ... ... ... XXX. 231,276
Sal'dht and its derivatives ... ... ... ... ... ... XXX. 266
Samaritan Inscriptions, Notes on some new ... ... ... ... XXX. 284
Samsu-Iluna, the first year of ... ... ... ... ... ... XXX. 70
Sargon I, king of Kish, and Shar-Gani-sharri, king of Akkad ... XXX. 238
Sami-Gi, his name on a monolith from Susa ... ... ... ... XXX. 238
,, to be read Sarric-tikiii in Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian
texts XXX. 238
Scarabs (mummied), cases for ... ... ... ... ... ... XXX. 293
Scorpions, green-stone models of, found in a cemetery at Shellal ... XXX. 73
Seal, a, with a Hittite Inscription XXX. 220
Seal, a bronze, from the Temple of Karnak ... ... ... ... XXX. 293
Semiramis, is the Assyrian Sammu-ramat, wife of Hadad-nirari III XXX. 16
Senpapoeie, her name on a Greek mummy-ticket ... ... ... XXX. 11
Senplenis, her name on a Greek mummy-ticket ... ... ... XXX. 11
Seti II, a tile with his pre-nomen ... ... ... ... ... XXX. 154
Sharru-ukin, the ancient Sargon ... ... ... ... ... XXX. 241
Sistrum-handle of Nectanebus II ... ... ... ... ... XXX. 293
Sneferu the first king to use a cartouche ... ... ... ... XXX. 94
" Son of Ra " title, first found used by Ne-user-ra of the Vth dynasty XXX. 94
,, ,, probably used by User-kaf ... ... ... XXX. 94
Stela of Penamitur ... ... ... ... ... ... ••• XXX. 8
Susa, parts of a monolith from, bearing the name (S«;77<-Gi ... XXX. 238
Stiten bat narxxes oi'Y'\\vs\\tes ... ... ... ... ... ••• XXX. 128
Ta-aath, the coffin of ... ... ... ... ... ... ... XXX.
■" Tablet of the 51 names," the seventh of the Babylonian ' Creation '
tablets XXX.
,, ,, translation of ... ... ... ... XXX.
58
60
300
SOCIETY OF BIBLICAL ARCHEOLOGY.
Tachdji, a Hittite monument from
Tanare, the name given to Gebelen in Roman times..
Ta-usert, Queen, discover)' of her jewellery ...
,, jewellery of, with her name and that of Seti II
Ten tribes of Israel, the lost
Thinite Kings, titles of the ... ... ... ... ...XXX
Tiawath, the Babylonian personification of chaos
Title-bearing monuments, the, of the Thinites
Tshok-Goz-Koprlikoe, a monument from
Tutankhamen, protocol of
,, the first king to put the Horus-Ra title on the top of
the s7-ekh
Vol. F
AGE.
XXX.
43
XXX.
9
XXX.
74
XXX.
ii6
XXX.
107
86, 121,
163
XXX.
54
XXX.
122
XXX.
2S
XXX.
88
XXX. 94
U.
Universe, Babylonian teaching concerning the origin of the... ... XXX. 54
Userteseii II, protocol of ... ... ... ... ... ... XXX. 90
W.
Wands, Egyptian magical
Wig-pendant, with the name of Seti II
XXX. 292
XXX. 116
Year, institution of the, by Merodach ...
XXX. 58
BOOKS REVIEWED.
Une rue de tombeaux a Saqqarah " ...
Les tapisseries d'Antinoe au Musee d'Orleans "'
PAGE.
34
159
LIST OF AUTHORS.
301
LIST OF AUTHORS.
Ayiton, E. R
Crum, W. E
Griffith, F. LI
Hall, H. R., Af.A
Hollingworth, E. W., M.A. .
Jerphanion, G. de
Johns, Rev. C. H. W., Af.A. .
Jones, Rev. F. A.
Langdon, Dr. S. ...
Legge, F
Murray, Miss
Nash, W. L., F.S.J
Pilcher, E. J
Pinches, T. G., L.L.D
Piatt, A. F. R., A/.£
Robinson, W. A
Sayce, Prof. A. H., D.D.
Scott-Moncrieff, P., M.A.
Spoer, H. H., F/i.D
Thompson, R. Campbell, M.A.
Winstedt, E. O
PAGE.
... 116
129,
204, 255
272
5
• •• 155
42
... 70. 107,
137, 221
95
178, 266
86,
121, 163
20
153, 292
45
• ■• 53, 77
206
25
3, 28, 39, 142,
182, 211
192
... 284
30, 63,
145. 245
...
231, 276
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