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Full text of "Proceedings and address of the second convention of delegates, held at the city of Trenton, on the fourth July, 1814, to the people of New-Jersey"

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PROCEEDINGS AND ADDRESS 



OF' THE 



SECOND CONVENTION , ti^ 



OF 



DELEGATES, 

HELD AT THE CITY OF TRENTON, ON 
THE FOURTH JULY, 181*, 



TO THE 



PEOPLE OF NEW JERSEY, 



IMIOCEEDINGS 

Of a Convention of Delegates of the People of 
New- Jersey, chosen in the several counties of 
said state, and held, by public appointment, at 
the city of Trenton, on the 4th of July, 1814. 

The Delegates being assembled at ten o'clock proceeded to the 
nomination and choice of a President and Secretary, and did 
unanimously appoint the honorable WILLIAM COXE, Presi- 
dent, and Franklin Davenport, Esq. Secretary. 

On motion. Ordered^ That the names of the Delegates be In- 
serted in the minutes, as follows : — 



BERGEN COUNTY. 
John Outwater, 
Robert Campbell. 

ESSEX. 
Aaron Ogden, 
John N. Camming, 
Jonas Wade, 
Philemon Elmer. 

MIDDLESEX. 
John N. Simpson, 
Daniel Snowhill, 
Moses Morris, 
John Vanclcve. 

SOMERSET. 
Richard Stockton, 
Abraham A. Duryea, 
Frederick Frelinghuysen, 
Joseph Annin, 
Thomas King, 
John Frelinghuysen, 
Martin Schenck, 
Andrew Howeil, 
Frt'derick Vcrmule, 
William Worth, 
James Kinscy, 
Henry Bl.'.ckwell, 
John Strykcr, 
John W. Scott. 



MORRIS. 
John G. Cooper, 
Mahlon Ford. 

MONMOUTH. 
Thomas Henderson, 
Elias Conover, 
William Lloyd, 
Robert Montgomery, 
Richard S. Hartshorne, 
Garret P. Wikoff, 
Moses Spronle. 

HUNTERDON. 
James Stevenson, 
William Potts, 
Ralph H. Smith, 
Charles D. Greei:, 
John Phillips, 
Lewis Phillips, 
William Maxwell, 
Aaron D. Woodrutl, 
Enoch Hunt, 
Alexander Chambers.. 
John Scudder, 
Lucius H. Stockton, 
Nathan Beakes, 
Benjamin Yard., 
Charles Ewing, 
David Manners, 
Israel Caxle, 



/^: 






Richard M. Green, 
William M'Gill, 
John Schenck, 
John Lequear. 

BURLINGTON. 
William Coxe, 
William Griffith, 
Charles Ellis, 
Richard Cox, 
William Iriclc, 
Samuel J. Read, 
William Earl, 
John Wright, 
Caleb Earl, 
Cleayton Newbold, 
William Pearson, 
Richard L. Beatty, 
Benjamin Hollinshead, 
Samuel Haines. 

GLOUCESTER. 
Franklin Davenport, 
Joshua L. Howell, 
Job Eldridge, 
Dayton Lummis, 
John Kinsey, 
John Roberts, 



Robert Pearson, 
Elias D. Woodrufl; 
Edward Sharp. 

SALEM. 
Clement Acton, 
Josiah Harrison, 
Abraham Boyce, 
Joseph Cook, 
Philip Freas, 
Charles Seely, 
John Tuft. 

CUMBERLAND. 
James Giles, 
Josiah Seely, 
Ichabod Compton, 
William B. Ewing, 
Richard Campbell. 

SUSSEX. 
Jacob S. Thomson, 
Robert C. Thomson, 
Caleb Dusenbery, 
John Kinney, jun. 
Ezekiel Dennis. 

, CAPE-MAY. 
Joseph Falkinburge, 
Robert M. Holme?. 



On motion. Resolved, That this Convention will proceed to 
eonsider on the alarming state of public affairs, and particularly 
on the means for constitutionally and speedily relieving the peo- 
ple of this state from the dreadful and increasing evils and dan- 
gers of mis-government and war. 

Whereupon, after full debate on the principles and measures 
proper to be adopted at this time for the foregoing purpo«es, it 
was, on motion, ordered that a committee be appointed of thir- 
teen members, (each county delegation naming one) to report a 
Ticket for Congress, draft Resolutions and an Address to the 
People of New-Jersey, in conformity to the instructions and sense 
of this Convention — and that they report at four o'clock in the 
afternoon, 

Whereupon the following delegates were chosen for said com- 
mittee : — 

i'V Bergen, Robert Campbell. 

Essex, Aaron Ogdcn. 



Middlesex f John Vancleve. 

Somerset^ Richard Stockton. 

Monmouth^ Thomas Henderson. 

Hunterdon^ Charles Ewing. 

Jllorrhf John G. Cooper. 

Bur/ingtofif Willianr^ Griffith. 

Gloucestery Joshua L. Howell. 

Salem^ Josiah Harrison. 

Cumberland, William B. Ewing. 

SusseXf Caleb Dusenbery. 

Cape-Mayj Joseph Falkinburgc. 

The Convention adjourned, to meet again at four o'clock in 
the afternoon. 

Afternoon, 4 o'clock. 
The Convention being assembled again at said hour — present 
as before — the coi^imittee appointed in the forenoon, made report 
by Thomas Henderson, their chairman, as follows ; 

I. On the subj-ict of a Congress Ticket, that in consequence of 
the death of the honorable Jacob Hufty, and it being made known 
to your committee that the honorable Richard Stockton, James 
Schureman and William Coxe, decHne a re-nomination for the 
next Congress, it became necessary to form an entire new ticket 
for the consideration of the Convention. 

Your committee have performed this delicate and important 
duty, with entire unanimity, and with all that care of selectioa 
and respect to local circumstances, that the case seemed to admit 
of : In regard to local distribution, (which, however, should ev- 
er be a subordinate consideration) we have confined ourselves to 
the principle contained in the late district laiv. The names which 
follow will shew that of the twelve persons proposed as candi- 
dates, /o«^ are taken from each of those districts. We hope this 
will meet the approbation of all. Your committee propose the 
following six persons to be voted for by the " Friends ef Peace" 
in New-Jersey, as Representatives in the next Congress of the 
United States, viz : 

JAMES GILES, of Cumberland. 

SAMUEL W. HARRISON, of Gloucester. 

JAMES PARKER, of Middlesex. 

JOHN FRELINGHUYSEN, of Somerset. 

JACOB S. THOMSON, of Sussex. 

JOHN N. CUMMING, of Essex. 
And as by death, or from other causes, vacancies may occur 
in this nonunation, we have, (observing the same rule of locality) 



rccommciided the following persons as substitutes in such case, 
in the order stated, viz : 

William B. Ewing, of Cunnberland. 

Benjamin Champneys, of do. 

John N. Simpson, of Middlesex. 

Samuel Bayard, of Somerset. 

Robert Colfax, of Morris. 

John Outwater, of Bergen. 

2. Your committee also propose WILLIAM B. EWING, to 
be voted for by the " Friends of Peace," as a Representative in 
the Congress of the United States, in the place of Jacob Hufty, 
Esq. deceased. 

3. On the subject of Resolutions and an Address, we report 
unanimously those which virill be presented by our chairman. 

Signed, in behalf of the committee, 

THOMAS HENDERSON, Chairman. 
Whereupon, after some progress made, the Convention ad- 
journed, to attend, with other public bodies and private citizens, 
an Address, by Lucius H. Stockton, Esq. at the Presbyterian 
Church, in Trenton, delivered at the request of the Convention. 
Adjourned until 8 o'clock in the evening. 

Eight o'clock in the evening. 
The Convention met — present as before. 
Unanimously Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention be 
given to Lucius H. Stockton, Esq. for the eloquent and able Ad- 
dress delivered this day before the Convention, at their request ; 
and that General John N. Cumming, Colonel Joshua L. Howell, 
and William Griffith, Esq. members of this Convention, do pre- 
sent this resolution, and request from Mr. Stockton a copy of the 
Address for publication. 

The Convention resumed that part of the report of the com- 
mittee which respects a Congress Ticket, and after full considera- 
tion, adopted the same. 

Whereupon, on motion, Resolved, That it be recommended to 
the free Electors of New- Jersey, to support the following six per- 
sons as Representatives of this state in the next Congress of the 
United States, viz : 

JAMES GILES, 

SAMUEL W. HARRISON, 

JAMES PARKER, 

JOHN FRELINGHUYSEN, 

JACOB S. THOMSON, 

JOHN N. CUMMINU, 



and also to support WILLIAM B. EWING, as Representative 
in Congress, in the place of Jacob Hufty, Esq. deceased. 

And this Convention most earnestly recommends to their fel- 
low-citizens unanimity and zeal in promoting its success. Con- 
sidering that to preserve our country from the destroying policy 
of the men in power, nothing short of a determined and united 
effort of the people to remove them, can be of any avail. And 
this Convention doth further recommend, in case of vacancies 
happening, the substitution of the names of those gentlemen re- 
ported by the committee, in the order, and from the parts of tlje 
state, as reported. 

The Convention proceeded to consider the Address and Reso- 
lutions reported by the committee — which being read, debated and 
amended — on the question whether this Convention do agree to 
the same, it was unanimously voted in the alBrmative. And fur- 
ther, it was resolved that the said Address and Resolutions, to- 
gether with these proceedings, be inserted in the minutes, and be 
signed by the president and Secretary of this Convention ; that 
five thousand copies be published and distributed, in a pamphlet 
form, among the several counties of this state, in such mamner 
and proportions as may be deemed expedient -, and that Charles 
Ewing, G. D. Wall and Wm. Potts, Esqs. be a comnxittee to per- 
form this duty. 

Signed, by order of the Convention, 

WM. COXE, President 
F. Davenport, Secretary. 

Tr&nton, July 4, 1814. 



ADDRESS 

OF THE 

COJSrVEJYTIOA% 

TO THE 

FREE ELECTORS OF NEW JERSEY. 

FELLOW CmZEJ\'S, 

THE a£lual calamities brought on our country by 
evil councils, and the dangers which furround it, feem to have ar- 
rived at an extremity demanding the immediate interpofition of the 
people. The capacity, virtue and policy of the two parties, have 
had a fair trial ; the people have only to compare the past with the 
present, in order to decide between them. Professions and pre- 
tenfions are cafily fet up, and often lead nations as well as individ- 
uals to diflionour and ruin. 

The federal republicans of thefe dates appeal to facts, con- 
fcious of pure and ardent attachment to the conflitution and lib- 
erties of their country, eflabliflied by their oivn hands and coun- 
cils. L'rofeflions and boviftings made no part of their claim to pub- 
lic confidence. We reft our abui"ed principles and meafures, fel- 
low citizens, on yonx senses ; by thefe let the Waihingtot; policy be 
decided. Under the federal adminiftration of Wafhington i?ndhis 
fuccelTor, a period of but twelve years, the people of thefe ftates, 
from imbecility and impoverifhment, rofe to a height of profper- 
ity, witha rapidity unexampled in the hiftory of nations — a iztk. 
not controverted by any enlightened citizen. The American nama 
and charncler were held in honour abroad -, ftrength and union 
protected and cemented the ccfcileracy ; no fpirit of hoftility or 
envious feeling were tlien foltered by the men in ofhce, aimin^; 
deftruclion at the vital interefts of the c;mtnerdal and atlantic 
states : the profperity of one was that of all. Justice prev;i::ed, 
both public and private. The fountains of national profperity were 
laid open. Navigation, commerce and the intcrefl'^ they con)pre- 
hend — thofe of the husbandman, the merchant, the Ihip owner and 



8 

the public revenue, all rofe to a fudden and unrivalled perfe£lion. 
^eace maintained with all the world, though fl-aken by revolutions 
and the tempefl: of human crimes and paflions. Wafhington and 
his council could not be feduced or driven from the uife haven 
of neutral and impartial juftice. We all remember the loud clam- 
ors raifed in his time againft Ettglatid by the French or war par- 
ty in the United States, but he refifted them and faved his coun- 
try. He would not risk the mij^hty blelTmgs in poflefllon on the 
chances of war, nor plunge his country into untri-d fcenes of hor- 
ror and certain evils, on queftionable points of maritime contro- 
verfy — far lefs, without preparation, and under circumftances 
rendering failure and dilhonor inevitable. In that period, the 
whole face of fociety exhibited one progrefTing, fmiling profpecl 
of general and individual happinefs. 

Not only did riches, honeftly acquired In the arts of peace and 
induftry, flow in upon the citizen, whatever his calling or profef- 
fion, but the public treasury was made to overflow. Never did 
any men in office, (notwithftanding the calumnies of the time) 
eftablifh more truly and firmly the fotwdaticns of public wealth, 
and provide the means of public juftice. The credit and honour 
of the nation were untarniflied and every where refpefted. The 
great departments of government, executive, legiflative and ju- 
dicial, were filled and dire£led by native Americans, pofleffing 
the knowledge of their ftations. The men who prefided in our 
councils^ ftate and federal, purfued a fafe, ftraight and honeft pcltcy. 
They nought not wars to gratify their palTions, or the purse and the 
blood of their fellow citizens, as the means for their continu- 
ance in power. Their meafures and their objeds were purely 
American. They ftruck out no vifionary theories — were influsnced 
by no ralh and vindictive palFions, but proceeded on the fure 
grounds of praHical wiftiom and prudent Itigillation. In a word, 
who does not remember with pride (and regret that it is paft) the 
wide exttnded znd substantial happinefs enjoyf.d by the American 
people, flowing from the pilicy of Wafliington, and thofe whom 
he loved and honoured with his confidence — the federal repubh- 
cant of the United States. 

Let the rejlecling and candid citizen compare that period with 
the prefent — the counciJs and policy which then prevailed— tiic 
men who then poflcfled the confidence and proteded the inter- 
efts of the people, and the meafures and fuccefs of their admin- 
iftrations. Let the comparifon be made, and who but muft deep- 
ly deplore the artr, delufions and incapacity by which American 
ciiizcHS have been ftripped of their profpcrity, and reduced to 
all the extteDoitiea which now overwhelm our country- 



Let the people of New- Jersey in particular, who have no inter- 
eft. in this war, eftimate their lolVes by the interdidion of the coaft- 
ing trade, by war prices, by increafed taxes, and view the prospect 
before them. 

Had the last twelve years, like the firft, been devoted to a peace- 
ful policy, and to the attainment of thofe immenfe bt nefits which 
our neutrality afforded, while all the world befides were in arms. 
J/ knowing the dangers of war vihtxt power only decides, and ef- 
pecialiy the danj^ers of a maritime war, defencelefs as we were, 
and expofed at every point ; — z/, whilft we protefted againft ag- 
grelTions and violations on fuppofed rights, not endangering our 
country, nor eflentially checking the career of national greatnefs, 
we had prepared to aflert them, by fteadily perfevering for a course 
of years in laying the foundations oi their fupport, cultivating and 
increafing population, national wealth and national happinefs and 
union ; — //our neiv rulers had proceeded to build up confidence 
at home by purfuing the fteady paths of juftice, and exhibiting 
themfelves in the light of pradical ftatesmen and patriots, gov- 
erning for the people and not for a party ; — if they had aimed at 
giving permanency to constitutional principles, had cultivated the 
intereft and union of the (laces, been the friends of commerce^ of 
a gradual increafe of naval ftrength and maritime defence ; — if 
they had with wife and paternal feeling, healed the wounds of par- 
ty by moderation and equal juftice, confidcring only the general 
good ; — if they had been fatisfied with the honour of securing and 
strengthening the nation, by purfuing a cautious and honefl. neu- 
tralityy giving no offence to contending powers by indire£l aid, 
irritating partialities, and fetting up pretenfions in the hour of 
their diftrefs ; — if in (hort, they had pursued the policy which 
was bequeathed to them when they came into power, and aug- 
mentcd the mighty ftock of national profperity received at the 
hands of the federalists j whom they traduced — what nvight now 
have been the envied condition of America ! The human mind 
(had fuch men and councils prevailed) could with difHculty efti- 
mate her progrefs in wealth, in population, in the means and pof- 
feffion of revenue — in national Ilrength, and in permanent and im- 
n\ovi}o\e foundations of national glory and individual happinefs. 

Thefe ftates, with fuch immenfe boundaries, fo difperfed a pop- 
ulation, fo rich but expofed a territory and commerce, required 
many years of peace, before war could be fafe or honorable ; but 
to the fhame and mifery of our country, no fuch views, feeling or 
wifdom actuated the councils which succeeded thole of Wafliing- 
ton. The very condition on which the^ claimed power and ob- 

B 



10 

taincd it, was to overturn the policy which had prrvailed ; and 
this indeed is the only promife which, fatally for the country, they 
have kept. 

It were ufelefs now to review the a£ts of calumny and the de- 
lufive pretexts which placed thofe men in power, who for the lad 
fourteen years have f«//-ruled thefe dates ; and it were endlefs to 
bring before the American people all thofe enormities of abufed 
truft, of ignorance, rafli councils, party violence and luft of of- 
fice, which have at length laid national and individual profperity 
in fearful ruins. The recollections of the people of this and of 
every ftate muft fupply ihc particulars of that long, unbroken fe- 
ries of misrule and abufe of official authority, which has reduced 
them to this deplorable condition. This convention can only 
prefent an ouilific, and mod willingly would they be fpared from 
a retrofpect fo painful and difgufting, were it not for the hope 
of fome good from the recital. It may conduce to a change 
of the prefent authors of fo many evils, and ferve in future to 
wain our country, if once again reftored to its loft bleflings, fiom 
yielding to specious innovations and promlfes of vifionary reform. 

The American people may hereafter fet a greater value on tried 
friends, on practical wifdom, and on substantial liberty and prof- 
perity. It is now made evident to us all, and to the world, that 
the reforms which were promifed have confifted in dangerous 
and extravagant innovations, in pernicious experiments, and in 
multiplying offices and grafping at the paltry obje6\s of party in- 
fluence and official emolument. They have ended as was foretold, 
in the violation of all found principles of American government 
and policy, and in the a'flual deftruclion of every great national 
interefl. Navigation, trade, revetme, increafing wealth, union, 
public character, conflitutional principles, and all the foHd acqui- 
fuions which lie at the foundation of permanent national ftrength 
and independence, have well nigh disappeared. — To fill up the 
meafure of our calamities, an odious, hopelefs and mofl devour- 
ing luar^ is entailed on the land The whole btnt and employ- 
ment of thofe in power for fourteen years, has been to engage 
men's minds in hopes and fears, from ufelefs and pernicious pro- 
je£ts of legiflation and politics. Inflead of preserving what had 
been fecured, and augmenting the national fecuruics and means, 
in a plain, honeft and uiuleviating courfe of public re£litude and 
wifdom, thi y have kept the country in one continued flate of fnf- 
fering and commotion, the more effcdlually to jullify their abfurd 
felfish and ambitious deligtis. 

There fcems to have been no fundamental rights of the Ameri- 
can people — no nationai intercstSf which in this fhort term have net 



11 

been violated or facrlficed ; and this by the men who obtained and 
liave kept power by profefling and promifing to preferve and fe- 
cure thofe interefts and rights more effe^ualiy than their prede- 
ceflbrs. 

In their hands, the Constitution of the United States, once 
fo venerated and always io necefl'.try to tJie liberties of the people, 
has been broken in almofl every article. The fa£ts are notorious. 

Military law has been eftabliOie*! to enforce revenue laws. 

Private property has been wrefled from its peaceable pofleflbr, 
without legal procefs, by the military under executive orders. 

Innocent citizens^ feized by military force, have been torn from 
their homes, tranfported to the feat of government, and difcharg- 
cd without accufation, or redrefs tor ruined chara£lers or fortunes. 

Commissions lawfully ifTued and completed, have been illegally 
withheld from the citizens appointed, by the preceding prefident, 
only becaufe partizans were to be gratified. 

The habeas corpus a5i, the only praOical fecurify againfl tyran* 
nical abufe of perfonal liberty, has been fufpended in time of peace, 
and this merely to overawe fr.edom of opinion. 

Judicial quejlions^ frequently on the revenue laws, often mofl 
penal in their nature, have been determined by edicts of the execu- 
tive, contrary to their legal purport and obligation on the citizen. 

The independence of the Judges has been taken away by the le- 
gislature, on the recommendation of the executive. The office 
of Judge is made dependent on the nvill of prefidents and party 
majorities, againft the exprefs terms of the confl:itution,jleclaring 
«' they fliall hold their office during good behaviour." — Thus, by 
a fingle ftroke of ufurpation, making one independent department 
of the government subject to the will of the other ; and in effect, 
fubjedting men's liviss, liberty and property, to judges dependent 
on party, and not on their " good behaviour" or redlitude in office. 

A whole article of the conftitution, and one independent branch 
of the government has been annihilated, fetting a precedent and 
productive of confequences, fatal to the rights and liberties of the 
people, as fecured by themselves. 

To perpetuate their ^c/zV/Vrt/ afcendencc, and in violation of the 
principles and intcrefts of the confederacy, a pernicious aristoc- 
racy of STATES and persons, has been created. This has been 
efFeded— 

By making neiu states in that quarter of their influence, favour- 
ble to a fouthern domination and Virginia dynafty. 

By employing immenfe fums taken from the trcafury, in the 
purchase of an useless foreign country., and converting it into ftatca 



12 

for the fame purpofc of multiplying official dependents, and giv- 
ing preponderance to Virginia and the fouthern dates, in the na- 
tional legiflature and councils. 

By changing the conftitution in the mode of choofing the pres- 
ident and vice-prend/rnt, by which the larger dates arc enabled to 
controul the fraaller, and make traffic of thcfe important offices. 

By the monftrous ufurpation of nominating a president and vice 
president at the seat of government^ in the vortex of intrigue, and 
under the fmiles and patronage of the candidate propofed, inflead 
of leaving the nomination to a free and unbought people. ' 

"Ry proscribing men for their opinions, and banifhing from trull 
and employment, the friends of Wafliington and his policy, there- 
by depriving the nation of the counftls and fupport of its wifeft 
and beft ciiizens, and alienating men's minds from the love of each 
ctlier and their common country. 

By multiplying offices and falaries, and appointing officers civil 
and military, without experience or knowledge, remarkable chiefly 
for party violence and incapacity, confequently more dependent 
on the will and opinions of the prefident, and his weak but rafti 
advifers. 

By conferring high offices on ftrangers, pofleffing no attach- 
ments but to the party which upholds them, and by thefe inftru- 
mcnts flrengthening themfelves in office at the rifque of expofing 
the people to the intrigues, ignorance and paffions of foreign 
agents — men who it mufl be evident cannot love our country, 
nor care for or underftand its interefts. 

And finally, by violating the freedom of fpeech and opinions, 
overawing eledlions, and introducing terror and military defpotifm. 

Taking a view of legislative and executive conduct, a fcene of 
weaknefs and deplorable mis-rule unfolds itfelf. The American 
freeman who reviews all this mafs of political intrigue, imbecility 
and corruption, may well exclaim " Give us back peace and the 
honefl policy of Wafhington." Year after year has pafled away 
in bufy and officious mischief — In holding out falfe hopes — In am- 
biguous presidential messages — In feigned negociations — In multifa- 
rious projects, and in contradictory and futile resolutions — In vain 
boasting, and inflammatory speeches — In imbecile threatening againft 
one foreign government and abject fubmissions and even aid to 
another, more infolently a ivrong-doer. 

By all this the public mind was kept diftracted, and the great pur- 
pofes of fteady, ufeful government, overlooked or abandoned. — 
The fubftantial intereds and profperity of the nation literally and 
ihamefully facrificcd. 



13 

Novelties, moft inconsiftent with our ancient habits, and mod 
injurious to American rights and interefts, have been introducfd 
and perfevercd in, to the almoil entire fubverslon of the forma 
of American policy. 

Such extraordinary acts of governrtient too, have proceeded 
from the very men who affected to condemn them as anti-repub- 
iican and defpotic. Thefe novelties consift — 

In secret legishitioti, hiding from the people the opinions and 
conduct of their agents — Cioied doors and concealment, have be- 
come habitual, and continued from day to day. The American 
people at this moment are kept in ignorance on points of vital im- 
portance to their interefts and honor — 

In Presidential Recovimendaiioris, adopted by the legislature, in 
cafes calling for the moft mature reflection and enquiry, without 
either. All inveftigation, even oi facts, rrfufed, thereby putting 
thegreateft national rights on the iiTue of executive veracity, or his 
infallible judgment, remarkable, perhaps, for neither. Moft of 
the monftrous and pernicious plans which have funk the coun- 
try to its prefent condition, came to the reprefentatives of the peo- 
ple, not for discussion, but adoption — 

• In preventing free debate^ whereby the reprefentatives of the peo- 
ple oppofed to the meafures of adminiftration, under an arbitrary 
rule of the majority, have been deprived of their eHential rights, 
and the rights of the people to the opinions and fervices of their 
reprefentatives violated — 

In repressing the right and freedom of petition zgz\n?i grievances. 
The people's remonftrances and requefts being ordered to lit on 
the table, or contemptuously thrown aside to a diftant day — 

In the invention of permanent fyftems of embargo, mn-impor' 
tation, and non-intercourse, by land or water, even along our ovrn 
coafts — Perfeveringly followed up for near the term of two presi- 
dencies— Syftems firft introduced by the tyrant of France, and to 
him ufeful in promoting his grand fchemes of univerfal conqueft, 
but to America, novel and deftructive to the laft degree — Syf- 
tems calculated to bear down and impoverifh the commercial ftates, 
to deprcfs our own products and raife the price of foreign — toex- 
tinguifli national revenue, (hips and failors' rights, to encourage 
fmuggling and immoral evasion and breach of the laws. Syfterae 
of legiflation, in (hort, fatal to induftry and the productive arts of 
life, and beyond all queftion more injurious to thefe ftates than 
luar itfelf, in as much as the fuffering fell wholly on curselves — 
other nations looking on unhurt by thefe infatuated acts of felf- 
deftruction, rejoicing to fee this fihis and profperouj country. 



14 

which aimed death at them, falling the victim of its own wrath 
and folly. 

With refpect to the public refources and wealth that have been 
annihilated — 

The men in power, who profcflbd economy, have far exceeded 
not only the preceding adminiftrations in expenditure, but any 
which ever before fquandered the fubftanceof a patient and confi- 
ding peopl©. 

Before this war,th«y had received not lefs than two hundred mil- 
lions of dollars into the treafury : all this (except about 30 millions 
paid on the old debt) was fpent or fquandered without ftrengthen- 
ing the nation, or adding a fingle important item to the stock of 
American fecurities. Not even a frigate was added to the federal 
navy, but offices and falaries were continually multiplied. 

Fifttftn millions paid for ufelcfs territory, and to fill the coffers 
of Bonaparte. 

Vaft fums expended in fruitlefs or injurious cmbaffies, and oa 
diplomatic favourites. 

The navy, army and civil lift expenfes, were enormous, and yet 
inefiicient. 

Untold thoufands were drawn from the treafury in proje^ls ufe- 
lefs and difreputable to the nation. 

In building, equipping and maintaining gun-boats. 

In secret fervice monies. 

In torpedo experiments, and in paying English impostors ior the 
purpofe of calumniating Ameuczn patriots. 

In (hort, the expenditures of peace were little lefs than thofc 
which might have fupported a fuccefsful war. 

In onr foreign relations, the fame infatuated policy prevailed. — 
The ufurper and tyrant was countenanced, obeyed, and all his pro- 
jc£ls admired. 

France, jacobin France, was courted and aided, whilft fiie in- 
fulted and plundered us, and her enormities as much as polTible 
concealed. 

England was threatened and iiritatcd — treaties with her rejcd- 
ed — her ambaffadors deceived and fent away, and every means 
adopted to create and keep alive refentment, and prepare for her 
dcftrudion by a long fought war, when the propitious moment 
(hould arrive. 

Spain, fighting againft the tyrant for her liberties, caufed no 
fympathy : Spain, tliat fought for American liberty, poffefled not 
even their good wiflies. On the contrary, they wilhed fuccefs to 
her deftroyer. They denied her hread, refufed her ambaflador, and 



15 

and in her dlftrefs f«i2eci upon her territories, and countenanced 
the invafion of her provinces, placed as they were under the fafe- 
guard of American faith and honour- 

"With Tripoli, Algiers and tlie Indian tribes, there has fcarcely 
been a ceflation from wars, tribute and expense. 

The invafion of the Indian country and burning their towns in 
1810, lighted up the vengeance, and brought upon our frontier 
all the horror of the united favagc tribes. 

Thus did the adminiftration condu6l with foreign governments, 
getting deeper into European quarrels. They exhaufted and waft- 
ed the refources of our country, in contemptible fchemes for ftar- 
ving colonifts, or raifing infurreflions among European manufac- 
turers. In pafTing laws conditioned to make them keep the peace^ 
or go to war with us ; thus entangling ouifelves in nets of dc- 
flru£lion made by our own hands. 

This race in the road to ruin feemed nearly run — but one enor" 
imiy yet remained ; and finally, after exhaufting the national 
refources in twelve years of prodigal waftefulnefs, wearing out 
the national fpirit, creating difunion of the ftates, and general dif- 
afFedion to their fchemes of mrfrule, without preparation, and 
fcarcely with a real pretext^ they DECLARED WAR againft 
Great-Britain. 

Fellow Citizensy we have not language to depift the fenfe we 
entertain of this death blow to the beft hopes and interefts of our 
beloved country. 

How can thofe in the (late or general government, who fo rafh- 
ly plunged their country into war, unprepared, and againfl; an en- 
emy fo powerful, anfwer to God or to the People for the dreadful 
coNSEctyENCEs. Surely they (hould no longer be trufted by their 
fellow men. 

This war, as was mbft certain it muft, in fuch hands, under fuch 
circumftances and on fuch grounds, has progrefled in (hame, lofs 
and difappointment. It has been conduSled with a folly and prof- 
ligate wastefulness of the people's blood and money, in fo (hort a 
time unexampled in the annals of the world. 

What do we all bear witness to but 

A fickle, divldc«t and difonayed cabinet. 

Ufelcfs armits employed on th' lakes and devouring the land. 

Militarf ccmmatidii-s without skill, facriiicing brave men, cap- 
tured, defeated or difgraced at every point, throwing the blame 
on the adminiftration, and the adminiftration on them ! 

An exhaufted if not a bankrupt treafury. 

A deftroyed commerce and agriculture. 



16 

A capturej or blocked up navy. 

Our coafting ved'els and trade demoliftied on two thoufand miles 
of feaboard. 

Immenfe Loans — government receiving eighty-five dollars, and 
pledging the people to pay one hundred to the lender ! 

Multiplied and increafing taxation on all the neccllrries of life 
— the excife fyftem mofl; inequitably bearing on the poor. 

Double duties, war prices, the exportation of fpecie, and no 
export of our own products, giving difconttnt, and wc fear a dif- 
folving confederacy^. 

A defperate adminiftration who refufe peac* and are (bedding 
the blood and fpending the fubftance of Americausy on queftions 
about the rights of Englifh faiiors and emigrants. 

A pe'.ple impoveriflied, di{tra£led with apprehenfions, expofed to 
fire and fword, torn from their homes, and bleeding at every point 
on a circumference of five thoufand miles. 

A ftupendous fyftem of public frauds and delinquency among 
contradling army agents, and the hoft of retainers upon govern- 
ment. 

Yet, not a s'wgle national obje£l fecured ! 

Is not all this the fruits of tivo years of ivar^ and prefent to our 
fenfes .'* — And is Great-Britain humbled ? is Canada taken, after 
the lofs of ten thoufand men and one hundred millions of dollars, 
with all the other more dreadful mifchiefs of this war ; or are 
we not bafHed and diftionoured by the mifcondu6l of the men 
who govern atid command ^ By thofe men who are calling on us 
even yety to fupport them and their measures ! Have we eftablilhed 
fallor's rights, or any right, or has It ever been made known what 
we arc fighting for .'' On the contrary, are we not now merely 
fcrambling for our lives and firefides, and in the wonderful prov- 
idence of God, left alone on the theatre of the world, abandoned 
of every nation, and contending with or rather trufting to the tncr- 
ty and magnnnimlty of the nation ice aitachd, invaded, and meant, 
with the aid of the tyrant, to dcftroy. 

Fellow ciiize/ts, we ceafe this catalogue of public ivces — of fo 
many dreadful evils brought on us by ttieri who were to amend znd. 
improve our condition — men who fcorned the fafe and profperous 
policy of Wafliington and liis friends ; and promised to the people 
that they fliould be without wars, taxes, navies, armies, public 
<lcbts, loans and numerous officers of government. Inftead of 
which, they have done nothing else but create and incrcafe all thefe 
evils. 

We ceafe to fpeak of this long courfe of downward and de- 
ftruflive mif-government. But IJiail we interpofc no remedy ? — 



17 

Are fuch tnen and nieafures longer to be upheld ? Surely it 13 
time to think of a remedy ; and what other prefents iifelf, what 
other ought we to take, but to make a general and tlwrough 
chatige. 

All governments, at times, arc forced to change the men in ad- 
niinlftration, or pcrifh by their faults and continuance. 

What caufes or complaints to be compared with thofe we have 
enumerated, induced us to raife thefe men into power who com- 
plained and promifed fo much ? and to put thofe out of power 
who under Wafhington had made us great and proipcrous ? 

It is full time for a people who have fo patiently endured fuch 
evils, and defire at length to efcape from tliem, to put their affairs 
in other hands. Let us, fellow citizens, endeavour to get back to 
Peace and to the Wafliington policy. 

Even fhould a forced peaca on paper be announced, let us take 
care to maintain and improve it by placing in evei-y department of 
the general and fbite governments the Friends of Peace. 

The men in power have forfeited all conhdence. They found 
us in peace and profperity — their courfe was foretold — they have 
involved us in difunion, lofl: rights and poverty. 

Should this direful conteft unhappily be ccniiinied, can this na- 
tion longer truft her honor, fafety and exiftence in fuch feeble 
hands ? Our greatefl: enemies could not have devi.fed plans more 
injurious to American interefts. 

Whether we have war or peace, let us restore to our councils the 
experience, the wifdom and the policy, which raifed our nation to 
fuch exalted greatnefs. 

We befeech you, fellow citizens, to lay afide mere party attach- 
ments, and look at the flate of the country. Reflefl that fuch 
continued and great evils could not have come on us but by the 
moft egregious folly and misrule. Indeed the path of wifdom 
and fecurity feemed plain. Let a thorough change be ma^lc : fear 
not that it can be worfe for us. The friends of Wafliington and 
peace will not betray or defert their country. Give them the 
means of direding and aiding it, by your fuffrages, and they will, 
not dlfappoint your hopes. 

This Convention addreffes itfelf to the People of New-Jcrfey. — 
Thefe ruinous meafures, and this hateful, moft unneceflliry and 
wafteful TiJ^r, cannot be laid to thcticcount of the people : we 
know on the contrary that they are diflatisfied, injured, and defire 
to be relieved from fo many prefent fufferings and expected dan- 
gers. Thefe meafures, and this war, and all thefe miferies, flow 
from a weak, infatuated admiuistratio/i— from men in ^^-r, upheld 

C 



13 

by delufions and promifes, and whofe intcrcfts and obftinacy com- 
bine to encourage and maintain plans and principles which have 
proved, as was foretold, the bane of public profperity. 

It is our duty to be plain. — We repeat our unfeigned belief that 
there muft be an entire removal oi vifionary men and the friends 
of this war, in every flate and department of legiflation, before 
the blefTuigs of peace and of good government can be reftored. 
The remedy is in our own hands. Let us all firmly resclve (how- 
ever we muft endure the existing evils with fortitude and patience) 
that the freedom of suffrage fhall finally re-eftablifh the Friends of 
Peace and the Policy of Waihington. 

Signed by order of the Convention, 

WILLIAM COXE, Prtsident. 

V, Davenport, Secretary. 



RESOLUTIONS 

PASSED BY THE CONVENTION 



DEEPLY afFe£led by the gloom which furrounds the deftiny 
of thefe dates, reduced to a condition fo precarious, by a courfe 
of mtsrule not to be paralleled, this convention neverthelefs, con- 
fiding in the final difcernment and virtue of the people^ do not 
defpair of the republic. We will not confound the people and the 
men in office. This convention is free to declare they believe the 
peopky of whatever party, mean the good and the profpcrity of 
their country. It is to a virtuous and independent body of citi- 
zens thefe proceedings are addrefled. We are perfuaded they will 
not uphold an adminiftration or fet of men in oflice, if convinced 
of their unfimefs and mif-government. Errors and deceptions 
have been thickly fown, and produced the greateft calamities.— 
Happy if becoming wife by our experience and misfortunes, wC 
Jhall all at length perceive the cause of them — the weak, violent 
and fatal meafures of the men in power, and turn for redrefs as is 
done in fuch extremities, to a new and a better adniinistraiion^: 
Wherefore 

Resolvedj That at the enfuing ele£lion for Reprefentatives in 
Congrefs, it be recommended to the Free Ele£lors of New-Jerfey 
to fuppqrt with their united exertions, the following Ticket : 

JAMES GILES, 

SAMUEL W. HARRISON, 

JAMES PARKER, 

JOHN FRELINGHUYSEN, 

JACOB S. THOMSON, 

JOHN N. GUMMING, 
and alfo WILLIAM B. EWING, as Representative in the Con- 
gress of the United States, in the place of Jacob Hufty, Esq. de- 
ceased. 

To thefe, the country may confidently look for the fupport of 
its true honour and profperity. They will reftore peace if it 
can now be obtained without national degradation, or if war muft 
be continued, they will not difgrace Americans : And in rcfpetTl to 
Reprefentatives for the State Legislaiuref this convention do earn- 



20 

eftly recbnimcud it to the people in each county to hold mceti:igs, 
make noiriinations, and ufe all diligence and prudence io prevent 
the reeledlion of the advocates of the loavy and of fuch a ruinous 
£ourfe of policy ; and in their places to return men known to be 
attached to peace and to the Wafhingion policy. 

Whereas the right of the people to express their opinions upon 
the condiicl of men in office^ their ability and motives, is brought in- 
to qucftion, the perfons now in ofhce and their adherents denom- 
inating it "moral treafon" and "enmity to the country" for the 
people to fpcak and vote againft them and their meafures ; as if in 
their ruinous and changing acls, opinions and policy, were to be 
found American liberty and independence — 

We the Convention of Friends of Peace in New-Jerfey, for 
ourfeJves and tl\e great numbers of freemen whom we reprefent, 
do PROTEST againft fuch flavifli and anti-republican principles. 

W~e hold it the firft and mod precious of all rights, that the 
people enjoy perfecSl freedom of opinion, of speech y2inA of suffrage. 
No matter who the men are, or ivhat their meafures, nor with 
what pretences of purity, wifdom and patriotifm, they claim pow- 
er, or profecute their fchemes of policy and government : every 
citizen and every clafs of men in fociety may freely examine the 
condu6l and ability of thofe entrufted with their deareft rights, and 
adl according to their honeft convictions. Thcfe rights are fo necef- 
fary and undoubted, this convention will not impair their ineflima- 
ble value fo much as to debate their exigence or extent. 

The people who elecJ men to oihce for the good of the country, 
ITiay, if their meafures prove injurious to the commonwealth, or,if 
believed incapable or corrupt, turn them cut of ofTice for the good 
of their country, and choofe again. 

The means to effedl this necefTarily make a part of their rights. 
Thefe means arc the liberties of opinion, of fpeecli, of the prefs and 
of fulTrage. They muft all be ufed, and freemen have a right to ufe 
them, in order to fave the country from a continuance in power of 
weak or wicked men — men who by breaches of the conftitution, 
arbitrary power, ufelefs taxes and extravagance, unnecefl'ary and 
impolitic war, or any other mifchievous policy, threaten the ruin 
of the nation. If thofe who have got into olRce and govern as 
they will, (hall contend that expofure of ihem and the abuses of 
their trust, whether from folly or wilful mt-afures of violence and 
wrong, is " oppofiiion to the country and the government," we 
repeat our protest againfl fuch manifeft arrogaiice and infult to 
the common fenfe of mankind. Silence and passive okedience to 
•Ai^G of folly, opprclhon and national ruin, never were and never 



21 

ought to be impofeJ upon the good people of thcfe flates. On ihis 
point, those are the real enemies of their country who fupport and 
countenance the opinion that the men in office are infallible, and 
glofs over their mal-condu6l and deftrudive meafures, by calling 
fuch meafures the " government." Thofe are the enemies of re- 
pubUcan and good government, who by threats, mobs, niaflacres 
and abufe, endeavour to crufli the freedom of fpecch and of the 
prefs, and prevent the people from removing from public truft 
thofe who abufe it. 

How are the dreadful evils of power abufed, and of a whole 
people falling into the depths of public and private ruin, to be 
averted, if to complain of, expofc and conftitutionally refill fuch 
men and meafures is " enmity to the country" ? 

If t|:ie constitution is violated by the perfons in office, the better 
to execute their fchemes of Icgiflation, and perpetuate their party 
and power, (hall thefe acts pafs into precedent and remain unrew 
drefled, becaufe to expofe the fad and the deFinqiient is *' oppofi- 
tlon to government" ? 

If the president makes or interprets laws, arming fubaltern 
agents with illegal instruHions, giving them power over men's per- 
fons, property and lives, without trial by judge and jury, and the 
forms of legal proceedure : 

If majorities in congrefs, impelled by motives of party and paf- 
fion, or governed by implicit reliance on executive meflages, or 
acting under honeft but erroneous views of the public good, pro- 
ceed to meafures and perfevere in fyftems ftriking at the profperi- 
ty and endangering the exiftence of the union : 

If having power only to " regulate*' trade, congrefs fliould in a 
time of peace by a law deftroy it : 

If they fhould give away millions out of the public treafury for 
"foreign". territories, or obtain them by " conqueft,-' through the 
expenfe and horrors of war, when fuch acceffions are difputed, 
worthlefs or an encumbrance : 

If then they fiiould ere£l thefe territories into new states op- 
pofed to commerce, giving thereby a preponderance to a fouthern 
policy and domination, molt deftrudlive to the conititutional 
weight of the antient ftates, or any of them, and fubverfive of 
their eflential interefts and profperity : 

If when their country is at peq;;e and more profperous than any 
other nation in its commerce, yielding a revenue of fixteen mil- 
lions, exceeding in amount any former year, they in that very year 
(on a lopfe fuggeftion of the executive) without fuflPering debate, 
lliould arreft and prohibit all trader and that permanently, laying 



22 

up fuddenly fourteen hundred thousand tons bf shippings vith aH 
their immcnfe connections and relations to induftrjr and wealth, 
on pretence of the poflibility of lofmg a fmall part : 

If after thefc embargoes and noi'-intercourfe with the world 
are continued five years, and nigh all our {hip<:, failors and trade 
lost hy fuch felf dcflrudlive meafures and fjcrifjces made to pro- 
voke England and aid the grand fcheme of her enemy ; if then, 
after deftroying the objeGs of war ourfelves, a majority in con- 
grefs (hould declare war for injuries done to (hips, failors and 
commerce, by England : 

If this war is declared without notice to hundreds of our 
fliips in foreign ports — with revenue gone, our harbours and towns 
unguarded, without (hips of war, men, money, magazines or prep- 
aration : 

If with ftate diffentions and clafliing intciefls, divided coun- 
cils, and againft the wifties, opinions and remonftrances of mil- 
lions of the people, a majority in congrefs fhould be found fo 
rafh and loft to confrquences as to risk^ under fuch circumftan- 
ces, the union and great interefts of thefe ftates, to the chance of 
WAR, when to defer the time and prepare the means was in its 
choice : 

If that wai is declared againft the moft po-iverful nation in the 
world, in a moft unexampled pofture of preparation, efpecially 
on the ocean — our own territories on all fides acceflible to the 
approach cf her fleets, giving our enemy at once the mastery of 
the pretended cbjeEis of the war, " free trade and failors' rights," 
almoft ruined long before war was declared by our own z€i% oi 
folly and paiTion : 

If before the horrid evils of the war had set in, and before its 
declaration was ever known to England, that government removed 
the principal pretended c^ufe, and afterwards propofed an artms- 
tice, ofr<£ring immediately to negociate a friendly fettlement of re- 
maining complaints; i/" yet the men in power ftiould rtjeB the 
armifticc and negociation, prefering to rifque their country and 
a/I its rights and JjlefTings upon the issue of the siuord : 

If, inftead of Jottifying their harbours and preparing for 
defence on the feaboard, building ftiips of war and aflailing the 
trade of the enemy, the men in power fiiould leave the commer- 
cial towns and populous diftri<fts on the fea-coaft without troops 
or defence, and meditate plans of conquest a thoufand miles from 
the ocean— the conqoeft of a cold and worthlefs country beyond 
the frozen lakes of the north — expending in two years, one hun- 
dred tnillionr, in vain and difgraccful attempts to conquer Canada • 



23 

Ir the men thus making this war and direfling It (hould from 
the beginning conduHxt without intelligence, vigour or fyftem, baf- 
fled, defeated and difgraced by a few weak and almoft defencelefs 
colonifts, unprepared (in the confidence of our friendihip and juf- 
tice^ to refift the horrors of invaGon, and bayonets prepared for 
their bofoms : 

If military commands are given by the prefident and his coun- 
cils to men who, one after the other without exception, prove 
hughing flocks for the world, facrificing the lives of thoufandsof 
brave Americans by rafhnefs, ignorance and cowardice, and bring- 
ing difgrace on the American name : 

If a fcene of profligate and bctwdless ivaste of the public trea- 
sure cnfues, unparalleled in any country, and pervading every de- 
partment and quarter : 

If wc and our pofterity, at the end of only two years, are invol- 
ved in one hundred millions of neiu debt, by a difgraceful war : 

If all this has been incurred by the men in office, befides the lof*- 
of as much more to private citizens, by the deftru<Slion of property 
and bufinefs, and yet not a fingle object attained by them for the 
country, unlefs the objeds of the war were to aid the tyrant, feed 
and enrich the makers of it and their ofRcial partizans, and to 
create new props to their power by multiplying innumerable and 
Infatlable bands of army agents, contractors and dependents on tl^ 
war : 

If the Canadas remain unconquered, and even our own ter- 
ritory and fortrefles are poflefled by our enemy : 

If our luhole seaboard^ and every river and inlet is blockaded, and 
our tonuns become the fcenes of bloodlhed, fire and rapine : 

If o\xx jronUer fettlements have undergone and are expofed to 
the mod dreadful effects of favage warfare and retaliation for A- 
meriean invasign and cruelties : 

If our armies, notwithflanding the immenfe levies authorized 
by acts of congrefs, and the millions of money appropriated for 
their enlifiment and fupport, are diminished znd diminishing, whilft 
the war and the enemy are becoming more terrible : 

If our ships cf war are blocked up and difmantled : 

If our gun- boats, merchant fhips, letters of marque and pri- 
vateers, are laid up, captured or deftroyed, with but few excep- 
tions : 

If our coafling vefTels, packets and fmall craft, with their car- 
goes, are by hundreds made prize of or burnt : 

If the militia of the feveral itates, after all the treafure, taxes 
and loans fpent for regular armlcf* are drafted, marched to the 



24 

frontiers, made to perform garrifon duty and kept pofting from' 
place to place for the fafety of defencelefs villages, at an expenfe 
of time, lofs and public money, not to be eftimated, and if this 
mufl: be continued : 

If national bankruptcy is at hand, public accounts in arrear, to 
the amount of millions concealed and even unlocked at, as the 
fecretary at war declares -, the armies unrecruited and military 
Itores and magazines unprovided : 

If all the /^opes and schemes of a fliort -fighted cabinet from tlie 
fuccefs of a wicked tyrant over the liberties of Europe, are termin- 
ated by his downfal : 

If the abufed and deceived people of thefe United States, in 
every quarter, y^f/ nothing but the prelTiire of taxes, of high prices, 
and diflrclTcs produced by the deftrudlion of life, property and 
businefs : 

If thefe are to them the only fruit of a war which they were told 
fliould redrefs their wrongs and encircle us with conqueft and 
glory: 

If, looking hack^ nothing is reviewed but empty promifes, vain 
boaflings, errors, slaughter, defeats and waftefulnefs ; and furvey- 
ing the prospect before usy we find our country without a friend 
among the powers of the earth, all nationst viewing us as the con- 
federates of the tyrant againft their liberties : 

If we perceive an enemy, triumphant over the mightieft: dangers, 
furrounded with glory and power, pouring her liberated fhips and 
armies upon our defencelefs waters and population, in an over- 
whelming torrent of war, to meet our challenge and revenge in- 
juries and aggression in time of her diflrefs : 

If inftead of pretended rights fccured, and territories conquer- 
ed by war, (with as yet fcarce an effort of the enemy) our cabinet 
mufl fuppllcate and receive peace from the clemency of Englaiid, or 
fight on through a hopelefs and fatal war, risking our very exist- 
ence as a nation : 

If the men, who by calumnies and popular delusions, wrefled 
the adminiftration of public affairs from the friends of Wafhing- 
ton and liis policy — who promifed more of republican purity and 
moderation, more economy and equality, more ability to govern, 
more profperity at home and abroad, and Icfs of falaries, ofUces, 
taxes, armies, navies, and foreign entanglements — have, on the 
contrary, purfued the very opposite courfe : 

If thefe pretended patriots, intent chiefly on olTice, emolument, 
party afcendancy and power, have failed to perform a single prom- 
ise, or reform a single grievance complained of — but by a baneful, 



25 

visionary and headlong courfe of passion, folly and extravagance, 
have overturned the fure foundations of national profjierity laid 
by Wafliington and the Federal Republicans of America, fquan- 
dering away the blood, treafure and fecurities of the nation, with- 
out object or attainment of one public advantage, to compenfate 
for fuch a feries and mafs of evil : 

If all these acts and conslquences have, in fourteen years, 
flowed from the men who changed the policy cf Washitigtotif and 
have purfued, and are now purfuing, and will pcrfevere in thefe 
courfes of public ruin (and all thefe grievances do manifeflly ex- 
ift) — then let it be asked — who is the "enemy to his country 
and her rights"— -He who countenances and supports fuch men and 
measures^ or he who would save it from entire deflruction, by re- 
moving from truil fuch unworthy violaters of the people's bed in- 
terefts and the nation's good ? 

This Convention aflert the necessity and the right of making 
fuch a change — they resolve, therefore, that all attempts to fllgma- 
tise the friends of peace and reforniy with difafFection to their 
country, are violations of the rights of freemen : That all means 
ufed by the men in power or advocates of fuch deftruciive mea- 
fures, to intimidatethe people, by reprefenting their juft complaints, 
under oppression and impending ruin, as factious and treafonable, 
are violations of public liberty, and if fubmitted to, public evils 
will be incurable and the domination of weak or unprincipled 
men be perpetual : It being evident that to oppofe bad men or 
meafures, and to change them, is not opposition, but fupport of 
good government. 

This Convention, therefore, do recommend to all their fellow- 
citizens to aflert their rights of opinion and fuffrage, and if they 
believe such men and meafures will ruin the country, whatever 
former queflions divided them, to join in one common effort to 
change the adminiftrations of the general and flate governments, 
as their only chance of relief from fo many grievances. 

Whereas the war, hitherto fo difgraceful and desolating, was 
declared againll the remonflrances and opinions of a large propor- 
tion of the people of thefe ftates, and in all probability by a ma- 
jority ; and wliereas, in conducting it, the government has 
tfxcluded the friends of federal policy, and of peace, who have no 
power or influence, and ought not therefore to be responsible for 
the calamitous events which fuch a war mufl produce : This Con- 
vention, for itfelf and its conftituents, do avow their mod devot- 
ed love and attachment to their country, its conftltutlons and prof- 
perity : They are opprefled with grief and alarm at the dangers 

D 



26 

and diftrefles which encompafs it : They yield to no clamorous 
partisati of the men in power, or fenfelefs pretender to extraor- 
dinary patriotifm, in real attachment to the honor and jufl triumphs 
of the American character ; and they are incapable of any fenti- 
ment or wi(h derogatory to the eflential rights of the nation : But 
inafmuch as the acts of the men in power have been fo deftruc- 
tive of both character and rights — as the friends of peace and the 
Wafliington policy are excluded from the cabinet councils and 
pofiefs no control over the adminiftration of public affairs ; as in 
regard to this war, they deemed it the mod unneceffary, impolitic, 
u'icked ahd deftructive meafure ever ventered upon by a deluded 
and defperate party : As this Convention and their conftituents 
have no hope in the removal of public grievances while fuch men 
retain power and confidence, and «s they cannot in duty to God 
and their confcience outwardly approve what is mod abhorrent 
to their feelings and judgment — Therefore they deem it fit to de- 
clare that they difregird the reproach of not volunteering their 
lives and fortunes in favor of this war : They have no lot in the 
councils of the war — in army commissions and military com- 
mands, they undoubtedly believe that under fuch men as rule 
in the cabinet and camp, no people, whatever their rights, their 
numbers or means, can profper either in peace or war. Thofe 
who made and advocate the war and the conductors of it, have 
not wanted numbers or means : Though the inftigators of it keep 
at a diftance from danger, yet they have had the refources of a 
great and flourifliing country — Millions on millions have been 
at their disj)ofal — In two years they have dissipated the whole on 
an inglorious anddifaflrous war, and now call upon the oppofers 
of fuch policy and conduct to join their defperate ftandard — to rufh 
headlong into their ranks, and be led under their generals and 
commanders to difgrace and certain deflruction. 

This Convention and the friends of peace will obey the laws, 
will defend their country, if invaded, at every point, and neither 
in peace or war yield any clear and effential right. It is a high 
confolatioQ to the friends of Washington and his policy, that 
whatever of naval or military honor could fpring from fuch a 
contefl, it has been the refult of federal valor. But under fuch 
men as now direct the public councils, under fuch commanders, 
nnd for objects of conqueft and injuflice, this Convention cannot 
but warn their felloA'-citizens that if they are much longer per- 
mitted to mis-rule — if pe.ice and rights are not foon fecured by a 
change of administration^ it may be too late for either peace or war 
to fave our country. 



27 

This Convention do therefore Resclve^ that in their opinion 
the way to a treaty of honor and fpeedy return of peace to our 
abufed and endangered country, is not to join in clamours for 
war and blood, but to fliew our real desire for peace witli Eng- 
land by removing from our councils the agents and inflruments of 
war. This Convention is firmly convinced that England would 
have rejoiced in peace, and even yet, though aggravated to the 
laft degree, might embrace it on honorable terms to our country, 
if fhe could proceed with confidence in the sincerity and honor 
which characterised the cabinet of Wafliington. Until that hap- 
py period arrives, this Convention recommend patience under 
fulFering, a courageous fpirit in defence of our country andhomes, 
when invaded — but remembering that all the precious blood and 
treafure which this war mud cofl:,and all its awful confequences, 
are chargeable on the heads of thofe who encouraged and made it. 



ERRATA- 
In page lo, fitft line of firft paragraph, for acts read arts. 
Page 14, third line, for that read tbey. 

?age 16, ninth line, {or giving xtz^ groiving, i8th line, for contrast- 
J read contrcctors. 



/ 



APPENDIX. 



Extract from Mr. IFchgtcr's Speech, delivered in the House oj 
Itepiesentatives of the United States, li/A January, 181*. 

"WHEN we ask, fir, for the caufes of thefe difappointmcnts, 
we are told that they are owing to the oppofitiou which the war 
encounters in this houfe, and among the people. All the evils 
which affliif^ the country are imputed to oppofjtion. This is the 
fafhionable dodlrine both here and clfewhere. It is faid to be ow- 
ing to oppofition that the war became neceflary ; and owing to 
oppofition alfo that it has been profecuted wich no better fuccefs. 

" This, fir, is no new ftrain. It has been fung a thoufand times. 
It is the conflant tune of every weak or wicked adminiftration. 
What minifler ever yet acknowledged, that the evils which fell 
on his country were the neceflary confequences of his own inca- 
pacity, his own folly, or his own corruption ? What pofleflnr of 
political power ever yet failed to charge the mifchiefs refulting 
from his own meafures, upon thofe who had uniformly oppofed 
thofe meafures? The people of the United States may well re- 
member the adminiflration of lord North. He loft America to 
his country ; yet he could find pretences for throwing the odium 
upon his opponents. He could throw it upon thofe who had fore- 
warned him of confequences from the fivlt,and who had oppofed 
him at every ftage of his difaftrous policy with all the force of 
truth, reafon and talent. It was not his own weaknefs, his own 
ambition, his own love of arbitrary power, whicli difaffecf^ed the 
colonies. It was not the tea ac^, the ftamp ad, or the Bofton 
port bill, that fevered the empire of Britain. Oh, no! — it was 
owing to no fault of adminiflration. It was the work of oppo- 
fition. It was the impertinent boldnefs of Chatham -, the idle de- 
clamation of Fox, and the unfeafonable farcafm of Barre ! Thefc 
men, and men like them, would not join the minifter in his Amer- 
ican war. They would not give the name and chara<!>erof wif- 
dom to that which they believed to be the extreme of folly. They 



29 

would not pronounce thofe meafures juft and honourable, which 
their principles led them to deteft. They declaied the miniftcrs' 
war to be wanton. They forefaw its end, and pointed it out plain- 
ly both to the miniflcr and to the country. — He pronounced the 
oppofitlon to be felfifh and fadious. He perfifted in his courfe, 
and the refult is in hiftory. 

"This example of minifterial juftice feems to have become a 
model for thefe times and this country. With flight (liades of 
difference, owinjr to different degrees of talent and ability, the 
imitation is fuiliciently exa£l. It requires little imagination to 
fancy one's self fometimes to be liftenrng to a recitation of the 
captivating orations of the occupants of lord North's treafury 
bench. We are told that oppofition has divided the government, 
and divided the country. Remember, fir, the (late of the gov- 
ernment and of the country when war was declared. Did not 
differences of opinion then exill .'' — Do we not know that this 
houfe was divided ? — Do we not know that the other houfe was 
Hill more divided .'' — Does not every man to whom the public 
documents are acceffible, know that in that other houfe, one An- 
gle vote having been given otherwiCe than it was, would have re- 
je6led the z€i declaring war, and adopted a dilTerent courfe of 
m°afares ? A parental, guardian government, would have regard- 
ed that (late of things. It would have weighed fuch confidera- 
tions — It would have inquired coolly and difpaffionately into the 
flate of public opinion, in the flates of this confederacy — It would 
have looked cfpecially to thofe ftates mofl concerned in the pro-^ 
fefTed objedls of the war, and whofe Interefts were to be deeply 
afFe£led by it. Such a government, knowing that its flrength 
confifted In the union of opinion among the people, would have 
taken no ftep of fuch importance, without that union j nor would 
it have miflaken mere party feeling for national fcntiment." 



Extrad from J/r. rUkin''s Speech on the Loan Jiilh ddhertd in 
the House of Jlcprcsentativcs of the United StaieSf l^'ehruanj lO^A, 
ISli. 

"THE extravagant expenditures of former adminiflratlons, 
have for many years been the theme of both public and private 
declamation, as well as denunciation. It may be ufeful to look 
back, and to enquire whether the praflice of thofe, who have pro- 
fefTed fo much ejonomy in the expenditure of the public money, 
has been conformable to their professions. 



30 

Bv recurring to official documents, fumifhcd us from the trca- 
fury'departmenf, we fliall find that the whole expenfcs of the 
feveral adminiftrrations, (exclusive of the public debt) have been 
as follows : 

I. The adminiftration of president Wafhington — 
The whole expenfe for military and naval es- 

tablifliments, Indian department, foreign in- 

tercourfe, Barbary powers, civil lift, and all 

others, (exclusive of public debt) from March 

4th, 1789, to 1797, mclusive, being more 

than eight years, was Dols. 18,408,620 81 

1. The expenfe, for fame objects, during the 

adminiftration of Mr. Adams, from 1798,10 

1801, inclusive, being four years — was 23,496,430 13 

Making from March 4th, 1789, to 1801, in-7 ^,g ..905,050 94 

elusive, being 12 years and ten months, 3 

It will be remembered, that this fum includes 
theexpenfesof the Indian wars — about one mil- 
lion expended in fuppressing an infurrection 
in Pennfylvnnia, and nearly one million for the 
releafe of American prifoners at Algiers, dur- 
ing president Wafhington's adminiftration, and 
the whole expenfe of the war with France, in 
the adminiftration of Mr. Adams. 
3. The expenfe for the fame objects, from 1 80.1 

to 181 1, inclusive, being the eight years of 

president Jefferfon's and two firft years of 

president Madifon's adminiftration, making 

ten years in the whole, were S 54>437>478°^ 

Making whole expenfe (exclusive of the debt) ") g q6 04 1 020 co 
from March 4th, 1786, to Dec. 31ft, 1811, 5 > '^'^ *^ ^ 
Difference between the expenfe of Wafliington 

and Adams' adminiftration, being twelve years 

and ten months, and the adminftration of Jcf- 

ferfon and Madifon, for ten years, S i?)543»'^27 12 

During the laft period, there was paid under 

the Louisiana convention, and under the Brit- 

ifti treaty, and included in the above expenfes, S 6,361,000 00 
This fum was not equal to the extraordinary 

expenfe of the former period •, each may, 

therefore, be offset againft the other — but if 

deducted, will ftill leave a diff'erence of S 6,182,027 00 



31 

From this ftatcment, taken from ofTicial documents, it appears 
that the expenfe of the military tftablifiiment alone, for the year 
ending on the 30th of September, 1813, was greater than all the 
expenfes (exclusive of the public debt) during the whole of the 
adminiftration of president Wafliington. Strange, sir, as this 
may feem, it is nevevthelefs true. 
From the 30th day of Sept. 1812, to the 30th 

day of Sept. 1813, there was paid from the 

treafury, for the military department alone, S 18,484,756 49 
The whole expenfe (exclusive of the payments 

for the public debt) during the eight years 

of President Wafhington's adminiftration, 

was oidy 18,408,020 81 

Leaving a difference of S 76,725 68 

The eftimate of expenfes for the military department, for the 
year 18 14, exceeds by about one million of dollars, the whole ex- 
penfe (exclusive of the debt) of Mr. Adams' adminiftration. The 
expenfe of military eftabliftiment, for the prefent year, is eftima- 
ted at more than twenty-four millions and a half, and the whole 
expenfe of that adminiftration, (exclusive of debt) was a little 
ftiort of twenty-three millions and a half. Yes, Mr. Chairman, 
the four years extravagance of president Adams, is to be outdone 
by the war department alone, during the prefent year. How often 
have we been reminded both here and elfewhere, of thofe hard 
and extravagant times. How often have the ftandlng armies, the 
expensive navies, the 8 per cent, loans, and the enormous and op- 
pressive taxes of John Adams, been refounded through every part 
of the United States — and with what effect ? The authors of 
thofe meafures were considered as unworthy of public confidence. 
And yet, sir, the expenditures of thofe times, in comparifon with 
the expenditures of the prefent, were " trifles light as air." In no 
one year did the military eftablifliment of Mr. Adams coft more 
than about two millions and a half ; for the prefent year it is ef- 
timated at more than twenty-four millions. Nor did he expend 
upon his favorite navy, more than about three millions and a half 
in any single year ; the expenfe of tlie navy this year is cftimated 
at 6,900,000. A little more than six millions was then borrowed 
at 8 per cent. This adminiftration, during the laft year borrow- 
ed twenty-two and a lialf millions of dollars, at about the fame 
rate of intercil, and we are now called upon to borrow twenty- 
five millions more, and which cannot, probably, be obtained on 
more favorable terms. A land tax of two millions of dollars was 



32 

Uien laid, with other internal taxes. A land tax of three millions 
ifi now in collection, with nearly all the other internal taxes of Mr. 
Adams, with fome additional ones, and the amount of them is 
nearly doubled ; and it is agreed that another land tax of three 
millions mud be laid for the next year. I will not fay that fome 
of the expenditures of thofe times might not have been extrava- 
gant ; but I will fay, that thofe expenditures were economy, even 
parsimony itfelf, when compared with thofe of the prefent ad- 
minidration. 
The expenfe of the war, at the clofe of the 
prefent year, at the prefent edimated rate of 
expenditure, will exceed the whole expendi- 
ture of president Walliington's adminiftru- 
tioxi, for the fame objects, S 60,545,3 1 1 44 

And will exceed th^tof president Adams, 55,454,902 17