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Eighteenth Annual Lincoln Dinner
of the Republican Club of the
City of New York
W A LDORF- ASTORIA
FEBRUARY THE TWELFTH
Nineteen Hundred and Four
PROCEEDINGS
AT
THE EIGHTEENTH
ANNUAL LINCOLN DINNER
OF THE
REPUBLICAN CLUB
OF THE
CITY OF NEW YORK
CELEBRATED AT THE WALDORF-ASTORIA, THE NINETY-FIFTH
ANNIVERSARY OF THE BIRTHDAY OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN
FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 12TH, 1904
NEW YORK
PRESS OF HENRY I. CAIN AND SON, 35 VESEY STREET
1904
M4-
Abraham Lincoln
EMANCIPATOR
MARTYR
BORN FEBRUARY 12TH, 1809
ADMITTED TO THE BAR 1837 ELECTED TO CONGRESS 1846
ELECTED SIXTEENTH PRESIDENT
OF THE
UNITED STATES, NOVEMBER, i860
EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION, JANUARY 1ST, 1863
RE-ELECTED PRESIDENT
OF THE
UNITED STATES, NOVEMBER, 1864
ASSASSINATED APRIL 14TH, 1865
OFFICERS 1904
President
LOUIS STERN
1st Vice-President
ROBERT N. KENYON
2nd Vice-President 3rd Vice-President
FRANK TILFORD GEORGE H. SARGENT
Recording Secretary
DONALD McLEAN
Corresponding Secretary
HENRY BIRRELL
Treasurer
J. EDGAR LEAYCRAFT
LINCOLN DINNER COMMITTEE
ROBERT N. KENYON, Chairman
J. EDGAR LEAYCRAFT, Treasurer
EDWARD DIMON BIRD, Secretary
EDMUND WETMORE
EDWARD A. NEWELL
ALBERT F. HAGAR
WILLIAM M. K. OLCOTT
LOUIS STERN, Ex-Officio
TOASTS
MR. LOUIS STERN, President of the Club, Presiding
GRACE Rt. Rev. George Worthington, D.D.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN Hamilton W. Mabie, LL.D.
THE REPUBLICAN PARTY Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks
THE NAVY Hon. W. H. Moody
THE PILLARS OF THE REPUBLIC Hon. Chauncey M. Depew
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THE LINCOLN DINNER
OF THE
REPUBLICAN CLUB
INTRODUCTORY ADDRESS
OF
Hon. Louis Stern
PRESIDENT OF THE CLUB
PRESIDING
The President: I will ask Eev. Dr. Worthington to
ask grace.
Eev. Dr. Worthington : Our praise to Thee, 0 God I
Thou givest us our meat in due season; Thou openest Thy
hand and fillest all things living with plenteousness. Bless
this provision of Thy bounty to our use and enable us by
Thy grace to follow the good examples of all Thy servants
departed this life in Thy faith and fear. We ask it for
Jesus Christ's sake. Amen.
The President: Ladies and Gentlemen — Another
year has taken wings and joined the thousands of others
that have gone before, and to-night it is again my pleasure
to welcome you on this anniversary of the natal day of
Abraham Lincoln and to do homage to his memory.
Abraham Lincoln's place among the world's immortals
is secure beyond peradventure. But we commemorate his
birthday because of the affection and reverence which he
inspires in all who are devoted to the great cause of hu-
manity.
We commemorate his birthday because in so doing we
stimulate and elevate our own patriotism.
We commemorate his birthday because we remember
with exultation that he was a charter member of that great,
that beneficent political organization to which we owe al-
legiance and whose name the Club bears. (Applause.)
10 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
To me it appears that the feeling of love and veneration
for this truly good man is more and more intensified as the
years go by, and when problems and difficult matters of
State beset us we must find courage and inspiration from
what was accomplished during the crucial days when
Abraham Lincoln steered the Ship of State in the most
momentous times in the country's history. (Applause.)
While the issues that confront this great country from
time to time may appear for the moment insurmountable,
yet with that farsightedness of the men who are called upon
to administer the various functions of the Government,
they will be solved, and solved in a way that will add lustre
not alone to the men at the helm, but to that great body of
American citizens who never fail to grasp subjects of mo-
ment when properly placed before them.
All we must do is to be true to ourselves, and never lose
faith in the people of this country. (Applause.) Eead
the magnificent speech of Ex-Secretary of War Eoot, de-
livered the other evening at the Union League Club, and
then ask yourselves, when such men are always to be found,
and ready to take up the difficult problems of government,
whether in affairs of State, of the Navy, of the War, of
Commerce, and other departments, whether this country
need lose faith in its continual progress and advance-
ment.
We can best keep Abraham Lincoln's birthday by con-
stantly laboring for our country according to our opportu-
nities, as he labored for it in his day. We can best keep
it by manfully battling against whatever tends to lower
the standard of public service (applause), and bearing in
mind his fervent entreaty in behalf of government "of the
people, by the people, and for the people." (Applause.)
Now, ladies and gentlemen, I am not going to encroach
any further upon your time, and before introducing the
men of distinction and eminence who will address you on
the subjects assigned to them, will ask the Chairman of the
Dinner Committee to read letters and telegrams from the
ADDRESS OF HON. LOUIS STERN 11
President and other leading citizens of the country who are
unable to be here with us to-night. And before I ask the
Chairman of that Committee to read these letters, I will
ask you to have your glasses filled and rise and drink the
health of the President of the United States. (Applause.)
Now I will ask Mr. Kobert N. Kenyon, Chairman of the
Dinner Committee, to read these letters.
Mr. Kobert N. Ken yon : Mr. President, Ladies and
Gentlemen — Some of the distinguished leaders of our
Nation and our Party whom we had hoped to have here to-
night to enjoy with us the pleasures of this occasion have
been unable to come by reason of public service. They
have sent letters of regret, of which I have time to read but
three or four. The first is from one who has been a mem-
ber of this Club for twenty years, our most distinguished
member, the President of the United States. (Applause
and cheers.)
February 3, 19Q4.
My dear Mr, Kenyon:
It is a matter of great regret to me that I can not be
with the Republican Club on the occasion of the Lincoln Dinner.
I feel very strongly that the celebration of Lincoln's birth-
day has more than any mere historic significance. The par-
ticular problems which Lincoln had to meet have passed away;
but the spirit, the purpose, the methods with which he met them
are as needed now as they ever were, and will be needed as
long as free government exists, as long as a free people tries
successfully %o meet its manifold responsibilities. The
principles for which Lincoln contended are elemental and basic.
He strove, for peace if possible, but fpr justice in any event;
he strove for a brotherhood of mankind, based on the theory
that each man can conserve his own liberty only by paying
Scrupulous regard to the liberty of others. He strove to bring
about that union of kindliness and disinterestedness, with
strength and courage upon which as a foundation our institutions
must rest if they are 'to remain unshaken by time.
With cordial well wishes for the success of your organi-
zation, believe me,
Sincerely yours,
<o— C?"^
Mr. Robert If. Kenyon, Chairman,
54 West 40th Street,
New York.
STATE OF NEW YORK
EXECUTIVE CHAMBER
ALBANY
January 19, 1904.
Mr. Robert N. Kenyon,
54 West 40th Street, New York City.
I have your favor of January 16th, inviting me on behalf of the Republican
Club of the City of New York to be present at their annual Lincoln Banquet as its
guest.
I regret very much that I am unable to accept the invitation you extend because
of an engagement to be elsewhere on that evening.
Thanking you most cordially for your courtesy and with kind regards, I am,
Yours sincerely,
B. B. Odell, Jr.
UNITED STATES SENATE
WASHINGTON
January 19, 1904.
Mr. Robert N. Kenyon, Chairman,
54 West 40th Street, New York City.
My Dear Mr. Kenyon :
I am in receipt of your highly esteemed favor of January 18, inviting me,
in your very pleasing and informal way, to be present at the Lincoln Banquet of the
Republican Club of the City of New York, to be held at the Waldorf-Astoria on Feb-
ruary 12th, as the guest of the Club. It would be very pleasing to me to accept the
hospitality of the Club on this occasion, if I consistently could, but my official duties
will compel my presence in the City of Washington at that time, and I find myself
under the necessity, which I deprecate and regret, of declining the invitation.
With hearty thanks, I beg to remain,
Yours very truly,
T. C. Platt.
Mr. Hanna, Chairman.
Mr. Dryden.
Mr. Foster, La.
Elmer Dover, Clerk.
UNITED STATES SENATE
Committee on Enrolled Bills
Washington, January 10, 1904.
Mr. Robert N. Kenyon, Chairman,
54 West 40th Street, New York, N. Y.
My Dear Sir :
I have just received your letter of the 18th instant, and thank you very
much for the invitation to attend the Lincoln Dinner to be given by the Republican
Club, February 12th. However, I am compelled to decline all invitations which will
take me away from Washington during the present session of the Senate. I am
physically unable to meet the demands which a general acceptance would entail, and
in addition, cannot with any degree of certainty plan for an absence from the city
with so many important measures pending in the Senate.
I appreciate the invitation and your personal letter supplementing it, and regret
that it cannot be my pleasure to accept.
Truly yours,
M. A. Hanna.
PULLMAN BUILDING
CHICAGO
January 23, 1904.
Robert N. Kenyon, Esq., Chairman of Committee,
15 Union Square, New York City.
Dear Sir :
It gives me special pleasure to acknowledge the courtesy of your Com-
mittee in extending to me an invitation to attend the 18th Annual Lincoln Dinner, to
be given by the Republican Club of the City of New York, on the evening of February
12th.
Although, for reasons to which I have so often given expression, it seems better
that I should refrain from availing myself of invitations of this character, they are
none the less gratefully received by me, and I beg you will convey to the members of
the Club the assurance of my heartfelt appreciation of the sentiments which prompt
them to honor the memory of my father by these annual observances of the anniver-
sary of his birth.
Very truly yours,
Robert T. Lincoln.
ADDRESS OF
Hamilton W. Mabie, LL.D.
The President: Ladies and Gentlemen — The Club,
at its annual banquets, has listened to many an eloquent
oration on Abraham Lincoln, but I am sure that none of
the eulogists of Lincoln whom our Club has invited to
speak from this forum has received a heartier welcome
than that which awaits the orator who is now about to ad-
dress you. He is a man of letters and a man of eloquence,
an incisive and brilliant essayist, and a master of the art
of public speaking.
I have great pleasure in introducing to you our fellow-
townsman, Mr. Hamilton W. Mabie. (Applause.)
Mr. Hamilton W. Mabie: Mr. President and Gentle-
men— Among the fairy stories of achievement that have
been told, or better still, that have been lived on this con-
tinent, none certainly is more inspiring than that which is
told of the man whose meiaory we recall to-night. And I
can think of nothing for the moment more profitable than
to trace the stages by which this man fitted himself for the
great work which he so magnificently performed. It has
been the theory in this country — we are fast learning bet-
ter— that heroes are born, not made. As a matter of fact
the hero must not only be born, but made. In our em-
phasis upon individual initiative, upon the native force of
the man, upon the power of character, we have sometimes
undervalued the power and the necessity of education.
We are in the condition, I think, of the man who was asked
if he played the violin, and replied : "I don't know ; I
never have tried." This attitude was illustrated by the
small boy in the country town, the hope and pride of his
family, who was sent to the office of the village lawyer to
study law, and at the end of the first day when his father
said to him : "Well, Jim, what do you think of the
18 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
law?" "I don't think much of it," he replied; "faint
what they say it is. I am sorry I learned it." (Laugh-
ter.)
Every natural force, every native talent, which is to
reach its end, its highest development, must be trained,
and there never wras yet a great force well directed to a
great end which was not intelligently directed, and never
a great man climbed to a great height who did not plan his
ascent, never a great achievement made that was not made
as the result of a long preparation. The victories of life
are not to be explained on the ground where they are won.
The victories of life, like victories of war, are won years
in advance of the day when the battle is waged. The vic-
tory in Port Arthur a day or two ago was not won sud-
denly (applause), because a group of audacious and brave
men dashed without intelligence or forethought or pre-
meditation into that great harbor. It has been in the way
of being won every day for the last ten years. (Applause.)
The battle of Manila was not won in the harbor of Manila
(applause) ; it was won years before at Annapolis, and it
was won again in the preparation at Hong Kong. Never
a great deed done that is not done because a man has made
himself ready to do the deed. No man ever yet rose obscure,
summoned by any sudden call in any great assembly, and
sat down famous because the hour inspired him. No
man, as you know, ladies and gentlemen, from long and
suffering experience, ever has anything in him when he is
on his feet that he did not have in him when he sat in his
chair. (Applause and laughter.) But when, as some-
times happens, a man is suddenly called out by some
sudden emergency and says the word that goes ringing
home to the very heart of the Nation, you will find that
that speech has been in preparation perhaps all the earlier
years of his life, just as Webster's superb description
of British rule following the sun's came to him
years before its delivery on the citadel of Quebec
and awaited the hour and the place when it could
ADDRESS OF HAMILTON W. MABIE, LL.D. 19
be brought from the silence in which it was waiting
all those years. No man ever does anything great by
accident. Men do great things because they have the
capacity to do them and because they have trained that
capacity. They make great achievements because there is
in them the force of heroism and because also they have
prepared themselves to snatch the prize when the opportu-
nity arises.
Abraham Lincoln is often numbered among the unedu-
cated, and his career is pointed out among those careers
which are supposed to stimulate the man who relies wholly
on natural capacity, native pluck and ambition. All these
qualities Abraham Lincoln had, but I venture to say that
no man in Abraham Lincoln's time was better educated
than he, and perhaps no man was so well educated as he
to do the work which God appointed him to do. (Ap-
plause.)
He was born of heroic stock, and he educated himself
to be the hero that he became. There is no accident in
that long career, no chance in that magnificent ascent
from the old frontier to the martyr's place in Washington
and to the larger place in the Pantheon of the world's
heroes. Every step of that ascent was made with patient
feet and intelligent purpose, and with forecast and grasp
on the things that were to be done and the preparation
that was to be made for the doing of them. I believe that
Abraham Lincoln's education can be traced just as de-
finitely as the education of William E. Gladstone, as thor-
oughly trained a public man as our time, or perhaps any
time, has known. Do not make the mistake, however, that
we are so much in the habit of making, of identifying edu-
cation entirely with academic or formal processes. For-
tunate is the man who has the aid of the best instrumental-
ities and influences in his training ; but a man does not
need to go to a university in order to become educated, and
there are thousands of men who do go to universities with-
out becoming educated. (Laughter and applause.) Edu-
20 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
cation may be gotten along the solid highway which it has
taken the best thought and the best brain and the greatest
self-denial of men in all generations to build, or it may
be taken in every by-path by which an aspiring and fore-
casting soul makes its way out of obscurity into reputation
and influence.
Born on the old frontier, under conditions so crude and
harsh that it is almost impossible for us to recall them
vividly to-day, the man whom we honor to-night had the
smallest possible opportunities of formal education. His
schooling altogether, as he has told us, was by "littles,"
and those littles were compassed within a year. Of the
text-book, the blackboard and the recitation he knew little ;
but from the beginning he seems to have been possessed
with one of the greatest passions and one of the most
liberating that can take hold of a man's soul — a passion
for knowledge. In every class of which he was a member
he stood at the head, and by the testimony of the boys who
stood with him, he easily passed them all. Every book he
could lay his hands on he mastered. From the very begin-
ning his eager feet seemed to have turned to the fore;
that open, keen, acute mind of his seems to have fastened
upon everything that could educate him; every bit of
knowledge, every bit of spare time. Lincoln compassed
one great secret; he learned the secret of putting detached
five and ten minutes together, and sometimes I think that
a man that has learned how to husband his minutes and
put the detached minutes together, has gained the power of
becoming a highly educated man. Lincoln had a few
books. You know it has been said that only three books
are necessary to make a library — the Bible, Shakespeare
and Blackstone's Commentaries. All these books Lincoln
had; every one of those books Lincoln knew intimately.
But Lincoln had other books as well. He had, to begin
with, that great literature in sixty-six volumes with which
many of us are now so unfamiliar, that we call the Bible;
a library which includes almost every literary form, which
ADDRESS OF HAMILTON W. MABIE, LL.D. 21
touches the loftiest heights of human aspiration and sounds
the depths of human experience and conveys truth to us in
the noblest eloquence, both of prose and of verse. This
library was sufficient in itself for a man who could read it
as Lincoln could, without the aid of commentaries and
with the flash of the imagination, the power of going to the
place where a book lives, which is worth all other kinds of
power in dealing with the book. Such a man could be
lifted out of provincialism, not only into the great move-
ment of the world, but into the companionship of some of
the loftiest of souls that have ever lived, by this single book.
And then he had that mine of knowledge of life and of
character, iEsop's Fables, at his fingers' ends, so that in all
his talk, and later in public life, these fables served the
happiest uses of illustration; and he had that masterpiece
of clear presentation, Robinson Crusoe. He was intim-
ately familiar with that well of English undefiled which
I think more than any other influence colored and shaped
his style — Bunyan's "Pilgrim's Progress."
We who read not only three or four newspapers in the
morning but a half a dozen different editions during the
day, who live not only in our own time but in the minutes
of that time, who rarely have a chance to read a book,
what do we know in this busy age of the education that a
man can get out of four great books which deal not with
the passing moments but with the centuries, and for that
matter, with the eternities? This was the education that
Abraham Lincoln had.
He borrowed that old-fashioned book which is respon-
sible for a great deal of misinformation, Weem's Life of
Washington. And when, in 1861, he spoke in the Senate
at Trenton, he said that so thoroughly had he absorbed
that book, that he could see Washington crossing the Dela-
ware and could recall all the details of the brilliant march
on Trenton and the brilliant march on Princeton; those
demonstrations of the patient generalship of Washington
which first caught the attention of Europe and made him
22 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
an authority in the eyes of military experts. Lincoln bor-
rowed that book of a neighbor and took it home. After he
had read it he put it between the logs of the log cabin and
in the night it rained, and the water, penetrating the mud,
soiled the book and discolored it. When he saw it in the
morning, he was in great trepidation. He went to the
man who owned it and told him the story, feeling that
nothing he could do could compensate for the injury to
that priceless volume. And this neighbor said : "Well,
Abe, seeing it's you I won't be hard on you; you give me
three days' corn shucking and you may have the book."
And Lincoln took the book and after he had read it he
said to the same neighbor: "I do not always intend to be
logging and flat-boating and shucking corn ; I am going to
study for a profession."
Later he came upon Shakespeare and Burns, whom he
learned afterward to love, and whom he knew so intimately
that he became an acute critic of both writers. Now the
man who knows his Shakespeare knows pretty much all
that is to be known of life; and if he can put the Bible
back of it, he has a very complete education.
All the accounts tell us that Lincoln was always at work
with his books when he was not at work with his plough
or some other instrument. Whenever there was five min-
utes of time Lincoln was using that time for study. At
the end of the day he came home, cut off a bit of corn
bread, and, as one of his companions tells us, drew up a
chair, cocked his legs up higher than his head, took out his
book and read until the light faded; and then he read by
what artificial light he could find. So that in season and
out of season this boy's passion led him from book to book,
until within the range of fifty miles there was not a volume
which he had not read.
Well, gentlemen, this would have made him what Bacon
calls a full man, but it would not have made him the man
of expression which he later became. He not only had the
passion for knowledge, but he had the passion for ex-
ADDRESS OF HAMILTON W. MABIE, LL.D. 23
pression, and there was not a flat surface or smooth sur-
face of any kind within his reach that did not bear wit-
ness to his endeavor to train himself in the use of language.
The flat sides of logs, the wooden ash shovel, the sides of
shingles, scraps of paper, anything on which a man could
make a mark; on all these things Lincoln put his hiero-
glyphics, and these hieroglyphics were to spell out his for-
tune, his influence and his power in the future.
Years afterward, when he was making those marvelous
speeches in this part of the country which began in Cooper
Union in this city, a professor of English in one of our
universities went to hear him, attracted by his attitude on
public questions, and was astonished at his command of
English, the purity, lucidity and persuasiveness of his
style. He heard him three times in succession and then
called at his hotel and sent his card up, and when Mr.
Lincoln came into the room he said to him : "Mr. Lin-
coln, I have come here to ask you a single question:
'Where did you get your style ?' " Mr. Lincoln was
astonished to know he had such a thing as style (applause),
but, the question being pressed home to him, he thought
a minute and said : "When I was a boy I began, and I kept
up for many years afterward, the practice of taking
note of every word spoken during the day or read during
the day which I did not understand, and after I went to
bed at night I thought of it in connection with the other
words until I saw its meaning, and then I translated it
into some simpler word which I knew."
Now, gentlemen, if you knew the Pilgrim's Progress by
heart and you made it a practice every night to translate
everything you had heard during the day into language
of the quality of the Pilgrim's Progress, there is no
English education I venture to say in any university which
would so thoroughly equip you to a command of language
and the power of persuasion. And that was the way that
Abraham Lincoln learned to use the kind of English that
he had at his fingers' ends.
24 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
That was a talking age — an age electric with the stir of
great questions. Men never met anywhere in Lincoln's
neighborhood and time that they did not instantly fall into
discussion. Books were few, newspapers much fewer in
that time than this. Whenever men met they began to talk.
In every little gathering at the crossroads, in every country
tavern and country store and school-house the endless debate
went on. Lincoln had the best practice which a man who
was going to do his work could possibly have had in these
endless discussions, in these countless school-rooms in the
Central West of that day; and it was noted long before he
had become a mature man that wherever that gaunt figure
was seen and that voice was uttering its speech, men were
glad to listen, just as they used to gather around the ragged
gown and the worn-out shoes of Sam Johnson at Oxford,
because this ragged undergraduate had something to say
in a kind of English that everybody could understand.
Lincoln had insatiable curiosity and he had rare op-
portunities; he had this book education, persistently and
intelligently carried on; and he learned his language be-
cause he saw the value of it and he discovered the indi-
vidual method ; and he had the practice in speech of the
time and the country in which he lived. All these speci-
fically trained him for expression.
But where did the man's larger education come from —
his grasp of great questions, his ability to discern funda-
mental principles, his insight into the life of his time?
Ah, gentlemen, that is the education he got in the Uni-
versity of America. It is here that we come face to face
with the fundamental influences, and I believe the very
noblest characteristic of the democratic life. There are
many points at which it is a serious question whether a
democracy is the best form of government. If it be true,
as a great German publicist has said, that administration
is two-thirds of liberty, then certainly we have a great deal
to learn before we have developed the highest uses of
ADDRESS OF HAMILTON W. MABIE, LL.D. 25
liberty and mastered all its resources. So far as pro-
tection to the individual is concerned, so far as guard-
ianship of privacy is concerned, so far as comfort is
concerned, so far as ministration to the sense of beauty is
concerned, we have a great deal to learn from our friends
across the sea, and it will be a blessed thing if we learn it
in a century.
And it is a serious question, too, whether the democratic
form of government is not the most expensive form of
government in the world. So far as we have failed to
realize the ideals of those who cared most for it, we have
failed because we have not been willing to pay the price
which our government exacts. It was true, as Benjamin
Kidd said, that the fundamental defect in America is the
lack of civic self-sacrifice, and our institutions will never
be what they can be until our American people are willing
to pay a great deal more in time and strength and thought
for their public life than they have ever yet been willing
to pay. (Applause.) But one great redeeming quality at
the heart of it all, the influence that issues out of our life
itself — of which Abraham Lincoln was the product — is
the American spirit. Out of the very heart of our life
came the influences which shaped Lincoln. There is
nothing so searching as the atmosphere of the country in
which a man is born. To be born in England is to be born
to an inheritance of fifteen hundred vears of free civic
life, to belief in patriotism and honesty and honor and to
respect for capacity and contempt for weakness. To be
born in America is to be born to the conception that a man
is a man, no matter what his condition is ; that every man
carries his fortune in his own hands, that all things are
open, and that in a democratic society every man goes to
the place where he belongs.
Now that spirit playing on Abraham Lincoln made him
the man that he was, opened every door to him, stimulated
his ambition and drove him step by step up that long as-
cending way. No man has ever showed yet a more re-
26 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
markable power of being trained by conditions and events
than he — a poor, uneducated, untrained boy on the old
frontier, then a provincial lawyer, then a State legislator,
then a representative of his State in Congress, elected by
a section of his country, he became at last the President
of the United States. And it is his superb and unique
honor that he outgrew every trace of sectionalism as he
went along. (Applause.) And although he was called
upon to rule over a divided household he thought of it
always, and he dealt with it always, as if it was one and
indivisible.
I do not need to tell you that a man who has this capacity
for growth; who left the frontier behind him, who
outgrew Sangamon County, who was larger than Illinois,
who was greater than the North, who became at last the
President of the whole United States, even in disunion,
the first national President, was not machine-made. A
politician in his skill, his knowledge, his adroitness, he was
a statesman by instinct and dealt with fundamental prin-
ciples; when he thought of the country he thought not of
the North, of the South, of the East or of the West, but
the United States of America. (Applause.)
Several years ago I was coming down from the Senate
Chamber in Washington in company with two of the oldest
members of that body, veterans in the public service. They
began to recall earlier times in their history, and they re-
called that almost tragic morning when Mr. Lincoln
came to his Capitol rather as a fugitive than as Presi-
dent of the United States. They remembered how he
came on to the floor of the House of representatives,
the body of which they were both members, at that
time, and how, as they looked across in the dull
light of that late February or early March morning
and saw that tall, gaunt, unkempt figure standing there,
although they both knew him and respected him, their
hearts sank and they wondered whether that ungainly man
could be equal to the crisis which they saw fast approach-
ADDRESS OF HAMILTON W. MABIE, LL.D. 27
ing. You know the story of those years. You know how
the men of his own party questioned and doubted, you
know the misgivings of the people at large, you know
what a storm of criticism and comment, suggestion and
appeal broke over him ; you know how he seemed to waver
sometimes from side to side, how he seemed to be watch-
ing the current of public opinion. As Mrs. Stowe has
beautifully said, he was like a great cable, rising and fall-
ing with every tide, and yet fast bound at either end. You
know how one by one the men of his own official family had
to learn that he was the master of his own administration ;
you know how gradually the faith in his judgment and
sagacity grew in his own party ranks; you know how the
people came to trust him; how even his enemies, at least
those who stood against him, at last began to discern his
nobility and his generosity; and then at the very climax
of his career, when the clouds parted at last and the sun
shone after that dreadful tempest, and the birds sang once
more, that last thunderbolt struck him and there began
that marvelous transformation which changed the un-
couth boy of the old frontier into the hero of the Nation
and one of the great heroes of modern times.
First, untutored vigor, then tempered strength, then
a great human character with infinite depths of patience
and infinite power of endurance. First, as Thorwaldsen
has said, the clay model, then the plaster cast, then the
finished marble. And when at the end of that struggle
the oldest of American universities gathered her children
about her to commemorate her own heroic dead, and called
upon one of the greatest American poets to sing their
requiem, Lowell made the "Commemoration Ode" — one of
the nearest approaches to great poetry yet achieved on this
continent — a pedestal on which to place the statue of one
whom he called "The First American." (Applause.)
ADDRESS OF
Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks
The President : Ladies and Gentlemen — The toast of
the Republican Party will be responded to by a member
of that organization who represents whatever is most pro-
gressive and commendable in the Republicanism of to-day.
The great State of Indiana claims this gentleman as her
own, and although an Indianian by adoption he is by birth
an Ohioan, and we all remember what was said by a shrewd
observer — some men are born great, others achieve great-
ness, and some are born in Ohio. But no matter where he
was born, his ability and force of character have brought
him to the front and to-day he is one of the foremost of
American statesmen.
Hon. Charles W. Fairbanks: Mr. Toastmaster and
Fellow Republicans — There is no fitter day than this in
which to recall the services of, and pay tribute to, the Re-
publican Party. If the Republican Party had done no
more in all its matchless career than to give to history
Abraham Lincoln, it had well earned the title to immor-
tality. (Applause.)
Fifty years ago, the Republican Party was born. It
was born at the firesides of the Republic, where abide love
of home and love of liberty. It was born, not of hate but
of love; not to enslave, but to make forever free. It came
out of a moral revolution, which in good time swept away
the only stain that rested upon our flag.
It is impossible to recall the luminous history of the
Republican Party without paying the tribute of our re-
spect and admiration to the abolitionists whose consciences
30 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
would not sleep as long as a bondman dwelt within the
limits of the Republic. (Applause.)
One half century ago it was not so easy to be a Repub-
lican as now. The patriots who stood by the cradle of
Republicanism, against prejudice and caste and contumely,
showed that they were the legitimate heirs of the fathers
who wrested the colonies from the cruel clutch of George
III. (Applause.)
The Republican Party has given to history some of the
most illustrious names which adorn it. The first of all
was he, the anniversary of whose birth we celebrate here
to-night. No eulogy that we can utter can add to the
majesty of the name of the first great leader of Repub-
licanism, one whom the Republican Party has given to his-
tory and to the ages.
The second was the very genius of war and the herald
of peace. He sleeps well yonder upon the banks of the
Hudson — Ulysses S. Grant. (Applause.)
Our next great contribution was a wise, modest and con-
servative man. His record is a spotless and enviable one —
Rutherford B. Hayes. (Applause.)
And then came the soldier, scholar and statesman, our
second martyr — James A. Garfield. (Applause.)
And later came an illustrious son of the State of New
York, one who met the exacting duties of the high office
in a manner which won the approving judgment and the
admiration of the American people — Chester A Arthur.
(Applause.)
Then followed one of the greatest and best Presidents
that has ever graced the executive chair, my own fellow-
townsman — General Benjamin Harrison. (Applause.)
The last of our great Presidents whom we have given
to history was one who was conservatism and justice itself.
How magnificent he stood ! A few years ago, the might-
iest among all of the men upon this earth. But Buffalo
added to the illustrious dead of the Republican Party, the
ADDRESS OF HON. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS 31
majestic, gentle and great William McKinley. (Ap-
plause. )
Would you know the Eepublican Party? If so, read
the history of the last forty years or so, and all that has
been accomplished which most stimulates the pride and
challenges the admiration of the world was written by it.
(Applause.)
Would you know the Eepublican Party and observe its
trophies? If so, look about you. They are everywhere.
The Eepublic of the United States? Yes, even so. The
Eepublican Party was the preserver and defender of the
Eepublic. It stands as the great, commanding tribute to
the genius and patriotism and courage of the Eepublican
Party.
A voice came out of a log cabin in the great Mississippi
Valley, saying, "A house divided against itself cannot
stand." It was, indeed, the voice of prophecy. It aroused
a nation to a realization of its supreme peril and the con-
tinent trembled beneath the tread of more than a million
men who went down to the battlefields of the Eepublic, and
with their priceless blood washed away the curse. The
house stands as firm and immovable as the everlasting
principles of justice and righteousness. (Applause.)
The Eepublican Party has met many grave questions —
questions of vital moment to the Eepublic itself. It has
met them bravely and squarely upon the high level of na-
tional duty and national honor.
It has been conservative, yet courageous and frank, in its
platform utterances, which are always solemn pledges to
the people, and what it has declared in convention before
the world as its deliberate policy, it has faithfully written
into the laws of the land and carried into the adminis-
tration of public affairs. It has never been ashamed to re-
affirm its past declarations.
I may be pardoned a digression. I came here to-night,
as I know many of you came, with a heavy heart, and I
thought I would at first be unable to make response to
32 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
your generous invitation. I could not forget that there
lies upon a bed of pain in our capitol city one of the great-
est and best of Americans that lives to-day. I am gratified
to receive since coming here this bulletin : "At 9 :45 Dr.
Osier left Senator Hannahs room and said, 'There has been
a decided improvement in the Senator's condition during
the past half hour, and his pulse, which had been so weak,
is considerably stronger, his temperature 103/" (Great
applause and cheers.)
Fellow-citizens, if good wishes were good health, Senator
Hanna would live forever. (Great applause.)
The Kepublican Party selects level-headed and wise men
to fill positions of public trust and responsibility in the
United States, and I am glad to know, as I sit here at this
hospitable board of the Republican Club of New York, that
the great Republican Party of this State is to send back
once more to the United States Senate, one of the best and
greatest Senators she has ever commissioned, and that is
my distinguished colleague, the Hon. Chauncey M. Depew.
(Applause.)
The Republican Party has been the great conservative
party for the past fifty years. It has been the party that
has upheld great economic and financial policies, so vital to
the welfare of the American people. It has been the
stanch and unvarying friend of a sound money system in
the United States. It has not only given to the people
a better currency than they ever had before, but to-day we
have a comparatively larger volume of money than we have
had since the beginning of the administration of George
Washington. Under Republican administration, every
dollar of our currency, whether paper or silver, is equiv-
alent to the best currency of the best government on this
earth.
And, fellow-citizens, the fact is that the greatest govern-
ment is entitled to as good currency as the best government
can devise. The truth is that in the last six years the cur-
rency of the United States, under Republican administra-
ADDRESS OF HON. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS 33
tion, has increased almost fifty per cent. Since McKinley
went into power it has increased from some twenty to
thirty dollars per capita.
The people have confidence in the Republican Party.
They know what its policies have been, what they are and
what they will be, and they go forward without fear, plan-
ning and building for the future. The fundamental essen-
tial of the greatest progress and development, is confi-
dence^— stability ! The Republican Party always realized
that no party can succeed without having in full measure
the public confidence, and that it cannot secure and hold
that, without deserving it.
The Eepublican Party has sought, so far as lay within
its power, to enlarge the opportunity of American labor
and capital. It has endeavored, against the most constant
and determined opposition, to secure the industrial in-
dependence of the United States, because by so doing it
would advance their common interests. Our industrial
development verges upon the marvelous and challenges the
admiration of the world. It is essentially due to the
economic policy of the Republican Party. The under-
lying principle of that policy is as sound to-day as ever.
Changes in tariff schedules may be necessary to meet
changing conditions, but the protective principle remains
an essential part of the creed of the Republican Party.
Under Republican policies we have added vastly to the
national wealth. From the first of July, 1897, to June 30,
1903, the net balance in favor of the United States from
our foreign commerce was the gigantic sum of $3,227,000,-
000. (Applause.) In the last six years there was added
to the wealth of the United States from all the govern-
ments of the world, $2,870,000,000 more than was added
in all of the one hundred and eight years prior thereto.
The Republican Party is not a class party. It is opposed
to class. It was born of the masses of the United States
and has stood loyally by them from the hour of its birth
until now. Class has no place in Republican institutions,
34 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
for here all people stand upon a plane of equality under the
law.
The Republican Party has believed in extending the
commerce of the United States, and in order to extend it,
it has sought to construct an isthmian canal. For four
hundred years the dream of navigators and of statesmen
has been to cut a way across the narrow isthmus that
divides the Atlantic from the Pacific ocean. We have met
with infinite difficulty. There has been opposition, but
under the administration of Theodore Roosevelt (applause
and cheers) — you do well to cheer that name. It stands
for vigorous, aggressive, exalted Americanism. (Ap-
plause.) Under his administration the construction of
an isthmian canal will be begun. The debate in the
United States Senate is nearly at an end. In a few days,
as my distinguished colleague understands full well the
roll call of the United States Senate will be announced,
and when that announcement is made, it will go forth to
the world that a treaty with the Republic of Panama has
been ratified, and work upon the isthmian canal will forth-
with begin. (Applause.)
The United States under Republican administration has
taken a more advanced position in international affairs
than ever before. We have come to be recognized as one of
the strong powers. Why ? Because the Republican Party
has been fair in dealing with other governments. Its di-
plomacy has been frank and open and above board. There
is no government that distrusts the diplomacy of the Re-
publican Party. (Applause.)
The Republican Party has been in favor of extending
the commerce of the United States, and it is the belief of
the Republican Party that we can best extend it by enlarg-
ing the merchant marine of the United States. (Ap-
plause.) We have a navy which is the pride of the Re-
public. It has given good account of itself heretofore and
it will give good account of itself in the future. And in
referring to the navy, I may not only say we are proud of
ADDRESS OF HON. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS. 35
it, but we are proud of Secretary Moody also. (Applause.)
We not only want a good navy, but we want a good mer-
chant marine. The best international commercial agent
upon this earth is a merchant marine. The Eepublican
Party has the genius and capacity to construct a merchant
marine. How, I shall not pause to say. We have the cap-
ital. We have the material and we certainly have the
genius and the statesmanship to take our place among the
great international commerce-carrying nations on this
earth. (Applause.)
The position the United States occupies in the carrying
trade of the world is a shame and a disgrace to our civil-
ization. Shall we not take up the work ? The Democratic
Party makes no step forward. It does nothing to rein-
state us among the carrying nations of the earth. The
United States paid last year to the owners of foreign ships
for carrying our commerce $175,000,000 or more. That
money should be retained in the United States, and it can
be retained here, if we will only set to work; if we will
only determine to accomplish what we can in the construc-
tion of a merchant marine adequate to the necessities of the
United States.
Our past, fellow-citizens, is secure. Our faces must be
turned to the future. We now enter upon a new half-
century. Great as have been all the achievements of the
past half century, greater ones lie before us. Greater re-
sponsibilities rest upon us, which we can only discharge
by an intelligent, patriotic devotion to the public interest.
The Eepublican Part} is united. So far as I have ob-
served, Mr. President, the Eepublican Party is not in need
of any committee on reorganization. (Applause.)
We have the coherency which comes from a conscientious
belief in the integrity of our policies, and in the wisdom of
our leadership. The Eepublican Party will accomplish
much in the next fifty years if we are but true to our op-
portunities and stand by the traditions and policies of our
fathers.
36 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
What we have done in the past is but prophetic of what
we shall accomplish in the future. We shall meet future
problems with intelligence and patriotic courage. We
shall meet them with the same exalted purpose, the same
determination to serve well the country, that inspired our
fathers.
We shall retire from this hall which is pervaded with the
spirit of Abraham Lincoln, with a renewed purpose to
uphold the cause of Kepublicanism, and to advance to the
utmost the welfare of all our countrymen, and hand down,
unimpaired to those who shall follow us, the institutions
for which Abraham Lincoln so splendidly lived and for
which he gave the last full measure which mortal man can
give for home and country. (Applause.)
ADDRESS OF
Hon. W. H. Moody
The President: Ladies and Gentlemen — The next
toast on our list is to the United States Navy, the sub-
ject which must appeal to every well-wisher and lover of
his country, and particularly so since these United States
have become a world power, and in consequence must be
prepared to take responsibilities commensurate with the
position it now holds among the most important stations
in the world. We are very fortunate in having with us
to-night one who is pre-eminently qualified to do justice
to so large and important a subject. I need hardly tell you
that he hails from that stronghold of Eepublicanism, Mas-
sachusetts.
Gentlemen, I have the great pleasure of introducing to
you the Honorable William H. Moody, Secretary of the
Navy. (Applause and cheers.)
Mr. President, Ladies, and Gentlemen of the Re-
publican Club: As we meet to-night, unhappily there
is war upon the sea. We are upon friendly terms with both
of the nations who are engaged in that war ; we are attached
to each by a bond of peculiar sympathy. The one nation
endeared itself to the hearts of the American people by an
expression of its good will in the days of our sore trial.
(Applause.) Towards the other we occupy almost the
position of a foster-mother, because it was our navy that
broke through the door of its Eastern exclusiveness and
let in the flood of the sunlight of modern civilization.
(Applause.)
We have declared our neutrality in this struggle and
38 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
we shall maintain it. (Applause.) We have no interest,
except that the war shall end speedily; no concern, ex-
cept that it may not bring into the straggle any other
than those nations which are now contending. (Applause.)
I think I can assure you that under no circumstances which
I can conceive is there danger to the peace of our own coun-
try (applause), for be assured this administration and its
chief knows well that our dear land loves the pleasant path-
ways of peace and does not wish to depart from them.
(Applause.)
There never was a fitter time to consider, Mr. President,
the subject which you have allotted to me, and never was a
day when the importance of a navy to a country appeared
more clearly than it does at this hour, and there never was
a day when it appeared more clearly that the highest in-
terests of any country require that its navy shall be in-
stantly ready for war. (Applause.) There never was a
country which has had more lessons of the importance of
the power upon the sea than our own country has had.
Why, my friends, we won our independence upon the sea.
You remember the days when Cornwallis laid beleagured
on the Peninsula at Yorktown, and the French fleet under
De Grasse held at bay the English fleet off the entrance
of the Chesapeake for those precious days, which enabled
the allies under Washington and Eochambeau and Lafay-
ette to compel the surrender of Cornwallis, the virtual ac-
complishment of the independence of the United States.
You remember again that when the successful attack of
the Merrimac upon our ships in Hampton Eoads carried
consternation to the seaboard cities, encouragement to our
foes abroad and dismay to the very White House itself,
that it was power on the sea, manifested in the little Mon-
itor, that restored the courage of the people of the loyal
republic. ( Applause. )
You men of the army will remember well that it was the
blockade by the navy of the United States which enabled
you to win that great struggle with the men who to-day,
ADDRESS OF HON. W. H. MOODY 39
thank God, are brothers to us all. (Applause.) You re-
member again that it was the navy of the United States
which enabled us to succeed in the war with Spain in a
hundred days.
I had supposed until a few days ago that the policy of
naval progress was not a fit subject for partisan discussion.
I had hoped, I had believed, that #11 the American people
with but few exceptions were in favor of the enlargement
of our navy, in ships and in men, and the increase of its
efficiency by the establishment of naval stations all over
the world, that it might be employed to advantage on all
the seas. The new navy, which is all the efficient navy to-
day, was begun during the administration of President
Arthur and under the direction of his two Secretaries,
Hunt and Chandler. That, in the interest of historical
truth, must never be forgotten. (Applause.) But the
navy which was then begun was continued during both of
the administrations of President Cleveland, under his two
Secretaries, Whitney and Herbert. (Applause.) I had
supposed that the Democratic policy upon naval progress
was well expressed by the lamented Whitney when he spoke,
or rather wrote, the words which I will now recall to your
memory: "This country/' he said, "can afford to have
and it cannot afford to lack a naval force at least so for-
midable that its dealings with foreign powers will not be
influenced at any time, or even be suspected of being
influenced, by a consciousness of weakness upon the sea."
(Applause.)
I have not lost hope that the policy of building up our
power upon the sea will be continued, whatever party may
be in power, but I confess I look with apprehension upon
the words which fell from the lips of the most powerful
leader of the Democratic party in public life to-day, when
the Senator from Maryland was returned to the Senate by
his State, his party associates conferred upon him the ex-
traordinary honor of making him their leader in that body.
His power, his force, his ability, his knowledge, his long
40 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
experience in public affairs and unquestioned leadership
entitle everything which he says to consideration and re-
spect. He said on the 3d of February : "The navy is get-
ting top heavy ; there are too many men, too many sailors,
too many guns afloat. We have more than enough to pro-
tect us and guard our interests upon every sea on the face
of the globe." The following day he said : "We have
naval vessels everywhere. Have you not enough now?
Everybody will answer, yes, unless it is true, as was stated
around in high naval circles, that we are marching around
the globe with a chip on our shoulder looking for the one
great navy that troubles us more than any other in our
trade relations, to get up some trouble."
Belonging as I do to an administration which believes
in the increase of our power upon the sea, I cannot agree
with the distinguished gentleman. (Applause.) Let me
invite your attention, as briefly as I ma}^, to the present
and prospective strength of our navy and some compari-
sons of it with the duties which it may fairly be called upon
to perform. I hold in my hand a graphic delineation of
the strength of the various navies of the world, based upon
tons of displacement. From this computation there is ex-
cluded all auxiliary vessels and all torpedo craft, whether
surface or submarine. As we are weaker in these than all
other nations, notably in torpedo craft, the comparison
shows our strength in a more favorable light than the facts
of the situation will warrant. Let no man accuse me of
selecting any single nation as a fit subject for special com-
ment or comparison. We are upon terms of friendship
with all the nations of the earth. (Applause.) We wish
to continue — we will continue in that happy relation if
honest, straightforward diplomacy and a scrupulous regard
for the rights of all other nations will secure it. I will not
spend much time on this chart, but here the strength of the
various navies of the world in 1898 is represented by the
yellow line. At that time, based upon this comparison, we
stood sixth in the naval powers of the world — Great
ADDRESS OF HON. W. H. MOODY 41
Britain, France, Russia, Germany and even Italy exceeded
us. The strength at the present time is represented by
the green line. We have advanced one step in the compari-
son, having slightly passed Italy, and are now fifth in the
rank of the naval powers of the world, based upon this com-
parison. But we have under construction and authorized
by the Congress a greater tonnage than has any other na-
tion in the world except Great Britain. (Applause.) If
that tonnage were completed to-day, and it will not be for
more than four years, we should pass Russia and Germany
and be surpassed only by Great Britain and France. (Ap-
plause.) Whether we shall stand in that position when
that tonnage is completed depends not upon the past, but
upon the future, upon our future policy in dealing with
the navy. The tonnage authorized and under construction
is represented by the red line, but behind that red line and
capable of extending it as we please, stand the wonderful
resources of this country (applause), its financial strength,
its financial credit. There we need fear comparison with
no country if only the Republican policies of financial hon-
esty and the fostering and development of American in-
dustries are maintained. (Applause.)
Now that I have offered the comparison, let me say to
you that nothing can be more misleading than a comparison
of mere tons of displacement. History has shown, is show-
ing, to-day, that given ships, the controlling factors in any
naval struggle are the officers and men who man them.
Are they brave? Are they devoted and enterprising and
skilful and loyal ? Are they well trained in the use of the
instruments of warfare which are placed under their con-
trol ? I believe that I can assure you that we need fear no
comparison there. (Applause.) Our officers, selected
from all parts of the country and from all classes of our
people, educated at the splendid naval school at Annapolis,
so taught that they are not only learned in science, but
that truth telling and honesty and honor and devotion be-
come to them second nature, trained by incessant work upon
42 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
land and sea, are worthy of the uniform which they wear
in common with the army of the United States, and I can
give them no higher praise than that. (Applause.) They
are not, my friends, mere swashbucklers, swaggering about
the world with chips upon their shoulders seeking offense
and ready to give it, endangering the peace of the country.
They do their duty well wherever they may be placed.
(Applause.)
The skilful navigator, the master of ordnance, the suc-
cessful leader and commander of men, becomes again and
again the quiet, firm and peaceful diplomatist, knowing
the rights of his country and asking nothing else. I have
seen, in the two years that have passed, so many times
how well they have borne themselves and guarded the honor
and the peace of the country in positions of delicate respon-
sibility. It may be that now and then in a moment of un-
guarded speech they are impulsive, but they are never im-
pulsive or lacking in sound judgment when the respon-
sibility of action is upon them. (Applause.)
I am as proud of the enlisted men as I am of the officers
themselves. In the period of the decadence of our navy
the men who manned our ships came from all the coun-
tries of the earth, supplemented by the offscouring of our
seabound cities. Secretary Tracy, even as late as his day,
after the rehabilitation of the navy had begun, said that our
enlisted men were foreigners who owed no allegiance to our
flag. That has all been changed now. Under our system of
enlisting landsmen and seamen, we take no one wholly illit-
erate. Our men are intelligent, alert, active, loyal and de-
voted. Ninety per cent, of them are American citizens, and
eighty per cent. American citizens born. Not a man is en-
listed to-day, my friends, except for cook or mess attendant,
who is not either an American citizen or has declared his
intention to become such. Our men are the best paid, the
best fed, the best treated enlisted men of any navy in the
world. They have shown in the past, and they will show
ADDRESS OF HON. W. H. MOODY 43
again in the future, if need be, that they are worthy of the
treatment that has been accorded to them.
' I would like to tell you some stories of them, but I have
not the time. Let me tell you just one incident that came
under my personal observation. I was down in the harbor
of Havana last spring in the little Dolphin. We had 137
men aboard — enlisted men. There came in one of the
fleets of the nation which can be fairly called the mistress
of the seas, and her great ships cast their anchors about us.
We lay close to the English flagship, and there came up in
the afternoon one of those sudden northerly storms which
blacken the skies and the waters until the wind comes
again and whitens them. There were some pleasure craft
in the harbor, and between our little ship and the English
flagship which, with her companions, had 3,000 enlisted
men, between our little ship and the English flagship one
of these pleasure boats overturned. There were seven hu-
man lives in it, six grown persons and a boy. The boy sank
and never rose again, and before the boat was fairly over-
turned, without an order from any officer two of the boats
of the Dolphin were manned by volunteer crews, and they
went out into that raging hell of storm and saved every
life except the boy's. (Applause and cheers.) And not a
boat was lowered from the English fleet — not a boat. The
President of the Cuban Eepublic, hearing of it, sent a letter
the next day to the captain of the ship praising their con-
duct and enclosing one hundred dollars in gold for the
men. The captain called them to the mast, read the letter
and handed them the gold. They went forward, and in less
time than it takes me to make the statement, they came
back and said : "Captain, we don't want this money. We
would like to have you give it to the mother of that boy that
was drowned." (Cheering and applause.) Do you won-
der, my friends, that I, at the head of the navy, feel proud
of men of that kind? Do you wonder that I like to
repeat what I have heard the Great Admiral say so many
times, "We have got as good ships, we have got as good
44 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
officers as any navy, but we have got the best enlisted men
in the world." (Cheers and applause.)
But good ships and good men alone will not make a
good navy. The ships must be used, the men and the
officers must be trained to use them. We are not afraid to
send our ships out into the sea and use them or burn pow-
der, because we know, in the terse language of the Presi-
dent, that the only shot that counts is the shot that hits.
We train our men, and it is an era of training — not be-
cause we expect war and not because, God forbid it — we
wish war, but because we know that under the world's still
imperfect civilization, war is one of the dreadful possibili-
ties. Shall we let our navy, under the advice of my dis-
tinguished friend from Maryland, remain stationary?
(Cries of No.) Which means that it shall retrograde?
Ah, my friends, it takes time to build a ship of war, it takes
time to make an officer, it takes time to train enlisted men ;
and you cannot improvise a navy in the time of war or upon
the threshold of war any more than you can get an insur-
ance policy after your building has taken fire. So I stand
not for retrogression, but for advance. (Cries of Good.)
The administration to which I belong stands for advance;
the Republican Party stands for advance, and I believe the
American people stand for advance. (Applause.) They
know the manifold duties which face us on the seas of the
globe, the duties of peace as well as those which only come
in war.
You recall how many times we protected our own and
the property of foreign nations entrusted to our care in
the West Indies and in the distant islands of the seas. You
remember that the Monroe doctrine, as it has been said so
many times, is just as strong as the navy and no stronger.
If you abandon your navy, at the same time be prepared to
abandon your Monroe doctrine. (Applause.) If we are
strong enough to enforce the Monroe doctrine we shall not
have to do it. (Cries of Good.)
We owe an especial duty to Cuba. You remember that
ADDRESS OF HON. W. H. MOODY 45
when we entered upon the war with Spain we entered it
with a pledge that we should occupy the island only for
its- pacification and that when that was accomplished we
should leave it to the government of its own people. And
we kept the pledge in spite of the sneers of the world.
And, Mr. Speaker, you remember you could not mention
that pledge in the presence of a foreign diplomat except
that there was a silent shrug of the shoulder. They
couldn't believe it. There she lies, that beautiful island
at the gateway of the Caribbean, guarding the isthmus, the
most precious prize in all the world for us. It will be the
most precious memory of my life that under orders which
I had the honor to give, more than a year ago, one of our
beautiful white ships sailed out of the harbor of Havana
bearing the insignia of American authority, and as she
passed the old castle saluted with her deep-toned guns the
newly risen flag of our sister Kepublic. (Applause.) I
only have a few minutes more, let me have them to speak.
I can't bear to leave such an audience as this, but I am
going to do it in a moment or two. (Applause.) The
American people are a people governed by their consciences.
We left Cuba because we thought we ought to do it, and I
believe in my heart that we remained in the Philippines
because we thought it was our duty to remain there. (Ap-
plause.) We have them to defend, we have our great sea-
coast, 23,000 sea miles, almost as much as that of the
British Empire. No other country except Great Britain
has 9,000 sea miles. We have that to defend. This sea
which rolls into your gateways, stormy and misty as it is,
is penetrable, and it is penetrable with the certainty al-
most of an express train. Leave it undefended and it is a
pathway and an invitation to our enemies. Inhabited with
our war ships, those who can take and keep the seas and
defend our Atlantic coast as it was defended in 1898 at
Santiago, our Pacific coast as it was defended in 1898 in
Manila Bay — inhabited, I say, with our war ships, that sea
is our defence.
46 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
We have entered into no entangling alliances with for-
eign countries and we shall enter into none in the future.
(Applause.)
We will defend ourselves. We need no alliances —
"Let us be back'd with God, and with the seas
Which He hath given for fence impregnable,
And with their helps only defend ourselves;
In them and in ourselves our safety lies."
ADDRESS OF
Hon. Chauncey M. Depew
The President: The last regular toast is to the pil-
lars of the Republic, and most fittingly has been assigned
to that pillar of the Eepublic and Republicanism, Senator
Chauncey M. Depew. (Applause.)
Who of any nation have contributed most to its stabil-
ity, greatness and power, has always been a favorite theme
for historians and orators. In older countries the warrior
stands pre-eminent. Agreement becomes almost impos-
sible because the judgment is clouded by party passions.
A distinguished writer named fifteen battles as decisive
of the course of the history of nations. But these deci-
sions are based largely on the success of arbitray power or
the loss or gain of territorial domain. There can be no
consensus of opinion as to the makers of modern Great
Britain, France, Germany or either of the great powers of
the world.
Our situation is entirely different. No part of our his-
tory is obscured by age. There are those now living who
have heard at first or second hand the story of our origin
and growth and been part of it themselves. This occasion
which commemorates the memory of one of the undisputed
builders of the Republic, is an eminently proper one for
our investigation. All peoples are hero worshippers. The
man and the hour are the essentials of every great event.
The time may be indefinitely postponed for the realization
of the hopes and aspirations of the people, until a man
arises who is capable of accomplishing the result. The
48 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
leaders of the world whose influence has been felt down the
centuries, and whose genius in laws and institutions still
live, can be numbered on the fingers of one's hand. We
celebrate the birthdays of Washington, Jefferson, Jackson,
Lincoln and Grant. I do not think that we have here the
real builders of our institutions. We admit the wonderful
part that they all played in the drama of our national life,
but our development has been so brief and yet so logical,
that it is easy to follow its evolution. Each crisis has de-
veloped the leader who carried the country forward to
victory.
During the Eevolutionary War there were conspiracies
against Washington in which many eminent and patriotic
men participated. It is now universally admitted that any
change to any other general would have been followed by
disaster, and that the death of Washington would have re-
sulted in the defeat of the cause of the patriots. We
therefore call him the Father of his country, because he so
eminently deserves the title. When the victory was won,
the young Kepublic was rapidly drifting into anarchy under
the loose union of the Articles of Confederation. It was
Washington's appeal to his comrades in arms and to his
old associates in the civil life which brought together the
convention which framed the Constitution. The jealous-
ies between the States, the fears of the smaller ones and the
demands of the larger would often have dissolved the con-
vention and disrupted the country, except for the com-
manding influence of Washington, its presiding officer.
The Constitution, marvellous as it seems to us, was a series
of compromises upon general principles interpreted by
Hamilton for a strong central government, and by Jeffer-
son for State rights. Washington during his two terms
saved the country on the one hand from a new conflict with
Great Britain, which would have destroyed it, and an alli-
ance with France, which would have been equally disas-
trous. When he retired to Mount Vernon to pass the re-
mainder of his days in well-earned rest, he had won the
ADDRESS OF HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW 49
independence of his country in war, had secured for it a
written Constitution, and, as President, had put that Con-
stitution for six years in successful operation as a charter
of power and perpetuity in the central government. With
the defeat of the Federalists and the election of Jefferson,
the party which believed that all power not reserved to the
States was given to the general government disappeared
from control for sixty years, and the ideas of Jefferson
came in with him and prevailed for sixty years that all
powers not granted by the government are reserved to the
States. Eight-tenths of the best opinion of the United
States believed that the States had the right to nullify the
acts of the general government, and that there was no
power in the nation to enforce its laws or decrees upon
sovereign States or to prevent their retiring from the
Union and forming separate governments.
The last act of John Adams before retiring from the
Presidency was the appointment as Chief Justice of the
Supreme Court of the United States of John Marshall of
Virginia. For thirty-four years this marvellous jurist was
formulating and rendering a series of decisions so inter-
preting the Constitution as to create a workable and power-
ful government. In order to override or to neutralize
him, successive Presidents of opposite faith appointed his
political opponents as his associates, but, one after the
other, they were won over by the will and the judgment of
this master-mind. He came to the court when it had de-
cided only about two hundred cases, and when he retired
his decisions filled thirty volumes, and nearly one-half had
been delivered by Marshall. The court was little under-
stood, and there was not much reverence for it. Jefferson
early saw where these decisions of the Supreme Court as to
the power of the Federal Government were tending, and in
a letter to President Madison denounced Marshall for the
"rancorous hatred Judge Marshall bears to the govern-
ment of his country, and from the cunning and sophistry
within which he is able to enshroud himself/' Andrew
50 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
Jackson fought the court, because on the question of the
national bank it would not yield to his arbitrary views and
will. He said angrily, "John Marshall may make law,
but he cannot enforce it." The controversy raged in Con-
gress, the press and upon the platform as to the powers of
the general government and the rights of the States, while
the people kept returning in presidential election after
presidential election the strict constructionists whose doc-
trines would have made secession a success. But un-
noticed, and almost unknown, except to the lawyers prac-
ticing in the court and to the Presidents who endeavored to
defeat him, this mighty jurist was calmly laying the foun-
dations and building the structure of constitutional liberty
into an indestructible Union. He brought Presidents,
Cabinets and Congresses within the law as interpreted by
his court. He rendered decisions upon the powers of the
States in foreign commerce which gave the ocean to the
national government. He drew the lines about State
sovereignty in internal commerce, giving the national gov-
ernment the control of all navigable waters, which insured
us that unrestricted internal trade which is neither bounded
nor limited by the lines of the States. He made possible
the canal, the railroad, the telegraph and the telephone,
which bind us into one people. He gave to the Federal
Government the power to raise armies and navies, to es-
tablish banks, to collect revenues, to enforce its decrees,
and to be everything and possess everything which con-
stitutes a self-perpetuating sovereignty. At the end of
thirty-four years his work was completed. He had put
into the letter of the Constitution the spirit of eternal life.
He had welded the members of the Union beyond the pos-
sibility of their ever being separated. He had created a
Constitution upon the lines and within the limits of the
written charter, and without altering a word of it, so much
broader and beneficent than the words of the convention,
that the interpretation gave that immortal instrument the
power which fought successfully the Civil War, expanded
ADDRESS OF HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW 51
our territories north, south, east and west into continental
dimensions, and carried us safely across the seas.
But all this was unknown to the people. There must be
a popular evangelist for constitutional education. He
arose in the person of the greatest orator, the largest brain
and the most brilliant intelligence in our history — Daniel
Webster. As Marshall had been educated by association
with Washington and Hamilton, so Webster grew into a
defender of the Union and the Constitution under the
guidance of Marshall. He gave to us the patriotic and
political literature which has become our American classic.
In speeches in the Senate of unequalled power and upon
the platform, Webster made plain to the people the Con-
stitution as interpreted by Chief Justice Marshall. He
found in those teachings the doctrines of free soil and the
principles of the Wilmot Proviso long before they had cap-
tured the country. He evolved out of Marshall's compendi-
um the doctrine of the government of our territorial posses-
sions by which we are enabled to rule Alaska, Hawaii,
Porto Eico and the Philippines. The splendid literature
of his speeches appealed to the colleges and was incor-
porated into the school books. More than a generation of
American youth committed his patriotic addresses to mem-
ory, and delivered them from the stage of the academy and
the school and in debating clubs. When he died, the forces
of union and disunion were preparing for the inevitable
battle. But Webster had educated more than half of his
countrymen and countrywomen to a glorious maxim which
was the embodiment of the thought of Washington and the
judicial decisions of Marshall — "Union and liberty, one
and inseparable, now and forever/' Under this banner at
the call of Lincoln over two millions of men sprung to arms.
They had been educated by Webster in the faith of Mar-
shall's interpretation of national unity and Webster's pas-
sionate devotion to the Union and the flag.
The stress of civil war demanded a President of unusual
genius and equipment. None of the well-known states-
52 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
men at that period could have accomplished the work of
Abraham Lincoln. His humble origin, his struggles and
sacrifices to secure an education, his eloquence, always in
touch with and of the fibre and thought of the plain people
of the country, his exquisite humor for explanation or
palliation or avoidance and the pathos welling up from a
great heart which responded in sympathy to the universal
sorrow, were elements never before united in one man.
When the country despaired, he could give it hope. When
death and disease had disabled the army, he could fill up
the ranks. When revenge and the passions of civil
strife would have kept alive for generations the bitterness
of conflict, he could touch and enforce the lesson of
brotherly love. From the Emancipation Proclamation to
Appamatox he held the people, amidst all the sacrifices and
discouragements of war, to the truth of his early declara-
tion which had made him President, that, "I believe this
Government cannot exist permanently half slave and half
free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved — I do not
expect the house to fall — but I do expect it will cease to be
divided. It will become all one thing or all the other."
When Lincoln fell by the hand of the assassin, the Con-
stitution of Washington and of Marshall as interpreted by
Daniel Webster for "Liberty and Union, one and insepar-
able, now and forever" had become the impregnable charter
of the American people. After nearly three quarters of a
century of internal strife which retarded development
and produced industrial and financial instability, the
United States was a Union. It had unlimited resources
and a people eager for their development. The problems
of the future were the material ones of the employment
of labor and capital and of foreign and domestic com-
merce. Whether every agency which could be devised by
wise statesmanship should be at the service of the American
people for their prosperity was the overwhelming question
of the future. Happily the party and the statesmen who
believed that development could only be rapid, beneficent
ADDRESS OF HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW 53
and complete under the operations of the principles of the
protection of American industries, held possession of the
government for nearly a third of a century. Invention and
immigration had stimulated our productive power beyond
the capacity of our markets, great as they were. The ex-
panding energies and necessities of the people were bursting
continental bounds and looking for opportunities in com-
petition with the great workshop nations of the world.
Another crisis was upon us. The man was wanted whom
the people could unanimously trust for war and who could
command their confidence for construction. Almost in a
day American isolation had ceased to exist. Uncle Sam
was an invited guest at the table of the family of nations.
Alien peoples had to be governed until laws could be en-
acted by presidential discretion, anarchy suppressed, brig-
andage subdued and government established in other climes
and among other people. In the mean time the principles
of the protection of American industries which had brought
about this unprecedented development and marvelous pros-
perity must be held up high beyond assault before the Am-
erican people. The one man above all others who possessed
rare qualities of command and persuasion of gentleness
and firmness, of courage and charity to carry the country
through triumphantly while these grave problems were be-
ing solved, was William McKinley.
So here, to-night, we pay tribute to the pillars of the
Republic to the builders of this structure of government
as we live in it and enjoy it to-day. These, our benefac-
tors, were all of ourselves.
We can look for a moment upon their human side.
Washington has been so obscured by a hundred years of
veneration for his greatness, that we cannot pierce the
veil. The rest of them were pre-eminently men of the peo-
ple.
Marshall was a soldier, a Congressman, a cabinet officer
and a foreign ambassador. He gave himself both an ed-
ucation and the equipment of a lawyer and became the head
54 THE REPUBLICAN CLUB
of the bar of his State. He lived happily for sixty years
with his wife ; reading to her every night when at home and
when she died, he continued to read aloud to the opposite
chair in which she was accustomed to sit. He would re-
lieve the tedium of the solution of the complex problems
of the Constitution by playing quoits. He always took a
mint julep before the game, measured the distances be-
tween the arcs with a straw, and jumped into the air and
clicked his heels together and shouted if he won.
Webster was also self-educated, and secured the means
for prosecuting his studies by copying deeds in the clerk's
office at twenty-five cents apiece; but when his equipment
was complete his transcendent ability carried him from the
country to the city and almost at once to an unapproach-
able rank in his profession of the law. He was intensely
human. He had foibles and weaknesses almost as great
as his genius. He so won the admiration of his country-
men, that alone of our statesmen they called him "the god-
like." But in his love of nature, his fondness for the field,
his pursuit of game with gun and rod and quick sympathy
for human rights, he won and held a place in the people's
affection and esteem. Like Marshall, he also possessed
humor. Without imagination and humor no man can be
great, and Webster had both.
Lincoln had learned to read after a hard day's work in
the field by a pine knot in a frontier cabin. He had acquir-
ed his incomparable style from the Bible and writing es-
says with charcoal upon shingles, because of the meager
equipment of the woodmen of those days. He was the
story teller among the Presidents. Rough illustrations
derived from his early experience in frontier life made
the country laugh between its tears, while the point of the
anecdote overwhelmed his enemies or enforced his argu-
ment.
McKinley we all knew. His presence at any gathering,
cabinet, Congressional or popular, the club or the platform,
the banquet hall or the friendly circle, melted animosities,
ADDRESS OF HON. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW 55
inspired good nature, good fellowship and friendship.
Every family in the country counted him a member, and
the day -rarely passed without the fireside echoing with lov-
ing expressions for McKinley. He, too, loved the lighter
vein, to laugh with, but never at his friends.
Columbia can well say from the heights where she now
dwells, "Behold ! Washington, Marshall, Webster, Lincoln
and McKinley, these are my jewels."
GUESTS
OF THE
LINCOLN DINNER COMMITTEE
Hon. CHARLES A. MOORE
Hon. OSCAR STRAUS
Hon. HENRY E. HOWLAND
Hon. JOHN R. VAN WORMER
Gen. THOMAS H. HUBBARD
Hon. DAVID B. HENDERSON
Hon. FRANK W- HIGGINS
Gen. ALBERT E. MILLS
Chancellor HENRY C. MacCRACKEN
Rt. Rev. GEO. WORTHINGTON, D.D.
Mr. HAMILTON W. MABIE
Hon. WILLIAM H. MOODY
Hon. LOUIS STERN
Hon. CHARLES W. FAIRBANKS
Hon. CHAUNCEY M. DEPEW
Gen. HENRY C. CORBIN
Hon. ROBERT W. TAYLOR
NICHOLAS MURRAY BUTLER, LL.D.
Rev. ABBOTT E. KITTREDGE, D.D,
Gen. JAMES S. WILSON
Hon. J. F. O'BRIEN
Gen. JAMES S. CLARKSON
Gen. GRENVILLE M. DODGE
Gen. HENRY L. BURNETT
/^"\NK hundred ladies were entertained at dinner in the foyer
adjoining the Banquet Hall and afterward honored the
diners with their presence in the gallery boxes and
listened to the speeches.
The Souvenir of the occasion was a Bronzed Bust of
Abraham Lincoln, and for the ladies, a Silver Paper Cutter
and Bookmark.
LADIES
GUESTS OF THE MEMBERS OF THE
REPUBLICAN CLUB
Andrews, Mrs. H. V Table No. 1
Austin, Mrs. Geo. C " 7
Batcheller, Mrs. Geo. C " 1
Bevin, Mrs. L. A " 2
Berrill, Mrs. Henry " 6
Bernhard, Mrs. Henry " 10
Bierck, Mrs. A. B " 4
Birnie, Mrs. Donald .. " 5
Birnie, Miss Rebecca " 5
Bonheur, Mrs. L. L " 10
Bowdon, Mrs. James W " 1
Bowne, Mrs. S. W " 4
Browne, Mrs. G. M " 11
Bruce, Mrs. W. L " 5
Burke, Miss " 10
Caldwell, Mrs. Alex, " 6
Coler, Mrs. Bird S " 7
Collins, Mrs " 11
Collins, MissL. S " 11
Davis, Miss Mary P " 9
Deeves, Mrs. Richard " 1
Dexter, Mrs. H. C " 8
Dow, Mrs. Perry H " 6
Dwyer, Mrs. Edwin T " 11
Emerson, Mrs. T. H " 2
Emerson, Miss " 2
Floyd, Mrs. Chas. M " 6
Fricke, Mrs. C. F " 12
Fricke, Mrs. Wm. A « 12
60 LADIES ATTENDING DINNER
Gillies, Mrs. Andrew " 1
Gilman, Mrs. T. P " 12
Gleason, Mrs. A. H " 5
Goessling, Miss Anna L " 12
Grippin, Mrs " 11
Hatch, Mrs. Edward B " 5
Hawes, Mrs. James W " 4
Herzog, Mrs. P. M " 10
Herzog, Miss Nina " 10
Higginbotham, Mrs. Ely " 7
Hitchcock, Mrs. J. F " 6
Hollander, Mrs. J. L " 12
Hutchinson, Mrs. M. E " 7
Jones, Mrs. R. W " 7
Kenyon, Mrs. Alan D " 2
Kenyon, Mrs. R. N " 2
Kenyon, Mrs. Wm. H " 2
Kenyon, Miss " 2
Ketcham, Miss L. M " 9
Knox, Mrs. E. H " 3
Leaycraft, Mrs. J. Edgar " 4
Leaycraft, Miss Agnes C " 4
Louderback, Mrs. A. E " 9
Louderback, Miss A. J " 9
Lyons, Mrs. J. C " 1
Two guests of Mr. Alfred Lauterbach 14
McElroy, Mrs. W. H " 3
McLean, Mrs. Donald " 7
March, Miss Eugenie 8
March, Miss Mae F " 8
March, Miss Olive " 8
Morris, Mrs. F. P " 4
Newell, Mrs. E. A " 6
Ommen, Mrs. A. E " 8
Patrick, Mrs. Chas. H " 5
Remington, Mrs. Fred " 7
LADIES ATTENDING DINNER
61
Sarles, Miss Table No. 6
Seamon, Mrs. E. C
Shropshire, Mrs. R. F
Sleicher, Mrs. John A
Sleicher, Mrs. Wm
Smith, Mrs. Jessie M
Smith, Mrs. John S
Steele, MissLila
Steele, Miss M. W
Stein, Mrs. A. N
Stern, Mrs. D. H ,
Stern, Mrs. Louis
Stern, Miss Irma
Stern, Mrs. Sig
Stevenson, Mrs. W. P
Sutherland, Mrs. N
Teeney, Miss Susie.
Tipple, Mrs. E. S....
Tucks. Miss Anna..
Vrooman, Mrs. Jno. W..
Wellington, Miss
West, Mrs. John C
Wetmore, Mrs, Edward..
Wheaton, Mrs. Albert F.
Whitney, Mrs. T. H
Woodward, Mrs. John....
Youngs, Mrs. H. E
7
7
11
11
2
6
9
9
10
3
3
3
10
9
12
2
8
11
1
10
5
14
MEMBERS
OF THE
REPUBLICAN CLUB
ATTENDING THE
LINCOLN DINNER
Adams, C. H. H Table No. 46
Adams, Chas. Siedler " 11
Addoms, Mortimer C , " 6
Addison, C. L " 34
Agnew, George B " 23
Agnew, A. G " 23
Allen, S. B " 37
Allen, Chas. H " 14
Ames, Leonard " 8
Andrews, H. T " 45
Angelo, Holger " 40
Apgar, A. S " 18
Archer, William " 32
Arnold, Lynn J " 46
Ashley, E. W " 29
Astarita, A. C " 52
Austin, Geo. C " 55
Avery, S. P " 25
Baker, John L " 9
Baldwin, Joseph C " 15
Baldwin, Henry W " 34
Ballard, Sumner " 26
Ballard, C. W " 47
Barkley, Chas. B * 46
Bartlett, Edward T " 6
Batchellar, George C " 2
64 MEMBERS ATTENDING DINNER
Batt, C. P Table No. 33
Benedict, Read " 43
Bernhard, Henry " 53
Bevin, L. A " 4
Birchall, W. H " 38
Bird, E. D " 21
Birnie, Alfred " 21
Birrell, Henry " 9
Blair, C. H %. " 5
Blanchard, James A " 5
Blakeman, A. N " 37
Bliss, Hiram A " 15
Bloch, Philip " 27
Blumensteil, Emanuel " 40
Bonheur, Lucien L " 20
Bowden, Dr. Jas. W " 22
Bowne, S. W " 17
Boynton, Chas. A " 16
Braker, H. J " 10
Brainerd, Ira H " 1
Brainerd, Cephas " 6
Breick, A. B " 34
Brewer, Reuben G 31
Brite, J " 22
Blake, Mr " 45
Brockway, Horace " 22
Brookfield, Frank " 1
Brown, P. A " 40
Brown, Ronald K " 4
Browne, G. Morgan " 51
Bruce, M. Linn..... " 28
Bruck, Chas. F " 50
Brundage, Frank " 54
Brush, Dr. Ed. T " 32
Buckley, W. H " 26
Bryant, Mourse "' 48
Campbell, Alex. D " 5
Campbell, George E 42
Caesar, Henry A " 35
Candee, E. W " 28
Canfield, A. L " 56
Carew, R. T " 58
Carr, William " 26
Carpenter, Francis M 31
MEMBERS ATTENDING DINNER
65
Carpenter, Philip Table No. 45
Chubb, Hindon " 29
Church, Col. W. C " 54
Clarke, J. Procter 5
Clement, Waldo P " 44
Clift, E. H " 58
Cobb, Henry E " 14
Coldwell, Alexander 9
Collins, C. V " 56
Coler, BirdS " 55
Conger, Henry C 7
Conklin, Eugene H 7
Cook, J. C " 19
Coonby, W. S " 38
Corn, Chas. O " 29
Crane, Edward N " 56
Crawford, F. L " 4
Crawford, G; H " 4
Cromwell, David 31
Cross, Geo. D " 28
Cushing, H. A " 46
Dana, J. C
Davenport, T
Davis, Gherardi
Davis, A. D
Davis, Frederick H.
Deeves, Richard
DeMilt, Henry R
Demond, Chas. M....
Denman, F. H
Depew, C. M., Jr
Derby, John M ,
Dewey, Arthur S
Dewing, Leonard H.
Dixon, A. J
Dougherty, N. C
Dorr, Perry H
Downing, A. S
Draper, C. A
Driscoll, E
Duell, Joseph M
Duval, H. C
41
1
23
42
32
22
7
56
38
7
37
52
46
22
33
9
33
44
30
2
18
66 MEMBERS ATTENDING DINNER
Dwight, John W Table No. 5
Dwyer, E. T " 51
Earle, J. Walter " 7
Ehlers, E. M. L " 34
Einstein, William , " 26
Elsberg, Nathaniel A " 20
Emery, J. H " 58
Fearon, James S " 11
Felshinger, W " 56
Fertig, W. K " 30
Fessenden, O. G " 15
Finch, E. R " 57
Fischer, Bernardo F " 1
Fisher, Dr. E. D " 43
Fitzgerald, Frank F " 13
Fleming, Matthew C " 23
Fletcher, Austin B " 10
Fletcher, Allen M " 10
Floyd, Charles M " 9
Ford, E. R " 46
Ford, Simeon " 13
Fowler, Charles " 17
Frank, Matthew " 39
Franchet, N. V. V " 33
Frick, John " 50
Fricke, William A " 52
Fricke, C. F " 52
Galland, Morris " 27
Gambier, E. V " 18
Garcia, Col. Alvara " 49
Gardner, Geo. A " 38
Gibbs, Herbert H " 4
Gilbert, A. S " 27
Gilbert, J. C " 15
Gilbert, A " 15
Gilluly, Geo. K " 47
Gillis, Rev. Andrew " 22
Gilman, Theodore P , " 13
Gilman, E. R " 55
Gleason, Henry " 1
MEMBERS ATTENDING DINNER 67
Gleason, A. H Table No. 39
Goetze, Otto " 35
Goff, Lyman B " 21
Goodhue, Chas. L " 21
Gordon, Frederick " 36
Gotschalk, W. C " 24
Golding, J. F " 57
Greene, John A " 33
Greenhut, B.J " 39
Greenlees, Percy S " 17
Grifenhagen, Max S " 27
Grippen, W. A " 10
Griswold, Henry 26
Haas, Edmund L 45
Haas, Harry L " 45
Hagar, A. F " 24
Harkness, Edward S " 1
Hamburger, S. B " 54
Hardwick, Cheever C " 33
Harding, H. C " 46
Hastings, J. F " 20
Hatch, Edward B " 74
Haven, Howard A " 47
Hawes, James VV " 20
Haviland, Merritt E " 29
Hayes, James P " 32
Hazelton, A " 58
Helmuth, Dr. Wm. Tod " 29
Henderson, Francis " 25
Herzog, Max " 53
Herzog, Paul M " 53
Hewlett, George A " 29
Higginbotham, E. G 55
Hiller, David " 48
Hill, I. L " 6
Hilliman, Wm " 38
Hillman, Benj " 39
Hillman, Edgar A " 53
Hirch, Morris J " 35
Hirt, C.J " 40
Hitchcock, J. F " 21
Hodgson, Rev. Nerlin " 19
Hoederstein, J " 51
68 MEMBERS ATTENDING DINNER
Hogan, Chas. M Table No. 39
Holbrook, W. C " 2
Hollander, Joseph L.. " 13
Holmes, E. T " 57
Holtzmann, B. M " 51
Homer, Chas. H " 7
Howell, Jas. E " 41
Hubbard, John " 14
Hunter, Richard " 31
Hunter, R. H " 26
Huntington, Francis C 23
Hutchinson, Henry E... 55
Iselin, John H " 27
Jackson, Adrian H " 8
Jamer, Wm. A " 48
Jaques, Washington 22
Jenkins, J. Alva " 38
Jenkinson, Richard C 41
Jones, R. W '.... " 55
Jones, W. O " 36
Judge, F. W., Jr " 50
Kares, W. E " 58
Kelsey, Clarence H 3
Kenyon, Robert N " 4
Kenyon, W. H " 4
Kenyon, Alan D " 4
Ketcham, W. P " 42
Ketchum, E. P " 56
Ketchum, Chas. H " 42
Ketchum, Alex. P " 24
Kilburn, Chas. F " 41
Kilpatrick, Frank G " 13
Kilpatrick, Ringland F " 13
Kirkpatrick, Thomas " 25
Kirkpatrick, John " 25
Knox, Col. E. A " 12
Koch, Frank " 36
Lane, Derick " 21
Landon, Francis G " 23
Leary, William " 26
MEMBERS ATTENDING DINNER 69
Leaycraft, J. Edgar Table No. 17
Leaycraft, Edgar C " 17
Lee, Samuel " 29
Lehmaier, Jas. T " 39
Leland, Arthur L " 52
Leonhardt, M. J " 56
Levy, A. M " 15
Levy, Leo " 20
Leventritt, David " 35
Lewis, Edson " 37
Libbey, O. B " 24
Lichtenstein, J. M., Jr " 56
Liebes, I " 15
Liepzeiger, H. M " 16
Link, David C " 7
Lindley, Daniel A " 25
Little, John " 30
Little, George " 30
Lockman, J. L , " 29
Lockman, F. J " 29
Loewenstein, Louis 44
Loring, F. L " 6
Lorell, C. H " 37
Louderback, A. E " 42
Lounsbery, P. C " 18
Love, Joseph " 49
Ludorff, Albert " 49
Lynch, John H " 22
Lyons, J. C " 45
Lyte, E. O " 33
Maas, Chas. O " 13
Maas, H. H '< 35
Maguire, John " 49
Mann, W. D " 2
March, J. E " 47
Marling, Alfred E " 23
Marshall, J. D " 40
Marston, Edgar L " 19
Mason, Alex. T " 20
Mason, Walter " 25
Matthews, Armitage " 1
Matthews, Irving " 57
Maxwell, W. J " 80
70 MEMBERS ATTENDING DINNER
McCall, John A Table No. 10
McCall, E. E " 16
McClure, T C '. " 40
McCook, John J " 11
McCook. Anson G " 5
McCook, Philip J " 5
McElroy, W. H " 12
Mclnerney, Thomas H " 39
McLean, Donald " 14
McLean. Wallace D " 14
McLean, H. C " 14
McLean, James " 28
McWhirter, H. J " 28
Merrill, Bradford " 19
Meyer, Eugene W " 53
Meyer, John Jr " 35
Meyer, Julius M " 27
Meyer. J. F " 35
Michels, Jesse " 12
Milligan. J. F " 30
Miller, S. H " 8
Miller. E. M. F " 18
Milne, William " 33
Milne. William " 9
Mitchell, W. A " 50
Montague, Wm. F " 36
Moray, L. A " 42
Morgan, Rollin M " 30
Morgan, George W 27
Morris, Frederick P " 34
Morse, Frederick 51
Morse, Harry F " 25
Moses, M. H " 16
Munsey, Frank A " 19
Murray, A.Gordon " 11
Murray, Robert A '' 1
Murphy, William D " 25
Muurling, I. J. R " 28
Nathan, Harold " 20
Naumberg, Max * 48
Nesbit, Dr. J. D " 54
Nesbet, Dr. J. W " 24
Neill " 19
MEMBERS ATTENDING DINNER 71
Newell, E. A Table No. 9
Newburger, J. E " 16
Niles, Theophilus E " 45
Nussbaum, Myer " 28
O'Brien, Rev. J. P " 47
Ochs, A. S " 12
Odell, Hamilton " 6
Olcott, W. M. K " 2
Olds, E. A " 15
Oliver, W. H " 30
Ommen, Alfred E " 35
O'Neill, John A " 32
Ottinger, Albert " 50
Page, Chas. B " 49
Page, Wilson R " 49
Parsons, Hosmer B " 11
Parsons, W. H " 17
Parpart, M " 52
Patterson, C. G " 47
Patrick, Charles H " 7
Peck, Rev. George C " 37
Pentz, A. M " 56
Perham, Fred. E " 20
Pforzheimer, C. H " 50
Piercy, Henry C " 1
Pierson, Frederick M '• 32
Pierson, S. G " 59
Porter, Eugene H " 2
Porter, W. H " 17
Post, H. P " 56
Potter, W. F " 34
Pretzfield, Howard " 50
Reed, Harry B " 26
Reisenweber, John u 49
Remington, Frederick 55
Rhein, Dr. M. L " 43
Rhinehart, J. B. G " 36
Rhoades, J. Harsen " 3
Rhodes, Bradford " 31
Rice, Henry..... " 16
Rich, A. P " 24
Richard, Edwin A " 35
72 MEMBERS ATTENDING DINNER
Richards, Leonard Table No. 44
Rodman, W. R " 58
Roe, Gilbert E " 56
Roeder, W. C " 38
Rogers, L. Harding, Jr " 8
Rogers, Henry A " 8
Rogers, Allen Merrill " 8
Rogers, James H " 11
Salomon, William " 3
Sands, B. Aymar " 3
Sanders, C. B " 47
Saks, Andrew " 35
Saxe, Martin " 26
Scott, Francis M 5
Scott, E. W " 18
Schenck, Frederick B " 10
Schofield, E. L " 18
Schickel, William " 12
Schwarzwaelder, Henry..., " 49
Seligman, Alfred L " 6
Seligman, Isaac N " 6
See, Milton " 47
Shayne, C. C " 17
Sheldon, Geo. P " 26
Sherman, Roger W " 32
Simmons, J. Edward " 10
Sickles, David B " 11
Skinner, William " 10
Skinner, Charles R " 10
Slater, George A " 38
Sleicher, William « 10
Sleicher, John A " 10
Smith, Jesse M " 4
Smith, R. A. C " 14
Smith, Pierre J " 29
Smith, Jas. A " 47
Smith, J. Waldo " 51
Sousa, John P " 14
Spofford, Parker " 2
Spurham, H. J " 54
Stalker, E. J " 8
Stadler, Charles A " 48
Stearns, Richard H " 39
MEMBERS ATTENDING DINNER 73
Stedman, Emory A Table No. 11
Stein, A. N " 53
Stern, M. A " 12
Stern, L. H " 12
Stern, L. H '. " 12
Stern, Leopold 15
Stern, Jacques 16
Stern, Sig " 53
Stevens, Geo. C 36
Stevenson, Dr. W. P " 42
Stevens, W. S. B " 51
Stiles, Mark D " 32
Stoddard, Henry L " 19
Stover, M. E " 40
Strauss, M. F " 43
Styles, Samuel D " 3
Sumner, E. A 54
Sutherland, Morris " 52
Sutro, Richard " 43
Tasker, Fred E 45
Taylor, Henry E 39
Taylor, T. A " 34
Thacher, Thomas " 39
Thomas, Aaron S 44
Thomas, O. T " 57
Thomas. H. T " 57
Thornton, G. M " 17
Thorp, William " 40
Thurber, F. B " 41
Tilford, Frank " 3
Titus, C. E " 34
Townsend, David C ■ " 25
Tremaine, Charles , " 8
Tremaine, Henry E " 24
Treat, Charles H " 2
Tipple, Dr. E. S " 17
Tully, W. J " 24
Turnbull, Frank M , " 42
Uhlmann, Fred " 47
Uhlmann, Simon " 48
Valentine, James " 41
Van Doran, Louis O. S " 2
74 MEMBERS ATTENDING DINNER
Vietor, George F Table No. 35
Von Gal, Edward " 36
Vreeland, J. C. and 4 Cuests " 59
Vrooman, John H " 18
Wakeman, William F " 21
Waldman, Louis I " 28
Wandling J. L " 56
Wanbaugh, Mr " 36
Wardman, Erwin " 19
Weimann, Geo. A " 58
Wellington, Mr " 4
Wells, Col. J. H " 22
West, J.C " 43
West, W. T " 22
Wetmore, Edmund 6
Wentworth, Thos. F " 44
Werner, Louis " 58
Whitman, Chas " 24
Whitehead, H. H " 30
Whitney, T. H " 36
Whitmore, D. W " 37
Wilcox, Austin R " 38
Wickersham, G. W " 23
Wilcox, W. R " 17
Wilcox, Albert A " 51
Wilbur, Myron T " 30
Williams, E. F " 59
Wiley, Louis " 16
Wilson, Henry R " 3
Wilson, Thomas 12
Winebrugh, A " 20
Wintzen, John G " 37
Wollman, Henry " 43
Woodward, J. H " 43
Woodward, John " 28
Wren, Oliver " 50
Yerance, James 20
Yergassen, E. S 46
Young, J. C " 41
Youngs, W. P ..... " 57
Zeller, Lorenz " 27
Zucker, Peter " 54
OCCUPANTS OF BOXES
Box No.
3 Mrs. T. P. Gilman
Mrs. J. L. Hollander
Miss Anna L. Goessling
5 Mrs. Robert N. Kenyon
Mrs. Alan D. Kenyon
Mrs. T. H. Emerson
Miss Emerson
7 Mrs. William H. Kenyon
Miss Kenyon
Mrs. Jesse M. Smith
Mrs. Leander A. Bevin
9 Mrs. Alexander Caldwell
Mrs. Henry Birrell
Mrs. Perry H. Dow
Miss Sarles
Mrs. Chas. M. Floyd
ii Mrs. E. A. Newell
Mrs. J. F. Hitchcock
Mrs. John Sabine Smith
Mrs. John D. Slayback
Miss Slayback
13 Mrs. Chas. H. Patrick
Mrs. Edward B. Hatch
Mrs. Donald Birnie
Miss Rebecca Birnie
15 Mrs. A. H. Gleason
Mrs. R. H. Stern
Mrs. M. Linn Bruce
Mrs. John Woodward
17 Mrs. Paul M. Herzog
Mrs. Henry Bernhard
Mrs. Sig. Stern
Miss Burke
Mrs. A. N. Stein
Miss Herzog
19 Mrs. H. E. Youngs
Mrs. Alfred Lauterbach
Miss Lauterbach
21 Mrs. A. Chamberlain
23 Mrs. Richard Deeves
Mrs. James W. Bowden
Mrs. Andrew Gillies
Mrs. H. T. Andrews
Mrs. J. C. Lyons
Mrs. Geo. C. Batcheller
Mrs. Albert F. Wheaton
Box No.
4 Mrs. John C. West
Mrs. H. C. Dexter
Mrs. A. E. Ommen
Mrs. G. Morgan Brown
Mrs. Edward F. Dwyer
6-8 Mrs. Louis Stern
Mrs. S. H. Stern
Mrs. E. A. Knox
Mrs. W. H. McElroy
Miss Irene Stern
10 Mrs. Edmund Wetmore
Mrs. Collins
Miss L. S. Collins
Mrs. James W. Hawes
12 Mrs. William Sleicher
Mrs. John A. Sleicher
Mrs, Grippin
Mrs. T. H. Whitney
Mrs. L. L. Bonheur
14 Mrs. Frederick Remington
Mrs. Donald McLean
Mrs. E. C. Seamon
Mrs. M. E. Hutchinson
16 Mrs. R. W. Jones
Mrs. Bird S. Coler
Mrs. Geo. C. Austin
Mrs. E. G. Higginbotham
18 Miss Susie Feeney
Miss Mae March
Miss Eugenie March
Miss Olive March
Miss Anna Fuchs
20 Mrs. William A. Fricke
Mrs. N, Sutherland
Mrs.. C. F. Fricke
Mrs. M. Parpart
22 Mrs. R. F. Shropshire
Miss M. W. Steele
Miss Lila Steele
24 Mrs. W. R. Stevenson
Mrs. A. E. Louderback
Miss Louderback
Miss L. M. Ketcham
Miss M. P. Davis
25 Mrs. Jno. W. Vrooman
Mrs. A. B. Bierck
Mrs. T. P. Morris
Mrs. J. Edgar Leay craft
Miss Agnes C. Leaycraft
Mrs. S. W. Bowne
Mrs. E. S. Tipple
DIAGRAM
OF
BOXES
AND
BANQUET TABLES
DIAGRAM OF BOXES
LADIES' TABLES
000
000
000
© 0 ©
GRAND BALL ROOM TABLES
MENU
Barquette de caviar
Cocktails aux huitres
Gombo a la princesse
Creme de choux-fleurs
Radis Olives C61eri Amandes salees
Supreme de sole a la Guilbert
Cornichons marines
Croutes de volaille et champignons frais a la creme
Tourne-dos de filet de bceuf a la valencienne
Pommes de terre, rissolees Choux-fleurs au gratin
Fonds d'artichauts a la provencale
SORBET DE FANTAISIE
Canard tete-rouge
Salade de saison
Baba Chantilly
Petits fours Fruits
Cafe*
G. H. MUMM'S EXTRA DRY $4.00
G. H. MUMM'S SELECTED BRUT 4.50
APOLLINARIS .40
LADIES' TABLES
Mrs. Richard Deeves
Mrs. James W. Bowdon
Mrs. Andrew Gillies
Mrs. H. V. Andrews
Table
1
Mrs. J. C. Lyons
Mrs. Geo. C. Batcheller
Mrs. Albert F. Wheaton
Mrs. R. N. Kenyon
Mrs. Alan D. Kenyon
Miss Emerson
Mrs. T. H. Emerson
Miss Wellington
Table
2
Mrs. Jesse M. Smith
Mrs. Wm. H. Kenyon
Miss Kenyon
Mrs. L. A. Bevin
Mrs. Louis Stern
Mrs. E. H. Knox
Mrs. D. H. Stern
Table
3
Mrs. W. H. McElroy
Miss Irma R. Stern
Mrs. J. Edgar Leay craft
Miss Agnes C. Leaycraffe
Mrs. S. W. Bowne
Mrs. E. S. Tipple
Table
4
Mrs. Jno. W. Vrooman
Mrs. A. B. Bierck
Mrs. James W. Hawes
Mrs. F. P. Morris
Mrs. E. A. Newell
Mrs. J. F. Hitchcock
Mrs. Chas. M. Floyd
Mrs. Perry H. Dow
ladies' tables
Table
5
83
Miss Sarles
Mrs. Henry Birrell
Mrs. Alex. Caldwell
Mrs. John S. Smith
Mrs. Charles H. Patrick
Mrs. Edward B. Hatch
Mrs. Donald Birnie
Miss Rebecca Birnie
Table
6
Mrs. A. H. Gleason
Mrs. W. Linn Bruce
Mrs. John Woodward
Mrs. E. C. Seamon
Mrs. M. E. Hutchinson
Mrs. Fred. Remington
Mrs. R. W. Jones
Table
7
Mrs. Bird S. Coler
Mrs. Geo. C. Austin
Mrs. E. G. Higginbotham
Mrs. Donald McLean
Mrs. John C. West
Mrs. H. C. Dexter
Mrs. A. E. Oromen
Miss Mae F. March
Table
8
Miss Eugenie March
Miss Olive March
Miss Susie Feeney
Miss Anna Firchs
84
Mrs. W. P. Stevenson
Mrs. A. E. Louderback
Miss A. J. Louderback
Miss L. M. Ketcham
ladies' tables
Table
9
Miss Mary P. Davis
Miss M. W. Steele
Miss Lila Steele
Mrs. R. F. Shropshire
Mrs. P. M, Herzog
Table
Mrs. Henry Bernhard
Mrs. Sig. Stern
10
Mrs. T. H. Whitney
Miss Burke
Mrs. A. N. Stein
Miss Nina Herzog
Mrs. L. L. Bonheur
Mrs. Edmund Wetraore
Mrs. Collins
Miss L. S. Collins
Mrs. Wm. Sleicher
Table
n
Mrs. Grippin
Mrs. Jno. A. Sleicher
Mrs. G. M. Browne
Mrs. Edwin T. Dwyer
Mrs, T. P. Gilman
Mrs. J. L. Hollander
Miss Anna L. Goessling
Mrs. Wm. A. Fricke
Table
12
Mrs. N. Sutherland
Mrs. C. F. Fricke
Mrs. M. Parpart
Mrs. H. E. Youngs
Two guests of Mr. A. Lauterbach
Table
14
Table A
Press
MEMBERS' TABLES
Henry C. Piercy
Edward S. Harkness
Henry Gleason
Table
Frank Brookfield
Robert A. Murray
Bernardo F. Fischer
T. Davenport
\
Ira H. Brainerd
A. Matthews
John T. McKenna
W. M. K. Olcott
George C. Batcheller
Charles H. Treat
Parker Spofford
Table
2
W. D. Mann
Joseph M. Duell
Eugene H. Porter
A. C Holbrook
Frank Tilford
Henry R. Wilson
Samuel D. Styles
William Salomon
Table
3
Clarence H. Kelsey
B. Aymar Sands
J. Harsen Rhoades
86
MEMBERS' TABLES
Robert N. Kenyon
L. A. Bevin
Jesse M. Smith
Herbert H. Gibbs
G. H- Crawford
Table
4
W. H. Kenyon
Alan D. Kenyon
Ronald K. Brown
F. L. Crawford
R. G. Wellington
James A. Blanchard
John A. D wight
Francis M. Scott
Anson G. McCook
Table
5
Philip J. McCook
John Proctor Clarke
Alex. D. Campbell
C. H. Blair
Edmund Wetmore
Mortimer C. Addoms
Edward T. Bartlett
Hamilton Odell
Table
6
Cephas Brainerd
Isaac N. Seligman
Alfred L. Seligman
I. L. Hill
F. L. Loring and guest
Eugene H. Conklin
Charles F. Homer
Edward B. Hatch
Charles H. Patrick
Table
7
Henry C. Conger
David C. Link
Henry R. De Milt
J. Walter Earle
C. M. Depew, Jr.
Leonard Ames
Charles Tremain
Adrian H. Jackson
E. J. Stalker
Table
8
L. Harding Rogers, Jr.
Henry A. Rogers
Allen Merrill Rogers
S. H. Miller
MEMBERS' TABLES
87
E. A. Newell
James W. Hawes
Table
Perry H. Dow
Alexander Coldwell
9
John L. Baker
William Milne
Henry Birrell
Charles M. Floyd
John A. Sleicher
Frederick B. Schenck
Austin B. Fletcher
John A. McCall
J. Edward Simmons
Table
10
W. A. Grippin
Allen M. Fletcher
Wm. Sleicher
Wm. Skinner
H. J. Braker
John J. McCook
Chas. Siedler Adams
Emory A. Stedman
David B. Sickels
Table
11
James S. Fearon
Hosmer B. Parsons
James H. Rogers
A. Gordon Murray
M. A. Stern
A. S. Ochs
Col. E. A. Knox
L. H. Stern
Table
12
W. H. McElroy
William Schickel
Jesse Michels
Thomas Wilson
Theodore P. Gilman
Frank Y. Kilpatrick
Ringland F. Kilpatrick
Frank T. Fitzgerald
Table
Chas. 0. Maas
Joseph L. Hollander
13
Simeon Ford
88
MEMBERS' TABLES
Donald McLean and guest
John Hubbard
Wallace D. McLean
John P. Sousa
Table
14
H. C. McLean
Henry E. Cobb
R. A. C. Smith
Chas. H. Allen
L. H. Stern
A. M. Levy
I. Liebes
Jos. C. Baldwin
E. A. Olds
Table
15
J. C. Gilbert
A. Gilbert
Leopold Stern
Hiram A. Bliss
0. G. Fessenden
J. E. Newburger
H. M. Leipzeiger
E. E. McCall
Chas. H. Boynton
Table
Louis Wiley
M. H. Moses
16
Jaques Stern
Henry Rice
J. Edgar Leaycraft
W. H. Parsons
Chas. Fowler
Dr. E. S. Tipple
S. W. Bowne
Table
17
Percy S. Greenlees
C. C. Shayne
W. H. Porter
Edgar C. Leaycraft
W. R. Wilcox
John H. Vrooman
E. M. F. Miller
E. W. Scott
E. L. Schofield
Table
E. V. Gambier
A. S. Apgar
18
H. C. Duval
P. C. Lounsbery
Henry L. Stoddard
Erwin Wardman
Bradford Merrill
J. C. Cook
members' tables
Table
19
89
Frank A. Munsey
Edgar L. Marston
Rev. Nerlin Hodgson
H. H. Neill
Lucien L. Bonheur
Alexander T. Mason
James Yereance
Harold Nathan
Merritt E. Haviland and guest
Table
20
Nathaniel A. Elsberg
A. Winebrugh
Leo Levy
J. F. Hastings
Fred. E. Perham
E. D. Bird
Derick Lane
G. M. Thornton
Lyman B. Goft'
Table
21
William F. Wakeman
Chas. L. Goodhue
Alfred Birnie
J. F. Hitchcock
Richard Deeves
Horace Brockway
Washington Jaques
Table
A. J. Dixon
John H. Lynch
Dr. Jas. W. Bowden
Rev. Andrew Gillies
22
Col. J. H. Wells
W. J. West
James Brite
George B. Agnew
A. G. Agnew
G. W. Wickersham
Gherardi Davis
Table
23
Matthew C. Fleming
Francis C. Huntington
Alfred E. Marling
Francis G. Landon
90
MEMBERS' TABLES
Henry E. Tremaine
A. F. Hagar
Alex. P. Ketchum
0. B. Libbey
A. P. Rich
Table
24
W. J. Tulley
Dr. Jas. W. Nesbit
Col. W. C. Church
Chas. S. Whitman
Wm. C. Gotshall
Wm. D. Murphy
S. P. Avery
Harry F. Morse
Daniel A. Lindley
David C. Townsend
Table
25
Francis Henderson
Walter Mason
Thomas Kirkpatrick
John Kirkpatrick
William Einstein
Henry Griswold
William Carr
R. H. Hunter
Wm. Leary
Table
26
W. H. Buckley
Sumner Ballard
Harry B. Reed
Geo. P. Sheldon
Martin Saxe
Julius M. Mayer
Lorenz Zeller
Philip Bloch
Morris Galland
Table
27
John H. Iselin
George W. Morgan
Max S. Grifenhagen
A. S. Gilbert
M. Linn Bruce
Louis I. Waldman
James McLean
I. J. R. Muurling
George D. Cross
Table
28
John Woodward
H. J. McWhirter
E. W. Candee
Myer Nussbaum
MEMBERS' TABLES
91
Pierre J. Smith
George A. Hewlett
Table
Samuel Lee
29
Dr. Wm. Tod Helmuth
Chas. 0. Corn
J. L. Lockman
Heddon Chubb
F. J. Lockman
John Little
George Little
Myron T. Wilbur
Rollin M. Morgan
W. J. Maxwell
Table
30
H. H. Whitehead
Wm. H. Oliver
E. Driscoll
W. K. Fertig
J. F. Milligan
Bedford Rhodes
Norton P. Otis
Francis M. Carpenter
Rev. Allan Mac Rossie
Table
31
Samuel C. Miller
Reuben G. Brewer
David Cromwell
Richard Hunter
Dr. Edward T. Brush
Table
Mark D. Stiles
Roger W. Sherman
32
William Archer
James P. Hayes
Frederick H. Davis
John A. O'Niell
Frederick M. Pierson
John A. Greene
William Milne
Charles R. Skinner
A. S. Downing
N. V. V. Franchot
Table
Cheever C. Hardwick
C. P. Batt
33
N. C. Dougherty
E. 0. Lyte
92
MEMBERS' TABLES
C. L. Addison
Henry W. Baldwin
Table
W. F. Potter
34
Frederick P. Morris
C. E. Titus
A. B. Bierck
T. A. Taylor
E. M. L. Ehlers
Alfred E. Ommen
Edwin A. Richard
Henry A. Caesar
David Leventritt
Andrew Saks
Table
35
John H. Meyer
Otto Goetze
Geo. F. Vietor
Morris J. Hirsch
H. H. Maas
Wm. P. Montague
Edward Von Gal
J. B. G. Rhinehart
George C. Stevens
Table
36
W. 0. Jones
T. H. Whitney
Frank Koch
Eugene Wanbaug h
Edson Lewis
Rev. George C. Peck
A. Noel Blakeman
D. W. Whitmore
Table
37
John G. Wintzen
C. H. Lorell
S. B. Allen
John M. Derby
William Hillman
Geo. A. Gardner
Geo. A. Slater
Arthur R. Wilcox
F. H. Denman
Table
J. Alva Jenkins
W. C. Roeder
38
W. S. Coonley
W. H. Birchall
Jas. T. Lehmaier
Thomas Thacher
A. H. Gleason
Richard H. Stearns
B. J. Greenhut
members' tables
Table
39
93
Matthew Frank
Charles M. Hogan
Ben. Hillman
Henry E. Taylor
Thos. H. Mclnerney
M. E. Stover
Emanuel Blumenstiel
T. C. McClure
C. J. Hirt
Table
40
I. D. Marshall
William Thorp
Holger Angelo
Pratt A. Brown
F. B. Thurber
James Valentine
Table
Richard C. Jenkinson
41
J. C. Young
Chas. F. Kilburn
J. C. Dana
Jas. E. Howell
Dr. W. P. Stevenson
Frank M. Turnbull
Table
A. D. Davis
42
Geo. E. Campbell
L. A. Moray
A. E. Louderback
Chas. H. Ketchum
W. P. Ketcham
N. F. Strauss
Dr. M. L. Rhein
Henry Wollman
Richard Sutro
Table
43
J. H. Woodward
Dr. E. D. Fisher
Read Benedict
Jno. C. West
94
MEMBERS' TABLES
C. A. Draper
Thos. T. Wentworth
Waldo P. Clement
Aaron S. Thomas
Table
44
Leonard Richards
Howard A. Haven
Louis Lowenstein
Fred. E. Tasker
Theophilus E. Niles
Edmund L. Haas
Harry L. Haas
Table
45
H. T. Andrews
J. C. Lyons
Philip Carpenter
Mr. Blake
H. A. Ciishing
Table
Chas. B. Barkley
Leonard H. Dewing
46
H. C. Harding
Lynn J. Arnold
E. R. Ford
E. S. Yergasan
C. H. H. Adams
C. G. Patterson
J. E. March
Rev. J. P. O'Brien
Geo. K. Gilluly
Monroe Bryant
Jas. A. Smith and guest
Table
C. B. Sanders
C. W. Ballard
47
Milton See
David Heller
Fred. Uhlman
Charles A. Stadler
Table
48
Simon Uhlman
Wm. A. Jamer
Max. Naumburg:
MEMBERS' TABLES
95
Charles B. Page
Wilson R. Page
Col. Alvara Garcia
Joseph Love
Table
49
John Reisenweber
Henry Schwarzwaelder
Albert Ludorff
John Maguire
Oliver Wren
Albert Ottinger
Howard Pretzfield
C H. Pforzheimer
Table
50
John Frick
Chas. F. Bruck
F. W. Judge, Jr.
W. A. Mitchell
G. Morgan Browne
E. T. Dwyer
Albert A. Wilcox
J. Waldo Smith
Table
51
Frederick Moore
W. S. B. Stevens
J. Haederstein
B. M. Holzman
Arthur S. Leland
Arthur S. Dewey
William A. Fricke
Morris Sutherland
Table
52
C. F. Fricke
M. Parpart
A. C. Astarita
Louis 0. Van Doren
Paul M. Herzog
Eugene Meyer, Jr.
Henry Bernhard
Sig. Stern
Table
Edgar A. Hellman
A. N. Stein
53
Max Herzog
96
H. J. Spurham, and guest
Frank Brundage
S. B. Hamburger
members' tables
Table
54
Dr. J. D. Nesbit
Ed. Sumner
Col. W. C. Church
Peter Zucker
E. R. Gilman, and guest
Table
Henry E. Hutchinson
R. W. Jones
Geo. C. Austin
Bird S. Coler
55
Frederick Remington
E. G. Higginbotham
Edward N. Crane
Chas. M. Demond
Table
J. M. Liehtenauer, Jr.
A. L. Canfield
56
J. F. Wandling
W. Felshinger
Gilbert E. Roe
C. V. Collins
E. P. Ketchum
M. J. Leonhardt
Arch. M. Pentz
H. C. Post
W. P. Youngs
Table
E. R. Finch
57
Irving A. Matthews
O. T. Thomas
H. F. Thomas
J. F. Golding
J. H. Emery
Geo. A. Weinman
A. Hazleton
Louis Werner
Table
58
W. R. Rodman
R. T. Carew
W. E. Kares
E. H. Clift
J. C. Vreeland
Chas. Voltz
H. K. White
Table
59
S. G. Pierson
E. F. Williams
Louis F. Schultze
R. S. Pollock
'
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