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Proceedings of the 
Huguenot Society of London 

Huguenot Society of London 

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(CUus of 1830.) 

"For Books relating to Politics and 
Fine Arts.'' 

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Dufiuenot Society of Xonbon 

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Duguenot Societij of Xonbon 



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10 Lftnoaster Place, Steand, W.C. 

90 Begent's Park Boad, N.W. 

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Wednesday, 13th Januabt, 1897. 

Sir Henry W. Peek, Bart., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on 11th November, 1896, 
were read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : — 

David John Vavasor Durell, Esq., 2 Temple Gardens, E.G. 

William Henry Egle, Esq., M.D., State Librarian of Penn- 
sylvania, Harrisburg, Pa., U.S.A. 

•Charles Mercier, Esq., M.D., The Flower House, Catford, 


George Boileau Reid, Esq., 1b Campden-hill Road, W. 

Sir Charles Purcell Taylor, Bart., D.Sc, 2 Powis Place, 
Queen Square, W.C. 

Charles M. Tenison, Esq., M.R.I. A., Hobart, Tasmania. 

'a Paper was read by Mr. Francis W. Cross on **The 
Walloon Industries at Canterbury in the Sixteenth and 
Seventeenth Centuries ". 

VOL. VI. — NO. I. 

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Wednesday, 10th March 1897. 

Sib Henby W. Peek, Babt., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting, held on 13th January, were 
read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : — 
The Hon. Mrs. Ehot, 8 Onslow Gardens, S. W. 
Edouard Majolier, Esq., 20 Bramham Gardens, S.W. 
Miss Ellen Perronet Thompson, Brokes Lodge, Reigate. 

M. Marinus Godefridus Wildeman, Adjunct-archivaris, 
Haarlem, was elected an Honorary Fellow. 

A Paper was read by the Rev. J. B. Medley, entitled 
'* Notes on the Eikon BasUike, with a reference to some 
French Trcuislations *'. 

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Wednesday, 12th May, 1897. 

Sir Henry W. Peek, Bart., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting, held on 10th March, were 
read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society :— 

G. W. Cazalet, Esq., M.R.C.S., Medical Department, 
General Post Office. 

Francis Arthur Marlow Kirby, Esq., 18 Christchurch Eoad, 

Harry Isaac Lefeaux, Esq., 43 Thurlestone Eoad, West 
Norwood, S.E. 

Mrs. Eylands, Longford Hall, Stretford, Manchester. 

Philip Secretan, Esq., Slaugham Park, Crawley, Sussex. 

The President then read the Annual Eeport of the 
Council as follows: — 

Report of the Council to the Thirteenth Annual General Meeting 
of the Huguenot Society of London, 

During the past year there has been a loss of eleven Fellows, 
five by death and six by vnthdrawal, and a gain of nineteen 
new Fellows, the net increase thus being eight. The whole 
number now on the Ust amounts to 385. In addition to 
these there are eighteen Honorary Fellows, making altogether 

Whilst referring to the Honorary Fellows, the Council 
desire to express their sense of the great loss sustained by 
the Society and by the Commission pour THistoire des Eglises 
Wallonnes, in the death of Dr. W. N. du Eieu, who for so 
many years had been Secretary to the Commission and 
Director of the University Library at Leyden. Dr. du 

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Eieu was one of the first Honorary Fellows of the Society^ 
having:; been elected at its foundation in 1885, and he was 
always ready to give any assistance he could in promoting 
its objects. To fill the vacancy caused by his death, the 
Council have recently elected Mr. M. G. Wildeman, Assistant- 
archivist of Haarlem. 

The Treasurer's balance-sheet accompanying this Report 
shows an income for the year of £493 Ss., and an expenditure 
of £442 ()S. lOd., leaving a balance on the 31st December, 
1890, of £51 Is. 2d. The balance this evening is £314 5s. 
3d., subject to the printing and other expenses of the re- 
mainder of the current year. The Society also possesses the 
sum of £634 88. 2d., invested in 2^ per cent. Consols. 

The Society's thanks are due to Mr. Martin Nasmith for 
his kindness in continuing to make the purchases of stock 
from time to time required, free of all brokerage ; also to the 
Treasurer, Mr. Roumieu, and the Auditors, Mr. Ouvry and 
Mr. Eousselet. 

Since the last Annual Meeting, the third number of the 
fifth volume of Proceedings has been issued. The fourth 
number, completing that volume, is already printed, and 
will be issued as soon as the Index to the whole volume ia 

The Council have great pleasure in reporting that Mr. 
Moens has kindly consented to edit another volume of the 
Threadneedle Street Registers, and has already begun work 
upon it. He has also been engaged in editing the Registers 
of the Colchester Dutch Church, which will be issued, it ia 
hoped, in 1898. 

The other quarto volumes now being printed are the 
Registers of La Patente, edited by Mr. Waller and Mr. Minet, 
and the Index volume of the Canterbury Registers, edited by 
Mr. Hovenden. This Index has proved a very bulky one, 
requiring much time and care, but is now far advanced 
towards completion. Mr. Kirk has in active preparation 
the List of Aliens vn London in the Reigns of Henry VIIL to 
James L 

As a companion volume to the Canterbury Registers, Mr. 
F. W. Cross is preparing a very full history of the Walloon 
Church and settlement in that city, and the Council also 
contemplate printing the Registers of the Huguenot Noncon- 
formist Churches of Dublin, wdth the kind assistance of Dr. 
La Touche. 

A meeting was held in July last at Rye and Winchelsea^ 

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a report of which has already appeared in the Proceedings. 
It was well attended, and a cordial welcome was given to 
the Society's representatives by the Mayors of these two 
ancient cinque-ports, the clergy and other inhabitants, who 
aU combined to render the visit exceedingly enjoyable. It 
is not proposed to hold any Conference in the country during 
the coming summer, as, owing to the numerous events to 
celebrate the Queen's reign, it seems scarcely possible to 
carry out any such excursion satisfactorily. 

In alluding to the approaching completion of Her Majesty's 
sixtieth year of sovereignty, the Council may draw attention 
to the special Huguenot Fund which has been set on foot to 
commemorate it. Particulars of this having been already 
sent to all Fellows of the Society, they need only say here 
that the Fund has had their hearty support from the begin- 
ning, and that it has now reached the amount of £870. 
This sum, added to the £1400 already administered by the 
Directors of the French Hospital, makes a total of £2270 
out of the £5000 proposed to be raised. The Council trust 
that the remainder may be fully subscribed by the 20th of 

The interchange of publications between the Society and 
the foreign Societies in correspondence has been maintained 
as usual, and the various Bulletins received from the French, 
Dutch, German and Vaudois Societies, show how keen an 
interest continues to be taken in every department of Hugue- 
not history. These works are always most welcome here, 
and in return the Council are gratified to learn that the pub- 
lications of the Society meet with a kindly appreciation 
abroad and are highly valued there. 

It is not usual for the Council to allude in their Report to 
any very distant prospective arrangements. They feel, how- 
ever, that it is their jpleasant duty on the present occasion 
to remind the Society of the cordial invitation received a 
few weeks ago from the Huguenot Society of America. 
That Society proposes to celebrate in New York, in April 
next year, the 300th anniversary of the Promulgation of 
the Edict of Nantes, and has most courteously invited all 
kindred Societies in Europe to take part in the celebration. 
The Council hope that the Huguenot Society of London 
will be fittingly represented on the occasion, and they take 
this opportunity of saying that the Honorary Secretary will 
be glad to hear from any Fellows who may be inclined to go 
over to New York, and to afford them any information he 

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may from time to time receive as to the contemplated 

After the reading of the Beport the ballot was taken for 
the OflScers and Council for the ensuing year, with the 
following result : — 

Officers and Council for the year. May 1897 to May 1898. 

President, — Sir Henry William Peek, Bart. 

Vice-Presidents. — Major-General Sir Edmund F. Du Cane> 
K.C.B. ; Arthur Giraud Browning, F.S.A. ; William John 
Charles Moens, F.S.A. ; Bobert Hovenden, F.S.A. 

Treasv/rer, — Beginald St. Aubyn Boumieu. 

Honorary Secretary, — Beginald Stanley Faber. 

Members of Council, — Adrian C. Chamier, F.S.A. ; Frederick 
A. Crisp, F.S.A.; John WilHam de Grave; Major-General 
M. W. E. Gosset, C.B. ; William John Hardy, F.S.A.; 
Perceval Landon ; Edward H. Lefroy ; Colonel E. Matthey> 
*P.S.A. ; WilUam Wyndham Portal; Ernest Sutton Saurin; 
WiUiam A. Shaw; WiUiam Chapman Waller, F.S.A. 

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Wednesday, 10th November, 1897. 

Sir Henry W. Peek, Bart., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Annual General Meeting held on 12th 
May were read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : — 

Lieut. Frank Ridley Farrer Boileau, R.E., Elstowe, Cain- 

Lieut. -General Stephen H. E. Chamier, C.B., R.A., 64 
Inverness Terrace, W. 

Mrs. Gardiner, 57 Cornwall Gardens, S.W. 

Jean Louis Paul Lebfegue, Esq., 23 CoUingham Road, S.W. 

Miss Brenda Noel Melladew, 10 Norfolk Mansions, Prince 
of Wales Road, Battersea Park, S.W. 

Wyndham S. Portal, Esq., Malshanger, Basingstoke. 

The Free PubUc Library, New Bedford, Mass., U.S.A. 

A Paper was read by Sir C. Purcell Taylor, Bart., D.Sc, 
on " Huguenot Inventors and their Inventions '\ 

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Wednesday, 12th January, 1898. 

W. J. C. MoENS, Esq., Vice-President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on 10th November, 1897, 
were read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : — 

Hamilton Stanley Faber, Esq., 95 Fordwych Boad, West 
Hampstead, N.W. 

Maximilian Bernard Geneste, Esq., 95 Fordwych Boad, 
West Hampstead, N.W. 

Miss Marian Madeleine Boumieu Wylie, 7 St. George's 
Terrace, Begent's Park, N.W. 

A Paper was read by Mr. A. G. Browning, V.P., on 
^* The Origin and Early History of the French Hospital, La 
Providence ". 

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Wednesday, 9th March, 1898. 

Sib Heney W. Peek, Bart., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on 12th January were 
read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : — 

Frederick a Brassard, Esq., 28 St. Paul's Road, Manning- 
ham, Bradford. 

Mme. la Baronne Alexandre de Chambrier, Bevaix, Switzer- 

Pasteur E. Bourlier, President of the Commission pour 
THistoire des Eglises Wallonnes ; Dr. Ch. M. Dozy, Secre- 
tary of the Commission, and M. J. W. Enschedi, BibUo- 
thecaire de la Ville de Haarlem, were elected Honorary 

A Paper by Mr. Louis Gaches on " The Royal Lustrings 
Company " was read, and Mr. W. Minet exhibited a Com- 
munion Cup, some Mereaux and an old Huguenot Book of 
Accounts, and gave a description of them. 

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Wednesday. 11th May, 1898. 

Sib Henby W. Peek, Baet., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on 9th March were read 
and confirmed. 

Mrs. Porcher, 12 Connaught Place, Hyde Park, W., waa 
elected a Fellow of the Society. 

The President read the Annual Report of the Council and 
the Reports of Mr. A. G. Browning, V.P., and Mr. E. 
Belleroche, who had been deputed to represent the Society 
officially at the Commemoration of the Tercentenary of the 
Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes, held by the Huguenot 
Society of America in New York in April. 

Messrs. Browning and Belleroche had been unable to 
return to England in time to attend the Annual Meeting, 
so had forwarded their Reports by post. The Society's 
cordial thanks were unanimously voted to them for their 
kindness in journeying to America for the commemoration. 

The Reports were as follows : — 

Report of the Comicil to the Fourteenth Annual General Meeting 
of the Huguenot Society of London, 

During the past year there have been twenty losses by 
death and withdrawal, and thirteen new Fellows have been 
elected, making the total number now 377. There have 
also been elected three new Honorary Fellows, Messieurs 
Bourher, Dozy and Ensched6, and the Honorary List is now 
at its full complement of twenty. 

The Treasurer's Balance Sheet, accompanying this report, 
shows an income for the financial year of £466 3s. 3d., and 
an expenditure of £399 17s. 9d., leaving a balance on the 

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3l8t December, 1897, of £66 6s. 6d. The Society also stands 
possessed of a sum of £652 19s. 9d. in 2} per cent. Consols, 
representing the investment of the Life Composition Fees of 
sixty-three Fellows since its inauguration. 

The accounts have been examined and approved by the 
Auditors, Mr. E. C. Ouvry and Mr. Albert E. T. Jourdain, 
to whom, and especially to the Treasurer, Mr. B, St. A. 
Koumieu, the Society's thanks are due for the care they 
have bestowed upon every detail of the finances. 

The Council feel that some explanation may be expected 
from them of the delay in the issue of the pubhcations. 
This delay has been prolonged far beyond all anticipation, 
and is regretted by no one more than by the Council them- 
selves. It has been almost wholly caused by the fact that 
two of the publications contain very full indexes, not only to 
their own contents but to the preceding parts which, with 
them, make up entire volumes. These indexes comprise 
references to many thousand names, and it has been im- 
possible to do the work quicker without doing it less satis- 
factorily. But the publications in question (the concluding 
parts of the Canterbury Registers and of the fifth volume of 
Proceedings) are now in course of delivery, and they will be 
followed during the present year by others which are now 
rapidly nearing completion. 

The usual friendly relations have been maintained with 
the various other Societies with which the Society is in cor- 
respondence, and there have been added to the number the 
Holland Society of New York and the important Archives 
Generales du Boyaume at Brussels. 

In alluding to the foreign Societies, the Council more 
especially desire to place on record their deep appreciation 
of the cordial welcome and splendid hospitality given to their 
representatives, Mr. Browning, Mr. Belleroche and Mr. 
Hovenden, by the Huguenot Society of America at that 
Society's recent Commemoration in New York of the Ter- 
centenary of the Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes. That 
any representative of the Huguenots of England would meet 
with a fraternal reception by the Huguenots of America was 
only naturally to be expected, but the warmth and wealth of 
greeting shown day after day on this occasion fairly surpassed 
all expectation, and will, the Council feel sure, go straight to 
the heart of all who hear or read Mr. Browning's following 
Beport of the proceedings. 

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Mr. A. G. Browning's Report on the Commemoration at New- 
York of the Tercentenary of the Promulgation of the Edict of 

New York, 28rd Aprily 1898. 

An American writer somewhere asserts that " next to T 
per cent, interest, a diary is the most remorseless thing in 
nature ". I am very much of the same opinion, and there- 
fore do not keep a diary, but occasionally (and this is one of 
the occasions) I wish that I did, for I am under promise to 
send the Society an account of the Huguenot Congress in 
New York which has just concluded. 

The Huguenot Society of London was represented by Mr. 
Belleroche, Mr. Hovenden and myself. Mr. Hovenden and 
I (each taking out a daughter) left Liverpool together in the 
Etruria, reaching New York early on the morning of Easter 
Sunday. The story of our voyage would interest only those 
who take a mild pleasure in the misfortunes and sufferings 
of their neighbours ; it would therefore fall upon deaf ears at 
a meeting of the Huguenot Society. 

We landed at New York just in time to be taken to the 
Easter morning service at Gracechurch, the most beautiful 
church in the city, and there to our surprise a special wel- 
come had been prepared for the delegates from the various 
European Huguenot Societies to the Congress which wa& 
about to be held. Conspicuous among the wealth of floral 
decoration (which surpassed everything of the kind that I 
have seen in England) was a magnificent wreath of dark red 
roses, known in America as ** Huguenot Koses," at least four 
yards in circumference. This had been placed in the chancel 
by Mrs. Lawton, who has been the moving spirit of this cele« 
bration, sparing neither time, strength, nor money to ensure 
its success. The choir of Gracechurch is, I believe, famed 
on both sides of the Atlantic, and the music on Easter Sun- 
day morning was something to be remembered. In his ser- 
mon, the Bector, after referring to the gathering war-cloud & 
over Cuba, and to the possibility of war with Spain (a possi- 
biUty which has now, unhappily, ripened into actual fact), 
spoke of the sufferings inflicted by Spain upon the Protestants 
in the Netherlands, and of her cruelty to some of the first 
settlers on the American Continent, and he then gave a slight 
sketch of Huguenot history in the seventeenth century, lead- 
ing up to the Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes ; an event 
which was to be celebrated in the ensuing week, when it& 

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300th anniversary would be reached, and he concluded by 
oflfering a warm welcome from the Huguenot descendants in 
America to those who had come from beyond the seas to join 
in the celebration. The sudden change from the confinement 
and discomfort of a steamship in rough weather to this im- 
pressive Easter service at Grracechurch was simply over- 
powering, and he must have been dull indeed whose heart 
did not expand in gratitude when joining in it. 

My daughter and I were most kindly received by Mrs. 
Lawton, whose New York home is at the Hotel Grosvenor, 
a kind of private hotel corresponding closely to the Belgrave 
Mansions in London. Here we found a suite of rooms pre- 
pared for us, and we remained as Mrs. Lawton*s guests until 
the conclusion of the conference. On the Sunday afternoon 
we were asked to go down to Mrs. Lawton's rooms, where a 
number of persons called, including the President and Vice- 
President and various members of the Huguenot Society of 
America with their families. 

On Monday, 11th April, Mr. Marquand, President of the 
Society, invited the foreign delegates to a reception at the Me- 
tropohtan Museum of Art. Mr. Marquand, who is now very 
old, was feeling too unwell to receive his guests personally, 
so we were welcomed by the Director of the Museum and 
two or three members of the Committee. It would be hope- 
less for me to attempt to describe this Museum, which in 
some of its collections surpasses both our British Museum 
and the South Kensington. No money has been spared to 
secure many of the finest treasures of the Old World in 
Egyptian, Etruscan, Koman and Persian Art, and in both 
ancient and modern sculpture and painting. I here renewed 
acquaintance with many a marble group and statue, and with 
many a painting which I had formerly seen in London. Mr. 
Marquand himself has given $1,300,000 (£260,000) to this 
Museum, and two or three other donors of hardly less amount 
were mentioned to me. While speaking of dollars I may as 
well here say that the Huguenot descendants in New York 
are among its wealthiest and most aristocratic famiUes, and 
that the Huguenot Society there seems to aim almost as 
much at bringing these families together in close touch, and 
in keeping would-be intruders out of the charmed circle, as 
at collecting and preserving the Huguenot literature of the 
country. So Gracechurch, the church which most of the 
Huguenot families attend, is " run," as the Americans say, 
•quite regardless of expense. The clergy work very hard and 

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carry on a great variety of work in the parish. They also 
conduct missions in the poorest parts of New York very 
much on the hues of the Oxford House and Toynbee HaU 
in London, but the cost of carrying on the church services 
and of maintaining the choir, which is always strengthened 
by the best musicians, vocal and instrumental, obtainable, 
must be enormous. The offertories, however, are on a 
corresponding scale. A special appeal was made on Easter 
Sunday, and the collections during the day amounted to a 
little over £5000, a sum exasperating to a suburban London 
churchwarden who cannot raise £300 in a whole year ! 

On Tuesday, the 12th, Mrs. Lawton held a reception 
which was attended by nearly 200 people, senators, lawyers, 
doctors, officers, professors, clergymen and others, with their 
vnves and daughters, forming a very brilliant assembly of 
educated Americans, who have nothing in common with the 
** Yankee '* so persistently exhibited in England as the typical 
native of the United States. 

The real business of the Conference began on Wednesday 
morning with a short service at the French Church of Saint 
Esprit, a Presbyterian Church where services in French, 
very similar to those of the Crypt Church at Canterbury, are 

To an English churchman it seems very strange, not to 
say embarrassing, to hear or to read papers on secular 
subjects in a church, but I believe it is frequently done 
here in the Presbyterian churches. The first paper was 
read by Mr. Belleroche on the ** Events that led to the 
Enactment of the Edict of Nantes ". Mr. Belleroche was at 
some disadvantage, for he had prepared a paper which would 
take about forty minutes to read, and he was asked on short 
notice to cut it down to twenty. The result was naturally 
unsatisfactory, a good part of the time denied to the reading 
being taken up with verbal explanations of the omissions, 
but I think that the paper when printed will read more 
effectively. Then came a paper by the Professor of Church 
History in New York University on ** The Edict of Nantes, Its 
Scope and Its Place in the History of Religious Toleration ". 
This paper was a masterpiece ; every sentence rang out clear 
as a bell; the principal features of the Edict were first 
described, then the secret or supplementary clauses and 
their effect upon the measure which they professed to 
elucidate, and the working of the whole Edict during the 
first years of its existence. Nothing could be clearer or 

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more satisfactory than Professor Jackson's treatment of his 
subject. His delivery too was so good that not a word was 
lost to his audience, nor did the interest of any one flag for a 

Dr. Baird followed with a paper on ** The Strength and 
Weakness of the Edict of Nantes," just the paper that a 
historian would delight in writing, and one that will afford 
solid and useful reading in the quiet of the study, but I 
thought it a httle over the heads of the audience. 

The last and almost the best paper read on Wednesday 
was by M. Weiss on ** The Enemies of the Edict of Nantes," 
and the author treated his subject with so much vigour that 
the rather flagging energies of the listeners were brought back 
to attention, and I think all appreciated both the learning 
and the courage of M. Weiss in showing that the enemies 
of religious toleration, as embodied in the famous Edict, 
have been steadily at work from the dawn of the Eeforma- 
tion in France until even a month or two ago, when Paris 
was covered with posters issued from a clerical college 
denouncing all Jews, Freemasons and Protestants as con- 
federates of the traitor Dreyfus, and advising that they 
should all be hounded out of the country. M. Weiss pre- 
sented a copy of this poster to be preserved among the 
records of the American Huguenot Society. 

The reading of these papers lasted until about half past 
one, when the audience (or congregation?) dispersed for 
lunch, many of them only to gather again at the Annual 
Meeting of the Society at four o'clock. As an Honorary 
Member I was permitted to attend this Meeting, at which 
various matters were discussed and ofl&cers for the ensuing 
year were elected. Mr. Marquand, the President, retired, 
and Mr. de Peyster was chosen to succeed him. I took this 
opportunity of presenting to the Society the series of bronze 
medals commemorating the Massacre of St. Bartholomew 
and the Eevocation of the Edict of Nantes with which I 
was charged by our own Society, and at the same time of 
expressing my great regret that our President, Sir Henry 
Peek, had been unable to personally attend the Conference 
and to make the presentation. I also assured the President 
and Council of the warm sympathy of our English Society 
veith the purpose of their Congress, for we felt that our 
Huguenot forefathers should be held in continual remem- 
brance, and that every such commemoration of their heroic 
faith and sufferings, and of their struggle for freedom of 

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conscience, must tend to strengthen the ties which hold 
together their descendants on whichever side of the Atlantic 
they may be found. After the Meeting I had to take back 
the medals to be mounted by Tiflfany in a manner corre- 
sponding with some other medals the Society possesses, and 
when they are finished I shall finally present them together 
with the letter, a copy of which is appended to this Keport. 

On Thursday morning, the 14th, the members of the 
Society again assembled at the French Church for a short 
service similar to that of the previous day, and for the read- 
ing of more papers. 

The first place was given to mine on the French Hospital. 
Perhaps because it was rather in contrast with the purely 
historical papers which had been read the day before, or per- 
haps because it treated of an institution which has an inherent 
interest of its own, and yet was unknown to almost every 
one present, the paper excited a good deal of curiosity, and I 
have since had to answer innumerable questions about the 
Hospital and its Governors, Directors, Officers and Inmates. 
For better or worse, one effect of my paper will be to make 
the French Hospital a Huguenot shrine to be visited by 
American pilgrims to the old country ; for many have said 
it is one of the first places they shall want to see when they 
next go to London. The other papers read on Thursday 
were on the Huguenot settlements in different parts of 
America. It is the intention of the Committee to publish 
a Bulletin containing a complete account of this Congress 
with the papers more or less in full. A copy will, of course, 
be sent to our Society and preserved in the library. 

But I suppose that to many the great event of Thursday, 
if not of the whole Congress, was the magnificent dinner at 
Debnonico's, at which about 260 of the elite of New York 
and of the Huguenot settlements in America were present. 
Enthusiasts gathered from all parts of the country, as well 
as from beyond the sea. The scene was really most brilliant. 
At one end of the room was a slightly raised dais, at which 
sat the new President, Mr. de Peyster, supported on either 
side by about ten delegates or most distmguished guests. 
M. Weiss, as delegate from the oldest Society, sat on the 
President's right hand, and I, in virtue of my representing 
the Huguenot Society of London, on his left. The Bishop 
of New York was placed between Mr. Hovenden and me, 
but he was unfortunately prevented from coming. Mr. 
Belleroche sat beyond M. Weiss on the other side of the 
VOL. VI. — NO. I. B 

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Chairman. The whole floor of the large room was occnpied 
by round tables of varying size, at which parties of from six 
to twelve people sat. The decorations of the room itself and 
of the separate tables were superb, and of course the general 
effect was greatly heightened by the large proportion of 
American ladies in splendid toilettes and glittering diamonds. 
Music was provided by the orchestra and choir of Grace- 
church; the orchestra performing throughout the dinner, 
and the choir sin^ng between the giving of each toast and 
the response to it. The President, Mr. de Peyster, has a 
reputation for after-dinner speaking, second only to that of 
one of the guests, Mr. Chauncey Depew. They were both 
said to be at their best on Thursday evening. Other speakers 
were Dr. Van de Water and Mr. William E. Dodge, both 
splendidly eloquent men, and Dr. Baird. To listen to these 
accomplished speakers has been to me perhaps the best 
intellectual treat of my life. I only regret that with such 
surroundings the task of speaking for the delegates from 
Europe and America was allotted to me. I did my best, but 
with a consciousness that I was a pigmy among giants. 
Still I hope that I made good the record of our Society, and 
showed the appreciation I really felt of the warmth of the 
welcome extended to the delegates from all parts by the 
latter-day Huguenots of New York. It was rather a trying 
position to stand before that great assembly with the English 
flag draped behind me, listening to the exquisite singing of 
our national anthem by the choir, and with the feeling that 
as the music softened into silence I must speak. 

I cannot pretend to report the speeches I so much enjoyed. 
Together they must have occupied from two to three hours, 
but I think they will all appear in the forthcoming book. 

On Friday Mrs. Lawton and the English group were in- 
vited to lunch by Mr. Marquand in his "house beautiful". 
As I sat at table, pictures by Eeynolds, Hopner and 
Lawrence, all portraits of sweet women, looked down upon 
me. The rooms themselves and every article in them were 
works of the choicest art ; vases, sculptures, paintings, were 
on every side, yet all in the most perfect accord and taste. 
The piano is a gem and is said to have cost £10,000, the 
case being decorated with paintings by Long and Tadema, 
and beautifully carved. In the panels of the ceiling are 
paintings by Leighton, Long and Tadema. It was quite 
bewildering to look round such a house of luxury, and yet 
the general tone was so subdued and quiet that there was no 
discord of form or colour. 

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On Saturday, and on the Monday and Tuesday following, 
we were invited to other receptions and social gatherings, 
but I fear that the impression already given by this account 
is that the Huguenot Society of America is stronger on its 
social than on its literary side. It must be remembered, 
however, that I have described a week professedly given up 
to social meetings and to hospitality. The Society has un- 
doubtedly done some good work and it will do more. It has 
formed the nucleus of a library of Huguenot works and 
others bearing on the Huguenot settlements in America. I 
was quite surprised to see how much has been written on 
this subject. Numbers of articles have also appeared in the 
various magazines and newspapers, and these are carefully 
collected through a press-agency and preserved. Great efforts 
too are made to have the pedigrees of all members of the 
Society accurately worked out from Church records and 
other authentic documents. The weak point is that nearly 
the whole work of the Society during the last three years 
has been done by one enthusiastic lady, Mrs. Lawton. It 
seems incredible, but she has spent from six to eight hours a 
day regularly, and with hardly a break since her husband's 
death, at the office of the Society, assisted by only one girl 
clerk who can manage a type-writer, but who cannot write 
shorthand. Besides giving her time, Mrs. Lawton appears 
to provide whatever funds are needed to supplement the 
subscriptions to the Society. I was informed by one of the 
Committee that she contributed about £500 towards the ex- 
penses of this Congress. I cannot help hoping that Mrs. 
Lawton may see her way to devolve some of her self-imposed 
duties upon some well-educated and competent man who, as 
he gets into the work, vdll imbibe much of her enthusiasm, 
and systematise the various available energies which now 
appear to be working spasmodically for the Huguenot Society 
of America. 

A. GiRAUD Browning. 

Letter referred to in Mr, Browning's Beport, 

87 Fifth Avknuk. New York, 
13^ Apnl, 1898. 

to the presidxnt of the hugubnot 

Society of America, New Yobk. 

Dear Sir, — The President and Council of the Hnguenot Society of 
London desire me to offer for the acceptance of yonr Society the accom- 
panying case of bronze medals, commemorating two cardinsJ events in 

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Huguenot history, the Massacre of Protestants on St. Bartholomew's 
Day, 1572, and the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, 1686. These 
medals were struck at the Mint in Paris from the original dies which are 
there preserved They are offered en souvenir of the International Con- 
gress maugurated by your Society to celebrate the Tercentenary of the 
Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes. 

I regret exceedingly that our President, Sir Henry Peek, was unable 
to accept the cordial invitation of your Committee to join in this celebra- 
tion, and that the Huguenot Society of London can only be here repre- 
sented by myself as one of its Vice-Presidents, with Mr. Hovenden, 
another of its Vice-Presidents, and Mr. Belleroche. But I am commis- 
sioned* to express Sir Henry's appreciation of your courtesy, and to bring 
warm ^eetings from the Englisn branch of the great family of Huguenot 
descendants, with an assurance of their entire sympathy in the purpose 
of your celebration. 

We hear much of the ties which should bind together the two Saxon 
nations of the world. I venture to think that the intelligent appreciation 
of common descent from a noble race actually does bind together ver> 
large and important sections of people whose homes are divided by the 

I am, 

Very f aithfollv yours, 

(Signed) A. G. BaowNiNa, 

Huguenot Society of London. 

Mr. E, Bdleroche's Report on the Unveiling of a Hugtienot 
Monvment at New Bochelle, 27th April, 1898. 

I was the only one of the four European delegates present, 
and the American Society was only represented by three 
members. On arrival at New Rochelle Station I found a 
good muster from the Westchester County Historical Society 
with their President, Mr. Wood. The untiring Mr. Henry 
M. Lester was ready for us with a number of carriages, and 
we drove at once to a lovely promontory on the Sound, across 
which, at a distance of five miles, we could see Long Island. 
Awaiting us were the members of the local committees, and 
after a few introductions and the singing of " America, or 
My Country, 'tis of Thee " (in which are strains from 
** God Save the Queen '*), the Vicar, the Rev. W. Canedy, 
said very few words, because, although the weather was 
bright, the wind was high and trying. He then conducted 
to the Monument Mrs. Joseph Lambden of Rochelle, to 
whose exertions and liberal contributions the success of this 
memorial is mostly due. The Monument was then unveiled. 
It is a huge massive block of granite with the following in- 
scription on a neat brass tablet : To commemorate the coming 
of the Hiiguenots. Erected by the Historical Society of West- 

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Chester County. (Below, carved in the stone) The gift of 
Hugiienot descendants. The spot is thought to be above the 
beach where the Huguenots landed. The company having 
adjourned to the Yacht Club House, the Vicar made an open- 
ing speech, and then introduced me and asked me to say a 
few words. Knowing that Mr. Wood was prepared with the 
speech of the day, I contented myself with apologies for the 
absence of my colleagues, which I regretted all the more that 
among them are to be found better speakers than I could 
boast to be. I spoke shortly of the siege of La Bochelle 
by Kichelieu, and then Mr. Wood gave his address. He 
was followed by the Hon. Mr. Dillon, Supervisor (a Eoman 
Catholic), who, in the name of the town, accepted the custody 
of the Monument, and undertook that it never should be dis- 
turbed. We then adjourned for refreshments. 

Since the Annual Meeting was held the following letter 
has been received from the Huguenot Society of America : — 

Niw York, 14^ Jwne, 1898. 
Thb Huoubnot Society op London. 

Bbab Sibs, — It gives the Executive Committee, on behalf of the Hugne- 
not Society of America, great pleasure to extend to you most cordial and 
fraternal greetings, and to aclmowledge the receipt of the beautiful and 
valuable case of Medals, struck in commemoration of two such great 
events in Huguenot history as the Massacre of St. Bartholomew and the 
Revocation otthe Edict of Nantes. 

The gracious presentation by your Vice-President, A. Giraud Brown- 
ing, an Honorary Member of our Societv, added, if possible, even more 
interest to the occasion. Mr. Browning's cordial and heeurty words of 
greeting made us forget for the time the thousands of miles of water 
between the Huguenots of England and America who, although separated 
by geographical Hmits, are stiU bound together by the same sacred ties of 
Hu^enot blood, and in these troublous times by the same loftv principles 
of right and good government, so dear to all members of uie glorious 
Anglo-Saxon race. 

Your medals will always be a valuable addition to remind us of your 
thought and interest. 

My dear six, we have the honour to remain, 
Faithfully yours, 

(Signed) Frbdkbic J. db Pbystbr, President 
Lba Mc I. LuQUBR, Secretary. 

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After the reading of the Reports the ballot was taken for 
the Officers and Council for the ensuing year, with the follow- 
ing result : — 

Officers and Council for the year, May 1898 to May 1899. 

President. — Sir Henry William Peek, Bart. 

Vice-Presidents, — Major-General Sir Edmund F. du Cane, 
K.C.B. ; Arthur Giraud Browning, F.S.A. ; WiUiam John 
Charles Moens, F.S.A. ; Robert Hovenden, F.S.A^ 

Treaswrer, — Reginald St. Aubyn Roumieu. 

Honorary Secretary, — Reginald Stanley Faber. 

Members of Gouiicil. — Lieut. - General Stephen H. E. 
Chamier, C.B., R.A. ; T. C. Colyer-Fergusson ; Frederick 
A. Crisp, F.S.A. ; Major-General M. W. E. Gosset, C.B. ; 
John William* de Grave ; William John Hardy, F.S.A. ; 
Edouard MajoHer ; David Martineau, J.P. ; Colonel E. 
Matthey, F.S.A. ; WiUiam Wyndham Portal ; Ernest Sutton 
Saurin ; William A. Shaw. 

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(J>ofe« on f^e 6tfton tgMxMe CE"c«v Ba<rtXtKij), n)it9 a 
reference to come Srenc^ ^rancfafionc. 

By the Rev. J. B. MEDLEY. 

In offering to you ** Some Notes on the Eikoii Basilike 
(*EtfC(oif Baa-iXiKi]), with a Eeference to some French Transla- 
tions," I must ask you to remember that on many points 
the book is surrounded with uncertainty. There is not 
much cause for surprise that uncertainty rests on the author- 
ship of the book, though the proofs for King Charles I. being 
the author seem to some of us to be increasingly convincing. 
** Who wrote Eikon Basilike ? " is still canvassed with the 
same eagerness at the present time as it was a few years 
after its publication. It appears to me that at first all 
writers thought of the king as the author, whether they 
lived in England or translated the book into French ; but in 
a very short time political interests, personal ambition or 

Erivate necessities made it necessary that the book should be 
rought into disrepute as a defence and appreciation of the 
murdered king, or it offered itself as a tempting prize, if the 
claim to be its author could bring fame and position to 
claimants otherwise undistinguished. It is not necessary 
for me to mention here all the pros and cons for the king's 
authorship or for Dr. Gauden's. You wiU not expect me even 
to run through all the publications on one side or the other, 
beginning with Milton's Iconoclastes, or The Image Breaker, 
and going on to The Princely Pelican^ The Irnage Unbroken, 
Wagstaffe's vindication of King Charles, the silence, or 
rather the mysterious words of Clarendon on the subject, 
the at first doubtful judgment of Charles II. and James II. as 
to the authorship of the king, followed by the distinct state- 
ment by Charles II. that the book was written by his father, 
the statement of Levett (the page of the royal bed-chamber) 
that he saw the king write that which was written in the 
book, the claim of Dr. Gauden to be the author, and the 

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testimony of Mrs. Gauden to the same effect, the defence of 
Dr. Hollingworth for the king's authorship and his state- 
ment '* that (after her husband's death) Mrs. Gauden told a 
lady of good quality that she had a great concern for the 
eternal state of her husband, because he pretended that 
he was the author of that book, when to her knowledge 
he never wrote it " (Preface, p. xxvi.. Miss Phillimore's 
edition of Eikon BasUike, 1879). 

All these, and many more names and treatises concerned 
in this matter, I must leave to your personal research, only 
saying that I have never quite understood why more notice 
has not been taken of this after-statement by Mrs. Gauden. 
But whoever wishes to follow this controversy must read 
Dr. Christopher Wordsworth's volume, Who Wrote 'Eikcoi^ 
BcuriXuet] ? published in 1824, a most elaborate statement, all 
on the side of the king, followed by further proofs to the 
same effect in 1828. At p. 51 of A Bibliography of the King's 
Book, or Eikon Basilikcy Mr. Almack mentions that a corre- 
spondent writes to him upon this matter : *' One day, at the 
time when Dr. Wordsworth was engaged upon his wonder- 
ful letters upon the subject, he found on his desk the follow- 
ing pasquinade : — 

* Who wrote the fVho IVroU the Icon BoMike f ' 

* I,' said the Master of Trinity, 

* With my little ability, 

I wrote the Who Wrote the Icon Banlike f ' " 

I refer to this because Mr. Almack does not mention who 
is supposed to be the author of this epigram, and I have also 
found other forms of the verse. At p. 79 of Mr. W. Daven- 
port Adams' English Epigrams, it is given in this form : — 

" Who WroU Eikon Banlike ? " 
"I," said the Master of Trinity, 
" I, with my little divinity, 
Wrote Who Wrote Kikon BasUikeV 

This is attributed to Kichard Whately (1787-1863), but it is 
surely improbable that Archbishop Whately wrote it in this 
form, unless in sly sarcasm he intended to represent that 
after reading the book he could only come to the conclusion 
that the author of Eik(m Basilike was Dr. Wordsworth him- 
self. Who can say that the author of Historic Doubts Belatvoe 
to Napoleon Buonaparte may not have had some secret delight 
in adding to the confusion of this question? There are 
however other forms of the epigram: — 

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" Who wrote WTio WroU Icon BcMike ? " 
" I," said Wordsworth, Master of Trinity, 
'%" said the Master, with my little ability, 
" I," said Kit Wordsworth, Doctor of Divinity, 
"I wrote Who WroU Icon BcMike V 

The last form of this epigram which I have heard combines 
some points from all these : — 

" Who wrote Who WroU Icon BasUiJee ? " 

^*I," said the Master of Trinity, 

'' I, with my mental agility, 

I, with my Httle divinity, 

I wrote Who WroU Icon Basilike ? " 

Yet of this book by Dr. Christopher Wordsworth a review 
in the Quarterly of 1825, written by Southey, says, " For 
more than a century and a half the authenticity of King 
Charles the First's Meditations has been from time to time 
impugned and vindicated with alternate triimiph; the dis- 
coveries of new evidence have furnished new topics of dis- 
pute ; and even Dr. Wordsworth's essay, elaborate as it is 
in argument and copious in proof, has not exhausted the 
question, nor removed its difficulties ". 

Is it not surprising that there should issue from the press, 
as late as 1890, a new edition of A Monograph on Milton, 
in which, as Mr. Scott says in his preface to his edition of 
the Eikon Basilike, " is a brief account of four pages of Eikon 
Basilike, wherein are reproduced all the blunders and misstate- 
ments which it was the laborious task of Dr. Wordsworth, 
fifty years ago, to expose and confute. Indeed his masterly 
letters to the Archbishop of Canterbury might as well have 
never been written. . . . We are told once more in direct 
terms that the book was composed by Dr. Gauden." Yet this 
monograph was written by a late head of a College at 
Oxford, where they are supposed to teach the rising genera- 
tion fair, masterly and accurate views of history. It is 
equally surprising that in J, E. Green's History of the English 
People (vol. iii., p. 265, 1879), I read ''Eikon Basilike, a work 
really due to the ingenuity of Dr. Gauden, a Presbyterian 
minister ". Could you divine from this bald statement that 
Gauden was a member of Cambridge and Oxford Universities; 
that he took the degree of Bachelor of Divinity ; that he was 
beneficed in Berkslure and Cambridgeshire ; that though he 
was claimed as a Covenanter in 1643 by the Presbyterians, 
he himself positively denies it, and was afterwards Bishop of 
Exeter and Worcester. But then Mr. Green, in the Index 

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to the first edition of his history, supposes that Bishop Batler 
was the author of Hudibras, so that his ideas of authorship 
are somewhat hazy. 

It is evident then that we need fresh hght and new 
evidence on this question. We have this fresh light and 
this new evidence, and further proof for the king's author- 
ship has come to the front. The skilful research and 
admirably clear statements of Mr. Scott, combined with the 
untiring energy and the enthusiastic love for the Eikon Basi- 
like of Mr. Almack, have lately produced A Bibliography of the 
Kirujs Book, or Eikon Basilike, in which elaborate work all 
who have an interest in the question will find what they 
want, and new evidence is, no doubt, in course of pre- 

Mr. Scott has grouped his new evidence under six 
heads : — 

1. A memorandum of Archbishop Tenison, in his copy of 
Earle's Latin translation now in the Lambeth Library, 
which establishes on the evidence of an eye-witness the 
existence of a Naseby copy of the Eikon Basilike, which ex- 
tinguishes Gauden's claim. 

2. A letter from Sir C. Hatton, Sir R. Browne, Dean 
Cosin and Morley, which alludes to the king's original manu- 
script as still in existence. 

3. A letter from Charles II. to M. Porree, ten years 
later, in which he again terms the Eikon the book of the 
late king, his father. 

4. The original advertisement of a new edition of the 
work in December, 1660, published by Royston, wherein it 
is described as the work of Charles I. 

5. The three selections from Sir E. Nicholas after 1663 
from the king's book, where he quotes not from a printed 
book but a manuscript copy. 

6. The English original of John Earle's Latin dedicatory 
letter of his translation. 

Mr. Almack's fresh information is too voluminous for me 
to produce here, even in a short way. Page after page of his 
book will repay the study of it by those who are desirous to 
follow out the question. I turn therefore to a reference to 
the French versions of the Eikon Basilike, 

The first to which I refer is No. 57 in Mr. Almack's 
book. " *ELic(av BcurCKiKri, ou Portrait Roial de sa Majesty 
de la Grande Bretagne, etc. Imprim^es a la Hay, Tan 
MDCXLIX." Mr. Ahnack adds the note: **The cataloguer 

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has written on the fly-leaf: [Translated by D. Caillou of 
Rouen. Porr^e's translation appears to have been only a 
revision of this.] *' I have compared the text of this version 
with M. Porr6e's in twelve pla»ces and find them identical. 

Messrs. Caillou or Caillou6 were a family of booksellers 
and printers at Rouen, who came to England. Denys 
Caillou^, besides this translation of the Eikon, produced a 
Prediction of the Bestoration of Cha/rles IL to His BecUms, which 
was published at Rouen by Jacq. Caillou^, and a translation 
in 1676 of Boscobel, or an abridgment of what passed after 
the Battle of Worcester, in 1661. 

In Nos. 54 and 55 Mr. Almack gives a description of 
M. Porr6e*s translation, ** ^EiKciv BaaikiKi^, Le Portrait du 
Boy de la Grand' Bretagne, etc. Published a Rouen, chez 
Jean Berthelin. MDCXXXXIX." 

By the kindness of Mr. Faber I am able to mention some 
particulars of the Porr6e family, obtained from M. Emile 
Lesens, who has sent extracts from the registers of the 
churches of Rouen-Quevilly and S. Michel, which are added 
in full as a supplement. In 1611 (30th Nov.) Jean Baptiste 
Porr6e, who was a linen merchant, was married to Flori- 
monde de Piedelievre. He died at the age of fifty-five, but, 
with other children, he had two sons, Jean-Baptiste and 
Jonas Porr6e. Jean-Baptiste Porree, the younger, was 
baptised in 1612, and in 1638 married Fran^oise Tyndale. 
He was a member of the College of Physicians at Rouen 
and a poet. He is thought to have resided in England from 
1651 to 1657, and perhaps was again in England from 1659 
to 1665, and he had been for some time physician to King 
Charles I. in England. The burial-place of Jean-Baptiste 
Porree is not known, but it is added, without doubt he was 
in exile from his native land. Jonas Porree was baptised in 
1619, and in 1663 married Marthe Morisse. He died on 
Monday, the 9th of December, 1685, about the ajge of sixty- 
two. Though he was of the Reformed Religion, he was 
afterwards converted to the Roman faith, and, having re- 
ceived the sacraments, died in the Communion of the Church 
Catholic, Apostolic and Roman. His body was buried in the 
church of S. Michel. Then follows the note : " On the Slst 
October the Cuirassiers arrived at Rouen, and the forced 
conversions at once began. J. Porree, not being able to go 
into exile (he was no doubt already ill when the Cuirassiers 
arrived) was forced into desertion of his faith ". A work 
called Tra/it^ des Anciennes Ceremonies was attributed to Jonas 

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Porr6e, but it seems only because his name appeared at the 
end of a dedication to Charles 11. Lucas Jansse was the 
principal author of this treatise. 

In the catalogue of the library of M. C. Leber, torn, iii., 
p. 251, under the entry of Eikon Basilihe, translated by 
Porr6e, Paris, Loys Vendome, 1649, these words occur : 
" Dr. Gauden, editor of the work, was one of those to whom 
it had been attributed ; but the judgment of disinterested 
men and of the better historians had given the honour to 
the illustrious victim whose name it bears. I do not know 
why M. Barbier grants it in this dry way to Gauden, without 
the least mention of the contrary opinion of Hume, who had 
taken the trouble to examine the question." Which of 
these two brothers, Jean-Baptiste or Jonas, is the translator 
of the Eikon BasiUhe, I do not feel competent to decide on 
the evidence at hand. One was intimately connected with 
the English Court for years ; the other had the credit of 
being an author. I have looked through the lists of names 
taken from the registers mentioned in Bums' History of the 
Foreign Befugees, and in the register of Sandtoft Chapel, 
Lincolnshire, which was carefully kept from 1641 to 1681, 
I find the name of Matthew Porree, but the name is no- 
where else in the book. It is, however, interesting to 
find from the extracts from the registers of Eouen that in 
1706 and 1710 two children, Eobert Dugard and Marie- 
Anne Dugard, were baptised in the Eglise Catholique St. 
Andr6 de la Ville. These were the children of Eobert 
Dugard and Fran9oise-Marie Porree, who was the daughter 
of Jean and Marie Ferrant ; so that the descendants of 
M. Porree were united with the descendants of William 
Dugard, whose initials, G. D., Gulielmus Dugard, appear 
at the bottom of the verses attached to the frontispiece of 
the Eikon Basilike (reprinted in E.M., a.d. 1648). He was 
" the learned printer and master of the Merchant Taylors' 
School, who was utterly ruined at the time for the part 
he took in printing the king's book " (Preface 'to Miss 
Philhmore's rei)rint of the Eikon BasUike, p. lix.). I turn 
now to No. 66 in Mr. Almack*s Bibliography. The title of 
this book is Las Memoires du feu Boy de la Grand* Bretagne, 
Charles Premier , escrits de sa propre main dans sa prison. Ou 
U est monstre* que le livre intitule " Portrait du Boy de la Grand' 
Breta^gne,*' est un Livre apostS dt diffamatoire, Traduits de 
VAnglois en nostre langue, Par le sieur de Marsys, The date is 
MDCXLIX. In the frontispiece the king is represented 

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looking to the left and kneeling on both knees, with a crown 
of thorns in his right hand and his own crown on the ground, 
but the crown in the clouds above, which had existed in the 
English edition, is not there. Complaint of this is made by 
Charles TI. in a letter to Sir Richard Brown : '* He takes 
away the crown of glory which was in the EngHsh and Latin 
copies " (Almack's Bibliography of the King's Book, p. 184). 
At the bottom of the frontispiece occur the following verses, 
which I have been unable to trace to their source : — 

Christe jiibes pereat genunis onerata corona, 
Spinea nobilior sanguine facta tuo est. 

Mr. Almack says of this book : '* This is the Huguenot 
version, edited by the Roman Catholics in order to expose 
the falseness of the translation ". 

De Marsys, however, claims to have made a translation of 
his own from the P]nglish. I have tested in many places 
M. Porree's translation with De Marsys'. The heads 
of the chapters are, with very few exceptions, differently 
translated from M. Porree's book, and in almost every 
chapter the translation of the text has differences. We 
must then, I think, allow that De Marsys made a version of 
his own. Of De Marsys* personal history, I have been able 
to obtain next to nothing. He says that he resided in 
England, and in the letter to Sir R. Brown he is said to 
have *' taken his licentious liberty to stile himself e Interprete 
and Maistre pour la langue Fran^oise du Roy d'Angleterre 
Regnant a present et de son Altese Royale, Monseigneur le 
Due d'Yorke " (Almack, p. 133), a claim which Charles II. 
repudiates. He seems to a certain extent familiar with 
some English books, for he mentions that James I. WTote 
essays, " sur le dessein qu'il avoit de reconcilier les Eglises 
Chrestiennes," and mentions '* c'et ouvrage, . . . que le 
Roy Jacques laissa a ses enfans qu'il noimue don Royal," 
but every now and then in correcting M. Porree's expressions 
he shows his knowledge of the meaning of English words is 
not complete. In the English Eikon Basilike, for instance, 
chap. XV., sec. 46 (42 in De Marsys), the words run, *' all the 
odious reproaches which impotent malice can invent ". M. 
Porree translates this by '* malice impuissante," and De 
Marsys corrects him by *' maHce effrtoee ". But his great 
object in his Advertissement is to show that M. Porree's 
translation entirely misrepresents the king's religion ; that 
M. Porree by his false translations and animus had made 

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out the king to be a Huguenot, while in reality, in De 
Marsys' opinion, ** ce Prince est en quelque fa<;ion Martyr de 
TEglise Catholique '*. He continues : *' Si Thomas Morus 
est Martyr, parce qu'il a perdu la teste pour la defense de la 
superiorite du Pape, pourquoy ce Prince ne le sera-il pas, 
puis qu'avec la teste il a perdu la Couronne, pour n'avoir 
pas voulu consentir a la persecution des Catholiques, a la 
mort barbare des Prestes, a la propagation du Calvinisme & 
des autres Sectes, & pour avoir defendu la dignity Episcopale, 
parce qu'elle est d'institution divine, pour Prieres reglees, & 
tous les autres beaux restes de Teglise Catholique, qui estoient 
autant d'acheminemens a une heureuse reconcihation ". At 
p. 130 of Mr. Almack*s book you will find a letter mentioned, in 
consequence of which Sir C. Hatton, Sir E. Brown, Dean Cosin 
and Morley, Bishop of Winchester, all resident in Paris, 
sought to have an mterview with De Marsys, and found 
great diflBculty in doing so. When they met him they de- 
manded why he called M. Porree's book " Aposte et Diflfama- 
toire," and why he had so "vilified that edition, which he knew 
his Majesty that now is had well accepted of '*. To this and 
other points of mistranslation and misrepresentation De 
Marsys made no satisfactory explanation, and on p. 133 of 
Mr. Almack's book you will find that Charles H. commanded 
De Marsys* book "to be publiquely burnt in our Isle of 
Jersey by the Hande of the Common Hangman," and gave 
order for a new translation and edition of the Eikon BasUike, 
**to be prepared and set forth by M. Testard, one of the 
Pastors of Bloys, an able man, and well affected both to 
our blessed fifather's Honour and ours and to the welfare of 
the Church of England ". Then follow three pages full of 
charges against De Marsys of mistranslations, misrepresenta- 
tions, of false and slanderous passages in his book. De 
Marsys must have been a bitter and unscrupulous controver- 
sialist. He was the author of Histoire de la Persecution 
presente des Catholiques d'Angleterre, which Queen Henrietta 
Maria flung away as she was reading it, on account of the 
false charges against her honour in the dedication to herself. 
I think that I must leave M. De Marsys to Charles H.'s 
common hangman and pass on to my concluding words. 

I have thought that it would be interesting to try and find 
some answer to the question, What was it that caused 
such interest in the Eikon Basilike among the French, if not 
to the whole nation, yet certainly special interest to the 
Huguenots? What were the causes which led to 4000 

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copies of M. Porr^e's translation being sold within twelve 
months after the king's death ? In the first place, I think 
the shock of the king's execution was much greater to people 
at the time than we can estimate at this distant date. We 
certainly see that it enhsted sympathy in England towards 
the king, and there must have been thousands who were op- 
posed to him who never anticipated that he would be exe- 
cuted. We see this in ^hat happened at the king's trial and 
also in what is recorded in private diaries. At the trial, when 
the name of Fairfax, the Lord-General, was called, no one 
answered, but on its being repeated a voice was heard to say : 
**He has more wit than to be here " ; and, when later on, the 
charge against the king was stated to be '* on behalf of the 
people of England," a voice exclaimed : " No, not the half of 
the people — it is false ! Where are they or their consents ? " 
(The Trials of Charles the First, published by Murray in 1845). 

It is not so long ago that in reading the manuscript diary 
of Sir Thomas Mainwaring, I came to the 30th of January, 
1648-49. It was his custom to put down on many days 
** nothing remarkable". He was a follower and supporter 
of Cromwell, but when the news of the king's death reached 
him in Cheshire, he scratched out "nothing remarkable'* 
and wrote over it, ** On this day Charles I. was murthered ". 
The fact that Charles' Queen was a Frenchwoman must, 
no doubt, have aroused some interest in his behalf, and the 
strong praise of Charles by De Marsys, though used for his 
own purposes, shows, I think, that the suflferings of the king 
had excited sympathy in quarters which would not have 
been otherwise attracted by him. There was, as well, a 
strong feehng of the English towards the Protestants in 
France. The sailors who had been sent to Eochelle in 1625 
declined to serve against the place. Their commander, 
Pennington, declared that he would rather be hanged in 
England for disobedience than fight against his brother 
Protestants in France. The Duke of Buckingham, under 
an excuse, persuaded them to return to Dieppe, but when 
they found that they, had been deceived. Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges broke away and returned to England, while the 
officers and sailors of the other ships immediately deserted 
(Himie's History of England, vol. vi., p. 208). 

And when, in 1627, Soubize, a leader of the Huguenots, 
came to London to solicit their protection by Charles, he 
represented " that the reformed in France cast their eyes on 
Charles as the head of their faith, . . . that so long as their 

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party subsisted Charles might rely on their attachment as 
much as on that of his own subjects " (Hume's Histcyry of 
Encflcmd, vol. vi., p. 235). With some interruptions and 
misunderstandings the Huguenots and other foreign Pro- 
testants have traditions of protection and welcome from 
Edward I., Eichard HI., Edward VI., Queen Elizabeth, 
James I. and Charles I. The distaste which at first was 
felt by French Protestants towards Cromwell's Government 
gave way before his intercessions to European powers on 
behalf of the persecuted, but an extract from Agnew's Exiles 
from France will show how strong at one time was the bond 
between them and the Eoyal cause. He says: '*The most 
celebrated writers against the execution of Charles I. were 
French Protestants. . . . The name of Claudius Salmasius 
was in French Claude Saumaise. It was his attack on the 
executioners of King Charles that drew forth John Milton's 
first defence of the Commonwealth of England. More 
notably connected with the Protestants of France is the 
name of Du Moulin, latinized Molinceus. Two sons of the 
great French pastor of that name adopted England as their 
country and both abjured Presbyterianism, Louis becoming 
an Independent and Pierre becoming an Episcopalian clergy- 
man. The former, while clearing all reUgious parties of the 
guilt of the king's murder, was a polemical author against 
the Enghsh Presbyterians. The latter, . . . wrote the 
curious little book, for whose title-page the printer contri- 
buted his blood-red ink, to impress upon the reader that 
the king's blood was crying from the ground for vengeance. 
*Eegis Sanguinis Clamor ad coelum adversus parricidas 

I feel certain that in time fresh evidence will be won from 
letters in private collections, from the stores of the British 
Museum, from information on the other side of the Channel, 
perhaps from documents in cathedral or other libraries, to 
settle the question of the authorship of the Eihon Basilike, 
finally and conclusively. There was in Cromwell's time a 
statue of Charles I. in the Exchange. This was thrown 
down, and on the pedestal was inscribed, '* Exit tjrrannus, 
Regum ultimus" (Hume's History of England, vol. vii., p. 
151) ; but in this royal year of 1897 we are not going to 
obliterate the constitutional regal throne. In Charing Cross 
there now stands a statue of Charles I., which, as 30th 
January comes round, is decorated by devoted sympathisers. 
That statue has a very remarkable history of its own. It is 
VOL, VL — NO. I. c 

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the work of Hubert Le Sueur, and '' Walpole narrates that 
it was sold by the Parliament to one John Eivet, a brazier, 
living at the Dial near Holbum Conduit, with strict orders 
to break it to pieces. Instead of doing this he concealed it 
in the vaults under the Church of St. Paul, Covent Garden, 
and making some brass handles for knives, and producing 
them as fragments of the statue, realised a large sum by 
th(nr sale, as well to Koyalists who bought them from love 
of the king, as to rebels who saw in them a mark of their 
triumph. At the Restoration this statue was mounted on 
its present pedestal" (Walks in Lotulon, by Augustus Hare, 
vol. i., p. 3). May we not hope that in time proofs may 
come from their concealment to show, with a clearness 
which will satisfy all, that Charles I. is the royal author of 
the Eikon Basilike ? 


{Notes contributed by the late M. Emile Lesens of Rouen.) 


Eglise de Eouen-Quevilly. 

1611 30 novembre, annonce de manage de Jean-Bap- 

tiste PorriSe (pere de Jonas), fils de Jean & de 
Jeanne Paillette, avec Florimonde de Piedelievre, 
fille d'Isaac & de Florimonde du Coudray. 

enfants : 

1612 18 mars Bapteme de Jean-Baptiste, 
1619 22 X^" „ de Jonas, 

1622 2 Janvier, „ de Florimonde, mariee a Guil- 

laume Dubuc, decedee a 62 
ans, en 1684, a Eouen, par- 
oisse de la Eonde, 
plus un fils, nomme Pierre, ne en 1616, decede en 1640. 
Jean-Baptiste Porr^e est dec^d^ le 26 aoiit 1631, sur 
la paroisse de S' Vincent de Eouen, a 1 age de 
55 ans. II etait marchand de lin. 
Le 29 octobre 1644, decfes de Claude Porree, 65 ans, 
veuve de Eobert Haillet, vinaigrier, paroisse S^ 
Vivien de Eouen. Elle etait sans doute soeur de 
Jean-Baptiste Porree, marchand de hn. 

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10 mars 


1 octobre 


16 octobre 


14 mai 


9 juillet 


2 octobre 


22 Janvier 


6 juin 

De 1661 a 


1638 5 novembre, manage de Jean-Baptiste Porree, 26 
ans, fils de feu Jean-Baptiste, & de Florimonde de 
Piedelievre, avec demoiselle Fran^oise Tyndale, 
fille de Thomas, ecuyer, sieur de Quinton, S*** 
Marie, & de demoiselle Doroth^e Stalfort. 


Bapt^me de Jean, 
,, de Henry, 
,, de Thomas, 
„ de Jonas, 
„ de Pierre, 
,, de Fran9oise & Guillaume 

„ d'Anne, 
„ de Genevifeve. 
1657, Jean-Baptiste Porr6e, a probable- 
ment r^sid^ en Angleterre. Peut-fetre 6tait-il aussi 
en Angleterre de 1659 a 1665. II a et6 medecin 
du roi Charles I®' d'Angleterre. 
Guillaume baptist le 2 octobre 1650, est decede en has 

Age sur la paroisse S* Andre de la ville. 
Jean-Baptiste Poree, epoux de Fran9oise Tyndale, 
etait medecin du coUfege des m^decins de Bouen, & 
pofete. On ne connalt pas ses poesies. 
II a et6 quelque temps medecin de Charles I*' 
Voir Ed. Frfere, Bibliographe Normand. 

„ Haag, France Protestante. 
On ignore le d6ces de J.-B. Porree. II s'est sans 
doute r6fugi6 a T^tranger. 
1663 8 Avril, annonce de mariage de Jonas Pobree, 
fille de feu Jean-Baptiste, marchand de Eouen, & 
de Florimonde de Piedelifevre, avec Marthe Morisse, 
fiUe de feu Louis, marchand a Eouen & maltre 
brasseur, & de Suzanne de Lastre. 


1667 17 juillet, baptfime de Fran<;oise (en 1664, un enfant 
mort en bas 4ge). 
Louis Morisse, beau-pfere de Jonas Porr6e, a ete 
marie a Eouen le 27 D^cembre 1616 : mariage 
de Louis Morisse, fils de Pierre, & de Martine de 
Cailleville, de la paroisse d'Allouville-en-Caux (pres 
Yvetot), avec Suzanne de Lastre, fille de feu Fran- 
cois & de Suzanne Mahier. 

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Eglise Catholique St.-Michel, de Eouen. 


Le lundi 9® jour de decembre 1685, mourut M. Jonas 
Porr^e, Age de 62 ans ou environ (en r^alit^ il 
avait 66 ans), ci-devant de la Eeligion Pretendue 
r^form^e, depuis converti, & apres avoir re9u les 
sacrements, deced^ en la communion de TEglise 
Catholique, apostolique & romaine, dont le corps a 
6te inhum6 dans I'eglise de S^ Michel le 11 du dit 
moifl. Signe : J. C^cille. 

J. Lemyre, pr^tre. 
Le 31 octobre 1686, les Cuirassiers arriverent a 
Bouen & les conversions forcees eurent lieu aussitot. 
J. Porree ne pouvant s'exiler fut force de se con- 
vertir. II ^tait peut-etre deja malade a I'arrivee des 
1666 26 avril, annonce de mariage de Jean Porree, 
m^decin, 26 ans, fils de Jean-Baptiste, aussi 
medecin & de Franc^oise Tyndale, avec Marie Fer- 
rant, fille de feu Andr6 & de Marie de Gillon. 
(Bailie extrait pour se marier a Paris.) 
enfants : 

1670 27 mai, Bapt^me de Fran^oise-Marie, 

1671 24 juin, „ de Jean-Baptiste, 
1673 4 mai, ,, de Marie-Anne, 

plus 3 enfants morts en has 4ge. 
En 1701, un Jean Poree etait refugie a Berlin. 
Lequel ? Sans doute celui marie en 1666. 

1706 Eglise Catholique, St.-Andr6-de-la-Ville. 

1706 10 juin Bapt^me de Eobert Dugard, 
1710 12 juillet ,, de Marie-Anne Dugard, 

enfants de Eobert Dugard & de Fran^oise Marie 

Porree. Cette demifere nee en 1670, fille de Jean, 

& de Marie Ferrant. 

Catalogue des Livres de la BrBLioTHfequE de M. C. 
Leber, tome ii., page 22, petit in-8. 

Traits des Anciennes C&Smonies, etc. 

" Cet ouvrage est attribu^ a Jonas PorriSe, protestant 
anglais (erreur) dont le nom, suivant Tobservation de M. 
Barbier, se lit au bas de Tepitre dedicatoire a Charles II., 

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mais d'apr^s cette meme epitre, qu'il anrait fallu consulter 
pour en apprecier la signature, Porree ne serait point Tauteur 
du traits principal auquel il n'aurait fait qu'ajouter une 
preface et un appendice. Voici ses propres termes : J*avoue, 
sire, que des que j'eus vu cet ouvrage, j'eus pour lui une 
telle amitie que je formai le dessein d'en soUiciter une 
seconde edition, quoique son auteur, pour lequel j'ai beaucoup 
d'estime, me soit jusqu'a present une personne inconnue, 
quelques raisons qu'il pouvait avoir par devers lui, Tayant, 
comme je crois, porte a cacher son nom. J'ai cru que je 
ne lui rendrais pas un mauvais oflfice si, sans toucher a ce 
qui est du sien, fapportais d sa production qiielqiies illustratvms 
tiroes de mes propres observations.'' (Ces illustrations consistent 
dans la preface occupant 40 pages, & le supplement depuis 
la page 115 jusqu'a la dernifere de Touvrage, chiffree 174.) 

Le principal auteur du Traits des Anciennes G^r^monies 
doit etre Lucas Jansse, pasteur de Kouen, auteur de 
Touvrage : La Messe trouv^e dans VEcriture/' condamne 
par le Parlement de Eouen. Eien de certain a cet egard. 

Catalogue Lebeb, tome iii., page 251. 

Eikon Basilike : Le portrait du roy de la Grande Bretagne 
(Charles I®^), fait de sa propre main durant sa solitude et 
ses soufifrances, traduit par Poer^e ; edition revue & 
augmentee. Paris : Loys Vendome, 1649, petit in-12. 

*' Ce livre parut sans le nom du roi quelques jours apr^s 
la consommation du regicide. Ses ennemis pretendirent que 
Charles n'en etait pas Tauteur parce qu'ils ne pouvaient pas 
y reconnaltre un merite que proclame Tattendrissement de 
tout un peuple, & qui tournait a leur confusion. Le docteur 
Gaudin, editeur de I'ouvrage, fut un de ceux auxquels on 
Tattribua ; mais le jugement des hommes desinteresses & les 
meilleurs historiens en ont laisse I'honneur a I'illustre victime 
dont il porte le nom. J'ignore pourquoi M. Barbier le 
donne sfechement a Gaudin, sans faire la moindre observa- 
tion sur le sentiment contraire de plume, qui valait pourtant 
la peine d'etre examine." 

Brunet : Manuel du Libraire. 

Porree, Jonas : Traits des Anciennes CMmonies : 
** Ouvrage pen coramun. On n'en connalt pas Tauteur. 
Jonas Porree s'est nomme au has de Tepitre dedicatoire a 
Charles II. Barbier (Dictionnaire des Anonymes) en cite une 

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edition, Amsterdam, 1646, petit in-8 ; un autre petit in-8, 
sans date, dont le titre porte : se vend A Gharenton chez Olivier 
de Varennes, aurait ete imprime a Genfeve & revu, retouche 
& augmente par Tediteur. Selon le catalogue de Bellenger 
No. 2371, une edition de Gharenton (Paris), De Varennes, 
1662, est portee dans le catalogue de Barre No. 1171. En- 
fin, le m^me ouvrage a reparu sous le titre : Histoire des 
c&(hnonies on superstitions qui se sont introduites dans VEglise. 
Amsterdam : Frederic Bernard, 1717, in-12, sans Tepitre 
d^dicatoire & sans nom d'6diteur.'* 

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4yn f 9e Origin anb (Barfg Sistore of f 9e Srenc^ 
Qf^rofeEtant ^oBpiiat (&a ^roDibence). 

By Arthur Giraud Browning, F.S.A., 


It will, I think, be readily conceded that an inquiry into the 
origin and early history of the French Hospital lies well 
within the range of subjects proposed for investigation by 
the Huguenot Society of London. It may also be assumed 
that the story of this splendid and lasting memorial of 
Huguenot piety will have a strong personal interest for our 
Fellows, some of whom as governors or directors are 
charged with its present administration, while many others 
are related to present or past directors, and some, I believe, 
can even claim descent from the actual founders of the 

Those of us who have exalted the study of Huguenot 
history ahuost into a culte need no reminding of the influence 
which long years of persecution had in forming the character 
of the later Huguenots, nor of the desperate condition in 
which they were placed by the Bevocation of the Edict of 

Towards the close of the seventeenth century there could 
scarcely have been one Protestant family left in France who 
had not given martyrs to the faith, or a single Protestant 
who had not felt in one or other of its many hideous forms 
persecution on account of his religion. Thousands had been 
exiled from France by special decrees of banishment, and 
tens of thousands had fled from the still more cruel edicts of 
Louis XIV. These may be counted the happiest among 
their fellows. For throughout France the wheel, the gallows 
and the stake had claimed their victims. Houses were still 
desolate that had been ruined by the missionnaires bott^Sy the 
colleges and convents were filled with children torn from 

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their parents to be brought up in the king's religion, the 
gaols were overflowing with prisoners for conscience sake, 
and the galleys were thronged with formats pour la foi — 
devout men condemned to a life of slavery for the crime of 
proclaiming that liberty wherewith Christ hath made us free. 

In all their trials the Huguenots had paid the closest 
attention to the education, most of all to the rehgious educa- 
tion, of their children. With the chief books of the Bible 
all were familiar. It was an almost universal custom for the 
children of the family to learn daily a psalm or a chapter 
from the New Testament, so that in time the ordinary 
speech of the people fell into the Biblical form and consisted 
largely and often unconsciously of quotations from the 
Scriptures. Their religious beHef was thus formulated vnth 
startling clearness, and it engendered the very strongest 
sense of personal responsibility, each man beheving that he 
stood face to face with his Maker, with no authority inter- 
vening. Consequently their lives and actions were governed 
by principle, not by impulse ; they were honest and truthful 
on principle, industrious and painstaking on principle, 
sympathetic and compassionate on principle. 

We know that among the refugees who were cast upon 
our shores many in an ecstasy of gratitude to Almighty God 
fell upon their knees, and, passionately kissing the soil 
of this free land, dedicated their newly given lives afresh to 
God and to His service. 

** Our soul is escaped " (we can almost hear them crying) 
** even as a bird out of the snare of the fowler, the snare is 
broken and we are delivered, therefore unto Thee, O God, 
will we pay our vows, unto Thee will we give thanks." 

Now, the Huguenots were by no means the sort of people 
to cry unto God in their trouble and to forget Him when He 
had delivered them out of their distress. In spiritual as in 
secular things, what they had promised that, God helping 
them, they performed, and accordingly we find that as many 
of the refugees began to prosper in their new country they 
gave practical expression to their gratitude by showing an 
extraordinary amount of helpfulness to their less fortunate 

In the very early days of the immigration arrangements 
were made for the reception of the refugees on their landing 
and for passing them on to their desired destination, while in 
London committees were formed for helping the new-comers 
to find relatives and friends who had already arrived, for 

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grouping together refugees from the same districts in France 
(so as occasionally even to reunite congregations under their 
old pastors), for finding suitable employment and providing 
suitable tools for those who could work, and for tending the 
sick, infirm and aged who were helpless strangers in a 
strange land. 

So the actual origin or germ of the French Hospital is, I 
think, to be discerned in the spirit of self -dedication to which 
I have referred. The germ grew with the exercise of that 
spirit. The blade first became visible when resolve crystal- 
lised into action, and many of the more prosperous refugees 
devoted themselves to dispensing the royal bounty and their 
own among their suffering brethren. It developed into the 
tender plant when Jacques de GAtigny by his will bequeathed 
£1000 for providing bed and board for at least twelve of the 
poorest sort of his nation. The plant grew under the 
enthusiastic care of G&tigny*s executor, Phihppe Menard, 
who, after a brief negotiation with the city of London, 
which happily failed, treated the bequest rather as a 
suggestion of what was needed than as a provision of 
adequate relief ; and who, with the help of his friends and 
fellow-commissioners for the administration of the royal 
bounty, elaborated a scheme for a kind of SociAU de Bien- 
faisaiice, having for its chief feature a hospice for the 
reception of a considerable number of the poor sick and 
infirm among the exiles. Lastly, the fuU corn in the ear 
was reached when Menard and his friends, having bought 
land and made good progress with their buildings, petitioned 
the king for a Charter of Incorporation to give stability and 
permanence to the new charity, and their petition was 

The institution so incorporated differed as widely from 
that contemplated by Gatigny as the ripe corn differs from 
the springing blade. 

Thus the generally accepted tradition that the French 
Hospital owes its existence solely to the bequest of Jacques 
de GAtigny will not, I think, bear the test of strict 

For the origin of the institution we must look far behind 
the will of G§,tigny, even to the very moment of landing on 
our shores of many of the Huguenot refugees. 

For the development of GAtigny's kindly but crude 
project we must watch the action of his colleagues on the 
committee charged with the administration of the royal 

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bounty, notably that of his friend and executor, Philippe 

I propose this evening to follow the evolution of the 
French Hospital through these stages — to make such slight 
reference as time will permit to the governor, deputy- 
governor, and some of the other thirty-seven directors named 
in the charter, and to give some account of the working of 
the institution up to the death, in 1737, of Phihppe Menard, 
its first chaplain, its first secretary, I had almost said its 
practical founder. 

Since 1681 briefs had occasionally been issued by the 
reigning monarch of this country for collections towards the 
rehef of the French Protestant refugees, that of March, 
1685-6, is especially noticeable as having been issued by 
James U. under the strong pressure of pubUc opinion and 
entirely against his own inclination. That which was 
ordered by William and Mary in 1694 was continued until 
1702, and there were others later. The collections made in 
the churches throughout the country in response to these 
briefs, though very large, were stiU inadequate to provide 
for the needs of the enormous number of necessitous French 
Protestants who fled to our shores from the dire persecutions 
then raging in France. The collections were accordingly 
supplemented by occasional Parhamentary grants and by 
gifts from the privy purse of the sovereign. Mary, Queen 
of WiUiam III., set aside £15,000 a year from her jointure 
for the relief of the poor French Protestants. At her death 
William rehgiously maintained this and other of her 
benefactions ; and Queen Anne on her accession expressly 
declared her intention of continuing the annual gift of her 
predecessor to the poor French refugees. At her death, 
however, it was found to be over two years in arrear, but 
the arrears were made up and the grant continued by 
George I., at least until after the date of the charter of the 
French Hospital. 

So that during the ten years, from 1706 to 1718 (which we 
may call the incubation period of the French Hospital), 
in addition to any pensions included in the general pension 
list, a sum of £15,000 a year (when not in arrear) from the 
privy purse, supplemented by collections in the churches and 
by gifts from the wealthier refugees and their Enghsh 
sympathisers, was distributed among the poor sick and 
infirm French Protestants or expended for their benefit. 
These combined funds were known by the common but 

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insufficient name of the ** Eoyal Bounty,'* and they were 
dispensed by two French committees working under and 
directly responsible to English Lords Commissioners ap- 
pointed by the Crown. The first was called the Clerical 
Committee, and was specially charged with the relief of the 
distressed pastors and the maintenance of their churches ; 
the second was caUed the Lay Committee, and to their care 
the general body of the refugees was assigned. 

It is plain from a variety of records that these committees 
worked together for the common good, and this in spite of 
not infrequent complaints of malversation and favouritism 
which in such circumstances are almost inevitable. It 
appears that latterly the two committees were merged into 

In the year 1708, and perhaps for some six or seven 
years earlier, Jacques de G4tigny was a member of the Lay 
Committee. Born in France, he fled at the Revocation to 
Holland and entered the service of the Prince of Orange, and 
when that prince came over to England in 1688 we find 
G&tigny in his suite as Master of the Buckhounds. He 
seems to have attended his old master, now William III. of 
England, in all his campaigns. 

In the year 1700 G4tigny was awarded a life pension of 
£500 per annum. One account I have read states that he 
was pensioned for his gallant conduct at the Boyne. It 
seems strange that the recognition of his gallantry should 
have been so long delayed, but then I believe that instances 
are not unknown even in this our day of still longer intervals 
than ten years separating the gallant deeds of our soldiers 
and sailors from their well-merited reward. It is probable 
that Gatigny retired from pubhc service on his return from 
Ireland ; it is certain that as one of the committee for the 
distribution of the royal bounty he devoted the last years of 
his life to the amehoration of the condition of his fellow- 
exiles. In connection with this work he first met Philippe 
Menard, one of the Clerical Committee, who later became 
his great friend and ultimately his executor. The provisions 
of G&tigny's will grew naturally out of his most absorbing 

The city of London had, among many other acts of kind- 
ness to the refugees, permitted them the use for their sick 
and infirm of a house m the parish of St. Giles', Cripplegate, 
** which, having been formerly used as an hospital in times 
of contagion, was called the Pest House *\ 

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Here Gatigny was a frequent visitor. It is recorded that 
he found the house so old and unsuitable and the accommo- 
dation it afforded so inadequate that he longed to see 
his poor fellow-countrymen housed in a building with 
appointments suited to their French tastes and habits and 
served by their own kinsfolk, but his will, which was 
apparently made in his last illness (for he died soon after 
making it), went no further than to *' bequeath £500 to the 
Pest House for to build there some apartments, there to 
lodge at least twelve poor infirm or sick French Protestants 
— men or women above the age of fifty years — and £500 
more to be invested and the revenue thereof employed to 
furnish beds, linen and clothes, and other necessities of 
the said poor French Protestants who shall be in the said 
place *'. 

The testator proceeds to direct that the two sums of £600 
shall be put in the hands of the French committee for the 
distribution of the royal bounty, who shall employ the said 
sums as mentioned in the will and shall give an account 
thereof to the English Lords Commissioners, and he 
specially charges his executor to take care the whole be 
executed according to his intention. 

There is here no suggestion of building a new hospital, 
but only of adding accommodation for twelve more poor 
people to the existing Pest House. The idea of bringing 
G&tigny's bequest into harmony with his known wishes and 
making it the starting-point in a scheme for a new hospital 
carefully constructed and arranged to meet the needs of the 
poor infirm and sick French Protestants arose, as we shall 
see, some years after his death. 

Jacques de GAtigny seems to be presented to us in his will 
as a solitary bachelor, with a heart overflowing with kindness 
and sympathy. Neither wife nor children, nor indeed any 
relations are mentioned. After making confession of his 
faith his first thoughts are, as I have shown, for his poor 
infirm and sick co-rehgionnaires, in ministering to whose 
comforts he had spent the last years of his hfe. He passes 
on to the remembrance of a few old friends and again turns 
to the poor of his nation, leaving 200 pieces or pounds 
sterling to be distributed among them by the French 
committee. He then thinks of his servants, naming each 
and leaving to each a bequest which seems to be the result 
of careful thought and to have special fitness for the 
individual legatee. 

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Founder of the French Protestant Hospital. 

From an oil painting in the Court Room of the Hospitaly by permission 
of the Court, 

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He leaves among other things to Caesar, his valet de chambre, 
" the three silver rings and six spoons and six forks which 
are in the ancient mode ". At the French Hospital there 
are twelve three-pronged silver forks bearing the Hall Mark 
1722. These are generally considered to be among the first 
made in England, and on account of their rarity to be worth 
almost their weight in gold. A bequest of £100 to the 
newly-founded Society for the Propagation of the Gospel is 
followed by one or two other legacies to friends, and then, 
giving quite an idyllic form to the will, his thoughts revert 
once again to his fellow-exiles, and he directs £200 to be 
distributed among twenty of the refugee ministers who may 
have need of it. 

But in relation to our present subject by far the most 
important provision in G4tigny's will, next to his legacy of 
£1000, is the appointment of Philippe Menard, ** Minister of 
the Word of God," as his executor and administrator. 

Two brothers, Jean and Phihppe Mesnard (or Menard, as 
the name was latterly spelt), were at the date of the Eevo- 
cation among the most prominent Huguenot ministers in 
France. The elder had many years before been in England 
ministering to the French congregation at Thorney Abbey 
under Daunois (who held the pastorate of that place for 
twenty-two years). In 1670, although then only twenty- 
seven years of age, he was called to succeed the famous 
Drelincourt at the great temple of Charenton near Paris. 
Here he was associated with Claude, AUix, De L 'Angle and 
others, and it was he who preached the last sermon in that 
historic church only a few days before its demolition by order 
of the king in October, 1686. The younger brother was 
pastor at Saintes. Both were driven from France by the 
general decree of banishment of Protestant ministers em- 
bodied in the Edict of Kevocation. Jean fled to Holland and 
became chaplain to the Prince of Orange, while Philippe 
took refuge at the Danish Court, and was placed by Queen 
Charlotte Amelia in charge of the French church at 

The brothers, however, soon gravitated to England, and 
we find them very early in the eighteenth century working 
together on the committee for the distribution of the royal 
bounty, the first as D.D. and canon of Windsor, and the 
second as minister of the French Chapel Koyal at St. James*. 

Very httle indeed has been published concerning the 
French Hospital, probably because the foundations of the 

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institution were so well and- so broadly laid by the first 
founders, and its administration has been so carefully 
conducted that appeals for help outside the body of governors 
and directors have been exceedingly rare. To that circum- 
stance I attribute the scarcity of pubHshed accounts. A 
short reference is to be found in Maitland's London (1756). 
Agnew in his Protestant Bodies from France devotes a chapter 
to it, which Smiles in his work on the Huguenots condenses 
into a paragraph or two. Occasional articles have also 
appeared in magazines and periodicals, but to one seeking 
more than the most superficial knowledge these accounts 
will afford but httle help. 

The information contained in this paper is derived from 
three principal sources : — 

1. The Grand Livre, the first minute books and other 
early MS. books at the hospital. 

2. The record of a meeting of the French Committee for 
the distribution of the royal bounty, held on 3rd March, 
1716, which I found among other old papers at the hospital. 

3. A series of documents preserved in the Public Eecord 

The Grand Livre and these last-named documents are to 
some extent parallel records, so that it is difficult to avoid 
some little repetition in tracing through them the early 
history of the hospital. 

Very complete records of the early days of the French 
Hospital are preserved in the Grand Livre^ No, A, and in 
the minutes of the general courts. The title-page of the 
Grand Livre is a magnificent example of bold penmanship, 
but it and all the introductory pages of the book are fair 
copied from another called Journal du Grand Livre, No. A, 
etc., which as being clearly the original I have preferred to 
use. The spelling of names and even of words frequently 
differs, the French language at that period being in a state 
of transition from the old order to the new. 

The Grand Livre most considerately opens with a memo- 
randum, set out in ten paragraphs or *' articles " for the 
instruction of governors and directors of the French Hospital 
in time to come. The articles show that on 10th February, 
1708-9, Philippe Menard handed to the French committee 
for the distribution of the royal bounty to the French 
Protestant refugees the £1000 bequeathed by Jacques de 
G&tigny for providing additional accommodation for twelve 
poor people at the Pest House, and that the committee were 

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unable for some time to give effect to G&tigny's benevolent 
intention because the city of London refused to sell the 
ground required for the enlargement. On the failure of 
negotiations with the city, G^tigny's bequest lay dormant 
for several years, simply earning interest until the committee 
determined to make it the nucleus of a scheme for building 
an entirely new hospital or asylum for the refugees. 

The articles proceed to state that on 27th March, 
1716, the committee bought from the Masters and Keepers 
or Wardens and Commonalty of the Mystery or Art of Iron- 
mongers of the City of London for the term of 990 years, 
commencing 25th March, 1716, and for the sum of £400 
sterling, a piece of land on which to build a hospital. 

The land lay immediately south of the Pest House and 
was known as the Golden Acre. The exact dimensions and 
boundaries of the plot are given and an abstract of the lease, 
the first condition in which is that the lessee shall pay each 
year, twenty-eight days after Christmas, to the Ironmongers' 
Company, if it is legally demanded, one pepper-corn. 

The hospital having as yet no existence the lease was 
granted to Jacques Baudoin, a leading member of the 
committee, to be transferred by him to the French Hospital 
when incorporated. 

The lease required that no buildings should be erected 
that would interfere with the Ught of the Pest House, and 
as the land, although measuring only about one acre in all, 
was divided into two parts, called respectively *' The Com- 
pany's Golden Acre," and ** The City's Golden Acre," the 
lessee was to place wherever required on the boundaries the 
arms of the city of London and of the Ironmongers' Com- 
pany, respectively. The last articles describe precisely the 
arrangement of the water supply and sewerage and the 
boundary walls and palisades. Throughout these descrip- 
tions sheds are called sheeds. There seemed to be no French 

An alphabetical list of contributions — extending apparently 
from March, 1716, when subscriptions were first invited, to 
November, 1718, when the hospital was opened — follows, 
which on adding up I iSnd amounts to £2372 168. 

There were also occasional gifts in kind, one being of a 
necklace, the story of which is interesting. 

This necklace, composed of orient pearls, was brought to 
the French Hospital on 20th July, 1720, by Mademoiselle 
de la Croix, the daughter and executrix of Madame de St. 

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Leger/ as a legacy from her mother. At the Court in 
January, 1721, the treasurer was authorised to offer it to 
my Lady CoUadon for £120, and failing her acceptance to 
dispose of it to the best advantage for the benefit of the 
(refugee) poor. At two or three succeeding courts the 
treasurer reported that the necklace was still in his hands, 
and with the approval of the Court two other directors, 
Messrs. Berchere and Marchand, undertook to help the 
treasurer in the sale. Finally, in April, 1722, the treasurer 
reported that these directors had sold the necklace for £100, 
and had handed him the money. The Court approved the 
sale and thanked the directors concerned in it. On turning 
to the account book of that date I find the sale is credited to 
M. de St. Hypolyte, another director, and it is there 
described as a necklace composed of forty-seven pearls. The 
name of the purchaser is not recorded. My Lady CoUadon, 
to whom it was first offered, was widow of Sir Theodore 
CoUadon, a physician of great eminence, and one of those 
who attended King William III. in his last moments. This 
lady was well known as a benefactress to the refugees. She 
was one of the earliest subscribers to the French Hospital. 
We find her being consulted by Lord Galway as to the 
provision to be made for the necessities of the Huguenots 
who were released from the galleys in 1713, and a little later 
acting as Lord Lifford's almoner in distributing £500 among 
the refugees. 

From this point the Grand Livre, No, A, becomes an 
account book, but the accounts are so peculiarly kept that I, 
as a mere layman, cannot pretend to follow them accurately. 
As the subscriptions accumulated they were put out to 
mortgage at »5 or 6 per cent, interest, or invested in the State 
lotteries of the time, or in one or other of the many forms of 
the South Sea Bonds, which were miscalled securities. A 
more satisfactory entry occurs on 12th March, 1719, showing 
that land for the new hospital (bought in 1716) had cost : — 


Buildings, etc., in twenty payments 

Insurance . - . - 

Furniture, linen, etc. 

The Charter of Incorporation - 

^ Madame de St. Leger was Madeleine n^e Muyssons, widow of Theodore 
Le Goq Sieur de St. Leger, who had been one of the anoiens of Gharenton, 


17 19 

477 10 

23 4 



£3668 14 


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This is the first definite account I have met with of the 
cost of the new hospital. I have found the builder's bill in 
detail as well as the receipts for the several payments on 
account. The bill will be given in the appendix to this 
paper, as the comparison it affords between the prices of 
various materials and of labour nearly 200 years ago and at 
the present time will prove of great interest and value. The 
receipts on account show that no stamps to receipts were 
required in those good old days ; they are also remarkable for 
showing that the word hospital might then be spelt in at least 
seven different ways, according to the caprice of the speller. 

Following the entries in the Grand Livre, No, ^4, for a few 
years more (in fact, up to 1737, the date of Philippe 
Menard's death), I find that investments of the most specu- 
lative kind were made by the early directors, and that gifts 
and bequests of securities that could not by any stretch of 
fancy be called ** gilt-edged " were made by early benefactors. 
In 1719 M. Etienne Seignoret, one of the first thirty-seven 
directors, bequeathed to the new corporation £70 per annum 
in terminable annuities, which had still seventy-two years 
and three months to run. This income he directed to be 
applied to apprenticing children of the refugees to useful 
trades. The delighted treasurer works out a little sum 
showing that if the annual income is divided into four 
premiums of £17 10s. each the bequest will suffice to 
apprentice 289 enfans. But later entries show that these 
annuities were capitalised and invested in the South Sea 
Bubble, which a few years afterwards burst, and the greater 
part of the legacy was lost. 

The trades to which the boys under this bequest were appren- 
ticed were clockmakers, goldsmiths, jewellers, fan-makers, 
sculptors, and the girls were chiefly bound to milliners. 

In these first years of the hospital there is a continuous 
record of gifts and legacies, broken annually by the qu^te 
after the anniversary sermon, which averaged about £100, 
though in 1725, when the sermon was preached by the 
Eev. Israel Antoine Aufrere,^ the collection amounted to 

and died in London, 1712. In his will he speaks of "argenterie, perles, 
diamants, tapisseries, carosse et chevanx, etc." They had three daughters, 
all married in England. Madeleine had married her oouain, Henri David de 
la Croix, but in 1720 had been for many years a widow. These good people 
had family ties with the Muyssons, the Blossets and the Char^ns (contri- 
buted by Henry Wagner, Esq,), 

^ At a subsequent Oourt M. Aufrere was elected a director, and he remained 
an active member of the Court until his death, thirty-three years afterwards. 
VOL. VI. — NO. L D 

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£215 138. 6d., with about £12 more sent during the next few 
days by persons who had been unable to attend. In the 
following year the capital had so accumulated that the 
directors turned their attention to freehold property, and 
purchased for about £6000 " the entire court called Bond's 
Court, situate in the parish of Wallbrook ". This was a very 
much more satisfactory investment than South Sea stock or 
State lotteries. I grieve to have to record that it was resold 
in 1762, for I cannot help reflecting how much might be done 
with the present large income from that property towards 
carrying out the cherished wish of your President, that 
as unmarried people only can be sheltered within the walls 
of the hospital, so pensions, grants of money, and aid in 
other forms might be given to poor and aged married folk. 
The only other notes I have thought it necessary to make from 
this book are that in 1732 and 1783 a new building, of which 
Thomas Dubisson was architect, was added ; and that in 
1738 the city of London sold to the new and flourishing 
corporation the Pest House and its site, now in the parish of 
St. Luke,^ which twenty years before they had refused to sell 
to the executors of GAtigny's vnll. 

The directors charged to negotiate with the City Lands 
Committee of the Corporation of London reported to a 
special court, held on 10th November, 1736, that the Lands 
Committee had agreed to lease for 970 years, from Michael- 
mas last, on the payment of £400 sterling and a yearly rent 
of ten shillings, a piece or parcel of ground with tenements 
and buildings thereon, commonly called the Pest House, and 
at the following General Court, held on 6th January, 1736-7, 
the completion of the purchase was reported. 

I must now hark back to the document (No. 2) I mentioned 
when first speaking of the Grand Livre, It is by far the 
most interesting and important paper I have met with in my 
search among the archives of the hospital, for it shows the 
first public and definite step in the foundation of the PVench 
Hospital as distinguished from the old Pest House with 
G4tigny's proposed addition. It is a sort of manifesto, 
drawn up at a meeting of the French committee held on the 
3rd March, 1716, over which Louis Saurin, minister, pre- 

* An act was passed, VII., George II. (1733), for making that part of the 
parish of St. Giles', Cripplegate, called TJw Lordship part (which included 
the ground purchased by the French Hospital), into a distinct parish, named 
the Parish of St. Luke, Old Street, after the church which had lately been 

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sided, Philippe Menard acting as secretary. The names of 
the committee-men present are unfortunately not given. 

The document, after recording G&tigny's bequest and the 
receipt by the committee (seven years before) of the money, 
with directions for its appUcation, appears to assume a 
knowledge on the part of its reader of the failure of the 
negotiations with the city of London ; and it goes on to say 
that, the coimnittee having done their best to carry out the 
intentions of the testator, an opportunity has at last arisen 
for acquiring a convenient site whereon to build a new 
hospital, but that the site would cost £400, and the remainder 
of the legacy would be altogether insufficient to provide and 
furnish the building. The encouragement, however, and 
promises of support given by many pious and charitable 
persons, and the urgent necessity existing for a proper asylum 
for the poor refugees, had emboldened the committee to 
embark on the scheme. There were so many among the 
refugees afflicted in mind, body and estate, so many enfeebled 
by age and other bodily infirmities, who could in no other way 
be so carefully tended, that the committee confidently 
appealed for help to those who were able to give it. Those 
to whom the appeal is addressed — probably in the first 
instance the members of the committee themselves — are 
invited each to write down the sum which God has put 
in their heart to contribute to so charitable a work. The 
conamittee promise to keep an exact account of all moneys 
received and of the use to which they are put, and they 
invite all interested to look into and examine these accounts. 
The document concludes with this gentle exhortation : — 

To do good and to communicate forget not, 
For with such sacrifices God is well pleased. 

Discussed at the meeting of the French committee charged 
with the distribution of the royal bounty, 3rd March, 1716. 

Louis Saurin, Moderateur, 
Ph. Menard, S^cr^taire. 

Then follow subscriptions ranging from one of £100 by 
M. Jacques Baudoin to sums of 5s., and amounting in all to 
£474 9s. Eight of the subscribers, besides the moderator 
and secretary, were among the first thirty-seven directors of 
the French Hospital, and five more were elected later. It 
may be of interest to note that many of the subscriptions are 
for a greater or less number of guineas, and that the then 
current value of the guinea was 21s. 6d. It is perhaps not 

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commonly known that the silver value of a guinea varied 
from 208. in 1663, when guineas were first introduced, 
to 30s. in 1696. Prom that time until 1717 the guinea 
passed current at 21s. 6d. It was then fixed by proclama- 
tion at 21s., at which rate it remained imtil 1816, when 
guineas ceased to be coined. 

The third source of information of which I have spoken is 
a series of documents preserved in the Public Record Office, 
which, through the most kind and invaluable help of your 
assistant secretary, Mr. Overend, I was permitted first 
to read and then to have copied for the appendix to this 
paper. These documents enable us to follow the growth of 
the scheme for a new hospital practically from the Boyal 
Bounty Committee Meeting of 1716 to the granting of the 
charter in 1718. 

The first is a petition to the King's Most Excellent 
Majesty of the Marquis de Euvigny, Earl of Galway (spelt 
GoUoway), Philippe Menard, and thirty-seven others, all 
French refugees naturalised. The petition, after reciting 
Gatigny's bequest, states that his charitable design has met 
with great encouragement from several pious souls who have 
cheerfully contributed towards the same object ; the petition- 
ers have therefore bought a piece of ground (the " Golden 
Acre ") and have begun the building of a hospital for lodging 
and subsisting a small number of the poorest sort of their 
nation ; and they pray that they and their successors may be 
incorporated a body politic with the usual rights, powers and 
privileges which are fully set out. 

This document bears no date on its face. It is endorsed 
April, 1718, which is manifestly a mistake, as the petition 
was referred to the Attorney-General for consideration and 
report, and his report is dated 6th September, 1717. But 
before reporting the Attorney-General appears to have made 
inquiry in regard to various points named in the petition, and 
the next document in the series is the affidavit of Philippe 
Menard, James Baudoin and James Boberthon, dated 22nd 
October, 1717, which in answering these inquiries throws 
much Ught on the progress then made. It explains that all 
the signatories to the petition were members of the committee 
appointed for managing and distributing the royal bounty to 
the French Protestants ; that the ground for the hospital 
was purchased in the name of James Baudoin as a trustee 
for the intended charity ; that, in addition to GAtigny's 
bequest, above £1500 had by that time been raised by volun- 

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tary contributions; that they had now almost finished 
and would complete as soon as possible a hospital with 
conveniences for lodging about sixty poor, who would be 
maintained there partly out of the royal bounty money paid 
to the French committee and partly out of the contributions 
and gifts of good and charitable persons. The affidavit 
proceeds that the deponents do verily believe in their 
consciences that the design will be of great benefit to the 
poor French Protestants, and that both GAtigny's bequest 
and all other moneys received will be faithfuDy and justly 
applied to completing the hospital and carrying on the pious 

Five months after the date of this affidavit (12th March, 
1717-8) the Attorney-General was pleased to report on the 
petition. He certified the design of the petitioners to 
be very just and charitable, and that he saw no objection to 
the incorporating of the petitioners on the terms proposed, 
with the following alterations, viz,: — 

That the name be ** The Governor and Directors of the 
Hospital for Poor French Protestants and their descendants 
residing in Great Britain ". 

That the capacity of purchasing lands be restrained to a 
certain annual value. 

And that the governor and directors do not relieve in the 
hospital, or by the revenues thereof, any French Protestants 
or their descendants who shall not have been eictually 
resident and settled in Great Britain by the space of six 
months at the least, and so continue, and who shall not take 
the oaths of allegiance and supremacy and the abjuration 
oath before the governor and directors or any three or more 
of them. 

It so happens that each of the alterations here introduced 
has given rise to later controversy. 

King George I. was more prompt than his Attorney- 
General in dealing with the petition, for on 10th April, 
1718 (less than one month from its date). Lord Stanhope 
writes to the Attorney-General that His Majesty approves 
his report, and directs him to prepare such heads for incor- 
porating the petitioners as he shall think proper. On the 
26th April the heads are submitted. On the 30th the royal 
warrant for the preparation of the charter is given, and, as we 
have already seen, the charter itself was signed and sealed on 
24th July, 1718. 

We may here fitly glance at the rather remarkable group 

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of men to whom the charter of incorporation was granted. 
Foremost stands the acknowledged head of the refugee 
commmiity, the venerable Henri de Massue, the second 
Marquis de Kuvigny and Earl of Galway. Any part which 
Lord Galway took in the formation of the French Hospital 
must have been by correspondence, for at that time he was 
over seventy years of age and confined by acute suffering 
from gout and rheumatism to his country house at Kookley, 
near Southampton. Even seven years earlier Lord Galway 
was described as ** an aged general, maimed and covered 
with honourable wounds, by birth a foreigner, by sentiment 
and inchnations an honest Englishman, a gentleman of rare 
and eminent qualities that equally render him proper for the 
Cabinet or the field ". 

His portrait, which adorns the court room of the French 
Hospital, must have been painted between 1705, when he lost 
his right arm at the siege (rather at a siege) of Badajoz, and 
1707, when he received a severe sabre cut, which destroj''ed 
the sight of one eye, at the battle of Almanza. He was then 
rather less than sixty years old. 

As the chief of the French Protestants in London, Lord 
Galway presented to George I. on his accession to the throne 
an humble address from that body, congratulating his 
Majesty on the establishment of the Protestant succession in 
England. In the same capacity he headed the petition for 
a charter for the French Hospital, and he was appointed 
by royal command the first governor. He never attended 
a general court, but on his death in 1720 a sympathetic 
minute records the sense of the directors of the great loss the 
corporation has suffered. Besides being an early subscriber 
to the proposed hospital. Lord Galway left £1000 to the 
estabhshed corporation, directing that it be applied in such 
manner as Monsieur Phihppe Menard and the other directors 
shall think fit.^ 

Jacques Baudoin, the first deputy-governor, was a native 
of Nimes, who had come to London at the time of the 
Revocation and was now estabhshed as a very prosperous 
merchant. It vriU be remembered that he headed the Ust of 
1716 with a donation of £100. He and Menard were the 
most active promoters of the new hospital and the most 

* M. le Baron Philibert d'Hervart, who was elected governor on the death 
of Lord Galloway in 1720, gave £4000 to the hospital, the interest to be paid 
to him during his life, and the right to nominate six inmates of the hospital 
being secured to his successors. 

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GALWAY. 1^ 1720. 

First Governor of the French Protestant Hospital. 

From an oil painting in the Court Room oj the Hospital, ity permission 
of the Court. 

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indefatigable administrators during the first twenty years of its 
existence. The record of their constant work among the poor 
refugees and at the hospital forms a magnificent object-lesson 
for those who feel in any way called to devote their energies 
or their substance or both to the benefit of their fellow-men. 

All the other directors named in the charter were French 
Protestants who had become naturahsed English subjects and 
had taken the oaths of allegiance, abjuration and supremacy. 

As there appears to be some doubt regarding the forms of 
the oaths taken by different classes and persons at this period 
I have thought it worth while to preserve in the appendix 
the exact forms imposed upon the founders of the French 
Hospital. The language used to describe the errors of 
Romanism is very strong indeed, but we must remember that 
the odiu7fi theoloyicum was rampant in those days, and it is 
difficult for us who see only the velvet glove of the papacy to 
reahse the combined hatred and fear of those who had felt 
the grip of its iron hand. 

The first four directors named in the charter were all 
Protestant pastors who had fled from France and now 
had their congregations in London. Next to Menard the 
best known was Louis Saurin, whose more famous brother 
Jacques was then settled at the Hague. 

Claude Scoffier was then minister of the church in Thread- 
needle Street, though he was soon afterwards called to 
Middleburg, in Holland. I have been unable to ascertain 
the churches in London to which Henry de St. Colombe and 
Louis Saurin were attached. 

All the other directors were members of the French 
committee for distributing the royal bounty. There were 
many inter-relationships among them, and, as an example of 
the varied influences which form men into groups, it is 
curious to note that two or three of the first directors 
had been merchants at Lisbon when Lord G-alway was 
British envoy at the Portuguese court and commander-in- 
chief of our forces in Portugal. 

The first general court of the new hospital was held on 
the 3rd September, 1718. 

The court was opened with prayer, a prayer written 
presumably by Menard, which has invariably been used on 
the opening of the courts even to the present day. 

Then the charter was read '* avec respect y" as the secretary is 
careful to record. The court then proceeded to elect officers, 
and the following were chosen : — 

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The Eev. Philippe Menard, secretary. 

M. Louis des Clousseaux, treasurer. 

M. Fran9ois du Plessis, minister and chaplain. 

The subject and motto of a seal were determined upon, and 
M. Marchant, one of the directors, was desired to get the 
seal made. A sub-committee was next appointed for drawing 
up the by-laws and regulations to be presented to the next 
court for consideration, and finally the directors proceeded to 
take the oaths. 

At the second general court, held 8th October, 1718, by- 
laws and regulations were agreed upon, and a remarkable 
proof of the great care and wisdom with which they were 
drawn up is the fact that with very little alteration they still 
govern the administration of the hospital. 

At this court arrangements were made for the solemn 
dedication of the hospital and chapel to the service of 
Almighty God on the 12th of the following month, and M. 
Menard was requested to preach the sermon, which was 
afterwards ordered to be printed. 

From the preface to the first book of by-laws I find that 
in the introduction to his sermon M. Menard gives an account 
of the origin of the hospital, and from another source that the 
dedication service was attended by a great concourse of 
French refugees. I have spent much time and money in 
searching the records of that period for an account of this 
dedication service and for a copy of the sermon with its 
introduction, but without success. It is extremely tantalis- 
ing to read the minute of the court ordering the sermon to 
be printed and the entry in the treasurer's accounts of the 
printer's bill of £14 Qs. for the work. The number of copies 
printed is not stated, but it must have been considerable. If 
any member of this society should meet with a copy of the 
sermon I should feel very grateful for a sight of it. 

The French Hospital was now fairly established, about 
sixty poor French people were housed within its walls, and 
very many more were visited, helped and cared for at their 

I like to think that the splendid energy which was thrown 
into the scheme for helping the poor, sick and infirm French 
refugees in their extremity of suffering has even, after a lapse 
of nearly two centuries, lost little or nothing of its force. I 
like to look back through the long vista of years without 
discovering at any single point a break in the continuity of 
this good work. 

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In the charter of 1718 a governor and deputy-governor 
were named. At the j&rst general court a secretary and 
treasurer were elected and a chaplain appointed. 

In this year of grace, 1898, each one of those officers 
is still to be found bending to his work. Their outward 
fashion has changed with the changing years, even their 
method of working and their form of speech. Full-bottomed 
wigs have given place to pigtails, which in their turn have 
disappeared altogether. Buffs and ruffles and velvet coats 
and buckled shoes have through many generations reached 
the prosaic garments of to-day. The English tongue and 
English manners and customs have gradually taken the 
place of the exquisite French and the perfect grace for which 
the Marquis de Euvigny was noted even at the fastidious 
court of Louis XIV., but the official entity — ^the abstract 
officer — has been there all the time. In no single week, 
I believe, has the offering of prayer and praise and hymn 
failed to rise as the incense to the Throne of Grace from the 
chapel of the French Hospital. In no single quarter has the 
treasurer omitted to render an account to his fellow-directors 
of the current income and expenditure of the corporation. 
Through all these 180 years the secretary has ever been 
found pen in hand entering up minutes of court and com- 
mittee meetings, carefully threshing out questions which 
arise for discussion, and conducting a very wide corre- 
spondence with all sorts of people on all sorts of matters 
relating directly or indirectly or not at all to the corporation. 
During the whole of this long period the deputy-governor has 
been an almost constant attendant at court and committee, 
presiding in the absence of the governor over the deliberations 
of his fellow-directors ; while the governor himself, if less 
frequently present, has always been accessible when any 
special need has arisen for asking his advice or sanction 
in the more important affairs of the corporation. 

This thought of the continuity of purpose and action 
carries us irresistibly a step farther. Through all the 
changes of time and circumstance, of fashion, habit, con- 
dition, place, the impelling motive has been the same : ** Do 
good unto all men, and specially unto them that are of the 
household of faith " ; the determination has been the same — 
we heard it expressed by some of the refugees at the very 
moment of their landing, and it has never varied : *' Our 
soul is escaped, and we are delivered, therefore will we render 
sacrifice " ; the object has been the same, for the poor, infirm 

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and sick in the crowds of terror-stricken fugitives who threw 
themselves on our sympathy, no less than their more fortu- 
nate brethren, have left a posterity that stands fast, and we 
know that ** the poor shall never cease out of the land ". 

I wish that I could impart to you half the interest that I 
have foimd in tracing out the story of the foundation and 
early growth of the French Hospital. Among its first 
directors and oflBcers I seem to have made personal a>cquaint- 
ances, almost indeed to have enjoyed personal friendships. 

From 1718 to 1737 I have sat at the general court 
quarter after quarter beside Philippe Menard. His hand- 
writing is as familiar to me as my own ; his features, 
it is true, have come to me at second-hand through the 
portrait which is here, but I have looked upon that portrait 
so often, and I find the features so absolutely to harmonise 
with the character of the man as it has been gradually 
revealed to me, that I have no difficulty in accepting it as you 
would yourselves look upon the photograph of an absent 
friend. It may seem ianciful, but a certain tone of voice, a 
certain mannerism and certain quaint forms of expression are 
most powerfully impressed on my mind as those of Philippe 
Menard. Of this I am convinced, that when on 10th 
November, 1736, the chair of the accomplished secretary was 
seen to be vacant at the opening of the general court, and 
the word passed from mouth to mouth that he who had 
missed but a single meeting, and that ten years ago on the 
occasion of the death of Ins brother, was too ill to attend, 
the sense of loss and the emotions of regret and sympathy 
could hardly have been more thoroughly awakened in the 
hearts of the directors present than in mine. How eagerly 
I looked onward to the minutes of the next court, and while 
rejoicing to find him present, observed with real concern the 
faltering signature which told so plainly the story of his 
failing powers. It was with no surprise that I read in the 
minutes of the following court, 13th April, 1737, that 
another director, Mons. Philippe de Crespigny, was elected 
to assist M. Menard, who, '' on account of his great age and 
infirmities, was no longer able to attend regularly the meet- 
ings of the corporation '\ Then came the end. The court 
of 6th July, 1737, before proceeding to any other business, 
made this sorrowful record : " God having taken to Himself 
M. M6nard, the secretary of this corporation, the directors 
present are most deeply touched with a sense of the great 
loss the corporation have sustained, and they desire to 

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First Chaplain and Secretary of the French Protestant Hospital. 

From an oil painting in the Court Room of the Hospital ^ by permission 
of the Court, 

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honour M. Menard's memory for the very great services 
which he rendered to this hospital *\ The past no less than 
the present has its lights and shadows, its joys and griefs, 
for those who sympathetically study it. 

The death of Philippe Menard closes the first and brightest 
chapter in the history of the French Hospital. In this our 
inquiry we first met with Menard on his appointment to the 
chaplaincy of the French Chapel Eoyal at St. James' Palace 
— then as one of the French committee for administering the 
royal bounty to the poor refugees— then as executor to the 
will of Jacques de G^tigny, promptly obeying its direction to 
hand to the French committee £1000 for the accommodation 
and maintenance of twelve more French poor at the Pest 
House. By this time he was acting as secretary of the 
conamittee, in which capacity he must have taken an active 
part in the negotiations with the city of London for the 
purchase of ground necessary to give efifect to the bequest. 
When these negotiations failed one can say with almost ab- 
solute certainty that the project for building a new hospital 
on far broader, deeper and more lasting foundations than 
were ever dreamt of by GAtigny originated with him. 

From the day when this project was publicly announced 
until the Charter of Incorporation had been secured the 
activity of Phihppe Menard in the cause he had made his 
own was ceaseless. Saurin and he jointly launched the first 
appeal for subscriptions, and the rapid and extraordinary 
success which the scheme met with must have been largely 
due to the influence which Menard derived from his position 
at the Court of St. James and from his intimate acquaintance 
with the wealthier refugee faanilies in London. The petition 
praying the Crown to incorporate the new charity by royal 
charter was his work, and so no doubt was the selection 
from among the members of the clerical and lay committees 
of those thirty-seven **men of mercy" whose names are 
recorded in the charter as the first directors of the French 

When the buildings were completed the dedication service 
was arranged and the sermon preached by M6nard, and after- 
wards, from the first general court in 1718 until his illness 
and death in 1737, he attended, with one single exception, 
every quarterly meeting of the directors and recorded the 
proceedings in a way that all future secretaries of the cor- 
poration have more or less successfully attempted to follow. 

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I. Extract from the will of Jacques de G&tigny. 

II. Record of a meeting of the French Committee for the distribution 
of the royal bounty held on 8rd March, 1716, at which it was 
proposed to purchase land with Gh4tigny*s legacy, and to invite 
subscriptions for building a hospital thereon. 

III. Copies of documents in the Public Becord Offic& 

IV. The charter of the hospital for poor French Protestants and their 

V. The prayer (in French) used at the opening and closing of the 

VI. The oaths of allegiance, supremacy and abjuration. 
VI I. A bill of charges for building of the French hospital by Peter 
Legrant, 171 J. 
VIII. A proposal to establish in all French Protestant churches through- 
out England registers of the refugees and their children. 
IX. Notes of the purchase in 172f of Bond Court, Walbrook, and of 
the sale of the property in 1762. 


"As to the goods which God hath given me, and of what shall be 
found at the time of my death to belong unto me, I dispose thereof as 
followeth : — 

" First, I give £500 to the Pest-house, for to build there some apart- 
ments, there to lodge some poor, infirm, or sick French Protestants 
above the age of fifty years, and the woman or maiden the same. My 
wiU is that uiere should be lodgings for twelve poor at least. Moreover, 
I give the fund of £500, which shsJl be placed to get thereout the annual 
revenue, which revenue shall be employed to furnish beds, linen and 
clotJies, and other necessities of the said poor French Protestants who 
shall be in the said place ; and the said two £500, making in all £1000, 
shall be put in the nands of the committee settled for the distribution 
of the Queen's charity and of the nation, which French Committee shall 
employ the said sums as it is here above mentioned, and shall give 
an account thereof to the Messieurs the English Commissaries who are, 
or shall be, settled to receive the other accounts of the said French 
Committee. And the Executor of this my testament shall take care 
that the whole be executed according to my intention, as I will explain 

Witnesses : F. Mabibttb, 
Paul Dufoub. 

Proved by the Executor, Philip Mesnard, at London, 1st December, 

(From Agnew's Protestant Exiles from France, vol. iL, p. 179.) 

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MITTEE, 3rd MAKCH, 1716. 

Feu Monsieur de Gastigny ayant Legu^ par son Testament la somme 
de Mille Livres sterling pour estre employee, la moiti^ & faire un Basti- 
ment pour les Pauvres Franfois Protestants Refugiez qui sont ou seront 
a la Pest House ; et I'autre moiti^, en un fonds dont le revenu annuel 
soit destin^ & foumir de meubles ou hardes, aux Pauvres de c<')t Hos- 
pital. Le Committ^ Francois charg^ de la distribution de la Beneficence 
Royalle, aux Pauvres Francois Refugiez, a receu cette somme suivant 
Tordre du Testateur : Et ayant fait ses diligences pour remplir ses inten- 
tions, a eniin trouv^ le moyen d'acquerir, ^ la Pest House, un fonds 
propre k faire le Bastiment ordonntf^. L'acquisition de ce fonds cotltant 
Quatre cent livres sterling. Ce qui resteroit du Legz de feu Mr. de 
Gastigny ne suffiroit pas pour bastir; Et le Committ^ n'auroit os^ 
entrer dans ce projet 8*il n'y avoit pas est^ encourage par plusieurs 
Personnes pieuses & charitables, qui ont fait entendre qu'eUes voudront 
bien jr contribuer. 

L'imxx)rtance et la necessity d'un tel Hospital pour les Pauvres 
Franfois Refugiez sont manifestes et sensibles. Combien de Personnes, 
on affligees dans leur Esprit, ou attaque^s de maladies longues & incu- 
rables, ou accable^s de vieiUesse & d*autres icunnitez trouveront \k une 
retraitte et de secours qu'il seroit difficile de leur procurer autrement ? 
On est persuade que les gens de bien approuveront c6t Establissement ; 
et se feront un devoir & un plaisir de le favoriser. On les supplle de 
vouloir souscire icy chacun la somme que Dieu lui mettra au coeur de 
contribuer pour une oeuvre si charitable. On tiendra un Compte exact 
de ce que aura est^ recueilly, et de Temploy qui en sera fait : Et on 
communiquera ce Compte k toutes les Personnes qui souhaiteront de le 
voir & de I'examiner. 

N'ouhliez point la Beneficence et la communication : Car Dieu 
prend plaisir dt de tela sa/ynfices. 

Deliber^ dans 1* Assembled du Committ^ fran9ois charg6 de la distri- 
bution de la Beneficence Royalle le 8^ Mars 1716. 

Loms Sausin, Moderateur. 
Ph. Mbnard, Secretaire, 

Mr. Devirly £10 

Mr, de Boiville pere 10 

Mr. Ja. Molinier 20 

Mr. de Boiville fils 6 7 6 

Mr. Charles Molinier 5 

Madame Angellier 4 6 

Mr. de Saintipolite 10 16 

De feu Madame Dugas 6 

Mr. Ja.que8 Baudouin 100 

Mad*"* Molinier sa soeur 5 

Pierre Cabibel senior 10 16 

James Mallortie 2 8 

Samuel Muller & Nicolas de Watteville . . 6 

Matthieu Terras 2 8 

Isaac Delpech 2 8 

Mr. Bommy 4 6 

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Mr. Mods Valier 

MdU. Roy 

Mr. G. T. G. . 

Mad. Berenger & Diorl 

Mad. Albert . 

Mad. Berau 

Le Capt. du Forest Galley 

Mr. Desbordes 

Mr. Fnnerau 

Mr. Baron 

Mr. Jean Boulanger 

Mr. Rene Baudouin . 

Mr. Estiene Seignoret 

Mr. Pierre Seignoret 

& ce qti'il a donn^ pour vn Inconu 

Mr. Pierre de Rouen 

Mr. de Vismes 

Mr. Leglize 

Phillip Margas quatre Guin* 

Jean Thomeur deux guin§es 

Stephen Godin trois Guinees 

Francis Asselinne 

Me. la Veuve Terras 4 guin. 

Mr. Farette 

Mr. Tudert 

Mr. Thomas Thomas 

Made. Noir6 

Mr. Rousseau . 

Mr. Cossart 

Madelle. Wyldey 

Mr. Mayeux .' 

Mr. Cabibel neveu 

Made. Hemold 

Monsr. Bouch§ 

Mr. Flower 

Mr. Rain le Cadet 

Mr. Combault . 

Mr. Pegou 

Made. Cardonel 

Monsr. Rondelet 


2 8 

5 7 


8 4 


1 1 


1 1 


1 1 


8 4 


10 15 

6 7 


2 3 




11 10 

6 7 


2 3 

5 7 


4 6 

2 8 

8 4 


1 10 

4 6 




5 7 





4 6 


1 1 


1 1 


2 8 

5 7 


1 1 


1 1 


6 7 


8 4 



2 8 

£474 9 

[Endorsed :] 

Souscriptions de pluzienrs pour lliopital. 



To THE EiNa's Most Excellent Majesty. 

The humble Petition of Henry de Massue Marquis of Rnvigny Earle 
of Golloway Philip Menard Lewis Saurin Henry de S** Colome 
Claude Scoffier, Clerkes, Nicholas de la Sabliere Guy de la Court 
Vi^ouse Jacob de Blagny David Montoheu de S^ Hipohte Moses 

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Pujolas Francis du Pontereau Lewis de Gaillardy Lewis Des- 
clouseaux James Robethon Peter Champion de Crespigny Albert 
de Lande James Baudoin R^ne de la Combe de Cluzet Peter 
Reneu Stephen Seignoret John le Clerc de Virly Lewis Tudert 
Ron^ Baudoin James Lewis Berchere Paul du Four John de 
Rossieres Thomas le Heup Solomon Penny Peter Marchand 
Benjamin Barroneau Thomas Thomas Philip Fruchard Peter 
James du Desert John Philip Charles James Tabart James de 
Vaux Peter Triquet John Perigal & Peter Cabibel All French 
Refugees Naturalized In the behalf e of themselves and severall 
other French Refugees who have the happiness of being Your 
Majesty's Subjects. 
Humbly Sheweth— 

That James de Gastigny Esq' heretofore Master of the Buck hounds 
in Holland to his late Majesty King William of Immortal Memory by 
his last WiU and Testament bearing date the 10th of Aprill 1708 did 
bequeath one thousand pounds to bee applied towards the building of 
an Hospital! for poor Sick & Infirme French Protestants & buying of 
Household Goods & other Conveniencys for that use Which hath in- 
duced your humble Petitioners to begin the building of an Hospitall for 
lodging and subsisting a Small number of the Poorest Sort of their 

This Charitable design hath met with great Encouragement from 
Severall pious Soids who have ChearfuUy Contributed towards it and 
your humble Peticdners hope to bring it to a happy Conclusion Trusting 
under God Almighty that it will bee attended with such Usefull and 
happy Effects as to bee hereafter maintained and supported by all 
Good and Charitable Christians. Your humble PeticSners have for that 
Purpose Purchased a Peice of ground CaUed Golden Acre Scituate in 
the Parish of S*- Giles Cripplegate in the County of Middlesex And 
as your humble Peticdners flatter themselves that this their Designe 
will bee agreable to your Majesty, they hope that your Majesty will 
be graciously pleased to favour it with your Royall Sanction. 

May it therefore please your Sacred Majesty by your Majesty's 
Letters Patent under the Great Scale of Great Britain to Incorporate 
and Create your humble PeticOners & their Successors into a Body 
Politick & Corporate by the name of the Governor and Directors of 
the Hospitall for Poor French Protestants And that under that Title 
they and their Successors may for Ever bee Capable of Purchasing, 
taking, Receiving, having & Enjoying Houses, Lands, Tenements & 
hereditaments or any Estate whatsoever Reall & Personall for Lives, 
Terraes of years or for Ever for the benefit and use of the Poor of the 
said Hospitall with Power for your humble PeticSners and their Suc- 
cessors under the said title to Sue & implead any Person or Persons in 
any Court of Law & Equity in as fuU and ample Manner to all intents 
& Purposes as any other of your Majesty's Naturall Bom Subjects or 
any Corporation whatsoever. And that your humble PeticOners & their 
Successors may have a Common Scale with Power of Cancelling and 
altering the Same when & as often as they shall think fit. 

May it please Further your Sacred Majesty, That the said Corpora- 
tion may Consist of a Govemour, Deputy Govemour and Thirty Seaven 
Directors att least who shall from time to time have power to meet & 
assemble att the said Hospitall or Elsewhere for making of By Laws 
and taking Such Resolutions as they ShaU think most beneficiall for the 

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Poor of the said Hoepitall, That your Peticdner Henry Earle of Gollway 
may bee appointed G<)vemour, Your humble Petiooner James Baudoin 
Deputy Govemour & the Best of your humble Petitioners the Direc- 
tors of the said Hospitall. That the Directors or the Major Parte of 
them may have liberty to Chuse a Govemour Every three years & a 
Deputy Govemour Every year out of the Number of Directors & also 
to Remove the Governor and Deputy Govemour for the time being & 
so often as any of the Directors Shall bee Removed or decease to nom- 
inate another or others in his or their Roome and Stead and to add 
as many more Directors to the said Number of Thirty Seaven as they 
or the Major Pte of them Shall think fitt, That your humble Petic(^ner6 
the Directors or the Major Parte may have a Power to nominate & 
appoint a Treasurer & a MiAister who shall Performe the Divine 
Service in the Said Hospitall after the Rites of the Church of England 
& Such Servants as Shall bee necessary for the use of the Said Hos- 
pitall, That when the said Directors Shall meet to treat about any 
matter Relating to the Corporation Ten shall make a Quonmi & all 
their Resolutions Shall be binding ag^ the Rest who shall not attend 
after having notice in Writing from the Secretary of the time & Place 
of Meeting That the said Directors or the Major Parte of them may 
have Power to depute & impower one or more Person or Persons to 
Collect & Receive the Voluntary Contributions of all such Persons 
who shall bee Charitably disposed towards the said Hospitall. 

And your humble Peticdners shall Ever Pray for your Majesty's 
Long and Prosperous Raigne. 

[Eiidorsed :}— The humble Peticdn of Henry Earle of Gollway & 

(1) Severall French Protestant Refugees. 

With the Attorney Generals Report thereupon. 

(2) Legalia. 
French Hospital April 1718.* 

[Minute :] 

Hampton Court 6^^ Septemb. 1717. 
His Majesty having been moved upon this Petition, is pleased to 
referr the Same to Mr. Attorney or Mr. SoUicitor General! who are 
to consider thereof, and report their Opinion what His Majesty may 
fitly do therein, whereupon His Majesty will declare his further 

[Signed] Sundbrland. 

To THE King's Most Exgbllekt Majbstt. 

May it please yo' Majesty, 

In humble Obedience to your Majesty's Commands Signified to me by 
the Earl of Sunderland, I have Considered of the annext Petition of 
Henry de Massue Marquis of Ruvigny Earl of Gallowav and several 
others, all French Refugees Naturalized, in the behalf of themselves and 
several other French Refugees, who have the happiness of being your 
Majesty's Subjects; Whereby they represent, that James de Gastigny 
Esquire heretofore Master of the Buckhounds in Holland to his late 
Majesty King William, by his last Will and Testament in Writing bearing 
Date the Tenth day of April 1708, Did bequeath One Thousand pounds 

1 The date must be before 6 Sept., 1717. Possibly April, 1817. 

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to be applied towards the Building of an Hospital for poor, Sick and 
infirm French Protestants, and buying of Household Goods and other 
Conveniencies for that Use, Which hath induced the Petitioners to begin 
the Building of an Hospital for Lodging and Subsisting a small Number 
of the poorest sort of their Nation ; That other persons have Contributed 
towards this Charity ; That they have for that purpose purchased a piece 
of Ground called Golden Acre scituate in the Pajisn of S^ Giles Cripple- 
gate in the County of Middlesex, and hope that your Majesty will be 
Graciously pleased to favour their Design with your Majesty's Royal 
Sanction, Himibly praying your Majesty by Letters Patents imder the 
Great Seal of Great Britain to Licorporate and create the Petitioners 
and their Successors into a Body Politick and Corporate, by the name of 
Ihe Govemour and Directors of the Hospital for poor French Protestants, 
and that under that Title they and their Successors may for ever be 
capable of Purchasing, taking, Receiving, having and enjoying Houses, 
Lands, Tenements and Hereditaments or any Estate whatsoever real and 
personal, for Lives, Terms of Years, or for ever for the Benefit and Use 
of the poor of the said Hospital, with power for the Petitioners and their 
Successors to sue and Implead &c^ and to have a Coifion Seal, With 
power of Cancelling and altering the same, as they shall think fit : And 
that the said Corporation may Consist of a Govemour Deputy Govemour 
and Thirty Seven Directors, who shall from time to time have power to 
meet and assemble at the said Hospital or elsewhere, for making By- 
Laws as they shall think beneficial for the said Hospital. 

That the said Henry Earl of Galloway may be appointed Governour, 
the Petitioner James Baudoin Deputy Govemour, and the other Peti- 
tioners Directors : That the Directors or the Major part of them may 
have liberty to choose a Governour every Three Years, and a Deputy 
Govemour every Year, out of the Directors, and also to Remove the 
Governour and Deputy Governour for the time being, and also as often 
as any of the Directors shall be Removed or Dye, to Nominate others in 
his or their Room, and to add as many more Directors to the said 
Number of Thirty Seven, as they or the Major part shall think fit. That 
the Directors or the Major part of them may have power to appoint a 
Treasurer and a Minister to perform Divine Service in the said Hospital, 
after iAie Rites of the Church of England, and such Servants as shall be 

That when the said Directors shall meet, Ten shall make a Quorum, 
and their Resolutions shall be binding against the rest, who shall not 
attend on Notice in Writing from the Secretary of the time and place of 
Meeting : That the Directors or the Major part of them may appoint One 
or more person or persons to Collect and Receive voluntary Contributions 
for the Use of the said Hospital. 

And I do most humbly Certifie Your Majesty, That it appeares by the 
annexed Affidavit that such Legacy was left, and such piece of Ground 
hath been purchased, whereon to build the said Hospital as is mentioned 
in the Petition, and that over and above the said 1000*' Legacy so 
given, the Petitioners have Collected by Voluntary Contributions above 
1500" more, and have actually built and almost finished an Hospital with 
Conveniences for Lodging about Sixty poor People upon the said piece of 
Ground, and have already expended about 2000" in the said Building, 
and that the Poor to be lodged therein, are intended to be maintained 
partly out of the Royal Bounty money paid to the French Coitiittee, and 
partly by Contributions of Charitable persons : And it is thereby further 

VOL. VI. — NO. I. E 

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Deposed that the Beponents believe, that the said Design will be of great 
Benefit to the poor French Protestants, and that all &e monies left by 
the said Mr. Gastigny or which have been raised by Contribution, have 
been or will be faithfully and justly applyed by the Receivers thereof 
towards the Building and Compleating the said Hospital, and Carrying 
on the said pious Design. 

And I do further most hiunbly Certifie Your Majesty, that the Design 
of the Petitioners is very just and Charitable, and many Charitable 
Corporations for Settling and Managing of Charities have been Created 
by Your Majesty's Predecessors; And I have no Objection to the In- 
corporating the Petitioners on the Terms proposed with the Alterations 
following, viz*- 

That the Name be, the Govemour and Directors of the Hospital for 
Poor French Protestants and their Descendants Residing in Great 

That the Capacity of Purchasing Lands be Restrained to a certain 
Annual Value. 

That the Govemour and Directors doe not Relieve in the Hospital or 
by the Revenue thereof, any French Protestants or their Descendeoits, 
who shall not have been actually Resident and Settled in Great Britain 
by the space of Six Months at the least, and so Continue, and who 
shall ^ take the Oaths of Allegiance & Supremacy & the Abjuration Oath 
before the Govemour and Directors or any Three or more of them. 

All which is most humbly Submitted to Y^our Majesty's 
Royal Wisdom. 

[Signed] Edw. Northby. 

I'ith March, ITV- 



Philip Menard of the Parish of S* James Westminster Clerke, James 
Baudoin of London Merchant & James Robethon of S' James West- 
minster Gentleman make Oath that John* de Gatigny Esq' deceased 
heretofore Master of the Buckhounds in Holland to his late Majesty 
King W^illiam the third of Glorious Memory Having by his Last Will & 
Testament bearing date the Tenth of Apnll One thousand Seven hundred 
and Eight Given & bequeathed a Thousand pounds towards building of 
an Hospitall for Poor French Protestants & buying of Household 
goods & other Conveniencys for that use These Deponents with severall 
other Members of the Committee appointed for managing & Distributing 
the Royall Bounty to the French Protestants did on or about the Twenty 
Seventh of March One thousand Seven hundred and Sixteen purchase a 
Peice of Ground Called Golden Acre in Cripplegate Parish for the build- 
ing of an Hospitall according to the Intention of the said John' de 
Gatigny which Peice of Ground was so purchased in the Name of this 
Deponent James Baudoin who is a Trustee for the said Intended Charity 
Ana these Deponents say that the said Testators Legacy not being 

>" Not "omitted. ^ Sic. 

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Sufficient to Carry on & Compleat the building of the said Hospital! 
these Deponents & severaU others have raised above Fifteen hundred 

gDunds more by Voluntazy Contributions among severall Charitable 
ersons & have actually built & almost finished an Hospital! with 
Conveniencys for Lodging of about Sixty Poor upon the said Peice of 
Ground Called Golden Acre & that they have already Expended about 
Two thousand pounds in the said Building And these Deponents say 
that they intend to Cause the same to bee Compleated as soon as they 
can Conveniently And these Depon** say that the Poor to bee Lodged in 
the said Hospitall are intended to bee maintained partly out of the 
Royall Bounty Money Paid to the French Comittee and Partly out of 
the Contributions & Guifts of good & Charitable Persons And these 
Deponents have applyed to the Kings Most Excellent Majesty with 
severall Persons by Petition Praying that his Majesty would be pleased 
to Create the Petitioners into a Corporation or Body Politick the Better 
to Enable the said Petitioners to carry on the said Charitable Designe 
And these Deponents Doe Verily believe in their Consciences that the 
said Design will bee of Great Benefitt to the Poor French Protestants 
& that all the Moneys which have been left by the said Mr. Gatigny 
or have been raised by Contribution have been or will bee faithfully 
& Justly applyed by the Receivers thereof towards the Building & 
Compleating the said Hospitall & the Carrying on the said Pious 

[Signed] Ph: Menard, 

James BAUDomN, 
Jambs Robethon. 

Omnes Jurat 22** die Octobris 1717* coram me M?o. in CanC. [Signed] 
Tho : Gery. 
[Endorsed:] — Philip Menard & others their Affid* relating to the 
French Hospital. 


Whitehall. lOth Apnl, 1718. 

His Majesty having approved of the inclosed Report of the late 
Attorney General, upon the Petition of divers french Refugees praying 
to be incorporated in the manner therein set forth, is pleased to referr it 
to you, to prepare such Heads for Licorporating them as you shall think 
proper for the purposes therein mentioned. I am &c*- 



2lMi ApriU, 171& 
My Lord, 

In obedience to his Majesties commands signified by your 
Lordship the 10th Instant I have prepared heads of a Charter for the 
French Hospital and have enclosed them herewith. 
I am My Lord 

Your Lordship's Most Obedient Humble Serv* 

Wm. Thomson. 

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Heads of a Charter for Incorporating Henry de Massue Marquis of 
Ruvigny Earl of GaUoway and severall others all French Befu- 
gees naturalized in the behalfe of themselves and several other 
French Refugees who have the happiness of being his Ma^ 
Subjects, And who have petitioned IHs Ma^** for a Chre in that 
behalfe (reciting as in their Petition is recited). 

That the said Henry de Massue Marquis of Ruvigny, and the rest of 
the Pet" be Incorporated and created One Body Politick and Corporate 
by the name of the Govemour and Directors of the Hospital for poor 
fVench Protestants, and their Descendants residing in Great Britain. 

And that under that Title they & their Successors may for ever be 
capable of purchasing takeing Receiving Having and enjoying Houses 
Lands Tenements and Hereaitaments or any Estate whatsoever Real 
and Personal for Lives Terms of Years or for ever, not exceeding the 
yearly value of five hundred pounds of lawfull money of Great Britedn. 
for the benefit and use of the poor of the said Hospital, and may 
also imder the same Title sue and be sued Plead and be Impleaded, 
and have a Coifion Seal, and the same alter and make new at their 

That the said CorporacOn may consist of a Govemour Deputy Gov- 
emour and Thirty Seven Directors, who shall from time to time have 
power to meet and Assemble at the said Hospitcil, or elsewhere for 
making By Laws as they shall think beneficicil for the s^ Hospital. 

That the said Henry Earl of Galloway may be Appointed Govemour 
The Pet' James Baudoin Deputy Govemour, and the other Petition** 

That the Directors or the Major part of them may have Liberty to 
choose a Govemour every three Years, and a Deputy Govemour every 
Year out of the Directors, and also to remove the Govemour and Deputy 
Govemour for the time being, And also as often as any of the Directors 
shall be removed or Dye to nominate others in his or their room, and 
to add as many more Directors to the said number of Thirty Seven, as 
they or the Major part of them shall think fit. 

That the Directors or the Major part of them have power to appoint 
a Treasurer, and a Minister to perform Divine Service in the said 
Hospital after the Rites of the Church of England, and such Servants as 
shall be necessary. 

That when the Directors shall meet to treat about any matter relating 
to the Corporation Ten shall make a Quorum, And all tiieir Resolutions 
shall be binding against the rest, who shall not attend on notice in 
writing from the Secretary of the time and place of meeting. 

That the Directors or the Major pajrt of them may Appoint One or 
more person or persons to collect and receive voluntary Contributions 
for the use of the said Hospital. 

That the Govemour and Directors do not reheve in the Hospital or 
by the Revenue thereof any French protestants or their Descendants, 
who shall not have been actually resident and settled in Great Britain 
by the Space of Six months at the least, and so to continue, and who 
shaU not take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and the Ab> 
juraoOn Oath before the Govemour and Directors or any three or more 
of them. ^ 

[Endorsed .] — Heads of a Chre for the French Hospital. 

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VOL. 45, p. 414. 

Georob R. 

Our Will & Pleasure is, That you prepare a Bill for our Royal 
Signature to pass Our Great Seal, containing Our Grant for incorporating 
Our Right Trusty & Rt. Welbeloved Cousin Henry Earl of Gallway & 
several other French Refugees by the name of the Govemour & Direc- 
tors of the Hospital for poor French Protestants & their Descendants 
residing in Great Britain, with all such Powers, Authority s. Liberty s 
& PrivUedges to them & their Successors as are contained in the Schedude 
of Heads hereunto annexed & the Persons therein named to be inserted 
in the said Bill in the manner proposed, together with such other Clauses 
& Provisoes as are usual in Grants of the like nature and as you shall 
judge requisite for Our Service & the good Government of the said 
Corporation. And for so doing this shedl be your Warrant. Given at 
our Court at Kensington the Thirtieth day of April 1718 in the Fourth 
Yeax of Our Reign. 

By His Majesty's Command, 


To Our Attorney or Sollicitor Gen^ 

[Pp. 416-417 contain a copy of the " Heads of a Charter," with '* George 
R" at the beginning and "G. R." at the end.] 


July, 1718. 

Whereas James de Gastigny Esq^ heretofore Master of the Buck- 
hounds in Holland to his late Maj'tie King William by his Last Will 
and Testament bearing date the 16. Day of Aprill 1706. did bequeath 
1000^* to be Applied towards the Building of an Hospitall for Poor, 
Sick & Infirm French Protestants & buying of household Goods, and 
other Conveniences for that Use, which hath induced the Earl of Gall- 
way & several other French Refugees Naturalized herein named to 
begin the Building of an Hospitall for Lodging and Subsisting a Small 
Number of the Poorest Sort of their Nation. His Maj'tie is Gratiously 
pleased (upon their Peticdn in that behdfe & for their Encouragement 
to promote so Charitable a Design) to Incorporate Them by the Name 
of the Governor and Directors of the Hospitall for Poor French Pro- 
testants and their Descendants residing in Great Britain, And the 
Names of the P'sent Gov' & Direct" & such Powers & Clauses are In- 
serted as were directed. Subs'* by Mr. SoU' Gen* by Warr' under his 
Maj'ties Royal Sign Manual, Counters^ by the Earl of Stanhope & 
Procur'* by Mr. Secretary Craggs for y* s** Er* Stanhope. 

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C^dtter of Jncot^^tdtton 



leorge^ 6j t$e &xau of &dt^ of GRBAr 

FENDER OF THE FAITH, &c. to AU to whom 
these Presents shall come, Greeting.- 

Tnnj^^eafi Our Right Trusty and Right Welbeloved Cousin, Henry 
^*^»^ de. M (issue. Marquis de Ruvigny, Earl of Gallon ay, and our 
trusty and welbeloved Philip Menard, Lewis Saurln, Henry de Ste, 
Colome, Claude Scoffier, Clerks ; Nicholas de la Sabliere, Guv de la 
Court Vicouse, Jacob de Blagny, David Moniolieu de St. Jaipolite, 
Moses Pujolas, Francis de Pontereau, Leicis de Gaillardy, Letvis de* 
Clouseaux, James Rohethon, Peter Champion de Crespigny, Albert de 
Jjande, James Baudoin, Rtn^ de la Combe de Cluzety Peter RejieUy 
Stephen Seignoret, John le Clerc de Virly, Lewis Tudert, RinS Baudoin^ 
James Lewis Berehsre, Paul du Four, John de Rossieres, Thomas le 
Heup, Solomon Penny, Peter Marchand, Benjamin Barroneau, Thomas 
Tliomas, Philip Fruchard, Peter James du Desert, John Philip Charles, 
James Tabdrt, James de Vaux, Peter Triquet, John Perigail, and Peter 
Cabibel, all French Refugees Natturalized, in the behalf e of themselves, 
and several other French Refugees, Our Subjects, have by their Petition 
humbly represented unto Us, that Jamss de Gastigny, Esquire, heretofore 
master of the Buckhounds in Holland to his late Majesty King William>y 
by his last Will and Testament, bearing date the tenth day of April, One 
Thousand seven hundred and eight, Did Bequeath One thousand poimds, 
to be applied towards the Building of an Hospital for Poor, Sick, and 
Infirm French Protestants, and buying of household goods and other 
conveniences for thatt use, which hath Induced the Petitioners to begin 
the Building of an Hospital for lodging and Subsisting a small Number of 
the Poorest sort of their Nation : That other Persons have Contributed 
towards this Chaxity, and that they have for that purpose purchased a 
piece of ground called Golden Acre, scituate in the Parish of St. Giles, 
Cripplegate, in the County of Middx. ; And hoping that Wee would be 
Graciously Pleased to favour their Design with Our Royal Sanction 
have humbly prayed Us by letters Patents under Our Great Seal of 
Great Britain to Incorporate and Create them the Petitioners and their 
Successors into a Body Politick and Corporate, in such manner and 
with such Powers, Authorities, Uberties, and Priviledges, to them and 
their Successors, as are contained in the Schedule of heads to their 
Petition annext : ^1J)tt sure graciously pleased to Condescend to their 

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Bequest. (JEnOip get therefore that Wee, of Our especial Grace, certain 
Knowledge, and meer motion, ^Mt Granted, Constituted, Declared, 
Ordained, and Appointed, And hy these Presents for Us, Our Heirs, and 
Successsors, do Grant, Constitute, Declare, Ordain, and Appoint that 
the said Henry de Massue, Marquis de RuvignVy Earl of Galloway^ 
Philip Menard, Lewis Saurin, Henry de Ste, Colome, Claude Scoffier, 
Nicholas de la Sabliere, Guy de la Court Vicouse, Jacob de Bkigny, 
David Montolieu de St. Hipolite, Moses Pujolas^ Francis de Pontereau^ 
Lewis de Gaillardy, Lewis des Clouseaux, James RobethoUj Peter 
Champion de. Crespiqriy, Albert de Lande, James Baudoin, Rene de 
la Combe de Cluzetj Peter Reneu, Stephen Seiaiwret, John I^e Clerc de 
Virly, Lewis Tudert, RhU Baudoin, James Leivis Berchere, Paid du 
Four, John de Rossieres, Thomas le Heup^ Solomon Penny, Peter 
Marchand, Benjamin BarroneaUy Thomas Ihomas^ Philip Fruchdrd, 
Peter James du Desert, John Philip Charles, James Tabart, James de 
Vaujc, Peter Triquet, John Perigail, and Peter Cabibel, shall be and be 
called One Body Corporate and Politick, in Deed and in Name, By the 
Name of The Govern oe and Directors of the Hospital for Poor 
French Protestants and their Descendants Residing in Great 
Britain And them and their successors by the Name of The Governor 
and Directors of the Hospital for Poor French Protestants and their 
Descendants residing in Great Britain, Wee do really and fully for Us, 
Our Heirs and Successors, make, Erect, Ordain, Constitute, Establish^ 
Confirm, and Declare, by these Presents, to be one Body Corporate & 
Politick, in Deed & in Name for ever. ^Itd wee do hereby for Us, 
Our heirs and Successors, Grant and Declare that by the same Name of 
the Governor and Directors of the Hospital for Poor French Protestants 
and their Descendants residing in Great Britain, they shall have per- 
petual Succession : And that they and their Successors, by the name 
of the Governor and Directors of the Hospital for Poor French Protest- 
ants, and their Descendants residing in Great Britain, for ever hereafter 
shall and may plead and be Impleaded, Sue and be Sued, Answer and 
be Answered imto. Defend and be Defended, in whatsoever Courts and 
Places, and before any Judges, Justices, and Ofhcers of Us, Our Heirs 
and Successors, in all and singular Actions, Pleas, Suits, matters and 
Demands, of what nature, kind, or quality soever they shall be in the 
same manner and form, and as fully and amply as any of Our Subjects 
within that part of Our United Kingdom of Great Britain called Eng- 
land, may or can do, Plead or be Impleaded, Sue or be Sued, Answer or 
be Answered unto, defend or be defended ; And that they and their 
Successors for ever hereafter shall and may have and use a Common Seal 
for the AfiEairs and Business of the said Corporation ; And that it shall 
and may be lawful to and for the Governor and Directors of the Hospital 
for Poor French Protestants and their Descendants residing in Great 
Britain aforesaid, and their Successors, the same Seal from time to time 
at their Will and Pleasure to break, change, alter, or make new as to 
them shall seem expedient; And that they and their Successors shall 
and may for ever be capable of purchasing, taking, receiving, having, 
and enjoying houses, lands, tenements, and hereditaments, or any Estate 
whatsoever, real and personal, for lives, terms of years, or for ever, not 
exceeding the yearly value of Five hundred pounds of lawful money of 
Great Britain, in all Issues above reprizes for the benefit and use of the 
Poor of the said Hospital. (j^Xit^ Wee have also Given and Granted, 
And by these Presents, for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, Do Give and 

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Grajit unto every Subject or Subjects whatsoever of Us, Our Heirs and 
Successors, full Power and Authority to Give, Grant, Sell, Aliene, Assign, 
Dispose, or Bequeath unto the said Corporation of the Governor and 
Directors of the Hospital for Poor French Protestants and their Descen- 
dants residing in Great Britain aforesaid, and their Successors, for the 
Benefit and use of the Poor of the said Hospital, any Houses, lands. 
Tenements, and Hereditaments, or any Estate whatsoever, real and 
personal, for lives, Terms of years, or for ever, not exceeding the yearly 
Yalue of Five hundred pounds, as siforesaid. (^tl^ futtBct^ for the 
due and Orderly Regulating and Government of the said Hospital, Wee 
Will, And do by these Presents, for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, 
Ghrant, Ordain, and Appoint, that from henceforth for ever there shall 
be a Governor, a Deputy-Governor, and thirty-seven Directors, or 
more of the said Corporation, to be Constituted and Chosen in such 
manner as hereafter in these Presents is expressed and specified. And 
for the better execution of Our Royal Will and Pleasure herein before 
declared, Wee have made. Ordained, Named, Constituted, and Appointed, 
And do by these Presents, for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, make. 
Ordain, Name, Constitute, and Appoint the said Henry de Massue^ 
Marquis de Ruvignyy Earl of Gcutoway^ to he the first and present 
Governor of the said Corporation hereby Erected and Incorporated as 
aforesaid, and to continue for the space of three years from the date 
hereof, and tiU the Feast of St. Michael next following the end of the 
said three years ; the said James Baudoin to be che first and present 
Deputy-Governor of the said Corporation, and to continue for the space 
of one year from the date hereof, and till the Feast of St. Michael next 
ensueing the end of the said year ; and the said Philip Menard^ Lewis 
Saurin, Henry de Ste, Colome^ Claude Seoffisr^ Nicholas de la Sa^liere^ 
Guy de la Court Vicouse^ Jacob De Blagny, David Montolieu de St. 
Hipolite^ Moses Pujolas, Francis de Fontereau^ Lewis de Gaillardy, 
Lewis des Clouseaux, James Rohethon, Peter Champion de Crespigny^ 
Albert de Ijande, Rdne de la Combe de Cluzet^ Peter Reneu, StepJien 
Seignoret, John le Clerc de Vvrly, Lewis Tudert^ Rine Baudoin^ James 
Lewis Berchere, Paul du Four, John de Rossieres, Thomas le Heup, 
Solomon Penny, Peter Marchand, Benjamin Barroneau, Thomas 
Thomas, Philip Fruchard, Peter James du Desert, John Philip CharleSy 
James Tabart, James de Vaux, Peter Triquet, and John Perigail, and 
Peter Cabibel, to be the first and present Directors of the said Corpora- 
tion, to continue for the Term of their natural lives, unless removed, for 
some reasonable cause. (jXtib Wee do hereby for Us, our Heires and 
Successors, Give and Grairt unto the Directors of the said Corporation, 
or the major part of them, for the time being, fuU Power and Authoritgr 
after the death, or Removal or Determination of the Terms for which 
the said Governor and Deputy -Governor are hereby Constituted, to 
Choose others in their room respectively, and from time to time for 
ever, to Chuse a Governor every three years, and a Deputy Governor 
every year, at the Feast of St. Michael the Archangel, or within fourteen 
days after, out of the Directors ; and also, upon reasonable Cause, to 
remove the Governor and Deputy-Governor for the time being, and to 
Choose others in their room who shall continue in their Offices, (viz.) the 
Governor for three years from the time of such Choice, and till the 
Michaelmas-day following the end of the said three years; and the 
Deputy-Governor for one year from the time of such Choice, and till the 
Michaelmas-day following the end of the said year, unless they shall 

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dye, or be removed as aforesaid; and likewise as often as any of the 
Directors shall be removed or die, to Nominate others in his or their 
room, and to add as many more Directors to the said number of thirty- 
seven as they or the major part of them shall think fitt ; And also to 
appoint a Trbasurbr, and a mikistbr to perform Divinb Service in the 
said Hospital after the Rites of the Church of England, and such 
Servants as shall be necessary, and one or more person or persons from 
time to time to Collect and Receive Voluntary Contributions for the use 
of the said Hospital. CXtlb TO?tt do, by these Presents, for Us, Owe 
Heirs, and Successors, want. Ordain, and Appoint, That the Governor, 
Deputy- Governor, and Directors of the said Corporation for the time 
being shall have full Power and Authority from time to time, as they 
shall think fitt and necessary, to meet and Assemble at the said Hos- 
pital, and there to prepare make, Ordain, and Constitute such and so 
many good and wholsom By-laws, Rules, Orders, and Ordinance?, as 
they shall think beneficial for the said Hospital And that it shcJl and 
may be lawfull to and for the Governor, Deputy-Governor, and Directors 
of the said Corporation from time to time to alter, Anull, or make void 
the said By-laws, Rules, Orders, & Ordinances as to them shall seem 
expedient fpXOt^xitb always that the said By-laws, Rules, Orders and 
Ordinances so as aforesaid to be made be reasonable, and not repugnant 
to law. (j^ttb our Will an^ Pleasure is. And Wee do by these Presents, 
for Us, Our Heirs and Successors, Ordsun and Appoint, that when the 
Directors shall meet to treat about any matter relating to the said 
Corporation, Ten shall make a Quorum ; and that all their Resolutions 
shaLi be binding against the rest, who shall not attend on three days' 
notice in Writing from their Secretary of the time and place of meeting, 
in the same manner as if the whole Number had been present ; And also 
that the Governor and Directors do not Relieve in the said Hospital, or 
by the Revenue thereof, ajiy French Protestants or their Descendants, 
who shall not have been actually resident and setled in Great Britain by 
the space of six months at the least, and so continue, and who shall not 
take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, & the Abjuration Oath, 
before the Governor or Deputy- Governor, or the Directors, or any three 
or more of them for the time being, to whom Wee do for us. Our Heirs 
and Successors, Give full Power and Authoritv to Administer the same 
from time to time accordingly. ^xH> &(l0flS^ Our Will and Pleasure 
is. And Wee do by these Presents, for Us, Our Heirs, and Successors, 
Grant unto the said Corporation and their Successors, that these Our 
letters Patents, or the Inrolment thereof, shall be in and by cJl things 
good, firm, vaUd, sufficient, and efifectual in the law, according to the 
true intent and meaning thereof, and shall be taken. Construed, and 
Adjudged in the most favourable and beneficial Sense for the best Ad- 
vantage of the said Corporation and their Successors, as well in all 
Courts of Record as elsewhere, and by all and singular the Officers and 
ministers whatsoever and wheresoever of Us, Our Heirs and Successors, 
Any Omission, Imperfection, Defect, matter, Cause, or thing whatsoever 
to the contrary thereof in 8uiy wise notwithstanding. Jn ^xfXitZtit 
whereof Wee have caused these Our letters to be made Patents. 

n9?ttn^60^ Our self at Westminster the Four and twentieth day of 
July, in the Fourth Year of Our Reign. 

By Writ of Privy Seal. 


Great Seal, 

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Bieu tout-puissant et P^re misericordieux, qui es le Consolateur des 
afflig^B, le Nourricier des pauvres, et le salut de ceux qui mettent leur 
confiance en Toi ! Regarde en tes compassions infinies tous ceux qui 
se trouvent dans T affliction, dans la catamite, et dans la misere ; et 
particuliferement ceux qui ont ete reduits pour la cause de ton St. 
Evfiuigile. Fais que I'^preuve de leur foi leur tourne k honneur et k 
gloire, quand J^sus-Christ sera r§v^l^, et pourvois h leurs besoins selon 
les richesses de ta mis§ricorde. Et puisque tu nous fais la grfice de 
nous appeler h donner nos soins au soulagement de nos fr^res, qui Bont 
parmi nous dans Tindi^ence, accorde nous celle de nous acquitter fiddle- 
ment de ce devoir. Benis cette maison, que ta Providence a preparee 
pour nos afflig^s ; fais leur y trouver les secours et les consolations qui 
leur sont necessaires, et b^nis notre administration, la fainant r§ussir k 
ta gloire, au bien de tes pauvres, et k notre salut ^temel, par J^sus- 
Christ, notre Seigneur. — Amen. 

Pour la Cloture den Asse.mhUes. 

La Gr&ce de notre Seigneur Jesus Christ, et la dilection de Bien, et 
la connnunication du St. Esprit, soit avec nous tous eternellement. — 

SERMENT DE NATURALISATION. {From Calandrier, 1719.) 

Je, A. B., promets et jiire sincerement, que je serai fidelle et obeissant 
k Sa Majeste le Roy George : ainsy Dieu m'aide. 

Je A. B., jure, que j'abhore, deteste, et abjure, comme impie, et 
Heretique, cette damnable Doctrine et Maxime, que les Princes excom- 
muniez, ou suspendus par le Pape, ou aucune authority du Siege de 
Rome, peuvent etre deposes ou mis k mort par leurs Sujets, ou par 
aucune autre personne Quelconque ; Et je declare qu'aucun Prince ; 
personne, Prelat, Etat, ou Potent at Etranger, n'a n y ne doit avoir 
aucune jurisdiction, Pouvoir, Superiorite Pre-eminence, n'i authorite 
Ecclesiastique ou Spirituelle detns ce Royaume— ainsy Dieu m'aide. 

Je, A. B., reconnois, confesse, certifie & declare, en ma conscience 
devant Dieu et les hommes, que notre Souverain Sire le Roy George, 
est legitime Roy de ce Royaume, et de tous les autres, et Pays de Sa 
Majesty qui en dependent ; Et je declare solemnellement et sincerement, 
que je croi en ma conscience, que la personne qu'on pretendoit etre le 
Prince de Galles, pendant la vie du Roy Jaques et qui depuis la mort 
d'iceluy, pretend etre, se qualifie et prend le Titre de Roy d'Angleterre 
sous le nom de Jaques 8, ou Roy d'Ecosse sous le nom de Jaques 8 ; 
ou se quoliiie et prend le Titre de Roy de la Grande Bretagne n*a aucun 
droit n'y Titre quelconque k la Couronne de ce Royaume, n*i a aucun 
autre Domaine en dependant ; et je renonce refuse, et abjure de luy 
rendre aucune fidelite, n'y obeissance ; et je jure que je porteray et 
rendray toute fidellit^ et Loyaute a Sa Majesty le Roy George, et que je 
le defendi-ay de tout mon pouvoir contre toutes Trahisons, conspirations, 
et attentats quelconques qui pourroyent etrefaits, contre Sa personne, Sa 

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couronne, ou Sa dignite ; et que je feray tous mes efforts, pour decouvrir, 
et faire savoir a Sa Majesty et a Ses Successeurs, toutes Trahisons ou 
conspirations qui viendront k ma conoissance, contre luy ou aucun de 
Ses Successeurs ; et je promets sincerement et de bonne foy que de tout 
mon pOuvoir je soutiendray, maintiondray et defendray la Succession de 
la Couronne, contre le dit Jaques, et toutes autres personnes ^uelconques, 
ainsy que la dite succession est etablie par un Acte qui est intitule Acte 
pour declarer les Loix et Libert^s des Sujets, et pour etablir la Succes- 
sion de la Couronne k Sa Majesty a present Beignant, et a Ses Heritiers, 
Issus de luy, pourvu quils soyent Protestants ; toutes les quelles choses 
je reconnois et jure franchement, et sincerement dans les memes Termea 
et paroles par moi prononc^es, et selon le veritable et ordinaire sens, dea 
m^es paroles, sans aucune Equivoque Evasion Mentale, ou secrette 
reservation quelconque ; et je fais cette reconnoissance, confession, ab- 
juration, renonciation et Promesse de tout mon coeur, franchement et- 
sincerement et sur la veritable foi d'un Chrestien. — Ainsy Dieu in'aide. 

Je, A. 6. certifie, declare, et fais profession solennelle et sincere, 
devant Dieu, que je croi que dans le Sacrement de TEucharistie il n*y a 
aucune Transubstantiation des Elemens, du Pain et Yin, au Corps et au 
Sang de Jesus Christ, dans le tems de la consecration n'y apres (par qui 
que se soit quelle puisse etre faite) et que Tlnvocation et adoration de 
la vierge Marie, ou d*aucun autre Saint et le Sacrifice de la Messe, ainsy 
qu*on les pratique dans FEglise Homaine, sont Superstitieux et Idolatre. 
Et Je certifie declare et affirme, que je fais cette Declaration, et toutea 
les parties d'icelle dans un Sens ordinaire, et ingenu, des paroles dont il 
ma ete fait Lecture, et de la meme maniere quelles peuvent etre com- 
mun^ment entendues, paries veritables Protestant Anglois. Sans aucune 
evasion Equivoque, ou reservation mentale, et sans qu'aucune dispense 
m'aye §te accordee par le Pape, ou aucune autre Authority ou personne 
quelconque, et sans esperance d'aucune, et elle dispense de la part 
aaucune personne ou authorite quelconque, et sans que je croye pouvoir 
etre decharg^ n'y absous devant Dieu, n'y devant les hommes de cette 
Declaration, n'y d'aucune partie d'icelle, quand bien meme le Pape, ou 
aucune autre Authority, personne ou puissance quelconque m'en dispen- 
seroit ou annuleroit cette declaration ou feroit la Declaration nulle par 
avance. — ainsy Dieu m'aide. 


[Page 1.] 


By Peter Legrant. 

1. For 35 square &, 82 foot 4 Inches of Building at 

;£50 per square ... 

2. For Building the Kitchen . 

3. For the Chapell & Gallery . 
4L For 9 roomes for the Madd Pepell 
5. For the brick walls 

q. 6. For the rice of 1 foot of brick work 

g. 7. For the House of office next the Kitchen 

q. 8. For the House of office next the Chappell 

741 3 





92 3 

18 13 




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q, 9. For the Closset at the end of the House next the 

Kitchen 13 

•g. 10. For Sinking and making 5 wells, Laboures 39 days . 3 11 

g. 11. Bricklayers, 16 dayes and Halfe . 2 9 6 

q. 12. Carpinters, 16^ dayes Helping 2 13 

13. For Making the Kirbes for y wells . . . . 10 

14. For planks for the Kirbes for y* 6 wells . . . 1 10 
q, 15. For 158 foot of Oak q' to Ly on the Tope of the wells 2 15 2 
q, 16. For 2 Inch Plank to Couer the wells . 2 13 
q. 17. For 38 Hods of Morter to lay the Dper Coarces of 

Brickwork in morter 12 8 

18. For one day a bricklayer k Labourer to make the 

sess poole by y* greate well . . . . 5 

19. For the Kirb ouer y sess poole 10 

20. For the Iron grate 10 

q, 21. For the Tubbes, Baskets, and Tackell In making the 

Wells 1. . . . 16 

22. For Maken a litell weU Kirb & Couring . . 12 

23. For Making y^ draines y' Lead to ye wells 

1 4 Dayes & i a bricklayer) 

g. 24. ] 4 Dayes & J a labrouer - 113 2 

i 32 Hodes o! Morter ) 

q. 25. 4 Loades of Stock Bricks for the floare of y* Beare 

Seller 240 

q. 26. 2 Hundred of Lime & 2 Loade of Sand . 16 
g. 27. For Cutting 3 doareways, putting In 3 doares & 

Doare Casses 2 

g. 28. For Cutting windos In the wales and putting In 

windowe frames 2 6 

q, 29. For Making a perttition In y* seller, and changin the 

Staires 2 

q, 30. For Making the straw Houss vsd 98 foot of new 

quarter nailes and work 2 6 

£2500 01 10 

[Page 2.] ■ 

g. 3L For 26 bedes with pillowes 9 2 

q. 32. For one bed with pillows & sacking . . . . 10 6 

q. 33. For 20 other bedes 6 10 

q, 34. For one w"» a Sacking 10 

q, 35. For 58 Topes of bedes 5 16 

q, 36. For the floares ouer y* litele roomes . . . . 2 10 

q, 37. For 4 Tables Trussells k 8 benches . . . 5 

q. 38. For 6 Cloase Stooles 1 10 

q. 39. For 3 Step laders, one w^** a swing foot . . . 15 

40. For 8 boards w"' Ledges to Cary y' Swoop on . . 8 
q, 41. For 10 leafes of deale for shelfes in y* litle roomes, 

Nailes, & 2 dayes work 15 

42. For Cloak pines to hang Cloaks upon . . . 5 

q. 43. For a falce doare and painting 7 

44. Agreed to pay towards y* stone doare Casse . . 4 6 
q, 45. For Making a doareway into y* Kitchen Next the 
Chaple puling down a peice of y* wale making 

y'stepes 3 

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46. For 

47. For 

48. For 

49. For 
60. For 

51. For 

52. For 

53. For 
64. For 

55. For 

56. For 
67. For 

58. For 

59. For 

60. For 

61. For 

9.62. For 

63. For 

64. For 

g. 65. For 

66. For 

67. For 

q. 68. For 

making 3 presses 4 

a dresser and 2 drawers in y Closset . . . 12 0' 
y* Failes Usd 10 whole deals, 145 f^ of oake q' 
for posts & railes, 2 paire Hinges, Nails, & 6 

days work 2 10 0- 

8 postes, for the Lines 10 

the greate gates and Postes 7 0- 

3 doares & Doare Casses In y* wales . . . 1 10 

the painting y* Dores & greate gates . . . 18 

27 pound of led at y* Tope of y* gates . . . 3 44, 

8 stock locks 9 6 

9 Stock Locks for y« mad House . . . 12 

6 plate Locks 7 

6 Spring latches at 8^ p' latch . . . 4 

3 Iron rim Locks ouer y Chappell . . . 6 6- 

making a couer to y* Cock next y« wale . . 2 6 

Diggin y* foundation of y* wales . . . 16 0- 
Making a Stand for y* Massing Tubh and a floare 

of ould bords round y* same . . . . 15 0' 
making good the floare after the Plumer and 

back maker . . • 7 6 

the Garraige for y* Coolears 12 0- 

a step Lader for y^ brewhouse and a Couer for 

the Copper 7 6 

making a Stoue In y^ Kitchin, 2 Dressers, a 

hatch &Hmges . ' 1 10 0- 

Setting the grates . . . . . 10 0- 

Making 2 windows ouer y* Kitchin and one in 

y* brewhouse 1 15 0- 

62 foot of Double quarter & 18 f single 3 Slit 
Deals, Taking down y« ould "Window In y^ ould 
house and makin good the rafters and y* peddi- 

mant ouer the doare, nailes, & 6 days work . 1 14 

£7016 44 

[Page 3.] 

q. 69. For Bricking up the windows at the end of the Ould 
house usd 1400 of Bricks, 76 Hodes of Morter at 
4* p' Hodd 

q. 70. For 2 Bricklayers 6 dayes, Labrours 6 days 

q. 71. For brickin up y* doareways In y* side of the ould 
House, 1150 Bricks, 54 Hods [ofl morter . 

q. 72. 6 days & i bricklayers & 5 Days 4 Labourers 

q. 73. For y* new wale at y* end of y* ould House 

q. 74. — 32 foot of oake for Joyce in y* ould house . 

q. 75. For 2 p» 17 foot Long each to Ly in y« wale and a 
Hntale 9 f^ Long 

9. 76. For a doare Case of oake and doare . 

q. 77. For 21 whole Deales & 14 Leafes Slit deale In men- 
dying y* floars making y* Pertitions In the 
ould House 

q. 78. For 23 foot of single q' 

2 5 
1 10 

1 12 

1 7 





1 19 


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For 5 paire of Hinges & a Boult 

For 200 Double Tens & 400 Single Tenns . 

For 200 floring brads & 200 Sizpeny nails . 

For 21 Days work 

For Making a stand for the Doal) Trough . 

For y* Moulding board Trussella 

For 2 windows of shutters to y* back house, and 4 

pare Hinges and painting . 
For the stand for the Cestran . 
For the Couer and Hinges .... 
For the Cheaks of y* Pump 
For 3 whole deals usd for shelfes and peices to putt 

hookes In y* drying roome, Nailes and work 
For mending the plastring of the Quid Hou[s]e . 
For 4 Locks for y' poors boxes, 8 Schootches and 

wood Squress 





2 12 










16 6 

30 12 
70 16 4i 
2500 1 10 

£2601 10 24 

q. 92. For plastering the closet and staire case by y* Eichen 02 00 00 

Ce compte et vn autre sy Joint ont est6 reglez a la somme de £2750, 
qui Luj ont est^ payez appert des Beceus et de sa demiere quittance de 
£200 pour entier payem^ de generallem^ tout cequil a fait et fait faire a 
Lhospital ce 12« Mars 171 S— £2750. 

[Endorsed:] — Compte de Mons' Le Grand avec les quittances ce 
montant £2750. 


For meaking a new shad 65 foot long .... 
For meaking up the plase between the 2 shades with a 

dore henges 

For meaking another open gate, henges, & 

For a borde for y* pres with 2 brakets 

For 272 foot of ares goter at 3* per foot 

For 58 foot of truncks at 5** per foot . 

For pouting up the pentus over the bake house dore 

























116 12 00 

For 73 yeards of lathing and plastering in ye hesare saler, 

Ac., at9*per yeard 02 14 09 

For 30 yeards of rendering at 3* 00 07 06 

TotaU £116 12 00 
03 02 03 

03 2 03 

£119 14 03 

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Les Gouverneur & Directeurs de L'hopital pour lea Pauvres franyois 
Protestants Et Leurs Dessendans Rezidents dcois La Grand Bretagne, 
Eriges en Corporation Perpetuelle par la Patante du Roy George Premier, 
ayant Reflechi Combien II sera Difficille a leurs Dessendans Dans les 
Siecles a venir de Prouver Leurs Genealogies Et par Concequand Leur 
Droit pour Entrer dans le d. hopital Et y Jouir des Douceurs que les 
Pauvres Daprezent y Trouvent, Ont Creu quil nj a Rien de plus Propre 
pour Esviter cet Inconveniant que de Tenir vn Registre dans le d. 
hopital par Letre Alphabetique dans Lequel Seront Enregistres, Les 
Noms, Aages, origines, qualites et Professions de Tons les fran^ois 
Protestants qui sont aprezent Dans la Grand Bretagne, Et de ceux qui 
viendront Sj Establir dans La Suite, Ensemble Les Noms, Aages, Et 
Professions de leurs Enfans, Et aussj des Enfans quj sont N§8 dans la 
Grand Bretagne Desquels les Peres sont Morts, ou quj sont Orphelins, 
Vn Tel Registre Servira a prouver Leur Titre, En Sorte que Ceux qui 
Seront a leur aize pourront prouver quilz sont qualifies pour estre 
Establis Gouverneurs Et Directeurs, Et que Ceux qui Seront Pauvres 
pourront aussj prouver Le Droit quilz auront Dentrer dans le d. hopital, 
Pour cet Effect Les d. Gouverneur Et Directeurs ont Deja Dispoze Les 
choses pour quon Enregistre des aprezant Les Noms de Tons ceux des 
d. fran^ois qui voudront se faire Enregistrer Et afin que personne 
Nignore cecy, Les d'Gouverneur & Directeurs ont Rezoleu denvoyer 
Copie de cet Acte aux Concistoires de Toutes les Esglizes Fran^oizes 
non seulement a celles qui sont dans cete viUe mais aussj a oelles qui 
sont dans toute La Grand Bretagne Pour que silz le Trouvent apropos, 
ilz Le fassent Publier dans leurs Esglizes Respectives Et meme affioher 
dans les Chambres du concistoire. 

Et Comme II Seroit Difficille aux franyois Protestants Esloignes de 
Londres de venir se faire Enregitrer, II suffira quilz envoyent Leurs 
Noms de la maniere quil a est^ Dit, Et qu'au has de la Liste, Les 
ministres & anciens des Esglizes dont Ilz Dependent Certifient quilz 
sont franyois, ou Issus de fran^ois Protestants. 

[Endorsed ;] — Pour Lassemblee Du 6* A\Til 1738, cetoit pour propozer 
a Lassemblee De Tenir vn Registre pour que les Dessandans des 
francois pussent prouver Leur origine. 



London, 4 Janvier, 172f . 

Bien fonds £6316 6s. 5d. paye a Richard Andrews pour I'achat de 

Tentiere Cour apelee Bonds Court scitue dans Walbrook parroisse de 

S* Stephen Walbrook freehold dont les particuliarites suivront ci-apres 

lequel achat a et§ fait au nom de 12 Trustees ci apres nommes, savoir 

Meg*" Albert la Blanc 

Claude Amyand 

Jaques Molinier 

Solomon Penny 

Isaac Renous 

Moyse Rigail 

Jean Remy de Montigny 

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Gedeon L'Eglise 
Pierre Marchant 
Thomas Thomas 
Antoine Clerembaut 
& Jaques Tabart. 
Lesquels Trustees ont signe un acte de Trust comme quoy le d. achat 
est pour conte de la Corporation avec promesse d'agir confirmement 
aux directions qui leur seront donn^es par la d. Corporation et par une 
Besolution prise dans nne assemblee gS^^alle le 5 Janvier 172f il est 
dit que lorsque les d. Trustees seront reduits au nombre de Sept la 
Corporation nommera cinq autres Trustees pour remplir la place de 
ceux qui seront morts. 

la BUS d. Cour a cout^ savoir 

pour I'achat £6200 

pour Tinterest de la d. somme depuis la St. Jean 
dernier jusquau 16 xbr suivant quelle a ete 
payee a 4 p'o 119 4 5 

6319 4 6 
Beduit pour Land Taxes d'un quartier echeu a la 

S« Jean dernier qu'il faudra allou^r aux 

Tenants suivants 
a Mr. CajTuthers 

a Mr. Pierre Cabibel . . . . a. j.« vv o la n 

a M. Louis Berchere. . . . 10 1 ^ ao u 

a Sr. Thomas Scowen ... 26-' 

7 6^ 

1 18 Ot 

10 01 

2 6J 

£6316 6 6 

The foregoing is taken from the Journal de Grand Livre^ No. II., p. 38. 

There follows Etat de toutes les Maisons de Bond's Courts giving ab- 
stracts of the various leases, and showing that there were fifteen houses, 
besides warehouses, etc. The rents due under the leases are also given, 
but there are several cases of lapsed leases and sub-lettings (pp. 39-41). 

The lease of one house bears an endorsement prolonging the term for 
seven years for the consideration of eighteen quart bottles of the best Bhine 
wine, paid to Richard Andrews or his assigns each year on St. John*s 
Day during the life of the said Richard Andrews and Catherine his wife. 

The average net income derived from the houses in Bond Court for 
the twelve years, 1727-39, was £256 Ss. 3d., or about 4 per cent, on the 
purchase money. The outgoings were chiefly for land-tax, water-rate 
and repairs to tne houses. 

As time went on the houses became dilapidated and an increasingly 
large sum had to be spent on repairs and restorations, until in January, 
1759, a Committee of nine Directors, aided by Mr. Mainwaring, the 
Surveyor to the Corporation, was appointed to report as to the advisa- 
bility of selling or leasing the houses. For more than three years the 
question was continually before the Court. At length, in October, 1762, 
the Directors, on the advice of their Surveyor, decided to put up the 
property for sale in six lots at reserve prices, the total cunounting to 
£4320. In the following month the sale was effected. Each lot brought 
rather more than the reserve price, the total reaching £4645. £4656 5s. 
was at once invested in the purchase of £5000 3 per cent. Consolidated 
Annuities at 91 + i per cent, brokerage, and the balance placed with 
the Treasurer. 

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C^tonicttB of f9e (9^0rason f amife. 

By Ida H. Layabd. 

The noble but untitled family of Chevalleau or Chevaleau 
can be traced far back in the annals of Poitou. 

Although the affiliated pedigree only begins in the middle 
of the fifteenth century, isolated names are known in the 
twelfth and thirteenth.^ 

The family inhabited the undulating and fertile country 
surrounding Niort, the present chef-lieu of the department 
of the Deux Sfevres, and their landed property extended for 
many miles, comprising meadow lands, chestnut woods, 
arable fields, but with a great dearth of water. 

They evidently grew cereals on their vast tracts of lands 
lying under the hot summer sun, for we find one Jean 
Chevalleau, a knight, binding himself to pay to Pons de 
Vivonne, Chevalier, Seigneur des Homes [or Oulmes], and 
to his heirs for ever, twenty-four bushels (deux setiers) of 
wheat, twenty-four of oats and six capons annually, in 
return for the "hebergement des Homes alias la Che- 
valerie," given to Jean Chevalleau as a gift on the 15th 
September, 1357 {Genealogie de Vivofuie). 

This little homestead of Oulmes is in all probabihty the 
La Chevalerie close to Saint Maixent and La Chesnaye, 
both Boisragon property. 

The date of their acquisition of their different estates is 
unknown. The Chevalleau appear on the scene as 
seijneurs of La Tiffardiere and of Boisragon, and as 
nobles of Poitou. 

Another of the few isolated names, a Gilles Chevalleau, 
appears as occupying property in or near the town of Niort, 
termed *'La chAtellenie de Niort". The allusion. is not in 
his favour, for this knight, '* ay ant eu des querelles avec 
des paysans ses vassaux, fut compromis dans une rixe sang- 

' A pedigree existed formerly in the ponseBsion of the French branch, 
dating back to 1321. Vide p. GO. 

VOL. VI. — NO. I. F 

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lante suivie de mort d'homme *'. This " bloody fray," 
noted in the National Archives, occurred in the year 1446, 
but nothing farther is known of the quarrelsome knight. 

The town of Niort is broad and pleasant, somewhat hilly 
in parts, and inundated with sunshine. 

The " Ch&teau," said to have been built by Eichard Coeur 
de Lion, is a magnificent and imposing mass of stones, 
rising up in steep smooth walls, surmounted by two keep 
towers, and flanked by eight slightly projecting turrets the 
whole way up, containing the stairs. It stands m the lowest 
part of the town, on the edge of the river — the Sfevre 
Niortaise, and is only raised above the water by a rampart 
and the road. 

On the town side the castle overlooks the great Market 
Place, and near it clusters the old town, the " Eue Vieille 
Rose,*' the ** Rue de la Juiverie," and others ; and below, 
near the river, and in the river, the oldest and dirtiest and 
hence most picturesque part, consisting of mills and factories. 
The mills are all occupied in the preparation of skins for 
glove-making. The skins are washed and cleaned, and 
pressed and rubbed out with cod-liver oil to give them a 
dressing {un apprit). 

In spite of the beauty, the sparkling lights and green 
depths of the river, the water is very impure, for all the 
skins are washed in it. At the washing place near the 
bridge below the castle the smell is loathsome. The 
washers stand in square boats with piles of fleeces round 
them, which they pound with poles, weighted at the ends, 
until they are white and clean. 

All along this low quarter of the town are skins, either 
being peeled and scraped, or hung out in the sun, or else in 
course of dyeing. The effluvium is terrific. 

In connection with these mills, it is curious to find that 
Claude Chevalieau, knight, Seigneur de la Tiflfardifere, etc. (3rd 
Degree), possessed a mill, situated below the Castle of Niort : 
'* le moulin de la Tiflfardi^re sis sous le Ch&teau de Niort qu'il 
possedait fut (with his other possessions) mis sous la main 
du roi," on account of his having killed his father-in-law. 

'*La Tiffardiere," from which the mill took its name, 
was, and still is, a property close to Niort, on the west. 

" Very frequent mention is made of the name of Chevalieau 
or Chevaleau in a reprint from an ancient MS. published at 
Nantes by Messieurs Vincent Forest & Emile Grimaud, 4 
Place du Commerce, entitled : Bdles des Bans et Arriires 

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Bans de la Province de PoiUm, Xaintange et Angoumoia, ten/us 
et convoquis sous les Rignes des Boys Louis XL en Van 1467, 
par Yvon-du-FoUy ChevaMer, Chambelan dudit Boy Charles VIIL 
par Jacques de Beaumont, Seigneur de Bressuire, Grand SSnecha^ 
de PoictoUy ensemble celuy de Van 1533, sous le rigne du Boy 
Franfois 1^ * extraits des Origirumx estant pardevers Pierre de 
Sauzay, Ecuyer, sieivr du Bois-Ferrand* d Poictiers, par Jean 
Fleuriar, Imprimewr ordinaire du Boy et de VUniversiti** 

In this long-titled book occnrB the name of Jean Chavaleau 
(sic) [Ist Degree] amongst the knights, wearing scale armour 
called brigantine, being a coat of mail, or a sort of ancient 
armour of defence, consisting of thin-jointed scales or plates, 
pliant and easy to the body. 

This " Chaualeau and Chualeau " is called Sienr de la 
Tiffardifere, the title by which they were at first more known 
than by that of Boisragon. 

The first mention of Protestantism creeps in at the 4th 
Degree, where a young '* Tiffardiere/* son of Claude 
Chevalleau and Marie Jay or Geay, was killed at the siege 
of Civray. 

From this time onwards troubles began to thicken round 
the Chevalleau. Notwithstanding which, they clung still 
closer to the Keformed Faith. 

One wonders who sowed the first seeds of a new idea, a 
purer faith in this knightly family, and who carried the first 
message to their hearts, imprinting it so deeply that young 
men and maidens suffered all, risked all, lost all, for con- 
science sake. 

At Civray, towards this time. Protestantism was, one 
may rightly term it, rampant, for Jacques la Roche Croze 
was pastor at that town and hurling his tracts at his 
opponents* heads. ^ 

Some of the family of Jay came from Civray, and at 
Saint-Maixent, where the Chevalleau began mostly to 
reside, pastors were numerous. 

In the history of countries and of individual families, there 
seems to come a period when all the interests, the prosperity 
or the sorrows are concentrated. One figure, perhaps, or a 
cluster, stands out in bold relief. A plethora of documents, 
or of portraits, or of letters, throws a brilliant light, focussed 
on the subject in question, whilst all which precedes or 
follows fades into vagueness. 

' Layard, MS. Chronicles. 

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The ChevaUean share the same experience, and their 
period of prominence, their apogee of sorrows, is ushered 
in by the death blow of ** le jeune Tiflfardifere " at the siege 
of Civray. 

His brother Jean [5th Degree], a Huguenot captain, was, 
as we see, Governor of Saint-Maixent, having his residence 
in the old Chateau, situated, as the old print shows, in 
the south-east quarter of the town, and near the eastern 

The old town rises up steeply from the river, climbing by 
tortuous streets to the ancient abbey church, belonging in 
olden days to a great Benedictine convent, now converted 
into barracks. The street opposite the west door of the 
abbey is called the '* Rue de I'Abbaye," and there is a large 
open place between them. On the north side of the church 
stands a long building, now in ruins, with a barrelled roof. 
It is built over a Carlovingian substructure, and served for a 
long time as the Huguenot *' Temple ". 

There was also another "Temple" in the Faubourg Chalons, 
for a street, not far from the only gate now existing, bears 
the name oif ** Rue du petit Temple ". 

In the ** Archives des Deux Sevres, 1688, H. 335, 2 pieces," 
there is a document which refers to the places of worship. 

** Prises de possession du * lieu ' oil est I'emplacement du 
temple ruyne de ceux quy faisoient cy-devant profession de 
la religion pretendue reformee au faubourg Chaslon du dit 
Saint-Maixent, par Reverend pfere Fulgence de Saint-Marc, 
gardien du convent des capucins de cette ville, et frere 
Placede de Perigueux, religieux du meme couvent pour le 
dit couvant (sic) jouir, faire et disposer du dit emplacement 
et y construire leur couvant." 

For a long time the abbey (now cathedral) church, a 
handsome building with -a fine crypt under the altar, served 
as the Protestant Temple, and it was there, we believe, that 
the singular and beautiful sight took place of Romanists 
and Huguenots worshipping together as the united Cathohc 
Church, meeting on the common ground of prayer and praise. 
It was in the quieter time, before the outbreak of hostilities. 
The priest began the service with prayers and the Te Deiim, 
in which all joined ; after which the minister gave out the 
Psalms, which all sang, and the congregation separated 

All the governor's children, except his youngest, Abraham, 
and all his grandchildren and great-grandchildren were bap- 

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tised at the Temple de Saint-Maixent. One would incline 
to think the ceremony must have taken place at the abbey, 
as the town was in his possession, except that the registers 
are kept by the pastors. 

Jean Chevalleau's son, George [6th Degree] , had but one 
daughter, Louise, who was left fatherless in the first year 
of her life. Her guardian, Leon de Saint-Maure, was 
father of that Charles de S. Maure (M. de Salles), after- 
wards Baron de Montausier, and husband in 1644 of the 
notorious Julie d'Angennes, Mademoiselle de Rambouillet. 

Louise Chevalleau married her first cousin, Jean, in whose 
days the storm broke over the family. Jean, Seigneur de 
Boisragon, being left a widower with two young children, 
married again seven years afterward, Catherine de Mar- 
connay, daughter of Philemon Chevalier and of Fran9oi8e 
de Vasselot de Regnier, who received from her parents on 
her marriage the lands of ** la Tonche **. 

Persecutions feU with relentless hand on these three 
families, intimately connected by marriage. In the Society's 
Proceedimjs, vol. v.. No. 3, we find several of the Vasselot de 
Regnier in receipt of pensions (page 384, Vasselot Regue ; 
page 423, Angehque Vosselot de Regnie, etc.). 

As early as Sunday, 22nd February, 1632, two of the 
Marconnay were in sore distress. ** Le consistoire assemble 
au nom de Dieu a arrfete que Jean de Marconay (sic) et sa 
femme seront assistes de sept sols par semaine des deniers 
des pauvres durant la maladie de sa femme.'' ^ 

The first account we possess of the persecutions of the 
Chevalleau de Boisragon is of the year 1681, when Jean 
Chevalleau was residing temporarily at Civray. 

"Lc 22 d'Avril, 1681. Civbay. 

**Le 22 d'Avril, deux cavaliers furent chez le nomme 
Boisragon, qui n'etait point de la dependance de Civray. lis 
luy dirent avec d'horribles blasphemes . . . (two words illegible) 
que des Missionaires avec . . . que luy envoya M'" Danyau 
par Tordre de M^ Tlntendant; Si tu n'habandonne ^ ta 

* This extract is taken from a ** Registre du Consistoire de Teglise pre- 
tendue reform^e de Niort depuis 1629 jusque en 1684 I'original sur lequel on 
a fact cette copie est dans I'abbaye de Saint-Maixent en Poitou. Papier 
poor le Consistoire de Teglise reform^e receuillie k Niort commen^ant au 
mois d*aodt 1629 achete par Jean Martin anoien et receveur des deniers de 
ladite >6glise pour vingt sols toumois.*' 

« In the district of La Rochelle an *' h " was and is often vulgarly 
inserted in many words and aspirated. 

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Relig : coquin d'Huguenot, nos : te feront du mal le pluss 
qe nos : pourronts. 

j^' On raporte avec etonnement tout ce q'avait par eux dits, 
croyan quelles sont touttes d*une singuliere importance, 
poisqueiles marquent toutte quelles sont faits et par ordre 
de M^ rintendant. 

''lis lui prirent ses souliers, ses casseroles, son Coffier, ses 
armories, prirent une cuillere d'argent, ses manchettes, ses 
chemises, ses cravattes a dentelle, ses cuvettes, ses . . . et 
luy dire prendre courage que c'etoit Tintention du Boy que 
les chiens d'Hugenots fussent pillez, saccagez : 

" Animes par leur Hoqueton ils prirent a la gorge led^ Bois- 
ragon, le mena^oient de Tetrangler s'il ne leur donnoit 4 
Louis d'or. P^ se degager, il les leur provint. Le lende- 
main . . . vint luy dire s*il ne vouloit pas changer et faire 
la religion du Roy ? 

*' Boisragon repondit qu'il n'avoit jamais houui de la relig : 
du lloy, ni en I'avantage de le voir ; que la sienne luy en- 
seignoit de prier Dieu p^ sa grandeure et sa prosperite, ce 
qu'il faisoit tons les jours, et qu'il vouloit mourir dan sa re- 
ligion, qi avoit toujo : professee. 

*'Le Hoqueton lui repartit rudement: q^ luy feroit faire 
par force, puisque le roy ne vouloit pas qu'il y eues plus 
personne dans son roy™« : de la rehg : Huguenotte. 

** Le dialogue est dite, qu'on n'y oublierez. 

** Boisragon luy dit, resolument qu'il ne croyait pas que 
rintention du Boy si grand et si bon fusse de gesner les 
consciences de ses sugets, qui avait bien oiiy dire, qu'il sou- 
haittoit qu'ils fussent tons de sa religion, mais qu'eile se fist 
de gre, et non pas en . . . rigoureux, qu'on ... a son egard, 
et a regard de tant d'autres qu'on traitaient avec tant 

'' Le Hoqueton ne se remit de sa passion, et voulant se 
faire obeir luy dit, vous fetes un plaisant, je m'en vay vous 
envoyez toute la Compagnie des Cavahers et que s'il le faisoit 
d*avantage il alloit le mettre entre 4 murailles . . . du . . . 
Boisragon fit servir a son . . . un cochon de laet, et de 
Tagneau. Le Hoqueton le blasma de souSrir qu'on luy 
donnait de si grossier viandes qu'il le fallait traiter autre- 
ment, et qu'ils ne fissent point de repas qu'ils n'eussent 
chacun un louis d'or a leur . . . sur cela, les cavalliers re- 
doublaient leurs desordres et le voulurent contraindre de leur 
donner 12 cent : jurant de le tuer s'il luy donnoit 3 pistoles, 
et de Tattacher a la queeux de leurs chevaux, a Tobliger 

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de s'anfuir et d*abandonner sa maison, et qu'on le metta en 
pieces, sur . . . emporta son linge et piUaient tout le reste." ^ 
The month after the persecutions entered the very village 
of Boisra^on, as we see by a complaint lodged at the 
" Consistoire de Boisragon " by a persecuted Huguenot of 
the name of Daniel Troube. 

'^BoiSRAOON, May, 168L 

** Daniel Troube du village de Boisragon . . . (pres?) . . . 
la viUe de Niors au mois de May ... en ayant . . . de- 
mande des pieces qui luy appartenoient au Montpetit, dit 
la forest Sibgom, auquelle il avoit donnee por : et payment 
les arbitreurs . . . prit pretexte de . . . la rehgion . . . 
led^ trouble q^ : accabla . . . et en meme tems, sans aucun 
ordre ni autorit6 saisit : le d^ Troube, le mena dans la prison 
du Niort, ou . . . ete . . . de . . . savoir 6tre ecroue de 
. . . le 22 May jusqu'au 29 July p^ : a ce alargi sans avoir 
eu aucune juztice de sez vexations." * 

Although it is not mentioned, we may conclude that 
Troube wag one of the retainers of Jean de Boisragon, to 
whom the whole village belonged. In all probabihty 
Troube escaped after his being put at liberty, for in 1685, 
3rd December, there is a record in the Eegister of Marriages 
in St. Patrick^s Close, Dublin, of ** Daniel Troubet et 
Catherine Berry". 

Three years passed, during which we cannot but conclude 
that the Boisragons were subject to many trials for their 
religion's sake. 

In the Btdletin des Protestants we read that " La Chesnaye 
Boisragon, jeune gentilhomme de 18 ans fit voir a son Age 
autant de force d*esprit et de piete que les plus avancez ". 

This was Louis, the sixth son and ninth child of Jean 
de Boisragon, the founder of the English branch of the 
Boisragon family. 

Bom in 1666, he was eighteen years of age in 1684, and, 
as our extract records, was of a strong and devout nature. 
" Le chevaher de Chesnaye," as he was called, never swerved 
from the faith. The Pastor of the Church of St. Maixent 
having known him from his babyhood, testifies to his 
strength of character. 

' Extracted by Miss Florence L. Layard from Pastor Bonhoureau's 
collection of old Huguenot papers in Archbishop Marshes library, Dublin. 
The spelling and grammar are peculiar, and the manuscript is difficult to 

2 MS. in Marsh's library, Dublin. Extracted by Miss F. L. Layard. 

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Writing later, after the young Chevalier's escape, Melin 
says : — 

'* I, the undersigned Pastor of the Church of St. Maixant 
(sic) in Poitou, certify that Monsieur Chevalleau de Boisraofon 
is bom in the said Church, and is of a family considerable in 
the Province for its Nobility and for its wealth. 

'* That he has always been brought up in our Holy 
Religion without having ever abandoned it. 

** That in these last years he has shown (though very 
young) an unshaken constancy, having long suffered im- 
prisonment at La Rochelle and at Paris, and having in the 
former place been condemned to the gallies, without havintr 
ever done anything unworthy of a true Christian. 

'' That at last he had the liberty to leave the kingdom 
with others . . . [illegible]. 

'* Given at Amsterdam, the 7th of October, 1688. 

" (Signed) MAlin." 

A copy of this certificate, made and signed by Mary Layard, 
tu'e Fuzel, his daughter-in-law, wife of Henry Charles Bois- 
ragon, is preserved amongst the family papers of Louis de 
Boisragon. The illegible word is considered by Mary Layard, 
as stated by her in a note, to have been ** confessors ". 

In this year, 1684, the head of the family passed away. 
Who knows but that the troubles experienced at Civray did 
not bring about his death ? 

The Dictionnaire de Poitou states that he was eighty-four 
when he died, making the year of his death 1689 ; but the 
register of his death proves the contrary, as well as the date 
on his tombstone. 

The Register ^ states : — 

** Du vingt Februer 1684, m*a este raport6 par M** Ollivier 
de Marconnay, Escuyer, Sg'' de Blanzac et M. Jean Cheval- 
leau, Ecuyer, S"" de Boisragon, que du 26 Janvier 1684 a 
est6 enterre M. Jean Chevalleau, Seigneur, Escuyer, s. 
vivant,'' Seigneur des Boiragon {sic) et led. S'^ de Blanzac, 
au lieu noble de Mazeuil, d. p. led S^^ de Boisragon age de 
63 ans et se sont lesd. S^ de Blanzac et Chevalleau. 

*' Soubs. sgn. aussy signe, 

" Olliuier de Mabconnay, 
** Jean Cheuallbau." 

^ Copied by Miss F. L. Layard. 
' De sou vivanb — in his life. ^ De par ledit Sieur. 

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If he was really bom in 1615, then *' sixty-three years of 
at^e *' is a misreading for sixty-nine. 

That 1684 is the accurate date is proved, as stated by the 
tombstone of Jean Chevalleau's grave. It now forms the 
top stone to a garden gate at Boisragon, which garden was 
formerly their private Protestant burying ground. 

The peasant proprietors of the farm-house still continue 
to use it for the same purpose, as in September, 1895, there 
were two comparatively new graves. 

The tombstone is a long one, slightly sloped on each side ; 
the large letters are partly legible from below. 
On the side facing the country lane is written : — 
** Ci git le corps de haut et puissant . . . 

Sire Jean Chevalleau broken 

Seigneur de Boisragon oflf. 

nes La Chevalerie 

de Marconnay". 
on the other : — 

** Ci git le corps de Jean Chevalleau 
Seigneur de Boisragon et autre 
qui deceda au sgnerie ^ le 26 
Janvier 1684. Priez Dieu pour 
son &me." 
A letter in the possession of the writer was vmtten about 
this tombstone, confirming the accuracy of the date 1684, 
and much was made of the httle syllable " nes " on the 
eastern side of the stone. It was thought to be **ne8" = 
born, and because it was in the plural, the correspondent 
considered that perhaps the grave contained two persons. 
Bat there is no shade of doubt that the gap between " Bois- 
ragon" and **nes La Chevalerie" should be filled by **des 
Ouli[nes]," which as we know preceded *'La Chevalerie". 
The word '^Marconnay" takes up the whole length of the 

By the prayer for the repose of his soul, we may conclude 
that those who put up this tombstone were Roman Cathohcs. 
It is not at all unlikely that his eldest son Jean, who an- 
nounced the death of his father at the registrar's, may have 
been a Roman Catholic, for he kept possession of the family 
estates, he and his children after him. 

Olivier de Blanzac [or Olivier de MarconnayJ was first 
cousin to the widowed Madame de Boisragon, a son of her 
uncle Louis de Marconnay and Marie Gourjault de la 

> Seigneiirie. 

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Milliere, the same Marconnay who in the following year 
suflFered the dragonnades, the sacking of their house and 
imprisonment. Olivier de Blanzac was also Seigneur de 
Mazeuil. He fled to Beriin, and died there in 1688, whilst 
holding the appointment of Chancellor of the Embassy. 

The youngest son Charles, called the Seigneur Du Pont, 
and another entitled De Cource, with a sister (name un- 
known), who died of smallpox in Holland, escaped after the 
Kevocation of the Edict of Nantes. We do not know which 
of the sons, Benjamin, Philemon, or Daniel, was surnamed 
De Cource, or how the fugitives effected their escape. 

Louis fled to the Hague, and received by the orders of 
King WiUiam IH., then Prince of Orange, his first cominis- 
sion as Comet in Schomberg's Horse, the commission being 
dated at Lisbume, in Ireland, 12th March, 1689-90. He was 
one of the corps of noble cadets ** Le Prince d'Orange en 
avait huit cents, qu*il entre tenait a Delft, tandis qu'il etait 
en HoUande, lesquels passferent en Angleterre avec lui ". 

His lieutenancy is signed : — 

" Schomberg, at Lisburn, Ist December, 1689.*' 

His second commission is dated at Hampton Court, 1st 
July, 1689, and signed ** William ". 

His third commission of captain in the Marquis de Mere- 
mont's Begiment of Dragoons is dated at the Hague, 1st 
October, 1695, in the seventh year of His Majesty's reign, 
signed ^* WiUiam". 

But to return to the young sisters left behind at Boisragon ; 
Catherine, at the time of the edict, was seventeen, Celfeste 
a little younger, and Jeanne Pran9oise only nine. 

Of the first we read in the Memoirs pour servir d Vhistoire 
des Befiig^ Franfais dans les Eiats du Boi, by Erman and 
Eeclam, that **she had been arrested in the Isle de Ehe 
whilst endeavouring to fly her doomed country, that she had 
been condemned to be shorn and imprisoned, but that her 
sentence was lightened *\ After having suffered a year's 
imprisonment at the Convent of the *' Nouvelles Catho- 
hques " (in other words, of those made Eomanists by force), 
she was restored to her mother, and, with her sister Celeste, 
abjured her errors on the 9th March, 1686. 

This abjuration seems to have been — at any rate on the 
part of Catherine — at the point of the sword, and but an 
outward and enforced act, for she remained firm during all 
her persecution, and was still unshaken when restored to 
her mother's care. To understand her sufferings one need 

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only read the memoir of this incarceration hy Mile, de 
Chaufepifi, with whom she was imprisoned. 

Louis de Boisragon was liberated at the same time from 
the *• Petit Chatelet" at Paris, 

Jeanne Franc^oise, being so young, seems to have been 
brought up a Roman Catholic; her mother also seems to 
have conformed, for she is still in the possession of property 
at her death, leaving it all to this youngest daughter. 

The Roman Catholic branch continued in peaceable pos- 
session of all their lands for another century, and then — 
faithful to their king, as their ancestors had been to their 
God — they in turn left their homes. 

•Of the elder branch, Ambroise Louis de Boisragon died far 
from his country in a hospital of his wounds. His elder 
brother returned, but died without posterity. 

Of the second branch, Armand, styled by courtesy the 
Count of Boisragon, died in exile, and his only child also. 
His brother, the Chevalier, left a son and daughter, who 
both died unmarried at La Chesnayfe, the daughter aged 
only twenty-four. Her brother, Jean Lubin, a degenerate 
scion of a noble race, lived on in a wretchedly untidy 
condition, ill-regulated in every way, leaving his old 
manor to rot and crumble away over his very head. The 
roof fell in and was not repaired, the very house began to 
fall in pieces, the salle d'armes scarcely held together. .To 
such a pass did it come, that the house could no longer be 

Jean Lubin de Boisragon left La Chesnaye at his death 
to a mason of the name of Denis. 

Madame Denis' son, Alexandre, had long lived at the 
Ch&teau, and the Denises took up their residence in the old 
house, which once had been *' a fine old castle of Gothic 
form and saracenesque, ornamented vnth four beautiful 
towers, and surrounded with moats ever filled vdth running, 
hmpid water ". 

The mason pulled down every portion and rebuilt, about 
twenty-five years ago, the present square white house, with 
the old stones. 

The old house was in the shape of an L, and was dis- 
tinctly larger than the present one, as the cellars and the 
onthning foundation stones of the former building indicate. 

The cellars are very spacious. In front of the present 
house, at some distance, is a well with a windlass. It used 
to be in a garden wall, which divided the cemetery from the 

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house, and was one of those wells in which one bucket 
went up by a chain while the other went down. 

Close by it are two stumpy yew trees, which once gre^^ 
so close to each other that they looked like one round ball. 
Monsieur Alexandre divided them and put a seat between. 
He also moved most of the cypresses of the old cemetery 
a few yards to ^et them into more of a line up to the 
house door; but he has only succeeded in increasing the 

The Chateau stood to the left of the high road ; on the 
right is a cluster of cottages facing the alleys and cypress 
trees of the Chesnaye property, which are visible through 
an iron raihng in the stone wall. The modern white-washed 
house is visible from the road. 

A smaller road turns off sharply from the highway on the 
left, and passing between the walls of the cypress garden on 
the one side and the Grand Pre (great meadow) on the other, 
leads up to the gate of the drive. A dry cattle pond is at 
the corner of the lane' and the high road. 

The old house opposite the garden, on the village side of 
the high road, is called La Chapelle. 

In a journal by the refugee's son we read : *' At the bottom 
of the garden is the tomb, still in good order and preserva- 
tion, of a great-grandmother^ who died in 1671. There is 
also the chapel and burying place of the family when it was 

Now this portion of the property is known to have been 
until quite lately the private cemetery, attached, as was the 
Protestant custom, to th'e manor house. The road which 
leads up from the high road is of recent date, and was cat 
through the garden cemetery and the Grand Pre up to 
the entrance near the house. The cemetery extended for 
some distance. 

The little house called La Chapelle may be on the 
site of the temple, and perchance the mare or horse-pond 
is a remnant of the moat or ditch, for there is no other trace 
of such a thing. 

It is said that the village road did not pass between 
the garden cemetery and La Chapelle, but behind those 
houses, and making a curve, came through the Grand 
Pre to the house. In the wall at the foot of the garden 
is a little arched gate. 

^ Marthe Begnon, daughter of Jean Begnon and Antoinette Prevost, 
and wife of Pierre Chevalleau, whom she married in 1614. 

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Rough Sketch of the ff. 
*LA CHENAYE" estate A 

4 * 


4 ^ 

Z.a a r e n n e 

TTitf </o»0(/ tinea intticate 
the probable outline of 
the old Manor. 


: Out 




^ M M I I ' It 

5^ f f .^ ^ * ^ ^ ^ -^^ 


La ChapcUc 

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Within and along the wall is a long shady alley or char- 
mille continuing farther than the actual square of the 
garden, and extending behind some other property. The 
c)rpresse8, dotted all over this neglected garden, tall pointed 
dark obelisks and squat ones, give a most funereal aspect to 
the spot. Marthe Eegnon's grave and the memory of it 
have both vanished. 

In the arm of the L of the old Ch&teau was a great un- 
glazed hall, lighted at either end by mullioned casements, 
but otherwise exceedingly dark. It was a sort of salle 
d'armeSy with only a grenier (loft) above it. 

Behind the house are a great many trees and evergreens, 
laurier cerisier (cherry-bay), and others, but M. Alexandre 
mentioned that he had planted nearly every tree except the 
cypresses. There were no oaks round the house to warrant 
the name of La Chesnaye. 

At the end of the garden at the back of the house is 
an extensive warren — La Garenne — which always existed 
there, although it was kept lopped, whereas now it is left 
to grow tall, and is cut yearly for bois de taUlis (firewood). 
The warren is wedge-shaped, the point being farthest from 
the house and near the old farm. 

At some distance behind these old buildings, in a sloping 
field called Le Pr6 au cimetiere, is a little stone walled 
enclosure. It faces the east, yid lies under a wall, being 
shaded with oak trees and overgrown with blackberry 
brambles. It is very small, scarcely fourteen feet square. 
In it are two or three low rounded tombstones. 

Beyond the farm and the warren is a long field which 
stretches northward to the edge of the hill, whence the 
meadows slope down to the lower lying lands, and the eye 
ranges over a vast stretch of country — La Creche — on the 
high road, in a hollow ; Brelon, with its factory chimney 
and church towers; beyond them the clustering trees ()f 
Boisragon ; to the right, Saint Neomaye ; far away in the 
distance, Fouilloux forest ; Saint Maixent is hidden by the 
trees on the right. 

The property of La Chenaye extends northward someway 
down the hill as far as an avenue of walnut trees on the 
road to La Creche. 

M. Alexandre is said to possess Boisragon family papers, 
left by Jean Lubin de Boisragon. There were no relics in 
the house except a carved stool, recovered, in the drawing- 
room, and a low cupboard in the hall. On the wall of the 

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drawing room hang two extraordinary mythical pictures of 
dragons and fearful beasts. 

Whilst the Eoman Catholic branch of the Boisragon 
family continued to abide on their estates, the Huguenot 
exiles — Louis, Chevalier de la Chfenaye ; Charles, Seigneur 
du Pont, and one other. Seigneur de Cource, were carving 
their own fortunes at the point of their swords. 

Charles du Pont became a lieutenant in the corps of 
Liinebourg, and was living in 1704. His widow, Marthe 
Alibert, was buried at Berlin, and registered as " the widow 
of Charles Chevalet de Boisragon ". Madame de Boisragon 
was a native of Grenoble. 

Of Louis' suflferings there is a more complete account 
in the Bulletin for September, 1887, of the Soci^te de 
rhistoire du Protestantisme frangais, p. 477, by M. A. J. 
Enschede, which runs thus : — 

" Louis Chevalleau, Chevalier, Seigneur de Boisragon, 
Province de Poitou, a en les dragons cinq semaines et 
ensuite mis en prison a la Eochelle, a la Tour de Saint 
Nicolas,^ et de la transfere dans la prison ordinaire fut 
mis au cachot, et par sentence du prosidial, condamne aux 
Galeres, de laquelle sentence estant appellant, il fut menfe dans 
la conciergerie du palais a Paris, ou il fut mis dans les 
Cachots, les fers aux pieds, et aux mains : de la il fut encore 
transfere dans les prisons du ChAtelet et du Fort TEveque, 
et finalement, a este conduit sur la fontiere par ordre du 

Having attained the rank of captain, Louis de Boisragon 
served at the Boyne and other actions in Ireland, and was 
aide-de-camp to Monsieur d'Auverquerque at the Battle of 
Loudun, the certificates of which are dated at Ghent, 17th 
December, 1695, and signed " d'Auverquerque, Lieut. -General 
of the Armies of his Britannic Majesty, Commanding-in- 
Chief his Cavalry in the Low Countries, and Lieut.-General 
of the United Provinces ". He was made exempt in the 
Guards, dated at Kensington, 9th April, 1700, by his Majesty, 
and in the next month we find him at leisure to marry. 

Louis de Boisragon married on the 25th May, 1700, at 
the Chapel Boyal, St. James' — then called the Priory 
Chapel, Pall Mall — Louise Boyrand, daughter of Messire 
Rene Royrand, Seigneur des Clouseaux and Dame Marguerite 
de Goulaine, natives of La Marche. She was the widow 

1 The Tour Saint Nicolas, with the Tour de la Chaine, are two great forts, 
which guard the entrance of the harhour at La Hochelle. 

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of Messire Henri Auguste Helias, Seigneur de La Grange 
Boisraux. Pasteur Menard blessed the marriage. 

Captain de Boisragon cannot have had much time for the 
enjoyments of home life. 

The next trace of him is on foreign service, while his wife 
seems to have lived at the Hague, where he joined her at 
different times. He was there in 1704, for they made their 
will conjointly in that year at the Hague. 

He was again with her before his receiving his brevet of 
Lieut.-Colonel. Their first child, Alexandre Louis, was 
bom at the Hague in 1709. In the same year the Colonel 
was naturahsed ; Anne and the infant also. Act No. 42, 
" an infant bom at the Hague, son of Louis Chevalleau de 
Boisragon and Lewize ". 

The Boisragons had another child, named Catherine 
Louise, of whom nothing is known, except that she was 
living in 1729. 

In 1713 Madame de Boisragon died, and in the end of 
the same year Lieut.-Colonel Louis Chevalleau de Boisragon 
married again — ^in the same church which had witnessed his 
first vows — Marie Henriette de Rambouillet, second daughter 
of Messire Nicolas de Rambouillet, Chevalier, Marquis de 
la Sabliere and Henriette Louise de Cheusses. 

There is another lapse of a few years, as on the first 
occasion, between their marriage and the birth of their 
children, Lieut.-Colonel Boisragon is Lieut.-Colonel of 
Horse in Bouchelier*s regiment in 1715 (brevet of 24th 
June, 1715, signed '* Galway "), having been promoted from 
the lieut.-colonelship of Foot in Nassau's regiment (brevet 
dated 16th Febmary, 1715, at St. James*, signed " George "). 

Not till 1716 was their first child bom, Susanne Hen- 
riette, who in the twenty-third year of her age married at 
Spring Gardens Chapel, London, on the 4th August, 1743, 
Dr. Daniel Peter Layard, later Physician to the Dowager 
Princess of Wales, and President of the Benevolent Medical 
Society of the County of Kent, and at that time a handsome 
young man of twenty-three, four years younger than his 

A portrait of Susanne Henriette de Boisragon, Madame 
Layard, by John Cole, is in the possession of the Marquis 
of Huntly at Orton Longueville, with one of her sister 

Madame de St. Maurice, whose maiden name was Mag- 
dalene Christine ;^Dulac, when making her will, left to 

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Suzanne Boisragon, Madame Layard " £20, my bed, with 
all which thereto belongs, the foot-carpet, which is in my 
room, and my suit of black PtwJuasoy," also " a clock ''. 

The ColoneFs second daughter, Elizabeth, married on the 
13th December, 1743, in the same year as her elder sister, 
Dr. Mathew Maty (or Mathieu), son of Paul Maty, of 
Manosque, in the Departement des Basses Alpes, and of 
Jeanne Crothier des MArets. Dr. Maty was bom in 1718, 
and was therefore twenty-five at the time of his marriage 
with Elizabeth Boisragon. In 1758 her husband was ap- 
pointed hbrarian to the British Museum, in which post he 
was succeeded by their son Paul Henri in 1776. 

Their daughter Louisa married Eoger Jortin, Esq., of 
Lincolns Inn, son of the Pastor Jean Jortin, also Huguenots 
like the Maty, Layarde and Boisragon. 

Anne, the youngest daughter, married a Monsieur Tusta- 
mond, also of Huguenot descent. 

The two sons were evidently the latest born of Colonel 
Boisragon's children — Henry Charles and Gedeon Charles. 
In a few years the family was deprived of its head. The 
Colonel died in 1736, being then in the 53rd regiment 
of foot. 

Henry Charles Boisragon, born in June, 1728, was ** a 
good and gallant soldier, and saw much service during the 
wars in the Low Countries ". 

**In the year 1749,"^ when he was twenty-one years of 
age, to quote his own words, *' I set out for Paris, and from 
thence travelled along the western coast to Lyons, on to 
Avignon in Languedoc. 

'* After the holding of the States at Nisines, I went to 
Montpellier, thence down to Pressieres, thence embarked 
on the Eoyal Canal for Toulouse, and thence to Montauban 
of Bordeaux. From thence crossed the Garonne to Blaye 
on the opposite shore, and went on to Rochefort, through 
Xaintes and Charente, and from Rochefort to La Rochelle. 

'* Madame du Charreau'- was of Rochelle, and has told me 
she remembered my father being confined there in its prison 
on account of his religion. 

> Taken from a journal by Henry Boisragon, written in a very difficult 
hand, of which Mrs. Boisragon, his brother's wife, made a fair copy in 

'^ Madame du Charreau must have been the wife of M. Francois du Pratt 
du Charreau of La Rochelle, whose daughter Anne, wife of Lieut.-Colonel 
Charles William Rambouillet, was aunt to the writer of the journal. 

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** Passed through Mauze to Niort in Poitou, thence to visit 
my relations. . . . Went first to La Creche, halfway to Saint 
Maixant, which is five leagues from Niort. Turned oflf the 
great road to the left, and half a league brought me to 
Boisragon, the family estate, in the possession of my eldest 
cousin.^ " 

The highway from La Eochelle to Poitiers and Paris has 
existed for ages. At Niort it leaves the town by the Place 
de la Breche and ascends pretty steeply through the fmibaurg 
of the Avenue de Paris to the octroi gates, after which 
commences an interminable avenue of trees, planted about 
fifty years ago, so that the youn^ officer travelling along the 
road in 1749 must have found himself much exposed to the 
sun. The country looks like a plain, but the road ascends 
and descends continually, so steeply at times that when one 
is at the foot of one hill the summit of the next is hidden 
in the leafy tops of the trees. 

There is a wide view on either side over fertile fields and 
little hamlets. What strikes one most is the distance from 
one habitated spot to another, and the absence of human 
beings in the fields. Here and there is a solitary figure, a 
woman dressed in a gleaming white shirt, black stays, grey 
petticoat and white coif, seated on the ground mending or 
knitting, and watching a solitary goat, in which office she 
is helped by a faithful shaggj' dog. 

Another conspicuous feature are the pitiful little square 
cemeteries, with their dark pointed cypresses and white 
stone walls. Each Protestant homestead had and has its 
little '* God's acre," though it is not anything like an acre 
in size, simply a very little acker (meadow). Here they 
bury their dead quietly and lonely, their pastor coming to 
bless and make a discours over another of the flock folded 
to rest. 

These cemeteries dot the country. The custom began in 
this province when persecution drove the Huguenots to 
burying in their gardens, and was continued in times of 
peace in preference to burying their dead in the portion of 
the Eoman Catholic cemeteries grudgingly allotted to them. 

There are several cross-roads before reaching La Creche. 
Before one reaches the road which turns off to Chavagne 
there is a long cypress avenue on the right hand leading to 
La Misere, a small property and village. The road to 

^ Alexandre, son of Jean Chevalleau and Perside de Laste. 
VOL. VI. — NO. I. G 

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Chavagne is the high road to La Chesnaye. Chavagne is 
on rising ground, on chalk soil, with oak woodlands. 

Between this village and La Chesnaye is a spot called La 
ChAtaignerie, where is a coppice of splendid chestnut trees, 
remarkable for their number and size, and the brilliancy of 
their fohage. 

La Creche is a charming little village, cradled in trees 
and lying in a picturesque hollow, vdth the river near it. 

Turning ofif, as Henry Boisragon did, to the left, and 
passing through the walnut and poplar trees by the winding 
road, one reaches almost at once the village of Brelon, which 
is the parish, and possesses three churches, viz., the old 
picturesque one turned into a barn, the modern one along- 
side, and a hideous '* temple " opposite. 

Brelon is quite a small place; passing through it and 
through some country lanes, a sharp turn to the right 
leads into the straggly village of Boisragon, where the road 
winds in curves past small cottages and gardens and wooded 

A Uttle lane leads up to the yard gate of the manor 
of Boisragon, which, as well as the village, is in a very 
neglected state. 

Henry Boisragon remarks : ** Boisragon is a village of 
which my eldest cousin is Seigneur ; the Ch&teau de 
Boisragon is neglected : as my cousin lives on the estate 
he inherited from his mother called La Mothe Jarriere. 
I found some servants and his steward at Boisragon, and 
I saw two pictures, which I was told were those of my 
grandfather and grandmother.^ 

** In the village are about 160 houses ; all the paysans 
are Protestants, except eight families. Opposite the road, 
on the right hand, and about the same distance from Niort, 
is the Chateau de la Ch^naye, a house belonging to my 
younger cousin Boisragon, ^ who is a Captain commandant 
of a battalion of the regiment of Orleans, with the brevet 
rank of Colonel : La Chtoaye came to him as his share of 
his father's estates {sa legitime)/' 

During the reign of terror, when the Boisragons emigrated, 
the Eepublic confiscated the estate of Boisragon, and sold it 
eventually to a peasant family of the name of Viens, of 
whom the descendants are still in possession of it. 

^ Jean Chevalleau and Catherine de Marconnay. 

* See in Pedigree, IX. Degree. Arraand, dit le Chevalier de Boisragon, 
who married Marguerite de Gondin de Carsan. 

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Not a trace of seigneurial building is apparent in the present 
whitewashed farm. On the right hand of the yard gate are 
the ruins of what the peasants call a bam, but which bear 
the stamp of a great hall or chapel. Only the front wall 
facing the yard is intact, and some broken down side walls. 
In the front wall is a great Gothic archway, and beside it, 
on its left, a smaller similar one. 

The dwelling-house encloses the yard on the north side. 
It is a long one-storeyed building with a high grenier or 
loft. A modern house is built on at the west angle, but is 
not connected with the old part. That half which belongs 
to the Viens is whitewashed and has green shutters, and is 
entirely modernised. The other half, belonging to poorer 
folk, is left in the rough stones, and has a semicircular but 
partly razed tower in the corner. Probably there was a 
similar tower at the other end, after the fashion of old 
French houses. 

The Viens have divided their house into small rooms : the 
fine chimney-pieces which were formerly in the halls are 
gone, and the only piece of the old furniture which remains 
is an enormous wardrobe of walnut wood, with great shining 
steel hinges and locks. Each room used to possess one or 
two of these antique armoires. 

The door of the house opens into a kitchen. A slip off 
this room has been turned into a larder. Its windows are 
barred like apertures for defence. All the windows on the 
north side of the house are barred ; those in the loft are 
almost loopholes, and are still more securely defended. 

The kitchen and a sitting-room beyond are divided by a 
staircase, which was originally only a back-stair. The Viens 
widened it, and sold the old balustrade of carved oak-wood. 

The escalier noble was a fine wide stone ascent, off 
which opened doors into the rooms on both sides. It is 
now shut off and quite spoiled, and used as a sort of larder 
for eggs, carrots and all kinds of lumber. 

The doors are walled up, so that there is no communica- 
tion with the next portion of the house. There are no 
pictures or any relics, except an old arm-chair. 

At the back of the house, over a walled-up window in the 
poorer portion of the building, is a great stone lintel, and 
cut in it are the following letters : — 



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Henriette Marie du Breuil-Helion was daughter to Louis 
Bernard du Breuil-Helion, Seigneur de Combes, La Gueron- 
nifere, etc., and to Madeleine Vidard de St. Clair. At this 
date she was a widow for the second time. In her youth 
she had married M. Joseph Bonnin, Chevalier, Seigneur des 
Forges, a man eighty-eight years old, who died after only 
eight months of married life, leaving her all his property. 
She then became the wife of Louis Alexandre de Boisragon, 
who was scarcely more than twenty-four years old, and who 
died at the early age of thirty-five or thereabouts. " S.P.B." 
may stand for Septeinbre, but there is no record as to what 
the date 1768 may refer. Perhaps it is a tombstone used 
to repair the casement. 

Passing through the garden at the back of the house one 
reaches a road, and skirting the orchard which belongs to 
the Viens' neighbours, one comes at last to a little garden 
gate, over which is the gravestone of Jean Chevalleau 
(referred to on page 89). 

AVhen Henry Boisragon went to see his younger cousin, 
he went, so the journal reads, from Boisragon to La Chenaye. 
If so, he probably went through La Creche by the narrow 
and somewhat steep road leading off the high-road. This 
road leads from the hollow in which La Crdche lies, passing 
along the ravine and then climbing to the uplands, upon 
which lies the village of La Chenaye. 

'* My cousin," writes Henry Boisragon, ** who is its 
Seigneur, has lately purchased a small estate in its neigh- 
bourhood, called Ruffigne, worth 15,000 livres a year, about 
£750 British, very improvable, situated two leagues from 

** I was received in a very kind way by my cousin and his 
lady, whose name was Mademoiselle de Boisron,^ from 
Saumiere in Languedoc. They made me remain there 
several weeks, which I passed very agreeably. 

'' This couple have seven children — two girls and five boys. 
The oldest girl, sixteen, designed for the veil ; the youngest 
six ; the eldest son, fifteen, an officer in the Regiment 
d'Orleans ; the two next both in the army, and the other 
two infants. 

'* The eldest son of this family is called Boisragon, the 

* '* Marguerite de Gondin de Carsan," says Pilleau, " daughter of Louis 
Henri, Chevalier, and of Louise de Cornette." Possibly this M. de Gondin or 
Gondain may be also a '* de Boisseron " or Boisron, like t he _ Louise H. de 
Gondin de Boisseron, wife of his brother Alexandre. 

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second the Chevalier de Boisragon, the third La Ch^naye, 
the fourth KufBgne ; the eldest daughter Mademoiselle 
Chevalleau, which is our family name.^ 

" At the bottom of the garden is the tomb still in good 
order and preservation of a great-grandmother who died in 
1671. There is also the chapel and burying-place of the 
family when it was Protestant. 

'* Monsieur de Puignier, a relation, waited on me here ; 
his lady was with him, whose name was Mademoiselle de 

" Made a visit to Monsieur Dauzy,^ second son of Monsieur 
de la Baubetiere, whose mother was the second sister of our 
father. Our grandmother gave her a much better portion 
than to the others. 

** From thence I went to the seat of Monsieur de Cha- 
teyner at Eouvre,^ two leagues from La Roche. The mother 
of this gentleman was our father's sister. He is a wddower, 
and has six children — three sons and three daughters. 

'* The eldest son was there; he had just before married 
Mademoiselle de Saint Georges,"* with whom he got a fortune 
of 20,000 livres per annum, or £1000 British. This young 

naan lives at K , four leagues beyond Poitiers ; he was 

a Captain of Horse, but presented his troop to his brother. 

'* Another of the sons is Lieutenant of Horse and Knight 
of Malta, and at this period was performing his ' Caravanes 
des Campagnes que les Chevaliers de Malte sont obliges de 
faire sur Mer*. 

** The two eldest daughters were absent ; they are grown 

'* The produce of this country is chiefly rye, very Httle 

* There are discrepancies between Filleau's genealogies and the statements 
made by Henry Boisragon. A glance at the one compiled from the latter's 
journal will show the difference. Filleau states that Armand Chevalleau 
married the 21st March, 1734. Henry Boisragon says the eldest daughter 
was sixteen in 1749, which makes her birth in the year 1733. He may be 
writing from memory. 

' Monsieur D'Auzy wbis son of Gedeon d'Auzy, Seigneur de la Voute and 
de la Baubetiere, Chevalier d'Avangour and of Celeste Chevalleau de Bois- 
ragon, sister to the Refugee, and daughter of Jean Chevalleau and Catherine 
de Marconnay. Celeste married on the 16th September, 1691. She was 
fourth sister to the Refugee, but perhaps only two were known to young 

' Catherine married 16th September, 1691, Rene Chasteigner Sgr. de 

* Verac de S. Georges. 

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** My eldest cousin ^ not so agreeable a man as his brother ; 
he is a widower, and has four children — a son of twenty, 
called Le Chevalier de Boisragon ; first a daughter older 
than the eldest son named Mademoiselle de Boisragon, the 
second Mademoiselle de la Mothe, the youngest ^ in a convent 
at Poitiers for her education. 

** Monsieur de Marconnay, a relation, came hither to visit 
me; he lives about five leagues off; is a younger brother, 
and married to a cousin of his own from Eussia, whither 
she had gone to visit an uncle. This lady is turned Catholic 
and is rehabilike,^ and put in possession of the estates and 
effects of her relations, who fled from France. 

** I was shown by my cousin at Boisragon the genealogy 
of our family, which commences as early as the year 1321. 
His children, as I before observed, are four ; the youngest 
girl, Mademoiselle de Fouilloux, was at Poitiers for her 

** Those of my youngest cousin* are Jean Chevalleau de 
Boisragon, Lieutenant in the Regiment de Chartres, Armand, 
Louis and Laurent Chevalleau. Daughters, Anne and Louise 
Chevalleau, designed for the veil. 

'' These gentlemen were sons to the eldest brother of our 
father, and have one sister,^ married to Monsieur de Constans, 
who has four children — a son and three girls ; the second of 
them had just taken the veil. 

**I before mentioned that our father had seven *^ brothers 
.and four sisters. 

. -** The eldest brother remained in France and enjoyed the 

'' Our father, the second son, with his two brothers, Cource 
and Dupons, and a sister. Mademoiselle Chevalleau, were so 
fortunate as to effect their escape together with our father 
in Holland." 

[Note by Mary, Mrs. Boisragon : ** I have heard that 
aunt died of the smallpox ".] 

* Alexandre, Seigneur de Boisragon, la Mothe-Jarri^re, le Fouilloux, etc. 
^ Mademoiselle de Fouilloux. 

- RehabiliUe, i.e., made capable of inheriting by the King, which Pro- 
testants were not. 

* Armand Chevalleau. 

' Marie Perside, daughter of Jean Chevalleau and Perside de Laste, 
married Jean Constant, Chevalier Sgr. de Mavault 

* Filleau makes the postsrity of Jean Chevalleau six sons and seven 
daughters. He makes Louis, the refugee, the ninth child, and older than 
.both bis brothers. 

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" Of these two brothers, I know no more than that a 
Hanoverian General told me in Germany that he knew one 
of them in that service, and a French clergyman in England 
said he was acquainted with my uncles in Hanover. 

" I went to the convent of Ursulines at Poitiers to visit 
my eldest cousin. Mademoiselle Boisragon, who is a nun 
there, about thirty years of age, and she has a sister in the 
convent of La Trinite. These ladies are sisters of Monsieur 
de Boisragon, and complained to me of their brother's neg- 
lect. I was here introduced to Monsieur I'Abbe de Rouvre,^ 
my cousin ; he is brother to Monsieur de Ch4teigner. His 
abbaye is just by Saint Maixant, with 20,000 livres a year. 

** When I left La Chdnaye my cousin's lady told me I 
should be godfather to the infant she expected; I heard 
nothing more for several years, when I had the pleasure of 
a letter from this child, telling me she was my god-daughter, 
and christened after me by the name of Henriette. I have 
since frequently corresponded with her on several occasions, 
and in the year 1785 she informed me that the King had 
given her the title of Countess of Boisragon. 

'* In December, 1778, the state of the family was as follows : 
her father was dead about ten years ; her eldest brother whom 
I knew in France and had met in Germany was then eldest 
Captain of the Regiment of Orleans Foot. 

**The second, now called Le Chevalier de Boisragon, is 
Major d'Infanterie ; married, has two children, and inhabits 
the Chateau de la Chenaye. 

*' The third brother, whom when there I used to call my 
aide-de-camp, is Captain in the Regiment de Chartres Infantry, 
is married to a widow lady, by whom he has one daughter, 
and lives at Sedan in Champagne. 

** The fourth brother serves in the Regiment d' Orleans, and 
the youngest, who was educated at the Royal Military College, 
is placed in the Regiment du Roy at Vaisseaux. 

** The sisters are nuns at Poitiers, and she, * La Comtesse,' 
lived with her mother at Niort, where she resided since the 
death of their father. 

** Monsieur de Boisragon de la Mothe Jarriere, the elder 
branch of the family of Chevalleau de Boisragon, has been 
dead five years, and his eldest son also, after being married ; 
he, the son, leaves two children. 

*' Mademoiselle Boisragon la Mothe Jarriere, the eldest 

^ Evidently one of the three sons of Catherine de Boisragon and Hen^ 

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daughter of this family, is married to a gentleman of Poi- 
tiers, where she ^ lives, and has five children — a son and four 

** A Duke of Zell married a lady of this family, but our 
father, when in the service of the Hanoverian succession, 
never thought fit to make any use of this circumstance as 
a plea for promotion. 

*' Mar la Eoche is the seat of my cousin, Monsieur de la 
Voute, and in the neighbourhood of that of Monsieur de Cha- 
teigner, where I stayed some days, and then went two leagues 
from Eouvre to visit Monsieur de la Voute (the elder), eldest 
son of Madame d'Auzy de la Paussiere [Baubetitre], second 
sister of our father. 

** This gentleman is brother to Monsieur d'Auzy and has 
four children ; one in the Mousquetaires Compagnie noire, 
called Monsieur Dufier ; two daughters married, one single. 

'' Dined with Monsieur Dauze, youngest brother of M. de 
la Voute ; his lady was Mademoiselle Noce ; no children. 

** Monsieur de Marguelaine was there ; he is brother to 
the lady who came from France (la refwji^e) to our father, 
and died at his liouse in Park Place. 

** From thence went to visit Madame de Constant,^ sister 
to Monsieur de Boisragon de la Mothe Jarrifere. She has 
four children. The estate of Madame de Constant was pur- 
chased by her father and left to her. She had a much better 
portion than the rest of his children. 

** The Protestant Church here , , . ^ was the last in Poitou ; 
then there remained only two or three famiUes of that re- 

" From hence returned to La Ch^naye. The customs of 
Poitou are unfavourable to younger children ; the eldest son, 
or daughter in failure of males, takes the preciput {terme de 
Palais, or law term), which is the house, and a certain 
quantity of land about it, called Val du Chapon, and only 
two-thirds of the estate and effects besides ; and only pays 
one share of the family debts in common with the rest. 
The estate of Boisragon is a preciput. 

*' A man of the village of La Ch^naye, whose father had 

^ Celeste de Boisragon, wife of Gedeon d'Auzy Seigneur de la Baubeti^re 
et de la Voute. Of her two sons, the elder is M. de la Voute, tUfe younger, 
M. d'Auzy, husband of Mile. Noce. 

^ Marie Perside, daughter of Jean Chevalleau, possessed the property of 
Paizay le Chapt. 

^ Illegible. 

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lived thirty years in that family, told me that his father was 
valet to mine, and was sent by my grandmother^ to stay 
with him in prison, and was confined with him there in Port 
L'Ev^gne, and accompanied him also to Paris. This man 
also told me he remembered one of my aunts ^ prisoner 
in the Isle de Ehe, and another paysan told me one of his 
uncles left France with my father as his servant. 

** Monsieur de Boisragon sent horses hither to meet me, 
and I went to his house at La Mothe Jarrifere. From La 
Chenaye, passed by Saint Maixant ; crossed the great road, 
and in seven hours arrived there. The house, modem and 
a very good one, but not well situated. He has since bought 
an adjoining estate, called Le Fouilloux, with a great deal 
of wood. 

" The arms of Boisragon are three roses argent, in a field 
azure, with a marquis' coronet and two savages supporters, 
the legs crossed and holding each a club, the ends resting on 
the ground ; in French,'^ ' trois roses d'argent avec couronne 
de Marquis ; deux sauvages pour support, les jambes croisees, 
celle de dehors, sur celle de dedans : avec une massue dans 
leurs mains appuyee a terre '. 

** Liveries, red coats, Hned and faced yellow, and laced d 
la Breta(pie, with velvet lace broad and narrow. 

** At Paris I was introduced to M. de Trudaine, our cousin. 
This gentleman was son to a sister'* of our mother, who 
happened to be in a convent at the time when he and the 
rest of her family escaped. This lady had a dispensation 
from the Pope to marry, and the entire propei*ty of the 
Rambouillet family centred in her. M. de Trudaine was 
at this time Conseiller du Roi dans son Conseil prive, and 
held high employment. 

'* His eldest son was called M. de Montigny ; the second 
M. de la Sablifere, from the estate of our grandfather. 

** Montigny, the Chateau of M. de Trudaine, is situated 
about fourteen leagues from Paris, not far from Compi^gne. 

^ Catherine de Marconnay. ' Catherine de Boisragon. 

■** Sur uti champ d'azur omitted by the writer of the journal. 

* Kenee Madeleine de Rambouillet de la Sabli^re, sister of Marie de 
Bambouillet, Madame Louis Boisragon, the writer's mother. Kenee was 
only four years old when her father and mother fied the country. She 
with her baby sister, out at nurse at Beauce, near La Sabli^re, were taken 
away and confined in the convent of Les Filles de la Croix, and brought up 
as Roman Catholics. Renee married M. de Trudaine, a Catholic gentleman, 
Prevost des Marchands, who by his marriage acquired all the Rambouillet 
estates and the title of La Sabli^re. Their grandson, son of Monsieur de 
Montigny and Mademoiselle de Fouquet, was guillotined in 1792. 

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His son, M. de Montigny, also filled some high departments, 
but died a young man ; this gentleman married Mademoi- 
selle de Fouquet, by whom he has a son, the present M. de 

Here endeth, as the ancient chroniclers would say, the 
journal of Major Henry Boisragon. 

Between his visit to France and his compiling of the 
account of the same, Henry Boisragon continued to fight 
his adopted country's battles. 

In the MS. letters and papers of Henri de Euvigny, Earl 
of Galway, in the library of the British Museum, and in an 
old army list of 1755, is "Henry Bowragon (sic), Captain 
in the 8th King's Eegiment of Foot," the date of his com- 
mission being given as 22nd April, 1752. 

In 1760, 25th June, we find him a Major, and before the 
French army, in the camp at Nieustadt. He writes to his 
wife : — 

'* My dearest Life, 

** We left the Camp at Wavern ye day before yester- 
day, and got here this mornK, very near the French : 'tis 
now about 4 o'clock, and we are ordered to march directly, 
and perhaps may soon be engaged with them ; as God only 
knows, what may be the consequence, I make use of this 
short time to tell you, that I have sealed up my private 
acct Book enclosed, and also your letters, that they may 
not be pry'd into : if it should please God to dispose of my 
hfe in this action, remember my Brigade-Major's pay, which 
Fisher will receive for you, when paid, also arrears due since 
last Dec. 25. My private ace* with the Regiment must be 
settled by Miller : as soon as possible get Fisher or Clarke 
to put you in the way to get my Widow's pension. 

** This is all I think off (sic). Adieu, God prosper, bless 
and preserve you. You are the last I shall think off (sic) 
you are ye best of wives, I honour, esteem, and love you 
above expression, be persuaded off it, and that I am with 
my latest breath, y'" most tender and affect® Husband, 

"H. Boisragon. 

** Love and compliments to all particularly Kate and 

** Let whatever will happen submit to God Almighty's 

* Journal in the possession of J. Gibson, Esq. 

* '* Kate " may be Catherine, his half-sister ; *• Charles," his brother 
Gedeon Charles. 

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Providence. He knows best what is proper for us. Adieu 
once more my dear and beloved Wife." ^ 

At this time Major Boisragon was only thirty-two; his 
wife, Mary Fuzel, possibly younger, as she lived till about 

Henry Boisragon passed through the action safely, for the 
following lines are added to the letter to his wife : — 

** August 20. 

"I have the third of Waggon and Horses, with Col. 
Mompesson and ye Major, it cost me about 20 g^« : ^ you 
must be paid my part. 

'*! can't, my Dearest, keep all y^ letters, tho' it grieves 
me to destroy any, but they would be too bulky to carry 
about, and I don't care they should be pryed into, therefore 
I only keep now and then one." 

In later years Henry Boisragon was known as Major 
Henry Boisragon of Windsor, where he resided for many 
years. He died, beloved and lamented, on Thursday the 4th 
July, 1793, at eleven o'clock forenoon, leaving no issue. 

On the back of a curious old silhouette^ of the major his 
widow writes : ** Sa memoire sera tou jours ch^re et pre- 
cieuse ; rien ne me la fera oublier, quelque lieu que j'habite, 
ne quelques plaisirs qui s'ofifrent a moi ". 

Nothing much is known of the major's half-brother, 
Alexandre Louis, the eldest of the family. He was some 
time an ensign in the English army. On the 16th of Sep- 
tember, 1727, he was at Loudun, for his will is dated from 
that town. By his father's will at Somerset House we 
find that on the 25th March, 1729, Louis Chevalleau de 
Boisragon purchased for his son a commission, and that he 
went to Surinam on the staff of the new governor of that 
colony. Whether he married and had posterity is unknown. 

Gedeon Charles, the second son by the second marriage, 
also visited France about the year 1763 or 1764, when he 
was received by his mother's relations, the De Trudaines, 
with much cordiahty. ** My brother-in-law," he writes in 
his journal, ** the late Dr. Maty, who was at the time at- 
tending the children of Monsieur le Due de Nivernois, by 
whom he was sent for to Paris, accompanied me to Mon- 
tigny, the Ch&teau of Monsieur de Trudaine, not far from 

^ The original of this letter is in the possession of George Somes Layard, 

^ Query, guilders. ' In the possession of J. Gibson, Esq. 

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Compiegne, a few leagues from the Capital ; it is an elegant 
modern house, and he lived in a magnificent style. His 
lady^ was dead, and he has no daughters." 

The journal of old Major Gedeon is but a fragment. 
There is a sad and gentle tone in it, that of one who has 
not accustomed himself to live away from his fatherland : 
" A number of circumstances having concurred to fix noe in 
a country in which I am quite a stranger and without a 
single connexion, I have thrown upon paper the few par- 
ticulars I know of my family, not from vanity, never having 
set too high a value on the accidental circumstances of birth, 
nor derived any advantages from it, separated as my Father 
and Mother were from their native country, but merely to 
excite my dear children to honour their virtues and conduct 
through life the memory of those to whom they owe their 

** Eemember, my dear Son, that you are bom a Gentleman, 
be careful therefore to preserve your title to that appellation 
by the most unblemished honour, by which word, rightly 
understood, I conceive to be more rightly meant, the most 
perfect honesty and candour in all your dealings with man- 
kind, and that most sacred regard for truth, even in trifling 
matters : and if this has its source in piety to God, whatever 
vexations or misfortunes you may suffer in common wath 
your fellow-creatures in this world, be assured you must be 
happy in the next. 

** Softness and politeness of manners are indispensably 
necessary to the Character of a Gentleman, and I have ob- 
served, in my progress through Life, that persons possessed 
of this advantage, as they never offend, seldom receive 
offence, unless from brutality itself." 

The eldest son, Dr. Henry Charles, practised at Chelten- 
ham. Of his three sons, the youngest, Conrad, was for some 
time on the stage as a singer of great promise and talent, 
under the professional name of Borani (probably ** Boisragon " 

Captain Charles Henry Gascoyne Boisragon entered the 
service of the Honourable East India Company ; married at 
Allahabad, and died in India. 

His eldest son, Henry Francis Maxwell Boisragon, entered 
the same service as an Ensign on the 14th June, 1845, and 
joined the 1st Eegiment of Bengal Fusiliers. He was pro- 
moted to Lieutenant on the 13th October, 1846. 

^ Benee de Rambouillet. 

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From 1852 to 1855 he served in the Burmese War, and 
was present at the relief of the garrison of Pegu on the 14th 
December, 1852. 

He commanded a field force in the Tharawady District 
against the rebel chief, Mong-Jongi Goneggie, in which opera- 
tions several of the rebels* strongholds were destroyed, and 
a quantity of stores and supplies were captured. For these 
services Lieut. Boisragon received a medal and clasp, with 
the thanks of the Governor-General in Council and the Chief 
Commissioner in Burmah. 

In 1857-8 he served during the mutiny in India, and 
having been promoted to Captain on the Ist November, 1856, 
he commanded a wing of the Kumaon Goorkha Battahon at 
the siege and storm and capture of Delhi on the 14th Sep- 
tember, 1857, in which he was dangerously wounded. He 
received the medal and clasp, with a Brevet Majority and 
the thanks of the Governor-General in Council. 

In 1858 Major Boisragon commanded a force in the 
Saharanpoor District, and on the 10th January encountered 
and beat back across the Ganges at Hurdwar upwards of 
1000 of the enemy with four gims ; for these services he 
received a medal and his Brevet Lieutenant-Colonelcy. 

His brother Theodore's career was in many ways identical. 

Of Major Theodore's only son, Allan, the newspapers have 
lately recorded the wonderful and merciful escape from the 
massacre at Benin. 

According to the Standard for 16th January, 1897, ** the 
Expedition, or more correctly speaking, the Mission, was in 
command of Mr. Phillips, the acting Consul-General. He 
was accompanied by Lieut.-Col. A. M. Boisragon, com- 
manding the Houssas and seven others. ... In order that 
the King of Benin might understand that the Mission was 
entirely of a peaceful character, instructions were issued that 
all these officers should proceed without arms. . . . The 
Mission started into the interior at the beginning of the year, 
making for Benin city by way of Gwato. On 4th January 
the Mission was suddenly attacked by the Benin people and 
almost annihilated. Of the 250 carriers (carrying the per- 
sonal effects of the officers, presents, etc.), only twenty are 
known to have escaped. . . . 

** Lieut.-Col. Boisragon and District Commissioner Locke 
were wounded; but managed to crawl into the bush, and so 
escaped. . . . Colonel Boisragon and Mr. Locke underwent 
terrible hardships before they succeeded in reaching a place 

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of safety. Both were wounded, and for six days they weifC 
wandering about in the swamps and the bush. . . . " ^ 

Captain Allan Boisragon entered the army in 1878, and b< ,^ » 
came Captain in 1884. He served with the 1st Battalion c :ri» 
the Royal Irish in the Khartoum Relief Expedition, and i^^^ 
now, as a retired ofiBcer, in command of the Niger Prote< — f 
torate forces.^ 

Thus this ancient family, extinct in France, has dwindle 
to two solitary male representatives of their noble line. 





n:, ] 


Jean Chevalleau, Ecuyer, recut de Pons de Vivonne, Chevalier, sei( 
neur des Homes, Thebergement des Homes, alias la Chevalerie, en form 
de donation, le 15 sept. 1857, et devait payer k I'avenir au donateur € rr. ii 
k ses h^ritiers deux setiers de froment, deux setiers d'avoine, et si iiui 
chapons de rente annuelle et perpetuelle. l^ieva 

(Gen. de Vivonne.) 


the 22 AprU 1681. Civbay. 

On the 22nd of April two cavaliers were at Boisragon' s : he was nd U g^ 
of the parish of Civray. They said to him with horrible blsisphemiei ^f^ 1 
. . . that some missionaries with . . . sent to him by Mr. Danyan bj ^^^^* 
the orders of the Intendant. If thou dost not (h)abandon thy religion, *^^ 
rogue of a Huguenot, we will do unto thee as much harm as we can. 

Everything by them said is herewith reported with astonishmenti 
believing that these are all of a singular importance, since they indicate 
all those things done by order of the Intendant. 

They took from him his shoes, his saucepans, his boxes, his cupboards, 
they took a silver spoon, his cuffs, his shirts, his cravats and lace, hia 
bowls, his . . . and told him to take courage, that it was the King's will 
that these dogs of Huguenots should be pillaged and sacked. 

Incited by their Hocqueton,' they took the aforesaid Boisragon by 
the throat and threatened to strangle him if he did not give them four 
louis d'or. To free himself from them, he gave it them. 

On the morrow . . . came to say to him, did he not wish to change 
and profess the King's religion ? 

Boisragon replied that he had never heard of the King's religion, 
neither had the advantage of seeing him ; that his own religion taught t 
him to pray to God for the King's greatness and prosperity, the which | 

^ For the account and in many places the wording of the militair career 
of the Refugee and the details of his successors' lives, I am indebted to the 
Layard Records, compiled by my father. General F. P. Layard. The 
print of the old Ch&teau de Saint Maixent is in the library at Niort. 

2 From Daily Graphic of 12th January, 1897. i 

' Captain of the archers. \ 

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8. \k 
re, I 

let» r 

[ait I 

lin U 

., caj 
tre li 

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English Branch of 


lioaii 0.^!n 

dit le iX'U 

b. 2nd May. lafi 

m. lo. Louise de La Gnuige, 24th May, 1700, 
widow of M. Royrand des Clouseauz. 
She died 1718. 


(1) Alexandre- 
Louis Boisragou, 
b. at the Hague, 
1709 : d. at 

(2) Catherine 

d. uninarried. 


(3) Henry Char]» 


(Major), bu June 

1728 ; m. ? Man 

Fozel ; d. 4tb 

July. 1793. 

8. p. 

(1) Captain Charles Henry 6a»coyue Boisragon, 
b. 27th April, 1804 ; m. 1827, Ellen Gardiner 
Maxwell ; d. 7th Feb.. 1837. 

X. (1) Doctor Heurv Charles Boisragon, 

m. 1^. 8th June, 1803, Mary Annette Fanshawe (by «&•! 
29. 16th Nov., 1846, Jemima Thompson. 


XII. (1) Henry Francis Maxwell 
Boisragon (Major- 
General), b. 27th 
March, 1828 ; m. 16th 
May. 1861. Anna 
Huddleston; d. 22nd 
Sept, 1890. 

(2) Theodore- Walter Rot* 
Boisragon, C.B. , Major- 
General, b. 19th May. 
1830 ; m. Margaret 
Gerrard ; d. 21st Sept. , 

(1) Mabel Maxwell Bois- 
ragon, b. 7th Nov., 
1862; m. 2nd Nov., 
1886. Captain Herbert 
Wilkinson Dent. 

(2) Guy Huddleston 
Boisragon, V.C., 
b. 1864. 5th Nov. 

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Boisragon Family. 

1 March, 1736. 

urie Henriette de Rambonillet, 2l8t Dec., 1718, 
ughter of Nicolas de Rambouillet, Marquis de 
Sabli^re, and of Hemiette Louise Henri de 


leoQ- (5) Suzanne Hen- 
Bois- riette Boisragon, 
lajoT), b. 1716 ; m. 4th 
m. i Aug., 1743, Dr. 
UsrsovL Daniel Peter 

Layard ; d. about 

1st Jan., 1791. 
leaving posterity. 

(6) Elizabeth 


m. Dr. Mathew 

Matey ; d. 1760, 

had issue. 

(7) Anne, m. ? 


had issue. 

(2) Henrietta Marsaret Boisragon, 
m. lo. Colonel Digby of Dublin. 

2o. Captain Bidder, 
d. 1817. 

"e Boisragon, (8) Conrad Oascoyne Boisragon, b. 26th Jan., 

Feb., 1810; 1812; m. 23rd Dec, 1851, Hannah Ball, 

.vip. widow of . . . Hart, Eaq., she died 25th 

Sept., 1888 ; d. Sept., 1^, s.p. 

HKhaw Dundas, 
J'Jiie. 1832. 

Major James 

•^-'apt. Thom- 
Jn. 20lh Sept., 


(4) Emily, 

d. 1837 at 



(5) Annette Mac- 
phersou, b.28th 
Jan., 1835 ; m. 
20th March, 
1852, Captain 
Henry Drum> 
Has issue. 

(6) Blanche, 
b. 1836 ; d. 

1837 at 


;oii. b. 15th 
i d. 15th 

Captain Allan Maxwell Boisragon, 
b. 1860. 22nd January. 

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sis l-sfe 




tC' a; CO cj S ^ 


g «• S^i-. ."g g2 

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he did every day, and that he desired to die in the religion which he had 
ever professed. 

The Hocqueton answered hini roughly : that he would niaJ^e him do 
so by force, since the King did not wish that there should be a single 
person in his Kingdom of the Huguenot religion. 

This conversation is given, so that it may not be forgotten. 

Boisragon said to them resolutely that he did not believe that the 
will of the King, so great and good, was to vex the consciences of his 
subjects; that he had heard say, that he desired that aJl were of his 
religion, but that they became so willingly and not by . . . force ; that 
they , . . (? had used) towards him and towards so many others, whom 
they treated with so much kindness. 

The Hocqueton did not recover from his passion, and wishing to be 
obeyed, said to him : You are jesting ; I am off to send you a company 
of horsemen ; and that if he persisted, he would put him between four 
walls ... of the . . . 

Boisragon ordered to be put before his ... a sucking pig and some 
lamb. The Hocqueton upbraided him for permitting them to give him 
such coarse fare : that he ought to be treated better, and that they 
would not eat until they had each received a louis d'or for their . . . 
Upon which the horsemen increased their rioting, and endeavoured to 
force him to give them 12 cent : swearing to kiU him if he did (? not) 
give them three pistoles, and to bind him to the tails of their horses, so 
as to make him fly and abandon his house : and that they would dis- 
member him, upon which . . . carried off his linen and pillaged all 
that remained. 


Boisragon, May, 1681. 
Daniel Troub^ of the village of Boisragon, . . . (? near) the town of 
Kiort, in the month of May . . . having . . . asked for some papers 
which belonged to him at (? or from) Montpetit, called the forest of 
Sibgom, to whom (or for which) he had given (unintelligible abbreviation 
" por : ") and payment, the arbitrators . . . made a pretext of . . . the 
religion ... for the said trouble which overwhelmed him . . . and at 
the same time, without any order neither authority, seized the said 
Troube, led him to the prison at Niort, where . . . been . . . from . . . 
known to be incarcerated from . . . the 22 May to the 29 July . . . and 
on this let out without having had any redress for his annoyances. 

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(SetBCB abbre00eb fie (Etienne fe S<^tiu^ Aieur be 
(glonbeDiffe* fo un Q|tiforb b*^ngfeferre. 

Etienne Le Fanu de Mondeville, the author of the follow- 
ing poem, was a member of one of the seventy-four noble 
Protestant famihes ^ resident in the gMralite of Caen at the 
time of the Jie^herche, de la Noblesse,^ carried out in the years 
166(5-1674 by Guy Chamillart. His grandfather and name- 
sake, Etienne Le Fanu de Montbenard, born about 1550, 
and his ^eat-grandfather, Michel Le Fanu, had for many 
years been avocats at Caen, the latter, who died in 1576, 
being the author of a work, De Antiquissima juris origine, 
published at Caen in 1568. Like their descendant they were 
both versifiers, and some of the compositions of Etienne de 
Montbenard are still to be read in the Recmil des pieces it 
Vhonnenr de Charles VII. et de la Pucelle d'Orleaiis, published 
at Paris in 1613. So much is recorded by their friend and 
fellow-citizen, Jacques de Cahaignes, and his learned editor ; ' 
from other sources * it appears that both belonged to the re- 
formed rehgion, and that the son, Etienne de Montbenard, 
spent his money freely in the Protestant cause and was 
ennobled by Henri IV. in 1595. 

At the time of the recherche, Etienne de Mondeville, who 
was then forty years of age, was the youngest of four brothers, 
sons of Pierre Le Fanu and Fran^oise Le Hulle, residing 
near Caen. Some years before, in 1657, he had fallen in love 
with a Eoman Catholic lady. Mademoiselle Le Blais de 
Longuemare, and by an error, which the historians Benoit* 
and Haag ^ endeavour to palliate under the terms coinplaisatice 

^ See " La Noblesse Protestante de la generalite de Caen," Bulletin de Soc. 
de VHistoirc du Protei<tantisme Fran<;ainy 1888, p. 646. 

2 Published at Caen, 1887, by a member of La SociOtc' des Antiquaires de 

* Khxfiorum Civitim Cacloviencium Centuria priftm, Caen, 1609 (Elog. 26), 
and notes to translation of same published anonymously at Caen in 1880. 

* Beaujour, L'Eglise Reform^e de Caen, pp. 99, 102, and Charter of Nobility 
in the Archives of Rouen. 

^ Histoire de VEdit de Nantes, vol. iii., pt. 2, pp. 243-4. 
^La France Protestante, Paris, 1860, vol. vi., p. 493. 

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and condescendance pour des scruples naiurels, conformed for the 
occasion to the religion of his bride, and was married by a 
Boman Catholic priest. For this he was summoned before 
the consistory, when he made a public acknowledgment of his 
fault, and promised to bring up his children in the reformed 
religion, to which he himself thenceforward faithfully adhered. 
All this happened nearly six years before the declaration 
of April, 1663, which laid down that no Protestant who had 
once abjured and professed the Eoman Catholic faith could 
ever after return to his old religion.^ But nevertheless Le 
Fanu's right to bring up his children in the reformed re- 
ligion was not recognised, and he reaped in full measure the 
fruits of his imprudence. His difficulties are best described 
in the words of Quick,'^ who, however, makes a slight mis- 
take in the name. He writes with the bitterness of one 
who had known persecution : ** Monsieur Mondeville de 
Fanue, a gentleman of an ancient family, was kept in the 
common gaol of Normandy three years, and was there in 
the year 1674. He married a gentlewoman bred up in the 
Popish Religion. By her he had several children. The first 
was a daughter, and his wife's kindred intended to carry 
her away by force to be baptized according to the Eoman 
superstition. To that end his mother-in-law procured 
from the judges of Caen an express command to the 
ministers of the Protestant Church not to baptize the child 
on pain of five hundred livres. This is directly contrary to 
the King's Proclamation, Anno 1669, Article 39, expressed 
in these very terms : * We order and command that the Children 
whose Father is a Protestant shall remain in their Parent's Cus- 
tody, and those that shall take them away or detain them shall 
be constrained to restore them \^ Hereupon he was constrained 
by night, to avoid the insolency and fury of the common 
people, to carry the child as far as Bayeux, five 1^'rench 
leagues distant from Caen, there to be baptized after the 
manner of the Reformed Churches. 

^ Que nul de nos dits sujets de la dite Religion pretendue Reformee qui 
en auraient une fois fait abjuration pour profeBser la Religion Catholique, 
Apostolique et Romaine ne puisse jamais plus y renoncer et retourner k la 
dite Religion pretendue Reformee, Histoire de VEdit de Nantes, vol. iii., pt. 1, 
Appendix, p. 110. 

^ Synodicon in Gallia Refornmta, vol. i., introduction, section 27. 

' Quick omits the qualifying words : " avant I'age de 14 ans accomplis, 
pour les males et de 12 ans accomplis pour les femelles ". The dispute as to 
the baptism of the children must have taken place long before the declaration 
of 1669, which however might fairly be urged (at least in the case of Etienne's 
son) against the decision of 1670 on the question of guardianship. 

VOL. VI. — NO. I. H 

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** As he was going to baptize his third child in the Pro- 
testant temple near Caen, the Vicar of St. John's Church 
stopped him and took him by the throat suddenly, in so 
violent a manner that he almost choked him, and to avoid 
the fury of the common people who began to flock about 
he returned to his house. 

** The last child being a daughter, was carried away bj' 
stealth by the fore-mentioned Vicar, and was baptized in 
the Eomish way. The mother of these children dying a 
short time after, although by the custom of the country the 
father hath the right of being guardian and tutor of his 
children, yet most unjustly and contrary' to the 39th Article 
of the Edict, the relations of the deceased gentlewoman, 
who were all Papists, chose her brother (who being a minor 
needed a guardian himself) to take the care of these children. 
And thereupon he was condemned to give up his children to 
the care and custody of this young guardian : ^ from this 
sentence he made appeal to the Parliament of Rouen. But 
his adversaries by their false witnesses and counterfeited 
contract before marriage, allowing the education of his 
children in the superstitions of the Romish Church (which 
he proved forged), got two judgments passed against him and 
executed, enjoining him to deliver up his children under the 
penalty of eight hundred livres French money. Upon this 
he petitioned the Privy Council, and obtained a letter under 
the King's Seal to Monsieur Chamillart, Intendant of Caen, 
commanding him to put a period unto this aflfair. But he, 
being wholly governed by the Bishop of Bayeux,^ and other 
of the clergy and rigid Papists, this poor gentleman was 
made a prisoner, and at the taking of him they miserably 
abused him, beating him, tearing his clothes, breaking his 
sword, dragging him in a brutish manner through the streets, 
and in all probabihty had not a gentleman, named the 
Viscount of Caen, come by and took him into his coach, 
and conducted him with his guard to the prison, he had 
been massacred by the bloody rabble. Over and above 
all this bad usage, some debtors to him have obtained an 

' The sentence of the Bailli of Gaen here referred to was dated November, 
1670. Chamillart returns Jean Louis Le Blais Sieur de Longuemare as 
twenty-seven years of age, which is hardly consistent with the statement in 
the text. 

' Francois de Nesmond qui, pendant sa longue existence k la tete du 
diocese de Bayeux s'^tait signale par un zele outre centre la Reforme et par 
Tabsence de toute moderation dans les mesures employt'es. Beaujour, 
I/Eglise RefomUe de Caen, p. 410. 

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injunction upon any proceeding at law against theniy 
until he have delivered up his children. His estate is all 
seized, and he kept at the King's allowance, that he may 
thereby be compelled, not having the wherewithal to buy 
bread for his children, to dehver them up. This order was 
confirmed and given forth by six ecclesiastical councillors. 

"Thus was this worthy gentleman . . . more than three 
years imprisoned, and placed among the most notorious 
rogues, who for their villainies are under restraint without 
any hope of dehverance unless by death." 

Le Fanu's persecutors, having thus disposed of him, now 
sought to carry off his children, and to escape their attacks 
Lie Fanu had the two children — for only two appear to have 
grown up — sent out of France.^ They were landed in 
England, probably on the south coast, where they were 
placed in charge of a Milord d'Angleterre, resident in the neigh- 
bourhood. This nobleman is not mentioned by name, but he 
is described as a man of tried prudence, who had held high 
office, and had shown himself the worthy son of a worthy 
father. Not content with receiving the children and edu- 
cating them in the Protestant faith, he even crossed over to 
France to visit and comfort their father in his affliction. 
To this friend Le Fanu addressed the following poem during 
his captivity, describing his troubles, the death of his wife, 
and his imprisonment, and drawing a graphic picture of his 
chief persecutor, probably the Vicar of St. John's referred 
to by Quick. 

About the year 1677, whether at their father's desire or 
by the inducement of their mother's relatives, the children 
returned to France and became Boman Cathohcs ; the son, 
Jean-Louis, went into the French navy, and died unmarried ; 
the daughter married a M. de Bois Eoussel. 

Le Fanu was now released from prison, and in 1680 
married Anne Le Sueur, a Protestant, by whom he had two 
children — Philip, who married, at Caen, Marie Ba9on, and 
Jacques — both of whom settled in Dublin, following the 
example of a cousin, Charles Le Fanu de Cresserons, who 
had already proceeded to Ireland in King WiUiam's army. 

1 The case of Le Fanu and his children was one of those brought forward 
in support of the statement of grievances presented to Louis XIV. in March, 
1674, by the celebrated Pierre du Bosc and the other Deputies from the Pro- 
testant Churches, Histoire de VEdit de Nantes, vol. iii., pt. 2, pp. 243-4, and 
Galland, L' Histoire de Protestdntisme d Caen^ etc.^ p. 186. 

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Charles Le Fanu, after fighting at the Battle of the Boyne 
in La Melonniere's regiment, returned to the war in Flanders, 
and afterwards served under Lord Rivers in Spain, receiving 
commissions, first as a captain in La Fabreque's French 
regiment of Dragoons, and afterwards as a major in the 
regiment of Guiscar. After his retirement on pension he 
married Marguerite de Grindorges, and died in Dublin in 
1738, leaving no descendants. Jacques Le Fanu married, in 
1740, Marie Anne d'Avessin, but their only child died young. 
Philip's son, William (born at Caen in 1708), also married a 
Huguenot, Madlle. Henriette Raboteau. They had eight 
sons, and from two of these, Joseph, Clerk of the Coast in 
Ireland, and Peter, a celebrated Dublin preacher, the Le 
Fanus of the present generation are descended. 

T. P. Le Fanu. 

Etienne LE Fanu Escuyeb 


A un milord d*angleterre chez le quel il avoit refiigi6 ses 
enfans Centre les intentions du Sr. de longuemare Le Blais 
son beau frere qui les vouloit faire Elever En la Religion 
Romaine que professoit leur mere, premiere femme du Sienr 
de Mondeville. 

Illustre amy dont le merite, 

Se Cognois en la Cour des Roys, 

Aussi bien par tes grands Emplois, 

Que par ta eage Gonduitte. 

Chevalier digne Successeur, 

De la vaillance et de I'honneur, 

De ton Brave et genereux pere, 

Qu'on voit luire en toy ses vertus 

De m6tre venu voir an fond d'une taniere, 

Press^ de mes Ennuis de douleurs abatu. 

En sortant d'lm pais Etrange 

Par la permission de Dieu 

Pour me venir voir en Ce lieu 

Tu parus a moy Comme un ange 

Je Creu que Comme D&niel 

Par un qui dessendit du Ciel 

Fut secouru dans sa misere, 

Dans Tafifreux autre des lions 

Tu t'en vois yci de la mesme maniere 

Pour mon soulagement au fond de les prisons. 

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Tu me fis un lieu desirable 

D'un bien pire que les Enfers 

£n t*^outanB j'aimois mes fers 

Lors le sejour me fut aimable 

Tea saintes Consolations 

Forserent mes affections 

A ployer soubs la main Divine 

Mon Esprit d^tache du Corps 

Goutans de si grands biens tout Content s'imaginne 

Jouir de Ceux du Ciel dans de si doux transports. 

L'oing de ces joyes Inexprimables 

Par nostre grand Eloignement 

Tu me fis part obbligeamment 

De tes missives agreables 

L*une di celle me fist voir 

Que tu souhetois bien scavoir 

Le Subjet qui me tient aux chaines 

Que je t'en informasse en vers 

Qu*un si charmant Employ soulageroit mes peines 

Et que tu te plaisois en ces divins Conserts. 

Mais qu'une muse prisonniere 

Pour satisfaire a tes Souhets 

A mon advis a peu d'attraits 

Cher Periandre pour te plaire 

Elle qui dans ses d^plaisirs 

Ne s'exprime que par Soupirs 

De puis le jour de ton absence 

Croy moy pent difficilement 

Avecque tes desirs tomber d 'intelligence 

Pour te pouvoir donner quelque Contentement. 

Neantmoins bien que ma foiblesse 

Me dispense fort justement 

de t'obeir presentement 

Je ne le puis je le confesse 

La recognoissance a des loyx 

Qui m'apprenant ce que je dois 

Me feroyent voir inexcusable 

Si je t*ausois rien refuser 

Tes bienfaits envers moy me rendroyent Condamnable 

Ce seroyent des themoins qui \'iendroyent contre moy. 

Pour t&cher a te satisfaire 

Je prens dont le pinzeau en main 

Et commensant par un desseing 

Y metre la trace premiere 

Dans le triste Etat ou je suis 

Faisant trSve avec mes Ennuys 

Je vas m'eforcer a te plaire 

Mds belas ! de quelle Couleur 

Pour y bien reussir peindraige ma miser e 

Et quels termes pouront Exprimer ma douleur ? 

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118 HUGUENOT society's PROCEEDINaS. 

De puis que Tautheur de mon Estre 

A form6 mon raisonneiuent 

Et pourvii mon Entendement 

De lumiere pour le Cognoitre 

Mil et miUe Sortes de maux 

De miseres at de travaux 

Ont Eprouve ma patience 

Pour nieintenir sa sainte loy 

Et Banir de mon Coeur une impure Croyanoe 

L'erreur a d§coche tons ses traits Contre moy. 

Auparavant que de t'apprendre 

Le subjet dc tons mes malheurs 

Prens garde de verser des pleurs 

Si tost que tu les vas entendre 

Begarde mon atHiction 

Sans en manquer d' emotion 

A fin d'honorer ma souffrance 

Fais paroitre im Coeur genereux 

Banissen la pitie laisse agir ma Constance 

Plus on soumre pour Christ et plus on est heureux. 

Tout homme doit tenir a gloire 

D'estre pour luy Charge de fers 

Cest par les plus fascheux re vers 

Que Ton a part a la victoire 

Le fidelle doit ycy bas 

Entrer dans les Sang] ants Combats 

De cet auguste et Divin maitre 

Et puis qu'on Ta persecute 

Pour marcher sur ses pas il a besoin de I'etre 

Pent il avoir le prix sans I'avoir merite ? 

Apres tant D'epreuves Diverses 

Et D^plaisirs les plus Cuisants 

Avoir passe mes jeunes ans 

Dans toutes sortes de traverses 

Qu'un arrest du Ciel sans pitie 

Eut Contraint ma Chere moitie 

De parachever sa Carriere 

Je Cren apres ces rudes Coups 

Avoir senti I'efifet d'une rigueur Entiere 

Quand je vis augmenter Contre moy son Couroux. 

Une perverse et noire Bande 

Des Criiels enfans de la nuit 

Dont I'esprit n'en jamais Conduit 

Que de I'enfer qui les Commende 

Un jour qu'an Saint et sacr6 lieu 

J'alois pour invoquer mon Dieu 

Dont j'entretenois ma pensee 

Ces Cruels, Ces Ceditieux 

Viennent fondre sur moy d'une Course Empress^e 

Et rompent Tentretien qui m'61evoit aux Cieux. 

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Au milieu de cette Canaille 

Comme Jesus entre les juifs 

Dn tascheux Estat ou je suis 

Chaqu*uii deux se rit et se raille 

Ainsi sarpris sans nol Seooiir 

Inutilement jay recour 

A la priere et a la plainte 

Ces perfides Ces iiihiuaains 

Sans aucone pitie de ma dure Contrainte 

Me font voir a L'envis ce que paisent leurs mains. 

J'appersois en ce jour de feste 

Un des plus lasche des mortels 

Qui quitta service et autels 

Pour se venir metre a leur teste 

Un homme meigre et de nour teint 

Sur le front duquel on voit peint 

Un Sinistre et mauvais presage 

Un squelet mouvans dont les veux 

Aprenant ce qu'il est par un miiet langage 

Le font Croire la haine at le mepris des Cieux. 

Suivans Celuv qui le possede 

Aide de tons ses garnemeus 

Avec blasphemes et Semiens 

lis me pressent tant que je cede 

Conduit aux magistrats des lieux 

Je Itis aussitost a leurs yeux 

Le Contenu de ma Sentence 

Cars sans Entendre ria raisou 

D'un ton tier, et hautain de mesme intelligence 

Conclurent d'une voix de me metre en prison. 

La pour pousser ma patience 

Dans la demiere Extremite 

Sans pitie sans humanity 

Font arrester ma subsistence 

Lors me voyant sans nul Confort 

Font j otter une autre ressort 

Pour me faire un dernier outrage 

Ainsi que des lonps ravissans 

Qui presses de la faim mettent tout en usage 

lis veulent dans leur Bage enlever mes enfans. 

Pour Eviter la violence 

Des les Esprits Ceditieux 

Adverti par un Coup des Cieux 

Je les fis sortir de la france 

Ce fut en cette occasion 

Ou parut ton affection 

Envers moy pendant ma souffirance 

Estant arives en bon port 

Par un Secours d^enhaut au lieu de ta naissance 

Les fis mener chez toy pour les estre un support. 

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Ce fut ou tu les fis instruire 

Par un acte de Charite 

a Cognoitre la verity 

pour 86 renger soubs Son Empire 

i& tu fig former leurs EBprits 

Sur les Saints et divins E scripts 

pour ne se laisaer pas Surprendre 

aux apas trompeurs de L'erreur 

et leur faire scavoir le chemin quil faut prendre 

pour parvenir au but de L'eternel bonheur. 

Amy ton Zelle Charitable 

et tous tes Soins oificieux 

t'acquerent un thresor aux Cieux 

incorruptble et perdurable 

par un ange les trois enfans 

jett^s dans les forneaux ardens 

furent preserves de leur Hames 

benissant Dieu par leurs Conserts 

mats toy tu fis bien plus Sauvant les jeunes Ames 

en leur faisant quitter le chemin de Tenfer. 

Estre iniini vertu adorable 

Divine source de tous biens 

qui se respent sur tous les tiens 

et pour eux est in§puizable 

Misericordieux Sauveur 

tu Cognois quelle est la douleur 

que je souflFre en le lieu funeste 

Dans le triste Estat ou je suis 

fais descendre sur moy quelque Royon Celeste 

qui discipe Lhorreur de mes mortels Ennuys. 

Que I'opprobre de ta souffrance 

Soit tou jours dans mon Souvenir 

a fin de te pouvoir Benir 

Dans la mienne avecque Constance 

mais sans I'apuy de ta bont^ 

a quoy me sert ma volonte 

qui ne marqu'en moy que foiblesse 

Donne moy dont ton bon Esprit 

qui reigle mes desirs qui minspire sans cesse 

pour pouvoir accomplir ce que tu mas prescript. 

Et si ta grande providence 
a mesure Beaucoup de temps 
aux Rudes peinnes que je sens 
acorde moy la patience 
fais que dans ma detention 

{"e souffre avec Soubmission 
a peine due a mon offence 
que Dun Coeur gay portant mes fers 
je puisse satisfaire a ta divine Essence 
et Braver les efforts du monde et des Enfers. 

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Dans Ce lieu triste Et deplorable 

que le bel astre sans pareil 

qui voit presqne tout de bon oeil 

prive d'un regard favorable 

L& miserablement reduit 

nayant repos ni jour ny nuit 

je Souffre le dernier Supplice 

voisin de plusieurs garneuiens 

dans un recoin^ maisein de ce Sombre Edifice 

D'ou j en tens tout le Bruit de leurs Emportemens. 

Apres toutes mes longnes veilles 

inquietudes et travaux 

Croyant gouter quelque Bepos 

jen ay des peinnes sans pareille 

je ne vois rien que des objets 

qui me sont autant de subjets 

de chagrin et melancholic, 

que precipices et tombeaux 

que tigres, et que loups que lions enfurie 

prest a me d^vorer et me m^tre en morseaux. 

Je suis le but de Tinsolence 

de ces hommes Capritieux 

dont les discours injurieux 

font que j*6vitte leur presence 

Chacun prent parti contre moy 

les plus chetifs me font la loy 

et ceux qui tiennent la balence 

irrites Contre moy me hajissent si fort 

que bien loin de me pleindre en ma dure SoufiOremce 

I>ans mon Evident droit ils me donnent le tort. 

La souffirant sans auser rien dire 

les insultes et les rigueurs 

de ces Gruels persecuteurs 

je suis toujours dans le martyre 

eniin lass^ de la prison 

je leur fais voir que sans Baison 

ils attaquent mon innocence 

mais dans leurs injustes transports 

Sans garder de mesiure ils mimposent Silence 

Bedoublant Contre moy tons leurs mauvois efforts. 

L'esprit acabM de tristesse 

D'un si sensible traitement 

Succombe ass^s facilement 

Soubs le dernier Coup qui loppresse 

afflig^ de mon mauvois sort 

je ne souhete que la mort 

Dans Tennuy de ma servitude 

Car ce seroit chercher en vain 

Des remedes aux rigueurs d'une epreuve si rude 

je nen saurois trouver Dans la mortelle main. 

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Dans mon affliction Extreme 

jay perdu tout le jugement 

Sans espoir de Soulagement 

je suis coinnie hors de moy mesme 

ainsi que Job dans ses doiileurs 

je voudrois dans tous mes malheurs 

que le Ciel ne miist point fait naltre 

Et que tout ce vaste univers 

f^st reduit au neans a fin de ne plus Estre 

et par la voir finir tous mes fascheux revers. 

Mais le Seigneur Dieu secourable 

dont la grande bont^ s'estent 

Sur le pdcheur qui se repent 

a piti^ de moy miserable 

aux tristes accens de ma voyx 

il me rent flexible a ses loix 

par une Douce obeissance 

mes passions en ce moment 

Escoutant ma raison avecque deference 

font voeu de ce soubmettre a son Commendement. 

Lors Comparant mon adventure 

a tous les outrages soufers 

de mon redempteur que je sers 

je benis une loy si dure 

jettent les yeux sur mes liens 

je les Comprens Comme des biens 

que la divine main menvoye 

Et loing d'en Espendre des pleurs 

jen suis fort satisfait j'en ay bien de la joye 

je les re9ois de luy Comme de ses faveurs. 

En le sejour je me ConsoUe 

Dans le sombre et funeste lieu 

j'fiidmire la bonte de dieu 

envers les &mes oppress^es 

bien qu'aucuns y passent leurs jours 

Sans Esperer aucuns secours 

de son admirable puissance 

Cependant par Divers moy ens 

Chacun voit tous les jours agir la providence 

par les grands Soins quil prent pour tous ceux qui sont Siens. 

II Consolle L'homme fidelle 

qu'on y d^tient injustement 

il attent Lheure Constenment 

ou la plus rude mort Tappelle 

il envisage son malheur 

Comme un aimable advent Coureur 

de ses felicites prochainnes, 

sil sort des larmes de ses yeux 

Cest d'aise de quitter les liens et les chaines 

qui le tenoyent Captif dans les terrestres lieux 

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II scait tirer le plus Hebelle 

par des Cordeaux Dliumanite 

S'il resiste a la verite 

quand il veut il brulle pour elle 

D'un insolent persecuteur 

il en fist un distributeur 

Des doms de Son Saint Evengille 

et Comme il a fait la Clarte, 

D'une profonde nuit Lhomme de chose ville 

il fait de son impur naltre la purite. 

Gombien qu'il s'arme de la foudre 

pour punir son Egarement 

et qu*il puisse tres justement 

le Briser et reduire en poudre 

Des lors quil quitte son p^sche 

quil cognois quil en est fasche 

quil le luy marque par ses larnies 

en sa grace aussitot remis 

il n'est plus irritd il met a bas les annes, 

Ecartant loing de luy tous ses Crimes Commis. 

Que L'erreur soit d*intelligeance 

que le monstre pemicieux 

pour les seduire olfre a ses yeux 

Sa pompe et sa magnificence 

que par le Bruit des grosses eaux 

et leurs debordemens nouveaux 

on le menace du naufrage, 

Tayant toujours pour son nocher 

il paroit intrepide au milieu de L'orage 

et d'un Espoir egal ferme Comme un rocher. 

De plusieurs Routes incognues 

dont I'espoir et le sang humain 

ne peut Cognoitre le Chemin 

II luy fait trouver les issues, 

qu'il erre par tous les deserts 

les plus afreux de L'univers 

parmi les lions pleins de rage 

Son Createur qui le Conduit 

luy fait heureusement achever son voyage 

Dans lincommodite de la plus noire nuit. 

A mediter des choses Saintes 

je trouvais un Souverain bien 

la douleur ne me pouvoit rien 

je Bravois toutes ses atteintes 

quand dans Cette felicity 

Lhorreur de ma Captivit«^ 

tout d'un Coup frape ma memoire 

aJors cet af&eux Souvenir 

Des plaisirs ou j'estois, q'u& peinne on Scroit Croire, 

me met dans un chagrin que je ne puis Banir. 

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Quittant cet entretien aimable 

je rentre dans ma noire humeur 

et repassant sur mon malheur 

je Buis du tout inconsolable 

tout triste abatu De langueur 

je sens disciper ma vi)^eur 

voyant ma liberty perdue 

Et que pnv^ de tout Secours 

il me faut dans ces lieux sans y trouver d'issue 

parmi Des Criminels passer mes plus beaux jours. 

Mais repassant Sur la Souf&ance 
De ce grand monarque des Cieux 
qui pour Des hommes vicieux 
vit Condamner Son innocence 
Sa charitable passion 
me fait changer d*intention 
je Recognois ma faute Entiere 
et Blamant mon Egarement 
je Dis heists faut-il me plaindre en ma misere 
quand un Dieu meurt pour moy Dun si Rude tourment. 

Peut-on vivre Deins les delices 

scachant que le divin Sauveur 

passa Ses jours Dans la Douleur 

pour reparer nos injustices 

qu'il Esuya tant de travaux 

qu'il soufirit mil et mille maux 

par les seules pointes D*epinnes 

quand il fut abrev6 De fiel, 

n'est tu pas insensi^ mortel qui timaginne 

avec Des mets Exquis pouvoir ga^er le Ciel. 

Je scais qu*un traitement si Rude 

est bien difficile a souffiir 

mais ne vaut-il pas mieux mourir 

que vivre avec ingratitude 

Ce seroit manquer De vertu 

quand notre Chef a Combatu 

De vouloir Conserver sa vie 

Et puis quil a vaincu L'enfer 

triomphe des d(^'mon8 qui lavoyent asservie 

apres luy peut-on Craindre et les feux et le fer. 

L& que des Soins si charitables 

forcent un homme puissanment 

a mediter incessament 

sur ces contes inexprimables, 

et que L^ennuy d'une prison 

avecque Beaucoup de raison 

frape heureusement la memoire 

qu'un Deplaisir y semble Doux 

quand on scait qu'en ce lieu Ce divin roy de gloire 

Des verges des Boureaux y reseut plusieurs Coupe^ 

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Tant de bienfaits de Cette Sorte 

Sur UJQ Esprit Hecognoissant 

Doivent par un effet pnissant 

f aire une impretion bien forte 

de voir cet adorable Espoux 

porter la peinne du Couroux 

q*u&yoit merits nostre Crime 

mortels que le Hessentiment 

Est a qui que ce soit un devoir legitime 

pour peu quil soit gairy de son aveuglement 

Que les puissances Souverainnes 

par un in juste et dure loy 

se liguent toutes Centre moy 

que je sois le but de leur haine 

nonobstant leurs puissant effort 

qui me peut advencer la mort 

je suivray lautheur de mon Estre 

je n*espere pas mieux que hiy 

jusq'uau dernier Soupir je leur feray Cognoitre 

que je nay point de peur quand je Tay pour appuy. 

Les plus doux momens de la vie ' 

doivent 6stre peu precieux 

a celuy qui jette les yeux 

Sur les maux dont elle est suivie 

quand il aura bien medite 

desur son instability 

qui jamais ndpargna personne 

il trouvera tout bien compte 

que Lhomme qui sy plaist et si fie et sy donne 

a lesprit bien grossier et tres mal ar^st^ 

Mon dieu que le Zelle severe 

de mes Criiels persecuteurs 

me cause aujourdhuy de bonheur 

puisq'uen soufl&rant je te puis plaii'e 

pendant ma tribulation 

Exempt de toute passion 

je louray ta beneficence 

Sans fin je beniray mes feres 

puisque dans tes beaux jours m^me des ton enfance 

D'un Coeur soubmis et doux tu soufris les revers 

Je souhdte que la malice 

de ces £ sprits cedicieux 

ne vienne point devant tes yeux 

le jour que tu feras justice 

je leur pardonne leurs forfaits 

justement Contre moy faits 

par un defaut de Cognoissance 

agis de mesme en leur faveur 

ne leur impute point cette Criielle ofifence 

ils pensent faire bien Seigneur pardonne leur 

Amen Fin. 

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0it f^entt T»iffiam 0ee(t^ (gatf. 

Vice-President, 1886-1894. 

President, 1894-1898. 
Died, 26th August, 1898. 

As this number of the Proceedings is passing through 
the press, the sad news reaches us of the death of 
our President, Sir Henry Peek, in whom the Society 
loses one of its oldest members and staunchest 

To those who were present at the Annual Meeting 
in May last, when Sir Henry presided in apparently 
the best health and spirits, and with all his usual 
brightness and geniality, and still more to those who 
happened to have met him even more recently, the 
news has come with a shock of surprise as well as 
with the keenest feelings of sorrow and regret. 

Sir Henry William Peek was the son of Mr. James 
Peek of Watcombe, Torquay, and was born on the 
26th February, 1825; his Huguenot descent being 
derived through his mother, a Le Maitre, whose 
family originally came from Dieppe. This connection 
with the refugees was always a source of peculiar 
pride and pleasure to Sir Henry, and through all 
the multifarious occupations and distractions of a 
very busy life, the history of the Hugufenots and 
their descendants, and especially the welfare of the 
poorer amongst them, continued one of his deepest 
and most abiding interests. 

Endowed with unusual energy of both mind and 
body, Sir Henrj^ Peek, though weighted with the 

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conduct of one of the largest houses in the City of 
London, the afifairs of which extended far and wide 
all the world over, yet found time for a variety of 
other pursuits, most of which were carefully planned 
and carried out with the view of benefiting those 
around him. As Member of Parliament for Mid- 
Surrey in the Conservative interest from 1868 to 
1884, he used his influence in the promotion of 
many objects of general utility, and his unwearied 
and successful efiforts in endeavouring to secure the 
preservation of open spaces for the people of London, 
and notably the purchase by the Corporation of 
Epping Forest and Burnham Beeches, will ever 
make him remembered as a public benefactor. 

Yet it was not, perhaps, in these matters of more 
conspicuous philanthropy that Sir Henry's large- 
hearted generosity was really to be seen in its best 
and truest form. It is comparatively easy for a 
man of wealth and position to join in a great public 
movement and to add his hundreds of guineas to a 
subscription list for some transient, though for the 
moment pressing and soul-stirring, object, but Sir 
Henry's charity and sympathy were not to be 
bounded by such limits as these. He was ever on 
the watch for some opportunity of doing a kind 
action for those whose humble wants were in danger 
of being lost sight of in the hurry and bustle of 
present-day hfe, and was always ready to lend an 
attentive ear to any case of distress that was men- 
tioned to him. Nor was he content to merely give 
some small donation and dismiss the matter without 
further thought. He was at the pains to satisfy 
himself thoroughly of all the merits of the case put 
before him, and then to give hberally so far as it 
seemed to require; nor did he stop here even, for 
he stored such cases in his memory, and weeks or 
months after having lent a first helping hand, would 
inquire how things were prospering, and whether 
he could be of any further service. And all was 
done so quietly and unostentatiously that probably 

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many and many a poor creature, struggling with 
illness and misfortune, has owed renewed health and 
happiness to Sir Henry without being in the least 
aware of it. 

Among the many charitable works in which Sir 
Henry Peek was concerned, none possessed for him 
a livelier interest than the French Hospital, of which 
he was the senior Director, having been elected so 
long ago as 1846. In October, 1897, he was elected 
Deputy-Governor in succession to the late Mr. C. J. 
Shoppee, and at once threw himself, heart and soul, 
into the duties of his new ofiSce. He was frequently 
at the Hospital, enjojdng a friendly chat with the 
old people, and looking after their comfort and well- 
being in every possible way. To join with them 
in the simple services in the Chapel was one of Sir 
Henry*s greatest pleasures. He was an excellent 
reader, and was wont on such occasions to read the 
Lessons with a reverence of manner and a clearness 
and impressiveness of voice which none who heard 
him will ever forget. 

Elected a Vice-President of the Huguenot Society 
on the 13th May, 1885, at the first Meeting after its 
foundation. Sir Henry Peek was a constant attendant 
at the future Meetings both of the Society and of the 
Council, and on the lamented death of Sir Henry 
Layard, in 1894, it was universally felt that no one 
else could so chosen to succeed to the 
office of President. He was therefore provisionally 
appointed President on the 14th November, 1894, 
and formally elected at the next ensuing Annual 
Meeting in May, 1895. From that time he was 
rarely absent from any of the Society's Meetings, 
and it will be long ere any of its Fellows forget the 
genial way in which he presided at its social gather- 
ings, and the interest he took in the various proceed- 
ings of a graver character. Most of all will he be 
missed by his colleagues in the Council, where his 
kindly presence was ever welcome and where he was 
ever ready to bestow on every little matter the full 

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benefit of his ripe experience, and ever eager to 
suggest what he thought might conduce to the 
Society's welfare and usefulness. To him may not 
unfittingly be applied the words of Sir Thomas 
Browne : ** bright Thoughts, clear Deeds, Constancy, 
Fidelity, Bounty, and generous Honesty are the Gems 
of noble Minds ; wherein (to derogate from none) the 
true Heroick Enghsh Gentleman hath no Peer ". 

E. S. F. 

VOL. VI. — NO. I. 

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Wednesday, 2nd Novembeb, 1898. 

W. J. C. Moens, Esq., F.S.A., Vice-President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Annual General Meeting held on 11th 
May, 1898, were read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : — 

Arthur Dick, Esq., 16 St. Helen's Place, E.C. 

A. C. Haslam, Esq., St. Thoms^s* Hospital, S.E. 

The Rev. Francis Charles Robert Jourdain, Clifton Vicarage, 
Ashbourne, Derbyshire. 

Lieut. Henry Francis Newdigate Jourdain, The Connaught 
Rangers, Galway, Ireland. 

The Right Hon. the Earl of Northbrook, G.C.S.I., P.C., 
F.R.S., Stratton, Micheldever Station. 

Henry Obr^, Esq., 24 Ryder Street, St. James', S.W. 

Edward Stanley Mould Perowne, Esq., 13 Warwick Cres- 
cent, W. 

Miss Emmeline Anne Madehne Stratton, 12 Connaught 
Place, W. 

Library of the Dutch Church, Austin Friars, E.C. 

The Chairman and others spoke of the great loss sustained 
by the Society in the death of the President, Sir Henry 
William Peek, Bart., and a vote of sympathy with Sir 
Henry's family was unanimously passed. A brief discussion 
followed on the Refugee Settlement at Canterbury. 

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Wednesday, 11th Januaby, 1899. 

A. G. Bbowning, Esq., F.S.A., Vice-President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on 2nd November, 1898, 
were read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : — 

James Lombard Becher de la Coor, Esq., 5 Inverness Place, 
Bayswater, W. 

Edward Filliter, Esq., 3 Eosslyn Hill, Hampstead, N.W. 

A Paper was read by Mr. W. J. C. Moens, V.P., on 
" The Despoiling of the Strangers by James I. and his 
Favourites, 1616-1623". 

VOL. VI.— NO, Ih K 

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Wednesday, 8th Mabgh, 1899. 

A. G. Browning, Esq,, F.S.A., Vice-President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on 11th January, were 
read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : — 

Alfred Clifton Clapin, Esq., M.A., Felstead School, Essex. 

Roland Ellis de Vesian, Esq., Roxboro' House, Harrow. 

Miss Ellen L. Wilson, 10 Wilberforce Road, Southsea, 

The Royal Library, Berlin. 

The Bristol Museum and Reference Library. 

A Paper was read by Mr. W. Minet, F.S.A., on " The 
Church at Calais and its Poor Fund ". 

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Wbdnbsdat, 10th Mat, 1899. 

W. J. C. MoBNS, Esq., F.8.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on 8th March, were read 
and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : — 

Henry Percy Bonlnois, Esq., 44 Campden-House Court, 
Kensington, W. 

Andrew James de la Mare, Esq., Langold, South Woodford, 

Walter Frederick Moens, Esq., Woodcote, Chislehurst. 

Melville Portal, Esq., Laverstoke House, Micheldever. 

The Rev. Robert Wilson, D.D., President of the Huguenot 
Society of Soui^ Carolina, 79 Coming Street, Charleston, 

The Library of Congress, Washington, U.S.A. 

The Annual Report of the Council was read as follows : — 

Beport of the Cotmcil to the Fifteenth Annual Oenerai Meeting 
of the Huguenot Society of London, 

During the past year there have been twenty losses by 
death and withdrawal, being the same as in the year pre- 
ceding, and twenty-two new Fellows have been elected, 
making the total number now 873. There'has also been 
one loss by death among the Honorary Fellows, viz., that of 
the Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, formerly the distinguished 
Ambassador of the United States to this country. 

Of those who have passed av^ay from the Society since 
the last Annual Meeting, none have been, and will be, so 
missed and regretted as ttie late President, Sir Henry William 

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Peek, Bart. No one took a deeper interest in the Sodeiy 
than he did ; no one was more anxions to do anything and 
everything for it that lay in his power; his energy, his 
enthusiasm, his genialily, were again and again the Ufe of 
its Meetings, whether in London or in the country. The 
Council feel sure that the whole Society will be at one with 
them in their heartfelt sorrow at his death. 

Besides that of the President, the Society has especially 
to mourn the loss of Mr. Edward E. Stride and of Mr. 
Francis W. Cross. Mr. Stride was one of the original 
Fellows of the Society, and for several years was a member 
of the Register Committee, on which he did much excellent 
service, and from which he regretfully retired owing to ill- 
health. Mr. Cross is known to all as the author of the 
Society's latest quarto volume. The History of the WaUoon and 
Huguenot Chv/rch at Canterbury, a book of great interest and 
solid value. It was a labour of love to its author, who 
spared no pains to make it as full and accurate as possible, 
and all will regret that he has for so short a time survived 
the completion of it. 

The Treasurer's balance-sheet, annexed to this Report, 
shows an income for the financial year of £492 1&. 5d. 
(inclusive of a balance of £66 Ss. 6d. brought forward from 
1897), and an ex^nditure of £645 Ss. Id., being an excess of 
expenditure over income of £152 6s. 8d. It should, however, 
be pointed out that this excess on the wrong side is apparent 
rather than real, and has ceased to exist since the beginning 
of the present year. The unusual expenses were caused 
by the almost simultaneous issue of an unusual numb^ of 
publications, and the deficit has been already met by a 
portion of the current year's incoma • The Council there- 
fore have the satisfaction of being able to announce that the 
actual balance in hand this evening is £109 14s. 9cl., which 
will be sufficient, they estimate, with other receipts yet to 
come in, to meet all liabilities for the publications to be 
issued in 1899. The Society also has, at the present date, 
the sum of £719 ISs. Id. invested in the names of three 
Trustees in 2f per cent. Consols, so that its financial position 
may be considered thoroughly sound. 

The publications issued during titie year have been : jthe 
first number of the sixth volume of Proceedings; tiie first 
volume of the Threadneedle Street Registers, ei^ited by Mr. 
Moens ; the concluding volume of the Canterbury Registers, 
edited by Mr. B. Hovenden ; the La Patents Registers, edited 

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by Mr. Minet and Mr. Waller ; and the History of the Walloon 
and Htigiisnot Ohureh at Canterbury^ written by Mr. Cross, 
and to which allusion has already been made. 

There are now in the press the second number of the 
sixth volmne of Proceedings ; the Betums of Aliens, edited by 
Mr. Eirk; the second volmne of the ThreaAneedle Street 
BegisterSt and the Registers of the Dutch Church at Cdchester, 
edited by Mr. Moens ; and the Registers of the ifonconformist 
Huguenot Churches at DvhUny edited by Dr. La Tonche. 

The usual friendly relations have been maintained with 
the various other Societies with which the Society is in 
correspondence, especially with the Huguenot Society of 
America in connection with the commemoration in New 
York of the Tercentenary of the Promulgation of the Edict 
of Nantes. The Council gladly avail themselves of this 
opportunity to again express their grateful sense of the 
extreme kindness and hospitality shown to the Society's 
representatives on that occasion by their fellow-Huguenots 
and other friends in the United States. 

After the reading of the Report the ballot was taken for 
the Officers and Council for the ensuing year, with the 
following result : — 

Officers and Council for the year, May, 1899, to May, 1900. 

President.— WaHeim John Charles Moens, F.S.A. 

Vice-Presidents. — Major-General Sir Edmund F. Du Cane, 
K.C.B. ; Arthur Giraud Browning, F.S.A. ; Bobert Hoven- 
den, F.S.A. ; William Minet, F.S.A. 

Treasurer. — Beginald St. Aubyn Boumieu. 

Honorary Secretary. — Beginald Stanley Faber. 

Members of Council. — ^Lieut.-General Stephen H. E. Cha- 
mier, C.B., B.A.; J. C. Colyer-Fergusson ; Arthur W. 
Crawley-Boevey ; Major-General M. W. E. Gosset, C.B. 
Edouard Majoher ; David Martineau ; William W. Portal 
Wyndham S. Portal ; Ernest S. Saurin ; William A. Shaw 
Sir Arthur Vicars, Ulster, F.S.A. ; William C. Waller, F.S.A. 

The President then gave a brief summary of the Society's 
work during the past year, and of that of the foreign Societies 
having similar objects. He specially referred to the Ameri- 
can Societys Commemoration of tiie Tercentenary of the 
Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes, and to a Commemora- 

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tion of the same event held at Nantes itself; also to the 
energy stiU shown by the Commission ponr I'Histoire des 
^glises Wallonnes in spite of the severe losses they had 
recently suffered by the death of several of their most valued 
members. He also made sympathetic allusion to the So- 
ciety's own 'loss of his predecessor in the I^esidential chair, 
the late Sir Henry Peek, of Mr. Edward Ernest Stride, 
Mr. Francis W. Cross and others. 


Thb Society is indebted to the undermentioned FeUows, 
Societies and other friends for donations of books, pamphlets, 
etc. : Mr. E. Belleroche, Dr. Beringuier, Mr. A. G. Browning, 
Mr. A. W. Crawley-Boevey, Mr. F. A. Crisp, Mr. B. Day, 
Mr. J. J. Green, Mr. C. E. Lart, Mrs. Stride, Miss E. 
Perronet Thompson, Sir Arthur Vicars, Ulster ; Mr. M. G. 
Wildeman, the Boyal Archsdological Institute, the Society 
of Antiquaries of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, the Soci6te Jersiaise, 
the Soci^td de TEUstoire du Protestantisme Fran9ais, the 
Commission pour TEUstoire des i^glises Wallonnes, the 
Nederlandsche Leeuw, the Soci6t6 d'Archtologie de Brux- 
elles, the Deutsche Hugenotten-Verein, the Verein fiir Ge- 
schichte und Alterthumskxmde zu Frankfurt-am-Main, the 
Society d'Histoire et d'Archtologie de Geneve, the Soci6te 
d'Histoire Vaudoise, the B^e Society Bomana di Storia 
Patria, the Huguenot Society of America, the Virginia 
Historical Society, the Holland Society of New York. 

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OXDCOO^ t>oo^ OO-^OOO iH 

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t^t €9urc9 ai Cafais an^ its Qpoor fun^. 


By William Minet, F.S.A. 

Statistics are admittedly dull, and, of all statistics, accounts 
are perhaps the dullest. But statistics can be made, we are 
told, to prove anything; I believe that they can even be 
made to prove interesting. How this can be vdll best be 
shown by an illustration. Offer to a connoisseur a glass of 
last year's vintage, and he virill turn from its roughness with 
disgust ; but lay that same vnne away till it be matured, and, 
after a lapse of fifty years, again set it before him, he vnll 
savour it, consume the whole bottle, and even, like Oliver 
Twist, ask for mora 

So is it with accounts — a dreary necessity of our every-day 
life— we are apt to turn from them vdth disgust ; but, after 
the lapse of 200 years, they lose their roughness, and come 
to us only with the aroma of age ; an aroma from the midst 
of which rises the picture of the men who kept them, as well 
as of the times in which they lived, a picture all the more 
valuable in that it was painted quite unconsciously. 

For us these Qutnes accounts have a special mterest, as 
having been kept by men from whom we are proud to be 
descended, men of whom we are anxious to learn all we can. 
But they have also a wider and a more general interest, 
inasmuch as the seventeenth century had to meet and to 
deal with the same problems and difficulties of life that 
surround us to-day. How did it meet them, and what were 
the methods it adopted ? 

The poor we have always vdth us, and the nineteenth 
century is apt to boast that the problem of how to deal with 
pauperism is only now being scientifically attacked. I 
venture to think that we shall rise from the perusal of these 
old accounts in a humbler spirit, veith a conviction that the 

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adage that " Old age is wiser than yonth," may sometimes 
be trae. The accounts we are considering deal entirely with 
the relief of the poor, and we shall find that, on all points, 
the principles adopted are those of the wisest philanthropy 
of to-day. Old age pensions granted only after inquiry, and 
subject to constant revision as to their recipients and their 
amounts; relief in kind rather than in cash ; orphans boarded 
out with the poor widows of the church and taught until 
they were of age to be apprenticed ; the girls taught to sew ; 
the sick not only treated medically, but also provided 
with nursing and necessary food. All these points I shall 
be able to illustrate from the accounts of the poor-relief 
fund of the Huguenot church at Gulnes between 1660 and 

The history of the congregation which met originally at 
Gulnes, and, after the dispersion, at Dover, is sufficiently 
well known to us during a period of seventy-one years 
(1660-1731) ; partly through the Be^sters of the church at 
Gulnes, and partly through the Registers and the Account 
and Minute ^ooks of the Dover church, which have formed 
the subject of publications or papers already issued by the 
Society.^ A happy chance has put into my hands a fresh 
document, which enables us to make the story of this con- 
gregation far more complete than has ever been possible in 
the case of any Huguenot church. This document is an 
Account Book kept By the churchwardens, for the period 
extending from April, 1660, to August, 1681. How it sur- 
vived I am unable to say; but it seems to have been 
found in private hands at Gulnes by M. Landrin, formerly 
of that town, and now keeper of the archives at Calais, 
whose assistance I have often had occasion to acknowledge, 
and who has further increased our debt to him by entrusting 
to me this manuscript. 

I have been in great doubt what use to make of it; I 
first thought to transcribe it in full, but this would have been 
a very len^hy task, and moreover, many of the entries are 
uninteresting repetitions. I next thought of printing such 
portions of it as seemed to have special interest; but 
even this would take more space than can well be spared, 
nor would it bring out for us the full value and meaning 
of the book. I have therefore decided to use it as the 

^ PubUcatiofu, vol. ill., 1891. ProeisdingSf vol. iv., 1894. Begisten of ihs 
French Church at Dover, privately printed for F. A. Orisp. 1888. 

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subject of this paper, and to endeavour, by extracts, to 
complete the picture of the life and organisation of a typical 
Huguenot congregation. 

The book itself is a folio (llj + 7i inches), bound in 
yellum, and the paper has for water-mark the arms of the 
town of Amsterdam. It consisted originally of 174 leaves, 
but 15 having been cut out, there now remain 159. Twelve 
of these being blank, there are left 147 leaves, or 294 
pages, of closely written manuscript. The first page is as 
foliows : — 

Registrb db la Rbcbttb bt Dbpbnsb Faittb poub lbs 
Pauvebs du Tbmplb db Guisnb dbpuis 1660; Jusqu'a 
1681 ; PAB LBS NomAs ;— S9AV01B. 


Samuel Gatou 
Jacques BobeUn 
Jean Bauchelle 
Isaac Le Turcq 
Daniel Bilart ou Pilart 
Jacob de Hane 
Abraham Yerbreghe 
Adrien Lemoult 
Isaac de la Croix 
Antoine Maressal 
L. De Le Becque 


Isaac Sigart 

Jacques de Cassel 


Jean Vromon 

Pierre Le Due 

Mathieu Houcque (diacre) 

Jean Beurse 

R De le Becque 


Francois Sigart 

Jona Magnie 

Jacob Squiper 

Samuel Dhoy 

Abraham Loizel (diacre) 


Abikham Balissau 
Ambroise Minet 
J. De La Balle 
A. Maire (et ancien) 
Jean Le Clercq (ancien) 


M" Tricotel 
et J. Devaux 


Les Pasteurs et Ministres 
sont les premiers; ensuitte 
les anciens, les Diacres Be- 
ceveurs et les Diacres assis- 
tant Le mot de Diacre signifie 
icy des personnes char^ees de 
Becevoir et distribuer les au- 
mones, et de f aire les f onctions 
de Margnilliers sous I'inspec- 
tion des Pasteurs, Ministres, 
et des anciens. 

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This title page, though of about the same date, cannot be 
contemporary with the MS., bom which, however, it was 
evidently compiled. The first list, that of the " diacres rece- 
veurs," gives in their order the names of the successive 
treasurers ; while the three following lists are made up from 
the names of those who appear as signing the auditors' cer- 
tificates. But the lists are not accurate, some of the names 
being incorrectly spelt, and two, viz., Michel Porrye and 
Jean la Mare, omitted altogether. Moreover, there were 
many more officers of the church who did not act as auditors, 
but whose names appear in the entries as " diacres " of the 
various " quartiers " ; of these no account is taken. Again, 
no contemporary would have been in doubt as to the name 
of Pilart 

What first strikes one in going through these accounts is 
the neatness with which they are entered, and the accurate 
and methodical way in which they are kept and balanced ; 
and this is the more remarkable, seeing that during the 
twenty-one years over which they extend, they were kept by 
eleven different hands. The " diacres receveurs" took the office 
of treasurer in turn ; but, throughout, the same system is 
followed, and the same care shown. This point is one that 
the original only can prove, and I have therefore had two 
pages of the MS. reproduced in facsimile.^ At the end of 
each treasurer's term of office his accounts were audited, 
generally by six auditors, and a carefully worded certificate 
was appended to them. The form of this varies a little 
from time to time, but the following may be taken as a 
^ood exampla This also I have reproduced in further 
illustration of the business-like minuteness and accuracy 
we find throughout. 

'' Nous soubsign6 qui auons veu et examine le conte 
du frere Isaac Le Turcq pour tons les deniers des 
pauure ^u'il a recu et ddboursii depuis le cin- 
quesme jour de May mil six cent soisante cincq 
jusqu'a ce jourdhuy, nous auons trouu6 que la 
recette qu'il a faitte se monte a la somme de trois 
mil quatre cent quatrevain onze liure douze soubs 
six deniers, et la despense monte a la somme de 
trois mil deux cens trente deux liure saize soubs 
six deniers ; partant appert que ledit fr. le Turcq 
est redeuable a la diaconie de la somme de deux 

1 Appendix I. 

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142 HUaUBNOT socibit's pboobbbikgs. 

cens oinquante htiit lime saize soubs. Fini a 
Calais ce qoatorzesme jonr d'Apmil mil six cens 
soiaante sept. 

" Tbicotel pastenr. J. Du Ponchel ancien. 

L. Db Lb Bbcqub ancien. Fbancois Sigabt ansien. 
Danibl Pilabt diacre. Jban Sauohbllb diacre. 

Jban Db La Balle/' 

The period of time daring which each ddacre remained in 
office as treasurer varied very much, the shortest being 
twenty-five weeks, and the longest two years and fourteen 
weeks. As the accounts are only balanced at the end of 
each term of office, it is impossible, without a great deal of 
trouble, to ascertain exactly what the yearly receipts were. 
This I have not thought it worth while to do, but I 
have taken instead the average for the whole period This 
gives a total for each year of 2476 2. 10 s} The amount sounds 
large, but we must remember that the French currency was 
much depreciated, and the livre therefore much less in 
value than the English pound. By reducing the amount 
into English money, we shall obtain a better idea of the 
meaning of the figures. This we are able to do with cer- 
tainty, since the accounts themselves, in more than one 
place, give us the exchange of the day, which may be taken 
at 13 hvres to the English pound. The French hvre being 
thus worth just over 1«. 6d. of our money, the average yearly 
receipts expressed in English money of the datid amount to 
£190 10». 

The purchasing power of money was, of course, very 
different in the seventeenth century from what it is to-day ; 
nor is it at all easy to establish a correct relation. The 
livre of 1680 may, however, be taken as equivalent to six 
francs to-day ; this would make the average annual receipts, 
expressed in present value, 14,784 frs., or £591 in our money. 

One cannot but feel regret that these accounts deal only 
with the relief of the poor. Had they included the general 
church accounts, we should have learnt more of the times to 

1 French coinage ftt ihla date oonsiBted of livres, sols and deniers, related 
as oars, i,e., 12 deniers = 1 sol ; 90 sols = 1 livre. Other coins were however 
in use, and are mentioned in onr aooonnts. 1. The ducat = 6 {. or 9s. Shi. 
English money, at the rate of exchance I have adopted. 3. The duoatoon = 
SI, 14s. 8<2., rather mote than the half ducat. 8. The ecu s 8i. 4. The 
Louis d'or s= 11 2. 5. Deniers Toumois, to which no value is assigned. In 
the case of all these different coins there were manv local varieties ; Gotgrave, 
for instance, enumerates six different livres, all of different values. 

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which they relate ; but, with one or two exceptions, to be 
noted later, aU the payments recorded are for rehef of yarions 
kinds given to the poor. It would seem certain that a separ- 
ate account must have been kept for the church expenses. 
But as to whence the poor fund was derived, and how it was 
a^bninistered, we have the fullest information. By far the 
most interesting portion is that which shows in what manner 
the poor were reheved ; and when we come to deal with this 
we sheJl find, I think, such principles adopted as might even 
furnish a lesson to charity organisation of the present 
day. I propose first to deal with the income. Among the 
sources from which this was derived, the most important, 
as one would expect, are the collections made in the church, 
by means of the " boitte des pauvres " as they are called. 

It would seem that the collection was only made once a 
fortnight, and, as a point which is curiously typical of the 
extreme care with which everything was done, we may 
note that the money was always taken out of the boxes and 
counted by the treasurer in the presence of one or two other 
members of the consistory. Ifour times a year, as we know, 
the sacrament was celebrated, and on these occasions the 
collection was very much larger, though only one half of the 
sum collected on these days came to our fund, the other 
half probably goin^ to the church expenses. There is little 
to remark as to this part of the income, except that we have 
occasional evidence that human nature is much the same all 
the world over : for example, the entry of 2drd September, 
1660, is as follows: ''Been de la visitte de la boitte des 
pauure auecq le confrere Gatou et Sausel 866 Z. 8 s. Od., sur 
quoy s'est troud ung duscast de 61. faux, reste 860 {. 8«. Od/\ 
Sometimes foreign coins were found, e.g,, '^Vendu des 
deniers Toumois quy estoy dans le cofGre, 6Z. 9<. Od.*\ 

Occasionally the receipts were not sufficient to meet the 
payments; as, for example, in 1663, when we have the 
following entry : — 

" Ce present conte a est6 veu et calculi et arrests, par 
lequel il appert reuenir audit Bauchelle la somme 
de 1241 Z. 17 s. 8d., de laquelle somme il sera 
rembours6 sur les deniers de Teglise, et sur les 
premiers quy proviendront de la coUecte quy se 
lera dans peu de temps ". 

It is clear from this that there was another fund, probably 
the one for church expenses, which is nowhere directly 

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notioed in onr accounts, and it was, doubtless, from this 
source that Sauchelle was repaid, seeing that the adyerse 
balance is not carried forward. Sometimes a special " cuiU- 
ette '' was resorted to. 

''Festins" proyided a not infrequent source of income. 
These were clearly marriages, as a reference to the Registers 
proves, but the sums so given seldom exceeded 61. Of a 
similar nature are the o&rings made on the occasions of 
'' fian^ailles " : for instance on 4th April, 1667, Jean Sau- 
chelle gives 61,, '' ipour ses fian^ailles,'* an entry on which I 
am able to throw bght from my own family records, where I 
find, among the notes left by this same Jean Sauchelle, the 
following : '* Moy Jean Sauchelle ay pris a feme a Calais la 
fille du S' Isaac Sigart et de Susanne Delacroix ses p>ere et 
mere, et sonmies mari^ a Teglise de Guisne par le ministre 
nomA Tricotel le 27 FeV 1667 ".* 

From gifts and legacies a great deal was realised. In 
1662 I find a sum of 1,000 Z. paid over by my own ancestor, 
Ambroise Minet, who was, it would seem, the executor of 
" mere C. B.," and the payment must have been delayed, as 
he adds 501. ''pour les interest''.' Another legacy of £20 
sterling from " la veuve Nicolas Desanthims," of Canterbury, 
proves the existence of a connection between the two 
churches before the Revocation.' Some of the legacies take 
the form of land or houses, the rents of which are entered as 
receipts; for example, "de Jean Becard, et de quoy il a 
quittance, et c'est pour louage des terres aparte^ a Judith 
Bourgois, desquelz Isaac le Turcq est crie curateur par jus- 
tice ".^ Among individual donors, " Le cousin Michel Heusch 
d' Amsterdam " deserves the first place for his constant and 
liberal gifts ; between 1662 and 1681 his donations amount to 
not less than 642 1. Madame la Contesse de Noorthombe* 

^ Huguenot Family of Minet, p. 90. 

'One would wish to know who C. B. was; but the only light on the 
question comes from an entry of the previous year, which seems to prove that 
sne died avray from C3alais, and that the pall was lent for her funeral, ** Pai6 
le frais du yoiage de drap po^ 0. B. : arrests auec M. Hais et M. Glatou ". 

' Canterbury Begister8,PvLb\. of the Soc., vol. v., p. 601 : " Jan. 26, 1670-1. 
Marie, vefvede Nicolas de Santhuns *\ This is an excellent illustration of what 
I may call '* undesigned coincidence ". True, it is not often that we are able 
to check the accounts with an English register ; but whenever a birth, mar- 
riage or death is mentioned, the event referred to will be found in the Gulnes 
registers. This legacy was paid in three instalments, amounting to 287 1., 
which gives an exchange of 14 Z. 7 s. per pound sterling, or more &an what 
Calais seems to have been able to obtain when sending money to England. 

^The last entry in the second of the two facsimile pages reproduced in 
Appendix I. relates to this matter. 

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land sends 16 1 in 1678, and we wonder whether it was Eliza- 
abeth, Dowager Goontess, who died in 1709, at the age of 
ninety-seven, or her danghter-in-law Elizabeth, who died in 
1690. Whichever it may have been, what was their interest 
in Calais?^ In 1680 the name of Bnvigny occurs twice; 
first, 17^. 17 a. 6d. is received '' ponr on domeetiqne de M. 
Bnnigny,'' and, shortljr afterwards, 1502. ''que M. Bunigny 
a donnd anx pannres " is noted. In this case the explanation 
is a simple ona A Bnvigny had married, early in the 
century, the heiress of La CaiUemotte, a property situated 
close to Calais. Their son was the Marquis de Bnvigny, 
who fled to England, as did his two sons, Henry, afterwards 
Viscount Oalway, and Peter. The interest in Calais shown 
by this family is, of course, due to the fact that they were 
owners of land in the neighbourhood. 

Some of the gifts must have been in kind ; as, for example, 
a gold ring given by Sauchelle in 1668, and sold for 4 1. 18 a. ; 
and again, in 1675, ** Abraham Yerbreghe, pour un diament 
quy apartenoit aux pauures, a luy vendu par Taduis des con- 
freres, 952.". Often we have such entnes as "vendu une 
cotte noir " ; " la* valeur d'un drap donn^ " ; " pour 4^ a. de 
ba^e a 35 a. Taune, prouenant du doeuil de feu M. Manjuety " ; 
this class of entry sometimes, no doubt, represents gifts, but 
frequently, also, the sale of articles pledged with the church, 
and never redeemed, and sometimes the property of some 
deceased person, whose estate was taken over and admin- 
istered by the deacons for the benefit of the poor fund. 

Another source of revenue carries us far back into pagan 
times, when, on the completion of a bargain, it was thought 
expedient to offer a part of the price to appease the deity. 
As a survival of this custom, we have payments of which the 
following are good examples : '' recu un denier a Dieu d'un 
nauire que M. Benest a vendu " ; '' le sieur de Dour proche 
de Marcq a bailie pour les pouures a cause d*une acqmsition 
11 1.'\ Unfortunately, except in one of the two instances I 
have quoted, we are not told the nature of the transaction in 
respect of which the offering was made, and the only other 
entry of this kind which dves any detail savours, I am sorry 
to say, of malversation, in 1676 Jacob de Hane makes this 
entry : " J'ay retenu pour un denier a Dieu que je douois 
donner aux S" de Feghse Bomaine 31.". 

^ Elisabeth, who died 1090, wm dauffhter of Thos. Wrioihesley by hia 
second marriage. His first wile was Bacnel de Massue, of the family of de 
Bttvigny. The de Buvignys were, as stated above, coimeoted with Calais. 

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A considerable sum* was derived from payments made for 
the use of the parish palL For example, M. Tronillort, 
father of the mimster of that name, dies on 16th October, 
1680, and on 28th November foUowing we have the entry : 
"receu de Mad*^ Marie Trouillart p' le drap noir quy a 
seroie a Mons' TrouiUart son pere 24 Z. ; again on 3id August, 
1679, " la vefue Minet *' pays " pour le dra.p noir 9 I. 15 s." 
her husband having died on 16th July previous. Sometimes 
the payment is said to be '' pour le drap et manteau noir ". 
Occasionally, but here always in the case of children, the 
" drap *' is said to be " blanc ". The payments made vary very 
much, and would seem to have depended on the rank and 
position of the deceased. I was at one time in doubt as to 
whether my translation of the word ''drap" was correct, 
and whether it was not rather the shroud ; but I feel confi- 
dent that I am right, and for these reasons : elsewhere in the 
accounts payments are made for a " linceuil," which is clearly 
the shroud, and it is well known that a supply of the trap- 
pings of woe, which have in all ages been thought appropriate 
to funerals, was often kept by the church for the use of the 
parishioners. Again the coupling of the ''manteau" with 
the " drap " points to the same conclusion. The custom can 
be paralleled in England. ^ 

I come now to the payments, and here the difficulty lies in 
the wealth of material before us. To deal with the whole of 
it would be impossible : I propose to divide it roughly into 
certain classes, and to illustrate these by examples. The 
first point which strikes one is the elaborate organisation of 
the system. The church was at Guines, but Calais was 
clearly the administrative centre, and there the accounts 
were kept. The ecclesiastical district was mapped out into 
divisions called " quartiers," and for each " quartier " one or 
more "anciens" and "diacres" were responsible.^ The 

^ In 1096 Lady Mary Turner gives to the parish of South Mimms her 
hearse oloth of black velvet, to be kept by the overseers. For its use at a 
burial, five shillings was to be paid and given to the poor. Again, in 1738, 
Elizabeth Wroth, by her will, provides that her black velvet suit he made into 
a pauU, and bequeaths it to be let out for hire to such persons as shall have 
occasion for the same. The hire was to be not more than ten, and not leas 
than five shillings. I take both these instances from Mr. Waller's Loughion 
Wills, p. 46 (privatelv printed). See also on this subject, Les Protestanls 
^autrefois, P. de Felice, Paris, 1896, p. 256. 

' These " quartiers " were ten in number : vU., Le Faubounz, La Basse 
Ville (now St. Pierre), Goulogne, Guemp, Vieille Eglise, Marcq^ OfEequezque, 
Ardres, Les Attaoques, and Guines. Vide the map issued with the Kegisten 
of Guines. 

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treasnrer for the time being was responsible for all the pay- 
ments, and evidently lived at Calais; but oftentimes the 
need for relief arose in other parts of the district, and in this 
case the local deacon either brought the matter before the 
treasurer or dealt with it at once, being afterwards repaid 
from Calais on the presentation of his account.^ 

But not only was the sjrstem perfectly organised, it was 
also admirably administered, and by this I mean that the 

J>rinciples followed were such as, even in these days of re- 
ormed charity administration, we have hardly yet fully 
attained to. Charity, if it is to do good and not harm, must 
conform to two main rules * first, it must only be given after 
full inquiry into the merits and needs of the case ; secondly, 
it must be given in the form which such inquiry shows is 
the most likely to relieve the case permanently. We shall 
aU agree that it is wiser so to assist a man as to enable him 
to earn his own living, than by continued doles to keep him 
a perpetual pauper. 

We shall find that at Calais these principles were recognised 
and acted upon ; and first, let me take a few cases to prove 
what inquiry was made. Over and over again there are 
entries such as these : *^ Un passant venant d'Hollsuade, et 
retoumant a Lausanne en Smsse, auec attestation,'' '* Chris- 
tian de Brougher suiuant son tesmoinage de M. Drelincourt '\ 
Those who Imow anything of the organisation of the Hugue- 
not churches will at once recognise the meaning and value 
of the " t^moignage " and '' attestation ". Where these fail, 
the case is only dealt with after consultation with some 
other official, or by order of the consistory : " Assists Adri- 
enne Picotte par ordre du Consistoire ** ; "Un passant 
pour France de Taduis du frere Sauchelle ** ; *' Un passant de 
Geneue de Taduis des confreres *' ; " Capon pour noeuf sep- 
maines de nourriture de Jean de la Bue du consentement ct 
aduis de Jean Sauchelle ". 

Next, as to the nature of the relief given. Sometimes, of 
course, it is in that most elementary but most dangerous form 
of charity, money ; but instances of relief in kind are also 

1 To quote one of many instftnces which could he given : in 1664 we find 
*' pay^ a Pierre Piffreman diacie des Atacq any luy estoit debue par le compte 
qa*il a rendu oe dit jour, sortant de charge, la somme de 31 l,ls,B cL*\ Pen- 
sions too were paid by the deacon of the ** quartier " : for example, one Gate- 
bled, who had long been a pensioner on the Calais books, is paid 16 s, " pour 
aller a GuiBnes demeurer " ; and the next entr^ of the weekly pensions runs, 
" wyi la sepmaine, a la reserue de Pierre Gatebled all^ demeurer a Guisnes," 
wnere he was no doubt cared for by the Gulnes deacon. 

VOL. VI.— NO, II, I* 

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numberless. The wayfarer has his passage paid to En^fland ; 
a poor woman has a cow bought for her ; another, a spmning 
wheel ; another, flax. A man has the repairs to his Dairow 
paid for, or his clothes taken out of pawn, or a part of his 
rent paid. If I do not stay to give mstances of these now, 
it is that they will be found fully dealt with later on, in the 
quotations I shall have to make in illustration of the various 
classes of charity practised. 

The needs of the poor are so various that only a very rough 
classification of what was done to meet them is possible ; but 
of difficult questions the treatment of orphans is not the least 
difficult, and I propose to take this first The practice 
adopted was one much in favour to-day, namely, boardin^- 
out — a practice which served a twofold end, in that it 
benefited both the children and the poorer members of the 
congregation, whose means of livelihood were thereby in- 

With whom and at what cost orphan children should be 
boarded out is an important question, which we can well 
understand would have to be passed upon by a committee 
before the payment would be allowed : — 

''Paie a Meurisse le mois des enfans Marcq Armont 
que les freres de la basse ville ont mis en pension 
le 14 Auril a 8 2. par mois pour 2 garson " ; 

but that the same machinery should have to be set in motion 
before the orphan could be supplied with a pair of socks, 
seems a little cumbrous : — 

'' Bailie par ordre de Jean Luze, quy auoit ordre du 
Consistoire, pour les enfans Delaport a la femme 
Terin, deux cammisol et deux paires de has de 


In fact the repetition of the words " par ordre du Consistoire," 
"de Tad vis de la Compagnie," becomes almost wearisome; 
and, if I insist on it, it is only that I may bring out to the 
full how systematised their charity was, and how loyally the 
system was carried out. 

The story of Pierre de Winter illustrates in full detail 
the method in which orphans were dealt with. When the 
accounts first open, in 1660, he is supported by the church, 
and is boarded out with a widow; 41. 10 «. is paid per 
month for his board, and 55. for his ** escolage". By 1668 
he must have grown, and the monthly payments are in- 
creased to 5 I, and 6 s. respectively. Up to 1665 he remains 

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with one or other of the church widows, and during the 
whole of this time there are frequent entries of sums paid 
for his clothing, as well as for mending his shoes, while he 
is also supplied at school with paper, and, on one occasion, 
with an '' escritoir ". In June, 1665, the lad must have been 
old enough to learn a trade, and we then find him started 
with a new set of clothes, including a '' camisole " and five 
" collets de toille," and placed with Nicolas Martinot, whom 
we know from the Betters to have been a " boutonnier " ^ : 
no definite sum is paid for his apprenticing, but whereas 5 h 
per month had, so far, been paid for his board, he now costs 
only 3 {., and we may well infer that the reduced charge was 
counterbalanced by the work he was able to do tor his 
master. For two years and eight months he remains with 
Martinot, and is supplied with clothes during the whole time. 
The next break in his life is evidenced by the last payment 
made to Martinot for his board; ''pay6 a Martinot pour 
deux mois escheu 22 fev. der. d 'apprentice. Pre. de Winter, 
party pour Laide ". It is clear &om this that the boy had 
been sent to Leyden, and, as we should expect, we find that 
he was fuUy fitted out. He has socks, a '']uste-&-corps," a 
''cringrame/' and, lastly, what I take to be an overcoat — 
'* bailie le froc^ de Jean Dubois a Pierre de Winter allant 
pour HoUande ". This " frocq *' must have been a garment 
on which the church had advanced to its former owner the 
sum oiSlls.y which he had omitted to repay ; it is charged 
when given to Pierre at 4 1 16 a., and the balance of the sum 
advanced is noted as remaining due from its former owner 
The boy was too young to travel alone, and the next pay 
ment is : ''Paid au filz Marye Ferras pour mener Pierre de 
Winter a Laide, et au confrere Le Turcq pr. son passage ". 
The petty expenses of the journey are repaid to his convoy 
later on: '*Pour divers au subject de Pierre de Winter a 
Laide, de Jacob filz de Marye Ferras ". We hear no more 
of Pierre until the end of this year, 1668, when he was 
evidently well estabhshed with his new master at Leyden. 
This appears from the two following entries: ''Bendu a 
Mad. Le Moine 1 port de lettre venant par terre de Leyde, 
de Marq Desguynes, touchant Pierre de Winter " — the letter 
was to ask for the apprenticing fee which had been promised 
should the lad prove satisfactory, and a week later comes the 
entry : ** Pai6 a Jean Aymery 1 lettre change 23 1 12 «. envois 
a Mr. Marcq Desguiens a Leyde pour achever Pierre de 

1 Gutnes Begiatera, p. 199. 

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Winter apprendre le mettyer de grogrenier ". We hear no 
more of this case, but from the entries I have extracted and 
pieced together we have the whole story of the boy during 
eight years, until he was finally started in life es master of a 
trade, which would enable him to earn his own hying. And 
I venture to think that the most modem system of dealing 
with orphan children could not improve on that adopted at 

The girls were, in their degree, treated as well as the boys, 
for they were taught sewing and darning, and were clothed 
and sent to school. The story of Judicq Mattou illustrates 
this very completely. She seems to have been a widow^ and 
we first find her relieved in April, 1663. In the May follow- 
ing she dies, and is buried at the expense of the church. 
Her property must have been taken possession of ; for, on 
8th January, 1664, there is a receipt noted '' pour la vent de 
meuble de Judicq Mattou, vefeu de Bobert Guise, suiuant 
rinventaire et vent fait la somme de 158 1. 18 8. 6 d, ; faut deduire 
5 1 10 5. pay6 a Jean Bec[uelin pour son louage de sa maison ". 
With the estate came its obhgations, and immediately after 
her death there are payments to a widow ** pour auoir gard6," 
and to Marye Le Jeune "pour auoir lau6 le lainge de Judicq 
Matou ". Her rent, as we have seen above, was paid out of 
the estate, so also are her debts; for in June, 10s. appears 
**pay6 a une femme que Judicq debuoit". She left a boy 
and two girls, who were at once boarded out, the girls with 
Marie Le Jeune, and the boy elsewhere; the latter being 
apprenticed at a cost of 60 1 in February, 1664. The girls 
continue for a long time to be a charge on the fund ; their 
foster-mother receives 10 Z. a month, besides payments for 
their "escolage" and clothing. But the special point this 
story serves to show is that, within a month of their 
mother's death, Maiye Oregoire is paid 5 Z. " pour auoir apris 
a coudre la fiUe Judicq Matou ". In 1661 a similar payment 
is made in respect of another orphan: "baill6 a une fiUe 
pour auoir montre a ung orfelin a lacher ^ des has ". 

Books, paper, and all other school requisites are also 
found, but the only books specially named are "livres de 
siuilite *' ^ and " catechismes ". Nor was their religious educa- 

1 Dam. 

3 *« Livres de civility " were common at this time, as manuals for the instmc- 
tion of the jonng. One, well-known, was written by Erasmus ; this was 
translated into French, and, with several others, will be found fully described 
in A. FrMiklin'8 La vieprwU d'oMtrefois^ FmSi 1887. 

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tion neglected. Gutnes was at some distance from Calais, 
and the journey thither was made by canal boat ; frequent 
entries appear of sums allowed the children to go to Gulnes, 
no doubt to attend the instruction given in the church there. 

The widow and the orphan come naturally together, and 
of widows, pensioners upon the fund, there was no lack. 
The niunber of pensioners varied from time to time, but at 
the beginning of each new set of accounts the names, with 
the sums paid to them weekly, are always set out in full. 
In subsequent entries by the same treasurer the weekly total 
only is given, under the heading of " les ordinaires," or " la 
semaine". It is clear that the amount of these pensions 
was carefully considered, as we are always told that they are 
paid "par ordre du Consistoire," or were " arrests au Con- 
sistoire " ; and if ever any variation in the amount is made, 
it is always noted as being made on the same authority, e.g., 
** la compagnie lui ayant augments a cause de sa maladie *\ 

Suzanne Gannione is as good an ^instance of this type 
of case as I can find. She is on the l)ooks as a pensioner at 
the commencement in 1660, and continues there till her 
death in 1679. The first entry shows her as in receipt of 1 1. 
weekly. At the end of 1660 she drops out, perhaps able to 
support herself, and only receives occasional doles ; but in 
1662 she is again on the regular list, receiving 15 s. In addi- 
tion to her pension, she receives from time to time further 
relief, of which the following may be taken as examples: 
" une chemise baill6 a Suzenne Gannion, de Taduis des con- 
freres 1 1. 15 9." ; " une cotte de frize et un cors portant 10 1. 
10 s., sur quoy elle en a pay6 4Z.," the balance 6Z. 10^. being 
duly charged. In 1668 she was encouraged to do something 
to earn her own living, and 2 1, is spent for '* un grand rouet, 
ballot a filer ". Toward the end her health faded, and we 
find payments to her *'pour se faire saigner " ; and in 1678 
she receives money ''pour auoir de la graisse pour mettre a 
sa cuisse". Probably also she was b^ridden at this time, 
as there are several payments to her '' pour 2 bottes de paille 
a se coucher". In September of this year her pension is 
increased " a cause de son indisposition et viellesse '* ; and 
on 19th May, 1679, comes the final entry ''les ordinaires, 
deduit 1 Z. a Gagnionne morte " ; how she died, or how she 
was buried we are not told. 

Another point to be noted about these pensions is the 
moral control exercised over the recipients. One Decaufour 
who receives 11. 10 «. weekly, presumably sufficient for his 

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support, is f onnd to have pawned his clothes for 62.; they 
a;re released for him, but only " a condition de Iny dednire 
Is. 6d. par semaine de son ordinaire " ; and in another case, 
the widow Marchant is fonnd to have allowed her rent to 
ran into arrears for six months; this debt coming to the 
knowledge of the authorities, is paid for her, but the amount 
is deducted by instalments from her weekly pension. 

Poverty leads to the pawnshop, and none know better 
than the charitable that a man's tools, or even his clothes, 
have oftentimes to be redeemed before he can be given a 
fresh start. There is no disgrace in pawning, and to receive 
in pawn is oftentimes an act of charity. Of this the church 
of Calais was well aware, for over and over again it acted as 
pawnbroker. As before, I single out a few cases as examples 
of this aspect of its beneficence : '' Far ordre de la compagnie 
j'ay rendu au confrere Jean Yremault 15 1, qu'il a donne a 
Marie Hebbert sur sa promesse, et les gages, sauoir des abits 
de camelot noir, d'une cotte de sarge rouge, d'une paire de 
pseaumes a bloucque d'argent,^ et deux mouchoirs a dentelle, 
laditte promesse paib. a la St. Jean prochain cy". I can 
find no trace of the redemption of these miscellaneous 
articles; on the contrary, it would seem as though Marie 
Hebbert had been reduced to pawn more of her property, for 
in the following year there is this : *' retenu des hardes de 
Marie Hebert, a bon conte, 5 a. toille, d'enuiron 5 s. I'a., dont 
j'ay faict une paillasse pour Oagnonne ". 

The pair of silver psalm-books pawned by Marie Hebbert 
can be paralleled by another advance : ** assists Marye Lesel, 
allant a Dieppe, de 3 1, sur le gage un pseaume & Tinterpre- 
tation de I'apocalipse *\ 

In 1673 Engrand Bien receives 21 1. " par ordre de la com- 
pagnie pour faire son voiage auecq son mesnage en Ang", 
sur quoy a baill6 en gage un habit de famme noir de serge, 
que Ton luy rendra alors qu'il rendra Targent". Alas! 
EiUgrand Bien does not seem to have prospered in England, 
for two years later comes the end of tifie story : *' Bendu au 
confrere Fremau un habit de serge noir quy a est6 mis en 

^ Le DieUonauUre de FuretUre (1701) none apprend ^ue le mot " paire " se 
dit aussi par extension d'une chose qui est unique, et qui n*eflt point appari^. 
Ainsi on dit ** une paire d'Heures," pour dire un livre d'Heures. Bloucque 
est ioi dans le sens de fermoir d*argent. En vieux Fran^ais on disait bloucque 
pour bouole. Ainsi dans L'esclardseement de la langue franooyse de 
PalBgiaye (1680), *' Bucole for a shoo = Blouque '*. Nos paysans disent tou- 
jours " blouole '' pour bouole, et ** ablouquer " pour bouoler (note by M. Gh. 

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gage par jngran Bien le 6"^ Octob., 1673, pour 21 1, que les 
pauures luy out prett6, pour par ledit Fremau enuoyer ledit 
habit audit jngrau quoy qu*il u*ayt rendu lesdits 21/., & ce 
par commiseration & par ordre de la compagnie. Ce cy 
pour renseigner." 

The pawnbroking does not always seem to have been 
carried on in a very profitable way, to judge from the case 
of Esther le Jeune, to whom 15/. had been advanced on 
certain pledges ; these, on being sold '* par ordre dc la com- 
pagnie," realised only 3 /. Another transaction which resulted 
m a loss may be mentioned here : the widow Marchant, of 
whom we heard above, when she was in arrears with her 
rent, died in 1679, and certain expenses were incurred at 
that time; the entry runs as follows: **pour 31 Z. Ss. 6d. 
debours6 et reste de 37 /. 3 «. 6 d. paye apres la mort la vefue 
Marchant, ayant receu 6Z. p. 2 juppes vendus suiuant le 
mem" an dos de Tinuentaire fait auec le frere Verbreghe, le 
reste des hardes estans dans un coffre a vendre ". 

Incidentally a whole chapter might be written on clothes, 
for every kind of garment is at one time or another provided 
by the charity of the church for every age and both sexes. 
Shoes, stockings and shirts we need not dwell on, but the 
names of some of the garments, as well as of the materials of 
which they were made, are worth noting for their antiquarian 
interest. *'Un abit de creseau* froc, et fasson" costs 14 Z. 
14 s. 6(2., the same material being used elsewhere for '^un 
corsets". Another material much in use was ''rolle," of 
which both " camisole " and " canneson " are made, as well 
as stockings, its cost was 1 Z. 18 s. the aune. The ** camisole," 
I may note, was a man's garment (Angl., waistcoat), as the 
" froc " was usually a woman's : tempora mutantur, and to-day 
the man wears the *' frac," and his wife the '' camisole ". 
Of outer garments, there seem to have been many varieties ; 
we find " cors de froc violet " or " rouge," " cors convert de 
froc," "habit de camelot noir," "habit juste-au-cors," with 
the "camisole de froc" and "corps," while the "cotte" 
has become the petticoat. These with the " costillion," or 
under-shirt, are enough to furnish forth a fashion paper of 
the seventeenth century, while of slighter female adornments 
we have the "pigne," the "comette," the "brassier," the 
"coiffe," with "mouchoirs," "devanteau" and "esguilli- 

Of men's garments, after the camisole, the "haut-de- 

^ Angl., kenie : CSotgrave. Etoffe de laine orois^e a denx enven : Littr^, s.v. 

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chauBses" was the most important; a pair of these "de 
sarge a poil, doubles de frize et fasson/' cost 62. 16s., and, 
together with an " habit de serge a poil, doublure, et garni- 
ture '* — which comes to 14 /. 19 s, — makes the cost of the suit 
21 1 16 s., or £1 13s. 5i. in English money of the same date. 
Occasionally we are reminded of a modem dressmaker's 
bill, by the detail with which all that goes to the making of 
a garment is set out and charged for: "la vefue de Gille de 
Groote " has, for instance, *' 1| a. frog at 33 s., et f a. canevas 
at 20 s. Ta., baleine, soye, fil, galon, et cuir, pour un cors " ; 
while another widow, whose dress does not seem to have 
needed so much stiffening, has ** 2^ a. frize at 36 s. Ta. nape, 
fil, et fa9on de coste *\ 

So far I have only illustrated the relief given by the church 
to its own members, but fully as much again was distributed 
to strangers in what we should call casual relief. To deal 
with all these cases would be to reproduce the whole account 
book ; I can only attempt a few typical instances. And 
first let me take the one of '^le Smsse, simple d'ei^rit". 
On 19th July, 1679, a payment is made " a ung homnie quy 
a amene icy ung Suisse smiple d'esprit," and the same day a 
bed, with "pottage, pain, ooeure, biere," are provided for 
him. Three days later 3 1 are paid " pour retirer la clef de 
la chambre Descaufour, pour y loger le Suisse simple*'. 
Descaufour was put in charge of the case, as further pay- 
ments are described as being made to him. One of these, 
on 24th July, " a Descoufour, a cause ^u'il logoit la fencone 
et I'enfant du Suisse," shows that the sick man's family had 
joined him, and thenceforward they become pensioners at the 
rate of 3 1, a week. It is moreover clear that lodging this 
family with Descaufour was a double charity, since he him- 
self was obviously in need of assistance ; for about the same 
time a payment is made to him " sa femme estant malade," 
and a further payment " d'augmentation ". 

In January of the next year the Swiss was got rid of, for 
a sum is paid " a la mere de Descaufour pour la chambre ou 
a este le Suisse " ; but a fortnight later he had returned, for 
we find " a la famme du Suisse, son mary reuenu," and the 
pension continues until 30th March, on which date 9 1, are 
paid " au Suisse simple pour s'en retoumer a Dunguerque, 
et sa famiUe ". 

Another very similar entry gives equal proof of the 
thoroughness with which these cases were wonced, and how 
everything that could be was done for their alleviation : — 

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3 5 

1 16 
4 10 

10 9 


"^Betdre du Courgain,^ de Tadais des confreres^ Jacque 
rAuoine, filz de Estienne de Dieppe, lay estant ma- 
lade, et mis chez Marye Hennin, et pay^ 
a Pierre de Vos et La Pleime pour le 

porter 7 6 

poor mie chemize 35 s., a la femme on 

il a este loge SOs, 

Marye Hennin, a deux fois pour luy 

f aire bouillon .... 

a laditte pour luy faire du bouillon . 

a laditte, paye pour son lit, chambre, 

et de Tauoir gard6 
a Caras pour saigntes et purges 

23 7 6" 

It is interesting to know that, three years later, the sum 
spent on Avoine was repaid, by whom we are, unfortunately, 
not told. 

The majority of the strangers were, however, only " pass- 
ants/' and to show how various were the nationalities of 
these, and their destinations, I take four consecutive entries 
on the same day. '^Un passant de la Luseme;" ''Un 
passant Suedois, bossu " ; " Un passant pour Douure " ; and 
**Un passant venant d'lrlande". Sometimes we are told 
the reason of their need : ** Un passant, pour retirer ses 
hardes du pacquet botte, de Tadms de M. De La Croix *' ; 
'' Deux hommes attendant le vent propre ''. Some of these 
packet-boat entries, of which, as we should expect, there are a 
great many, enable us to fix the price of the channel-passage 
in those days; such are, ''au M'^ du pacquet botte pour 
passer une femme auec trois enfants, 4Z. ISs." ; '' paye pour 
le passage d'un pouure passant en Angleterre, 5 schelin, 3 L 
5 s ".* 

In such troublous times the ranks of the poor were largely 
recruited from soldiers and prisoners, and among the '* pass- 
ants" these two classes were fully represented; *'I>eux 

1 The fishing suburb of Oalais. 

* This is one of the entries which enables us to ascertain the rate of ex- 
change. I may note here that in the case of many of the ** passants *' a 
curious formula is used, in which we seem to catch a faint echo of the days 
when Calais was not, politically, a part of France; they are described as 
'* passant pour France *^; and once the phrase is employed in an even more 
curious way, where an inhabitant of Calais is spoken of as *' sorty du Fau- 
bourg pour aller en France ". 

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Anglois venant des prisons de St. Omer, pour deux chemizes, 
pour despence qu'lls ont fait an logis Mary Glain, et 30 s, qne 
]e lenr donne, et paye ponr lenr passage ; " ''A Josen, Am- 
sterdam, passant, ayant estd pris de Tnrq ; " '' Fonmy a St. 
Omer ponr les prisonniers Anglois ; " " Un passant venant 
de Boraean, et pris par les Anglois ; " " Par ordre de la 
compagnie, ponr liberer le fils de Mathien Foix, esclave ; " 
** Paye an Mortier d'Or ponr Sanssoncy, soldat malade 22 1 
18 a., recen 3 1 de son capitaine ; " '' Un passant de la Bochelle, 
prisonnier;" ''Denx passants venant des prisons de Fles- 
singhe ; " " Un jenne garcon pris par les Ostendois snr mer, 
ponr s*en retonmer ; " " Un Gnson renenant dn semice 
d'Espagne, ponr s*en retonmer en son pays, anec attesta- 
tion ''. Nor was this kind of help limited to those of the 
faith, for among those relieved are "une religense," "nn 
moine defroqne,* and " nn jnif **. 

A very large proportion of the relief granted was in cases 
of sickness, for here the charity of the chnrch seems to have 
known no bounds. I have already qnoted instances suffi- 
ciently numerous to show how illness was dealt with. The 
point I would call your attention to here is, that 230 years 
ago the value of nursing and special food in sickness, as ad- 
juncts to medical skill, was clearly felt. The entry '' paye a 
diners fois, et a la garde qny le garde, et ponr I'apotiquer," 
sums up two of these elements very tersely* Sometimes the 
payment to the medical man is entered at the time ; as, '' paye 
a TAuoine, semgien, par ordre de la compagnie, pour anoir 
pense un pouure garson d*un coup de pistole"; but more 
usually the doctor's account is presented and paid from time 
to time, not always, it would seem, without dispute, as an 
entry of 1664 proves : '* pour un billet de Pierre Michel qu'il 
m'a donne pour ce qu'il a trete nos pouures, portant 57 2. 4 s. 
H a donne 11 1. pour les pouures quant nous auons fait la 
culliet, reste 46 /. 4 a. qui luy reuiens. Nous luy auons de ce 
deduit 161. 4«." and only 30 2. is actually paid to the poor 

Occasionally the principle, " no cure no pay " is adopted ; 
" de Taduis du confrere Sigard j'ay fait marchd auecq une 
femme pour gu6rir les enfans de Gilles Leleu des galles pour 
92., a condition de les guerir, sinon point d'argent ; et a elle 
auance 30 a. pour anoir des drogues *\ 

Sickness leads to funerals, and of these there is no lack ; 
not only do we find them burying their own poor, but they 
were constantly, it would seem, called on to bury soldiers 

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who died while stationed in Calais : " Tenterr^nent d'on 
soldat mort a la citadelle," being a very common entry, 
varied once by '' I'enterrement d'on soldat qny a este ta6 sur 
la Place ". It is clear that there mnst have been a large 
nmnber of Protestant soldiers serving in the French army 
at this date, a fact of which we find full confirmation in the 
Begisters ; for examine, in 1685 a child is baptised who is 
described as son of a '* Cappitayne an Regiment Suisse de 
Salis ". No doubt when any of these Protestants died, the 
military authorities were only too glad to relieve themselves 
of the obligation of burying them. 

Sometimes the sum paid for the funeral is entered in a 
lump, but often the full details are given. 

1670. 6 Jan. 

Est decddd Isabeau Qarde ime f emme loge 

au Mortier d'Or, et pay6 pour la visite 

du chiru^en 
Le sueie ou hnsuil . 
Pour le lusseau ^ 
La fosse 10 s. ; porteurs 20 «. 
Pour sa despenoe audit lieu 
Pour lauoir enseuely 


1 8 

2 10 

1 10 

5 15 


12 8 

But very few payments were charged against the fund 
which were not directly connected with the poor ; these few 
I propose to note. Chief among them is tiie " Quint-denier ". 
This, M. de Felice tells us, was '' le cinqui&me de Targent 
recueiUi pour les pauvres, et qui servait k payer la part con- 
tributive des Eglises pour les Acad&nies et Colleges ". The 
amount varied a good deal, and was not always regularly 
paid, but on the whole the contribution was a fairly large 

^ lioseaa ie a onriouB word, and one qniie unknown io me. Mr. Landrin 
writes : ** dans le gloesaire de Du Oange, an mot Lucellus, on voit le vieux 
franoais Lasel, avec le sens de oeroueil. Le patois wallMi (Donal) a encore 
anjonrdni le mot Lngeot, on Lugian, ponr oeroneil. A Lille 'Laisean' = 
oeroueil; k Valenoiennes c*est Lusiau." Mr. Landzin is probably correct, 
and no doubt in most of the cases the word is used in this sense ; but one or 
two entries are a little difficult to reconcile with this inteipretation ; e.g,, in 
1677 we haye ** pay4 a Pierre de Vos ponr un lusean qa*il dit anoir hAt faire 
pour porter les pouures a Tavenlr**. But perhaps a custom obtained in the 
case of pauper funerals which could be paralleled in Naples, where the coffin 
is not always buried with the corpse. 

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158 HuauBKOT society's pbocbedinm. 

one. I have given the details in the appendix, as they are 
of some historical interest.^ It will be noticed that on one 
occasion a special grant of 1002. is made, ''pour les eglises 
affligees " ; another entry of the same year, 1672, shows that 
the charity of the church was not always limited to its own 
body : ** de Taduis du confrere Verbrugue assists ceux quy 
cueillaient pour les pouures Eglises d'Allemaigne '\ There 
are but two payments marking any connection with the 
general church organisation; m 1660 there was paid ''a 
M. Tricotel, par ordre de la compagnie, suiuant sa quittance, 
pour son voiage du Sinode Nasionale " ; and in 1664, 23 2. are 
paid ** quand Michel Poreye fut au Sinode ". 

I^, 1660 the poor box was broken, and Le Maistre is paid 
for repairing it, and " plus pour deux cadenas " ; and in 1673 
a new one had to be provided at a cost of 5 L On one occa- 
sion the door of the cemetery needs repair, and twice the 
Communion cups are noticed: once they are ''refet" at a 
cost of 2 1., and shortly afterwards 20 1, is paid '' pour la fasson 
de deux couppes " — these probably being ttie very cups spoken 
of by White Eennet,^ which later became the cause of much 
dispute between the churches of Cadzand and Dover.' All 
the expenses connected with the administration of the sac- 
rament seem to have fallen on this fund, for payments for 
wine and bread occur at regular intervals. In 1673, to give 
but one instance, there was paid '' pour 5 pains pour 4 cenes 
de Noel, 5Z. 145.," and for wine, 18 i. 10 s. The bread must 
have been supplied from Calais, seeing that, in 1672, there 
is purchased for IZ. ** une mandelette ^ d'ozier auecq un cadena 
pour enuoyer le pain a Guisnes ". 

The fund seems to have been in possession of two estates, 
one consisting of twelve measures of land, coming to it from 
Mathieu Pittre, and leased to the widow Outre Titrecat at 
the yearly rent'of 72 L Of this we hear nothing beyond the 
entry of the receipt of the rent ; but with the other estate 
they were not so fortunate, as in 1673, 38 1 15 s, has to be 
spent on its improvement ; the details of this are fully given, 
and are worth reproducing, if only that they make us ac- 
quainted with several archaic words. 

^ Appendix III. 

» Proc. of the Soc., v., 446. ' Idem, iv.. 108. 

Mande is a local form of the word ** manne," and is still in use in the 
district ; compare the English " maund," basket. 

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6 6 

16 10 

2 5 

38 15 


Fossoyage de 24 verges de fosse a 10 1 la 


Pour abbatre les terres dans la me de Bari- 


Chariage de 40 bineltes ^ de sable hors la 

me, a 18d. la b^nel^e 
Et 70 b^nelees pour faire nn fosse dn cot6 

de Barizean, a 18(2. la b. . 
Et pour retonmage de la terre 
Touzes^ et plantage .... 

I have dwelt on the detail of these old accounts for so long 
that I fear to leave you under the impression that it is their 
antiquarian interest alone I would have you note. Anti- 
quarian interest, no doubt, they have — nor is the field yet 
fnlly harvested, but we. Huguenots, shall value them 
not so much as a record of the seventeenth century, as for 
the Ught they shed on the lives and characters of the men 
v^ho kept them. 

We have had laid before us a complete picture of one 
aspect of the lives of our forefathers; let me sum up the 
main outlines of that picture as I seem to see it. A vision 
of charity at its best, a charity of steady purpose, and guided 
by a wise policy ; a charity devoted to the service of the poor, 
to the care of the fatherless, to the tending of the sick and 

^ Note by M. Landrin : '* B^nelte, on bellen^, ou encore beln^, est le 
oontenu d'un b^niau, benniau, b^gneu, ou banyaux. G'est ainsi qu*on appelle 
dans le Calaisia an tombereau, v^hioule k deux roues qui sert particuli^e- 
ment k transporter de la terre, du f umier, des cailloux. Une bellen^e, ou un 
benelte, est, done, plein an b^niau ou tombereau. Les deux mots sont tou- 
joura en usage. Ds sont, semble-t-il, d'origine oeltique. Benniau parait 
d^river du mot Benne qa*on retrouve dans Banne, qui d^signe un chariot en 
osier chez les Gaulois." An entry of 1661 may be quoted in support of this 
explanation : ** pay6 a Dufios pour auoir livn^ du fer a Baicut, pouure de la 
basse ville, pour luy faire deux roues a sen beniau ". 

* Note by M. Landrin : " Touses est an mot absolument du Galaisis. Je 
ne le rencontre dans auoun des patois des pays voisins. II est synonyme de 
Bouture, Planoon, ou Plantard. Les Touzes sont en effet des boutures de 10 
a 12 pieds de bant, sur, au moins, 6 pouces de oirconferenoe vers le milieu. 
On ne pent pas dire qu'une touze est une bouture ordinaire. Ce sont de 
crosses branches de sanle ou de peuplier au*on plante dans nos marais, au 
bord des foss^ oa des chemins. On lit oans une charte de Saint Bertin 
Tonstira arborumy la tonte des arbres. Le has latin a le mot Tonaare, tondre, 
comme nous avons encore en patois Touser, faire de touses, tondre un arbre 
pour en faire des touzes. Dans le Boulonnais ou dit d'un arbre ooup^ k t^te 
qu'on Ta tous^, c'est-i-dire tondu. 

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needy; above fill, a charity insured by the desize for a 
permanent uplifting, rather than for a merely temporary 

To-day we are still fighting for these principles, and the 
battle is far from won ; what shall we say then of the men 
of the seventeenth centnry with whcmi these ideas were as 
commonplaces ? 

We have admired, without always folly understanding, 
the character of our Huguenot ancest^s in the wider field 
of religious persecution. I cannot but think that the know- 
ledge of how they dealt with the lesser problems of every-day 
life will enable us to grasp the secret of the completeness 
and strength of that character better than we have ever 
done before. For of them also have we found this true: 
" Faithful in that which is least they were faithful also in 
that which is much,*' " They laid down their Uves for the 
brethren ". 

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In order to give some idea of how the accounts were kept, 
I have had two pages reproduced in facsimile. These are 
necessarily on a smaller scale than the original; and, in 
order that they may be easily read, I have transcribed them 

The first is a page showing the receipts in 1667, when 
Daniel Pilart was treasurer, and may be taken as a sample 
of the worst writing we have to deal with ; while the second 
represents the best, that of Isaac le Turcq, being a page 
taken from the payments made by him in 1665. 

These two examples illustrate very well the accuracy and 
method which characterise the whole volume. It must be 
remembered that the whole of the ruling had to be done by 
the writer, prepared account-books being unknown at this 

Tbanscbipt of a Page of the Beceipts of Daniel 

Becepte faicte pour hs pawwres 'f Damd PUart. 

1667. 25AiiriL pour la bourse de la demiere oene . . 88 2 
2 May. poor la bourse de dimaQche d' . 56 2 6 

6 „ . reoeudeconiDelbeoqp'don5nM"Hoiisoh 
d'Amstredam L 60— -et conL Houohe a 
receu m. Margnet L 30. ensemble . 80 
17 „ . Cont^ auec oonf. pas la B. d. dm. 15 d* 54 1 

24 Jnin. Gont^ la bourse de dimanche L 45 anec la 

p~et2*oemieporte/.123:l . . 168 1 

26 „ . Contd la B : da 26 d« ohez conf . Pas . 50 2 9 

12 Jmllet Gont^ la bourse da d;^. 10 ooor . 53 17 6 

19 „ . poor i de la B. dn joor de jeasne et lea 

confrere de goines autant . 56 1 6 

25 „ .La Bourse de dimanohe demier . . 48 1 3 
8 AouBt. La Bourse du dim : 7 ditto . . . 43 17 4 

15 „ . reoeu de ph. descaufour .... 15 . 

23 „ . Gont^ la bourse du dimanche 22 d* . . 47 4 9 

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5 7temb. Cont^ la bourse de dim : 4 d* . 45 16 

19 „ poor la b : de dimanohe 18 cour^ . 46 11 6 

30 „ . reoeu de ooni : delbeoq et sigart p : Judith 
Boubay vient d'Elizabeih vefue Le- 
Becq pour ses enfans . 15 6 

19 Ootobre. Bourse de dimanche 16 d* demiere cene. 

Geuzd: ff:^ ontles2— . . . 79 2 
„ n . reoeu de oon&ere Isaao le Turoq le reli- 

qua de son compte .... 258 16 
30 „ . Cont^ la bourse de ce jour . . . 18 4 2 
14 9 . Cont£ la bourse de dimanche d* . 27 5 6 

25 „ . Le confrere Pas a mis en main nn biUiet 

des boittes qu*il a receu a la basseuill 189 16 2 
27 „ . Cont6 la bourse dhay porte . . 35 8 3 

2 deoeiab. Conirere Delbecque m a psik pour donna- 

tion de feu sa famme . 200 

„ „ . receu de luy pour donnation de M' Michel 

Heuson a Amstredam ... 60 
11 „ . Conte la bourse de ce jour . . . 28 5 
23 „ J receu de Jean dubois partie de son billiet 
de /.30 — qu'il doit fournir en drape 
pour et [au nom ?] de Jean delmotte 
po' les enfans fr. rozeau deliuray a 
conf. Jaoq. gaddem .... 20 
y, „ . receu de Abr. Grins partie de pay^ de la 

donnation vefue de fresne de 

/. 50 qu'il doit paier .... 6 

SoAe /. 1766 14 4 

Tbanscbipt of a Page of the Payments of Isaac lb 


Desbowra faict pour lea Powres Par moy Isaac Leturcq. 


May 8 P^ez pour les ordinaires, soauoir 
a Jean de la Bue 
a susenne ganionne 
a sara frilleu 
a Dauid Beal 

a Anne Ochin . 2. . 7. 6 2 15 

.edit jour Assists andr6 fortier sa femme et sa famiUe pour 
retoumer en Normandye de laduis des con- 
freres Sauchelle & Gattou .... 5 
Ditto 11 assists un passant a la tour dargent de laduis J* 

Sauchelle 2 16 

dudit jour a cappon pour noeuf sepmaine de nourriture de 
Jean de la Bue du consentement et aduis de 
Jean Sauchelle 13 

1 i.6., De Gulnes. 

/. L 



L . 


L . 


L . 


I . 



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(HDct/fty/ea^. .... /-Mv^ 
UUm.0c^^ : - f-iyiCi 

- * IE? 




) f-^Aurr^a/t fifitrfi:/7^m'/w-/n^jffuL^ ^hijrrf — — 





fo tt H '^^^ /uinanfr — -" 





i^ - 





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Ditto 12* 
Ditto 15 
Ledit jour 

Ditto 18 


Ditto 22« 

Ditto 23* 
Ditto 27* 

Ditto 29< 

Jnin 2 

Fayez an b' Hays pour Botte de vin par Iny linrd 

jusque an 24* decembre dernier . 
Pour nne chemise doim^ a la vefue pancottque 

de laduis de J. Sauchelle .... 
Paie les ordinaires scauoir a Jean de la Bue 22 s, 

Qd. Gannionne 6«. sara frillen 10 «. dauid 

Real 10 8. anne Ochin Regl6 a 10 8. ensome 
Assists on ponre garoon idropicqne de Rotterdam 

venant de Rouen de 20<. et un demy pots 

deau de vie de ]0«. ensemble 
Paid a Isaac Feudefiiece diaore le 16* du mois 
Paie pour un demy mois de pension de Pierre de 


Pai^ les ordinaires scauoir a Jean de la Rue 22 8, 

6 e2. a suz'^ ganionne 5 9. a sara frilieu 10 8. a 

dauid Real 10 8, a Anne Ochin 10 8, ensemble 
Assists la vefue pan=quouque de . . . 
Asaist^ Jacques Christien passants aueo tes- 

moignaffe de 

Pai^ les ordinaires scauoir a Jean de la rue 22 s. 

6 (f. a BUZ" ganione 5 «. a sara Milieu 10 8, a 

Anne Auchin 10 8. ensemble 
AsaiBtd Willem Andris flamend et malade venant 

de Rouen pour Retoumer a Rotterdam en 

argents de . . . LI. 10. 

Pour le £aire conduire a dunqque par 

charroy . . /.I. 15. 

pour sa despence au petit prince auec 

un sien compagnon /. 4. 10. 

pour Plusieurs nourritture faict donner 

audits pendant 10 a 12 jours sui- 

uants memoire . . /. 3. 8. 

pour la chambre la ou il a couch6 pai^ 

aLeuel . . . /. 2. 

Ditto 3* Paie au confrere Isaac Peudepiece diacre . 

Ditto 5 paie les ordinaires comme dessus 

Ditto pour une chemise bailie a Suzenne gannion de 

laduis des confrere 

Ditto 8* baOle a Jean de la Rue pour refaire see souliers . 

Ditto assists la vefue pan-quouque de . 

Ditto 10 pai6 a pierre le compte diacre 

Ditto pai6 pour linstance a cause de Judicq bourguois 

pour assignaOn et a frais . . ./. 4. 15. 

Pour lacte de CurateUe . . ./. 11. 

58 1 

1 13 6 

2 17 6 

1 10 

2 17 6 

2 17 6 

13 03 


2 17 


1 15 




Page premier Porte 

15 15 
202 12 6 

VOL. VI.— NO, II, 


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Summary of the Accounts. 
Showing by whom they were kept and for what periods. 


Beoeipts . 

Dute oy Gatou on ac- 
count of Jacques 

2nd Apbil, 1660, to 23rd Septbmber, 1660. 

/. 8. d. 
509 8 

670 3 

Balance, paid to Jac- 
ques Bobelin on pre- 
vious account . 

Payments . 


s. d. 

273 2 6 
761 9 7 
144 19 

1179 11 

1179 11 



24th Sbptbmbbb, 1660, to 23bd March, 1661. 


I 8. d. 
. 144 19 Payments*. 
. 382 16 
. 71 12 9 

/. 8. 

. 599 7 


599 7 9 

599 7 





23rd March, 1661, to 3rd Noybmbbr, 1661. 

/. 8. d. 
.1266 1 Balance^ . 
. 82 4 6 Payments . 

1348 5 6 

l. 8. d. 

70 12 9 

1277 12 9 

1348 5 6 

1 An error of 1 {. in bringing forward this balance, which seems never to 
liave b©«n clisooverpd. 

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4th Novembbb, 1661, to 12th April, 1663. 

L 8. d. 

. 4912 14 6 Balance 
.1241 17 3 Payments'. 

/. 8, 

. 82 4 
.6072 7 


6154 11 9 

6154 11 




13th Apbil, 1663, to 27th Novbmbkb, 1663. 

/. 8. d. 
. 941 17 Payments . 

L 8. 

. 841 16 
. 100 1 

941 17 

941 17 



28th Novbmbsb, 1663, to 3bd Jukb, 1664. 

/. «. d, 
. 100 1 Payments . 
. 638 10 
. Ill 7 6 

/. 8. 

. 849 9 


849 9 3 

849 9 




23bd April, 1664, to 5th May, 1665. 

/. 8. d. 
. 3672 17 2 Balance 

Payments . 

/. 8. 

. Ill 7 
.3328 17 
. 232 12 


3672 17 2 

3672 17 


^ This deficit was met by a special ** cneillette/* and is not therefore carried 

*1290 1. 78.Sd. of this was disbnised by Samuel Gaton* though entered in 
SauoheUe's accounts. 

* This account overlaps the preceding one. 

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166 HUaUEKOT societt's pbocbebikgs. 



6th Mat, 1665, to 4th April, 1667. 


I «. d. 
. 232 12 6 Payments . 
.3259 Balance 

. 3232 16 6 
. 258 16 

3491 12 6 

3491 12 6 



5th Apbil, 1667, to 28th January, 1669. 


L 8. d. 
. 258 16 Payments . 
. 4145 15 9 Balanoe 

I 9. d, 

.3466 5 8 
. 938 6 1 

4404 11 9 

4404 11 9 



29th January, 1669, to 13th February, 1670. 


I s. d. 
. 938 6 1 Payments . 
.2262 9 3 Balance' . 

L 8. d. 
.2166 8 2 
.1044 7 2 

3200 15 4 

3200 16 4 



14th Fbbruart, 1670, to 11th August, 167L 

/. «. d L 8. d. 

Beceipts . . . 2722 9 9 Payments . . 2520 12 

Balance . 201 17 9 

9 9 2722 9 9 



11th August, 1671, to 29th August, 1672. 

L 8. d. L 9. d. 

Balance . . 201 17 9 Payments . . 2806 18 3 

Beceipts . . .2800 9 6 Balance . 196 9 

3002 7 3 3002 7 3 

1 This balance, though said to be handed over to Isaac le Toioq, never 
appears in bis aoconnts* 

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30th Auoubt, 1672, to 24tb July, 1673. 


I. 8. d. 


. 196 9 


.2301 9 3 


. 112 9 3 


2610 7 6 

I 8. d. 
.2610 7 6 

2610 7 6 


23bd Jult, 1673, to 27th Octobbb, 1675. 


/. 8. d. 
. 6101 18 Balance . 
Payments . 

I 8. 

. 112 9 
.5825 19 
. 163 9 



6101 18 

6101 18 




28th Octobbb, 1675, to 11th Mat, 1677. 

Receipts . 
Balance > . 

/. 8. d. 
. 163 9 8 Payments . 
. 3494 11 10 
. 289 3 

L 8. 

.3947 1 


3947 1 9 

3947 1 




12th Mat, 1677, to 22nd Mat, 1678. 

Receipts . 

I. 8. d. 
. 3697 18 5 Payments . 
. 80 10 3 

2. 8. 

.3778 8 


3778 8 8 

3778 8 


1 This balance is wrongly given in the anditors' oeiiifleate as 389 2. 6 8. 8 <i., 
and is not carried forward mto the next aocoont. 

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23rd Mat, 1678, to 9th July, 1679. 

Beceipts . 
Balance > . 

I s. d. 
.3693 12 11 Balanoe* . 
. 446 18 5 Payments . 


L 8. d, 
. 80 10 
.4060 1 4 

4140 11 4 

4140 11 4 



10th July, 1679, to 4th August, 1680. 

Beceipts . 

. 3257 10 Payments . 


L 9. d 
. 3167 13 2 
. 89 7 8 

3257 10 

3257 10 



6th August, 1680, to 3kd August, 


Beceipts . 

I s. d. 

89 7 8 Payments . 
.2672 9 7 
. 5 19 1 


L 8. d. 
. 2767 16 4 

2767 16 4 

2767 16 4 


The Quintdbniee. 

The history of the '' quint-denier " is somewhat obscure, and 
I do not propose to enter into it here. As an aid to those 
who may wish to study the question, I have thought it well 
to print all the entries relating to it to be found in the Calais 
accounts, since these throw considerable light on the amount 
paid by this church, and the method of payment. The 
question is dealt with in two of M. Paul de Felice's works 

^ This balance, like the one in Account XV., was not carried forward. 
How these somewhat large deficits were met does not appear. 
' Sic, The amount should have been 3 d. more. 

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on "Les Protestants d'autrefois," viz, : Temples, Services re- 
ligieux (Paris, 1896); and Vie int^i&wre des Eglises (Paris, 
1899). The Bulletin de la Soci^tSde VHistoire du Protestantisme 
Franfais may also be consulted with advantage. 

Its amount does not justify its name, at least, so far as 
Calais is concerned, as the total paid over on this head does 
not come to one-fifth of the receipts. It would be interesting 
to know how the sum payable by each church was arrived 
at. , At Calais it varied a good deal ; it is only possible to 
ascertain vnth certainty the yearly contribution for a few of 
the years. In 1664 it was 225 Z. ; in 1672, 440 Z. ; in 1673, 
473 Z. ; and in 1674, 1677, 1679, it remained at 440 Z. 

1662 13 Deo. Pay^ au frere Jean Beurse pour le quin- 

denier quant il est ale au Sinode . 422 10 

1664 6 Feb. Bemis a Paris pour une annc de contribu- 

tion suiuan la quittance de Mons' 
Lecoq du dat du 29 Januier 1664 . 225 

1666 4 Feb. Bemis a M' Lecocq 225 L et 17^ de change 227 10 
„ 14 Oct. Bemis a Mons' Lecocq pour le quints den- 

iers, a bon compte .... 300 

1667 9 Avr. Bemis a M' Lecocq pour le quintdenier . 500 

1669 2 Sep. Donne a Louis Delebecq une lettre de 

change de 340/. sur Paris, et 10 ^ 
d'argent pour le quintdenier . . 350 

1670 21 Avr. Bemis a M' le Noble 200 Z. auec change 

1% poiir quintdenier .... 202 

1671 16 Avr. Bemis a M' le Noble 300/. pour le quint- 

denier auec 1^ pour cent . . . . 304 10 
„ 27 „ Bemis a M' Deprez par M' Delebecque 
210/. a U 7o, 213/. 3»., pour une 
quittance Mad'°* Gaulier pour le quint- 
denier 213 3 

„ 15 Aoust. Pay6 Le Turcq 220 /. qu'U auoit obmis 
demplour dans ces comptes pay6 a M' 
Le Noble pour le quintdenier ; Sauoir, 
200 /. qu'U a paye 13 Oct. 1670 suiuant 
la quittance dudit jour dudit S' le 
Noble aueq le change a l*/oOy . . 202 
18 /. a cause qu'il a remis audit S' le 
Noble 618/., suiuant la quittance du 
8 May 1671, et ledit Le Turcq ne passe 
a compte que 600 /. cy ^ . . .18 
1671 4 Dec. J'ay remis audit Lenoble 220 /. pour nostre 
quintdenier aueq le courtage, suiuant 
sa quitance cy 222 9 

1 There is no trace in Le.Turcq'8 accounts of either of those payments said 
to have been made in October, 1670, and May, 1671. Le Turoq's accounts 
extend from February, 1670, t^ August, 1671, during which period he made 
three payments on account of the quintdenier, none of which agree with the 
statement above. 

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1672 29 Ayr. Par ordre de la Gompagnie 25 oour* remis 

a M' De Vanx, pastenr Doisemont 100 
L a bon compte dn quintdenier, a qaoy 
M' Lenoble a oonsenty . . 100 

„ 8 JuiL Par ordre da consistoire le 25 Mars lemier, 

laquelle m*ordoime de remettre a 
M' Lenoble de Paris 1202. restant de 
nostre contribution esohen au pacque 
dernier, & 100 2. d*extraordinaire pour 
les panares esglises afflig§e, ce quy 
a est^ cejourdhuy faict cy, Aueq le 

change a P/o 222 4 

pour les portes de lettre ... 14 

1G73 18 Feb. Quintdenier, payg au 8' Ph. Marchal par 

ordre de Mons' de Yauz ministre de 
Wasmond^ a bon comte de 473 que 
nous deurons pour une ann^ escheant 

le dernier Mars 100 

„ 19 Avr. Bailld a Mons' Sigart un billet sur M' 
Margas pour payer a M' Le Noble sur 
Tannee escheue le dernier mars 1673 
pour la some de 273 I, V*L de change 
21.158. 275 16 

1674 22 May. Pay^, je dis remis a M' Lenoble pour une 

demye ann^e du quintdenier, Sauoir 
200 I. au 25"«- May sur Mons' Proudre 
a Paris, plus 20 /. a veue sur Mess" 
Vankessel a Paris pour un port de If e 
dudit S' Lenoble . . . . 220 6 

1675 22 Avr. 303 I pour lettre de change de 300 2. a 1 p. 

c. foumy au S' Jean DelabaJle aUant 
au Sinode pour deliurer au S' Lenoble 
recepuexur des esfflises, a bon compte 
de oe que nous luv debuons pour le 
quin denier : sur M' Henault a Paris 303 
„ 18 Sep. Pour lettre de chajige de 220 1, pris de Ab. 
Lejeune sur Duval & Dublas a Paris 
a 8 jours, remis a M' Lenoble sur oe 
que Von luy doibt du quindenier. Pour 
le change a 14 p. c 223 6 

1676 18 Feb. Bemis a M' Lenooie a Paris pour partie 

de nostre contribution sur M' Terrac, 
Conseiller 360 2. Notta que nous de- 
burons a la fin de Mars prochain j^ 
ann^e cy remise .... 360 

pour le change a 14 % • . . 5 8 

1677 27Aou8t. Paye a M' Lenoble par le confrere DeHane 

estant a Clermont, suiuant sa quittance 
de ce jour pour une ann^e et demye de 
nostre contribution escheu le dernier 
jour de Mars dernier, quy font 660 2. ; 
sur quoy j'ay foumy la valeur audit 
De Hane partant icy ... 660 

^ No doabt Oisemonti see entry of Ist April, 1678, infra. 

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pour le change a 1 p. o. . . 6 12 

poor le courtage a | p. c. . . . 16 6 

1678 1 Ayr. AsBist^ M' Desvaax, nmiistre d^Oizemont 

par ordre de la compagnie en billet sor 
uuillanme Fondens d' Abbeville 8 jours 
60 2., snr qxioy les confreres de Gmsnes 
m'ont delinre 21 1, 14 «. 6 d. : reste a 
passer a conte icy seullement ^ . . 28 5 6 

1679 20 Avr. Pour ma lettre de 8802. payable a M' Le 

Noble poiir 2 ann^es era ^uintdenier 
eschene au moi de Mars dernier de- 
liur^ an frere Da Ponchel, deppnt^ et 
17 L 10s. pour le change . . . 897 10 

X This does not seem, on the face of it, to be a payment on account of the 
quintdenier, but see the entry of 29th April, 1672, sttpra. Oisemont is a 
small place near Amiens, dep. Somme. I suggest that the Guines share came 
bom the church fund. 

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Slotzs Snd Qtieries* 


On the 8th June the Founder of the Society, Mr. Arthur 
Giraud Browning, V.P., now Deputy-Governor of the French 
Hospital, celebrated the twenty-fifth anniversary of his 
wedding, and on the 10th the occasion was commemo- 
rated by a dinner to Mr. Browning and his family in the 
Court-Boom at the Hospital which was attended by a 
number of the Directors and other friends, the chair being 
occupied by the Treasurer of the institution, Mr. Charles 
Norris. Mr. and Mrs. Browning received an enthusiastic 
welcome from their hosts and from the inmates of "La 
Providence,** and in the course of the evening were pre- 
sented with a silver tray, tea and coffee service as a memento 
of their twenty-five years of married life, and of the almost 
identical period during which Mr. Browning had been a 
Director of the Hospital and its Honorary Secretary. The 
exact dates of his election to office are: Director, 11th 
January, 1873 ; Secretary, 3rd July, 1876 ; Deputy-Gover- 
nor, 1st October, 1898. 

Mr. Browning's Paper on "The Origin and Early His- 
tory of the French Protestant Hospital '' in the last number 
of the Proceedings gives an admirably full and sympathetic 
account of that " splendid and lasting memorial of Huguenot 
piety," as he himself calls it, down to the death of its first 
Secretary, Philippe Menard, in 1737. For a continuation of 
its history from that time till now, all readers are still looking 
to the pen of the present Deputy-Governor. 


(Communicated by Cecil T, Davis, Esq., Wandsworth Public Library.) 

In Mount Nod is a large altar tomb near the road opposite 
to Huguenot Gardens. It is enclosed by iron railings. A 

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large tree has forced its way np through the stones forming 
the platform, and somewhat disarranged them. On it is the 
following inscription : — 

"Under this tomh are deposited ye remains [of] James 
Baudonin, Esqr., who was horn at Nismes, in France, but 
in the year 1685 fled from thence to avoid tyranny and per- 
secution and enjoy a Protestant liberty of conscience, which 
he afterwards happily found, and was gratefully sensible of 
in the communion of ye Church of England. He constantly 
answared (sic,) this pious resolution in his life, and went to 
enjoy the blessed fruits of it by his death the 28th day of 
February, 1738. Aged 91." 

He built a house at Putney, known as Winchester House. 
He owned property in Wandsworth, some being in the 
district now known as Frogmore. 

By the kindness of Mr. William Cock a copy of his will 
is here given. 

" In the Name of God be it Amen in the year one thousand 
seven hundred and thirty three and the first of July about 
the end of the fourscore and fifth year of my age I the under- 
written Jsunes Baudouin being by the grace of God of sound 
Body and mind forseeing by my great age my approaching 
Death I have thought it necessary to annul all former wills 
on account of some Altei^tions which have since happened 
in my effects which I had in the Government and to sub- 
stitute in their place this as the only Bule of my last Will 
O Lord God as according to Thy Decrees my Departure out 
of this world cannot be very distant And as I do not know 
the Day or the Night in which Thou wilt demand my soul 
from me I beseech Thee my God and my Heavenly Father 
to be pleased to prepare me by a renouncing to this World 
and by a salutary repentance and that Thou wouldest be 
pleased in Thy mercy to forgive me my sins which being 
great and in a great number make me fear Thy justice 
accept graciously I beseech You the sorrow and compunc- 
tion which I have in my heart and grant me Thy grace 
that being of the number of those whom Jesus Christ has 
redeemed by the Sacrifice of His Body I may also be of the 
Number of those whom Thou wilt receive in Thy mercy into 
the mansions of Thy glory there to celebrate with them that 
Thy ffatherly Goodness to all eternity Amen 

''1st Article I constitute for my heiress and executrix 
generally of all the estate which God has given me either 
in Houses Land or Effects in the Government my Niece 

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Maxy Molineer the wife of Mr. David Montolien de Sante- 
polite Brigadier in the Anny npon the conditions following 
which she or her heirs or Administrators shall be obliged 
to observe 

'' First to cause my Body to be interred in the plainest 
manner that Decency will permit and therefore she shall 
get it done before Night vdthout Flamboys Escntcheons or 
Hangings and instead of this worldly expence she shall dis- 
tribute one hundred pounds one month after my decease to 
the poor French Protestant Refugees to each as her prudence 
and charity shall deem it proper 2nd Article Six months 
after my decease my aforesaid Heiress shall pay to the 
treasurer of the French Hospital five hundred pounds to 
help towards the maintenance of the poor of the said hos- 
pital upon the express condition that the Gentlemen who 
are directors shall be pleased to grant the ri^ht to my afore- 
said Heiress and successors hereafter of putting in two poor 
persons into the said Hospital who shall be maintamed 
therein at the expence of the Corporation and after the 
death of one of them successively another in his place 
That if contrary to the favor which I desire them to give 
me they should refuse me that favor in case of such Bemsal 
my aforesaid Heiress shall not pay them the aforesaid five 
hundred pounds And my Will is that she shall place the said 
five hundred pounds in some of the Government Securities 
as she shall tmnk fit and the Interest of the said sum shall 
be distributed by my aforesaid heiress and by her successors 
hereafter among poor French Protestant Befu^es and the 
capital shall always remain in some of the said securities 
without any of her successors being able to appropriate the 
same to themselves and fraustrate of it the poor French for 
whom I design the same 

'' 3rd my aforesaid Heiress shall pay to the Beceiver of the 
House of Charity in Spitalfields two hundred pounds and to 
the Beceiver of that of Soho one himdred pounds for the 
poor of French Protestant Befugees 

" 4th my said heiress shall also pay to the Beceiver of the 
Society of Nismes the sum of two hundred pounds which 
shall be put out to interest in some of the Government 
Securities and that none of the Consuls or any other 
person shall be able to sell or mortgage the same witiiout an 
express consent of my aforesaid Heiress or of her successors 
and the interest only accruing from the said two hundred 
pounds shall be distributed among the poor of the said society 

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^ 5th she shall pay likewise to Mr. Claris de Florian minister 
of the Holy Gh)spel thirty guineas which I desire him to 
accept of as a small token of my friendship 

'' 6th Article My aforesaid Heiress shall distribute twenty 
pounds among the servants to each according to his deserts 
and as in her equity she shall think proper 

" 7th I charge my aforesaid Heiress and her successors to 
make a pension for life to my sister her mother of one hun- 
dred pounds a year during her life payable quarterly 

*' 8th She shall likewise make to my brother a pension for 
life of two hundred pounds a year during his hfe But it 
shall be upon condition that my said brother shall come out of 
France and come and pass the remainder of his days in Eng- 
land among &ose of his family with ffreedom of body and 
mind and his pension shall conmience but from the day he 
shaU be arrived here And if he should let one year elapse 
from the day of my death without complying with the request 
which I make him to come and join his relations which he has 
promised us to do and if he persists in remaining in finance 
and lets the year which I hereabove allow him elapse In 
such case the pensipn shall be void as well as all other the 

Eretensions which he might have upon my estate as a 
rother my conscience not allowing me to increase his 
income in a country of persecution and idolatry believing if 
I did it would be a motive for him absolutely to fix himself 
there the more My aforesaid Heiress shall transfer to my 
brother or to his order the five hundred pounds stock in the 
Bank of England which I have of his under my name 

"9th as to my nephew James Molinier as God hath 
liberally bestowed estates on him in this world and that 
he has but one daughter if I should add to the Estates 
which he has any considerable sum out of my own it 
would only be attaching him but the more to this world 
and could be but of prejudice to him and to his wife I 
shall therefore confine myself to give him five hundred 
pounds which my Heiress his sister shall pay him six 
months after my death and these five hundred pounds shall 
be generally for all pretensions whatsoever which he might 
pretend to have of which sum I desire he would be satisfied 
without murmuring being if he had not so good an estate 
as he has I would have shared him equally with his brother 
and sister As on the day of my death both he and his 
brother Charles may have some Notes of mine which are 
due to me they shall deliver the same to my Heiress their 

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sister as well as what they may owe me entirely with Justice 
and sound conscience 

" 10th As to my nephew Charles Molinier as I hope Grod 
will give him ^ace to make use of this world without making 
ill use of it I give him four thousand pounds upon the express 
condition following that is to say that in order to prevent his 
loosing that sum in trade either by losses of ships by sea or 
by bankruptcy's which at this day are so frequent prudence 
requires that this sum should be secured from these acci- 
dents and therefore my will is that in order to secure the same 
it shall remain in the hands of his sister my Heiress who for 
his satisfaction and to remove all fears shall make a mort- 
gage for the value of this sum either upon the houses or 
effects which I have in the Government to the satisfaction 
of my said nephew or if thejr should like it best part upon 
houses and part upon effects in the Government The alK)ve 
mortgage shall properly be for the security to my said 
nephew for in order to save him the trouble of receiving the 
rents of what have been mortgaged for him my niece his 
sister or her successors shall pay to my said nephew the 
interest of the said four thousand which I fix to one hundred 
and forty pounds a year and the said interest shall begin 
to run six months after my decease If my said nephew 
Charles Molinier should marry and if he should have children 
who should attain the full age of twenty one years in such 
case my aforesaid Heiress or her successors shall pay to my 
aforesaid nephew or in case he should be dead his children 
when arrived to the age hereabove the aforesaid sum of four 
thousand pounds and if my said Nephew Charles should 
happen to die without Children the same sum shall be 
divided among the children of his brother and those of his 
sister to each of them his share a regard being had to the 

" 11th Article My aforesaid heiress May Molinier wife of 
Mr. David Saintepohte after she shall have paid my legacies 
and left in being a sufficient part of my estate that out of 
the produce and income thereof the pensions which I leave 
to my sister and to my brother may be regularly paid during 
their life she may afterwards dispose of the rest of my estate 
whatsoever the same may Consist in either in Houses Lands 
or in those which I have in several offices of the Government 
she shall think proper to the benefit of her children when 
they shall have attamed the full age of twenty one years as 
her eldest daughter is my God-daughter I Will that out of 

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zny estate she shall have five hnndred pounds more than the 
shares of my others leaving to my aforesaid heiress the right 
and the power of depriving out of my inheritance her or him 
of her children who might be so unnaturally inclined as to 
marry without the consent and approbation of their father 
and mother 

" 12th Mr. de Saintepolite the husband of my Heiress may 
however in order to assist his wife receive the Eents Divi- 
dends and Interest so far as concerns my inheritance but he 
shall not have the power of seUing or mortgaging any part 
of my estate without an express Power of Attorney from his 
wife and the consent of my nephews He shall not likewise 
be able in case of the death of his wife to be administrator of 
the inheritance he having too much at heart the interest of 
his children notwiths1(andin^ the candor of heart he has to 
prevent him from being partial in his administration. 

" 13th If my aforesaid Heiress shall happen to die before 
she has disposed of my inhentance according to my Will 
hereabove set forth and if her children should happen to die 
before they shall have attained the full age of twenty one 
years which God in his Grace forbid but in case of the above 
supposed death Mr. de Saintepolite shall have no right to my 
inheritance being it is upon that condition that I have mad6 
his wife my heiress and that he has consented to it by his 
own declaration which will be found in a tin box together with 
this my will and therefore supposing the death hereabove 
Mr. Saintepolite shall deliver over the said inheritance to my 
Nephews James and Charles Molinier share and share alike 
observing the same conditions as are prescribed to their sister 
if Mr. de Saintepolite shall deliver over the same to them 
faithfully and justly as I hoped from his equity that he will 
in return my aforesaid nephews or their successors shall 
make him a pension of one hundred pounds a year during his 

" In confirmation of this my will I do hereto subscribe my 
Name and hereto set the Seal of my Arms in presence of the 
witnesses who have hereto subscribed their names 

"Done in London the day and year above written in the 
reign of our Good King George the Second James Baudouin 
L S The said James Baudouin having assured us that this 
present testament containing his last Will at his Bequest 
We have signed the same as- Witnesses Ph Menard P. 
Crespigny Ch De St Maurice. 

" By this Codicil I charge my aforesaid Niece my Heiress 

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to pay to M. Madire forty pounds in consideration of the 
friendship there was between his fiamily and onrs She 
shall also pay the like snm of forty pounds to Mr. James 
Yamier Life Guardsman to his Majesty in consideration 
that he is my god-son and that I have held him in baptism 
at Breda and besides that he is honest and fearing God 
These two Articles which I had forgot shall be exactly paid 
as well as those hereabove James Baudouin 

" Out of the One Hundred Pounds I charge my Heiress to 
distribute among the poor in the first article of this will I 
will have her give twenty pounds thereof to Mr Amerville as 
a token of the friendship which there has been between the 
family of the late Mr Miget and mine and the fourscore 
pounds my aforesaid Heiress shall distribute the same as 
she shall think proper James Baudouin This codicil made 
in London the 3rd October 1735 

'' The Alterations which have happened in my will on the 
other side made the first of July 1733 have obliged me to 
make this last codicil in^ order that my Niece Mary MoUnier 
wife of Mr. Dayid Saintepolite my Heiress and Executrix 
may execute what I enjoyn her that is to say that the 
pension of One hundred pounds sterling which I had given 
to my sister and the thirty guineas wnich I had given to 
Mr. Claris de Florian shall have no more effed^ being 
God has taken them both out of this world As to what 
concerns my nephew Charles Molinier in the 10th Article 
of this my will as his age of passed fifty years and his bodily 
infirmities cannot reasonably encline him to mairy and to 
load his mind and body with the heavy burthen of marriage 
of which many who were free have made themselves slaves I 
have therefore thought fit by this codicil annul the legacy of 
four thousand pounds which I had made him in the aforesaid 
10th Article of my Will and to reduce my legacy to the 
interest which this sum of four thousand pounds might have 
produced in the Government which I fix at one hundred and 
forty pounds a year which sum my aforesaid niece my Heiress 
or her heirs shall pay him every year to wit seventy pounds 
sterling every six months and this during all the time which 
God shall preserve my said nephew Charles Molinier alive and 
for a security of the said pension of One himdred and forty 
pounds sterUng a year my aforesaid niece shall give him her 
note for the same in writing by which Note s]^e shall oblige 
her children and heirs to pay the said pension to my said 
Nephew during his life and after his decease this pension 

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shall be void and no person shall be able to pretend thereto 
In the 13th Article of my aforesaid Will I had ordered that 
in case my aforesaid Niece my Heiress and Executrix should 
happen to die before she shall have disposed of my inherit- 
ance according to my Will and that her children should 
happen to die before they shall have attained the full age 
of twenty one years In such a case my estate shail be 
delivered over to my Nephews James and Charles Molinier, 
but having considered that my brother might still be living 
I have thought it but just that he should have a share in the 
estate which God has given me for that reason I will that 
he shaU during his life not only have the pension of two 
hundred pounds sterling which I give him in the 8th Article 
of this my Will but also the moiety of aU my other effects 
whatsoever the same may consist in the other moiety being 
to my aforesaid Nephews the legacy which I have now given 
my brother shall have effect but on condition that he shall quit 
France that country of idolatry and come and live and end 
his days in England and there to work to his salvation by put* 
ting into practise the commands which Jesus our Bedeemer 
has i|rescribed and ordained for us to observe in his Gospel 
that if my said brother should be so obstinate as to remain in 
France and that the request which I and all the family 
to make him to come and joyn us in order that we may 
altogether work publicly to our salvation If (I say) our 
prayers as weU as his promises shall prove fruitless and of 
none effect in case of sudi refusal the legacy which I had given 
him of two hundred pounds sterling pension and of one 
moiety of my other effects which I had given him shall 
be void and he shall not be able to have any pretensions 
upon, my estate such is my Will which I conmm by my 
Name and the SeiJ of my Arms Done in London the 
first September One thousand seven hundred and thirty 
seven James Baudouin The said James Baudouin having 
protested and assured us this present codicil contains 
his last will at his request we have signed the same as 
witnesses this day the 29th March 1738 J Delafont Israel 
Anthony Aufrere James Serces 

*' Faithfully translated out of French at Doctor's Commons 
London this 18th March 1738 by me Ph Crespigny Notaiy 

" Proved at London with three codicils 16th March 1788 
before the Worshipful John AndrevTS Doctor of Laws and 
Surrogate by the oath of Mary de Saintepolite otherwise 

VOL. VI.— NO. II. N 

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Molinier wife of the Honourable David MontoUen Baron de 
Saintepolite the sole executrix to whom administration was 
granted having been first sworn duly to administer 

"Henby Stevens ] 

" Geo. Gostling Y Deputy Registers 

" Jno. Grene j 

^'The foregoing is a true copy of an attested copy and 
examined therewith this 6th day of May 1818 


(CammuniecUed by Alexander M, Aloock, Esq.) 

About the year 1760 a number of Huguenot refugees 
settled in and near the village of Innishannon. They were 
great weavers, and the Squire, Mr. Adderley, gave them 
every encouragement for their art, as he was most anxious 
to introduce the rearing of silkworms into this country. 

About thirty families, therefore, took up their abode there, 
and remained for some twenty years or more when, the 
silkworms not thriving, they took their departure to Spital- 
fields in England. 

The spot where these Frenchmen lived is still named 
'' The Colony," and is situated on the old Bandon Boad, 
about four hundred yards from Innishannon Bridge. One 
of their houses still exists, but in a ruinous state, so that 
even this in a few years will probably be gone. 

These refugees brought over with them a French pastor, 
the Beverend Peter Cortez, who was licensed in 1760 (vide 
Brady* 8 Parochial BecordsY to preach in French by the then 
Bishop of Cork. This old clergyman died here, and was 
interred in the tomb of Mathew Balsaigne, Esq., another 
Huguenot, which tomb is still in a very good state of pre- 
servation in the old churchyard. A field in the tovenland of 
Dromkeen for years was known as " The Mulberry Field," 
and an old villager, who died only a few years since, re- 
membered seeing the remains of the mulberry trees, from 
which this field derived its name. 

The French colonists, '' their houses, their mulberry treea 
are now only things of the past. Sic Tratuit Qloria Mundi.'* 

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Be Prez — Squeden — RarU, — These names appear written 
in the covers of a Bible in French, dated 1687, of which 
the following is a copy. I shall be glad to correspond with 
any person who may be a descendant of either of these 
famihes. The Bible measures 6^ inches long by ^^ inches 
wide by 2 inches thick. 

E. A. Fry. 

172 Edmund Street, Birmingham. 

On the inside of the front cover. 

*' Anna de Prez. 14 Mars, 1711. Je donne cette Bible a 
mon filleul Piere Squedin. 

'' Pierre Squedin est ne le troisieme de May de Tannee mil 
sept cens cinq et baptise en TEglise des Beffugies protestants 
Wallons et autres etrangers qui s'assemblent sous les voutes 
du Temple archespicopal de la ville de Cantorbury ayant 
pour pere [blank] Squedin et pour mere Susanne harle ahas 

On the inside of the back cover. 

" Pierre Squedin fils de [blank] Squedin et de Susanne harle 
est ne a Cantorbury le troisieme de May de Tannee mil sept 
cens cinq, son baptistere est dans le Consistoire de Mess** les 
Ministresiet Anciens de la Congrega'o des Wallons de Cantor- 

'' Ses ancestres grand pere et mere tant du coste de son pere 
que de sa mere sont des environs de Calais ou de < Calais 

Wanted — Certificate of Baptism or Birth of John Lart in 
or about 1753. Buried Wilford, Notting[ham, 1796. Prob- 
ably bom in London or Nottinghamsmre. I should be 
greatly obliged if any readers woidd inform me of any per- 
sons known to them of the same surname. Information 
concerning a family of this name in America (Indiana) and 
Holland will be gratefully received. The name is variously 
spelt De Lar, Lard, Delaoi;. 

Chas. E. Labt. 
lAfminge, Hythe, Kent 

Huguenots in Bedfordshire. — The Eev. A. J. Edmonds, 
Vicar of Great Gransden, Beds., writes : " Two of my prede- 
cessors here are said to have been descended from Huguenots, 
viz., Peter Stephen Goddard, D.D., who was inducted to this 

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living 29th June, 1742, and was made Master of Clare Ck>ll^e, 
Cambridge, in 1761; and John Fallowfield, who was inducted 
Ist March, 1795. He was a Fellow of Clare, and died 6th 
March, 1812. These are both reputed to have been French- 
men by their fathers. Mr Fallowfield's father was a refugee 
minister at Exeter, where he had a small congregation of 
his own nation ; Dr Goddard's father was a barber in Cam- 
bridge. In the Clare Admission-Book Fallowfield's Christian 
name is entered as ' William/ which was afterwards 
corrected to ' John '. He is also stated to have been bom 
at Hull. I should be glad of any further information 
respecting these persons, and the original French equivalent 
of the name ' Fallowfield '." 

Bonnevalf La Boux and Say FamiUes. — ^An American corre- 
spondent desires information about members of these families. 
Particulars may be addressed to the Hon. Secretary at 90 
Eegent's Park Road, N.W. 

Fran9ois de Bonneval retired into England by invitation 
of William HI. What were the names of the relatives who 
accompanied him? What was the date of the mairiageof 
George de Bonneval (supposed to be the son of Fran9ois), 
who married into the Granville family sometime in 1695-96 ? 
Is there any record of the birth of a son of George de 
Bonneval in London on 24th July, 1703 ? 

Bartholomew Le Boux and his brother Pierre came to 
America and settled at New Bochelle, N.Y. Query, when 
and whence? A Barthelemie la Eue was v?itness at the 
baptism of Marie Boudaux at Norwich, 7th Jan., 1609. Are 
there any records to connect him witii the emigrant to 
America ? 

Query, names of parents and date and place of birth of 
William Say, a Huguenot emigrant to America about 1683, 
and great-grandfather of Thomas Say, the natural historian ? 

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Wednesday, 8th November, 1899. 

W- J. C. MoENS, Esq., F.S.A., President,' in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Annual Meeting held on 10th May were 
read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : — 

Thomas Edward Bryers, Esq., Sidecliff, Roker, Sunderland. 
Arthur Philip Cazenove, Esq., 51 Cadogan Place, S.W. 
Thomas Cope, Esq., 35 Great Tower Street, E.C. 
S. Campbell Cory, Esq., D.L., J.P., Cran wells, Bath. 
The Rev. William Dawson, Susancourt, Loughton, Essex. 
Major-General Edward Renouard James, R.E., 27 Nevern 

Mansions, Earl's Court, S.W. 
Captain Hugh Sandham Jeudwine, R.A., Shoeburyness. 
The Liinen Hall Library, Belfast. 
E. Sydney Luard, Esq., Malabar Hill, Bombay. 
The Rev. Benjamin Maturin, The Vicarage, Lymington, 

Henry Perrin, Esq., 23 Holland Villas Road, W. 

A paper was read by Mr. W. C. Waller, P.S.A., on '* Early 
Huguenot Friendly Societies ". 

VOL. VI. — NO. III. o 

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Wednesday, 10th January, 1900. 

A. G. Browning, Esq., F.S.A., Vice-President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on 8th November, 1899, 
were read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : — 

Bowdoin College Library, Brunswick, Maine, U.S.A. 
Lieut. -Colonel Henry Dacres Olivier, R.E., Bombay. 
Robert A. Patterson, Esq., Rossmore, Chislehurst. 

M. Louis Meschinet de Richemond, Archiviste of La 
Rochelle, France, was elected an Honorary Fellow. 

A paper was read entitled, ** A Vanished Castle, or the 
Fortunes of the Chateau de Coutras," by Miss Ida H. 

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Wednesday, 14th March, 1900. 

W. J. C. MoENS, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on 10th January were 
read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : — 

Arthur William Ballance, Esq., Park Lodge, Blackheath 

Park, S.E. 
George Beaumont Beeman, Esq., 182 Earl's Court Road, 

John Martineau Fletcher, Esq., 9 Stanhope Street, Hyde 

Park Gardens, W. 

Mr. W. Minet, V. P., read an abstract in English of a. 
paper by Baron Fernand de Schickler, entitled, " Un 
Chapitre de THistoire des ^glises du Refuge de langue 
fran9aise en Angleterre apres la Revocation de Tfidit de 
Nantes ; Les deux Patentes ". 

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Wednesday, 9th May, 1900. 

W. J. C. Moens, Esq., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Meeting held on 14th March were 
read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : — 

Benjamin Martell, Esq., The Briars, Lee Eoad, Blackheath, 

Mrs. Warrillon. Westbrooke House, Alton, Hants. 

The Annual Eeport of the Council was read as follows : — 

Report of the Council to the Sixteenth Annual General 
Meeting of the Huguenot Society of London. 

Since the last Annual Meeting there has been a loss of 
twelve Fellows, three by death and nine by withdrawal, and 
a gain of eighteen new Fellows, making a net increase of 
six. This compares favourably with the loss of twenty-two 
and gain of twenty during the preceding year. 

There have also been two losses by death among the 
Honorary Fellows, viz,. Dr. J. Digges La Touche and Mr. 
John Shoveller. Mr. Shoveller was formerly Keeper of 
Eecords in the General Eegister Office, Somerset House, 
and was one of the few surviving original Honorary Fellows 
of the Society, having been elected in April, 1885. To the 
name of Dr. La Touche a pathetic interest attaches. After 
doing much good work for the Society, he felt compelled, on 
what proved to be his death-bed, to relinquish his latest 
undertaking, the editing of the Dublin Nonconformist Ee- 
gisters. In acknowledgment of his great services, the Council 
elected him to fill the then sole vacancy in the list of Honor- 
ary Fellows. Intimation of this was at once sent to him. 

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and, though the news only reached him just before he passed 
away, the Council had the satisfaction of hearing that he 
was able to receive the intelligence, and to express his great 
pleasure at such a recognition of his interest in the Society. 

The Treasurer's accompanying balance-sheet shows an in- 
come for the financial year of £466 9s. 9d., and an expenditure 
of £374 5s. Id. There has also been debited to the past 
year the deficit of £152 6s. 8d. from 1898, thus making the 
total expenses of 1899 amount to £526 lis. 9d., or an excess 
over income of £60 2s. The Council are very gratified in 
being able to announce that this sum of £60 has since been 
fully met by the sale of the Society's publications, which 
during the last four months has been larger than in any 
preceding twelve. The actual balance at the bankers' this 
evening, therefore, is Je231 13s. lid. The Society also 
possessed at the close of 1899 the sum of £739 9s. 4d. in- 
vested in 2f per cent. Consols, which sum has since been 
increased to £760 12s. Although the Society's accounts are 
simple enough, yet the accurate keeping of them involves 
the expenditure of no little time and trouble. For the 
ungrudging spirit with which, year after year, the Treasurer 
devotes much of his leisure to this work, the Council desire 
to offer Mr. Eoumieu their hearty thanks. 

The publications issued during the past year have been : 
the second number of the sixth volume of Proceedings, and 
the second volume of the Threadneedle Street Registers, edited 
by the President, Mr. Moens. The first part of the Returns 
of Aliens in London, edited by Mr. Kirk, is now in course of 
delivery, and the Registers of the Dutch Church at Colchester, 
edited by the President, are well advanced towards com- 
pletion. There are also in the press the Registers of the 
Nonconformist Huguenot Churches of Dublin, edited by Mr. J. 
P. Le Fanu. 

The Council have recently arranged with the Directors of 
the French Hospital for an amalgamation of tbe Society's 
librarj' with that of La Providence, and the books will shortly 
be deposited at the Hospital. The Council and Directors 
hope that by this means both institutions will benefit, and 
the utility of the collections be greatly increased, as at 
present each possesses many works which are wanting in 
the other. Fellows of the Society will be able, by this 
arrangement, to consult the books in the entire library 
instead of only those heretofore lodged in Hanover Square. 

The mention of the library induces the Council to draw 

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attention to the satisfactory number of foreign public libra- 
ries which desire to subscribe for the Society's publications. 
There are now eleven such on the list, the latest addition 
being a very welcome one, viz,, that of Bowdoin College in 
the United States, so named after James Bowdoin, Governor 
of the State of Maine, and grandson of the refugee Pierre 
Baudouin, who went to America in 1687. 

In conclusion, the Council desire to take this opportunity 
of gratefully acknowledging the continued cordial goodwill 
of the representatives of the sister Societies on the Con- 
tinent and in America. The exchange of publications, and 
more especially the maintenance of friendly feeling between 
these Societies of differing nationality, but of common origin 
and interests, cannot fail to be of happy result for each and 

After the reading of the Report, the ballot was taken for 
the officers and Council for the ensuing year, with the 
following result : — 

Officers and Council for the year, May, 1900, to May, 1901. 

President — William John Charles Moens, F.S.A. 

Vice-Presidents. — Major-General Sir Edmund F. Du Cane 
K.C.B., E.E.; Arthur Giraud Browning, F.S.A. ; Robert 
Hovenden, F.S.A. ; William Minet, F.S.A. 

Treasurer. — Reginald St. Aubyn Roumieu. 

Honorary Secretary, — Reginald Stanley Faber. 

Members of Council. — Lieut-General Stephen H. E. 
Chamier, C.B., R.A. ; J. C. Colyer-Fergusson ; A. W. 
Crawley-Boevey ; Frederick A. Crisp, F.S.A.; G. Beresford 
Fitzgerald, F.S.A; Charles E. Lart ; Edouard Majolier; 
David Martineau ; Sir Cuthbert E. Peek, Bart. ; Wyndham 
S. Portal ; Sir Arthur Vicars, Ulster King of Arms, F.S.A. ; 
William Chapman Waller, F.S.A. 

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The proceedings concluded with the 

Annual Address of the President, W. J". C. Moens, Esq., 


The past year having been a somewhat quiet one as 
regards conferences and pubhcations, an opportunity is 
given to utilise this occasion by saying a few words on a 
subject that has been suggested to me, which may interest 
many of our Fellows who desire to look up the history and 
genealogy of their families before as well as since the time 
when their ancestors fled for refuge to this country on 
account of religion. 

With regard to the sources of such information in this 
country, I may refer to the first paper read at our meetings 
after its inauguration. This I had the pleasure of giving 
on 13th May, 1885, and it is fully recorded in Vol. L of 
our Proceedings, page 17. Reference to this shows that 
the subject as regards this country was then almost ex- 
hausted, but the work of our Society has cleared the way 
much by publishing with full indexes many of the registers 
of the French churches in England established before the 
Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, those of the Thread- 
needle Street or Mother French Church in England being 
completed to the end of 1685 ; besides the latter, those of 
Norwich, Canterbury and Southampton have also been issued. 
It is important to note with regard to the registers of the 
j;o5^-Revocation French churches in London that those of 
Glasshouse Street, Leicester Fields, Ryder's Court, Swallow 
Street, Le Charenton, Le Quarre, Le Tabernacle, Berwick 
Street, Castle Street, Leicester Square, Hungerford Market, 
French Chapel Royal, West Street, Soho, Le Temple, Savoy 
Chapel, Les Grecs, and St. Martin Orgars, all dissolved, and, 
being numbers 1 to 16 inclusive in the List of Registers of 
Foreign Churches in the custody of the Registrar General, 
were indexed by the late Mr. Ogilvy. A carefully written 
copy in a large volume bound in red is to be found at 
Somerset House, and there is a second copy in the Ubrary 
of the College of Heralds. 

Our Society has determined to continue the publication 
of the Threadneedle Street Registers, and as those of La 
Patente, Spitalfields, have been issued to our Fellows, only 
the registers of the other seven London French churches 
remain untouched. It may be considered advisable that 
those of the other four churches formerly in Spitalfields 

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should be taken iu hand as opportunity affords, so as to 
complete the register information of this formerly impor- 
tant centre. Besides the London churches there were 
those of Bristol, Plymouth, and Thorpe-le-Soken in Essex, 
the registers of which are at Somerset House. 

It is very unfortunate that the registers of so many of the 
French churches outside London are now missing. Those 
of Wandsworth (Mount Nod) and Greenwich must have 
been of very great interest and importance. 

If funds allow it would be very desirable that we should 
proceed to have transcripts made of several of these regis- 
ters, for purposes of ready reference, which could await the 
time for bemg published in print. The continuation of 
the Threadneedle Street Registers from 1685 has already 
been authorised by our Society. 

With regard to wills, very much has been done by Mr. 
Wagner, who has extracted those of interest up to 1800, but 
an exhaustive list of strangers* wills from the year 1550 to 
1800 would be most useful and desirable. The Calendars of 
the Wills in the Consistory Court of Canterbury, kept at 
Somerset House, are being printed by the British Record 
Society to the year 1603, and this most useful work is 
nearly complete. The Calendars of the Devon, Lincoln, 
Dorset, Gloucester, Leicester and Worcester district Probate 
Courts are also being similarly treated. The same Society 
is also printing the Calendar of the Marriage Licences in 
the Faculty Office, commencing 1642. The late Colonel 
Chester only extracted a selection of these for his well-known 
collection, which has been printed by the Harleian Society. 
The Acts of the Naturalisation of Aliens 1509-1603, edited 
by Mr. Page, F.S.A., and issued by this Society, gave those 
to be found up to the latter date. This series is now being 
continued to 1803, our Fellow Mr. H. Wagner having con- 
tributed his transcripts 1680-1780 ; when completed this will 
be a most valuable source of information of the places from 
whence the refugees came and, in most cases, of their fathers' 

The numerous lists of strangers in England have been 
sought for, copied and arranged by Mr. E. E. G. Kirk from 
the reign of Henry VII. to 1603, and are now in type, being 
nearly ready for issue by our Society. Many of these give 
places of origin, time of residence in England, names of 
wives and number of children and professions. With regard 
to the member books of the foreign churches, I have 

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transcribed and arranged in alphabetical order those of the 
London Dutch Church. Unfortunately, many of the member 
books of the French Church of London are missing, but 
it would be very desirable to transcribe and arrange those 
that are available. With regard to the lay Subsidy Rolls, 
these are a most valuable source of information, as they 
give all the aliens in each parish, and the rateable value of 
their land or goods. Those having none paid a poll tax. 
No history of the strangers in any town is complete without 
the names of those Hving there who were born abroad. 

Dr. Williams* library has yet to be exhausted for many 
memoirs of French ministers and others who took refuge 
in this country ; and the Domestic Series of State Papers 
might very profitably be gone through, all papers relating 
to the refugees being noted and the slips arranged under 
names and various subjects. The admirable calendars, as 
far as they have been issued, afford easy means of carrying 
out this desirable work. To this source might be added 
the calendars of the private and other collections of MSS. 
which have been issued by the Historical MSS. Commission. 
Lastly and not least are the archives of the French Church 
of London in Soho Square, which, when duly arranged in 
order, will prove a most fertile means of tracing members of 
the different French churches in London. 

The special sources of information concerning the refugees 
to this country having been indicated, it may be desired to 
know what means there are for tracing the history of famihes 
before they left their native places of origin. The first refer- 
ence, for French families, would naturally be to the admirable 
work La France Protestante, by MM. Eugene and Emile 
Haag, which gives memoirs of a vast number of French 
Protestants. A new edition, under the direction of M. Henri 
Bordier, was commenced in 1877 and continued to 1888, as 
far as the sixth volume, part ii., Gasparin, when difficulties 
occurred. It is understood that the work has been recom- 
menced, but no fresh volume has, I believe, yet made its 
appearance. The preface to this edition gives the sources 
whence the memoirs were obtained. The Dictionar)' of 
Moreri, ten volumes folio, and also that of Bayle, four 
volumes folio, may be often consulted with profit. The 
general index of the first fifty volumes of the Bulletin of 
the French Society, when it appears, will contain very many 
references to Huguenot families. 

The largest collection perhaps of acts of baptisms, mar- 

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riages and deaths of French refugee famiUes, arranged in 
order by names, is that of the Commission des Eglises 
Wallonnes de HoUande. Families in times of trouble and 
flight did not always escape together, and often some 
members came to England and others went to Holland, 
Germany or Switzerland, joining sometimes in the one 
country or the other. Thus no search for any one family is 
complete without utilising the two millions of slips collected 
together at Leiden under charge of M. Ch. Dozy, the 
learned and indefatigable secretary of the Dutch Society^ 
A very small charge per act is made to help cover the 
expenses of keeping this vast collection in order. The 
former Walloon churches in Belgium, and some in the North 
of France and Germany, are represented in this collection, 
as wherever opportunity afforded the late M. Enched6 had 
the registers copied and the sHps amalgamated. With regard 
to Switzerland, the Public Library at Geneva has very many 
MSS. and collections connected with Huguenot history and 
famiUes, and the learned communal archivist is well versed 
in the subject. 

A work of M. J. A. Gallifee, now discontinued, entitled 
Genealogies des Families Genevoises, in six or seven volumes, 
may be consulted with profit. 

In France the Societe de THistoire du Protestantisme 
Fran9ais has a very large collection of books and manu- 
scripts at their house in Rue du St. Pere, Paris. 

Any one desiring to make a personal search in the State and 
other archives of France, Belgium, Switzerland or Holland 
will do well to obtain from the Foreign Office not only an 
ordinary passport, but a formal letter of introduction to the 
ambassadors and other English authorities representing Her 
Majesty in these countries. Letters can then be generally 
obtained to the Ministers of Justice of the countries where 
search is made, from whom, in turn, it is desirable to get 
general credentials to those under whose charge are the 
registers of parish and other churches, and the Acts of the 
Notaries, which contain the contracts of marriage, wills and 
other family documents. 

The parish registers are always kept in the town halls and 
by the prefects or burgomasters of the country communes. 
As a rule, in towns these are now indexed with references 
to the pages of the original registers, so that the work of ex- 
tracting all entries of any desired family is made very easy. 
Three copies of these indexes are generally made — one for 

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the Etat-Civil of the locality, one for the archives of the 
Arrondissement de Justice, and the other for the State 
Archives. At the Court of Justice are deposited those of 
communes in the arrondissement, so that much trouble is 
saved by access to these archives. The adoption of this ad- 
mirable system is much to be desired in this country. With 
regard to the Acts of the Notaries in Holland, these are 
under the charge of the junior notarj' of the district, but by 
Dutch law these are secret documents, so that difficulties 
sometimes occur in gaining access to them. Any one of the 
family, however, giving the name of the notary who passed 
the Act, and the approximate date, has the right to see the 
document, being mterested in it. There is less difficulty, 
however, in obtaining access to the notarial collections in 
other countries. In France, Belgium and Holland all the 
communal documents, land registers, and those of the orphan 
chambers and of other descriptions, have been deposited in 
the provincial State Archives. The chief State Archives at 
Pans, Brussels and the Hague contain very many series 
which enable searchers to trace the succession to lands on 
which fee farm or other rents were due to the Crown or State. 
The registers of criminal convictions and confiscations of 
goods and sales under bankruptcy afiford evidence at times, 
and account for the disappearance of individuals. Com- 
mission books for the Army and Navy, passports, etc., are 
also useful. With regard to church and cathedral archives 
abroad, one must find means — not, as a rule, difficult — to 
gain access to them. On one very important occasion when 
making research, I had testimonials from three Bishops, 
three Archbishops, two Cardinals, and some Jesuit Fathers 
supporting me as a Protestant. There are. certain books 
of reference which help one much when pedigree-hunting. 
The Genealogists Guide, by Dr. Marshall, gives references 
to genealogies to be found in printed books; amongst 
these are those of many Huguenot families. For the 
Netherlands, there is the Indicateur Nobiliaire, by J. Huyt- 
tens (Paris, 1869), referring to manuscript collections. A 
previous volume by the same author and M. Goethals, 
printed at Brussels, 1865, refers to genealogies in printed 
books. The admirable volume of our Fellow, M. Arthur 
Merghelynck, of Ypres, is of the highest value to those 
who are descended from the refugees from West Flanders, 
1567-1600. This book, called the Vade-Mecum ; or Catalogue 
Repertoire, gives the references to names found in the many 

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sources of the archives of West Flanders, with indications 
of those sources. Amongst these are the citizen-rolls, rate- 
books, terriers, yearly accounts, school Usts, loans, court 
registers, guilds, army rolls, public works, fines, rent-books, 
leases, sales of land, dates covered by parish registers, etc., 
etc. ; various collections of genealogies by the Chanoines 
Hellin and de Pamele, MM. de Crombrugghe, E. GaiUiard, 
de Vegiano, Goethals, Vit and others ; ttats de biens, in- 
ventories and other executorship accounts, partages of 
estates after the death of owners, armorial bearings, records 
of the law courts, etc. 

At Lille the State Archives contain such like series of 
documents, and it is the centre for all the communes of Le 
Xord, whence came so many refugees to England. Calen- 
dars have been printed of the Departmental Archives and of 
the Chamber of Accounts of Lille. 

With regard to armories used by French families, an 
Armorial general was ordered to be compiled by Louis XIV., 
1696-1710, which is the only ancient one that has an official 

This is contained in thirty-four folio re^sters, which cover 
the whole of France, and is now in the Bibliotheque Nationale. 
The anus of all families are given who then registered them 
by paying the due fees. Volume i. being the armorial of 
Flanders, of Hainault and of Cambresis, was edited and 
printed (Paris, 8vo, 1856) by M. Borel d'Hauterive, and it is 
probable that other volumes have appeared. In the above 
volume referred to 4,907 armories are recorded. As the 
towns, etc., of those who registered their armories are men- 
tioned as well as their status, valuable indications are given 
of where those families lived of whom particulars are desired. 

It will be found that the greatest difficulties in obtaining 
due proofs are experienced in the period of the Reformation, 
say 1630 to about the year 1600, when the disasters of the 
time of the troubles, as it is termed, occasioned the de- 
struction of many of the archives, especially in the smaller 
towns and villages. Lawsuits concerning the succession 
of property often caused the suitors and their families to be 
described to the court in the form of a genealogy. It was 
ray happy fortune to find this in the case of my own family, 
covering the period of 1488 to 1614, thus establishing the 
legal proof of an old MS. genealogy which turned up in- 
dependently. By the careful use of such sources as de- 
scribed above (especially the Citizen EoUs) it is possible to 

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find a leading member of a family, establishing himself in a 
town or other locality, identified by the name of his father 
and mother, place of birth and profession. Then his mar- 
riage, with the marriage contract or settlement, and his 
appointment to local positions and honours. The birth of his 
children, with the names of their sponsors at baptism and 
sometimes their christening presents. Then comes the death 
of father or mother, when according to custom the children 
under age (twenty -five) became wards of the Court of Orphans, 
guardians on both sides of the family being appointed to act 
with the official guardians, and the personal property of the 
one or other was paid into court unless the surviving parent 
gave security for the amount. Accounts were rendered yearly, 
which named the children, whether of age or not, and if they 
were married. The final executorship statement being filed 
on all wards becoming of age, when the Act of Partage was 
passed, all receiving equal shares. Like proceedings took 
place when the surviving parent died. The record of death 
was registered and sometimes the particulars of the funeral 
were recorded. A finely illustrated work, the Inscriptions 
Monumentales de Flandres, gives copies of the monumental 
inscriptions in the various churches. 

Thus from birth to the grave dates and particulars can 
in very many cases be found, and the searcher is enabled 
to trace his family to an early date (in some instances to 
the twelfth century) ; but before the time of parish registers, 
which were ordered to be kept by the Council of Trent in 
1530, it is very difficult if not impossible to estabUsh a 
genealogy, unless the family was possessed in some way or 
other, as owner or occupier, of land or houses — the registers 
concerning which were very carefully kept both by the 
State, town authorities and the lords of manors. 

Histories have been compiled of very many towns and 
communes in France and Belgium, which give the names of 
the leading officials and ^chevins with particulars of the 
devolutions of the manors, etc. These help much to embel- 
lish the dry bones of the pedigree, and when the ancient 
register kept by the family itself, concerning which research 
is made, can be found, with the touching changes of hand- 
writing as member to member passed away, and perchance 
the old emblazoned genealogy attested by the heralds, with 
an accompanying book of proofs with details of the various 
famiHes with whom filiations had taken place, the pleasure 
brought about by the successful work of some years in 

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establishing one's family history with due proofs is great 
indeed. No more pleasant time can be passed in foreign 
travel and research than in bringing such work to a success- 
ful end. 

It remains for me to say a few words on the publications 
of our sister Societies abroad during the past year. These 
have, as usual, contained much valuable and interesting 
matter, and have appeared with that unfailing regularity 
which we have now long learned to expect from them, 
especially in the case of the French and German Societies. 

In the Bulletin of the former have been printed, among 
many others, some excellent articles by M. F. Teissier on 
the Huguenots of Languedoc, whilst the indefatigable editor, 
M. Weiss, is to be congratulated not only on the many 
papers by various writers which he has been enabled to 
include,- but also on his own extremely valuable contribu- 
tions. By the end of next year the fiftieth volume of the 
Bulletin will have appeared, and I believe the Societe con- 
templates the issue of a very full index to the entire series. 
This will supply a long-felt want, and be one of the most 
welconie additions possible to Huguenot literature. 

The Geschichtsbldtter of the Deutsche Hugenotten Verein 
have continued to aflford numerous monographs on the 
history of the Huguenots in Germany, written with all the 
fulness and accuracy which the scholars of that country 
have made their special distinction. Dr. ToUin, the Pre- 
sident of the German Society, has also contributed to the 
Erlangen Befarviiste-Kirchen Zeitung a series of papers 
deaUng with that vexed question, the origin of the word 
Huguenot. These papers he has kindly permitted us to 
reproduce in an English form in our Proceedings, and our 
thanks are due to him and also to Mrs. Minet, who has been 
good enough to undertake the translation. 

But of all the foreign publications which have lately 
reached us, the handsomest is undoubtedly the volume 
of the Huguenot Society of America, commemorative of 
the Promulgation of the Edict of Nantes, though to an 
American work I ought not perhaps to apply the epithet 
** foreign," especially when I recollect the fraternal welcome 
accorded to our representatives on the occasion in question 
in 1898. In this oeautifuUy printed book we find not only 
the papers of our delegates, Mr. Browning and Mr. 
Belleroche, but also those by Professors Jackson and Baird, 
M. Weiss, and other contributors, all of the highest value, to 

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say nothing of the eloquent speeches of Mr. F. J. de Peyster, 
President of the American Society, and other speakers, and 
the extremely interesting Report of Mrs. Lawton, the Secre- 
tary of the Celebration Committee. To her enthusiasm and 
exertions indeed, it is, I believe, an open secret that the 
initiation and successful achievement of the commemoration 
were mainly due. 

I think I ought not to conclude without stating that our 
Society has received a graceful compliment from both the 
French and American Societies by their election of me as 
one of their Honorary Members in virtue of my office as 
your President ; a compliment which I highly appreciate 
myself and have duly acknowledged as well on your behalf 
as on my own. 


Thursday and Friday, 14th and 15th June, 1900. 

W. J. C. MoENS, Esq., F.S.A., President, presiding. 

On the above days the Society visited Canterbury, in 
which city its first Summer Conference was held in 1887, and 
fine weather and the cordial welcome received made the 
excursion a most enjoyable one. 

Amongst those present were the President, Mr. W. J. C. 
Moens ; Messrs. Browning, Hovenden and Minet, Vice- 
Presidents ; Lieut. -General Chamier and Mr. W. C. Waller, 
Members of Council ; Mrs. Chamier and Mrs. Waller, Mr. 
R. S. Faber (Hon. Secretary) and Mrs. Faber, Mr. G. H. 
Overend (Assistant-Secretary), Colonel and Mrs. Durand (»ee 
Condamine), Mrs. J. Scott EUiot (fire Durand), Lady Brooke 
Pechell and Miss Pechell, Colonel H. Montagu, Mr., Mrs., 
and Miss Roget, Mr. C. A. Govett, the Rev. J. B. Mayor, 
Mrs. and Miss Mayor, the Rev. G. W. Minns and friends,. 
Mr. and the Misses Merceron, Mr. W. J. Mercer, Mr. and 
Miss Jayne, Dr. C. Mercier, Dr. W. P. Thornton, Mr. 
R. P. W. Reneau, Mrs. Gardiner, Miss Portal, Miss 
Browning, Miss Hovenden, Miss Wylie, Miss Gosset. 
Besides these Fellows of the Society and their friends, 
there were also present the Mayor of Canterbury (Mr. G. 
Collard) and the Mayoress, the Sheriflf and Mrs. Horsley, 
the Town Clerk and Mrs. Fielding, Alderman and Miss 
Mason, Mr. F. Bennett Goldney (Curator of the Royal 

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Museum), and Mr. J. Meadows Cowper, Miss Holmes and 
Miss Phillpotts. The Dean of Canterbury (the Eev. F. W. 
Farrar, D.D.), the Warden of St. Augustine's (the Eev. 
G. F. Maclear, D.D.), and the Eev. Canon Eoutledge were 
unable to attend the dinner, though kindly giving the 
Society a hearty welcome at the Cathedral, St. Augustine's 
College, and St. Martin's Church ; but the Bishop of Dover 
(the Eight Eev. W. Walsh, D.D.) and Mrs. Walsh, the Eev. 
L. J. White Thomson, Eector of St. Martin's ; the Eev. J. E. 
Barnabas, Pastor of the French Church ; and Messrs. A. 
Parren and T. West, Treasurer and Secretary to the Con- 
sistory of the same, were present at the greater part of the 

These began at 10.30 on the Thursday morning with a 
reception by the Mayor and Corporation at the Beaney 
Institute, which, to those who had taken part in the Confer- 
ence of 1887, recalled the similar friendly greeting accorded 
to the Society by the City on that occasion.. In a felicitously 
worded speech, the Mayor welcomed the Society, and 
touched upon the long connection of the refugees and their 
descendants with Canterbury, a theme which the President 
eloquently enlarged upon in his reply. The Bishop of 
Dover also addressed the meeting with a cordial welcome in 
the name of the clergy of the diocese, and at 11.30 a move 
was made to the Cathedral, where the party was received by 
the Dean, who conducted it over the building and gave a 
most clear and animated description of the principal points 
of interest. On reaching the French Church in the crypt, 
the Society was welcomed by the Pastor, the Eev. J. E. 
Barnabas, on behalf of himself and the Consistory, in a 
beautifully illuminated address, to which the President made 
a suitable reply. After an interval for luncheon, a visit was 
paid to St. Martin's and St. Pancras, under the able guid- 
ance of Canon Eoutledge, and at half -past four the Society 
was entertained at afternoon tea at the Beaney Institute by 
the Mayor and Mayoress, who, by their graceful hospitality, 
made this social gathering one of the pleasantest parts of 
the whole proceedings. In the evening the Fellows and 
their friends and local guests dined together at the County 
Hotel, when several toasts were given, that of the City of 
Canterbury being proposed by the President and responded 
to by the Mayor ; that of the clergy being proposed by Mr. 
Hovenden and responded to by the Bishop of Dover ; whilst 
the Huguenot Society of London was given by Mr. J. M. 

VOL. VI.— NO. III. p 

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Cowper and acknowledged by Mr. Browning; Mr. F. B. 
Goldney returning thanks for the Visitors. 

To Mr. Bennett-Goldney the Society was mainly indebted 
for the pleasant and successful arrangements for the 
second day's programme, which included St. Dunstan's and 
St. Mildred's, the West Gate, Dane John, St. Augustine's, 
and the ** Canterbury Weavers' " Workshop, King's Bridge 
At St. Augustine's the Reverend Sub- Warden acted as 
cicerone, and gave an admirable account of the ancient and 
recent history of the abbey and college. This concluded the 
day's doings, and the party broke up in the late afternoon 
after an outing which seemed to have given universal satis- 
faction and enjoyment. 


Several donations have been made to the library during 
the past year by various Fellows and friends in addition to 
the publications received in exchange from the Societies in 

By arrangement with the Directors of the French Hospital, 
the Society's library has recently been amalgamated with 
the library of that institution, by which means the Council 
and the Directors hope that the utility and fulness of the 
united collections may be increased. All the books are now 
therefore preserved at the Hospital (Victoria Park Eoad, 
South Hackney, N.E.), where they may be consulted by 
Fellows of the Society on written application to the 
Secretary of the Hospital. 

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(Earfs l^uguenof Srienbfs ^omiicB. 


Thanks to the prescience of our Hon. Secretary, we pre- 
faced our dinner this evening, as good Huguenots should, 
with ox-tail soup. I propose for a moment to regale you with 
a reminiscence of that succulent dish — perhaps unwisely, for 
comparison with the first may serve to make succeeding 
courses appear even drier than they otherwise would. 

Those who have previously addressed you, as it is my 
privilege to do this evening, have on more than one occa- 
sion laid stress on the benefits conferred by the refugees on 
the land of their adoption. I do not, however, remember 
that among these either the introduction of ox-tail soup 
or the reintroduction of Friendly Benefit Societies has been 
included. And yet, British as these two things may now 
seem, it is to the French refugees that their existence 
among us at the present time is apparently due. Leaving 
the societies for the moment, let us consider the soup.^ 

When the French refugees came to England it was still 
the custom among butchers to let the ox's tail go with his 
hide. What the fellmonger did with it remains a secret, but 
he did not, it seems, utilise it as foodstuff. This apparent 
waste of good material attracted the attention of the in- 
genious and generally impecunious strangers, who, procuring 
for themselves the unconsidered tails, thereby ennched not 
only their own pottage but also our English bill of fare. 
And no doubt, like ourselves this evening, those forerunners 
of our society sometimes ate their ox-tail soup together, for 
by a rule of the Norman Friendly Society, founded in 1703, 
it is provided that the soup is to be on the table at six 
o'clock {la soupe sur la table d 6 A.). 

However grateful we may be for the * introduction of a 
new platy there are those who think that we should be even 
more so for the example set in the matter of Friendly 
Societies, whereby, it has been said, the refugees in large 

> Smiles* Huguenots, p. 818. 

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202 HUGUENOT society's proceedings. 

measure, though indirectly, paid off the debt contracted with 
the English people for hospitaUty and generous subsidies. 
But, even if it were possible, we should not, I think, be 
anxious to reduce our reciprocal obligations to the level of a 
debtor and -creditor account. 

It is now some little time since the Chief Kegistrar of 
Friendly Societies, Mr. Brabrooke, a Fellow of the Society 
of Antiquaries, called the attention of our Hon. Secretary, 
Mr. Faber, to the existence of no less than five friendly 
benefit societies of Huguenot origin in the East End of 
London. Mr. Faber invited me to make inquiries on the 
subject, as being one of interest to our members; and 
anxious, like all the other Fellows of this society, to do any- 
thing and everything to show my appreciation of the solid 
service Mr. Faber has rendered, does render, and will, I 
trust, long continue to render to it, I accepted his invitation. 
Having opened communication with the various secretaries 
and made a pilgrimage or two to the east, I succeeded, 
with our Hon. Secretary's assistance, in procuring the loan 
of the earlier records of each of the societies, so far as these 
are known to be in existence. And I here take the opportunity 
of expressing our appreciation of the courtesy with which our 
requests were received, and the obligations I am under to 
Messrs. I. C. Levesque, C. 6. Helsdon, T. Wilson, and C. J. 
Dupuy, the present secretaries of the societies in question. 

The friendly society owes its origin, it would appear, in 
all countries to the burial club — an institution to be found 
even among the Chinese. The funeral was ever the occasion 
of a feast, and the Greeks had their epavoi, the Bomans their 
collegia, the Teutons their gilds. But it seems that England 
was ''the birthplace of gilds," and it is stated on good 
authority, that the extant statutes of three of these gilds 
date back to the beginning of the eleventh century ; while 
the provisions made by them show that, even then, care for 
the living as well as for the dead was included among the 
obligations of the members. It is curious also to note the 
similarity in small points of detail which exist between the 
rules of English gilds flourishing in the fourteenth century 
and those of the friendly societies founded in England by 
Frenchmen in the eighteenth.^ 

^ Vide passim On the Histoi-y and Develop^nent of GildSj by Luigi Brentano 
(1870) ; and English Gilds, by Toulmin Smith (Early English Text Sooiety, 

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What happened to the English parish gilds after their 
practical suppression by Edward VI. does not very clearly 
appear, but the last of them is reported to have been in 
existence so late as 1628. The connection between the gild 
and the friendly society is said to be untraceable ; but it is 
probable that the ideas at the bottom of both never entirely 
died out, being kept aUve **from generation to generation in 
a succession of small and scattered societies ". In the rural 
districts, at any rate, the gild and the friendly society find 
even now their connecting links in the processions to church, 
the banners, the attendance at funerals, and the festal meals 
partaken in common.^ 

Crossing the channel, we find that the first Association de 
secours mutuels, or friendly society, was founded at Lille in 
1580 ; while the Society of St. Anne, at Paris, being at once 
a religious and a commercial gild, is found in existence in 
1694.^ Whether such associations were at that date 
numerous or not, it seems clear that the refugees from 
France were familiar with the ideas embodied in them, since 
we find a still flourishing society claiming to have been 
instituted in 1687, and certainly existing in 1708, when an 
engraving of the famous * Temple de Charenton ' was re- 
produced at the cost of the members. A reproduction of 
this, which accompanies this paper, shows that it was '' rim- 
prime sur rOriginal par les Mrs. de la Societe de Parisiens, 
Tan 1708,** and the impression from which the plate has been 
made remains in the custody of the Society of Parisians to 
this day. The earliest recorded English society of a similar 
character was one known as * The Amiable Society,' which 
was founded by charter in 1706 ; while * The Shoemakers ' 
of Newcastle date from 1719. But it seems generally 
admitted that the foreign refugees of Spitalfields were 
pioneers in the movement, and that to them we owe the 
example of providence which has been followed with such 
far-reaching and splendid results. In their case an additional 
incentive to self-help probably existed ; for, as aliens, they 
had no claim on the poor-rate. 

For a century or more the societies went their own way, 
but in 1793 they had become so numerous that an Act of 
Parliament, known as Sir George Rose's Act, was passed, 
whereby their existence was oiBcially noted, and encourage- 
ment afforded to them by the State. 

* Encyclapcedia Britannica — Art. ' Friendly Societies *. 
Diet Universel de P, Laroiisse — Art. * Association * (iv.). 

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The five societies with which we now propose to deal are, 
in the order of their institution, as follows: — 

The Society of Parisians, 1687. 

The Norman Society, 1703. 

The Society of Lintot, 1708. 

The Friendly Society, 1720. 

The Society of High and Low Normandy, 1764. 

The Society of Parisians, — The early records of this society 
have unfortunately for the most part vanished, the earliest, 
apart from the engraving already alluded to, being a MS. 
volume of the rules, in French and English, stated to 
have been "made and approved by the society founded 
January 29, 1720 '*. This date conflicts with that adopted as 
the true one, and also with the statement on the engraving ; 
but, so far as the year is concerned, it coincides with the 
foundation of an anonjrmous society hereafter to be dealt 
with. Whatever the explanation may be, it is noteworthy 
that these rules nowhere mention the name of the society 
organised under them, and, unlike those of the kindred 
societies, they do not limit the quaHfications for member- 
ship otherwise than by stating that Protestants, from eighteen 
to forty-one years old, of undeniable character {d'une vie 
irreprochahle), sound in mind and body, and living within 
three miles of Christ Church, Spitalfields, are alone eligible, 
their total number being limited then, as now, to sixty-ona 

To this society, which met on the last Saturday of the 
month, the entrance fee was 2s. 6d. The contribution to 
* The Box ' was Is. a month, and la cote (the contribution 
towards the evening's entertainment) at the monthly 
meeting was 4d., members who failed to attend it being 
fined 2d. The benefits received were 8s. a week during 
sickness — limited to fifty-two weeks, after which 4a was 
payable, and £5 funeral money, payable as to £3 on view 
of the body, and, as to the remamder, on return from the 
burial. All members who were in the French Hospital, 
La Providence, received 6d. a week, but were disentitled to 
any funeral allowances. 

In common with the other French societies, the Parisians 
adopted a sort of sliding-scale, in accordance with which the 
benefits receivable by the members rose and fell. In the 
case of the Parisians, if the accumulated funds fell below 
£120, then the pensioners ceased to receive anything until 

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that amount was again attained. Household servants, re- 
ceiving wages, were excluded from benefit while their service 

The morals of the members were safeguarded by certain 
rules which prohibited the playing of any game ; and if any- 
one spoke with contempt (avec mipris) of another member, 
or interrupted the officers, or had the temerity {la UnUriU) 
to swear, blaspheme, or use shameful words to insult one of 
his brothers, he was finable. A further provision, with a 
curious added gloss, is found elsewhere : "If there be recog- 
nised among us a perjurer, a false vntness, a blasphemer, 
or if any one be ill-disposed towards the Protestant Beligion 
or the .Government of the State, or accused of great crimes 
(crimes ^normes), he shall be proceeded against with all the 
vigour of our laws". At the foot of this some one wrote, 
" Wilks and Liberty only exepted [sic] ". 

The continued existence of the society was, in like manner, 
protected by rules prohibiting the passing of new ones which 
did not tend to the good of the institution, and providing 
that no dissolution should take place so long as two mem- 
bers were in favour of continuance : indeed, even to propose 
the breaking-up of the box {rompre la Botte) and a shanng- 
out of its contents, involved the proposer in a fine of 2s. 6d., 
or expulsion.^ If differences arose, they were referable to a 
committee nominated by the officers, who were to take every 
ninth name on the roll of membership, beginning after the 
last officer — an ingenious method of ensuring impartiality in 
choice. From the decision of a committee there was an 
appeal to the society at large. By the forty-sixth and last 
rule the secretary, or clerk, may not be chosen from among 
the members of the society ; he is to be paid 5s. for each 
meeting that he attends ; and he is bound to attend all that 
are held. 

From time to time fresh rules were added, and appear 
under the title of 'Articles Ajoutes,' the first being dated 
1763. This was an important one, inasmuch as it limited 
the period of half-pay to one year, after which the recipient 
became a pensioner. In 1766 the attendance at the monthly 
meetings had so fallen off that the host barely covered the 

^ ' The box ' is also a feature in the early gilds, and the phraseology of 
the Huguenots is anticipated by the words " and on ]>e peyne of xl. d. to paie 
to ]>e box," which are found in the statutes of the London Gild of SS. 
Fabian and Sebastian, framed before the rear 1350. (Toulmin Smith, op. 
cit., p. 10.) 

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cost of coal and candles out of what was spent in his house ; 
but an increase of the fine on absentees lasted only a year. 
In 1778, however, we find that they were made to contri- 
bute 4d., of which 2d. went * to the box,* and 2d. was to 
be spent. In 1781 the resolution of 1763 was rescinded and 
half-pay was declared payable for life. But tl)is was too 
good to last, and twenty years later (in 1801) the contri- 
butions had to be raised, as the following resolution shows : 
'' Considering that three half-pay members, at 4s. 6d. per 
week, are draw^ing nearly the whole of the contributions, it 
was resolved that each member should pay Is. 2d. per month 
to the box, as from February 7th". The crises seem to 
have recurred at intervals of about twenty years; for in 
1824 Mr. William Grout solemnly proposed, and Mr. John 
King with equal solemnity seconded, the following order of 
the day : ** That the funds of the society have decreased, and 
are decreasing, and will continue to decrease ". This having 
been solemnly carried or adopted, prophecy and all, an in- 
crease of 2d. per month in the contribution was adopted, but 
only by the chairman's casting vote, the numbers for and 
against being equal (22). In 1827 thirty-seven members 
voted for a limitation of half-pay to one year, nine only 
voting otherwise ; and a committee for a general revision of 
the articles was appointed. The rules as revised and ac- 
cepted by the members did not, however, commend them- 
selves to the authorities, and enrolment of them was refused. 
In 1831 a fresh revision committee was nominated, and a 
resolution in favour of enrolment under the Act 10 Geo. IV. 
passed. With this the book ends, and the society took a 
fresh lease of life ; for it still flourishes exceedingly, retaining 
its sixty-one members, and possessing an accumulated fund 
of £1,250. The entrance-fee, which was 28. 6d. in 1720, and 
5s. in 1783, is now £1. The French element is still per- 
ceptible among the names of the members, a Mr. Dongray 
being the treasurer, while Messrs. Ferry, Mignot, and Norris, 
occur among the rank and file. 

The rules of the Parisians, so far as the volume under 
review presents them to us, were less elaborate than those 
of the other societies, and in various respects differ from 
them ; but all have as their foundation-stone some citation 
from Holy Writ. In this case the preface begins with the 
statement that '* La charity est la plus excellente de toutes 
les vertus chretiennes au temoignage d*un grand apotre," 
and, after an allusion to the Epistle to the Corinthians, 

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continaes : ** c'est dans le dessein de cultiver cette excellente 
vertu . . . que Dieu nous mlt au coeur de former cette 
societe — c'est, dis-je, dans le dessein de nous secourir, de 
nous assister Tun I'autre, et de nous rendre toutes sortes de 
bons offices que nous avons formi cette compagnie *'. ^ This 
preface has, in the printed rules issued in 1882, been re- 
placed by a ' Memorandum of the Origin of this Society,' 
which runs as follows : ** Whereas, in the reign of Louis XIV.^ 
King of France, the Protestants in his dominions were 
cruelly persecuted, and many obhged to take refuge in this 
country ; in particular at the famous epoch, the revocation 
of the Edict of Nantz [sic], when all the Protestant Churches 
in France were demolished ; in particular the Temple of 
Charenton, near Paris. About two years after which a 
number of Parisians, late members of the said Temple, being 
refuged in London, formed the laudable resolution to raise a 
society, in order to establish a fund for the mutual relief of 
each other, which they then did under the title of * Society 
of Parisians'. But in process of time, there not being 
sufficient persons of the above description to support the 
said Society, it was then deemed necessary to make it free 
for Protestants of all nations, which it now is, under the 
title of ' Friendly Society'." 

These later rules are based upon the older versions and 
retain many of their peculiarities, including the sliding* 
scale. Protestants only are eligible ; but the secretary must 
now be a member ; pensioners who become inmates of the 
Union Workhouse forfeit their pensions for the time being ; 
and the amount of the pension rises and falls with the 
amount of the funded stock. The box is still a feature, and 
must now be fitted with three locks of different construction, 
the secretary retaining possession of two keys, and the 
steward the remaining one. Relics of the social character 
of the gathering are found in the rule which states that any 
member may bring his friend to the society's office {i.e., 

^ Before quitting the Parisians it is well to call attention to a rule passed 
in 1818, some time before the great trade-unions were thought of. It runs as 
follows : ** If any member go into any poor or charity house through being out 
of employ, he shall be allowed 2 s. per week, and be excused all l^nes during 
his residence there, and when he comes out he shall be entitled to his whole 
and half -pay the same as before ". It will be noted that the principle of out- 
of-work benefit is here conceded, although the grant is only one in aid of a 
member whose maintenance is already otherwise assured. How far the rule 
was acted on, or what claims were made under it, we have no means of 
discovering, the early records of the Society being, as I have already stated, 
confined to a single book of the rules. 

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place of meeting), by first asking leave of the steward, as 
also in others which provide for good order ; and the loyal 
reservations in favour of soldiers and sailors, whether be- 
longing to the regulars or to the volunteers, reveal a 
continued good affection to the State. ^ 

The Norman Society. — The materials for an account of this 
society — ^La sociiti de la province de Normandie — ^instituted 
11th January, 1703, are ampler, and the first volume of its 
records is probably contemporaneous with its institution. It 
is a boldly written quarto, on the fly-leaf of which is in- 
scribed '' Memorandum de la soci^te qui a 6t& fondee le 
onzieme Janvier mille sept cents deux et trois ", There 
follow on the first pages the ** Reglements qui ont este 
dress^es pour ^tre observees dans la soci^t^ de la Province 
de Normandie pour Converser ensemble en Concorde. et 
bonne Union Fraternelle," together vnth the first verse of 
the 133rd Psalm, which in the French is said to run: 
** Voicy o ! que c'est chose bonne et que c'est chose agreable 
que les freres s'entretienne mfemes ensemble ". With these 
words as a text the authors of the rules go on to state the 
objects of the founders of the society, which is intended to 
maintain mutual friendship, and the fellowship {socUt^ 
which all Christians owe to each other, especially in a land 
of refuge, and, above all, when they are natives of the same 
province ; and also to resolve and put an end to the dififer- 
ences which may arise between members of the society, and 
to aid those of them who may become necessitous by some 
Accident or affliction sent by God for their chastisement. 

With a reference to the 'retraite heureuse et agreable' 
found in these islands, and an intimation that these fore- 
going objects had approved themselves to the society, the 
writer proceeds, 'pour plus grande regularite,* to draw up 

^ I am indebted to our President, Mr. W. J. Moens, for the following 
extract, which reveals the existence of a Dutch club of somewhat similar 
character : — 

" e/afi., 1669 — Contract between the Deacons of the London Dutch Church 
and a London Dutch club of working men. The Book-keeper and Treasurer 
collected the contributions of the members, which were handed to the 
Deacons for a sick fund. Paid out to sick or injured on demand of Book- 
keeper and Treasurer after investigation by the Deacons. Should the club 
break up, the funds to be to the poor of the Church, but would continue as 
long as one member was on the books. Rules made could be altered by 
the Book-keei>er and Treasurer. The members pledged their persons and 
property for the carrying out of the rules." — London Dutch Church Archives, 
No. 3,723. 

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rules to the number of thirty-two — two more, also in French, 
but written in different hands and dated 30th August, 1742, 
and 26th March, 1750, were subsequently added. 

From these rules we learn that the society met fortnightly 
at six o'clock, from *la foire de Londres' (Bartholomew 
Fair) until Easter ; and at seven o'clock during the rest of 
the year, breaking up at ten o'clock. The rules were to be 
always laid upon the table, in order that members who con- 
travened them might have no excuse of ignorance. The 
contribution was a penny {un sol) a week, two sols being 
accordingly payable on assembly night when the expendi- 
ture was *' fix^e a Quatre sols par Teste, autant le premier 
que le dernier venu*'. Reference to the next rule shows 
that this contribution covered the cost of beer and tobacco, 
which alone were shared in common.^ If any one wished to 
eat anything, he did so at his own expense. Gambling and 
betting were forbidden under a penalty of 6 d. The secre- 
tary and treasurer were to be elected for six months, and 
then to nominate two successors ; if the successor declined 
to serve he was liable to a fine of five * chelins,' and the 
officers nominated some one else. Silence, or at least quiet, 
was, so far as possible, to be maintained, ** to avoid confu- 
sion " ; any member violating the rule was to be verbally 
rebuked by the officers, and, if contumacious, fined 2d, 
Thirty sols was the penalty for taking God*s name in vain. 
Two sols were payable for unseemly conversation, and for 
absence without due cause ; but if such absence were pro- 
longed over seven meeting nights, exclusion was the penalty. 
To the officers it appertained to order beer and tobacco, and 
to appoint as their own auditors their predecessors in office. 
Strangers might be admitted to pass the evening with the 
society, but were to withdraw if any matter of deliberation 
arose. New members were voted for on the proposition of 
the officers, moved thereto by a member; if elected, they 
appeared a fortnight later, when the rules were read in their 
presence, " the whole company keeping silence '*. The can- 
didate then promised to conform to the rules, signed the 
register, and paid £2 (40 clielins) as entrance fee, or £1 
if he elected to receive no benefits {distributions) for a year. 
[A fragment of paper pinned in between Rules 16 and 17 
states that the society " moreover found it apropos, in the 

^ A minute of the High and Low Normandy Society, dated 1844, states 
that refreshment tickets are to be provided for members " instead of drinking 
togeather ". 

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case of the election of more than one candidate, to give each 
member a ticket (billet) for each candidate, and a blank 
ticket, and the latter answering to ' No ' prevented admis- 
sion, being of greater avail (pent empecker qxCaucun n'y 
entre, se trouvant le plies forty \] 

On reaching the seventeenth rule we come to the provisions 
made in case of sickness. The officers, i.e., the secretary 
and treasurer, were to visit those ill in bed and offer them 
7b. a week, to begin a week after notice had been given : if 
the illness ** venoit a toumer en langueurs " (became chronic;, 
then the allowance was reduced to 3s. 6d., which sum was 
payable also to those prevented by a minor ailment from 
working. Advanced age was to be a ground for considering 
a report on particular cases drawn up by three members 
nominated by the society. [A subsequent addition to thi» 
rule was inscribed below it in order to meet the case of 
' cy devant malades,' by whom the society had lost money, 
and it was provided that all fines and arrears should be de- 
ducted from the first benefit paid.] The voting was by 
tickets, * Oui * and ' Non,' thrown into two hats. Secrecy was 
enjoined both as to the deliberations of the Society and also 
as to the fundamental articles of the rules ; any one convicted 
of contravening the rules was to be fined Is. (un chelin). 

The social side of the society is further emphasised by the 
provision of a * festin ordinaire,' to be held m the Michael- 
mas Quarter, at which all were expected to be present, even 
absentees contributing Is. ** Le cot [i.e., la cote] comman- 
cera A 5 h. et le Souppe sur la table A 6 h." At nine o'clock 
the bill was to be called for and each member's share deter- 
mined. All this fell on the officers, who, if they transgressed 
in aught, were mulcted in double fines ; if absent, their place 
was taken by some predecessor in office. Non-payment of 
any fines involved exclusion. Three strokes of a mallet 
served to call for silence, and a penalty of 2d. fell on him 
who spoke thereafter without first asking leave — a provision 
which suggests the presence of an Irishman among the 
Gauls. If, when a member died, his representatives desired 
it, he was buried at the society's expense in an elm coffin,, 
with a pall, and, generally speaking, all that went to the 
furnishing a decent funeral {un enterrement Jwnorable), the 
cost not to exceed 508. All members were to be warned when 
the funeral took place, and the two officers in charge, 
together with their four immediate predecessors, were desig- 
nated pall-bearers. Bankruptcy entailed exclusion, unless 

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the bankrupt had done everything by his conduct and in his 
business to avoid it. The twenty-eighth rule provides for 
the case of members travelling in or out of the kingdom (the 
possibilities of remitting small sums being in those days less 
frequent than now), and also, in certain cases, for a certifi- 
cate of the church or parish to which the member belonged, 
to the effect that an erring member had asked God's pardon 
and repaired the scandal caused to His Church {demand^ 
pardoii A Dieu et repaH le scandalle fait d Son Eglise). 

The next rule provides, by unanimous resolution, that cer- 
tain persons, thereafter named, shall serve the ofl&ce of secre- 
tary in turn, and if any refuse he shall pay 58. by way of 
penalty. (A list of thirty-eight names follows, but at least half 
of them were added afterwards.) Whether or no the subse- 
quent rules are later additions remains uncertain, but their 
tenor seems to indicate it. The first of them, number 30, 
refers to the absentees from the meetings (two are named, 
but their names have been cancelled), who are to pay 2s. 6d. a 
quarter and be exempt from fines, provided that they serve as 
officers when called upon. Another provides that, although 
matters are generally decided by a majority of votes, the 
society shall not be dissolved or broken up in that way so 
long as three members wish to maintain and continue it. 
Fresh rules, when found necessary, might be carried by a 
majority of votes. 

Article 33 seems to have been passed in August, 1742, 
when the sick-pay was raised from 7s. to 9s. a week, so long 
as the capital of the society remained above £100; if it fell 
below that sum, the sick-pay was to revert automatically to 
its original amount. In 1750 Article 34 was added, to meet 
the case of intrigues — " comme les brigues causent beaucoup 
de desordre dans les Societez " — and canvassing for votes was 
forbidden under penalties. The number of members was 
in 1753 limited to forty-five. In 1759 the sick-pay was 
raised to 10s. a week, but only for so long as the capital re- 
mained over £200, and in the same way the funeral money 
to £5, half of which sum was to be reserved for the widow 
or children or the heirs-at-law of the deceased member. 

According to a cancelled rule of April, 1761, the entrance- 
fee was raised to 50s. (cinqiiante chelins), but in the follow- 
ing year this was reduced to 40s., being at the rate of 10s. 
per cent, of the society's capital (" et cela d raison du Capital 
de notre Compagnie, qui est de Quatre Cents Livres, savoir 
d raisoii de dix Chelins par cent, ). 

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Eule or Article 34 is succeeded by two pages containing 
the signatures of the members from 1703 to 1768, with the 
dates of their admission. The list is headed by Abraham 
David, the first secretary of the society. He is followed by 
David Auber, without any date. Jaques Deprey was ad« 
mitted in 1710 ; in 1716 a member, whose name has been 
obliterated, follows him, and to him succeeds Pierre Anber 
in 1717. In 1720 Jean Halbout signed the roll, and in 1730 
Pierre David, leaving a gap of ten years unfilled. From 
that date the years are fairly consecutive, and under them 
the following fifty-seven names occur: Auber (2), Buneuf^ 
Bredal (2), Baudouin, Campar (?), Catel, Croixmare, Dela- 
mare (3), Delorme, Duchesne (2), Duprey, David (2), Debeze 
(illiterate), Durand, Deveux, De la Ferte, De Bray, De Lonne^ 
De Lanquetuit, Flammare (2), Hochecorne (4), Hebert (3), 
Hautot, Lambert, Louvet (2), Levasseur (?), Lamy, Le 
Vavasseur, Limmonier, Lemaitre, Le Conte (2), Le Brument 
(2), Le Bailly, Maze, Mauger, Nicolle, Ouvry, Sirvenet (?), 
Tourni^, and two illegible. 

Another copy of the rules, also in French, is contained in 
a quarto volume. In this the writing is extremely good and 
regular, the title-page (which is preceded by the signatures 
of 125 members from 1717 to 18(K)) being a masterpiece of 
caligraphy. The society is here styled that of * Haute et 
Basse Normandie,* a name which did not cleave to it, but 
was, as we shall see, adopted by a much later foundation. 
An improvement in style as well as in handwriting marks 
this later version, the somewhat ragged and unscholarly 
French of the earher preamble being modified and cor- 
rected, although the words used in it are in great measure 
the same. The rules, however, are rearranged, and the first 
runs as follows : " Pour 6tre membre de cette societe il faut 
6tre re^u a participer a la Sainte Cene du Seigneur, faisant 
profession de la Beligion Protestante, 6tre homme de bien 
et sans reproche, fidMe k TEtat, bien affectionne a sa 
Majeste la Beine Anne, et a Tillustre maison de Hanover 
et a tout son illustre famille Protestante". The second 
declares that there shall be entire equality among the 
members " sans affection ou distinction d'&ge, de pr^s&ance 
on d'anciennete, chacun de nous se regardant comme frere 
et ayant une d^f^rence et honnfetet^ reciproque". From 
Article 3 'the fair of London' and Easter vanish, and 
Michaelmas and March take their places. Article 12 is so 
agreeably worded in this revised version that it deserves to 

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be quoted : "La compagnie ayant remarque que plusieurs 
des Membres de son corps, negligent a se trouver aux 
assemblees ordinaires, a resolu, pour prevenir la confusion, 
et afin de ne gener personne, que ceux qui souhaiteront de 
86 mettre au quartier, le pourront faire, en payant Trente 
sous par quartier . . . mais non obstant cela ils seront 
obliges de servir les offices a leur tour ou de payer cinq 
chelins . . .''. In 1769 quarterly members were made fin- 
able, but the rule, which was elaborate, was annulled before 
a year had passed. The voting arrangements had evidently 
been a source of trouble, and an article (26) on the subject 
states that '* La Compagnie a juge k propos, pour 6viter les 
longueurs et les embarras, que, lorsqu^il se recontreroit plu- 
sieurs candidats, et qu'il n*y auroit qu'une ou deux vacances, 
cest a dire que tons n y pouvant ^tre admis, mais tons 
egallement acceptables, qu'on y procederoit de cette maniere, 
savoir : que tous les membres presens auroient tous autant 
de biUets que de candidats, sur chacun des quels il y auroit 
le Nom d'un des candidats et un billet blanc qui repondroit a 
notre billet de non, ce qui pent emp^cher qu'aucun n y entre, 
et dans ce cas celui ou ceux qui se trouveront avoir les plus 
de billets ou leur noms seront marquez, seront, ou sera, les, 
ou le membre, acceptfe". A footnote appended to the next 
rule (27) refers to a revision of the rules made by a small 
committee in 1762, when, among other things, attendance 
at funerals was dispensed with on the part of members not 
being oflBcers of the society : " Toute la compagnie accom- 
pagnera le corps au tombeau si le D^funt Ta desir^, c'est a 
dire autant que faire se pourra, n'y ayant personne de g^ne, 
que les deux officiers en charge, et les quatre derniers sortis/' 
who had to act as pall-bearers. Article 28 refers to the 
*Fe8tin ordinaire,' to which all, except the sick, had now 
to contribute Is. 6d. It took place, as of old, in the Michael- 
mas quarter, but supper (le souper) was served now at seven, 
although Tecot' (i.e., la cote) still began at five. Under 
Article 31 no 'sergent de cour de justice ou autre tel 
office * could become a member ; if he did get in, on the fact 
becoming known he was straightway to be *' exclu et bani de 
la compagnie sans aucun benefice de la Bouette" (i.e., boite). 
After Article 33 comes the " Conclusion : Dieu veuille re- 
pandre sa benediction sur nous tous, et nous faire la Grace 
de vivre toujours en concorde et en Charity fratemelle. 
Ainsi soit-il.'* 
In 1773 a thirty-fourth rule provided that the last Monday 

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in the month should be the meeting day ; that the contribu- 
tion should be 8d. ; and that the beer and tobacco money 
should be 4d. The last Monday, whether before or after 
Quarter Day, was to be held as such, and thereby, as is 
noted, '*le Festin sera annuUe". In 1794 a fortieth rule 
opened the membership of the society to the descendants of 
Norman women as well as of Norman men. 

A third MS. volume is entitled ' Eules and orders of the 
Norman Society held at The Pitt's Head, Tyson Street, 
Bethnal Green, 1809,' and contains a revised version in 
English of the regulations drawn up in French more than 
a century before. The preamble briefly alludes to the utility 
of benefit societies in general, and to the history of the 
formation of the Norman Society in particular, recounting 
how *' as descendants of those Glorious Martyrs to the cause 
of Eeligion, they [i.e., the founders] determined to per- 
petuate the memory of it by forming themselves into 
a Benefit Club or Society to be enrolled by the Magistrates 
agreeably to the regulations of the different Acts of Parlia- 
ment which have relation to Clubs or Societies of this 
description, passed during the reign of his present Majesty, 
George the Third." The meaning of the writer is clear, 
though carried away on the torrent of his eloquence, he 
hardly gave his thoughts their logical expression. In plain 
English, then, the society, founded in 1703, deemed it 
expedient to renew its youth in 1809, by taking advantage 
of a Parliamentary encouragement little dreamt of by the first 
founders. Eeference to the accounts for the latter half of 1808 
reveals the summoning of a general meeting, the purchase 
for Is. 6d. of an Act of Parliament, and of a quarter-hundred 
of pens for 2s. Other general meetings followed and much 
paper was bought, and finally, in 1809, we come on two 
entries referring to the new rules. On 28th August £1 
was paid to Mr. Levillian for writing the articles, and on 
22nd December, three guineas was paid for 'ingrossing' 
them. Other expenses connected with the presentation of 
the articles at the Sessions House also occur. The copy 
engrossed on parchment was doubtless duly deposited with 
the clerk of the peace, after being confirmed by the justices, 
in accordance with 33, George III., cap. 54, sec. 2 (1793).^ 
The rules themselves differ in many respects from their 

* A copy of this Act, together with those of the years 1796, 1809, 1817 and 
1819, is bound up with the MS. copy of the rules. 

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French originals, and are far more commonplace. The 
membership is still limited to Protestant natives of the 
Province of Normandy and their descendants, who must be 
well-affected to King George and his descendants. Each 
member is to ccmtribute 8d. a month and spend 4d. for beer 
and tobacco — a relic of the social character of the society at 
its formation ; absence involved a fine of 4d. to the box. 
This box, we learn from Article 7, contained the books and 
moneys (other than what was invested in Government 
securities) of the society, and was left in the care of the 
landlord of the house where the club met. By paying 15s. 
a year, members might be free from all fin^s ; such annua) 
payments were payable to a collector, who received £1 Is. 
for his pains. The ninth article limited the numbers of the 
society to fifty-five members. The entrance fee was £1 Is., 
and a candidate was proposed at three monthly meetings 
before the ballot was taken, nor could he receive any benefit 
until twelve months after his election. Sons of members 
were to have a preference, if notice were given. Sick pay 
was now 15s. a week, and those receiving it might neither 
work nor give orders for work to be done, nor receive orders 
in their business, nor play at any game whatsoever, ** on pain 
of being excluded '*. The certificate to be sent weekly by any 
sick member living more than three miles from the house 
where the society met, stated that the signatory firmly 
believed that the illness was **a real visitation from the 
Almighty God, and no ways brought on by any disorderly 
practice " ; that the sick man was unable to work and 
deserved the benefit of the society. Pensioners, at 5s. 
a week each, were elected on account of their great age and 
infirmities and not allowed to work at their trades ; but this 
allowance was reduced to 2s. 6d. in the case of members 
admitted to La Providence or any other house of charity. 
Article 15, which makes loyal provision for the relief of 
members * impressed ' into his Majesty's service by land or 
sea or otherwise entering it, recalls a state of affairs long 
passed away. If any member lost a limb in the service he 
was to have 2s. 6d. a week, even though he were an out- 
pensioner of Greenwich or of Chelsea Hospital. Article 22 
provided that any member burnt out and not insured should 
have five guineas from the box. Any member attending 
a meeting "disguised in liquor,'* or causing '* any quarrel or 
disturbance during the hours of business '' incurred a fine of 
3d. ; if, on being ordered by the stewards to leave the room 

VOL. VI. — NO. III. Q 

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he did not immediately do so, he was to pay Is. for his 
refusal. Gaming and wagering were fined at 6d., as also 
was cursing and swearing ; a blow cost 2s. 6d. ; if inflicted on 
an oflBcer, 5s., and in case of non-payment, exclusion. Article 
32 provided for an automatic reduction of the benefits, when 
the capital stock fell to £1,000 4 per cent, consolidated 
annuities, to 12s. a week to the sick ; half pay 6s. ; pensioners 
48. 6d. ; and eight and four guineas fur funerals. In the 
event of the stock being reduced to £600, a further reduction 
of benefits was arranged for. Disputes were to be referred 
to arbitrators, three of whom were to be nominated by the 
aggrieved member, three by the society and a seventh by the 
six thus nominated. A final paragraph reveals the fact that 
the society had been re-estabhshed on 11th January, 1800, 
when its meetings were held at The Weavers' Arms, in 
Brown's Lane, Spitalfields; The Pitt's Head was held by 
one Mougon, whose name indicates that he was a compatriot. 
The committee of revision comprised the names of Goslin, 
Le Brument, Lelievre, Hecher, Eude, Sampson, Mougon, 
Louvet, Boullen, Hotot and De Boos. 

Included among the contents of this book is a list of the 
signatures of the members from 1813 (Joseph Chretien) to 
the present time. From 1876, in addition to the date of 
admission, the trade and age of each member is given. 
During eighty-five years 158 members appear to have been 
admitted, giving a yearly average of something under two. 

The by-laws, being concerned with details of business 
management, need not detain us ; with the exception, 
perhaps, of one passed in 1824. This set out that the 
allowances on sickness and death, with the pensions, should 
rise and fall in accordance with a schedule annexed, the 
income derived from invested funds serving as the mercury 
in the financial barometer. Taking the extreme limits, £24 
and £64, we see that the allowance to the sick rises by 
gradations from 9s. to 15s. ; half-pay, from 4s. 6d. to Ts. 6d. ; 
pensions, from 3s. to 5s. ; funerals from £7 and £3 10s. to 
£12 and £6. 

In 1861 Mr. John Ferry, who was secretary of the society 
for the seven years ending in December, 1860, read a paper 
on its origin, rise and progress, which paper was afterwards 
printed in pamphlet form. Owing to the expense involved 
in printing tabulated statistical statements, certain elaborate 
tables compiled by Mr. Ferry in illustration of his work 
were not printed, but are included among the MS. books of 

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the society. It would be difficult to speak too highly of the 
labours of Mr. Ferry, who was evidently an enthusiastic 
member of his society, and spared neither time, toil, nor 
ability in compiling its history from the somewhat scanty 
materials at his command ; and we owe much to his labours. 
The number of members, past and present, down to 1861 
was 307, of whom 54 entered prior to 1730. The Le 
Bruments were probably original members ; in any case, 
Isaac le Brument must have joined before 1730; another 
Isaac joined in 1745, and a third, who was for many years 
secretary of the society, in 1769 began a membership 
destined to endure during no less than sixty-eight years. A 
Pierre le Brument had entered in 1747, but he died before 
the end of the century. Between the years 1769 and 1816 
no member of the family joined the society, but in the latter 
year a William le Brument appears, to be followed in 1837 
by another of the same name ; a fourth Isaac joined in 1843, 
and in 1845 Peter le Brument revived the memory of the 
Pierre who had become a member all but a century before him. 

Mr. Ferry cites the case of one member who joined in 
1795, and died, an inmate of La Providence, in 1859. Hav- 
ing paid in contributions and fines a total sum of £24 58., he 
received in return benefits amounting to £290 9s. 9d., which 
was good for him ; but a few more such cases and the 
society could hardly have gone on and prospered. The 
funerals of this member's two wives and of himself alone 
cost more than his contributions amounted to. In the same 
year, 1795, James Gosselin began a membership of sixty 
years, during which he never drew on the society, and to 
which by his will he bequeathed £10. 

Mr. Ferry's first table shows the names of the members ; 
date of entrance and age ; whole pay, half pay, or pension 
received ; and date of death or exclusion. The second gives 
the income and expenditure from 1800 to 1859, with the 
amount of stock, rate and amount of interest, and receipts 
from members, set out year by year ; and also the sick pay, 
pensions, funerals, rates, and incidentals. A third shows the 
number of weeks' sickness in the four conesponding quarters 
of each year during the century, with further elaborate 
calculations. The fourth and fifth tables give the stewards, 
trustees, and treasurers of the society for some sixty or 
seventy years. 

Another volume contains the accounts of the Norman 
Society from 1793 to 1831. For some years they are entered 

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in French, but in 1799 the last few entries on the payment 
side are made in English, which is thereafter continuously 

For the year 1793 the total receipts were £66 10s. Id., 
and the expenditure £63 2s. ; the former being made up of a 
balance of £7 16s. 5d. brought forward ; certain sums 
received * Pour la Bouette,* amounting in all to £24 3s. 8d. ; 
and £34 10s. received as interest from Mr. Pierre Beuzeville. 
The expenditure was made up of payments to members on 
various accounts, not usually particularised, either by way of 
sick pay or pensions ; but we learn that a woman's funeral 
cost the society £3 3s., and a man's just twice as much. 
*Bouette,' sometimes written *boette' and *bouitte,' stands 
for boUe, as we learn in 1800, when its place is filled by the 
English equivalent * box \ In 1831 the accounts, still kept 
in the same form, show receipts £130 Os. 2d., including 
£3 Is. Id. brought forward and £34 16s. lid. received ** for 
the box," with an expenditure of £128 17s. 6d. 

The present position of this society, hmited formerly to 
forty-five, and now to sixty members, is exceedingly good, 
the rules having been in process of revision ever since its 
institution, and the management skilful. The last revision 
was made in 1897, and under it the benefits of the society 
are extended to natives, or descendants of a native (either 
male or female), of some place in the kingdom or repubUc of 
France, professing the Protestant religion, of good character, 
of a decent profession, and of an age between twenty and 
thirty years. Baihflfs and police-officers are excluded ; but 
members who become soldiers or sailors may be reinstated 
without payment of arrears, and if rendered incapable of 
earning a living, or made indoor or outdoor pensioners at 
Greenwich or Chelsea, are entitled to receive as other 
pensioners. The sliding-scale, already alluded to, has been 
scientifically elaborated by the Norman Society, and a sche- 
dule adopted which provides for jfluctuations in all the forms 
of benefit which accrue. The invested funds of the society 
amounted in 1897 to over £2,500, and at that date just half 
the members bore names which are obviously French. 

The Society of Lintot} — This, the third society on our 

1 There are two villages of this name in the department of the Seine- 
Inf^rieure : one in the arrondissement of Dieppe, with 220 inhabitants ; the 
other, which is probably that referred to in the text, is in the arrondissement 
of Le Havre, with 557 inhabitants, and is seven kilometres distant from 
Lillebonne. It is in the commune of Bolbec. 

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list, was founded on 5th July, 1708, in Phoenix Street, at 
the corner of Farthing Street, at the sign of The Magpie (d 
Venseigne de la Pie). 

There were present at this first meeting, we are told, 
eighteen persons ; foarteen more came to a second one, and 
to a third thirteen more, making a total of forty-five, whose 
names are given as those of the founders of the society.^ 
The tabular list of subsequent elections seems to have been 
carefully kept, and is carried down to 1775, when it ends with 
Pierre Haet, the three hundred and nineteenth in order from 
Salomon Malet, the first on the list of founders. From that 
date the admissions, down to 12th April, 1898, are contained 
in the same book in other forms. 

The founders' kin seem to be now represented by one 
name only — that of Levesque. This family has been con- 
tinuously represented in the society from the time wjaen 
Jean TEvesques appears as the thirty-fifth signatory on the 
roll of 1708 down to the present moment, when a member 
of it, Mr. Isaac Charles Levesque, most ably and courteously 
executes the duties attaching to the secretaryship. The Le 
Carons, or Carons, end in 1774, and the Huets in the follow- 
ing year. Down to 1824, when George Greenwood was ad- 
mitted, being the three hundred and ninety-third on the list 
of members, the names are all clearly French ; after that 
date names of English origin become increasingly numerous. 
The French element is, however, still strong ; since, out of 
twenty-one members elected since 1886, seven, and possibly 
nine, bear names of distinctively foreign origin. 

The ancient rules are prefaced, as is customary, with a 
statement of the objects of the founders of the society, which 
is, I think, sufficiently interesting and characteristic to be 
reproduced at length, preserving the original speUing. 

** Les articles de la Soci^te de Lintot fondee L*anee 1708, 
qui contient ausi une Liste de tons les membres qui en ont 
este receu depuis sa fondation jusques au temps da presant 

^ Solomon Malet, Abraham Hatenville, Isaac Huard, Isaac Deramay, Jean 
Picot, Daniel Gilles, Isaac Campard, Isaac le Play, Jaques Fossay, Pierre 
Goubert, Jean Fauquet, Ezechias Jago, Jean de Sesard, Jaques Selinque, 
Pierre de HeuUe, Pierre Forquet, Francois Hervieu, Isaac le Vailan, Jaques 
le Caron, Isaac le Brument, Jaques Huet, Jaques Bune, Isaac Uouart, Isaac 
le Boiteux, Pierre Molloy, Jean Manfreulle, Abraham Glinchans, Pierre 
BieuUe, Isaac le Gointre, Jean Auger, Jean Goubert, Abraham Selingue, 
Ezechias le Ber, Pierre Rigeur, Jean TEvesques, Pierre Goubert, Daniel 
Bentot, Matthew Gampart, Jaques Groimare, Pierre ManfreuUe, Pierre Pottier, 
Kicholas Goubert, Thomas le Brument, Jean Fichet, Daniel Durand. 

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** Nous les Soussignez Eefugiez pour la cause de la Religion 
dans la ville de Londres et ses depandauce. 

** Apres avoir fait de serieuse Reflection sur les malheurs de 
notre dispertion et reconoisant que ce sout nos pechez qui 
out atire sur nous la Juste collere de Dieu et que ce son 
ces gratuitez que nous n'avons pas este entierement con- 
sumez, Benissons Dieu et la providence qui nous a Icy 
menage un asile dans un payis avec un peuple benin sous la 
protection des loix, et ou toinbent sur nous tres abondameut 
la mane celeste. Sencibles a toutes ces grace et consi- 
derant que I'union, la charite, et Tamour fraternelle sont les 
moyens les plus efficace pour engager le Seigneur a nous 
continuer le precieux aventage dont nous jouisons sous 
rheureux gouvernement de sa Majeste le Roy George notre 
Legitisme Souverain, Nous avons resolu de nous unir ettroi- 
tenient par des liens de la Charite et de la Concorde qui 
sont les liens de la perfection, en formant une 8oci6t6 dont 
les haines et les discors soyent entierement banis pour y 
faire regner Tamour mutuel qui se propose ausy d'assister 
ses membres en cas de maladie et comme il est absolument 
nessesaire pour la subsistance d'une Societe que toute chose 
se face honnestement et par ordre sy nous faisons ainsy la 
paix de Dieu demeurera avec nous prions le qu'il nous soit en 
aide, voicy done nos Reglements." 

The membership of the new society, limited to members 
and the descendants of members, of the Church of Lintot, 
of recognised probity, good Protestants, and well-affected to 
King George and his Government, was governed by a secre- 
tary, a treasurer, two visitors of the sick, a director to 
bring forward propositions in the society (compagnie) and a 
provider to supervise the expenditure of the 4d. contributed 
by each member present at the monthly meetings, for any 
excess over which he was personally liable. 

In 1771 it was resolved that no one should be proposed as 
a member who was not a member or descended from a 
father who was a member of the Church of Lintot ; and in 
1774 the officers were reduced to four, the duties of the 
visitors being put upon the treasurer and director. As how- 
ever a funeral necessitated the presence of six officers (as 
pall-bearers), it was arranged that the two last out of office 
should attend under penalties. In 1797, a further reduction 
in the number of officers was made, and it was arranged 
that the steward {Vofficier pour la hihre) should visit the sick 
during the first three months of his term, and act as their 

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treasurer during the last three, some other member of the 
society taking the management of the beer money. 

Before being put up for election, members were proposed, 
and a month had to elapse, during which inquiries could be 
made. The hmit of age was thirty-five years, but fresh 
refugees for the cause of religion, if they came within two 
years of their landing, were received up to the age of fifty- 
two, provided they had the requisite qualifications ; but the 
opposition of a single member, justly motived, apparently 
served to exclude; et s'il n*a pas les qualites requise Ton 
chargera quelqu'un de I'avertir afin qu'il ne soit pas refuse 
en plaine compagnie. The secretary was liable to pay any 
fine he failed to exact. The second Monday in the month 
saw the meetings of the society, when each member paid 8d. 
(huit sols). In 1767 the society resolved by a majority to 
have a sermon and a feast (festain) at the July meeting in 
every year, in memory of its foundation, each member to 
pay 28. to the officers (deux chelains) in June ; the money 
received at the church after the sermon was to be dis- 
tributed among *our poor' at the society's discretion. In 
1786 it was found necessar>' to make a stringent rule as to 
members receiving sick pay not entering public-houses 
(cabarets) ; and in 1790 the burial allowance was raised to 
£3 so long as the funds did not fall below £500 stock and 
£10 in the hands of the officers. 

The conditions of membership were, the attainment of 
eighteen years, reception at the Holy Communion (as in the 
case of the Norman Society), membership of a church, and 
payment of an entrance fee of 7s. 6d. ; or, in the case of a 
member's son, 5s. No new-comer was entitled to benefit 
until one year had elapsed; but, if one fell ill, or became 
poor, a collection was to l)e made among all the members 
"pour secourir I'afflige dans sa nessesite,'* the visitors and 
director being charged therewith. In 178(3 the contribution 
was raised to Is. per month. Old men, no longer able to 
pursue their caUing, received 2s. 6d. a week, or, when ill, 
sick pay, if the society so voted. Any members who were 
**mi8 a L'Hopital Fran9ai8 apele la Providence" received 
Is. a week by way of pension, and were buried at the 
society's cost, but their relatives could not claim the £2 paid 
in the case of persons dying in their own homes. In 1794, 
a modification was made, and the aged pensioner could no 
longer claim extra pay when sick. In 1776 the pensions 
had been raised to 8s. and Is. 6d. respectively; in 1784 they 

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were reduced ; in 1790 they were again raised to the higher 

The sum allowed for a funeral was £2. Officers who 
failed to accompany the body to the grave (d la fosse) were 
fined Is. 6d. ; other members, not being officers, contributed 
6d. on all funerals paid for ' au depens de la Boite \ In 1763 it 
was resolved that when the officers were assembled for the 
interment of any member **I1 seront permis d'ouvrir la 
boite et de retirer la somme de quatre livre sterlain a savoir 
40 Shelains pour payer L'enterment et 40 Shelains quil 
payeront a la veuve du d^funt," or, if there were no widow, 
then to the nearest of the relatives who had had care of the 
dead in his sickness. Subject to the capital funds not falling 
below £400 sterling, the funeral money was raised to £6, of 
which £2 was intended to bury the member's wife. The 
officers in this case were bound to visit the body, but not to 
attend the funeral. 

The eleventh article deals with behaviour, and exhorts 
against blaspheming God's Holy Name ; any one so offending 
paid Is. fine at the time, or was struck off the books. All 
fines went to 'the box,' and the guilty were "exortez par 
un esprit de charite de n'avoir point de resentiment et de 
se pardoner les uns les austres avant que de se separer 
de la Socifete". 

In 1780 special provision was made in cases of paralysis, 
etc., when the sick man was under fifty, such sickness en- 
titling to the pension of 3s. 

Article XII. brings out with exceeding clearness the close 
connection between the society and the Church : " Sy quelqun 
se laisse entrainer dans quelques erreurs qui soit contraire a 
nostre Sainte Religion ou qu'il commette quelque scandale 
public qui peut deshonorer nostre Corapagnie apres estre 
convaincu du fait par de bons tfemoins il sera reranche 
[rebranch/] de nostre Societe jusqua ce quil aye repare le 
Scandale par luy commis dans le Consistoire de FEglise d'ou 
il est Membre et sera derechef admis dans nostre societe lors 
quil le fera connoistre par un bon temoignagedescondeuctears 
de la ditte Eglise en payans tons les arierages qui seront 
ecoulez depuis sa Kejection ". No one being excluded or re- 
tiring could claim any return of money paid. The officers 
were to adjust differences with impartiality, but if one of the 
parties to a dispute *' ne se voudra pas soubmestre par enteste- 
ment," he was to pay 2s. to the box, " apres quoy il luy sera 
permy de se pourvoir en Justice ainsy qu'il le jugera apropos ". 

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The provisions for dissolution are curious, and those 
framed to avert it are elaborate. By Article XIV. it is pro- 
vided that the society's funds must not be allowed to fall 
below £60 sterling, unless old-age pensioners have to be pro- 
vided for, in which case ** on poura faire desendre le fonds 
jusqu'a la somme de trente livres, qui est le produit de la 
premiere annee de la fondation de la dite Society, pour aider, 
sy les contributions ne peuvent fournir tant pour les malades 
que les vieliards et eterments [enterrements] ". If the num- 
ber of members was above thirty, the contributions were to 
be raised ; if below that number, the £30 might be drawn 
upon, so long as £1 a head remained ; but if the membership 
fell to two, " ils ne seronts plus reconnus pour Societe," and 
each was at liberty to carry off his 20s. without liability to 
account to any one. No one, under pain of a fine of Is., 
might leave the company until ten o'clock, in order to go 
to play in the same house, "d'autant que cela n'est pas 
moins que de m^priser la Societe '* ; and all are exhorted to 
comport themselves ** honnestement avec toutes modestie et 
respect les uns envers les autres," although quite free to ex- 
press their views when the interests of the society were in 

Everything belonging to the society was kept in a box 
having two locks with different keys ; of these one was kept 
by the treasurer and the other by the first visitor ; and, in 
the ordinary way, the box was only opened in the presence 
of aU six oflScers. 

In the rule relating to investments and trustees, it is stated 
that any one who wished to be excused from serving any 
office should pay £5, which would not only exonerate him, 
but also cause him to be recognised as a * benefactor'. 
These benefactors, as it elsewhere appears, were well-to- 
do persons who joined the society **pour encourager les 
autres " and to help forward a good work. Occasionally, 
however, when misfortune overtook them, they were glad to 
be received later as members. Any member desiring to be 
included in the class could pay any sum he chose in excess 
of 158. annually, and the secretary was bound to call for the 
benefaction at the benefactor's house, and to give a receipt 

The twentieth article, which wears an air of finality, says 
that those preceding it are not such that they may not be 
added to or taken from when need arises, but that changes can 
only be made by general consent on quarterly nights, when 

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" s'il est nessesaire, les officiers aiiront voix donble dans toutes 
les occasions ou la Nessesit^ le requerrera ". And then 
follows a kind of peroration, which sounds remarkably like 
the beginning of a sermon. " Messieurs," says the writer, 
'* la charite tant recomande par Jesus Christ et sy souvent 
repet^ par ses apostres nous aprend que c'est une des plus 
belles vertus qui compose le Christianisme, en cecy dit 
nostre Seigneur Ton connoitra t'on que vous estes raais 
disiples sy vous vous aimez Tun Tautres les fondateurs ayans 
en veue ses divins precepte ce sont joints ensemble par un 
zele qu'ils avoit pour leur Sion desoll^e, a ranime et reveile 
par leur charite pour sunnir estroiteinent et pour esfere 
un Memorial porpetuel a la generation a venir pour se re- 
conoistre toujours membres ou desandans diceux de notre 
Eglise de Lintot c'est pourquoi les Fondateurs exorte et 
prient ceux qui leurs succederous de maintenir toujours la 
Societe et afin que leur intention puisse estre executez. lis 
ordonne quele soit grande ou petite La Companies de deux 
membres ($ic) s'opposant a ceux qui voudrois chercher a la 
detruire I'emporteronts sur toutes Lasembl6 quellque nom- 
breuse quele puis estre." 

By a rule passed in 1785 full sick-pay was limited to 
seventy-eight weeks {septente et huit semaine) during the 
member's life. Having received so much he could only 
claim half-pay in case of sickness or accident. 

The rules of the society were, as we have seen, added to 
and modified from time to time, and in April, 1800, they 
were, after a complete revision, confirmed by the Court of 
Quarter Sessions. At that time, owing to the clubs having 
omitted to take advantage in due time of the provisions of 
the **Act for the Encouragement and Relief of Friendly 
Societies" (38 Geo. III., cap. 54), it became necessary to 
treat the old society as a new creation, and accordingly we 
have a book of rules headed **Club called Lintot, formed 
10th February, 1800," which at the time was held at The 
Flower Pot, kept by Jacob Delaforce. A preamble follows, 
with a list of fourteen founders appended. The rules are 
in English, but are almost identical with those of 1708, 
the limitation to members of the Church of Lintot being 
retained : these were eligible from the date of their recep- 
tion into the church until they were thirty-five years old- 
Additional provisions as to receipts, etc., not to be found in 
the earlier version are however embodied,* and conviction of 
** hving a bad life, such as thieving, drunkenness, committing. 

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adultery, or other such vices," was followed by exclusion 
from the society. No loans were to be made with the 
society's funds. Any one who proposed the dissolution of 
the society was to be fined 10s. 6d. or be excluded. (In 1811 
this was reduced to 5s.) If the steward informed the club 
that a candidate was ** not proper for admission," the officers 
and six members chosen by the club were to settle the matter 
in a private meeting, the proceedings at which were to be 
kept secret under a penalty of 10s. 6d. The six officers 
now had to attend a member's wife's funeral. In 1803 
the sick-pay was made 12s. until the fund was reduced to 
£800 ; funeral money was to be paid so soon as the deceased 
was ** in a decent coffin," and the obligation on the stewards 
to attend the funeral was rescinded. The beer and tobacco 
money was raised from 4d. to 5d. In 1806 the pensions 
were fixed at 4s. 6d. and 2s. 6d., and funeral allowances at 
£8 8s. and £4 4s. until the fund fell to £1,000. 

** At the celebration of the year secular of the foundation 
of this Society, Mr. James Guillemard in the Chair, It was 
unanimously agreed that when a member shall have con- 
tributed fifty years : the said member shall be entitled to 
receive 4s. 6d. a week without being deprived of following 
his usual occupation." 

In October, 1811, a second revision of the rules was 
enrolled at Quarter Sessions, a new preface being added, 
reciting the objects with which the society had been founded 
by the members* ancestors, who ** could fully appreciate the 
manifold evils attending the afflicted, for themselves had 
suffered much, persecuted with intolerable oppression and 
cruelty . . . exiled from the land of their nativity, they 
sought for shelter in that country which has ever been a 
refuge for the oppressed. In Britain they not only received 
protection, but through the benign influence of her laws 
and the generosity of her sons they met with every possible 
encouragement." The revision of the rules was made, 
** keeping in view their original spirit and meaning as far as 
consistent with those statutory regulations made by various 
Acts of Parliament passed in the reign of his present 
Majesty, K. Geo. III.". In 1824 admission was extended 
to the descendants of Huguenots from the whole province 
of Normandy, preference being given to those from the 
district of Lintot. 

The rules which at present govern the Society of Lintot 
are the result of a -revision made in 1886, whereby the 

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uiembership is opened to all Protestants of French descent, 
as in the case of the Norman Society, with which that of 
Lintot is, and apparently always has been, intimately 
connected. Though modernised, the new rules still bear 
the marks of their origin, and have a more or less close 
resemblance to those of the Norman Society. The number 
of members is limited to sixty, and the benefits rise and fall 
in accordance with the amount of the society's invested 
funds, which in 1898 amounted to just under £2,500. Out 
of fiftj'^-nine members (one vacancy existing) some thirty, 
more or less, bear French names; of these ten are Levesques; 
eight. Colliers ; three, Lamys ; and three, Dongrays. 

The Friendly Society. — This society, as appears from the 
introduction to a copy of its rules issued in 1891, was in- 
stituted in 1720, by some French Protestant refugees. In 
1794 its rules were confirmed at Quarter Sessions, and in 
1831 they were certified by the Registrar ; those at present 
in force date from 1889, when the last revision took place. 

The earlier records of this society are, so far as is known, 
no longer extant ; those in the custody of Mr. Dupay, to whose 
courtesy I owe the information I possess, dating from 1866 
only. It possesses, however, certain relics which are in- 
teresting : a box, to wit, measuring about 2 ft. x 1 ft., 
which contains a small pair of scales and counters, or 
tokens, of four different sorts, some of which are still in use 
on * quarterly nights ' ; specimens of these are exhibited 
to-night, and kindly oflFered for the acceptance of our society 
by Mr. Dupuy. 

The society is open to all who have attained the age of 
twenty-one, and not exceeded thirty-one, sound in body and 
mind. The entrance fee is 7s. 6d. ; the contribution is 
Is. 4d. per month, so long as the Stock is at or above £600 ; 
if it fall below that the contribution rises to Is. 5d. ; if 
under ;£500, to Is. 6d. And a similar sliding-scale is in 
force as to the benefits, which start with 88. a week sick- 
pay. Members who become inmates of any union are 
allowed Is. a week while sick. These few characteristics 
the society has in common with those w^e have already 
considered ; in other respects no trace of its special origin 
remains. The accounts for 1897 exhibit an accumulated 
fund of over £500, and a membership of forty-two, of whom 
seven bear names of undisguisedly foreign origin, though not 
all are French. 

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The Society of Protestant Refugees, from High and Loic 
Nomiandy. — Although this society dates from 28th July,. 
1764, its eariiest extant record, I regret to say, carries us no 
farther back than 1826, at which date a small Minute Book 
is found to begin. We have, therefore, no means of ac- 
counting for the institution of such a society, so long after 
the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, and must fall back on 
the conjecture that it was an o^shoot from the older Society 
of the Province of Normandy, founded, as we have seen, in 

At the time when this society first offers itself to our 
examination it numbered some twenty to thirty members, 
who met at an inn — it will be noted that all these societies 
have always met at inns — known as The Gibraltar. It 
removed its headquarters in 1834, and during the next 
thirteen years occupied in turn The Dolphin, kept by Mr. 
Burdett in Church Street, Bethnal Green ; The Pitt's 
Head, in Tyssen Street, kept by Mr. Potter, and The 
Hope in Pollard Row. Ten years afterwards (in 1857) it 
removed to The Norfolk Arms, Ivimey Street, which still 
remains the headquarters of this, as also of three other out 
of the five societies at present under review. In other 
matters the society was more conservative, for the earliest 
minute preserved is one in which a proposal to extend the 
number of members was negatived **by a great majority" 
On the same occasion a general meeting was arranged to 
consider a report, to be furnished by a committee appointed 
**to inquire concerning the funds appointed by Government 
in favour of benefit societies," and, later on, twenty-four 
members voted in favour of a transfer from 3 per cent, 
consols. A similar transfer to the National Debt Office, 
where £3 16s. per cent, was obtainable, is recorded in 1842, 
and others in 1847 and 1849. 

It is interesting to note that in 1826 a committee of 
eight, appointed to revise the rules, consisted of men bearing 
thoroughly French names : Le Bailly, Le Brument, Sully, 
Ferry, Lanthois (2), Le Euheux and Grew. The com- 
mittee's labours were approved and the revision adopted, the 
meeting night being changed to the last Saturday in the 
month. In 1844 it was again changed to the first Saturday, 
but in 1858 the last Saturday was again fixed upon. 

^The accounts of the society date back, I learn from Mr. Helsdon, the 
secretary of the society, to 1801, and the names of the members, with the 
dates of their admission, somewhat earlier than that. 

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Early in the year 1827 a proposition to advance the con- 
tribution to Is. 3d. and abolish monthly fines, in order to 
prevent ** a decrease of the stock," was lost, though by two 
votes only out of twenty-two members voting. In 1831 it 
was decided, by ten to six, to conform to the regulations of 
the Act 10 George IV., and a fresh committee of revision 
was appointed, and here again French names hold the field : 
Lanthois (2), Mousset, Gaiopin, Haye (2), Grew, Hautot (2), 
Fremaux, and Tripcony. Eather more than ten years after- 
wards, in 1842, a revised table of payments and allowances 
was unanimously adopted ; and a further revision was 
embarked on in 1846, when, by fourteen votes to six, the 
following provisions were agreed to : The widows of future 
members, on attaining the age of sixty, were to have £2 2s. 
a year, but if in the hospital £1 Is. ; future pensioners were 
to have one quarter of sick pay ; and members serving by land 
or sea, except in the militia, were to be exempt from contri- 
butions. Further changes were mooted in 1850, of which 
some were approved and some not. Among the former 
were a reduction of the sick allowance, a levy for the 
widows' pensions, when more than four were on the list at 
one time, and revision of the rules. A motion to reduce the 
widows' pensions to £1 10s. was lost by nine to sixteen. 
The Rule Committee, which again numbered eight, was 
composed as follows : Hautot, Ferry (2), Fremaux, Racine 
(2), Gaiopin, and Brown — the last-named being the only 
member with an English name. In 1858 a committee was 
appointed to arrange the rules for printing ; and in 1866 
some changes in them were sanctioned, when, after a vote 
of thanks to the Chairman, " the members passed an hour 
by vocal music, which used to be so frequent by members of 
this Society ". The years 1871 and 1877 saw further modifi- 
cations effected in them, and the last revision seems to have 
been a radical one, as five guineas was voted to a member 
for his services in the matter. 

Like the Lintot Society, this one had its ' festin,' and in 
1827 the anniversary dinner took place at The Plow at 
Blackwall, when there sat down a company of sixty-one, of 
whom three were * benefactors,' thirteen were members, 
and forty-five were visitors. These * benefactors,* to whom 
allusion has already been made, at first afforded considerable 
pecuniary assistance to the society, but the contributions 
they furnished grew gradually less, until they disappeared 
altogether from the accounts, no new contributors coming 

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forward to take the place of those removed by death. The 
visitors, it will be noticed, largely outnumbered the members, 
and it would appear that there was something unsatisfac- 
tory about the arrangements. In the following December 
a general meeting was asked for, in order to discuss ** the 
propriety of altering the plan of the annual dinner ". 
Twenty-seven members and a ** benefactor " discussed it at 
length in January, and then postponed further consideration 
until the dinner had once more taken place. When it did 
so, forty-six people dined, of whom fourteen were members 
and two ** benefactors*". On this occasion, or not long after- 
wards, the cost of the dinner tickets was raised from 3s. 6d. 
to 58., with the result that, in the following year, the diners 
numbered only twenty, of whom one was a ** benefactor " 
and seven were members. Two years afterwards (in 1881) 
there was no dinner at all, two proposed stewards ** deferring'* 
and two others **dechning" to serve the office. (It seems 
to have been the practice to elect at one dinner the stewards 
who were to act in the following year.) But with wavering 
fortune the institution was kept alive, until in 1858 the 
company, numbering but one short of forty, sat down 
at home in The Norfolk Arms, having foi sworn rural 
pleasures. The list of these social functions is fitly con- 
cluded by the visit paid to The Talbot Inn, Passingford 
Bridge, near Abridge, on 28th July, 1864, when nineteen 
members and pensioners and six visitors met to celebrate 
the centenary of the society's foundation. Towards the 
expenses £10 was voted from the society's funds, though 
not without some misgivings as to what Mr. Tidd 
Pratt, the registrar, might say. The secretary, however, 
managed to extract a crumb of comfort from an old book 
which showed that, in 1815, £5 9s. 4d. had been with- 
drawn from the funds to meet the expenses of the Jubilee 

Down to the year 1861, the minutes are very meagre, and 
it was only then that the practice of confirming those of one 
year by a resolution passed in the next seems to have begun. 
After that date fuller notes are given, and the book wears a 
more official air. Among the few earlier entries is one of 
mild protest against a certain resolution as not being in 
accord with the rules. In 1848 the society had to deal with 
a defalcation of £4 10s. 3d., and again in 1860 another, 
slightly larger in amount, occurred. The latter seems to 
have led to much angry discussion, and a page or two 

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having been torn from the minute-book the details of an 
ancient scandal are decently buried in oblivion. 

In 1854 the society lost its much-valued secretary, Mr. 
Charles Tripcony, as to whose worth the following resolution 
bears testimony : ** The meeting cannot separate without 
expressing their feehng of great satisfaction at their long 
connection with the late Mr. Charles Tripcony, their Secre- 
tary, and they sincerely condole with his survivors on their 
mutual loss ". Mr. Tripcony, who had been secretary for 
twenty years, was succeeded by William le Brument — a 
name already familiar in connection with the Norman 
Society. Five years later the new secretary obtained six 
months' leave of absence, Isaac le Brument being appointed 
his deputy. At the end of the time, the secretary definitely 
resigned, having successfully established himself at Maid- 
stone — he was admitted to the society in 1836, being then 
less than twenty, under the description of ** robe-maker " — 
received a vote of thanks for his services, and was succeeded 
by his deputy. 

Widows received, under the rules, a sum of £5, known as 
* acquittance money,' but on one occasion when a widow 
applied for this a curious point was raised and decided 
against the applicant by eleven votes to three. The widow 
had, it was alleged, been separated for twelve years from her 
husband and could consequently have sustained no loss by 
his death. Somewhat illogically a subscription was subse- 
quently made among the members and given to the disap- 
pointed applicant. Another slight difficulty arose when an 
unfortunate member committed suicide ; but a proposed 
change in the rules, calculated to meet any similar case in 
the future, was negatived and it was decided that the funeral 
money should be paid on production of the coroner's certifi- 

It is interesting to note that only one case of attempted 
imposition on the society is recorded, and that occurred in 
1885, when, after examination by the stewards, a member 
was excluded on that ground, eighteen voting for and twelve 
against the resolution. On the same day, says the minute, 
died the father of the culprit and, on his funeral-money bein^ 
applied for, the stewards were authorised to pav the under- 
taker and divide the balance among his three children, '* and 
that the Society be responsible for the consequences *\ The 
rash act seems to have been unattended by any consequences, 
as no more is heard of the matter. 

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By 1865 the restriction to persons of Norman descent 
seems to have been found too narrow, and, by twenty votes 
to two, it was agreed that the word Norman should be struck 
out and French be inserted in its place in the first rule ; buc 
the name of the society remains to this day the same. 

In 1863 the secretary made a joyful announcement to the 
eflfect that, the Stock having increased to over £1,000, the 
contributions would be reduced 2d. per month, and the sick 
pensions and funeral-moneys increased. And at this point 
we may turn for a moment to the society's finances. 

Some thirty years after its foundation the society pos- 
sessed Stock to the amount of £375 ; in 1810 it owned just 
double this amount ; and in the year of Waterloo £1,000 was 
reached. Five years later, having attained to £1,250, it 
began to drop, but by 1836 £1,250 was again reached. Be- 
tween 1840 and 1842 it dropped from considerably over 
£1,300 to £1,200. Pensioners appear to have received sums 
varying between 3s. 6d. and Is. 3d. per week, and widows 
had small allowances of £2 2s. per annum. Sick-pay was, 
in 1856, 98. per week ; but, so far as one can make out, the 
payments at an earlier date were on a larger scale, as was 
commonly the case with similar societies in the prescientific 
era. The accounts of the society, presented in 1827 and 
1877 respectively, and given in an appendix to this paper, 
exhibit its working. The Stock, it may be added, amounted, 
in 1898, to just below £1,300. 

A list of ' benefactors ' between the years 1801 and 1830 
occurs in one book and is as follows : The Eev. George 
Paroissien, West Hackney (dead) ; 1801, Mr. Peter Fremont, 
Brown's Lane ; 1810, Mr. James Racine, Hare Street, and 
Mr. James Jaques, Hare Street ; 1811, Mr. Joseph Racine, 
Northumberland's Head (declined) ; 1814, Mr. George De- 
boos, Vine Court ^; Mr. John Jaques, Hare Street; 1817, 
Mr. WiUiam Racine, Hare Street 2; 1825, Mr. John Wood- 
ing, Purim Place, Dog Row ; Mr. Peter Godefroy (declined) ; 
1818, Mr. James Darling, Leadenhall Market ; 1827, Mr. 
Robert Brutton, Bethnal Green, East Side; 1828, Mr. Wil- 
liam Wilkinson, 12 Chatham Place, Blackfriars ; 1830, Mr. 
Bamford, Milk Street, Cheapside; Mr. Bromley, surgeon, 
Deptford ; and Mr. Brown, Stamford Street, Blackfriars. 

> Trustee in 1836, on the death of James Kacine. 

2 In 1888 William Bacine was, by ballot, removed from the list of bene- 
factors to that of members. 

VOL. VI. — NO. III. R 

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The following names occur in the list of members from 1789 
to 1845 : Le Bailly, Lanthois, Frebout, Le Eicheux, Eade, 
Gopp, Mousset, Bellinger, Haye, Tripcony, Godefroy, Ferry, 
Allen, Martin, Clay, Hautot, Fremaux le Brument, Brown, 
Sully, Mignot, Galopin, Grew and Bacine. 

This society, which is limited to thirty-five members, is 
confined to Protestants, who must be the son, brother, son- 
in-law, or nephew, of a present or deceased member, or a 
native of, or lineal descendant of a native (either male or 
female) of, some place in the kingdom or republic of France. 
Its rules, as revised in 1877, resemble, with some slight 
modifications, those of the other four societies, and comprise 
a sliding-scale of benefits. They are prefaced now, as also 
in a copy of 1832, by a prayer, which takes the place of the 
preambles to the rules of the older societies. And with it 
I will conclude my extracts from the documents which have 
been before me : — 

God, our heavenly Father, who art the God of peace and charity, 
permit us to implore Thy blessing upon this Society now prostrate before 
Thee, and formed under Thine eyes. Entertain union and peace among 
us : penetrate our hearts with all the sentiments of affection and love, 
that we may be but one heart and soul, that our desires and our interest 
be just and common, and that we may help each other. Banish from 
us all disputing and quarrelling, every haughty and domineering spirit, 
that our affections be pure and sincere towards our brethren, and that 
this Society may contribute to the honour of our Holy Religion, to the 
advancement of our salvation and to the establishment of the reign of 
our Lord Jesus Christ. Amen. 

1 would wiUingly end on that note, the intimate piety of 
which recalls that of the older refugees, and reveals to us 
after the lapse of more than a century its continued exis- 
tence among their descendants. But I can hardly conclude 
without a word of thanks for the patience with which you 
have kindly listened to what I am sure must, after all, have 
been very dry details. 1 have varied them as much as was 
possible, but books of rules, even though old and written in 
French, do not furnish material of a very tractable character; 
and, as you have gathered, these, with a few accounts and 
one minute-book of a not very early date, alone seem to have 
withstood the lapse of years. It is perhaps somewhat re- 
markable that so much has survived, m view of the condi- 
tions under which friendly societies are carried on, and the 
general tendency of busy mankind to destroy what is of no 
immediate present use. But there is more than enough to 

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show in what spirit the exiles founded these societies, and 
that some of them should have weathered the storms of 
well-nigh two centuries without suffering shipwreck is a 
testimony to the skill and business capacity of their founders 
and members. For, in this connection, we must bear in 
mind that at the time, so far as we know, no actuarial data 
existed on which tables of contributions and benefits could 
be based, and many of us here can recall the disastrous 
results which, even in the present century, overtook many 
small rural societies in consequence of the promise of pay- 
ments out of all proportion to the sums contributed. These 
small Huguenot Societies, profiting by their experience, 
modified themselves from time to time, gradually accumu- 
lating capital, and, as I said at the outset, have formed the 
model on which the colossal friendly societies of to-day, 
with their invested miUions, have been built up. 

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(^ (Pante^e^ Caeffe^ or t^e Sorfunee of t^e Chateau 
^e Coufra6. 


Who has not, in the days of imaginative childhood, built 
castles in the air from floating cloud masses overhead, and 
surrounded them with lakes and moats of most celestial 

And who, in the dreamy hours of youth or the reveries 
of old age, has not seen many such castles, glowing and 
vivid, in the red heart of a winter's fire? 

But here we have a stranger and far more difficult task. 
For, round a six-pillared well, roofed with scales like a 
dolphin's back, and under a cloudless blue sky, we must 
** build and complete this beautiful house of Coutras" (as 
Brant6me terms it in his Memoirs) ; ** one of the most 
beautiful dwellings, with the finest spiral staircase in France, 
as I have seen and heard tell by the great lords and ladies 
who have seen it, and by great architects, not wishing you 
to be led by my opinion '*.^ 

This well, from which even the water has vanished, is 
hexagonal. Six pillars of the Doric order support a sculp- 

1 " (Odet de Foix) fit bastir et achever ceste belle maison de Coutras ... la 
fit ainsi parachever belle comme elle est, qu'on peut dire le plus beau corps 
de logis et la plus belle vis qui soit en France, ainsi que j'ay veu et ouy dire 
aux grands seigneurs et dames qui Tout veue et aux grands architectes, ne 
voulant point qu'on s'en arreste k mon dire" (Brant6me, vol. ii., p. 135, 
liv. viii.). 

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Well at Coutras. 

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tui^ed architrave, which in its turn bears a cupola roofed 
with fish scales of slate. 

The dome is surmounted by a small replica of the lower 
part, only with four columns instead of six, bearing the scaly 
roof which is crowned with a small dolphin. 

Each of the six compartments of the architrave bears 
alternately a coat of arms and a bas-relief, representing a 
mailed hand clutching a scimitar and cutting several " Gor- 
dian knots ". Above, on a wavy scroll, is inscribed the 
device of Jacques d'Albon, Marechal de Saint Andre, 
'* Nodos virtute resolvo" — Virtue cuts knots, that is to say, 
Yirtue dissolves all diflBculties. 

The ledge of the well is very low, and worn away by the 
friction of three centuries of water drawing. 

Silent, useless, and as if dreaming, it stands in the centre 
of a spacious square, once the quadrangle of the lordly castle. 

Opposite it, a few steps ofif, a door-post, a few large stones 
one upon another, with the spring of an arch, complete the 
dream entrance to this castle of the imagination. 

The arched portal opened on to the courtyard, and an 
arcade of rounded arches rose above it.^ 

The town of Coutras is to the north-east corner of the 
Department of Gironde, in the arrondissevient of Libourne. 

The castle, with its domains, covered much ground. On 
one side it faced the chancel of the Church of St. Jean and 
the old cemetery ; and on the other, the grounds extended 
across the Warren (La Garenne) for the space of a mile. 

Here were the famous gardens, the **Pleasaunce '**- with 
its great ponds and shady groves, where many a love story 
was whispered. The park was of great extent, and the 
cavaliers and ladies spent the day in galloping in gay folly 
after each other, leaving the more sentimental courtiers to 
their amorous wooing in the luxurious rooms of the castle.^ 

The lakes have dried up, and only low-lying fields show 
their beds. 

On the west side of the castle was the town moat. A 
large ivy-covered tower, with its base in a ditch, and traces 

^ Histoire de Libourne (Coutras) by Guinodi^. 

* " Jardin de plaisanoe "— Brant6me. 

'Pierre Lenet speaks of "la belle maison, les beaux jardins de ce lieu," 
and of some of the nobility who '* ne sortoient point de la chambre et s*y 
entretenoient paisiblement/' whilst the others "montoient u cheval et 
galopoient tout le lOur par le pare I'un apr^s 1 'autre " (Metnoires de Lenety 
part i., liv. vi., pp. 411, 412, 421, 422). 

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of walls still exist. The house stood on a slight eminence 
scarcely raised above the surrounding warren. 

Origin of the Castle. 

Odet de Foix, Comte de Foix and de Comminges, Marechal 
de France, married Charlotte d'Albret, third daughter of 
Jean d'Albret, Seigneur d'Orval et de Coutras, and Catherine, 
Comtesse de Foix, Queen of Navarre.^ 

Through his wife, Odet became the seigneur of Coutras. 
The quiet little town on the banks of the river Lisle, with 
its long straggly street, and its green meadows and vineyards 
encirclmg it, was a favourite residence of the great captain 
when tired with the brunt of his long campaigns in Italy. 
The first Italian war between Fran9ois I. and Charles Quint 
was disastrous for France, and Odet, Governor of Milan, 
shared in the disgrace and retired to Coutras in 1521. His 
castle sprang into being during this war, but, perhaps for 
lack of the master's eye, the work continued slowly and was 
unfinished at the time of Odet's death at the siege of Naples 
in 1528, during the second Itahan campaign. 

Brantdme describes Odet de Foix, Seigneur de Lautrec, as 
having "a haughty and forbidding face, . . . intrinsically, 
and also owing to the great wounds and scars on his face 
which he had received at the Battle of Eavenna (most 
honourable marks, nevertheless) whilst defending as much 
as he was able, both with voice and sword, M. de Nemours, 
his cousin, crying out, * Ah, sirs, do not kill him ! it is our 
general, and your queen's brother, who will give you good 
ransom \ But they dispatched him for all that, and gave 
M. de Lautreq so many blows that they left him on the 
field as one dead.''^ 

It is satisfactory to know that the brave champion was 
picked up by the Duke and Duchess of Ferrara, who 
bandaged his wounds so carefully {si curietisement) that " he 
lived to fight — and die — another day **. 

• Grandparents of Henry of Navarre— Henri IV. of France. 

^" Une mine fort arrogante et formidable . . . tant de soy que des grandes 
playes et ballafir^s qu'il avoit au visage rec^ues a la bataille de Bavenne 
(marques d'honneur pourtant fort estimables) avec son cousin M. de 
Nemours, qu'il deffendit le plus qu'il put, tant de son esp6e que de sa voiz et 
parole, en criant toujours, * Ah, Messieurs, ne le tuez pas 1 c*est nostra 
g^n^ral et frere b. vostre reyne, qui vous donnera bonne ran^on *. Mais pour 
cela, ne laiss^rent k le parachever, et k donner tant de coups audit M. de 
Lautreq, qu'ils le laisserent sur le champ comme mort" (Brantdme, voL i., 
p. 229). 

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The historians Davila ^ and De Thou ^ both state that the 
gallant captain bailt the Castle of Coutras, but Brant6me 
has a curious little story which transfonns the gay chateau 
into a 


" There was once upon a time," he says, '* a Bishop of 
Tarbes, for whom M. de Lautrec had obtained the bishopric 
of that ilk ; who governed him, and too much so, for all the 
aflfairs of the general concerning the Duchy of Milan passed 
through his hands, and he did naught there of any good. 
He was by name Manaud, and he, not being able to recover 
his master and benefactor's bones, nor raise to him a 
superb tomb, did, at his own cost and expense, build and 
complete ttis beautiful house of Coutras, which had only 
reached the foundations thereof when its master died ; and, 
continuing the design, he finished it beautiful as it is now, 
so that one can say it is the finest in France." ^ 

It seems scarcely credible that a bishop, however grateful, 
should have finished the house when the widow, Charlotte 
d'Albret, and her daughter Claude were alive. Perhaps he 
favoured her with advice and money. Be this as it may, 
the ** Memorial Chateau " descended to Claude de Foix, her 
father's heir, to retain or dispose of at will. After the death 
of her first husband, Guy XVI., Comte de Laval, she sold 
both Coutras and Fronsac to Jacques d'Albon, Mar^chal de 
Saint- Andr6, Knight of the Order of St. Michael, and of that 
of the Garter. This was about the year 1550. 

Coutras under the Marechal de Saint-Andre. 

The bishop's gratitude and energy sink into oblivion 
before the architectural celebrity of the new owner and the 
brilliancy of his fame. 

Saint-Andr6, favourite of the Dauphin, first gentleman 

^ Davila, Histoire des guerres civiles de France^ traduite par J. B. Audoin, 
t. ii., liv. viii., p. 388. 

* De Thou, Histoire Universelle^ t. x., liv. Ixxxvii., ed. de Londres. 

'Brantome, Memoires, t. ii., liv. viii., p. 135: — 

*'Il y eut un evesque de Tarbes, k qui M. de Lautrec avoit fait avoir 
Tevesche de U, qui le gouvemoit, et trop, ayant tous (sic) les affaires du 
g^n^ral en main de le Duch6 de Milan, et n'y fit rlen qui vaille : il s'appeloit 
Manaud, qui, ne pouvant recouvrer les os de son maitre et son bienfaicteur 
efi ne lui ^riger un tombeau superbe fit, k ses propres oouts et despens, bastir 
efi achever ceste belle maison de Coutras qui n*estoit qu'aux fondemens 
eslevez lorsque son maitre mourut ; en, en continuant le dessain, la fit ainsi 
parachever belle comme elle est, qu'on peut dire le plus beau corps de logis 
. . . qui soit en France," etc., etc. 

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of the chamber — proud, brave, elegant ; one of the most 
magnificent and gorgeous of the brilliant nobles in a sump- 
tuous Court, came in 1550 to his new possessions, bringing 
with him his young wife, Marguerite de Lustrac, aged 
twenty-three, and their little daughter, Catherine d'Albon^ 
only four years old, over whom as yet brooded no shadow of 
the awful death by that same mother's hand.^ They came 
hither from their Ch&teau de Vallery, in Gatinais, near Sens^ 
where they held regal Court. 

In those days. Marguerite de Lustrac, daughter of Antoine 
de Lustrac and Fran^oise de Pompadour, was considered a 
pattern of beauty and sweetness, although jealous whispers 
even then breathed less favourable reports of her character. 

The Sieur de Billon, in his book entitled Le Fart Inex- 
pugnable de VHonneur du Sexe Feminin, calls her the 
" Marguerite de douceur ". 

On the other hand, her detractors said that the splendour 
and extravagance of the Saint- Andres was immense, that 
she reigned hke a queen amongst her ladies-in-waiting,, 
was received as one on her travels, and that she even 
scandalised the lax morals of that indulgent age by her 
pride and ostentation. 

Whilst the castle was in course of construction, Henri II. ^ 
King of France, erected the Viscounty into a County, and 
four years afterwards into a Marquisate, to give pleasure to 
the Marechal, his favourite. 

But the favour of kings is proverbially uncertain. The 
Marechal incurred the monarch's displeasure, and the couple 
retired to Coutras in disgrace. 

A few years later they again sought the friendly protection 
of the chAteau walls, not only from Catherine de Medici^ 
but from the host of creditors who were dunning them. 

According to De Thou/^ Jacques d'Albon, having bought 
the castle, enlarged it and ornamented it with gardens, 
ornamental water and sandpits {sablonnieres). These sand- 
pits were in all probability for rabbit-coursing. He loved 
the house and grounds, and was there in the years 1559 and 
15G0, at the time when (according to their enemies) the 
Huguenots provoked hostilities at Coutras and Liboume. 

^ Catherine d'Albon died suddenly, at the age of nineteen, of a mysterious 
malady in the Convent of Longchamps. As her mother inherited the vast 
estates, public opinion and most historians have asserted that she v^as- 
poisoned by Marguerite de Lustrac. 

*De Thou, Histaire Univer8elU\ t. x., liv. Ixxxvii. 

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Two years later, the Marechal de Saint-Andre was killed 
at the Battle of Dreux, and six years after his widow 
married Geoflfroy de Caumont, on the 16th October, 1568. 

Marguerite de Lustrac had employed her six years of 
widowhood in laying ineffectual siege to the heart of the 
Prince de Cond6, he being only thirty-three (although the 
father of seven children) and she two years his senior. For 
his sake she became a Huguenot, and, freed by death of the 
true heir to all her late husband's property (i.e., Catherine 
d'Albon), she would have laid at Conde's feet all her im- 
mense wealth, including the Marquisate of Fronsac with its 
Chateau at Coutras. 

Conde declined her. heart, but magnanimously accepted 
the lands of Vallery, with its title of County its castle and 
sumptuous furniture. 

Still beautiful, rich and celebrated, Marguerite de Lustrac 
married in Geoffroy de Caumont a man whom Brant6me 
qualifies as the very opposite of her first husband, who was 
handsome and valiant. The ex-Abb6 of Clairac seems to 
have been esteemed by neither friend nor foe. Although of 
the Huguenot party, he made no common cause with them, 
and followed Jeanne d'Albret and her son to the Court of 
Charles IX.^ 

In 1574 Marguerite de Lustrac was again a widow, and 
again through violence. Geoffroy de Caumont was killed 
with poisonous mushrooms, leaving his widow with a little 
son, Jean, Marquis of Fronsac, and on the point of giving 
birth to a child. This child, Anne de Caumont, became on 
the death of her young brother, Marquise de Fronsac, and 
heir to all the estates, by possession ; but by right of will 
they were claimed by her first cousin, Jacques Nompar, 
afterwards the celebrated Due de la Force. 

The widowed Marguerite de Lustrac belonged to the 
Court of Catherine de Medici, who appears to have invaded 
the chateau with all her train of ladies of the blood royal 
and the haute noblesse. 

The queen dowager sweeps through the halls in her large- 
sleeved robe of cloth of silver, lined with lynx fur. Always 
superbly dressed, tall and handsome, and of great majesty,, 
she charms the court vnth her gay and pleasant humour, and 
urges them on to all the pleasures of the chase. 

Under her hood with its border of great pearls, Catherine's 

' Hist, dea Seigneurs de Caumont^ par I'Abb^ Alis, chap. viii. 

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face looks out astute and white and self-contained, while 
her bands, noted for their whiteness and shapeliness, gleam 
out from the folds of her sleeves. 

The Catherine who lords it in the halls of Coutras is not 
to be recognised as the Catherine who but a short time back 
planned and carried out the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. 
Brantome is a true courtier. All that is royal is excellent. 
**Her court," says he, **was an earthly paradise, and the 
school of ail courtesy and virtue" (**un vray paradis du 
monde, et escole de toute honnestete, de vertu," etc.).^ 

More than 300 ladies swelled her train and accompanied 
her everjrwhere, so that the Cb&teau de Coutras must needs 
have had considerable room to accommodate them all. 

Through its vast courtyard and banqueting halls passed — 
to mention only a few names — Elizabeth of France, after- 
wards Queen of Spain ; Madame Claude, afterwards Duchess 
of Lorraine ; Madame Marguerite, afterwards Queen of 
Navarre ; and, perchance, even Mary Stuart, ** reyne 
dauphine," gleamed like a fair vision in the new and lordly 
castle. With this ** bevy of fair women," came ifeleonore de 
Eoye, Princesse de Conde, one of the few holy women in 
that frivolous train; Madame la Marechale de Brissac, of the 
Norman House of Estelan; also Madame d'Andelot (Charlotte 
de Laval), another rare saint, and last, but certainly not 
least in her own estimation. Marguerite de Lustrac, owner 
of the castle. 

A few years later the younger generation of fair daughters 
is springing up, and the Court at Coutras grows more and 
more frivolous, and certainly far from being a school of 

There are the demoiselles de Rohan, Sourdis, Bourdeille, 
Limeuil (worst of women, fairest of the beauties, and 
Marguerite de Lustrac's victorious rival for Conde's heart), 
and with them Davila, the young Cypriot, escaped from the 
sack of Cyprus, and sister to the historian. Then the sisters 
•d'Estr^es, Gabrielle and Diane, the former possibly already 
casting perilous darts from her lovely eyes towards young 
Henry of Navarre; Mademoiselle de Guise "fraischement 
eslevee, tres-belle et honneste princesse," and Mademoiselle 
de Longueville, the elder, " of like virtue ". 

The mothers of all these damsels accompanied the queen, 
but in the alleys and groves, and in the retired nooks of 

^ Brantome, Danies Illustres^ Discours ii. 

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Coutras Park, but little supervision was probably exercised 
or solicited. 

Catherine de Medici treats the castle as her own property. 
Henry of Navarre, after some skirmishes in the vicinity of 
Coutras, accepted one of the ephemeral truces with the 
** League'* in the month of September, 1577. To prove 
their sincerity, the prince, then twenty-five, and married 
since the fatal year of the Massacre, demanded his wife from 
the Court of France by the hand of Monsieur de Duras. 

After much shilly-shallying, the request was complied 
with, and Catherine de Medici left Paris with her daughter 
Marguerite and a gay train of ladies and courtiers for Gas- 
cony, which to them seemed a distant and unfashionable 
province. They started on the 2nd August, 1578, and the 
Court was left lamenting. 

" The Court is widowed of her beauty," they cried — 
" The Court is very dark, its sun is lost ! 
How dark it is at Court, the torches are gone out— 
AU is over ! the Court and France have lost the loveliest blossom from 
their chaplet." ^ 

With them went the Prince de Montpensier, his son 
the Cardinal de Bourbon, Paul de Foix, La Mothe-Fenelon 
and Pibrac, and besides these the Duchesse de Montpensier, 
the Duchesse d*Uz68, Madame de Sauve, also the maids of 
honour, Bazeme, Davila, the C3rpriot (called at times Dayelle), 
D'Aquaviva, Le Rebours and Fran9oise de Montmorency- 
Fosseuse, of ill repute. 

'* The arrival," says the Viscount Charles de la Hitte, ** of 
the two queens and their suite transformed the Court of the 
King of Navarre into a veritable * Court of Love '. Every 
moment was passed in games, festivities, balls, and gallantries 
of all sorts. The Queen-mother arrived with that bevy of 
young women, elegant and coquettish in the extreme, which 
had been nicknamed the * flying squadron ' because she had, 
as it were, enlisted them, and taken them everywhere with 
her to further by their seductions the resources of her 

> La Gour est veuve de sa beauts — 
La Gour est fort obscure, elle a perdu son soleil t 
Qn'il fait noir 4 la Gour, il n'y a plus de flambeau — 

Gela est fait, la Gour et la France ont perdu la plus belle fleur de leur 

— (Brant6me, Dames Jllustres, Discours v.) 
^Lettrea IfUdites de Hewn IV. A M. de PaillUs, 1676-1602, note, p. 21. 
Pnbli^es par le Vioomte Charles de la Hitte, Paris, 18S6. 

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244 HUGUENOT society's pbocbedings. 

Marguerite de Navarre, young, gay and flighty, fasci- 
nated every one save her husband and mother-in-law. It 
is amusing to compare Jeanne d'Albret's criticisms with 
Brant6me*s extravagant praise. 

The former writes to her son before he has seen his bride- 
elect that Marguerite has a beautiful figure, but *' pinched " 
extremely. As to her face, she so covered it up with powder 
and paint that it was quite spoilt. 

The truth was, that Marguerite, of whose marble whiteness 
of skin all the courtiers raved, was afflicted with erysipelas, 
a secret which has been betrayed by letters to " Sybille," 
her most confidential friend, wherein she continually begs 
her to send her the receipt for the ** wash " which did her so 
much good, but to be careful not to send the kind she had 
previously sent, for it had turned green upon her face!^ 

Marguerite had prominent eyes like Catherine de Medici, 
full cheeks, upper lip fine, the lower pendant. She was 
of middle height, with little feet. This is the prosaic 

Listen to the courtier's ! 

'* Her features are beautiful, her eyes so limpid and 
charming that there can be found no fault in them ; and 
this beautiful face crowns a body of the most superb pro- 
portions ever seen, and therewith she has the carriage of 
a goddess, and a grave majesty." In her " robe of cloth of 
silver, with hanging sleeves, and on her head a white veil, 
neither too long nor too short, she was of such beauteous 
majesty and such good grace, that she was rather a celestial 
goddess than a terrestrial queen ". Her hair was black, but 
she preferred wearing elegant and becoming wigs.^ 

The Court of Navabre at Coutras. 

Henry of Navarre however did not see vnth Brantdme's 
eyes, but more vnth his mother's, and the four years, 1578- 
82, which he and Marguerite spent together in Gascony 
were ill spent by both. 

Cathenne de Medici returned to Court, and the King and 
Queen of Navarre were continually at one place or another 
in Gascony and Bfearn. 

Coutras opens to them its spacious halls. In sweeps the 

^ Lettres InMites de Marguerite de Valois. Publiees par M. Philippe 

' Braiit6me, Dairies Illustres, Discours v. 

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king and his train of eighty persons ; and the butchers and 
bakers, the wine merchants, the fruiterers, and all the 
purveyors to his royal majesty are on the alert to make 
"** hay while the sun shines ". The stables have been put in 
fresh order for the horses of the king and his gallant gentle- 
men ; hay and oats ordered for them, straw for the bedding, 
oil for rubbing up the harness, wood for firing. 

The forage purveyor had preceded his majesty and ordered 
in stacks of wood and fagots for the kitchen fire. 

The major-domo carried his ledgers with him and labori- 
ously entered into them every item of the expenses. He 
could have had no time to wander in the shady alleys. 

It was the month of July, 1580, the first of the month 
and a Friday. The band of Huguenot gentlemen certainly 
did not do **maigre," whatever Marguerite as a good 
Catholic may have done. They consumed 62 dozen rolls ; 
48 lb. of veal, 70 lb. mutton, 16 chickens, 1 turkey, 12 lb. 
bacon, etc., etc., besides eels and cod (probably for the queen 
who fasted). 

To illumine the banquet, 6 lb. of candles were ordered; 
and for the cheering of the gay company numberless 
barrels of white wine were broached. The Court drank 
nothing but white wine, chiefly from the vineyards pf 
Juran9on, a suburb of Pau.^ 

The king went hither and thither that summer ; his wife 
possibly may have stayed at Coutras for longer periods, for 
she writes frequently from the chateau. Summer went and 
winter came and Marguerite must have been thankful, in 
spite of her own errors, to be able to hide her growing 
misery and ill-treatment in the beautiful castle. 

She spent the whole month of December there, and in 
January her gay spouse rode in again. 

There was a grand dinner on New Year's Day, a Sunday, 
1581. The baker sent in 50 dozen rolls (or loaves?), 72 lb. 
of beef, 115 lb. of fresh pork, 164 lb. of mutton, 31 capons, 
12 rabbits, etc., etc., and the feasting was continued on the 
following days. On Monday, the 2nd, in addition they had 
a pigeon pasty, 2 pigs, 20 capons, 16 chickens, 4 chine of 
pork, 29 lb. of bacon, and only 19 lb. of mutton. 

They burnt 7 lb. of candles and a great deal of wood in 
the wintry weather, and drank largely of white wine, 

^ Archives des Basses Pyr&n4es, B. 50, ** Depense ordinaire du roi, Juillet 
1590, k Coutras commence le vendredi, premier juil [torn sheet] quatre vingt 
du Roy de Navarre ". 

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On Tuesday, the 3rd January, the baker sent in only 7 
dozen of bread, and there seems to have been a little 
bargaining to cut down the sum he charged, "il s'y faut 
rabbatir quatre ..." but the major-domo wrote a most 
illegible hand and his figures are undecipherable. 

Besides the usual large amounts of beef, mutton and 
bacon, the court consumed a fat capon, a hare, 20 ordinary 
capons, 2 pullets, a chicken, 3 partridges and other game ; 
2 ox-feet, possibly for soup-meat. 

The pastry cook (pastrioiis) was especially paid for a hare 

The expenditure on white wine was considerable, and the 
items were kept in a separate ledger (B. 66). 

On the following Monday, the 9th of January, the ubiqui- 
tous king rode off with his train to Castillon, to return, 
however, later to meet his royal cousin Henri III., who 
came to Coutras to discuss affairs relative to the Protestants. 

On the 25th of April Marguerite vmtes from Coutras to 
her mother " la Eoine, ma dame et mere," by the hand of one 
Eenfe, to assure her of her *' obedience " and to say that her 
brother (the king) would leave Coutras in a couple of days. 

She writes again the next day by one Seguier and expresses 
the desire she has to kiss her mother's hand, and hopes that 
when peace is made her husband will let her do so. 

Henri IH. left Coutras on the 27th April, 1581, and we 
can see the strain of sadness which his absence caused to 
his sister. 

As for the King of Navarre, he enjoyed both his fighting 
and his amusements, and changed from one to the other 
with the same hght-hearted spirit. 

In the month of August of the next year, 1582, the Coun- 
cillor and Treasurer-General of his Majesty's household, 
Maltre Julian Malet presents his Lord the King (Seigneur 
Roy) with a bill for ninety-five crowns, forty-six to fifty 

There are eight entries for the month of August, all the 
items being for the king's *' pocket-money " (menus-plaisirs) 
and for his journey to Pan. The journey to Pau, including 
money in his royal pocket to amuse himself, cost 100 crowns. 

^ Archives f B. 58, Janv., 1581, Depense ordinaire du Boi k Coutras. 

^ B. 2,578, " Etat des Deniere mis en mains du Roy de Navarre ou pay^ 
par son expri^s commandement pour employer k ees menus plaisirs durant le 
mois d'Aout donnas par Maitre Julian Malet, conseiller tresorier gdn^ral de 
la maison de sa Majesty*'. 

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The rest was expended at Coutras in the Base-court, where 
he wiled away his time playing at ** la paume" with the 
gentlemen of his snite.^ 

This game, which he may have introduced into the castle 
grounds, was one which Henri IV. loved and practised in 
his park at Pau. It is a species of tennis played with the 
hand, the ball being propelled from one antagonist to the 
other by means of a leather strap fastened on the palm of 
the hand. The game was played for money and the stakes 
were high. 

The king*s gentleman in waiting whilst at Coutras in 
1580 was Nicolas de Roquefort, Sieur de Bastanes, and the 
queen's, Joachim de Saint Georges, Chevalier de I'ordre du 
Roi, Seigneur de Verac, Baron de Couhe, son of Gabriel de 
St. Georges and of Anne d'Oyron. 

Marguerite vanishes from Coutras, and silence falls upon 
the castle, till the clash of arms awakes it, till the bombs 
fall on its roofs and alleys, till Huguenots and Catholics 
again meet beneath its shelter as victors and vanquished. 

Battle of Coutras. 

Neither the visit of Henri III. to the Castle of Coutras 
nor his interviews with the King of Navarre had any bene- 
ficial result for the Protestant party. 

The League again raised its head, and the King of France 
threw in his fortunes with its partisans. 

One of his favourites, Anne, Due de Joyeuse, Admiral of 
France, advanced with an army, consisting of the flower of 
the Catholic nobility, to bar the passage of the ** BearnaiB ". 

Henry of Navarre and his troops occupied on the night of 
the 19th of October, 1587, the castle and town of Coutras, 
the neighbouring villages and the wide Warren round and 
beyond the castle. 

' ** Estant sa Mat^ k Coutras a est^ mis dans ses mains la somme de cinquante 
ecous 50 1, par les mains du controleur Jugeat (?) pour jouer a la paume 
centre . . . 

" Ibid. . . . dans ses mains par I'argentier la somme de quatre vingt neuf 
ccous pistolets pour jouer k la paume . . . 

** Le dit jour [7 August] a est^^ mis en mains du sieur de Frontenat (?) 
par commandement de sa Mate la somme de cent ecous pist: fait pour 
amplois [employer] k ses menus plaisirs que pour frais A sa depense du voiage 
fait par ledit Seigneur Koy au poste de Coutras k Pau." 

The paper is sealed with the arms of Beam and Navarre ; the sealing-wax 
is applied to the document, and over it a lozenge-shaped piece of paper; the 
seal is stamped on this piece of paper so that the impression is on the paper 
and not on the wax. The paper is then folded down like an envelope. 
VOL. VI. — NO. III. S 

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They had been there, as is proved by the register of the 
** king's military expenses " (B. 2,886), since the 4th October. 

With the king were Saint Gelais, Panjas, Vivans, Mesmes, 
Castelnau, Madailhan, Vignoles, Parabfere, all noted leaders 
of the Huguenot party. 

Their pastor Chandieu ministered to them and stirred up 
their zeal, having promised the King of Navarre that God 
w^ould give them the victory ; he, the king, having done 
public penance for one of his numerous sins and having 
humbly acknowledged his sin before God. 

Having thus his conscience absolved on one score, Henry 
of Navarre looked forward with confidence to the issue of 
the battle. Strange piety ! to be shriven for one sin, and 
to confidently hug another ; to reject Esther Imbert at La 
Rochelle and to fight and win bis battle for fair Corisande 
at Pau. Be it as it may, these men, in whom strong faith 
and lax morality went usually hand in hand, woke on that 
autumn morning in firm confidence in the Lord of Hosts, 
and Henry, ere he left the castle, called his favourite 
minister, his bold and uncourtierlike friend, and chose the 
twelfth verse of the one hundred and eighteenth Psalm for 
their battle song (a version ad libitum of verse 24 flf. of 
Ps. ex viii., Prayer-book version): — 

La voici Theureuse journ^e 
Qui repond k notre desir ; 
Louons Dieu qui nous I'a donn^e, 
Faisons en tout notre plaiBir. 
Grand Dieu, c*est k toi que je crie 
Garde ton oint, et le soutiens ; 
Grand Dieu, c'est toi seul que je prie : 
B^'nis ton peuple et le maintiens. 

— (Huguenot Psalter, Geneva Edition, 1S12.) 

Behold the happy day 

Which answereth to our desire ; 

Tlien praise we God whose gift it is 

And do therein our pleasure. 

Great God, to thee I call, 

Guard Thine Anointed, him sustain ; 

Great God, to Thee alone I pray, 

Thy people bless and them maintain. 

The famous battle was fought, and victory remained v^rith 
the Huguenots. The Due de Joyeuse and his brother Claude 
de Saint-Sauveur were amongst the slain. The former 
might have survived save for the treachery of an opponent, 

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S. Luc, who basely killed him while Joyeuse was tendering 
his sword to a Huguenot officer. 

Great was Henry's grief on hearing of the dastardly deed. 
He ordered a party to search for the bodies of the noble 
brothers ; and, when they were discovered under heaps of 
corpses, they were carried into the chateau, where, in the 
great hall opening on to the quadrangle, the bodies were 
laid on a table and covered with a sheet. 

In the same chamber the king's supper was spread, await- 
ing his return from the field of battle. There, after routing 
the enemy, Henry rendered thanks to God, and saw that the 
dead were buried and the wounded carried carefully to a 
place of safety. Then, passing the prisoners in review, and 
speaking ** most obligingly " to them, he gave orders that 
the enemy's camp should be burnt, and returned to th'^ 

Almost the first thing on which his eye rested were ilie 
silent, rigid figures with the white pall drawn from the hand- 
some young faces, and the hall crowded with careless cr 
sympathetic onlookers, gazing down on them. 

The prince recoiled in horror, and refusing to sup in the 
awful presence of death retreated to the hall above, where 
he ordered his meal to be served. 

[It seems cruel to descend from pathos to bathos, but 
Henry was nigh going to bed supperless, for one of the 
bombs of the Due de Joyeuse's army fell in the castle kitchen 
and nearly blew up the cook. He was granted a compensa- 
tion of twenty crowns for his injuries, ... a year after ! 
(B. 12(5.)] 

During the repast prisoners were brought to the prince 
from all parts, and the soldiers hastened to offer him the 
banners they had taken — twenty-two regimental banners, 
besides others. 

Courtiers, prisoners, men-at-arms thronged round the king, 
who received them all with the gay kindliness and absence 
of pride which endeared him to all. 

Chandieu, who was standing a silent spectator of the 
victory he had foretold, whispered to some of the nobles in 
attendance ; — 

'* Happy and truly favoured by Heaven is the prince who 
can see his enemies humbled beneath his feet by the hand 
of God, his table surrounded by the prisoners he has taken, 
his chamber tapestried with the standards of those whom 
he has conquered, and who, without growing prouder or 

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vainer, knows how to keep in the midst of the greatest 
victories the same firmness which he shows in the most un- 
looked for reverses of fortune ''} 

The eventful day at last drew to a close. The wounded 
fell into a troubled sleep, and in the great hall the silence of 
death seemed to throb and pulsate in the darkness. 

Did Henry dream that night of Corisande wandering under 
the great elms and beeches of the royal park at Pau, with 
the river gleaming upward through the trees ; or did the 
faces of the dead youths beneath sadden the joy of that 
** heureuse journee *' ? 

The Morrow. 

Morning dawned on the castle, with more vigorous life 
for some, and sad duties for others. The Sieur Maron, 
secretary to the duke, aided by the Vicomte de Turenne, 
kinsman to the brothers De Joyeuse, laid the bodies in a 
leaden cofl&n in order to convey them to Paris for honourable 

The secretary received 100 crowns for the conveyance of 
the same from King Henry of Navarre. 

But ere the melancholy cortege wended its way from the 
castle gates Henry was galloping oflf post haste to Pau with 
the elegant Comte de Soissons, his sister Catherine's lover, 
to lay his banners at the feet of the beautiful Corisande, and 
sun himself in her smiles instead of following up his victory. 

Though the two and twenty and more banners gaily waved 
in the breeze as they were borne southwards to the Beamais 
capital in the train of the king, yet the army continued to 
occupy Coutras until the 4th November of the same year 
(B. 2,886), during which time the king paid out in grants of 
money to the wounded, ofl&cers, and to prisoners, in order to 
permit them to return to their homes, the sum of 4,446 
crowns (signed by the king at Nerac, on the 14th Dec, 

Even the poor were remembered by ** le bon roi/' although 
the relief might sometimes be long in coming. Twenty 
crowns were granted to ** Kenee Gautier, a poor woman, 
widow of the late Matthew ChevaUier, who was killed at 
the battle of Coutras " — the poor suppliant was very desti- 
tute. She received rehef on the 13th June, 1588 (B. 2,987). 

^ De Thou, t. X., liv. Ixxxvii., p. 18 ff. 

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a vanished castle. 251 


In consequence of the temporary inertness of Henry of 
Navarre the League again raised its head, and the Guises, 
having partisans at Coutras, and even more enemies, stirred 
up new troubles in that town. A company of Eoman Catho- 
lic cavalry garrisoned the place, and kept both parties for a 
time in check, but at last the minds of all were so exasperated 
that frays broke out between the citizens, in one of which 
an inhabitant named Jean Ferchat was killed by Morin, son 
of Arnaud Morin, on the open square before the castle. 

Another time the Huguenots, in ambush behind the House 
of the Chestnut Trees {Les Chdtaigniers), killed a soldier 
called Bonafix.^ 

The Protestant Heiress of Coutras. 

Thus, while Henry of Navarre was fighting the League at 
every point, the little owner of the Castle of Coutras was 
being tossed from hand to hand without peace or happiness. 

On the death of her elder brother Jean in 1579, at the age 
of nine, x\nne de Caumont had become Marquise de Fronsac 
and possessor of Caumont, Tonneins - Dessus, Fauillet, 
Castelmoron, Goudourville, Castelnau-les-Milandes, Fronsac 
and Coutras ; to all of which towns her first cousin, Jacques- 
Nompar de Caumont had laid claim. 

Only five years old at the time, the child was placed 
under the tutelage of her father GeofFroy's first cousin, i.e., 
Jean des Cars (or d'Escars), Seigneur de La Vauguyon, son 
of Fran9oi8 d'Escars and Isabeau de Bourbon-Carency. 
The Seigneur de La Vauguyon no sooner learnt the death of 
the heir of the Caumonts than he meditated a marriage for 
his son, Claude des Cars, Prince de Carency, with the little 
Protestant heiress, Anne, Lady of Coutras and other places. 

As usual it was a party question. La Vauguyon was for 
the Royal and Catholic side ; Marguerite de Lustrac, Anne's 
mother, for Henry of Navarre, under whose suzerainty 
nominally were her castles and lands. 

In 1580, while the '* B^arnais " was amusing himself at 
Coutras with his regained wife, and with all the pomps and 
vanities of the Court of Catherine de Medici, the child was 
living with her mother at the Castle of Castelnauin Perigord. 

It is the spirit of the Roman CathoHc party to represent 

* Archives de rH6tel de ville de Coutras — registre do I'Etat civil. 

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Marguerite de Lustrac as a mass of vice, heartlessnes?, 
avarice and cruelty, a bad mother and a bad Protestant, 
but even with these qualities one can imagine that the 
poisoning of her husband in 1574 and the death of her first- 
born in 1579 must have saddened and vs^eighed down the 
haughtiest spirit ; and that in 1580 the widow, attacked on 
all sides, and left without a single protector, must have felt 
infinitely forlorn and defenceless. 

Anne's Abduction. 

Full of his prospect of a rich marriage for his son, Anne's 
guardian, with the king's consent, went, accompanied by 
some friends, to Castelnau to propose for the child's hand. 

It was refused. 

Not a whit baffled, he promptly abducted both mother and 
daughter and carried them oflf in honourable durance to his 
castle of La Vauguyon, and there celebrated the betrothal 
of the bride of six to her bridegroom of fourteen. 

La Vauguyon retained the little Lady of Coutras and dis- 
missed her mother, who immediately sought means to 
annual the contract. 

Jean d'Escars, in retaliation, appropriated every one of 
the castles belonging to his ward, including Coutras. 

This only threw Marguerite de Lustrac more hotly into 
the party of Henry of Navarre ; and so successfully did she 
light the flame of war, with Geoffrey de Vivant to aid her, 
that La Vauguyon lost all the towns again, excepting 
Castelnau, Fronsac and Coutras. 

Anne continued to reside at the Castle of La Vauguyon, 
still adhering steadfastly to the religion of her fathers. 

Anne's Second Mabriagb. 

At twelve years old Anne's marriage contract was rendere<l 
still more definite and binding by the marriage vows, but 
the young people concerned pursued their separate waj's. 

A duel, provoked by Charles de Gontaut, proved the truth 
of the proverb — ** There is many a slip 'twixt the cup and 
the lip," for Claude de Carency was killed in March, 1586. 

This proved no hindrance to Jean d'Escars; he trans- 
ferred the little Lady of Coutras to his second son Henri, 
and without any delay the child was contracted for the second 
time, three months after the death of her first husband. 

Marguerite de Lustrac, as Huguenot and mother, was ex- 

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asperated, and defying Church and State, she seiit Vivant 
with the Koman CathoHc Due de Mayenne to demand her 

This they did with 12,000 men at their back, and received 
the young marchioness, whom they carried off to Paris. 
The duke's chivalry towards a forlorn maiden was not dis- 
interested, for the heiress was offered him as a bride for his 
son, the Due d'Aiguillon, then aged eight ! 

Anne's Abjuration. 

This second abduction caused great sensation. The 
Kings of Navarre and France were appealed to ; Mayenne 
proposed arbitration. But might continued right, and Anne 
was placed under the care of the Duchesse de Mayenne 
(Henriette de Savoie), and was a prisoner in everything but 
the name. 

Whilst Anne had been under La Vauguyon's care, her 
religion was never interfered with. 

But once under the charge of the Due de Mayenne, a 
quiet system of coercion began. We might have concluded 
as much, but, in spite of the assertions of some Roman 
Catholic writers, the fact is confirmed by the statements of 
even one of their own party. 

Pere Hilarion de Coste writes : ** The Duke intimated by 
others to his daughter-in-law (as he already called her) that 
he wished her to make profession of the Catholic religion, 
Roman and Apostolic, and that she should attend Mass. 
And in order that she should receive no contrary impres- 
sions, he removed from her her governess and those damsels 
and waiting-maids who were not Catholic. Although the 
Marquise de Fronsac was but a child, she grieved much {eiit 
heaucoup d'ennuy) at being deprived of her * gouvernante ' 
and her other domestics whom they put far from her ; and 
I so it was she went to Mass and to sermons with the 

i Duchesse de Mayenne and her eldest daughter, Catherine de 

Lorraine, afterwards Duchesse de Nevers. Later, she 
acknowledged frankly that in her soul she had changed 
naught of her behef until the time when they wished her to 
communicate, when she asked to be given a Bible." ^ This 
being given her and the passages marked, she studied the 
subject, and this, with exhortations from a priest attached 
to her person, culminated in the " conversion " of the help- 

^ Hilarion de Coste, Eloges des Princt'sHcs^ p. 96. 

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254 HUGUBXOT society's proceedings. 

less, storin-tossed girl. In 1587, the same year as that of 
the battle of Coutras, Anne made her first Easter Com- 

Anne's Third Marriage. 

At the age of eighteen, Anne was widowed for the second 
time, without ever having been a wife. This left the Due 
de Mayenne free to arrange the long-desired marriage of the 
Marchioness with his son of thirteen. 

But at last, after ten years of detention, after disappoint- 
ments and troubles of all kinds, the widowed maid of 
twenty-one reahsed a veritable marriage with Fran9ois 
d'Orleans, Comte de Saint-Pol, on the 2nd February, 1595 ; 
and as his much-neglected wife Anne reappears at her Castle 
of Coutras after long years of an unhappy married Ufe. 

At Henri IV. 's death in 1610, Anne de Caumont was 
thirty-six years of age, having been married fifteen years, 
and blessed with one son, Leonor, a boy of six, on whom 
she expended all the affection which in her troubled and 
bitter life had had no other outlet. Until the age of seven, 
Leonor, the little Due de Pronsac, struggled for hfe, but 
with boyhood came health and beauty. 

At that age his face was like his father's — narrow, vrith a 
forehead promising much intelligence, and with eyes quiet 
and thoughtful, so earnest as almost to presage his early 
death. His mother set such store upon him that she could 
not trust him out of her sight at Court at the age at which 
most boys became pages. 

Portrait of the Little Duke. 

Hilarion de Coste describes the boy as prouder and 
handsomer than any other of his birth or of his time. Skil- 
ful in bodily exercise and in all he undertook, he showed 
himself full of *' bonne gr&ce " either on foot or on horse, 
and owing to his rich and fine figure he seemed older than 
his age. There never was a more excellent combination 
of majesty and sweetness than that which shone from his 
face. Courteous, with noble and generous manners, he was 
enthusiastic for noble things, and excelled in study.^ 

Most of Anne de Caumont's married life was spent at 
Amiens. Later the Comte de Saint-Pol obtained an ap- 
pointment at Orleans, but his style of life and his extrava- 

* Eloges des Princesses et Dames Ulustres^ Hilarion do Goste. Paris, 1647. 

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^ance were fast alienating his wife from him, and it ended 
in a judicial separation. 

The registers at Coutras show that the countess retired 
to her beautiful chateau with her son, now eleven years old, 
and was there with him until 1618, if not later, and again 
alone in 1622. 

Domestic Life at Coutras. 

The mother and son lived very quietly, and evidently 
interested themselves in the famous gardens and in the 

The gay throngs of lords and ladies had fled, leaving only 
their names on the barks of the trees and their ** remem- 
brance " as that " of a guest that tarrieth but a day ".^ The 
castle is purer without them, cleaner and quieter. 

Until the archives of the little town emerge from the 
silence and dust of centuries, we must content ourselves with 
the scant light which the worm-eaten, faded registers shed 
on the daily life of the mother and son. 

Like all great seigneurs, they were active in standing 
sponsors to their subjects. The gardener, Martin Chougnon, 
was the most favoured. 

On the 22nd April, 1617, the countess was godmother to 
the gardener's baby. The register runs as follows : — 

** Le vinojt deuxieme d'Apruil mil six cent dix sept a este 
baptiz6 Francois Chougnon, fils de Martin, Jardinier de 
Monseigneur, et de Marie de la Croix. 

" Parrain, Mon*" [Monsieur] M« [Mattre] Jehan de Massiot, 
notaire du pr* [present] lieu de Coutras. 

**Marraine — tres haute et puissante Princesse Madame 
Anne de Caumont, Comtesse de St. Pol, Duchesse de 

The sponsors sign, and his little lordship also. All the 
Caumonts sign ahke, a high straggly hand, in the style 
prevalent then at Court. 

The gardener did not presume to sign in the presence of 
his masters, but he had an excellent signature of his own 
when he himself was standing sponsor on other occasions. 
At first he signs in a little neat hand, but aspires later to a 
larger flourish. 

The year previous, 20th November, 1616, the duke and 
duchess honoured Notary Drouillan w'ith their presence at 
the parish church. 

^ Wisdom V. 14. 

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** Le mesme Jour a est^ baptise Anne Drouillan, fille de 
M*« Fran9ois Drouillan et Dam"*» Marye Sira. 

** Parin (sic) haulte et puissant Prince Monseigneur Leonor 
d'Orleans, Due de Fronsac. 

** Marrine, haulte et puissante Princesse Madame Anne de 
Caumont, Comtesse de St. Pol, Duchesse de Fronsac et du 
Chateau, bourg, ville et paroisse.'* 

On the 22nd January of the next year, 1617, they again 
stood sponsors. 

** Le xxii® Janvier, 1617, a este baptist en la presante eglise 
de Coutras, Francois du Verger fils de Denis du Verger, et 
de Bertrande Ardouin ; son parin hault et puissant Prince 
Leonor d'Orleans, Due de Fronsac. 

**Marrin (sic), haulte et puissante Princesse Madame 
Anne de Caumont, Comtesse de Fronsac." 

On the 25th May the young prince and his mother were 

again godparents to a child, son of N (name illegible) 

and Jacquette Mussan, who received the name of Leonor,. 
an honour which the other boys did not share. 

But it is noticeable and pathetic that the countess in the 
two cases under notice gives to the godchildren the name of 
her husband, of him who was flaunting at Court, and spend- 
ing on evil pleasures the money she lavishly sent him to pay 
his debts. Afterwards, though separated from him ** de corps 
et de biens," she nobly and unwisely lavished her ** goods " 
upon him, and let her heart cling to the father of her only child. 

By an entry of the year 1618, we learn that a Monsieur 
Fran9ois Dor was acting lawyer (notaire practicien) to the 
young duke. These entries are in the registers of the Boman 
Catholic Church of St. Jean de Coutras, and kept at the 

There was a Protestant temple in the town and a private 
chapel in the castle, which in the times of Geoffrey de Cau- 
mont and Marguerite de Lustrac must have been used for 
Huguenot worship ; in fact, the seigneurs of the reformed 
religion are said to have ** profaned" it. and later the 
Cardinal de Kichelieu (who became Due de Fronsac) to have 
given it back to holy worship. The historian (Guinodie, I 
think) errs a httle as to Kicheheu, for Anne de Caumont 
spent many an hour in prayer in the so-called profaned 
chapel, and, devout Catholic as she was, must have restored 
the chapel to Romish uses. 

The day came only too soon when she had sore need of 
all the strength and comfort of prayer. 

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a vanished (^stlb. 257 

Leonor's Death. 

Leonor d'Orleans broke at last from his mother's tutelage, 
and throwing off her tender fetters, asserted the claims of his 
manhood and his lineage. *'He never ceased,*' says old 
Father Hilarion, "begging his father and mother. to send 
him to the king's army during the siege of Montauban in 
1621. The king spent that winter in Paris, returning to 
the army in the spring of 1622, after which Leonor was per- 
mitted to follow his Majesty to the Isle de Rie, where the 
Seigneur de Soubise was defeated.*' ^ Afterwards the young 
prince went with the army to the siege of Eoyan, and from 
thence to the town of Montpellier, which the Catholic army 
was besieging under the Due de Montmorency. 

The day after the prince's arrival the garrison of the in- 
vaded city furiously attacked and repulsed the royal party. 
On the king perceiving this, he ordered help to be sent them. 
The duke, with ten or twelve noblemen, including Leonor, 
rushed to their succour, and the latter fell in the assault. 

Thus perished, on the 3rd September, 1622, at the early 
age of seventeen, one ** who had already given such proofs 
of his generous nature and excellent qualities that he gave 
promise of soon being capable of commanding an army ".'^ 

With him ended the famous hne of the Orl^ans-Longue- 
viDe, Comtes de Saint-Pol. 

A Mother's Mourning. 

The desolate mother was at her chateau at Coutras when 
the news reached her. According to her custom of many 
years (we learn from a servant who was with her thirty 
years), Anne de Caumont was awoke at seven on that event- 
ful morning. Th^n closing the curtains of her bed, her 
women left her to commune with God, for the space of about 
a quarter of an hour. 

Then having risen, she entered into her oratory and re- 
mained there until ten o'clock, not suffering herself to be 
interrupted save for something of great importance which 
could not be delayed, or to speak to persons of such high 
rank that they could not be dismissed without incivility. 
At ten o'clock she left the oratory and dressed, simply and 
modestly, as was her wont, without much jewellery, her 

' Hilarion de Coste, Eloges des Princesses, p. 106. 

* Godeflfroy, Hist, des Grands Officiers de la Cour, vol. i., i). 220. 

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only indulgence being good scent, of which she was greatly 

It must have been either about this hour, before she went 
to hear Mass, or later in the afternoon, after her simple 
meal, that her Jesuit chaplain (having been informed by a 
messenger from Montpellier of the untoward fate of the 
young prince) went to the countess's chamber to break ihe 

They conversed at first about the meditation which the 
countess had made that morning in her orator5\ " It was 
on this subject," said the Comtesse de Saint-Pol, " that God 
permits very justly and mercifully things to happen to wean 
our souls from the excessive love which binds them to 
creatures, for from this source flows all our care. I feel it 
in myself every day," she continued, "for my son, being the 
only object of my thoughts upon earth, from him proceed all 
my griefs; if he is in health, I apprehend that he may fall 
sick ; if he is ill, the fact of his being so gives me deadly 
anguish ; and from this son, whom indeed I love but too 
well, comes all my affliction." 

She talked at length upon this subject so near to hei 
heart, until little by httle the reverend Father led the con- 
versation round, and broke to her the death of her son. 

" On hearing the news, she remained as one in a trance, 
and her women laid her on her bed, where she remained for 
some time, her eyes raised to heaven, and her hands clasped. 

**The first words she spoke were these from the 115th 
Psalm (in the English version 116th), verses 14 and 15 : — 

" * Dirupisti, Domine, vincula mea, 
Tibi sacriticabo hostiatn laudis.' 

[Thou hast broken my bonds in sunder, 
I will offer to Thee the sacrifice of thanksgiving.] 

*' Having thus said, she remained a long while again with- 
out speaking or weeping, after which she asked if none of 
the servants of her son had arrived. 

*' Being answered in the affirmative, she bid them call the 
messenger at once, and he being in her presence, the first 
thing she inquired of him, after having cried * Ha ! je n'ai 
plus de fils,' was if he had confessed before his death, and 
then as to the wounds he had received." '^ 

^ Hilarion de Goste. 

^Hilarion de Coste, p. 115 note: '* Un p6re de la Compagnie de J^us (le 
Rev. P^re Pierre Le Moine, liv. vii., Peintures morales) loue cette pieuse 
Heroine pour sa moderation en ce triste accident". Possibly Pierre le 
Moine may have been the chaplain. 

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First for his soul and then for his body, like every true 
mother ! Sadly must her dim eyes, from which the shock 
kept the tears from falling, have wandered from her window 
across the great square to the melancholy churchyard 'neath 
the church eaves, where the autumnal tints were just be- 
ginning to show amongst the still summer-hued leaves. 

Each human heart can picture how the lonely wife, the 
bereaved and childless mother, passed that blank night of 
misery, and what prayers went up from the deserted chateau 
to the Throne of Grace. The only chain which bound her 
to earth was snapped, and she had the faith and courage to 
offer praise. 

On the morrow she received one letter and wrote another. 
The royal post brought her an autograph letter from the 
king, who sought to console her by the thought that in 
*' God's will is our tranquiUity," and that the boy had left an 
honourable name to posterity. 

She occupied the day by writing to her husband to tell 
him of their irreparable loss, and to exhort him to make 
good use of this sore trial — a counsel it is needless to say he 
did not follow, although he truly sorrowed for his only son. 

Thus the short-lived episode of three generations (1550- 
1622) begun in the overweening extravagance of a frivolous 
marriage ends in a mother weeping over the last of the race. 


The events of the castle remind one of those quaint good- 
and-bad-weather barometers of former days, where a little 
man pops out of one door to herald fair weather, and retreats 
when his little wife puts her head out of the other to an- 
nounce a storm. 

Joy and sorrow alternate at the castle. When its real 
proprietor is absent the king and the Court seem to take 

The Kings of France and Navarre appear to have found 
Coutras a most convenient half-way house for business and 

Before the Saint-Pol tragedy occurred, Louis XIII. had 
passed through it on the 8th July, 1621, and given audience 
to the deputies from the town of Saint-Emilion. 

The king was travelhng through Guienne after leaving 
Saint Jean d'AngMy, and was on his way to Bergerac, spend- 
ing the night of the 7th at Coutras. 

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On his arrival he was visited by Maleret de Feuillas, deputy 
from Boisse-Pardaillan, who complained of the protection 
which the Due de Bohan extended to the Marechal Jacques 
Nompar de Caumont, Due de La Force, and assured the 
king of his (Boisse-Fardaillan's) fealty and of that of the 
towns of Sainte-Foy, Castillon, La Mothe Montravel, Gensac 
and other places. 

The king had little repose allowed him, for early next 
morning, at nine o'clock, the deputies arrived from Saint- 
Emilion, nominated by Mathurin Chevalier, the mayor, and 
by the whole civil assembly. 

**The Seigneur de la Curie brought them in, conducted 
them to the chamber where his Majesty sat, and presented 
them to him. 

** And they being there, his Worship the Mayor, together 
with the worshipful councillors and other worshipful gentle- 
men, went down on their knees before his said Majesty, to 
whom the said Master Chevaher, the Mayor, presented the 
keys of the town, bound with a cord of green and red silk, 
and prayed his Majesty to take and receive them after 
assurmg him of the obedience and fidehty which they had 
always shown in his service, and which they desired to main- 
tain and continue, offering him to this effect, on behalf of all 
the inhabitants in general and particular, their life and their 
property, protesting that they would never be aught but his 
most faithful subjects. 

** Upon which his Majesty, after having given audience to 
the said worshipful Mayor, would neither take nor receive 
the keys, bidding him keep them, esteeming them well 
guarded in his.hands, and to continue always his good sub- 
jects and he would be to them a good king. The which 
having done and having been dismissed, the said maj^or, 
councillors, and other assistants who had acccompanied 
them returned the same day to Saint-Emilion.'* ^ 


Here follows, for want of access to the archives at Coutras, 
which have not yet been classified, a gap in the history of 
the castle. 

Anne de Caumont, bereft of her son and heir, sold Fronsac 

^ Histoire de Libourne, by Guinodi^, vol. ii., p. 320, quoting from the 
archives of Saint-Emilion, Registers 1574-1621, folio 871 verso to 375. 

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on the 25th May, 1628, to the ** noble homme Claude Chariot, 
conseiller secretaire du roi ". 

Later Bichelieu was created Due de Fronsac, and possessed 
the estates. Coutras probably shared the fortunes of the 
dukedom, as the duke-cardinal is mentioned as interesting 
himself in the restoration of the castle chapel. 


It would take too long to detail the wars of the Fronde 
the *'01d Fronde*' from 1648 to 1649, and the** Young 
Fronde " from 1649 to 1653. 

Its original cause was the bad administration of Mazarin. 
The Prince de Conde at first sided with the Court, but 
hatred for the Minister induced him later to head the rebels. 
He, with his brother and the Due de Longueville, were 
thrown into the Bastille in January, 1650. 

Claire -Cl^mence de Maille - Breze, Princesse de Conde, 
was at Chantilly at the time with her little son the Due 
d*Enghien, aged seven. 

With the help of Pierre Lenet, the historian, Seigneur de 
Meix, de Charette et de Villotte, the princess escaped in dis- 
guise from Chantilly, together with her mother-in-law, her 
child, the Dukes of Bouillon and de La Rochefoucauld, 
the Counts of Coligny and De Guitaut, Sessac, Comte de 
Clermont ; Duras, Comte de Lorges ; Foix, Comte de Meille ; 
the Marquis de Gourville, and numerous noblemen from the 
province of Limoges. 

Young as the princess was, she had a plucky heart, and, 
wasting no time m vain regrets, soon stirred up the south of 
France to revenge and free the prince, her husband. 

Bordeaux openly declared for her, and Coutras became the 
point of centre for rallying the troops. 

In spite of the gravity of the situation, a great deal of 
amusement diversified this war, and the noblemen in her 
train spent more time in love passages than in passages of 

On the 29th day of the ** merry month of May*' of the 
year 1650, the Princesse de Conde, her suite, and her array 
marched from Bordeaux to Saint- Antoine, where they dined. 

By the evening they reached Coutras, encamped there, 
and rested the night, being joined by the Chevalier de 
Thodias with 200 horse and 500 foot. The chevalier had 
previously received a command through Langlade to order 

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commissariat bread to be prepared at Coutras for their 

Pierre Leuet, who accompanies his mistress, recalls to his 
mind when he reaches the place the famous battle of Coutras, 
Henri IV. and Joyeuse, and revels in ** the beauty of its 
situation between the rivers of the Lisle and Dronne, and 
the beauty of the House and its great gardens surrounding 

**For this reason," Lenet adds, "it was considered wise 
to make some sojourn there." 

A Day in the Pleasaunce. 

Pierre Lenet, Seigneur de Meix, was over head and ears 
in love with an English girl. Mistress Gerbier. This lively 
young damsel had been chiefly instrumental in the escape 
of the Princesse de Conde, personating that lady and feigning 
to be laid up in bed — as the princess had been — with a severe 
feverish cold. She rejoined them at Liboume, and accom- 
panied them to Coutras. 

The ladies of the princely Court delighted in the prospect 
of flirtations in the gardens. 

Lenet's lady-love occupies all his thoughts, almost to the 
exclusion of the other beauties. A brunette, eighteen years 
of age, with sparkling eyes, a beautiful mouth, and a 
charming, easy figure, she captivates his eye, and her in- 
telligence and winning ways, her shrewd and ready wit, please 
his mind.'^ 

They fell in love over Italian lessons which Lenet gave 
her. So that conjugating the verb **to love" under the 
form of tuition, and its inevitable results, have been the 
same in every generation. 

Next to the English maid-of-honour, his greatest admira- 
tion is the youthful Marquise de Gourville, daughter of the 
Comte de Tourville, one of the bravest soldiers and most 
cunning courtiers of his time. Her husband was secretary to 
the Due de La Rochefoucauld. Eighteen years of age also, of 
great beauty, with eloquent eyes and mouth, full of charms 

^ " La beauts de la situation entre les rivieres de Lisle et de la Dronce, 
et par la beauti> de la maison et des grands jardins qui Taccompagnent '* 
{M^rnoires de Pierre Lenet), 

' " Mademoiselle Gerbier, jeune fiUe Anglaise, fille d'honneur k la Princesse 
de Cond4 la jeune ; pleine d'esprit et de gentilesse ; brune, d'une taille agre- 
able et ais^e, les yeux vifs, la bouche belle, Tesprit accort et adroit *' (Lenet, 
M^moircs, liv. ii., p. 194). 

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and delights,^ she was an arrant flirt. Sessac, Duras, Foix 
and Guitaut, all four of the same age, all four young, and 
friends, each was at her feet, and so adroitly managed that 
each gallant thought himself the one she truly favoured. 
The Comte de Guitaut imagined himself especially the 
chosen lover and would not share the good graces of his 
lady with any other ; in fact, was rather too masterful for a 
cavalier whose heart is pierced with the dart of love. 

On her part, the Marquise found Guitaut amiable and 

No sooner had all the ladies set foot in the castle than 
they dispersed into the lovely gardens, wandering in the 
groves and along the banks of the great canal shaded by 
tall and stately laurels, which excited the admiration of 
Pierre Lenet, who had never seen such an avenue of laurels 
in his life.^ 

Whilst he gazed at the trees and the water, and the great 
gardens, from which the mournful shades of Anne de Cau- 
mont and L^onor had fled, and where the clever gardener^ 
Martin Chougnon had worked, his eyes wandered with play- 
ful amusement to Mistress Gerbier and her lover, the Due 
de Bouillon, and to the marchioness with her four cavaliers, 
all busy scrawling their initials on the barks of the laurel 

Wandering about in the garden also must have been the 
gentle little Due d'Enghien, with his child-like grace and 
old-fashioned ways, and ready speech, in baby language, to 
thank those veterans who are endeavouring to release his 

The child wears mourning for his grandfather, the Mar^chal 
de Brez6, lately dead — a suit of white tabby silk (** tabis *' 

a silk moire of fine texture) ornamented with silver and 
black braid, with a hat trimmed with black and white 

But alas for ** love's young dream " ! 

Into the midst of the flirtations descended a bombshell in 
the shape of a war messenger. All the plans were altered, 

* ** Marquise de Gourville pleine d'appas et de charmes, belle, spirituelle 
et jeane, d'une grande beaute, dix-huit ans. Elle trouvait Guitaut aimable et 
galant. Elle avait les bouche et yeux eloquents " (Lenet, M&tnoires, liv. ii.). 

'"Et deji^ les Dames, et quelques-uns de ceux que j'ai nommes sur leur 
sujet commenQoient k faire des chiifres sur les ecorces des lauriers les plus 
haats et les plus beaux que j'aie vu de ma vie, et qui forment une belle all^e 
Bur le bord a*un tr^s grand canal " (Lenet, ibid.), 


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and on the morrow, the 30th May, the Princesse de Conde 
and the gay throng swept back to Bordeaux, followed by the 
army, passing through Qnessac and Lormont. 

The queen, Anne of Austria, had arrived in Gascony, and 
her advent changed the aspect of affairs. Negotiations were 
entered upon, and on the 1st October of that year the City 
of Bordeaux capitulated, the I^ronde party sued for peace, 
the Princesse de Conde made preparations for her departure, 
and on the 8rd October, 1650, she embarked with all the 
amorous lords and ladies on board a galley which conveyed 
them to Bourg, where the queen was staying. 

Here, holding her little son by the hand, the princess 
asked pardon for her rebellion and liberty for her husband, 
which was granted. 

The next day they left Bourg, slept the night at Fronsac, 
passing on the following day to Libourne, which is, either bj' 
land or water, only half an hour distant. 

Flirtations Resumed. 

Without staying at Libourne, the gay cortege proceeded to 
Coutras, towards whose alleys flew the thoughts of the 
cavaliers and their ladies. 

*' The beautiful house, the lovely gardens of this spot, and 
the weather, which was magnificent," says Pierre Lenet, 
*' stirred up the love of the Due de Bouillon for Mademoiselle 
Gerbier, and that of the Comte de Guitaut for the Marquise 
de Gourville, their love-making having been interrupted by 
the bustle of departure from Bordeaux and by the journey 
to Bourg." 

The English girl stayed indoors with the duke and 
chatted quietly, whilst the fascinating marquise tore in 
mad folly on horseback round the park, pursuing and pur- 
sued by the Comte de Guitaut. Many a shady spot witnessed 
the soft nothings which Guitaut whispered in the ear of the 
marquise. Possibly, as the marquis was of the princess's 
party, they found the distant alleys of the park more favour- 
able for interviews than remaining indoors. Under the ever- 
greens, where their initials shone white in the bark, Guitaut 
confided to his lady many a matter which, on their return 
to the house, the marquise retailed to the Seigneur de Meix. 

Mademoiselle Gerbier also, after having listened with 
wily interest and tender glances from the depths of her 
brown eyes — unreadable, as are all brown eyes — promptly 

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imparted all and every word of Turenne's confidences to her 
faithful and watchful lover. 

Far from being jealous or anxious about this passion, 
Lenet rejoiced, for it gave him a handle by which to govern 
the duke. ** It is very extraordinary," he said to himself, 
*'that a man of so much inteUigence and ability as is the 
duke should confide everything to a young girl of eighteen. 
The respect I feel for him shall keep me from betraying him, 
however, in my memoirs. For I pity the weakness of man, 
and mine more than any one's, when a violent passion takes 
hold of their heart ! " 

The next day and the following passed in walks and fes- 
tivities, while the young princess, more sober than her 
maids, transacted business as befitted Conde's brave wife 
and the little duke's mother. 


" Rien qu'un jour, un seul jour, 
Est-ce assez pour tant d'aiuour? " 

sighs the ballad ^ and the Marquise de Gourville no doubt 
also, for on the morning of the 6th the Due de La Rochefou- 
cauld took leave of the princess, and returned to his ancestral 
home at Verteuil. We may conclude his secretary and the 
secretary's charming young wife accompanied him. The 
Comte de Guitaut would have to find his pleasure elsewhere. 

The 7th and 8th of October passed in walks and festivities, 
and on the 9th another parting took place, which, as the 
*' perfidious" daughter of Albion had a permanent lover, 
could not have grieved her much. The Due de Bouillon 
bid farewell to the princess and the English girl on the 9th 
to return to Turenne. He wept ** tears of tenderness " when 
saying good-bye to the noble mother and son, and assured 
her, with great protestations, that he would faithfully execute 
all he had promised for the future. 

The princess was deeply touched at parting with a man 
whose ability, firmness, and constancy had so ably sup- 
ported her party. 

The duke rode off with a crowd of nobles, and Pierre Lenet 
escorted him two leagues on his journey homeward. At a 
little village the friends alighted and entered into a cottage, 
where the duke indited a little epistle to his lady-love, which 

* Martlie^ Op^ra par Flotow. 

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he entrusted to Pierre Lenet to deliver to her on his return 
to the Castle. 

*'I gave it to her without fail,'* her other lover drily re- 
marks, " but I refused to read it when she handed it to me ! " 

As we gaze into the smouldering embers where the dream 
castle has been glowing and playing out its drama before 
our eyes, suddenly the flames leap up, crackling, hissing. 
The grand facade, with its beautiful arched portal, is out- 
lined in fire. The galleries totter and fall, the beams of 
the ceiled chambers sink in on the gorgeous furniture, 
the tapestries smoulder and drop to rags. All round the 
quadrangle the fire of great destruction rages, until naught 
but shapeless ruins remain, and in the midst a fanciful six- 
columned well. 

Appendix to accompany Plan drawn up by E. Hardy. 



" La petite plaine, de 600 k 700 pas de largeur, qui s'^tendait entre la 
Dronne et le bourg, etant dc'fendue, du cote de I'ennemi, par les marais 
du Pallard, le Roi appuya son front de hataille aux premieres maisons de 
Coutras et au taillis d'un an qui les bordait a Touest *' (Aubignd). 

II designa pour y placer Tartillerie le sonmiet d'une croupe arrondie, 
nomm6e la motte de Loupsily qui commandait la route de la Roche Chalais 
et les bois que cette route traversait. Loupsil devint la clef de la 
premiere position defensive, le point d'appui central, d'oill la ligne se cour- 
bait en demi-liuie pour se relier A Tenclos de la Garenne, ferme de haies 
vives ; cet enclos etait le point d*appui de droite. A 500 metres en arri^re 
du premier front, le chateau, constniit par Lautrec, le pare, les jardins et 
les viviers formaient une deuxieme ligne inexpugnable. 

Vers six heures du matin. La TremoiUe, commandant des avant- 
postes, les replia successivement et vint annoncer au Roi que Fannie 
CathoUque approchait des bois de la Gelleterie et qu'il allait y avoir 
bataille. Henri forma aussitdt toute sa cavalerie en 5 escGulrons, qu'il 
doploya entre la Garenne et la route de la Rochechalais, dans Tordre 

A gauche, les 200 cuirasses du comte de Soissons, sur 3 rangs (S} ; 
au sommet de Loupsil, la Comette blanche^ sur 6 rangs, de 50 chevaux de 

^Extract from Batailles Fran^aises—Ckierres de Religion^ 1562 d 1620, p. 
104, by General Hardy de P^rini, printed by the kind permission of the 

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front (H) ; I'escadron de Cond(S (C), de meme force, dtait & quinze pas 
en arriere de la tronpe royale. 

Les 220 cavaliers gascons et auvergnats du vicomte de Turenne (T), 
sur 3 rangs, faisaient le ventre du croissant, Les 120 arquebusiers & cheval 
de VignoUes (V), devant servir (Venfants perduSf gamissaient rintervalle 
de soixante pas qui scparait Tescadron de Turenne des 200 chevau- 
legers de la Trdmoille et de Vivans (L). 

Chaque escadron avait, pour ganiir ses itriers^ un peloton de 25 arque- 
busiers fk pied (a) choisis dans la garde des chefs. . . . 

En attendant I'entrc^e en ligne des 3 regiments de Tarri^re-garde, les 
2,50() arquebusiers dont le Roi disposait ifurent places aux ailes de la 
ca Valerie; 500 sous Castelnau et Montgomery (Ca), sur la lisi^re du 
taillis et dans les premieres maisons de Coutras; 2,000 sous Salignac 
(Sa) et Parabere (P), le long des haies vives de la Garenne. Le bagage 
resta parqu^ dans Coutras. 

Quand ses troupes furent rangees, le roi de Navarre donna, du tertre 
de Loupsil, le signal de la priere et 4,000 voix entonnferent ensemble un 
cantique de Clement Marot. 

Jo.veuse d^bouchait au meme moment, des bois de la Gelleterie, k la 
tete de son brillant ^tat-major. . . . 

II laissa son marechal de camp grouper toute Finfanterie aux ailes de 
cette haie, en deux bataillons : A droite, 2,000 arquebusiers (M) sous M. 
de Cluseaux ; d gauche, 1,000 corselets et 1,800 arquebusiers des regi- 
ments de Picardie et de Tiercelin (N). On n'avait ameno de la Roche- 
chalais que 2 canons ; on les mit a Taile gauche. 

De ce cote, Lavardin disposa Tavant-garde, composee de ses 400 lances 
triees (La), des 6 cornettes de cavalerie Wg^re de Montigny (Y), et des 
Albanais (A, A') de Mercure, afin de menacer le ventre dii crousant^ point 
faible de la position enemie. 

Pendant que Tarmee de Jojeuse prenait cette formation, les 3 regi- 
ments retardataires (O) ctaient venus renforcer Tinfanterie protestante ; 
Charbonni^res a Taile gauche (T), Neufv-y et Bories dans la Garenne. 

L*artillerie avait gravi le tertre de Loupsil : le Roi Tavait plac^e (K, 
G) aux deux flancs de la Comette hlanche, II ^tait neuf heures. Rosny 
et Clermont- Gallerande pointerent les deux canons (R) et Boys-du-Lys 
la coulevrine (G). 

[The Huguenots opened lire, the Catholics replied. Lavardin led the 
attack, charging with his troop across the Warren as far as the town of 

Joyeuse, with 1200 lancers, galloped towards the mound of Loupsil, 
where, after a ^igorous tussle, the Protestants remained the victors.] 

"Joyeuse avait traverse le bois de la Gelleterie, lorsqu'il fut renvers^ 
de son cheval (J') et tue de 3 coups de pistolet, bien qu'il edt oflfert 
100,000 ^cus pour sa ran^on." 

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(^n C^apitxe be rgietoire bee (ggfieee bu (gefuge be 
feangue Srancaiee en ^ngfeterre apres fa (get)oca:: 
fion be rcKbi-f be (ttanfcB. 

fees ©eujT patentee. 

Par M. le Baron Fernand be Schickler, 


premiere PARTIE. 
Pendant l'UxNion. 

L'iMPRESSiON et la publication, par les soins eclaires de 
MM. W. Minet . et W. Chapman Waller, des Begistres de 
I'Eglise de la Patente en Spitalfields, bien digne de figurer 
dans la serie qui fait tant d'honneur a la Huguenot Society 
de Londres, ni*a rappele des notes que j'ai recueillies il y a 
une quinzaine d*annees sur cette communaute et sur celle du 
meme nom a Soho. II m*a semble qu'elles completeraient les 
renseignements donnes dans Tlntroduction sur les deplace- 
inents successifs, fusions, separations di verses et destinees 
finales de ces Eglises, en fournissant quelques dates et de- 
tails precis que j'ai gltoes dans des documents originaux 
autres que ceux consultes par nos coUfegues. Je veux parler 
des Actcs de quelques-unes des Eglises du Refuge a Londres. 
J 'en avais deja consigne les r^sultats sommaires dans une 
liste des principales eglises et chapelles franc^aises de Londres 
(Notice sur ces Eglises lue a la stance de la Society du 11 
Nov., 1865, Proceedings, I., 95). Mais ce rapide aper9U a 
besoin d'etre repris avec plus d'ampleur, modifie sur quelques 
points, et appuy^ de preuves. C'est ce que je vais essayer 
de faire pour les Patentes, en m'excusant k Tavance si toutes 
les lacunes ne sont pas encore combines ni tous les problemes 

La monographic des deux Patentes nous remet forcement 
en contact avec presque toutes les Eglises, quelques-unes il 
est vrai trfes ephemferes, du Refuge de langue fran9aise i 
Londres. On me permettra done de la faire preceder d'un 

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court rappel de faits anterieurs a la Revocation de I'Edit de 

Au moment ou TAngleterre accueillait, dans un esprit de 
chretienne et protestante solidarite, les victimes de I'intolerance 
de Louis XIV, deux de ces Ef!;lises, fondees depuis long- 
temps, etaient en pleine vitalite : rKglise Wallonne Fran(,aise 
de Threadneedle Street, instituee aux debuts de la liefonnation, 
en looO, par Edouard VI pour les refu^ies du seizieme siecle 
et demeuree, avec son annexe de I'Hopital, strictement calvi- 
niste dans sa forme et sa discipline, et I'P^glise dite de la Savoiey 
issue sous Charles I d'un culte chez le due de Soubise, 
transferee de Durham House a Somerset House Chapel et 
officiellement reconstituee par Charles II en 1661, sous sa 
denomination de la Savoie (avec une annexe a Spring Gar- 
dens), mais a la condition expresse d'adopter le rit anglican. 
Ces deux Eglises, Tune non-conformiste, I'autre confonniste, 
existaient seules a Londres, avec leurs deux annexes, lors de 
Tavenement de Jacques II. L'innnigration en masse des 
Refugies apres I'odit de Revocation les rendit bientot absolu- 
ment insuliisantes, mais il fallut compter d'abord avec le 
mauvais vouloir d'un souverain (jui, passe lui-meme au 
Catholicisme romain, etait loin de ressentir pour les epaves de 
la *'grande tribulation" les monies sympathies que ses 

Ce fut a grand'peine que, le 16 juin 16S6, le celebre pasteur 
de Charenton, Pierre Allix, obtint I'autorisation d'etabhr un 
culte a Jewin Street (devenu plus tard St. Martin Orgars), 
avec la condition de se conformer au rit anglican. En 1687 
s'ouvrit Teglise de St. Jean Swanfields, celle-la calviniste. 
En 1688 les fideles et les pasteurs expatries se multipherent 
au point de provoquer I'ouverture presque simultanee de 
plusieurs lieux de culte, deux conformistes dans I'ancienne 
chapelle des Grecs et k Hungerford Market, une non-con- 
formiste a Glass House Street (devenue plus tard Leicester- 
fields), aUiee aussitot avec St. Jean. 

C'est le 18 aoftt de cette memorable annee 1688 (jue 
Jacques II, par un revirement inespere, ordonnait de pre- 
parer la Lettre Patente scellee et datee le 5 septembre 
snivant, d'ou provient le nom des deux eglises dont nous 
avons presentement a nous occuper. 

Nous ne reproduirons pas ici cette Patente royale im- 
primee in extenso en tete de la publication recente de MM. 
Minet et Waller et qui s'appuie sur TinsufSsance des lieux 
de culte attribues a Londres ou dans les environs a ceux 

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'*of the French Nation professing the Protestant Religion ". 
Bornons-nous a rappeler qu'elle concerne express^ment les 
pasteurs desirant exercer "their Ministry according to the 
manner as they did in France, conformable to the Con- 
fessions of Faith of their Churches and Liturgy and Dis- 
cipline used amongst them *\ A dix d entre eux, nommes 
individuellement dans TActe, et a leurs successeurs a per- 
petuite, etait accorde ** to be one body political and corporate 
of themselves, in deed and in name, by the name of the 
French Ministers of the French Congregation of Protestant 
Strangers in or about our City of London and Suburbs of 
the Same, of the foundation of King James the Second " — 
avec pouvoir '' to have, purchase and possesse, for them and 
their successors for ever, or for any terme of yeares, life 
or lives, any land or ground vrhereon to build one or more 
Church or Churches, place or places of Worship ". 

On ne saurait trop insister sur le caractfere exceptionnelle- 
ment large de cet Acte qui, apres avoir donn^ aux ministres 
le droit, en cas de deces ou de d^placement de quelques- 
uns d'entre eux, d'en choisir eux-m^mes les rempla^ants, 
ordonne k tous les magistrats civils et a tous les dignitaires 
ecclesiastiques de laisser **the aforesaid Ministers and their 
successors quietly and peacebly exercise their ministry 
among their own people according to their own Customes, 
Ceremonies and Discipline notwithstanding they are not 
conformable to the Customes, Ceremonies, Kules and Dis- 
cipline of the Church of England or any Act, Statute, 
Proclamation, Injunction, Eestriction, Canon, Ordinance, 
Constitution, Usage or other matter, cause or thing what- 
soever, in the countrary in any w-ise notwithstanding". 

II est permis de se demander si cette tolerance L laquelle 
Jacques II n'avait pas habitue les Refugies, et dont les 
stipulations si expresses depassent m^me de beaucoup celles 
d'Edouard VI ou d'Elisabeth, n'a pas ete un effet des 
menacantes conjonctures int^rieures du royaume, et de la 
crainte eprouvee par le monarque de voir Tinfluence gran- 
dissante de ces Refugies s'exercer en faveur de ses adversaires. 
C*est le 25 novembre, I'avant-veille du dernier retour de 
Jacques II a Londres, que les dix ministres entrferent 
officiellement en fonctions. La Patente royale leur cr^ait 
une situation vraiment priyilegiee : 6tant illimit^e elle les 
mettait a m^me d'etendre au besoin le bienfait k d'autres 
congregations non encore officiellement reconnues et a leurs 
ministres. Et tout d'abord il en resultait la constitution k 

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peu pres simultanee non d'une seule, inais de deux eglises 
dites des Patentes, desservies toutes deux par le m^me groupe 
de dix pasteurs, premiers ben6ficiaires du brevet, mais 
poss6dant chacune son Consistoire particulier. U a sembl^ 
vraisemblable d'apres les dates des premiers Actes eccl^si- 
astiques,^ bien qu'on n'ait pu Taffirmer de fa9on positive, que 
des deux Congregations celle en Spitalfields fut fondee avant 
I'autre ; le titre de Nouvelle Patente par laquelle on la d^signe 
parfois ne s*appliquerait alors qu'au fait de sa creation de 
par une patente royale nouvelle venant s'ajouter a celles 
d'Edouard VI pour Threadneedle Street et de Charles II 
pour la Savoie — tandis que si, au contraire, la Patente en 
Soho a precede Tautre, le mot de Nouvelle indiquerait que 
celle en Spitalfields est une nouvelle Patente a c6t6 de celle- 
ci. Cette derniere interpretation devrait cependant ^tre 
adoptee et la priority reconnue a la Patente de Soho si, 
comme Tecrit Kennett, I'obtention des lettres royales est dfte 
au pasteur Benjamin de Daillon qui les aurait soUicitees 
** pour Terection dans les champs de Soho d'une eglise fran- 
^aise nonconformiste et ind^pendante, d*ou elle est appel^e 
jusqu'i ce jour la Patente ".- Toujours est-il que les forma- 
tions des deux communautes se sont suivies de pres. 

L'une et Tautre ne possedaient a ces debuts que des locaux 
provisoires. Le troupeau de la Nouvelle Patente s'^tait 
etabli en location i. Glovers' Hall (cite dans les Actes du 
*25 aoiit et 13 oct., 1689) dans Glovers' Hall Court, c6t6 sud 
de Beech Lane, Cripplegate Ward : il y resta jusqu*en 1707, 
ou il prit possession d'une chapelle dans Paternoster Bow, 
d'oii le nom qui lui fut quelquefois attribue d'eghse de Pater- 
noster Bow ; il y resta jusqu'en 1716. 

L'autre Patente s'etait ouverte d'abord dans la chapelle 
de Berwick Street : cinq ans plus tard un don de 300 livres 
sterling remis par Lady HolHs, ** mais qu'on croit provenir 
de la Beine Marie," permit I'acquisition d'un terrain et 

^ Pour les Actes eccl^siastiqucs Spitalfields precMe Soho : le premier iDscrit 
dans ses registres est, k la date du 80 Janvier 1689, le bapt^me de Charles 
Nicolas, pr^nt^ par Benjamin Daillon, ecuyer, ministre de cette Eglise, son 
oncle par alliance, signe Souchet, ministre ; le premier mariage est du 4 
avril, Louis Queniot, de Mer pr^s Blois, et Rachel Boulaye ; tandis que les 
premiers bapt^mes k Tautre Patente, ceux de Prat et de Ladev^ze, ne sont 
que du 18 aoi^t suivant. 

*A noter ^galement que dans I'approbation du livre Fwins of Prayer 
used in the Reformed Churclies in France before their jjersecution, London, 
1699, le nom de Blanc est suivi de ces mots: "Minister of the Old Patente 
french Church in Soho ". Ceci paratt tranoher la question. 

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rerection en 1694 d'un temple spacieux dans Little Chapel 
Street, Ward Street, Soho. Ce fut son sanctuaire definitif. 

L'histoire des deux communautes-soeurs est la meme dans 
ses grandes lignes pendant pres d'un quart de siecle : la perte 
du ier volume des Actes de la Nouvelle Patente (1688-1716), 
consignee en tete du second qui commence avec I'annee 1716, 
ne nous permet pas d'en connaltre les incidents journaliers. 
Nous Savons neanmoins que les dix ininistres prechaient par 
alternance reguliere dans les deux temples, et que les deux 
Consistoires, independants Tun de Tautre pour les questions 
particulieres a la paroisse, ** s'assemblaient de temps en 
temps pour regler les affaires conununes ou celles dont il y 
avait appel'*.^ La nature des deux troupeaux n'a pas dii 
etre tout a fait identique ; Soho a dft renfermer un element 
commercial, voire meme aristocratique, dont il n'y a, pour 
ainsi dire, aucune trace sur les registres de Spitalfields si ce 
n est en qualite de parrains et marraines : Timmense majorite 
des fideles de la Nouvelle Patente, ainsi que Tout releve MM. 
Minet et Waller, sont des ouvriers tisserands en laine et en 

Sauf pour Henri Gervais, les Eglises qu avaient desservies 
en France les dix ministres fonnant en premier cette corpora- 
tion des Patentes, nous sont toutes connues. Plusieurs 
d'entre eux avaient endure les violences de la persecution. 
Ainsi le plus en evidence de tons, Benjamin de Daillon, sieur 
de Levree en Anjou, ministre de La Rochefoucauld, accuse 
injustement en 16H4 d'admettre des relaps dans son eglise, 
avait ete condainne a Tamende, enferme a la conciergerie de 
Paris tandis qu'on demolissait le temple, et finalement 
relAche avec liberte de s'exiler.^ Simon Canolle (min. de 
Castelsagrat 1665, Castelnau 1668, Turenne 1670, Gours 
1671, Gontaud 1677-1685) avait ete condamne a 3,000 livres 
d'amende au roi, 1,000 livres au clerge, 30 livres d'auinones et 
au bannissement perpetuel pour avoir persiste k pr^cher dans 
un heu de culte interdit. Samuel Mettayer, ministre de St. 
Quentin en Picardie ^(1660-1684), avait ete mis en jugement 
pour avoir tenu chez lui des assemblees et induit des catho- 

^ Minute d'une lettre du Cons, de la N. Patente k celui d'Amaterdanu 
Archives de Thrcadncedle Street. 

^ Quant k la provenance, les fideles, comme leurs premiers pasteurs, sont 
en majorite du Poitou, de la Saintonge et de la Nomiandie. 

* II retrouva en Angleterre son frere Jacques qui, pourvu d'un benefice 
par les Stuarts, leur resta fidele, et fut sous Guillaume III accuse de haute 
trahison pour sermon sc'ditieux, mais acquitte. 

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liques k changer de religion, d'ou fenneture de son eglise. 
Guillaume Bardon, d'abord minis tre a Ferrieres dans 
TAlbigeois, desservit jusqu'a la Revocation Teglise de Bruni- 
quel dont le temple etait le seul reste debout dans toute la 
province de Basse-Guyenne. Timothee Baignoux, a I'iriter- 
diction de son eglise de Poitiers (juin, 1685), avait cte Tun 
des cinq ministres charges ofiiciellement jusqu'a la lievocation 
de tons les baptemes du Poitou. Jean Louis Malide ctait 
ancien ministre d'Espiens, de la Bastide et de Casteljaloux 
dans FAgenais, Charles Souchet I'avait ete de Cire, de Ton- 
neins et de Rochechouart, Bartheleniy Balaguier d'Aigue- 
fonde et dAussillon en Languedoc (1677-1()85), Jean Forent 
de Sion en Bretagne (167:2-1685); c'est lui qui founiit a 
Quick les Actes des Synodes de France. 

Plusieurs de ces pasteurs ne resterent que peu de temps 
en fonctions aux Patentes. La signature de Canolle ne 
figurant nnlle part, il est probable qu'il y aura a peine exerce 
le ministere et que c est lui qui a ete remplace le premier, a 
Telection, le 21 Janvier 1689, de Jean de Farcy (ancien 
ministre de Herby, la Norville et Mouchamps en Poitou)^ 
qui n'est lui-meme indique sur les registres qu*une seule fois. 
En 1692 Gervais se retire ou meurt : c'est aussi I'annee ou 
Ton retrouve en dernier la signature de Souchet et ou Ton 
elit x\.ntoine le Blanc (ancien ministre d'Aigremont, 1665- 
1667, et de Marvejols, 1667-1685 ; aux Patentes jusqu'en 1708). 
En 1694 Bardon se retire et il est inscrit sur la liste des 
ministres necessiteux a secourir par la Royal Bounty : il est 
remplace aux Patentes par N. Valot du Val, proselyte con- 
vert! a Zurich, qui en 1696 passe a Crispin Street. En 1694 
aussi Balaguier se consacre aux eglises des colonies fran^aises 
etablies en Irlande par le Bill de 1692 (d'abord a Kilkenny^ 
puis a Portarlington et a Dublin, oil il mourut 1705), exemple 
suivi par Benjamin de Daillon acceptant en 1698 le poste de 
Portarlington. Jacques Cartaut, elu en 1696, passe trois ans 
plus tard a Canterbury, Mettayer meurt en 1(598, mais Malide 
reste jusqu'en 1702.^ 

* Les noma et dates ci-dessus et les suivantes ae justifient, k I'exclusion de 
tons autreSf par des documents officiels nous permettant d'affirmer que les^ 
autres signatures de pasteurs qui se retrouvent au bas d'actes des Eglises des 
Patentes pendant leur union ne sont que de ministres occasionnellement 
autoris^s, soit par relations personnelles avec les families, soit en I'absence 
des ministres ordinaires, k y cel6brer un baptSme ou un mariage, mais ne fai- 
sant point partie de leur corps pastoral en titre. Les noms des ministres 
officials de la Patente de Spitalfields, et par consequent jusqu'^ la separation 
en 1718-1719 egalement de la Patente de Soho, sont inscrits avec la date de 

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Ces vides furent combles par les Elections suivantes : Jean 
Baron (ancien ministre de Gijounet et de Mazamet; aux 
Patentes 1699-1713) ; Jean de la Salle (ministre k Chiz6 1678- 
1685, puis a Wandsworth ; aux Patentes 1700-1703, puis a 
Wheeler Street); Jean Balguerie de Chautard (1700-1701, 
ou il passe k St. Jean) ; Jacob Gillet (predicateur int^rimaire 
a New3)ort Market 1693-1694, ministre a Portarlington 1694- 
1700, aux Patentes 1704-1706, puis a West Street et Crispin 
Street) ; Pierre Kicotier (1704-1711) ; Phil. Amaurv Fleury, fils 
de Louis Fleury de St. Lo (1706-1706, passe a West Street 
et Crispin Street). Bourgeois, un proselyte, et Casamajor ne 
sont mentionnes que lors de leur election en 1705, tandis que 
Paul Forestier, fils d'un ancien pasteur de St. Mesme et de 
Cozes, lui-m6me a Dartmouth en 1707, ^lu en 1708, reste aux 
Patentes jusqu'en 1712, ou il passe k Canterbury, alors que 
Pierre Barbauld, elu en 1709, acceptait un poste k Leicester- 
fields et TArtillerie. Ajoutons qu'en plus des dix ministres 
de Torigine et de leurs successeurs en titre, les deux consistoires 
accept^rent les offres d'auxiliaires et les chargerent, par 
interim, du troisieme service du Dimanche: on pent au 
moins Taffirmer pour Du Plessis, Cregut et Babault. 

Les vingt-six ministres officiels ci-dessus nommes ont des- 
servi les deux Patentes, plus une troisifeme Eglise, Wheeler 
Street, de 1703 a environ 1712, m^me une quatrifeme de 1703 
a 1705. En efifet il ^tait eclos, de divers c6tes de la grande 
cite, plantes ephemferes et sans racines serieuses, de petites 
congregations nees sous Timpulsion d'un ministre necessiteux 
et sans poste, ou sous celle de families r^fugi^es d'une m^me 
contree ou ville de France, et qui, retrouvant dans Texil leur 
ancien pasteur, cherchaient en se groupant autour de lui a 
se rendre Tillusion du ''home spirituel" d'autrefois. EUes 
setaient multipHees au point, parfois dans le voisinage 
imm^diat les unes des autres et presque dans la m^me rue, 
d'attirer sur elles les justes mefiances non seulement des con- 

r^lection sur le Copie de Lettres original de la Patente (archives de I'ancieDne 
Eglise de Threadneedle Street). G'est la liste donn^e par Bum, p. 171, et 
qui est absolument certaine (ce que nous nous garderons de dire pour d*autre3 
donnees par lui). Dans le mauuscrit elle est suivie de celle des anciens 
jusqu'en 1734. Les dates des sorties des ministres sont beauooup plus 
difficiles k determiner; celles que nous donnons sont tiroes des Actes des 
autres Eglises ; il en reste d'indecises, mais on peut affirmer pour quelques- 
unes de ces demi^res que les ministres dont les noms ne figurent pas en tdte 
du troisieme Registre des Baptdmes et Manages de la Patente de Spltalfields, 
qui s'ouvre au moment ou elle prend possession de la chapelle de Paternoster 
Row, ne faisaient plus partie officielle des deux Eglises en 1707, bien que leur 
signature puisse encore y apparattre de loin en loin. 

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gregations fran9aises plus regulierement constituees, mais 
encore des autorites ecclesiastiques et civiles de Londres. 
Las conformistes, ressortissant directement de TEglise 
iiationale, n'avaient pu s'etablir sans son autorisation et lui 
^taient connues. C'est des non-conformistes, beaucoup plus 
nombreuses, que TEveque de Londres avait, par son 
Injonction du 14 mai 1700, ordonne au Consistoire de 
Threadneedle Street de certifier "le nombre et les droits 
d'^tablissement " — ce a quoi le Consistoire fit une reponse 
volontairement incomplete et etrangement defectueuse. 
C'est k elles aussi que s'appliquent les paroles du prelat 
** que le Koi n'^tait pas content de la liberte qu'on se donnait 
d'eriger ainsi des Eglises; que Ton abusait de Tindulgence 
qui n etait donn^e que pour les sujets du Koi et qu'il t&cherait 
(Vapporter de I'ordre aux choses'7 

Devant ces menaces d'un prochain orage les petites con- 

fregations, qui souflfraient d*ailleurs du manque de ressources 
nanciferes, chercherent leur salut dans Tassociation avec les 
Eglises officiellement autorisees et leur demandferent, tantot 
d'etendre sur elles le benefice confere par les Lettres Patentes 
royales, tantdt en plus de les faire desservir a la place de 
leurs propres ministres devenus demissionnaires. C'est ainsi 
que les pasteurs des Patentes consentirent a en faire par- 
ticiper a leurs droits d 'existence legale en leur accordant le 
concours de leurs ministres. lis le firent d'abord pour un 
troupeau dont les elements restent encore incertains. Dans 
le Registre de TEglise de Newport Market ou La Petite 
Charenton, qui s'etait installee dans la chapelle laissee vacante 
par la migration a West Street de la congregation du Taber- 
nacle, les dix Actes de Bapt^mes et Manages de 1703 i 1705 
sont signes par Le Blanc, Forent, Gillet, Ricotier et Fleury, 
avec la designation de **run de nos pasteurs,*' ou de *'mi- 
nistre de cette Eglise". Or, a ces dates les cinq ministres 
appartenaient aux Patentes : elles avaient done pris la charge 
pastorale de cette petite congregation qui disparait quand 
deux des pasteurs, Fleury et Gillet, signataires des derniers 
actes, quittent les Patentes pour entrer k West Street.'^ 

^ Actes de Threadneedle Street^ seance du Consistoire du 2 juin, 1700. 

*Le troupeau r^uni a Weld House vers 1690 par Gommarc et Fleury, 
transf^r^ en 1698 par les m^mes, plus Morin et Chaiz La Place, k Newport 
Market, I'^tait de 14 en avril 1700, par La Place, du Val, Basset, Pons et 
Yver dans un temple quMls avaient construit dans West Street sous le nom 
de la Tremblade ou la Pyramide (depuis 1694 ils avaient union pastorale 
avec Crispin Street). — Actes de West Street. Dans Newport Market se con- 
stituait alors une nouvelle congregation, formee peut-^tre de quelques families 

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Cette alliance a ete d'importance secondaire vu son peu de 
duree. Celle avec Wheeler Street a ete plus longue et ne 
souleve aucun doute. Tout au plus peut-on se demander si 
cette congregation ue setait pas recueillie dans un autre 
local de la mtoie rue avant la dedicace solennelle consignee 
dans les Eegistres de I'Eglise a la date de la Pentec6te, ] 703, 
car le Consistoire de Threadneedle Street, enumerant k 
I'Eveque de Londres les Eglises non-conformistes de la 
capitale, en cite deja en 1700 une a "Willow Street." 

Toujours est-il que les Actes de Wheeler Street commencent 
le 16 mai 1703, par un bapteme signe du Bourg (unique 
mention de ce proselyte, porte sur les listes d'assistes de 
1702), et qu'ils se continuent avec les signatures constantes 
des niinistres des Patentes, Baron, Eicotier, Le Blanc, Gillet, 
Balguerye, Fleury, de la Salle, ce dernier finissant par s'y 
consacrer presque tout entier; car, tandis qu'apres 1703 et 
jusqu'a 1712 il ne souscrit plus aucun acte des Patentes et 
n'est plus inscrit sur la liste officielle des pasteurs en 1707, sa 
signature continue au contraire au bas de ceux de Wheeler 
Street jusqu'a la fin de son ministere, longtemps apres la 
cessation de Talliance. 

Cette cessation s'est produite en 1711 ou 1712, annee ou 
s'arrete le premier registre de Baptemes et Manages de 
Wheeler Street. En 1711 on y trouve la signature de 
Cregut, ** min. de cette eglise," ce qui indique un changement, 
et elle sV continue dans le registre suivant avec celle de 
La Salle. 

L 'annee 1712 marque une douloureuse etape dans This- 

de rancienne, refractaires au transfert. "Le 13 avril 1701," ainsi que 
IVcrit Tancien et secretaire Jean Buffart en t^te des Actes, "de laCharenton, 
Newport Market, parois^^se de Ste. Anne, appel^e le Petit Cbarenton, Touver- 
tiire de cette dite Eglise a ^te faite par M. Henry D'Aubigny." Pasteurs et 
auciens avaient sign^ la Confession de Foi des Eglises de France, done elle 
etait non-confonniste. Le 21 juillet lis nomment, conjointement avec M. 
D'Aubigny, M. de Lescure de Laprade, de Riderscourt, avec jonction des 
deux Eglises, mais les deux signatures font bientot pla^e a celles de Legros et 
d'Auberoche, qui elles-mSmes disparaissent apres la calibration, octobre 
1702, par Legros d*un mariage pour Wapping dont I'acte est insure avec la 
mention : " comme le peu de temps que ladite Eglise de Houapin est erigee 
et n'ayant point encore de livre ny compagnie regime, M. Legros nous ayant 
demande de recevoir la dispense du dit mariage et d'en charger notre livre ". 
Des lors Legros se consacre a Wapping (ou il est bientdt remplac^ par 
Laprade), troupeau de marins Jersiais et Guemesiens et de leurs families, 
et les pasteurs des Patentes signent les Actes du Petit Charenton jusqu*^ sa 
cloture. II se pourrait que les fiddles aient alors rejoint leurs anciens co- 
paroissiens k West Street, entrainant ou suivant les pasteurs Fleury et 
Crillet : on se rappelle que ce dernier avait d'ailleurs commence son minis- 
tere dans ce troupeau, avant d'aller en Irlande et de la aux Patentes. 

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toire des Patentes. L'organisation desormais independante 
de Fannexe de Wheeler Street avait r^duit les deux trou- 
peaux au ministere de deux pasteurs, Baignoux et Forent ; 
tons deux etaient du nombre des premiers concessionnaires 
du Brevet du Boi Jacques : pour les seconder ils avaient 
appele le 8 mars un proselyte, J. Delpech, et un suisse, J. J. 
Favre : on est tente de se rejouir en constatant que ni Tun ni 
I'autre n'appartenaient par leur origine aux Eglises du 
Refuge. En efifet, a peine entr^s en fonctions, les nouveaux- 
venus con9urent le j)rojet de se soustraire au contr6le de 
leurs ven^rables coUegues, et gagnant a leurs vues une partie 
des anciens de la Patente de Soho ils ne craignirent pas 
d'accuser Baignoux d'avoir, en sa qualite d*un des com- 
missaires dispensateurs de la Royal Bounty, soustrait six k 
sept cents livres de ces fonds sacres. 

Delpech avait re9U Tordination anglicane Tannee pre- 
c^dente ; Favre suivit son exemple. Bieii qu'il en coAte 
d'avoir a suspecter les motifs d*un tel acte, il est difficile de 
n'y pas voir le dessein de se concilier par avance les sympa- 
thies des autorites ecclesiastiques, et de fortifier la rupture 
projet^e en ralliant la Patente de Soho a TEglise officielle dii 

Mais ils comptaient sans I'impartialite de TEv^que de 
Londres et des Conseillers. Deferant ses accusateurs, les 
anciens St. Amour, Bihoreau et Dr. Jortin, a la Cour du Pre- 
lat, le pasteur inculpe obtenait, le 4 d^cembre 1713, une sen- 
tence d'excommunication majeure contre St. Amour (Jortin 
venait de mourir), sentence lue en pleine cour ^piscopale, 
puis un dimanche dans la paroisse du haut de la chaire. Le 
calomniateur fut contraint en plus k demander pardon pu- 
bliquement dans la Salle de la Savoie, ce qui ferait croire k 
la presence de delegues des principales autres Eglises du 
Refuge, d'autant plus qu'elles allaient ^tre saisies a nouveau 
de la question. 

Baignoux, froisse de voir recompenser par de tels proc^des 
un ministere de plus d'un quart de siecle, avait presente sa 
demission au Consistoire de Soho et se retirait definitive- 
ment quelques mois apres, acceptant de celui de Spital fields 
le titre rarement concede de pasteur honoraire. II cedait sa 
charge k J. Jembelin (pasteur de St. Lo 1632-1685, et 
depms de Thorney Abbey), elu le 12 avril 1713, un des 
membres les plus distingues du clerge du Refuge. 

Mais les s^ce.ssionnistes de Soho n'avaient pas renonce a 
leurs projets et c'est maintenant a Forent qu'ils s'attaquerent. 

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Au mepris de toutes lea traditions, sans avoir convoque 
rAssembl^e g^nerale des deux Eglises, le Consistoire pronon- 
9ait contre lui une sentence d'excommunication. Le pas- 
teur, s'inspirant du conseil apostolique aux premiers chr^tiens 
de prendre pour juges de leurs diff^rends leurs freres en la 
foi, fit d'abord appel aux Eglises soeurs. 

Depuis 1700 des delegues de ces Eglises se r^unissaient 
de loin en loin en Assemblies g^n^rales, dans des circon- 
stances exceptionnelles, avec charge de convocation a tour 
de r6le. C'est I'Eglise de West Street, la Pyramide, qui la 
lanca cette fois le 27 decembre, sur la demande de Forent, 
*' afin de prendre connaissance du dififerend qu*il a avec son 
Consistoire. . . . Peut-etre, Messieurs et trfes honoris Freres," 
est-il dit dans cette lettre, **que Dieu se veut servir de ce 
inoyen pour faire cesser un Schisme qui regne depuis long~ 
temps dans une Eglise et qui deshonore notre Refuge, un 
Schisme qui fait triompher les Papistes et gemir une in- 
finite de bonnes &mes. Et si Dieu ne juge pas a propos de 
repandre sa benediction sur nos travaux, nous aurons du 
moins la consolation d'avoir fait nos efforts pour retablir 
la paix parmi nos Frferes ; notre conduite a cet ^gard edi- 
fiera nos troupeaux, les Etrangers parmi lesquels nous 
vivons pourront voir que nous ne nous plaisons pas dans la 
division, les Eglises qui sont au-dela de la mer approuveront 
notre zfele et nous attirerons par ce moyen la benediction de 
Dieu sur nous et sur notre ministere." 

*' (Signe) Les Pasteurs et les Anciensde TEglise dela Pyra- 
mide et pour tons M. Yver, mod., et 01. Nourichel, secretaire/* 

Les Actes de I'Eglise de West Street nous donnent la 
** Liste des DepuUs qui se sont trouves a VAssemhUe Genirale 
des Eglises fran^uises de Londres teniie dans ce temple le 5 de 
Janvier, 171 J." Malgre sa longueur nous croyons utile de 
I'inserer, a cause des precieux renseignements qu'elle ren- 
ferme sur Texistence a ce moment des diverses Eglises, et 
les noms de quelques-uns de leurs conducteurs. 


Eglise de la Savoye. 


De la Riviere. 



Eglise de S. Martin Orgars. 

Baron de la Court. 


Eglise du Quarr^ ou Soho. 

Baudouin et Bureau. 


Eglise de Castle Street. 

De Gaillardy. 



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La Motte. 

Eglise de Leicesterfields. 

Eglise de Biderscourt. 

Eglise de rArtillerie. 


P^gorie et Le Blanc. 

Eglise de la Patente en Paternoster Bow. 
Bignon.^ Moses \ plaignans 

Forent I plaignans qui Bernard Iqui se sont 

Jembelin | se sont retires. Barthelemy J retires. 

Eglise de Wilier Street. 





Yver, mod. 


Eglise de St. Jean. 

Eglise de Wapping. 

Eglise de Hagsden.^ 

Eglise de West Street. 

Eglise de Crispin Street. 


Th^rial et P^raudin. 

Olivier Nourichel, secretaire.* 

Trois Eglises font d6faut : Threadneedle Street, aflfectant 
comme toujours de se tenir a I'^cart des nouvelles-venues, 
par un sentiment excessif de sa primo-geniture ; la chapelle 
royale fran9aise de St. James, et la Patente de Soho elle- 

Forent s'en 6tait remis a la decision de I'Assembl^e. Vu 
Tabsence de tout d616gu6 de la Patente de Soho, on d^cida 
de lui envoyer quatre delegues (les pasteurs P^gorier et 
Scoffier, et deux anciens) pour lui demander d'accepter le 
ni6me arbitrage ; renvoyant Taflfaire a une seconde reunion 
on adressa une lettre de rappel a Threadneedle Street et k 
St. James. L'Assemblie du 11 Janvier ou figurent les mftmes 
membres, sauf De La Rivifere, ou Bival represente St. James 
et k laquelle Threadneedle Street a envoye une lettre d'ex- 
cases, est inform^e que le Consistoire de la Patente de Soho 

^ Ge nom doit avoir ^t^ mis par errear dans la colonne des pasteurs, nous 
n'en connaissons pas qui s'y rapporte : ce doit Stre soit Tancien de TArtillerie, 
soit un des rares de Sono rest^s fiddles k Tunion et inscrit en cons^uence k 
c6t^ des plaignants. 

' II faut ^videmment lire Hoxton : c'est la premiere mention de cette toute 
petite communaut^ dont Bum n'a trouv^ de traces que de 1748 k 1783, alors 
qu'elle 4tait desservie par Bourdillon, pasteur successivement des deux 
Patentes. A remarquer aussi que le pasteur delegu^ est Babault, qui faisait 
a ce moment-U un quart de minist^re dans les Patentes. 

3 Aet€8 de V Eglise de West Street, 

VOL. VI. — NO. III. U 

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a refuse de recevoir les deputes, et ron doit se contenter de 
donner copie i Forent des Actes de cette reunion et de la 

Le Consistoire de Spitalfields tenta alors un dernier effort. 
Avant de s*adresser au tribunal ecclesiastique anglican, se 
fortifiant de quelques anciens de Soho demeures fideles a 
Tunion, et de trois ministres refugi^s domicilieB dans le voisi- 
nage, Uchard, Solignac (ancien ministre de E^alville) et Farcy, 
nn des fondateurs, il cassa le 27 mai la sentence d'excom- 
munication, declara Forent injustement d^pos^ et lui 
enjoignit de coutinuer son miiiistfere dans les deux Eglises. 
De son c6t^ la Cour ecclesiastique, se saisissant de la ques- 
tion, le r^tablit d'ofiice a Soho, ou il continua, de par la loi, a 
prfecher k son tour pendant deux ann^es sans toucher aucun 
traitement du Consistoire opposant. Cette question de traite- 
ment fit Tobjet d'un proces devant la Cour, mais quand il se 
termina en 1717 par I'ordre d'avoir a en op^rer le paiement 
retrospectif, le vieux pasteur 6tait affranchi des preoccupa- 
tions tetrestres ; il etait mort en Janvier, precede de quelques 
mois dans la tombe par Delpech. Le renvoi par les anciens de 
son collegue d'opposition Favre laissait esp^rer le r^tablisse- 
ment de la paix. II n'en fut rien. Soyer, ministre de Veere 
en Zeiande, nomme en 1717, n'avait pas accepte la succession 
de Forent ; Michel Colombe, natif de Caen, la recueillit le 
19 Janvier, 1718, apres avoir sign6 Tengagement (bien que 
pourvu de I'ordination anglicane et ayant desservi TEglise 
conformiste de West Street depuis aoftt, 1716) de ne rien 
changer au service de TEglise. II Temportait sur Babauld, 
qui, ** ayant fait un quart de ministfere depuis 1712 comnie 
ministre externe pr^chant par emprunt," avait demand^ la 
place^ et prenait alors son cong^ : du Plessis, le ministre de 
Pest-House continuait a pr6cher le troisieme sermon, confie 
jusqu'en 1716 a Cr6gut ''} 

Quand Jembelin et Colombe se presentferent k Soho pour 
y pr^cher, les anciens se refusferent k les laisser monter en 
chaire, et la plainte adress^e a la Chancellerie Episcopale 
semble 6tre rest^e sans resultats, puisqu*on ne trouve plus 
aucune trace d'union entre les deux EgUses ni aucun nom 
des pasteurs successifs de la Patente de Spitalfields sur les 
registres de celle de Soho, que vint desservir un proselyte 

Les echos de ces tristes dissentiments s'^taient r^percutes 

* Actes de la Pateiite de Spitalfields. 

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au loin. Aux interrogations du Consistoire Wallon d' Amster- 
dam la Patente de Spitalfields r6pondait le 18 Janvier, 1719, 
par une longue lettre k laquelle nous avons emprunti la 
plupart des details qui pr^cfedent. Desormais il s'agira de 
deux congregations tout a fait distinctes et ind6pendantes 
Tune de Tautre, s'alliant chacune k d'autres et dont Thistoire 
ne peut plus ^tre confondue. 



I. — La Patents de Spitalfields. 

La rupture definitive et irrevocable de la Patente de Soho 
coincide k deux ans prfes avec le transfert de la Patente de 
Spitalfields dans un nouveau temple. C'est en 1716 que Ton 
songea k remplacer celui de Tallee de Paternoster Eow, 
" trop incommode par sa grande profondeur en terre et la 
trop grande proximity de ses bancs," et dont le loyer etait 
aussi trop eiev^, en achetant de M. de la Place pour 300 
livres sterling, produits d*une coUecte sp^ciale commencee par 
les dons spontan^s des pasteurs et des anciens, le temple de 
Crispin Street et le bail restant k courir pendant trente-deux 
ann^es de la maison avoisinante avec uri loyer de 19 livres 
sterling. Sur I'acte du 10 dicembre figurent encore, avec la 
signature de Jembelin, celles de Porent et de Baignoux. ** On 
appellera le Temple la Patente en Spitalfields," disent les 
procfes-verbaux, qui mentionnent ^galement la ** fin des Actes 
faits et passes au temple de Paternoster Eow le 29 d^cembre, 

Le 1 Janvier, 1717, Jembelin ouvrait le service a Crispin 
Street par une predication sur le verset 12 du xiii. ch., 2 Ep. 
aux Corinthiens : ** Saluez-vous Fun Tautre d'un saint 
baiser ". Ce texte ne serait-il pas une allusion k la fusion 
dans la congregation de la Nouvelle Patente d'une partie au 
moins de celle desormais dissoute de Crispin Street dont elle 
venait occuper le sanctuaire ? 

En s'y etablissant le Consistoire constatait avoir re9U 
comme location des places du 14 fevrier, 1716, au 16 mai, 
1717, la somme de £159 14s., ce qui donne quelque idee de 
rimportance du troupeau. Le produit des ** Boltes," moins 
un cinquifeme preieve pour les necessites de TEglise, etait 
consacre aux pauvres ; celui des bancs servait k la subsis- 
tance des ministres. La demission de Baignoux et la mort 

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de Forent les avaient reduits a deux qui toucherent a partir 
de 1719 soixante livres au lieu de cinquante (en 1723 quatre- 
vingts ; quatre vingt-dix en 1726, ou Ton decide la suppression 
du troisieme sermon sauf pour les jours de Communion et de 
Je&ne). On c61ebrait chaque ann^e un de ces Jeiines solennels 
a Tanniversaire de la Revocation et il nous est rest^ le 
Formulaire redige a cet effet par Jembelin.^ Les annees de 
son ministfere et de celui de Colombe s'ecoulferent sans autres 
faits marquants que Tacceptation du projet d'union pour les 
questions g^nerales des Eglises du Refuge de Londres, con- 
formistes et non-conformistes, d^finitivement adopte a 
TAssemblee gen^rale des delegues de ces Eglises le 10 aofit, 
1720, au Temple de la Savoie (voir Proc. Hug, Soc.y vol. i.). 

A la mort de Colombe, mars, 1725, le Consistoire elut Jean 
Balguerie de Chautard, revenu, apres vingt-huit ans de 
peregrinations dans des Eglises diverses, k celle ou il avait 
commence son ininistfere evangeiique, qu'il allait y poursuivre 
pendant plus d'un quart de siecle/'^ Le 26 decembre, 1727, 
JembeUn terminait le sien avec sa vie, et le 7 f^vrier suivant 
le Consistoire, " apres examen des temoignages avantageux 
envoyes de Hollande en faveur de M. Daniel de Beaufort, 
proposant a Utrecht, a trouve a propos et m^me necessaire 
de ne pas diflf^rer davantage ladite vocation et I'a elu par 
voix unanime." 11 fut confirme et installe publiquement le 
16 juin par un sermon de Balguerie de Chautard sur Jeremie 
iii. 15, suivi Taprfes-midi du m^me jour de celui d'entr^e du 
r^cipiendaire sur 2 Ep. aux Cor. iv. 2. 

En appelant Daniel de Beaufort le Consistoire implantait 

* Formulaire pour la Publication du Jeilne. — Mes Fr^res, nous vous don- 
nons avis que . . . prochain . . . jour de ce mois, nous c^lebrerons Dieu aidant 
en ce lieu selon notre coutume un jeiine solennel en memoire de ce que en 
Tan 1685 Texercice de notre Sainte Beligion fut d^fendu et aboli dans tout le 
Royaume de France par un Edit fatal et injuste qui a caus6 la demolition de 
nos temples, notre dispersion en diff^rents lieux et une longue et furieuse 
pers^ution. Nous vous exhortons de yenir ici en ce jour 1^ avec des oceurs 
numili^s et pleins de repentance de vos p^ches, et de compassion pour vos 
fr^res d^sol^s, afin de travailler tons ensemble k ^mouvoir les entrailles de la 
misericorde de Dieu et envers nous et envers eux par des pri^res ardente8,:par 
une Pi^t^ non f einte, et par une sincere Conversion k Dieu. Et afin d'exciter en 
vous ces pieux et Ghi^tiens sentiments et d^animer votre devotion et en- 
Hammer votre z^le, il y aura deux sermons ce jour-U aux heures accoutumees, 
la lecture de la Parole de Dieu et le chant des Psaumes continuans depuis un 
sermon jusqu'& Tautre. II y aura un troisidme sermon k cinq heures et 
demie du soir." R^dig^ par M. Jembelin, examine par la (3ompagnie et 
adopts le 4 mai, 1718.— ^ctes de la Patente. 

^Les Patentes, 1700-1701— St. Jean, 1703-1718— Gosburg en Holland*^ 
1713-1716— Zierichsae, 1716-1720— Wheeler Street, 1720.172/!^— La Patente, 

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en Angleterre une famille de vieille noblesse franijaise, per- 
s^utee dejk aux jours de la St. Barth^lemy, et destin^e k 
faire honneur a sa nouvelle patrie ; mais le jeune pasteur ne 
fit que passer k la Patente, et son entrte, au bout de quelques 
mois, au service de Leicesterfields, TArtillerie et Biderscourt, 
apres qu'un projet d'union avec ces Eglises, propose d6ji en 
1724, eut et6 "entiferement et absolument rejet^ en Nov. 
1728," fut sans doute la cause de Tintroduction dans le 
reglement de cet article : ** Si un niinistre quitte TEglise 
avant deux ans, il devra rembourser les frais de route qui 
lui etaient alloues". II fut remplac6, le 18 mai 1729, par 
Charles Barbe, de la Patente de Soho (avant k Bois-le-Duc 
et chaplain de Tambassadeur de HoUande k Paris, 1717, puis 
a la Brille, 1721-1722), mais qui "abandonna" TEglise dfes 
le 17 avril, 1730. On choisit alors Jean Manuel (25 oct., 
1730), natif de Zurich mais descendant de Befugi6s, accor- 
dant la place de lecteur au vieux ministre Jean Leffevre. 

Dix ans plus tard le troupeau accompUssait son dernier 
exode, par Pachat de la chapelle de Brown's Lane : des 315 
livres sterling n^cessaires, 100 provinrent de la vente de 
la chapelle de Crispin Street.^ Le 14 mars, 1742, TEglise 
de Wheeler Street, ^voquant les souvenirs d'une ancienne 
alliance, demandait sa complete incorporation k la Patente 
de Spitalfields. Elle venait de perdre un de ses deux pasteurs, 
S. Say : Tautre, Philippe Masson, qui la desservait depuis 
1745, acceptait au nom du troupeau et signait les conditions 
suivantes : — 

" Les deux troupeaux n'en feront qu'un : le temple de 
Wheeler Street sera ferm6: MM. Balguerie de Chautard 
et Manuel continueront a pr^cher a leur tour, M. Masson 
sera charge du troisieme sermon avec un traitement de 50 
livres". D'autre part **ils pr^sideront par tour au Consis- 
toire, distribueront de m^me la Cfene et anront chacun sa 
semaine de visite des malades. Les anciens des deux trou- 
peaux ne feront qu'un Consistoire qui pourra 6tre r^duit." 
(Le 25 juillet on decidait d'^tablir huit quartiers au lieu de 
six et vingt-quatre anciens au lieu de dix-huit.) Les deux 
lecteurs restent en charge avec 6 livres par an et 10 livres au 

Cette adjonction rendait a TEghse un regain de forces: 
les bapttoies reduits a 15 en 1740 et a 17 en 1741, remontent 

^ Le livre de *' L'Enregistreinont des Baptdmos de TEglise de la Patente 
en Brown's Lane " commence le 13 avril, 1740. 

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en 1742 k 25, et en 1743 k 39 ; mais on 6tait retombe a 20 
en 1753 a la mort de Balguerie, suivie en 1754 de ceUe de 
Manuel. Francois Gautharel (aumdnier de 1749 k 1753 de 
la garnison d'Ypres) fut appel6 a remplacer le premier ; on 
pensionnait Masson et supprimait le service du soir. Le 
second poste, d'abord SKsceptl puis refus6 sur raison de sante 
par Bellamy de Gen^.ve, fut occupy par Samuel Tavan. Les 
annees accentuant la diminution du troupeau, le 30 mars, 
1761, on r^duisait les anciens au chiffre primitif de dix-huit, 
restant en fonctions trois ans ^ ; en 1762 les ressources per- 
mettaient d'allouer aux pasteurs un traitement de 100 livres, 
r^duit de nouveau en 1767 k 90 livres. Notons en 1768 un 
acte de courtoisie fraternelle de la vieille Eglise de Londres, 
accordant au troupeau de la Patente en Brown's Lane pen- 
dant les reparations de leur temple d'assister au culte 
de Threadneedle Street. Tout a coup, en 1769, on put 
esperer un retour aux meilleures traditions du pass^, lors- 
que la triple confederation de Leicesterfields, rArtillerie et la 
Patente de Soho entr^rent en negociations pour la conclusion 
d'une alliance pastorale. Mais I'Eglise de TArtillerie persista 
seule dans ce projet.^ Se detachant de ses confederees par 
sa decision du 5 aoiit notifiee le 27, elle contractait le 25 
mars, 1770, par Torgane de son pasteur Bourdillon, union 
definitive avec la Nouvelle Patente, sur les bases suivantes, 
qui avaient ete arr^tees deji le 28 septembre dans TAssemblee 
generate des deux Consistoires :^- 

** Les Eglises de la Patente et de TArtillerie seront de- 
sormais unies indissolublement, mais chacune d'elles sera, 
comme elles I'etaient avant Tunion, independante de Tautre 
en toutes choses excepte en ce qui regarde le Saint Mimstere, 
soit pour les fonctions pastorales, soit pour la vocation et les 
honoraires des pasteurs dont elles jouiront en comxnun. 
Tant que les deux Eglises pourront se maintenir separement 
elles resteroiit sur le pied qu'elles ont actuellement, mais si 
la diminution des membres venait k le requerir, alors Tune des 
deux Eglises s'incorporerait dans Tautre avec tout ce qui lui 
appartient. Les deux Eglises seront desservies par trois 

^En cette ann^e, 1761, a lieu la demi^re ^'Reconnoissance,*' celle de 
Quentin Coquard de Picardie. Elles ^talent devenues rares, 4 encore en 1735, 
3 en 1748, puis 1 en 1749, 1762. 1765. Voir les citations dans le Preface 
de MM. Minet et Chapman Waller, entr'autres du forpat pour la foi Pierre 
de Fague de Nimes. 

2 L'Artillerie, fondle 1691 (d'abord k Petticoat Lane), alliee 1691-1701 a 
St. Jean, de 1691 a 1769 a Leicesterfields, de 1701 a 1760 aussi k Riderscourt, 
et de 1736 i\ 1769 u la Patente de Soho. 

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pastenrs qui en partageront egalement les fonctions et les 
honoraires (par la location des bancs et antres revenns). II 
y aura annuellement apres Piques une Assemblee complete 
des pastenrs et des anciens : quinze jours apres la mort on la 
demission d'un pasteur les deux Consistoires s'assembleront, 
altemativement dans Tun et dans Tautre, Telection se faisant 
a la pluralite des suffirages et chaque Consistoire envoyant 
le mime nombre de deputes. L'Eglise'de la Paten te 
adressera une vocation a M. Bourdillon et Tincorporera a la 
Patente, afin de n'en pas perdre les privileges, et celle de 
TArtillerie adressera aussi une vocation a MM. Gautarel et 
Tavan. S*il arrive des disputes les Compagnies choisiront 
des arbitres.'** 

Desormais les registres des Bapt^mes et Manages des 
deux Eglises portent indistinctement les signatures des trois 
pastenrs. Avec Jacques Bourdillon, La Patente se rattachait 
un des conducteurs spirituels qui a fait le plus d'bonneur et 
laisse le plus de traces dans le Eefuge en Angleterre, celui 
qui dans son Sermon de Jubile devait constater, avec tris- 
tesse, la mort pendant son ministere de cinquante-deux 
pastenrs des Eglises franc^aises de Londres, la fermeture de 
neuf de ces Eglises et le declin croissant des onze autres.-^ 

Ce declin s'accentuait en eflfet avec les annees : Talliance 
derniere n'^tait que le prelude de la dissolution. Et pour- 
tant en 1771 le troupeau de la Patente put se croire revenu 
aux heures les plus caracteristiques du pass^ en assistant a 
Tabjuration de Nicolas Le Richeux de Basse Nonnandie. 

En 1774 Tavan soUicitait pour se rendre a Lausanne un 
conge d'un an, k Texpiration duquel il recevait sa d^charge, 
son service de predication etant confie a des ministres 
interimaires— Brilly (1776), Carle et Lescure (1778), Van 
Swinden (1780) — k raison dune demi-guinee par sermon. Les 
ressources des deux congregations accusant des differences 
sensibles, La Patente decidait en 1781 de ne plus fournir au 
fonds commun qu'une somme egale a celle de TArtillerie. 
Mais deji les approches de la fin se faisaient sentir : depuis 
1753 aucun mariage n'est inscrit sur les registres de la 
Patente, en 1783 il n'y a que quatre baptemes. Lors du 
centenaire de la Revocation les negociations 6taient deja 
entamees en vue de I'uuion des deux congregations avec la 

* Proc^s-verbaux de la Patente et j^'oct^s-verbaiw de V ArtilUrie. 

2 Sermon de JttbiU iyrmimic^ (Urns VEglise Franraise de VA^ tillerie en Spital- 
Jieldsle l^ Janvier, 1782, par J, JiwirdilUm, qui en a ett^ le pasteur (U^ le. 25 
d^cembre, 1731. 

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plus ancienne de toutes les Eglises de langue fran9ai8e de la 
capitale, celle fondle par Edouard VI a Threadneedle Street. 

Toutefois la solution ne fut pas obtenue sans difficnites. 
On lit dans les Actes de Threadneedle Street a la date du 2 
novembre, 1785 : " Ouverture faite par quelques anciens des 
Consistoires des Eglises de TArtillerie et de la Patente de 
quel oeil on envisagerait Tidee d'une reunion de ces Eglises 
avec la n6tre. ' Cette proposition ayant gen^ralement fait 
plaisir, on nomine, pour I'etudier, un Conseil compost du 
pasteur La Chaumette, de deux anciens et de deux diacres. 
L*enqu6te aboutit a un refus, a cause du second article du 
projet : ' qu'une vocation soit adress^e k leurs pasteurs \" ^ 

Le vieux principe si inflexiblement maintenu par Thread- 
needle Street s'affirmait une fois de plus : pas d'union pas- 
torale, simple fusion, absorption du troupeau par TEglise 
Taln^e de toutes. Quand Gautarel et Bourdillon consentent 
a ne pas recevoir' vocation (d'aprfes la decision de T Assemble 
G6n6rale de leurs deux Consistoires du 5 septembre, 1785, 
portant '' qu'ils se dSchargeront en entier de leurs fonctions 
dans les deux Eglises"), mais k la condition que leurs bono- 
raires leur soient conserves, la clause est accept^e par Thread- 
needle Street k la grande pluralite des voix, avec fermeture 
des deux temples et pension accordee au lecteur : mais, bien 
que la lettre de ratification du pasteur La Chaumette soit du 
24 mai 1786, un nouvel obstacle surgit; on remet d'abord 
de mai en juin le ** diner d'union"; mfeme en novembre 
tout est encore en suspens et le Consistoire de Threadneedle 
Street en adresse ses plain tes k Gautarel. 

C'est de lui en eflfet que venait Tempfechement. Par le 
decfes le 5 juin de son collogue Toctog^naire Bourdillon, 
Gautarel se trouvait desormais repr^senter k lui seul la 
" Corporation des dix Ministres " etablie par la Patente de 
Jacques II : il en concen trait tons les pouvoirs si complets, 
si etendus; il ne pouvait se risoudre k s'en d6poss6der. 
Ceder ce pr^cieux document, ainsi que lexigeait le Consistoire 
de Loudres, c'etait renoncer a jamais et comme aniantir une 
des conquStes du passe — n'6tait-ce pas aussi effacer jnsqu'au 
noin qui la rappelait, puisque Tancienne soeur, la Patente de 
Soho, avait elle-m^me disparu depuis 1784? {voir plus loin), 
Enfin le 13 decembre 1786, dans une dernifere assemblee 
g^nerale des deux Compagnies de la Patente et de TArtillerie, 
Gautarel se resignait a demander sa decharge : Tacte signe 

1 Actes, volume complementaire. 

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de Jean Lesouef, secretaire de la Patente, met fin a Pexis- 
tence personnelle de cette Eglise qui avait tenu pendant prfes 
d'un sifecle une place distinguie parmi les franfaises du 

Le Consistoire de Threadneedle Street, devenu par Tacte 
d' incorporation propri^taire du temple de Brown's Lane, le 
loua a une congregation luth^rienne allemande; celui de 
TArtillerie est devenu le sifege d'une communaute baptiste 
sous le nom de Parliament Court Chapel. En se fusionnant 
le Consistoire de TArtillerie versa son capital de 650 livres 

II. — L\ Patente de Soho. 

L'histoire de la Patente de Soho, devenue indipendante 
de son homonyme de Spitalfields, fut singuliferement mouve* 
ment6e. Et d'abord, aprfes sa rupture de propos d^libiri, le 
Consistoire, qui avait provisoirement adjoint J. Bod. Hol- 
lard (1719) au proselyte Daigneaux, sentit le besoin de se 
consolider par une alliance nouvelle. C'est a un troupeau 
conformiste affaibli par la cessation de son conf^d^rl de 
Crispin Street, celui de West Street (la Tremblade ou la Pyra- 
mide), qu'il s'adressa. Le 14 mars, 1720, les deux ministres 
Gillet et Yver " proposent de joindre TEglise de la Patente 
a la leur, et en m^me temps d'appeler M. Daigneaux pour 
^tre leur collogue, afin de prober alternativement dans les 
deux Eglises et d'etre associes pour le ministfere. La Com- 
pagnie a approuv6 unanimement la jonction des deux Egb'ses, 
aussi bien que la reception de M. Daigneaux sous la condition 
qu'il recevra les ordres de TEglise Anglicane". Cet acte, 
sigTie par les anciens de West Street, fut soumis aux fiddles, 
qui Taccepterent sans opposition.^ Malgre Tordination 
anglicane stipul^e pour Daigneaux la Patente de Soho con- 
servait le culte strictement reform^, comme le prouvent les 
actes d'union et de vocation des pasteurs.*-^ Elle en acqu^rait 

1 Aetes du Consistoire de West Street, St. Giles, sign. Perraudin, secretaire. 

^ *' Aujourdhui 22 mars, 17^, M. Daigneaux mod^rateur, la Comp. (de la 
Patente) ayant consider^ que selon la resolution qu'elle a prise d'adresser 
une vocation k MM. Gillet et Yver pour 6tre ministres de cette Eglise . . . 
11 avait ete fait une union de chaire entre ces deux Egl. apr^s avoir miirement 
deliber^ sur la nature de cette union, il a ^td arrdt^ unanimement que les 
deux Consistoires demeureraient s^par^s, jouissant chacun de ces deux Cons, 
de leurs constitutions particulidres, et que le service divin sera continue dans 
cette Eglise de la mStne inaniire quHl a toujours ^U et qu*il y est d present 
i^tabli sans que jamais on y puisse faire aucun changement. . . . Et que 
dans le seul cas de la vocation d*un ministre les Consistoires s'assembleront, 
ou prendront Ta^is et consentement I'un de I'autre. 

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ainsi deux de plus, Gillet qui avait deji desservi les Patentes 
en 1705 et 1706, d'ou il etait pass^ a West Street; Yver, 
entre k TEglise de West Street tors de sa confederation avec 
Crispin Street, et qui etait reste a la premiere k la dissolu- 
tion de la seconde. 

L*alliance de la Patente et de la Pyramide ne dura que 
neuf annees, sur lesquelles les Proces-Verbaux de West Street 
foumissent quelques details. Dfes 1721 "les deux Consis- 
toires, vu les fr^quentes rechfltes (?) ** de Daigneaux, d^cident 
d'adresser vocation comme quatrieme ministre a Daniel 
Olivier, pasteur de la Brille, frere de celui de Leicesterfields. 
Nomme le 19 mars, il pr^che a West Street le 7 avril, puis 
** entre dans la chambre du Consistoire pour confirmer sa 
vocation ". ** II donne la main d'association k Messieurs ses 
coUfegues et anciens de West Street et la Patente, comme un 
sceau de son engagement, priant le Seigneur qu'il veuille le 
benir dans toutes ses saintes entreprises pour Tavancement 
du salut de tons les homines." Pour lui assurer 70 Uvres 
sterling de traitement on augmentait de 28. le prix des places, 
mais le 29 septembre Olivier ay ant ** manque de parole" (il 
entrait k S. Martin Orgars), les deux Consistoires se re- 
unissent et le remplacent par Charles Barbe (min. de la 
Brille) : on le re9ut le 2 mars, 1722, comme quatrifeme pas- 
teur des deux Eglises. Chacune contribuait pour moitie a son 
traitement, mais le plan propose par la Patente pour Tunion 
financiere complete des deux congregations avait ete desap- 
prouve et rejete par les membres de West Street. Le 21 
decembre Tassembiee du Consistoire de la Patente decidait 
que les pasteurs Gillet et Yver prendraient tons les revenus 
de la Pyramide pour leurs gages k condition de demeurer 
charges de ses dettes sans etre engages davantage dans ceUes 
de la Patente, restant par contre avec les revenus de cette 
derniere a Daigneaux et a Barbe, stipulations transcrites 
dans un Acte formel auquel on ajoutait ces mots: "A 
regard des vocations elles continueront k se faire par les 
deux Consistoires". 

En 1725 ils se reunissent pour etudier la demande de 

" 5 avril 1720, Nomination par la Patente de Jacques Gillet et Jean Yver^ 
ministres, k condition que les Consistoires demeureront s^par^s, jouissant 
chacun de leur constitution et privileges particuliers et que le service divin 
sera continue &c. . . . Et se sont lesd. sieurs Gillet et Yver et Dagneauz 
soumis d la discipline de nos Eglises de France^ et promettent de Tezercer 
dans ce Consistoire autant que faire se pourra, pour le gouvemement de 
I'Eglise." — Extraits des Aden de la Paiente de Soho annexes k ceux de West 
Street daus sou registre. 

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Gillet d'etre autorise, pour cause de sante, k lire ses sermons, 
"La Compa^nie, considirant qu'on ne pouvait pas accorder 
cette permission sans nuire a Tedification de leurs troupeaux 
et sans faire un tort considerable k Tinter^t des pasteurs qui 
les servent, il a 6te r^solu, a la pluralite des voix, de lui 
refuser sa demande et de le prier de faire remplir sa place 
jusques a ce qu'il soit en etat de la remplir lui-m^me, ce qu*il 
a refuse de faire, declarant hautement qu'il userait de son 
droit et qu'il lirait les sermons a Tavenir'' (signe Dagneaux^ 
mod.). Les traditions du sermon oral reforme entraient en 
opposition avec celles du sermon lu anglican. II y a ici un 
premier germe de disaccord, mais il ne devait ^clater et ^tre 
pousse jusqu'au bout qu'aprfes la dteharge accorde le 28 avril^ 
1729, a Barbe, qui passait k Spitalfields (vide supra). 

Le 22 juillet suivant, dans une Assembl^e du Consistoire 
de la Patente que Gillet refusa de presider, le Secretaire de 
la Compagnie proposa deux moyens de pourvoir a la vacance : 
la reunion des deux Consistoires, ou la notification a celui de 
West Street **de la personne sur laquelle le Consistoire a 
jete les yeux ". Choisissant le dernier mode, le Consistoire 
nomma proprio vwtu Pien*e St^helin (ministre de TEglise 
fran^aise de Hammersmith) et d6puta trois anciens pour le 
notifier au Consistoire de West Street.^ 

Ce dernier, reuni le 18 aout sous la presidence d'Yver,. 
decida unanimement de protester contre Telection, ** comme 
tout a fait irreguliere et contraire aux articles de T Union 
et k la clause du 21 dec. 1722". Quand ils en invoquaient 
les termes formels, ** les vocations continueront a se faire par 
les deux Consistoires," les delegues de la Patente iiisistaient, 
assez singulierement il faut Tavouer, sur ceux, **il8 prendront 
Tavis et consentement Tun de Tautre". En vain le niodera- 
teur fit appel a la justice et a la charite chretienne de ceux 
de Soho, en vain on envoya aupres d'eux ]es anciens Defaux 
et La Porte : dans leur reponse du 19 septembre, ils per- 
sistent a penser ** qu il resulte des clauses de leur acte d'union 
que toute election faite dans Tun des deux Consistoires doit 
6tre censee nuUe a moins que Tautre ne Tapprouve et n'y 
consente," mais qu'elle est valable sans cela ; autrement dit, 
ils ne reconnaissent au Consistoire allie que droit de veto et 
non de choix d'un commun accord, pr^textant d'uiie part 
que le Consistoire de West Street, etant le plus nombreux,. 

'L'acte de notification (tait signe Lefanu, secretaire, Dagneaux, mod.,. 
Andre Vergade, P. Laval, Jacques Gorge, Is. Blesberg, P. MacCulock, Jean 
Beauvais, P. Jounard, P. Bacot.— (Jc/«s de IIV*^ Street.) 

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pourrait se rendre maltre des vocations, d'autre part, qu'etant 
charges d'entretenir le ministre, c'etait k eux de le choisir. 
A un nouvel appel la Patente r^pondit par des mesures 
violentes dont rend compte la deliberation du Consistoire 
de West Street assemble extraordinairement **par rapport 
a la rapture de TUnion ". 

" La Compagnie a resolu unanimement de dresser un Acte 
par lequel elle declare hautement que le bl&me de cette 
rupture ne peut 6tre rejete que sur le Cre. de la Patente 
— soit parceque led. Cons, a refuse absolument dagir de 
concert avec elle dans 1 election d'un nouveau ministre — 
soit parceque M. Daigneaux a leur soUicitation s'est retire 
du service de cette Eglise en prenant congi des anciens le 
18 nov. dernier sans qu'aucun ministre fut present, en 
quoi il a contrevenu aux Rfeglements de la Discipline et vide 
les lois de Tordre, de la biens^ance et de la justice, soit parce- 
que led. pr. Daigneaux a delivr6 a cette Cie. un acte par 
lequel led. Cons, dispense et d^charge MM. Gillet et Yver des 
fonctions de leur ministere dans T Eglise de la Patente, de 
sorte que I'union ne pouvant plus subsister pour toutes ces 
raisons lesd. Srs. G. et Y. ont ^te contraints de se retirer du 
service de cette Eglise et de borner les fonctions de leur 
Ministfere k celui de I'Eglise de West Street, en attendant que 
la Providence leur pr6sente Toccasion de faire avec quelque 
autre Eglise une union qui lui soit avantageuse. II a ete 
uussi resolu qu*a I'avenir aucun proselyte ne sera appeld 
pour fetre pasteur ordinaire de cette Eglise."^ 

Le dernier mot, a Tadresse de Daigneaux, n'est-il pas la 
suite et la conclusion du disaccord de 1725 ? L'Eglise de 
West Street continua desormais sans alliance jusqu'en 1748, 
oh elle s'iteignit dans celle de la Savoie. 

Quant a la Patente de Soho, le nom de Daigneaux dis- 
parait des Actes en 1733, tandis que St^h^lin y reste jusqu'a 
son deces en 3753, aide dans son ministere par I'alliance con- 
tractie depuis 1736 avec le groupe important de Leicester- 
fields, TArtillerie et Riderscourt.'-^ Le traite d'union, k pen 
prfes identique a celui qui liait d&jk Leicesterfields et TArtil- 

^ Sign^ : Gillet, de Laporte, Viger, Maingott, Du Faur, S^galas, Lem&itrc, 
Justamond, Priorteau, Pottier, Laffitte, Bence, secret. (Act£S de West Street). 

^ L'union pastorale de Leicesterfields avec rArtillerie datalt de 1691t 
accrue depuis 1701 de Riderscourt: elle s'^tait resserr^e en 1722 par un 
nouveau traite tres explicite et par I'union des anciens des deux compagnies, 
prenant la responsabilit^ du traitement et pensions des ministres, oeux-ci 
•cedant aux anciens les revenus des bancs et autres locaux. 

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lerie, stipule: Tindependance respective pour le gouveme- 
ment particulier de chacune des Eglises ; leur union en un 
m^me corps en tout ce qui regarde les afifaires generales, 
c est a dire Texercice et Tentretien du saint ministere, ainsi 
que pour les choses sur lesquelles il faudra deliWrer dans les 
Assemblies Generales des Eglises fran9aises de Westminster 
et de Liondres, et dans ce cas les Eglises confereront en- 
semble k Tavance de la resolution a prendre ; la reunion des 
Consistoires quinze jours apres la inort ou la demission d'un 
ministre pour en nommer le successeur ; en cas de dispute 
entre les Consistoires nomination d'arbitres, ou paiement par 
le Consistoire non consentant de 200 livres sterling. Aucun 
changement dans la liturgie et dans le service ne pourra etre 
introduit ssms le consentement des trois Consistoires. Ceux 
de Leicesterfields et de TArtillerie adresseront vocation en 
bonne et dde forme k M. St6h61in, comme la Patente a 
MM. J. Blanc, P. Barbauld, J. Bamouin et J. Bourdillon. 
Un article additionnel arr^te que tant que subsistera TEglise 
de Kiderscourt, les ministres servans en partageront ^gale- 
ment le produit.^ Cette congregation se maintint encore 
environ une dizaine d'ann^es. 

St6h61in, qui avait recju en 1724 I'ordination anglicane, dut 
promettre de se conformer k la Confession de foi et a la 
Discipline des Eglises de France, *' autant que la chose sera 
possible ou practicable dans ces royaumes *\ 

Cinq pasteurs desservaient done les quatre troupeaux, et 
parmi eux Pierre Barbauld que nous avions d^ja vu aux 
Patentes de 1709 a 1711. A sa mort en 1738 on se r^duisit 
a quatre ; cependant en 1745 on adressait vocation a Louis 
Marconabes, pasteur de TEglise de Menin en Flandre qui 
venait d'etre dissip^e par la guerre. Les depenses des trois 
Eglises s'elevaient cette annee a 120 livres sterling pour 
TArtillerie, 170 livres sterling pour Leicesterfields et 150 
livres sterling pour la Patente de Soho ; il n'est plus mention 
de Riderscourt, sans doute d^finitivement ferme. Detail 
caract^ristique, les cinq pasteurs recevaient I'injonction de 
pr^cher de vive voix les Dimanches et les **sur-semaine/* 
sous peine d'une guinee pour les sermons du Dimanche et 
d'une demi-guin^e pour les sermons sur-semaine, au profit 
des pauvres/^ En 1748 Mdlle. Dina Dufour leguait 574 

^ Aetes de VEglise de VArtiUerie, 

^Actes de Leicesterfields. En 174S on accorde la lecture du sermon du 
Jendi, et en 175S k Barnouin par faveur sp^ciale il est permis de lire d^sormais 
see discours. 

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livres sterling partag^s entre les pauvres de Leicesterfields 
pour 267, et ceux de la Paten te pour 307. 

II nous faut maintenant enregistrer une serie de muta- 
tions pastorales. St6h61in, mort en 1753, est reinplaci le 9 
octobre par Jean Gaspard Mieg, Jean Blazrc en 1757 par 
H. Durand, qui demissionne en 1760 et auquel succfede Louis 
de la Chaumette ; Tannic suivante il entre a Threadneedle 
Street et aprfes des predications interimaires de Bugnion (min. 
de I'EgHse Suisse) les trois Consistoires ilisent un proposant 
de Hollande, David Ren^ Bouillier. A la demission de Mar- 
combes en 1763 on se contente de quatre pasteurs, abolissant 
les services de lendemain des doubles f^tes. A la mort de 
Mieg (sept., 1765) on elit Georges de la Saussaye. Les 
comptes de cette annee donnent pour Leicesterfields, £166 
15s., pour la Patente, £133 17s., pour TArtillerie, £229 148. 
En 1767 double demission de Barnouin par raison d'4ge — il 
mourait en 1770 — et de Bouillier pour entrer k la Savoie. Les 
Consistoires nommaient Charles de Guiffardifere, d'Utrecht, 
qui des 1769 rejoignait Bouillier k la Savoie tandis que son 
collfegue de la Saussaye entrait a Threadneedle Street.^ Les 
trois Eglises en etaient done arriv6es a n'avoir plus qu'un 
seul ministre, le v6n6rable Jacob Bourdillon. Un projet 
d'alliance avec la congregation helv^tique 6tablie a Castle 
Street ayant ^choue ^ et ]e pasteur Jean Jay de Rotterdam 
ayant refuse la vocation oiferte, les Compagnies se de- 
cid^rent a demander Tunion avec la Patente de Spitalfields 
dont il a 6t6 question dans le chapitre precedent. 

Cette union, pour Soho la r6-union, qui eftt eflFace jusqu'^ 
un certain point les persistants nuages laiss^s par Tancienne 
separation, n'^tait, parait-il, qu'un r^ve irr^ahsable. Aprfes 
de longs pourparlers Bourdillon dAt se rendre k Tividence ; les 
ressentiments duraient toujours et les Patentes n'^taient pas 
destinies k terminer ensemble Texistence ensemble com* 
mencee. Decourage par les difficultes et les entraves 
oppos^es a cette reconciliation des deux soeurs, le pasteur 
demanda sa d^charge de Leicesterfields et de la Patente et 

* Actes de VArtUlerie, 

'Le 14 juillet, 1769, les pasteurs de I'EgUse helv^tique Bugnion et 
Roustan et le secretaire F. des Barros expriment leurs regrets de ce que le 
projet d'union du 4 juin ait M si facilement rompu (lettre insert dans le 
Registre de Leicesterfields). Le projet d'union a ^t^ conserve; ses clauses 
particulidres Etaient qu'un des quatre pasteurs serait toujours Suisse, qu*on 
n'aurait qu'un temple dont chaque troupeau paierait la moitie et occupeFait 
un des c6t^, et que si les deux Consistoires dtaient r^duits k un seul, TEglib^ 
porterait le nom de celui qui pourrait remplir les engagements. 

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entra (ainsi que nous Tavons dit plus haut) a la Pateute 
de Spitalfields avec toute la congregation de I'Artillerie. 

Nous lisons dans les actes de Leicesterfields : "L'union 
entre les 3 Egl. de L. la Pat. en Soho et TArt. ayant et^ 
rompue par une resolution de cette derni^re du 5 Aoftt 1769, 
un nouvel Acte d'union fut arr6t6 et ratifie le 3 Avril 1770 
entre les Egl. de Leicesterfields et la Patente en Soho". 
En d^cembre on avait ^lu Elie Brilly k la place de Guiffardiere, 
et Van Swinden k celle de Bourdillon : deux pasteurs devaient 
amplement sufl&re : " vu le petit nombre de communiants k 
Leicester^* on r^duisait les communions a sept pour an'* : 
il a dt en 6tre de m^me k la Patente. Van Swinden, de- 
inissionnaire (1773), fut remplac6 par Etienne Gibert. R6- 
fugi6 de la onzifeme heure, il 6tait le digne reprisentant du 
pastorat fran9ai8 sous la Croix. A 17 ans il accompagnait 
deji dans les pirilleuses tournees de predication " au Desert " 
son frfere Louis, etait condamn6 a vingt ans par contumace 
aux galeres a perpetuity (1756), et apris deux annees passees 
pres d'Antoine Court au Seminaire de Lausanne, itait con- 
sacre et affects k la Saintonge, puis a Bordeaux oil il resta 
dix ans. Des divergences theologiques, une tendance vers 
les doctrines des Moraves, le forcferent a s'en Eloigner. En 
1771 il rcQUt a Londres I'ordination episcopale et *'pr6cha 
a peu pr^s tous les Dimanches pour soulager les autres 
ministres" jusqu'a son entree a la Patente de Soho en 1776, 
oil sa signature figure seule sur les registres apr^s 1778. 

A Leicesterfields a partir de 1775 Lescure signe avec Brilly 
et les deux sont indiqu^s en 1779 comme ministres de TEglise. 
II semblerait done que les liens s'^taient reUches, sinon en- 
tierement rompus, entre les deux conf6d6r6es. D'ailleurs 
Leicesterfields a surv^cu pendant trois ans k la Patente de 
Soho.^ Celle-ci, dont le dernier Acte inscrit est du 3 avril, 
1782, voyait approcher la fin du bail de son temple. Plut6t 
que d'en commencer un nouveau la congregation prit la 
resolution de se dissoudre, et c est k TEglise conformiste des 
Grecs, Tancienne Savoie, qu'elle demanda son incorporation. 
" On les verra avec plaisir grossir le troupeau et se con- 
former aux Actes et usages de TEgUse sans rien changer a 
la constitution de nos Assemblees de Consistoire. Cette 
Eglise ne se chargera en aucune manifere du ministre de la 
Patente, dont les fonctions cesseront le jour que les membres 

^ N'ayant pu obtetiir en 1786 sou union avec les Grecs, que cette Eglise 
trouvait **trop onereuse," Leicesterfields se fusionnait en 1787 avec le 

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viendront se fondre dans notre troupeau. Mais Ton choisira 
parmi les chefs de famille de cette Eglise quelques personnes 
propres k veiller conjoin tement avec nous a Tadministration 
des deniers des pauvres, continuant a assister les pauvres 
de la Patente selon la liste et le taux que ces chefs de 
famille communiqueront, moyennant qu'ils nous mettent 
en possession de tous les fonds de leur caisse." ^ 

En eflfet on agregeait aux Anciens des Grecs quatre de ceux 
de la Patente, Chassereau, Charron, Michel et Hureau (18 
avril, 1784). Cette adjonction est un temoignage de la 
vitalite de TEglise au moment ou elle renon9ait k son exis- 
tence propre : Taugmentation immediate des recettes de celle 
des Grecs en est une autre ; loin d^'etre eteint, comme ce fut 
le cas i la cessation de plusieurs autres Eglises, le troupeau 
procurait a la caisse des pauvres un accroissement de recettes 
de 32 livres sterling et a celle des ministres de prfes de 300 
livres sterling. 

Le nom de la Patente est mentionni une derniere fois 
ofiBciellement, juste un siecle apres sa premifere apparition 
dans Thistoire des Eghses du Refuge : en 1788 le testament 
de M. Bourget Ifegue 20 livres **aux pauvres de TEglise 
fran9aise dernierement connue sous le nom de la Patente et 
maintenant jointe k TEglise appelee des Grecs **. 

Ce n'est pas sans une certame m^lancolie qu on assiste a 
Tagonie et a la mort lente de ces communautes n^es a la 
suite de la Revocation. Rien de plus naturel cependant que 
cette assimilation progressive, et parfois rapide, des descen- 
dants des immigr^s a la nation qui avait si fratemellement 
accueilli leurs peres. Du reste elles sont representees encore 
a rheure actuelle par les deux Eglises fran9aises de la capi- 
tale od elles sont venues toutes converger, et nous savons 
que la Societe Huguenote de Londres s'efforce, avec succes, 
d*en retrouver et d'en perpetuer les souvenirs. 

^ Proc^'verbaux de VEglise des Qrecs, la Savoie. Gibert, devenu d'abord 
un des aum6nier8 de la Ghapelle Royale de St. James, termina sa carri^e 
pastorale k Guemesey. 

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Z^ 3ri89 ^eneioners of nOiffiam 333/$ ^usuenof 
(Restment0^ 1702* 

Trakscbibed and edited by WILLIAM A. SHAW, Litt.D. 

The following paper is transcribed from the original return 
contained in a miscellaneous bundle (No. 17) of Civil List 
books preserved among the Treasury Records at H.M, 
Record Office. 

The paper itself is entitled ''Abstract of the Examination 
of the French Pensioners now on the Civil List of the 
EstabUshment of Ireland". I have, however, given it the 
title which appears at the head hereof, in order to make 
more plain the military nature of the pensions, and the 
proper character of the recipients. 

The return itself is in book form with very wide pages 
divided into columns, these latter being headed as follows : — 

Column 1. No. Folio of the Book. 

„ 2. (a) Names and stations, either by first commission, 

second, or incorporated by warrant. 
„ 8. (6) Allowance on the establishment per diem. 
„ 4. (c) Where served and how long. 
„ 5. (d) What substance and in what it consists. 
„ 6. (e) What family they maintain. 
„ 7. (/) Able or not to serve, and why not. 
„ 8. (g) When disbanded. 

As it is manifestly impossible to reproduce the return in 
this tabular form, it is faithfully reproduced here by the 
simple device of lettering the columns (a), (b), (c), (d), 
and so on. Where, therefore, in the case of any pensioner's 
name the information only refers to (say) columns (a), (c), 
(e), it is to be understood that the remaining columns are 
blank in the original MS. and afford no details. 

Prefixed to the abstract is the original report, dated 29th 
June, 1702, from Charles Dering, Auditor General of Ireland, 
the report forming the covering document under which the 
abstract was forwarded to the Lords Justices of Ireland, by 

VOL. VI. — NO. III. X 

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whom they were both doubtless transmitted to the English 
Treasury under cover of another covering document — ^nov^ 
apparently lost. Dering's report is sufl&ciently succinct of 
itself to explain the circumstances under which the abstract 
was drawn up and the nature of its contents. 

It will be sufficient here to indicate in brief an antecedent 
fact or two in further explanation. 

As early as April, 1689, the Huguenot Refugees had formed 
three regiments in William's army.^ The reference to thena 
as '' the 3 French regiments of foot " is constant up to 1698.* 

In March, 1698-9, they suffered the fate of the other regi- 
ments on both the English and the Irish establishments in 
the disbandment of that year — a disbandment which the 
military historian has condemned in the strongest terms.^ 

Within fifteen months the policy of the disbandment was 
reversed upon the outbreak of the war. Existing regiments 
were brought up to war strength, and new regiments raised. 
The return contained in the following pages was doubtless 
demanded by the Lords Justices 'with a view to the recruiting 
exigencies of 1702, and it might be conjectured from the 
heading of the return "Galway's regiment," that a, possibly 
futile, attempt had been made to distinguish the pensioners 
according to their old regiments. Unhappily it is not possible 
to say whether all the pensioners here enumerated are to be 
taken as being of that regiment and that alone. 

That the return was asked for more with a view to 
ascertaining the possibilities of recruiting among the French 
pensioned soldiers is plain. In the following year a warrant 
was issued by the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland for the raising 
by Col. Sibourg of a regiment of Dragoons consisting of 
French Protestants, and to be commanded by the Duke of 

There was doubtless a second but much subsidiary motive 
in the return — viz. the ascertaining of the qualifications 
and pretensions of the various pensioners — i,e, with the 
mere niggardly view of pension economy. In connection 
herewith the following return may be compared with two 

^ Commons Journals, x., 88, 103 ; 15th and 24tli April, 1689. 

^ Cal. Treasury Papers, i., 192, 381, 423 ; ii., 258. In January, 1694-5, they 
were serving in Flanders. In May, 1699, reference is made to *' the late 5 
French regiments " ; unless this would appear to he a mistake for 3, the other 
two regiments would be regiments of Hussars. 

'Fortesoue, History of th€ British Army, i., 386-9. 

^Treasury Board Papers, Ixxxvi., 137, 26th July, 1703. 

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other returns on the same matter contained in the Treasury 
Board Papers.^ ' ^ 

It is perhaps necessary to add in conclusion that in the 
report the various abbreviations are quite simple. Pt. = 
Piedmont, Ire. = Ireland, Fl. = Flanders, Bran. = Branden- 
burg, Holl. = Holland, Com. = Commission, the iSgures 1 or 
2 standing for first commission or second commission, and so 
on. When an officer is described as re. or ref. the abbrevia- 
tion is for reform^, which is the then equivalent of our 
*' retired". 

To Their Excellencies the Lords Justices of Ireland. 

May it please your Excie», 

In obedience to your order to me directed dated the 5*** 
of May last, requirino me to inform myself the best way I could of 
the circumstances, qualifications and conditions of the several French 
pencon" placed on the Civil List of the estabt, and to require an acco* of 
thein as soon as conveniently I could, and that to that purpose I should 
give notice to all such French pencon™ wheresoever residing in this 
kingdome to appear before me by a certain day to be by me prefix'd, and 
should then cause them everj^ one to answer to the several questions 
menconed in y Excys order : I have examined them accordingly upon 
the said several questions, and have taken their several answers in writing 
signed under their own hands and likewise caused them to produce their 
several comissions at the same time \v«*» I have certifyed under their 
several answers, and have ordered the same to be bound in a Booke as 
by y^ Excys ord*^ is directed : w©** Booke I now lay before you. But in 
regard the particulars of the s<l answers are long and tedious being 590 
sheets of paper I humbly take leave to lay before you a list (by way 
of abstract to the s^ Booke) containing the most material hesids men- 
coned in y*" ord*". And for y*" Excys satisfacon in the first place do here 
ofter some observacon^ in general on the several articles menconed in 
y order : wch [said articles or questions] are as follows. 

Qu. 1. If any & w«Ji of the s^ pencon™ are allowed any other allow- 
ance upon the establishm* then Qihan] what is given the like officers 
and the station they last served [in] at cQsbsknding : and wt such allowance 
is and the reason how such allowance came to be made. 

Ajhtf^, I find no other allowance made to any penconer on the 
estabt then wt is given the like ofiicer in the station he served in at 
disbanding: except some few who were placed by particular order 
w'h the reasons menconed in the Booke why so placed which are 
marked thus t in the list. 

* Treasury Board Papers, Ixxv., No. 2, 4th July, 1701. " Names of the 
pensioners of the late three French regiments of foot who had appeared 
with their accounts stated and certified of arrears of pension due." 

Ibid.f Ixxx., 82. '* Copy of Lord Coningsby's report distinguishing the 
several qualifications and pretensions of the officers of the French regiments, 
delivered into the Treasury, June, 1702." 

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Qu. 2. If any person receive double allowance under several quali- 
iicacons as Coll : and Cap% Lew^ CoU and CapS Major and Capt or the 

A 71^. It does not appear by the estab^ that any penconr is paid in 
a double capacity such as Coll and Capt, Lewt Coll and Capt, Majr and 
Cap^ because each man*s allowance is placed by his name in an entire 
Bume w^^ut any title given to the person. But I must observe to 
yr Excys that I find the allowance of such of the French pencon* as 
were either Coll. Lievt Coll, or Major to be equal to the English half- 
pay officers of the same rank who are paid in two capacitys. As for 
instance the Earle of Drogheda is on the estabt of English halfpay 
officers thus, — To the Earle of Drogheda as Coll and Capt 8^ per diem, 
and the Earle of Lififord who was Imewise a Col of Foott is on the Civil 
List of the estab^ thus, Earle of Lifford S^ per diem and the rest 
accordingly. So that the allowance is the same tho' not menconed the 
same way. 

Qu. 3. That every penconr give under his hand the name and quedity 
he served in, when he entred into service, when disbanded, what sub- 
stance he or they enjoyed either in money, goods, farmes, stock or 
trade over and above his pencon : all w^^ particulars are to be collected 
into a Booke, and if after they have made their returne under their 
hands it shall appear to be untrue, on due proof will be struck out of 
the Ust, of which you are to give them notice. 

Awt^. I find that most of the pencon" have served by the name they 
are now on the estabt, that they have served a great while either in 
France, Holland, Brandenburgh or England flreland] as appeeurs by 
their several answers on their examinacons ana comissions produced to 
me : all w<:h I have certify ed in the said Booke. 

As to wt relates to their substance either in money, goods, farms, 
stock or trade I find the greatest part of them have no money, some 
goods onely for their necessary use, some small farms w<^b they rent 
& little or no trade : but such as have any I have inserted them in the 
list hereunto anex'd under the proper head. And I have particularly 
acquainted evei^ one of them that in case any part of what they have 
given under their hand should be proved to be false they will be struck 
out of the list. 

Qu. 4. You are to give notice to all the pencon™ now residing in this 
Kingdome to appear before yon on a certain day to be prefixt & ha\*ing 
taken a view of them to make a list of the names of such of them as are 
fitt & able to serve in the Army w^ the qualificacons they served 
undr at disbanding. 

Angr, I have reviewed all the French pencon" that live in this 
kingdom except two or three who being sick have sent their answers 
signed to me : And I do find allmost all of them say they are willing to 
serve in the army, tho' many of them by reason of age & infirmity s 
are not capable of it: I have therefore sett down in the s^ list the 
names of such who are able to serve & also the names of those that 
are not able to serve, w^b the reasons why they are not able. 

I have likewise in pmrsuance to y Excy« order to me dated the first 
of June given notice to the French agents that they should acquaint 
the several pencon" now out of this kingdome that it is y' Excy^ ordi* that 
every penconer not having licences shall repair hither wtbin six monthes 
after notice given them by the said agents: and in case he doth not 
such pencon*' shall have a moyety of his pencon struck off : and if he or 

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they returne not in twelve monthes after such notice given them then the 
whole pencon to cease. 

All w«h is humbly submitted to y"" Excy' consideracon this 29th of 
June 1702. 

Cha: Derino Aud: Genl 


Abstract of the Examinations of the French Pensioners now on the 
Civil List of the Establishment of Ireland. 

[General r^sum^. Prefixed.] 

The whole number of persons placed on the establishment as 

appears bv the margent of this abstract are .... 590 
Of whSch number there are in this kingdom, all of whom have been 

examined 414 

Absent out of the kingdom, dead or otherwise provided for, whose 

names are in the abstract blank fmarked *] - . . .176 
Persons that have no substance but their pensions .... 286 
Persons that have some substance besides their pensions . . 178 

Those that have serv'd & had Commissions 305 

Those that have served as officers without Commissions mentioned, 

certified in the abstract 39 

Those that have served as non commissioned officers & private 

soldiers 57 

Those that have been placed on the establishment by his late 

Majesty's warrants & have not served, markt in the abstract 

[thus]t 18 

Those that have pensions above their stations markt upon the 

abstract [thus] X .6 


(a) DaabussaiKues, Col. of Horse. 2 

com. of Col. 
6) 10». per diem. 

In Bran., in Pt. in Fl. 18 years. 


) 500^. ster. in malt tickets. 
{e) His wife. 
{/) Able to 8er\'e. 
Q) March the 20th, 169§. 

2. (a) Molien. 

lb) 9s. per diem. 

(eS His mother and a neece. 

(/) Able to serve. 

Q) March 20, 1698-9. 

3. (a) Varangle, Com. of Cap. aud of 

Lt.-Col. of horse. 
(6) Ss. per diem. 
(c) In HolL, and Ire. and Fl. 12 

(e) His mother and a neece. 
V) Able to serve. 

March 20th, 1698-9. 


4. *(a) Mazeres. • 
{b) Is. per diem. 

5. (a) Changuion, ^tandv Cap. of Horse, 

lb) 6s. per diem. 
Ic) In Ire. and Fl. 9 years. 
id) 2.000/. in talleys. 
ie) His sister. 
(/) Old. 
(g) March 20, 1698-9. 

(a) Bematre, 2 Com. of Cap., ref. 

and standv. 
{b) 6s. per diem. 

(ci In Holl.. Ire. and Fl. 12 years. 
id) 1,00W. in talleys. 
(ej His wife. 
(/) Learned [lame]. 
(g) March 20, 1698-9. 

7. *{a) La Fabregue. 
{b) 6s. per diem. 

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(a) La Milliere, 2 Com. of Cap., ref. 
and «tand>. 

(ft) 5s. per diem. 

(f) In Holl.. Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 

(</) 1,100/. in talleys. 

{e) His wife and 7 childr. 

' /■) Able to serve. 

' ) March 20. 1698-9. 

9. {a) La Bouchetiere, 3 Com., Lt, ref. 
C-ap. standi. 
{b) hs. per diem, 
(c) Holt., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
{(l) 3O01. in talleys. 

(e) His wife and 4 childr. 
If) Able to serve. 

iff) 20 March. 1698-9. 

10. {a) LaLaude, stands Lt., 2 Com., Lt. 

and Cap. Lt. 
(6) 3«. per diem. 
{c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. U years. 
{(l) 300/. in talleys. 
(«) His sister. 
(/) Able to serve. 
07) March 20. 1698-9. 

11. (a) Combecrorte, 8t> Lt, 2 Com., ref. 

and stand. 
(6) 3«. per diem, 
(c) Bran., Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
id) 860/. in malt tickets. 
{f) His wife and child. 
( /*) Able to serve. 
((/) March 20, 1698-9. 

12. ♦(«) Pinsun. 

{h) Zm. per diem. 

13. (a) 2:^lle8, stands Lt., Com. 
{b) 3w. per diem. 

(r) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 

((/) 800/. in talleys. 

{e) 3 cosins. 

if) Able to serve. 

iff) March 20, 1698-9. 

14. (a) Maisonnenve, stands Lt, Com. 
(6) Ss. per diem. 

(c) Holl., Ire, and Fl. 10 years. 

(rf) 700/. at 5 per cent 

{e) His wife and sister. 

(/) Gouty. 

iff) March 20, 1698-9. 

15. (a) Coulombier, stands Lt., Com. 

(b) 3*. per diem. 

(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl 10 years- 
it/) 1 050/. 

{ef His wife. 

( f) Able to serve. 

(g) March 20, 1698-9. 

16. (rt Boiwribau, 2 
stands Lt. 

com. , ref. and 

(6) 3«. per diem. 

(<•) Holl., Ir«. and Fl. 11 year*. 

{<f) 500/. in talleys. 

(f) Two neece?), their family and a 

(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March 20, 1698-9. 

17. (a) Dn May. 2 Com., Comet and 

stands Lt 
{h) S*, per diem. 
{c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 
{d) SOO/. in talleys. 
{e) His sister. 
(./) Able to serve. 
(I/) March 20, 1698-9. 

18. •(«) Lubieres. 

(fe) 2«. 6f/. per diem. 

19. ♦(o) Dollon. 

(6) 2s. 6^. per diem. 

20. (a) Vendieres, stands Corn., Com. 
(b) 28. ^l. per diem. 

(c) Fl. and Ire. 4 years. 

(d) 60/. in talleys. 


(e) His wife and daughter. 
If) Able to serve. 

ig) March 20, 1698-9. 

21. {a) Dhours. stands Com., Com. 
(b) 28. 6f/. per diem. 

(r) Holl., Ire. and FL 11 years. 
(</) 300/. in talleys. 

( f) Able to serve. 

(g) March 20, 1698-9. 

22. *(«) Anth. La nxiue. 

(b) 2*. M. per diem. 

23. {a) Plafay, 2 Com., ref. and ^talld 

{b) 28. 6f/. pr diem. 
(r) Ire. and Fl. 9 years. 
{«) His wife and 8 childr. 
( /*) Able to ser\'e. 
(//) March 20, 1698-9. 

24. *{a) La Cailtiere, Jun'. 
(ft) 28. 6d. per diem. 

26. ♦(«) La Milliere, Jun. 
(6) 2s. Gd. per diem. 

26. J(a) Anth. Gassaud, Pens. Com. by 

{h) 2». 6d. per diem. 

(c) Fl. and Ire. volun. 4 vears. 
in Sikly. 

ig) March 20, 1698-9. 

27. *(a) Guiraudet 

;(/>) 1*. 6r/. per diem. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



28. •(«) Mallic-. 

(6) Is. 6d. per diem. 

29. *{a) Boyer. 

{b) la. Qd. per diem. 



90. {a\ Farange, Q. M. 
(6) It. ikL per diem. 
{eS Ire. ana FL 10 years, 
(rf) 9001. his and his brother's. 
(/) Able to serve. 
(<7) March 20, 1698-9. 

31. (a) Amatis, Q. M., certify'd. 
(6) 1«. 6rf. per diem, 
(c) Ire. and Fl. 9 years. 
{d\40l. of his wife. 
{/) Able to serve. 
ig) March 20, 1698-9. 

82. (a) Pineau, Q. M., Com. 
{b) U. Sd. per diem, 
(c) Ire. and Fl. 9 yearn. 
id) 2501. that he traden with. 
His brother and 2 sons. 
( Able to serve. 
07) March 20, 1698-9. 

as. (a) CheUr, Q. M., Com. 
{b) la. M. per diem. 

(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 

(d) 4001. ster. tallHeslaud interest 
(f) His wife and child. 

(/) Old. 

{g) March, 1698-9. 

84. (a) Pelissier, Q. M., certify'd. 

(b) Is. Qd. yer diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 

(e) His wife and child. 
{/) Able to serve. 

0/) March, 1698-9. 

36. {a) Saurin, Q. M., certify'd. 
(6) Is. 6rf. per diem. 

(c) Ire. ana Fl. 10 years. 

(«) His wife and child. 
(/) Able to serve. 
iff) March, 1698-9. 

86. (a) Descury, 2 Com., ref. Capt. and 
2d MiKJor. 
o«. per diem. 
Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 

(d) 600/. in tall. 
{e) 7 childr. and his sister. 
]/) Learned. 
g) March. 1698-9. 

37. (fl) Goulaine, 2 Cora. , ref. Lt and i 


(b) is. per diem. 

{c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 

(rf) 800/. in tall. 

(«) 7 prsoiis. 
(,/*) Able to serve. 
(f/) March, 1698-9. 

38. (a) Liveme, 2 Com., ref. Lt and 

{b) As. per diem. 

(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
{fl) 65W. in tall, and malt tickets. 
(«) His son and daughter. 

(/) Old. 

(//) March, 1698-9. 

39. {a) Des Loires, 3 Com., ref. standf 

and ref. Cap. 
{b) As. per diem, 
(r) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
{e) His wife. 
if) Learned. 
&) March, 1698-9. 

40. ♦(a) Rouviere. 
{b) As. per diem. 

41. {a) Foutane, 2 Com., ref. Lt and 

(6) As. per diem. 
(r) Holl, Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 

(d) 200 in talleys. 

(r) His brother and 2 neet^es. 
if) Able to serve. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

42. («) Cramahe, 2 Com., ref. Cap. of 

foot and horse. 
{h) As. per diem. 
(r) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 

(d) 460/. at 7 per cent 

(e) His wife and 2 childr. 
(./I Sikly. 

0/) March, 1698-9. 

43. {a) La Cailtiere, sen^. 2 Com., standi 

Lt and R Cap. 
{h) As. per diem. 
(r) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
(d) 300/. talleys, 
if) Sikly. 
(r/) March, 1698-9. 

44. •(«) La Coudriere. 
(o) 4;». per diem. 

4.5. la) La Malauiere, R. Cap. , Com. 
(/>) 4«. peraiem. 
(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 12 years, 
(ci His son. 
if) Able to serve. 
(f/) March, 1698-9. 

46. *(a) ChaV»rieres. 
(b) As. per diem. 

47. *(«) Louvigny. 
(6) 4,«f. per diem. 

Digitized by VjOOQiC 



48. ♦(«) Valserj- [cUsad]. 
[h) As. per diem. 

49. (a) ClervaQX,2Coin., R. Lt. and Cap. 

(b) 4«. per diem. 

(c) Holl.. Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 

(d) low. in taUeys. 

(f ) His ftister. 
W) Sikly. 

(g) March, 1698-9. 

50. •(«) Gueriu. 

(b) As. per diem. 

51. *ia) Dallon.H. 

[b) As. per diem. 

52. (a) Arabiu, 2 Com. , Com. and R. Cap. 
(b) As. per diem. 

(ci Ire. and Fl. 10 year*. 

la) 500/. and hia wife's substance. 

(e) His wife with child. 
If) Able to serve. 

(g) March, 1698-9. 

5a (a) Roos-se, Lt R., Com. 

(b) 2s. M. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
id) 100/. in money. 

(/I Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

54. *(a) Maleray. 

(6) 2.<r. 6^. per diem. 

55. (a) Du fay, 2 Com. , Corn, and R. Lt. 
\b) 2s. 6d. per diem. 

) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 

) 150/. in money.' 
{f) Hi» wife and child. 
(/) Able to serve. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

56. (a) Chapel, R. Lt., Com. 

(6) 2s. Sd. per diem. 

(c) ' ^-' " 


(/) Able to serve 

(cj Ire. ancf Fl. io years. 
{d} 100/. in talleys. 

(g) March, 1698-9. 

67. ♦(a) St. Christol. 
(6) 2». 6ff. per diem. 

58. (a) Nicolas, 2 Com. , Corn, and R. Lt I 
(ft) 2s. 6r/. per diem, 
(r) Ire., Pt and Fl. 8 years. 
(«) No family. i 

(/) Able to 8er\'^. | 

07) March, 1698-9. i 

59. Ja) Comarques, R. Lt., Com. 
2*. 6rf. per diem. 
Ire. ana Fl. 6 yeara. 
) 160/. and a rent of 81. lOs. 
(e) Hi.s wife and 3 childr. 


(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

60. (a) DalezSoustelle, 3Com., R. Corn., 

Lt. and Cap. 

(b) 2s. 6d. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 7 years. 

id) 400/. to the Ezch. of Eng. 
(e) His wife. 

, , Able to serve. 

7) March, 1698-9. 

61. (a) Drulhon. 2 Com., R Com. and 

2ff. M. per diem. 
Ire. and FL 9 years. 
200/. in tolleys. 
Able to serve. 
March, 1698-9. 

62. (a) Theremin, R. Lt, Com. 
(6) 2s. 6d. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and FL 10 years. 
{d) 100/. in talleys. 
(e) His wife. 
if) Wounded. 
7) March, 1698-9. 

68. (a) Desmareste, 2 Com., Com. and 
R. Lt 
2s. 6d. per diem. 
(c) Ira. and Fl. 10 years. 
J) 150/. in talleys. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March. 1698-9. 

64. {a) Sijol, R. Lt, Com. 

ib) 2s. (5d. per diem. 
c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
d) A farm of 16/. a year. 
ie) 5 kinswomen. 
if) Sikly. 
(//) March, 1698-9. 

65. (a) Duchene, Sen. , 2 Com. , Com. and 

R. Lt 
lb) 2s. ed. per diem, 
(c Holl., Ire. and Fl. 18 years. 
\d) 200/. in talleys. 
( /) Able to serve. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

66. (a) Gaubert, 2 Com., Com. and R. 

lb) 2s, 6^. per diem. 
Ic) HolL. Ire. and Fl. 12 years. 
Id) 190/. in mony. 
If) Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

67. *(a) Constantin. 

{b) 2s. 6d. per diem. 

68. (a) Therond, 2 Com., Com. and R. 



Digitized by VjOOQIC 




HoU., Ire. and Fl. 12 years. 
Hifi wife and *2 childr. 
r) March, 1698-9. 

ed. (a) Sigougniere. R. Lt., Com. 
lb\ 2s. Qd. per aiem. • 

(c) FL and Ire. 6 years. 
KXV. in talleys. 

7) March, 1698-9. 

70. (a) Moncomet. R. Lt., Com. 
<6) 28, 6<:;. per diem. 

{c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 

(d) 200/. in a farm of 16/. a [year]. 

(e) His wife and 4 childr. 
{/) Old. 

Q) March, 1698-9. 

71. *(«) Dnmarest. 

{b) 2a. 6d. per diem. 

72. (a) Du val, 2 Com., Com. and R. Lt 
{b) 2s. 6d. per diem. 

(c) HolL, Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
id) 1251. ster. in mony. 

0) Sikly. 

(^) March, 1698-9. 

78. *{a) Constantin, junr. 
{b) 2s. 6d. per diem. 

74. (a) La ronviere, 2 Com.. Com. and 

R. Lt 
{b) 28. Qd. per diem. 
(cj HolL, Ire. and Fl. 12 years. 

[d) 1501. in mony. 
(/) Woundwl. 

{g) March. 1698-9. 

75. (a) Feron. 2 Com., Corn, and R. Lt. 

(b) 28. 6d. i>er diem. 

(c) HoU., Ire. and Fl. 11 years, 
(c/) 200 tall, and mony. 

(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March. 1698-9. 

76. •(a)-J. Laroqiie. 

(b) 28. 6d. per diem. 



(a) Le Blanc, R. Lt. Com. 

lb) 28. 6rf. per diem. 

{c) Holl.. Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 

[d) 100 taUeys. 

{/) Able to serve. 

(^) March, 1698-9. 

, Corn, and R. Lt. 
2a. M. per diem, 
(cj Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(a) 100/. in mony. 
\ei His wife. 
{/) Able to serve. 
iff) March, 1698-9. 

(a) Cambes, 2 Com. , 

79. (a) LaSalles, R. Corn.. Com. 
(6) 29. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(e) His wife and child. 
(/) Able to serve. 

ig) March. 1698-9. 

80. {a) Rigaudye, R. Com.. Com. 
lb) 2s. per diem. 

ic) Ire. and Fl. 10 yeart*. 

(d) 100/. in mony. 
(/) Able to serve. 
iff) March. 1698-9. 

81. (a) Jalaquier, R. Corn.. Com. 
(6) 28. per diem. 

ic) Ire. and Fl. 10 vears. 
[d) 250/. in mony. 
{/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

82. •(«) Des Fournaux. 
(6) 28. per diem. 

88. *(a) Brunei. 
(6) 28. per diem. 

84. (a) Des Isles, R. Com.. Com. 
(6) 2«. per diem. 
(c) Fl. and Ire. 6 years. 
Abie to serve. 
r) March. 1698-9. 

86. *{a) Dupuy. 

(b) 28. per diem. 

86. (a) La Chapelle. R. Corn. . Com. 
lb) 28. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
id) 220/. in tolleys. 

le) His wife and child. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

87. (a) DarqiiCM. R. Cora.. Com. 
{b) 28. pNsr diem, 
(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
{d) 100/. in mony. 

Able to serve. 
) March, 1698-9. 

88. {a) Dabl>adie, R. Corn., Com. 

(b) 28. per diem. 

(c) Fl. and Ire. 7 years. 
(J) Able to ser\'e. 

{g) March. 1698-9. 

89. *(a) Corbettes. 
(b) 28. per diem. 

\0} i 


[a) Duchene, Junr, R. Corn., Com. 

2s. per diem. 
,., Ire. and Fl. 9 years. 
(d) 200 in talley.s. 
{/) Able to 8er>'e. 
Q) March. 1698-9. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



91. (tt) Savounnet, R. Coru., Com. 

[b) 2s. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 
{d) 20W. at interest. 

(«) His wife and child. 
{/) Able to serve. 
if/) March, 1698-9. 

92. (a) Brngiiier, R. Corn., Com. 
(6) 28, per diem. 

(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 12 years. 
(e) His wife. 
(/*) Able to serve. 
{(/) March, 1698-9. 

93. («) Delisle. R. Corn., Com. 

(b) 2». per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
{/) AWe to serve. 

Q/) March, 1698-9. 

94. {a) Du Bay, R. Com., Com. 
(6) 29. per diem. 
' Ire- '"id Fl. 10 years. 

i) 4W. in talleys. 
/) Able to serve. 
(y) March. 1698-9. 

95. *{a) Coulon. 

(6) 2s. per diem. 

96. *(a) Ar. de miremont. 
{h) 10». per ilieni. 

97. ♦(«) J. Savary. 
(b) Is. per diem. 

98. ♦(«) Cha. Couteau, 
{b) &(. per diem. 

99. {a) P. Aiirelle, A<lj. ot Dragoons. 

certify 'd 
{b) 2.«. per diem, 
(cj In Ft. and Fl. 9 years. 
( /') Able to serve. 
(it) March, 169S.9. 

100. *(«) Jaq. Lestan(]uet. 
(6) As. per diem. 

101. *{(t) Fr. Merival. 
{b) As. per diem. 

102. •(«) Balandry. 
(b) As. per diem. 

103. (a) Danl. Addee, Cap. of Dragoons, 

{b) As, per diem. 
((•) Fl. aiid Ire. 7 years. 
{e) His wife. 
( /") Able to serve, 
(i/) March, 1698-9. 

104. ♦(«) Monledjer. 
{b) As. per tlieiii. 

105. •(«) Est Guilhon. 
(6) 2$. 6d. per diem. 

106. (a) P. Chalamel. standi Lt.. Com.,. 

Lt. and Capt. 
{b) 2a. Qd. per diem. 
(c) Pt and Fl. 9 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
iff) Maroh, 1698-9. 

106 [sic], {a) P. Monfort, staiidv Lt., Com. 
{b) 2s. 6f/. per diem. 
(r[ Pt. and FL 9 year*. 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

107. •(«) P. Fossat. 

(b) 2s, 6rf. per diem. 

108. (rt) Jos, Davesseiu, 2 Com.. Cora, of 

Horse, and Lt. of Drags;. 
(6) 2s, Q(i. per diem. 

(c) HolL, Ire. and FL 13 years. 
(e) His family. 

{/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

109. (a) SamL Dussoul. standic Lt. '^f 

Drags., Com. 
lb) 2s. 6rf. per diem. 
(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
{(f) A farm of 7/. ster. a year. 
(e) His family. 
(/) Able to serve. 
(*/) March, 1698-9. 

110. (a) MeAnt. meserac, Com. of Drag?., 

lb) 2s. per diem, 
(r) Pt and Fl. 5 years. 
{d) low. ster. in mony. 
(e) His family. 
(/) Able to serve. 
iff) March. 1698-9. 

I 111. t(a) Ged. Castelfrauc, Pens. Corn, by 
I warrant. 

{b) 2s. per diem. 

((•) In Fl. volunteer 3 years. 

(J) Able to serve. 

(g) March, 1698-9. 

112. •(«) P, Senegas. 
(b) 2s. per diem. 

113. (rt) De long prfe. Com. of Drags.. 


(b) 2s. per diem. 

(c) Pt. and Fl. 9 years. 
(./") Able to serve.' 

{(/) March, 1698-9. 

114. *(rt) A bel Castelfrauc. 
{b) 2s. per diem. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


115. {a) Jos. Du Fail dexoudura, Corn., 

{b) 2». per diem, 
(c) Fl. and Ire. 5 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698 9. 

116. (a) Et. Petitot, 2 Com., R. Com. of 
borse and Corn, of Drags. 

28. per diem. 
Fl. and Ire. 6 years. 
His Oamily. 
I Able to serve. 
March, 1698-9. 

117. («) Jag. Limarest, Com. of Drags., 


{b) 28, per. diem. 

Ft. Ire. and Pt. 7 years. 
Able to serve. 

iff) March, 1698-9. 

118. (a) P. Rilx)t, 

Q. 3^1. of Drags., 

(6) 1j». 6d. per diem, 
(c) Pt. and Fl. 9 years. 
{d) 501. in money. 
{j) Able to serve. 
iff) March, 1698-9. 

119. (a) Jam. Michel, Q. M. of Drags., 

(6) 1«. 6rf. per diem, 
(c) Pt. and Fl. 9 years. 
d) 50/. in mouy. 
If) Able to serve. 
1^) March, 1698-9. 

120. (a) Jam. Pontbisson, Q. M. of 

Drags., certify'd. 
{b) Is. Qti. per diem. 
(c) Pt and Fl. 9 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
iff) March, 1698-9. 

121. *{n) Abm. Bruniquel. 
(6) 1*. 6(1. per «lieni. 

122. (a) Oliv. Malherbe, Q. M.. certify'd. 
{b) Is. 6iL per diem. 

(c) Ire., Pt. and Fl. 10 years. 
If) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

123. (a) J. Boucherie, Q. M.. certify'd. 
(6) 1*. 6rf. per diem. 

Ic) Pt. and Fl. 9 years. 
if) Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

124. {a) J. Cailhot, Q, M., certify'd. 
{b) la. 6d. per diem. 

(c) Ire., Pt. and Fl. 10 years. 
{d) A farm of 01. ster. a year, 
(f) His wife and 3 childr. 


{f) Able to serve. 
Q) March, 169S-9. 

125. *(a) Isaac La Melonniere. 

(b) Ss, per diem. 

126. (a) Vimar, 2 Com., Lt. Col., and Col. 

of foot 
lb) 6s. per diem. 

(c) [H]Anover, Ire. and Fl. 17 

f) Able to serve, 
r) March, 1698-9. 

127. (a) La Balme, 2 Com., Cap. and 

Maj. » 

(b) 5s. per diem. 

(c) Holl.. Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
(e) His family. 

(/) Old. 

ig) March, 1698-9. 

128. ♦(«) Papaul. 

(b) 28. per diem. 

129. (a) La Bastide, stand* Cap., Com. 
(6) Ss. per diem. 

) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 12 years. 
, :) 100/. in malt tickets. 
(e) His wife, 
(y*) Learned. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

130. ♦(«) Brasselay. 

(b) 3s. per diem. 

131. ♦(«) Vignoles. 
(6) 3«. per diem. 

132. *(a) De la Court. 
(^) 3«. per diem. 

133. (rt) Deperay, 8 Com., stand* Ensign^ 

Lt. and Cap. 
(6) 3». per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(J) Able to serve. 

(g) March. 1698-9. 

134. *(«) Desbrosse. 
(6) 3». per diem. . 

136. ♦(«) Montigiiy. 

(b) Ss. per diem. 

136 *{a) Rousset. 
{b) Ss. per diem. 

137. (a)Secqueville,2Com.,R. andstandg 

(ft) 3» per diem. 

(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
{d) 300/. in raony and goods. 
(/) Able to serve. 

(//) March, 1698-9. 

Digitized by VjOOQiC 



138. (a) Bordenave, 2 Cora., stand' Lt. 

and R. Cap. 
(6) 2«.6rf. per diem, 
(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 12 years. 
If) Able to serve. 
Ig) March, 1698-9. 

139. (a) Fraisinet. 

(b) 2s. per diem. 

140. (a) Massillos, 2 Com., standf Lt. and 

R. Cap. 
(6) 29. per diem. 

(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 

(g) March, 1698-9. 


*(a) Coulon. 
(6) 2». per diem. 

142. (a) Brunville, 2 Com. , standf Ensign 

and Lt. 
lb) 2s. per diem. 
Ic) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 17 years. 
[d) 25/. iu money. 
{/) Able to serve. 
iff) March, 1698-9. 

143. (a) Berault, Htandv Lt. Com. 
ib) 2». per diem. 

ic) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

144. (a) Bedora, 2 Com., R. and standf Lt. 
(b) 28. per diem, 

ic) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
iff) March, 1698-9. 

I Portal, standf Lt, Com. 

28. per diem. 

Holl. , Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
► 200/. to the Excheq. of Eng. 

His mother, wife and daughter. 
) Sikly. 

March. 1698-9. 

146. (a) La Motte grain d'or, 2 Com., 
standf and R. Lt. 
2s. per diem. 

Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
I 60 in mony. 
) Able to serve. 
March, 1698-9. 






148. (o) 

Bigos, 2 Com., R. and standf Lt 

2^. per diem. 

Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 

Able to serve. 

March, 1698-9. 

Vignau, 2 Com., 
and Lt. of foot. 
2». per diem. 

standf Ensign 

(c) Holl., Ire. and PL 13 years. 
{d\ 951. ster. in mony and goods. 
(/) Able 80 serve. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

149. ♦(«) Fonronce. 
(b) 28. per diem, 

150. *{a) Longchamp. 
(b) 2s, per diem. 

151. (a) Ferrand, R. Cap. Com. 
|6) 28. per diem. 

c) HoU.. Ire. and FL 12 years. 
e) His family. 
) March, 1698-9. 

152. *{a) Brisac. 

(&) 1«. M. per diem. 

153. (a) L. de Rochblave, standf ensign 

ib) 1«. 6rf. per diem. 
\c\ Pt. and HolL 5 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
(^) March, 1698-9. 

154. (a) Beaucourt, 2 Com., R. and stand* 

(b) \8. Qd, per diem. 
ic\ Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(/) Able to 8er\'e. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 


ia) Dangilboud, standf Ensign Com. 

(61 Is. 6rf. per diem. 

ie) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 

{/) Able to serve. 

{g) March, 1698-9. 

156. ia) Glatiniy. standf En&ign Com. 
lb) l8. 6a. per diem. 
(c) Holl., Ire, and FL 12 years. 

e) His wife and child. 
[/) Able to serve. 
g) March, 1698-9. 

157. (a) Delpy, 2 Com., R. and standf 

(6) Is. 6d. per diem, 
ic) Holl., Ire. and FL 12 years. 
(a) 60/. in mony. 
(/) Able to ser\e. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

158. (a) Garipuy, 2 Com., R. and standf 

ensign, Commissions. 
(6) Is. 6d. per diem, 
(c) HolL, Ire. and FL 11 years. 
{J") Able to serve. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

159. (a) Du faux, sen^ 2 Com.. R and 

standing Ensign. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


(6) Is. 6rf. per diem. 

le) Bran., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 

{/) Able to serve. 

(g) March, 1698-9. 

160. (a) Molie, sen'. 2 Com., R. and 

standt ensign. 
{b) Is. 6rf. per diem, 
(ci Bran., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
(d) 2001, that he tnules with. 
(t) His family. 
{/) Able to serve. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

161. (o) De Loche, 2 Com., O and B' 

G«u. of foot. 
{b) 6s. per diem, 
(c) Bran., Pt. and Fl. 13 years. 
{d) 1,800^. talleys, house and goods. 
lei His family. 
if) Able to serve. 
&) March, 1698-9. 

16$ [sic]. *{a) Rieutor. 
(6) 5^. per diem. 

164. (a) Dalbon, 2 Com. , stands Cap. and 

Maj. of foot 
(6) 4s. per diem, 
(c) Bran., Pt. and Fl. 13 years, 
{d) 200/. in mony. 
(ef His sister. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

165. (a) Dauteuil, R. Cap. of foot. Com. 
(b) 2». 6d. per diem. 

(cf) 500/.' in tall, of his wife. 


His family. 

{e) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 


{/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

166. *(a) C^resseron. 

(6) 28. M. per diem. 

167. (a) St PhUbert, R. Capt, Com. 
(6) 2s. 6d. per diem. 

lc\ Holl., Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 

(a) 60 guines interest 
>) Hisdaugh. audneece. 


) March. 1698-9. 

168. la) Marechal, R. Cap., Com. 

(b) 28. Od. per diem. 

(c) Holl., Ire. and FL 11 years. 
{e\ His mother and sister. 

if) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

169. •(a) D'Hanus. 

{b) 2*. ed. per diem. 

170. (o) St Mesmin, R. Cap., Com. 

{b) 2s. M. per diem. 

[c] Holl., Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 

((/) 2C0 in mony. 

(<•) His family. 

Ul Old. 

{g) March, 1698-9. 

171. (a) La motte Belleau, R. Cap. , Com. 

(b) 28. M. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
ie) His family. 

if) Grievous sik. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

172. *{a) St hipolite. 

{b) 2s. 6rf. per diem. 

173. (a) LrfiSauvagie, R Cap., Com. 
(6) 2s. 6rf. per diem. 

{c) Ire. anci Fl. 10 years. 

{d) A farm of 16. 13. 0. a year. 

{e) His wife. 

if) Able to serve. 

ig) March. 1698-9. 

174. (a) La vize, R. Cap., Cora. 

(b) 2s. 6d. per diem. 

(cj Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

175. («) St Geme, 2 Com., stands Lt. an.l 

R. Cap. 
{b) 2.V. Qd. per diem. 

(c) Ire- and Fl. 10 years. 

(d) 250/. in talleys. 

(e) His wife. 
{/) Sikly. 

ig) March, 1698-9. 

176. (rt) La Iwt, 2 Coin., stands Lt and R. 

(6) 2s. 6c/. per diem. 
(c) HolL, Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
{d) 120/. in money, 
(e) His family, 
(y*) Old and sikly. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

177. (o) Bragard, stands Cap. in Pt., 

{b) 28. 6rf. per diem, 
(c) Bran., Pt and Fl. 13 years. 
{d) 100/. and a farm of 11, a year. 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March. 1698-9. 

178. (rt) Ruynat, stands Cap. in Pt , Com. 
(6) 28. 6ti. per diem. 

(c) Bran., Ft. and Fl. 13 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

179. *(«) Dubochet 
(6) 2«. 6</. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



180. (a) Alesieu, 'I Com., aUndi Lt. and 189. 
Cap. iu Pt. 
(6) 2«. 6a. per diem, 
(c) Frize, Pt and Fl. 13 years, 
(e) Hifl family. j 

m Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 190. 

181. (a) Diimeny. 3 com., Lt., A<lj. 
stands Cap. in Pt. 


(6) ^. 6<i. per aiem. 

Bran. , Pt. and Fl. 18 years. 
(«i His family. 
( /) Able to serve, 
(y) March. 1698-9. 

182. (rt) Beaulieu. 

(6) */». 6rf. per diem. 

183. (a) Laussan, 2 Com., R. and stands 

Cap. in Pt. 
(6) 2«. 6rf. per diem, 
(c) Pt. and Fl. h years, 
jrt) A farm of 9/. ster. a year. 
\t) His family. 
\f) Able to serve. 
(</) March, 1698-9. 

184. (ff) De Leuze, 2 Com., Lt aiulCap. in , 

Pt il94. 

(6) 2s. 6rf. per diem, 
(c) Pt. and Fl. 9 years. 
{d) 300/. of his wife. ' 

(f) His family. 
(/) Able to serve. 
(17) March, 1698-9. 




(a) Conte de la musse, H. Cap. 

\h) 2a. 6</. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 

(/) Sikly. 

{g) March, 1698-9. 


186. (a) LaCoste, R. Lt, 
(6) 1«. 6</. per diem. 


(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 12 years. 
\d) A farm of 28/. st. a year. 
g) His family. 

■) Able to serve. 
;^) March, 1698-9. 


187. (a) Du faux, jun', 2 Com, , R. Ensign 

and Lt 
(6) 1». 6rf. per diem, 
(c) Bran., Ire. and Fl. 18 years. 
\d) 180/. in mouy. 
( /) Able to serve. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

188. (a) Puychenin, R. Lt, Com. 
(6) 1«. 6<<. per diem. 

(r) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 

\d) 200/. at interest. 

(/•) His familv. 

(./} Gouty. 

{g) March. 1698-9. 





(a) Castelverdum, R. Lt., Com. 

\h) \b. 6rf. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 yeaiK 

(/) Able to .nerve. 

{9) March. 1698-9. 

(o) Mercier, R. Lt, Com, 
6) 1«. 6<i. per diem. 
c) Holl., !re. and FL II yeans. 
Able to serve. 

6) March, 1698-9. 

(a) Pelat, R. Lt. com. 

(6) 1«. 6</. per diem. 

(f) Holl., Ire. and FL 11 years. 

\t\ His wife and 4 childr. 

\f) Able to sen-e. 

07) March, 1698-9. 

•(rt) La Porte. 

(6) Ix. 6</. per diem. 

(rt) Papin, R. Lt, Com. 
]h) \s. 6(rf. per diem, 
(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years, 
(f) His wife. 

(/) Sikly. 

(<7) March, 1698-9. 

(a) Valada, R. Cap., Com. 

(&) 1«. 6*/. per diem. 

(ri Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 

\d) 100/. in money. 

(e) His family. 

\f) 66 years old. 

(</) March, 1698-9. 

la) Dambon, R. Lt, Com. 
(6) la. M. per diem, 
(c) Bran.. Ire. and Fl. 12 years. 
I /") Able to serve, 
r) March, 1698-9. 

(a) Dhuglas, 2 Com., Re. EnagnaDd 

(6) Iji. 6^/. per diem. 
c) Holl, Ire. and Fl. 18 years. 
\d\ 80/. in mony. 
;/) Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

(a) Villeneuve, R. Lt , Com. 
(M Lv. 6€/. per diem, 
(c) Fl. and Ire. 7 years. 
(/*) Able to serve, 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

[a) La Lauze, R. Lt, Com. 

(6) 1«. 6f/. per diem. 

(V) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 

\d) 80/. iu monv. 

{/) Sikly. 

(j^) March, 1698-9. 

♦(«) Massi'. 

(6) 1a. 6</. per diem. 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 



-200. la) Bonabel, 2Coui.. stamU Lt. in Pt. 
(6) Is. 6d. per diem, 
(c) Pt and Fl. 9 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
iff) March, 1698-9. 

'J00[9kl (a) Bafiniac, 2 Com., standt 
ensn and Lt. in Pt. 
(6) la. M.WT diem. 
(c) HoU., Ire., Pt. and Fl. 11 years. 

( f) Able to serve. 

(g) March, 1698-9. 

201. {a) Dupuy, 2 Com., stand* ens" and 

Lt. in Pt. 
(6) Is. 6d. per diem. 

(e) Pt and ¥\. 9 years. 

( f) Able to serve, 
(if) March, 1698-9. 

202. *(a) Dassa-s. 
(h) Is.M. 

203. (a) La rivaliere, 2d Lt of the grena- 

diers in Pt., Com. 
{h) Is. 6</. per diem, 
(c) Pt. and Fl. 5 years. 

( f) Able to ser\-e. 
iff) March, 1698-9. 

204. {a) La fitte, R. en.sign, Com. 
(6) 1^. per diem. 

c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
( /■) Able to serve. 

(g) March, 1698-9. 

205. (^/) La font, R. £u.sign. Com. 
(ft) 1«. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
iff) March, 1698-9. 

'206. *{a) Brisac. 

{b) U, per diem. 

207. "{a) La mecoiirt. 
(6) Is. per diem. 

20S. (a) Molie, jun', R en.sign, Com. 
(h) Is. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 9 years. 

(d) 100/. that he trades with. 

(e) His sister. 
(/) Able to 8erve. 
(.7) March. 1698-9. 

209. (a) Dalbenqne, R. Ensign, Com. 
(6) Is. per diem. 

(c) Holl, Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
{ f) Able to serve. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

210. (a) Dapilliz, R. EuHign Com. 
{h) Is. per diem. 

\c) Ire. and Fl. 9 years. 

{/) Able to serve. 
'{g) March, 1698-9. 

211. (a) Da Serre, standi Ensign in Pt 

(6) 1«. per diem. 
Ic) Bran., Pt. and Fl. 10 years. 
\d) 2W. 

(/) Able to sene. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

212. (a) Defwmblards, 2d Ensign in Pt. 

(6) \s. per diem, 
c) Ire., Pt. and Fl. 10 years. 
'./) Able to serve. 
\g) March. 1698-9. 

213. *(a) Earl of Liffort. 
(6) %a. per diem. 

214. (a) Sam. de Boisrond, 3 Com. , raaj. 

and Lt. CI. 
(b) 6j». per diem, 
(cj Bran. , Ire. and Fl. 18 years. 
( /') Able to serve. 
[g) March, 1698-9. 

216. *(«) Daul. de Virazel. 
[b) 36'. per diem. 

216. ia) La cherols, 2 Com., Cap. and 
(6) 5*. per diem, 
(r) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 12 vears. 
{d) 500/. in tall. 
[e) His wife, 3 cliil. and 2.sist. 
(/) Able to .serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

217. (a) Pepin, 3 Com., Lt. Adj. and 

{b) 2s. per diem, 
(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 12 vears. 
\d) 567/. in tall, deficients' 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

218. (a) Bancons, stauti* Cap. , Com. 
(ft) 3."f. per diem. 

(cj Holl., Ire. and Fl. 11 vears. 
\d) 200/. in all his stock, 
(f) His family. 
(./*) Able to serve. 
Ig) March, 16P8-9. 

219. ♦(«) (;ally. 

(ft) 3j*. per <liem. 

220. *{a) Pelissier. 
(ft) 3.S. per diem. 

221. (rt) Rimbliere, 2('om., R. and stand* 


Digitized by VjOOQIC 



lb) 3s. per diem. 

(c) HolL. Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 

{d) 400/. in tall. 

(/) Able to serve. 

Q) March, 1698-9. 

222. *(a) Constn. de Magny. 
(6) Bs. per diem. 

222 [nc]. (ri) Theo. Desbrisay , .standi Cap. , 

eSs. per diem. 
Bran., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
) 100/. in mony. 
U) A numerous family. 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March. 1698-9. 

223. •(«) P. de braze. 
{b) Bs. per diem. 

224. •(a) Jos. St. Leger. 
{b) Zs. per diem. 

225. •(a) Du poncet. 
(6) 3s. per diem. 

226. (a) Calvairac, 2 Com., standi ens" 

and Ui. 

(b) 28. per diem, 
(r) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 

d) 200/. in tall. 
") Able to serve. 
) March, 1698-9. 

227. (a) Lestablere, 2 Com., standi ens" 

and Lt 
{b) 28. per diem. 

(c) HolL, Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
id) 100/. in mony. 

If) Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

228. (a) Vestieu, 2 Com., standi Ensign 

and Lt 
(6) 2s. per diem, 
(c) HolL, Ire. and FL 13 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
\g) March, 1698-9. 

229. *(a) Lavivarie. 
(6) 28. per diem. 

230. (a) Bancous, 2 Com., R. and standi 

2s. per diem. 

Ire. and FL 10 years. 
I 40/. ster. in mony. 
I Able to serve. 

March, 1698-9. 




231. (a) La Beissade, standi Lt. Com. 
2s. per diem. 

HolL Ire. and FL 12 years, 
I 80/. St. in mony. 

(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March. 1698-9. 

232. *{a) Combebrune. 
(6) 28. per diem. 

233. *{a) Falaise. 

(6) 2s. per diem. 

234. (a) Mainanduc, 2 Com., R. and 

standi Lt. 
{b) 2s. per diem. 

(c) HolL, Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 

(d) 300/. of his wife in talL 

(e) His family. 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

235. *{a) La motte Brocas. 
(6) 2s. per diem. 

236. (a) Desclauz. .sti Lt. Com. 

(b) 2s. per diem. 

(c) Bran, and FL 13 years. 
d) 150/. in mony. 
[e) His sister. 
[/) Able to serve. 
(g) March. 1698-9. 

237. (a) Pagez, sti Ensign, Com. 

b) Is. 6d. per diem. 

c) HolL, Ire. and FL 13 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 

(g) March, 1698-9. 

238. *{a) Paris. 

(6) Is. 6(/. per diem. 

239. (a) Geneste, sti ensign, Com. 

(b) Is. 66/. per diem. 

(r) HolL. Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 

(d) A farm of 22/. a year. 
(/) Able to serve. 

(y) March, 1698-9. 

240. (a) Langon, sti ensign, Com. 
lb) Is. 6a. per diem. 

(c) HolL, Ire. and FL 12 years. 
{d) 250/. in Ull. 

lei A nephew. 
( r) Able to serve. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

241. (a) VigneuUe, sti ensign, Com. 
(6) Is. 6<2. per diem. 

Ic) HolL, Ire. and FL 12 years. 

(d) 100/. in mony and a farm of 14/. 

a [year]. 

(e) His wife and child. 
(/) Able to serve. 

ig) March, 1698-9. 

242. (a) Taurauac 2 Com., R. Lt and ill 

(b) Is. 6d. per diem. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


{c) HolL, Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 
{d) A farm of 28/. a year. 
{ei His wife and children. 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

243L (a) Chamani, stf ensign, Com. 
\b) Is. Qd. per diem. 
{€) HoU., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
{d) iOl. in mony. 
(«) His wife and 2 children. 

^ Able to serve. 

') March. 1698-9. 

244. *(a) Temac. 

(b) U. 6d per diem. 

245. (a) Crosat, 2 Com., R. and stc Ensign. 
(6) Is. Qd. per diera. 

(c) Ire. ancl Fl. 10 years. 
Id) 501. in mony. 

{/) Able to serve. 
{(f) March, 1698-9. 

246. •{«) Sibour. 

(6) 5s. per diem. 

247. (a) Trapaud. 2 Com., 8t« Cap. and 

ma^. of foot. 
{b) is. per diem, 
(c) Pt. and Fl. ami Ire. 9 years. 

{0) '■ 

{d) Sm. in tall, and 700/. his wife. 
{e) His family. 
1 Able to nerve. 
g) March. 1698-9. 

24a *{a) Brugnieres. 

(b) 4s. per diem. 

249. *{a) Des Landes. 
(6) 28. 6d. per diem. 

250. (a) Moncal, 2 Com., stv Lt. and R. 

(6) 2*. 6d, _per diem. 

(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
^ ) Able to serve. 
g) March. 1698-9. 

251. (a) Mimet, R. Cap., Com. 
{h) 28. 6d. per diem. 

ic) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 


(/) Able to Kerve. 

iff) March. 1698-9. 

252. la) Melyer, 2 Com., Lt. and (^ap. R. 
lb) 28. per diem. 

{cj Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 

{d) 501. in mony and hou<i goods. 

{e'l His family. 

{/) Able to serve. 

ig) March. 1698-9. 

25S. {a) Du toral, 2 Com., Lt. and Cap. R. 


I 28. Qd. per diem. 

(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 

(d) iOOL in tall, his and his wife's. 
(eV His family. 

(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

254. ♦(«) Marchay. 

(6) 28. ed. per diem. 

255. *(a) Lamerve. 

(6) 28. 6rf. per diem. 

256. (a) St Pxiy, 2 Cora., sU Lt. and ref. 

(*) 2*. 6d. per diem. 

(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
(ff) 350/. in tall. 

(e) His sister in law and 4 nephews. 
(/) Able to serve. 

ig) March. 1698-9. 

257. (rt) Aiibiu, R. Cap., Com. 
(b) 28. 6rf. per diem. 

jc) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 

(d) 350/. in tall, mony and hou* 

{e) One of his daughters. 
W) 68 years old. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 


(a) Cabrol, R. Cap., Com. 

(6) 2*. Qd. 

{r\ HoU., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 

((/) 62/. in goods and a farm of 22/. a 

if) Old. 
ig) March. 1698-9. 

Com., Adj., 

259. ♦(«) De L'aigle. 
(6) 2s. 6rf. per diem. 

260. (a) Lacger [? Ueger], 3 O 

2d Cap. and SU Cap. 
{b) 2s. 6d. per diem, 
(c) Bran., Pt and Fl. 13 years. 
(V) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

261. *ia) Terot 

(6) 2». &/. per diem. 

262. (a) Desmarest, stand* Cap. in Pt 

(6) 25. 6c/. per diem. 
(c) Bran., Pt. and Fl. 13 years. 
id) 400 in tall, that his fath. left 

(/) Able to serve. 
07) March, 1698-9. 

263. (rt) Le Bauve, standi Cap. in Pt. 

ib) 2». (id. per diem. 
ic) Bran., Ft and Fl. 13 years. 

Digitized by VjOOQiC 



{d) 400/. ill Uil. 
If) Able to serve. 
ig) IVUrch, 1698-9. 

284. *(a) St. Maurice. 
{b) 2a. Hd, per diem. 

265. *(a) Lacoste. 

(b) 28. 0(1. per diem. 

266. la) Farjon, R. Lt, Com. 
(6) Is. dd. per diem. 

{c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 

(d) 20/. ster. that he tinder with. 

(e) His wife and child. 
( /) Able to senre. 

iff) March, 1698-9. 

267. (a) Durban. R. Lt. Com. 

(b) l.v. 6</. per diem. 

(c) HoU., Ire. and Fl. II years. 

(d) SOL in money. 

( f) Able to serve. 

(g) March, 1698-9. 

268. (a) Chal^ert, 2 Com., R. Ens" and 

' (6) Is. 6d. per diem. 

(c) HolL, Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 
id) 80/. in mouy. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

269. [a) St. Felix, R. Lt, Com. 
(b) Is. 6d. per diem. 

(e) Bran., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
Id) 20/. in mony. 

(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

270. (a) Rivals. 

[b) Is. 6d. per diem. 

(c[ Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
[g) March, 1698-9. 

271. (a) St. Pau, R. Lt.. Com. 
lb) Is. M. per diem. 

(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 12 years. 
(/) Able to serve, but old. 

{g) March, 1698-9. 

272. (a) Dumas, 2 Com., R. Ensign and 

(6) 1«. 6<2. per diem. 
ic) Ire. and Fl. and Bran. 12 years. 
(/) Able to ser\'e. 
&) March, 1698-9. 

278. *(a) Foissac. 

(6) Is. M. per diem. 

274. (a) La charoys, jun<^, R. Lt., Com. 

(b) Is. M. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 

{d) 1400/. his and his wife's intapejs. 
{eji His wife and child. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

275. (a) Passy. R. Lt, Codl 
^6) Is. 6a. pu* diem. 
c) Ire. ana Fl. 10 years. 

{/) Able to serve. 
&) March, 1698-9. 

276. *(a) La Billiere. 

(6) 1«. Qd. per diem. 

277. (a) Dalby, 2 Com., R. Lt. of horae 

and foot. 
(6) Is. M. per diem, 
(c) HoU., Ire. 11 yearsL 
March, 1698-9. 

278. (a) St Martin, sts Lt in Pt. Com. 
{b) \s. M. per diem. 

(cj Pt and Fl. 7 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
iff) March, 1698-9. 

279. (a) Martel. 2 Coul , stf ensign and U. 

(b) Is. 6d. per diem. 

(c) Pt. and Fl. 8 years. 
(J') Able to serve. 

(g) March. 1698-9. 





•la) LautaL 
(6) U. 

6d. per diem. 

(a) La Salle, R Ensign. Com. 
(5) Is. per diem, 
[4 Holl.. Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
Able to serve. 
) March, 1698-9. 

[a) Du prat, R Ensign, Com. 

b) Is. per diem. 

[c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 

if) Able to serve. 

is) March, 1698-9. 

la) Domei^es, R. Ensign, Com. 

lb) Is. per diem. 

[c) Bran., Ire. and FL 12 years. 

(/) Able to serve. 

(^) March. 1698-9. 

284. la) Dejoye. R. Ensign, Com. 
lb) Is, per diem. 
(c[ Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
In Able to serve. 
{g) March. 1698-9. 

285. *{a) Navez. 

(6) 1». per diem. 

286. ♦(a) Du fie. 

{b) Is. per diem. 

Digitized by VjOOQiC 


^7. *(a) Graoce. 

(6) 1«. per diem. 

288. [a) Sautel, ntands Ensign, Com. 

7 years. 

(b) Is. per diem. 

(c) Bran.. Pt and Fl. 

/) Able to serve. 
) March. 1698-9. 

R. and 



289. (a) De Gnilhen, 2 Com.. 

standK Ensign. 
{b) Is, per diem. 
{€) Ire., Pt and Fl. 10 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March. 1698-9. 

290. *(a) Gatine. 

(6) 5s. per diem. 

291. (a) G. La maria, 2 Com., R. and 

standi Cap. 
(6) 3«. per diem, 
(c) Holl., Jre. and Fl. 13 years. 
id) 500/. in talleys. 
(e| His family. 

Able to serve. 

March, 1698-9. 

292. (a) Tharot, 2 Com., R. and stand. 

{b) Ss. per diem. 
(e) Holl. , Ire. and Fl. 18 years. 
id) 400/. in talleys. 
{e) His family and his mother in 

(/) Able to serve, but sikly. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

293. ♦(«) Pontereau. 
(&) ds. per diem. 

294. (a) Bounligue, 3 Com., Lt. R. and 

stf Cap. 
lb) Ss. per diem. 
Ic) HoU.. Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
id) 2001. 

(e) His wife. 2 child, and his mother. 
{/) Able to serve. 
lil) March, 1698-9. 


*(a) La bastide de Ion. 
(b) Ss. per diem. 

296. ♦(«) P. dn puy. 
(b) Ss. per diem. 

297. (a) Caries, standf Lt. , Com. 
ib) 28. per diem. 

le) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
if) Able to serve. 
fy) March, 1698-9. 

298. (a) Simond. 2 Com., R. and standi 

(6) 28. per diem. 

ic) Holl., Ire. and FL 13 years. 
ei His family. 
/) Able to serve. 
iff) March, 1698-9. 

299. (a) Girard, 2 Com., R. and Standf 

lb) 2s. per diem. 
(cS Zeland, Ire. and Fl. 18 years. 
If) Wounded and 48 years old. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

300. *(a) Dalmas. 

per diem. 

801. (a) Clavie, Standf Lt, Com. 
lb) 28. per diem. 
lc\ Holl., Ire. and Fl. 18 years, 
(a) A farm of SI. st a year. 
(e) His family. 
(/) Old. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

302. (a) Bemay, 2 Com., R. and standf 
(6) 28. per diem. 

per ( 
(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
/) Gouty. 
(g) March. 1698-9. 

308. (o) Grandry, 2 Com., R. and stf 
(h) Is. 6</. per diem. 
c) Ire. and FL 10 years. 
J) Able to serve. 
g) March, 1698-9. 

804. *(a) Du pni. 

(6) 1«. 6a. per diem. 

306. •(«) La tour. 

{b) Is. M. per diem. 

306. (a) Celerioz, jun., 2 Com., R. and 

stf Ensign. 
lb) \s. Qd. per diem. 

(c) Ire. anci Fl. 10 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 

(g) March, 1698-9. 

307. (a) Pinchinat, Qr M', certify'd. 

b) Is. 6d. per diem. 

c) Ire. and Fl 10 years. 

[d) SOI. ster. 

If) Able to ser\'e. 
(^) March. 1698-9. 

308. (a) Blo8S(^t, 2 Com. . raaj. and Lt C 


(b) 5s. per diem. 

(c) Bran., Pt Fl. and Ire. 13 years. 


{/) Able to serve. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

Digitized by VjOOQiC 



909. (a) 

310. (a) 



311. (a) 


Foigiiliane. 2 Comn, Cap^ and 

maj. in Pt. 
5«. per diem. 

Bran., Ft., Fl. and Ire. 18 years. 
Able to serve. 
March, 1698-9. 

Fontalha, 2 Comn, R. LI and 

28. M. per diem. 
Holl. , Ire. and Fl. 18 years. 
8002. in tall, of Ms wife. 
His wife. 
Able to serve. 
March, 1698-9. 

La Fortelle, 2 Com", R. Lt. and 

28. 6d. per diem. 
Holi., Ire. and Fl. 12 years. 
80/. in mony. 
March. 1698-9. 

812. (a) Vaiiry, R. Cap", Com". 
25. 6a. per diem. 
Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
I Old. 
March, 1698-9. 


813. la) St. Gabriel, R, Cap", Com". 
(6) 2s. 6rf. per. diem. 

Holl., Ire. and Fl. 18 years. 
His wife and child. 
igj March, 1698-9. 

814. *{a) Rossieres. 

(b) 2s. M. per diem. 

815. (a) Machenville. Sts Lt. and R. 

Capn, Com". 
(6) 2s, M. per diem. 
Ic) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 12 years. 

(d) 5001. in tall, and his wife 12/. a 

(«) His wife and child. 
(./) Leamed. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

816. (a) La Brlssonniere, 2 Com", R. Lt 

and Cap". 

(b) 2s. 6d. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(j") Able to serve. 

ig) March, 1698-9. 

817. (a) La Lande. 2 Com", stf Lt. and 

R. Cap". 
lb) 2s. 6d. per diem. 
(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 18 years. 

(e) His family. 
(/) Able to serve. 
if/) March, 1698-9. 

818. (a) TerssoD, 2 Oom». stf Lt and R. 
I b) 2s. 6a. per diem. 
c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 18 years. 
f) Able to serve, 
r) March, 1698-9. 

819. *(a) Brassard. 

{b) 2s. M. per diem. 

320. (a) Favierre, 3 Com", adjt R, and 

sti Cap" in Pt. 
(6) 28. Gd. per diem. 
(c) Fl., Pt and Ire. 7 years. 
{e) His family. 
( /) Able to serve. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

321. *{a) Valogne. 

(b) 2s. M. per diem. 

322. (a) La Battye, sts C4ip>» in Pt. 
(6) 28. 6d. per diem. 

(c) Bran., Pt., Fl. and Ire.. 13 years. 

(d) 200/. in talleys. 
(/) Able to serve. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

828. (a) Dn Barry, 4 Com". Lt. adjt, 2d 
Cap" and sti Cap". 

lb) 28. 6<f.j>erdiem. 
(c) Bran., 



, Pt, Fl. and Ire. 12 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
(fj) March. 1698-9. 

(a) La nanze, stff Cap" in Pt Com". 

lb) 28. 6c/. per diera. 

(g) Pt, Fl. and Ire. 9 years. 

(./) Able to serve. 

&) March. 1698-9. 

(a) La Colombine, 3 Com", Ensign, 

Lt and Cap^ in Pt. 
(6) 2s. 6d. per diem. 
(c) Pt., Fl. and Ire. 9 years. • 
(/) Able to serve. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

(a) Courselles, 3 Com", Ensign. JJ 

and Cap" in Pt 
(6) 2s. M. per diem. 
(ci Bran., PL, Pt and Ire. 12 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March. 1698-9. 

(a) Foissac. sti Cap", Com". 

(6) 28. Bd. per diem. 

lc\ Bran., Fl., Pt and Ire. 12 years. 

If) Able to serve. 

(g) March. 1698-9. 

*{a) Bremont 

(6) Is. 6d. per diem. 

*{a) Du homet 

(b) Is. M. per diem. 

Digitized by VjOOQiC 


330. (a) Estaunier, 2 Com", R. Ensign and 

{b) Is, 6d. per diem. 
ie) Bran., Pt, Fl. and Ire. 13 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
iff) March, 1698-9. 

331. (a) D'Esperendieu, R. Lt Com". 

els, 6a. per diem. 
Ire. ana Fl. 10 years. 
, I 501. in mony. 
{/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

332. (a) Vemoas, R. Lt. Com". 
') ls.6d. per diem. 

) Ire. I 


c) Ire. ana Fl. 10 years. 
/) Able to serve. 
') March, 1698-9. 

(a) RoesiUon, R. Lt Com 
(6) U. 6d, per diem. 
c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
Able to serve. 
) March. 1698-9. 

334. (a) De bette. R. Lt. Com». 
ib) Is, fid. per diem. 

icS Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
If) Able to serve. 
(g) March, 1698-9. 

335. ia) Brian, R. Lt. Com^. 
{b) Is. Qd. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
let) lOOl. of his wife. 
(e) His wife. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ijf) March, 169S-9. 

336. la) La touche, R. Lt. Com". 
{b) Is, Qd. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
•(«) His wife. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

337. (a) La6roge,2Com». R. Ensign and 

{b) Is. Qd. per diein. 
{c) Ire. and Fl. 10 vears. 
le) 'Numerous family. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March. 1698-9. 

338. (a) La coste, R. Lt Com". 

ib) Is. 6d. per diem. 
c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
/) Able to serve. 
{g) March. 1698-9. 

339. (a) Desodes, 2 Cx>mn, Ens" and sts 

Lt and Pt 
lb) Is. 6d. per diem, 
(c) Pt.. Fl. and Ire. 7 years. 

Able to serve. 
) March. 1698-9. 

340. la) De Lorme, R. Ensign, Comn. 
\b\ Is. per diem. 
[c) Ire. and Fl. 11 years. 

Able to serve, 
r) March, 1698-9. 

341. (a) La Boissiere, R Ensign, Com. 
lb) Is. per diem. 

(c) Fl. and Ire. 5 vears. 
{e) HU family. 
If) Able to serve. 
&) March, 1698-9. 

342L la) Nissole, R. Ensign. 
(&) Is. per diem. 
(/) Sickly. 
(ff) March, 1698-9. 

34a la) Boniface, standi Ens" Com". 
lb) Is. 6d. per diem, 
(c) HolL, Ire. and FL 11 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March. 1698-9. 

344. {a) Compaiffn. standf Ens" in Pt 
(6) Is. per diem. 
(c) Bran. . Pt and Fl. 12 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

346. *(a) Lugjindy. 
(b) Is. per diem. 

346. (a) Fabre. 2 Com", R. and Si Ensign 


b) Is. per diem. 

c) Bran.. Pt and Fl. 12 years. 
f) Able to serve. 

ig) March, 1698-9. 

347. (a) Terson, 2 Com", R. and Ss Ensign 

(6) Is. per diem, 
(c) Pt., r 

Fl. and Ire. .5 yeara. 
[/) Able to serve. 
) March, 1698-9. 


348. (a) Bait Farinel, Corp> of horse, 

^6) Is. per diem. 
c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
'/) Able to serve. 
) March, 1698-9. 

349. {a) Mark Rigaudye, Corp> of horse, 

lb) Is. per diem. 
(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
'd) His wife has a small shop. 
\e) His wife and child. 
Able to serve. 
) March. 1698-9. 

Digitized by VjOOQiC 




360. (a) Gasp. Pi^jon, trooper, certify'd. 

(b) Is. per diem. 

(c) Fl. and Ire. 4 years. 
{/) Able to serve. 

ig) March, 1698-9. 

351. (a) Louis Pa^on. trooper, certiryM. 
(6) Is. per diem, 
(c) Fl. and Ire. 4 years. 
J) Able to serve. 
) March, 1698-9. 

362. (a) Cha. Gallissian, Corp. of horse, 

(6) Is. per diem. 
(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(/) Old and sickly. 
Q) Marclj, 1698-9. 

363. (a) J. Beauchamp, trooper of horse, 

(6) 1«. pet diem, 
(c) Ire. and Fl. 8 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

364. (a) Ja. Labrulleray, trooper of horse, 

(6) 1*. per diem. . 
(c) Ire. and Fl. 9 years. 
( f) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

365. (a) J. Beiasiere, Corp' of horse, 

(6) 1^. per diem, 
(c) GronK«« [Groniuguen] Ire. and Fl. 

13 years. 
(/) Old and sickly. 
{g) March. 1698-9. 

356. {a) Peter Denis, Corp» of horse, 
{b) Is, per diem. 
{c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

367. (a) J. Odat, Corp» of horse, certify'd. 
(6) Is. per diem, 
(cj Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

358. (a) J. Vialas. Corp> of horse, certify'd. 
(6) Is. per diem, 
(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

369. (a) Peter Dumas (?), Corpi of horse, 
lb) Is. per diem, 
(f ) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March. 1698-9. 

360. {a) J. Clausade. dragoon, certifyM. 
lb) Sd. per diem. 

{c\ Pt. Fl. and Ire. 5 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
(^) March, 1698-9. 

361. ♦(o) J. Lagrave. 
{b) Sd, per diem. 

362. (a) Est. Peirin, dragoon, certify'd. 

364. (a) Ph. Duvi 

{b) Sd. per d 
(4 Fl. and 1 
If) Able to s 

b) 8d. per diem. 
. ) Fl. and Ire. 4 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March. 1698-9. 

(a) J>&^ Masuel, dragoon, certify'd. 

(b) Sd. per diem. 

(c[ Fl. and Ire. 2 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
is) March, 1698-9. 

(a) Ph. Duval, dragoon, certify'd. 

Sd. per diem. 

Fl. and Ire. 9 years. 
if) Able to serve. 
ig) March. 1698-9. 

366. (a) Fred, du mesnil. dragoon, cer- 
(6) 8d. per diem. 
(c) Fl. and Ire. 2 yearn. 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March. 1698-9. 

366. (a) Louis St Loup, dragoon, cer- 

(6) Sd. per diem, 
(ci Pt, Fl. and Ire.. 4 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) March. 1698-9. 

367. (a) SuzarThomas, dragoon, certify'd. 
(6) Sd. per diem. 

(c) Fl. and Ire. 4 years. • 

(/) Able to serve. 
(^) March. 1698-9. 

368. •(o) Peter Grindor. 
(6) 6^2. per diem. 

369. *(a) Ch. Quinsac 
(6) 6d. per diem. 

370. (a) Pet Barens. Serg* of foot, cff- 

(6) 6d. per diem, 
(ci Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
( /) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

371. (a) Dav. Bellegarde, Seig« of foot, 

lb) 6d. per diem, 
(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(/) Leam'd. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 



372. (a) Ja<|. Dalteirac, Serg^ of foot, cer- 
tify 'd. 
lb) M, per diem. 
(c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

378. (a) Ja. Falquier, Serg^ of foot, cer- 
tify' d. 
(6) fid. per diem. 
(e) Ire. and FL 10 years. 
Id) \2l. ster. in a smal shop. 
\e) His family. 
(/) Nnmeroufl family. 
[g) March, 1698-9. 

374. (a) Pet Maasot, Serg* of foot, cer- 
(6) M. per diem, 
(c) Ire. and FL 10 years. 
" Able to serve. 
/) March, 1698-9. 

376. (o) Jam. Gretiier, cadet, certify' cL 
]b\ 6rf. per diem. 

(c) PI. and Ire. 7 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 

{g) March. 1698-9. 

376. Mfl) Pet Pelat, pension' d by the 

King's orders. 

(d) M. per diem. 
(/) To[o] young. 

377. (a) Jam. Gulsot, serg* of foot, cer- 

tify' d. 
{h) 6d. per diem, 
(cl Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
if) Able to serve. 
&) March, 1698-9. 

378-9. *{a) Vissouze. 

(b) 6d, per diem. 

380. (a) St. Meard, serg^ of foot, cer- 

{b) 6^/. per diem. 

(c) FL and Ire. 7 years. 
(/) Able .to serve. 

(g) March. 1698-9. 

381. {a) Forfiguier. serg* of foot, certify'd. 
(b) M. per diem. 

(ci FL and Ire. 10 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
&) March, 1698-9. 


a) Royal, serg* of foot, certify' d. 

b) M. per diem. 

c) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
Able to serve. 

(^) March, 1698-9. 

383. *(a) Math. Bonneval. 
(6) M, per diem. 

384. (a) J. Gout, sergt, certify' d. 

edd. per diem. 
Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
. ) 15/. in a litle shop. 
{e) His wife and child. 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) Man;h. 1698-9. 

385. ja) Gaubert, serg*, certify'd. 
(5) Ire. and Fl. 9 years, 
(c) 20/. that he trades with. 

' Able to serve. 
&) March, 1698-9. 

386. {a) J. Rouviere, sergS certify'd. 
\b\ M. per diem. 

(r) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(/) Old and sickly. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

387. («) Dav. Langlade, serg«, certify'd. 
(ft) M. per diem. 

(r) Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 
(./) Able to serve. 
{g) March. 1698-9. 

388. (a) Chatine, sen*", cadet certify'd. 
(ft) 6</. per diem. 

(r) Ire. and Fl. 7 years. 
(/) Able to serve. * 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

389. ♦(«) Chatin, junr. 
(ft) ^L per diem. 

390. t(^) La milliere, sen', pension' d by 

the King's order, 
(ft) M, per diem. 
(/) To[o] yoting. 

391. t(rt) La Milliere, juu*", pensiou'd by 

the King's order, 
(ft) 6</ per diem. 
W) To[o] young. 

392. ♦(«) Peter Clavier, 
(ft) 6</. per diem. 

398. ♦(«) Pet verdier. 
(ft) 6c/. per diem. 

394. (a) Lagarde, cadet, certify'd. 
ft) 6^/. per diem, 
c) Pt . Fl. and Ire. 5 year.s. 
/) Able to serve. 

(<7) March, 1698-9. 

395. (a) LaBastidede Lou, cadet, certify'd. 
(ft) M. per diem. 

\c) Ire. 1 year. 
If) Able to serve. 
{g) March, 1698-9. 

396. ♦(o) Clianflenry. 
(ft) M. per diem 

Digitized by VjOOQiC 



897. (a) Lamotte Cercler, serg*, certify 'd. 

b) 6d, per diem. 

c) Ire. and Fl. 9 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) March, 1698-9. 

388. la) Hubert, cadet, certify'd. 
]b) Qd. per diem. 
c) Ire. and Fl. 9 years. 


'/) Able to serve. 
) March, 1698-9. 


399. ♦(«) Marquis Darzilliers. 
(6) 68. per diem. 

400. (a) Petit Bose. Lt-Ci., comn. 
(b) 68. per diem. 

ic) Holl., Ire. 5 years. 
a) 1201. ster. in mony. 
e) His family. 
(/) 61 years old and sickly. 
Ig) 1692. 

401. (a) La Faussille, 2 Comn, O and 

depu<* Oov of Slegoe. 

ib) 68, per diem. 
c) Holl., Ire. 12 years. 
d) 700/. and a farm of 15/. a year, 
(e) A numerous family. 
(/) Leamd. 
ig) 1699. 

402. {a) Bostaquet, R. C" of horse. Com". 

{*' ■ 

(e) His family. 
(/) Old. 
Iff) 1692. 

408. (a) Desherbiers, 2 Com<», R. Ensign 
and Cap»>. 

(b) 68. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and PL and on the Rhin. 9 

(/) Leamd. 
ig) 1698. 

404. (a) Dampierre, 2 Com", R. and sk 
Cap»» of foot. 

(b) 58. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 6 years. 

(d) 200/. to the Excheq«- of Kng^. 
{e) His family. 

(/) Sickly. 
[ff) 1692.* 

i) 5s. per diem. 

:) Holl., Ire. 5 years. 

lb) 5«. per diem. 

Ic) Engl, and Ire. 2 yeare. 

le) His family. 

In Old. 

408. (a) Deppe, R. Oapn of horse. Com^ 
{b) 4ff. per diem. 
c) Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 

e) His wife. 

f) 72 years old. 
ig) 1691. 

400. $(a) Pascal, R. Lt. of horse, yaui^ 
Capn by warrant 
lb) 4«. per diem, 
(c) Holl. and Ire. 5 years. 
ie) His wife and 3 chUdrea. 
if) His numerous family. 
(g) 1692. 

(a) De Sailly, gent pens' by war- 





lb) 4«. per diem. 
(4 HI 


His numerous family. 

t(a) Silvie and anne de Montan by 

(6) is, per diem, 

*(a) Dalljenas, seitr. 
(6) 48. per diem. 

Ha) Heurard, gen* by warrant 
(o) is. per diem. 
{d) 180/. in mony. 
{e) His family. 

(a) Saint Cyr, R. Capn of horse, com*. 

(6) is. per diem. 

(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 10 years. 

Id) A yearly rent of 28^. 

(/)01d. ' 

ig) 1697. 

(a) Marconay, 3 Com", R. and S> O 

and Lt-Cl. 
'6) is. per diem. 

c) Holl.. Pt., Ire. and Fl. 9 yeaw. 
[e) His family. 
') 1697.' 

{a) Fonjuliane, roi^jr of Dragoons, 

(6) is. per diem. 
{c\ Bran., Pt an< 
if) Able to serve 

and Fl. 11 years. 

405. •(a) La Coudriere. 
{b) bs. per diem. 

406. *(a) Thenie. | 
(b) 58. per diem. i 

407. (a) Monginot, Doc', penaion'd by 

warrant. I 

ig) 1697. 

417. [a) Fontanier, 2 Com", R. Lt and 
I Cap>* of horse. 

I (d) 89. per diem. 

c) Holl and Ire. 6 years. 

e) His family. 
iff) 1692. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 





(a) La Glide, R. O, Com". 
{h\ Sa. per dieni. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 6 years. 
' i) 121, in money. 

"^ Leam'd. 
&) 16»2. 

(a)*St Germain. R. C", Com". 
(6) 3 years. 

(e) Holl. and Ire. 6 years. 
(e) His wife. 
' f) Leam'd. 
) 1692. 

(a) La Brousse, 2 com", R. and Ss C> 

'b) Sa. per diem. 

e) Holl. and Ire. 4 years. 

(d) 400/. in talleys of his wife. 
e) His family. 

) 1092. 

a) Gauteron, R. C". com". 

\b) Ss. ner diem. 

[c) HoU. and Ire. 6 years. 

f) low. in talleys. 
\e) HisfamUy. 
If) Old and wonnded. 
iff) 1692. 

422. (a) Dortons, K C", Com". 
(6) Sa. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 6 years. 

(d) 5m, ster. 
(«[ His family. 
(/) Leam'd. 

420. (a) 



(5r) 1692. 


(a) S*« Maison, R. C". Com". 

\b) -^ 

3s. per diem. 
(c) Ire. 3 years. 
(e) His family. 
(/) Wounded. 
(i7) 1691. 

424. J(a) Bayse, R. Lt Com", pen8«» C" 
by warrant. 

(b) Ss. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 4 years. 

(d) A rent of 14/. ster. of his wife. 
(/) Wounded. 

(i?) 1692. 


(a) Bernard, R. Lt of horse, Com". 

[6) Ss. per diem. 

[c) HoU. and Ire. 3 years. 

(e[ His wife. 

(/) Sickly. 

{g) 1691. 

426. ♦{a) La primaudaye, gen* pens^i by 
{b) Ss, per diem. 
Id) 250/. in tall. 

(«) His family. I 

\ Old. I 487. 

427. (a) Fenouillet, Com* of horse to the 
service of Savoye. 
(&) Ss. per diem, 
(c) Pt 6 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 


*{a) Jaq. la motte. 
(6) 30. per diem. 

429. (a) St Maurice, Si C" in Pt., Com". 

[b) Ss. per diem. 

(cj Pt. and on the Rhin 5 years. 
{/) Leam'd. 
&) 1697. 

430. (a) Guion, 3 Com", Ensign and R. 

and S« C" in Pt. 
{b) Ss. per diem. 

(c) Pt and on the Rhin 7 years. 
(/) Leam'd. 

) 1697. 









(a) De pres, 2 Com", Lt and Sf C". 

{b) Ss. per diem. 

(cj Pt. and on the Rhine, 7 years. 

(/) Wounded. 

ig) 1697. 

(a) A La motte, S« C» in Pt 
lb) Ss. per diem. 

(c) Pt. and on the Rhin 7 years. 

(d) m. 

If) Old and wounded. 
iff) 1697. 

(a) ant La maria, 2 Com", R. and 

{b) Ss. per diem, 
(c) Holl.. Ire. and Fl. 12 years. 
(/) Able to 8er\-e. 
{g) 1698-9. 

(a) Dalbenas, juu'', Com* of horse to 

the service of Savoye. 
(6) Ss. per diem, 
(c) Pt. 6 years. 
{d) 180/. * 
(yj Able to serve. 

(a) La BoisBonnade, R. Lt of horse 


(b) 2s. Qd. per diem. 

(c) Ire. 2 vears. 
(</)100/. * 

(e) His wife. 
(/) Sickly. 
(g) 1691. 

(a) Seve, R. Lt. of horse, certify' d. 

(6) 28. M. per diem. 

(ci Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 

(e) His wife. 

(/) 71 years old. 

iff) 1691-2. 

(a) Escouri-e, R. Lt of horse, Com". 

Digitized by VjOOQiC 



(b) 2s. (id. per diem. 

(cj Holl. and Ire. 8 j'ears. 

{d) ISOL in mony. 

(e) Hi» wife and a neece. 
(/) Old. 

(g) 1691-2. 

438. (a) Villemiason, R Lt of horse, 
(6) 2». 6rf. per diem. 

(f ) Holl. and Ire. 4 years. 
(«) His wife. 

(/) 58 years old. 
(^) 1691-2. 


(a) La boulay. sen', R. Lt. of horse, 

Com". ' 
(ft) *2s. Qd. per diem, 
(c) Holl. and Ire. ') years. 

Id) 16(W. in uii'iiy. 
(«/ His family. 


67 years old. 
) 1691-2. 

440. (a) La boulay, jun', R. Lt. of horse, 

(6) 28. 6d. per diem, 
(c) HolL and Ire. 5 years. 


&) 1691-2. 

441. {a) La brosse fortin, R. Lt. of horse, 

lb) 28. Oil. per diem. 
{cj Holl. and Ire. 5 years. 



) 60 acres of ground. 
e) His wife, his mother and 4 chil. 
(/) Numerous family. 
Iff) 1693. 

(a) Ducausse, R. Lt. of horse, Com». 

(6) 28. 6d. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 

{d) dOOl. to the Excheqr that his br. 

left him. 
(/) Sickly and old. 
iq) 1691. 

(a) Lentilhac. R. Lt. of horse. Com". 

(b) 28. 6e2. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 
(/) Sickly and old. ' 

iff) 1691. 

Ic) Holl. and Ire. 4 years. 

(d) r 


d) 200;. at interest 
[e] His wife and 6 chil. 

] 66 years old. 
(g) 1691. 

447. (o) Millery, R. Cap", Com"* 
lb) 2s. 6d. per diem. 

IcS HoU. and Ire. 3 years. 
if) 60 year old and the grareL 
iff) 1691-2. 

448. (a) Verdelles, R. Capiv, Com". 
{b) 28. M. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 3 yeara. 
(/) 65 years old. 
07) 1691-2. 

449. (fl) Bruneval, R. Lt. and Cap" Lt, 
Com" and passport. 

28. 6d. per diem. 
Holl. and Ire. 5 years. 

450. {a) Du pare, R. Lt. 
(6) 28. od. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 
(/) Wounded. 
[g) 1691. 

ib) ! 






444-5. (a) Mercier, R. Lt. of horse, Com". I 
{b) 2s. ed. per diem, 
(cj Holl. and Ire. 3 years, 
(a) 300/. and a farm of 10/. a year. 
(e) His family. 
(/) Sickly and old. 
iff) 1691. 

446. (a) Barbaut, R. Cap", passport of the 
Duke of Sho«r. 
(6) 28. 6rf. per diem. 



(a) Denvoche, R. Cap", Cora". 

(b) 28. 6rf. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 5 years. 
{e) Numerous family. 
(/) Wounded and old. 
ig) 1692. 

(a) Lestrille, R. Cap", Com". 

(6) 28. Qd, per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 4 year^. 

(/) Sickly. 

ig) 1692. 

*(«) Chabrole. 

(ft) 2s. 6rf. per diem. 

♦(a) CourteiUe. 

(ft) 29. 6^. per diem. 

X{a) Ponthieu, Sc Lt. and pensioo'd 

Cap", Com". 
p) 28. 6d. per diem. 
c) Holl. and Ire. 5 years, 
'ei Numerous family. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) 1691. 

*(a) Gaily le pere. 
(ft) 2s. 6tf. per diem. 

la) De Lorthe, R. Cap", Com", 
(ft) 28. 6d. per diem. 

(c) HoU. and Ire. 6 years. 
id) ' 

(d) 40/. at interest 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


(/) Able to serve. 

458. (a) Vignoles, R. Cap". Com". 
{b) 28, 6d, per diem. 

(e) Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 
{d) eOOl. iu tall. 
\e) His wife and 9 children. 
' ^ 57 years old. 
) 1691-2. 

459. (a) Daunv, R. Cap", Com". 

Holl. and Ire. 7 years. 

(6) 28, 6d, per diem. 


if) Old. 
(g) 1692. 

460. (a) Charrier, R. Cap", certify* d. 

(b) 2.<«. 6d. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 4 years. 
(a) 300/. that he trades with. 
(e) His family. 

(/) Sickly and old. 
&) 1691-2. 

461. (a) Oibeme. R. Capt" certify'd. 
(6) 28. 6d. per diem. 

{c) Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 
(a) 1001. at interest. 
(/) Sickly, 
(i?) 1691. 

462. Ha) Montan, R. Cap", Com". 
{b) 28. 6d. per diem. 

(c) Ire. 2 years. 
•(/) By reason of his deafness. 
ig) 1692. 

463. (a) Bemardon, S» Lt. Com", K. Cap" 

{b) 28. iid. per diem.^ 
(c) Holl. and Ire. 5 years. 
(«) His wife. 
if) Sickly. 
(^) 1691. 

(/) Sickly. 
ig) 1691-2. 

468. -f^a) Du Perse, pension' d by warrant. 
{b) 28. 6rf. per diem. 

(e) His wife and 3 chil. 

469. (a) liger, R. Cap", certify'd. 

ib) 28. M. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and * " 

(d) m. ster. 

Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 


56 years old. 
(g) 1691. 

(a) Prou. R. Cap", certify'd. 

(b) 28. 6tl. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Holl. 3 years. 
\J1 Sickly. 

) 1691. 


471. (a) Piozet, life Guard in Scotland,. 

(6) 28. M. per diem. 
(c) Scotland. 
(«) His wife and 3 chil. 
( f) Able to serve. 
ig) 1696-6. 

472. (a) Bernard, corn* of horse to the 

service of Savoye, 
(6) 28. Qd. per diem, 
(t) Pt. 6 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 


464. •(«) Pressac. 
ib) 28, ' ■ 

6rf. per diem. 


(a) Monroy, R. Cap", certify'd. 

(6) 2a. Qd. per diem. 

{c\ Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 

(/) Old and wounded. 

iff) 1691-2. 

466. (a) La Garde, R. Cap's certify'd. 
(b) 28. 6d. per diem. 

(cj HoU. and Ire. 3 years. 
(/) Old and learn' d. 
(g) 1691. 

467. (a) Isam, R. and Sir, Lt. and R. 

Cap", Com". 
(6) 28. m. per diem. 
{c) Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 

473. (a) La monline, 6 Com", the 

being Cap" of gimers. 

(b) 2s. 6d. per diem. 

(c) Holl., Ire. and Pt. 10 years. 
id) low. ster. 

(e) His family. 
(./) Able to serve. 
ig) 1698. 

474. *{a) La coste de St. Jour. 
{h) 28. &d. per diem. 

476. *(«) La bashoRche. 
{b) 28. per diem. 

476. {a) Baiu (? B^ju), R. Com* of horse, 


Ire. 2 years. 
&j 1692. 

477. *(a) Rochemont. 
(b) 2s. per diem. 

ditto la) Rivery, R. ComS Com", 
(o) 2s. per diem. 
{cj Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 
((/) 60/. per diem. 
(/) Old. 
(r?) 1691. 

Digitized by VjOOQiC 



478. (a) La Bastide, barbut, R. Corn*, 

lb) 28. per diem. 
(c) Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
(J) 1691-2. 

479. (a) Goullin, R. Corn', Com". 
(6) 2a. per diem. 

(c) Bran, and Holl. and Ire. 7 years. 
(/) Sickly. 
ig) 1692. 

480. (a) Gaume, R. ComS Com". 
(6) 28. per diem. 

{c) Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 

{d) 45^ 

Ijf) Wounded. 

Ig) 1691. 

481. (a) Lasserre, R. OornS Com". 
lb) 28. per diem. 

{c[ Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 
(/) Sickly. 
(g) 1691-2. 

482. Ja) Lamy, R. Corn*, Com". 

(b) 28. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 4 years. 

(d) 100/. 

{e) His family. 
(/•) Wounded. 
{g) 1691-2. 

483. (a) Saily. R. Lt. of foot, Com«. 
lb) 28. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 3 vearn. 
{/) 69 years old. 
(«7) 1691. 

484. {a) La rousseliere, Lt. of foot. Com". 
lb) 2s. per diem. 

Ic) Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 

(e) Numerous family. 
If) Leam'd. 

07) 1691. 

485. (a) Boyer, Lt. of foot. Com". 
lb) 2s. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 4 years. 
(/) Wounded. 
(g) 1692. 

486. («) Mestre, R. Lt. of foot. Com". 
(6) 2s. per diem. 

(cj Holl. and Ire. 6 years. 
((/) 300/. his and his wife's. 
le) His wife. 
(/) Leam'd. 
{g) 1691. 

487. (a) Lile du rov, R, Lt. of foot, cer- 

{b) 2s. per diem. 
(c) Holl. and Ire. 4 years. 

Id) 50/. 
I/) Leam'd. 
iff) 1691. 

488. (a) St. SaaTeor. by the Doke of 

Shonc'> orders. 
{b) 28. per diem, 
(c) Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 
{d} 80/. ster. 
(/) Wounded. 
(g) 1691. 

489. (a) i;>u plessy, Com* of hoTK by 

(6) 28. per diem. 
lc\ Eng., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
(/) Wounded. 
iff) 1601. 

490. *(a) Le Cooq. 
(6) 28. per diem. 

491. (a) Daussy. pensioned in the estab 

{b) 2a. per diem, 
(c) Fl. and Ire. 4 years. 
in Sickly. 
(^) 1699. 

492. (a) Laymeric. R. Com*, certify' d. 
lb) 28. per diem. 

(cj Frize and Ire. 5 Tears. 
If) Wonde<l. 
ig) 1691. 

493. (a) Flooyd. doctor of the English 

army in Pt. 

(b) 28. per diem. 

Ic) Pt. and on the Rhin 7 years. 
ig) 1697. 

494. J(a) La molliere, volunteer by war- 

(6) 28. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 5 years, 
(rf) 100/. 

(e) His wife. 
(/) Sickly. 
(g) 1691. 

495-6. (a) Dela maugere, 2 Com", Ensign 
and R. Lt. 
(6) 1«. 6a;. per diem, 
[c) Ire. 3 years. 
,j) His wife. 
/) Sickly. 
[g) 1692. 

497. (a) S. Agnaut, R. Lt., certify'd. 

b) la. 6a. per diem. 

c) Pt., Ire. 5 years. 
;/) Sickly. 
(g) 1691. 

498. (a) Belorient. Life Qanl. set on the 


Digitized by VjOOQ iC 



(6) Is. 6d. per diem, 
(c) EDglaua, 2 years. 
His wife. 

I Weakness of the sight. 
&j 1692. 

(a) Ste. Fauste, R. Lt., Com". 
(6) Is, 6d. per diem. 
{c) HoU. and Ire. 3 years. 
;/) Sickly. 
) 1S91-2. 



500. (a) Lange, R. Lt, Comn. 

(b) Is. 6f/. per diem. 

(c) Uoll. and Ire. 3 yearsj. 

(d) 300 acres of ground. 
{e) His family. 

(/) Sickly. 
ig) 1691-2. 

501. (a) Baignoulx, R. Lt., certify'd. 

(b) Is. 6rf. per diem. 

(c) Ire. r 

(d) 40/. 


. 2 years. 

•) Sickly. 
) 1691-2. 

502. *(a) Boisbellaud. 

503. (a) Fortenier, R. Lt, com". 
{b) Is. Qd. per diem. 

{ej Holl. and lie. 7 years, 
(a) A yearly rent of 25/. a year. 
(/) Sickly. 
ig) 1692. 

504. (a) Laism*, R. Lt, certify'd. 
i6) Is. 6d. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 
{/) Old. 
07) 1691. 

505. (a) Faure, R. Lt, certify'd. 
{b) Is, 6(/. per diem. 

(e) Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 
(/) Sickly. 
(^) 1691-2. 

506. (a) Bourdin, R. Lt 
(6) Is. 6d. 

(c) Zeland, Holl. and Ire. 5 years. 

(a) A farm of 8/. a year. 
(/) Sickly. 

ig) 1691-2. 

507. (a) Le petit, R. Lt. 
{b) Is. Qd. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 5 vears. 
{a) 100/. in mony. 
(A Sickly. 
ig) 1691-2. 

508. *(a) La Rissoles falentin. 

(b) Is. 6d. per diem. 




(a) Damboiz, R. Lt, certifyd, 

{bj Is. Qd. per diem. 

(c) Ire. 3 years. 

le) His wife and 4 children. 

if) Sickly. 

ig) 1691. 

(a) Relet, R. Lt 

(6) I.Y. 6a. per diem. 

(c) Ire. and Holl. 5 years. 

(e) His wife. 

(/) Sickly. 

(r/) 1691. 

t(a) Le Brun, peusioneil by warrant. 
{h) Is. 6tl. per diem. 
(/) Old. 

.512. (o) De Loches,R. Ens", Com»>. R. Lt, 

(b) Is. ixl. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 4 vears. 
{(l) 40/. 

(/) Sickly. 
{g) 1691. 

513. (a) Dumas, R. ens", com., R. Lt., 

(6) 1^. 6</. per diem. 
{cj Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 
{a) 50/. in mony. 
(^) His wife and 5 children. 
(/) Grievous sickness, 
(.y) 1691. 

514. (a) La motte champy, Ss Lt., Com". 
{b) Is. 6rf. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 6 years. 
{e) 2 children. 
(/) Sickly. 
ig) 1692. 

515. (a) Rou, R. Eus", Com", R. Lt., 

(6) Is. ixl. per diem. 
{c) Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 
(/) Sickly. 
(g) 1691. 

516. (a) 1a Chancellerie, R. Lt, Com". 
(6) Is. Qd. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 5 years. 
(/) Old. 
(^) 1691. 

517. (a) Vialas, R. Lt, certify'd. 
(6) 1a. 6<^/. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 3 years. 
(e) His wife and 4 childr. 
(/) 55 years old. 
(^) 1691-2. 

518. (a) Aldebert, R. Lt, certify'd. 
ib) "is. 6d. per diem. 

(c) Ire. 2 years. 

Digitized by VjOOQiC 



(e) His wife. 
U) Sickly. 

{g) imm- 

519. (a) Mercier, R. Lt., certifv'd. 
(6) U. 6«r. per d' 
(c) Ire. 3 years. 

e) His wife and 2 chil. 
49 years old. 
j 1691-2. 


520. (a) Leufant, R. Lt., certify'd. 
lb) la. M. per diem. 

(c| Ire. 1 year. 
(«) His wife. 
(/) Wounded. 
(^) 1690. 

521. (a) La hauteville, R. Kuuign, cer- 

lb) U. 6d, per diem. 
(c) Holl. and Ire. 8 vears. 
{e) Hi8 wife and 3 chil. 
(/) Wounded. 
{g) 1691. 

522. *(a) La naive. 

(&) Is, 6d. per diem. 

523. *{a) Madlle. Dausseville. 
(6) 1«. 6d. per diem. 

524. (a) St. Feriol de la touche, Serg* by 

{b\ Is. 6c/. per diem. 
Ic) Ire. and Fl. 9 yearsi. 
(«) His wife. 
(/) Leam'd. 
(flr) 1698. 

525. (a) La val, R. Ensign, Com". 
(6) 1». per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 4 vears. 
(e) A cliild. 
(/) Sickly. 
07) 1691. 

526. la) St. Estienne, B. Ensign, certify *d. 
{b) Is. per diem. 

(ci Ire. 3 years. 
(/) Sickly. 
(^) 1691. 

527. (a) Guilbermin, P. Ensign, Command 

R. Lt., certify'd. 
ib) Is. per «lieui. 
(c) Holl. and J re. 3 years. 
(/) Sicklv. 
iff) 1692. 

528. la) Qninson, R. Ensign, certify'd. 
\b) Is. per diem. 

lei Frize and Ire. 5 years. 
(/) Sickly. 
(.<7) 1691-2. 

529. (a) Chanlorier, R. Ensign, certify'd. 
lb) Is. per diem. 

(ci Ire. 3 years. 

(/) Sickly and wounded. 

\g) 1691-2. 

530. (a) Mongaud, Sf Ens^. 
{b\ Is. per diem, 
(c) Holl. and Ire. 6 years. 

Able to serve. 
) 1691-2. 



*{a) Garisson. 
{b) Is, per diem. 


532. (a) Maiguen, Corpr of horse, certi- 

(b) Is. per diem. 

(c) Ire. 3 years. 
'/) 68 years old. 

) 1692. 

588. (a) Briant, trooper of horse, certify*d. 
(6) 1*. per diem, 
(c) Ire. 3 years. 
(/) 58 years old. 
(g) 1697. 

584. •{a) La Pallisse. 
(6) 1«. per diem. 

535. (a) U Conte, 2d Ens" in Ft., Com". 
(6) Is. per diem. 
'c) Ft. 4 years. 
/) Wounded. 
' ) 1694. 

586. Ha) Bureau, peas^ by warrant. 
(6) Is. per diem. 
(/) Leam'd. 

537. *(a) Guy. 

(6) Is. per diem. 

588. (a) Bontoub. R. Ens^ certifj^'d. 
(6) Is. per aiem. 
(f i Ire. 3 years. 
(a) 40/. in money. 
iJ) Old. 
{g) 1691-2. 

539. *(«) Du Vivas. 
(6) Is. per diem. 

540. t*(«) Bonheraud, by warrant 200/. 

ster. a year. 

541. t*(a) Anna Albertine de Passy, pen- 

sioned by wair<. 
{b) As. per diem. 

542. (a) Jo La moUe, 4 Com», the last 

being Capo of guners. 
lb) 28. 6d, per diem. 
(c) Pt. and on the Rhin. 8 years. 

Digitized by VjOOQIC 


e) HisfamUy. 
' ) 1097. 


548. *{a) Gervaiaot. 

{b) Is. iid, per diem. 

544. (a) La Lande, Sd* Lt, com". 
{b) 2s, per diein. 
(c) Holl., Ire. and Fl. 18 yrs. 
{d) 2501, in tall. 
(«) 2annt8. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) 1698-9. 

545. *{a) Saubergue. 
{b) 2s. per diem. 

546. (a) Colombier, 2 Com", Ensign and 

{b) 28. per dienu 
\c) Ire. and Fl. 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) 1698-9. 

547. (a) Du buc, 2 Cora", R. and Sf Lt. 
\b) 28. per diem. 

Icj Holl., Ire. and Fl. 13 years. 
{a) 601. in mouy. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) 1698-9. 

548. (a) La Sautie, R. Cap", certify'd, of 

{b) Sa. per diem, 
(c) Ire. 2 years. 
{e) His family of 5 persons. 
{/) Wound'd in the head. 
iff) 1692. 



*(a) Dagos. 

(6) 25. Qd. per diem. 

550. (a) SurvUle, 2 Com", R. and S« 

Ensign, C>. 
(6) Is. 6d. per diem, 
(c) Ire. and Fl. 8 years. 
(fl Sickly. 
[g) 1698-9. 

551. {a) Baufort, Sv Ensign, Com". 
{b) Is, Qd. per diem. 

(cj Ire. ancf Fl. 10 years. 
{a) 201. in mony. 
(/) Able to serve. 
{g) 1698-9. 

552. (a) Melon, Stff Lt. in Pt., Com". 
(6) Is, ikl, per diem. 

{c) Pt., Fl. and Ire. 8 years. 
(/) Able to serve. 
ig) 1698-9. 

558. *(a) the Sieur de Montaut. 
{b) 5s. per diem. 

554. *(a) the marqnis de Leuoourt 
(b) 5s, per diem. 

555. *(a) the Baron Dantraigues. 
(6) 5s. per diem. 

556. *(a) De neuville. 
(6) 58, per diem. 

667. *(a) Dollons. 
{b) 5s. per diem. 

568. •(a) De travesy. 
(6) Ss. per diem. 

♦(a) Villeneuve. 
{b) Ss. per diem. 

560. *(a) de la gardiolle. 
(o) Ss, per diem. 

561. ♦(a) De la porte. 
(6) Ss, per diem. 

662. •(«) Mery Lambert. 
(b) Ss. per diem. 

568. ♦{o) De la Imume. 
(o) 2«. per diem. 

664. *(a) De la val. 
(ft) Ss, per diem. 

665. •(a) De Solignee. 
(6) 2«. per diem. 

666. *{a) Du Lac. 

(6) 2«. per diem. 

567. *{a) Oavier. 

(6) 20. per diem. 

568. *{a) Begat. 

(&) 28. per diem. 

669. *(a) Bancons. 
(6) 2ir. per diem. 

570. (a) De BoUeroy, pensioned by. war- 
(b) 28. per diem, 
(ci Holl., being Lt. 3 years. 
e] Numerous femily. 
/) 64 years old. 
' ) 1689. 



*{a) Monpinson. 
[b) la. m. per diem. 

*{a) Vasselot. 

(6) Is. M. per diem. 

•(a) Pinet. 

(6) 1«. M, per diem. 

Digitized by VjOOQiC 



574. (a) Vaqne, cadet, pensioned by war- 

(6) Is. Qd. per diem. 
Ic) Ire. and Fl. 4 years. 
(/) Leam'd. 
{g) 1694. 

575. *{a) De la Sorardiere. 
(6) 1«. 6d. per diem. 

576. *{a) de membray. 
{h) 29. per diem. 

577. *(a) Delaplagne. 
[h) 2s. per diem. 

.578. •(«) Prat L'aine. 
(6) 1«. 6</. per diem. 

579. *{a) Du Puy, pensioned by warrant. 
(6) \s. 6(1. per diem. 

580. •(«) Bonneval. 
{b) 2s. per diem. 

581. (a) Pineaa, R. Lt of horse. 
(6) 2«. per diem. 

(c) Holl. and Ire. 6 years, 
(e) His family. 

(/) Sickly and old. 
(i^) 1694. 

582. •(a) Despierre. 

(6) \s. 6a. per diem. 

583. *(a) De Serrieres. 
(6) 1«. 6<f. per diem. 

584. *(a) De Lanssal. 
(6) Ss. per diem. 

585. *(a) De la motte. 
(6) 1«. 6<^. per diem. 

586. ♦(a) Darenne. 
(6) 6s. per diem. 

587. ♦(a) Malherbe. 

(6) Ijf. 3(2. per diem. 

588. *{a) La Crouisette. 
{h) 28. per diem. 

589. *(a) Qaillardy. 

(&) 1«. 6<£. per diem. 

590. •(«) De Lille. 

(o) 3s. 6<f. per diem. 

Examined by 

Cha. Diking, And. Geni. 

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Concemmg i^e name ** guguenof ^\ 

By Pastor Lie. Dr. TOLLIN. 

Pbbsidbft of ths Deutsche Huqenottbm Yerbin. 

Translated from the original German in the Erlangen Reformirte Kirchen- 
Zeitung, December, 1899. 

The persons who were long known in Germany by the op- 
probrious names of the '* Eigenwillischen " (self-willed, i.e., 
Evangelicals) or the '^Luderschen" (profligates, i.e., Luther- 
ans) were called "Lutherans" or "Evangelists" at first in 
France ; and occasionally also " Christaudins," that is to 
say, ** worshippers of Christ." in contradistinction to the 
worshippers of Mary. 

In the time of Louis XIV. they were called " ceux de 
la rehgion pr^tendue reformee," which was shortened into 
**ceux de la religion," and often represented in writing by 
the letters: B. P. R. 

In our own day they are known as " members of the Evan- 
gelical Church," or " Protestants," or again as " Calvinists," 
or "Lutherans". In oflScial documents they are now 
generally classed together with Jews, Mahometans and 
atheists, under the designation of "non-Catholics". Papist 
and Calvinist were the names at all times most commonly 
used to express the distinction. But during the religious war 
(1562-89) the French Protestants were popularly known as 
" Huguenots ". 

What is the origin of this name, and when did it first 
come into use? 

On this point scholars are not agreed. 

It is, however, a fact that this party-name did not come 
into general use among the people until after the conspiracy 
of Amboise and its discovery (Feb. 12th, 1560). As is well 
known, 600 Protestant nobles under the leadership of La 
Eenaudie vowed to capture by force the Dukes of Guise, 
the heads of the party oi the Inquisition, and to deliver them 

VOL. VI. — NO. III. z 

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up to the Court at Blois, where the king, Francis II., was 
to come into residence on the 10th March. At the same 
time they were personally to deliver to him a copy of the 
Evangelical confession of faith by way of vindicating Cond6*s 

It was in the partisan assemblies of this date that the 
battle cries of " Papists '* and '* Huguenots" first made them- 
selves heard. 

However, by an edict issued on April 19th, 1561, the 
king forbade the use of these names, under pain of severe 
punishment, as he did not wish to see the first year of his 
reign marred by any accentuation of the differences between 
the two, still less by bloodshed among his subjects. The 
king was then sixteen years old, and had come to the 
throne on July 10th, 1560. But the Parliament of Paris 
opposed the king, and refused to register the edict, on the 
ground that there had been but one religion in France since 
the time of Clevis, and that this new variety must therefore be 
plucked up by the roots, and the Papists must not be branded 
as if they too were merely a party in opposition to the 
Huguenots, the latter being an expression newly invented 
by those who had broken away from the true religion.* 

It may be noted that, in the year in which the party-name 
of Huguenots first came into vogue, it is ascribed by the Par- 
hament of Paris to the invention of the Protestants. 6he 
B^noit too, the famous Protestant author of the history of 
the Edict of Nantes, who had been a preacher since 1664, 
writes in 1693 that the Keformed originally took pride in the 
honourable najne of '* Huguenott *\ And the Huguenot 
Pastor, Fetizon, also, in his Apology for the Reformed, 
which appeared at the Hague in 1683, says: *'The title of 
Huguenots was originally a title of honour '*.* 

And the Parliament of Paris is perfectly right in stating 
that the name " Huguenot " was hardly known in 1560 to 
the public pohtical life of France. For the prohibitions of 
the edict of July 8th, 1542, are directed against ** the new 
heresies '* ; those of October 4th, 1546, against " the heretics 
and blasphemers of Meaux," and of Apnl 29th, 1551, against 
the " imitators of the Lutheran sect '\ The najne " Hugue- 
not " does not appear in any royal edict until 1561. 

* Hint. Ecclis. des ^glises RSform^s de France^ An vers, 1580, i., 459. 

* Bulleti7i de la Soc, d'Hist. du Protestantisinc Fratiqais^ 1859, p. 125, c/. p. 
249, p. 126. 

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The aathor of the Histoire EcclSdastique of 1680, whether 
Bera, Des Gallars, or whoever else he may have been, ex- 
pressly declares that the name " Huguenot '* was first given 
to the reformers at the time of the Amboise aflfair, and had 
clung to them ever since ; ^ and other contemporary writers 
concur in the same opinion. E6gnier de la Planche, in his 
history of the French State of 1576, asserts that the calling 
of Lutherans and Evangelicals by the name of ** Huguenots " 
dates from the time of the first armed rising of the Pro- 
testants, and its betrayal to the king in Amboise. And he 
adds that the name, being then in conunon use by the lower 
classes, began to be generally the fashion. 

Pierre de la Place in his Commentary 07i the Position of 
Beligion and the State writes, as early as 1565, that the 
name " Huguenauds " (sic) came up a few days before the 
Amboise attempt. The title of a Parisian handbill, dated 
4th September, 1562, takes us a little farther back still, and 
runs as follows : *' The wonderful and divine punishments 
of some wicked, wonder-working Lutherans, now called 
Huguenots". The verses of Eonsard, the poet and court 
favourite, belong to the same year: — 

Je n'aime point ces noms qui sont finis en " os,*' 
Gots, cagots, austrogots, visgots, et huguenots, 
lis me sont odieux comma peste, et je pense 
Qu*ils sont prodigieux k Tempire de France. 

(I like not names which end in '* o's/' such as gots, cagots, austrogots, vis- 
gots and huguenots. They are as hateful to me as the plague, and I believe 
that they are of evil augury to the Empire of France.) 

In that same year, 1562, the famous Bernard Palissy 
writes : ** au lieu de me remercier, la sotte m'appela Hu- 
guenot *' (instead of thanking me, the fool of a woman called 
me " Huguenot '*). And there are some letters which go 
yet farther back. Col. Caylus on 18th November, 1560, and 
the Gomte de Yillars on the 11th of the same month, of the 
same year, both call the Protestants ''Huguenaulx*' ; and 
a few months earlier, 10th June, the Cardinal of Lorraine 
speaks of them as "Huguenots"; while immediately after 
tne discovery of the Amboise conspiracy, iltienne Pasquier 
the Parisian advocate, who died in 1615, reports : ** They 
have begun to give the name and title of * Huguenaux ' (sic) 
to the whole of this new party ".^ The same Pasquier, in his 

^ Hist, EccUs., i., p. 269. 
^Bulletin, Paris, 1859, p. 124, «.r. 

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3:W HUGUENOT society's proceedings. 

Recherches de la France, announces that he had heard of the 
name '* Huguenots " from his friends in Touraine eight or 
nine years before the conspiracy of AmboiseJ 

This would carry the origin back to 1552 or 1551. But of 
the use of the name at this early date all proof has hitherto 
been wanting. Now, however, an old deed, of March, 1552, 
has been made over to the Societe du Protestantisme fran- 
9ai8, and turns out to be an honourable testimonial to one 
Bertin, Mayor of Perigueux, put forth by the consuls and 
notabilities of the town **per cause de la brave et generense 
action qu'il fazet contre la vilaine race d'Huguenauds " ^nc)'- 
(on account of the brave and noble way in which he had 
acted with regard to the horrid race of ** Huguenauds "). 

The religious pendulum long swung to and fro in Peri- 
gueux between Papists and Protestants. At one time the 
Huguenot leader, the Sieur de Mesmi (du Mesnil), was the 
man looked up to ; at another. Pastor Simon Brossier was 
put in prison, and the blind Pastor Komigly was taken oflf 
to the guard-house, but subsequentlj' rescued and led home 
by his adherents;^ so that the expression ''horrid race of 
Huguenauds,'* coming from Papist lips in the spring of 1552, 
cannot be taken to apply to any but the Protestants. It is 
easy to see too that it is an expression derived from the 

It seemed a great matter to have traced the name Huguenot 
back to March, 1552. But this was not all ! 

In 1899 a family of the name of Lalance was discovered 
in the neighbourhood of Miihlhausen, Alsace ; and it was 
found that they had borne the surname of " Huguenot " as 
early as 1425, being so registered at that date in the red 
book of the burghers of Mompelgard. Jehan Huguenot de 
Cheveney, son of Huguenot Cruevesne de Cheveney, was 
admitted as a burgher in Mompelgard in the year 1425. He 
is followed in 1512 by Petit Jehan Huguenot (a priest of 
Chfevremont near Belfort), in 1571 by Claude Huguenot, 
called la Lance, and in 1596 by Charles Huguenot, also 
called la Lance.^ So that there were Huguenots a hundred 
years before the beginning of the Beformation. 

* Soldan, Oeschichte des Protestantismu8 in Frankretch, i., 618. Cf. Bulletin , 
1860, p. 18. 

^Bulletin de la Soc. de VHist, du ProL Fr„ 1891, p. 234. 
^Hist. EccUs., 1680, i.. 263, 396, 793, s.v. ; ii., 768. 

* BvXletin du ProL Frati^. 1899, p. 277. 

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But more than this. Sir Austen Layard, President of the 
Huguenot Society of London in 1889 (vol. ii., Proceedings, 
p. 251), has pointed out, through Littre's Dictionary of 1877, 
that a certain Huguenot Bony was received in the year 1410 
as ** Huissier de la chambre des comtes de Dijon" (Usher 
of the Chamber to the Counts of Dijon) after oath taken by 
him that he could neither read nor write. 

Earlier still, 7th October, 1387, appears Pascal Huguenot 
of St. Junien in Limousin, as **docteur en d^cret". So it 
is clear that there were Huguenots in France nearly a couple 
of hundred years previous to the conspiracy of Amboise. 
And it is also quite evident that, from 1552, but especially 
from 1560-61, the name was in use among the people, and 
applied as a term of reproach to the French Protestants, 
while before that time it was an honourable appellation, and 
had moreover been known in France as an ordinary family 
name since 1387. 

But now, what is the meaning of the name Huguenot ? 

In view of the fact that we find it in France a hundred 
and thirty years before the beginning of the Reformation, 
and one hundred and seventy-three years before the con- 
spiracy of Amboise, we shall be prepared to find various 
ideas and explanations current among the people, and that 
at an early date. But before all things we shall do well to 
look with suspicion upon all purely learned explanations of 
that which is a popular expression. 

Many a learned explanation hardly needs refutation at all ; 
first and foremost amon^ these being that which declares 
that Calvin held nightly intercourse in Geneva with a fiend 
named **Nox," whom he summoned whenever he wanted 
her, by the words "Hue Nox"; and that he had by her 
a son ** Hucnox," who was the father of the Huguenots. 
Calvin, it will be remembered, did not die until 1564, so it 
is easy to see why it was so late in the day before this ex- 
planation came to be hatched in the brain of a learned Jesuit. 
Another learned and equally senseless derivation is that 
which traces the name to the ** Hucnos,'* or ** Ut nos, sere- 
nissime princeps, advenimus," which formed the exordium 
of some Protestant orator. All are now agreed that the 
appellation had its origin among the people, not in any court 

Yet another learned explanation would derive it from 
"Hudgenot," or ** Hutgesellen/' the name of a league at 
Soest in Westphalia founded for the protection of religion. 

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But this is both historically and etymologicaily untenable. 
The derivation from a Gnostic, Hugo, is also at once de- 
molished by the fact that the Huguenots never favoured 
Gnosticism, and that the very existence of this particular 
Gnostic is problematical. 

Not much happier, though based upon popular notions, 
is the idea that the Huguenots owed their name to their 
owlish characteristics, i.e., their nightly "howling" of 
Psalms. (Frederick the Great, as we know, said that the 
refugees had fled from France that they might be free to 
howl their Psalms in public and by day.) 

Well, the great owl is certainly called "Dugou," and the 
little owl, " Duganel," * and in the Langue d'oc the Huguenots 
are called ** Duganau,*' pronounced " Duganaou '*. But then 
the name Huguenot was not used as a nickname first in 
Langue d'oc, but, as we shall see directly, in Touraine. It 
is impossible moreover, to say why the Occitanian word 
" Duganau " should have been transformed by French tongues 
into *' Huguenot ** ; and such a change would be contrary to 
all the rules of language. The Catholic Occitanians, on the 
other hand, might easily have been reminded of their owls 
when they were arranging the French word " Huguenot " 
to suit themselves. The Protestants as night butterflies 
(Papillons, Parpaillots), might well have appeared to them 
fit objects for derision as ''owls" and ** howlers'*. Still 
another, and also merely learned derivation of the Protestant 
party-name would trace it to John Huss, burnt as a heretic 
at Constance. According to this " Huguenots " were " Huss- 
genossen '*. But what did the French people of 1560 know 
of the Bohemian executed in 1415 ? Huss had no influence 
whatever in France. 

If all these ingenious ba lions d'essai failed to have the 
smallest effect in casting discredit upon the Protestants, so 
far as the French populace were concerned, it was other- 
wise with a move made by their deadly foes, the Guises. 
The Guises gave their ecclesiastico-political adversaries the 
name of " Eidgenossen " (Leaguers), for it was of the utmost 
importance to them to brand the conspirators of Orleans and 
Amboise as " rebels '*. ** They were in league with the Swiss 
Kepublics," said they, ** and could never again be faithful 
subjects of the King of France without breaking their oath 
to Geneva." 

' BnUetin de la Soc. du Prot. Fr., 1898, p. 661. 

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A broadsheet published by the Guises in the spring of 
1562 announces that the French Protestants had determined 
to organise^themselves into Cantons, as the free Swiss had 
done. It was to this iiitent, said they, that the ** Deformed *' 
Churches had assumed the name of ''Aignos"; for the 
seditionmongers of Amboise were the offspring of the 
Genevese, and the latter, at the time of their rebellion 
against the Duke of Savoy, had brought a good number of 
Aygnos from Berne and Freiburg into Geneva, and then, as 
soon as they felt themselves strong enough, they had first 
caused those who wished to live as the Eidgenossen did (qui 
voudraient vivre en TAignossen) to lift up their hands, and 
had next proceeded to drive the Faithful out of the town 
under the nickname of Crawlers or Cringers (Mamelus).* 
Hence the origin of the satirical song : ** Tes Aignos sont 
au dessus, tes Mammelus sont ru6s jus". And so again at 
the present time the adherents of the Prince of Cond^ had 
been fed upon the Genevese spirit of rebeUion after the 
fashion of the Aignossen (nourris en TAignossen de Genfeve). 
And for this reason the conspirators of Orleans had called 
themselves **Biindler,'* in Genevese ** Aignossen "/^ Even 
before 1562 the learned partisan of the Guises asks : '* Did 
the King of Navarre then allow himself to be outwitted, as 
the Aignos tried to outwit the Prince of Conde ? Ah, Master 
Aignos ! from whom are we to expect good counsel if not 
from him whose counsel hitherto has brought the land into 
a state of blooming prosperity? '* ^ 

This ** Keponse des Triumvirs (the Guises) a la Declara- 
tion " is in fact the reply to the '* Declaration faite a Orleans, 
le 8 Avril, 1562,* par M. le prince de Cond^, pour montrer les 
raisons qui Tont contraint d'entreprendre la defense de 
Tautorite du Koy, du gouvernement de la Eeine, et du 
repos de ce royaume *'. Conde had just launched his de- 
claration of war against the Triumvirate — the Duke of Guise, 
the Cardinal of Lorraine, and his own brother, the King of 
Navarre, who bad lately turned Catholic. There was to be 
open warfare in the cause of the Gospel and of the King. 

The ecclesiastico-political aim of both parties is strikingly 
plain therefore. Both protest that their only desire is to 
deliver the king from false counsellors, to be faithful, at- 

^ Mamelukes, the Sultan's bodyguard, originally slaves. 

^Bulletin Fran<:aiH, 1859, p. 127. 

3 md. ^ Hist. EccUs., ii., 16. 

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tentive, kind to the king, and to lay down their arms at 
once when the king commands them to do so. Each lajrs 
all the blame for robbery, murder, bloodshed, harm in general, 
upon his adversary, and each accuses the other of having been 
the first to resort to arms. 

Such declarations and counter-declarations, says La Noue, 
are necessary in our age, " for at the present day people are 
so lazy that they won't do their duty to the State, without 
being goaded to it ". The Guises, who had just arranged a 
blood-bath for the Protestants at Vassy, were well aware, 
through their new confederate. King Anthony of Navarre, 
that his brother the Prince of Cond6 was negotiating with 
the German princes. All the more crafty therefore was their 
insertion of the word ''Eidgenossen " in the incendiary 
broadsheet of the Catholic League, while at the same time 
they were themselves coquetting with Spain, and were taking 
both German Landsknechte and troopers, as well as Swiss 
Cathohcs, into their service. 

It is remarkable that the official counterblast of the 
Guises does not contain the word " Huguenot," and that it 
is not so much as hinted that " Aignos ** and " Huguenots '* 
are one and the same. There is merely a simple lie, put 
forth in the interest of the Papal party, to the effect that 
Cond6*s followers had called themselves " Biindler," or 
** Eidgenossen " (Leaguers or Confederates). And the sole 
proof alleged of this is, that a reformed preacher who had 
recanted and returned to Bome is said to have admitted to 
the Duke of Guise that, '* after seven years' study, he had 
been convinced that Calvinism was an incentive to dis- 
obedience and to the establishment of such liberty as that 
which prevailed in the Swiss Cantons'*. This was all that 
the French Protestants had done towards adopting the 
name of ** Aignos ". A single renegade has been the parent 
of all the Protestants of Fmnce ! 

That devoured of Protestants, the Marshal of France, 
Count Gaspard de Tavannes, sings the same song. He 
writes in his Memoirs, 1574, " They themselves assumed the 
name of * Eidgenossen \ And as the first pastors who came 
to France always cherished the wish to establish a democracy 
there (d'y etablir Tetat populaire) they made use among 
the Huguenots of the foreign word * Eidgenossen ' {sic) that 
they might not be understood by the world in general. So 
that the earliest professors of this religion considered the name 
an honourable one, though their descendants looked upon it 

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as a disgrace and reproach."^ We see that Tavannes does 
not declare the ** Eidgenossen " to be identical with the 
** Huguenots *' ; but he too, following the illustrious example 
set him, suspects them of being " democrats ". 

And now, as neither the Triumvirate, nor Tavannes, nor 
any other Frenchman contemporary with the conspirators 
of Amboise, attempts to explain the word ** Huguenot " by 
** Eidgenossen," we might let the identity question rest, had 
not an attempt been made to support it by an appeal to old 
Genevese writers.^ 

We are discussing a nickname of the French Protestants. 
Now French Protestants call themselves by the name of 
Calvin. Calvin lived in Geneva. Calvin left a quantity of 
letters and many polemical writings behind him. His chief 
talent indeed was shown in polemics. If then the nickname 
** Huguenot " had its origin in Geneva, it is to be expected 
that Calvin would have been foremost in defending **les 
n6tre8,*' as he calls his adherents, against the aspersion cast 
upon them by this insulting sobriquet ; or, if not that, that 
he would have given the name an honourable signification. 

But as a matter of fact, Calvin never once makes use 
of the word " Huguenot," or of ** Eidgenot," " Eygenot,'' 
** Ayguenot," or " Euguenot ". This I was positively assured 
of on October 9th, 1899, by Professor Herminjard, Doctor of 
Theology, who is without a rival in his acquaintance with, 
and critical editing of, Calvin's correspondence. 

However, in order to establish the identity of ** Huguenot " 
and ** Eidgenots," recourse is had to two Genevese contem- 
poraries of Calvin's, the famous chroniclers Francois Bonivard 
(died 1570) and Michel Roset (died 1618). 

Let us consider these two more closely. 

The famous Bonivard, Prior of St. Victor, the prisoner of 
the Castle of Chillon, the adventurer whose vicissitudes have 
so often been sung, writes in book iii. of his Chroniques de 
Geneve, of the year 1518^: *' Allaient crier les enfans : 
* Vivent les Eiguenotz,' voulant dire les Eydgenoss, que signi- 
fie en Allemand les ligues ou allies, duquel nom s'appellent 
les Suisses en general, car Eyd signifie serment, et Genoss 
participant. Pourquoi ces deux mots joints, assavoir Eyd- 
genoss, signifient les ligues et ensemble assermentes. Ceux 

^Soldan, Geschichte des Protestant Lsinus in Frankreich^ i., 624. 

«/6«i., i.. eOSff. 

"Ed. G. Revilliod, Geneve, t. ii., 1867, p. 131. 

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qui tenaient le parti des Princes par moquerie les appelaient 
les Eidguenots, et ceux de la part de la liberte nommaient 
ceux par opposite les Mammelucs on Monseigneuristes, pour- 
cequ'ils tenaient le parti des Seigneurs." ('* The children 
went about shouting : * Vivent les Eiguenotz/ meaning the 

* Eydgenoss,' which in German means the Leaguers, or Allies, 
a ndme generally adopted by the Swiss, for * Eyd ' means oath, 
and * Genoss ' associate ; and the two words together, namely 

* Eydgenoss,* mean those who are leagued and bound together 
by an oath. Those who were of the party of the princes called 
them ' Eidguenots ' in mockery ; and those who belonged to 
the party of liberty called the opposite party * Mamelukes,' or 

* Monseigneurists,* because they held with the Seigneurs.*') 

Such is the passage upon which all arguments for the 
identity of ** Huguenot" and "Eiguenot" are founded. 

But we must now call attention in the first place to the 
fact that even here we have no mention of the word ** Hugue- 
not ". ** Eiguenotz ** he himself declares to be a corruption 
of ** Eid^enotz " (more properly Eidgenotz or Eydgenossen)^ 
originating with the children, whose language was French. 
And then another point which we must be clear about is 
that though the children of Geneva shouted ''Eiguenotz" 
in the streets, they certainly did not spell the word to any- 
body. In fact, it might have been written " Eiguenotz," 
** Eyguenots," '' Aiguenots," "Ayguenots," or even " Eidgue- 
nots " and " Eydgenots," as Bonivard does write it immediately 
after. To this we must add that, when the word came into 
use in Geneva, Bonivard himself never heard it at all. For in 
1518 he was away in Rome, Turin, Freiburg, Gex, Grolee, 
etc., on matters concerning his priory.^ 

But it was not till 1548*^ that he wrote his Chronicle of 
Geneva, which he brought down to the year 1527 ; and it 
was not till 1551 that he handed over the complete work to 
the council.^ Another thing to be noticed is, that it was not 
written by his own hand, but by his secretary, Ant. Froment ; 
that he merely added corrections and marginal notes, and 
that the manuscript soon after disappeared. It was not till 
30th October, 1724, that it was restored to the Public Liibrary 
of Geneva, through the instrumentality of MM. Lullin.* 

Now, at this time of day, who is going to prove that the 
handwriting is really that of Froment and Bonivard? or,. 

^T. i., p. xiv., .s.r. ^t. j., p. Hi. ^t. i., p. Jvii. 

•'T. i.,p. Iviii. 

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further still, that Bonivard spelt the word ** Eigueuots ** 
to Froment while he was in the act of writing, and 
exactly as it is printed at the present time ? It is all the 
less possible to do this, because Bonivard 's own handwriting 
is entirely unknown to us now, save by his signatures (see 
the remarks of Champonni^re in the ed. ReviUiod, i., pp. 
59, 60, (54 of the '* Notice")- 

That Froment, or Bonivard himself, attached no great im- 
portance to the form '* Eiguenots," the closest approximation 
to that of ** Huguenots," is manifest, for he has no sooner 
mentioned it than he immediately uses the form *' Eidgenoss " 
three times over ; and not only this, but when he reverts to 
the nickname (livre iv., cap. 4, ed. ReviUiod, p. 227) he 
speaks only of " Eydgnoss " and "Eydgenoss" — and that 
six times in the year 1525 — and (in livre iv., cap. 7) he 
speaks of the Genevese children as crying, not ** Eiguenotz," 
but " Eydgnot, Eydgnot " (ReviUiod, ii., p. 254). Bonivard 
also uses the nickname " Mammelucz " down to 1530 (ed. 
ReviUiod, ii., 266, 270, 281, 283, 285, 293, 298, 325, 415). But 
** Eignotz " does not appear again after 1525, and in its place 
he always uses **combourgeois". In 1530 Bonivard calls 
the Evangelicals of Geneva ''Lutherans,'*' (1. ii., p. 395). 

So then, ** Evangelicals" and ** Eidgenossen " were not 
precisely synonymous terms even in Geneva. The Evan- 
gelicals there are called first Lutherans, and, later on, Cal- 
vinists. The **Eiguenos'' are a political party in Geneva^ 
the party of independence, the declared enemies of the 
ducal Mammelucs, or Monseigneuristes. And when Calvin 
came in 1535, and especially when he was recalled in 1538, 
they occupied such a hostile position with regard to the 
Evangelical party on the question of Church discipline, that 
Calvin opposed them in the sharpest way, calhng them 
"slaves of liberty" (Libertins). If we except Bonivard^ 
who left the camp of the ** Eignos " for that of Calvin, we 
find nearly aU the *' Eidgenossen " between 1519 and 1530, 
and, so far as any of them still survived, between 1538 and 
1563, in the camp which was at enmity with Calvin. This 
was perfectly weU known at the time and even in 1560 to 
every French Protestant; so that to call the Calvinists 
*'Eiguenots," *' Eidgenossen," and that in Geneva of all 
places, would have appeared altogether monstrous. 

Finding therefore that little was to be gained from Bonivard 
in proof of the identity of "Huguenot" and '* Eiguenots," 
recourse was next had to the son of the man whom the 

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**Con8eil de Geneve*' ordered to furnish Bonivard with 
original documents from the State archives.^ 

Michel Boset, who succeeded his father Claude as State 
Secretary on the latter s death in 1555, is the writer of the 
Chroniquea de Genhve, which come down to 1603, that is to 
within ten years of Michel's own death. It is unnecessary 
to recall the fact that Michel Boset was syndic in Geneva 
fourteen times, that on twelve occasions he was returned at 
the head of the list, and that he was entrusted with missions 
from the Eepublic to foreign powers no fewer than eighty- 
four times.^ It is enough to know that if S^nebier is right, 
Boset presented the first part of his Histoire de Genhoe to 
the council in the year 1562, and that amid the greatest 
applause of all [present. The council gave orders that every 
one of the members should have a copy prepared for his 
owdl use, that he might make himself acquainted with the 
privileges of the town. 

Again in this instaiice the original document appears to 
have been lost and never to have been printed. But the 
Bibliotheque Cantonnale of Lausanne possesses (in Litt. F., 
Num. 1178 and 1179) two manuscripts of Boset's. according 
to the statement of D. Bernus ; one of which (1179) is said 
to belong to the end of the sixteenth or beginning of the 
seventeenth century, with glosses of the same date, while 
the other, which is without glosses, is of the seventeenth 

Now Michel Boset was not born till 1533, and in the year 
1562 — in the very year therefore when the party name of 
'* Huguenot " was making a stir in the world — he writes as 
follows concerning what went on in the year 1518, fifteen 
years, that is, before he himself was born (chap. Ixxxix.): "En 
ces troubles ceux qui avaient desir autrefois acquis la Bour- 
geoisie de Fribourg, en solicitaient des autres particuliere- 
ment, tellement que par banquets et autres assemblees ils 
s'inviterent (orig., s'inciterent) les uns les autres k la de- 
mander. L'abbe de Baumont (orig., Bomont) et le Prieur 
de St. Victor — Bonivard — ^taient aussi de leur bande, si 
furent 60, inxocles {sic) qui Fenvoyerent demander a Fri- 
bourg [a severely Catholic Canton] I'obtinrent moyennant 
que le general y-consentit. Et eux a s'assembler de plus 
fort et a se bander ouvertement, appelant les Durants (orig., 
Ducals) Mamelus comme renongant a la liberte et quelquefois 

^ Bonivard, ed. Revilliod, i., p. lii. ^BtUletin Fr„ I860, p. 15. 

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Monseignimistis (orig., Monseigneuristes) et qu'ils 6taient 
appeles des Mamelns, * Huguenots' (orig., Euguenos) par- 
ceque les Ligues s'appelaient ' Eidgnossen/ qu'est a dire 
participants du serment. Cette division etaient grande et 
trainer longuement, tant que les Huguenots (orig., Euguenot) 
se trouvaient plus forts en nombre (orig., de voix). Leur 
signal etait une croix taill6e en leurs pourpoints."^ 

That this copy does not emanate from ** a man of letters, a 
linguist, and one accustomed to deciphering the old documents 
in the archives, or from one who had a thorough knowledge 
of history, either as statesman or litterateur,'* such as 
S^nebier describes Michel Eoset to have been, is clear 
enough from the fact of his calHng the '* Ducaux " (adherents 
of the Duke of Savoy) "Durants," and the ** Monseigneur- 
istes" (adherents of the Bishop of Geneva) "Monseigni- 
mistis '*. Any one who distorts names in this fashion would 
not scruple to replace the word "Eiguenots" (which of 
course was quite forgotten by 1562) by a nickname which had 
been applied since 1560 to a totally different party. The 
verdict of Professor Herminjard, Professor and Doctor of 
Theology in Lausanne, was therefore just what was to be 
expected. On the 5th October, 1899, he informed me that 
he was firmly convinced that the manuscript in the Library 
of his Canton of Lausanne was not an original, but a copy 
merely. And Professor A. Bernus, Doctor of Theology in 
Lausanne, as also Dr. Linder, preacher of the Reformed 
German Church in the same place, both concur in his state- 
mient. The latter add moreover, that the word '* Huguenot,'* 
which occurs in the Lausanne MSS. (F., 1179 and 1178), is 
altogether wanting in the original, that is to say in Roset's 
Genevese manuscript, where ** Euguenos *' is the tenn used 
in both instances, as any one may see for himself by looking 
at pages 87 and 107 of the Genevese MS. first pubhshed by 
Fazy in 1894.2 

From all which it appears that Michel Roset himself, who 
died in 1613 and brought his Histoire de Genhve down to 
1602, simply followed the spelling of Froment and Bonivard, 
and that the corruption of " Euguenos *' into " Huguenot " is 

^ For the exact copy of this passage I am indebted to Dr. Linder, Pastor of 
the Reformed German Church in Lausanne (ISth August, 1899). 

^Lis chroniqtus de Geneve de Michel Roset , publi^es par Henri Fazy,. 
Directeur des Archives, Geneve, George & Co., libraires de Tinstitut, 1894. 
Fazy published in 1898 Portrait de Roset. The Genevese original by Boset 
has no marginal notes. 

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the work of a copyist, who lived some hundred years later. 
Besides which "Eydnos" has been corrected by another 
learned hand into " Eydgnoz," and a fourth adds the gloss : 
** Hence arose the faction of * Eydgnossen,' which continued 
several years later in Geneva " ; while a fifth scholar remarks : 
** the word * Huguenot ' was derived from this ". 

In the second Lausanne copy, on the other hand, the 
proper form, " Eidgenossen," is given in this passage. 

It is a well-known fact that later writers generally have 
no scruple in calling French Protestants of the earliest times 
simply ** Huguenots'* instead of "Lutherans" or ''Evan- 
gelists ". Thus in the Antiquites de la mile de MeauXy 
written in 1721 by Claude Eochard, at page 397, we find under 
date of October, 1546 : *' Execution de I'arrest des quatorze 
Huguenots, bruslez vifs au grand marche de Meaux ". With 
regard to which Mr. Herbert M. Bower remarked in the 
Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London, 1898, page 
112: "This was probably an anachronism of Rochard's, as 
wrriters of this date did not use the word as a name for 

To a French ear, ** Eidgenots " or ** Aydgenots " = " Aedge- 
not," sounds entirely different from ** Huguenot," which 
according to the Academy's dictionary, is always aspirated. 
**iE" and **ii" are as dissimilar in sound, as any vowels 
can be, as much so as "A" and '*I". Besides this, the 
** H " at the beginning of the word is wanting ; and the 
entire disappearance of the *' d " would be a very important 
point, even if it stood alone. "Eid," oath, without the 
**d" becomes "Ei," egg. 

Accordingly, Littre, in his Dictionnaire de la langue 
Frangaise, and the Bulletin Frangais are both emphatic 
in expressing their dissent from this explanation (1868, p. 
302 ff. ; 1859, p. 123 ; 1898, p. 662. " Assurement cette Ety- 
mologic (du mot allemand * Eidgenossen ') est ce qu'il y a 
de plus risque, et elle ne supporte guere Texamen." Sir 
Henry Austen Layard, too, President of the Huguenot Society 
of London, declares in the Proceedings, 1889, page 261: 
** There does not seem to be any good reason for deriving the 
word * Huguenot * from the German words * Eid-genoss,' i.e., 
bound by oath". 

But if this derivation is untenable etymologically, it is 
equally untenable from the historical point of view. 

The famous revolution of Geneva, and the alliance of the 
"Ind^pendants" with the strictly Catholic Canton of Frei- 

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burg belonged to a time before there was such a thing as a 
Calvinist in Geneva. The Genevese themselves were glad 
to forget that terrible time. For the Freiburgers and Bernese 
had scarcely sent troops to their assistance against the duke 
in 1530, than they called upon their new allies to pay down 
1,500 reichsthaler, on account, as a reward for their services ; 
while at the same time they declared that the Duke of 
Savoy was a more ancient ally of theirs than Geneva, aud 
threatened to plunder, burn and destroy the town if it did 
not at once pay up this first instalment of the price they 
demanded.^ And Geneva had no sooner gone over to the 
pure Gospel than the strictly catholic Canton of Freiburg 
renounced the alliance. Those however of the **Eidge- 
nossen " who had taken the lead as champions of liberty 
were opposed by Calvin throughout his life, and that both in 
word and deed. He stigmatised them as " Libertines and 
liberty-drunk,'' and their names appear in the ranks of those 
who were Calvin's enemies, as late as 1553. Bonivard was 
the only one of them who had gone over from the ** ancienne " 
to the *' nouvelle pohce " ; and he held, not with the '' Eig- 
nots," but with the " Huguenots,'' i.e., the ** Calvinists," until 
his death in 1570. 

But if there was nothing in Geneva itself, as early as 
1538, to justify the identification of the two deadly hostile 
parties of '"Eiguenots" and "Huguenots," still less was 
there in France. 

The France of 1560-98 had not the slightest interest 
in the past political struggles of the old Geneva of 1518- 
30. It is not proved, even as regards the neighbouring 
town of Lyons, that the merchants of Geneva were called 
" Aignos " or ** Huguenoz " between 1518 and 1526. And if 
it were, it would not be enough to account for the preva- 
lence of a similar usage in Touraine in 1560. 

If we are considering the question with reference to the 
French populace, then — whether the pre-Calvinistic name of 
a party in Geneva were invented for, or whether it were 
transferred to, a Calvinistic ecclesiastico-pohtical party in 
France (transplantation en France, or, as the English say : 
the passing from the Teutonic into Gallic speech) — very little 
importance attaches to anything we may find in the writing 
of a French scholar, such as Jacques Spon, who was born in 
Lyons, never lived in Geneva, died in Vevay in 1685 im- 

^ Bonivard, Chroiiiques de Geii^ve, ed. Revilliod, Geneve, 1867, ii., p. 424, s.v. 

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mediately after his flight from France, and who took a 
French view of events which had occurred in a foreign land 
150 years before he had taken his doctor s degree, and de- 
scribed them for our benefit as they appeared to him in the 
light, the French light, of the end of the seventeenth century. 

The first edition of his Histoire de Geneve came out in 
1680. It is a fact absolutely without any scientific value 
therefore that we find this Spon of Lyons calling the 
Genevese ** Eidgenossen " (Eignots) of 1518 (a word which 
did not exist in France in 1680) by the name of ** Hugue- 
nots,'* by a name, that is to say, which had been current in 
Lyons since 1561 as the sobriquet of the ecclesiastico- 
political party of liberty. 

Those who defend the derivation of ** Huguenot " from 
** Aignoz," fall back in support of their argument upon two 
positions, the one historical, the other linguistic. The his- 
torical position is this : Besan^on Hugues of Geneva is said 
to have been the leader of the ** Eidgenossen," * and the 
populace immediately dubbed these ** Eignots," or ** Aignoz," 
" Huguenots " after him. Unfortunately for this theory, 
the people called Besan9on Hugues simply Besan9on; so 
also did Bonivard, and that invariably. It has moreover 
been rightly pointed out that the Hugues brothers were by 
no means leaders of the ** Eidgenossen " in Geneva. The 
leaders were rather Berthelier, Bonivard, Vandeli, Claude 
Savoie, Porral and Arnied Perrin. Besides this, Besan9on 
Hugues very soon withdrew into the background, where he 
occupied a position even less conspicuous than that of his 
brother, Guillaume Hugues, the syndic. Bonivard and 
Berthelier remained the political souls of the agitation for 
freedom ; and the latter afterwards fought the ** Calvinists " 
in the person of the church-discipline man, John Calvin. 

The linguistic position betrays still more confusion. Soldan 
entrenches himself behind the proposition that popular speech 
has metamorphosed Emden into Hemdem, Hampton into 
" Anthonne," Irland into " Hirlande," Joachimsthaler into 
'* Joccondalles " (p. 620, tl. i.), Armagnac into ** Arme 
Gecken " and "Annata gens" {Bulletin Frangais, 1860, p. 
20). But these instances are none of them explanations, 
and all they do is to show possibilities. 

And if the question were merely as to corruption, a good 

* Bonivard, Chroniques de Qenive, t. ii., id. ReviUiod, p. 267, says: 
"Y-firect asseoir Jehan Philippe audessus de Besanvon, comme syndique, 

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dieal more might be added. There is for instance the follow- 
ing in " la exploration de la cite de Genefve snr le fait des 
Hereticqnes, qui Tont tiranniquement opprimee" by the 
inonk John Gacke or Gacy of Savoy in 1536 : — 

Arrestez vous par le chemin passans : 
Consideres que je ne suis pas sans 
Extreme dueil et trfes griefve soui&ance) 
Mieulx me seroit si je estois soubs France, 
Ou ob^isse h mon naturel prince ; 
Je n'euBse point forvoyfe ne prins ce 
Chemin obficque, devenont AngtwnoW', 
De d^shonneur perpetnelle note.* 

If ** Eidgenossen " could become *' Anguenottes " between 
1636 and 1536, and ** Huguenots '* could be turned into 
" HuBgnalei " between 1560 and 1563, it would of course be 
possible for the ** Eidgenos " of 1526 to be corrupted into 
"Aiguenots " and *' Huguenots". We j5nd indeed that the 
Swiss confederates were transformed from ''Eidgenossen " 
into "Eyguenos" as early as 19th October, 1530, in the 
French text of the Treaty of St. Julien. Furthermore, 
Jeanne de Jussie calls the Genevese ''Euguenots" instead 
of " Eidgenossen " or "Eignos," and their league " AUiance 
eugenotte **. 

Then, on the other hand, we have Nicolas Durand de 
Villegagnon, the Brazihan coloniser, writing to Cardinal 
Granvella of his former friends and fellow-workers (25th 
May, 1564), and calling them ** Aygnos " instead of ** Hugue- 
nots ".« 

One sees from this that the Swiss, with their hotch-potch 
of German, French and Italian, can do what would be im- 
possible to any one with the sensitive ears of the French. 
In this jargon of theirs everything is turned upside down. 
'* Eidgenoss ** is turned into '* Eignos," ** Eignos " into " Aig- 
nos/' "Anguenos," *'Eygaenos,'* **Eiguenosz'* and **Euge- 
no8," and at last the "Eugenos" become */ Huguenots *' ; 
and then the ''Huguenots ' are turned back again into 
"Aignos". What more can one want? 

The various sounds of a, ang, o and ii are all made to be 
of equal value ; and one is substituted for the other without 
the least scruple. What in fact is left to rest upon ? and 
where are we to find any linguistic law ? If we are to ac- 

•^Anatole de Montaiglon, Recueil de Poisies Francoises des xv. et xvi, 
iUcles, Paris, 1866, t. iv., p. 101. 

^Pa^^s d^Etat de Granvelle, t. vii., p. 660. 


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cept this sort of thing we must admit that Albaric was 
justified in concluding his investigation thus:^ "lies noms 
de partis se confondent a leur origine avec des passions 
populaires dont les ressorts intimes 6chappent an Doat de 
quelque temps aax regards investigateurs de I'historien *'. 

But this is as much as to say that all the researches of 
the historian are so much labour lost. For the result would 
be nothing but scientific bankruptcy. 

And then when Soldan makes a final attempt to explain 
the derivation from '' Eidgenossen " by alleging that in some 
parts of Poitou the reformers were also for a time called 
**Fribourgs" or ** Fri hours," in allusion to the league of 
1518 between Geneva and the arch-Catholic canton of Frei- 
burg, we can only say that this, in the eyes of arch-Catholics 
at all events, would be an extremely strange designation for 
reformers ; all the more so when we consider that the league 
of the Catholic king with the eleven Swiss cantons was signed 
in this same Freiburg on 7th December, 1564.* 

Albaric is of opinion too that in 1560 the common folk of 
Poitou hardly knew anything of the history or even existence • 
of such a canton as Freiburg. But when he proceeds to 
assert that this use of the word '* Freiburg" must on* 
doubtedly have reference to some local circumstance in 
Poitou, what is this but to carry the scientific bankraptcy 
a step farther, unless, that is, he can point to what this 
** local circumstance" actually was?' 

But if the attempt to stigmatise the French Protestants 
as Swiss ''Eidgenossen" made by the Guise party was a 
product of the study, and due to ecclesiastico-political bias, 
exactly the same may be said of the Protestant explana- 
tion, which would make them into *' adherents of Hugues 
Capet ". 

What did the people know of Hugues Capet in 1560 ? They 
may possibly have had their legends of Charlemagne. Bat 
that the Carlovingians had dethroned the Merovingians and 
had then been themselves dethroned by the Capetiens, and that 
the royal family reigning in 1560 wsks descended from Hugues 
Capet, were matters not taught in the schools of those days ; 
to say nothing of the fact that schools for the people in the 
modem sense of the term did not so much as exist. Hugaes 

1 Bulletin Franqais, 1S58, p. 808 ff. > Ibid., 1898, p. 594. 

' The existence of a Protestant family named Fribour, at Treschateao near 
Dijon, and of another of the same name at Caen does not help us in ibe 
smallest degree. 

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Capet was not of course in any way a prophetic comrade-in- 
the-faith or forerunner of Calvin. If there was no religious 
meaning in the political league which Geneva, in her thirst 
for freedom, had made both with Protestant Berne and with 
ultra-Catholic Freiburg against the Duke of Savoy, there 
was just as little religious meaning in the tracing of the 
party-name of ''Huguenot" back to the old King Hugues 
Capet. It was merely another move in the game of chess 
played by the learned of Condi's party, and was intended 
as a countermove to the assertion made by the Guises that 
the Protestants were a republican brotherhood after the 
pattern of the Swiss cantons. It was desired to gain cre- 
dence at court for the rumour that the Guises maintained 
that they had a right to the Crown as being descended from 
Charlemagne; while Conde and Coligny maintained the 
rights of the reigning dynasty, the descendants of Hugues 
Capet. The reigning Catholic king and his faithful nobility 
are here called " Huguenots," or more correctly " Hugue- 
naux ". 

In the collection of documents which appeared in Strass- 
burg in 1565, under the title of M^moires de CandS, we find 
the following reference to the Guises in an " Advertissement 
au peuple Fran^ais " : " They (the Guises) long ago in- 
vented a * sobriquet et mot a plaisir,' in derision of those 
who, as they say. are descended from Hugues Capet. They 
call them 'Hugenotz,' and they also apply the same name 
of reproach to all who strive to maintain the prosperity of 
the kingdom and to preserve the person of the king our 
sovereign, his royal brothers and all the princes of the 
blood." And we find the same thing said about the Guises 
in the Complainte au peuple fran^ais : " The foreigners " 
(Guises) — who belonged to Lorraine, which had remained 
Carlovingian — "the foreigners are preparing to tear our 
poor children from our arms, and to strive to wrest the 
Crown from those called * Huguenots ' by the house of 
Guise (because they are of the race of Hugues Capet) and 
to transfer and restore it to those who, as they say, have 
Charlemagne for their ancestor."^ According to this, the 
French royal family and their Bourbon train were Huguenots, 
and on the other hand the Guises were the foreigners and 
conspirators, banded together against the race of Hugo Capet. 

And as early as 1560, in the Brih)e exposition des lettres 

^Soldan, i., 611 If. 

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du Cardinal de Lorraine, it is said : " It is very well known 
that it is not we Protestants who belong to the party of 
those who claim descent in the direct line from Charlemagne 
and who assert that Hue Capet usurped his sceptre, and 
think that they have a right to seize upon the kingdom ". 
Even at that date therefore the name " Huguenot " was 
considered by the Protestants to mean the same as ** lioya- 
hsts". And to this agrees Benolt, in his History of the 
Edict of Nantes, when he writes in 1690 : '' The reformers 
called themselves after the family whose rights they were 
defending against the Papists or Guisards, at the time of 
the Amboise enterprise. So that at first the reformers evi- 
dently considered the name of * Huguenot * something to be 
proud of." 

Yes, and seven years before Benolt, Pastor Fetizon, a 
refugee, declares the title of " Huguenot " to be a " glorious 
title ". This is in his Apologie pour Us B^formes, published 
at the Hague in 1683, where he points out that those upon 
whom it was bestowed were the faithful adherents of the 
descendants of Hugues Capet. Contemporary reformers 
also inform us that the Guises derided them as *' Hugue- 
nots" because they supported the descendants of Hugues 

So far then Eegnier de la Planche Popeliniere and others 
were right when they drew a distinction between the 
**Huguenaux" (sic) of rehgion and the political "Hugue- 
naux". And of the latter La Planche says that they were 
provoked to see foreigners so strangely managing the kingdom 
while the princes of the blood were shut out.^ 

But when the Venetian Michiel concludes from all this, in 
1575, that ** Huguenots was the name given to the Mal- 
contents (li Malcontenti) of the Protestant nobility, who 
were joined by the malcontents of the Cathohc nobility," 
this is a mere distorting of history ; and Tavannes makes a 
good point in reply when he says: "In France there. are 
loyalists, as well among the Catholics as among the Hugue- 
nots ; and on the other hand, ambitious and rebellious persons 
are to be found among those professing both religions ". 

When, on the other hand, the unknown author of the 
RSveil-matin des Frangais (1573) writes, after the night of 
St. Bartholomew : " The earlier Lutherans have been called 
by the ignominious sobriquet of Huguenots ever since the 

» Bulletin Fran4:ai8, 1869, p. 124 ft, «Soldan, i., 609 ff. 

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Amboise aflfair" ; and again, " The Pope learnt how thoroughly 
the Cardinal of Lorraine had done his duty in defending the 
holy Eoman Mother-church against those Lutherans who 
had turned Huguenots," what he (Fran9oi8 Hotmann?) 
means to imply is, that the Lutherans, hitherto forming a 
purely religious party, had become an ecclesiastico-political 
party, by taking up arms and joining in the bloody feud 
of the Capitiens and Carolingians. 

One thing, however, is evident from all this : namely, that, 
as all who mention the word " Huguenot " between 1560 
and 1580 claim to have adopted it, not from the learned, nor 
from the Court, but from the lips of the people, we have no 
real explanation either in the learned interpretation of the 
Guises, which makes the Huguenots into Swiss ** Eidge- 
nossen '' and therefore enemies of royalty, nor in the learned 
interpretation of the Cond6 party, which makes them out to 
be defenders of the line of Hugues Capet, and therefore 
devoted to the king. These interpretations are, in fact, 
only the crafty inventions of diplomats, and their object 
is to ingratiate their own party with the Court, while at the 
same time casting a slur upon their opponents. 

It is quite another matter when we come to the derivation 
which traces the name to the town of Tours. We must 
here keep clearly before us the fact that Amboise, where the 
Guises were to have been arrested by 500 Protestant nobles 
in 1560, is a town in Touraine, the capital of which is this 
same Tours. One can readily imagine that, as soon as the 
Guises had discovered the conspiracy against them, they 
would be all eyes and ears to find out some popular hon-mot 
current in the neighbourhood, with which they might anni- 
hilate the Protestants. For nothing was, or for that matter 
is, of such lasting influence in France as a smart, national 
witticism. It is, thanks to his ready wit, that Henri ly. 
still holds such a warm place in the hearts of the French. 
He remains the most popular of kings, and that even under 
the Eepublic ; and with the people he is still " le Grand," 
more truly so than Louis XIV., more so than even the first 

Well, the Guises discovered in Tours a hobgoblin, who 
howled at night, and cudgelled and threw into the mire folk 
found in the streets. The people called him ** Le roi 
Huguet " ; and the mischief and malpractices in which he 
indulged in Tours were just, those of other hobgoblins else- 
where. His favourite way of entering the town was by the 

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** porte du roi Huguet ". And this chanced to be the very- 
place where the Protestants assembled night after night, 
to hold the services of psalm-singing, prayer and preaching, 
which were forbidden them by day. Whether the Pro- 
testants invoked the protection of the hobgoblin for their 
** Geheul,'* as Frederick II. called it, in order that they 
might be the less easily discovered, does not appear. Neither 
has any one succeeded in proving that the ghostly King 
Hugo who haunted Tours was the same person as the Capet 
who could find no rest in the grave because he had dethroned 
the Carolingians. 

But the discovery that in Tours itself the popular voice 
reviled the Lutherans as *' Huguenots,'' or more properly 
" Huguenaux," must have been a happy find for the Guises. 

The famous Parisian writer and printer, Henri Etienne 
(Henricas II., Stephanus), explains in his Apologia pro 
Herodoto, published at Geneva in 1566, that the word 
" Huguenot,'* borrowed from the Tours hobgoblin, Huguon, 
was first used at Tours by a monk who delivered a sermon 
there, in which he made it matter of reproach to the 
Lutherans that they never practised their religion except 
at night, ** and so they must henceforth be called * Hugue- 
nots,' as being akin to King Huguon, who also went about 
only at night ". Etienne adds that it was difficult to get 
to the bottom of the matter even in his day, though the fact 
was still fresh in the memory of contemporaries.^ If we 
ask ourselves why it was so hard to fix the origin of an 
invention which was then but six years old, the answer is : 
" Just because the invention originated among the people". 

La Place writes to the same effect as early as 1565 ; so 
that at that date the Guises had already met with the 
newly invented nickname in Touraine. He says : " This 
designation came into vogue a few days before the con- 
spiracy of Amboise, and that in the town of Tours, one 
of whose gates is named after *Koy Huguon'. As the 
Protestants were in the habit of holding prayer-meetings 
in their accustomed manner in the vicinity of this gate, the 
people seized upon the opportunity to call them ' Hugue- 
nauds '. And then those who followed the Court appro- 
priated the name without loss of time, and it has been heard 
everywhere ever since." ^ 

La Planche is of the same mind, for, writing in 1576. he 

1 Bulletin Frangais, 1898, p. 660. « Soldan, i., 612, 

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says : ** Such a watchful eye was kept upon the Lutherans 
at that time by day, that they found it necessary to wait 
for the night for their prayer-meetings, sermons, and the 
Holy Sacraments. And although they never did any one 
any harm, the priest^ mocked them by making them out 
to be the successors of those ghostly beings which were in 
the habit of wandering about at night. And as soon as it 
had become a common practice for the lower classes in 
Touraine, and especially in Amboise, to call the Evangelicals 
' Huguenots/ the nickname began to be generally taken 
up, and that too just at the time when the first armed rising 
waa discovered in Tours, and when the Count de Sancerre 
brought the first news of it to Amboise.*' ^ 

In the year 1580 we find Beza and Des Gallars giving ex- 
pression to the same views. In the Histaire EccUsiasUquey 
i., 269, they write : ** The name * Huguenot ' was given to the 
reformers at the time of the conspiracy of Amboise, and has 
clung to them ever since. It arose in this way. Super- 
stition was so rife in all the good towns of France at that 
time, that certain accursed spirits went about everywhere 
at night, seeking their own purification by beating and in- 
sulting whomsoever they encountered in the streets. The 
light of the Gospel has driven them away, and has shown 
us that they were simply roysterers and ruffians. Thus in 
Paris there was * le moine bourre ' ; in Orleans, * le mulet 
Odet ' ; in Blois, * le loupgarou ' ; in Tours, * le Roy 
Huguet ' ; and there were others in other towns. This is 
how the common folk of Tours and Touraine came to 
give the now very general name of * Huguenots ' to the 
Lutherans, as if, because they met by night, they belonged 
to the train of their King Huguet. And the sobriquet has 
clung to them because the Amboise conspiracy was first 
discovered in Tours." 

It cannot, however, be too much insisted upon that it was 
not at all to the interests of the Protestants that they should 
adopt the name of these ghosts from Purgatory. Quite 
otherwise, indeed ; for the Protestant Histoire EccUdastique 
contended against all belief in ghosts as a delusion of the 

Protestant historians mention the derivation from the 
spectral King Hugo, not because it is correct, but because 
they consider it an established fact that the weak-minded 

» Soldan, i., 618. 

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Catholic population, with the priests and monks at their- 
head, did actually take the pious night wanderers for ghosts,, 
because of the spectre king, and named them accordingly. 

A still more grisly and ghostly distortion of the nanie of 
** Huguenot " is that of ** Huisgnalei,'' ^ which appears in 
the title of a book by the Sorbonne doctor, Jacobus Faber, 
which was brought out in Paris in the year 1563 — a proof 
that the form of the nickname was not permanently fixed 
at that date. 

Others who declare themselves for the poor ghost as the 
source from which the ill name was derived in Tours are : 
Thuarius, the famous historian ; Pierre Cayet (born 1525), 
in his Ghronohgie nov^aire, which appeared in Paris in 
1608 ; and Pasquier, who also mentions the gate ; and even 
these do not exhaust the list. And as Pasquier (born in 
Paris 1528, and died there 1615) expressly says that the 
gate took its name from the ghost, it comes to the same 
thing when La Place, La Popeliniere, as well as Davila 
(in his Historia della gtcerre civile de Francia) and other 
writers declare themselves for the gate as being the place 
of the nightly assemblies ; while J. le Fr^re de Laval, in his 
Vraie et entihre Histoire des troubles (1573), mentions, 
among other explanations of the name ** Huguenot" then 
current among the people, the *'porte de Tours, "where 
the Calvinists held their assemblies for preaching and prayer. 
But the greatest weight of all attaches to the opinion of 
such an estabhshed critic as Henri Etienne (Stephanus), 
who in the preface to his Apologie d'Hfh-odote in 1567 
expressly asserts that, of all the explanations proposed, the 
only correct one is that which traces the name to the ghostly 
King Hugon in Tours, although this explanation is less 
generally adopted than any.^ 

I must not omit to mention that Pope Gregory XIIL, 
who ordered a Te Deum to be sung in honour of the 
" Bloody Wedding *' (the Massacre of St. Bartholomew), 
and had a medal struck to commemorate the " Glades Hugo- 
notorum '* (slaughter of the Huguenots), did most certainly 
not derive the nickname of the ** Christusfeinde " from 
either *'Eignoz" or ** Huguet," but from King Huguon. 
And The Catholic Moderator, a book which was printed in 
London in 1623, writing of the year 1559, says that, some 
time before the death of Calvin, a custom had arisen among 

' Bulletin Fraru^ais, 1859, p. 126. ^ Proceedings, London, 1889, p. 250. 

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the Catholics of calling by the name of " Huguenots " those 
who till then had been known as ** Tourengeaux," and that 
the designation was derived from the ^ate, named after the 
ghostly King Hugo, which was the nightly rendezvous of 
the praying Protestants, as we learn from the Recherches of 
Monsieur Pasquier.* 

But, certain as it is that the nickname invented for the 
Calvinists by the CathoHcs, and used since 1552, but 
especially since 1560, owes its origin to the ghost-king, it 
is just as certain that this ghostly name could not be a 
name of honour in Protestant ears. And yet that '* Hugue- 
not '* was originally an honourable desi^ation among the 
Calvinists is certified by Agrippa d'Aubigne, author of the 
Histoire Universelle,^ which was completed in 1570 and 
published in 1618 ; and also by Benoit, author of the 
Histoire de VEdit de Nantes^ which appeared in 1690. Bal- 
zac, too (in 1623), in the Socrate chrMen, makes a clear 
distinction between " termes odieux " and the good word 
** Huguenot," which was on the lips of everybody.' 

The question is, then, What was the good meaning to 
which French Protestants formerly referred with such pride 
when they used the expression, " i la vieille Huguenote " ? 

Before we give any answer to this, let us go back to the 
name ''Huguenot" when it was merely a surname, and 
therefore without party significance, as we find it in Mom- 
pelgard and the neighbourhood of Belfort between 1425 and 
1596, at Dijon in 1410, and in the Limousin in 1387. Every 
family name^ has a meaning of its own. Huguenot, as a 
family name, cannot possibly be anything else than a diminu- 
tive of the Christian name Hugo ; *' Huguenot," then, is 
just '* little Hugo," as ** Guillemot" is *Mittle William"; 
" Margot," " little Margaret " ; *' Chariot," " little Charles " ; 
" Jeannot," " little John," and so on. But Castelnau, one 
of the Amboise conspirators, infonns us that when the 
peasant women saw the scattered bands flying from Amboise 
they said of them, ** they are a very bad sort of jesters, not 
worth a Huguenot ". Castelnau adds that a ** * Huguenot ' 
was a coin of smaller value than a * maille ' ". According 
to the Dictionary of the Academy, the " maille " was a 

» Proceedings, London, 1892, p. 420. 

* He uses " k la vieille Huguenote " as a term of honour {Bulletin /r., 
1862, p. 113). 
- Ibid,, p. 329. 

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small coin of lead and copper, worth less than a " denier," 
and the denier itself was but the twelfth part of a " son " of 
five centimes ; worth, therefore, less than half a centime. 

Castelnan has not an idea whence this smallest of coins 
took the name of ** Hugnenott,'* so he declares boldly that 
" it originated in the time of Hugues Capet ". ^ Inasmncb 
as we are still rather in the dark as to the history of the 
mint in the time of Capet, we will let Castelnan's bold 
explanation rest. But we are naturally reminded by it of 
the minters, who were called ** Husginoz " and " Husknoz '* 
as early as 1263 at Strassburg, in 1277 at Spires and Vienna, 
in 1289 at Bale, because, so Grimm's German Dictionary 
informs us, the Government Mint was originally located 
in the house of the sovereign himself. ** Hausgenossen- 
schaft " was the term applied to the whole body of minters 
as early as the thirteenth century. Eheberg^ also lays 
stress upon the fact that the right of coining money was at 
first solely in the hands of the rulers (p. 1, etc.)- The Mints 
were in the imperial palaces. And even when the Emperor 
bestowed the privilege of coining upon the bishops, by way 
of ensuring their prayers for himself and his house, he still 
retained the right to take possession of both mint and 
custom-house for as long as he held his Court in the place 
(pp. 13, 30). And even after abbots, princes, and towns 
haii been invested with the privilege of the Mint, the 
Emperor was still for a long time the sole possessor of the 
right to coin gold (p. 43). The coiners, who^ were in the 
service of the King and Emperor, travelled about the country 
visiting palaces and courts and seeing to the coinage as the 
needs of himself and the empire required (p. 99). But as 
the coiners were the Emperor's " Hausgenossen " (house- 
mates), so did they also belong to the house and family of 
each and every Master of the Mint, whoever he might be. 
It is from this circumstance that Arnold also derives their 
name (p. 124) ; and to this may be added " their relation to 
one another, as * Genossen ' of the same Mint ". For origin- 
ally they had had to deliver all the silver at one house, see 
to the melting in one house, and transact the business of 
the exchange in one house. Their lives and labours all 
centred in the Mint-house, and they were consequently 
known as the familiares of the Master of Mint, the Bishop^ 

1 BulUtin Fr., 1868, p. 296. 

2 Milmwesen unci HatisgenossenscJwfU Leipzig, 1879. 

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for instance; and not only so, but among themselves also 
they went by the name of the " Husgenossen of the Mint *' 
(p. 125). 

In many towns they rose to patrician rank and held 
the supreme power. It was they who had the appointing 
of judges, magistrates and councillors. It was they who 
made the rights of the merchant and burgher-class to be 
respected. They were, in fact, of honourable rank. 

Later on the Guilds rose against the ** Hausgenossen,'' 
as, for instance, at Spires, between 1804 and 1327 (p. 168). 
In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the ** Hausgenossen " 
vanish altogether from the scene (p. 170). In Strassburg 
the last blow was dealt against them about 1437. They are 
accused of pride, of breaking the laws, and of coining bad . 
money. Even the etoige pfennig which they had introduced 
by way of meeting the frequent depreciation of the coinage, 
was denounced (p. 173). That which had been the title of 
honour of a privileged class had now become a name 
of reproach ; no one wanted to hear any more of the 
" Hausgenossen ". 

Coins often bore the name of an individual HausgenosSj 
that is, of the actual coiner, as well as those of the Master of 
the Mint, and of the place where they were minted. The 
giving of the coiner s name made him responsible for a third 
part ; and, as long as the Hausgenoss was rich and respected, 
and held a distinguished position, his name enhanced the 
value of the coin ; but he had no sooner incurred the envj^, 
hatred, and contempt of the people than the coins suffered m 
value and consideration. 

Even apart from the fact that the smaller coins — which 
served to pay the rent to the Bishop, or whoever else the 
Master of the Mint might be — bore no name but that of 
the '* Hausgenoss," the mere circumstance that the coiners 
of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries were deposed and 
driven away by the Guilds would of itself sufficiently ex- 
plain how the basest coins of Tours came to be called 
*' Hausgenossen " (Husgenots) by the people in 1560, and 
why the women of the people shouted after the fugitives at 
Amboise : *' These fellows are not worth a Huguenot ". 

It is at least possible that the name was transferred, in 
the popular speech, from coins to persons. 

And then, if we further consider that objective faith is 
often compared with a coin bearing the image of God, and 
that at the time of the Reformation Protestants were every- 

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where denounced as utterers of counterfeit coin in matters 
of faith, we may find another connecting link between the 
craft and the family name on the one hand, and between 
the craft and the religious and ecclesiastical party-name 
on the other. 

But now, whichever explanation of the nickname "Hugue- 
not " we are inclined to adopt — whether we are more drawn 
to the Genevese ** Eidgenossen," or to King Hugo, or to 
the spectral Hugo, or to the *' Hausgenossen " of the Mint, 
we shall all readily allow that it is hardly likely that all 
these names were invented by the Protestants. If we be- 
lieve, what so many maintain, that the title of " Huguenot " 
was originally an honourable one, and adopted by the Evan- 
gelicals themselves, then the explanation most to the point 
is the one which I submitted to the judgment of the General 
Assembly at Maulbrqnn, on the Huguenots' day, five years 
ago,^ which Dr. Enschede, the deputy of the Walloon 
Church of Holland, mentioned in his report (Haarlem Cou- 
rant) as being the only correct one, and of which I gave a 
fuller, more detailed account in my address at the Jubilee 
in Domholzhausen. 

This explanation is as follows : 700 Waldenses had fled 
to Geneva since 1535 ; they were followed, during the reign 
of Henri H., by 1,400 families; 1,500 French ProtestaJits 
collected in Strassburg ; more and more had been going to 
England since 1549, and to Frankfort-on-the-Main since 
1561, and to the Netherlands since 1562 (see Schickler, 
Refuge). And so it went on until the Massacre of St. 
Bartholomew, and until the revocation of the Edict of 
Nantes. Interlopers such as these, coming from Catholic 
France, must have been looked upon with suspicion in the 
neighbouring Protestant lands, where the Inquisition, the 
Jesuits, and the Dragoons vied with one another in spreading 
snares. On the other hand, they suffered terribly them- 
selves from spies, traitors, and corrupt guides, as they fled 
across the frontiers. 

To show, therefore, that they were genuine Protestants, 
and to ensure recognition by their evangelical brethren in 
the faith, as well when they were on their journeys and 
attending secret services as on their arrival in foreign lands, 
they introduced themselves, and were commended by their 
pastors and presbyteries, both by letter and by word of 

* Dr. Beringuier'K Die fraiizl'msche Kolonie , 1S95, p. 7- 

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mouth (though at first secretly), as, ** our Hausgenossen," 
our brethren in the faith, our fellow-suflferers. And this 
honourable designation gained additional force in the Refuge 
as soon as the strangers found that, on reaching the land of 
liberty, they were strangers no longer, but were greeted and 
welcomed and received as real members of the same family, 
and that in spite of their French birth and no matter 
whether the house they entered was Dutch, Swiss, English, 
or German.^ 

But it was the passage in the Epistle to the Ephesians 
(ii. 19) which gave the greeting its full force on both sides : 
** But now we are no more strangers and foreigners, but 
fellow-citizens with the saints and of the household of 
God" [**Gottes Hausgenossen,*' in old German ** Husginoz," 
"Husknoz," in Dutch **Huisgenoot"], ** built upon the foun- 
dation of apostles and prophets, Jesus Christ Himself being 
the chief comer-stone ". 

Inasmuch as the Evangelicals of France felt themselves* 
to be " God 8 Hausgenossen," equally vdth the Evangelicals 
of foreign lands, they had both found " access by one Spirit 
to the Father, through Jesus" (Eph. ii. 18). And, there- 
fore, to live ** i la vieille Huguenote '' was an honour and 
distinction before God and before man. 

^ Compare id.y 1896, p. 7. 

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^ Jl^otf |Jfot8 of ejree Qjtot^ers. 

(The dv Foussat.) 


(From original letters kindly communicated by Monsieur Henri du Foussat 
de Bogeron, of Gh&teau de Sarpe near St. Emilion, La Gironde.) 

Out of the dead, but ever-living past, reach ub, through the 
medium of some ill-scrawled letters, the voices of three 
Huguenot brothers, refugees for conscience* sake. Ab one 
of them says in a proud appeal to his old father, *' on these 
occasions one can only consult one's own conscience ". 

Pierre, Jean and Tobie du Foussat came of a family which 
had inhabited the little village of Buch for many centuries. 
According to facts based upon authentic documents they 
were descended from the Barons du Fossat and de Madaillan, 
in the province of Agen, and also of Bauzan in the district 
of ** Entre deux Mers " (or, as it might be translated, Meso- 
l)otamia). The du Foussat carry their pedigree back to the 
middle of the sixteenth century by authentic papers. In 
the seventeenth century those who had remained at Buch, 
at the price of abjuration, were censed as noble.^ 

Buch is a little village at a few miles distance from the 
town of Pujols, in the arrondissement of Libourne, depart- 
ment of La Gironde. It is a well-watered hamlet ; the river 
Bossugan bounds it on the north-west, the Escouach on 
the east, and the Combut, a tributary of the Gamage, crosses 
the village from east to west. It lies in a very picturesque 
valley, surrounded by meadows. A high road runs through 
it to Castillon ; and outside the last house of the parish, on 
the eastern side of the thoroughfare, lies the Protestant 

There were many maisons nobles in the place, viz. : 
Vaure, La Haille, Courteillac and Lardier, the two latter 
being the family seats of the du Foussat. Courteillac was 

^ Pierre Meller, Ancieimes families de la Gifvtide, vol. ii., p. 63. 

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situated at the western end of the parish, and Lardier at 
the north. Lardier was the original seat ; Courteillac was 
only built about the year 1717 ; La Haille belonged to the 
family of Melet, related by marriage with the du Foussat. 
Another alliance, that of de Layard, possessed the estate of 
Lalanne in the same parish, and other property besides. 

There is no mention of the period at which the family of 
du Foussat adopted the tenets brought into Gascony by the 
devoted labours of Guillaume Farel, Jacques Lefebvre and 

There are a few facts which show that the du Foussat 
mixed in the noble society of their quiet little village. 
To quote one instance — ** Contrat de manage entre noble 
Thimotheon de Bacalan, 6cuyer, Sieur de la Barthe, habitant 
de la paroisse de Blazimont, et demoiselle Louise de Melet, 
fiUe de feu noble Pierre de Melet, ecuyer, seigneur de 
Laubesc, et de demoiselle Elizabeth d'Amoul ". Amongst 
those who witnessed the marriage contract were Pierre du 
P'ossat, ecuyer, and Pierre de Layard, Ecuyer, of Ruch.^ 

In the second degree, a marriage takes place between 
Jeanne de Comuaud and Pierre du Foussat, which indirectly 
influenced in a degree the fate of their grandchildren. 

This alliance with the family of de Cornuaud proved of 
advantage to the young fugitives, when Joel de Cornuaud 
fled to the Elector of Brandenburg. 

Louise, sister of this Pierre du Foussat, married Sym- 
phorien de Layard, son of the Pierre de Layard whose name 
figured in the marriage contract of Thimotheon de Bacalan. 

At her marriage contract, on the 13th January, 1654, with 
the Sieur St. Forien de Layard (as the clerk quaintly spells 
** Symphorien "), Monsieur Jean du Foussat, another of her 
brothers, gives Louise du Foussat the sum of 1,200 Uvres as 
her dower, and as her inheritance from her deceased mother 
Marie du Tour. Another brother,. Daniel, gives her 300 

From reasons not stated, most of this property appears 
to have passed into the hands of Daniel du Foussat, her 
nephew, son of Pierre du Foussat ; Baymond de Layard, her 
son, sold to the same Daniel, his first cousin, some of his 
paternal heritage on the 11th May, 1684. 

^Archives de Madame de Bacalan* Fonds Drouyn, vol. xxxi., p. 188. 
Mairie, Bordeaux. 

* Archives B. Dufoussat, Fonds Drouyn, vol. xviii., p. 191. 

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358 HijouENOT society's proceedings. 

Does this indicate sale of property on the part of the 
Layard relations before the memorable year of flight and 
persecution ? It is to be noted that the year pre\ious, on 
the 12th March, 1683, Daniel du Foussat abjured ** between 
the hands " of the cure de Merignas,^ in the presence of 
Fran9ois Beges, cure of his own town, and of Mathurin 
Ouitard, a master-surgeon.^ The dragonnades had begun in 
the village, ** Conversions*' were taking place on all sides. 
The sister of Daniel du Foussat, Marguerite by name, held 
firm. She had married in 1659 Jean Trapaud, "lieutenant- 
criminel of the Viscounty of Castillon," but her husband, 
zealous and pious Protestant as he was in quiet times, 
abjured. Their son Jean fled to England and eventually 
married Aymee de Malacarre. Daniel du Foussat's other 
sister, Suzanne, married to Jacques d'Ailh^, was also be- 
reaved by flight of her son. Scarcely a house which was 
not divided against itself. 

The home of Daniel du Foussat was broken up. Pierre,, 
the eldest son, could only have been about twenty-three 
years of age, and Jean and Tobie a little younger. Suzanne 
Brandin, their mother, was already dead, and their father 
married to Jeanne Bricheau for about five years. 

Both Pierre and Jean entered the refugee corps. Jean 
joined a company of French cadets, raised by the States of 
Holland, and, after spending seven months at the Hague, 
economising with great difficulty upon 8 sous a day, he was 
garrisoned at Utrecht. It is Jean who speaks of the dictates 
of a man's conscience, and the tone of his letters, three in 
number (see Letters B, 1, 2, 3;, indicates a sense of injury, 
austerity, and want of that filial affection which, possibly, 
his father's want of steadfastness had inspired in his stern 
Huguenot breast. He invariably addresses him as ''Mon- 
sieur mon pfere" and scarcely admits an expression of 
affection into his letters. Only once in the three letters 
does his heart speak, when he says that he ** tries by every 
means in his power to make himself worthy of his remem- 
brance and love '* (Letter 2). 

The Benjamin ** Toby" is his brothers constant care and 
anxiety. He watches over the lad with a mother's affection, 
thinks of his lack of clothes and his necessities, and pleads 

1 Merignas, commune Sauvetem, arrondissement La Beole, d^partement 
La Qironde. 

* Vai^Us girondiyies, par Leo Drouyn, vol. ii., p. 447. 

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for him with the father, whom Tobie loves to call his ** very 
dear ". That Tobie was his father's pet also, we may surmise, 
for the first child by his second wife was also named after him. 

Tobie was placed with a merchant, Monsieur Merveilhaud, 
from Middleburg, in Holland, residing in 1686 at Eotterdam. 
This man, to whose protection the fugitive was confided, 
treated him roughly and scurvily. He made the lad pay 300 
francs for board, and when Tobie (who was directed to draw 
upon the merchant for his necessary means of existence) ven- 
tured to ask for the small sum of one crown, Merveilhaud 
scornfully twitted him with his poverty, and even threw a 
doubt on the father making good what the son asked for. 

Monsieur Daniel du Foussat, on the contrary, was fairly 
well known to the merchant through money transactions, as 
he cashed orders for the refugee sons. 

Tobie, who was of a timid and un warlike disposition, 
would have managed to keep happy in the Dutch home if 
he had been treated kindly. To his father he makes no 
complaints, only he begs to be allowed to choose a career 
more advantageous than commerce and not so degrading — 
according to his idea — as trade. 

Therefore, he resolves to go to Utrecht, where his brother 
Jean is still in garrison, and enter the same company of 

M. de Merveilhaud will not permit him to leave until M. 
du Foussat sends the necessary means for uniform and 
clothes — the boy's imagination is somewhat fired by the 
grandeur of these gentlemen in their gay coats. 

But when he arrives at Utrecht there is not a place 
vacant. So poor Tobie is sent on to Brandenburg to his 
maternal relation, M. Joel de Cornuaud,^ commanding a 
battalion in Jaussaud's regiment, garrisoned at Branden- 
burg, and to which the Elector had attached a regiment of 
cadets. De Favolles was lieutenant-colonel, and De Beau- 
fort one of the cadets. 

** Very little money in his pocket and a long road to 
travel," says his anxious brother. Only just enough money 
to carrj' him to Berlin. The letters of introduction in his 
pocket might be of great use, but good solid cash would let 
him ** look an honest man in the face ". 

Thus Tobie travelled out into the unknown. Others must 

'Joel de Comuaud, born at Pujols in 1637, son of Jean-Jacques de 
Comuaud de Fontbourgade Sieur de Soulat, refugee in 1685 with his 


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tell US if he succeeded in the battle of life, or if, like his 
future brother officers, his cousins De Comuaud,^ the battles 
of this world ended his gentle and affectionate existence.* 

Brigadier Jean du Foussat stayed on at Utrecht, in the 
orchard-girdled town, with its great forts and ramparts, and 
its stirring bugle calls. 

Burdened by the prohibition of his father, not to write 
more than once in six months, he only ventures a letter 
again to him after a few months have elapsed, in order to ask 
for money to pay the expenses consequent upon a duel in 
which he took part. 

The austere anxious Jean has eithter a quick temper or 
sensitive honour somewhere below his Huguenot principles. 
He takes care however not to mention to his father what is 
the origin of this petite affaire d'honneur, from which we may 
conclude there was a woman in it, and, like a gentleman, 
he conceals the fact. The duel took place outside the city 
gates, and ** wounded to death," the brigadier was left with 
only sufficient strength to drag himself to an old women's 
hospital hard by. The news soon spread that a brigadier 
was dying, and his faithful comrades in arms came in the 
nick of time to carry him off in a wheel chair to Vianen,^ 
before the Prevost of Utrecht, vnth two sergeants and a guard 
of twenty men, arrived to arrest him. Vianen in those days 
was a ''ville franche,'' a free town, and there the brigadier 
was comparatively safe. His freedom and safety were aearly 
purchased for him by his trusty companions for 80 livres. 

The burgomaster, pitying the young refugee officer, re- 
duced the tax, even then, by nearly half. In this city of 
refuge Jean du Foussat, hovering between life and death, 
kept quiet to know the issue of the duel. As no one died, 
his fears diminished, but not his necessities. M. Maurin, 
the son of an old friend from Duras,* nobly supplied his 

^ 1. Joseph de Gomuaud, lieutenant in his uncle Joel de Comuaud's r^> 
ment, killed 1715 ; 

2. . . . De Comuaud de Berthelot, killed 1717 ; 

3. Etienne de Comuaud de la Baugerie, aide-de-camp to his uncle. Sons 
of a younger brother, Jean de Comuaud, and Isabeau de Charles. 

'In the "Memoirs of Dumont de Bostaquet** is a list of the names of 
officers in Schomberg's regiment created in 1689. 

In Varengue's company occurs, amongst the lieutenants, the name of 
'' Tobie-Rossat ". Can this be a misreading of the editors for Tobie-Fo68at ? 

^ Vianen was only included in the Dutch states in 1729. The town is 90 
kilometres N.N.E. of Gorkum, on the left bank of the Leek, at the mouth of 
the Zederik Canal. 

* Duras, chef-lieu de canton, arrondissement de Marmande, D^partement 

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need. In his weak and helpless condition Jean writes to 
his father for money to pay his surgeon's bill, and to repay 
the loans received from his brother oflBcers and M. Maurin. 
We may conclude that the father paid them. 

As for Pierre, the eldest son, his career is better known 
than that of his brothers. According to the testimony of 
M. le Capitaine Arabin, his wife's brother-in-law, he bore a 
high character. He was a true Christian, a respectful, 
obedient, and affectionate son, a tender father, and an honest 
man, loved and esteemed by all who knew him. He re- 
membered his old family in the land of his exile, and clung 
to the traditions, as we perceive by his asking for an iai- 
pression of the family seal in order to have it engraven in 
England. In 1698 Pierre du Foussat was a heutenant in 
the Marquis de Miremont's regiment of Dragoons. His 
name is spelt '*Du Fossat,'* being the correct spelling of his 
ancestral name. 

On the 6th February, in the year 1705, PieiTe du Foussat 
was naturalised an English subject. He wrote to announce 
his intention to M. Jean Jacques de Cornuaud de Font- 
bourgade, Sieur de Soulat, father of the lieutenant-colonel, 
Joel de Cornuaud, mentioned in his brother's letter ; and on 
the very day of the naturalisation he writes to his father that 
his long wooing of Mademoiselle de Malacarre ('* Emilie ") 
had resulted some time previously in a happy marriage. 

Emilie de-St. JuJien de Malacarre was the youngest child 
and fifth daughter of Pierre de St. Julien Sieur de Malacarre, 
and Jeanne le Febvre, inhabitants , of Vitr^, in Brittany, 
Department of lUe-et-Vilaine. 

She fled to England with her brother Paul, and her 
sisters Aym6e, Marguerite and Caroline ; they were all 
naturalised on the 9th September, 1698 (10 Will, and 

On the 2nd June previous, her sister Aymee became the 
second wife of the Colonel Jean Trapaud to whom Pierre du 
Foussat refers in his letter of the 6th February, 1705. Thus 
the families were doubly connected, for the mother-in-law of 
Aymee de St. Julien was Marguerite du Foussat, sister to 
Daniel du Foussat, Pierre's father. 

The Marcons were refugees from Castillon and also related, 
to the Trapaud family. In the land of exile, the families of 
the refugees clung to their kith and kin, to the people of 
their own "pays,'' as individuals in France still term the 
inhabitants of their own town or village. "iZ est de mon 

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pays^'' is an expression invariably used by the peasantry to 
denote a fellow-citizen and not a compatriot. 

Pierre de St, Julien, the elder, with his two sons, Pierre 
and Louis, had already been naturalised five years previously 
(15th April, 1693). 

At the time of his daughter's marriage he was living in 
London, and was much troubled with gout. With him 
Pierre du Foussat left his young wife while he hastened over 
to Ireland to the Duke of Ormond, who had half promised 
him an appointment. His wife's aunt, Madeleine de St. 
Julien de Malacarre, had married M. Chamier, which may 
account for Jean de Foussat being posted to the regiment in 
which a M. Chamier was brigadier. 

Pierre du Foussat's life was a short one. His wife died on 
the 17th February, 1707 (n.s.), aged about thirty-two, having 
given birth to a little girl, called Emilie after her mother. 
Madame du Foussat was buried in the churchyard of St. 
Mary's, Dublin. Her husband fell ill soon after her death, 
being attacked with consumption ; he hngered three years 
and died in Dublin on the 5th of June, 1711. 

A few days before his death, he informed his brother-in- 
law, Captain Arabin,* of his wish to write to his old father at 
Lardier in Ruch, to assure him of his filial respect and duty, 
^and to mention his sweet, pretty and vivacious little girl of 
four and a half, whom the grandfather could not fail to love 
if he but knew her. But the end of the malady must have 
hastened rapidly, for the wish was never accomplished. 
Although he remained conscious up till the last moment, the 
sad letter had to be written by the captain instead. 

In his death he showed the depth of his Christian character. 

Captain Arabin and Caroline de Malacarre, his wife, took 
the little orphan home, the father having bequeathed his 
treasure to the uncle and aunt until such time as she should 
be claimed by her grandfather, with the earnest desire that 
she should be brought up in the fear of God. 

But, either the little one unconsciously felt her father's 
loss, or the seeds of consmnption were in her also, for she 
lived through the summer months and died when the cold 
set in. She was buried on the 1st December, 1711, at the 
tender age of all but five years. 

^In the same "Memoirs of Dumont de Bostaquet*' occurs the name of 
Arabin de Barcclle as Cornet in Cussy's Company. The death of a Captain 
Arabin is entered in a Manuscript Obituary Book compiled by Major Charles 
de Vignoles: "1757. M. le Colonel Jean Arabin, Colonel du 57 Reg^. 
d'Infanterie, mort a Gibraltar, I'ann^e 1757. Vers le 22 Mars.'' 

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The grandfather dockets the letters which he received, 
with the brief record *'the little girl died in Ireland'*. 

That the father clung to the memory of the sons of his 
youth and his first love is evident, for these few letters have 
survived all others and lie there in the Archives of the Du 
Foussat family as a testimony from over the water of those 
who ** counted not their hves dear unto themselves" for 
Christ's sake. 



A LoNDREs le 6 fevrier 1705 

Monsieur mon tres honor^ pere 

Vous avez appris il y a quelque temps (p£kr une lettre que 
j'^rivis k M' de Fonbourgade) que je devais venir ici pour me faire natu- 
raliser, ce que j'ach^verai j'espfcre aujourd'hui : vous avez aussi sou il y a 
d^j^ du temps par feu M< Marcon la recherche que je faisais de Made- 
moiselle de Malacare, belle-soeur de M' Trapaud et les raisons qui avaient 
eloigne la chose : mais A mon retour j'ai trouv§ les parents disposes k con- 
sentir, que je T^poussasse, ce que je n'aurais pourtant pas fait, quoique 
j'eusse votre consentement, sans vous en ^crire si j'avais eu du temps 
assez pour avoir votre reponse, mais ayant si peu k demeurer ici, j'ai cru 
que vous ne trouveriez pas mauvais que j'achevasse ime chose que j*ai 
desiree depuis si longtemps : je vous prie, Monsieur mon tres honore p6re, 
de me donner votre approbation, je suis assur^ que si vous connaissiez la 
personne vous me Taccorderiez, non seulement de bon coeur, mais que 
vous en seriez bien aise ; je puis dire avec verite qu'elle est estim^e de 
tous ceux dont elle est connue, et pour la famDle je suis assur^ que vous 
serez content de I'alliance. Quant aux biens, M' de Malacarre lui a donne 
six cents livres sterling, ce qui est considerable pour un homme qui n'a 
rien car on compte n'avoir rien lorsqu'on ne I'a pas hors de France : M*" de 
Malacarre vous fait bien des compliments et k ma tante ; ma femiue vous 
assure, Monsieur, mon tres-honor§ pere, de ses tr^s-humbles respects et 
vous prie de lui faire la grace de lui accorder I'honneur de votre amitie et 
de votre estime, je vous demande la meme grfice pour elle et pour moi 
que j'espere vous voudrez bien nous accorder et y joindre votre bene- 

Je partirai incessamment pour m*en retourner en Irlande oil ma pre- 
sence est necessaire, Myloi'd due Dormond qui en est vice Roy m'y faisant 
esperer de Femploi ; ma femme restera ici aupr6s de M' son p6re qui est 
fort incommode de la goutte. 

Je \\^ hier Mademoiselle Marcon qui se porte bien et qui me chargea 
de vous assurer et k ma tante de ses respects. M' son f r^re se porte bien 
aussi ; je ne I'ai pas encore vu quoiqu'il m'ait fait I'honneur de me venir 
voir avec sa soeur, mais il ne m'a pas trouve chez mon beau-pere lorsqu'il 
y \mt ; il ne me reste plus qu'a vous assurer que je suis avec un profond 

Monsieur mon tres-honore pere 

votre tr^s- humble et tres-obeissant serviteur et fils 


Mon Spouse et moi assurons ma tante de nos tres humbles respects et 
embrassons tous nos freres et soeurs ; ma femme se serait donn^e Thonneur 

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de V0U8 ecrire mais nous avons craiiit de faire le paquet trop ^os ; je vous 
prie lorsque vous me ferez rhonncur de in'ecrire de m'envoyer une eui- 
preiitte de votre cachet afin que je la fasse graver. 


Letter from M. le Capitaine Arabin, to M. Daniel Dufoussat, announc- 
ing the death of his eldest son, Pierre. 

Endorsed by M. du Foussat in very small handwriting. 

Lettre de M' Arabin 
beanfrere de mon lils 
ayn^ escrit de Dublin 
en Hirlande le 20 juin 

La petite fille est de- 
ced^e en Hirlande. 

The le.iter is on a single* sheet of paper, 

A Dublin ce 20' Juin 1711 

m' du fou88at 


Je crois estre oblige de vous aprendre la triste nouvelle de la 
mort de M' vostre fils que Dieu a retire k Luy le 5™* de ce mois apn;s 
une maladie de trois ans, estant ataque de la poitrine. II est mort dan$ 
les dispositions d'un veritable cretien c'estant recogneu j usque au dernier 
soupir. II m'avoit dit trois ou quatre Jours avant sa mort qu'il vonloit 
se donner Fh*^ [honneur] de vous escrire pour vous aseurer de la continua- 
tion de son respect et de son obeissance qu'un enfant doit h son pere ; en 
mesme temps vous aprendre qu'il laisoit une fille de quatre ans et demi 
et vous prier de vouloir vous souvenir d^elle et de la regarder come vostre 
propre Enfant. Elle est si jolie et tant d'esprit que si elle auoit le bon- 
heur d'estre cognue de vous, vous ne scauries Luy refuser vostre Estime 
et vostre amitil et Luy donner de marques de tendresses Esentieles auant 
que Dieu vous apelle k Luy, feu son pere ne vous ayant jamais d^sobei, 
et ajant est(^ tousjour honest home, Estant ayme et Estime de touts ceux 
qui Le cognoissoit, j'esp^re Monsieur de vostre Integrite et de vostre 
aroiture que vous randres la justice qui est due k ce pauvre horphelin 
sans p^re et m^re et que vous trauaUeres speciaJement k Luy procurer 
ce que Dieu et la nature auoit donne k feu son pere qui a tousjour fait 
son deuoir k tout esgards, ce qui me fait prandre la Liberte de vous 
parler si franchement de ce qu'il m'a fait Vh^ de la laiser k la conduite de 
ma feme et & la miene pour T^lever k la crainte de Dieu, ma feme estant 
sceur de la defimte m^re. 

Je m'estimerois heureux si vous voulies m'employer k vous randre mes 
petits seruices. Je vous les offre Monsieur de bon cceur, et vous prie 
d'estre persuade que je suis veritablement 

Vostre trcs humble et tres ob^issant Seruiteur 



[Date dechiree.J 


Mon frere m'ayant dit que vous lui avez ^crit que nous ferons 
bien de ne vous point Ecrire souvent, je ne I'ai os^ entreprendre jusqu'^ 
present que j'ai cru qu^apr^s avoir este six mois sans avoir eu cest honneur 

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vong me permeterez de vous envoyer ceUe-ci pour vous assurer de la con- 
tinuation de mes tres-huinbles respects et pour vous aprandre la mani^re 
que je suis yci dans une des compagnies de cadets fran^ais que messieurs 
les Estats ont eu la bont^ de faire, on a 8 sols par jour. . . . Je vous prie 
tr^s humblement Monsieur mon pere d'avoir la bonte de considerer qu'il 
est impossible que je me tire d'afaire si vous ne me faites la grace de 
continuer vos bienfaits que je crois que vous ne me discontinuerez point 
quoyqne je sois sorti hors du royaume sans vous en avoir demande 

Vous savez bien que dans ces occasions on n'a personne & consulter 
que sa propre conscience, dans Tesp^rance que je suis, monsieur mon 
pere que vous ne m'abandonerez point, non plus que mon frcre, je prends 
la liberte de vous prier d'avoir la bont^ d'escrire j\ Monsieur Merveilliaux 
qu'il me donne par mois ce que vous jugerez & propos pour m'ayder h 
subsister avec ma paye. Je ne vous ai point encore dit que j'avais re9u 
119 livres de M. Merveillaux par un ordre que vous avez eu la bonte de 
lui donner et ne sais point si vous trouverez que j'ai trop pris mais je 
voTis assure qu'il m'a fallu vivre avec beaucoup d'economie pendant 7 
mois que j'ai reste k la Haye sur ma bourse oil il y fait extremement cher 
de vivre k cause que le prince d' Orange y tient sa cour. Je n'ai meme 
pas pu . . . . 

Je vous prie, Monsieur mon pere d'avoir la bonte d'assurer ma tante 
de mes tr^s-bumbles respects et de faire mes baise-mains k mes soBurs et 
k mon frere. Je re^us une lettre de mon cousin du Foussat qui est a 
Anconem. Je ne sais point ce qu'il fait \k (avec) Monsieur de Montaut 
y sont aussi avec mie commission de Messieurs les Etats, les deux fils de 
M' Lepe * sont dans la premiere compagnie (avec) le fils de M*" de la Gree, 
le cadet. 

Votre tres humble et tres obeissant 
serviteur et fils 


Utrbc C(i 28 Janvier 1687 
Monsieur mon pere 

Apres avoir demeure six mois sans avoir I'honneur de vous 
escrire j'espere que vous ne serez point faclie que j'aie aujourd'hui cet 
advantage, le sujet de la presente est pour vous dire que mon frcre est 
pass^ en Brandenbourg n'ayant point jieu entrer dans nos compagnies 
pajrcequ'il n'y a point de places vacantes et mesme il y a des gens qui y 
portent le mousquet a leurs depans a tant qu'ils y puissent entrer, si mon 
irbre m'eut dit son sentiment k la creation des compagnies je me sentais 
assez fort par le moyen de mes amis pour I'y faire entrer. S'il avait peu 
porter le mousquet k ses dopens notre capitaine avait eu assez de bonte 
pour moi pour me promettre la premiere place vacante. II avait dessein 
de le mettre dans le regiment des gardes de son Altesse ce que je ne luy 
ai pas conseille parceque les Fran9ais qui y sont et qui ne font pas belle 
figure n'y sont pas regardes et il ne pouvait .... Je ne sais pas, mon- 
sieur mon pere, si apr^s cela vous trouveriez que j'aie bien fait de I'avoir 
conseille d'aler en Brandebourg trouver monsieur Cournuaud qui est lieu- 
tenant colonel, et le prier de luy permettre de poi-ter le mousquet dans 
sa compaignie et de le vouloir .... 

' This name, copied ** Lepe " by M. du Foussat who communicatefi these 
etters, is most probably ** Depe," namely D'Eppe. 

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U peut lui rendre de grands services et je ne doute nulement qu'il ne 
le fasse, si vous voulez bien avoir la bont^ de lui escrire en sa faveor. 

II est parti d'icy avec fort peu d*argent et ayant beaucoup de chemin 
a faire. Je crois que si son argent le conduit jusqu'k Berlin ce sera bien 
tout. Vous vous plaignez, Monsieur mon pere qu'il a fait de la d^pense. 
II etait chez Merveillaud qui en quelque niani^re devait le prot^er, ex- 
pulse de la patrie, et d'ailleurs que vous lui a'viez pri4 d'avoir soin de lui, 
et il etait le premier k le sucer ; il lui faisait payer 300 francs de pension, 
argent d'HoUande, avec cette somme on peut avoir la meilleure pension 
de Roterdam, et puis apres il fallait des habits, il fallait du linge, mais 
encore il avait k payer la uieine sonime k un fiainand k qui il n'avait rien 
k dire. Ce flamand ne lui faisait pas plus de service aue mon fr^re faisait 
(je crois) bien qu'il ne se serait pas ennuyer chez Merveillaud s'il avait 
ete trait^ im peu plus amenement qu'il ne T^tait. Qnand il demandait 
uu ecu a Merveillaud il lui demandait avec un air de mepris, ** qui lui 
rendrait cet argent, qu'k la v^rite il avait entendu parler de vous comme 
d'un fort honeste homme, mais qu*il ne vous connaissait point ". Je ne 
vous dis rien que mon fr^re n*ai bien dit. 

Je crois, monsieur mon p^re qu^apres toutes ces choses, vous ne serez 
point fache qu'il soit sorti de chez lui et encore pour embrasser un parti 
qui lui fera cent fois plus d'honneur que I'autre etat. Je crois suribout 
qu'il reussira surtout dans un pays oil on fait des levees. 

Si vous voulez avoir la bont6 de Tassister, ce que je vous conjure tres- 
humblemeut de vouloir fedre, il est parti d*icy avec de bonnes lettres de 
recommandation mais vous savez bien, Monsieur mon p^re, qu'un homme 
sans argent est un corps sans, on n'a nnlle hardiesse, on n'ose pas 
regarder un honeste homuie entre les deux yeux, il n'y rien au monde 
qui ote tant le cceur k un jeune homme que de se voir en cet estat Ik. Je 
ne me lasscrais pas de vous parler de mon frere tant il m'est sensible de 
le scavoir dans la mist^re si je n'avais fait dessein d'employer ce petit 
reste de papier k vous parler un peu de moi. Je commence done. Mon- 
sieur mon pere, en ^ ous remerciant de toutes les bont^s que vous avez 
eues pour moi et vous priant tres-ardemmeut de me faire la grace de me 
les continuer. Je vous dirai que je suis assez malheureux pour n*avors 
plus de paye qu'un cadet, mais nous avons toujours des esperances, nio 
capitaines n'ont pas plus de paye que les autres capitaines refugi^s, k 
plus forte raison nous brigadiers n'en pouvons pas plus avoir qu'vm cadet, 
nous n'en pourrons point avoir que nos capitaines n'en aient, et il faut ce- 
peudant que tons les officiers de uotre corps, tant subaltemes que autres, 
fassent la mome depensc que si on donnait la haute paye, ce que je ne 
saurais faire si vous n'ayez la bonte, monsieur mon pere de me .... 

[The sheet following is lost.] 


A ViANE, C€ 19 May 
[No year given.] 
Monsieur mon pere 

Depuis la derniere que j'ai eu I'honneur de vous escrire j'ai ^te 
assez malheureux pour recevoir un coup d'espee qui a failli k me couter 
la vie mais gr&ce k Dieu je suis presque gu^ri. Si dans le temps que je 
suis blesse, j'eusse eu la force a me conduue chez mon hoste, I'afaire 
n'aurait pas eclate comme elle a fait. 

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Je fu6 contraint de me mettre dans la premiere maison qui Be trouva 
hors la ville qui est comme una espece d'hOpital de ^ieilles femmes. In- 
continent le bruit fut repandu par toute la ville qu'il y avait un brigadier 
des cadets qui ^tait blesse k mort. Lors mes camekrades vinrent et me 
niirent sur une chaise roulante et m'emporterent k Viane qui est une 
petite ^ille franche a 2 lieues d'Utrek ; je ne fus plutot enleve, que le 
prev6t envoy a une garde de 20 hommes et 2 sergents, mais Dieu voulut 
quails y vinssent trop tard. Etant entr^ k Viane il fallut traiter avec le 
bonrgmestre afin qu'il me prit sous la protection de la ville, et il fut 
convenu que je lui donnerais 80 livres, de quoi mes camarades lui ont 
repondu. II voulait avoir 150 livres comme c'est la coutume, mais k 
cause que j*§tais un refugie il a pris les choses plus doucement et encore 
ue m'a-t-il pris en protection que pendant que je serais malade ou bien 
en cas que je vienne k mourir que mon corps serait enterre dans Viane 
et quand je ne me porterais bien au cas que je vinsse k ^tre demand^ il 
m'avertirait trois jours avant que de donner permission de me prendre ; 
mais je ne crois pas que Ton en vienne k ces extremites. Par les der- 
nieres nouvelles que je rescue Ton me fait esp^rer que je retoumerai 
bientot a la gamison puisqu'U n'y a personne de mort. 

Je vous £ray aussi Monsieur mon pere one pour la main du chirurgien 
ou pour le medecin ou pour ma d^pense il nren coute 73 livres que j'ai 
payees non pas de Targent que j'avais, mais de I'argent que mes cama- 
rades m'ont pret^ en partie, le fils de Monsieur Maurin de Dnras passant 
a Uti*ek apprit mon infortune et fit cognoistre k un de mes meilleurs 
amis qu'il souhaiterait bien me voir : Tautre lui dit que sa wie ne me 
ferait pas grand-chose, mais que s*il avait de I'argent k me preter il me 
rendrait le plus grand service que Ton put rendre dans une occasion 
comme celle-ci. Des que Monsieur Maurin fut arriv6 k Viane il m'offrit 
sa bourse de la maniere la plus obligeante du monde mais comme je ne 
le connaissais pas assez particulicrement je le remerciai fort. II me dit 
qu'il savait fort bien que je n'avais pas d'argent et qu'il fallait que j'em- 
prunte si bien que je fus contraint de prendre 90 Uvres qui m*ont servi 
5t payer mon chirurgien. Vous voyez, Monsieur mon Pere que voilk bien 
de Targent que je dois et que je ne saurais payer si vous n'avez la bonto 
de m'en donner le moyen. Je me serais donne Thonneur de vous ^crire 
plus tOt mais je voulais savoir conune toutes choses allaient pour vous ie 
faire savoir. Je crois que cela ne tardera pas longtemps a se terminer. 
II me tarde beaucoup que cela se fasse vite car je suis ici depuis le 31 de 
mars et sans appointements. Ce qui me fait esporer que je retoumerai 
bientot dans ma place, c'est que les ofliciers sont tons de noire parti et 
d(-s que je serai arrive il me faudra faire un habit ce que je ne saurais 
faire si vous ne me faites la grace de m'envoyer de I'argent ce que je vous 
prie tres-humblement de vouloir faire pour lu'acquitter de mes dettes, 
aussi je crois que vous aurez cette bonte puisque la plus grande partie de 
Targent que je vous demande est employee pour une affaire d'honneur. 
Quand vous me ferez Thonneur de vous ecrire, ayez, s'il vous plait, la 
bont^ d*adresser votre lettre au fr^re de M. Bou^, marchand k Amster- 
dam et ayez, s'il vous plait, la bonte de lui dire que quand il aura re9u la 
lettre, il Tadresse a M. Chamier, brigadier, pour me la faire venir avec 
une enveloppe. J'emploie tons mes soins k me rendre digne de Thonneur 
de votre souvenir et de votre amiti^ que je vous prie de vouloir continuer 
et aussi de croire que je suis avec un profond respect, Monsieur mon 

Votre tres-huuible et tres-ob^issant serviteur et fils, 


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Rotterdam, 29 novembre 1686 

Monsieur mon trks cher pere 

U y a fort lonRtemps que je ne me suis donn^ Thonneur de vous. , 
ecrire. J'ai reyii votre lettre du 22 &out sous convert de M' Merveilhaud. " 
Je vous reiuercie tres-respectueusement de ce que par une bonte pater- ' 
neUe, il vous plait me vouloir continuer vos secours. Le sujet de la 
presente est que puisque par la meme vous me mettez en liberty de 
choisir mi parti plus favorable que n'est celui du negoce, je suis resohi 
de prendre celui des armes. Vous en serez sans doute etonne parceque 
c'est un parti quasi contraire k mon naturel, mais aussi je n'en trouve 
point qui me soit plus avantageuse, k moins que de faire quelque metier, 
ce que vous ne me conseilleriez assurement pas. Je suis done r^Bolu 
d'aller a Utrecht et porter le mousquet dans la compagnie des Cadets. 
Reffugies («/c) qui sont au moins aussi bien que ceux qui sont en France. 
M' de Merveilliuud ne d§sapprouve pas ce parti, vu qu*il y a de quoi 
s'entretenir en partie, mais il ne voudra pas me foumir rien de plus sans 
votre ordre, aussi je vous supplie, au nom de Dieu ! M' mon tres-cher 
pore, si vous approuvez la chose, de vouloir lui ordonner qu*il me four- 
nisse sans difticulte le necessaire pour cela, car 11 me faudra habiller a 
mes depens et ces messieurs paraissent tous fort bien. Le commence- 
ment est le plus necessaire car j'y trouverai ensuite de quoi m'entretenir. 

II y a quelques temps que je vis M' Courallet, beau-frtre k M' Mer- 
veilhaud ^ de Middelbourg en Irelande qui m'a beaucoup parle 

de vous. C'est un tres-honnete homme, il vous fait ses baise-mains, vous 
of&ant ses services. Mon cousin du Foussat est place dans un rdgiment 
h Aconem. II est heureux d'etre place car les places sont fort rares et 
dus qu'un est vide 100 personnes font a qui Faura. J'ai une lettre de 
mon cousin d'Ailhe de Londres qui me mande qu'il n'a pas un so), et 
qu'il est presentement chez un mylord qui tient chez lui peu* charite. 
L*on parle fort de la guerre. Je salue avec respect mademoiselle ma 
trcs cliere tsmte, mes sceurs et frere, principalement a vous, priant Dieu 
qu'il vous conserve vous fortifiant par son S* Esprit et suis avec respect. 
Monsieur mon tres cher pere 

Votre tres-humble et obi'issant serviteur et fils 




Fasce d'or et de gueules. 

D'azur a un cor de chasse d'argent, lie d'or, au chef de 

gueules, charge de 3 etoiles d'or. 
1 et 4, d'azur k I'aigle au vol abaisse d'or« au 2 : d'or au 

lion naissant et mouvant de la pointe, la tete contoumce 

de gueules, au 3, d'argent, k la molette d'ep^ron de 

d*or k 3 marteaux de gueules et ime molette de sable 

posee en abtme — 
alias — 

d*azur a la tour d*argent maconnee de sable, 
d'azur au cerf d'or. 

De Comuaud. 

De Carles. 

De Bacalan. 



de Melet. 

^ The word reads '* marig«,** but must stand for " marchant " (marc^^). 

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(6) Louise == 
le 2 nov., l6 
horien de lA 
de Pieril 
/ard, et de 

nond de "Lm 
,ab. de Buol 


lie] 1 

3) Marianne, 
e du ch&teau de la 
e que lui l^gu^rent 
smoiselles de Melet, 

(4) Magdeleine=: 

ep. son cousin, 

Abraham de Guilhem 

de Lataillade. 

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Wednesday, 14th November, 1900. 

W. J. C. Moens, E^Q., F.S.A., President, in the Chair. 

The Minutes of the Annual Meeting held on 9th May, were 
read and confirmed. 

The following were elected Fellows of the Society : — 

Mrs. Bowden-Smith, Carey's, Brockenhurst. 

Eobert Guichet Garland, Esq., Gosshill Eoad, Chislehurst. 

Surgeon-General Charles Herve Giraud, 38 Kensington 

Mansions, Trebovir Eoad, S.W. 
Leonard William Henry Lamaison, Esq., Southwold, Kenley, 

Alfred Liotard-Vogt, Esq., Bickenhall Mansions, Gloucester 

Place, Portman Square, W. 
Major Henry Pidcock-Henzell, Pinehurst, Farnborough, 

Josiah Vavasseur, Esq., C.B., Kilverstone Hall, Thetford. 

Mr. Minet read an abstract, in English, of a paper by the 
Baronne Alexandre de Chambrier entitled ** Projet de Coloni- 
sation en Irlande par les E6fugies fran9ais, 1692-1693". 
The Baronne, who was cordially thanked by the President 
in the name of the Society, afterwards briefly addressed the 
Meeting in French. 

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iptoitt be Cofont6Atton 
en Jrfanbe^ par fee Q^ef ustee francai& 



La Baronne Alexandbe de Chahbbieb. 

Bevaiz (Neuch&tel), Suisse. 

20 Septembre, 1900. 


1^. Manubcbits. 

Archives secretes de I'Etat de Prusse. — Berlin. 

Archives de la famille de Ghambrier. 

Archives des Etats de Hollande. — Gopie de documents. 

Archives de TEtat de Zurich. — Gopie de documents et extraits des proces* 

verbaux des dittos ^vang^liques de la Suisse. 
Memoires de Mirmand, Merits pour sa petite-fille, Jeanne Henriette de Cabrol. 
Collection Court, Biblioth^ue de Geneve. — Environ trois cents pieces de la cor- 

respondance de Mirmand, donnees par Josu^ de Chambner, marl de sa 

dite petite-fiUe, k Antoine Court, en 1740. Elles ont et^ retrouv^es Ik, et 

ont foumi la base essentielle de notre travail. 
Papiers de la famille de Pierre. 
40 Protocoles de la Direction fran^aise de Berne, relev^s dans les Archives de 

I'Etat de Berne. 
Record Office de Londres et British Museum. — Plusieurs pieces trouvees par 

les soins de M. et de M"« Minet. 
F. de Schickler. — Notes manuscrites sur I'lrlande, tirees de documents ofi^iels, 

ou de publications anglaises. 

2<>. Impbimks. 

Bulletin de la Soci^te de I'Histoire du P' fran^ais. — La France protestante. 
Lavisse et Kambaud, Histoire O&n&rcUe. — Guizot, Histaire de France. 
Camille Rousset: Histoire de Louvois.—S. Smiles: Les Huguenots^ Paris, 

Rev«* D. C. Agnew, Protestant Exiles from Fmnce.— Edmond Hugues : Antoine 


F. de Schickler: Essai sur les Eglises du refuge. — Ch. Weiss: Histoire des 

Proceedings of the Huguenot Society of London^ vol. vi., Nos. 1, 2, 1899. 

G. D. Purdon, M.D., The Huguenots, Belfast, 1869.— Ulster Journal of 

La Pijardidre, Chroniques du Languedoc, 1887. — Jaques Fontaine : Mimoires, 

D' Muret, Geschichte der FramOsischen Colonie, Berlin, 1885. 

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A. B Archives secretes de I'Etat, a Berlin. 

A. de G. . . . Archives de la famille de Ghambrier. 

A. H Archives des Etats de Hollande. 

A. Z Archives de TEtat de Zurich. 

B» P. F. . . . Bulletin de la Soci^te de 1 'Histoire du Protestantisme f ran^ais. 

G. G Gollection Court, de la Biblioth^que de Geneve. 

Ch. G. ... Ghoix de correspondances. 

£1' de Br< . . Electeur de Brandebourg. 

Fr» Pr»« . . . Prance Protestante. 

LL. EE. . . . Leurs Excellences, les seigneurs de Berne. 

LLi. HH. PP. . Leurs Hautes Puissances, les Etats-G^neraux. 

LLi. MM. B. . Leurs Majestes britanniques. 

M. M. ... Memoires de Mirmand. 

P. B Protocoles de la Direction fran^aise de Berne. 

P. de P. . . . Papiers de la famille de Pierre. 

R. O Record Office de Londres. 

S. A. E. . . . Son Altesse Electorale. 

S. A. S. . . . Son Altessse serenissime. 

S. M. B. . . . Sa Majesty britannique. 



Neoociations pour l'etablissement des Colonies fbam^aises en 
Irlande, 1G92-1C93. 


I. Henri de Mirmand 373 

II. L'Iriande 376 

III. Lord Galway 377 

IV. Citation des Memoires de Mirmand 380 

V. Details r^trospectifs sur les origines du projet d*Irlande . . 383 

VI. Memoires pour I'^tablissement des refugies fran<;ais en Irlande 386 

VII. D^isions prises par le comite de Londres 393 

VIII. Lettres d'Irlande. Galway a Mirmand 394 

IX. La Suisse vis-&-vis du projet d'Irlande 396 

X. Mirmand en Hollande 398 

XI. Extraits de correspondances 399 

XII. La Campagne de 1693 403 


Le Projet de Colonisation echoue. 

I. Citation des Memoires de Mirmand 404 

II. Les chefs du refuge aux prises avec les difficultes . . . 405 

III. En Suisse. Consequences de Techec d'Irlande . . . 407 

IV. Les dmigr^s de Geneve et de la Suisse k Schwabach et Erlangen 410 
V. Demiers renseignements sur le projet d'Irlande, et sur T^tat des 

r^fugi^s arrives en Angleterre 412 

VI. Reprise du projet d'Irlande, 1698 413 

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Leb Colonies fokdees en Iblande. 

I. Origine des colonies 419 

II. Details sur les colonies — Dublin 421 

III. Cork . 423 

IV. Portarlington 424 

V. Waterford 425 

VI. Lisburn, antrefois— Lisnagarvey 427 

VII. Kilkenny 428 

VIII. Carlow 428 

IX. Belfast 428 

X. Bandon 429 

XI. Lambeg 429 

XII. Wicklow 429 

XIII. Youghal 429 

XIV. Tallow 430 

XV. Killeshandra 430 

XVI. Castleblaney 490 

XVII. Dundalk 431 

XVIII. Innishannon 431 

XIX. Conclusion 431 

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I. — Henri de Mirmand. 

Henri de Mirmand, n^ a Nimes en 1650, d'une des pre- 
mieres families protestantes de cette ville, en fut Tun des 
refugies les plus remarquables. Caract^re d'une grande 
noblesse et d'un devouement a toute ^preuve, il y joignait 
une modestie et un d^sint^ressement qui Temp^chaient de 
se mettre en avant, et de chercher a se faire une situation 

Son r61e dans le refuge fut considerable, il fut envisage 
des Tabord comme Tun des chefs et des directeurs des re- 
fugies. Son intercession, reclamee en toute occasion par 
ses freres, ne Tetait jamais en vain. Pour leur procurer des 
retraites et des secours, il traita avec les rois, les princes et 
les magistrats des pays protestants de TEurope. Consider^ 
comme leur depute, il 6tait toujours pr^t k aider les exiles de 
sa bourse, de ses conseils et de son actif concours. 

Dfes I'automne de 1686, Mirmand avait ^te nomm^ par le 
Grand-Electeur de Brandebourg conseiller de cour et de 
legation, avec des appointements honorables,^ auxquels il 
n'a jamais voulu toucher. Cette situation exceptionnelle 
donnait a ses requites une force particuliere. N'ayant rien 
a demander pour lui, il avait toute liber te de reclamer des 
faveurs pour les autres, et il les obtenait facilement. M'' 
d'Audiffret de Ntmes, dont il avait epous6 la fille unique, 
Marthe, morte en 1681, n'avait pas d'autres descendants que 
les deux filles de Mirmand, encore en bas age, que celui-ci 
avait emmenees avec lui a Zurich, en 1686 ; tant que v^cut 
M^ d'Audiffret, jusqu'en 1694, il envoya Targent necessaire 
a Tentretien de ses petits-enfants ; en outre quelques debris 
que Mirmand parvint a recueillir de sa propre fortune, lui 
permirent de vivre independant. 

1 700 Reichsthaler, port^s plus tard k 900, le Rsth. k f. 8.75. 

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II habita Zurich jusqu'en 1691 et y perdit Tune de ses 
filles, Marthe. II ne lui restait que Marguerite, qui epousa 
en 1698 Charles de Cabrol, Seigneur de la Roque de Travamt et 
de St. Pierre de Tr^visy, refugie de Castres, et en secondes 
noces, en 1707, FrM&ic de B^renger, baron de Beaufain, ancien 
procureur d'Orange et r^fugi^ de cette ville. De ces deux 
unions, Marguerite n*eut qu'une fille, Jeanne- Henriette de Cabrol 
qui epousa en 1721 Josu^ de Chambrier,^ conseiller d*Etat, 
tr^sorier g^n^ral et chambellan du roi de Prusse k Neuchatel. 
Cette qualite de descendant de Tunique heritifere de Mirmand 
impose k la famille de Chambrier le devoir de recueillir le- 
souvenirs de cet anc^tre, et de les conserver a ses enfants. 

En 1688 Mirmand fut choisi par les Directions^ fran- 
9aises de toute la Suisse, pour faire avec Mr. Bernard, autrefois 
ministre a Manosque en Provence, une deputation officielle 
aupres des pays protestants du nord de TEurope, afin de 
procurer des asiles et une aide pecuniaire aux nombreux 
Emigrants qui sortaient constamment de France, et qui 
inondaient la Suisse. Les deputes etaient munis de re- 
commandations et de lettres pressantes des Cantons Suisses 
et de TEl"^ de Br', le chef de cette entreprise, pour toutes 
les cours ou ils devaient s'arrfeter. A Berlin d'autres 
deputes leur furent adjoints, afin qu'ils pussent se partager 
les Etats du Nord. Cette deputation, dout Mirmand 
s'occupa avec zele en 1688 et 1689, n'eut pas tout le succes 
qu*on en attendait, en raison de la guerre qui sevissait alors. 

L'ambition et Tarrogance de Louis XIV etaient arrivees 
a leur comble, la coalition europeenne se forma centre hu\ 
les armees entrerent en campagne, et la revolution d*Angle- 
terre s'accomplit a la m^me epoque. Mirmand, malade de 
la fifevre, dut revenir de HoUande a Zurich en 1689, et les 
coUectes furent peu abondantes par suite de ces evenements. 
Cependant les deputes avaient ouvert des portes aux emigres, 
et fraye la voie que suivirent beaucoup d*entr'eux, pour 
s'etablir en AUemagne, ou en HoUande. 

De retour a Zurich, Mirmand organisa, avec son futur 
gendre Cabrol, le depart de la seconde colonne des Vaudois 
du Piemont, qui partirent des bords du lac de Geneve pour 

* Ce nom se disait indii!eremment Le ou de Chambrier, sa noblesse ^tant 

^ Direction, Compagnie, ou Gonsistoire fran^ais, trois termes qui signifient 
la m^me chose ; c'est la reunion des ministres et anciens, choisis panni les 
r^fugies notables, qui dirigeaient une colonic fran^aise dans les ville« du 

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rentrer dans leurs Vallees, en septembre 1689. Cette colonne 
marchait sous le commandement du capitaine Bourgeois. 

En m^me temps il soutenait une correspondance etendue 
avec les chefs des refugies en Europe, avec les protestants 
restes en France, et avec les autorit6s des pays du refuge. 
II representait en Suisse le comite secret qui dirigeait 
partout les mouvements des protestants frau(;ais. Mais 
en 1691, Mirniand quitta ce pays, laissant la direction 
des refugies de la Suisse au marquis d'Arzeliers, residant 
a Berne. II allait rejoindre a Wesel sa soeur et son beau- 
frere, Louis de Baudan, capitaine au service de I'Electeur 
de Brandebourg, en garnison dans cette ville. De Wesel, Mir- 
maud entreprit de nombreux voyages en Hollande, en Angle- 
terre, en Allemagne et en Suisse, pour la cause du refuge. 

A peine arrive en Allemagne, Mirmand fut rappele a Zurich 
au coeur de Thiver, par une lettre desesperee du pasteur 
Reboulet, qui lui exposait la cruelle position des refugies de 
Zurich, dont les magistrats avaient decide le renvoi pour le 
printemps suivant. Mirmand reviiit plaider la cause de ses 
freres aapres du bourgmestre Escher et des autorites zuri- 
coises. II le fit avec une telle eloquence qu'il obtint le retrait 
de I'ordonnance de renvoi, et qu'il put retourner en Allemagne 
avec une tranquilhte relative. 

En efifet, cette alerte lui avait fait voir quel danger les 
refugies couraient d'etre renvoyes de la Suisse, qui etait trop 
pauvre pour les nourrir, ou la disette et les mauvaises recoltes 
sevirent constamment de 1690 k 1700, et ou la difficulte 
d'obtenir des subsistances de Tetranger s'accroissait par la 
inauvaise volonte de la France, et par les devastations 
qu'amenait la guerre dans les pays voisins. 

De ce moment, les vues de Mirmand et des chefs du refuge 
se porterent du c6te de Vlrlande ; c'est Ik qu'ils croyaient 
entrevoir le salut pour leur peuple. II fallait trouver k celui-ci 
une nouvelle patrie, en former une nouvelle nation, et cette 
ile lointaine, dont Guillaume III. achevait la conqu6te, sem- 
blait etre destinee a ce grand but. 

L'Irlande sortait de cette derniere crise depeuplee et 
affaiblie, les terres restaient en friche, les bras manquaient 
pour les cultiver, quantite de villes et de villages avaient ete 
detruits par le feu. Les populations catholiques avaient et6 
refoulees dans la province de Connaught, et les grands feuda- 
taires de la couroune, seigneurs protestants, proprietaires 
de doinaines immeiises, avaient besoin de colons pour lea 
repeupler et les cultiver. 


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IL — L'Irlande. 

Lorsque Guillaume d'Orange et sa femme, la princesse 
Marie, fiUe de Jacques II, montaient sur le tr6ne d'Angle- 
terre, ou les appelait le parti protestant de la nation, le 18 
fevrier 1689, il leur restait a conquerir rEcosse et Tlrlande. 

L'Ecosse presbyterienne, attachee a la reine Marie, se rallia 
facilement a la cause orangiste. II n'en fut pas de m^me de 
rirlande ; ce pays, dont la population etait en grande partie 
catholique, embrassa la cause du roi detr6n6, et fit une longue 
opposition a la royaute de Guillaume III. Les seigneurs 
protestants, qui possedaient la plupart des terres du pays, 
forinaient une minorite orangiste. Jacques II s'^tait refugie 
a la cour de Louis XIV, qui lui fournit de Targent et des 
troupes pour re prendre possession de son royaume. En 
mlime temps Lord Tyrconnel, gouverneur catholique de 
rirlande, levait une armee de cinquante mille Irlandais, en 
faveur de Jacques II, et I'accueillait k Dublin comme son 


Dans ce pressant danger, c est au vieux mar^chal de 
Schomberg que Guillaume confia la mission d*etablir son 
autorite en Irlande. Les defenseurs du parti protestant, 
refoules par I'armee de Jacques, s'^taient retires k London- 
derry, seule ville restee fidele k Guillaume. Elle fut etroite- 
ment bloquee et soutint un siege long et penible, jusqu'a 
I'arrivee de Schomberg qui vint la d^livrer en 1689, avec 
sa petite armee, composee en majeure partie de refugi^s.^ 
Les deux armees resterent en presence pendant Thiver, 
Schomberg n'avait pas assez de troupes pour livrer bataille 
aux regiments du roi de France, alors les soldats les plus 
aguerris de I'Europe. Mais, en 1690, Guillaume III eu 
personne vint combattre en Irlande, amenant des renforts 
a Schomberg. Le 10 juillet tons deux gagnferent la bataille 
importante de la Boyne, qui aneantit les esp^rances de 
Jacques II et ecrasa son armee. Les vaillants soldats qui 
luttaient dans les plaines d'Irlande combattaient pour la 
liberte religieuse ; ils la conquirent k la pointe de I'^pp^e. Cette 
victoire ne fut pas remportee sans une perte cruelle. Schom- 

^ Schomberg avait trois rdgiments d'infanterie et un de cavalerie, composes 
de refugi^s franyais, les premieis sous les ordres de Cambon, de la Melomsi^ro 
et de la Caillemotte-Ruvigny, fr^re de Galway. La Gaillemotte perdit la vie 
k la bataille de la Boyne, oi 11 avait combattu en heros. 

Le baron d*Avejan dcrivait k Mirmand le 28 avril 1689, pour le prier de lui 
enr6ler en Suisse des r^fugi^s pour son regiment (P. C.).— Jacques Fontaine, 
dans ses Mifttoires^ dit qu'il partait quelquefois de quatre k cinq cents refugies, 
de Geneve, en une semaine, pour s*enr61er. 

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berg y fut tn6, ce qui retarda la pacification de Tlrlande ; 
iiiais elle ^tabiit Tautorit^ de Guillaame, dont les lieutenants 
acheverent la conqu6te du pays. Parmi eux se distinguait 
Liord Gal way, qui contribua pour une large part a la victoire 
d'Aghrim, le 22 juillet 1691, ou fut tu6 Saint Ehue, com- 
mandant en chef des troupes du roi de France. Enfin, le 
13 octobre suivant, Guillaume restait maltre de toute 
rirlande, par la reddition de Limerick, demiere place 
occupee par ses adversairea Cette capitulation lui assurait 
une paix definitive. Le due de Tyrconnel 6tait mort, il ne 
restait a Jacques II que quatorze k quinze mille Irlandais, 
sortis de Limerick aprfes la capitulation, pour rejoindre leur 

Cette conqu^te de Tlrlande eut un grand retentissement 
dans toute I'Europe, surtout en Suisse. A peine etait-elle 
connue par I'entremise de M^ Coxe, envoy6 d'Angleterre k 
Berne, que les magistrats ^ et les Directions des colonies 
fran^aises ^ de la Suisse adress^rent leurs felicitations au roi 
d'Angleterre, au sujet de cette victoire k laquelle tous les 
refugies etaient interesses. 

Guillaume III, lui aussi, avait int^r^t a repeupler ce 
pays conquis. La meilleure occasion de le faire, etait 
d'y etablir des colonies de r^fugi^s fran9ais. II y trouvait 
son avantage, tout en remplissant un devoir de reconnais- 
sance vis-a-vis des nombreux militaires fran9ais qui Tavaient 
si puissamment seconde dans sa conqu^te. Aussi, des la fin 
de 1692, se mettait-il en rapport avec Galway et Mirmand, 
pour offrir une retraite en Irlande a leurs co-r61igionnaires. 
II voulait y appeler non seulement les protestants sortis de 
France, mais tous ceux qui en voudraient sortir encore, et 
repeupler cette He par une Emigration generale des refugies 
fran9ais. Idee feconde, qui aurait Ete le salut pour les 
r6formes fran9ai6, et qui aurait pu transformer I'avenir de 
rirlande. Mirmand et Galway en furent les principaux 

III. — Lord Galway. 

L*homme eminent, qui fut avec Mirmand I'organisateur 
du vaste projet d'Irlande, etait Lord Galway, Henri de 

^ A. Z. Lettre du 21 nov*>'* 1691. Le bourgmestre et conseil de Zurich k 

A. Z. Lettre latine du 2 dec^^ 1691. Les 7 cantons ^vangeliques au roi 

• P. B. D^ision de la Direction fran^aise de Berne, 2 novembre 1691. 

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378 HUGUENOT society's pboceedings. 

Massm, marqvAs de Buvigny, comte de Galway, ne le 9 
avril 1648 k Paris, fut ginl^ral dans Tarmee anglaise, con- 
seiller priv6 en Angleterre, pair d'Irlande et deux fois Lord- 
Justice de ce pays. II mourut le 3 septembre 1720 dans 
sa retraite de Eookley, en Angleterre. 

Galway, par sa uaissance, son caractere et la brilllante 
carrifere qu'il accomplit, fut le plus distingue parmi les re- 
fugies fran9ais en Angleterre, des la mort du marechal de 
Schomberg. II avait fait ses piemieres armes en Portugal, 
Fan 1665, sous les ordres de ce grand capitaine, il fut ensuite 
aide-de-camp de Turenne, assista a sa mort, et retablit le 
bon accord entre ses lieutenants divis^s, a la grande satisfac- 
tion du roi de France. Lors des negociations pour la paix de 
Nimegue, Henri de Ruvigny accompagna Barillon en Angle- 
terre, et signa le traite avec lui ; Tannee suivante, il quittait 
I'arra^e avec le grade de colonel et quatre inille livres de 
retraite, pour succedej: a son pfere comme depute general des 
Eglises de France, a la cour de Louis XIV, en 1679 ; mais il 
n'y avait rien a faire contre le courant destructeur de la perse- 
cution, et la voix de Ruvio^ny ne fut pas longtemps ecoutee a 
Versailles. En 1686, il se retira dans une modeste habitation 
de Greenwich, avec son pere, octog^naire, et son seul frere, 
Pierre La Caillemotte de Euvigny. Par exception, le roi de 
France leur avait laisse la jouissance de leurs biens en France, 
qu'il retira a Galway apres la campagne dTrlande. Celui-ci, 
entre en quality de major-general dans I'armee de Guillaome 
III, fut recompense de son exploit k la bataille d'Aghrim, 
par le titre et le fief de Galway.^ L'annee suivante, il deviiit 
lieutenant-general des forces d'Irlande, avec residence ofli- 
cielle au chateau de Dublin ; mais il etait plus souveut a la 
guerre qu*en son chateau. Pendant Thiver de 1692 a 1693 
il sejonma a Londres pour preparer, avec le roi et Mirmand, 
les futures colonies frangaises en Irlande. 

Le roi le cherissait, il aimait a employer ses capacites 
varices autant pour la negociation que pour Taction. Gal- 
way fit a ses cotes la campagne de Flandres de 1693 ; Tannee 
suivante il prenait a Turin le commandement des troupes 
alliees, laisse vacant par la mort de Charles de Schomberg, 
et repr^sentait le roi aupres du due de Savoie jusqu^i la fin 
de la guerre, en 1697 (f^vrier). A son retour en Angleterre, 

1 Aghrim se trouvait dans le cointe de Galway, qui fut donne en fief k 
Ruvigny, moins la ville de Galway. D'abord vicomte en 1691, il fut nommv 
comte (earl) de Galway en 1697. 

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il fut 61ev6 k la pairie d'Irlande et nomm^ Lord- Juge,^ une 
premiere fois de concert avec Lord Methuen, de 1697 a 1701, 
une seconde foi avec le due de Grafton, de 1715 k 1716, sous 
le regne de Georges I. 

Guillaume III lui donna en 1692 la terre de Portarlington, 
dont il avait d^possed^ sir Patrick Grant, tres hostile aux 
protestants, le declarant rebelle et hors la loi. Ce don fut 
confirm^ en 1696 par lettres patentes, mais le parlement 
anglais, jaloux de voir un Fran^ais atteindre k de si hautes 
dignites, fit casser cette donation en 1700, en vertu de la 
loi qui fut appelee **Eetour des forfaitures ". La colonie 
fran9aise que Lord Galway s'^tait h&te de fonder a Portar- 
lington courut alors grand risque d'etre dissoute. Elle plaida, 
et put prouver qu'elle possidait deux ^glises. Tune frangaise, 
Tautre anglaise, et des ^coles dues a la munificence de 
Ruvigny. On la laissa subsister. 

Galway fit, en qualite de general anglais, les campagnes 
de la succession d'Espagne, de 1704 a 1707 ; il perdit un bras 
au sifege de Badajoz et un ceil k la bataille d'Almanza. Lors 
de la paix d'Utrecht (1712), il remplit une mission diploma- 
tique auprfes de I'^veque de Cologne ; rentri dans la vie privee 
en 1716, il passa ses demiferes annees dans la retraite, s'oc- 
cupant avec succes d'obtenir la liberation des galeriens de 
France. II mourut en 1720, a T^ge de 72 ans, sans laisser de 
posterite, n'ayant jamais 6te marie. Macaulay dit de lui, qu'il 
avait donne tout son coeur a son Eglise, a son roi, a ses 
devoirs publics. Son devouement pour les refugi^s fut sans 
borne, il dura autant que sa vie ; sa generosite 6tait bien 
connue ; il entretenait a Vevey une quarantaine d'exiles 
fran9ais, orphelins pour la plupart. II fut le premier gouver- 
neur de Thopital fran9ais de Londres, auquel il legua mille 
livres sterling. 

L'eglise anglaise de Portarlington contenait une plaque 
snr laquelle etait grave le nom de son fondateur, Lord Gal- 
way, avec ces mots " La m^moire du juste sera ^temelle ".'^ 

^ Lord'jiige, en anglais Lord Justice. C'etait la plus haute dignity du roy- 
aume d'Irlande. Deux Lords-juges etaient en fonction, repr^sentant Tautorit^ 
du roi. On faisait chaque dimanche des pri^res pour eux dans les Gglises, k 
la suite de celles qui etaient dites pour LL. MM., B. 

' Voir sur Galway: Smiles, Agnew, Oh. Weiss, Galtier de la Roque, F. de 
Schickler, Purdon, Evelyn, Erman et Reclam, Proceedings of the Hugiienot 
Society of London, 1898, T. III. 

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380 HUGUENOT society's proceedikgs. 

IV. — Citation des Memoires de Mibmand. 

Voici ce que dit Mirmand au sujet du projet d'Irlande 
dans les Memoires qu'il ecrivit a la fin de sa vie pour sa 
petite-fille, Henriette de Chambrier ; nous transcrivons le 
passage textuel : — 

** L*on etait alors rempli de Tesperance d*etablir en Irlande 
les refugies qui etaient en Suisse et ceux qui viendraient de 
France. Cette esperance etait fondle sur les avantages que 
le roi d'Angleterre et les seigneurs irlandais accorderaieni a 
ceux qui s'^tabliraient en ce. pays, dont on parlait comme de 
celui de Canaan. En effet, rien n'aurait mieux convenu aux 
refugi^s que cette retraite, et n'aurait ete plus avantageux en 
Angleterre que cet etablissement, si on eut pu en venir a 
bout comme on I'avait esper^. Mylord Galway y travaillait 
a Londres, d'oii il me fit savoir par sa lettre du 15 d^cembre 
1691, les dispositions favorables qu'il y trouvait pour le succes 
de cette entreprise, a laquelle Mylord Sidney fut charge de 
travailler de la part du roi. Les choses etaient dans ces 
termes, lorsque les seigneurs de Zurich revoquerent leur 
deliberation, mais cette revocation n'empechait pas que notre 
peuple ne put ^tre expose dans la suite au meme etat (»u 
il s'etait trouve. 

** Cela me fit sentir la n^cessite de presser Taflfaire A' Irlande, 
ce que je promis de faire autant que cela me serait possible. 
Je partis done de Zurich dans le mois de mars 1692, pour 
aller joindre ma famille a Wesel. . . . Comme j'appris peu 
de temps apr^s que le roi d 'Angleterre ^tait arrive en Hollande 
pour entrer en campagne, je Tallai trouver a Br^da, afin de 
rinformer de Tetat des choses en Suisse a Tegard de nos 
refugies, puisqu'il avait la bonte de penser a les etablir en 
Irla7ule, suivant la lettre de Mylord Galway dont j'ai parle 
ci-dessus. Ce prince que je vis dans cette occasion pour la 
premifere fois, et que j'eus Thonneur d'entretenir fort long- 
temps en particulier sur diverses affaires, me temoigna 
qu'il avait fort i cceur Tetablissement d'Irlande, et voulut 
m'obliger de partir incessamment pour Londres, afin d'y 
travailler. Comme je ne trouvais pas que ce voyage fut 
n^cessaire, je lui fis des representations qu'il goMa, en sorte 
que j'evitai cette course ; et ce fut avec d 'autant plus de 
satisfaction que le temps ne me paraissait nullement favo- 
rable pour I'etablissement A'Irlande, puisqu'il ne pouvait pas 
se faire sans une grande depense, dans laquelle je craignais 
que le roi ne put s'engager, pendant qu'il serait oblig^ de 

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sontenir celle de la guerre qu'il avait sur les bras. Mais 
quoique je fuase dans cette peusee, il fallait bien faire quelques 
demarches qui fissent voir aux Cantons qu'il ne teuait pas a 
mes Boins qu'ils ne fussent decharges de nos refugies. Avant 
que de me separer du Eoi, il ni'indiqua une voie pour lui 
donner de mes nouvelles quand je le trouverais a propos. . . . 

** Je retournai done a Wesel, ou je fiis expose a di verses 
soUi citations qui venaient de la Suisse pour m'obliger d'aller 
a Londres, et travailler a retablisseinent d'lrla^ide ; car 
quoique je me fusse assez explique sur le dessein que j'avais 
de n y point aller, on esperait que j'aurais assez de charite 
pour me rendre a Londres et y employer mes soins pour le 
bien de nos exiles, d'autant mieux que le Roi m'avait deja 
propose a Breda de faire ce voyage, et que Mylord Galway 
demandait qu'on lui envoyAt de ce pays quelqu'un pour lui 
aider a pousger cette affaire. J'avais bien des raisons d'etre 
detourn^ de ce voyage, et surtout la mauvaise opinion que 
j'avais du succes, comme je viens de le dire. II fallut pour- 
tant s'y determiner, apres avoir reyu une lettre de M'^ le 
marquis d'Arzeliers pour Iprs a Berne, du 15 novembre 
1692 ; en voici les articles les plus essentiels : — 

** * Tons nos pauvres refugies (dit-il en parlant du voyage) 
vous en prient par ma bouclie. En voici la raison convain- 
quante. II y a environ quatre mois que la chambre des refu- 
gies voulut savoir quelles demarches nous faisions pour les 
affaires d'lrlaude. Je fus avec M** Coder (Coudert) Pere a 
la Chambre, ou je lus I'entretien que vous aviez eu avec ces 
Messieurs sur ce sujet, que M'^ Tessier m'avait envoye, ce 
qui les satisfit, parce que vous ^tes connu et estime tr^s par- 
ticulierement en Suisse. Or, si Dieu ne veut pas benir ce 
dessein pour le printemps, nous serious entierement disculpes 
envers les Seigneurs, si vous allez en Angleterre, parce que 
comme je vous ai dit, ils sont persuades que vous aurez fait 
ce que vous aurez pu. Ainsi ils contiiiueront leurs charitos, 
voyant qu'il n'y va pas de notre negligence et que nous 
faisons ce que nous pouvoiis pour les decharger ; au lieu. 
Monsieur, que si vous n'y allez point, aprfes surtout ce (|ue 
je leur ai lu de votre entretien avec S. M., si vous n'y allez 
pas, dis-je, ils croiront que c'est un jeu que tout cela, et 
prendront de f^cheuses resolutions contre nos refugies, ce 
qui me fait prevoir une grande calamite et le retour en 
France de bien des gens. D'ailleurs, Monsieur, vous serez 
de grande utility au sieur de Ruvigny, qui sera peut-etre oblige 
d'aller en Irlande. Je vous conjure done de vous disposer a 

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382 HUGUENOT society's pboceedings. 

faire ce voyage. Je sais bien qu*il y a quelques depenses a 
faire ; mais je suis persuade que Sa Majeste qui vous a or- 
donne d*aller k Londres, vous recompensera. En tout cas 
Disu ne manquerapas de le faire. Partez done, mon cher Mon- 
sieur et cher ami, je vous en conjure, au nom de tant de 
pauvres que vous aiderez k tirer de la misfere et de la tenta- 
tion oil ils sont' 

** II fallut done c6der a I'ardente prifere que me firent nos 
refugies par la bouche de M' d'Arzeliers. . . . Je partis done 
de Wesel et je me rendis a Londres. . . . Apres mon arrivee, 
Milord Galway et moi etimes une audience particuliere du Roi, 
sur le sujet de mon voyage. Ce prince nous temoigna d'avoir 
toujours fort a cceur T^tablissement de& refugies en Irlande, 
et nous donna pour travailler cette affaire quatre commis- 
saires : Milord Rochester, Milord Godolphin, Milord Banelagh, 
Milord Coningshy, Ces seigneurs tinrent a cette occasion 
diverses assemblees oil Milord Galway et moi fumes appeles. 
Comme j'^tais toujours dans la prevention que cette affaire 
echouerait faute d 'argent, je temoignai plusieurs fois a cette 
assemblee quelle 6tait ma crainte ; k quoi j'ajoutai qu'il etait 
de la derniere importance, par plusieurs raisons, de ne com- 
niencer point cette affaire, si la conjoncture n'etait pas propre 
pour la conduire a une fin heureuse, et qu'il valait incompara- 
blement mieux n'y toucher point, que de ne la faire qu'a 
demi. Milord Godolphin qui etait grand tr^sorier m'im- 
posa silence, en m'assurant que Targent ne manquerait pas ; 
mais je ne revins pourtant pas de ma crainte. 

** Cependant il fallait, conformement aux idees des seigneurs 
commissaires, dresser des memoires sur I'^tablissement dont 
il s'agissait, et faire tout comme si j'eusse ete aussi persuade 
d'un heureux succes, que je Tetais du contraire, ainsi que je 
m'en expliquais a Milord Galway. 

** Enfin il fut resolu que ce seigneur irait en Irlande, afin de 
prendre les mesures necessaires pour y recevoir les refugies ; 
qu'on etablirait a Dublin un comite a qui on remettrait 
I'argent qui serait employe pour leur etablissement, auquel 
on destina vingt mille pieces (livres sterhng) pour le com- 
mencement, et que j'irais a la Haye, solliciter LL. HH. PP. 
d'accorder une somme d'argent pour les frais de leur voyage. 

*' Je partis done de Londres, dans le mois de mars 1693, 
peu de jours aprfes le depart de Milord Galway pour Tlrlande. 
Je me rendis k la Haye, charge d'une lettre du Roi pour 
Messieurs les Etats, et aprfes avoir soUicite cette affaire pen- 
dant tout le mois d'avril, ils prirent la resolution dans le mois 

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•de mai ^ de donner quarante mille florins - ponr le voyage des 
refugite. Cette charite, quelque grande qu'elle Mt, ne me 
tirait pas d'inquietude, car je craignais toujours que notre 
affaire n'^chou&t, ce qui m'obligeait d'^crire en Suisse que je 
n'etais nullement d'avis que personne en partlt, jusqu*i ce 
que Ton fut assure que notre peuple trouv&t en Irlande ce 
qu'il y allait chercher. C'e^t ce qui para!t par une lettre que 
M^ d'Arzeiiers m*ecrivit de Berne le 23 mars 1693, dans la- 
quelle il se plaint, que f^crivais en Suisse d'une maniere fort 
propre d d^courager notre peuple d'aller en Irlande, A quoi je 
repondis que je voulais par la me mettre a convert de tout 
espfece de reproches de la part de nos refugies, en faisant 
connaltre que je n'approuverais jamais qu'ils quittassent la 
Suisse, jusqu'4 ce que les choses fussent sur un pied k ne 
craindre point les tristes suites de leur depart de ce pays-la. 
. . . La suite me fit voir que j*avais eu raison de prendre 
ces precautions. ..." 


C'est en decembre 1690, peu apres la bataille de la Boyne, 
que nous trouvons dane une lettre de Lussac * a Mirmand 
la premiere idee d'une colonisation fran9aise en Irlande. 
L'annee suivante, apres la victoire d'Aghrim, Mirmand, sur 
le point de quitter Zurich pour aller vivre en AUemagne, 
expose tout son projet de colonies a Euvigny ; voici la reponse 
de ce dernier, du 3 decembre 1691, mentionn^e dans les 
Memoires : — 

*' Le roi approuve fort le dessein que nous avons d*y 
transporter le plus grand nombre de refugies que nous pour- 
rons. Les seigneurs irlandais le souhaitent comme le seul 
moyen de retablir leur pays depeuple depuis longtemps, et 
beaucoup plus depuis cette derniere guerre. Le pays est 
encore en quelque desordre, et il n'y faut pas conduire nos 
pauvres freres avant qu'on y ait regie les moyens de les 
entretenir, en attendant qu'ils s'}^ soient etablis. Le pays 
est excellent, mais il y manque des habitations. Les maisons 
de la campagne n'y ont jamais ete commodes, les Irlandais 

^ Ce fut en juin, d'apr^s les lettres de Mirmaod. 

' Ce chiffre est relev^ dans les lettres de Mirmand ; celui du M^moire original 
est fcrop difficile k lire. 

' C. G. Lettres et autres pi^es. N° 15, Lettre 16. Tallemand de Lussac, 
gentilhomme r^fugi^ k Vevey, ^tait I'oncle de Lord Gal way. 

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lo^ent ordinaireineut dans des cabanes de gazon qui ont ete 
brdl^es la plupart. D'ailleurs c'est un pays tres abondant 
en toutes choses, mais particuliferement en p^turages, de 
sorte que si on peut donner des bestiaux a ceux qui s'y 
etabliront, ils s'y peuvent enrichir en peu de temps et sans 

** Le roi a ordonne a Milord Sidney d'examiner ce qu'il 
faudrait faire pour I'etablissement de ces colonies. Nous y 
travaillons actuellement ; des que nous en aurons fonne le 
projet, et qu'il sera agree du roi, je vous en enverrai une copie. 
Au reste, il ne sera pas necessaire de defricher des terres ; 
elles sont, hors Ics marais, toutes labourables ; mais on n'en 
met que peu a cet usage, et hors le necessaire pour avoir les 
grains dont on ne peut se passer, le reste demeure en patu- 
rages. Le roi dounera des terres moyennant un cens ou 
rente modique ; j'aimerais encore mieux les prendre des 
particuliers. Je crois que ceux qui pourront s'etablir en ce 
pays-la serout beaucoup plus heureux que ceux qui s'en 
retourneront en France, s'il etait jamais permis d'y aller en 
bonne conscience. Quoiqu'il arrive je n'estimerai jamais la 
prudence de ceux qui s'y fieront. Ainsi, Monsieur, je vous 
exhorte de continuer dans votre dessein, et d'y encourager 
ceux de nos fr^res qui sont en etat d'entreprendre un si long 
et si p^nible voyage. Ceux qui ont quelque argent y peuvent 
faire de grandes fortunes en peu de temps, s'ils sont capables 
de faire valoir les terres qui se vendent pr^sentement au 
denier vingt-cinq, c'est-a-dire que pour cent ecus, on doit 
avoir vingt ^cus de rente. 

** Si vous avez en Suisse quelques gens capables de bien 
menager une si ^rande aflfaire, et qui sachent tout ce qui est 
necessaire pour I'etablissement d'une colonic, ils me feraient 
grand plaisir de me venir aider, car nous manquons ici de 
gens capables d'un tel detail. Avant qu'il soit un mois on 
deux, vous aurez de mes uouvelles plus positives." 

Cette lettre, ainsi qu'une autre de Galway k d'Arzeliers, en 
avril suivant, furent decisives pour les resolutions qu'on prit 
en Suisse au sujet d'Irlande. 

Par unecirculaire du 28 fevrier 1692, Minnand fit con- 
naltre la teneur de cette lettre aux Directions fran^aises de 
Berne, de Lausanne, de Vevey et de Geneve, tout en leur 
annon9ant que les magistrats de Zurich garderaient encore 
les refugi^s, gr4ce au roi d'Angleterre et i I'^lecteur de 
Brandebourg, dont il avait solhcite I'inten^ention. 

II resta convenu que Mirmand retiendrait en Suisse les 

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refugies jusqu'a ce que le projet d'Irlande fut muri. II de- 
inanda a toutes les colonies de la Suisse de lui envoyer le 
role detains des Fran9ai8 disposes a partir pour Tlrlande, 
avec le montant des fonds qu'ils pouvaient avoir en leiir 

Cependant la circulaire de Mirmand avait mis en emoi les 
Directions fi^n^aises de la Suisse. Celle de Berne, qui etait 
en chef, forma une ** Commission d'Irlande,'' composee de la 
Compagnie, et de six refugies de marque : M'^ Mourgues, 
Bouvet, Duchesne, La Brune, Domergues et Almaric. 

Cette commission consulta d'abord les chefs de famille 
fran9ais de Berne, puis les refugies des autres cantons, afin 
d'agir d*un meme accord, en une circonstance aussi grave. 
Elle fut charg^e de tranquilliser la Chambre des seigneurs, 
qui s'etait emue a son tour en apprenant le projet d'Irlande* 
Elle Tassura que rien ne se ferait sans I'agrement de LL. 
EE., qui seraient appelees elles-memes, comme de bons 
peres de famille, k negocier Tetablissement des Fran^ais en 
Irlande; que neanmoins les refugies croyaient devoir faire 
leur possible pour la reussite de cette entreprise. lis s'ap- 
puyaient sur une nouvelle lettre de Mirmand a Beboulet de 

Mirmand nous a dit comment il alia conferer a Breda sur 
le projet d'Irlande avec Guillaume III, qui s'y montrait 
favorable, comprenant quels avantages ce pays retirerait des 
colonies fran9aises, et combien il serait a desirer que le 
nombre des protestants y depassat celui des catholiques. 
SoUicite par le roi et par ses amis de Suisse d'aller a Londres^ 
Mirmand s'y refusa d'abord ; inais il ceda en novembre a 
la lettre pressante du marquis d'Arzeliers, citee dans ses 

Dans une lettre qu'il ecrit au marquis de Venours a Ber- 
lin, le 8 novembre 1692, nous relevons les passages suivantes 
sur rirlande : — 

** II est vrai, monsieur, qu'il a passe bien des refugies en 
Irlande, mais il n'y en a presque point d'autres que de ceux 
qui etaient en Angleterre depuis quelque temps, dont les uns 
ont fait des traites avec des seigneurs particuliers, et les 
autres y sont alles par ordre du roi, comme les 140 officiers 
pensionnaires qui s'y sont retires avec leurs families, car il 
n'y a encore aucun fonds 6tabli. A I'egard de ceux a qui 
Ton a donne le moyen de s'^tablir, le nombre en est fort 
petit, M"* de Ruvigny n'ayant eu qu'une fort petite somme a 
sa disposition pour I'employer a cet usage." 

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Mirmand lui parle des lettres et des m^moires qu'il a Merits 
au sujet de la colonisation en Irlande, oil il expose ses vues 
sur ce grand projet, en sorte, dit-il, " que ce n'est pas Tinstruc- 
tion qui manquera dans cette affaire, mais la diflScuIt6 sera 
d*avoir I'argent necessaire pour profiter de cette instruction. 
... II n'y a qu'une seule chose a faire, c est de disposer le 
parlement a prendre les resolutions necessaires pour cet 
etablissement, et cela ne pent se faire que par les soins du 
roi et de M'^ de Ruvigny. Nous ne saurions pour cela avoir 
un soUiciteur plus ardent que M*" de Ruvigny.*' 

A la fin du m6me mois Mirmand partait pour Londres ; il 
y demeura jusqu'au milieu de mars 1693, fort occupe a orga- 
niser avec Galway le futur etablissement des Fran^ais en 
Irlande. Tons deux furent re5us en audience et fort bien 
Accueillis par le roi, qui souhaitait la realisation de leur entre- 
prise. A la demande de Mirmand, il nomma quatre commis- 
saires. Lords du conseil royal,^ pour jeter avec eux les bases 
de la future colonisation de I'lrlande. 

Nous pouvons juger des travaux de cette commission par 
les memoires que nous avons sous les yeux. Plusieurs d*entre 
«ux sont I'oeuvre de Mirmand, d'autres ont et6 61abor6s en 
Suisse. Une courte analyse de ces memoires nous donnera 
une juste idee du vaste plan qu'ils embrassaient. 


A. — Mebures Pbojet^es en Angleterre. 

Le premier de ces Memoires est destine par Mirmand au 
roi d'Angleterre. II lui expose la situation des r^fugies, ce 
qu'ils attendent de S. M., et il arrive aux conclusions sui- 
vantes : !<> Assigner une avance de fonds qui sera employee 
des cette annee (1693) a etablir les premiers colons, soit vingt- 
cinq mille livres sterling. 2° Nommer des commissaires 
royaux, tant k Londres qu'en Irlande, qui seront charges 
de travailler a la fondation des colonies. S^ Obtenir un etat 
des terres irlandaises que le roi destine aux r^fugies, et le 
remettre k Lord Galway. 

M^me si le roi consacrait a la colonisation une somme plus 
forte qu'il ne Ta promise, par exemple, cent mille livres sterling, 
cela ne serait pas k comparer aux sacrifices que fit autrefois 

1 Letter from the Privy Council of Ireland, 6 mars ISD^/^, du Record Office 
de Londres. Elle parle du comity des ** Lords du Conseil d'Angleterre '\ 

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Telecteur de Brandebourg pour les refugies, et dont il est bieu 
recupere maintenaut. Si c'etait le cas, il ne faudrait pas 
lecher la bride aax refugies qui partent quelquefois a la legere^ 
et 86 garder aussi de blesser les princes allemands qui out 
accueilli les refugies, et ne les verraient peut-etre pas partir 
de bon ceil. 

Le roi fit bon accueil a ce rapport, preuve en est la nomina- 
tion des commissaires qui eut lieu tot apres. Le second 
Memoire est destine a ces Lords commissaires. Developpant 
les memos idees que le precedent, il laisse entendre quun 
fouds a deja ete promis pour I'lrlande, et propose de faire 
venir cette annee-la 600 families de refugies. Un comite 
executif devra etre institue en Irlande, il restera en corres- 
pondance avec le comite directeur de Londres. Trois gentils- 
hommes fran<;ais devront faire partie du comite de Dublin, 
et le roi devra assigner cent livres sterling pour leur pension. 

Mirmand prevoit qu'il faudra s'occuper tout de suite du 
voyage de ces premiers refugies, qui sont sans ressoiirces, et 
qui devront traverser les pays de rAlIemagne, ravages par la 
guerre. II faudra prier S. M. d'interceder aupres des Cantons 
suisses et des Etats d'AUemagne et de Hollande, pour faire 
voyager gratuitement les emigies jusqu'a Rotterdam, d'ou le 
roi les ferait transporter a ses frais en Irlande. Mais on ne 
peut les faire venir avant que tout ait ete dispose pour leur 
installation, afin de ne pas les exposer a de nouvelles sout- 
frances. lors de leur arrivee dans ce lointain pays. 

Uu autre ecrit, destine aux commissaires, paralt etre le 
complement de ce second Memoire ; Mirmand y propose 
(ju'apres avoir commence cette annee par une colonie de six 
cents families, le roi, si elle reussit, fasse une declaration 
publique pour appeler en Irlande un plus grand nombre de 
refugies. II est a souhaiter, dit-il, que les grandes depenses 
r]ue le roi est appele a faire, lui permettent de destiner ccut 
mille livres sterling a I'etablis semen t d'Irlande. Si c'etait le 
caa, on pourrait I'organiser dans de bonnes conditions, il y 
viendrait des gens qui auraient quelyue fortune, et avec I'aide 
de Dieu, ces nouveaux sujets (jui lui seraient devoues ne tar- 
deraient pas a dedommager le roi de la depense qu'il aurait 
faite. C'est ainsi qu'il est advenu en Brandebourg, ou le 
Grand-Electeur a fait une depense bien plus considerable, 
dont son fils est maintenant recompense. 

Le temps presse, il faudrait prier Milord lieutenant d'Ir- 
lande de donner tons les eclaircissements necessaires, qui se 
r^duisent a ceci : Peut-on etablir des refugies en Irlande ? 

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De quelle manifere le transport pourrait-il se faire ? A com- 
bien se monteraient les frais d'etablissement auxquels S. M. 
pourrait 6tre engag^e ? ^ 

Ces diflf^rentes propositions furent bien accueillies par les 
commissaires, qui adresserent une lettre au roi ^ pour les lui 
soumettre, et le prier de les sanctionner, en faisant ressortir 
combien une telle colon ie de protestants serait favorable a la 
prosperite de I'lrlande. La suite nous montre que Guillaume 
III aceepta ces plans, qui avaient ^te congus avec autant de 
sagesse que de prudence. 


Ici se place un fort beau travail,^ oeuvre du marquis d'Ar- 
zeliers de Berne, qui Tenvoya a Mirmand et a Galway. II 
est intitule : ** Projet pour I'etablisseinent des r^fugies en 

C'est un code complet, admirablement con9U dans son en- 
semble et dans ses details. Le legislateur prevoit la creation 
d'une ville importante. II en regie Toi-ganisation et les loix. 
Rien n*est oublie, tout est prevu pour faire reussir la future 
colonic irlandaise. Le point faible en est la d^pense illiniitee 
dans laquelle LL. MM. B. seront entraln^es par cette colonie. 

Le projet est divise en cinq chefs principaux, dont chacun 
est subdivise en de nombreux articles. Ces cinq chefs sent : 
1". Moyens de faire I'etablissement projete. 2°. De la re- 
ligion. 3^. De la justice. 4^. De la police. 6°. Manufac- 
tures et commerce. 

L'exemplaire, qui porte en suscription : " A M"" de Mir- 
mand," est enrichi d'une foule de notes, oil Tauteur etablit 
des comparaisons entre les avantages qu'on requiert du roi 
d*Angleterre, et ceux que TElecteur de Brandebourg et le 
margrave de Baireuth avaient accordes aux refugi^s, accueillis 
dans leurs Etats. 

Une note de Mirmand complete ce Projet, ayant pour titre: 
**Les conditions sous lesquelles les protestants fran9ais sont 
attendus a Dublin".** Sous onze clauses, il y indique d'une 
part les avantages que les refugies sont en droit d'attendre, 
pour se decider a 6migrer en Irlande, d'autre part les devoirs 
auxquels ils s'engagent. 

Un autre papier venant de Suisse, intitule : *' Memoire 

1 C. C, Rec. et Mem., T. M., N^ 17. « Idem. 

•■* Idem^ 30 pages de copie pour ce Projet. 
^C. C, Rec. et M6m., T. M., N<» 17. 

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pour ceux qui doivent aidei' au magistrat k fonder un eta- 
blissement en Irlande, 1693," ^ a d(l 6tre ecrit en mars ou 
avril, dans le temps que Minnand etait k Rotterdam. II est 
adresse aux gentilshommes fran9ais qui devront faire partie 
du comite de Dublin. Voici quel en est la teneur : ** La 
Direction fran^aise (de Zurich ou celle de Berne) desire avoir 
un etat general des terres que le roi veut distribuer aux re- 
fugies, aussi bien que de celles que les seigneurs irlandais 
pourraient leur ofeir. Les propositions de ces derniers 
pourront 6tre jointes a celles du comte de Bellomont. II 
faudra envoyer sur les lieux un commissaire, qui jugera du 
lueilleur choix a faire de ces terres, pour y etablir des colonies. 
Ce commissaire enverra des m^moires exacts k M*" de Mir-^ 
inand, pour toutes les choses qui devront ^tre reglees en 
Irlande. On en fera aussi rapport a M^ d'Arzeliers a Berne, 
iiiais ces rapports devront passer d'abord sous les yeux de 
M*" de Minnand qui est alle en Hollande preparer le transport 
tjratuit des emigrants, avec le concours des Etats-Geueraux. 
Aide* de M^ de Limeville, il formera a Rotterdam un comite, 
<iui connaltra de toutes les depenses du voyage des refugies, 
et auquel devront ^tre rendus les comptes de Targent depense. 
Ces Messieurs se chargeront d'embarquer les refugies a 
Rotterdam pour I'lrlande. 

** Chaque groupe d'emigrants voyagera sous la direction d'un 
ecclesiastique, ou d'un laique, qui aura droit a un etablisse- 
ment en Irlande. Arrives la, les colons seront conduits sur 
Templacement de leurs futures colonies, ou on leur distribuera 
des bestiaux, des semences, et le grain n^cessaire k leur sub- 

*' Les colonies seront etablies de proche en proche, chacune 
d'elles comptera cinquante families et aura tons les artisans 
iiecessaires a la vie; elle sera sous I'autorit^ d'un chef qui 
servira d'arbitre dans les differends. On aura soin d'organiser 
des hopitaux pour les malades, et on espfere que LL. MM. 
auront la charite de faire vivre les families composees de 
femmes et d'enfants sans soutien, jusqu'i ce qu'ils puissent 
gagner leur vie. 

"II faudra demander au parlement dans sa prochaine 
session la franchise d'imp6t pendant 7 ans, pour les Emigres 
fran9ais. II importe que nos commissaires d'Irlande in- 
forment exactement M^ de Mirmand de tout ce qui se passe ; 
il est k Rotterdam chez M*" Lespiaud, marchand.*' 

* A. Z. Copie envoyee par les soins oblige&nts de M*" le pasteur Jaccard ; 
d'Arzeliers doit en 6tre Tauteur. 

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C. — Propositions des Seigneurs irlandaib. 

L'idee d'^tablir des colons fran^ais en Irlande avait ete 
bien accueillie par les grands propri^taires fonciers, qui la 
trouvaient avantageuse, tant pour le pays que pour leurs 
domaines. Plusieurs d'entre eux firent repandre en France 
des propositions imprimees. Le due d'Ormond ^ y envoya 
ses agents, promettant des retraites k tous les r^formes qui 
voudraient s*y retirer, avec des facilites pour les manufactures 
de laine ou de lin, de bonnes terres de labour et des p&turages 
pour les agriculteurs, des materiaux de construction pour les 
habitations, et pour tous les emigres le libre exercice de leur 

Nous avons sous les yeux le texte des propositions que le 
comte de Bellmriont, tresorier de la reine, fit parvenir en Suisse. 
II 6tait proprietaire de plusieurs milliers d'arpents de terre, 
dans le comte de Sligo, province de Connaught, a deux milles 
de la mer, et a cinq milles de Sligo, port de mer. Son do- 
maine fertile, riche en denrees, surtout en poisson, etait bien 
situe pour le negoce, et traverse par deux rivieres poisson- 
neuses. Le comte offrait d'y installer cent families dans les 
meilleures conditions. II leur fournirait dit-il les materiaux de 
construction n^cessaires, leur batirait une ^glise, leur donne- 
rait un pasteur, et ne reclamerait qu'un fermage modere, 
Comme securite, il ofi&'ait d'amener d'Angleterre en Irlande, 
ou d'envoyer a ses frais en ce pays, telle personne au gre des 
emigres, qui serait capable de reconnattre Tetat des terres, et 
qui leur en ferait un rapport fiddle. 

Lord Galway, avant de se rendre en Irlande, s'y etait fait 
preceder par un des trois gentilshommes d^signes pour faire 
partie du comite de Dublin, et qui etaient : M*" de Virazel, 
ancien conseiller au parlement de Bordeaux, retire k Arnheiin, 
homme d'un rare merite, le chevalier de Cissay et M'^ de 

* Les dues d'Ormond, une des premieres families de I'lrlande, y furent de 
z^l^s protec teurs des ref ugies. Le grand-pdre, Lord-Lieutenant d' Irlande, f onda 
en 1666 la premiere congregation de reformes a Dublin ; il mourut en 1688. II 
se trouva 6tre en grande relation avec les pasteurs de Caen et de Paris, en 
tr'autres avec Drelincourt, et apres la Revocation il appela les refugies en Ir- 
lande. Son petit-fils, Jacques Butler, due d'Ormond, ne en 1665, mort en 
1747, avait embrasse le parti de Guillaume III; il prit une part active au 
renversement de Jacques II. II fut en grande faveur aupr^s du roi GuilUuune 
et de la reine Anne^ qui lui succ^a ; mais redevenu Jacobite, il fut disgraci^ 
sous Georges I et se reiira en France. Rentr^. en gr&ce, il devint Lord- Lieu- 
tenant d'Irlande et I'etait en 1704, tandis que Sir Richard Cox ^tait Lord-juge 
et Lord-chancelier. (Sources : F. de Schick ler, Les Eglises du Refuge ; Hugue- 
not SocU'iy of Londwi, 1893, vol. 7; Purdon, Ireland; Ch. Weiss, et M^nwire 
de J. Fontaine. ) 

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Sailly ^ des environs de Lyon. Charles de Sailly etait charge 
d'explorer le pays, de Dublin a Cork, ainsi que la contree 
avoisinante, et d*en faire rapport. Du 2 mars au 4 avril 
1693, il fit sa tournee et nota jour par jour en detail les en- 
droits ou il passait et les propositions* qui lui ^taient faites 
par les seigneurs terriens. Son journal, tres touflfu, etait en- 
courageant pour Temigration ; notons-en les passages les plus 
interessants, surtout pour celles des stations qui devinrent des 
colonies : ** Kilkenny, a six lieues de la mer, est situe sur une 
riviere navigable pour les bateaux de peche ; on y batit beau- 
coup, on trouve k louer des maisons de 3 ou 4 chambres, avec 
dependances, pour 15 ou 16 6cus par an. Les vivres ont 
rencheri depuis la guerre, le pain blanc codte un sol la livre, 
le noir un demi-sol, la viande deux sols, le beurre trois sols. 
A Waterford, My Walkin oflfre 1860 acres de terre a louer, 
avec ch&teau et dependances, 16 inaisons et des bois pour la 
construction. A Cork, on pouvait etablir des manufactures 
de soie, de laine, de chapeaux, de toile et de gants. Toute 
sorte d'ouvriers y trouveraient de I'occupation, et les jeunes 
filles du service. A Bandon, la vie est a bon marche, il y a 
quantity de terres autour de la ville pour faire des plantations, 
une grande riviere la traverse, et la maree remonte jusqu'i 
deux milles de la. Carlow est bien situe, il s'y trouve plusieurs 
bonnes fermes k amodier. Sir Kichard Cox fait batir, pour 
recevoir des colonies a Stonnamucl, ou il ya plus de douze 
mille acres de terre. Wicklow ; il y a des forges dans ce 
corate et dans celui de Wexford. A proximite se trouve la 
baronnie de Moskwick qui a ete confisqu^e a Jacques II par 
Guillaume III ; elle a vingt lieues de long, sa situation est 
bonne et agr^able, c'est le Montpellier irlandais pour le bon 
air. C'est la qu*on souhaite d*etablir les 600 families pro- 
posees ; on pourrait relever les maisons et le ch&teau, fonder 
des manufactures, et en faire le marche de toute la contree, 
qui est bien arrosee par des rivieres. Sailly passe la nuit k 
Macromp, chef-lieu de cette baronnie. M^ Krook de Grage- 
steen recevrait 50 families sur ses terres, et M'^ Kliffa en re- 
cevrait 60. Le pere du chevalier Osborne pourrait en prendre 
cent sur ses domaines, mais ne pourrait pas faire les avances 
de construction necessaires. Le comte de Tipperary ojBfre 
une maison, 20 cabanes et mille acres de terre, pour 20 
families, a Cloyne. Dans la ville archiepiscopale de Cashel 
(cornt^ de Tipperary), qui est ruinee, il se trouve beaucoup de 

1 Salle, ou Saille. 

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maisons sans habitants, et des terres avoisinantes poiir cent 
families. Milord Mazarin pourrait etablir cent families sur 
ses terres, qui sont les meilleures du pays, et oil il n'y a plus 
ni gens, ni b^tes. M" Cooke et le major Green font voir a 
Sailly cinq mille acres de terre, situees dans plusieurs sei- 
gnemnes, avec quelques maisons ; si on le desire, ils y installe- 
raient jusqu'^ deux cent families. La baronnie de Blarnay 
pourrait nourrir cinquante gentilshommes et leurs paroisses,^ 
elle possede une grande etendue de terres, qui vont jusqu a 
un mille de Cork, avec des rivieres, etc., etc. II y a une s^rie 
d'offres trop longues a detailler. 

** Partout le pays est repr^sente comme bon et favorable, soit 
pour les cultures, soit pour I'eleve des bestiaux, qui peuvent 
passer I'hiver sur les pAturages. Le bois et Teau s*y trouvent 
en abondance ; les rivieres sont poissonneuses, leur grand 
nombre permettrait la creation d'indus tries varices, et facili- 
terait les transports. Les refugies qui possedent quelques 
fonds auraient Tavantage de placer leur argent couramment 
au 20 % d'interet, ou bien ils se mettront en possession de 
bonnes terres qu'on leur engage a des conditions favorables ; 
ainsi pour mille pieces (£), on cede une terre de cent pieces 
de revenu. On pent aussi placer son argent en Angleterre a 
14 °/o d'interet, ou a fonds perdu, si Ton veut. 

" Ceux qui achetent des vaches pour 30 a 40 shellings piece, 
peuvent les louer avec bonne caution et sdret^ pour 16 ou 
20 sh., c*est-a-dire a 50 7c- En general, tons les ouvriers 
connaissant un metier trouveraient a gagner leur vie." 

Sailly envoya k Mirmand la relation de son voyage,* le S 
avril 1693. De son c6te Lord Gal way fit venir dans sa terre 
de Portarlington cent families de r^fugi^s, qu'il y etablit en 
1693. C etait pour la plupart d'anciens militaires de la guerre 
d'Irlande, avec leurs femines et leurs enfants. 

Une lettre du Conseil d'Etat d'Irlande,^ adressee le 8 avril 
de la m^me annee a Lord Nottingham, secretaire d'Etat de 

' Ceci doit s'entendre des seigneurs qui poss^daient en France des villages 
dont les habitants avaient emigre avec eux. Proprietaires et tenanciers al- 
laient reformer en Irlande les m^mes paroisses qu'en France. 

2 Elle a paru dans le Bulletin du P, F., T. XVII., 1868, p. 591, sous ce titre: 
"" U&migration en Irlande, Jouimal de voyage d'un rifngii fram^ais ". 

2 Council Chamber of Dublin ; lettre en anglais, adressee le 8 avril 1693 a 
Lord Nottingham, secretaire d'Etat de LL. MM. B. k Whitehall. Elle est 
signee par les Lords Sidney, Porter, Galwa)* et Rich. Cox. Cette lettre, ain*a 
que plusieurs autres pieces que nous mentionnons, ont et^ ddcouvertes, grAcc 
aux recherches que Monsieur William Minet et Mademoiselle Minet ont eu 
Tobiigeance de faire pour nous, au Record Office et au British Museam. a 
Londres, ce dont nous leur sommes fort reconnaissante. 

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S. M. B. a Londres, parle des propositions que les seigneurs 
irlandais ont d^ja faites k ce Conseil, pour recevoir des Fran- 
gais dans leurs domaines, et ajoute : ** On en attend bien 
d'autres encore ". Ces seigneurs, dont les terres avaient ^t^ 
ruinees par la guerre, se montraient fort bien disposes en 
faveur des refugies ; mais ils n'etaient pas en 6tat de foumir 
les avances de fonds n^cessaires k leur installation. Aussi le 
conseil dlrlande demande-t-il au roi pour leur aider, une sub- 
vention de cent livres sterling pour chaque groupe de 50 
families d'^migrants, soit 1200 £ pour 600 families. Ce serait 
a la fois une garantie pour les seigneurs qui leur construisent 
des maisons, et un secours qui permettrait aux emigres de 
vivre jusqu'i la recolte prochaine. Cette somme serait remise 
a des gens sdrs, pour n*6tre employee qu*i cette destination. 
Le conseil fera une enqu^te serieuse pour sav^ir si les 
endroits et les terres proposees reunissent les conditions 
necessaires k la creation des futures colonies. Les seigneurs 
devront tenir leurs maisons prates k recevoir les Fran^ais 
pour la fin d*aoM 1693. (Extrait de la lettre du Conseil 

VII. — Decisions prises par le Comit6 de Londres, 


Les quatre Lords commissaires, m^me le tresorier Godol- 
phin, rhomme le plus important du comity directeur, puisqu'il 
devait y verser les fonds, avaient t^moigne de I'inter^t en 
faveur du projet d'Irlande. Ils avaient adopte les vues des 
deputes fran9ais, et arrete d'accord avec eux et avec le roi, les 
points suivants : — 

Vingt mille livres sterling seraient employees cette annee- 
la, 1693, k une premiere installation de 600 families de re- 
fugies fran9ai8 en Irlande, ceux-ci seraient choisis surtout en 
Suisse, et quelques families en Angleterre. 

On evaluait a vingt livres sterling le cotit de chaque famille, 
soit douze mille livres sterling; le reste serait destine aux 
depenses imprevues. 

Aucun appel public ne serait fait par le roi, a Tinstar de celui 
de Potsdam, de 1685, pour appeler les Fran^ais en Irlande. 

On demanderait au Parlement de ce pays de voter, dans sa 
prochaine session, les franchises et les immunites d'imp6t 
necessaires a la fondation des colonies. Ce parlement avait 
deji accord^ en 1692 le droit de naturalisation, celui d*eta- 
blissemeut, et le libre exercice de la religion reformee aux 
r^fugi^s, pour sept ans. 

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Quant au transport des Emigres, il avait et6 resolu que la 
Suisse serait pri^e d'en payer les frais jusqu'i Prancfort, les 
Etats-G6neraux et les princes allemands seraient invites a 
les payer de Francfort k Rotterdam, d'ou le roi ferait passer 
les Fran9ais en Irlande, sans frais, sur ses propres vaisseaux. 

Un comite executif, toujours en rapport avec celui de 
Londres, serait constitu^ k Dublin, sous la direction de Lord 
Sidney, qui repr^sentait Tautorite royale, et de Lord Galway ; 
il serait compost des seigneurs proprietaires irlandais et 
des trois gentilshommes fran9ais, de Virazel, de Cissay et 
de Sailly. 

Tout ^tant regl^ a la satisfaction g^nerale, on se separa. 
Galway partit le 18 fevrier pour Dublin, ou I'appelaient ses 
hautes fonctions militaires ; mais en sa qualite de Lieutenaut- 
general des forces d'Irlande il n*y sejouma pas longtemps. 
Nous le retrouvons au camp prfes de Louvain le 15 juin, 
faisant la campagne avec Guillaume III. Mirmand partit 
pour la HoUande au milieu de mars, il avait la mission de 
solliciter les secours des Etats-Gen^raux pour le voyage des 
refugies, et de preparer leur transport. II devait former a 
Rotterdam avec M*" de Limeville un comite charge de faire 
les depenses, et de voir les comptes du voyage des Emigrants. 
Galway trouvait que la tache de Mirmand etait la plus difficile. 

En quittant Londres, les deux amis laisserent aux princi- 
paux refugies de cette ville le soin de veiller aux affaires 
d'Irlande, specialement k My de THermitage, qui etait eu 
relation avec Lord Nottingham, le magistrat charge de 
transmettre les ordres du roi k Lord Sidney, en Irlande. 
Le representant officiel des refugies en Suisse etait toujours 
le marquis d'Arzeliers k Berne. 

VIII. — Lettres dIrlande. Galway X Mirmand. 

Mirmand et Galway s'etaient li^s d'une etroite aniitie 
pendant leur sejour a Londres ; elle dura autant que leur 
vie, nous en trouvons la trace dans leur correspondance, 
D^s le lendemain de son depart, en route pour Tlrlande, 
Galway 6crit ce qui suit, de Coventry : ** Enfin, Monsieur, 
je suis parti de Londres sans vous avoir embrasse, et sans 
vos instructions pour notre grande aflfaire. . . . Je vous dis 
adieu par cette lettre, et je vous prie de voir, avec M^ de 
rHermitage, les ordres que Milord Nottingham doit envoyer 
a Milord Sidney de la part du roi, afin de savoir positivement 
si Tordre pour les cent pieces (£), qui doivent composer la 

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pension de M"" de Cissay et celle de M^ de Sailly, y est joint, et 
le demander en cas qu'il ne le soit pas. Je m'attends a 
recevoir vos instructions a Chester ; il faut que je les aie 
avant I'arrivee de M'^ de Virazel.*' II demande que ce der- 
nier vienne le rejoindre au plus t6t. Arrive a Dublin, Galway 
fait part a Mirmand de ses impressions sur Tlrlande, le 11 
mars 1692, en ces termes : ** Je voudrais qu'il fut possible que 
vous fussiez ici, premierement pour avoir le plaisir d'etre 
avec vous, et pour vous faire convenir du merite de I'lrlande, 
et de ceux qui Thabitent. lis ont re9U avec joie les proposi- 
tions du roi, et veulent faire beaucoup mieux que nous 
n'avons propose. Nous avons form6 le comite, mais il ne 
pourra commencer a s'assembler que la semaine prochaine, 
parce que la plupart de ceux qui le composent sont a la cam- 
pagne. Assur^ment, Monsieur, si Dieu b^nit notre dessein 
d'une bonne conduite, nous sommes en 6tat de faire des 
merveilles ! " 

Galway continue a donner k son ami des nouvelles de 
rirlande, **ou, dit-il, nos affaires sont bien dispos^es". Le 
21 mars, il lui parle des dilficultes que rencontre le paiement 
du voyage des r6fugi6s, de Francfort a Eotterdam, par les 
Etats-Generaux. Le roi n'a pas voulu recommander aux 
Hollandais, comme on en 6tait convenu, de payer cette partie 
du voyage, bien que ce fut mot a mot dans le M^moire qui a 
6te presente au roi, et dans celui que Lord Nottingham a 
envoye en Irlande. ** Nous avons, dit Galway, la copie de 
ce Memoire : il y est aussi fait mention des vingt mille £, 
des mille £ et des cent £ pour la pension ; mais aucun ordre 
n'a ete donne pour effectuer le versement de ces sommes. 
Puisque vous savez que cela a ete signe, prenez la peine, 
M"", d'en ecrire a nos deputes de Londres, je vais leur en 
ecrire aussi." Dfes maintenant, on voit se realiser la crainte 
de Mirmand, c'est la difficulte d'obtenir des fonds. Le 8 
avril, nouvelle lettre de Galway, accompagnant la Relation de 
voyage de Sailly: "J'ai peur, dit-il, que nos gens se fassent 
une si grande idee d'Irlande, que quoiqu'on fasse pour eux, 
on ne les puisse contenter. II faut bien prendre garde de ne 
point faire esperer des terres ou fonds a qui que ce soit, avant 
qu*on en ait k leur bailler. II faut leur faire savoir que ceux 
qui auront de I'argent pourront le faire profiter et meme 
doubler, comme vous verrez par les M47noires qiie vous envoie 
M^ de Sailly, mais il ne faut point encore nous charger de 
faire venir les gens de condition qui n'ont rien, k moins qu'ils 
ne soient bien capables de faire valoir des terres. II ne nous 

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faut que des gens qui puissent prendre des fermes, des labou- 
reurs, des gens propres a faire valoir les bestiaux, des ^ens 
capables d'entreprendre des manufactures, des ouvriers. Pour 
les ministres, vous savez comment on pourra les placer, en 
etablissant un nombre d'eglises, et le roi leur donnera a 
chacun 50 livres sterling." Gal way demande qu'on lui 
envoie au plus t6t un etat de la capacite et du merite de 
chacun des chefs de famille de la Suisse qui se disposent a 
partir pour Tlrlande, afin de pouvoir distribuer les artisans 
dans les villes, et les autres k la campagne. Les outils et 
eflfets qu'ils emporteront n'auront pas de droits d'entree a 

IX. — La Suisse vis-a-vis du projet dIrlande. 

Au commencement de 1693, la Chambre des seigneurs de 
Berne fit insinuer aux r^fugies qu*ils feraient bien de quitter 
le pays bernois au printemps, k quoi la direction fran9aise 
repondit, en lui d^leguant M" Bertie et d'Arzeliers, munis 
de la lettre de Galway, du 30 Janvier. Cette lettre contenait 
la proposition du roi d'Angleterre de recevoir et d'etabhr 
cette annee-la 600 families de Fran9ais en Irlande. Une 
lettre semblable avait ete adress^e par Galway au bourg- 
mestre de Zurich, H. Escher, qui fut charg^ d*en donner 
communication a la difete de Bremgarten du 10-12 mars 

La proposition du roi fut consider^e comme avantageuse 
par la diete, vu la position miserable des r^fugies en Suisse. 
Les d^put^s accorderent le transport gratuit des emigres 
jusqu'i Francfort, et d^cidferent de faire faire le role de tons 
les Fran9ais r^fugi^s, avec indication de leurs metiers et res- 
sources, par les autorites des lieux ou ils residaient, afin que 
Ton pftt choisir ceux qui conviendraient pour I'lrlande. Le 
20 mars, d'Arzeliers 6crit k Reboulet k Zurich, qu'il attend 
les listes des r^fugi^s de Genfeve, Lausanne, Vevey, Merges, 
Nyon, etc., et qu'il les lui enverra, aussit6t re^us, pour les 
soumettre au bourgmestre Escher. II estime a prfes de trois 
mille personnes le nombre des gens qui veulent 6migrer en 
Irlande. Dans la seule ville de Genfeve se trouvent deux- 
cent-cinquante families qui veulent partir, et c*est de Ik qu*il 
en faut prendre le plus, car ils sont tentes de retourner en 

A. Z. Proc^s-verbal de la di^te ^vang^lique de BremgaiteD, 10-12 mars 

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Prance, quand leurs ressources sent epuisees, ou bien ils 
vont tomber sur les bras des seigneui-s de Berne, ou de 

D'Arzeliers a re9u des nouvelles de Mirmand de Londres, 
dat^es du 13 mars. II ecrit qu'on peut bientot esp^rer avoir 
toute satisfaction de Taflfaire d'Irlande. 

Enfin Tenvoy^ d'Herwart,^ par sa lettre du 17 mai 1693, 
presenta oflBciellement aux Cantons suisses le message dont 
le roi son maltre Tavait charge, par un commandement ex- 
pres de sa part, a savoir, Toffre de donner des retraites cette 
annee-li, en Irlande, a six cents families de Fran^ais reform^s. 

Le roi et I'Europe protestante, dit-il, temoignent a la 
Suisse la reconnaissance qu*ils eprouvent pour les services 
qu'elle a rendus aux pauvres persecutes de France. En 
ofl&rant k une partie d'entre eux des etablissements dans son 
royaume, le roi desire decharger les Cantons. Ce qu'il fait 
cette annee n'est qu'un commencement de ce qu'il a resolu 
de faire dans la suite, en faveur de ces pauvres disperses. 
Le roi demande aux louables Cantons de favoriser son dessein, 
en accordant le pecule de voyage aux emigres qui quitteront 
le pays, et la subsistance a ceux qui resteront en Suisse.- 

Pour repondre a cette communication, Berne desire que 
les Cantons evangeliques se reunissent incessamment en 
conference k Arau. II y apportera ses conseils et son appui, 
et contribuera de tout son pouvoir au transport des ref ugies 
en Irlande. Une motion est deposee au mois d'ao^t suivant 
k la diete de Baden sous ce titre : ** Projet pour faire voyager 
de la mani^re la plus convenable les refugies qui doivent 
quitter TEtat de Berne et la ville de Geneve". 

En voici les dispositions essentielles : Berne s'engagera a 
conduire les refugies jusqu'a Brugg, et leur fera remettre 
la 4 livres de pain par personne. De Brugg les cantons 
evangeliques les ameneront par terre a Scbaffhouse, et leur 
remettront un honn^te pecule^ pour aller plus loin. Les 
frais de route seront supportes par les sept cantons evange- 
hques, qui constitueront a cet effet un fonds de trois mille 

1 Philibert d'Herwart, baron d'Huningue, remplava Coxe k Berne, en 1692, 
en quality d'envoy6 extraordinaire de Guillaume III, aupr^s des Cantons 

* A. Z. Message royal aiw Cantoiis fh\, adresse le 17 mai 1693, par d'Her- 
wart aux •• Magnifiques Seigneurs de Zurich ". Copie due aux soins devoues 
de M' Labhart, arehiviste de TEtat de Zurich, ainsi que les nombreuses pieces 
que nous avons re<;ue8 des archives de cette ville. 

'' A raison de S Reichsthaler par adulte et de un et demi par enfant. 

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Keichsthaler (environ 11,000 francs), proportionnellement a 
leurs ressources. Et pour assurer Theureux succes du voyage 
des refugies hors de la Suisse, Zurich et Berne demandent 
aux Envoyes ici presents, M^* Valkenier et d'Herwart, des 
passeports et de fortes recommandations pour les princes, dont 
ces pauvres gens traverseront les etats, afin qu'ils trouvent 
aide et secours le long de la route.^ 

La diete d'Arau, du 25 septembre suivant, confirma les 
propositions de celle de Baden, et M*" d'Herwart fut invite 
a y assister, afin, dit le protocole, '* d'aviser a venir en aide 
chretiennement a ceux des refugies qui vont quitter la Suisse 
pour s*etablir ailleurs *'.- 


Mirmand avait heureusement debarque en HoUande vers 
le milieu de mars 1693, il avait supporte seul tons ses frais 
de voyage, et retrouvait ici des amis : a la Haye M*^ Guiraud, 
ancien conseiller au parlement d'Orange, a Kotterdam M" de 
Limeville, de I'Estang et Lespiaud marcband, chez lequel il 
logeait. Deux mois se passferent en demarches infructueuses, 
dans les diverses villes de la HoUande. C'est en vain qu'il 
soUicitait le Grand Peusionnaire, les autorites, les deputte 
au Conseil des Etats, s'efforyant de les interesser a sa cause 
et a celle des refugies. Partout il essuyait longueurs et difii- 
cultes, sans aboutir a rien. II souffrait d*un retard qui 
prolongeait I'attente penible de ses frferes en Suisse, et les 
emp^chait de se mettre en route. Enfin il apprend I'arriv^e 
du roi sur le continent, et va le trouver a Loo, pour lui re- 
preseuter la pressante necessite qu'il y a ** ci faire sortir au 
pins tot ' iwtre peuple ' de la Suisse *'. Le roi I'ecoute avec 
bienveillance, il entre dans ses vues, et lui remet une lettre 
pour le Grand-Pensionnaire, par laquelle il charge ce premier 
magistrat de demander aux Etats-Generaux leur secours 
pour le transport des refugies en Irlande, de sa part, k lui, 
le Roi. Appuyee de si haut, la requite de Mirmand,^ qui 
etait faite dans les termes les plus nobles et les plus elev^s, 
fut bien accueillie. Le roi en paria encore au G^ Peusion- 
naire, a son retour de Loo, ce qui acheva de mettre Taffaire 
en bonne voie ; cepeudant elle dut suivre la fili^re ordinaire : 

1 A. Z., B. viii., 163, p. 315. Proc^s-verbaux. 

»I6id., p. 359. 

•* C. C. Rec. et Mem., T. S., N<» 17, p. 276. 

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un commissaire fut nomme dans chaque province pour ex- 
aminer la demande des refugi^s, mais Ton ne put obtenir 
aucune reponse jusqu'a ce que les Etats fussent assembles, 
et qu'ils en eussent pris connaissance. Mirmand eut enfin 
le bonheur de voir ses eflforts couronn^s de succfes, car les 
Etats-G^n6raux voterent en faveur du voyage des r^fugi^s 
en Irlande un subside de quarante mille florins,^ vers le 
milieu de juin. Pendant cette longue attente, Mirmand, 
apprenant Tarrivee de Galway a Br^da, se hata d'aller le 
trouver, pour se concerter avec lui sur les difl&cultes de leur 
commune entreprise. Galway Tappuyait de son pouvoir et 
de son crMit. 


Nous avons quelques passages a relever sur les affaires 
d'Irlande, dans les correspondances de Mirmand pendant 
son s^jour en Hollaude ; les voici : — 

Bruguier, qui etait banquier et fabricant de taffetas k Zurich, 
oil il soignait avec devouement les int^r^ts p^cuniaires des 
refugies, et ceux de Mirmand, lui ecrivait le 26 avril : ** L'on 
attend avec impatience vos ordres pour f aire partir nos peuples 
pour rirlande," et plus loin: " M'" le secretaire Bodmer, qui 
s'occupe des refugies, sort d'ici, il vous salue et s'offre k vous 
amener nos refugies, si c'est n^cessaire". 

D'Arzeliers de Berne traite au long le projet de la colonisa- 
tion en Irlande, le 22 mai : des difficult^s s'elevent du c6te 
du roi, qui ne serait plus d'avis de donner dans une seule et 
m§me contree aux refugies les terres confisquees en Irlande. 
II disseminerait les colons sur une vaste 6tendue de pays, ce qui 
les emp^cherait de se grouper et de se soutenir mutuellement. 
Ce serait fAcheux pour eux et pour le pays ; un etablissement 
general serait essentiel pour realiser nos projets, et pour 
arriver a notre but principal, qui est de /aire sortir nos gens 
de France. ** Qu'importe, ajoute-t-il, que les refugies s'6ta- 
blissent dans quelque comt6 du due d'Ormond, de Burlington, 
ou de quelqu'autre seigneur, pourvu qu'ils soient pres les uns 
des autres. Cela serait m^me plus sti que sur des terres 
confisquees par le roi." D'Arzeliers a re9u les listes des 
emigrants disposes k partir pour ITrlande, elles lui plaisent ; 
ce sont des laboureurs et ouvriers de toute profession, ages de 
80 k 50 ans, quantite de servantes et fileuses, de 20 a 30 ans, 
propres k peupler I'lrlande. II se trouvera bien k Lausanne, 

1 C. C. Rec. et M6m.. T. M., N" 17. 

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Merges et Nyon, cent families de laboureurs prates a partir : 
assurement nos laboureurs rendront Tann^e procbaine le ble 
qui leur aura ete pr^t^ cette annee, s'ils arrivent a temps 
pour semer. Sur environ quatre mille personnes qui iraient 
en Irlande, il y en aura bien deux mille qui n'auront besoin 
que du pecule de voyage, et qui auraient encore quelques 
pistoles a leur arrivee ; ce sont des gens qui n'ont jamais etc 
a la charity de personne. M^ Modenx, pasteur, est a la tete 
d'une troupe de pres de douze cents personnes, prates a partir 
de Berne et qui sont dans ce cas ; ils ont huit a dix mille 
livres entre tous. Sur 647 personnes de Lausanne qui 
veulent ^migrer, il n*y en a que deux cents qui sont assistees, 
et sur pres de 500 de Merges et de Nyon, il en est de meme. 
II y aura vingt ministres qui partiront, dont dix regoivent de 
grosses pensions de la Suisse, et dont cet Etat est bien aise 
d'etre d^charg^, il cite : M" Modenx, Viala, Causide, Blanc 
de Schaflfhouse, Terrasson, Maxuel, La Roche, Reinheard^ 
Perreauts et Uchard. 

Par centre, il se trouve k Berne et k Zurich des personnes 
embarrassantes, ce sont des veuves ou filles, demi-demoiselles, 
acceutum^es k recevoir le pain de LL. EE., ce qui les a 
rendues fain^antes. Plusieurs refugies sont devenus que- 
mandeurs et faineants en mangeant le pain de LL. EE. ; 
cependant il n'en meurt point a Thdpital, sur lesquels on ne 
trouve quelques pistoles cousues dans les habits. 

Les seigneurs suisses sont ^quitables ; ils veulent garder 
les infirmes, les malades et les epprimes. Les Cantons evan- 
g^liques teinoignent une grande charite ; ils veulent encore 
faire voyager les families ^migrantes jusqu*a Francfort ; il 
est vrai qu'il est de leur interet d'en etre decharges. 

D'Arzeliera raconte a Mirmand les tentations auxquelles 
sont exposes les refugies de Genfeve, par le fait de demi- 
chr^tiens qui vent de cette ville en France, et qui pretendent 
que les pretestants peuvent vivre librement en ce royaume, 
pourvu qu'ils n'y fassent pas dassembl^es. Le resident 
fran9ais de Geneve fait tout pour les engager a retoumer en 
France ; plusieurs succonibent a la tentation. Que sera-ce, 
si le projet d' Irlande echoue ! 

II s'eccupe du mode de transport a adopter pour les quel- 
ques milliers d'emigrants qui vont quitter la Suisse ; il opine 
a les faire voyager par eau depuis Heilbronn, et termine en 
disant que lui-m^me ne partira avec sa troupe que sur Tordre 
fennel de Galway.^ 

* 0. C. Reo. et Mem., T. 0., N« 17. Arzeliers, de Berne, k Mirmand, 22 
mai 1693. 

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Peu apres avoir quitte Galway k Breda, Mirmand lui ecri- 
vait ce qui suit : '* Je suis continuellement harcel6 de divers 
endroits de la Suisse, pour donner a notre peuple la liberie 
de Be mettre en chemin ". II espere que son ami recevra une 
r^ponse de Lord Godolphin, de Londres, " mais vous verrez^ 
lui dit-il, qu'il ne vous dira ni oui, ni non. II nous donnera 
Tesperance d'envoyer I'argent que nous avons deinande, et 
cela nous laissera dans un etat extr^mement penible. Si 
Lord Godolphin y allait de droit pied, la chose serait bient6t 
r^glee." Mirmand voit avec chagrin, par les lettres de THer- 
mitage, de quelle fa9on les commissaires en usent pour les 
colonies d'Irlande ; il se produit des lenteurs, des irresolutions 
et de la mauvaise volonte. Le transport des r^fiigies par 
des vaisseaux anglais n'est rien moins qu'assur^. II faudra 
peut-etre prendre des vaisseaux en Hollande. Mirmand se 
demande si Ton est encore a temps pour faire partir les re- 
fugies cette annee ; on est en juin, et rien n'est pret. Faudra- 
t-il renvoyer leur depart a I'annee prochaine? '*Maissou- 
venez-vous bien, Milord, dit-il, que dans ce cas, il serait d'une 
absolue necessity d'envoyer en Suisse 2000 livres sterling 
pour y faire vivre nos refugies cet hiver," et il ajoute . . . 
** Le parti que je prends est de faire ce k quoi la charite et 
la prudence nous engagent, et de regarder les difficultes qui 
se trouvent dans les affaires, comme des eflfets de la Provi- 
dence, k laquelle nous devons acquiescer sans murmure ".^ 

Le 11 juin, avant la r^ponse des Etats-Gen^raux, Mirmand 
ecrit a Eeboulet, a Zurich : ** Vous jugez bien qu'il y aurait 
imprudence de faire partir notre peuple, sans etre assure 
d'avoir de quelqu'endroit ce qui est necessaire pour les frais 
de leur voyacje. Vous ne devez pas croire qu'on ait rien 
neglig6 pour cela, ni ^tre surpris non plus des lenteurs qu'on 
voit dans les affaires, car nous devons y ^tre accoutumes, 
quelque peine que cela nous fasse. Peut-etre cette lenteur 
sera-t-elle heureuse dans cette occasion, car elle pourra donner 
le temps au prince de Baden de repousser les Fran^ais, et 
d'6ter par ce moyen les difficultes qui se trouvent sur la 
route des refugies, au lieu que, s'ils se fussent mis en chemin 
au commencement de mai, ils se seraient trouves dans un 
etrange embarras, et peut-etre seraient-ils restes aux mains 
des Fran9ais."''^ 

^ 0. C. Rec. et Mem., T. O., N" 17. Mirmand, de Rotterdam, k Galway, 
23 mai 1693. 

2 A. Z. Lettre de Mirmand a Reboulet, 11 juin 1693. 

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Le 6 juin, il ecrit a Galway : ** La prise de Heidelberg 
apporte un grand changeinent dans les mesures que nous 
avions prises pour la route de notre peuple. Si ces diflS- 
<;ultes continuent, je ne vois pas comment on pourrait 
faire venir nos r^fugies par Nuremberg, par Gassel, en un 
mot par terre jusqu'en HoUande, et surtout par ce chemin 

Le 9 juin, Galway lui repond du camp pres de Louvain. 
II laisse voir qu'il est fort difficile de parler au roi d autres 
affaires que de celles de la guerre, lorsqu'on est au camp, " et 
dans un temps ou les mouvements de Tennemi donnent tant 
d 'inquietude ". 

" Je vous ai deja mand^, dit-il, que j'ai propose au roi de 
donner les deu xmille pieces (£) et de les faire venir incessam- 
ment, soit pour faire venir nos families, ou pour les consoler 
en Suisse. II a approuve cette pensee, et m'a fait Thonneur 
de me promettre d'en donner les ordres ; c'etait dans le 
moment qu*il allait ecrire, mais comme S. M. a plus d'une 
affaire a penser, je n'ose vous repondre qu'il Tait fait. J'ai 
cette affaire sur le coeur, elle ne va point du tout comme je 
souhaiterais, ni comme j'esperais. 

** Je compte que nous aurons six cents families qui n'auront 
rien que ce que le roi leur donnera,'* ceci en r^ponse k ce 
qu'on avait cru a tort qu'oii ne voudrait point en Irlande de 
gens qui n'eussent rien ; ** mais a Tegard de ceux qui ont 
trente ou quarante pieces (£), je les crois puissamment riches. 
. . . Je verrai demain M^ Blathwayt (secretaire d'Etat), pour 
le prier d'ecrire comme vous le souhaitez a M^ d'Herwart, 
afin d'agir en vers le magistrat de Geneve, comme envers les 
seigneurs suisses. ... Si nous pouvons ex^cuter notre pro- 
jet dans son etendue, il n'y a pas a balancer, il faudra prendre 
les vaisseaux en Irlande. " ^^ 

Mirmand demandait a d'Herwart, que les 61oges qu'il de- 
cernait aux magistrats de Berne et de Zurich, dans son 
Message officiel du 17 mai, fussent aussi adresses aux 
magistrats de Geneve, qui les m^ritaient mieux encore, 
par le grand devouement dont ils avaient fait preuve, dans 
des circonstances plus difficiles que celles des Cantons 

J C. C. Rec. et Mem., T. O., N» 17. Mirmand, de la Haye, k Galway, 
Lieutenant-G^n^ral des amines du Roi, a I'armee, au quartier du roi. Juin 

aC. C. Rec. et M^m., T. A. A., No 18, p. 31. Lord Galway k W de 
Mirmand, 9 juin 1693. 

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XII. — La campagne de 1693. 

La guerre avait repris de plus belle en 1693 ; pendant 
rhiver precedent, Louis XIV avait fait un effort supreme 
pour preparer cette campagne, qu'il esperait terminer par 
un coup d'eclat, en renversant la coalition. II avait fait des 
levies de troupes extraordinaires, et cree sept marechaux ; 
en portant un grand coup a TAllemagne, il projetait de forcer 
les princes et I'empereur a faire la paix. Au printemps ses 
armees envahirent le territoire ennemi, le marechal de Lorges 
occupait le cours du Ehin et les contrees avoisinantes. II 
avait centre lui le prince de Baden, generalissime des forces 
de Tempereur. Le roi le pressait d'agir, et, voyant qu'il 
denieurait inactif, il lui envoya le dauphin, son fils, avec une 
grande armee de renfort ; mais ni de Lorges, ni Monseigneur 
ne firent rien, et la campagne d*Allemagne fut outrageuse- 
nient nulle cette annee-la. C'est a Tinvasion de cette partie 
de TAllemagne par I'armee fran9aise que Mirmand fait 
allusion dans sa lettre a Galway, en disant avec raison, que 
la route du Rhin n'etait plus sAre pour le voyage des refugies. 

Durant cette meme campagne, Louis XIV tenta de s*em- 
parer de Liege ; il en fut empeche par Guillaume III, qui 
jeta quinze mille hommes dans la place ; mais le 28 juillet, 
eut lieu dans les Pays-Bas la grande bataille de Neervdnden^ 
chaudement disputee entre le marechal de Luxembourg et 
le roi d'Angleterre. Luxembourg finit par I'emporter, mais 
sa victoire lui co(ita cher, et le vaincu, toujours de sangfroid, 
se retira sans d^sordre. 

Ici se place le curieux episode qu'on rapporte sur Galway: 
il combattait aux cotes de Guillaume, a la t^te de son regi- 
ment de Galway, compose de refugies ; soudain le roi se voit 
menace d'etre enveloppe par Tennemi, sa vie est en danger. 
Galway s'elance a son secours, il le degage et assure sa re- 
traite avec une indomptable bravoure. Mais lui-m^me est 
fait prisonnier par les rran9ais ; ceux-ci, dans leur admira- 
tion pour le brillant fait d'armes dont ils ont ete les temoins, 
le relachent aussitot, et le laissent rejoindre ses compagnons 

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CHAPITEE 11^ 1693-1698. 


I. — Citation des M6moires de Mirmand. 

*' Milord Gal way m'ecrivit a la Haye qu'il ne fallait plus 
compter sur Targent que Lord Godolphin avail promis de 
remettre au comite de DiMiiiy de sorte que je vis notre aflfaire 
dans Tetat que j'avais apprehende. Le d^plaisir que i*en 
re9us fut d'autant plus grand que je savais qu'il y avait d^ja 
des gens, qui, malgre toutes mes precautions, s'^taient mis 
en cheinin pour se rendre en Irlande, et qui m'allaient tom- 
ber sur les bras en Hollande, ou j'etais pour lors. 

** Dans ce contre-temps, le roi eut la bont^ d'ecrire en 
Suisse, pour y faire rester les refugi^s qui n'en ^taient pas 
encore partis, et il leur envoya de Targent pour leur aider a 
subsister.^ De mon c6t6, je me trouvai, par I'arrivee en 
HoUande de ceux qui etaient partis de Suisse, dans un des 
plus grands embarras ou j'aie et6 de ma vie ; j'en pla^ai de 
c6te et d'autre autant qu*il me fut possible, aprfes quoi je me 
retirai a WeseL 

" II passa en Angleterre un bon nombre d*entre eux, apres 
avoir kie retenus plusieurs niois par les vents contraires en 
Hollande, ou ils furent entretenus de I'argent que LL. HH. 

1 Lettre d'Herwart, de Berne, au Chevalier Tranchard a Londres ^j^^ Janvier 
1694. A propoB des 2000 Livres sterling que d'Herwart avait promises de la 
part du roi, et dont les Cantons r^clament I'envoi toujours retard^, il dit : " La 
tresorerie a donn^ la moitie de ces deux mille pieces ; cinq cents sont demeur^s 
a Londres (k ce que j'ai appris), ce n'^tait pas leur destination. Les autres 
cinq cents, ou pen s'en faut, ont ^te distribuees en AUemagne, oA plusieurs de 
ces pauvres gens, partis d'icy, se sont arrestes. II y a encore mille pi^es a 
recevoir, je vous supplie tres humblement, Monsieur, d'avoir la bont^ d'en 
vouloir dire un mot au Roy, afiu qu'elles me soient envoyees le plus t6t 
possible; je tacherai avec cette moitie de contenter ces Messieurs." 

Lettre d'Herwart, de Berne, au chevalier Tranchard k Londres */i5 d^^^* 
1694. "Milord Galway, au dernier voyage qu'il a fait icy, M*", a trouve 
comme moy, qu'on ne devait pas se presser de remettre les demises mille 
piAces que Leurs Majest^s avaient eu la bont^ d'accorder pour aider k la sub- 
sistance de ces pauvres malheureux, surtout puisque le roy trouvait k propos 
que je ne quittasse pas encore sitot ces lieux, et que d'ailleurs, sans ce secours, 
on ne laissait pas d'assister ces pauvres gens. Je les guarde done. Monsieur, 
pour quelqu'occasion pressante qui pourrait arriver" (Record Office de 
Londres, State Papers, Foreign series. Switzerland, No. 9, No. 3, Copie en 
novembre 1900). 

D'apr^s les recherches exactes faites par M' J. H. Labhart, archiviste de 
TEtat de Zuricli, dans les comptes des r^fugies de la fin du 17* si^le, et celles 
de M' Turler, archiviste de I'Etat de Berne, I'argent du roi n'est jamais 
parvenu en Suisse. Lettre de M^ Labhart, T>^ 1899. Lettre de M' Turler, 
Janvier 1901. 

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PP. avaient destine pour leur voyage. Dans la suite, le Eoi 
agit aupres des Cantons, pour les obliger de garder encore 
les refugies. Lord Galway s'employa fortement a cela, au 
commencement de Tann^e 1694, lorsqu'il passa en Suisse, en 
all ant au Piemont commander les troupes de S. M." 

II. — Les chefs du refuge aux prises avec les 


Apres avoir tant travaill^ pour I'lrlande, et congu I'espoir 
fonde d'y etablir des colonies, les chefs du refuge voient leurs 
projets aneantis, leurs esp^rances renversees. Les craintes 
de Mirmand se justifient, la guerre absorbe tous les fonds, et 
les voil4 en face d'une situation sans issue. Des caractferes 
moins fortement trempes que les leurs se seraient d^courages ; 
mais eux, pleins de foi et de soumission k la volenti de lem- 
Pere celeste, cherchent k reparer de leur mieux le malheur 
de leurs freres. Mirmand, qui avait jug6 dfes Tabord la posi- 
tion du Eoi, n'avait jamais ajout^ une foi implicite a ses 
promesses, non qu'elles ne fussent sinceres, mais la guerre 
formidable qu*il soutenait centre le roi de France absorbait 
toutes les ressources de TAngleterre. Le parlement, jaloux 
de ses prerogatives, et peu sympathique k un roi d'origine 
etrangere, ne lui accordait qu'i regret les fonds n^cessaires 
a son armee. Lorsque Guillaume III se mettait en cam- 
pagne au printemps, il laissait a la reine Marie les r^nes du 
gouvernement ; elle etait en son absence r^gente de VArujleterre. 
Influencee par les pairs anglais, elle ne se croyait pas 
tenue de remplir les promesses faites par son royal 6poux. 
De la vient que Lord Godolphin et Thomas Southwell, 
charges de distribuer aux colons d'Irlande le don royal, 
reussirent a lui faire modifier les dispositions que le roi avait 
prises pour la colonisation de Tlrlande. 

Voici ce que Mirmand ecrit de la Haye, le 12 juin 1698, k 
Galway : *' J'ai re9U une lettre de M^" de I'Hermitage du 5 de 
juin, qui me mande que Lord Godolphin lui avait dit que 
tout 6tait change a I'egard du projet des colonies, que la 
reine avait pris d'autres mesures. M^" de I'Hermitage ajoute 
a cela que I'argent que vous demandez n'^tait pas pret, et 
que le chevalier Southwell ayant offert d'avoir des refugies 
pour placer en Irlande, avec moins de depense que ceux qu*on 
devait faire venir de Suisse, la reine avait goClt^ ces raisons 
et approuve ce nouveau projet. Je m'imagine. Milord, que 
vous ^tes informe de tout cela aussi bien que moi, et que si 

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406 HUGUENOT society's pboceedings. 

vous ne in'en avez pas parle dans votre demifere lettre, c'est 
pour ne me donner pas ce d^plaisir, jusqu'a ce que vous ayez 
perdu I'esperance de redresser cette afifaire, k quoi je juge que 
vous avez travaille par la lettre que vous avez ecrite a Lord 
Godolphin. Je vous assure que cette nouvelle a ete pour 
moi un coup de foudre, quoique je fusse assez dans un esprit 
de mefiance ; mais comme nous devons adorer la providence 
de Dieu, dont les voies nous sont cachees, il ne faut pas aussi 
douter qu'elle ne dirige toute chose pour le bien de ses enfants. 
qui ne doivent rien souhaiter fortement dans le monde que 
leur salut. . . . Ce qui nous reste a faire dans cette occasion, 
s'il n'y a point de remade, c'est de cacher le motif de cette 
nouveaute, en donnaiit le meilleur tour qu*il se pourra a cette 
affaire, de procurer a nos freres de Suisse le secours dont 
nous avons parle, et enfin de mdnager Vhonneur du roi qui est 
fort comprojuis dans cette occasion. Je continue d*agir ici 
comme s'il n'y avait aucun changenient, et je sommerai M^ 
le Pensionnaire de sa parole, dfes que les Etats de HoUande 
seront assembles, ce qui arrivera mardi prochain. . . . Je 
n'ai garde d'avoir rien ecrit en Suisse des nouvelles d'Angle- 
terre, j'en fais un fort grand secret, et j'en userai ainsi jusqu'a 
ce que nous ayons convenu de la maniere dont il faudra les 
debiter." ^ 

Dans cette meme lettre, Mirmand raconte a sou ami les 
ennuis qu'il a eus, par les emigres venus d'AUemagne qui lui 
sont tombes sur les bras, quoiqu'il eut ecrit en ce pays pour 
les retenir. Comment faire face a tout, dit-il ; il n'y a point 
de fonds disponibles, et les paquebots ont re9U depuis huit 
jours ordre de I'Angleterre de n'embarquer personne k moins 
d'une piece (£), au lieu d'un ecu qu'ils demandaient autrefois, 
et souvent merae on n'exigeait rien des pauvres gens. 

La r^ponse de Galway est datee du camp pres de Louvain 
le 15 juin. Oblige de monter a cheval, il charge son secre- 
taire l)u Fay, de lui envoyer la lettre de Godolphin et les 
propositions de Southwell. Rien a attendre du cote de 
Godolphin. II faudra se decider a annoncer les mauvaises 
nouvelles en Suisse, ou les emigrants n'attendent que le 
signal du depart, mais Mirmand et Galway ne voudraient le 
faire qu'en envoyant les £2000 de la part du roi, afin d'at- 
tenner la f^cheuse impression que causera ce retard, de 
prevenir le d^sespoir des refugies, et d'encourager les magis- 
trats des Cantons k les garder chez ^ eux. 

1 C. C. Rec. et Mto., T. O., N« 17. Mirmand k Galway, lettre. 
- Ibid. Galway d, Mirmand. 

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Le roi ecrivit a Londres pour faire remettre ces deux mille 
livres en Suisse, mais ce fut toujours en vain. 

En juillet, les deux amis se rencontrent au camp, pour 
convenir de la version a donner au public. Mirmand ecrit 
des lettres au bourgmestre Escher de Zurich, et au marquis 
d'Arzeliers de Berne, Galway ajoute a cette derniere une 
apostille qui nous a ete conservee : II redoute une resolution 
facheuse, dit-il, soit de la part des Cantons, soit de la part 
des refugi^s, lorsqu'ils verront le peu de solidite des pro- 
messes du roi et des seigneurs. II indique les causes de 
r^chec d'Irlande, de la maniere suivante : Le roi etait parti 
en guerre avant d'avoir regie les vingt mille livres assignees 
aux colonies, par consequent les seigneurs irlandais ne recevant 
pas rindemnite promise, n'avaient pas pu batir des maisons. 
De son c6te, Galway, ayant dd quitter I'lrlande avant que 
les colonies fussent organisees, et n'ayant passe que quatre 
jours a Londres, n'avait pu redresser tons les contre-temps 
de cette afifaire. Les subsides de la Hollande, enfin obtenus 
par Mirmand, etaient arrives trop tard ; maintenant la saison 
etait trop avancee, et la secheresse faisait prevoir une disette 
en Irlande. Le depart serai t done remis au printemps.^ 

Du Fay fut envoye a Londres aupres de Godolphin, muni 
d'un vigoureux Memoire de Mirmand, qui lui representait la 
terrible position des six cents families, prates k partir de la 
Suisse, auxquelles les magistrats pourraient bien refuser la 
subsistance, si, d'ici a quinze jours, la somme qui leur avait 
ete promise, n'^tait pas expediee.'-* 

in. — En Suisse. Consequences de l'echec dIrlande. 

La mauvaise nouvelle annoncee par les lettres de Mirmand 
parvient a Berne et a Zurich. La Direction frangaise de 
Berne, reunie le 8 aoiit, s'adresse a la Chambre des Seigneurs, 
pour la supplier de garder encore les refugies : celle-ci repond 
qu*elle desire les voir quitter son territoire au printemps 
suivant ; mais elle les engage a dt^leguer deux des leurs 
aux autres Cantons reformes, pour les prier de consentir k 
une repartition personnelle des refugies pauvres du Canton 
de Berne. Les Cantons de Bale, Zurich et Schaffhouse pro- 
mettent leur concours ; ils se chargeront avec S^ Gall de 

» P. de P. Galway k d'Arzeliers, 6 juillet 1693. Copie apostillee par 

«C. C. Rec. et M6m., T. M., N« 17. Memoire pour M' Du Fay, IG juillet 
1698. Ecrit par Mirmand. 


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2560 exiles, proportionnellement a leurs reasources, tandis 
que Berne en gardera 2000. Mais a Tid^e de quitter leurs 
freres, pour s*etablir dans une autre partie de la Suisse, la 
douleur des refugies eclate, et de ce fait la proposition echoua 
a la diete d'Arau, du 25 septembre 1693. Cependant, com- 
binee avec le projet de creer un fonds d'assistance commun, 
pour faire vivre les Fran9ais pauvres du Canton de Berne, 
elle prepara un arrangement equitable, qui fut conclu Tann^e 
suivante entre les cantons, et qui dura de 1694 a 1699. 

C'est a la m^me diete d'Arau qu'Herwart annoncja offici- 
ellement aux Cantons, par un nouveau message de S. M. B., 
le regret qu'eprouvait le roi de devoir renvoyer a des temps 
meilleurs Temigi'ation des refugies fran^ais en Irlande. II 
priait les Cantons de les garder chez eux, promettant d'en- 
voyer pour leur subsistance deux mille livres sterling.^ 

A peine les difficultes etaient-elles aplanies du c6te de 
Berne, qu'il en surgissait de nouvelles k Geneve. La ville 
se voyait menacee de disette par le manque de ble en Bresse 
et en Franche-Comte ; les magistrats, inquiets, donnerent 
I'ordre aux refugies de quitter Geneve a la fin de Tet^ 1693. 
Cette fois, il fallut bien se resoudre a partir ; plusieurs se 
mirent en route avec une piece de 30s. (sous) pour tout bien. 
Mirmand, navr^, anuonce de Wesel cette nouvelle a Galway, 
le 21 ^aodt, en lui soumettant son plan. II faut aider ces 
pauvres gens dans leur voyage, dit-il, en retenir k Erlangen 
et a Schwabach autant qu'on pourra, pour y passer Thiver. 
On tachera de faire arriver les autres jusqu*en HoUande, et 
m^me en Angleterre. Dans ces deux pays, il faudra retenir 
tons ceux qui pourront y gagner leur vie, et enfin les derniers 
tomberont entre les mains de Southwell : ce sera le pire sort 
pour eux. ... II faudra demander aux Etats de HoUande 
im a compte sur le subside qu'ils avaient vot6, et compter 
quatre ecus par personne, bien que ce ne soit pas encore 
I'exode du peuple des refugies.^ 

Mirmand intercede aupres de Lord Dowley, pour qu'il agisse 
vis-a-vis de Smettau, envoy^ de TEl^ de BrK a Londres, afin que 
des barques soient preparees sur le Ehin, pour faire traverser 
k ces troupes la regence de Cleves, apanage de TEl'^ de Br«^. 

A la fin de nov'^^e^ la situation se complique encore a Berne : 

1 A. Z. Lettre officielle d*Herwart aux Cantons ^vang^liques ^/„ sept^*^ 1693. 

^P. de P. Mirmand k Galway, 21 aoiit 1693. D'aprds les papiers de 
Mirmand, 250 personnes avaient d^ja pass^ en HoUande, 60 arrivaient. II y 
eut une troupe de 93 personnes du Prajelas qui pass^rent de HoUande en 
Angleterre, sans compter les r^fugii^s de Geneve et de Suisse dont 11 parle, et 
qui y vinrent k la fin de 1693 et au printemps de 1694. 

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ordre est donn^ a la Direction fraii9aise de disposer les refu- 
gi6s k partir en avril 1694 ; les baillis du pays de Vaud 
transmettent ce message k leurs subordonnes. Que faire, 
et ou aller? 

L'lrlande est ferm^e, la HoUande, le Brandebourg, TAUe- 
luagne sont remplis par les premiers occupants. Les lettres 
et protocoles conserves dans les archives de Berne et de 
Zurich laissent entrevoir dans leur laconisme I'anxiet^ des 
exiles. lis n'en cessent pas moins, ce qui vaut la peine d'etre 
releve, de vivre en bons rapports avec les magistrats de la 
Suisse. II suffit pour s'en convaincre, de parcourir les lettres 
superbes, adressees par les Directions fran9aises aux difetes 
evangeliques. II s'en degage un sentiment vrai de gratitude 
et de confiance, qu'on ne pent m^connaltre. Aussi les de- 
cisions des magistrats, bien que motiv^es par des raisons 
peremptoires, cedent-elles souvent a leurs soUicitations res- 

Lies Directions de Berne et de Lausanne presenterent a la 

diete de Zurich, reunie le 4 Janvier 1694, une requite, ten- 

dant a faire r^voquer Tordre du depart ; mais cet ordre fut 

maintenu, et les chefs du refuge furent avisos qu'ils eussent 

a procurer des retraites k leurs fr^res pour le printemps. 

Sur ces entrefaites, on apprend Tarrivee de Lord Galway a 

Berne. Quel ^venement ! I'ami et repr^sentant de S. M. B. 

va interceder pour les exiles, et les aider a sortir de peine ; 

aussi, a peine descendu chez Tenvoye d'Herwart, le 18 fevrier, 

fut-il harangu^ par le ministre Besombes, a la t^te d'une 

deputation fran9aise. Lord Galway prit en main la cause 

de ses freres, il la plaida avec zfele auprfes des seigneurs de 

Berne et de Zurich, il fit appel k la charite des autres cantons 

refornj^s, et eut enfin la joie de voir aboutir, au mois de mai 

suivant, Tarrangement dont nous avons parl6, par lequel ces 

cantons prenaient a leur charge la moitie des d^penses pour 

Tentretien des PrauQais ^tablis dans les Terres bernoises, 

independamment de ceux qu'ils avaient accueillis eux-m^mes 

sur leur territoire. Gr^ce a cette subvention, Berne se decida 

a garder les refugi^s, les autres cantons en firent autant ; 

c*etait la d^livrance pour les pauvres exil6s.^ 

* Si Berne, le canton le plus grand et le plus puissant de la Suisse, avec 
ses pays sujets de Vaud et I'Erguel (Jura bernois), demandait le secours de 
ses confederes pour entretenir les r^fugies, c'est qu'il en avait la plus forte 
proportion ; le nombre en ^tait de six k sept mille en 1694, et de 6600 en 
1699. D'apr^ les comptes, pr^sent^s aux di^tes Evangeliques, le chiifre des 
Fran^ais assises dans les Etats de Berne fut, en 1694, 1900 assistds ; en 1695, 
1352 assist^s; en 1696, 2000 assist^s; en 1698, 2162 assist^s; en 1699, 1800 
assist^. Les autres cantons reunis comptaient environ la moitiE du nombre 
des refugi^ de Berne. 

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Tandia que Galway, en route pour Turin, s'6tait arrfete en 
Suisse en fevrier, il engagea Mirmand a aller encore trouver 
le roi en Angleterre, pour lui representer vivement la position 
des refugi^s en Suisse et solliciter des retraites en Irlande. 
Mirmand sacrifierait tout, jusqu'i sa vie, pour tirer son 
peuple de rextremite ou il va se trouver, r6pond-il a d'Arze- 
liers, s'il n'etait persuade que ce voyage est inutile, et qu'il 
n'aura pas plus de succes aupres du roi, par des discours, 
qu'il n'en aurait en lui ecrivant, puisque les memes causes 
de guerre produisent la m^me penurie d'argent. II adresse 
a Guillaume III, le 26 feV 1694, une fort belle lettre,^ oi il 
rappelle au monarque la promesse qu'il a faite de recevoir 
les r6fugies en Irlande, et le met en demeure d'accomplir 
cette promesse. A sa lettre est jointe une missive de Galway ,- 
qui insiste sur le m^me point, et lui annonce que les Cantons 
out vote un subside de viugt-cinq mille francs, monnaie de 
Prance, pour les refugies de Berne. Mais les lettres des 
deux amis demeurerent sans effet et le roi ne changea rien 
a sa politique. 

IV. — Les emigres de Geneve et de la Suisse, a 
ScHWABACH ET Erlangen, 1693-1694. 

Les refugies qui avaient quitte Genfeve s'etaient ache- 
min6s vers le nord, en suivant I'itineraire de Mirmand, par 
la route de Nuremberg. Leur premiere station etait les 
colonies de Schwabach et d'Erlangen,^ dans les Etats d'An- 
spach et de Baireuth. Plusieurs des emigres de Geneve 
avaient ecboue a Berne, ou ils vinrent grossir la troupe de 
Modenx, que nous avions vue prete k partir dfes le printemps, 
au nombre de douze cents personnes. Ce convoi quitta aussi 
Berne a Tentree de Thiver; il eut beaucoup a souflErir en 
voyage. La troupe de Modenx, 6crit d'Arzefiers, etait dans 
un etat pitoyable, quand elle passa a Schwabach et Erlangen, 
oh elle laissa ses malades. Ces colonies etaient pauvres, elles 
n'avaieiit pas pris I'essor que leur donna plus tard une indus- 
trie florissante. D'Arzeliers les avait pr6 venues de Tarrivee 

1 Rec. et M6m., T. O., No. 17, CO. « 2 Idem. 

' Christian Erlangen^ colonie fondle apres la Revocation, par le margrave 
de Baireuth, oCi s'^tablirent des protestants du Vivarais, du Ijanguedoc et du 
Dauphin^. En 1687, elle s'augmenta d'un millier de nouveaux venus, il en 
vint beaucoup du Prajelas, ainsi qu*une partie de ceux qui Etaient chassis du 
Palatinat, en 1689. 

Schwabach. — Le margrave de Brandebourg-Anspach y fonda, en 1686, une 
colonie industrielle pourvue de deux pasteurs, Bibotier et Martel. 

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des emigres, leur promettant des subsides, si elles consen- 
taient a hiverner les faibles et les malades. Pendant I'hiver 
de 1693 k 1694, Mirmand s'eflfor9a de faire face aux besoins 
argents que cr^ait cette station. II n'y avait guere d'autres 
ressources que Targent envoys de Geneve par M^ Bibault, 
pour faire vivre les FranQais sortis de cette ville, et la somme 
de 241 livres sterling que Mirmand avait re9ue de Londres, 
pour les refugi^s qui s'arr^teraient dans les deux colonies. 

Lies lettres que Martel, ministre a Schwabach, et le con- 
sistoire d'Erlangen adressent i Mirmand pendant cet hiver 
presentent un tableau saisissant de la misere de ces caravanes. 
Martel lui ecrit le 17 d^cembre 1693 : ** Pour ce qui regarde 
Tetat de nos pauvres refugi^s de Genfeve et de Suisse, je parle 
des nouveaux, il est fort deplorable. . . . L'Eglise d'Er- 
langen y a mis son petit fonds. Si la saison eut perrais la 
continuation du passage, nous ne pouvions plus subsister. 
Dans le grand nombre de ceux qui passent, plusieurs, fatigues 
et harasses, tombent malades a Schwabach, qui est leur 
premifere station." 

Martel lui envoie le r61e des So personnes venues de 
Geneve et de Suisse, qui y passerent Thiver, avec Tindication 
de leurs noms, positions et metiers. Un certain nombre de 
ces families et des principales se disposent k partir en fevrier 
pour rirlande, ainsi : M^^ de Moissel, de la Eoche, ministre, 
et sa famille, Hurand et sa famille, et quantite d'autres. 

Le consistoire d'Erlangen 6crit k la date du 4 Janvier 1694 : 
*' Figurez-vous un grand nombre de rais^rables accables de 
pauvrete, de misere, de maladie, de froid et de nudite, et vous 
vous ferez un veritable portrait des tristes objets qui sont 
tons les jours exposes a nos yeux ". Le consistoire est en 
deficit ; quoiqu'il ait d6ja re^-u k cette date pr^s de 1600 
livres, il demande des fonds. Le 18 fevrier, malgre Tenvoi 
de 200 ecus fait par Mirmand, la situation est la m^me : 
** Envoyez-nous de I'argent au plus vite, et plus qu'avant, 
parcequ*il nous faut acheminer ces emigres au mois de mars, 
et leur donner de Targent pour aller en HoUande ". Le 3 
mai, apres le depart des valides, il est reste a Erlangen les 
vieillards, les malades et les orphelins. II faut donner 
chaque jour du bouillon k 20 ou 25 malades dissemin^s 
partout. D'autres pourraient partir qui ne veulent pas s'y 
resoudre ; il a fallu diminuer leur ordinaire pour les y obliger. 
Les Fran9ais venus de Suisse ne comprennent pas qu'il leur 
faut aller plus loin, et qu'Erlangen ne pent pas les nourrir. 
lis sont impatients, ils croient que le roi d'Angleterre a 

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envoye beaucoup d'argent pour les faire vivre, et ils veulent 
en avoir leur part. Les manufactures vont mal. *' L'avenir 
nous etonne ! " — et comme refrain : " Envoyez-nous <le I'ar- 
<:jent ! '* Le 29 mai, m^me situation : '* il arrive chaque jonr 
de nouveaux venus auxquels tout manque, et il faut tout leur 
donner". Ceux qui ont des petits en f ants ne veulent pas 
aller plus loin; **il8 disent qu*ils aiment mieux moiirir ici 
qu'ailleurs. Dieu veuille avoir pitie de nous et de nos frert"^ 
souffrants ! " . . . Et les ressources dont disposait Mirniand 
6taient presque epuis^es. II avait envoys pendant ce ternble 
hiver environ quatre mille livres a Erlangen, trop au pv 
d'Arzeliers, auquel il repond : " Que faire quand un consis- 
toire s'adresse a moi toujours en corps, il faut bien le croire 
et Tassister ". II compte apporter en Suisse les quittances 
de cette argent, et les remettre k I'envoye d'Angleterre, pour 
sa decharge.^ 

Le nombre total des refugies qui quitterent Geneve et la 
Suisse en 1693-94 n'est pas connu. D'apres les documents 
que nous avons entre les mains, il est permis de I'estimer a 
deux ou trois mille personnes.^ 

V. — Derniers renseignements sur le projet b'Irlande, 


Mirmand nous a laisse un expose du projet d'Irlande, dans 
une lettre k M^ du Collet, mars 1694.'^ II raconte son origine. 
la suite des n^gociations, les causes de son echec ; nous y 
releverons ceci : c*est la penurie ou se trouvait le comite de 
Dublin, etabli pour les colonies. II se plaignait qu'on ne lui 
avait rien envoy^ des vingt mille livres sterling attribuees aux 
colons fran9ais en Irlande, fait confirme par le protocole du 
conseil prive d'Irlande du 5 mars 1693-94. Le conseil est im- 
puissant k agir sans argent, dit le protocole ; plusieurs centaines 
de personnes sont arrivees, il en viendra encore d'autres. Ces 
gens seraient morts de faim si le gouvemement d Irlande ne 
les avait assist^s, mais sa penurie est telle qu'il ne pent suflSre 
a une semblable depense, encore moins s*y engager pour 

» 0. C. Rcc. et M6m., T. S., No. 17, pp. 171, 176. Comptes de ^lirmand 
et re^us du Consistoire d'Erlangen. 

Ibid., p. 139. Lettre de Martel, apostillee par Mirmand. 

Ibid., pp. 147, 161, 169, 163. Consistoire d'Erlangen k Mirmand. 

* F. de Schickler, *' Essai sur les Eglises du refuge ". II parle d'un premier 
depart g^n^ral qui eut lieu en 1694. 

3 C. C. Rec. et M6m., T. 0., No. 17. Mirmand & du Collet, probablemem 
un pasteur etabli dans le nord de TAllemagne, avec sa colonic. 

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Tavenir.^ Si le roi voulait trouver de I'argent pour etablir 
lea r6fugies en Irlande, dit encore Mirmand, a du Collet, il ne 
pourrait Je faire, en quelque sorte, qu'en vendant ses joyaux. 

Charles de Sailly ecrit de Londres a Mirmand, a la date 
du 15 avril 1695 : " L'etat des refugi^s (venus de Suisse) est 
fort triste ; ils se sont vus, pour ainsi dire, abandonnes, et ils 
ont adress6 un manifeste pressant au parlement anglais, apres 
avoir echoue a la cour". Ce manifeste ayant ete presente 
par un rapporteur habile qui a su faire valoir leurs besoins et 
toutes leurs raisons, on convint qu'il etait juste de faire quel- 
que chose pour eux, et d'en prendre soin, sur quoi les refugies 
firent une adresse au roi. La cour et le parlement paraissent 
leur 6tre favorables, on espere obtenir des secours pour les 
faire subsister. Le roi a ordonne a la tresorerie de chercher 
un fonds pour les refugies, mais si la chose n'est pas expedite 
avant son depart, tout pourrait encore etre perdu et abaii- 

Quant a Tancien projet d'Irlande, on ignorait k Londres 
s'il pourrait encore s'executer ; voici ce qu'en pense Sailly : 
" Pour rirlande, on nous flatte aussi de quelque bou dessein, 
mais je ne vols pas quand il pourra s'executer, ni comment. 
Le roi m'a fait dire par Lord Godolphin qu'il veut que j'y 
retourne, mais cela ne suffit pas ; je ne puis pas aller sans 
ma famille, et je ne serai pas si imprudent que de I'y mener, 
sans savoir qu'y faire, comme Ty entretenir, et quelle re- 
ponse porter au Lord-Justice et a nos gens ; ce que j'ai dit 
et donne par ecrit au roi, qui lui a ete lu dans son conseil, 
avec quelques expedients et moyens pour avancer le vieux 
projet, le faciliter et executer ; mais tout cela est reste a la 
Tresorerie, et je n*ai encore pu savoir les resolutions du roi." 

Lord Godolphin se borna a donner a Sailly quelqu*argent 
dont il se servait pour continuer ses soUicitations a Londres, 
et pour retourner en Hollande, si elles ne devaient pas aboutir. 

VI. — Reprise du projet dIrlande, 1698. 

La paix de Eyswick avait ete signee en septembre et 
octobre 1697, les puissances etaient lasses de la guerre, les 
peuples etaient ^puises. Louis XIV, malgr^ son desir de 
replacer Jacques II sur le tr6ne d*Angleterre, fut oblige de 
reconnaltre la royaute de Guillaume III, et d'abandonner 
toutes ses conqu^tes. En revanche, il fut inexorable a I'en- 
droit des refugies, qui lui adressferent vainement des supplica- 

' Record Office de Londres. From the Privy Council of Ireland. 

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tions,^ pour pouvoir rentrer dans leur patrie, avec le droit d y 
exercer leur religion, en toute soumission vis-i-vis de lenr 
souverain. L'espoir qu'ils avait conserve jusqu'alors leur fut 
enleve, il fallut reprendre le b&ton de Texil. 

Bien plus, par le traite malheureux que Louis XIV con- 
clut avec le due de Savoie, 2883 Pi^montais, passes sous la 
domination du roi de France, furent expuls^s de leurs Valines, 
ayant sept ministres a leur tete, et coinme chef, leur pasteur 
et colonel Arnaud, le heros de la Glorieuse RentrSe des Vattdois 
en 1689. Dans I'ete de 1698, cette troupe fut accueillie 
charitablement par la Suisse, qui se chargea de son entretien 
durant I'hiver suivant, malgr6 les nombreux r^fugi^s qu'elle 
avait sur le bras ; car les vides qu'avait laisses le depart de 
1694, se comblaient par les fugitifs qui ne cessaient de 
sortir de France. La situation empirait chaque jour, gr&ce 
a repuisement des ressources que les premiers arrivants 
avaient emportees avec eux, et qui les avaient fait vivre jus- 
qu'alors, de telle sorte qu'une nouvelle emigration s'imposait. 

Mirmand n'avait point renonce au projet d'Irlande de 
1693 ; il esp^rait le reprendre avec succes, une fois la paix 
signee. Deji en fevrier 1697, lorsque Galway, ramenant ses 
troupes du Piemont aux Pays-Bas, vint le visiter a Wesel, 
ils durent en reparler ; preuve en est la lettre que Galway, a 
peine installe a Dublin, adressa le 9-19 mars a Valkenier, a 
Zurich : " Je ne doute pas, lui dit-il, d'etre de quelqu'utilite 
en Irlande a nos pauvres refugies ; mais il ne faut pas en- 
voyer de nouveaux botes que nous ne soyons en etat de les 
recevoir, de peur qu'ils ne doivent s'en retourner, comme il 
arriva, il y a trois ans, a ceux qui se hA-terent trop *\* Mais, 
pendant I'annee qu'il passa en Irlande, de 1697 k 1698, 
Galway avait vu de pres Tetat des choses, et mieux appr6ci6 
les conditions d'etablissement en ce pa