Full text of "Proceedings - International Congress of Americanists"

See other formats

THE J. PAUL GETTY MUSEUM LIBRARY

OUINZIEME SESSION

Congres International des Americanistes

QUEBEC, 1906

Cong res International

des

•AMERICANISTBS

XVe SESSION

T E X U E A QUEBEC EN I 9 O 6

TOMK II

QUEBEC 1906

KRAUS REPRINT

Nendeln/Liechtenstein

1968

Reprinted by permission of the
INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF AMERICANISTS

a Division of

KRAUS-THOMSON ORGANIZATION LIMITED

Nendeln /Liechtenstein

1968

Printed in Germany
Lessingdruckerei in Wiesbaden

GETTY CENT

H •- •

NOTES ON THE TINNEH TRIBE

OF ANVIK, ALASKA

by Rev. John W. Chapman (i)

TRADITIONS

THE ESCAPE OF TWO BOYS

Two boys were shooting with the bow and arrow, and an
arrow of one of them was lost. And they hunted for it, and saw
a house ; and went up upon the top (and looked down through
the smoke hole). Lo, down (on the floor there was a large bowl
containing ice cream. And they went in and ate it. Then one
hid under a stone, and the other under a log used as a pillow,
and there they lay. Then (a woman) came shuffling in, and
gave the bowl a kick. Who ate what was in you ? said she.
Right there is one of them, under the stone, and the other is
under the pillow, said she. And she swallowed them, and
there they were in her stomach. And one of them took out a
little knife and the other produced a whetstone, and then they
cut open her stomach and jumped out.

(i) The following material was collected at my suggestion by the author,
who is stationed as a missionary at Anvik. The specimens here represented
are in the American Museum of Natural History, New- York. The author
collected a number o\ traditions, some of which were printed in the journal
of American Folklore, 1903, pp. 180-185, while additional ones form the
first part of this paper, the rest being taken up with description- of customs
and ceremonials. — Franz Boas.

1 *

S NOTES OX THE TINNEH TRIBE

2. HOW THE RAVEN BROUGHT LIGHT, TO HIS OWN PEOPLE.

Once upon a time, they say, there was a great village. A
large village, where there were many people. There was a
beautiful woman, very, so they say, who could not be prevailed
upon to marry. Her father, they say, was very rich: a rich
man, whose daughter it was who would not marry. AH the men
of the village did their best to get her. Some of them brought
wood and put it on the house. Out runs the girl. What are
they doing this for, she says, and throws it down the bank and
aoes in a^ain. All the men did the I'd-like-to-get-I'd-like-to-
be-the-one-to-get-act, but in vain. Part of them also set her
father's fish traps for him, but no ! Enough of her, said the
people of that village. We made too bad a failure of trying for
her, they said. At length they took other women, even the
homely ones.

And people from other villages came to see her also, but it
was of no use at all. Some of them went after deer ; but, no !
The villagers gave her up, saying, Enough ! Still the people
from the villages up the river and down came to see her saying,
I would like to be the one to get her, but in vain. Then they
said, Enough. The people out on the coast, too, came to see
her, and by-and-by they too said, Enough. Now, down in a
kashime, beside the path, lay Raven-man : and he, Raven, sets
his wits at work in the darkness. All night long he lies awake
making plans. I believe that I will try too, bethinks. Mean-
while, it was dark while they were doing these things.

Then he went out, and he did travel. Though it was
dark, very dark, and there was neither sun nor moon but only
darkness, yet he went on. When he was tired he travelled both
as a man and a raven. When his wings become painful he
turns into a man, and when his legs hurt him takes to his wings.

By-and-by he perceived that it grew a little light, as though
dawn were approaching, and at last it became as light as day,
and as Ik- flew he saw a large village where there were many
people, and where it was light. Then, not far from the village,
he turned into a man, and went toward the village. He went
among the men, but there were so manv of them that they were
not aware of his presence. The people of that village took no

OF ANY IK, ALASKA 9

notice of him. Meanwhile, yonder is a great kashime with a
large house standing beside it, over which a pole was set up,
having a wolverine and a wolf at the end, like a vane.

Thinks the Raven, Only women who don't want to marrv
live in houses like that. In that house, thinks he, there is a
dont-want-to-marry living ; because, thinks he, at my village,
too, the women who refuse to marry have houses like that. He
went up to it and stood looking it over, and there came out many
people going about their work and among them a woman -such
a beautiful woman - who went to get some water, wearing a
parka made of marten skins alone, with a ruff of deer fur of
irreat length.

There, thought he, is the very one who refuses to marry.
He considered what course to take with her ; meanwhile the
woman went down to get the water.

At the door of their house hangs a mat of grass. The
woman is gone out of sight, down the bank. Meanwhile he
ran hastily to the doorway and became a spruce-needle and fell
into the meshes of the mat in the shape of a spruce needle.
There he remains just so, and the woman approached the house
to go in, bringing water and carrying on one side a small
wooden pail of water. She lifted the mat and the spruce needle
fell into the water. With it, floating in the water, she reentered
the house. I will drink some water, she said, and she drank
some, and with it she swallowed the spruce needle. LJgh ! she
said. My throat hurts inside. I swallowed some grass with it,
she said. Her mother said : You should have looked into it.
Is it worse ? Why, no, she said, it is only a little piece of grass.

The next day, just at dawn, she went to speak to her
mother. Mamma, she said, what ails me? I am sure that my
belly is larger than usual. What should make it, said her
mother. You are sick perhaps. No, said she, I'm not sick,
but my belly is large. The next dav she went again to speak
to her mother. Mamma, she said, so thev say ; there is some-
thing moving here at my belly, like a little fish ; please, said
she, feel my belly here. Then she felt her belly. My
daughter, said she, what is the matter with you ? You are just
as we are when we are with child, she said, being frightened.
Why, if there have been no men with you, how is it that you

IO NOTES ON THE TINNEH TRIBE '

are in this condition? Why, only women who have husbands
arc like this, said her mother, in her fright. There is no help
tor it. .she said, and when she felt her belly the child moved.
That can be nothing but a child, she said. Then, soon she
became sick, and then her mother spoke to her. You have not
played with the boys, yet you are in this way, she said.

So then that child was born, and it was a boy, resembling
a little raven. They washed him and put on him a nice parka.
And he stares with great eyes. He looks all around, and
behind his grand father there hangs something which gives a
great light. What a great light there is from that shining thing
hanging there !

His grandfather and grandmother cared for him, going
without sleep, feeding him on deer fat only. Not only that, but the
grid's many older brothers and sisters took care of him too — that
little raven. He crept, then he walked, and he cried incessantly,
that child. What is that bawler getting at? said his grand-
father, and all his relatives said the same thing. Perhaps he
has got sick, they said — so they say. Often he pointed earnestly
toward the shining thing. Perhaps he is saying that he wants
that, they said. Put it near him, they said. He just wants to
see it, they said. And they took it and gave it to him and he
stopped crying right off. At length he became quite large, and
they gave it to him sometimes and then put it back in its place.

By and by he went out of doors, and whenever he came in
how he cried for that thing, and they gave it to him. Even
when he was very large, he still cried for it. Go on ; put it on
my neck, he said. Make a string for it ; it will be here on my
breast, he said. They put it on his neck, and he wore it at his
breast and went out with it, and ran back into the woods, under
the bushes.

I hope they will forget me : perhaps they will not look tor
me, he thinks. He flew with that big shining thing to his
village, when he is tired he flies, and when his wings are tired
he walks, and at last, he reaches home (').

0 ) Told by Simon's mother, who claims it has an Ingilik story. Nelson
has one evidently of the same origin.

OF ANVIK, ALASKA I I

3. — THE WOLVERINE AND HER BROTHERS

Once there was a little village in the mountains, where there
lived a single family of five brothers and their little sister. Thev
got their living by hunting deer alone. Thev knew nothing of
fishing, for they were wolf-men.

Outside the house were frames covered with numbers of
deerskins — they killed so many ; and their diet was entirely of
deer meat. Their sister, meanwhile, grew up to be a large girl
and at length she came to the age of maturity. Her brothers
then said to her : Now, whenever we go hunting, do thou not
leave the house : while we are here walk around outside, and
fetch the water also. Listen, Tduitdjyak, and when we are
gone, said they, do not walk about outside ; for it was the season
of her seclusion.

At length it came on cold weather. All winter long thev
lay these commands upon her, and the girl began to puzzle over
it. Why do my brothers say this to me? she thought. Thev
always tell me this, — I wonder what will happen to me if I go
outside, she thought. They tell me every dav, thought she ;
sometime, she said to herself, 1 will go out. One day, her
brothers went away as usual. After she had sewed a while she
put her work down and went out. She went a little distance
and came back to the house. Well, she thought, I've been out,
and I'm all right yet. She went in and sat down, but presentlv
she got up again and went out, and stood listening. Awav in
the distance she heard someone singing, and she turned back
into the house. This is the reason, then, that my brothers told
me this, she thought, and her heart bounded fiercelv, because
she was afraid.

Again she went out and listened. There zvas singing, and
she heard her own name. Tduitdjyak, come ! go into the
house, she heard. Immediatelv she went to the cache, where
there were wolverine skins tied in bundles. She caught up man v
of the bundles and searched through them until she found an
especially fine one with long fur. The white parts were also
fine. This she took into the house, and wet it with hot water
and stretched it, and again she went out. When she had gone

12 NOTES ON THE TINNEH TRIBE

out, she looked up the path that her brothers had made, and saw
five wolves. They were sitting down, and they sang,

A-yeq-ya ya-yaq-ya ho !
Tduitdjyak, s^o in !
A-yeq-ya ya-yaq-ya ho !

She ran in, frightened, and put on the wolverine skin, as
though it were a parka, she stretched it tight around herself, but
it was too short to meet at the throat, and she searched through
tier workbag and found a striped piece which she sewed on and
when she had done this she pulled it together and it was large
enough. Again she looked through her workbag, and she found
some line wolverine teeth and fitted them into her mouth.

She took off the wolverine parka, teeth and all, and ran out.
She went out, and there, close by, were the wolves coming.
When they saw her they sat down and began to sing again,

A-yeq-ya ya-yaq-ya ho.

Tduitdjyak, go in.
A-yeq-ya ya-yaq-ya ho.

She ran into the house and put on the wolverine parka, and
put the teeth into her mouth, you may be sure, and then around
and around inside the house she ran in the shape of a wolverine.
The wolves rushed up to the top of the house and tore off the
curtain with their teeth, while the girl kept on running around
inside, as a wolverine. Finally she dashed out, through the
pack, and ran up the path while they stood looking at her. Then
they started in chase and gave her a close brush, while she
bounded along in her fright. Now thev have almost overtaken
her ; hut there stands a spruce tree by the side of the path — a
big one.

She made a catch and climbed up. There was nothing for
them to do but to circle around underneath, looking up at her.
She pushed back the hood of her parka. My brothers, said she,
after this, when you get any deer, wont you please leave the
choice inside hits for me ! After a while they left her, and then
she too came dow n and went away.

OF ANY'IK, ALASKA I 3

NOTES ON SHAMANISM

(information obtained May 5th iqo} from Simon's Mother
Geo. Yen and Isaac Fisher.)

The intimation that a person is a shaman comes to him in
dreams. He sees grotesque faces and hears songs, which he is
able to reproduce when he is awake. Thus the Shamanisht
principle resides in the community at large, and explains a
remark that was made to me long ago, to the effect that thev all
practised shamanism a little.

If the individual has a peculiar aptitude, these visions
continue, and he finally passes under the control of an outside
influence. He may pass a night or two, or a whole summer
in the woods, and may fast for several days together.

Meanwhile, his condition becomes the subject of general
comment.

He offers proof of the possession of extraordinary powers.
There is an impression current at present that the faculty is on
the wane. Of old, shamans were able to cause those who were
not so gifted to see fish swimming in their wooden bowls, or to
show to those who looked into the palms of their hands the
appearance of diminutive reindeer or other animals.

Now, they cause themselves to be bound hand and foot,
and being left alone a little while in the Kashime, they soon
appear unbound.

Some are invulnerable, allowing themselves to be shot, at
close range ; others put a running noose around the neck,
protecting the skin with a towel, and when several men get
hold of the rope and pull against two or three others, who have
hold of his hair, the noose appears to come through the neck,
and falls to the ground with the towel encircled by the loop.

There are accounts of some who have been dropped into a
large vessel of boiling water, and of others who have had their
heads cut off, in order that they might reappear in some
unexpected place. Their character as shamans having been
established, their life henceforth is not free from anxiety. The
craft is by no means a brotherhood. Rival shamans stir up

I_j. NOTES ON THE TINNEH TRIBE

hostile spirits, who make war upon some particular object of
their jealousy. His children languish and die. It is the
common belief that a shaman cannot escape the loss of his
family. His own life is in danger from these evil influences.
I le hates the rival who has caused the death of his relatives, and
" makes medicine » to pay them back in kind.

The Shaman, beside his ordinary relations to the community
as the guardian of the public health, has other, special functions.
One of these is to determine how many days the body of a
deceased person shall remain unburied.

The spirit is not supposed to leave the body immediately.
If the body is taken out of doors, the spirit is liable to escape
prematurely, and entering into two or three of the people of the
community, to be the means of causing their death. At the
proper time, the shaman gives the body a slight blow with his
hand, and takes away the spirit, which he deposits in some safe
place for a few daws, until he finally causes it to go into the
person o\ some individual for whom it is destined, and to whom
it causes no harm.

The final destination of the spirits of the shamans them-
selves is downwards, into the had water. " My informants
could give me no more particular information on this point.

There is a belief that the souls of the dead go to a large
village near the sources of the Yukon. It is a " happv hunting
ground. ■ There seems to be no idea of ordinary offences
against others preventing anyone obtaining an entrance there,
but there is a separate place for those who have hanged them-
selves, where their bodies are still suspended and are blown
about in the wind, which rages unceasingly. There is also
a third place lor the souls oi those who have been killed,
whether by accident or otherwise.

The souls of the shamans seem to have no portion with
any of the rest.

There is a feast, called Giyema, or " Masks ", which is the
especial least of the shamans, but which is no longer practiced
here. 'The grotesque masks used at this feast were probably
used io represent the faces which the shaman sees when he is
undergoing his novitiate, and the songs are those which he
then heard, and are not sung by the people generally.

OF ANVIK, ALASKA 1 5

It is generally acknowledged that the power of the shamans
does not extend to white men. The answer to the question why
this is so, disclosed a good deal of logical consistency. Disease
is regarded as a matter of spiritual influence, and white men are
believed not to have souls.

Ill
CEREMONIES

I inquired from an old shaman in regard to the festivals of
the tribe and found that almost all the customs contained in Mr.
Nelson's report on the various Eskimo were used here also. The
Doll festival (p. 494) exactly corresponds to a festival that was
formerlv celebrated here. Remarks regarding the skins of
masks (Nelson, p. 293) apply also to this region, so far as my
information jjoes. I showed to the natives the illustrations of
masks published in Nelson's Report. They had no explana-
tions for most of the masks, but commented upon some of them.

Plate xcvii, facing p. 401. The mask represents the think-
ing spirit of the father of the seal tribe. The square hole in the
forehead is the place where the seals go down in the Fall. In
the Spring, they come up through the same hole. They then
dive down through the various holes on the side toward the
right, and come up through the holes on the other side and
swim to the shore, where two of them are represented as lying.

Plate xcix, facing p. 406. Fig. 2 represents a bubble in
the ice.

Plate c, facing p. 508, fig. 3, represents the spirit of a losh,
a fresh water fish similar in' appearance to a codfish.

Plate cii, facing page 412. The difference in color of the
wolves, as he also called them, he says to be only on account
of the natural differences in color which are observed.

The three feasts of Dolls, Animals' Souls and Masks,
which I name in the order of their solemnity, seem to have been
the principal religious festivals here. A festival is also usually
observed in honor of the dead, but as I have observed, it is
given by any individual who has lost a relative during the year,

l6 NOTES ON TIIK TINNKH TRIBE

and is disposed to make a feast in consequence. (Given 1895).
The festival of Dolls and that of Animals' Souls are no longer
observed here. The festival of Animals' Souls is still observed
upon the Chageluk, and possibly that of the Dolls also, but
I have heard nothing of it.

I am disposed to think that the three feasts which I have
named are borrowed from the Eskimo ; for they are not kept on
the Innoko River or on the Yukon above this place, as I am
told. This eould hardlv be the case if they had come down the
Yukon instead of coming up from the coast. On the Kuskokwim
River, above Kolmakofsky, 1 know by personal observation
that the men are Ingilik, speaking a dialect so nearly like that
of Anvik that 1 can converse with them more easily than I can
with the Innoko and Nulato people, who are also Ingilik. The
women of that part of the Kuskokwim are commonly natives of
the lower Kuskokwim, and" it seemed to me that Eskimo language
was more often used in the household than the Ingilik. This
was true several years ago on the Kuskokwim from Kolmakof-
skv to Yinisale, lat. 62 N., where the Kuskokwim makes its
great bend to the east. Above that point my own observation
does not extend ; but I have spoken with a native of those parts
who used an Ingilik dialect somewhat more difficult for me to
understand than the other.

IV
NOTES OX THE FESTIVAL OF MASKS

This was a representation of the ancient feast, made at
Anvik, Alaska, Feb. 24, 1905.

The purpose of the feast was a thanksgiving for abundance
o\ fish and game, with the intention of securing a further supply,
by showing gratitude to the thinking spirits of the animals.
The purpose of the festival is achieved primarily by making
masks representing the various spirits, and figures of the
animals which correspond to them, attached to the masks, and
by composing songs in their honor, which are sung by dancers
wearing the masks ; also by the exhibition of certain insignia

OF ANVIK, ALASKA I 7

which go with the masks which are essential to the feast.
Other masks not essential are worn bv dancers who entertain
the company in separate acts. The secondary purpose of the
festival — that of entertainment — is probably quite as important
in the minds of the people as the first reason.

There were seven dances, of which the first and third only
are considered essential. These occupied the same place on
the night of the festival, and at a rehearsal given the night
before. The other dances seemed merely to serve for entertain-
ment, and their order at the festival and at the rehearsal was
slightly different.

The order of the rehearsal was as follows :

I. — (essential) Qwodihlel--a dance of animals ; in this
instance of otters.

II. — Tritdoxodiinihlnegi (connected with IV); not essential,
but a favorite dance.

III. — Detdo (essential) — a fish dance, in this instance, of
Silver Salmon and Gull masks.

IV. — Tritdoxodunihlnegi — another mask, one of a pair
with II.

V. — Gidihlnifi — the Ruffed Grouse.

VI. — Nokaihlon, — The Woman.

VII.— Denna— The Man.

There is some doubt as to the exact order on the nii^ht of
the festival, and the description is therefore given in the order
of the rehearsal, which is certain.

The men of the village were not able to invite the people
of a neighboring village, as they desired to do, on account of
the danger of infection from diphtheria. They therefore divided
themselves into two parties, one of which gave the festival in
honor of the other.

During the afternoon, the boys of the village amused
themselves in an informal way by a masked representation of
the ways of the Checharcoes, or white men who drift down
the river. I dit not witness this, but think that it could not
have been very complimentary.

Shortly after dark, at 6.30 P. M., two young men put on
messenger masks covering only the forehead and upper part of
the face, and went the round of the village, standing in front of

2 — ii

IS NOTKS ON THK TINNEH TRIBK

each door and making a signal to notify the inmates of the
house thai it was time to assemble. The signal was a peculiar
hissine sound followed by a crv. When all the village had
been notified in this manner, the messengers entered the Kashirip,
where thev saluted each other with a bow, and repeated the
imitation signal. The people then assembled, the men
occupying the shelf where they usually sit, and the women and
children sitting beneath the shelf, on the floor. Thedrums were
suspended from the roof of the Kashitiu, on the side of the room,
directly opposite the entrance and within easy reach of the
drummers who sat on the shelf in the middle of that side of the
room. A large cloth was fastened to the shelf, beneath the
drummers seats, and hung to the floor, concealing the masks,
and serving as a dressing room for some of the performers.

A prominent object in the room was a stuffed seal, having
a mask on its face, and a stick lashed to its belly, which
extended out between the fore-flippers a few inches, and had a
lighted candle on the end. This seal was suspended upon a
rope stretched taut from one side of the Kashinu to the other,
about half way between the entrance and the drummers' seats.
It was arranged to travel back and forth during the first dance,
being jerked along by strings leading to the ends of the rope,
and to turn around when it had nearlv reached either end. It
had a very comical effect as it went hitching along in time
with the measure of the song.

The Kashim was lighted bv the oil lamps usuallv set upon
the lamp stands at each side of the room, and bv a row of
toot lights, candles fastened to sticks set straight, and extending
from one lamp stand to the other, underneath the travelling
seal. The room was thus divided into two parts, the half next
the entrance being occupied bv the guests, and the half between
the footlights and the drummers' seats bv the hosts. A few
candles were stuck irregularly here and there about the room.
The illumination was hardly sufficient to overcome the gloom
of the smoke blackened interior, with its massive roof logs, or
to enable one to distinguish the features of the people ranged
on the shell in reclining or sitting positions, without some
difficulty ; but it could not have been better adapted to throw
out into strong relief the figures of the dancers and the grotesque

OF ANVIK, ALASKA

masks and weaving feathers and plumes which were attached
to the paraphernalia or held in the hands of the dancers. The
effect was heightened shadows of the dancers cast bv the foot-
lights upon the broad, tawny backs of the drums, which were
held up behind the performers and a little higher than their
heads, and were struck by slender splints across their surfaces.

I. THE OTTER DANCE

The preparations began by laying down the insignia of the
otters, a representation of a pond. This was made of two slender
strips of spruce, each about ten feet long, upon which were
inserted feathers, representing tufts of grass, and having sticks
lashed across them which were shaved, so as to represent weeds.

£^

Upon these were laid the three other masks, with the grass
circlets, about three inches in diameter, and decorated with
feathers, which were held in the hands of the dancers after the
insignia had been raised and exhibited. These things were laid
just behind the footlights. At each end of the insignia and in
front of the footlights, were placed the masks of the otter's
messengers. No circlets were placed with these, the messengers
dancing with gloves or with bare heads. The drums were
struck and the dancers came forward and assumed their masks,

20 NOTES ON THE TINNEH TRIBE

kneeling with their hacks to the spectators and making sounds
in imitation of the otter. They continued in this position for a
few moments, the song being taken up by the drummers and
others, and the volume of sound gradually increasing. No
words were distinguishable in any of the songs, yet some of
I hem have words, whose meaning can doubtless be ascertained.
The dancers soon arose and took up the insignia from the floor
and held it in front of them turning their heads from side to side,
swinging and swaying their bodies slightly as the chant went on.
Then they laid down the insignia, and took up the circlets,
which they held during the remainder of the dance. The feet
were not moved. The arms and bodies were moved in unison
with the central mask. The chant changed from time to time,
and new motives were introduced, but to the untrained eye
there was but little variety. The two messengers, facing each
other at each side o\' the group, danced in unison with the rest,
and from time to time jumped up and down and gave the
cry which is peculiar to them - -The arrangement was as follows :

DRUMS

x x x x

OTTERS
X

INSIGNIA

FOOTLIGHTS
O O O

MESSENGERS

The otter masks measure 17 inches in length, including the
tail, and 12 inches in width, not including the legs. The
corresponding measurements of the messenger mask are 10 ^
inches by 4 % inches.

The color of the tail, legs, and upper part of the otter mask
is dark drab, to represent the coat of the otter. That of the face
is white, to represent the color of the belly, and that of the chin
is red, to represent the flesh. The feathers are only for orna-
ment. The spectacles are said to represent natural marks.
The face is supposed to represent the thinking spirit. The
messenger is colored blue, but it was explained that this was

Messenger mask

Otter Mask

NOTES ON I1IK TINNEH TRIBK

only because the drab color gave out. The chin of the face is
colored red.

Grass Circlet

Messenger Mask

OF ANVIK, ALASKA 2

-O

2 — TRITDOXODl'NIHLNHGI

This mask is 13 *j " x 6I_> " and with Xo. IV illustrates a
story of two men of whom the present subject was the less repre-
hensible.

The two were cousins, living near each other. The other
(No. IV) lived upon the top of a mountain, and this one at the
foot. Their mothers were cannibals. The sons attracted passers-
by their dancing", or at least No. IV did so, and when thev had
caught them, their mother ate them. For some unexplained
reason, No. II preferred plainer diet, in token of which his mouth
has a squirrel skin stuffed into it, and his insignia is a stuffed
mink, which he exhibits before he takes the circlets. He, and
every other single performer, is supported bv a female dancer
on either side, of whom the one on his right had linger masks
ornamented with deer's hair plumes, and the other a pair, orna-
mented with feathers. These circlets, or finger masks are ^'_.
inches in diameter. The deer fur, from underneath the throat,
is 8 inches long. In this dance, the central mask moved from

one of the women to the other, stretching out his arms toward
them, and then receding. The coloring of this mask is drab
and white.

3.— -THE DANCE OF THE SILVER SALMONS .\XD THE GILLS.

This dance was taken bv a mask personating the thinking
spirit of the Silver Salmon, with small figures of silver salmon
suspended in holes cut through the mask, and surrounding the
face in the centre, of which is said to be that of the father of
all the Silver Salmon tribe. This spirit is said to laid the tribe
on its annual migration, going before the bodv to which it
belongs, and which seems to be called its canoe. When the
tribe reach the bad waters of the rivers, thev leave their canoes
on the bars and shores of the river and go bv land over the
mountains, to return next year.

The insignia are a wooden silver salmon and a wooden dog
salmon. These are represented in a kind of cage, surrounding
each, and symbolizing water. The large body of the silver
salmon was hollowed out and the sides were pierced with holes,
2 *

NOTES ON THE TINNEH TRIBE

through which the light of a candle shone. The body was
painted blue above and white below. The body of the dog
salmon was much smaller, and was not painted, but a bit of
candle was placed upon its back, where it set fire to the feathers
with which the highly conventionalized water was decorated.

The central mask was supported on each side by a woman
dancer. These women helped to hold up and exhibit the insi-
gnia. On the extreme wings were two white gull masks. These
had as insignia the frames of dip nets, with small wooden fish
depending from them. The insignia were 39 inches long, and
wire ornamented with feathers. The Silver Salmon spirit had
his messengers also, who danced in the same place as the
messengers in No. I, making seven dancers in all in this number.
The dance was on the same lines as No. I. The exhibition of
the Insignia was followed by the dance with circlets and finger
masks.

Messenger mask

Silver Salmon Spirit

Insignia

NOTES ON THE TINNEH TRIBE

This mask measures iS '_. inches high by 22^ inches wide,
to the outside of the framework. The ground is white. The
face of the spirit is painted dark hlue above, to represent the
color of the salmon's back, and white beneath to represent the
color of the belly. It is surrounded with a ring of red, and the
lips and throat are also painted red, to suggest the flesh. The
figures of salmon suspended, in the holes are also painted blue
above, and over the whole oi the head. The rim surrounding
the white ground is red and represents the shore line. The
outside rim, held in place by lashings and ornamented with
white feathers, represents water, and the feathers, represent
white capped waves. The mask is made from two boards, held
together by lashings of spruce roots.

dull mask

The messenger masks were colored in blue and white bands,
and the midrib was colored red. Two owl's or hawk's feathers
completed the decoration.

OF ANVIK, ALASKA

Insignia

The Gull mask measures 15 inches in height, from breast
to tail, and 22 inches from tip to tip of the wings. The color is
white, with dark tips to the wings, and the. face is red. A fish
depends from the bill.

4. THE SIREN

This is the companion to II, and as in that number, he is
supported by two female dancers. He bears a staff, having a
small figureof a marten perched on the handle, and a rabbit skin
dangling from the middle. He gives a crv, which is not exactlv
alluring, which seems to be traditional.

His motions toward the women dancers are considerably
more energetic than those of No. II, and are said to signify his
horrible determination to catch them for dinner. They manifest
no alarm. Then he throws down his staff and takes up the
circlets, he is said to have reached the edge of the mountain on
which he lives. The significance ot this is not made clear.

Mask of the Siren

Staff of the Siren

NOTES ON THE TINNEH TRIBE OF ANVIK, ALASKA 20,

This mask measures about 20 inches in length. The fore-
head is painted drab, with light spots, and the rest of the face is
white. A red ring encircles the mouth, and a large bead hanging
from the nose, and a wooden earring, complete the captivating
effect.

Grouse Mask

THE RUFFLED GROUSE

This was a capital representation of the motions of a grouse
when drumming, done by a performer on his knees. There
were two women supports, and a clown, in grotesque mask, who
crept out behind the chief performer and imitated his actions.
There were no insignia to this or the two following pieces.

The colors of this mask are drab and white. The length
of the mask, including tail, is 18 inches.

NOTES ON THK TINNKH TRIBE

The Old Woman

6. - - THE OLD WOMAN

This part was taken by a man, in a woman's parka. The
expression of affeetation made the representation very ludicrous.
There were two female supports.

7. -- THE OLD MAN

This was another sketch of the same kind, but played by
two characters. The man is represented as sitting down to sleep
on a roll of blankets. He turns first to. one side, then to the
other, and finally appears to be going to sleep ; but he is rest-
less and soon stirs. Then a bad dream appears, in the shape
ot a man with a grotesque face. The dreamer tries to drive him
away, but he goes only to return, and at last settles down on the
pillow, while the sleeper's back is turned.

OF ANVIK, ALASKA

Tlie Old Man

When he discovers
him he makes a more
determined pass at him,
and the dream finally
disappears. All these mo-
tions are done to the time
of the chant.

Xo mention has been
made of two recesses,
during which presents
were made. The first
followed part III. The
hosts then brought in
three huge wooden bowls
of native ice cream, and a
quantity of dry fish, which they distributed to the guests. The
second came between parts VI and VII, and disclosed an
interesting custom, that of presenting children to the people.

The dreamer

32 NOTES (IN THE TINNEH TRIBE

Three men brought forward their little children who had never
been formally presented, and let them stand facing the people
for a few moments. One man, besides his little daughter,
brought forward a young woman, the daughter of a woman
whom he had recently married, and placed her with the child,
standing upon a couple of deerskins.

Another man, who had lost a child, brought forward a
young woman, to represent her. In this manner they said
they declared their love for the ones wrho were presented.

This ceremony was followed by the distribution of a number
oi~ deerskins, seal hides, fish, and a quantity of cloth. The
cloth was estimated and torn up into pieces of equal length, and
the distribution seemed to be a very even one. One or two men
who were sick, and not able to be present, were provided for in
the distribution.

The whole entertainment occupied something over three
hours.

V
POTLATCH DANCE AND FEAST

One village invites another. Two young men are provided
with parkas, boots and mittens, and are given the invitation
sticks and sent as messengers. The sticks are tied together by
a thong, and taken in charge by one of the messengers. When
they reach the village to which thev are sent, the thong is cut
and each takes one o\ the sticks. They enter the Kashinu and
take the seats reserved for such messengers (n-tu-chl-un), on
either side of the entrance. They give the invitation and offer
the sticks. If the\' are taken it signifies an acceptance of the
invitation. The messengers then ask for the customary presents
to be brought to the feast : a bear skin, for the entrance to the
Kashinu, a curtain of seal intestines, for the smoke-hole, and
perhaps other things. If this invitation is accepted they tell the
guests what articles the host desire them to bring with them, for
exchange as seal skins, reindeer skins, guns, cloth, or whatever
may have been agreed upon.

Oul- oi~ the messengers remains with the guests who have

OF ANVIK, ALASKA 33

accepted the invitation. The invitation sticks are left with the
invited guests. The other messenger returns, to take word of
the acceptance, and to tell certain individuals among the hosts
that thev are expected to have ready certain specified articles for
exchange with men among the guests with whom, by permanent
arrangement thev are paired. A man's mate is called (vwunu-
k'adu). It is interesting to note that the function of (vwunuk'adti)
is hereditary — a man in one village may have one or several in
another village, and the function may descend to a daughter as
well as to a son. What will be given in return is not specified ;
neither is it specified what the hosts are to return to the guests,
but it is made a point of honor that it shall be more than an
equivalent in value.

If there is too long a delav beyond the time appointed for the
feast, on the part of those invited, a messenger may be sent to
recover the invitation sticks. Then, but not until then, a new
invitation mav be issued to another village.

The messenger who remains with the guests accompanies
them when thev begin their journey, but when they have gone
about half way, he goes on ahead of them, and so gives warning
of their approach to the hosts. As they approach the village,
successive delegations are sent out to meet them. On their
arrival the guests go first to the Kashinu. There is sometimes
a reception, with dancing and chanting, but this is not always
observed. When they reach the village, there is great rejoicing,
and greetings are exchanged. Particular friends receive one
another into their house. In the evening all ensemble in the
Kashinu. Presents are exchanged, and there is feasting with
dancing and singing.

The ceremonies here are not of a business character, but are
rather in the way of reception and entertainment.

The women occupy the floor, at right and left of the
entrance. Low seats are arranged on the three sides of the pit
farthest from the door, and chief singers sit upon these, the
directors, or masters of ceremonies sitting as indicated, in the
honorable position of end men.

i° A master of the dancing, having a baton ornamented
with wolf hair.

2° Another, having a baton ornamented with deer haii

NOTES ON THE TINNEH TRIBE

The male dancer has the insignia of the wolf, and the
female dancer those of the deer.

The masters of the dancing are seated, facing the pit of the
Kashinu, which is covered over with planks, so that the floor is
level with that of the rest of the room. They are stripped to the
waist, and have strings of beads diagonally across the chest.
Thev beat time, lifting the body from the waist.

co
Q:

<
DC

h-
CO

VILLAGERS

DRUMS

o o c o

SCREEN

MALE DANCER

©-

-e-

VILLAGERS

°/

FEMALE DANCER

Strangers

to
or

LU
CD

2:
<
or

Strangers ^

The dancers are decorated with belts and headdresses, and
are clothed in their best parkas, &c. Only the upper half of the
body is supposed to be in view, the rest being screened by a mat,
to the height of about three feet. The feet are not moved in
dancing. The arms are waved, and the body is swayed, with
the head, in gestures more or less graceful, according to the
personality of the performer.

OF ANVIK, ALASKA 35

NOTES ON A POTLATCH AT ANVIK

(Feb. 17 and 18, 1903)

The following notes are from my personal observation,
supplemented by inquiries made at the time.

The guests began to arrive a little before midday, and
continued to arrive until about two o'clock. At about four, a
reception was held in the kashime, at which I was not present.
As reported, the guests were first fed with boiled fish, tea, &c.
Then there was a presentation of dry fish to the guests.

Then the hosts gave their vwunuk'adu the articles which
they had been asked to prepare for them.

They then dispersed, and went to drink tea and visit with
their friends in the village.

Shortly after dark, the Anvik people first assembled in the
kashime. At this time I was present during the whole evening.
The chorus and directors took their places. (Director, Vaqa-
ginnoutcunnuqoidal) I did not pay sufficient attention to the
opening chant to notice whether its structure was the same as
that of those which, I did observe, but I am told that it was
different. The typical structure of all the chants of this first
night, after the entrance of the guests, which was departed from
in only two of the six which I observed, was as follows.

1. — Solo, unaccompanied, short.

2. — Full chorus, introduced by three beats of the drums,
first elevated, then depressed, then elevated again, and so held
during the rest of the chorus, and beaten in 4-4 time. The
directors meanwhile beat time with their batons, which were not
only decorated with the hair of the wolf and the deer, but were
carved to represent those animals. The end of the chorus was
signified by the directors becoming vociferous, and the chant
passed into a

3. — Solo, accompanied by the drums and the encouraging
grunts of the directors.

4- — The three beats of the drums introduced the Full
Chorus.

5- — Antiphonal, without drums. The directors began,
3

36 NOTES ON THE TINNEH TRIBE

the chorus responded once, then the voices of the directors and
the chorus blended.

6. — Full Chorus.

7. — Antiphonal, as before.

8. - Full Chorus, ending with caws, in imitation of a crow.
This order was departed from in two instances. The last

chant stopped at the end of the second Full Chorus, and the last
but three added to the full order nos. 3 and 8, perhaps to give
opportunity for a dancer to finish. The dancer entered, wherv-
ever observed, during the chorus numbered 6.

The words were mostly unintelligible to me, but by inquiry
I learn that the chants which precede the entry of the guests are
different from those which come afterward, and that they consist
of an alternation of solo and chorus ; also that in all the solo
marked the 3 singer pleases his own fancy, often satirizing some
one present, whom he dislikes.

The numbers 5 and 7, on the other hand, have strictly to do
with the order of the feast. In the first chant after the entrance
of the guests, they consist of requests for the customary bear-skin
and curtain, for the kashime.

In the remaining chants, they specify the articles which are
to be furnished on the part of the guests, and of which they have
been already notified by the messengers, and which, in fact, they
have brought with them.

The general programme of the evening was as follows.

1. -Assembly of hosts in the kashime, soon after dark, at
about seven o'clock.

Singing is begun, but not the ceremonial singing of the
regular order. As already stated, it consists of alternation of
solo and chorus.

2. - - A few small presents were given out to different indi-
viduals among the hosts, bv their Vwunekhadu, who where
among the guests still remaining on the outside of the kashime.
The presents were sent in and distributed by a man designated
for the purpose, who made a short speech with each. Among
the presents were a towel, a looking-glass, a bar of lead, a red
handkerchief, &c.

3. - - Song of the guests, standing outside the door. " We
have come to— " (Different stages of the journey are named) ;

OF ANVIK, ALASKA 37

" finally we have come to Anvik. We will have rabbit soup ;
we will have tea ; we will have duck :" (Specifying the things
which the vwunukhadu had been asked to prepare for them.

4. — Entrance of the guests. They seated themselves, and
then several of them were presented with various articles of food
but not the things which they had been singing about.

5. — A series of chants concluded the ceremonial part. All
these had the same structure, already given in full. N° 3 was
varied in each, in the words, but not in the tune, and the same
was true of nos 5 and 7. In the first of the series the words
of 5 were, Dastloko neyodtu, qoitdagitoihltcic (When Dastloko
comes, the (bearskin) will be put in place.) The name of the
one presenting the bearskin is given. In this instance it was a
little girl, who danced while this chant was in progress. The
words of 7 were the same, the name of the person presenting
being changed, reference being had to the curtain of seal gut.

In the second of the series, the drums are mentioned n° 5
with the name of the person presenting them'. " — neyodtu
crors " (When --comes, the drums.) and in 7, the words are"
— yi tlihl t6ihltse. " (" — will make thestring " ie of the drum).

In the following songs of the series, the various presents
prepared by the guests for general distribution are named in the
same manner, with the names of the men presenting them. As
each man's name is called, he has the right to come out and
dance ; but only the good dancers avail themselves of the privi-
lege.

6. — After this series of chants is over, the drums are given
to the strangers, who sing and dance, according to their own
fancy. In this instance a dance was performed by four women.

Second day. — I was not present in the afternoon, when I
understand presents were made by three of the hosts to all of the
guests, but without singing or other ceremonies. I was present
when the people assembled in the evening.

1. — The guests who had vwunuknadu made them presents,
in return for those that they had asked for and received. These
presents consisted of flour, cloth, traps, &c.

2 — The guests brought in the articles which they had been
asked to prepare, and heaped them up in the middle of the
room, when they were distributed to the hosts, everyone receiving

38 NOTES ON THE TINNEH TRIBK OF ANVIK, ALASKA

his share. The presents exchanged during- this feature and
the next were valuable articles ; laphtach, flour, cloth, deerskins,
guns, &c. Before the division took place, the guests gave an
exhibition dance.

3. The hosts went out to prepare the presents which they
proposed to give in exchange, while the guests took their places
in the seats of the chorus, and sang to the accompaniment of
the drums. The singing was simpler in character than on the
first evening, and consisted for the most part, of solo and chorus,
once or twice repeated.

4. -The hosts brought in their presents during the progress
of these chants. I left at this point, but I say that they were
far more numerous and valuable than those of the guests. I was
told that the guests would go out for more goods after the
distribution had been made, and that the hosts would take them
singing, and that this would conclude the feast.

DIFFUSION OF CULTURE

IN THE PLAINS OF NORTH AMERICA

par Clark Wissler
Curateur de PAmerican Museum of Natural History, N. Y.

There is a large geographical area in North America
characterized in former times bv the presence of the buffalo.
While the buffalo did sometimes live in the forest, he was best
adapted to the open, grassy plains between the Mississippi River
and the Rocky Mountains, so that leaving out the extreme
distribution, we may define the buffalo area as extending from
the Rio Grande and the Gulf of Mexico on the south ; to the
Upper Saskatchewan, Lake Winnipeg and the source of
Mississippi on the north ; the Mississippi River on the east ;
and the Rocky Mountains on the west. Bearing in mind that
there was in former times a fringe extending around this area,
we have defined in a general way the buffalo area of North
America. Geographicaly, this area is characterized bv prairies
and treeless plains. There are no true forests within its limits.
Yet the banks of the streams flowing to the south and east are
usually bordered by cotton-wood trees, while the foot hills of
the mountains to the west and south are marked by. scattered
groups of cedar and pine.

When the ethnography of north is considered, we find the
same area to be the home of a people presenting a distinct type
of civilization, seemingly correlated with the distribution of the
buffalo and of the open, grassy plains. The characteristics of
this plains culture, in contrast to that of other parts of America
may be stated as follows :

i. — The almost complete dependence upon the flesh of the
buffalo for food : the curing of this flesh and afterwards pounding
it fine and strong in bags known as parfleches.
J *

40 DIFFUSION OF CULTURE IN THE

2.- The almost exclusive use of a tent, made of buffalo
skins stretched around a conical frame-work of poles. This tent
is generally known as a tipi. In formal gatherings, these tents
are arranged in a large circle known in ethnological literature
as the "camp circle. "

3. — The use of the dog travois for the transportation of
tents and personal property and later the adaptation of the same
instrument to the horse. The only water transportation typical
of this area was by raft or the bull-boat, used exclusively for
ferrying.

4.- The almost entire absence of weaving, either of cloth
or of basketrv and the very limited use of pottery. The chief
industry of the women was work in skins.

5. — The use of the circular shield, made of buffalo skin, the
elaborate spreading head-dress of eagle feathers, and the
decorated shirts, usually fringed with hair, characterized their
military life.

6. - The ceremonial organization and religious life was
characterized by the Sun Dance, the worship of the Buffalo,
the medecine-bundle and military societies having a progressive
relation to each other.

7. — The decorative art, confined almost exclusively to
painting upon rawhide and embroidery in quills or beads, is
peculiar in the use of a few rectangular and triangular designs
for the composition of complex figures.

While there are other facts of culture, peculiar to the Plains
Indians, the foregoing are sufficient to demonstrate the indivi-
duality and distinctive character of their civilization. The
interesting ethnographical problem arises from the fact that we
have decided uniformity in the culture of this whole geographical
area in opposition to the existence of many different tribes
presenting several physical types and linguistic stocks. The
significance of this, however, arises from the fact that several
ot the linguistic stocks found within the Plains area are relative
small groups detached from the main parent stocks, occupving
other parts of the continent and possessing different forms of
culture. Even the Siouan group confined almost entirely to
this area, is believed to have been at one time a forest people
residing on the Atlantic coast. Now, since we find, or did

PLAINS OF NORTH AMERICA 41

find at the time of discovery this distinct type of Plains culture
pervaiding these different groups of people, an interesting
problem presents itself: Whence came this type of civilization
and which tribes were chiefly responsible for its development
and diffusion throughout the area ?

As a beginning it seems best to consider the Indians of
this area in three groups : (a) the Indian tribes of the Missouri,
(b) those of the Rocky Mountains and plateaus, (c) those of the
Great Plains.

According to the information at hand, the Indians living
along the Missouri as far up as the bend in North Dakota
resided in permanent villages composed of earth covered lodges.
The bark, reed and birch bark covered lodges of the
Algonkin peoples of the region west of the Great Lakes were
known to some of the eastern Siouan tribes. The Missouri
region was visited during the period of 1800- 1840 by a number
of careful observers whose journals contain a great deal of
important information as to the material culture of the different
tribes (1). An examination of these journals indicates the
following :

1. — That these people lived in permanent villages, usually
in earth lodges.

2. — That they cultivated maize and a few other plants.

3. - That for food thev depended upon the hunt rather than
upon the produce of their fields.

4. — That their formal hunting season was in the spring and
autumn at which time thev moved out upon the plains, lived in
tipis, used the camp circle and maintained an organization for
the regulation of the hunt.

We see in this the implication that the Missouri River
tribes presented many of the outward characteristics of the
agricultural tribes of the eastern wooded areas. Their depen-

(1) Edwin James, Maj. S. //. Long's Expedition (London, 1825).

Elliott Coues, History of Expedition of Lewis and Clark, (New York,

i«93)-

John Bradbury, Travels in the Interior of America, (London, 1819).

Maximilian Prince of Wieo, Travels in North America, (London, 184}).

Geo. Catlin, North American Indians, (London, 184X).

42 DIFFUSION OF CULTURE IN THE

dence upon the buffalo for food appears as an acquisition and
not as the primary means of sustenance, though all writers of
the time agree in that the flesh of this animal was at the time of
their observations the main food. The usual procedure seems
to have been desultory hunting at all times of the year, but after
the maize was harvested it was usual for the whole village to
move out upon the plains and engage in an organized buffalo
hunt. At such times the people lived in tipis and used the
characteristic camp-circle. Thus we find in the Missouri River
Indian a double culture, that of an agricultural sedentary Indian
and that of a roving hunter, or two phases of culture practised by
the same tribe.

Leaving the Missouri River and passing over to the Rocky
Mountains and western plateau region we find stretching from
north to south the Flat-Heads, Nez Perces, and the various
Shoshone tribes ('). These people also hunted the buffalo
according to the accounts of travelers. They differed from the
Missouri River Indians in several particulars. As a rule they
lived in shelters of brush, though the tipi was not unknown
among them. Agriculture was not practised except in the south
where the culture dwindle into that of the pueblo dwelling
Indians. Their vegetable food consisted of seeds and roots.
While the buffalo may have been abundant in certain parts of
the great area west of the main range of the Rocky mountains,
the accounts of explorers agree in that the Snakes, Bannock and
Nez Perces made regular hunting trips to the plains east of the
range.

Franchere says of the natives of the Upper Columbia, » they
pursue the deer and penetrate even to Missouri, to kill buffalo,
the flesh of which they dry, and bring it back on their horses,
to make their principal food during the winter. These expedi-
tions are not free from danger ; for they have a great deal to
apprehend from the Black-Feet, who are their enemies and as this

(i) Gabriel Franchere, Narrative of a Voyage to the Southwest Coast,
etc., (New- York, 1854), p. 268.

Elliott COUES, Lewis and Clark Expedition.

Clark, Sign Language.

Edwin James, Maj. S. H. L.ong, etc.

PLAINS OF NORTH AMERICA 43

last tribe is powerful and ferocious the Snakes, the Pierced-
noses or Sha-ap-tins, the Flat heads, etc., make common cause
against them, when the former go to hunt east of the mountains.
They set out with their families and the cavalcade often numbered
2000 horses. When they have the good fortune not to encounter
the enemy, they return with the spoils of an abundant chase,
they load a part of their horses with the hides and beef and
return home to pass the winter- in peace. Sometimes, on the
contrary, they are so harassed by the Blackfoot, who surprise
them in the night and carry off their horses, that they are forced
to return light-handed, and then they have nothing to eat but
roots all the winter. »

In this case we also find a group of tribes with the habit of
periodical roving in the buffalo country. From such evidence
as we possess, it appears that the Snakes and the Nez-Perces
partially adopted the tipi, and the camp circle as a result of their
experience on the Plains.

The writings of 1800 and the few succeeding years give
notice to a number of tribes presenting the characteristics of
true nomadic hunters roving north and south over the Great
Plains between the two population areas discussed in the above.
This group includes the Blackfoot, Assiniboine, Crow, Arapaho,
Cheyenne, Kiowa, Commanche, and the Dakota. The Com-
manches are generally spoken of as the only Shoshone group
that spent its entire time upon the Plains. Associated with them
were the Kiowa, the Arapaho and the Cheyenne. This affiliated
group was disposed to spend its winter in the south and wander
toward the upper Missouri in the summer. In the north, between
the Saskatchewan and the upper Missouri, was the Slave group,
comprising the Blackfoot and a few affiliated tribes, the Plains
Cree and the Assiniboine. These were also wanderers, living
in tipis and pursuing the buffalo. Between these were the Crow
and the roving divisions of the Dakota. There seems to be no
evidence that the tribes of the Great Plains lived in anything
other than tipis. The Tetons (Dakota), however, have a tradi-
tion that they retired in winter to huts among the cotton-wood
groves skirting the streams. Thus, we find in the tribes ranging
over this central area the most accentuated characteristics of a
Plains people.

44 DIFFUSION OF CULTURE IN THE

At this point it seems safe to note a few probabilities. The
natural assumption would be that this central group of true
Plains Indians represents tribes that gradually abandoned their
permanent villages and sedentary habits for the buffalo chasing
life o\ the plains. Students of the Siouan stock are quite agreed
that the original home of these people was east of the Mississippi.

There is reason to believe, that when they first struck the
Missouri they were an agricultural people and little by little
and for various reasons yielded to the temptation to roam on the
plains. For example the Ponca are spoken of as follows :

" They formerlv lived, like the Omahas, in clay huts, at
the mouth o\' the river, but their powerful enemies, the Siouxs
and Pawnees, destroyed their village, and they have since
adopted the mode of life of the former, living more generally in
tents made of skins, and changing their place from time to time.
Thev plant maize, which they sell to the Sioux, but they had
neglected to cultivate their grain for about three years, and
obtained it from the Omahas. " (')

In some cases the change may have been radical. We
have good evidence that the Cheyenne came down from the
Red River of the North about 1750 after a period of friendship
with the Dakota and became affiliated with the Arapaho and the
Tetons ( ' ). Before this time their culture was probably similar
to that of the Ojibway among whom thev resided, yet at 1800
we find them presenting all the characteristics of Plains culture.
In a somewhat similar manner the Arapaho must have proceeded
them in breaking away from the main body of Algonquin people
to the northeast. On the west the Commanche seem to have
been the only Shoshone tribe which at this period lived entirelv
upon the Plains ( ').

This moving out upon the plains must have been influenced
by the introduction of the horse. Indeed, it is difficult to see
how the central group, as noted above, could have followed

(1) Maximilian Pkince OF Wn:i>, cf. p. 137.

(2) Elliott Coues, .W:.' Light on the Early History of the Greater Xorth-
west (New-York 1897).

G. Thwaites, Early Western Travels, Vol. v, p. 139.

Edwin James, Maj. S. //. Long, etc.

PLAINS OF NORTH AMERICA 45

their roving life without this animal. Once provided with horses,
the more sedentary tribes on the Missouri would be tempted more
and more to spend their summers on the hunt to the final
abandonment of all sedentary pursuits. Such a change would
destroy the arts of agriculture and pottery and curtail the textile
arts. Unfortunatelv we have no information as to the ethnic

conditions in this area before the introduction of the horse and
can only assume from certain remote and obscure hints that this
was one of the chief factors in the development of the Plains
type of 1800. Could it be proven that the horse was the chief
factor in this development, the Commanche and the Pawnee who
were nearest the Spanish settlements must be regarded as the
probable pioneers in the development of Plains culture.

The most striking characteristics of the material culture of
the Plains are the tipi and the camp-circle. What group origin-
ated the tipi is unknown, but we will hazzard the guess that it
either originated in the area as an adaptation to necessity or
was introduced in cruder form from the north. As to the camp-
circle there can be little doubt but that it originated within the
area. Yet there is no basis for any assumption as to what
tribe first evolved it. In general, there seems to have been an
uninhabited area in the Great Plains bordered on the east and
southwest by a population given to sedentary agricultural
pursuits and on the west by a non-agricultural people with a
disposition to roving and fishing. On the east there appears a
migration of agricultural tribes into the area, following the
Missouri and other tributaries of the Mississippi. About 1800
these various tribes had already thrown off, as it were, certain
groups into the Great Plains where they became perpetual
rovers, living upon the buffalo. The literature noted above
enumerates instances of the gradual breaking away of some
sedentary tribes to follow the ways of their nomadic neighbors.
Similar examples can be given for the tribes to the westward.
The general suggestion seems to be that in so far as the Plains
Indians are a buffalo using people and have a culture dependent
upon the same, their type of civilization is of recent origin and
developed chiefly by contact with Europeans. Upon this
assumption it appears that the peopling of the Plains proper
was a recent phenomena due in part to the introduction of the

46 DIFFUSION OF CULTURE IN" THE

horse and the displacement of tribes by white settlements. The
solution of this problem must depend in part upon research
following- the methods of archaeology.

So far as we have concerned ourselves with the material
culture of the Indians of the Plains and while they manifest a
striking individuality in this respect, their distinctive character is
even more accentuated in their immaterial culture. In contrast
to that of the surrounding- tribes, their ceremonial organization
is spectacular and objectively formal. The love of show and
parade expresses itself in costume, social formalities and military
evolutions. It is suggestive to note that American artists,
interested in the Indian, choose their subjects almost without
exception from the Plains tribes. Among the features that in
whole or in part characterize the more immaterial culture of the
Plains area are the Sun Dance, a series of societies for men, the
use of a circular shield as a medicine object, the worship of the
buffalo and the almost complete absence of a clan organization.

Most of the data available for a comparative study of the
Sun Dance has been published within the past fifteen years and
pertains chiefly to the roving plains tribes ('). The older
accounts give the general features of the Sun Dance as practised
by the Missouri Indians, but unfortunately they do not give the
essential details. Some of the characteristics of this ceremony
as practised by the roving Plains tribes are the erection of the
circular structure of poles in which the ceremony is held, the
initiation of the ceremony by the vow of some individual, the
use of a bundle containing sacred objects pertaining to the
ceremony and the raising of a center pole bearing offerings to
the sun. The tribes among whom these features are common,
as indicated by the data available are the various divisions of
the Arapaho, Cheyenne and Blackfoot. There is some reason
for believing that the northern divisions of the Shoshone
practised the Sun Dance with some of these features. In former
times the torture feature, described by Catlin and others as
observed among the Indians of the Missouri, was also a part of
the ceremony among the tribes just mentioned. It will be noted

(1) George A. Dorsey, Publications of the Field Museum of Natural
History.

PLAINS OF NORTH AMERICA 47

that the Crows, Minetarees, and Dakotas, all of which were
roving tribes, are not included in the above. These together
with the Poncas made use of another form of Sun Lodge,
consisting of a centre pole surrounded by a circular screen of
brush. While the available published accounts for these tribes
are not so complete as those for the preceeding, they suggest a
relatively greater importance attached to the torture feature and
the absence of a bundle of sacred objects. The Sun Dance of
the Mandans may be included in this group, though with them
the ceremony seems to have been held in a large earth covered
lodge.

In a general way, it seems that with respect to the type of
Sun Dance there are two groups of tribes, an eastern or a
predominatingly Siouan group, a western or a predominatingly
Algonkin group. The Shoshones seem to have taken little
interest in the ceremony. The Commanche in particular seem
never to have practised it. Thus its distribution is restricted to
a relatively small area and the writer is inclined to the opinion,
that the Cheyenne or the Arapaho plaved the chief part in the
distribution of the ceremony among the roving tribes. The
'form of the Sun lodge differs slightly for the Arapaho of the north
and south. Those of the north have an opening in the cross
poles facing the east (J). A similar opening is found among
the Blackfoot, and the Gros Ventre. The ceremony as performed
by both divisions of the Arapaho bears greater similarity to
the ceremony as practised by the Cheyenne than to that practised
by the Blackfoot. Also while the outward or objective aspect
of the ceremony of the Blackfoot is similar to that of the Arapaho
and Cheyenne, its subjective aspects are in many ways different.
From these observations, the writer is disposed to suggest that
the Blackfoot acquired the Sun Dance from the Gros Ventre, a
division of the Arapaho. While the Gros Ventre had the
essential cultural characteristics of the Arapaho, they were at
the time of discovery and for many years preceeding affiliated
with the Blackfoot.

From the data at hand it seems impossible to make a

(i) From field notes of expeditions for the American Museum of Natural
History.

48 DIFFUSION OF CULTURE IN THE

suggestion as to what tribes were responsible for the distribution
of the Sun Dance among the eastern group. There is one
interesting fact, however, the Cheyennes formerly lived among
the Indians of the Missouri and later with the Tetons (Dakota)
and the Arapaho. It is possible that they first carried the Sun
Dance to the wandering tribes of the Plains, but it seems equally
probable that the Arapaho who preceeded them may have
carried it.

Another feature of the Plains culture is the organization of
the males into societies that seem to hold a progressive relation
to each other. The military functions of these organizations are
perhaps the most important. The early accounts of the Missouri
River group mention the existence of such organizations and
note that one of their chief functions was the regulation of the
buffalo hunt. Our information is not sufficient to determine
whether the progressive age relation noted above was as widely
diffuse as the mere functions of these organizations, we do know
that among the Arapaho, Gros Ventre and Blackfoot they had
this characteristic and that the names and regalia of these organi-
zations have much in common (').

While the regalia of these societies among the Cheyenne
bears a close resemblence to that used by the Arapaho and
Blackfoot, it differs from that of the Arapaho, Gros-Ventre and
Blackfoot more thaA their respective regalia differ from each
other. As in case of the Sun Dance we find the Gros Ventre
to be the apparent link between the Blackfoot and the Arapaho.
The Arapaho seem to have taken the lead in the distribution of
this ceremonial feature among the group of roving, or Great
Plains tribes. In the eastern groups such societies are noted
by early writers and mention made of beliefs that such organi-
zations had been handed about from one tribe to another (-■).

From this it would appear that such organizations may have
originated among many different tribes and that no one tribe is
responsible for their origin or distribution. In a few less
important ceremonies we find illustrations of what may have

(1) A. L. Kroeber, The . Arapaho, (Bull. American. Museum of Natural
Hist.)

(2) Elliott Coues, History of Lewis and Clark Expedition, p. 96.

PLAINS OF NORTH AMERICA 49

been the manner of spreading culture in the Plains. For
example among most of the Plains tribes there is an organization
that seems to have social rather than religious functions. This
Society is known as the Omaha, Crow, Grass dance, Hair-
parters, etc., but practically all of the tribes agree in the tradition
that it originated with the Pawnee. Many of these traditions are
specific. The Dakota claim to have received it from the Arapaho
and passed it on to the Blackfoot about 1883 ('). While these
statements must be taken with some allowance it is evident that
this ceremony passed from one tribe to the other. Such trans-
ference must have occurred many times in the past. The rap-
idity with which the Ghost Dance religion passed over this area
is another example of what could occur.

The claims of the Plains Indians is that all such organiza-
tions originate as the dream or vision of an individual and
to justify this a formal origin myth is narrated. The peculiar
idea about all ceremonial objects and their power is that in the
same manner as they were given to a single individual in a dream
they can be transferred to other persons. This transfer feature
is common to most of the Plains tribes and furnishes a sugges-
tion as to a principle of culture diffusion. In the same manner
as illustrated in the foregoing, medicine bundles and their
formula have been transfered from one individual to another and
thus from tribe to tribe. The preceeding discussion is bringing
us to the conclusion that no one group of people on the Plains
can as yet be set down as the originators of Plains culture.
There seems to have been a constant giving and taking until
the whole area reached a general level of uniformity, bearing
important" differences, it is true, but differences that seem to be
normal tribal variations rather than distinctive characteristics.
For one thing we need a study of the Commanche and other
south western tribes.

The ceremonial transfer of medicines and rituals is a matter
of considerable importance in any discussion of the spread of
culture in the Plains. In fact such transfer may be taken as
the principle of diffusion. In the conception of this transfer

(1) Information from field notes of expeditions for the American
Museum of Natural History.

4— ii

50 DIFFUSION OF CULTURE IX THE

we find the motive that led to the ready diffusion of specific
ritualistic formulas among- the various linguistic stocks. The
individual who acquired a medicine new to his tribe enjoved
the prestige of a prophet and a area. This would certainlv
stimulate the transfer of such formula. This principle of diffu-
sion is sufficient to account for the general agreement in the
form of the various ceremonies practised by the Plains Indians.
In such a discussion the question naturally arises as 'to why
this culture did not spread into other geographical areas as
readily as it diffused throughout the Plains. There was no
bond of language between the tribes of the area, as a whole, so
that in this respect they were as remote from each other as from
the tribes living outside. They were at war with each other,
also. Even the various divisions of the Siouan stock were often
hostile to each other. Notwithstanding this condition of tribal
anarchy in which the various individual tribes were disposed to
regard each other as enemies, the elements of Plains culture
seemed to have reached all the tribes adopting the buffalo
hunting life. Further the early literature of this region indi-
cates that during the period from 1750 to 1840 there were
certain groups the tribes of which were friendly to each other.
These groups may be considered as follows : —

1. — The Slave group, consisting of the Blackfoot, Sarcee
and the Gros Ventre.

2.-- A Siouan Algonkin group, consisting of the various
divisions of the Assiniboines, the Plains Cree, and the western
divisions of the Ojibway.

3.- -The Algonkin Shoshone group, consisting of the
Cheyenne, Arapaho, the Kiowa and the Commanche.

4.- -The Mandan group, consisting of the Mandans,
Minnetarees, Crows, and perhaps the Flatheads.

The above is not intended to be complete, but have been
compiled from statements in the literature of the time, and is
introduced here as a suggestion of a condition conducive to the
diffusion of culture. In the above list it will be noted that there
are two groups among the roving Plains tribes, and there is
reason to believe that the Gros Ventre, as a division of the
Arapaho were the go-between for these groups. In the same
way it appears that the Cheyenne, or at least the northern

PLAINS OF NORTH AMERICA 5 1

Cheyenne, passed back and forth between the southern group
of wandering tribes, the Tetons and the Mandan group. Inter-
tribal commerce, stimulated by European products, was also an
important factor in bringing remote tribes together. Any one
familiar with the literature of the time knows it was usual to find
in every tribe individuals skilled in the languages of the
surrounding tribes. It was not unusual for an individual to
wander away and reside for a time among other tribes, learning
their languages and ceremonies. For example, the rituals and
medecine bundles among the Blackfoot often state that once a
man went to live with a distant tribe and that when he was
about to return his host gave him a bundle and taught him the
rituals and songs. These visiting students, as they mav be
termed, must have been a powerful factor in leveling the culture
of the Plains area. On the whole, in the culture of this area we
have a good illustration of how a people in. a definite geogra-
phical area may in spite of hostilities and great linguistic
differences give and take in culture until a definite type is
evolved.

It is possible that the failure of the Plains culture to find its
way into other areas is due to the lack of affiliations with the
surrounding peoples. On the west the Plains tribes were cut
off by the mountains from California and the Pacific Coast, while
on the east in 1800 the hand of the white race was supreme,
crushing out the culture of the woodlands and forcing the
remnants of eastern tribes out into the Plains. However, this
reinforces the former suggestion that the true Plains culture is
of recent origin. It may be assumed that the material culture
of the Plains Indians was determined indirectly bv the buffalo,
in that food habits were adopted bv some one group of Indians
which habits were imitated bv the others in learning to subsist
upon the buffalo and later to propigate and use the horse. The
psychological fact that man acquires habits bv imitating the
objective aspects of the performances of his fellows will readily
account for the diffusion of many traits of culture within a definite
geographical area. From this point of view, it is not strange
that the objective aspects of Plains culture failed to reach the
non-buffalo hunting tribes. In case of the less material culture
the accentuated conception of the transfer of a ceremonial object
4

52 DIFFUSION OF CULTURE

with all the rites and privileges pertaining thereto, both human
and superhuman, will readily account for the great similarity in
ceremonies and myths.

THE

CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION

OF THE

PLAINS INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA

par A.-L. Kroeber
Professeur aux Colleges affilies, San Francisco, Col.

The innumerable ceremonies and religious practices of the
Plains Indians, as of most other uncivilized people, may be
divided into two great classes : those that are distinctively public
or tribal and those that are essentially personal. Ceremonies
whose hold is primarily in custom and tradition belong to the
first class, however restricted control of them, or participation
in them, mav be. On the other hand, everything shamanistic
is necessarilv more or less private or personal, for the essence
of shamanism is the direct reception of supernatural power, or
communication with the supernatural, bv a supernaturally gifted
individual.

The public or tribal observances of the Plains tribes may
be further subdivided. There is first an important class of
ceremonies related to fetishes. These fetishes, which are of
different kinds, but are usually kept in bundles, are variously
regarded by the Indians as belonging to the tribe, a clan or
division, a family, or an individual. In spite of the tact that
their ownership may thus be restricted, and the circumstance
that the ceremonies connected with them are usually jealously
guarded and secret, these fetishes and the observances attendant
upon them are almost invariablv of tribal import. Second, there
is a miscellaneous class of ceremonies and dances. Some of
these relate to war. Some are largely of the nature of social
amusements. Others are of a more distinctly religious character.

THE CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE

None of these need be further considered here. Third, there is
a class which is in some respects the most important of all. This
third class comprises two groups. One of these groups consists
of the well-known Sun-dance. The other comprises a connected
series of ceremonies performed by societies or associations of
persons. These bodies almost always have functions other than
their religious ones, but never lack the ceremonial side. The
societies do not relate to supposed experiences of the individual
with the supernatural, as do so many religious societies of
other peoples, but are held together primarily by the circum-
stance of admission or membership itself, the principal factor in
determining which, besides a certain payment, seems to be age.
The Sun-dance has long been generally known, and there
are some excellent older accounts of its practice by several
distinct tribes. To these have recently been added a series of
special studies by ethnologists, so that now definite information
as to the ceremony is available regarding a number of tribes,
such as the Mandan, Western Sioux, Blackfoot, Arapaho,
Chevenne, Kiowa, and Ponka. From these studies it is clear
that the ceremonv varies enormously in detail, even among
closely related tribes, but that on the other hand even its most
diverse forms have much in common and justify their being
spoken of under one name. There is probably not an impor-
tant feature of the ceremonv as practiced by any tribe, of which
there is not at least a vestige in the form of the dance practiced
by other tribes. At the same time it is very apparent that
externally similar features of the dance are often charged with
entirely different meaning among two or more tribes. Every-
where the Sun-dance is quite distinct from the series of society
ceremonies. It is not connected with any membership, has no
prerequisites to participation, such as age or purchase, is not
directly connected into a svstem with anv other observances, and
finally, is always in intent and practice purely a ceremony. In
the religious observances of the societies, on the other hand, the
organization frequently overshadows the ceremonies. In the
Sun-dance, the dancing lodge and its parts are of the highest
importance and the individual paraphernalia of the participants
of little significance. In the societv-ceremonies, the lodge is
much less important, but the paraphernalia or regalia of the

PLAINS INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA

participants are pre-eminent, usually reflecting the internal
organization of the society, its functions, and its relation to the
other societies in the series.

The entire series of society ceremonies is verv much less

J J

known among the Plains tribes than is the Sun-dance. The
subject is complex. The societies were important socially as
well as ceremonially. Their organization has in many cases
rapidly disappeared before civilization, or, where it survives, its
dances are no longer practiced. The Sun-dance is a compara-
tively simple, straightforward, public, and spectacular ceremony,
completed within a few davs, and, except for its esoteric and
symbolic portions, readily seen and largely understood by an
ordinarv observer. To obtain a knowledge of the series of
societies and their ceremonies in any tribe, and to determine
their true place in the life of the people, however, requires long
and careful study. In consequence, even ^he bare scheme of
organization of these societies is not known among some tribes
that almost certainly possess them. In other cases the informa-
tion of two or more observers varies, or when compared with
the information obtained among other tribes is on its face almost
certainly imperfect. There is, however, an early contribution
to the knowledge of the subject, valuable so far as it goes, from
Prince Maximilian of Wied, Havden, and Clark in his Sign
Language, have assembled brief information of a wide range.
Later more special studies by Mooney, Grinnell, Dorsey, and
others have brought together a bodv of information which is
chiefly important for revealing the richness of the field and the
almost utter lack of knowledge which still exists regarding the
subject but from which certain general conclusions are deducible.
The tribes among which this particular form of ceremonial
organization is known to have existed in greater or less devel-
opment, are the three Village tribes of the upper Missouri : the
Mandan, Hidatsa, and Arikara : the Crow ; the Western Sioux ;
the three Blackfoot tribes ; the Arapaho and Gros Ventre ; the
Cheyenne ; the Kiowa ; the Kiowa-Apache ; and probablv the
Selish Flathead. There are almost certainly other tribes, such
as the Sarcee, which also possessed this organization, and others,
such as the Omaha and Ponkaand Sac and Fox, which possessed
approximations to it. Clark affirms and Moonev denies that it
4 *

56 THE CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE

existed among the Comanche. Certain religious societies
occurring among some of the adjacent Plains and Prairie tribes,
such as the Omaha and Ponca, are essentially of a different
nature, and the tribes possessing only such societies cannot be
included among those which have developed the form of organ-
ization here considered. Among the Omaha, for instance,
these religious societies consisted of persons in supernatural
communication, either privately or by means of their initiation
into the society, with some object as power, such as the bear, the
buffalo, or the horse. They are therefore, whatever other
features they may possess, primarily associations of shamans,
and are at bottom thoroughly different in nature from societies
whose membership was dependent upon age, purchase, or
simple admission, but never upon individual supernatural
experiences, and of which several were usually combined into a
series through which the individual passed consecutively.
Shamanistic societies in the Plains region were not confined to
the Omaha and Ponka. Miss Fletcher has given an account of
an Elk Mystery of the Ogallala Sioux which is of this type. It
is very probable that in some instances in the Plains area the
two classes of religious societies merged into one another ; but
their essential difference, and their distinctness, in the great
majority of cases, must be clearlv kept in mind if confusion as
to the true character of each is to be avoided. ,

One of the foremost difficulties presented by a comparative
examination of the available material regarding the society-
ceremonies is in their names. Many of these names seem to be
translatable only with difficulty, so that white informants have
at times used descriptive terms. Through this it has been
brought about that ceremonies which undoubtedly correspond in
different tribes, or even are the same ceremonies in one tribe,
have been differentlv named. Another side on which information
is very imperfect is the consecutive order of societies or cere-
monies within each tribe. In some tribes, as the Arapaho, the
age of the individual is the factor that primarily determines his
affiliation with each society. "In such cases the order of the
societies is of course of the highest importance and is usually
readily obtained if inquiry is made. Among other tribes, as the
Cheyenne, age bears no relation to affiliation with the societies,

PLAIN'S INDIAN'S OK NORTH AMKRICA :,7

and the individual seems to belong to but one, and to perform
its ceremony, all his life. In still other cases, as anions tin-
northern Plains tribes, age is an important factor but not the
onlv one, since the accounts given largely emphasize purchase
as the element upon which membership most directly depends.
Some informants have failed to realize that the ceremonies form
a consecutive age-series in tribes where this is the case, and in
consequence the presentation of their information is confused.

When comparisons are made as best they can be under
these circumstances, it appears that the three Villages tribes and
the Crow form a group whose scheme of organization and series
of ceremonies are closely alike, and that this group can probablv
be regarded as the principal center of influence, as regards this
institution, among the Plains tribes. The four tribes in this
group all possess four important ceremonies : those of the Dog
Society, the Young Dogs, the Ravens, and the Bulls, while
three of the four possess the Kit-Fox and the Half-Shaved
societies. The Arapaho and Gros Ventre form a group distinct
from the Village group. The Cheyenne ceremonies, which
include equivalents of the Arapaho, .Gros Ventre, Kit-Fox,
Crooked-Lance, Crazy, and Dog dances, and the regalia used in
these dances, present many similarities to those of the Arapaho,
though fundamentally their nature, through their not constitu-
ting a series whose membership is dependent upon age, seems
to be radicallv different. The Blackfoot tribes must perhaps be
regarded as forming a third group. Their ceremonies show
similarities to those of the Arapaho, but probablv more to
those dances o( the Village group which the Arapaho lack.
The Western Sioux possess the Dog and Raven societies,
but most of their others, if the accounts and names given can be
relied upon, are more or less peculiar to themselves. Their
ceremonial organization clearly bears relation to that of the
Village tribes, but not to that of the Arapaho. The Kiowa also
have ceremonies that are in large measure peculiar to themselves.
The nearest analogues of the Kiowa ceremonies seem also to be
found not among the neighboring Arapaho but among the
Village tribes. It thus appears that all lines of relationship
unite in the Village group.

In considering the distribution of the separate societies and

58 THE CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE

ceremonies, much difficulty is encountered from the confusion
of names that has been mentioned. Certain of the more promi-
nent or typical societies, however, agree frequently even in their
names, and to the number of their undoubted occurrences can
be added societies given under a different name but which are
so described as to leave no doubt of their similarity.

Of widest distribution is the Dog society, also known as
Old Dogs and Real Dogs, or described as consisting of men
wearing owl head-dresses or scarfs that can be pinned to the
ground and carrying rattles. So far this society has been found
among all tribes possessing the form of organization under
discussion. It seems also to be the only society which occurs
thus universally. It is always one of the more important
societies, usually having a place in the middle or towards the end
of the series, that is to say, comprising men of mature age
not yet beyond the power of fighting and of the time of life when
their military renown would be greatest. On the other hand it
appears rarely to be the last society of the series, that of the
very old men. Among the Cheyenne, who have no age series,
the Dog vSociety is said to be numerically the largest and to be
considered the most important. The popular name for the entire
military-ceremonial organization among the Plains tribes in
general, " Dog Soldiers ", is derived from this society.

One of the next most common societies is that of the Kit-
Foxes, which is found both in the Arapaho-Cheyenne, the
Village-Crow, the Blackfoot, and other groups. It is usually
a society of young men, rarely occurring elsewhere than in the
beginning or middle of the series.

The Small Dog, Young Dog, or Fool Dog society is
characteristic o( the Village-Crow group, where it seems to be
anticipatory of the Dog Society, either immediately preceding
this or near the verv beginning of the series of ceremonies.

A Raven, Crow, or Blackleg society has a wide distribution,
except in the Arapaho-Cheyenne group, where it is not found.
I'll is ceremony seems sometimes to come earlv and sometimes
late in the series.

A Bull Head-dress or Horn society, characterized bv buffalo
head-dresses, is also common, though chieflv northern in
distribution, being found among the Village-Crow tribes, the

PLAINS INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA 59

Blackfeet, and the Cheyenne. The Arapaho lack this ceremonv.

A society of Real Men, Soldiers, or Enemies, is found
among the Arapaho, Blackfeet, and Village tribes. It is diffi-
cult to determine the extension of this society on account of the
vagueness or difficulty of translating most of its names. It is
also probable that these names are applied to societies and cere-
monies of different character. They have in common, however,
the fact that they generally designate only societies well advan-
ced in the series.

Societies characterized by crooked lances occur in a number
of tribes, though probably these lances are used in connection
with different societies in different tribes. It is also likely that
crooked lances have a wider distribution on the plains than the
present form of ceremonial organization.

Another society that is found among several tribes is that of
the Half-shaved Heads.

The Fool or Crazy Society is well developed among the
Arapaho and Gros Ventre. It is doubtful whether there is a
full equivalent either of the ceremony or of the name in other
tribes, but it is certain that societies and ceremonies presenting
■many analogies occur in a number of tribes. It is only necessary
to mention the Fire dance of the Cheyenne and the Fool Dog
and Hot Water societies or the Village-Crow group.

A number of other societies occur in more than one tribe.
Such are the Club, Tomahawk, or Sword Society, and the
Flies. But too little is yet known of these, as well as of a
considerable number of societies passing under names peculiar
to one tribe, to make a comparative discussion of them profitable
at present.

A number of tribes possess one or more women's societies
paralleling those of the men. The Arapaho and Gros Ventre
have but one such society, the Mandan and Hidatsa three or
four. Among the Blackfeet, Sioux, Chevenne, and Kiowa,
women's societies are not mentioned, although in some of these
tribes, as the Cheyenne, a limited number of women, usually
two or a multiple thereof, take part in certain of the ceremonies
of the men's societies. The most important woman's society is
that of the Buffalo, or more specially White Cow. Among
the Arapaho and Gros Ventre the only societv is thus called ;

60 TIIK CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE

among the Village tribes, it is probably the last and therefore
most important society in the women's series. It is probable
that a Buffalo or White Cow ceremony performed by women
had a wider distribution than the age-society form of organiza-
tion, since such a dance is mentioned among the Winnebago.

A characteristic of this ceremonial organization which has
been brought out most fully in the case of the Arapaho, but
which is represented also in a number of other tribes, such as
the Kiowa, Chevenne, and Mandan, is the existence of distinct-
ions or degrees within the society. These do not represent
differences of proficiency or supernatural advancement, but are
evidently an outgrowth and further development of the general
organizing tendencv which has resulted in the system of societies.
These degrees of rank may be in part reserved for the particular
individuals in a society responsible for the performance of its
ceremony on a particular occasion, and at least, often are awarded
as a recognition of braverv and distinction ; but on the whole
thev serve no real function other than their own existence and
the elaboration of the organization and its ritual. They do much
therefore to set off the societv-ceremonials from the Sun Dance
and other ceremonies of the same tribes. It is evident that a
careful studv of these degrees of rank and their regalia will do
much to bring out the true nature of the entire system.

A side of this organization that has been but little dwelt
upon, although it is both striking and interesting, is the tempo-
rarv giving- awav of wives of members to the old men or ceremo-
nial grandfathers or fathers who are in charge of the observances
of each societv. The usual idea seems to be that this giving
away is part of the payment made to the old men for their
instruction ; but it is evident that this explanation does not
exhaust the conceptions clustering in the minds of the Indians
about the act, which is regarded as one of the most holy and
beneficial in the entire system of observances connected with the
organization. This feature is well developed both in the
Arapaho and in the Village groups, and probably extends to
other tribes.

The precise factor that determines membership in the
societies is of the greatest importance to an understanding of the
whole system. As has been stated, there can be no doubt that

PLAINS INDIANS OI- NORTH AMERICA 6l

this factor varies according to the tribe. Among the Arapaho
and Gros Ventre, it is primarily age, while among the closelv
allied Chevenne age is not a determining element at all. Among
the Arapaho and Gros Ventre the societies scarcely have the
character of limited organizations which individuals are at libertv
to join or not to join. They are group of men of the same age
to which all men of that age in the tribe are supposed to belong.
A man not taking part with his age-mates in their social and
ceremonial functions, in other words holding aloof from his
proper societv, is regarded as unmanly, and, so to speak, not a
true citizen. The entire body of age-mates graduates with the
advance of years from one society and ceremony into the next,
and that at one time, so that theoretically, and no doubt for the
most part actuallv, every member of the tribe, if only he lives
long enough, passes automatically, as it were, through the
entire svstem. At the same time, while this is the prevailing
impression given by the Arapaho and Gros Ventre organization,
the performance of a new ceremony in the series, which is the
sign or equivalent of admission to the next higher society, takes
place only under direction of and instruction by older men,
known as the " grandfathers » - - •< fathers » in other tribes -of
the dancers, who have previously passed through the stage
which the novitiates are entering ; and these older men are
always paid by their " grandchildren. " There is thus also an
element of purchase, and however this may be overshadowed in
the larger scheme of organization bv the factor of age, it exists
and must not be lost sight of. It is quite possible that even
among tribes like the Arapaho the payment to the grandfathers
may seem the more significant and essential element to the indi-
vidual at the moment when he is passing from one society
to the other and has this particular change in mind rather than
the organization of the series as a whole. Among the Village-
Crow tribes the payment is undoubtedly a prominent feature, as
it is constantly mentioned. D1 Clark Wissler says the same of
the Blackfeet. Among these tribes it seems in fact as if mem-
bership into the successive societies were purchased by individ-
uals, affiliation being connected with the possession oi the
regalia belonging to a society. It would also appear that an
individual can pass or usually does pass from one society to the

62 THE CEREMONIAL ORGANIZATION OF THE

next at is pleasure, and not in a body with all his age-mates. It
is even stated in the ease of eertain of these northern tribes that
a man can retain his membership in some of the earlier societies
after having purchased his admission into higher ones, and thus
belong at one time to several. At the same time the age factor
is of importance here also, as one society is at least ordinarily
entered only after all the preceding ones in the series have been
passed through. What, finally, the factors determining member-
ship are in tribes like the Chevenne, where age plays no part and
yet 'here is no mention of individual supernatural experiences as
a prerequisite, rests to be ascertained. It is clear that where the
system is found in fairly pure form, as it is among about a dozen
Plains tribes, there are always at least two factors --age or pro-
gression in the series, and purchase or payment, — and probably
others, upon which membership and consequently the whole
s\ stem are dependent. It remains to determine in future studies
the precise influence of each of these factors, and whether
the several tribes differ as much from one another in the relative
importance of these factors as now appears, or whether the diver-
gences mav not be partiallv due to differences in the preconcep-
tions, or subsequently maintained first impressions, with which
inquirers have approached the subject.

Another matter, and that the most important of all, the
relation which this system of age-organization bears to the life
as a whole of the tribes among which it exists, is equally obscure.
It is clear that the organization is everywhere ceremonial. It
is also clear that it has everywhere reference to war, as is
indicated by the popular name " Dog-Soldiers " or "Soldiers."
It is also eertain that in many if not all cases the societies possess
functions of a social nature, such as policing the camp, directing
the buffalo hunt, and guiding or guarding the march. In the
miscellaneous accumulation of knowledge that has characterized
the subject, one writer has particularly observed one of these
classes of functions, and others have noted others. Thus the
system has been variously designated as one of military societies,
of associations with police functions, and of progressive religious
ceremonies. It is evident that all such single conceptions fall
short of the truth. There is very little doubt that the relative
importance of the several spheres of action of the societies, —

PLAINS INDIANS OF NORTH AMERICA 63

civil, military, and religious, — differed among different tribes ;
but there is also no doubt that observers have differed equally
in their interpretation and their emphasis according to their point
of view. The matter is complicated by the fact that the societies
as a bodv comprised at least a majority of the adult men, often
perhaps all the men, of a tribe, so that certain functions of one
kind might seem to be exercised by the organization of one of its
parts, whereas officially and actually the exercise of these
functions mi^ht really be a coincidence. In such cases it is
important to ascertain definitely whether- in the minds of the
Indians themselves the performance of such respectively civil,
military, or religious acts is or is not officially the function of a
society or the organization : whether such exercise appears to
be fundamentallv connected with the organization in its nature
and purposes, or is merelv an accidental outgrowth of the
circumstance that the organization as a whole is so nearly
equivalent with the tribe. It is possible that we shall never be
able to say positively that this system is primarily either civil,
military, or religious, and that its other functions are subsequent
and subsidiary developments ; for there must nearly from the
oeginning of its existence have been more or less intermingling
of its various sides and phases. At the same time it is of the
highest importance to determine impartially, and without precon-
ceptions, the relative significance and influence of each of the
several sides of activity of this complex and widely ratified

organization.

There are needed first of all more facts, and they are needed
badly. But the time is past in the study of this subject when
the isolated accumulation of facts is sufficient. An appreciation
of all possible significances of the data obtained is an equal
essential. The observer must not only know what has already
been learned, but must realize what there may be for him to
learn and what the possibilities of its significance may be.
Off-hand interpretationsbased on individual impressionswill only
distort the record of new data. Observations made after a
comparative study of the available knowledge, and with a full
conception of the problems and possibilities of the subject, will
alone lead to information productive of a true understanding of
this interesting institution.

THE SKIDI RITE

OF HUMAN SACRIFICE

par George-A. Dorsey
Professeur a l'Universitf North Western, Chicago

Ethnologists have been long aware that many years ago the
Skidi band of the Pawnee sacrificed on certain occasions a
maiden captured from a tribe of the enemy. Three fragmentary
accounts of this sacrifice have been preserved ('). While each
has a basis of truth in it, no one is satisfactory or may be consid-
ered as attempting to give a full account of the ceremony.
Although the last sacrifice seems to have been made before 1840,
knowledge of many details of the ceremony is still preserved by
two priests of the Skidi, and two women still live who claim to
have seen the ceremony.

The account here presented is based on myths which are,
to a certain extent, explanatory of the ceremony, a description
of the ceremony obtained from Roaming Scout, one of the
priests above alluded to, supplemented by certain information
obtained from the two women who saw the ceremony when
girls, and personal observations on three abbreviated ceremonies
which have been held within the last five years. The assistance
rendered by Mr. James R. Murie in the study of the ceremony
has been very great.

The account of the ceremony which is here presented should
be regarded as merely an outline. A full discussion of the

(1) See : McKenney & Hall, History of the Indian Tribes of North
America, Vol. 1, pp. 146-7.

Schoolcraft, Information Respecting the History, Condition and Pros-
pects of the Indian Tribes of the I rnited States. Vol. v, p. 77.

De Smet, Letters and Sketches, in Thwaites' Early Western Travels.
Vol. xxvn, pp. 209-210.

5— »

66 THK SKID! RITE

ceremonv, with songs, myths, etc., will form part of the author's
account of the ethnology of the Pawnee, which is being prepared
under the auspices of the Carnegie Institution of Washington.
The actual ceremonv of sacrifice seems to be based upon
certain Pawnee conceptions embodied in a myth which occurs
among the Skidi in many variants, several of which have been
recorded (').

In substance this tale relates that of many suitors of a village
in the east who wooed a maiden in the- west, none ever returned.
Becoming suspicious, the Morning-Star, Mars, accompanied by
the Sun, his brother ; or, according to another version, Mer-
cury, his little brother, the Morning-Star carrying the Sun in
the form of a globe of fire in his moccasin, travelled west, lured
onward by the Evening-Star or Venus. During this journey, he
successfully encounters ten obstacles, which vary according to
the different versions, being not unlike those encountered in
other forms of this wide-spread episode of an obstacle race.
As he overcomes these obstacles with his war-club or ball of
fire, the woman exclaims that he has overcome her fathers,
brothers, etc., naming in all the ten groups of relationships
which are recognized by the Skidi to-day as forming the basis of
relationship bv kin. After he encounters the maiden, additional
tasks are imposed, such as the bringing of the baby-board which
is guarded bv turtles in the form of hot fire, the otter skin, the
otter tving strings, the buffalo robe, and a wildcat's skin, all
forming part of. the cradle. These secured, on successive
nights as the men approach the wowen, monsters, such as
serpents, bears, mountain lions, etc., are encountered and
overcome. Whereupon it appears that a voung corn plant is in
the place of the Evening-Star's genetalia, and a squash blossom
of the Moon's. These overcome, it remains finally to overcome
the teeth within, whereupon the Evening-Star becomes symbolic
of the sacrifice of a maiden to the Morning-Star. The result
of their union is a girl, the first to be placed upon earth, which
is created to receive her ; the result of the union of the Sun and

(i) See : Nos. 6, 7 an J 39, The Mythology of the Pawnee, Nos. b and 7,
Traditions of the Skidi Pawnee.

OF HUMAN SACRIFICE 67

Moon is a boy, who becomes the husband of this girl. Such,
in outline, are the main incidents of the myth.

Before describing the ceremony, it may be noted that there
is reason to believe that an abbreviated form of the ceremony
was held each winter in December, at which time the ritual
only was sung and the smoke offering performed. If the
assumption is correct that this ceremony in general represents
a solstice ceremony, this abbreviated winter performance corres-
ponds to the abbreviated performance of the Hopi ceremonies
which are held in the corresponding period.

It is said that the ceremony was not performed each year,
but only when Mars was the morning-star ; and especially only
when the Morning-Star indicated to the tribe that he desired the
ceremony to be performed. This he did by appearing to some
one in a vision or dream, instructing him to capture a maiden
for the sacrifice. Such an individual at once makes known the
import of his vision, goes to the keeper of the Morning-Star
altar ; obtains from him the so-called warrior's costume, and
accompanied by volunteers, sets out with the deliberate purpose
of capturing a young woman, who should be not less than
twelve or fourteen, nor more than twenty, years of age. When
the camp of the enemy has been sighted, the warriors at night
prepare a cleared space which, in the ceremony, corresponds to
the tipi ; the warrior's costume is used as an altar ; certain songs
are sung which describe how the Morning-Star travelled to the
west. When the morning-star appears late in the night they
set forth to capture the maiden, strong in their belief that it will
be impossible for them to fail. As soon as the maiden is
seized the name of the Morning-Star is pronounced, thus dedi-
cating her to him. The party returns to the village, and the
girl is at once placed in charge of the chief of the Morning-
Star village.

As soon as convenient, after the return of the victorious
war party, the ceremony is performed in a tipi especially con-
structed for the purpose, and lasts four days and nights. The
details of the rites which are performed during this time are not
fully known. It is certain, however, that the representatives of
other villages are present in their appropriate places about the
circle. The maiden, whose person is sacredly guarded during
5

68 THE SKIDI RITE

the time of her captivity, is assigned to the keeping of some
individual who sits with her on the south side of the tipi. The
chief priest of the Morning-Star village sits in the west of the
tipi, by his side are other priests, among them the priest of the
Evening-Star altar. The bundle or altar of the Morning-Star
is placed in its appropriated place in front of the priests, between
them and the fireplace. This bundle contains, among other
things, the customary two ears of corn, two hawk skins, pipes,
a coyote skin quiver, paints, a large flint knife, a war-club, the
thongs used in tying the girl on the scaffold, and a long otter
skin belt which bears from eighty to one hundred scalps, said
to have been taken from the different sacrifices. There is also
on the altar a large bundle of small sticks, about a foot in length,
showing evidence of great age, as do the other objects on the
altar, which were used as tally sticks to record the songs which
were sung during the ceremony.

It seems that during the first three days of the ceremony
the rites were largely of the customary formal nature, smoking,
making offerings of meat, etc., common to all bundle ceremonies.
During this time, presumably certain parts of the ritual were
sung. On the night of the fourth day the events of the ceremony
move with greather rapidity. In addition to the songs and other
parts of the ritual, the maiden is painted, one-half the body red
and one-half black. Chiefs are sent to the woods for timbers to
be used in contructing the scaffold which they erect during the
night east of the village. One of the most interesting of the
many rites of the night is the destroying dance of one of the
priests about the lodge, during which he obliterates four colored
circles.

During this night, a big fire is maintained in the tipi upon
which are placed four long, round logs, about six inches in
diameter. These are placed on the fire so that their ends meet
in the center of the fire place, their other ends projecting towards
the four directions. At a certain time each of the four priests of
the village of the four directions, takes one of these poles, and
as the maiden stands by the altar, directs the blazing end toward
her body, the four indicating the armpits and groins. The
maiden has then placed about her a blanket of carefully tanned
elk skin, and the ceremony in the lodge is at an end.

OF HUMAN SACRIFICE 69

The procession is formed, certain priests being especially
costumed, and all proceed to the place which has been prepared
for the sacrifice, east of the village. The procession is followed
by the leaders of the different villages, and at the place of the
sacrifice the entire village is present.

The scaffold consists of two long upright poles, placed
north and south, the one at the south of cottonwood and the
one at the north of elm. These represent respectively day,
Fools-the-Coyotes star and the sun, and night, the Big-Black-
Meteoric-star and the Black star. Near the upper end these
two poles are connected by a crossbar of willow, tied to the
south pole by wildcat thongs, to the north pole by otter skin
thongs. Down near the earth the two uprights have fastened
to them four additional crossbars which, beginning with the
top, are willow, cottonwood, box helder and elm. These are
symbolic of the four directions and are fastened to the uprights
by thongs of animals which, on account of color, etc., are
symbolic of the four directions ; they are the wolf, wildcat,
mountain lion and bear. The two uprights stand in a rectan-
gular-shaped excavation which is lined with eagle feathers.

The maiden is compelled to mount' the four lower steps, or
rounds, and stand upon the top one ; her hands are tied to the
upper crossbar by means of elk skin thongs, her feet being tied
to the top-most of the four lower crossbars. Her blanket is
removed, and a man rushes up from a hollow in the east, bearing
in his hand a blazing brand with which he touches her in the
groins and armpits. Another man approaches and touches her
gently with a war-club in the left groin ; he is followed by three
other men, the first touching her with a war-club in the other
groin, and the other two in the armpits. Then the man who
captured the girl approaches from the east, bearing a bow and
arrow which belong to what is known as the Skull bundle ; he
shouts a war cry and shoots the maiden in the heart. The chief
priest opens the thoracic cavity of the maiden with the flint knife
from the altar, and, thrusting his hand inside, besmears his face
with blood. All the men, women and children press forward
now and aim each to shoot an arrow into the body. The
spectators circle about the scaffold, four times, then disperse.
The priests remain, and one of them removes all the arrows

70 THK SKIDI RITE OF HUMAN SACRIFICE

from the body and places them in four piles about the scaffold,
where they are left. In the meantime blood from the maiden
has been allowed to drop on the heart and tongue of a buffalo,
which are burnt beneath the body. The body is untied and
taken east of the scaffold where it is placed on the ground, the
head toward the east, and final songs and rituals are sung, in
which it is described how the body is eaten by different animals
and finally turns into earth.

The symbolism of the ceremony is very extensive, and the
above brief account of the ceremony gives little idea of the
magnitude or importance of the ceremony itself. It would seem
that while primarily the ceremony is performed in obedience to
a command of the Morning-Star, its real significance lies in the
fact that the appeasing of this deity not only prevents the
consumption of this earth through the fire of the sun, but causes
the life of the earth to be renewed ; even the earth itself is
conceived of as being reborn. In this respect the ceremonv
resembles the Sun-Dance of some Plains tribes ; in other respects
it has many points of similarity with the Soyal ceremony of the
Hopi. It may not, in any sense, be regarded as the New Fire
ceremony, that is performed early in the spring.

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

OF THE SKIDI PAWNEE

par George-A. Dorsay
Professeur a l'Universite North Western, Chicago

The' Village. — The Skidi were organized on a village
basis, of which at least thirteen are known to have existed.
These villages were endogamous with descent through the male
line. No furthur division into septs or minor groups has been
discovered. The function of the village seems chiefly to have
been the regulation of marriage and the guarding of the sacred
object, always consisting of a bundle which, with its contents,
formed an altar about which rites were performed when the
village had its own special ceremonies. The individual villages,
apparently were also, to a certain extent, involved in the politics
of the tribe, although their function, was primarilv social and
religious, in which there was a strong association of these two
ideas. Each village also had its own warriors' organization into
which, however, there was no formal initiation. These organ-
izations were not graded according to rank or age as were those
among the Arapaho, and they mav be considered as having their
mythologic origin in the bundle or altar which held, the tribe
together. The mariage regulation seems to have been deter-
mined by the desire to keep the sacred bundle within the village.
While the village possessed both social and religious functions,
it would seem that its fundamental function was ritualistic.

The villages above spoken of were really made up of groups
or clusters of lodges, held together by a common name, and
possessives at least one great ceremony. The groups of
houses forming villages did not necessarily join one another to
forme a large compact tribal town. Often thev were scattered
according to the configuration of the countrv, but all were
5. *

72 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

within a short distance of one another. When the lodges of one
village joined those of another, the boundary was indicated by
the cache holes which where placed in rows at the back of the
lodges.

Each village possessed its own fields of corn and pumpkins,
ownership in which was allotted by the village chief. In case
of the death of a family the land was redistributed. Each village
also maintained its own burial ground.

The most important village seems to have been that of the
Four Bands. In this village were four bundles, each one typical
of a cardinal point. The remaining villages, arranged in order
of their importance, are as follows : Center village, One-Half
village, Village-on-the-Hill, Big-Elk village, Little-Elk village,
Village-in-the-Ravine, Village-in-the-Bottom, Buffalo-Skull-
Painted village, Village-on-the-Wooded-Hill, Fools-the-Wolves
village, Pumpkin-Vine village and Wolves-Standing-in-Water
village. Some of these villages have become extinct, namely,
the Four Band village, One-Half village, Big-Elk village, and
Fools-the-Wolves, and a few others are almost extinct.

On certain occasions the Skidi met as a tribe. Such
occasions, as a rule, were associated with tribal ceremonies,
during which the priests or chiefs, representatives of each village,
met in a ceremonial lodge. On such occasions the represen-
tatives of each one of the villages above named sat jn a certain
place. Thus in a certain ceremony, the representatives, four in
number, of the Four-Band village would sit in the west, while
on the north side of the lodge would be arranged all the
remaining representatives of villages except the last four, sitting
in the order in which they have been named, from east to west.
Of the remaining four village representatives, the last two had
no rights in the tribal lodge, and the next to the last two sat on
the south side in the lodge. This arrangement of village
representatives seems to correspond to the relative position of
the bands in the camp circle of the Chevenne and Arapaho and
certain others of the Plains tribes.

The Family. -The lodges of the Pawnee were very large
and might hold several families, among which there might be
relationship ; or it might be that the families dwelt together from

OF THE SKIDI PAWNEE 73

mutual arrangement for sake of convenience. The Pawnee
conception of family (sitting-with-one's-offspring) seems to have
been that of husband, wife or wives, and children.

Usually marriages among the Skidi were late, the woman
being, as a rule, twenty and the man being old enough to have
achieved success on the hunt, or, preferably, distinction on the
war-path. Until the age of puberty, children were allowed to
play freely without restraint. After the age of puberty the girl
was carefully guarded.

Marriages, as a rule, were arranged, not by the young
people, but by the boy's uncle, who inform him when in their
estimation he has reached a proper age, and tell him of the choice
they have made for his wife. The young man is sent to the girl's
lodge with a priest, who bears the invitation. The decision rests
with the girl's maternal uncle. The ceremony of marriage is
concluded by the couple sitting side by side on a buffalo robe
and being- addressed by the girl's uncle and by the priest, after
which follows the distribution of the presents madeby the bride-
groom's relatives.

Polygamy was often practiced, depending, as a rule, upon
the ability of the husband to support more than one wife. - When
a man married the eldest of several sisters, he had claim upon the
remaining sisters of the family and usually married them as they
became of age. The greatest number of wives known to have
been held by one individual is eight, sisters of two families.
The formal marriage ceremony with the second, and additional
wives, was not performed. A restricted form of polyandry was
recognized when a young man, becoming of age, was granted
the rights of husband in his mother's brother's wife's lodge.

Divorce was said to have been rare. A man left his wife
if she proved unfaithful. Her relatives, however, might prepare
a feast for him; should he accept the relationship continued as
before. Should a man prove unfaithful, his wife's mother or
grandmother might drive him from the lodge.

A widow mourns for at least a year. This period might
be extended to two or more years should her husband have been
a prominent man in the tribe. It is expected at the end of the
mourning period that the widow will become the wife of the
deceased's younger brother or the wife of her husband's sister's

74 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

son. Widowers mourned two or three years, and very often did
not remarry. A widower's children are cared for by the wife's
mother.

While marriage was within the village group, marriage
with near kin was strictly forbidden.

There are ten classes of bloodkinship ; for the woman,
grandmother, mother, grandson or daughter, sister, and son or
daughter ; for the man, grandfather, father, uncle, nephew,
and brother. As a result of this grouping of blood relationships,
a younger brother may sustain the relationship of husband to an
elder brother's wife. Brothers and sisters are not intimate, and
never address each other except when he asks her to mend his
moccasins.

The arrangement of beds in a large communal lodge varied
according to the relationship or degree of intimacy among the
families represented. The beds of the children, as a rule, were
at the west side of the lodge near the altar, while those of the
old people were near the entrance of the lodge.

The individual. — -The position of an individual in Skidi
society was dependent upon birth to a large extent, though one
could rise in rank by the performance of notable deeds.

A girl, on reaching the age of puberty, was cared for by her
grandmother.

During pregnancy, husband and wife observe certain restric-
tions, especially is the use of a knife forbidden. They must
refrain from drinking from a horn spoon, etc. The husband
must refrain from killing any animals except for food, in which
case he must jump over them after they have been slain.
Violation of these or other taboos on the part of husband or wife
cause premature death or deformation of the child.

During childbirth, the husband leaves the lodge and may
not see his wife for four days. She is cared for by an old
woman who receives pay for her services. The afterbirth is
placed in a tree.

The child, immediately after birth, is washed in warm water,
wrapped in a robe and placed on a cradle-board. It is said that
abortion was never practiced except by unmarried women to
conceal the evidence of guilt.

OF THE SKIDI PAWNEE 75

Shortly after birth, the child is given a name by the old
midwife, which is suggested by some characteristic of the child,
such as Round Eyes, Fatty, White, Young Bull, Bear's Eyes,
etc. This name is borne until the father has performed some
deed of valor, at which time the child is publicly given a name
in a formal manner by a priest who recites a certain ritual.
Names are always appropriate. Those of women may be
distinguished from those of men by a prefix. The individual
may bear several names during life. Names are personal prop-
ertv.

Five periods of life are recognized for both men and women.
These represent the time of babyhood, childhood, the time from
the beginning of the age of puberty until marriage, middle life,
and old age.

The education of children was strict. Commands and
injunctions were enforced by blows. Education of children
was largelv in the hands of the grandparents, girls being taught
to dress hides, prepare food, and do other work of the women.
Boys were taught to handle the bow and arrow and to gamble.
When a boy reached the age of puberty, he was received into
•the lodge of his maternal uncle, where he is initiated into man-
hood, and maintains the rights of husband until he is married.

The Tribe. - The Skidi consisted of groups known as
villages. The tribe was a unit, however, on manv occasions,
having common enemies and at least two sacred bundles or
altars, which were regarded as the property of the tribe and not
of any one village. The tribe possessed certain civil, militarv
and ecclesiastical functions ; but the ordinarv affairs of life
were relegated to the village organization.

Social position among the Skidi was regulated largelv by
birth, and a caste system may be said to have prevailed.

Among the nobility were the chiefs, priests, medicine-men
and warriors. The chiefs had their own ceremonv and claimed
allegiance to the North star, who presides over the council
circle of stars, Corona. Theoretically, the eldest son of a chief
inherited his father's postion, but in fact he was not initiated
into the Chiefs' society until he had proved himself worthy.
The chiefs were supposed to look after the welfare of the tribe

76 SOCIAL ORGANIZATION

at home rather than lead war parties abroad. A man might
become a famous warrior, but have no claim on the chieftain-
ship. The council of the chiefs was made up of the represent-
atives of chiefs of each village. Theoretically, they were of
equal rank. Priests and medicine-men, as a rule, inherited their
positions from their fathers, although an individual of common
parentage might aspire to be priest or medicine-man.

The common people represented probably less than one-
half of the tribe, and were without influence or power. Their
lodges were smaller than those of higher rank ; they had few or
no ponies and often were objects of charity. On the outskirts
of the village lived the poorest of the tribe, especially those who
were social outcasts.

Disputes were settled among the individuals immediately
concerned. Boys and girls were taught that they should look
out for themselves. A dispute was terminated generally when
blood was drawn. The most common cause for dispute seems
to have been disagreements over gambling. Jealousy among
wives often lead to personal combats. Among the crimes reco-
gnized, that of killing by bewitching was the most heinous.
Rape and adultery were also considered great crimes. Suicide
was considered a crime, for it was believed that it would cause
famine. Stealing was a crime to be punished by the one
aggrieved.

Slaves were rarely killed or mistreated, and were often
considered as full members of the tribe, marrying into it. No
formal rite of adoption of slaves into the tribe is known to have
existed.

Strong attachments among young men, either brothers or
thos^ not related, were often formed. These friendships often
lasted throughout life.

The skidi's conceptions of modesty did not forbid the freest
discussion between the sexes of all ages of all matters pertaining
to the relationship of the sexes. Nevertheless, one who in his
conversation spoke disrespectfully of women was known as one
lacking in decency. One who was careless in his habits of
eating, who was not clean in his person was known as a filthy
man. The coward was one who was afraid to go on the war-
path ; he never mourned on the high hills for fear of ghosts ; he

OF THE SKIDI PAWNEE 77

lagged behind and hung about the camp. The lazy man was
the slow man, who, as a boy, never carried water, never looked
after the ponies, never carried firewood, and who never ran off
secretly with a war party. The stingy man was one who, when
it was his wife's turn to cook for those in the lodge, furnished her
with a scant supply of meat, and consumed most of that himself.
The liar was one who was always deceiving people ; he gives false
alarms when scouting, and is always falsely claiming to have
seen buffalo nearby. He was generally a coward as well and
often when the enemy was sighted he ran home boasting of his
deeds. Insanity was unknown, although a woman under the
influence of love medicines was said to be m mixed up ; her
spirit was not straight. «

There was no trial property except the two sacred bundles.
Villages owned their own bundles, and accompanying ceremo-
nies, also their own burial grounds and corn fields. Personal
property consisted of interest of the lodge and personal effects,
such as tools, utensils, etc. Each family owned its share in the
corn fields. Medicine-men and priests had their own individual
patches of tobacco. Theoretically, a woman had no property
rights ; in fact, however, she owned the lodge tipi and her tools
and utensils. Children did not inherit personal property, such
as robes, ponies, saddle trappings, etc. Such property was
generally claimed by the sons of the deceased's sisters, though
it was often seized by the deceased's brother.

DANCE FORMS

OF THE MOQUI AND KWAKIUTL INDIANS

par Marthe Warren Beckwith

Formal dances among- primitive people are generally dram-
atic representations in which spirits and the heroic dead are
believed actually to take part. The impersonation depends upon
the belief that by imitating the acts of a person or animal, one
becomes to some degree inbued with the spirit of that being.
By imitating, therefore, the acts performed by the heroes and
supernatural beings of the spirit world, One may obtain some
of their mysterious power. The form the impersonation takes
will depend upon the vividness with which the beings represented
•are conceived, how they are individualized, and what ideas
underlie their representation. Like so-called civilized drama,
it will be shaped by the prevailing social customs of the group
in which it is developed and will reflect their highest interest.

Since the object is the practical one of obtaining super-
natural power to provide for actual needs, the primitive drama
may be explained on the basis of the real practical interests,
social or economic, of the group in which it is found. ^Esthe-
tically its dramatic form is the expression of the emotional
interests of the group. Such forms will be employed as give
pleasure ; they will be realistic or symbolic according as the
recognition of habitual forms or the realization of the actual
scenes portrayed, arouses aesthetic interest. They will appeal
to the sense of terror, of awe, or of humor according as the
social and economic conditions give play to such emotions.

The purpose of this paper is to show how two groups,
sufficiently isolated to exhibit distinct cultural types, have
developed distinct dramatic forms along the lines of their social
and economic interests. In the Kwakiutl Indians and allied

So DANCE FORMS OF THE MO£UI

tvpes ot the Northwest coast of British America extending north
into Alaska, and the Moqui Indians of the Pueblos of Arizona.
we find such isolated groups, developing under widely different
economic conditions. The published researches of Dr. Fran>:
Boas among the Kwakiutl, and those of Mr. Jesse Walter
Fewkes among the Moqui of Tusaya, have been used for the
details of the following comparison.

Primitive people are chiefly interested in obtaining a food
supply and protection from enemies. . Since they know little
about artificial means to secure these objects, they seek super-
natural. Geographical conditions, therefore, which determine
the food supply and conditions of defense of a group, will, to a
certain extent, determine the form of their dramatic expression.

The Kwakiutl live in a densely wooded region. For food
they depend upon fish, which they catch in nets, and to some
extent upon sea mammals, with what berries they can gather in
the woods ; agriculture is not practised. The Moqui live in a
bare, arid land, which they till for corn ; beans with melon,
squash, and some fruit are also grown. The Kwakiutl fear a
scarcity of fish ; the Moqui dread a drought, either through
scarcity of rain or of the winter snow fall which fills the water
courses in the spring, and they dread, also, the heavy thunder
storms that tear up the growing corn field. Under these
conditions, the Kwakiutl have developed a fondness for fishing
and hunting expeditions whose success depends upon the
personal courage and dexterity of the individual. The attention
of the Moqui is centered upon agricultural pursuits, in which
land is held in common and tilled without personal danger.
Added to this is the fact that the Kwakiutl, until very recently,
lived perpetually in fear of attack from hostile neighbors, and in
the hope of glory through the slaughter of their rivals (') ; while
the Moqui, early welded together into a peaceful community,
occupied with their crops, and protected from hostilities by their
position on high mesas, have long been free from these
atrocities of which their early history is full. It follows that
among the Kwakiutl, personal prowess and daring have counted

(i) Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, p. 424.

\\n KWAKIUTL INDIA.s.. 8l

for much more than among the Moqui, and such need is reflected
in their social development. The group tie among the Moqui
is based upon a community of privileges derived through a
common class relationship ; that of the Kwakiutl upon the rank
of the individual within the group and his ability to represent the
group in rivalry with an enemy ('). The Moqui village strives
to secure the common benefits of abundant rainfalls and rich
harvests ; the Kwakiutl, to better the social prestige of the group
by pitting the wealth of an individual against a rival. The
ceremonial dances which each sustain are accordingly an organ-
ized effort to secure supernatural aid for such ends (2). The
Moqui dance is communal in form, the Kwakiutl, individualistic.

If we examine first the organization of Moqui and of
Kwakiutl dances, this difference becomes apparent. In both
groups, religious ceremonial is in the hands of secret societies.
Among the Moqui, each society is referred to a clan origin, and
dramatizes in its dance a clan myth which tells how the hero of
the clan was initiated into the rain rites of the totemic brother-
hood of the under-world, who, by this marriage, became the
totemic ancestor of the clan (3). Within the society, the office
of head priest is in general hereditary within the clan to which
the ceremonial is referred (4), and the secret rites are held in a
chamber sacred to that clan (5). Moreover, the ceremonies open
with a » smoke talk ", at which is made an exchange of terms of
blood relationship, irrespective of the true relation of the

(i) Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, pp. 338, 343,
554-

(2) Report of the United States National Museum, p. 39b.
The American Anthropologist, 1897, P- J44-

(3) Journal of American Folk-Lore, XI, pp. 173-104.
21" Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 2].
Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, II, p. 6-14.
The American Anthropologist, 1897, p. 143.

19th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 1006-1008.

(4) The American Anthropologist, 1900, p. 121.

Publications of the Field Columbian Museum, III, pp. 13, 73, 175.

(5) 19th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 988.
21" Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 28, 34.

82 DANCE FORMS OF THE MOOT I

members taking part ('). Clearly, therefore, the Moqui societies
are organized on a clan basis.

The Kwakiutl societies minimize the clan element. Each
is referred to a common initiating spirit (2), which becomes the
totem, not through a common blood relationship but through the
right of a personal initiation given by the same spirit to each
member in a particular form (3). The right to this initiation is
commonly derived from the' mother, who brings it to her husband
as a marriage dowry, to be used for his heir (4). It it held bv
onlv one person at a time and must be paid for by the husband,
like the blankets, earrings, canoes, coppers, or other objects of
personal property of which the bride's dowry may consist. Its
value depends upon the amount expended upon the initiation
feast (5) ; and hence, the rank of different individuals within a
society, as that of the societies among themselves, differs consid-
erablv (6). Furthermore, during the ceremonial season in
which certain initiations take place, society loses its ordinary
clan relations and assumes another form of grouping based upon
membership in secret societies. Two divisions are recognized,
one composed of those who have dances to perform, who are
grouped according to the spirit that initiated them, and ranked
according to the price paid for the initiation ; the other, of all
other members of the group, who are divided into age and sex
divisions ; (7) that is, into the typical grouping of a military
organization of the Plains (s). The result is that the clan relation
is minimized, and a division of society which emphasizes the
age steps in the life of an individual, each of which iscommonlv

(i) iq'h Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 1007.
Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. XI, p. 184.

(2) Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, section V, pp.
41X, 498, 499.

(}) Report of the l'nited States National Museum, 1895, pp. ^9^, 418,
44X. '

(4) Report ol the L mi ted States National Museum, 1895, pp. 337, 388,
421 , 501 , 648.

(5) Ibid., pp. 501, 554, 55b.

(6) Ibid. , pp. 498, 499.

(7) Report of the L'nited States National Museum, 1895, pp. 411), 420,

5.8.

(8) Report of the l'nited Stales National Museum, 1K05, p. 418.

AND KWAKIUTL INDIANS 83

marked by a deed of valor, becomes here further accented by
organizing these steps into secret societies. The distinction
between a man's position as clansman and as society member is
furthur emphasized by the fact that during the ceremonial season,
he is called by a secret name different from his clan name (').
The official opening of the ceremonial season includes the
summoning of each man to the feast by his secret name (2) ; to
forget to call a man by that name after the season has begun,
is an error for which the offender must atone in order not to
offend the spirits (3). This is in striking contrast to the cere-
monial opening of the Moqui festival before described. The
ceremonial of initiation, although generally held in the central
dance hall of the village, may take place in the house of the
giver of the feast, which, by taking down the partitions of the
bed chambers, laying boards for beating time, erecting a dance
pole and sweeping the floor, is made into a suitable hall for the
gathering (4). In all such observances the individualistic char-
acter of the Kwakiutl organization is apparent.

Comparing still further the organization of ceremonial
dances, we find them in both regions grouped according to
a period of four days, the last day of which is, in general, set
apart as the » dance night. " Among the Kwakiutl, the whole
period, from the opening of the initiative period, about Novem-
ber, to its close in January, during which time alone ceremonial
dances may be performed, is considered sacred (5). But the
festival of each society occurs at no fixed time within this season
and is dependent for its occurring at all upon the Competitive
element. A rival tribe mav force a society to perform its cere-

(1) Ibid., pp. 504, bo;.

(2) Ibid., pp. 517, 547.

(3) Ibid., pp. 370, 436, 504, 517.

(4) 21st Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 18-23.
15th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 255-260.
The American Anthropologist, 1900, p. 82.

Field Columbian Museum, III, pp. 14, 172-}.

The American Anthropologist, i8u8, pp. 110-115.

Report oi the National Museum, 18Q5, pp. 503, 520, 557, 614, 624.

(5) Report oi' the United States National Museum, 1805, p. 418.
6

84 DANCE FORMS OF THE MOQUI

monial ('). In any case, an individual must be found to give
the festival ; the society as a group is not responsible for it (2).
The Moqui festivals of the secret societies, on the other hand,
occur at a fixed time during the year, the distance of one celebra-
tion from another being marked off on the calendar according
to groups of four days ; and in every case the festival represents
to society as a group and not an individual within the society.
Masked festivals, called Katcinas, are confined to the months
from December to August ; unmasked to the other half of the
year (3). The program of the Kwakiutl dance night, consists of
a series of impersonations taking place in no fixed order, accor-
ding as a man wishes to show his dance or not (4). This gives
the Kwakiutl much more individual freedom in his presentation
of the dance than the Moqui, whose calendar is fixed by the
community and his dance program, by the society as a group.
On the other hand, the Kwakiutl have certain traditional
impersonations with which particular clan groups open the
initiation ceremonies of their secret organizations, and whose
observance is strictly urged by the older members of the group (5).
Certain observances, such as the manner of painting the face,
are referred to as tribal possessions (6). The Moqui masked
festivals, too, allow a good deal of individual freedom in arrang-
ing the program. Those masked festivals, or lesser Katcinas,
whose form is, however, comparatively constant, may be given
at any time during the masking season, when the society wishes
to show its dance (7). The elaborate masked dances, which have
a fixed place on the sacred calendar, consist of a series of

(i) Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, pp. 544, 562,
5X2, 589, etc.

(2) Ibid., pp. 436, 501, 540, 547.

(3) 21" Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 15.
15th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 200.

(4) Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, pp. 420, 524-5

(5) Ibid., pp. 420, 548, 55S, 577, 592, 615.
(b) Ibid., p. 592.

(7) 21" Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 16, 17, 26.
Ibid., pp. ib, 4cS.
15th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.

AND KWAKIUTL INDIANS 85

performances. given by different societies, in which each sacred
clan house or kiva in the village is supposed to be represented.
The dances displayed differ from year to year, and the same dance
may vary considerably according to the ingenuity of the perform-
ers ('). Mr. Fewkes explains these festivals as "composite
lesser Katcinas (2). » It is evident, therefore, that the organiza-
tion of ceremonial dances of Kwakiutl and Moqui secret societies
may be considered to be fairly parallel. Emphasis upon a fixed
order of procedure resting upon clan tradition, is the result of
the communal basis of Moqui society ; that upon novelty and
individual initiative as a witness of individual rank, of the
Kwakiutl competitive basis.

The same typical tendencies modify the form of the dance
in each region. The group dance is representative of Moqui
festivals, the individual, of Kwakiutl. The Moqui pueblo is
composed "of different clans which have, by immigration or bv
conquest, become welded together to make up the present
group (3). Each clan preserves its own religious dances (4).
The society organized for this purpose impersonates in a group
dance their bond of union with the supernatural brotherhood
whose rites have power to bring rain to the pueblo (s). More-
over, the Katcina dances, whose origin seems parallel to the
getting of a guardian spirit in the north, by dream or vision,

(1) 15th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 268.

(2) 8th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 10-41.
Tlie American Anthropologist, 1894, pp. 162-167, 394"4I7-

(3) Ibid., 1896, pp. 151-173.

(4) 19th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, pp. 965, 1007.
21st Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 17.

The American Anthropologist, 1897, pp. 143-145.

Ibid., 1893, p. 366.

Ibid., 1897, p. 144.

American Folk- Lore, XV, p. 14.

(5) Journal of Am., Eth., & Arch., Vol. IV, pp. 72, 88-96.
The American Anthropologist, 1892, p. 237.

Ibid. , p. 1 26.

Ibid., 1900, pp. 105-6.

86 DANCE FORMS OF THE MOQUI

have taken on the communal habit of the Moqui group ('). The
lesser Katcinas are danced as group dances and their masks
are referred to as clan ancestors (2). If a man nowadays wants
to show a fresh mask, he gets a number of his fellows to perform
in the same mask, and if the dance is successful it may be
added to the repertory of his kiva (5). Ancient Katcina masks
often represent, instead of a similar totemic brotherhood, a
family group (4) ; single impersonations occur in a dual character,
male and female, and a curious doubling of the sexes typical of
Moqui impersonations, although not clearly understood, has
been referred to the habit of fixing attention upon the family
group rather than upon the individual (5). In this way the
basket and tablet dances of the women's societies correspond to
the group dances of their brother societies in the same clan (6).
When distinct impersonations occur, the impersonator appears
as a representative of his group, as is the case in a kind of mas-
querade called " the dance of all spirits," or he dramatizes the
acts, traditional or symbolic, of their totemic ancestor (7) ; in no
case does the dance have anv meaning to himself as an indi-
vidual, as is the case in the Kwakiutl dance.

Among the Kwakiutl, a personal encounter is required of
each novice in order to gain the magic power the spirit has to
offer. Attention to this individual initiation has given the
typical form to the Kwakiutl dance. The society member
shows his dance alone because he receives it in a particular

(i) 15th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 293.

21" Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, pp. 33,

4-'. 57. 79-
Journal of Am. Eth. & Arch., Vol. II.

(2) 21" Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, P- 50.

(3) 21" Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 17.

(4) Ibid., pp. 4;,, 45.

(5) Journal of American Folk-Lore, XI, p. 18X.

(b) Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, II, p. 153.
15th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 2bo.

(7) Journal of Am. Eth. & Arch., II, pp. 59-bq.

15th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 259.
Journal of American Anthropology, lqoo, p. q^.
Journal of Am. Eth. & Arch. IV, p. 63.

AND KVVAKIUTL INDIANS 87

form and because it carries with a particular supernatural gift
and represents a particular social rank (*). Group dances do
occur, such as that of the Walasaxa (2), which is performed by
the tribe in a bodv and corresponds closely to the Moqui beast
dances (3). In these cases, the dance is distinctly mimetic of
the animal represented. The idea is that the beasts who organ-
ized the society in the days when animals talked like men,
return to perform their dance, and the Kwakiutl tendency is to
impersonate the animal as realistically as possible. Such
dances are, however, rare among the Kwakiutl societies. The
individual dance is typical.

Conformity to tradition fixes the style of both Kwakiutl and
Moki dances, whether communal or individualistic. The mem-
bers of a Moqui society enter in a procession and make a
sinistral circuit four times about the kiva or the court where the
dance is performed (4), dressed in the costume of the brother-
hood, which has also its distinctive song and dance step (5).
Usually the dancers form their own chorus and carry some
instrument for keeping time. Sometimes a drum is borne before
them for this purpose. In Katcina dances, six men, dressed as
women, may kneel in front of the line of dancers and keep time
for them (6). Certain officers may accompany the dancers ; such
are the asperger and meal throwers in the Katcina dances (").
One or two warriors may act as escort for a procession, or the

(1) Report of the National Museum, 1895, pp. 396-431, 49*-9-

(2) Report of the National Museum, 1895, pp. 477, bob.

(3) American Folk-Lore, XI, p. 180.

(4) Journal of Am. Folk-Lore, V, 1892, p. 39.

(5) For costume see :

2i8t Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
15th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology.
American Anthropologist, 1900, pp. 93, 98, 100, 105, 10b, 131, 135.
19th Annual Report of the Bureau of Am. Eth., p. 1000.
Field Col. Mus., Vol. Ill, Plates.

(b) 15th Annual Report o( the Bureau ot American Ethnology, p. -iq}.

(7) Journal of Am. Eth. i\; Arch., Vol. II, pp. 69, 84, qj.

6 *

88 DANCE FORMS OF THE MOQUI

whole warriors societv lead the march ('). In the Katcina
dances their place is taken by representatives of the fool brother-
hood. Accompanying the clan g roup are individual imperson-
ations representing the clan legend. Among these the clan
hero and heroine usually figure.

The Kwakiutl dancer moves about the fire from left to
right, making a complete revolution of his body before and in
the rear oi~ the fireplace (-'). Between the dances he may
disappear within his bedroom at the right hand rear of the
fireplace (j), which is the sacred corner of the room during dan-
ces. He wears the costume and paraphernalia inherited with
the dance, namely, certain cedar rings and mask of. the spirit
who initiates him (4). In these he may appear at different times
from the doorway of the bed chamber, which is also painted
with the likeness of the spirit or totem he inherits. Besides the
society songs and the measure of the song and dance, which
belong to the initiation he represents, the dancer composes one
or more songs of his own (5). A chorus occupies front seats in
the rear of the house and, lead by a chorister, keeps time for him
and repeats his songs (6). In both Kwakiutl and Moqui groups,
four is the sacred number. Every act is repeated four times,
and this tradition often determines the number of dancers who
make up the group.

Such conventional habits determine the lines upon which the
formal dramatic dances in each region are developed. A
characteristic difference of style renders them still furthur typical.
The Moqui have developed formal representation along svmbolic
lines, the Kwakiutl along realistic.

These characteristic tendencies are to be seen in their

(i) American Anthropologist, iqoo, p. 100.
Journal of American Folk-Lore, VII, p. 2X5.
Journal of Am. lull. & Arch., Vol. 11, p. 127.

(2) Report of the L'. S. National Museum, 1895, pp. 432-3.

(3) Ibid., p. 44b.

(4) Ibid., p. 44b.

(5) Report of the L'. S. National Museum, 1895, p. 432.

(6) Ibid., pp. 43<>-7.

AND KWAKIUTL INDIANS 89

decorative art ('). We find examples in the pottery of the Moqui,
and in the carved wooden utensils of the Kwakiutl. In some
instances wooden vessels carved by the northern tribe attempt to
represent an animal realistically. More often the animal is
represented in sections laid on decoratively ; but even in this case,
where realism suffers a transition to a system of symbolism, the
Kwakiutl artist evidently works seriously to represent the animal
as it really is by keeping- the relation of parts and the actual form
of each, their distortion being justified by the shape of the surface
to be covered. When a part of the animal is used to distinguish
it, like the incisor teeth of the beaver, or the dorsal fin of the killer
whale, the real shape of the object is preserved. The potterv
design of the Moqui artist usually tries to picture realisticallv or
symbolically, birds, lizards, frogs, mammals, butterflies and
dragon flies. But in a large number of the designs the pict-
ograph symbol has dwindled to a mere sign. A triangle
or a row of parallel lines represents a feather, and it is evident
from the way in which the symbol is placed that the idea is
perfectlv conveyed to the mind of the artist by the purelv con-
ventional markings. This is, perhaps, the most striking thing
about Moqui symbolism. With all its apparent confusion of
form, the ideas represented may be resolved into a few simple
elements expressed by common objects upon which attention has
been centered for economic purposes. Thev are, therefore, to
be identified with no less precision than the realistic markings of
the Moqui.

When the question comes up of individualizing different
impersonations by means of paraphernalia, the same typical
differences occur. In both Moqui and Kwakiutl dances the most
important of such insignia are masks and songs ; other forms are
cries, face and body paintings, decorations, and emblems (2). If
we examine the insignia used in Moqui and in Kwakiutl dances,
we find that the effort of the Kwakiutl is to represent realisticallv
the actual object which the token represents, or in other cases,
where the meaning of the mask has been lost, to explain it

(1) Bulletin of American Museum of Natural History, IX, 1897, pp.
1-14.

(2) Report of (he U. S. National Museum, i8q5, p. 435.

7 ii

90 DANCE FORMS OF THK MOQUI

realistically. The Moqui represent such insignia symbolically.

For example, a certain society of the Kwakiutl paint the face with
parallel bars. They explain these as "the rubbing of Winalag-
alis canoe » - Winalagalis being the spirit of the Winter Dance
whom the hero encounters in a canoe on a lake and, swimming
out the canoe, tips up the end to the peril of the spirit, who offers
him the four gifts of the dance to desist ('). Another, one of the
cannibal societies, appears with red streaks running from mouth
to ear, and these are explained as the blood running down from
the mouth of the cannibal spirit who has just feasted on the flesh
of his enemies (2). Both of these explanations are essentially
realistic. Even more naive is the dramatization of a whaling
scene in which one of the actors, covered with white gown,
represents cold weather (3). This should be compared with the
mask of the Moqui Snow Katcina (4). Certain Moqui face paint-
ings are explained as representing the four world quarters (5).
The symbol of friendship is two crescents interlaced (6). More-
over, natural parts of the costume are often replaced by a
symbolic object ; the band of a headdress across the forehead
becomes a symbolic ear of corn (") ; the whorls of hair worn by
a Moqui woman are replaced in the masks by squash blossoms,
the symbol of virginity (8).

The emblems borne by the societies show the same differ-
ence. The carved weapons which are borne by the Kwakiutl
societies whose duty it is to act as officers of the dance, are to
be compared with the corn and rain symbols or symbols of sex,
which the Moqui dancers carry as prayers for the blessings they
symbolize (9), or the carved sisul in which a Kwakiutl dancer

(i) Report of the U. S. National Museum, 1895, p. 492.

(2) Ibid., pp. 444, 59b.

(3) Report of the U. S. Nat. Mus. 1895, P- b4'-

(4) 21st Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, plate 22.

(5) 21" Annual Report of the Journal of Ethnology, plates 42, 47, 57.

(6) Journal of Am. Eth. & Arch., II, p. 40.

(7) 21" Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 109.

(8) Ibid., p. 64.

The American Anthropologist, 1892, p. 22.

(9) See Illustrations, Report of Nat. Mus. 1895, PP- 475"^-
19th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 997.
American Folk-Lore, XV, p. 20.

AND KWAKIUTL INDIANS 9 1

sees the actual form of the spirit he encountered ('), with the
symbolic planting stick and gourd of the Moqui Germ god.

The Kwakiutl may have been stimulated to this realistic
way of representing the spirit, by the nature of the material
they had at hand. Wood is very abundant on the northwest
coast and soft wood lends itself well to realistic representation.
Their carvings are extraordinarily life-like, especially those used
in the shamanistic tricks, where the illusion depends upon the
skill with which the human face is counterfeited (2). Their
masks, which are made of wood, embody with exaggerated
realism the face of the animal or monster in which guise the
spirit is conceived to exist (3). Sometimes a mere head mask
is worn ; sometimes the animal mask opens and discloses a
human face, or these two may be combined and one appear on
top of the other. In these cases, the reference is to the mythical
time when the animal shape could be transformed into the human
or into that of another animal (4). Sometimes, in the northern
tribles, the double mask represents typical moods, the moods
being marked realistically by lines of expression (5). When
exaggeration exists, it follows the tendency common to Kwakiutl
tarving, to center attention upon some one prominent feature
by which the impersonation comes to be known. Such is the
wide, round mouth of Tsonoqoa, the cannibal woman (6).

A curious parallel to this habit in carving, is found in a
distinguishing mark peculiar to the Kwakiutl societies. It
consists in an object closely connected with the monster imper-
sonated, which acts as an " exciting object, >■ the mention of
which is supposed to create frenzy on the part of the spirit.
Thus the nose is the exciting object of the Fool dancers, the
raven of one order of cannibals, the skull, of another (").

(i) Report of the National Museum, 1895, P- 371-

(2) Report of the U. S. Nat. Mus., 1895, pp. 503-4.

(3) Report of the U. S. Nat. Mus., 1895, pp. 640; see plates pp. 447,
463, 470, 479, 485, 493, 494, 625.

(4) Report of the U. S. Nat. Mus., 1895, pp. 339, 420.

(5) Ibid., pp. 627, 630.

(6) Report of the U. S. Nat. Mus., p. 479.

(7) Report of the U. S. Nat. Mus., 1895, pp. 266, 445, 479, 545, 552,
583-

92 DANCE FORMS OF THE MOOT I

The mask model erf the Moqui, who live in a barren country,
is typically the gourd ('). This lends itself ill to realistic repre-
sentation but makes a good surface for applying symbolic marks.
By combining the gourd mask with the typical headdress of the
dancers, which makes the top and the opposite sides of the head
objective points for decoration, the Katcina mask comes to
assume its present habitual form : in material, of leather ; in
shape, something like a tea-cozy ; in decoration, chiefly diffe-
rentiated by the shape of the eves ; by the mouth, which, besides
painted forms, is represented by round mouthed, snouted, and
toothed Katcina ; by color areas ; and by symbols on the cheek
and at decorative points on the top and on either side of the
head. These decorations mike no attempt to represent the
features truly. Nevertheless, they become habitual, so that it
is by these symbols that the same impersonation under a multi-
tude o\ diverse names and diverse details of decoration may
finallv be identified (-'). Particular regions have a particular
style of decoration which mark them as sources of certain Kat-
cina masks, and so the history of a mask becomes distinct from
its present place in the ritual into which it has got assimilated.

A comparison of the Moqui songs with those of the North-
west is necessarily incomplete, owing to the fact that few Moqui
songs have been translated. Those few, however, which have
been put into English, are typical sequence songs, which invoke
the four directions for rain under the color symbols of clouds,
seed corn, birds, flowers, and stones (3). In a translated racing
song, the invocation names from verse to verse the different
parts o\ the body whose strength is to be tested in the race (4),
just as the daub of paint applied to like points on the runner's
body may be interpreted as a praver for strength in these parts.
The Kwakiutl songs, on the other hand, although often obscure

(i) American Folk-Lore, XV, p. 22.

(2) Compare: 21s1 Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology ; (espe-

cially p. ioc). )

Am. Anth., 1897, P- '44-
Am. Folk-Lore, XV, p. 14.
Am. Amino. , VII, p. 32.

(3) Field Col. Mus., Ill, pp. 127, etc.

(4) Field Col. Mus., Ill, p. 15 _>.

AND KWAKIUTL INDIANS 93

in reference, are inspired with an attempt to recount the actual
form of the encounter. They may belong to a society or to an
individual, in which latter case the burden, or tune, is common
to the society, only the words differing ('). In their simplest
form they boast the power of the spirit impersonated or describe
its particular gift (2) ; or they recount the prowess of the man in
securing the gift (3). Their individual character is shown when
thev tell the special history of the encounter, or describe the
particular owner of the gift (4). The song may, further, include
a sort of dialogue, one part of which is sung by the dancer and
the other by the singers as chorus (5). Or a group of imper-
sonators mav sing each a line of the song. These modifications
follow naturally the increasing dramatic freedom of the dance,
but the point is that the effort toward realism which identifies
the song as much as possible with the realistic details of the
particular encounter, helps toward such freedom ; while the
Moqui tendency to symbolism, in which the particular occasion
of the song is easily obliterated, corresponds with the formal
ritual which accompanies the song.

The same contrast is evident if we compare the manner of
relating ceremonially the clan legends. The Kwakiutl attempt
to tell the story as vividly as possible in order to render its reality
plausible (6) ; the Moqui preserve the historical tale of the wan-
derings of the clan in a symbolic form, in which the objects and
the direction colors are repeated in sequence songs, for luck,
instead of the actual happenings of the journey (7).

The explanation of this typical difference between Moqui
and Kwakiutl insignia is that the Kwakiutl represent by these
external signs an actual encounter with the spirit ; to the Moqui
they are a means of prayer. Prayer is, in fact, the real purpose

(i) Report of the U. S. Nat. Mus., 1895, p. 432.

(2) Ibid., pp. 403, 460, 472, 480.

(3) Ibid., pp. 460, 4b 1, 4b5, 477, 482.

(4) Ibid., pp. 459, 4bo, 4b 1.

(5) Report of the U. S. Nat. Mus., 1895, pp. 471, 475, 492, 494, 631.

(6) Ibid., pp. 338, 376.

(7) Field Col. Mus., Ill, pp. 98-102.

94 DANCE FORMS OF THE MOQUI

of Moqui ceremonial. Prayer is uttered verbally ( ) ; it is
expressed in the sacrifice of meal as the most precious possession,
or typically in the feathered prayer stick (2), or in the image or
formal symbol representing the object prayed for, or in ritualistic
acts and in acts of dramatic significance (3). Prayer in these
forms is the way of intercourse between the upper and the under
world, and the presence of the gods is the means of their more
effective supplication. All shrines dedicated to particular
ancestral beings the sites of old villages, springs and caves,
supposed to be places of access from the underworld — are sacred.
In the sacred chamber where rites are performed, this place of
access whence spirits are born out of the womb of the earth, is
symbolized by the aperture called the sipapu, often made by
boring an augur hole through a plank which is fixed into the
floor (4) ; it is emphasized in the altar and the sand mosaic, both
of which hold a place in Moqui ceremonial (5). The ceremonial
circuit bv which such places are consecrated in procession or in
dance must be interpreted also as a prayer to the spirits believed
to dwell below them, just as the more dramatic act of kicking a
clay ball down the watercourses, which occurs during one of
the festivals, is meant as a prayer for rain, the clay ball being in
Moqui worship, a symbol of rain (6) ; - - or the dances dramat-
izing the action of the sun on the earth in the spring time are a
prayer for the fructifying of the earth and the growth of rich
harvests for the pueblo.

(i) Translations in : Field Col. Mus., Ill, pp. 277, 309, 311, 320.
American Anthropologist, 1900, p. 94.

(2) Journal of American Folk- Lore, X, pp. 187,-201.

See illustrations in : Journal of Am. Eth. & Arch., IV, pp. 51, 71.
Field Col. Mus., Ill, plates XV, VIII, XLVI.

(3) Folk-Lore, XV, p. 29.

19th Annual Report of Am. Bu. of Eth., p. 1010.
Am. Anthro. 1898, p. 75.

(4) Am. Anthro., 1900, p. 96.
Field Col. Mus., Ill, p. 94.

(5) See Bihliography — also illustrations in Journal of Am. Eth. & Arch.,

IV, pp. 18, 22, 54.
Field Col. Mus., Ill, pp. 42, 52, 43, 92.
19th Annual Report of Am. Bu. of Eth., plates 46, 53.

(6) Am. Anthro. 1900, p. 116.

2i8t Annual Report of Am. Bu. of Eth., p. 53.

AND KWAKIUTL INDIANS 95

Symbolism, which refers all forms and phenomena to super-
natural ancestral beings whose gifts are those of rain and corn to
supply the common needs of the people, becomes for the Moqui
the means of approach to the supernatural world. Two elements
are constant in their symbolism : natural objects are made bv
their color to distinguish the different directions (') ; thev are
given sex according to their function, real or imaginary. The
heat producing element in nature is regarded as the male, the
earth, which produces the harvest, as the female agent of growth.
Hence, the sun is the father of all spirits, the earth or the corn is
their mother, or more strictly their grandmother ; since in the
interpretation of these deities we find a tendencv to regard the
earth as hermaphrodite (2). All spirits are grquped by their
symbolic colors under one of the four directions (3). The elaborate
festivals of the Katcina season are in realitv the ceremonial usher-
ing in of the gods on their return to the Pueblo with the winter
solstice or at the corn planting and bean planting season, and
their farewell when they depart at the time of the summer
solstice (4). The whole Katcina ceremonial is, therefore, now
explained by the phenomena of growth, although several of its
•festivals would seem to be made over warrior ceremonies (5).
The Snake and Flute boys and girls, of the unmasked dancers,
and the Corn men and maidens of the basket dances and of
many Katcina dances, sustain as clan heroes and heroines the

(i) Journal of Am. Eth. & Arch., II, pp. 38, 15Q.
Field Col. Mus., Ill, pp. 101, 127.

(2) 21st Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 38.
Journal of American Folk-Lore, XV, pp. 14-23.

19th Annual Report of the Bureau of Am. Eth., p. 1005.

15th Ibid., pp. 259, 266, 313.

American Anthropologist, 1894, pp. 48, 49.

Ibid. , 1901, pp. 438, 439, notes.

(3) I5,h Annual Report of the Bureau ot American Ethnology, p. 267.
Ibid., p. 261.

American Anthropologist, 1898, p. 140.
Journal of Am., Eth., & Arch., Vol. IV, p. 21.

(4) 15th Annual Report of Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 272.
Journal of Am. Folk-Lore, XV, p. 24.

(5) 15th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 272.

96 DANCE FORMS OF THE MOQUI

same relation to their clans as Father Sun and Mother Earth do
to all spirits, and as a matter of fact, wear the insignia ot these
deities ('). The rain deities are symbolized by the sign of the
rain clouds (2). The idea of the dramatic dance becomes now
that of a prayer uttered through the formal dramatization, either
realistically or by means of ritual, of the rain or the corn harvest
to follow. The mimetic dance, therefore, pictures the prayer
offered. As Mr. Fewkes puts it --the Indian expresses his
prayer dramatically for the same reason, that he models figures
of objects to place upon the altar- in order to make clear to the
spirits what is wanted (:^).

The mimetic dance is not, however, characteristic of Moqui
dramatization. The totemic animal dances of the Katcinas,
which initiate realistically such animals as wasps, mice, et camera,
seem to be a comparatively modern innovation (4). The buffalo
dance, imported from the East is said to be losing its realistic
character (5). The races before sunrise which belong typically to
Moqui festivals, have their mimetic value, the racers being
imagined to represent storm clouds racing over the mesa, and
the winner of the race hailed as the bringer of rain to the
Pueblo (6) ; but the performances of the rain god are highly
symbolic (7) ; as are the dramatic prayers for a rich harvest
inserted into the women's dances and into some Katcina
dances (s). Every Moqui festival, moreover, includes the
ceremony of singing the night songs about the altar. These
songs are accompanied by ritualistic acts performed with the
symbolic objects upon the altar, as a prayer to the four directions,

(1) 19th Anthropologist Report, p. 1009.
American Anthropologist, X, pp. 133-143.

(2) 19th Annual Report, p. 1008.

(3) American Anthropologist, 1900, p. 125.

(4) 19th Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 81.

(5) Ibid., p. 31.

(6) Field Columbian Museum, III, pp. 322-327.

(7) Journal of Am Elh. and Arch., Vol. IV, p. 75.

(8) Folk Lore, XI 1, pp. 83, 85, 91.

AND KWAKILTL INDIANS 97

invoked through their various color manifestations, to bring rain
and peace and blessing to the people (').

As attention becomes centered, however, upon a particular
impersonation of dramatic power, and either follows more
directly some myth of its exploits, or realizes it more vividly in
the performance of some common activity of nature or of hus-
bandry in which the subject of the action becomes coherent and
interesting, characters are individualized and greater freedom of
dramatic action is exhibited.

Moqui dramatizations fall under two classes ; historical,
which commemorate the wanderings of a clan ; and nature
dramas, which represent some phenomenon of nature (2). Dram-
atization of the union of clans, and narratives and observances
commemorating their wanderings and those of the clan ancestors
are a typical feature of Moqui clan festivals (3). Their object
seems to be to bring the novices into closer touch with their
supernatural ancestry. On the whole, the nature myths lend
themselves to more realistic dramatization (4). Among such acts
are the planting ceremony of Muivinwu in his character of plant-
ing god (5); the ceremonial corn grinding of the corn maidens
attended by corn men (6); and the rites of the Great Plumed
Snake, in which an ancient war drama, it is supposed, has been
interpreting according to present Moqui interests to symbolize

(i) Field Col. Mus., Ill, pp. 24, 47, 79.
American Anthropologist, XI, pp. 81-etc.

(2) Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, IV, pp. 106, etc.
Journal of Am. Eth. & Arch., II, p. 152.

Am. Ass. for ad. of Sci., 1892.
Field Colombus Museum, III, pp. 255-261.
American Anthropologist, 1900, p. 124.
American Anthropologist, 1897, P- *43-

(3) Journal of Am. Eth. & Arch., IV, 1894, pp. 281-284.
Journal of Am. Eth. & Arch. IV, pp. 62-65, 68, 69, 73, 77.
Field Col. Mus., Ill, pp. 98-102.

(4) 15th Annual Report of Ass. of Am. of Ethnology, p. 254.

(5) 21st Annual Report of Bureau of Am. Ethnology, p. 36.
Journal of American Folk-Lore, XV, p. 23.

(6) 21st Annual Report of Bureau of Am. Ethnology, pp. 79, 54, plates

27. 32-

9& DANCE FORMS OF THE MOQU1

Father Sun in the form of lightning, fertilizing Earth in the form
of a cornfield ('). In the pantomime, a mimic cornfield is laid out
in front of a screen painted with sun symbols, from apertures in
which stretch great serpents, made by drawing canvas over
barrell hoops and worked from behind so that they writhe and
twist in a hideous and life-like manner, besides emitting realistic
roars made by blowing on a conch shell behind the scenes.
Although the characters which belong to the mvth mav be
merely painted on the screen, they may also appear as actors.
Earth mother feeds and suckles her offspring, the serpents, to
pacify them. The serpents destroy the cornfield, or struggle
with each other or with some impersonation in the plav, and the
whole pantomime is made as realistic as possible, even to holding
blankets over the fire while the screen is being set up so that the
illusion may not be lessened by witnessing the stage devices/)
As a whole, however, such a realistic performance is not typical
of Moqui dramatizations. The tendency to group action and to
symbolism leads to ritualistic forms of actions in which the
picturing quality has given place to an interpretative value
which is purely conventional.

Exactly the opposite is the case among the Kwakiutl. The
whole meaning of the Kwakiutl dance forms depends upon their
realistic value. The actual forms of the beings thev impersonate
are vividly realized and the gifts they secure are those of personal
prowess. The secret dances of the Kwakiutl were obtained
from tribes to the north, and their form has probably been
determined by the war ceremonials with which they were con-
nected (2). Representing, therefore, conditions which force
attention upon individual skill and daring, and foster the spirit
of rivalry, the societies seek superhuman support from mythical
monsters, an encounter with which and a displav of whose gifts

(i) American Folk-Lore, VI, pp. 269-289.

21" Annual Report of the Bureau of Am. Ethnology, pp. 40-42, 51,

F'late zb.
15th Annual Report of Bureau of Am. Ethnology, p. 291.
American Anthropologist, 1898, p. 84.
Journal of American Folk-Lore, XV, p. 29.

(2) Report of the National Museum, 1895, p. 664.

AND KWAKIUTL INDIANS 99

must test the nerve of the boldest. The Cannibal who lives in
the woods and gives the power to eat human flesh ('), the War
Spirit of the North, which bestows in different forms the power
of invulnerability of throwing" disease, and of catching the soul
of an enemy (2) ; Matem, who appears as a huge bird and
gives the power of flying (3), and the Ghosts wrho give the
power to return to life (4) — such are the spirits who act as
guardians of the secret societies. Some beings are common to
the clan dances and to those of the ceremonial season, such as
the horned sisul, which gives invulnerability to its owner, but
to look on which is death to any enemy (5) ; and the blind ogress
of the woods, Tsonoqoa (6). Shamanistic devices, self-torture,
and the difficult art of cannibalism are among the higher rites
practiced ceremoniallv in this region. The dramatic imperson-
ation, hence, centers attention upon a display of personal
endurance, courage, and self-control, such as would serve to
terrorize an enemv or to strengthen individual daring and
fortitude.

The business of the whole initiation ceremonial is to prove
beyond question that the novice has encountered one of these
guardian spirits, and received from him the supernatural gift.
It is from beginning to end a dramatization, in as realistic a
manner as possible, of the capture of the notice by the spirit ; of
his return after a period of hiding, when he is supposed to be
harboring with the spirit ; and of his display of the gifts secured
during this time, by the performance of a dance. The other
society members during his absence displav their dances one by
one in order to lure back the spirit of the novice ; and upon his
return, they endeavor, by songs and by the dancing of women
to pacify his madness. Although each dance has individual
features, the form of each ceremonial depends, upon the myth
of its origin and is, hence, prescribed by convention.

(i) Ibid., pp. 395-408.

(2) Report of the National Museum, 1895, pp. 394, 485 497, 560, 5Q7.

(3) Ibid., pp. 411, 483.

(4) Ibid., pp. 408, 482.

(5) Ibid., pp. 358, 371.

(6) Ibid., pp. 372, 479.

IOO DANCE FORMS OF THE MOQUI

When the ceremonial season opens, spirits are supposed to
enter the village to catch the souls of the novices whom they
wish to initiate. Their presence is represented by whistles, of
which everv society has its distinctive call (')• Accounts of
Indians on Vancouver Island give the ghost calls a still more
realistic turn. The presence of the thunder bird (2) — probably
a war god --is heralded by thunder and lightning, the light-
ning made by flashing torches through apertures in the roof,
and the thunder which follows the flash, by the drumming of
the heels of the initiated against the empty boxes on which they
sit, while the whole assemblage whistles like the wind (3). The
sound of Winalagalis, the Kwakiutl war god, is made by
swinging whirring sticks on the roof or by humming in a pecu-
liar manner.

The coming of the spirits is a signal for the novices who
are to be initiated to disappear mysteriously (4). Devices are
resorted to in order to suggest the agency of spirits. Among
the Koskimo, a bloody shirt is left behind when the novice
vanishes, or at a dance the Disease Thrower may strike the
novice, when he immediately faints and is not revived until the
period of initiation, generally four days, is over. During this
time his soul is supposed to be with the spirits. Among some
tribes the spirits themselves are represented, who carry the
novice away. The Nootka dress as wolves and carry off the
novice. In one of the coast Salish tribes the society members
appear in company with impersonators of wild men whom they
lead with ropes. These dance about the novice, and finally take
him away and secrete him to be taught the secrets of the society.
Another trick is to make the novice appear as if burned alive,
by substituting a dummy, carved with an exceedingly like-like
face, in place of the body of the novice, who is secreted in a pit
underground ; at the proper time he emerges from the ashes,

(i) Report of the U. S. National Museum, 1895, PP- 44^> 493> 5°3> 5°8>
5^. 5&4-

(2) /bid., p. 038.

(3) Ibid., pp. 538, 501.

(4) Ibui., pp. 503, 555, 601 , 606, 612, 613, 632, 637, 646, 655, 657, 658.
*>59-

AND KWAKIUTL INDIANS IOI

with the power of coming to life. By a similar trick the novice
is beheaded and appears as if returning to life. All these
devices depend for their dramatic success upon the realistic
impression they give that the notice is actually carried away by
supernatural means.

His return may be no less miraculous ('). Among the
northern tribes, the soul is said to return because it has made a
mistake while performing the dance in heaven, and is hence sent
back to earth. The Kwakiutl dancer is enticed back by the
displav of a dance whose spirit is master of the spirit which pos-
sesses the novice (2). During his period of initiation in the
woods, the novice may appear at various times in his character
of mad man, possessed by some superhuman being. Among
the northern tribes, his return is dramatically prepared for. He
may be seen at a distance dancing behind a fire in such a
manner that he seems to be dancing in it : he may return as if
walking on the water, by using a float hidden beneath the
surface ; or he may be borne over the water on a carving
representing his totem animal. Particular initiations determine
the form of his return. The novice of Matem appears flying
from the roof into the dance hall ; the Ghost novices appear from
underground ; the Cannibal comes through the village biting all
whom he can lay hold of. Formerly he actually bit the flesh,
but now he merely sucks the flesh in such a way as to leave the
appearance of a wound (3). In general, the appearance of the
novice is made as sudden and dramatic as possible. When he
appears in the dance hall, the rear right hand corner is the sacred
place of ingress.

When the novice appears, he performs the dance which he
has learned, shows its rings, masks, and carvings, and sings the
secret songs which he has practiced in the woods during his
absence. He also exhibits dramatically the supernatural gift he
has obtained. The whole force of his action lies in convincing

(i) Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, pp. bo8, 656,
660.

(2) Ibid., pp. 497, 524.

(3) Report of the U. S. National Museum, p. 440.

102 DANCE FORMS OF THK MOQUI

his audience of the realit\r of the gift he claims to have secured (').
The masks he wears are carved to represent the actual face of the
monsters who initiate him. In his acts he attempts to dramatize
the frenzv to which lie lavs claim, in his songs to relate his
personal experience. For example, in the cannibal dance (2),
the novice wears at one appearance the mask of the cannibal
monster of the woods, at another, the bird mask which represents
one of the cannibal household. It has a huge beak with which
it cracks the skulls of men. He dances differently, too, at first,
squatting as if searching for food, then upright as if satisfied and
exalted by his feast. As he sings, his gestures follow the search
after food, and the idea of feasting upon the flesh of his enemies
which the song calls up (3). In more realistic interpretations of
the rite, a human body is actually borne before him by his female
attendant, which he tears and eats, cut-ting off parts for other
members of the society.

Whenever a man uses his dance after initiation, he is
supposed to be possessed by the same spirit. If the adventure
dramatized includes a culture gift or a phenomenon of nature,
the dance or the mask mimics, as closely as possible, the nature
of the gift (4). The myth of the bringing of salmon is commem-
orated in a dance imitating the action of a salmon trapper. The
sunrise mvth is represented in a mask-head which opens to
display the yawning day. So close is the idea of the impers-
onation to the reality, moreover, that this dance is of necessity
performed before sunrise (5). A Dance of the Wind imitates
in a lively manner the movement of the wind. The same feeling
of actuality controls those performances in which the gift takes
the form of physical frenzy in some particular direction. Such
a dance is not, like the Moqui impersonation, a prayer for a gift,
it is the gift itself. It is not realized in nature ; it is itself the
only proof of the existence of supernatural support.

(i) Ibid. , p. 396.

(2) Ibid., p. 437.

(3) Ibid., p. 457.

(4) Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, pp. 475, 484,
497-

(5) Ibid., pp. 410, 582.

AND KWAKIUTL INDIANS [Ol

In these realistic performances, the audience is made to share
the dramatization. Those initiated by the Spirit of Sleep, enter
and dance with their eyes closed, and soon throw the superna-
tural spell over the whole audience ('). The Soul-Catcher moves
about the rooms pretending to catch in his hands the souls of
those who offer themselves, the soul being represented by a
small wad of white down tied to a string (2). The dreaded
disease thrower pretends to hurl his magic stick, and those in
the audience whom he strikes rush forward, blood streaming
from their mouths, and fall as if dead until brought back to life
by the Shaman (3). Those who boast invulnerability, receive
great wounds which are miraculously healed (4). Song and
dancing of women is used to pacify the frenzy of the spirits (5).
The performance ends with the distributing of gifts to pay the
dancers, and to requite all damage done to property (6). The
distributing of gifts at the close of the dance is also characteristic
of Katcina performances in the South (?). In the North, blankets
are given, which are the actual unit of wealth. In the South,
the dancers and the audience are presented with seed corn as the
symbol of harvests.

The realistic character of Kwakiutl dramatization is by this
time clearly evident. It shows itself in three directions : - in
the excellen power of mimicry, to be found particularly in the
animal dances (8) ; in the development of realistic trickery, such
as Mr. Washington Matthews describes among the Navajo, to
produce the illusion of magic ; and in a naive application of
realistic symbolism in place of the conventionalized symbolism
of the South. Ceremonial paraphernalia, as well as the actual

(i) Ibid., p. 655.

(2) Ibid., pp. 561, 575.

(3) Ibid., p. 489, 600.

(4) Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, pp. 489, 600.

(5) /bid-, pp. 5^9- 573. 613, 542, 573, 578, 586.

(6) Ibid., pp. 529, 535, 574, 579, 589, 596, 601, 603, 657.

(7) 2 i8t Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 43.
Journal of Am. Eth. & Arch., II, pp. 57, 60, 85, 97.
American Anthropologist, 1900, p. 130.

(8) Report of United States National Museum, pp. '636, 640, 477, 615,

578, 558.

7 *

104 DANCE FORMS OF THE MOQUI

costume of the dancer, is interpreted thus symbolically. The
paraphernalia include the dance pole set up in the dance house,
and the wreaths of hemlock and cedar bark, the tallow and
down distributed to the participants in an initiation feast. All
of these objects, and the very food itself which the feasters con-
sume, however foreign the idea may have been to the origin of
their use, are now explained as a symbol of the wealth destroyed
by the giver of the dance to raise the rank of the novice who is
being initiated ('). Consistently with this symbolism, the wreaths
are dropped into the fire and the pole chopped up to betoken
their complete destruction. The boastful speeches of the rival
chiefs vie with each other in vaunting the amount of wealth
they destroy (2). Formerly, say the Kwakiutl, we contended in
war, but now we contend with property. Songs magnifying
such a destruction of property hence take the place of the old
war songs, which extolled prowess in war (3). In the same
way, symbolic ceremonies are made to emphasize the amount
of wealth given away for the dance. The giver of a feast,
when he announces his intention, goes about the fire as if
bearing on his back the weight of the wealth he means to distri-
bute (4). Such is the symbolism involved when the rope, by
means of which the soul of the novice is dragged from the grave,
is made to break from the weight of blankets given in payment
for his release (5) ; or the byplay of a masker whq has on the
top of his mask a sliding rod smeared with grease and covered
with down, any one who catches a feather of which, as the
dancer moves it up and down, is entitled to a blanket (6) ; or
the symbolism of the soul catcher who represents by the " soul "
of theperson he exercises, a certain gift of blankets for a feast (7).

(i) Report of United States National Museum, 1895, pp. 502, 653, 471,
530, 581, 522, 626.

57i

(2) Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, pp. 580, 602,

(3) Ibid-> PP- 472> 275> 277. 482- 498- 573- 578-

(4) Ibid., p. 502.

(5) Ibid., 609.

(6) Ibid , p. 034.

(7) Ibid., p. 561.

AND KWAKIUTL INDIANS IO5

One such symbolic performance of the Kwakiutl corresponds
closely to the Moqui type (')• During one ceremonial, the old
chiefs cast wreaths into the fire and shoot arrows after them.
" Putting the head of an enemy upon a pole », the ceremony is
called ; but the wreaths are now reckoned to mark the property
each chief destroys in the feast, while other groups throw sticks
into the fire to count the feasts they have given. With such a
performance should be compared the Moqui rain rites in which
male and female symbols are tossed into cloud patterns traced
on the sand, or that of the women's dances in which arrows are
shot into corn husks as a symbol of fertilization (2). In the
Kwakiutl stories, too* the powers granted by the spirits take
the form of objects ; usually they appear as the magic harpoon,
the water of life, the fire darand the magic canoe. In the rings
worn in the secret dances there is an attempt to shape the knots,
which represent different stages of initiation, into the form of
one of these gifts (3). When it occurred to the Kwakiutl to
dramatize his gift, the same endeavor toward a concrete repre-
sentation directed his efforts toward producing the illusion of
reality for the supernatural frenzy to which he laid claim.

Did our comparison close here, we should say unhesitat-
ingly that the Kwakiutl greatly surpassed the Moqui in dramatic
freedom and vividness of impersonation. When, however, we
take into account the comic interludes introduced into both
Moqui and Kwakiutl ceremonials, such a generalization becomes
impossible (4). It is with the introduction of this fun making
element that Moqui drama finds its free outlet. (The more formal
clan dances and the farewell Katcina exclude the comic ele-
ment (5), but in all other dances it has its legitimate place as

(1) Ibid , p. 522.

(2) American Anthropologist, 1892, p. 238.
Folk-Lore, XII, p. 91.

(3) Report of United States National Museum, 1895, pp. 413, 415, 454.

484.

(4) Ibid , pp. 546, 563-

21" Annual Report of Bureau of Am. Ethnology, pp. 50, 59.

(5) Journal of Am. Eth. & Arch., p. 84.

15th Annual Report of Bureau of Am. Eth., p. 267.

8— ii

I06 DANCK FORMS OF THK MOQUI

interlude, or as a recognized act of the Katcina dance night.
Conventional forms are caricatured or disappear altogether, and
pure farce takes their place. Comic songs and witty dialogue,
in which the deities themselves take part, may be introduced into
the sacred ceremonial. A burlesque of a sacred dance may be
performed. The actors may represent a domestic wrangle, or
some eccentricity of a stranger. The Moqui are quick to mimic
personal peculiarities : the outthrust jaw of the neighboring
Navajo is quickly caught by Katcina artists (:), and his peculiar
utterance imitated in dramatic impersonation. Atone perform-
ance a very good take-off was improvised, of a white man taking
down notes with a phonograph, an occupation which to the
Indian seems entirely ridiculous. In some instances the sacred
dances treated in burlesque are those which have lost their hold
upon the pueblo, or have perhaps lost their original meaning
with the audience (2). Yet the comic character has its recognized
place among Moqui priesthoods. Three fool brotherhoods exist
among the secret societies (3), each with its special costume and
character: — a brotherhood of gluttons brought from Zuni ;
the " Mudheads ", of Tanoan origin ; and the true Moqui glut-
tons who are allied to the Phallic societies (4). Since the fools
are present only in Katcina dances they may be believed to be
introduced to the Moqui from the same source as Katcina
impersonations (5). Cave paintings and pictures on pottery also
connect the two (6). The knob headed costume of the Zuni

(i) 21st Annual Report of Bureau of American Ethnology, p. 88.

(2) Folk-Lore, XII, 1899, p. 87.

(3) 15th Annual Report of the Bureau of Am. Eth., p. 293.
Journal of Am. Eth. & Arch., Vol. II, p. 10.

21" Annual Rep. of Bu. of Eth., See plates 6, 45, 58.

(4) Compare face painting :
Am Anthro. 1900, p 10b.

Journal of Am. Eth. & Arch , Vol. II, p. 11.

(5) 15th Annual Report of Bu. of Am. Eth., p. 117.
Journal of Am. Folk-Lore, Vol. XI, pp. 175, 177.

(6) 21" Annual Report of Bu. of Am. Eth., pp. 32, 46, 70, 114.
15th Annual Report of Bu. of Am. Eth., pp. 278, 279.
Journal of Am. Eth. & Arch., Vol. II, pp. 44, 48.

AND KWAKIUTL INDIANS I07

gluttons and their position as escort in the Katcina dances
connect these fools furthur with the warrior societies. Their
character, however, has retained none of the severity of a military
judiciary, nor does the mock they make of social custom seem
to exist in any but the most jovial mood, or exercise itself as
setting at defiance the social conventions. It is rather with the
pure fun loving spirit, the instinct for comedy, that they perform
their antics. Their presence at a dance is the signal for fooleries
whose purpose is to furnish amusement for the people and set
off society in a comic light. This they do by eating glutton-
ously, by abusing each other, by repeating a religious ceremony
in a farcical manner, the element of farce often lying in doing
the contrary of accepted custom, by witty dialogue, bv acting
out farcical scenes during the interlude of a Katcina dance -
an Indian barter, a domestic wrangle — and by all sorts of tricks,
filthiness and obscenity .J Throughout, their character is that of
the gay buffoon : they may caricature but never punish folly, and
they do not regularly carry a weapon as emblem of authority.
Of a sterner and more official type is the fool brotherhood
of the Kwakiutl ('). To their character belongs too much of the
element of terror, to sustain our idea of the comedian. They
show their superhuman frenzy by breaking the furniture and
cutting and slashing with the swords and lances which are their
emblems of office (2). In contempt of custom they throw food
about and call people by their wrong names during the sacred
season (3), and they run about the fire in the wrong direction (4).
They act, in fact, as if irresponsible to society, at the same time
that they are the messengers and escorts of the higher cannibal
societies (5) and, with the Bears the appointed avengers of anv
violation of custom in the performance of the ceremonial, in old
times punishing such accidents by death (6). Cleanliness is
distasteful to them. Their power is supposed to rest in the

(1) Report of the United States National Museum, i8q5, p. 469.

(2) Ibid , pp. 469, 47 >. 548, 568.

(3) Ibid

(4) Ibid., p. 469.

(5) Ibid., pp. 436, 506, 516.

(6) Ibid , pp. 467, 517, 521, 551, 497.

108 DANCE FORMS OF THE MOQUI

mucous of the nose, and mention of the nose is likely to rouse
them to fury (J). The wooden face mask of the fool, with its
queer shaped nose, is known to be among the oldest of Kwakiutl
ceremonials (2). Their connection with the warrior society is
more clearly marked, both in function and paraphernalia, than
that of the Moqui fools (3), at the same time that the idea under-
lying this connection is obscure : they carry weapons in their
hands, and in their songs they boast their connection with the
Deer, which is the warrior totem of the North (4). As warriors,
Doctor Boas remarks, they are not intimidated by the laws of
etiquette which bind other orders, but show their supernatural
power by license in matters where they compel other men to
respect the laws of custom. Hence, their chief display is of acts
which show a contempt for property, a contempt for the dignity
of social rank, and a contempt for cleanliness and for traditional
forms. At the same time their character as buffoon is clearly
recognized ; for example, from the custom, when a member of
the society tries to make a speech, for the other societies to tease
him with comical interruptions (5).

The same element of lawlessness is to be found in the Moqui
fool ; but it expends itself chiefly in gluttony and obscenity,
never in personal violence. His expulsion from the farewell
ceremonial to the departing Katcinas, and his exclusion from
the historic clan dances, may show a tendency among the Moqui
to repudiate his sacred character (6). The Kwakiutl, on the other
hand, give the order a recognized place among the highest in
rank of the brotherhood (7). With these tvpes should be
compared that of the California clown (8), who acts as the spokes-
man for the leader of a dance and occupies a position near the

(i) Ibid., pp. 468, 545, 565-

(2) Ibid., p. 469.

(3) Ibid., p. 602.

(4) Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, pp. 469, 630.

(5) Report of the United States National Museum, 1895, p. 551.

(6) Report of Am. Eth. & Arch., Vol. II, p. 84.

(7) Report of U. S. Nat. Mus ., 1895, pp. 419, 471.

(8) Bui. of Am. Mus. of Nat Hist., Vol. XVII, Part III, pp. 286, 351.

AND KWAKIUTL INDIANS • IOg

front post of the dance house analogous to the position of the
leader at the sacred rear post. In the myths he accompanies
the Creator in his voyage of creation. His buffooneries take
the form of continual eating and of comic repartee in dialogue
with the master of ceremonies, nor is any warrior attribute
observable in the character of the California fool.

SUMMARY

The Moqui dances may be divided into historical dramatizations of
totemic animal clans, and dramatizations of nature myths impersonated by
masked dancers representing totemic ancestors, called Katcinas. The
women's dances have some of the characteristics of both classes. The
Kwakiutl dances include mimetic animal group dances belonging to the
initiation ceremonial of different clans, and typically, individual dances in
which the initiating spirit of the secret society is supposed to possess the
dancer in a particular form.

The Moqui dances are organized as a clan prayer for rain and harvest,
the Kwakiutl as a means of social rank by the personal display of an inher-
ited possession. For this reason the Moqui emphasize the clan tie, the
Kwakiutl, the individual initiation.

The dramatic forms of the Kwakiutl tend to mark out the individual
and to represent realistically the actual scenes which the supernatural being
impersonated is supposed to be recalling. The Moqui tendency is to form
group dances, whose dramatic action and the paraphernalia which disting-
uish the impersonations are symbolic and formal. Moqui symbolism is
based upon the idea of sex ; Kwakiutl upon that of wealth.

Common to both are masks, secret societies, and a fool brotherhood
which furnishes comic byplay for the dances. In both regions these broth-
erhoods show a connection with the warrior societies, but among the
Kwakiutl alone is the severe and austere character of the military avenger
to be found in the fool ; among the Moqui he is merely a glutton and
buffoon.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

KWAKIUTL

Decorative Art of Indians of the North Pacific Coast. — By

Franz Boas.

Bulletin of American Museum of Natural History, i8qj, Series IX.
Social Organization and Secret Societies of the Kwakiutl Indians.

— By Franz Boas.

Report of the United States National Museum for 1895, pp. 311-737.

MOQUI

Altar, The Miconinovi Flute. - - By J. Walter Fewkes.

Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. VII, 1894, pp. 241-257.
Altar, The Oraibi Flute. — By J. Walter Fewkes.

Journal of American Folk-Lore,- Vol. VIII, 1895, pp. 265-285.
Altar, The Oivakulti, at Sichonovi. - - By J. Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. Ill, 1901, pp. 211-226.
Altar, The Winter Solstice, of Ha no. - - Bv J. Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. 1, 1899, pp. 251-277.
Altars, The Aforphology of Tusayan. - -By J. Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. X, 1897, pp. 129-245.
Architecture, Study of Pueblo. — By Victor Mindeleff.

8th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1886-1887,
pp. 1 1-228.
Awatobi. — By J. Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. VI, 1893, pp. 363-375.
Basket Dances, Hopi. — By J. Walter Fewkes.
Ceremonial Circuit among Indians of N. E. Arizona, The. -

By J. Walter Fewkes.

Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. V, 1892, pp. 33-42.
Ceremonials, Summer. — By J. Walter Fewkes.

A Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, Vol II.
Ceremonials at Zuni and Moqui Pueblos, Summer. —

Bulletin of the Essex Institute, Vol. XXII.
Clans, Pueblo Indian. — By T. W. Hodge.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. IX, 1876, pp. 245-352.

112 DANCE FORMS OF THE MOQUI

Destruction of the Tasayan Monsters, The. - - By J. Walter
Fewkes.

Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. VIII, 1895, PP- l.:i2-137-
Environmental Inter relations in A rizona. - By Walter Hough.
The American Anthropologist, Vol. XI, 1898, pp. 133-155

Feather Symbolism in Hopi Design. - By J. Walter Fewkes.
The American Anthropologist, Vol. XI, 1898, pp. 1 - 1 4,

Flute Altar, The Miconinovi. - - By J. Walter Fewkes.
Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. V, 1894, PP- 24I_257-

Flute Altar, The Oraibi. - - By J. Walter F'ewkes.

Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. VIII, 1895, pp. 265-285.

Flute Legends, Snake and. — By Matilda Coxe Stevenson.
American Association for Advancement of Science, 1892

Flute Observance, The Walpi. - - By J. Walter F'ewkes.
Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. VII, 1894, pp. 265-289.

Flute and Snake Ceremonies. - - By J. Walter F"ewkes.

19th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1894- 1897,
Part. 2, pp. 957-101 1.

Foot Race. — A Tusayan.

Bulletin of the Essex Institute, Vol. XXIV, 1892, u 3-136.

History, Traditional, of Tits ay a. - - By Victor Mindeleff.

8th Annual Report of the Bulletin ot American Ethnology, 1886-1887,
pp. 16-41.
Katcinas, Hopi. — By J. Walter Fewkes.

2i3t Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnok>gy.
Katcinas, Tusayan. — By J. Walter Fewkes.

15th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1893-1894,
PP- 251-313.
Kinship of Tusayan Indians. By J. Walter F"ewkes.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. VII, 1894, pp. 162-167,394-417.
Kivas or Sacred Chambers in Cliff Ruins of Canyon de Chelley

in Arizona. — By Cosmos Mindeleff.

i6,h Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1894-1895,
pp. 174-198.
Lalakonti, The. — By J. Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. V, 1892, pp. 105-129.
Mamzrauti, The. — By J. Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. V, 1892, pp. 217-245.
Migration Traditions, Tusayan. - By J. Walter F'ewkes.

19th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1897-1898,
Part. 2, pp. 577-653.

AND KVVAKIUTL INDIANS I I

.->

Xaacnaiya, The. — By J. Walter Fewkes.

Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. V, 1892, pp. 189-217.

New Fire Ceremony at Walpi, The. — By J. Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. II, 1900, pp. 80-138.

New Fire Ceremony at Walpi, The Lesser. - - By J. Walter

Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. Ill, 1901, pp. 438-453,

Owakulti Altar at Sichomovi, The. - - By J. Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. Ill, 1901, pp. 2ii-22b.

Paliiliikonti. — By J. Walter Fewkes.

Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. VI, 1893, PP- 269-289.

Personages Who Appear in a Tusayan Ceremony. - - By J.

Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. VII, 1894, pp. 32-52.
Pictographs, a Few Tusayan. - - By J. Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. V, 1892, pp. 9-20.
Plant Environment, The Hopi in Relation to. - By Walter

Hough.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. X, 1897, PP- 33~43-
Powamu Ceremony, The Oraibi. - - Bv H. R. Voth.

Publications of the Field Columbian Museum, Anthropologist Series,
Vol. Ill, 1 90 1. pp. 66-158.
Prehistoric Culture of Tusaya. - - By J. Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. IX, 1896, pp. 151-173.
Ritual, Bibliography of Hopi. — By J. W. Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. XI, 1898, pp. 110-115.
Ritual, Growth of the Hopi. - - By J. Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. XI, i8q8, pp. 173-194.
Sacrificial Element in Mogul Worship, The. - Bv J. Walter

Fewkes.

Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. X, 1897, PP- 187-201.

Sky-god Personations in Hopi Worship.-- By J. Walter Fewkes.

Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. XV, 1902, pp. 14-32.
Snake Ceremonial, Bibliography of. - By J. Walter Fewkes.

16th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1894-1895,
p. 312.
Snake Ceremonial at Walpi, The. — By J. Walter Fewkes.

A Journal of American Ethnology and Archaeology, Vol. IV. Edited
by J. Walter Fewkes.
Snake Ceremonials, Pueblo. — By T. W. Hodge.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. IX, 1896, pp. 133-136.

114 DANCE FORMS OF THE MOQUI AND KWAKIUTL INDIANS

Snake Ceremonies, Comparison of Sia and Tusaya. — By J.

Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. VIII, 1895, PP- 118-141.
Snake Ceremonies, Tusayan. - - Bv J. Walter Fewkes.

ir>,h Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1894-1895,
pp. 272-295.
Snake Ceremonies, Tusayan Flute and. - - By J. Walter Fewkes.

19th Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 1897-1898,
Part. 2, pp. 957-101 1.
Snake Ceremony, The Michongnovi. — By J. WTalter Fewkes.

Publications of the Field Columbian Museum, Anthropological Series,
Vol. Ill, 1902, pp. 159-272.
Snake Ceremony, The Or aibi Summer. — By H. R. Voth.

Publications of the Field Columbian Museum, Anthropologist Series,
Vol. Ill, 1903, pp. 273-359.
Snake Dance, Central American Ceremony rvhich Suggests the.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. VI, 1893, pp. 285-306.
Snake Dunce, Meaning of Moqui. - -By J. Walter Fewkes.

Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. IV, 1891, pp. 129-138.
Snake and Flute Legends, The. — By Matilda Coxe Stevenson.

American Association for the Advancement of Science, 1892.
Snake Order of the Moquis, legend of. — Bv Washington

Matthews.

Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. 1, 1888, pp. 109-114.
Snake Washing, Hopi. — By J. Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. XI, 1898, pp. 313-318.
Solstice Altar of Ha no, Winter. — By J. Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, New Series, Vol. I, 1899, pp. 251-277.
Solstice Ceremony at Walpi, Winter. — Bv J. Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. XI, 1898, pp. 65-87, 101-115.
Soyal Ceremony, The Or aibi. - - Bv H. R. Yoth.

Publications of the Field Columbian Museum, Anthropologist Series,
Vol. Ill, 1901, pp. 5-59.
Totemic Signatures. — By J. Walter Fewkes.

The American Anthropologist, Vol. X, 1897, pp. 1-11.

War Festival at Walpi, A.- - By J. Walter Fewkes.
The American Anthropologist, New Series. Vol. IV, 1902.

PAST AND PRESENT

SUBTERRANEAN DWELLINGS

OF THE

TRIBES OF NORTH EASTERN ASIA AND

NORTH WESTERN AMERICA
par Waujemar Jochelson, St-Petersburg

The subterranean or semi-subterranean dwelling of various
tribes of antiquity, and partly of the present time, presents a
considerably higher product of civilisation than that primitive
period in the existence of humanity when as a protection against
rain, the sun, and storm, men were taking recourse to natural
shelters as caves, sheds offered by overhanging rocks, gorges
and hollows of trees. Some artificial subterranean dwellings
display a comparatively high type of architectural art.

The designation of the type of dwellings I am about to
discourse upon by the name of " subterranean " is not always
correct, for onlv few of them are entirely underground as, for
instance, the ancient artificial subterranean dwellings that have
been found in Scotland and Ireland. The others are only
situated under the ground to a greater or smaller degree (about
a half or less), while their superterrene part is covered with the
earth taken out of the pit in which the dwelling is constructed.
All these dwellings might be comprised under the general name
of earth-huts, had not the analogous houses covered on the top
with snow instead of earth, as is for instance the case with the
Eskimo and Kereks, belonged to the same type. I, there-
fore, prefer to retain for the dwellings in question the already
commonly received name of subterranean or underground.

For the framework of subterranean dwellings, stones, wood
or bones of big animals, as whales or elks, were and are still
used.
I

Il6 SUBTERRANEAN DWELLINGS OF THE

Subterranean dwellings were or are intended to protect their
inhabitants from cold and wind, so that they are mostlv only
used as winter quarters, and are chiefly to be met with in the
northern latitudes of the Old and the New world.

In Europe the subterranean dwelling was known to the
Scythians ('), while Tacitus and Plinius attribute them to the
ancient Germans (2). Their remnants have been found in
Switzerland, Meklenburg (;), and southern Bavaria where they
had a round shape with a kettle-like widening at the bottom,
from eleven to fifteen metres in diameter, and from two to four
metres in depth (<). The Slavs, (5) Finns (6), and Lapland-
ers (?) lived, in the winter, in earth-huts. During railway
constructions the Russians make even now square earth-huts as
winter quarters for the workmen. Similar earth-huts were used
by the Russian troops in Manchuria during the Russo-Japanese
war. These earth-huts are distinguished from other subterra-
nean dwellings by the possession of windows in the superterrene
part. Subterranean dwellings were used by the Hungarian
gypsies of the last century (s). For their winter huts they dig
holes in the ground ten or twelve feet deep. Their roof is made
of rafters laid across which are covered with straw and sods.

Remnants of another kind of subterranean dwellings have
been found in Ireland and Scotland (y). They mostly represent
long trenches eight or ten feet deep, and about eight feet wide.

(i) Bogoras, the Cliukchee (Publications of the Jesup North Pacific-
Expedition, Vol. VII, Part. I).

(2) M. Hoernes, Die Urgeschichte des Menschen. VVien, 1892, p. 265.

(3) F. Maurer, Ueber das Alter der Gruben-und Hohleubewahner,

' Ausland ', 1870, p. 635.

(4) Lippert Kulturgeschichte der Menschheit 1887, p. 204.

(5) Hoernes, p. 265.
(b) Lippert, p. 205.

(7) Ausland, 1878, s. 741.

(8) Lippert, p. 204.

(9) D. Macritchie, Subterranean Dwelling (The Antiquary, Vol. XXVI,

London, i8q>) p. 40.

Underground Dwelling (Scottish Notes and Queries, March, 1900).
An Aberdeenshire Mound-Duelling (The Antiquary, May, 1899).

TRIBES OF N.-E. ASIA AND N.-W. AMERICA I I 7

Some of these underground galleries have at certain places
narrow passages, widenings, or branchings. The walls and
roofs are joined together without cement out of unhewn stones,
the walls being joined in such a way that each upper row projects
a little forward as compared to the lower one, so that the walls
come together at the top, or form a kind of arch that is known
as " Cvclopean " arch ('). The roof is made of broad stone
slabs, and sometimes of timber.

The characteristic feature of the ancient subterranean dwell-
ings of Scotland consists in their being completely underground,
without forming on the surface of the ground any hillocks or
ramparts bv which the remnants of ancient subterranean
dwellings are easily discovered elsewhere. The use of stones
for earth-huts is also known among the Eskimo, and in ancient
Armenia.

In Asia I mav mention first of all Armenia, as just referred
to. According to Xenophontes, the pit of the Armenian earth-
huts widened at the bottom, and they were entered by a
staircase (2). The Phrygians overlaid their dwellings, joined
together out of stones, with earth (3). Muller (4) and Patkanov (5)
supply us with information on the Ostyak earth-huts that have
almost disappeared now. They represented a quadrangular pit
lined with wood. The roof made of poles was covered with
turf and earth. They had no windows. An opening in the roof
served for letting in the light and letting out the smoke. It was
placed in the middle of the roof or sideways, according to the
situation of the hearth in the earth-hut. The earth-hut was
entered through a side door, descending into it by steps. In
front of the door there was a landing with a shed fenced in on
both sides with poles and called a porch.

(1) David Macritchie. Description of an Earth-House at Pitcur
(Proceedings of the Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, Vol. XXXIV,
p. 204).

(2) M. HOERNES, p. 265.

(3) LlPPERT, p. 205.

(4) Muller, The History of Siheria, p. 127.

(5) Patkanov, The Type of an Ostyak Hero according to the Ostyak
Epic Tales and Heroic Stories, St. Petersburg, i8qi, p. 31.

llS SUBTERRANEAN DWELLINGS OF THE

As we shall see furthur on, all the so-called Paleo-Asiatic
tribes had, or still have subterranean dwellings.

In North America we meet with subterranean dwellings
among the Aleut, the Eskimo, and many Indian tribes.

In view of the data as to the variety in the shape of the
subterranean type of primitive architecture, and its diffusion
among the tribes most distant from one another, we mav take it
for granted that the idea of constructing a subterranean house,
though derived from identical reasons, could have originated
quite independently with different nations.

However, my investigations of the subterranean dwellings
of the maritime Koryak, together with my study of the descrip-
tion of the subterranean houses of other tribes inhabiting the
shores of the Northern part of the Pacific Ocean and of the Arctic
Sea, have led me to the conclusion that subterranean dwellings
of the tribes mentioned not only present a product of identical
culture, but that they have probably also spread by adoption.

This applies more particularly to the so-called Paleo-Asiatic
tribes, the Aleut and the Eskimo.

This question is developed more fully in my work now in
preparation for the press, on the material culture of the Koryak,
and forming part of the Publications of the Jesup Expedition.
But as far as the limited size of this paper allows me to do so,
I will consider here briefly the earth-huts of the said tribes both
in their general and particular features.

Apart from various deviations to be met with in individual
cases, the following marks must be referred to their general
typical characteristics :

(i) The pit is dug in the ground to a depth of three to six
feet, and is round or irregular in shape. It is generally dug
in a hilly place in order to allow the rain-water to flow down
the slopes of the hill.

(2) The walls made of timber are placed straight in the pit.
They form a rectangle, or an irregular octagon. The walls are
raised by half or a third above the pit, but are fenced in, as
with a bulwark, by the earth excavated from the pit.

(3) The roof is supported by four or more pillars, and
declivities pass from it to the walls.

(4) The square aperture in the roof serves as an outlet for

TRIBES OF N.-K. ASIA AND N.-W. AMERICA Iig

the smoke, as a window, and a door. For entering- the house
a log- with notches is placed within the opening.

The chief peculiarities of the subterranean house among
each of the tribes enumerated below are the following :

The Ainos. — We find in vSchrenk (') the description of a
contemporary earth-hut of the Ainos in South Saghalin. This
earth-hut is not entered through the roof, but through a lateral
door. Its roof protrudes over the entrance far enough to form
in front of it a covered landing with steps leading inside. The
hearth is nearer the door ; but in earth-huts of smaller size it is
also placed in the middle. Large earth-huts possess two hearths
at the corners on the side of the door, with an opening in the
roof for the smoke over each hearth. Xot infrequently a channel
runs from the hearth itself to the passage for the sake of draught.
Grimm (2) describes a contemporarv Aino earth-hut on the island
of Shikotan. With them the hearth is to be found in the ricrht
corner of the earth-hut on the side of the door, while the super-
terrene summer hut forms a passage to the same. In speaking
of the earth-huts of the contemporarv Ainos, we must not pass
over in silence the disputed question as to the ancient subter-
ranean houses, numerous remnants of which have been found
on the islands of Yezo and Saghalin. Some students, like the
Japanese Professor Tsuboi, endeavour to prove that these subter-
ranean houses were not inhabited by Ainos> but by another
pre-Aino tribe. Others again, particularly the Japanese Profes-
sor Koganei (;), adduce well-founded arguments to prove that
their inhabitants were preciselv the ancestors of the present dav
Ainos. Among other recent explorers of the Ainos, Sternberg (4)

(1) Schrenk, The Natives of the Amur River, II, 1899, St. Petersburg,
p. 11.

(2) H. Grimm, Beitrag zur Keuntniss der Koropokgurn of Yezo und
Bemerkungen fiber Shikotan-Aino (Mitteilungen der Deutschen gesellschaft
fur Natur und Volkerkunde Ostasiens in Tokir, Band V, 1 889-1892,
PP- 3b9-373)-

(3) Koganei, Die Uhrberrobuer Japans (Mitteilunger der Deutschen
gesellschaft fur Natur-und Volkerkunde Ostasiens in Tokio, Vol. IX, Part. 3,
1903).

(4) L. Sternberg, The Gilyak, p. 5 (Ethgraphical Survey, Journal ot
the Ethnographical Section of the Imperial Society of the Friends of Natural
History, Ethnography and Anthropology in Moscow, Vol LX, 1904.)

8 *

120 SUBTERRANEAN DWELLINGS OF THE

pronounces himself in favour of the former, and Laufer (:) in
favour of the latter opinion. For my own part I also held with
Koganei in this respect, though I am unfortunately precluded
from expatiating here on the subject, which is dealt with in my
work on the Koryaks referred to above. I merely observe now
that the ruins of the subterranean houses on the island of Yezo,
as described by Grimm (2), and the objects found in them bear
such a resemblance to the remnants of the ancient Korvak earth-
huts explored by me on the shores of the Gishiga Bay in the Sea
of Okhotsk, that they may both be stated to present remnants of
one tribe. Nor did the ancient subterranean dwellings on the
island of Yezo differ as to their dimensions from those of the
Koryak. In shape, says Grimm, they approach a square whose
sides are 4-7 metres long, with a depth of some three-quarters of
a metre in the ground.

A link between the remnants of the subterranean houses of
the ancient Koryak on the shore of the Sea of Okhotsk and the
remnants of similar houses on Yezo and Saghalin seems to be
found in the remnants of the earth-huts on the banks of the lower
course of the river Amur (3) and at its mouth, which may be
ascribed to the ancient Gilvak.

The Gilvak. -Those among the modern Gilyak who have
not yet acquired the superterrene Manchurian construction, are
still living in subterranean houses. The pit is dug out to a
depth of three to four feet, and forms a square of twenty to
twenty-two feet in size (4). In the middle of the roof there is an
opening for the smoke and the light, while the entrance into the
house is effected through a narrow passage which descends
slantingly to the door. The floor of the house is lower than
that of the passage. The hearth, composed of a wooden frame
joined together of boards and filled with tightly rammed down
earth, is placed in the middle of the house, under the opening

(1) B. Laufer, Die An^eblicher Urvolker von Yezo und Sachalin
(Centrolblatt fur Anthropoloi^ie, Ethnologic und Urgeschichte, Jena, Vol. V,
PP- 321-33°)

(2) Grimm, p. 372.

(3) Laufer, p. 329.

(4) SCHRENK, II, p. II.

TRIBES OF N.-E. ASIA AND N.-VV. AMERICA 121

in the roof. Sternberg surmises that in antiquity the smoke
opening of the Gilyak " yourta » also served as an entrance, as
with the Kamchadal. Even now this opening is used as a door
on certain occasions. On the Bear Festival the Gilyak descend
by means of a purposely inserted pole through the smoke-hole
with the skin and flesh of the killed bear. At the close of the
festival all the ritual accessories, as well as the bones of the bear,
are removed from the yourta through the same smoke-hole (').

The Kamchadal. — The Kamchadal are now Russianised
and live no longer in subterranean houses, replacing the same
by Russian block houses or by structures of the Yakut type,
also introduced by the Russians. But the ancient winter-
quarters of the Kamchadal, as described by Krasheninnikov
and Steller, were subterranean houses. In summer they lived
in huts on piles. Their subterranean house had no entrance-
room, passage as we meet with among the Koryak and the
Gilyak. The smoke-hole served at the same time as a window
and door, through which one entered by descending along a log
with notches. This was the only entrance-opening. But instead
of the entrance-room of the Koryak and Gilyak, the Kamchadal
house had an underground way in the shape of a narrow channel
for the draught, which started from the hearth and came out of
the house at the side. When the heating was over the outer
end of the channel was stopped with a grass plug.

The Koryak. — The subterranean Koryak house is still in
use among the maritime Koryak, who are not Russianised. It
presents some peculiarities as compared to those described above.
The pit has often a depth of three to four feet. A large yourta
is some forty feet long, and even more. It has a long corridor-
passage leading into the door of the yourta, as with the Gilyaks,
but this passage is only open in the summer. While the Kam-
chadal live in subterranean houses only during the winter, the
Maritime Koryaks live in them in the summer as well. The
Koryak build their storehouses alone on piles. For the winter
the passage door is fenced up with logs, straw, earth and snow,

(i) Sternberg, p. 6.

9— ii

122 SUBTERRANEAN DWELLINGS OF THE

and only the smoke-hole is then used as an entrance, as with
the Kamchadal. For descending into the house, they use a
beam provided, not with notches, but with holes into which the
points of the feet are inserted. Underneath this staircase is to
be found the hearth composed of two big stones between which
the tire is laid. The roof of the passage has a round opening
which is stopped with a plug made of straw, similar to the
stopper of the Kamchadal draught-channel. Indeed, this
appliance is intended for the same purpose as the subterranean
channel with the Kamchadal, namely for draught. When a fire
is laid on the hearth, the door leading from the house into the
passage is opened, and the plug in the roof of the entrance room
is taken out. A current of air then penetrates from outside,
through the opening in the roof of the passage, into the house,
and drives up the smoke from the hearth to the outlet-opening.
A curious peculiarity of a Koryak subterranean house is present-
ed bv its storm-roof which resembles in shape an inverted
umbrella and protects the smoke and entrance-opening against
wind, and the house itself against snowdrifts (').

The Chukchee.- -The Chukchee, and even the maritime
branch of that tribe forms no exception, now make their houses
of reindeer-skins. But along the Arctic shore, from Cape Erri
to Behring Strait, and along the shore of that Strait, south of
Mast Cape, underground dwellings may still be found, with
frames chiefly made of whalebone, as timber was not available.

Wrangel (2) has expressed the opinion that these subterra-
nean dwellings were once inhabited by Eskimo who subsequently
emigrated to America. On the strength of the resemblance
between the remnants of subterranean dwellings on the Asiatic
shores of the Polar Sea with those found on the islands off the
Northern shores of America, Markham (3) has formed the theory

(i) A detailed description of a Koryak underground house will be found
in the second part of "The Koryak" bv the author. Also cf. his "The
Koryak," Part 1, Religion and Myths. (Publications of the Jesup Kxpe-
dition, Vol. VI.)

(2) Wrangel, II, pp. 225, 333.

(3) R. Markham, On the Origin and Migrations of the Greenland
Ksquimaux (The Journal of the Royal Geographical Soc. London,
Vol. XXXV, j 865, p. 87.)

TRIBES OF N.-E. ASIA AND N.-W. AMERICA 1 23

of the emigration of the Eskimo into Greenland from Asia, the
groundlessness of which theory has been proved by Dr Boas (:).

In his time Schrenk (2) suggested that the remains of
underground houses along the Asiatic shores of the Arctic Ocean
to the East of Cape Erri, were the ancient dwellings of the
ancestors of the present Chukchee, which they inhabited before
they adopted the tent made of skins.

This is quite admissible, for the opinion that attributes the
deserted subterranean dwellings in the Chukchee shore region
not to the Chukchee, but to another triber was founded on the
narratives of the Chukchee themselves to the effect that those
underground dwellings were formerly inhabited by the "Onki-
lon ". But Onkilon is nothing else but a wrongly. recorded form
of the Koryak-Chukchee word "angala'n " that means "maritime
dweller. » Even now the Koryak and the Chukchee apply this
name to everv maritime inhabitant. In the Behrino" Sea
settlements, the Chukchee told Bogoras (;) that in the now ruined
subterranean houses there once lived their ancestors. We have
no detailed description of the earth-huts found on the shore of
the Arctic Ocean ; but in the Soltth-Eastern part of the Chukchee
•Peninsula, Bogoras saw remnants of such dwellings both in
the settlements in the Maritime Chukchee and in those of the
Asiatic Eskimo. According to the description given by Mr Bo-
goras (4), this subterranean dwelling called by the Chukchee
■walkar (jaw-bone house) also had two entrances ; but, contrary
to the underground Koryak house, the upper entrance at the top
of the wall was reserved for the summer while in the winter they
used narrow underground passage which would be filled up with
water in the summer. The floor of the inner room being on a
higher level than that of the underground passage, the water
could not damage the living accommodation. The Walkar\\aA
a frame of whalebones, heavy pieces of which were set upright

(1) Dr Boas, Ueber die chemslige Verbreitung der Eskimo in arktisch-
iimerikanischen Archipel (Zeitochr. der Gesellsehaft fur Krdkunde xu Berlin,
Vol. XVIII, 1883, p. 118.)

(2) Schrenk, II, p. 28.

(3) Bogoras, The Chukchee.

(4) I- c

124 SUBTERRANEAN DWELLINGS OF THE

in the ground, at intervals, all around the house, and held in
position by earth and stones. Large pieces of jaw-bone or of
whales' ribs were superposed as rafters, while smaller pieces were
inserted to render the structure more compact.

The present inhabitants of the villages of Cecin and Indian-
Point still claim to know to which particular families most of
ruins to be found in the vicinity of their present habitations
belong. According to their statements the underground dwell-
ings have now been disused for three generations.

It is interesting to note that the Reindeer Koryak still give
to the underground dwellings of their maritime kinsmen the
name of walkai which, like the chukchee wal/tar, means: jaw-
bone house, though at present the Koryak use everywhere
nothing but timber as a frame end walls for their houses. In the
former time the Koryak, like the Chukchee, Aleut and Eskimo,
evidently also used bones of whales for their structures, though
I must add that I found no ribs or jaw-bones of whales in the
frames of the excavated ancient subterranean houses of the
Koryak.

The Yukaghir — At present the Yukaghir live in skin
tents of thepTungus style or in timber block-houses adopted from
the Russians. But the Cossacks, who where the first to come
across the Yukaghir, reported that the latter lived in earth-huts.
Amosov, Andreyev, Hodenstrom, and Wrangel, refer to the
remnants of subterranean houses seen by them at the mouth of
Indighirka, on the Bear and New Siberia Islands, which are
formerly inhabited by the Yukaghir. This leaves no doubt that
the ancient dwelling-type of the Yukaghir, at any rate of those
who dwelt on the sea-shore and on the banks of rivers, was a
subterranean house, though we must regret the absence of any
detailed description of the same.

The Aleut. - The descriptions of Russian and other trav-
ellers, like Sarytchev, Sauer, Veniaminov and Langsdorf, shew
us the former dwelling of the Aleut to have been similar to the
underground house of the Kamchadal. Its frame was built up
of drift-wood and whalebones. The opening in the roof served
as a smoke-hole, window and entrance-door. The house was

TRIBES OF N.-E. ASIA AND N.-W. AMERICA 1 25

heated by a hearth-fire, and one descended into it by means of
a notched log. Beyond the main living-room, there were other
and smaller lateral rooms with narrow passages with leading
outside, that remind one very much of the Kamchadal draught-
channel.

The Eskimo. — From the shores of Behring Sea and
Kadvak Island, as far as Greenland, we meet evervwhere with
former subterranean dwellings. But the type of those dwellings
shews some varieties. To judge by the descriptions of former
travellers, earth-huts of the Aleut type were to be met with in
the Southern part of Alaska with this difference, however, that
along with the small dwelling earth-huts, one might meet with
subterranean public houses (Kashira) designed for festivals,
entertainments or steam-baths. In some places remnants of
earth-huts of the Gilyak type were found. At the Behring
Strait, the Eskimo were found to possess underground houses,
of the Walkar type described above ('). On the shores of the
Arctic Ocean we find again small earth-huts of the Kamtchatka
type with the entrance through the smoke-hole, but with a frame
made of whalebones. Farther East we find stones also to be used
as building material for the earth-hut walls, as in the Scotch and
Armenian subterranean dwellings, with a roof made of whale-
bones. The stone walls frequently penetrate but very slightly
into the ground, or are erected on the surface of the soil, being
fenced up with an earth rampart (2).

On the shores of the Arctic Ocean the subterranean winter
houses have been almost entirely superseded by snow-dwellings.

The North-American Indians. — Remnants of under-
ground houses or legends about them have been found among
the tribes of the North-Western part of North America, which

(1) Murdoch, Ethnological Results of the Point Barrow Expedition
(Ninth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology) Washington i8q2, p. 72 ;
Nelson, The Eskimo about Bering Strait (Eighteenth Annual Report ot
the Bureau of Ethnology) Washington, 1899, p. 242.

(2) See Boas, The Central Eskimo (Sixth Annual Report of the B. of
Ethnology) Washington 1888, p. 539 ; Turner, Ethnology of the Ungava
District, Hudson Bay Territory (Eleventh Annual Report of the Bureau of
Ethnology) Washington, 1889, p. 228.

126 SUBTERRANEAN DWELLINGS OF THE

tribes belong to the Salish or Athapascan stock, and among some
of them earth-huts are to be found even now. It is interesting
that the coast tribes (such as the Coast Salish, Heiltsuk, Bella
Coola, Tsimshian, Haida, Tlingit, Kwakiutl, Nootka) live in
large superterrene wooden houses ('), while it is precisely among
them that we find such tribes, whose myths bear the greatest
resemblance to those of the inhabitants of the subterranean
houses on the Asiatic side of the Pacific Ocean.

It should be noted, however, that the houses of the
Tsimshian, Haida and Tlingit have a smoke-hole in the roof
similar to those of the earth-huts. The Kwakiutl push aside
one or two boards from the roof during the heating.

One tale of the coast tribe Bella Coola, in British Columbia,
which belongs to the Salish stock, points to their former posses-
sion of subterranean dwellings (2). We also find a reference to
the underground house from which the exit is made through
the smoke-hole in one mvth of another tribe of the Salish stock,
the Ouinault Indians, who dwell on the Washington coast (3).

Among the coast Athapascan tribe Tsetsat the house made
of bark forms, it is true, a superterrene structure, but for the
winter it is arranged to live in like an underground Koryak
house. When snow falls very deep, the door is blocked up,
and the exit is effected through the roof (4).

The prevalence of underground or semi-subterranean houses
formerlv existed and is still observed among the inland tribes
of the Salish stock. All such earth-huts were and are still
used as dwellings only during the winter (5). The smoke-hole
in the middle of the roof is used as an entrance, through which
one descends into the house by a notched log. As with the
Koryaks and the Kamchadal, the hearth is to be found on the

(i) Fifth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada (British Asso-
ciation for the advancement of Science) p. 818.

(2) Boas, The Bella Coola Indians (Publications of the Jesup North
Pacific Expedition, Vol. I, Part II, p. 79.

(}) Farraud, Traditions of the Ouinault Indians (Publications of the
Jesup N. P. E., Vol. II, Part III, p. 94).

(4) Tenth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada (British
Association for advancement of Science) London.

(5) Sixth Report on the North- Western Tribes of Canada, pp. 633, 635.

TRIBES OF N.-E. ASIA AND N.-W. AMERICA I 27

floor of the bottom of the staircase, under the smoke-hole. The
frame of the house is made of poles or timber. Most of these
dwellings are circular in shape, though some are square (').
The pit is dug out from twelve to fifteen feet in diameter, and
four feet deep. The roof is covered with grass, and the whole
of the superterrene part is covered up with earth, so that at a
distance the underground house looks like a hill.

We now find such winter dwellings among the Shuswap (2),
the Thompson River Indians (3), the Lilooet (4), and on the
lower course of the Fraser River (5).

Remnants of ancient underground houses have been found
among the Chilcotin (6), in the Thomson River region (7), at
the Nicola Lake (s) (Athapascan), and at other, places in the
interior of British Columbia.

In former times the Missouri tribes used to dwell during the
winter in underground huts in the forest (9).

Conclusion. — -Many of the subterranean dwellings referred
to in this report have not yet been adequately described, and
are still awaiting a more detailed investigation. Nevertheless,
. this cursory review is already sufficient to suggest the idea that
not all of the Asio-American tribes above mentioned appeared
as independent inventors in the construction of subterranean
dwellings. I think that adoption played its part herewhile the
climatic conditions contributed to the spread of underground
dwellings. The beginning of subterranean structures must have

(1) Teit, The Lillooet Indians (Publications o\' the Jesup North Pacific-
Expedition, Vol. II, Part V), 190b, p. 212.

(2) Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, p. 635.

(3) Teit, Thomson Indians of British Columbia (Publications of the
Jesup North Pacific Expedition, Vol. I, Part IV), p. iq^.

(4) Teit, The Lillooet, p. 212.

(5) Sixth Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada, p. 633.

(b) Twelfth and final Report on the North-Western Tribes of Canada,
London, i8q8, p. 19.

(7) Smith, The Archaeology of Lytton, British Columbia (Jesup North
Pacific Expedition, Vol. I, Part ill) ; Archaeology of Thomson River Indians
(J. N. P. E., Vol. I, Part VI) p. 403.

(8) Smith, Archaeology of Thomson River Indians, p. 40b.

(9) Ratzel, The History of Mankind, London, i8qj, II, p. 45.

I2S SUBTERRANEAN DWELLINGS OK THE TRIBES

coincided with that of the Neolithic Age on the Northern shores
and islands of the Pacific Ocean. During the excavations of the
ancient earth-huts in that region, there were found everywhere,
along with stone instruments made by chipping, also polished
implements in some degree or another. Moreover, among the
tribes living formerly or now in subterranean houses, we also
lind, along with the latter, their structures on piles intended
as summer-dwellings and storehouses, or storehouses alone.
Structures on piles in Europe are referred by archaeologists to
the Neolithic period.

In investigating the Koryak-Kamchadal myths and reli-
gious ideas, I found those myths and beliefs to resemble most
the traditions of the Coast Indians of the North Pacific (J). In
this important factor of material culture, namely in the construc-
tion of their dwellings, the Koryak, Kamchadal and the other
so-called Paleo-Asiatic tribes bear more resemblance to the
Aleut and Eskimo, especially to the Eskimo of Alaska, and only
in a certain degree to the Indians of the interior of North
America. In some other respects of material life, too, the
civilisation of the so-called Paleo-Asiatic tribes stands nearer to
the material culture of the Aleut and Eskimo than to that of the
Indians.

We thus find a spirit with regard to the resemblance between
the civilisation of the Siberian tribes of the North Pacific coast
and that of the inhabitants of North- Western America. While
in their spiritual culture, the former stand nearer to the coast
Indians, they resemble more the Eskimo and the Aleut in their
material life. In my opinion, this tends to show that the inter-
course of the littoral Siberian tribes of the North Pacific with the
Indians was of older date than their relations with the Eskimo.
Owing to the special conservation that distinguishes religious
ideas and myths, the latter have survived to a considerable extent
even after the cessation of the Indian influence on the Paleo-
Asiatics, consequent on the invasion of the Eskimo.

(i) JoCHELSON, The Koryak (Publications of the Jesup North Pacific
Expedition, Vol. VI, Part I).'

DIEGUENO MYTHS

AND THEIR CONNECTIONS WITH THE MOHAVE

par Melle Constance Goddard DlBois,
Wnterbury, Conn.

The Dieiruenos are a tribe of Mission Indians to be found
in scattered settlements in the mountains of San Diego County,
California, and are closely allied to the Mohaves, though now-
separated from them by the desert across which the former
originally came. Many of the old men relate the tradition of
the migration of their tribe, giving exact details as to the course
pursued and the original stopping places of the several families
included in it. One of these narrators was an old hechicero of
Mesa Grande, called Rafael Charles by the whites, but posses-
sing an unpronounceable Indian surname, Ouilpsh. His story,
a mere fragment, was as follows: The earth is the woman.
The sky is the man. The place the Indians first came from was
Wik-a-mee. The place is still to be seen ; but it is a place of
darkness and mist. If vou should trv to ^;o to Wik-a-mee vou
would not be able to find your way in the darkness ; but it is
in the east, and the Yuma Indians know where it is. If a person
wants to be rich and to have monev and everything he needs he
can get it by going to Wik-a-mee ; and if he wants to be a
witch-doctor and know everything, he can gain that too by going
there. It is always dark at Wik-a-mee.

All the tribes of Indians came from that place. They had
only one language then. When Tu-chai-pa and Vo-ko-mat-is
made the world it was just for the Indians. They didn't wear
clothes then. The women wore little skirts. They had th
skins of bears and rabbit-skin blankets, nice and warm. Fo-
food they had squirrels and deer, quail, rabbits, elk and mountain
sheep. They had to kill with bows and arrows. They poisoned
the arrows with various medicines obtained from the hechiceros.

130 DIEGUENO MYTHS

After the Indians were made, Tu-chai-pa and Yo-ko-mat-is
scattered them from the place where thev were at first. All these
Indians, the Dieguenos, came from the east. The Ouilpshs
and Lachusas came together, and the different families came at
different times to San Diego, Capitan Grande, etc., and some
stopped at all the different places along the way. The Ouilpshs
(the narrator's family) stopped first at San Jose. (That is the
Valle de San Jose, Warner's ranch.)

The same migration legend was briefly given by my friend,
the hereditary chief of Mesa Grande, who says that his people
came originally from the east, his tribe being the first to leave
their native home. Some died on the wav from hunger and
thirst. They went first to Elsinore where the Indians helped
to make the lake that is there. Temecula is also mentioned as
one of the stopping places where they first settled. Afterwards
they went through San Diego to Mesa Grande and the various
places where thev are now to be found.

It is interesting to note that a line drawn across the desert
from Newberrv or Dead Mt. , Nevada, (Wik-a-mee) through
Banning pass, the natural egress, would terminate near Elsinore
and Temecula, California.

The origin of the Dieguenos in the Newberry Mountain
region, according to their mvths, will be referred to later.

The mention of Temecula recalls the fact that it is the place
of origin of the Luisefios of La Jolla in the mountains, who are
indigenous here, if we mav believe the testimony of their creation
myth. This locality no doubt marked the point of contact of
these two tribes. Whatever pressure of Apache or other tribes
mav have driven the fleeing Dieguenos across the desert, many
to die of thirst and hunger ; and however rude many have been
the welcome of some of the earlier settled tribes in California, it
must be that they found friends as well as neighbors in these
mountain Luisefios ; so largely has the influence of the latter
prevailed to modify their religious ceremonials, making their
ritual identical with that of this alien tribe ; while on the other
hand towards their point of origin they preserved their natural
connections with the Mohaves to whom thev are allied bv familv

ffinif

In this interchange of ideas the Dieguenos gave as well as

THEIR CONNECTIONS WITH THE MOHAVE 131

received. It is interesting to determine not only the direction
of tribal migrations but also of culture migrations, as it mav be
termed, the reciprocal influence of neighboring tribes, and the
resulting modification of one mythology by another.

The Dieguenos have two creator gods, Tu-chai-pa and Yo-
ko-mat or Yo-ko-mat-is, brothers, and so closely allied in action
that in the Manzanita region the two names are sometimes given
in one, as Chai-pa-Ko-mat.

They were brought forth by the Earth-Mother ; and the
former, Tu-chai-pa was done to death through the evil machi-
nations of the frog.

This is without doubt a primitive Diegueno myth coming
to them from the Mohaves or to both from a common source.

It is probable that the Luisenos obtained the frog mvth
from the Dieguenos, incorporating it in their story of Ouiot
(pronounced Wee-ote,) one of the First People, he who is now
the moon, who dies like Tu-chai-pa, but is not like him a creator
god.

The dance for the dead is a primitive Diegueno ceremony.
According to their myths, this was first performed in the
Mohave countrv at the sacred mountain Wik-a-mee, and the
occasion for it was the burning of the bodv of Tu-chai-pa.

The people at that time wanted to make the appropriate
ceremonial dance for the dead god, but no one knew how to do
it. No one had yet danced or sung ; so a messenger was sent
to the islands of the ocean to ask a mysterious being, Mai-ha-
o-witt, to teach them how to make the fiesta. He came to
Wik-a-mee from the ocean in the form of an immense serpent,
the trail of whose progress is still to be seen in a -white line
traced upon the mountains that border the river, (the Colorado).

Since song and dance (that is religious ceremonials of all
kinds) had their origin at Wik-a-mee, no Diegueno ceremony
is begun without an allusion to this sacred mountain.

Rafael Charles is the only one whom I have heard describe
it as hidden in mysterious darkness ; but all refer to it as a very
sacred place. The mountain is flat on top, and on its bare
rocks may be seen the imprint of the naked bodies of the Indians
as they sat or stood upon it at the time of their creation.

Through Dr Kroeber I am able to identify this important
9

132 DIEGUENO MYTHS

locality. » The sacred mountain Wik-a-mee, " he writes, " is
exceedingly interesting to me, as it is undoubtedly the sacred
mountain of the Mohaves, Aviknamee, known on our maps
as Dead or Newberry Mountain, in the very southernmost por-
tion of Nevada on the western bank of the Colorado. This is a
mountain intimatelv associated bv the Mohaves with their
creation, and almost all their myths either start here or refer
to it. "

A myth fragment from Manzanita alludes to this place in
another way.

■' Near the river at Wik-a-mee, below Mohave, is a smooth
round plain, " says mv interpreter. » The story is that all birds
and animals and people had to run around the edge of this mesa
holding their breath. The eagle is the only bird that succeeded
in making this circuit, flying swiftlv and steadily. Indians still
trv in vain to run around this mesa holding their breath. "

The most famous myth of the Dieguenos is the story of
Cuy-a-ho-marr, which came from the Mohaves, or to both tribes
from a common source. The name is sufficient indication of its
origin, " Ho-mar " being Mohave for » boy. "

The hero is a wonder-working boy whose present manifes-
tation is in the form of a meteoric fire-ball.

His grandmother, Sin-yo-hauch, is so venerated in the
ancient religion that the converted Catholic Indians identify her
with the Virgin Mary, as the Mexican Indians have done in a
similar case. She remains the type of feminine power, and if a
woman today shows extraordinary ability her companions will
murmur admiringly, " Sin-yo-hauch ! »

The Manzanita version of the myth begins in this way :

The Sky was the man. The Earth was the woman. From
their union were born first a man and a woman, and Sin-yo-
hauch was their daughter. Sin-vo-hauch's father went up in
the sky and she was left alone. She went towards the east
crawling as a baby on hands and knees, and then when she was
grown she walked back west as far as the Mohave river. (That
is, the river of the Mohaves, the Colorado.) There is a sharp
rock in the middle of the river called We-ku-rutiit (Spear-rock)
which is still to be seen there ; and in that neighborhood was

THEIR CONNECTIONS WITH THE MOHAVE 1 33

her home. West of the river is a cave, a big house where she
lived till she was grown.

Dr. Kroeber says : " The Spear-rock is undoubtedly known
to the Mohaves and by comparing notes closely we shall no
doubt be able to identify this also. "

One of the songs sung by a Diegueno Indian into mv
graphophone is that of a Mohave wild-cat dance. In this dance
the men stand in opposite lines and dance facing each other.
This was taught to my singer by a Diegueno desert Indian who
learned it from the Yumas who obtained it from the Mohaves.

Old Ha-ta-kek of Manzanita, who in former days was leader
of Diegueno tribal ceremonies, sang for me the songs of a
Mohave religious dance called Tu-to-mump, which, originating
with the Mohaves, extended as far as Colorado river and was
brought from there to Manzanita. My records preserving these
songs are in the New-York Museum of Natural History, the
Museum having aided me with funds for their collection.

In Tu-to-munp, the old singer used the Mohave language,
and when he translated some of the songs into Diegueno, the
names remained Mohave.

It is evident from the above that a close connection exists
between thejMohave and the Diegueno ; that the myths of the
latter are derived from the former, or the two from a common
source ; and that the migration legend universally told among
the Dieguenos of the California mountains is founded on fact.

The many languages of California must evidence a succes-
sion of migration waves ; and we are fortunate if we are able
to trace one of these with sufficient evidence to establish its
probability.

It is tojbe hoped that further research may throw more light
upon these tribal connections.

TWO TYPES OR STYLES

DIEGUENO RELIGIOUS DANCING

THE OLD AND THE NEW
IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA

i'ak Melle Constance Goi>paki) DrBois

It must be understood that all tribal ceremonies, religious
dances etc., exist among the Mission Indians only as fragments
of an almost forgotten past. Since these Indians have been
under the influence of the white man's civilization for nearly a
hundred and fifty vears, it is only among a few old men, rapidly
passing away, that one can find a knowledge of the ancient
religion and a devotion to it which has persisted beneath an
outward acceptance of the new.

I was fortunate in witnessing a religious dance of the most
ancient and primitive tvpe ; for I doubt if there^is more than one
old man in Southern California who can conduct a ceremony of
this sort today. Hatakek of Manzanita, a tiny Indian village
near the Mexican line, is the only man living in that region who
knows all the songs of the Image fiesta, or dance for the dead ;
and he his sent for as far as Yuma when this dance is to be
performed. He also knows, and gave for my benefit, an all-
night dance of the sort mentioned above. This was a bird
dance, something after the style of the wild-cat dance, called
Ee-sha at Manzanita, (Ah-sha in the Mesa Grande dialect) this
being the name of a red-feathered bird. Like all these dances
it is accompanied by a series of songs, each one brief but of
definite meaning, and having a connection with some mythical
legend, to discover which, as a link between the numerous
songs, is difficult and often impossible.
9 *

136 TWO TYPES OR STYLES

A double line of men and women should dance to the accom-
paniment of the leader's rattle ; the men's voices swelling the
song and the women's rising from the background as a shrill
monotonous chorus. So long forgotten is the past among the
half starving remnant of dispossessed Indians in the Campo-
Manzanita region, that only three men joined old Hatakek in
the dance, and for lack of women my interpreter took his place
in the rear and sang the women's part in high falsetto. The
effect might have been ludicrous were it not. for the religious
devotion displayed in the performance, the task being a difficult
one for unaccustomed muscles ; for the dance, once begun,
must be continued all night.

The songs did not differ greatly from those I have heard
elsewhere among the Dieguenos. One is impressed with the
wonderful memory required to give the series in order with
differing words and tune.

I could not learn the meaning of all the songs, for the dance
could not be interrupted ; but one is about the dark night.
Another names the stars and declares that dawn is near. In
another the bird, Ee-sha, is mentioned whose name is given to
the dance.

The unique feature of the performance is the style of the
dancing which is strikingly different from that which prevails
elsewhere among the Mission Indians. The dancers in this
performance remain throughout in the same place, the motion
not being forward and back, or around and about, but consist-
ing simply in moving and stamping the feet in varied measure
according to the rhythm of the songs, bending and swaying the
body, then straightening with a grunt or groan, and a pause
for rest and to mark the interval between the songs. There is
something extremely impressive in the restrained intensity of
the movement.

Contrasted with this, the other type of dancing, to be
witnessed at Mesa Grande, etc., is like an elaborate theatrical
performance.

In it the dancers enter the circle. The leader bends before
the chief who is seated on the ground near the central bonfire,
and receives from him the word or subject of each song or part
of the dance. He takes it up humming it or singing very softly

OF DIEGUENO RELIGIOUS DANCING 1 37

at first, and the others follow his lead, the women's voices
chiming in at the appropriate moment. The music rises in
volume, becoming energetic, frenzied at times, and the motions
of the body correspond.

At first the dancers move in an irregular circle, and the
monotonous stamping of the feet is accompanied by a grunt at
intervals. Our word • grunt » bv no means expresses this
sound, which while unmelodious seems a part of the music, and
is as impressive as it is energetic. Arms are extended, flexed
and relaxed, at first gently ; but as the stamping grows more
violent and the song or grunting louder, every muscle becomes
tense. The women's voices seem to rouse to fury. The bent
arms are raised above the heads. Oecasionalfv a dancer breaks
away from the rest, circles like a dervish, claps his hands with
a wild ha-ha, and returns to his place.

The perfect unison and accurate measure of songs and
movements is remarkable. As suddenly as a stone falls song
and dance cease. A long drawn ha-ha-ha, a shuddering expi-
ration with falling cadence, closes the scene ; the dancers break
anks and move off, and one part of the dance is completed. In
a short time they re-form and continue the animated perform-
ance.

In one of the dances they enter on hands and knees with
wild cries and groans as of the animals which they represent.
The chief stands in the centre of the circle and receives them
with a feathered staff with which he lightly touches each as if
to exorcise some evil power.

Dramatic effectiveness is the quality of this sort of dancing.
The contrast between the two forms is extremely striking.

I wa,s fortunate enough to discover the historical connect-
ion between them. The Luiseiios of La Jolla in the mountains,
who are closely allied to the Dieguenos ceremonially while quite
distinct from them in language and origin, informed me that
the quiet sort of dancing which I had seen at Manzanita was
the original and ancient form ; and that the dramatically violent
sort with' the moving about and the varied gestures was taught a
long time ago to the Indians of the back-country and the mount-
ains by an emissary from the coast Indians who went about

10 — ii

1^8 DIEGUKNO RKMGIOUS DANCING

introducing new ceremonies in the Chung-itch-nish worship, and
the new style of religious dancing-.

This now prevails to the exclusion of the old, having spread
from the Luisenos to the Dieguefios, hut never having reached
Manzanita where the connections are through Yuma with the
Mohaves, and Luiseno influence has not made itself felt.

RECENT CAVE EXPLORATION

IN CALIFORNIA

f'AK JOHN-C. MeKKIAM

Professeur a l'Universit6 de Cahforriie, Berkeley

INTRODUCTION

During the last three years a series of investigations has
been carried on bv the Department of Anthropology of the
University of California, with a view to determining, if possible,
the time when man first appeared in this region. As cavern
deposits have furnished some of the most important materials in
the study of early man 'in other regions, it was considered
desirable, as one of the phases of this work, to make a careful
paleontologieal and archeological investigation of the numerous
limestone caves of the states. In this study the effort has been
made to obtain as complete a knowledge as possible of the mam-
malian faunas which have existed in this region between early
Ouaternarv time and the present. Man is considered as a possible
element of the fauna, and so far as his geographic or his
geologic occurrence is concerned he must be subjected to investi-
gations of much the same character as are used in the study of
other organisms. Until the facts of this class are determined,
it is difficult to make a beginning on matters which are perhaps
more definitely anthropological.

The discovery of human relics, apparently in association
with remains belonging to a Ouaternarv fauna, in the extreme
southern portion of South America leads on^ to suspect that an
early migration ot the human type mav have passed over North
America into South America. That other mammalian types
came into America in fairly recent geological time we know, and
there is no inherent improbability in the theory that man came

140 RECENT CAVE EXPLORATION

with the other mammals. If his remains are found with a
Quaternary fauna in the southern continent, there is good reason
why we should search for them here.

Up to the present time only a few caves situated in Calaveras
county and in Shasta county have been examined. Many other
occurrences are known, but limitations of time have made it
impossible to visit these localities. One would hardlv be justified
in stating that as yet more than a beginning has been made
on the possible cave investigations of .California. It is to be
hoped that in time these studies, in connection with the other
phases of this work, may give us some definite information
regarding the date of man's appearance in the Pacific Coast
region.

mercer's cave

In the summer of 1901 Professor F. W. Putnam and the
writer examined several caves in the vicinity of Murphys,
Calaveras county, and in 1902 Dr W. J. vSinclair visited a
number of caverns in the same region. The most interesting
remains encountered were those in the well-known Mercer's cave
near Murphys. In this cavern there were found a number of
bones of an extinct ground-sloth, which has recently been
described by Dr Sinclair as the tvpe of a new species, Megalonyx
sierrensis ('). The bones of this animal were covered with a
deposit of stalagmite, ranging from a few millimeters to about
half an inch in thickness. From their situation it appeared
that the body of the animal had fallen into the main chute of the
cave, and in the process of decay the remains had been scattered
for a considerable distance along the passageway. In the same
cavern, although not in close proximitv to the Megalonyx
remains, there were found a number of human bones bearing a
very thin calcareous incrustation. It appears that in this region
it has been at some time the custom of the aborigines to throw the
bodies of their dead into such caverns as this, and in places great
numbers of skeletons have accumulated. The human bones
found in this cave were in such position as to indicate that they

(1) Wm. J. Sinclair, New Mammalia from the Quaternary Caves o\
California, Pub/. Univ. Calif., vol. 4, no. 7, p. 155.

IN CALIFORNIA 141

had been thrown into the first chamber through the small opening
above, while the Megalonyx remains had fallen some distance
below this chamber. While it is exceedingly difficult to form
anv estimate of the relative ages of the human bones and the
Megalonyx remains, such evidence as we have seems to indicate
that the remains of man are the younger, as they are nearer the
opening and are covered with a much thinner layer of stalag-
mitic material. The human bones are, however, probably many
years old. While the relative thickness of the covering of
stalagmite is in itself no absolute criterion as to the age of the
enclosed material, as it may accumulate very rapidly in one
place and very slowly in another place, it is probable that the
thinner layer on the human bones means a shorter period of
entombment.

POTTER CREEK CAVE

The most extensive investigations of the caverns have been
carried on in Shasta county. In this region two large caves
have been very carefully explored and the principal deposits
almost completely worked over. These are Potter Creek cave,
on the McCloud river, near Baird, and the Samwel cave, on
the same river, fifteen miles above Baird.

Potter Creek cave was the first to be the subject of careful
investigation. It was discovered in 1878 by Mr. J. A.
Richardson, and by him several specimens of fossil bones were
sent to Professor E. D. Cope. In the summer of 1902, Mr. E.
L. Furlong explored the cave again without knowing that it was
the one discovered by Mr. Richardson. Large deposits of fossil
remains were found, and excavation work was carried on by him
and by Dr Sinclair through that season. Throughout the whole
of the summer of 1903 the work was in charge of Dr Sinclair,
whose excellent report (') on this work has already been
published. The floor of the cave was carefully surveyed and
all specimens taken out were labeled with reference to their
position in the strata. The deposits were excavated to a depth
of 25 feet, below which there seemed to be little but an accumu-

no. 1.

(1) Publ. Univ. Calif., North Amer. Archaeol. and Ethnol., vol. 2,

142 RECENT CAVE EXPLORATION

lation of stalagmite-covered bowlders. The exploration work
furnished several thousand bones and fragments, of which
between 4,000 and 5,000 were determinable specimens. The
remains include those of many extinct animals, and furnish the
most satisfactory representation of the Quaternary fauna of
California that has vet been obtained in anv one locality. Fifty-
two species were listed by I)' Sinclair, of which at least twenty-
one were found to be extinct.

Associated with the remains of the Quaternary fauna in
Potter Creek cave there were many broken, splintered, and
polished bones, which were carefully investigated by Dr Sinclair,
having been considered as possibly representing the work of
man. The presence of the splintered bones is vet to be tho-
roughly satisfactorily explained, though there are many ways in
which they might have been formed or introduced. In the
caves of Kurope such splintered bones are in part due to the
splintering' of long-bones of large mammals by man, and in part
to the crushing' of such bones bv the larger carnivores.

The character of the pointed and polished bones figured by
I)1" Sinclair in his paper is also difficult to determine with cer-
tainty. These polished fragments strongly resemble many of the
roughest implements found in the deposits of the shell-mounds
of the Pacific coast. Possibly they ha\e been rough bone
splinters, used by man until thev attained the degree of polish
which we find upon them. On the other hand it is noted that in
nearly all shell-mound fragments the polish is mainly upon the
pointed portion of the implement, while the portions not used
for active work may be almost without smoothing or polish.
In the specimens from the ca\es the polish is almost perfectly
even over the whole surface in everv case. The evenness of
this polish seems to indicate that, if these objects were used
as implements, special pains must have been taken to polish
those portions which would in the course of ordinary use be left
rough. Such smoothing as we see here may perhaps be as
readily explained bv the action of water as by any other means,
the fragments being rubbed on all sides and evenly polished.

In other bone fragments, peculiar perforations and notches
have been noted which are not easily explained by the operation
of natural processes, but which could be accounted for by per-

IN CALIFORNIA 1 43

foration through human agency. Of all the evidence which has
heen advanced in favor of the influence of man in the production
of implement-like objects found in the Shasta caves, the evidence
of perforation seems probablv the strongest. A serious doubt
must exist, however, as to whether the presence of only a few-
somewhat indefinite perforations in a very small number out of
several thousand of these fragments should be considered proof
of the presence of man. Had a large percentage of the fragments
been formed and used bv man, evidence of a more definite cha-
racter ought to be present in abundance. .

While it is probablv true that as vet no unequivocal evidence
of the agencv of man in the fashioning of the bone fragments
from this cave has been presented, in all fairness to those who
may undertake from the study of such materials to give us
something of the earliest history of the human race, we should
not forget that, at the very period where the discrimination
between artifacts and natural objects is most important it becomes
most difficult. In the early stages of the development of man,
such implements as were used bv him were probablv in many
cases simply special forms of natural objects which were, in their
■original form, well adapted to meet his primitive needs. The
earliest true artifacts were objects of this class showing onlv a
little modification.

A more detailed discussion of the peculiarly marked bone
fragments from the California caves has been presented bv
Professor F. W. Putnam in a paper on this subject.

SAMWEL CAVE

The exploration of the Samwel cave, in the Shasta region,
has been carried on by Mr. E. L. Furlong through parts of the
seasons 1903, 1904, and 1905 ('). This cave is somewhat larger
than the one at Potter creek and contains several chambers of
considerable size. The largest chamber had not been entered
previous to 1903, when it was explored by Mr. Furlong and the
writer.

(1) The explorations during the season of 1905 were carried on under
an appropriation from the Archaeological Institute of America for the " Explo-
ration of Caves in Northern California under the supervision of F. W.
Putnam. "

144 RECENT CAVE EXPLORATION

Opening into one of the passageways about ioo feet from
the entrance is a fissure containing a small alluvial fan, which
opens out on the floor of the chamber. This deposit appears to
have accumulated through the entrance of material from the
upper part of the fissure. The entrance is now closed with a
stalagmite growth, and no clue to its position has vet been
obtained from the study of the surface of the rock outside. In
small pockets on the sides of the fissure, and in the deposit
below, there have been found large numbers of bone fragments
representing a Quaternary fauna. These include remains of
extinct species (') of Eq it us, Elephas, and Ursus ; also remains
of Euceratherium (2), a recently described sheep-like ungulate
found in these caves, and bones of a ground-sloth somewhat
similar to forms found in the caves of Brazil (:i).

The largest chamber of the Samwel cave is at a lower level
than the entrance and the fissure deposit. It was entered from
above through a long chimney. In this chamber there was found
a large deposit of fossil remains, including numerous extinct
species. Among these were Euceratherium, Preptoceras (4)
(another new sheep-like form,) and a ground-sloth. It seemed
improbable that the remains in this lower chamber had come in
through the passage by which we first obtained entrance, and a
careful search revealed the presence of an alluvial fan coming in
from one side of the cavern. Excavations into this indicated
that it reached out toward the surface, and during the last season
a passageway was cut through it to an outer grotto on the side of
a small canon near by. The lower chamber was originally
reached by a passagewav leading from a large shelter cave now-
represented by the grotto. A part of the roof of the original
shelter has broken down, and is represented by several large
blocks which have fallen from the cliff above.

In the Samwel cave numerous splintered and polished bone
fragments have been obtained, and the problems with relation to
man are practically the same as those of Potter Creek cave. In

(i) See H. L. Kurlonc, iii Science, n. s., vol. 20, p. 53.

(2) Sinclair and Furlong, Cure. Calif. Pub!., Geology, vol. }, no. 20.

(3) Sinclair, New Mammalia, op. cit. , p. 153.

(4) K. L. Kiki.o\(., Can: Calif. Pub/., Geology, vol. 4, no. 8.

IN CALIFORNIA 1 45

addition to these objects, there was found in the chamber near
the fissure deposit, a chipped fragments of basaltic lava, which
appeared to have come from a point six inches below the surface
of the stalagmite. Also in the excavation of the outer grotto
of the largest chamber, a chipped obsidian fragment was brought
up in the bucket from a depth of eleven feet, at which level bones
resembling those of an extinct species have been obtained. In
neither case, however, was the chipped fragment actually seen
in place, and both must be set aside, for the present, as merely
suggesting the presence of man.

STONE MAX CAVE

A third cavern in the Shasta region, which has been partly
explored, is the Stone Man cave about one mile northeast of
Baird. It was visited by Mr. Furlong and the writer in 1903.
In one of the uppermost chambers a number of bone fragments
were found in the stalagmite. These were, however, too imper-
fect for specific determination, and the age of the deposit has not
been determined. In one of the lower galleries, a portion ot a
human skeleton was found imbedded in the stalagmite. The
greater number of the bones had been removed before our visit,
but enough was left to show that a considerable fraction of an
inch of stalagmite has accumulated on the skeleton. Mr. J. A.
Richardson kindly gave us a vertebra which he obtained here
when the cave was first explored. It seems to have lost pract-
icallv all of the organic matter, and the cavities in the bone are
largelv filled with calcite crvstals. In this cave there is unfor-
tunately nothing to fix the age of the skeleton definitely. It
might easilv be manv centuries old, or might have come to its
present location at a comparatively recent date, though evidence
rather favors a considerable antiquity.

AGE OF THE CAVE DEPOSITS

The faunas of both the Potter Creek and the Sam we I cave
indicate Ouaternarv age. As far as is now known, the fauna of
Samwel cave contains the larger percentage of recent species and
is probably the younger. In addition to this evidence, the
situation of the two caverns gives considerable information

146 RKCKNT CAVE EXPLORATION IN CALIFORNIA

regarding their relative ages. Potter Creek eave is situated at
a height of 800 feet above the level of McCloud river, and just
below an ancient terrace level of the river. The Samwel cave
is situated just below a terrace 350 feet above the McCloud.
The lowest chamber of this cave opens at a point not more than
200 feet above the river. Both caverns were evidently formed
at a time when McCloud river was near the level of the terraces
above them. Both received their principal deposits when the
river was a short distance below them, and it is evident that the
time which has elapsed since the formation of the deposits in
Potter Creek cave is much greater than that since the formation
of similar beds in the Samwel cave. The evidence of physio-
graphy apparently corroborates that obtained from the studv of
the fauna.

The fauna of Potter Creek cave is considered bv Dr Sinclair
to represent the middle or later Ouaternarv. The fauna of
Samwel cave is certainlv Quaternary, but is evidently later than
that of Potter Creek. The age of Potter Creek cave is, according
to commonly accepted correlations, not far from that of the
earliest deposits containing human remains in Europe. Though
a reasonable doubt might arise as to whether man could have
reached America as earlv as the date of the Potter Creek deposits,
the age of Samwel cave appears to be within the period of man's
existence in the old world.

From the evidence at hand it seems that both Mercer's cave
and Stone Man cave were in existence in Ouaternarv time, and in
all probability some of the deposits in both caverns were formed
in that period.

THE ARMADILLO

IN THE ANCIENT ART OF CHIRIQUI

par George Grant MacCurdy
Yale University, New Haven, Conn.

The Chiriquian antiquities belonging- to Yale University
number several thousand specimens. The choicest of these
were collected from 1859 to 1866 by M. A. de Zeltner ('), French
Consul at Panama, whose good fortune it was to be resident
there at the time of the first discoveries. The major part of the
collection, however, was made by Mr. J. A. McNeil a few years
later. The de Zeltner collection was bought in 1872 and that
of McNeil in 1878, both having been purchased by the late
Professor Othniel C. Marsh. They include gold objects, stone
implements, metates, stools of stone (and earthen ware) and a
series of pottery unsurpassed in the number of its rare and
valuable specimens.

These treasures have been in storage for about thirty years,
there being no facilities for exhibition or even for studv. Fortu-
nately a room is now at the disposal of the Curator, who is
preparing a monograph on the Antiquities from Chiriqui
belonging to Yale University.

The present paper is confined to special features of a portion
of the pottery alone, as indicated by the title, and is to a certain
extent a study in conventionalism.

In the development of art it would be difficult to estimate
how far realism lies from the very first steps toward imitation on
the one hand, and from the last stages of conventionalism on
the other. The stages at either end of the line may often appear
to be identical. It is therefore hazardous to say whether a given
representation be a first attempt at copying a model or the work

(1) Note sur les sepultures indiennes du departement de Chiriqui (K'tat de
Panama). Panama, 180b.

1 0

14<S THE ARMADILLO

of one with a background of art inheritance and training, who
can suggest the whole by a skilful elimination of non-essentials.

If the line of art development were plotted it would probably
be found to rise rather suddenly to the acme of realism and then
drop slowl v to about its original level. The series of illustrations
that follows, however, does not begin at the beginning, but
rather at the crest of the realistic wave, and descends gradually
to the trough, probably the one that lies on the conventional
side ; yet some of the stages shown might just as well be steps
in the ascending, as in the descending scale. In other words,
a definite chronological sequence has not yet been established.
There are reasons, however, for the belief that a representation
of the entire armadillo came first, after which certain parts, such
as the carapace, were seized upon to take the place of the whole ;
and finally that a single band of the carapace was chosen not
onlv to stand for the whole animal, but also to serve as an
ornamental motive pure and simple.

Among the animals represented in the ceramic art of the
Province of Chiriqui, the armadillo is predominant. In speaking
of the American zoological provinces north and south of the
Mexican table-land, Seemann (') says : " The armadillo, for
instance, which indisputably belongs to South America, is
found in no part of Panama ; but again appears in the neigh-
borhood of Mazatlan, in latitude 26 12' north. "

Seemann's statement is probably incorrect. A recent letter
from Dr. J. A. Allen, Curator of the Department of Mammalogy
and Ornithologv, American Museum of Natural History,
states that two species belonging to different genera are found
on the Isthmus of Panama at the present time, one now known
as Cabassous centralis, the other being the wide-ranging, nine-
banded armadillo, Tatu novemcinctum. The armadillo was
evidently an object familiar to the ancient potters of Chiriqui.
As it now inhabits the Isthmus, it did so, no doubt, on the
occasion of Seemann's vovage in 1853. One of the two species
above mentioned, Tatu novemcinctum, which has " an extensive
range from Texas to Paraguay (2), " is recognized in the ceramic

(1) Voyage of H. M.S. Herald. London, 1X53.

(2) Flower and Lvdekker.

IN THE ANCIENT ART OF CHIRIQUI

I49

FiR 1

art of Chiriqui by the treat-
ment of the carapace. It will
be seen from Plate 1 that the
carapace of Tatu novemcinc-
tum is composed of three
quite distinct regions, the me-
dian or banded region differ-
ingfrom the anterior and pos-
terior sections in structure.
This triple division of the carapace is faithfully reproduced in
manv instances. It mav be done by means of three incised fillets,
as in figures 1 and 3, and a of Plate IV. A more faithful deline-
ation, however, is arrived at when the banded region is repre-
sented by transverse parallel lines and the anterior and posterior
divisions by cross lines or spots (see figs. /and g of PI. XII).

That Cabassous centralis also served the ancient potter as
a model is highly probable. The three regions of the carapace
are almost as distinct as in the nine-banded armadillo, but
Cabassous is not quite so large and its head, ears and tail are
proportionately shorter.

In figure h of Plate XII, which resembles more nearly the
little Tatu tricinctum of South America than it does the larger
nine-banded species, the middle section is composed of three
bands in relief, painted red, while over the shoulders and hips,
the smooth surface of
the carapace is painted
black. Still another
method of distinguish-
ing the middle section
of the carapace from
the hip and shoulder
sections is shown in
figure b of Plate II.

Three realistic arma-
dillos support the tri-
pod in figure 1 ('). The

Fig. 2

(1) The illustrations are from one-half to one-fifth actual size

i .So

THE ARMADILLO

Fig:- 3

work has an unfinished
appearance, but the parts
are all represented, even
to the three regions of the
^Sj^B K^§ carapace. In figure 2, the

parts are all suggested,
but the legs of each arma-
dillo are reduced to feet
only. The reduction is
carried further by the
elimination of the hind legs and feet altogether in figure 3. In
the three foregoing figures, the carapace is represented by incised
fillets ot clay. The extremities are entirely wanting in figure 4 ;
the carapace is indicated simply by horizontal incised lines,
and there is but a mere suggestion of a head. By leaving out
the trilobed lump representing head and ears in the latter, the
simple tripod leg, incised horizontally to represent the carapace
(fig. 5) is reached. After all, that suffices, for the carapace is
the one essential feature of the armadillo.

A more detailed series to show the gradual elimination of
non-essential parts is given in Plate II. The armadillo is well
represented in the round in figure a. In figure b a simple tripod
support is incised to represent the three regions of the carapace ;
an indifferent head is added and the hind feet are carried forward
close to the tore teet. The hind feet in figures have disappeared.
I he tore teet are becoming conventionalized in figure d and the
head is turned so as to face the beholder. The carapace begins
to disappear in figure e. No feet are
left in figure /,and the head is treated
in summary fashion. Nail marks oi
a female hand are distributed over
the back to suggest the carapace.
There is no carapace in figure^ and
the head and fore feet are merelv
plain lumps of clay. In figure //
only the node representing the head
remains, while in figure /nothing is
left but the earapaee, the armadillo
motive par excellence.

AN'CIKNT AKT OF CHIRIOII

I SI

Fie

The foregoing tripods
a 11 belong to what
I lolmes (') calls the terra-
cotta or biscuit group of
ware. This group also
comprises vases, bowls
and cups. The charac-
teristic tvpes of tripod are
well rendered in the pre-
ceding illustrations, the
ornament being confined
to the supports. Among
the vases, on the other hand, the decoration is shifted to the
shoulder, neck and handles, there being no supports to decorate.
In shape the body of the vase is often identical with that of the
tripod. To convert a tripod into a vase, one has but to remove
the applied supports. To make the kinship more apparent,
shoulder ornaments or handles are sometimes added to the
tripods (see figs, a, 6, d and e of PI. XII). Such additions,
especiallv of handles, are quite rare.

We have seen that many tripod supports were so fashioned
as to surest the armadillo, sometimes highly realistic and
sometimes conventional. In eighty-one of the biscuit vases,
the head of the armadillo is
employed as a shoulder
ornament, the back of the
head always being turned
toward the aperture of the
vase. The carapace, there-
fore, if it were visible at all &t
would have to be shifted from %
the dorsal to the ventral side. T|
Such is the case in figure

6, where the three regions ... W

of the carapace are indicated --^. ^ J^^^^^

bv three indented horizontal Fig 6

(i) Ancient Art of the Province of Chiriqui. Sixth Annual Kept., Bur.
of Amer. Ethnol.

1 0 *

'52

THE ARMADILLO

Fig 7

fillets, each being interrupted for
a space in the median ventral
line. A ventral view would
include the margins of the cara-
pace on either side. It is impor-
tant to note, however, that no
attempt is made to represent the
dorsal part of the carapace where
it would not be easilv visible ;
also, that in three specimens, two
of which are figured (PI. XI, fig.
6, PI. XII, fig. c), the carapace is
carried across the ventral surface
without a break in the median line. The identity of these
shoulder ornaments might be in doubt were it not for the occa-
sional, ventrally placed carapace motives.

Only two divisions of the carapace are present in figure 7,
while in figure 8, but a single section remains. The eyes and
ears, however, still persist. One of the connecting links between
the tripods and vases (fig. a of PI. XII) belongs to this type.
A single element of the carapace is placed on the ventral side,
the ends of the two incised fillets almost touching- the median
ventral line, while another carapace element is applied longi-
tudinally over the vertebral column. The eves, ears and nose
are all prominent. In a majority of cases the carapace is entirely
eliminated, the fore legs usually and quite naturally taking its
place (fig. 9). These are shortened to incised nodes, repre-
senting the feet only, in figure 10,
one of the largest terra-cotta

vases in the collection.

The animal foot reduced

to its lowest terms is given in
figure 1 1 (see also fig. d of PI.
II), it being a flattened node
with parallel incisions. This
conventionalized foot will
appear as a simple ornament
in a group of vases to be de-
scribed later. Fig. 8

IN THE ANCIKNT ART OF CHIRIQUI

*53

/ ■?■

Fig. 9

Even the conventionalized
foot does not always accom-
pany the armadillo head, as in
figure 12. Feet, eyes and ears
have all disappeared in figure
13. It will be seen from the
foregoing that the ears persist
after the eyes have disap-
peared. The reduction in parts
and in size of the head itself
reaches its limit in figure 14.

Progressive conventional-

ism in the treatment of the
armadillo head is also shown in Plate III. In figure a, the entire
fore leg is represented. The central figure (c) is one of the four
largest vases belonging to this group of ware. The shape is
graceful and the modeling perfect. The ears of the armadillo
are placed low, the eyes are wanting and the nose is depressed.
The entire armadillo is often used also as a shoulder deco-
ration on vases of the biscuit group. A good example is given
in figures, Plate IV, where the parts, even the three regions of
the carapace, are all fairly well indicated. The fore feet rest on
the rim, the hind feet on the shoulder of the vessel. In a small
vase from Kscaria (fig. b) the armadillo is placed somewhat
lower and in an attitude that suggests the act of burrowing with
its unusuallv long nose. The
burrowing attitude is, in fact,
characteristic and is verv satisfac-
torily shown in figure c. Note
that the feet are flattened nodes
with parallel incisions. In other
words, they are the foot symbol
that may be used entirely alone,
independent of the animal form to
which the foot originally be-
longed, as will be seen in subse-
quent illustrations (PI. IV, fig.
d and PI. VII, figs. a, b, d and
e). The tail is incised with a so-

Fig 10

1 1

•54

THE ARMADILLO

Fig. II

called herring-bone pat-
tern, the lines running,
however, in the opposite
direction from what one
would expect. The flaring
rim of the vase is set so
as to produce a dia-
phragm where the neck
is most constricted.

The use of the foot
symbol as an independent
ornament is shown in
figure d, Plate IV, where
it occurs in pairs on the neck of the vase. In figure e of Plate
IV, the feet are somewhat lengthened, giving rise to another
tvpe of foot symbol, of which the ornament carried around the
neck of the vase in figure a, Plate V, is a good example.

By a comparison of the armadillo tails in figures e, Plate
IV, and b, Plate V, with the ornament on the neck of the vase
in figure c, Plate V, it will be seen that the tail was used inde-
pendently of the animal as a decorative feature (see also PI. VI).
The most characteristic feature of the armadillo is its cara-
pace. It has been seen how it was used as the armadillo motive.
It has also been seen how one member of the carapace was
made to stand for all the members. Why could it not have
been used independent! v to represent not onlv the whole cara-
pace, but also
the whole ani-
mal ? A careful
comparison of
the incised fil-
lets that adorn
the neck of the
vase in figure^/,
Plate V, with
the incised fillet
that represents
the carapace of
the armadillo Fig. 12

IN THE ANCIENT ART OF CHIRIQUI

•55

F?gr- 13

on the shoulder below proves
them to be identical. There
is, then, a carapace svmbol (see
also PI. VII, figs, c and d) as
well as a foot symbol and a tail
symbol. There remain the
flattened nodes with annular
indentations on the neck of the
same vase. Their counterpart
is somewhat sparingly used to
represent the eye, particularly
of owl-like and monkey-like
heads. They are, no doubt, eve symbols, but are not confined
to Chiriquian art. On the contrarv, this particular ornament is
common to the art of almost all times and peoples.

An illustration of the freedom with which the armadillo form
is sometimes treated is given in figure c of Plate V. The body
is quite short and the long tail is curled to one side until the end
of it is hidden beneath the carapace.

It has been seen how a single unit of the carapace mav
stand for the whole, how these carapace units, like the tail, foot
and eye symbols, become pure decorative elements. One very
effective pattern is obtained by carrying carapace or tail symbols
in meander around the neck of vases, each angular space being
marked by a foot or an eye svmbol (Pis. VI, fig. e and VII,
fig. d). Attention is called,
bv wav of illustration, to the
tail symbols in Plate VI ;
and the foot symbols (figs.
a, b, d and e), the carapace
symbols (figs, d and c) and
the eve symbols or orna-

J J

ments (figs, c, e and /") in
Plate VII. The eve symbol
in figure c of this Plate is
one of the common forms of
eye in Chiriquian art, viz., a
flattened node, with annular
indentations. The slender Fig. 14

156

THE ARMADILLO

Fig «5

neck of a graceful bottle from Divata
(fig. 15) is decorated with a series of
compound eye symbols.

In the collection there are
several vases with two mouths. With
two exceptions, they all belong to the
biscuit ware. Figure 16 is an
example. A bridge connects the
flange or lip of one mouth with that
of the other. Over this bridge two
armadillos face each other. The
identity of the carapace with the
carapace symbols that adorn both
necks is beyond question. Alternating with these are eye orna-
ments after the fashion of the prevailing eye form in Chiriquian

art.

Reference has been made to tripods with features peculiar

to vases, viz., shoulder ornaments consisting either of the
armadillo head or of the entire armadillo. Examples of the latter
are given in figures a'and e, Plate XII. In one instance the nose
and tail are long and slender * in the other the nose is almost
eliminated to avoid breakage, due to the exposed position of the
head. The tripod supports in figure e are highly realistic repre-
sentations of the frog with head turned downward, the point
of contact being the tip of the nose.

It has been shown how
the single tripod support
may be transformed into the
armadillo, conventional as
well as realistic ; also how
the armadillo as a whole or
in part was used as a shoul- '
der ornament, and the tail,
foot, eye and carapace sym-
bols as ornamental motives
for the necks of vases. The
same decorative phenomena
are to be seen on the handles
of vases. Fig 16

IN THE ANCIENT ART OF CHIRIQUI

157

Figr. 17

The handles of the biscuit
group are always placed
vertically, and are usually
paired, connecting the lip
with the shoulder ( PI. VIII,
figs, a — c). There are two
types of single handle: (1)
connecting the lip with the
shoulder, as in the paired
handles (fig./), and (2) the
handle starting from oppo-
site points on the lip and
forming an arch over the

mouth opening (fig. e).

An example of one type of single handle is given in figure
d, Plate VIII. A well-developed flange protects the applied tail
and eye symbols about the neck of the vase. Where ornaments
are applied to the neck or collar, there is always a flange or lip
at the mouth opening as if to satisfy the sense nof only of pro-
tection but also of appropriateness in outline. On the crest of
the handle, three eyes in a row occupy a field bounded on two
sides by carapace symbols.

These handles are, as a rule, ornamented. In Plate VIII,
figure a, the paired handles are covered with incised fillets
representing the carapace of the armadillo. Along the zone of
union between the prolonged lip and ascending ramus of the
handles in figure b, nodes and fillets are applied, representing
the ears, feet and carapace of the armadillo. One has but to
refer'back to figure a of Plate IV in order to arrive at the artist's
point of view, namely, that the handles in figures a, b and c of
Plate VIII are, to all intents and purposes, armadillos facing
each other and peeping into the mouth of the vase. Instead of
incised applied fillets, the handle itself may be simply incised
to represent the armadillo carapace, as in figure c. From the
horizontally applied fillets and the horizontally incised handles,
it is but a step to fillets and incisions running obliquely and a
second step to the twisted handle so common in the tripod group,
so-called, as will be seen by comparing figures a and -c with
Plate IX, figures a — d, respectively. In figure c, the eyes are

f58 THE ARMADILLO

actually represented, so that the twisted handle evidently means
a life form, probably the armadillo.

Hitherto the ornamentation has been chiefly the work of the
sculptor or engraver. A new force in the domain of decoration
has now to be reckoned with, viz., color or, rather, paint (see
Pis. IX, figs. a--d and X, figs. d—g. Whether or not the
summary fashion in which the paint is here applied represents
the beginning of a new art era or a decadent phase of the same,
it is not within the province of the present study to determine.
It is, however, worth while to note the effect of the painter's
work on that of the sculptor and engraver, where all three are
combined in one whole. In the first place they do not overlap.
The work of the sculptor is confined to handles. These are
never painted. The engraver has chosen the shoulder and
neck or collar for his field of operations. The incised areas are
never painted.

The familiar carapace symbol appears in figure d, Plate X.
The life form in figure e is probably the same thing. There is
an unmistakable carapace symbol in figure /, a large vase with
a uniform coat of red paint covering the entire exterior with the
exception of the handles and lip. The inner surface of the latter
leading down to the orifice is painted however.

An unusual treatment of the armadillo is that in Plate X,
figure a. The head barely protrudes beyond the carapace and
the latter almost encircles the body of the animal. A long
fillet encircling a head on the flat handle in figure b may be a
highly conventionalized form of the armadillo rolled up for
defense or repose ; or it may represent a view of the animal from
directly in front, as seen in the preceding figure (see also PI. X,
figs, c and g).

There is a variety of biscuit ware usually highly polished
and with a salmon-colored slip. The form and technique exhib-
ited in the salmon-colored ware also differ somewhat from the
ordinary biscuit pottery. On the handles in figure e of Plate
IX are not only the three divisions of the carapace but also a
pair of ears (compare with PI. IV, fig. a and PI. VIII, figs, a
and b).

Mention has already been made of the armadillo rolled up
for defense or repose. The head projecting from the shoulder

IN THE ANCIENT ART OF CHIRIQU1 I 59

of a salmon-colored vase (PI. X, fig. c) and encircled bv two
incised fillets may be, perhaps, a conventionalized rendering of
the same idea (see PI. X, figs, b and g). This might be, with
proprietv, taken for a coiled serpent, were it not for the fact
that representation of the serpent on Chiriquian potterv is almost
wholly confined to one small group the so-called black incised
ware of Holmes, where the serpent motive is so all pervading
as to justify a change of the name from ' black incised " to the
serpent group.

The vertical handles of some of the vessels belonging to
the black incised group of ware are provided with an indented
fillet resembling the carapace symbol.

The rolled up armadillo probablv recurs in Plate X, figure
g. It has already been noted in figures 6 and c. Alternating with
the two armadillo motives on the collar of this vase are two
incised triangular patterns. The surface below the collar is
smoked and sootv, a condition common to the handled group,
at least 75% of which have been used over the fire.

Figure 1 7 is the tvpe for the unpainted handled ware. Each
of the paired handles is a raised horizontal loop fitting close
against the neck of the vase. Bv the application of nodes and
fillets, the handle is transformed into the head, shoulders and
fore legs of the armadillo. To make sure of its identity, the
carapace svmbol is freelv used.

Other vessels belonging in this sub-class are illustrated in
Plate XI and the carapace symbol occurs on every one. In
figure a, there is a repetition of figure 1 7, except that the nose is
wanting. The handle is reduced to a mere knob in figure b,
but the eyes above and the carapace symbol placed ventrally at
the base suffice to convey the idea intended. In figure c, the
horizontal loop handle is reduced in size and somewhat removed
from the neck of the vessel. Carapace svmbols ornament its
summit and bases. The same is true of figure d, except that
three single fillets are used instead of three pairs. This is also
true of figure e, the only difference being that the handles are
changed so as to occupv a vertical position. In figure / the
vertical handles unite shoulder and rim. They are simply
plastered over with carapace symbols. Two perforated nodes
near the top represent the eyes. On the opposite handle a

l6o THE ARMADILLO

median hole just below the eyes may be intended for a mouth or
nose.

Almost all the specimens here figured belong to the terra-
cotta or biscuit group, which is the largest group of Chiriquian
pottery, being nearly as large as all the others put together.
Of the 3668 pieces in the Yale collection, 1620 belong to the
biscuit ware. Of these about one-fifth are decorated with the
armadillo motive in one or several of its many forms, the occur-
rence of other animal representations being rare in comparison.
The preponderating influence of the armadillo in the terra-
cotta group suggests the totemic potency of the animal in
question among the makers of this ware. Why not, then, call
it the armadillo group instead ? Such a terminology, together
with the change from "black incised" to serpent group, as
suggested by the writer on page 1 59, would tend toward uniform-
ity. For similar reasons the "tripod " group of Holmes might well
be called the fish group. All these changes would be in line
with the choice of the name alligator for one of the important
groups of painted ware. The names of life forms would then be
given to four groups instead of to only one.

By incorporating the proposed changes into the classification
of Holmes ('), the result is as follows :
Unpainted Ware : —

Armadillo group (instead of " terra-cotta" or 'biscuit"
group).

Serpent group (instead of" black incised " group).
Painted Ware :-

Handled group.

Fish group (instead of " tripod " group).

Scarified group.

Maroon group.

Red line group.

White line group.

Lost color group

Alligator group.

Polychrome group.
The armadillo still enters largely into the life of certain

(1) Loc. lit.

IN THE ANCIENT ART OF CHIRIQUI l6l

tribes. According to Dr A. Hrdlicka ('), it is a cherished article
of food among the Indians of western Mexico and medicinal
properties are ascribed to certain parts. The Cora, for instance,
save the carapace and administer decoctions of it as a cure for
stomach disorders.

The armadillo motive is not confined to the m terra cotta >.
ox armadillo group, as is indicated by the foregoing illustrations
from the unpainted and painted handled ware. It is also trace-
able in the lost color, white line, and alligator groups. In
examples of the latter group, the entire vessel is treated as a
zoomorphic unit, its body corresponding to the body of the
armadillo, with projecting head, tail and legs, and the carapace
rendered in a realistic*manner (PI. XII, figs, f — i).

The vessel in figure/" comes very nearly being a complete
zoomorphic unit. It is a tripod instead of a quadruped, with two
legs in front but only one hind leg, which is in a median plane.
The tail forms a vertically placed loop handle emerging from
underneath the carapace to fuse with the hind leg. The legs are
marked with parallel transverse lines in black, suggesting the
carapace motive. In that case, each leg would represent an
armadillo, a supposition borne out by the fact that feet and toes
are not indicated. The head is well defined, the nose being
pointed downward as if to reach the ground. The ears are
represented in the round as well as by means of black paint ; the
eyes, by paint alone — a black circle on cream slip surrounding
a black spot. The carapace, like the ears, is represented both
in the round and in color. Its anterior and posterior regions are
marked by black spots on the cream slip. The banded charac-
ter of the middle region is indicated by transverse parallel lines
in alternating groups of black and red. The circular aperture
cuts all three regions of the carapace, the margin or rim being
painted red. The black spots on top of the head also represent
dermal armor. The vessel is covered inside and out by a uniform
slip, over which the delineating colors (black and red) are
applied except on the interior and on the outer ventral surface.
The vessel belongs to the so-called alligator group.

(:) Personal letter dated Oct. 4, 190b.

1 62 THE ARMADILLO

In figure^, the zoomorphic unit is to all Intents and pur-
poses complete. It is somewhat complicated, however, by the
fact that Here, also, each of the legs (four this time) mav be
regarded as a separate armadillo because of the presence of the
carapace motive and the absence of feet or toes. We have, in
other words, a realistic figure of the armadillo, each leg of which
represents a conventionalized armadillo. The entire figure is a
whistle, the stub tail serving as a mouth-piece. Above each
fore leg, there is a perforation communicating with the hollow
interior. By means of these, two additional notes mav be
produced. The horizontal perforation through the solid neck
is for purposes of suspension. The prominent nostrils are repre-
sented by rather deep holes with oblong openings. The eyes
are simplv black spots of paint. The carapace is represented
both in the round and by delineating colors in black and red on
a eream slip. These are in three groups of transverse parallel
lines, each group being crossed by longitudinal parallel lines.
The central, rather narrow region of the carapace is in red ; the
anterior and posterior regions are both in black. The band
nearest the head and the two nearest the tail are represented by
rows of black spots.

An interesting figurine is reproduced in figure // of the
same Plate. Like the preceding figure, it belongs to the alligator
group of ware. It is not a whistle, although the interior is
hollow and reached by means of a small ventral perforation.
The attitude suggests the act of burrowing, or possibly an
attempt to roll up for defense, which has been frustrated by the
interposition of a thick bar placed transversely across (or through)
the stomach and projecting some distance beyond the carapace
on either side. The head is depressed, the nose pointing
slightly backward, the chin pressed against the chest. The
tail, represented both in the round and by means of black paint,
is brought forward underneath along the ventral surface. The
extremities are sharplv flexed, the toes of the fore feet pointing
forward and those of the hind feet turning backward (fig. i).
The three regions of the slightly raised carapace are quite
distinct. The smooth surface of the anterior and posterior
sections is given a uniform coat of black paint, while the
central region is painted red and grooved so as to bring out in

IN THE ANCIENT ART OF CHIRIQU1 1 63

relief three rather wide bands. The transverse bar passing
through (or across) the stomach is also painted red. One of the
projecting ends of this rod was evidently broken before the red
paint was applied, as a coat of the same is carried over the
uneven surface of the break ; or the break may have occurred
while the object was in use and afterward was painted over to
match the surrounding color. It is, at all events, a case of pre-
historic repairing. The part broken off mav have been a head
for which the opposite prominence could have served as a tail,
since the diameter of the latter is not so great as that of the
missing protuberance.

It is interesting to note that the disposition of color on the
carapace of the armadillo whistle (fig. g) and of the armadillo
figurine (fig. h) is the same. In each case, the central banded
region is in red, while the rest is in black. In both cases, also,
a red median band bounded by two parallel lateral black bands
is carried between the ears and down toward the tip of the nose.
The treatment of the eyes and nostrils is identical, also, in both.

A study of the various groups, then, reveals the fact that
the armadillo, while a dominant decorative factor in the terra-
cotta or armadillo ware, is also the thread that binds together
practically all classes of Chiriquian pottery, serving an important
ornamental role and full of symbolic and mvthologic meaning.
It demonstrates, also, that many purely decorative motives had
their origin in some life form or in elements thereof. In Egypt
it seems to have been the lotus ; in Chiriqui it was pre-emi-
nentlv the armadillo.

1 1

•y.

a!
'C

PLATE I

The use of the armadillo as tripod supports.

1 1 *

The armadillo head as a shoulder decoration.

The entire armadillo as a shoulder ornament.

Necks of vases ornamented with motives derived from the carapace and tail

Tail symbols as a decorative motive for the necks of vases.

The use of foot, eve and carapace symbols as decorative motives.

The carapace and other motives as handle decorations.

The relation of the twisted handle to life forms.

Various forms of the carapace motive.

Examples of the unpainted handled ware decorated with carapace symbols.

The armadillo as a decorative factor and as a /oomorphic unit.

THE WALL PAINTINGS

AT CHICHEN ITZA

par Melle A. Breton

Students of Central American archeology have scarcely as
yet appreciated the important part that painting formerly played
in the decorative art of that region. The first explorers were
overwhelmed by the grandeur and strangeness of the ruins, and
were too fully occupied in making plans of the structures, and
moulds of the reliefs and monoliths, to have time for more than
hasty notes of the colors on them. This was unfortunate, for
where the buildings were covered with debris, when first exca-
vated, the colours were often fresh, and exposure to the weather
has since destroyed them.

From the remains still visible, it is evident that all the
sculptured parts were coloured and that the colours were more
or less symbolic. Those people saw in colour and light and
shade. That is why mere outline copies of the sculptures, and
casts set up in a light for which they were not intended, give
a very inadequate idea of the actual effect. The color is also
a great help towards understanding the subjects.

At Chichen Itza there was a remarkable development of
Art ; not only were the columns, door posts and interior walls
of some of the buildings covered with coloured reliefs represent-
ing personages and events, but many chambers were entirely
painted in fresco with historical scenes.

These wall paintings are of the highest interest, not only
from the point of view of archeology but from that of Art. In
color, drawing and design they can hold their own any where,
although to a modern eye they may appear quaint and childlike
as do those of the Early Italian school. As they are, unfortu-
nately, much destroyed, they cannot be seen fairly in a hurried

1 66 THE WALL PAINTINGS

visit, but after studying them dav by day, and when the light is
good, one comes to feel a great admiration for artists who could
as skilfully transfer the bright harmonious tints of their sunset
skies to an intractable material like plaster.

Mr. Thomson, I)' L. Plongeon and Mr. Maudslay copied
some portions of these paintings, but from various reasons their
copies have not become known as they deserved, and it was at
Mr. Maudslay's suggestion that I attempted the great task
of copying the whole series.

The Casa de las Monjas retains only a small part of its
paintings, in a small upper chamber and in the vault of the large
chamber on the same terrace. This has houses with thatched
roofs, temples, trees, and what appears to be a long wall
or fortification, above which are warriors armed with shield
and atlatl. There is a building with the long-nosed mask
characteristic of Yucatan, the temples are surrounded by a
battlemented wall. There must almost certainly have been a
small wooden gallery along the lower edge of the vault, from
which the paintings could be inspected, for the figures are
as small that thev can scarcelv be seen from below. The small
chamber has battle scenes on a green ground with trees.

In Temple A. (or Temple of the Tigers) the walls of
the outer chamber were painted, but owing to the roof having
fallen in, they were exposed to the weather and only a few
round shields are now left, showing that the subjects were battles
as in the inner chamber. This latter has suffered from the local
tourist who has written names all over it, and also from copyists
who have outlined the figures in pencil, or worse still, with a red
line which at first sight appears original until one sees that it
crosses gaps in the plaster. Still, with care and patience
something can be saved from the wreck which becomes each year
more deplorable, now that the removal of the trees and plants
which protected the exterior allows the tropic rains to pour down
the walls.

The paintings were not the first decoration of the building.
Traces of a previous coat can be seen here and there, showing
a kind of diaper pattern in red and blue. But they were done
a sufficiently long time before the place was abandoned for a

AT CHICHKN HZ A 1 67

crack in the plaster to have required mending and recolouring.
There are also graffiti scratched in the plaster by ancient devotees.

Method. - -There were certainly two artists employed, and
their methods were different. One was a master who knew
exactlv what he meant to l\o, and did it in a calm methodical
way, with certainty and swiftness of brush in the sweeping
outlines. The other, more impetuous, dashed in figures just as
they came into his head, after he had fixed the positions of the
shields. These positions (at any rate on the south wall) are not
hap. hazard, and it might be worth while for a mathematician
or astronomer to study them. This artist understood how
to place one tint over another to give a rich and glowing effect.
He put in few outlines, and the greater part of his work is
in dry colour which comes oft" easily, or peels away in patches.
I attribute to him about half the work, - the north and south
walls, and the middle and north end of the east wall.

The other artist drew all his figures carefully in red outline
on the damp plaster, and also, in true fresco fashion put on this
chief masses of color while the plaster was damp. This' helps
to give the delightful varied effect of the tints, only enough
colour being mixed for each day's work. Then the details were
added in dry colours. Few of these are left, and the devices of
the shields have been almost entirely obliterated by modern
visitors, to insert their own names.

Colors cskd. — Two reds, two blues, four greens, yellow,
white, black, and a purplish tint, and various tones ot flesh
colour, were used, and although there is no attempt at shading,
they are so skilfully contrasted that there is a strong effect
of relief. One figure will be light against the ground and
another dark. It is only when copying them that one can
appreciate the art with which each colour is added to enhance
the brilliance and harmony of the whole, as one does in copying
Turner's best water colours. It will be understood that these
copies give but a poor idea of the glow of soft warm color when
the sun shines in through the narrow door on an afternoon
in April or Maw Very many of the figures are now mere
vague patches of colour, and I have not tried to re-draw them
1 2

1 68 THE WALL PAINTINGS

or to do more than reproduce the present fragmentary appear-
ance of the original.

Description. — The long walls of the east and west sides
are each divided into three panels. On the west, there is one
over the door and those on either side. We suppose that the
series begins with the south-west panel, the first to the right on
entering. Dr Le Plongeon has described this in his book,
"Queen Moo". The personages in feather mantles recall
the statues which upheld the sculptured stone table in the outer
chamber.

The south wall is particularly interesting as it shows the
methods of attacking lofty places. There are three scaffold-
towers on which are warriors, whilst others are climbing a great
ladder made by notching a long tree-trunk. The personages
floating in the air above the houses at the top of this panel will
be observed. Part of the painting in the vault is left at this end,
with the scene of a sacrifice, and some lean prisoners at one
corner. Especially noteworthy are the high narrow white
banner like Tibetan prayer-flags near the bottom of this wall.

The east wall has in its centre panel two life-size personages,
one the same as the central figure on the sculptured wall of
chamber E. (the lower Temple of the Tigers), the other
perhaps the hero laid out at the bottom of this panel, and also
in the panel above the Lintel and in the border of the Xorth
Building of the Ball-Court. The great feathered serpent appears
to be in reversed position with his head downwards, judging
from the feathers. In the southern panel of this wall, which is
verv much destroved, there are several animals and birds
amongst the trees on the sides of the fortified villages. The
northern panel has a series of hills with attacking and defending
forces. Here the artist evidently gave a variety of trees and
rocks in the landscape, but scarcely anything remains.

On the north wall there is a sun-disk in the centre at
the top, and a number of perhaps mythical personages who look
as if they had come out o( some illuminated manuscript with
their curious red backgrounds and flourishes. Here the green
ground rises diagonally from the bottom to the top. The colours
of the figures and the sky are peculiarly rich.

AT CHICHEN ITZA 1 69

The north end of the west wall has an attack bv blue-
bodied warriors on a village defended by a fortification coloured
red like that of the south east panel. This red object was at first
called a canoe until Mr. Maudslay showed that all the houses
were inside it, and then it was found that similar representations
of defences were to be seen on the so-called slate " palettes » of
ancient Egypt.

The border or dado round the lower part of the walls is
somewhat similar to those of chamber E. and the North
Building. It has personages whom one may perhaps call
mythological, entwined with flowerv " speeches. » The small
personage in both borders of the west wall is the same who
occurs as a sort of Punchinello in manv reliefs as at Palenque
and Ouirigue.

DIFFERENT RACE-TYPES

There is a great variety of tvpes. Some of the warriors
are very tall and athletic, especially those descending on the
South wall, with red feather headdresses. Others are short and
plump as in the south west panel. Some profiles have been
preserved, though as a rule the shield is so held as almost to
cover the face, and where it is visible, the eye has usually been
destroyed. There are two good profiles on the Red Hills and
some in the south-east panel, and the two lama-like persons on a
roof in the corner of the south west panel. The flesh-tints vary
from the pale yellow of the sun-disk personages and the women,
to the dark brown of the defenders of the Red Hills, and of the
chiefs sitting before their hut-doors in the bottom row of the
south wall.

The speeches have yet to be interpreted, though one may
suppose that the warriors cry " Victory or Death " when their
speeches are a flourish of red and blue. A man at the top of
the south west panel whose atlatl is held downwards as a sign
of defeat, has a dejected-looking speech, somewhat like that of
a man with bound arms in a Mont Alban relief (Plate XVIII,
Batres).

The chamber is 8 metres long, 3.50 to the edge of the
vault, and about as much again to the top.

1 2-

ORIGINH DE LA CIVILISATION

L'AMERIQUE PRECOLOMBIENNE

par M. Alphonse Gagnon (l)
Fonctionnaire civil au Departement des Travaux publics, Quebec.

Le travail que j'ai l'honneur de soumettre au congres est le
resultat de plusieurs annees d'etudes comparatives entre les
antiquites americaines et celles de certaines contrees du monde
oriental, etudes basees sur les donnees fournies par les dernieres
decouvertes archeologiques. Ces decouvertes, accomplies tant
en Orient qu'en Amerique, sont tellement nombreuses et extra-
ordinaires que, c'est bien le cas de le dire, beaucoup de faits que
nous ne soupconnions pas il y a quelques annees a peine,
s'imposent aujourd'hui.

C'est d'abord une telle analogie d'architecture, d'ornemen-
tation, — indiquant des usages communs -- entre les monuments
de l'Egypte, de l'Arabie meridionale, de la Chaldee, de l'lnde,
de l'lndo-Chine, et ceux de l'ancienne Amerique crvilisee que,
souvent, les expressions qui servent a decrire les uns nous font
connaitre les autres. Les edifices des temps les plus.recules de
l'lnde et de l'Egypte, forment deux genres d'architecture si
analogues, que Ton a d'abord cru que l'un etait l'imitation de
l'autre, ressemblance que Ton explique par des traditions com-
munes chez les deux peuples. Mais on dit aussi que les temples

(i) J'avais d'abord l'intention de deposer sur le Bureau du Congres un
Memoire beaucoup plus d^taille que le present resume, qui n'est qu'un
simple enonce de faits. Mais com me je me propose de publier sous peu un
ouvrage sur le meme sujet, je me reserve de reunir dans ce volume les
preuves qui manquent ici et que je donnerai k l'appui de la these a laquelle
je me suis rallie touchant I'origine de la civilisation de l'Amerique preco-
lombienne.

1 2 *

172 ORIGINE DE LA CIVILISATION

de l'Amerique centrale reproduisent le modele de ceux de l'lnde.
Un missionnaire anglais confond, a premiere vue, les dagobas
de Chichen-Itza avec ceux de Ceylan, tellement ils se ressem-
blent ; or les dagobas de Ceylan ne different point de ceux de
l'lnde, du moins quant a la forme typique de leur architecture.
Puis, la maniere de batir des Egvptiens se rapproche a certains
egards de celle des Chaldeens, et le grand temple de Mexico et
la pyramide de Teotihuacan, ecrit M. Desire Charnay, ont ete
construits d'apres les memes principes et sur les memes modeles
que les monuments chaldeens. D'ailleurs, ajoute-t-il, si Ton
compare les civilisations de l'Amerique du Nord et de l'Ameri-
que centrale avec les civilisations de l'Asie, c'est avec la Chaldee
et l'Assvrie que se multiplient les rapprochements les plus
eclatants.

De son cote, l'auteur de VHistoite des Religions, ouvrage
publie en 1904, ecrit : " Si Ton cherche pour l'architecture,
l'organisation sociale, les religions du Mexique et du Perou, des
ressemblances avec celles de l'ancien monde, c'est surtout dans
les civilisations assyrienne et egyptienne qu'on trouve plus de
termes de comparaisons. " Or la civilisation assyrienne procede
de la civilisation chaldeenne et n'en est que la copie. Les
monuments de l'lndo-Chine et de Java font aussi songer a ceux
de l'lnde et de l'Amerique centrale. Boeroe-Boedor rappelle
la grande pyramide d'Egypte par sa forme et sa graadeur, mais
il correspond egalement au grand temple de Palenque d'une
maniere si exacte, qu'il est impossible, a-t-on dit, de contester
serieusement la communaute d'origine et de destination des deux
monuments. On signale nombre de traits communs que
presente l'ancienne architecture du Cambodge avec celle du
Yucatan. L'architecture du sud de 1'Arabie, ecrit Caussin de
Perceval, devait proceder de celle de Babylone, comme la civili-
sation et la religion du pavs etaient etroitement apparentees
avec celles de la Chaldee. On trouve dans quelques-unes des
lies de la Polvnesie, et notamment aux iles Sandwich, des
constructions a base pvramidale qui rappellent la pyramide
mexicaine de Cholula. Enfin, les monuments typiques de l'an-
cien empire egyptien, suivant l'auteur de V Art Monumental,
sont des pyramides. II en etait de meme en Chaldee, nous
repelent les orientalistes. Aux Indes, d'apres Heeren, on voit,

DE L AMERIQUE PRECOLOMBIENNE 1 73

par leurs vestiges, que les temples les plus antiques etaient des
pyramides. Les pyramides sont certainement le fait le plus
saillant de l'ancienne architecture americaine, dit le marquis de
Nadaillac.

Sans doute, une pyramide ressemble a une autre pyramide,
et, envisagee a ce point de vue, il n'v a pas la de quoi prouver
l'unite ethnique des constructeurs de deux pyramides sem-
blables ; mais quand, dans un temps donne de l'histoire, on
voit une partie de l'humanite, et d'une humanite a ses debuts
dans Tart de la construction, faire usage d'un mode architecto-
nique similaire, sinon dans ses details, du moins dans ses traits
principaux, on a raison de croire que les peuples qui elevent de
pareils monuments dans les contrees qu'ils habitent, tiennent
leur motif d'inspiration d'une origine commune.

Je n'ignore pas que l'esprit humain est partout identique a
lui-meme, que les memes besoins ont fait naitre chez l'homme
les memes efforts de l'intelligence, les memes creations de l'in-
dustrie. II execute les memes choses sous l'empire des memes
circonstances. Mais cette loi ne peut s'etendre qu'aux exigences
de sa vie materielle et non aux produits du genie de l'homme,
aux conceptions de son intelligence cultivee, et qui sont chez lui
les effets d'une civilisation determinee. Tels, par exemple, les
arts de la construction qui fournissent des indications de la plus
haute valeur sur les affinites ethnologiques. » Les temples, les
palais et les tombeaux, dit le reverend Isaac Taylor dans ses
Etruscan Researches, peuvent etre regardes com me autant de
petrifications, des aspirations, des pensees et des sentiments des
peuples ; ils sont l'expression spontanee et inconsciente de par-
ticularites mentales hereditaires. " Ainsi, les hommes qui, en
Egypte, en Arabie meridionale, en Chaldee, dans l'lnde, en
Polynesie, aussi bien qu'au Mexique, en Amerique centrale et
au Perou, elevent des constructions analogues de forme et qui
presupposent les memes usages, qui transportent, entassent et
ajustent des blocs enormes de roches aussi dures que le granit,
construisent des pyramides pour y ensevelir leurs morts ou y
erigerau sommet les temples de leurs dieux ; qui, en Amerique
comme en Orient, disposent leurs edifices d'apres un meme
plan horizontal, les groupent, les divisent et les ornent d'une
maniere presque identique, et qui sur ces temples et ces palais

174 ORIGINE DE LA CIVILISATION

representent des symboles, religieux ou autres, qui leur sont
communs ; ces hommes qui, dans les deux hemispheres,
dressent des obelisques, percent les montagnes de souterrains,
taillent des statues aux proportions colossales, avant d'etre
disperses en groupes speciaux, ne devaient former a l'origne
qu'une race unique. Une ancienne et commune foi, le sanu.
les instincts hereditaires ont survecu chez les diverses branches
ainsi dispersees de cette meme race et produit a d'aussi grandes
distances des effets similaires. •■ II est difficile d'adrnettre, dit
M. Viollet-le-Duc, que tous les hommes, a l'origine de leur
civilisation, aient employe les memes methodes, lorsqu'ils ont pu
produire des ceuvres sorties de leur cerveau ; l'etude attentive
des monuments qui nous sont connus, en Asie, en Amerique et
en Europe, dementirait ce systeme de production uniforme ; cette
etude conduit a admettre que certaines methodes appartiennent
a certaines races. »

Mais il y a plus, ces grands batisseurs etaient aussi des
maitres en agriculture, et la science avec laquelle ils ont su pra-
tiquer l'assainissement, le drainage et l'irrigation du sol ne se
voit pas ailleurs, a cette epoque reculee, que dans ces memes
pays ou subsistent les ruines de leurs monuments. Les explo-
rations accomplies depuis un quart de siecle nous font voir que,
dans les contrees orientales deja nominees aussi bien qu'en
Polynesie et en Amerique, on pratiquait un savant systeme
d'irrigation au moyen de canaux et de vastes reservoirs etao-es
pour l'arrosement. Dans 1'Inde, par exemple, les Anglais n'ont
eu qua reparer les anciennes levees et a completer le reseau de
canalisation pour rendre a leur fertilite d'autrefois plusieurs mil-
lions d'hectares de terrains devenus incultes. Les monuments
de l'antiquite sacree et profane et les resultats des recherches
scientifiques contemporaines nous montrent done des une epoque
anterieure de plusieurs milliers d'annees a l'ere chretienne, une
race qui, possedant tous les elements d'une civilisation avancee,
colonise diverses parties de l'ancien continent. Grace surtout
aux etudes ethnographiques et archeologiques actuelles, par les
ceuvres que cette race est alors la seule a produire, on peut la
suivre comme a la trace partout oil elle s'etablit.

Mais quelle etait cette race ?

DK L AMERIQUE PRECOLOMBIKNNK I 75

On admet aujourd'hui que les peuples de souche dite kous-
chite ou ethiopienne, designes aussi quelquefois sous Pappella-
tion de Chamites, mais qu'il ne faut pas confondre avec la race
negre, comme l'ont fait la plupart des ecrivains de I'antiquite,
ont ete les premiers civilisateurs et batisseurs dans toute l'Asie
sud-occidentale, et ce qui subsiste de leur langue, de leurs
monuments et de leur influence civilisatrice, nous revele la
presence de ces memes peuples sur le rivage asiatique etafricain
de la Med iter ranee, dans la vallee du Nil, dans 1'Indoustan et
dans les iles de l'Ocean Indien.

Tous les savants, Jit Fr. Lenormant, sont aujourd'hui
d'accord pour reconnaitre que les bords du Tigre, la Perse
meridionale et une partie de l'lnde elle-meme, ont ete peuples
par la famille de Kousche avant d'etre occupes par les descen-
dants de Sem et de Japhet. Les empires fondes par les Chamites
se trouverent bientot en contact avec les deux autres races, qui
entrerent en lutte avec eux et s'emparerent des pays qu'ils occu-
paient. Les Semites les remplacerent dans la Chaldee, dans
l'Assyrie, dans la Palestine er dans I'Arabie, les Anas dans
•l'lnde et dans la Perse.

M. Rawlinson, autre orientaliste de grande autorite, decla-
re que les resultats maintenant acquis a la science, prouvent que
les Chamites ou Kouschites ont precede les .Semites et les Aryas
dans toutes les parties de l'Asie occidentale, et, entre autres
regions, il mentionne I'Arabie, la Babvlonie, la Susiane, la
Phenicie et le sud-est de l'Asie Mineure, le paws des Hetheens,
appeles Ivhetas dans les inscriptions hieroglyphiques de
l'Egvpte. Enfin, la Bible et tous les ecrivains de I'antiquite
etendent la famille de ce sang tout le long des cotes, depuis la
bouche de 1'Indus jusqu'a l'Egvpte, et audela sur la cote nord de
l'Afrique.

Tous ces peuples avaient une organisation sociale qui sem-
ble leur avoir ete particuliere : celle de la division de la societe
en castes. Ce regime, dit encore Lenormant, est essentiellement
kouschite, et partout ou nous le retrouvons, il est facile de
constater qu'il procede originairement de cette race. Xous l'avons
vu, ajoute-t-il, florissant a Babylone. Les Aryas de l'lnde,
qui l'adopterent, l'avaient emprunte aux populations du sang

1 76 ORIGINE DE LA CIVILISATION

de Kousche qui les avaient precedes dans le bassin de l'lndus et
du Gange et qu'ils soumirent a leur autorite.

Nous re'trouvons cette meme division de la societe en castes
chez les Incas du Perou, chez les Mexicains et autres peuples
civilises de l'Amerique precolombienne, de meme que chez cer-
taines peuplades polvnesiennes. Si le regime des castes, d'apres
les orientalistes, etait etranger aux Semites et aux Aryas, les
constructions cyclopeennes a base pyramidale, le mode de
culture par irrigation l'etaient pareillement, aux temps ou nous
reporte l'existence de ces travaux.

Ces memes peuples enfin pratiquaient un culte caracteristi-
que et dont le fond leur etait egalement commun : le sabeisme.
Mais le temps me manque pour en dire davantage sur cette
partie de mon travail qui occupe une place importante dans mon
livre actuellement en preparation.

II semble done evident qu'a une epoque qui se perd dans le
demi-jour de la mythologie, une portion considerable de la famille
humaine sortit de l'lnde ou de la Chaldee, peu importe ici
le point de depart. Elle se divisa en deux grandes colonnes,
dont Tune, prenant la route de l'Occident, s'etendit depuis la
grande presqu'ile jusqu'aux extremites de la cote nord-est de
l'Afrique, et 1'autre, prenant une direction opposee, se frac-
tionna dans sa marche vers l'Ouest en plusieurs colonies: Ceylan
d'abord, puis l'lndo-Chine, Java, les iles de la Polvnesie en
nombre plus ou moins considerable, et tinit par atteindre l'Ame-
rique, bien des siecles avant l'ere chretienne, laissant partout,
par ses monuments, par ses travaux de culture, par la repartition
de la societe en castes, par ses idees religieuses et ses moeurs,
des traces indeniables de son passage. Des hommes de cette
race seraient ainsi les auteurs de la vieille civilisation americaine
qui, bien qu'affaiblie, subsistait encore au Perou, dans l'Ame-
rique centrale, le Yucatan et le Mexique, au debut du X VIe siecle,
a l'arrivee des Espagnols. Cette marche du peuple constructeur
me parait naturelle, je dirai meme demontree par le tvpe carac-
teristique de ses monuments, de ses travaux hydrauliques, trop
ressemblants et trop nombreux pour etre l'effet du hasard ou de
rencontres fortuites. Kile est aussi en conformite des traditions
des Indiens civilises de l'Amerique qui font venir leurs ancetres
de 1'Orient par mer, a une epoque inconnue. Sans ces commu-

DE L AMERIQUE PRECOLOMBIENXE I 77

nications entre les deux continents, ces traditions n'auraient pas
leur raison d'etre.

Si Ton hesite a donner a ces premiers immigrants le nom de
Kouschites, qu'on leur applique l'appellation que Ton croira
devoir leur convenir. Je ne tiens pas au nom precisement ;
mais ce qui me parait bien demontre, c'est que, a l'epoque oil
cette race etait a l'apogee de sa gloire, c'est-a-dire longtemps
avant Homere, puisqu'a cette date il y avait deja plusieurs siecles
que cette civilisation allait s'eteignant, c'etait une de ses ambi-
tions d'elever sur d'enormes talus des edifices aux dimensions
extraordinaires, de creuser de longues galeries souterraines
dans le roc vif, de construire de vastes reservoirs, d'eriger, tant
en Orient qu'en Polvnesie et en Amerique, des constructions
qui sont encore pour nous un sujet d'etonnement, incapables que
nous sommes de comprendre par quels movens des pierres de
30, de 40 et meme de 60 pieds de longueur sur 12 a 20 pieds de
largeur et d'epaisseur, pouvaient etre transporters et placees aux
prodigieux degres d'elevation 011 nous les vovons dans les ruines
qui en restent. Et tous ces monuments presentent entre eux de
tels rapports de conformite, qu'il est difficile de les expliquer
sans admettre chez les ouvriers des uns et des autres des liens
de parente, de relations 011 de traditions.

II importe de ne pas perdre de vue ici l'ordre chrono-
logique.

" The question as to the dates is important in this connec-
tion, disait M. Stan i land Wake dans V American Antiquarian &
Oriental Journal, annee 1903. It has been ascertained bv
recent discoveries in the Tigris, that there were many palaces
and temples, walled cities, and labyrinths, which were erected
long before the days of Homer. These discoveries carry us back-
thousands of years, before we really find the beginnings, either of
history or of art, or of architecture. What is more, thev prove
to us migrations which extended through long distances, and
reached not only the waters of the Mediterranean but the coast
of India, and possibly extended to the west coast of North
America. This is the lesson which we learn from comparing
the architecture of the Old World with that of the New World.
There were probably a transmission of types and patterns,

1/8 OKIGINE DE LA CIVILISATION DE L'AM. PRECOLOMBIENNE

symbols and ornaments, which formed the basis of the architect-
ural ornaments of the New World. "

C'est cela. On sent que ces lignes expriment la verite.
Seulement, je vais un peu plus loin que M. Wake en precisant
ce que je crois avoir ete le point de depart et la filiation ethnique
de ces premiers immigrants.

LA QUESTION CALCHAOUIE

par MM. Leon Lejeal et Eric Bom an

(resume)

Les explorations effectuees depuis une vingtaine d'aunees
sur le territoire de la Republique Argentine par les archeologues
locaux et les ecrits qui ont revele ces explorations au monde
savant, ont donne droit de cite dans les etudes americaines a une
civilisation supposee speciale que ses inventeurs designent sous
le nom de " civilisation calchaquie ". L'autonomie de cette
civilisation parait aujourd'hui acceptee en Europe et en Ameri-
que, par nombre d'americanistes, d'une maniere, cependant, toute
provisoire et sans doute, en attendant l'examen scientifique du
sujet qui, en realite, n'a pas encore ete entrepris. C'est cet exa-
men que nous avons aborde, soit par des recherches historiogra-
phiques, soit par des recherches in the field (ces dernieres, tieuvre
propre de M. Boman). Nous sommes arrives a cette conviction
commune que loin d'etre independante et distincte, l'archeo-
logie dite " calchaquie " doit etre consideree comme une
province annexe et vassale de Tarcheologie ando-peruvienne.

Le present memoire a pour but de justifier cette conclusion.
II offre done, d'abord, une synthese, ensuite une critique des
divers travaux publies jusqu'ici sur la " Question calchaquie ".
Les principaux points developpes dans notre communication se
referent :

i°) a la geographie historique et ethnique ;

2°) a l'etude des monuments et du materiel ethnographique
de la region " calchaquie " ;

3°) a l'histoire et a la geographie linguistique des regions
ando-peruviennes.

I So LA QUESTION CALCHAQUIE

Les principales sources utilisees sur ce point sont : a) Rela-
ciones de Pedro Sotelo Narvaez, Jeronimo Luis de Cabrera, Die-
go Pacheco ; b) Cartas du P. Alonso Barzana et de Juan de
Matienzo. Ces divers documents sont tous voisins (environs
de 1 580) de 1'epoque de la conquete et tous inspires par la con-
naissance personnelle du pays, c) " Historiadores »« . Le plus
important est le P. Pedro Lozano. On le connait comme un
ecrivain erudit, soigneux, voire meticuleux. II a le merite d'avoir
habite Cordoba, d'avoir parcouru la region et, enfin, d'avoir con-
sulted les archives de Tucuman et de Santiago. Son defaut est
d'avoir ecrit deux siecles environ apres la " Conquista " (milieu
du XVIII6 siecle). On ne peut, d'autre part, affirmer qu'il ait,
autant qu'il l'aurait fallu, fait cas des traditions indigenes. Avec
son confrere, Techo, il reste, malgre tout, un informateur des
plus notables.

Ces differents textes et tous ceux qu'on peut egalement con-
suiter donnent le nom de " Calchaquis " a une tribu d'lndiens
fixee exactement dans la vallee ( " vallee Calchaquie » d'aujour-
d'hui) limitrophe de la province de Salta et de la partie meridio-
nale de la Puna de Atacama (l'actuel » territoire des Andes ").
Ces " Calchaquis » ne constituaient pas, d'ailleurs, une nation dis-
tincte, mais appartenaient eux-memes au peuple plus important
des Diaguites, dont le domaine s'etendait sur toute la region
andine de l'Argentine actuelle, depuis le pic de l'Acay et la vallee
de Lerma, au \., jusqu'a la province de San Juan, au S. (Sierra
de Cordoba exceptee). En d'autres termes, les Diaguites occu-
paient les actuelles provinces argentines de Salta (partie sud-est),
Catamarca (entiere), Tucurnan (zone montagneuse), La Rioja
(entiere) et San Juan (Vallees andines de cette derniere).

Linguistiquement, notons le tout de suite, toutes les tribus
diaguites, habitants de la region demi-desertique plus haut defi-
nie, avaient pour langue generale le " Cacan ", dont il ne nous
est reste que quelques noms de lieux. L'usage du Ouichua ne
semble pas leur avoir ete etranger. Tout au moins, les caciques
devaient-ils pratiquer cette langue. Autour de ces Diaguites,
parmi lesquels les m Calchaquis " n'apparaissent que comme un
tout petit groupe, vivaient les peuples suivants : Araucans,

LA QUESTION CALCHAQUIE l8l

Huarpes, Comechingones, Sanavironas, Indamas, Juries, ces
derniers peut-etre identiques aux Tonoeotes.

En outre, la province de Tucuman et le X. E. de Salta
etaient infestes d'Indiens nomades ( Lules ). Au X. des Dia-
guites, sur les hauts plateaux, vivaient d'autres Indiens que les
dernieres decouvertes ( Mission Crequi-Montfort ) ont identifies
aux anciens Atacamas du desert d'Atacama.

Par cette localisation, on voit sur le champ quel abus est
fait archeologiquement du terme " Calchaqui ". On le sait : ce
nom d'une tribu des Diaguites a fini par s'appliquer ( notam-
ment sous la plume de M. Juan-B. Ambrosetti ), non seulement
au territoire entier de cette nation, mais encore a bien d'autres
contrees, par exemple, Puna de Jujuy et X. du Chili

En somme, les donnees de la geographie historiquc et eth-
nique semblent imposer cette premiere conclusion qu'en tout etat
de cause et quoi qu'il en soit de ses origines, de ses caracteres
propres ou de ses affinitss, la civilisation dite " Calchaqnic << ne
pent etrc, ait vrai\ quune civilisation diaguite.

Ce second chapitre du memoire s'ouvre par un rapide resu-
me des principales explorations et decouvertes realisees en pays
diaguite, dit " calchaqui ", sur l'initiative tres meritoire du D'
Francisco P. Moreno. On trouvera done ici la svnthese som-
maire des travaux de Lafone-Ouevedo, Ten Kate, Juan^B. Am-
brosetti, Adan Ouiroga, R. Lehmann-Xitsche, Carlos Brueh,
etc.

Raines. — La region des Diaguites ne presente pas de
grandes constructions monumentales comme celles du Perou.
On n'y trouve que des mines de villages et de fortifications
(pircas, mars basy construits en pierre seche ). Ces ruines et la
disposition des villages fortifies correspondent parfaitement aux
restes de l'architecture la plus vulgaire et la plus repandue dans
l'ancien Perou-Bolivie.

Ceramiqne. Identite absolve, quant aux formes et a la
technique des poteries de l'ancien territoire des Diaguites et de

[82 LA QUESTION CALCHAQUIK

celles cIli Perou ancien. Les decors sont aussi tres semblables.
Certains types de vases et certaines figures modelees, tout a fait
propres a la ceramique peruvienne (a tel point qu'on n'en con-
nait pas d'exemple horsdes limitesde I'empiredes Incas) figurent
egalement dans I'archeologie diaguite.

Pierre seitlplee. - La region a aussi fourni de vrais chefs-
d'oeuvre de la sculpture sur pierre, et de stvle tout a fait peru-
vien.

Metallurgie. - - Rarete relative des objets d'or et d'argent
chez les anciens Diaguites. Les objets de cuivre sont etroite-
ment apparentes a I'archeologie du Perou, soit pour la forme,
soit pour la fabrication. Ces pieces, comme les pieces peru-
viennes, revelent toujours, quant a la matiere, un alliage de
cuivre et d'etain, ce dernier metal en proportions peit elevees et
tres variables. Jusqu'a ces derniers temps, deux categories
d'objets ( manoplas et cloches ) semblaient speciales aux pays
des Diaguites. Mais on en a rencontre recemment en Bolivie.
Notons cependant, que jusqu'ici, l'ornementation des disques
fondus dits " calchaquis " n'a pas de replique sur d'autre point
du territoire ando-peruvien.

Sepultures. — Elles offrent des dispositions tres variees,
comme, du reste, celles du Perou, mais la disposition accroupie
des corps est la meme, de part et d'autre. L'un des traits
speciaux de I'ethnographie funeraire en pays diaguite ( et plus
precisement, dans la Vallee calchaquie et dans celle de Vocavil),
ce sont les cimetieres (Ten/ants ( enfants en has age, enterres dans
des urnes de forme caracteristique, dont le decor peint, tres riche,
offre des figures symboliques : autruches, serpents, crapauds,
etc. ). Ces cimetieres qui ne renferment pas d'adultes, ne se
rencontrent nulle part ailleurs. Les archeologues argentins
supposent que les enfants dont il s'agit etaient des victimes
sacrificielles. En tous cas, que les enfants aient etc sacrifies
ou simplement que la coutume des Diaguites fut d'enterrer les
enfants morts tres jeunes d'une maniere speciale, le fait ne com-
promet pas la these des influences exercees sur la ci\ ilisation des
Diaguites par le Perou. Car on pourrait citer maint autre peuple
" peruanise » ayant conserve de ses moeurs primitives telle ou

LA QUESTION CALCHAQUIE 1 83

telle habitude, religieuse ou autre. Au point de vue purement
somatologique, les tombes diaguites denoncent, d'une facon
generale, les memes deformations craniennes que les sepultures
de l'ancien Perou. Enfin, elles ont livre dans la region des
Diaguites des coquillages du Pacifique qui n'ont pu etre importes
que du Perou.

Petroglyphes. - - Les petroglyphes, tres nombreux de la
region des Diaguites, accusentdes types tres heterogenes, comme
au Perou meme du reste. Ouelques-uns se signalent par de
reelles analogies avec ceux du Perou, pour autant que ceux-ci
nous sont connus, et Us different des petroglyphes du Bresil et
de la Patagon ie .

En resume, d'une facon generale, l'examen des monuments
decrits et des pieces exhumees par les auteurs argentins, prouve:

a) F unite de toute V archeologie diaguite (on pressent,
evidemment, des civilisations anterieures. Ainsi, sans parler
de quelques travaux plus anciens de M. Lafone-Ouevedo, Eric
Boman (') a constate et montre dans le N. du territoire des traces
d'ethnographie garanie) ;

b) ridentite a pen pres constante des mines et du materiel
retrouves chez les Diaguites avec les antiquites peruviennes. Au
surplus l'historiographie espagnole nous presente les Diaguites
comme tin peuple d'une culture relativement e/evee et tres analo-
gue a celle des Peruviens prehispaniques.

Ill

Histoire. — Mais l'influence peruvienne est-elle historique-
ment admissible? En d'autres termes, les textes portent-ils
trace d'une domination du Perou antique sur la region diaguite?
L'affirmative n'est point douteuse, a ne consulter que Garcilasso
et Montesinos. L'un et l'autre relatent les conquetes des Incas
dans la " province de Tucuman », expression qui designe tout le
pays des Diaguites, moins San Juan compris dans la province

(1) V. "Migrations precolombiennes dans le N O. de PArgentine ", in

Journal de la Societe des Americanistes de Paris (Nouv. Ser. t. II, p. qi).

1 3

184 LA QUESTION CALCHAQUIE

de Cuyo (Mendoza, San Juan et San Luis d'aujourd'hui). Mon-
tesinos donne meme a soup9onner plusieurs periodes separees et
distinctes de cette conquete et de cette domination. D'autre part,
le te'moignage, fort interessant egalement de Pachacuti, est for-
mel, quant a une conquete du Tucuman par l'lnca Tupac
Yupanqi. Avec ces trois historiens les ecrivains posterieurs sont
tout a fait d'accord, repetant, parfois mot a mot, leurs devan-
ciers.

Un seul apporte une note discordante et soutient que la
region des Diaguites a toujours echappe a la puissance des Incas :
c'est Lozano. Nous faisons, on l'a vu, le plus grand cas de ce
chroniqueur ; mais, sur ce point, on doit 1'avouer, sa sagacite se
trouve en defaut. A l'appui de sa these, il n'apporte aucun fait.
Ses arguments sont, non pas d'un historien, mais d'un dialecti-
cien d'ecole, d'un raisonneur qui table sur des probabilites, des
hypotheses et n'evite pas les petitions de principe. Toutefois, en
raison de l'importance que les americanistes argentins ont juge
bon de leur attribuer, nous avons cru devoir soumettre chacun
des syllogismes purement scolastiques de Lozano a un examen
serre. Certains, d'ailleurs, n'appellent pas une bien longue dis-
cussion, tel celui dont voici le schema : •< Comment admettre les
victoires des Incas sur les Diaguites de la Sierra, si Ton se rap-
pelle, d'une part, que jamais les Incas n'avaient pu,vaincre les
Llaneros dont les Espagnols sont venus a bout, d'autre part, que
Tes armes espagnoles n'ont su triompher qu'a la longue des terri-
bles Serranos ? L'abus pueril du raisonnement analogique que
trahit une pareille argumentation, se saisit tout de suite. II est bon
d'ajouter que Lozano, en d'autres passages, comme s'il oubliait
sa propre these, signale textuellement l'existence de postes
etablis et de tributs leves par les Cuzqueens sur des parties plus
ou moins vastes du Tucuman. Notre dialecticien in abstracto
ne redoute done point de se contredire ! Bref, les pretendues
preuves apportees par Lozano sont d'une singuliere insuffisance
et Ton ne s'explique guere qu'elles aient ete accueillies par
notre ami, M. Ambrosetti, un des partisans les plus sinceres et
les plus fermes de l'autonomie des ethnographie et civilisation
" calchaquies ".

Pour conclure, nous considerons comme incontestables histo-

LA QUESTION CALCHAQUIE 1 85

riquement la suzerainete et V influence exercees par le Perou sur
les Diaguites.

Geographic linguistique. - - Caractere nettementquic/i/na de
presque toute la toponymie du pays des Diaguites. Une petite
quantite de noms de lieux provient seule d'autres langues indi-
genes. En majorite, les habitants de la province de Santiago del
Estero parlent encore le quichua comme langue courante et quel-
ques-uns, a l'exclusion meme de l'espagnol. En Catamarca et
dans la province de La Rioja, dans les vallees isolees en dehors
des voies de communication, des personnes tres agees parlent
aussi le quichua qui, il y a un siecle, etait la langue commune.

Ces faits indeniables n'ont pas echappe aux archeologues
argentins. Pour en diminuer la portee, certains ont eu recours
a des hypotheses ingenieuses, mais forcees. Par exemple, dans
l'introduction du Quichua en pays diaguite, ils voient l'oeuvre,
non des Peruviens incasiques, mais des Espagnols : des conquis-
tadores d'abord, et de leurs yanaconas peruviens ; des mission-
naires ensuite, desireux pour faciliter leur apostolat, d'instituer
une " lengua general " indigene (cf. la propagande des " Padres "
au Mexique et dans 1'Amerique centrale en faveur du nahuatl
ou du maya). Mais combien deyanaconas, combien d'espagnols
parlant le quichua ne supposeraient pas cette diffusion linguis-
tique? Et, etant constate aussi le caractere nettement peruvien
du folk-lore en pays des Diaguites, il faudrait attribuer egalement
aux religieux l'introduction, avec la langue, de croyances comme
la croyance a " Pachamama ", au chiqui ", etc., etc., et de
mainte autre conception religieuse peruvienne.

CONCLUSIONS

Ejles peuvent se resumer ainsi :

i° — La culture dite " calchaquie » est, en realite, quant aux
peuples qui la representent, une culture diaguite.

20 — Archeologiquement, par presque tous ses details, cette

culture diaguite se rattache a la grande civilisation prehispani-

que qui, du Perou, a irradie sur une si vaste etendue du monde

andin.

13— ii

1 86 LA QUESTION CALCHAQUIE

Par rapport a la civilisation ando-peruvienne, l'ethnogra-
phie des Diaguites n'est pas plus independante et isolee, que ne
sont independantes et isolees les unes des autres l'ethnographie
locale du Cuzco, celle du Chimu et celle des Yuncas. Soumise en
differentes epoques et pour des temps plus ou moins longs a la
domination des Peruviens, la region des Diaguites a pu, en
d'autres moments, s'en detacher. Elle a ete largement penetree
d'influences peruviennes qui ont marque des traces profondes,
aussi bien dans les habitudes de langage, la toponymie et les
traditions que dans le materiel des antiquites.

3° — II est impossible, dans l'etatactuel de nosconnaissances,
d'assigner une date fixe aux vestiges de la culture " calchaquie"
ou diaguite et, par suite, d'affirmer si ces vestiges appartiennent
tous a la meme periode. Le contraire semble plus vraisemblable.
En tous cas, on est oblige de repousser toutes les classifications
ethniques plus ou moins recentes qui font etat d'une pretendue
" race Calchaquie " distincte. . A ce point de vue de l'anthropo-
logie physique, il parait encore moins permis d'etablir, comme un
archeologue en a eu l'idee, une parente d'origine ou une affinite
quelconque entre les soi-disant » Calchaquis " et les races sep-
tentrionales du Mexique (Pueblos).

4° — II reste d'ailleurs, que, par la complexite des elements
et des faits qu'elles permettent des aujourd'hui d'entrevoir,
Tarcheologie et l'histoire ancienne des paysandins de l'Argentine
et specialement, de la region des Diaguites, interessent 1'Ameri-
canisme au plus haut degre, — et qu'une exploration methodique,
complete de ces pavs, tant au point de vue des antiquites que de
la linguistique, du folk-lore et de la somatologie, est tout a fait
desirable. Ajoutons qu'elle est rendue tout a fait urgente par
les exploits des chercheurs de tresors et des trafiquants d'anti-
quites.

South American Linguistic Stocks

par Alexander F. Chamberlain, Ph. I).
Professeur Clark University

The need for an authoritative classification of the linguistic
stocks of the aboriginal tribes of South America and a map of
their distribution, corresponding to the work of Powell on
" Linguistic Families of American Indians North of Mexico " is
great. For some years past the present writer has devoted
special attention to the linguistic cartography of the southern
continent in connection with the listing of its independent fami-
lies of speech. An attempt is here made to enumerate more
completely than has been done heretofore these linguistic stocks,
and to offer a rough map (not reproduced) of their distribution,
which will be followed later by one more accurate and subs-
tantial.

It is not the author's intention to give here an exhaustive
history of all the attempts to classifv the South American
tongues. Some of those onlv belonging to the new era of the
last 15 years will be considered.

In 1891 appeared D1' Daniel G. Brinton's "The American
Race : A Linguistic Classification and Ethnographic Description
of the Native Tribes of North and South America " (N. Y., pp.
392), of which work pages 165-332, 343-364 are devoted to
11 South American Tribes ". The classification given is based
upon inspection of the older authorities (Adelung and Vater,
Balbi, Castelnau, Gilii, Hervas, von Martius, d'Orbigny, etc.)
and examination of the results of the investigations of scholars,
travelers and explorers up to date (Crevaux, Ehrenreich, Ernst,
de la Grasserie, im Thurn, Middendorf, von den Steinen, von
Tschudi, etc.) D1' Brinton's acquaintance with several European
languages besides English, his own large library of Americana,
visits to libraries and museums, and access to a very large
1 3 *

1 88

SOUTH AMERICAN

portion of the Spanish literature (old and new, European and
American) relating to the New World, made this volume a most
notable contribution to the literature of the classification of
American Indian tongues, belonging with Major J. W. Powell's
" Indian Linguistic Families of America North of Mexico ",
which dates back to the early '8o's but was published in the
" Report of the Bureau of Ethnology " (Washington) for 1885-
1886, which was not really issued till 1891, the year of the
appearance of Brinton's " American Race ", so these classifi-
cations of the peoples of the northern and southern halves of the
continent are practically contemporaneous. Curiously enough,
Brinton nowhere in his book (not even in the index) gives a
complete list in alphabetic order of the linguistic stocks of South
America as determined by him, a fact which accounts for diffe-
rences in the number of these families as attributed to him by
other writers who have used his work. Professor O. T. Mason,
in the notice of Brinton's book published by him in the " Smith-
sonian Report" for 1891 (p. 451), enumerates the following
" South American Stocks ", as given by the former :

1 Aliculuf

Chiquito

3»

Paniquita

2 Araua

•7

Choco

Pano

3 Arawak

Churoya

Payagua

4 Atacamenan

Cococuca

Peba ,

5 Aucanian

Cuna

Puquina

6 Aymara

2 I

Guaycuru

Samuca

7 Barbacoa

Jivaros

Tacana

8 Betoya

Kechua

Timote

9 Canichana

Lama

Tapuya

10 Caraja

Lule

Tupi

1 1 Carib

Maina

Tzonecan

12 Catamarena

Mataco

Yahgan

13 Changuina

Mocoa

Yunca

14 Charrua

Mosetena

Yurucari

15 Chibcha

Ona

Zaparo

As may be seen from the subsequent lists of McGee and
Chamberlain, the category of Mason fails to include, besides
several very small or extinct stocks, a number of families recog-

LINGUISTIC STOCKS I 89

nized by Brinton, e. g. : Andaquian, Caririan, Cavubaban,
Guahiban, Itonaman, Moviman, Piaroan, Puinavian, Ticunan,
Yaruran, etc ; increasing the total by more than a dozen. The
Payagua (or at least some of them) were later (in 1898) affiliated
by Brinton with the Guaycuru, and this stock may be removed
from the list, although retained by some authorities. At this
time (Ling. Cartog. Chaco, p. 23) he also was inclined to affiliate
the Charruan with the Tupian.

In a paper read before the International Congress of Anthro-
pology at Chicago in 1893 (Mem. Int.Congr. Anthrop., Chicago.
1894, P- 336) Brinton expressed the opinion that the number of
linguistic stocks in South America would ultimately be consid-
erably reduced, to a quantity " less, certainly, than those already
recognized in the northern continent ". In his » Studies in
South American Native Languages" (Phila., 1892), he demon-
strates the independent character of the Cholona language (pp.
30-36), mentioned incidentally in his " American Race ", and also
removes from the list of Tacanan dialects the Leca tongue,
establishing a new linguistic family, th,e Lecan. In his <> Lin-
guistic Cartography of the Chaco Region " (Phila., 1898)
he removes the Payaguan from the number of independent
linguistic stocks, making in a dialect of Guaycuruan (p. 25), and
recognizes another new stock in the Ennima (p. 14). He also
inclines to the old conclusion of VVaitz that the Cacana (Calcha-
qui) » was merely a corrupt dialect of the widely extended
Quechua stock" (p. 27). In his later publications Brinton still
favored the recognition ultimately of Aymaran as affiliated with
Quechuan. The alleged relationship of the Onan to the Tson-
ecan he finally did not admit. In his article on " Indians of
South America ", in the " Universal Encyclopedia " (N. Y.,
Vol. VI, 1900, pp. 216-217) Brinton gives but a brief list of
stocks. Of possible relationships he suggested, in his » Amer-
ican Race", the following: Aymaran and Quechuan, Betoyan
and Chocoan, Apolistan and Tacanan, Calchaquian and Arau-
canian, Puelchean and Araucanian, Onan and Tsonecan, etc,-
some of these he abandoned later. In 1892 (P^oc. Amer. Philos.
Soc, pp. 249-254) he discussed the languages of Fuegia, coming
to the conclusion that the Onan was nearer to the Yahganan

IQO SOUTH AMERICAN

than to the Tsonecan, and practically gave it up as an independ-
ent stock.

At page 361 of his " Ethnology " (Cambridge, 1896),
Professor A. H. Keane has a not very satisfactory >■ familv tree
of Homo Americanus. " The only South American families (the
Powellian notation is followed) are these: Muiscan, Arawacan,
Cariban, Ouechuan, Guaranian, Araucan, Tsonecan. There is
evidently no attempt to cover the whole field. Keane is further-
more of opinion that radically distinct languages seem to be
less numerous in South America than might be inferred from
the statements of early writers » (p. 359), and cites approvingly
the observation of Brinton (Mem. Int. Congr. Anthrop. ,
Chicago, 1894, P- 336) tnat the number of distinct linguistic
stocks in South America, contrary to the view generally enter-
tained and shared by himself, is not greater than that in North
America. To the present writer, however, the earlier view seems
by no means disproved, and Brinton's former position is still
preferable.

In his " Man Past and Present " (1900) Keane mentions the
followings stocks onlv : Chibchas, Ouechua, Chimus, Ataca-
menos, Araucanians, Pampeans, Tehuelche, Yahgans, Alaka-
lufs, Bororos, Pano, Caraya, Cariban, Arawakan, Gesan,
Tupi-Guarani, Tacanas, Tacunas, Chiquito. The Timotes are
affiliated with the Chibchas, the Puelche with the Araucanians,
the Onas with the Tehuelches.

The sketch map, " mapa etnico de la America Meridional ",
given by L. M. Torres, as » an improvement on d'Orbignv and
Prichard ", at page 31 of his "La Ciencia Prehistorica" (Buenos
Aires, 1903. pp. t,t,), outlines the extent of sixteen stocks named
as follows :

1 Caribe 9 Puelche

2 Tupi 10 Araucana

3 Tapuya 1 1 Tehuelche

4 Andina 12 Fuegina

5 Xu-aurak 13 Calchaqui

6 Chaqueiia 14 Enimaga

7 Chana-Timbu 15 Moxo

8 Charrua 16 xMoxo-Mbaure

LINGUISTIC STOCKS 191

In this list " Andina " blankets Ouechua and Aymara, with
a number of smaller independent linguistic stocks belonging to
the Pacific coast and the Andean region from Chili to Colombia ;
" Fuegina " apparently includes the entirely distinct Alikalufan
and Yahiranan stocks. The Moxo and Mbaure are Arawakan.
Chana-Timbii is a term due to Lafone-Ouevedo, who applied it
to certain tribes about Espiritu Santo and Santa Fe, — its ethnic
significance is doubtful. Nu-aurak is a mistake of the printer
for Nu-aruak (Arawak).

The map opposite page 556 of the second volume of
Hutchinson, Gregory and Lydekker's » The Living Races
of Mankind " (London), contains the following names :

1 Abipone 15 Choco 29 Paeze

2 Antisuvu 16 Coconuco 30 Pano

3 Araucano 17 Curetu 31 Puhuelche

4 Arawak 18 Fuegians 32 Purus groups

5 Aymara 19 Guarani 33 Ouichua (Inca)

6 Barre 20 Guarano 34 Ouitu

7 Betove 21 Guayeuru 35 Tacana

8 Bororo 22 Jivaro 36 Tehuelche (Patag-

9 Botocudo 23 Juri onians).

10 Caribs 24 Lule 3S Ticuna

1 1 Charrua 25 Matacuayo 38 Toba

12 Chibcha 26 Mocobi 39 Zaparo

13 Chinchasuyu 27 Mojos groups

14 Chiquito 28 Mustene

The list omits a number of important stocks and does not
distinguish in several instances tribal from family names. Thus
the Abipones, Bare, Curetu, Mocobi, Ouitu, Toba, appear,
while » Fuegians » covers the three linguistic stocks of the
Archipelago. Antisuvu and Chinchasuvu are also given on the
map, but the former is merely a geographical term, and the
latter hardlv more, - - thev marked divisions of the Ouechua
realm and speech.

Dr W J McGee, largely on the authority of Brinton,
apparently, gives the following list of South American linguistic
stocks in his article on the » American Indians » contribued to
the " New International Encyclopedia". X. Y., Vol. IX, 1903:

192

SOl'TH AMERICAN

Alikulufan

2 1

Chonekan(Tzone

-38

Onan

Andaquian

can)

Paniquitan

Arauan

Churoyan

Panoan

Araucan (Aucan)

Coeonucan

Payaguan

Arawakan

Cunan

Peban

Atacamefian

Guahiban (Guay

-43

Piaroan (Salivan)

Aymaran

bar)

Puinavian

Barbacoan

Guaraunan

Puquinan

Betoyan

Guaycuruan

Ouechuan (Kech-

Canichanan

Itonaman

uan)

1 1

Carajan

|aru ran (Yaruran

)47

Salivan (Piaroan)

Cariban

Jivaroan

Samucuan

Caririan

Laman

Tacanan

Catemarenan

Lulean

Tapuyan

Cayubaban

5 -»
.•>,•>

Mainan

Timotean

Changuinan

Matacoan

Tupian

Charruan

Mocoan

Yahganan

Chibchan

Mosatenan

Yuncan

Chiquitan

-> —

Moviman (Mobi

-55

Yurucarean

Chocoan

man)

Zaparoan

A. F. Chamberlain, in the list of American Indian linguistic
stocks given in his article on the " American Indians m in the
Encyclopedia Americana (\. Y., Vol. VIII, 1904), includes the

following South American :

Alikulufan

Chiquitan

Paniquitan

Andaquian

Chocoan

Panoan

Arauan

Churovan

Pavaguan

Araucanian

(Au

-2 1

Coeonucan

Peban

can)

Cunan

Piaroan

Arawakan

2 3

Guahiban

Puinavian

Atacamefian

Guaraunan

Puquinan

Aymaran

Guaycuruan

Salivan

Barbacoan

Itonaman

Samucuan

Betoyan

Jivaroan

Tacanan

Calchaquian

(Ca

-28

Kechuan

Tapuyan

tamarenan)

Laman

Ticunan

i 1

Canichanan 1

(Can

-30

Lulean

Timotean

isianan)

Mainan

Tsonekan

1 2

Carajan

Matacoan

Tupian

Cariban

j 5
00

Mocoan

Yahganan

Caririan

Mosatenan

Yaruran

Cayubaban

Moviman

Yuncan

Charruan

Onan

Yurucarean

Chibchan

1 —

Otomacan

Zaparoan

LINGUISTIC STOCKS 193

There are few differences in the lists of Chamberlain and
McGee. The Changuinan does not belong properly among
South American stocks, being confined altogether to the western
portion of the isthmus of Panama. McGee drops the Otomacan,
probably bv inadvertence. As to nomenclature, Chamberlain
prefers Araucanian, Tsonekan, Yaruran ; McGee, Araucan,
Chonekan, Jaruran. The former uses Calchaquian, the latter
Catamarenan for one and the same stock. The number of
stocks listed is 57 and 56 respectively.

Dr Paul Ehrenreich, in his valuable aperqu, » Die Ethnog-
raphic Sudamerikas im Begihn des XX. Jahrhunderts, etc. »
(Arch f. Anthrop., Vol. XXXI, 1905, pp. 39-75, enumerates 52
stocks as follows :

1 Alikaluf 19 Juri 36 Piaroa

2 Araukan 20 Karaib 37 Puelche

3 Arowak 21 Kuvuaba 38 Saliva

4 Betova 22 Kechua 39 Samuco (Chama-

5 Bororo 2^ Kolya (Aymara) coco)

6 Carava 24 Lama 40 Tacana

7 Chango 25 Likan-antai (Ata-41 Ticuna

8 Chibeha (Muvsca) cameno) 42 Timote

9 Chiquito 26 Lorenzo 43 Trumai

10 Cholon 27 Lule 44 Tsoneca (Tehuel-

11 Churuja 28 Machicui (Musco- che)

12 Coronuco vi) 45 Tupi (Guarani)

13 Ges (Tapuya) 29 Mataco 46 Uru (Puquina)

14 Goytacaz (Wait-30 Miranha 47 Yahgan

akka). 31 Mosetene 48 Yahua (Peba)

15 Guaicuru 32 Mura 49 Yaruro

16 Guato ^ Otomaco 50 Yunka

17 Ite (Itena) 34 Paniquita 51 Yurakare

18 Jivaro 35 Pano 52 Zaparo

Ehrenreich's list does not include a number of minor stocks
found here and there in the Andean region from Colombia
to Chile. He assigns an independent position to the Juri
(designated Arawakan by Brinton) and includes the Onas
in the Tsonecan. As independent is also recognized the
Goyotacan, which Brinton, following von Martius, makes a

194 SOUTH AMERICAN

sub-stock of Tapuyan. Puelche Ehrenreich likewise gives an
independent status, - Brinton included them in his Aucanian
(Araucanian) stock. The Lorenzo, known onlv by this name
since 1880, is not in Brinton's list. The Machicui corresponds
more or less with the Ennima of Brinton (Ling. Cartog. Chaco,
1898, p. 14). The Mura were classified by Brinton as Tapuyan ;
the Miranha do not appear in his list as an independent stock.
He also ranked the Bororo among the Tupian tribes. The
independent position of the Trumai was made more or less
certain in 1884-1887 and does not appear in Brinton's category
of stocks.

Among possible relationships I)r Ehrenreich indicates the
following: Miranha and Juri with Betova ; the Calchaqui he
regards as a mixed people and the Ona as belonging to the
Tsonecan family. The Charruas are given no independent
status. The Cunan he affiliates with the Chibchan.

Dr Ehrenreich's classification, which is an elaboration, to
include the whole continent, of his essay, " Ueber die Einteilung
und Verbreitung der Volkerstamme Braziliens ", published in
" Petermanns Mitteilungen " for 1891, is based upon his own
researches and the literature of the subject since that date : Adam,
Ambrosetti, Boggiani, Brinton (well-used), Campana, Colini,
Guevara, Hartrey, Huonder, Ihering, Koch, Lafone-Ouevedo,
Lehmann-Nitsche, Lenz, Meyer, Schmidt, von den Steinen,
etc. It is naturally strongest in the Brazilian and immediately
connected areas.

The writer of the present paper finds the linguistic stocks of
South America, past and present (the approximate positions of
all are indicated on the rough map accompanving this essay, — a
revised map will be published later), to the about as follows :

1 Alikulujan. — Western part of archipelago of Tierra del

Fuego and adjacent islands and coast to the
northwest up to the Chonoan.

2 Andaquian. — In the eastern Cordillera o( Colombia, about

the head-waters of the Fragua, between i° and 2
n. lat., and 75 w. long.
t, Apolistan. Named from the Apolo, a tributary of the Beni,
between 14 and 15 s. lat., northern Bolivia;

LINGUISTIC STOCKS 1 95

when Christanized dwelt at Apolobamba 165 miles
north of La Paz.

4 Aranan. — On the lower Jurua, the Madeira and Purus

rivers, N. W. Brazil.

5 Araucanian. — Pacific coast region in Chile, etc., from

Copiapo to Chiloe, some 25 degrees of latitude ;
also in the Pampas and Patagonia, extending at
one time, probably to the Atlantic in the region of
the mouth of the La Plata.

6 Arawakan. — Widely scattered over northeastern and central

South America ; tribes of this stock found in
northwestern Venezuela, in the highlands of south-
ern Bolivia, on the upper Paraguay, at the mouth
of the Amazon, and in various other regions
between these limits : also formerlv the Antilles
and Bahamas, with an offshoot or colony on the
S. W. coast oi Florida.

7 Ardan. — On the rivers Napo and MasSo, contiguous to the

Laman tribes, between 3° and 40 s. lat., in S. E.
Ecuador and the" adjoining Brazilian territory.

8 Atacamenan. — In the region about Atacama, and about 20

to 23 s. lat., on the Pacific coast, down to the
Changoan.

9 Aymaran. — In Peru and Bolivia, the region about L. Titi-

caca.

10 Barbacoan. — Colombia and Ecuador, about i° and 2 n. lat.,

and 1 s. lat. ; on the upper Patia and Telembe ;
on the Daule, Chone and Tachi ; and on the
coast.

1 1 Betoyan. — In Colombia, Venezuela, Brazil, on the rivers

Meta, Apure, Caqueta, Putomayo, Uaupes,
Negro, Casanare, Apaporis, etc., scattered over
the region from 30 s. to 7 n. lat.

12 Bororoan. — In central Matto Grosso, on the Xingu-Araguay

watershed, and on the upper Paraguav ; roving
west to Cuyaba and east to Goyaz.

13 Calchaquian. — In a considerable section of the Pampas and

Chaco, adjoining the Ouechuan, Araucanian and
tribes of the Chaco in Bolivia and the Argentine,

196 SOUTH AMERICAN

particularly in the region about Catamarca, the
valleys of the rivers from Cordova north and west;
also in the country about Buenos Aires at one
time.

14 Canarian. — In the region about the Gulf of Guayaquil, Peru-

Ecuador ; language abandoned after Inca con-
quest.

15 Canichanan. — On the rivers Mamore and Machupo in north-

eastern Bolivia, between 13° and 14 s. lat. and
about 65 w. long.

16 Carajan. — In the Goyaz region of south central Brazil, on

the Araguay and Xingu rivers and their affluents.

17 Car/ban. — Widely disseminated in Venezuela, Guiana and.

part of Brazil, etc.; also the Lesser Antilles and
Caribby Islands ; had driven the Arawakan from
a considerable portion of the territory occupied ;
a Carib colony now exists also on the northern
coast of Honduras in Central America.

18 Caririan. — In eastern Brazil,, in the Bahia-Pernambuco-

Piauhy region north and west of the river San
Francisco.

19 Cayubaban. — In N. E. Bolivia, on the Mamore river and its

small tributaries, in the region about 66 w. long,
and between 12 and 13 s- 'at-

20 Changoan.- — On the littoral of the Pacific, from about 22° to

24° s. lat., particularly in the region of Cobija,
next to the Atacamenan.

21 Chapacuran. — On the river Blanco or Baures, in northeast-

ern Bolivia, in the region between 64" and 65 w.
long., and about 15" s. lat.; afterwards at the
mission of Carmen.

22 Charruan. — At its greatest extent occupied the region from

the Parana to the sea-coast between the mouth of
the La Plata and the L. dos Patos, including all of
modern Uruguay, etc.

23 Chibchan. — Formerly widely disseminated in Colombia, or

New Granada, as it was earlier called, north,
northeast, and northwest from the highlands of

LINGUISTIC STOCKS I 97

Bogota and Tunja ; also several offshoots in Pan-
ama and Costa Rica in Central America.

24 Chiquitan. — In S. E. Bolivia, over a region extending from

1 6° to 1 8° s. lat. , and between 50/ and 64 w. long.,
bordering south on the Chaco ; included as encla-
ves several minor stocks,

25 Chocoan. — In N. W. Colombia and the isthmus of Panama,

between the Gulf of Uraba and San Miguel, in
the lower valley of the Atrato, occupying a region
from 8 to 40 n. lat.

26 Cholonan. — On the Huallaga river in N. E. Peru, adjacent

to the Ticunas ; afterwards in Cajamarquilla
between 70 and 8°. 300 s. lat.

27 Chonoan. — In the archipelago of Chonos and the adjacent

coast, from about 450 to 520 s. lat.

28 Churqyan. — On the rivers Guejar, Meta, about the Ature

cataract of the Orinoco, etc., in the territory of
St. Martin, on the Colombia-Venezuela border
about n. lat. 7" and w. long. 68°.

29 Coconucan. — In S. E. Colombia, in the Sierra between the

Magdalena and Cauca, on the head-waters of the
Purace and Cauca, on the western slope of the
Cordillera, etc., in the region about 20 30 n. lat.,
and 760 w. long.

30 Corabecan. — In the region south of San Rafael, S. E. Bolivia

about 180 n. lat. and 6o° w. long.

31 Cunan. — In extreme N. W. of Colombia and the isthmus of

Panama, from the Gulf of Uraba and the river
Atrato west to the Chagres.

32 Curavecan. — On the river Tucabaca, in S. E. Bolivia, about

1 8° 30 s. lat., and between 590 and 6oQ w. long.
^ Curucanecan. — In S. E. Bolivia, about 160 s. lat., and 6o°
w. long. ; later at the mission of San Rafael.

34 Curuminacan. — In S. E. Bolivia, adjacent to the Otuquian,

about s. lat. 160 and w. long. 6o°; afterwards at
the mission Sta. Ana.

35 Enimagan. — In the Gran Chaco, between 210 and 240 s.

lat., on the right bank of the Paraguay westward;

198 SOUTH AMERICAN

from about 580 to 620 \v. long, broadening to the
N. W.

36 Goyatacan. — In eastern Brazil, province of Goyaz, etc., from

the Parahvba north and northeast ; on the rivers
da Pomba, Mucury, de Porto Seguro, etc.; south
of the Caririan, with intervening Tapuyan.

37 Guahiban. —In the Colombia-Venezuelan border region,

between the Casanare and the Meta rivers, and on
the left bank of the Orinoco from the Meta to the
Vichada ; next to the Piaroan ; in the country
between about 710 to 68° 30 w. long, and 40 40
to 50 30 n. lat.

38 Guaraunan. — In and about the delta of the Orinoco in N. E.

Venezuela and part of N. W. British Guiana.

39 Guatoan. — In the northern Chaco and about the head-waters

of the Paraguav and Araguay, in the region about
Albuquerque, etc.

40 Guaycuruan. — Widely dispersed at various times over a

large portion of the Gran Chaco, etc., in the
Argentine, Bolivia, Paraguay, Brazil, on the
Paraguay, Pilcomayo, Vermejo, Miranda, Xerui,
Mondego ; roved from 190. 30 to t,^, s. lat., and
from nearly 550 to nearly 640 w. long.

41 Itenean. — In N. E. Bolivia, between i2°and 130 s. lat., and

640 to 66Q w. long.; in the region about the
confluence of the Guapore, or Itenes, and the
Mamore, and on some of their small affluents.

42 Itonaman. — In N. E. Bolivia, on the river Itonama, between

1 30 and 140 n. lat., and 630 to 650 w. long.,
later at the missions of Magdalena and San
Ramon.

43 Itucalean, — In N. E. Peru, on the Chambiri, a tributary of

the Amazon, about s. lat. 40. 30, and w. long.
750, close to the Laman.

44 Jivaran. — In southern Ecuador and northern Peru, in the

eastern Cordilleras, between 20 and 40. 30s. lat.;
on the rivers Paute, Morona, Santiago, and other
tributaries of the Amazon, and also on part of that
river in this region.

LINGUISTIC STOCKS I 99

45 Lantern. — In the Ecuador-Peruvian border region, on the

Huallaga, the Amazon near Nauta, etc., and
formerly' between the rivers Tigre and N'apo, about
s. lat. 40, and w. long. 740.

46 Lecan. — In N. W. Bolivia, on the river Beni towards

L. Titicaca, on the Mapiri, and formerly on the
Tipuani and Isuaya ; about s. lat. 140 to 150 and
68° w. long.; found at the mission of Aten and
Guanay.

47 Lorenzan. — In the 18th century in the Pozuzo valley in X.

Peru and now on the rivers Palcassu, Pichis and
Chuchurras.

48 Lulean. — In the Argentine Gran Chaco, on the rivers

Vermejo, Salado, Pilcomavo, etc.; roved between
240 and 270 s. lat., and 6i° and 650 w. long., but
chiefly massed in the region of s. lat. 250 and w.
long 640.

49 Mainan. — In the Peru-Ecuador border region, in the country

about s. lat. 40. w. long. 650, on the rivers
Chambiri, Tigre and Amazon, etc., between the
Jivaran and Zaparan and the Laman, etc.

50 Makuan. — In N. W. Brazil, on the rivers Caiary, Papurv,

Ira Parana, Curicuriarv, Marie, etc., between the
Negro and the Yapura, scattered over the countrv
from about 20 n. lat. to i°. 30 s. lat., and from
about 66° to 700 w. long., adjoining Cariban,
Betoyan, Miranhan, etc.

51 Matacan. — In the central Gran Chaco, at its greatest extent

from the Paraguay to the slopes of the Andes, and
from the upper Pilcomavo to the upper Salado
and lower Vermejo, approximately between 21 °
and 260 s. lat., and 580 to 650 w. long., but
largely massed on the middle and upper Vermejo.

52 Miranhan. — In N. W. Brazil, on the rivers Cauinary and

Yapura, and westward in the countrv between the
Yapura, and lea, grouped especially in the region
about i° n. lat., and 71 ° w. long.

53 Mocoan. — In S. E. Colombia, between i° and 20 n. lat., on

the tributaries of the Caqueta, the head-waters of

t k

200 SOUTH AMERICAN

the Putomayo, etc. ; numerous near the town
of Mocoa.

54 Mosetenan. — In N. W. Bolivia, along the river Beni and its

affluents, between 140 and i6g s. lat., and 66° to
68° w. long.

55 Movimam. — In N. E. Bolivia, on the Manore and its western

tributary the Yucuma, about 130 to 140 s. lat. and
between 650 and 66° w. long., afterwards at the
Mission of Sta. Ana on the Yacuma.

56 Muran. — In N. W. Brazil, in the region about the conflu-

ence of the Madeira and Purus, between the Purus
and the lower Negro.

57 Ocoronan. — In N. E. Bolivia, near the Itonaman.

58 Onan. — In eastern Tierra del Fuego ; east of the Alikalufan

and north of the Yahganan.

59 Otomacan. — In S. W. Venezuela, on the Orinoco, between

the Meta and Arauca ; later on the Meta, and in
the llanos, about 700 w. long., and 50. 30 n. lat.;
near the Yaruran.

60 Otuqnian. — In S. E. Bolivia, between 590 and 6o° w. long.,

and 1 8° and 190 s. lat., afterwards at the mission
of Santo Corazon.

61 Paniquitan. — In western and Central Colombia beyond the

Chibchan, on the rivers Magdalena, Cauca, Neyva,
Carare, etc.

62 Panoan. — In E. Peru and the adjacent Bolivian and Brazilian

territory, on the rivers Maranon, Madeira, Madre
de Dios, Pachitea and Aguaitia, Tapichi and
Javari, Beni, Huallaga and Yucayali, Purus and
Jurua, but particularly on the Yucayali and Javari,
disseminated over the region from about 40 to io°
s. lat., and 700 to 770 w. long.

63 Peban. — In the Peru-Ecuador border country between the

Napo and Maranon and the Putomayo, particu-
larly in the region 30 to 40 s. lat., 710 to 730 w.
long.

64 Piaroan. — In the Venezuela Colombia border land, on the

rivers Vichada, Mataweni, etc., and around the

LINGUISTIC STOCKS 201

Maipure rapids; in the region about 50 n. lat., and
690 w. long.

65 Puelchean. — In central and eastern Argentina, particularly

between the rivers Colorado and Negro, from the
foot-hills of the Andes to the Atlantic.

66 Puinavian. — In E. Colombia, on the river Inirada, a tribu-

tary of the Guaviare, about n. lat. 20 30, w. long.
690 to 700.

67 Puquinan. — On the islands and marsh-lands at the south

end of L. Titicaca, about Pucarini, etc., within the
Aymaran area.

68 Quechuan. — Disseminated over a large area of what is now

modern Ecuador and Peru, part of Bolivia, Chili
and the Argentine, extending in extreme from
about 30 n. lat. to about 320 s. lat., and from the
shore of the Pacific to about 700 w. long, in the
north and about 650 in the south ; as a great
culture-people centering about Cuzco, etc.

69 Salivan. — In the Venezuela-Colombia border-land, on the

Orinoco, and the Etori and Cinarouco, the Meta,
Ventauri, Merevari, etc., in the region between
about 50 30 and 6° 30 n. lat., and 640 to 68° w.
long.

70 Samucan. — In the northern Chaco in Argentina, Bolivia, etc.,

from the Paraguay westward, roving over the
region between 180 and 210 30 s. lat., and 570 30
to 63, w. long, at greatest extent.

71 Tacanan.—\n northern Bolivia, in the valley of the Beni,

between 1 20 and 1 50 s. lat., and 70 to 7 1 w. long.

72 Tapuyan. — Widely disseminated over eastern Brazil, tribes

of this stock being found from the Xingu river to
the Atlantic and about 50 s. lat. to beyond 300 s,
lat., preceded perhaps the Tupian on the Atlantic
coast, on rivers Tocantins, Doce, Mucury, Pardo,
Jequitinhona, Piquiri, Iguassu, Ivahy, Araguay,
Xingu, Maranhao, etc. ; central in Goyaz.

73 Ttcunan. — In the Brazil-Peru-Ecuador border region, N. W.

Brazil, about the lower Javari and Amazon, south

14 — ii

202 SOUTH AMERICAN

of the Putomayo ; near the Peban, about long.
720 w., and lat. 30 to 40 s.

74 Timotean. — In N. W. Venezuela, in the mountainous region

of Merida, south from L. Maracaibo.

75 Trumaian. — In west central Brazil, about the rivers that

unite to form the Xingi'i.

76 Tsonekan. — In Patagonia, from the Rio Negro to the Straits

of Magellan, and from the Atlantic to the Andes.

77 Tupian. — Widely disseminated over Brazil, Paraguay, Uru-

guav, Bolivia, etc. and formerly along the entire
coast, more or less, from the La Plata to the
Amazon ; tribes of this stock are found on the
lower Amazon, Tocantins, Tapajoz, Xingu, Ma-
ranhao, Madeira and Amazon, Yucayali, and
Paray, Pilcomayo in Bolivia, Parana Uruguav,
Paraguay, Curitiba, Ovapock, etc.

78 Uitotan. — In N. W. Brazil next the Miranhan,in the region

west from about s. lat. 1 and w. long. 71, between
the rivers Yapura and I^a and particularlv on the
Carapana and Igara-parana.

79 Yahganan. — In the Archipelago of Tierra del Fuego, south

of the Onan and southeast of the Alikulufan, ; on
Beagle Channel, Navarin, and Cape Horn Is.,
now partly settled at the Mission of Ushuaia.

80 Yaruran. — In the Venezuela-Colombia border country,

about the Orinoco, between the Meta and the
Capanaparo, replacing the Otomacos about the
mouth of the Arauca.

81 Yuncan. — In the coast region of northern Peru, from 50 to

io° s. lat., particularlv in the country about
Truxillo, near lat. 8°. Long extinct.

82 Yurucarean. — In northern Bolivia, in the region between

1 6° and 170 s. lat. and 67 to 69 w. long., on
various affluents of the Mamore, Secura, Chimore,
etc.

83 Zaparan. — In southern Ecuador and the adjacent Peruvian

country, south of the Jivaran ; between the Napo
and Pastasa and on the Morona, down to the

LINGUISTIC STOCKS 203

Amazon, in the region from about 30 to 50 s. lat.,
and 730 to 780 w. long.

Besides the stocks enumerated above, the lists of Hervas,
d'Orbigny, etc., suggest that not a few others would be reco-
gnized, if more accurated data were obtainable, particularly in
the Andean and Cordilleran regions of the Pacific all the way
from north to south. Some of these may be fixed later.

The Aymaran and Ouechuan are here held to be distinct
stocks, — the evidence for their union is not convincing ; unsat-
isfactory are also the attempts to affiliate the Calchaquian with
Ouechuan or with Araucanian ; the Onan with Tehuelchean :
the Charruan with Guaycuruan, Tupian or Tapuyan ; the
Goyatecan with Tapuyan ; the Goyatecan with Tapuyan, etc.

The smaller stocks, like the Andaquian, Apolistan, Ardan,
Canichanan, Cayubaban, Chapacuran, Cholonan, Churovan,
Corabecan, Curavecan, Curuconecan Curuminacan, Guahiban,
Itonaman, Itucalean, Lecan, Lorenzan, Moseteiian, Moviman,
Ocoronan, Otuquian, Piaroan, Puinavian, Yaruran and Yuru-
carean, are, some of them, quite important for comparative
linguistics, although concerning a number verv little indeed is
known. The evidence at hand, however, the present writer
thinks, justifies the inclusion of these latter in the list. The
Bororoan and Trumaian have been shown to be independant
stocks quite recently through the researches of von den Steinen,
etc. Koch's investigations in 1 903-1905 seem to have established
the independence of the Uitotan and the Makuan (this last is his
special discovery), and confirmed that of the Miranhan.

In nomenclature, the author has preferred Arawakan to
Nu-Arawak and Tupian to Tupi-Guaranian, for- various
reasons, including the avoidance of compound names. Other
reasons have led to the choice of Enimagan over Maskoi,
Guaraunan over Warrauan, Tapuyan over Ges, etc.

The map of distribution of South American linguistic
stocks has several very interesting features. One of these is
the remarkable dissemination of the Cariban and Tupian, and,
particularly, the Arawakan, families, who have not been culture-
peoples ; and also of the Quechuan, the great culture-bearing
stock of the Pacific slope' — only less remarkable, in some
respects is the distribution of the Chibchan (another culture-folk)
1 4 *

204 SOUTH AMKRICAN LINGUISTIC STOCKS

the culture-bearing Aymaran, and to a less extent, the Calcha-
quian and Araucanian. Notable also is the extent and roving
of the very primitive Tapuyan, thought by some to be the oldest
stock of the continent. The environment of the Gran Chaco
is sui generis. Curious is the existence of three separate stocks
in the inclerhent extreme south. The »■ pullulation » of stocks
in the Bolivian-Peruvian, Peruvian-Ecuadorian, and Colombian-
Venezuelan regions can be compared only with similar phenoma
in the country from Mexico to Alaska on the Pacific coast of
North America. Another interesting parallel in the distribution
of linguistic stocks in the two halves of the New World is the
occurrence of extensive families on the Atlantic side. The
resemblance between the Calchaquian environment and culture
and that of the Pueblos of Arizona-New Mexico, emphasized
recently by Ambrosetti, may include even the existence in both
areas of a congeries of languages, involving in each case several
distinct stocks.

Of the South American lingustic stocks, the Arawakan, the
Cariban and the Chibchan have gone beyond the limits of the
continent proper. The first had occupied the West Indies (from
part of which, as from portions of Venezuela, Guiana, etc., they
were subsequentlv driven bv the Cariban tribes) long before the
discovery of Colombus, and had a colony also on the south
coast of Florida, the only known example of the existence of a
South American stock in America north of Mexico. Besides
their settlements in the West Indies, the Cariban stock are
represented by the " Black Caribs ", etc., of the Honduras coast,
Central America, who are the descendants of natives brought
thither from the island of St. Vincent by the British in the 18th
century. Chibchan stock is represented in Panama and Costa
Rica, according to Thomas (Amer. Anthrop., 1902, p. 208) by
the following tribes; Guatuso, Guaymi, Guetare, Boruca, Bribri,
Terraba, etc. There is no evidence that any other entirely
South American stocks have sent branches outside their own
area in the continent.

AN EFFORT TO

ENCOURAGE INDIAN ART

par Melle Angel de Cora, Carlisle, Pa.

Indians like any other race in its primitive state, are gifted
in original ideas of ornamentation. The pictorial talent is com-
mon to all young Indians.

A great deal has been said and written on the art-industries
of the race and much of their art products have been gathered
into museums, Hut nothing has ever been done to encourage or
further their progress. On the other hand all the invironments
and motives that inspire the art of a race just at this particular
stage of natural developement, have been taken from them. The
change that the American Indians have had to make in their
mode of life, and the short time in which they have had to do it,
are enough to shock any human mind. Do you wonder then,
that the whole race seems dispirited and craves degrading
stimulants !

Here and there yet remains some individual Indian who has
not been touched by the consuming energy of the white race,
and who is styled savage and improgressive by those who have
gone to him in the name of the white man's religion. He has
been tenacious of something which satisfied his spiritual and
moral being. Go to him if you think it worth while, and get
his story. After he has given you what you want, don't think
that what he gave out has left a vacancy in his spiritual nature
for you to fill in with your own ideas. Perhaps you have no
vacant space for what you have got from him, but a thousand
or more years ago, some forefather of yours was telling the same
sort of a story by the light of his camp-fire. Compare ideas
rationally with the Indian, and vou will find that the deep and
sublime principles that underlie all human nature are the same.

206 AN EFFORT TO

The difference is in the customs and habits of a thousand years
and more, that lie between the Indian and the Caucasian.

In the United States, the method of educating the Indian
in the past was to attempt to transform him into a brown Cauca-
sian within the space of five years or little more. The Indian
educators made every effort to convince the Indian, that any
custom or habit that was not peculiar to the white man, showed
savagery and degradation. A general attempt was made to
bring him » up to date ". The Indian, who is so bound up in
tribal laws and customs, knew not where to make the distinction,
nor what of his natural instincts to discord, and the consequence
was that he either became superficial and arrogant and denied
his race, or he grew dispirited and silent.

In the five months' work that I have done at the Carlisle
Indian School in Pa., I am convinced that the young Indians
of the present day are still gifted in the pictorial art.

Heretofore, the Indian pupil has been put thro'. The same
public school course as the white child with no regard for his
heridatary difference of mind and habit of life-yet tho' the only
art instruction is the white man's art, the Indian even here does
better than the white child, for his accurate eve and skillful
hand serve him well in anything that requires delicacy of hand
work.

At an Educational Conference last summer, I saw an
exhibit of Indian school work. Several walls were covered with
such samples. The art work was the usual insipid spray of
flower or budding twig done in a slap-dash style, and some
geometrical designs apparently made under the strict directions
of a teacher. The only trace of Indian in the exhibition were
some of the signatures denoting clannish names. The art show
was a farce, and as I stood there looking at the work, I could
not help but call to mind the Indian woman, untaught and
unhampered by white man's ideas of art, making beautiful and
intricate designs the pouches and belts she makes of beads.

The white designer sits within four walls embroidering on
velvet or cloth her little sprav of flower or a single leaf. The
Indian artist sits in the open, drawing her inspiration from the
broad espects of Nature. Her zig-zag line indicates the line of
hills in the distance, and the blue and white back ground so

ENCOURAGE INDIAN ART 207

usual in the Indian color scheme denotes the sky. Her bold
touches of green, red and yellow, she has learned from Nature's
use of those colors in the green grass and flowers, and the soft
tans that were the general tone of ground color in the days of
skin garments are to her as the parched grass and the desert.
She makes her strong color contrasts under the glare of the sun,
whose brilliancy makes even her bright tones seem softened into
tints.

But take this same piece of work and put it in a gloomy
museum or within the darkened walls of the white man's home,
and what was meant to be seen in the sunlight now looks glaring
and bold. It shocks the sensitive whiteman, whose perception
has grown softened and perverted thro' artificial, living, and he
calls the Indian's color scheme barbaric and crude.

The white man has convinced the young Indian that in
order to be a so-called civilized person he must discord all such
barbarisms.

When I first introduced my subject' of Indian art to the
Indians at Carlisle, a smile went round the room and when I
asked for the cause of it, one boy answered " They don't know
any thing about Indian work and what good will it do as any
way ".

This sort of thing would have discouraged me if I too had
been succesfullv civilized.

I made daily appeals to the Indian's strongest instinct, that
of racial pride. I endeavored to recall to mv pupils' minds, the
days of the old life and to send them back in imagination to the
time when their grand mothers, and their fathers and mothers
produced the native art-work. But even this did not bring
forth what I wanted. The Indian blood has become diluted
thro' the admixture of white blood and I found that I had to
manufacture my Indians. I advised my pupils to trv in every
possible way to learn something of the Indian lore of the past,
and the best that I could do, for these Indians who were trans-
planted from all contact with their own people, was to refer them
to the Reports of the Bureau of Ethnologv.

It must be remembered that most of the Indians of the
Carlisle school have been under civilizing influence from early
youth, and have in manv instances entirely lost the traditions

208 AN EFFORT TO

of their people. But even a few months have proved to me that
none of their Indian instincts have perished butJiave only lain
dormant, Even in a mixed blood, who has not retained any of
the physical traits, the Indian dominates the white blood, and
is quicklv roused to native pride once that pride it appealed to.

When the mind was once started in its true line of thought,
the young Indians instinctively recognized themselves as Indians
and came into their own. The native instinct which was still
there, tho' unawakened, now immediately became active, and
produced within the space of a few weeks some of these designs
which I have with me. I have taken care to leave my pupils
creative faculty absolutely independent, and to let each student
draw from his own mind, true to his own thought and to his
own tribal method of symbolic design.

The work now produced at Carlisle in comparison to that
which I saw at the Educational Conference, would impress one
with the great difference between the white and the Indian
designer. For me two Indian drawings are alike, and ever)' one
is original work.

I discourage any floral designs such as are seen in Ojibaway
beadwork. Indian art seldom made use of the details of plant
forms, but typified nature in its broader aspects, using also
animal forms, and symbols of human life.

The following incident occurred in one of my classes. A
young man come into my class room time after time, but did not
meet my demands to produce some Indian design. He used to
sit there, looking very wistful but could not answer even my
first question as to what tribe he belonged to. One day he
seemed ready to speak, so I went up to him and asked him what
he wanted. Almost tragically he said, » Can you tell me about
my tribe". On further questioning him, I found that he was
an Alaskan Indian, but of what band he couldn't tell me. So I
took up a booklet by Dr Boaz on the Northwestern Indians and
began turning the pages. When I came upon some reproduc-
tions of the Haida decorations and blankets, he exclaimed with
joy, " That's my tribe ! " He explained to me then and there
something of the family organizations of his tribe, and also made
a very beautiful and interesting border design, using the killer-

ENCOURAGE INDIAN ART 209

whale as the theme. He told me with great pride that he
belonged to the " black fish " family and also to the beaver.

When encouraged to be themselves, my pupils are onlv too
glad to become Indians again, and with just a little further work
along these lines, I feel that we shall be ready to adapt our
Indian talents to the daily needs and uses of modern life. We
want to find a place for our art even as the Japanese have found
a place for theirs throughout the civilized world.

The young Indian is now mastering all the industrial trades,
and there is no reason why he should not leave his own artistic
mark on what he produces.

In closing I would like, as an Indian, to express my appre-
ciation and gratitude to Mrs. Mason for her rare understanding
of the Indian's poetic expression in all that was his life. If such
sympathy and understanding had been given him in the
beginning, the Indian would before this, have had the oppor-
tunity to reveal himself.

Les langues sauvages du Canada

ET L/ORAISON DOMINICALE

PAR M. LE Dr N.-E. DlONNE

La sublime Oraison que le Sauveur de 1'humanite apprit
lui-meme a ses disciples, le Pater, servit de premiere lecon
religieuse aux sauvages de la Nouvelle-France. Ceux qui en
enseignerent la lettre aux tribus algonquines, huronnes et
iroquoises, se recrutent, parmi les missionnaires catholiques,
surtout les Jesuites. Ceux-ci commencaient par leur faire reciter
mot a mot l'Oraison dominicale afin que le grand Manitou
rendit leur apostolat plus efficace, puis ils leur expliquaient le
sens de chaque verset. Certains passages sonnaient plus agrea-
blement que d'autres aux oreilles des eleves. Le Pere Le Jeune
demandait, un jour, a un Montagnais, quelle etait la partie de
l'Oraison qu'il aimait le mieux.--Tu nous dis plusieurs choses,
repliqua l'lndien, mais la suivante me parait meilleure : Mirinan
oukachigatz nimitchiminan, c'est-a-dire : " donne-nous notre
nourriture ". Le fait est que pour arriver au coeur des naturels
de l'Amerique, il faut s'assurer tout d'abord si la partie animale
est en bon etat. Et, comme dit le Livre de la Sagesse , " celui
qui n'a jamais ete qu'a l'ecole de la chair, ne saurait parler le
langage de l'esprit. »

Les langues sauvages sont difnciles a apprendre. Certains
missionnaires, dans les premiers temps de la colonie francaise au
Canada, ne purent jamais y parvenir. D'autres reussirent a
demi ; quelques-uns cependant, -ceux-la etaient doues d'une
facilite hors ligne, — s'en rendirent les maitres, mais seulement
a force de travail et de perseverance. C'est ainsi que le Pere
Lejeune ecrivait de Quebec, en 1634 : " Je jargonne neanmoins,
et a force de crier je me fais entendre ". " Huit ans", ecrivait le
Pere Mengarini, jesuite, auteur d'une petite grammaire de la

2 12 LES LANGUES SAUVAGES 1)U CANADA

langue des Tetes-PIates, " ne sauraient suffire a un Europeen,
meme dix-huit, pour parvenir a connaitre tout le mecanisme
d'une seule langue indienne ".

Les difficultes inherentes a ces sortes d'etudes se con9oivent
aisement pour Tepoque qui se rapporte aux premiers temps de la
Xouvelle-France. Au debut de la colonie, les interpretes
faisaient souvent defaut, soit par mauvais vouloir de la part des
truehements indiens, soit encore par timLdite de la part des
interpretes francais eux-memes qui, dans le principe, etaient peu
familiers avec les divers idiomes du pays. C'etait si bien le
cas, que le Pere Lejeune en fait une mention speciale dans une
lettre de 1633 : " J'ai remarque, dit-il, dans l'etude de leur langue
qu'il y a un certain baragouin entre les Francais et les Sauvages,
qui n'est ni francais ni sauvage ; et cependant quand les Francais
s'en servent, ils pensent parler sauvage, et les sauvages, en
l'usurpant, croient parler bon francais. "

La meme anomalie eut cours dans l'Acadie primitive ;
les Basques francais jouerent un grand role dans l'histoire de ce
pays alors soumis a la couronne de France. Les Basques
avaient appris une foule de mots francais ; ils s'en servaient
en les denaturant, et en emaillaient ensuite leur langage avec
une facilite prodigieuse. Les missionnaires et les FYancais
se heurterent tout d'abord a ces difficultes du melange confus de
deux langues peu faites pour s'allier ensemble.

Les langues sauvages ne manquent pas de richesse ; loin
de la, mais les missionnaires d'antan se plaignent qu'elles
n'apportent pas toujours le mot propre pour exprimer les choses
les plus ordinaires de la vie. Ainsi, pour ne parler que de
ridiome algonquin, nous ne rencontrons point dans son diction-
naire, de mots (ici je ne parle pas d'autorite mais bien sur la foi
de specialistes) qui traduisent litteralement les verbes pardonner
et sanctijier que Ton voit figurer dans l'Oraison dominicale.
Les mots pere, cie/, royaume, terre, pain, tentation, pour un
chretien, ont aussi un autre sens que le sens litteral. Voila pour-
quoi il devient impossible de traduire le Pater en algonquin sans
deranger un peu la signification du texte original, tant les mots
qui le composent representent des idees etrangeres a l'entende-
ment comme au langage de ces Indiens. Que Ton ne soit
done pas surpris de la diversite des versions que nous ont

KT L'ORAISON DOMINICALK

213

leguees, depuis deux cent-cinquante ans, les missionnaires de
l'Amerique, a commencer par le Pere Jesuite Masse qui, le
premier, a traduit le Pater en montagnais, jusqu'au Pere
La Brosse qui, en 1767, publia, aussi en montagnais, le fameux
Nehiro-Iriniui Aiamihe Massinahigan, c'est-a-dire le Livre de
prieres des hommes nationaux (').

Que Ton compare les deux textes et Ton s'apercevra que la
difference est assez marquee.

Traduction du P. Masse

Noutaouynan ca tayen
Ouascoupetz.

1. Kit— ichenicassouin sakitagani-
ouisit.

2. Pita Ki— ouitapimacou agoue
Kit-out^nats

3. Pita Kikitouin toutaganiouisit
Assitz, ego Ouascouptz.

4. Mirinan oucachigatz nimitchi-
minan, ouechte teouch.

5. Gazez chouerimeouinan ki ma-
ratirinisita agoue, ouechte ni chou-
erimananet, ca kichiouahiamitz.

6. Gayen ega pemitaouinan machi-
caouintan, espich nekicakiganiouia-
cou.

7. Miatau canoueriminan eapech.

Pita.

Traduction du P. Labrosse

N'uttauinan, tshir uaskutsh ka
taien.

1. Tshitshituaueritaguanusin tohi-
tishinikasuin

2. He nogusiuane pitta taiats.

3. Tshi pamittagauin nete uas-
kutsh, pitta gaie pamittagauien u-te
astshitsh.

4. Anutsh ukashigatsh mirinan ni
mitshsmiminan, ineshutsh gaie kash-
higatsh mirinan.

5. Nama nigut nititeritenan aueits
ka tshi tshishuaiamitjits, eka gaie
tshir nigut iteriminan ka tshishiu.
aitats.

6. Eka irinauinan ka ui sagutshi-
higuiats he iarimatjs.

7. Tiaguetsh ui irinikahinan mets-
hikahinan metshikauatjs maskuska-
matsi.

Egu inusin.

En suivant mot a mot la traduction due au Pere Masse,
nous arrivons a composer 1'Oraison Dominicale de la maniere
qui suit :

(1) Ce livre, le deuxieme imprim^ en Canada, est intitule : Nehiro-
Iriniui Aiamihe Massinahigan, Shatshegutsh, Mitinekapitsh, Iskuarniskuteh,
Netshekatsh, Mishf ', Assiniish, Shekutimitsh, Ekuanatsh, Ashuabmushuaniish,
Piakuagamitsh, etc. Uabistiguiatsh (Quehec) Broun gaie Gir (1) mor. 1767,
96 pp. in- 1 2.

214 LES LANGUES SAUVAGES DU CANADA

Notre Pere qui es es Cieux, Ton nom soit en estime.
Ainsi soit que nous soyons avec toi en ton Royaume. Ainsi
soit que ton commandement soit fait en la Terre, comme an Ciel.
Donne nous aujourd'hui notre nourriture, comme toujours. Et
aie pitie de nous si nous t'avons offense, ainsi que nous avons
pitie de ceux qui nous ont donne sujet de nous facher. Aussi
ne nous permets t'offenser, lorsque nous y serons induits. Mais
conserve nous toujours. Ainsi soit.

La version du Pere La Brosse est bien differente. D'abord
il emploie Yu au lieu de ou. Cette' variante n'affecte guere
le texte. Mais une autre, plus sensible, se remarque surtout
dans le changement du k en tsh. En realite, a lire ces deux
versions du Pater, Ton se croirait en presence de deux langues
presque etrangeres l'une a l'autre. Pourtant c'est bien du mon-
tagnais dans les deux cas. Le Pere La Brosse ecrit : » Notre
Pere toi dans le Ciel qui es. II est fait grand ton nom ", etc.

Comme on voit, la difference se trouve surtout dans la
maniere dont les deux missionnaires ont voulu faire comprendre
aux Indiens Montagnais la signification de la sublime Oraison.
Cette divergence, si marquee, indique peut-etre un progres dans
la langue plutot qu'une inconsistence dans la maniere de la
parler. D'autres exemples analogues surgissent en foule dans
chacune des versions que nous apportent les dialectes congeneres
a l'algonquin-montagnais, comme le chippewa, le malecite, le
cris, avcc leurs multiples transformations.

L'on remarque toutefois que les traductions les plus ancien-
nes, bien qu'elles soient moins correctes que les modernes,
servent a etablir que l'lndien tient plus a sa langue qu'on ne le
pourrait croire generalement. Sans doute les differents idiomes
n'ont pas ete a l'abri des mouvements de croissance ou de declin
qui sont appreciables ailleurs que dans les solitudes des forets
americaines. Rien d'etonnant que dans le cours des siecles, des
mots vieillis soient disparus ou que d'anciennes locutions aient
ete emportees avec les generations. Comment ces peuples
auraient-ils pu resister au contact des influences etrangeres et
ennemies, a l'isolement, aux migrations frequentes, au morcelle-
ment des tribus, a l'absorption meme de nombreuses families
parlant un langage a part.

Que Ton prenne pour exemple la grande famille algonquine,

ET L ORAISON DOMIN1CALE 2 1 5

qui etendait jadis des rameaux vigoureux dans les coins les plus
recules de l'Amerique Septentrionale, et que Ton confronte les
dialectes particuliers a chacune des nombreuses tribus qui la
composaient. Comparons le micmac de l'ancienne Acadie avec
le chippewa de Mississauga, le malecite du bas du fleuve Saint-
Laurent avec le cris de la Riviere-Rouge, et nous retrouvons
chez tous un air de famille qui etonne l'indianalogue. Les
variantes seraient peut-etre encore moins nombreuses, si le meme
homme pouvait reproduire dans des livres les dialectes qu'il a
lui-meme entendus dans un court espace de temps. Mais, com-
ment peut-on raisonner sur ces langues, dont la connaissance ne
nous est parvenue qu'a des intervalles souvent tres eloignes, par
l'intermediaire de manuscrits ou de volumes dont 1'impression a
ete negligee. Si le montagnais du Pere Masse nous est connu
depuis 1632 (T), si le micmac a trouve un imprimeur des 1 7 1 9
par l'entremise de La Croze (2), il ne faut pas oublier que le cris
ne nous a ete revele qu'en 1857 par le Grand-Vicaire Thibault (3).
Combien d'autres dialectes congeneres a l'algonquin sont
ignores du monde des linguistes?

Les Americanistes ont un vaste champ ouvert a leur ambi-
tion. L'etude des langues orientales a sans doute un grand
attrait pour les savants europeens. Mais s'ils dirigeaient leurs
travaux philologiques vers l'ancienne colonie de la France, qui
renferme encore un groupe de plus de 100,000 sauvages, ils
rendraient peut-etre de plus grands services a l'humanite, en
facilitant la civilisation de beaucoup de ces peuplades, qui
restent plongees dans les tenebres du paganisme, a defaut d'un
missionnaire parlant leur langage.

(1) Dans les Voyages de Champlain, edition de 1632.

(2) Thesaurus Epistol. Lacrozianus, Vol. 1, p. 44.

(3) Prieres, Cantiques, etc, en Langue Crise, Agamie Neivaoue Masi-
naikan. Montreal, 1857.

Note sur la langue des Denes

PAR LE R. P. LEGOFF, O. M. I.

Les Dene et Dene dendjie forment une race divisee en une
multitude de tribus repandues sur des milliers de lieues carrees.
Chaque tribu a son idiome. Ces idiomes ou dialectes ont, sans
nul doute, la meme origine, ou plutot ce sont des variantes
de la vieille langue Dene qui dut etre autrefois l'idiome national.
Cette vieille langue existe-t-elle encore? Oui, repondent les
montagnais ou tchippeweyans, et c'est la langue que nous par-
Ions. Peut-etre .ont-ils raison. Ce qui rend pour moi leur
pretention plausible, c'est que les Dene, parlant d'autres dia-
lectes, comprennent generalement, et, comme naturellement,
le montagnais, tandis que les montagnais ne comprennent pas
leurs dialectes.

Les divergences entre les divers dialectes de cette lan-
gue, sont tres accentuees sans doute ; cependant on retrouve
encore facilement entre eux les liens de parente. Memes racines
modifiees suivant le genie de chaque dialecte ; memes procedes
d'agglutination ou d'agregation dans la formation des mots ;
memes tournures de phrases.

L'une des principales caracteristiques de la langue Dene,
c'est le role joue par les consonnes. Elles sont des forces, des
moteurs ; elles forment comme la charpente, et sont comme le
nerf de la langue. Les voyelles sont les moyens qui mettent
en jeu ces forces, ces moteurs, ou les modifient. Parmi ces
consonnes, ou, doubles-consonnes, plusieurs ont entre elles des
affinites, c-a-d. qu'elles peuvent, dans le meme ordre de mots,
s'employer les unes pour les autres.

Consonnes affines entr'elles : B. P. N.
', 'g, 'k, p, 't f E'tous'eje veux porte cefardeau. — E'tewoun/»e,

porte le.

na/>eskgi'l, je m'en vais avec ce fardeau.
Na7ewoun/iin, emporte le.

■5 — »

2l8 NOTE SllR LA LANGUE DES DENES

I), t, n, nd, H, zh, dzh ( 'achididsher, nous sommes rassasies

| (duel)

| *achidi«V/e, nous sommes rassasies
{ (pluriel)

S, z, ds, dz : ncswon, je suis bon ; ninzon, tu es bon ; n'uizon,

nous sommes bons.
Ch, y, dy : nesc/ne, je grandis ; ninve, tu grandis ; nezhidye,
nous grandissons.

Plusieurs de ces consonnes ou doubles-eonsonnes jouissent,
en outre, de la double puissance d'exprimer un ordre d'idees, de
designer un ordre d'etres, et la contradiction de ce meme ordre
d'idees et d'etres. Mais comme je me suis etendu un peu la
dessus dans ma grammaire, je ne veux pas y insister ici.

On divise generalement les Iangues i en monosyllabiques,
2 agglutinees, ou, juxtaposees, 30 polysynthetiques, 40 et enfin
en Iangues infiectees. La langue dene n'appartient exclusive-
ment a aucune de ces categories, mais possede des caracteres
propres a toutes.

La plupart de ses racines, pour ne pas dire toutes, sont
monosvllabiques. Et elle en a une multitude. Ce sont les
mots simples ou primitifs ; et ces mots sont ou des noms, ou des
adverbes, ou des postpositions, ou des conjonctions, ou des
interjections.

Ces mots simples, au possessif, sont toujours consideres
comme mots simples, quoiqu'ils soient alors modifies par quel-
que particule qui les precede ou les suit.

Ex : Kon, lieu. - - Kon-en, lieu habite, maison. --se Kon-
en, ma maison.

Sa, montre, horloge -- Se-za-e, ma montre. - Tssa, cha-
peau -- Se-tssa-ha, mon chapeau.

En, nen, e, ye, pe, a, ha places, a la fin d'un nom, marquent
toujours le possessif.

Les mots composes sont des combinaisons formees par la
jonction de deux ou plusieurs mots, ou racines auxquels s'ajou-
tent ou se melent souvent certaines particules. Et si ces mots
composes sont des noms, des adverbes ou des postpositions, ils
se forment, sans aucun lien, par agglutination, leurs divers
elements conservant leur individualite, leur integrite, leur
originalite respectives. Ex : ye-ho-ban-ne'lttchyanen. — ye,

NOTK SUR LA LANGUE DES DENES 2IO,

maison, ho, sa ; ban, autour ; ne4lttc//yanen, cloture, cloture de
maison. ye-ho-la-ye. — ye, maison ; ho, son ; la, faite ; ye,
signe du possessif, faite d'une maison.

S'il s'agit, au contraire, de verbes composes, les divers
elements qui entrent dans leur composition, n'v conservent pas
toujours leur pleine integrite. Souvent quelques uns de ces
elements y apparaissent tronques. Ouelquefois meme un mot
de plusieurs lettres n'y est represente que par une lettre. Ex :
kke-na-n-ousde, pour: edekke-na-n-ousde. - - Ede, moi-meme ;
kke, sur ; na, l'acte raisonnable, delibere ; n, visage, de innen
qui veut dire visage ; oz/^de, je veux me laver le visage. - - o'tive
kolou ede-kke-na-w-in'lde, lave-toi bien. -- Autre exemple : ne-
pan-yeni-o-des-cha/?<;, a toi ; pa;/, par rapport ; ve/;i, mon esprit ;
des, element pronominal et conjugable, tendent a signifier faire :
cha, grand, de netcha, ou, odintcha qui signifient grand ; par
rapport a toi j'agrandis mon esprit, je t'admire. Ain.si Yn
souligne dans le premier exemple represente innen, le visage.
Cha dans le second exemple represente netcha, ou, odintcha.

Une racine, precedee des elements pronominaux, forme ce
qu'on appelle le verbe simple. Que Ton me permette d'ajouter
qu'il n'est pas vrai de dire, en general, comme l'a fait le Pere
Petitot, dans l'avant-propos de son dictionnaire, que cette racine
ou radical, qui termine le verbe, n'est susceptible d'aucune
flexion. Pour quelques verbes il en est ainsi ; mais dans un
grand nombre d'autres, par exemple, dans les verbes de gise-
ment, de repos, de station, de cubation, de transport, de depot,
dans les verbes a mouvements, etc., ce radical qui termine le
verbe, est essentiellement variable. Ex : tssel-Vm, un corps
repose la, (une tombe) - Tssel-A/, des corps reposent la, (un
cimetiere) — Ex: Tes-7/, je l'emporte (un homme) 'tous-4t^ je vais
l'emporter. — Ex : shiad*&7, je m'assieds. Sh'x-'ke, nous nous
asseyons (duel). De-Zhil-///?/, nous nous asseyons (pluriel.)

La fabrique des verbes composes, ou polysynthetiques
n'a rien de bien complique ; les divers elements qui les com-
posent, affixes et postpositions, s'y incorporent dans leur ordre
naturel, le plus souvent sans aucun lien, par simple juxta-
position, quelquefois relies entre eux par quelque connective,
lorsque l'euphonie le demande. Tous ces elements, sauf l'ele-
ment pronominal ou flexion verbale, et la desinence du verbe
1 5 *

220 NOTK SIR LA LANGUK DKS DENKS

qui est une racine ordinairement monosyllabique, demeurent
in variables, conservant leur individual ite, leur original ite propre,
et, contribuent chacun pour sa part a la signification du verbe.

Les deux seuls elements, qui appellent serieusement 1'atten-
tion, sont la flexion verbale, et le radical qui termine le verbe,
et qui est sujet a beaucoup de mutations, suivant les conju-
gaisons.

Dans ees conjugaisons point de cheville, d'element inutile.
Chaque element a son role, sa part dans la signification du
verbe. Ex : ne-pan-yeni-pi-'tan ; ne, avec toi ; pen, en rapport :
vetri, mon esprit ou mon coeur ; />i, flexion verbale, icre personne
du passe ; 'tan, radical, au passe, des verbes gesir, porter,
deposer, mettre, appliquer, fixer, etc. J'ai mis mon coeur en
rapport avec toi, je t'aime.

Autre exemple : " an-nes-'gin. " An, retourchez soi ; nes,
de ninestva, je suis arrive ; 'gz'«, racine signifiant porter a dos.
fe suis arrive chez moi avec un fardeau sur le dos. Au pluriel,
on abandonnerait la forme reguliere, et Ton dirait, par exemple,
a la premiere personne : " an-ttchve-'e'l-e-nildel. En analvsant,
nous axons : " tin, retour chez soi ; ttc/jye, marquant la position
du fardeau sur le dos ; V/, fardeau, e\ connective i n/A/el, nous
les avons venus, transitif de niniddel, nous sOmmes venus.
Nous sommes arrives chez nous avec des fardeaux sur le dos.

Com me toutes les langues americaines, la langue dene est
un langage de verbes. Settlement, tandis que toutes les autres
possedent un systeme de conjugaisons parfaitement regulier,
tous les verbes de meme classe pouvant se conjuguer exactement
les mis sur les autres, dans la langue dene tres peu de verbes
peuvent se conjuguer exactement les uns sur les autres. Vous
trouverez dans chaque classe des conjugaisons semblables en
leurs flexions verbales ; mais ces memes conjugaisons en leurs
flexions verbales, ne le seront pas de tous points dans leurs
term i naisons. Vous en trouverez d'autres parfaitement con-
formes dans leurs terminaisons, mais differant dans leurs flexions
verbales.

Ce defaut de regularite, d'uniformite deconcerte, au premier
abord. Cependant, en considerant, d'autre part, la brie\ete de
ces conjugaisons, l'uniformite de leur marche, la simplicite de

NOTE SIR LA LANGUE DES DENES 22 1

leur mecanisme, Ton ne tarde pas a se rassurer un peu, et a voir
qu'il y a compensation.

D'ordinaire, en effet, dans les verbes montagnais, verbes
adjectifs ou autres, il n'v a que trois temps proprement conjuga-
bles : le present, le passe et le futur, les autres temps et modes
du verbe se forment de ces trois temps-la, au moyen de certaines
formes adverbiales de temps, de certaines particules condition-
nelles et dubitatives d'un usage facile, et les memos pour tons
les verbes. De cette brievete, et de cette simplicite de mecanisme
il resulte que des lors que Ton connait une vingtaine de ces
conjugaisons, Ton connait par la meme a demi toutes les autres.

Une difficulte qui n'embarrasse pas peu le profane qui veut
s'initier aux secrets de la langue dene, c'est la faculte qu'ont
beaucoup de mots de presenter deux sens contradietoires. Ex:
Eti, oute, etre foncierement bon, doux, patient, serviable. Seti,
neti, beti, je sais, tu es, il est doux, serviable. - Soute ille,
noute ille, houte ille, je suis, tu es, il est doux, serviable. La
negation ille ici, par je ne sais quelle originalite de langage,
ne change pas, comme Ton voit le sens du mot oute.
Etsseouninni houte ille, il est doux, patient, airne beaucoup a
rendre service. — Xou'oute ille, nou'adaroudda ille, nous ne
sommes- pas patients, qu'on nous laisse tranquilles. Ici, au
contraire, comme vous vovez, la negation ille reprend Unite sa
force : nous ne sommes pas patients, qu'on nous laisse tran-
quilles.

Autre exemple : ouzedlann, ou, tssoudedlann signifie eroire
et aussi douter, et, par consequent, ne pas eroire. Ainsi,
noudesdlann ille signifie : je ne doute pas de ta parole, je te
crois, comme il pourra signifier aussi : je doute de ta parole, je
ne te crois pas, selon les circonstances. Sans doute, dans la
circonstance, ce sera le tour de la conversation, I'intonation du
mot qui determinera le sens de ce mot. Malheureusement, cette
difference d'intonation, etant parfois tres legere, demeure souvent
et longtemps insaisissable a I'oreille du pauvre profane. Et
quant au tour du langage, de la conversation, il parait souvent
si subtil qu'il echappe par la meme a qui n'est pas initio a toutes
les finesses du langage. Et alors qu'arrive-t-il ? On fait des
quiproquos.

Dans I'avant-propos place a la tote de son diction naire, le

222 NOTE SUR LA LANGUE DES DENES

Pere Petitot, a qui je me plais a rendre cette justice, qu'a cote
d'observations qui appellent quelque reserve, il y en presente
beaucoupd'autressouvent justes, toujours ingenieuses, se livrant
a une sorte d'etude comparee de diverses langues, trouve des
points d'analogie, de rapprochement entre la langue dene et
diverses autres langues americaines, ainsi que l'hebreu, le
Sanscrit, le syriaque, le chinois, le grec, le latin, le celtique,
etc. Je n'ai pas competence pour me prononcer sur l'exactitude
de tous les points d'analogie qu'il cite avec toutes ces langues.
Mais quant aux quelques rapprochements qu'il etablit avec le
latin, rien n'est plus exact.

Pour le celtique, je puis le completer an peu. II cite le
mot 7a, 'tape, trois, se rapprochant du mot celtique tri qui veut
dire aussi : trois. Mais il n'y a pas que cela : 'ton, eau, en
dene, dour, eau, en celtique ; 'gci, lievre, en dene, gad, lievre,
en celtique : dene, homme, en dene, den, homme, en celtique ;
tssoutonn, ou'tonn, saisir avec la main, en dene, dorn, main, en
celtique ; lave, le haut, en haut, en dene, ta'e, en haut, en
celtique ; '/«, pere, en dene, tad, pere, en celtique : 'an, mere,
en dene, mam, mere, en celtique ; impraticable, en parlant, v.
g. d'un chemin trace dans le sable et ou 1'on passe difficilement ;
qui ne marche pas, en parlant, v. g., d'un engrenage encrasse ;
qui ne passe pas, en parlant, v. g., de quelque chose qui s'avale
difficilement, se traduisent en dene, par denna, et, en celtique,
par tenn. Ex : diri 'tounlsu denna Ian ! quel chemin imprati-
cable, fatiguant ! — nag ez eo tenn an hent ma! quel chemin
impraticable, fatiguant ! Mais les deux expressions qui me frap-
pent le plus par leur analogie, presque par leur identite, ce sont :
ttu, itta, en dene, et ta, en celtique, qui s'emploient 1'une et
l'autre, a tout bout de champ, dans la conversation et ont abso-
lument le meme sens. Ex: Edlaonthe tta? Comment done?
Penaos ta, comment done? Voila des rapprochements que Ton
no me reprochera pas, je l'espere, d'avoir forces. II v a la une
di/.aine d'expressions de chacune des langues, montagnaise et
celtique ; et il me semble qu'a force de chercher j'en pourrais
trouver d'autres. Ces expressions ont dans 1'une et l'autre
langue respectivement meme signification. P>t ces expressions
legerement modifiees par le temps et le genie de chaque langue,
ont conserve un tel air d'identite qu'il n'y a pas a s'y meprendre.

NOTK SLR LA LANGUE DES DENES 22^

Ou'en conclure? sinon qua moins de soutenir que ces coinci-
dences de langage soient le pur fruit du hasard, ce qui me parait
absolument absurde, il faut admettre que les deux races monta-
gnaise et celtique auront emprunte ces mots a quelque vieille
langue, peut-etre a la vieille langue primitive, et ont du les
prononcer, a l'origine, de la meme maniere. Egalement, serait-
ce forcer la logique que de supposer que deux races qui ont dans
leur langage tant de mots communs et si bien conserves, ont du,
dans des temps plus ou moins recules, avoir entre elles des
accointances, peut-etre meme vivre, pendant des annees et meme
des siecles, plus ou moins melees entre elles sur un autre
continent?

Le genie de la langue Algonquine

I'AK I.K R. P. LlvMOINE, O. M . I.

L'Algonquin, dont il sera ici question, est pour le moins
une langue soeur du Montagnais du Labrador, du Tete-de-boule
du St-Maurice, du Cris de la Baie d'Hudson, de I'Odjibwe et
d'autres dialeetes sauvages de 1'Ouest canadien. J'ai dit pour
le moins une langue saeur ; ear d'aueuns pretendent qu'il est
meme la langue mere de ees derniers, ee que je n'entreprends
pas de verifier. Je n'ai pas non plus ['intention de decider si
toutes mes remarques dans ce travail s'appliquent aussi bien a
ces dialeetes qu'a I'Algonquin. Je me borne, dans ees quelques
lignes, a traiter exclusivement de I'Algonquin, sans m'oecuper
de ce qu'il a de commun avec d'autres langues sauvages.

L'Algonquin est parle au Lac des Deux-Montagnes, a
Maniwaki et autres endroits de la Gatineau, ainsi qu'aux lacs
Barriere, Victoria, Temiskaming et Abittibi, au Grassv Lake,
au Golden Lake et a Mattawa d'une maniere passablement
uniforme ; ailleurs il se eonfond plus ou moins avec les dialeetes
mentionnes plus haut.

Bien diverses sont les impressions des etrangers sur la
conformation de cette langue. Aux uns elle apparait comme
une collection de mots extraordinairement longs ; d'autres en
font une langue a peu pres monosyllabique. Disons tout de
suite que tous ont une fausse opinion de I'Algonquin. La lon-
gueur des mots n'est qu'apparente ; les nuns elementaires,
des racines autres, sont aussi courts qu'en francais ; ee sont les
derives et composes qui donnent a I'Algonquin une apparenee
quelque peu barbare. Avouons cependant que ces derniers sont
necessaires pour bien parler eette langue, et qu'un etudiant
algonquin doit se resoudre a prononcer quelquefois des mots
de huit a dix syllabes.

La seconde opinion sur la configuration de I'Algonquin est

226 LE GENIE DE LA

celle de certains auteurs qui s'aventurent de parler de nos langues
sauvages d'apres quelques documents on ne peut plus incomplets
et inexacts, de pretendus savants de divers pays, notamment du
Canada et des Etats-Unis d'Amerique, lesquels voudraient
donner a d'autres des connaissances de linguistique Indianalogue
qu'ils ne possedent pas eux-memes. Ces auteurs, ne compre-
nant pas assez les langues dont ils parlent pour savoir ou com-
mence et ou finit le mot qu'ils ont a transcrire, ont adopte une
methode assez singuliere pour se tirer d'affaire, celle d'en separer
toutes les syllabes sans exception, laissant a d'autres plus
instruits qu'eux sur ces langues le soin de mettre ensemble des
svllabes qui n'auraient jamais du etre separees.

Cette opinion sur le monosyllabisme de l'Algonquin peut
aussi provenir de la coutume des sauvages de separer toutes les
syllabes d'un mot lorsqu'ils ecrivent ; habitude qu'ils contractent
par suite de leur manque d'instruction et de la plus grande
facilite qu'ils s'imaginent trouver a se lire.

Les sons en usage dans l'Algonquin sont plutot francais
qu'anglais ou que tout autres. Voila pourquoi l'orthographe
francaise est la plus propre a la reproduction des mots de cette
langue sauvage. Tous ces sons peuvent etre represented par
dix-sept lettres qui sont : a b d e g h i j k m n o p s t w z. La
plupart des auteurs cependant y ajoutent le c pour rendre le ch
francais ou sh anglais.

Considere an point de vue phonetique l'Algonquin est
moins rude que 1'Esquimaud et autres langues sauvages du nord
de l'Amerique, sans toutefois meriter a la lettre les eloges que
lui ont prodigues le bon vieux Montaigne et l'lndianologue Le
Hir qui, eux, parlent en general des langues sauvages de
l'Amerique Septentrionale. Sous ce rapport le Montagnais du
Labrador et 1'Odjibwe du Manitoba l'emportent certainement sur
l'Algonquin pour avoir retranche en partie le son guttural par
trop commun de celui-ci.

Pour en finir avec ces remarques ^generates je dirai que
l'Algonquin, au point de vue phonetique, peut paraitre barbare
a cote du francais, mais qu'il ne lui cede en rien sous le rapport
philologique, comme cette petite etude va nous en convaincre.

La grammaire Algonquine comprend neuf Parties du
Discours : le Norn, I'Adjectif, le Pronom, le Verbe, la Parti-

LANGUE ALGONQUIN K 227

cule Verbale, la Proposition, 1'Adverbe, la Conjonction et
l'lnterjection. Comme on le voit, l'Article et le Participe
manquent a la liste ordinaire de nos grammaires, et une nouvelle
Partie du Discours y est introduite, la Particule Verbale. L'Ar-
ticle n'existe en aucune maniere en Algonquin, et le Participe
n'v figure que comme une forme particuliere de subjonctif,
comme nous le verrons au chapitre des conjugaisons.

I. — DU NOM : —

Les Substantifs proprement dits sont tres limites compa-
rativement a d'autres Parties du Discours de l'Algonquin.
Cependant on peut dire qu'ils sont nombreux eu egard au
nombre d'objets mis par le Createur a la disposition des sau-
vages. En general, ils sont restreints a la designation de
personnes, animaux et choses concretes. Ce n'est que par
exception que des Substantifs de choses abstraites viennent en
usage. Les missionnaires ont du, de temps a autre, recourir a
ceux-ci pour parler de religion ; mais les Algonquins preferent a
ces nouvelles formes des locutions verbales plus en rapport avec
. leur tournure d'esprit. Ainsi au lieu de dire comme nous blan-
clieur, laideur, ces gens des bois diront : Lorsque c'cst blanc,
lorsque ces/ laid. Avec ces formes verbales ils pourront rendre
a peu pres tous les concepts de ^intelligence sans recourir aux
grands mots que certains Indianalogues voudraient leur imposer.

J'ai dit que les substantifs sont cependant nombreux si Ton
tient compte du petit nombre d'objets a la disposition des
sauvages. Prenons, par exemple, le mot perche. Dans le sens
de gaule il se traduira de telle maniere, puis differemment dans
le sens de baton, differemment encore dans le sens cFinstrument
pour pousser le canot, differemment enfin dans le sens de support
de cabane ; et, dans ce dernier cas, il exigera autant de termes
differents qu'il y a de sortes de ces supports dans la construction
du logis en question. II en est ainsi de tous les substantifs
designant des choses dont les sauvages font une specialite,
des choses qui sont a proprement parler de leur ressort.

(i) CLASSKS DE NOMS : —

Les substantifs Algonquins se divisent en deux grandes

228 IK GENIE DK LA

classes, suivant qu'ils designent des etres du genre anime ou des
choses du genre inantme. A la premiere se rattache tout ce qui
a vie animale ou qui a un prix special aux veux des sauvages.
Ainsi, non seulement un homme, un cerf seront du genre anime,
mais aussi les arbres, certains fruits, les croix, les chapelets, le
tonnerre, la glace, la neige, les astres, les peaux, les pipes, etc.
La seconde classe comprend tout ce qui est depourvu de
vie animale ou de valeur particuliere dans l'estimation des
sauvages. D'apres cette regie, un bateau a vapeuretun canon
devront se contenter de cette seconde classe, tandis qu'un
aviron et un arc auront les honneurs de la premiere.

(2) NOMBRK DANS LES NOMS :

Les substantifs ont trois Nombres en Algonquin : le Singu-
lier, le Pluriel exclusif et le Pluriel inclusif. Par ces mots
pluriel exclusif et inclusif il faut entendre le Pluriel suivant que
le Substantif a rapport a la premiere et a la troisieme personne
seulement a l'exclusion de la deuxieme, ou bien qu'il se rapporte
aussi a la deuxieme inclusivement. Par exemple, noire cabane,
a vous et a nous : voila un Pluriel inclusif; no/re cabane, a lui
et a moi : voila un Pluriel exclusif. II n'entre pas dans mon
plan d'indiquer toutes les regies relatives a la formation de ces
Nombres. Soit dit en general que k marque le Pluriel dans les
Substantifs du genre anime, et ;/ dans ceux du genre inanime.

(3) CAS DANS LES NOMS : —

Outre l'Espece et le Nombre il y a encore la distinction des
Cas a considerer dans le Substantif Algonquin. On peut
distinguer jusqu'a treize cas ou manieres d'etre du Substantif
a raison de telle ou telle circonstance : le Nominatif, le Vocatif,
l'Obviatif, le Surobviatif, le Possessif, le Locatif, le Diminutif,
le Deterioratif, 1'Ultra-deterioratif, l'lnvestigatif, le Dubitatif,
le Passe Prochain et le Passe Eloigne. Comme on le voit, le
Nominatif et le Vocatif seuls sont communs a nos grammaires
grecques et latines ; et, comme on va le voir, le Vocatif seul est
identique a celui de ces grammaires.

Le Nominatif est la forme la plus simple d'un Substantif,
et c.'est de lui que sont tires les autres Cas. II s'etend bien plus

LAN'GUE ALGONQUIN!'! 229

loin que le Nominatif des Latins, comme on peut s'en convaincre
par ces exemples : Kije Manito sakihigosi, Deus est amabilis ;
Kije Manito okijewatisiwin, Dei bonitas ; ni windamawa Kije
Manito, confiteor Deo ; ni sakiha Kije Manito, amo Deum ; ni
sakihik Kije Manito, amor a Deo. Dans tons ees exemples e'est
partout la meme forme du Nominatif Algonquin, et a lui seul il
represente les cinq Cas des phrases latines.

Le Vocatif est le cas d'un substantif designant 1111 etre
auquel on adresse la parole. Au Singulier il est presque toujours
semblable au Nominatif; mais au Pluriel il en differe ordinai-
rement et se termine par tok, otok ou itok, qu'on ajoute au
Nominatif Singulier, suivant que celui-ci se termine par une
vovelle, par g, k, z, ou par une autre consonne. Ainsi ces mots
ockinawe jeune horn me, unu'k castor, nionz orignal, et nidjanis
enfant, deviendront au Vocatif Pluriel ockinawetok, lunikotok,
monzotok et nidjanis itok.

L'Obviatif est le concours, dans une meme phrase, de deux
troisiemes Personnes du genre anime, Tune dependant de l'autre
ou recevant d'elle une impression quelconque. Dans ce cas, le
Substantif se rapportant a la Personne ainsi dependante prendra
la marque de I'Obviatif, e'est-a-dire n, on, ou, an, suivant qu'il est
termine par une vovelle^, k, z, ou par une autre consonne. Par
exemple pour rendre Pierre aime Diet/, le jits de Paul, il faudra
mettre Pierre et Paul au Nominatif, puis Dieu et fits a I'Obviatif.

Le Surobviatif est la rencontre de trois troisiemes Personnes,
dont une du genre anime et sit jet de la phrase, une autre du
genre anime ou inanime et regime immediat de la phrase, enhn
une troisieme du genre anime et qui do/nine la Personne regime.
Dans ce cas la Personne regime domtnee se met au Surobviatif,
et si le tiom de la Personne dominante se trouve exprimee, on
le met a I'Obviatif simple. La marque du Surobviatif est ni,
oni, ini, suivant la terminaison du Substantif. Ainsi, si Ton veut
dire : Pierre frappe le fils du sauvage, on mettra /its au Surob-
viatif, et sauvage a I'Obviatif simple.

Le Possessif est le cas d'un Substantif joint a I'Adjectif
Possessif. Alors ee <■ bstantil stdhse conjuguerou se dec/1 <■/■,
peu importe le terme employe pour designer les modifications
que lui fait subir la serie des Adjectifs Possessifs : ni mon, ma
mes, notre, nos ; ki ton, ta, tes, notre inelusif, votre, nos, vos ;

23O LK GENIE DE LA

o ou wi son, sa, ses, leur, leurs. La marque du Possessif est m,
am ou im, suivant la terminaison du mot, pour les noms d'etres
qui tiennent leur mode d'existence du Createur ; aucune n'est
employee pour les noms d'etres qui le tiennent de l'homme. Le
Possessif est, en quelque sorte, un substitut du Genitif. Ainsi
pour rend re filius Petri on dira Pien okivisisan, Pierre son fils.

Le Locatif est le cas d'un Substantif indiquant Vendroit oil.
II sert a exprimer nos prepositions a, de, par, en, dans et stir,
suivant la signification du Verbe qu'il accompagne, et il se
forme en ajoutant au Substantif //£\ orig ou ing. Ainsi, dcnipi
eau, akik chaudiere, asin pierre, on fera niping dans l'eau,
akikong dans la chaudiere, asining sur la pierre.

Le Locatif sert encore a rendre les locutions adverbiales
ainsi que, en guise de, it F instar de, a la facon de etc. Par
exemple etre habille en liomme, vivre en animal etc. se rendront
en faisant accompagner le Verbe du Substantif mis au Locatif.

Le Diminutif se rend dans les Noms en v ajoutant .v, ns, ons
ou ins suivant leur terminaison. Ainsi, au Diminutit //?/>?/'
horn me, akik chaudiere, asin pierre deviendront ininins petit
homme, akikons petite chaudiere, et asinhis petite pierre.

Le Deterioratif se forme en ajoutant au Substantif e, oc ou
ic suivant la terminaison de cekri-ci. D'apres cette regie, nipi
eau, amik castor, tesapiwagan siege deviendront nipic mechante
eau, aniikoc vilain castor, et tesapiwagan ie siege bon a rien.

Pour TUltra-deterioratif on ajoutera ic au Deterioratif
primitif. Par exemple, si Ton veut exprimer ires mechante eau
etc, on dira nipicic etc.

L'Investigatif est le cas d'un Substantif precede d'une des
particules interrogatives qui, quel, quelle, quels et quel les. Nen
est la caracteristique de ce Cas pour le Singulier, et nenak pour
le Pluriel. Ainsi, de anicinabe sauvage on formera awenen
anicinabenen, awenenak anicinabenak , quel sauvage, quels sau-
vages ?

Le Dubitatif a pour caracteristique /ok que Ton ajoute au
Substantif. Par exemple, makwa ours, makwatok c'est peut-etre
un ours.

Le Passe Prochain dans un Nom est indique par ban,
et veut dire que la personne ou la chose dont on parle et
avec laquelle on a eu des relations n'existe plus, soit en

LANG UK ALGONOUINE 2^1

elle-meme, soit par rapport a nous. Ainsi, Xabieban voudra
dire defunt Xavier, ni mokumaniban, mon couteau d'autrefois.

Le Passe Eloigne a pour marque goban, et indique que
la personne ou la chose dont nous parlons est d'une epoque
anterieure a la notre, ou qu'elle ne nous est pas contemporaine,
ou bien qu'elle n'a jamais ete connue de nous, ou encore que
nous en avons perdu le souvenir. Ainsi, Pienigoban voudra
dire Pierre d'autrefois, Pierre que je n'ai jamais connu, Pierre
dont j'ai perdu le souvenir.

Avec ces notions sur YEspece, le Nombre et les Cas des
Noms, on peut se faire une bonne idee de ce qu'est la premiere
partie du Discours en Algonquin, sans crainte d'ignorer quelque
chose qui s'y rapporterait essentiellement.

II. de l'adjectif : —

L'Algonquin possede cinq sortes d'Adjectifs: le Oualificatif,
le Demonstratif, le Possessif, l'lndefini et le Numeral. Trois
seulement meritent notre attention ici car les Adjectifs Demons-
tratif et Possessif se rendent par les memes termes que les
Pronoms Demonstratif et Personnel, que nous verrons plus loin.

Ii y a tres peu d'Adjectifs Oualificatifs en Algonquin. En
voici la liste a peu pres complete : mino bon, matci mauvais ;
m ici gros ; kitci ou kije grand ; kwenatc joli kitcitiwa saint ; main
principal; maiak etranger ; maiata blamable ; ocki neuf; kete
ancien ; inin vrai ; par excellence ; picicik sec, pur, sans melange ;
nicike seul ; ickwaiatc dernier ; nabe male, masculin ; nonje
feminin. Ces Adjectifs sont invariables et tous, a part nicike
seul, se placent avant le Nom. Vu le petit nombre d'Adjectifs
Qualificatifs les Algonquins se voient forces d'y suppleer par
l'emploi du Passe Prochain et du Passe Eloigne et autres
Accidents dont nous avons parle ; mais leur ressource ordinaire
est dans la prodigieuse quantite de leurs Verbes, comme nous
allons voir bientot.

Les Adjectifs Indefinis sont neningo, mecagivan, chaque ;
kotak autre ; kakina tout, toute, tous, toutes ; nibina beaucoup ;
nanint quelques.

L'Adjectif Numeral est double, en Algonquin comme dans
nos langues, le Cardinal et 1'Ordinal, et merite au moins un
moment de consideration.

1 6

232 IK GENIE DE I A

L'Adjectif Cardinal est compose originairement des sept
mots racines pejik un, nij deux, nisvoi trois, new quatre, nanan
cinq, cangaswi neuf et mitaswi dix. Tous les autres nombres
sont des mots composes de ceux-ci. A partir de onze jusqu'a
dix-neuf inclusivement, les Algonquins disent mitaswi acitc pejik
etc., dix plus un etc. Les dizaines a partir de vingt se rendent
par un compose de tana et du Numeral exprimant le nombre de
ces dizaines. Ainsi vingt se dit nictana deux dizaines, trente
nisomitana trois dizaines, etc. - - Ensuite il faut ajouter qu'en
general les unites, les dizaines, les centaines, les mille et les
millions se joignent par acite. Par exemple ; vingt-et-un,
nictana acitc pejik. -- Autre particularity, la terminaison des
primitifs varie suivant le Substantif que le Numeral designe.
Ainsi, si ce numeral se rapporte a un nom de mesure, on le fait
terminer en o ; s'il designe un nom de chose du genre mineral,
on lui donne la terminaison watik ; s'il determine un nom de
chose appartenant au regne vegetal on avant une forme allongee,
il prend la terminaison watik ; puis la terminaison ominak lors-
qu'il designe des noms de graines, fruits 011 choses en forme de
boule ; enhn la terminaison xvek s'il se rapporte a des noms de
vetement, tinge on de choses flexibles, D'apres ces regies on
dira : niswi anicinabek, trois hommes ; niso kon, trois jours ;
niswabik as in in, trois pierres ; niswatik mitikok, trois arbres ;
nisominak wabaminak, trois pommes; niswek wabowaianan, trois
couvertes. - Knrin il faut dire que tous les. Adjectifs Cardinaux
se verbifient. Ainsi, etre un, etre deux etc. sont autant de verbes
soumis aux regies des conjugaisons ordinaires.

L'Adjectif Ordinal n'a qu'une forme a lui propre, nitam
premier ; toutes les autres sont empruntees au verbe qu'on fait
preceder de la particule eko et qu'on met au subjonctif. Ainsi,
le troisieme etc., se disent eko nishvatc etc.

III. — DU pronom : —

II y a six especes de Pronoms en Algonquin : le Personnel,
le Possessif, le Demonstratif, I'lnterrogatif, le Relatif et
1'Indefini.

Les Pronoms Personnels sont de deux sortes : Premiere-
ment, les Prefixes, lesquels sont toujours unis au Verbe dont ils

LANGUE ALGONQUINE 233

determinent la personne, ou au Substantif aupres desquels ils
servent d'Adjectifs Possessifs. Les voici avec leur signification :
ni je, nous, mon, ma, mes, notre, nos ; ki tu, vous, nous
inclusif, ton, ta, tes, votre, vos, notre inclnsif, nos inclusif ; o,
ot ou wi il, elle, ils, elles, son, sa, ses, leur, leurs. — Seconde-
ment, les Pronoms Personnels Isoles, qui sont separes du Verbe
par un prefixe, et agissent a l'occasion comme Pronoms Pos-
sessifs. Ce sont : nin moi, le mien, la mienne, les miens, les
miennes ; kin toi, le tien, la tienne, les tiens, les tiennes ; %mn
lui, elle, le sien, la sienne, les siens, les siennes ; ninawint nous
autres exclusif, le notre, la notre, les notres ; kinawint nous
autres inclusif, le notre, la notre, les notres ; kinawa vous autres,
le votre, la votre, les votres ; winatva eux, elles, le leur, la leur,
les leurs.

Les Pronoms Demonstratifs en Algonquin sont employes
comme Pronoms.et Adjectifs. Les voici avec leur signification :

Pour le genre anime ; aam celui-ci, celle-ci ; iaam celui-la,
celle-la ; okom ceux-ci, celles-ci ; ikim, ceux-la, celles-la. Pour
le genre inanime ; oom celui-ci, celle-ci, ceci ; urn celui-la,
celle-la, cela ; onom, ceux-ci, celles-ci ; inim ceux-la, celles-la.
Dans les expressions ces hommes-ci, ceux-ci, cette cabane-la,
cela, on emploiera toujours le Pronom Demonstratif avec ou
sans le nom.

Le Pronom Relatif Algonquin se reduita&z qui correspond
a qui, que, lequel, laquel/e, lesquels, lesquelles, duquel, desquels,
desquelles et dont. Et encore la coutume prevaut-elle aujourd'hui
de remplacer cette unique forme pronominale Relative par une
sorte de phrase Subjonctive que certains auteurs appellent
Participe et que nous verrons bientot. Ainsi, pour rendre
ceux que faime etc., d'apres cette coutume on se dispensera
du Relatif ka et on dira tout simplement saiakihakik.

Les Pronoms Interrogatifs Algonquins sont, comme les
Demonstratifs, en meme temps Pronoms et Adjectifs.

Ce sont : —

Pour le Singulier ; awenen ? qui. quel, quelle, lequel,
laquelle, au genre anime, wekonen ? quoi, quel, quelle, lequel,
laquelle au genre inanime.

Pour le Pluriel : awenenak ? qui, quels, quelles, lesquels,

16 - i i

234 LE GENIE DE LA

lesquelles au genre anime; wekonenan? quels, quelles, lesquels,
lesquelles au genre inanime.

Pour le Dubitatif ; awekwenitok? qui ; wekotokwenitok'i quoi.
Avec les Pronoms Interrogatifs non mis a la forme Dubitative
il faut avoir soin d'employer l'lnvestigatif Nominal si le Subs-
tantif est exprime. Ainsi, l'lnvestigatif de pine perdrix etant
pinenen, il faudra dire, awenen pinenen, quelle perdrix?

Les Pronoms Indefinis ressemblent, quoique sans corres-
pondre entierement aux Adjectifs du meme nom, comme il est
facile de s'en convaincre. Ce sont atviia, awiiak, quelqu'un ;
keko quelque chose ; awekiven quiconque ; welcotodwen n'importe
quoi ; nibina beaucoup ; nanint quelques uns ; kakina tout, tous,
toutes ; pejik Fun ; lotah 1'autre ; pepejik un a un, un a chacun.

IV. DU VERBE

C'est bien en Algonquin que le Verbe est le mot par
excellence. De toutes les Parties du Discours c'est celle qui est
le plus employee ; et les formes en sont demesurement plus
nombreuses qu'en aucune autre. C'est ce qui va ressortir des
quelques remarques suivantes sur la Conjugaison, les Especes
et les Accidents des Verbes Algonquins :

I. CONJUGAISON DU VERBE

Elle se fait au moyen de trois Personnels, neuf Modes, et
sept Temps.

Les Personnels sont : ni je, nous ; ki tu, vous, nous
inclusif ; o, ot devant une voyelle, il, elle, ils, elles. Ces Pro-
noms s'emploient toujours avant le Verbe aux Modes Indicatif
et Dubitatif pour en indiquer la Personne ; excepte celui de la
troisieme Personne, qui ne figure qu'avec un Verbe a regime.
Ils ne s'emploient aucunement au Subjonctif et aux Modes
qui en dependent. Ainsi, on dira avec le Personnel : ni nese, je
respire ; kit akosimitok, tu es peut-etre malade ; o pakitetvan, il
le frappe. Mais on dira sans Personnel : nese, il respire ;
akositok, il est peut-etre malade : pakiteivak, que je le frappe ;
saiakiaghobanen, s'il l'avait aime.

Les Modes Algonquins sont : lTndicatif, le Conditionnel,
l'lmperatif, le Subjonctif, le Participe, le Dubitatif, l'lnvestigatif,

LANGUE ALGONQUINE 235

l'Eventuel et le Gerondif. Les quatre premiers ont leur defini-
tion dans nos grammaires.

Le Dubitatif est un mode qui sert a exprimer le Doute. II
a la forme de l'lndicatif avec ses terminaisons propres. Ainsi,
si l'on dit a l'lndicatif ni sakidjike j'ai me, sakidjike il aime, Ton
dira au Dubitatif ni sakidjikemitok j'aime peut-etre, sakidjiketok
il aime peut-etre.

L'Investigatif est une sorte de Dubitatif quant au sens, et
de Subjonctif quant a la forme ; on peut le traduire par si
jamais, est-ce que par hasard etc., avec le Verbe. Ainsi, si Ton
change le Subjonctif sakihak, que je l'aime, en saiakihaivaken,
on aura l'lnvestigatif et on traduira par si jamais je l'aime,
moi qui l'aime peut-etre, etc.

Le Participe est encore une forme particuliere du Subjonctif
que Ton traduit par moi qui, celui qui, celui que, ceux que, celui
par qui etc., avec le Verbe. Par exemple, du Subjonctif
sakihak, queje l'aime, on formera le Participe saiakihak celui ou
celle que j'aime ; de sakihitc, qu'il m'aime, on aura saiakihitc
celui qui m'aime, etc.

L'Eventuel est une troisieme forme du Subjonctif, que l'on
peut rendre par lorsque, toutes les fois que, etc., avec le Verbe.
Ainsi, du Subjonctif deja cite on formera saiakihakin lorsque je
l'aime.

Le Gerondif est un Mode Impersonnel qui peut se rendre
par en, comme quelqu'un qui etc., avec le Verbe*. Par exemple,
si je veux dire en aimant, comme quelqu'un qui aime, j'emploierai
le Gerondif de sakidjike il aime, et dirai saiakidj ikengin .

Les Temps du Verbe Algonquin sont : le Present, l'lmpar-
fait, le Passe Eloigne, le Passe Indefini, le Plus-que-.parfait, le
Futur Simple et le Futur Passe. Le Passe Eloigne est le seul
qui soit etranger a nos grammaires ; mais il n'est que ce que son
nom comporte, l'indication d'un acte ou d'un etat qui etait
autrefois et qui n'est plus. Ainsi, pour traduire il aimait on dira
sakidjikeban en employant l'lmparfait ; mais pour rendre le
Passe Eloigne contenu dans cette autre phrase il aimait autrefois,
il faudra dire sakidjikegoban.

L'lndicatif et le Subjonctif ont tous les Temps ci-dessus
mentionnes. Le Participe est le plus riche apres eux, il ne lui
manque guere qu'un ou deux Temps secondaires. L'Imperatif
1 6 *

236 LE GENIE DE LA

et le Dubitatif n'ont que le Present et le Futur Simple. Le
Conditionnel, l'lnvestigatif et l'Eventuel n'ont que le Present et
1'Imparfait. Enfin le Gerondif n'a que le Present.

II n'y a pas d'Auxiliaires en Algonquin, c'est a l'aide de
certaines Particules que se forment les Temps Composes ou
Secondares. Ces Particules se placent devant le Verbe et en
sont les Caracteristiques, car elles en designent le Mode et le
Temps.

2. ESPECES DE VERBES

Le nombre en est reellement prodigieux. Disons d'abord
que les Verbes Algonquins se divisent en deux grandes classes :
Verbes sans regime direct, comme dormir, etre beau, entendre
c'est-a-dire avoir route; et Verbes avec regime direct, comme
aimer, entendre une personne ou une chose. Ces deux classes
de Verbes donnent lieu a un grand nombre de conjugaisons,
que voici en resume : —

La premiere classe comprend trois conjugaisons specifi-
quement distinguees entre elles par la terminaison de la troisieme
Personne du Singulier du Present de l'lndicatif, suivant que
cette terminaison est une voyelle, ou m ou bien n. Ainsi, nese
il respire, appartient a la premiere conjugaison ; pizindam il
ecoute, a la deuxieme ; tagocin il arrive, a la troisieme.

Ouant a la Seconde classe de Verbes, voici comment on
peut en indiquer les conjugaisons :

Les Verbes avec regime direct du genre inanime ont deux
conjugaisons aussi specifiquement distinguees l'une de l'autre
par la terminaison de la Troisieme Personne du Singulier, du
Present de l'lndicatif, cette terminaison pouvant etre on ou an.
D'apres cela, o sakiton il aime (cela) appartient a la premiere
conjugaison ; 0 pizindan il ecoute (cela) est de la seconde. Deux
autres conjugaisons s'ajoutent a celles-ci si le regime direct est au
Pluriel, et les deux formes precedentes deviendront o sakitonan
il les aime (ces choses), 0 pizindanan il les ecoute (ces choses).

Les Verbes avec regime direct du genre anime tirent leurs
conjugaisons de la terminaison de la deuxieme Persorme du
Singulier de leur I mperatif Present. Or cette terminaison peut
etre ah, eh, ih, ci, j, m, n ou v. De la autant de conjugaisons
plus ou moins di verses pour cette sorte de Verbes. Ainsi, les

LANGUE ALGONQUINE 237

Imperatifs sakih aime-le, act place-le, nagaj abandonne-le,
tibenim gouverne-le, webin rejette-le ttpakitev frappe-le indique-
ront autant de conjugaisons de Verbes a regime direct du genre
anime. Ces conjugaisons sont quadruplets pour repondre aux
cas ou le regime direct est au Pluriel, ou ce regime est le
Personnel e, ou le Verbe est a la forme reflexive, ou enfin ce
Verbe est a la forme reciproque. Par exemple, ces phrases,
ni tibenimak je les gouverne, ki tibenimin je te gouverne, ni
tibenindis je me gouverne et tibenindiwak ils se gouvernent
mutuellement, sont autant de specimens de conjugaisons a
ajouter aux precedentes.

Les Verbes a la Voix Passive tirent aussi leurs conjugai-
sons des Racines ci-dessus mentionnees, et elles sont egalement
quadruplets pour les cas ou le regime est au Pluriel, ou ce regime
est du genre inanime, ou il est exprime par le Prenom Indefini
On, ou enfin il est rendu par les Personnels Tu, Vous. Ainsi,
de la Racine sakih, aime-le, on aura les formes Passives ni
sakihik il m'aime, ni sakihigok ils m'aiment, ni sakihigon elle
(cette chose) a de l'affection pour moi, ni sakihigo on m'aime, et
ki sakih tu m'aimes.

Enfin, disons que tous les Verbes, a quelque classe qu'ils
appartiennent, sont susceptibles de revetir, lorsque leur sujet
est du genre inanime, la meme forme que ceux qui n'ont jamais
de forme Personnelle. Ces Verbes Impersonnels constituent
trois autres conjugaisons, suivant qu'ils se terminent par une
voyelle, ou n, ou bien t. Ainsi, pikocka, c'est brise, est de la
iere conj. ; kimivan, il pleut, de la 2eme. ; kiwemagat, 9a
retourne, de la 3eme.

A part les grandes divisions deja enoncees il y a un nombre
considerable d'especes particulieres de Verbes. Les uns sont
causatifs, c. a. d. exprimant Taction que le sujet fait subir au
regime ; comme /aire dormir, /aire aller etc.

II y a encore les Verbes derives d'un Substantif ; et d'abord
ceux qui expriment Vattitude, lesquels sont toujours doubles,
suivant que celle-ci provient de la configuration physique ou bien
de la volonte de l'agent. Ainsi, aux Verbes derives avoir la
bouche de travers etc., correspondra une autre sorte de Verbes
pour rendre se mettre la bouche de travers etc.

Ensuite viennent les verbes d' existence, comme etre hommv,

238 LE GENIE DE LA

etre chef etc. Puis les Verbes de possession, comme avoir tin
chapeau, avoir de Vargent etc. ; les Verbes de construction,
comme /aire une cabane, faire tine fleche, etc. ; les Verbes
d'abondance, comme il y a beaucoup de castor, etc. ; les Verbes
de langage, comme parler lefrancais, etc. ; les Verbes de trans-
formation, comme faire devenir corps, en faire un aviron, etc. ;
enfin les Verbes de simulation qui viennent d'un Substantif,
d'un Adjectif ou d'un Verbe, comme feindre d'etre chef , faire le
devot, faire semblant de partir, etc.

Sans doute il n'entre pas dans mon plan d'exposer les
regies relatives a la formation de ces diverses especes de Verbes,
que j'ai enumeres ici simplement pour donner une idee de la
richesse de l'Algonquin en fait de Verbes. Mais je ne puis
m'empecher d'ajouter encore un mot sur ce sujet. Outre les
Verbes formes d'un Substantif ou d'autres Parties du Discours,
il y a aussi les Verbes a effet exprimant, a l'aide de certaines
desinences bien remarquables, par quelle cause se produit tel
effet. Voici ces terminaisons a la premiere et a la troisieme
Personne du Singulier du Present de l'lndicatif et leurs indica-
tions respectives : —
ok-oko, etre . . . par les vagues ; comme kinahok-oko, etre empe-

che par les vagues ; khvackweiahok-oko, etre etourdi par les

vagues.
abawe, etre . . . par l'eau ; comme cabwabawe, etre transperce

par l'eau.
bi, etre . . . par la boisson.

ac-aci, asin (avec sujet inanime), etre . . . par le vent.
atc-atci, atin (avec sujet inanime), etre . . . par le froid.
aivas-aisoazo, awate (avec s. in.), etre . . . par la chaleur.
as-aso, ate (avec s. in.), etre . . . par le soleil,
abas-abaso, abate (avec s. in.), etre . . . par la fumee.
akis-akizo, akite (avec s. in.), etre . . . par le feu.
akone, etre . . . par la neige.
nos-nozo, etre ... par l'odeur.

kos-kozo, etre . . . par le choc ou le poids d'un objet.
cin, sin (avec s. in.), etre . . . par suite d'une chute.
ne, etre . . . par la maladie.
tarn, etre par le bruit.
ngwac-ngwaci, etre . . . par le sommeil.

LANGUE ALGONQUINE 239

Les Verbes a effet ont encore d'autres terminaisons pour
indiquer />«r quelle cause s'opere Taction dont on parle, ce sont
celles de TImperatif de la Voix avec regime du genre anime.
Les voici avec leurs significations respectives : —
in denote une action de la main ; par exemple, ni tangina, je le

touche de la main ;
ckaw indique le jeu du pied ; comme dans ni tangickawa, je le

touche du pied ;
am fait entendre que Taction se fait avec la bouche, les dents:

ni langama, je le touche avec les dents ;
law denote une sensation de Vou'ie : ni cingitawa, je n'aime pas

a Tentendre ;
aba??i, une sensation de la vue : ni cingabama, j.e n'aime pas a

le voir ;
mam, celle de Vodorat : ni cingama??ia, je n'aime pas a le sentir ;
pv enfln indique une sensation du gout ; comme dans ni cingi-

pwa,.)e n'en aime pas le gout.

3. ACCIDENTS DU VERBE : — -

Comme dans les Substantifs il y af dans les Verbes Algon-
quins, certains Accidents qui en changent la forme au sein de
la meme conjugaison. Ce sont : TObviatif, le Surobviatif, le
Possessif, le Negatif, le Diminutif, le Deterioratif, le Vitupe-
ratif, le Frequentatif, THabituel, le Sociatif et le Locatif.

L'Obviatif, dans les Verbes, est la rencontre de deux
troisiemes Personnes, dont Tune depend de Tautre, qu'une seule
Personne ou que toutes deux soient sujets d'un Verbe, peu
importe. Dans ce cas, le Verbe qui exprime cette dependance
prend la marque de TObviatif. Soient les phrases : le fils de
Pierre chante, Pierre veut que son fils parle. Ici les deux
Verbes chante et parle, exprimant la dependa?ice d'une des
troisiemes Personnes a Tegard de Tautre, seront affectes du signe
de TObviatif.

Le Surobviatif, dont il est maintenant question, est le
concours de trois troisiemes Personnes, tel qu'explique plus
haut a propos du Norn. Alors, non seulement le Substantif
exprimant la troisieme troisieme Personne, mais aussi le Verbe
s'y rapportant prend la marque de cet Accident. Ainsi, pour

24O LE GENIE DE LA

rendre Pierre aime la fille du sauvage, il faudra mettre au
Surobviatif non seulementy?//£? mais aime; car ces deux mots se
rapportent a une troisieme troisieme Personne.

Le Possessif, dont il s'agit ici, est le Cas ou un Verbe a la
premiere ou deuxieme Personne exprime une action se portant
sur un regime qui se trouve etre la propriete d'une tierce
Personne. Alors un m entre le Radical et la terminaison
indique cet Accident. Ainsi, pour exprimer il aime son (propre)
fils, on dira 0 sakihan ohwisisan ; mais si Ton veut rendre faime
son fils, il faudra dire ni sakihiman okwisisan.

Le Negatif est employe lorsque le Verbe comporte une
Negation. Sa marque est si, qu'on ajoute a ce Verbe d'apres
certaines regies plus ou moins compliquees, avec ou sans la
Particule Negative suivant les cas vises par ces regies.

Le Diminutif est employe a la troisieme Personne de
l'lndicatif et du Subjonctif de certains Verbes pour en amoindrir
le sens. Ainsi, de pimipato il court, awan il y a du brouillard,
on formera pimipalonsiwi il court a petits pas, awanonsiwan il y
a un petit brouillard.

Le Deterioratif, dans les Verbes, a la meme forme que dans
les Noms ; cependant il n'exprime pas simplement, dans ceux-
la, la meme idee que dans ceux-ci ; mais surtout un sentiment
de sympathie, de pitie. Ainsi, de wisini il mange, on formera
wisiniciW mange ce convalescent a la sante duquel on s'interesse.
Le Vituperatif donne l'idee de blame que merite Taction
exprimee par le Verbe. Sa caracteristique est ck-cki ou ckic-
ckici ajoutee a la troisieme Personne du Singulier du Present de
l'lndicatif du Verbe primitif. Ainsi, de aiamie il prie, de anoki
il fait la chasse, on formera aiamieckic-ici prier mal, anokick-cki
aimer trop la chasse.

Le Modificatif est un certain changement qui s'opere dans
la terminaison du Subjonctif d'un Verbe sans regime a la pre-
miere ou deuxieme Personne lorsqu'il est subordonne a un autre
a la troisieme Personne. Par exemple, pour dire, si je rten
mange pas, on traduit par eka midjian ; mais pour rendre cette
phrase, il me blamera si je rien mange pas, on emploiera le
Modificatif du Verbe manger et on dira eka midjiwak.

Le Frequentatif est un Accident qui indique la repetition de
Taction du Verbe au moyen de la reduplication de la syllabe

LANGUE ALGONQUINE 24 1

initiate. Ainsi le Frequentatif de odjim, baise-le, sera oiodjim,
baise-le plusieurs fois.

Le Sociatif s'emploie pour exprimer l'idee d' association avec,
ce que Ton rend en faisant preceder le Verbe de witc ou wit, et
le faisant suivre de m. Ainsi, de tajike, il demeure, on aura le
Sociatif witc tajihem demeure avec lui.

Le Locatif est un Accident du Verbe Impersonnel pour
indiquer Vendroit d'une action ou d'un etat. Sa caracteristique
est ong ou ng qu'on ajoute a l'lndicatif Present. Par exemple :
manatat c'est mauvais, manatatong la ou c'est mal, dans le mal ;
mitikoka il y a du bois, mitikokang dans le bois.

Allieesaux Accidents du Verbe sont les Particules Verbales.
C'est une espece particuliere de mots qui, se placant devant le
Verbe, en remplissent eux-memes roffice. Les voici avec un
mot d'explication : wi indique qu'on veut faire Taction du verbe ;
ainsi, de niwisin, je mange, on aura ni wi wisin je veux manger ;
awi denote qu'on s'en va faire cette action ; exemple, nit azvi wi

sin je vais manger ;
pi, qu'on vient la faire ;
nita marque Vhabilete a telle chose ;
pwa rimpuissance en cette matiere ;
madji donne l'idee de commencement ;
ani celle de continuation ;
kodj, kakwehj, dy effort, de tentative ;
gwinawi, d'embarras, de perplexite ;
pon, de cessation, & interruption ;
ickwa, de cloture, fin ;
nici, de mechancete, mauvaise renommee ;
nanda indique qu'on cherche a faire Taction du verbe ;
mamanda, qu'on excelle a faire cette action ;
pwatawi, qu'on tarde a la faire ;
manadj, qu'on se garde de la faire ;
pata, qu'on a tort de la faire ;
wani, qu'on commet une erreur en la faisant ;
matwe, qu'on entend se faire telle action ;
pitci enfin denote qu'elle se fait par meprise.

Ce court expose du Verbe Algonquin est suffisant pour
nous faire comprendre pourquoi j'ai dit que c'est reellement la
Partie du Discours^ar excellence. Ni le francais, ni le latin, ni

242 LE GENIE DE LA LANGUE ALGONQUINE

Je f»»c i»e possede la richesse d'expression que comporte le
Verbe Algonquin a lui seul.

Quant aux autres Parties du discours, c'est-a-dire 1'Adverbe,
la Preposition, la Conjonction et l'lnterjection, elles n'offrent
presque rien qui les distingue de leurs correspondantes dans nos
langues. Je me dispenserai done d'en parler, d'autant plus que
cette dissertation a deja assume des proportions considerables,
et que je pense avoir suffisamment montre, quel est le caractere
propre et distinctif de l'Algonquin.

THE NAVAJO NOUN

par le Rev. Leopold Ostermann, O. F. M.
St. Michaels, Arizona

Key to the Navajo words in the following paper :

The six vowels used in writing Navajo words in the
following paper, together with English examples of their long
and short pronounciation, are : a, as in card or in cart ; a, as
in bad or in bat ; e, as in they or in debt ; /, as in pique or in
pick ; o, as in known or in none ; u, as oo in pool or u in pull.

There are, properly speaking no diphthongs in Navajo.
There are a few double vowels ; as, ai, ao, au, ei, ou, which
resemble diphthongs very much, yet each vowel has its proper
sound.

Of the consonants b, d, g, h, j, k, 1, m, n, s, t, w, y, z, and
ch and sh are pronounced as in English. G is always hard,
never soft as in gem ; gh is the Arabic ghajin, i. e., g shoved,
as it were, along the upper gum. K, as a rule, is followed by
an h ; by pronouncing the English words " strike him " a few
times, and then omitting the four first letters » stri », the
pronunciation of k will be pretty correct. O correspond to the
Spanish j in hijo, or to the German ch in ich, or to the Scotch
ch in loch, which is equivalent to hi, can be rendered in two
ways : either by gently pressing the tip of the tongue against
the roots of the upper teeth, or of the lower teeth and allowing
the air to escape on both sides while pronouncing 1. The first
way seems to me, to be easier and more correct when the 1 is
terminal, and the second when it is initial. Wh is w plus gh
contracted into one sound. Zh is the French j, or like z in
azure or s in pleasure. Y is always a consonant and never
used as a vowel. All consonants in Navajo are pronounced
hard, and never have the soft sound they sometimes have in
English. They are pronounced as in English when they are

244 THE NAVAJO NOUN

initial, only with a little more energy. The letters f, p, r, v,
and x are not used, and the letter c is employed only in the
combination ch, which is equivalent to the English ch in church.
Diacritical marks : The dash ( — ) over a vowel denotes its
long sound, and the curve or breve (kj) its short sound. The
accent ( ' ) indicates the syllable upon which the stress of
the word rests. The Greek circumflex ( ~ ) represents a long
nasal sound, and the French circumflex ( * ) a short nasal sound.
The apostrophe, or Greek spiritus lenis ( ' ) indicates the non-
aspirated hiatus, followed by a perceptible interruption of the
voice, and the Greek spiritus asper ( ' ) adds to the hiatus a short
guttural exhalation. The sign ('), a semi quotation mark,
marks the so-called click, peculiar to Indian languages, and the
mute ( v ) is used over vowels, which are either not at all heard,
or but indistinctly in common conversation.

I will further preface this paper on the Navajo noun by a
few remarks on the article. The Navajos do not make use of
any article', neither definite, nor indefinite ; hence din^ means
man, a man, or the man ; besh knife, a knife, or the knife. The
nearest approach to an article is, perhaps, the letter a, which is
prefixed to a great many nouns, when used in an indefinite or
general way, e. gr., abe, milk ; ado, nest ; abit, belly ; atqin,
road. The a in these words is dropped when they are preceeded
by a possessive pronoun ; as, t'l/'si bebe, goat's milk, i. e., the
goat its milk ; tsidi bid'o, the bird's nest ; tMish bibit, the
snake's belly ; dine bitqin, the Navajo's road.

The a in this connection has not a full, clear sound, but is
pronounced very much like the English e in the, e. gr., the man.
For this reason, instead of this a, an e is written in several of
the northern dialects of Alaska and British Columbia. This a
seems simply to indicate, that the noun is used in a general or
abstract way, consequently it is dropped so soon as it is used in
a particular, or concrete form.

Prepositions also frequently have this a when used without
reference to any particular object ; as, achvi, towards ; shich'i,
towards me ; nich'i, towards you ; bich'i oryich'i, towards him,
her, it, or them ; niqich'i, towards us.

Considering the Navajo nouns from an etymological stand-

THE NAVAJO NOUN 245

point, they may be classed into four categories: i) radical
nouns ; 2) verbal nouns ; 3) composite nouns; 4) foreign nouns.
1 ) Radical nouns are of two kinds : a) Such as consist of
primary roots of one syllable, e. gr., tqo, water; tse, stone;
shash, bear ; b^sh, knife ; tsm, tree, b) Such as consist of
roots of more than one syllable, which, however, are not
compound words, but simple roots, e. gr., dinf, man ; tsilka,
young man ; chika, young woman. These radical nouns, like
the radical nouns of other languages, are not defining or
descriptive of the object they are used to designate, but are
essentially nominative or determinative, differentiating one object
from another.

2) The second category comprises Verbal nouns, i. e.,
forms of the verb, suffixed with the relative or participal particle
i, used as nouns, e. gr., atsidi, smith, i. e., he who pounds ;
nalnishi, laborer, i., he who works.

By prefixing the preposition be, with, to the active nouns
of this class, the name of the instrument or the material of an
action is obtained ; e. gr., beatsidi, hammer, i. e., that with
which one pounds ; benalnishi, tool, i. e., that with which one
pounds; benalnishi, tool, i. e., that with which one works.
These nouns, as also those of the following category, are usually
descriptive of the person or object they designate.

3) The third category contains composite nouns. These
may be formed in various ways : a) By placing two or more
radical nouns (nouns of the first category) together, as is also
frequently done in English ; e. gr., altquit'lol, bow-string (altqi,
bow ; tvlol, string) ; tqot'lish, watersnake (tqo, water ; t'lish,
snake) ; tsenil, axe (tse, stone ; nil, axe), b) By uniting two
words with possessive pronouns ; as, li biyel, saddle (li, horse ;
bi, its ; yel, pack) ; besh bitsz'n, knife-handle (besh, knife ; bi,
its ; tsin, wood, handle) ; debtf bits!', mutton, (debe, sheep ; bi,
its ; atsi', meat)), c) By suffixing adjectives to nouns ; as.
ashilakan, sugar (ashi, salt ; lakan, sweet) ; tqodilqil, whiskc
(tqo, water ; dilqil, dark) ; aze dichi, pepper (aze, medicine ;
dichi, bitter); janas, mule (ja', ears; nnas, tall or long), e)
By uniting a verbal noun to a radical noun; as, lesh beqahalkadi,
shovel (lesh, dirt ; be, with ; qahalkad, one takes out ; i relative
or participal suffix) ; besh benaalkadi, sewing machine, (besh,

246

THK NAVAJO NOUN

iron ; be, with ; naalkad, one sews ; i, suffix), f) By uniting
into one idea an adjective, or other part of speech, with a radical
noun and a verbal form ; as tqin itsad lakanigi, a local name
for ice cream (tqin, ice ; itsad, one has crushed ; lakan, sweet ;
igi, particularizing relative or participal suffix), g) By uniting
a Navajo word to a foreign word ; as, salao binant'ai, army or
police officer (salao, soldier — from the Spanish soldado ; bin-
ant'ai, their chief).

4) The fifth category comprises nouns taken from other
languages. These nouns are not very numerous. Following
are some of the more frequently used :

coqye, coffee ;

English :

coffee ;

musi, cat

English :

pussy ;

besoti, pig ;

Astec : pi

tsotl ;

de, tea ;

Spanish :

te;

dola, bull ;

Spanish :

toro ;

saghalo, cigar;

Spanish :

cigarro ;

dabfllo, shawl ;

Spanish :

tapara ;

b^so, dollar, money ;

Spanish :

peso ;

geso, cheese ;

Spanish :

queso :

alos, rice ;

Spanish,

arroz ;

ola, gold ;

Spanish :

oro ;

ola, hour ;

Spanish :

hora ;

belasffna, apple ;

Spanish :

manzano ;

mandegiya, butter ;

Spanish ;

mantequilla

In some localities coffee is called cofwe. The word begashi,
cow, is not a real Navajo word, but must be derived from some
foreign language, presumably Spanish. The Apache word for
cow is vagashi. B and v interchange easily, in fact, are iden-
tical in Spanish in as far as pronunciation is concerned. Begashi,
therefore, as well as the Apache vagashi, is derived from the
Spanish baba or vaca, suffixed with the Dene particle shi.

Considered grammatically, the Navajo nouns may be
divided into about the same classes as English nouns. I will
only remark that abstract nouns especially of quality and action,
are very few in Navajo ; abstract nouns of state or condition are,
for instance, bil, drowsiness ; dichi, hunger ; daba, thirst.

THE NAVAJO NOUN 247

Examples of collective nouns are : naaldloshgi, fourfooted land
animals ; naat'agi, fowls or winged animals ; tqaldlanaaldehi,
water animals ; nanise, plants including grasses, flowers, herbs,
shrubs, and trees.

Navajo nouns (also pronouns) have no grammatical gender.
Sometimes, however, a generic distinction is necessary, which
is then made in the following two ways : a) If the distinction
is to be made between persons, the word asdsan, woman, is
added to the masculine ; as, nakai, the Mexican ; nakai asdsan,
the American lady, b) Or the words : baka'e, male, and baad,
female are added to the word, e. gr., naqoqoi baka'e, the male
chicken or rooster ; li baadi, the female horse or mare.

Of course, the names of persons as members of the human
race, or of a family or relationship, are distinct for the males and
the females ; e. gr., quastqin, man asdsan, woman ; shizhe'e,
my father ; shama, my mother ; tsilka, young man ; chika,
young woman ; shinai, my elder brother ; shadi, my elder
sister ; sitsili, my younger brother ; shidezhi, my younger
sister ; ashki, boy ; at'ed, girl ; etc.

Chika, means any young woman, married or unmarried, of
the age of about 16 to 30. Frequently sik is, my friend, is used
as a general term for brother, and shila for sister. Awe, baby,
and alchini, child, are common gender. The word shiye is
bi-generic, and means either brother-in-law or sister-in-law.
The same word is used in the same way by some of the Dene
tribes of Alaska.

There are a few animal names, which have separate forms
for the male and the female : dola, bull ; begashi, cow (also
beef or cattle in general) ; t'lisi cho'i, billy goat ; .li chogi,
stalion.

Frequently when two things, even inanimate, resemble each
other very much the stronger, bolder, larger, or more robust one
is associated with the male sex, and called male, while the
weaker, gentler, smaller, or more placid one is associated with
the female sex and called female. Thus the wild, turbulent San
Juan River is called, tqo baka, the Male River, and the more
tranquil, unruffled Rio Grande, tqo baad, the Female River ; a
shower accompanied by storm, thunder and lightning is called
niltsa baka'e, Male Shower, and a shower without any electrical
1 7

248 THE NAVAJO NOUN

phenomena, niltsa baadi, Female Shower. The Big Dipper
(Ursa Major) being a large, bold constellation, is called naqokos
baka'e, the Male Circler ; opposite the Big Dipper is the cons-
tellation of Cassiopeia, somewhat similar, but much smaller ;
this is called naqokos baadi, the Female Circler.

Instead of the distinction of gender, some Indian languages
make a distinction between animate and inanimate nouns. In
Otchipwe, for instance, this distinction is of the greatest impor-
tance, as the correct use and inflection of the verb and pronoun
depends upon it, so that the most egregious blunders would
result if it were not observed. This distinction does not obtain
in Navajo, although certain classes of verbs require special
roots for animate or inanimate objects.

In very rare cases does the Navajo language make use of
personifications, i. e., represent lifeless, inanimate things acting
as living persons ; they say, for instance, dichi shinilqi, hunger
is killing me, to express a high degree of hunger ; so also daba
shinilqi, for thirst ; tqo yisqi, water killed him, i. e., he drowned.

The Navajo language has no special forms for the plural.
The plural is expressed in the following ways :

1) By stating just how many persons or objects are spoken
of; as, dine naaki, two Navajos ; ashdla beso, five dollars.

2) By adverbs of quantity, such as, d'ooqoyui, la, many,
la, more, another, others, d'ayisi d'ooqoyui, a great many, etc.,
as, kin lani, many houses ; li d'ooqoyui, many horses.

3) Number can often be easily distinguished by the verb's
being used in the singular, dual, or plural ; as, dine alqush, the
Navajo is sleeping ; dine daalqush, the Navajos are sleeping.

4) Verbal nouns naturally form their plural same as verbs ;
as, a'neishodi, he who drags his gown, Long-gown (Navajo
name for priest or missionary) ; a'ndeishodi, they who drag
their gown, priests, missionaries ; nalnishi, laborer, ndalnishi,
labc.ers, i. e., they who work.

5) Frequently number is indicated by the root of the verb ;
as,

tsint'lele slmntqi, give rne a (one) match,
tsint'lele shan/zi/, g've me two (or more) matches,
tsint'lele shanj'a, give me some (any number of) matches
tsint'lele shana'a, give me the (all, whole box of) matches.

THE NAVAJO NOUN 249

These forms of the second person singular of the verb " to
give ", have a faint i between the pronominal element and the
final root ; thus, shanitqi, etc. This i is never heard in con-
versation, and can only be noticed when an Indian repeats the
word several times verv slowlv and distinctlv.
li tqadi/or, take the (one} horse to water,
li tqadVt's/i, take the two (or more) horses to water,
li tqadinhW, 'ake the horses (a number of) to water.
li tqad'mUfca/, take the (whole herd of) horses to water.

There are a few nouns in Navajo, which have a separate
form for the plural, in ke ; as ashki, boy ; plural : ashike, boys,
at'ed, girl ; plural : at'edke, girls, tsilka, young man ; plural :
tsilke, young men. chika, young woman ; plural : chike,
young women. This plural is formed with almost all terms of
relationship, e. gr., bitsoi, his grandchild ; bitsoike, his grand-
children.

Words which are by nature twofold, as, ears, eyes, hands,
feet, etc., are, in Navajo really dualistic in signification, although
singular in form. If one of these parts or members are missing,
this defect is expressed by suffixing the syllable k'is to the
remaining one ; (ak'is is an old, almost obsolete expression for
half.) e. gr., dine binak'is, the one-eyed Navajo ; tqeli bijak'is,
a one-eared burro.

The declension of the Navajo noun is about the same as
that of the English noun, with the only exception that in a Navajo
sentence a noun in the objective case is not, like in English,
placed after the verb, but immediately before the verb with
which it is brought into connection by prepositional or pronom-
inal verb-prefixes.

The possessive case is formed by prefixing a possessive
pronoun to the thing possessed ; as dine bili, the Navajo his
horse. The name of the possessor always preceeds that of the
object possessed, and both are connected by the possessive
pronoun.

The possessive pronoun, in this connection, has the effect

of changing the initial or terminal 1 into simple 1, and s into / ;

as, bili, his horse (li, horse) bit' lol, his rope (t'lol, rope) ; ma'i

bizo, the coyote's star (so, star) --a large red star on the

southern horizon, Canopus in the constellation of Argus. Some-

.7 ii

250 THE NAVAJO NOUN

times, too, the change of 1 into 1 is effected by words other than
pronouns, e. gr., altqi t'lol, bow-string.

The syllables e, he, or ye, added to a noun, may be consid-
ered a kind of vocative. These syllables are also suffixed to
verbs and other words, and seem to be intended to add to the
expression and emphasis, or to invite particular attention.

Pitch and accent, syllabic quantity and nasality, the click
and the hiatus, greatly influence the signification of nouns, as
also that of other parts of speech, e. gr., ya?; what?; ya', sky;
ya, louse. Bitsi, his hair; bits/, his daughter; bitsi, his flesh.
Bitst", his stone; bitse, his tail. Bizhe'e, his father; bizhe,
his spittle. Bizhi', his body ; bizhi, his name. To the ear of
a Navajo there is as much difference between these words,
as there is between the words " ship and sheep, or sail and sell "
to the ear of an Englishman or an American. The non-observ-
ance of these marks, and the shades of pronunciation which they
indicate, may cause sentences which will sound to a Navajo like
the following to an American : The sheep sails about on the
water, and the ship is grazing in the meadow.

There are no particular forms in Navajo to express
augmentatives or diminutives, but adjectives like the following
are added to the noun : tso, big ; ntsa or ntsas, large ; yazhe,
tszli, young, small ; alts'isi, small, little ; alts'osi, slender, etc.,
ma'i tso, wolf (ma'i, coyote; tso, big.); le'e yazhe, colt (li,
horse, yazhe, young) ; nashdui tso, puma (nashdui, wild cat ;
tso, big) ; begashi yazhe, calf (begashi, cow ; yazhe, young).

T'lochin, wild native onion, (txlo, grass, plant ; chin, ill-
smelling) ; t'lochin tso, large cultivated onion. Numasi, wild
native potatoe, (numasi, that which is round like a globe) ;
numasi tso, large cultivated potatoe. Dzedze, wild cherry or
choke-cherry ; dzedze tso, large cherry or peach. Dilni, singing
tube, or cornet; dilni tso, large cornet or bass horn. Chizh
biyazhe, small kindling wood or chips. Lecha'e yazhe, young
dog or pup.

In Navajo, as in many other languages, certain vowels, at
times, or in certain connections, change into a similar or related
sound ; thus, the o in tqo, water, when used as a prefix, changes
sometimes into tqa, sometimes into tqu ; the i in li becomes e
in lecha'e, dog, and in le'e yazhe, colt, (licha'e and lecha'e, are

THE NAVAJO NOUN 251

both in use for dog.). The vowels as well as also the conso-
nants of the verbal root frequently change in the different tenses ;
especially does o easily change into u after q.

Homonyms, — in the sense of using the same word to
designate different objects, — are scarce in Navajo and what seem
to be such at first sight, are found to be different words after
closer study. Compare examples given above. Yet there are
some words which are homonyms in the sense mentioned, for
instance, besh, knife, iron, or metal ; tsin, wood, tree, pole,
post, rail, stick ; ch'il lichiigi, (red plant) tomatoes, beats.

Synonyms are equally scarce. Real synonyms are, for
instance, sha and joqona'ai, sun ; olje and t'leqona'ai, moon.
The common and the sacred names of animals may be considered
as a kind of synonyms, e. gr. , shash, common name for bear,
dzilyi neyani, he who grows up in the mountains, sacred name
for bear. Bizhz', bits'is, and bitqa, his body, are not real
synonyms, as they consider the body under different aspects :
bizhi' has reference to the form and figure of the body, bits'is to
the component parts, flesh, bones, blood, etc., and bitqa to the
members, hands, feet, legs, etc.

While all the children of a family, boys and girls, have the
same word for father and mother, the parents use different names
for son and daughter. A father will say shiye', my son, and
sitsi, my daughter, while the mother says, shiyazh, my son, and
shi ch'a'e, my daughter. Grandfather and grandmother, uncle
and aunt, etc., all have special names according as they are on
the father's or mother's side. If a Navajo speaks of his brother
or sister, he will say shinai of his elder brother, and sitsili of his
younger brother ; shadi of his elder sister, and shidezhi of his
younger sister.

Although the Navajo, in addressing another person, does
not, like the American, address him in the plural, but, like in
all primitive languages, uses the second person singular, yet he
uses words to show his politeness, esteem, or respect of the
person to whom he is speaking. If, for instance, the Navajo
meets a stranger, to whom he wishes to be polite, he will address
him : sikvis, my friend ; if he knows you, and likes you, and
wishes to be patronizing and condescending, he will say :
sitsili, my younger brother, or perhaps even sitsoi, my grand-
1 7 *

2^2 THE NAVAJO NOUN

child. If he has a certain degree of respect for you, he will
address you with : shinai, my elder brother ; if this respect is
greater, he will say : shizhe'e, my father, or even shichai, my
grandfather. The older he makes you in his address, the greater
is the degree of politeness, esteem, and respect for you, or the
greater is his desire to please you or ingratiate himself with you,
and the vounger he makes you, the more patronizing and
condescending he wishes to show himself.

A few Navajo nouns in particular, i) Active and Passive
nouns. Among the verbal nouns there are some which insert
an 1 between the final root and the conjugated element, and
some that do not. This 1 indicates that an action or motion is
caused by the preceding prefixed word ; e. gr., tsinnabas and
konal-basi. The first word means » rolling wood ", and is used
for wagon ; the wood does not cause the rolling, but is indif-
ferent, or passive ; hence, tsinnabas. The second word means
" rolling fire ", and is used for locomotive ; the rolling is caused
by the lire, hence, konalbasi, i. e., the fire which makes it roll.
In like manner distinguish between tsinna' el, swimming wood,
or ship, and konal' ele, swimming fire, or rather, the fire that
makes it swim, steamship.

(The Navajos call wagon tsinnabas, » rolling wood », from
the old Spanish or Mexican careta or cart, with its two large
wheels of solid wood.)

2) Nickle and Dime. The Navajo name for nickle, or five
cents, is litso, a yellow one ; and for dime, dot'lish, a green one.
Before the introduction of coin into their country, the store-
keepers, in trading with the Navajo, made use of paper money ;
the paper representing the value of five cents was yellow, and
that for ten cents, was green. After the introduction of nickles
and silver coins, the paper money disappeared, but the name
remained.

3) The noun Besh, now used for iron or me'al, was
originally applied to flint knives, and to the flakes from which
flint knives were made. After the introduction of European
tools by the Spaniards, the meaning of besh was extended to
include iron knives, and now it is applied to any object of iron,
and with other qualifying words, to all kinds of metals, imple-
ments, machines, etc., e. gr., besh lagai, white metal, or

THE NAVAJO NOUN 253

silver ; besh lichi, red metal or copper ; besh litso, yellow metal
or brass ; besh dot'lish, iron, — used in contradistinction toother
metals ; besh nt'lisi, hard iron or steel ; besh alts'osi, slender
iron or wire ; besh deshahi, pointed iron or barbed wire ; besh
qalni'i, or besh yaltqihi, talking wire or telephone ; besh aqidili,
iron with which one severs or scissors ; besh benaalkadi, iron
with which one sews or sewing machine ; besh binaghoi, folding
knife or pocket knife ; besh aninigi, sounding iron or bell, etc.

(The word besh, or bes, meaning knife, is found in the
Dene dialects of British Columbia and Alaska, were after
becoming acquainted with iron through the Hudson Bay Com-
pany, they have invented words meaning beaver's dung, or bear's
dung to designate it.)

4) The Navajos have two words for house : kin and qoghan.
Kin corresponds exactly with the English word house, and is
used to designate a log, stone, brick, or frame house built in
American, Pueblo, or Mexican style ; whereas qoghan is the
name by which they call their own houses or huts. The word
qoghan has been adopted into the English language in the
distorted form of hogan, (accent on the last syllable ; a pro-
nounced as in fan), throughout northern Arizona and New
Mexico, and is used by the whites of that region, just as wigwam,
wickiup, or tepee is used elsewhere.

In the possessive case the word qoghan, in general conver-
sation, drops the first syllable ; thus, shaghan, my house ;
naghan, vour house ; baghan, his, her, its, or their house.
This is probably a contraction of shiqoghan, niqoghan, etc.,
resulting from a rapid or careless pronunciation ; for the form
shiqoghan, etc., is also correct, and is used in all their sacred
and ceremonial songs, in which the word house occurs. This
form is intensified by doubling the possessive pronoun : shisha-
ghan, shishiqoghan, my (own) house.

The word qoghan is used very extensively by the Navajos ;
thus thev say : din^ baghan, a Navajo house ; li baghan, horse
stable ; bisoti baghan, pigsty ; tvlo baghan, hay loft, — also tMo
baqoghan ; tsinnabas baghan, wagon shed ; lejin baghan, coal
bin ; tsidi baghan, bird cage ; dlo baghan, prairie dog's burrow ;
t'lish baghan, snake's hole ; debe baghan, sheep corral ; lecha'e
baghan, dog's kennel ; wolachi baghan, ant hill. In short, it

254 THE NAVAJO NOUN

is used for anything that serves as habitation or shelter for any
person, animal or thing.

When qoghan is used as an indirect object, or to show for
what purpose a house is used, the full word is retained, and is
prefixed with the pronominal preposition ba, for him, her, or it ;
thus, naalyehe baqoghan, wares for them a house, warehouse
or store ; tsodizin baqoghan, prayer for it a house, church or
chapel ; tqodilqil baqoghan, dark water (whiskey, beer) for it a
house, saloon ; keya baqoghan, the land for it a house, land
office ; salao baqoghan, soldiers for them a house, barracks or
guard house.

The possessive case of qoghan, prefixed with the pronominal
prepositions : shil, with me ; nil, with you ; bil, with him, her
it, or them, niqil, with us, etc., expresses the verbal idea of
living, residing, or having one's home with another, e. gr., nil
shaghan, I live with you ; bil naghan, you reside with him ; shil
baghan, he has his home with me.

5) The noun naaltsos is used by the Navajos to designate
paper, picture, letter, book, note. However, naaltsos is not a
homonym for all these ideas ; for when it means paper or note
it requires a different root in the verb, than when it means book
or letter, e. gr. , give me the book, naaltsos shana'a ; give me
the paper, naaltsos shanlts'os.

6) The English nouns ending in " ful ", e. gr., wagonful,
etc.. are rendered in \avajo by adding the word qadesbin, it is
filled, to the name of the vessel or receptacle ; thus, tsinnabas
qadesbin, a wagonful ; tsinnabas naaki qadesbin, two wagonfuls ;
azis qadesbin, a sackful ; besesa qadesbin, a bucketful ; beshede
qadesbin, a spoonful ; etc. If the object or material, contained
in the receptacle, is expressed, this is placed between the two
words and suffixed with the preposition (rather postposition) be,
with ; as, tsinnabas saibe qadesbin, a wagonful of (with) sand.
When speaking of something present or within sight, this must
be expressed by the verb ; thus, besesa tqobe qadesbingo saka,
a bucketful of water, near the speaker and he is drawing atten-
tion to it ; azis nadabe qadesbingo sheja, a sackful of corn,
lying there.

Aze beshede qadesbingo neidli-do, Give him the medicine
by the spoonful.

LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS

WITHIN THE

SHASTA-ACHOMAWI STOCK

par Roland B. Dixon ■

The linguistic stock in Northern California to which the
name of Shasta-Achomawi has been given, is composed of what
were for many years considered as two distinct stocks, --the
Sastean and the Palaihnihan in the nomenclature of the Bureau
of American Ethnoloirv. These were recognised bv Hale in
1846 as distinct, but Powell in 1 891, on the basis of incomplete
investigations by Gatschet, suggested their probable affiliation,
although treating them still in his classification as if this were
not the case. Matters remained in this uncertain state until
1905, when, from a preliminary study of a considerable mass
of new material, secured for the Huntington Expedition of the
American Museum of Natural History, it seemed possible to
state the practical certainty of the relationship hitherto only
suspected, and to propose for the united group the term Shasta-
Achomawi. At the same time attention was called to the
existence of three or four new dialects, or languages within the
stock, and to the apparently unrecognised wide divergence of the
language of the Hat Creek or Atsugewi, from the Pit River of
Achomawi, both of which had previously been classed as
Palaihnihan.

The Shasta-Achomawi stock, as thus defined, includes five
well differentiated languages, the Shasta, Achomawi, Atsugewi,
New River and Konomihu, and one dialectic form of the Shasta,
the Okwanutcu. All of these differ from each other both
lexically and grammatically, and it is with the degree of this
differentiation, and questions connected therewith, that the
following paper deals.

256 LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS WITHIN

It is one of the fundamental principles of philology, that a
genetic relationship between two or more languages can be
assumed, only if a certain degree of lexical similarity exists
between them. The proof therefor, that the Sastean and Palaih-
nihan stocks are at basis really one, must rest primarily on
lexical comparisons. Now, although such comparisons show
clearly the unity of the five languages here regarded as forming
the stock, they also bring out some other features of interest.

If the Achomawi and Atsugewi be first considered, lan-
guages which hitherto have been classed together as a single
tongue forming the Palaihnihan or Achomawi stock, an unex-
pectedly great lexical divergence is at once apparent. It appears
on comparing the vocabularies of the two languages, that but
little over thirty-five per-cent of the words in the respective lists,
show any clear relationship with each other. The words that
are alike or related in the two languages, are of all classes, such
as parts of the body, animal, bird and plant names, phenomena
of nature, numerals, adjective and verbal roots, and various
formal affixes. In some of these cases, the forms are practically
identical in the two languages, in others there is a considerable
variation, according however, to fixed phonetic laws of sound
change. The most marked perhaps of these changes, are those
of the Achomawi L, P, M and W, to the Atsugewi N, K, R
and P respectively. Thus Achomawi " lax " (head) becomes the
Atsugewi " nax " ; " wap'di "(neck) becomes » op'ki » ; "sumits*-
dax " (eye-brow) becomes " puritsdax " ; »walwale " (butter-fly)
becomes » palala ". The remaining two-thirds of the two
vocabularies are, so far as can be determined at present, radically
distinct. The words making up this larger portion of the voca-
bularies are, like those which show relationship, of all classes,
including parts of the body, such as eye, hair, hand, foot; the
commonest animals, as dog, coyote, bear, deer ; such words as
man, father, mother, fire, canoe, the numerals 1, 5, 10, a
large number of verbal roots, etc. In spite, however, of this
predominant and striking radical difference between the two
languages, they must be regarded as genetically related, although
one has differentiated from the other, or both from a common
parent form, to a considerable degree. The similarity so far as
it exists, cannot be ascribed to borrowing by one language from

THE SHASTA-ACHOMAWI STOCK 257

the other, for both the amount agreement, and its presence in all
classes of nouns as well as in adjectival and verbal roots, and
formal affixes, renders such an hypothesis practically impossible.
Attention being next turned toward the Shasta, and com-
parisons instituted between its vocabulary and those of the
Achomawi and Atsugewi, much the same condition of affairs is
found to exist, only in this instance, the proportion of agree-
ments is much smaller. Here, barely 15% of the Shasta forms
find equivalents in either the Achomawi or Atsugewi. About'
a score or so nouns, a considerable number of verbal roots, and
some formal affixes and pronominal forms are alike or related in
all three languages, the remainder of the similarities being either
between the Shasta and the Achomawi alone, or the Shasta and
the Atsugewi. The number of agreements with the former is
considerably greater than with the latter. As in the previous
comparison, all classes of nouns are represented, parts of the
body, animal, bird and plant names, natural phenomena,
numerals etc. Certain regular and constant phonetic changes
moreover are to be seen, many of which are identical with those
referred to in speaking of the Atsugewi, the Achomawi " latiu "
becoming » naxo » (cedar) ; » isat " becoming " isak »« (ear) ;
" tsimmu " becoming " tsiwa " (wolf). Although therefor, the
total number of similarities noted between the Shasta and the
Achomawi and Atsugewi amounts only to about 15/ of the
forms compared, the occurrence of these similarities in practi-
cally all parts of the vocabulary, and the presence of regular
phonetic changes, justifies us in regarding the three languages
as genetically related. The hypothesis that the similarities can
be accounted for by borrowing, seems here, as before, to be
inadmissable.

In the case of the New River language, the process of
lexical differentiation appears to have gone still further. Here,
to be sure with a considerably smaller body of words available
for comparison, probably less than 8% of the words show
agreement with the Achomawi or Atsugewi, although with the
.Shasta fairly close similarities exist in perhaps twice as many
instances. The cases of agreement or relationship here, both
those with the Shasta alone, and those with the other two
members of the stock, are widely scattered, and in the latter

258 LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS WITHIN

instance include such words as head, eye, teeth, water, tree,
squirrel, the numeral two, and several adjectival roots, verbs and
pronominal forms. A large proportion moreover of the agree-
ments, run through all three of the other languages, the same or
related forms of the same word being found in the New River,
Shasta, Atsugewi and Achomawi. Further, so far as phonetic
changes can be made out from the somewhat scantv material at

o J

hand, the same general replacements occur here as have previ-
ously been noted, especially that of L by N. It does not seem
unjustifiable therefor to regard the New River language, as
standing in relation to the Shasta, with which the greater part
of its agreements exist, in very much the same position in which
the latter stands with regard to the Achomawi. It has diverged
however from the Achomawi so far, as to very greatly obscure
its relationship thereto.

A still greater degree of differentiation seems to have been
reached lastly, in the Konomihu. In this case, a comparison ot
the seventy odd words, which constitue all the material of this
language recovered, shows in but six instances similarities with
any of the other languages of the stock, five of these are similar-
ities with anv of the other languages of the stock, five of these
are with the Shasta and Atsugewi, three with the New River,
and but one with the Achomawi. Only a single term, that for
head, shows relationship with all the other members of the
stock. In spite of this verv tenuous thread of likeness in the
vocabulary, the general phonetic character of the language is so
very similar to the Shasta, the whole tone and feeling are
so strongly alike, that the conclusion can hardly be avoided that
the Konomihu is to be regarded as a related, but widely diver-
gent member of the stock.

From the lexical point of view then, it would appear that
the five langages composing the Shasta- Achomawi stock were
characterized by a marked tendency toward variation, which,
starting with the Achomawi for convenience, is manifested in
greater and greater degree in the Atsugewi, Shasta, New River
and Konomihu. Whereas in the case of the Atsugewi and
Shasta, the relationship to Achomawi is clearly marked, and I
believe, unquestionable, the process of differentiation has gone
so far in the New River, that without the connecting link of the

THE SHASTA-ACHOMAWI STOCK 259

Shasta, its relationship to Achomawi would be verv obscure.
In the Konomihu finally, the change in vocabulary has been so
complete, that there remains practically no similarity between its
vocabulary and that of the Achomawi, and our justification for
regarding it as a member of the stock, lies in the few resem-
blances to Shasta and Atsugewi, and the general phonetic
character of the language.

Although the differentiation, in these languages, has been
in part due to phonetic changes, the larger part appears to lie in
a real and increasing radical differentiation, such that, with each
step away from the Achomawi (taken as the point of departure
only for convenience) a larger and larger proportion ot words
are formed from wholly new roots. In this process, and that of
phonetic change, the Konomihu would seem almost to have
reached the limits within which a language mav vary, and still
be recognised as belonging to the parent stock, and it is temp-
ting to regard the Konomihu thus, as a language which was
trembling on the verge of independent existence.

It is interesting in connection with what has been said above
of the great variation within the Shasta-Achomawi stock, to note
that in this stock in which lexical divergence is so strongly
marked, the grammatical or formal changes are no less striking.
These are most apparent in the pronouns, and in the verbal
forms.

The independent form of the personal pronoun is, in its
general features rather similar in the Achomawi, Atsugewi and
Shasta, the only languages of the stock unfortunately, from
which adequate grammatical material exists. The first and
second persons are undoubtedly related in all three, although
the Shasta differs from the other two in the irregularity of
formation of its first person plural. The possessive form of the
pronoun shows a greater variation. In the Achomawi, this is
formed directly from the independent pronoun, by the addition
of the regular nominal possessive suffix, and shows throughout
a regularly formed plural. In the Atsugewi, the suffix added
is not the same in the singular and the plural, and except in
the 311 person shows no apparent relation to the regular posses-
sive suffix used with nouns. The Shasta is like the Achomawi
in employing the regular nominal possessive suffix, with the
1 8 *

260 LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS WITHIN

independent forms of the pronoun, but lacks the special plural
suffix found in the other.

It is in the forms of the pronoun employed with the verb
however, that the differentiation is most apparent. The Acho-
mawi shows here the development of a regular dual, a form not
occurring in the independent pronoun. The Atsugewi possesses
a dual for the in and 2». persons only, the 3-1 person being alike
in the dual and plural. The Shasta on the other hand appears
to lack the dual entirely. Differences are also apparent in the
form of the pronoun. The Achomawi form as employed with
the verb, shows no resemblance whatever to the independent
pronoun ; the Atsugewi preserves the same form for the 2 »
person, but differs radicallv in the 1 " and 3 " from the indepen-
dent form ; the Shasta in this particular resembles the Acho-
mawi, showing no relationship between the two pronouns,
except doubtfullv in the 3 " person. A further difference may
also be noted with regard to the freedom of position of the
incorporated pronoun. In the Achomawi it may be either
prefixed, or suffixed, certain verbs requiring one position, others
the other. If suffixed, it mav here precede or follow the tense
and other suffixes. The Atsugewi shows much the same
freedom, although the position of the prominal suffix, with
regard to the tense suffixes is rather more strictlv regulated.
The Shasta in the intransitive, in general follows the Atsugewi.

In comparing the transitive with the intransitive verb,
considerable divergence of usage is apparent. In the Achomawi,
the pronominal forms in use with the transitive verb, are rather
complicated. The affixes, as used with the intransitive, reappear
here unchanged, and are, in the 2 " and 3 ■■ persons, used
indiscriminately as subject or object. The object in the transi-
tive verb always precedes the subject, and both as a rule occur
as prefixes, before the verbal stem. In the Atsugewi, the
intransitive pronominal prefixes, are used indiscriminately as
subject or object in the transitive, in the 1 " and 2 " persons
singular, and the 2 " person plural. When the 1 " or 3 »
person is the subject, and the 2 » person the object, the subject
appears to be un-expressed. Here, as in the Achomawi, the
object invariably precedes the subject, and both generally
precede the verbal stem. In the Shasta, as in the Atsugewi,

THK SHASTA-ACHOMAW1 STOCK 26 I

there is little difference between the forms of the pronouns in
the transitive, from that in the intransitive, and they are used
indiscriminately as subject or object without change. As a rule
however, the object is not expressed directly, the verb merelv
taking a suffix, denoting the number of the object. Even this
is often omitted, or refers to the number of the subject, rather
than the object. The only exception is in the combination of
the 1 n person as subject, with the 2 n as object, where a special
suffix is used to indicated the object. It will be seen from this,
that the construction of the verb is here very obscure, there
being no distinction in form for instance between Thou — Me,
and He — Thee. To give the needed clearness therefor, the
independent forms of the pronoun have to be used, and in
addition, a great use is made of demonstratives, to minutely
specify the relative positions of subject and object in regard to
the speaker. A further and considerable difference between the
Shasta and the other two languages previously considered, lies
in the fact that the subject and object here are always separated
by the verbal stem, the subject preceding, the object always
following.

A few additional points of difference in the verb may also
be noted. In the Achomawi, tense is indicated by regular
suffixes which follow, as a rule, directly after the verbal stem.
There is also here very commonly in use a distinction between
intentional and unintentional action in the transitive verb,
this being indicated bv a variation in the connecting- vowel used
between the pronominal prefix and the verbal stem. In the
Atsugewi, regular tense suffixes are also found, but nothing
corresponding to the distinction of intentional und unintentional
action has been noted. The Shasta employs quite a different
method. There are no tense suffixes here at all apparentlv, and
future and past tenses are indicated, each in a somewhat different
manner. In the future, there seems to be at least in part, a
different set of pronominal forms used, as compared with the
present, and in addition, a separate particle, which precedes the
whole. In the past, all pronominal prefixes disappear, am; are
replaced bv the independent form, while a uniform tense prefix
is employed, for all persons and numbers except the 1 " person
plural, which appears to have a special prefix. In addition,

262 LINGUISTIC RELATIONSHIPS WITHIN

there is developed an elaborate system of six or eight prefixes,
indicating at the same time whether the action is incompleted,
completed, or long completed, and whether the action is known
directly or indirectly to the speaker.

On the formal, thus, as well as on the lexical side a differ-
entiation has taken place between the three languages of this
stock just referred to. This is perhaps not as regular, or clear
as in the lexical forms, but yet on the whole the same general
relations exist, the Atsugewi being closer to the Achomawi than
is the Shasta, which, in its lack of a dual in the incorporated
form of the pronoun ; its much slighter development of incor-
poration, and greater use of the independent pronoun and the
demonstrative ; and its peculiar method of indicating tenses, has
departed widelv from either of the other two components. It is
unfortunate, that sufficient grammatical material is not available
for the New River and Konomihu, to determine their position
formally, in regard to the other members of the stock. So
far as can be judged however, from the meagre material at
hand, a further differentiation seems to be indicated.

The Shasta-Achomawi stock thus appears to be one in
which, both lexicallv and grammatically, great variation has
taken place. Starting with the Achomawi a progressive diffe-
rentiation goes on through the Atsugewi, Shasta and New
River to the Konomihu, such that the latter, lexically at least,
and probablv also grammatically, may almost be regarded as
distinct. The stock therefor presents material which may be
of value, not merely for the solution of local problems of
Californian ethnology and linguistics, but for the wider subject
of the lines of development of languages as a whole. On the
more local problems, the great variability which has been shown,
throws considerable light, as what occurs so conspicuously in
this one stock alone, is eminently characteristic of the languages
of the Californian-Oregon area in general. For here, within
a comparatively small area, some twenty-five or more distinct
linguistic stocks are now recognised. It is at least tempting to
hope, that with further detailed study and investigation, it may
be possible to show that through this strong tendency to
variation, aided by isolation these many, apparently distinct
stocks have been evolved, from comparatively few parent forms.

THE SHASTA-ACHOMAW1 STOCK 263

How far this hope is justifiable, and how far it may be possible
to go with any certainty in such work, it is too early as yet to
say ; — that some further cases of remote stock affiliation will
be found however, seems possible. But whether or not other
instance of this sort can be discovered, the case of the Shasta-
Achomawi, here briefly outlined, adds to the conviction that
the great linguistic and considerable cultural complexity of this
whole California-Oregon region, is due to progressive differen-
tiation, rather than to the crowding into this restricted area, of
remnants of originally discrete stocks.

1 I

Importance de l'unite phonctique

PAR M. J. Geddes, Brookline, Mass.

Avec la fuite du temps, les progres de la science se mani-
fested de plus en plus dans tout le royaume des connaissances
humaines. D'autre part, la facilite des communications nous a
rendus plus que jamais citoyens du monde. Or, an fur et
a mesure que les faits scientifiques se font connaitre, on sent
davantage le besoin de les exprimer d'une maniere a la fois
claire et precise. Neanmoins, aucun fait n'est plus evident
a tous ceux qui s'occupent, tant soit peu, de phonetique, que
celui-ci : les differences les plus grandes existent dans la maniere
de noter phonetiquement ce qui est peut-etre le mieux connu.

Par exemple, la bonne prononciation, et en francais et en
anglais, est etablie chez les' deux nations depuis bien des
annees. Par consequent, il semble que dans tous les diction-
naires on devrait se servir de la meme methode pour indiquer
les memes sons. Rien n'est plus loin de la verite. Chaque
nouveau dictionnaire, soit francais, soit anglais, a recours a un
systeme particulier pour indiquer la prononciation. Le svsteme
dont on se sert se trouve assez sou vent expose sommairement au
bas de chaque page du dictionnaire ; cela augmente a la fois le
format et le prix du volume.

Pourtant, si tous les dictionnaires se servaient d'un meme
systeme de notation pour indiquer, au bas de la page, la pronon-
ciation, il y aurait ce grand avantage, que tous ceux qui s'en
serviraient se mettraient, tot ou tard, au courant de ce svsteme
uniforme et invariable.

Mais, a present, le defaut meme de cette uniformite si
desirable est un obstacle tel qu'on ne se familiarise avec aucun
systeme.

En essavant de se servir de plusieurs svstemes, on fin it par

n'en connaitre aucun ; et ce qui est pi re encore, et bien regret-

1 8 i i

266 importance; de l'unitk phonetique

tabic, on prend en grippe toute methode de transcription
phonetique.

On repondra, peut-etre, que generalement les gens d'une
instruction moyenne n'ont besoin de connaitre a fond aucun
systeme phonetique, puisqu'ils ne s'en servent guere que eomme
guide, de temps en temps, dans des cas douteux. Mais il faut
entendre que le sujet qu'on traite ici, c'est-a-dire I'uniformite en
fait de notation phon jtique, ne s'adresse que d'une facon generale
aux gens d'une instruction moyenne. II s'adresse surtout aux
lettres, a ceux que leurs etudes appellent a constater des faits
dans les divers champs de la science. Ce sont, avant tout, ceux
qui s'oecupent de phonetique, et leur nombre augmente de jour
en jour, qui ont le plus a coeur de voir enfin s'etablir un systeme
uniforme de transcription : car leur outil indispensable est une
serie quelconque de signes pour indiquer les sons de l'idiome
qu'ils etudient. Ensuite viennent ceux qui font les dictionnaires
et les glossaires ; puis, les geographies ; apres, les linguistes, et
ainsi de suite en parcourant les autres divers champs de la
science. La multiplicity des systemes dont on se sert a 1'heure
actuelle n'aurait pas de grands inconvenients, si chacun des
groupes que nous venons de mentionner, et qui s'occupe a noter
divers faits phonetiques, n'avait besoin d'employer que son
systeme a lui. La difficulte, c'est que le phoneticien, le lexico-
graphe, le geographe et le linguiste ne sont dans bien des cas
qu'un seul et meme individu. II n'v a point de geographe qui,
de temps a autre, n'ait l'occasion de se servir de dictionnaires ;
point de lexicographe qui ne soit oblige de consulter des ouvrages
geographiques. Supposons que chacun de ces groupes adoptat
un systeme phonitique special, sans faire aucun cas des autres
groupes, le resultat serait que la plupart devraient apprendre
quatre alphabets phonetiques, c'est-a-dire n'en apprendraient
aucun. II est evident que la methode pratique de traiter le
probleme, c'est d'adopter par un accord commun entre tous les
groupes, un seul systeme pour noter les sons.

Le 26 aotit 1904, I'Universite de Boston, en reponse a une
requete faite par cent vingt personnes lettrees, publia une
circulaire preliminaire, invitant les gens instruits de ce pays,
ainsi que de I'Kurope et d'ailleurs, a donner leur opinion
sur l'opportunite d'avoir une reunion de savants en fait de

IMPORTANCE DE L'UNITE PHONETIQUE 267

phonetique afin d'adopter un alphabet universel pour servir de
cle a la figuration de la prononciation dans les dictionnaires et
les ouvrages classiques du meme genre.

On resumait brievement le sujet ainsi : II va sans dire que
chaque dictionnaire qui ait quelque importance se sert d'une
cle pour indiquer la prononciation. A cause de la multiplicity
des cles, aucune ne devient connue du public. Le nombre de
ces cles et les differences entre elles les rendent pour la majorite
des gens d'une inutilite complete. U n'y a pas de raison pour
que chaque dictionnaire qui parait se serve d'un nouveau
systeme pour marquer la prononciation. Au contraire, il y a la
meilleure raison possible, celle du sens commun, pour que tous
les dictionnaires qui constatent les memes faits se servent d'un
meme systeme. D'ailleurs, pourquoi les lettres qui font partie
de cette cle n'auraient-elles pas une forme propre a l'ecriture
aussi bien qu'a l'impression ? Une cle pareille amenerait l'eta-
blissement d'une methode de transcription phonetique qui
s'imposerait.

Les etudiants des langues etrangeres trouveraient tout
naturel que la prononciation soit indiquee par des signes qu'ils
connaitraient deja. Ce systeme, des qu'on l'aurait introduit
dans tous les dictionnaires, paraitrait bientot dans les livres ele-
mentaires a l'usage des ecoles, ainsi que partout ailleurs ou
il y aurait besoin de noter la prononciation.

On trouvera la critique et les reponses aux questions
comprises dans cette circulaire preliminaire dans une brochure
publiee par l'Universite de Boston en 1905, brochure qui sera
envoyee gratis a tous ceux qui en feront la demande. Bref,
qu'il suffise de dire ici en reponse a tous ceux qui declarent le
projet impraticable : Voyez seulement l'usage etendu auquel
est mis, a l'heure actuelle, en Europe ainsi que dans ce pays-ci,
le systeme de l'Association Phonetique Internationale. A ceux
qui mentionnent qu'un tel alphabet devrait etre lourd a manier
et incommode, on n'a qu'a repondre que, comme regie generate,
ceux qui s'en serviront auront bien rarement l'occasion d'em-
ployer tous les signes; en general, on ne se servira que de
quelques signes de plus que ceux dont on sert pour transcrire sa
propre langue. Au point de vue pratique, ce systeme, au
lieu de s'appliquer a toutes les langues, comme l'indiquerait
1 • *

268 IMPORTANCE DK l'lNITE PHONETIQUE

le mot " universel ", jouera bien son role en s'appliquant au
francais, a l'anglais, a l'allemand, a l'italien et a l'espagnol.

Les trois langues nominees en dernier lieu sont ecrites
d'une maniere bien plus rationnelle et phonetique que le francais
ou l'anglais. C'est surtout pour ces deux langues, qui s'ecrivent
d'une maniere peu logique, que l'utilite d'un systeme pratique
se fera sentir. Le systeme, etabli et reconnu pour indiquer les
sons de ces cinq grandes langues du monde, exercera son
influence sur les autres langues, et toujours dans la direction
de l'uniformite generale.

On peut distinguer facilement trois buts principaux pour
lesquels un alphabet phonetique rendra service : i Comme cle
de prononciation dans les dictionnaires. 2 Pour noter les
resultats obtenus dans les recherches dialectales. 3° Dans
l'enseignement des langues etrangeres.

Ouant au premier but, l'utilite d'un systeme phonetique a
ete reconnue depuis les temps anciens, et nous croyons l'avoir
suffisamment demontree.

Passons au deuxieme but : indiquer les resultats obtenus
dans l'etude d'un dialecte quelconque. C'est ici, peut-etre, ou
l'importance d'avoir un systeme uniforme pour noter les sons du
dialecte qu'on etudie se montrera dans toute sa valeur a une
societe de savants americanistes. Les ethnologistes de ce pavs-
ci etudient surtout les dialectes indiens. lis examinent les noms
geographiques dans les pays ou Ton se sert d'alphabets differents
de l'alphabet romain, comme par exemple : celui de la Russie,
de la Serbie, de la Bulgarie, de la Grece, de la Turquie, de
l'Arabie, de la Perse, de la Chine, du Japon. On a pu avoir
une idee de la difficulte qu'il y a a noter des noms russes et des
noms japonais en lisant les comptes-rendus des evenements dans
la guerre recente entre ces deux peuples. Chaque geographe
est a merae de se rendre bien compte de cette difficulte en
essayant de transcrire les noms geographiques des pays ou Ton
n'emploie pas l'alphabet romain. Autrefois, les geographies de
chaque nation, les francais, les anglais, les allemands, les
italiens, les espagnols, transcrivaient ces noms, chacun a sa
maniere. Les dessinateurs de cartes geographiques des diffe-
rents gouvernements ont deja aborde ce probleme, et ils ont
elimine les contradictions les plus frappantes.

IMPORTANCE DE L'UNITE PHONETIQUE 269

Ce sont, surtout, les Frar^ais qui a cet egard ont ete les
plus liberaux, car ils se sont eloignes le plus de leurs coutumes
ordinaires, afin de se conformer autant que possible aux usages
adoptes par les autres nations. II doit etre evident, pourtant,
que l'uniformite ne peut se realiser que par l'accord de tous.
C'est du moins la conviction de bien des geographies. II en est
resulte que le Congres Geographique International a deja nomme
un comite pour discuter la question d'un systeme uniforme pour
indiquer la prononciation des noms geographiques.

D'ailleurs, le sujet des noms geographiques au Canada a
toujours ete un sujet de grand interet et Test encore, temoin
l'ouvrage considerable que vient de faire paraitre le redac-
teur du Bulletin des recherches historiques au Canada, M.
Pierre-Georges Roy : les Noms geographiques de la province
de Quebec, et cet autre volume non moins important publie par
M. Eugene Rouillard sur les noms de lieux empruntes aux
langues sauvages. Les nombreux memoires sur les dialectes
indiens, ainsi que quelques uns sur le parler francais au Canada,
presentes a ce Congres des Americanistes, montrent bien le role
important que peut avoir un bon systeme de notation phonetique
pour donner des connaissances, a peu de chose pres exactes, du
dialecte dont on desire faire valoir les trails caracteristiques.
Ou'il suffise de dire, enrin, en exposant les a vantages d'un
svst^me uniforme de notation phonetique, systeme fait pour
donner une idee des sons d'un dialecte quelconque, qu'il y a
bien assez de travaux dialectologiques pour rendre tres connue
et florissante partout au Canada et aux Etats-Unis la Societe des
Dialectes Americains.

Nous voici arrives au troisieme emploi principal, celui de
l'enseignement des langues etrangeres, surtout le francais, dans
les classes. C'est ici oil un systeme de notation phonetique a,
de beaucoup, la meilleure chance de se faire bien connaitre et
de se faire apprecier. Par exemple, il y a, a present, une
grammaire francaise ecrite par deux professeurs canadiens, MM.
Eraser et Squair, de l'Universite de Toronto, dont on se sert
beaucoup depuis quelques annees au Canada et aux Etats-Unis.
Les auteurs emploient, pour indiquer la prononciation francaise,
le systeme adopte par l'Association Internationale Phonetique.
Yoici 1'importance de ce fait : c'est que des milliers d'enfants

27O IMPORTANCE DE L UNITE PHONETIQUE

sont en train de se familiariser avec ce svsteme bien connu.
D'ailleurs, a New-York, la maison de Hinds-Noble et Eldredge
publie toute une serie de dictionnaires internationaux ou Ton
emploie ce meme systeme de 1' Association Internationale pour
figurer la prononciation. On a deja publie le premier volume :
" fran^ais-anglais et anglais-francais. " On le trouve un peu
partout, dans les ecoles et dans les bibliotheques, au Canada et
aux Etats-Unis. On en trouvera un compte rendu dans le
Bulletin du parler francais au Canada (t. Ill, pp. 302-303).
Dans la Norvege, la Suede, le Danemark, l'Allemagne, la
France et l'Angleterre, on se sert de plus en plus, et pour bien
des choses, de la transcription phonetique. La civilisation
moderne nous rend chaque jour plus cosmopolites. Par conse-
quent, pour quelle bonne raison faut-il qu'un enfant apprenne
d'abord un systeme phonetique quelconque pour aider a acquerir
les sons de l'anglais, un autre comme guide aux sons du fran-
cais, encore un autre pour indiquer les sons de l'allemand, et
ainsi de suite? Une methode pareille ne prete qu'a la confusion.

Ce qu'il faut, ce n'est pas un systeme particulier adopte a
des besoins speciaux, car il y en a deja en quantite, mais un
systeme de transcription phonetique dont le monde savant de
partout se serve pour toute espece d'ouvrages, d'usage populaire
aussi bien que scientifique. Si ce systeme est introduit dans
les ouvrages qui traitent de la geographie, des sciences et des
langues, ou Ton a l'habitude d'indiquer la prononciation, la
jeunesse s'accoutumera peu a peu a cet alphabet, et s'en servira
chaque fois qu'elle aura l'occasion de noter des sons quelconques.

Un tel systeme phonetique ne fera pas seulement qu'attein-
dre le but que nous avons dit, mais en l'atteignant, il fera valoir
d'une maniere frappante l'utilite de la science phonetique.

Deja les editeurs des principaux dictionnaires publies en
Amerique, en reponse a une demande faite il y a quelque
temps, ont marque leur desir de se servir d'un seul systeme
comme cle pour indiquer la prononciation, pourvu que les phone-
ticiens s'accordent et fassent choix d'un systeme. L'importance
de ce fait saute aux yeux. D'ailleurs, M. Paul Passy, parlant
pour l'Association Phonetique Internationale, exprime le desir
de l'Association de se conformer au systeme officiellement adopte
par les phoneticiens comme systeme universel. Cette declara-

IMPORTANCE DE L UNITE PHONETIQUE 2/T

tion montre I'importance qu'on attache au mouvement vers
l'unite phonetique.

L'appui le plus important qu'on a gagne jusqu'a present
pour aider a l'organisation d'une conference phonetique interna-
tionale, c'est l'encouragement prete par deux societes savantes
bien connues en Amerique. Le 29 decembre 1905, en seance
a Haverford, dans la Pennsvivanie, l'Association des Langues
Modernes de l'Amerique a vote son appui a la resolution
suivante : » Que l'Association favorise le projet d'avoir une
reunion internationale de savants qui s'occupent de phonetique
afin d'examiner le moyen de trouver un systeme unique pour
indiquer les sons de la parole, n Le 10 avril 1906, la Societe
Anthropologique Americaine, en seance a Washington, a vote
en faveur de la meme resolution. On a bon espoir que le Bureau
des Noms Geographiques des Etats-Uuis, suivant l'exemple des
societes deja nominees, agira de la meme maniere dans sa
seance prochaine, cet automne.

En attendant, nous avons profite de la' reunion a Quebec du
XVme congres international des Americanistes pour faire un
expose des avantages a gagner'par l'adoption d'un seul systeme
•de notation phonetique, d'abord comme cle de prononciation
dans les dictionnaires, ensuite pour noter les sons d'un dialecte
quelconque, et enfin comme moyen d'indiquer la prononciation
dans l'enseignement des langues. Nous aimons a croire que
ces avantages paraitront aux yeux des membres de la societe
distinguee des Americanistes suffisamment importants pour
gagner leur adhesion a la resolution ci-dessus citee. Si la
decision du congres international des Americanistes est favo-
rable, on aura fait encore un pas vers l'unite phonetique.

1 8

PROPOSED

International Phonetic Conference

TO ADOPT A UNIVERSAL ALPHABET

par M. J. N. B. Hewitt
du Bureau of American Ethnology

Mystery, especially artificial mystery, has a certain charm
for a certain type of people, but in the long run most men
would rather not be esoteric. Intelligent discussion with fellow
workers, the more the better, is not merely a source o^ keen
enjoyment to every scientist but is one of the most potent aids
toward the solution of his problems.

There is hardly a branch of science in which the lack of this
advantage is so sorely felt as in the domain of American
linguistics. Before an audience like the present, no elaborate
argument is needed to show the urgent necessity of freeing the
studv of American languages from all unnecessary drudgery
that debars from it many active minds who might afford to the
present workers the solace of company and the aid of suggestion.

It is no exaggeration to say that most of this unnecessary
drudgery is due to the chaotic state of sound notation. A text
in an Indian language is at present in most cases utterly illegible
not only to the general reader but also to the students of other
Indian languages and not infrequently to the recorder himself.
We have some half a dozen more or less widely accepted
systems of representing the sounds of aboriginal languages by
graphic signs, and besides these, main' authors invent thei
own systems. The result is that everv student is compelled to
spell out every word painfully, instead of being able to read it
at a glance like the words in his own language.

The problem is an old one and familiar to Americanists.
Hitherto every attempt to solve it has merely added to the

274 PROPOSED INTERNATIONAL PHONETIC CONFERENCE

difficulty, by creating one more alphabet, used by a limited
group of writers, but incapable of supplanting the others and
imposing itself on all students as the sole authoritative alphabet.

The difficulty lies in fact not so much in creating an alphabet
containing sufficient letters to represent the sounds of all Indian
languages -- that is easy enough. The real problem is, how to
invest that alphabet with such authoritv that it shall have to be
learned by every one who wishes to learn or to teach the pronun-
ciation of aboriginal words, and thus to render it so familiar that
it can be read, if possible, with no greater effort than is required
for ordinarv print.

No sooner is this aim stated than it becomes evident that
the limited amount of practice which the student of an aboriginal
language gets in reading texts of that language will never suffice
to impart such familiarity. This reminds us at once of the fact
that the students of American languages are not the only ones
that need such an alphabet. All linguists feel the same need.
Geographers need a system of writing geographic names in
languages possessing no written records or using other alphabets
than the Roman. The governments of the leading nations have
in fact established special Boards on Geographic Names, and
these Boards, bv mutual consultation, have already arrived at a
considerable degree of uniformity. The International Geogra-
phic Congress has appointed a committee to deal with this
question, and the subject has been placed on the order of
business of the next meeting. Everv important dictionary and
language manual has a key to pronunciation, which is practi-
callv a phonetic alphabet. The science of phonetics, which
considers the sounds of speech apart from their meaning, is
simply inconceivable without a system of graphic representation
of these sounds, and logic, scientific accuracy and a decent sense
of economy manifestlv require that the same sound should always
be represented by the same sign, no matter in what language it
occurs.

Now the fact is that the persons interested in these various
lines are to a large extent the same persons. Every linguist has
to deal with geographic names, to consult dictionaries and to
acquire some knowledge of phonetics. Conversely, every
phonetist is to some extent a linguist. Suppose that every one

TO ADOPT A UNIVERSAL ALPHABET 275

of these groups — linguists, geographers, lexicographers, pho-
netists -were to act independently in this matter and create an
alphabet for its own exclusive use, the result would be that
nearly every linguist, geographer, consulter of dictionaries or
phonetist would have to learn two, three, even four alphabets.
In most cases, not having enough use for them to warrant the
effort, he would not learn anv ; and if he did attempt it, not one
of the four departments would by itself afford sufficient practice
to enable him to gain the desired familiaritv.

The evident conclusion is that a single alphabet ought to
be adopted by the common consent of all the branches of science
concerned. Practice in that alphabet would then be afforded to
every educated person whenever he consults a dictionary for a
pronunciation, or reads a geographic name, or undertakes the
study of a foreign language, or reads a work on phonetics.
Such practice, continued year after year, could hardly fail, even
without special effort, to render the forms of words written in
that alphabet so familiar as to enable him to read them with but
little greater effort than he requires for ordinary print.

In the main, the letters composing this universal alphabet
' would not have to be invented. They have been supplied,
ready-made, by the decree of history which made the citv of
Rome the mistress of the civilized world for several centuries.
In the Roman alphabet we practically have a universal alphabet.
Most of its letters, in their usual values, represent approximated
the same sounds the world over. The current variations in the
forms of these letters very nearly suffice to provide one sign for
even- sound in any one of the leading European languages.
By a few additional modifications of the same letters, some of
the existing universal alphabets represent every sound of these
languages in such manner that words thus written can easily
be read by persons familiar only with ordinary print.

In fact, the endeavor to make phonetic writing legible
without practice has thus far operated to some extent as a draw-
back to the development of a perfect phonetic alphabet. The
authors of universal alphabets, knowing that their systems
possessed merely the authority of individuals, strove to avoid
everything that might shock the average eve, and hence were
driven to select only such letters as might at once be recognized

276 PHONETIC CONFERENCE UNIVERSAL ALPHABET

as modifications of familiar letters. As the range of such modi-
fications is rather limited, there is a constant temptation to use
the same letter with different values in different languages, or
to use only one letter for several sounds readily discriminated
by the ear. Had we an agency possessing such authority
as to insure universal acceptance for the alphabet of its creation,
the demand for legibility without practice would be less imper-
ative. Even modifications of letters not recognizable at first
glance could be used when the utility of the alphabet would
supply to everv student a sufficient motive to learn it, and when
he need no longer fear that he would have to learn anv other.

How, then shall we create a world alphabet that shall
really deserve the name, an alphabet possessing the requisite
authority to insure its universal adoption, an alphabet which
shall be law? In the same way that all laws are created:
by delegates representing the various classes interested. These
would be the philological societies, the International Geographic
Congress, the various Boards on Geographic Names, the repre-
sentatives of the great dictionaries, the International Phonetic
Association, and certain educational organizations. To impart
the maximum authority to their decisions, the delegates ought
moreover to be invested with representative character bv the
various governments. Much of the work may be done by
correspondence, but there ought to be at least one meeting,
preferablv several. Sounds can not be satisfactorily discussed
unless thev are heard. The expenses of one conference are
estimated at about $10,000.

During the past two years, an inquiry on this subject has
been conducted by Boston University. It is stated that 97 per
cent of the correspondents express themselves heartily in favor
of a phonetic conference. I think I shall make no mistake in
expressing the conviction that there is not a student of American
aboriginal languages but is grateful to Boston University for its
public-spirited action in taking the initiative in the movement
toward a world alphabet, which promises to do away with one
of the most serious barriers to the study of linguistics.

Les fouilles operees a Teotihuacan

(MEXIQUE)

par M. Lkopoldo Batkks, Mexico

A trente-six kilometres de Mexico, capitale du Mexique,
dans un endroit appele San Juan Teotihuacan, se dressaient
deux montagnes a forme pyramidale, connues sous le nom de
pvramide du Soleil et de pyramide de la Lune. I )e memoire
d'homme on n'avait pas cesse de les considerer toutes deux
comme une ceuvre sortie de la main de l'homme, mais sans y
attaeher plus d'importanee.

En 1865, Ramon Almaraz, attach. 1 li Commission
Scientifique de Pachuca, dressa un memoire asse* detaille, en
v joignant une description de ces pyramides telles qu'elles
apparaissaient a l'oeil du visiteur. Voila ce qu'il en dis 1
alors :

" Les deux pyramides ont la base quadranj^ulaire. I'.IIes
sont tronquees toutes deux, et ce sont, a proprement parler, des
troncs de pyramide. Le temps et d'autres causes que nous ne
connaissons pas en ont detruit et cache une grand partie. La
terre y est amoncelee en abondance ainsi que la vegetation,
cachant ainsi les materiaux dont elles sont faites, et leur donnant
leur forme primitive, ce qui fait qu'a premiere vue, on est plus
porte a les prendre pour des montagnes reel les que pour des
monuments eleves par la main de 1 nomme."

Ce rapport resta lettre morte, et le gouvernement mexicain,
pour diverses raisons, ne se preoeeupa nullement de mettre a
decouvert ces deux monuments qui allaient demeurer dans le
domaine de 1'inconnu pour nombre d'annees a venir, pendant
qu'a Fompii et ailleurs Ton faisait des fouilles qui emerveillaient
l'univers entier.

Enfin, en iqoq, le gouvernement du Mexique comprit qu'il

278 LKS KOUILLES OPEREES A TEOTIHUACAN

fallait se rendre aux vceux des savants et de la population
mexieaine, et il vota la somme de $1,500,000 destinee a eclaircir
le mystere des deux pyramides. La direction du travail me
fut confiee en ma qualite d'inspecteur et de conservateur des
monuments archeologiques de la republique mexieaine. Je me
mis aussitot a la besogne, et quatre cents hommes n'ont pas
cesse depuis de travailler a ces fouilles. C'est toute une ville
que 1'on a trouvee en eet endroit, avec ses monuments, ses
temples, ses maisons, ses tombeaux, ses rues et ses aqueducs.
Commencons d'abord par donner une topographic des lieux.

11 y a trois vastes monuments places en ligne droite dans la
direction nord-sud. Au sud de la riviere San Juan, et sur ses
bords se trouve la Cindadela, ou citadelle. De cette riviere San
Juan, et a peu pres vis-a-vis de la citadelle, part une route
bordee de monticules de 12 a 15 metres de hauteur ; cette route a
une longueur de cinq kilometres, e'est~a-dire environ une lieue
et quart. Dans la plaine se dressent d'autres monticules de
meme dimension. Cette route a jusqu'a ce jour ete connue
sous le nom d'Avenue des Morts, parce que Ton etait sous
I'impression que ces monticules bordant la route etaient des
sepulcres.

A mi-chemin, a Test de l'Avenue des Morts, on remarque
la pvramide du Soleil, appelee Totnatisch Itzacuel par les
Indiens. L'arc de sa base a 227 metres. Sa base est done plus
grande que la base de la plus grande pvramide d'Egypte, dont
l'arete n'a que 139 metres. Elle a une hauteur de 66 metres
(environ 200 pieds) et se trouve consequemment moins haute que
celle d'Egypte qui mesure 146 metres de hauteur (438 pieds).

Ce temple du Soleil - le Soleil etait le Dieu qu'adoraient
tces populations - est une pvramide de cinq etages. A la
plate-forme superieure se trouve la chapelle du dieu.

L'entree a la base se trouvait du cote ouest, vers le soleil
couchant ; pour monter au premier etag-e il existait deux esca-
liers, tandis que pour monter du premjer aux autres etages,
un seul escalier de cinquante pieds de largeur tout en pierres de
tail le donnait acces. Sur tout le pourtour de la base existait un
revetement de pierres de taille d'une dimension formidable,
couvertes de sculptures et de bas-reliefs traitant de sujets
relisrieux.

LES FOUILLES OPEREES A TEOTIHUACAN 279

Enfin, tout a l'extremite de 1'avenue des morts, il v a
la pyramide de la Lune, appelee Meztli Itzacuel par les Indiens,
beaucoup moins haute et moins large que celle du Soleil, et
avant quatre etages.

En face de la pyramide de la Lune, 1'avenue s'elargit
et forme une grande place au milieu de laquelle il v a un
monticule. ,

Au coin sud-ouest de la pyramide, on a deblaye une grande
place pavee tres finement avec du ciment. Et sur cette place,
adherente a la pyramide, on a trouve un temple. Et tout pres
de ce temple, on a trouve les ruines d'un edifice appele » La
Casa de los Sacerdotes :| ou la Maison des Pretres, a cause de la
contiguite de cet edifice au temple.

Au pied du pan ouest de la pvramide, on a deeouvert les
ruines d'un autre temple considerable, flanque de deux autres
plus petits.

Tous ces temples sont decores avec des fresques polychromes
qui representent l'histoire religieuse et politique des peuples qui
ont habite la.

Autour des temples qu'on a deblayes on a deeouvert un
grand nombre d'edifices, dont les divisions indiquent un degre
d'architecture fort avance.

Hans ces maisons, on a trouve les poutres du toit carbonise,
des squelettes d'hommes et de femmes, tous dans la position a
plat ventre. Pres du crane de ces squelettes, reposaient des
bijoux, consistant en des pierres taillees de grande valeur. On
n'y trouve pas de bijoux en or ou en argent.

Dans une autre de ces cham.bres, on a trouve le squelette
d'une femme tenant dans ses bras celui d'un enfant. . Ailleurs,
on a trouve ici et la des squelettes disperses.

A cote de ces restes humains, on a trouve des idoles en
pierre, brises en mille morceaux, probablement par la main d'un
conquerant.

Cette ville a du succomber aux coups d'un peuple sauvage
qui l'aura detruite par le feu, car on y voit partout la trace d'un
feu terrible. Elle a du perir comme la ville de Troie qui jadis
succomba aux mains des Grecs, apres le classique siege que Ton
sait, chante par Homere. Et ceci a du se passer dans des temps
tres recules, presque fabuleux. En effet, comment expliquer
1 9

280 LES FOUILLES OPEREES A TKOTIHUACAN

sinon par 1'effet des siecles innombrables, l'enfouissement, sous
la terre et la poussiere, et sous ses propres debris, d'une ville
dont les traditions des peuples sauvages n'ont garde aucune
trace.

La legende dit cependant que cette pyramide fut jadis un
temple eleve au soleil. Sur le sommet, il y avait une statue du
vSoleil, en or massif, sur laquelle se refletaient les rayons du vrai
soleil, et qu'on pouvait apercevoir de plusieurs lieues a la ronde.

On a retrouve, dans les fouilles de Teotihuacan, un brasier.
Ce qui porte a croire que les peuples qui ont habite cette ville
ont quelque chose d'analogue avec les peuplades mexicaines
connues. C'est un vase avant la forme d'une double coupe
entouree d'une bande et recouvert d'inscriptions.

Chez ces peuplades, le siecle se composait de quatre
periodes de treize ans, soit en tout cinquante-deux ans. lis
croyaient que, cette periode terminee, le monde etait suscep-
tible de finir. Une certaine secousse dans les astres du firma-
ment leur aurait indique si le monde allait finir, ou s'il allait
continuer a exister paisiblement durant une autre periode de
cinquante-deux ans.

A la fin de chaque siecle, les pretres ou astrologues se
tenaient sur une elevation, et observaient la marche des astres.
S'ils s'etaient apercu d'un arret chez une certaine constellation,
cela aurait signifie la fin du monde.

Dans le cas contraire, si les astres continuaient leur marche
normale, cela signifiait que Dieu faisait grace aux hommes et
les laissait vivre sans crainte de la fin du monde pendant encore
un siecle, c'est-a-dire pendant cinquante-deux ans.

Naturellement, les astres ne s'arretaient jamais, et au
commencement de chaque siecle, les pretres annoncaient que
le monde continuerait. Cette nouvelle se transmettait au moven
de grands feux allumes sur de grandes elevations.

C'etait la une coutume repandue chez les peuplades
indiennes du Mexique.

Nous avons dit que la pyramide du Soleil n'etait, a vrai
dire, qu'un tronc de pyramide. II est connu que la plateforme
formee par la section de cette pyramide etait autrefois recouverte
de grandes pierres taillees, comme celles des pyramides
d'Egypte. Ces pierres ont ete volees dans le cours des siecles,

LES FOUILLES OPEREES A TEOTIHUACAN 281

et il n'en reste que quelques-unes. On en trouve a divers
endroits du pays, ou elles ont servi a la construction des eglises,
couvents et autres edifices. Nous recherchons ces pierres et
nous verrons a les faire remettre en place. Ces pierres sont tres
riches en archeologie ; elles sont toutes recouvertes descrip-
tions, de sculptures d'animaux et de symboles.

Des fouilles faites dans quelques-uns des monticules dont
nous avons parle, ont revele que ces monticules ne sont pas des
ruines de sepulcres, ainsi qu'on le croyait. Ce sont des autels
et des maisons. Quelques-unes de ces maisons possedent un
grand nombre de chambres, de vestibules, de terrasses et de
grandes cours.

La grande pyramide du Soleil repose sur une vaste plate-
forme d'une hauteur de dix metres, avec plan incline. Entourant
le temple que Ton a decouvert, il y a une grande cour avec
pave finement poli.

Les maisons etaient tres vastes et construites d'apres le
meme principe que les maisons grecques et romaines. On y
accedait par un portique soutenu par deux colonnes carrees
surmontees d'un chapiteau, de la on entrait dans une cour de
forme rectangulaire a ciel ouvert et ayant son systeme dc
drainage propre.

Un detail qui a sa valeur, dans chaque angle de la pyramide
du soleil on a retrouve le squelette d'un enfant ; or on sait que
lors de la construction des pyramides d'Egypte, on enferma
vivant dans chaque angle un esclave. L'analogie est pour le
moins curieuse.

On designe sous le nom de civilisation Tolteque, cette
epoque deja reculee. II est certain qu'ellle etait des plus deve-
loppees, les objets trouves dans les fouilles en font foi. Des
vases en onyx incrustes de pierres fines, des vases en marbre
finement sculptes, aussi bien que les bijoux en jades d'un mer-
veilleux poli en sont la preuve.

II n'y a pas de doute que cette civilisation merveilleuse est
anterieure de plusieurs mille ans a celle des Gaules ; les Francs
n'etaient encore que des sauvages couverts de peaux de betes
alors que ces peuplades construisaient ce temple du Soleil.

Somme toute, les fouilles que le gouvernement mexicain

fait faire a Teotihuacan ont revele des tresors inouis en archeo-

19 — ii

282 LES FOUILLES OPEREES A TEOTIHUACAN

logie, et pourraient bien conduire a la decouverte d'autres tresors
plus materiels.

Ce sont les fouilles les plus grandes du monde entier, et il
est vraiment etonnant que le gouvernement d'une republique ait
vote la somme d'un million et demi de piastres pour faire faire
des fouilles au seul point de vue scientifique.

Les fouilles faites a Herculanum et a Pompei ne sont rien
en comparaison de celles-la. A peine y depense-t-on une
soixantaine de mille francs par annee. On y travaille depuis
plus d'un siecle, et si Ton continue de ce train, on n'aura pas
rini dans un siecle.

Les ruines sont visitees aujourd'hui par des milliers
d'etrangers, et quand les visiteurs arrivent en presence du
temple du soleil, ils sont tous sans exception frappes de stupeur
en presence des dimensions colossales de ce monument. Ils ont
du exiger le travail de milliers d'esclaves pendant plusieurs
siecles. On calcule que la preparation seule des materiaux a
du exiger le travail de 1000 ouvriers pendant plus de trois cents
ans.

Un tel effort poursuivi pendant des siecles, temoigne de la
profondeur des sentiments religieux de ces populations. La foi
la plus vive a seule pu inspirer et soutenir de tels travaux.

Les fouilles se poursuivent deja depuis mars 1905, Le
President Porfirio Diaz, M. Custo Sierra, ministre de l'instruc-
tion publique et des beaux arts, et M. Efequiel Chavez,
sous-secretaire d'Etat, ont fait leur part de cette tache et y ont
consacre tous leurs efforts.

SURVIVALS OF

ANCIENT FORMS OF CULTURE

AMONG THE

MAYAS OF YUCATAN AND THE LACANDONES

OF CHIAPAS

PAR A. TOZZER

We have in Yucatan and the country to the southward an
unusual opportunity to study side by side a people, one part of
whom has been under the full influence of the Spanish civiliza-
tion since the earliest days of the Conquest, and the other part
which has never felt any outside influence strong enough
to show any appreciable effect upon their language, their
customs or their religion.

Under the first category come the Mayas of Yucatan and
under the second the Lacandones living along the head waters
of the Usumacinta River in northern Guatemala and Chiapas,
Mexico.

The Maya language as spoken in Yucatan stands out as
one of the surprising evidences of the force of perpetuation of a
native language in contact for centuries with a Latin tongue.

All the Mayas in the northern and western part of the
peninsula are nominally Catholics, having been subjected to
this teaching since the arrival of the Spaniards. One is therefore
surprised to find in many parts of the peninsula rites still being
observed which savor greatly of the native religion as found and
described by the early Spanish historians. These ceremonies
seem to be freed from possessing any heretical character from
the standpoint of the Catholic clergy by having the symbol of
the cross interwoven in their structure together with the names
of many of the Saints of the Church.

Essentially, these rites are survivals of the ancient culture.
1 9 *

284 SURVIVALS OF ANCIENT FORMS OF CULTURE

Seven heavens stretch above the earth which is in the fourth
period of its existence. Each of the heavens contains special
gods who make it their home. There are spirits of the fields
and the chase together with good spirits protecting the traveller
and the inhabitants of the pueblos and evil deities who lie in wait
for the passer-by. The four Balamob, as in the days before the
Conquest, take up their positions each night at the four entrances
to a settlement, at each of the four cardinal points. They use
pieces of flaked obsidian to cut the air and thus signal each other
of the approach of danger. Gum copal is burned in honor of
these protectors and gourds of posol, a drink made of corn,
are offered by throwing a particle from each vessel to the four
cardinal points.

At the end of the drv season when the trees which have
been cut down in preparation for the milpa are burned, the four
spirits of the wind are invoked by an offering of nine gourds of
posol and entreated to come so that a good burning may be the
result. After the corn is in the ground the four rain gods,
Yumtsakob' We invited to come and send down the showers.
Baltse, the ceremonial drink of the Mayas, is made and offered
in several rites. The first fruits of the fields are given, each
year, to the gods of the harvest.

We find that manv of the early accounts have been relegated
to the role of spirits all under the leadership of » El Gran Dios »
introduced by the Spaniards.

Divination is still practiced in a number of ways in Yucatan.

No great undertaking is carried out without first consulting
one of the doctors, called Men, versed in the several methods of
reading the future.

If so much remains of the ancient religion among the
civilized Mayas of the north, it may rightfully be expected than
among the Lacandones, than whom no people in Mexico or
Central America has been more free from outside influence, we
would find a still greater number of survivals of early forms
of religious rites and beliefs.

These people live on the headwaters of the Usumacinta
River, south of the ruins of Palenque, east of the ruins near
Ocosingo. and in the region of the ancient cities of Yaxchilan of
Menche and Piedras Negras. There are no large settlements of

MAYAS OF YUCATAN, LACANDONES OF CHIAPAS 285

this people, they are scattered widely in the bush, each group
consisting of but one or two families and each a unit unto itself.

We find these Lacandones making pilgrimages to the
ruined in their midst, and carrying with them their incense-
burners in which they offer incense and gifts of food and drink
to the gods of the race who are supposed to inhabit the ruins.

The incense-burners of this people have been found by
travellers since the earliest days of the Conquest. They consist,
for the most part, of clay bowls to the rim of which there
is attached a grotesque mask-like face. Vessels of almost similar
form have been found in excavating in the ruins of northern
Yucatan.

These sacred incense-burners have a variety of functions.
Each belongs to a certain one of the gods of the race and
the idol of this god is placed inside the bowl. These idols are
usually of carved stone, often of jade, and are handed down from
generation to generation and guarded with the greatest secrecy.
We find in this one of the cases of a real connection between the
culture as represented by the ruins and that existing at the
present time.

The bowl shaped incense-vessel of the Lacandones in
addition to being a resting place for the idol of the god and a
receptacle for burning copal has still another function. The
head on one side of the olla is in the nature of a deity of inferior
power, a servant to the god who is represented by the idol
inside. Offerings are made to the head by placing food and
drink on the mouth but these are for the most part in behalf of
the god whose idol is concealed under the copal placed in the
bowl of the incense-burner. The prayer given at the time asks
the spirit represented by the clay head on the bowl to " restore "
the offering to the main god, his master, as represented by the
idol of stone. A small part of the offering is also given to the
spirit of the brasero for his own use.

The incense-burners found in the ruins by travellers are of
two kinds. Newly painted and small bowls are brought and
left as offerings to the gods living there and these have never
contained an idol. The other variety are larger but usually
identical in shape. They are the old incense-burners and are
supposed to be » dead " and from these the idol has been

286 SURVIVALS OF ANCIENT FORMS OF CULTURE

removed. There is an elaborate ceremony performed each year
at the time of the harvest when the incense-burners are renewed.
The old ones of the previous year die and new ones are made to
take their place. The stone idols are taken from the former and
placed in the latter.

This is a clear survival of a rite mentioned by Landa and
the two rites agree even in many minor details. A separate
house is built where the new ollas are made. During this
period the men live apart from their families. While the rite is
in progress, immense quantities of baltse are consumed and
drunkeness is compulsory. New fire is made to ignite the copal
placed in the bowls of the incense-burners. This renewal rite
stretches over several weeks and is composed of a constant
succession of acts which vary as to details but are in the main
similar. The women take no part in the religious life other
than in the preparation of the offerings to be made to the gods.
Numerous gifts of food and drink are brought into the sacred
hut where the incense-burners are kept and placed before the
line of ollas as they rest upon an altar of palm leaves. A shell
trumpet is blown at the east of the ceremonial hut inviting the
gods to come in person and partake of the offering. A minute
portion from the contents of each gourd containing the gifts is
placed on the mouth of each of the incense-burners. This
consecrates the whole offering which is then consumed by the
participants in the rite. Chants accompany each act.

Small truncated cones of copal, representing the two sexes,
are made and placed upon a flat board. Similar balls of copal
found in Yucatan and without doubt a remnant of the former
culture of the Mayas show the same idea of incrusting the tops
of the cones with minute bits of the gum as is seen in the
nodules representing the male sex among the Lacandones.
These offerings of copal are presented to the main god at
east of the ceremonial hut after which they are distributed in the
bowls of the several incense-burners. They are finally lighted
and palm leaves are waved in the smoke of the burning copal as
the leader and his assistants chant. The leaves are then carried
to the domestic hut where the women and children are gathered.
The beneficent power of the gods as revealed in the smoke
of the incense is supposed to invigorate the leaves with a

MAYAS OF YUCATAN, LACANDONES OF CHIAPAS 287

corresponding quilaity as they are used over the wife and
children.

During several of the rites of the Lacandones, the bodies
and faces are painted with red paint and bark fillets after being
offered to the gods are tied around the heads of the participants.

Another striking survival of the former religion is in the
piercing of the ear with a stone knife and the blood, flowing
from the wound, use to anoint the idols. This is now performed
among the Lacandones but only at the height of religious
ecstacy. Placing the body over the burning incense is another
survival of the same character.

In the names of many of the gods found both among
the Mayas and the Lacandones, there are survivals of terms
given in the early accounts of the Spanish historians and
missionaries. In some cases, the attributes given to the gods
have survived as well.

In the artistic side of their nature, the Lacandones and the
Mayas as well are very low in the scale of human culture.
They have no creative genius whatsoever nor have thev any
artistic appreciation. If this people who inhabit the country to
' day are the direct descendants of those of master minds who
conceived and carried out the ancient culture found everywhere
throughout the country, it is hard to explain why the temples
and sculptures in their midst do not serve to keep alive or even
to revive any latent power which it would seem thev ought to
possess.

But among the Lacandones and Mayas there is no one as
far as can be made out who is able to give us the least possible
aid in deciphering the hieroglyphic inscriptions. Their mind
is a blank on this subject, not, I am convinced from anv desire
of secrecy, but from pure ignorance.

We have, I think, an explanation for this. The culture
was far in its decline at the time of the Spanish Conquest.
Some of the ruined cities in northern and eastern Yucatan were
probably occupied at this time, but to the southward, the ruined
centres of Copan, Quirigua, and Palenque were buried in the
depths of the forest and all their life and activities had ceased
long before the Spaniards came into the country. Intense civil
strife and external warfare were two of the causes which brought

288 SURVIVALS OF ANCIENT FORMS OF CULTURE

about this decline in the life of the Mayas. But what is of more
importance as explaining the fact of the ignorance of the Lacan-
dones of anything pertaining to the question of the hieroglyphs,
the early Spanish accounts speak almost without exception of
this knowledge of the hieroglyphic writing being a possession
onlv of the priestly class and of a few of the nobles, and conver-
sely, that it was not shared by the common people. The priests
and the members of the higher classes did not submit without a
struggle to the condition of practical slavery imposed upon them
by the Spanish Conquerors. Moreover it was the special desire
of the Spanish priests to stamp out all remembrances of the
native religion and this was only possible by first putting an end
to those possessing this dangerous knowledge. As a conse-
quence we find to-day no one remaining whose duty it is to keep
alive this ancient teaching of the hieroglyphic writing.

On the other hand, the larger dependent class, without
whose labor the great artificial pyramids would have been
impossible, would naturally have an acquaintance with the
ceremonial side of the religion without possessing a knowledge
of the fundamental conceptions underlying it as would naturally
be expressed by the hieroglyphic writing. This element in the
population has as its descendant the Lacandones of the present
time who have kept up what there is yet remaining of the former
rites. We find, as we have seen, the ceremonial side still
existing in the many survivals but for explanations touching
upon the deeper significance of the religion and reasons for the
line of thought necessary to explain the hieroglyphic writing,
we meet with disappointment.

We pass from the long and slow beginnings in the far
distant past to the culmination of the culture still in the past and
far on its way downward when the first Spaniard set his foot on
this continent. From the heights reached in the development
of the hieroglyphic system and noted in the remains of the
ruined structures found throughout Yucatan and northern Cen-
tral America, we come to what we find to-day, a few scattered
families living out their own lives in the depths of the forest alone
and forgotten.

NEW OBSERVATIONS

ON THE OCCURRENCES OF

Precious stones of archaeological interest

IN AMERICA

par George Frederick Kunz

Probably nothing has given us a better insight into the
subject of the personal adornment of the aboriginal peoples on
the American Continent than a study of those objects which have
been made of precious and semi-precious stone materials. It is
their enduring qualitv and their richness of color which have
attracted the finder as well as the savage or the civilized races,
who peopled this half of the world.

Certain of these materials were used in precolumbian times
and others as the diamond, tourmaline spodumene, zireon
and euclase were not then employed.

It will be my purpose in this paper to give a brief resume
of such objects and of the localities which furnished the sources
of these much prized and coveted ornamental materials; and only
to describe them or new discoveries ; no attempt being made to
refer to what has been described previously, and also to refer to
such discoveries made within the past five years, both on this
and other continents which have been described by myself from
time to time in the annual reports of the Department of Mining
Statistics of the United States Geological Survey, Washington,
D. C, years 1902-3-4-5 ; in the monthly bulletin of the
American Museum of Natural History, Central Park, New-York,
April 1906; the bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art,
May, 1906 ; the American Anthropologist, January, 1903, May,
1906, the volume of the Precious Stones of California, pub-
lished by the State Mining Bureau, 1905 ; a volume now in

29O OCCURRENCES OF PRECIOUS STONES OF

press on the Precious Stones of North Carolina, issued by the
Geological Survey of North Carolina, and the Occurrences of
Precious Stones in Mexico, read at the International Congress
of Geologists, Mexico City, August, 1906 ; in various papers of
Science ; the Jewelers' Circular of New-York, and in other
publications.

Among the more important of the gem materials thus
described are turquoise, jade, jadeite, beryl, agatized wood,
chalcedony and amber ; and lastly the " Heber R. Bishop
collection " of jade, which was bequeathed by Mr. Bishop to the
Metropolitan Museum of Art, New-York, and is described
in the great catalogue referred to in detail later.

turquoise (')

Perhaps no gem found on the American Continent has had
a greater varied archaeological history ; and it has always been
a source of confusion' as to whether real turquoise or jadeite was
referred to. Personally I have always felt that both substances
were identical in references made by the ancient Mexicans ; and
have so treated the two materials in " Gems and Precious Stones
of North America ", (New-York, 1892, pp. 336, and 36 colored
plates, IX,) and in the various reports of the Department of
Mining Statistics, and in the Heber R. Bishop Catalogue of
Jade Collection. Wherefore, it is easy to conceive why a so
intelligent a worker as Prof. William P. Blake should state at
the International Congress of Americanists, which met at New-
York, in December, 1902, when he presented a paper on the
" Racial Unity of the historic and prehistoric peoples of the
Southwest ", with special reference to New Mexico and Arizona,
and therein took occasion to reaffirm his views first published in
1858, as to the identity of the celebrated chalchihuitl of the ancient

(1) G. Kunz, Gems and Precious Stones of North America, 1892.

" Report Dept., Mining Statistics, Washington, D. C, 1882
to 1905.

" Gems and Precious Stones of Mexico, International Geo-
logical Congress, Mexico City, August, 190b.

" Gems and Jewelers Minerals of California Sacremento,
8°., 164 pp.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL INTEREST IN AMERICA 291

Mexicans with the turquoise of the Southwest (:). This view is
based upon the wide distribution throughout al! that region of
beads and mosaics of turquoise, upon the statements of the early
Spanish travelers and chroniclers, and upon the abundant evi-
dence of long and extensive aboriginal working at almost all the
mines in our Southwestern States and Territories. Prof. Blake
contests the view of the late eminent archaeologist, Mr E. George
Squier, that the word >' chalchihuitl » was a general name for
precious green stones that could be carved, but without any
definite mineralogical distinction. His argument for turquoise
is excellent and his view undoubtedly correct, but only in part.
It is true for Northern Mexico, but not for the Southern region,
where the recent researches have clearly shown that the ancient
chalchihuitl is jade. For the evidences on this point, see under
jade, particularly the recent studies of Mrs Zelia Nuttall on
11 chalchihuitl in Ancient Mexico ".

Turquoise in Mexico

For the first time the writer described a true turquoise loca-
lity which has been recently discovered in the territory of Mexico
proper, in the State of Zacatecas (2). Some specimens were
found accidentlv at a silver mine near the town of Bonanza, in
1903, by a ladv interested in minerals, Mrs. V. M. Clement.
She believed them to be turquoise and insisted on having them
analyzed. Further mining for the gem has since been carried
on at this place ; but no statements are made as to any prehis-
toric workings there, as in New Mexico and Arizona.

Turquoise in South America

Mr. A. F. Bandelier, who has resided and explored for
years past in the region of the Incas, in Peru and Bolivia,
reports the finding of turquoise beads and encrusted work at
various points where excavations have been made in ancient

(1) Amer.J. Sri., (2) Vol. XXV. pp. 227-232.

(2) George F. Kunz, A/in. Res. U. S. 1903, pp. 49 (reprint) American

Archeeologist, Vol. Ill, pp. 227.

292 OCCURRENCES OE PRECIOUS STONES OE

ruins, along the coast and to some extent inland ('), such objects
are mentioned also by Antonio Raimondi, who has studied and
written extensively in relation to Bolivian and Peruvian archaeo-
logy and kindred topics, but neither he nor Dr. Bandelier has been
able to find any clue to the source of this material, no turquoise
localities being known anywhere in that entire region.

The Old Workings at Los Cerrillos

An extended account was given in 1903, of the great ancient
turquoise mines at Los Cerrillos, N. M., by Mr. Douglas W.
Johnson. The article gives a full discussion also of the petro-
graphv and geologv of the mines with plates, analyses, and
comprehensive data. The precise localities are carefully defined.
The great old workings are on a small elevation known as Mt.
Chalchihuitl, east of the Grand Central Mountain, which is the
highest of the Cerrillos Hills. The principal workings are now
on a parrallel ridgea little to the north-east, named Turquoise
Hill. The old excavations, after being re-opened and worked
for a time were abandoned for these others which proved more
profitable. Old mines are found on the Turquoise Hill, but not
so remarkable as those on Mount Chalchihuitl. Mr. Johnson
confirms all the statements made by Prof. Wm. P. Blake, the
first discovered, in 1858 (2) and by Prof. Benj. Silliman, in 1880,
as to the enormous extent of the old workings, and their anti-
quitv, as shown by the large trees that have grown on the dumps
and in the pits. He fully believes in the tradition that these
mines were abandoned in 1680, after a great fall of rock that
caused heavy loss of life, and is believed to have also led to the
insurrection in the same year against the Spaniards, and their
expulsion from the country. Of this rock-fall, he says : " I was
able to get far enough back through the debris of the slip to
make out a part of the old roof of the cave formed by the over-
hanging cliff. It was still black from smoke of ancient fires,
and served to give a very good idea of the extent of the great
disaster. "

(1) George F. Kunz, Min. Res. U. S., 1903, pp. 62 (reprint).

(2) Am. J. Set., (2) Vol. XXV, pp. 227-232
Id., (3) Vol. XXII, pp. 67-71.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL INTEREST IN AMERICA 293

Districts in New Mexico contain important mines ; these
are in the order of their modern discovery ; (i) those at and near
Los Cerrillos, in Santa Fe County ; (2) in the Burro Mts., in
Grant County ; (3) at Old Hachita, Grant County ; and (4) in
the Jarrilla Mts., Otero County.

All the mines at these several localities show evidences of
ancient working. In the reopening of the great excavations on
Mt. Chalchihuitl, at Los Cerrillos, much ancient material was
obtained ; rude mining tools, pottery and stone hammers, one of
which is said to have weighed 20 pounds, and to have retained
part of a handle around the groove. These hammers are made
from a horn-blende andesite, common in the Cerrillos Hills.
Similar implements and tools are found at the mines and dumps in
all the other districts. At one mine in the Burro Mountains (J),
Mr. Fayette A. Jones, tells of having seen a relic that was evi-
dently Spanish, — a crude pick, made of a sharp piece of iron,
with a hole at one end, evidently to fit a handle. Mr. Jones
thinks that the aboriginal Pueblos sometimes used pieces of
malachite in their ornamental work, not distinguishing it from
turquoise, and states that bits of malachite are not rarely met
with in ancient grooves, and etc., associated with real turquoise.

Turquoise in Eastern U. S.

Turquoise has been described by the author at two widely
distant localities in the United States, where it had not before
been known or suspected to exist, namely in two of the Eastern
States, Alabama and New Jersey (2). The former was announced
in 1902, and the latter in 1904 ; the Alabama locality is in Clay
County, about 95 miles east of Birmingham, the one in New
Jersey, is near Somerville, in the workings of the American
Copper Co. Both have yielded some good specimens, and at the
Alabama locality a little mining has been done, but nothing
important. There are no aspects of archaeological interest at
either of their points.

(1) New Mexico Mines and Miner ah •, World's Fair Edition Sci. /'///>/.

Co., N. Y. , 1904, pp. 269-277.

G. F. Kunz, Gems and Jewelers of California.

(2) George F. Kunz, A/in. Res. U. S., (Rep. U. S. Geol. Sur.) :

pp. 61, and 1904, pp. 73 (reprints).

294 OCCURRENCES OF PRECIOUS STONKS OF

The Hkber R. Bishop Collection and Catalogue (').

The unequaled collection of jade and jade articles made by
the late Heber R. Bishop, of New-York, was presented by him
in 1903 to the Metropolitan Museum of Art in that city. This
was a truly princely gift and it is installed with great elegance
in a room fitted up for the purpose by the donor, which is said
by foreign architects to be the finest example of Louis XV th
decoration in existence, excepting perhaps at Versailles or
Potsdam. This magnificent collection is arranged and cata-
logued under three heads: — (1) mineralogical ; (2) archaeo-
lological ; and (3) art objects, chiefly Chinese and East Indian.
The first contains rough specimens, boulders, etc., from every
continent except Africa. A number of European localities are
represented, the most remarkable specimen perhaps being the
great nephrite block weighing 4715 pounds (2140 kilog.)
obtained by the writer in 1899, with numerous other specimens,
at Jordansmuhl, Silesia, and described before the International
Congress of Archaeology, Paris, 1900. See also Centralblatt
fur Mineralogie and Palaeontalogie 1902, pp. 335-39.

The archaeological specimens date back largely to the
Neolithic time, and are hence classed as prehistoric ; these
include jade objects from Europe, Mexico, Central America, and
China, mainly. Much of the material from British Columbia,
Alaska, and New Zealand, is also prehistoric, but in those
countries the use of jade implements has continued into modern
times.

The art objects are of less remote antiquity, though many
of them are quite ancient. A special class of them have been
separated under the name of " tomb-jades, " consisting of a large
series of Chinese carved objects deposited in sepulchres and
graves, and altered in color by long burial. Some of these may
be prehistoric, and others as late as modern times. The art

(1) G. F. Kunz, Rep. Dept. Mining Statistics, 1903 ; pp. 26-29.

G. F. Kunz, The American Anthropologist, N. S., Vol. V, Jan. -Mar. ,

1903.
G. F. Kunz, The Printed Catalogue of the Heber R. Bishop Collection

of fade. Occasional notes, No. 1 1 , Bulletin Metropolitan Museum

of Art, May, 1906.

ARCH/EOLOGICAL INTEREST IN AMERICA 295

objects proper are divided into carved jades, jeweled jades (this
type is East Indian only), and jade flowers and fruits ; in age
they range from the Han dynasty (206 B. C. to 220 A. D.) down
to the present day. A number of the finest pieces in this
collection came from the loot of the imperial Summer Palace,
near Peking, which was burned in the Anglo-French expedition
of i860.

The magnificent, illustrated catalogue of this collection,
issued in 1905, is one of the most remarkable books ever
published. It forms two immense folio volumes, 19 x 26 inches,
filled with plates executed with the utmost care and elegance.
Only 100 copies were printed, and none were sold, all being
presented by the estate of Mr. Bishop to leading museums and
royal personages.

The two volumes weigh 125 pounds — 52 kilograms. It is
certainly the most notable catalogue of a collection in any branch
of science on art, and leads in the class of such great illustrated
books of the world as Audubon's " Birds of America " ;
Svenegrodskoi's " Byzantine Enamels " published in Russia ;
Gould's " Humming Birds » ; the great illustrated catalogue of
the " Chinese Porcelain " in the Walter's Collection, issued by
Mr. Henry Walters; " The Antiquities of Russia" published
by the Russian Government ; " Gems and Precious Stones of
North America " ; and the » Catalogue of the J. P. Morgan
Collection of Chinese Porcelains. »■

During Mr. Bishop's visit to China and Japan in 1892, he
met Sir Edwin Arnold and it was his suggestion that the author
was invited to take charge of the scientific part of the book. The
great collection started in 1886 with the purchase of a single piece,
the Hurd vase, a green jade jar used as a brush holder, and
purchased by M. Bishop of Tiffany & Co.

NEPHRITE

JADE, ALASKA. (')

Among the minerals of the Pacific coast exhibited at the
Lewis and Clark Exposition, held in 1905, at Portland, Oregon,

(1) G. F. Kunz, Rep. Dept., Mining Statistics, 1905, p. 36.
2 0

296 OCCURRENCES OF PRECIOUS STONES OF

special interest attached to a series shown in the Tiffany exhibit,
illustrating the green jade of that region. The specimens con-
sisted of worked implements, — knives, celts, and hammers. It
is now some years since Lieut. Stoney, U. S. N., succeeded in
finding this material in place in Alaska, at a locality known as
Jade Mountain, thereby disproving the theory advocated by some
archaeologists, that all the jade objects of the Pacific Coast must
have been carried over from Asia.

The observations of Mr. H. E. Smith, below cited, in
British Columbia, also give ample evidence as to native manu-
facture from material found there.

NEPHRITE

JADE, BRITISH COLUMBIA (')

Mr. Harlan I. Smith has described a series of observations
conducted by the Jesup North Pacific Exploring Expedition,
upon prehistoric village and burial sites at and near Lytton, in
British Columbia, at the junction of the Fraser and Thompson
Rivers. Mr. Smith collected much interesting material, and
notes among other stone implements the occasional occurrence of
a light green, translucent mineral, apparently nephrite, wrought
into thin, delicate celts. These range from 4 inches in length,
1 x/& inches in width, and only one-quarter inch in thickness, down
to one inch in length, with the other dimensions proportionate.
The grooves made in cutting them are visible in some examples,
while in others, they have been polished out. Those collected
show all the stages of manufacture from bowlders on the river
bank that had been grooved by grinding or rubbing with thin
slabs of siliceous sandstone, to selvage pieces thus produced and
then broken off, and celts still showing the break-line, and finally
those completely polished. Sandstone pieces or saws were
obtained that fitted the grooves in the green stone. The whole
account — bowlders, sandstone and all the steps — recalls with
singular minuteness the New Zealand jade occurrence and use.
No analyses of the mineral are given, so that it is not certain

(1) Mem. Am. A/us. Nat. Hist., Vol. II, part 3, May, 1899.

G. F. Kunz, Rep. Dept., Mining Statistics, 1900, p. 45, reprint.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL INTEREST IN AMERICA 297

what the nephrite may prove to be here. The bowlders, of
course, indicate its occurrence in place somewhere higher up in
the course of the river. Mr. Smith says that the coast Indians
are accustomed to use the celts, mounted as adzes, to smooth
and finish boards that have been split out with wedges. Many
wedges, made of the antler of elk, were among the implements
associated with these specimens, and it is fairly presumable that
the celts were used in the manner described.

JADEITE

JADE, GUATEMALA (:)

In 1904, Dr. Max Bauer, of the University of Marburg,
described a number of prehistoric objects from Guatemala, made
of jadeite and chloromelanite. After a detailed examination of
all these specimens, chemically and microscopically, and of the
inclusions of other minerals contained in them, he was unable
to reach any positive conclusion as to their source, — whether
made from material found in the vicinity or brought from a
distance.

It may be said, however, that there seems no reason for any
serious question on this point. Guatemala has furnished a great
many objects made of jadeite, and it must undoubtedly exist
there, perhaps in some abundance. The studies of Mrs. Nuttall,
elsewhere referred to, show clearly that jade (chalchihuitl) was
obtained at various points in southern Mexico, in the later Aztec
times, and that several of those points were situated in the State
of Chiapas, adjacent to the border of Guatemala. It appears
probable that this jade region extends further south into Central
America, on the Pacific side, at least, and that here is to be found
the source of the numerous Guatemala specimens.

JADEITE

JADE, SOUTH AMERICA (2)

Dr G. F. Bandelier, an eminent anthropologist and explorer

(1) Centralblatt Neuesjahrb. fur Miner., etc., 1904, pp. 65-79.
G. F. KunZ, Rep. Dept. Mining Statistics, 1904, p. 69.

(2) G. F. Kunz, Rep. Department of Mining Statistics, 1903, pp. 6o-b2.

20 — ii

298 OCCURRENCES OF PRECIOUS STONES OF

in our own southwest and in Mexico, conducted an important
series of investigations in 1904, in the Inca region of Peru and
Bolivia, for the American Museum of Natural History. His
report is of much interest, and his collections, sent to the
Museum, are very extensive and valuable. Among the mineral
objects which he obtained were a number of greenish beads,
some of them quite large, which are apparently jade. They
have not yet been determined, however, as to which species or
variety of jade thev represent : and some of them may prove to
be only serpentine. No clue exists as to their source, as no
locality of jade has been recognized anywhere in Peru or Bolivia.

JADEITE

JADE OBJECTS IN MEXICO (')

Among the most important recent discoveries of jade objects
in Mexico, was one made in the excavations at the Escalerillas
in Mexico City, conducted during 1900 and 1901. The spot is
adjacent to the cathedral, which stands near or upon the site of
the great Aztec temple. Here were exhumed some 2000 beads
of jadeite, also jadeite tablets, etc., with articles of obsidian and
of copper.

JADEITE

CHALCHIHUITL JADE (2)

One of the most interesting and important contributions to
the discussion regarding the mineralogical character of the
celebrated Mexican chalchihuitl, has been made and published
by Mrs. Zelia Nuttall. She took up the lists of towns recorded
in the tribute-rolls of Montezuma, together with other Mexican
and early Spanish accounts, and undertook to identify the places
there mentioned, so far as possible, and then to classify the
results. This was accomplished with unexpected success, and

(1) Exploration of Monte Alban, by Leopoldo Batres ; (Inspeccion y
Conservacion de Monumentos Arqueologicos de la Rep. Mexicana), Mexico,
1902.

(2) Amer Anthropologist, Vol. Ill, 1901, pp. 227-238.

G. F. Kunz, Rep. Dept. Mining Statistics, 1901, p. 31-33.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL INTEREST IN AMERICA 299

the facts brought out are perfectly clear and conclusive. They
show that the precious chalchihuitl must have been found at
numerous points in southern Mexico, where it was specified as
tribute, and that these points can be grouped around several
centers. Notwithstanding the changes of four centuries, about
two-thirds of the ancient names can be well identified. These
are in the States of Vera Cruz, Guerrero, Hidalgo, Puebla, and
Chiapas, most of them lying south of the capital ; and the region
of chalchihuitl as a whole being that part of Mexico south of the
Isthmus of Tehuantepec. The material itself is proved by
analysis to be jadeite, and this article emphasizes the proba-
bility that search in the districts particularly indicated must lead
to the rediscovery of the mineral. The tribute-rolls indicate that
much of the chalchihuitl must have been obtained as rolled
boulders, but that at a few points it may have been found in
place.

The interesting controvery as to whether chalchihuitl was
jade or turquoise is now seen to be a case of the old story of the
golden or silver shield. The argument of Prof. Blake in behalf
of turquoise is given under that mineral, and is correct for the
northern region, where turquoise occurs and jade does not. The
case is reversed in the south. It seems very clear that the view
of so eminent an archaeologist as the late Mr. Squier is correct,
that the word denoted a highly valued green stone, with no exact
mineralogical distinction. But we may now recognize that the
name was applied especially to jade in Southern Mexico and to
turquoise in northern Mexico. The old records, the Spanish
narratives, the ancient workings, and the still lingering tradit-
ions, are abundantly clear as to the two minerals meant by
chalchihuitl in the two different sections of the country (').

JADE (NEPHRITE) IN SIBERIA (2)

The green nephrite, evidently also employed in Chinese art
work, was first discovered in place in 1850, by Mr. J. P. Alibert,
while seeking for the mines of graphite in Siberia, that have

(1) G. F. Kunz, Rep. Dept. Mining Statistics, 1901, p. 33.

(2) G. F. Kunz, Rep. Dept. of Mining Statistics, 1900, p. 43-25.
2 0 *

300 OCCURRENCES OF PRECIOUS STONES OF

since borne his name. He found a fine outcrop of it, on a
stream called the Onot, and at once recognized the importance
of the discovery. He has since furnished specimens to all the
leading museums in Europe, and has tried in every way to bring
the material to the notice of art-lovers and lapidaries. Not until
the Paris Exposition of 1900, however, has there been any real
attempt to develop the beautiful possibilities of this stone by
European artists. But there both the French and the Russian
sections had cases illustrating in large variety the elegant results
obtained in polished and carved nephrite. The value of Mr.
Alibert's discovery was abundantly shown, and the wisdom of
his efforts to bring the stone into notice in Europe. Many of
the worked pieces were of exquisite beauty and some of large
dimensions, notably several thin polished sections of boulders
two feet in diameter, in which the delicate tints of the veining
and clouding were displayed in the translucent stone with
remarkable effect. And the canopy for the tomb of Alexander II
of Russia is being made of this material at Peterhoff.

Within a few years past, some other localities have been
found in Siberia, on the Chara Jalga River, in a very wild and
inaccessible region, by Prof, von Jascewski. Here he discovered
not only the pale variety but also a fine deep green, never found
in place in Siberia before.

BERYL IN NORTH CAROLINA (')

In the North Carolina section of mineral products at the
Charleston Exposition, in 1902, Dr. J. H. Pratt exhibited a
crystal of golden beryl an inch-and-a-half in diameter and over
finches long, taken from an Indian mound near Tesanty Creek,
Macon County, N. C. This place is not far from the Littlefield
beryl mine, and it is supposed that this crystal must have come
from that locality. This is the first noted occurrence of a beryl
crystal in an Indian grave, in the United States ; but the
Butoendo Indians of Brazil used them for labrets.

(1) George F. Kunz, Gems and Precious Stones of North Carolina,
Raleigh, N. C. 1906 (now in press).

Ibid., Kunz, Mineral Resources of the United States, 1901, page 2$.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL INTEREST IN AMERICA 3OI

AGATIZED WOOD, ARIZONA (')

Very full and careful accounts have been published within
a few years past, of the wonderful petrified forest at Chalced-
ony Park, Arizona. Those of Prof. Lester F. Ward, of the
U. S. National Museum, and Mr. James M. Pulver, Territorial
Geologist of Arizona, are especially interesting, as this material
was extensively used by the inhabitants of Arizona. The late
Major J. W. Powell proposed the name of Ahinaruny for the
group containing the agatized wood from the original name.

New localities are constantly reported by prospectors and
cowboys, and it seems evident that the fossil trees are widely
distributed throughout northern New Mexico and Arizona.

It would appear that this material was well known and
highly valued among the Indians long before any whites had
seen it, as many objects of use and ornament made from it —
pestles, arrowheads, charms, etc. — are found from Zacatecas on
the south to Wyoming on the north. The first white man who
ever saw the locality is believed to have been Col. John W.
Stedman, in 1851, who learned of it from some of the Zunis. A
year later Prof. Jules Marcou, with a party of United States
surveyors, examined the spot and made collections and reports.
In the year following Lieutenant Whipple reached and named
his " Lithodendron Creek," which must have been some part of
the Chalcedony Park, although Dr. Ward, does not think that
it was the main aroyo which he describes. From these reports
of Government officers it became gradually known, though it was
too remote for access by the tourist and the vandal until
the opening of the railroad in 1880.

CHALCEDONY (2)
THE BORGIA CHALDEAN AGATE AXE

An object of great scientific interest is the famous inscribed

(1) See Min. Res. lr. S., (Rep. U. S. Geol. Surv.) for 1900, pp. 37-40,

and 1901, pp. 39-42. — G. F. Kunz.

See also a full description in.

Gems c~ Precious Stones of North America, New-York 1890- 1892.

(2) Report Dept. Mining Statistics, Washington D. C, 1902.

G. F. KunZ, Bulletin of the American Museum of Natural History
New- York, April 1906.

302 OCCURRENCES OF PRECIOUS STONES OF

Borgia Chaldean agate axe. This axe was obtained by the
Cardinal Borgia while at the head of the Propaganda at Rome.
The Contessa Ettore Borgia offered it to the British Museum
some ten or twelve years ago, but at so extravagant a value
(about ,£3,000 or ,£4,000 sterling) that it was returned to her.
It was subsequently acquired, for some 15,000 lire, by the late
Comte Michel Tysckiewicz, and is now in the Morgan collection
of the American Museum of Natural History, New York.
The age of the axe is variously attributed by Dr. W. Hayes
Ward, Prof. Iva Maurice Price and Prof. J. Dyneley Prince and
Dr. Robert Law as between 3000 to 1600 B. C. and of Babylo-
nian origin.

The following extract is from Maspero :

" Elle se trouvait dans Fancienne collection du Cardinal Borgia et appar-
tenait, il y a quelques annees, au Comte Ettore Borgia. Elle a 6t6 publi^e
par Stevens (Flint Chips, p. 115), et en fac-simil6 par F. Lenormant (Tre
Monumenti Caldei ed Assiri delle Collezioni Romane, 1879, pp. 4-9, et pi.
VI, I) ; et Carvailhac (Age de la Pierre en Asie), dans le troisieme Congres
provincial des Orientalistes, tenu a Lyon (tom. I, pp. 321-332), a reproduit
ce que Lenormant en avait dit. "

Obsidian (')

The great obsidian locality in Mexico, at Pachuca, in the
State of Hidalgo, was visited and examined in 1900 by Prof.
W. H. Holmes of the U. S. National Museum, together with
Prof. G. K. Gilbert and Mr. W. W. Blake. A full account of
their visit was published in the American Antropologist, vol. II,

N°. 3.

The only previous examination of this remarkable locality
was that made by Prof. E. B. Tylor, of Oxford University,
about 1856, and described in his work called " Anahuac, or the
Mexicans, Ancient and Modern. » The spot is one of great
archaeological interest, as being the principal source of the
obsidian that is found so widely distributed all through Mexico
and our own southwest, in the form of carved ornaments,
mosaics, inlaid work, flaked implements, etc.

(1) American Anthropologist, July-Sept., 1900, pp. 405-416.
G. F. Kunz, Rep. Dept., Alining Statistics, 1900, pp. 47-49.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL INTEREST IN AMERICA 303

OBSIDIAN, NEW LOCALITY IN MEXICO.

A new locality of obsidian has been recently made known
in Mexico, some 60 miles from the celebrated one at Pachuca.
At the latter, as described in 1900 by Prof. W. H. Holmes, no
outcrops of the obsidian could be seen, because all the excava-
tions were so filled up and covered with fragments and debris.
At the new locality, however, it is quite different ; there are no
indications of ancient working, and the outcrops are quite acces-
sible. As described in letters to the writer by Mr. J. M.
Hamilton, of Tequisquiapan, the obsidian appears in parellel
" veins " (dikes?) from 6 inches to 2 feet wide. The colors are
black, opalescent, green, and dark green with bands ; when
polished, it makes attractive ornaments, and should be capable
of use in art work. The material is abundant at the locality,
which is more accessible than the one at Pachuca ; it is in the
State of Oueretaro, near the border of Hidalgo, on a range of
low hills east of the San Juan river, between the crossing of that
stream by the Mexican Central Railroad, at San Juan del Rio,
and the National Railroad of Mexico, a few miles below.
Suggesting that this locality mav have furnished many of the

objects used in ancient Mexico, the petrological character of the
materials has yet been studied for comparison.

OBSIDIAN OBJECTS

Among recent discoveries in Mexico may be noted that of
a very large and elaborately chipped obsidian knife, 32 inches
in length. This was found in 1901, with a number of other
objects, in the excavations at the Escalerillas, in Mexico city,
close to the cathedral, which is believed to occupy the site of the
great Aztec temple. Dr. H. M. Saville, of the American
Museum of Natural history, who had the opportunity of observ-
ing the specimen at this time, believes that it was probably
presented as a votive offering at the dedication of the temple.

AMBER, ST-DOMINGO (')

An interesting discovery of amber has been made within a

(1) Min. Res. U. S., 1903, p. 58 ; 1905, p. 33 (reprints).
G. F. Kunz, Gems and Precious Stones, p. 302.

304 OCCURRENCES OF PRECIOUS STONES OF

few years in the Island of Santo Domingo ; it has been des-
cribed in detail in the author's report on Production of Precious
Stones for 1903 and 1905. It appears to exist in considerable
amount, and often in pieces of good size, suitable for making
carved objects of much beauty. It possesses a fluorescence
similar to that seen in some of the amber from Catania, Sicily.
A tradition exists in the island that the natives used to burn
a substance of this kind in their religious rites, probably this
very amber, and it is said that they do so still, burning all they
can find. A similar fluorescent amber occurs in the interior of
Mexico, associated with a similar tradition ; and it is known
that amber was thus used by the Aztecs in some of their temple
rites, and that it was also employed probably for incense, in the
early Catholic churches in Mexico, by the Spaniards. The
coincidence in the two cases is highly interesting.

AMBER, ANCIENT JEWELRY

In the remarkable collection of amber and of articles made
therefrom, gathered by Mr. William A. Buffum, and recently
presented by him to the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, are
some extremely fine specimens of ancient amber jewelry. Mr.
Buffum was for a time U. S. consul at Trieste, and became
interested in amber while aiding in some excavations at Pales-
trina, near Rome. Here he obtained some very choice examples
of ancient amber work, which became the nucleus of his subse-
quent collection. These were especially some neaklaces of
Greco-Etruscan type, referred to the fifth century B. C. The
amber of which they are made has been usually regarded as of
Baltic origin, but Mr. Buffum himself thinks it to be Sicilian,
and verified this in part by repolishing many old strings of beads,
bringing out the richest colors of amber ever seen.

CATLINITE (')

An interesting exhibit of this celebrated material was made
at the Pan-American Exposition, where a mantelpiece composed
of the historic, and doubtless prehistoric pipestone was placed in

(1) G. F. KuNZ, Precious Stones and Mineral Resources of the l\ S.,
1902, p. 51.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL INTEREST IN AMERICA 305

the Minnesota State building and was much admired. It was
made for the Chicago World's Fair in 1893 and was exhibited
there ; subsequently it became the property of the Woman's
Historical Society of Pipestone, Minn., by whom it was lent for
this occasion. It is to be placed permanently in the room occu-
pied by that society in the new court-house at Pipestone. It is
doubtful whether another such piece of work in this material can
ever be obtained, as the land on which the quarry stands has been
very properly set apart by the Government as a small reservation,
to secure to the Indians of all tribes and for all time the access
to and control of this venerated spot, and they guard it so
jealously that large pieces for any work of this kind could not be
had. The Indians come from all parts of the country to make
pipes of peace from this sacred stone. The mantle was made and
carved by a half-breed Indian who lives close by the quarry and
manufactures articles for barter and sale. It was carved with
appropriate allusions to Hiawatha and inlaid with other orna-
mental stones of the region.

Deux contes des Indiens Chontales

PAR M. LE COMTE DE ChARENCEY

M. de Charencey donne communication de deux contes
recueillis par le savant americaniste M. F.-E. Belmar, chez les
Indiens Chontales de l'Etat d'Oaxaca. L'un est intitule » Oua-
torze forces11, et l'autre "Jean Condren ». Sans doute ils ne
sauraient pretendre a un origine purement indigene. L'influence
europeenne semble, chez eux, bien marquee. Quelques details
accusent un vague ressouvenir des vieilles traditions de l'Ame-
rique precolombienne. Tels qu'ils sont, nous ne les croyons
pas indignes d'appeler l'attention du folkloriste. N'est-ce pas,
au point de vue ethnographique, un phenomene curieux que
de constater avec quelle facilite, ces recits legendaires voyagent
au loin tout en se modifiant suivant l'esprit des populations qui
les adoptent?

La nation Chontale occupe aujourd'hui une partie de l'Etat
d'Oaxaca et notamment les districts de Yautepec et Tehuantepec.
M. Francesco Belmar nous a donne une grammaire, un voca-
bulaire accompagnes de quelques textes indigenes de l'idiome
parle par ces Indiens. A la fin de l'ouvrage se trouvent deux
contes (texte Chontal et traduction castillane). Sans doute ils
n'offrent pas un caractere tres particulier. Nous croyons bon
neanmoins de les reproduire ici parcequ'ils nous donnent une
idee des modifications que subissent dans la bouche des
narrateurs indiens certaines donnees d'origine sans doute
Europeenne.

308 DEUX CONTES DES INDIENS CHONTALES

QUATORZE FORCES

OU LE FILLEUL DU FRERE

Tel est le titre du premier des recits dont M. Belmar nous
donne connaissance.

i - - Un homme eut l'idee de devenir parrain avec un Frere
et s'en alia lui parler a ce sujet.

2--Sitot que le Frere eut accepte, il lui dit : des que
l'enfant naitra je suis a ta disposition.

3 — L'enfant a peine ne, il s'en alia lui en donner avis et
son Frere lui dit : il va falloir proceder au bapteme, va chercher
l'enfant.

4 — L'homme alia done chercher son enfant et le Frere se
demanda quel nom on donnerait a son filleul.

5 — Aucun des noms proposes ne lui ayant plu, il dit:
mieux vaut l'appeler Quatorze Forces.

6 — Et on se rendit a l'eglise pour le bapteme et l'enfant
y recut ce nom de Quatorze Forces.

7 — Et l'enfant devenait tres-beau. Au bout de l'annee il
savait deja marcher et bien parler.

8 — A l'age de trois ans il fut admis dans l'eglise comme
acolyte et commenca a apprendre son catechisme et ses prieres.

9 — Ayant appris le tout en un instant, il ne tarda pas a
se signaler par sa turbulence et a jouer avec ses camarades.

io — A peine ceux-ci s'etaient-ils permis de le toucher qu'il
leur distribuait des coups de poing et de baton, si violents, qu'il
les laissait a moitie morts.

1 1 — Les camarades tachaient bien de lui rendre la pareille,
mais ils n'avaient pas assez de force.

12 — Plus il grandissait et plus le filleul du Frere devenait
robuste. Arrive a l'age de huit ans il ne trouvait personne en
etat de lutter contre lui.

13 — Et son pauvre .pere et sa pauvre mere s'etaient bien
ennuyes de tous les desagrements que leur attirait la violence de
leur flls. Bien des fois, en effet, le pere avait comparu devant la
justice, il avait ete mis en prison et puni a cause de la conduite
du jeune homme.

DEUX CONTES DES INDIENS CHONTALES 309

14 — Le pere et la mere se resolurent done a l'envoyer chez
son parrain. Et celui-ci recut bien volontiers son filleul.

15 — Quatorze Forces resta done chez son parrain, deux
annees entieres. Et il etait arrive ainsi a l'age de dix ans.
Mais on ne cessait d'adresser des reclamations au Frere a cause
des frasques du jeune homme.

16 — A peine fut-il entre dans sa onzieme annee que
les compagnons de ce dernier vinrent le provoquer et l'invitera
se battre contre eux.

17 — lis s'etaient reunis trois plus grands que lui, mais il
ne tarda pas a les mettre en pieces.

18 — Aussitot le Frere fut demande a la maison du Roi par
la raison que son filleul venait de se rendre coupable de trois
meurtres.

19 — Et le Frere dit : » qu'on aille le prendre, je ne nie pas
que ce soit un grand criminel. ;|

20 — Et le Roi envoya vingt cinq soldats armes pour
se saisir de Quatorze Forces, mais ils ne purent en venir a bout
et e'est lui, au contraire, qui les assomma apres leur avoir enleve
leurs armes.

21 — Et le Roi dit: " Restons-en la, car nous ne parvien-
drons jamais a nous en rendre maitres. " Et il en fut ainsi.

22 — Quatorze Forces resta deux ans encore avec son
parrain jusqu'a ce qu'il eut termine sa douzieme annee.

23 — Un des compagnons du Frere etant venu sur les
entrefaites le visiter, la conversation tomba sur son filleul.
Le compagnon dit a son parrain : » Ne serait-fl pas bon de causer
une telle peur a ton filleul qu'il en meure, car reellement il en a
trop fait. "

24 — Le parrain repondit : " je ne demanderais pas mieux,
mais il n'y a pas moyen. Dites-moi done un peu comment
faire pour effrayer un. etre aussi robuste et aussi intelligent? "

25 — Et l'autre Frere dit : " Laisse-moi agir, j'ai mon idee.
Envoie-le au milieu de la nuit et dis-lui de sonner les douze
coups de minuit, moi je me tiendrai assis au-dessus de la cloche
avec un accoutrement noir qui me rendra horrible a voir. "

26 — Et le parrain accepta la proposition. II dit a son
filleul. " Va, Quatorze Forces, et sonne a la cloche les douze
coups de m inuit. "

3IO DEUX CONTES DES INDIKNS CHONTALES

27 — L'autre repondit: » oui M. mon parrain, j'y vais de
suite. " Ouatorze Forces se rendit done au clocher et sitot arrive
se mit a sonner la cloche.

28 — Et le visiteur qui s'etait cache commenca a pousser de
grands cris. Et il recommencait a chaque coup de cloche.

29 — Ouatorze Forces lui dit : » Est-ce que tu crois
m'effrayer? je me moque de toi et saurai bien te faire taire ».

30 — En meme temps il lui decochette un coup tel que le
visiteur tomba et se fracassa sur le sol.

31 — Ouatorze Forces fecommenca a sonner et quand il
eut fini il retourna chez lui. II dit a son parrain : » Sitot que
j'ai eu donne mon premier coup de cloche j'ai apercu une espece
de revenant assis au-dessus de la cloche et qui jetait des cris
lugubres, je lui dis : "qui es-tu done, sorte d'epouvantail ? Je
n'ai pas peur de toi. Alors je lui donnai un coup qui le fit
tomber a terre ou il se brisa en morceaux. "

32 — Le parrain fut tres afflige d'avoir ete cause de la mort
de son compagnon et de grand matin il alia prendre son corps.
Et le parrain dit dans son coeur " Ce filleul merite d'etre con-
damne, voila plusieurs personnes qu'il met a mort et il a tue
meme un Frere, je vais done l'envoyer en enfer voir s'il pourra
lutter contre les diables. "

^^ — Le jour suivant, le parrain ecrivit un mot pour le
Prince des Demons et dit a son filleul : " va me faire une com-
mission dans l'autre monde, en enfer.

34 — - Et Quatorze Forces, repondit : " Comment done,
parrain, je vais de suite oil vous m'envoyez. "

35 — Et il s'en alia tout guilleret avec la lettre. Et arrive
en enfer il la fit remettre au Prince des Demons. Celui-ci prit
connaissance de l'acte de justice qu'on demandait de lui.

36 — Et le Diable dit a ses disciples : " Enfants, emparez-
vous de cette personne, qu'elle soit mise en prison pour l'eternite,
avec trois paires de chaines aux pieds. "

37 — Et les diables essayerent de saisir le coupable pour
l'emprisonner. Et Quatorze Forces dit : " Est-ce done moi
qu'on veut mettre au cachot? et si mon parrain m'a dit de venir
porter cette lettre, il ne m'a pas du tout present de me laisser
mettre au cachot par vous. »

38 — Et il commenca a se battre avec les diables, leur

DEUX CONTES DES INDIENS CHONTALES 31 I

donnant force coups de poings sur le nez. Ceux-ci tombaient
et se relevaient aussi rapides que l'eclair. lis avaient l'air de
vrais lezards, mais jamais ils ne purent se rendre maitres de
leur adversaire pour remprisonner.

39 — Alors Quatorze Forces dit au Prince des Diables :
" allons vite donne reponse a la lettre que je t'ai apportee, sans
cela tu auras affaire a moi. "

40 — Le Roi des diables se laissa tomber de peur et aussitot
le monde se mit a trembler.

41 — Et le Diable repondit en ces termes, a la lettre qu'il
avait recue " On ne peut venir a bout de ce jeune homme
d'aucune facon, ni en enfer ni sur terre, jusqu'a ce que le Pere
Eternel en decide autrement. "

42 — " Mieux vaut l'etablir, lui monter son menage et
surtout que personne desormais ne lui cherche affaire. "

43 — Quatorze Forces s'en alia tout joyeux avec sa reponse.
II la porta aussitot chez son parrain et il lui raconta tout ce qui
s'etait passe.

44 — II lui dit: "Parrain, sitdt la lettre remise, ils ont
voulu me jeter en prison, j'ai eu a lutter contre les Diables qui
s'attaquaient a moi, j'en ai blesse plusieurs, je les ai etrilles
comme il faut et je les ai traines comme des lezards. "

45 — Le Frere executa tout ce qu'indiquait la reponse, il
etablit Quatorze Forces et lui monta un menage.

46 — Quatorze Forces mourut ensuite d'une mort paisible
et une foule considerable assista a ses derniers moments.

JUAN CLAPI
ou Jean Cendre

1 — Une femme avait un fils appele Jean, il etait tres mou,
ne sortait jamais d'aupres de la cheminee et on le voyait toujours
couvert de cendre.

2 — C'est pourquoi on l'appelait Jean Cendre. II ne faisait
jamais rien de ce qu'on lui disait. II ne quittait jamais la
cendre sur laquelle il etait assis.

2 1

312 DEUX CONTES DES INDIENS CHONTALES

3 — C'est la qu'il mangeait, la qu'il dormait, il ne sortait
qu'un moment pour vaquer a ses necessites naturelles et retour-
nait a sa place d'habitude, la tete et le corps tout couvert de
cendre.

4 — On avait beau le gronder et le battre il ne quittait pas
le foyer. Sa mere se fatigua de le battre et de lui donner des
conseils et finit par le laisser tranquille.

5 — II finit cependant par devenir un grand garcon de dix-
huit ans, mais sans songer en rien a changer ses habitudes.

6 — Un jour Jean Cendre entend dire qu'une jeune fille
etait demandee en manage a ses parents par divers partis, mais
les parents ne voulaient pas laisser leur fille se marier. En
effet, disaient-ils, c'est notre unique enfant et si son mari nous
l'enleve qui s'occupera dorenavant de nous? Nous resterons
seuls. Mieux vaut ne repondre a aucune proposition et laisser
les choses dans l'etat. "

7 — Jean Cendre ayant done appris que les parents ne
voulaient donner leur fille en mariage a qui que ce fut parcequ'il
ne leur resterait plus personne pour leur venir en aide, chercha
comment il pourrait obtenir la main de la Demoiselle.

8 — II y avait dans la cour de la maison de la jeune
personne un arbre de mesquite. Jean Cendre s'avisa de monter
jusqu'au haut de l'arbre et commenca a crier comme un hibou.
Ayant repete ces cris trois fois il s'ecria : » Ta fille mourra
si elle n'epouse pas Jean Cendre. " Trois fois de suite il repeta
les memes paroles.

9 — Sitot que le pere et la mere l'eurent entendu, Jean
Cendre descendit en cachette de l'arbre et s'en retourna chez lui.

io — Le pere et la mere se sentirent tout affliges a l'idee que
leur fille mourrait, si elle ne se mariait pas avec Jean Cendre.
De grand matin la mere dit a son mari : » Va t'en done a la
maison de Jean Cendre car si notre fille ne l'epouse pas
elle mourra certainement. En effet, l'animal qui a crie cette
nuit ne ment point et tout ce qu'il dit est vrai. " II ne savait pas,
en effet, que e'etait ce Jean Cendre qui avait crie.

ii — Le pere et la mere s'informerent done ou etait l'habi-
tation de Jean Cendre, a peine arrives on le rencontra assis sur
le foyer, le corps et la tete pleins de cendre. Aussitot le pere

DEUX CONTES DES INDIENS CHONTALES 313

lui adressa la parole disant : " c'est sans doute toi qui es Jean
Cendre •« ?

L'autre repondit de suite " Oui Monsieur, votre serviteur,
que me voulez-vous? "

12 — Le pere reprit : " Je viens vous voir, excusez ma
demarche, je voudrais que vous epousiez ma fille ; sans cela elle
mourra pour sur, c'est ce que m'a annonce hier au soir un
hibou. Je viens done vous dire clairement ce qui en est et vous
chercher."

13 — Jean repondit, tout en faisant l'ignorant : " Ah Mon-
sieur, je suis bien pauvre et n'ai pas de quoi entretenir votre
fille. ii

14 — Le pere repondit : " Ne t'inquiete pas de cela, j'ai de
quoi subvenir a votre entretien a tous les deux, 1'important c'est
que ma fille ne meure pas. "

15 — Jean Cendre se rendit done a la maison de ses beaux
parents et il epousa de suite la jeune personne. On eut soin de
lui faire prendre un bain et de l'habiller convenablement. Au
bout de trois jours le nouveau marie s'en retourna chez lui sans
prendre conge de sa femme. Celle-ci alia done le rechercher.

16 — Elle le trouva enfin de nouveau assis sur le foyer le
corps tout couvert de cendre. Elle l'emmena et l'obligea de
nouveau a prendre un bain.

17 — II resta quelque temps dans la maison de ses beaux
parents. Enfin on le laissa retourner chez lui sans se mettre en
peine de le suivre. Sitot arrive a son ancienne demeure, Jean
Cendre vit arriver un grand nombre de voyageurs juste en face
de chez lui.

18 — Jean Cendre epia l'instant oil ils allerent mettre leurs
betes dans la prairie. Sitot la nuit arrivee, il appela toutes les
betes qui etaient dans cette prairie. Elles consistaient en quatre-
vingts mulets. II les dirigea vers l'extremite d'une colline ou
il les cacha.

19 — Sitot le matin arrive, les muletiers revinrent chercher
leurs betes, mais sans parvenir a en trouver trace. Ils eurent
beau continuer leurs investigations, ce fut toujours sans resultat.

20 --Au bout de trois jours, Jean Cendre dit a un de ses
voisins : " allez prevenir les muletiers qu'ils se rendent chez

21 ii

314 I3KUX CONTKS DBS INDIKNS CHONTALES

moi. Sans doute je pourrai deviner ou sont les animaux
perdus. "

21 — Au bout de trois jours, les muletiers, tres tristes de la
disparition de leurs animaux, virent arriver un messager qui
leur dit : " allez done voir Jean Cendre, cet homme pouira vous
dire ou sont vos mulets. ll Les muletiers se rendirent done a la
maison de Jean Cendre et furent tout surpris de le voir ainsi
eouvert de cendre. lis se dirent entre eux : >< quel est done ce
devin ? " lis commencerent a lui demander, s'il pourrait leur dire
ou etaient les animaux egares. Jean Cendre leur repondit :
« Revenez demain matin, je ferai cette nuit mon metier de
devin. "

22 - - De grand matin, le jour suivant, les muletiers retour-
nerent voir Jean Cendre qui leur dit : " Je sais ou sont vos
animaux perdus, mais avant de les reprendre il taut que Ton
me paie trois cents livres a l'instant meme. Les muletiers
repondirent : " Et bien soit, l'important e'est que nous retrou-
vions nos betes ".

23 — L'autre leur repondit : » Versez-moi d'abord la somme
demandee, je ne vous dirai rien que je ne l'aie recue. "

24 — Les muletiers payerent done la somme en question a
Jean Cendre, qui leur repondit : >■ prenez done le chemin de ce
coteau, marchez jusqu'a atteindre la eime de la colline, ensuite
vous descendrez un peu, vous arriverez a une plaine ou sont vos
animaux. On peut ajouter foi a tout ce que je dis, car tout ce
que je dis est rigoureusement vrai. »

25 — Voici done les muletiers en route. Apres etre arrives
jusqu'au sommet de la colline, ils atteignent la plaine ou se
trouvaient toutes les betes, aussi regarderent-ils Jean Cendre
comme un grand Devin et furent tres heureux de retrouver leurs
animaux sans se douter que e'etait lui-meme qui les avait caches.

26 — Jean Cendre continua son metier de Devin avec
sucees. Enfin le Roi avant entendu parler de lui, le fit appeler,
car il desirait beaucoup rencontrer un homme veritablement
capable de deviner.

27 - -Jean Cendre se rend done a I'ordre du Roi. Une fois
arrive en sa presence, il le salua et lui dit : " Comment va votre
Sacree Majeste? Avec la faveur de Dieu puisse-t-elle bien

DEUX CONTKS DES INDIENS CHONTALES 315

se porter ! Sacree Majeste je suis venu pour me conformer
a votre intention. "

28 - - " C'est vous reprit le Roi qui vous appelez Jean
Cendre ? L'autre a dit : " Oui, Sire, pour vous servir. " Et le
Roi commenfa a l'interroger en lui disant : " Tu es devin? " —
" Oui, Sire, quelque peu. ■■ Le Prince ajouta : Et bien voici
un point ou j'ai besoin de recourir a tes lumieres. »

29 — Je voudrais que tu me dises ou est le precieux collier
qu'a perdu ma fille? C'est bien, Sire, mais je ne peux pas
repondre de suite, il me faut un peu de temps, d'ici trois
ou quatre jours je serai renseigne pour stir.

30 - - Le Roi dit : » c'est bon " — On enferma done Jean
Cendre seul dans une chambre oil il etait comme prisonnier.
Seuls y entraient des serviteurs dont trois etaient negres --Le
premier jour, un de ces negres vint lui porter a dejeuner. Sitot
qu'il parut, Jean reprit : " Bien en voila un ". Le noir une fois
de retour, ses compagnons lui demandereJit ce qu'avait dit Jean
Cendre. " Sitot que je fus entre, repondit-il, il m'a dit bien en
voila un ". Le jour d'apres, ce fut le tour d'un autre negre a
porter a manger a Jean. A peine ce domestique fut-il entre,
que Jean s'ecria : " Bien en voila deux ... Le troisieme jour ce
fut le tour du dernier negre et quand ses compagnons lui
demanderent ce qu'avait dit Jean, il repondit : " Ce qu'il a dit,
le voila : Dieu soit beni, en voila trois >'.

31 — Et les negres se sentirent fort eff raves, car e'etaient
eux qui avaient derobe le collier et ils se dirent l'u-n a l'autre :
que faire maintenant que nous voici decouverts ? Le mieux,
puisqu'il est encore temps, c'est d'aller voir le Devin pour nous
enquerir comment eviter la potence. Ils allerent done trouver
Jean et lui confesserent leur larcin.

32 — Jean leur repondit : " Si chacun de vous me paie cent
livres, je chercherai un moven de vous sauver". Les negres
allerent aussitot chercher cette somme. Et aussitot Jean leur
dit : N'y a-t-il pas ici quelque animal auquel on tienne beaucoup ?
Les negres reprirent : il y a ici un canard auquel la Frincesse
est tres attachee. Eh bien, dit Jean, allez le chercher, ouvrez-lui
le bee et introduisez-y le collier de maniere a ce qu'il le porte.

34-- Allez done, depechez-vous car voici le moment du
lever du Roi et il va me demander de deviner. — S'il ordonne
2 1 *

316 DEUX CONTES DES IND1ENS CHONTALES

d'allerchercher le canard, qu'on le fassesans crainte, comme cela
voiis sera present.

35 II etait alors a peu pres neuf heures du matin. Le
roi lui dit : " Jean, as-tu devine, retournes-tu, oui ou non, le
collier"? — " Je l'ai retrouve, Sacree Majeste » - - » Qui done
l'avait vole "?--" Sire, ce n'est personne, le canard l'a avale
quand ta iille est allee se baigner dans Petang. Elle ne s'est
apercue de rien et actuellement le collier se trouve dans l'estomac
du canard. "

36-- Le Roi ne voulait pas qu'on tuat cet oiseau auquel il
etait tres attache. Mais Jean Cendre maintint son dire et
exigea qu'on le tuat pour prouver qu'il avait bien devine.

37 - - Le Roi fit done tuer l'oiseau - On lui ouvrit le ventre,
on examina ses entrailles et on y rencontra le collier. Mais le
roi peu content de la mort de cet animal, proposa autre chose a
deviner a fean.

38 - Avant de le payer de ses services il lit remplir une
cuvette d'excrements que Ton fit recouvrir, puis il preserivit a
Jean de lui dire ce que contenait 1'ustensile en question.

39 - Et ce dernier lui repondit : Ah Sire, quand j'ai sorti de

chez moi quel Devin tu seras --tu seras un Devin de

Aussitot on decouvrit la cuvette - Et le roi crut fermement que
Jean etait un Devin- il lui tit verser a l'instant dix mille livres

- Et ce dernier retourna a son village ou il vecut tres heureux
en compagnie de sa femme.

Inutile de faire ressortir le peu d'originalite des donnees
dans ces deux recits. Les amateurs de Folklore auront deja
remarque qu'elles se retrouvent a peu pres toutes les memes
dans divers recits Europeens. Un seul detail pourrait trahir sa
provenance indigene, e'est celle du message adresse au Prince de
l'enfer. L'historien Tezozomac nous represente deja Montezuma
eftraye de l'arrivee des Espagnols envoyant des Messagers au
Prince du pays des morts, chez lequel il songeait a se retireravec
sa cour.

NOTES ON THE

PONKA CxRAMMAR

par Franz Boas

The following notes on the grammar of the Ponka language
are the result of the work of a seminar class conducted by me at
Columbia University. Miss Martha W. Beckwith, Mr. Albert
B. Lewis, and Mr. R. A. Lowie participated in this work.
The subjects treated relate particularly to the article, the pronoun,
and the composition of the verb. The material from which
these grammatical notes were derived are the Ponka texts bv
James Owen Dorsey, published in the Sixth Volume of the
Contributions to North American Ethnology. In explanatory
notes of the texts a few hints as to the grammar of the language
are given, and these have been utilized. The page and line
references in the following notes refer to this volume. Owing
to the limited facilities of the printing office c has been used for
the sonant t/i, italics for the media of p, t, k, s.

In the possession of the Bureau of Ethnology there is
a manuscript grammar of the Ponka language by the late Mr.
Dorsey, written, however, before he had mastered the language
as thoroughly as he had at the time of the publication of his
texts. The texts themselves give evidence that some of his
views regarding the structure of the language changed during
the process of printing the volume.

I have had the privilege of consulting the manuscript by
Mr. Dorsey, but no material changes were made in the notes
contained in this paper, which were compiled independently
from Mr. Dorsey's manuscript.

The relation of the Ponka to the Dakota is interesting in
many ways. The fundamental traits of grammatical structure
of the two languages are the same ; and there is abundant

3 1 8 NOTKS ON THE PONKA GRAMMAR

evidence of regular changes of sounds, which were discussed
bv Mr. Dorsev in his paper on the Phonology of Sionan
Languages, published in 1883 ('). We find in both the same
extensive use of the article which is placed after the noun, a
strong tendency to phonetic changes in the end of the word
whenever there is a close syntactic connection between two
words of a sentence ; the same division of intransitive and
transitive pronouns ; the pronouns appear prefixed and infixed ;
they are practically confined to the first and second person
singular, and the inclusive dual ; similar types of contraction
in the pronouns of the transitive verb occur ; in the composition
of the verb, the same groups of prepositional and adverbial
prefixes occur ; also similar classes of irregular verbs may be
recognized in both dialects ; and we find even that the same
verbs appear as irregular verbs in both dialects. The particles
of both dialects show the same tendency to the development
of separate forms for the use of men and of women.

Notwithstanding these far-reaching similarities, there are
a number of fundamental differences. The Ponka is in every
respect richer in grammatical forms than the Dakota, wmich is
in its present state an exceedingly simple language. The great
wealth of forms of the article is phenomenal, while in the
Dakota only present and past are distinguished. The Ponka
makes a clear distinction between animate and inanimate objects,
and each of these classes is again differentiated according to
form. For example, in the inanimate gender, straight and
horizontal, straight and upright, rounded, and a collection of
objects, are distinguished. While in Dakota there is no differ-
entiation of the subject and object of the sentence, the animate
forms in Ponka have a separate case for the syntactic object ; in
the animate subject, motion, rest, and plurality are distin-
guished. In the object the same differences occur ; but in the
animate object at rest a distinction is made between standing
and sitting positions. A few of the forms used with animate
nouns are not true articles, but are verbs which have their
parallels in Dakota verbal forms expressing position and form

(1) See Annual Report ef the Smithsonian Institution for iSSj.

NOTES ON THE PONKA GRAMMAR 319

of the object to which they refer, as standing, lying, sitting,
etc.

The phonetic changes expressing closeness of syntactic
connection are only partly analogous in the two languages. In
both, elision of terminal vowel and modification of terminal
vowel occur, as well as modification of terminal consonants. It
seems, however, that Dakota alone has an extended use of
modification of initial consonants after modified vowels.

The number of irregular verbs is also much greater in
Ponka than in Dakota. While in the latter dialect, the princi-
pal class of irregular verbs are those beginning with y, we have
in Ponka verbs beginning in 9, g, b, d, i, and u ; all deviating
from the regular usage. Among these, the verbs beginning
in c correspond to the verbs in y of Dakota. The use of the
indirect pronouns is also more irregular in Ponka than in
Dakota.

Detailed information on the various points of grammar
investigated are given in the following pages.

ARTICLES
I. - -inanimate articles (ke, te, can , ge)

— ke is used regularly of horizontal objects.

Examples :

tande ke, the ground (24,4) uhe ke, the path (566,6)

manxe ke, the sky (26,4) t'\ ke, a line of lodges (289,7)

ni ke, the water [i.e. stream] (555, 1) ma" ke, the arrow (50,6)
u'a"ne ke, the cradle (560,14) si ke, the toot (35,3)

wahi ke, the hone (564,8) macan ke, the feather (52,8)

pahi ke, the neck (564,10) />ahe ke, a long hill (28,1 1)

jibe ke, the leg (56.1,10) niaciDga ke, a line of dead persons

(10,7).
The following animate nouns appear used with the inanimate
article ke
wes'a ke, the snake (27. 1 )

cingajinga ke, a child lying down (560.13). In this case,
the child being dead, the article may refer to the body of
the child stretched out.

320

NOTES ON THK PONKA GRAMMAR

Peculiar is the expression
anba ke, the day (61 1,6).

— (a) te is used regularly with standing objects.

Examples :

t\ te, the lodge (555. ' 7)

qcabe te, the tree (277,2)

/ijebe te, the door (46,12)

{b) te is used to express plurality and collectivity of
inanimate terms. According to Horsey it expresses
in this sense a single rectilinear collection of horizontal
objects. This idea, however, is not brought out clearly
in the examples.

Examples :
A'ande te, the plums (559,4)
/e-anita te, animal limbs (565,1)
sihi te, the feet (570, q)
cibe te, the entrails (279,4)
wacaha te, the clothing (559,12)
ceze te, the tongues (123,12)

Examples :
t'ece te, the killing (16,8) ie te, the word (667,14)

i\vackan te, strength (611,3) wacita" te, work (699,2)

\vajin te, disposition (5X3,2)

(d) te denotes acts "as past and as seen by the speaker"
(see note 246,6, p. 250).

Examples :
gaxe te, he did the [act] (554,13)
i"jan le, he lay for me (5(11,1)
gi'ani te, he did to him (583,7)
\vain le, he wore as a robe (595,17)

/>a te, the heads ( 1 23, 1 2)
maca" te, the feathers (20,19)
guda te, that (pile) yonder (33,16)
waei" te, pile (if fat (53,18)
umane te, provisions (10,11)

hiita" te, he cried out (600,14)
atai te, he exceeded (b09,i)
agiacai te, they went forhim(246,6)

(a) 9a" denotes rounded objects.

Examples :

u/J-ia" ca", the snare (15,12)
min ca", ihe sun (13,1 2)
icta ca", the eye (171,7)
nacki can, llie head (91/1)
waqinlia ca", paper (775,1)

ti\ ca", the camp circle (16,13)
pkhc ca" the (round) hill (15,3)
hi"be can, the moccasin (279,12)
maja" ca", the land (508,12)

NOTES ON THK I'ONKA GRAMMAR 32 I

(6) 9a11 denotes part of an object.

Examples :

baca" can , the bent part (598,8)
sindehi 9a11 part of the rump bone (61 1,5)
inde can , face part (624, 10)

waiinhahdge can , the part of a buffalo hide, towards the
feet (469,7)

4. — ge denotes a collection of scattered objects.

Examples :

/enande ge, buffalo hearts (33,4)
wacin ge, pieces of fat (572,2)
/at'i"xe ge, (scattered) scum (593,9)
wahi ge, bones (278,16)
mi^aha ge, raccoon skins (559,3)
nanza ge, fences (735,7)

II. — animate articles (aka, ama, tan , cin , 9inke, 9anka).

Animate articles have distinct forms for syntactic subject and
object :

A. — Subjective Animate Articles (aka, ama)

1. --aka denotes the animate singular subject at rest (See note

633,3 ; p- 634.

Examples :

Ictinike aka iki9a-biama, Ictinike awoke, it is said (549,4)
/a9ninge aka " tsi-tsi-tsi ! " a-biama, the chipmunk said

" tsi-tsi-tsi, " it is said (549,9)
wain aka . . . agi-biama, the robe [considered as possessed

of voluntary action] had returned (549,6)
a-biama llrni aka, the cold said (9.6)

/>ahe-wa9ahuni aka ibahan ' biama, the hill that devours
knew him, it is said (32,6)
With numerals aka is used in a plural sense :
9ab9in aka, the three (164,14)

322 NOTES ON THE PONKA GRAMMAR

2. - - (a) ama denotes the animate singular subject in motion.

Examples :

mactcinge-in ama ce amama, the rabbit was going, it is

said (9, 1 )
Ictinike ama aca-bi, Ictinike, went, it is said (549,1)
jabe ama nia/a aca, beaver went to the water (553,10)
ki wiuhe ama wa'u, and the woman was following close

behind (615,15)
ama is also used where the predicate does not express motion,

but when the subject is conceived as moving,
icadi ama igi/>ahan — biama, it is said his father recognised

him (610, iX)
a-biama mactcinnge-in ama, rabbit said, it is said (10,2)
(b) ama denotes the animate plural subject, both at rest and

in motion.

Examples :

wajiiiga ama gian aca-biama, the birds wentflying, it is

said (588,3)
e-nan -biama niaci" ga ama, the people said often, it is said

(574.9)
Pafika ama agcii, the Ponka have come back (723,2)

Umaha ama ucugigcai, the Omaha are sorrowful for their

relation (772,4)

nikagahi ama gica-bajii, the chiefs are sad (649,2).

B. - - Objective Animate Articles (tan , cin ciiike, canka).

1. - - tan denotes the animate, singular object standing.

Examples :

mijinga tan e wagika-bi, the boy meant that his own (556,2)
cicte, hega cetan , fie ! this buzzard ! (549,5)
/e-dixe tan ... najin , a scabby buffalo was standing (582,5)
cyu cetan kida-ga, shoot at this prairie chicken (1 1 7, 19)

2. - - cin denotes the animate, singular object moving.

Examples :

dadan cin/>ixancin ahan ! I'll blow that into the air (575,7)
qica cin cetanama, the eagle was that far, it is said (581,3)

NOTES ON THE PONKA GRAMMAR 323

edada11 9in ctewa11 t'e^e-na" ' — biama, whatsoever he

usually killed, it is said (586,6)
wi/ande c.in a9in gii — ga, bring my son-in-law here

(589,3)
niacin ga 9in wasisige ahan ! he is active ! (9, 14)
niacinga 9in i9at'ab9e ha, I hate that person (13,9)
£axe 9in edihi, the crow reached there (599,8)
9in is sometimes used with generic or collective terms,
wanita 9iu , the quadrupeds (628,6)
Panka 9iH , the Ponka (748,9)

3. — ma denotes the animate, plural object. This form is regu-
larly printed as a suffix. The examples, however, do not
indicate that it differs in character from the other articles

Examples :

wanita — ma weba" -biama, it is said, he called to the animals

(57i,5)
/anga-ma a9utan wa9iza-bi an , he took the large ones at

once, it is said (578,4)
wajinga-ma weba" - biama, it is said they called the birds

(580, 1 )
wajinnga-ma. .miwaji . . he put the birds in his belt (586,4)
nikacinga-ma watcigaxe ewekan b9a, I wish the people to

dance (601,5)
wagaq9an--ma win , one of the servants [obj.] (616,2)
waqe - - ma iickan e/ai ke an9anbahan - - baji, we do not

know the customs of the white people (629,2)
nikacinga-ma 9c — ma ckan man 9in — ma wa/an be ha, I have

seen these people walking about (756,1)

4. — 9inke denotes an animate singular object in sitting position.

Examples :
jabe 9inkedi b9e tace. I must go to the beaver (^^2,2)
egi9e i/afige 9inke waqpaniqtian c;ifnke ama, and behold,

his sister was very poor (144, 18)
wa'xi 9inke ena-qtci ucte ama, only the women remained, it

is said (11,5)

324 NOTES ON THE PONKA GRAMMAR

5. — 9anka' denotes the animate plural object, in sitting position.

Examples :

uica-biama Ictinike aka niacing"a 9anka, it is said, Ictinike

told the persons (64,17)
ijinge cank e wawagika. biama, meaning his sons, it is

said ( 100,4)
akicaha mactinge 9anka win wa'i-ga ha, give them one of

the rabbits (1 19, 16)
e wa'ii canka uwakie gaD9ai te, he desired to talk to the

women (624,3)
wagaji cinuda11 9anka, he commanded the dogs (1 1 1,8)
Note.- - These two forms 9iiike and 9anka are not true articles,

although thev seem to perform their function. They are

true verbal forms, as is proved by the occurrence of the

pronominal forms
1 st person singular minke
2nd " " ninke 2nd person plural nanka

Examples :

b9e ta. minke, I who will go (13,4)
pi ta minke, I who will arrive there (496,2)
Pa9in nikagahi nankace, ve who are Pawnee chiefs (685,3)
It would seem that these forms correspond to the Dakota verbs
yanka, wanka.

III. — Indkfinite Article (win ).

Examples :

caan win, a Dakota (367,8)

niacin ga win , a person (267,1)

wa'ii win , a woman (166,1)

tanwaiig9an /afigaqti win , a very large village (166,14)

DEMONSTRATIVE PRONOUNS

The most common demonstrative pronouns are 9e, ce, ga
and e. The first three of these are very often followed by the
article and, in this case they are always printed in the texts as
one word, although there is apparently no difference between
the use of the article with the demonstrative and that with

NOTES ON THE PONKA GRAMMAR 325

nouns. Demonstratives also take enclitic adverbial terms in
the same wav as nouns and in these cases also the demonstra-
tive and the adverb appear in print as one word. The demons-
trative " e " does not seem to be followed by the article. As in
Dakota they form part of a few verbs.

1. — ce refers to what is near the speaker.

Examples :

ce egima11, I do this (9,6)

ce anctanbai te, this (is) as you see me (26,14)

ceaka cabcin zani t'ewaea — biama, it is said, he killed all

three of these (46, 16)
ceama nancipai, these fear thee (23, 17)
cema djuba, these few ! (28,9)
han ceqtci agi/anbe kanbca. I desire to see mine this

very night (367,5)
cegan and, thus they say (35,2)

2. --ce refers to what is near the person addressed.

Examples :

ce egija11 , you do that (26, 14)

ce ucai', you told him that (26,19)

ce wiwi/a, that my own (89,4)

ceaka mactcinge-i aka />ade wagaji, that rabbit told us to

cut it up (23, 10)
cecifike kida-ga, shoot at that ! (109,1)
cecu, there where vou are (640,4)
majance/a 9a11, the land yonder by you (487,7)

3. — -ga refers to the unseen, also to what follows ; it designates

probablv originallv what is near the person spoken of.

Examples :

ga /anbe ta, I shall see that (28.2)

gage hnate tai-ede, you should have eaten those (28,10)

ganifike hazi cicade tai, (that) you shall be called grapes

(550,7)
gacin Haxige isanga t'ekicai, that one Haxige killed his

brother for him (235,8)

326 NOTES ON THE PONKA GRAMMAR

g&9an in 9m'g9aii = = ga, put that on something for me
(•21,14)

4. — e refers to something referred to before.

Examples :

e ni, that water (referred to in line 2] (559, 12)

e gi£a - - biama, it is said, she rejoiced at that (21,1)

e cti mancani te, that too they stole (85,8)

egan gaxa-- bajii -- ga ha, do not ye do thus ! (618,8)

5. --du is a form which is comparatively rare and seems to

designate what is near the speaker.

Examples :

duaka, this one here (58,5)

uqpe te diiate, the bowl on this side (574,1)

diida, this way (191,8 ; 192,15)

dudiha, this way (553,3 ; 556,5)

6. - - gu is also comparatively rare and designates what is farther

off than " du n

Examples :

giidiha, that way (587,15 ; 614,1 ; 630,20).

PERSONAL PRONOUNS

The independent personal pronouns are :

wi, I (736,3 ; 7i5o)-

91, thou (711, 18).

angu, we

In composition with the verb the same classes of subjective
(transitive) and objective (intransitive) pronouns and the
same numbers occur that are found in Dakota. The
pronominal forms are so strongly modified by amalgam-
ation with the verbal stem and the combined forms
of subject and object show so many irregularities, that
they are better treated in the discussion of the verb.

NOTES ON THE PONKA GRAMMAR 327

POSSESSIVE PRONOUNS

Independent forms are :

wi/a, my (633, 1 1 ; 635,6) wiwi/a, my own (477,9 ; 492,-

12 ; 493.0
91/a, thy (485,25635,4) ci^i/a, thy own (485,5,6;

492,9 ; 495,7) e/a, his (491,8 ; 642,2 ; 679,11)
[afigu/a, thy and my]
aiigu/ai, our (16,19; 678,1 ; 679,9)

tanwangcan angii/a-ma, our own gentes (502,12)
[citai] 9i9itai, your own (495,8 ; 630,8)

e/ai, their (633,6 ; 675,3 ; 642,7 ; 523,5)
The possessive pronoun appears without the suffix /a as a
prefix in terms of relationship,
wi — my
ci — thy
i — his

Examples :

wi£an, my grandmother (9,3)
wi/imi, my father's sister (9,3)
winegi, my mother's brother (10,16)
wi/ande, my daughter's husband (349,12)
winisi, mv child (44,13)
cinegi, thy mother's brother (10,15)
cihan, thy mother (348,3)
cikage, thy friend (487,4)
igaqca11 , his wife (348,13)
ijinge, his son (345,2)
ijange, his daughter (345, 1 )
With the words " father " and " mother " the first person pos-
sessive has an exceptional form
innanha, (in nan ha) my mother (16,8 ; 481,1 ; 638,1)
in dadi, my father (26,5 ; 151,15)

THE VERB

The verbal stems are, on the whole short. They take the
same classes of prefixes as the Dakota verbs.
2 2

328

NOTES ON THK I'ONKA GRAMMAR

INSTRUMENTAL PREFIXES

We have found eight instrumental prefixes, all of which
form transitive verbs, like the analogous Dakota prefixes.

Dakota pa)
" na)

ba)
ya)

ka)

••)

bo)

ba, bv pressing with the hand
na" , by pressing with the foot
ma, by cutting

ca, with the mouth, by blowing,
ga, by striking (& with action of

wind & water)
ci, by pulling
na, by heat
mu, by shooting

Examples :

eta" , to stop.

na"eta", to stop running (315,14)

cacta" , to stop talking (338,15)

cicta" , to finish [making an arrow] (87,19)
sa, to break.

bcisa, I break [a cord] (295, 19)

masa, to cut (14,1)

gasa, to cut a tree (75,13)
ba basnu, he pushed along (318,3)

baqiaea, he pushed down (80,14)

ubasna" , to push |a tail] into [a tree| (75,8)

bacibe, he forced a way out (369,13)

bohiceca, he pushed it away (331,3)

bacuta" , to make straight by pushing (234,14)
nan na" ha, he kicked (314,16)

wana"te, stepping on them (235,19)

wananqiqixe, crushing them with the foot (235,20)

na"cnaha, he slipped in walking (97,14)

nanxage to make cry by kicking (96,1 1)
ma - masa, he cuts head off (11,1)

\vemab9azai-ga, rend it for us with a knife (76,6)

uma.vnai-ga, split it with a knife (318,14)
9a caqu, to drink (266. 18)

(;a.snin , to swallow (79, 1 2)

cahekica, he made him put it in his mouth (99,7)

NOTES ON THE PONKA GRAMMAR ,329

\va9ab9ba9aza, he bit and tore them in many places (267, i 3)

cae9an ba, he made it emerge by biting (124,9)
ga gat'e, to die by falling (163,9)

ug&rne, he split bv hitting (81,18).

ugakiba, he made a crack by hitting (81,12)

gasacu, to strike a rattle (315,10)

ga.\nii, wind blows (324,7)

gamu, to empty by pouring out (17,1 1)

gapuki, to make sound by hitting (266,10)
9i — 9ijrnii, to drag (306,3)

cispacpai, he pulled pieces apart (17.7)

cip'ande, he shook by pulling (318,8)

cidan — ga, pull on it ! (96.9)

ciq9tida, he pulled it out (131,5)
na — nat'e, to die bv heat (232,7)

na'sabe, blackened by tire (259,5)

nazi9a, made yellow bv heat (237,2)

nfoinge, it is consumed bv hre (673,6)

naqcin , it burns brightly (235,15)

nadadaze, hre sends out sparks (234,18)

na/ubewace, he cooked them to pieces (232,1c))
mu -mucinge, to exterminate by shooting (628,0)

umucta, to remain from shooting (399,14)

I. OCA ITVK PREFIXES

These also show a strict analogy to the corresponding
Dakota prefixes.

a, on (Dakota a)

11, in, into (Dakota o)

i, from, with, out oi\ by means of (Dakota i)

Examples :

a- aca, to glue on (84,19)

c4gein , to sit on (84,6)

aci'a, to drop on (234, 18)

agigcaqtan , he poured on his own (234,19)
u. -ubaxan, to push into (232,6)

uaga'iide, I broke a hole in (90,17)

uga.vne, split inside by hitting (81,18)

22 i i

7-JO NOiKS ON THE I'ON'KA GRAMMAR

uba.vnan , to push into (75, S)
ugcin to sit inside (85,17)
i. -igaxa, to make of it (97,22)
itin , to hit with it (433.3)
ikide, to shoot with (369,10)
it'e, to die from it (690, 1 1)

PRONOMINAL FORMS

Verbs are classified as active and neutre, and these two
classes have distinct incorporated subjective pronouns, of which
the latter correspond on the whole to the incorporated prono-
minal objects of the active verb. This grouping- of verbs
and pronouns is the same as that found in Dakota. The
pronouns show considerable modifications according to the
phonetic character of the initial sound of the verb. By far the
majority of verbs mav be combined in one group. These have
the following subjective pronominal forms.

Pronominal subject of Active verb Neuter verb
Singular, 1st person a a"

" , 2nd " 9a — ci

Dual, inclusive an - wa -

The plural of all these forms is made by the suffix - -i,
corresponding to the Dakota — pi. The inclusive dual, by
addition of this suffix, is transformed into the first person
plural. It will be noticed that this method of forming the
pronominal plural is the same, as that applied in the possessive
pronoun. The third person plural object is wa--. This does
not seem to occur as subject of the neuter verb.

Kxamples :

ana'a" , I heard it [from na'an, he hears] (670,2)

ati, I have arrived [from ti, he arrives] (671,6)

cati, thou hast arrived (715,3)

cana'a" , thou hearest it (665, i )

anma"cini, we walk (713.5)

aneiiige, I have none [from cinge, he has none] (715,2)

anwa"qpani, I am poor [from wanqpani, poor] (719,2)

cicinge, thou hast none (70,17)

uawakegai, we have been sick [from wakega, sick] (662,1)

NOTES ON THE PONKA GRAMMAR 33 I

Active verbs with incorporated object are common. On
the whole the object is identical with the subject of the neutre
verb. In their combination the first person precedes the second
and third, and the third person precedes the second. As in
Dakota the combination of first person subject and second
person object is expressed by a special form, wi — . The plurality
of the object is here also expressed by the suffix - - i.

Examples :

me [an ] -thou [ca] ; a"casicaji, thou forgettest me (652,6)
us [-awa] — vou [9a]; uawacakani, you have aided us (751,9)
us [ wa] — thou [9a] ; wa9asi9a9a-bi, it is said you remembered

us (687,5)
we [a11 ] --thee [9i] ; an 91'i, we give it to thee (439,3)
we [an ] -vou [^ri— i J ; an9'isi9ai, we remember you (687,4)
I [a] -them [wa| ; awana'a" , I have heard about them

(676,1)
I [a] -them [vvaj ; awa'i, I gave them (652,14)
them [wa] — thou [9a] ; wa9ana'an , thou hearest about them

(692,7)
I — thee [wi] ; wind'a11, I hear thee (87,14)

I — thee [wi] ; uwiti" , I hit thee (62,3)
I — you [wi-i]; wi'ii, I give you (706,10)
Corresponding to the Dakota inflection of the verb begin-
ning with v, we have in Ponka the following forms of the verb
in 9

Singular, 1st person b9 —

" 2 " en — (n — )

3 " 9 —

Dual, inclusive an9 —

Examples :

b9ize, I receive (670, i )
kaDb9a ('), I wish (704,4)
manb9in (2), I walk (706,2)
kanb9egan ('), I hope (706,4)
eb9egan (3), I think that (706,6)

(1) Double conjugation.

(2) Infixed pronoun.

(3) Compound verb.

2 2 *

332 NOTES ON THE PONKA GRAMMAR

rne' you went (738,2)
urne, thou tellest (58, 1 7)
ckanna ('), thou wishest (741,10)
nize, thou receivest it (745,3)
mannin, you walk (744,5)
ganca('), he wishes (50,8)
ecegan (2), he thinks that (757, 13)
ancin, we were (727,5)
ancancai, we think (727,8)

According to a note on p. 534 (167,18) rna" is the oldest
form of the second person. There also exists a modern equiva-
lent hnan while nan is the most recent form.

hnictani, ye finished (436,9)

hnai, ye go (436,8)

Verbs with initial b, d, and g belonging to the stem are
treated in a similar manner

Singular, 1 st person

-, k

ii 2nd "

cp-

■ ",

ct-

- , ck

" 3rd "

-» S

Dual, inclusive

anb

~~t

and-

-, afig

Examples :
/axu, I write (488,8)
pixa?, I blow it (575,7)
icpahan , you know it (435, 14)
ibahan , he knows (111,18)
wi/anbe ('), I see thee (644,16)
ctanbe, you behold (635,10)
dan be, he saw (1 16,3)
kanbca(I), I wish (704,4)
ckaxe, you make (582,14)
ga"ca('), he wishes (50,8)
gaxe, he made (10,13)
angaxai, we do (686,5)
anda"be, we see (132,8)

(1) Double conjugation.

(2) Compound verb.

SOTKS C).\ Mil. I'DNKA (IRAMMAK 333

In verbs beginning with i, we have also modified forms o(
the pronoun :

Active pronoun. Singular ist person ica

Dual inclusive ancan

Neuter pronoun. Singular ist person ancan-

Plural, ist person wea
Object Plural, 3rd person we

Object, Plural, 3rd person combined with subject singular

ist person wea —
All other persons are regular.

Examples :

icapahan('), I know (659, 12)

anca"wankegai, I am sick on account of (714,8)

an canbaha n (:), he knows me (475,6)

ancan bahan ('), we know it (657,9)

weabaha11/' ('), they know us (389,13)

weat'aeai, they hate us (679,19)

wemaxe, he questioned them (40,5)

wecai, thev found them (440,14)

weaca-maji, I do not find them (151,20)

weancai, we found them (440,15)

In verbs beginning with u the following modifications
occur :

Active Pronoun, Plural, ist Person ang
Neuter Pronoun, Singular, ist Person an wa"

Examples :

anguifi^a" i, we aided him (748,3)

anguicica, we tell you (40,2)

a" wanya, he tells about me (43,3)

anwanna'an, thev heard about me (39,19)

an wanbitanga, press me down ! (23,15)
The following verbs are irregular :

pi, I arrived (453.6)

ci, you arrive (555,7)

hi, he arrives (555,7)

(1) Double conjugation.

334 NOTES ON THE PONKA GRAMMAR

minke I who (13,4)
ninke, thou who (758,1)
cinke, he who (1 1,5)
manka, we who
nanka, ye who (667,8)
hnanka ye who (231,5)
canka, they who (624,3)

man , I do (245, 10)
jan , thou doest (13,8)
an , he does (13,7)

ehe, I say (665,6) ancan , we say (678,6)

ece, you say (674,12) ecai, ye say (678,18)

e, he says (194,5) ai, they say (667,4)

INDIRECT OBJECT

The Ponka has two indirect objects, similar to those of the
Dakota. Sufficient material for an exhaustive presentation of
this difficult subject has not been collected. It may be sufficient
to indicate the scope of these forms by what appears to be the
most regular set of the indirect object, expressing the prepos-
ition "for, on behalf of".

for me for thee for him for us for them

I wi e (ewe — ) (')

thou in,ce — (ce — )(') wece— wece —

he in — ci gi - we we —

we inci- (in - - (') (wean — i)(x)

Examples :

wi/>axe, I make for thee (723,10)

wikanbca, I desire for thee (725,3)

ekan bca, I desire it for him (778,3)

in cewacka11 , thou makest an effort for me (758,2)

inceckaxe, thou does it for me (726,2)

wececkaxe, thou does it for us (752,7)

weceni'ai, thou hast failed to do it for us (752,8)

(1) According to the Manuscript Grammar by J. Owen Dorsey.

NOTKS ON THE PONKA GRAMMAR 335

wececka" na, thou desirest it for them (767,3)
inteqi, it is difficult for me (755,4)
eiga" cai, thev desire it for thee (741 ,11)
eciciDhe has it for thee (741,6)
giteqi, it is difficult for him (729,4)
weuda, it is good for us (758,4)
weteqi, it is difficult for us (752, 12)
wegaxai, thev do it for them (767,3
i" cinai, we begged of thee (?) (752,7)

PARTICLES

A number of particles perform the function of oral stops.
As in Dakota some of these have distinct forms according to the
sex of the speaker. Their principal function seems to be to give
a certain tone or modalitv to the predicate, and for this reason
thev might be more properly considered with the modal particles.

1. a and e are used to mark emphasis. They occur either
as stops or within the sentence.

2. ha and he express the period.

3. aha" and ehan express "the exclamation.

In all of these the a forms are used by men, the e forms
bv women.

Examples :

a" cin icanahi" a ! truly, I am fat [said by a man] (567,9)
cit'acewace icanahini e truly, vou hateful one ! [said by

a woman] (152,3)
can zani wibcahani ha, now I petition you all [said by a

man] (690, 1 )
wakanda wacixe ctewa" agika" bca-maji he, I do not desire

to take any mysterious power for my husband (614, 12)
gate cti gan nan aha", she has done that regularly ! [said

by a man] (591,7)
wanandecagcaji eha" ! you do not loathe him ! [said by a

woman (591 , 18)
ha and he are frequently used following imperatives :

Examples :

mangcin-ga ha, begone ! [said bv a man] (620,17)
gigcai -a he, enter your lodge ! [said bv a woman]
(614,13)

\\() SOI KS ON Mil: POXKA GRAMMAR

They are also used as interjections. Si nee ha and lie are
found printed occasionally instead of ha and he it seems justi-
fiable to consider the exclamations ha and he as the same
particles :

Examples :

ha, /ucpa ! ho, grandchild ! [said by a man] (620,9)

he, cpaca" ! ho, grandchild ! [said by a woman] (589,7)

4 -a marks the question.

Examples :

gacin edega11 a? what does that one say? (233,1)

ti a? has it come : (709,2)

eata" canaji" i a? why do ye stand ? (23,4)
adan (commonly translated "therefore") occurs also appa-
rently as an interrogative particle :

Examples :

e'a11' - qti ernin adan ? What great [ person | are you?

(23,12)
eatan adan? Why? (27,20)
See also : ebedi 'in cedan? to whose lodge does she go

carrying it (591,3)

5 - - ga and a express the imperative, ga being used by men, a

bv women.

19a --ga ! send it here ! [said by a man] (702,15)
ihecai-ga ! lay it down (plural) ! [said by man] (231,19)
gigcai-- a ! enter your lodge [said by a woman] (614, 1)
gcin 'kicai — a he, cause ve him to sit! [said by a woman]

(59i,i8)

6. — te |ta, tai] designates the future.

Examples :

ga t'e te, he will die from a fall (236, 1)

rne te ha, you will go (230,3)

wacate gcin ta aka, he will be sitting eating them (235,16)

uje/i ckaxe tai, ve will make a hole for a pole (615,1)

canckaxe tai aca, indeed, ye will do enough (144,14)

te changes, according to a general phonetic rule to ta before

NOTKS ON THi; PONKA GRAMMAR j?7

tlie article ; and also before the plural i. Thus tai is
the regular plural future. By the use of a double future
tate and taite the idea of futurity with certainty ot the
event happening js expressed.
Examples :

ganqti tate, it will be that way (227,4)
aDcpanan tate, you surely will gaze on me (230,5)
icta cijide taite ha, your eyes will (shall) be red (578.2)
agci -baji can can taite, they shall not come back conti-
nually (235,5)

ALTMEXIKANISCHE MOSAIKEN

IM KGL. MUSEUM FUR VOLKERKUNDE

Zu Berlin

Par le Dr Walter Lehmann, •Berlin.

Zu den grossten Kostbarkeiten der hoch entwickelten Cul-
turen Mexico's und Centralamerika's gehoren sowohl wegen
ihrer ausserordentlichen Seltenheit, als auch wegen der Pracht
der verwendeten Stoffe und der Schonheit der Ausfuhrung jene
Stiicke musivischer Arbeit, von denen bisher nur etwa 23, in den
Museen Europas varstreute bekannt geworden sind.

Ueber die Geschichte, Technik und Bedeutungaller bekannt
gewordener Mosaiken im Zusammenhange habe ich im "Globus"
(Nr. 20 von Bd. 90, 1906, p. 318-322) ausfiihriich gehandelt.
Hier liegt mir diesmal nur daran, zwei bisher noch nicht
veroffentlichte und besonders schone Examplare der Sammlung
des Berliner Museums fiir Volkerkunde bekannt zu machen.

Ein drittes Mosaik, welches dasselbe Museum besitzt, ist
eine mit Tiirkisplatten bedeckte Maske aus einem priiparierten
menschlichen Schiidel und bereits von Uhle voroffentlicht
worden.

Die beiden anderen Mosaiken mogen nun im Einzelnen
niiher beschrieben vverden. (').

(1) S. Veroffentl. k^l. Museum f. Volkerkunde, Berlin, lXKq, I, p. 2 u.
20 ff. sowie Tafel II, oben. Vgl. Am. Congr. Berlin, [888, C. R. p. 738.

340 ALTMKXIKANISCHK MOSAIKKN I.M KGL. Ml'SKUM

I. — DOPPKLJAGUAR. \o. IV Ca 4014.

la. Mosaik No : IV Gr 4014. K^l. Mus. f. Volkerkd. Berlin.

Ansicht \on oben

Geschichte. Das Stiickstammt sicher aus dem Nachlass
Alexander von Homboldt's (1769-1859), der es irgendwo aut
seinen Reisen in Mexico erworben haben muss. Xiiheres llissf
sich leider nicht ermitteln, da weder in den alten Akten der
Museums irgend eine Notiz zu finden ist. noch die Tagebiieher
des genonnten Gelehrten, welehe seine reisen in Mexico behan-
deln, bis jetzt bekannt sind. Merkuiirdig ist, dass A. von
Humboldt an keiner Stelle eeiner Schriften auf das kostbare
Stuck zu sprechen kommt.

In dem Katolog der amertkanischen Abteilung des Berlines
Museums findet sich die Angabe : " Aus dem \achlass A. von
Humbodt's, durch Graf Ross vermacht. 1S72. " In dem
Verzeichnis aller vom Grafen Ross iibrigens nicht " vermaeh-
ten, " sondern verkauften Objekte ist das Mosaik jedoch nicht
erwahnt. Hier ist hochst wahrscheinlich ein Irrtum unterge-
laufen. Soviel ich ermitteln konnte, wurde das Stuck von Xach-
kommen einer Tochter des Kammerdieners A. von Humboldt's
an das Museum verkauft. (')

Beschreibung. Der Doppel jaguar, dessen einer Kopf dem
Beschauer zu-, dessen anderer ihm abgekehrt ist, wurde aus

(i) Kur ifiitijje Mitteilung bin ich dem soeben verstorbenen Direktor,
Herrn (.jeheimral V'oss zu grosstem Danke verpflichlet.

UK VOLKERKUNDK /.l KKKLIN

34'

einein Stiick Holz geschnitzt, das 32cm lang, am Riicken 8cm,
an den Kopfen 10cm hoch ist. Die Miickenbreite betragtgcm,
der Umfang, um die Mitte von Riicken und Baucli gemessen,
32cm.

Das Holz ist fest und von rotbrauner Farbe. Die Extremi-
taten sind frei ausgearbeitet. Die Mitte der Bauchgegend wird
von einer Aushohlung gebildet, die 10cm lang, le 4j/2cm breit
und tief ist. Es Iiegt die Yermutung nabe, dass das, ganze
Stiick mit dieser viereckigen Vertiefung irgend einem anderen
Gegenstande aufgesessen habe, iiber dessen Beschaffenheit und
Zweck sich aber leider zur Zeit kaum et was Bestimmtes sagen
lasst.

\b. Mosfiik No : IV Ca 4014. Kgl. Mus. t". Volkerkd. Berlin. Ansiciit

von der einen Seite

Besonders hervorzuheben ist noch, dass die vom Mosaik
unbekleidete Bauehseite auf dem Holze selbst Bemalungen in
sebwarzer und blaugriiner Farbe aufweist die teils die Contu-
ren der Zehen und Fussschwielen andeuten, teils mehr als deko-
rative Linien und ornamentale Streifen verlaufen. Erstere ge-
hen paarig von je der Mosaikgrenze zum Langsrande der Aus-
hohlung, letztere ziehen sich hinter den Extremitaten schrag
iiber Hals und Brust beiderseits dahin.

Als Bindemittel ist wie bei alien bekannt gewordenen
Mosaiken eine dunkelbraune Harzmasse in dicker Schicht (etwa
3-4111111) auf das Holz aufgetragen worden. Dieses Harz hiess
kei den Mexikanern tzinacan-quauh-cuitlatl ('), Ausschw-

(1) S. Hernandez edid. Ant. Nardus Recchus, 1051, p. 866 u. p. 58 59
(cap. XXI, liber III), de tzinacancuitlaquahuitl seu arbore ferente jjummi
simile stercori vespertilionum. Laccifera, fjummi est quod Lace urn officinae
vocant . . .

342 ALTMKXIKANISCHE MOSAIKKN IM KGL. MUSEUM

itzung des Fledermauskaumes. Die Festigkeit des nach dem
Leibarzt Philipp's II von Spanien, als eine ganz ausserordent-
liche geschildert. In der Tat haben sich auch in dem Harzii-
berzug die Abdriicke der spitter verlorengegangenen Mosaik-
platten so deutlich erhalten, dass man etwaige Erganzungen
ohne Miihe vornehmen konnte.

Das Mosaik besteht in Auflagen von sehr verschiedenarti-
fjem Material. Ueberwiegend sind zumichst Steine, Flatten
und Plattchen von grunem oder griin-gelblichen Tiirkis (xihuitl)
und blauem Malachit matlalxihuitl (').' Die Grosse und Form
dieser Flatten ist eine iiberaus mannigfaltige ; teils sind sie
polvedrisch, im allgemeinen mehr oder weniger viereckig, teils
sind sie rund, wie z. B. auf der xMitte des Riickens. Die
Scheiben sind sorgfiiltig poliert und sehr genau eino an die
andere gefiigt.

Die Anordnung der Tiirkispli.ttchen verlouft vom Kopf
zum Rucken und von diesem zum Leib in breiten Streifen. Auf
dem Rucken sind diese Streifen dagegen schmaler. Hals und
Extremitiiten sind fast ganz mit Tarkisem bedeckt. Die Augen
sind vorwiegend mit Malachitscheiban eingefasst. Eine andere
Form der Anordnung bildet Rosetten, so auf dem Rucken, auf
den Extremitaten, die zweifellos die Flecken des Joguorfelles
nachahmen sollen. Sie finden sich auch auf einem Mosaik im
British Museum wieder, das gleichfalls einen, aber becherartig
ausgehohlten Jaguar darstellt ^2). Yereinzelt bemerk man sonst
noch eine rhombische Anordnung auf einer der Extremitaten.
F!inzelne Steinplatten weisen ausserdem Ritzungen auf.

Abgesehen von diesen Fldelsteinen ist auch Obsidian (itzli)
in grosseren Platten zur Anwendung gelangt. Solche erstre-
cken sich vom Kopf herab in breiten Streifen zwischen die Tiir-
kisbander, gehen dann vom Rucken in gebogener Linie nach
dem Oberarm, wo sie volutenartig sich verschlingen. Das eine
Ohr ist an der Spitze gleichfalls mit Obsidianplatten bedeckt.

( i ) I'k-r die Technik dor Steinschneidekunst s. Seler, Gesammelte^es,
Ablidli^. II 1904, p. 635-540.

(2) Photographien dieses Mosaiks verdanke ich der grossen Liebens-
wtirdigkeit des Herrn Charles H. Read in London, Er selbst bsschreibt es
in Archaeologia. Vol. 54 unter No. 8.

FUR VOLKERKUNDK ZU BKRLIN 343

Der zu innerst gelegene Lippensaum besteht aus kleineren
Obsidianplatten. Auch die Nasen-und Oberlippenpartie weist
Reste von Obsidian auf. Eigentiimlich ist ein quastenartiges
Gebilde, das jederseits am linken Oberarm herabfallt und mit
grossen Obsidianplatten bedeckt ist.

Sehr wesentlich belebt wird die Farbenwirkung durch man-
nig faltige bunte Muschelschalenstucke. Ausser Perlmutter fin-
den sich weisse, gelbe, hellrotliche, rote, dunkelrote und violette
Muschelschalen. Im allgemeinen sind die aus diesem Material
geschnittenen Stiicke bedeutend grosser als die Platten von bun-
ten Steinen.

Den Rlicken umsiiumen zwei Rehen hellueisser Muschel-
schalenstucke von durchschnittlich i )/? cm. Liinge und 3^ cm.
Breite. Helle Perlmutterschalen umsaumen die Extremitaten und
die Bauchseiten. Ebenso umsaumt ist ferner der aussere Lip-
penrand (wo einzelne Stiicke vvohl zur Andeutung der Schnurr-
haare mit Linien geritzt sind), die rechte Ohrspitze, der Hals
und die Gegend zwischen Iinkem Ohr und der oben erwohnten
Kopfstrahne.

Schmale weisse Muschelschalenstucke finden sich ferner an
den Stirnmitten. Runde Scheiben desselben Materials sind
seitlich von den \asenw urzeln angebracht. An hervorragender
Stelle auf der Hinderhauptsspit/.e ruht jederseits eine halbrunde
grosse weisse Muschelscheibe von 2 cm. Durchmesser, die wie
ein Daunenbal in den Bilderhandschriften gestrichelt ist.

Jeder der beiden Kopfe ist durch ein oben querloufendes
Band von Tiirkisen, gelber und roter Muschelschale abgeteilt in
zwei Felder, die mit dunkel gelblichem, ins violette spielender
Perlmuitermosaik inkrustiert sind. Die gleichen Scheiben keh-
ren auf dem Rucken wieder, wo sie den breiten Mittelstreifen
begrenzen. vSie finden sich auch noch an der rechten Schulter-
gegend.

Die ornamentale Anordung auf dem Rucken ist folgende :
Ein breites Mittelfeld von vier Rosetten (zwei aus Tiirkis, swei
aus roter Muschelschole) und seitlich davon je eine Grenzborte
von fund Rosetten aus Tiirkisen mit centraler, braun-rolicher
Muschelschale.

Es sei bemerkt, dass einzelne, meist kreisrunde Muschel-
stiicke durchbohrt sind, oder Ansiitze zu einer Durchbohrung
2 3

344

ALTMKXIKANISCHK MOSA1KKN IM KGL. MUSEUM

aufweisen. Andere Scheiben (so die weissen an der Xosenwur-
zel und der Wangengegend) besitzen eine Auflage brouner
Masse (Harz?) in Ringform. Kin halbovalformiges Perlmutter-
Stiick an der rechten Oberextremitiit des einen Jaguars zeigt
sogar eine kreisrunde Tiirkisplombe.

Die Augen und Nasen sind besonders arg beschiidigt.
Dies ruhrt davon her, dass sie vielleicht urspriingleich teilweise
mit Goldfolie bedeekt waren, wie Ahnliches gradezu von ande-
ren, von Juan de Grijalva 1 5 1 H in Tobasco eingetauschten
Mosaiken bei Oviedo angegeben ist. (')

Was die Ziihne anlangt, so sind sie bei dem einen Kopf
ganz herausgebrochen. Der andere dagegen zeigte oben vier
grossere, unten vier kleinere Schneideziihne aus heller Perlmut-
terschale (wovon 3 erhalten). Die Eckzahne sind von je zwei
echten Raubtierzahnen gebildet.

II. — Jaguarkopf. No. IV Ca 7159

m*s

Hv r^ ■ |H

m '■ 4fl

t- * ^ * JT *M^ 1

\Jta

r>:I*3

,0 ' JPw' ^fl

lJL ^^

~~^ - k -*J

' ^V Mi

*-M mZ. ■ ■-*«■ *

lira •

* ■ ■' ^

7 r

I la.— Mosaik No : IV Ca 7159 Kgl. Mus. f.
Volkerkd. Berlin. — Ansicht von vorn

Geschichte. Das
Stiiek wurde im Miirz
1H85 auf Veranlassung
des Herrn Geh. Rats
Voss durch Austausch
mit dem Herzoglichen
.Museum in Braunsch-
weig (2) zusammen mit
der Schadelmaske (No.
l\rCa 7i6o)er\vorben(;)
Zwei alte Etiquetten
sind geeignet, etwas
liber die Vorgeschichte
zu sagen. Die cine
langere Etiquette (a)
triigt die Nro. 344, die

(1) Oviedo, bei Ramusio, Raccolto, III (1505) lib. X\'I1, cap. 14,
rol. 15*).

(2) S. Kgl. Mus. t. Volkerkunde, Berlin, Acta America., 1K85. I. B.
No. 73.

(3) Nachtraglich sei hier bemerkt, das diese Schadelmaske auf der
Riickseii innen am linken Rande eine Holzleiste trai^t, auf der dewtlich No.
30 in altertiimlicher Schrift geschrieben steht.

FUR VOLKERKUNDE ZU BERLIN

345

ps5r^,t

j^-.

n- Tjf •>/ Mi ■

-< Vh

. ^v

*lW5v -, I

^K^^f

schmalere f^die
Nr. 13. In einer
Xeuaufnah me der
Herzoglichen
Sammlungen aus
den ersten Jahren
des 19 ten Jahrhun-
derts, die zum Tei
auf ein altes Bevern '-
sches In-ventar vom
Jahre 1623 zuriick-
geht, heisst es Vol.
I), p. 28 : i- Wolf-
skoph, sh hohl ist
und mit griinem

II b Mosaik No. IV.Ca 7159 Kgl. Museum f Volkerkd. Schmelz UberzO-
Berlin Ansicht von der linken Seite. crgn. " (Nro ""J.J.)

Etiquette b bezicht sich jedenfalls auf em Jilteres Inventar,
aber kaum auf das Original vom Jahre 1623, in dem wie mir
mitgeteilt wurde, das Mosaik nicht erwahnt ist (').

Im Jul i 1767 wurden die Sammlungen von Schloss Bevern
nach dem Herzoglichen Museum in Braunschweig uberfiihrt im
Zusammenhang mit der Uebersiedelung des Hofes von Wolfen-
blittel nach Braunschweig (1753). Wie die beiden Mosaiken
aber, der Jaguarkopf und die Schadelmaske, in den Besitz der
Herzoge von Bevern gekommen sind, ist fast unmoglich zu sa-
gen. Auffallend ist, dass sie grade in dem alten Inventar von
1623 fehlen. Wiiren die Stiicke in jener Zeit erworben worden,
so kame als Besitzer wohl der Herzog August der Jiingere
(1 578-1666), Sohn Heinrichs, Herzogs von Braunschweig-La-
neburg-Dannenberg (t 1598), in Betracht, von dem es feststeht,
das auf ihn Sammlungen von Limogen und Majoliken zuriick-
gehen, die der Reisende Taversin aufgebracht hatte. Andrer-
seits konnte man auch an den Herzog Anton Ulrich (1685-
1714) oder Ferdinand Albrecht denken, von denen der erstere
viele Sammlungen angelegt hat.

(1) Fur liebenswurdige Auskunfl spreche ich an dieser Stelle Herrn
Prof. I1. J. Meier in Braunschweig meinen verbindlichsten Dank aus.

2i »

346 ALTMEXIKANISCHE MOSAIKEN IM KGL. MUSEUM

Auch muss von vornherein die Erwagung massgebend sein,
dass derantige mexikanische Reliquien fast ausnahmslos iiber
Spanien gekommen sind, wo sie von Karl V oder einem seiner
Zeitgenossen anderweitig verschenkt wurden.

Sehr bedaueiich ist da der Umstand, dass der Name oder
das Wort, das auf der Basis des Jaguarkopfes nahe am Rande
in oltertiimlicher Schrift geschrieben, steht, nich zu entziffern
ist. Es ist ein fast ganz verwischtes Wort von 7-8 Buchstaben,
von denen die letzten vielleich. . . vis zu lesen sind.

Beschreibung. Der Gegenstand hat die Form eines nach
hinten oben offeren und .tief wie ein Pokal ausgehohlten Jaguar-
kopfes mit geoffnetem Rachen. Die grosste Hohe betragt 14^2
cm., der Durchmesser der Oeffnung 7 ]/2 cm. Der Durchmesser
der wurmstichigen Basis ist 9^ cm., die grosste Breite 14 cm.,
der groste Umfang (vom Hinterhaupt nach der Nasen-Ober-
kieferpartie gemessen) 45 cm.

Die Grundsubstanz bildet ein braunliches Holz. Der
becherartige Kopf hat jederseits nahe der Mitte des linken und
rechten Randes der Oeffnung an einander entsprechenden
Stellen je eine grossere und kleinere Durchbohrung.

Kin Stiick des Hinterrandes ist abgebrochen. Das Binde-
mittel fur das Mosaik ist das braune Marz des tzinacanquahuitl,
das ubriirens auch einen Teil des Innenrandes der becherartiixen
Aushohlung tiberzieht.

Das Mosaik ist leidlich errhalten, insofern nichts Wesentli-
ches fehlt, d. h. das Fehlende nach dem Vorhandenen ohne Wei-
teres erganzbar ist. Fast unverseht ist es an den Hinter-und
Seitenteilen, sowie im Rachen und an der Unterseite des Unter-
kiefers. Es fehlt, besonders auf der Nasenwurzel, dem Oberkie-
fer, an Augen und Wangen. Die Eindriicke im Harz zeigen
jedoch deutlich die Grosse und Form der verloren gegangenen
oder ausgebrochenen Platten an.

Als Material sind wiederum verschiedene Arten Steine und
Muschelschalen verwandt.

\Vras die ersteren betrifft, so haben wir zuniichst eine allge-
meine Masaikdecke zu unterscheiden von warzenformig dariiber
hervorragenden, zum Teil facettierten Steinen. Indem diesewie
leuchtende Tropfen von der glitzernden Unterlage sich abheben,
wird dadurch ein umbeschreiblich schoner und kunstvoller

FUR VOLKERKUNDE ZU BERLIN 347

Effekt erzielt. Diese wa rze n form i gen Steine sind wohl das, was
die Mexikaner xiuhtomolin nanntenennten (:). Sie finden sich
sehr schon auch auf einer Maske der Christy Collection (London)
(2) und auf einer anderen jetzt im Museo prehistorico di Roma,
friiher im Besitz der Medici befindlichen Maske (3).

Die zusammenhangende Mosaikdecke besteht aus griinen
oder griin-gelblichen Tiirkisplatten, teils aus himmelblauen Ma-
lachitscheiben, die, in Form unp Grosse wechselnd, spiegelblank
gechliffen sind. Die Seitenteile der Maske begrenzen Malachit-
platten von je 2, 7 cm. Lange und o, 7 cm. Breite ; andere auf-
fallend grosse Platten sind hier und da verstrent, so ist an der
Stirnmitte eine facettierte Turkisplatte von 1, 1 cm. x. o, 8 cm.
Grosse. Eine anderer sitzt der Mitte des Unterkiefers auf. Eine
iihnliche grosse Platte in der Mitte des Oberkiefers ist ausge-
brochen.

Die Anordnung der gesamten Platten und Platchen ist
eine anscheinend willkiirliche. Regelmiissigere Ziige von Pliitt-
chen umgeben jedoch die Augen und die Linien des Mundes, der
sich ein wenig plastisch vom iibrigen Gesicht absetzt.

Das Lippentot wird durch eine Leiste schmaler roter Mus-
chelschalenstiicke gebildet (4), die ein wenig schn'ig nach innen
vom Mundrande gerichtet ist.

Gaumen und Mundboden sind mit Mosaik von griinen und
blauen Steinplatten bedeckt, das sehr wirkungsvoll durchbro-
chen wird von Zickzacklinien aus roten Muschelschalstiicken,

(1) Xiuhtomolli, s. Sahagun edid. H". Simeon, p. jbj,, ein aus Gualemela
und Soconusco importierter Stein. Hernandez (1. c. tract.' VI p. qo,
No. 31) reibt den xiuhtomolin an den den matlalxihuitl an. Molina (in
sienem Vocabular, Mexico 1 57 1 ) erwahnt xiuhtomolli turquesa, piedra
preciosa. Etymologisch hangt damit vvol totomolua Beulen machen,
bosselieren zusammen, vgl. noch Seler, Ges. Abh. II p. 634 (53) und
p. 640.

(2) Waldeck-Brasseur de Bourbourg, Monuments anciens du Mexique,
Paris 1866. in fol. pi. 43.

(t,) s. Pigorini, Reale Academia dei Lincei, Serie 3a. Vol. XII 18X5. fig.
4a. fl mosaico e formato di conchiglia rossa e di turchine, e alcune
di queste, arrotondate, si elaveno a guisa di bitorzoli.

(4) Ein Teil am rethten Mundwinkel ist fruher durch roten Siegellack
erganzt worden. Eine andere rote Muschelplatte unterhalb des linker!
unteren Eckzahnes ist durch ein Holzplattchen erganzt worden.

2 3 *

348 ALTMEXIKANISCHE MOSAIKEN IM KLG, MUSEUM

von denen drei am Gaumen, zwei am Mundboden angebracht
sind.

Auch die Unterseite des Unterkiefers ist mit abwechseln-
den Streifen von Tiirkisplatten, zum Teil von der erwahnten
Warzenform und roten Muschelschalstiicken gebildet von denen
zmei milchweiss geadert und 2, 7 cm. lang, o, 7 cm. breit sind.

Die Zahne stehen zehn im Oberkiefer, ach im Unterkiefer,
Sie sind aus weisser Muschelschale schr sorgfaltig geschnitzt.
Im Oberkiefer, stecken jederseits zwei Backzahne, von denen
einer zwei, der andere drei Kronen hat, je ein dreikroniger
Backzahn, je ein Eckzahn und vier in einem Stuck gearbeitete
kleine Schneidezahne.

Die Augen bestehen ebenso wie die unteren Nasenteile aus
einer homogenen dunkelbraunen Harzmasse mit gratter,
anscheinend sorgfaltig poliert Oberfliiche. Ob dies aber der
urprungliche Zustand war, ist mir aus dem Grunde unwahrs-
cheinlich, weil an der linken unteren Nasenpartie ein freilich
nur ganz kleines Goldpartikelchen hangen geblieben ist. Doch
lasst dies vermuten, dass die genaunten Teile einstmals mit
diinner Goldfolie iiberzogen waren.

Hier wird man lebhaft an die von Oviedo erwahnten Mo-
saiken der Gegend von Tabasco erinnert, die Juan de Grijalva
1 5 18 eintauschte. So erinnert z. B. die von ihm aufgeziihlte
11 testa di cane coperta di pietre minute, e molto ben fatta » in
der Form auffallend an das eben beschriebene Stuck, wiihrend
bei den anderen von Oviedo erwahnten Mosaiken grade die
Technik genau auf die erhaltenen Exemplare passt. Ich greife
nur die Beschreibung von zwei Masken heraus :

" Una maschera di legno, che del naso in su era coperta di
minute pietre ben collocate, a modo d'opera musaica, lequale
petruccie erano di colore coma turchine. Dal naso in giu era
coverta d'una sottile sfoglia d'oro. »■

" Un altra maschera della medesima maniera, ma l'opera
di queste pietre era da gli occhi in su, e da gli occhi in giu era
d'una sottile sfoglia d'oro coperta "

Was demnach den Ursprungdieser und einer Reihe anderer
Mosaiken anlangt, so kann wohl behauptet werden, dass sie
nicht aus dem eigentlichen mexikanischen Culturkreis stammen,
sondern aus dem Gebiet der benachbarten, weiter ostlich gele-

FUR VOI.KKRKUNDK ZU BERLIN 349

genen Lander. Insbesondere wiire an Tabasco zu denken.
Hierfiir sprechen noch eine Reihe anderer Momente, die hier
aufzufuhren aber nicht der Platz gestattet.

Es ist nicht unmoglich, dass die oben beschriebenen oder
einer der anderen erhaltenen Mosaiken auf die Expedition Juan
de Grijalva's ( 1 5 18) zuriickgeht. Die von ihm eingetauschten
Kostbarkeiten gelangten in den Besitz des Statthalters von Cuba
Namens Velasquez, der wohl das eine oder andere Stuck an
Carl V nach Spanien gesandt haben mag.

Was endlich den Zweck der beiden Berliner Mosaiken
anlangt, so ist es sehr schwer, dariiber irgend etwas sicheres zu
sagen. Man geht aber wohl nicht fehl, wenn man annimmt,
dass es Prunkstiicke waren, die vielleicht bei sacralen Ceremo-
nicen eine Rolle spielten. Einer bestimmten Deutung mochte
ich mich jedoch enthalten.

DIE WANDSKULPTUREN IM

Tempel des Pulquegottes von Tepoztlan

pak LE Dr Eduard Selek, Berlin-Steg-litz.

Das Hochtal von Mexico ist im Siiden durch eine Bergkette
abgeschlossen, die gewissermassen das Bindeglied zwischen der
hochragenden Bergmasse des Popocatepetl und den Hochlande
bildet, dem der Xevado de Toluca aufgesetzt ist. Wie die
Endpunkte dieser Kette vulkanischen Kriiften ihren Ursprung
verdanken, so haben auch an dem Aufbaue der Kette selbst
vulkanische Krafte in wirksamster Weis'e mitgearbeitet. An
dem Xordfusse dieses Gebirgs, gerade im Siiden der Hauptstadt,
breitet sich das gewaltige Lavafeld aus, das unter dem Xamen
" Pedregal •• bekannt ist und das dem kleinen Vulkane Xictli
seinen Ursprung verdankt, dessen Miindung etwa hundert Meter
hoher sich offnet. Dem Kamme der Kette selbst ist der Ajusco
(eigentlich A. xoc/ico) aufgesetzt, der seine Lavastrome und seine
Tuffmassen weit iiber Cuernavaca hinaus entsendete. An der
Siidseite der Kette ostlich von Cuernavaca, ist im Tale ein
breiter flacher Kegel zu sehen, dessen Mundungsrand an einer
Seitedurchbrochen ist und der deshalb das » Hufeisen " genannt
wird. Dann aber folgen, als gewaltige Klippen hoch in die
Liifte ragend und schon von weither sichtbar, die zernagten
Rjinder eines Riesenvulkans, der, zusamen mit einer von ihm
aus nach Siiden ziehenden Hiigelkette, die Scheide zwischen
dem Tale von Cuernavaca und dem von Uaxtepec, Ouauhtla
und Yauhtepec bildet. In dem Boden dieses Kraters befinden
sich die Hiiuser und die Fruchtfelder des Dorfes Tepoztlan.
Auf der Hohe der Klippen, die den Xordrand des Kraters bilden,
an fast unzuganglicher Stelle, steht der Tempel, der dem Gotte
dieser Landschaft, " dem (Gotte) von Tepoztlan •», Tepoztecatl,
dem Pulquegotte, gewidmet war, und der noch heute unter den

352 DIE WANDSKULPTUREN IM TEMPEL

Bewohnern des Ortes als " Casa del Tepozteco, " als " Haus des
(Gottes) von Tepoztlan, " bekannt ist.

Die Leute von Tepoztlan sprechen mexikanisch, wie es in
alter Zeit die Bewohner der umliegenden Tiller ganz allgemein
taten. Von den Bewohnern der Hauptstadt Mexico und ihren
Nachbarn wurden diese die warmen fruchtbaren Tiller von
Ouauhnauac ( das ist heutige Cuernavaca ), von Uaxtepec,
Yauhtepec und Quauhtla bewohnenden Stiimme Tla/huica,-
das heisst wohl " Erdleute, " oder » die die Erde (als Gott)
haben " — genannt. Diesem Namen entspricht in der Tat
alles, was wir von den Gottheiten jener Stiimme wissen. Die
Hauptgottheit des Tales von Cuernavaca scheint Xochique/zal
gewesen zu sein, die junge Gottin der Blumen und der Liebe,
der der priichtige, noch heutigen Tags leidlich wohl erhaltene,
reich mit Skulpturen bedeckte Tempel Xochicalco geweiht war,
und der, wie wir durch den Interpreten des Codex Magliabec-
chiano XIII, 3 erfahren, im Herbste, zu der Zeit wo die
Mexikaner das Tepeilhuitl das " Fest der Berggotter " feierten,
von den Tlalhuica grosse Feste gefeiert wurden, an denen
Saufereien and allerhaud Unzucht zwischen unerwachsenen
Knaben und Madchen einen Hauptteil des Festes bildeten.
Der Gott von Tepoztlan aber, Tepoz/eca/l, war einer aus der
grossen Zahl von Gottern, die als Gotter des Pulque's (oc/li), des
siissen, aus dem Safte der Agave americana (me//) gowonnenen
berauschenden Getriinkes, von den Mexikanern verehrt wurden,
und denen ebenfalls in der Ern/ezei/ grosse, mit Trinkgelagen
verbundene, oder geradezu in Saufereien und Debaucherien
ausartende Feste gefeiert wurden.

Die Gottin der Agave-Pfianze, Mayanel, gait den Mexika-
nern als ein Weib mit hundert Briisten, also als ein Abbild der
Fruchtbarkeit. Und ein Sinnbild oder eine Verkdrperung der
fruchtbringenden Erde waren den Mexikanern auch die PulqueT
gotter, und ebenso die Gottin der Blumen und der Liebe Xochi-
qiretzai. Darum auch diese in der Ern/ezei/ diesen beiden
Gottern mit Bacchanalien und mit geschlechtlichen Ausschwei-
fungen gefeierten Feste. Sie veranschaulichten eben die Frucht-
barkeit, oder sie waren geradezu ein Zauber, durch die man auch
fur die Folgezeit die Fruchtbarkeit der Erdesich sichern wollte.
Die Yornahme soldier zaubericher Handlungen hat man in

DES PI LQUEGOTTKS VON TEPOZTLAN 353

neuerer Zeit fiir das Wesen und den Ausgangspunkt jeder
Religion erklart. Die hochsten Aeusserungen schaffender
dichterischer Phantasie, das altgriechische Drama und die
gleichwertigen Schopfungen anderer Volker erschienen unter
diesem Gesichtswinkel nur als die veredelten Formen ahnlicher
grobsinnlicher magischer Zeremonien. Es scheint indes, dass
weder bei den antiken Gottern der Liebe und des Weins, noch
bei den verwandten Gestalten anderer Volker die Idee der
Fruchtbarkeit oder der geschechtliche Akt die urspriingliche
Vorstellung war. Und gerade bei den mexikanischen Yertre-
tern dieser Klasse von Gottheiten liegt es eigentlich klar zu
Tage, dass sie nur Ausgestaltungen, Weiterentwicklungen einer
andern allgemein verehrten alten primitiven Gottheit waren,
der Gottheit des Mondes, der eben in seiner Phasenbildung, in
dem Abnehmen und Zunehmen, in seinem Sterben (zur Zeit der
Konjunktion mit der Sonne) und in seiner VYiedererneuerung
(wenn er als schmale Sichel wieder am Abendhimmel sichtbar
wird), ein Sinnbild und Abbild des Absterbens und der Wieder-
erneuerung ist und deshalb, durch einen natiirlichen und ganz
allgemein gemachten Trugschluss, geradezu als Ursache jedes
Wachstums und jeder Wieder erneuerung betrachtet wurde.

Aus der urspriinglichen Mondnatur erklart sich zunachst
der Name der Pulquegotter, die Centzon totochtin Yierhundert
(d. h. unzahlige) Kaninchen.. genannt wurden. Denn das
Kaninchen (tochtli) ist das Abbild des .Mondes, der Mann im
Monde, der Mond selbst. Als Sonne und Mond geschaffen
worden waren, da leuchteten, wie die Mexikaner erzahlten,
urspriinglich die beiden Himmelskoper mit dem gleichen Glanze.
Aber als die Gotter dieses sahen, sehlugen sie dem Monde mit
einem Kaninchen ins Gesicht. Dadurch verdunkelte sich sein
Glanz und das Bild des Kaninchens ist seitdem immer auf der
Flache des Mondes. zu sehen. Bekanntlieh nannten auch die
Sanskrit sprechenden Bewohner des Induslandes den Mond
cacin, d. h. den » mit dem Hasen." Und in der Tat, unter
dem Gesichtswinkel, unter dem der Mond uns in den Tropen
erscheint, sieht der •• Mann im Monde " vvirklich wie ein sich
aufrichtendes (Mannchen machendes) Kaninchen aus. Die
Mexikaner bildeten den Mond denn auch hieroglyphisch in der
Weiseab, dass sie in dunklem, nachtigem, mit Augen besetztem

354

DIK WANDSKULPTUREN IM TEMPEL

Felde (dem Abbilde der Nacht oder des Sternhimmels) einen zu
der Form eines Nasenhalb mondes (yacametztli) gebogenen, in
der Farbe eines Totenknochens gemalten Halbmond zeichneten,
den sie mit der Farbe und den Linien des Wassers fullten und
auf diesem Wasser dann in weisser Farbe das Bild eines
aufgerichteten (Miinnchen machenden) Kaninchens wiedergaben
(vgl. Abb. i).

Abb. \a Metstli, der Mond und Tlacolteutl \ die Mond j^ottin.

Codex Borgia 55.

Aber nicht nur in dem Xarnen der Pulquegotter spricht
sich ihre Mondnatur aus, auch in alien ihren Abzeichen : — Die
Pulquegotter tragen den yacametztli, den » \asenhalbmond, •
in der Nase, denselben in der Farbe des Totenknochens gemalten
Halbring, den wir eben in der Hieroglyphe des Mondes (Abb.
1 ) gesehen haben, der aber haufig auch die Form eines einfachen,
mit gelber Farbe (der Farbe des Goldes) gemalten Halbmondes
hat. Und das Hell und Dunkel, die Phasenbildung des
Mondes, die zur Halfte erleuchtete, zur Halfte dunkle Scheibe,—
von den Mexikanern als schwarzes und rotes Feld (tlillcuu
tlapallan) wiedergegeben, - - ist die Besonderheit der Gesichts-
bemalung der Pulquegotter und das auszeichnende Merkmal
ihrerTracht (vgl. Abb. 2a — r). DerXasenhalbmond {vacametztli)
oder der Farbengegensatz von Schwa rz und Rot (tlillan
tlapallan) ) durch schwarz und rote Felder oder abwechselnde
schwarze und rote Felder markiert, odereine Kombination beider

DES PULQUEGOTTES VON TEPOZTLAN

355

Abb. ib. Sonne, Morgenstern und Monti.
Codex Borgia 71.

Merkmale, kann geradezu als Emblem der Pulquegottheit
bezeichnet werden (vgl. Abb. 3-5).

Endlich wird in mythischen Berichten der Mond gerade/.u
mit dem Embleme der Pulquegottheiten, dem Pulquetopfe
(octecomatl oder tochtecomatl ) identifiziert. In einem aus den
ersten Zeiten nach der Conquista stammenden, in aztekischer
Sprache geschriebenen Manuskripte, der " Historia de Colhuacan
y Mexico, " — das ist der eigentliche Titel des fruher als " Codex
Chimalpopoca " beschriebenen und in den Anales del Museo
Nacional de Mexico unter dem Titel " Anales de Ouauhtitlan ■
leider unvollstanding und fehlerhaft veroffentlichten Manu-
skriptes, — lesen wir : — " auh in iquac inic ya in ilhuicac in
tonatiuh, niman ye yauh in metztli . . . auh in ouacic in ilhuica-
tenco, niman tochtecomatica conixamauico in Papaztac " " und
nachdem die Sonne am Himmel sich in Bewegung gesetzt hatte,
geht auch der Mond . . . und als er am Rande des Himmels
(oder des Meeres?) angelangt war, umhullte ihn Papaztac (das
ist der Name eines der Pulquegotter) mit Papierstreifen nach
Art eines Kaninchentopfes (d. h. eines Pulquetopfes). »

356

IMK WANDSKULI'Tl'RKN IM TKMI'KL

Als Pulquegotter werden nun in den Ouellen eine ganze
Anzhl verschiedener Gotter genannt, deren Namen zumeist
patronymische Form haben, d. h. von einem Ortsnamen
abgeleitet sind. Diese Wachstums-und Frntegotter genossen
eben wcithin und iiberall Yerehrung und krystallisierten sich
nur zu besondern Gestalten, wo ein besonderes, ihrem Kult
geweihtes Heiligtum sich befand. Tepoztecutl, der Gott von
Tepoztlan, scheint eine hervorragende Stelle unter ihnen

Abb. 2<i Tepoztecatl, der Pulquegott von 1'epozthin.
Codex Magliabecchiano XIII, 3 fol. -jq.

eingenommen zu haben. Denn in der Reihe der Pulquegotter,
die im Codex Magliabecchiano XIII, 3 genannt und in ganzer
Gestalt und mit ihren Namenshieroglyphen abgebildet sind,
steht er an erster Stelle (vgl. Abb. id). Der Schreiber des
Codex Magliabecchiano scheint allerdings mit den Yerhaltnissen

DES PULQUEGOTTES VON TKI'OZTLAN

357

der Tlalhuica besonders vertraut gewesen zu sein und war
vermutlich nicht fern von diesem Lande zu Hause.

Der Tern pel Tepozte-

tohxfytiTi,

Abb. 2d Einer der Centzon Totochtin, der ' ' 400

Kaninehen ", d. h. der Pulquegotter.
Sahagun M. S. Biblioteea del Palacio, Madrid

catfs war natiirlich nur ein
kleines Provinzheiligtum,
aber dureh seine Lage auf
nahezu unzuganglicher
Klippe und gerade liber dem
Talgrunde, der die Hituser
und die Fruchtfelder des
Dorfes trug, ausgezeiehnet.
In seinen allgemeinen Ver-
hitltnissen ist er geradezu ein
typischesBeispiel einesalten
mexikanischen Heiligtums.
Als im Jahre 1895 in der
Hauptstadt Mexico der 11,
internationale Amerika-
nisten kon gress tagte, haben
die patriotischen Bewohner
Tepoztlan's, auf Anregung
des auch aus diesem Dorfe
stammenden Ingenieurs

Francisco M. Rodriguez, der gegenwiirtig Leiter des Museo Na-
cional de Mexico ist, den Tempel, der unter dem Schutte des
cingestiirzten Daches vergraben war, freilegen lassen. Herr
Rodriguez hat einen Plan dieses Tempels aufgenommen, der
zuerst von Saville in seiner Beschreibung der Ruine (!) und
dann von mir in einem Aufsatze, den ich diesem Tempel und
seinem Gotte gewidmet habe, (2) veroffentlicht worden ist und den
ich hier in Ab. 6 wiedergebe (Siche S. 350). Man sieht, dass der
Tempel sich auf einem Unterbaue erhebt, der an der Westseite
von einem kleinen Hofe begrenzt ist. Auf dieser Westseite fiihrt
von dem Hofe eine Treppe zu der Hohe der obern Plattform, und

(1) Marshall H. Saville, Bulletin Am. Museum of Natural History,
New York Vol. VIII.

(2) Seler, Gesammelte Abhandlungen /ur amerikanischen Spracli und
Altertumskunde, Hand 2. Berlin 1905. Seite 205.

35«

DIE YVANDSKULPTUREN 1M TEMPEL

nach der Westseite ist auch das Sakrarium geoffnet, das auf
dieser Plattform sich befindet. Nach Westen schaute das Idol,
das in der Tempelzelle stand. Denn der Westen, die Region,
wo die Sonne in die Erde versank, und wo der junge Mond am
Himmel sichtbar wurde, die Gegend, wo die Miichte, die Geburt
and Wachstum beherrschten, die Mondgotter, — und demnach
auch die Pulquegotter, - - ihre Heimat hatten, das war das
Tamoanc/ian, das Haus des Herabsteigens, d. h. das Haus der

Abb. 2c Patecatl, der Pulquegott, Regent des'XI. Tonalamatl Abschnittes.

Codex Borbonicus n.

Geburt; das Cincalli, das Haus, wo der Maisgott geboren und
von wo die Maisfrucht den Menschen gebracht wurde ; und das
Colhuacan, der Wohnort der Vorfahren,.wo die Vorfahren der
gegenwartig das Land bewohnenden Stamme zuerst auf der
Krde erschienen sind.

Das Sakrarium selbst hat nur geringe Dimensionen. Es
zerfallt in eine nach vorn, nach Westen, vollstiindig offne Vor-
halle, in deren Mi tie eine viereckige Vertiefung wohl den

DES PULQUEGOTTES VON TEPOZTLAN

359

Feuerplatz bezeichnet, und in die eigentliche Tempelzelle, in
der, an der Mitte der Hinterwand, auf einem kleinen viereckigen
Postamente das Idol sich befand. Letzteres ist verschwunden.
Aber erhalten ist noch ein Relief (Abb. 7), das Saville beschreibt
und das an hervorragender Stelle, an der Sudwand der untern
Pyramidenstufe eingemauert war, aber leider herausgenommen

i|iimiiiiiii;iii;iiin[||||||||||IUIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIlllllllllll^^^

lyillllllllllllin.lllllllllllllllllllllllffllHIIIIIII^

Abb. 3. " manta de conejo " \ometochtilmatli
Codex Magliabecchiano XIII, 3 fof. 4 verso.

Abb. 4 " manta de dos conejos " \ometochtilmatU\
Codex Magliabeccbiano XIII, 3. fol. 5.

2 U

360

DIE WANDSKULPTUREN IM TEMPEL

worden ist und jetzt in dem Museo Nacional de Mexico sich
befindet. Das Relief stellt ein fabelhaftes kleines Wassertier vor
und ist die Hieroglyphe fur den Namen des Konigs AuitzotL
Das war der unmittelbare Vorgiinger des jungern Motecuhcoma,
des ungliicklichen Herrschers, der in den Kampfen zwischen de-n
emporten Mexikanern und den in einem Palaste der Hauptstadt
verschanzten Spaniern sein Ende fand. Unter diesem Konige
Auitzotl, der den politischen Einfluss Mexico's weit nach Siiden,
bis zu den Liindern der pazifischen Kiiste, der Mixteca baja,

Tehuantepec und Soco-
nusco ausdehnte,
scheintalsoauch dieses
Heiligtum gebaut oder
erneuert worden zu
sein. Auf einer zweiten
Platte, die sich neben
der mit der Hierogly-
phe Auitzotl befand,
sind ein Kaninchen und
zehn Kreise abgebildet.
Diese scheinen dasjahr
matlactli tochtli " zehn
Kaninchen "zu bezeich-
nen,dasdemjahre 1502
der christlichen Zeit-
rechnung entspricht
und das letzte Regie-
rungsjahr Auitzotl's,
bzw, das Jahr war, in
dem er starb. In diesem Jahre scheint demnach der Tempel
von Tepoztlan gebaut oder erneuert worden zu sein.

Erhalten sind ferner, wenigstens zum Teil, an dem Tempel
von Tepoztlan die Reliefe, die die Pfeiler zu beiden Seiten des
Eingangs in die Tempelzelle schmuckten (Abb. 8 und 9) ; und
erhalten sind endlich die Relietbander, die an der Vorderseite
bankartiger Wandvorspriinge an der Nord-und Siidseite der
Vorhalle und an der Nord, Ost-und Sudwand der Tempelzelle
angebracht sind. Diese Reliefe, in denen eine eigenartige Sym-
bolik zum Ausdrucke zu kommen schien, erregten meine Auf-

Pulque-

Abb. 5 ometochtlauiztli "Devise des
gottes. ' '
Sahagun MS. Academia de la Historia, Madrid.

DES PULQUEGOTTES VOX TEPOZTLAN

36l

merksamkeit. Leider aber waren die Photographien, die ich
von ihnen zu Gesicht bekam, unvollstiindig und in den Einzel-
heiten nicht genau zu erkennen. So entschlossen wir uns denn,
meine Frau und ich, als wir vor anderthalb Jahren, nach der
Weltausstellung in St. Louis, noch einmal das Land unserer
Studien aufgesucht hatten, von diesen Reliefen Abklatsche zu
machen, wozu uns der Inspector und Konservator der Altertumer
der Republik Mexico, Herr Leopoldo Batres auch bereitwilligst

24-

362

DIE WANDSKULI'TUREN IM TKMI'KL

Abb 7. Hieroglyphe des

mexikanischen Konigs

A u itzotl.

die Erlaubnis gab. Die Abklatsche vvaren
etwas schwierig zu machen, da das
Gestein, aus dem der Tempel gebaut ist,
eine blasige Lava, eine unglaublich
rauhe, geradezu in Spitzen aufgeloste
Aussenfliiche zeigt. Die Miihe hat sich
aber doch gelohnt. Es haben sich vpn
den Abklatschen ganz brauchbare
Abgiisse herstellen lassen, die jetzt im
koniglichen Museum fiir Volkerkunde in
Berlin aufgestellt sind. Nach ihnen sind
die Zeichnungen gefertigt worden, die
ich hier in Abb 9-15 wiedergegeben habe.
Ich will zunachst die Verzierungen besprechen, die an den
einander zugekehrten Enden der Halbwiinde angebracht sind,
die die Vorhalle von der Tempelzelle scheiden (Abb. 8, 9), und
die diese Enden wie Pfeiler erscheinen lassen, die den Eingang
zur Tempelzelle flankieren. Die Verzierungen haben hier an
der der Vorhalle und dem Eingange zur Tempelzelle zugekehr-
ten Seite vermutlich bis zur Hohe des Daches gereicht. Da
aber das Dach wahrscheinlich ein Strohdach war, — wie das des
Haupttempels des benachbarten Ouauhnauac (Cuernavaca), von
dem wir im Codex Telleriano-Remensis eine Abbildung haben —
so ist bei der Zerstorung des Tempels, die in der ersten spani-
schen Zeit und durch Brand erfolgt sein wird, auch der obere Teil
der Wand zerstort worden, und die Vernachliissigung wiihrend
mehr als dreier Jahrhunderte wird dann wohl auch noch ihren
Teil zur weiteren Herunterarbeitung der Wande beigetragen
haben. Immerhin kann man noch heute (vgl. 8, 9) deutlich
erkennen, dass der obere Teil dieser Eingangspfeiler an der der
Vorhalle und dem Eingange zur Tempelzelle zugekehrten Seite
in seinerganzen Breite von einer grossen Figur der Hieroglyphe
chalchiuitl (griiner Edelstein, Jadeit) eingenommen war. Der
Chalchiuitl war den Maxikanern das Sinnbild oder der Inbegriff
der Kostbarkeit. Die Hieroglyphe chalchiuitl wurde daher,
wie wir in den Bilderschriften, dem Codex Borgia, der Wiener
Handschrift und dem Codex Nuttall sehen, ganz allgemein an
dem Unterbaue, auf dem Dache oder an den Wandpfeilern der
Tempel angebracht, um diese Bauten als " Orte der Kostbar-

DES Pl'LQUEGOTTES VON TEPOZTLAN

363

keit ", d. h. als » Orte des Opfers oder des Opferblutes " zu
bezeichnen. — Unter der Hieroglyphe chalchi ui tl sieht man in
den Abbildungen 8 und 9 ein Band von Stufenmiiandern, das
an dem Nordpfeiler (Abb. 8) ein etwas komplizierteres Muster
hat als an dem Siidpfeiler (Abb. 9). Unter ihm folgt ein
schmales Band mit kleinen (Seheiben? Augen ?) und ein breiter
Streifen gerade herab laufender rechtwinklig begrenzter Erhe-
bungen, die wohl herabhangende Federn bezeichnen sollen.

Die Reliefe, die an der Vorderseite der bankartigen Yor-
spriinge an der Unterseite der Zimmerwiinde angebracht sind,
stellen eine Folge einzelner Symbole dar. In der Vorhalle sind

Abb. 8 (1 14 nat. gr. ) Relief am Nordpfeiler des Eingangs in die Tempelzelle
(Nacli einer Photographie C. B. Waite's).

2 4 *

364

DIE WANDSKULPTl'RKN 1M TKMFEL

an der Nordseite deren vier vorhanden (Abb. 14) ; an der
Siidseite sind nur zwei erhalten (Abb. 15.) In der Tempel-
zelle waren, wie es scheint, urspriinglich achtzehn solcher
Symbole angebracht, von denen vier auf die Nordwand (Abb.
10), je fiinf auf die beiden Hiilften der Ostwand ( Abb. 11, 12 )
und vier auf die Siidwand (Abb. 13) kamen. In der Nord-
halfte der Ostwand fehlen zwei der Platten. Ueber den
achtzehn Symbolen zog sich noch ein schmales Reliefband
hin, in dem ebenfalls einzelne Symbole, aber geringerer Grosse
und in Abstiinden, einander folgen. Dieses obere Band ist aber
so stark verwittert und zerstort, dass sich die Folge der Symbole
in ihrer Kontinuitiit nicht mehr wiederherstellen liisst. Wo die
Zeichen erhalten waren, haben wir einen Abklatsch genommen
und diese Stiicke sind in den Abbildungen 10 und 12 an den
entsprechenden Stellen wiedergegeben worden.

Abb 9. (1 10 nat. gr.) Relief am Siidpfeiler des Eingangs in die Tempelzelle
(Nach einem von uns genommenen Abklatscbe)

DES PULOUEGOTTES VOX TEPOZTLAN

.■"•)

- Ich beginne mit den

xSymbolen, die die Wiinde
' der Tempelzelle umziehen
(Abb. 10-13). Man sieht
zumiehst auf den ersten
hf lick, dassdiese (urspriin-
t^lich) achtzehn Svmbole
s i c h in zwei R e i h e n
ordnen, die ihre Front dem
Idole, das in der Mitte der
Ostwand sich befand,
zukehren. Die eine kann
als die Nordreihe bezei-
chnet werden. Sie beirinnt

366 DIE WANDSKULPTUREN IM TEMPEL

mit dem Symbole an dem rechten Ende der Abbildung 1 1, das
ich mit dem Buchstaben a versehen habe. Die andere ist die
Sudreihe. Sie beginnt mit dem Symbole an dem linken Ende
der Abbildung 12, neben das ich den Buchstaben k gesetzt habe.

Die erste Figur der Nordreihe (a. Abb. 11) zeigt uns die
mexikanische Konigskrone, den mitTiirkismosaik inkrustierten,
zu einem spitz aufragenden Blatte dreieckiger Gestalt sich
erweiternden, mit Riemen um den Kopf gebundenen Reif, den
die Mexikaner mit dem Namen .r/«//;//7so///bezeichneten. Die
Tiirkisinkrustation ist, trotz der Verwitterung des Gesteins in
unserer Figur noch deutlich zu erkennen. Ebenso die hinten
zu einer Schleife gebundenen Riemen. Ueber dem Reife ist das
Kopfhaar angedeutet. In ihm stecken zwei Federbanner.
Unter dem Reife ist eine dreilappige Zeichnung angegeben,
iiber deren eigentliche Bedeutung ich mich vorliiufig noch nicht
auszusprechen wage.

Die zweite Figur der Nordreihe (b. Abb. 10) ist durch die
Verwitterung des Gesteins etwas undeutlich geworden. Ein
Vergleich aber mit den Figuren m, Abb. 12 und d, Abb. 14
lehrt, dass ein Steinbeil ( itztopolli ) hier dargestellt ist, die
bekannte Waffe, mit der die Pulquegotter im Sahagun-Manu-
skripte, im Codex Magliabecchiano XIII, 3, im Codex Telle riano-
Remensis und in andern Handschriften abgebildet werden (vgl.
oben Abb. 2). Man erkennt den holzernen Stiel mit dem kolbig
angeschwollenen Ende, dem die Steinklinge genau in der Weise
eingefugt ist, wie wir das an Steinbeilen siidamerikanischer
Indianerstamme, z. B. des Xingti-Gebietes, noch heute sehen.
Der Stiel ist mit einer Binde aus Rindenpapier geschmiickt, von
der zwei breite Enden nach unten hiingen und die mit einer
kiinstiich geschlungenen, vier Knoten bildenden Schleife auf
dem Stiele befestigt ist. Strome von Fliissigkeit rinnen von der
Klinge auf beiden Seiten nach unten. Aehnliche Strome sind
bei der Mehrzahl auch der iibrigen Symbole zu sehen. Wo die
Farbe erhalten ist, sind diese Strome rot gemalt, mlissen also
Blut, d. h. wohl Opferblut bedeuten.

Die dritte Figur der Nordreihe (c, Abb. 11) zeigt uns ein
menschliches Gesicht von eigentumlicher Profillinie. Das Auge
ist bis auf einen schmalen Schlitz geschlossen und ein von
parallelen Linien begrenzter Streifen durchzieht unterhalb des

DES PULQUEGOTTES VON TEPOZTLAN 367

Auges die ganze Liinge des Gesichts. Diese beiden Merkmale
weisen darauf hin, dass in dieser Figur das Gesicht Xipe
Totecs wiedergegeben sein soil, des Gottes, der in die abgezogene
Haut des Opfers gekleidet einhergeht, und dessen Gesicht auch
von einer aus Menschenhaut gefertigten Maske bedeckt ist. Der
schmale Augenschlitz entspricht dem geschlossenen Auge des
toten Menschengesichts, und der breite Liingsstreifen, der in den
Bilderschriften und bemalten Tonbildern des Gottes mit roter
Farbe angegeben wird, bezeiehnet vielleicht einen Schnitt, den
der Priester, der das Opfer enthautete, bei dem Abziehen der
Gesichtshaut zu machen genotigt war. Wie bei andern Symbolen
der beihen Reihen, sieht man auch von diesem Xipe-Gesichte
ringsherum Strome, die Blut bedeuten miissen, tropfen.

Die vierte und fiinfte Figur der Xordreihe fehlen. Die
sechste (f. Abb. 10) ist das Bild des Krieges (yaoyotl), durch
einen Rundschild (chimalli), ein Biindel Speere (nritl tlacochtli),
eine Handfahne (macpamitl) und vermutlich auch, doch ist das
nicht mehr deutlich zu sehen, ein Wurfbrett (atlatl) veran-
schaulicht. Blut ist auch hier, von der Trophae tropfend,
angegeben.

Das siebente Bild, (g. Abb. 10) fuhrt uns wieder den Gott
dieses Tempels, den Pulquegott, vor Augen, indem wir hier eine
Trophae abgebildet sehen, die genau dem entspricht, das in dem
Sahagun-Manuskripte der Academia de la Historia in Madrid
als ometoclitlauiztli " Devise des Gottes zwei Kaninchen ", d. h.
" Devise des Pulquegottes " abgebildet und beschrieben wird
(vgl.oben S.349 Abb. 5). Es ist eine Imitation des Pulquetopfes
(octecomatl oder ometochtecomatl), mit seinen fliigelartigen
Seitenteilen, den drei Fiissen, (die durch Anhiinge in Gestalt
von Augen repriisentiert sind), und dem Wahrzeichen des
Pulquegottes, dem Xasenhalbmonde (yacametztli) auf der
Fliiche. Der gelappte Rand dieses Halbmondes entspricht den
knotigen Auswiichsen, die, um seine knochige Beschuftenheit
zum Ausdruck zu bringen, an ihm angebracht zu werden
pflegen, die aber gelegentlich auch in rein ornamentale Ausge-
staltungen sich entwickein. Aus der Miindung des Gefiisses
schiiumt das Getdink heraus und tropft an den Seiten des
Gefiisses herunter.

Das achte Bild (h. Abb. 10) zeigt uns auf einer Unterlage,

DES PULQUEGOTTES VON TEPOZTLAN 369

die, wie es scheint, eine aus Binsen geflochtene Matte vorstellen
soil, ein Auge in einem Wasserstrome.

Das folgende neunte Bild, das letzte der Xordreihe (i.
Abb. 10), ist etwas schwierig zu deuten. Es ist etwas Umbun-
denes, das eine Art Stiel zu enthalten scheint, das oben wie ein
Haarschopf aussieht, und von dem unten ein miichtiger Bluts-
trom ausgeht. Ich mochte dies, allerdings nur hypothetisch,
als das Wirbelhaar deuten, das man dem Kriegsgefangenen, der
zum Opfer bestimmt war, in der Nacht vor dem Opfer in der
Mitternachtsstunde abschnitt.

Die Sudreihe beginnt auf der andern Seite des Idols mit
dem Bilde k, Abb. 12, das anscheinend dasselbe Gebilde, das
abgeschnittene Wirbelhaar des zum Opfer Bestimmten (?), uns
vor Augen fiihrt.

Das elfte Bild, das zweite der Sudreihe (1, Abb. 12) zeigt
uns wieder die Waffen des Krieges (yaoyotl), — Schild, Sperr-
biindel und Handfahne, — aber der Schild ist hier viereckig ;
er hat einen Behang von Federn und triigt den Xasenhalbmond
(yacametztli), das Abzeichen des Pulquegottes, als Emblem
auf seiner Flache.

Das zwolfte Bild, das dritte der Sudreihe (m. Abb. 12) ist
wieder ein Steinbeil ( itztopolli ). Als Besonderheit ist nur zu
bemerken, dass hier dem obern Stielende ein gestieltes halb-
mondformiges Gebilde aufgesetzt ist, das in der Form den
Kupfermessern, die in Mengen im Zapotekengebiete gefunden
werden, entspricht.

Das folgende dreizehnte Bild, das vierte der Sudreihe (n,
Abb. 12), stellt ein menschliches Ohr (nacaztli) vor. Ein
beilformiger Pflock ( nacochtli ) steckt in der Offnung des
Ohrliippchens, wie solche als Ohrschmuck der Mumie des toten
Kriegers gegeben wurden. Der obere Rand des Oh res ist
ab. oder eingeschnitten. Das soil ohne Zweifel die Einschnitte
kennzeichnen, die sich der •Fromme bei der Selbstkasteiung in
den Rand des Ohres machte. In den Berichten der Konquista-
doren wird immer hervorgehoben, dass die Priester und die
Vornehmen dieser Stiimme die Ohren " harpados ", d. h. am
Rande lappig oder kammartig zerschnitten, hatten.

Das vierzehnte Bild, das fiinfte der Sudreihe (o, Abb. 12)
zeigt uns einen geflochtenen Ring und in seinem Innern einen

370 DIK WANDSKULPTURKN IM TEMPEL

Wasserstrom. Der erstere ist das bekannte Symbol und die
Hieroglyphe des Fastens (negaualli).

Das fiinfzehnte Bild, das sechste der Siidreihe (p. Abb. 13)
stellt einen Schiidel vor, der, wie die Schitdelbilder in den
mexikanischen Handschriften ganz allgemein, in der Schliifen-
gegend ein grosses Loch zeigt. Es entspricht dem Loche, das
man in den Schiidel machen musste, um ihn auf Ouerstangen
des Geriistes (tzompantli), auf dem man die Kopfe der Geop-
ferten vor dem Tempel aufzustellen pflegte, autzureihen. Zwei
Strome kommen hier aus diesem Loche heraus. Das ist wohl
das Homologon der Blutstrome, die die andern Symbole dieser
beiden Reihen umgeben.

Das sechszehnte Bild, das siebente der Siidreihe (q, Abb.
13) ist eine Abbreviatur der Hieroglyphe chalchiuitl (griiner
Edelstein, Jadeit) in einem Wasserstrome (all). Das giebt
zusammen chalchinhatl " Edelstein wasser, " "kostbares Wasser, »
ein Wort, mit dem man das Opferblut und das Blut, das man
sich bei den Kasteiungen entzog, zu bezeichnen pfiegte.

Das siebzehnte Bild, das achte der Siidreihe (r, Abb. 13),
soil wohl einen abgeschnittenen Jaguarfuss bedeuten. Die
Klauen sehen allerdings fast mehr wie Menschenfinger aus.
Aber der ganze Umriss und die Flecken legen es doch nahe,
vielmehr an einen Jaguar zu denken. Aus dem obern abge-
schnittenen Ende kommt ein Strom von Blut heraus.

Das achtzehnte Bild endlich, das letzte der Siidreihe (s,
Abb. 13) ist die bekannte Gestalt des Tieres mit den abge-
schnittenen Ohren, des Hundes ( Itzcuintli ), der aber auch fiir
den hundskopfigen Gott, Xolotl, den Blitzgott, den in die Tiefe
fahrenden, den Hund, der die Sonne zu den Toten geleitet,
stehen konnte. Hinter ihm scheint eine Hohle, oder ein pflanz-
liches Gebilde, das eine Hohle enthalt, — und letzteres musste,
nach gewissen Figuren der Handschriften der Codex Borgia-
Gruppe zu schliessen, met/, die Agavepflanze sein, — angedeutet
zu sein.

Ueberblicken wir nun die Gesammtheit dieser Bilder, so
zeigt sich, dass wir in ihnen wiederholte Hinweise auf den
Character des Gottes, dem dieser Tempel geweiht war, den
Pulquegott, vor uns haben : - - Figur b und m zeigten uns das
Stein bei 1 ( itztopolli ), die Waffe der Pulquegotter ; g ist das

DES PULQUEGOTTES VON TEPOZTLAN 37 1

ometochtlaui ztli, die Devise der Pulquegotter, eine Imitation des
Pulquetopfes ; i zeigte uns auf dem viereckigen Kriegerschilde
den Nasenhalbmond (yacametztli J, das Abzeichen der Pulque-
gotter ; s — vielleicht, — die Agavepflanze (metl), aus der der
Pulque bereitet wird. Andere Bilder deuten auf Krieg und
Opfer hin : — Auf Krieg die Figuren f und 1 ; auf Opfer die
Bilder o (Fasten necaualli) ; q (Opferblut, chalchiiihatl) ; p.
(Schiidel, tzontecomatl) ; n (das Ohr, nacaztli, mit dem einge-
schnittenen Ende) ; /und k, vielleicht Veranschaulichungen des
abgeschnittenen Wirbelhaares des Opfers. Auf Opfer endlich
deuten auch die Blutstrome, die wir bei einer ganzen Anzahl
dieser Symbole gefunden haben. In andern Bildern (a, c, h,
r, s,) liegen andere besondere Beziehungen vor.

Symbole, die mit dem Pulquegotte und mit dem Opfer in
Zusammenhang stehen, scheinen ubrigens auch durch die klei-
nen Bilder in der schmalen Leiste iiber den Hauptbildern zur
Anschauung gebracht zu sein. Denn wir konnen z. B. iiber 1,
m, n, deutlich den Nasenhalbmond (yacametztli ) der Pulque-
gotter, das Ohr (nacaztli) mit dem beilformigen Ohrpflocke
(nacochtli) und das abgeschnittene und mit einer Schleife
umbundene Wirbelhaar erkennen.

Wir miissen nun aber auch fragen, ob diese Symbole hier
nur in ornamentaler Weise Verwendung gefunden haben, oder
ob sie nach irgend einem Gesetze an einander gereiht worden
sind. Da scheint es mirdenn zunachst bedeutsam zu sein, dass
diese die Tempelzelle umziehenden Bilder in der Zahl von acht-
zehn vorhanden sind, oder vorhanden waren, d. h. gerade in der
Zahl, die die Anzahl der verschiedenen in jedem Jahre gefeier-
ten Feste angiebt, d. h. die Zeitriiume von swanzig Tagen
( tlapoualli ), von denen achtzehn auf ein Jahr gehen. Es muss
einem die Idee kommen, dass die achtzehn Symbole unsers
Tempels diesen achtzehn Festen, die Nordreihe der Symbole
einer Nordhiilfte, die Sudreihe einer Sudhiilfte des Jahres
entsprechen. Es wlirde, bei dieser Annahme, nur die Frage zu
entscheiden sein, wo und bei welchem Feste wir den Anfang zu
setzen haben wiirden. Die Nordreihe beginnt mit a (an der
rechten Seite der Abbildung i i), und das dritte Bild der Nord-
reihe, c, zeigt uns, wie es scheint, den Kopf Xipc Voter's,
"unsers Herrn, des Geschundenen, " des Friihlingsgottes. \Venn

372 DIE WANDSKULPTUREN IM TEMPEL

eine seiche Parallele zwischen unsern achtzehn Symbolen und
den achtzehn Jahresfesten uberhaupt zu ziehen ist, so miisste c.
das Fest Xipe's, das tlacaxipeualizili, das " Menschenschinden,"
bezeichnen, und es miisste darnach die Nordseite der Symbole
in a mit dem Bilde des Izcalli, des " Wachstums, " des Festes
des Feuergottes, beginnen.

Fiihren wir nun diesen Gedanken durch, so ist zunachst,
was das erste Bild (a, Abb. i i ) betrifft, klar, dass das xiuhuitzolli,
die mit Tiirkismosaik inkrustierte Krone, mit den Federbannern,
die dieses Bild uns zeigt, in der Tat als eine direkte Hiero-
glyphe des Feuergottes Xinhtecutli, des Gottes des Izcalli-Fes-
tes, betrachtet werden kann. Denn dieser Gott enthiilt das Wort
tecatli " Konig, Fiirst, " das hieroglyphisch, z. B. in den Stadt-
namen des Codex Mendoza, durch ein xiuhuitzolli zum Aus-
druck gebracht zu werden pflegt, und das Wort xiuitl " Tiirkis »
in seinem Namen, und er wird auch, im Codex Telleriano-
Remensis und in andern Bilderschriften, regelmiissig mit dem
xiuhuitzolli auf dem Haupte dargestellt, gleich Totiacatecutli,
dem Herrn der Lebensmittel, und Mictlantecutli, dem Herrn
der Unterwelt, — den andern beiden Gottern, die gleichfalls das
Wort tecutli >■ Furst " in ihrem Namen haben. Die dreilappige
Zeichnung, die in dem Bilde a, Abb. 11, unter der Krone zu
sehen ist, — ein Element, das ich a priori nicht zu deuten
wagte, - - mochte ich darnach jetzt als ein Bild des Feuers
erkliiren.

Das zweite Bild der Xordreihe ( b, Abb. i i ) miisste, nach
der obigen Annahme, dem atl caualo oder quauitl eua, dem ers-
ten Jahresfeste nach der gewohnlichen Zahlung, entsprechen,
das in Mexico den Regengottern, insbesondere den lokalen
Genien, den auf Bergen, Klippen und in Wasserlochern heimi-
schen Gottheiten, gefeiert wurde. Dieses Fest miisste hier durch
das Steinbeil ( itztopolli J, die Waffe der Pulquegotter, reprii-
sentiert sein. Man kann sich das ganz gut zusammenreimen,
denn die Pulquegotter sind Wachstums — und Fruchtbarkeits-
gotter, gleich den Regengottern.

Das dritte Bild der Xordreihe (c, Abb. 11), das Gesicht
Xifte's, bezeichnet natiirlich das tlacaxipeualistli, das Fruhjahrs-
fest des " Menschenschindens. "

Fiir Toqoztontli und Ueitoqozth wiirden entsprechende

DES PULQUEGOTTES VON TEPOZTLAN 373

Bilder in der Reihe unserer Symbole fehlen, — Das folgende
Toxca£/-Fest aber wiirde in der Nordreihe durch das sechste
Bild ( f , Abb. 10), d. h. durch das Symbol des Krieges veran-
schaulicht sein. Auch das kann man verstehen, denn am Toxcatl
wurde das Abbild Tezcatlipocci1 s geopfert, der junge Kriegsge-
fangene, der ein Jahr lang diesen Kriegergott als lebendes
Abbild repriisentiert hatte.

Das ometochtlauiztli, der Pulquetopf, die Devise des Pul-
quegottes, das siebente Bild der Nordreihe (g. Abb., 10) musste
dann dem Etzalqualiztli, dem " Essen der Bohnenspeise," dem
grossen Feste der Regengotter, dem sechsten der gewohnlichen
Ziihlung, entsprechen. Das wiirde mit der Konkordanz, die
wir oben fur das atlcaualo angenommen haben, in genauer Uber-
einstimmung stehen.

Dann kamen die beiden Feste des jungen Maises, das
kleine und grosse » Herrenfest " {Tecuilhuitontli und Ueitecu-
ilhuitl). Ihnen miissten die beiden letzten Bilder der Nord-
reihe, (h und i, Abb. 10), das Auge im Wasser und die abge-
schnittene Haarlocke, — entsprechen.

Die Siidreihe wiirde mit k und 1, Abb. 12, den Festen
Tla xochi maco und Xocotluetzi, bzw. Miccailhuitontli und Ueimic-
cailhuitl, beginnen. Das zweite der Bilder ist wieder, gleich f,
eine Trophiie, die die Waffen des Krieges zur Anschauung
bringt. Nur ist hier der Schild als Schild des Pulquegottes
gezeichnet. Dass hier wieder dasselbe Symbol wie fiir das
7oxcat/-Fest, angegeben ist, wird man verstehen, wenn man sich
erinnert, dass der Xocotl oder Otontecutli, der in diesen beiden
Festen gefeiert wurde, die Seele des toten Kriegers darstellt.
In der Tat werden ja auch in andern bekannten Darstellungen
der Jahresfeste, Z. B. in der des Codex Magliabecchiano XIII,
3, das Toxcatl-¥o.st und das Fest TLaxochimaco beide durch das
Bild Tezcatlipocas des Gottes der jungen Krieger, zur An-
schauung gebracht.

Das elfte Jahresfest der gewohnlichen Ziihlung, Ochpaniztli,
das Besenfest, das Fest der alten Gottermutter Teteoinnan, der
Erd — und Mondgottin, das ein Erntefest war, wiirde durch
das zwolfte unserer Bilder, das dritte Bild der Siidreihe (m, Abb.
12), d. h. durch das Steinbeil (itztopolli), die Waffe der Pulque-
gotter, veranschaulicht sein. Wir wissen, dass die alte Gotter-

374 DIK WANTDSKULPTUREN IM TEMPEL

mutter und die Pulquegotter sehr nahe verwandte Gestalten
sind. Beides sind urspriinglich Mondgottheiten und als solche
Gottheiten des Wachstums und der Krneuerung, und beiden
wurden in der Erntezeit Feste gefeiert. So kann man sich mit
dieser Identification unseres Bildes m und des Ochpaniztli wohl
einverstanden erkliiren.

Weniger deutlich ist ein entsprechender Zusammenhang in
den folgenden Bildern. Das dreizehnte Bild (n, Abb. 12), das
sakritizierte Ohr, mit dem beilformigen Ohrpflock, dem Ohr-
schmucke des toten Kriegers, miisste dem Teotl eco, dem Feste,
das die Riickkehr der Gotter, die wahrend der Regenzeit abwe-
send waren,oderdie Geburt desjungen Go'ttes feiert, entsprechen.

Der Fastenring mit dem Wasserstrome in seinem Innern,
das vierzehnte Bild, das fiinfte der Stidreihe (p, Abb. 13), miisste
dem Quecholli dem Feste Mixcouatrs, des Gottes der Chichi-
meken und der Jagd. entsprechen. Hier miisste man sich vor-
stellen, dass durch den Schiidel (tzontecomatl), den das Bild p.
Abb. 13, uns vor Augen bringt, die alten Stamme, die Vorfah-
ren, die' Leute der chichimekischen Zeit, zur Anschauung
gebracht werden sollen.

Das sechszehnte Bild, das siebente der Siidreihe ( q. Abb.
13), miisste dem fiinfzehnten Feste, Panquetzaliztli, dem Feste
Uitzilopochtlfs gleichgesetzt werden und konnte es auch, wenn
man annimmt, dass durch das chalchiuhatl, das Opferblut, das
Paiiquetza/izt/i-V^st als das grosse Opferfest bezeichnet werden
soil, das es ja in Wirklichkeit auch war.

Der Jaguarfuss des siebzehnten Bildes (r, Abb. 13) miisste
das sechszehnte Jahresfest Atemoztli » das Herabkommen des
Wassers, » - - oder richtiger wahrscheinlich " womit man Was-
ser sucht ", " womit man um Regen bittet," — bezeichnen. Das
ist ein Fest der Regengotter, und als ein Symbol der Regen-
gotter und des Kultus der Regengotter kann der Jaguarfuss in
der Tat betrachtet werden. Einen Jaguarfuss sehen wir in den
Handschriften der Codex Borgia-Gruppe bei Tlaloc, dem
Regengotte, dem Herrn des siebenten Tonalamatl-Abschnittes,
angegeben. Und an dem grossen Feste der Regengotter,
Etzalqualiztliy fiihrt der Hauptpriester eine aus einer Jaguar-
fussfellhaut gefertigte Tasche fur Raucherwerk, das oceloyataztli
cuechcho, als sein besonderes Abzeichen.

DES PULQUEGOTTES VON TEPOTZLAN 375

Das letzte Bild (s, Abb. 13) miisste das siebzehnte Jahres-
fest Tititl darstellen. Die alte Gottin Tlamatecutli, die chichi-
mekische Gottin, war die Herrin dieses Festes und die Ciuateteo,
die Seelen der im Kindbette gestorbenen Frauen, spielten an
ihm eine bedeutsame Rolle. So wenigstens in der Hauptstadt
Mexico. Bei den TIalhuica aber, nach dem Codex Magliabec-
ehiano zu urteilen, muss es gleichzeitig ein Totenerinnerungs-
fest gewesen sein, vvie das ein halb Jahr zuvor gefeierte Xocotl-
uetzi. Ein Mumienbiindel wurde an diesem Feste fiir den toten
Krieger aufgebaut und mit dem der Seele des toten Kriegers
zukommenden Schmucke versehen, — der blauen Krone {xinhui-
tzolli), den beilformigen blauen Ohrpflocken (xiu/macoc/it/i),
eigentiimlich geformten blauen Pflocken in den Nasenfliigeln
(yacaxiuit/) und der Figur eines blauen Hundes auf der Brust
(xolocozcatl). Nun diesen xolocoscatl, den auf der Brust, auf
der iiber die Schultern geschlungenen Papierbinde {amanea-
panalli) getragenen blauen Hund, haben wir offenbar in diesem
unsern letzten Bilde s, Abb. 13 vor uns. Und so mag diese
Uebereinstimmung uns auch fiir die andern Fiille eine Stiitze
sein, wo der Zusammenhang zwischen unsern Bildern und den
Festen, die nach der oben von mir aufgestellten Hypothese ihnen
entsprechen sollen, nicht ganz so klar zu Tage liegt.

Eine Hauptfrage ist nun noch, ob bei dieser Parallelisie-
rung die Feste des Jahres sich in zwei Hiilften teilen, die, wie
hier die Bilder unseres Tempels in eine Nord-und eine Sudrei-
he sich gliedern, die eine mit der Himmelsrichtung des Nordens,
die andere mit der des Siidens in Zusammenhang gebracht
werden miissten. Das ist nun in der Tat der Fall, denn die
Scheide, die hier in unsern Bildern zwischen dem Ende der
Xordreihe und dem Anfange der Siidreihe vorliegt, miisste nach
meiner Hypothese der Grenze zwischen den beiden Festen
Ueitecuilhuitl and Tlaxochimaco entsprechen. Das ist aber
gerade die Zeit, wo die Sonne von ihrer nordlichen Verschiebung
(zum Wendekreise des Krebses) zuriickkehrend, iiber Mexico
den Zenithstand erreicht, uin von da an auf der siidlichen Hiilfte
des Himmels sich zu bewegen. Denn nach dem damals noch
giltigen Julianischen Kalender erreichte unter der Breite von
Mexico (19, 27 n. Br.) die Sonne am. 13. Juli ihren Zenith-
stand. Das Ende des Ueitecuilhuitl wird aber an der einen
2 5

376 DIE WANDSKULPTUREN IM TEMPEL

Stelle Sahaguns auf den 1 i. Juli, an tier andern auf den .'5.
Juli, im Codex Telieriano-Remensis auf den 14. Juli, im Codex
Magliabecchiano and im Duran auf den 19. Juli verlegt. Die
astronomischen Krvvi'tgungen rechtfertigen also in der Tat eine
Scheidung der Jahresfeste in der Weise, wie sie der Scheidung
der Bilder der Tempelzelle von Tepoztlan in eine nordliche und
eine siidliche Reihe entspricht.

Ich gehe nun zu den Reliefen iiber ( Abb. 14, 15), die die
Vorderseite der bankartigen Vorspriinge an den Wiinden der
Vorhalle schmucken. Hier sind es die Nord-und Sudwand
allein, die mit solchen Reliefen versehen sind. Und ihre
Orientierung ist eine derartige, dass die Anfangsglieder der
beiden Reihen an dem vordern, dem westlichen, Wandende ihre
Stelle haben.

Das erste Bild der Nordseite (a, Abb. 14) zeigt uns eine aus
Papier geschirttene Krone (amacalli), hinter der die eine Hiilfte
der grossen, ebenfalls aus Papier geschnittenen, gefalteten
Nackenschlei e {t/aq uechpanyotl) sichbar wird, mit der die
Mexikaner die Idole der Berg — , Regen-und Wassergottheiten
und auch die Pulquegotter, auszustatten pflegten. Ueber der
Krone endl ch sind ein Daunenfederball und wallende Federn
(Ouetzal-oi.'> r Reiherfedern) zu erkennen. Das Ganze soil
offenbar d- 1 Kopfschmuck einer Wassergottheit veranschau-
lichen.

Das ; .veite Bild der Nordseite der Vorhalle (b, Abb. 14)
stellt einer abgeschnittenen menschlichen Daumen dar, der von
(Wasser oder) Blut umgeben ist.

Das dritte Bild der Nordseite (g, Abb. 14) fiihrt uns wieder
eine in Tiirkismosaik ausgefiihrte mexikanische Konigskrone
{xiuhuit solli) vox Augen, die aber hier als Kopfschmuck des
teotl, de- tonatiuh ilhuicac yaqiti, der Seele des toten Kriegers
gedachl ist. Denn iiber ihr wird, gewissermassen als Haar, ein
aus malinalli-Gras geflochtener Streifen sichtbar, wie er genau
in gleicher Weise iiber der Konigskrone zu sehen ist, mit der
im Codex Magliabecchiano XIII, 3. fol 72 das Mumienbiindel
des toten Kriegers geschmuckt ist, und wie er auch an der
Konigskrone zu erkennen ist, die auf dem Monumente von

DKS PULQUEGOTTES VON TEPOTZLAN

377

Huitzuco (') die Region des Ostens,
die der Wohnortder Seelen der toten
Krieger ist, bezeichnet. Damit
stimmt vollkommen iiberein, dass
wir hier in dem dritten Bilde der
Nordwand der Vorhalle (g, Abb. 10)
an der Vorderseite des xiuhuitzolli
noch ein Gebilde gezeichnet sehen,
das in seiner Form genau dem
vacaxiuitl, dem Pflocke, der den
Nasenfliigeln der Maske des toten
Kriegers eingesetzt wurde, ent-
spricht.

Das vierte Bild der Nordwand
endlich (d, Abb. 14) zeigt wieder das
Steinbeil (itztopolli), die Waffe der
Pulquegotter, - in Form und Auss-
tattung dem des zweiten Bildes der

(1) I m zweiten Bande meiner " Gesammelten Abhaudlungen zur
amerikanischen Sprach-und Altertumskunde " (Berlin 1904) S 753 ff,
beschrieben.

25 »

378 DIE WANDSKULPTUREN IM TEMPEL

Nordreihe der Tempelzelle (b, Abb. 1 1) durchaus gleich. Nur
ist hier in der Vorhalle das Relief ungleich besser erhalten, und
so auch z. B. die Steinklinge mit der Zahnreihe, die die
Schneide der Klinge veranschaulicht, durchaus deutlich.

An der Siidwand der Vorhalle sind nur zwei Bilder noch
zu sehen. Das eine (n, Abb. 15) zeigt wieder ein menschliches
Ohr {nacaztli) mit abgeschnittenem oberm Ende und gelapptem
Wundrande, vvie wir das in der Siidreihe der Tempelzelle in
dem Bilde n, Abb. 12 kennen gelernt hatten. In dem Loche des
Ohrliippchens steckt aber hier nicht ein beilformiger Pflock,
sondern zwei Bander ragen aus ihm hervor.

Das zweite Bild der Siidwand der Vorhalle (s, Abb. 15)
scheint den Bildern i, Abb. 10 and k, Abb. 12 zu entsprechen,
von denen ich als Mutmassung aussprach, dass sie vielleicht das
abgeschnittene Wirbelhaar des Opfers veranschaulichen sollen.

Wie man sieht, haben wir also auch in diesen Bildern der
Vorhalle einerseits solche, die auf den Gott des Tempels, ander-
erseits solche, die auf Krieg und Opfer Bezug haben. Ja es
zeigt sich sogar, dass von diesen sechs Bildern der Vorhalle
zwei oder drei Bildern der Tempelzelle genau entsprechen. Da
kam mir natiirlich zuniichst der Gedanke, dass diese Bilder der
Vorhalle vielleicht dasselbe bedeuten konnten, wie die der Tem-
pelzelle, vielleicht nur eine Abbreviatur der beiden Reihen der
letzteren darstellen. Doch vermochte ich ein Gesetz der Ent-
sprechung nicht zu erkennen. Ich neige mich daher mehr der
Ansicht zu, dass die Bilder der Vorhalle die vier Himmelsrich-
tungen und zwar in der Folge Westen, Siiden, Osten, Norden,
bzw, die Jahre oder die Tonalamatl-Abschnitte, die nach der
Anschauung jener Stiimme den vier Himmelsrichtungen ent-
sprachen, dem Beschauer vorzufuhren bestimmt sind. In der
Nordreihe wiirde demnach der Schmuck der Wassergottin den
Westen, der abgeschnittene Daumen den Siiden, die Krone des
tonatinh iixco yaqui den Osten und das Steinbeil den Norden
bezeichnen. Die dritte Beziehung ist durch das Monument von
Huitzuco als richtig erwiesen. Das Steinbeil, d. h. die Pulque-
gotter, werden, wie der Mond, den sie veranschaulichen, in den
Bilderschriften ganz allgemein dem Norden zugewiesen. Der
Siiden gait den Mexikanern als das uitztlan, der Ort der
Dornen, der Ort der Kasteiung. Dem mag der abgeschnittene

DES PULQUEGOTTES VOX TEPOTZLAN 379

Daumen wohl entsprechen. Und der Kopfschnuck der Wasser-
gottin kann gewiss als Symbol des Westens passieren, da wir
in den Bilderschriften und den Traditionen den Westen vielfach
als Gegend des Wasseriiberflusses, der Wachstumsfiille dar-
gestellt finden.

Die Monumente von Huilocintla

IM CANTON TUXPAN, DES STAATES VERA CRUZ

par le I)' Eduard Seler, Berlin-Steglitz

In dem Volkergemische das uns in dem Gebiete der heuti-
gen Republik Mexico in alter Zeit und noch heute entgegentritt,
muss die atlantische Kiiste eine eigentiimliche Rolle gespielt
haben. Bedeutende Verschiebungen haben ohne Zweifel statt-
gefunden. Die Cuexteca oder Huaxteken, die zur Maya-Familie
gehoren, leben jetzt, weit von ihren Stammbrudern getrennt,
am Rio Tuxpan und bis hinauf zum Panuco. Und zwar muss
diese Verschiebung zu einer Zeit stattgefunden haben, als den
Maya- Vol kern der Gebrauch der Hieroglvphen und die ganze
kalendarische und astronomische Wissenschaft, in der sie spater
ausgezeichnet waren, noch unbekannt war. Die Olmeca
L rixtotin, die in den Berichten als Bewohner des siidlielien Teiles
der Kiiste genannt werden, sollen nach einer weit verbreiteten
Tradition urspriinglich im Gebiete von Tlaxcala ansassig
gewesen sein. Schwarme von Hochlandstmamen hauptsiich-
lich mexikanischer Abkunft haben sich zu verschiedenen Zeiten
und in verschiedener Richtung iiber die Kiiste ergossen und
gewissen Teilen ihre Kultur und Sprache aufgedrangt, wahrend
in andern Teilen sie selbst von der Masse der autochthonen
Bevolkerung aufgesogen wurden. Und in all dem Driingen und
Schieben scheinen gewisse Teile der alten Urbevokerung im
wesentlichen unverandert und in ungefahrden gleiehen Grenzen
sich erhalten zu haben.

Die alten Olmeca Uixtotin sind als ethnische Besonderheit
langst untergegangen. Vielleicht werden sich noch einmal
einige Ziige ihrer Kultur rekonstruieren lassen, wenn die

DIE MONUMENTE VON HUILOCINTLA

Abh. i. Relief von Tepatlaxco

Kiistenstriche siid-
lich von Vera Cruz
e i n m a 1 g r ii n d 1 i c h
beziehentlich ihrer
a r c h a^ o 1 o g i S c h e n
Verhaltnisse durch-
forscht sein werden.
Die alte Landschaft
Cuetlaxtlan, d.h. die
Gebiete von Orizaba
undCotastla bis nach
Alvarado hin, weist
ebenfalls heute keine
Spur mehr der alien
einheim ischen Be-
volkerung auf. A Is
Zeu£en ihrer Kultur-
besonderheit wird
das merkwiirdige
Relief von Tepat-
laxco gelten konnen,
(Abb. i) das Leo-
pold© Batres neuer-
dings fiir das Museo
Nacional de Mexico
erworben hat und
das er in einer beson-
dern Shrift, die im
vorigen Jahre ersc-
hien, beschrieben
hat ; sowie die iihn-
1 i c h e Stele von
Puerto de Alvarado,
die ein verdienter
Burger dieses Ortes,
Herr Juan Esteva,
dem Museo Nacional
de Mexico schenkte.
Dagegen sind die

IM CANTON TUXPAN, DES STAATES VERA CRUZ 383

Totonaque, — der Stamm, der den Scharen des Cortes bei der
Erobeung von Mexico den ersten Stiitzpunkt bot, - - noch
heute nordwarts vom Rio Antigua bis Liber Papantla hinaus
verbreitet, an verschiedenen Stellen bis an den Rand des Hoch-
landes sich hinaufziehend. Misantla im Suden, Papantla im
Norden, Zacapoaxtla oben im Gebirge konnen als ihre Ilaupt-
zentren betrachtet werden. Allerdings erfiillen die Totonaken
diese Gebiete nicht in kontinuierlichem Zuge. Im Siiden waren
sie unzweifelhaft schon in alter Zeit stark mit Bruchteilen mexi-
kanischer Bevolkerung durchsetzt. Dann bildete der Fluss von
Nautla einen Streifen mexikanishcher Besiedelung. Und im
Xorden haben wir in Castillo de Teayo im Kanton Tuxpan eine
alte mexikanische Kolonie nachweisen konnen (').

Der sprachlichen Eigenart der Totonaken entsprieht in den
Altertiimern dieser Gegenden ein eigenartiger Kunststyl, als
dessen hervorragendste Vertreter die Skulpturen des Tajin, der
Pvramide von Papantla, ferner die merkwiirdigen hufeisenfor-
migen skulpierten Werkstiicke, die unter dem Namen •• Stein-
joche" bekannt sind, endlich die sogenannten "palmas" bezeich-
met werden konnen, dreieckig prismatische nach oben sich feder-
buschartig verbreiternde Stiicke, die mit einer sehr wechselnden
Fiille von Figuren und Ornamenten bedeckt sind, deren Typen
zu sammeln und zu analvsieren eine hochst lohnende Aufgabe
sein wiirde.— Ich mochte diesen drei Klassen von Altertiimern,
als mutmasslich derselben alten Kultur angeborig zwei interes-
sante Reliefe anfiigen, von denen eines (Abb. 3) schon seit
einigen Jahren bekannt ist, da es nach Jalapa gebracht worden
ist und seitdem dort in dem Hofe des Colegio Freparatorio
aufbewahrt wird. Das andere (Abb. 2), das offenbar ein voll-
standiges Gegenstiick des ersten ist, haben wir, meine Fran und
ich, in der Hacienda San Isidro oberhalb Tuxpan angetroifen.
Man sagte uns dort, dass beide, dieses Stiick und das von Jalapa,
aus einem und demselben Orte, aus der halbwegs zwischen der
Hacienda San Isidro und Castillo de Teavo gelegenen alten
Ruinenstiitte von Huilocintla stammen. Die Ruinenstatte
selbst haben wir, der ungiinstigen Witterungsverhaltnisse

(1) Vgl. Vierzehnter Internationaler Amerikanisten kongress, Stuttgart
1904, S. 2b _\ IT.

384 DIE MONUMENTE VON HUILOCINTLA

halber, obwohl wir ziemlich nahe daran vorbeigekommen sind,
nicht besuchen konnen. Aber die Steine haben wir abge-
klatscht. Die Abgiisse sind jetzt im Lichthofe des Konigl.
Museums fiir Volkerkunde aufgestellt. Nach diesen Abgiissen
sind die Zeichnungen angefertigt worden, die hier in Abb. 2
und 3 wiedergegeben sind.

Ein Blick auf diese beiden Bilder zeigt, dass die hier
dargestellten Figuren in Haltung. Tracht und Ausstattung, in
der Linienfiihrung und im Style der Ornamentation vollstiindige
Repliken sind. Dieselbe Personlichkeit in derselben Aktion,
vielleieht sogar von demselben Kiinstler entworfen und ausge-
fiihrt, ist es, die uns in diesen beiden Bildern entgegentritt.

Was zuniiehst den Xamen angeht, den wir den hier darge-
stellten Figuren zu geben haben, so ist dieser in beiden Bildern
im gleicher Weise angegeben. Nur hat er in der Abb, 2 vor
dem Gesichte, in Abb. 2 zwischen den Beinen der Figur seinen
Platz gefunden. Es ist ce ocelot! » eins Jaguar, » der Anfangs-
tag des in funfgliedrige Saulen geordneten Tonalamatls und
zugleich der Anfangstag des zweiten der dreizchntagigen
Tomalamatl - Abschnitte. Als Herr des zweiten den Norden
bezeichnenden Tonalamatl-Viertels wird in den Bilderschriften
der Gott Tezcatlipoca gezeichnet. Einen andern Gott des
Nordens, Mixconatl, den Gott der Chichimeken und der Jagd,
der vielleieht ursprunglich ein Sterngott ist, fanden wir in dem
Huilocintla benaehbarten, von aztekischen Kolonisten gegriin-
deten alten Orte Castillo de Teayo in mehreren Steinbildern
dargestellt, und dort fannen wir auch dasselbe Datum ce ocelotl
■ ■eins Jaguar" durch zvvei interessante Skulpturstcke verans-
chaulicht ('). Eine andere Gottheit ist mit dem Datum ce ocelotl
» eins Jaguar », wo es als Anfangstag des zweiten der nreizehn-
tagigen Tonalomatl-Abschnitte erseheint, verbunden. Es ist
Ouetzalcouatl ', der Herr des Lebens, der Windgott, der aber
eigentlich der abnehmende, naeh Osten wandernde und dort in
den Strahlen der Sonne verschwiudente, aber nachher wieder
auflebende, als schmale Sichel am Abendhimmel erscheinende

(1) \ i^l. meine Abhandlung iiber "die alte Ansiedlung von Castillo do
Teayo " in don Verhandlungen des 14. [nternationalen Amerikanistenkon-
gresses. Stuttgart i<)04, S. 264-277 Abb. it>, 17, 31.

Abb. 2— Relief von Huilocintla (Original z. Z. in der Hacienda San

Isidro, Canton Tuxpan)

386 DIE MONUMENTE VON HUILOCINTLA

Monn ist. Zwischen diesen drei Personen, Tezcatlipoca,
Mixconatly Ouetzalconatl haben wiralso zu wahlen. Sehen wir
zu, was die Bilder selber ans sagen.

Beide Figuren, die der Abbildung 2 und die der Abbildung
3, sind an Armen und Beinen tatuiert. Die Muster sind sehr
eigenartige und ich getraue mich nicht ohne weiteres, sie aufzu-
losen. Wir wissen aber in der Tat aus dem ethnographischen
Kapitel Sahaguns, dass die Cuexteca und die Totonaque sich
tatuierten. Und in dem ersten Bilde des Lienzo de Tlaxcala ist
der nur mit einer Schambinde bekleidete totonakisehe Indianer,
der den Fiirsten von Tlaxcala den Brief des Cortes iiberbringt,
deutlich tatuiert gezeichnet.

Beide Figuren sind mit der Schambinde {maxtlatl) der
Munner und mit Sandalen (cactli) bekleidet und scheinen
ausserdem ein armelloses Warns {xicolli) anzuhaben, wie es die
Priester der Mexikaner trugen. In dem Ohrh'tppchen steckt ein
runder Pflock, aus dessen Hohlung in Abb. 2 eine Schlange
heraushangt. Es ist also ein sogenannter couanacoc/itli, ein
1 Schlangenohrpflocck " wie er im 12. Buche Sahaguns bei der
Tracht QuetzalcouatVs, die Konig Motecuh9oma dem Cortes als
Gast-und Bewillkommnungsgeschenk entgegensehickt, besehrie-
ben wird. Auf der Brust hangt, an einer urn den Hals
gehenden Schnur befestigt, das ecailacatzcozcatl, das > spiral
gedrehte Windgeschmeide, " der aus dem Ouerschliff eines
grossen Meerschneckengehiiuses bestehende Brustschmuck des
Gottes Quetzalcouatl . Merkwiirdig kompliziert ist der Kopf-
chmuck, der augenscheinlich ein doppelter ist. Lber dem
Gesichte der Figur ist zuniichst ein Reptilrachen sichtbar, der
allerdings nur in Abb. 3 in alien Einzelheiten, — mit Zahnreihe,
gekrummtem Eckzahne, Auge und Niistern, -deutlich ist.
Dariiber folgt ein zweiter Tierrachen, der audi mit langer
Zahnreihe und gekrummtem Eckzahne versehen ist, aber Liber
dem Schnauzenende eine besonders abgesetzte Xase hat, die in
Abb. 2 frappant an die rlisselfSrmige Xase des Windgottes
Quetzalcouatl erinnert. In Abb. 3 ist ausserdem ein menschlich
gebildetes Ohr sichtbar und in beiden Abbildungen ein runder
Ohrpflock, aus dem ein nach oben gebogenes Gehange heraus-
hiingt, das in dieser Krmumung wiederum an Quetzalcouatl^ an
dessen aus Muschelschale geschliffenes " [epcololli) >> dornig

:f.

388 DIE MONUMENTE VON HUILOCINTLA

gekrii nmtes " (tzicoliiihqui) OhrgeMnge erinnert. Dazu
kommt in Abb. 2 ein grosses rundes Auge, in Abb. 3 aber ein
aus se;ner Hohle getriebenes Auge, das genau dem Auge
gleicht, mit dem in den mexikanischen Bilderschriften Quetzal-
conatl ;^czeiehnet zu werden pflegt und das bei diesem Gotte
bedeutet, dass er der Fromme, der sich Kasteiende, der Erfinder
der Bussiibungen und Kasteiungen ist. Nach all dem scheint
mir nich: bezweifelt werden zu konnen, dass der in diesen beiden
Bildern Jargestellte Gott ce ocelotl » eins Jaguar " den Herrn
des zweiten dreizehntagigen Tonalamatl Abschnittes, d. h.
Quetzalconati \ ihn selbst oder eine Inkarnation von ihm, vor-
stellen miisse. Wir sind iibrigens mit der Beschreibung des
Kopfputzes dieser beiden Figuren noch nicht zu Ende. Ueber
der Onetza/conat/-Ma.ske liegt noch ein nach vorn geneigtes und
dort in einer Spitze endendes Gebilde, das auf der Ober-und
Hinterseite von sich krauselnden Elementen (Haarschopf?
Federschopft ?) umsaumt ist und in dem in Abb. 2 ein Paar
(durch eine Schleife verbundene?) Stiibe stecken. Von der
Oue/sa/conatl-Maske scheint in Abb. 3 ein langer Haarzopf
herabzuhiingen, der von einer Schlange, die hier als Haarband
verwendet worden ist, unwunden ist.

Beide Figuren haben die Zunge herausgestreckt und mar-
tern sich (monenepiltequi, cacciquixtia,) indem sie durch ein
Loch, das sie sich in die Zunge geschnitten haben, einen am un-
tern Ende mit langen Dornen besetzten Stab ziehen. Die beiden
Schlangen, die man in der Figur Abb. 2 sich um Unter-und
Oberschenkel winden sieht, haben wohl dieselbe Bedeutung, wie
die rote, nach Art einer Korallenotter gezeichnete Schlange, die
man in den Handschriften der Codex Borgia-Gruppe und im
Codex Borbonicus bei dem sich kasteienden, sich marternden
Sunder angegeben sieht. Das Blut, das bei dieser Prozedur
vergossen wird, wird in Abb. 2 von einer mit einem malinalli-
Grasrockchen bekleideten Skelettfigur, die hungrig den zahn-
starrenden Rachen offnet, in Empfang genommen. In Abb. 3
ab"r von einer mit Armen versehenen und, nach Art der Feuer-
schlange (xiuhconatl) durch ein zuriickgebogenes Schnauzen-
ende ausgezeichneten Schlange, deren Leib, gerade unter den
Drachenarmen, mitten durchgerissen ist.

Mit der Skelettfigur, die in Abb. 2 den Mund zum Schlu-

t.M .ANTON TUXPAN, DKS STAATES VERA CRUZ 389

cken des Blutes offnet und mit der Schlange, die in Abb. 3 die
Zunge nach dem herausfliessenden Blute msstreckt, ist ein den
Kopf uberragendes und nach vorn sich verlangerndes Gebilde
verbunden, das in Abb. 2 ebenfalls mit einer Art Schlangenkopf
endet und auf dem Riicken in beiden Abbildungen mit sich ein-
rollenden zinnenartigen Figuren, zwischen denen Schlangen-
kopfe, Hirschkopfe, Menschengesichter sichtbar werden, besetzt
ist Wir werden dies Gebilde vielleicht als den Mixconatl, die
Wolkenschlange, deuten konnen.

Vor der Hauptfigur endlich ist in Abb. 2 noch eine kleine
Menschenfigur zu sehen, deren Gesicht aus einem Schlangen-
rachen hervorsieht, die das oyoualli, das rasselnde aus Schne-
ckengehiiusen geschliffene Gehiinge, den Brustschmuck der
Tanzgotter, und in der Hand die Waft'en des Krieges, Schild,
Speerbundel und Handfahne, triigt. Diese Figur durfte den
Herold (tecpoyotl) oder den Stellvertreter (pati/lot/) des Gottes
ce ocelotl, der Hauptfigur, oder seinen jtingern Bruder vor-
stellen, — Gestalten, die in der mexikanischen Mythologie bei
verschiedenen der grossen Gotter namhaft gemacht werden.

EINIGE FEIN BEMALTE ALTE THONGEFAESSE

Der DR Sologuren' schen Sammlung aus
Nochistlan und Cuicatlan

r.M STAATE OAXACA
PAR LE Dr lini'ARll SkI.KR, Bei li n-SU'i> lit /

Die mit Recht im Lande und weit daruber hinaus beriihmte
Sammlung zapotekischer Altertiimer des Dr. Fernando Solo-
guren in Oaxaca enthalt unter anderm auch eine Anzahl fein
bemalter und gegliitteter Thongefasse, die in ihrerTechnik und
in der ganzen Art und Form an die Erzeugnisse der keramischen
Kunst des alten Cholula erinnern, vielleicht auch geradezu von
dort importiert worden sind und die durch ihre eigenartige und
kunstvolle Verzierung auffallen.

Von ganz hervorragendem Interesse ist ein Gefiiss, das im
Pueblo viejo von Nochistlan in der Mixteca alta getunden wor-
den ist, das ich,-nach einer farbigen Zeichnung, die ich seiner
Zeit in Oaxaca mit giitiger Erlaubnis des Besitzers anfertigen
konnte, — hier in Abb. i wiedergebe. Es ist, wie die Abbil-
dung zeigt, ein bauchiges Gefitss, mit nach oben sich etwas
erweiterndem Halse und drei einfach spitz ausgezogenen Fiissen.
Die Hohe des Gefiisses mit den Fiissen betragt 18cm, ohne die
Fiisse 14cm ; der Durchmesser der Wolbung ist 14cm, die
Miindung hat einen Durchmesser von 9}4cm, die Fiisse sind
6cm lang. Das Gefass ist auf der ganzen Aussenseite farbig
bemalt und fein geglattet. Die Fiisse haben eine Verzierung in
Rot auf weissem Grunde. Die Wolbung des Gefiisses ist mit
Figuren nach Art derer der Handschriften der Codex Borgia-
Gruppe und anderer mexikanischer Bilderschriften bemalt, deren
leuchtende Farben sich in ausserst wirkungsvoller Weise von
einem schonem dunklem, fast schwarzem Grunde abheben. Als

2 6

392

EINIGE FEIN HKMALTK AI.TK THONGEFAESSE

Farben sind Weiss, Gclb, Rot,
Rosa, ein mattes Schiefergrau,
das augenscheinlich als Blau ge-
meint ist, und ein Purpurton, der
ein Grau oder Schwarz vertritt,
verwendet. Die farbigen Felder
sind, vvie in den Figuren der
Bilderschriften, durch schwarze
Umrisslinien begrenzt ; und rote
Punkte, Striehe und Linien brin-
gen innerhalb der F'arbenfelder
besondere Details der Zeichnung
zum Ausdruck. Dieselben F*ar-
ben sind auch auf dem geraden

Abb. .a Buns bemaites Thon^efass Halsteile des Cefasses verwendet.
von Nochistian. Samm Soioguren. Doch kommt hier der dunkle

(Die zeichnung- auf der wolbunsr ist ^ , • , 1-7-11

hier durch schwarz erselzt). GrUtld nUr m SChmalen /wickeln

zur Erscheinung.

Auf den Fiissen findet sich auf der \'orderseite eine spiral
sich einrollende rote Linie als Verzierung. Auf dem Halsteile
des Gefasses sieht man unten zunachst ein rundum laufendes
Band roter Stufendreiecke oder Zinnen auf weissem Grunde.
Daruber ein zweites Band verschiedenfarbiger senkrechter
Streifen. Und endlich sechs, oben blattartig abgerundete gelbe
Felder, swischen denen der dunkle Grund in schmalen Zwickeln
zur Erscheinung kommt, und auf denen abwechselnd eine von
der Hieroglyphe Wasser {cttl) gebildete blattartige F"igur und
eine rote Hand, die aber aus einer Art Kelch emporwachst und
ein staubfadenartiges Gebilde umschliesst also vielleicht eine
" flor de manito " darstellen soil, angegeben sind.

Auf der Wolbung des Gefasses sind zwei Gotterfiguren
gezeichnet, deren eine (A) Ouetzalconatl, den Windgott, den
Schopfer des Lebens, den Menschenschopfer, deren andere (C)
Tonacatecutli, den " Herrn unsers Fleisches, " den Gott der
Zeugung und der Lebensmittel {tonacayotl), darstellt. Thuen
gegeniiber sieht man je ein vSymbol (B und D), das zu der Natur
dieser beiden Gottheiten in Beziehung steht.

Beide Gotter, Quetzalconatl und Tonacalecutli, sind in
Jaguar yocelotl) - Helmmaske abgebildet. Die Zeichnung des

DER Hr SOLOGUREN SCHEN SA.MMI I KG

393

Jaguarfells ist etwas verschieden.
Bei Tonacatecutli (C) sind die
Flecken n u r d u rch k 1 e i n e
sehwarze Kreisc angegeben ; bei
Quetzalconatl (A) aber durch
Gruppen von drei schwa rzen
Flecken. Diese zvveite Zeich-
nung kommt der \v irk lichen
Zeichnung des Jaguarfells niiher,
die ja bekanntlich aus in kleinen
Kreisen stehenden Flecken bes-
teht, die in der Regel noch einen
andern den Kern bildenden Fleck
umschliessen. Heide Gotter sind
ausserdem mit dem grossen, das
Kinn umrahmenden Barte abge-
bildet, der in den Bilderschriften,
wenigstens der Codex Borgia-
Gruppe, bei Tonacatecutli aus-
nahmslos, und in der Regel auch
bei Quetzalconatl und in gleicher
Weise bei dem Mondgotte, ange-
geben wird. Denn all diese drei
Gotter sind Gotter der alten Zeit,
der Zeit der Nacht und des Dun-
kels, vor der Geburt der Sonne,
und alle drei sind zweifellos ihrem
Wesen nach auf das innigste ver-
wandt. Die Jaguarhelmmaske,
in der diese Gotter hier, und auch
sonst haufig genug erscheinen,
hangt zweifellos ebenfalls mit
dieser Natur der beiden Gotthei-
tenzusammen. Denn der Jaguar
warden Mexikanern das Tier, das

Abb ib. Bunte zeichnung auf einem die Sonne verschlingt (zur Zeit
Th0riS soTogurTnr,an der Sonnenfinsternis), und darum

das Abbild der Nacht, des Dunkels, der Erde.

Quetzalconatl (A) ist hier auf unserm Gefasse Abb. i in

2b ii

*r>

394 EINIGE FEIN BEMALTE ALTE THONGEFAESSE

bekannter Weise mit riisselartig verlnngerter, gerade abgeschnit-
tener Nase und schnabelartigen Mundteilen dargestellt. Er
tragt seinen am unterm Rande mit weissen Schneckengehnusen
besetzten, aus Jaguarfell gefertigten Halskragen und an einer in
eine Ouaste oder Bliite endenden Schnur das ecailacatzcozcatly
das aus einem Schneckengehiiuse geschliffene " spiral gedrehte
Windsreschmeide. " Auch der Haarschopf ist am untern Ende
mit rasselnden Schneckengehausen dunkler Farbe besetzt. In
dem durchbohrten Ohliippchen steckt, das Ohr ganz bedeckend,
ein blauer, (mit Tiirkismosaik inkrustierter) rorenfurmig durch-
bohrter Pflock {xiuhcqyolnacochtli). Am Nacken ist eine Rosette
[cuexcochtechimallt) befestigt, der zwei Spitzen (Schnecken-
gehiiuse) aufgesetzt sind. Und dariiber ragt ein Federschmuck,
dem ein Steinmesser {tecpatl) eingefiigt ist, in die Hohe
und fallt weit nach hinten. Der Gott sitzt auf einem Stuhle,
dessen in Stufen (oder zinnenartig) ausgeschnittene Lehne in
zwei Farben (rot und blau) gemalt und mit einem Mattenmuster
verziert ist und in der Art der teoicpalli (Gotterstiihle) der
Bilderschriften mit einem gelbem (metallnem, goldnem) Rande
eingefasst ist, dessen " Gold " — (teocuitlatl) — Natur noch durch
eine feuerwolkenartige Figur an der Hinterseite der Stullehne
besonders hervorgehoben ist. Ein Schlangenkopf, dessen
Rachenoffnung dem Boden zugekehrt ist, bildet das Basalstuck
des Stuhles. Der Leib der Schlange ist in abwechselnden Fel-
dern blau, rot und gelb gamalt. Am Schnauzenenderagen zwei
Blumen oder Edelsteinriemen hervor, wiedasin den Schlangen-
bildern der Bilderschriften ebenfalls haufig zu sehen ist Der
Gott selbst hat den rechten Arm zum Korper zuriickgebogen,-
eine Unterwiirfigkeits -- oder Begriissungshaltung, die wir
trenau in dieser Weise in einem aus Yucatan stammenden
Berichte des Geschichtswerkes " Conquista de el Itza " des
Kapitans Villagutierre y Sotomayor beschrieben finden,--und
reicht mit der linken Hand einen menschlichen Kopf dar,
dessen Scheitel von einer Blume gekront ist.

Tonacatecutli (C) ist, wie immer in den Bilderschriften, als
alter Mann, mit eingekniffenem Mundwinkel, gezeichnet. Er
tragt im OhrUippchen einen beilformigen Pflock weisser Farbe
und am Nacken eine Rosette, aus der zwei Feuerflammen
herausragen, sodass das Ganze dem rauchenden Spiegel Tezcat-

DER Dr SOLOGUREN' SCHEN SAMMLUNG 395

lipoca's auf das Tauschendste ahnlich sieht. Uber der Rosette
ragtein nach hinten iiberfallender, dern Quetza/conatTs ahnlicher
Federschmuck in die Hohe. Dieser alte Gott ist als Priester
aufgefasst und tragt deshalb die Tabakkalebasse (yetecomatl)
auf dem Riicken. Denn die mexikanischen Priester pflegten,
gleich den Priestern und Schamanen anderer mexikanischer
Stamme, durch den Genuss von Tabak in ekstatische Zustande
sich zu versetzen. In gleicher Weise sehen wir im Codex
Borgia den mit Reiherfederhaar und Reiherfederbart gezeich-
neten alten Gott (Iztac Mixconatl) und in der Wiener Hands-
chrift den verwandten, mit dem Namen ome itzcuintli " zwei
Hund " bezeichneten alten Gott und die alten Priester des Codex
Nuttall mit der Tabakkalebasse dargestellt. Die obere off-
nung der Tabakkalebasse, mit dem daraus hervorragenden
Edelstein — (chalchiuitl) — Riemen, ist hier in unserm Vasen-
bilde en face gezeichnet, und breite, abwech,selnd rot und gelb
gemalte Ouasten hangen von ihr herunter. Diese Tabakkale-
basse der Priester ist geradezu Symbol des Gottes der Lebens-
mittel. Man sieht sie daher, z. B. Blatt 51 des Codex Borgia,
in dem Tempel des Westens dem Maisgotte gegeniiber abge-
bildet. Tonacatecutli sitzt hier, in unserm Vasenbilde, auf
einem Jaguarfellsitze (oce/oicpal/t) und halt einen Kopalknorren,
aus dem Rauch emporsteigt, in der linken Hand. Weihrauch
und Kopal wird, wie die Tabakkalebasse, svmbolisch zur
Bezeichnung von Lebensmittelfiille verwendet.

Diesen beiden Gottern sind nun auf unserm Gefasse Abb.

1 zwei grosse Figuren symbolischer Bedeutung gegeniiberges-
tellt, die in erganzender Weise die Natur dieser beiden Gestalten
zur Anschauung bingen.

Quetzalconatl gegeniiber sehen wir in B einen Tempel abge-
bildet, dessen Stufenunterbau mit einer blauen (Tiirkismosaik)—
Platte und einem schwarzen zwei weisse Schneckengehause
einschliessenden Felde verziert ist. Er ruht auf dem Leibe
einer in abwechselnden Feldern blau, rot und gelb gemalten
Schlange, deren weit aufklappender zahnbewehrter Rachen an
der Hinterseite des Stufenu nterbaus sich offnet. Wande, Pfosten
und Oberschwelle der Cella sind ebenfalls in den drei Farben
(blau, gelb und rot) gemalt. Desgleichen die stufenformigen
Zinnen, die den die Hauswand abschliessenden Sims kronen.

2 6 *

396 EINIGE FEIN BEMALTE ALTE THONGEFAESSE

Ueber den Zinnen ragtein breites Strohdach empor, dessen First-
enden sich in besonderen Spitzen erheben. An dem einem,
dem vordern, Ende ist die Spitze des Daches von einer grossen
Figur des ecailacatzcocatl, des weissen, aus dem Querschliffe
eines Meerschneckengehauses bestehenden Brustschmuckes des
Windgottes, gekront. Dasandere, dashintere, Ende tragteinen
besondern kleinen, mit Zinnen geschmiickten Dachfries. In dem
vSattel zwischen den beiden Firstenden ist ein Loch markiert.
Durch disses windet sich eine blaue Schlange, deren Schwanz-
ende nach Art des xzuhconatl, der blauen Schlange des Feuer-
gottes, in ein von einem Strahle durchzogenes Trapez ausgeht,
deren Kopf aber als Xolotl gebildet ist, d. h. als der hundskop-
fige Damon, der eigentlich das vom Himmel fallende Feuer, den
Blitz, reprasentiert und der den Hund darstellt, der die Sonne
zu den Toten geleitet ('), von den Interpreten als Gott der
Zwillinge und der Misgeburten erkliirt, weil er sich in den mis-
geschaffenen Gott, den mit Bubonen behafteten Nanauatzin
wandelt, der ins Feuer springt und sich opfert, um darnach als
{Sonne am Osthimmel emporzusteigen. Als Xolotl kennzeichnet
sich der Kopf dieser Schlange des Tempels B vor allem durch
das einen zackigen Wundrand aufweisende abgeschnittene Hun-
deohr, sodann durch die beiden in der Breite des Auges das
Gesicht durchziehenden schwarzen Langsstieifen und durch das
dornig gekriimmte {tzicoliuhqui) Ohrgehange, das unter dem
blauen scheibenformigen Ohrpflocke herabhangt. — Die Teilung
des Daches in zwei Spitzen, die geradezu das Wort quaxolotl
" an der Spitze sich gabelnd ", den Namen der (sonst auch Chan-
tico " im Hause " und Chicunaut itzcuintli " neun Hund »
genannten) Feuergottin an die Hand giebt, und ebenso die Xolotl-
kopfige blaue Schlange, die das Dach durchzieht, kennzeichnen
diesen, Quetzalconatl gegeniiber auf unserm Gefiisse abgebilde-
ten Tempel B als den Tempel des Feuergottes, oder als das
Tlatlayan, den " Ort des Verbrennens ", d. h. das Land des
Sonnenaufgangs, den Osten, wohin Quetzalconatl, (der Mond-

(i) V"j<l. iiber diesen Damon meine Abhandlung " das Griinsteinidol des

Stuttgarter Museums". Verhandlungen des 14, internationalen Amerika-

nistenkongresses. Stuttgart 1904 S. 241 fif; und meine Erlauterung des

Codex Borgia, Band 1 (Berlin i<)r>4) S. 190-200 ; und Band 2 (Berlin

1906) S. 265-272.

DKR Hr SOLOGURKN SCHEN SAMMLUNG 397

gott), zieht, um dort zu sterben, sich zu verbrennen, von wo
aber, wie bestimmt erwartet wurde, er einmal wiederkommen
werde, sein Reich wieder aufzurichten.

7 onacatecutli ireireniiber sieht man auf unserm Gefasse
Abb. 1 die Figur D, — einen Berg, der an seinem Fusse in einer
Art Ungeheuerraehen sich offnet. Das ist die iibliche Art, in
der die Mexikaner eine Berghohle {oztotl) zum Ausdrucke
brachten. Und da die Mexikaner die Vorstellung liatten, dass
die Berge grosse Wasserbehalter scien ('), so musste der Rachen
des Berges Wasser speien. Jede Hohle {oztotl) war ihnen eine
Wasserhohle {aoztotl). Das tvpische Bild des Berges, das wir
aus zahlreichen Stadthieroglvphen kennen, hat seinen sonder-
baren Umriss dadurch bekommen, dass am Fusse des Berges
immer ein Rachen, d. h. eine Hohle, gedacht ist. LTnd darum
sieht man unter diesen Bergen der Hieroglvphen haufig einen
Wasserstrom angegeben. Hier in unserm Berge D ist die
Hohle deutlicher, als in den gewohnlichen Berghieroglvphen
gezeichnet ; es ist eben nicht das Bild des Berges {tepetl),
sondern das der Hohle {oztotl), das uns vorgetiihrt werden soil.
Aber entsprechend der oben erwahnten Vorstellung ist der
Rachen der Hohle mit Wasser gefullt, das in zwei Farben, rosa
und blau, gemalt, mit Wellenlinien erfullt und unten (an der
Vorderseite des aus der Hohle sich ergiessenden Stroms), mit
einer Sehaumkante versehen ist. /,u grosserer Deutlichkeit hat
der Kiinstler im Wasser noch einen schwimmenden Fisch
angebraeht. Der Berg selbst, dessen Oeffnung die Hohle bildet,
ist in den drei Farben, blau, gelb und rot gemalt. Aber seine
Spitze ist gespalten. Und so ist audi das Gebilde, das der
Sehnauzenspitze des (die Hohle bildenden) Ungeheuerrachens
aufgesetzt ist, in zwei Halften geteilt, von denen die eine blau,
die andere gelb gemab ist und die beide in ein Steinmesser,-
die blaue Halfte in ein gelbes, die gelbe in ein blaues, — enden.
Jede der beiden Berghalften ist am obern spitzen Ende spiral
eingerollt. Das ist die bekannte Form' der Hieroglvphe
Coliuhqwi tepetl oder Colhuacan, des Namens der mythischen
Urheimat, aus der die Stiimme auszogen, um nach langen

(1) Vgl. Sahagun, Buch II, cap. 12, ^. 1.

398 EINIGE FEIN BEMALTE ALTE THONGEFAESSE

Wanderungen in ihre nachmalige Heimat zu gelangen. Dass
dieses Colhuacan den Westen bezeichnet oder im Westen
gedacht wurde, kann jetzt als festgestellt gelten. Das Monu-
ment von Huitzuco, das ich in meiner Abhandlung iiber
altmexikanische Steinkisten (tepetlacalli) beschrieben habe, (')
ist ein klarer Beweis dafur. Aber dass auch schon die Hohle
allein ein natiirlicher Ausdr.uck des Westens war, von jenen
Stammen gewissermassen selbstverstandlich mit der Himmels-
richtung des Westens in Verbindung gebracht wurde, ist sicher.
Denn der Westen ist ja die Region der untergehenden Sonne,
d. h. die Gegend, wo die Sonne (teotl) in das Loch hineingeht
{aqui). So finden wir denn auch, z. B. in der yukatekischen
Tradition, den Westen als das holtun zuiva, die " Hohle zuiva "
bezeichnet. Sehr merkwiirdig ist aber, dass dieses Colhuacan,
das Bild des mythischen Westens, hier auf unserm Gefasse Abb.
1 als Gemination, als Doppelgebilde, gezeichnet ist. Das ist
eine interessante Parallele zu Darstellungen, die uns auf einigen
der Blatter des Codex Borgia begegnen. Dort ist die erste der
Regionen, die den Abendhimmel zur Anschauung bringen, an
der der als Morgenstern gestorbene Planet Venus nach seiner
Unterweltfahrt wiedererscheint, nicht durch ein einzelnes Blatt,
sondern durch eine zwei Blatter fullende Doppeldarstellung zum
Ausdrucke gebracht, — das Haus der schwarzen Schlange und
der mannlichen Toten und das Haus der roten Schlange und der
weiblichen Toten, — zwei Bilder, die, (wie ich in meiner Erlau-
terung des Codex Borgia auseinander gesetzt habe), den Nordp-
feiler und der Sudpfeiler der Westregion bezeichnen, oder das
Thor, durch das die Sonne hindurch muss, wenn sie am Abend
in der Erde oder im Meere des Westens versinkt. Dieser Vors-
tellung entsprechend sehen wir denn auch hier auf unserm
Nochistlan-Gefasse die eine der beiden Halften der Colhuacan-
Figur durch ein Steinmesser (tecpatl), eine gelbe Scheibe und
Feuer und Rauch an der Spitze als Nordregion, die andere
durch das verschiedenfarbige Feld (tlapapalli) und das Bild einer
Blume (xochitl) als Sitz der Gotter der Lust, Macuil xochitVs
und seiner Genossen, d. h. als Siidregion, bezeichnet.

(1) Vgl. Seler " Gesammelte Abandlungen zur amerikanischen Sprach
und Altertumskpnde ", Band II, (Berlin 1904) S. 754-760.

DER Dr SOLOGUREN SCHEN SAMMLUNG 399

Wir haben demnach in den vier Bildern, die auf der W61-
bung des Gefasses Abb. i in bunten Farben ausgefiihrt sind.
die beiden Gotter des Lebens dargestellt : - - Quetzalconatl, den
Cott, der nach Osten wandert, um dort zu sterben, dessen Ruck-
kehr aber mit Bestimmtheit erwartet wird und Tonacatecutti,
den im Maishause, im Tamoanclian, dem Hause des Herabkom-
mens, der Geburt, d. h. im Westen, heimischen Gott der Lebens-
mittel und der Generation. Dem ersteren gegeniiber ist der
Osten, die Region des Sonnenaufgangs, als das Tlatlayan, der
» Ort des Brennens " durch den Tern pel* der A'o/o//-kopfigen
Feuerschlange zur Anschauung gebracht. Dem letzteren gegen-
iiber der Westen durch die Hohle Colhuacan, deren Gipfel, aber
halbiert ist und in eine Nord und eine Siidhalfte zerfallt, d. h.
in die beiden Pfeiler, die dort im Westen den Eingang in die
Erde einfassen. Das Gefass kann demnach in Wahrheit als ein
Stuck Bilderschrift betrachtet werden, das nicht nur aus andern
Oueellen bekannte Vorstellungen wiederholt, sondern unsere
Kenntnisse iiber die mvthologischen Ideen jener Stamme auch
nach gewissen Richtungen hin erweitert.

Ein zweites Gefass der Sologuren' schen Sammlung, das
auch aus Nochistlan stammt, mochte ich hier ebenfalls zu allge-
meinerer Kcnntnis bringen, da die auf ihm dargestellten Figur-
en von besonderem Interesse sind, obwohl ich diese hier nicht
mit gleicher Sicherheit zu deuten im Stande bin. Das Gefass,
um das es sich handelt, ist ein kleiner Henkelkrug von i6'_,cm
Hobe, mit einer breiten Schnippe an der Vorderseite der
Miindung. Die allgemeine Farbe des Gefasses ist ein tiefes
Eisenoxydrot, aber auf einem breiten, die Wolbung umziehender
Bande sind in bunten Farben die Figuren angebracht, die
ich hier in Abb. 2 wiedergebe. Die farbigen Bilder heben sich
auch hier von einem glanzenden schwarzen Grunde ab. Die
verwendeten Farben sind etwas andere als auf dem gefasse Abb.
1. Man erkennt ein Weiss, Gelb, Braun, Rot und ein ins Schie
fergraue spielendes Blau. Konturen und Details der Zeichnung
sind auch hier, wie bei den Figuren der Bilderschriften mit
schwarzen (oder roten)Linien angeben. Es sind, wie man sieht,
vier Kopfe, die hier in horizontaler Stellung auf dem die
Wolbungum ziehenden Bande angegeben sind. Wir konnen
von vornherein annehmen, dass es Gottheiten der vier Richt-

400

KINIGE FEIN BEMAI.TK ALTE THONGEFAESSK

1 4mS0 m

?& it

#i '

Abb 2 — ZeichnuiiR auf der
Wolbung tines buntbemal-
tenThonpefassts aus No
chistlan (Sologuren sich
Samnilung, .

ungen sein werden. Hire Bestim-
mung aber ist schwierig, da die Be-
sonderheiten ihrer Bemalung und
Ausstattung nicht ohne Weiteres eine
Parallelisierung mit den bekannten
Typen der Bilderschriften gestatten.
Dieoberste Figur D.zeigtuns den
Skelettkopf des Todesgottes in der
bekannten Ausstattung, mit dem
Stein messer vor der Xase, dem Ohrp-
flocke aus ungesponnener Baumwolle
und der nach hinten gebogenen Fahne
{pantqyaualli). Als Besonderheit ware
nur zu erwahnen, dass auf der Flache
des Gesichts die Xatur des Gottes noch
durch eine Anzahl Kreuze zum Aus-
drucke gebraeht ist. Diese Kreuze
sind offenbar aus der bekannten F'igur
der gekreuzten Totenbeine entstanden,
die man, zusammen mit Schadeln, auf
Kleidern und Ausstattungsstiicken
von Todesgottheiten und todbringen-
den Ge walten angebraeht sieht.

Die drei andern Kopfe haben samm-
tlich das Haarin zwei Scheitelwiilsten
geordnet und tragen dariibereine naeh
oben sich verbreiternde Tiara, die dem
xiuhtotocal/i\ der mit Tiirkisvogelfe-
^ dern beklebten Tiara des Feuergottes,
entspricht. Figur (C) hat ein rotes
Gesicht und ein rundes Totenauge und
zwei den hintern Augenwinkel und
den Mundwinkel umzeihende weisse
gefelderte Streifen. Das Haar ist gelb
und von einer Lederbinde mit einem
stvlisierten Vogelkopfen der Stirnseite
umwunden. In der Tiara steekt eine
grosse Adlerfeder und ein Federbusch,
der weit naeh hinten hinabfallt. Es

DKR Dr SOLOGUREN SCHEN SAMMLUNG 4OI

ist mir nicht unwahrscheinlich, dass dieses Bild den Sonnen-
gott zur Anschauung bringen soil.

Die unterste Figur, A, hat ein braunes Gesicht und je einen
sehwarzen Ouerstreifen in der Hohe des Auges und des Mundes.
Das ist eine Bemalung, die in gewisser Weise der des Feuer-
gottes entspricht. Das Haar ist blau (d. h. dunkel) und ist von
einem Lederriemen umwunden, an dem an den beiden Seiten
je eine menschliche Hand befestigt ist. Aus der Tiara hangt
ein haarig gesaumter Streifen heraus, der in den Handschriften
der Codex Borgia Gruppe und auch in der Wiener Handschrift
ein besonderes Kennzeichen des Sonnengottes ist. In der
Xasenscheidewand steckt als Stab ein spitzer Knochen. Aus
dem durchbohrten Ohrlappchen hangt ein Streifen ungespon-
nener Baumwolle heraus.

Die Figur B hat ebenfalls ein braunes Gesicht und eine
•eigentumliche Bemalung in schwarzer Farbe urn den Mundwin-
kel, die an die des Maisgottes Blatt 51 des Codex Borgia und
einer entsprechenden Stelle des Codex Bologna erinnert. Das
Haar ist auch dunkel und von einer Kette aus Tiirkisscheiben
und Goldplatten umvvumden, die an der Stirnseite ein besonder-
es, in seinem Hauptteile tiirkisfarbenes Gebilde zeigt, das aus
der Tiirkisvogelfigur, die der Feuergott an der Stirnssite seiner
Kopfbinde tragt, entstanden zu sein scheint. Aus der Tiara
hangt ein Federschmuck gewohnlicher Beschaffenheit heraus.

Ohne mich in nahre Bestimmungen ein-
zulassen, mochte ich die Vermutung auss-
prechen, dass die vier Kopfe A. B. C. D den
Himmelsrichtungen in der Folge Westen,
Siiden, Osten, Xorden entsprechen.

Neben den feinbemalten Thongefassen
aus Xochistlan en thai t die Sologuren'che
Sammlung auch eine Anzahl bunt bemalter
Schalen und Gefasse, die in der Gegend von
Ciiicatlan, d. h. an der ostlichen Seite dt r
Abb. v Bunt bemaites Canad gefunden worden sind, durch die der

riiongfefass aus Cui °

catbm istaat Oaxa- Weg von Tehuacan nach Oaxaca ftihrt.
cai. Soioguren sciie [)jese stellen durchgangig einen andern und

SaIIltnlutlg■. . .'.

augenscheinlich grobern Lypus dar. Neben
Gefassen, die nur ein moist in grossen For men ausgefiihrtes a

4-02

KINIGE FEIN BEMALTE ALTR THONGEFAESSE

la grecque Muster zeigen, trifft man Z. B. auch solche, die am
Halse mit Adlerkopfen und auf der Flache mit Figuren des
Sonnengottes in Adlerhelmmaske bemalt sind.

Abb. ;,/>. Zeichnung auf dem Halstheile und der Wolbung des Gefasses
aus Cuicallan. Sologuren1 sche Sammlung.

Die merkwiirdigsten dieser Gefasse sind ohne Zweifel zwei
dreibeinige kiirge, deren Form und Bemalung, die im Wesent-
lichen gleich ist, ich in Abb. 3 und 4 wiederg-ebe. Die Gefasse
haben eine Hohe von 22cm, ihr Durchmesser betragt 16cm, der
Durehmesser der Miindung ist 1 3 ^cm, die Fiisse sind 8cm lang.

An dem Halsteile des Gefasses ist hier mit brauner Farbe
und roten Konturen, von einem sehwarzen Grunde sich abhe-

Abb. 4. Zeichnung auf der Wolbung eines Zweiten Gefasses der Sologuren'
schen Sammlung aus Cuicatlan (Slant Oaxaca).

gezeichnet. Auf der Wolbung aber sieht man in Weiss, Rot
und Gelb ein eigentumliches Muster aus sich verschnmkenden
bend, eine Art Federschlange, mit nach oben offnem Rachen„

DER Dr SOLOGUREN' SCHEN SAMMLUNG 403

menschlichen Gesichtern, das augenscheinlich aus der Flecht-
oder Gewebetechnik entstanden ist und in der auffalligsten
Weise an peruanische Gewebmuster erinnert.

Ich habe aus der grossen Zahl von Gefassen der Sologur-
en'schen Sammlung nur einige wenige beschreiben konnen.
Eine Fulle von Studienmaterial liegt in dieser mit Umsieht
und Gewissenhaftigkeit angelegten Sammlung vor, die nurein in
der Gegend Ansiissiger, der alle Chancen auszuniitzen in der
Lage ist, in dieser Weise zusammenbringen konnte. Es ware
sehr zu wiinschen, dass sich eine Moglichkeit bote, dieses schone
und reiche Material einem offentlichen Museum zuzufuhren,
damit es, den Zufalligkeiten menschlicher Dinge nach Moglich-
keit entriickt, der Nachwelt erhalten bleibe.

BERICHT UBER DIE

Chemise he und physikalische

UNTERSUCHUNG EINER MEXIKANISCHEN KUPFERAX1
par le I)r Eduard Seler, Berlin-Steglitz

Die alten Stiimme Mexico's lebten in der Hauptsache noch
im Steinzeitalter. Fiir schneidende Werkzeuge jeder Art, Mes-
ser, Pfeilspitzen, Spiesse, schwertartige Angriffswaffen, bildete
der Obsidian oder, wo, \\ ie z. B. in Yucatan, dieser fehlte, der
Feuerstein das vornehmste Material. Dabei waren naturlich
diesen Stammen die Metalle nicht etwa ganzlich unbekannt.
\eben den Edelemetallen, wurde Kupfer in grossen Mengen zu
Schmucksachen, Schellen, Fingerringen, s. w. verwendet. Und
dieses letztere Material auch in ansehnlichen Ouantitaten zu
Werkzeugen, zu Messern mit halbmondformiger Schneide und
zu undurchbohrten Axten verarbeitet, die meist, nach Art der
polynesischen Stein-und Muschel;ixte,an einem knieformig gebo-
genen Stiele befestigt wurden. Der Gebrauch solcher Aexte, zum
Holzfallen u. s. vv., war so sehrein allgemeiner, dass das Wort
fiir Kupfer (mexikanisch tepoztli) geradezu eine Bezeichnung
der Axt geworden ist. Dagegen war das Eisen den Mexika-
nern ganzlich unbekannt. Auch scheinen die Mischungen des
Kupfers mit Zinn oder Zink der vrorspanischen Zeit fremd
gewesen zu sein. Man hat allerdings vielfach behauptet, dass die
alten Mexikaner auch die Bronze gekannt hlitten. Und man
mochte das glauben, wenn man z. B. im Bernal Diaz liest, dass
die Gefahrten Juan de Grijalva's an der Kiiste von Tabasco in
Mengen Aexte aus einem goldglanzenden Metalle einhandelten,
das sie fiir Gold hielten, das sich aber nachher als Kupfer
erwies. Es ist indes noch niemalsein Bronzegegenstand sicherer
Herkunftausdem mexikanischen. Altertume bekannt geworden.

406

(.'IlKMISe'lIK UND I'HVSIKALISCHK

Dagegen wissen wir, dass, als Cortes vor seinem zweiten
Feldzuge Zinn hatte suchen lassen, um Kanonen als Ersatz fiir
die bei der Flueht aus der Hauptstadt Mexico's verlorenen Stiicke
giessen zu konnen, und dies Metall in der Tat in der Gegend
von Tasco im Staate Guerrero gefunden hatte, aueh die Einge-
borenen die praktische Brauchbarkeit der Bronzemischung fiir
Werkzeuge erkannten und dass seitdem Ackerwerkzeuge und
andere derate von den Indianern aus dieser Legierung herge-
Stellt und verwendet wurden.

Fur die Frage, ob die Bronze oder andere ahnliche Metall-
legierungen den Mexikanern in vorspanischer Zeit bekannt
gewesen seien, ist es von einei gewissen Interesse zu erfahren,
ob das Kupfer, das ja in gewissen Gegenden, Z. B. im Staate
Oaxaea, im Staate Guerrero u. a. a. o. in grossen Mengen zu
halbmondformigen Messern {tepozuictli, sogenanntem " zapote-

SpOLW JjA-r tlltm^lhC OLrx^xt^yC

LUn. *{ic,iiie*->L*ciie <>nuOfiif . &/otr.

Pufouer niche i^i/«e^a^feni 2t*»*

kischem Gelde ") und Aexten {tepoztli) verarbeitet wurde, sich
zu solcher Yerwendung eignet, d. h. ob den alten Mexikanern
ein Yerfahren bekannt gewesen ist, diesem Metalle eine Harte
zu geben, die die aus ihm gefertigten Werkzeuge zum Schnei-
den, Holzspalten u. s. w. geeignet erscheinen liess. Ich habe,
um die.se I7 rage zu entscheiden, eine alte Kupferaxt, die in der
Gegend von Tlaxiaco ih der Mixteca alta gefunden worden ist,
und die ich auf meiner zweiten mexikanischen Reise dort gesam-
melt habe, durch das Konigliche Material priifungsamt in Gross-
Lichterfelde bei Berlin in Bezug auf seine chemischen und phy-

UNTERSUCHUNG EINER MEXIKANISCHEN, ETC. 407

sikalischen Eigenschaften untersuchen lassen. Die Ergebnisse

dieser Untersuchung sind folgende :

Die Axt, deren Eorm und Dimensionen aus der Abbildung

1 ersichtlich sind, besteht in der Hauptsache aus Kupfer mit

geringen Beimengungen anderer Metalle und zwar fand sich

in i h r :

Zink o. 17%

Silber ; °-i3%

Nickel 0.02^

Eisen 0.02/

Wismuth °-°2%

Schwefel °-OI%

Blei, in Spuren weniger als °-01/

Arsen d<r

& ■

Antimon dgl

Zinn und Phosphor nicht nachweisbar. .

Die phvsikalische Untersuchung erstreckte sich zunachtst
auf eine Bestimmung der Ritzharte. Die Priifung erfolgte mit
dem Hartepriifer von Martens ('). Dieser Apparat besteht im
wesentlichen aus einem kegelformig zugespitzten, von einem
Wagebalken getragenen Diamanten, dessen Spitze unter ver-
schiedenen Belastungen iiber die feinpolierten Flachen fortge-
zoiren wurde. Die Strichbreiten wurden mit dem Okularschrau-
benmikrometer und dem Objektiv von Karl Z^iss ausgemessen.
Die Ergebnisse sind in der Tabelle 1 zusammengestellt. Zum
Vergleiche wurde ein gegliihtes Kupferblech aus den Bestanden
des Amtes geritzt. Die Hartegrade H. d. h. die Belastungen
in grammen fur o, 01 mm Ritzbreite, sind aus den Ausgleichs-
linien ermittelt, die sich bei der graphischen Aufzeichnung der
Tabellenwerte ergaben.

(1) Vgl. » Mitteilungen aus den Koniglichen Technischen Versuchs-
anstalten" 1890, S. 225, und A. martens " Handbucli der Materialien-
kunde". Absatz 341-359.

1 7

4o8

CHEMISCHE UND PIIYSIKALISCHK

Harlegrad
Belastreng

in g-fur o, 01
mm Kitz-
breite H

c
u
-
a

'--

—
u

I
■J

be
•—

JO 2"
:3 ■-

= o

-J

w
-

Ritzuntj

—

I—

-r

■+ CO \0

o\ o> o

—

c c c o o

Os O -i CO CO

Q - -> O O

o o o o o

o" 6 6 o 6

CO TvO vO CM

vo t>. r^cc CO

o o o o o

O w O O O

o" o" d d o"

vO -t" T to <0

o o o o o

6 6 6 6 6

c
o

0
>o

z
0

— M rO T to

TOO vO M

NT, tsN

— — —

—

•— •

o o o o

vO CM O CO

tovO vO tO

— — — ■ —

— •

o o o o

00 CM

CM VO

-1" iO

to to

— —

t-~t

o o

loo

TOO

O T

-t-

rO CM

iO t

i-« »— i

— —

*■

o o

O cm r4 O O

T T T T T

ta H M M H

*-^

O O O O O

o o o o o

VO CO CO VO 00

O On ON On On

- o o o o

0 o o o o

o o o c o

CO CM O CM T

vO vC vO vO vO

o o o o o
o o o o o

o" o" o" o 6

"-t cm ro T to

CM VO

•T

.oo

—

— CM

—

1— t

t— 1

— —

o o

CM O

-r

0\ o

o ■■-

o o

CM O

O 00 VO

VO vO

tovo VO

o o

O O O

O o

o o o

o o

o o o

— CM CO T to

UNTERSUCHUNG EINER MEXIKANISCHEN, ETC.

409

00 o "*o o

tONO tONO no

OOOOO

o" o" o" o" o"

o
no

o
o~

^t ^t<o ^ •+

vo in -*vO O

— — — — < —

OOOOO

o 00 no ■>* -r

in to to *+ ^t

OOOOO

o* o" o" o" o"

no o vo o o

M M M « rO

OOOOO

o" o" o" o" o"

o
o

O N no 00 o

NO -+ •* "* to

OOOOO

o' o" 0" o o"

t-H

o
o*

N00 NOO N
i-h CNI C\| Cni ro

OOOOO

o
o"

■o

O ^O -*x -t
NO 1- lo -1- to

OOOOO

o" o" o" o* o"

ir.

CO M MOD N
<o tONO «*■ to

OOOOO

o' o" o" o* o"

NO O M M O
rO -t to to -*

OOOOO

O»OM00 O

OOOOO

0" o" o" o o"

OOOOO

c o o o o

-t-

-3-

OvO\0

K- ■

•— «

00 NO "* N 00

O (J>« h o
OOOOO

OOOOO

c o o 00 n-

- - - 00

1- - _, o m
OOOOO

OOOOO

N N O "*'<0
Ifl N\D >o to
OOOOO
OOOOO

OOOOO

o
o

cni ~* O O no
00 t-^ r^ t^ 1^

OOOOO
OOOOO

OOOOO

0
o

<n -f 00 00 o
rs\D no no t^
OOOOO
OOOOO

OOOOO

CO
NO

o
o

i-i PI rO "* to

* -5

(Ni ro Tt to

■- tN m -t to

O CM NO 00 O

cnj >-< O O w
OOOOO

o" o" o" o" o"

z
z

Tj-00 •* M t

N NNO M CO

0.0000

OOOOO

o o" o" o" O*

CN| NO 00 CN| -f

lONO ^l- tONO

00000

OOOOO

o" o" o" o' o"

r -
0

z
z

1-1 CN! ro -f to

cj:

CJD •=
-a.

—

C£ —

r—

-I

27-11

410

CHKMISCHE UND I'M YSIKALISCHK

Diese Versuche zeigen also, dass bei dem fraglichen Stiicke
die Harte an der Spitze, in der Nahe der Schneidkante, eine
bedeutend grossere war, als in der Mittte oder an dem obern
breiten Hnde.

Sodann wurde in der Abteilung 4 des Koniglichen Material-
priifungsamtes eind metallographische Untersuchung des Beiles
vorgenommen. In der in der Abbildung 1 mit A B bezeichneten
Linie wurde ein Schnitt durch die Axt gelegt. Die schraffiert
gezeichnete Schnittflache wurde geschliffen und poliert. Unter

Abb. 2. Schneidkante

dem Mikroskope waren im Schliffe reichliche Mengen von
Kupferoxydul erkennbar. Siehe Abb. 3, 4. — K. K. sind Kup-
ferkrystalliten ; e.e stellen die eutektische Legierung zwischen
Kupferoxydul und Kupfer dar (')• Das Gefuge erinnert an
gegossenes Kupter. In der Nahe der Schneidkanten waren die
Kupferkrystalliten und die Maschen des Netzwerkes in der
Richtung der Liingsachse der Axt gestreckt (siehe Abb. 2 und
3). Diese Streckung ist eine Folge von Kaltbearbeitung. Das

(1) V^l. K. Heyn "Kupfer und Sauerstoff". Mitteilungen aus den
Koniglichen Technischen Versuchsanstalten 1900. S. 315.

UNTERSUCHUNG KINKR MKXIKANISCHKN, KTC.

4II

Gefiige zeigt also die Eigenschsft von gegossenem Kupfer, das
in der Nahe der Schneide kalt geschmiedet wurde, was wahr-
scheinlich den Zweck hatte, die Schneidkante widerstandsfahiger
zu machen.

Abb. 3. Zu der Nahe der Schneidkante

Abb. 4. Zu einiger Kntt'ernun^ \on der Schneidkante

2 7*

STUDIEN IN DEN RUINEN

VON YUCATAN

par le Dr Eduard Selek, Berlin-Steiilitz

Bei unserm Aufenthalt in Yucatan in den Monaten Februar
und Marz des Jahres 1903 haben wir die Sa,dte und Museen von
Campeche und Merida, die Ortschaften Ticul, Mani, Fzamal,
Citas, Cusumal, Hecelchakan und die Ruinen von Mayapan,
Uxmal, Kabah, Labna, Xta auat pak (=Maler xlab pak), Sayi,
Xcalum kin und Chich'en itza besucht. Bei der Kiirze der uns
zur Verfugung stehenden Zeit, war es uns natiirlich nicht
moglich, ausgedehnte Aufnahmen zu machen. Es ist ja gerade
in diesem Gebiete von friiheren Forschern, — ich nenne nur
vStephens, Charney, Maudslay, Holmes, Thomson, Maler,—
viel gescheheen. Ich habe meine Aufmerksamkeit den Einzel-
heitender "Ornamentation zugewandt und dabei gerade in zwei
der der beruhmtesten Ruinenstatten, in Uxmal und Chich'en
itza, enige Beobachtungen macken konnen, die vielleicht nicht
ohne Interesse sind.

In Uxmal ist das hochste Gebaude die sogenannte Casa del
Adivino (Haus des Wahrsagers). Es ist eine Pyramide, zu der
auf der Ostseite eine hohe steile Treppe hinauffuhrt. Die
Gebaude haben ihre Front nach Westen. Und zwar sind
in drei verschiedenen Etagen von Steinwanden umschlossene
Zimmer an der Pyramide angebracht. An der Basis der West-
seite ist eine breite Facade zu sehen, die aber nachtraglich in de
Mitte mit einer Dreieckswolbung iiberbaut werden ist. Sei es,
dass man dort eine Treppe zu dem Bauwerke des mittleren
Stockwerkes hat bauen wollen, sei es. dass zu irgend einer Zeit
das Bediirfniss sich herausgestellt hat, das ganze Bauwerk
durch einen Strebepfeiler zu stiitzen. Durch diese Ueberbau-
ung geschiitzt, ist in dem mittleren Theile der Facade dieses
Basalgebaudes noch eine wohlerhaltene Riesenmaske mit dem
sogenannten Elephantenrussel und ein aus einem Schlangenra-
chen hervor schauendes menschliches Gesicht von hoher Schon-
heit zn sehen. — ^ein Bildwerk, das von den Leuten der Gegend
als » La Vieja " (die Alte) bezeichnet wird. Ein Abguss davon
befindet sich im kgl. Museum fur Volkerkunde.

4i4

STUDIKN IN DKN RUINKN

Das Gebaude
des m i 1 1 1 e re n
Stock vverkes
besteht aus zwei
hinter einander
liegenden schma-
len Zimmern, die
nach Westen sich
offnen. Die Aus-
senwande sind mii
den merkwtir-
digen Steinmas-
ken mit riissel-
Astronomische (?) Zeichen formig verlanger-

ten, hier nach
oben gebogenen
Nasen (sogenann-
ten Elephanten-
riisseln) verziert

und die Thiiroffnung der westlichen oder Hauptfa9ade ist die

gewaltige Mundoffnung

einer solchen Riesen-

maske. Auf den Augen-

brauen dieser Maske ist

die Hieroglvphe des

Planeten Venus angege-

ben und unter dem Auge

die Zahl acht. Das ist

als acht Jahre auf zu fas-
sen, der Zeitraum, der

genau fiinf Venusperio-

den entspricht (8 x 365=

5 x 584). Ueber der Astronomische (_?)Zei-

Xase war eine sitzende

Abb. in

in den VVickeln nu beidcn
Seiten der Tliiir des mit-
tleren oder Haupti^ebau-
des der Casa del Adivi-
110 in Uxmal.

Figur dargestellt, von
zwei auf dem Bauche
liegenden menschlichen
Figuren getragen. Von
dieser grossen'Figur, die

chen in den Wick
eln nu beiden seilen
der Thiir des mit-
tleren oder Haupt-
gebaudes der Casa
del Adivino in Ux-
mal.

VON YUCATAN 415

vielleicht die Gottheit des Planeten Venus darstellte, ist aber
nur der reiche Federschmuck erhalten. Die Wandflachen zu
beiden Seiten der Thiire sind mit grossen Maanderwickeln
geschmiickt, die ganz mit astronomischen Zeichen oder
Hieroglyphen erfiillt sind (abb. ia, ib.)

Das oberste, auf dem Gipfel der Pyramide stehende Gebaude
enthalt drei Gemacher in einer Reihe neben einander. Die
Aussenwande dieses Gebaiides sind merkwiirdig durch eine.
Verzierung in vertieften Punkten (nach Art der Napfchensteine),
wodurch auf der glatten Wandflache Muster hervorgebracth
sind, und die erhohten Theile der in Relief gearbeiteten Orna-
mente noch eine besondere Verzierung erfahren. — Das ganze
Gebaude ist offenbar dem Kultus der Gottheit. des Planeten
Venus, und zwar seiner besonderen Form als Abendstern,
geweiht gewesen und war vielleicht ein Observatorium zur
Beobachtung der Auf- und Untergange jenes von den alten
Mexikanern so sehr beachteten Gestirnes.

Ziemlich nahe der Casa del Adivino stehen vier lange
schmale Gebaude, die die vier Seiten eines nach den Himmels-
richtungen orientierten quadratischen Hofes umgeben. Sie
enthalten im Innern eine Doppelreihe kleiner Zimmer, und das
Ganze wird desshalb seit alter Zeit als die Casa de Monjas (das
Nonnenhaus) bezeichnet. Die dem Hofe zugekehrten Innen-
wande dieser Gebaude sind iiber der Thiirhohe mit einem reich
verzierten Friese versehen. Unter den Verzierungen spielen
vvieder die grossen Masken mit der riisselformig verlangerten
Nase eine bedeutsame Rolle. Die Verzierung ist iibrigens bei
den vier Gebauden eine verschiedene.

Bei dem ostlichen, mit der Innenfront nach Westen gekehr-
ten Gebaude sind iiber der Mitte und an den Ecken drei Masken
iiber einander aufgebaut. Die riisselformig verlangerten Nasen
sind, wie bei der Casa del Adivino nach oben gebogen, und auf
der obersten Maske der mittleren Maskensaule, aber diesmal
unter dem Auge, ist wieder die Hieroglvphe des Planeten
Venus zu sehen (Abb. 2). Wir konnen schliessen, dass dieses
ostliche Gebaude, gleich der Casa del Adivino, der Gottheit
des Planeten Venus gewidmet war. Zwischen den Masken-
saulen sind acht doppelkopfige Schlangen iiber einander aufge-

4i6

STUDIEN IN I)KN Rl'INKN

baut, ganz ahnlich denen, die ich nachher bei der Casa del
Gobernador zu erwahnen haben werde.

Bei dem westlichen, mit der Innenfront nach Osten gekehr-
ten Gebaude sind die riisselformig verlangerten Nasen der
ebenfalls zu dreien iiber einander gebauten grossen Masken
nach unten gebogen. Die ganze Simsflache ist in Felder
abgetheilt, die von zwei sich verknotenden riesigen Feder-
schlangen umzogen werden. Die Ouetzalfederschlange war den
Mexikanern das Sinnbild und Abbild des Wassers, der Vegeta-
tion, des Gedeihens der Fruchtbarkeit. Den dieses verbiirgenden
Machten war offenbar dieses westliche Gebaude geweiht.

Abb. 2. Die beiden obersten Masken der Maskensaule an dem Ostge-
baude der Casa de las Monjas in Uxmal.

Bei dem stidlichen, mit der Innenfront nach Norden
gekehrten Gebaude zeigt der Fries iiber den Thiiren, die zu den
Zimmern fiihren, in Relief ausgefiihrt, das Bild eines mit
Strohoder Palmblattdach versehenen Hauses und dariiber eine
Maske einfacherer Art, ohne riisselformig verlangerte Nase, aber
mit lang heraushangenden Hauzahnen. Ich vermuthe, dass
dieses Gebaude den im Norden, im dunklen Hause der Erde
herrschenden Gewalten gewidmet war.

VON YUCATAN

417

Das nordliche, mit der Innenfront nach Siiden gekehrte
Gebaude steht auf einer erhohten Terrasse und weist die
reichsten Verzierungen am Friese auf. Ueber den Thiiren sind
vier Masken iiber einander aufgebaut, deren russelfbrmig
verlangerte Nasen nach unten gebogen sind. Und diese
Maskensaulen sind von einem Riesen-en face-Gesicht gekront,
das durch die Ringe um die Augen und den beiderseits nach
unten gebogenen Lippenstreifen an Tlaloc, den mexikanischen
Regengott erinnert. (Abb. 3). Dieses en face-Gesicht ist auf
den vier Seiten (vgl. Abb. 4) von einem aus einem Trapez und

Abb. 3. Spitne der Maskensaulen an dem Nordgebaude der Casadelas
Monjas in Uxmal.

einem Dreieckswinkel bestehenden Doppelgebilde eingefasst,
der ornamentalen Ausgestaltung eines aus Ring und Strahl
bestehenden Doppelgebildes, das die Abbreviatur des Sonnen-
bildes darstellt und in den Bilderschriften zur Bezeichnung
eines Jahres verwendet wird. Der mexikanische Regengott ist
im Codex Borgia, mit diesem Doppelbilde gekront, als Repra-
sentant der vier Jahre dargestellt, — weil der Regengott der
Reprasentant der Himmelsrichtungen ist, und die vier Jahre
den vier Himmelsrichtungen entsprechen. Ich habe, als ich
in Uxmal dieses Riesen-en face-Gesicht entdeckte, es zuerst

418

STUDIKN IN DEN RUINKN

Abb. 4. Lg^gelostes Fa9adcnstiick, an der

Basis des uutersten der drei Gebaude der

" Casa del Adivino " in I^xmal gefunden.

ohne Weiteres als Gesieht
des mexikanischen Regen-
gottes und als Reprasenta-
tion der vier Jahre angfenom-
men. Als Representation
der vier Jahre und der vier
Richtungen sehe ich dies en
face-Gesichtauch heute noch
an. Ich hake es indess fur
wakrscheinlicher,dass dieses
en face-Gesicht eine orna-
mentaleForm des ahau, des
hieroglyphischen Sonnen-
gesichtes der Maya-Hand
schriften darstellt, und nicht
mit dem mexikanischen
Regengott in Verbindung
zu bringen ist. In den
Zvvischenraumen zwichen den Maskensaulen sieht man Hauser
ahnlich denen iiber den Thiiren des Siidgebaudes, mit einem
First aus Mattengeflecht, weiter abwarts ein Haus mit einem
aus iiber einander fallenden Federn gebildeten Dache, aus dem
drei Schlangen heraus kommen. Uber dem Hause ist endlich,
wie auf dem Friese des Siidgebaudes, eine Maske einfacherer
Art angebracht. Ich glaube, dass dieses Nordgebaude der
Gottheit der Sonne und des Himmels geweiht gewesen ist.

Nach Suden von der Casa de Monjas, zwischen ihr und
der hohen Terrasse, auf der die gleich zu besprechende Casa
del Gobernador liegt, befindet sich in der Vertiefung der Balls-
pielplatz, auf beiden Seiten von einem wallartigen Aufbau ein-
gefasst. An der dem Innenraume zugekehrten Front dieser
Seitenwalle vvaren steinerne Ringe eingefiigt, auf deren beiden
Flachen Reihen von kalkuliformen Hieroglyphen von Maya-
Form ausgemeisselt waren. Von diesen Ringen sind noch
ziemlich ansehnliche Bruchstiicke in der Wand befestigt zu
sehen.

Dann folgt eine hohe Terrasse, auf der man zunachst zur
Rechten ein Gebaude trifft, das am Friese mit Figuren von
Schiklkroten geschmiickt ist, und das deshalb als Casa de Tortu-

VON YUCATAN

419

gas (Schildkrotenhaus)
bezeichnet wird, iiber
dessen Bestimmung ich
aber nichtsangeben kann.
Und dariiber erhebt sich
auf einer noch hoheren
Terrasse die sogenannte
Casa del Gobcrnador (das

At>b. 5 Steinmaske von der Front der "Casa del HaUS des Gouvemeurs).
Gobernador " in Uxmal. Eg -^ ejn langes schmaleS

Gebiiude, dessen Hauptfront nach Osten liegt. Eine doppelte
Reihe von Zimmern offnet sich nach dieser Seite. Auch von
den schmalen Siid-und Nordseiten gelangt man in«je ein Doppel-
Zimmer. Die Westfront hat geschlossene Wande. In der
Simsverzierung spielen auch hier wieder die grossen Steinmas-
ken eine Rolle, deren riisselformig verlangerte Nasen hier nach
unten gebogen sind. Unter den Augen ist in sammtlichen
Masken die Hieroglvphe des Planeten \'enus angeben (Abb. 5).
An der ostlichen oder Hauptfront waren ausserdem sieben
grosser und acht kleinere Figuren angebracht. Die mittlere
und Hauptfigur ist von einem nach oben sich erweiternden
Autbau von acht doppelkopfigen Schlangen umrahmt, der in
der Form ganz den oben erwahnten Aufbauen an der Innenfront
des Ostgebaudes der Casa de las Monjas gleicht. Nur sind die
geradlinigen Schlangenleiber hier an der Ost front der Casa del
Gobernador ganz und gar mit astronomischen Zeichen oder
Hieroglyphen erfiiilt.

In alten, aus dem letzten Viertel des sechszehnten Jahrhun-
derts stammenden Berichten iiber vukatekische Stadte bin ich
wiederholt der iibereinstimmenden Angabe begegnet, dass die
als Wohnungen beniitzten Baulichkeiten mit der Front dem
Osten, Norden oder Siiden zugekehrt gewesen waren, und dass
nur die Tempel ihre Thiiroffnungen und ihre P'assaden nach
Westen gehabt hatten. Wenn wir demnach hier in der Casa
del Gobernador ein Gebaude vor uns haben, das in den Hinzel-
heiten der Ornamentation mit der Casa del Adivino und dem
Ostgebaude der Casa de las Monjas iibereinstimmt, das aber
seine Front dem Osten zugekehrt hat, wahrend Casa del Adivino
und Ostgebaude der Casa de las Monjas nach Westen gerichtet

420 STUD1EN IN DEN RUINKN

sind, so werden wir wohl schliessen diirfen, dass die beiden
letzteren Gebade Tempel, Kultusgebaude waren, — wie ich oben
angegeben habe, vermuthlich der Gottheit des Planeten Venus
geweiht, - dass die Casadel Gobernadoraber ein Wohngebaude
war, vielleicht der Palast des Oberpriesters jener Gottheit und
seines priesterlichen Gefolges. Und wir konnen dann die
weitere Folgerung machen, dass der Kultus der Gottheit des
Morgensternes bei jenen Stammen, oder die Beschaftigung mit
astronomischen Dingen bei den Priestern jener Stamme, eine
hervorragende Rolle gespielt haben.

Den Gebauden von Uxmal gleichen in dem allgemeinen
Charakter der Ornamentation eine ganze Menge anderer Rui-
nenstadte, die in den Wildnissen des westlichen Theiles der
Halbinsel zerstreut sind. Nur dass ich eigentlich keine einzige
Ruine weiter kenne, bei der die Ornamentation so reich und
gleichzeitig so variiert und so bedeutsam ist, wei bei den
Gebauden von Uxmal, so dass in der That diese Ruinenstatte
zu den hervorragendsten der gegenwartig noch erhaltenen
gehort.

Einen etwas anderen Charakter weisen die Ruinen von
Chich'en itza auf, die der ostlichen Halfte von Yucatan angeho-
reh. Wahrend in Uxmal die Hauptgebaude dicht bei einander
lieeren, sind in Chich'en itza die verschiedenen Monumente mehr
zerstreut, sind aber noch zahlreicher und fast noch gewaltiger
als die von Uxmal.

Unter den Gebauden begegnen uns zuniichst allerdings sol-
che, die im allgemeinem Charakter mit denen von Uxmal
durchaus iibereinstimmen. Das ist insbesondere das hier in
Chich'en itza Casa de las Monjas genannte Gebaude, das aber
in seinem Charakter, und vermuthlich audi seiner Bedeutung
der Casa del Adivino von Uxmal entspricht. Auch hier sind die
Gebaude in drei verschiedene Stockwerke vertheilt, mit einem
schmalen, wenigkammerigen auf der Spitze endend. Und hier
fiihrt sogar noch eine Treppe, die die nach Norden gerichtete
Front iiberbaut, auf das Dach des Gipfelgebiiudes, so dass einem
hier noch mehr als bei der Casa del Adivino von Uxmal die
Idee eines Observatoriums suggeriert wird. Wie die Gebiiude
von Uxmal sind auch die Friese bei dieser Casa de las Monjas
von Chich'en itza mit den merkwiirdigen Masken mit der riissel-

VON YUCATAN 42 I

forming" verliingerten IVase verziert. Dem mittleren (und
Haupt-) Gebiiude der Casa del Adivino von Uxmal scheint hier
bei der Casa de las Monjas von Chich'en itza der zu ebener Erde
gelegene Ostfliigel zu entsprechen. Von den grossen Masken,
die der Wandfliiche und dem Friese eingesetzt sind, haben
wenigstens die an den Ecken angebrachten ihre riisselformig
verlangerte Nase nach oben gebogen. Die Thiire wird auch
hier von der Mundoffnung einer Riesenmaske gebildet. Die
Hieroglvphe des Planeten Venus ist nicht auf den Masken
selbst angegeben (wie in Uxmal), wo hi aber findet sie sieh
unter den Hieroglvphen einer Inschrift, die auf der Thiirober-
schwelle steht. Uud iiber der die Thiire in sich schliessenden
Riesenmaske findet sich ein schmales Band, in dem verschie-
dene astronomische Zeichen mit der Hieroglvphe des Planeten
Venus verbunden sind, was vielleicht als Conjunctionen des
Planeten Venus mit anderen Sternen zu deuten ist. In der
Mitte iiber dem Thor, unmittelbar iiber dem sben erwiihnten
schmalen Bande mit den Conjunctionen der Venus, throntauch
hier eine durch reichen Federschmuck ausgezeichnete Gestalt,
die vielleicht, wie an der Casa del Adivino von Uxmal, die
Gottheit des Planeten Venus darstellt.

Einige andere Gebiiude gibt es noch in Chich'en itza, die,
gleich der Casa de las Monjas, in der Dekoration mehr oder
minder sich den Gebauden von Uxmal anschliessen. Die
Hauptmasse der Monumente aber ist anderen Charakters und
stellt einen besonderen Stil dar, als dessen Typus das sogenannte
Castillo (Schloss) und der die Siidostecke des Ballspielplatzes
bildende Tempel der Jaguare und der Schilde dienen konnen.
Hier haben wir Gemacher, die von Pfeilern getragen werden,
und die vier Seiten dieser Pfeiler sind, ebenso wie die Innen- und
Aussenwnnde der Eingange, mit Figurenreliefen geschmiickt.
Der Haupteingang ist von Pfeilern eigener Art gestiitzt, die
eine mit dem Kopfe am Boden liegende Federschlange darstel-
len. Vor dem Eingange scheint fasst iiberall eine jener Figuren
gestanden zu haben, wie Le Plongeon eine ausgegraben und als
Chac Mool getauft hat. Und im Hintergrunde des Gemaches,
oder schon in der Eingangshalle scheint iiberall ein von Kary-
atiden getragener Tisch gestanden zu haben, der vielleicht fiir
Opfer gaben diente. Die Figurenreliefe, die zum Theil auch die

422 STUDIEN IN DKN Rl/INTKN

ganzen Wande der Gemacher bedecken, weichen im Charakter
von den Figuren der echten Maya-Monumente (z. B. von
Palenque) und der Maya-Handschriften ab. Hier sind keine
deformirten Schii del, keine verzwickten Stellungen und auch
nicht jene Verschnorkelungen zu sehen, die die Figuren der
echten Maya-Monumente kennzeichnen. Und ich habe schon
an anderer Stelle den Nachweis gefiihrt, dass diese Reliefe auf
das Bestimmteste beweisen, dass hier in Chich'en itza ein Volk
mexikanischer Abstammung eine beherrschende Stellung inne
gehabt hat.

Einen weiteren neuen Typus, der sonst nur noch aus den
Kuinen von Mayapan bekannt geworden ist, stellt der soge-
nannte Caracol (Schnecke) von Chich'en itza dar. Das ist ein
kreisrundes Gebiiude, das aus einem zylindrischen Kern, in
dessen Innern eine spirale Treppe zur Hohe fiihrt, und einem
rings umlaufenden kreisformigen Gange besteht. Auch dies
Gebiiude scheint auf das Bestimmteste einen mexikanischen
Einfluss zu bekunden. Denn von den Mexikanern wird uns
berichtet, dass sie ibrem Gotte Quel zalconat I , in seiner beson-
deren Gestalt oder Auffassung als Windgott, kreisrunde Tempel
bauten.

Auf vveitere Einzelheiten muss ich mir hier versagen ein-
zugehen. Ich hoffe, in diesem oder dem nitchsten Jahre meine
Studien an den Monumenten von Yucatan noch einmal wieder
aufnehmen zu konnen, und werde daun vielleicht in einer gros-
sern Abbandlung die Ergebnisse meiner Untersuchungen
vorlegen konnen (').

(i) " Quetzalconatl-Kukulcan in Yucatan " — Zeitschrift fur Ethnologie
XXX (1H98) S. 377 - 410 ; Seler, Gesammelte Abhandlungen zur amerika-
nischen Sprach und Alterthumskunde, Band I (1902) S. 668 705.

CHOLES UND CHORTIES

par Karl Sapper, Tubingen

Dr Otto Stoll hat auf der Karte, die seiner grundlegenden
ethnographischen Arbeit (T) iiber Guatemala beigegeben ist, den
Choles den weiten Raum vom nordostlichen Chiapas querdurchs
Peten und Liber den See von Yzabal hinweg bis zum Golf von
Amatique zugewiesen, wobei er sich haupsachlich von den An-
gaben des Isagoge Historico Apologetico General de todas las
Indias y Especial de la Provincia de Chiapas y Guatemala (2)
leiten liess ; den Chorties dagegen wurde das siidlich daran
anschliessende Stuck Ostguatemalas vorbehalten. Die Sprache
der Choles hatte Stoll nach dem von Dr. Berendt gesammelten
Material als nachste Verwandte des Chontal und der Mavaspra-
che s. str. erkannt, wahrend er das Chorti nach einem hochst
duftigen, von Stephens (3) gesammelten Vocabularals nahe Ver-
wandte des Pokomam ansah. Bei meinen mehrfachen Reisen in
die betreffenden Gebiete habe ich nun feststellen konnen. (4)
dass gegenwartig das Choi nur noch im nordostlichen Chiapas
und den angrenzenden Teilen von Tabasco (Jicotencal) gespro-
chen wird, wahrend das Chorti im ostlichen Teil des guatemal-
tekischen Departements Chiquimula und den angrenzenden Tei-
len der Republik Honduras fortlebt ; es zeigte sich ferner, dass
*die von Stephens, gesammelten Vocabeln gar nicht dem Chorti
angehorten, sondern dem Pocomam, dass also Stephens aus Ver-

(i) Zur Ethnographic der Republik Guatemala, Zurich 1X84.

(2) M.S. der Bibliothek \on Guatemala, abgedruckt in Madrid 1893.

(3) Incidents of travels in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan.
New York 1841 .

(4) Nordliches Mittelamerica, Braunschweig 1897 S. 244, 348, 383,
408 ff, und die ethnographischen Rarten mit Text in Petermanns Mittei-
lungen 1893, Heft 1. (Guatemala), 1895 Heft 8 (Siidostmexico und Britisch-
Honduras), und 1901, Heft 2, (siidl, Mittelamerica.)

2 I

424 CHOLES UND CHORTIES

sehen vermutlich einen durchreisenden Indianer ausgefragt hat.
Das wirkliche Chorti steht nun dem Choi so nahe, wie durch die
nachfolgenden Vocabularien niiher belegt werden wird, dass
man es fast eher als einen Dialect des Choi, denn als eine
besondere Sprache ansehen muss weshalb auch vonden musten
alteren Schriftstellern die Chorties als irn Teil des Choles
behandelt worden sind.

Die gegenwiirtige Verbreitung und Zugehorigkeitder Chol-
und Chortisprache ist hinreichend sichergestellt. Es friigt sich
aber, wie es in der Vergangenheit war.

Diego Garcia de Palacio fuhrt in seinem Bericht an den
Konig von Spanien von Jahr 1576 (') als Sprache von Chiqui-
mula de la Sierra und der Umgebung von Copan das Apay an
und fiigt hinzu, " nach alten Ueberlieferungen hat ein Volk aus
Yucatan vor alten Zeiten die Provinzen von Ayajal, Lacandon,
Verapaz, die Gegend von Chiquimula und diese von Chiquimula
und diese \on Copan erobert und sich unterwiirfig gemacht ;
ausserdem ist die Apaysprache auch in Yucatan und den
anderen Provinzen in Gebrauch und wird dort verstanden. "
(In der Tat veermochte die Dolmetscherin des Cortez, Marina,
wie Stoll a. a. O. S. 91 hervorhebt, sich mit dem Bewohnern der
Umgebung des Yzabalsees zu verstiindigen). Fur die Verepaz
iiibt Palacio Poconchi und Caechicolchi an : es ist klar, dass
damit die noch heute gesprochenen Sprachen Poconchi und
Kekchi gemeint sind sowie eine dritte " colchi ", die als Synonym
fiir Apay anzusehen ist und als Schreibfehler fur " Cholchi ",
" Cholsprache " gelten darf, ein Wort, das noch jetzt von den
Kekchi-Indianern beniitzt wird.— Auffallend ist nur, dass dem-
in der Yerapaz schon zu Palacios Zeiten der Lautwandel von t
in ch eingetreten war. wiihrend Fr. Francisco Moran (2) noch
[695 fiir die Sprache der Villa de Delores das Wort Cholti
anwendet. Leider ist mir das Vocabular Maran nicht zugiin-
lich gewesen,was ich umso mehr bedaure, als man nach den
historischen Nachrichten annehmen muss, dass dies Vocabular

(1) Uebersetzt von A. v. Trautwein, Berlin, New- York, London 1873.

(2) Arte y vocabulario en lengua Cholti, MS. der Sammlung Berendt,
citiert von Stoll, a. a. O. S. 89.

CHOLES I'N'D CHORT1E.S 425

unmittelbrr nach der Besitzergreifungdesbetreffnden Lacandorls
(Nuestra Seiiora de los Delores) niedergeschrieben worden is.t ;
dahier die Sprache der Lacandonen aasdriicklich als •> Cholti "
beziehnet ist, ware auch festgestellt, dass das Choi damals im
ostlichen Chiapas bis zum Usumacinta hin gesprochen worden
ware. Die kleine von Villagutierre y Sotomavor (x) mitgeteilte
Sprachprobe (S. 262) " utz impusidal " (2) spricht zwar nicht
mit voller Bestimmtheit dafiir, da im heutigen Choi die h'ormel
" gut ist mein Herz » lauten miisste : » utz ni pusical ", aber da
mehrfach in indianischen Sprachen z. B. nach O. Stoll's Mit-
teilungim Cakchiquel, eine Aenderung von niund im vonkommt
so ist es doch hochst wahrschemlieh, dass hier wahres Choi
vorhegt. Allerdings kann der Umstand, dass die Sprache der
Lacandonen Chalti genannt ist, nicht als absoluter Beweis
dafiir gelten, dass es sich wirklich um Choi handle, derm die Cho-
les selbst nennen ihre Sprache Putum, und wenn man nach dem
gegenwartigen Sprachgebrauch der Kekchi-Indianer gehen
wollte, so diirfte man mit dem Xamen Cholsprache nuretwaden
Begriff einer Barbarensprache verbinden, denn die Kekchi-
Indianer vestehen unter " Choi cviiink " alle heidnischen India-
ner der Nachbarschaft, so insbesonderr die Maya-redenden
Lacandonen des Peten. Die Sprache von S. Luis im Peten
und sam Antonio in Britisch Honduras, die von den Kekchi aus-
driickiich als "Cholchi" beseichnet wird ist ein Mayadialect, der
sich nur unterscheidet (3). Unter solchen Umstiinden ist es auch

(1) Historia de la Conquista de la provincia de el llza, reduccion y
progressos de la de el Lacandon, y i>tras naciones de Indios barbaros.
Madrid 1701.

(2) Es ist die spaniscbe Orthographic mil den von Stoll (a. a. O. S. v>)
vorgesehlagenen Modifikationem gebraucht, ist schon von den spanischen
Monehen fur unsern sch-Laut eingefuhrt worden.

(3) Nach meiner kleinen Sprachaufnahme in S. Luis und Erkundigung
uber die Sprache von S. Antonio ist einer der Hauptunterschiede gegenuber
reiner Maya ein haufiger Lautwandel von a in u : /. B. Maiskolben nul
(Mava nal). Totoposte sucpet (Maya sacpet) Fleisch buk (Mava bak),
Sabane chuk' an (mava chak'an), Hand k'ul (Maya k'al) 4 cumbel (mava
can), 6 vukbel (Maya vak) rot chuk (Maya chak) weiss ^uk (Mava sak), gelb
k'un (Mava k'an) Nacht ak'u (Maya ak'ab) In solchen Worten stellt sich ein
gewisser Anklang an Chontal (Nacht /.. B. ak'ob) ein, da eben im Chontal
ein ahnlicher Loulwandel eingesetzt hat. Zuweilen findet auch ein Laut-
wandel von I in r stait ; so heisst " morgen " in S. Luis samar, sonst in Mava
samal, ebenso der Lautwandel t in ch. z. B. l)u inchech (Maya tech), lhr

28 ii

426 CHOLKS UND CHORTIES

absolut nicht beweisend fur die fruhere Existenz der Cholsprache
in der nordlichen Alta Verapaz, wenn der Pater Alonso de
Escobar (') ausdri'icklieh sagt, dass die Nachkommen der am
Ehde des 18. Jahrhunderts durch die Uominicaner von Chama
nach dem Stadtviertel S. Marcos (Coban) verpflanzten, unterwor-
fenen Lacandonen zu seiner zelt, in derersten Hiilfte des ig Jahr-
hunderts, untersich noch die Jicholchi, sprache sprachen, "which
is that of the Lacandones. " Er fiigt hinzu : " The division of
San To mas Apostol is as ancient as the Conquest, and was
peopled with Lacandon Indians dwelling to the N. of Coban.
In like manner San Domingo de Coban was established with
Indians taken from the mountains of Chichen and Xucamel (2).
The four divisions of San Pedro Carcha were peopled with the
Indians of the immediate neighbourhood. In general the Indian
communities of San Pedro and Coban still gather the produce
of those tracts of coudtry which anciently belonged to their
respective ancestors. "

Das Gebiet von Chama war ursprtinglich von Poconchi-
Indianern bewohnt gewesen, denn aus einem in S. Cristobal
Verapaz aufbewahrten Poconchi-Manuscript, dem » Titulo del
Barrio de Santa Ana," (3) dessen Original 1565 abgefasst
worden war, aber spaeter offenbar mehrfach abgeschrieben
wurde und manche Einschiebungen erhielt, gehtdeutlich hervor,
dass Pokonchi-Indianer von Chama nach S. Cristobal iibersie-

inchex (Maya teex). Ausser don genannten gesetzmassigen Verchieden-
heiten kommen aber audi andere Unterschiede gegenuber der reinen Maya
vor, z. B. Kamm xeilch(Maya xalclie) Stern xalab(Maya eek), Klein tzitzip
(Maya chanchan), 7 vukubel (Maya vuk), wir inoun (Maya toon, Chontal,
Chorti noon), Aber im Ganzen genoinmen sind die Unterschiede so gering-
fugig, dass man die Sprache \on S. Luis und S. Antonio lediglich als Dialekt
des Maya ansehen Kann. Es ist iibrigens bemerkensvvert, dass die Mehrzahl
der " Cholchi " redenden Bewohner \on S. Luis zur Zeit meines Besuchs des
Dorfes 1891 nach S. Antonio in Britisli Honduras iibergesiedelt war, wahrend
das Dorf inzwischen von Kekchi-Lndianern bevolkert worden war. So rasch
gehen noch heutzutage betentende Verschiebungen der Sprachgrezen vor
sicli !

(1) Account of the Province of Verapaz, in Guatemala, and of the
Indian Settlements or Pueblos established therein Jour. R. geograph. Soc.
London, Vol. XI, S. 14.

(2) Offenbar Druckfehler fur Xucaneb.

(3) VerolTentlicht in den Verhandlungen des XIV. Americanistencon-
gresses in Stuttgart, S. 3 f 3 —381 und S. 384 — 39 f.

CHOLES L'ND CHORTIES 427

delten. Die Leute von San Marcos erhoben spater Anspruch
auf das Gebiet von Chama, aber der Titel von Santa Ana suet
(in der iibersetzung von Vicente A. Narciso) audsriicklich, offen-
bar in einer Einschiebiing vom anfang des 17 fahrhunderts : no
son (los cerros y pianos en Chamjah y Chichun) de los de San
Marcos, porque muy lejos quedaron ellos en Chixa en Akala, por-
que son de Acala losde San Marcos, donde muri onuestro seuor
Santo Padro Fray Domingo de Yico siendo todavia los abuelos
de los Padres de los de San Marcos, que mataron y se comieron
al Padre Fray Domingo de Vico losde Acala ; el Siguiente Padre
Fray Alonso de Bayllo trajoa los de San Marcos ; primero vivie-
ron en Yax capnal "), salieron de alii v vivieron en seguida en
Akil, salieron de alii de Akil ; cuando hicieron esta salida pasaron
al otro lado del rio Chamjah a ocupar nuestros cerros v nuestros
pianos de nosotros los de Santa Ana ". Die Reclamation der Po-
conchi scheint erfolglos gewesen zu sein, wenn w irklich die Leute
von von S. Marcos erst im 18. Jahrhundert nach Coban verp-
flanztworden sind ; dass aber uberhaupt eine Uebersiedlung von
Chama nach Codan stattgefunden hat, steht zweifellos fest, denn
in Chama besteht noch die Ueberlieferung iiber ein solches
Kreignis und der im Stadtviertel S. Marcos heimische Familien-
name Chamam spricht ebenfalls entschieden dafiir. Naqh den
Angaben des Pokonchi-Titels ist anzunehmen, dass der ursprun-
gliche Wohnort der Leute von S. Marcos etwa in der Ge^end
gegen die Salinas de losNueve Cerros hin gewesen sein diirfte,
weil Yax cabnal auf dem Weg dorthin liegt ; zudem batten
die heidnischen Acalanes bei dem Ueberfalle auf das christliche
Acala-Dorf und bei der Ermordung des Fray Domingo de Yico
Lacandonen als Bundesgenossen, (') die, soweit dieunklaren
Angaben der iilteren Schriftsteller erkennen lassen, zu beiden
Seiten des Rio Chixoy und in dem Gebjet westlich davon wohn-
ten. Die Landschaft Acala driifte alson in der Hauptsache
zwischen dem Rio Chixoy und dem Rio de la Pasion zu suchen
sein ; wir wissen aber schon durch Cortez' Bericht an. Kaiser
Karl V., dass auch die viel weiter nordlich gclegene Ge,irend
ostlich vom Rio Usumacinta zur Landschaft Acala gereehnet

(1) Eine noch heute bekannte Lucalittat der nordlichen Alia Verapas.
2 8 *

428 CHOLKS I'M) CHORTIES

vvurde und auf letztere bezieht sich wohl die Nachricht Villagu-
tierres, (') dass diese Landschaft schon in der ersten Hlfte des
16. Jahrhunderts von Yucatan aus erobert worden sei.

Xaeh dem Jesagten miissen wir bekennen, dassein strikter
Beweis fiir das Herrschen der Cholsprache unter den Lacando-
nen und Acalanern vorlaufig nicht zu erbringen ist, obgleich
die Benennung der betreffenden Idiome als Cholti und Echolchi
dies sehr wahrschernlich maeht. Die wenigen sicher iibersetzten
Ortsnamen der nordlichen Alta Yerapaz sind nicht entscheidend,
(2) da sie sowohl auf Choi wie auf Maya gedeutet werden kon-
nen, und wenn mann beobachtet, dass nordlich vom Pocolha-
Gebirge vie! seltener als siidlich davon Obsidian in Form von
"Pfeilspitzen, Lanzenspitzen oder Messern gefunden wird,
vielmehr zumeist durch deu im Peten vorkommenden Feuerstein
ersetzt ist, so zeigt das ebenfalls nur, das im Norden des genann-
ten Bergzugs Volkstamme sassen, die von Norden her gekom-
men sein miissen, aber ob dies nun Choles oder Mayas waren,
ist daraus nicht festzustellen und aiieh die brigen archaeolo-
gischen Anzeichen vermogen keine Entschei diing : • bringen.

Dass die heutigen Lacandonen (:i) im Peten und ostlichen
Chiapas Mava reden, ist kein Beweis dafiir, dass die alten
Lacandonen dieselbe Sprache gesprochen hatten, den die
Kenntnis der Spanier iiber die Lacandonen war von jeher iius-

(1) Die Lacandonen besassen einen Teil der den Krschlagenen abge-
nommenen Beute (Villagutierre S. 97). Kin Teil der Lacandonen und zwar
die Bewohner von Topiltepeque siedelten sich hurz nach dem Knde des
Kriegs in der Verapaz unter dem Schatz der Dominicaner an, andere (die
von Puchuria) verliandelten dariiber. (Villagutierre S. 78 f. ), liessen sich
aber 15(14 von Fray Pedro Lorencio in Ococingo (Chiapas) ansiedeln.
(Remesal, 10, 17 5640).

(2) s. a. a. O. S. 51.

(}) K. Sapper, Das nordliche Mittelamerica, Brauschweig 1847, S.
^,4 — 353. Wenn aber die Ortsnamen in dieser Hinsicht im Stich lassen,
so spricht fiir die damalige Besiedlung der betreffenden nordlichen Gebiete
durch Choles die Tatsache, dass die offenbar \on Siiden her-vordringenden
Kekchi-Indianer fiir manche ihnen vorher offenbar unbekannten Tiere reine
Cholbezeichnungen iibernommen haben : z. B. chak mut = " roter Vogel ",
Hokkohuhn chak ti, " roter M und " eine Fischart des Csumacinta-Strom-
gebiets. Ajau Chan = Konigsschlange, eine Boaart (vgl. Nordl. Mitte-
lamerica S. 397). Leider ist damit aber fiir die Frage der Mundart der
Lacadnones und Acalanes nichts gewonnen, da diese Lehnwurte ia von den
im Nordosten wohnenden Choles gekommen sein konnen.

VI' )|.i;s I'M) L tfOKTIKS 429

serst geringfiigig, so dass ihre Stammesbezeichnung jedenfalls
mehr an die Oertlichkeit, als an die ethnographischen und
sprachlichen Eigentiimlichkeiten der Leute angekniipft haben
diirfte. Seler ('), neigt der Ansicht zu, dass die Lacandonen
des 16, und 17. Jahrunderts da aber der Wortlant der iiber
lieferiingen fiir Choi spricht, so lialte ich es fiir hochst vvahrs-
cheinliseh dass Choi ihre sprache war, obglesch ich zugebe,
dass einiger zwesfel noch moglieh ist, ebenfalls Maya redeten
im ostlichen Chiapas.

Das aber steht fest, dass im Xordosten der Altu Verapaz im
if. Jahrhundert Choles sassen Allen Nachrichten zufolge
miissen sie schon damals recht gering an Zahl gewesen-sein,
ebenso wie auch die Lacandones, die man so vielfach vergeblich
in den ungeheuren Urwiildern des ostlichen Chiapas gesucht
hat. Immerhin wurde 1676 die Zahl der Choles im Xorden und
Osten der Verapaz noch auf iiber ^0000 Seelen geschatzt (2).
Leider sind von den zahlreichen in den verschiedenen Gese-
lichts werken mitgeteilten Ortsnamen nur noch sehr wenige
wieder zu identificieren ; unbekannt ist auch die Grenze, die

(1) Die alien Ansiedlungen von Chacula I. Berlin iqoi, S. 11. Ueber
die Geschichte der Lacandonen im ib, und 17. Jahrhundert berichtet Seler
(a. a. O. S. 5-: ->,) ziemlich ausfiihrlich, so dass ich selbst nicht darauf
eingehe. Leider sind die einzelnen Localitaten nicht sicher festzustellen mit
Ausnahme der Villa de nuestra Senora de los Dolores, deren I age durcli die
Angabe der Distanz von der Lacantuneinmiindung in den Csumacinta (J2
Leguas) ziemlich gul bestimmt ist. Nicht allzuweit davon entfernl waren
sicherlich die auf einer Insel in einem See gelegene Hauptfeste der Lacan-
donen, ferner die Dorfer Topiltepeque und Puchutla, sow ic Mop und IVia.
Die topographische und archaeologische Kenntnis der betreffenden Gegend
ist aber viel zu mangelhaft, als das> die>e Ortschaften localisiert werden
Konnten. So viel ist sicher, das dieses Peta nicht identisch ist mil dun
von mir i8()4, \on T. Maler 1898 spater \on A. Tozzer besuchten, viel weiter
nordlich ^elegenen See Pet Ha, in dessen L'mgebung jetzt Maya redende
Lacandonen wohnen.

In Tenosique, wohin am Knde des 17. Jahrhundrls eine AnZahl
Lacandonen geflohen waren, wurde um die Mine des \q. Jahrhunderts
noch von einigen Familien Choi gesproehen : doch ist nicht festzustellen, ob
dies Nachkommen jener Fltichtlinge oder spater eingewanderter Choles
waren. Zur Zeit meines Besuchs (iS<i»>) wurde in Tenosique kein Choi
mehr gesproehen.

(2) Villagulierre y, Sotomajor a. a. O. S. ibi.

Aus dem M. S. der Historia \on Ximenez scheint aber hervoizugehen,
dass damit nur die nordlich vom Ysabalsee wohnenden Choles gemeinl
waren. Ximenes sagt namltch : La nacion Choi en tiempo de su gentilidad
estuvo poplada. en todas las tierras, que lun coniprende Lhiquimula do la

430 CHOLES UND CHORTIES

zwischen den Kuraten der Verapaz und von Castillo (S. Felipe
am Yzabalsee) bestand ; immerhin aber ist es wohrscheinlich,
dass der Rio Maytol oder Factun, der diese Grenze bilden sollte,
dem vSarstoon entsprieht, der bei den Indianern den Namen
Sactun fiihrt (Factun wiire demnach Druckfehler fur Sactun).
In dem Gebiete nordostlich, der Verapaz haben Fray Joseph
Delgado schon 1675 eine Artzahl Choles in 3 Dorfer gesammelt,
(S. Lucas, El Rosario und Santiago) und im folgenden Jahr
kehrten beide zu den Choles, Manches und Axoyes vuriick, »
que todos vienen a ser unos, aunque de distintas parciali-
dades, " tauften und sammelten eine grosse Zahl in Dorfer, so
dass nunmehr bereits 1 1 Dorfer mit 2046 Seelen chrislich waren
Aber schon 1678 liclen diese Choles wieder ab und zerstorten
die Dorfer (I). Im Jahr 1685 wurde der Versuch gemacht, die
Choles wieder dem chrislichen Glauben zu gewinnen und
und es gelang Fray Augustin Cano eine Anzahl Choles wieder
in dem Dorfchen S. Lucas zu sammeln (2). Allein 1688 erhoben .
sich die Choles wiederum in S. Lucas, verbrannten das Dorf
und kehrten in die Wiilder zuriiek, von wo sie mit Gewalt
zurciikgeholt wurden, urn im Tal von Urran (Baja Verapaz, im
heutigen Dorf El Choi) angesiedelt zu werden (3). Als aber un
Jahre 1695 ein combinierter Angriff auf die noch nicht unter-
worfenen Volkerschaften des Peten und oslichen Chiapas von
Chiopas, Yucatan und der Verapaz aus gemacht wuade, beglei-
tete Fray Augustin Cano die letztere militarische Expedition
unter Juan Diaz de Velasco ; es wurde wieder eine grossere
Anzahl Choles bekehrt (4) und der Zug nach dem Gebiet der

Siena, Esquipulas, Cazaguastlan v todas aquellas montaiias, que estan de
la otra parte del Golfo y rio que se llama del Castillo, hacia la provincia de
la Verapaz v mas hacia lo que se llama el Peten, pero estos tueron pocos
respecto a los muchos que comprendian las tierras dichas de Chiquimula etc.,
de cuya nacion Choi se fundaron todos estos curatos, aunque algunos de
ellos muy deteriorados el dia de hoy por los muchos indios que consumio la
tjuerra que fue muy sangrienta. Toda esta nacion Choi componia un reino
de mucha fuerza, que es el que llamarun de Copan, como lo demuestran las
grandes ruinas de sus edificios que no se ven tales en todas aquestas provin-
cias. "

(1) Villagutierre, S. ih^.

(2) ViHagutierre, S. 174.

(3) Villagutierre, S. 188 f.

(4) Villagutierre, S. 277 f.

CHOLES INI) CHORTIES 43 1

benachbarten Mopanes fortgesetzt. Wir besitzen hieriiber in
der Nationalbibliothek von Guatemala noch den freilich nicht
uberall leicht lesbaren Originalbericht Canos : Die Stellen, die
uns hier interessieren, sind folgende : " Pasado la provincia del
Choi, que desde Cahabon tiene cuarenta y cinco leguas o cin-
quanta de atravesia, llegamos ii otra nueva nacion que se dice de
los Mopanes, donde nunca auian mirado Espaiioles ni ministros
de ef Sto Euangelio : y aunque la diversidad de la lengua lue de
algun embarazo, nos (?) quizo Dios, que hallamos algunos indios
Mopanes, que entendian la lengua Choi y por medio de estos
logramos (?) el fin de nuestro viaje, el cual que por entonces se
logro en algunos adultos, que estando en peligro pidieron el
Sto bautismo v en algunos niuos enfermos, que ofrecieron sus
padres y fueron al eielo por primicios de aquesta nacion. El (?)
Cacique principal llamado Taxim Cham huio de nosotros . . .
Mas pacificamos otros 4 casiques de esta nacion de Mopanes,
llamados en su gentilidad el Cacique Zac, el cacique Yahcab, el
cacique Zuzben v el cacique Tezecum. "

" Desde Cahabon hastala Laguna de el Ahiza ay nouenta
leguas. . . en las quarenta y cinco leguas primeras se camina de
' Cahabon para el Nordeste aunque con varios bueltos : todo esto
pertenece a la Provincia de el Choi que se estiende por el oriente
hasta las costas de el mar v por la parte de el poniente llega
hasta el poderoso rio Xocmo (= Chajmayic) que parece dis-
tinto de el rio Lacandon, porque este se forma de los vertientes
de las Sierras de Zacapulas y entra en la mar por la barra Ta-
basco y el Xocmo se forma de todos los vertientes que ay desde
Cahabon hasta la Laguna de el Ahiza y entra en el mar por la
Laguna de Term i nos " (Man erkennt daraus, dass Cano der
Zusammenfluss beider Strome im Usumacinta unbekannt geblie-
ben ist). " Tendra de largo esta Provincia del Choi desde el
rio Xocmo hasta el mar cosa de cien leguas. "

■' Las otras quarentatp cinco leguas de el Mopan a la lagu-
na se camina de Sur a Norte, con alguna poca declinacion al
norueste. Esto pertenece atlos Mopanes y Ahizaes y se estien-
de esta tierra por la parte de el Oriente hasta las Costas de el
mar y hasta confinar con la peninsula de Yucatan . . . por la parte
de el poniente tiene por lindero el mismo rio Xocmo que alii
tiene otro nombre " ( namlich vermutlich Cancuen, wie er heute

4,i-' l IIOLKS I'M) L'HOK I I KS

bei don Indianern heisst, wahrend eie Ladinos ihn Rio de la
Pasion nennen). " Todo el (?) camino de el Mopan a la Lacuna
es tierra mas t ratable ; pocos cerros, y no muy altos ; los
montanos no son tan espesos v se alternan con pinales y cam-
pos. " Man erkennt aus dieser Beschreibung deutlich, dass die
Mopanes ihre Sitez in der Gegend von San Luis gehabt haben
mussen und darf demnach annehmen, dass der Dialect von S.
Luis und San Antonio ein Abkommling der alten Mopan mun-
dart ist. LTeber die Mopanes selbst sagt Cano : " Reconoci-
mos en esta nacion muy poca sinceridad y que tenian intelligen-
cias con los indios Ahizaes de la Laguna y aun entendimos, que
todos ellos eran de una misma nacion it/a llamandose Mopan
Jtza, Peten Jtza, v que estos Mopanes estauan sujetos al Reye-
zuelo de la isla de la Lacuna. » Gegenwartig erinnert der
Name des Oberlaufes des Belize-Flusses (Rio Mopan) noch an
diese Nation.

Im Jabre i696\vurde abermals eine Anzahl Choles nach
dem Dorfe Helen im Yalle Lrran iibersiedelt, wahrend we'tere
85 von dem Kaplan des Castillo nach dem Dorf Amatique ver-
pflanzt wurden (').

Diese Mitteilungen in Verbindung mit den oftenbar auf
alten Nachrichten fussenden oben angefuhrten Bemerkungen
des Padre Alonso de Escobar uber die Besiedlung von Coban
lassen darauf schliessen, dass Verpflansangen von ganzen Stam-
mesabteilungen nach anderen Often und in andere i rngebung
eine allgemein geiibte Politik der spanischen Eroberer und
Missionare war und die Ueberlieferung unter den Kekchi-India-
nern spricht noch immer von solchen Transplantationem. So
wurde mir in der nordlichen Verapaz der Ort Pec San Agustin
mit aller Bestimmtheit als der Ort genan'nt, wo die spiitern
Bewohner von S. Agustin Lanquin friiher gesessen hiitten. Es
scheint, dass erst in spateren Zeiten so weit gehende Zwangsii-
bersiedelungen vorgenommen wurden, w ie vom Cholgebiet ins
Urrantal in der Baja \ erapaz und dass in der ersten Zeit der
Christianisierung es fur geniigend erachtet wurde, die Indianer
in nahergelegenen Orten v.u sammeln, wo sic denn auch rasch,

(1) Villatfutierrc v Solomajor S. vs4-:^7

CHOLKS I'M) CHORTIES 433

wenigstens ausserlich, das Christentum annahmen, wilhrend im
Geheimen das Heidentum fortghmmte und bei Reisen in die
Urwaldgebiete auch den heidnischen Gottern wieder die alten
Opfer dargebracht wurden, wie Fray Francisco Gallegos und
Frav Joseph Delgado 1675 bei ihrer Missionsreise nach dem
Cholgebiet feststellen konnten ('). Und selbst wenn man den
Ueberlieferun^en und geschichtlichen Xachrichten nicht Glau-
ben schenken wollte, so wiirde das gelegentliche Auftreten von
Familiennamen, die als Choi- oder Lacandonnamen beglaubigt
sind auf eine Einwanderung von Norden hindeuten (2). Aus-
serdem ist in manchen indianischen Besitztiteln der Alta Vera-
paz noch ausdriicklich die Einwanderung von Lacandonen
bezengt, so in einem in S. Pedro Carcha aufbewahrten Titel
von 1539 (?), dessen Copie mir vorliegt. Die in dem vermuth-
lich dicht von Kekchi-Indianern besiedelten Hochland der Alta
Verapaz (besonders in Coban) angesiedelten Lacandones und

(1) Ebenda, S. 15.}. Die Kekchi Indianer verehren im Urwaldgebiet
auch jetzt noch in genau gleicher Weise ihren heidnischen Tzultacca neben
dem christlichen Gott. \ rgl. Sapper, Das nordl. Mittelamerica S. 267 ff.

(2) Als solche Familiennamen waren zu nennen : Cucul " Dach "
(Villagutierre S. 175) und Cabnal (ebenda, S. ^og).

Die Mehrzahl der indianischen Familiennamen der Alta Verapaz ist
iibrigens, soweit ersichtlich, Kekchi : Grossenteils >ind es Tier und Pflan-
zennamen oder >ind sie tierischen und pflanzlichen Gegenstanden entnom-
meii, z. B.Chub = Wespe, Chen *= Mosquito, Hor = eine Miickenart, Tzi =
Hund, Mo = roter Papagei (Ara), Pap = eine Yogelart, Choj desgleichen,
Coc = Schildkrote, Ba = Taltusa (Geomys hispidus), Cue = Eichhornchen,
Chocoj = Schmetterlingsart, K'ak = Floh, Pou = wilder Pfau Bae =
Knochen u. a., sowie Che = Bauni, Ouix = Dorn, May = Tabak, Oo =
Aguacate (Persea gratissima), Tul = Banane, Cacao = Cacao, Fc = Chile
(Capsicum annuum), Ixinl — Mais, Xe = Wurzei, Ax = ein grossblattriges
Unkraut, Kov, Siguic = andere Pflanzenarten, K'aal = Baumart, leal,
Yixcal, Yaxcal = Maisfeld, Guim = Gras, Stroh ; auch kommen Farben-
bezeichnungen in den Familiennamen vor (Rax =Griin, Can = Gelh) oder
Naturobjecte (Tzul = Berg, Pec = Stein Ku = Tropfstein, Macs = Talpe-
tate, ein weiches Gestein). oder auch bearbeitete Objecte (Cus = Kugel,
Pop = Matte, Xol = Flote, Tun = Holzpanke, TeponastJe).

Solche Familiennamen sind seit der Conquista offenbar allgemein einge-
tuhit. In Chama aber, wohin als nach ihren angestammten Wohnort
neuerdings ziemlich viele I eute des Barrio S. Marcos von Cohan ausgewan-
dert sind, hesteht der Gebrauch, dass ein Mann nach dem' Gegenstand oder
Ereignis, das ihm beim ersten Ausgang nach der Brautnacht auffallig entge-
gentritt, einen Uebernamen bekommt, der von nun ab unter seinen Stam-
mesgenossen allein gebraucht wird. Ich liess mir bei meinem Aufenthalt
in Chama (i8qi) eine Liste der dortigen Indianer-Namen und-Uebernamen
geben und fuh re daraus einige Beispiele an.

434 CHOLES UND GHORTIES

Acalanes gaben nicht nur ihre vSprache zu gunsten der herrs-
chenden Kekchi, sondern auch ihre ethnolo^isehe Eigenart
allmahlich auf-ein Process, deraber in der ersten Halfte des 19.
Jahrhunderts, wie Alonso de Escobar bezeu^t, noch nicht vollen-
det war. In dem vermuthlich nurdiinn von Kekchi- Indianern
besiedelten Tiefland von Lanquin und Cahabon aber haben, wie
mir scheint, die dorthin verpflanzten Choles zwar ihre Sprache,
aber nicht ihre ethnologische Eigenart ganzlich aufoegeben und
deshalb ist mir schon friihzeitio beim Durehwandern jener Ge-
biete aufgefallen, dass hier neben und zwischen den Kekchi-In-
dianern Leute eines andern Yolkes wohnen, die zwar ebenfalls
Kekchi reden, aber in somatischer Hinsicht ebenso, wie in eth-
nologischen Eii^entumlichkeiten sehr staek davon abweichen (').

Offisielle Namen Cebernamen

Jose Chamam Aj uch = Beutelrattenjager

Manuel l\>u Pok = vulkanischer Sand

Domingo Pop Chim = Fall*.

Domingo Pou Cap = Hau-

le
is

Manuel Caal Sis = Pisote, Riisselbar

Kaleni Yat Cha = Asche

Juan Chamam Marimb= Marimba (Holzklavier)

Tomas Chamam Tu = Weibliche Brust

Manuel Pop Camenak = Leichnam

Domingo Caal Sac-i-cyuink = Weisser Mann

Juan Pop Cue = Eichhornchen

Miguel Sel Tap = Krabbe

Jose Chamam K'ot = Faeces

Domingo Yat Ki = Siissigkeit

Pedro Yat Chaquicar = Trockener Fiscli

Luis Yat ma iun hil ~ " Nicht einmal erne

Rast weit : (die Kekchi Indianer haben in bestimmten Zwischenraumen
des Wegs Rastplatze : hil bei der Betreffende hatte aber ; seinem ersten
Ausgang nach der Hochzeit schon vor dem Erreichen eines Rastplatzes
ausgeruht).

(Anmerkung 1) siehe nachsle Seite 20.

Ich schloss daraus, dass es sich um eineh Volksstamm handle,

(1) Sapfek, "Die Alta Verapaz und ihre Bewohner", Ausland 1891.
Nro. 51 u. 52. Ferner : Petermanns Mitteilungen 1893. S. ~ f., F.benda
iS()5 S. 180 f. Die Alta Verapaz. Hamburg 1902.

CHOLKS UND CHORTIKS 435

der durch irgendwelchen gesellschaftlichen Zwang zur Aufgabe
seiner Muttersprache genotigt geweisen sei. Diesen gesellschat-
lichen Zwang glaube ich nun in der zwangsweisen Verpflanzung
von Choles in ihre jetzigen Wohnsitze gefunden zu haben.

Ich wiederhole hier kurz die wichtigsfen Unterschiede, die
zwischen echten Kekchi-Indtanern einerseits, Lanquineros und
Cahaboneros andererseits bestehen. Eine geringe dialectische
Sprachverschiedenheit ist unwesentlich ; starker fiillt die lang-
same und singende Sprachweise der Cahaboneros und Lanqui-
neros auf, ebenso der verschiedene somatische Habitus, Kleid-
und und Frisur ; doch soil auch hierauf nicht eingegangen wer-
den, da dergleichen Unterschiede auch sonst zwischen Bewoh-
nern verschiedener Dorfer und Landschaften hiiufig auftreten.
Wichtiger ist, dass z. B. in Chaal und Cahabon verschiedene
Obrigkeiten fur die echten Kekchi-Indianer und die Cahabone-
ros bestehen ; ausserdem ist die Hausbauweise und die Bestat-
tungsweise stark verschieden, desgleichen mancherlei Speisege-
wohnheiten : so pflegen die Leute von Cahabon, Lanquin und
Chisec das Fleisch gewisser Schlangen, so Otooi und Ahauchan,
zu essen, withrend die echten Kekchi-Indianer derartige gerichte
verabscheuen.

Hatte ich schon von Anfang an vermutet, dass die Caha-
boneros und Lanquineros Reste von Choles seien, so wurde mir
die Vermutung zur subjectiven Gewissheit, als im weitent fern-
ten Tabasco beim Betreten des ersten Choldorfs (Jicotencal)
meine Lekchi-Trager mit einem Ausruf des Erstaunen stehen
blieben und ohne eine Ahnung von der mich beschaftigenden
Frage zu haben, erklarten, die Weiber dieses Dorfes siihen ge-
nan so aus wie die von Lanquin. In der Tat ist nicht nur der
somatische Habitus gleichartig, sondern auch die Frauentracht,
ferner ein Webemuster der Mannerkleider, Hausbau und Top-
ferwaren, withrend die Frauenfrisur zwar manche Aehnlichkeit,
aber auch manche LInterschiede aufweist und durch den Besitz
eines breiten Haarbiischels vor den Ohren (Iaubk im Kekchi
genannt) mehr an die Frisur der Chorti-Indianer erinnert.

Gleich den Lanquineros und Cahaboneros haben auch die
Leute von Chisec gewisse Eigentumlichkeiten, die daraiif hin-
denten, dass sie nicht echte Kekchi-Indianer sind, sondern ein
assimiliertes Volkselement (wohl ebenfalls von Cholabkunft).

436 L'HOLKS IM) CHORTIES

Da^earen erinnert in dem Dorf Kl Choi im Urrantal nichtsaus-
ser dem Xamen mehr an die Herkunft ihrer Bewohner ; es gibt
dart auch keine Indianer mehr, sondern nur noch Mischlinge
( Ladinos).

Zieht man das Fazit aus den oben mitgeteilten Ueberle-
gungen, so ergiebt sieh, dass \611ige Klarheit iiber die schwe-
benden Fraeren nicht zu erreichen ist, dass aber wahrscheinlich
die Lacandonen und Acalanen des 16. u. 17. Jahrhunderts
Choi sprachen, dass also fur jene Zeit.Stolls kartographische
Darstellung des Ausbreitung der Cholsprache richtig ist. Als
letite Reste der Cholbevolkerung von Nord- und Ostguatemala
waren die Lanquineros, Cahaboneros unci Chisequenos in betracli-
/en, wh rend die Choles von Britisch Honduras vbllig ausgestorben
sind. Ebenso diirften die Choi redenden Lacandonen des bstli-
chen Chiapas ausgestorben sein und an Hire Stelle vom Peten aus
Mavas eingewandert sein, auf die nun der mehr an dem Ort als
an dem Volk haftende Name Lacandonen iibertragen worden
ware. Derselbe ist unter den Lacandonen selbst nicht bekannt,
vielmehr nennen sie sich, ebenso ude die Mayas, masevval und
unterscheiden die einselnen gentes mit besonderen tierschen
Totem namen (').

Die Zahl der Chisequefios, Lanquineros und Cahaboneros
mag etwa 10000 Seelen betragen, die der Choles und der Chor-
ties je etwa 20000, so dass also des Gesammtvolk in seinen ver-
schiedenen Abzweigungen gegenwartigetwa 50000 Kopfe zahlen
diirfte. Sie alle fubren ein zuriickgezogenes bescheidenes Leben
und fristen ihren Lebensunterhalt hauptsachlich von Landwirts-
chaft. Ihnen alien ist ein hohes Mass von Freiheitsgefuhl
eigen, so dass nur verhaltnissmassig wenige sioh freiwillig zur
Arbeit auf den Plantagen von Weissen oder Mischlingen ver-
digen, Die Folge davon ist, dass in Chiapas, wo keinerlei Druck
auf die Indianer ausgeubt wird Arbeit zu leisten, innerhalb des
Verbreitungsgebietes der Choles meist Tzental-Indianer die
Plantagenarbeit verrichten, wahrend die Choles vorziehen, das

(1) A. M. Tozzer, A comparative study of the Mayas and the Lacan-
dones. (Archaeological Institute of America) New York 1007 S. 3. und
40 IT.

CHOLES I'M) CHORT1ES 437

Wenige, was sie fiii Kleidung und \Tahrung benotigen, durch
ihre Tiitiijkeit auf eiijenem Grund und Boden zu erwerben.

Uber die Sitten und Gebrauche der Choles und Chortles
ist leider fast nichts bekannt und auch iiber die Lebensgewohn-
heiten und ethnologischen Eigentiimlichkeiten der Lanquineros
und Cahaboneros ist ausser meinen schon oben erwahnten spar-
lichen Mitteilungen noch nicht viel veroffentlicht worden. Mo-
gen sich in Balde F'orscher finden, die sich der dankbaren aber
muhseligen Aufgabe unterziehen, zu sammeln und zu beobach-
ten, was an originaler materieller und geistiger Kultur noch bei
diesen Volkern vorhanden ist ! Es ist kein Zweifel dariiber, dass
trotz ihrer Abgeschlossenheit ihre Eigenart mehr und mehrda-
hinschwindet und daher spater nur noch sparliche Ergebnisse
Nachwort zu erwarten sein wurden !

Die im Text oder in gebrauchlichen Geschichtswerken er-
wahnten Stammes- und Ortsnamen sind auf eintr Kartenskizze
eingetragen ; wo die Position sehr unsicher ist, ist dies durch
eine beigesetztes Fragezeichen besonders hervorgehoben.

Zur Veranschaulichung der grossen Aehnlichkeit zwischen
dem Choi von Chiapas und Tabasco und dem Chorti von Ost-
guatemala fiige ich ein Worterverzeichnis bei, in dem ausser
Choi und Chorti auch der Focomamdialect von Jilotepeque be-
riicksichtigt ist, na man bischer nach Stephens kleinem Vocabu-
lar diesen Dialect mit dem Chorti identifiziert hat. Das sprach-
ltche Material stammt von meinen eigenen Aufnahmen, die ich
furs Choi in Tila und in Alianza bei Tumbala, fiir Chorti in
Hacienda Grande (Depto Copan, Honduras), sowie in El Obra-
je, Jocotan und Ouezaltepeque (Depto Chiquimula, Guatemala),
fiirs Pocomam in S. Luis jilotepeque gemacht hah.-. Leider be-
steht es grossenteils nur aus Vocabularien, da die betreffenden
Indianer zumeist des Spanischen nur sehr wenig machtig waren
und auch der Intelligenz entbehrten, um auf meine Intentionen
wahrend der kurzen Zeit meiner Anwesenheit schon richtig zu
reagieren. Immerhin vermochte ich im Chorti und Pocomam-
gebiet auch einige Conjugationen aufzunehmen, wovon eben-
falls einige Proben mitgeteilt werden sollen. Das in der Xa-
tionalbibliothek von Guatemala vorhandene Cholvocabular von

438 CHOLES UND CHORTIKS

Juan Josef de la Fuente Albores, Tila, 20. Jan. 1789 habe ich
leider nicht copiert, habe es also nicht mit benutzen konnen,
ebenso wenig vvie das schon oben erwJihnte Cholti-Vocabular
des Frav Francisco Mo ran vom Jahre 1695.

2 9

44°

w
h

G
U

G
E
u

H
Dd
G

a:
<

PQ
<
U

CHOI.KS 1

P X

*•" ^~

On <L>

^ fi

■3

. *->

,-^-

IT. v

...

.H o

J= T3

4_-

£e rt

c
u
o

l""~>

c *-

r- <L>

■5 E

uj E

—

> ^ * "~

.*— »

~ -C

C 3

C/3

fcj

c o

9 H

•>

c ^

<" Q

-o

_-^

'5 x

„ G*

§ <U

I/! -3

C t/J

2 '^

-3 j2

i« fij

c —

-a

rt 'X

• - -r.

<U M

T3 rt

£ II

•- c

la O

»d

o c

<—

n3 w

b ^

o —

■So

■5 X

£ -2

O c-

1_ <U

5 .2

4-1

^ "3

in <-L'

. Li-
be «=

c II

5 =3

3 o

re —

_* »z

•4— *

~^-

«- &.

°3 ^

3 !_

E c

•-i G

"5 u

u. <U

o be

3 _«-

INI) CMORTIKS

> JS c
bx

/'.

'X.

»«

r ■

— '

p~ i

•<

—i

_
c
I
u

H
OS
0
X
U

-t

3
3

3 ^

< H ^ < t' 1

H < .2 5 < <

.5 .*

3 -r: o :^
> .2 C >.

3 _3

p: g>
.s ^

P x

O O °(OfE

3
V

3
3

■—

r< k> ^

"~ ■4—'

a> ^

be 3

E c

o o ^

s s S

— J3 c

rt rt rt -j o O

■ O > <*• "S* C/3

C u
5 u

CHOLES UND CHORTIES 44!

£ M — c E

2 w = -_« -„, c v 2 3 -! c c _ c _j «

s £ 3 rt ns E -* ^ = 3 5 _ £ 3 3 «j ,n

R O tx a ~ rt t> :3-, ~ .n •£ u \s .- -tt- E \5 c > o

r r ">

."5 3

* < • £ , ^-5 < < ^ :"g <

-* < < <<<*-«.- 8H<-^ - - s •*

.y 'm rt rt 3 rt rt 2 C "q1 'q1 O .id

V t/1 -t-- .C *-" •- ■- C C •- •- n " 3 C 2 2 'X

O
* O* o

O E rt ^,?0 n Q>

§ *

^I EI°° SSSSi|«^0

.£ 3 .£ § « .E Oil t t|^ >^ = 5 5 u

O "-1

L-

I—

•_

— •

aj «- u-

t/3 _. «-> I- w

4> *- r" aj -u

£ .C "o "3 3 «-

J-OO .- rt C u (U

•C OT 2 C > t . UCm

—

^—

—

[fl

i-j

zr.

' bo bo S) Sq ho to rt c ' « -

O-^E^ .5. o o u o o o = rra «- >-

-J

—

29 — 11

442

CHOLKS I'ND CHORT1ES

-o

[

-—

—

«*l

<—

r-1

c >
._ (J

■-•

"rt

cr •-
•- o -i-

__««

_rt

_■

x -ii, o

"rt

-K

<—

—

— J
>.

— •

<■

*—>

— *

< <

-C

4-J

£ r-

iquii
T A

— *

4— '

>1>

'~ <- < ^ ^ \x fc ^

•J ^ U <3- :_■ -Q n

— *0> c <C „-" :0

rt .. -_, 3 cj :0 '^ -

-£ n y 3 £ S ^ ^ X

- o

u
C

u ^= -* c

O -

r>,

''J^ G -n

c w —

3 ^ —
N rt ^,

— -- S Oil *- n 3 S Q £ -s ^ c-«5

v ° 3 £ x "- ~ '5*-? _ — ^ ^ v - = ~3 -rt 5 P "c

T> i: ^i c E o 'E '5 cj >u o S c c ^ 3 cj 3

rt O •- 3
= ^ X <

c
u

-J

7".

3 i

<0^^nx^^;-^<w

CHOLES UND CHORTIES

443

o
>

o
u

w
p
a

w
a,
w

H
O

cd
J*

3 cd o
Jd "° -f

4-1

-o

^•"■•y

pam
itzum

' — '

'a/

'o.

C
3
CJ

£
"5

Cl,

3
o3

*-•

*o*

3
3

4-1

O
-—

"5 ^

•- C

I k'iip T
jchak T

"c5

'tfl

ytia A
A T

ix T pok
ok T tze
ulich A

• —

O cd

3 0)

to x

a, >> Dh

E <

3 «
73 P

■57 r^

<->

4= O

h h

oj 3

E 0

.3 -

3 -^

0 -^

■d 0

o -^s

ao o E
ffi o> o> °*

£•§ IS* ffi

— ^ -c

.3 Cd r-

U" o C C

cd _*

3 ►—
c/j a

o
x o

5^oo" o

o Of ^ O^ *"">

-.^^ojo^ooj
>°c»^I7 o*s

a, "3 g oj

nj > ^ C

.« Jd

a, o

0° O*

Ol X O

l-pl E T«

^ .5 3

.3^ -3 -3

w) o O

-3
U

Zffl ffl

3 .Si

en
'53

<U U,

bjo <u
:3 "3
-3 <u

3
3
?

CJ • —

u 3
O rt

2 9 *

444

CHOLES UND CHORTIES

£ ,,

o w

* w

* CL

COMA
LOTE

4-1

C ~

CL '"" '

4-<

O t/3

-
a

cj
H

jo -a.

•—i

c < <

^ *rt H

.c x cu:^ O 3 3

3
< -*

a ^H <
^ .c 3 ^

<
H

"cP

2
cj

3
j2

—

3
u

O 2
o

>, C
O 3

£ O

5 .s

CL 3

o cr

c
X

+->

is
cj

O* a

a .- o

as Xi CL

3
CL

X x

3 <U

CL CL

*3
CJ

5-s

2- £

:3 iu

H Q

•- a

*— ^— »

4) *->

TO —

£ 33

c «u H5

a> -a u

CL <$
7) C

« !| > I 2 j? 5

cq X £ S -y) > W

-* c«
<L> hi

rt o

a3 £

rt 'S

C
u

■s,

X
C/)

a Xi

CHOLES UND CHORTIES

445

Cfl

_rj

.—

~cj

■M

3
J3

— as

9 p

> E

<u 3

- as
E 3

. X
. 3

Jc5

aJ >

• >> •

•* Oh

OS
!_

3 -*

x X

3 •

. a$ •

o
u
o

-J

>-.

<^ 3

X .?

3 J3

-i
tfl

< H

CO — .

as 0

£>J3

< a3

as aj

J3 CO

C
3

3 jO

>% :0
■*-> •>

c
as

^ '5.

c
X

:3 <

.b x

X 3

'-3
O

"a?
CJ

- <<

3 cj

e i

-3 r3 H <

3 12

aJ as
J* CJ

3,2

3 CJ

OS
O
K
U

3 ' — >

E O*

X o

g E

•S .§* a« 3

•S 3 3 ? E

'-3
U

•2M

.5 C ^ J3

cfl

X X
CJ CJ

o°

O?^

o>°'

o°l

pitor H
xanab H

X)
X

vuex H
pic H O
inirek J

payuj O
nuk H

—
CJ

, — ^

C£

4-1

u
:3

Cfl

«_l

J£

Ph ^

E
— < T3

fed

c
c

•a

-3
—
U

J* 'S
cj >
O >

E .5

(A hri.-jS C j2 -3 C E--

x
'33

u
•a

C- as

'5 —

3C 7} h

u
/i

aS
4-S aj

v c

as bfl 2

a: < h

tfl

446

CHOLES UND CHORTIES

/.
C
>

0
U

H
0

oS x 03

>^ <-> J£

E 3 X • • • • nj

;r - o X

._. N -c oS a3

tfl J n! «i o

►J
C

X
a

'3
cr

< <

05 X!

>^ 3

:0 "

^ :0

"~7J OS

<-> • —

03 r-

x
u

< < H

H 2

t/3 X

&1S

03
I*

X
OS

X
:0

X Q)

° c

o3 C

>-, <u

'■■a < h

.2 Oj

C- X

03
J4 O

•— » ..... O 3 ,

PO :::::^—or>o

§ EX '■ ■ ■ ■ -1,0 0^01

o & s : : : ; x o*x ^ x

N O ; • _^J "r- N 03 c
O • . . • . J* 3 jj- ^

<-> ^ -/) J2 oj 2

X
03

X
O

fctf

o
o

u
c

.4)

IS *

E
£ «

O : o

CJ
N

u
CJ

CU (U

x -^

* 3

t/j

X
CJ

CO
CJ

u
CJ

bio «-
x T3

to
n3

:ce cu° ^ °. % "u a>o^:o 5 tj — k!

CHOLES UND CHORTIKS

447

o
>

<
s
o
u
o

o
u

*->

,__

'3
>

: i^

'__n?

iti

■4— »

•—5

— 1

—

"cj

.£r

<u H

5 s
< 1

—

<
E

-fcj
03

<
t-1

3
>

o
"55

sa A T (ul
uajtyan A t

- 3
XI

■—

3
r.

IE
u

-3
CJ

—
<

4-J

h
xl

• — 1

:~
X)

_ —
CJ

O
u

= S

rt Xi

"T1 C

•— i 3

u >,

xl E

X!
u

o 71 - ■=

^ X O - =

E u x S ^

.2 C X X .'3-,

X
o

3
<D

J3
U

3
J*

[/!

*—

jti

4-J

Ctf

C/)

4-1

CJ C

buo «

% J*

O pW

u
be

bjo

4-J

"c5

4-J

"^"

" ~~

>^, ,^

*^_^

Cfl

*-5

— 1

t/3

-Tt

buc

I/]

-4— '

;^>

• —

3
1)
I/]
OJ

u
U

-3
■J

E
o |

3 S

3
0)

0
•y; x

E5 U

J2 "5

10 ^-^

E- E

H C ^

iJ E

IE *

44«

CHOLES UND CHORTIES

z
>

o
u
o
ft

z>
■X
ft.
w

-
c
a
u

.2 &

cj >•

< S

c .=>

N "IT

4-1 03

o
u

o
o

:0
O 3

E- <

~ 3

C/J

o
c

cr!

-<U

j— i

• •— >

* — 1

I
N

i
.3 CJ

a w H H

O o aJ rt J3

+-»

*->

4-1

:0
H

o
a,

:0
"in

< s

2* -cu nJ

£ 2 c

mow

f-
2

o^ «

II j

c O «

n3
'J

'"" ' <u

n.2 a

3 3

cr 3

I o

O ^

E 3

3 u

*£ N

CJ -t-i

3 T

3 a

> ««

CJ (/)

o
o

3
en

i"5

05 cj

3 3

•r: w

— o rt o x
'■5 E E 3 2

«3 O 03 03

£.9

03 J=
-C CJ

« « «J

s S3 a

CU c

3 o3 5, o O

OS — o
oS 3 >-

cr cu

en n

TO •— fj

3 :3 3

_0J

CU 3
S* 3 «

cj H u a- u<<<n<< O O n ?. ffl <

CHOLES UND CHORTIES

449

o
>

s
o
u

'—

w
a.

*£ *S -« ^

oi -«
X J*

[fl

- 3 -c

n»

'? • ■ : : : : ^ "y

r- r- 03

O U 2

£ ~3 ^

*CU

>,<<•>

^ h

x
as

> ^* .2 i Jl

.2 u

IT,

h
a
E

' ~? < <

4-1

'a,

.2 < "^

" ti _ r

as
O

o a

N _ ,

o D o K

o O* ~

4-1

2 ^trorf

Ql^^Oi

■~~>

w K O « ^
en ^ ^ u J*

* X £ x

__, •

o
o

o :

k'utz
te H
yopo
(u)k

qu'ii
vuir
jass
tate

o :

o
oJ

c
a

13 v
-* e b£ n c «-

« E -w .SI0 £ c C n» ,«

03 oi -2 ?: ~ o ;> «5~

0
cd

O 73

J 13

•— vu ^y ••— ^u

O U U hJ U.

■j
r.

-G

-r

-3 I

45o

CHOLES UND CHORTIES

O
U

w
-
w
H
0
-

CO -4->

rt ^

■fl "b «S

i— ■

~3 <-> co S

* ^"1

*cj

• vrt

2 rt 2 •-

• 3

£ O 3 M-

o a ■>-> u

*cj

Oh •

• >

c
u

*aj ^

■" CJ

co .—

>-. C

.5 a-

<-) t/i

-a;

4-J •

•^

CJ N

- 2 <

H- ^ E H H t E < -

• rt .2 X < ^ •= >, 3 CJ

_^ cO <- • — ._. cj • — 3 • —

cj .- o w C 3 o cO cj

O —

£3 rt
r* CO

x-=

H -g -s e < H

<L> CO

E E

E £?«

O •- co

i— N rs

o V

—

3o^

->Oc

O — > ^ rt i—

^ O* "S IE *

ft
o

. ffi 5°i

I -»

Ql .22 o E

UZ -^ l- co

• 3! tfl

'ach
ut 0

iijH

asa
atze
octa:
ehit

: x

" ^ "N E

-t— <

3 E

3 E ^

. CL

bo 3

-5 co
= 5

% 2 c

g*.C -^ 3 co CO CO

cj E % X X X x

4> _

C QJ -C

c tX) "3

oj o

w u. o *!

> H N X

•= •- 3

_g cuii

Ah h

CHOLES CXI) CHORTIES

45'

— M

«5 »

OMA

C
ct —

<— 1

J —

*- u

'-.j

:/)

C ~

r "— »

u 'j w '7 lc 7

—

< p

£3

*ct

*~n

•- -3 f~

< c ^ . - r ?- u

y E x n o a c = < •- c_' -s 3 -^

— t« Ctf 1-! 3 - _3o:OcD*='— >3

CJ ,* 3 .£ D y; i? J2 ct' 'J - x ~ C- y

— f.
y. r~

•— 3

•~J -

n 3

31 CJ

— •

T T-

"""■>

o >— <

-M

■—I

— ' X)

— 1

-^ ?

— .=.

3 £-

. ~~

"T*

'^£i —

-J CJ

•—->

* •— >

-4~»

.--

- ^— ■ •

<—

O' •

X: • •

C _ = -

'J :/5 Oj 'J

"— £~ ^ E o "t:

-- -* w _. r~ -^

Ct — — 'A ■— '"

-3 O '3 .r '->'■-

55 3 -

— c

z 5

7) "3

U
Sf 3 :3 -j •- O '

Au 'J 2£ ^ :

u < <

— I

E o U_^

^ C^3 1> ^ ct —

3 = "O i-r *3

ct o rr —

b£

3 <U

—

— w '_) O - k~^ ^ -li u -

j- — r. s. ~ j£ <i s. s, <

45-

CHOLES UND CHORTIES

5 M

5 ^

> 01

*5 a.

< w

S i-

O 0

4-1

N -£
-i-) CJ

U -J

4-J

3 3

.* M

en cj cj

vOj

*■-<

: x

'«?

• JH

O aj

• "o

~cj

3 en ■

• u

-
0

I
u

x <

< Xj

3 5?

o
E

X!
u

x
u

a, x Q. 3 3

:0 :0

X X

CJ CJ

< H H

< h £ £

E .5- x x

aj en cj cj

J4 <

< < •* 2

L_ O C C <

[ N «S 0

•g o EjS |

3 C X CJ X

< P

3 C H -° fl

3 3 x -g '3

c
a

-J

'J
1)

o qj O _ qi x o

<n cj E .Er X cj cjCL

3 3 aj en cj O

3 3

*-> t- 3

£ S O

c
<u

u ^ i E 2

2 X aj >

C
v
-£.
■-)
V

-J
en

u
(U
x.
m

en
en
:3

c *

[/)

3 CU

C -*

Cu <u

-3
O

-X

-3
C

cu
T3

3 N
cn rt v.
3 en

3
X

4> ^d

en eu

tuc

CU T3

> u

*->

^ W

'Si

CHOLES UND CHORTIES

45.

o
>

s
o

w
a.
w

'3
cr

3
>

oi r_
3 X
C cj

« N -

> a 2 -3 o

—

w c
'o? <S

s
u

■4-»

T ajp A
nojha A

yum T c
bij A

^— ,
-*— i

4— •

!3^

-4— »

.5 H

secvu
panel

X 05
n3 X

O X!

4-1

3
N

C
*--

< •=-.

< 3 ^

rZ 44 '?

x <

H
DC

o
u

o
I*

I—,

o»3

O q*

.Km ... .

: .5 c : : :

■ E 3 • • •

WW1''

I o o

3 03 c

~ o •-

c , ^ I O!

g 03 C

is : — x

'ST

o
CO

u
U

D :3

C/3

X
3

03 • —

aT
o .£

c
c

—
c
o

JS ~ £ L> c ~ .a £2 * •= £ £ 5 °

—
c

o
>

—

c u

454

CHOLES I'ND CHORTIES

? b

-J _:
0 -

--*

2 C_

V. t?

r-1 ^
< < "5

< .£

j£ — " -_ a

"' — 1 vrf C V

« X 3 •— - :0

O 4—1 4-1 »— - >w

■;?

:°
u

'a?
U

— a

'y.

: O , <

c ■« H

o
>

c
15

? JC J= 3

O* :B

"2?

O -

5 c.= ^

O c

X
rf

0
O _

c c

o o

'5?

'J
J".

4-1

0
c —

3 ~5

bjc

• w

c
OJ

4) i>

u rf

£ <

*--

*-•

4m)

CHOLES UXD CHORTIES

455

s
o
u
o
£h

at
w
a.
w

o ....... . . . :

ri ■=»

XL ...

E
u

'5?

^i:

c €

> < : s

< a

•3 r <

< < g H

> .y - xj ^

c "-2 '-^ -^ rt • —

<u> C aj 3 x X

73 03 Oh 73 u 3

x H xJ ^

3
-

U 3
X :0

H - h

a; X 3 5? XJ oS X ct^nlww.5c

X X X * x o ^ x Xx o

a u

O
X
U

• « — i ro ■ — >

IX ~ -r 3

P-H

!_ >— > ^_ i-r1

w u, '£ "^

= rt -0 —

O ^ rt •-

k> ri x 5

-x a> o 3

o ~

.- X)

X rt

O X

a3 y

-J

— ^

1°

(L>

bJO 3

o <L>

° bJO

bjc

l-J

■—

S3 H

-t-

'->

^^SSD.E.EO>

—

-i-

ir:

L-

> >

re *-J-

ir.

3 0

456

CHOLES UND CHORTIES

o
>

3=
<

'J2

»— i

3
3

J3
O

C
3

3
C

'31

<tl^

■■o

3
>

olujum (bel)
oklujum (be
uklujum (be
ajxoklujum

3
>

cr
*->

t (tquil) T
)A

'3
.2"

3
'J?

13
x^

4->

-t— i

3 "«

3 e

X
o

c
a

O 3 3 3
X > > >

'J?

Tt"

io vo ^ oo

-a

O O

r*:

u
JO

a
N

CHOLES UND CHORTIES 457

e C **< <r! ts *rt

CJ O O

a> <u 2 .,. x x: — *r:

_, , xi — xj ^ i-! rt uv * c £ 3 ;=: •;-.

§ § 3 .3 s ■? 5 •? 3 •? I "? •« > > > -^ - * - 3

■2»-5ii u —a— - — o — 000oOOOOQ

30 — 1!

458

CHOLES UND CHOKTIES

p"»

«:

o3
X

-J

f—

*n3

. „

«— 1

—

-J
03

■J

.-3
X

03
X3

I—-

0
0

c
3

_3
■J

X
U

<u aj w c? <u £

J3 -C Z J* JZ u

• — 3 ". n

fC ^- "O X - « w n rf- X -. c > 3 _li

03
C

c
f.

o
O x <->

O o .h ° ° 2 g

C «_, X C X '* >

<U CJ aj O O oj .„ . ictj

cj ^ •- >-c-— c<^ <u c

CHOLES I'ND CHOKTIKS

459

o
u

"i-i

■go

• jG

• 3

.JL 3 J5

£u

ST
O

.v.

"Sj

i—i

■~»

c
u

<—
c

a
o

'■■<

— s

'£

C _ C X „Q

<L> <U n5 o O O

a a a a a a

o o o o o o

^•. "*. >. >. >, >,

E
Ed

x
■4-' :*?

XXX

c
o

& c. a a d. S.

n 9 O O O

C >.

O) C/i

E E
E E

c .2 -E
OJ _x _x

'x > '>

> tn

be tx'
c c

'53c So

x: ^ j

3 X .£

o o o

X X

■ -^.

"H4

**■

"£,

<L>

<+;

-j

Cfl

I
Ed

'-3

?■

>
'J

**• ,

u
<*-

I —

-- .

u
Ed

-3

'53

c
u
u

75 ™

'x
cd

M be b£

_ ■
>

,-^

-3
3

-h 7)

3 0*

460

CHOLES UND CHORTIKS

•**.

■j

■&

\ ^~>

'. „

is £

<—

■j

cti

!fl

^ — v

;>•

■ — '

^— ^

^-^

JV.

. —

• -~

u
c

•~

'->

;•— >

'r5

PS.

■V4

**^

£J

— •

;-,

4-J

•"— 1

Bjj

1 —

"«T

'a?

'r?

— 3
>

-J

• —

• ^-j

> .

■ "~

Rj
> .

r"
> .

g
RJ

'J
U

> .

—
*>*

- s*

-*s.

r-
DJ

> .

C-
Rj

'0'
p

■4— ' '

— -

; gi

• -

O
4-)

*-^
g
Ri

CHOLKS INI) CHORTIES 461

Proben einiger Chorti Satze

Hacienda grande (Honduras) :

ich gehe in mein I laus inic ta ni otot (l)

ich gehe nach Copan inxic Copan

ich kam von Pexha yopen Pexha

ich losche des Feuer aus tajpe te k'ak

ich trete in das Haus meines Vaters oinchoy ti otot ni tata.

1st dein Haus gross? no ta yotot?

Mein Weib hat den Mais gemahlen ni cvuixcar ujjutvu
pekum

Gibts Schnecken im Fluss? tval ochoch ta noja

Hast I)u viele Kinder? tyal mani cvuarob?

Das Wasser ist kalt insis e ha

Die Bohnen sind gut intzap e bur.

Ich habe die Bohnen gegessen incuxik e bur

Das Zuckerrohr ist siiss inchi e sikab.

Der Mann hat Salz gekauft e vuinik umane at/am

El Obraje (Guatemala) :

Die Leute gehen ins Dorf um Salz xu kaufen : vixin e vui-
nik ta chinam umani atzam

Wo ist der Mann? tyaxan e vuinik?

Komm hierher ! lar tara !

In meinem Haus ist mein Mais ta nicvuotot hayan ni nar

Mein Weib hat Mais gemahlen und die Tortillas auf dem

Comal gerostet, a bor-
der Hund frass die Tortillas ni cvuixcar ujuchix u keum u
muxmux e pa ta semet u uxi e pa e tzi.

(1 ) Rinc nachlapi^e Sprechwesse Ku Obraje ubersetzlc man niir richteij :
ich schlafo iri meinem H;iu-> nen incouavan ta nicvuotot.

46:

CHOLES UND CHORTIES

'a?
>

C T-

I—

c
0

'a?

C u.

0 c

"a?
N
as

"a?

c
E

'a?

O, a?

as a,

■S'3

'a?
N

-*— 1

'a?

"a?

■*— 1

N
■<->

"J?
>

as cr

u
3

"a?
>

"o1

*1T

— > ->

'a?

"a?

"o1

"5*

C
as

'o*

•■— 1

I—

oS OS

3
C

c c

[fl

'o'
>

c
u

3
c

c
o

c c
o o

a aaa

as 3 as aS

'a?

Ss.

E E

o o

E E E

o .0 o

a? rt as as
S n n N

N iN N

2 « «
3 aS -3 aS aS

■'J

•-

'irt

X
u

3
>

'a?

C/]

O
u

'a?

-->

'a?

a)
c

as
C_

0
3

H
1)

— '

■J?

— 1

'a?
N

+->
ri
C

4-J

4-1

■ —

"a?

0
E

4-1

0
E

■j

"a?

-*— 1

'a?

4--

. — 1

4-1

r 1

<5J

>
u

c
tu

(^ >
U

rz "^
^ .E

CHOLKS UND CHORTIKS

46o

"35

—

K»

tfl

L-

!fl

_!>

_cj

"o1

[fl

(fl

t-
"tfl

•4—'

3
>

o3
X

-<u

-QJ

«-<

• "N

'—

* ■""»

[fl

4-1

X
03

"a?

'a?

-cj
>

—

'35

. t- oj

ifl C Ji

[fl

'55

-*— »

-C

■CJ
>

[fl
5J

'=. c

- -= .= c .=

■so

c
.-:
C

.-3

fc-1

— *

-C

i£

E E

c 0

o
c

(Si

:rt

c
oJ

c c

03 ol
O o3

3
>

.—

—

■ — .
>

oi
c-

t/o .2,

1-1

—

'o'

c
_t>c

1
•—

03 03

cti

— *— c c c cz

"Si

C 03

C O
03 C
03 o3

X -CJ 0)

03 03
nj cj
X X

E c

2 5

i g

I = p E E

o3 - sr n r

> '= =

O ? •- >

C "^ ~ •— .

■= .a > -

x 4-. cj x

•J

c
c

1 s

03 -<

03 03

« C C C r"

.a c

• —

• ■ —

— —

>•

—

464

CHOLKS I'M) CHORTIES

a 3
tr. >

G CJ

«\

r;
CJ

a)
y.

E ^ r-

x p cj E E ^

<- 'X O rt G -^

C ^ p C/} ^ r-

^ p c p o c

£ 8 "e 3 •£ 8

p y jr. cj • —

= 5 m a :«i =

> V 'cP o' E V

c > u _i£ jj o

nj rt rt rt rt <A

-
—

-—
cj

CJ -CJ ._

'J -CJ

'J ••-• > -CJ

•--■^ cj •-•

n' G

'—

If.

—

_j;

1— '

■- y

p CJ P CJ -
X 'cj' ji 5 —

-J ^ \J

■J

ccc r.

CJ C CJ -i-i -

CJ CJ

3 G"

X. io — '
r- CJ ^

rt E ^ :-~ « i2

2 x

i; o ;j .—
-1 ri CJ ■"

5 CJ O G •—. ^

p ^ CJ rt > ft
- 3 ^ CJ g

t> * c c c -E

CHOLKS UN'D CHORTIKS

46;

TO
Oh

t j

-t

•—
—
r

■ /

<-"

' U

■0

£3

■ u
r

>
u
c

<
0

'• -

— '

» j
—

c
^2

£>

* ™"

* u

—

r- '

■y

4-J

— >

1 —

r* J

—
cu

. »_

~~~

1— 1

i— 1

, —

1 —

—

cj
CJ —

•s » ^ * ■■*

_ cj

_/ — cj

3 S «

r~ ,_

_ 5

• — cj

u . _

cj cj

1) Cj

'J —

5 •-

cu -I-

<fc

r
—
CJ

<*.

_cj
cu

0)
c/;

■a "I -5

C/3 ~ -

o n

x • —

■j

'-/.

'—

bjc

4-J

•_

— '

—

r"
U

—

u
cu

• u

—

1 —
CJ

1 —

— 1

•

■j

v
Cfl

-—

■ ^
1—

■r

—

c
-J

—

X ■"

w ._ ._ v ~

cj 3 - '-

O —

— CJ
J=. CJ

,-\ .

•2

—

— 1

■ V

>—

—

•_

-j

' —

. _

, —

. _

- 1

J-

—

— ■

•- a

~ r- r- +^ ~

iC-E -

"fci:

CJ ^ —

TABLE DES MATIERES

PAGES

Reverend J. W. Chapman. - Notes on the Tinneh Tribe of Anvik,
Alaska ..........

I. Traditions ........

II. Notes on Shamanism ....:.

III. Ceremonies ........

IV. Festival of Masks

V. Potlatch Dance and Feast .....

VI. A Potlatch at Anvik

Clark Wissler. — Diffusion of culture in the Plains ot" North America

A. L. Kroebek. -Ceremonial Organisation of t lie Plains Indians of
North America ..........

George A. Dorsey. -Skidi Rite of Human Sacrifice

G. A. Dorsey. - Social Organization of the Skidi Pawnee

M. W. Beckwith. — Dance Forms of the Moqui and Kwakiutl Indians.
Bihliographv ..........

W. Jochelson. — Past and Present Subterranean Dwellings of the
Trihes of North Fasten: Asia and North Western America.

Melle C. Goodari) DlBois. Diegueno Myths and their Connections
with the Mohave

Melle C. G. DuBoiS. —Two Types or Styles of Diegueno Religious
Dancing the Old and the New in Southern California

J. C. Merriam. — Recent Cave Exploration in California

J. G. MacCi'ROV. The Armadillo in the ancient Art of Chiriqui

\feiie \ Breton. --The Wall Paintings at Chitchen It/a .

A. Gagnon. — Origine de la Civilisation de I'Amerique pre-colombienne

L. Lejeal et Eric Boman. —La Question Calchaquie

A. F. Chamberlain. —South American Linguistic Stocks .

Melle A. he Cora. —An effort to encourage Indian An

C5
16

32
35
30

1 1 1

1 '5

CCS
'39
'47
">5
'7>
17Q
'87
2oz

468 TABLK DES MATIERES

PACES

IV N.-E. Dionne. — Les Iangues sauvages du Canada et I'Oraison

Dominicale . . . . . . . . . .211

R. P. Legoff, O. M. I. — Note sur la langue des Denes . . . 217

R. P. Lacombe, O. M. I. — Le Gtmie de la langue Algonquine . . 225

R. P. Ostermann, O. F. M. — The Navajo Noun .... 243

R. B. Dixon. — Linguistic relationships within the Shasta-Achomawi

•Stock 255

J. GEDDES. — Importance de l'unite phonetique ..... 265

J. N. B. Hewitt. — Proposed Phonetic Conference to adopt a universal

Alphabet ........... 273

LEOPOLDO BatreS. — Les fouilles operees a Teotihuacan . . . 277

A. Tozzer. — Survivals of ancient Forms of culture among the Mayas

o\ Yucatan and the Lacandones of Chiapas. .... 283

G. F. Kunz. — New observations on the occurences of precious Stones

of archaelogical interest in America. ...... 289

Le Comte he Charencey. — Deux contes Indiens Chbntales : Quatorze

Forces, ou le Filleul du frere ....... 307

Juan Clapi ou Jean Cendre . . . . . . .311

Franz Boas. — Notes on the Ponka Grammar . . . . .317

Dr W. Lehmann. -- Altmexikannishe Mosaiken im Kgl Museum fur

Volkerkunde zu Berlin ........ 339

Dr Ed Seler. — Die Wandskulpturen im Tempel des Pulquegottes von

Tepoztlan ... . . . . . . . 351

Dr E. Seler. — Die Monumente von Huilocientla im Canton Tuxpan,

des Staates Vera Cruz . . . . . . . .381

Dr E. Seler. — Einige fein bemaltealte thongefaesse der Dr Sologuren'

shen Sammlung aus Nochistlan und Cuicallan . . . .391

Dr E. Seler. - Bericht uber die Chemische und physikalische unter-

suchung einer Mexikanischen Kupferaxt. ..... 405

Dr E. Seler. — Studien in den von Yucatan . . . . .413

Karl Sapper. — Choles und Chorties ...... 423

D' Sapper. — Vocabular inChorti, Choi und Pocomam van Jilotepeque 440

GETTY CENTER LIBRARY

3 3125 00628 5296

Internet Archive Audio

Featured

Top

Images

Featured

Top

Software

Featured

Top

Books

Featured

Top

Video

Featured

Top

Mobile Apps

Browser Extensions

Archive-It Subscription

Save Page Now

Full text of "Proceedings - International Congress of Americanists"

See other formats