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Full text of "Proceedings of the first annual meeting of the Genesee Co. Anti-slavery Society : commenced at Batavia, March 16, and concluded at Warsaw, March 23, 1836 : with the report of the Executive Committee for the preceding year"

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The first annual meeting of the Ganesee County Anti-Slavery Society^ 

pursuant to previous public notice, convened in the Court House, in the- 

villag-e of BatavJa, Wednesday, March 16, 1836. 

At 1 o'clock, P. M. the President of the Society, Samuel F. Phgsnix, 
of Perry, took the chair, pro tern. 

The meeting was opened by prayer, by the Rev. Joseph Elliot of Wy- 

Rev. Joseph Elliot of Wyoming, and S. M. Sloan, Esq. of Darien. 
were appointed Secretaries, pro tern. 

The Secretaries proceeded to take the names of delegates in attci>d 

On motion, 

Resolved, That Mr. Hintington Lyman, agent of the American Anti- 
Slavery Society, Howard Bosworth of BufTaio, and Rev. Messrs. Sly of 
Riga, and Salmon of Angelica, and all other friends of the cause of im- 
mediate emancipation, be entirled to take seats with the Society. 

The following committees were then appointed by the chair: 

On Declaration of Soiliment and an Address : — Messrs. Young of 
Warsaw, Clark of Bethany, Tufts of Perry, Rev. Messrs. Scovel of Cov- 
ington, and Wilcox of Castile. 

On Resolutions: — Messrs. M* Kay of Warsaw, Andrews of Ferry, H. 
Lyman, Rev. J. Elliot of La Grange, and D. Bailey of Darien. 

On Nomination ofOJjhers: — Messrs. Bronson of Warsaw, H. Phoenix 
of Perry, Freeman of Pembroke, Gibson of Bergen, and "^VolcoJt of Java. 

The proceedings of the meeting v/ere now interrupted by the entrance 
of a committee of 50 persons, in behalf of the citizens of the village of Ea- 
tavia, accompanied by about 80 or 100 men and boys. This committee, 
by their chairman, Daniel FL Chandler, Esq. read to the meet!ng the ibl- 
lowing preamble and resolutions, adopted at a meeting* of the citizens of 
the village of Batavia, held in consequence of the coniemplated meeting 
of the Anti-Slavery Society ; and also the resolutions of the said commit- 
tee of fifty : 

"At a meeting of the citizens of the village of Baiavia and its vicinity, held at th& 
Court House, on the \2A\ t^f March insi., which meeting was called for the purpose 
of considering the propriciy o!" a. meeting proposed to be held by v.\q AboHiion So- 
ciety of the county of, at the C ourt House in this village, on the IGth inst., 
in pursuance of a njlice puoiishel in the newspapers : Hix:.i.\.N Hoi:den^ Wcls called 
to the chair, and H. D. Cha.vdlkh appointed secretary. 

*The Ibllowing is a copy of the notice calling the meeting: 


" The Citizens of Baiavin, v/iihout disliaciion of parly, are desired to meet at the 
Court House this atiernoon, ac -2 o'clock precisely, to take into consideration what 
measures it i,- necessary to adopt v/ilh reference to the proposed Meeting o( abolition- 
ists, to be held in this Village on Wednesday next. Leu all oi)posed to fanaticism, 
and who value the existence and perpeiuity of the Union, atiend. 

" March 12, 1836. ANTI-FANATICISM." 


" The object of the meeting having been stated, on motion, it was 

^* Resolncd, That a coniraiuee of fire be appointed to present to the meeting resolti- 
aions expressive of the opinion of this meeting on the siibject for which it was conven- 
ed ; and Wm. Davis, F. Folleit, A. Van TuyJ, Timothy Filch and D. H. Chandler, 
were appointed such committee. 

''Rcuilrcd, TJiat this meeting adjourn to meet half an hour hence at the Court 

'• The meeting met pursuant to ndjournmcnt, when the committee reported the fol- 
iov/ing resolutions: 

" Whereas the Society for the county of Genesee, for the immediate Abolition of 
Slaveiy in. the United States, has given notice ihat it will hold a meeting in this village 
during the coining w'eek, for the purpose of transacting business and of hearing an 
address, and, as this meeting believes, for the purpose of pixjpagating its opinions and 
of agitating the question of slavery in that part of the country opposed to the meas- 
ures and principles ol the said Society: therefore 

" Resolved, That whatever may be the object of the meeting of the said society, that 
we are utterly opposed to its being held in this village ; andthat in the opinion of this 
meeting, none but those who are reckless of the public weal ; regardless of the com- 
mon bond of union by which the states.are cemented ; and anxious more for broil, an- 
archy and insurrection, than for union and national quiet, would at such a time as 
this, propose so dangerous a topic for discussion, as that which involves the constitu- 
tional right^s of the Slaveholding States. 

" R'.'SaiDcd, Thai ouv Constitutional rights are to be exercised discreetly and tem- 
perately, andthat no good citizen who yields obedience to the constitution, would wil- 
lingly hazardjts perpetuity by any act which should embroil the various members of 
which the Union is composed. 

"■Resolved, That as. citizens of Batavia, independent of the abstract question of 
slavery, and tjie avowed objects of the Anti-Slavery Society, most sincerely depreca- 
ting any disturbance of the peace and tranquility of our village, we cannot suppress 
the a})prehensions we entertain of the consequences that may result from the holding 
of the contemplated meeting of the Ami-Slavery Society in this village. 

" Resfdrcd, That a committee to consist of fifty persons be appointed to wait upon 
the Abolition Socieiy, if it should meet in pursuance of the notices given, and make 
known to it ihe proceedings of this meeting, and request that no proceedings be had 
by the said Society: Whereupon the Chair appointed the following persons as such 
committee : 

"Aaron Vancleve, Timothy Filch, Nathan Follett, James P. Smith, Moses Tag- 
gart, Homer Kimberly, John Cotes, jr., AVm. Sever, John Lowber, Horace Sever, 
James Milner, Abraham VanTuyl, Charles A. Lowber, John S. Ganson, Joseph W. 
Churchill, [^:rasius B. Seymour, Win. H. Webster,* Chauncey Kirkham, Henry Lit- 
tle, Walter M. Seymour, Samuel C. Holden, Wm. S. Mallory, Henry Tisdale, John 
Chatfieid, Wm. Davis, Adam Getty, Alva Smith, Albert Hosmer, John Merrill, Joel 
Allen, Frederick Follett, J. A. Clark, Truman Hurlburt, John Wilson, Pardon C 
Shifrman, Stephen Grant, John Foot, J. A. Smith, Isaac A.Verplanck, Albert Smith, 
Bisseil Humphry, Ezekiel Hall, Ebenezer Mix, Cornelius V. N. Lent, David E. Ev- 
' ans, Wm. Manlv, Charles M. Paissell, James-D. Merrill, Thomas Cole, Isaac M. Jos- 
lui, Marshall Le'onard, Erastus Smith, Thomas Tufts, Benjamin F. Towner, Russell 
L. Smith and Gilbert. 

■'' Resolved, Thai the chairman and secretary be added to said committee. 

*• Rciolvcd, That a committee of three be appointed to prepare a copy of the pro- 
ceedings of this meeting, and .solicit the citizens of this village to subscribe the same, 
if the same shall be approved: Whereupon the chair appointed Isaac A. Verplanck, 
Timothy Fitch and Henry Tisdale such committee. 

" Resolved, That this meeting adjourn, to meet again at the Eagle Tavern on Tue^ 
iday evening next, at seven o'cloc^r. 

*' H. HOLDEN, Chairman. 
" D, H. Chandler, Secretary." 

The reading- of the above proceeding's was succeeded by a short speech 
by the chainnan, in which he stated that the citizens had no confidence in 
the good intentions of the abolitionists, who were presumed to be insincere 
in their professions, <Itc. &c. ; and that therefore they (the citizens) could 
not be responsible for any flagrant acts which might be committed. 

Having thus discharged the trust committed to them, they gavu notiw 

thai they would retire to the Eagle Tavern, anJ await the reply of the 

A copy of their proceedings being requested and furnished, it was, on 

Resolved, That the communication of the committee, on behalf of the 
citizens of the village of Batavia, be referred to a select committee of five, 
to report thereon as soon as maybe, to this meeting. 

The following named gentlemen were appointed said committee : Hon. 
Henry Brewster and Seth M. Gates, Esq. of Le Roy, Gen. John D. Lan- 
don of Castile, Messrs. William Patterson of Warsaw, and H. Lyman. 

The chairman and some few others of the committee of fifty, then with- 

The meeting then proceeded to the correction and completion of the 
roll of members; on which the remainder of the committee of the peace- 
able citize?is of BiiaYm, assumed a hydra-headed form, and demanded that 
all proceedings of the meeting, as well as those of the committees on nom- 
inations, resolutions, &,c. should be stayed, until after the report of the se- 
lect committee. This demand was disregarded by the committees, who 
respectively retired for the transaction of business. The President, how- 
ever, so far acceded to the demand, as to declare that no business relating 
to the sentiments of the Society should be attempted; but stated that the 
completion of the roll, and the election of officers, could injure no man's 
morals, though, as charged upon the abolitionists, their sentiments were 
dangerous. He then directed the Secretaries to proceed to call the roll. 

Whereupon the mob committee gave the signal to their auxiliaries, the 
men and boys in the gallery; and a noise commenced, which effectually 
prevented any further business, until the report of the select committee 
was announced, at about 5 o'clock. 

Previously to making their report, the chairman. Judge Brewster, cal- 
led for the reading of a paper in the hands of F. C. D. M'Kay, Esq. who 
had been deputed by the Executive Committee to select a place, and ob- 
tain a house in some of the villages of the county, where the Society could 
hold its anniversary exercises without molestation. [The paper, which 
was drawn up by Mr. Chandler, will be found embodied in the rc^port of 
the select committee.] 

The secretary of the select committee, S. M. Gates, Esq. then read tho 
following report : 

The Anti-Slavery Society of Genesee county, convened at tljo Cnnrt IIoiKse in 
Batavia, pursuant to public notice, March 16, 1830, havino- been waited upon by 
fifty gentlemen of the village of Batnvia. who, by D. H. Cii.\.n-dler, E.'^q. their 
chairman, presented to the conveniion the resolutions adopted at a meeting of tho 
citizens of Batavia, and also made certain verbal communications, intimatinfj that 
the Kociety have not credit with the ciiizens of Bptavia, for tlie good intentions 
by which they profess to be actuated — do respeclfully reply to said coojmittee : 

That the members of this Society express their sense of the courteous manner in 
which the committee of fifty have discharged their duty ; and they would not know- 
ingly do any thing which should manifest a want of proper respect for the ciLizena 
of Batavia. 

This meeting was not appointed here, tmtil after a consultation with respccta- 
W^ citizens of this village, and which induced the belief that it would result in no 
perious objections on the part of tho citizens, or be msdo the ocoarMon of excited 
feeling, or lawless acts. The^rood reason there was for '^nch belief, will reudily be 
teen by ineferenca to the folloA'inj written slatemer.t, drawn up voluutarily by D. 

President— Hon. HENRY BREWSTER, Le Roy. 
Vice Presidents — William Patterson, Warsaw, 
Seth M. Gates, Le Roy, 
Charles Freeman, Pembroke, 
Chester Wells, Byron, 
Rev. Jesse Elliot, La Grange. 
Recording Secretary — S. M. Sloan, Darien. 
Corrcspoiidiiig Secretary — Josiah Andrews, Perry. 
Executive Committee — Samuel F. Phoenix, Perry, 
F. C. D. M'Kay, Warsaw, 
Rev. Joseph Elliot, Wyoming, 
Doct. Wells, Attica, 
Isaac C. Bronson, Warsaw, 
J. Gibson, Bergen, 
Rev. J. B. Wilcox, Castile. 
As no farther business could be transacted in consequence of the noise 
and disturbance of the intruders, the meeting, at about 6 o'clock, adjourned 
to meet at Warsaw, on Wednesday the 23d instant, at 10 o'clock, A. M. 

Warsaw, Wednesday, March 2 3, 1836. 

Met pursuant to adjournment. At 11 o'clock, the meeting was called 
to order. Hon. Henry Brewster, President of the Society, in the 

Meeting opened by prayer, by Rev. Samuel H. Gridiey of Perry. 

The Secretaries of the Society not being present, A. W. Young and F. 
C. D. M'Kay were appointed Secretaries pro tem. 

On motion of H. Phoenix, 

Resolved, That a roll be made of the members present to-day. 

The Constitution of the Society v/as then read by A. W. Young. 

The proceedings of the meeting at Batavia, including the resolutions 
and doings of the committee of fifty, were then read by S. F. Ph^nix ; 
and the substalice of the answer thereto by the committee of five, (the an- 
swer itself not being present,) was stated by H. Lyman. 

The meeting adjourned to meet in half an hour. 

Two o'clock, p. M. 

Meeting opened by prayer by Rev. Mr. Chamberlain of Perry. 

An Address was then delivered by Gen. John D. Landon. 

On motion of E, Pomeroy, Esq. an expression of the meeting in relation 
to the principles contained in the Address being called for, the audiencd 
manifested their assent to the same, by rising, unanimously. 

The report of the Executive Committee Vv'as then read by the chairman 
of the board. 

The report of the committee on Address and Declaration of Ssntiment 
was received: the Address was referred to the committee of publication, 
and the Declaration of Sentiment was read by the chairman of the said 
committee, and accepted ; and the same vras adopted as a preamble to the 
Constitution of the Society. 


The committee on Resolutions reported the following, which were 
adopted : 

Resolved, That the holding of man as a chattel, is a sin ; contrary to the prin- 
ciples of republicanism ; opposed to the great law of love ; and forbidden by the 
pure precepts of religion and morality. 

Resolved, That as each state in our valuable union has the sole right to legislate 
upon the subject of slavery, in all cases, within its own territorial limits and juris- 
diction, any interference on the part of the general government to abolish slavery 
in any state, by law, would be both undesirable and unconstitutional. 

Resolved, That while legislation must be the ultimate means used to abolish 
slavery, in any state, moral suasion is the only weapon that can be wielded by us 
to effect so desirable an object. 

Resolved, That as slavery is a sin, it ought immediately to be repented of and 
forsaken ; and that whatever danger may be apprehended from the immediate ab- 
olition of slavery, the danger lies only in its continuance. 

Resolved, That to admit slavery to be a sin, and yet to deny the duty of its im- 
mediate abolition, is an impeachment of the Divine Character ; charging the Great 
Lawgiver with the inconsistency of condemning and justifying sin at the same time. 
Resolved, That the existence of the slave trade and slavery in the District of 
Columbia, is a foul blot on our country, and ought immediately to be wiped away : 
and that the freemen of the non-slaveholding states are accountable for their far- 
ther continuance. 

Whereas the constitution of this state declares, that no law shall be passed to 
" restrain or abridge the liberty of speech or of the press:" therefore 

Resolved, That the right freely, and in a nroper manner, to discuss the question 
of slavery, or any other sin, or subject, is fully guarantied to every citizen of the 

Resolved, That the question now presented to the American people for their 
consideration and decision is, whether slavery shall be immediately abolished, or 
continue until oppression shall have driven the slave to assert his rights by resort 
to physical force. 

Resolved, That by the 10th article of the Treaty of Ghent, the United States 
stand pledged to exert themselves to effect the entire abolition of the traffic in hu- 
man flesh ; and that while this sinful traffic is continued within the Diitrict of Co- 
lumbia, our nation (if opposed to its abolition) stands convicted, at the door of the 
Capitol, of a refusal to redeem its pliglited faith. 

Resolved, That the spirit of disorder and riot which so alarmingly prevails 
tin-oughout our country, should be attributed to the countenance and support which 
the low and degraded receive from men otlicrwide respectable and meritorious. 

Resolved, That the course that has been pur.-^ned, in relation to discussing the 
subject of slavery, by the citizens of numerous places, and by some individiials who 
hold places of lienor and trust, as officers under our state and national con;Uitu- 
tions, is to be deprecated as having a tendency to muzzle the press ; bring a stain 
upon our free institutions ; prevent free discussion in general; and, if i)ersisted 
in, to deprive us of tiie lil-.eities acliieved by uur Revolutionary forefathers. 

Resolved, That the doctrine of immediate abolition is the dictate alike of hu- 
manity, patriotism and christiatiity ; and those, who in the face of the light, and 
arguments and facts, now spread out before the public eye, are determined to ad- 
vocate American Slavery, or apologize fur its continuance, ought to disclaim thu't 
sense of justice, and that sympathy for the poor and the oppressed, without which 
Christianity, or patriotism, or humanity, is but a name — a mere carcass without- 
the spirit. 

Resoli'fd, That it is the appropriate work of this generation to cariy out tHe-' 
declared self-evident principles of Human Liberty, as proclaimed to the world by 
our patriot fathers ; and siiould we, their descendants, neglect the te-mporal-and: 
■eternal interest of two and a quarter millions enslaved countrymen, through fear 
v>f offending the oppressor, it would prove us unworthy our birthvightj <uid recre- 
ants to our Gcd and our country. 

H. Cliandler, Esq. your present chairman, and subscribed by him and the other 
gentlemen whose names are appended, and also by reference to the verbal and 
written statements of opinion in relation to the meeting, made to F. C. D. M'Kay, 
Esq. previous lo the appointment of the meeting, and which have been furnished 
by him, as follows : 

"It having been suggested that the Genesee County Anti-Slavery Society are desir- 
ous of holding their first annual meeting in the village of Batavia, at a short day 
hence; and we, the undersigned, having been applied to by the Agent of the said So- 
ciety, for an expression of opinion in relation to the holding such meeting, state as 
follows: That althoagh we doubt the policy, in general, of the advocates of immedi- 
ate abolition, and many of their measures for effecting the objects which they profesB 
to have in view ; yet we are utterly opposed to any measures, the tendency of which 
would interfere with the individual rights of any citizen, or which should abridge the 
expression of opinion in an orderly and quiet manner. 

"H. U. SOPER, 
"■ Batavia, March 5, 1836. "J.D.MERRILL." 

"I subscribe to the above sentiment, but as a matter of policy, should not recommend 
a meeting to be held at this time. T, GARY." 

" Hon. David E. Evans said, when consulted as to the propriety of holding the anni- 
versary at Batavia, that he had not the least objection to the meeting being held, though 
lie believed the abolitionists were doing no good. 

•^E. C. Dibble, Esq. said in subslaiice the same. 

"Dr. Choate, the same. 

"LA. Verplanck, Esq. approved of the sentiment of the paper signed by Mr. Chand- 
ler and others, but thought it bad policy to hold the meeting. 

" Mr. Stephen Grant said, the sentiment of the paper was good, but said nothing as to 
the propriety or impropriety of holding the meeting. 

"Justices C. M. Russell and J. G. Hoyt refused to sign the paper, though they appro- 
ved the sentiment it expressed, and said they should, as a matter of course, use their 
otfieial authority to prevent a disturbance, in case it should become necessary." 

Such being the circumstances under which the appointment was made, we feel 
sensibly embarrassed, in adopting a course of action in the present emergency. — 
On the one hand, we feel sincerely anxious to yield to the wishes, or even thepre- 
judices of iho citizens of this place. On the other hand, we feel that we are your 
neighbors, your friends, as we had supposed ; citizens of your own county, and of a 
free coimtry, having sacredly guarantied to us, by our laws and constitution, the 
unqualified right peaceably to assemble and deliberate upon such matters as toe 
may deem important to the best interests of our common country ; and we cannot 
consistently with our views of self respect, and the sacred rights and privileges of 
citizenship, consent to acknowledge the right of any persons, or body of men, few 
or njany, to molest us when assembled, or to require us to cease our deliberations ; 
and we cannot but express our surprise that the citizens of Batavia should allow 
ihemselves to be so excited as to come out with railing accusations against a body 
of between one and two hundred of their fellow citizens from all parts of the coun- 
ty, quietly a^•sembled in a county building, and all for the heinous offence of not 
THINKING like themselves ! 

This Society has done nothing, and intends to do nothing, to contravene the laws 
of tlie land, or the real interests of any portion of the union. The committee have 
deemed it quite proper, without hearing our views, and evidently in great ignorance 
of them, to condemn us, and profess themselves to entertain widely different senti- 
ments. This, as all must see, decides nothing : it at most only shows that this so- 
ciety and the committee of fifty entertain different opinions. 

But admitting that we are wrong and the committee right, this socieiy has yet 
to learn that the axiom of one of the fathers of our republic, that " Error of opinion 
may be safely tolerated, where truth is left free to combat it," is not true in its ut- 


most latitude. If the citizens of Batavia fear contamination from the principles cf 
anti-slavery, they have only to decline attendance upon our meeting, and most as- 
suredly they will suffer no defilement. We compd no one to attend, and certainly 
it is not very complimentary to the good sense of the undisturbed, unagitated pop. 
ulation of the village, to suppose they are incapable of judging for themselves 
upon the propriety of their attendance. Are we required to adjourn in haste, lest 
ail Batavia should embrace the abhorrent doctrines of abolition ? Is there a con- 
sciousness that truth is mighty, and must prevail ? 

Nothing is more evident from the resolutions presented by the committee, than 
that the citizens passing them, are not well informed as to the real sentiments of 
abolitionists ; and this society hereby disclaims all and every intention of interfer- 
ing with the constitutional rights of any portion of tlie people of this union, of ex- 
citing the slaves to insurrection or acts of violence and murder, or any other acts 
directly or indirectly calculated to produce anarchy and confusion ; and they deny 
that the accredited publications of the American Society have any such tendency. 

If the present meeting had been allowed to proceed in its business, the society 
had hoped their principles would have been better understood. Had the society an- 
ticipated the opposition which is now made, its officers might have made other ar- 
rangements for the meeting, and it is singular, as these proceedings of the citizens 
were some time maturing, that they were not kind enough to apprize the officers 
of the society of such opposition. 

The society cannot otherwise reply to the insinuation, that f heir motives are not 
such as they profess, than to refer the committee to their conduct as citizens of the 
county and members of the communities m which they reside, which, after all, fur- 
nishes one of the satest tests of motives and intentions. But " it is a small thing 
to be judged of n\an." 

On the whole, therefore, this society does not feel called upon to yield to there- 
quest of the citizens of Batavia, as presented by the committee, and we would sug- 
gest to the committee that inasmuch as no possible injury can accrue to the citi- 
zens, if they refrain from attending oiir meeting, and inasmuch as the committee 
declare that they would deeply re^rel avy acts of violence and discord, whether 
they will not feel bound, as good ci'izeiis, to exert themselves in good faith, to 
prevent the acts of disorder v.hich they profess to deprecate; and thus give us a 
practical demonstration, that they are governed by the best of motives, wfiet.her 
we are or not. Should fit\y as respectable citizens as those who have waited upon 
us, thus act, the result can be easily anticipated. 

The report having been read, it was, on motion, 

Resolved, That the report be accepted and adopted. 

It was also, on motion, 

Resolved, That a committee of three be appointed to wait on the chair- 
man of the committee of fifty, and communicate to him the answer of the 

The committee appointed for this purpose, consisted ofF. C. D. M'Kay 
and S. M. Gates, Esquires, and Gen. Landon. 

The chairman of the Committee on Nominations then reported the fol- 
lowing list of officers for the meeting and the ensuing year, who were 
unanimously elected : 


Resolved, That the formation of Local Societies in the several towns in tfi» 
county of Genesee, should be encouraged, as of great importance in carrying in<^ 
entire effect, the object of this Society. 

Resolved, That as our hope of succofs is in the blessing of God accompanyincj 
the truth, we will press upon ail clirlstians the propriety and importance of attend- 
in.^ the Monthly Concert of prayer for the pcacefal and immediate abolition of 

Resolved, That while this Society disclaims all participation in, and connexion 
with, any political party, we will ever remonstrate against any doings of either of 
tl;e political parties of the day, which liavc a tendency to .'ihridge our right?. 

Reaohed, That the Executive Committee be instructed to enquire into tlie ex- 
pediency of establishing a Press in the county of Genesee, that vviil advocate the 
freedom of speech, of the press.and the inalienable rights of man ; and in case said 
Committee shall deem it expedient to establish said press, we pledge ourselves to 
raise the sum cf One Thousand Dollars for its support tiie first year. 

Resolved, That the fjllowing pru-sons be appointed delegates to represent thif? 
society at the next anniversary of the American Anti-Siavei-y Society, to be held ia 
tlie city of New York, the 12th dav oFMay next, viz : Isaac C, Brouson, Angust.-ia 
Frank, R. VV. Lyman, S. ComstJck, F. C. D. M'Kay, Roswell Gould,' Charles 
Freeman, J. S. Lambright, John B. Halsted, Cliarles i). Shepard, J. G. Pierce, K. 
Giliet, James Gibson, Andrus, (Bergen,) Jason Lathrop, Ezra Scovel. 

Resolved, 'I'hatthis Society is bound to render special thanksgiving and pra'.'-^o 
to Almighty God, for the unanimity and quiet and christian spirit, which have 
pervaded our present meeting, and the proceedings in wijich wc have been per- 
mitted to engage. 

Resolved, That the proceedings of (his meeting be signed by the Cliairnjan and 
Secretaries, published, and extensively circulated in this coaniy. 


Fdloic-Citizens of the County of Genesee : 

We address you upon a subject of deep interest. The voice of two and 
a half millions of our countrymen — our brethren — groaning under a hope- 
less and cruel tyranny, cries to us for relief Though born in the same 
land, and endowed with the same inalienable rights as ourselves, they have 
been robbed of these rights, and made the victims of an oppression, un- 
paralleled for its enormity, by the practice of any other nation, barbarous 
or civilized. 

The subject of American Slavery is beginning to awaken the public 
attention. In what light so'ever it is viewed, it presents a repulsive as- 
pect. Like all other evils, it grows more invvterate by time : and. unle:-'s 
seasonably checked, its extirpation will be rendered imipossible. It has 
grown v/it hour grot'.-th, and strengthened with our strength, till it is bo- 
come an evil of fearful magnitude. 

And is it true, that slavery possesses a stronger hold in this country than 
it has done at any former period of our national existence? Lnquestion- 
ah! V. The time was when the evils of slavery were universally acknowl- 
edged ; and when tlie subject could be freely and familiarly discussed.— 
Societies, to encouraf_;% and hasten its abolition, were formed in the slave, 
tts well BS the free, states. At the head of these societies, were some ^Z 
the purest and most distinguished patriots the nation could boast. They 
sought to accomplish their object as do the friends of equal rights at the 
jire«ent day ; yet we do not learn, eitlier that they were charged with ititd- 


i(ating the dissolution of the union ; or with meddling with a matter fh©t 
did not concern them. Most zealously did they advocate the rights ofth«r 
slave ; yet they were neither stigmatized as far.atics, nor charged as dis* 
organizers and incendiaries. Pure, disinterested benevolence was suppo- 
sed to be their governing moti\^e. The names of Franklin, Jay and Ed- 
wards, are alone sufficient to rescue from reproach the abolitionists of th^ 
eighteenth centur}''. 

Fellow-citizens : ire profess to be actuated by similar motives. The 
emancipation of the millions of our brethren, bound down under a galling^ 
and relentless despotism, and their restoration to those rights to which, by 
tiie laws of God and nature, they are entitled, is the great object of our 
association and our labors. 

The work before us is indeed a formidable one. Opposition, in a vari- 
ety of shapes, attends us on every side. But this opposition can never de- 
l^r abolitionists from their purpose. And why? Not, as some errone- 
ously imagine,'because they are impelled by a blind fanaticism, which is 
reckless of consequences. No. They have examined the subject in all 
its bearings ; and they are firmly persuaded that their principles are foun- 
ded in TRUTH. They feel assured that their cause has the favor of Om- 
nipotence : and that, consequently, its ultimate triumph over human oppo- 
sition is certain. Here is the ground of their confidence. Thus believ- 
ing, they invite their fellow-citizens to a close and candid scrutiny of their 
principles. Having no personal interests to be subserved, they desire that 
their sentiments should be brought to the light ; and if they shall be found 
not to be based upon truth and justice, or even good policy, they v*^ill be 
cheerfully abandoned. 

But it is worthy of remark, that wherever the right of discussion has 
baen most freely exercised, there, invariably, have the principles of aboli- 
tionism gained ground with the greatest rapidity. No wonder, therefore, 
that their opponents shrink from discussion. Slavery cannot bear the 
light. The only means by which its advocates hope to perpetuate its ex- 
istence, is to bar the door against discussion. With regard to any other 
cause, this would be deemed conclusive evidence of its weakness ; and any 
attempt, by legislation, to infringe the right of men freely to speak or pub- 
lish their sentiments on any other subject, would meet the universal exe- 
cration of a republican community. 

It is deemed^ proper on this occasion, to give a more particular state- 
ment of our sentiments, which, plainly as they have at all times been de- 
clared, are nevertheless very imperfectly understood ; and are often great- 
ly misrepresented : 

" We hold these truths to be self-evident : that all men are created equal ; 
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain Unalienable rights; 
that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness : That to se- 
cure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just 
powers from the consent of the governed." And tlierefore that all laws 
by which one man is made the property of another, is a flagrant violation 
of the law of God, and repugnant to every principle ofjnstice. 

The sentiments of abolitionists are further set foi^h in the 2d and 3dar- 
ti<;les of the constitution of the American Anti-Slavery Society", and are as 
follows • 

" The objects of thi.s society are the entire abolition of slavery in tha 
United States. While it admits that each state in which glavery exis^i^ 


ha^, by the constitution of the United Stafes, the exclusive right to legis- 
late in regard to its abolition in that state, it shall aim to convince all our 
fellow-citizens, by arguments addressed to their understandings and con- 
sciences, that slaveholding is a heinous crime in the sight of God ; and 
that the duty, safety and best interests of all concerned, require its imme- 
diate abandonment, without expatriation. The society will also endeavor, 
\n a constitutional way, to influence Congress to put an end to the domes- 
tic slave trade ; and to abolish slavery in all those portions of our common 
country which come under its control, especially in the District of Co- 
lumbia ; and likewise to prevent the extension of it to any state that may 
hereafter be admitted to the Union. 

" Thii society shall aim to elevate the character and condition of the 
people of color, by encouraging their intellectual, moral and religious im- 
provement, and by removing public prejudice; that thus they may, ac- 
cording to their intellectual and moral worth, share an equality with the 
whites, of civil and religious privileges ; but the society will never, in any 
v/ay, countenance the oppressed in vindicating their rights, by resorting- 
to phjAsical force." 

These, fellow-citizens, are our sentiments, and these the means by Avhich 
we seek to eflect the abolition of slavery in the United States. We ask, 
Avhat is there in the principles here avowed, fanatical of incendiary? — 
What is there in all this that is unconstitutional? or that can justify the 
present unconstitutional warfare upon the freedom of the press ? 

Let us for a moment examine the character of that precious institution 
for whose safety so deep a solicitude is manifested ! The character of 
American Slavery is by a great portion of the community very imperfect- 
ly know^n. 

The I^ouisiana code defines a slave to be " one who is in the power of 
a master to v/hom he belongs. The master may dispose of his person, 
his industry, his labor; he can do nothing, possess nothing, nor acquire 
an)* thing but which must belong to his master." 

By the laws of South Carolina, " slaves shall be deemed, taken, repu- 
ted and adjudged to be chattels personal in the hands of their masters and 
possessors, to all intents and purposes whatsoever ;" and that " all their 
issue and ofi>>pring, born, or to be born, shall be, and they are hereby da- 
%lared to be and lem^in forever kercciftcr absolute slaves, and shall follow 
the condition of their mother." 

Slave laws, not satisfied w^ith protecting existing slavery, provide for 
reducing free persons, to heredit-iry bondage. In several of the states, 
fines are imposed on ^vee negros; and if they cannot pny them, they are 
sentenced to perpetual slavery, and their children after them. In most of 
the slave states, if a negro cannot yroi'c that he is free, he is by law sold 
at public auction as a slave for life. This is both law and practice in the 
District of Columbia, and vAia the sanction of Congress. In no civilized 
country but the slave states, are children punished for the crimes of their 
parents; but in these, the children of free blacks, to the tatest posterity, 
fere condemned to servitude for the most trivial offences, and often for the 
most innocent acts of their ancestors. 

A master may punish' his slave at pleasure; and if the slave, while suf- 
fering chastiiement, shall offer to resist his master, he may be killed. 

In South Carolina, if a slave be killed "on a sudden heat or passion, or by 
undue correction," the murderer is to be fined, or impi^isoned six months. 

12 • 

Slaves are compelled to labor fifteen hours a day ; while the laws for- 
bi ii that criminals in the penitentiaries shall be required to labor more thaa 
ttJii hours a day. 

The slave is denied the right of owning any property. Should proper- 
ty of any kind come into his possession, it may be taken from him by any 
person. In several of the states, fines are imposed upon the masters for 
permitting their slaves to work for wages on their owm account, or to raise 
cotton, or keep stock of any kind. Slaves may, like cattle, be leased or 
mortgaged, or sold on execution. 

A slave is not entitled to the protection of law. As he is not allowed 
to appear in a court of justice, he has no redress of grievances. The life 
of a slave may be taken with impunity. Although the murderer, on con- 
viction, suffers death; yet, the testimony of slaves not being admitted, he 
escapes the penalty of the law, if he be careful to perpetrate the crime in 
the absence of white men. 

In Georgia, a slave, for striking a white person, is, for the first offence, 
punished at the discretion of the justice, not extending to life or limb; for 
;he .second offence, he suffers death. 

The most cruel and inhuman punishments are inflicted for acts not 
criminal, and which, in many instances, the slave does not know to be for- 
bidden by law.* In Georgia, r-.ny person finding a slave wdthout license 
off the plantation, or without the limits of the town to which he belongs, 
may inflict upon his bare back twenty lashes. In other states, the pun- 
ishment is at the discretion of the justice. If more than seven slaves 
shall be found together in the highway, each of them is subject to twen- 
ty lashes. 

In cases of crime, slaves are denied the right of trial by jury, in sever- 
al of the states; in others, it is granted in capital cases only. 

The laws forbidding mental instruction to slaves, are, if possible, still 
more odious. It is perhaps generally known, that severe penalties are in- 
flicted upon the whites for teaching negrcs, free as well as slaves, to read 
or write. 

The reason assigned for these lav\'-s is, that education tends to excite 
dissatisfiction in the minds of the sl^jves, ^and to produce insurrection and 

The marriage relation is not recognized among the slaves. The hus- 
band and w^ife may at any time be separated, and sold in the market. Al- 
though they may be formally married, they enjoy no legal rights in the 
marriage state. Neither has a slave any legal authority over his child. — 
Thus is the slave, in almost every respect, reduced to the level of a brute. 

But the worst feature of American Slavery is yet to be named. Slaves 
are accountable beings. And yet they are, in this land of "gospel light," 
jiractically denied access to the .word of life. It is generally believed 
among us, that though slaves may not read the scriptures, they enjoy ex- 
tensively the benefit of religious instruction. But a reference to the slave 
laws, will show their religious advantages to be very limited. 

In Georgia, any justice of the peace may, at his discretion, brejik up any 
religious assembly of slaves, and may order each slave present to be "cor- 
rected without trial, by receiving on the bare back, twenty-five stripes with 
a whip, svvitch or cow-skin.'' 

In South Carolina, slaves may not meet together for the purpose of 
"religious worship" before sunrise or after sunset, unless the majority pf 


the meeting be composed of white persons, imder the penalty of twenty 
lashes well laid on." As it will be rather difficult for the slave to divine 
before he goes to the meeting, how many blacks, and how many whites 
will be present, and of course which color will have the "majority," a due 
regard for his back will keep him from the meeting. 

In Virginia, all evening meetings of slaves at any meeting-house, are 
unequivocally forbidden. 

Slaves do, it is true, to some extent, enjoy the means of religious instruc- 
tion. They may attend church on the sabbath. But to this there is little 
inducement to the slave. Su^h is his ignorance, that most of the sermons 
he may hear, are to him a dead letter Not being permitted to read the 
Bible, slaves are lamentably destitute of religious knowledge, being scarce- 
ly a single remove from a state of perfect heathenism. Oh, what awful 
responsibility rests upon those who thus trifle with the souls of their fel- 
low men ! keeping them ignorant of that God to whom they are account- 
able, and of that gospel through which alone "life and immortality are 
brought to light." 

Here, fellow-citizenS; we have a faint picture of slavery as it exists in 
this country. Can a more wicked and heaven-daring system of oppres- 
sion be conceived ? Well might the illustrious Jefferson, that distinguish- 
ed advocate of the inalienable rights of man, exclaim, in view of slavery : 
" 1 tremble for my country, when 1 reflect that God is just ; that his jus- 
tice cannot sleep forever." Considering it among possible events, that at 
some future day an exchange of situations between the white and colored 
population of this country would take place; and that it might become 
probable by supernatural interference, most truly did he say, " The Al- 
mighty has no attribute which can take side with us in such a contest." 
The uniform dealings of God with oppressors in all ages of the world, 
forbid the idea that his judgmsnt will not erelong overtake this guilty na- 

What a system of stupendous fraud and oppression is that of Amari- 
can Slavery! Wnat a despDtism ! Lst Americans no longer profess to 
be shocked at the favorite doctrine of eastern monarchists, " the divine 
right ofkingsr while they support among themselves a species of tyran- 
ny incomparably more odious, and more destructive of human rights, than 
any that is practised in the-f^ld world. The vassals of the Russian Au- 
tocrat, and even of the Turkish Sultan, are freemen, compared with the 
slaves of republican America ! Dsgraded and oppressed as are the sub- 
jects of these tyrants, they have, to some extent, the power over their own 
lives and persons and property ; and though the rights of conscience are 
much restricted, they possess the privilege of being instructed fully in 
the principles of their own religion; which, corrupt as it is, does not au- 
thorize such a system of injustice as that which is practised by the preten- 
ded friends of civil and religious liberty ia this country, vrho impiously 
claim for this system of legalized wrong and outrage, the sanction of the 
religion of the American's bible — a religion which breathes a spirit of 
peace, and good w^ill to men; and which expressl}?" commands all men 
to deal justly and love mercy ; " to undo the heavy burdens, and to let the 
oppressed go free." When will men — r.hris'dans !— cease to pervert the 
truths of the Bible, in order to justify an institution which originated in 
selfishness* and which is sustained by robbery and blood? 

Who among the despots of the east would not blush to advocate the 



right of one man to hold exclusive property in another ? It is left to ihff 
people oifree, republican America, to exhibit to an astonished world, thcr 
hypocrisy of professing to be the exclusive friends of the inalienable rights 
of man, while they practically invade the dearest rights with which man 
is endowed by a benevolent Creator. How long shall we continue to be 
held up to the scorn of surrounding nations 1 While we justly boast of 
a form of government surpassing, at least in its theory of republican equal- 
ty, thatof any other, it is confidently believed, that the example of no oth- 
er nation contributes more, at the present day, to retard the progress of 
republican principles. 

In the very territory chosen as the seat of the National Government, 
are its citizens legally authorized to kidnap and imprison their fellow free- 
men, and to sell them into perpetual bondage. On this consecrated spot, 
over which the representatives of a free people have exclusive jurisdiction, 
men are by law licensed, for a specified sum of money, to carry on their 
unholy trafiic in the bodies and souls of their fellow men ! " Tell it not 
in Oath!" 

Who can portray all the evils consequent uy)on such a system ? Its in- 
fluence upon the slave is corrupting in the highest degree. Ignorance, 
one of the inseparable concomitants of slavery, is always the parent of 
viv^e. It is utterly incompatible with the existence of correct moral prin- 
ciple. It incapacitates the slave for deciding between right and wrong. — 
He cannot be governed by those noble motives by which a freeman is ac- 
tuated. He gives full license to his evil passions ; because he has no rep- 
utation to lose. Licentiousness, which naturally results from the absence 
of the marriage relation, prevails to a very great extent, among tiie slava 
population. But it is not confined to them; this abomination of abomitia- 
tions is practised not less extensively among the free poprdation, and is not 
limited to color. 

Another consequence of slavery is, that it renders free labor disreputft'- 
ble, and creates unnitural distinctions in society. The cultivation of 
the earth being that species of labor which is performed by slaves, free 
laboring men are looked upon by the aristocratic slaveholder with dis- 
dain. In consequence of this prejudice, multitudes of young men, instead 
of securing to themselves an honorable and competent livelihood by the 
cultivation of the soil, crowd themselves into the professions, already filled 
to overflowing, and fail of success. 

The following extract from a speech of Mr. Leigh, in the Virginia Con- 
vention, shows in what estimate the laboring man is held by the southern 
aristocracy : 

" There must be some peasantry, and as the country ftlls up there must 
be more, that is, msn who tend the herds and dig the soil, who have nei- 
ther real or personal capital of their own, and who earn their daily bread 
by the sweat of their brow. They, by this scheme, are all to be represen- 
ted, but none of our slaves, and yet in political economy the latter fill ex- 
actly the same place. 

" I ask gentlemf^n to say, whether they believe that those who depend 
on their daily labor for th(;ir daily subsistence, can or do ever enter into 
political affairs? They never do, never will, never can." 

Is it to be supposed that there will be an industrious and prosperous 
tprhite population where such anti-republican sentiments prevail? 

Believing slavery to be sinful, abolitionists hold that it ought to be im- 



mediately abandoned. The only effectual remedy for the evils of slarery 
is its immediate and total abolition. To this plan, however, there are a 
multitude of objections. But with other evils, so with slavery: the soon- 
er it is abolished, the better. 

A more ftivorable period will never arrive. Slaves can never be in a 
better condition to be emancipated than they are at ))rcsent. It is idle to 
suppose that they can be prepared for freedom while they remain in slave- 
ry. Judgino^ from the progress they have made during the last fifty years, 
in the process of preparation, when will they be fit to enjoy liberty ? — 
The first step towards their preparation to enjoy the blessings of freedom. 
IS to give them freedom. Ralease them from their prison of moral dark- 
ness ; let them enjoy the light of science and of revelation ; restore to 
them their inalienable rights ; and you will have removed every obstacle 
tu their becoming qualified for freedom. 

Bat it is said our course is unconstitutional ! it is forbidden by the com- 
pact between the North and South; and as the constitution recognizes 
slavery, we may not interfere with the rights of the South. We ask the 
objector, \vhat article or section of the constitution prohibits men from 
?^peaking their sentiments? Nay, what privilege is more explicitly and 
anequivocally granted by the constitution, than that of writing and speak- 
ing on all subjects, slavery not excepted ? 

But we are charged with an unwarrantable interference with the sa- 
cred right of property.. The right to hold slaves is a legal right. So, al- 
so, is the right of the rum dealer a legal right , but does it hence follow 
that it is unconstitutional or unlawful to persuade him to abandon a traffic 
which spreads misery and death among his fellow men? And is-it not 
the constitutional right of the friends of humanity, by means of associa- 
tions or otherwise, to interfere with the right of property, by discouraging 
all men from the use of the poison? We have yet to learn that it is an 
♦ 'legal interference with the right of property, to endeavor, by argument 
and persuasion, and expostulation, to effect the abolition of any evil. Did 
we seek to accomplish our purpose by any other mode, we might indeed 
be justly obnoxious to this charge; and we should then probably be told 
that we should be tenfold more likely to succeed by first convincing the 
Slaveholder of the enormity of his guilt, by calling public sentiment to 
bear upon the subject ; and by argument and reason to persuade him vol- 
untarily to relinquish his unjust practice. 

Still we are toidthat no good can possibly result from our efforts ; they 
only tend to exasperate the slaveholder, and drive him to the practice of 
greater crueUy towards the slave. Wonderful kindness! There is, 
tlien, it seems, a degree of cruelty which can move the feelings of even the 
apologists of slavery! Rat we do not believe that masters will become 
more cruel and ri'.ioroas in tlieir treatment of their slaves. Sensible that 
the public eye is upon them, they will rather be inclined to practise great- 
er clemency, and thus deprive the abolitionists of one of the weapons they 
now wield with no small advantage against slavery. 

Again, we are told that the propagation of our sentiments will excite 
insurrections among the slaves. And there are those who do not charge 
us with bad iule/illo/is, who nevertheless profess to believe that such is the 
tendency of our measures. It Avould not be strange if the misrepresenta- 
iions of our opponents should cause insurrections. If the slaves should 
ha made to believe that abolitionists teach the doctrine that it would be 


right for the slaves to cut their masters' throats, unci tliat they would be 
countenanced in attempting to obtain their freedom by fnrce/then mio-ht 
there be danger o{ insurrection. But if the slaves learn the real views of 
the abolitionists, they w'ill wait till their deliverance is peaceably effected. 
Besides, our publications are not addressed to the slaves. Our opponents 
are challenged to point out a singfle instance in which a paper has been 
directed to the slave. And what if it had been ? Papers might with 
equal propriety be directed to the unlettered cattle of the south. But ad- 
mitting they aa ere able to read them, they cannot procure them except 
through the hands of the masters themselves. And is it to be supposed 
that the masters would throw them into the way of their slaves? But 
were every slave in the union to have free access to our publications, and 
made acquainted with their contents, instead of exching insurrections, they 
would have a directly contrary tendency. The slav^^ would learn that 
abolitionists would deprecate any and every act of hostility on his part, as 
tending only to protract his oppression, and retard the day of his deliver- 
ance. We have little hope that slavery will ever be abolished, but by the 
voluntary consent of the slaveholders. Hence our addresses and appeals 
are made to them, and not to their slaves. 

"But if you persist," say our opponents, "the union will be dissolved." 
Especially does the sotiih in this way appeal to our fears. But who wall 
dissolve the union? The abolitionists love the union too well to do any 
thing that would endanger its perpetuity. They can, moreover, have no 
conceivable motive for so doing. But the south, the south will surely with- 
draw, if this warfare against slavery does not speedily cease. But what 
possible motive can the south have for dissolving the union ? Will they 
by such an act escape the odium which the north attach to slaveholding ? 
Will it not be looked upon as still more disreputable ? But what can the 
south hope to gain by a separation ? They have nothing to gain, but ev- 
ery thing to lose. Would their property be rendered more secure ? While 
the compact remains, the north is bound to surrender their fugitive slaves. 
But let the compact be broken, and the moment the slave passes the di- 
vision line, he becomes his ovv'n property. Where, too, would be their se- 
curity against insurrection ? If they are now in danger from this source, 
what would he their apprehensions when they had no longer the pledge 
of the nation to protect them? For a moment, imagine the south in the 
capacity of a distinct and separate nation Suppose there should be a ri- 
sing of the blacks in any portion of their territory. How would the in- 
surrection be put down? Would a call be made upon the northern por- 
tion, or upon one of their sister states for assistance? Such ap{)lication 
would be unavailing. They would receive an answer, probably, some- 
what as follows : " Brethren, we indeed piiy your condition, and we would 
fain fly to your rescue; but what will be our own condition? Who 
will remain to protect our own homes and firesides ? We cannot con- 
sent to leave our wives and children to the tender mercies of an oppressed 
foe, a foe instigated by a spirit of revenge, and retaliation for grievous 
wrongs." As the slave population is continually gaining upon that of the 
white, the danger would be constantly increasing; and it is by no means 
chimerical to suppose that, at no distant day, the order of things would be 
entirely reversed. The soil would be owned by the blacks ; and if the 
whites themselves should not become the property of the blacks, it would 
be because the latter would be actuated by a stronger sense of liumanity 
and justice than their oppressors had been. 


Bat it is asked, would it be safe to emancipate the slaves, and let them 
loose upon the community ? We reply first, that we do not propose to 
let them loose in the sense in which our opponents understand the term, 
^ettiuff loose ' We are indeed for loosing the bands ot oppression and 
lor entirely and immediately abolishing the relation o( master and slave. 
But while we would do this, we would place them under the strong r«- 
^iraints of the law. We would deal with them precisely as we do with 
vvhite citizens. We would make them answerable for every violation ot 
the law an(5 of "-ood order in society. But there are many who fear, a^- 
ter all that the slaves, if emancipated, would wreak their vengeance upon 
thei- man-rs But what does history teach us on the subject ? Among 
the numerous instances of immediate and uncondhional emancipation 
which it records, Hot a solitary case has realized the previous fears ol those 
who opposed the measure as unsafe or inexpedient. 'J^he safety of eman- 
cipation has been most signally tested, very lately,an the Island ol Anti- 
jrua where, on the first day of August, 1834, liberty was proclaimed to 
the entire slave population, consisting of fifteen slaves to one white man. 
Not one case of insurrection has as yet occurred ; and the blacks are n- 
sincr in respectability; and education and civilization are rapidly advan- 
cing- amono- them. But had we no example of this kind before us, we 
shoSld consider immediate emancipation the only safe and proper remedy 
for slavery If slavery is wrong, and an oifence against God, it is our 
duty to abandon it at once. And who is he that dares so to impeach the 
character of a wise and benevolent Creator, as to suppose that he has con- 
nected evil consequences with the performance of a plain and posi- 
tive duty ?- In other words, that it is not the duty of his creatures to do 
what he tells them is right? , .. i . j i, . 

Bn^ an-ain, admitting all we have said, you ask, what do you hope to 
gain by your operations in the free states ? Public sentiment is correct at 
vi- north There are here no advocates of slavery." We answer, we 
h'dve much to do here. But, we do not admit that public sentmient is 
cor^-ect at the north. No general expression of public opinion has yet 
been o-iven against slavery— at least not such an expression as the slave- 
holders can construe imo a deep detestation of the prachce of slavery^— 
On the contrary, we daily hear men sympathizing with the slaveholder 
in the insecurity of his right of property in his fellow man, and jom with 
him in denouncing tliose who alone are endeavormg to put an end to this > 
abominable traffic in human flesh. But we have already indubitable ev- ; 
idence that abolition societies do have effect at the south. Wnat has pro- 
duced the present commotion there? This shows that our efforts at the ; 
north are felt, and deeply feU, throughout the whole dominions of slavery. 
Even thouD-h they shx)uld succeed in their attempt to induce the'L'overn- •: 
ment to place its imperial veto upon the exercise of our constitntional j 
rio-ht to send our publications among them, it would avail them nothing. ^ 
Let us get public sentiment right here, and slavery will not long find a , 

footing at the south. . , • • . a • 

The oresent controversy with slavery has given rise to another irapor- , 
tant qa 4tion— \ question which, there is but too much reason to fear.will, , 
in its issue, vitally affect our constitutional liberties. One of the dearest , 
rio-hts which any people can enjoy— a right, in fact, without which other 
rights cannot long be maintained, is the liberty of speech and of the press. ^ 
This ri^ht has been most violently assailed ; and the warfare against it is . 
"^ B2 


continued with unabated vigor, on the part of the advocates of slavery. — 
And do the people discover in this no cause of alarm? All men have 
hitherto enjoyed the right to speak and publish their sentiments on all 
subjects. Abolitionists, it would seem, are to be prohibited from the en- 
joyment of this right, which is possessed alike by Christians, Jesuits, Infi- 
dels, Atheists and Mahometans. That is, all men may speak and print 
their sentiments on eveiy suhjecthniih^tdfihe inalienable rights of man! 
This is the right which, of all others, should be the last to be attacked. — 
And strange, indeed, it is, that the people can witness, with such manifest 
unconcern, this flagrant attempt to destroy the very bulwark of their lib- 
erties. But three short years since, the right of free discussion was invi- 
olate. Who w^ould have ventured the prediction, that within so short a 
period, the Executive of the nation, and the Executives of half a dozen of 
the states of this union, would call in the aid of legislation to suppress the 
discussion of any subject — especially the subject of human rights!— 
Look at the language of some of these public functionaries: 

Says Gov. M'Duffie, in his ofHcial message : " The laws of every com- 
munity s.hould punish this species of interference with death without ben- 
tjit of clergy P 

Gov. Everett of Massachusetts, holds the following language : '* What- 
ever by direct and necessary operation is calculated to excite an insurrec- 
tion among the slaves, has been held, by highly respectable legal author- 
ity, an offence against the peace of this commonwealth, which may be pros 
ecuted as a misdemeanor at common laiv.^^ 

Gov. Marcy of Nevr York, says: "Without the powtr to pass svch 
laics, the state would not possess all the necessary means for preserving 
their external relations of peace among themselves." 

These sentiments have found a hearty response in a large portion of 
the American people. 

In view of these tacts, let it no longer be said that aboli'ionists have 
nothing io do at the north. Wherever such sentiments prevail, the friends 
of liberty cannot rest upon iheirarms, and be guiltless. 

Friends of emancipation ! what is our duty at the present crisis ? Shall 
we renmince our principles, and yield the contest to slavery? We an- 
swer, No : What though we fail in the struggle? Our duty is plain, and 
we dare not recede. But we know if we are true to our principles, we 
shall 72()i fail. The only danger lies in forsaking our principles. We 
have already accomplished much. Our principles are rapidly advancing. 
Thsy are sustained by the Bible and our consciences. Let us continiie to 
propagate our sentiments. Men may for a while disregard them; but 
they cannot always resist the truth. Prejudice will at length give way 
to conviction ; and all men will think and act alike on this subject. Slave- 
ry, that broadest, foulest blot upon our country's honor, vrill be remove J : 
and we shall be, what wc profess to be,' a nation of freemen. 



Btjlieving that God hath made of one blood, all the nations of men ; that with Hina 
there is no respect of persons ; and that He requires of all that they should do un- 
to others as they would others should do unto theni : and holding, with the vener- 
ated signers of the Declaration of our Independence, "these truths to he selt-evi- 
dent, that all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with 
certain inalienable rights; that among those are life, liberty and the pursuit of hap- 
piness" — we believe American Slavery to be incompstible with the laws of God, the 
requirements of the gospel, and in direct opposition to the healthful influences of 
all republican institutions — that it is a system of injustice and oppression, calcula- 
ted, in its very nature, to sow discord in our national coimcils ; to impoverish and 
enfeeble slave-holding states ; to bring honest industry inLu couiempt, and to make 
the poor an easy and continued prey to the lawless passions of the avaricious, the 
rapacious and licentious — that it begets and fosters an aristocratic spirit, befit- 
ting the pampered lordling of despotism, rather than American citizens — that 
wherever it prevails, it breathes a moral and political pestilence, alike destructive 
to the endearments and purity ofdomestic and social life, and to the privileges and 
principles of republican freemen — that its continuance, in this boasted land of free- 
dom, in the view of all enlightened nations, pronounces our Declaration of Inde- 
pendence the "poetry of pinlanthropy," rather than the dictates of common sense 
and common justice : Therefore, we hold that duty unto God our Creator, and love 
to our fellow men, as well as the character, tho destinies and safety of our commou 
country, demand its entire, immediate and universal abolition. 

C O N S T 1 1^ U T I O N 



Article I. This Society shall be called the Genesee County Anti-SIavcry So- 
ciety, auxdiary to the New York State S-cieiy. 

Art. II. The object of this Society is the entire abolition of slavery in the Uni- 
ted StatCfc-. Its aim shall be, to convince all our citizens, by arguments addressed 
to the understanding and cor.scicnce, tiuit slavery is a grcnt crime in the sight of 
God, a constant trnnsgrcKsion of his hr,!y law, and that the b;'st interests of jaU 
concerr.ed, require its immediate abandonnient. 

Art. 111. This Society shall aim to elevate the character and ameliorate the 
condition of the people o'fc^lo', by encouraging their ijiteiiectual, moral and reli- 
gious iniprovement ; but it never will, in any way, countenance a resort to phys- 
ical force to obtain their freedom. 

Art. IV. Any person v/ho assents to tho principles expressed in the foregoing 
articles, and signs this Constitution, and is not a slaveholder, may be a member of 
this Society, and shall be entitled to vote at its meetings. 

Art. V. The officers of this Society sliall hb a President, Vice Presidents, a 
Corresponding Secretary, a Fk>ecording vSecretary, a Treasurer and an Auditor. 

Art. VI. The Society shall, at its first meeting, and always thereafter, at its 
Annual Me('ting, elect an Executive Cuuitnittee, to consist of not less than five 
members, and not more than seven, who shall have power to enact their own by- 
laws, meet upon their own adjonrnmont, fill any vacancy in their body, employ 
agents, direct the Treasurer in the application of all moneys, and call special meet- 
ings of the Society. They shall make arrangements for all the meetmgs of the 
Society, make an annual written Report of their doings, and shall hold stated meet- 
ings and adopt the most energetic measures in their power to advance the objects of 
this Society. 

Art. VII. All the officers of this Society mentioned in the 5th article, shall be 


fjc o^cio members of rhc Executive Committee ; but a majority of the Executive? 
(Committee shall constittite a quorum to transact business. 

Art. VIII. The President shall preside at all the meetings of the Society, or in 
his absence, one of the Vice Presidents, or in their absence, a President pro tern. 
The Corresponding Secretary shall conduct the correspondi-nce of the Society. — 
Ti»e Recording Secretary shall notify all meetings of the Society and of the Ex- 
ecutive Committee, and shall keep records of the same. TheTreiisurer shall col- 
led the subscriptions, make payments at the directions of the Executive Commit- 
Ifje, and present awrit'eh and audited account, to accompany the annu;ti report. 

Art. IX. Tiie annual meeting of this Society shall be lield each year at such ^ 
tinie and place as the Executive Committee may direct, when the account of the 
Treasurer siiall be presented, the anniialreport read, appropriate addresses deliver- 
ed, the officers chosen, and such other business transacted as shall be deemed ex- 

Art. X. All the meetings of this Society shall be opened and closed by prayer. 


Receipts as folloios 


Bro't up, 

,^125 50 

Of H. Phoenix, 

^20 00 


10 00 

Jusiah Andrews, 

10 00 

Russel Calkins, 

3 00 

S. F. Phffinix, 

20 00 

W. Howard, 

1 GO 

E. Pome-oy, 

5 00 

Lucas Jones, 

1 00 

Rev. F. J. Bli^s, 

2 (iO 

J. G. True, 

1 00 

J. B. Halsted, 

5 00 

Ziba Hurd, 

2 CO 

N. Chedester, 

2 UO 

G. Wells, 

5 00 

E. C. Be:i3, 

2 00 

J. S. Lambright, 

1 00 

(Jalvin Waldo, 


S. Lapham, 

1 00 

Isaac Mace, 


Thomas Lapham, 

1 00 

C. O. Si'.epard, 

10 00 

John Calkins, 

1 00 

C. Freeman, 

1 00 

Rev. E. Scovel, 

5 00 

K-5!ias Rawsun, 

5 00 

Jab-jz VVard, 

5 00 

R. W. Lyman. 

10 00 

Horace Goodale, 


Anausuis Frp.nk, 

10 00 




1 CO 

Rev. Samuel Gridley, 

5 00 

' S.Fiiher, 

1 y.) 

Le Ri-iV Socieiv, b-- t! 


KevvCt Kinne, 

2 00 

Treasurer, S.M. Gale 

F. C. D. M'Kay. 

10 m 

Snmuel Bronson, 

3 00 

Joiin Munger, 

1 00 

Leman G. Tufts, 


Daniel Lee, 


Wiiliain Potvvine, 

1 C5 

John Windsor, 

2 00 

T'-» i.nas Potv\'ine, 

1 25 

I. C. Bror.son, 

2 00 

Daniel Rowley, 


A. Gregg, 


Rev. Jesse Elliot, 

1 00 

Rodv^rick Chapin, 




Henry Daniels, 


Rev. Hosea Fuller, 


Gideon RiK.d, 


Ehenezcr Witter, 


Henry Bn?!^, Jr. 


V/illiam H. gonkiin, 


Urs. A. Bi:?h, 


F. T. Oincy, 


Lorenzo Smith 


Christopher Jones, 




8125 50 

Total receipts, 

^203 5u 

Paid over to Jo!)n 


Treasurer c 

)f ihe American Anti-Siave- 

1 .$'200 00 

ry Society, as per hi 

s receipt 

, by o."der o 

''the Executive Committee, 

Balance remain 

ingin th 

e TrcDsnrv, 

§» 3 50 

JOSIAH ANDREWS, Trea^iurer Ge:i. Co. 
Per-y, March 15, 1^36. 

4. S. S. 





Thoucfhin reviewing our efforts, as a Society, for the past year, from their effects 
we may have but hltle cause for exuhation, we have much to cheer and encouraire u^ 
in the holy object for which we have associated. Owing to the piotracted ab.sen":e 
of some of our most efficient officers, and other causes which it would be unneces- 
sary to mention here, we have not made those systematic efforts w'li'.-li the magni- 
tude of the cause demands. But individual effort has not been made in vain. — 
Soon after the organization of this Society, your Committee invited some of its 
members to act as occasional agents, in organizing town societies, obtaining ^:ub- 
scnbers to anli-slavery publications, and disseminating information in r^^g.ird to 
the views, principles and designs of the abolitionists. We are happy to state, 
that although their labors have not been confined to this county, through their 
agency fifieen societies have been formed, thousands of publicarions have been 
paid for by individual subscribers, or purchased for gratuitous distribution, and 
the sum of Two Hundred Dollars collected and paid to the Treasurer of the 
American Anti-Slavery Society, as pledged for the county of Genesee, by our del- 
egate, S. F. Phghnix, at the anniversary of that society in May last. One of ihe 
principal reasons why more societies have not been organized in this couniy, the 
past year, has been, we are gratified to know, an unwillingness on the par*, of our 
agents and other active frieiids, to form them, until the principles of Anti-Slavery 
were thoroughly inculcated, and were understood by the generality of the commu- 
nity ir» their respective local precincts. Hovv^e^er, from the quality and quant'ty 
of the seed which has been sown, by daily obsei-vation and constantly ace imuhi- 
ting evidence, which it were impossible to misapprehend or distrust^ vv^e are prepar- 
ed to say, that even now the fields are whitening to the harvest. While some 
towns are coming up slowly and cautiously, yet understandingly, \Ye are confident 
from their well known patriotism and philanthropy, that even though they may 
come last, they will not in the event prove least in this hallowed v/ork. 

We would gratefully acknowledge t!ie labors of that eminently devoted friend of 
humanity, Rev. Amos A. Phelps, Agert of the American Anti-Slavery So.;iety, 
v.-hose efforts during a necessarily limited visit to this county, the past summer, 
were crowned with that success which is ever attendant on the presentation of 
truth in christian love and firmness, and with holy zeal and undissembling frank- 
ness. But shall it be said such flTorts elicit boisterous threats and lawless vio- 
lence ] We would inquire, in what age of the world similar causes produced not 
Fimilar effects ? Have not the groat principles ot truth, rignteousness, jtiL^lice and 
humanity, ever been obliged to stem the ci^rrent of popular phrenzy, and spread 
their first sweet influences amid oppressions and persecutions'] At a special 
meeting of the Society, holden at Le Roy, in August last, wo beheld with regret, 
evident demonstrations of a disposition to prevent freediscu>'sion. It was not tha 
circulation of an anonymous handbill, calling on the inhabitants of t'lis county ** op- 
posed to the fanatical proceedings of the abolitionists," to assemble at the same time 
and place at which our meeting was appointed, evidently designed to intimidate 
and overawe — it was not the harmless threats and ravings of a few misguided in- 
dividuals, nor even the wanton and flagitious interruption of our meoilng, that cans- 
fid this regret, or filled our hearts with solemn and fearful forbodings. But when 
we saw men whom the people delight to honor — men whom we, without party 
dist'nction, have been accustomed to look upon as pillars to our most valued insti- 
tutions, and whose influence is acknowledged both in church and state— when wo 
S!iw such men countenancing lawless violence, to deprive us of one of the dearest 
rightsof man, the liberty of speech, and, if not directly aiding and abetting, what is 
equivalent, palliating and justifying it, and refusing to yield their influence^conce- 
ued to them by their fellow citizens, for the preservation of law and order~-whea 


TVQ became aware of these facts, we were led seriously to enquire, 'vhere are the 
landmarks of our fathers? We beheld with shame and confusion, that while we 
have been apclo/izinir for. and sanctioning slavery at the south, gag^; and manacles 
had been secreily fjrging for us, at Uie north. And it is well ! God be praised,' 
that there are so many incentives to the duty of "remembering those that are in 
bonds as bound wil»« them." 

We cannot revert to the public Journals of this county, without bearing decided 
testimony against the course pursued by them, without disiinction, in relation to 
the character and doings oi abolitionists. Through their columns, we have bean 
represented as sowing the seeds of disunion and bloody strife. But let it be re- 
membered, that in sustaining these wonderful discoveries, they adduce not the say- 
ings and doings of abolitionists themselves, but the sayings and doings of their op- 
pouents. While tlioy have, with avidity, spread belbre the public, messages and 
public documents, denouncing abolitionists, they have studiously precluded from 
their coifimns such unanswerable arguments and justitications as are contained in 
the Protest of tl'.e American Anti Slavery Society against certain portions of tho 
President's Message, and the letters of Gerrit Smith and Alvan Stewart, ad- 
dressed to Gov. JNIdrcy. When they have arraigned abolitionists, individually, be- 
fore their selt-constituted supervision, even then they have refused their column.^ 
to exhibit their sentiments or defence. These facts are not characteristic of the 
press of Genesee county alone. The American press has been considered a faith- 
ful index of the intelligence, the patriotism and moralitv of the nation. Look at 
our index! Wli'.le the snn of liborry proclaims almost high noon thro-jghout the 
greater part of Christendom, our lagging index still declares that here the morn- 
ing watch hath not expired. While the press in some degree indicates, in a far 
greater it directs and controls public sentiment. Aware of this fact, in their strug- 
gle for political ascendency, the two contending parties of the day seem disposed 
to trample under fuot every right, whether human or divine, and through a hireling 
i^ress, whose feelings of patriotism are gauged by feeling in the pocket, inculcate 
and disseminate principles and doctrines v^hich, if uttered fifty years ago, would 
have consigned their promulgators to perpetual infany and silence, or, if it were 
possible, have called forth a stern rebulie even from the bloody graves of the patri- 
ot martyrs of the revolution. We feel constrained to ask, what constitutes the dif- 
ference, whether some tyrant, through treachery and blood, seizes upon supreme 
nuiliority, or a republican of modern time:5, gains the ascendant by Stirling the 
groans of captive millions, and by flattery and perversion, corrupts his own constit- 
uents, aiid, to attain hissh ;;t-lived power, jiiggles them out of their dearest rights? 
In one ca.-e.the people are the victiins of power, in the other, they are the victims of 
tneir ov/n excited and unwary prejudice; and in both, the people are the victims^ 
and human rights the prey. 

A mercenary prens is the veh'cle of such corruptions and such abuses. The 
people alone possess corrective power. While they will continue to patronize 
such jouriials, and pay ior being duped, it is well tliey should be timely warned that 
the consequences will ultima'eiy fall upon thosK who are the primordial abettors of 
the evil. The avidity with which subjects of temporary expediency are discussed, 
while the weightier matters of tiie iaw.jubtice, judgment and mercy are overlooked, 
riiust argue to every discerning, candid i\vn(\, that something is radically wrong. — 
ll'imin rights must not bo investigated a^ the south — slavery is tiiere — at the norths 
tiilTerent reasons are assigned in diiierent sections — in one, the reason is decisive — 
(iur trade is with the south — in rnotiior, we have applied for a bank, rail road or canal 
charier, and we fear it would affect our interest in the legislature, or such discussion 
may aiTect the election of a favorite candidate ; and thus poor human rights are 
scouted from tiie land. Wiiiie we would not object lo a due attention to local in- 
stitutions and public improvement, we would eay, that when these are weighed 
in the balance against human rights, they shrink into airy nothing. As was obser- 
ved, the people alone possess the remedy. Tiierofore let patrons look v.-ell to the 
character of the journals they sustain. For wijen the public press of this nation 
shall labor as zealously to expose tiie wrongs of outraged huma'dty, and vindicate 
the inalienable rights of man, as ihey now do to obtain local advantage*, promote 


party prejudices and party purposes, public sentiment will spontaneously announce 
the year of jubilee to all whom God hath made of one blood, throughout our wide 

While we remember the mighty obstacles abolitionists were called upon to en- 
counter, when, two or three years since, with but a solitary exception, no paper 
espoused the cause of the suffering and the dumb — when scarce a voice within the 
borders of this mighty nation, pleaded for God's suffering poor — when the sympa- 
thies of this people were lavished upon the oppressed in every quarter of the globe, 
except our own — when a cruel prejudice steeled the heart of man against his fel- 
low, and priest and people, with one consent, conspired, without remorse, without 
rebuke, to brutify tlie image of their God, and to pronounce that a thing, which 
God pronounced a soul — when we remember these things, and now behold state 
and county and town societies abounding and multiplying on every hand, the press, 
the pen, the human voice beginning to assume the trumpet tone and show the peo- 
pie their transgrebsions, we feel to magnify the Lord, and to exclaim, "what hath God 
wrought !" VVe cannot fail to remind you of that wondrous overruling Providence 
which hath made the machinations of our opponents one of the greatest means of 
furthering this cause, and of doing what abolitionists had tailed to accomplish — that 
is, of awakening the entire people of this nation to the diirgers entailed on us by 
slavery, thereby showing unto man again and again, "that the Lord is wonderful in 
conned and excellent in working;" that "He see' h not as manseeth,"and tliat even 
'♦ the wrath of man shall praise him, and the remainder of wrath He will restrain." 

J03L\II ANDREWS, Chairman Ex. Com. 




John Simons, 
Joel A. Simons. 


Bamuel A. Warner, 

Levi Loo mis. 


James Clark, 
Harvey Butler, 
John Boyington, 
Wm. W. Smith, 
Joaiah Piersoiis. 


Austin Wilcox, 
Janries Gibson, 
Luther C. Pie.-sons, 
n. D. Gifford, 
Abner Hull. 


J. B. Halsted, 
Daniel Huntiigton, 
Hinsdale Gilbert, 
H. N. Andrev's, 
D. G. Huntington, 
John Corkins, jr. 
Rassel Corkir;s, 
•Cornelius Ne viand 
Caleb Palmer, 

John S. Sayles, 
L. M. Cook, 
James H, Sisson, 
J. D. Landon, 
..U. Lucas, 
J. B. Wilcox. 


il. W. Lyman, 
\bel Jackson, 
Kllnathan Wing. 


James Parsons, 
Jesse Elliot, 
Gzra Scovcl, 
Nathan Merrill, 
M. C. VVatkms, 
Nathan Miller, 
Abner Whitney, 
E. A. Thompson, 
Chauncey Parsons, 
Seth Vv^.' Payne, 
James Thorn psoa. 


Daniel Bailey, 
S. G. Williams, 
Jsaac Cole, 
J. Reyno, 
[S. M. SloaQo 


C. H. Stratton, 
P. S. Church, 
.John Lamboilon, jr. 


R. M. Smith, 
John Dunning, 
J. M. Billoo, 
W. C. Cole, 
Anson Card, 
Jehiol Towner, 
Tilly Parker, 
Jason Lewis, 
John Wood, 
Josiali Doolittle. 


Charles Richardson 
John G. West. 
N. Wolcott, 
Seth Tozier, 
C. Bryant, 
Milo Warner, 
Myron Warner. 


Martin O. Coe, 
Samuel Grannis, 
Loring Pratt, 
Timothy Clark, 

VIbert Elmore, 
Charles Grannis, 
Seth M. Gates, 
Cyrus Thompson, jr. 
H;uds Chamberlain, 
Jacob Newman, 
Abner Dodge, 
r. W.Thompson, 
Samuel R. Clifford, 
ilenry Brewster, 


Robert B. Jackson, 
Henry Selden, 
f]etij. Martin, 
Newell Payne, 
Simeon Houghton, 
Russel Pratt, 
Lucius Thatcher, 
T. S. Vriedenburgli, 
Morgan Stanley, 
Elliott Stanley. 


Gnos Pomeroy, 
James Keys, 
Joseph Elliot, 
Talcott Howard, 
B. W. Brown, 
W. B. Webb, 


Ednumtl Covell, 
A. \V. Baker, 
Enos li. Rice, 
•^ Smith. 


Craig Cowdin, 
C. Jennison, 
Robert Frazer, 
Truman Lewis, 
Oliver Hoisington, 
Simeon Morse, 
Royal Crossett, 
C. M. Ballad, 
Joseph Head, 
David Lewis, 
Harvey Case, 
Aretemas Mahan, 
M. B. Crossett, 
Dexter B. Johnson 


C. Freeman. 


S. H. Gridley, 
Mark Andrews, 
Moses McKee, 
Jos. S. Lamb right, 
AloDzo Bincjham, 
Samuel J. Adams, 
Samuel Taylor, 
V/illiam Kay, 
John K. Ruot, 
iSamuel VYaido, 
Richard Buel, 
Isaac Mace, 
E'.ezer Sheldon, 
Jabez Ward, 
John G. Wasliburr 
Horace Goodell, 
Wilder Silver, 
William Goodell, 
Joseph Tufts, 
C. O. Buddington, 
Robert Patter^^on, 
A'vHJi Lapham, 
O. }L Gardner, 
Rodney AtvvooJ, 
J. Lathrop, 
Charles Briggs, 
Z. A. Rawson, 
John Maccann, 
Joseph E. Irish, 
Ansell Burr^ 
Israel Charnberlain, 

H. P., 
Peter Patterson, 
Silas Rawson, 
Harvey Riggs, 
Robert Adams, 
Josiah Andrews, 
H. Bingham, 
J. Cossett, 
E. Bathrick, 
S. F. Phcenix, 
L. G. Tufts, 

D. G. Foster, 
H. Piioenix, 

E. Brainaid, 
A. M;itteson, 
\V. Purdv, 

L Giff n-d, 
3. Lacy, 
J. Cilkins, jr. 
I. Moffiit, 
D. Calkins, 
William Butler, 
H. Brown, 
T. Carr, 
N. Clute, 
J. Sleeper, 
A. Purdy. 


R. F. Howes, 
Syltnari B. Tallman. 
C. C. Gales, 
Gli Merrill, 
Georgq H. L-ncoln 
Joseph Butrick, 
f. D. Olds. 


Luther A. Baker, 
[y/man P. Judson,' 
rljsea Muss, 
Smery Curtiss, 
^.Stepaen Ives. 


! Isaac C. Bronson, 
\?.C. D. M'Kay, 
{William Patterson, 
!A. Merrill Barnett, 
1 1). B. Loder, 

R. L. Hurlburt, 
jSamuel Porter, 

C. E. Fksher, 

Milo Allen, 

J. P. Fislier, 

IJ. M. Safford, 
L. W. Savage, 
A. W. Younir, 
J. A. Hadley, 
David Young, 
P. B. Parrey, 
Stephen Lemon, 
Levi Spencer, 
Silas Kidder, 
William Buxton, 
I. N. Phelps, 
Robert Barnett, 
Frank Miiler, 
R. Chapin, 
kViliard Chapin, 
Israel Hodge, 
Edwin Pend.eton, 
Charles Butler, 
Caauncey K'mbl", 
D.ivid Barnett, 
Henry Broadbrook, 
Juh-.i W'udsor, 
Prentice Pendleton, 
Orson H lugh, 
Arden Woo J ruff, 
Roderick Chapin, 
Jonathan Hurlburt, 
Dan Martin, 
Fred'k Nicholson, 
l^zra Walker, 
Peter Young, 
Leonard C. Tuthill, 
Zora Tanner, 
Jonathan Smith, 
E iwin Painter, 
David Marti !i, 
Srephen Siiipman, 
Charles Shipnnn, 
Benj. S'lipman, 
.■5miin Sjovel, 
Cliphalot Scovel, 
Gurdoii Armstrong, 
'L?wctt Kenny, 
Salmon Kenny, 
John Fisher, 
Samuel Salisbury, 
W. M. Buxton, jr. 
A. VV. Morey, 
F. II. Marshall, 
Augustus Frank, 
Abraham Eanis, 
Stephen Porcer, 

Ward Childs, 
Seth Gates, 
Jerrod Knapp. 
William R. Knapp, 
El IS ha Gates, 
David Fargo, 
John Chapin, 
John Munger, 
Jabez B. Nobles, 
Henry Woodward, 
Roswell Gould. 
Benj. F. S'loldo-!, 
Knos B. Holmes, 
Horace Holhster, 
John Crocker, 
John Morris, 
Zera Tanner, jr. 
WJliam Webster, 
Thomas Painter, 
Mivor Martin, 
Stephen Mattoon, 
Abraham Gregg, 
James Carter, 
Samuel Woodward, 
Jonathan Hoyt, 
vVareham Walker, 
fe.a-ic AUlerm-^.n, 
Timothy Edwards, 
Orin Vosburgh, 
S. Roberts, 
B. G. M'Kay, 
Daiiel Lee, 
David Bottsford, 
Alien Fargo, 
Reuben Nichols, 
B-rney Rugglcs, 
John Tripp, 
James Crandall, 
William Raymond, 
L. Warren, 
Stephen Hatch, 
J. R. Smith, 
J. F. Hibbard, 
Palmer Fargo, 
J. Ci'oss, 
D. Smith, 
Dm iel Lee, 
Josiah Hovey, 
A. Kenny, 
Perrv Hodge, 
Wiilmm Taylor, 
Levi Walker, 
Wm. Shipman. 


HUNTINGTON LYMAN, Assent Am. A, S. Society- 


Rev. Mr. SLY, Rifra. 

Rav. Mr. SALMON, Angelica.