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Full text of "Proceedings of the first three Republican national conventions of 1856, 1860 and 1864"

LINCOLN ROOM 

UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 
LIBRARY 




MEMORIAL 

the Class of 1901 



founded by 

HARLAN HOYT HORNER 

and 
HENRIETTA CALHOUN HORNER 




OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS 



OF THE 



NATIONAL REPUBLICAN CONVENTIONS 

OK 

1856, 1860, 1864, also 1892 and 1896. 



The Secretary of the Republican National Convention at Minneapolis in 1892 
was directed to prepare and have published the Proceedings of the first three Repub- 
lican Conventions, viz.: Of the years 1856, at Philadelphia; 1860, at Chicago, and 
1864, at Baltimore. The volume also includes proceedings of the antecedent National 
Republican Convention held at Pittsburgh in February, 1856, as reported by Horace 
Greeley, a most valuable reprint, and a sketch of the earliest Republican organization 
on record. 

Copies may be obtained as follows: 

PRICES: 

Proceedings of 1856, 1860 and 1864, included in one volume, cloth binding, 

postage prepaid, $ 2.00 

Ten copies by express, ---- $12.00 

Proceedings of 1892, bound in cloth, single copy, postage prepaid, - $ 1.50 

of 1892, ten copies, paper covers, by express, - $10.00 

of 1896, bound in cloth, single copy, postage prepaid, - $ 1.50 

Discount to the trade. 
All orders may be addressed to 

CHAS. W. JOHNSON, Secretary, 
Hotel Berkeley, 

MINNEAPOLIS, MINN. 
HARRISON & SMITH, Publishers, 

MINNEAPOLIS. 



PROCEEDINGS 



OF THE 



Republican National Conventions* 



OF 



1856, 1860 AND 1864, 



INCLUDING PROCEEDINGS OF THE ANTECEDENT 
NATIONAL CONVENTION HELD AT PITTSBURG, 
IN FEBRUARY, 1856, AS REPORTED BY 
HORACE GREELEY. 



PUBLISHED AND COPYRIGHTED BY 

CHARLES W. JOHNSON, 

MINNEAPOLIS, MINN. 



THE PROCEEDINGS. 



THESE proceedings are published under the authority of the 
following resolution: 

Resolved, That the Secretary of the Convention prepare a full 
report of the Republican National Conventions of 1856, 1860 and 
1864, and cause them to be sold at the cost of printing-, and a 
similiar arrangement shall also be made for the publication of 
the Proceedings of this Convention. 

Adopted June 10, 1892. 

CHAS. W JOHNSON, 

Secretary. 



CO1PYRIQHT, 
18Q3. 



MINNEAPOLIS, MINN.: 

HARRISON & SMITH, PRINTERS. 
1893. 



\ 



THE EARLIEST ORGANIZATION OF RECORD. 



Hon. Lewis Clephane, of Washing-ton, D. C., has furnished the 
compiler with a pamphlet on the " Birth of the Republican Party," 
in which the claim is broadly made that the initiatory proceedings 
towards the organization of the Republican party were com- 
menced by the Republican Association of Washington in 1855, 
and led up to the February convention in Pittsburg in 1856. 

The compiler does not assume thus to settle the question 
of origin, for there are several other claimants in a general way, 
for the honor ; but he submits an abridgment of Mr. Clephane's 
pamphlet as an introduction to the reports of the conventions that 
follow, for the very good reason that no other authentic record 
has been accessible, relative to the inauguration of the great 
Republican organization which carried the nation through a 
civil war> and preserved the Union of States, and which has 
administered the government for the greater part of the last 
thirty years. 

THE WASHINGTON REPUBLICAN ORGANIZATION. 
On the 19th of June, 1855, a small club was organized in Wash- 
ington and issued the following as its platform: 

DECLARATION, PLATFORM AND CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLICAN 
ASSOCIATION OF WASHINGTON, DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

Whereas, by the repeal of the eighth section of the act for the 
admission of Missouri into the Union, the Territories of Kansas 
and Nebraska have been opened to the introduction of slavery, 
and all the compromises, real or imgiriary, upon that subject, are 
thus violated and annulled, and deep dishonor inflicted upon the 
age in which we live: 

Now, therefore, in co-operation with all those throughout the 
land who oppose this and other similar measures, which we deem 
to be contrary to the spirit of the Constitution, and which are 
designed to extend and perpetuate slavery, we do associate our- 
selves together, under the name arid title of THE REPUBLICAN 
ASSOCIATION OF WASHINGTON, D. C. 

And we adopt the following as our political Platform, to wit: 

FIRST. That Congress possesses no power over the institution 
of slavery in the several States; but that, outside of State juris- 



4 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

diction, the constitutional power of the Federal Government 
should be exerted to secure LIFE, LIBERTY and HAPPINESS to all 
men, and therefore, 

SECOND. There should be neither slavery nor involuntary servi- 
tude, except for the punishment of crime, in any of the Territories 
of the United States. 

THIRD. The people are the rightful source of all political power; 
and all officers should, as far as practicable, be chosen by a direct 
vote of the people. 

FOURTH. Candidates for political offices should be men of un- 
doubted integrity and sobriety, and pledged to support. the prin- 
ciples of this Platform by all lawful and constitutional means. 

No president was elected at that meeting 1 , but efforts were made 
to induce Hon. Francis P. Blair, Sr., to accept the presidency. He 
declined. 

On Jan. 17, 1856, there was published and circulated largely by 
the Washington Association an appeal to the country to organize 
clubs, as follows: 

A CIRCULAR TO THE FRIENDS OF THE REPUBLICAN MOVEMENT 
THROUGHOUT THE UNITED STATES. 

REPUBLICAN ROOMS, WASHINGTON, D. C. Jan. 17, 1856. 

Dear Sir. The undersigned have been appointed a committee, 
on the part of the association, whose declaration, platform and 
constitution accompany this, to address a circular letter to our 
Republican friends, urging upon their attention the importance 
of immediate and thorough organization of clubs or associations, 
somewhat similar to our own, in every city, town, and village in 
the Union. 

The power and influence of these organizations cannot be over- 
estimated by the friends of freedom. They are all important to 
carry on a political campaign, and it will be a matter of impos- 
sibility to compete \vith those arrayed against us in the approach- 
ing contest without them. They are the most powerful and only 
efficient means for bringing out. concentrating, and making 
known our true strength. They will serve to rally the people, in- 
spire them with confidence and enthusiasm, and furnish the 
information necessary to expose and fairly meet the sophistry 
of pro-slavery demagogues. We have seen the power of these as- 
sociations fully manifested in recent elections. Let the friends 
of freedom learn wisdom even from their enemies. We go into 
the contest as a new and untried party, opposing old and well- 
organized parties sustained and backed by Government patronage 
or bound together by old partj" ties. We must compel these 
parties to show where they stand on the only great issue now be- 
fore the countrj r Slavery or Freedom. We must force them to 
array themselves on one side or the other of this question, and 
consider every man who is not openly and avowedly on the side 
of freedom as against it. How, then, is this to be done, unless 
the friends of freedom are themselves united? And how can they 
be better and more efficiently united than by these org-anizationsr 

Again we recommend prompt organization. If there be but six 
persons in your town who sympathize with you in this move- 
ment, organize with these six. Do not despair. If a Republican 
Association can be put in successful operation in Washington 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, I860, 1864. 5 

City, under the immediate frown of the National Government, and 
in a city dedicated to slavery, where is there the city, town, or 
village, in the North, East, or West, that cannot do likewise? 

We appeal, sir, to you, to make this a personal duty to set about 
at once bringing- the friends of the Republican Movement together, 
for the purpose of organization on a platform similar to the one 
which- accompanies this, and which you will find so liberal on the 
slavery question that every man, who is not entirely wedded to 
slavery and its interests, may stand upon it, without its interfer- 
ing with any of his former party predilections. 

And now, a word as to the association we represent. You will 
perceive in the 4th and 5th articles of the Constitution its main 
object. We propose to act in concert with the Republican Mem- 
bers of Congress, and all Associations that may be formed 
throughout the States, similar to our own, as a "National Com- 
mittee," for the dissemination of political information among the 
masses. We have taken a Hall in a central position, established 
a Reading-room for the benefit of our visiting Republican friends, 
and have made arrangements for the issue in pamphlet form of all 
important speeches that may be made during the present Con- 
gress. We have also engaged the services or a very competent 
German translator, with the intention, should the means be af- 
forded, to have many of the speeches translated into the German 
language. 

It must be apparent to you that the comparatively few who 
compose this Association cannot contribute all the funds neces- 
sary to carry on so important a work; nor can the Members of 
Congress, who always expend large sums in the publication 
of their speeches, be expected to meet all the demands of a Presi- 
dential campaign, however liberally disposed they may be. It is 
often desirable to distribute hundreds of thousands of copies of a 
single speech, or other publication, which, of course, cannot be 
done without considerable expense. 

How, then, is this expense to be met, and how are these speeches, 
&c., to be circulated? Simply through the active exertions of 
these proposed organizations, in collecting and forwarding funds 
and names for that purpose. The Administration part}' are al- 
ready at work. Every office-holder is regularly assessed to meet 
the expenses of the campaign. We have no such facilities, nor do 
we desire any such. Our aid must come from the voluntary con- 
tributions of the people. Will any doubt for a moment the utility 
of scattering broadcast over our land such documents and 
speeches as will have a tendency to enlighten the public mind on 
all those exciting questions which will more or less engross their 
attention during the approaching important political crisis? We 
think not. 

We have every facility here, through our Republican friends in 
Congress, of issuing speeches and other documents, at the least 
possible expense; and by the voluntary labors of the members 
of the Association in directing, and the co-operation of Members 
of Congress, we hope to have the people fully supplied with the 
right kind of political reading matter. 

We have therefore to request that, should you organize a Re- 
publican Association, or should there be one already in existence 
in your place, you will urge upon its members the importance 
of at once collecting funds for the purpose of procuring and dis- 
seminating the proper kind of documents among the masses, 



6 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

either by your Association or our " National Committee." These 
speeches and documents can be directed, singty, to such names 
as you may send us, or they can be put up in packages and sent 
to any one person (free of postage), to be by him distributed, as 
may best suit the parties ordering. 

We also particularly make the following requests: 

1. That the names of the officers of each Association formed be 
sent us, as speedil}- after its organization as possible, and, when 
practicable, the number of its members. 

2. That a list be made out, and forwarded, of all persons in your 
vicinity to whom it may be desirable 1o forward speeches and 
other documents not only friends of the cause, but persons of all 
parties and marking, opposite each name on the list so sent, to 
which of the political parties the individual belongs, that we may 
send documents adapted to each particular case. These lists will 
be entered in books to be kept for that purpose by our Associa- 
tion, and suitable documents will from time to time be sent them. 

3. Much good might be accomplished by each Association 
regularly corresponding with the one here, giving information 
relative to the state of things in their several precincts, or general 
political intelligence. 

In conclusion, and even at the hazard of being considered im- 
portunate, let us again urge the importance of an immediate and 
thorough Organization. 

Yours truly, 

DANIEL R. GOODLOE, 
H. S. BROWN, 
LEWIS CLEPHANE, 

Committee. 

Jg^Address, "L. Clephane, Secretary Republican Association, 
Washington, D. C." 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 



THE PITTSBURGH CONVENTION. 



THE FIRST CALL. 

A call for a National Convention was issued January 17, 1856, for 
a meeting- to be held at Pittsburg, Pa., on the22dday of February, 
1856. 

WASHINGTON, D. C., January 17, 1856. 
To the Republicans of the United States: 

In accordance with what appears to be the general desire of the 
Republican Party, and at the suggestion of a large portion of the 
Republican press, the undersigned, chairmen of the State Repub- 
lican Committees of Maine, Vermont, Massachusetts, New York, 
Pennsylvania, Ohio, Michigan, Indiana and Wisconsin, hereby 
invite the Republicans of the Union to meet in informal Conven- 
tion at Pittsburg, on the 22d February, 1856, for the purpose of 
perfecting the National Organization, and providing for a Na- 
tional Delegate Convention of the Republican Party, at some 
subsequent day, to nominate candidates for the Presidency and 
Vice-Presidency, to be supported at the election in November, 
1856. 

A. P. STONE, of Ohio. 

J. Z. GOODRICH, of Mass. 

DAVID WILMOT, of Pa. 

LAWRENCE BRAINERD, of Vt. 

WILLIAM A. WHITE, of Wis. 

Pursuant to this call the Pittsburg Convention assembled. 

On the evening of February 21st an informal meeting of dele- 
gates to the Convention was held in the parlors of the Monongahela 
Hotel, Pittsburg, for the purpose of a preliminary arrangement 
of the Convention. After consultation, it was decided to select 
one man from each state, and request them to meet at 8 o'clock 
next morning. 

After some difficulty the following gentlemen were gathered 
together: Owen Lovejoy, of 111.; Hon. William Dennison, of Ohio; 
Edward D. Morgan, of New York; Geo. K. S. Bingham, of Michigan; 
J. W. Stone, of Boston, C. M. K. Puleston, of New Jersey, and Lewis 
Clephae, of Washington. At that meeting a plan for the organ- 
ization of the Convention, including the selection of Hon. Francis 
P. Blair, Sr., for president of the convention was adopted, and 
Owen Lovejoy was selected to open the Convention with prayer. 



8 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

HORACE GREELEY'S DAILY AND MAIL REPORT TO THE 
NEW YORK TRIBUNE. 



(Compiled from files of the New York Tribune, by courtesy of Hon. WHITE- 
LAW REID.) 

THE LATEST NEWS RECEIVED BY MAGNETIC TELEGRAPH. 

PITTSBURG, Thursday, Feb. 21, 1856. 

The Republican Convention tomorrow will be far more numer- 
ously attended than was anticipated. Delegates from twelve 
states and the Territory of Minnesota are already here with Mr. 
Wood, from Kansas. There is a free conference this evening. 
Francis P. Blair will probably be president. Joshua R. Gidding-s 
and Wm. Allison are the only Members of Congress I have yet 
seen, but there are many ex-Members. Maryland and Kentucky 
are the only Slave States as yet represented, but a Delegate from 
Missouri is expected. Nineteen Delegates from New York, in- 
cluding all who left the City yesterday morning, are present. 
The general desire is to act firmly, but prudently. H. G. 

SECOND DISPATCH, 10 P. M. 

An informal preliminary meeting of Republican Delegates has 
been held this evening and largely attended. Lieutenant-Gov. 
Bingham, of Michigan, presided. Mr. Wood, of Kansas, was 
among the speakers. A meeting of Republican editors is now 
assembling at the St. Charles. The Convention will organize at 
ten to-morrow morning. H. G. 

To the Associated Press: 

A large number of the Delegates to the Republican Convention 
arrived here to-day and among them are Joshua R. Giddings and 
D. F. Kimball, of Ohio, Gov. Bingham, of Michigan, and Horace 
Greeley, of New York. 

The convention will be one of the most important ever held 
here. 

An informal meeting of delegates takes place this evening to 
arrange preliminaries. 

THE LATEST NEWS RECEIVED BY MAGNETIC TELEGRAPH. 
'The Republican Convention Editorial Correspondence of the N. Y. Tribune. 

FIRST DAY, 

PITTSBURG, Friday, Feb. 22. 

The Republican Convention is very numerously attended, all 
the Free States being represented, with citizens of Maryland, 
"Virginia, South Carolina, Kentucky and Missouri. John A. King 
"was elected President pro tern. Francis P. Blair is permanent 
President. There were brief speeches this morning by Messrs. 
Greeley, Giddings, Gibson, of Ohio, Codding and Lovejoy, of 
Illinois, and others. A strong Committee on Address and Reso- 
lution was appointed. More delegates are announced by telegraph 
as on the way. All is enthusiasm and harmony. H. G. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 9 

SECOND DISPATCH. 

The Republican Convention has. completed its first day's ses- 
sion, and has accomplished much to cement former political dif- 
ferences and distinctions and here to mark the inauguration of a 
National party, based upon the principles of Freedom. The 
gathering- is very large and the enthusiasm unbounded. Men 
are acting in the most perfect harmony and with a unity of feel- 
ing seldom known to political assemblages of this magnitude. 
The body is eminently Republican in principle and tendency. It 
combines much of character and talent, \vith integrity of purpose 
and devotion to the great principles which underlie our Govern- 
ment. Its moral and political effect upon the country will be 
felt for the next quarter of a century. In its deliberations every- 
thing has been conducted with marked propriety and dignit}^. 
The appointment of the Hon. F. P. Blair as President was hailed 
with unbounded enthusiasm. 

The scene which followed was exciting beyond description. 
Cheers went forth and handkerchiefs were waved for some 
minutes after he took his seat as presiding officer. The great 
Hall has been crowded throughout the day and during the even- 
ing. Hundreds went away because it was not possible to gain 
admittance. The day has been principally occupied by the Com- 
mittees in preparing their reports and by the Delegates in Com- 
mittee of the Whole in listening to speeches from eminent 
gentlemen who represent the several States. Among the most 
effective speeches of the occasion is one made by Mr. Remline, 
of Cincinati. It was pointed and eloquent and was received with 
much applause. The speaker has until recently been a supporter 
of the Administration. He is now thoroughly Republican. The 
Committee on Address will not report until to-morrow morning. 
The business of perfecting a National organization will come up 
to-morrow forenoon. Adjourned. H. G. 



SECOND DAY. 

PITTSBURG, Saturday, Feb. 23, 1856. 

The Convention met at 9 o'clock. In the absence of the Presi- 
dent, who was in attendance at a meeting of the Committe on 
Address and Resolutions, Mr. Sherman, of New Jersey, took the 
chair at the opening of the session. A great part of the morning 
was spent in speaking. Mr. Arney, of Illinois, stated that as the 
various committees were not ready to report, the time of the Con- 
vention might be occupied by addresses, and he moved that one 
delegate from each state represented be invited to speak, each one 
being limited to ten minutes. The motion was adopted, and 
Mr. Stone, of Massachusetts, presented the condition of parties in 
that state, affirming that the number of Republicans was increas- 
ing. Mr. Bunce, of Connecticut, said there was no Republican 
party in that state, but he hoped that there soon would be. He 
pledged Connecticut for them atthe coming Presidential election. 
Mr. Burrough, of New York, noticed the gentlemen had been 



10 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

speaking for several states. He had but a short history to relate. 
He (Bunce) had said all we had to do was to go home and enjoy 
victory. He (Borrough) wished it was so in New York. We have 
many organizations embittered against us to overcome before we 
can succeed. To be successful we must exercise prudence. It i 
easy to make a small party on the Slavery question. To do this 
we can purchase Gerrett Smith's patent right; but to establish a 
large party, we must make concession. He thought a large por- 
tion of the American part} 7 could be brought over to their cause. 
Mr. Clephane, of the District of Columbia, spoke commendingly 
of the efforts of the Washington Republican Association. Gov. 
Bingham, of Michigan, read a long letter from Cassius M. Clay to 
the Washington Association commending the Republicans pre- 
sent. 

Dr. Gazzam, of Pittsburgh, spoke briefly of the progress of Anti- 
Slavery in this quarter. He invited the Members of the Conven- 
tion to attend the Kansas Aid meeting to-night. 

The Committee on Organization, through their Chairman, Mr. 
Julian, oi" Indiana, made a report. It recommended the following 
National Executive Committee: 

Morgan, of New York, Chairman; Fogg, of New Hampshire; 
Banks, of Massachusetts ; Brainard, of Vermont; Niles, of Con- 
necticut; Chase, of Rhode Island; Stone, of Ohio; Leland, of Il- 
linois; Spooner, of Wisconsin; Clephane, of District of Columbia; 

Paulison, of New Jersey; , of Delaware; Wilmot, of 

Pennsylvania; Blair, of Missouri; Field, of Kentucky; Stephens, 
of Iowa; Gross, of Indiana; Dickie, of Michigan; , of Vir- 
ginia; Blair, of Mary and. 

The report further recommended that the National Executive 
Committee be authorized to add to their number one Member 
from each state not represented, and to fill vacancies; also the 
holding of the National Convention for the nomination of Presi- 
dent and Vice-President at Philadelphia, on the 17th of June, to 
consist of Delegates from each state double the number of their 
representation in Congress, and that the Republicans of each 
state be recommended to complete their organization atthe earliest 
moment, by the appointment of State and County Committees, 
and the formation of clubs in every town and township through- 
out the land. The Committee on Address and Resolution re- 
ported, through their Chairman, Abij ah Mann, of New York. The 
Address commences by expressing unalterable attachment to the 
Union, and a determination to preserve it; at the same time it 
recommends all true Republicans to oppose further extension 
of Slavery. It should be kept where it now exists. 

A history of the various acts of the General Government re- 
garding Slavery was given, and an account of the recent doings 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 11 

in Kansas. Congress has a constitutional right to exclude Slavery 
from territories. It has no right to confer popular soverignty 
on Kansas and Nebraska, thus giving away its own authority over 
territories. The Address calls upon all Republicans to support 
the Constitution against the assaults of its enemies, and recom- 
mends energetic measures for the election of candidates for the 
Presidential Convention. 

The resolutions are in substance as follows: 

First. Demands repeal of all laws allowing the introduction 
of Slavery into Territories once consecrated to Freedom, and the 
resistance by constitutional means of the existence of Slavery in 
any Territory. 

Second. Support by all lawful measures the Free-State men in 
Kansas in their resistance to the usurped authority of lawless 
invaders, and favors its immediate admission into the Union as 
a Free State. 

Third. Strongly urges the Republican Organization to resist 
and overthrow the present National Administration, as it is 
identified with the progress of the Slave power to national su- 
premacy. 

On motion of Mr. Spaulding, of Ohio, the address and resolu- 
tions were adopted with nine cheers. 

Mr. Remelin, of Ohio, said the address should have taken ground 
against the Know-Nothing, in order to bring in the German 
population. 

Mr. Bond, of South Carolina, moved that a Committee of Safety 
be appointed to meet any emergency that may arise in case of 
conflict in Kansas with the Federal troops. 

A motion that the proceedings be printed in pamphlet form, 
and circulated, was adopted. Thanks to the officers of the Con- 
vention and the citizens of Pittsburg were voted and the Conven- 
tion adjourned. 

Sine die 



12 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 



REPUBLICAN MASS MEETING. 



PlTTSBURG, Saturday, Feb. 23, 1856. 

A large mass meeting- was held here to-night to aid the emigra- 
tion to Kansas, of those who feel determined to use every means 
to secure the establishment there of a Free State, and to aid such 
of the present inhabitants of Kansas as have declared themselves 
against what is termed lawless aggression and unconstitutional 
coercion. George W. Jackson was the President of the meeting, 
and D. D. Eaton Secretary. The proceedings of a former meeting 
were read and approved and a constitution adopted. 

Horace Greeley addressed the meeting. He recounted the diffi- 
culties which sorrounded settlers in Kansas and said that we 
must do all we can for them. He hoped they would be so well 
armed there, that no fighting would be necessar3\ There was no 
fear of the Kansas Free settlers being the aggressors. He recom- 
mended those who wish to hew out an honest competency to go 
and settle in Kansas, assuring them that it was destined to be a 
Free State. 

The Hon. Geo. Darsie and Wm. E. Stevenson were then appointed 
to receive subscriptions. 

Mr. Wood, from Kansas, was called to the stand. He said he 
rejoiced at this demonstration to-night. It proved that the young 
sister " Kansas," was not forgotten. He had resided in Kansas 
for eighteen months and had within that period seen armed 
hordes of Missourians ten thousand of them headed by prom- 
inent men of the United States, such as Colonel Doniphan, Colonel 
Young, Vice-President Atchison, and others. He concluded by 
telling many anecdotes of the braver}- of the men and women 
of Kansas. 

Mr. Redpath, of Missouri, followed, and in a short speech denied 
the assumption that the mass of the people of Missouri were 
parties to the outrages in Kansas. 

Mr. Bailej', of Kentucky, was called for, but declined making a 
speech, when Mr. Sinclair, of Michigan, took the stand and made 
a few remarks. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 13 

He was succeeded by theJRev. Mr. Chandler who saidhe believed 
with Mr. Greeley, that Sharp's rifles were very great peacemakers, 
and that there was not much danger of introducing too many into 
Kansas. Although I am cowardly as to my person, yet if pent up 
in Kansas, I believe I would feel inclined to be shot rather than 
to swear to support their laws. I never saw so much insult in any 
document as in the proclamation of President Pierce. But the 
President did not write that document. Caleb Gushing wrote 
it, for no other man in the nation could embody so many lies in 
the same space. Should a drop of blood be spilled in the pursu- 
ance of that proclamation, the Administration would be politic- 
ally buried beyond the power of resuscitaion. The people of 
Kansas needed aid, and needed it now, or never. He had fearful 
forebodings as to the future conditions of the citizens of Kansas. 
He (CJiandler) had seen over half a century of years, but he was 
ready, should it come to the worst, to doff his black cloak, don a 
laced one, and battle in their behalf. 

Mr. Newson, of Minnesota, followed. He said Minnesota had 
earnestly been waiting to see if an outbreak would occur in Kan- 
sas. If it did, Minnesota would do good work in the cause of 
Freedom. He (the speaker) was ready to volunteer to fight against 
the oppressors of Freedom in Kansas. 

Mr. Ashley, of Virginia, next made a short speech, in which he 
stated he was in favor of the plan published in The National 
Era for the settlement of Kansas. 

Adjourned. 



14 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 



THE CALL FOR THE NOMINATING CONVENTION. 



The Convention appointed an Executive Committee to call a 
convention for the nominating of candidates to be supported for 
the offices of President and Vice-President of the United States. 
The Committee met in Washington on March 27, 1856, for that 
purpose; and so important was the wordiugof that call regarded, 
so as to offend no one and draw in from the ranks of all parties, 
that two days were spent in session at Willard's Hotel in prepar- 
ing the call for the nominating convention. The call was as 
follows: 
To the People of the United States: 

The People of the United States, without regard to past political 
differences or divisions, who are opposed to the repeal of the Mis- 
souri Compromise, to the policy of the present Administration, 
to the extension of Slavery into the Territories, in favor of the 
admission of Kansas as a free State, and of restoring the action 
of the Federal Government to the principles of Washington and 
Jefferson, are invited by the National Committee, appointed by 
the Pittsburg Convention of the 22d February, 1856, to send from 
each State three delegates from every Congressional District, and 
six delegates at large, to meet in PHILADELPHIA, on the 
seventeenth day of June next, for the purpose of recommending 
candidates to be supported for the offices ot President and Vice- 
President of the United States. 

E. D. MORGAN, New York, 
FRANCIS P. BLAIR, Maryland, 
JOHN M. NlLES, Connecticut, 
DAVID WlLMOT, Pennsylvania, 
A. P. STONE, Ohio, 
WILLIAM M. CHASE, Rhode Island, 
JOHN Z. GOODRICH, Massachusetts, 
GEORGE RYE, Virginia, 
ABNER R. HALLOWELL, Maine, 
E. S. LELAND, Illinois, 
CHARLES DICKIE, Michigan, 
GEORGE G. FOGG, Newhampshire, 
A. J. STEVENS, Iowa, 
CORNELIUS COLE, California, 
LAWRENCE BRAINERD, Vermont, 
WILLIAM GROSE, Indiana, 
WYMAN SPOONER, Wisconsin, 
C. M. K. PAULISON, New Jersey, 
E. D. Williams, Delaware, 
JOHN G. FEE, Kentucky, 
JAMES REDPATH, Missouri, 
LEWIS CLEPHANE, Dist. of Columbia. 

National Committee. 
WASHINGTON, March 29, 1856. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 15 

PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL REPUBLI- 
CAN CONVENTION 

HELD AT PHILADELPHIA, JUNE 17th, 18th AND 19th, 1856. 



The delegates elected to the Convention, pursuant to the call 
of the National Committee appointed by the Republican National 
Convention, held at Pittsburg on the 22d of February, 1856, as- 
sembled at the Musical Fund Hall, in the city of Philadelphia, on 
Tuesday, 17th June, 1856, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon. 

The assemblag-e was called to order by the Hon. Edwin D. 
Morgan, of New York, Chairman of the Republican National 
Committee, and addressed by him as follows: 

Delegates of the Convention, Representatives of the Heart and 
the Hope of the Nation: The day and the hour appointed for this 
gathering have arrived ; and in behalf of my associates of the 
National Committee, I now call this vast assemblage to order, in 
doing which I may be indulged for a moment. You are assembled 
for patriotic purposes. High expectations are cherished by the 
people. You are here to-day to give direction to a movement 
which is to decide whether the people of the United States are to 
be hereafter and forever chained to the present national policy 
of the extension of human slaver}-. Not whether the South is to 
rule, or the North to do the same thing; but whether the broad, 
national policy our fathers established, cherished and forever 
maintained, is to be permitted to descend to her sons, to be the 
watchword, the text and the guiding star of all her people. Such is 
the magnitude of the question submitted. In its consideration, 
let us avoid all extremes plant ourselves firmly on the Platform 
of the Constitution and the Union, taking no position which does 
not commend itself to the judgment of our conciences, our 
country, and of mankind. Of the wisdom of such a policy, there 
need be no doubt ; against which there can be no successful 
resistance. I now propose to nominate for temporary chairman 
of this Convention, a distinguished citizen of the State of New 
York, whose name occupies a high position in the history of his 
country, known and honored throughout the United States. I 
nominate the Hon. Robert Emmet. [Tumultuous cheering.] 

The question being taken 011 the nomination of the Hon. Robert 
Emmet, of New York, for temporary President of the Convention, 
was responded to by an unanimous "aye ;" and Mr. Morgan as- 
signed Moses H. Grinnell, of New York, and George Hoadley, Jr., 
of Ohio, to conduct the temporary President to the chair. 

Mr. Emmet was conducted to the chair amid the moat tumul- 
tuous applause, and addressed the Convention as follows: 
SPEECH OF JUDGE EMMET. 

Gentlemen, Delegates to the Republican Convention: I feel 
deeply the honor which you have just conferred upon me, arid I 



16 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN- 

return you my sincere thanks for it. Certainly it is owing- to no- 
merit of mine that I have been sing-led out for this compliment. 
Nothing- beyond the zeal which I feel in the common cause that 
has brought us here together could possibly entitle me to it. 
[Cheers.] And in that respect I claim not to be behind any one 
of you. [Renewed cheers.) I can say that my antecedents have 
been all Democratic. [Cheers.] For fifty years I can consider 
that I have been allied to that party, until that party left the only 
platform upon which I could remain with it. [Loud cheers.] 
Fellow citizens, the formation of a new party in a republic like 
ours, after an existence of eiglity years, is a singular event in his- 
tory, and one that, perhaps, will require explanation at the hands of 
the historian. It is one, however, that can only be j ustified bj r strong 
arid irresistible causes; and the question here is, whether we, in 
organizing this new Republican party in this country, at this 
late day, are justified by the causes which have induced us to 
form that organization. In the early days of this republic, when 
our government was founded, perhaps things were as favorable 
as now for the accomplishment of such an object, and even more 
so than ever existed in any part of the world, in any stage of its 
history. But there was one unfortunate element that created a 
difficulty, and that has been the cause and the source of our 
trouble from that time down to the present. It was early seen by 
the great men of that day, that it was necessary to make some 
provision to prevent that cause of trouble to which I^have alluded, 
and which I will now name out, viz.: Southern slavery [cheers] 
from becoming a cause of still greater evils to the country. 
Without exception, all the great men of that day foresaw and pre- 
dicted that slavery, although it could not be summarily and 
suddenly abolished, would die out in this country. All acknowl- 
edged that it was an evil. All acknowledged that it was the 
policy of the country gradually to get rid of it. That was the 
policy of that day. That policy led to the adoption of what was 
called the Missouri Compromise. Fellow citizens, I feel that it is 
out of place in me or in any delegate occupying the situation of 
temporary chairman here, to enter largely into these matters, 
because we are now in a process of transition to a state of organi- 
zation, and it is not perhaps properly in place for me to go into a 
full statement of all the matters which are to be the subject of 
discussion here, and therefore I shall endeavor to be as brief as 
possible, and I beg your forbearance if I make any mistake in. 
that respect, and that you will pass over any errors which I may 
commit in going beyond the line which properly ought to be 
prescribed to me in my present position. [Cheers.] I say that 
the Missouri Compromise was adopted in 1820 as the only measure 
that could give peace to this country. Slavery was here. It 
existed in the Southern States. It was not the wish either of the 
South or the North at that time that it should come into the free 
States, that it should come further than where it was. Now, I 
grant that if possibly all were slaveholding if there was no such 
element of discord if there was no antagonism between slavery 
and freedom in this county, it might be a paradise it might be 
a paradise with all slaveholding States, though not such a para- 
dise as I would like to live in [cheers]; but, in its way, the elements 
of discord would not exist there. That, however, was not possible. 
Freedom, fortunately, had the larger share here, and Freedom 
would never permit Slavery to absorb her up, and to engross the 
whole of this fair territory. [Cheers.] What was to be done, then? 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 17 

We could not make all the Southern States free at once. We had 
then to draw a line; and let it be understood that it was by that 
line the Missouri Compromise slavery was to be limited, and 
that it should never extend north of it. Well, gentlemen dele- 
gates, that compromise was respected, honored, lauded, upheld 
by all the people of this country until, unfortunately, a demagogue 
found his way into her councils, [loud applause,] who undertook 
to break down that solid compact, entered into between the States 
of this Union, for purposes intended to prevent the very conse- 
quences which have followed from its repeal. Why, gentlemen, 
the incursion into Kansas was the logical result and effect of the 
repeal of the Missouri Compromise. What else could have been 
expected? [Cheers.] All the horrors that have aroused this 
country, as they have existed in Kansas since the irruption of the 
Missouri borderers there, may be traced directly and logically to 
that act. We are now met, then, for the purpose of resisting, and, 
if possible, of subduing the power and influence of the administra- 
tion and the party to whom we are indebted for all those evils. 
[Loud cheers.] They have met at Cincinnati ; they have been 
beforehand with us. The great Democratic party of this country 
a name which, independent of the late acts of the party, I have 
always honored and have always looked up to till I ceased to be- 
long to it that great party calling itself the Democratic Party, 
has met and adopted their platform. And a worse platform for a 
Democratic platform I never read. [Loud cheers and laughter.] 
They repeat the cant about squatter sovereignty. Squatter 
sovereignty! what is it? Is it the popular will? If it is, it is a 
political syllogism. It is the popular will that must govern 
everything in this country. But the popular will might be exer- 
cised by the people when they are in a state of organization to do 
it. That is the meaning of the "exercise of the popular will." 
But squatter sovereignty, as applied to a Territory, is a fallacy, a 
delusion, and a snare. It was the extension of the great principle 
of "popular will" through this quaint idea of squatter sovereignty 
for the purpose of making it applicable to the condition of the 
Territory, and for the purpose of enabling, through that delusion, 
the quasi-squatters from Missouri, who came in there with their 
bowie-knives and revolvers, to control the elections, to say, "We 
are for the time being the sovereigns, and will not only control 
the elections, but we will make laws, bloody in their character, 
like the laws of Draco, to rule this Territory for ever. [Loud 
cheering.] Well, they adopted that platform, and they nominated 
as their candidate, James Buchanan. Now, gentlemen, I have 
known Hon. James Buchanan for forty years and upwards, inti- 
mately ; and I say here, that some of the dearest and most 
cherished recollections of my life are connected with my associa- 
tions with him. I would defend his personal character if assailed. 
But his political character if I were not in deadly hostility to 
that, I would not be here. [Loud cheers.] I do not complain 
of Mr. Buchanan because he has been a politician by profession 
from the time he became a man. There is nothing dishonorable 
in a man's being a politician by profession I do not say "by 
trade." [Laughter and applause.] And although he is already in 
the field, I do not blame him for having been a Federalist once. 
[Renewed cheering.] And for having said in the enthusiasm of 
the moment (he was a young man at the time), that if he thought 



18 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

he had one drop of Democratic blood in his veins, he would let it 
out. [Laughter and cheers.] That would do exceedingly for a 
Fourth of July oration to an audience assembled like that, and at 
that time. But I do blame him in that, after he had expressed his 
opinion in regard to the Missouri Compromise, after he had bowed 
in adhesion to it, as every patriot of the day did, yet when he 
found certain men of his party breaking down that fabric of 
liberty, he had not strength enough to resist. I blame the Hon. 
James Buchanan for having shown a want of firmness, a want of 
self-reliance, a want of adhesion to principle, and an over-zealous 
devotion to party in several acts of his life. And I take his very 
last act: his adhesion to this spurious platform of Democracy at 
Cincinnati. I ask no more than the very words in which he has 
sent in that adhesion, or in which he has expressed it, in his 
answer to the committee who waited upon him at Wheatland. 
He acklowledges that he is no longer James Buchanan, a free 
agent, with the right of expressing whatever will or opinion he 
may have of his own; but that he is bound to that plattorm, and 
to every plank of it, and that he has no right or power to remove 
or alter one plank of it an admission that he has allowed himself 
to be chained to the Juggernaut of Slavery, and that he allows 
himself to be dragged headlong by it. [Loud cheers.] I make all 
allowance, fellow citizens, for the impossibility of a man in this 
country, who is a politician, who is a party man, of hishaviughis 
own will, and carrying it out in all respects. It is, I allow, im- 
possible. The very theory of our popular Government, by party, 
is the concession of the minority to the majority. Every man 
must concede something. No man can have everything in the 
arrangement of public affairs precisely as he would wish. But I 
do not understand how a man should, after the lapse of two or 
three years, make such a complete summer-set as my friend James 
Buchanan did on the subject of the Missouri Compromise, and 
tumble himself headforemost into the Cincinnati platform with 
as little scruple as he did. [Cheers.] Fellow citizens, I am afraid 
I am tiring you with this discursive ramble. [Loud cheers, and 
cries of "Goon! goon!"] I came here because my duty required me 
to come. My conscience told me that if I was able to get to 
Philadelphia I was bound to be here. [Cheers.] I appreciated 
the honor that was conferred upon me in being nominated a 
delegate, and I do now say, we being all assembled here, that no 
man in any country can boast at this moment of a higher position, 
or one more dignified, than that of a delegate holding a seat in 
this Convention. [Loud cheers.] We are here for noble and high 
and holy purposes. They may laugh at us. They may call us 
Black Republicans and Negro-Worshippers. Why, if the} 7 were 
not traitors and buffoons, they would find something better than 
that to apply to us. [Cheers and shouts of " That's it!"] They 
may say that we mean to concentrate and gather under our wings 
all the odds and ends of parties all the isms of the day. Be it 
so. Let them come to us with all their isms. We will merge 
them all in that great ism. patriotism. [Rapturous and prolonged 
cheering.] How can it be otherwise than that the Republican 
Party, represented here as it is, should combine in itself elements 
from the other parties that have existed in this country? How 
can it be otherwise? I ask. We find a large number of Democrats 
here who have woke up, like myself, on the subject. [Cheers.] In 
1848 I was simple enough to believe that some of the Democratic 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 19 

Party in the State of New York some of the shining- lights 
some of the leading powers of the party, were going to lead us 011 
to that point of perfection in politics that we always hope to attain 
that they formed a party that we could follow conscientiously. Well, 
we had a platform at Buffalo. I gave in my adhesion to it, and I 
confess I have seen no reason to change the grounds on which I 
gave that adhesion, from that day to this. [Cheers.] I was content 
to be called a Free-Soiler then. I am content to be called a Free- 
Soiler now. [Cheers.] Nay, more, fellow citizens, I am proud 
of it. [Renewed cheers.] And if there was not another single man 
in the community, over all the broad expanse of the country, who 
would avow himself a Free-Soiler, I would do it, and will do it 
to the day of my death. [Tremendous cheering.] I despise nick- 
names in politics. You call a man an Abolitionist. For what? 
Because he thinks that slavery should be abolished? No, cer- 
tainly not, for he will say he himself thinks it ought to be abol- 
ished. What, then, do you mean by an abolitionist? Oh, a 
political abolitionist? [Cheers and laughter.] And that is the 
way a nick-name is conferred. Now, I say this boldly, and I have 
no doubt that the hearts of my hearers at this moment respond 
to it; there is not a man an honest man, who understands his 
own rights, and the rights of others who respects the immortal 
Declaration of Independence who does not hope to see the day 
not a hope perhaps which can be realized within the time allotted 
to any of us but hopes to see the day, when such a thing as human 
bondage shall not exist in the world. [Vehement and long-con- 
tinued cheering.] That is an honest abolitionist. [Renewed 
cheers.) That is the abolitionism which I avow, and which I am 
not ashamed to avow [Loud cheers.] I trust that day will come. 
I am not for convulsing our country with efforts to force it to 
forestall it. Let God in his good providence bring it when it is 
right and proper that it should come. In the meantime, 
are we to suffer from the existence of this evil? Are we to be para- 
lyzed in our Free States here by those Slaveholders wielding all 
the power in the country, filling up every office, sending in their 
man invariably for President, making their men our Judges, 
sending their nominees away as our foreign Ministers, and, when 
we remonstrate, telling us, "Yes, doughfaces, we are doing that ; 
we will do that; we intend, if you rebel, to subdue you to crush 
you put!" [Cheers.] Men of the East, to you this taunt has been 
particularly directed ; to you has this threat been made. I ask 
you you who represent the blood that was shed at Lexington, at 
Dorchester Heights, and at Concord are you prepared to submit 
to such a taunt as that? [Loud shouts of "No! no!"] To such an 
insult? [Reiterated shouts of " No! no!"[ To such a slur 
upon your political energy? [Continued cries of " No!"] No, 
I am sure you are not. But, fellow citizens, let us not get excited 
upon this point. [Laughter.] We come to treat Slavery not as a 
moral question. And let me be understood as emphatically sug- 
gesting the propriety of keeping up that distinction. Slavey is, 
so far as our functions are concerned with it, a political evil; and 
we do not come here to discuss whether, according to the great 
abstract principles of right and wrong, the laws of God and the 
behests of the Bible, Slavery be right or wrong. Whether it be 
moral or immoral, it exists here among us, and we must manage 
it as well as we can. We must repress it. We must prevent it 
from being, as its nature always urges it to be, aggressive. [Loud 



20 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

cheers.] We must keep it back. If we cannot restore the Missouri 
Compromise line by an act as solemn', and a great deal more 
honest as an act of legislation than the act by which it was re- 
pealed, we must find some way to do it. At this moment, the fires 
of civil discord are raging in Kansas. At this moment, that 
doomed portion of our Territory is suffering all the consequences 
from that act. Would to God that we had the power of enabling 
them by a more summary process than the election of a President 
to get rid of their present evils! [Loud cheers.] And I am not 
without hope, fellow citizens, that that process is going on even 
now, [cheers,] and that we will get cheering news from Kansas 
yet. In the meantime, let us proceed, great party as we are, con- 
stitutionally. Let us proceed to nominate a man as our candidate 
for the office of President, and in doing that let us observe 
what I have already alluded to. Each man cannot have his 
favorite. We come here to make concessions. We come here to 
act in harmony. We come here to act unanimously in the cause, 
as I hope and trust we will. [Cheers.] And although it is natural 
and it is proper that there should be preference for particular 
men, preference for a man is not the true principle upon which 
we should act in this Convention. 

A voice "That's it,'' and cheers. 

We all agree in principle. Our object is victory, and it is a 
legitimate object. It is one which will redound \vith benefit to 
the country; at least we think so. If we succeed in defeating the 
nomination of the Democratic party and electing our President, 
it would take infinitely more words than I could bestow on it, and 
more than you, perhaps, would be willing to spend in listening 
to it, to enumerate all the blessings that would flow from it. All 
agreeing in principle, then, and all having one high, noble, 
patriotic purpose in view, I invoke and call upon the members of 
this Convention not to let their personal predilections for one 
candidate more than another interfere with an exercise of the 
general will of the Convention, founded upon the best informa- 
tion we have, founded upon the best lights that can shine upon 
us at present in regard to the availability of the man who is to 
lead us to victory. [Cheers.] Let us, then, fellow citizens, proceed 
to the good work; and I trust that the result will be that we will 
strangle this hydra of the Union which is now menacing our 
liberty and our peace; that we will extirpate this canker that is 
eating our very vitals, and extinguish the smouldering fire of 
treason and disunion that is under our feet at this moment, and 
which may burst forth in an instant and swallow up all the fair 
liberties which have been our boast and pride since the establish- 
ment of this Republic. [Cheers.] We are met here to avert and to 
prevent those consequences. We have a high duty to perform, 
and I am sure that at the close of this Convention the people will 
say with one acclaim, "Well done, good and faithful servants." 
[Voiceferous and prolonged cheering.] 

When the applause which followed the conclusion of Mr. 
Emmet's address had subsided 

On motion 

Mr. George G. Fogg, of New Hampshire, and Mr. Thomas G. 
Mitchell, of Ohio, were appointed temporary secretaries of the 
Convention. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 21 

The Rev. Albert Branes, of Philadelphia, by request, invoked 
the Divine blessing upon the assemblage and its proceedings. 

Mr. A. P. Stone, of Ohio, offered the following resolution: 

Resolved: That a committee, consisting of one delegate from 
each State and Territory represented in this Convention, be select- 
ed by the delegates thereof, who shall act as Committee on Cre- 
dentials, Rules and Appointment, and report the number, names 
and post office address of each delegate, together with rules for 
the government of the Convention. 

The question being taken on the resolution, the same was unan- 
imously adopted ; and on calling the roll of the States and Terri- 
tories, the following gentlemen were announced by the Chairmen 
of the several State delegations, as members from the States 
respectively. 

THE COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS, ETC. 

Maine, Mark H. Dunnell ; New Hampshire, William M. Weed ; 
Vermont, David E. Nicholson ; Massachusetts, Simon Brown ; 
Rhode Island, Edward Harris ; Connecticut, Charles L. English ; 
New York, Elbridge G. Spaulding; New Jersey, Dudley S. Gregory; 
Pennsylvania, S. Steele Blair; Delaware, Lewis Thompson; Mary- 
land, Elias Hawley; Kentucky,Tames R. Whittemore; Ohio, L. B. 
Gunckel ; Indiana, Charles H. Test ; Illinois, I. D. Arnold ; Michi- 
gan, George A. Coe; Iowa, J. W. Sherman; Wisconsin, L. P. Harvey; 
California, Charles A. Washburn; Kansas, S. N. Wood; Minnesota, 
John B. Phillips; District of Columbia, B. B. French. 

Hon. Daniel Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, offered the following 
resolutions: 

Resolved: That a committee of one from each State and Terri- 
tory represented be appointed to prepare and report for the action 
of the Convention a platform of principles to be submitted to the 
people of the United States; that the member from each State be 
named bv the delegates thereof; and that all resolutions or papers 
offered in Convention in relation to such platform be referred to 
the committee thus appointed, without debate. 

Resolved: That the said committee be requested to report at the 
earliest practicable moment, and that no ballot be taken for 
President or Vice-President until after the Platform is reported 
and adopted by the Convention. 

Mr. John Bigelow, of New York, suggested that action upon 
these resolutions ought properly to be deferred until after the 
report of the Committee on Credentials had been brought in and 
acted upon. 

Mr. J. M. Ashley, of Ohio, said that the seats of none of the mem- 
bers appearing as delegates to this Convention were contested. 
The Convention was harmonious. He urged immediate action 
upon the resolutions. 

A motion to amend the first resolution, so as to provide for two 
members of the committee from each state, instead of one, was 
put and lost. 



22 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Mr. B. B. French, of the. District of Columbia, offered an amend- 
ment to the first resolution, to the effect, that the same should 
provide for one member of the committee " from each State and 
Territory represented, instead of from each State," which 
amendment was accepted by the mover of the resolutions ; and 
the question being taken on the resolutions, as amended and 
above recited, the same were unanimously adopted. 

On calling- the roll of the States and Territories, the following 
gentlemen were announced as selected to constitute 

THE COMMITTEE ON PLATFORM: 

Maine, Henry Carter; New Hampshire, Daniel Clark; Massa- 
chusetts, E. Rockwood Hoar ; Connecticut, Thaddeus Welles ; 
Rhode Island, Thomas Davis ; Vermont, Edward Kirkland ; New 
York, Preston King [great applause]; New Jersej', Edward W. 
Whelpljr ; Delaware, Edward G. Bradford ; Maryland, Francis P. 
Blair; Pennsylvania, David Wilmot [applause] ; Ohio, Joshua R. 
Giddings [loud applause]; Michigan, Isaac P. Christiancy ; Wis- 
consin, John F. Potter; Indiana, John D. Defrees; Illinois, George 
T. Brown ; Iowa, James B. Howell ; California, John A. Wills ; 
Kansas, J. M. Winchell ; District of Columbia, Jacob Bigelow ; 
Kentucky, George D. Blakely; Minnesota, Alexander Ramsey. 

Mr. F. D. Kimball, of Ohio, offered the following resolution: 

Resolved: That a committee of one from each State and Terri- 
tory represented be selected by the several delegations to report 
officers to this Convention for its permanent organization. 

The resolution was unanimously adopted, and, on calling the 
roll, the following named gentlemen were announced as selected 
to compose the 

COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 

Maine, George M. Weston ; New Hampshire, Levi Chamberlin; 
Massachusetts, George R. Russell ; Connecticut, Charles Adams ; 
Rhode Island, William Hoppin; Vermont, Ryland Fletcher ; New 
York, George W. Patterson ; New Jerse3', William D. Waterman ; 
Delaware, Thomas Walters; Maryland, Elias Hawley ; Pennsj-l- 
vania, Samuel A. Purviance; Ohio, George Hoadley, Jr.; Michigan, 
Thomas J. Drake ; Wisconsin, M. M. Davis ; Indiana, D. G. Rose ; 
Illinois, Cyrus Aldrich ; Iowa, R. L. B. Clark; Kansas, Charles H. 
Branscomb, Kentucky, John Rimell; California, George W. Read; 
Districtof Columbia, Lewis Clephane; Minnesota, John B. Phillips. 

Mr. John G. Bergen, of New York, offered the following resolu- 
tion, which was unanimously adopted: 

Resolved: That the daily meetings of this Convention be opened 
with prayer, and that the officers of the Convention make the 
necessary arrangements to that effect by invitations to the clergy- 
men of the citj'. 

Dr. George Harris, of Maryland, offered the following resolution: 

Resolved: That a committee of one from each State and Terri- 
tory represented in this Convention be appointed by the several 
delegations respectively to report the name of one person from 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 23 

each State and Territory to constitute the Republican National 
Committee for the ensuing- four years such committee, when ap- 
pointed, to elect their own chairman. 

On taking- the question, this resolution was adopted. 

On motion, the selection of the committee provided for by the 
resolution was deferred until to-morrow morning-. 

General John J. Viele, of New York, offered the following reso- 
lution: 

Resolved: That the gentlemen in attendance upon this Conven- 
tion, representing- the radical Free-Soil Democracy of New York, 
be invited to take seats as honorary members of this Convention. 

Gen. Viele said that there was a delegation here from the 
Council of One Hundred of radical Democrats of New York, who 
had seceded from the Democratic party in that State. They were 
the friends of Silas Wright. [Cheers.] They are the men who 
can trace their Democratic pedigree to Tompkins and Clinton ; 
but notwithstanding that, they cannot and will not consent to be 
harnessed to the car, nor be dragg-ed behind the Jug-g-ernaut of 
slavery. [Great applause.] I move, sir, that in compliment to 
that body of men, who, in 1848, rolled up a Free-Soil vote of 121,000, 
these representatives be invited to take seats here as honorary 
members. [Applause.] 

Hon. John Allison, of Pennsylvania, said there was present in 
the city a large number of delegates to the Pennsylvania Repub- 
lican State Convention, who were awaiting- the action of the Con- 
vention, and he hoped they would be admitted to seats in the hall. 

The New Hampshire and other delegations declared their will- 
ing-ness to give up their seats, or hold those who wished to be 
admitted in their laps, rather than that they should be excluded. 

Judge Hulbert, of New York, said that inasmuch as a motion had 
been made to admit the delegation from the Council of One 
Hundred from New York a delegation from those who were the 
friends of Silas Wright a man in whose tombstone there would 
be more force a century hence than there was in the myrmidons 
at Washington friends of a man who had declared that, with his 
consent, the army of the United States should never be used to 
put slavery into Territories where it did not already exist he 
hoped it would be passed; and that all others who had declared 
in favor of the principles of the party represented by the Conven- 
tion would be admitted if possible. [Applause.] 

The Maine delegation here declared that notwithstanding- the}' 
had travelled a long way to attend the Convention, they would 
give up their places rather than that the delegation from the 
"Council of One Hundred" should not have a place in the hall. 

On taking the question upon the resolution of Gen. Viele, the 
same was triumphantly adopted. 



24 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

On motion, the Convention took a recess until four o'clock this 
afternoon, the various committees appointed at this session in the 
meantime to proceed with the discharge of their duties. 

AFTERNOON SESSION. 

TUESDAY, l^th June, 1856. 

The Convention reassembled, pursuant to adjournment, at four 
o'clock in the afternoon. 

Hon. Robert Emmet in the chair. 

Reports of Committees having been called for, the Committee 
to recommend officers for the permanent organization of the Con- 
vention, by George Hoadley, Esq., their Secretary, presented the 
following report: 

The Committee on Permanent Organization report the following 
list of officers for the Convention: 

President, Col. Henry S. Lane, of Indiana. 

Vice-Presidents Maine, Anson P. Morrill ; New Hampshire, 
Amos Tuck; Vermont, Heman Carpenter; Massachusetts, Charles 
Francis Adams ; Rhode Island, Jacob D. Babcock ; Connecticut, 
Chauncey F. Cleveland; New York, John A. King; New Jersey, 
Joseph C. Hornblower ; Pennsylvania, Joseph Ritner ; Delaware, 
Samuel Barr ; Maryland, Francis S. Corkran ; Kentucky, George 
D. Blakey ; Ohio, Noah H. Swayne, Rufus P. Spaulding ; Indiana, 
John Beard ; Illinois, William B. Archer ; Michigan, Kinsley S. 
Bingham; Wisconsin, Walter D. Mclndoe; Iowa, Francis Spinger; 
California, Francis B. Folger; Kansas, Samuel C. Pomeroy ; Min- 
nesota, Alex. Ramsey; District of Columbia, Jacob Bigelow. 

Secretaries District of Columbia, Benjamin B. French ; Maine, 
James G. Elaine; New Hampshire, Daniel Blaisdell ; Vermont, 
Levi Underwood; Massachusetts, Charles R. Train; Rhode Island, 
Henry Howard ; Connecticut, Edgar S. Tweedy ; New York, Isaac 
Dayton ; New Jersey, Henry Race ; Pennsylvania, Robert P. Mc- 
Knight, A. S. Raymond; Delaware, Benj. T. Bye; Maryland, Jacob 
Fussel ; Kentucky, William S. Bailey ; Ohio, A. Sankey Latty ; 
Indiana, W. G. Terrell ; Illinois, George Schneider ; Wisconsin, C. 
C. Kuntz; Iowa, Wm. P. Brazelton; California, George M. Hanson; 
Kansas, R. G. Elliott; Minnesota, J. B. Phillips. 

All which is respectfully submitted. 

SAMUEL A. PURVIANCB, Chairman. 
GEORGE HOADLEY, JR., Secretary. 

On motion of Mr. Daniel H. Tompkins, of New York, the report 
of the committee just read was accepted, and the gentlemen 
named by the committee were unanimously chosen the permanent 
officers of the Convention. 

On motion, the Hon. George W. Patterson, of New York, L. J. 
Churchfield, Esq., of Ohio, and the Hon. Samuel A. Purviance, of 
Pennsylvania, were appointed a committee to conduct the Hon. 
Henry S. Lane, of Indiana, President of the Convention elect, to 
the chair. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 25 

Amid vociferous cheers for the Hoosier State. Mr. Lane was 
conducted to the chair of the Convention, and, when silence had 
been restored, addressed the Convention, in substance, as follows: 

SPEECH OF PRESIDENT LANE. 

Friends of Freedom and Freemen The honor they conferred 
upon him transcended the ambition of the most deserving man 
in the Convention, and, from his inmost soul, he thanked them 
for the honor they had done to the gallant little State to which he 
belonged. The occasion was one of vast importance, and the time 
was propitious ; it was the anniversary of the battle of Bunker 
Hill. [Applause.] They had gathered in sight of Independence 
Hall, with all its glorious revolutionary recollections. They 
were almost beneath the shade of those noble trees, under whose 
young boughs their fathers gathered to institute a new, a liberal, 
a free Government. [Applause.] They were assembled during 
one of the most important crises that had ensued since the days 
of the revolution. That day inaugurated a new era in American 
politics. It inaugurated a new era the resurrection of the North. 
[Great applause.] Being a stranger in the city, he had experienced 
some difficulty in finding the place of meeting; but, while looking 
about, he discovered the flag of the Union floating from the house- 
top, and, knowing that the only National Party in the country 
would be likely to gather beneath its ample folds, he had come to 
it, and found his friends. [Applause.] But a word as to the 
objects for the attainment of which they had come together. 
They had gathered from a sense of a common danger. [Applause.] 
That was what had brought them together ; and, consequently, 
they were there, forgetting their former party ties, for the com- 
mon good of all, and because of their sacred love of liberty. 
[Applause.] He had, in all probability, as much difficulty in 
breaking from his old party associations. He had been an humble, 
but earnest and admiring follower of the gallant and glorious 
Henry Clay, of Kentucky. [Applause.] But from the time that 
he heard the Nebraska-Kansas swindle had been consummated, 
he had left the gallant Clay in his tomb, to follow principles 
which require the active support of all true men. [Applause.] 
Ah! when that act was perpetrated, how evident was it that Henry 
Clay was in his tomb! The name of Kentucky was not heard in 
clarion tones against the wrong. 

A voice "She will be heard yet." [Applause.] 

The speaker continued: Yes, he believed she would soon be 
heard. But a word as to the business of the Convention. First 
and most important before them was the vital principle of the 
Republican part}- the principle which they had met to sustain- 
no more slave States, and the admission of Kansas as a free State. 
[Applause.] For that they were told that they were doing more 
than they had a right to do that such a movement was moment- 
ous. What, he would ask, what foundation had our fathers 
what guide had they when they gathered in Independence Hall 
and declared for freedom? Why, rights which belong to man, 
rights that were born with man. [Great applause.] When the 
great compromise was completed, it was said that all agitation 
on the subject of slavery would cease. And so it was, until a set 
of heartless, brainless demagogues Douglas and the rest dis- 
turbed it. [Applause.] And he called God to witness that he 
designed, and he hoped that all designed to meet the issue like a 



26 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

man. Such scenes had been enacted in Kansas as demanded 
from every freeman all his efforts against those who would perpet- 
uate the principles of those who had disturbed that great compro- 
mise. Scenes had been enacted there which would have disgraced 
the revolutionary times of France, which would have disgraced 
the worst days of the middle ages. These things had been done 
in the middle of the nineteenth century, and done through the 
connivance of the present weak and wicked administration. The 
press a free press had been destroyed, and ruffians from the 
border of Missouri had gone over and given freemen bad laws, 
written in the blood of the freemen who were settlers there. Take 
a case from his own State. A young man had gone from there to 
Kansas with his wife and children. He had been stricken down 
because he had declared for freedom. His children were now 
friendless, for his wife was wandering about a maniac; and we 
were told that when we endeavored to prevent these things we 
were revolutionary- If we were, it was a revolutionary feeling 
sanctioned by God, and which all good men must follow. In that 
territory the ballot boxes had been destroyed, and officers and 
laws had been forced upon freemen. And what of the laws? 
Why, they declared that if you spoke or published anything that 
encouraged freedom you would be imprisoned in the penitentiary. 
If you took a copy of the Constitution or of the Bible and read it 
there, you would be imprisoned, for both were anti-slavery docu- 
ments. [Applause.] They had all heard that the Missouri Com- 
promise was intended to pour oil on the troubles of the nation, 
with reference to the subject of slavery. The Democratic party 
had declared they would not touch it. But what .have they done? 
And again, what had the}' done at Cincinnati? Why, with an ef- 
frontery that bordered on sublimity, the} 7 had again declared 
that they would not touch it. [Great applause.] Their declara- 
tions were like Dead Sea fruit pleasant to the eye, but that turned 
to ashes on the lips. Now, he would say a word concerning James 
Buchanan. He had nothing to say against him personally, but 
he had much to say against his multitude of antecedents. When 
a young man, Mr. Buchanan was a federalist, and when the last 
flag of federalism floated at Lancaster, in Pennsylvania, Mr. 
Buchanan's was the last hand that held it there. His conversion 
was sudden, but the light that shone upon him was light from 
heaven. It was a peculiar light, received during the administra- 
tion of the hero of New Orleans. [Applause.] They were told, by 
way of rebuke, that Henry Clay, had he been alive, would have 
favored the Kansas-Nebraska Act. A slander more foul than that 
had never been perpetrated against him when alive. Had Henry 
Clay been alive, he would have been with the Republican party 
there that day. [Applause.] His first speech made in Kentucky 
was in favor of a gradual emancipation of the slaves. [Applause.] 
And when the Greeks were struggling for freedom, his voice was 
the first to encourage them an call for aid. All his words and all 
his acts were for freedom. [Applause.] Then they were told that 
the great Daniel Webster would have favored it had he been liv- 
ing. It was not for them to call up the spirit of the great departed, 
and therefore he would only say to those who uttered such 
sentiments: let them beware how the}- slandered the dead. [Great 
applause.] They had met there to decide who should be elected 
the standard-bearer, and whenever he should be named let them 
follow the banner, and be sure it would lead to victor}-. [Ap- 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 27 

plause.] They could follow it, for in doing so they would be 
following the banner of the nation. There was no disunion in the 
ranks of the Republican party. It was united. The disunion cry 
came from the South. It was uttered only by demagogues and 
believed by fools. [Applause.] It was uttered by South Carolina 
by the unhung nullifiers there who still have the halter of Gen. 
Jackson about their necks. [Great applause.] They called the 
men of the North abolitionists. If to sympathize with the freemen 
of Kansas, and to oppose the acts of the men from Missouri who 
had invaded that territory was abolitionism, they might write 
"Abolitionist" all over him, and more, when he had died, they 
might write "Abolitionist" on his tombstone. To say that to 
refuse adhesion to the Fugitive Slave bill was treason, was to saj" 
what he did not believe. If it was, they might get their marshals 
ready, for he intended to declare it upon every stump during the 
campaign. [Applause.] On a beautiful evening, in Philadelphia, 
the watch cried, "A beautiful night, and all is well and Lord 
Cornwallis is taken!" [Applause.] And if they were true to their 
duty, in November next, the watchman in Philadelphia would cry 
again, "It is a beautiful night, and all is well and James Buchan- 
an is taken!" [Great applause.] But to have that occur, they 
must work work unitedly and earnestly. Do that, a triumph 
was sure. 

The Vice-Presidents and Secretaries then took their places upon 
the stand, and entered upon the discharge of their duties. 

The Hon Elbridge E. Spaulding, from the Committee on Cre- 
dentials and on Rules for the Government of the Convention, 
presented the following report in part: 

The Committee on Credentials report the following resolution 
in respect to the contested seats from Pennsylvania, viz.: 

Resolved: That B. D. Patengill, Charles D. Cleveland, John F- 
Gilpin, of the first district ; William S. Pierce, William Elder> 
Henry C. Gary, of the second district ; Joseph J. Gillingham. 
Thomas E. Cavender, and Mahlon Dickinson, of the third district- 
and George H. Earl, W r illiam B. Thomas, and Passmore William- 
son, of the fourth district, are entitled to seats in this Convention, 
as delegates from their respective districts. 

The committee further report the following resolutions for the 
government of the proceedings of the Convention: 

Resolved: That in voting for a candidate for President, the 
States be called in their order, and that the chairman of each 
delegation present the number of votes given to each candidate 
for President by the delegates from his State, each State being 
limited in its votes to three times the number of electors to which 
such State is entitled: Provided, that no State shall give a larger 
vote than the number of delegates actually present in the Con- 
vention; 

And Provided: That Kansas shall be considered for this pur- 
pose as a State, with the same electoral votes as any other State 
entitled to only one representative in Congress. 

Resolved: That the same rule shall apply to the nomination of 
Vice- President. 

Resolved: That the rules of the House of Representatives be 
adopted, so far as they are applicable to this Convention. 

All which is respectfully submitted in part. 

Philadelphia', 17th June, 1856. 

ELBRIDGE G. SPAULDING, Chairman. 



28 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

On motion of Mr. Denning Duer, of New Jersey, the report of 
the committee was accepted, and the resolutions were adopted; 
and the gentlemen reported as entitled to seats in the Convention, 
from the State of Pennsylvania, were admitted to seats accord- 
ingly. 

An inquiry having been made as to whether anything was said 
in the report about a two-thirds rule, the President said the sub- 
ject was not attended to, but he supposed Republicans were 
willing to abide the will of the majority. 

On motion of the Hon. George W. Patterson, it was 

Resolved: That the Committee on Credentials be requested to 
report, together with the names of the members of this Conven- 
tion, the post office address of each member, and that the chairman 
of each State delegation be requested to furnish the same to the 
committee. 

On motion, the Hon. Caleb Smith, of Indiana, was invited to 
address the Convention. , 

Mr. Smith was cordially welcomed by the Convention, and 
spoke, in substance, as follows: 

SPEECH OF HON. CALEB SMITH. 

Mr. Smith ascended the platform amid loud applause, and said, 
that although he felt very much honored by this most unexpected 
call, yet he would confess he felt.himself much embarrassed in a 
Convention like this, where were so many gentlemen more dis- 
tinguished than himself; but he could not, injustice to the gallant 
State to which he belonged, refuse to respond to this call to occupy 
their attention for a few moments. They had met here to-day, he 
continued, for a very important object, and the action of this body 
was calculated, in his judgment, to exercise a great influence on 
the future government of this country. This Convention repre- 
sented a party of a character which no political party had ever 
before assumed. We were called upon to vote to consider ques- 
tions not of mere expediency, but questions on the decision of 
which depends the perpetuity of this government and confedera- 
tion. This party was obviously brought together for no ordinary 
purpose. A nation's welfare and continued existence depended 
upon its patriotism. The man must indeed be insensible who 
could not now see the dark cloud which overhangs the horizon 
of our country. He would be the last of those to favor a party 
based on sectional issues, and the calumnies that were heaped on 
this Republicon part}-, as a sectional party, he repelled with con- 
temptuous denial. There never was a party since the days of 
Washington so national in its aim as this, for its object was to 
preserve and extend freedom, and was not freedom national? 
[Cheers.J The South had lately promulgated the view that slavery 
was national and freedom sectional. It was for the Republican 
party to assert and maintain the nationality of freedom and 
extend liberty wherever the flag of our country waves. [Cheers.] 
The Republican party had no desire to interfere with slavery in 
States where slavery already exists. If the slaveholders wish to 
hug their chains in darkness, let them, but they were not to be 
allowed to extend slavery into new territory bought by the com- 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 29 

mon blood and the common treasure of both sections. [Cheers.j 
If they looked back ten years, it would be found that there was 
not then a man north of Mason arid Dixon's line who did not 
recognize and favor Republican principles, and assert the power 
of the general government over slavery in the Territories. But 
men had changed, and times had changed. The nominee of the 
Democratic party was now expected to embody Mr. Calhoun's ex- 
tremest views. Slavery had ever been aggressive, and it had 
swallowed up every party in the South, or brought it into subser- 
vience. Where were now the great Southern Whigs of former 
times? Where was Toombs? 

A voice "In the Tombs." [Laughter.] 

Toombs and all the leading Whigs of the South now acted with 
the Democratic party, because the leaders of that party in the 
North, in their pursuit of the spoils, overlooked everything, and 
were ready and willing to humiliate themselves in the dust before 
the car of slavery, and to consent to be made the instruments of 
perpetuating and extending its rule. [Cheers.] But many of those 
who formerly associated and were identified with the Democracy 
had become disgusted with its cringing disregard of the princi- 
ples of freedom, and enlisted themselves under the banner of 
Republicanism. Civil war was now raging in Kansas, and how 
long, he asked, would the North suffer the contumelies, the in- 
sults, the murderous atrocities that were now being perpetrated 
in Kansas on Northern men, because of their devotion to freedom? 
The only party by which that state of things could be changed 
was the Republican party a party not organized to advance 
the interests of any man or set of men, but to maintain the 
principles of freedom. [Cheers.]" It was a duty of the men of that 
party to unite in nominating a man who should embody and carry 
out their principles, and having nominated him to place him in 
the van, and follow him unhesitatingly into the thickest of the 
fight, which must result in their victorj*. [Loud and continued 
applause.] 

After vehement calls for a great number of gentlemen, Mr. 
Lovejoy, of Illinois, took the platform amid loud applause. 

MR. LOVEJOY'S SPEECH. 

He said: Nations, as well as individuals, have their destiny. 
There often appears on the stage of human action in this world 
individuals who seem to have been designed to fulfill a certain pur- 
pose. The same thing was true in regard to nations. Each had 
a mission which it was intended to perform. The question here 
was, what was the mission? the special destinj-, or as it has 
sometimes been called, the manifest destiny of the American 
nation? He had been gratified to hear it announced by the Presi- 
dent of this Convention, that there was a Providence, a Divine 
Power ruling over all things, and a revelation from that Divine 
Being to man, and that there was a higher law than that created 
by demagogues. [Loud cheers.] The mission of Pilgrim Fathers 
was to exhibit the practicability of a "Church, without a Bishop, 
and a State without a King." And he cared not what may have 
been the creed of the man who drew up the Declaration of Inde- 
pendence the truths it asserted were intended to realize that 
mission, and bore evidence of having been traced under the direct 
influence of a Divine inspiration. [Loud cheers.] And he thanked 



30 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

God that the principles of that declaration were yet warm in the 
great American heart. It declared that Government derived their 
power, not from invading- Border Ruffians, but from the will of 
the governed. What, then, was the mission? The manifest 
destiny of this American people, who from a handful of pilgrims 
on Massachusetts' shore had multiplied to a nation of twenty-four 
millions of men? Was it their destiny to chase niggers? [Cheers 
and laughter.] Was it their destiny to go filibustering over the 
continent, and having' conquered new Territory to plant slavery 
in it? [Loud cheers.] God never designed this nation for such 
objects as that. What, then, was the mission of America? It was 
to maintain and illustrate the self-evident truths laid down in 
that Declaration of Independence. And the question now came 
to us, whether we would fulfill our destiny, by maintaining those 
immortal truths, which we cherish in our hearts. He was glad to 
hear the President declare that if to maintain those rights set 
forth in the Declaration of Independence were abolition, he want- 
ed to have it traced all over him, and should be satisfied to have 
such an inscription as his epitaph. [Laughter.] He (the speaker) 
supposed he was an Abolitionist on the same principle, and this 
was an assertion which he was positive would do no harm, for 
when they were talking about putting that in a platform, he said 
he did not care whether they put it in the platform or not, because 
they would be sure to take the disease in the natural way, and it 
would be broken out all over them before the campaign ended. 
[Laughter and applause.] Now, what was the principle thus set 
up? It was simply the truth that all men had been created equal. 
It was a reaffirmation of that Divine truth which was announced 
ages ago, when the Creator said: "Let us make man in our own 
image." As man was made in the likeness of God, every man had 
an aspiration after the eternal, and was conscious of there being 
a miniature God \vithin himself; and that image must not be 
crushed, however degraded, for God was there. There was a germ 
of immortality there, which at some time, however remote, would 
emerge and shine as a star forever and ever. And it was this 
doctrine of the immortality of the soul that lay at the foundation 
of abolitionism. [Loud cheers.] It might be said that such a 
doctrine would carry us into the slaveholding States. True ; but 
it did not follow that it demanded the exercise of any power save 
a moral one. He was standing here in Philadelphia, and might 
be allowed to quote the saying of Franklin, who asserted that "he 
would go to the verge of the Constitution in favor of freedom." 
But he (the speaker) would not be satisfied with that he would 
jump off the Constitution to promote the same object. If the old 
Shylock came here, whetting his knife on his shoe, he would be 
met by the declaration, that we would stand by the bond however 
hard it was, and that we would give him his pound of flesh, but 
not one drop of blood. [Cheers.] We were to look Slavery in the 
face, as our fathers looked the despotism of the British George in 
the face, and expel it the same way from off free Territories. 
[Cheers.] The slavery talk about sectionality, and all that, was 
the sublimity of impudence. The men who charged the Republi- 
cans with sectionalism \vere themselves going through the 
country crying "Nigger! nigger!" everywhere; and yet when the 
Republican party triumph l he wanted the South to be treated 
justly. Let her have her full share. But the North would stand 
for freedom, and freedom would be maintained. Heretofore this 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 31 

country had been ruled by two hundred and fifty thousand slave- 
holders, and the North had been bowed down like an elephant to 
receive an ass' load, and staggered under their lash. Would they 
consent to that? [Vehement cries of "No! no!"] He felt more and 
felt better [laughter] for this mighty gathering, brought to- 
gether by a common impulse of patriotism, and beating with fhe 
same pulses of liberty, than he had ever felt before. They were now 
preparing for a stern, though bloodless conflict, and Slavery in 
this struggle must go over the precipice. They were afraid that 
they could not carry Pennsylvania. But they had no cause for 
such fear for Pennsylvania would be sure to give them a major- 
ity, under any circumstances; and no matter whether it was the 
son of New York who was to be their choice [loud cheers] or the 
noble son of Ohio, or the gallant Fremont [loud cheers] or that 
venerable statesman, clothed with the ermine that never knew a 
spot he cared not who the standard bearer of the party was. 
They would unite to a man, and carry him triumphantly into the 
Presidential seat. [Loud and prolonged cheering and applause.] 
A motion was again made to adjourn, but a delegate rose and 
moved that Hon. Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, be invited to 
address the Convention. The motion was enthusiastically adopt- 
ed and the honorable gentleman designated ascended the platform 
amid a perfect storm of cheering and applause, again and again 
renewed. 

HON. HENRY WILSON'S SPEECH. 

He said: Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention, I need 
not say that this kind greeting is to me a source of gratification. 
I have been more accustomed to look into the stern faces of foes 
than to meet the glances of friends. [Cheers.] Sir, this convoca- 
tion of the freemen of the United States here to-day is a source of 
gratification to every lover of liberty on the North American 
Continent. [Cheers.] This is not the convention of a party it is 
the assemblage of the freemen of the country of all political 
parties. [Loud cheers.] This, sir, is a convention coming here to 
place in nomination a ticket, around which, we trust, the lovers 
of human liberty all over the country will gather without refer- 
ence to the divisions of the past. Sir, our object is to overthrow 
the Slave Power of the country, now organized in the Democratic 
party of the country. [Loud cheers.] The present administration 
now embodies in itself the organized slave interest of the Repub- 
lic. Mr. Buchanan represents this day the Democracy of Franklin 
Pierce, for he had ceased to be James Buchanan, and must square 
himself to the platform of the party. [Great cheers.] The Demo- 
cratic party, supporting this administration an administration 
that has plunged this nation into a civil war assembled in 
convention, adopted a platform dictated by the slave interest 
of the country, nominated James Buchanan, and he ceased to be 
a Pennsylvania freeman, and must square his conduct by the 
terms and conditions of that platform. [Cheers.] Now, sir, we 
wish to defeat James Buchanan, to overthrow that platform, to 
enthrone Liberty in the Government of this Republic. [Cheers.] 
Sir, the Republican party, young, vigorous, fresh organized for 
liberty, cannot do it alone and unaided. 

A voice "That is so." 



32 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN- 

The old Whigs of the county can make no successful organiza- 
tion to defeat that. The American Party is powerless as an 
organization, alone, to overthrow that power. Independent 
Democrats, men who follow the great doctrines of Thomas Jeffer- 
son, who believe in pure, unadulterated progressive Democracy, 
that embraces in its affections the whole globe this Democracy 
can make no successful effort alone for the overthrow of the Dem- 
ocratic part} 7 ; but, sir, these men can unite and they can defeat 
that party, [loud cheers, and cries of "They will do it!"] and I call 
upon the members of the Republican party assembled here to-day 
to come here in the spirit of a lofty, self-sacrificing patriotism, 
and adopt a policy liberal and generous towards others, and lay 
the foundation for this union of all parties to save this Republic. 
[Loud cheers.] I call upon the Whigs men who believe in the 
words of Daniel Webster that we must seize the first, the last 
and every occasion to oppose the extension of the slave pow- 
er. I call upon these Whigs to stand now by the doctrines 
of that great leader whom they followed so many years. 
[Cheers.] I call upon independent Democrats, on the men who 
have fought the battles of Democracy, but who have fought not 
the battles of slavery who have stood by the Democratic part}', 
but who can follow their black banner no longer to come here 
and unite with us in this glorious effort. Come here and let us 
make a true Democratic party, that shall represent the genuine 
Democracy of America. [Cheers.] And, sir, I ask Americans 
men who profess an exalted patriotism and love of country, and 
broad and expansive nationality I ask them to come here and 
unite with us to save the first principles of American liberty 
free speech, a free press, free soil, free Kansas. [Cheers, and a 
voice "And Freemont."] Then let us, one and all, of all parties, 
forget; and, in the words of Whittier, "Let us forgive forgive, 
unite." [Loud cheering.] And then, gentlemen, coming here in 
this party, willing to sacrifice all our personal feelings, let us join 
with each other, from every State in the Union, and select a can- 
didate round whom we can all rail}', with the hope of winning a 
glorious victory. For myself, I would sacrifice any man and any 
friend on earth to unite American Freemen for the rescue of the 
American Government of the United States from the power of 
slavery. [Loud cheers.] Look now at our friends in Kansas, who 
are periling all of life and of hope who lie down at night with 
the conviction that their little dwelling may be burned over 
them before morning, or they themselves may be murdered 
because they love liberty. I say that when these men are thus 
being sacrificed, it becomes us to sacrifice our personal prefer- 
ences for the cause of human liberty in America. [Loud cheers.] 
Gentlemen, civil war rages beyond the Missouri. This adminis- 
tion of Franklin Pierce has forced that war upon us. Franklin 
Pierce went to the Cincinnati Convention with the light of the 
burning dwellings of Kansas flashing upon his brazen brow. 
[Loud cheers.] He went there with the blood of the murdered 
freemen of Kansas dripping from his polluted hands. [Loud and 
continued cheering.] Aye, that Convention spewed out the thing 
it had used. [Cheers, j It spewed him out, and to-day he has gone 
down too beneath the withering scorn and contempt of the Ameri- 
can people. [Loud cheers.] Then there is Judge Douglas, the 
man who brought forward this repeal of the Missouri prohibition 
of slavery; he went into that Convention with high hopes, and he 



RATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 33 

came out of it with his hopes blasted forever. [Cheers.] The 
Slave Power saw that it had used Pierce all up. [Cheers.] But 
there was not a particle of life, or of strength, or of hope in him, 
and the Slave Power flung him out of the window of that Cincin- 
nati Convention. [Cheers.] The Slave Power knew that Douglas 
had forever blasted himself before the American People, and that 
he never could receive their suffrages. [Cheers.] But the Slave 
Power wanted a tool it wanted the vote of a Northern State, and 
it casts its eye to Pennsylvania and James Buchanan. The 
gentleman, sir, with a glorious name, Judge Emmet, who presided 
over us this morning, [cheers,] told us that Mr. Buchanan had 
once said that if he had a drop of Democratic blood in his veins, 
he would let it out. Well, sir, that is an excellent expression for 
the candidate of a party that has eliminated every Democratic 
principle from its platform. [Cheers and laughter.] We have got 
a Democrat that never had a drop of Democratic blood in his 
veins, because he is undoubtedly a man of truth, and if he had 
had a drop of it in him, it would have been let out. And we have 
got a platform that has not a single Democratic principle em- 
bodied in it. No, not a one. [Laughter and cheers.] And this 
party, calling itself the Democratic Party, now stands before the 
country, and has placed its hope upon the commonwealth of 
Pennsylvania. 

Sir, the gentleman who preceded me said you could not throw 
Pennsylvania away. She must vote with her Northern sister. Sir, 
the freemen of Pennsylvania met this crisis with the boldness 
with which their fathers met the crisis in 1775. Pennsylvania 
will repudiate this son of hers, and give her vote to the nominee 
of this Convention. [Loud cheers.] And, sir, I say that we of the 
East, of the West, and of the Centre States, owe it to our common 
country, and the cause of liberty, to carry every free State in the 
Union for Liberty. [Cheers.] The argument is all ours. The 
moral sentiment of the nation is ours. Everything that sustains 
the great cause is fighting- to-day upon our side. [Cheers.] Our 
brethren who went put with us to carry free institutions beyond 
the Missouri, are being murdered for loving liberty. A Senator 
of a sovereign state on the floor of Congress, for denouncing the 
crime against Kansas, has been stricken senseless on the floor of 
the American Senate. 

A voice "Three cheers for Sumner." [Rounds of vociferous 
cheering, again and again renewed, greeted this demand.] 

A voice " Three groans for Brooks." [A storm of groans and 
yells was elicited in response.] 

Mr. Wilson resumed. We are not only fighting, he said, to save 
Kansas, to make a Free State beyond the Missouri, but we are 
fighting to vindicate freedom of speech in the National Congress. 
[Loud cheers.] I see by telegraphic dispatches from Washington 
that the announcement is made when that question comes up in 
the House the Southern gentlemen are to make threats and per- 
haps to execute them. [Shouts of "Let them dare! let them dare!"] 
Gentlemen, I believe that the men who represent you have made 
up their minds. [Vociferous cheers and cries of ' Good! bravo!"] 
I believe they are firmly resolved to speak their sentiments with 
entire and absolute freedom. [Renewed cheering.] I believe 
they have made up their minds to go where duty requires them 
to go, vote as duty requires them to vote; and I believe they have 
3 



34: THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

made up their minds to defend their persons and their lives 
whenever [tremendous and long cheering] whenever, wherever, 
however, by whomsoever assailed. [Great cheering-.] No, geiitle- 
men, threats will not silence the freemen of the North. We know 
we have behind us fifteen millions of freemen [cheers] we know 
that if we fail in the exercise of our constitutional duties, and in 
defense of our constitutional rights, that gallant and true men all 
over the North will step into our places, and fill them better than 
we can do. [Loud cheers.] Gentlemen, trouble yourselves with 
no anxiety about affairs in Washington. We will take care of our- 
selves. [Thundering cheers.] We want to have it known all over 
the land that the representatives of the Northern freemen are 
ready to take care of themselves in the performance of their duty. 
[Cheers.] But while we make that resolution and adhere to it, in 
God's name, gentlemen of the North, resolve to do your duty and 
to blot out out the Slave Power of the country. [Cheers.] We can 
do it, aye, and I believe in my soul we can do it. [Loud cheers.] 
But I feel here to-day that millions are looking with trembling 
anxiety upon the deliberations of this Convention. Disappoint 
them not, gentlemen, by any petty little interest in the division. 
Consult with each other in candor and in frankness, and then 
nominate a man upon whom you can unite with the most votes, 
and who is true to your principles. [Cheers.] If the bold, gallant 
Fremont is your candidate [enthusiastic cheering] we will 
rally around him the young, the gallant spirits of the Republic; 
if McLean the learned McLean 

A voice "Three cheers for McLean." [Loud and prolonged 
cheering.] 

Another voice "Three cheers for Fremont." [An overwhelming 
shout that almost made the building shake was the response.] 

Mr. Wilson, you are divided now in regard to your cheers for 
Fremont and McLean. After either of them receives your nomi- 
nation I hope there will be no dividing cheers. 

A voice "Take the vote now." 

Several voices " No." 

Mr. Wilson, gentlemen, if you nominate the present speaker of 
the House of Representatives [cheers] the first man who led us 
to victor} 7 , let us, all of us of the North, rally around him and 
sustain the liberty of our country. 

A voice "Three cheers for Banks." [Loud cheering.] 

Mr. Wilson, if you nominate Salmon P. Chase [great cheering] 
one of the foremost men of the Republic let us, all of us, rally 
around him and place him in the Presidential Chair, that he is so 
\vell qualified to fill. And, gentlemen, if in this Convention you 
should place your suffrages upon the foremost statesman of 
America, Wm. H. Seward [three bursts of frantic cheering, wav- 
ing of hats, handkerchiefs, &c,, the whole assemblage rising en 
masse, with which Win. H. Seward's name was received, prevent- 
ed the speaker from proceeding for several minutes.] 

Mr. Wilson, aye, gentlemen, I say this foremost statesman of 
America, and a man fit to lead the movement in which we are en- 
gaged. All of these men I believe to be true, to be reliable, to be 
fully with us in the movements in which we are engaged. And, 
gentlemen, whoever we may nominate from among them or others 
that I name, let us, one and all, unite; for our cause is the cause 
of Libert}- and the cause of Patriotism. Gentlemen, I thank you 
for your kindness and for the attention with which you have 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 35 

listened to the few desultory remarks I have thrown out, and I 
close by saying- that the freemen of the North have a right to 
govern this country, and we have assembled here to-day to take 
the Government of the Republic and to be the party of the Con- 
stitution, of the Union of union, of law, of order, and of property. 
[Tremendous cheering, amidst which the honorable gentleman 
resumed his seat.] 

On motion, the Convention adjourned till to-morrow, Wednes- 
day morning, at ten o'clock. 



SECOND DAY'S PROCEEDINGS. 

PHILADELPHIA, Wednesday, 18th June, 1856. 

The Convention assembled at ten o'clock. 

Hon. Henry S. Lane, President, in the chair. 

The proceedings were opened with a prayer by the Rev. Anson 
Rood, of Philadelphia. 

On motion, the reading of the Journal of yesterday's proceed- 
ings was dispensed with. 

Hon. Elbridge G. Spaulding, from the Committee on Creden- 
tials, submitted the following report of the names and post office 
address of the members of this Convention: 

REPUBLICAN NATIONAL CONVENTION, 

PHILADELPHIA, June 18, 1856. 

The Committee on Credentials, etc., to whom it was referred to 
report to the Convention the names and post office address of the 
members of this Convention, respectfully report the following 
roll of the members of this Convention, specifying their several 
post office addresses. 

Boll of the Members of the Convention. 

MAINE. 

Anson P. Morrell, Readfield; Edward Kent, Bangor; Abner 
R. Hollowell, Bangor; Theophilus Cushing, Frankfort; Henry 
Carter, Portland; George M. Weston, Bangor. 

1. William Willis, Portland ; James M. Deeririg, Saco ; S. C. 
Adams, Newfield. 

2. M. H. Durmell, Norway; T. A. D. Fesseden, Auburn; Jonathan 
Russ, N. Sharon. 

3. H. Kennedy, Waldoborough; Francis Cbb, Rockland; N. 
Abbott, Belfast. 

4. A. Garcelon, Lewiston; Wm. Connet, Fairfield; J. G. Elaine, 
Augusta. 

5. Joseph Bartlett, Bangor; John H. Rice, Monson; W. M. E. 
Brown, Solon. 

6. N. Blake, Portage Lake; A. K. P. Wallace, Milbridge; A. M. P. 
Emerson, Olaiid. 



36 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

William M. Weed, Sandwich; Amos Tuck, Exeter; Dan'l Clark, 
Manchester; Benj. Petting-ill, Salisbury; Daniel Blaisdell, Han- 
over; Levi Chamberlin, Keene. 

1. H. S. Spear, Laconia; Wm. Conn, Portsmouth; G. P. Folsom r 
Dover. 

2. Geo. G. Fogg, Concord; A. F. Pike, Franklin; I. W. Smith, 
Manchester. 

3. D. A. Burnside, Lancaster; Alvah Smith, Lempster; G. Cum- 
mings, Lisbon. 

VERMONT. 

H. Hall, North Bennington; Heman Carpenter, Northfield; E. 
Fairbanks, St. Johnsbury; William Skinner, Royalton; L. Brain- 
ard, St. Albans; L. Underwood. Bui ling-ton. 

1. D. E. Nicholson, Walingford; E. D. Warner, New Haven; H. 
K. Slayton, Calais. 

2. E. Kirkland, Brattleboro; R. Fletcher, Proctorsville; Wm. F. 
Dickinson, Chelsea. 

3. Rolla Gleason, Richmond; H. H. Reynolds, Alburgh; W. L. 
Sowles, Swanton Falls. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

T. D. Elliot, New Bedford; Simon Brown, Concord; C. W. Bel- 
lows, Pepperell; Charles Allen, Worcester; Moses Kimball, Bos- 
ton; Homer Bartlett, Lowell. 

1. R. French, New Bedford; C. G. Davis, Plymouth; Z. D. Bas- 
set, Hyannis. 

2. Guilford White, Easton; G. B. Weston,Duxbury; C. A. Church, 
Westport. 

3. C. F. Adams, Quincy; George R. Russell, West Roxbury; F. 
W. Bird, Walpole. 

4. William Brigham, Boston; Ezra Lincoln, Boston; R. C. Nich- 
ols, Boston. 

5. Francis B,. Fay, Chelsea; B. C. Clark, Boston; Jas. W. Stone, 
Boston. 

6. S. H. Phillips, Salem; John B. Alley, Lynn; Richard P. Wa- 
ters, Salem. 

7. Chas. Hudson, Lexington; Thos J. Marsh, Waltham; M.Mor- 
ton, Jr., Andoyer. 

8. C. R. Train, Farmingham; J. A. Goodwin, Lowell; E. R. Hoar, 
Concord. 

9. P. E. Aldrich, Worcester; A. Walker, North Brookfield; Ivers 
Phillips, Fitchburg; Artemas Lee, Templeton. 

10. E. Hopkins, Northampton; C. A. Perry, North Salem; M. D. 
Whittaker, Chicopee. 

11. D. W. Alford, Greenfield; Z. M. Crane, Dalton; E. B. Gillett; 
Westfield. 

RHODE ISLAND. 

W. Hoppin, Providence; Byron Dyman, Bristol; Edward Har- 
ris, Woonsocket; Wm. M. Chace, Providence; R. G. Hazard, Peace- 
dale; Nicholas Brown, Providence; G. Manchester, South Ports- 
mouth; Thos. Davis, Providence; H. Howard, Providence; J. D. 
Babcock, Ashaway; Stephen Benedict, Pawtucket; E. Pendleton, 
Wm. Sheldon, Providence. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 37 

CONNECTICUT. 

John M. Niles, Hartford; Benj. Silliman, New Haven; D. F. Rob- 
inson, Hartford; Charles Ives, New Haven; C. F. Cleveland, Hamp- 
ton; Charles Adams, Litchfield. 

1. D. Loomis, Rockville; Jas. M. Bunce, Hartford; T. Welles, 
Glastenbury. 

2. B. Doug-lass, Middletown; C. L. English, New Haven; Elihu 
Spencer, Middletown. 

3. D. P. Tyler, Brooklyn; A. Brandagee, North London; Moses 
Pierce, Norwich. 

4. F. S. Wildman, Danbury; Geo. D. Wadhams, Wolcottville; 
W. B. Hoyt, Danbury. 

NEW YORK. 

Philip Dorsheimer, Buffalo; Moses H. Grinnell, New York; 
Preston King, Ogdensburgh; Robert Emmet, New York; Charles 
Cook, Havana; D. W. C. Littlejohn. Oswego. 

1. John A. King-, Jamaica; W. W. Leland, Queens; D. G. Floyd, 
Green port. 

2. Abijah Mann, Jr., Brooklyn; Rollin Sanford, New York; John 
G. Bergen, Brooklyn. 

3. D. H. Tompkins, New York; Andrew Bleakley, New York; 
Hiram Barney, New York. 

4. Anthony j. Bleecker, New York; James Kelly, New York; Wm. 
Jones, Jr., New York. 

5. John Bigelow, New York; James F. Freeborn, New York; 
Geo. H. Andrews, New York. 

6. W. Curtis Noyes, New York; Isaac Sherman, New York; Jos. 
C. Pinckney, New York. 

7. John Keyser, New York; Charles C. Leigh, New York; Lyman 
Sherwood, New York. 

8. Edgar Ketchum, New York; *Isaac Dayton, New York; Chas. 
Kiddle, New York; A. Oakey Hall, New York. 

9. W. Bleakley, Verplancks; Lewis C. Platt, West Plains; J. 
Watson Webb, New York. 

10. G. M. Grier, Orange; H. R. Luddington, Sullivan; Amb. S. 
Murray, Orange. 

11. Jackson H. Shultz, Ulster; Wm. H. Romeyn, Ulster; Henry 
Wynkoop, Greene. 

12. John S. Gould, Columbia; Aug. L. Allen, Dutchess; D. C. 
Marshall, Dutchess. 

13. John J. Viele, Rensselaer; G. Reynolds, Rensselaer; A. B. 
Olin, Rensselaer. 

14. J. L. Schoolcraft, Albany; B. R. Wood, Albany; C. F. Crosby, 
Albany, 

15. A. Pond, Saratoga; J. T. Masters, Washington; P. Richards, 
Warren. 

16. George W. Goff, Essex; Geo. W. Palmer, Clinton; A. B. Parm- 
alee, Franklin. 

17. W. W. Golding, St. Lawrence; H. P. Alexander, Herkimer; 
Ezra Graves, Herkimer. 

18. Simon H. Mix, Schoharie ; John Wells, Fulton ; R. Etwood, 
Schenectady. 



* Mr. Ketchum having been obliged to leave for home before the close of 
the Convention, Mr. Dayton was appointed, by the delegation, in his place. 



38 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

19. Wm. H. Averil, Otsego ; Aug. R, Elwood, Otsego; J. H. 
Graham, Delaware. 

20. Richard Hulbert, Oneida ; Tim. Jenkins, Oneida ; Alaric 
Hubbell, Oneida. 

21. R. H. Deuell, Cortland ; Wm. Stuart, Broome ; G. W. Blunt, 
New York. 

22. A. B. Coe, Madison ; Sam. D. Clark, Madison; S. M. Tucker, 
Oswego, 

23. J. K. Bates, Jefferson ; David Alger, Lewis ; Joseph Fayel, 
Jefferson. 

24. R. Hebbard, Onondago ; Joseph J. Glass, Onondago ; E. L. 
Soule, Onondago. 

25. E. B. Morgan, Cayuga; Wm. Wasson, Cayuga; Robert Ennis, 
Wayne. 

26. M. H. Lawrence, Yates; John E. Seeley, Seneca; T. J.McLouth, 
Ontario. 

27. M. S. Barnes, Thompkins; Thomas Farrington, Tioga; E. P. 
Brooks, Chemung. 

28. A. B. Dickinson, Steuben; Wm. Irvine, Steuben; Isaac L. En- 
dress, Livingston. 

29. Roswell Hart, Monroe; Sam. G. Andrews, Monroe; Ezra 
Parsons, Monroe. 

30. W. S. Mallory, Genessee; Aug's Frank, Wyoming; Theo. F. 
Hall, Allegheny. 

31. E. J. Chase, Niagara; Isaac W. Swan, Orleans; J. W. Babcock, 
Niagara. 

32. A. M. Clapp, Erie; E. G. Spaulding, Erie; Theo. D. Barton, 
Erie. 

33. G. W. Patterson, Chautauqua; R. E. Fentoii, Chautauqua; A. 
G. Rice, Cattaraugus. 

NEW JERSEY 

J. C. Hornblower, Newark; I. S. Mulford, Camden; G. B. Ray- 
mond, Bordentown; J. Van Dyke, New Brunswick; E. W. Whelpley, 
Morristown; D. S. Gregory, Jersey City. 

1. J. W. Hazleton, M. Hill ; W. Moore, Weymouth ; Thomas 
Shourds, Salem. 

2. Wm. Parry, Cinnamenson; W. Jay, Trenton; Joel Hay wood. 

3. R. S. Kennedy, Stewartsville; W. D. Waterman, Somerville; 
Henry Race, Pittstown. 

4. C. M. K. Paulison, Passaic; A. S. Pennington, Paterson; W. 
S. Johnson, Newton. 

5. Wm. S. Taitonte, Newark; H. H. Bowne, Rahway; Denning 
Duer, Hoboken. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

David Wilmot, Henry D. Maxwell, Thomas Williams, John 
Allison, John Dick, Joseph Ritner. 

1. B. D. Pettingill, C. D. Cleveland. John F. Gilpin. 

2. William S. Pierce, William Elder, Henry C. Carey. 

3. Joseph J. Gillingham, Thomas S. Cavender, Mahlon H. Dick- 
inson. 

4t. George H. Earle, William B. Thomas, Passmore Williamson. 

5. William Morris Davis, Brewster Randall, Edward F.Roberta. 

6. A. R. Mcllvain, William Butler, J. P. Eyre. 

7. George Lear, Caleb N. Taylor, Joseph Young. 

8. Jacob Hoffman, John Sheetz, William M. Baird. 

&. Thaddeus Stevens, Thomas Scottwood, James Black. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 39 

10. Eli K. Sliffer, Josiah Punch, John Adams Fisher. 

11. David Taggart, William A. Hanman, Robert M. Palmer. 

12. P. M. Osterhout, Abinza Gardner. 

13. R. L. Seeley, S. C. Cook, Samuel L. Cooley. 

14. Charles F. Reed, Ulysses Mercun, John F. Averill. 

15. P. Hurdic, G. Haines. 

16. C. H. Bressler, Joseph Speck, William W. Watts. 

17. A. King-, John E. Ellis, G. W. Zeigler, S. E. Duffield, William 
Wright, John R. Heurt. 

18. S. S. Blair, A. S. Raymond, Jonathan McWilliam, J. M. Camp- 
bell, Cyrus Elder. 

19. C. P. Markle, John Craig, John McEwen. 

20. J. T. Rogers, William S. Moon, Colin M. Reed. 

21. N. B. Craig, E. D. Gazzan, James Carother. 

22. Samuel Purviance, George Darsie, Robert P. McKnight. 

23. William F. Clark, Richard P. Roberts, Lawrence McGuffy. 

24. E. Cowan, C. P. Ransdell, S. P. McCalmont. 

25. A. Huidekoper, J. A. French, R. Lyle White. 

DELAWARE. 

E. G. Bradford, Wilmington; L. Thompson, Pleasant Hill; T. 
Walters, Wilmington; W. Bowman, St. Georges; Samuel Barr, 
Wilmington; *Pusey Wilson, Wilmington; Benj.T. Bye, Wilming- 
ton; Samuel N. Pusey, Wilmington; Alex. H. Dixon, Wilmington; 
Jas. C. Jackson, Wilmington. 

MARYLAND. 

E. P. Blair, Washington; I). C.; W. H. Farquhar, Sandy Spring; 
Elias Hawley, Baltimore; F. S. Corkran, Baltimore; George 
Harris Baltimore; Jacob Fussell, Baltimore; E. G. Rayne, Balti- 
more; John H. Wilson, Rolandsville; David Gamble, Emmetsburg. 

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

B. B. French, Washington; Jacob Bigelow, Washington; Lewis 
Clephane, Washington. 

OHIO. 

R. P. Spaulding, Cuyahoga; W. Dennison, Jr., Franklin; Thos. 
Spooner, Hamilton; John Paul, Defiance; E. R. Eckley, Carroll; 
A. P. Stone, Franklin. 

1. J. K. Greene, Hamilton; A. Taft, Hamilton; Charles E. Cist, 
Hamilton. 

2. Medard Fels, Hamilton; T. G. Mitchell, Hamilton; George 
Hoadley, Hamilton. 

3. Josiah Scott, Butler; L. B. Gunckel, Montgomery; Felix 
Marsh, Preble. 

4. J. W. Defrees, Miami; B. S. Kyle, Miami; Edward B. Taylor, 
Darke. 

5. J. M. Ashley, Lucas; Wm. Sheffield, Defiance; A. S. Latty, 
Paulding. 

6. Joseph Parrish, Clermont; Chambers Baird, Brown; Wm. 
Ellison, Adams. 

7. Aaron Harloii, Greene; Robt. G. Corwin, Warren; Charles 
Phillis, Madison. 



*>Ir. Bve was substituted in the place of Mr. Wilson after the opening of the 
Convention. 



40 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

8. George H. Frey, Clarke; L. J. Chrichfield, Delaware; Levi 
Phelps, Union. 

9. John Car}-, Wyandotte; C. H. Gatch, Hardin; C. F. Smead, 
Ottawa. 

10. R. M. Stimson, Lawrence; Milton Kennedy, Scioto; George 
J. Payne, Gallia. 

11. T. R. Stanley, Vinton; V. B Horton, Meiggs; David Munch, 
Perry. 

12. N. H. Swayne, Franklin; J. Buckingham, Licking; Robert 
Neal, Franklin. 

13. Jos. M. Root, Erie; J. R. Osborne, Huron; J. M. Talmadge, 
Morrow. 

14. F. D. Kimball, Medina; Peter Risser, Ashland; H. E. Peck, 
Lorain. 

15. W. Stanton, Coshoctou; J. C. Devine, Knox; W. A. Sapp, 
Knox. 

16. A. A. Guthrie, Muskingum; Isaac Greene, Morgan; G. M. 
Woodbridge, Washington. 

17. C. J. Albright, Guernsey; M. Pennington, Belmont; E. Ellis, 
Belmont. 

18. C. Prentiss, Portage; C. P. Wolcott, Summit; J. A. Saxton, 
Stark. 

19. T. Bolton, Cuyahoga; John F. Morse, Lake; Job S. Wright, 
Geauga. 

20. J. R. Giddings, Ashtabula; J. Hutchins, Trumbull; T. J. 
Young, 

21. J. Heaton, Columbiana; D. McCurdy, Jefferson; R. Hutton, 
Harrison. 

IOWA. 

F. Springer, Columbus City; F. H. Warring, Burlington; J. B. 
Howell, Keokuk; J. W. Sherman, Adell; J. W. Caldwell, Autumn- 
way; W. P. Brazelton, Mount Pleasant; R. L. B. Clark, Mount 
Pleasant; T. Drumming, Mason City; A. J.Stevens, Fort Desmoins; 
James Thorington, Davenport; H. A. Wiltse, Dubuque; J. Neiding, 
Muscatine. 

WISCONSIN. 

Rufus King, Milwaukee; C. S. Chase, Racine; J. F. Potter, Mak- 
wanago; Theodore Newell, Kenosha; W. D. Bacon, Waukesha; 
L. P. Harvey, Sophiere; N. W. Dean, Madison; Walter D. Mclndoe, 
Warsaw; M. Barlow, La Crosse; C. C. Kuntz, Sauk City; T. O. Howe, 
Green Bay; M. M. Davis, Portage City; C. L. Sholes, Kenosha; E. 
D. Holton, Milwaukee; D. R. Noyes, Baraboo. 

MICHIGAN. 

E. J. Penniman, Plymouth; Fernando C. Beaman, Adrien; 
Noyes L. Avery, Grand Rapids; Thomas J. Drake, Pontiac; Zach- 
ariah Chandler, Detroit; George Jerome, Detroit. 

1. K. S. Bingham, Kensington; D. Mclntyre, Ann Arbor; M. A. 
McNaughton, Jackson. 

2. G. A. Coe, Coldwater; I. P. Christiancy, Monroe; W. J. Baxter, 
Jonesville. 

3. H. G. Wells, Kalamazoo; John R. Kellogg, Allegan; R.Strick- 
land, Dewitt. 

4. Whitnej' Jones, Lansing; A. P. Davis, Flint; H. B. Shank. 
Lansing. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 41 

ILLINOIS. 

George Schneider, Chicago; Jesse O. Norton, Joliet; J. D. 
Arnold, Peoria; George T. Brown, Alton; J. B. Tenny, Atlanta; 
Miles S. Henry, Sterling; M. P. Sweet, Freeport; S. M. Church, 
Rockport; W. A. Little, Elizabeth; Cyrus Aldrich,Dixon; Edward 
R. Allan, Aurora; N. B. Judd, Chicago; W. H. L. Wallace, Ottawa; 
Owen Lovejoy, Princeton; A. W. Mack, Kankakee; T. J. Picket, 
Peoria; A. C. Harding, Monmouth; W. P. Myers, New Boston; 
John Tilson, Quincy; William Ross, Pittsfield; W. G. Wilcox, 
Fredericksville; John M. Palmer, Carlinville; Henry Grove, Peoria; 
S. C. Parks, Lincoln; Isaac Whittaker, Carlinville; H. C. Johns, 
Decatur; Leander Muncell, Paris; William B. Archer, Marshall; 
M. G. Atwood, Alton; Francis Grimm, Belleville; F. A. Carpenter, 
Belleville; David Welty, Dixon; H. Krisman, Chicago; George 
W. Wait, St. Charles. 

INDIANA. 

Henry S. Lane, Crawfordsville; John D. Defrees, Indianapolis; 
John W. Wright, Logansport; Charles H. Test, Centreville, W. G. 
Terrell, Lafayette; J. W. Gordon, Indianapolis. 

1. V. C. Hanna, Indianapolis; George R. Bearss, Peru; J. 
Woods, Knightstown. 

2. T. Tyner, Cambridge City; Thomas Scott, Madison; J. H. 
Harper, South Bend. 

3. John J. Cummins, Brownstown; M. C. Garber, Madison; Wm. 
Sharp, Vernon. 

4. George P. Buell, Lawrenceburg; R. Robbins, Greensburg; 
W. J. Peaselee, Shelbyville. 

5. M. L. Bundy, Newcastle; B. F. Claypool, Connersville; Jacob 
B. Julian, Centreville. 

6. Jonathan Harvey, Indianapolis; James Ritchey, Franklin; J. 
S. Miller, Danville. 

7. Daniel Sigler, Greencastle; L. A. Burnett, Terre Haute; F. M. 
Tyner, Cambridge City. 

8. S. J. Beard, Crawfordsville; W. H. Mallory, Covington; A. 
Peters, Lafayette. 

9. D. G. Rose, Laporte; D. Bearss, Peru; T. H. Bringhurst, 
Logansport. 

10. William Mitchell, Kendallsville; A. J. Powers, Warsaw; 
Samuel Hanna, Fort Wayne. 

11. C. D. Murray, Kokomo; James D. Conner, Wabash; E. C. 
Wilcox, Covington. 

KENTUCKY. 

George D. Blakey, Russellville; John H. Rawlings, Joe's Lick; 
William S. Bailey, Newport; James R. Whittemore, Newport; John 
Rimell, Rock Castle. 

CALIFORNIA. 

Chas. A Washburn, San Francisco; George M. Hanson, Marys- 
ville; John A. Wills, San Francisco; George W. Read, Yolo; S. N. 
J udkins, Marysville; A. G. Coffin, Marysville; F. B. Folger, San Fran- 
cisco; John Dick, Orville; S. T. Gates, Nevada; William H. Cham- 
berlain, Alameda; Stephen Clark, San Francisco; Stephen Smith, 
San Francisco. 



42 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

MINNESOTA. 
Alexander Ramsey, St. Paul; J. C. McCain, J. B. Phillips. 



KANSAS. 

Samuel N. Wood, Lawrence; Samuel C. Pomeroy, Lawrence; 
Martin F. Conway, Topeka; J. M. Winchell, Council City; R. G. 
Elliott, Lawrence; S. W. Elbridge Lawrence; Charles H. Brans- 
comb, Ossawattamie; George F. Warren, Leavenworth; Walter 
Oakley, Topeka; Asaph Allen, Topeka. 

Mr. Rowland G. Hazard, of Rhode Island, offered the following 
resolution: 

Resolved: That the resolution adopted j-esterday, providing 
for the appointment of a committee to report to the Convention 
the names of the Republican National Convention for the next 
four years, be, and the same hereby is, reconsidered, and that the 
said resolution be amended so as to read as follows: 

Resolved: That the several State and Territorial Delegations, 
through their chairman, report to the Convention the name of 
one citizen from their respective States and Territories, to be a 
member of the Republican National Committee for the next four 
years, and that the gentlemen so appointed constitute such Rep- 
ublican National Committee, and that they elect the chairman of 
the committee. 

On a division on the question, the motion to reconsider the reso- 
lution of yesterday was adopted. 

The motion to amend, and the resolution of yesterday as amend- 
ed, were then unanimously adopted. 

On calling the States and Territories, the following named 
gentlemen were announced to constitute the Republican National 
Committee for the next four years, and were appointed accord- 
ingly. 

REPUBLICAN NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 

Maine, Joseph Bartlett, Bangor; New Hampshire, George G. 
Fogg, Concord; Massachusetts, John T. Goodrich, Stockbridge; 
Vermont, Lawrence Brainard, St. Albans; Rhode Island, William 
M. Chase. Providence; Connecticut, Gideon Welles, Hartford; 
New York, Edwin D. Morgan, City of New York; New Jersey, 
James N. Sherman, Trenton; Pennsylvania, Thomas Williams, 
Pittsburg; Delaware, E. D. Williams; Maryland, George Harris, 
Baltimore; Kentucky, Cassius M. Clay, Frankfort; Ohio, Thomas 
Spopner, Cincinnati; Illinois, Hon. Norman B. Judd, Chicago; 
Indiana, Dr. James Ritchie, Franklin ; Michigan, Zachariah 
Chandler, Detroit; Iowa, R. P. Lowe, Keokuk; Wisconsin, John H. 
Tweedy, Milwaukee; California, Cornelius Call. Sacramento City; 
Kansas, Martin F. Conway, Lawrence; District of Columbia, 
Lewis Clephane, Washington. 

At a meeting of the National Republican Committee, held at 
the Girard House after the termination of the Convention, 
Edwin D. Morgan was chosen Chairman and N. B. Judd Secretary. 

The Hon. David Wilmot, chairman of the committee appointed 
yesterday to prepare and report for the action of the Convention 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 43 

a Platform of Principles to be submitted to the people of the 
United States, reported the following- preamble and series of 
resolutions to constitute such platform: 

REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. 

This Convention of Delegates, assembled in pursuance of a call 
addressed to the people of the United States, without regard to 
past political differences or divisions, who are opposed to the re- 
peal of the Missouri Compromise; to the policy of the present 
Administration; to the extension of Slavery into Free Territory; 
in favor of the admission of Kansas as a Free State; of restoring 
the action of the Federal Government to the principles of Wash- 
ington and Jefferson; and for the purpose of presenting candidates 
for the offices of President and Vice-President, do 

Resolve: That the maintenance of the principles promulgated 
in the Declaration of Independence? and embodied in the Federal 
Constitution, are essential to the preservation of our Republican 
institutions, and that the Federal Constitution, the rights of the 
States, and the union of the States, must and shall be preserved. 

Resolved: That with our Republican fathers, we hold it to be a 
self-evident truth, that all men are endowed with the inalienable 
rig^ht to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, and that the 
primary object and ulterior design of our Federal Government 
were to secure these rights to all persons under its exclusive 
jurisdiction; that as our Republican fathers, when -they had 
abolished Slavery in all our National Territory, ordained that no 
person shall be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due 
process of law, it becomes our duty to maintain this provision of 
the Constitution against all attempts to violate it for the purpose 
of establishing Slavery in the Territories of the United States by 
positive legislation, prohibiting its existence or extension there- 
in. That we deny the authority of Congress, of a Territorial 
Legislature, of any individual, or association of individuals, to 

five legal existence to Slavery in any Territory of the United 
tates, while the present Constitution shall be maintained. 

Resolved: That the Constitution confers upon Congress sove- 
reign power over the Territories of the United States for their 
government; and that in the exercise of this power, it is both the 
right and the imperative duty of Congress to prohibit in the Ter- 
ritories those twin relics of barbarism Polygamy and Slavery. 

Resolved: That while the Constitution of the United States was 
ordained and established by the people, in order to "form a more 
perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, 
provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, 
and secure the blessings of liberty," and contains ample provi- 
sions for the protection of the life, liberty and property of every 
citizen, the dearest Constitutional rights of the people of Kansas 
have been fraudulently and violently taken from them; 

Their Territory has been invaded by an armed force; 

Spurious and pretended legislative, judicial and executive 
officers have been set over them, by whose usurped authority, 
sustained by the military power of the government, tyrannical 
and unconstitutional laws have been enacted and enforced; 

The right of the people to keep and bear arms has been in- 
fringed. 



44 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Test oaths of an extraordinary and entangling- nature have 
been imposed as a condition of exercising the right of suffrage 
and holding office ; 

The right of an accused person to a speedy and public trial by 
an impartial jury has been denied ; 

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, 
papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, 
has been violated ; 

They have been deprived of life, liberty, and property without 
due process of law ; 

The freedom of speech and of the press has been abridged; 

The right to choose their representatives has been made of no 
effect ; 

Murders, robberies, and arsons have been instigated or encour- 
aged, and the offenders have been allowed to go unpunished ; 

That all these things have been done with the knowledge, sanc- 
tion, and procurement of the present National Administration; 
and that for this high crime against the Constitution, the Union, 
and humanity, we arraign that Administration, the President, his 
advisers, agents, supporters, apologists, and accessories, either 
before or after the fact, before the country and before the world; 
and that it is our fixed purpose to bring the actual perpetrators of 
these atrocious outrages and their accomplices to a sure and 
condign punishment hereafter. 

Resolved, That Kansas should be immediately admitted as 
a State of this Union, with her present Free Constitution, as 
at once the most effectual way of securing to her citizens the en- 
joyment of the rights and privileges to which they are entitled, 
and of ending the civil strife now raging in her territory. 

Resolved, That the highwayman's plea, that ' might makes 
right," embodied in the Ostend Circular, was in every respect un- 
worthy of American diplomacy, and would bring shame and 
dishonor upon any Government or people that gave it their sanc- 
tion. 

Resolved, That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean, by the most 
central practicable route, is imperatively demanded by the in- 
terests of the whole country, and that the Federal Government 
ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its construction, 
and, as an auxiliary thereto, to the immediate construction of an 
emigrant road on the line of the railroad. 

Resolved, That appropriations by Congress for the improve- 
ment of rivers and harbors, of a national character, required for 
the accommodation and security of an existing commerce, are 
authorized by the Constitution, and justified by the obligation of 
Government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. 

Resolved, That we invite the affiliation and co-operation of the 
men of all parties, however differing from us in other respects, in 
support of the principles herein declared; and believing that the 
spirit of our institutions, as well as the Constitution of our coun- 
try, guarantees liberty of conscience and equality of rights 
among citizens, we oppose all legislation impairing their se- 
curity. 

The separate resolutions were read in perfect silence, and each 
was received with hearty applause. That following the resolution 
condemning Polygamy and Slavery was tremendous. 

The last of the above series of resolutions having been reported 
by the Committee in the words following: 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, I860, 1864. 45 

Resolved, That we invite the affiliation and co-operation of the 
men of all parties, however differing- from us in other respects, in 
support of the principles herein declared; and believing- that the 
spirit of our institutions, as well as the Constitution of our coun- 
try, guarantees liberty of conscience and equality of rights 
among citizens, we oppose all prescriptive legislation affecting 
their security. [Loud cheers.] 

A motion was made to amend by dividing the resolution and 
striking out the latter clause. A further motion was made to re- 
commit the resolution to the Committee. 

After an animated discussion, in which Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, 
of Pennsylvania, Mr. Thomas Spooner, of Ohio, Mr. E. D. Gazzam, 
of Pennsylvania, Mr. Charles Gibbons, of Ohio, and Mr. Owen 
Lovejoy, of Illinois, participated, these several motions were 
withdrawn; and Hon. Kinsley S. Bingham moved to amend the 
resolution, by striking out the words "prescriptive" and "affect- 
ing," and substituting in the place of the latter the word "im- 
pairing." 

The resolution, with the proposed amendment, having been 
again read by the Hon. David Wilmot, the report of the committee 
was accepted; and the Platform, as amended and as above recit- 
ed, was adopted with hearty cheers. 

Mr. John E. Seeley, of New York, offered the following resolu- 
tion : 

Resolved, That this Convention proceed immediately to take 
an informal vote for a candidate for President of the United 
States, to be supported by the Republican party of the United 
States. 

Gen. James Watson Webb, of New York, took the platform in 
opposition to Mr. Seeley's resolution. 

He said: I beg to occupy the attention of the convention for a 
moment. [Applause.] Gentlemen of the Convention: I rise for 
the purpose of opposing the resolution which has just been 
introduced, simply because I think it is premature, and that once 
having acted informally, and produced a committal on the part 
of the gentlemen assembled here for a great and a holy work, it 
will be very difficult for any of us after that to do that which we 
have assembled to do. An informal ballot now is virtually 
doing our work for the rest of this session. And in order that we 
may not be called upon to do that work so hastily, so inconsider- 
ately, and I fear ultimately so injuriously to our country, I ask of 
you to bear in mind what it is that assembles together a Conven- 
tion here, the like of which has never before been witnessed in 
our country. [Cheers.] From the days that the Convention as- 
sembled in the Constitutional Hall here that Convention that 
declared us a free people there never has been such a Conven- 
tion assembled for such a purpose or in such a crisis. The work 
that they did, we are sent here by the people to perpetuate. 
[Cheers. [ And when they came to do their work, did they listen 
to those about them who said, "Do it hastily?" Take the solitary 
instance of the election of the commander-in-chief of the forces 
of the Revolutionary army. It is a matter of history, gentlemen, 



46 THE FIRST THKEE REPUBLICAN 

that for three long- weeks after George Washington had been 
selected in the hearts and the feelings of that Convention, they 
passed day after day and week after week dispatching men to all 
portions of the countrj^, inviting communication, stimulating in- 
terchange of opinion, asking everybody, "Are we right?" "Is he 
the man?" "Can we put the banner in his hands, and thereby 
achieve that object lor which we assembled?" [Cheers.] And are 
we wiser than our forefathers? 

Voices "Yes, certainly." [Great laughter.] 

Mr. Webb Gentlemen: I don't envy the complacency of the 
man who thinks he is a better patriot or a better man than those 
who gave us the Constitution of the United States and the 
Declaration of Independence. Why, I ask, are we here? We are 
here because the country is in danger. We are here because 
a solemn compact, by which the curse of Slaver} 1 - was limited for 
ever to latitude 30 30', has been violently disrupted, torn asun- 
der, and the people of the North told " You shall have this matter 
forced upon you." Now, what are the people doing? Our people, 
loving order and loving law, and willing to abide by the ballot- 
box, come together from all parts of the Union and ask us to give 
them a nomination which, when put fairly before the people, will 
unite public sentiment, and, through the ballot-box, will restrain 
and repel this Pro-Slavery extension and this aggression of the 
slaveocracy. What else are they doing? They tell you that they 
are willing to abide by the ballot-box, and willing to make that 
the last appeal. If we fall there, what then? We will drive it 
back, sword in hand, and, so help me God! believing that to be 
right, I am with them. [Loud cheers, and cries of "Good!"] Now, 
then, gentlemen, on your action depends the result. You may, 
with God's blessing, present to this country a man rallying round 
it all the elements of the opposition, and we will thus become so 
strong that through the ballot-box we shall save the country. 
But, if a name be presented on which we may not rally, and the 
consequence is civil war yes, nothing more, nothing less, but 
civil war I ask, then, what is our first duty? If every mind in 
this Convention was made up at this moment if every man had 
one and the same feeling with all the rest, I would say to j^ou: 
Gentlemen, as you love your country, as you love its peace, and 
hope for its future prosperit) r , do not act hastily. That which is good 
to-day is equally good to-morrow and the next day; and if it will 
not keep till to-morrow or the next day, it had better not be done. 
[Cheers.] I have no earthly object but the general good. I know 
there are people who think I have been acting against a particular 
man, because I have been acting for a man. Let me now tell you, 
after making this appeal to you, that most of the candidates 
before this Convention are unknown to me. It is well .known, I 
believe, that I opposed the nomination of one who I apprehend is 
the favorite of most of the gentlemen here. Why have I done so? 
From personal feelings? Why, I have never seen the gentleman. 
I never met him; and I am happy to stand here and say I never 
heard one word against him not one solitary word. [Cheers.] 
If the Convention nominate him, I do not care what the divisions 
may be among you, I am the man to get up and move that we 
unanimously take him as our standard-bearer. [Loud cheers.] 
All I ask of gentlemen is, to do what we have been sent here for 
to interchange public opinion. Have we got anything to give? 
How have we been heretofore? I have been in conventions before, 



NATIONAL Cox VENTIONS 1856, 1830, 1861. 47 

and we have always had something to give. We thought it fair 
and just to strive to get A, B, C, or D, upon whom we thought to 
confer something. It is not so now. All our interchange of 
opinion may be public; and I may say that we have nothing on 
God's earth to give. But we are looking for a man who will give 
us, and who will give the country something, and that something 
is success. Why is it there is no one among you to-day to raise 
the name of Wm. H. Seward? [Loud cheers.] It is because they 
who are the most devoted of his friends love their country better 
than any man. All men have said "We love him; he is the best 
representative of our principles!" Yes, but because we are told he 
cannot carry Pennsylvania, we at once sacrifice him upon the 
altar of opposition. [Cheers.] Then, if gentlemen ask us in the 
same breath to take a man who is no stranger to Pennsylvania, 
we may 833^ that justice to our friends, and justice to our princi- 
ples will require us to make no such sacrifice. I make these re- 
marks simply for the purpose of demonstrating that we of New 
York, and of all parts of the country, have one common object 
and that is, success; and that we can arrive at success by a free 
interchange of opinion, to obtain which we should defer to a later 
hour, and a better hour, and after more conference, an informal 
ballot. 

Gov. Kent, of Maine, said: 

I rise to speak simply to the question before the Convention. I 
think I perceive a determination on the part of the Convention to 
go immediately into an informal ballot. I am not going to reply 
to the gentleman who has just taken his seat; I agree with him, 
because I know that the Maine delegation requires more time. I 
think no harm can come from a short delay. We have not had 
sufficient time for conversation, and I had thought it might be 
well for us before going into a nomination to have a grand con- 
ference committee, consisting of two from each delegation, [cries 
of "No! no!"] for the purpose of seeing exactly how they stand, 
and what action will best tend to secure success. We have come 
here for the purpose of uniting all, for a common object against 
the encroachments of slavey. [Applause.] If we would succeed, 
we must unite all; and to do that it is absolutely necessary that 
in making choice of a standard-bearer, we should make sch a 
selection as will secure the greatest amount of support. I think, 
therefore, that it would be well to have a concurrence. 

Gov. Kent then offered the following resolution as a substitute 
for the resolution of the member from New York: 

Resolred: That a committee of three from each State and one 
from each Territory be appointed by the several State and Terri- 
torial delegations, for the purpose of meeting in general confer- 
ence for interchange of opinion, this afternoon, and that the 
balloting for candidates for President and Vice-President be 
postponed until Thursday morning. 

Mr. A. J. Bleecker, of New York, said if they waited until to- 
morrow before balloting, a large number of delegates would 
have gone home, and they would not secure so large an expression. 

Dr. Elder, of Pennsylvania, arose and said : 

He had stood in the storm before. He had stood beside John 
Van Buren in '48, [laughter,] and they overbore their opponents 
by the might of their right. The excitement was no evidence of 



48 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

disunion ; it was only the effervescence of a mighty movement 
for harmony. They must harmonize. Any delegate who could 
not abide by the will of the Convention was, in the words of Man- 
talina, "So demm'd that he couldn't be any demm'der." [Great 
applause.] He confessed that he did not understand exactly what 
was wanted by some of the delegations. And therefore he thought 
it would be well that they should have a conference. 

Mr. Charles F. Adams, of Massachusetts, desired to say a word. 
He said: 

I have listened to this discussion, Mr. President, with a great 
deal of apprehension and a great deal of pain. I came here to 
contribute my mite to the harmony of this Convention. He would 
ask members to consider that the enemy was listening and work- 
ing, and that if they would succeed they must act with care. Of 
the resolutions which had been read, he had no more to say than 
that they suited him. They had adopted them with great unan- 
imity, and he feared that any general conference, such as had 
been proposed, would tend to confusion rather than harmony. 
He would have them hold conferences out of Convention, and 
when they came in, to confine themselves to action as much as 
possible. [Applause.] He believed that the members fresh from 
the people knew better what the people wanted than when they 
had been living from home. They were liable to certain manipu- 
lations, when long absent, which sometimes caused them to for- 
get the wishes of those who sent them. He was therefore in favor 
of proceeding to ballot immediately. 

[The speaker retired amid loud cries of "Question! Question!"] 
Judge Spaulding, of Ohio, said: 

He wished that a conference could be had, in order that greater 
unanimity might prevail. There had been several important 
changes during the forenoon, and he thought a conference was 
necessary before proceeding to ballot. 

Mr. Root, of Ohio, also spoke upon the question. A motion was 
then made to adjourn. 

Gov. Ritner, of Pennsylvania, wished the motion withdrawn for 
a moment, and it was withdrawn. After which he remarked that 
while he believed Pennsylvania stood erect, she was now well 
represented in Congress with reference to the black spirit of 
slavery; and while he was satisfied with what'had been done, he 
thought something might be gained by delay by meetings of 
the various delegations. For himself, he had no other desire than 
that the Convention should take strong ground in opposition to 
the extension of slavery. [Applause.] 

Gov. Patterson, of New York, said he understood the question 
before the house to be that they should proceed to an informal 
ballot. He was informed that the question was on the proposal 
for a conference. The Governor, continuing, said he supposed it 
was on the adoption of a resolution to proceed to an informal 
ballot, but he had but a few words to say. He would say that 
there was a name whose nomination by the Convention would not 
only gratify the New York delegation, btit the people of the state. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 49 

He alluded to Hon. William H. Seward. [Great applause.] In the 
intercourse we have had as delegates from New York, they had 
with one united voice declared in favor of William H. Seward for 
a candidate for the Presidency. [Great applause.] Nothing would 
have given the State of New York more pleasure than to do honor 
to her favorite son a son who had done good service as governor 
of the state, and as a senator in the Senate of the United States. 
But he had been requested to withdraw his name. 

Gen. Webb, of New York "Not by Wm. H. Seward." 

The Speaker Yes, by a delegation not by Mr. Seward himself. 
But the delegation tcok that course with a view to show that they 
were willing to sacrifice all for the cause in which they had en- 
gaged. 

Mr. Butler, of Pennsylvania, called for the question on the 
adoption of the resolution for the appointment of a Committee of 
Conference, offered as a substitute for the original resolution, and 
the question having been taken on the resolution, the same was 
lost. 

The question then recurring on the original resolution of Mr. 
Seeley, of New York, to proceed immediately to an informal bal- 
lot for a candidate for President, the same was adopted. 

Judge Spaulding, of Ohio, then took the floor, and said that he 
had been requested to withdraw from the present controversy the 
name of a man whom he had intimately known for forty years, 
than whom a better and a purer man did not live. [Cheers.] He 
would, however, first read the letter he had received from the gen- 
tleman himself. 

Judge Spaulding then read the subjoined letter from Judge 
McLean: 

CHAPEL WOOD, June 14, 1856. 

Hon. H. P. Spaulding and others, Delegates from Ohio to 
the Republican Convention at Philadelphia: I have repeatedly 
declared, as some of you know, that I have no desire for the 
Presidency, and that I prefer my present position on the Bench. 
From the partial estimate of my services and long experience in 
public affairs, my friends have supposed that I might be able to 
contribute somewhat to the adjustment of the exciting questions 
which now agitate the public mind and threaten a dissolution of 
the Union. This consideration was presented to me as a reason 
why I should not refuse to permit my name to be used, with the 
names of others, for the office of Chief Magistrate ; at least, so 
far as to ascertain some indication of the public opinion; and 
1 consented, with the understanding that I might withdraw it, at 
any time, without any imputation of unkindness to my friends. 

I feel, as I ought, the high responsibility, the firmness and the 
wisdom required to discharge successfully so momentous a trust 
as the chief executive office at fhe present crisis; and I am 
brought to distrust my poor abilities for so eminent a charge. 



50 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

But my mind has been made up, that, if elected, I would reform 
the government, and rest the executive power on the great princi- 
ples of the Constitution, or fail in the attempt. On no other con- 
dition could I accept the office of President. This involves no 
sectionalism, except that which arises from the independence of 
State government, and the fundamental law of the Union. 

The time hs arrived when a nomination is to be made for 
President. I perceive several names are to be brought before the 
Convention for that high office; and I desire to say to my friends 
that to 'accomplish the object above expressed, will require a 
hearty and vigorous co-operation of all the elements of the party 
about to make the nominations; and, if these shall be likely to 
combine more strongly in favor of any other person, I wish rny 
friends to withdraw my name, without a struggle in the Conven- 
tion. In such an event, I shall have done all that can be required 
of a citizen, and I shall feel no reproach. 

With sentiments of the highest esteem and obligation, I am, 
gentlemen, your obedient servant. JOHX McLEAN. 

Judge Spaulding said that, with the discretion vested in him by 
that letter he would withdraw the name of Judge McLean from 
the canvass. 

Mr. T. G. Mitchell, of Ohio, said he had another communication 
to read. 

Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, said that, after what had taken 
place, it was much desired by Pennsylvania that her delegates 
should have an hour for consultation. 

The President declared any debate out of order; but, if the 
Convention chose to hear those letters, they had a right to hear 
them. Mr. Mitchell prefaced the letter with some remarks, in the 
course of which he referred to all the candidates. The names of 
Fremont and Seward were loudly cheered. 
The letter was as follows: 

COLUMBUS, Thursday, June 12, 1856. 

MY DEAR SIR As you will attend the Convention about to as- 
semble at Philadelphia, for the nomination of candidates for the 
Presidency and Vice-Presidency, and as it is possible that some 
friends of our cause, in common with yourself, will desire to sub- 
mit my name to the Convention in connection with the first of 
these offices, it seems proper that I should explain to you, briefly, 
but clearly, my own views in relation to the matter. 

I need not say that I should regard a nomination for so dis- 
tinguished a position, by such a Convention as that which will 
assemble on the 17th, as an honor not to be easity overvalued. 
But no one, perhaps, knows better than yourself howpersistentl}' 
and earnestly the labors of my political life have ever been di- 
rected to the promotion of the cause of Freedom, Progress and 
Reform, of which, I trust, the Convention will prove itself a faith- 
ful guardian. The success of that cause is infinitely dearer to me 
than any personal advancement, and I should look upon any 
nomination for any office, however exalted, if prejudicial to it, as 
a calamity to be dreaded and avoided, rather than as a distinction 
to be sought and desired. At the present crisis especial ly, when 
the policy of Slavery propagandism, adopted by the existing 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 51 

Administration, has been formally sanctioned by the platform of 
the Convention recently assembled at Cincinnati; when the Free 
State of Kansas, demanding admission into the Union, is repelled 
by a party majority, acting- under the dictation of the Slave power, 
and when the cries of our Free-State brethren in Kansas, insulted 
oppressed, despoiled, imprisoned, and in imminent jeopardy of 
life as well as liberty, are appealing to us for help, it would ill 
become any true friend of liberty and justice to allow any personal 
considerations whatever to stand in the way of that complete 
union which is essential to the redress of these wrongs. 

I trust, therefore, that those generous friends who have been 
thinking of presenting my name to the convention, will consider 
well the effect of such action upon our common cause. If, after 
duly weighing all circumstances, they come to the conclusion 
that, under existing conditions, the cause will receive detriment 
through my nomination, I desire that my name may be withheld 
altogether from the Convention. If they come to a different con- 
clusion, and determine to present my name, let it be distinctly 
understood, as my earnest wish, that it maybe at once withdrawn 
whenever it shall become manifest that the nomination of some 
other citizen will better unite the friends of Freedom, and more 
certainly secure the establishment of our principles. 

I shall trust to your friendship for making these views known 
to our friends, especially in the Ohio delegation, and, should the 
occasion arise for it, to the Convention. I shall cheerfully abide 
any action, which, upon consultation with our friends, you may 
think it best to take. 

Faithfully yours, 

S. P. CHASE. 

Mr. Mitchell continued by saying that the occasion had now 
arisen when some of the friend? -of Mr. Chase, through him as 
their mouth-piece, took the liberty of withdrawing his name from 
the canvass. [Loud and reiterated cheers.] 

Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, desired to say a word. 

The consent of the Convention was given. 

Mr. Stevens said he had but one single word to say. He saw 
what the current of the Convention was, and he did not desire to 
oppose it; but he would ask them to be careful that the current 
did not sweep away their friends as well as their foes. The name, 
he might say the only name, which could have saved Pennsyl- 
vania, had been withdrawn. He meant the name of Judge McLean 
[cries of "No, no, not withdrawn!"] and he feared that in conse- 
quence of that they would lose Pennsylvania by 50,000 majority. 
[Cries of "No! no!"] Not that he would not vote with the party, 
but because he knew there were a very large number who were 
dissatisfied. 

Mr. Moses H. Grinnell, of New York said: 

I do not rise before you at this hour to make a speech, but my 
heart is full of the cause, and I desire that we should act for the 
best. I am satisfied that the excitement we have had is but a sur- 
face excitement, which will do no harm; and I am satisfied that a 
short conference would result in good; and, for the purpose of 
giving time for consultation especially with the Pennsylvanians 
I move that the Convention take a recess until five o'clock this 
afternoon. 



52 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

On taking the question upon the motion for a recess, until five 
o'clock this afternoon, the same was adopted, and the Convention 
took a recess until five o'clock this afternoon. 

EVENING SESSION. 

The Convention reassembled at five o'clock in the afternoon. 

The President, Hon. Henry S. Lane, in the chair. 

The President announced that he had in his hand a letter from 
a committee of the National American Convention, now in session 
in the city of New York, addressed to Mr. Edwin D. Morgan, Chair- 
man of the Republican National Executive Committee, relative to 
measures tending to concert of action between the two Conven- 
tions, designed to be communicated to this Convention, and asked 
what was the pleasure of the Convention with respect to the same. 

On motion, the letter was read by Mr. Edwin D. Morgan, as fol- 
lows: 

NEW YORK, June 17, 1856. 
Hon. E. D. Morgan, Chairman National Executive Committee: 

SIR : The committee appointed by the National American Con- 
vention, to confer with the Convention which meets to-day in Phil- 
adelphia, upon candidates to be presented for the offices of Presi- 
dent and Vice-President, take pleasure in transmitting to you a 
copy of the proceedings of the National Convention upon the 
letter addressed to said convention, through its president, by 
yourself. 

The committee transmit also a copy of the letter from yourself, 
with the request that said copy, together with the copy of the pro- 
ceedings had thereon by the National American Convention, may 
be laid before the convention which assembles this day in Phila- 
delphia. 

The committee take this opportunity to say that they cannot 
doubt that the spirit of candor, conciliation and harmony which 
dictated the letter from yourself to the National American Con- 
vention, and which has been responded to in the same spirit with 
a perfect unanimity of sentiment, will also be responded to in the 
same spirit by the convention at Philadelphia, and that its effect 
will be to give joy to the heart of every lover of freedom through- 
out the land, and strike terror to the hearts of his enemies. 

Very respectfully, GEORGE LAW. 

WILDER S. THURSTON, Secretary. 

Mr. De Witt C. Littlejohn, of New York, upon the subject of this 
communication, offered the following resolution : 

Resolved, That the communication just read from a committee 
of the National American Convention, with the papers accom- 
panying the same, be received by this convention, and that the 
same be referred to a committee, to consist of one member from 
each state represented, to report \vhat action, in their judgment, 
ought to be taken by this convention thereupon. 

Mr. Littlejohn said that he was strong^ in favor of a union with 
all the friends of freedom. He believed the North American Con- 
vention was actuated by the same feelings that warmed the Re- 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 



53 



publican Convention. It was but right that that great party rep- 
resented by the North American Convention should have one 
candidate on the ticket nominated by the Republican Convention. 

Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, said it pained him to be compelled to 
oppose the motion. The convention had invited all to come in 
who were opposed to the present administration. If a committee 
were appointed to communicate with the North Americans, he 
should wish the committee appointed to confer also with conven- 
tions or other bodies representing citizens of foreign birth. He 
could not believe that the Chairman of the National Committee 
was authorized to open an}- such communication. He was there 
to speak for the citizens of the United States of German or other 
foreign origin, as well as for those born on the soil of the United 
States. He therefore moved that the whole subject do lie upon 
the table. 

Upon taking the question upon the motion to lie upon the table, 
the same passed in the affirmative. 

The President declared the business now in order, to be pur- 
suant to the resolution adopted this morning, to proceed to take 
an informal vote for a Republican candidate for President of the 
United States. 

Judge Spaulding, of Ohio, by general consent, announced that 
he withdrew the withdrawal this morning made by him, of the 
name of Judge McLean, of Ohio, as a candidate for President. 

The President appointed the Hon. Edwin B. Morgan, of New 
York, and Mr. Thomas Scott, of Indiana, tellers to take the vote. 

Upon calling the States, the informal vote resulted as follows : 

Fremont. McLean, Banks. Sumner. Seward. 

8 Maine 13 11 

5 New Hampshire 15 14 

f< Vermont 15 

13 Massachusetts 39 

4 Rhode Island 12 

6 Connecticut 18 

35 New York 93 3 

7 !New Jersey 7 14 

27 Pennsylvania 10 71 

3 Delaware 9 

8 Maryland 4 3 

15 Virginia 

12 Kentucky 5 

23 Ohio 30 39 

13 Indiana 18 21 

11 Illinois 14 19 

6 Michigan 18 

4 Iowa 12 

5 Wisconsin 15 

4 California 12 

3 Kansas 9 

By way of commentary on the ballots respectively cast as 
above, several delegates stated the motives by which they were 
influenced, and the instructions which they had received from 
their constituents. 



54 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAX 

A delegate from Michigan stated that her people had for their 
first choice the noble son of New York, whose name had been 
withdrawn Mr. Seward ; but they were glad to cast their vote for 
the man Fremont who was who was obviousl} 1 - the choice of the 
Convention. [Cheers.] 

Wisconsin stated that her first vote was to have been cast for 
Mr. Seward, the second for Mr. Chase, and the third for Mr. Sum- 
ner ; but those gentlemen being withdrawn, she willingly con- 
curred in the general sentiment of the Convention by voting for 
Fremont. [Cheers.] 

When Kentucky was called, one of her representatives said that 
the name of that noble son of a noble State Salmon P. Chase 
being withdrawn, she would cast her vote like the rest for John 
C. Fremont. [Cheers.] 

Before the vote was completed, a delegate moved that the nomi- 
nation of John C. Fremont be made unanimous. 

The President That motion will be in order when the vote is 
announced. 

Several other gentlemen made the same motion, and with the 
same effect. 

The voting was then proceeded with, and the sum of the votes 
was announced by the tellers amid thunders of cheers as follows: 

For John C. Fremont, of California 359 votes. 

For John McLean, of Ohio 190 votes. 

For Nathaniel P, Banks, of Massachusetts 1 vote. 

For Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts 2 votes. 

For William H. Seward. of New York 1 vote. 

Gen. James W. Webb, of New York, offered the following reso- 
lution : 

Resolved. That John C. Fremont, of California, be, and he 
hereby is, unanimously nominated by this Convention by accla- 
mation, as the Republican candidate for President of the Uni ed 
States. 

Gen. Webb said, he thought there could be no difference of 
opinion with regard to what had been the sentiment of the Con- 
vention. When they did him the honor to listen to him this 
morning, he made a pledge which he was now very happy to 
redeem. This vote was informal. But if he could understand 
anything of the sentiment about him, it was intended to go into a 
formal vote merely for its formality. The same great cause, be he 
who he may, who was to carry their banner, was dear to the heart 
of every man here. [Cheers.] Undoubtedly they had come to 
this Convention to express their judgments in the earnest way 
that their feelings or their convictions may have prompted. And 
he for one felt that he had discharged his duty to his constituents 
and he was willing to accord to every man that he, too, had, ac- 
cording to the best of his judgment, discharged what he deemed 
to be his duty to his constituents and his duty to his country. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, I860, 1864. 55 

That being the case, the next thing- to be done was to do unani- 
mously that which a majority had determined upon. [Loud 
cheers.] And, as their principles were universal and their inten- 
tions honest, so let their motives be pure and their purpose 
unanimous. Let them proclaim to the world that they swore by 
their principles and by their platform ; and having placed J. C. 
Fremont on that platform, I entreat of the convention to give him 
an unanimous vote. [Loud cheers.] 

Mr. Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, succeeded in catching his eye, and 
obtaining silence. He said if he could add anything to the very 
excellent remarks of the gentleman from New York, he would 
express his desire that they should present to the country the 
greatest possible unanimity in this nomination. He had not a 
doubt in his own mind that the vote which was here given as in- 
dicative of the feeling of this convention, was the honest senti- 
ment of the country. [Cheers.] He attributed to every delegate 
on this floor the same purity of purpose, the same earnest desire 
to accomplish the great objects for which the Republican party 
was organized, that he claimed for himself, and he concurred 
most cheerfully in the nomination which had been indicated by 
the informal ballot. It did seem to him that it was not necessary 
to go into a formal ballot. [Shouts of "No, no!" "Yes, yes!"] 
A voice Let us stand right on the record. 

Mr. Wilmot If gentlemen are desirous of being right, as they 
say, on the record, then let us go on with a formal vote. 

Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, here rose, and in reference to the motion 
he had made at the opening of the afternoon session, to lay the 
communication from the North American Convention on the ta- 
ble, said he had made that motion from a serious conviction that 
they, (the Republicans,) as a great party, should hold no associa- 
tion, make no terms, have no arrangement, and enter into no un 
derstanding with any other political party. [Loud applause ; 
cries of "Good!"] He felt that was a course which they owed to 
themselves to follow. They had held out to the whole people, of 
every complexion of political sentiment, that while each enter- 
tained its distinctive views in other respects, they all could unite 
with the Republican party in this great cause of freedom. He 
made the motion, therefore, as feeling that the course he sug- 
gested was one the adoption of which he believed to be due to 
themselves and to the party they represented. His friends on all 
hands, however, said that he was wrong, and desired that he 
should move a reconsideration of his motion. [Cheers, and cries 
of "No, no!"] It was against the convictions of his own judg- 
ment to do so; but in obedience to the conviction of his friends 
who had taken upon themselves the responsibility of the act, he 
would move the convention to suspend the present order of busi- 



56 THE FIRST THKEE REPUBLICAN 

ness, to enable him to make a motion to reconsider the vote, lay- 
ing- on the table the subject of the communication from the Na- 
tional American Convention. 

The motion to suspend the present order of business was agreed 
to, and the question being on the motion to reconsider 

Mr. Littlejohn, of New York, arose and said, he believed the 
question before the convention was the motion to reconsider. 
Any one who had heard anything about the last election of Wm. 
H. Seward to the senate of the United States, knew that he (the 
speaker) had sacrificed a great deal in working against the Know- 
Nothing party, and he could now assure them that he was willing 
to sacrifice himself he was willing to sacrifice William H. Sew- 
ard. [Applause.] He did not propose to receive the communica- 
tion because he had any particular sympathy with the Know- 
Nothing's, but because he believed that if they did not co-operate, 
James Buchanan would be elected. He believed the interests of 
the Republican party required co-operation with the North Amer- 
icans. And as the convention he was addressing- was the most 
intelligent that had ever congregated, he believed they would see 
the propriety of treating the communication with all respect. It 
was certainly entitled to it. It had been said that they did not 
wish to exclude foreigners. Certainly not. If any body of for- 
eign born citizens had sent in such a communication as that 
which had been sent by the North Americans, or any communi- 
cations expressing a desire to co-operate for the sake of the suc- 
cess of freedom's cause, it would have been received, and with 
pleasure. [Applause]. In conclusion, he urged the reception of 
the communication and its reference to a proper committee. 

Mr. Thomas D. Elliott, of Massachusetts, said he had just had 
the pleasure of giving the united State of Massachusetts for 
John C. Fremont, and he hoped nothing would be done by the 
the Convention to lessen the strength of the Republican party in 
Massachusetts. They had invited the North Americans to unite 
with them; and now that they had responded, it was only proper 
that they should be treated with courtesy. He would receive 
them with favor, because he believed they were actuated by the 
same desire for freedom that actuated the Convention he was 
then addressing. If the Convention would receive them with the 
favor they were entitled to, the whole North would be Republican. 
[Applause.] 

Ex-Governor Cleveland, of Connecticut, said he thought the 
Convention could afford a few moments' time now, rather than 
suffer the taunts of their enemies after a defeat next November. 
The North American Convention, which was in session in New 
York, was composed of delegates from those who had seceded 
from the Know-Nothing Convention, when it endeavored to force 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 57 

a Pro-Slavery platform upon them showing thereby that they 
cared more for Freedom than for party. [Applause.] He differed 
with his friend, Mr. Giddings, with reference to the propriety of 
his call for a reconsideration of the vote tabling the communica- 
tion. He thought he had done his duty, and an important duty 
too. [Applause.] The Convention had invited them they had 
responded to it, and it was the duty of the Convention to receive 
them. [Applause.] It was a question of vast importance to New 
England, and it should not be settled too hastily. It had been said 
that if a communication had been sent in by any body of foreign 
born citizens it would have been received. The North Americans 
had no objection to that; and why was it that a body of foreign 
born citizens should receive greater favor than native born 
Americans? [Applause.] In conclusion, he hoped the motion to 
reconsider would prevail. 

Mr. JLovejoy, of Illinois, wished to say that the Convention 
had not invited them. The communication had been sent by the 
President of the National Executive Committee, and he hoped it 
had been received by him with due courtesy. The Convention 
had not asked any set of men to come as an organized body. It 
had asked them to come as individuals, and unite for Freedom. 
[Applause.] And he could tell the Convention that, if the North 
Americans were received as an organized body of Know-Nothings, 
that demagogue, Stephen A. Douglas, would tickle the senses of 
the foreign born citizens of Illinois, and Illinois would be lost. 
Let the North Americans come in as individuals, because of their 
interest for Freedom, and Illinois would be saved. [Applause.] 

Mr. Gazzam, of Pennsylvania, wished to do the American party 
of Pennsylvania the justice to say that they had become an open 
party, and that they constituted the great bulk of the Republican 
party in the state. Some of them were delegates to the North 
American Convention at New York, and they were good Repub- 
licans. He hoped the motion to reconsider would prevail. 

Judge Hoar, of Massachusetts, said the Convention had already 
received a delegation from a council of One Hundred in New 
York, and he hoped the communication from the North Ameri- 
cans would also be received with favor, for he believed they were 
sincere lovers of the cause of freedom. 

Mr. Sherwood, of New York, said it was with great reluctance 
that he appeared before them. But the North Americans had 
been invited by the President of the National Committee to co- 
operate with the Republicans, and to refuse them when they 
came would be like inviting a man to dine, and kicking him out 
when he reached the dining-room. [Applause.] A committee 
from the North American Convention had come to them, for the 



58 



THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 



purpose of seeing their platform, and to confer about the nomi- 
nations, with the view to seeing whether they coulcl not agree, 
and he earnestly desired that they might. [Applause.] 

Ex-Governor Ritner, of Pennsylvania, came forward while there 
was considerable confusion, and, \vhen order had been restored, 
said that he wished to tell them that he was going to put his 
shoulder to the wheel, and do all he could for freedom. If his 
efforts could elect John C. Fremont, John C. Fremont should have 
them. 

The old gentlemen's remarks were received with great applause; 
and, when he had taken his seat, the question being taken on the 
motion to reconsider, the same was adopted ; and the question 
recurring on the resolution of Mr. Littlejohn, of New York, to re- 
ceive the communication from the National American Conven- 
tion, and refer the same to a committee to consist of one delegate 
from each State 

Mr. Root, of Ohio, moved to amend the resolution, by striking 
out the words " a committee to consist of one member from each 
State represented," and inserting, in their place, the words ''the 
committee of this Convention on the Republican Platform," which 
amendment was adopted ; and, on taking the question upon the 
resolution, as amended, the same was adopted. 

The previous order of business being resumed, on motion, the 
resolution of General Webb was amended so as to read as follows: 

Resolved, That this Convention do immediately proceed to 
take a formal vote for a Republican candidate for President of 
the United States. 

And, as thus amended, the same was adopted. 

The tellers on the former vote having been re-appointed, on 
calling the States, the formal vote resulted as follows: 

Fremont. McLean. Seward. 

8 Maine 24 

New Hampshire 15 

5 Vermont 15 

13 Massachusetts 39 

4 Rhode Island 12 

6 Connecticut 18 

35 New York 105 

7 New Jersey 21 

27 Pennsylvania 57 3 

3 Delaware 9 

8 Maryland 7 

15 Virginia 

12 Kentucky 5 

23 Ohio 55 4 

13 Indiana 39 

11 Illinois 3H 

6 Michigan 18 

4 Iowa 12 

5 Wisconsin 15 

4 California 12 

3 Kansas 9 

The result of the vote was announced by the tellers as follows: 

For John C. Fremont, of California 520 votes. 

For John McLean, of Ohio 37 votes. 

For William H. Seward, of New York 1 vote. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 59 

Gen. J. W. Webb, of New York, offered the following- resolution: 

Resolved, That this Convention do unanimously nominate 
John C. Fremont, of California, to be the Republican candidate 
for President of the United States, at the ensuing- election. 

The President said all who were in favor of that would signify 
the same by giving- three hearty cheers, and they were given lus- 
tily, and three more, and a great many after that. A scene of wild 
and boundless enthusiasm ensued, baffling all description. 

The Convention arose in a body, took off their hats and waved 
them, shouting ail the while. 

On the platform, as soon as the vote was declared, a large white 
banner was raised with "John C. Fremont, for President of the 
United States," upon it. In front of the platform there was 
raised a star-spangled banner, with a similar inscription. 

Banners were also displayed from the windows to notify out- 
siders, and the shouts within the hall were caught up and echoed 
by the crowd in the streets. 

As soon as the wild enthusiasm of the Convention could be 
somewhat subdued, Hon. John Allison's name was mentioned. 
He declined speaking, however, but said it was not because he 
would be understood as being inclined to injure the cause in 
which they all had an interest. He had earnestly desired the 
nomination of as pure a patriot and as capable a man to fill the 
Presidential chair as there was in the land Judge McLean. He 
believed he was the man to restore the country to happiness and 
harmony; but other counsels had prevai.ed ; nevertheless, al- 
though he felt grievously disappointed, he would not be under- 
stood as wavering. He believed this was a time which required 
every man to do his duty, and he meant to do his. [Applause.] 
His record was clear for freedom, and by the help of God it 
would continue to be so. [Applause.] 

When Mr. Allison had concluded, and after everybody had be- 
come hoarse with cheering, Judge Emmet, of New York, moved 
that the Convention adjourn until 10 o'clock to-morrow morning-, 
which was carried, and the Convention accordingly adjourned 
until to-morrow morning- at ten o'clock. 



PHILADELPHIA, Thursday, 19th June, 1856. 

The Convention re-assembled this morning- at ten o'clock. 

The President, Hon. Henry S. Lane, of Indiana, in the chair. 

The Rev. Mr. Levy, of Philadelphia, opened the proceedings 
with prayer. 

On motion, the reading- of the journal of the proceeding's of 
yesterday was dispensed with. 



60 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Mr. Charles C. Leigh, of New York, offered the following- resolu- 
tion: 

Resolved, That a National Convention of the young men of the 
nation, favorable to the principles of Free Speech, Free Soil, Free 
Men and Fremont, be held in the city of New York, in the month 
of September, under the call of the Republican National Com- 
mittee. 

Mr. Edward W. Whelpley, of New Jersey, offered the following 
resolution; 

Resolved, That this Convention do immediately proceed to 
take an informal vote for a candidate for Vice-President of the 
United States, to be supported by the Republican party at the en- 
suing election. Which resolution was adopted. 

Mr. Whelpley proposed the name of Hon. William L. Dayton, of 
the same State, as candidate for the Vice-Presidency, amid loud 
and reiterated cheering. With the consent of the Convention, he 
read the speech of Mr. Dayton, delivered at a recent Republican 
Convention over which he was called to preside, which (the 
speech) contained an endorsement of the sentiments of the Con- 
vention as to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the 
character of the present administration. He read as follows: 

" After thanking the Convention for the honor done him in his 
election as its President, he was glad to meet men of all parties 
assembled for the purpose of uniting in a movement to redeem 
the State and Nation from political ruin. The debt of New Jersej r 
has been swelled by mismanagement until it has quite reached 
almost the limit fixed by our Constitution. The present National 
Administration was installed under circumstances of peace and 
prosperity. But now there is strife and bloodshed and rapine, and 
freedom of speech is stricken down in the Senate. This has been 
foreseen since 1850, and is the result of the domineering spirit of 
slavery. He then reviewed the history and progress of the slave 
aggression, and pointed out the various submissions and compro- 
mises which the North has consented to for Southern advantage. 
Extensive territory has been added to this confederacy which was 
stamped all over with Freedom. A portion of it has already been 
blackened by Slavery. The last compromise it was said healed 
the five bleeding wounds, and all was to be peaceful when Pierce 
commenced his administration. The lion and the lamb laid down 
together, but only long enough for the one to get the other by the 
throat. The South, aided by Northern doughfaces, has abrogated 
the Missouri Compromise, and opened again this strife in. our 
country. We may not be able to restore the Missouri Compro- 
mise, but an Executive and a Congress may be elected that will 
practically give effect to that enactment. He contended that 
Freedom is national and Slavey sectional. Slavery is supported 
only by positive law. The Constitution protects Slavery where it 
is, but it carries it nowhere. In conclusion, he urged harmonious 
action among the opponents of the present State and National 
Administrations. If this is effected, it is of little consequence 
who may come out of the Cincinnati Convention; whether it be 
Pierce or Douglas, or even Buchanan who, it will be remem- 
bored, said that he had not a drop of Democratic blood in his 
veins. If we are united we can vanquish our opponents." [His 
speech was warmly applauded throughout.] 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, I860, 1861. 61 

Mr. Allison, in continuation, said he had been requested to 
nominate as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency, Abraham Lin- 
coln, of Illinois. [Cheers.] He knew him to be the prince of good 
fellows, and an Old-Line Whig-. [Cheers.] 

Col. Wm. B. Archer said he would not detain the Convention but 
a moment. He had been acquainted with the man who had been 
named for 30 years. He had lived in Illinois 40 years. He had 
gone there when Illinois was a Territory, and had lived there 
until it had grown to be a populous and flourishing State. Dur- 
ing thirty years of that time, he had known Abraham Lincoln, 
and he knew him well. He was born in gallant Kentucky, and 
was now in the prime of life just about 55 years of age and en- 
joying remarkably good health. [Applause.] And, besides, the 
speaker knew him to be as pure a patriot as ever lived. He would 
give the Convention to understand, that with him on the ticket, 
there was no danger of Northern Illinois. Illinois was safe with 
him, and he believed she was safe without him. [Laughter.] 
With him, however, she was doubly safe. 

Judge Spaulding, of Ohio "Can he fight?" 

The Speaker (Emphatically) Yes! [Great applause.] Have I 
not told you that he was born in Kentucky? [Applause.] He's 
strong mentally he's strong physically he's strong every way. 

Mr. Jay, of New Jersey, said he was an Old-Line Democrat. He 
had always been a Democrat, until the present Administration, 
having thrown aside Democratic principles, he could remain with 
the party no longer. He had helped to elect Pierce, for which he 
hoped to be forgiven. [Applause.] With Dayton, of New Jersey, 
on the ticket with Fremont, he could work faithfully for its suc- 
cess, and he believed New Jersey would ratify the nominations 
with a large majority. He was not opposed to Judge Wilmot; he 
was a good man ; but, then, was it policy to nominate him? They 
had nominated one who had been a Democrat for the Presidencj-, 
and he thought it would be well to nominate a Whig for the Vice- 
Presidency. 

Mr. Fisher, of Pennsylvania, said, I take the liberty of naming 
a man as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency, who is a tower of 
strength in Pennsylvania ; I mean David L. Wilmot. If you 
nominate him, I have no doubt about Pennsylvania. If you 
nominate him, I have no doubt Pennsylvania will ratify your 
nominations in November. 

Hon. John Allison, of Pennsylvania, moved that the present 
order of business be suspended, to enable him to present to the 
Convention certain proceedings of the Pennsylvania State Re- 
publican Convention. 

The motion was carried in the affirmative, and Mr. Allison read 
to the Convention the following communication: 



62 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

At a meeting of the Pennsylvania State Republican Conven- 
tion, held in the Musical Fund Hall, Philadelphia, June 18, 1856, 
the following- resolutions were unanimously passed: 

Resolved, That the principles declared in resolutions consti- 
tuting the platform of the National Republican Party, as adopted 
by its National Convention this day, meet the cordial approval, 
and will receive the hearty advocacy of the members of this State 
Convention. 

Resolved, That this State Convention hereby give its earnest 
assent to the nomination this day made by the National Conven- 
tion of Col. John C. Fremont, as candidate of the party for the 
Presidency, and promise for him our united and most hearty 
support. 

Resolved, That the President of this State Convention be re- 
quested to communicate these resolutions to the National Repub- 
lican Convention. JOHN ALLISON, 

Attest, Prest. 

J. R. FRY. 

The communication was received with the greatest applause, 
and, on motion, the same was ordered on file, to be inserted in the 
Journal. 

Hon. Judge Palmer, of Illinois, said: 

I rise, like my friend from New Jersey. I, too, have been an 
Old-Line Democrat, and am very sorry for my last vote. [Ap- 
plause.] I rise to second the presentation of the name of Abraham 
Lincoln for the Vice-Presidency. I have known him long, and I 
know he is a good man and a hard worker in the field, although I 
never heard him for when he was on the stump, I always dodged. 
He is my first choice; Dayton, of New Jersey, is the next, and 
David Wilmot is the next. I admire Judge Wilmot, and I am 
going to name my next boy after him. [Laughter and applause.] 
We can lick Buchanan any way, but I think we can do it a little 
easier if we have Lincoln on the ticket with John C. Fremont. 

Mr. Elliot, of Massachusetts, said he had received a dispatch 
from Massachusetts concerning the feeling there about the nomi- 
nation, which he would read if the Convention wished to hear it. 
[Cries of "Read it! read it!"] He read as follows: 

"Great rejoicing. Give us a good Vice-President. Clear the 
track!" 

The dispatch was received with cheers, and when order had 
been restored, Mr. Anthony J. Bleecker, of New York, rose and 
presented the name of John A. King, for the Vice-Presidency. 

Hon. David Wilmot, of Penns3 r lvania, moved to suspend the 
present order of business to enable him to bring in a report from 
the Committee on the Platform, upon the subject of the commu- 
nication received yesterday from the National American Conven- 
tion, and referred to that committee. 

The motion passed in the affirmative, and Mr. Wilmot presented 
the following report: 

The committee to which was referred the communication from 
the Convention assembled in the city of New York, have given to 
that communication respectful and deliberate consideration. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS -1856, 1860, 1864. 



63 



Your committee have had a full arid free conference with the 
committee appointed by that convention. The committees came 
to no arrangement or conclusion. 

The call for this Convention was addressed to all political 
parties, and consistently with this call the communication under 
consideration originated. Your committee deem that it ought to 
be respectfully responded to, and would recommend that a com- 
mittee be appointed to address all the parties of the country, with 
a view to elucidate the principles of action and to conciliate them 
to the great object to which the labors of this Convention have 
been devoted. 

Resolved: That a committee of three be appointed by the Chair 
to prepare such address. 

D. WILMOT, Chairman on Resolutions. 

On motion, the report was accepted, and the resolution was 
unanimously adopted. 

And the President appointed the following gentlemen to con- 
stitute the committee provided for by the resolution: Francis P. 
Blair, of Maryland; Mr. G. T. Brown, of Illinois; Hon. Elbridge 
G. Spaulding, of New York. 

The President then announced that an informal vote for a 
Republican candidate for Vice-President was the business now 
in order before the Convention, and appointed as tellers to take 
such vote Col. William B. Archer, of Illinois, and Judge Spauld- 
ing, of Ohio. 

On calling the States, the informal vote for a candidate for 
Vice-President resulted as follows: 



STATES. 


William L. Dayton. 


Nathaniel P. Banks. 


Abraham Lincoln. 


David Wilmot. 


u> 

Q 

5 

< 
a 
o 

>-! 


Charles Sumner. 


T3 
1 


>, 

jS 

O 

S 

91 
_3 

"3! 

X 

03 
Q 


Jacob Collamer. 


Joshua R. Giddings. 


V\ bitfield S. Johnson. 


tA 


a 
O 

d 

K 


Aaron S. Penniugton. 


Henry Wilson. 


Samuel C. Pomeroy. 


8 Maine 


20 




1 






1 


1 


1 


















7 




8 


























5 Vermont . ... 


















15 
















95 




7 















2 


9 










4 Rhode Island . .. 


8 


1 


8 






1 






















1 






























35 New York 


15 


24 


3 


1 


9 


30 


fi 


1 










1 






7 New Jersey. 


21 






























27 Pennsylvania 


28 




11 


31 




2 












3 




1 




3 Delaware 


fl 






























8 Maryland 


fi 






























15 Virginia 








^ 
























12 Kentucky 








5 
























23 Ohio 


fi5 




2 


1 
























13 Indiana. 


13 




Ti 


























It Illinois 






83 


























6 Michigan 


13 




5 




























7 


4 








1 




















5 Wisconsin. . 


15 




































1 


























3 Kansas 
















1 














8 



64 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

The tellers announced the result of the informal vote for a can- 
didate for Vice-President as follows: 

For William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, 253 votes; Nathaniel P. 
Banks, of Massachusetts, 46; Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, 110; 
David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, 43; John A. King 1 , of New York, 
9; Charles Sumner, of Massachusetts, 35; Lieut.-Governor Thomas 
Ford, of Ohio, 7; Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky, 3; Jacob Collamer, 
of Vermont, 15; Joshua R. Giddings, of Ohio, 2; Whitefield S. 
Johnson, of New Jersey, 2; Henry C. Carey, of Pennsylvania, 3; 
Aaron S. Pennington, of New Jersey, 1; Henry Wilson, of Massa- 
chusetts, 2; Gen, Samuel C. Pomeroy, of Kansas, 8. 

WITHDRAWAL OF SUMNER, BANKS AND WILSON. 

Mr. Elliot, of Massachusetts, said he had a communication to 
make from the delegates of that State. Several of freedom's sons 
in Massachusetts had been named in connection with this office 
The Vice-Presidency. He desired to be allowed to state in re- 
specttoeachof them, how, so far as the delegates could represent 
the feelings of Massachusetts, that Commonwealth and those in- 
dividuals stand. At a meeting of the delegates from Masssachu- 
setts, at an early period during the sittings of this Convention, 
a vote was taken on the subject of the Vice-Presidency, which 
showed a unanimous preference for her noble and distinguished 
son, N. P. Banks, Jr. At that moment, a townsman an authorized 
agent and friend of Mr. Banks stated to the delegation peremp- 
torily, that, under no circumstances would Mr. Banks consent, in 
the present state of affairs, that his name should be used in con- 
nection with that office. Since then, a communication had been 
received from Mr. Banks, by telegraph, in which he said: "Do not 
allow my name to be used for Vice-President." 

The State of Massachusetts wanted, as the whole country want- 
ed, the services of Mr. Banks in his present distinguished position. 
[Cheers.] No man could fill that office more acceptably; and he 
(Mr. Elliot) thought it was a cause of congratulation to them all 
that he (Mr. Banks), feeling as he did, determined rather to remain 
than to remove himself from that post of honor. He (Mr. Elliot) 
had it in charge, and was authorized, in behalf of Charles Sumner, 
to withdraw his name from before this Convention in connection 
with the office of Vice-President. Massachusetts could not afford 
to lose Charles Sumner from the floor of the Senate. [Vociferous 
cheers.] 

A voice "Three cheers for Sumner." [Loud and reiterated 
cheers.] 

Mr. Elliot, heartily, Mr. President, do we thank you for this ex- 
pression, not for Sumner, but for the cause. Whether he stand 
on the floor of the Senate to embody the eloquence and de- 
clare the rights of the North, or whether he be stricken down 
from his seat by a blow from the South in either position, the 
Commonwealth and the North are proud of the man. [Loud 
cheers.] In regard, Mr. President, to another gentleman who has 
also been voted for Henry Wilson, of Massachusetts, [enthusias- 
tic cheering,] he has been among us since we have been in session 
here; he has been seen and heard by us; and it is known all round 
the room that he has been using his influence in favorof a gentle- 
mannot himself by any means and has peremptorily declined 
to entertain the advances that have been made to him to allow his 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 



65 



name to be put up as a candidate. I stand authorized by him to 
withdraw, without qualification, from the consideration of this 
Convention, his name also as in connection with that office. Now, 
sir, the Commonwealth of Massachusetts having had her free, 
true, noble men presented to you, and having withdrawn them, 
calls upon you to unite as one man in support of such a candidate 
as will secure to us a triumphant victory next November. 

Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, arose and said: 
Pennsylvania has had some consultation, and has not been able 
to agree that it is proper for her to present any name to this Con- 
vention. If she were to present any name, it would be David 
Wilmot's. But Mr. Wilmot has requested me, in this doubt of 
Pennsylvania as to the propriety of presenting any name, to 
withdraw his name from the canvass, as he did not desire to be 
voted for at all. 

Mr. Root, of Ohio, gained the ear of the President. He said: 
Sir, this morning I had a conversation with Governor Ford, of 
Ohio. Says he: "The boys may be troubling you with my name. 
I want to fight, but dont let them buckle a knapsack on me. lean 
fight better light." We can't spare Tom Ford; we want him for 
home consumption. That's all I have to say. [Loud cheers.] 

Hon. E. Rockwood Hoar, of Massachusetts, then offered the fol- 
lowing resolution: 

Resolved: That the committee do immediately proceed to take 
a formal vote for a Republican candidate for the office of Vice- 
President of the United States. 

The resolution was adopted, an'd the President appointed the 
same tellers as on the previous vote. 

On calling the States, the result of the vote was as follows: 

Dayton. Lincoln. Banks. King. Ford. Sumner. 

Maine 24 

New Hampshire 15 

Vermont 15 

Massachusetts 39 

Rhode Island 12 

Connecticut 10 

New York 81 

New Jersey 21 

Pennsylvania 77 

Delaware 9 

Maryland 6 

Virginia 3 

Kentucky 5 

Ohio 68 

Indiana 39 

Illinois. 33 

Michigan 18 

Iowa 12 

Wisconsin 15 

California 12 

Kansas : 9 

After the vote of Delaware was declared, Judge Palmer, of Illi- 
nois, said: 

In behalf of the delegation of the State of Illinois, I return 
thanks to such members of this Convention as have honored the 
favorite of our State with their vote. Illinois asks nothing for 
5 



2 scattering. 



66 

herself in this contest. She is devoted and I trust that the result 
of the next election will prove that she is devoted to the great 
cause that has brought us together. [Cheers.] She knew that in 
Abraham Lincoln we had a soldier tried and true. We offered 
him to the Republican party of the United States for the position 
that we have indicated, but we are content to prefer harmony and 
union to the success even of our cherished favorite. Therefore, 
we say to those of our friends who have honored us, we commend 
them to withdraw the votes thus cast for Mr. Lincoln, and give 
them that direction that will make the vote unanimous and har- 
monious for Wm. L. Dayton. [Loud applause.] 

A delegate from Kentucky arose, and said Kentucky had cast a 
portion of her vote for Dayton, and a portion for Lincoln. They 
would now give all to Dayton. 

The formal ballot was then proceeded with, every vote being- 
cast for Dayton. When Kansas was called, a voice arose: "Kan- 
sas will follow manifest destiny." [Enthusiastic applause.] 

Before the vote was announced, New York and Illinois delegates 
asked that their votes be recorded unanimously for Dayton. 

A delegate from Connecticut also asked the same privileg-e for 
his State. Connecticut had heard that ever since the nomination 
3 r esterday, nothing had been heard but Yankee Doodle from here 
to the Rocky Mountains, and it had come back with four-fold 
force for a Vice-President from the Atlantic. 

Dr. Gazzam, of Western Pennsylvania, rose to ask to have the 
vote of Pennsylvania recorded unanimously for William L. Day- 
ton. But he was informed that one delegate had not yet made up 
his mind. He further said, that there was considerable difference 
of opinion among the delegation. While some gentlemen from 
the east expected to carry it by a tolerable majority, they of the 
west thought they could do it by twenty -five thousand majority. 
[Tremendous cheering.] Fremont was stronger to-day than he 
was yesterday, and he would be still stronger to-morrow than he 
was to-day. [Cheers.] 

Wm. S. Pierce, Esq., the only dissenting Pennsylvania delegate, 
rose and withdrew his dissent. 

The result of the ballot was then announced: that William L. 
Dayton, of New Jersey, having received all the votes cast 561 
was the unanimous choice of the Convention. 

When the nomination was made unanimous, the whole Conven- 
tion rose and gave nine hearty cheers. 

An interval of shouting, and laughing, and talking succeeded, 
when Mr. Ashley, of Ohio, offered the following resolution: 
f* Resolved, That a committee of nine be appointed, by the Presi- 
dent, to constitute a Committee to inform the nominees of this 
Convention for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency of the United 
States, of their nomination, and request their acceptance of the 
same. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 67 

Which resolution was unanimously adopted, and the Chair ap- 
pointed the following gentlemen to constitute the committee: 

J. M. Ashley, of Ohio; Anthony J. Bleecker, of New York; Hon. 
J. C. Hornblower, of New Jersey; Judge E. R. Hoar, of Massa- 
chusetts; Hon. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania; Gov. Kins- 
ley S. Bingham, of Michigan; John A. Wells, of California; Gov. 
Chauncey F. Cleveland, of Connecticut; Cyrus Aldrich, of Illi- 
nois. 

And, on motion, Col. Henry S. Lane, President of the Conven- 
tion, was added to the Committee as Chairman. 

Mr. Fisher, of Pennsylvania, said that a gentleman of the city 
had taken the sense of the hands in his manufactory thirty-one 
Democrats and they were unanimous for John C.Fremont. 

Gov. Cleveland (who now took the chair), proposed that the 
assemblage give three cheers for the 31 Democrats of Pennsylva- 
nia who had taken this beautiful lead. [Vociferous and pro- 
longed cheering.] That was only an indication of what they 
would see throughout the land. [Renewed cheers, followed by 
boisterous manifestations of approval and great confusion.] 

Gov. Cleveland, it is due to yourselves to keep satisfactory order. 
These gentlemen with the pens here will report every such exhi- 
bition, and they certainly ought not to have the privilege, if they 
esteem it a privilege, of making it appear that we have been 
disorderly. 

A voice "There is no disorder in an overflow of the heart.'' 

Gov. Cleveland, I may be allowed here to state a fact, which, 
doubtless, will be interesting to you. Since yonr action yesterday, 
a German newspaper 1 need not name it has come out and 
hoisted the flag for John C. Fremont. This goes to show you that 
the current has set in -the right direction, and that the men or 
party who attempt to stop it will only be overwhelmed for their 
pains. [Loud cheers.] 

The editor of the German paper was now loudly called for. Mr. 
Schneider, of Illinois, came forward. 

SPEECH OF MR SCHNEIDER. 

He said: Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I 
came here, as a delegate, to represent the German population of 
Illinois; and I have to say, for them, that there is no people more 
strongly in favor of freedom than the German population of the 
State of Illinois. [Applause.] And I know they will endorse the 
platform that has been adopted here, and the ticket that has been 
nominated, with all their hearts, with all their souls, and with all 
their strength. [Applause.] I intend to return to the West, and 
do all I can to get the German population to go to a man for the 
Republican platform and the Republican nominations. [Ap- 
plause.] And I have not the least doubt that John C. Fremont 
will get a very large majority of the German vote throughout the 
country. [Applause.] A majority of the German papers have 
already come out in favor of him [applause], and they all hope 



68 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

for the success of our glorious candidates. [Applause.] They 
hope for success, because the question at issue is one of vast im- 
portance to the German citizens of this great country. We look 
upon the struggle as between slave labor and free labor, and a 
triumph of free labor is of vital importance to the Germans in the 
United States. [Applause.] I think we shall triumph. I think I 
can say that the Prairie State will give at least 20,000 majority for 
Fremont. [Applause.] 

CALIFORNIA'S ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF THE NOMINATION. 

Senator Wills, of California, was called on to acknowledge, in 
behalf of that |State, the nomination of Fremont. He ascended 
the platform amid great applause, cheering and confusion. When 
silence was restored, he said: 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: It is my 
pleasure as well as my privilege, as the most youthful member 
of the California delegation, to return you the thanks of that State 
for the honor which you have conferred upon California by the 
nomination which you have made of John C. Fremont, as the 
standard-bearer in this new revolution for we live in revolution- 
ary times. That word revolution carries me back to the original 
revolution which gave birth to the States of this confederacy. 

In the dark hour of our fate, the eye of the patriot was cast over 
the length and breadth of the land for at that time a leader was 
wanted. The North had its able and gallant leaders the South 
also had its leaders. But, gentlemen, in that crisis the wisdom 
of that day fixed its eye upon a young Virginia colonel a colonel 
who had got his education in the mountains, in surveying ex- 
peditions, and in leading his troops against the common foe of 
the country. [Terrific cheering.] Gentlemen, we hail that fact as 
an augury in this contest. [Cheers.] We, under like circum- 
stances, called upon to fight a battle not of arms, but a social, 
civil, political battle find ourselves under a similar necessitj^; 
and you, in imitation of the fathers of this country, have fixed 
your eyes upon Col. John C. Fremont [cheers] a man of military 
education, of personal courage, of daring adventure, of unblem- 
ished character a man who, I will venture to say, with the field 
now before him, and the example of Washington in his eye, will 
become a second Washington by the redemption of his country. 
[Loud cheers.] California has been looked to in this contest. 
California knows John C. Fremont. He is, as it were, her foster- 
father, her discoverer, her conqueror as against her foe, the 
assertor of her freedom, and her first representative in the Sen- 
ate. With the name of John C. Fremont, and in view of the recent 
social and civil, and, I will say, political revolution, that has just 
occurred in California part of which I have seen, and in all of 
which I have participated with that name under existing cir- 
cumstances, and with that great measure of measures that 
measure both of peace and war that measure which, more than 
all, furnishes to the country the material guarantees for the 
preservation of the Union I mean the Pacific Railroad [cheers 
and cries of " You shall have it"] with that name, I say with 
the platform upon which we stand, I undertake to assert, in no 
spirit of exaggeration, that if the State of California can be car- 
ried by any human being on our platform, John C. Fremont can, 
and \vill do it. [Vehement applause.] 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, i860, 1864. 69 

It was then announced that Mr. Grimm, editor of the Belleville 
Zeitung, was present, and would address the meeting. He was 
invited to speak. 

REMARKS OF MR. GRIMM. 

After some introductory remarks, he said: The Germans in this 
country had come here expecting to find freedom; they had found 
it, and they were willing and anxious to do their duty in preserv- 
ing it. [Applause.] In the earnestness of their desires for free- 
dom, they had mostly, when they became citizens, united with the 
Democratic party, believing from its name, that it was the Demo- 
cratic party; but as soon as they found that it was not that it 
favored Slavery rather than freedom as soon as they found that 
it was false to freedom and true to tyranny, they were with it no 
longer. [Applause.] The Germans had fought for freedom in 
Germany with the sword and with the pen; and here, in their 
chosen land, they were as ready to give their blood for it as they 
were when in the land of their birth. [Applause.] 

Mr. Zachariah Chandler, of Michigan, read this dispatch from 
Detroit: "One hundred guns are now being fired by the sailors 
of Detroit for John C. Fremont. Fremont thunder has crossed 
Lake Erie. The channel of the St. Clair Flats is now open." [Loud 
cheers.] It was fitting, he said, that the first response should 
come from Michigan. She was first to inaugurate the Republican 
party of the United States. [Cheers. "Maine was first!" "Ohio 
was first!" "Pennsylvania was first!" "Illinois was first!"] He 
wanted to allude to Gen. Cass, because Michigan had not a clean 
record. Gen. Cass desired to be President of the United States, 
and he wrote that damnable Nicholson letter which preceded all 
these outrages. Like Esau, he sold his birthright for a mess of 
pottage. But he did not get that. [Loud applause ] Franklin 
Pierce, like Judas, had betrayed Freedom for thirty pieces of 
silver. Would he be as repentant as Judas? He promised for 
Michigan 10,000 majority next fall. [Enthusiastic cheering.] 

Gov. Cleveland, " Three cheers for the sailors of Detroit," which 
was responded to \vith most vehement cheering. 

The President announced that the Hon. Mr. Van Dyke would 
now address the Convention. 

Mr. Van Dyke appeared upon the stand and said: 

Gentleme.ii of the Convention : It seems eminently appropriate 
that something should be said on the present occasion by New 
Jersey. The duty of performing this has been unfortunately, I 
think, imposed upon me. But I shall not attempt to make a regu- 
lar speech, but will make a few remarks in a very plain way. New 
Jersey, I think, should be heard for two reasons. You will bear 
in mind that a majority of the votes given originally from New- 
Jersey were given for Judge McLean of Ohio. I heard it said 
during the progress of the canvass, that unless Judge McLean 
should be the nominee, New Jersey would probably bolt. I would 
li xe to know who has uttered that slander. [Loud cheers.] Gen- 
tlemen, it is true that a majority of the delegates from New Jersey 



70 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

were in favor of Judge McLean. New Jersey loved Judge McLean. 
She loved him for his hig-h, pure, upright and moral character. 
She admired him for his great integrity, for his great intelligence, 
and for his great capacity to manage the helm of this great nation 
in this crisis. She loved Judge McLean, moreover, because he was 
her own son, born of her own body. She had rocked the cradle of 
his infancy. She had borne him upon her bosom in his child- 
hood and had sustained him in his youlh, and she therefore felt 
strongly disposed a majority of her delegates to give him her 
vote. But, gentlemen, she was by no means so wedded to Judge 
McLean as to be unwilling to lead him to the sacrifice if the sacri- 
fice was required. That sacrifice seemed to be necessary, and the 
victim was ready. Gentlemen, when the question was started in 
the New Jersey delegation (it being supposed that Judge Mc- 
Lean's name was withdrawn from the Convention) whom we 
would go for next, I remember very well that the venerable gen- 
tleman who now sits upon this platform (Chief Justice Horn- 
blower), and who was the cause of that admirable correspondence 
placed before the public between himself and Judge McLean, 
when called upon to tell us what to do next, with his eye flashing 
fire, with his silvery locks bristling with light, he said, "/ am a 
Young American [loud and enthusiastic cheers] and if I can- 
not get the man whom I wish, I will go for the man whose star 
comes from the west, and is now rising in beauty over this mighty 
nation." [Cheers.] Gentlemen, we were perfectly willing not 
only to go, but to go with perfect alacrity, if we could not get 
Judge McLean, for John C. Fremont, of California [cheers] the 
man who has traced the paths of the buffalo through the wind- 
ings and gorges of the Rocky Mountains, who has grappled with 
the grizzly bear upon the snow-capped summits the man who 
has planted the standard of the United States in the golden regions 
of California the man who through toil, suffering, trial, danger, 
hunger and snow, has done all these things, and, with the capacity 
of Caesar himself, that has gained such magnificent results, and 
who, withal, is so capable of giving us magnificent accounts of 
them [enthusiastic cheers] a man, gentlemen, whose fame is al- 
ready too large for this continent a man, around whose brow are 
clustering the laurels and the honors of scientific establishments 
beyond the Atlantic wave a man who has traced, not only with 
his own eye and his own thought the vast extent of country in the 
West, and surveyed the whole of it, but has put it down on the 
map so that every schoolbo}^ and schoolgirl can see and examine 
it. [Cheers.] Gentlemen, the State of New Jersey is willing to go 
for this man; and with John C. Fremont and William L. Dayton 
upon our ticket [loud cheers] we will awaken every mountain 
echo in New Jersey, from the New York line to the jumping-off 
place at Cape May. [Prolonged cheers.J We will not only do this, 
gentlemen, but my impression is that we will set fire to the whole 
of the pine swamps on the Atlantic border, and you of Pennsyl- 
vania must look to it that the Delaware is not too wide to prevent 
the flames from spreading. [Cheers.] Allow me also, gentlemen, 
to thank you for the honor you have extended to the State of New 
Jersey, in selecting for the second office in the gift of this great 
people, one of her sons. [Cheers.] You have selected one of New 
Jersey's first sons. I will not say that he stands without an equal, 
but I will say that he stands without a superior [loud cheers] 
and I will say further that he stands with but few if any superi- 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 71 

ors in this great land. [Cheers.] He drew his infant breath 
among- the green hills of Morristown, where Washington was 
long encamped. Later he settled down on the plains of Mon- 
mouth, where he became an honored member of the Judiciary of 
the State. Now, he resides at Trenton, the great battle-field of the 
Revolution, where the torrent which was overflowing us was first 
checked. [Enthusiastic cheers.] William L. Dayton is an ac- 
complished man in every sense of the word. He is a scholar, a 
gentleman, a learned lawyer, a distinguished Judge upon the 
bench. I know him all the way through. [Cheers.] I know him 
intimately, and I know that in everything which can be desired 
at the present time he is the man demanded by the exigencies of 
the time for Vice-President and presiding officer of the Senate of 
the United States. [Cheers.] He is also sound on the question 
which is now agitating this country. [Loud cheers.] I speak, 
gentlemen, what I know upon this subject. [Cheers.] It so hap- 
pened, fortunately or unfortunately, that I was a member of Con- 
gress when theCompromise measures of 1850 were passed. I had 
frequent consultations with Mr. Dayton about those measures, 
and I know that he opposed them all the way through [cheers] 
not all of them, it is true. He did not oppose the admission of 
California, nor did he oppose the abolition of the slave traffic in 
the District of Columbia, which he always voted to stop. [Cheers.] 
But he did not vote for the Fugitive Slave Law [loud cheers] 
which was passed. These, with other matters, were those which 
were at issue when the North was sold to the South as it had been 
before. In all of these three measures he voted with his own 
State, which, with one exception, opposed with all their energy, 
the Fugitive Slave Law. [Cheers.] When he returned to his own 
State, he met a tumult, that seemed to rise all over the country, 
that these Compromise measures should be abided by, and some 
of the people of his own State were inclined to think that he had 
misrepresented them, and the result was that he was thrown into 
the shade, simply because he was six years in advance of his 
constituents upon this very question. [Loud cheers.] On all of 
these things he is everything that can be desired. Gentlemen, I 
have another duty to perform, and it is to return my thanks for 
the very handsome manner in which Illinois has yielded her pre- 
ferences [loud cheers] to New Jersey's favorite son. Gentlemen 
from Illinois, it was my pleasure to know right \vell the long 
"Sucker" you presented. I knew Abraham Lincoln in Congress 
well, and for months I sat by his side. I knew him all through, 
and knew him to be a first-rate man in every respect; and if it had 
not been the will and pleasure of the Convention to have selected 
William L Dayton, I know with what perfect alacrity I would 
have gone for him. I know we of New Jersey would have all 
gone for him if New Jersey had been called upon to make another 
sacrifice, and I know that none would have more readily con- 
sented to the sacrifice than the victim himself. [Loud cheers.] 
I thank you, therefore, gentlemen from Illinois, for the graceful 
manner in which you yielded your own preferences and unani- 
mously voted for Mr. Dayton of New Jersey. [Cheers.] Gentle- 
men of this Convention, we are embarked in a great cause. You 
know my own affinities have always been with the Whig party, 
and those who know me well enough, know I am ready to aban- 
don every single one, so far as this issue is concerned, to secure 
the success of Republican principles, and I will not abandon it 



72 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

while a plank remains of the Republican ship. [Cheers.] We 
have embarked on this Republican ship, and that ship is not to 
be surrendered under any circumstances. If the storms do over- 
whelm us and we are unable to navigate the troubled sea, rather 
than desert let us go down with her. [Cheers.] Before we will 
abandon this glorious ship in which we have embarked, we will 
nail our colors to the mast, spread every sail, and give her to the 
God of the storm, of the lightning and the gale. [Prolonged 
cheers.] 

Mr. A. P. Stone, of Ohio, offered the following resolution: 

Resolred: That the next meeting of the Republican National 
Convention be held at the city of Cleveland, in the State of Ohio. 

Mr. , of , proposed a resolution that when this 

Convention adjourn, it adjourn to meet again in the city of Wash- 
ington, D. C., on the fourth day of March next, to attend the 
inauguration of John C. Fremont, as President of the United 
States. 

Loud calls were made for "Hale! Hale!" and in the midst of the 
greatest uproar of applause, Mr. John P. Hale came forward and 
took the stand. 

SPEECH OF JOHN P. HALE. 

Mr. Hale, when the cheering had ceased, spoke as follows: 
Permit me to congratulate you, my friends, to-day, upon the 
spirit that you have manifested, and the unanimity with which 
that expression has gone forth. I believe that this is a Convention 
assembled not so much to decide who shall administer the gov- 
ernment, but shall there be a government to be administered? 
[Loud cheers and cries of "That's it!"] You have assembled not 
to say whether the Union shall be preserved, but whether, being 
preserved, it shall be a blessing to the people, or a scorn and a 
hissing the world over. [Loud cheers.] Some men, my friends, 
have expressed surprise and astonishment at the situation of 
things in this country; but I confess that whatever other emotions 
fill my breast to-day, surprise or astonishment finds no place 
there. I am not more surprised to seethe news that comes flash- 
ing over the telegraph, day after day, and is conveyed to our ears 
and our eyes, than 1 shall be surprised next autumn to see the 
ripened fruit following the buds of spring and the bloom of sum- 
mer. No, my friends, we are living in the harvest-time of a pro- 
slavery Democracy. They have sown their seeds; they have 
germinated, budded, blossomed, borne fruit; and now the historian 
is writing his history in the blood of our fellow citizens on 
the plains of Kansas. [Loud cheers.] And it will go abroad 
writing its hideous picture on the heavens over our heads in the 
lurid light that flashes up from the burning dwellings of our 
brethren, and the picture is heralded to the world by the screams 
of the mothers and children who have been ruthlessly driven 
from the home that the incendiary has laid in ashes. [Cheers.] 
And, my friends, the picture is not perfect until the faithful histo- 
rian shall answer the question who has done it? I say the national 
administration has done it, and nobody else; and the3"are respon- 
sible to-day for it to the world, to the countrj', to heaven, and to 
all posterity; one of j r our resolutions, I believe, recites the objects 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 73 

which our fathers said they framed the Federal Constitution for. 
One of these was to insure "domestic tranquillity." Where is 
"domestic tranquillity," to-day, in Kansas? Trodden under foot, 
and lawless violence stalking- in its place. Another was to pro- 
mote justice. Where is justice, to-day, in Kansas? Trodden 
under foot by violence. And where is liberty? Why, my friends, 
if it be anywhere else, as I trust in God it is, it is not in Kansas; 
but if it be not in the Territories, where the Federal jurisdiction 
extends, it has at least free territory in your own hearts [loud 
cheers]; and I am confident that, under its generous impulses, 
you will assemble as one mighty host, under the leader you have 
selected, to march forth in the coming- campaign to a glorious 
victory. [Cheers.] My friends, I know it is bad taste for a man 
ever to indulge in personal allusions; but I think I have a right 
to indulge in one. Four years ago I had the honor of being 
nominated for President. [Cheers and laughter.] But my friends 
had told me that I had been in the minority so long that I made 
a most excellent candidate when they expected to be defeated, 
but when victory came they wanted another leader. [Laughter 
and applause.] They leave me still in the minority where I am. 
Well, my friends, what did we meet for? Can we unite? If we 
cannot, we deserve defeat. One old gentleman said to me, about 
a week ago: "Well, I don't know; I think if the slave power takes 
one or two more screws upon us, it will bring the North together." 
[Loud cheers and laughter.] One or two more? Why, said I, if 
the north don't come together now, if they don't rouse themselves 
as one man, if they hear not all the voices which come to them 
from every quarter, they would not hear Moses and the prophets, 
neither would they be persuaded though they were screwed again. 
[Great laughter and applause.] Well, now, my friends, what is our 
prospect? I cannot speak for this \vhole country, but I have just 
come from New Hampshire. They talk to you here, perhaps, 
about the preferences of the different States. We had no prefer- 
ences there. We were for the cause we were for liberty we were 
for the great principles of the Constitution carried out faithfully, 
and no matter who might be the standard-bearer, we were the 
soldiers to the cause, and we \vere ready to fight under any true 
man. And it is, perhaps, true, my friends, that the hot impulses 
which are ready to wipe out whatever odium is fastened 
upon our State by its unfortunate connection with the present 
administration, will rally our voters more readily and more 
cheerfully under the gallant man you have selected for President. 
New Hampshire is small, I know, but I tell you she is sound to 
the core, and she will speak a language that will tower above the 
little voices she has been uttering for some time past as high as 
the mountains tower above the valleys. And so it will be with all 
New England. Then we come to Pennsylvania. And what of her? 
It cannot be that this glorious Commonwealth, formed by the 
piety and nurtured by the patriotism of a Penn it cannot be that 
this Commonwealth, with such a glorious beginning, with such 
magnificent prospects, with such a glorious future before her it 
cannot be that in this great contest of the day, compared with 
which all other contests sink into comparative insignificance, 
that she is going to belie her glorious history, her rich memories, 
her dead patriots, her living fame, and bind herself to the car of 
slavey. [Loud applause.] Oh, no, my friends, I don't believe it. 
Why, I should almost be afraid that the rumbling of the dry bones 



74 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

of the dead patriots of another age would come back to rebuke 
their recreant sons, before the} 7 would permit such a reproach as 
that to be fastened upon the land of their affections. It cannot be. 
We have nothing- to do, my friends, but to go forward. The 
harvest is ripe for the sickle. God's blessings hang over us, only 
waiting faith in us to take them. That is all. [Loud and repeated 
cheersT] And, my friends, there is one glorious feature in this 
campaign, and that is, we fight it aboveboard. We have got out 
of the bushes. We will have no more bush-fighting. We have 
had, with the blessing of Providence, the prayer of the old Grecian 
warrior answered in our favor. When an unnatural mist came 
over him, he poured forth the whole energy of his warlike nature 
in one fervent supplication 

"Oh, God! dispel these clouds; 

The light of Heaven restore; 
Give me to see, and 

Ajax asks no more." 

These clouds are all dispelled. The mists that have enveloped us 
have rolled away before the brightening ra3 r s of the glorious sun 
of liberty and light. And it shines out over us all. Here are the 
two hosts: There is the host that has sworn to extend the mildew 
of slavery over the whole land and here is the army that opposes 
them. There is no mistake about it. There is an open field and 
a fair fight. The banners are as distinct as light and darkness. 
[Applause.] The word has gone forth; and from now to the final 
conflict every man has a duty for himself individual^' and col- 
lectively. [Cheers.] And what is that duty? Why, he is to be not 
only a soldier, but a missionary. He is to go forth to do battle 
himself and to encourage his neighbors to spread abroad the light 
to tell him, in the good Providence of God, that the crisis which 
is to determine whether Liberty or Slavery is to rule the destinies 
of this country, has come. And, my friends, if there is any man 
here who has a brave heart in his bosom, I think he will thank God 
that it has come in his day. We had better settle it now, friends, 
possibly we may better settle it by the ballot than by the car- 
tridge box. It is in our power now this year to settle this great 
question at the ballot-box; and in doing it we shall achieve a 
victory which will tend to the progress of Liberty and the cause 
of Humanity and the destinies of Liberty, as connected with this 
Government, and more glorious than when Cornwallis surren- 
dered the last British army to the American hosts. For that 
victory, friends, I trust that we will go forward with one heart, 
and one purpose, and one generous resolve. The signs are all 
favorable. Intelligence is broadcast in this day; it cannot go fast 
enough through the ordinary modes of conveyance. We have 
enlisted the lightnings of Heaven, and they rush from place to 
place, flashing intelligence from mind to mind. And thus, hav- 
ing the good cause commended by every consideration that can 
address itself to the heart of the patriot or the Christian, let us, 
with firm hopes, generous purposes, and self-sacrificing fidelit3 r 
to the cause, go forward, being assured that the sympathies of 
good men and the favor of a good God will crown our efforts with 
success. [Enthusiastic cheering, amid which the gentleman re- 
tired. 1 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 75 

Governor Patterson, of New York, arose and asked that two of 
the sons of New York might be heard. [Applause.] He wished 
Mr. Dorsheimer, of Buffalo, and Hon. John A. King to speak for 
New York. He would call upon Mr. Dorsheimer first. 

When he had reached the platform, Gov. Cleveland introduced 
him as a large, good-looking man, and a Dutchman. 
SPEECH OF MR. PHILIP S. DORSHEIMER, OF BUFFALO, NEW YORK. 

He said: Gentlemen, I am startled by the greatness of the com- 
pliment under which I am introduced. The President says I am 
large and good looking, and withal a Dutchman. [Applause.] It 
is now more than forty years since I came to this country, and 
little did I think when I arrived, that I should have to stand up 
here, in Philadelphia,the birth-place of that great creed of liberty, 
"The Declaration of American Independence," at the present day 
to speak against slavery. When I arrived in this country, the law 
had just been passed in Pennsylvania for the abolition of slavery. 
I have always been a Democrat. I thought the Democratic party 
was the party of freedom; and if, while I remained in that party, 
its creed contained anj^thing in favor of slavery, I did not under- 
stand it, for I have always been opposed to slavery, and as soon 
as I discovered what favored it in the platforms and acts of the 
party and its leaders I left it. [Applause.] I have been so long in 
this country that I have almost forgotten my native tongue. I 
have been more than forty years in American society not in 
American organizations. [Laughter and applause.] I have never 
been in secret political societies; and I do not believe they will 
ever succeed in injuring an honest man. [Applause.] I have al- 
ways been well treated by Americans wherever I have been 
often, I have thought, much better than I deserved. The German 
population of the United States are, as has been said, opposed to 
slavery; I am opposed to it; and I was grieved when I heard Mr. 
Stevens say what he did concerning the State of Pennsylvania. 
I love Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania was the first to take me to 
her arms. I have lived with one of her daughters for thirty-five 
years. [Laughter.] My wife was rocked in a democratic cradle. 
Her relatives are democrats, such democrats as I am men who 
will work and vote for John C. Fremont for President of the Uni- 
ted States. [Cheers.] I am sorry to hear any one even doubt of 
the certainty of Pennsylvania for freedom in the coming election. 
[Applause.] I would be sorely grieved, were I to return to my 
home with the impression that Pennsylvania would not give a 
majority for the ticket we have nominated. I know that most of 
the Germans of Pennsylvania are mainly in the right on the mo- 
mentous question of slavery; and if they need any help from me, 
I will say to my friends that I will come to Pennsylvania when- 
ever they want me to aid in the good cause. [Applause.] But, 
gentlemen, I have detained you too long, and I will now give way 
to my good friend, John A. King, who will tell you more that is 
good than I can, and do it in a much better style. [Applause.] 

REMARKS OF* JOHN A. KING. 

He said his friend had left nothing for him to add, arid had said 
what he had said in an admirable way. And yet as he had been 
requested to do so, he would say a word on behalf of New York. 
They had come to the Convention for the purpose of uniting upon 



76 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

a standard-bearer during- the coming- campaign. He had had his 
own preferences; he had thought that when they had an able 
statesman in New York one who had discharged his duties in 
all of the lofty positions he had been called to occupy, in an able 
manner in such manner as to command the admiration of the 
whole country it would be well to present his name to the Con- 
vention. He had hoped that the name of William H. Seward, of 
New York, would have been presented. [Great applause.] For in 
him their hopes were centered. They knew him to be true, and 
they knew him to be faithful, for they had tried him. [Applause.] 
But it was not deemed best. It was thought unadvisable to take 
such a man from the Senate at such a time. [Applause.] In 
making a selection it was, where there was a desire for unanimity, 
comparatively an easy task to pass from one good friend of the 
cause to another. We, of New York, have ever been true to the 
Constitution and true to freedom. We had no preferences which 
we could permit to interfere with that; and we gave, without con- 
sultation for we had made no agreement or arrangement at any 
meeting one unanimous vote for John C. Fremont. New York 
sustains the nomination, and I trust she will give him, not a plu- 
rality, but a majority of her votes. I have no right to pledge any 
number for her, but I know her record is right for freedom. She 
was right in 1820, and she will be so again. Proceeding to speak 
of Mr. Fremont, he said he knew but little of him personally, and 
yet he knew him to be a true man, a brave man, and a man of in- 
tegrit3 r . His history was in every school book. They required a 
man who would not hesitate when Freedom was in danger, and 
he believed J. C. Fremont to be that man. And there was another 
man, a man from New Jersey, whom they had nominated for the 
Vice-Presidency. He was a man of middle age, and he knew him 
to be a good man. He had been with him in the Gongress of the 
United States for two years, where he had seen that he was as 
true as steel, and that his qualifications were such as fitted him 
practically for the office of President of the Senate. These were 
the men they had nominated. He asked, would they elect them? 
[Cries of "Yes, we will !"] Continuing, he said the people were 
moved concerning the great questions which were now the issues. 
They were interested in them, not as questions of tariff, or other 
economical questions, but as questions in which the principles 
of the Constitution were involved and in danger; and he believed 
that they would" make one more grand effort for Freedom in No- 
vember next. [Applause.] These were the sentiments of his 
heart. He was brought up at the feet of one who had something 
to do with the formation of the Constitution. He bore his name, 
and he was like him in his love for Iibert3'. [Applause.] These 
were also the sentiments of New York. She was not for disunion 
she was strong for union and for the Constitution. It was to 
sustain both that they had met in Convention, and he believed 
their action would have that result, if ratified by the people. To 
that end they must all work, for it would require an earnest effort 
to command success. 

[Mr. King retired amid great applause.] 

Mr. Carpenter, of Vermont, mounted the platform, and asked if 
they had ever heard of Vermont being sick? He said that she 
never was sick but once, and that was when she miscarried with 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 77 

Stephen A. Douglas. One of the original resolutions upon sla- 
very was framed by Judge Harrington, of Vermont, who said 
that he would never believe that a man was a slave till he had 
seen a bill of sale of him from God Almighty. He pledged ten 
thousand majority for Fremont in Vermont, and said that, if that 
that was not enough, he would add ten thousand more. [Cheers.] 

Judge Test, of Illinois, said that his State delegation was at first 
equally divided between McLean and Fremont, but there is 
no division now. Illinois would give from 15,000 to 20,000 majority 
for Fremont and Dayton. He had lived forty-six years in the 
State, and he wanted them to see next fall whether he was right. 
He denounced Stephen A.Douglas,and promised that they would 
not only give a majority for Fremont and Dayton, but elect two 
United States senators this fall. 

Judge Hoadly, of Ohio, got upon the platform, and said that 
they had placed Ohio on the right in the Cenvention, in seating 
the members, and she would head the column, in November, by 
rolling up a majority of 100,000! [Applause.] He read a letter 
from Mr. Charles Remlin, a gentleman who had never voted upon 
the Republican ticket, but who now predicted the triumph of 
Fremont. Under the banner of the White Bear, the Polar Bear, 
the Bear of the North, and Col. Fremont, California achieved her 
freedom. Let that bear be on our banner, white bear against 
black bear; Kansas for white men against Kansas for slaves. 

Gov. Kent, of Maine, was the next speaker. He said that the star 
of the East would shine brighter next November, and the State 
of Maine stand, as it originally stood, with a majority for free- 
dom. The East was modest, and placed none of her men before 
the Convention. She only asked them and the world to forget the 
man from the East who now occupies the Presidential chair. The 
Cincinnati Convention had only got out their water-logged hulk 
again not with a new commander- for Buchanan says he is not 
a commander, but only a new figure-head. Let us go home and 
organize. The time to talk had passed ; the time to act had come, 
when they had reached their homes. 

Mr. Elliott, of Massachusetts, said Massachusetts would ratify 
the nominations at the ballot-box, but he desired that Henry 
Wilson might speak for her now. 

RESPONSE OF MASSACHUSETTS HON. HENRY WILSON'S SPEECH. 

Mr. Wilson was received with vehement cheers. He said: 
Mr. President and Fellow Citizens of the Convention: I congrat- 
ulate you on the result of this day's proceedings. You have 
preferred a plattorm that embraces freedom, humanity and 
Christianity. [Cries of "Good," and cheers.] You have embodied 
the sentiments of a pure, Christian Democracy in your platform. 
[Cheers.] You have placed in nomination a ticket that you have 



78 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

not to apologize for. You have a ticket standing on your plat- 
form, and worthy of the suffrages of the Christian freemen of the 
United States. [Cheers.] Sir, I am called upon to respond for 
Massachusetts. Massachusetts, sir, by an uncounted majority, 
will sustain that platform and support that ticket. Far rather, 
sir, would I have the grandson of John Adams, and the son of 
John Quincy Adams speak for Massachusetts to-day. I would 
rather hear the son of Samuel Hoar, who was driven from South 
Carolina. And I would rather hear the voice of any of the other 
eloquent sons of Massachusetts in this Convention than my own. 
But, sir, as I have been called upon to offer a word or two, I will 
speak with some degree of frankness, and say that we have adopt- 
ed a glorious platform. We have a glorious ticket. And now, all 
that is required is that we organize the Christian Democratic 
sentiment of America, and place that ticket in power. [Loud 
cheers.] Are you. gentlemen, for free speech? [Shouts of "Aye," 
"Yes," and cheers.] Then vote for John C.Fremont. [Cheers.] Are you 
for a free press? ["Aye,"] all over the North? ["Yes, yes."] In Kan- 
sas? [Shouts of "Yes, certainly."] Everywhere in the territory of 
the United States? ["Aye. aye."] Then vote the ticket that has 
here been nominated. [Cheers.] Are you for freemen ["aye, aye, 
aye,"] everywhere under the folds of the flag of the United 
States? In the territories of the United States? [Cheers and 
shouts of "a3 7 e."j Then vote that ticket. Are you 
for free Kansas? [Cries of "aye."] Do you want to bring 
that young sister of ours, now in a condition of civil war, into the 
galaxy of free confederacies? [Loud cries of "aye."] Then sup- 
port that ticket. [Cheers.] Aye, gentlemen, let our motto in this 
canvass be, Free Speech, Free Press, Free men, Free Labor, Free 
Territory, and Fremont. [Thundering cheers.] Gentlemen, my 
feelings this day are not unmixed with sadness. Our friends from 
Pennsylvania have been disappointed in their choice. 

Gov. Cleveland, the gentleman will allow me to make a sugges- 
tion. All that is healed up, and they are now glad that they were 
disappointed. 

Voices "Certainly, certainly." [Loud cheers.] 

Mr. Wilson, then, sir, I pass from the allusion to it. I rejoice to 
learn that their feelings of anxiety of yesterday have passed into 
cheering and brilliant hopes to-day. I believe that ticket will not 
only be sustained in New England in the mighty West, in New 
York, and in New Jersey, but that it will carry the Commonwealth 
of Pennsylvania. [Loud cheers.] They may tell me that Fremont 
is a new man. But, thank God, we can say that he did not oppose 
our countrymen when they were fighting the battles of free trade 
and sailors' rights. [Applause.] You have not that history to 
apologize for. And, sir, his name is not appended to that Ostend 
address, that piratical document that has disgraced America in 
the face of the civilized world. His history is a brilliant and 
glorious chapter in the history of the country, and there is no 
American of any party that is not proud of him. [Cheers.] You 
have no apologies to make for your candidates for the Presidency 
and Vice-Presidency. Sir, a delegate from New Jersey has told 
us that W. L. Dayton has been true to Liberty. The other day I 
examined the Congressional Record, and read his long and bril- 
liant speech against the compromise measures. I read up his 
history, because I believed he was just the man to put on this 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 79 

ticket with John C. Fremont. [Loud cheers.] I will say that in 
the Senate of the United States, among- the most gifted sons of 
the Republic, Wm. L. Dayton was considered among the first and 
foremost. [Cheers.] We have genius and talent, we have princi- 
ple and patriotism in our ticket. And all we want is the organi- 
zation of the freemen of the Union. I suggest to the young men 
here to-day, to the young men of the country, to hold State 
Conventions immediately, endorse this nomination, and organize 
Young America to support the resolutions we have adopted. 
[Cheers.] We were told to-day that our fathers took an untried 
man, George Washington, to lead us to victory. When John 
Adams and Hancock were organizing the American Revolution, 
the British General wanted to know who Hancock and who Ad- 
ams were. Said he, "I have heard of Hancock, but who are this 
brace of Adamses?" Gentlemen, the British agent found out who 
Samuel and John Adams were. The men who oppose this ticket, 
who ask those questions, will find out in November next who 
John C. Fremont is. [Loud applause.] This is a moment of revo- 
lution. It is a revolution of liberty, of humanity, of Christianity, 
of all that is noble in man. And I believe it will gloriously tri- 
umph in November next. Be it our duty, gentlemen, each and all 
of us, to labor and to hope on until we establish the principles 
embodied in this platform in the Government of the country, and 
place that name [pointing to the banner on wh'ich Mr. Fremont's 
name was inscribed] in the Presidential Chair of the Republic. 
[Loud and prolonged cheering.] 

Hon. David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, said that he should not 
have presumed to occupy the time of the Convention, but that he 
was unwilling that Pennsylvania should have no voice in these 
congratulations. Pennsylvania, by some, is considered doubt- 
ful,andto Pennsylvanians, also, I appeal. Why, I ask, in the name 
of God, can we not carry Pennsylvania? Was not blood shed 
here too in our Revolution? Have we no historical associations? 
Was Pennsylvania so low that politicians could drag her down? 
Have we no patriotic sentiment among our people ! A more hon- 
est and patriotic population cannot be found on the face of the 
earth than the citizens of Pennsylvania. He appealed to the 
Philadelphians, by the patriotic associations of their city, to 
assist in the work. Had Philadelphia forgotten that Franklin 
lived and died among them? Friends, said he, let us carry 
Penns3'lvania. [Cries of " We will," and cheers.] 

Mr. Williams, of Pennsylvania, came forward and said that al- 
though Pennsylvania had been disappointed in the choice of a 
candidate, she would prove true in the approaching crisis. There 
was a greater question pending than there was before the Revo- 
lutionary fathers, and the Keystone State would be true to her 
duty. 

Judge Tyler, of Connecticut, chose to face the South. The 
single issue before this country is Freedom or. Slavery. They 
told us that disunion would result. Would Virginia secede? 
The ashes of Jefferson forbade it. Would Kentucky secede? 



80 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

There was a subterrene power that forbade it. They must first 
remove the bones of Henry Clay. [" And they must kill Cassius 
M. Clay too."] They were going to prevent disunion, peaceably 
if they could, forcibly if they must. He was going to act ; he 
was going to Kansas. [Enthusiastic cheers.] God Almighty, the 
giver of all good gifts, who planted the central fire in the earth, 
had planted in our bosoms the fire of liberty. Stephen A. Doug- 
las, with his Nebraska bill, had subsoiled half a continent. He 
should see the fruit of it. [Immense cheering and waving of 
handkerchiefs.] 

Mr. Blakey, of Kentucky, came as an earnest that Kentucky, 
before another four years came round, should be fully admitted 
as a member of the Republican Family of States. Under the 
lead of Cassius M. Clay [enthusiastic applause], Kentucky had 
given a larger Free-Soil vote than any other State. 

Mr. Underwood, of Virginia, asked why Virginia was not repre- 
sented here to-day as in 1776? It was because there was a just 
God in heaven, and his justice would not slumber forever. It 
was because their political Masonry had been cementing the 
wall for crushed humanity; because their hunters had been 
hunting' clown Christian women, for deeds which might almost 
call down an archangel. Were they willing that this blighting 
curse should be extended into Kansas? [" No, no !"] He ap- 
pealed to them that the fate of Virginia should be a warning. 

The Chairman stated that he had a communication from Cas- 
sius M. Clay that he supported the nominee, let him be whom he 
may. 

The Hon. Thos. Davis, of Rhode Island, said that though small 
in territory, his State had all the attributes which went to make 
up prosperity. With one-fiftieth only of the territory of Vir- 
ginia, they could show such contrast to Virginia as would satisfy 
all men from whence models for new States should be drawn. 
But Rhode Island was not a doubtful State, and he need say no 
more. 

Mr. Fussell, of Maryland, and Mr. Branscomb, of Kansas, ex- 
pressed their entire concurrence in the platform and their satis- 
faction with the candidates. 

Gen. Pomeroy, of Kansas, made a few eloquent and stirring re- 
marks. He said that some proposed letting Kansas in free, as a 
final settlement of the past. But this was not enough. The 
South must make atonement must make reparation. They must 
recompense the freemen of Kansas for their buildings destroyed 
and their property stolen. They must give back the dead that 
have gone before. They must restore to the mother the 
only son of her hope, to the wife the husband of her heart. 
Atonement was the word: they must make atonement for the 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864 81 

record of the past. The free men who went -to Kansas did not 
think they were going where they were to be deprived of the pro- 
tection of the Government. They had a right to go as free men. 
They did not suppose that when there they should have to learn 
another language, to undergo another baptism ; for they had 
been baptized in the love of freedom at their early homes. They 
could not be slaves they had not the mark of servitude written 
on their backs or branded on their foreheads. They had come 
here from their desolate homes with drooping heads and trem- 
bling hands, but they were now inspired with hope, for they 
found their friends ready at their call to aid them. He concluded 
by declaring that all Free Kansas would pray that the man who 
tracked our prairies to California may be the next President of 
the Union. 

Mr. Pomeroj r 's remarks created much sensation, and were re- 
ceived with loud applause. 

Mr. Wilmot moved to reconsider the resolution directing the 
National Committee to call a Young Men's Convention in New 
York in September, for the purpose of offering an amendment to 
the same, providing for holding the proposed Young Men's Con- 
vention in the city of Harrisburgh, in the State of Pennsylvania, 
instead of in the city of New York, 

The motion to reconsider was adopted. 

The proposed amendment of Mr. Wilmot was then adopted, and 
the resolution as amended, and in the words following, was 
then unanimously adopted : 

Resolved, That a National Convention of Young Men in favor 
of Free Speech, Free Soil, and Free Kansas, and of Fremont for 
President of the United States, be held in the month of Septem- 
ber, 1856, at the city of Harrisburgh, in the State of Pennsylvania, 
under the call of the Republican National Committee. 

Judge Hoar, of Massachusetts, called up the resolution to hold 
the next National Convention at Cleveland, and moved its refer- 
ence to the Republican National Committee. He thought the 
Committee should name the place. If successful in the election, 
they might hold their next Convention in Kentucky or Virginia. 
Massachusetts desired to advance the column to the South, hold- 
ing their party to be a National party. The Democrats had 
called their next National Convention at Charleston, in the State 
of South Carolina, and if they persevered in their present policy, 
they would never dare to show themselves north of that State. 

The motion to refer was adopted, and the resolution in question 
was accordingly referred to the Republican National Committee. 
Hon. David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, then offered the following 
resolutions: 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention be tendered to 
the Hon. Robert Emmet, for the courteous and efficient manner 
6 



82 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

in which he discharged the duties of temporary President whilst 
effecting the organization of this Convention. 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention be presented to 
the Hon. Henry S. Lane, President of this Convention, for his im- 
partial and energetic discharge of the duties of Presiding Officer 
of the Convention. 

The resolutions were unanimously adopted with hearty cheers. 

Hon. George Hoadley, of Ohio, offered the following reso- 
lution: 

Resolved, That the thanks of this Convention be presented to 
its Vice-Presidents and Secretaries for their ability and fidelity in 
the discharge of their duties. 

Judge Hoadley put the question upon this resolution, and the 
same was unanimously adopted. 

Mr. of offered the following resolution : 

Resolved, That the members of this Convention entertain a 
deep sense of the hospitality and kindness which they have ex- 
perienced at the hands of their fellow-citizens of the city of 
Philadelphia, during the session of this Convention; and that we 
tender to them our grateful acknowledgments therefor; and that 
to the members and reporters of the public press, who have at- 
tended and reported our proceedings, our thanks are hereby 
presented for their faithful and efficient services. 

Which resolution was unanimously adopted. 

It was then moved that this Convention do now adjourn, with- 
out day. 

And with hearty cheers for the platform led off by Gov. Cleve- 
land, in the Chair and nine tremendous cheers for the candi- 
dates, in the best of feeling, the Convention adjourned. 

HENRY S. LANE, of Indiana, 

President. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 83 



PROCEEDINGS OF THE NATIONAL REPUBLI- 
CAN CONVENTION 

HELD AT CHICAGO, MAY 16th, 17th AND 18th, 1860. 



FIRST DAY. 

At 12:10 p. m., Wednesday, May 16, 1860, the Delegates having 
assembled, the Convention was called to order by Hon. Edwin D. 
Morgan, of New York. 

OPENING ADDRESS BY MR. MORGAN. 

Hon. Edwin D. Morgan, of New York, in calling the Convention 
to order said: 

On the twenty-second of December last, the Republican Nation- 
al Committee, at a meeting convened for the purpose in the City 
of New York, issued a call for a National Convention, which I will 
now read: 

"A National Republican Convention will meet at Chicago on 
Wednesday, the 16th day of May next, at twelve o'clock noon, for 
the nomination of candidates to be supported for President and 
Vice-Presinent at the next election. 

" The Republican electors of the several states, the members 
of the people's party of Pennsylvania and of the opposition party 
of New Jersey, and all others who are willing to co-operate with 
them in support of the candidates which shall there be nominated, 
and who ore opposed to the policy of the present administration, 
to federal corruption and usurpation, to vhe extension of slavery 
into the territories, to the new and dangerous political doctrine 
that the Constitution of its own force carries slavery into all the 
territories of the United States, to the opening of the African 
slave trade, to any inequality of rights among citizens; and who 
are in favor of the immediate admission of Kansas into the Union, 
under the Constitution recently adopted by its people, of restoring 
the federal administration to a sj^stem of rigid economy and to 
the principles of Washington and Jefferson, of maintaining in- 
violate the rights of the States and defending the soil of every 
State and Territory from lawless invasion, and of preserving the 
integrity of this Union and the supremacy of the Constitution 
and laws passed in pursuance thereof against the conspiracy of the 



84 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

leaders of a sectional party, to resist the majority principle as 
established in this government even at the expense of its existence 
are invited to send from each State two delegates from each 
Congressional district, and four delegates at large to the Con- 
vention." 

EDWIN D. MORGAN, New York, Chairman, 
JOSEPH BARTLETT, Maine, 
GEO. G. FOGG, New Hampshire, 
LAWRENCE BRAINERD, Vermont, 
JOHN Z. GOODRICH, Massachusetts, 
GIDEON WELLES, Connecticut, 
THOMAS WILLIAMS, Pennsylvania, 
GEORGE HARRIS, Maryland, 
ALFRED CALDWELL, Virginia, 
THOMAS SPOONER, Ohio, 
CASSIUS M. CLAY, Kentucky, 
JAMES SHERMAN, New Jersey, 
CORNELIUS COLE, California, 
JAMES RITCHIE, Indiana, 
NORMAN B JUDD, Illinois, 
ZACHARIAH CHANDLER, Michigan, 
JOHN H. TWEEDY, Wisconsin, 
ALEX. RAMSEY, Minnesota, 
ANDREW J. STEVENS, Iowa, 
ASA S. JONES, Missouri, 
MARTIN F. CONWAY, Kansas, 
LEWIS CLEPHANE, Dist. of Columbia, 
WM. M. CHACE, Rhode Island, 
O. P. SCHOOLFIELD, Tenneessee, 
E. D. WILLIAMS, Deleware. 

In compliance therewith, the people have sent representatives 
here to deliberate upon measures for carrying into effect the 
objects of the call. 

Usage has made it my duty to take the preliminary step towards 
organizing the convention a Convention, upon the proceedings 
of which, permit me to say, the most momentous results are 
depending. No body of men of equal number was ever clothed 
with greater responsibility than those now within the hearing 
of my voice. You do not need me to tell you, gentlemen, what 
this responsibility is. While one portion of the adherents of the 
National Administration are endeavoring to insert a slave code 
into the party platform, another portion exhibits its .readiness to 
accomplish the same result through the action of the Supreme 
Court of the United States [applause]; willing by indirection to do 
that which, if done directly, would bringa blush even to the cheek 
of modern Democrac}^. [Cheers and laughter.] 

While these and other stupendous wrong's, absolutely shocking 
to the moral sentiment of the country, are to be fastened upon 
the people by the party in power, if its leaders are able to bring 
the factious elements that compose it into any degree of una- 
nimity, there seems left no ray of hope except in the good sense 
of this Convention. [Great applause ] 

Let me then invoke you to act in a spirit of harmony, that by 
the dignity, the wisdom and the patriotism displayed here you 
may be enabled to enlist the hearts of the people, and to strength- 
en them in the faith that yours is the constitutional party of the 
country, and the only constitutional party; that you are actuated 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 85 

by principle, and that yon will be guided by the light and by the 
example of the fathers of the Republic. [Renewed cheers.] 

Fortunately you are not required to enunciate new and untried 
principles of government. This has been well and wisely done by 
the statesman of the Revolution. [Applause.] Stand where they 
stood, avowing and maintaining the like objects and doctrines; 
then will the end sought be accomplished ; the Constitution and 
the Union be preserved, and the government be administered by 
patriots and statesmen. 

For Temporary President I now nominate Hon. David Wilmot, 
of Pennsylvania. [Great and prolonged applause.] Those that 
are in favor of the nomination of Mr. Wilmot for temporary 
presiding" officer will say, aye. 

The nomination being confirmed by the unanimous voice of the 
Convention amid great applause, the Chair nominated Judge 
Wm. L. Marshall, of Maryland, and Gov. C. F. Cleveland, of Con- 
necticut, to wait upon the presiding officer and conduct him to 
his seat. 

The temporary chairman was then conducted to the chair by 
the committee, amid loud cheering, Gov. Cass Cleveland intro- 
ducing him as follows: 

Permit me to introduce to this Convention a gentleman whose 
name is known to every lover of liberty throughout this land the 
Hon. David Wilmot, the man who dares to do the right, reg'ardless 
of consequences. With such men for our leaders, there is no such 
word as fail. [Vociferous cheering.] 

THE CHAIRMAN'S INAUGURAL. 

Hon. David Wilmot, on taking the chair, spoke as follows: 

I have no words in which properly to express my sense of the 
honor and the undeserved honor, I think it is of being called 
upon to preside temporaily over the deliberations of this Con- 
vention. 

I shall not attempt a task which I feel inadequate to perform. 
Be sure, gentlemen, that I am not insensible to this high and un- 
deserved honor. I shall carry the recollection of it, and of your 
manifestation of partiality with me until the day of my death. 

It is not necessary for me, fellow citizens, gentlemen, delegates, 
to remind 3 r ou of the importance of the occasion that has called 
this assemblage together; nor of Ihe high duties which devolve 
upon you. A great sectional and aristocratic party, or interest, 
has for years dominated with a high hand over the political 
affairs of this country. That interest has wrested, and is now 
wresting, all the great powers of this government to the one 
object of the extension of slavery. It is our purpose, gentlemen 
it is the mission of the Republican party and the basis of its 
organization, to resist this policy of a sectional interest. Itisour 
mission to restore this government to its original policy, and 
place it again in that rank upon which our fathers organized and 
brought it into existence. It is our purpose and our policy to 
resist these new Constitutional dogmas, that slavery exists by 
virtue of the Constitution wherever the banner of this Union 
floats. 



86 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

It is our purpose to restore the Constitution to its original 
meaning- ; to give to it its true interpretation ; to read that instru- 
ment as our fathers read it. [Applause.] That, instrument was 
not ordained and established for the purpose of extending slavery 
within the limits of this country; it was not ordained and estab- 
lished for the purpose of giving guarantees and securities to that 
institution. Our fathers regarded slavery as a blot upon this 
country. They went down into their graves with the earnest hope 
and confident belief, that but a few more years and that blot 
would be extinguished from our land. [Much applause.] This 
was the faith in which they died. [Applause.] Had the proposi- 
tion been presented to them in the early conflicts of the revolution, 
or outside of that grand movement, that they were called upon 
to endure the hazards, trials and sacrifices of that long and peril- 
ous contest for the purpose of establishing on this continent a 
great slave empire, not one of them would have drawn his sword 
in such a cause. [Great applause.] 

No, citizens! This republic was established for the purpose 
of securing the guarantees of liberty, of justice and of righteous- 
ness to the people and to their posterity. That was the great 
object with which the revolution was fought; these were the pur- 
poses for which the Union and the Constitution was formed. 
Slavery is sectional. Liberty national. [Immense applause.] 

Fellow citizens: Need I remind this intelligent and vast audience; 
need I call to mind to the intelligent gentlemen who represent the 
various States represented upon this floor, manifestations of law- 
less violence, of tyrannj r such as the world never saw in a civilized 
and Christianized land that is manifestedwith this spirit of slaver}-. 
Whose rights are safe where slavery has the power to trample 
them under foot? Who to-day is not more free to utter his 
opinions within the empire of Russia, or under the shadow of the 
despotism of Austria than he is within the limits of the slave 
States of this Republic? 

Will their tyranny be confined to those States where they have 
the power to enforce it upon us? [Voices" No! never!"] We owe 
the liberty which we to-day enjoy in the Free States to the absence 
of slavery. And, fellow citizens, shall we, in building up this 
great empire of ours, in fulfilling that high and sacred trust im- 
posed upon us by our fathers shall we support this blighting, 
this demoralizing institution throughout the vast extent of our 
borders. [Voices, loudly "No!"] Or shall we preserve this laud 
as a free land to our posterit}' forever? These are the principles 
for which the Republican part) r is struggling. 

Fellow citizens, the safet}' of our liberty, the security of all we 
hold valuable, demands that we should take possession of this 
government and administer it upon those broad Constitutional 
doctrines that were recognized for the first sixty years of the 
existence of our government that were recognized by Washing- 
ton, by Jefferson, by Adams, by Madison, by Monroe, by Adams 
the younger, by Jackson, by Van Buren, even down to the time 
of Polk, when this new dogma was started, that the Constitution 
was established to guarantee to slavery perpetual existence and 
unlimited empire. 

Hoping, fellow citizens, that a spirit of patriotism and harmon3- 
will guide us to a fortunate result in our deliberations, I am now 
ready to enter upon the duties which have been assigned me. 
[Great applause.] 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1836, I860, 1864. 87 

TEMPORARY SECRETARIES. 

Mr. Thomas Spooner, of Ohio, I move sir, that Mr. Frederick 
Hassaureck, of Ohio, Mr. Theodore Pomeroy, of New York, and 
Mr. Henry T. Blow, of St. Louis, be elected to act as Temporary 
Secretaries. 

The nomination being" confirmed by the unanimous voice of the 
Convention, those gentlemen took the posts assigned them. 

THE CHAIR I will now introduce the Rev. Mr. Humphrey, 
of this city, who will make a prayer. 

PRAYER : 

By Rev. Z. Humphrey, of the First Presbyterian church. 

Oh, Lord, our Father, Thou art great and greatly to be praised. 
We come before Thy Throne to worship and also to learn Thy 
will. We invoke Thy presence and Thy blessing, as we gather 
beneath this roof to-day. We praise Thee for what Thou art, and 
for what Thou hast done for us. Verily, the lines have fallen to 
us in pleasant places, and we have a goodly heritage. Thou hast 
strengthened the bars of our gates, and placed our children with- 
in them. Thou hast made peace in our borders, and filled us with 
the finest of the wheat. Thou hast not dealt so by any nation. 
As for Thy judgments, we have not known them; and yet we con- 
fess that we have deserved to suffer, for we have sinned against 
Thee. We entreat Thy forgiveness for all our trangressions, and 
'Thy protection from all consequences of sin. We pray for our 
common country. We ask that Thou wilt deliver us from all the 
evil to which we are exposed, and that Thou wilt make us to shake 
off and put awaj" all those evils which we are too apt to cherish. 
Wilt Thou bless our rulers, and teach them to govern in the fear 
of God and in the love of man. "VVilt Thou deliver us from cor- 
ruption, from oppression, from violence, and from selfish ambi- 
tion. Show us the way of rescuing the oppressed from the house 
of bondage, and of making this coxintry truly and constantly free. 
We crave Thy blessing upon this Convention, and pray that Thou 
wilt enable all those who are here gathered, to act, amid the 
excitements of the day, as feeling their responsibility to their 
fellow men, and as knowing that they will one day stand before 
Thee. Wilt Thou bless us in all that we do. Wilt Thou rule amid 
all the conflicts of opinion and the strifes of parties; and may the 
issue be for Thy glory, and for our good. May there be no strife 
but that of brethren loving, while yet in opinion disagreeing. 
Let not the ploughshare of division drive through our fair land. 
May we live as a Christian country; and though we put not our 
trust in princes, may we be that happy land where God is the 
Lord which we ask through Jesus Christ, Our Saviour; Amen. 

COMMITTEE ON PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 

Mr. Judd, of Illinois, I desire to offer a resolution, which I will 
read as I stand in my place. I move you, sir, that a committee, 
consisting of one delegate from each State and Territory repre- 
sented in this Convention, be elected by the delegates thereof, 
who shall report officers to this Convention for a permanent 
organization. 

Motion submitted and adopted. 



88 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Mr. Judd, I move you that the States be called in their order. 

Motion adopted. 

The several States were then called, and the committee was 
made up as follows: 

Maine, Leonard Andrews; Vermont, Hugh L. Henry; New 
Hampshire, Aaron H. Cragin ; Massachusetts, Linus B. Comins ; 
Connecticut, Arthur B. Calef ; Rhode Island, Simon H. Greene; 
New York, Henry H. Vandyck ; New Jersey, Ephraim Marsh ; 
Pennsylvania, T. J. Coffey ; Delaware, Joshua T. Heil ; Maryland, 
James Jeffries ; Virginia, Edward M. Norton ; Ohio, V. B. Horton; 
Indiana, P. A. Hackleman ; Illinois, William Ross ; Michigan, 
Walter W. Murphj- ; Wisconsin, John P. McGregor ; Iowa, James 
F. Wilson; Minnesota, Simeon Smith; Missouri, Allan Hamer ; 
Kansas, A. C. Wilder; California, Samuel Bell; Oregon, Grant 
Johnson ; Kentucky, Allen S. Bristow ; Texas, M. T. E. Chandler ; 
Nebraska, O. H. Irish; Dist. Columbia, Geo. A. Hill. 

A Delegate from Kentucky Mr. President, I would suggest 
that the names of all the States be called. [Applause.] 

THE CHAIR Tennessee, Arkansas, Mississippi, [great laughter,] 
Louisana, Alabama, [laughter and hissing,] Georgia, South Caro- 
lina, [laughter,] North Carolina, Florida [Feeble hisses and much 
laughter]. I believe that includes the names of all the States. 

COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 

Mr. Benton, of New Hampshire, I move you, sir, that a Com- 
mitte, consisting of one delegate from each State and Territory 
represented in this Convention, selected by the delegates thereof, 
be appointed who shall be a committee to acton credentials, rules 
and appointments, and be instructed to make report of the 
number, name and post office address of each delegate, together 
with rules for the government of this Convention. 

A Delegate from Indiana Divide that. Let us have a commit- 
tee on credentials and one on order of business. 

Mr. Spooner, of Ohio, If I understand, it is intended that we 
should have two committees, or it was so suggested by the 
Executive Committee, and we have acted in accordance with that 
suggestion. I would suggest that there be simply a Committee 
on Credentials. 

THE CHAIR Will the gentleman from New Hampshire accept 
the amendment? 

Mr. Benton, I accept it. 

Motion to appoint a Committee on Credentials was carried. 

THE CHAIR Shall the Chair call the States again? 

Many voices Call the States. 

The several States were then called and the committee was 
made up as follows: 

Maine, Rensselaer Cram ; New Hampshire. Jacob Benton ;. Ver- 
mont, Edward C. Redington ; Massachusetts. Timothy Davis ; 
Connecticut, E. K. Foster; Rhode Island, Benedict Lapham; New 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 89 

York, Palmer V. Kellogg; New Jersey, looses F. Webb ; Pennsyl- 
vania, J. N. Purviance ; Delaware, Lewis Thompson ; Maryland, 
Wm. E. Coale ; Virginia, Jacob Hornbrook ; Kentucky, Charles 
Hendley; Ohio, Samuel Stokeley ; Indiana, John R. Cravens ; Illi- 
nois, Stephen T. Logan; Michigan, Francis Quinn; Wisconsin, H. 
L. Rann; Iowa, C. F. Clarkson ; Minnesota, John McCusick ; Mis- 
souri, James B. Gardenhire; Kansas, Wm. A. Phillips ; Nebraska, 
John R. Meredith ; California, Chas. Watrous ; Oregon, Joel Bur- 
lingame ; Texas, D. Henderson ; Dist. Columbia, James A. Wyse. 

COMMITTEE ON BUSINESS. 

Mr. Noble, of Iowa, I move you, sir, that there be one delegate 
from each delegation, selected by the delegates themselves, to 
act as a committee to prepare the order of business for this Con- 
vention. 

Motion adopted. 

The States were then called and the committee made up as 
follows: 

Maine, John L. Stephens ; New Hampshire, B. F. Martin ; Ver- 
mont, Edwin D. Mason; Massachusetts, Saml. Hooper; Connecticut, 
Geo. H. Noble; Rhode Island, Nath. B. Durfee ; New York, A. B. 
James ; New Jersey, H. N. Congar ; Pennsylvania, Wm. D. Kelly ; 
Delaware, John C. Clark; Maryland, Win. P. Ewing; Virginia, John 
G. Jacob; Ohio, R. M. Corwine ; Kentucky, Louis M. Dembitz; 
Indiana, Walter March; Michigan, Austin Blair; Illinois, Thos. A. 
Marshall; Wisconsin, Elisha Morrow; Minnesota, S. P. Jones; 
Iowa, Reuben Noble; Missouri, Thos. Fletcher; California, J. C. 
Hinckley ; Oregon, Eli Thayer ; Kansas, A G. Proctor ; Nebraska, 
Samuel H. Elbert; Dist. Columbia, Joseph Jerhard ; Texas, G. 
Moyers. 

A Delegate from Pennsylvania I move that the rules of the 
House of Representatives be adopted for the government of this 
Convention until otherwise ordered. 

The motion was carried. 

Mr. Marsh, of New Jersey, I move that the Secretary call the 
names of the delegates, in order, as they are called in the Congress 
of the United States; as they are called, the delegates from each 
State to present their credentials. 

Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, I supposed that we had just constituted a 
Committee on Credentials, and my purpose for voting for that 
Committee was to get rid of all the labor of doing their work. 
Now, it is proposed to take the work out of their hands and do it 
here in the Convention. Having voted it once to be done by the 
Committee, I do not want it brought back here, and I shall vote 
against any such proceeding. I move to lay the motion on the 
table. 

Mr. Marsh, I withdraw the resolution. 

Mr. Greeley, of Oregon, I would like to move an amendment to 
that resolution. In place of it I move that the roll of the States 
be now called over, and as each is called, the chairman of that 



90 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

delegation present the credentials of that delegation, and if any 
question arises as to the credentials or right of any to sit here, let 
it be referred to the Committee on Credentials. 

Mr. Cartter, I move an amendment; I move to amend the propo- 
sition of the gentleman from Oregon or New York, Mr. Greeley, I 
am not sure which [laughter], that instead of each delegation 
presenting their credentials here, they present them to the Com- 
mittee on Credentials. 

Mr. Greeley, I accept the amendment of the gentleman from 
Mar}'land or Rhode Island, I am not particular which: [Laughter 
and applause.] 

THE CHAIR The motion is that the roll of the States be called, 
and that the delegates of each State present the credentials of that 
State to the Chairman of the Committee on Credentials. Resolu- 
tion carried. 

Mr. Cartter, did I understand the gentlman to adopt the amend- 
ment? 

Mr. Greeley, certainly. 

A Delegate at the south end of the platform I desire to know 
who the Chairman of the Committee on Credentials is? 

THE CHAIR The Secretary will in a moment announce the 
committee. 

The Chair announced that the Committee on Permanent Organi- 
zation would meet immediately after the adjournment at the Head 
Quarters of the National Committee, room 24, Tremont House; 
also that the Committee on Credentials would meet at the 
Head Quarters of the New Jersey Delegation at the Richmond 
House. 

Mr. Evarts, of New York, vipon this Committee of Credentials 
each State and Territory has a member; why should not, then, 
each State and Territory commit its credentials to its member of 
that committee, to be presented to it? 

A voice "That's the way," and several voices "agreed." 

Mr. Evarts, I move accordingly, that the credentials of each 
delegation be handed to its member of the Committee on Creden- 
tials, to be presented to that body. 

A Delegate of Ohio A resolution has already passed requiring 
that the credentials be committed to the Chairman of the Commit- 
tee on Credentials, and I rose to suggest that \vhat is done by an 
agent is done by the part}*, and without this motion at all they 
can pass them through their member to the Chairman of the 
Committee. 

THE CHAIR Is the gentleman from New York satisfied that his 
resolution is covered by the one passed? 

Mr. Evarts, undoubtedly, if it is understood that no call of the 
States is necessary. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 91 

THE CHAIR No call is necessary under any resolution yet 
passed. 

AN INVITATION. 
THE CHAIR I have received a letter, which I will read. 

CHICAGO, May 16, 1860. 
To the President of the Republican Convention: 

The Board of Trade of this city hereby invite the delegates of 
your Convention, and other visitors to our city, to a short excur- 
sion on Lake Michigan; the excursion to leave the dock at Rush 
street bridge, near the Richmond House, at five o'clock this after- 
noon. [Applause.] 

Judge Goodrich, of Minnesota, I have been requested, in behalf 
of the Board of Trade of this city, to elicit, so far as may be in a 
mere remark and not a speech, what shall be the sentiment of the 
Convention touching that proposition from the Board of Trade. 

A voice Mr. Chairman! 

Mr. Goodrich, when I cast my eye about this vast tabernacle, that 
has been reared by the taste and munificence of the ladies and 
gentlemen of Chicago, and which has been tendered to the great 
Republican cause, without money and without price [great ap- 
plause], I apprehend that every delegate in this Convention will 
respond aye to the invitation. I have nothing more to say. 
[Great applause.] 

Mr. Dudley, of New Jersey, I move you that the invitation be 
accepted, and that a committee be appointed to notify the Board 
of Trade of the acceptance. 

Mr. Goodrich, sir. 

Mr. Dudley, of New Jersey, I move, sir, that there be a committee 
of five appointed to inform the Board of Trade that we accept the 
invitation for five o'clock, and that the committee be appointed 
by the Chair. 

Delegate from Iowa I move you that it be embraced in that 
resolution that the thanks of this Convention be tendered to the 
Board of Trade for their very liberal offer. Amendment accepted 
and resolution as amended adopted. 

A voice Three cheers for the ladies of Chicago. Cheers given. 

Mr. Horace Greeley, of Oregon, have we provided for a Com- 
mittee on Platform? 

THE PRESIDENT We have not. 

Mr. Greeley, then 1 move \ve have a call of the States for the 
purpose of appointing a Committee on Platform. 

THE PRESIDENT Will that be in order until after the permanent 
organization? 

Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, I move the appointment of a committee 
of one from each State by the respective delegations from the 
several States, to report resolutions and a Platform, and that the 



92 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Committee be made up in the ordinary manner, by calling the 
roll of the States. 

THE PRESIDENT The gentleman from Oregon has already 
moved that 

Mr. Greeley, I withdraw mine. 

Mr. S. P. Oyler, of Indiana, I move to lay the motion on the table 
until after the permanent organization. 

Gov. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, will the Chair inform the Con- 
vention what motion is before it? 

The President stated the motion of Mr. Cartter. 

Gov. Reeder, I rise to oppose the motion. It is the business 
of this Convention now to perfect its organization. You have 
appointed a Committee on Credentials, in the order of business, 
and on Permanent Organization, and because we are not organ- 
ized it seems to me improper. 

A voice (on the opposite side of the house) Speak louder we 
cannot hear you. 

Gov. Reeder, all I have to say is not worth talking to those at 
the other end of the platform. I merely desire to say that I think 
this motion at this time is out of place. It will be time enough 
to provide for a platform and resolutions when we shall have 
organized this Convention, and we are appointing committees 
now simply because we are not organized. This matter of a 
platform and resolutions is not a preliminary affair. It is not at 
all necessary to our organization, and therefore it is upon the 
same footing with the nomination of a candidate and should wait 
until the permanent and perfect organization of the Convention 
before it should be entered upon. 

Mr. Cartter, I made that motion with the view of putting the 
Convention at work; whether the resolution is passed to-day or 
to-morrow, it will be passed by the same body of men and with 
the view to the declaration of their sentiments. It is a laborious 
work and ought to be performed \vhile the Convention is in its 
vigor. The Chairman cannot fail to have remarked the indispo- 
sition to labor, when within fifteen minutes after getting together, 
a pleasure excursion is voted here. I hope it will be a pleasant 
one, but I think before we take it we had better designate those 
who will enter upon the performances of the sphere of labor in 
this Convention, and we can do it as well now as any time. 

Mr. Eli Phayer, of Oregon, I am opposed to the amendment 
which has been offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania. I 
do not consider that the mere appointment of this committee is 
at all inconsistent with the preliminary business of this Conven- 
tion. It is not proposed and it is not expected that this committee 
will report to-day. It is important, as the gentleman who pre- 
ceded me has said, that this committee shoxild have ample time 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 93 

to consider what shall be the Platform of the Republican party in 
the coming- campaign. This, sir, is the great burden of the \vork 
of this Convention, and I hope there will be no time lost in ap- 
pointing this committee, and that they themselves will lose no 
time in the labor that is entrusted to their hands. I am, therefore, 
opposed to this amendment which proposes delay. The States 
and Territories are ready to name the man who shall constitute 
for each a member of this committee. The State of Oregon is 
now ready. 

[Cries of "Question."] 

Mr. Hazard, of Rhode Island, the gentlemen who advocate the 
postponement are right in theory, but it is obvious that the prac- 
tical operation of this Convention would be retarded by a post- 
ponement. I hope, therefore, the motion to postpone will be 
withdrawn. 

Gov. Reeder, the gentleman says we are right. If we are right 
why should we be voted down. It seems to me that when gentle- 
men concede that we are right, there is generally nothing remain- 
ing to do but to carry out the right. We are transgressing the 
right here, and for the purpose of what? For the purpose of con- 
venience and because it can make no difference. It may make 
no difference now, but the time may come, and will come, when it 
will make a difference, and then this action will be cited as a pre- 
cedent. I am opposed to making bad precedents. I believe that 
the only way to pursue is, to do it right and in order. If you 
appoint a committee, what is to prevent that committee from 
reporting to this Convention before you have made a permanent 
organization? And if they do so report, what is to prevent a 
majority of this Convention passing upon the resolutions and 
platform before you are organized? Do the gentlemen desire to 
see that? Do they desire to establish a precedent such as that, 
which maybe used at some great crisis in the future for purposes 
of evil? It is admitted that we are right and it seems to me that 
there the question ends. 

Mr. Cartter, the gentleman from Pennsylvania is begging a little 
more than I am willing to grant. I do not feel that the first 
movement is right. There is no such question in this quarter 
of the hall. [Loud cries of "question," which interrupting the 
speaker, he took his seat.] 

The motion of Mr. Oyler, of Indiana, to lay over the motion to 
appoint a Committee on Platform and Resolutions until after the 
permanent organization of the Convention, was then put to vote 
and lost. 

Judge Hogeboom, of New York, I move to amend the motion to 
appoint a Committee on Platform and Resolutions, by adding-, 



94 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

" that the Committee report as soon as convenient after the 
permanent organization of the Convention.'' 

Mr. Cartter, I accept the amendment. 

Mr. Oyler, of Indiana, we have already appointed a Committee 
on Credentials, and for what? To know authoritatively and 
legally who have a right to a seat upon this floor. Now, sir, we 
are going on to provide for the most important thing that this 
Convention will do, except the designation of the man who shall 
bear our standard. I shall not attempt to say that there is one 
man on this floor not legally entitled to his seat, but we have no 
evidence of the fact. It is true, we have entered upon this floor 
and have arranged ourselves at the different points which we 
designated by the names of the States, and the fair presumption 
is that the men who fill these seats are honestly entitled to them; 
but that is no proof of the fact, and I undertake to say that this 
proceeding is against all precedent, and a bad precedent to be set 
by a Republican Convention. Why this haste? We will " work 
in haste and repent at leisure.'' What harm can be done by deferr- 
ing this until after the Committee on Permanent Organization 
report, arid the Convention organizes itself as a Republican 
National Convention? We are not that yet. I hope that delegates 
will consider; that they will stop. Let us be organized before we do 
or undertake to do the most important work we have got to ac- 
complish. 

Mr. Greeley, if there is any question here as to the right of any 
delegation on this floor, I am willing that this matter should not 
be urged. But if there is none, then let us have this committee 
appointed. It will take thirty-six hours for the committee to 
prepare their report, and the committee should be appointed now 
so they can have full opportunity. If there is any question as to 
the right of any delegate, we will waive it. 

Gov. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, the first thing for us is to be 
right. We are assembled not for deliberation, but for organiza- 
tion. Let us organize and then deliberate, and until we have 
perfected our organization, it will be a dangerous precedent to 
set up here with reference to a new party that is organized for the 
government of this country, through a generation, to establish a 
precedent which, when contestants come here from the Pacific 
and the South, will lead to difficulties on the floor. We have time 
enough. Better devote it to the organization of this Convention 
rather than to an excursion; thankful as we are for the hospitality 
of the city, we have a greater duty to perform to this country. I 
move to lay this (Mr. Cartter's) resolution on the table. 

The motion of Gov. Boutwell to lay on the table was carried. 
[Loud cheers.] 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, i860, 1864. 95 

Mr. Sweetser, of Massachusetts, I move that when this Conven- 
tion adjourn, it adjourn to meet at three o'clock this afternoon. 
The reason why I move this is, that it seems to me desirable that 
we should sometime proceed with the business of the Convention. 
If we are going to take up the time in excursions on the lake, I do 
not know when we will have time for business. I am willing- to 
change the time if anybody can tell us that we can return from 
the excursion in time for a meeting of business this evening. 

Mr. Ben. Eggleston, of Ohio, I move to amend by making the 
time ten o'clock to-morrow morning. Now, Mr. President, I am very 
well satisfied that the motion just voted down in reference to the 
resolution, will make the Convention one day longer, and we 
delegates from Ohio, some of us, are running out of funds. It 
will take a day or two longer. It takes an hour and a half to seat 
the delegates, and to seat outsiders from two to four hours. 
[Laughter.] I want it understood that I came here to work and 
am not going on the lake; nor is any delegate who came here to 
work. But I am willing to amend my motion by making it five 
o'clock if desired. 

Judge James, of New York, if we had appointed the Committee 
on Platform and Resolutions, then we could have with safety 
adjourned until to-morrow morning ; but we have voted that 
down. We want to make a permanent organization in order that 
the committee may be appointed, so that it may have the resolu- 
tions ready to present to us to-morrow morning. 

Mr. Judd, of Delaware, it seems to me, sir, if you undertake to 
assemble this Convention at three o'clock, the business for which 
the Committee on Credentials arid the Committee on Permanent 
Organization have been appointed will not be accomplished. 

A Delegate from Minnesota Make it four, five or six. 

Mr. Judd, my reasons for making the suggestion is, I believe 
every man here wants his dinner, and they are scattered over the 
entire city of Chicago, and if they are as hungry as I think they 
are, before they can get their dinners and meet at the committee 
room, the time will have expired, and the duties will not be per- 
formed by the committees, unless some gentleman has in his 
pocket a programme to be followed without consulting anybody 
in regard to \vhat is to be done by the committee. I say, sir. you 
must give them time if you expect them to act understandingly ; 
and there is no time now between two and three o'clock to ac- 
complish the purposes for which these committees have been 
appointed. 

Mr. Goodrich, of Minnesota, I would ask the gentleman to name 
the hour of seven this evening. 

Mr. Judd, I accept the amendment. 



96 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Mr. Kelley, of Pennsylvania, this hall is engaged for to-night, 
as I observe by a notice in the city papers this morning, for an 
exhibition of the Zouave drill. 

Mr. Judd, I beg leave to say that this hall is under the control 
of this Convention, whenever they want it, day or night. [Ap- 
plause.] 

Mr. Eggleston, I accept the amendment to meet at seven o'clock 
this evening. 

Mr. Kelley, of Pennsylvania, there are a large portion of the 
members of this Convention who cannot get together and have a 
night session. There are too many of them to call this vast Con- 
vention together for a night session. I hope the night session 
will go down. 

Mr. James, of New York, Mr. Chairman, if any gentleman who 
voted for the resolution that has passed, against appointing the 
Committee on Resolutions, will move a reconsideration, there will 
be no difficulty in making an adjournment until to-morrow morn- 
ing, unless this is voted down. We will lose less time by this course. 
I cannot make the motion. 

A Delegate Yes, you can. You voted with the majority. 

Mr. James, then I move a reconsideration. 

THE CHAIR Did the gentleman from New York vote in favor 
of the motion? 

Mr. James, I did not. 

Mr. Hogeboom, of New York, Mr. Chairman 

THE CHAIR I understand the motion to be to reconsider the 
vote by which the resolution was just laid on the table. 

A Delegate from Michigan I rise to make that motion. I move 
that the motion to lay on the table be reconsidered, and the ap- 
pointment of the Committee on Resolutions be now taken from 
the table, or reconsidered. 

A Delegate from Indiana [amid cries of "Question!" "Question!"] 
I rise to a point of order. I make this point of order, viz.: A 
motion to reconsider the last, while there is a motion pending for 
our adjournment that has not been withdrawn. 

Mr. Cartter, I want to make a motion if it is in order to make a 
motion. 

THE CHAIR It is the opinion of the Chair that the motion to 
reconsider is not in order, for this reason: That there was pending 
before this Convention at the time a resolution to adjourn until 
seven o'clock this evening, and to that there was an amendment' 
that the hour be fixed at nine o'clock to-morrow morning. 
A voice That motion is now withdrawn. 
THE CHAIR Then the other is in order. 
A Delegate I renew the motion. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 97 

THE CHAIR The question is, shall the vote to lay on the table 
be reconsidered. 

Mr. Preston King, of New York, I am satisfied that one of the 
difficulties in the progress of our business is this excursion on 
the lake a very pleasant one, and one for which I feel, and I have 
no doubt the entire Convention feels indebted to the hospitality 
and generosity of the citizens of Chicago. But our object here is 
business, and not pleasure. I trust, therefore that we may make 
an adjournment which will conform to the convenience of all. 
If we have old gentlemen here, or others, who, from any cause, do 
ijOt desire to have an evening session, let us adjourn to meet 
again at five o'clock, and we can, between that time and dark, per- 
form the acts necessary to a complete organization, and thus save 
at least a day's time of the Convention. If we adjourn until 
to-morrow, we lose certainly an entire day. There is no doubt 
about that. This Committee on Platform and Resolutions ought 
to have this evening to sit; and while I did not regard it as 
material whether that committee was appointed before or after 
organization, I am willing to concede that it is more regular and 
more in accordance with parlimentary usage that we should take 
the course that was suggested here. Let us now act with a spirit 
of conciliation and unanimity if we can. I think if we adjourn to 
five o'clock we may get together and then organize and appoint 
our committees and be prepared to-morrow morning to go to 
work. That will make it, of course, impossible or inconvenient to 
go on this excursion, but it is better that we should attend to our 
labors, even at a little sacrifice, than differ in Convention. 

A Delegate from Missouri I hope the members of this Conven- 
tion will not slultify themselves in accepting the invitation so 
kindly tendered to us and then immediately rescinding it. 

Mr. King, I am going to move that the proposition in relation 
to that excursion be referred to our Business Committee, between 
whom and the Board of Trade some arrangement can be made. 
I move that the communication from the Board of Trade be 
referred to the Business Committee of this Convention. 

THE CHAIR The gentleman from New York will please under- 
stand there is still pending a motion to take from the table the 
resolution heretofore laid upon the table. 

Mr. Preston King, if that is insisted upon, we must take the 
voice of the convention upon it. My object in making this motion 
was to see if we could not come to some understanding, or reach 
some conclusion, with unanimity. [Cries of " question, question."] 
THE CHAIR The question is, shall the resolution laid upon the 
table, respecting the platform, be now taken from the table. 

Mr. Sweetser, of Massachusetts, does not that require a two- 
thirds vote to do it, under the rules of the House of Representa- 
7 



98 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

tives? I moved to adjourn until five o'clock; somebody else 
moved to amend, and adjourn until nine or ten o'clock to-morrow 
morning-. My original motion has never been withdrawn. 

THE CHAIR I so understand it to be. 

Mr. Sweetser, the gentleman withdrew his motion. I still ask 
to have my motion put. 

THE CHAIR The question is, shall this Convention, when it 
adjourns, adjourn to meet at five o'clock this afternoon ; and the 
amendment is, to nine o'clock to-morrow morning. 

Mr. Cleveland, of Connecticut, I am sure, gentlemen, that you 
are all disposed to act as you look like gentlemen. I desire to 
say to you that we have a very polite and gentlemanly communi- 
cation from the Board of Trade, and we have by a vote accepted 
it. Now I agree with my friend from New York, that we had better 
not do it, but to get out of it and treat them fairly, we have only 
to make a motion to reconsider, and then we can dispose of it in 
such a manner as the convention shall see fit, and in such a 
manner as is consistent with the gentlemanly character of those 
who made the invitation. In passing a motion to accept it, and 
then voting to adjourn till five o'clock, we seem to throw contempt 
upon their very civil invitation. If the gentleman will withdraw 
his motion, for the purpose of making a motion to reconsider, I 
will make that motion, and then we can get out of the trouble. 

Mr. Sweetser, I withdraw the motion simply for that purpose. 

THE CHAIR The difficulty is here: If you withdraw your motion 
touching the hour of adjournment, then comes before the Con- 
vention, as I understand it, the motion to take from the table the 
resolution concerning the Platform. The motion before the 
Convention is that we adjourn, when we do adjourn, until to-mor- 
row morning at nine o'clock. 

Motion put and lost. [Applause.] 

THE CHAIR Now the proposition before the Convention is that 
when the Convention adjourns, it adjourn to meet at five o'clock 
this afternoon. 

Motion put and carried. [Applause.] 

Mr. Giddings (loud cheers), I rise for the purpose of alluding 
to the invitation which has been accepted by this Convention 
received from the Board of Trade to meet there at five o'clock for 
a pleasure excursion. I do this, sir, from a sincere conviction 
that every gentleman who has come here has come impressed 
with the solemnity of the business before us knowing that we 
are here to perform high and solemn duties to our country and 
ourselves, and in justice to the cause in which we are employed, 
we should be zealously engaged in the business before us ; and 
here I will take leave to say we have had a precedent recently set 
before us, far south of this, which should caution us about spend- 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 99 

ing our time here to the wearying of the public mind in witnessing- 
our discussions. If we can close up our business to-morrow by 
two or three o'clock, it will tell upon the community with a moral 
force that is incalculable. [Loud and prolonged applause.] Now, 
Mr. Chairman, I will labor from this time until three o'clock 
to-morrow in order to obtain the object of a final adjournment at 
that time. [Renewed cheering.] Then, sir, I am willing to accept 
the kind invitation of the Board of Trade here, and enjoy the 
pleasure of going up on the proposed excursion. For the purpose of 
reconsidering this vote, and then referring it to a committee that 
they shall make the arrangements with the Board of Trade, so that 
at our adjournment we will meet them and cordially accept the 
invitation and take this excursion, I now move that we reconsider 
the vote by which that motion was carried, acceptingthe pleasure 
excursion. Motion put and carried. 

Mr. Lowry, of Pennsplvania, I move you, sir, that a committee 
of one from each State be appointed by the Chair to confer with 
the Board of Trade. 
Voices Make it a committee of five. 

Mr. Lowry, I will modify my resolution and make it a committee 
of five. 

A Delegate from Massachusetts We have already a committee 
appointed upon the order of business, and I suggest that this 
matter of the invitation of the Board of Trade of Chicago can be 
referred to it. I make the motion, that reference be made. 

A Delegate from Vermont I hope that the committee will give 
the Board of Trade notice, for they are probably now making their 
preparations for the trip, and certainly we should give them 
notice. 

Motion to appoint a committee of five to confer adopted. 
The Chair then appointed the following committee: 
Morrow B. Lowry, of Pennsylvania; Aaron Goodrich, of Minne- 
sota; Joshua R. Giddings, of Ohio; F. P. Blair, of Maryland; C. F. 
Cleveland, of Connecticut. 
The Convention then adjourned until five o'clock p. m. 

AFTERNOON SESSION. 

The Convention was called to order at 5:15 p. m. by the Tempo- 
rary President. 

THE INVITATION. 

Mr. Lowry, of Pennsylvania, I would ask leave to make a report' 
The committee have called upon our friends, the Board of Trade, 
who invited us to the excursion. They extended to us an invita- 
tion and we accepted it. They left immediately and prepared 
themselves to carry out the arrangement that they had proposed 
for our enjoyment. They have a perfect fleet down there now in 



100 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

readiness. Before I could get there before I could find the 
parties who have invited us, they had their fleet ready to carry us, 
and large enough to carry us all. They say that if we are so pressed 
with business we can hold the Convention on the decks of their 
vessels if we desire it, and we can, so they say, have their cabins 
for rooms to caucus in. They are disposed very much to press us 
and will wait one hour; that will make it six o'clock. Now, inas- 
much as the people of Chicago extend to us this invitation, I hope 
it will be unanimously accepted for six o'clock. 

Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, I rise to a question of order. There is one 
question already before the house. 

Mr. Goodrich, of Minnesota, say "as soon thereafter as possible." 
We may perhaps have to wait fifteen or twenty ininutes thereafter- 
I hope that we shall go on and perfect our organization, and I 
believe that can be done within the time named. I hope the Con- 
vention will get ready at once to take that excursion and go in an 
hour. 

Mr. Hazard, of Rhode Island, the proposition now made, as I 
understand it, differs only from that of the morning in this: it is 
now said that it will not interfere with the progress of business, 
[Cries of "Never mind," and much confusion.] but it does not meet 
the case. I suppose that we are here on important business. We 
are here, believing as was said this morning [much confusion], 
believing that the government is pressed on both sides, one half 
of the Democratic party threatening us with annihilation 

So much confusion was here made that the speaker's words 
could not be heard at the reporter's desk. 

Loud calls for the "question." 

The question to adjourn to six o'clock being submitted was lost 
amid much applause. 

The President announced that the reports of the committees 
were in order, and asked for the report of the Committee on Per- 
manent Organization. [Cries of "Good."] 

Mr. Hinckley, of California, I ask if it is not in accordance with 
usage that the Committee on Credentials to first report? 

THE PRESIDENT I do not know that there is any special order 
in which committees should report. 

Mr. Kelly, of Penns3'lvania, I move that the report of the Com- 
mittee on Credentials be called, so that we may know who are 
members of the Convention. 

The motion of Mr. Kelly was carried. 

Mr. Comins, of Massachusetts, stated that the Committee on 
Permanent Organization had agreed upon a report, and that its 
Chairman would be present very soon to present the report to the 
Convention. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 101 

The President called for the report of the Committee on Creden- 
tials, if the Chairman was present. 

Judge Tracy, of California, I understand that the Committee on 
the Order of Business is ready to report in part, and inasmuch as 
no other committee seems to be ready to report, I propose that 
the Chair call for the report of that committee. 

THE PRESIDENT I think that if the Committee on Permanent 
Organization is ready to report, it would be best to receive that. 

Judge Tracy, certainly, if they are in a state of crystalization. 
[Laughter.] 

THE PRESIDENT I understand that they are ready. 

Mr. Horton,of the Committee on Permanent Organization, made 
a report in part that they have agreed upon Mr. Ashmun, of Mas- 
sachusetts. 

A voice George? 

THE PRESIDENT Hon. George Ashmun [a voice "Good boy" 
laughter], of Massachusetts, for President of the Convention. 
[Prolonged cheers.] 

The report in reference to the selection of Permanent President 
was unanimously adopted. 

A voice Nary a "no." [Laughter.] 

The Temporary President appointed Hon. Preston King, of New 
York, and Carl Schurz, Esq., a committee to conduct the President 
to the Chair. The appearance of Mr. Schurz was the signal for 
loud cheers. 

The President was conducted to the Chair amid enthusiastic 
applause. When this had subsided he addressed the Convention. 

SPEECH OF HON. GEORGE ASHMUN. 

Gentlemen of the Convention Republicans, Americans: My 
first duty is to express to you the deep sense which I feel of this 
distinguished mark of your confidence. In the spirit in which it 
has been offered I accept it, sensible of the difficulties which sur- 
round the position, but cheered and sustained by the faith that 
the same generosity that has brought me here will carry me 
through the discharge of the duties. I will not shrink from this 
position, at the same time the post of danger as well as the post 
of honor. [Applause.] Gentlemen, we have come here to-day at 
the call of our country from widely separated homes, to fulfil a 
great and important duty. No ordinary call has brought us to- 
gether. N othing but a momentous question would have called this 
vast multitude here to-day. Nothing but a deep sense of the danger 
into which our government is fast running could have rallied the 
people thus in this city to-day, for the purpose of rescuing the 
government from the deep degradation into which it has fallen. 
[Loud applause.] We have come here at the call of our country 
for the purpose of preparing for the most solemn duty that free 
men have to perform. We are here in the ordinary capacity as 
delegates of the people, to prepare for the formation and carrying 
on of a new administration, and with the help of the people we 



102 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

will do it. [Applause.] No mere controversy about miserable 
abstractions has brought us here to-day; we have not come here 
on any idle question. The sacrifice which most of us have made 
in the extended journey, and in the time devoted to it, could onl}- 
have been made upon some solemn call; and the stern look which 
I see, the solemn look which I see on every face, and the earnest 
behavior which has been manifested in all the preliminary dis 
cussions, shows full well that we all have a true, deep sense of the 
solemn obligation which is resting- upon us. Gentlemen, it 
does not belong to me to make an extended address ; it is for me 
rather to assist in the details of the business that belong to this 
Convention. But allow me to say that I think we have a right 
here to-day, in the name of the American people, to say that we im- 
peach the administration of our general Government of the highest 
crimes which can be committed against a Constitutional govern- 
ment, against a free people, and against humanity. [Prolonged 
cheers.] The catalogue of its crimes it is not for me to recite. It 
is written upon every page of the history of the present adminis- 
tration, and I care not how many paper protests the President ma}- 
send into the House of Representatives [laughter and applause], 
we here, the grand inquestof the nation, will find out for him and 
his confederates not merely punishment terrible and sure, but a 
remedy which shall be satisfactory. [Prolonged cheers.] Gentle- 
men, before proceeding to the duties of the Convention, allow me 
to congratulate you and the people upon the striking feature 
which, I think, must have been noticed by everybody who has 
mixed in the preliminary discussions of the people who have 
gathered in this beautiful city. It is that brotherly kindness and 
generous emulation which has marked every conversation and 
every discussion, showing a desire for nothing else but their 
country's* good. Earnest, warm and generous preferences are 
expressed, ardent hopes and fond purposes are declared, but not 
within the three days I have spent among you all have I heard 
one unkind word uttered by one man towards another. I hail it 
as an augury of sucess, and if during the proceedings of this 
Convention you will unite to perpetuate that feeling and allow it 
to pervade all your proceedings, I declare to you that I think it is 
the surest and brightest promise.of our success, whoever may be 
the standard bearer in the contest that is pending. [Applause.] 
In that spirit, gentlemen, let us now proceed to the business to 
the great work which the American people have given into our 
hands to do. [Applause.] 

THE OFFICERS OF THE CONVENTION. 

Mr. Marsh, of New Jersey, the Committee on Permanent Organi- 
zation having reported in part, desires to complete its report. 

The committee appointed to recommend officers for the per- 
manent organization of this Convention have attended to that 
duty, and report that the officers shall consist of a President, 
twenty-seven Vice-Presidents, and twenty-six Secretaries; and the 
following gentlemen are recommended to fill the offices respec- 
tively named: 

President, Hon. George Ashmun, of Massachusetts. 

Vice-Presidents California, A. A. Sargent ; Connecticut, C. F. 
Cleveland; Delaware, John C. Clark; Iowa, H. P. Scholte: Illinois, 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, i860, 1864. 103 

David Davis ; Indiana, John Beard ; Kentucky, W. D. Gallagher ; 
Maine, Samuel F. Hersey; Maryland, Wm. L. Marshall; Massachu- 
setts, Ensign H. Kellog; Michigan, J. W. Ferry; Minnesota, Aaron 
Goodrich; Missouri, Henry T. Blow; New York, Wm. Curtis Noyes; 
New Jersey, G. E. Rogers ; New Hampshire, Wm. Haile ; Ohio, 
Geo. D. Burgess ; Oregon, Joel Burlingame ; Pennsylvania, 
Thaddeus Stevens; Rhode Island, Rowland G. Hazard ; Texas, M. 
S. C. Chandler ; Vermont, Wm. Hebord ; Virginia, R. Crawford ; 
Wisconsin, Hans Crocker; Nebraska, A. S. Paddock; Kansas, W. W. 
Ross; Dist. Columbia, Geo. Harrington. 

Secretaries California, D. J. Staples; Connecticut, H. H. Stark- 
weather ; Delaware, B. J. Hopkins ; Iowa, Wm. M. Stone ; Illinois, 
O. L.Davis; Indiana, Daniel D.Pratt; Kentucky, Stephen J. Howes; 
Maine, C. A. Wing; Maryland, Wm. E. Coale; Massachusetts, C. O. 
Rogers ; Michigan, W. S. Stoughton ; Minnesota, D. A. Secombe ; 
Missouri, J. K. Kidd ; New York, Geo. W. Curtis ; New Jersey, 
Edward Brettle ; New Hampshire, Nathan Hubbard ; Ohio, H. J. 
Beebe ; Oregon, Eli Thayer ; Pennsylvania, J. B. Bell ; Rhode 
Island, R. R. Hazard ; Texas, Donald Henderson ; Vermont, John 
W. Stewart ; Virginia, A. W. Campbell ; Wisconsin, L. F. Frisbie ; 
Kansas, John A. Martin; Nebraska, H. P. Hitchcock. 

On motion, the report was received and adopted nem. con. 

Mr. Tracy, of California, I move that a committee of one from 
each State and Territory be appointed, to be nominated by the 
delegates of the respective States, on Resolutions and Platform. 

Mr. Cartter, and I move that all the resolutions submitted to 
this Convention be referred to that committee without debate. 

Mr. Tracy, I accept the amendment. 

PRESENTATION OF A GAVEL. 

Mr. Judd, I ask the gentlemen to suspend for one moment, while 
I make a presentation to the President of this Convention. I am 
directed, Mr. President, on behalf of one of the working mechanic 
Republicans of Chicago, to present to you, sir, this emblem of 
your authority. [Exhibiting a beautifully wrought, oak gavel, 
finished and ornamented with ivory and silver.] It is not, sir, the 
wood and the ivory and the silver 

Mr. Hinckley, of California, [interrupting,] I rise to a point 
of order. ["Sit down," "Go on with the presentation," and great 
confusion.] The Committee on Order of Business has not yet 
been reported from ; when that committee reports perhaps the 
Convention will find the adoption or rejection of that report will 
settle the controversy in reference to the appointment of the 
Committee on Platform and Resolutions. 

THE CHAIR The Chair holds that that is not a point of order. 
[Applause.] The question is upon the resolution of the gentle- 
man from California (Mr. Tracy). 

Mr. Judd, I would not, sir, have attempted to have made this 
presentation if I had not supposed that I had the unanimous con- 
sent at this time of the Convention. [Applause, and cries of " Go 



104 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

on',' "go on."] I was saying- to you, sir, that it was not the wood, 
or the ivory, or the silver, of which that little instrument is com- 
posed, that renders it valuable. It has, like the Republican party, 
a history. It is a piece of oak taken from Commodore Perry's 
flag- ship the Lawrence. [Applause.] It is not from its size that 
its power is to be estimated. It is, like the Republican rule, 
strong, but not noisy. [Great enthusiasm.] It is not that the 
Republicans require a noisy and violent government, or they 
require riotously to put down the sham Democracy; but they 
require, and intend to apply to them and to all those persons 
who seek disunion and keep up a cry about destroying our 
Government, the little force necessary to control and restrain 
them, like the little force which will be necessary for you, Mr. 
President, to use in presiding over the deliberations of this Con- 
vention. [Great cheers.] 

There is a motto, too, adopted by that mechanic, which should 
be a motto for every Republican in this Convention the motto 
borne upon the flag of the gallant Perry. "Don't Give Up the 
the Ship." [Great-applause.] Mr. President, in presenting this to 
you, in addition to the motto furnished by the mechanic who 
manufactured this, as an evidence of his warmth and zeal in the 
Republican Cause, I would recommend to this Convention to 
believe that the person who will be nominated here, can, when 
the election is over in November, send a despatch to Washington 
in the language of the gallant Perry, "We have met the enemy, 
and they are ours." [Terrific cheering. Voices, "Name, name."] 
Mr. President, in the beginning I should have named, Mr. C. G. 
Thomas, of Chicago. [Hearty applause.] 

THE PRESIDENT In behalf of the Convention I accept from the 
hand of the gentleman from Illinois the present made by the 
Chicago mechanic; and I have only to say to-day that all the 
auguries are that we shall meet the enemy and they shall be ours. 
[Cheers.] 

Mr. Dembitz, of Kentucky, announced that the Committee on 
Rules and Order of Business had matured a partial report, defin- 
ing the manner in which votes should be taken in the Convention. 
He moved that that report be now called up. 

The President announced that the question on the appointment 
of a Committee on Resolutions and Platform was pending. 

Mr. Dembitz moved that the question on the appointment of a 
Committee on Platform and Resolutions be postponed until the 
report of the Committee on Rules and Order of Business had 
been received. 

The motion of Mr. Dembitz was lost. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 105 

THE PRESIDENT The question is now on the appointment of a 
Committee on Resolutions and Platform to whom to refer without 
debate all resolutions or propositions. 

Gov. Reeder, Mr. President 

Voices "Name." 

THE PRESIDENT Gov. Reeder, of Pennsylvania. [Prolonged 
cheers.] 

Gov. Reeder, I understand the resolution before the Convention 
to be that a Committee of one from each State be appointed for 
the purpose of drafting a Platform and Resolutions. Am I right? 

THE PRESIDENT You are, substantially. 

Gov. Reeder, then I move to amend so that it may include the 
Territories. 

Judge Tracy, that is the language of the motion. 

The motion to appoint a Committee on Platform and Resolu- 
tions was then carried. 

The President suggested to the Convention the propriety of 
having a roll of the Convention arranged under the heads of the 
different States made out by the Secretaries and to be printed for 
the use of the Convention. He then proposed to call the States 
for the appointment of a Committee on Resolutions and Platform. 

Mr. James, of New York, before that is put, I would suggest 
that the Committee on Credentials report. We refused to adopt 
this very resolution before dinner. 

THE CHAIR The Chair is about to call the roll of the States, for 
the purpose of receiving the names of gentlemen to constitute a 
Committee on Resolutions. 

THE COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 

The roll was then called and the committee constituted as 
follows: 

Maine, George F. Talbott ; New Hampshire, Amos Tuck ; Ver- 
mont, Ebenezer M. Briggs ; Massachusetts, George S. Boutwell ; 
Rhode Island, Benjamin T. Eames ; Connecticutt, S. W. Kellogg ; 
New York, H. R. Selden ; New Jersej T , Thos. H. Dudley ; Pennsyl- 
vania, William Jessup; Delaware, N. B. Smithers; Maryland, F. P. 
Blair ; Virginia, Alfred Caldwell ; Ohio, Joseph H. Barrett ; Ken- 
tucky, George D. Blakey; Indiana, Wm. T. Otto; Michigan, Austin 
Blair ; Illinois, Gustavus Kcerner ; Wisconsin, Carl Schurz ; Min- 
nesota, Stephen Miller ; Iowa, J. A. Kasson ; Missouri, Chas. L. 
Bernays; California, F. P. Tracy; Oregon, Horace Greeley; Texas, 
H. A. Shaw ; Dist. Columbia, A. G. Hill ; Nebraska, A. Sidney 
Gardner; Kansas, John P. Hatterschiedt. 

OTHER REPORTS. 

Mr. Corwin, of Ohio, the Committee on Business have a report 
prepared in part, but they are detained somewhat by the want 
of the report of the Committee on Credentials. 



106 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Mr. Hopkins, of Massachusetts, in response to the suggestion 
from the Chair, I move you that the Secretaries of this Convention 
be directed to prepare a full list of the delegates to this Conven- 
tion. 

Mr. , of Missouri, I would move as an amendment, that 

it contain their post office addresses. 

THE CHAIR That, I suppose, will be attended to. It will all be 
done under the direction of the Secretaries. 

Motion to print adopted. 

ANOTHER INVITATION. 

THE CHAIR I have received a communication from the Zouave 
Guard directed to this Convention, which Capt. Rogers, of Massa- 
chusetts, will read. 

Charles O. Rogers read as follows: 

ARMORY OF THE ZOUAVE CADET GUARD, 

MAY 16, 1860. 

To the Honorable Members of the National Republican Con- 
vention Gentlemen : In compliance with the wishes of the 
citizens, we are, through the courtesj r of the Committee, permitted 
to occupy the "Wigwam" this evening for an exhibition drill, to 
which we beg to return an invitation to the members of your 
honorable body. We shall feel highly honored by the presence 
of all who can find leisure to attend. Tickets of admission will be 
found at the headquarters of the different delegations. 
I have the honor to be, your obedient servant, 

E. E. ELLSWORTH, 
Commander U. S. Zouave Cadets. 

On motion, the invitation to be present was accepted with 
thanks. 

MORE PRINTING. 

Mr. Kaufman, of Pennsylvania, I would suggest to the Commit- 
tee on Platform, before they present to the Convention their 
report, that they have a large number of copies printed and 
distributed to all members so that they can see it. It will be im- 
possible to have it read here so that we can understand itclearty, 
and members will not know if they are in favor of it or ag'ainstit. 
I will make a motion to that effect. 
Motion to print carried. 

ABOUT ADJOURNMENT. 

Mr. Vorhies, of Indiana, I move that when this Convention 
adjourns, it do adjourn until to-morrow morning at nine o'clock. 

Many voices "Make it ten." 

THE CHAIR It is moved to amend by substituting "ten." 

Mr. Tracy, of California, nine o'clock is too early. I have come 
a long way, many thousand miles, to attend this Convention and 
am tired and I can't get up so early. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 107 

Mr. Kelley, of Pennsylvania, there are several committees who 
have business to attend to; one of which I know meets at eight 
and another at half-past eight, and it will be impossible for them 
to get through their business by nine o'clock. In endeavoring to 
save an hour, I think the Convention will waste much more time. 
I think that it would be more judicious to meet at ten o'clock- 
when the committees can come in with their reports. 

The motion to adjourn to ten o'clock prevailed. 

Mr. Rollins, of New Hampshire, offered the following resolution: 

Resolved: That the delegations from each State and Territory 
represented in this Convention be requested to designate and 
report the name of one individual to serve as a member of the 
National Republican Committee for the ensuing four years. 

Mr. Nourse, of Iowa, moved to amend the resolution so that the 
delegations should be left to select members of the National Com- 
mittee who were not members of the Convention. 

The amendment was accepted and the resolution adopted. 

The Convention then, on motion, adjourned to Thursday morn- 
ing at ten o'clock. 

SECOND DAY. 

The Convention assembled in the Republican Wigwam at ten 
o'clock, pursuant to adjournment, and was called to order by the 
President. 

THE CHAIR [Amid great confusion] It is quite apparent that 
the delegates are incommoded by the gentlemen on the platform, 
who are not members of this Convention ; they are respectfully 
invited not to occupy seats devoted to the members of the Con- 
vention. [Applause.] I will suggest that each delegation, through 
its chairman, purge itself. 

Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, I will set the example. Those gentlemen 
who do not belong to the Ohio delegation will be kind enough to 
retire. [Applause.] 

Prayer was then offered up by Rev. W. W. Patten, of the Second 
Congregational Church, Chicago, as follows: 

Let us unite in prayer. Great God, Thou art the blessed and the 
only potentate, King of Kings and Lord of Lords, Thou only hast 
immortality. Thou dwellest in light that no man can approach 
unto Thee, whom no man hath seen nor mortal vision can see. 
see. "We are Thy weak and Thine erring creatures, and we draw 
nigh to Thee in all our dependence, that we may avail ourselves 
of Thine almighty strength and boundless wisdom. We thank 
Thee that Thou hast given us the great boon of existence; that 
Thou hast sent us into this world to work out our destiny and to 
do Thy will; privileging us with the opportunity of being workers 
with Thee in Thy benevolent and wise plan. We thank Thee 
that we have had our birth and residence in this land ; and that 
we have come into the world to act our part in these latter days 
of its history. We pray Thee to qualify us to act that part aright, 
as men should act who live in this nineteenth century. And we 



108 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

pray Thee, Oh God, that Thy blessing may rest upon our country. 
We thank Thee that our fathers came over here and laid the 
foundations of our country in prayer and in faith, desiring- here 
to serve God and their fellow men. And we pray Thee, that that 
same spirit may dwell in their children; and may lead them to 
bring forth the fruits of righteousness. Help this great people 
to remember that it is righteousness that exalteth a nation, while 
sin is a shame unto any people. We thank Thee that Thou hast 
permitted us to witness this great convocation of the friends 
of freedom and humanity. We pray for Thy blessing to rest upon 
all in this Convention who have come hither to represent the 
friends of freedom in this nation. We beseech of Thee that Thou 
wilt give them the wisdom which is from above which begins in 
the fear of God. Grant that they may be saved from that fear 
of man which Thy word declares bringeth a snare; and we pray 
Thee that they may be enabled to act in a manner worthy of the 
responsibility committed to them. Grant that in their delibera- 
tions they may be aided by the Spirit, and may be brought lo 
such conclusions as shall be for the furtherance of Ihe cause 
of liberty and of humanity in this great nation, so that they shall 
not only receive the commendation of their fellow men, but shall 
be prepared to meet God, and that slave, whose friend God is, at 
the great day of account. All this we ask in the name of Jesus 
Christ. Amen. 

INVITATIONS. 

THE PRESIDENT The Chair begs leave to lay before the Con- 
vention the following letter: 

CHICAGO, May J7, 1860. 

Hon. George Ashmun, President of the Republican Convention, 
Chicago: 

DEAR SIR The members of the Convention are invited to an 
excursion over the C. & R. I. railroad, to the city of Rock Island, 
crossing the Mississippi river bridge to the city of Davenport, 
Iowa, any day during their stay in Chicago which the Convention 
may designate. The hour of leaving Chicago and returning, 
subject to the wishes of the Convention. 

I am respectfully yours, 

HENRY FARNUM, President. 

THE PRESIDENT It will be laid on the table for the present. 
The Chair has another communication: 

To the Honorable President of the National Republican Con- 
vention: 

SIR Can you not arrange to send out some effective speakers 
to entertain twenty thousand Republicans and their wives, out- 
side the building? [Great applause, and cries for " Corwin," and 
others.] 

THE RULES. 

THE PRESIDENT The first business in order will be to hear the 
report of the Committee on the Order of Business. Is that Com- 
mittee ready to report? 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 109 

Mr. Corwin, of Ohio, Mr. President, I am instructed by the 
Committee on Order of Business and Rules to make the following 
report: 

RULE 1. Upon all subjects before the Convention, the States 
and Territories shall be called in the following- order: 

Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, 
Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, 
Delaware, Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Missouri, Texas, 
Wisconsin, Iowa, California, Minnesota, Oregon, Kansas, Nebras- 
ka, Dist. Columbia. 

RULE 2. Four votes shall be cast by the delegates at large of 
each State, and each Congressional District shall be entitled to 
two votes. The votes of each delegation shall be reported by its 
chairman. 

RULE 3. The report ot the Committee on Platform and Resolu- 
tions shall be acted upon before the Convention proceeds to ballot 
for candidates for President and Vice-President. 

RULE 4. Three hundred, and four votes, being a majority of the 
whole number of votes when all the States of the Union are 
represented in this Convention, according to the rates of repre- 
sentation presented in Rule 2, shall be required to nominate the 
candidates of this Convention for the offices of President and 
Vice-President. [Applause, and cries of "No! No!"] 

RULE 5. The rules of the House of Representatives shall con- 
tinue to be the rules of this Convention in so far as they are ap- 
plicable and not inconsistent with the foregoing rules. 

All of which is respectfully submitted. 

A MINORITY REPORT. 

Mr. James, of New York, before we proceed to act upon those 
rules, I wish to say that when this committee met there were but 
seventeen out of twenty-five members present. That the 4th 
rule which has been adopted was only adopted by one majority, 
and as a member of that committee I propose to offer a substitute, 
which I will read as follows: 

THE PRESIDENT Will the gentleman waive it until the 4th rule 
comes before the meeting? 

Mr. James, I suppose the amendment should be submitted be- 
fore we enter upon the duty of considering the report. 

THE PRESIDENT It will be much more convenient for the 
gentleman to present his amendment when it comes up. 

Mr. James, It is a minority report. 

THE PRESIDENT It is in order then. 

Mr. James, the minority of the Committee on Business and 
Rules propose the following amendment to the 4th rule, as a 
minority report: 

4th. That a majority of the \vhole number of votes represented 
in this Convention, according to the votes prescribed by the 2nd 
rule, shall be required to nominate a candidate for President and 
Vice-President. [Applause, and cries of "No! No!"] 



110 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

THE PRESIDENT The first question is upon the first rule. 

Mr. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, I desire to ask this House a 
question. 

THE PRESIDENT Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, has the floor. 

Mr. Reeder, I beg the gentleman's pardon ; I had not seen him. 

Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, we are approaching a labor that is going 
to involve our constituencies in this Convention, and there is no 
report from the Committee on Credentials. [Voices "We can't 
hear you."] Before entering upon the consideration of this re- 
port, which I perceive is to be litigated, T propose to go into the 
battle with the army organized. [Voices " That's correct," 
" Good," and so on.] Therefore I ask the postponement of the 
consideration of the report of the committee, until we have a 
report from the Committee on Credentials. 

Mr. Reeder, that is precisely the suggestion I was going to 
make. 

Mr. Cartter Iknewyou were thinking just aboutright. [Laugh- 
ter.] 

Motion to postpone adopted unanimously. 

REPORT ON CREDENTIALS. 

Mr. Benton, of New Hampshire On behalf of the Committee 
on Credentials, I am instructed to make the following report: 

The Committee on Credentials report herewith the names and 
numbers of delegates from the several states as being elected, 
and deem it proper to say that the states of Pensylvania and New 
Jersey have appointed four delegates from each Congressional 
district and eight Senatorial delegates, instead of appointing 
delegates and alternates; and Iowa has appointed eight delegates 
from each Congressional districts and pixteen Senatorial dele- 
gates. [Laughter.] The Committee also present the names of 
the delegates present and duly elected from the district of Col- 
umbia and the territories of Kansas and Nebraska, leaving it for 
the Convention to decide whether they shall be permitted to vote 
in this Convention. 

All of which is respectfully presented in behalf of the com- 
mittee. 

The states and territories are specified, and I can read them if 
the Convention desire it, although the Chairman did not deem 
it necessary, as they are in the specification accompanying the 
report. 

Mr. Reeder I desire to know if this Committee has reported 
what states are represented and entitled to a vote in this Conven- 
tion. Have they so reported? 

Mr. Benton They have so reported. 

Mr. Davis, of Massachusetts I desire to have that portion of 
the report read stating which states are represented and entitled 
to a vote in this Convention, with the number of votes to each. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. Ill 

Mr. Benton In accordance with the suggestion, I will read the 
votes of the states : 

California, 8; Conneticut, 12; Delaware, 6; Iowa, 32; Illinois, 22; 
Indiana, 26: Kentucky, 24; Maine, 16; Maryland, 10; Massachu- 
setts, 26; Michigan, 12; Minnesota, 8; Missouri, 18; New York, 70; 
New Jersey, 28; New Hampshire, 10; Ohio, 48; Oregon, 5; Pennsyl- 
vania, 54; Rhode Island, 8; Texas, 8; Vermont, 10; Virginia, 30; 
Wisconsin, 10; Kansas, 6; Nebraska, 6; Dist. Columbia, 4. 

Mr. Davis, of Mass. I move that so much of the report as 
relates to the delegation from Texas be referred back to the com- 
mittee. 

Mr. Wilmot. of Penn. I move to amend the motion so as to 
include the states of Maryland, Kentucky and Virginia. I had 
foreseen before I came to this Convention, that the question 
would very properly arise as to the propriety of allowing these 
states to have a full vote in this Convention. We are a Conven- 
tion of delegates representing a party, having constituencies at 
home. This is not a mass convention,' in which a mere numeri- 
cal majority of all who choose to attend control the result, but 
this is a Convention of delegates representing a constituency, 
and having constituents at home to represent. [Great applause.] 

Now, sir, can it be possible that those gentlemen who come here 
from states in which there is no organized party, or from states 
in which they cannot maintain an organized party is it possible 
that they are to come here and by their votes control the action 
of the Convention? I can see nothing better calculated to 
demoralize a party, and to break it up, than just such a 
proceeding. Why, sir, this nomination is to be the nomi- 
nation of the Republican party in the Union, not the nomi- 
nation of respectable gentlemen who may belong to the 
Republican party in Virginia, Maryland or Kentucky. 
What are the facts in Maryland? In Maryland, thirty gen- 
tlemen assembled in Baltimore for the purpose of sending a 
delegation to this Convention. Did they assemble as the repres- 
entatives of a party? Not at all. They have never had a Republi- 
can party in Maryland, and, in my judgment, there will be no 
such party there until the people of the free states shall place 
this government in different hands, and relieve them from the 
tyranny which now weighs them down. There are respectable 
gentlemen in Maryland, many of them, who sympathize with us 
and our cause; and so there are in every other Southern state; 
but they are not formed nor forming into a party organization. 
These gentlemen are not here as the representatives of any organ- 
ized party at all. If this thing is to be done, the result of the 
deliberations of this Convention respecting its nominee may be 
another thing; it may be other than such a result as would be 
produced by the voices of those only who are properly repres- 
ented upon this floor. Admit this precedent, sir, and hereafter 
some candidate, or rather the friends of the candidate may, in 
their anxiety to procure a result favorable to their wishes, at the 
next convention we shall have, sir, carry this thing still further; 
and there will be delegates, not representing any party but there 
will be gentlemen, excellent men, no doubt, coming in here 
from every state of the Union, brought here by influences from 
the North, but not sent here by a party from home. That will be 
the result. [Applause.] Sir, they may possibly come here in this 



112 THE FIRST THKEE REPUBLICAN 

manner, in a situation of this kind. I cast no imputation upon 
the gentlemen who come here to this Convention. I have full 
confidence in their integrit} r and in the earnestness and zeal with 
which they are enlisted in the cause; but, sir, in another Conven- 
tion that may assemble here, gentlemen may come from South 
Carolina, from Arkansas and from Mississippi, for the express 
purpose of controlling-, demoralizing and breaking up the Repub- 
lican party. [Loud Cheers.] Now, sir, if this is not stopped, 
there is no help for us. The true policy of the Republican party 
is to allow all its members a voice, but in proportion to their 
numbers. The Committee have reported here that 304 votes shall 
be necessary to a choice a majority of the votes of all the states, 
when a large portion of those states are not represented here. 
Why have they done that? Why have they broken down the plain 
old Republican rule, that the majority the real majority shall 
control? Because they know it is necessary for the accomplish- 
ment of some object. That rule, if adopted, would establish one 
precedent in the admission of men here to vote who are not rep- 
resentatives of a party; and then they adopt another mischiev- 
ous rule for the purpose of rectifying the first. What we want is, 
that the representatives of the Republican party here should vote 
for a candidate for President, and that a majority should control. 
[Tremendous cheering.] That is what we desire. This rule that 
is proposed, would introduce upon us thirty or forty votes that 
do not represent any party whatever. They are gentlemen of 
character, gentlemen of worth, gentlemen who sympathize in this 
movement heartily; but they represent no organized party they 
have no constituency at home. You admit them here, and then 
to avoid the consequences of your first wrongful act, you require 
304 votes for the nomination of a candidate. I therefore move 
that this question respecting Texas, embraced in the first motion, 
embrace also, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, the Territories of 
Nebraska and Kansas, and the District of Columbia, and all be 
referred back to this committee. 

Mr. Ewing, of Pennsylvania, I deprecate the sentiment of my 
friend from Pennsylvania. [Voice, "That's the talk." Applause.] 
We all come here as Republicans, and those men who came here 
from the states named deserve ten times more credit than those 
who came here from the free states. Why, sir, disfranchise our 
friends from Virginia, a border state a free state so far as con- 
cerns Western Virginia? Sir, shall they be disfranchised in this 
Convention of Republicans [voices. "No! no!"J by Pennsylvania, 
New York, or New England, because they have the courage to 
stand up in a slave state for Republicanism and for free thought? 
[Applause.] While, sir, we ma}" not be willing to give those states 
the full power of the whole delegation of the whole state, yet in 
the name of God shall they not represent their immediate dis- 
tricts? It cannot be that a Convention of Republicans assembled 
here from these whole United States will ever adopt such an out- 
rage as to disfranchise our friends that come from the Southern 
States. Why, sir, I was mortified at such a sentiment coming 
from my distinguished friend from Pennsylvania, that these 
gentlemen who have come here in defiance of the sentiment which 
prevails in their own states; that come here as bold and inde- 
pendent Republicans, and who are as good Republicans at home 
as here, should be voted out. They are representatives of the 
party so far as the party in these states extends, and we wish to 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 113 

build up the party in those states. I hope that this Convention 
never will adopt the principle to exclude these gentlemen who 
come here from the Southern States, because we may yet take a 
candidate from one ot those Southern States. I know not what 
may be the result. 

Mr. Armour, of Maryland, Mr. Chairman, I stand before this 
Convention and this assembled host of freemen, a representative 
from the State of Maryland. [Applause and three cheers for 
Maryland.] I claim to be as true a Republican as the distin- 
guished member of the People's party from Pennsylvania. [Laugh- 
ter and much applause.] I have dared more than he has ever 
dared. [Applause.] I have periled more than he has ever periled. 
He lives in a free state; he breathes the pure air of the grand old 
Keystone state, and yet they have not arrived at a condition in 
which they are willing to avow themselves Republicans. [Great 
applause.] I faced the mob in Baltimore; I faced the mob urged 
on by the aristocracy of the custom house, menial hirelings of 
this corrupt Administration. I went to my home and found that 
I had been burned in effigy and suspended by the neck, because I 
dared avow myself the friend of freedom. We met in Baltimore, 
in obedience to the call of the National Committee. We have a 
party in Maryland, and we can poll from three to four thousand 
votes, [a voice, "good for you," and applause,] and if ever we ex- 
pect Republican principles to prevail all over this land, we must 
organize, and you who live in the Northern states must fraternize 
with us, and not despise the day of our small things. [Applause.] 
There is the coat of arms of my grand little commonwealth, 
"Crescite et Multiplicamini." And that shall be the motto of 
the Republicans of Maryland. We will grow and we will increase, 
until Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and all the states of the 
Northwest, will welcome our grand little commonwealth to the 
band of states which have ever been unshrinking in their devotion 
and their loyalty to the cause of human freedom. I scorn the 
idea. I am proud to despise the sentiment which says that 
Northern influence has been brought to bear upon us. We are 
unpurchased, and unpurchaseable. [Loud applause.] And we 
tell Pennsylvania to put that in her pipe and smoke it. [Laughter 
and applause.] Exclude us from the convention if you will turn 
us out of these doors; [cries of "No," and "We won't,] we will go 
home, notwithstanding, and nominate an electoral ticket, and 
under the blessing of heaven we will do all that we can to ad- 
vance the cause of humanity. I beg not for Northern votes to 
sustain us here. I am sure there will be a spontaneous outburst 
for freedom, of the true sympathy of the people here. And if this 
Convention attempts to exclude us, that large assemblage of 
people will frown it down. [Applause.] I have vindicated my- 
self. I have vindicated my co-delegates. I have vindicated my 
state. Your applause assures me of that fact, and I will give way. 
[Three cheers for Maryland.] 

Mr. James Wyse, of District of Columbia, Mr. President: I come 
from the capital of this great and mighty Republic, and like my 
friend, I am descended from old Maryland. [Applause.] I stand 
in this mighty Convention congregated in the Queen City of the 
Great West, a representative from the District of Columbia of the 
great Republican party. [Loud cheers.] I stand here the repre- 
sentative of the persecuted and down-trodden, and disfranchised 

8 



114 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

people, that have no vote for President; no voice in Congress, and 
no voice anywhere to legislate for us, and yet our territory con- 
tains a hundred thousand freemen. I came to this city as a rep- 
resentative of the Republican party for no sinister purpose, but 
for the people of that disfranchised district. We claim from the 
people of this country the right of franchise, we claim the right 
of citizenship, we claim to be heard in this discussion, and not to 
be silent longer in this Republic. We have no legislature. We 
ask of Congress a legislature, and we intend that they shall give 
us a territorial legislature and a representation in Congress 
that we shall have our own laws, and that Congress will confirm 
them that we will be a people and have a word in this great 
Republic. I come here to tell this people that they have trodden 
down the Republican party with the iron heel of despotism, worse 
and more tyrannical than that of Russia or the Austrian empire. 
What has not Buchanan Administration done? Why, sir, they 
have gone into the \vorkshops of the government to seek out a 
Republican and then turn him out to grass, taking the bread 
from his family, if he did not bow down to the slave power. But 
thanks be to God, we come here like the gentleman from Mary- 
land, daring to be Republicans; and we will baptize that District 
of Columbia over again; and, by the help of God, we will exclude 
slavery from it in less than two 3'ears. [Applause.] 

Mr. Blakey, of Kentucky, having just arrived from a meeting' 
of the Committee on Platform, I understand that a proposition 
has been made that this Convention shall exclude the delegates 
from the state which in part I represent. I should not have been 
more surprised had I been told that a proposition had been 
gravely made that the ashes of Washington should have been 
placed without the pale of this continent. [Cheers.] I should 
not have been more surprised had I been told that a proposition 
had been gravely made that the remains, the precious remains, 
now silently resting under the shade of Ashland, should be re- 
moved from the precious soil of Kentucky; nor should I have 
been more surprised had I been informed that it has been gravely 
proposed that Cassius M. Clay [applause] should be buried. Who 
dare propose. I say, to institute a proposition here that the free 
born sons of Kentucky and of Virginia, and of Maryland, and of 
the District of Columbia, or even of Georgia, or any southern 
state, have not just as good a right to be Republicans and breathe 
free air, and be free men upon American soil as the old Keystone 
State. [Applause.] Gentlemen, I have but one word more to say, 
and I want it to be heard, and I wish it could be heard from one 
end of the continent to the other. I had the honor of a situation, 
a prominent position, it was a position of which my children and 
grand-children will be proud, in the Republican Convention of 
1856. [Applause.] When the vote of Kentucky was called for 
candidate for the Vice-Presidency, I had the honor then and there 
to announce that Kentucky had been experimenting; that we had 
held up the Declaration of Independence before the mirror, and 
so reflected the platform of the 17th of June, 1856; that we had 
held up the precious Ordinance of 1787, and so reflected the Wil- 
mot Proviso [applause]; thatour votes were cast for David Wilmot. 
[Laughter and applause.] Thus stood Kentucky in 1856! Can I 
be forgiven for that sin? [Applause and laughter.] 

Mr. Phillips, of Kansas, Mr. President and gentlemen of the 
Republican Convention: I stand here with my fellow colleagues 
to represent the people of Kansas. The Republicans of Kansas, 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 115 

whom we have the honor to represent upon this floor, sent us here, 
expecting" that we would have several grave issues to meet, but 
they did not expect that the representatives of Kansas would have 
to appear upon this floor with proof that Kansas is an integral 
part of the Republican party. Kansas and the Republican party 
were born tog-ether. [Hearty applause.] Its first impulses were 
stirred by the wrongs of her people; the party was baptized in 
her blood. [Rapturous applause.] 

The people of Kansas in 1856 appeared in the National Republi- 
can Convention, and threw a vote for the then Republican nom- 
inee. The people of Kansas throughout the whole of their 
struggle have vindicated in Kansas the Republican party, their 
cause and their principles. It may be said to-day that Kansas is 
not a State Kansas is scarcely a Territory; but the cause of lib- 
erty is identified with her history. She has a history and a glori- 
ous one. This administration, whose duty it was to foster this 
infant State, has dealt with Kansas with a harsh rule. The hand 
of the administration, that she has felt so often, has been a hard 
stern hand; and all has been done to keep her back, and prevent 
her from rising and bearing aloft the banner of Republican lib- 
erty. She has been not only persecuted, but tempted. If Kansas 
had accepted the Lecompton bribe, she would have been a State 
to-day. If Kansas had not been one of the strongest and best 
united organizations in the Republican party, she would have 
been received into the Union years ago, by the Democrats at 
Washington. [Applause.] But Kansas scorned the Lecompton 
bribe, and stands there to-day, and will stand forever, a Republi- 
can State. [Great cheers.] 

Mr. Chairman Kansas does not expect to come into this Con- 
vention and be alienated from the Republican party. She stands 
now a Territory, because she would not share, or accept, the spoils 
of the Democratic party. She has alienated herself, from every- 
thing 1 , to identify her people and destiny with the cause of the 
National Republican party; and now I don't think the time has 
come when the Republicans can alienate Kansas from the Na- 
tional Republican party. [Loud cheers.] I do not wish to con- 
sume the time of this Convention by urging this point. I do not 
think the gentlemen of this Convention will demand that Kansas 
shall be excluded. She has come here to say if she have prefer- 
ences, she will exercise those preferences, "or leave this hall. 
Kansas believes in the right, which has carried her through 
many a dark hour; and she believes that it is principle alone 
which will carry the Republican cause through in triumph. 

Mr. Wilmot, of Pennsylvania I regret exceedingly that I was 
misunderstood by the gentlemen who have responded to me in 
behalf of the States of Maryland, Virginia and Kentucky. I made 
no proposition to exclude those gentlemen from a fair represen- 
tation upon this floor [applause] none at all. I proposed that 
certain States be referred back to the Committee for the purpose 
of an investigation, to see what vote they are entitled to upon this 
floor. 

Mr. Blakey I was not present when the proposition was 
made. 

Mr. Wilmot In the course of my argument I presented cer- 
tain considerations that seemed to me to be entitled to weight, to 
wit: that gentlemen who come up here representing no party 
having no constituencies were not entitled to vote for their 



116 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

States upon this floor. That was the simple proposition that I 
made. Now, I desire that the facts be inquired into. Will it be 
pretended that thirty gentlemen, meeting- at the city of Baltimore, 
not delegates from the Counties of ths State, but gentlemen as- 
sembling together have a right to represent and select twenty 
delegates? 

Mr. Armour Will you allow me to correct you? 
Mr. Wilmot Certainly. 

Mr. Armour There has existed in Baltimore City, for a num- 
ber of years, a Republican Association. That Association, in 
obedience to the call of }he National Executive Committee, issued 
calls for the Republicans of Maryland to meet in Baltimore at 
such a time specified in the call, for the purpose of nominating 
an electoral ticket and sending delegates to this Convention. 
When that Convention met, every Congressional district in the 
State of Marj^land was represented. [Applause.] There were 
gentlemen from the Eastern Shore and the Western Shore from 
the extreme East to the extreme West. There were perhaps only 
thirty-five or forty delegates; but there were at least 150 or 200 Re- 
publicans in the Convention. Baltimore City sent only eleven del- 
egates, and therefore she was entitled to only eleven votes, yet the 
hall was full of Republicans. My town is full of Republicans; 
and I wish to say, in reply to the remark of the Judge that we 
have no party in Maryland, I have the assurance of a gentleman, 
and know it to be true, that in my town which polls only about 
900 votes we can poll 400 votes at the next election, nearly half 
the votes of the town not of the district. This is all I have to 
say. 

Mr. Wilmot The explanation that the gentleman has made, 
if it does anything, would enforce the propriety of my motion. 
What I have desired is, that the committee should investigate 
this subject, and should report the facts in respect to these States. 
That is what I have desired. If Maryland be properly represented 
here; if there be a party in Maryland, whether great, large or 
small, that stands as an organized party in the field, that is the 
point; not that there may be Republicans scattered over the 
State. There may be a majority in the town in which the gentle- 
man lives. There may be individual Republicans scattered over 
that State in every county, but have they combined together in a 
political organization, and do they come here representing an 
organized party? That is the question I desire this committee 
to enquire into, and that is the very object of the motion. The 
committee might report that Maryland was entitled to her sena- 
torial votes on this floor, and that she was entitled to a vote from 
such and such a district. If they so reported upon the facts be- 
fore them I shall be willing to accept that report. So too as to 
Virginia, if the committee reported that certain districts in 
Virginia took regular action as an organzied party and elected 
their delegates, and were entitled to so many votes, I should be 
willing to accept that report, and in addition, I should stand 
ready to give them the two electoral votes of their state. So in 
respect to Texas. But what are the facts about her, gentlemen. 
I speak of it upon nothing but rumor and as a rumor I don't as- 
sert the fact, for I know nothing about it but I am told that the 
gentlemen who are here from Texas, or a majority of them, are 
not residents of the state at all, and that they have no Republican 
organization in that state. It may be asked of me why I do not 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 117 

speak of Oregon. But we know that Oregon has a formidable 
party; we know that they held a regular State Convention and 
that they elected their delegates directly, and that these gentle- 
men are entitled to their seats. So if Texas has held a regular 
convention and elected her delegates and they find it inconvenient 
to attend as delegates, then gentlemen they are entitled to seats 
on this floor. But if there has been no convention no movement 
in Texas, if nothing having the semblance of a party has taken 
action in the State of Texas, and certain gentlemen are here for 
the purpose of controlling this result, then I say it is mischievous, 
it is demoralizing; it will break up any party under God's heaven. 
Will the distinguished gentlemen from New York, a candidate be- 
fore this Convention, or rather his friends, consent that they shall 
be overslaughed or defeated by the votes of gentlemen represent- 
ing no party, by gentlemen having no constituents? Will the 
friends of the candidate which Pennsylvania will present submit 
to such a procedure? If they do, it would be extremely hard it 
would be difficult to enforce submission. This was the object of 
my proposition. I wish gentlemen, instead of indulging in 
declamation and rhetorical flourishes, in appeals to the ashes of 
Washington, had consented to leave the question fairly to argu- 
ment. I raised no question with the "gude man" from Maryland 
as to who has dared more or suffered more in this cause. I con- 
cede to him and his associates the palm of victory in that. But 
if every Republican who has suffered in the cause of freedom is 
to come in to settle this question, then the little territory of Kansas 
can control this Convention under that rule she has the right.to 
control it. She has poured out her blood freely in this cause. 
The graves of our murdered sons are scattered all over her terri- 
tory. If the question is as to those who have suffered in the cause 
of Republicanism, who have been mobbed, and those are to come 
here and control this Convention, then let us adjourn and invite 
Kansas to come here in a body, man, woman and child, and let 
them say whom the Republican party shall nominate as candidate 
for President. The simple question is, are all the "gude men" 
liere from Virginia, Maryland, Texas and certain other districts 
as representatives, or all being here as individual Republicans? 
I don't question their Republicanism. I have no doubt upon that 
point. I cast no imputations upon their integrity; but this I do 
assert, that if this precedent be adopted, that at the next Conven- 
tion the sympathies or the anxiety of friends to secure their 
candidate may impel them to secure delegates here from every 
state of the Union, not because there is a party there to represent, 
but because the anxiety of the friends of candidates will bring 
men here. Would it be difficult to find twelve men in the State of 
Tennessee who are Republicans? I doubt not if inducements 
were held out to them they could come here from Georgia, 
Alabama, Mississipppi, and all the Southern states. Then what 
would be the result? Instead of requiring 304 votes, you would 
have to require that there should be 500 votes. Why require 400, 
or why require 304, except that you have already virtually de- 
moralized the Convention? If you have men here who do not 
represent an organized party at home, they should not cast votes 
for their states for a Republican President. It was for the pur- 
pose of inquiry, not to proscribe or disfranchise anybody, that 
my motion was made. 



118 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Mr. Montgomery Blair, of Maryland, will you permit a delegate 
from Maryland to say one word. I wish merely to say to the Con- 
vention [voices "Louder!"] I can only make myself heard over 
a small space. But I must say one word, and that is, so far as my 
feelings are concerned, and of a large majority of those with 
whom I am associated on this floor, the sentiments uttered by the 
honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania meet our entire accord. 
[Applause.] We wish no larger voice in this deliberation than 
the gentlemen of the Convention with whom we are associated 
shall deem our members and those whom we represent entitled 
to have on this floor. [Cheers.] We do not come here (and I speak 
for myself and, I believe, a large portion of those representing 
the slave states on this floor), we do not wish to stand here as 
dictating to those who have to elect the candidates. We are 
willing; we ask only to be heard, and if permitted we will give 
our votes in the direction which we think ought to be taken by 
the Convention; but we do not wish, and we will endeavor so to 
act and I am sure I represent the sentiments of those who are 
associated with me upon this point as not to give any controll- 
ing voice in the Convention. [Applause.] That is all I have to 
say upon the subject. I would be glad to have some action, if the 
Convention deem it necessary, taken upon the point which the 
honorable gentleman from Pennsylvania has, I think, timely 
made before this body, and I therefore second his motion. [Ap- 
plause.] 

Mr. Cleveland, of Connecticut, I respect exceedingly the remarks 
of the gentleman from Maryland, Mr. Montgomery Blair; I can 
see imminent danger in this movement now made, and I look 
upon it as unfortunate. We are here to-day with high hopes of 
victory with almost the assurances of victory. We should re- 
member that in consequence of the action of one solitary man as 
a representative in Congress, for the State of Maryland to Henr}* 
W. Davis we have a speaker by whom we have been able to 
expose the corrupt frauds of the Administration and give us the 
assurance of victory inevitable. [Loud cheers.] And yet we are 
not willing to give her a full vote! In the name of God and 
humanity what are we doing? I heard a Maryland delegate say 
he was willing to take a half loaf of bread. I want to give her all; 
she has given us all. [Cheers.] This is all on that point. We 
have been charged for years with being a sectional party. The 
lie does not stick in their throats, but we can make it stick in ours 
and theirs by our folly; we are not a sectional party! [Cheers.] 
We want the slave states to come here and be represented. I say 
in this very connection, that knowingly or not the understanding 
of the slave states is that the power is to be changed from the 
hands of the slave oligarchy and placed in the hands of the 
friends of freedom, in the free states as well as the slave states, 
and hence they deserve to share in this great and glorious work. 
If we succeed next fall, as I believe we shall, with men competent 
to take charge of the government, and put secession and disunion 
where it belongs (and God grant we may all live to see it), we will 
probably have the entire slave states represented in our next 
National Convention. [Loud cheers.] I believe it. Why should 
we not? The disunionists are in a small minority in the slave 
states, and they keep down the majority by just such unwise 
operations as was attempted here this morning. If we treat them 
kindly and hold our hand out to them, as men competent to fill 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 119 

the high offices of the United States, we shall have the majority 
out from under the heel of the slave oligarchy. We shall unite 
the voice of the American people in favor of the Republican or- 
ganization. I say, sir, and I wish it to be understood everywhere, 
I am not here for the purpose of making war on the slave states, 
nor do I believe that there is a man in this house who is. We 
have been charged with that. It is false and they know it. We 
are here for the purpose of satisfying the American people that 
we are willing to give the slave states their entire rights. We say 
to those gentlemen, with that you will be content beyond that 
you shall not go. A large majority of the voters South, if they 
dare express it, in the South, would be with us. Their hearts are 
with us now. For God's sake, and humanity's sake, let us not es- 
tablish the fact, by our folly, that we are a sectional party, and 
hate the slave states. [Cheers.] 

Mr. Oyler, of Indiana, I merely desire, gentlemen, to call the at- 
tention of this Convention to the call inviting delegates to this 
Convention. Read and reflect for one minute what that call con- 
tains and it settles this question. What is it: 

"The Republican electors of the several states, the members of 
the People's party of Pennsylvania, and of the opposition party 
of New Jersey, and all others who are wilting to co-operate with 
them in support of the candidates which shall there be nominated, 
and who are opposed to the policy of the present administration, 
to federal corruption and ursurpation, to the extension of slavery 
into the territories, to the new and dangerous political doctrine 
that the Constitution of its own force carries slavery into all the 
territories of the United States, to the opening of the African 
slave trade, to any inequality of rights among citizens; and who 
are in favor of the immediate admission of Kansas into the Union, 
under the Constitution recently adopted by its people, of restoring 
the federal administration to a system of rigid economy and to 
the principles of Washington and Jefferson, of maintaining invio- 
late the rights of the states and defending the soil of every state 
and territory from lawless invasion, and of preserving the integ- 
rity of this Union and the supremacy of the Constitution and 
laws passed in pursuance thereof against the conspiracy of the 
leaders of a sectional party to resist the majority principle 
as established in this government even at the expense of its exist- 
ence are invited to send from each state two delegates from each 
congressional district, and four delegates at large to the Con- 
vention." 

Why, when we have issued a call to those men, called them 
from the sunny shores of the South to the bleak regions of the 
North, to meet us, why should be mooted the right of these 
gentlemen to vote to select a candidate and with us go home to 
help us elect the man that we may nominate, and carry forward 
the principles that we proclaim here. [Cheers.] I say, gentlemen, 
you can't discuss this question. The question is settled by the 
call. If we are honest, if we are not the veriest hypocrites in the 
world, we have no right to question the right of the slave states 
to be represented here upon this floor. [Applause.] 

I have a word to say about the territories. I don't think that 
they stand upon the same ground. The call is not to them. They 
have no vote for our candidates after we have nomiaated them, 
and I am in favor of following out the rule of the federation I am 



120 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

in favor of the delegates from the territories holding 1 seats upon 
this floor, being heard, and attentively heard, on our part; I am 
in favor of their counselling with us, but when it comes to the 
vote, as they have no vote for the ticket, they ought not to vote 
formally. The District of Columbia is in the same fix. 

Gov. Reeder, of Pennsylvania (in his seat), Mr. Chairman, [cries 
of "Take the stand."] I can be heard here if I can get started. I 
have not much to say, but what I have to say, I shall endeavor to 
say to the point. It seems to me that a great deal has been said 
altogether outside of this question now before the Convention. 
The proposition before us, if I understand it, is to refer this report 
back to the committee for the purpose of ascertaining whether 
these gentlemen now here upon the floor of the Convention from 
the states designated, represent the entire, or less than the entire 
state. 

Now, sir, all the eloquence, and all the fire of many of the 
gentlemen upon the other side, is lost, when we make the avowal 
that we have not the most remote idea of disfranchising the dele- 

fates who come here from the Southern states. (Loud applause.] 
ir, we humbly ask from our Southern brethren upon this floor, 
the poor privilege of being put upon an equality with them. 
[Renewed applause.] When Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana and 
Iowa come here, sir, with a delegation from one, two, or three 
congressional districts, do you allow them to vote for the entire 
state? No, sir; they would not ask it. They could not get it if 
they did ask. If there is a delegation here from the State of 
Maryland from one, two, or three congressional districts, we want 
them to vote for one, two, or three congressional districts. [Ap- 
plause.] But, when they vote the entire vote of the State of Mary- 
land, and the vote of the electors at large, they have a great ad- 
vantage over us. What I wish to avoid, sir, is that, in any state, 
whether north or south, east or west, a few men should come 
from a single county, or a single congressional district, represent- 
ing only that county, or that congressional district, and then 
come upon the floor of this Convention and ask to cast the entire 
vote of the state. 

Now, sir, I ask these gentlemen who have declaimed so loudly 
and so eloquently in favor of our brethren of the South to listen 
to us; and no man on this floor or away from this floor can go 
farther than I in my admiration for those gentlemen who stand 
up in the face of the despotism exercised by the oligarchy that 
surrounds them, and contend for the right of free speech, free 
labor and free men. [Applause.] Sir, I know what the despotism 
of that oligarchy is. [Great applause.] I know, sir, that it hunts 
men like hounds who have the spirit of freemen. [Renewed ap- 
plause.]' I respect and I admire every man to whom God has 
given the nerve and the back-bone to stand up and face that 
despotism. [Continued applause.] I am ready to extend the 
right hand of fellowship to all the gentlemen who have come 
"tried out of the fire" to meet us in this National conclave. What 
I ask of them is the poor privilege of being on an equal footing 
with them in this Convention. I am sure they ought not and 
would not ask any more; but if gentlemen are here representing 
a single district from the State of Texas, or a single district from 
the State of Maryland, or from the State of Kentucky, will they, 
sir, be unjust and unfair enough to stand up here, being the rep- 
resentatives of a single district, and ask to cast the vote of the 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 121 

entire state? Assured^ not, sir; and assuredly those gentlemen, 
when they come to reflect upon this subject, will see the propriety 
of ascertaining- how much of their state is represented, and hav- 
ing found that, to apportion their vote accordingly to what they 
really represent, giving to them such a vote as they represent; 
and I would be willing to have them then throw the true vote to 
which they are entitled. [Prolonged applause, and cries of 
"Question, question."] 

Mr. Buckland, of Michigan, I cannot discover what object is to 
be gained by referring back that report to the committee, but 
that the gentleman may have the benefit of his motion. I wish to 
make an amendment. I propose to include, also, Oregon. 

THE CHAIR I will put the question first, on the original recom- 
mitment. 

Mr. Buckland, I propose to make an amendment, and I believe 
the vote should first be taken upon my motion to amend. 

Mr. McCrillis, of Maine, I have a single word to say in reply to 
the gentleman from Indiana. I agree with the gentleman in the 
doctrines he announces, as to the territories; all of them, sir, ex- 
cept Kansas. Why, I say Kansas is in the Union now. It is a 
rule of equity that when a thing ought to be done, it is to be con- 
sidered as done. [Applause and laughter.] I say, sir, that Kan- 
sas, if she is out of the Union, is out of it on account of the 
corrupt and despotic Senate of the United States; and in this 
Convention she should be treated as a sovereign state. While I 
am up, I will make a remark in reply to the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania, Mr. Wilmot, who told the Convention that the time 
would come, although he qualified it some, when South Carolina, 
Georgia, Alabama and all the Southern states would be represent- 
ed in this Convention. On behalf of the most far off New England 
State in the Union, I say that we from that wild region will wel- 
come them aye, thrice welcome them. [Applause.] 

Mr. Hackleman, of Indiana, I have no doubt about the propriety 
of admitting Kansas to a vote in this Convention, but I have 

freat doubts in regard to the proprietj' of admitting the State of 
exas. So far as Virginia, so far as Maryland, or Missouri, or 
Kentucky are concerned, it is a matter of public notoriety that 
they have held Republican conventions to appoint delegates to 
this Convention; but where is the notoriety of the convention of 
the State of Texas? I want to hear from the delegates from the 
State of Texas, to know who appointed them to come here. All the 
others I shall welcome with open hands. We are no sectional 
party. [Applause.] We are the party to control this government, 
and we want all these states here. But let us know in regard to 
Texas. I understand that was the original proposition; the other 
was added by way of amendment. I do want an investigation, so 
far as Texas is concerned. 

Mr. M. S. C. Crawford, of Texas, gentlemen of the Convention, I 
cannot believe that you are prepared to stifle the voice of Texas, 
because there the Republican party is in its iufanc}*; for though 
it is in its infancy, it is nevertheless a hopeful child. [Loud 
cheers.] Gentlemen, the foreign population the Germans are 
with us. [Loud cheers.] And there will be an electoral ticket 
in the field there. We come here with no axes to griend. 
We have our preferences to be sure, and when the time comes, 



122 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

if we are permitted, we shall express that preference. I 
am sorry that this motion should come from the gentleman 
from Pennsylvania, where there is not sufficient pluck, where 
there is not the moral courage to come out and take a manly stand 
in favor of the right as a Republican party. [Applause, cheers 
and a few hisses.J Organize yourselves and train under the 
Republican banner before you accuse us in Texas of not having 
a Republican organization. It is unbecoming, it is unmanly, it is 
anti-Republican. [Cheers.] I hail from Galveston. There is free 
soil there is anti-slavery sentiment there, and it will be expressed 
next fall at the polls, depend upon it. [Loud applause and cheers.] 
We ask a hearing on the floor of this Convention, and we believe 
you will grant it to us. [Cheers.] 

Mr. Eggleston, of Ohio, I understand now that we are about to 
go into the business for which we were convened, and that no 
part of that business is the making of sympathy speeches as to 
the right to admit this territory, or that section of country, as 
delegates into this Convention. Now, sir, the gentleman from 
Indiana has well said that this investigation only had to be made 
so far as relates to Texas. If the committee, which has reported, 
or attempted to report on credentials, has not the nerve to go out, 
and come in and say to this Convention what they believe right, 
and who should vote, let them go out again, and let them come in 
with a definite report and we will say whether we will support 
them or no. For gentlemen to come here and make speeches 
about Kansas is entirely out of order. I have spent my money, 
and I have worked for Kansas, but I am not here now to talk 
about it. I am here now to nominate the men who shall be Presi- 
dent and Vice-President of the United States. 

Mr. Goodrich, of Minnesota, I simply desire to say that I am in 
favor of less talk and more work. ["Good, good," "no more 
speeches now."] I am not going to make a speech. I hope the 
discussion on this question, for the present, will here terminate, 
and that the question will now be put. [Cries of "Question, 
question.''] 

Mr. Cartter, I would like to have the District of Columbia, Kan- 
sas and Nebraska included. 

The question being on the adoption of the amendment of Mr. 
Buckland, of Michigan, recommitting so much of the report as 
relates to the State of Oregon, the vote was taken and the amend- 
ment was voted down. 

The question then being on the adoption of the amendment of 
Mr. Wilmot, recommitting such portions as referred to Kentucky? 
Virginia and Maryland, the vote was taken, and this amendment 
was also voted down. 

The question then recurring on the motion of Mr. Davis, of 
Massachusetts, to recommit such portion as referred to Texas, the 
vote was taken and the motion lost. [Applause.] 

Mr. Lowry, of Pennsylvania, I now move that the whole report 
be recommitted to the committee, and that we take the vote by 
states. 

Mr. Eggleston, of Ohio, and I second that motion. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 123 

Mr. Lowry, that committee has not given us anything to act 
upon. It has given us nothing. I am not going to inflict a speech 
upon this Convention, but I ask that the committee have it back, 
that they may give us something. 

Mr. Benton, of New Hampshire, I desire to state that the com- 
mittee appointed a sub-committee, who considered the case of 
Maryland particularly, and they were unanimously of the opin- 
ion that the delegates reported from that State were entitled to 
represent the State in this Convention. They had not the time to 
make the investigation in regard to Texas that was desirable, but 
it was understood that the Convention was in session, waiting to 
receive the report of the committee ; therefore it was thought de- 
sirable, it being the opinion of a majority of that committee that 
they were entitled to their seats, so to report. I think the commit- 
tee was entirely satisfied with the evidence furnished them as to 
all the delegates who have been reported here as being entitled to 
represent the several states from which they come. I state this 
at the request of the members of that committee. 

Mr. Lowry, I call for a vote by states. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair will inform the gentleman that 
there is no rule by which that can be arrived at. 

Motion to recommit lost on a viva voce vote. 

A division being loudly called for. 

The PRESIDENT A division is called for. With the consent of 
the Convention the roll of the states will be called, and the 
delegations will then announce their votes. 

Mr. Benton, (of New Hampshire, and Chairman of the Com- 
mittee on Credentials,) I will say here that the Committee are not 
satisfied that the delegates claiming seats from Texas were en- 
titled to them as a whole. The Chairman of the Committee 
thought it ought to have investigation. 

The roll of the states was then called on the motion of Mr. 
Lowry, of Pennsylvania, to recommit the report to the Committee 
on Credentials. 

States. Yes. No. States. Yes. No. 

Maine 3 13 Kentucky 24 .. 

New Hampshire 9 1 Ohio 46 

Vermont 9 1 Indiana 26 .. 

Massachusetts 13 9 Missouri 4 14 

Rhode Island 8 .. Michigan 12 

Connecticut 10 2 Illinois 22 

New York 1 69 Wisconsin 10 

New Jersey 14 Iowa 8 

Pennsylvania 53 1 A Y 3 California . 4 2 

Maryland 4 6 Minnesota 8 

Delaware 1 5 Oregon 5 

Virginia 30 .. 

Total 275 l /i 172 l /i 

Mr. Goodrich, of Minnesota. I would add instructions to ac- 
company this amendment. (Many voices "no.") 



124: THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Mr. Burgess, of Ohio. I move, sir, that we now adjourn until 
three o'clock. 

Mr. Cartter, of Ohio. I now move that this Convention adjourn 
to meet again at three o'clock. 

The Convention adjourned. 

AFTERNOON SESSION. 

The Convention reassembled at 3:15 p. m., and was called to 
order by the President. 

Tne CHAIR The Chair begs leave to suggest that there are out- 
side of this building, vast as it is, twice as many honest hearts 
and wise heads as there are here. They have requested me to sug- 
gest that Gov. Randall will go out and favor them with his views. 
(Applause, and cries of "Corwin, Corwin.") 

Mr. Tracy, of California, I think Mr. Corwin had better go out 
with Gov. Randall. (Laughter.) 

The Chair announced the report of the Committee on Credentials. 

Mr. Benton, of New Hampshire, Chairman of the Committee 
Mr. President: the Committee on Credentials have instructed me 
to report that, having examined the credentials,&c.,of the several 
gentlemen claiming seats in this Convetion, they find gentlemen 
entitled to seats in the following states, and each state to the fol- 
lowing number of delegates: 



States. 
Maine 


No. of 
Dele- 
gates. 
16 


No. of 
El't'l States, 
votes. 
8 Indiana 


No. of 
Dele- 
gates. 
. 26 


No. of 
El't'l 
votes. 
13 


New Hampshire 


10 


5 Missouri . 


18 


9 


Vermont 


... $ 


5 Michigan 


. 12 


6 


M assach usetts 


26 


13 Illinois 


22 


11 


Rhode Island 


8 


4 Wisconsin. 


. 10 


5 


Connecticut 


.. 12 


6 Iowa 


8 


4 


New York .'..., 


70 


35 California 


8 


4 


New Jersey 


. . 14 


7 Minnesota . 


8 


4 


Pennsylvania 


54 


27 Oregon 


5 


3 


Maryland. 


11 


Q 






Delaware 


6 


Territories. 






Virginia 


23 


15 Kansas 


6 




Kentucky 


23 


12 Nebraska . . . 


6 




Ohio... 


. 46 


23 District of Columbia. . . 


2 





[Cries of "Texas," "Texas."] The committee have considered 
the question in regard to the representation from the State of 
Texas; they have given to the examination all that care which 
they were able to, and which the time from the adjournment of 
the Convention this forenoon would allow, and they have in- 
structed me almost unanimously, with a solitary vote as an 
exception, to report that Texas be allowed six votes in this Con- 
vention. [Tremendous applause and cries of " good."] It was 
proved before the committee that the Convention which elected 
the delegates from Texas resident delegates who are here in at- 
tendance, was a mass Convention ; that it was called upon a 
petition signed by some three hundred of the legal voters of 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1656, 1860, 1864. 125 

Texas. [Applause.] That that call was published in some two of 
the German papers published in the State; that written notices 
and advertisements were posted up in various parts of Texas, 
where there is any number of people in favor of the principles of 
the Republican party, and the committee were almost unani- 
mously of the opinion that these delegates, elected under these 
circumstances, were fairly entitled to act as the representatives 
of the Republican party of the State of Texas. [Prolonged ap- 
plause.] 

The question being on the adoption of the report; it was 
adopted unanimously amid great cheering. 

Mr. Corwin (of Ohio, and Chairman of the Committee on Rules 
and the Order of Business) moved to take from the table the re- 
port of that committee. 

The motion was carried. 

Mr. Corwin proceeded to read the rules reported by the Com- 
mittee, as follows: 

1st. That upon all subjects before the Convention, the states 
and territories shall be called in the following order: 

Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, 
Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, 
Delaware, Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Missouri, Michigan, 
Illinois, Texas, Wisconsin, Iowa, California, Minnesota, Oregon. 

Territories Kansas, Nebraska, District of Columbia. 

On motion the first rule was adopted. 

2. Four votes shall be cast by the delegates at large of each 
State, and each Congressional District shall be entitled to two 
votes, and the vote of each delegation shall be reported by its 
chairman. 

Mr. Goodrich, of Minnesota, moved as an amendment, that no 
delegation should cast a greater number of votes than there were 
delegates in attendance. 

Mr. Sargent, of California, it seems to me that the report of the 
Committee on Credentials just adopted, and which prescribes the 
basis of representation in this Convention, is in conflict with the 
rule now proposed to be adopted. This rule provides that two 
votes shall be cast from each Congressional district. Now, with 
reference to Texas and certain other states, the rule has been 
changed. We have adopted the report of the Committee on Cre- 
dentials, which provides that Texas shall have less votes than are 
accorded to her by this rule. 

Mr. Corwin, I think the gentleman is mistaken in regard to the 
character of the report of the Committee on Credentials. They 
simply report, I think, the number of representatives in attend- 
ance. 



126 THE FII*T THREE REPUBLICAN 

Mr. Sargent, the report fixes the number of votes to be cast by 
each Congressional District in the Convention. I move, a further 
amendment by adding these words, " provided that this rule shall 
not conflict with any rule reported by the Committee on Creden- 
tials and adopted by the Convention." 

Mr. Goodrich accepted the amendment of Mr. Sargent, and the 
amendment of Mr. Goodrich was adopted. 

The rule as amended was then adopted. 

3. The report of the Committee on Platform and Resolutions 
shall be acted upon before the Convention proceeds to ballot for 
candidates for President and Vice-President. 

On motion the rule was adopted. 

4. Three hundred and four votes being a majority of the whole 
number of votes when all the States in the Union are represented 
in convention according to the rates of representation prescribed 
in Rule 2, shall be required to nominate the candidate of this con- 
vention for the offices of President and Vice-President. 

Voices No, no! 

The President, the Secretary will now read the minority rule 
proposed as a substitute for that reported by the majority of the 
committee. 

4. That the majority of the whole number of votes represented 
in this Convention, according to the ratio prescribed by the Indi- 
ana rule, shall be required to nominate candidates for President 
and Vice-President. 

The President assigned the floor to Mr. Kelly, 

Mr. Kelly, of Pennsylvania, [taking the stand.] 

Mr. James, of New York Am I not entitled to the floor, having 
offered the minority report? 

The Chair, the Chair thinks the majority have a right to the 
floor first ; but it is a question of courtesy. 

Mr. Kelly, as I appear, Mr. Chairman, at the request of a major- 
ity of the committee, simpty to state the views which governed 
that committse in arriving at the conclusion they present, I will 
cheerfully yield the floor to the gentleman, and will present those 
views after we shall have heard him. [Loud cries of "Go on," 

"go on."] 

The Chair, it is entirely a question of courtesy. 

Mr. Kelly, the subject which now engages the attention of the 
convention, was one of deep consideration to the committee It 
seemed to them to be the most important question that came 
within the range of their duties. It is an important question for 
this Convention to decide, what vote shall nominate the candi- 
dates to be supported for President and Vice-President. In the 
first place, Mr. Chairman, the committee asked what body had ap- 
pointed them to report upon that question? and the answer was 
that the National Republican Convention had appointed them, 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 127 

and that the candidates were to be the candidates of the National 
Republican party [great cheers]; and, consequently, that the 
number of votes upon which a man should be nominated should 
be a majority of the electoral college no more and no less [ap- 
plause] ; so that, if the charge were made against the party or its 
candidates that they were the candidates of a section, or a sec- 
tional party, they had been nominated by delegates representing 
a majority of the electoral college, by the same vote that, in a 
convention where the majority rule, and where the section sat in 
person through its representatives, would have nominated a can- 
didate. It is simply a majority rule as applied to the electoral 
college. 

We looked at the call of the Convention, and we found that it 
invited not only the people of the Northern States not only the 
people of the border slave States but the people of the United 
States; and if any State is not represented, whether it be by acci- 
dent or design, we count her as here. We do not cast her vote, 
but we count her as present. She is here in spirit, she is here in 
contemplation of the call of the Convention; and we can say she 
had her rights here, if we can say that our candidates were nomi- 
nated by a vote they would have had had she and her sisters been 
here looking to their duties. This was the first view that con- 
trolled a majority of the committee that a precedent might be 
set here, and now, that to nominate a Republican candidate, 
should require a delegate for every elector that it would take to 
give him a bare majority in the electoral college. 

Having passed that cardinal point, minor, but very weighty and 
important considerations added themselves to these. A question 
was raised before the committee, when we came to fix the order in 
which States should be called. When they had named the States, 
Kansas was not among them. A delegate from Nebraska was 
present, and a list of members handed us by the Secretary of the 
Convention contained not only the names of the States, but Kan- 
sas and Nebraska and the District of Columbia. So far as send- 
ing that list was concerned, this Convention had told us that the 
States were to be represented that Kansas was to be represented 
that Nebraska and the District of Columbia were to be repre- 
sented as they were constituted States, and had an electoral 
power behind them. We knew, Mr. Chairman, that there were a 
few gallant men brave spirits honored throughout our country 
honored wherever courage commands honor here from Mary- 
land, from Virginia, and from Kentucky. We knew that these 
men were here to testify to their manhood, their appreciation of 
their rights under the Constitution, and to proclaim to the men 
of the North that they were Americans, who, under a despotism 
more dreadful, and grasping and audacious than that of Naples, 
Austria or Russia Americans, who, under such a despotism [A 
Voice "Time!"] would take their lives in their hands and would 
go forth to say "We are freemen, and will unite with the freemen 
of this country in restoring the Government to the line of the 
fathers." And we supposed that these men would all be admitted 
to this Convention as though they carried with them the full 
electoral vote of their States respectively at their back. 

Now, Mr, Chairman, it occurred to your committee that it might 
so fall out, in view of the admission of Kansas here, and permit 
me to say that the humble individual who now addresses you as 
the organ of that committee, when it was proposed to exclude 



128 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

from our list that Territory and the District of Columbia, took 
the ground that Kansas was a State on the very ground taken by 
the eloquent gentleman from Maine, that equity holds that to 
have been which ought to have been. For three years she has 
been in power and in right a State, and if these delegates are not 
representing a State it is by no reason of theirs or their constitu- 
ents, but by reason of the oppression and lawlessness of the Uni- 
ted States Senate. Therefore we hold it right that she should be 
here. But there was not the same ground for Nebraska, [a voice, 
"How about Oregon?"] Now we saw that unless this rule was 
adopted it might so happen that our candidate would be nomi- 
nated by less than a majority of this Convention. [Cries of 
"Question."] I am drawing to a close. Mr. Chairman, I am not 
here in defence of the rule proposed, personally. I am here at 
the request of the committee to present the rules they instructed 
me to present. When I have done that as briefty as I can, I will 
retire. [Voices "All right, go on."] Perceiving that it was pos- 
sible under the list of delegates to be admitted, that a candidate 
might be nominated who should not have a majority of the elect- 
ors who represent the States and Congressional Districts, there 
seemed to be additional reason why the rule, in itself so equita- 
ble, that a majority of the whole electoral college should fix the 
number of votes required, and they determined to submit it to 
the Convention. [A Voice "What about Oregon?"] Oregon is a 
constituted State and there was no question about Oregon. 1 am 
holding no dispute about her. The matter is now before the 
Convention with the reasons that governed the committee; and 
having done my duty I will give way, as I was ready to do before 
I began. [Applause.] 

Mr. James of New York, as the Chairman of the minority of the 
committee which presented the minority report, I arise for the 
purpose of giving the reasons why we saw fit to present a minori- 
ty report against that presented by the majority, and I don't pro- 
pose to entertain you with any particular eloquence, but to state 
simply the reason. By the vote which has already passed this 
Convention, as to the number of delegates represented upon this 
floor, if I understand the committee aright there are 446 voting 
delegates upon the floor 

Secretary -The number is 466. 

Mr. James, then there is a mistake. One of the Secretaries in- 
forms me that it is 466. I took the list from a reporter who took 
it from the calling off of the Chairman of the Convention, and we 
made it different. We will call it the largest number, then, 466_ 
That was thought to be the number when this question arose in 
the committee, the report of which is now presented. There were 
but seventeen members of that committee present, ten being ab- 
sent, and upon the sense of that body being called, they stood 
nine to eight nine for the majority and eight against it. You 
will thus see the difference between the two reports. One is sub- 
stantially the "two-thirds rule." If there are 466 votes, 311, I be- 
lieve, is two-thirds of that vote, and this rule requires 304. There- 
fore it is only seven short of the two-thirds rule which has been 
adopted by the Democratic party in the management of their 
conventions. I am not aware that any such rule was ever adopt- 
ed by any party in opposition to that party, and I was not aware 
that that party ever adopted that rule until 1836, and again in 1844,. 
when it became necessary for the interest and purposes of slavery- 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 129 

that the minority should rule the majority. For that reason I am 
opposed to that rule. [A voice "That is right."] I have sufficient 
confidence in the integrity and judgment of this Convention to 
trust the nomination of its candidate to the majority of the dele- 
gates here. If the minority report is adopted, instead of a two- 
thirds rule, the result will be left to the wisdom and patriotism 
of a majority of the Convention. 

Cries of "Question." 

Mr. Mann, of Pennsylvania, Mr. President 

THE PRESIDENT I will read. 

Mr. Mann, I should like to understand if I am out of order in 
addressing the chair as other men do? 

THE PRESIDENT I was about to read the rule reported by the 
majority and then that reported by the minority, and straighten 
the Convention as to the question upon which a vote is to be had. 
But I will hear the gentleman before I do so if he insists upon it. 

Mr. Mann, I desire to call the attention of this Convention to 
this new rule introduced here. I come here from a land where 
we acquiesce in the will of the majority [applause] on all questions 
whenever men are invited together to deliberate. I know nowhere 
in a Republican Convention where men are entitled to vote by 
proxy. I do conceive that to adopt any such rule here would be 
distinctive of its character; it would be considered as to be aimed 
at the aspirations of an individual, and if an individual cannot be 
struck down in this broad country without doing a wrong, I should 
be the last on God's earth to do it. These are my sentiments, and 
the sentiments of the true, loyal hearts around me in Pennsyl- 
vania, [applause,] and when I barely announce them I shall 
trouble this Convention no further. 

The Chair (Cleveland) stated the motion. The roll was called, 
with the following result: 

States Yes. No. States. Yes. No. 

Maine 16 .. Indiana 25 1 

New Hampshire 10 .. Missouri 18 

Vermont 10 .. Michigan 12 

Massachusetts 22 3 Illinois 7 

Rhode Island 4 4 Texas 6 

Connecticut 8 4 Wisconsin 10 

New York 70 .. Iowa 5 3 

New Jersey 12 1 California 8 

Pennsylvania 3354 2054 Minnesota 8 

Maryland 5 6 Oregon. 3 2 

Deleware 6 .. Territories. 

Virginia 13 8 Kansas 6 

Kentucky 10 9 Nebraska 6 

Ohio 32 9 District of Columbia 2 

Total ...35854 9454 

So the majority report was amended by the substitution of the 
minority report. 

While the vote was taking, Pennsylvania having been called 
three times. 
9 



130 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Mr. Goodrich, of Minnesota, I move that the representatives of 
the People's party of Pennsylvania be excused from voting- upon 
their own proposition. [Hisses and confusion.] 

Mr. Reeder, is it in order for the State of Pennsylvania to vote? 

THE PRESIDENT If she has not voted, it is. 

Mr. Reeder, Pennsylvania could not vote without retiring- to 
another room to consult her large delegation. Did I understand a 
g-entleman just now to intimate that Pennsylvania was not en- 
titled to a vote upon this floor? If he did, I should be glad to know 
who he is, and where he comes from. [Immense applause and 
cries of "Goodrich."] 

Mr. Goodrich, I rise, Mr. President [cries of "Sit down," and 
hisses.] I will. 

THE PRESIDENT Gentlemen do not forg-et yourselves. You 
must keep order. 

Mr. Goodrich, Mr. President [cries of "Sit down," and hisses.] 
I will not sit down. [Confusion.] 

THE PRESIDENT The g-entleman upon my right is desirous of 
explaining- to the gentleman from Pennsylvania so that there 
may be no ill blood in the Convention, even for a moment. Will 
you allow him to do it. Let us act, gentlemen, in a friendly spirit, 
and if men make remarks that are not exactly correct, let them be 
forgotten on the moment. I would say to the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania that the expression was promply rebuked by the 
chair. 

Mr. Goodrich, I wish to state to the gentleman who desired to 
know who it was that had suggested that Pennsylvania had not a 
right to vote here, I propose to respond to that interrogatory. I 
made no such remark. [Cheers, and cries of "order."] When the 
roll was called, Pennsylvania was called for a third time, when a 
gentleman answered, who I supposed was speaking authoratively 
for Pennsylvania, that she abandoned her proposition, the major- 
ity report, and then, as an act of humanity. I moved that she be 
excused from expressing her opinion. [Laughter and cries of "sit 
down."] 

The report as amended was then adopted nem. con. 

THE REPUBLICAN PLATFORM. 

THE PRESIDENT The chair is informed that the Committee on 
Resolutions and Platform is ready to report. [Immense applause.] 

Mr. Jessup, of Pennsylvania, the Committee on Platform and 
Resolutions have directed me to say to the Convention that these 
resolutions have been adopted with great unanimity, there being 
upon one or two of these resolutions some dissenting voices in 
the committee. The greater portion of the resolutions were 
adopted with entire unanimity in the committee. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 131 

THE PLATFORM AS AMENDED AND ADOPTED. 

Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the Repub- 
lican electors of the United States, in Convention assembled, in 
discharge of the duty we owe to our constituents and to our 
country, unite in the following declarations: 

1. That the history of the nation during the last four years, has 
fully established the propriety and necessity of the organization 
and perpetuation of the Republican party, and that the causes 
which called it into existence are permanent in their nature, and 
now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitution- 
al triumph. 

2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the 
Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Consti- 
tution, "That all men are created equal; that they are endowed by 
their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these 
are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these 
rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their 
just powers from the consent of the governed" is essential to the 
preservation of our Republican institutions; and that the Federal 
Constitution, the Rights of the States, and the Union of the States 
must and shall be preserved. 

3. That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprece- 
dented increase in population, its surprising development of 
material resources, its rapid augmentation of wealth, its happi- 
ness at home and its honor abroad; and we hold in abhorrence all 
schemes for disunion, come from whatever source they may. And 
we congratulate the country that no Republican member of Con- 
gress has uttered or countenanced the threats of disunion so often 
made by Democratic members, without rebuke and with applause 
from their political associates; and we denounce those threats of 
disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendancy as 
denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an 
avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the imperative duty 
of an indignant people sternly to rebuke and forever silence. 

4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the states, 
and especially the right of each state to order and control its own 
domestic institutions according to its own judgment exclusively, 
is essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and 
endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the 
lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any state or terri- 
tory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of 
crimes. 

5. That the present Democratic Administration has far exceed- 
ed our worst apprehensions, in its measureless subserviency to 
the exactions of a sectional interest, as especially evinced in its 
desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecomptpn Constitution 
upon the protesting people of Kansas; in construing the person- 
al relation between master and servant to involve an unqualified 
property in persons; in its attempted enforcement, everywhere, 
on land and sea, through the intervention of Congress and of the 
Federal Courts of the extreme pretensions of a purely local in- 
terest; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power 
entrusted to it by a confiding people. 

6. That tha people justly view with alarm the reckless extrava- 
gance which pervades every department of the Federal Govern- 
ment; that a return to rigid economy and accountability is 
indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the public 



132 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

treasury by favored partisans; while the recent startling- develop- 
ments of frauds and corruption at the Federal metropolis, show 
that an entire change of administration is imperatively demanded. 

7. That the new dogma that the Constitution, of its own force, 
carries slavery into any or all of the territories of the United 
States, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance with the ex- i 
plicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contemporaneous 
exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolu- 
tionary in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony, 
of the country. 

8. That the normal condition of all the territory of the United 
States is that of freedom: That as our Republican fathers, when 
they had abolished slavery in all our national territory, ordained 
that "no person should be deprived of life, liberty or property, 
without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, 
whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision 
of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and we deny 
the authority of Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any 
individuals, to give legal existence to slavery in any territory of 
the United States. 

9. That we brand the recent reopening- of the African slave 
trade, under the cover of our national flag, aided by perversions 
of judicial power, as a crime against humanity and a burning 
shame to our country and age; and we call upon Congress to take 
prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression, 
of that execrable traffic. 

10. That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal Governors, of the 
acts of the legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting 
slavery in those territories, we find a practical illustration of the 
boasted Democratic principle of Non-intervention and Popular 
Sovereignty embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demon- 
stration of the deception and fraud involved therein. 

11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as 
a state under the Constitution recently formed and adopted by 
her people, and accepted by the House of Representatives. 

12. That, \vhile providing revenue for the support of the gen- 
eral government by duties upon imports, sound policy requires 
such an adjustment of these imposts as to encourage the devel- 
opment of the industrial interests of the whole country; and we 
commend that policy of national exchanges, which secures to the 
working men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerating prices,, 
to mechanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their 
skill, labor, and enterprise, and to the nation commercial pros- 
perity and independence. 

13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of 
the public lands held by actual settlers, and against any view of 
the free homestead policy which regards the settlers as paupers- 
or suppliants for public bounty; and we demand the passage by 
Congress of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure 
which has already passed the House. 

14. That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our 
naturalization laws or any state legislation by which the rights 
of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from foreign 
lands shall be abridged or impaired; and in favor of giving a full 
and efficient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens,, 
whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 133 

15. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbor im- 
provements of a national character, required for the accommoda- 
tion and security of an existing commerce, are authorized by the 
Constitution, and justified by the obligation of Government to 
protect the lives and property of its citizens. 

16. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is imperatively de- 
manded by the interests of the whole country; that the federal 
government ought to render immediate and efficient aid in its 
construction; and that, as preliminary thereto, a daily overland 
mail should be promptly established. 

17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles 
and views, we invite the co-operation of all citizens, however diff- 
ering on other questions, who substantially agree with us in their 
affirmance and support. 

The reading of the sections was interrupted by tremendous 
"bursts of applause the most enthusiastic and long continued 
being given to the tariff and homestead clauses. 

Mr. Cartter Mr. Chairman : That report is so eminently un- 
questionable from beginning to end, and so eloquently carries 
through with it its own vindication, that I do not believe the Con- 
vention will desire discussion upon it, and I therefore call the 
previous question upon it. [Applause, and mingled cries of 
"good, good," and "no, no."] 

Mr. Giddings, I arise, sir, solemnly to appeal to my friend 
{great confusion; cries of "withdraw the previous question." A 
voice "Nobody wants to speak, but we don't want to be choked 
off," &c.] 

Mr. Cartter, I insist upon the previous question. 

Mr. Giddings, I arise, and I believe I have the right, with the 
leave of my colleague, to offer a short amendment before the pre- 
vious question is called. 

Mr. Cartter, I did it to cut you off, and all other amendments 
and all discussion. [Great confusion, and cries of "Giddings" by 
the audience.] 

A delegate at the south end of the platform, the resolutions 
have not been distributed among the members yet, and will the 
gentleman ask us to vote upon a party platform we have not 
seen? 

Mr. Cartter, I insist upon the previous question. They can 
read it by copy. It's printed. 

Mr. Giddings, would it be in order for me to say that I request 
my friend to withdraw the previous question, that I may offer an 
amendment? 

A delegate from Maine, I rise to a point of order. Is the mo- 
tion of the gentleman from Ohio seconded? ["Yes," "yes," "yes."] 

Mr. Andrew of Massachusetts, I rise to a point of order. The 
motion of the gentleman from Ohio is not in order, for the reason 
that this Convention have already passed a rule that the com- 



134 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

mittee on platform and resolutions shall make their report in 
print, and that printed report has not been received by this Con- 
vention. 

The PRESIDENT We will have that resolution read. 

Mr. Cartter, there is no such rule. 

The President Will g-entlemen give their attention? The Chair 
will state the position of the question. The committee on Plat- 
form and Resolutions have presented a report which has been 
read by the Chairman. Upon the question of acceptance of that 
report, Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, demands the previous question. 
Pending- that demand, Mr. Andrew, of Massachusetts, raises a 
question of order, that it is not in order to demand the previous 
question, because the Convention has adopted a standing rule 
that before acting upon that report, the report should be printed 
and presented to the Convention. .Upon examining the record, 
the Chair rules that there is no such thing. It was an independ- 
ent resolution, made by Mr. Kauffmann, of Pennsylvania. 

[Much confusion was here caused by the anxiety of delegates 
and the crowd in the wigwam to obtain copies of the platform, 
which by this time had been brought into the hall and was being 
distributed.] 

The PRESIDENT The question is on the demand of Mr. Cartter 
for the previous question. 

Mr. Tracy of California, I hope, as a member of the committee 
on Resolutions and Platform, and as one of the sub-committee 
that drafted these resolutions, that the previous question will 
not be sustained. 

The PRESIDENT It is not a debatable question. 

Mr. Tracy, I know it is not debatable. I only expressed a 
hope. ' 

Mr. Giddings, I desire my colleague to withdraw the call for 
the previous question. 

Mr. Cartter, It has got to be voted down or it has to be voted 
up. 

The PRESIDENT The question is, is there a second for the call 
of the previous question? 

Voices Yes. 

Motion submitted and declared to be lost. 

Mr. Cartter, I call for a division on that question and a vote by 
states. 

The PRESIDENT It was voted down three to one. 

Mr. Cartter, I don't understand it so. I call for a division. 

A delegate, I rise to a point of order. It is too late to call for a 
division after the question is decided. 

Mr. Cartter, it is not. You can't call for it before. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 135 

The PRESIDENT then submitted the question. The roll of states 
was called with the following- result: 

States. Yes. No. States. Yes. No. 

Maine 1 14 Indiana 20 6 

New Hampshire 10 Missouri 18 

Vermont 10 Michigan 8 4 

Massachusetts 4 21 Illinois 14 8 

Rhode Island 8 Texas 6 

Connecticut 1 11 Wisconsin 8 2 

New York 25 45 Iowa 2 6 

New Jersey 12^1(4 California 8 

Pennsylvania V^&Vz Minnesota 8 

Maryland 11 Oregon 2 2 

Delaware 4 2 Territories. 

Virginia 17 6 Kansas 6 

Kentucky 10 10 Nebraska 2 4 

Ohio 28 18 District of Columbia .. 2 

Total 155301 

California being- called 

Mr. Tracy, California believes in free speech and free men, and 
votes eight against the previous question. 

Ohio being called 

Mr. Cartter, coming- from Ohio, a state where free speech is not 
allowed, she votes 28 ayes and 18 nays. 

The PRESIDENT annunced the previous question not sustained. 
[Great applause.] 

AMENDMENTS PROPOSED. 

Mr. Giddings of Ohio took the floor. 

Mr. Reeder, I ask the gentleman if he will give way while we 
take up these resolutions singly? 

Voices, no, no. 

Mr. Giddings, Mr. President, I propose to offer, after the first re- 
solution as it stands here, as a declaration of principles, the fol- 
lowing: 

"That we solemnly reassert the self-evident truths that all men 
are endowed by their creator with certain inalienable rights, 
among which are those of life, liberty and the pursuit of happi- 
ness [cheers] ; that government are instituted among men to 
secure the enjoyment of these rights." 

Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, interrupting, Mr. President, I 

Mr. Giddings, my colleague will ask no favors of me, I take it. 
[Applause.] I will detain the Convention but a moment. Two 
hundred years ago the philosophers of Europe declared to the 
world that human governments were based upon human rights, 
and all Christian writers have sustained that doctrine until the 
members of this Convention. Our fathers, impressed with this 
all permeating truth, the right of every human being to live and 
enjoy that liberty, which enables him to obtain knowledge and 
pursue happiness, and no man has the power to withhold it from 
him. [Prolonged cheers.] Our fathers embraced this solemn 
truth, laid it down as the chief corner stone, the basis upon which 
this Federal Government was founded. By consent of all parties 
the supreme court included, these were the primitive, life-giving 
vitalizing principles of the Constitution. It is -because these 



136 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

principles have been overturned, uprooted and destroyed by our 
opponents, that we now exist as a party [cheers.] At Phila- 
delphia, we prepared and propounded this issue to our oppon- 
ents. We called on them to meet it. They have not met it. They 
put .forward the supreme court to meet it. That court denied 
those principles, but the Democratic party to this day dare not 
deny them; and through the campaign, and for four years, no 
Democrat has stood before the world denying that truth, nor will 
they deny them. Now, I propose to maintain the doctrines of our 
fathers. I propose to maintain the fundamental and primal is- 
sues upon which the government was founded. I will detain this 
Convention no longer. I offer this because our party was formed 
upon it. It has existed upon it and when you leave out this 
truth you leave out the party. [Loud cheers.] 

Mr. Cartter, I call for the reading of clause No. 2 in the report 
of the committee. 

Mr. Lowry of Pennsylvania, I rise to a question of order. We 
have upon our journal a resolution that all questions that come 
up by resolution, should be referred to the committee appointed 
for that purpose, without debate. I therefore call upon the Presi- 
dent of this Convention now to enforce the rule. 

The PRESIDENT The chair is of the opinion that this proposi- 
tion does not come within the principle of the rule that the gent- 
leman alludes to. 

Mr. Lowry, then Mr. President 

Mr. Cartter, I wish simply to read in reply to this 

Mr. Lowry, well, Mr. President, I move that the report of the 
committee as prepared and" presented be adopted. 

The PRESIDENT The gentleman is out of order. 'He has not 
got the floor. 

Mr. Cartter, the only reply I wish to make on this amendment 
and the gas expended upon it, is in clause two of the report, 
which reads as follows : " that the maintenance of the principles 
promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied 
in the Federal Constitution, is essential to the preservation of our 
republican institutions ; and that the Federal Constitution, the 
rights of the States, and the union of the States, must and shall 
be preserved." 

Mr. Thayer, of Oregon, I agree with the venerable delegate from 
Ohio (Giddings) in all that he has affirmed to this Convention 
concerning the privileges of the Declaration of Independence. 
There are also many other truths than are enunciated in that 
Declaration of Independence truths of science, truths of physi- 
cal science, truths of government, and great religious truths ; but 
it is not the business, I think, of this Convention, at least it is not 
the purpose of this party, to embrace in its platform all the 
truths that the world in all its past history has recognized. [Ap- 
plause.] Mr. President, I believe in the ten commandments, but 
I do not want them in a political platform. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, i860, 1864. 137 

Mr. Tracy, I move that the resolution be referred to the Commit- 
tee on Resolutions and Platform. 

THE PRESIDENT The motion is out of order. 

A Delegate from Connecticut I move that the amendment 
offered by the gentleman from Ohio be laid upon the table. 

THE PRESIDENT That is out of order. It will take the whole 
with it. The question must be on the adoption of the amend- 
ment. 

Amendment submitted and lost. 

ANOTHER AMENDMENT. 

Mr. Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, I move that the resolutions be 
adopted separately. [Cries of " No," and " Take them in a lot," 
<&c.] I have an amendment to offer which I believe will commend 
itself to the good sense of every gentleman here. The amend- 
ment is this: in the 14th resolution we say "that the Republican 
party is opposed to any change in our Naturalization Laws, or 
any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto 
accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or 
impaired ; and in favor of giving a full and efficient protection to 
the rights of all classes of citizens, whether native or naturalized, 
both at home and abroad." My amendment is to strike out the 
words " State legislation," because it conflicts directly with the 
doctrine in the 4th resolution, which reads thus : 

"That the maintenance inviolate of the Rights of the States, and 
especially the right of each State to order and control its own 
domestic institutions according- to its own judgment exclusivelj', 
is essential to that balance of powers on which the perfection and 
endurance of our political fabric depends; and we denounce the 
lawless invasion, by armed force, of the soil of any State or Terri- 
tory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest of 
crimes." 

The resolution would then read, "That the Republican party is 
opposed to any change in our naturalization laws, by which the 
rights of citizenship hitherto accorded to immigrants from for- 
eign lands shall be abridged or impaired." 

Judge Jessup, (of Pennsylvania, and Chairman of the Commit- 
tee on Platform), the reason why these words were inserted in that 
resolution I will state. I desire briefly to state to the Convention 
that the naturalization laws are producing a sad state of feeling 
among a large number of the Republican party. A great many 
Republicans are of foreign birth, and they have felt that it was 
due to them that the Republicans should affirm first, that they do 
not desire to interfere with the present existing naturalization 
laws; secondly, that they as a party do not approve of the change 
of the naturalization laws by the several States, and that they do 
not approve of that legislation which went to impair the rights 
which the naturalization laws of the Union give to naturalized 
citizens. That, Mr. President, was what was intended by the 
words which are now proposed to be stricken out. I state, there- 



138 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

fore, that it is not proposed to interfere with State rights. It is 
not proposed, nor does it in the least conflict with any principle, 
if it be looked at properly, before established in these resolutions. 
It simply affirms that the Republican party is "opposed to any 
change in the naturalization laws, or any legislation State legis- 
lation by which the rights of citizens hitherto conferred upon 
emigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired.'' 
Now, I wish to know if my colleague from Pennsylvania affirms 
that he is ready to permit, with his consent, the State legislatures 
to impair the rights that are guaranteed, under our laws, to emi- 
grants becoming citizens. I think it is a misapprehension on the 
part of my colleague, of the true intent and import of this resolu- 
tion. I trust if he looks at it again, he will withdraw his amend- 
ment. 

Mr. Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, I do not know but I misappre- 
hend this clause. The declaration here reads thus: 

"That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our 
naturalization laws, or any State legislation, by which the rights 
of citizenship hitherto afforded to emigrants from foreign lands, 
shall be abridged or impaired." 

Now my amendment was to strike out " or any State legislation." 
My idea was this (and you may judge whether I was correct or 
not), that it conflicted with the fourth resolution, which declares: 

"That the maintaining inviolate of the rights of the States, es- 
pecially of each State, to order and control its own domestic 
institutions according to its own judgment exclusively is essen- 
tial to that balance of power," &c. 

This is a broad declaration of State rights a just declaration 
of State rights; and under that any State in this every State in 
this Union has a perfect power to prescribe qualification of 
voters. Pennsylvania, Massachusetts or any other State may to- 
morrow, if it sees fit, by a change of her constitution, not only 
impair the right of foreign citizens, but may modify and impair 
the rights vested in native born citizens. She may change her 
Constitution and provide that a residence of two years shall be 
required to entitle a man to vote. That was the old Constitution 
of Pennsylvania. Pennsylvania may go back; she may require 
that any person coming from a foreign land or from another 
State shall not vote until he has been a resident two years, and on 
the doctrine of State rights has she'not a right to do it ! and who 
has a right to complain? But as there seems to be a doubt or 
misunderstanding, and it has been explained to me here that 
they do not controvert the right of the State thus to modify the 
rights of foreign or native citizens, but merely wish to make the 
declaration that the Republican party, as a party, is opposed to 
it. If that be the object, I agree to it, and in that view I am will- 
ing to withdraw my amendment. [Loud cheers.] 

Mr. Carl Schurz, of Wisconsin, as the amendment is withdrawn 
by the gentleman from Pennsylvania I find it hardly necessary to 
address the Convention upon this subject. I wish that this reso- 
lution might be passed without opposition. The German Repub- 
licans of the Northern States have given you 300,000 votes [ap- 
plause], and I wish that they should find it consistent with their 
honor and their safety to give you 300,000 more. [Increased ap- 
plause.] That paragraph, I think, could never have been asked 
for by the German representatives if one occurrence had not 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 139 

taken place. The year 1856 was the year of good feeling; we all 
joined together in a common cause, and we all fought the com- 
mon enemy. We did so with honor to ourselves and with confi- 
dence in each other. There was no German Republican, I believe, 
who would have asked for anything more in the Philadelphia 
platform but the resolution which is there. But, since it has 
been found that that resolution is not sufficient to protect them 
from intrenchment upon their rights in the States, I will show 
you how they reason. They said our rights may be guaranteed 
to us in a national platform by a general sentence, and neverthe- 
less the Legislatures of the different States may defeat the very 
purpose for which that national platform was enacted. Of what 
use, then, is a plank in a platform if its purpose thus can be frus- 
trated by an act of a State Legislature? It has been very well 
said that it was not the purpose of this resolution to declare that 
no State has the right to regulate the suffrage of its citizens by 
legislative enactment, but it was the purpose to declare that the 
Republican party, in its national capacity, is opposed to any such 
thing in principle. [Renewed applause.] Gentlemen, the ques- 
tion is simply this, on one side there stands prejudice, on the 
other side there stands right. You please calculate, will preju- 
dice give us more votes or will right give us more votes! [Ap- 
plause continued.] Let me tell you one thing, that the votes you 
get by truckling to the prejudices of people will never be safe; 
while those votes you get by recognizing constitutional rights 
may every time be counted upon. [Immense applause.] Why 

fentlemen. the German Republicans of the Northern States have 
een not only among the most faithful, but we have been among 
the most unselfish members of the Republican party. We never 
come to you asking for any favor; we never come to you with any 
pretensions; the only thing we ask of you is this: that we shall 
be permitted to fight for our common cause; that we shall be 
permitted to fight in your ranks with confidence in your prin- 
ciples and with honor to ourselves. ]Great cheering.] 

Mr. Hassaureck, of Ohio, [Applause] Gentlemen of the Conven- 
tion: I am not going to detain you for any length of time in sup- 
port of the motion now before the Convention, but I am in favor, 
gentlemen, of the adoption of this resolution, not because I am an 
adopted citizen, but because I claim to be a true American, 
[Cheers.] Gentlemen, I claim to be an American, although I hap- 
pened to be born on the other side of the Atlantic Ocean. [Re- 
newed applause.] I breathed true Americanism before my foot 
had ever stepped on American soil. [Applause.] I loved this 
country before my eyes had ever beheld its hospitable soil. I 
had sworn allegiance to the spirit of its free institutions years be- 
fore I made the formal declaration of loyalty. [Enthusiastic 
cheers.] Gentlemen, I felt the spirit of true Americanism thrill 
my heart when, as a boy in school, I first read of the heroic deeds 
of the immortal Washington. [Great and prolonged applause.] 
I hailed true Americanism when I first heard of the great Thomas 
Jefferson, who, upon the altar of God, had sworn eternal hostility 
to tyranny in every form. [Renewed applause.] Gentlemen, as 
one who has suffered the stings and oppressions of despotism, I 
claim to be doubly capable of appreciating the blessings of lib- 
erty. [Loud cheers.] Gentlemen, I have seen the nations of Eu- 
rope smarting under the arbitrary rule of despots, and I know 
what an inestimable treasure, what an incalculable boon freedom 



140 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

is to man. It is, therefore, one of the proudest moments of my 
life, to avail myself of this opportunity as one of the liberty lov- 
ing- Germans of the free West, before this vast assembly of so 
many of the best and true men of the nation, loudly to proclaim 
my undying and unfaltering- love and adherence to the principles 
of true Americanism. [Great applause.] Gentlemen, if it is Am- 
ericanism to believe, religiously to believe in those eternal truths 
announced in the Declaration of Independence, that all men are 
born equal and free, and endowed by their creator with certain in- 
alienable rights, among- which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
happiness, I am proud to be an American. [Applause.] If it is 
Americanism firmly to believe and warmly to cherish the mem- 
ory of the fathers of the Republic, to maintain the faith and per- 
petuate the glorious inheritance which they have left to an 
admiring posterity, I shall ever be an American. [Loud cheers.] 
If it is Americanism, gentlemen, to believe that governments are 
instituted for the benefit of the governed, and not for the benefit 
of the privileged few if it is Americanism to believe that this 
glorious Federation of sovereign States has a higher object and 
a nobler purpose than to be the mere means of fortifying, pro- 
tecting and propagating the institution of human servitude if 
it is Americanism to believe that these vast fertile Territories of 
the West are forever to remain sacred, to remain as free homes for 
iree labor and free men, I shall live and die an American. [Tum- 
ultuous cheering.] Gentlemen, if it is Americanism to believe 
that the American Constitution as framed by the Fathers was 
designed as a bulwark of freedom, and intended to secure the 
blessings of liberty to ourselves and to our posterity, and that it 
does not of its own force carry slavery into the Territories of the 
United States, but, on the contrary, means freedom and justice 
wherever it goes, I shall ever claim to be an American. [Great 
applause.] 

And, Mr. President, for this reason I am in favor of the adoption 
of the resolution not because I claim to be an adopted citizen, 
but because I claim, and shall claim to the end, that I am an Am- 
erican an American by choice; not an American by birth, it is 
true, but an American from sentiment and from principle. Gen- 
tlemen, I hope this resolution will pass without objection from 
any side. There are more than 20,000 Republican German votes 
in the State of Ohio alone; and they shall ever be cast in a solid 
phalanx for the candidate who is to be nominated by this Con- 
vention. [Renewed applause.] 

Mr. Curtis, of New York, What is the question before the house? 

THE CHAIR It is upon the adoption of the report. 

Mr. Curtis, I then offer as an amendment to the report, as pre- 
sented by the committee, the following: That the second clause 
of the report shall read, "That the maintenance of the principles 
promulgated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied 
in the Federal Constitution" and then, sir, I propose to amend 
t>y adding these words, " That all men are created equal; that they 
are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that 
among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that 
to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, 
deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed" 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, I860, 1864. 141 

then proceed " is essential to the preservation of our Republican 
institutions; and that the Federal Constitution, the Rights of the 
States, and the Union of the States, must and shall be preserved." 
[Great applause, and many gentlemen struggling- for the floor.] 
Mr. Thayer, has not that amendment been once voted down? 
Mr. Cartter, I rise to a question of order. 

THE CHAIR There is one question of order already. The gen- 
tleman from New York, Mr. Curtis, moved to amend the second 
resolution in the words which he has read. The gentleman from 
Oregon, Mr. Thayer, raises the question of order that this is sub- 
stantially the same proposition already voted upon; and the 
Chair sustains the question of order, and the question recurs on 
the adoption of the report. 

Mr. Blair, of Missouri, if it is necessary. I shall appeal from the 
decision of the Chair. The amendment which was first offered 
was to the first clause or section, and the amendment offered now 
by the gentleman from New York is to the second section, and it 
an entirely different question. I think, if it is necessary, I am 
ready to take an appeal from the decision of the Chair. 

THE CHAIR I took it from the statement of the gentleman from 
New York, that he offered the same amendment offered before by 
Mr. Giddings,,and voted on. 

Mr. Blair, it is offered now as an amendment to the second; then 
it was to the first resolution. 
THE CHAIR Then the amendment is in order. 
Mr. Curtis, have I the floor? 
THE CAHIR Yes, sir. 

Mr. Curtis (from his chair), Mr. President, I have a word to say 
on that amendment [cries of "take the stand."] I can speak as 
well, gentlemen ,from this seat. I have to ask this Convention 
the second National Convention the Republican party has ever 
held I have to ask this Convention whether they are prepared to 
go upon the record and before the country as voting down the 
words of the Declaration of Independence? [Cries of "No, no," 
and applause.] I have, sir, in the amendment which I have intro- 
duced, quoted simply and only from the Declaration of Independ- 
ence. Bear in mind that in Philadelphia in 1856, the Convention 
of this same great party were not afraid to announce those by 
which alone the Republican party lives, and upon which alone 
the future of this country in the hands of the Republican party is 
passing. [Tremendous cheering.] 

Now, sir, I ask gentlemen gravely to consider that in the amend- 
ment which I have proposed, I have done nothing that the 
soundest and safest man in all the land might not do; and I rise 
simply for I am now sitting down I rise simply to ask gentle- 
men to think well before, upon the free prairies of the West, in the 
summer of 1860, they dare to wince and quail before the men who 
in Philadelphia in 1776 in Philadelphia, in the Arch-Keystone 
State, so amply, so nobly represented upon this platform to-day 
before they dare to shrink from repeating the words that these 
great men enunciated. [Terrific applause.] 



142 

Mr. Olyer, of Indiana, I presume that all the Republicans here 
are in favor of the Declaration of Independence. Does it neces- 
sarily follow that we must publish it in our platform? [The 
crowd "Yes."] I want to talk to the delegates here. I ask the 
question, if it is necessary to put it in? They answer me it is. 
Well, then, it is there now. [Voices "No."] Read for yourselves 
the second resolution. [A voice "Put it in twice."] I will read it 
to you: 

"That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the 
Declaration of Independence and embodied in the Federal Con- 
stitution is essential to the preservation of our Repubican institu- 
tions, and that the Federal Constitution, the Rights of the States, 
and the Union of the States must and shall be preserved." 

Does not that endorse it? We believe in the Bible; shall we put 
it in from the first chapter of Genesis to the last chapter of Reve- 
lations? We believe in the Constitution of the United States; shall 
we put it in from the first to last? I say no. I say it is enough 
for us to assert a belief in, and our confidence in, and firm reliance 
in the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. 

Mr. Nye, of New York, I want, sir, something- done in this Con- 
vention. [Cries of "Vote!"] I am only anxious, sir, that something 
should be done in this Convention to mark with great distinctness 
and in unmistakable terms, that we endorse the language and that 
portion of the language of the Declaration of Independence that 
is moved as an amendment to the second resolution. [Cheers and 
voices, "You shall have it," "We will," "You shall have it if you say 
no more about it."] That, sir, is all I want. I am exceedingly glad 
that simply the fear of a speech from me should induce gentlemen 
to vote in that way. [Laughter and applause.[ 

The question being on the amendment offered by Mr. Curtis, of 
New York, the vote was taken and the amendment adopted. 

The question now recurring on the adoption of the report of the 
committee, the Platform was adopted unanimously with a shout 
of applause. 

Upon the adoption of the Platform, the delegates and the whole 
of the vast audience rose to their feet in a transport of enthusiasm, 
the ladies waving their handkerchiefs and the gentleman their 
hats, while for many minutes the tremendous cheers and shouts 
of applause continued, and again and again were renewed and 
repeated. 

The Chair, as soon as order was partially restored, announced 
that several gentleman would speak in the Wigwam at night. 

Mr. Goodrich, I move that we adjourn. [Cries of "No," "No," 
"Ballot," "Ballot."] I withdraw the motion, and move that we 
now proceed to ballot for a candidate for the Presidency. [Ap- 
plause.] 

Mr. Eggleston, I renew the motion to adjourn. 

The motion to adjourn was put and lost. 

Mr. R. M. Corwine, I move that we now proceed to ballot for 
President. [Great disorder, and cries of "Ballot," "Ballot."] 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 143 

Mr. Cartter, I call for a division by ayes and nays, to see if 
g-entlemen want to go without their supper, [Derisive laughter, 
and cries of "Call the roll."] 

THE CHAIR I am requested by the Secretary to inform the 
gentlemen of the Convention that the papers necessary for the 
purpose of keeping- the tally are prepared, but are not yet at hand, 
but will be in a few minutes. 

A voice I move that this Convention adjourn until ten o'clock 
to-morrow morning. 

The motion prevailed, and the Convention adjourned until ten 
o'clock to-morrow morning. 

THIRD DAY. 

The Convention reassembled at ten o'clock, agreeably to ad- 
journment. After the delegates had seated themselves, the 
proceedings were opened by the following prayer, by Rev. M. 
Green, of Chicago: 

Our Lord, our God, we adore thee as the Eternal, immortal, in- 
visible, and only true God. Every excellence adorns thy nature; 
every attribute of majesty supports thy throne. Thou art our 
God, and we will praise thee; our father's God, and we will exalt 
thee. We thank thee, O Lord, for thy numberless kindnesses 
which thou hast manifested towards this people, in their origin, 
in their deliverance from subsequent evils which have threatened 
them, and for the high degree of prosperity which we still enjoy. 
O God, forbid that we, their descendants, should be unworthy of 
our sires, who acknowledged thee in their ways, and invoked thy 
benediction upon their efforts to establish a free government. 
Lord, we entreat thee who hast delivered us from eternal enemies, 
to protect us from intestine evil. Oh! do thou, Infinite disposer 
of events, perpetuate our liberties. And now, we thank thee that 
thou hast permitted these delegates of the people to assemble 
and so far to pursue their object with such harmony and mutual 
respect. We pray thee still to clothe thy servant, the President of 
this body, with the authority requisite for his exalted post, and 
we entreat thee to bring to a happy result the labors of this body 
of representatives of the people. We entreat thee, that at some 
future but not distant day the evils which now invests the body 
politic shall not only have been arrested in their progress, but 
wholly eradicated from the system. And may the pen of the 
historian trace an intimate connection between that glorious con- 
summation and the transactions of this Convention. O Lord, our 
God,thou art in Heaven and we on earth,therefore should our words 
be few. Our prayer is now before thee. Wilt thou hear, accept 
and answer it, for the sake of our Redeemer. Amen. 

COMMUNICATIONS. 

THE PRESIDENT Gentlemen of the Convention: The Chair feels 
it his first duty this morning to appeal, not merely to the gentle- 
men of the Convention, but to ever) r individual of this vast 
audience, to remember the utmost importance of keeping and 
preserving order during the entire session as much silence as 
possible; and he asks gentlemen who are not members of this 



144 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Convention, in the name of this Convention, that they will, to their 
utmost ability, refrain from any demonstrations that may disturb 
the proceedings of the Convention. I should suggest to the dele- 
gates that they themselves set the example to their friends who 
are not members of this Convention; that each will to the utmost 
of his individual capacity, co-operate with the Chair in keeping 
entire order. 

The Chair has received some communications, which he will 
lay before the Convention. 

The Secretary read the communications, as follows: 

CHICAGO, May 18, 1860. 

Hon. George Ashmun, President of the National Convention, 
Chicago: 

Dear Sir: The delegates of the Convention are invited to an 
excursion, on Monday next, over the Galena and Chicago Union 
railroad to Dubuque, thence down the Mississippi river to Fulton 
or Clinton, from which place they can return to Chicago on Tues- 
day evening, or extend their excursion to Cedar Rapids, over the 
Chicago, Iowa and Nebraska railroad, and return on Wednesday 
evening in time to connect with eastern trains. 
Very respectfully, yours, 

E. B. TALCOTT, Superintendent. 

A Delegate I move that it lie on the table for the present. 

THE PRESIDENT The Chair has received anotherccommunica- 
tion, which will be read. 

The Secretary read: 

NEW YORK, May 17. 
To the Republican National Convention: 

At a meeting of the representatives of the working men of the 
different wards of this city, Brooklyn, Williamsburgh,andGreen- 
point,held on the evening of the 16th inst., at Union Hall, 195 
Bowery, it was 

Resolved, That the officers of the meeting be instructed to ad- 
dress the Republican National Convention, to assemble at Chi- 
cago, and respectfully request the Convention to declare itself 
opposed to all further traffic in the public lands of the U. S., and 
in favor of laying them out in farms and lots for the exclusive 
use of actual settlers. 

We see this singular condition of affairs, that while wealth in 
our own country is accumulating; while internal improvements 
of every description are fast increasing, yet with all these advan- 
tages, the compensation for useful labor is getting less and less, 
We seek the cause of this anomaly, and we trace it to the monop- 
oly of the land, with labor at the mercy of capitalists. We there- 
fore desire to abolish the monopoly, not by interfering with the 
conventional rights of persons now in possession, but, by arrest- 
ing the further sale of all land not yet appropriated as private 
property, and by allowing those lands hereafter to be freely occu- 
pied by those who may choose to settle on them. We propose 
that the public land hereafter shall not be owned, but occupied 
only. The occupant having the right to the sale of his or her im- 
provements to any one not in possession of other lands, so that by 
preventing individuals from becoming possessed of more than a 
limited quantity, any one may enjoy the right. 
Respectfully yours, 

HENRY BENNING, Chairman. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 145 

THE PRESIDENT The Chair would suggest that the Committee 
on Platform and Resolutions having reported, and their report 
covering the subject matter of this resolution, that the communi- 
cation lie upon the table. Assented to. 

THE CHAIR At the adjournment a motion was pending, made 
by Mr. Goodrich, of Minnesota, that the Convention do now pro- 
ceed to ballot for a candidate for President of the United States 
[Applause.] That motion is the business now in order. [Cries of 
" question," " question."] 

THE MARYLAND DELEGATION. 

Mr. Blair, of Maryland, before the vote is taken upon that ques 
tion I wish to ask leave to file the credentials of additional 
delegates to fill up the delegation from the State of Maryland. 
This is made necessary by the resolution or rule adopted yester- 
day by the Convention, which provided that the votes of the 
delegation from each State should be confined to the number of 
delegates present. The delegation from Maryland, not being full, 
it became necessary, under that rule, in order to cast the full vote 
of the State, that the delegation should be filled. At a meeting 
held last evening, the delegation was filled, in pursuance of the 
authority given us by the State Convention of Maryland, which 
we represent on this floor, I therefore offer the credentials of five 
additional delegates now present in their seats completing the 
delegation. [Cries of " leave," ', leave."] 

THE CHAIR No objection being made they will be received. 
What do you say? 

Mr. Sargent, of California, the ratio of representation, as at 
present constituted, gives to Maryland eleven votes. I wish to 
inquire if the effect of receiving these credentials is to increase 
the number of votes to sixteen, or twice the number of her elect- 
oral vote, or if the vote is still simply eleven? If it is merely to 
receiving these gentlemen upon this floor to advice with the 
Maryland delegation, there can be no objection to the increase- 
letting the Maryland delegation stand on the same footing as 
now ; but if it is proposed to increase their vote in this Conven- 
tion, I shall certainly oppose it. If it is proposed now to increase 
the vote cast by that or any other State, I object. It seems to me 
that this matter was fully considered by the committee on cre- 
dentials, voted on by the Convention when they received the 
report of that committee ; their report is before the Convention, 
having been received, and before the vote of any State is in- 
creased, it seems to me that the matter ought to go back to the 
committee, and they should investigate the matter, and under- 
stand by what authority this increase is made. I therefore ask 
for information whether this proposition is to increase the vote 
of Maryland, or to increase the number of persons who will cast 
the vote already determined upon? If I am right in supposing 
that it is to increase their vote I shall oppose it. 

Mr. Coale, of Maryland, I will answer the gentleman. We had 
to come some distance to get here ; and we found when we met 
that there were only eleven gentlemen present. And so I, as a 
member of the committee on elections, handed in eleven names, 

10 



116 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

because there were only eleven of us present: I stated, at the same 
time, that there was a full delegation elected, and that we had full 
power from our constituents to fill up all vacancies. We had the 
power and we had the right, but we deemed it improper and im- 
modest in us to come forward at first and claim to cast the vote 
of the whole convention until we found Marylanders enough 
were present, ready and willing- to take their places with us. 
Our delegation then held a meeting, and according to the right 
that has been exercised by every other delegation, and the au- 
thority given to us by our constituents, we filled the vacancies; 
and the gentlemen are here present. Shall we be thrown out 
now? Shall we be told that we are not to have the privileges of 
other delegations? That we are forbidden to do that which has 
been done by others? I have no idea that such illiberality will 
be extended to us. 

Mr. Sargent of California, by the report of the committee, Mary- 
land is entitled to cast eleven votes. The question is now, whether 
Maryland proposes to cast any beyond the eleven votes? 

Mr. Coale, of Marjdand, No, sir. We have six congressional dis- 
tricts, and we have six votes in virtue of these districts, and we 
have two senators, making eight, and to cast the full vote we 
double that number, making sixteen. In that way we would vote 
according to the same ratio with the other delegations. ["That's 
right, "that's right."'] 

THE CHAIR The chair understands that on yesterday the Con- 
vention adopted a report of the Committee on Credentials, de- 
claring Maryland entitled to eleven delegates, to cast eight votes; 
and understood also, that proposition made this morning, if 
adopted and ratified by the Convention, will give the power to 
sixteen gentlemen to cast eight votes the same number, pre- 
cisely, as before. 

Mr. M. Blair of Maryland. The Committee on Credentials re- 
ported that the delegates present should cast the vote of the state. 
Our state is entitled on this floor, to sixteen delegates. While 
that report was before the Convention, and before the vote was 
taken on it, the gentleman from Minnesota, Mr. Goodrich, offered 
an amendment which limited the vote of the state to the delegates 
present, and that made it incumbent upon us, in order to cast the 
vote of the state, to fill up the delegation. That is the explana- 
i on, gentlemen, why we did not fill it up when we first came here. 
The body has before allowed the delegates to cast the vote of the 
state, whether more or less were present. We expected to cast 
the whole sixteen votes of Maryland. Now, we ask, in pursuance 
of the authority given us by the State Convention of Maryland, 
to fill up our delegation, and be able to cast the whole vote of the 
state of Maryland. I have not heard any gentleman object to our 
proposition to cast the full vote. 

Mr. Benton of New Hampshire, and chairman of the Committee 
on Credentials. It was proposed to limit the number of votes to 
the number of delegates actually present. This was agreed to 
not only in reference to the state of Maryland, but Virginia, Ore- 
gon and Texas. It was discussed in committee, and it was finally 
agreed that this state should be allowed to cast eleven votes. 
After the committee adjourned one gentleman appeared and 
asked to be allowed to appear on the floor and vote. I told him it 
was too late. It was generally understood, and it was acted upon 
by almost unanimous consent, that the states which were not 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, I860, 1864. 147 

fully represented should claim no more votes in the Convention 
than those here actually present either real or substituted dele- 
gates. 

Mr. Armour of Maryland, as one of the delegates from the state 
of Maryland, I object to the credentials being- received. ["Loud- 
er."] This is a matter of business and is not for outsiders. [A 
voice "We ain't outsiders."] I say then that there are only eleven 
of us here, of the sixteen appointed by our State Convention. The 
Committee on Credentials reported that fact. Since the adjourn- 
ment of the Convention [A voice "If you will take your seat on 
this side of the house, the Convention can hear you. We cannot 
hear you now."] I have a reason as one of the eleven delegates 
from the state of Maryland, to enter my solemn protest against 
the reception of the credentials as filled up. We met in the city 
of Baltimore and appointed eight delegates and eight alternates. 
But eleven of us are here. Eleven names were yesterday pre- 
sented to the Committee on Credentials, and the Committee on 
Credentials made their report, and reported us eleven present 
and entitled to eight votes. Since the adjournment of the Con- 
vention on yesterday a portion of my co-delegates I am not here 
to impugn their motives, nor do I intend to do so a portion 'of 
them met without my knowledge, without the knowledge of at 
least one more, and perhaps two more of the delegates, and have 
filled up our delegation from gentlemen, God almighty only 
knows where they live. [Applause and laughter.] 

I do not wish to place myself in an attitude hostile to the ma- 
jority of my delegation. I do not wish to throw any embarrass- 
ment in the way of the peaceful settlement of all the business 
that has brought us together, but I wish to say that there is a 
gentleman here from Maryland, who has been knocking at the 
door of this Convention, but who has not been received; my co- 
delegates have refused to fill up the delegation with his name, 
and have, for purposes only known to themselves, filled it up with 
outsiders. For this reason, for the reason that the delegation has 
been made full by placing upon it the names of men unknown to 
me; by placing upon it the names of non-residents of the state of 
Mar3 T land; and because I had no knowledge that this meeting 
was coming together; because I have not co-operated in this 
movement; because I do not know the purpose for which the de- 
legation has been filled up, and because I think we should not 
pretend to present in this convention, a stronger front than that 
which we possess. We have eleven men here, and we should only 
vote our eleven voles. I hope gentlemen of the convention, you 
will vote this thing down. [Applause and cries for the question.] 

Mr. Cartter of Ohio, I call for the previous question. 

Previous question sustained, and motion to receive the dele- 
gates lost. 

THE NOMINATION. 

Mr. Evarts of New York, Mr. Chairman: As the Convention has 
by its vote decided to proceed to a ballot, you may be assured 
that I do not rise for the purpose of making a speech. I rise 
simply to ask, sir, whether it is in order to present names in no- 
mination? 



148 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

THE PRESIDENT The Chair is of the opinion that under the 
execution of the order adopted, it may be in order to put in nomi- 
nation such persons as you may desire, without debate. 

Mr. Evarts, I rise 

A voice, the Pennsylvania delegation is not provided with seats. 
[Voices "Get them quick."] 

THE PRESIDENT I will take this opportunity to present a com- 
munication received by the Chair. 

The Secretary read: 

CHICAGO, MAY 18, 1860. 

We feel it our duty to inform you that members of your Con- 
vention pass their tickets over the railing's and through the win- 
dows to their friends who are not entitled to seats. If the Con- 
vention find inconvenience, it is the fault of the members and not 
through our interference. Any instructions you think proper to 
give will be strictly carried out. PETER PAGE. 

GURDON S. HUBBARD. 

CHAS. N. HOLDEN. 

The Chair requested the delegates to avoid the inconvenience 
spoken of by purging their own seats of outsiders. 

Mr. Evarts, of New York, In the order of business before the 
Convention, Sir, I take the liberty to name as a candidate to be 
nominated by this Convention for the office of President of the 
United States, William H. Seward. [Prolonged applause.] 

Mr. Judd, of Illinois, I desire, on behalf of the delegation from 
Illinois, to put in nomination, as a candidate for President of the 
United States, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois. [Immense ap- 
plause, long continued.] 

Mr. Dudley, of New Jersey, Mr. President, New Jersey presents 
the name of William L. Dayton. [Applause.] 

Mr. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, Pennsylvania nominates as her 
candidate for the Presidency, General Simon Cameron. [Cheers.] 

Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, Ohio presents to the consideration of this 
Convention as a candidate for President, the name of Salmon P. 
Chase. [Applause.] 

^Mr. C. B. Smith, of Indiana, I desire, on behalf of the delegation 
from Indiana, to second the nomination of Abraham Lincoln, of 
Illinois. [Tremendous applause.] 

Mr. Blair, of Missouri, I am commissioned by the representa- 
tives of the State of Missouri to present to this Convention the 
name of Edward Bates as a candidate for the Presidency. [Ap- 
plause.] 

Mr. Blair, of Michigan, in behalf of the delegates from Michi- 
gan I second the nomination for President of the United States, 
of William H. Seward. [Loud applause.] 

Mr. Corwin, of Ohio, I rise, Mr. President, at the request of many 
gentlemen, part of them members of this Convention, and many 
of them of the most respectable gentlemen known to the history 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 149 

of this county and its politics, to present the name of John 
McLean. [Applause.] 

Mr. Schurz, of Wisconsin, I am commissioned by the delegation 
from the State of Wisconsin, to second the nomination of William 
H. Seward, of New York. [Warm applause.] 

Mr. North, of Minnesota, I am commissioned, on behalf of the 
delegation from Minnesota, to second the nomination of William 
H. Seward. [Applause.] 

Mr. Phillips, of Kansas, I am commissioned, not only by the 
delegation from Kansas, but by the people of Kansas, to present 
the name of William H. Seward, of New York. 

Mr. Delano, of Ohio, I rise on behalf of a portion of the delega- 
tion from Ohio, to put in nomination the man who can split rails 
and maul Democrats Abraham Lincoln. [Great applause.] 

Mr. Logan, of Illinois, Mr. President, in order or out of order, I 
desire to move that this Convention, for itself and this vast audi- 
ence, to give three cheers for all the candidates presented by the 
Republican party. 

THE PRESIDENT The gentleman is out of order. 

Mr. Stone, of Iowa, Mr. President, I rise in the name of two 
thirds of the delegation of Iowa, to second the nomination of 
Abraham Lincoln. [Great applause.] 

Mr. Andrew, of Massachusetts, I move you that we proceed to 
vote. 

The Convention then balloted, with the following result: 

FIRST BALLOT. 



STATES, 
Maine 


3 Sowarc 


31 LincolE 


e 

0) VI 

1 a 2 

. S =3 
? O K 


McLeai 


. 5 

O iZ c3 

fl 


2 S 

2 S J; 

a o> rn 

3 EH O 

02 5s, O 


New Hampshire 
Vermont 


1 


7 






1 


1 

10 


Massachusetts 


21 


4 










Rhode Island . . 






1 


5 


1 1 




Connecticut 




2 


1 7 




2 




New York 


70 












New Jersey 










14 




Pennsylvania 


1 1 A 


4 


4714 . 


1 






Maryland 


3 




8 








Delaware 






ft 








Virginia 


8 


14 


1 








Kentucky 


5 


6 


12 


1 


8 


1 


Ohio 




8 




4 


34 




Indiana 




26 










Missouri 






13 








Michigan 


12 












Illinois 




22 










Texas , . . 


4 




2 








Wisconsin 


10 












Iowa 





2 


1 1 


1 


1 




California 


g 












Minnesota- 


8 












Oregon 






5 








TERRITORIES. 
Kansas 


6 












Nebraska 


2 


1 


1 




2 




District of Columbia. 


2 













150 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

EXPLANATION, &C. 

Mr. Tracy, of California, I wish to say, as there has been one 
vote cast for Mr. Fremont, that he is not a candidate before this 
Convention. 

When the State of Maryland was called, during- the vote, Mr. 
Cochrane, Chairman of the delegation said: 

The Republican State Convention of Maryland havingrequested 
that the delegation should vote as a unit, I therefore, in accord- 
ance with the wishes of a majority of the delegation, cast 11 votes 
for Edward Bates. [Applause.] 

Mr. Coale. of Maryland, I object to that. I am a freeman in 
Maryland, although surrounded by slavery. If I were going to 
look for a place to be immolated upon the altar of slavery I 
should not come to Chicago [great confusion and cries of 
"order."] Well, hear my point then. We are not instructed to 
vote for Edward Bates. Such a resolution was presented there 
and was instantly voted down. [A voice You are not in order.] 
Well, my point is that we were not instructed, and that we will 
not act according to the recommendation except so far as we 
please. 

Mr. Armour, of Maryland, I will present. the point of protesta- 
tion a little clearer than my aged friend has done. (Cries of 
" Call the roll.") 

THE PRESIDENT It is not a subject of debate. The question is, 
shall the Convention receive the eleven votes from the State 
of Maryland for Mr. Bates? and this must be decided without de- 
bate. (Voices "Call the roll," "hear him,,' and great confusion.] 

Mr. Armour, I do not wish to debate the point. I wish to state 
succinctly and clearly the point of our protest. Have I leave? 
(Cries of "Yes" and "No.") At the Convention which assembled 
at Maryland, a resolution was offered instructing- the delegates of 
the State of Maryland to vote as a unit. There was a general 
feeling against that resolution, and a number of gentlemen spoke 
against it, and I had risen to protest against it when some gen- 
tleman in my rear moved that we be simply "recommended." 
Not one man in that Convention considered that "recommend"' 
and "instruct" were synonymous terms. Not one of us consid- 
ered that the recommendation was equivalent to an instruction. 
Therefore, we let it pass, believing then and now that we were free 
to cast our votes for the man of our choice, and we now claim 
that right on the floor of the Convention. (Cries of " Good," and 
applause.) 

Mr. R. M. Corwine, of Ohio, one of the rules adopted yesterday 
declares that the Chairman of each delegation shall cast the vote 
of his delegation. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, i860, 1864. 151 

A Voice No, no ! it says he shall " announce" it. 

Mr. Coale, we will vote as we please and we will not vote any 
other way. 

The Chair then stated the question. 

Mr. Frank P. Blair, of Missouri, I rise to a point of order. I de- 
sire to know whether this Convention is to be governed by its 
rules or not? I call the attention of the President to the rule 
which we have adopted, and under which we must act, unless it 
is intended now to violate it. 

THE CHAIR The Chair is aware of the rule. The rule adopted 
was that the vote of each State should be announced by its chair- 
man. 

A Voice He must but announce it and announce it truly. 

THE CHAIR And the Chair rules that he is bound to receive the 
report made by the Chairman of the delegation, and announce it 
to the Convention as their vote, unless it is rejected by the Con- 
vention ; and the Chair, not wishing- to take the responsibitity of 
settling this question, may refer it to the Convention, and the 
Chair now puts the question to the Convention: Shall the vote an- 
nounced by the Chairman be received by the Convention as the 
vote of the State of Maryland? 

The question was decided in the negative. 

At the conclusion of the voting, which occupied considerable 
time, the result was announced by the Secretary of the Conven- 
tion as follows: 

For William H. Seward, of New York, 173^; for Abr.ah.am Lin- 
coln, of Illinois, 102; for Edward Bates, of Missouri, 48; for Simon 
Cameron, of Pennsylvania, 50^>; for John McLean, of Ohio, 12; for 
Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, 49; for Benjamin F. Wade, of Ohio, 3; 
for William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, 14; for John M. Reed, of 
Pennsylvania,!; for Jacob Collamer, of Vermont, 10; for Charles 
Sumner, of Massachusetts, 1; for John C. Fremont, of California,!. 
Whole number of votes cast, 465; necessary to a choice, 233. 

The Chair announced, that no candidate having received a ma- 
jority of the whole number of votes cast, the Convention would 
proceed to a second ballot. 



152 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

SECOND BALLOT. 

Mr. Caleb B. Smith in the Chair, the ballot proceeded as fol- 
lows: 



STATES. 

Maine 


9 

to 

10 


S * 5 j a > L J3 

S S J3 rt 

i-J M 3 3 o q d 

6 


New Hampshire 


1 


9 


Vermont 




10 


M assachusetts 


22 


4 


Rhode Island 




3 23 


Connecticut 




44 22 


New York 


70 




New Jersey 


4 


10 


Pennsylvania 




48 1 2Vz 


Maryland .. 


3 


8 


Delaware 




6 


Virginia 


8 


11 i 


Kentucky 


7 


9 6 


Ohio 




14 5 29 


Indiana 




26 


Missouri.... 




18 


Michigan. .. 


12 




Illinois 




22 


Texas 


6 




Wisconsin 


10 




Iowa 


2 


5 l /2 l /2 


California 


8 




Minnesota 


8 




Oregon 




5 


TERRITORIES. 
Kansas 


6 




Nebraska 


8 


1 2 


District of Columbia... 


2 





After the vote was taken, and before it was announced 
Gov. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, I desire to state, that while the 
vote was going- on, and after that vote was given, the name of 
Gen. Cameron was withdrawn. I now formally withdraw the 
name of Gen. Cameron from this Convention as a candidate for 
nomination. 

(Great confusion while the ballot was being counted.) 
The Secretary announced the result of the second ballot as fol- 
lows: 

For William H. Seward, of New York, 184 l / votes. (Applause.) 
For Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, 181 votes. (Tremendous ap- 
plause, checked by the Speaker.) For Edward Bates, of Missouri, 
35 votes. For Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, 2 votes. For 
John McLean, of Ohio, 8 votes. For Salmon P. Chase, of Ohio, 
42% votes. For William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, 10 votes. For 
Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky, 2 votes. Whole number of votes 
cast, 465; necessary to a choice, 233. 

The Chair announced that no candidate having received a ma- 
jority of all the votes cast, there was no nomination, and the 
Convention would proceed to a third ballot, which was then 
taken, as follows : 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 153 

THIRD BALLOT. 

th 

TJ a G a ~ 

*> c/i "o ^ 

STATES. a 

| ti J -S a ^ 
on H w iJ S3 Q ^ 

Maine 10 .. .. 6 

New Hampshire 1 .... 9 

Vermont 10 

Massachusetts 18 .. . 8 

Rhode Island 1 151.. 

Connecticut 1 4 2 4 .... 1 

New York ' 70 

New Jersey 5 .. .. 8 .. 1 

Pennsylvania 52 2 

Maryland 2 .... 9 

Delaware 6 

Virginia 8 .. .. 14 

Kentucky 6 .. 4 13 

Ohio 15 29 2 

Indiana 26 

Missouri 18 ' 

Michigan 12 

Illinois 22 

Texas 6 

Wisconsin 10 

Iowa ... 2 .. Vz 5Y-t .. 

California 8 

Minnesota 8 

Oregon 1 .. .. 4 

TERRITORIES. 

Kansas 6 

Nebraska 3 2 1 

District of Columbia 2 .. 

Total 180 22 24^ 23L l / 2 5 1 1 

The progress of the ballot was watched with most intense 
interest, especially toward the last, the crowd becoming silent as 
the contest narrowed down, when, before the result was an- 
nounced, 

Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, said, 1 arise, Mr. Chairman, to announce 
the change of four votes of Ohio from Mr. Chase to Abraham 
Lincoln. 

This announcement, giving- Mr. Lincoln a majority, was greeted 
by the audience with the most enthusiastic and thundering ap- 
plause. The entire crowd rose to their feet, applauding raptur- 
ously, the ladies waving their handkerchiefs, the men waving- 
and throwing up their hats by thousands, cheering again and 
again. The applause was renewed and repeated for many min- 
utes. At last, partial silence having been restored, with many 
gentlemen striving to get the floor, 

Mr. Evarts, of New York, Mr. Chairman, has the vote been de- 
clared? 

THE CHAIR No, sir. 

Mr. Andrew, of Massachusetts, Mr. Chairman, I sought ah op- 
portunity some time since, and before finishing the roll call of 
the States, at the direction of many of niy associates of the Mas- 



154 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

sachusetts delegation, to correct their vote. I am instructed to 
report that the vote from Massachusetts stands : for Abraham 
Lincoln, 18 ; for William H. Seward, 8. [Applause.] 

Mr. McCrills, of Maine, Mr. Chairman, the young giant of the 
West has become of age. He is 21 years old. [Loud cries of 
"order."] Maine gives her vote unanimously in favor of Lincoln. 
[Renewed applause.] 

Mr. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, I desire to correct the vote of 
Pennsylvania. In the haste of taking so large a number of dele- 
gates, it was not taken as they desire, and they wish me to 
announce it as, for Abraham Lincoln, 53; for John McLean, i; for 
Wm. H. Seward, Y 2 . 

Mr. Rollins, of New Hampshire, I desire to correct the vote of 
New Hampshire. New Hampshire votes for Abraham Lincoln 10 
votes. [Applause.] 

Mr. Eames, of Rhode Island, Mr. Chairman, I desire now to 
announce that Rhode Island casts 8 votes for Abraham Lincoln. 
Mr. Welles, of Connecticut, Mr. Chairman, I am requested to state 
that the vote of Connecticut is 8 for Abraham Lincoln, 2 for Sal- 
mon P. Chase the rest as before given. 

Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, I am requested by the delegation from 
Ohio to now present their unanimous vote for Abraham Lincoln, 
46 votes. [Great applause.] 

At this time there was great confusion. A salute was fired 
without, and responded to within the wigwam by vociferous 
cheers. A life size photograph of Mr. Lincoln was then brought 
upon the platform, and the audience greeted the sight with rap- 
turous and long continued cheering. 

Mr. Brown, of Missouri, I am instructed to cast the entire vote 
of Missouri 18 votes for that gallant son of the West, Abraham 
Lincoln. [Great enthusiasm.] 

A Delegate from Iowa, I am authorized by the delegation from 
Iowa, to change their vote, and make it unanimous for Lincoln. 
[Applause.] 

Mr. Gallagher, of Kentucky, Mr. President, Kentucky came 
here, not to obtrude, but to sanction the expression that is now 
indicated, and casts a full vote for Abraham Lincoln. [Loud 
cheers.] 

Mr. North, of Minnesota, I am authorized by the delegation 
from Minnesota, to make it unanimous for Abraham Lincoln. 

A delegate from Virginia The delegation from Virginia ask to 
have their full vote recorded for Abraham Lincoln. [Applause.] 

Mr. Tracy, of California, I am directed by the delegation of Cali- 
fornia to change five votes in favor of Abraham Lincoln, making 
her vote 5 to 3. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 155 

Mr. Fitch, of Texas, I am authorized by the delegation of Texas 
to have her vote recorded for Abraham Lincoln. 

Mr. Wyse, of the District of Columbia, I am authorized to 
change the vote of the District of Columbia from Wm.H. Seward 
to Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois. 

Mr. .Wilder, of Kansas, I am authorized by the delegation from 
Kansas to change her vote to the gallant disciple of the " irre- 
pressible conflict," Abraham Lincoln. 

Mr. Webster, of Nebraska, Nebraska casts her unanimous vote 
for Abraham Lincoln. 

A Delegate from Oregon Oregon also casts her unanimous 
vote for Abraham Lincoln. 

The vote was then announced by the Secretary as follows: 
Whole number of votes cast, 466 ; necessary to a choice, 234. 

For Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, 364 votes. 

THE CHAIR Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, is selected as your 
candidate for President of the United States. [Thunders of ap- 
plause and great confusion.] 

Mr. Evarts, Chairman of the New York delegation, then took 
the stand and said 

Mr. President and Gentlemen of the National Republican Con- 
vention: The State of New York, by a full delegation, with com- 
plete unanimity of purpose at home, came to this Convention and 
presented to its choice one of its citizens, who had served the 
State from boyhood up, who had labored for and loved it. We 
came from a great State, with, as we thought, a great Statesman 
(prolonged cheers), and our love of the great Republic from 
which we are all delegates, the great American Union, and our 
love of the great Republican party of the Union, and our love of 
our Statesman and candidate, made us think that we did our duty 
to the country and the whole country, in expressing our prefer- 
ence and love for him. (Loud cheers.) For, gentlemen, it was 
from Gov. Seward that most of us learned to love Republican 
principles and the Republican party. (Renewed cheers.) His 
fidelity to the country, the constitution and the laws, his fidelity 
to the party arid the principle that the majority govern, his inter- 
est in the advancement of our party to its victory, that our coun- 
try may rise to its true glory, induces me to assume to speak his 
sentiments as I do indeed the opinions of our delegation, when I 
move you, as I do now, that the nomination of Abraham Lincoln, 
of Illinois, as the Republican candidate for the suffrages of the 
whole country for the office of Chief Magistrate of the American 
Union, be made unanimous. [Enthusiastic cheers.] 

Several speakers then attempted to get the floor, which was ac- 
corded to Mr. Andrew, Chairman of the Massachusetts delegation. 
He said: 

Mr. President, Gentlemen of the Republican National Conven- 
tion and Fellow Citizens of the United States of America: 

I am deputed by the united voice of the Massachusetts delega- 
tion to second the motion just proposed by the distinguished 
citizen of New York, who represents the delegation of that noble 



156 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

state. I second that motion, therefore, in the name of Massachu- 
setts, that the nomination of Abraham Lincoln be made unani- 
mous. [Loud cheers.] Gentlemen, the people of Massachusetts 
hold in their heart of hearts, next to their reverence and love for 
the Christian faith, their reverence and love for the doctrine of 
equal and impartial liberty. [Renewed cheers.] We are Republi- 
cans by a hundred thousand majority of the old stamp of the 
revolution. [Cheers.] We have come up here the delegation 
from Massachusetts from the ground where on Bunker's Hill 
the Yankees of New England met the deadly fire of Britain. We 
have come from Concord, where was spilled the first blood of the 
revolution; from Lexington, where its embattled farmers fired a 
shot that was heard around the world. We have come from 
Faneuil Hall, where spoke the patriots and sages, and soldiers of 
the earliest and best days of American history, where our fathers 
heard propounded those doctrines and principles of liberty and 
human equality which found their enunciation and exposition in 
the Constitution of Massachusetts, and by which, under judicial 
decision, human slavery was banished from the venerable soil of 
that ancient commonwealth, before the colonies were a united 
people. [Cheers.] We have come from the shadows of the old 
South Church, where American liberty was baptized in the waters 
of religion. [Loud applause.] We hold the purpose firm and 
strong, as we have through the tedious struggle of years now 
gone by, to rescue, before we die, the holy ark of American liberty 
from the grasp of the Philistines who hold it. Yes, sir, whether 
in the majority, or without the majority of the American people, 
there we stand. [Enthusiastic cheers.] Whether in victory, or in 
defeat, there we stand, and, as said the apostle, "having done all, 
still there we will stand, and because of our love and of our faith." 
The affection of our hearts and the judgment of our intellects 
bound our political fortunes to William Henry Seward, of New 
York [cheers]; him, who is the brightest and most shining light 
of this political generation [applause and cheers]; him, who, by 
the unanimous selection of the foes of our cause and our men, 
has for years been the determined standard-bearer of liberty, 
William H. Seward. [Loud cheers.] Whether in the legislature 
of his native State of New York, whether as governor of that 
young and growing imperial commonwealth, whether as senator 
of the United States, or as a tribune of the people, ever faithful, 
ever true. [Cheers.] In the thickest and the hottest of every 
battle there waved the white plume of the gallant leader of New 
York. [Cheers.] And, gentlemen, by no hand of Massachusetts 
was it for him to be stricken down. Dearly as we love triumph 
we are used to momentary defeat, because we are right; and what- 
ever storms assail our ship before, in whatever gales she may 
reel and quake, we know that if the bark sinks it is but to another 
sea. We know that this cause of ours is bound to triumph, and 
that the American people will, one day, be convinced, if not in 
1860. that the path of duty and patriotism leads in the direction of 
the Republican cause. It was not for us to strike down William 
Henry Seward, of New York. But Mr. President and gentlemen, 
as we love the cause, and as we respect our own convictions, and 
as we mean to be faithful to the only organization on earth which 
is in the van of the cause of freedom, so do we, with entire fidelity 
of heart, with entire concurrence of judgment, with the firmest 
and most fixed purpose of our will, adopt the opinion of the ma- 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 157 

jority of the Convention of delegates, to which the American, 
people have assigned the duty of selection; and as Abraham Lin- 
coln, of Illinois, is the choice of the National Republican Conven- 
tion, Abraham Lincoln is at this moment the choice of the 
Republicans of Massachusetts. [Enthusiastic cheers.] We wheel 
into line as one man, and we will roll up our 100,000 majority, and 
we \vill give you our 13 electoral votes, and we will show you that 
the "irrepressible conflict" is the "manifest destiny" of the Demo- 
cracy. [Cheers.] The Republican party is to-day gentlemen, the 
only united national party in America. It is the cause of liberty. 
By universal concession, it is the cause of the Union, as it is the 
only party in the nation which stands by the Union and holds no 
secessionists in its ranks. Now, since the result (if it may be 
called a result), is known of the Convention at Charleston, the 
Democratic party is the only secession party in existence, That 
Democracy, which with proud defiance, has arrogated constant 
title of "National," exists only to-day in two sections, one of which 
is absolutely devoted to slavery, and the other of which is opposed 
to liberty. [Loud cheers and laughter.] Against that party, Mr. 
President and gentlemen, and against all those who hold its 
dogmas, or preach its heresies, with whatever associates, and 
under -whatever lead, Massachusetts conies into the line, and 
under Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, we are bound to march with 
you to victory. [Tremendous cheers.] 

Mr. Carl Schurz, Mr. President, I am commissioned by the dele- 
gation of Wisconsin to second the motion made by the disting- 
uished gentleman from New York. The delegates of Wisconsin 
were instructed to cast their votes unanimously for William H. 
Seward, and it is unnecessary to say that the instructions we re- 
ceived added but solemn obligations to the spotaneous impulses 
of our hearts. [Great applause.] It would be needless to say 
anything of Mr. Seward. His claims stand recorded in the annals 
of the country, and they are reported in the hearts of the people. 
He needs no eulogy here, and my voice can add nothing to so 
powerful a testimony. We, gentlemen, went for him because we 
considered him foremost among the best, and to whatever maybe 
said in his praise I will add but one thing. I know I am speaking 
in the spirit of Mr. Seward, when I say that this ambition will be 
satisfied with the success of the cause which was the dream of 
his youth, and to which he has devoted all the days of his man- 
hood, even if the name of Wm. H. Seward should remain in his- 
tory, an instance of the highest merit, uncrowned with the highest 
honor. [Loud cheers.] We stood by Mr. Seward to the last, and I 
tell you we stand by him yet, in support of Abraham Lincoln, of 
Illinois. [Applause.] With the platform we adopted yesterday, 
and with the candidate who so fairly represents it, as Mr. Lincoln 
does, we defy all the passion and prejudice that may be invoked 
against us by our opponents. We defy the whole slave power 
and the whole vassalage of hell. [Cheers universally prevailing.] 
Aye, and let them bring on their "Little Giant" himself. [Ap- 
plause.] 

Again, do we stand by Mr. Seward as we did before, for we know 
that he \vill be at the head of our column, joining in the battle 
cry that unites us now, "Lincoln and Victory." [Great applause.] 

Mr. Austin Blair, of Michigan, Gentlemen of the Convention: 
Like my friend who as just taken his seat, the State of Michigan, 
from first to last, has cast her vote for the great statesman of 



158 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

New York. She has nothing- to take back. She has not sent me 
forward to worship the rising sun, but she has put me forward to 
say that, at your behests here to-day, she lays down her first, best 
loved candidate to take up yours, with some beating of the heart, 
with some quivering in the veins [much applause]; but she does 
not fear that the fame of Seward will suffer, for she knows that his 
name is a portion of the history of the American Union; it will be 
written, and read, and beloved long after the temporary excite- 
ment of thisday has passed away, and when presidents themselves 
are forgotten in the oblivion which comes over all temporal 
things. We stand by him still. We have followed him with a 
single eye and unwavering faith in times past. We marshal now 
behind him in the grand column which shall go out to battle for 
Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois. 

Mark, you, what has obtained to-day will obtain in November 
next. Lincoln \vill be elected by the people. We say of our can- 
didate, God bless his magnanimous soul. [Tremendous applause.] 
I promise you that in the State of Michigan, which I have the 
honor to represent, where the Republican party from the days of 
its organization to this hour, never suffered a single defeat, we 
will give you for the gallant son of Illinois, and glorious standard- 
bearer of the West, a round twenty-five thousand majority.. 

Mr. Evarts, I have no desire to cut short any speeches of a 
general character that are desired to be made, but I would sug- 
gest to the Convention that we have perhaps given a liberal share 
of our time to this enthusiasm at this stage of our duty. I rise, 
merely to make a suggestion and a motion in regard to the sub- 
ject of Vice-President and the adjournment of the Convention. 
Will the Convention allow me to do so? 

Mr. Judd, Illinois desires to respond by Mr. Browning for a few 
moments. 

Mr, Evarts, I did not exactly understand the nature of my 
friend's suggestion, but I suppose from what has passed between 
him and me that I gather his purpose, and if he proposes to do 
it now before I make my business motions, it is all the same to 
me. [Voices "Go on."] If I go on he can have an spportunity 
to say what he wishes to say afterwards. 

Now Mr. Chairman, it is half past one o'clock, and I think we 
require as much time as from now till five o'clock, on the rise of 
this Convention. I would suggest, if no more desirable or rapid 
plan can be suggested, that the chairman of each delegation, 
states and territories, here present, meet at some hour in the in- 
terval, at the headquarters of the New York delegation at the 
Richmond House. Is that agreeable and convenient? [Voices 
"Agreed."] I would suggest then that they should meet at that 
place as early as three o'clock. Is that suitable? [Voices "Yes," 
and "All right."] 

Then allow me to say to my own delegation that I wish they 
would meet at the same place, the headquarters of our delegation, 
at the Richmond House, immediately after the adjournment of 
the Convention. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 159 

I move, sir, now, that this Convention adjourn to meet at five 
o'clock, and that the balloting- for Vice-President be laid over 
during' recess. 

Carried nem. con. 

Mr. Evarts, now, Mr. Chairman, allow me to say that I have been 
in error or out of order all the while, and j r ou with me also. The 
motion that I made that the nomination be made unanimous has 
not yet been put. I suppose the observations of my friend from 
Illinois are in order. 

THE PRESIDENT The Chair begs leave to state that the gentle- 
man has not been out of order. Mr. Browning, of Illinois, will 
now take the floor. 

ILLINOIS. RESPONDS. 

Mr. Browning, of Illinois, Mr. President and gentlemen of the 
Convention: On behalf of the Illinois delegation, I have been re- 
quested to make some proper response to the speeches that we 
have heard from our friends of the other states. Illinois ought 
hardly on this occasion to be expected io make a speech, or be 
called upon to do so. We are so much elated at present that we 
are scarcely in a condition to collect our own thoughts, or to 
express them intelligently to those who may listen to us. 

I desire to say, gentlemen of the Convention, that in the contest 
through which we have just passed, we have been actuated by no 
feeling of hostility to the illustrious statesman from New York, 
who was in competition with our own loved and gallant son. We 
were actuated solely by a desire for the certain advancement of 
Republicanism. The Republicans of Illinois, believing that the 
principles of the Republican party are the same principles which 
embalmed the hearts and nerved the arms of our patriot sires of 
the revolution; that they are the same principles which were 
vindicated upon every battle field of American freedom, were ac- 
tuated solely by the conviction that the triumph of these princi- 
ples was necessary not only to the salvation of our party, but to 
the perpetuation of the free institutions whose blessings we now 
enjoy, and we have struggled against the nomination of the illus- 
trious statesman of New York solely because we believed here 
that we could go into battle on the prairies of Illinois with more 
hope and more prospect of success under the leadership of our 
own noble son. No Republican who has a love of freedom in his 
heart, and who has marked the course of Governor Seward, of 
New York, in the councils of our nation, who has witnessed the 
many occasions upon which he has risen to the very height of 
moral sublimity in his conflicts with the enemies of free institu- 
tions, no heart that has the love of freedom in it and has wit- 
nessed these great conflicts of his, can do otherwise than venerate 
his name on this occasion. I desire to say only, that the hearts 
of Illinois are to-day filled with emotions of gratification, for 
which they have no utterance. We are not more overcome by the 
triumph of our noble Lincoln, loving him as we do, knowing the 
purity of his past life, the integrity of his character, and devotion 
to the principles of our party, and the gallantrj^ with which we 
will be conducted through this contest, than we are by the mag- 
namity of our friends of the great and glorious State of New York 
in moving to make this nomination unanimous. On behalf of the 



160 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

delegation from Illinois, for the Republican party of this great 
and growing prarie state, I return to all our friends. New York 
included, our heartfelt thanks and gratitude for the nomination 
of this Convention. [Applause.] 

The Convention then adjourned until five o'clock p. m. 
AFTERNOON SESSION. 

The Convention re-assembled and was called to order by the 
President at 5 o'clock. 

The Chair announced that the first business in order was to 
proceed to ballot for a candidate for Vice-Presidenfifcthe United 
States. 

Mr. Wilder, of Kansas, Mr. Chairman, in behalf of the Kansas 
delegation, I am commissioned to nominate John Hickman, of 
Pennsylvania, as the candidate of the Republican party for the 
office of Vice-President of the United States. [Loud and pro- 
longed applause.] 

Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, I will present the name of Senator Hanni- 
bal Hamlin, of Maine. [Great cheering.] 

Mr. Lewis, of Pennsylvania, I second the nomination of John 
Hickman, of Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, Mr. President, in behalf of a 
large majority of the delegation from Massachusetts, and in be- 
half, I believe, of a great majority of the people of that Common- 
wealth and New England, I present the name of the iron man of 
Massachusetts, Nathaniel P. Banks. [Loud applause.] 

Mr. Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, in behalf of a large number of 
the Indiana delegation, I present the name of the gallant son of 
Kentucky, Cassius M. Clay. [Enthusiastic cheers.] 

A delegate at the north end of the platform, with all my heart I 
second the nomination of Cash. Clay. 

Mr. Lowry, of Pennsylvania, Mr. Chairman, I nominate Andrew 
H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, Governor of Kansas. [Loud ap- 
plause.] 

The Convention then proceeded to ballot as follows : 

FIRST BALLOT FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 



STATES. _ ^ 3 -2 c 

*' *? 



ta 



Maine l h 

New Hampshire 

Vermont 1" 

Massachusetts . 20 1 1 

Rhode Island .- 

Connecticut ^ 

NewYork 94 11 35 

New Jersey } " J 

Pennsylvania 4/z IJi 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1861. 



161 



STATES. 



Maryland .............................. 2 

Delaware ............................... 3 

Virginia ................................ 23 

Kentucky ............................... 23 



d 

3 

i 

o 



Indiana ................................ 18 

Missouri .................................... 

Michigan ...................... .......... 4 

Illinois ................................... 2 

Texas ...................................... 

Wisconsin ............... . ............ 5 

Iowa ................................... 

California ................................. 

Minnesota .............................. 1 

Oregon .................. ...... . ............ 

TERRITORIES. 
Kansas .................... ._ ................ 

Nebraska .............. 7 ............. 1 

District of Columbia .................. 2 



4ti 



Total 101& 38 l / 2 51 58 194 



8 3 



THE CHAIR (the result having- been announced) No one hav- 
ing received a majority, the roll will be called again for a second 
ballot. 

THE SECOND BALLOT. 

The Convention then proceeded to a second ballot, which re- 
sulted as follows : 

STATES. Hamlin. Clay. Hicknuin. 

Maine 16 

New Hampshire 10 

Vermont 10 

Massachusetts 2ti 

Rhode Island 8 

Connecticut 10 

New York 70 

New Jersey 14 

Pennsylvania 54 

Maryland 10 1 

Delaware 6 

Virginia 23 

Kentucky 23 

Ohio 46 

Indiana 12 14 

Missouri 13 5 

Michigan 6 4 

Illinois 20 2 

Texas 6 

Wisconsin ., 5 5 

Iowa 8 

California 7 1 

Minnesota 7 1 

Oregon 3 .. 2 

TERRITORIES. 

Kansas 2 1 3 

Nebraska .. (j. 

District of Columbia 2 

Total '357 86 n 

1 1 



162 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

WITHDRAWALS, ETC. 

Mr. Andrew, of Massachusetts, the State of Massachusetts with- 
draws her vote for Mr. Nathaniel P. Banks, and casts her vote for 
Mr. Harnlin. 

Mr. Kelly, of Pennsylvania, I rise for the purpose of withdraw- 
ing the name of A. H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania. 

GREETINGS. 

THE CHAIR We have a dispatch from Detroit, which I wish to 
read: 

To the Republican Convention assembled in the Republican 
Wigwam at Chicago, greeting: 

One hundred g-uns are now being- fired in honor of the nomina- 
tion of Lincoln. [Immense applause.] 

THE RESULT. 

THE PRESIDENT The result of the last ballot, gentlemen, I will 
now announce. There were cast 466 votes; 234 are necessary for a 
choice. Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, has received 357 votes, and 
is nominated as the candidate of the Republican party for Vice- 
President. 

Mr. Blakey, of Kentucky, in behalf of the friends of that gallant 
son of freedom, Cassius M. Clay, I move that the nomination of 
Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, be made unanimous, and in retiring 
from this Convention at its close, allow me to return to those who 
have honored him with their votes, an assurance of his regards; 
assuring them at the same time that in casting their votes for 
that gallant son, they have voted for a man whose only crime has 
been that he has rolled freedom as a sweet morsel under his 
tongue, while on his lips liberty has loved to linger. [Great ap- 
plause.) 

Mr. Curtis, of New York, three cheers for Cassius M. Clay. 

The call was promptly responded to. 

THE CHAIR It has been moved and seconded that the nomina- 
tion of Mr. Hamlin be made unanimous. 

Mr. Smith, of Indiana, as I had the honor of presenting to this 
Convention the name of Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky, as a can- 
didate for Vice-President of the United States, I deem it proper 
that I should second the motion made by the gentleman from 
Kentucky, to make the nomination of Mr. Hamlin unanimous. 

In seconding this motion I beg leave to state that in the opin- 
ion of the Republicans of the State which I in part represent, 
there is no one of the many distinguished advocates of the Re- 
publican party, no one of that illustrious band who are contend- 
ing for the principle of freedom, who is more endeared to the 
great heart of the Republicans of this country, than is Cassius 
M. Clay. . 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1863, 1864. 163 

It is a very easj^ matter for us who live upon soil unstained by 
slavery; who breathe the free air of States where the manacles of 
the slave are never seen, and their wailing-s are never heard, to 
advocate the principles of the Republican party; but, gentlemen, 
to advocate those principles upon the soil of slavery itself, in the 
very face and shadows of their altars and false gods, requires a 
degree of moral heroism of which but few of us can boast. 

I have an assurance that this cause will triumph, and that the 
flag of freedom will wave in triumph over the land. [Loud ap- 
plause.] Let me assure you, gentlemen, when that cause shall be 
borne aloft in triumph, and its glorious folds shall be expanded 
to the wings of heaven, you will see inscribed upon its brightest 
folds in characters of living light, the name of Cassius M. Clay. 
(Great applause.] 

We have now completed the great work for which we assembled 
here. We have presented to this country a ticket which will com- 
mand the love and admiration of Republicans everywhere, and 
the respect and esteem of the entire country. [Applause.] In 
leaving this fair State, and this large and enthusiastic assembly, 
I shall leave it with an abiding confidence that that ticket will be 
triumphant; for let me assure you that, with the gallant son of 
Illinois as our standard-bearer; with the platform which we have 
adopted; with the distinguished Senator from Maine as the sec- 
ond in command, I feel that we stand upon a rock, and the gates 
of hell shall not prevail against it. 

In behalf of my friends of Indiana, I would say that any efforts 
which we have made to secure the nomination of Abraham Lin- 
coln, of Illinois, we have been animated by no feeling of animos- 
ity toward the distinguished son of New York, for in no single 
State of the Union is the name of William H. Seward more highly 
honored than in Indiana. [Applause.] We would not, if we 
could, pluck one leaf from the laurel that adorns his brow; we 
would not tarnish one letter in the history which will render his 
name illustrious in all coming time. It is not that we have loved 
Seward less, but because we have loved the great Republican 
cause more. 

Thirty years ago on the Southern frontier of Indiana might 
have been seen a humble, ragged boy, bare footed, driving his 
oxen through the hills, and he has elevated himself to the pin- 
nacle which has now presented him as the candidate of this con- 
vention. It is an illustration of that spirit of enterprise which 
characterizes the West, and every western heart will throb with 
joy when the name of Lincoln shall be presented to them as the 
candidate of the Republican party. [Great and long continued 
applause.] 

In conclusion I assure you that the Republican flag will wave 
in triumph upon the soil of Indiana. 

Mr. McCrillis, of Maine Mr. President arid Gentlemen of the 
Convention : I will detain you but a single moment. I wish in 
the first place to make an acknowledgment in behalf of the peo- 
ple of Maine, for the honor that this Convention has conferred 
upon them by selecting one of her distinguished sons for the 
candidate for the office of Vice-President of the United States. 
Mr. President, the people of Maine were the ardent admirers and 
friends of William H. Seward. [Applause and cheers.] They be- 
lieved that the candidate which this Convention would nominate 
would surely be the next President of these United States, and 



164 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

they charged their delegation that above all things they should 
select a man loyal to the spirit of human liberty loyal to the 
spirit of free government, loyal to the principles upon which our 
fathers laid deep the foundations of this great empire loyal to 
the Constitution and loyal to the Union of these States. And, 
Mr. Chairman, they believe that in the person of Wm. H. Seward, 
the great Senator of New York, all these great qualities were com- 
bined in addition to his eminent and distinguished services to 
the Republican casue, and his exalted statesmanship. [Loud 
cheers.] 

Mr. President and gentlemen of the Convention, however earn- 
est we may have been in pressing the claims of our particular 
candidates, when the President of the Convention announced the 
result, all partisan feelings and differences subsided and we 
stood together as a band ot brethren, as a united phalanx. And 
when the electric spark shall convey the intelligence of the nom- 
ination to the remotest portions of this Republic, every Republi- 
can will stand by his fellow, forming a united phalanx and elect 
the nominee. Illinois and Maine are not only sisters in the great 
family of States, they are not only sisters under the Constitution 
sisters in law, but they are by kindred and by blood. Of the peo- 
ple of New England thousands upon thousands are our brethren 
and sisters who have emigrated to Illinois and are scattered 
throughout the great West. And here, sir, they are among the 
living, and here their bones repose among the dead. In 1856, the 
man who is now your candidate for the Vice-Presidency of the 
United States, resigned his seat as Chairman of the Committee 
on Commerce in the United States Senate, and was nominated for 
Governor of the State of Maine. Maine led the van in the conflict. 
In September of that year, Maine electrified the nation by a vote 
of 20,000 majority. She led the van in that great fight. She was 
the Star in the East the bright Star that illuminated the whole 
Northern horizon; she was the Star of Hope like the Star of 
Bethlehem. She came over and stood by the cause of freedom 
with her young and gallant leader. Mr. Chairman, I know the 
people of Maine well. 1 know that they will give a cordial and 
united support of this ticket. I know that from every hill, from 
every valley, and every mountain along her rivers along her 
rock-bound coast, the nomination of Abraham Lincoln will be 
hailed with one spontaneous, loud, long and continued shout of 
enthusiasm and applause; and that the people will inscribe on 
her banner, "Lincoln and Hamlin Union and Victory." [Tum- 
ultuous applause.] 

The motion to make the nomination of Mr. Hamlin unanimous 
was then put to vote, and carried with the greatest enthusiasm. 

[Loud cries of "Corwin," "Corwin."] 

Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, I desire to make an apology for my col- 
legue. Mr. Corwin has been very frequently called for in this 
assembly, with the view of eliciting a response from him. He is 
now lying indisposed upon his back at a private residence in this 
town, and he requested me to make this apology if he should be 
called upon; and at the same time to give the Republicans here 
assembled the assurance of nig full approbation of what has 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 165 

transpired here; and the further assurance of his labor through- 
out this campaign. (Applause and cries of ''good," "good," 
" Corwin forever."] 

Mr. Tuck, of New Hampshire, Mr. President, I offer the following 
resolution: 

Resolred, That the President of this Convention, and the 
chairmen of the respective delegations, be appointed a committee 
to notify Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, and Hannibal Hamlin, of 
Maine, of their nomination by this Convention as the candidates 
of the Republican party, for the offices, respectively, of President 
and Vice-President of the United States. 

A Delegate I move to amend by inserting the word "unani- 
mous" before "nomination." 

The amendment was accepted and the resolution adopted 
unanimously. 

A RESOLUTION. 

Mr. Giddings, of Ohio, I offer the following resolution: 

Resolved, That we deeply sympathize with those men who have 
been driven, some from their native states and others from the 
states of their adoption, and are now exiled from their homes on 
account of their opinions; and we hold the Democratic party 
responsible for this gross violation of that clause of the Consti- 
tution which declares that the citizens of each state shall be en- 
titled to all the privileges and immunities of citizens in the 
several states. 

Resolution adopted. 

Mr. Lane of Indiana, was received with many cheers. Freemen 
of the United States, you have to-day inaugurated a grand work. 
No event in the history of the United States, subsequent to the 
Declaration of Independence, is more sublime and impressive 
than the event which has this day been inaugurated in this vast 
presence of the freemen of the United States of America. Into 
your hands this day is placed the grand responsibility of bearing 
the torch of civilization in the vanguard of freedom. I ask you 
to bear it aloft and upward until the whole world shall glow with 
the light of our illumination. My fellow citizens, the work com- 
menced to-day shall go on, until complete victory shall await our 
efforts in November. 

The position of many of the states of the West may have been 
misunderstood. We regard to-day William H. Seward as the 
grandest representative of the liberty-loving instincts of the 
human heart who exists in the United States. In our heart of 
hearts we love him, and would make him President to-day if we 
had the power to do so; but we regard Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, 
as an equally orthodox representative of Republican principles, 
and a most beautiful illustration of the power of free institutions 
and the doctrines of free labor in the United States. 

My fellow citizens, it is not my purpose at this late hour further 
to detain you. In the present contest is involvednotoiily the well- 
being, but the very existence of the government under which we 
live. I ask you by your action to sternly rebuke the disunion 
spirit which now disgraces the politics of the United States, and 



166 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

to burn hissing hot into the brazen front of Southern Democracy 
the brand of disunion, as God marked Cain, the first murderer. 
[Great applause.] 

My fellow citizens, I find myself unable after the eloquent res- 
ponses to which you have listened this day, to express to you the 
sentiments which are in my heart. Massachusetts has responded 
to this nomination; old Faneuil Hall, where the revolution was 
born, and where the power of British supremacy was made to 
rock and reel in 1779, has responded; New York, the Empire State; 
the noble commonwealth of Kentucky; the grand prairie State of 
Illinois; and Virginia, the mother of states, have responded. We 
shake hands and pledge ourselves to labor until a complete 
triumph shall await our efforts in November. 

My fellow citizens, some doubts have been expressed in refer- 
ence to Indiana. I pledge Indiana by ten thousand majority. 
[Great and enthusiastic applause.] I pledge my personal honor 
for the redemption of that state. [Renewed applause.] 

THE NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 

Mr. Smith, of Indiana, I move that the roll be called, and that 
each delegation appoint a member of the National Committee. 

The roll was then called and the following gentlemen selected. 

Maine, Charles J. Gilman; New Hampshire, George D. Frogg; 
Vermont, Lawrence Brainerd; Massachusetts, John Z. Goodrich; 
Rhode Island, Thomas G. Turner; Connecticut, Gideon Welles; 
New York, Edwin D. Morgan; New Jersey, Denning Duer; Penn- 
sylvania, Edward McPherson; Maryland, James F. Wagner; 
Delaware, N. B. Smithers; Virginia, Alfred Caldwell; Kentucky, 
Cassius M. Clay; Ohio, Thomas Spooner; Indiana, Solomon 
Meredith; Missouri, Asa S. Jones; Michigan, Austin Blair; Illi- 
nois, Norman B. Judd; Texas, D. Henderson; Wisconsin, Carl 
Schurz; Iowa, Andrew J. Stevens; California, D. W. Cheesman; 
Minnesota, John McKusick; Oregon, W. E. Johnson; Kansas, Wm. 
A. Phillips; Nebraska, O. H. Irish; District of Columbia, John 
Gerhard. 

Mr. Goodrich, of Minnesota, I am requested to state to this Con- 
vention, and to the citizens and strangers, ladies and gentlemen 
in attendance, that a triumphal procession will form at the head 
of Washington street, on Michigan avenue, at eight o'clock this 
evening; and will march thence to Lake street, thence down to 
Dearborn street, down Dearborn street to Randolph, up Randolph 
to Franklin, thence to Lake street, and thence to this Wigwam, or 
Tabernacle, where delegations, citizens and strangers are invited 
to join in one grand ratification of the nominations made here to- 
day. [Applause.] 

A Delegate Mr. President 

Mr. Goodrich, I am yet charged with other matters. Be yet 
patient. I desire now to offer a resolution that I doubt not will 
meet the cordial amen [great confusion and manifestations of 
impatience by the audience] I don't like to speak against the 
noise that will meet the cordial approbation of every gentleman 
in this Convention. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, *L860, 1864. 16? 

Resolved, That the hospitality, taste, zeal and munificence dis- 
played by the ladies and gentlemen of the city of Chicago, in aid 
of the great Republican cause, challenges the admiration, and 
deserves the hearty thanks of this Convention, and of the party 
throughout the United States. [Great applause.] 

The resolution was adopted unanimously. 

Mr. Goodrich (proceeding without having resumed his seat), one 
word more, Mr. President 

Several delegates Mr. President (the audience here became im- 
patient and the speaker's voice was lost in the tumult. Cries of "No 
speech," "Read your resolution and sit down," &c.) 

Mr. Goodrich, a little more silence. [Uproarious and derisive 
laughter.] I have been desired to say that, inasmuch as Minne- 
sota has not yet responded to the nominations that have been 
made to-day, and inasmuch as she stood up to the last moment 
for New York's favorite son as her first choice, and in doing that 
she believed she was doing that which was right; yet, she bows 
to the will of the majority; and I am prepared to say that, how- 
ever much she regrets the defeat of her favorite candidate, the 
vote of Minnesota at the polls will be cast for Abraham Lincoln, 
of Illinois [applause, "good, good," and cheers,"], and that, though 
the delegates here labored for their first choice, yet they will be 
found laboring with equal zeal and energy for the nominee of 
this Convention. One word more. ["No, no," "Dry up."] I am 
not in the habit of being halloed down, even by opponents, and 
certainly not by friends, and the friends of the cause that I claim 
to be an humble advocate of. 

A voice If you are our friend let us adjourn. [Laughter.] 

Mr. Goodrich, the representatives from Minnesota feel that a 
seat in the Presidential chair would not add one jot to the stature 
of William H. Seward. Of all earthly fame has he seen the vanity. 
Lasting, exalted is his fame. Whenever lofty deeds 

The audience here became impatient and vociferous in their 
calls to proceed to business and the speaker could proceed no 
further. 

THE CHAIR At an early hour in the session of the Convention, 
two communications were received respectful communications 
from two railroad corporations offering to the Convention an 
opportunity for a visit to the Mississippi on the Chicago and 
Rock Island and Chicago and Galena Railroads, and laid on the 
table. 

EXCURSIONS ACCEPTED. 

Mr. Murphy, of Michigan, I have a resolution of acceptance: 
Resolved, That the invitation of the officers of the Chicago 
and Rock Island and Chicago and Galena Union railroads, for 
an excursion over the same by the members of the Convention, 
be accepted, and that a committee of three be appointed to notify 
Mr. Talcott and Mr. Farnum of the same. 

Resolution adopted and the following committee appointed: 
Murphy, of Michigan, Judd, of Illinois, and Smith, of Indiana. 



168 THE "FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

RATIO OF VOTING. 

Mr. Ashley, of Ohio, I propose for adoption the following- resol- 
ution, in order to avoid in future either two sets of delegates or 
the inequality of representation in the Convention. 

Resolved, That the Republican National Committee, appointed 
by this Convention, be and they are hereby instructed to prescribe 
a uniform rule that shall operate equally in all the states and 
territories, whereb}^ in future the wisties and preferences of the 
electors in the Republican organization in the choice of delegates 
for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency may be fully and fairly 
ascertained; and that the basis of the nominating vote be fixed as 
near as may be in proportion to the number of Republican elect- 
ors found to reside, at the last general state election preceding 
the nomination, in each congressional district throughout the 
Union. 

Mr. Benton, of New Hampshire, I move that the resolution be 
laid on the table. 

Mr. Cogswell, of Massachusetts, I move that the resolution be 
referred to the National Committee. 

Mr. Benton, my resolution has precedence. I move to lay it on 
the table. 

Mr. Cogswell, I withdraw my motion. 

Resolution laid on the table. 

Mr. Briggs, of Vermont, moved that the thanks of this Conven- 
tion be tendered to the Hon. George Ashmun, of Massachusetts, 
for the admirable manner in which he had presided over the de- 
liberations of the Convention. 

The motion was carried unanimously. 

A Delegate moved that the thanks of the Convention be tend- 
ered to the Vice-Presidents and Secretaries for the able manner 
in which they had discharged their duties. 

Col. Pinckney, of New York, I move to amend by inserting the 
words "especially the Reading Secretary" (Mr. Pratt, of Indiana). 

Mr. Sargent, of California, moved that the Convention do now 
adjourn sine die, with nine cheers for the platform and the ticket. 
[Given.] 

THE VALEDICTORY. 

THE PRESIDENT Gentlemen of the Convention: It becomes now 
my duty to put to you the last motion which, in the order of 
parliamentary law, the President has the power to propose. It 
will probably be the last proposition which he can ever make to 
most of you in any convention. But before doing it, and before 
making a single other remark, I beg to tender you each and all 
my cordial thanks for the kind manner in which you have sus- 
tained me in the performance of the duties of this station. I con- 
fess to you, when I assumed it, I did it with some apprehension 
that I might not be able to come up to the expectations which had 
been formed. It was a bold undertaking, in every respect, and I 
know that I could not have accomplished it half so well as I have 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 169 

done, but for the extreme generosit}^ manifested on all sides of 
the house. There was a solemn purpose here in the minds and 
in the hearts of not merely the Convention, but of the vast assem- 
blage which has surrounded us, that before we separated we 
would accomplish the high duty. That duty, gentlemen, we 'have 
accomplished. Your sober judgments, your calm deliberations, 
after a comparison and discussion, free, frank, brotherly and 
patriotic, have arrived at a conclusion at which the American 
people will arrive. Every symptom, every sign, every indication 
accompanying the Convention in all its stages are a high assur- 
ance of success, and I will not doubt, and none of us do doubt, 
that it will be a glorious success. 

Allow me to say of the nominees that, although it may be of- no 
consequence to the American people or to you, they are both 
personally known to me. It was my good fortune to have served 
with Mr. Lincoln in the Congress of the United States, and I re- 
joice in the opportunity to say that there was never elected to the 
House of Representatives a purer, nor a more intelligent and 
loyal representative than Abraham Lincoln. [Great applause.] 
The contest through which he passed during the last two years 
has tried him as by fire, and in that contest in which we are about 
to go for him now I am sure that there is not one man in this 
country that will be compelled to hang his head for anything in 
the life of Abraham Lincoln. You have a candidate worthy of 
the cause; you are pledged to his success; humanity is pledged 
to his success; the cause of free government is pledged to his 
success. The decree has gone forth that he shall succeed. 
[Tremendous applause.] 

I have served also in public life with Hannibal Hamlin. In the 
House of Representatives we were ranged on different sides. He 
was a firm Democrat of the old school, while I was as firmly, and 
perhaps too much so, a copy of the Webster school. [Applause.] 
But as is known to many of the gentlemen who sit here before me 
to-day, there was always a sympathetic chord between him and 
me upon the question that has brought us here to-day. [Great 
applause.] And while the old divisions of party have crumbled 
away, and the force of circumstances has given rise to new is- 
sues, it is not strange that we are found battling together in the 
common cause. I say then, gentlemen, that you have got a ticket 
worthy of the cause, and worthy of the country. 

Now, gentlemen, that we have completed so well, so thoroughly 
the great work which the people sent us here to do, let us adjourn 
to our several constituencies; and, thanks be to God who giveth 
the victory, we will triumph. [Applause.] 

A Delegate Mr. President, may I suggest that when we adjourn, 
we adjourn to meet at the White House on the 4th of March next? 

Mr. Ashmun, no other motion is now in order,but that solemn one 
which must come to us all. Is it your pleasure that we now 
separate? As many as are in favor of the motion that this Con- 
vention do now adjourn sine die say aye. 

The motion prevailed, and the Convention was declared by the 
President adjourned sine die. 



170 



THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 



OFFICIAL ROLL OF THE CONVENTION. 



NEW HAMPSHIRE-FIVE VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

Hon, Edward H. Rollins. 
Hon. Aaron H. Cragin. 
Hon. William Haile. 
Hon. Amos Tuck. 

DISTRICTS. 

1 Nathaniel Hubbard. 
Geoige Matthewson. 

2 B. F. Martin. 
F. H. Morgan. 

3 Jacob Benton. 
Jacob C. Bean. 



The following- is the Official Roll of the delegates admitted to 
seats in the Convention. We do not vouch for its entire accuracy, 
but we believe it very nearly, if not quite correct: 

President Hon. GEO. ASHMUN, of Mas- 
sachusetts. 

Vice Presidents- California, A. A. Sar- 
gent; Connecticut. C. F. Cleveland; Dela- 
war,e, John C. Clark; Iowa. H P. Scholte: 
Illinois, David Davis; Indiana. John 
Beard; Kentucky, W. D. Gallagher; 
Maine, Samuel P. Hersey; Maryland, 
Wni. L, Marshall; Massachusetts, Ensign 
H. Kellogg; Michigan, Thomas White 
Ferry; Minnesota. Aaron Goodrich; Mis- 
souri, Henry T. Blow; New York, Wm. 
Curtis Noyes: New Jersey, E.Y.Rogers; 
New Hampshire, Wm. Haile; Ohio, Geo. 
D. Burgess; Oregon. Joel Burlinsame; 
Pennsylvania, Tnad. Stevens; Rhode 
Island. Rowland G. Hazard; Texas, Wm 
T. Chandler; Vermont, Win. Hebord; Vir- 
ginia, li. Crawford; Wisconsin, Hans 
Crocker; Nebraska, A. S. Paddock; Kan- 
sas, W. W. Ross; District Columbia, Geo. 
Harrington. 

Secretaries California, D. J. Staples; 
Connecticut, H. H. Starkweather; Dela- 
ware, B. J. Hopkins; Iowa, William B. 
Allison; Illinois, O. L. Davis; Indiana, 
Daniel D. Pratt; Kentucky. Stephen J. 
Howes; Maine, C. A. Wing; Maryland, 
William E. Ooale; Massachusetts, Charles 
O. Rogers; Michigan, W. S. Stoushton; 
Minnesota, D. A. Secombe; Missouri, J. K. 
Kidd; New York, Geo. W. Curtis; New 
Jersey, Edward Brettle; New Hampshire, 
Nathan Hubbard; Ohio, N. J. Beebe; Ore- 
gon, Eli Thayer; Pennsylvania. J B. 
Serrill; Rhode Island, R. R. Hazard, Jr ; 
Texas, Dunbar Henderson; Vermont, 
John W. Stewart; Wisconsin. L.F. Frlsby; 
Kansas, John A. Martin; Nebraska, H. P. 
Hitchcock. 



VERMONT FIVE 

AT LARGE. 

E. N. Briggs, Brandon. 

Peter T. Washburn, Woodstock, 

E. D. Mason, Richmond. 

D. 0. Redington, St. Johnsbury. 

DISTRICTS. 

1 John W. Stewart, Middlebury. 

E. B. Barton, Manchester. 

2 Hugh H. Henry, Chester. 
Wm. Hebord, Chelsea. 

3 Wm Clapp, St. Albans. 

E. B. Sawyer, Hyde Park. 



DELEGATES. 

MAINE-EIGHT VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

George F Talbot. of Machias. 
Wm. H. McCrillis, of Bangor. 
John L. Stevens, of Augusta. 
Rensellaer Cram, of Portland. 

DISTRICTS. 

1 Mark F. Wentworth, of Kittery. 
Leonard Andrews, of Biddeford. 

2 Charles J. Oilman, of Brunswick. 
Seward Dill, of Phillips. 

3 Nathan G. Hichborn, of Stockton. 
George W. Lawrence, of Warren. 

4 C. A. Wing, of Winthrop. 
J. S. Baker, of Bath. 

5 Samuel F. Hersey. of Bangor. 
Going Hathorn. of Pittsfield. 

6 John West, of Franklin. 
Washington Long, of Fort Fairfleld. 



MASSACHUSETTS-13 VOTES. ' 

AT LARGE. 

John A. Andrew, Boston. 
Ensign H. Kellogg, Pittsfield. 
George S. Boutwell, Groton. 
Linus B. Comins, Boston. 

DISTRICTS. 

1 Joseph M. Day, Barnstable. 
Jonathan Bourne. Jr., New Bedford. 

2 Robert T. Davis, Fall River. 
Seth Webb, Jr., Scituate. 

3 Edward L. Pierce. Milton. 
William Oiaflin, Newton. 

4 Charles O. Rogers. Boston. 
Josiah Dunham, Boston. 

5 Samuel Hooper, Boston. 

George Wm. McLellan, Cambridge. 

6 Timothy Davis. Gloucester. 
Eben F. Stone, Newburyport. 

7 George Cogswell. Bradford. 
Timothy Winn, Woburn. 

8 Theodore H. Sweetser, Lowell. 
John S. Keyes, Concord. 

9 John D. Baldwin, Worcester. 
Edward B. Bigelow, Grafton. 

10 John Wells, Chicopee. 
Erastus Hopkins, Northampton, 

11 John H. Coffin, Great Barrington. 
Matthew D. Field, Southwick. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1804. 



171 



RHODE ISLAND-FOUE VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

James F. Simmons, U. S. Senate. 
Nathaniel B. Durfee, Tiverton 
Benedict Lapham. Centreville. 
W. H. S. Bayley, Bristol. 

DISTRICTS. 

1 Benjamin T. Eames, Providence. 
Rowland R. Hazard. Jr., Newport. 

2 Rowland G. Hazard, Peacedale. 
Simon Henry Greene, Phenix. 

CONNECTICUT SIX VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

Gideon Welles. Hartford. 

Eleazer K. Foster, New Haven. 

Chauncey F. Cleveland, Hampton. 

Alexander H. Holley, Salisbury. 

DISTRICTS. 
1 Samuel Q. Porter, Union ville P. O. 

Leverett E. Pease. Somers. 
2. Stephen W. Kellogg, Waterbury. 

Arthur B. Calef, Middletown. 

3 David Gallup, Plainfleld. 
Henry H. Starkweather, Norwich. 

4 Edgar S. Tweedy, Danbury. 
George H. Noble, New Milford. 



NEW YORK-THIRTY-FIVE VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

William M. Evarts, New York. 

Preston King, Ogdensburgh. 

John L. Schoolcraft, Albany. 

Henry R. Selden, Rochester. 

DISTRICTS. 
1 George W. Curtis, New York. 

Robert L. Meeks, Jamaica. L. I. 
2. James S. T. Stranaban, Brooklyn. 

Henry A. Kent, Brooklyn. 

3 John A. Kennedy, New York. 
John A. King, Jamaica. 

4 Owen W. Brennan, New York. 
Robert T. Haws, New York. 

5 Thomas Murphy, 50 Dey st.. New York. 
Charles M. Briggs, Williamsburg. 

6 Joseph C. Pinckney, New York. 
Marshall B. Blake, New York. 

7 Daniel D. Conover, New York. 
John Keyser, New York. 

8 Wm. Curtis Noyes, New York. 
James W. Nye, New York. 

9 Edmund J. Porter, New Rochelle. 
John G. Miller. Carmel, Putnam Co. 

10 Amb'e S. Murray, Goshen, Orange Co. 
0. V. R. Luddington, Monticello, Sul- 
livan county. 

11 Peter Crispell, Jr. 
Henry Green. 

12 Albert Van Kleeck, Poughkeepsie, 

Dutchess county. 
John T. Hogeboom, Ghent. 

13 Jonathan W. Freeman. 
Gideon Reynolds, Troy. 

14 H. H. Van Dyck, Albany. 
Heury A. Brigham, West Troy. 

15 Edward Dodd. Argyle, Washington Co. 
Jas.W. Schenck, Glensf alls, Warren Co. 

16 Orlando Kellogg. 
Wm. Hedding. 

17 John H. Wooster, Newport, Herk. Co. 
A. B James, Ogdensburgh. 



18 Henry Churchill,Gloversvill, FultCo. 
Thomas R. Horton, Fultonville, Mont 

gomery Co. 

19 Horato N. Buckley, Delhi, Del. Co. 
Samuel J. Cooke. 

20 Palmer V. Kellogg. Utica. 
Henry H. Fish, Utica. 

21 Giles W. Hotchkiss. Binghamton. 
Benj. S. Rexford. Norwich. 

22 Samuel F. Case, Fulton. Oswego Co. 
Robt. Stewart, Chittenango, Mad. Co. 

23 Isaac H. Fiske, Watertown. Jeff. Co. 
Hiram Porter, Louisville, Lewis Co. 

24 Vivus W. Smith Syracuse. 

L). C. Greenfield, Baldwinsville. 

25 Alex. B. Williams, Lyons. 
Theodore M. Pomeroy. Auburn. 

26 Obadiah B. Latham, Seneca Falls. 
Chas. C. Shepard, Penn Yan, Yates Co. 

27 Wm. W. Sheuard, Waverly, Tioga Co. 
Geo.W. Schuyler. Ithaca.Tompkins Co. 

28 Wm. Scott, Geneseo, Livingston Co. 
Stephen T. Hayt, Corning, Stubeu Co. 

29 D. D. S. Browne. Rochester. 
Alexander Babcock, Kochester. 

30 Joshua H. Darling, Warsaw, Wyo. Co. 
John H. Kimberly, Batavia. 

31 Wm. Keep, Lockport. 
Noah Davis. Jr.. Albion. 

32 Alexander W. Harvey, Buffalo. 
Joseph Candee. Buffalo. 

33 Alonzo Kent. Ellicottville. 
Delos E. Sill, Ellicottville. 

NEW JERSEY- SEVEN VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

James T. Sherman, Trenton. 
Thomas H. Dudley. Camden. 
Edward Y. Rogers, Rah way. 
Ephriam Marsh. Jersey City. 
F. T. Frelinghuysen, Newark. 
Jonathan Cook. Trenton. 
Dudley S. Gregory, Jersey City. 
John I. Blair, Blairtown. 
DISTRICTS. 

1 Providence Ludlam. Bridgeton. 
Robert K. Mattock, Woodbury. 
Edward Brattle. Camden. 
Jonathan B. Ingham. Salem. 

2 Archibald R. Pharo, Tuckerton. 
Stephen B. Smith, Pennington. 
Amzi C. McLean, Freehold. 
Bernard Connolly, Freehold. 

3 A. P. Bethonde, Washington, War. Co. 
A. N. Voorhees. Clinton. 

Wm. D. Waterman. Janesville. 
Moses F. Webb, New Brunswick. 

4 Henry M. Low, PatPrsou. 
Wm. G. Lathrop, Boonton. 
Thomas Cumming, Hackensack. 
Henry B. Crosby, Pateison 

5 Hugh H. Bowne, Rah way. 
H. N. Congar. Newark. 
Marcus L. Ward. Newark. 
Denning Duer, Weehawkeu. 

PENNSYLVANIA-TWENTY-SEVEN 
VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

David Wilmot, Towanda. 
Samuel A. Purviance, Pittsburgh. 
Thaddeus Stevens, Lancaster. 
John H. Ewing, Washington. 



172 



THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 



Henry D Moore, Philadelphia. 
Andrew H. Reeder. Easton. 
Titian J. Coffee, Pittsburg. 
Morrow B. Lowry, Erie. 

DISTRICTS. 

1 John M. Butler, Philadelpiha. 
Ellis Ward. Philadelphia. 

J Money, Philadelphia. 
Wm. Elliott. Philadelphia. 

2 Geo. A. Coffee, Philadelphia. 
Richard Ellis, Philadelphia. 
Francis Blackburn. Philadelphia. 
John M. Pomroy, Philadelphia. 

3 Win. B. Mann, Philadelphia. 
James McManus, Philadelphia. 
Benj. H. Brown, Philadelphia. 
George Read, Philadelphia. 

4 A. C. Roberts, Philadelphia. 
Wm. H. Kern. Philadelphia. 
Wm. 1>. Kelly, Philadelphia. 
M. S. Buckley, Richmond 

5 James Hooven, Norristown. 

Dr. C. M. Jackson, Philadelphia. 
William B. Thomas, Philadelphia. 
George W. Pumroy, Philadelphia. 

6 John M. Broomal. Chester. 
Washington Townsend, West Chester, 
Joseph J. Lewis, West Chester. 
Jacob S. Serrill, Darby. 

7 Caleb N. Taylor, Bristol. 
Joseph Young, Allen Town. 
George Beisel, Allen Town. 
Henry J. Saeger, Allen Town. 

8 Isaac Eckert, Reading. 
David E. Stout, Reading. 
J. Knabb. Reading. 

J. Bowman Bell, Reading. 

9 O. J. Dickey, Lancaster. 

C. S. Kauffman, Columbia 
Samuel Schoch, Columbia. 
Jos. D. Pownall, Christiana. 

10 G. Dawson Coleman, Lebanon. 
Lev! Kline, Lebanon. 

Jos. Casey, Harrisburg. 
Wm. Cameron, Louisburg. 

11 Robert M. Palmer, Potisville. 
Jacob G. Frick, Pottsville. 

S. A. Bergstresser, Elyshurg. 
Wm. C. Lawson, Milton. 

12 W. W. Ketchum, Wilkesbarre. 
P. M. Osterhout. Junkhannock. 
Frank Stewart Berwick. 
Davis Alton. Carbondale. 

13 Chas. Albright, Mauch Chunk. 
W. H. Armstrong, Easton. 
Sam. E. Dimmick. Honesdale. 

U H. W.Tracy, standing Stone, Brad. Co. 
Hon. Wm. Jessup, Montrose, Susqe. Co. 

F. E. Smith, Tioga Point. 

Dr. Abel Humphreys, Tioga Point. 

15 Wm. Butler, Lewiston. 

B. Rush Peterkin, Lockhaven. 
Lindsay Mehaffey, Newberry. 

G. B. Overton. Ooudersport. 

16 Kirk Haines, Millerstown. 
W. B. Irvin, Mechanicsburg. 
Alex. J. Frey. 

Jacobs. Halderman, New Cumberland. 

17 Wm. McClellan, Chambersburg. 

D. McCaunaghy, Gettysburg. 
John J. Patterson, Academin. 
Francis Jordan, Bedford. 

18 A. A. Barker. Ebensburg. 

S. M. Green, Bailey's Forge, Hunting- 
ton Co. 



L. W. Hall, Altoona. 
Wm. H. Koons, Sumerset. 

19 W. M. Stewart. Indiana. 
Darwin E. Phelps. Kittaninsr. 
Addison Leech. Le chburg. 
D. W. Shryok, Greersburg. 

20 Andrew Stewart, Uniontown. 
Smith Fuller. Uniontown. 
Alex. Murdoch, Washington. 
Wm. E. Gapen, Waynesburg. 

21 Wm. H. Marsh. Pittsburg. 
Col. James A. Ekin. Elizabeth. 
John F. Dravo, McKeesport. 
J. J. Siebeneck, Pittsburgh. 

22 D. N. White, Sewickley. 
Stephen H. Guyer. Alleghany City. 
John N. Purviance. Butler Co. 

W. L. Graham, Butler Co. 

23 L. L. McGufflii. New Castle 
David Craig, New Castle. 
Wm. G. Brown, Mercer. 
John Allison. New Brighton. 

24 Henry Souther, Ridgway. 
S. P. Johnston. Warren. 
James S. Meyers, Franklin. 
D. C. Gillispie, Brooklyn. 

25 B. B. Vincent, Erie. 
Thomas J. Devore. Erie. 
J. C. Hays. Meadville. 

S. Newton Pettis, Meadville. 



DELAWARE-THREE VOTES. 

Nathaniel B. Smithers, Dover; John C. 
Clark. Delaware City; Benjamin C. Hop- 
kins, Vernon; Lewis Thompson. Pleasant 
Hill; JoshuaT. Heald.Wilmington; Alfred 
Short, Milford. 



MARYLAND-EIGHT VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

Francis P. Blair. Washington, D. C. 
Wm. L. Marshall, Baltimore. 

DISTRICTS. 

1 James Bryan, Cambridge. 

2 James Jeffery, Church ville. 
Wm. P. Ewing. Elkton. 

3 Francis S. Corkran. Baltimore. 
James F. Wagner, Baltimore. 

4 Wm. E. Coale, Baltimore. 

5 Chas. Lee Armour, Frederick. 

6 Montgomery Blair, Washington, D. C. 
D. S. Orman, Church Creek. 



VIRGINIA-FIFTEEN VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

Alfred Caldwell, Wheeling. 

E. M. Norton. Wheeling. 

W. W. Gitt, Montg'ry Co. Court House. 
J. C.Underwood,Clark Co.Court House. 

DISTRICTS. 
Jacob Hornbrook, Wheeling. 

1 J. G. Jacob, Wellsburg. 
Joseph Applegate. Wellsburg. 

2 A. G. Kobinson, Wheeling. 
R. Crawford, Wheeling. 

3 Thos. Hernbrook. Wheeling. 
J. M. Pumphrey, Wheeling 

4 R. H. Gray, Lynchburg. 

F. D. Norton, Wheeling. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 



173 



5 John Underwood, Prince William 

Court House. 
J. B. Brown, Alexandria. 

6 W. J. Blackwood, Clark Co. Ct. House. 
J. T. Freeman, Hancock Court House. 

7 A. W. Campbell, Wheeling. 

D. W. Roberts, Morgantown. 

8 W. E. Stevens, Parkersburg. 
S. M. Peterson, Parkersburg. 
S. H.. Woodward. Wheeling. 

9 James Wilson, Wheeling. 

OHIO TWENTY-THREE VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

Hon. D. K. Cartter, Cleveland. 
Hon. V. U. Horton, Pomeroy, Meigs. 
Hon. Thos. Spooner, Redding, Hamilt. 
Hon. Conrad Broadbeck, Dayton. 
DISTRICTS. 

1 Benj. Eggleston, Cincinnati. 
Fred Hassaureck, Cincinnati. 

2 R. M. Corwine, Cincinnati. 
Joseph H. Barrett, Cincinnati. 

3 Wm. Beckett, Hamilton. 
P. P. Lowe. Dayton. 

4 G. D. Burgess, Troy. 

John E. Cummings, Sidney. 

5 David Taylor, Defiance. 

E. Graham, Perryburg. 

6 John M. Barrere, New Market. 
Reeder W. Clarke, Batavia. 

7 Hon. Thos. Corwin, Lebanon. 
A. Hivling, Xenia. 

8 W. H. West Bellefontaine. 

Lev! Geiger, Urbana. 
Earl Bill, Tiffin. 

D. W. Swigart, Bucyrus. 

10 J. V. Robinson, jr., Portsmouth. 
Milton L. Clark, Chillicothe. 

11 N. H. Van Vorhees, Athens. 
A. C. Satids, Zelaski. 

13 Willard Warner, Newark. 

Jonathan Renick. Circleville. 
II) John J. Gurley, Mt. Gilead. 

P. N. Schuyier, Norwalk. 
H James Monroe, Oberlin. 

G. U. Ham, Wooster. 
13 Hon. Columbus Delano. Mt. Vernon. 

R. K. Enos, Millersburg. 

16 Daniel Applegate, Zanesviile. 
Caleb A. Williams, Chesterfield. 

17 C. J. Allbright, Cambridge. 
Wm. Wallace, Martins' Ferry. 

18 H. Y. Beebe, Ravenna. 
Isaac Steese, Massilon. 

19 Robt. F. Paine, Cleveland. 
R. Hitchcock. Painesville 

21 Joshua R. Giddings, Jefferson. 
Milton Sutliffe, Warren. 

20 Samuel Stokely, Steubenville. 
D. Arter, (Jarrollton. 

KENTUCKY TWELVE VOTES 

AT LARGE. 

Geo. D. Blakely, Russellville. 
A. A. Burton, Lancaster, Girard Co. 
Wm. D. Gallagher, Pewee Valley. 
Charles Hendley, Newport. 
DISTRICTS. 

1 Abner Williams, Covington. 
H. G. Otis, Louisville. 

2 Fred Frische, Louisville. 



E. H. Harrison, McKee, Jackson Co. 

3 Joseph Glazebrook. Glasgow. 
Jos. W. Calvert. Bowling Green. 

4 John J. Hawes, Louisville. 

5 H. D. Hawes, Louisville. 
Lewis N Dembitz, Louisville. 

(5 Curtis Knight, Kingston. 

Joseph Rawlings, White Hall, Madi- 
son Co. 

7 A. H. Merriwether, Louisviile. 
Henry D. Hawes, Louisville. 

8 H. B. Broaddus, Ashland, Boyd Co. 
L. Marston. Millersburg, Madison Co. 

J Edgar Needham, Louisville. 

J. S. Davis. 

10 Jas. R Whittemore. Newport. 
Hamilton Cummings, Covington. 

INDIANA THIRTEEN VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

William T. Ott, New Albany. 
Daniel D. Pratt, Logansport. 
Caleb B. Smith, Indianapolis. 
P. A. Hackelman. Rushville, 
DISTRICTS. 

1 James O. Veatch, Rockport. 

C. M. Allen, Vincennes. 

2 Thos. C. Slaughter, Corydon. 
J. H. Butler, Salem. 

3 John R. Cravens, Madison. 
A. C. Vorhies, Bedford. 

4 Geo. Holland. Brookville. 
J. L. Yater, Versailes. 

5 Miles Murphy, Newcastle. 
Walter March, Muncie. 

6 S. P. Oyler. Franklin. 
John S. Bobbs, Indianapolis. 

7 Geo. K. Steele, Rockville. 

D. C. Donohue. Green Calle. 

8 John Beard, Crawfordsville. 
J. N. Simms. Frankfort. 

9 Chas. H. Test, Mudges Station. 
D. H. Hopkins, Crown Point. 

10 Geo. Moon, Warsaw. 
Geo. Emmerson, Angola. 

11 Wm. W. Connor, NoblesviHe. 
John M. Wallace, Marion 

MICHIGAN SIX VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

Austin Blair, Jackson. 
Walton W. Murphy, Jonesville. 
Thos. White Ferry, Grand Haven. 
J. J, St. Clalr, Marquette. 
DISTRICTS. 

1 J. G. Peterson, Detroit. 
Alex D. Crane, Dexter. 

2 Jesse G. Benson, Dowagiac. 
William L. Stoughton, Sturxis. 

3 Francis Quinn, Niles. 
Erastus Hussey, Battle Creek. 

4 D. C. Buckland, Pontiac. 

Michael T. U. Plessner, Saginaw City 



ILLINOIS ELEVEN VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

N. B. Judd, Chicago. 
Gustavus Koerner. Belleville. 
David Davis, Bloomington. 
O. H. Browning, Quincy. 



174 



THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 



DISTRICTS. 

1 Jason Marsh, Rockford. 

Solou Cummings, Grand de Tour. 

2 George Schneider. Chicago. 

Geo. T. Smith, Fulton, Whiteside Co. 

3 B. C. Cook, Ottawa. 
O. L. Davis, Danville. 

4 Henry Grove, Peoria. 

E. W. Hazard. Galesburg. 

5 Wm. Ross. Pittsfield. 
James S. Erwin, Mt. Sterling. 

6 S. T. Logan. Springfield. 
N. M. Knapp, Winchester. 

7 Thos. A. Marshall, Charleston. 
Wm. P. Dole. Paris. 

8 F. S. Rutherford, Alton. 
D. K. Green, Salem. 

9 James C. Sloo, Shawneetown. 
D. L. Phillips, Anna. 

WISCONSIN-FIVE VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

Carl Schurz, Milwaukee. 
Hans Crocker. Milwaukee. 
T. 1$. Stoddard, La Crosse. 
John P. McGregor, Milwaukee. 
DISTRICTS. 

1 H. L. Rann, Whitewater. 
C. C. Sholes. Kenosha. 

2 M. S. Gibson, Hudson. 

J. R. Bennett. Janesville. 

3 Elisha Morrow, Gieen Bay. 

L. F. Frisbey, West Bend, Wash. Co. 



A. F. Brown. Cedar Falls. 

10 Reuben Nob'e. McGregor 
E. G. Bowdoin, Rockford. 

11 W. P. Hepburn. Marshalltown 
J. J. Brown, Eldora. 



MINNESOTA FOUR VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

John W. North, Northfield. 
D. A. Secornbe. St. Anthony. 
Stephen Miller, St. Cloud. 
S. P. Jones, Rochester. 
DISTRICTS. 

1 A. H. Wagerner, New Ulm. 
Aaron Goodrich. St. Paul. 

2 John McCusick, Stillwater. 
Simeon Smith, Chatfield. 

IOWA EIGHT VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

Wm. Penn Clark. Iowa City. 
L. C. Noble. West Union. 
John A. Kasson, Des Moines. 
Henry O'Connor, Muscatine. 
J. F. Wilson, Fairfleld. 
J. W. Rankin, Keokuk. 
M. L. McPherson. Wintersett 
C. F. Clarkson, Metropolis. 
N. J. Rusch, Davenport. 
H. P. Scholte. Pella. 
John Johns, Fort Dodge. 
DISTRICTS. 

1 Alvin Saunders. Mount Plea;mt. 
J. O. Walker. Fort Madison. 

2 Jos. Caldwell. Ottumwa. 
M. Baker, Congdon. 

3 Ben,j. Rector. Sidney. 
Geo. A. Hawley. Leon. 

4 H. M. Hoxie, Des Moines. 
Jacob Rutler. Muscatine. 

5 Tbos. Seeley, Guthrie Centre. 
C. C. Nourse, Des Moines. 

6 Wm. M. Stone. Knoxville. 
J. B. Grinnell, Grinnell. 

7 Wm. A Warren, Bellevue. 
John W. Thompson, Davenport. 

8 John Shane, Vinton. 
Wm. Smyth. Marion. 

9 Wm. B. Allison. Dubuque. 



MISSOURI-NINE VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

Francis P. Blair, Jr., St. Louis. 
n. Gratz Briwn. St. Louis. 

F. Muench, Marthasville. 
J. O. Sltton, Hermann. 

DISTRICTS. 

1 P. L. Koy, St. Louis. 

C. L. Bernays, St. Louis. 

2 A. Krekle. St. Chailes. 

A. Hammer. St. Louis. 

3 N T. Doane, Trenton. 
Asa S. Jones, St. Louis. 

4 II. B. Branch. St. Joseph. 

G. W. H. Landon, St. Joseph. 

5 .las. B. Gardenhire. Jefferson City. 

B. Bruns. Jefferson City. 

6 .1. K. Kidd, Linn. 

.1. M. Richardson. Springfield. 

7 .Tas. Lindsay, Iron ton. 
Thos. Fletcher. DeSoto. 



CALIFORNIA-FOUR VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

F. P. Tracy. San Francisco. 
A. A. Sargent, Nevada. 

D. W, Cheeseman, Orville. 

J. C. Hinckley, Shasta. 

Chas. Watrous, San Francisco. 

Sam. Bell. Mariposa. 

D. J. Staples. Staples Branch. 

J. R. McDonald, Hay wards. 

OREGON-FIVE VOTES. 
Joel Burlingame. Scio. Linn Co., Ore. 
Horace Greeley, New York City. 
Henry Buckingham. Salem. Oregon. 
Eli Thayer, House Rep's, Wash., D. C. 
Frank Johnson. Oregon City. 

TEXAS-SIX VOTES. 

AT LARGE. 

D. C. Henderson, Austin. 

G. A. Fitch, Austin. 
James P. Scott, San Antonio. 

II. A. Shaw, Little Elm. Denton Co. 

DISTRICTS. 

1 Gilbert Moyers. Galveston. 

2 M. ri. C. Chandler, Galvetson. 



KANSAS. 

A. C. Wilder, Leavenworth. 
John A. Martin, Atchison. 
Wm. A. Phillips, Lawrence. 
W. W. Ross, Topeka. 
A. G. Proctor, Ernporia. 
John P. Hatterschiedt, Leavenworth. 

NEBRASKA SIX VOTES. 
O. W. Irish, Nebraska City. 
S. W. Elbert, Plattsmouth. 
E. D. Webster. Omaha. 
John R. Meredith. Omaha. 
A. S. Paddock. Fort Calhyun. 
P. W. Witchcock, Omaha. 

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA.. 
1 Geo. Harrington, Washington. 
Joseph Gerhardt. Washington. 
G. A. Hal), Washington. 
J. A. Wyse, Washington. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 175 

PEOCEEDINGS OF THE 

NATIONAL UNION CONVENTION 

HELD IN 

BALTIMORE, MD., June 7th and 8th, 1864. 



TUESDAY, June 7th, 1864. 

The National Union Convention to nominate candidates for the 
offices of President and Vice-President of the United States, met 
this morning- in the Front Street Theatre, Baltimore, Md., in re- 
sponse to the following- call: 

UNION NATIONAL CONVENTION. 

The undersigned, who by original appointment, or subsequent 
designation to fill vacancies, constitute the Executive Committee 
created by the National Convention held at Chicago, on the 16th 
day of May, 1860, do hereby call upon all qualified voters who de- 
sire the unconditional maintenance of the Union, the supremacy 
of the Constitution, and the complete suppression of the existing 
rebellion, with the cause thereof, by vigorous war, and all apt and 
efficient means, to send delegates to a Convention to assemble at 
Baltimore, on Tuesday, the 7th day of June, 1864, at 12 o'clock noon, 
for the purpose of presenting candidates for the offices of Presi- 
dent and Vice-President of the United States. Each State having 
a representation in Congress will be entitled to as many delegates 
as shall be equal to twice the number of electors to which such 
State is entitled in the Electoral College of the United States. 

EDWIN D MORGAN, New York, Chairman. 

CHARLES J. OILMAN, Maine. 

E. H. ROLLINS, New Hampshire. 

L. BRAINERD, Vermont. 

J. Z. GOODRICH, Massachusetts. 

THOMAS G. TURNER, Rhode Island. 

GIDEON WELLES, Connecticut. 

DENNING DUER, New Jersey. 

EDWARD MCPHERSON, Pennsylvania. 

N. B. SMITHERS, Delaware. 

J. F. WAGNER, Maryland. 

THOMAS SPOONER, Ohio. 

H. S. LANE, Indiana. 

SAMUEL L. CASEY, Kentucky. 

E. PECK, Illinois. 

HERBERT M. HOXIE, Iowa. 

AUSTIN BLAIR, Michigan. 

CARL SCHURZ, Wisconsin. 

W. D. WASHBURN, Minnesota. 

CORNELIUS COLE, California. 

WM. A. PHILLIPS, Kansas. 

O. H. IRISH, Nebraska. 

Jos. GERHARDT, District of Columbia. 
Washington, February 22, 1864. 



176 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

A splended band, from Fort McHenry, animated the crowded 
theatre with national airs, and the assemblage was graced by the 
presence of many ladies, who were accommodated in one of the 
tiers of boxes. Major-Gen. Lew. Wallace, who is in command of 
the Department, and Staff, the Hon. John Lee Chapman, Mayor of 
the city, the first and second branches of the City Council, officers 
of the Army and Navy, and many other distinguished invited 
guests were spectators of the proceedings. The delegates and 
alternates were afforded facility of entrance by a side door, and 
the arrangements for their accommodation and for the officers of 
the Convention reflect credit on those gentlemen to whom that 
duty had been entrusted. The local press give especial credit to 
Messrs. Wilmot, Meyer and Foreman, of the City Council Commit- 
tee, and Mr. Samuel M. Evans, the Sergeaiit-at-Arms of the Con- 
vention. The newspaper press was numerously represented and 
suitably accommodated. 

The President's desk was placed on an elevated platform on the 
stage, which had been enlarged to the extent of the parquette, 
which was boarded over, thus giving ample room for all the mem- 
bers in the discharge of their duties. 

The Hon. Edwin D. Morgan, of New York, Chairman of the Na- 
tional Union Executive Committee, called the Convention to order 
at the prescribed hour, and spoke as follows: 

MEMBERS OF THE CONVENTION It is a little more than eight 
years since it was resolved to form a national party to be con- 
ducted upon the principles and policy which had been established 
and maintained by those illustrious statesmen, George Washing- 
ton and Thomas Jefferson. A Convention was held in Phila- 
delphia, under the shade of the trees that surrounded the Hall of 
Independence, and candidates Fremont and Dayton were 
chosen to uphold our cause. But the State of Pennsylvania gave 
its electoral vote to James Buchanan, and the election of 1856 
was lost. 

Nothing daunted by defeat, it was immediately determined "to 
fight on this line," not only "all summer," [applause,] but four 
summers and four winters; and in 1860 the party banner was 
again unfurled, with the names of Abraham Lincoln [applause] 
and Hannibal Hamlin inscribed thereon. This time it was suc- 
cessful, but with success came rebellion; and with rebellion of 
course came war; and war, terrible civil war, has continued with 
varying success up to nearly the period \vhen it is necessary, un- 
der our Constitution, to prepare for another Presidential election. 
It is for this highly responsible purpose that you are to-day as- 
sembled. It is not my duty nor my purpose to indicate any gen- 
eral course of action for this Convention; but I trust I may be 
permitted to say that, in view of the dread realities of the past,, 
and of what is passing at this moment and of the fact that the 
bones of our soldiers lie bleaching in every State of this Union, 
and with the knowledge of the further fact that this has all been 
caused by slavery, the party of which you, gentlemen, are the 
delegated and honored representatives, will fall short of accom- 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 177 

plishing its great mission, unless, among its other resolves, it 
shall declare for such an amendment of the Constitution as will 
positively prohibit African slavery in the United States. [Pro- 
longed applause, followed by three cheers.] 

In behalf of the National Committee. I now propose for tempo- 
rary President of this Convention, Robert J. Breckinridge, of 
Kentucky [applause], and appoint Governor Randall, of Wiscon- 
sin, and Governor King, of New York, as a committee to conduct 
the President pro tern, to the chair. 

The nomination was enthusiastically concurred in. 

Dr. Breckinridge having taken the chair, amidst enthusiastic 
greetings, three cheers were given for the " Old War Horse of 
Kentucky," and he spoke as follows : 

GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION You cannot be more sensible 
than I am, that the part which I have to perform here to-day is 
merely a matter of form; and acting upon the principle of my 
whole life, I was inclined, when the suggestion was made to me 
from various quarters, that it was in the mind of many members 
of the Convention to confer this distinction upon me, to earnestly 
decline to accept: because I have never sought honors I have 
never soug'ht distinction. I have been a working man; and 
nothing else. But certain considerations led me to change my 
mind. [Applause.] 

There is a class of men in the country, far too small for the good 
of the country those men who merely by their example, by their 
pen, by their voice, try to do good and all the more in perilous 
times without regard to the reward that may come. It was 
given to many such men to understand, by the distinction con- 
ferred upon one of the humblest of their class, that they were 
men whom the country would cherish, and who would not be 
forgotten. 

There is another motive relative to yourselves arid to the coun- 
try at large. It is good for you, it is good for every nation and 
every people, every State and every party, to cherish all generous 
impulses, to follow all noble instincts; and there are none more 
noble, none more generous than to purge yourselves of all self- 
seekers and betrayers, and to confer official distinctions, if it be 
only in mere forms, upon those who are worthy to be trusted, and 
ask nothing more. [Applause.] 

Now, according to my convictions of propriety, having said 
this, I should say nothing more. [Cries of "go on."] But it has 
been intimated to me from many quarters, and in a way which I 
cannot disregard, that I should disappoint the wishes of my 
friends, and perhaps the just expectations of the Convention, if I 
did not as briefly, and yet as precisely as I could, say somewhat 
upon the great matters which have brought us here. Therefore, 
in a very few words, and as plainly as I can, I will endeavor to 
draw your attention to one and another of these great matters in 
which we are all engaged. 

In the first place, nothing can be more plain than the fact that 
you are here as the representatives of a great nation voluntary 
representatives chosen without forms of law, but as really repre- 
senting the feelings, the principles, and if you choose, the preju- 
dices of the American people, as if it were written in laws and 
alread3* passed by votes for the man that you will nominate here 
12 



178 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

for the Presidency of the United States, and ruler of a great peo- 
ple in a great crisis, is just as certain, I suppose, to become that 
ruler as anything under heaven is certain before it is done. [Pro- 
longed cheering.] And,moreover, you will allow me to say,though 
perhaps it is hardly strictly proper that I should but as far as 
I know your opinions, I suppose it is just as certain as now, be- 
fore you utter it, whose name you will utter, and which will be 
responded to from one end to the other of this nation, as it will be 
after it has been uttered and recorded by your Secretary. Does 
any man doubt that this Convention intends to say that Abraham 
Lincoln shall be the nominee? [Great applause.] What I wish, 
however, to call your attention to, is the grandeur of the mission 
upon which you are met, and therefore the dignity and solemnity, 
earnestness and conscientiousness with which, representing one 
of the greatest, and certainly one of the first peoples of the world, 
you ought to discharge these duties. [Applause.] 

Now, besides the nomination of President and Vice-President, 
in regard to which second office I will say nothing, because I 
know there is more or less difference of opinion among you; but, 
besides these nominations, yu have other most solemn duties to 
perform. You have to organize this party thoroughly through- 
out the United states. You have to put it in whatever form your 
wisdom will suggest that will unite all your wisdom, energy and 
determination to gain the victory which I have already said was 
in our power. More than that, you have to lay down with clear- 
ness and precision the principles on which you intend to carry 
on this great political contest, and prosecute the war which is un- 
derneath them, and the glory of the country which lies before us 
if we succeed, plainly, not in a double sense briefly, not in a 
treatise, with the dignity and precision of a great people to utter, 
by its representatives, the political principles by which they in- 
tend to live, and for the sake of which they are willing to die. So 
that all men, everywhere, may understand precisely what we 
mean, and lay that furrow so deeply and clearly, that while every 
man who is worthy to associate with freemen may see it and pass 
over it, every man who is unworthy, may be unable either to 
pass it, or may be driven far from us. We want none but those 
who are like us to be with us. [Applause.] 

Now, among these principles, if you will allow me to say it, the 
first and most distinct is, that we do not intend to permit this na- 
tion to be destroyed. [Applause.] We are a nation no doubt a 
peculiar one a nation formed of States, and no nation except as 
these States form it. And these States are no States except as they 
are States in that nation. They had no more right to repudiate 
the nation than the nation had to repudiate them. None of them 
had even the shadow of a right to do this, and, God helping us, 
we will vindicate that truth so that it shall never be disputed any 
more in this world. [Applause.] It is a fearful alternative that 
is set before us, but there are great compensations for it. Those 
of you who have attended to this subject know, or ought to know, 
that from the foundation of the present Government, before and 
since our present Constitution was formed,there have always been 
parties that had no faith in our Government. The men that 
formed it were doubtful of its success, and the men that opposed 
its formation did not desire its success. And I am bold to say, 
without detaining you on this subject, that, with all the outcry 
about our violations of the Constitution, this present living gen- 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 179 

eration and this present Union party are more thoroughly de- 
voted to that Constitution than any generation that has ever lived 
under it. [Applause.] While I say that, and solemnly believe it, 
and believe it is capable of the strongest proof, I may also add 
that it is a great error which is being propagated in our land, to 
say that our national life depends merely upon the sustaining of 
that Constitution. Our fathers made it, and we love it. But if it 
suits us to change it, we can do so. ("Applause.] And when it 
suits us to change it, we will change it. [Applause.] If it, were 
torn into ten thousand pieces, the nation would be as much a na- 
tion as it was before the Constitution was made a nation always, 
that declared its independence as a united people, and lived as a 
united people until now a nation independent of all particular 
institutions under which they lived, and capable of modeling 
them precisely as their interests require. We ought to have it 
distinctly understood by friends and enemies, that while we love 
that instrument we will maintain it, and will, with undoubted 
certainty, put to death friend or foe who undertakes to trample it 
under foot; yet, beyond a doubt, we will reserve the right to alter 
it to suit ourselves from time to time and from generation to gen- 
eration. [ Applause.] One more idea on that subject. We have 
incorporated in that instrument the right of revolution, which 
gives us, without a doubt, the right to change it. It never existed 
before the American States, and, by the right to change, there 
is no need of rebellion, insurrection or civil war, except upon 
a denial of the fundamental principles of all free governments 
that the major part must rule; and there is no other method of 
carrying on society, except that the will of the majority shall be 
the will of the whole or that the will of the minority shall be the 
will of the whole. So that, in one word, to deny the principles I 
have tried to state, is to make a dogmatic assertion that the only 
form of government that is possible with perfect liberty and ac- 
knowledged by God is a pure and absolute despotism. The 
principles, therefore, which I am trying to state before you are 
principles which, if they be not true, freedom is impossible, and 
110 government but one of pure force can exist or ought to endure 
among men. But the idea which I wished to carry out, as the 
remedy for these troubles and sorrows, is this: Dreadful as they 
are, this fearful truth runs through the whole history of man- 
kind, that, whatever else may be done to give stability to author- 
ity, whatever else may be done to give perpetuity to institutions 
however wise, however glorious, practicable and just may be 
the philosophy of it it has been found that the only enduring, 
the only imperishable cement of all free institutions, has been 
the blood of traitors. No government has ever been built upon 
imperishable foundations which foundations were not laid in the 
blood of traitors. It is a fearful truth, but we may as well avow 
it at once; and every blow you strike, and every rebel you kill, 
every battle you win, dreadful as it is to do it, you are adding, it 
may be, a year it may be ten years it may be a century it may 
be ten centuries to the life of the Government and the freedom of 
your children. [Great applause.] 

Now, passing over that idea passing over many other things 
which it \vould be right for me to say, did the time serve, and 
were this the occasion, let me add, you are a Union party. [Ap- 
plause.] Your origin has been referred to as having occurred 
eight years ago. In one sense it is true. But you are far older 



180 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

than that. I see before me not only primitive Republicans and 
primitive Abolitionists, but I see also primitive Democrats and 
primitive Whigs primitive Americans, and, if you will allow me 
to say so, I myself am here, who all my life have been in a party 
to myself. [Laughter and applause.] As a Union party I will 
followjMDU to the ends of the earth, and to the gates of death. [Ap- 
plause.] But as an Abolition party as a Republican party as a 
Whig party as a Democratic party as an American party, I will 
not follow you one foot. [Applause.] But it is true of the mass 
of the American people, however you may divide and scatter, 
while this war lasts, while the country is in peril, while you call 
yourselves as you do in the call of the Convention, the Union 
party you are for the preservation of the Union and the destruc- 
tion of this rebellion, root and branch. And, in my judgment, one 
of the greatest errors that has been committed by our administra- 
tion of the Federal Government the Chief of which we are about 
to nominate for another term of office one of its errors has been 
to believe that we have succeeded where we have not succeeded, 
and to act in a manner which is precisely as if we had suc- 
ceeded. You will not, you cannot, succeed until you have utterly 
broken up the military power of these people. [Applause.] 

I will not detain you upon these incidental points, one of which 
has been made prominent in the remarks of the excellent Chair- 
man of the National Committee. I do not know that I would be 
willing to go so far as probably he would. But I cordially agree 
with him in this I think, considering what has been done about 
slavery, taking the thing as it now stands, overlooking altogether 
either in the way of condemnation or in the way of approval, any 
act that has brought us to the point where we are, but believing 
in my conscience and with all my heart, that what has brought 
us where we are in the matter of slavery is the original sin and 
folly of treason and secession, because you remember that the 
Chicago Convention itself was understood to say, and I believe it 
virtually did explicitly say.that they would not touch slavery in 
the states, leaving it, therefore, altogether out of the question 
how we came where we are, on that particular point, we are pre- 
pared to go further than the original Republicans themselves 
were prepared to go. We are prepared to demand not only that 
the whole territory of the United States shall not be made slave, 
but that the general government of the American people shall 
do one of two things and it appears to me that there is nothing 
else that can be done either to use the whole power of the Gov- 
ernment, both the war power and the peace power, to put slav- 
ery as nearly as possible back where it was for, although that 
would be a fearful state of society, it is better than anarchy; or 
else to use the whole power of the Government, both of war and 
peace, and all the practical power that the people of the United 
States will give them, to exterminate and extinguish slavery. 
[Prolonged applause.] 

I have no hesitation in saying, for mysel'f, that if I were a pro- 
slavery man, if I believed this institution was an ordinance of God, 
and was given to man, I would unhesitatingly join those who de- 
mand that the Government should be put back where it was. But 
I am not a pro-slavey man I never was. I unite myself with 
those who believe it is contrary to the highest interests of all 
men and of all Government, contrary to the spirit of the Christ- 
ian religion, and incompatible with the natural rights of man. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 181 

I join myself with those who say, away with it forever, [ap- 
plause]; and I fervently pray God that the day may come when 
throughout the whole land every man may be as free as you are, 
and as capable of enjoying- regulated liberty. [Prolonged ap- 
plause.] 

I will not detain you any longer. One single word you will 
allow me to say in behalf of the state from which I come, one of 
the smallest of the thousands of Israel. We know very well 
that our eleven votes are of no consequence in the Presidential 
election. We know very well that in our present unhappy condi- 
tion, it is by no means certain that we are here to-day represent- 
ing the party that will cast the majority of the votes in that un- 
happy state. I know very well that the sentiments which I am 
uttering will cause me great odium in the state in which I was 
born, which I love, where the bones of two generations of my an- 
cestors and some of my children are, and where, very soon, I shall 
lay my own. I know very well that my colleagues will incur 
odium if they indorse what I say, and they, too, know it. But we 
have put our faces toward the way in which we intend to go, and 
we will go in it to the end. If we are to perish, we will perish in 
that way. All I have to say to you is, help us if you can; if you 
cannot, believe in your hearts that we have died like men. 

TEMPORARY SECRETARIES. 

Mr. N. B. Smithers, of Delaware. Mr. President: In order to 
perfect the temporary organization, I move that the following 
gentlemen be appointed temporary secretaries, viz.: George A. 
Shaw, of Massachusetts; R. H. Duell, of New York; Rev. M. C. 
Briggs, of California. 

The question being put, the motion was agreed to. 

PRAYER. 

THE CHAIRMAN. It has been usual on such occasions, gentle- 
men, and it is most proper in itself, to have the blessing of God, 
in whom is all our hope, invoked, at this stage of the proceed- 
ings, upon our conduct, and the result of it. The Chairman of the 
National Committee will now introduce to you, therefore, the Rev. 
McKendree Reiley, of the Methodist Episcopal Church, who will 
lead us at the Throne of Grace. 

Mr. Reiley made a prayer in the following language: 
Our Father which art in Heaven, hallowed be thy name. As 
taught by Thy Son Jesus Christ, we recognize the filial relation 
in which we stand to-day; and approach Thee as children ap- 
proaching their parent; and-yet, at the same time, we recognize 
the fact that Thou art the Infinite God, the Governor of Worlds, 
the King of Kings, and the Lord of Lords. We appear before 
Thee to let Thy blessing rest upon -these Thy servants, who have 
here met together as directed by the people, to ascertain and to 
give to them for their suffrages proper persons to take the posi- 
tions and perform the duties of President and Vice-President of 
the United States. We thank Thy holy name for this Convention, 
for the healthy indication it gives of the fact that we still have a 
government. Notwithstanding our nationality has been assailed, 



182 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

even in the home of its professed friends; notwithstanding plans 
of treason have been concocted with great ingenuity, and long 
matured; notwithstanding the noble fabric built by our fathers, 
under Thy guidance, has been assailed by armed bands, exceed- 
ingly numerous, well equipped, and well marshaled, -we praise 
Thy name that, after three years of turmoil, of war, of bloodshed, 
and of commotion, there is still the fact before us, unanswerable, 
that we have a government. We praise Thy name that, notwith- 
standing the sympathies of the world, of the other nations of the 
earth, have been for the most part against us the sympathies at 
least of those high in power we still demonstrate to them the 
fact that we have a government. We thank Thee that it holds its 
sessions in the State of Maryland, upon whose original soil stands 
the capital of the United States, but which, a short period ago, 
seemed so near the vortex of secession. We praise Thy name that 
this Convention holds its sessions in the city of Baltimore, from 
whose breezes, but a short time ago, early in the present struggle, 
the banner of our common county was exiled. We thank Thee that 
that banner floats in triumph over our State and over our city; and 
we thank Thee that the Convention which, composed of the repre- 
sentatives of the people, is to indicate the next President and 
Vice-President of the United States, holds its session here. We 
pray Thee to grant to these Thy servants wisdom, that they may 
conduct their plans all in the fear of God, and for the promotion 
of the best purposes. May they select the right men to take the 
responsible positions that are now so interesting to us; and grant 
when they have selected the men as candidates for those posi- 
tions, that the people may come up and roll in an overwhelming 
majority that shall forever settle the question that the authority 
of the United States Government is the supreme law of the land. 
We pray Thee to let thy blessing rest upon the President of the 
United States, upon the members of his Cabinet, and upon our 
Congressmen, and upon all who are in authoritj'. Wilt thou give 
to them the wisdom that they now eminently need; and we pray 
Thee to let Thy blessing rest upon our country, once so highly 
favored, but now so war-stirred, whose soil is now so blood- 
stained. Oh, do Thou lift this curtain of darkness on which we 
behold the angry traces of Thy wrath, and may the sun of peace 
early shine forth upon a united and happy nation. We pray Thee 
to bless our soldiers in the field and sailors on the ocean, and 
give them great success in their enterprises. May victory perch 
upon their banner, and may we, as a nation, come forth from this 
war purified, and testify in a sense such as we have never testified 
before to the nations of the earth in favor of human freedom. 
Grant, we beseech Thee, that when we shall pass through this 
ordeal, it shall be, while the fires of the furnace have not left their 
smell upon our garments, they have melted off the chain of the 
last slave. All of which we ask in Christ's name. Amen. 

ORGANIZATION. 

The CHAIRMAN What is the further pleasure of the Conven- 
tion with regard to the earliest possible permanent organization? 
Divers committees, I find, were appointed at the last Convention, 
the proceedings of which I have before me. I think the next bus- 
iness which was transacted four years ago, was the calling of the 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 183 

States for the purpose of selecting a Committee to report officers 
for the Convention. Is it the will of the meeting that the States 
should be now called for that purpose? 

Mr. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, I move that the list of the 
States be called, and that some member of the delegation from 
each State furnish the Secretary with a list of its delegates. 

The motion, being seconded, was put and carried. 

The CHAIRMAN In what order shall the list be called? 

Mr. Cameron, the Secretary has a printed list of the States, and 
he had better call them according to his roll. When the States 
are called, some delegate from each State can furnish the Secre- 
tary with a list of the names of the delegates from his State. 

The CHAIRMAN The Secretary will please proceed to call the 
list in. the order mentioned. 

The SECRETARY The first State on the list is Maine. 

Mr. Lot M. Morrill, of Maine, I beg to suggest that there is a 
misapprehension in rfigard to the motion just adopted. I think, 
perhaps, it will be impracticable to carry it into execution. 

The CHAIRMAN It is not in order to discuss it now. It has al- 
ready been adopted. 

Mr. Lot M. Morrill, of Maine, I rise to obviate the difficulty by 
a motion which I shall submit, if the Chair will entertain it. . I 
move to reconsider the vote by which the list of delegates was 
directed to be called for, with a view of submitting a motion to 
raise a Committee to receive the credentials and report a list of 
delegates. 

The CHAIRMAN That motion is in order. 

Mr. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, with great deference to 
the gentleman from Maine, I think he could not have understood 
my motion correctly, or he would not object to it. My motion 
was that the roll of States should be called over, and that, as each 
State was called, some gentleman of the delegation should pre- 
sent such a list of delegates as has been made out by the delega- 
tion. After that, of course, a Committee will be formed from all 
the States for the purpose of investigating those rolls, seeing if 
there are any contested seats, and deciding between the contest- 
ants; or, if there be none contested, the list will come back in full. 
That \vill save a great deal of time, and there can be no difficulty 
in carrying it out. I trust there will be no reconsideration. 

Mr. L. M. Morrill, of Maine, I perceive that between the gentle- 
man from Pennsylvania and myself there is no difference as to 
the object to be attained. But, in a body where the delegates are 
unknown, where, possibly, some of the seats are contested, it 
seems to me utterly impracticable, at this time, to present a list 
of the delegates from the several states; and my purpose is, if 
this vote shall be reconsidered, to propose that the roll of the 



184 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

states be called, and that each delegation be requested to propose 
one name from its delegation, to constitute a Committee on Cre- 
dentials, to whom the credentials of the delegates from the 
several states shall be referred. 

Mr. Thompson Campbell, of California, I think the course sug- 
gested by the gentleman from Pennsylvania is the course ordin- 
arily pursued in such conventions, and I see no difficulty in it. 
When the State of Maine is called, I apprehend the delegation 
from that state will be prepared to present their credentials. 
There are no self-constituted delegates in this Convention. They 
all come by authority, as representatives of the constituencies 
which have elected them. I apprehend, therefore, there will be 
no difficulty in carrying out the motion already adopted, and it is 
the best and speediest course of ascertaining who are the members 
of this Convention. 

The Chairman put the question on the motion to reconsider, and 
decided that it was agreed to, and that the* question recurred on 
the original motion of Mr. Cameron. 

Mr. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, Now, Mr. President, I sub- 
mit another motion. I move that a committee, composed of one 
delegate from each state, be appointed, for the purpose of receiv- 
ing a list of the delegates, and deciding who are entitled to be 
present. 

THE CHAIRMAN Does the gentleman offer that as a substitute 
for the other motion? 

Mr. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, yes, sir. 

Mr. James H. Lane, of Kansas, is that to apply only to states 
where there is no contest? 

Mr. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, no; I mean that it shall 
embrace all. 

Mr. George W. Patterson, of New York, I think it is the most 
simple thing in the world, when a state is called, for the chairman 
of the delegation from that state to rise in his place and send to 
the Chair a list of the delegates from that state. I cannot but 
think that some delegate from the State of Maine has a list of all 
the delegates from that state, and if he has, he can send it to the 
, Chair. [Order.] 

The CHAIRMAN Allow me to remind the gentleman that the 
house have not only reconsidered the question to which he is 
speaking, but are considering another motion which has been 
substituted for it by the gentleman from Pennsylvania. 

Mr. G. W. Patterson, of New York, I move to amend that motion 
by inserting in place of it the original motion that was made, that 
the delegation from each state, as the states are called, furnish to 
the Chair a list of the members from that state. The State of New 
York, I believe, has about as many delegates as the State of 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 185 

Maine, and the chairman of our delegation will be able, when the 
State of New York is called, to present a full list of the delegates 
from that state. Now, sir, I move you that, as the states are called, 
one delegate from each state furnish to the Chair a list of the 
members from that state. 

M. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, to save time, I accept the 
proposition to amend. 

Mr. A. Brandagee, of Connecticut, I have an objection, for two 
reasons, to the proposed amendment of the gentleman from New 
York. In the first place, it is not an amendment at all; in the 
next place it is not germane to the resolution offered by the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania; it is a substitute for it, and there- 
fore not in order. I insist upon the original motion being put. 

Mr. G. W. Patterson, of New York, the gentleman from Penns}-!- 
vauia has withdrawn his motion, and the question now is on 
mine. 

The CHAIRMAN The chair will state the position of the case as 
he understands it. The House passed the resolution offered by 
the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and then reconsidered it. The 
effect of the reconsideration was, to leave the motion tha.t was 
originally passed standing upon its passage. Thereupon the 
mover of the resolution, nobody objecting, offered a substiute for 
it. Whether or not the substitute and the original motion were 
so different that the substitute could not properly be received, as 
has been suggested, I shall not now undertake to say; but, under 
the circumstances, I decide that it was properly presented. I 
have doubts, however, whether, after that has been done, the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania, or anybody in his place, can offer 
again the original resolution for which he accepted the substitute 
as an amendment to it; seeing, in fact, that it is not an amendment 
but a totally different thing. There is the embarrasment that I 
am in. 

Mr. Henry J. Raymond, of New York, I desire, Mr. Chairman, 
simply to make a suggestion for the consideration of the Conven- 
tion which may possibly facilitate business. We are here now 
simply as a mass meeting. We have appointed a temporary 
Chairmaji for the purpose of organizing that mass meeting, and 
converting it into a convention of delegates. The first thing, 
therefore, to be done is to decide what states have sent delegates 
here; the next thing to be decided is what delegates they have sent; 
and the third thing to be decided is by what authority do those 
delegates come from those states, and appear here as their repre- 
sentatives. It seems to me that is the natural order in which we 
are to make ourselves a convention instead of a mass meeting. 
Now, as I understand it, the motion submitted by the gentleman 
from Pennsylvania is, that we appoint a Committee on Creden- 



186 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

tials. Well, sir, in the first place, we have no credentials before 
this body, and in the next place, we have no delegates officially 
known to this body, from whom to make up that committee. The 
first thing to be done, it strikes me, is to call the list of states be- 
longing- to this Union, and, as each state is called, if there is any 
one here present who can say for that state that she has a delega- 
tion here, it is his business to rise and say so, and to present to 
the Chair the credentials on which that delegation claims seats. 
If there are contesting delegations from any state, I take it for 
granted that it is the duty of some one from that state to present 
the list of both claimants. Then when that has been done, a 
committee can be appointed to examine the credentials thus 
handed in. 

Mr. S. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, allow me to say to the gentle- 
man from New York, that my original resolution was precisely 
what he is now advocating, but there were objections to it, and I 
withdrew it for the purpose of saving time. I offered my first 
resolution because I thought it was the quickest way of bringing 
the mass meeting, as the gentleman has called it, into a conven- 
tion; and I intended to follow it up by offering another resolution, 
that a'Committee on Credentials be appointed, of one from each 
state represented here, and let that committee examine the papers 
presented under the first resolution, and determine who are en- 
titled to seats. It could have been settled in a few minutes if my 
honorable friend from Maine had let itgo; the effect of his motion 
to reconsider has been to waste more time already than would 
have been occupied in organizing the Convention. 

Mr. H. J. Raymond, of New York, I suppose the only difficult}' 
has arisen from the fact that, owing to the somewhat feeble voice 
of the gentleman who made these motions, their exact tenor was 
not fully understood by the whole body of the Convention. If, 
now, the gentlemon from Pennsylvania will renew his motion, I 
have no doubt, with the explanation he has made, it will be 
promptly acceded to; if not, I will make it myself. 

Mr. S. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, that motion is now before the 
House. 

Mr. H. J. Raymond, of New York, that motion, as I understand 
it, is that the Secretary of this meeting call the list of states, and 
that, as the name of each state is called, some one on behalf of 
that state shall respond to it, and present the list of delegates 
claiming seats from that state, together with their credentials. 

Mr. S. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, I have those of Pennsylvania 
in my hand now, ready to present. 

The CHAIRMAN The question is on the motion of the gentleman 
from Pennsj-lvania, as it has been just stated. 

The motion was agreed to. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, I860, 1864. 187 

Mr. Shaw, the Secretary, proceeded to call the roll of states, and 
lists of delegates were handed in from Maine, New Hampshire, 
Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, 
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Ohio, 
Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, Cali- 
fornia, Oregon, West Virginia, and Kansas. 

From Missouri two lists of delegates were presented, one elected 
by the Radical Union Convention, and the other by the Uncondi- 
tional Union Party of Missouri. 

CONTESTED SEATS. 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, I move that all con- 
tested cases be laid over, and that the delegates from such states 
shall not be entered on the roll until the credentials shall have 
been sent to a Committee on Credentials and reported back. 

The motion was agreed to. 

The District of Columbia was also called, and it was announced 
that there were two sets of delegates from the district. 

The CHAIRMAN All the states embraced in the call of this Con- 
vention have been called by the Secretary. Is it the mind of the 
Convention that he shall stop there, or shall he call the other 
states? 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsj r lvania, I move, Mr. Chairman, 
that if there are any representatives here from states which have 
not been called and I understand that some of the states in 
secession claim to be represented here they present their creden- 
tials to the Committee on Credentials when appointed, but that 
they be not called in this order. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I move to amend the motion of the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania, by directing the Secretary to pro- 
ceed with the call of the states and territories, with the under- 
standing that the credentials which may be presented shall be 
referred to the Committee on Credentials. 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Penn., I am afraid that that will be 
some recognition of the right of States which now belong to the 
Southern Confederacy to be represented here, and, of course, to 
be represented in the Electoral College. I think we ought to 
march with great caution in this matter; for, although I have no 
doubt there are many very excellent men here from such States, 
yet it is a question which ought to be settled before we commit 
ourselves at all, whether they are entitled to be represented here 
or not. I may as well say at this point though, perhaps, it has 
nothing to do with this question that, in a meeting of the Union 
Republican members of the House of Representatives, they have 
unanimously declared that no such States can be represented in 
Congress, or ought to be represented in the Electoral College, or. 
in their judgment, ought to be represented here, as that would 
give them a right to be represented in the Electoral College. I 
do not tfrant to have that question now discussed, or now decided. 
I have, therefore, made a motion, which I thought would leave it 
open for consideration, to refer it all to the Committee on Creden- 
tials, who will carefull3 r examine the whole question, and report 



188 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

to this Convention, so that the business may not now be inter- 
rupted by what may be a protracted discussion. I hope the gen- 
tleman from Kansas will see the propriety of this proceeding be- 
ing- taken, as it will decide nothing, but simply place the question 
in a position for adjudication hereafter. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, it will be time enough to decide 
against the claims of Nevada, and Colorado, and Nebraska, who 
expect to cast electoral votes for our candidate [applause], after 
an examination by the Committee on Credentials. It will be time 
enough to decide against the free State of Arkansas, whose sena- 
tors and representatives are knocking at the doors of Congress 
for admission, after consideration by the Committee on Creden- 
tials. It will be time enough to decide against the gallant Free- 
State men of Louisiana [applause], who propose to elect senators 
and representatives so soon as they can, under their amended 
Constitution, after an examination by the Committee on Creden- 
tials. These States are here with their delegates. All they ask is 
the poor boon of being ranked in the call with their sister States 
[applause.] They are willing to abide the decision of the Com- 
mittee on Credentials, and the decision of this Convention. The 
State of Missouri has two sets of delegates here; there is a ques- 
tion to adjudicate, and we have received the credentials of both 
sets of delegates, and referred them to the Committee on Creden- 
tials for adjudication. The delegates from Arkansas, the dele- 
gates from Louisiana, the delegates from Tennessee, the dele- 
Nevada, Nebraska, and Colorado, have a question to be adjudi- 
cated. Send their credentials to the Committee on Credentials, 
as you have done in the case of the contestants from the State of 
Missouri. Let me add, the delegates from Nevada, Nebraska and 
Colorado especially, ask recognition here for the purpose of 
strengthening the State movement within those territories; and I 
hope, as a matter of policy, if not as a matter of justice, that 
you will permit their credentials to be received and referred to 
the Committee on Credentials. 

Mr. Horace Maynard, of Tennessee, I rise to say that I appear as 
the chairman of the delegation from the State of Tennessee, sent 
here by the loyal L T nion portion of the population of that old 
State, extending as they do from the mountains to the banks of 
the Mississippi river. I presume that, as to the mere matter of 
their credentials, there can be very little dispute. The question 
for the Convention to decide is, as I understand it, whether the 
State of Tennessee, by her loyal, Union, liberty-loving population 
[applause], shall have a position and a voice in the deliberations 
of this body. As a right, we are free to concede in one sense that 
we have not; but this, as it has been very appropriately styled by 
the chairman, is a voluntary representative body, not provided 
for either by the Constitution or the laws of our country, but 
growing up by established party usages for a period of almost 
one generation. An3^ body of men who chose to assemble them- 
selves within the limits of the United States, to designate candi- 
dates for the high offices of President and Vice-Presidetit, un- 
doubtedly have the right to do so, and have equally the right to 
say who shall and who shall not assemble with them. We con- 
cede that fully. We come, making no such claims. In another 
sense, and if I may be permitted to say, in a much larger and 
higher sense, they who have sent us here do claim that they have 
a right to be represented in this body of American citizens [ap- 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 189 

plause.] What is the assemblage? What does it purport to be? 
An assemblage of delegates representing that portion of the 
American people who are now, by their efforts in the field, and 
by their sustaining and co-operative efforts at home, attempting 
to sustain the honor and the existence of the government against 
the men who are in rebellious array, endeavoring to break it up 
and overthrow it. Assembled here under that symbol which 
typifies our common nationality, we, the loyal people of Tennes- 
see, claim the right to be represented in any such assemblage, 
wherever upon this broad continent it may be met [applause.] 
You have decorated and adorned your hall most beautifully and 
most appropriately by that flag which is the symbol of our com- 
mon nationality. Count, I beseech you, before you pronounce 
upon this question, the stars that emblazon it [great and con- 
tinued applause]. That, sir, is our argument; that, sir, is our ap- 
peal. The sixteenth star in that constellation symbolizes the 
existence of Tennessee. And we intend, God helping us, and by 
the assistance of the loyal arms of the loyal men of our country, 
that that star shall never set. 

I do not propose, in this preliminary period of the deliberations 
of the Convention, to enlarge on this topic. I rose simply for the 
purpose of entering, in behalf of those much-enduring, long-suf- 
fering men who sent us here, a protest that you should not pass us 
by, or forget or ignore our existence. Let me say that, for you that 
drink in the cool breezes of the Northern air, it is easy to rally to 
the flag to sustain the honor of your country; and, if we had not 
melancholy evidence to the contrary, I should say that it was im- 
possible that any of you should do otherwise. But we represent 
those who have stood in the very furnace of the rebellion, those 
who have met treason eye to eye, and face to face, and fought 
from the beginning for the support of the flag and the honor of 
our country. [Great applause.] I will not repeat the story of that 
people. It has been told many times. All 1 have to say is that if, 
after the accumulated evidence that has been thrust upon the 
country, any man is still incredulous of the sublime, romantic 
patriotism of that noble people, I beg that he will return with me, 
and see for himself; let him put his hands into the very print of 
the nails, and he will have such demonstration as shall satisfy 
him. Sir, that people sent us here because they are interested in 
the great question to be decided here. They are interested with 
you in sustaining and upholding the common government of this 
country, and they have sent us here to attest, by an additional 
act, their devotion to our common country, and their desire to be 
reckoned among those who are ready to maintain, at every cost, 
our common honor and nationality. Their sons are dying in the 
field under the national flag. Their blood has scarcely even now 
dried upon the sand. It was spilled the other day in the defiles 
of Georgia, and it has marked all the mountain passes in Tennes- 
see. From an humble beginning, at Mill Spring, to that glorious 
encounter above the very clouds, their blood has been shed on 
ever}* field. In the name of these heroes we call upon you to re- 
ceive us among the friends of the Union here assembled. [Great 
applause.] 

Mr. Hanks, of Arkansas, on the western side of the Mississippi 
River is the State of Arkansas, which, although almost blotted 
out, has sent here a full delegation of true Union men. We have 
suffered for three long years; we have been trampled down be- 



190 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

neath the heel of despotism; many of our people have been car- 
ried off to captivity, but we are here to-day to present true Union 
men, friends of the government. Within our limits was fought 
the battle of Pea Ridge. [Applause.] Having passed through 
the fiery ordeal, we come here as representing twelve thousand 
loyal men of Arkansas, who have put down that disturbing ele- 
ment which was the source of all our woes. [Applause.] We are 
here; we claim to be a parcel of you; and we claim that we have 
yet a star in the glorious galaxy of the American Union. 

Mr. L. H. Chandler, of Virginia, before this question is put, I 
desire to say a word in behalf of the delegation from Virginia. I 
wish to know the name of the last State or Territory that was 
called before the motion was submitted by the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania. 

The SECRETARY (Mr. Shaw) The last name called was the Dis- 
trict of Columbia. 

Mr. L. H. Chandler, of Virginia, now, I wish to know, Mr. Chair- 
man, why the District of Columbia should be called, and the State 
of Virginia left out. Why, sir, the District of Columbia never can 
be hatched or piped into a State. [Laughter.] Act as you please, 
vote as you please, decide as you please here, with all respect for 
the District of Columbia and I believe I am standing almost 
within speaking distance of her how can she ever throw an elec- 
toral vote? But the State of Virginia has contributed 25,000 men 
to the Union army. [Applause.] She is this day represented in 
the Senate of the United States, and, but for the inscrutable dis- 
pensation of Divine Providence in the death of the lamented Bow- 
den, would be fully represented; and she would, to-day, have three 
Representatives on the floor of the House of Representatives but 
for the fact that the Committee of Elections decided, not that she 
was not a State, but that the vote of the respective districts was 
not sufficient if scattered over the districts, or, in other words, 
that a sufficient number of counties in each district had not 
voted. Is that State to be shut out? The member from Pennsyl- 
vania who submitted that motion has himself recognized the State 
of Virginia as one of the States of this Union. [Applause.] 

Mr. T. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, may I ask the gentleman when 
I ever recognized Virginia, pince her Ordinance of Secession, as 
being in the Union ? West Virginia, cut off from Virginia, I voted 
for admitting into the Union as an independent State, and the 
gentleman will do me the justice to say that I then declared that 
Virginia herself had no business to be considered in the Union. 
I was very sorry, when the gentleman was himself lately an ap- 
plicant for a seat in Congress, that I was obliged to vote against 
him, because I believed that Virginia and all other States in Se- 
cession although I knew some of their men were loyal, and 
although I know there is no better Republican than the gentle- 
man to whose voice we have been listening with pleasure all 
States which, by a regular majority of their votes, have declared 
themselves out of the Union, have no right to be recognized or 
represented in the Union. I am sure I never admitted such a 
doctrine as that. The applause which I have heard of the princi- 
ple of such recognition has alarmed me more for the safety of 
this nation than all the armies of the rebels. [Applause.] 

Mr. L. H. Chandler, of Virginia, I will answer the gentleman 
from Pennsylvania, and will tell him how and why and when he 
recognized the State of Virginia. He admits the fact that he 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, I860, 1864. 191 

voted in favor of making- West Virginia a new State. Pray, how 
did he do that unless he in the first place acknowledged Virginia 
as a State? [Applause.] Sir, that gentleman is too well posted in 
regard to the Constitution not to know that no new State can be 
carved out of an old State save by the consent of the old State, 
and then Congress passes on the question; so that, when the gen- 
tleman voted in favor of making West Virginia a new State, he 
either recognized the State of Virginia, or he voted for a measure 
which he himself believed to be unconstitutional. 

The CHAIRMAN I have very great doubts whether any part of 
this discussion that is purely personal is in order. I doubt 
whether it is in order or for edification that personal questions of 
this sort should be introduced, not germane to the issue; and, 
unless the House order otherwise, 1 shall hold that no part of 
this side-discussion is in order. 

Mr. L. H. Chandler, of Virginia, Sir, there was nothing- personal 
intended. The gentleman from Pennsylvania knows very well 
indeed that the personal relations between us have always been 
of the most pleasant character. I was simply putting the ques- 
tion in a strong way to the Convention. 

Mr. T. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, Will the gentleman allow me 
one word? and it is all I have to say. I did not consider the gen- 
tleman as making any reflection on me personally. I wish to ex- 
plain, however, one difficulty which the gentleman is under. I 
presume he did not read the poor remarks which I made when 
West Virginia was admitted as a State of the Union. It was pro- 
posed to admit her on the ground that Old Virginia had given 
her consent, and that new West Virginia should come in with 
that consent. I expressly said that I hoped nobody would con- 
sider me so ignorant as to suppose that Virginia was divided ac- 
cording to the principles of the Constitution; but that West Vir- 
ginia, being conquered by our armies, according to the laws of 
war we had a right to do with the conquered territory just as we 
pleased [applause] ; and I voted for her admission, disclaiming 
the idea that the division was according to the forms of the Con- 
stitution, but under the laws of war and the laws of conquest. 
The gentleman did not read that, or he would not have charged 
me with having admitted the existence of Old Virginia in my 
vote in regard to West Virginia. 

Mr. L. H. Chandler, of Virginia, I will remove all difficulty with 
regard to the question of order. I say nothing with regard to the 
political action of the distinguished gentleman from Pennsylva- 
vania. It is enough for me to know that the House of Represen- 
tatives and Senate, at Washington, decided in favor of admitting 
West Virginia, and could do it upon no other ground than that 
she was part and parcel of the State of Virginia. It is enough for 
me to know that every department of the Government, legislative, 
executive, and judicial, the President, with every head of each de- 
partment under him, has recognized and to this day recognizes 
Virginia as a State. The only difference between the gentleman 
from Pennsylvania and myself is, that whilst he wishes a re- 
markably large slice to be overrun by our armies before he can 
acknowledge that slice as a territory,! am a little more moderate, 
and I ask that a slice twice as large as Rhode Island, and much 
larger than Delaware, that has been conquered by our armies, and 



192 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

that my associates and myself here, shall have the simple boon 
granted of having- their names called over side by side with those 
of the District of Columbia [laughter and applause]. It is a 
question of degree; the gentleman and I recognize the same 
principle. 

Mr. A. H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, allow me to ask a question. 
Does the gentleman from Virginia contend that the delegates 
from Virginia being entitled to seats here, the people whom they 
represent would therefore be entitled to an electoral vote? 

Mr. L. H. Chandler, of Virginia, "Sufficient unto the day is the 
evil thereof." 

Mr. A. H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, Will the gentleman allow 
me to finish my sentence? Because it seems to me a logical con- 
clusion that if you allow the people of Virginia to participate in 
the selection of a candidate for the Presidency, you must also 
allow them to participate in his election at the polls. How, then, 
you can escape the reception of the votes of the people of the 
city of Richmond, I cannot understand. 

Mr. L. H. Chandler, of Virginia, calling our names here settles 
nothing. Our credentials go before the committee; when that 
committee shall have reported on them it will be time enough 
for those of us who are from Virginia to give our views to this 
Convention in relation to that question. All we ask now is that 
our names shall be called, that our credentials shall be sent be- 
fore the committee; then that question and other questions will 
properly come up. And bear in mind, sir, that we have been ver}^ 
modest, we have not sent here any delegates representing the 
Richmond congressional district [laughter.] We have only sent 
two delegates here as delegates at large, for the two senators that 
Virginia had when the present Senate assembled in December 
last, and three delegates from three congressional districts in 
which elections were regularly held. We offer here to give only 
five votes. Now, I ask, when the State, as I have said, has been 
recognized by every department of this Government, why we 
ought not at least to be called in the roll of States. I do not wish 
to say a single word that may be considered as going- towards 
making a speech [laughter.] Strike out all these States, if you 
please, let them be like the lost Pleiads, seen no more below; only 
give us a fair show; that is all we ask before the Convention. 

The CHAIRMAN The question is on the amendment of the gen- 
tleman from Kansas. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, my amendment is, that all the States 
having delegates on this floor be called, and that the credentials 
handed in be referred to the Committee on Credentials; and that 
the Territories of Nebraska, Colorado and Nevada, who are now 
engaged in organizing State governments under enabling acts 
from the Congress of the United States, whose electoral votes will 
be cast for our candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presi- 
dency, be called, and that the credentials of their representatives 
be referred to the Committee on Credentials. 

The amendment was agreed to. 

The CHAIRMAN The Chair wishes now to state (what he forbore 
to state during the discussion) that the calling of the District of 
Columbia was an oversight, and he would have stopped it if he 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, I860, 1864. 193 

had been aware that it was on the list; and he will now give in- 
structions to the Secretary to strike it out unless it be put in by 
an order of the House. He considers that it should go with the 
Territories, and it will not be called unless the House so orders. 
The Secretary will now call the roll of those who have been or- 
dered to be called by the motion just adopted. 

The roll of the remaining States being called, delegates re- 
sponded from Virginia, South Carolina, Florida, Louisiana, Ar- 
kansas and Tennessee, and their credentials were ordered to be 
referred to the Committee on Credentials. Delegates responded 
from Nevada, Colorado and Nebraska, and their credentials re- 
ceived the same reference. 

The CHAIRMAN It now remains for the House to give what or- 
der they see fit, if any, in regard to the remaining Territories, 
including the District of Columbia. They will not be called un- 
less by order of the House. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I move that they be called, and I 
desire to state that the Chicago Convention in 1860 received the 
delegation from the Territory of Kansas, and permitted them to 
vote. I move that the remaining Territories and the District of 
Columbia be called, and that the credentials of the delegates be 
referred to the Committee on Credentials. 

The motion was agreed to. 

The roll was called, and delegates appeared from the District of 
Columbia, and the Territories of New Mexico, Washington, Da- 
kota, Idaho, Arizona and Montana. 

RULES OF ORDER. 

Mr. J. A. J. Creswell, of Maryland, in order to facilitate the busi- 
ness of the body, I move that the rules of the House of Represent- 
atives of the United States be adopted for the government of the 
Convention so far as they may be applicable. 

The motion was agreed to. 

COMMITTEE ON CREDENTIALS. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I move now that the roll of the States 
as to whose delegates here there is no question be called, and that 
as each State is called, the delegation from that State report one 
member to compose the Committee on Credentials. I exclude 
from this motion the State of Missouri, and every State the cred- 
entials of whose delegates are to go before the Committee. 

The motion was agreed to. 

The roll of States was called. As each State was named, the 
chairman of its delegation reported the name selected for the 
Committee on Credentials. The Committee was thus constituted : 

Maine, B. W. Norris; New Hampshire, Benjamin J. Cole; Ver- 
mont, Edwin Hammond; Massachusetts, Jas. T. Robinson; Rhode 
13 



194: THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Island, Henry H. Fay; Connecticut, Augustus Brandagee; New 
York, Preston King; New Jersey, Joseph Coult; Pennsylvania, 
Andrew H. Reeder; Delaware, Edward G. Bradford; Maryland, 
Henry H. Goldsborough; Kentucky, Samuel Lusk; Ohio, G. Vol- 
ney Dorsey; Indiana. Jesse J. Brown; Illinois, J. Wilson Shaeffer; 
Michigan, Marsh Giddings; Wisconsin, J. B. Cassidy; Iowa, Geo. 
D. Wooden; Minnesota, M. G. Butler; California, John Bidwell; 
Oregon, Hiram Smith; West Virginia, William E. Stevenson; 
Kansas, M. H. Insley. 

COMMITTEE ON ORGANIZATION. 

Mr. J.A. J.Creswell, of Maryland, I move that the states just called 
be again called, in order that one member may be designated 
from each state to constitute a Committee for the Permanent 
Organization of this body. 

The motion was agreed to. 

Mr. J. A. J. Creswell, of Marjdand, and I would suggest that 
that permanent organization consist of one President, and one 
Vice-President, and one Secretary for each state. 

The CHAIRMAN Will the House adopt that suggestion or leave 
it to the Committee? 

Several delegates Leave it to the Committee. 

Mr. J. A. J. Creswell, of Maryland, very well; but let states whose 
seats are contested name members of the committee when those 
contests shall be decided. ["Agreed."] 

The roll of states was called, and the following delegates were 
named as the Committee on Permanent organization: 

Maine, James Drummond; New Hampshire, Shepherd L. Bow- 
ers; Vermont, Abraham B. Gardner; Massachusetts, Gennerry 
Twitchell; Rhode Island, John J. Reynolds; Connecticut, Oliver 
H. Perry; New York, Clark B. Cochrane; New Jersey, Socrates 
Tuttle; Pennsylvania, Alexander K. McClure; Delaware, William 
Cummins; Maryland, John A. J. Creswell; West Virginia, John 
M. Boyd; Kentucky, John A. Prall; Ohio, Robert Sherrard, Jr.; 
Indiana, Jesse L. Williams; Illinois, J. Y. Scammon; Michigan, 
Edwin Lawrence; Wisconsin. J. M. Gillet; Iowa, Frank Street; 
Minnesota, Daniel Cameron; California, William S. McMurtrie; 
Oregon, Joseph Phailling; Kansas, Mark W. Delahay; 

COMMITTEE ON RESOLUTIONS. 

Mr. S. Cameron, of Pennsylvania, I now move that the states be 
called over, and that one member be named by each delegation, 
those thus named to constitute a Committee on Platform and 
Resolutions. 

The motion was agreed to, and the roll being called, the follow- 
delegates were named as the committee. 

Maine, Josiah H. Drummoiicl; New Hampshire, David Cross; 
Vermont, E. P. Walton; Massachusetts, Tappan Wentworth; Rhode 
Island; Edwin Harris; Connecticut, William T. Miner; New York, 
Henry J. Raymond; New Jersey, Charles R W'augh; Pennsylvania, 
Morrow B. Lowry; Delaware, Jacob Moore; Maryland, Hugh Lennox 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 195 

Bond; Kentucky, James Speed; Ohio, Aaron F. Perry; Indiana,Will- 
iam McKee Dunn; Illinois, Elisha P. Ferry; Michigan, O.D. Conger; 
Wisconsin, Edward Salmon; Iowa, William M. Stone; Minnesota, 
Warren Bristoe; California, Thompson Campbell; Oregon, Thos. 
H. Pearne; West Virginia, Granville D. Hall; Kansas, A. Carter 
Wilder. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, in the hope of saving the Committee 
on Resolutions some trouble, I am directed by the delegation from 
the State of Kansas to offer a series of resolutions, to be referred 
to the committee without reading; and I move that all resolutions 
relative to the platform be referred to that committee, without 
reading and without debate. 

The motion was agreed to. 

On motion of Mr. G. Bergner, of Pennsylvania, at three p. m. the 
Convention adjourned to meet at half-past seven o'clock p. m. 

EVENING SESSION. 

The Chairman called the Convention to order at half-past seven 
o'clock p. m. 

PERMANENT ORGANIZATION. 

Mr. A. K. McClure, of Pennsylvania, I am directed by the Com- 
mittee on Permanent Organization to report the following list of 
officers : 

President William Dennison, of Ohio. 

Vice-Presidents Maine, Nathan A. Farwell; New Hampshire, 
Onslow Stearns; Vermont, Henry Stowell; Massachusetts, Moses 
Kimball; Rhode Island, James De Wolf Perry; Connecticut, Henry 
A. Grant; New York, Lyman Tremaine; New Jersey, William A. 
Newell; Pennsylvania, William W. Ketchum; Delaware, George 
Z. Tybond; Maryland, A. C. Greene; Kentucky, J. C. Record; Ohio, 
David Tod; Indiana, John Beard; Illinois, James M. Brown; Mich- 
igan, Charles T. Gorham; Wisconsin, John F. Potter; Iowa, G. W. 
McCreary; Minnesota, Charles M. Daily; California, Robert Gard- 
ner; Oregon, Frederick Charman; West Virginia, Chester D. Hub- 
bard; Kansas, F. W. Potter. 

Secretaries Maine, Nahum Morrill; New Hampshire, Edward 
Spalding; Vermont, Horace Fairbanks; Massachusetts, George A. 
Shaw; Rhode Island, Joel M. Spencer; Connecticut, Samuel S. 
Warren; New York, William R. Stewart; New Jersey, Edward Bet- 
tie; Pennsylvania, John Stewart; Delaware, Benjamin Burton; 
Maryland, Levi E. Straughn; Kentucky, A. G. Hodges; Ohio, J. C. 
Devin; Indiana, John W. Ray; Illinois, Lorenz Brentano; Michi- 
gan, Wm. L. Noyes; Wisconsin, C. C. Sholes; Iowa, G. D. Stubbs; 
Minnesota, Charles Taylor; California, James Otis; Oregon, J. W. 
Souther; West Virginia, Granville D. Hall; Kansas, W. H. H. 
Lawrence. 

The report was adopted by acclamation. 

The CHAIRMAN I appoint the Hon. Governor Lane, of Indiana, 
and the Hon. Mr. Grow, of Pennsylvania, to conduct the President 
to the chair. 



196 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN: 

Mr. Dennison was conducted to the chair by Ho*i. Henry S. Lane, 
of Indiana, arid Hon. Galusha A. Grow, of Pennsylvania; and on 
taking- the chair, addressed the Convention as follows: 

I thank you for the honor you have conferred upon me, and 
while I shall bring 1 to the discharge of the duties of the Chair lit- 
tle experience in parliamentary rules, it will be my pleasure, as 
my duty, to spare no effort in contributing, to the extent of my 
ability, lo the facilitating- of the business of the Convention, and; 
securing- such results from your deliberations as will meet the- 
loyal expectations of the country. 

We meet here as representatives of the true friends of the Gov- 
ernment and of impartial liberty of that large portion of the peo- 
ple who gratefully appreciate the unmatched blessings which, 
flow from our institutions well administered, and reject any form 
of human enslavement, not in punishment of crime, as no less 
incompatible with the rights of humanity than with the genius, 
and the peaceful workings of Republican Government. [Pro- 
longed applause.] 

In no sense do we meet as members or representatives of either 
of the old political parties which bound the people, or as the 
champions of an}- principle or doctrine peculiar to either. The 
extraordinary condition of the country since the outbreak of the 
rebellion has, from necessity, taken from the issues of these par- 
ties their practical significance, and compelled the formation of 
substantial^ new political organizations; hence the origin of the 
Union party if party it can be called of which this Convention 
is for the purpose of its assembling, the accredited representa- 
tive, and the only test of membership in which is an unreserved,, 
unconditional loyalty to the Government and the Union. 

Let me congratulate you upon the favorable auspices of j r our 
meeting. While the deepest anxiety is felt by all patriotic men 
as to the result of the war unjustifiably forced upon the Govern- 
ment by the bad, ambitious men and their deceived followers in 
the rebellious States, and the country is filled with distress and 
mourning over the loss of so many of our brave men who have 
fallen in battle, or died in hospitals from wounds received in de- 
fence of the constitutional authorities of the Government, we yet 
have, in what has been accomplished towards the suppression of 
the rebellion and the extinguishment of its cause in the heroic 
deeds of our noble armies and gallant navy in the renewel of the 
patriotism of the country that almost seemed to be paralyzed un- 
der the influence of our National prosperity in the unprece- 
dented generosily of the people, awakened by the wants of the 
Government and the necessities of its defenders much, very 
much of the higest felicitation, and for which the country is 
grateful to Almighty God. [Applause.] 

And may I not add to these causes of congratulation the forma- 
tion of the political organization of which this Convention is a 
representative, which has so nobly sustained the Government in 
its efforts to put down the rebellion, and to the complete accom- 
plishment of which its energies are consecrated; the patriotic 
harmony that has marked our assembling and will characterize 
all our proceedings, and presenting that harmony which will dis- 
play itself in the unanimous nomination, for the Presidency of 
the United States, of the wise and good man whose unselfish de- 
votion to the country, in the administration of the Government 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1869, 1864. 197 

has secured to him not only the admiration, but the warmest 
affection of every friend of constitutional liberty? [Applause.] 

I need not remind you of the very grave responsibilities that 
devolve upon you as members of this Convention. The loyal 
people of the country have authorized and expect you to renew on 
their part the pledge of their faith to support the Government, in 
the most vigorous prosecution of the war, to the complete sup- 
pression of the Rebellion, regardless of the time or the resources 
required to that end, and they equally expect and call upon you 
to declare the cause and the support of the Rebellion to be 
slavery, which, as well for its treasonable offenses against the 
Government, as for its incompatibility with the rights of human- 
ity, and the permanent peace of the county, must, with the 
termination of the war, and as much speedier as possible, be made 
to cease forever in every State and Territory of the Union. But I 
must not refer to other subjects of interest that will challange 
your attention. 

Let me repeat my thanks for your expressions of conridence in 
me, in having- selected me to preside over your deliberations. 
(Applause.] 

The Vice-Presidents and Secretaries took their seats on the 
platform. 

ORDER OF BUSINESS. 

The PRESIDENT Gentlemen, I observed to-day that no commit- 
tee was appointed on the order of business. Such a committee is 
indispensable, to the end that a rule may be established as to the 
manner of voting and various other questions that will have to be 
considered. If some gentleman of the Convention will be so kind 
as to submit a motion for the appointment of such a committee, 
the Chair will take very great pleasure in submitting that motion 
to the Convention. 

Mr. C. Delano, of Ohio, I had observed, sir, the failure of the 
Convention to provide a committee to report permanent rules and 
an order of business, and was about, before the suggestion of the 
Chair, to move its appointment. Now, in pursuance of that sug- 
gestion, concurring as I do in the necessity of complying with it, 
I move the appointment of a committee for that purpose, consist- 
ing of one from each state, to be selected in the manner that the 
other committees have been. 

The motion was agreed to, and the committee was constituted 
as follows: 

Maine, George K. Jewett; New Hampshire, E.L. Colby; Vermont, 
A. P. Hunton; Massachusetts, Charles R. Train; Rhode Island, 
George D. Cross; Connecticut, Calvin Day; New York, Ellis H. 
Roberts; New Jersey, J. T. Crowell; Pennsylvania, S. F. Wilson; 
Delaware, William Cummins; Maryland, Archibald Stirling, Jr.; 
Kentucky, H. C. Burge; Ohio, E. F.Drake; Indiana, Cyrus L.Allen; 
Illinois, I. A. Powell; Michigan, Charles D. Mitchell; Wisconsin, 
Angus Cameron; Iowa, D. W. Ellis; Minnesota, D. G. Shillock; 
California, O. H. Bradbury; Oregon, M. Hirsch; West Virginia, 
D. M. Fitzgerald; Kansas, T. M. Bowen. 



i98 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

SPEECH OF REV. MR. BROWNLOW. 

The President called for reports from the Committee otiCreden- 
tials and the Committee on Resolutions, but no response was 
made. 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, as it would be improper 
to transact business of an}- importance except what relates to the 
organization until the Committee on Credentials have reported 
and in order that all gentlemen who may be admitted to seats 
may have an opportunity of participating in our proceedings I 
move that this Convention adjourn until to-morrow morning at 
nine o'clock. 

Mr. G. W. Patterson, of New York, I hope the gentleman will 
withdraw that motion. I understand that a gentleman Avho has 
experienced some of the trials of Tennessee is in the House, and 
we shall be glad to hear the Rev. Mr. Brownlow. [Applause.] 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, I have no desire to de- 
prive the Convention of the pleasure of hearing so distinguished 
a gentleman, and I withdraw my motion. 

Mr. G. W. Patterson, of New York, I move that the Rev. W. G. 
Brownlow be requested to address the Convention. 

The motion was agreed to unanimously. 

The members of the Convention rose to their feet and gave three 
cheers for "Parson Brownlow" as he advanced to the stage. 

The PRESIDENT Gentlemen of the Convention, I have the honor 
of presenting to you one who has done the country much service, 
who has been gallant and true Parson Brownlow, of East Ten- 
nessee. [Great applause. . 

Mr. Brownlow spoke as follows: 

GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION I assure you you have to- 
night waked up the wrong passenger. I am a very sick man, and 
ought to be in my bed and not here. I have journeyed on, how- 
ever, through great tribulation, to meet 3 7 ou. The last regular 
meal I took was on Saturday, upon a boat, and upon the Ohio 
river. I am sick sick and suffering and I come forward be- 
cause so enthusiastically called for. to make my bow to you, and 
my apology for not attempting to speak; but, before I take my 
seat, I know you will take of me kindly any suggestion I may 
make, or any rebuke I may attempt to administer to you. I am 
one of the elder brethren one of the old apostles. [Laughter ] I 
have heard since I came to town that you had some doubt in your 
minds about the propriety of admitting a delegation from Ten- 
nessee a State in rebellion. I hope you will pause, gentlemen, 
before you commit so rash an act as that, and thereby recognize 
Secession. We don't recognize it in Tennessee. [Applause.] We 
deny that we are out. [Applause.] \Ve deny that we have been 
out. [Applause.] We maintain that a minority first voted us out, 
and then a majority \vhipped the minority out of the State 
with bayonets, winning over a portion of our men to their ranks. 
But we are here to participate in your deliberations and toils, and. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, I860, 1864. 199 

to share your honors. I pray you not to exclude us. We have a 
full delegation from Tennessee, a patriotic delegation, a talented 
delegation, always excepting the present speaker. [Laughter.] 
Our best men are here. We have in Tennessee, as you have in 
most of the Northern States, a Copperhead party, just beginning 
to come into existence. They have existed here a good while. I 
have fought the venomous reptiles for the last two years among 
you; but they are beginning to organize in Tennessee, and I con- 
fidently look for them to be represented at the forthcoming Chi- 
cago Convention, to send up a delegation there under the nose 
and scent of that pink of patriotism, loveliness and virtue, the 
editor of the Chicago Times. [Laughter.] The delegation that 
our State sends up to you would scorn to go to the Chicago Con- 
vention; they would decline having anything to do with the late 
Cleveland Convention. [Applause.] We are for the Baltimore- 
Lincoln- Arming -of - Negroes Convention. We are for the 
Convention and the party that are resolved to put down this 
wicked, this infernal Rebellion, at all hazards, and all cost of 
money and lives; and our Convention instructed us, before we 
left home, to advocate and vote for Abraham Lincoln first, last 
and all the time. [Applause.] He has got his hand in; he has 
learned the hang of the ropes, and we want to try him for a sec- 
ond term. Let us get along in harmony. There need be no de- 
taining this Convention for two days in discussions of various 
kinds, and the idea I suggest to you as an inducement not to ex- 
clude our delegation is, that we may take it into our heads, before 
the thing is over, to present a candidate from that State in rebel- 
lion for the second office in the gift of the people. [Applause.] 
We have a man down there whom it has been my good luck and 
bad fortune to fight untiringly and perseveringly for the last 
twenty-five years Andrew Johnson. [Applause.] For the first 
time, in the Providence of God, three years ago we got together 
on the same platform, and we are fighting the devil, Tom Walker 
and Jeff Davis side by side. [Applause.] 

I again thank you, gentlemen of the Convention [Go on, go on.] 
I never refuse to speak when I am able to speak, and my old 
friend Deacon Bross knows it well. I should like to help him 
canvass Illinois, and gouge for him among the Copperheads. If 
I were able to speak and could interest you, I would; but I am 
sick, and I must be excused. I thank you for the honor J T OU have 
done me. 

On motion, the Convention adjourned until to-morrow morning 
at ten o'clock. 

WEDNESDAY, June 8, 1864. 

The PRESIDENT called the Convention to order at ten o'clock 
A. M. 

PRAYER. 

The Rev. ^1. P. Gaddis, one of the delegation from Ohio, offered 
the following prayer: 

Our Father which art in Heaven, hallowed be Thy name; Thy 
kingdom come; Thy will be done on earth as it is done in Heaven; 
grant us this day our daily bread, and forgive us our trespasses 
as we forgive those who trespass against us; lead us not into 
temptation ; but grant Thou Lord of Lords, and King of 
Kings, Thou who art the Infinite God, of all right, of all truth, 



200 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

and of all liberty, grant to imbue our hearts so with Thine own 
free Spirit as to lead us this morning- in that way and manner 
that may confer honor upon Thy great name, and work out the 
g-ood intended by the sovereign people of this country in thus as- 
sembling- together in this National Convention. Hear us this 
morning-, O our Father, as we thank Thee for the harmony of 
action and unity of purpose that has thus far attended our sit- 
tings; grant to let that harmony continue. Grant to let Thy 
Spirit operate upon those who have been thus honorably selected 
to represent the wishes of a great and free people, so that the 
ends and aims of this Convention may be fully subserved. 

Hear us this morning-, Thou God of liberty, as we thank Thee 
for the fact that Thou hast ever made this land the dwelling- 
place of the genius of freedom and of liberty. Hear us as we 
thank Thee for the triumph that Thou didst give to the arms of 
our fathers as they broke the shackles of oppression and of tyran- 
ny, and erected upon these shores the light of freedom and of 
liberty. Hear us, our Father, as we thank Thee for the prosperity 
that not only attended them in that hour, but in their efforts to 
found here a Republic whose influence and whose power should 
go down to the remotest period of coming- time. Hear us, our 
Father, as we thank Thee for the prosperity that hath attended us 
financially, intellectually, morally and socially, throughout the 
length and breadth of the United States. Hear us, O our Father, 
as we thank Thee this morning for the respect that the United 
States of America has attained throughout the known world. 
Wherever the white sails of her commerce have been seen, 
where'er the starry banner hath been unfolded at the mast-head 
of our vessels as they have gone forth upon all oceans and upon 
all seas, that flag hath been honored, our country hath been 
respected. 

Hear us, O our Father, as we thank Thee for the many men that 
American g-enius and the genius of American institutions have 
developed, who have gone forth to fill the halls of science, the 
chambers of literature, the councils of the nation, and gone to 
other lands to represent not only the dignity but the power and 
the influence of republican liberty. Hear us, O our Father, as we 
thank Thee for the rapid development Thou hast given to this 
mere child of freedom, that she has gone 011 from the rock-bound 
shores of New England to the Western wilds, and made them to 
bloom and blossom as the rose, and to send the echoing shouts 
of liberty across from the Pacific waters to those who had ne'er 
known it before. Hear us, O our Father, this morning, as we 
bless Thee for the success that hath attended us even in the 
midst of distress. We repent this morning of our sins; we bow 
before Thy Majesty in deep contrition of heart; we admit Thy 
judgments; but we bless Thee, our Father, that in our efforts to 
demonstrate that we were upon Thy side, Thou hast thus far 
crowned us with success. Let this success continue, and, to that 
end, bless the President of these United States and all his consti- 
tutional advisers; may they be men of clean hands and of pure 
hearts; ma}" they consult with the Infinite Good. Let Thy bless- 
ing rest upon all the plans and operations that they have devised 
for the success of our arms. 

Bless our army and our navy, from the Commanders and Com- 
modores down to the noble men that fill our ranks and tread the 
decks of our gallant vessels; and God grant that even in the midst 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, I860, 1864. 201 

of their present battles, while thundering at the gates of the rebel 
capital, to give them abundant success. And may the time soon 
come, our Father, when America shall be free, when the Rebellion 
shall be crushed, and when peace with its ten thousand hallowing 
blessings shall again reign from ocean to ocean and lake to gulf. 
Hasten the hour when the East shall embrace the West, when the 
North shall again kiss the South, and America become indeed 
that nation whose God is the Lord. 

Guide us and direct us in the operations of this day, in all the 
deliberations of this Convention; and, O God, if we are right, 
grant that the nominees of this National Union Convention may 
be elected by such a majority as has never before been recorded 
in the history of pur government. And Thy great name, Father, 
Son and Holy Spirit, shall have ceaseless and everlasting praises 
through a world without end. Amen. 

CHAIRMEN OF DELEGATIONS. 

The PRESIDENT I shall be obliged to the chairmen of the sev- 
eral delegations if, as the roll of states is now called, they will 
rise in their places and announce their names; the object being 
that the Chairman may be able to distinguish, from the location 
of the speakers from time to time, the delegation to which they 
belong. 

The Secretary called the roll, and the chairmen of the respective 
delegations answered their names as follows: 

Maine, Lot M. Morrill; New Hampshire, William Haile; Ver- 
mont, Solomon Foot; Massachusetts, AlexanderH. Bullock; Rhode 
Island, Thomas Durfee; Connecticut, William T. Miner; New 
York, John A. King; New Jersey, William A. Newell; Pennsyl- 
vania, Simon Cameron; Delaware, Nathaniel B. Smithers; Mary- 
land, Henry W. Hoffman; Kentucky, R. K. Williams; Ohio, C. 
Delano; Indiana, Daniel Mace; Illinois, R. C. Cook; Michigan, 
Austin Blair; Wisconsin, Alexander W. Randall; Iowa, D. D. 
Chase; Minnesota, John M'Kusick; California, M. C. Briggs; 
Oregon, Thomas H. Pearne; West Virginia, Leroy C. Kramer; 
Kansas, James H. Lane. 

RULES AND ORDER OF BUSINESS. 

The PRESIDENT Is the Committee on the Order of Business 
ready to report? 

Mr. Calvin Day, of Connecticut, the Committee on the Order of 
Business are prepared to report, and I ask Mr. Drake, the Secre- 
tary of the committee, to read the report. 

Mr. E. F. Drake, of Ohio, proceeded to read the report as follows: 

Rule 1. Upon all subjects before the Convention, the States 
shall be called in the following order: Maine, New Hampshire, 
Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, 
New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Missouri, Ken- 
tucky, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, Minne- 
sota, California, Oregon, West Virginia, Kansas, and other States 
and Territories declared by the Convention entitled to representa- 
tion in the same, shall be called in the order in which they are 
added by the Convention. 



202 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I think it is improper to put West 
Virginia before Kansas. We were born first. 

Mr. E. F. Drake, of Ohio, allow me to explain to the gentleman 
that blanks were printed for the use of the Clerk, and it was con- 
venient to name the States in the order there found. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair supposes there is another reason. 
Kansas has been so gallant, and her history so full of heroic 
deeds, that she cannot be damaged, place her where you may. 
[Applause.] 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, in that regard Kansas claims no su- 
periority over Western Virginia. [Applause.] Her children have 
been as gallant and fought as bravely as the children of any 
other state. It is a mere question of age. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair will direct the Secretary to amend 
the roll agreeably to the suggestion of the gentleman from 
Kansas. 

Mr. E. F. Drake, of Ohio, continued to read the report as follows: 

Rule 2. Fo>ur votes shall be cast by the delegates at large of 
each state, and each congressional district shall be entitled to two 
votes. The votes of each delegation shall be reported by its 
chairman. 

Rule 3. The report of the Committee on Credentials shall be 
disposed of before the report of the Committee on Platform and 
Resolutions is acted upon, and the Report of the Committee on 
Platform and Resolutions shall be disposed of before the Conven- 
tion proceeds to ballot for candidates for President and Vice- 
President. 

Rule 4. That when it shall be determined by this Convention 
what States and Territories are entitled to representation in this 
Convention, together with the number of votes to which they may 
be entitled, a majority of all the votes so determined shall be re- 
quisite to nominate candidates for President and Vice-President. 

Rule 5. When a majority of the delegations from any two states 
shall demand that a vote be recorded, the same shall be taken by 
states, the Secretary calling the roll of states in the order hereto- 
fore stated. 

Rule 6. In a recorded vote by States, the vote of each State shall 
be announced by the chairman of the respective delegations, and 
in case the vote of any State shall be divided, the chairman shall 
announce the number of votes cast for any candidate, or for or 
against any proposition. 

Rule 7. That when the previous question shall be demanded by 
a majority of the delegation from any State, and the demand sec- 
onded by two or more States, and the call sustained by a majority 
of the Convention, the question shall then be proceeded with and 
disposed of according to the rules of the House of Representa- 
tives in similar cases. 

Rule 8. No member shall speak more than once to the same 
question, nor longer than five minutes, with the unanimous con- 
sent of the Convention. 

Rule 9. The rules of the House of Representatives shall con- 
tinue to be the rules of this Convention, so far as they are appli- 
cable and not inconsistent with the foregoing rules. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 203 

The report was adopted. 

Mr. E. F. Drake, of Ohio, the Committee on the Order of Busi- 
ness have directed me to make this further report : 

A National Union Committee shall be appointed, to consist of 
one member from each State, Territory and District represented 
in this Convention. The roll shall be called, and the delegation 
from each such State, Territory and District shall name a person 
to act as a member of said committee. 

The report was adopted. 

REPORT ON CREDENTIALS. 

Mr. Preston King, of New York, Mr. President, the Committee on 
Credentials, after a very patient hearing of the representations 
made by the gentlemen who have appeared and claimed seats in 
this Convention, wherever there has been a question of their right 
to sit, from whatever cause that question may have arisen, have 
come to conclusions which they report as the report of the com- 
mittee to the Convention, without, however, entire unanimity in 
the committee on some points. Upon the main questions a large 
majority of the committee have agreed. There will, on some 
points, be a minority report with the assent of the committee and 
of the Convention, by the member of the committee from West 
Virginia, with some one or two others joining him in it. I desired 
that our report should be regarded as the report of the commit- 
tee without any minority report; but as I differed from the com- 
mittee on two or two or three points, I gave them notice (and I 
have their assent), that I should move to amend the report upon 
my individual responsibility as a member of the Convention. I 
will now proceed to report to the Convention the points upon 
which the great mass of the committee agreed : 

"First, the committee find that the credentials of the delegates 
from the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massa- 
chusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Del- 
aware, Maryland, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, 
Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, California, Oregon, West Virginia 
and Kansas, as presented by the delegates, are sufficient arid 
satisfactory." 

That of course admits their delegations. 

"In the next place, the committee find that the certificates from 
Pennsylvania are all regular, with the exception of the certificate 
for the first district of that State. In that district, the certificate 
states that four delegates were elected. The district is entitled to 
but two. The facts were reported to the committee, and the com- 
mittee recommend that the two having the highest number of 
votes, be admitted as delegates, and that the other two be admit- 
ted as alternates. 

"In the case of Missouri, the committee report and recommend 
that the delegation known as the " Radical Union Delegation," be 
admitted to this Convention. [Applause.] 

"The committee further report, that the delegations from Vir- 
ginia, Tennessee, Louisiana, Florida and Arkansas, be admitted 
to this Convention with all the rights and privileges of delegates, 
except the right to vote. 

"The committee report respecting South Carolina, that there is 
not in their judgment, sufficient reason for the admission of the 
delegation which appears from there, and therefore recommend 
that the delegation appearing from that State, be not admitted. 



204 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

"The committee also report, that the delegations from the or- 
ganized Territories, and from the District of Columbia, be admit- 
ted to the Convention with all the rights and privileges of dele- 
gates, except the right to vote." 

This, Mr. President, is the report of the committee; and I now 
ask that, before taking any action upon it, the Convention receive 
the minority report which, by the assent of the committee, the 
delegate from West Virginia was authorized to make as such, and 
then I shall move my own proposition of amendment. 

The PRESIDENT It is moved that the minority report shall now 
be read, reserving to the chairman of the Committee on Cre- 
dentials the privilege of moving amendments to the majority 
report. 

The motion was agreed to. 

Mr. W. E. Stevenson, of West Virginia, I desire to state, Mr. Pres- 
ident, that the minority report which I now present was prepared 
very hastily this morning, the committee having labored until 
long after midnight, and I have not been able to see a number of 
gentlemen of the committee who desired to be consulted in refer- 
ence to it, and therefore I have been unable to obtain as many 
signatures as I designed. I will, however, read the report and 
send it to the Chair: 

"To the President of the National Union Convention: 

"The undersigned concur in the report of the majority of the 
Committee on Credentials, except that portion which proposes to 
exclude from the privilege of voting in the Convention the dele- 
gates from the States of Virginia, Louisiana, Arkansas, Tennessee 
and Florida, and from the Territories of Colorado, Nevada, New 
Mexico Dakota and Montana. 

" Therefore, the undersigned recommend that the delegates 
from the States and Territories aforesaid shall be entitled to vote 
upon all questions brought before the Convention. 

"W. E. STEVENSON, W. Va., 
"HiRAM SMITH, Oregon." 

Mr. Preston King, of New York, I learn that since the report 
was agreed upon, leave was also granted to another gentleman 
of the committee to make a minority report. I am informed 
since I was last up that the delegate from Kansas desires also to 
submit briefly a minority report. It was fairly covered in the 
consent of the committee to these gentlemen, and I therefore 
hope the Convention will also receive the report of the delegate 
from Kansas as a minority of the Committee on Credentials. 

The PRESIDENT Is it the pleasure of the Convention that a sec- 
ond minority report shall be received? 

[Yes.] 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, Mr. President, at the request of Mr. 
Insley, the member from Kansas on the Committee on Creden- 
tials, I present a minority report prepared by him, and I will read 
it to the Convention: 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 205 

"The undersigned respectfully desires to present a minority re- 
port from the Committee on Credentials, of which he is a member, 
in relation to the admission of the delegates from the Territories 
of Nebraska, Colorado and Nevada, to seats and votes in this Con- 
vention. Differing with the majority of the Committee only on 
this point, it is fitting that I present my reasons for the course 
herein urged. 

"First and foremost is the fact that the three Territories named 
are about to pass from the territorial condition of dependence on 
the General Government to that of State sovereignties, subordi- 
nate only to the supre'me law and necessities of the nation, the 
present Congress' having passed enabling acts, whereby these 
Territories receive a pledge of admission into the Federal Union, 
provided only they come clothed in the robes of freedom; and the 
people of these Territories having gladly accepted the supreme 
condition, are even now engaged in the work of State organiza- 
tion, with a fair prospect of completing the same in time to wheel 
into line with the other loyal States, and, by voting for the nomi- 
nees of the Union party, aid politically, as they have already 
done materially and by arms, in the establishment of the 
national authority, and securing the perpetuity of the Union. 

"Secondly, the recognition of the delegates from those Territo- 
ries, by this Convention, will very materially aid the party of na- 
tionality and freedom in those communities. 

"Our interests lie with the movements now being made, under 
the authority of Congress, for their organization and admission. 
It is our duty, both asloj^al men seeking the supreme good of the 
nation, and as members of a great party having that end for its 
primary purpose, to give all the aid and strength we legitimately 
may for the furtherance of that object. It is believed that the re- 
cognition of these delegates will materially benefit our cause as 
well as the State movements now pending. The loyalty of these 
Territories none can question. Nebraska has sent her citizens to 
the field, and from Donelson to Chattanooga their courage and 
sacrifices have been freely offered. Colorado makes the proud 
boast of never having had a Copperhead in her Territorial Legis- 
lature. She has a prouder boast than this, in that campaign 
where her volunteers won such imperishable honors, saving 
thereby the immensely important mountain Territories of the 
far West from being overrun by the Texan, rebels, and securing 
uninterrupted our communications with the Pacific. 

"For Nevada, let the treasury of the Sanitary Commission speak 
in praise. Under the wise rule of Governor Nye, that distant ter- 
ritory is emerging as not only one of the richest but one of the 
most loyal States. 

"For these reasons, I urge the admission of these gentlemen 
with all the rights of delegates, into this Convention. Let me re- 
fer you, as a precedent for such action, to the course taken in rela- 
tion to that State Kansas which I have the honor in part to 
represent here. The Republican Convention of 1856 admitted its 
delegates to seats and votes. It was then seeking admission into 
the Union under what was known as the Topeka constitution. 
Again, at Chicago, in 1860, was the same course adopted. Its ad- 
mission was pending before Congress, nor was it recognized as a 
State until the party of freedom, under the lead of Abraham Lin- 
coln, obtained power. 



206 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

"It will not do in this hour, with this precedent, with the facts 
before us, and the strong" probability presented by these commu- 
nities of being- enabled to swell the vote of the next President of 
the United States, Abraham Lincoln, by the welcome addition of 
three members of the Electoral College, to ignore the claims of 
Nebraska, Colorado, and Nevada. M. H. INSLEY. 

Mr. Preston King, of New York, Mr. President and gentlemen of 
the Convention, the paper which I read to you was the report to 
which the majority of the committee, the large majority I may 
say, agreed, and the papers which have since been read embody 
the conclusions to which the gentlemen who have made these 
other reports came, dissenting from that majority. There was 
scarcely any proposition upon which some member did not 
dissent. I propose, upon three propositions on which I dis- 
sented, to make a motion to amend the original report, as a 
substitute for both propositions that have come in ; and I shall 
move to amend because I determined that I would not make a 
minority report. I move, in the first place, as a substitute for 
the propositien of the report in regard to the Missouri case, 
the following : 

"That the delegation, known as 'The Unconditional Union 
Delegation' from Missouri, be admitted as delegates with 'The 
Radical Union Delegation' from that State, and that where the 
delegations agree they shall cast the vote to which the State is 
entitled, and where they do not agree the vote of the State shall 
not be cast." 

The majority report, it will be remembered, proposes to ad- 
mit the delegates from certain States, and the Territories and 
District of Columbia, without the right of voting. I propose 
to amend it by providing that all the delegates who shall be 
admitted to this Convention shall be entitled to vote, and to 
all the rights and privileges of delegates without any excep- 
tion, but that the District of Columbia and the Territories re- 
spectively shall be entitled to but two votes, and that no State, 
District or Territory shall be allowed to cast more votes than 
it has delegates present in the Convention, and in no case 
more than it is entitled to under the rules of the Convention. 
These are the amendments which I offer as substitutes for the 
propositions of the committee. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair understands that the question be- 
fore the Convention is upon the majority report and upon such 
amendments to that report as may be proposed in their order. A 
minority report as such cannot be received. Any amendment in 
a minority report may be offered in the form of an amendment to 
the propositions of the majority report. The question is now 
upon the amendments offered by Mr. King, in the order in which 
he has presented them. Before the question is put to the Conven- 
tion, however, the Chair desires to say that he has been informed 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 207 

by one of the gentlemen, belonging- to the so-called Unconditional 
Union Delegation of Missouri, that he desires to be heard by the 
Convention before a vote shall be taken upon the report of the 
committee. If it is the pleasure of the Convention to hear him, 
they will so signify. 

The question being put, the Convention refused to hear the 
gentleman. 

Mr. C. C. Sholes, of Wisconsin, I ask the gentleman from New 
York to withdraw his amendment so that we may consider one 
question at a time. I prefer first to take the vote on admitting 
the delegates from the seceded states; next in regard to the State 
of Missouri; and next in regard to the territories and the District 
of Columbia. I think it will be impracticable to consider all 
these three questions together. 

Mr. Preston King, of New York, I prefer that the vote shall be 
taken together. I desire to say a very few words upon the ques- 
tion. Any member of the Convention, I suppose, has a right to 
call for a division of a proposition which is divisible. It is his 
right, and he had better make the call himself rather than request 
me to do it. 

Mr. C. C. Sholes, of Wisconsin, in order that we may have a 
properly constituted Convention, I desire to move first that that 
portion of the report of the Committee which has been unani- 
mously presented, be adopted by this Convention. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair thinks that the amendments pro- 
posed by the gentleman from New York are susceptible of a 
division. 

Mr. Preston King, of New York, when a call is made for a 
division. 

Mr. A. H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, I suggest to the gentleman 
from New York that he withdraw his proposition until the report 
of the Committee on Credentials be adopted, so far as relates to 
the uncontested seats, because, before we get through with these 
questions, we may have to call the yeas and nays, or take a vote 
by states, and to do that we should have a Convention to vote. 

Mr. President, does the gentleman from New York withdraw 
his proposition for the present? 

Mr. Preston King, of New York, I prefer not to withdraw the 
motion, because I do not wish to lose the order in which the 
questions stand; but, to obviate all difficulty about that, as I have 
a right to modify my own motion, I move first that that portion 
of the report be adopted which relates to the uncontested seats 
of delegates, as reported by the majority of the committee. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair will put the question on that 
motion. 

The motion was agreed to. 



208 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Mr. Preston King,of New York, the motion which has just been 
adopted, refers to delegations from States which are uncontested, 
and now we come to the other questions. The majority of the 
committee propose that the Radical Union Delegation from the 
State of Missouri, and they only shall be admitted as the dele- 
gates of that State. I propose to amend this clause of the report 
so as to read: 

"That the delegation known as 'The Unconditional Union Dele- 
gation' from Missouri, be admitted with the delegates of 'The 
Radical Union Delegation,' and that where the delegations agree 
that they shall cast the vote of the State, and where they do not 
agree, the vote of the State shall not be cast." 

The PRESIDENT The question is on the amendment just read 
by the gentleman from New York. 

Mr. Preston King, of New York, Mr. President and gentlemen 
I think the suggestion of this proposition is all that is required 
by this Convention. Unless its suggestion is such as meets its 
approbation, no argument can carry it there. I make the sug- 
gestion, and simply say that in the spirit of brotherhood and 
union and harmony with which we come together here, and in 
the common determination that animates us all to sustain one 
another and to strike down our common enemy and to strike 
down nobody else, I have supposed it was \visest and best to ad- 
mit all these delegations as brethren [applause], with the powers 
and privileges that pertain to other delegates. I would not 
adopt all the propositions that I have made here, in ordinary 
times, and I do not propose that they shall be a precedent. I 
hope we shall never have a condition of affairs in this country 
(and I do not believe we ever shall) when things done now may 
properly be quoted as a precedent for thing's to be done then. I 
have stated my proposition ; I will not debate it. 

Mr. A. Brandagee, of Connecticut, Mr. President I was very much 
struck by the observation of the distinguished gentleman from 
New York (Mr. Raymond) yesterday, in a speech in which he 
evoked order out of chaos on this floor, in which he remarked 
that in the preliminary stages of this Convention we were a mob, 
a mere mass meeting a respectable mob to be sure but so far 
forth as parliamentary law was concerned, an unorganized body; 
but that the time would arrive when, after the report of the Com- 
mittee on Credentials, this mob would settle down into an order- 
ly, parliamentary, organized, deliberative assembly. Now, sir, 
the proposition of the distinguished Chairman of the Committee 
of which J have had the honor to be an humble member, proposes 
to reverse that order, and at the very moment when the mob is 
passing into a convention to resolve the convention back again 
into an unorganized mob, because it proposes to admit upon this 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 209 

floor not delegates but gentlemen (for they are all gentlemen, as 
I suppose) coming from States where the Federal Government sits 
upon its ironclads alone for protection, and can barely plant its 
foot upon the soil and territory of those States States that have 
been in rebellion from the beginning, and are now, and where the 
arm of the Federal Government scarcely extends over a rod of the 
surface. It proposes to admit delegates here from Territories 
that have no vote, and, in my humble judgment as a member of 
the House of Representatives, will have none between now and; 
the November election. 

The PRESIDENT The gentleman is not in order. The only ques- 
tion now is as to the Missouri delegation. 

Mr. A. Brandagee, of Connecticut, I understand that very well, 
and I am coming right to that now. With reference to this con- 
tested case from Missouri, there is a right and a wrong to it. 
There is a delegation here duly accredited, and there is but one. 
It is the duty of this Convention to ascertain which of these con- 
testants come here with the accredited credentials from some or- 
ganized party association in that State. Now I aver, and there is 
not a member upon the Committee who, after the six hours' ex- 
amination we have given to this question, will dispute the aver- 
ment, that the Radical Delegation of Missouri is the only delega- 
tion that represents here a party or a constituency in that State, 
or any respectable element in the National party of the country. 
[Great applause.] The Radical Delegation claiming seats here, 
proved before your Committee last evening that they represented 
the only Republican organization which existed at the time the 
Convention was called for sending delegates to this National 
Convention. There was no other party organization, except a 
rebel organization, existing in the State of Missouri at the time 
when their Convention was called to nominate State officers and 
send delegates here. The Convention was called, and it was held 
at Jefferson City, the seat of Government of Missouri. That Con- 
vention represented eighty-five counties in that State. Four hun- 
dred delegates appeared there, the largest delegate convention 
ever assembled, either in war or peace times, on the soil of Mis- 
souri. After that Convention had been called, and when every 
loyal man in the State of Missouri had an opportunity of sending 
his representatives there, and of having his wishes expressed, the 
"Claybank" faction of the State of Missouri, not satisfied with 
the call, not satisfied with the anticipated temper of the Conven- 
tion that was about to assemble, called a convention of their own.. 
And how was the call made? Did it proceed from any organiza- 
tion? Not at all. Certain gentlemen, respectable gentlemen, oc- 
cupying high positions in the nation and in the State to be sure,. 
14 



210 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 



together and signed a subscription paper, if it may be so 
-styled, in which they invited their fellow-citizens to meet at St. 
Louis; and what sort of a convention did they hold there? They 
had a convention in which it was stated before the Committee but 
five counties were represented, and the highest claim that was 
made, even by the friends of that delegation, was that there were 
one hundred and forty delegates in the Convention, other persons 
stating that there were but seventy-five delegates. The question 
for you to-day is whether you will perpetuate this feud in Mis- 
souri by admitting both these sets of delegates. Do that, and you 
will perpetuate it for all time to come, just as the Democratic Con- 
vention perpetuated the feud between Mozart and Tammany. Ex- 
clude those who have no right to be represented here and they 
must come in. 

The PRESIDENT The gentleman's time is out. 

Mr. R. J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, I move to amend the amend- 
ment offered by the gentleman from New York, so that, instead 
of silencing both parties from Missouri when they cannot agree, 
they may then divide the vote. The gentleman who has just ad- 
dressed the Convention, I understand, is from one of the extreme 
Northern States, Connecticut, and of course, therefore, all the 
statements of fact made by him in regard to this matter, are state- 
ments made at second hand. He has no personal knowledge of 
them except as they were detailed to the Committee of which he 
was a member. I also live remotely from Missouri, but a great 
deal nigher than he does. I suppose he will admit that Missouri 
and Kentucky, for good or for bad, are more alike, as well as that 
they are nigher together than either of them is nigh or like Con- 
necticut. I therefore suppose that my knowledge is as good as 
Ms, with the greatest possible respect both for his statement of 
facts and his statement of inference. I have not a particle of 
doubt, and say to you to-day, if I were in 1113^ old profession of the 
law, I would risk my head upon making twelve of you find that 
everything he has stated is either unfounded or utterly exagger- 
ated. Any twelve of you, if put in a jury box, would find that the 
facts were not so. If you pursue the course undertaken to be 
recommended by that gentleman, you will get Missouri into a 
condition, if possible, worse than it has already been in. But, for 
compromise's sake, if you choose to admit both delegations with- 
out entering into any question as to whether this or that is the 
right one, it appears to me that, as it is perfectly certain that one 
or the other is entitled to vote, it is absurd in us to undertake to 
silence a State that is truly represented here by somebody, and 
that the proper course would be for them, if they will agree, to 
take half of the vote of the State from each delegation. I, think 
.this is the only way to do under the circumstances. I suppose it 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 211 

would not be strictly in order for me to discuss the difference be- 
tween the amendment as proposed by me, and the proposition of 
the Committee. I will say one single thing more. My object is, 
if you let both in, not to silence both, but to let them divide their 
vote so that we can get the vote of the State, for undoubtedly the 
State is entitled to a representation here by somebody. Now, sir, 
this Convention is in one sense a Republican Convention, but in 
a very vague sense. I took occasion to say, in the remarks I made 
yesterday, that you had every sort of party men, and that you had 
every sort of no-party men that, in a word, we were all united 
upon the naked proposition to maintain the Union, and do it by 
whatever is absolutely necessary to be done in order to maintain 
that Union, and are willing to adjourn over all other questions 
that must come up in their course. 

Voices Order, order. The gentleman's time has expired. 

Mr. R. J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, gentlemen, I will make you 
a present of what else I should have said if I had had a chance 
[laughter]. 

The PRESIDENT The gentleman's time has expired. 

Mr. G. Volney Dorsey, of Ohio, I wish to make a few remarks on 
this subject, and I will not occupy over five minutes, which, by 
the rule of the Convention, is allowed to each member. I want to 
call attention to the fact that this Convention, for the purpose of 
deciding questions which could not be decided in mass conven- 
tion, appointed a Committee on Credentials, because they knew 
that the facts could be better judged of in the quiet of a small 
room, before a small number of persons, than in a mass conven- 
tion. Under the lead of the excellent Chairman of the Committee, 
the gentleman from New York, that Committee held a prolonged 
session of many hours. The Committee had brought before them 
gentlemen representing both of the contesting parties in the State 
of Missouri, and with care and deliberation they listened to the 
arguments of those contesting parties. The result drawn from 
the deliberations of that Committee, and based upon the state- 
ments made by the contesting parties from Missouri, this Con- 
vention has before it here this morning in the report of the ma- 
jority; and 1 beg leave to say to the Convention, with all respect 
to the Hon. Chairman, and without violating any of the proprie- 
ties of that Committee Room, that the very same proposition 
presented here before the Convention this morning by him, was 
presented before that committee and voted down ; and why so? 
Is it improper, then, to present the same question to this Conven- 
tion as a whole? Most assuredly not ; but remember that this 
Convention entrusted to that committee the care of deciding all 
these questions. They did decide. They agreed to the report of 
the majority. They voted down the very proposition which the 
Honorable Chairman now proposes to the Convention. 



212 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

The PRESIDENT Will Mr. Dorsey stop for a moment? The 
Chair did not call the g-entleman to order when he referred to the 
proceedings of the committee, in the hope that he would make a 
bare reference to them. The Chair now rules that it is not in or- 
der in a discussion in this Convention to refer to the proceedings 
of a committee. 

Mr.G.Volney Dorsey,of Ohio,then I will not do so. I only intended 
to add to what I have said, that the committee having- been en- 
trusted by this Convention to decide upon this important question 
were more competent to do so than a mass convention, for they 
have listened carefully to the contestants, and the opinions pre- 
sented by those persons who were set forward to speak as advo- 
cates of the contesting parties, and they have come carefully to 
the conclusion presented by the majority, and as such they feel 
willing to entrust the report of the majority to the sense and to 
the vote of the Convention. 

Mr. S. M. Breckinridge, of Missouri, Mr. President 

Several members Not on the roll. 

Mr. S. M. Breckinridge, of Missouri,! rise, gentlemen, not of my 
own choice 

Mr. A. Brandagee, of Connecticut, under what order of the Con- 
vention is the gentleman allowed to speak? 

The PRESIDENT Under the order of the Convention adopted 
yesterday. 

Mr. A. Brandagee, of Connecticut, allow me to suggest to the 
Chair that the credentials of the Missouri delegation were re- 
ferred to the committee. 

Mr. Geo. W. Curtis, of New York, I submit that this Convention 
is at present composed only of those delegates whose seats are 
without contest, and that has been decided by a vote taken this 
morning. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair was of the impression that a differ- 
ent rule had been adopted yesterday under the temporary ar- 
rangement, but the gentleman from New York is correct, and Mr. 
Curtis has the floor. 

Mr. Geo. W. Curtis, of New York, the Missouri question, Mr. 
President, is no new question, either to this Convention or to the 
country. It is a question which was almost coeval with that of 
the rebellion itself. It is a question, with the most profound 
deference to our eminent friend from Kentucky, which is well 
known in its details all over this country. The Missouri question 
is a question which must be met, which must be settled, and no 
where can it be met so well, and settled so conclusively, as in this 
National Convention of Union men of the country. [Great ap- 
plause.] Now then, sir, we yesterday appointed a committee, as 
the gentleman from Ohio has so well said, for the purpose of 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 213 

making all those inquiries of detail which it was impossible 
for this Convention to make, and we have the report of that com- 
mittee, so far as appears unanimous, with the exception of my 
honored friend from New York, that the Radical delegation from 
Missouri shall be admitted to this floor, with all the privileges of 
voting and all the other privileges of delegates. [Applause.] 
The question of fact so far as it may be hidden from us of the 
Convention, has been settled, has been reported upon by the 
committee. Now, then, we encounter the question as the Union 
men of the country, and I take my argument from the mouth of 
my most honored friend who has introduced this amendment. It 
is because we wish to strengthen the Union sentiment of this 
country ; it is because we wish, at this moment, to cheer and 
encourage the brave men with bared and bleeding breasts 
who are standing firm as the radical men in Missouri, from the 
beginning have stood firm for the great cause which under- 
lies this whole question. It is for that reason, sir, that I im- 
plore you, and I implore the Convention, to give no uncertain 
sound, but to let it ring out to Missouri, out to the Territories, 
back again to Maine and to the North, that we recognize the 
radicals of Missouri, who have always been true. I freely con- 
fess that we, of the North, have not had in our own persons all 
the bitter sufferings that all our friends in the Border States 
have had; yet I wish this report adopted, that we may be 
strengthened at home, that at the West and in the Northwest 
the union sentiment may be strengthened, that our army all 
along the line, with Sherman and Grant, may hear no uncertain 
sound from us at the rear ; because, as a practical fact, there is 
not a man in this Convention who does not know that the admis- 
sion of the radical delegation from Missouri is the practical 
settlement of that question, and the practical adhesion of the 
great Union party of this country to the policy with which they 
have been identified, and it is for that reason that I hope, sin- 
cerely, in the name of the Union, in the name of liberty, and for 
the sake of strengthening the loyal men of the land, the recom- 
mendation of my eminent friend from Kentucky will not prevail. 
[Great applause.] 

Mr. Daniel Mace, of Indiana, in order to facilitate the organiza- 
tion, and dispose of this question, I move to lay the proposed 
amendment on the table. 

The PRESIDENT Is the gentleman aware that his motion, if 
adopted, carries the whole subject to the table? 

Mr. Daniel Mace, of Indiana, I think not, according to the rules 
of the House of Representatives. Certainly, when I was a mem- 
ber of that House, a motion to lay an amendment on the table did 
not carry the original proposition. 



214 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

The PRESIDENT T*he Chair understands that to be the rule, and 
must so hold. 

Mr. N. B. Smithers, of Delaware, I suggest to the gentleman 
from Indiana to withdraw his motion and demand the previous 
question. 

Mr. Daniel Mace, of Indiana, I adopt that suggestion, and de- 
mand the previous question. 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, do I understand that 
the previous question is called on the whole proposition, or only 
on this amendment? 

Mr. Daniel Mace, of Indiana, on the amendment. 

The call for the previous question was sustained. 

The PRESIDENT The question is on the amendment of the gen- 
tleman from Kentucky (Mr. Breckinridge) to the amendment of 
the gentleman from New York (Mr. P. King-). 

The amendment to the amendment was rejected. 

The PRESIDENT The question before the Convention now is 
the amendment offered by Mr. King, of New York, to admit both 
delegations from Missouri. 

The question was put, and the amendment was rejected. 

Mr. Preston King, of New York, a division was called on my 
proposition. I made several distinct propositions. 

The PRESIDENT The Convention will understand that a divis- 
ion was called for on the amendment offered by the gentleman 
from New York. The first amendment has now been voted upon 
and decided in the negative. The question now before the House 
is upon the next amendment in the order of the division. 

Mr. R. J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, will the President state 
distinctly to us in what condition it leaves the original recom- 
mendation of the committee in regard to the Missouri delegation? 

The PRESIDENT The Chair was misled. He was of the impres- 
sion that there was another amendment relating to the Missouri 
question, but it seems there is not, and therefore the question 
now is directly upon the report of the committee directly on the 
Missouri question. 

Mr. R. J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, I wish to say one word on 
that question. 

Several delegates Debate is not in order. 

The PRESIDENT Under the rule, Dr. Breckinridge, you cannot 
speak to this question. 

Mr. R. J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, I have not spoken to this 
question. 

The PRESIDENT The main question is now before the House. 
Debate is out of order. The question is whether the Convention 
will agree to the report of the majority of the committee in refer- 
ence to the delegation from Missouri. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 215 

Mr. R. J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, I submit that the previous 
question was not in force when I claimed the floor, and therefore 
I have a right to be heard. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair understands the previous question 
to have applied to the whole report. 

Mr. R. J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, only to the amendment. I 
wish to say a single sentence, that is all. I do not wish to be 
gagged. 

The PRESIDENT There is obviously a misapprehension as to 
what is before the Convention, growing doubtless out of the con- 
fusion of the Chair itself. Allow me, therefore, to say that the 
question now before the Convention is, under the operation of 
the previous question, upon that part of the report of the majority 
of the committee which relates to the Missouri case. 

Mr. Campbell Tarr, of West Virginia, called for a vote by states. 

The PRESIDENT The Secretary will proceed to call the roll of 
the states on this question. 

Mr. R. J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, I rise to a question of order. 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, I rise, sir, to a personal 
explanation. By the rules of the House of Representatives, the 
present rules differing from what they were formerly, when the 
previous question is called on an amendment, it applies only to 
the amendment, and does not extend to the original proposition. 
It was for that reason, that when the gentleman from Indiana 
called for the previous question, I inquired of him if it was to 
apply only to the amendment, and I understood him to reply that 
it was. 

The PRESIDENT The gentleman from Pennsylvania informs 
the Chair that there has been a change in the rules of the House 
of Representatives in regard to the effect of the previous question; 
that the previous question being called and sustained, applies 
only to the amendment then under consideration. 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, if so called. 

The PRESIDENT That being the rule, the previous question 
does not apply to so much of the report of the majority of the 
committee as relates to the Missouri case, andthegentleman from 
Kentucky is entitled to the floor upon that question. 

Mr. R. J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, I wish to make but a single 
remark upon this question. If I understand what you are about 
to do, the vote which you will now give (and with your present 
temper I have no doubt you will give it), a delegation from a party 
in Missouri, whose main business for the past two years has been 
to support and sustain the President of the United States, whom 
we are about to nominate by acclamation, will be refused seats 
here. The delegates whom you are about to admit, are sent here 
by a convention that put before the people a platform, which 



216 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

platform, as I understand the English language, put their sup- 
port on the condition that the President of the United States will 
agree to be brow-beaten by them. I will not vote to say that any 
such delegation from any such party is the sole delegation from 
the State of Missouri. Least of all will I do it as a Union-Lincoln 
man, favorable to the Union-Lincoln cause in the State of Missouri, 
and I tell you here to-day, that if you give this vote and do this 
thing, you will, if you will allow a Presbyterian preacher to say 
so, come as nigh to playing the devil as any setof gentleman ever 
did with their eyes blindfolded. 

Mr. A. Brandagee, of Connecticut, I call for the previous ques- 
tion upon that part of the majority report which refers to the 
Missouri case. 

The call was sustained. 

The PRESIDENT The proposition is, that the Radical Delegates 
from Missouri be admitted as full delegates on this floor. Upon 
this question there has been a call for a vote by states, and the 
Secretary will proceed to call the roll. 

The roll was called with the following result: 

Ayes. Nays. Ayes. Nays. 

Maine. 14 .. Indiana 26 

New Hampshire 10 Illinois 32 



Vermont 10 

Massachusetts 24 

Rhode Island 8 

Connecticut 12 

New York 66 

New Jersey 14 

Pennsylvania 49 

Delaware... 6 



Michigan 16 

Wisconsin 16 

Iowa 16 

Minnesota 8 

California 10 

Oregon 6 

West Virginia 10 

Kansas 6 



Maryland 14 

Kentucky 21 1 440 4 

Ohio 42 

The PRESIDENT The result is to admit the Radical Delegation 
from Missouri as the full delegation from that State. [Vociferous 
applause.] The next question is on the amendment offered by the 
gentleman from New York, in regard to the other States and Ter- 
ritories, which he will read. 

Mr. Preston King, of New York, the proposition was divided on 
the call of some gentleman. This is the next clause which I pro- 
pose: 

"That the delegates admitted to this Convention from Virginia, 
Tennessee, Louisiana, Florida and Arkansas, and from all the or- 
ganized Territories and the District of Columbia, shall be allowed 
all the privileges of delegates, including the right to vote; but 
that the Territories and the District of Columbia shall be allowed 
two votes only; and that no State or Territory shall be allowed to 
cast more votes than it has delegates present, or more than it 
would be entitled to under the rules of the Convention." 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, I understand that prop- 
osition to embrace all the amendments the gentleman from New 
York has to offer. Ami-right? 

Mr. Preston King, of New York, yes, sir. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 217 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, then the question conies 
between that and the majority report, and I believe we are pretty 
much disposed to sustain the Committee all the way through. L 
call, therefore, for the previous question on the whole subject. 

Mr. C. Walborn, of Pennsylvania, I desire to say a word at this 
stag-e. . 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, it is out of order. I have 
called for the previous question. 

Mr. C. Walborn, of Pennsylvania, do I understand that I cannot 
make a remark at this time? 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, it is not in order. 

Mr. C. Walborn, of Pennsylvania, may I not ask to have the call 
withdrawn ? 

The PRESIDENT The Chair will state the question. The major- 
ity report recommends that the delegates from the several States 
and Territories named shall be admitted with the rights of dele- 
gates, except that they shall not be allowed to vote. The amend- 
ment proposes to add to those privileges that of voting. Upon 
this question the previous question has been called, which, if 
sustained, will bring the Convention to a vote directly upon the 
amendment offered by the gentlemen from New York. 

The call for the previous question was sustained. 

The PRESIDENT The question is on the amendment offered by 
the gentleman from New York. 

The question was put and the amendment was rejected. 

Several delegates called for a vote by States. 

Mr. A. H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, the call is too late. 

The PRESIDENT -The question before the Convention now is 
upon the original report of the committee. 

Several Delegates We want to know if Tennessee and Louisiana 
are included in this vote. 

The PRESIDENT I must ask the gentleman from New York to 
read the portion of the report. 

Mr. Preston King, of New York, all the clauses of the majority 
report have been agreed to, except the following: 

"That the delegations from Virginia, Tennessee, Louisiana, 
Florida and Arkansas be admitted with all the rights and priv- 
ileges of delegates to this Convention, except the right to vote. 
That the delegation asking admission from South Carolican be 
not admitted to the Convention. That the delegations from the 
organized Territories, and from the District of Columbia, be ad- 
mitted to the Convention with all the rights and privileges of 
delegates, except the right to vote." 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I ask for a division of the question. 

The PRESIDENT I understand the call of the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania for the previous question to apply to all the mat- 
ters relating to this subject. 



218 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, precisely. 
The PRESIDENT- The debate is not in order. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I do not propose to debate, but I rise 
to a question of privilege. I ask for the division of the question, 
so that there may be a separate vote taken on the admission of 
Tennessee, Arkansas and Louisiana, and on the admission of 
Nevada, Nebraska and Colorado. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair rules that under the call of the 
previous question a division is not in order, but the Convention 
is brought to a direct vote on the entire question. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I appeal from the decision of the 
Chair. I appeal to every parliamentarian in this body if the de- 
cision is not an error. The previous question brings the House 
to a direct vote upon the question, but the proposition before the 
house is divisible at any period before the vote is taken. ["That's 
right."] 

The PRESIDENT The Chair has no pride of opinion to consult 
on this question. The only object of the Chair is to conform to 
the rules adopted by the Convention. The Chair has made this 
decision because he thinks it is right. The Chair has no objection 
to the appeal. But if there be any parliamentarian in the Conven- 
tion who can speak from his knowledge of parliamentary law as 
applicable to this Convention, acting under the rules of the House 
of Representatives, the Chair will be very glad to hear his expla- 
nation, and to correct the decision, if it be wrong. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I understand that Mr. Grow, who was 
for some years Speaker of the House of Representatives, is here, 
and I am perfectly willing to take his opinion on this question. 

The PRESIDENT If the Chair is wrong, he will be happy to be 
corrected by Mr. Grow. 

Mr. G. A. Grow, of Pennsylvania, I will state to the Chair that, 
during the last Congress, the rules of the House of Representa- 
tives were amended so as to allow the division of a question at 
any time before a vote. Previous to that time, the decision must 
have been demanded before the call of the previous question was 
sustained, or it could not be divided. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair very cheerfully accepts the sugges- 
tion of the late Speaker of the House of Representatives, and 
therefore entertains the call of the gentleman from Kansas for a 
division of the question; but as the House is acting under the 
' previous question, there can, of course, be no debate. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, the course of the Senate is that a 
Senator rises in his place and asks for a separate vote on any 
particular portion of a question which is capable of division. I 
now ask that the question may be taken on the general report, 
reserving a separate vote upon the States and Territories I have 
named. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 219 

The PRESIDENT Does the gentleman propose to take a separ- 
ate vote on each State and Territory? 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, all I want is a separate vote as to Ten- 
nessee, Louisiana and Arkansas, and as to Nebraska, Colorado 
and Nevada. 

The PRESIDENT Does the gentleman propose that there shall 
be a vote taken on each? 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, no; but let the question be taken 
separately. These three states stand in the same relation, as I 
understand. At the suggestion of my friends, I will ask for a 
separate vote first on the States of Tennessee, Louisiana and Ar- 
kansas. I will then ask for a separate vote upon the Territories 
that are organizingState governments, namely, Nevada, Nebraska 
and Colorado, and I desire to have the vote in each case taken by 
States. 

The PRESIDENT The question then will be first in regard to the 
States of Arkansas, Tennessee and Louisiana, and upon that 
question a call is made for a vote by States. 

Mr. C. M. Allen, of Indiana, I ask for a further division of the 
question, so that the vote shall first be taken upon Tennessee 
separately. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair will entertain that division. The 
question now before the Convention is in regard to Tennessee. 

Mr. George William Curtis, of New York, do I understand that 
the question now to be submitted is whether the delegation from 
Tennessee shall be admitted to this floor with all the privileges 
of delegates, including the right to vote? 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, certainly. 

Several delegates No, no. 

Mr. George William Curtis, of New York, I ask the Chair if that 
is the question. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair has already stated that the report 
of the majority of the committee, as he is instructed by the chair- 
man of that committee, is that the Tennessee delegates be admit- 
ted without the right to vote, but with all other rights; and so of 
these other states. 

Mr. E. F. Drake, of Ohio, the question before us was on agreeing 
to the report of the majority of the committee, which excluded the 
delegations from these several states from voting. To that the 
gentleman from New York moved an amendment that the State 
and Territorial delegates be allowed to vote. Upon that question 
a vote was taken, and the result was announced by the Chair, 
pending which a division was demanded. The Chair ruled the 
division to be out of order, and afterwards reversed the decision. 
The question as it now stands is upon voting on the amendment 
of the gentleman from New York in reference to the State of Ten- 
nessee separately. 



220 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

The PRESIDENT Do I understand the gentleman from Kansas 
aright, that he did not propose to allow the delegates to vote? [ 
understood him to move a division of the question upon these 
several States and Territories, leaving them in the condition re- 
ported by the committee, that is to say, that their delegates 
should not be entitled to vote. 

Mr. J. H. I/ane, of Kansas, the chairman of the committee moved 
an amendment to give the delegates from several States and 
Territories the right to vote; That question is pending. When 
the gentleman from Pennsylvania moved the previous question, 
I asked for a division of the proposition, and, as I understand, if 
the motion that I have made prevails, it gives to the State of Ten- 
nessee, the State of Louisiana and the State of Arkansas, and the 
Territories of Nebraska, Colorado and Nevada, a delegation here 
with a right to vote. 

The PRESIDENT The motion of the gentleman from Kansas is 
that this division shall be upon the amendment offered by the 
gentleman from New York, the effect of which, if carried, will be 
to give a vote to each of the delegates named by him. Upon this 
question a vote by States has been called. Those in favor of ad- 
mitting the delegation from Tennessee upon this floor with a 
right to vote, will say ' aye," and those who are opposed to it will 
say " no." The Secretary will proceed to call the roll. 

The roll was called, with the following result: 

Ayes. Nays. Ayes. Nays. 

Maine 3 11 Ohio 42 

New Hampshire 10 Indiana 24 2 

Vermont 2 8 Illinois 32 

Massachusetts 24 Michigan 2 14 

lihode Island 2 6 vVisconsin .' 15 

Connecticut 10 2 Iowa 9 

New York 66 .. Minnesota I 7 

New Jersey 14 .. California 10 

Pennsylvania 31 2t Oregon 6 .. 

Delaware 1 4 West Virginia 10 

Maryland 1 13 Kansas 6 

Missouri 19 3 

Kentucky 4 18 310 151 

[New York at first voted 48 ayes, 18 nays; Missouri 4 ayes, 16 
nays; Indiana 18 ayes, 8 nays; Illinois 32 nays, and California 8 
ayes, 2 nays, but changed their votes before the result was an- 
nounced, as above stated. 

The PRESIDENT The amendment of the gentleman from Kan- 
sas has been agreed to, and now the question before the Conven- 
tion is upon the proposition as amended to admit the delegates 
from Tennessee with the right to vote. 

The motion was agreed to, with deafening applause. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair will now ask the chairman of the 
delegation from Tennessee to advise the Chair of the number and 
the names of the delegates from that State to be entered on the 
roll. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 221 

Mr. Horace Maynard, of Tennessee, the number of delegates 
present from the State at large and the several districts, some of 
which are represented by a single delegate only, is fifteen. I 
might give the reason for that particular number, but it would 
not inform the Convention or the President. The fact is, that 
there is that number of delegates present. Mr. President, I am 
instructed by this delegation to express to the Convention their 
profound sense of gratitude for this expression of confidence in 
the patriotism, the loyalty and the devotion to country of our 
constituents at home [applause], to whose breasts this vote will 
carry a joy second only to that of a great victory upon the field 
of arms. [Great applause.] 

The PRESIDENT The Chair understands the chairman of the 
delegation from Tennessee to report that there are fifteen dele- 
gates present from that State. The chairman will please send 
their names on paper to the Secretary, that they may be enrolled. 
Mr. Horace Maynard, of Tennessee, certainly. 
Mr. A. H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, may I inquire of the gentle- 
man from Tennessee whether they represent fifteen congressional 
districts? 

The PRESIDENT Each district has two delegates, the gentleman 
is aware. 

Mr. A. H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, I am aware of that, but I de- 
sire to know how many congressional districts they represent. 

Mr. Horace Maynard. of Tennessee, a portion of them represent 
the State at large, and the remainder represent the several dis- 
tricts into which the State is divided. One district has one rep- 
resentative, and the others have two. The reason for this pecu- 
liar number is well known. The State of Tennessee in the electoral 
college would be entitled, if admitted to the college, to ten votes, 
two for her senators and eight for her representatives in Con- 
gress. That would entitle her to twenty votes here if her delega- 
tion was full. A portion of the present delegation were elected 
to represent the State at large, another portion to represent the 
several districts, and one district is represented by but a single 
delegate. The district in which I myself reside, I representing 
the State at large, is represented in the person of my friend, the 
Rev. Dr. Brownlow. [Applause.] These facts will be presented 
to the Secretary of the Convention, so that the matter may be per- 
fectly understood. 

The PRESIDENT The question now is upon the admission 
Mr. C. Delano, of Ohio, I rise to make an inquiry, through the 
Chair, of the gentleman from Kansas, and it is whether he is not 
willing now, after the expression of opinion that he has had from 
the Convention, to withdraw his proposition for a further divis- 
ion, and permit us to come to a settlement of this question by a 
single vote. 



222 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I was on my feet to make that very 
suggestion. We have admitted Tennessee without a State organ- 
ization, Louisiana and Arkansas have full State organizations, 
and I was about to move, and I will move, with the approbation 
of the Convention, that Arkansas and Louisiana be admitted by 
acclamation. 

The PRESIDENT The motion is not in order, except by the uni- 
versal consent of the Convention. 

Several Delegates objected. 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, I will call for a vote by 
States on this question. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair will state the question. The mo- 
tion is that the delegates from Arkansas and Louisiana be admit- 
ted to this Convention with the full rights of delegates, including 
the right to vote, upon which the gentleman from Pennsylvania 
calls for a vote by States. Is that call seconded? [Yes.] The roll 
will be called, and those in favor of admitting the delegates from 
Arkansas and Louisiana, with the full rights of delegates, includ- 
ing the right to vote, will say "aye," and those who are against it 
will say "no." 

The vote was taken, with the following result: 

A.yes. Nays. Ayes. Nays. 

Maine 3 11 Chip 42 

New Hampshire 10 Indiana 22 4 

Vermont 5 5 Illinois 32 

Massachusetts 24 Michigan 10 

Rhode Island 1 Wisconsin 15 

Connecticut 10 Iowa U 

New York Bt 3 Minnesota 

NewJersey 14 California 6 4 

Pennsylvania 5 47 Oregon.... . 

Delaware West Virginia 10 

Maryland 1 Kansas 6 

Missouri 17 5 

Tennessee 15 . Total 307 167 

Kentucky 12 10 

The announcement of the result was received with great ap- 
plause. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair will now request the chairmen of 
the delegations from the States of Arkansas and Louisiana to 
furnish the Secretary with a list and number of the delegation 
from those two States. 

Mr. A. H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, I suggest, also, that they fur- 
nish a list of the congressional districts represented. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair should first put the question on the 
motion as amended, the amendment only having been adopted. 
The motion as amended is, that the delegates from Arkansas and 
Louisiana be admitted with the right to vote. 

The motion was agreed to. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 223 

The PRESIDENT The next question before the Convention re- 
lates to the Territories of Nebraska, Colorado and Nevada; and it 
is moved that the delegates present from those three Territories 
be admitted to all the rights of delegates in this Convention, in- 
cluding the right to vote. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, these three Territories are in course 
of organization as States, and will cast their votes for the nomi- 
nees of this Convention at the November election. The day of 
election for the State organization of those Territories is fixed for 
the second Tuesday of September. 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, I call the gentleman to 
order. He knows that we are acting under the previous question. 
The PRESIDENT The motion is to admit the delegates from 
these three territories, with the right to vote. 
The motion was agreed to 

The PRESIDENT The question now before the Convention is on 
the remaining portion of the majority report. 

Mr. J. Y. Scammon, of Illinois, I wish to know what, in the re- 
port, is done with Virginia and South Carolina. 

The PRESIDENT The Chairman of the committee will read the 
report in regard to that matter. 

Mr. Preston King, of New York, the parts of the majority report 
which have not been acted upon, and have not been covered by 
the amendments made, propose to admit the delegates from Vir- 
ginia and Florida without the right to vote, and to reject the 
delegates from South Carolina. It also admits the delegates from 
all the organized territories, without the right to vote. 

Mr. Campbell Tarr, of West Virginia, I move that the report be 
amended by allowing the delegates from the State of Virginia to 
vote. Virginia has been put upon the back seat; and when dele- 
gates have been admitted from the other States, and even from 
Territories, I think she is certainly entitled to n place in the list. 
Mr. J. A. J. Creswell, of Maryland, I rise to a point of order. I 
make the point that the call for the previous question having been 
sustained, the amendment is not in order. 
The PRESIDENT The point of order is well taken. 
Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, I move to reconsider the 
vote ordering the previous question, so as to allow amendments 
to be made. I think all ought now to come in alike. I move, 
therefore, to reconsider the vote ordering the previous question. 
The motion to reconsider was not agreed to. 

Mr. C. M. Allen, of Indiana, what disposition does the report 
make of New Mexico and the District of Columbia? 

Mr. Preston King, of New York, it admits their delegates to the 
Convention, with all the privileges of delegates, except that of 
voting. 



224 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Mr. E. D. Smith, of South Carolina, I ask, as chairman of the 
delegation sent here from South Carolina, whether or not it is in 
order for that delegation to be heard in favor of the claims of that 
State here, and whether it is not in order to make a motion to 
amend the report of the committee which rejects those delegates 
from the floor altogether. I wish to know whether I may not be 
allowed to advocate the right of that delegation to appear before 
this Convention to sit upon the floor without the privilege of 
voting, the same as the District of Columbia? 

The PRESiDENT-The Chair will inform the gentleman that,under 
the operation of the previous question, such a motion is out of 
order. The question before the Convention now is, as stated by 
the Chair, the adoption of the report of the majority of the com- 
mittee, as amended. 

The report was adopted. 

Mr. M. B. Lowry, of Pennsylvania, addressed the Chair, and was 
recognized. 

Mr. Campbell Tarr, of West Virginia, I wish to know where the 
State of Virginia stands in this Convention? 

The PRESIDENT Precisely where the committee reported that 
it should stand. The delegates are admitted without the right to 
vote. 

Mr. Campbell Tarr, of West Virginia. I move a reconsideration. 
I demand that the State of Virginia shall have a right to vote on 
this floor. 

The PRESIDENT The gentleman is not in order. Mr. Lowry, of 
Pennsylvania, is entitled to the floor. 

Mr. M. B. Lowry, of Pennsylvania, I rise to inquire how many 
delegates are reported as coming from Nebraska, and who they 
are. I am not aware that there are two sets of delegates from 
that Territory. 

The PRESIDENT The chairman of the delegation from Nebraska 
has not yet reported the list of delegates. He will please send 
his list to the Chair, as will the chairmen of the other territorial 
delegations. 

Mr. J. F. Hanks, of Arkansas, my origin was in New York, but I 
have lived in Arkansas for twenty-seven years, and I claim that 
we have a right to be taken to the bosom and under the protection 
of the Stars and Stripes. We thank the Convention for having ad- 
mitted us to seats. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I move that the Committee on Reso- 
lutions be called upon to make their report. 

Mr. A. Brandagee, of Connecticut, do I understand that the re- 
port of the Committee on Credentials has been adopted? 
The PRESIDENT It has been adopted as amended. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 225 

Mr. J. J. Stewart, of Maryland, as one \vho voted for the adoption 
of that report for the purpose of moving a reconsideration, I now 
rise to make that motion, and I will state my reason for so doing-. 
Arkansas, Louisiana and Tennessee have been admitted, but 
Virginia has been excluded. ["Order, order."] 

The .PRESIDENT The gentleman is not in order. The gentleman 
from Kansas has made a motion calling for the report of the 
Committee on Resolutions. The Chair rules that to be in order, 
and the question is on that motion. 

The motion was agreed to. 

RESOLUTIONS. 

Mr. Henry J. Raymond, of New York, I am instructed by the 
Committee on Resolutions and Platform to present for the con- 
sideration and action of this convention the following series of 
resolutions : 

1. Resolved, That it is the highest duty of every American citi- 
zen to maintain against all their enemies the integrity of the 
Union and the paramount authority of the Constitution and laws 
of the United States ; and that, laying aside all differences of 
political opinion, we pledge ourselves, as Union men, animated 
by a common sentiment and aiming at a common object, to do 
everything in our power to aid the Government in quelling by 
force of arms the Rebellion now raging against its authority, 
and in bringing to the punishment due to their crimes the Rebels 
and traitors arrayed against it. [Prolonged applause.] 

2. Resolved, That we approve the determination of the Govern- 
ment of the United States not to compromise with Rebels, or to 
offer them any terms of peace, except such as may be based upon 
an unconditional surrender of their hostility and a return to 
their just allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United 
States, and that we call upon the Government to maintain this 
position, and to prosecute the war with the utmost possible vigor 
to the complete suppression of the Rebellion, in full reliance 
upon the self-sacrificing patriotism, the heroic valor and the 
undying devotion of the American people to their country and 
its free institutions. [Applause.] 

3. Resolved, That as slavery was the cause, and now constitutes 
the strength of this Rebellion, and as it must be, always and 
everywhere, hostile to the principles of Republican Government, 
justice and the National safety demand its utter and complete 
extirpation from the soil of the Republic [applause] : and that, 
while we uphold and maintain the acts and proclamations by 
which the Government, in its own defence, has aimed a death- 
blow at this gigantic evil, we are in favor, furthermore, of such 
an amendment to the Constitution, to be made by the people in 
conformity with its provisions, as shall terminate and forever 
prohibit the existence of Slavery within the limits or the juris- 
diction of the United States. [Tremendous applause, the dele- 
gates rising and waving their hats.] 

4. Resolved, That the thanks of the American people are due to 
the soldiers and sailors of the Army and Navy [applause], who 
have periled their lives in defence of their countrj- and in vindi- 

15 



226 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

cation of the honor of its flag' ; that the nation owes to them some 
permanent recognition of their patriotism and their valor, 
and ample and permanent provision for those of their sur- 
vivors who have received disabling and honorable wounds in the 
service of the country ; and that the memories of those who have 
fallen in its defence shall be held in grateful and everlasting 
remembrance. [Loud applause and cheers.] 

5. Resolved, That we approve and applaud the practical wis- 
dom, the unselfish patriotism and unswerving fidelity to the 
Constitution and the principles of American liberty, with which 
ABRAHAM LINCOLN has discharged, under circumstances of un- 
paralleled difficulty, the great duties and responsibilities of the 
Presidential office ; that we approve and endorse, as demanded 
by the emergency and essential to the preservation of the nation 
and as within the provisions of the Constitution, the measures 
and acts which he has adopted to defend the nation against its 
open and secret foes ; that we approve, especially, the Proclama- 
tion of Emancipation, and the employment as Union soldiers of 
men heretofore held in slavery [applause] ; and that we have full 
confidence in his determination to carry these and all other Con- 
stitutional measures essential to the salvation of the country 
into full and complete effect. [Vociferous applause.] 

6. Resolved, That we deem it essential to the general welfare 
that harmony should prevail in the National Councils, and we 
regard as worthy of public confidence and official trust those 
only who cordially endorse the principles proclaimed in these 
resolutions, and which should characterize the administration of 
the government. [Applause.] 

7. Resolved, That the Government owes to all men employed 
in its armies, without regard to distinction of color, the full pro- 
tection of the laws of war [applause] and that any violation of 
these laws, or of the usages of civilized nations in time of war, by 
the Rebels now in arms, should be made the subject of prompt 
and full redress. [Prolonged applause.] 

8. Resolved, That foreign immigration, which in the past has 
added so much to the wealth, development of resources and 
increase of power to this nation, the asylum of the oppressed of 
all nations, should be fostered and encouraged by a liberal and 
just policy. [Applause.] 

9. Resolved, That we are in favor of the speedy construction of 
the railroad to the Pacific coast. [Applause.] 

10. Resolved, That the National faith, pledged for the redemp- 
tion of the public debt, must be kept inviolate, and that for this 
purpose we recommend economy and rigid responsibility in the 
public expenditures, and a vigorous and just system of taxation; 
and that it is the duty of every loyal state to sustain the credit 
and promote the use of the National currency. [Applause.] 

11. Resolved, That we approve the position taken by the Gov- 
ernment that the people of the United States can never regard 
with indifference the attempt of any European Power to over- 
throw by force or to supplant by fraud the institutions of any 
Republican Government on the Western Continent [prolonged 
applause] and that they will view with extreme jealousy, as 
menacing to the peace and independence of their own country, 
the efforts of any such power to obtain new footholds for Monar- 
chial Governments, sustained by foreign military force, in near 
proximity to the United States. [Long-continued applause.] 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 227 

Mr. C. S. Bushnell, of Connecticut, those resolutions are their 
own argument. I move their adoption by acclamation. 
The motion was agreed to, amid enthusiastic applause. 

NOMINATION OF PRESIDENT. 

Mr. C. Delano, of Ohio, I move that this Convention now pro- 
ceed to the nomination of candidates for Presideut and Vice- 
President of the United States. .[Great applause.] 

Mr. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, I move, as a substitute 
for the motion of the gentleman from Ohio, the following : 

"Resolved, That ABRAHAM LINCOLN, of Illinois [great ap- 
plause], be declared the choice of the Union party for the Presi- 
dent, and HANNIBAL HAMLIN, of Maine, be the candidate for Vice- 
President of the same party." 

["No," "no."] 

Mr. J. A. J. Creswell, of Maryland, I call for a division. 

Mr. William M. Stone, of Iowa, I ask, sir, if I cannot submit a 
motion to amend the resolution, not the substitute of the gentle- 
man from Pennsylvania, but the original resolution? 

The PRESIDENT The gentleman from Pennsylvania has offered 
this as a substitute for the motion of the gentleman from Ohio. 

Mr. Wm. M. Stone, of Iowa, I move to lay it upon the table. 

The PRESIDENT put the question on the motion to lay upon the 
table, and declared that it was agreed to. 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, and others called for a 
vote by States. 

Mr. B. C. Cook, of Illinois, I move that Abraham Lincoln, of 
Illinois, be declared the choice of this Convention. [Great ap- 
plause.] 

Mr. Wm. M. Stone, of Iowa, I insist on my motion. 

The PRESIDENT The gentleman from Iowa moved that the res- 
olution offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania be laid upon 
the table. That motion was put to the House, and declared to be 
carried; and the Chair then recognized Mr. Cook, of Illinois, as 
having the floor. 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, I called for a vote by 
States before the result was declared. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair did not hear the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania. 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, I supposed so, for there 
was a universal yell everywhere. 

Mr. Wm. M. Stone, of Iowa, I have not yet yielded the floor. 

The PRESIDENT Does the gentleman from Pennsylvania insist 
upon a call of the States, upon the motion of the gentleman from 
Iowa to lay upon the table the resolution of the other gentleman 
from Pennsylvania (Mr. Cameron)? 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, I do, sir. 



228 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Several Delegates It is too late. 

The PRESIDENT The gentleman from Pennsylvania informs 
the Chair that, before the motion was put to the Convention, he 
called for a vote by States. 

Mr. Thaddeus Stevens, of Pennsylvania, before it was announced. 

The PRESIDENT The call was made before the vote was an- 
nounced, but not before the question was put. Under the rules, 
as I understand, before the announcement of a vote upon a prop- 
osition, a delegate has a right to call for a vote by States; and 
that being so, the Convention will now vote upon the adoption of 
the substitute offered by the gentleman from Pennsylvania. 

Mr. J. A. J. Creswell, of Maryland, I call for a division of the 
question on the substitute. 

The PRESIDENT That is not now in order, because the question 
before the Convention is, shall the resolution offered by General 
Cameron be laid upon the table? and upon that question a vote 
by States is called. 

Mr. R. J. Breckinridge, of Kentucky, I wish to make a motion 
covering the whole subject, if I may be allowed one moment to 
do so. I wish to move to lay all these resolutions on the table for 
the purpose of declaring by acclamation that Abraham Lincoln 
is our choice for President of the United States. [Tremendous 
applause.] 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I appeal to the gentleman from Penn- 
sylvania, General Cameron, with the consent of the Convention, 
to withdraw his resolution. It places us in a very awkward pre- 
dicament indeed. I do hope that he, consulting the best interests 
of the country, will withdraw his resolution, and let us vote upon 
the motion made by the gentleman from Iowa. [Applause.] 

Mr. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, allow me to say a word to 
the gentleman from Kansas. If he thinks it is injurious to the 
best interests of the country for me to persist in my resolution, I 
will now agree, to save all this trouble, to withdraw my proposi- 
tion. [Applause.] 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, now give us "Old Abe." [Great cheer- 
ing.] 

The PRESIDENT The motion of the gentleman from Pennsyl- 
vania being withdrawn, Mr. Cook, of Illinois, is entitled to the 
floor. 

Mr. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, I beg pardon, I am not 
done. I was about to say that I would withdraw my resolution 
and move, instead of it, that this Convention nominate by ac- 
clamation Abraham Lincoln for the second term. [Vociferous 
applause.] 

Mr. Wm. M. Stone, of Iowa, I do not want the gentleman to cheat 
me out of my motion. [Laughter.] 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 229 

The PRESIDENT General Cameron withdraws his resolution 
upon condition. The Chair cannot recognize the right of the 
gentleman to withdraw upon condition. 

Several Delegates Let General Cameron withdraw it uncondi- 
tionally. 

The PRESIDENT It must be an absolute withdrawal, or not at 
all. Does the gentleman withdraw his resolution? 

Mr. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, I modify my resolution 
in the way I have suggested. 

Mr. Wm. M. Stone, of Iowa, is the substitute of the gentleman 
from Pennsylvania withdrawn? 

The PEESIDENT The gentleman from Pennsylvania has not 
answered the question of the Chair. 

Mr. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, I say my resolution is not 
withdrawn, but modified. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair does not recognize that as being 
within the rules. The resolution offered by the gentleman from 
Pennsylvania not being withdrawn, it is before the House, and a 
vote by States has been called for upon it. 

Mr. Henry J. Raymond, of New York, I understand, sir, that the 
motion now before the Convention is that substituted by the 
gentleman from Pennsylvania (Mr. S. Cameron) for the one which 
he offered a little while ago, but afterwards withdrew; and that 
motion is, that Abraham Lincoln be nominated by acclamation 
as our candidate for President. Now, sir, on that point I desire 
to say one word. I take it for granted, and I believe, that there is 
no man in this Convention, no matter from what state he may 
come, who will not, however the vote may be taken, whether by 
acclamation, by a call of States, or by a call of individual dele- 
gates, give his vote in just that way. It cannot, therefore, be 
from any apprehension as to the result of the vote, that this 
particular way of taking it is proposed. Hence we must look to 
other considerations in deciding how we shall take it. Sir, I de- 
sire to submit one consideration to this Convention. It is very 
well known that attempts have been made, though I believe with- 
out success, to convey the impression that the nomination of 
Abraham Lincoln is to be rushed through this Convention by 
some demonstration that will not allow the exercise of individual 
opinion. Is it wise, under these circumstances, to take a vote by 
acclamation, which cannot possibly change the result, which can 
add no weight whatever to it, but which may give rise to miscon- 
struction? I suggest, therefore (and I shall move as a substitute 
a resolution embodying my view), that the wisest course would 
be to allow the roll of States represented in this Convention to be 
called, and let every delegation declare its vote, and I believe 
there will be a unanimous vote from every delegation precisely 



230 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

to the same effect. [Great applause.] I think the moral effect of 
that vote will be greater than one taken originally by acclamation. 
It can be reinforced, as it will be reinforced in this Convention 
and throughout the country, by the loud acclamations of the 
American people. [Renewed applause.] Now, sir, I move as a 
substitute for the motion of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, 
that the roll of States be called, and that each delegation be 
called upon to name its candidate for the President of the United 
States. 

Mr. E. M. Madden, of New York, and upon that resolution I call 
for the previous question. 

Mr. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, I desire to accept the 
suggestion of the gentleman from New York (Mr. Raymond). 

Mr. B. C. Cook, of Illinois, Mr. President, the State of Illinois 
again presents to the loyal people of this nation, for President of 
the United States, Abraham Lincoln. God bless him. [Great ap- 
plause.] 

Mr. Wm. M. Stone, of Iowa, in the name of the great West I de- 
mand that the roll be called. 

The PRESIDENT The gentleman from Ohio moved that this 
Convention proceed to the nomination of candidates for Presi- 
dent and Vice-President. Thereupon a resolution was offered by 
the gentleman from Pennsylvania, which has been discussed, and 
upon that the gentleman from New York moves that we proceed 
to the nomination of a candidate for President alone. I ask the 
gentleman from Ohio whether he accepts that as a substitute for 
his motion. 

Mr. Wm. M. Stone, of Iowa, the gentleman from Iowa, you mean. 

Mr. C. Delano, of Ohio, allow me a word of explanation. It was 
with a full comprehension of the necessity of having an expres- 
sion of opinion in favor of Abraham Lincoln, in order that there 
should be no misapprehension, no claim that he had been nomi- 
nated by clamor, and that public sentiment had been suppressed, 
as has been suggested by the gentleman from New York, that I 
desired to have the nomination made in the mode indicated by 
my motion. No man desires his nomination more than I. I assisted 
in it in a small majority in my own delegation four years ago. I 
thank God for the privilege. I now accept the resolution offered 
by the gentleman from New York as a substitute for mine, for 
that accomplishes the object I have in view, and then I shall be 
glad to see gentlemen express their opinions by acclamation 
until their throats are sore. 

The PRESIDENT The question before the Convention is on the 
motion that we proceed to the nomination of a candidate for 
President by the call of States. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 231 

Mr. W. M. Stone, of Iowa, I submitted a motion to lay on the 
table the substitute of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, and 
that motion has been adopted. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, give us a little magnanimity, Stone, 
and let us vote. 

Mr. W. M. Stone, of Iowa, then I moved that Abraham Lincoln, 
of Illinois, be declared the nominee by" acclamation. ["Vote, 
vote."] I accept the amendment of Mr. Raymond, of New York, 
and in the name of the Great West, I again demand that the roll 
shall be called. [Applatise.] 

Mr. Thompson Campbell, of California, I rise, sir, to second the 
nomination made by the honorable gentleman from Illinois. 
Coming as I do from one of the most distant States of this Union, 
of which it can be said in truth that there is no more intensely or 
uncompromisingly loyal State, considering that she is the golden 
link in that mysterious chain by which the various parts of this 
great nation are bound together in indissoluble bonds which 
never can be separated by rebellion's hands ["Vote, vote."] I 
ask to be allowed to say but half a dozen words. In the name of 
the great constituency which sent us here, I second the nomina- 
tion of the present President of the United States, and I feel as- 
sured that, under his lead, we shall go on triumphantly to victory 
and conquer peace. 

The PRESIDENT The question is on the resolution offered by 
the gentleman from New York (Mr. Raymond). 
The resolution was agreed to. 

The PRESIDENT The roll will now be called by the Secretary. 
The Secretary proceeded to call the roll, and as each State was 
called, responses were made by the Chairmen of the respective 
Delegations as follows : 

Maine Maine casts her entire vote for Abraham Lincoln, of Illi- 
nois. 14 votes. 

New Hampshire New Hampshire, the Granite State, in her con- 
vention on the 6th day of January last, unanimously passed a 
resolution, nominating Abraham Lincoln for re-election as Pres- 
ident of the United States. New Hampshire to-day, by her dele- 
gates, casts her ten votes, first and last, for Abraham Lincoln, of 
Illinois. 

Vermont The Green Mountain State casts her small but entire 
vote of ten for Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois. 

Massachusetts Massachusetts gives her entire vote, tweiity- 
four, to Abraham Lincoln. 

Rhode Island Rhode Island casts her entire eight votes for 
Abraham Lincoln. 

Connecticut Connecticut gives her twelve votes to that pure 
and patriotic statesman, Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois. 



232 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

New York New York casts sixty-six votes, her entire vote, for 
Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, for President of the United States. 

New Jersey New Jersey gives fourteen votes for Abraham 
Lincoln. 

Pennsylvania Pennsylvania gives her entire vote, fifty-two, for 
Abraham Lincoln, "nigger" troops, and all. [Laughter.] 

Delaware Delaware gives her vote, six, for Abraham Lincoln. 

Maryland Maryland casts fourteen votes for Abraham Lin- 
coln, of Illinois. 

Louisiana Louisiana gives her fourteen votes for Abraham 
Lincoln. 

Arkansas Arkansas casts all her votes, ten, for Abraham Lin- 
coln. 

Missouri Mr. J. F. Hume, Missouri comes into this Convention 
purified by its action, and her delegates will support the nomi- 
nees made here, and do the utmost in our power to secure for 
them the electoral vote of the State. It is but right and proper, 
however, that I should state that, in the convention which desig- 
nated us as delegates to this Convention, we were instructed, and 
we cannot, upon the first ballot, give our votes in unanimity with 
those who have already cast their votes. ["Order," "order."] 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I appeal to the Convention to hear 
Missouri. 

The PRESIDENT The gentleman from Missouri is not in order 
unless by consent of the House. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I move that consent be given. 

The motion was agreed to unanimously. 

Mr. J. F. Hume, of Missouri, it is a matter of much regret that 
we now differ from the Convention which has been so kind to the 
Radicals of Missouri; but we come here instructed. We repre- 
sent those who are behind us at home, and we recognize the right 
of instruction, and intend to obey our instructions; but in doing 
so, we declare emphatically that we are with the Union party of 
this Nation, and we intend to fight the battle through with it, and 
assist in carrying its banner to victory in the end, and we will 
support your nominees, be they who they may. [Great applause.] 
I will read the resolution adopted by the convention which sent 
us here: 

"That we extend our heartfelt thanks to the soldiers of Missouri, 
who have been, and are now, baring their breasts to the storm of 
battle for the preservation of our free institutions. That we hail 
them as the practical Radicals of the Nation, whose arguments 
are invincible, and whose policy for putting down the rebellion 
is first in importance and effectiveness." 

Mr. President, in the spirit of that resolution, I cast the twen- 
ty-two votes of Missouri for the man who stands at the head of the 
fighting Radicals of the Nation, Ulysses S. Grant. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. '233 

The calling of the roll was continued as follows: 

Tennessee The convention that sent us here instructed us to 
say that, in their opinion, the election by the American people to 
the office of President of any other man than he who now fills the 
Executive Chair, would be regarded both at home and abroad as 
a concession of something to the Rebellion, and instructed us, 
by all means in our power, to secure the nomination of Abra- 
ham Lincoln, and I now give him the fifteen votes of Tennessee. 
[Applause.] 

Kentucky Kentucky casts her twenty-two votes for Abraham 
Lincoln, and will ratify that nomination in November. [Great 
applause.] 

Ohio Ohio gives her forty-two votes for "Old Abe" for Presi- 
dent. 

Indiana Indiana casts her twenty-six votes for Abraham Lin- 
coln. 

Illinois Illinois gives thirty-two votes for Abraham Lincoln. 

Michigan Michigan gives sixteen votes for Abraham Lincoln. 

Wisconsin Wisconsin casts sixteen votes for Abraham Lin- 
coln, of Illinois. 

Iowa Iowa casts sixteen votes for Abraham Lincoln. 

Minnesota Minnesota casts eight votes for Abraham Lincoln. 

California California casts ten votes, all for Abraham Lincoln. 

Oregon Oregon casts six votes, all of them, first, last and all 
the time for Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois. 

Kansas Radical Kansas casts her six votes for "Honest Old 
Abe." 

West Virginia West Virginia remembers her friends. She 
casts her ten votes in this Convention, the entire vote of the State 
of West Virginia, representing almost the entire loyal vote of the 
State, for Abraham Lincoln. [Applause.] 

Nebraska Nebraska has one man in her delegation who was 
never a Lincoln man, but who belongs to that proud party called 
the War Union Democrats, and I am requested by that delegate 
to say, that he submits to the Convention, and I give the six votes 
of Nebraska for Abraham Lincoln, whom we regard as the second 
saviour of the world. [Applause.] 

Colorado Colorado casts her six votes for Abraham Lincoln. 

Nevada Nevada gives six votes for Abraham Lincoln,of Illinois. 

The PRESIDENT The call of the States and Territories has now 
been completed. 

Mr. J. F. Hume, of Missouri, the vote has not been announced, 
but I wish to make a motion now, without waiting for the an- 
nouncement, inasmuch as it is well understood what the result 
of the ballot just given is. I move that the nomination of Abra- 
ham Lincoln, of Illinois, be declared unanimous. [Applause.] 



234: THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Several delegates Change your votes. 

Mr. J. F. Hume, of Missouri, our vote was given under instruc- 
tions, and therefore I do not know that we can change it. 

The PRESIDENT The gentleman's motion is not in order until 
the vote shall have been announced. 

The Secretary proceeded to announce the vote as follows : 

Lincoln. Grant. Lincoln. Grant. 

Maine 14 .. Ohio 42 

New Hampshire 10 .. Indiana 26 

Vermont .. 10 .. Illinois 32 

Massachusetts 24 .. Michigan 16 

Rhode Island 8 .. Wisconsin 16 

Connecticut , 12 .. Iowa 16 

New York 66 .. Minnesota 8 

New Jersey 14 .. California 7 

Pennsylvania 52 .. Oregon 6 

Delaware 6 .. West Virginia 10 

Maryland 14 .. Kansas 6 

Louisiana 14 .. Nebraska 6 

Arkansas 10 .. Colorado 6 

Missouri 22 Nevada 6 

Tennessee 15 .. 

Kentucky 22 .. Total 484 22 

The PRESIDENT The total number of votes cast is 506, of which 
484 have been cast for Abraham Lincoln, and 22 for Ulysses S 
Grant. [Great applause.] 

Mr. J. F. Hume, of Missouri, I now move that the nomination of 
Abraham Lincoln be declared unanimous; and I do not care 
whether the vote of Missouri is changed or not. 
Several delegates Change the vote. 

Mr. J. F. Hume, I am authorized now to change the vote of Mis- 
souri to Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois. [Great applause.] 

The Secretaries announced that the vote was unanimous 506 
for Abraham Lincoln. 

The delegates and the audience simultaneously rose to their 
feet, and greeted the announcement with vociferous applause. 
The band struck up "Hail Columbia" and "Yankee Doodle," which 
were rapturously received. 

The PRESIDENT Gentlemen of the Convention Although it is 
unnecessary after what has taken place, yet, as a part of my duty, 
I announce the unanimous nomination of Abraham Lincoln for 
the next Presidency, for the term commencing on the 4th of 
March next. [Great applause.] 

Mr. W. M. Stone, of Iowa, I move that we now proceed to vote 
for a candidate for Vice-President by the call of the States. 

Mr. Leonard Swett, of Illinois, I am requested on behalf of the 
delegation from Illinois, to return to this Convention their thanks 
for the honor conferred upon our State, in the nomination of 
Abraham Lincoln. We thank these delegates, we thank their 
constituents, we thank all men of all parties, who have contrib- 
uted to this result. In 1860, when the Convention at Chicago, 
from the illustrious list of statesmen there presented, selected 
Mr. Lincoln as the standard-bearer for that great struggle 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 235 

Mr. Wm. A. Dart, of New York, I object to the gentleman locat- 
ing- Mr. Lincoln in Illinois. He belongs to the Union. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair thinks the point well taken. 

Mr. Leonard Swett, of Illinois, I confess that the point is well 
taken, and also the word was taken out of my mouth which I was 
about saying. I was going to say that we felt, then, that Mr. Lin- 
coln was our citizen ; but when we gave him, then, to the country, 
we felt that our claims upon him were relieved ; and now, more 
than ever, we feel that this Convention, in renominating him, has 
nominated not especially the child of Illinois, but the favored 
child of this great nation. [Great applause.] I will not detain 
this Convention by remarks, but I wish to say that we rejoice at 
the unanimity displayed in the selection of a man whom we know 
to be honest and faithful, and who was reared and has lived in 
our State. We do not forget the honor, and we shall not cease to 
be grateful for it ; and we shall manifest that gratitude not by 
prolonged words, but by doing, in reference to the great struggle 
still pending, what we have done in the past. We have put one 
hundred and seventy regiments into the field, and if this war 
shall last four years more, we will evidence our zeal by putting 
in as many more, if necessary. I again return the thanks of Illi- 
nois to the Convention. 

NEWS FROM THE ARMY. 

The PRESIDENT Gentlemen, I will ask your attention to the 
reading of a despatch, which I have just received, addressed to 
me by the Secretary of War. 

The despatch was read as follows : 

"WAR DEPARTMENT, June 8, 18641:30 p. m. 

'A despatch from Mr. Dana, at General Grant's headquarters, 
dated last night at 8:30 p. m., announces a victory by General 
Hunter over the rebels beyond Staunton, and that the rebel Gen- 
eral Jones was killed on the battlefield. The despatch is as 
follows : 

" 'Richmond Examiner of today speaks of the defeat of Gen- 
eral W. E. Jones by General Hunter, twelve miles beyond Staunton, 
Va. General Jones was killed on the field. His successor retired 
to Waynesboro, and now holds the mountains between Char- 
lottesville and Staunton. The paper further states that no hos- 
pital stores were captured by Hunter.' 

"Another despatch announces that our forces occupy Staunton. 

" Hunter's victory, and that our troops occupy Staunton, is 
confirmed by the following despatch, just received from General 
Butler: 

" 'All is quiet on my line. Richmond papers of June 7 give in- 
telligence of a fight at Mount Crawford between General Hunter 
and General Jones, in which Hunter was victorious, and Jones, 
rebel commander, was killed. Staunton was afterwards occupied 
by the Union forces. The fighting was on Sunday.' 

. "EowiN M. STANTON, Secretary of War." 

The reading of the despatch was followed by great cheering. 



236 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

OREGON ELECTION. 

Mr. T. H. Pearne, of Oregon, Mr. President, I have just received, 
as Chairman of the Delegation from Oregon, a despatch from 
that State, in reference to the General State Election which was 
held on the day before yesterday. The despatch informs me that 
she has gone largely for the Union. [Applause.] The Union 
majority, in my own county, is six hundred. Last election it was 
less than three hundred. It is the first gun of the campaign. 
[Great applause.] 

NOMINATION FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. 

The PRESIDENT The question before the Convention is the 
motion of the gentleman from Iowa, to proceed to the nomination 
of a candidate for the Vice-Presidency of the United States. 

Mr. R. F. Andrews, of New York, I move that the rule relative to 

debate, which was adopted by this House, be so far amended as 

to allow each gentleman presenting a candidate for Vice-Presi- 

dent to have twenty minutes to present the merits of his claims. 

[" No," " no."J 

Mr. A. H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, I move that the motion be 
laid on the table. 

The motion to lay on the table was agreed to. 
Mr. C. M. Allen, of Indiana, is it now in order to make nomina- 
tions for the Vice-Presidency? 
The PRESIDENT It is. 

Mr. C. M. Allen, of Indiana, Indiana presents the name of An- 
drew Johnson, of the State of Tennessee. [Great applause.] 

Mr. W. M. Stone, of Iowa, the State of Iowa seconds the nomina- 
tion of Indiana. [Great applause.] 

Mr. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, I am instructed by the 
State of Pennsylvania to present the name of Hannibal Hamlin 
for Vice-President. [Great applause.] 

Mr. R. K. Williams, of Kentucky, Kentucky nominates General 
L. H. Rousseau. [Applause.] 

Mr. Lyman Tremaine, of New York, in behalf of a portion of 
the New York delegation, I nominate Daniel S. Dickinson. [Great 
applause.] 

Mr. Horace Maynard, of Tennessee, Mr. President, we but rep- 
resent the sentiment of those who sent here the delegation from 
Tennessee, when we announce that if no one else had made the 
nomination of Andrew Johnson, which is now before the Conven- 
tion, it would have been our duty to make it by one of our own 
delegation. That citizen, known, honored, distinguished, has 
been presented to this Convention for the second place in the gift 
of the American people. It needs not that I should add words of 
commendation of him here. From the time he rose in the Senate 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 237 

of the United States, where he then was, on the 17th of December, 
1860, and met the leaders of treason face to face, and denounced 
them there, and declared that the laws of the country must and 
should be enforced, for which he was hanged in effigy in the city 
of Memphis, in his own State, by the hands of a negro slave, and 
burned in effigy, I know not in how many more places through- 
out that portion of the country from that time, or during the 
residue of that session of the Senate until he returned to Tennes- 
see, after the firing upon Fort Sumter, when he was mobbed in 
the city of Lynchburg in Virginia, on through the memorable 
canvass that followed in Tennessee, till he passed through Cum- 
berland Gap on his way north to invoke the aid of the Govern- 
ment for his people; his position of determined and undying 
hostility to this Rebellion that now ravages the land has been so 
well known that it is a part of the household knowledge of every 
loyal family in the country. [Great applause.] Of his sentiments 
on the questions that now agitate the public mind, and his pres- 
ent attitude before the country, it is equally unnecessary for me 
to speak. He himself has spoken in words unmistakable, not 
only in his own State, from Memphis on all the way to Knoxville; 
not once, but repeatedly ; not in a corner, but before thousands of 
our own citizens and persons assembled from other portions of 
the State, and from other States ; but he has spoken, also, in the 
capital of the Nation, spoken, also, in this city, spoken, also, I 
know not in how many State capitals throughout the entire 
country. His opinions are upon record ; they are known and 
read of all men. I have only to say in addition upon that point, 
that \vhen he sees your resolutions that you have adopted here 
by acclamation, he will respond to them as containing his senti- 
ments, and I pledge myself by all that I have to pledge before 
such an assemblage as this, that whether he be elected to this 
high place, or whether he retire to private life, he will adhere to 
those sentiments, and to the doctrines of those resolutions as 
long as his reason remains unimpaired, and as long as breath is 
given him by his God. [Great applause.] 

Mr. Lyman Tremaine, of New York, Gentlemen of the Conven- 
tion, in behalf of a portion of the New York delegation, I beg 
your indulgence while I submit a few considerations in favor of 
the nomination of Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York. I have no 
time to answer the question who is Daniel S. Dickinson, and 
what are his claims to recognition in a National Union Conven- 
tion. Although an adopted son of New York, he is a native of 
New England, of that same New England which, thank God, is 
not yet out of the Union [applause], but is represented to-day on 
the floor of this Convention by representatives engaged in the 
great work for which her sons are pouring out their life on the 



238 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

field of battle. Daniel S. Dickinson, by force of his own talents, 
without the aid of wealth or influential friends, has worked his 
way up to an honorable and prominent position, having held the 
best offices within the gift of the people of New York. He has 
been our Lieutenant-Governor, our Attorney-General, our Senator 
for six years in the Senate of the United States. 

The question, then, conies back is Daniel S. Dickinson popular 
in this State of New York, that can cast thirty-three electoral votes 
for the nominees of this Convention? On that subject let me sub- 
mit a single statement of fact. In 1861 a Union Convention was 
called in the State of New York, which nominated Daniel S. Dick- 
inson for the first office then before the people, the office of Attor- 
ney-General, almost by acclamation ; and that nomination was 
sustained, by a majority of over one hundred thousand votes, at 
the ballot-box, Daniel S. Dickinson leading the ticket and receiv- 
ing a majority of one hundred and eight thousand votes. [Ap- 
plause.] Has anything occurred since to change that popularity? 
If fidelity to the nominations and principles of the party which 
elected him, if an undying zeal in the cause of the Union, if to 
plead with no uncertain sound wherever his services were re- 
quired in favor of the Union and against the wicked Rebellion, 
has weakened his popularity, then, and only under those circum- 
stances, is Daniel S. Dickinson less able to carry the State of New 
York to-day by one hundred thousand majority than he was in 
1861. Nay, more ; since that time the soldiers of New York have 
been allowed to vote, and I venture to express the opinion here to- 
day, that with Lincoln and Dickinson as our standard-bearers, we 
can give to the nominees of this Convention more than one hun- 
dred thousand majority in New York at the next election. I ask 
for Daniel S.Dickinson a recognition as the reprseentative of the 
War Democracy, who have joined their fortunes with the Union 
party. [Great applause.] It was well said by the temporary and 
by the permanent Chairman that we meet not here as Republi- 
cans. If we do, I have no place in this Convention. I have been 
a life-long Democrat; but, like Daniel S. Dickinson, when the 
first gun was fired on Sumter, I felt that I should have been false 
to my revolutionary ancestry (for although I differed with Massa- 
chusetts on political questions, I should have been false to my 
paternal grandfather, a soldier of the Revolution, whose bones 
lie buried beneath the soil of Massachusetts) if I could have hesi- 
tated to cast partisan ties to the breeze, and rally around the flag 
of the Union for the preservation of the Government. [Great ap- 
plause.] Daniel S. Dickinson has cast all partisan prejudices to 
the wind. He has received the storm of obloquy and abuse more 
than has been showered upon any one by the friends of Jeff. 
Davis, and the murderous, traitorous crew who have rallied 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, i860, 1864. 239 

around him. I ask that he be recognized by this Convention, not 
for himself he makes no claim when his name was sponta- 
neously suggested, he withdrew from attending at this Conven- 
tion as a delegate 

The PRESIDENT The gentleman's time is out. 

Mr. R. F. Andrews, of New York, I move that the gentleman be 
allowed to proceed ten minutes longer. 

The motion was not agreed to. 

Mr. N. B. Smithers, of Delaware, I move that we proceed to call 
the roll, and on that motion I call for the previous question. 

The call for the, previous question was sustained, and the motion 
was agreed to. 

The Secretary proceeded to call the roll, and, as each State was 
called, the chairman of the delegation responded. The responses 
were as follows: 

Maine Maine casts her entire vote for Hannibal Hamlin 14. 

New Hampshire New Hampshire gives one vote for Andrew 
Johnson, of Tennessee; two votes for Benjamin F. Butler, of Mas- 
sachusetts; three votes for Daniel S. Dickinson, of New York; and 
four votes for Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine. 

Vermont Vermont gives a divided vote for Vice-President, as 
follows: for Hannibal Hamlin, two votes; for Daniel S.Dickinson, 
one vote; for Benjamin F. Butler, two votes; for Andrew Johnson, 
five votes. 

Massachusetts Massachusetts gives for Benjamin F. Butler, 
two votes; for Joseph Holt, two votes; for Hannibal Hamlin, 
three votes; and for Daniel S. Dickinson, seventeen votes. 

Rhode Island Rhode Island gives three votes for Hannibal 
Hamlin, two votes for Ambrose K. Burnside, two votes for Benja- 
min F. Butler, and one vote for Daniel S. Dickinson. 

Connecticut Connecticut gives her twelve votes solid for 
Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee. 

New York New York casts for Andrew Johnson, thirty-two 
votes; for Daniel S. Dickinson, twenty-eight votes; and for Han- 
nibal Hamlin, six votes. 

New Jersey New Jersey casts twelve votes for Daniel S. Dickin- 
son, and two for Andrew Johnson. 

Pennsylvania Pennsylvania casts her fifty-two votes for Han- 
nibal Hamlin. 

Delaware Delaware throws six votes for Daniel S. Dickinson. 

Maryland Maryland gives eleven votes for Daniel S.Dickinson, 
two votes for Andrew Johnson, and one vote for Hannibal Hamlin. 

Louisiana Louisiana gives seven votes for Andrew Johnson, 
and seven votes for Daniel S. Dickinson. 

Arkansas Arkansas gives ten votes for Andrew Johnson. 

Missouri Missouri gives two votes for Andrew Johnson, and 
twenty for Benjamin F. Butler. 

Tennessee Tennessee gives fifteen votes for Andrew Johnson. 

Kentucky Kentucky casts twenty-one votes for Lovell H.Rous- 
seau, and one for David Tod, of Ohio. 

Ohio Ohio casts her forty-two votes for Andrew Johnson, of 
Tennessee. 

Indiana Indiana gives twenty-six votes for Andrew Johnson. 

Illinois Illinois casts thirty-two votes for Hannibal Hamlin. 



240 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

Michigan Michigan gives her sixteen votes for Hannibal 
Hamlin. 

Wisconsin Wisconsin gives four votes for Hannibal Hamlin, 
two for Andrew Johnson, and ten for Daniel S. Dickinson. 

Iowa Iowa gives sixteen votes for Andrew Johnson. 

Minnesota Minnesota gives three votes for Daniel S. Dickinson, 
and five votes for Hannibal Hamlin. 

California California casts five votes for Hannibal Hamlin, 
and five for Andrew Johnson. 

Oregon Oregon casts six votes for Schuyler Colfax. 

Kansas Kansas gives two votes for Hannibal Hamlin, two for 
Daniel S. Dickinson, and two for Andrew Johnson. 

West Virginia West Virginia casts her ten votes for Andrew 
Johnson. 

Nebraska Nebraska gives one vote for Preston King, of New 
York; one for Hannibal Hamlin, one for Daniel S. Dickinson, and 
three for Andrew Johnson. 

Colorado Colorado gives her six votes for Daniel S. Dickinson. 

Nevada Nevada casts six votes for Andrew Johnson. 

The PRESIDENT The call of the roll is completed. 

The result of the ballot as it stood when the call was completed 
was as follows : 



X WJ * . 

S s .S S S g S 

fl g ^ S a- ^ 





NJ 


K 
14 


QentfKoEHW 


New Hampshii e 


1 


4 


3 2 




.. . 5 


2 


1 2 






3 


17 2 2 






3 


12.. 2 




. 12 








. . . . 32 


6 


28 


New Jersey 


... 2 




12 






52 










6 




2 


1 


11 




.... 7 




7 




.... 10 








2 




20 




.. . 15 












21 1 


Ohio 


,. 42 








.... 26 






Illinois 




H3 








10 






2 


4 


10 




. . . . 16 










5 


3 . 






5 










6 


West Virginia , 


.... 10 










2 


2 




. .. 3 


1 


1 1 








6 


Nevada.. . 


6 







200 150 108 28 21 2 6 2 1 1 

While the Secretaries were computing the vote, the following 
proceedings took place: 

Mr. R. K. Williams, of Kentucky, Kentucky asks leave to change 
her vote by casting twenty-one for Andrew Johnson, instead of 
for General Rousseau. [Applause.] 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, I860, 1864. 241 

Mr. T. H. Pearne, of Oregon, after consultation, the delegates 
from Oregon wish to change their votes, and cast the six votes of 
that State for Andy Johnson. [Applause.] 

Mr. J. PI. Lane, of Kansas, I desire to change the vote of Kansas, 
and cast it solid for Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee. [Applause.] 

Mr. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, I am directed by the Penn- 
sylvania delegation to change her vote, and give her fifty-two 
votes for Andrew Johnson. [Great applause.] 

Mr. William A. Newell, of New Jersey, I desire to record the 
whole Vote of New Jersey for Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee. 
[Applause.] 

Mr. L. M. Morrill, of Maine, Maine desires to change her vote, 
and cast her entire vote for Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee. 
[Great applause.] 

Mr. Thompson Campbell, of California, California changes her 
vote, and casts ten unanimously for Andrew Johnson. [Applause.] 

Mr. Wm. Haile, of New Hampshire, New Hampshire changes 
her entire vote of ten to Andrew Johnson. [Applause.] 

Mr. C. Bullitt, of Louisiana, Louisiana directs me to cast her en- 
tire vote of fourteen for Andrew Johnson. [Applause.] 

Mr. S. Foot, of Vermont, I am directed by the delegation from 
the Green Mountain State to follow the lead of the State of Maine, 
which surrenders her own son for Andrew Johnson. Vermont 
casts her entire vote for the noblest Roman in the country, An- 
drew Johnson, of Tennessee. [Great applause.] 

Mr. H. W. Hoffman, of Maryland, Maryland casts her fourteen 
votes for Andrew Johnson. [Applause.] 

Mr. A. H. Bullock, of Massachusetts, Massachusetts desires to 
change her vote so that it may stand three for Daniel S. Dickin- 
son, and twenty-one for Andrew Johnson. [Applause.] 

Mr. B. C. Cook, of Illinois, Illinois changes her vote of thirty- 
two to Andrew Johnson. [Great applause.] 

Mr. M. B. Smithers, of Delaware, Delaware casts her six votes for 
Andrew Johnson. [Applause.] 

Mr. J. F. Hume, of Missouri, Missouri changes her vote, and 
casts her entire twenty-two votes for Andrew Johnson. [Great 
applause.] 

Mr. T. Durfee, of Rhode Island, Rhode Island wishes to change 
her vote so that it shall stand seven for Andrew Johnson and one 
for Daniel S. Dickinson. [Applause.] 

Mr. John A. King, of New York, New York desires to make her 
vote unanimous. She casts sixty-six votes for Andrew Johnson, 
of Tennessee. [Great applause.] 

The delegates from Colorado and Nebraska also changed their 
votes to Andrew Johnson. 

16 



THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 



Mr. A. Blair, of Michigan, the delegation from Michigan change 
their vote to Andrew Johnson. [Applause.) 

The various corrections having been made, the result of the 
balloting was announced as follows : 

Johnson. Dickinson. Hamlin. Tod. 

Maine 14 

New Hampshire 10 

Vermont 10 

Massachusetts 21 3 

Rhode Island 7 1 

Connecticut 12 

New York 66 

New Jersey 14 

Pennsylvania 52 

Delaware 6 

Maryland 14 

Louisiana 14 

Arkansas 10 

Missouri 22 

Tennessee 15 

Kentucky 21 1 

Ohio 42 

Indiana. 26 

Illinois 32 

Michigan 16 

Wisconsin 2 10 

Iowa 16 

Minnesota 3 5 

California 10 

Oregon 6 

West Virginia 10 

Kansas 6 

Nebraska 6 

Colorado ,. 6 

Nevada 6 

494 17 !) 1 

The PRESIDENT Gentlemen of the Convention Andrew John- 
son having received a majority of all the votes, is declared duly 
nominated as the candidate of the National Union Party for the 
Vice-Presidency. [Tremendous applause.] 

Mr. Lymah Tremaine, of New York, I move that the nomination 
of Mr. Johnson be made unanimous. 

The motion was agreed to unanimously, amid great enthusiasm. 

NATIONAL COMMITTEE. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I now move that the list of States be 
called over, and as they are called, that the chairmen of the re- 
spective delegations name one member from each State to con- 
stitute the National Committee. 

The motion was agreed to. 

The roll was called, and the following gentlemen were named 
to constitute the Committee : 

Maine, Samuel F. Hersey ; New Hampshire, John B. Clarke ; 
Vermont, Abraham B. Gardner; Massachusetts, William Claflin; 
Rhode Island, Thomas G. Turner ; Connecticut, N. D. Sperry ; 
New York, Henry J. Raymond ; New Jersey, Marcus L. Ward ; 
Pennsylvania, S. A. Purviance; Delaware, Nathaniel B. Smithers ; 
Maryland, H. W. Hoffman ; Florida, Calvin L. Robinson ; Louis- 
iana, Cuthbert Bullitt ; Arkansas, James M. Johnston ; Missouri, 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 243 

S. H. Boyd ; Tennessee, Joseph S. Fowler; Kentucky, R. K. Wil-. 
lianis; Ohio, G. B. Senter; Indiana, J. D. Defrees; Illinois, Burt C. 
Cook; Michigan, Marsh Giddings ; Wisconsin, S. Judd ; Iowa, D. 
B. Stubbs; California, James Otis; Minnesota, Thomas Simpson ; 
Oregon, Erasmus D. Shattuck; West Virginia, A. W. Campbell ; 
Kansas, James H. Lane ; Colorado, Jerome P. Chaffee ; Nebraska, 
W. H. H. Waters ; Nevada, H. D. Morgan ; Dakota, G. M. Binney ; 
Utah, John W. Kerr; Washington, A. A. Denny; Idaho, William 
H. Wallace ; Arizona, James S. Turner; Montana, N. P. Lankford ; 
New Mexico, John S. Watts ; District of Columbia, J. J. Coombs. 

RIGHT OF TERRITORIES TO VOTE. 

Mr. Francisco Perea, of New Mexico, I ask the unanimous con- 
sent of the convention to allow the delegates from New Mexico to 
record their votes for President and Vice-President of the United 
States. 

The PRESIDENT The motion is not in order. 

Mr. Francisco Perea, of New Mexico, I ask the unanimous con- 
sent of the Convention. 

Mr. J. S. Watts, of New Mexico, I move that the remaining orga- 
nized territories of the United States, which have sent delegates 
to this Convention, be now called, and that their delegates be 
permitted to record their votes for President and Vice-President 
of the United States. We are ready to pour out our life-blood in 
carrying your glorious heaven-born banner wherever the honor 
of our country requires it to be carried. We feel as patriotic and 
as much disposed to sustain it as any other portion of the coun- 
try, and I hope that we shall not be denied the privileges which 
have been granted to other sister territories upon this floor. I 
want an opportunity to record our votes for Abraham Lincoln 
and Andrew Johnson. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I move to amend the motion of the 
gentleman from New Mexico, by including South Carolina and 
the District of Columbia. ["Oh, no."] 

Mr. J. S. Watts, of New Mexico, 1 object to that. Sir, I think the 
gentleman from Kansas should not make that motion. His state 
has been built up by our trade. We take $2,000,000 worth of pro- 
duce from the State of Kansas into New Mexico; and I hope he 
will not turn his back upon us when we ask the privilege of being 
heard on this floor. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, I desire to state that there is a delega- 
tion here from South Carolina, and one from Florida, and one 
from Virginia, and one from the District of Columbia. They 
represent loyal men. This is a small boon to extend to them, the 
privilege of recording their votes, after they have been at the ex- 
pense of traveling, at a good deal of exposure, this great distance. 
It seems to me that this small boon should be extended not only 
to the territory of New Mexico, but to all those states which are 



244 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

wrestling, as Kansas \vrestled at an early day, to overthrow the 
accursed institution of human slavery. 

Mr. Francisco Perea, of New Mexico, the question, I understand, 
is on the motion of my colleague, which is, that all the territories 
which have not already voted be allowed to record their votes on 
the question of the Presidency and the Vice-Presidency. 

The PRESIDENT The gentleman from Kansas has moved to 
amend that motion by including Virginia, South Carolina and 
Florida, and the District of Columbia. 

Mr. E. M. Madden, of New York, I call for a division, so that we 
may take the question on the motion to admit New Mexico alone. 

Mr. J. S. Watts, of Mew Mexico, I hope my friend from Kansas 
will do me the favor to withdraw his amendment, and present it 
as a separate proposition, if he desires to have it voted upon. In 
the name of justice and in the name of right, do not embarrass so 
small an actof justice as I propose, with any other considerations. 
There has never been any question about the loyalty of New 
Mexico. 

The PRESIDENT It is always an unpleasant duty to the Chair 
not to respond to the generous and patriotic promptings of gen- 
tlemen who may submit motions to be entertained by the Conven- 
tion; but the Chair regards the propriety of this motion as being so 
questionable, that he will ask the advice of the Convention before 
he entertains the motion. The Convention will bear in mind that 
when it was full, some hours since, it determined by its recorded 
vote that the territories and the states embraced within the 
motion and the amendment now pending should not be allowed 
to cast votes in this body. The Convention will also bear in mind 
that the Presidency and Vice-Presidency have been voted upon, 
and Abraham Lincoln and Andrew Johnson have been declared 
the unanimous nominees of this Convention. That has gone over 
the wires to the farthest extent of the country. It is now proposed, 
with the Convention very much thinned out, to allow other votes 
to come in, which may change the unanimity of this Convention 
in regard to the candidates that have been nominated; and I 
therefore ask the advice of the Convention before I put the motion. 
I do not want the Convention to vote down a proposition such as 
that submitted by the gentleman from New Mexico, which appeals 
to the heart of every member present as it will appeal to the 
country. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, the question of propriety suggested 
by the Chair strikes me with a great deal of force, and therefore 
I will, so far as I am concerned, withdraw my amendment. 

Mr. A. W. Randall, of Wisconsin, I do not understand how we 
can proceed any further with this question, unless we reconsider 
the previous action of this Convention. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 245 

Mr. J. S. Watts, of New Mexico, the unanimous consent of the 
House can permit the remaining' territories to be called, and re- 
cord their votes. 

Mr. T. H. Pearne, of Oregon, I move that the delegates from New 
Mexico be allowed to record their votes for Abraham Lincoln and 
Andrew Johnson. 

Mr. J. S. Watts, of New Mexico, I accept the amendment. 

Mr. T. E. Cochrane, of Pennsylvania, it seems to me impossible 
that that motion should be entertained. It is in direct conflict 
with the solemn vote of the Convention taken today by States. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair will not entertain the motion unless 
by unanimous consent. 

Several delegates objected. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair is compelled very reluctantly to 
overrule the motion of the gentleman from New Mexico. 

Mr. E. Delafield Smith, of New York, I move that the Secretaries 
receive any communications that these various delegations may 
see fit to make, showing their sentiments in favor of the nomina- 
tion of Lincoln and Johnson, in order that those communications 
may go on the minutes. 

The motion was agreed to. 

COMMITTEE TO WAIT ON NOMINEES. 

Mr. C. S. Bushnell, of Connecticut, I move that the President of 
this Convention be authorized to select one from each State as a 
Committee to inform President Lincoln and Andrew Johnson of 
their nomination. 

Mr. George W. Curtis, of New York, I move to amend the mo- 
tion by providing that the roll of the convention be now called, 
iind that each State, by the chairman of its delegation, name a 
member of that Committee. 

The amendment was adopted, and the motion as amended was 
agreed to. 

Mr. J. H. Lane, of Kansas, before the roll is called, I move that 
the President of the Convention shall be Chairman of that Com- 
mittee, and I will put the motion myself. 

The motion was agreed to unanimously. 

The PRESIDENT The Chair is under very great obligations to 
the Convention for this expression of their kindness. The roll 
will now be called for the purpose of naming members of the 
Committee. 

The roll was called, and the following gentlemen were named 
to constitute the Committee : 

Maine, Josiah H. Drummond ; New Hampshire, Thomas E. 
Sawyer ; Vermont, B. Barlow ; Massachusetts, A. H. Bullock ; 
Rhode Island, A. M. Campbell ; Connecticut, C. S. Bushnell ; New 



246 THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 

York, George Wm. Curtis ; New Jersey, William A. Newell; Penn- 
sylvania, Henry Johnson ; Delaware, N. B. Smithers ; Maryland,. 
W. L. W. Seabrook; Louisiana, A. A. Atocha; Arkansas, Val. Dell; 
Missouri, John F. Hume ; Tennessee, M. M. Bryan ; Kentucky, G. 
W. Haight ; Ohio, E. P. Pyffe ; Indiana, Cyrus M. Allen ; Illinois, 
W. Bushnell ; Michigan, L. P. Alexander; Wisconsin, A. W.Ran- 
dall ; Iowa, Peter Valinda ; California, John Bidwell ; Oregon, 
Thomas H. Pearne ; West Virginia, Leroy Kramer; Kansas, A. C. 
Wilder ; Nebraska, A. S. Paddock ; Colorado, John A. Nye ; Ne- 
vada, T. Winter. 

THANKS TO THE OFFICERS. 

Mr. John A. King, of New York, I beg leave, sir, in behalf of this- 
Convention, to tender the thanks of its members to the President 
and other officers for their able and continued services in behalf 
of the Convention ; and I do it with the more pleasure as there 
has been nothing which has occurred among us to mar its har- 
mony or to make it otherwise than unanimous and honorable to 
the gentlemen who are here. I therefore make that motion. 

The Vice-President (Mr. W. A. Newell) put the question on the 
resolution of thanks, and it was unanimously agreed to. 

PUBLICATION OF PROCEEDINGS. 

On the motion of Mr. W. J. Grow, of New York, it was ordered 
that the proceedings of the Convention be published in pamphlet 
form, under the direction of the officers. 

Mr. T. H. Pearne, of Oregon, I move that the Secretary be in- 
structed to send a copy of the pamphlet to each member of the 
Convention. 

Mr. J. W. Ray, of Indiana, I would suggest, as one of the Secre- 
taries, that the result of that would be to require the Secretary to 
pay two cents postage for the privilege of accommodating each 
member. 

The motion was agreed to. 

ADDITIONAL MEMBERS OF COMMITTEES. 

Mr. J. J. Reddick, of Nebra&ka, at the time the Committees on 
Credentials and on Resolutions were appointed, the Territory of 
Nebraska had not been admitted with the right to vote, and there- 
fore was not represented on the Committee. I therefore suggest 
that the Secretary be directed to add to those Committees the fol- 
lowing names 

Mr. J. Y. Scammon, of Illinois, do not let us make ourselves 
ridiculous by saying here, at the end of this Convention, things 
that are not true. If we comply with the request that has just 
been made, we shall insert on our record what we all know is not 
true; and the motion is not in order. 

The VICE-PRESIDENT (Mr. Newell) In the opinion of the Chair, 
the motion cannot be entertained. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 247 

INVITATIONS, &C. 

The President read a letter from Mrs. Almira Lincoln Phelps, 
presenting- to the Convention a copy of her book ''Our Country" 
for each of the States, to be deposited in the State libraries. 

They were received with the thanks of the Convention, and dis- 
tributed to the different chairmen of the delegations. 

An invitation was received to visit Patterson Park Hospital, 
where over one thousand wounded men, representing- all the 
States of the Union, will be gratified to meet their delegates. 

Mr. G. W. Curtis, of New York, I move that the thanks of the 
Convention be returned to the officers who have sent the invita- 
tion, and that the delegates will, if possible, avail themselves 
of it. 

The motion was agreed to. 

THANKS TO CITY COUNCILS. 

Mr. A. B. Butler, of Ohio, I move that the thanks of this Conven- 
tion be tendered to the City Councils of Baltimore for having pre- 
pared and provided this room for the use of the Convention. 

The motion was agreed to unanimously. 

ADJOURNMENT SINE DIE. 

Several delegates moved that the Convention adjourn sine die. 

The PRESIDENT Gentlemen of the Convention: There is no 
further business for the Convention, except for me, on behalf of 
the officers of the Convention, as well as for myself, to tender 
their thanks and my thanks for the very kind resolution offered 
by the gentleman from New York, and for the very kind treat- 
ment the Chair has received from the Convention during its 
sitting. I ventured to predict, in the few remarks that I had the 
honor to make on taking the Chair, that the proceedings of this 
Convention would be marked with the greatest harmony. That 
prediction has been fulfilled, and that spirit of harmony which 
has prevailed and been the leading characteristic of the Union 
organization since its first inception, has been illustrated by the 
acts and the conduct of this Convention to-day. 

I congratulate you, gentlemen of the Convention, upon these 
auspicious results. I congratulate you upon what you have done 
in presenting to the country two such men as Abraham Lincoln 
and Andrew Johnson for the two highest offices within the gift 
of the people. I congratulate you upon the news received to-day, 
showing that our armies are making steady progress towards the 
suppression of this Rebellion. I congratulate you upon all the 
indications of the future so far as it pleases Providence to make 
those indications known to us. 

Now, gentlemen, having returned you the thanks of the officers 
of the Convention and my own, nothing remains to be done on 
my part except to express my earnest wish and sincere prayer 
that it may suit the purposes of Providence to take you all safely 
to your homes to meet your families in health and prosperity, 
and your constituents approving, as I have no doubt they will 
approve, the acts of this Convention. 

The Convention now stands adjourned sine die. 



248 



THE FIRST THKEE REPUBLICAN 



LIST OF DELEGATES. 



MAINE. 

Delegates at Large. P. O. Address. Alternates 

N. A. Farwell Rockland. 

S. F. Hersey Bangor. 

John H. Burleigh South Berwick. 

James Drummond Bath. 

Delegates. 

1 jJ. H. Drummond Portland. 

M Thomas Quimby Biddtford. 

2 j Lot M. Morrill Augusta. 

I Nahum Morrill Auburn. 

., j B. W. Norris Skowhegan. 

I Joseph Clarke Waldboro. 

A \ Geo. K. Jewett Bangor. 

(E.G. Dunn Aroostook. 

K \ Wm.McGilvery Searsport. 

D j L. L. Wadsworth Pembroke. 

NEW HAMPSHIRE. 

Delegates at Large. 

Onslow Sterns Concord. 

Wm. Haile Hinsdale. 

John B. Clarke Manchester. 

Thomas C. Sawyer Dover. 

Delegates. 

, ( Joseph B. Adams Portsmouth. D. H. Buffum. 

1 1 B. J.Cole Lake Village. A. T.Joy. 

o 1 Edward Spaulding Nashua. Chas. P. Danforth. 

I David Cross Manchester. J. B. Perkins. 

j Shepard L. Bowers Newport. E. L. Goddard. 

a | E. L. Colby Lancaster. T. P. Oheney. 

VERMONT. 

Delegates at Large. 

SolomonFoot Rutland. T. W. Park. 

E. P. Walton Montpelier. Moses Kettridge. 

A. P. Hunton Bethel. A. Stoddard. 

Carolus Noyes Burlington. W. C. Smith. 

Delegates. 

1 j Edwin Hammond Middlebury. Bela Hawe. 

/A.B.Gardner Bennington. Henry C. Dwight. 

2 j Horace Fairbanks * St. Johnsbury. S. P. Flagg. 

I B. W. Bartholomew Washington. Artemus Cushman. 

.. j Bradley Barlow St. Albans. Jed. P. Ladd. 

I Henry Sto well Cambridge. James Simpson. 

MASSACHUSETTS. 

Delegate* at Large. 

Alexander H Bullock Worcester, William Whiting. 

William Claflin Newton. Julius Rockwell. 

John A. Andrew Boston. Moses Kimball. 

James T. Robinson North Adams. Jonathan E. Field. 

Delegates. 

1 5 Geo. Marston Barnstable. C. F. Swift. 

? T. Bourne, Jr New Bedford. Foster Hooper. 

2 j B. W. Harris East Bridgewater. B. F. White. 

I H. A. Scudder Dorchester. Caleb Swan. 

oj Geo. A.Shaw Boston. Albert J. Wright. 

I Ginery Twitchell Brookline. Geo. S Hale. 

4 ( F. B. Fay Chelsea. E. F. Porter. 

I R. I. Burbank Boston. Isaac F. Morse. 

.j S. H. Phillips Salem. Edwin Waldon. 

& i J. G. Kurd Amesbury. H. B. Smith. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, I860, 1864. 



249 



fi ( G. W. Cochran Methuen. F. M. Stone. 

I G. O. Brastow Somerville. N.B.Bryant. 

. j C. R. Train Framingham. J. O. Ayer. 

') T. Wentworth. Lowell. G. S. Boutwell. 

cj A. O. Mayhew Milford. O. D. Wheeler. 

8 1 U.Adams, Jr N. Brookfleld. F. W. Bird. 

a ) C. G. Stevens Clinton. Henry James. 

1 Chas. A. Stevens Ware. A. H. Merriam. 

1ft j Henry Alexander, Jr... Springfield. R. W. Kellogg. 

I A. J. Waterman Lenox. Henry Chickering. 

RHODE ISLAND. 

Delegates at Large. 

Thomas Durfee Providence. 

Joel M. Spencer Coventry. 

Edward Harris Cumberland. 

Asa M. Gammell Warren. 

Delegates. 

t j .Tas. DeWolf Perry Bristol, 

( Henrv H. Fay Newport. 

< G. D. 'Cross Westerly. 

*{ John J. Reynolds North Kingston. 

CONNECTICUT. 

Delegates at Large. 

Joseph R. Hawley Hartford. 

Augustus Brandagee New London. 

0.8. Bushnell New Haven. 

Wm. T. Minor Stamford. 

Delegates. 

! I H. A. Grant Endfield. 

1 1 Jasper H. Bolton Stafford. 

oj Orville H. Platt Meriden. 

1 Samuel L. Warner Middletown. 

oj G. W. Phillips Putnam. 

I James Lloyd Green Norwich. 

A] Oliver H. Perry South port. 

4 1 W.W.Welch Norfolk. 

NEW YORK. 

Delegates at Large. 

Henry J. Raymond New York. Geo. Babcock. 

Daniel S. Dickinson Binghamton. J. S T. Stranahan. 

Lyman.Tremaine Albany. Thomas Hilhouse. 

Preston King Ogdensburgh. Noah Davis. 

Delegates. 

. j Geo. Wm Curtis North Shore. Geo. Huntington. 

I John A. King Jamaica. F. A. Potts. 

9 j Charles L. Benedict Brooklyn. Henry Hill. 

4 |A.M. Bliss Brooklyn. Wm. M. Thomas. 

.,j W. A Cobb Brooklyn. George Ricard. 

I Anthony F. Campbell Brooklyn. John Cashow. 

,j J. B.Taylor N. Y. O. W. Brennan 

* j Sheridan Shook B. F. Weymouth. 

-j David Miller ' Reuben C. Mills 

j Sariford L. Macomber ' John L. Seymour. 

,. j Simeon Draper Hugh Gardner. 

| John Keyser H. Van Schaick. 

-JW.E.Duryea ' John Lalor. 

' 1 R. F. Andrews ' Lewis J. Kirke. 

8 jT.R. Murphy ' R. Busteed. 

8 I Wm. R. Stewart J. D. Ottiwell. 

Q j Abram Wakeinan ' James E. Coulter. 

a I Amor J. Williamson ' Ira A. Allen. 

10 j W. H.Robertson Katonah. S. D. Gifford. 

1U j John W. Ferdon Piermont. A. Rider. 

1t j William J Groo Monticello. David Clements 

11 / E. M. Madden Middletown. Ezra Farrington. 

-.o j John Cadman Chatam Four Corners. John S Ray. 

1 I John B. Dutcher Pawling. R. Peck. 

1 o5 William Masten Kingston. Wm. S. Kenyan. 

10 I Reuben Coffin Catskill. John S. Donnelly. 

14 j Geo. Wolford Albany. Alexander Greer. 

I Clark B. Cochrane Albany. Hobart Krum. 



250 



,-jAschelC Greer Troy. J.Thomas Davis. 

I John T. Masters Greenwich. Dennis P. Ney. 

1fi ( Geo. W. Palmer Plattsburgh. Byron Pond. 

i W. W. Rockwell Saratoga Springs. Orlando Kellogg. 

,~ \ W. S. Dickinson Bangor. Hiram Horton. 

1 '<W. A. Dart Potsdam. C. T. Hurlburd. 

laJCharles Stanford Schenectady. H. Baker. 

la < A. H. Ayer Fort Plain. J.S.Landon. 

1Q jL. J. Walworth. D.H.Clark. 

I R. S. Hughston Delhi. Harman Bennett. 

O n j J. O. Donnell Lowville. E. A. Brown. 

^{H. M. Burch Little Falls. A. H. Prescott. 

0) j Ellis H. Roberts .. Utica. D. B. Danforth. 

~ \ Samuel Campbell Utica. J. S. Avery. 

oo 5 L. H. Conklin Mexico. H. K. W. Bruce. 

~~\ Charles L. Kennedy Morrisville. Harvey Palmer. 

00 j T. B. Fitch Syracuse. D. McCarthy. 

~ d jR. H. Duell Cortlandville. C. T. Longstreet. 

o. j S. B. Gavitt Lyons. S. K. Williams. 

~ 4 | Wm. Burroughs Seneca Falls. J. K. Webster. 

OK ( M. H. Lawrence Penn Yan. S. H. Torrey. 

^W. H. Smith Canandaigua. Geo. N. Wilson. 

OR] M. M. Oass Watkins. Geo. W. Schuyler. 

*"1 W. S. Lincoln ....Newark Valley. Geo. Bartlett. 

o 7 j Asher Tyte- Elmira. G. G. Harrower. 

**| E. D. Loveridge Cuba. A. B. Hull. 

OB j Dan. H. Cole Albion. H. H. Sperry. 

1 John Van Voorhies Rochester. A. M. Ives. 

OQ I Harry Wilbur Batavia. A. W. Haskell . 

"^ I Hiram Gardner Lockport. M.C.Richardson. 

QAJ Rufus Wheeler Buffalo. Jacob Beyer. 

du |O. J. Green Buffalo. J. B. Youngs. 

01 j Henry Van Aernum Franklinville. John Manley. 

61 1 Geo. W. Patterson Westfleid. O.E.Jones. 

NEW JERSEY. 

Delegates at Large. 

Wm. A. Newell Allentown. G. D. Homer. 

Marcus L. Ward Newark. Benj. Buckley. 

Joseph T. Crowell Rahway. John Chetwood. 

James M. Scovell Camden. P. C. Brink. 

Delegates. 

, I Edward Bettle Camden. Joseph L. Reeve. 

I T. Paulding Pittsgrove, Salem Co. J. F. Learning. 

,j W. F. Brown Point Pleasant, Ocean Co. D. L. Wilbur. 

" 1 S. A. Dobbins Mount Holley. A. B.Dayton 

( John J. Blair Belvidere. Moses F. Webb. 

8 1 A. D. Hope Somerville. E. R. Bullock. 

-j Joseph Coult Newton. C. H. Voorhees. 

1 Socrates Tuttle Paterson. Richard Speer. 

~ j Charles R. Waugh Newark. Walter Rutherford . 

I Benj. G. Clark Jersey City. Cornelius Walsh. 

PENNSYLVANIA. 

Deleoate* at. Large. 

Simon Cameron Harrisburg. 

A. K. McClure Chambersburg. 

W. W. Ketchuin Wilkesbarre. 

M.B.Lowry .., ; Erie. 

Delegates. 

1 j A. B. Slonaker Philadelphia. James Gillingham. 

1 | Eliot Ward John M. Butler. 

o( Peter C. Ellmaker John Thompson. 

"I John Holmes Isaac Colesbury. 

o j J. M. Fox John G. Clothier. 

} William Andrews Amos Knight. 

,JC.A. Walborn Henry Carey Lea. 

I Charles Thompson Geo. S. Keyser. 

- j Stephen H. Phillips. 
5 1.T. G. Kurd. 

,. j Daniel O. Hitner Norristown. Wm. Mintzer. 

j John H. Oliver Allentown. E. J. More. 

7 j William E. Barber. 

I H. Jones Brooke Media. Joshua P. Eyre. 

8 j Levi B. Smith Reading. W. M. Beard. 

( Edward Brooke Birdsboro. Wm. Trexler. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 



251 



(1 ( Thaddeus Stevens Lancaster. 

I Thomas E. Franklin Lancaster. 

10 ( James H. Campbell Pottsville. 

I G. Dawson Coleruan Lebanon. 

,, j Andrew H. Reeder Easton. 

11 | William Lilly .Maunch Chunk. 

10 j Galusha A. Grow .... Glenwood. 

J ~ I F. T. Atherton Wilkesbarre. 

,.,! B. F. Powell Towanda. 

I P. John Bloomsburg. 

1 t\ George Bergner Harrisburg. 

J *< John B. Packer Sunbury. 

K j Thomas E. Cochran York. David E. Small. 

1 Lev! Kauffrnan Mechanicsburg. A. K Rheern. 

,~5 John Stewart Chambersburg. E. G. Fahnestock.. 

10 I Edward Scull Somerset. Geo. W. Rupp. 

17 J R. B. Wigton Huntingdon. 

I J- E. Chandler Johnstown. 

1S j Henry Johnson Murray, Lycoming Co. 

18 | S. F. Wilson Wellesboro', Tioga Co. 

10 j Joseph Henderson Brookville. 

u ( William Denson Erie, 

on ( David V. Derrickson Meadville. 

4(1 1 L. J. Rogers Franklin.. 

01 j Wm. R. Spear Blairs ville, Indiana Co 

1 Cyrus P. Markle West Newton. 

99 j A. M. Brown Pittsburg. 

I Wm. B. Negley 

9 o)S. A Purviance 

M t A. Reynolds Kittanning. 

01 j Jas. A. J. Buchanan Waynesboro'. 

"* I W. W. Irvin New Brighton. 

DELAWARE. 

Delegates. 

Edward G. Bradford Wilmington. 

George Z. Tybout Red Lion. N. C. Co. 

William Cummins Smyrna. Kent Co. 

Nathaniel B. Smithers. Dover, Kent Co. 

Jacob Moore Georgetown, Sussex. 

Benjamin Burton Hillsboro', Sussex. 

MARYLAND. 

Delegates at Large. 

H. H. Goldsborough Easton. 

Henry W. Hoffman Baltimore. 

John A J. Creswell Elkton. 

Albert C. Green Frostburg. 

Delegates. 

-, j W. J. Leonard Berlin. 

a | L. E. Staughn Cambridge. 

9 J Joseph J. Stewart Townsonton. 

^ I E. M. Allen Darlington. 

o ) Archibald Sterling Baltimore. 

d ! Hugh L. Bond 

, j Frederick A. Schley Frederick. 

) Isaac Nesbitt Hagerstown. 

- j John C. Holland Cantonsville' 

I W. L. W. Seabrook Annapolis. 

OHIO. 

Delegates at Large. 

Wm. Dennison Columbus. D. D. Shryrock. 

David Tod Youngstown. G. B. Seuter. 

Columbus Delano Mt. Vernon. D. S. Shorter. 

G. Volney Dorsey Columbus. Joseph Landon. 

Delegates. 
, j N. A. Jacobi Cincinnati. 

1 I A. F. Perry 

oj S. F. Gary " J. O. Baum. 

-;(M.P. Gaddis " L.A.Harris. 

ojGeo.RrSage : Lebanpn. Warren Muriger, Jr. 

I L. Dunham Eaton. 

, j W. A. Weston Greenville. 

*lE.P.Fyffe Urbana. 



252 



THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 



el J. D. Clark .Van Wert. 

1C. Parmenter Lima. 

R j Chambers Baird Georgetown. 

e i W.K. Smith Hillsborough. 

? 1E. F.Drake Xenia. W. T. Bascum. 

'/A. B. Buttles Columbus. A. Toland. 

oi P. B. Cole Marysville. 

8 1H C. Hedges Mansfield. 

Delegates. 

nj L. Q. Rawson Fremont. C. Foster. 

I L. G. Harkness Norwalk. Sanders. 

1ft J Geo. William Perrysburgh. 

1U (D. W. H.Howard Wauseon. 

lt J Geo. A. Waller Portsmouth. 

11 I Wm. Ellison West Union. 

!<> ( John A. Hunter Lancaster. 

lf i Daniel Kilgore Waverly . 

<o J Johu C. Devin Mt. Vernon. 

10 1 E. E. Evans Zanesville. 

-M j Smith Orr Wooster. 

14 I H. G.Blake Medina. 

tK j Jos. Kessinger Athens. 

ia lEd. Archbold Woodsfleld. 

, fi I Chas. Hare Caldwell. 

I Isaac Morton Cambridge. 

7 5 L. W. Potter New Lisbon. Kent Jarvis. 

1 Robert Sherrard Steubenville. J. H.Tripp. 

1ft j W. H. Upson Akron. John Johnson. 

10 I D. R. Tilden Cleveland. Peter Thatcher. 

a) M. O. Canfield Chardon. 

Ja | F. Kinsman Warren. 

INDIANA. 

Delegates at Large. 

Daniel Mace Lafayette. 

James L. Yater Verseilles. 

John Beard Crawfordsville. 

Isaac Jenkinson Fort Wayne. 

Delegates. 

1 5 L. Q. De Bruler Rockport. Victor Bisch. 

I C. M. Allen Vincennes. JohnE. Mann. 

9 J Jesse J. Brown New Albany. C. H. Mason. 

I H. Woodbury Leaven worth. D. W. La Follett. 

ol W.M.Dunn Madison. T.M.Adams. 

I Geo. A. Buskirk Bloomington. Smith Vawter, 

4 5 Wilson Morrow W. A. Cullen. 

< John Ferris Lawrenceburg. Janies Berkshire. 

- I Miles Murphy Newcastle. Silas Colgrove. 

I Benjamin F. Miller Liberty. John F. Kibby. 

fi ( John W. Ray Indianapolis. P. Foley. 

<LeviRitter ..Danville. J. B. McFadden. 

t Dr. Stevenson Green Castle. J. M. Hinkle. 

'(Ezra Reed Terre Haute. D. C. Staukard. 

a I D. P. Vinton Lafayette. 

1 Lewis B. Simms Delphi. 

( J. M. Reynolds St. Joseph. J. D. Turner 

a 1 D. R. Bearss Peru. J. M. Justice. 

1ft i Isaac Jenkinson Fort Wayne. W. M. Clap. 

lu l James S. Collins Columbia City. C. W. Chapman. 

1t J John L. Wilson '. Blufton. J. M. Haynes. 

11 I Daniel L. Brown... Noblesville. T.C. Phillips. 

IOWA. 

Delegates at Large. 

W. M. Stone Des Moines. J. H. Rotherock. 

J. T. Clark New Oregon. J. R. Needham. 

Francis Springer Wapello. J. W. Bell 

D. D. Chase Webster City. Benj. Crabbe. 

Delegates. 

, j G. W. McCrarey Keokuk. A. H.C.Scott. 

M D. P. Stubbs Fairfleld. G. W. Edwards. 

9>D. W.Ellis Clinton. Chas. Oberman. 

1 John S. Stacy Anamosa John W. Eafl. 

o j J. S. Woodward Independence. J. M. Bray ton. 

) G. Kerndt Dutlanburg. J. Nicholas. 

.jD.G.Worden Signory. J.N.Allen. 

4 | J.M. Hendrick .. Ottawa. N.Udell. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 



253 



-(Cole Noel ; Adel. 

" I Frank Street Council Bluff. 

. ( Q. M. Woodbury Marshalltown. 

1 P. Melendy Onawa 

ILLINOIS. 

Delegates at Large, 

B . C. Cook Ottawa. 

Leonard Swett Bloomington. 

J. A. Powell Peoria. 

A. H. Burley. 

Delegates. 

t j J. Y. Scammon Chicago. 

I Lorenz Brentano Chicago. 

oj Geo. S. Bangs Aurora. 

1 E. P. Ferry Waukegan. 

( J. W.Shaffer Freeport. 

6 | James McCoy Fulton City. 



, j Harrison Dills. 
* j Solon Burroughs. 
E t H. F. Royce. 
1 Clark E. Carr 



Princeton. 



\ Joseph L. Braden. 

W.Bushnell. 
7 j G. W. Reeves. 

I James Cone. 
a t R. H. Fell. 
8 I J, M. Brown. 
Q j W. A. Grimshaw. 
J | W. B. Green. 
in j J. L. Morrison. 
1U | J. T. Alexander. 
., j W. H. Robinson. 
U 1D. T.M. Sams. 
10 I John Thomas. 
^ I William Copp. 
,0 j L. Rhodes. 
aa 1 Morris P. Brown. 

MINNESOTA. 
Delegates at Large. 
Thos. Simpson .................................... Winona. 

W. G. Butler ........ ......................... Clear Water. 

Daniel Cameron ............................. La Crescent. 

Charles M. Daily .................................. St. Paul. 

Delegates. . 
t < Charles Taylor ............................... Faribault. 

1 John McCusick ................................ Stillwater. 

ojD. G. Shillock ................................... New Ulm. 

" I Warren Bristol .................................. Red Wing. 

KANSAS. 

Delegates at Large. 
J. H. Lane ........................................ Lawrence. 

A. H. Insley. 

A. C. Wilder ..................................... Lawrence. 

F. W. Potter. 

Delegates 
T. M. Bowen. 
M. W. Delahey. 

MICHIGAN. 
Delegates at Large. 
Austin Blair ...................................... Jackson. 

Marsh Giddings ............................... Kalamazoo. 

Neil Gray ........................................... Romeo. 

C. W. Clisbee .................................... Blumfleld. 

Delegates . 
, J H. Kiefer ........................................... Detroit. 

1 I Wm. R. Noyes ...................................... Detroit. 

2 j L. P. Alexander ................................. Buchanan. 

" I J. H. Kelsey ............................ _____ Three Rivers. 

o ( C. T. Gorham ..................................... Marshall. 

1 E. Lawrence .................................... Ann Arbor. 

4 j Osmond Tower .................................... ...Ionia. 

I W. I. Cornwell ............... ..................... Newaygo. 



J. Street. 
Charles Henton. 
F G. Woodruff. 
A. Olener. 



G. W. Gage. 
John E. Rosette. 
Chas. Atkinson. 
Isaac Miller. 

C. N. Holden. 
E. S. Ishani. 

D. B. James. 
J. S. Hildreth. 
Joseph Utlev. 
Henry A. Mills. 
James Stark. 
Robert Moir. 
W. S. Wiley. 
Geo. Henderson. 
J. P. South worth. 

E. A. Lake, 

John Cunningham. 
J. Bold. 
R. D. Cassell. 
J. T. Jenkins. 

A. E. Babcock. 
W. K. Riiy. 

B. Sammons. 
David Pearson. 
J.W. Welshear. 
S. P. Tufts. 
A.W. Metcalf. 
John Stehr 

J. C. Barbour. 
John Wheeler. 



Thos. N. Armstrong. 
Z. M. Mitchell. 
Geo. F. Hotter. 
Andrew R. Kieffer. 

George Watson. 
R. Blakeley. 
E. B. Freeman. 
Eli Robinson. 



EmmonsBuell. 
Perry Hannah. 
Perley Bills. 

D. C. Gage. 

W. R. Noyes. 

E. Dorch. 

B. F. Frankenberg. 
D. Monroe. 
Eugene Pringle. 
Henry A. Shaw. 
James A. Sweezey. 
A. X. Carey. 



254 



THE FIRST THREE REPUBLICAN 



-1 Charles Draper .................... ' ............... Pontiac. J. P. Bhigham. 

) O. D. Conger .................................. Port Huron. James Turrill. 

fijj. B. Walker ....................................... Flint. D. G. Slafter. 

1 R. Sheldon ..................................... Houghton. J. W. Edwards. 



WISCONSIN. 

Delegates at Large, 

Edward Saloman .......................... ..Milwaukee. 

A. W. Randall ........................... Washington. B.C. 

Angus Cameron ................................ La Crosse. 

Stoadard Judd ................ ................. Fox Lake. 

Delegates. 
i \ John F. Potter ........................ Montreal, Canada. 

MC.C. Sholes ...................................... Kenosha. 

1 J. F. Moak ...................................... Watertown. 

* I J. B. Cassoday .................................. Janesville. 

qj S. S. Wilkinson ................................... Baraboo. 

d ) J. A. Bingham ...................................... Monroe. 

4 t L. H. Carey ..................................... Sheboygan. 

4 ).T.M. Gillet ..................... .............. FonduLac. 

c j P. Sawyer .......................................... Oshkosh. 

5 .1M. L. Kimball ....................................... Berlin. 

R J L. E. Webb. 

D |U.C. Pope ............................. Black River Falls. 

MISSOURI. 

Delegates at Large. 

Chauncey I. Filley ........................ ..... St. Louis. 

Benj. F. Loan ................................... St. Joseph. 

C. D. Drake ..................................... St. Louis. 

J. F. Benjamin .................................... St. Louis. 

Delegates. 
i ( George K. Budd ................................. St. Louis. 

M J. W. Parish ...... . ............................... St. Louis. 

. j John F. Hume .................... ................ St. Louis. 

*1 H.T. Blow ........................................ St Louis. 

A. M Jackson 



o 1 
I James Lindsay 



. 
S. H. Boyd .................................... Springfield. 

*( John B.Clark, Jr ........................ Jefferson City. 

,\ J. W. McClurg. 

I A. C. Widdecombe ............................ Boonville. 

fi j R. T. Van Horn ............................ Kansas City. 

I A. Holcomb .................................. Kansas City. 

7 j J. A. G. Barker ............................... St. Joseph. 

J A. J. Holland ................................... Savannah. 

a 5 A. L. Gilstrap ............................... Macon City. 

8 }C. H. Howe .................................... Macon City. 

Q j Wallis Lovelace. 
y | I. J. Staubler. 

KENTUCKY. 

Delegates at Large. 
R. J. Breckinridge ............................... Danville. 

Samuel Lusk. 

R. K. Williams ................................... Mayfield. 

F. Bristow ........................ ................. Elkton. 

Delegates. 
i I L. Anderson ..................................... Paducah. 

J. Bellinger ...................................... Paducah. 

William Davenport. 
H. C. Surges. 

Delegates. 
George D. Blakely ...... .................. Bowling Green. 

.1. W. Calvert ............................. Bowling Green. 

George White .................. .......... Elizabethtown. 

R. L. Wintersmith. 

A. B. Temple. 

James Speed ..................................... Louisville. 

Green Clay Smith .............................. Covington- 

William Trimble. 

J. A. Prall ............................................. Paris. 

A. G. Hodges ................ . .................. Frankfort. 



, 9 j 
"^ 



O.H.Waldo. 
A. G. G. Darwin. 
Carson Graham. 
E. H. Galloway. 

E. M. Danforth. 
J. M. Bundy. 
J. M. Bingham. 
S J. Todd 
W. R. Beach. 
J. H. Vivian. 
L. Frost. 
G. S. Graves 
C. B. Goodwin. 
H. Briggs. 
C. B.Oox. 
G.E.Foster. 



George Babcock. 
Enos Clark. 

D. Q. Gale. 
A. Valle. 
James Lindsay. 
G. W. Wheeler. 

J. B. Clark, Jr. 
S.H.Boyd. 
J. T. Mack. 

F. Cooley. 

George Smith. 

J. S. K. Hay ward. 

E. A. Katzer. 

M. L. Harrigher. 
J. H. Ellis. 
W. B. Adams. 
J. H. Wadsworth. 



S. F. Swope. 
George Dewny. 
Lucian Anderson. 
James Weir. 

J. W. Finney. 
Col. Henry. 
C. Maxwell. 
Q. C. Shanks. 

Joseph R. Glover. 
Richard Vance. 
J. M. Fiddler. 
T. Q. Walker. 
R. Ayres. 
Edwin Bryant. 
C. A. Preston. 
J. C. Recard. 
S. S. Goodloe. 
Milton Stevenson. 



NATIONAL CONVENTIONS 1856, 1860, 1864. 



255 



fi j J. W. Coperlon. J. G. Pond. 

* i W. B. Anderson. W. H. Randall. 

a) I). E. Roberts. P. S. Layton. 

I J. J. Anderson. John Seaton. 

CALIFORNIA. 

Delegates at Large. 

Thompson Campbell San Francisco. 

John Bidwell Chico. David Maboney. 

M. C. Briggs Sacramento City. Samuel Bran nan. 

A. S. Randall Albion, N. Y. John S. Newell. 

Delegates. 

I 5 James Otis San Francisco. W. H. Culver. 

I I W. S. McMurtry San Jose. A. P. Jourdaa. 

j O. H. Bradbury Janestown. C. P. Huntington. 

~( William Ritter Sacramento City. C. 0. Rynerson. 

o ) Nathan Coombs Sacramento City. A. G. Snyder. 

1 Robert Gardner Sacramento City. A. W. Thompson. 

OREGON. 

Delegates at L'arge. NOTE. 

T. H. Pearne Portland. There are no alter- 

Hiram Smith Harrisburg. nates elected from this 

F. A. Charman Oregon City. State, and all of the 

Josiah Failing Portland, delegates are elected 

J. W. Southworth Corvalla. at large, there being 

M. Hirsch Salem, but one district in the 

State. 

NEBRASKA. 

Delegates at Large. 
John I. Redick Omaha City. 

B. F. Lushbaugh Omaha City. 

D. H. Wheeler Plattsmouth. 

W. H. H. Waters .....Nebraska City. 

A. S. Paddock Omaha City. 

S. G. Dailey Browasville. 

DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. 

Delegates at Large. 

Lewis Ciephane Washington. William P. Wood. 

J. R. El vans Washington. Henry Ulke. 

Contestants. 

Joseph J. Coombs. Asbury Lloyd. 

Noble D. Lamer. Joseph F. Hodgson. 

DAKOTA. 

Delegate at Large. 
William E. Gleason. George M. Pinney. 

COLORADO. 

Delegates at Large. 

John A. Nye Denver City. 

S. S. Curtis Denver City. 

S. H. Ebert Denver City. 

J. B. Chaffee Central City. 

Edward Brown Central City. 

NEW MEXICO. 

Delegates at Large. 

Francisco Perea Taos. 

John S. Watts Santa Fe. 

Joshua Jones, Jr Port Union. 

WASHINGTON. 

Delegate at Large. 
Hugh A. Goldsborough Washington, D. C. 



INDEX. 



Page 

Adams, Charles Francis, of Massachusetts, remarks of, 1856 48 

Adjournment, sine die, 1856 82 

Sinedie,I860 169 

Sine die, 1864 247 

Allison, Hon. John, of Pennsylvania, remarks of, 1856 59-62 

Proposing Abraham Lincoln as a candidate for Vice-President, 1856 61 

Andrew, Hon. John A. of Massachusetts, endorsing Lincoln's nomination, 1860 156 

Armour, Charles, Lee, Maryland, remarks by, 1860 113, 116, 147 

Array, news from 235 

Ashmun, Hon. George, Massachusetts, elected permanent president, 1860 101 

Remarks by 101 

Remark accepting gavel 104 

Resolution of, thanks to, 1860 168 

Valedictory address of, 1860 168 

Ballot, formal, for President. 1856 58 

First, for President, 1860 149 

Second, for President, I860 152 

Third, fer President, 1860 153 

For President. 1864 234 

First, for Vice-President, 1864 240 

Second, for Vice-President, 1864 , 242 

Baltimore, thanks to City Councils of 1864 247 

Banks, Nathaniel P., of Massachusetts, vote received for President, 1856 53 

Vote received for' Vice-President, 1856 53 

Withdrawalof 64 

Proposed for Vice- President, 1860 160 

Vote received for Vice-President, 1860 ; 160 

Bates, Edward, proposed for President, 1860 148 

Vote received for President, 1860 149, 152,153 

Benning, Henry, Chairman, communication from, in behalf of working men, 1860 144 

Benton, Jacob, New Hampshire, remarks by, I860 146 

Blair. Austin, Michigan, endorsing Lincoln's nomination, 1860 157 

Seconding nomination of Wm. H. Seward, 1860 148 

Blair, Frank P., Missouri, nominating Edward Bates for President, 1860 148 

Blair, Montgomery, Maryland, remarks by, 1860 118 

Remarks by on additional credentials, from Maryland, 1860 145 

Blakey, Kentucky, remarks by, 1856 80 

Blow, Henry T., Missouri, temporary Secretary, 1860 87 

Boutwell, Geo. S., Massachusetts, remarks by, 1860 94 

Brandazee, A., Connecticut, remarks by, 1864 185 208 

Remarks by, on Missouri case, 1864 209 

Branes, Rev. Albert, prayer by, 1856 21 

Breckinridge, Hon. Robert J., of Kentucky, chosen temporary President. 1864. 177 

Acceptance speech of, 1864 177 181 

Remarks by, 1864, on Missouri case 210 

Brownlow, Rev. W. G., "Parson," Tennessee, speech by. 1864 188-9 

Browning, O. H., Illinois, response by, relative to Lincoln's nomination, 1860. . 159 
17 



258 INDEX. 

Page 

Buckland, Maine, remarks by, 1860 121 

Business, Order of, report of Committee on, 1856 27 

Order of, Committee on, 1860 89 

Order of, report of Committee on, 1860 109 

Order of and Rules, report of Committee on, 1860 125 

Order of and Rules, adoption of report of Committee ou, 1860 129 

Order of, appointment as Committee on. 1864 197 

Order of and Rules, report of Committee on, 1864 201 

Burnside, Gen. Ambrose E., vote received for Vice President by, 1864 240 

Butler, Benjamin F., vote received for Vice President by 240 

Call, the first preliminary, 1856 7 

For first nominating Convention 14 

California, acknowledgement of nomination of Fremont by, 1856 68 

Cameron, General Simon, proposed for President, 1860 148 

Vote of for President, 1860 149-152 

Withdrawal of, 1860 152 

Remarks by, 1864 183-184 186 

Resolution by relative to nomination of President and Vice President, 

1864 227 

Campbell, Thompson, California, remarks by, 1864 184 

Carey, Henry C., vote received for Vice- President, 1856 63 

Carpenter, Hiram, Vermont, remarks by, 1856 76 

Cartter, D. K., Ohio, remarks by, 1860 92 

Remarks of, on platform, 1860 136 

Nominating Salmon P. Chase for President, 1860 148 

Chandler, Zachariah, of Michigan, reading of dispatch from Detroit by, 1856.. 69 

Chandler, L. H.. Virginia, remarks by, 1864 190. 191, 192 

Chase, Salmon P., letter of, withdrawing as a candidate for President, 1856 59 

Proposed for President, 1860 148 

Vote received for President, 1860 149, 152, 153 

Chicago, invitation of Board of Trade of 1860 91 

Clay, Cassius M,, vote received for Vice-President, 1856 63 

Vote received for President. 1860 , 152, 153 

Proposed for Vice-President, 1860 160 

Vote received for Vice-President, 1860 160, 161 

Cleveland, Ex-Governor of Connecticut, remarks of, 1856 56 

Remarks of, 1856 67 

Remarks by, 1860 118 

Coale, of Maryland, remarks by on Maryland credentials, 1860 145 

Collamer, Jacob, of Vermont, vote received for Vice-President, 1856 63 

Vote of for President 149 

Coif ax, Schuyler, vote received for Vice-President, 1864 240 

Cook, R. C., Illinois, remarks by 227 

Committee, Republican National, resolution by Dr. George Harris, of Mary- 
land, to constitute, 1856 23 

Republican National, 1856 42 

National, members of 1860 166 

National, 1864 242 

Contested Seats, action on, 1864, laid over 187 

Convention, call for the first, 1856 7 

The Pittsburg Republican, 1856 7-13 

The Pittsburg, organization of, 1856 10 

Call for first nominating, 1856 14 

Roll of Members of 1856 35,42 

National Young Men's, 1856 81 

National Republican, at Philadelphia, 1856 15-82 

AtChicago, 1860 83-174 



INDEX. 259 

At Baltimore, 1864 175-255 

Officers of , I860 102 

Roll of Members of, 1856 35-42 

Roll of Members of, 1880 170-174 

Union National, call of, 1864 175 

Opening of 175 

Roll of Members of 1864., 248-256 

Corwin, Thomas, remarks nominating John McLean for President. 1860 148 

Crawford, M. S. C., of Texas, remarks of, 1860 121 

Credentials, Committee on, 1856 21 

Report of Committee on, 1856 27 

Resolution relative to, 1860 88 

Committee on, 1860 89 

Discussion on, 1860 80.94 

Report of Committee on, 1860 110 

Report of the Committee on, recommitted, 1860 123 

Adoption of Report of Committee on, 1860 124 

Appointment of Committee on, 1864 193 

Report of Committee on, 1864 203 

Minority Report from Committee on, 1864 204 

Amendments to Report of Committee on, 1864 208-216, 217-222 

Creswell, J. A. .!., Maryland, motion of, restricting rules, 1864 193 

Curtis. George William, New York, remarks of, on platform, 1860 141 

Remarks by, on Missouri case 112 

Davis, Henry Winter, vote received for Vice-President, 1860 160 

Dayton, William L., of New Jersey, proposed for Vice-President, 1856 . 80 

Vote received for Vice-President, 1856 63 

Changes .of votes for, 1856 66 

Nomination of, for Vice-President, 1856 66 

Proposed for President, 1860 148 

Vote of, for President, 1860 149, 152, 153 

Vote for Vice President, 1860 160 

Delano, Columbus, of Ohio, seconding nomination of Lincoln, 1860 149 

Remarks and motion of, 1864 230 

Delegates, motion as-to, 1864 183-4-5 

Missouri radical admitted, 1864 216 

Rollof,1864 ..248-256 

Delegations, Chairmen of, roll of, 1864 20t 

Dennison, Hon. William, of Ohio, chosen permanent President, 1864 195 

Acceptance speech by, on taking chair as permanent President, 1864 196-7 

Remarks by on declaring Convention adjourned sine die 247 

Detroit, salute of 100 guns by, 1856 69 

Dickinson, Daniel S, proposed for Vice President. 1864 236 

Vote received for Vice President by, 1864 240-242 

Dorsey, G. Volney, Ohio, remarks by, 1864. 211 

Dorsheimer, Philip S., New York, remarks by, 1856 T5 

Drake, Hon. E. F., Ohio, report by from Committee on Rules, 1864 201 

Dudley, New Jersey, neminatirig Wm. L. Dayton for President, 1860 148 

Eggleston, Ben., Ohio, remarks by, 1860 95-122 

Elder, Dr., of Pennsylvania, remarks of, 1856 47 

Elliott, Thomas D., of Massachusetts, remarks of, 1856 56 

Emmet, Hon. Itobert, of New York, elected temporary President, Philadel- 
phia, 1856 15 

Speech, accepting the temporary Presidency 15-20 

Resolution of thanks to, 1856 81 

Evarts, William M., of New York, nominating William H. Seward for Presi- 
dent, 1860 148 



260 INDEX. 

,Fage 

Remarks of on motion to make nomination of Abraham Lincoln unani- 
mous, 1860 155 

Ewing, John H., Pennsylvania, remarks by, 1860 112 

Fisher, John Adams, of Pennsylvania, remarks of proposing David Wilmot 

for Vice President, 1856 61 

Fogg, George G., of New Hampshire, temporary Secretary, 1856 20 

Ford, Gov. Thomas, of Ohio, withdrawal of, 1856 65 

Vote received for Vice President 65 

Fremont, Gen. John C., of California, vote received for President, 1856 53 

Nominatedfor President, 1856 58 

Vote received for President, 1860 149 

Gaddis, Rev. M. P., prayer by, 1864 199 

Gavel, presentation of, 1860 103 

Gazzard, Mr., of Pennsylvania, remarks of, 1856 57 

Giddings, Hon. Joshua R,, Ohio, remarks of. 1856 53, 55 

Vote received for Vice-President, 1856 63 

Remarks by, 1860 98 

Remarks of on platform, 1860 135 

Resolution of 1860 165 

Goodrich, Aaron, of Minnesota, remarks by 91 

Remarks and resolutions of thanks of to Chicago, 1860 167 

Grant, Ulysses S.. vote received for President, 1864 232, 234 

Greeley, Horace, daily and mail report of proceedings of Preliminary Con- 
vention, 1856 8, 13 

Greeley, Horace, of Oregon, remarks by, 18(50 89 

Green, Rev. M., prayer by, 1860 143 

Grimm, editor Belleville Zeitung, remarks of, 1856 99 

Grinnell, Moses H., of New York, remarks of, 1856 51 

Hacklemann, P. A., Indiana, remarks of, 1860 121 

Hale, John P., Mew Hampshire, remarks by, 1856 78, 74 

Hamlin, Hannibal, proposed for Vice-President, 1860 160 

Vote received for Vice-President, 1860 160.161 

Nomination of for Vice-President, 1860 162 

Resolution relative to nomination of. 1864 227 

Proposed for Vice-President, 1864 236 

Vote received for Vice-President 240, 242 

Hanks, Arkansas, remarks by, 1864 189 

Hassaureck, Fred.. Ohio, temporary Secretary, 1860 87 

Remarks of, on platform, 1860 139 

Hickman, John, proposed for Vice-President. 1860 160 

Vote of, Vice President, 1860 160-61 

Hoadley, Judge, Ohio, Remarks by, 1856 77 

Hoar, E. R., Judge, of Massachusetts, Remarks of, 1856 57 

Hood, Rev. Anson, Prayer by, 1856 35 

Hume, J. F. Missouri, Remarks of 232 

Humphrey, Rev. Z., Prayer by, 1860 87 

Invitation from Chicago Board of Trade, 1860 91 

Report on 99 

From Ellsworth's Zouave Guards, 1860 106 

From Chicago & Rock Island Railroad, 1860 108 

From Galena & Chicago Union Railroad, 1860 144 

Acceptance of, 1860 167 

1864 247 

James, Remarks of on Rules, 1860 128 

Jay, W., of New Jersey, Remarks of, 1856 61 

Johnson, Andrew, Proposed for Vice President, 1864 236 

Vote Received for Vice President, 1864 240-42 



INDEX. 261 

Page 

Nomination of for Vice President, 1864 242 

Johnson, Whitfield S., vote received for Vice President, 1856 63 

Judd, Hon. Norman B., elected Secretary National Committee, 1856 42 

Norman B., Illinois, remarks by, 1860 95 

Remarks by, on presenting a gavel 103 

Nominating Abraham Lincoln for President, 1860 148 

Kolley. Wm. D., Pennsylvania, remarks by, 1860 96 

Remarks of, on rules, 1860 127 

Kent, Gov., of Maine, resolution to amend Seeley's resolution and remarks of, 47 

Remarks by, 1856 77 

Kimball, F. D., of Ohio, resolution of, relative to permanent organization, 1856, 22 

King, John A., of New York, vote received for Vice President, 1856 63 

Remarks by, 1856 75 

King, Preston, New York, remarks by, 1860 97 

Report of Committee on Credentials, made by, 1864 203 

Remarks by. 1864 204,206,207,208 

King, amendments proposed by, 1864 206-208, ?16, 217-222 

Lane, Col. Henry S., of Indiana, elected permanent president, 1856 24 

Speech of, accepting permanent presidency of Convention, 1856 25-27 

Resolution of thanks to, 1856 82 

Remarks of, pledging Indiana to Lincoln and Hamlin, 1860 166 

Lane, J. H., Kansas, amendment by, 1864 187 

Remarks by, 1864 188-192 

Minority report on Credentials read by, 1864 205 

Law, George, communication of, from National American Convention 52 

Leigh, Charles C.,of New York, resolution relative to Young Men's National 

Convention '.. 60 

Lincoln, Abraham, of Illinois, named for Vice-President by John Allison, 1856 61 

Vote received for Vice-President, 1856 63 

Withdrawal of. 1856 65 

Proposed for President, 1860 148 

Vote received for President, 1860 149-152,153 

Resolution relative to nomination of, 1864 227 

Vote received for President, 1864 234 

Nominated for President, 1864 234 

Littlejohn, DeWitt C., resolution of, relative to Law communication 52 

Remarks of, 1856 56 

Logan, John A., proposing three cheers for all the candidates of the Repub- 
lican party, 1860 149 

Lovejoy, Owen, of Illinois, prayer by, 1856 7 

Remarks by 20, 31, 57 

Mann, Wm. B., Pennsylvania, remarks of, 1860 129 

Mass Meeting, Pittsburg 12-13 

Maynard, Horace, Tennessee, remarks by, 1864 188 

Remarks by, on admission of delegates from Tennessee, 1864 221 

Remarks of, proposing Andrew Johnson for Vice-President, 1864 236 

McClure, A. K., report of Committee on Permanent Organization by, 1864 195 

McLean, John, Judge, of Ohio, letter of withdrawal as a candidate for Presi- 
dent, 1856 49 

Withdrawal as a candidate for President withdrawn, 1856 53 

Vote received for President, 1856 53 

Vote of, for President, 1860 149-152-153 

McCrillis, of Maine, remarks by, 1860 121 

Remarks responding to nomination of Hamlin, 1860 163-4 

Minority, reports by, from Committee on Credentials, 1864 204-205 

Missouri case 208-216 

Mitchell, Thomas G., of Oliio, temporary Secretary 20 

Morgan, Hon. Edwin D., of New York, address at opening of Philadelphia, 1856 15 



262 INDEX. 

Page 

Elected Chairman National Committee, 1856 42 

Opening address of 1860 83 

Opening address of, Baltimore Convention, 1861.... 176 

Morrill, Hon. Lot M., of Maine, remarks by, 1864 183-4 

National American Convention, communications from. 1856 52 

National American Convention, report on, 1856 63 

North, John W., Minnesota seconding nomination of Seward, 1860 14!> 

Notihcation. Committee of, 1856 67 

Committee of , 1860 165 

Order, decision by the Chair upon question of 96 

Officers, thanks to 246 

Oregon, election in, news of 236 

Organization, earliest of record. 1855 3 

Washington Republican, 1855 3-6 

Resolutions relative to permanent, 1856 22 

Committee on permanent, 1856 22 

Report of Committee on permanent, 1856 24 

Permanent, resolution relative to, 1860 87 

Permanent, Committee on, 1860 88 

Permanent, report of Committee on, 1860 101 

Temporary, 1864 181 

Permanent, Committee on, 1864 1M 

Permanent, report of Committee on, 1864 195 

Oyler, 8. P., Indiana, remarks by, 1860 94-119 

Palmer, John M., of Illinois, remarks of, 1856 62 

Patten, Rev. W. W., prayer by, 1860 107 

Patterson, Geo. W., New York, remarks by, 1864 184 

Pennsylvania National Republican Party of, communication from, 1856 62 

Pennington, Aaron S, vote received for Vice-President, 1856 63 

Philadelphia, resolution of thanks to citizens of, 1856 82 

Phillips, Wm. A., Kansas, remarks by, 1860 215 

Seconding nomination of Seward, 1869 149 

Platform, committee on, 1856 22 

Proposed amendments to, 1856 45 

National Republican, 1856 43, 45 

Resolution relative to, 1860 103 

Committeeon, 1860 105 

Reportof committee on, 1860 130 

Amendments of, 1860 133, 142 

And resolutions, committee on, 1864 194 

And resolutions, report of committee on, and adoption of. 1864 225, 226, 227 

Pomeroy, Samuel C., vote received for Vice. President, 1856 63 

Remarks by, 1856 80 

Pomeroy, Theodore, New York, temporary Secretary, 1860 87 

Pratt, Daniel D., Reading Secretary, thanks to, 1860. 168 

Proceedings, resolution authorizing 2 

Publication of resolution relative to, 1864 246 

Raymond, Henry J., of New York, remarks by, 1864 185, 186 

Reportof Committeeon Resolutions, by. 1864 225 

Reeder, Andrew H., of Pennsylvania, remarks by, I860 92, 93, 120 

Remarks by, 1864... 192, 207 

Remarks, nominating Simon Cameron for President, 1860 148 

Proposed for Vice-President, 1860 160 

Vote of, for Vice President, 1860 160 

Reiley, Rev. McKendree, prayer by, 1864 181 

Report, minority, on order of business. 1860 109 



INDEX. 263 

Page 

Republican movement, circular to friends of 4 

Rousseau, Gen. L. H., proposed for Vice-President, 1864 236 

Vote received for Vice-President by, 1864 240 

Rules, Report of Committee on, 1856 : 27 

And business, 1860 89 

Adoption of, House of Representatives, 1864 193 

Appointment of Committee on permanent, 1864 197 

Report of Committee on, 1864 201 

Sargent, A. A. California, remarks by, on Maryland credentials, 1860 145 

Schneider, Editor, remarks of, 1856 67 

Schurz, Carl, of Wisconsin, remarks of, on platform, 1860 138 

Seconding nomination of Wm. H. Seward, 1860 149 

Endorsing Lincoln's nomination, 1860 157 

Secretaries, permanent, 1856 24 

Temporary, 1860 87 

List of, 1864 195 

Secretary, instructions of, to print proceedings 246 

Seeley, John E., of New York, resolution relative to informal vote for Presi- 
dent, 1856 45-49 

Seward, Hon. William H., vote of , for President, 1856 53 

Proposed for President, 1860 148 

Vote of, for President, 1860 149-152,153 

Sherwood, Lyman, of New York, remarks of, 1856 57 

Sholes, C. C., Wisconsin, remarks by, 1864 207 

Smith, Hon. Caleb B., of Indiana, remarks of, 1856 28 

Seconding Lincoln's nomination, 1860 148 

Remarks endorsing nomination of Hamlin, 1860 :.. 162 

Smith, E. D., South Carolina, remarks by 224 

Spaulding, Judge, of Ohio, withdrawal by of Judge McLean's letter of with- 
drawal, 1856 53 

Stanton, Edwin M., despatches from 235 

Stevens, Thaddeus, of Pennsylvania, remarks of, 1856 .... 51 

Motion relative to contested seats by, 1864 187 

Remarks by on Missouri case, 1864, 215 

Stone, A. P., of Ohio, resolution relative to credentials, 1856 21 

Resolution by,1856 72 

Seconding the nomination of Lincoln, 1860 149 

Stone, Wm. M,, Iowa, motion and remarks of, 1864 227, 228, 229 

Sumner, Charles, Hon., of Massachusetts, vote received for President, 1856 53 

Vote received for Vice-President, 1856 63 

Withdrawal of, 1856 64 

Vote of for President, 1860 149 

Sweetser, Theodore H., Massachusetts, remarks by, 1860 95 

Swett, Leonard, Illinois, remarks by, on nomination of Lincoln, 1864 234 

Tennessee, delegation from admitted 220 

Territories, delegates from, 1864 193 

Report of Committee of Credentials on. 1864 223 

Right to vote of , 1864 243 

Tarr, Campbell, West Virginia, remarks by 

Test, Judge, Illinois, remarks by, 1856 77 

Thanks, resolution of, to Vice Presidents and Secretaries, 1860 168 

To President, Vice President and Secretaries, 1856 82 

To officers of Convention. 1864 246 

To City Council of Baltimore 247 

Thayer, Eli, Oregon, remarks by 93 

Tremaine, Lyman, of New York, remarks of, proposing Daniel S. Dickinson 

for Vice President, 1864... 237 



264 INDEX. 

Page 

Tyler, Judge, Connecticut, 1856 79 

Underwood, Virginia, remarks by 1856 80 

Van Dyke, J., of New Jersey, remarks by, 1856. 69 

Viele, John J., of New York, resolution relative to Free Soil Democracy of 

New York 23 

VIce-Presidents, permanent, 1856 .t 24 

Vice-President, Informal ballot for, 1856 63 

Formal vote for, 1856 65 

First ballot for, 1860 160 

Second ballot for, 1860 16) 

Result of balloting for, 1860 162 

Announcement of nomination of Hannibal Ham lin for, 1860 162 

Vice-Presidents, list of, 1864 195 

Vice-President, vote received by all candidates for, 1864 240 

Nomination of. 1864 240, 242 

Virginia, report of committee on credentials in 224 

Vote, announcement of for President, 1856 58 

Votes, changing of.for President, 1860 153, 154, 155 

Changes of for Vice-President, 1864 240, 242 

Voting, ratio of, resolution relative to 168 

Wade, Benjamin, vote of for President, 1860 !49 

Webb, Gen,. James Watson, of New York, remarks of 45, 54 

Whelpley, Edward W.,of New Jersey, resolution of to take informal ballot for 

Vice-President, 1856 60 

Remarks of, naming Wm. L. Dayton, of New Jersey, for Vice-President, 

1856 60 

Wills, John A., of California, remarks of, 1856 68 

Wilmot, Hon. David, of Pennsylvania, resolution relative to platform, 1856. .. 21 

Report of, of platform, 1856 43 

Remarks of, 1856 55 

Proposed for Vice-President, 1856 61 

Vote received for Vice-President, 1856 63 

Withdrawal of. 1856 64 

Remarks by, 1856 79 

Appointed temporary President, 1860 85 

Remarks accepting temporary presidency, 1860 85 

Remarks by, 1860 lit 115, 116 

Remarks of, on platform. 1860 .'. 137 

Wilson, Hon. Henry, of Massachusetts, remarks of, 1856 31-35 

Vote received for Vice-President, 1856 63 

Withdrawal of, 1856 65 

Remarks by, 1856 77, 79 

Workingmen, communication of, 1860 144 

Wyse, James, District of Columbia, remarks by, 1860 113