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agents chattels converting persons into things. A slave is one held in this condition : in 
law, ' he owns nothing, and can acquire nothing.' His right to himself is abrogated. If 
he say my hands, my body, my mind, MYse//", they are figures of speech. To use himself 
for his own good, is a crime. To keep what he earns is stealing. To take his body into 
his own keeping, is insurrection. In a word, the profit of his master is made the END of 
his being, and he, a mere means to that end a mere means to an end into which his inte- 
rests do not enter, of which they constitute no portion. 

" MAN, sunk to a thing ! the intrinsic element, the principle of slavery ; MEN, bartered, 
leased, mortgaged, bequeathed, invoiced, shipped in cargoes, stored as goods, taken on execu- 
tions, and knocked off at public outcry ! Their rights, another's conveniences; their interests, 
wares on sale ; their personal, inalienable ownership, a serviceable article or a plaything ; 
their deathless nature, conscience, social affections, sympathies, hopes, marketable com- 
modities ! 

" This is slavery. The eternal distinction between a person and a thing trampled under 
foot the crowning distinction of all others alike the source, the test, and the measure of 
their value, the rational immortal principle, consecrated by God to universal homage in a 
baptism of glory and honour, by the gift of his Son, his Spirit, his word, his presence, pro- 
vidence, and power ; his shield, and staff, and sheltering wing ; his opening heavens, and 
angels ministering; and a great voice in heaven proclaiming eternal sanctions, and confirm- 
ing the word with signs following." Weld. 

4< 00 $ 
Bancroft Libra? 


IT is stated by the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery 
Society, in their Report of the proceedings consequent on the last 
Convention, that, " The idea of holding a Convention of the philan- 
thropists of various countries for the purpose of promoting the 
universal Abolition of Slavery and the Slave-Trade, was a novel and 
a bold one." A second experiment having been made, the novelty 
has passed away, and the response with which the call of the Com- 
mittee met on both occasions, proved that the "bold idea" had only 
to be clothed in language, in order to call forth the sympathies of the 
brightest ornaments of humanity. 

But however august may be such an assembly, however sublime 
the object at which it aims, however benevolent its designs, how- 
ever judicious the plans devised, however eloquent the addresses 
delivered, however fervid the zeal enkindled, and however deep the 
impressions produced, it is manifest that no lasting benefits would be 
secured without an accurate and a permanent record of its transactions. 
To secure such benefits to the cause of humanity, is the motive in 
committing to the press the following pages. 

While the sentiments therein contained demonstrate that the cupidity 
of the slave-owner, and the relentless cruelties of the slave-dealer 
remain unabated, they nevertheless prove that time, talents, energy, 
and property, consecrated to the rescue of the oppressed, have not 
been disregarded by HIM who hath " made of one blood all nations 
of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth ;" and who has 
enjoined upon each to " do unto others as he would that they should 
do unto him." 

It will be seen that since the first Convention was held, GREAT 
BRITAIN has consummated her act of justice to the African race, 
inhabiting her West India colonies, by extending the blessings of free- 
dom likewise to the subjects of her Eastern dependencies. In AMERICA 
there has been a growing feeling, that a country, boasting of the 
popularity of a constitution, the fundamental principles of which are, 
" That all men are created equal ; that they are endowed by their 
Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, 
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," and yet retaining in bondage 
nearly three millions of the human family, tends to excite the contempt 
of the civilized world. The exposure of the iniquities connected with 
the internal slave-trade, and the detestable means by which it is 


sustained, has aroused many of the churches of that country to a 
sense of the enormities inseparable from slavery, and induced them 
not only to pass, but rigidly to enforce resolutions, excluding from 
Christian fellowship all who participate in the crime. CUBA and 
BRAZIL, by whom the African Slave Trade is principally fostered and 
perpetuated, are suffering the punishments of a retributive Providence ; 
and the unrighteous means adopted for amassing wealth are threatening 
to involve those Islands in commercial ruin. EUROPEAN NATIONS, 
desirous of emulating Great Britain in power and wealth, are sensible 
that her philanthropy places her so immeasurably above them in the 
scale of humanity, that they cannot approximate to her greatness until 
they have imitated her example and released the bondsman from his 
chains. Even AFRICA herself has sympathised in the general move- 
ment ; and one of her princes has emancipated his slaves and abolished 
the slave market, to quote his own emphatic words, " For the glory of 
mankind to distinguish them from the brute creation." 

These animating results are to be ascribed instrumentally, in no 
small degree, to the plans evolved by the Convention of 1840, and the 
vigorous and judicious mode in which they have been worked out by 
the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, to 
whom their execution was confided. Abundant testimony to this fact 
will be found to have been borne by the Delegates from America and 
other countries. It may safely be affirmed that the advances made 
towards the overthrow of slavery, and the establishment of universal 
freedom, during the last three years, have been unrivalled in any former 
period of the Anti-Slavery enterprise. With equal certainty, it may be 
predicated that the ensuing three years will not be less auspicious than 
the past in their influence upon the destinies of the still enslaved 
portions of mankind. 

With regard to the work itself, the utmost pains have been taken to 
ensure accuracy ; and the commendations bestowed upon the report of 
the proceedings of 1840, it is confidently hoped, will be found equally 
due to this volume. To those Gentlemen who have revised their 
speeches, and to the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti- 
Slavery Society, by whom the official documents have been supplied, 
and under whose sanction the work is published, the warmest thanks 
are tendered. 

2, Charles-square, City-road, 
16, 1843. 



OPENING of the Convention in Freemasons' Hall. President appointed. Address 
from THOMAS CLARKSON, Esq. Constitution and Call of the Convention. Ap- 
pointment of Vice -Presidents, Secretaries, Press and Finance Committee. Report 
of the- Proceedings consequent on the last Convention. . . Page 1 18 


Report on the Progress of the Anti-Slavery Cause since the last Convention. Abo- 
lition of Slavery in the East Indies and British Settlements in the East 
Scinde, &c. Claims and Compensation for Liberated Slaves between the British 
and American Governments. The Creole. American Slavery Disclosures of 
the Census relative to the Domestic Slave-trade, and the Mortality consequent 
upon it. .......... Page 18 41 


Departure of Missionaries for Africa. Condition of the Free People of colour in 
the United States. Subject referred to a Committee. Introduction of a Seminole 
Prince. Slavery, the cause of the Seminole War. . . . Page 41 70 


Letter from Sir T. F. BUXTON, Baronet. United States Fugitives from the 
Slave States to Canada. Influence of Slavery upon Religion and Education in the 
Slave States Page 71100 


Conduct of the American Churches with reference to Slavery. Resolutions thereon. 
United States General and Financial View of the Evil of Slavery. 

Page 101125 


Sympathy with T. CLARKSON, Esq., W. ALLEN, Esq., and Sir T. F. BUXTON, 
Bart. Debate on the Introduction of Slave-grown Produce from Cuba and Brazil. 
Speeches of Rev. T. SPENCER, Mr. G. W. ANSTIE, Captain PILKINGTON, 
Mr. J. C. FULLER, Col. NICHOLLS, Mr. R. COBDEN,M.P., and Mr. J. SCOBLE. 
Adjournment. Page 115 151 


Debate Resumed. Speeches of Rev. J. LEAVITT, Dr. LUSHINGTON, Mr. E. 
Mr. W. T. BLAIR, Mr. G. KM ox, Mr. J. ALLEN, Mr. J. SAMS, and Rev. 
J.BENNETT. Reply by the Rev. T. SPENCER/ Decision thereon. Progress of 
Anti- Slavery Opinions in Portugal Report of the Ultra-Marine Commission 
on the Abolition of Slavery in Portuguese India. -, . Page 152 177 


Present State of the Abolition Question in Spain. Slaves illegally introduced, and 
their Condition in Cuba. Emancipados. Question referred to a Committee 
Address of M. LEON FAUCHER, of Paris, translated by Dr. BOWRING. Dutch 


Slavery Progress of the Anti-Slavery Cause in Holland. Papers on American 
Slavery submitted to a Committee Page 177-199 


Anti-Slavery Movements in Denmark. Effect of Slavery on American and other 
Missions. Committee thereon. Capacity of the Coloured Races. Perfect Equal- 
ity with the Whites. Abolition of Slavery and the Slave-trade by the Bashaw 
BEY of Tunis Despatches of Sir THOMAS READE. Committee to draft an 
Address to his Highness. Slavery abolished in Uruguay. Progress of Treaties 
with Foreign Powers for the Suppression of the Slave-trade Tabular Arrange- 
mentGeneral Remarks. Report on the Extent of the African Slave-trade with 
Cuba and Brazil. Horrors of the Slave-trade. Slavers captured. Difficulty of 
suppressing the Slave-trade. Naval force employed in effecting it. Committee 
appointed. Committee on American Papers. Liberty Party in America. 

Page 199237 


Debate on Emigration from Africa to the British West India Islands. Plan of 
MACGREGOR LAIRD, Esq. for the Suppression of the African Slave-trade. Slave- 
trade Treaties. Works of Mr. BANDINELL and Sir T. F. BUXTON, Bart. Equip- 
ment Articles. Expense of maintaining the Preventive System. Sierra Leone. 
Niger Expedition. Mixed Commission Courts. Speeches of Mr. LAIRD, Mr. 
(with Letters from King Evo HONESTY and King EYAMBU, King of all the Black 
Men,) Mr. L. TAPPAN, Mr. J. SAMS, and Reply of Mr. LAIRD. Rejection of 

Mr. LAIRD'S Plan Page 238264 


Address to Sir T. F. BUXTON, Bart. Report of Committee on Slavery in the 
Danish Colonies. United States Prejudice against Colour. The relations of 
Slavery to Law. Progress of Legislation and Judicial Decisions. American Con- 
stitution. Report of Committee on American Papers. Recovery of Free Men 
kidnapped into Slavery. Origin of the District of Columbia. Committee on 
Slavery in Texas. Slavery in the French Colonies. Committee on French 
Slavery. Sinfulness of Slavery. Committee appointed. Condition of the 
Coloured People in Canada Referred to a Committee. Slavery and the Slave- 
trade in the South American Republics. Slavery in Brazil. . Page 264 295 


Slavery in Brazil. Slavery in Texas. Commercial Embarrassment. Anxiety for its 
Annexation to the United States. War with Great Britain threatened by Slave- 
holders. British Interference and Financial Aid. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS. 

Results of British Emancipation Page 296311 


Address to White Professing Christians in the United States, relative to the Free 
People of Colour. Resolutions on Dutch Slavery. Address to the BEY of Tunis. 
Letter from W. ALLEN, Esq. Address to Christian Professors wherever Slavery 
exists. Report relative to Slaves illegally retained in bondage in the Colonies o"f 
Spain and Portugal. Address to the REGENT of Spain. Report on the 10th 
Article of the Washington Treaty. Address to the Government and People of the 
Empire of Brazil. Free Persons of Colour visiting Slave States. Resolutions on 
the Treatment of Coloured People in Canada. Report on the Case of the Creole. 
Circulation of the Scriptures. Duty, safety, and policy of the Immediate Aboli- 
tion of Slavery. Custody of the Records. Formation of Anti- Slavery Societies. 
Future Convention. Thanks to the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti- 
Slavery Society ; to the Secretaries ; to the Vice -Presidents ; to the Public Press ; 
to the Finance and Press Committee ; to SAMUKL GUUNEY, Esq. Conclusion. 
Appendix Speech of Lord MOKPETH. Original Poetry. List of Delegates. 

Page 3 11 348 


Adey, Rev. Edward, Leighton Buzzard. 

Alexander, Miss S. A., Stoke Newington. 

Allen, John, Esq., Liskeard. 

Allen, S., Esq., Hitchin. 

Allen, George, Esq., Cowper-street. 

Allen, Stafford, Esq., ditto. 

Ball, William, Esq., Tottenham, 2 copies 

Bassett, J. D., Esq., Leighton Buzzard. 

Beaumont, Abraham, Esq., 300, Holborn. 

Beaumont, William, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. 

Bell, John, Esq., Wandsworth. 

Brewin, Thomas J., Esq., Cirencester. 

Bromley, Joseph W., Esq., South-square, Gray's Inn. 

Budge, John, Esq., Cambourne. 

Buffum, Arnold, Esq., Cincinnati, (U. S.) 

Buxton, Sir Thomas Fowell,' Bart., Northrepps hall, Norfolk. 

Buxton, Edward North, Esq., Brewery, Spitalfields. 

Calder, F. A., Esq., Belfast. 

Campbell, Rev. John, D. D., Tabernacle, London. 

Charleton, Robert, Esq., Bristol. 

Child, Henry, Esq., Brunswick-place. 

Childs, R. W., Esq., Liskeard, 2 copies. 

Clarkson, Thomas, Esq., Play ford- hall, Ipswich. 

Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 200 copies. 

Cooke Isaac, Esq., Liverpool. 

Cooper, Joseph, Esq., Stoke Newington. 

Derry, David, Esq., Plymouth. 
Eaton, Joseph, Esq., Bristol. 

Fenwick, John, Esq., Newcastle-on-Tyne. 

Finlay, James, Esq., ditto. 

Forster, William, Esq., Norwich. 

Forster, Robert, Esq., Tottenham. 

Foster, Edward, Esq., Cambridge, 2 copies. 

Fox, Samuel, Esq., Nottingham. 

Fuller, James Cannings, Esq., Skaneateles, New York, 2 copies. 

Garland, Thomas, Esq., Redruth. 
Green, General Duff, Washington (U.S.). 
Greville, R. K., Esq., LL.D., Edinburgh. 
Gurney, Joseph John, Esq., Norwich. 
Gurney, Samuel, Esq., Lombard-street. 
Gurney, Samuel, Jun., Esq., ditto. 
Gurney, Miss Anna, Norwich. 

Hitchin Auxiliary Anti- Slavery Society, 2 copies. 


James, Rev. William, Bristol. 
Johnson, Charles, Esq., Rochdale. 
Johnson, William, Esq., Leicester. 
Jones, Henry S., Esq., Ditto. 
Jowitt, Robert, Esq., Leeds. 

Laishley, George, Esq., Southampton. 

Langford, William, Esq., Hitchin. 

Latrobe, Rev. Peter, 33, Ely-place, Holborn, 2 copies. 

Leavitt, Rev. Joshua, Boston (U.S.,) 2 copies. 

Liskeard Auxiliary Anti- Slavery Society. 

Lucas, Samuel, Esq., Hitchin. 

Lucas, William, Sen., Esq., Ditto. 

Lucas, William, Jun., Esq., Ditto. 

Metcalfe, Charles James, Jun., Esq., Roxton House, St. Neots. 

Morgan, William, Esq., Birmingham. 

Moxhay, Edward, Esq., Hall of Commerce, Threadneedle-street, 2 copies. 

Nicholls, Colonel, R.N., Shooter's-hill, Kent. 
Opie, Mrs., Norwich, 2 copies. 

Palk, Edward, Esq., Southampton. 

Pease, Miss Elizabeth, Darlington. 

Peek, J., Esq., 8, Finsbury-square. 

Peek, Richard, Esq., Hazlewood. 

Pennington, Rev. J. W. C., Hartford, Connecticut, (U. S.) 

Phelps, Rev. Amos A., Boston, (U. S.,) 2 copies. 

Prideaux, George, Esq., Modbury. 

Ranyard, William, Esq., Westfield, Kingston-on-Thames. 
Richardson, James, Esq., Leeds. 
Ross, Sir John, Stockholm. 
Russell, Rev. Joshua, Melksham . 

Sams, Joseph, Esq., Darlington, 2 copies. 
Sharpies. Joseph, Esq., Hitchin. 
Shotwell, William, Esq., New York. 
Smith, George, Esq., Maidstone. 
Soul, Joseph, Esq., Brunswick-parade, Islington. 
Sparkes, Thomas T., Esq., Exeter. 
Standfield, James, Esq., Belfast, 2 copies. 
Sterry, Henry, Esq., Trinity -square, Borough. 
Stuart, Captain Charles, Bath, 2 copies. 
Swaine, Edward, Esq., Piccadilly. 

Tatum, William, Esq., Rochester. 
Tappan, Lewis, Esq., New York, 2 copies. 
Thomson, Mrs., 2, Elizabeth-place, Kennington. 
Thompson, F. J., Esq., Bridgewater. 
Towne, Richard, Esq., Dalston. 

Wheeler, Frederick, Esq., Strood, Kent. 
Wilson, Rev. Hiram, Dawn Mills, Canada. 




THE Convention met, pursuant to the arrangements made by the Committee 
of the British and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society, at Freemasons' Hall, on 
Tuesday, June 13, 1843. The hour appointed for the commencement of the 
proceedings was ten o'clock, at which time a considerable number of delegates 
were present, but as others continued to arrive, a delay of a few minutes 
necessarily occurred in receiving their credentials, and furnishing them with 
tickets of admission. Increased accommodation was on this occasion afforded 
to visitors, and the judicious arrangement of the Hall reflected great credit on 
the gentlemen to whom it had been intrusted. At the extremity of the room 
was suspended, Haydon's Historical Picture of the last Convention, a copy of 
which, printed in oil colours, will speedily be published by Baxter, the inventor 
and patentee of that beautiful art, and will form an elegant appendage to the 
drawing-room of every abolitionist. Over the chairman, was most appro- 
priately suspended, a portrait of THOMAS CLARKSON, Esq., and opposite to it, 
a Scene on the Slave Coast of Africa, to which allusion was afterwards made 
by several speakers. A number of ladies were present during the entire 
sittings of the Convention, and evidently took a deep interest in its proceedings. 


Mr. WILLIAM T. BLAIR rose and said My respected friends, I have 
been requested to submit to the Convention the following resolution, 

"That THOMAS CLARKSON, Esq., announced as the President of the Convention, 
being unavoidably absent, SAMUEL GURNEY, Esq., be invited to act on his behalf, during 
the business of this Convention. " 

In moving this resolution, I cannot avoid briefly expressing my deep regret 
that the revered and venerable individual whom' we had hoped would occupy 
the chair to-day, and who throughout a long life has stood forward the firm 
and devoted friend and champion of the rights of insulted and injured human- 
ity, has been prevented from again coming amongst us to cheer us on, and to 
encourage our proceedings by his presence. I am confident that I only anti- 
cipate the feelings of every one present when I express the ardent hope that 

the remainder of Ins days may be cheered and brightened by witnessing the 
advance, if not the final triumph, of those great principles to which his life 
has been devoted ; and that the best blessings of those who are ready to perish 
may descend abundantly upon him. 

Rev. Dr. RAFFLES. Participating as I do, in common with the whole of 
the assembly, in the regret expressed by the mover of the resolution, I most 
cordially second the proposition. 

The resolution having been put and carried, 

SAMUEL GURNEY, Esq., took the chair, and on so doing, observed, 
I believe the first duty that devolves upon me is to call to your remembrance 
the excellent practice pursued by the last Convention that of commencing 
its sittings with a short period of devotional silence. 

The suggestion was instantly adopted, and the same course followed through- 
out the Convention. 

The CHAIRMAN, It seems desirable to myself that I should offer a 
brief explanation on undertaking the very important situation of occupying 
the chair on the present occasion, which, but for his absence, arising from the 
want of health, would have been so very worthily filled by our friend THOMAS 
CLARKSON. It was his intention to have been here at the present time, and 
he made arrangements accordingly, but the feeble state of his health, conse- 

?uent upon his advanced age, has prevented him from carrying out that design, 
cordially respond, as does every one present, I doubt not, to the remarks 
which have fallen from our friend W. T. BLAIR. Much do I desire that the 
mantle of THOMAS CLARKSON may descend on this Convention. It was at 
first proposed that our dear friend WILLIAM ALLEN should have represented 
him ; but here again we are met with the same trial. He had intended only 
yesterday morning to have accepted the situation, but his health prevents him 
from undertaking the duty. I need hardly say, that in representing two such 
men in such a cause, I feel the great responsibility that devolves upon me ; 
and I undertake the duty with a strong feeling of my unworthiness so to do. 
However, when called upon to undertake the duty, and considering the great- 
ness of this cause, my own abhorrence of slavery, in each and in all of its 
features, its opposition, not only to every principle of the gospel, 'but also of 
sound policy, I felt that it was impossible for me to refuse my aid, however 
feeble it may be. I have now to request that JOSEPH STURGE will make a 
communication, for which he is prepared, respecting the absence of our friend 


Mr. JOSEPH STURGE. It is due to the Committee of the British and 
Foreign Anti-Slavery Society to say, that they would not have held out the 
prospect of our friend THOMAS CLARKSON being present, had they not confi- 
dently anticipated, that notwithstanding his advanced age, he would have been 
here to-day. His own family so fully expected it, that they wrote to request 
that accommodation might be provided for him. It was only four or five days 
ago that he was obliged, in consequence of an unfavourable turn in the malady 
with which he has been long afflicted, to relinquish his design. His heart has 
been for some time set upon being here, and no person can regret his absence 
more than he does himself. In reference to which, in a letter which I have in 
my hand, he says, " I wrote you yesterday, with tears starting in my eyes, 
to think that I should disappoint myself and so many others ; but this day has 
proved that my resolution, though a painful one to me, was a wise one. I 
must conclude immediately, but not without expressing again the deep sorrow 
and affliction which has been brought upon me by the impossibility of being 

removed to London. You can have no notion of what I feel ; but I am con- 
scious of having done every thing in my power." He had so much calculated 
on being with us, that he committed to paper what he intended to read if he 
were not able to address the Convention without such assistance. When I 
state that I know it was his wish that this address should be communicated to 
the delegates now assembled, I feel it needless to make any apology for read- 
ing it. It is as follows : 

" My Friends, When I was last here, I never expected that I should have 
lived to be present at another Convention, but Providence has given me a 
short respite, and I have yielded to the entreaties of my friends to attend this 
meeting, though I fear from the shattered state in which I am now, and the 
loss of my memory, whether I shall be able to recollect even the little which 
I had intended to say on this occasion. 

" When I look back to past times, to times when I first embarked in the 
great cause of the abolition of the slave-trade, and when I knew of no one to 
help me in that work, I have reason to be thankful for the wonderful progress 
of our cause ; and I think, therefore, that I cannot do better, than lay before 
you a few facts relating to this progress, as it will give you encouragement to 
proceed with the great work, which you are now assembled to promote. And 
first our own country stands foremost in the glory of the abolition cause. 
Not only has she put an end to the slave-trade, but she has put an end to 
slavery also in her West India Colonies, thus giving liberty to not much less 
than eight hundred thousand slaves. But she is not satisfied with having 
done this. She is now turning her eyes to her possessions in the East. 
Instructions were sent out some months ago for the entire abolition of slavery 
in the settlements of Malacca, Penang, and Singapore ; and intelligence has 
been since received that the Governor-General of India in Council, in 
obedience to the decision of the Imperial Parliament, has given notice of an 
act, which is to lay the foundation for the complete abolition of slavery in 
the whole of British India. Now, my friends, what most important news is 
this ! British India contains not much less than one hundred millions of 

" I come now to France ; France has also abolished the slave-trade. She 
has not yet abolished slavery ; but the drafts of two laws are ready to be pre- 
sented to the Chambers, by one of which the duration of slavery is limited to 
fifteen years, with some advantages to the slaves in the interim. We cannot, 
of course, approve of any law, which gives a legal sanction to crime even for 
an hour ; but we ought to rejoice to think, that at length a day has been pro- 
posed when slavery is to cease. Whether the Chambers will ratify this 
project, I do not know ; but let me bring to your remembrance, that when the 
debate on the right of search took place in these Chambers, some of the 
eminent leading men in both of them, agreed in saying, that the slave-trade 
was an evil too monstrous to be permitted to exist, but that it was not to be 
done away by the right of search, but by the abolition of slavery itself that 
is by doing away the market-place for slaves. Can these gentlemen, who 
spoke such language, falsify their own words? To these remarks I may add, 
that there has existed for several years, a society at Paris to promote the 
abolition of slavery in the French Colonies. 

"The next country in point of local situation 'is Spain. This country has 
by law abolished the slave-trade, but she has not yet abolished slavery in her 
West India possessions. Cuba is the richest jewel in the crown of Spain ; the 
treasure which she is frequently sending to the mother country is immense, 
and it is the mistaken fear lest emancipation, by producing convulsions, should 
diminish her revenue, which deters her from following our example. There is 


yet a hope that she may come into our measures in the course of time. There 
are several individuals both in Cuba and Spain itself, some of whom in the 
latter are members of the Legislature, who desire such a change. One of the 
newspapers at Madrid has also lately taken up our cause. It tells the Govern- 
ment boldly, that every Spanish Government since the Congress at Vienna 
has violated her treaties with England, and that Spain is bound to fulfil them ; 
and here it may be observed, that there is yet a resource left us. For if our 
Government were peremptorily to insist upon the fulfilment of a treaty made 
some years ago, Emancipation in Cuba must follow to such an extent, that 
perhaps two thirds of the present slaves, who amount altogether to six hun- 
dred thousand, must be set free, and it is obvious that in such a case the re- 
maining third could not be kept in bondage. 

" Next to Spain is situated Portugal. She has also put an end to the slave- 
trade, but not to slavery. Having lost her dominions in Brazil, she has no 
sugar or cotton plantations on which to employ slaves. But she has other 

Eossessions in India and Africa; and happy am I to say, that a law has been 
itely proposed by a commission consisting of three peers of that country, 
which, when carried into effect, gives freedom to the slaves in the former in 
three years ; and the commission hopes to see this law extended to the latter, 
so that all the Portuguese dominions in a short time will probably be free 
from the stain of slavery. 

"Holland comes next under our consideration, which has under her dominion 
about 100,000 slaves. She also has put an end to the slave-trade, but has 
not yet extinguished slavery ; but there are well-founded hopes that this great 
event will be brought about at no very distant time. Three years ago the 
people of Holland had not directed their attention to the subject, but hundreds 
now think of it, and are anxious for the measure. The most enlightened 
citizens of Rotterdam, the Hague, Utrecht, Leyden, Amsterdam, and Gron- 
ingen consider freedom to be the undoubted right of the slave. Two writers 
have publicly advocated the cause. Two anti-slavery societies have been 
formed ; one at Rotterdam, and the other at the Hague ; each of these lias 
addressed the king in behalf of abolition ; and to this may be added the in- 
teresting fact, that an individual at Surinam has written to the governor of that 
colony and to the authorities at home, stating his conviction that the abolition of 
slavery there is urgently required to prevent the utter ruin of that colony. 

" Denmark and Sweden come next under our notice. Neither of these has 
anything to do with the slave-trade. Denmark, indeed, abolished the trade 
many years ago, and before we ourselves had done so. But neither of these 
has yet abolished slavery in their colonies. They have, I believe, only been 
prevented doing this by that ill-founded fear of consequences, which has 
operated upon rulers of other nations : but as the royal families of both king- 
doms are kindly disposed towards the slaves, and as the King of Denmark has 
made some little regulations in their favour, as if preparatory to liberty ; and 
as the Crown Prince of Sweden is favourable to the measure, with many other 
distinguished persons in that country, I cannot but entertain a hope that our 
wishes will be gratified there ; and particularly as emancipation is going 
on so successfully in the British colonies, which circumstance cannot but have 
an influence in removing their fears. 

" From Denmark and Sweden we goto the Mediterranean Sea. A committee 
has been established at Malta to work with our own. Through the exertion 
of the British consul, the Bey of Tunis has abolished the slave-trade in his 
dominions. He has followed up this measure by a decree, that all the children of 
slaves are born free. He has also stopped all the caravans which were bring- 
ing slaves into Tunis. It was the custom with the Shieks in North Africa to make 

war against the people in the negro countries there, for no other purpose than 
that of procuring slaves, which were sent for sale to Tunis and other parts. 
Now, it must be obvious, that as there are now no markets for slaves at Tunis, 
there must be a diminution of the slave-trade, so far as relates to those coun- 
tries from which captives used to be sent before. But the committee at Malta 
are extending their views towards Tripoli, and they have been so successful at 
Damascus as to have prevailed upon several of the Jews and Christians to 
liberate their slaves there. This fact, though it may appear insignificant in 
itself, may yet be of great consequence, if it be viewed in the light of setting 
an example to others to do the same. 

" Finally, I turn to the United States, which, although mentioned last, T con- 
sider in point of importance as standing in the foremost rank ; and where, 
though no decisive step has yet been taken for removing the only yoke of 
bondage from nearly three millions of slaves within her dominions, there is a 
noble and steadily increasing number of her citizens indefatigably and re- 
solutely engaged for the accomplishment of this great object ; and there are 
cheering indications that at no distant period their labours will be crowned 
with success. The devotion of our fellow-labourers in this cause in that coun- 
try is proved by the numerous deputations, that at this, as well as the former 
Convention, have crossed the Atlantic to render their valuable assistance in 
our deliberations. 

"I come now to Russia, which has no colonies of black people, whereby to 
furnish a similar example to those already mentioned. But the present Em- 
peror of Russia has forbidden the African slave-trade to his own subjects, and 
he has also forbidden the use of his flag to foreigners to carry it on. He has, 
therefore, done all he could, as far as relates to those two evils of which we 
complain. But, alas ! his predecessors, the rulers in former ages, have left 
him the mournful legacy of slavery, or serfage, as it is called, in his dominions. 
The late emperor, Alexander, with whom I have conversed both in Paris and 
Aix-la-Chapelle on this subject, had determined to put down this wicked sys- 
tem as far as he could, and his brother Nicholas, the present emperor, seems 
to have been carrying out his wishes in this respect by an Ukase not long ago, 
for this purpose. The following is the substance of it. It allows contracts to 
be between the seigneurs or the nobility and the serfs or slaves. Care, how- 
ever, is to be taken that the property of the former be not endangered by the 
change, and that this change be made without prejudice to the interest of the 
latter. The name of serf is to be changed to that of peasant. It is left, how- 
ever, to the choice of the nobility to make these contracts or not. These are 
the contents of this Ukase, with the exception of directions to certain officers 
to carry it into practice. It is a pity that something more coercive on the 
nobility could not have been introduced into it ; but when we consider the 
vast power and influence of the Russian nobility, and how ignorant and vin- 
dictive many of them are, (not hesitating to plot against the life of the em- 
peror himself, if he should offend them,) no other way than that of voluntary 
contract probably could have been proposed with any chance of success. But 
will the nobility accede to the terms proposed? It is known that many of 
them will, but others will probably refuse to do it, and what then will the 
ultimate result of the Ukase be? I have a hope that as the estates cultivated 
by the peasants will assuredly be much more profitable to their owners than 
those cultivated by the serfs, that (every man being alive to his own interest) 
the example will be followed even by those who at first objected to the 
measure. This measure is a great step in the cause of freedom, as there are 
many millions of serfs in the Russian dominions. 

" Such, my friends, has been the wonderful progress of our cause. Nine 


different nations, which include all the European powers which have foreign 
colonies, have abolished the slave-trade ; and five, three of which have 
abolished, or are apparently on the eve of abolishing slavery also. What is 
the lesson which we should learn from this state of things ? We ought to de- 
rive from it encouragement or courage to proceed with fresh vigour in the 
great work to which we have been this day called. My motto has always 
been, ' Go on,' regardless of difficulties. But I think that we should derive 
encouragement from another consideration, for I cannot help thinking that it 
is within the design of Providence that the evil, both of slavery and the slave- 
trade, should be swept from the face of the earth, and that he has been work- 
ing, and is now working to this effect ; and that this is to be done by human 
agency, and if so, that we are his instruments. The finger of God, I think, 
is now visible in the work. How else should it have happened that the rulers 
of so many nations, differing in language, customs, modes of thinking, and 
religion, and in some instances hostile to each other, (and one of these poten- 
tates a heathen,) should have come, all of them, into this same measure ; and 
this a measure, too, apparently, though not really, against their own interest. 

" I have only now to say, as far as relates to myself, that I rejoice at being 
present at this Convention, were it only for the opportunity it has afforded me 
of testifying my love and affection for this sacred cause ; and as for you, my 
friends, my earnest desire is, that God may be present with you in your de- 
liberations, and assist them, and bless them, and that you may return home in 
health and safety to your families and friends. 

" Feeling that my general career is drawing to an end, it cannot but be 
pleasing to me to have lived to see that our triumph is advancing. That work 
which one of the departing generation begun, will be, I trust, accomplished 
by you of the rising one ; for the same Power, which blessed the beginning 
will not withhold his support from the end ; and therefore I now say farewell, 
and in that beautiful word I include my prayer for the blessing of God on all 
that concerns you both temporally and spiritually. " 

Mr. JOHN SCOBLE then read the following paper on 


At the close of the General Anti-Slavery Convention, held in London, in 
June, 1840, in was unanimously resolved: 

" That it be left to the discretion of the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti- 
Slavery Society to decide, after consulting with the friends of the cause of abolition, the 
time and place of holding the next Convention." 

Impressed with the conviction of the importance of this step, from the expe- 
rience of the beneficial results of the former Convention, several distinguished 
friends of the anti-slavery cause, both in the United States and in England, 
suggested to the Committee the propriety of holding another Conference in 
London in the year 1842. 

After several special meetings, in which they were assisted by the presence of 
friends from the country, and by an extensive correspondence with the United 
States, France, and Great Britain, it was finally resolved that the next Conven- 
tion should be holden in London, on the 13th of June, 1843. 

A circular invitation was forthwith transmitted "To the Friends of the Anti- 
Slavery Cause, in various parts of the world," from which the following extracts 
are made, to show the principles on which it was to be constituted, and the 
elements of which it was to be composed : 

" 1. That, so long as slavery exists, there is no reasonable prospect of the 
annihilation of the slave-trade, and of extinguishing the sale and barter of human 
beings ; that the extinction of slavery and the slave-trade will be attained most 

effectually by the employment of those means which are of a moral, religious, 
and pacific character; and that no measures be resorted to in the prosecution 
of these objects but such as are in entire accordance with these principles. 

" 2. Where societies for the abolition of slavery and the slave-trade, or 
bodies, though not bearing that name, uniting in these great objects exist, the 
Committee trust that an effort will be made to secure, by specific appointment, 
the attendance of one or more gentlemen, as their representatives ; and express 
provision will be made for the admission of gentlemen uniting in the objects 
and principles of this Society from foreign countries, where, from any circum- 
stances, such associations do not exist. 

" Such gentlemen are, therefore, cordially invited to meet the representatives 
of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, and those of kindred institu- 
tions in Great Britain and Ireland, on this important occasion." 

In accordance with the terms of this invitation, 402 nominations have been 
made by various Societies established in Great Britain and Ireland, and the 
United States, for the universal abolition of slavery and the slave-trade ; and by 
ecclesiastical bodies, missionary societies, and benevolent institutions, sympa- 
thizing with the great objects the Convention has in view. 

In placing before their assembled friends the list of the nominations, the 
Committee would express their earnest hope, that the spirit of wisdom may 
preside over all their deliberations, and guide all their efforts ; and that their 
united counsels, their earnest prayers, and their associated exertions, may be so 
crowned with the Divine blessing, as greatly to accelerate the period when the 
oppressions and degradation of slavery shall cease to the ends of the earth, and 
the benign spirit of Christianity shall link the whole human family in a holy 
brotherhood of peace and love. 

Mr. SCOBLE then read the roll of delegates, a list of whom will be printed, 
arranged alphabetically, for the convenience of reference, at the close of the 



" That the following gentlemen be appointed Vice-Presidents of the Convention : 
RICHARD PEEK, Esq., of Kingsbridge ; JOHN WIGHAM, Esq., Edinburgh ; D. R. Ross, 
Esq., M. P., of Belfast; Rev. JOSHUA LEAVJTT, of Boston, Mass. ; JOHN CROPPER, JUN., 
Esq., of Liverpool; Rev. J. H. JOHNSON, A.M., of Tilshead, Wilts; and the Rev. JONA- 
THAN BLANCHARD, of Cincinnati, Ohio." 

The Rev. A. A. PHELPS seconded the resolution, which was put and 


Rev. THOMAS SPENCER. I rise to move : 

" That the following gentlemen be requested to accept the office of Secretaries of this 
Convention : The Rev. THOMAS SCALES, the Rev. AMOS A. PHELPS, JOHN SCOBLE, 

I cannot but remark, in reference to the absence of our President, that it is 
incumbent upon all, who have health sufficient to perform that work which he is 
no longer able to perform, but who are yet departing from the stage, it is 
incumbent upon them to inoculate the younger portion of society with their 
spirit and principles. We see it constantly commanded in the Old Testament, 
that when the children should ask their parents, from time to time, " What 
mean ye by these statutes, or these ordinances?" they should particularly ex- 
plain their meaning. It becomes us, then, to tell others what we know, to 


tell them what has been, and to impress upon them that they must never rest 
satisfied till the foul hlot of slavery be wiped off the very face of creation. 
In that document of Mr. CLARKSON'S, which has been read by Mr. STURGE, 
there occurs the motto, " Go on, fearless of difficulties." I have also a motto, 
"Justice to all." I do not wish that any particular class should be favoured, 
rich or poor, white or black. I therefore consider this matter in two points of 
view. First, is it our duty to God ; secondly, is it our duty to our fellow-crea- 
tures. I cannot think that the Divine Being, who made man in his own 
image, can ever look with approbation upon any human being who will de- 
grade that image : and slavery does degrade it. Neither can I regard that 
human being as one who loves his neighbour as himself, and does to others 
what he would have others do to himself, when T find that he treats that neigh- 
bour like a beast, and regards him as mere goods and chattels. I therefore re- 
gard our object as quite consistent with my favourite motto, "Justice to all." 
I have therefore great pleasure in moving, that those gentlemen who have been 
so active in time past should assist in carrying forward the business of this 
Convention and before I sit down, I would allude to one cheering circum- 
stance in our present meeting. What are our chances of success, what are the 
difficulties which meet us ? Some time ago I attended a Conference, which was 
held while the slaves were yet in a state of apprenticeship ; now that appren- 
ticeship system has been abolished. We have gone forward instead of 
backward : and that which we have seen done in our own dominions, we 
may see done all over the world ; consider, then, that freedom is advancing ; 
and that this makes it the more incumbent upon us, who have yet the ability, 
to come forward and take the place of those who can no longer do as they have 
done in this great work. 

Mr. JAMES CANNINGS FULLER seconded the resolution, which was 
carried unanimously. 

Rev. THOMAS SCALES. On behalf of those with whom you have 
been pleased to associate my name in the resolution which has just been 
passed, I beg to express our sense of the honour which you have conferred 
upon us in appointing us to an office, so honourable in itself and in the duties 
which it imposes, in connexion with the great and glorious objects for the 
promotion of which we are this day assembled. Standing, as many of us do, 
in the same relation to this Convention, as we stood to the former one which 
met within these walls three years ago, we cherish a grateful sense of the 
kindness and candour with which you were pleased to construe and acknow- 
ledge our services on that occasion ; and we hope that you will receive our 
efforts at this Convention in the same kind and liberal spirit. I think I may 
pledge those with whom my name has been associated this morning (I know 
them enough to feel that I have a warrant for the pledge) that they will 
devote their best energies to carry out the generous intentions of those who 
have called us together, as well as of all those who have responded to the call 
by repairing hither, under the impulse of a pious philanthropy, to serve and pro- 
mote the best interests of the oppressed, and to hasten, I hope, that happy day 
when the fetters shall fall from the hands of every slave, and universal liberty 
shall prevail through the globe. I do feel, I must say, peculiar pleasure in being 
again present on an occasion like this : assembled, as we are, not merely as 
Englishmen and as fellow subjects, but as men, as fellow men, as citizens of 
the world, and I hope I may say without offence to any, and without any 
violation of the truth itself, as Christians, as fellow Christians, the servants, 
the faithful servants of our heavenly Master. Oh that whatever breadth of 
land or sea may have hitherto divided us, whatever colour, or clime, or 
customs may have distinguished us, we may feel here that we are the children 

of the same heavenly Father, and members of the same family, having 
one special and paramount object in view ; aiming with all the energies which 
we can command at one great end, to hasten, as much as possible, the eman- 
cipation of all our race who are held in unnatural bondage. Whatever may 
be the struggles, or labours, or services, or cost, which it may involve, let us 
resolve that we will not leave this work undone. It is a work which must be 
done, and must not be delayed. Let us, therefore, remembering the sacred 
relation in which we stand to God as our heavenly Father, and to each other 
as a common brotherhood, exert ourselves vigorously in this work until 
death ; and if it should then remain incomplete, let us deliver it, with our 
last injunctions and with our dying breath, into the hands of our children, 
that they may carry it forward to a happy and a glorious issue. It is the 
cause of God, and the cause of truth, and must prevail. 

Rev. JONATHAN BLANCHARD. I desire, on the part of the Ameri- 
can delegation, to express our sense of the kindness and confidence which you 
have manifested in selecting two of our number as Vice-Presidents of this 
Convention. I cannot help saying, now that I am upon my legs, that it is 
impossible that any one in this Convention should feel more deeply than the 
American delegation that event by which a merciful, wise, and righteous God 
has deprived us of the pleasure and profit which we should have derived from 
the presence of the venerable and majestic CLARKSON. For myself, I confess 
that one of the strongest, among the many strong motives which impelled 
me, in an indifferent state of health, to seek to be present on this occasion, 
was, the hope of setting my eyes on that godly man in the land of the living. 
It may not be impertinent or wholly uninteresting to those who are here this 
morning, to state, that although there intervenes between this place and that 
where I generally reside, a distance equal to one-fourth of the circumference 
of the globe, the first work which ever taught me how to pity slaves, and how 
to render wise and efficient assistance to them, was CLARKSON'S History of the 
Abolition of the Slave Trade, (hear, hear.) While yet at school, I read how 
he stood upon the Liverpool dock, and saw one hundred vessels fitted out for 
the slave-trade, the owners of which vessels resided in the city, and where his 
life was in jeopardy because of his exertions in the cause. I followed him 
as he went from port to port, and from ship to ship, until he had visited every 
port, and every ship in every port, until he came to the last man of war, and 
there found the individual of whom he was in quest. I say it was that 
majestic act that taught my heart how to pity, and instructed my understand- 
ing how to aid, the slave. And I will confess, that the very age and infirmity, 
\vhich, in the providence of God, have deprived us of the pleasure and advan- 
tage of his presence, are not among the least of the circumstances which 
made me ardently desire to look upon his venerable form. By a beautiful 
ordinance of God and all God's ordinances are beautiful what age loses in 
vigour, it invariably gathers in power ; and the hand outstretched, is never 
more powerful to move the hearts of men to right feeling and right thoughts, 
than when it trembles through the multitude of years. But though the pri- 
vilege of looking upon him is postponed, I hope it is not denied. It may yet 
be, that in answer to our prayers, we shall see him before the close of the 
sessions of this Convention. 



" That the following gentlemen be appointed a Press and Finance Committee : JOHN 


Rev. Dr. RITCHIE, seconded the resolution, which was carried un- 


Rev. JOHN BIRT said: he was not aware whether any special resolution 
had been prepared for entering the address of Mr. CLARKSON upon the minutes 
of their proceedings ; but he begged to move, with the permission of the 

" That the address of Mr. CLARKSON, read this morning by Mr. STURGE, be entered 
upon the minutes of the Convention." 

Mr. FULLER having seconded the resolution, it was carried unanimously. 
Mr. HENRY CHARLES HOWELLS, moved the adoption of the following: 


" 1. That this Convention do sit twice in each day, commencing at 10 o'clock in the 
Morning, and at 4 o'clock in the Afternoon ; and that the Vice- Presidents be requested 
to preside alternately in the absence of the President. 

" 2. That all original papers, propositions, and resolutions, be submitted in writing to the 
Secretaries, the day before it is proposed to introduce them ; and that all amendments and 
propositions arising out of business under discussion, be submitted to the Chairman in 
writing at the time. 

" 3. That the Secretaries be instructed to report at the close of each day to the Chair- 
man the subjects upon which it is proposed that information shall the next day be com- 
municated to the Convention, and that such subjects shall be regularly disposed of before 
any other matter be introduced. 

"4. That as occasions may arise, Committees shall be appointed to draft Addresses, pre- 
pare Resolutions, &c., to be passed through the hands of the Secretaries to the Chairman. 

" 5. That no Member of Convention shall be allowed to speak twice on the same sub- 
ject, except in explanation ; or the opener, by way of conclusion, iu reply. 

" 6. That all documents shall be signed by the President. 

" 7. That all letters and documents addressed to this Convention, or to the Chairman, 
be referred to the Secretaries. 

"8. That no new business be introduced in the morning sittings, after 1 o'clock, P.M." 
I did not intend to say a single word this morning; but the portrait of Mr. 
CLARKSON brings sadness to my heart. A gracious Providence gave me a son. 
I knew not for some time what name to select for him, until, at last, my 
thoughts settled upon the name of CLARKSON. As a Christian, a philanthropist, 
and a self-denying man, devoted alike to the service of his God and to that 
of his fellow-men, I was anxious that my child should tread in his footsteps. 
I wished to inculcate, as far as my capacity enabled me, those great principles 
for which he lived, and in the holding of which he will in all probability die. 
But it pleased the gracious Providence which gave, to take away ; and the 
little darling of my heart now lies in the great valley of the Mississippi, there 
to await the morning of the resurrection. We must forget the sorrows of the 
past in the labour in which we are now engaged. We must wipe away the 
tear and remember that we are engaged in an arduous warfare, in a conflict 
which I trust most of us have determined never to abandon so long as we have 
a heart to feel, or a tongue to speak. Nor are we engaged in a conflict, which 
is uncertain as to its issue. We are as certain of the result, as we are certain 
of the truth of the eternal word. We are certain that the kingdoms of this 
world shall become the kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ ; we are 
certain that Christ shall reign until every enemy has been put beneath his 
feet. Consequently, every obstacle which now impedes the progress of the 
kingdom of Emmanuel, must be entirely removed. Oh, the blessed time 
is approaching, when men of every clime and every colour, shall be united by 


common feelings and kindred affection, and when they shall rejoice together 
in the blessings of a common salvation. 

Mr. ISAAC CREWDSON having seconded the resolution, it was carried 

Mr. WILLIAM MORGAN read the following : 


Presented by the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. 

"The idea of holding a Convention of the philanthropists of various 
countries, for the purpose of promoting the universal abolition of slavery and 
the slave-trade, was a novel and bold one, yet it was happily realized. Three 
hundred and eighty-three delegates responded to the call, besides twenty-six 
admitted visitors who sympathized with the great objects the Convention had 
in view. There were present at its sittings, which lasted ten days, not 
only the representatives of the anti-slavery bodies of Great Britain and 
Ireland, but of the United States, France, and the British West Indies ; 
and it may be truly said, that, both with respect to the objects contemplated, 
and the influence exerted by the Convention, it must be regarded as one of the 
noblest gatherings which the world ever witnessed. 

The large amount of valuable information brought under the attention of 
the Convention, together with a faithful record of its proceedings, has been 
preserved in a volume of six hundred pages, a copy of which has been placed 
in the libraries of all the Universities, Collegiate and Theological Institutions 
of this country, besides the general circulation which it has had in Great 
Britain, the United States, and on the continent of Europe. It may also be 
stated, that copies of the volume have been placed in the hands of the prin- 
cipal Ministers of State in this country and France, and of various royal and 
other distinguished individuals in different parts of the world, and it is hoped 
not without great advantage to the anti-slavery cause. 

Among the papers submitted to the Convention were the following: 

On the objects of the Convention, by the Rev. Thomas Scales. 

On Slavery in Cuba, by R. R. Madden, M.D. 

On Slavery in India, by Professor Adam. 

On the Condition of the Free People of Colour in the United States of 
America ; reprinted from the U. S. Examiner. 

Report on Free Labour, by John Sturge, Esq. 

The Essential Sinfulness of Slavery, by the Rev. B. Godwin ; and on 

The Moral Influence of Slavery, by the Rev. W. Bevan. 

These, printed in a separate form, have had a wide circulation in almost 
every part of the civilized world ; and are admirably calculated, both by the 
style in which they are written, and the facts which they contain, to show the 
true character of the anti-slavery enterprise, and to awaken the deepest in- 
terest in behalf of the suffering and oppressed portion of the human race. 

Besides these admirable and useful pamphlets, the answers to queries rela- 
tive to slavery and the internal slave-trade of the United States, prepared, 
with great care and accuracy, by the executive Committee of the American 
and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, have been published in a volume of 480 
pages, and very extensively circulated in this and other countries. Copies of 
this valuable summary have been presented fo many public institutions, 
colleges, and libraries ; to missionaries, and to many distinguished persons in 
Europe, America, and the West Indies. 

By the extensive circulation of the information contained in the foregoing 
volumes and pamphlets, light has been diffused ; and, it is believed, an interest 
excited equal to the most sanguine expectations of the friends of human free- 


dom. It may not be improper to notice, also, that the most important of these 
works have been favourably received by the leading journals and periodicals of 
this country, and their influence thereby still further extended. 

So far the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society have 
endeavoured to fulfil the wishes of the Convention, in the diffusion of know- 
ledge on the subject of slavery and the slave-trade, and the duty of seeking 
their immediate and entire abolition. 

They would now call attention to another class of labours, devolved on them 
by the last Convention. Among these was one of pre-eminent importance, 
namely, the circulation of the resolutions on the duty of Christian churches to 
withhold fellowship from slave-holders. They were as follows : 

" 1. That it is the deliberate and deeply-rooted conviction of this Convention, 
which it thus publicly and solemnly expresses to the world, that slavery, in 
whatever form, or in whatever country it exists, is contrary to the eternal and 
immutable principles of justice, and the spirit and precepts of Christianity ; and 
is, therefore, a sin against God, which acquires additional enormity when com- 
mitted by nations professedly Christian, and in an age when the subject has 
been so generally discussed, and its criminality so thoroughly exposed. 

" 2. That this Convention cannot but deeply deplore the fact, that the con- 
tinuance and prevalence of slavery are to be attributed in a great degree to the 
countenance afforded by many Christian churches, especially in the western 
world, which have not only withheld that public and emphatic testimony 
against the crime which it deserves, but have retained in their communion, 
without censure, those by whom it is notoriously perpetrated. 

" 3. That this Convention, while it disclaims the intention or desire of dictating 
to Christian communities the terms of their fellowship, respectfully submits 
that it is their incumbent duty to separate from their communion all those per- 
sons who, after they have been faithfully warned, in the spirit of the gospel, 
continue in the sin of enslaving their fellow-creatures, or holding them in 
slavery a sin, by the commission of which, with whatever mitigating circum- 
stances it may be attended in their own particular instance, they give the sup- 
port of their example to the whole system of compulsory servitude, and the 
unutterable horrors of the slave-trade. 

"4. That it be recommended to the Committee of the British and Foreign 
Anti-Slavery Society, in the name of this Convention, to furnish copies of the 
above resolutions to the ecclesiastical authorities of the various Christian 
churches throughout the world." 

These resolutions, embodying the deliberate and unanimous decision of the 
Convention, have been sent to all the ministers of the different denominations 
and ecclesiastical bodies throughout this country, the West Indies, and other 
British possessions, and 200 written copies, as well as a large number of 
printed ones, were addressed to ecclesiastical bodies and ministers of religion 
in the United States, besides the churches of various denominations which sent 
in their adhesion to these resolutions. The Wesley an Conference, the Congre- 
gational Union of England and Wales, the Baptist Union, the Northern Associa- 
tion of Presbyterian Churches, and the Southern Irish Baptist Association, 
have expressed their approbation of the principle laid down therein; and they 
are happy to find that the example of the British churches and religious asso- 
ciations has been followed to a considerable extent by churches and ecclesias- 
tical bodies in the United States. This cheering circumstance cannot fail to be 
productive of the most salutary practical results. 

The next duty in importance was the presentation to the heads of govern- 
ments of the memorial addressed to them by the Convention. That to Mehe- 
met A15, Pacha of Egypt, was presented to him in person, by Dr. Madden, 


accompanied by the British Consul-General, Colonel Hodges; that to the 
President of the United States was transmitted to him ; whilst that to the 
crowned heads of Europe was presented to them through the medium of their 
ambassadors resident in this country, with the exception of the Emperor of 
Russia, the Grand Seigrior, and the Kings of Holland and Hanover, whose 
ambassadors declined to receive it ; and the Kings of Belgium, Naples, and 
Wurtemberg, the Grand Duke of Baden, the Dukes of Modena, Parma, Lucca, 
Hesse Darmstadt, and Hesse Cassel, the resident of the Hans Towns and the 
confederate cantons of Switzerland, from a suitable opportunity not having oc- 
curred for its presentation. Subsequently, however, it was presented to the 
Kings of Holland and Hanover. The deputation appointed by the committee 
to wait upon foreign ambassadors with the address were not received in every 
case in the most courteous manner, but were generally assured of their sym- 
pathy and co-operation, so far as it was practicable. In addition, the com- 
mittee may observe, that the reception of the address has been specially 
acknowledged on behalf of their Majesties the Queens of England and Portugal, 
the King of Prussia, and the Emperor of Austria. Copies of this address were 
also transmitted to the governors of the different slave states of the American 
Union. It appears, however, from the information which has been received, 
that, with one exception, they were treated with scorn and contempt a proof, 
if others were wanting, of the debasing effects of slavery, even in the minds of 
men elevated to distinguish rank in society. 

In addition to the address to the crowned heads of Europe, others addressed 
to the French nation, and to the people of Holland and Denmark, were dis- 
posed of agreeably to the wish of the Convention. 

The two memorials to the Right Honourable Viscount Palmerston the first, 
on British functionaries residing in foreign states holding or hiring slaves ; 
and the second, requesting the intercession of her Majesty's Government with 
the Grand Seignor for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the 
Turkish dominions, were in due course forwarded to his lordship, who, on their 
reception, stated that her Majesty's Government concurred in the benevolent 
views of the General Anti-Slavery Convention, as expressed in those papers, 
and would be glad to assist in carrying those views into practice. 

The Committee also placed under the attention of the British Government 
memorials relative to the security of the free people of colour in Upper Canada, 
the captives of the Amistad, and the liberated Africans in Cuba and Brazil, and 
are gratified in being able to report not only favourable of the manner in which 
they were received, but also of the steps which have been taken to give them 
full effect. With respect to the captives of the Amistad, most of our friends 
are aware, that they have not only been acquitted of the charges brought 
against them, and delivered from bondage by the decision of the Supreme 
Court of Judicature in the United States, but through the liberality of American 
abolitionists have been restored to Africa under circumstances highly advan- 
tageous to themselves, and calculated to prove beneficial to their countrymen. 

Other points of interest were committed to the care of the Committee, all of 
which have obtained their attention, and although, in reference to some of 
them, the Committee have not been able to accomplish much, they hope that 
the steps they have taken to give full effect to the resolutions of the Convention 
relative thereto, will ultimately be crowned with success. 

The Committee have had great satisfaction in carrying out the views of the 
last Convention, believing them to have been eminently calculated to advance 
the cause of human liberty and happiness ; and now present to this Convention 
this brief report, together with the papers which more fully illustrate the points 
to which it refers." 


Rev. J. BURNET. I cannot but express the pleasure which I feel at seeing 
so large an assembly of delegates from different countries, met, as we are, to 
promote one of the noblest causes the emancipation of the human race from 
slavery. I rejoice in the presentation of this Report, because it gives a con- 
tinuity to the history of the Anti-Slavery movement. It reminds us, too, that 
this is not so much a new Convention as it is an adjournment of the old one. 
Since this report has been presented I have been reminded that Conventions 
must continue to be held till our object be finally secured. That very con- 
viction seems to impress upon my mind that this is only the report of our last 
Convention ; and we shall soon, I trust, meet again to renew our sittings, and 
receive the report of the present. Let us go back in thought, for a moment, 
from the period in which we now live, and the circumstances in which we are 
now placed, to the period, and the circumstances connected with the Anti- 
Slavery cause, when first of all the grand idea was formed that slavery should 
be abolished. The rude laugh of all was excited against the few who engaged 
in this high undertaking. Statesmen and philosophers, and some who would 
call themselves philanthropists, thought that it was a Utopian attempt to 
endeavour to abolish slavery, considering the circumstances of the world, the 
character of the slaves, the interests of commerce, and the combinations of 
policy. But onward the cause went; no one asking at first for the abolition 
of slavery itself, but of the trade ; and they got it. That was not enough ; 
onward the cause went. The success which attended the efforts of those who 
had sought the abolition of the trade encouraged them to go further ; they 
sought to abolish the system of slavery, and this was considered still greater 
extravagance than the former. However, onward the movement went, and 
the abolition of the system, so far, at least, as the colonies of this country were 
concerned, was achieved. Then it was supposed that the fever would subside, 
and that nothing more would be heard of the slavery question. The question 
which had rung in our ear for so many years ; which had agitated so many 
assemblies ; which had occupied the time, and tried the patience of so many 
individuals for so long a period, it was supposed would be set at rest. But no : 
here we are, assembled in a country which has abolished slavery; and 
assembled with as deep an interest in the question as if slavery had never been 
touched. Now this shows that the first impression produced upon the minds 
of sound-thinking philosophers still continues, increases, and deepens ; and has 
always connected itself with the feelings and interests of the world. We are 
not merely Britons, but cosmopolites ; we go to the east and to the west, to the 
north and to the south, to seek for misery, and to endeavour to relieve it. 
The Report which has been presented to you shows that the Conventions held 
from time to time, have got into the form of connecting their sittings, and 
making known their movements ; and there can be little doubt that the feel- 
ings created on these occasions will continue and be diffused. We do not now 
look upon a few individuals ; we do not now look upon a numerous assembly ; 
we do not now look to a nation struggling for the cause of humanity, and 
triumphing in that cause, after having herself imposed the fetters of slavery ; 
what we behold is the world coming together and seeing how far philanthropy 
can help the men of every clime, and every country, under every degree of 
suffering and oppression which attend the slavery of human beings. I 
cannot therefore see how there can possibly be any termination of the Con- 
vention, which from time to time must sit, until there has been a termina- 
tion of slavery from the rising to the setting of the sun. We are identified 
now with the cause of freedom. The nations of the earth have found out 
that our agitation in that cause is perfectly harmless, perfectly peaceful. I 
have not heard that any one now condemns our sittings ; I have not heard that 


any political power is jealous of them. Slave-owners will, of course, dislike our 
proceedings; but the constitutions of the world are not trembling to their bases 
merely because there is an assembly, called by the old and once violent name, 
" Convention." We have redeemed the term from its odium ; we have brought 
it back to the character of peace and love ; and though the crowned heads of 
the world may hesitate a little, and their ambassadors may shrink from the 
novelty of the thing, yet they are not indisposed to receive the information 
which we are able to communicate. Some of our friends who met with us 
formerly are not present with us on this occasion ; some of them are no more. 
We may expect, therefore, that the history of the successive Conventions will 
be the history of the onward movement of ourselves, and our friends, to the 
grave. That movement, however, will be characterised by the creation of an 
impression, as we move onwards, in favour of man, and in favour of humanity 
an impression consistent with our professed attachment to the great principle 
of universal liberty, and an impression without making which we ought to feel 
that we can scarcely, with a quiet conscience, descend to the grave. Several 
important works have been referred to in connexion with the proceedings of 
the Anti-Slavery Society. May I be permitted to say that any person who 
wishes to possess them, may be furnished with them by applying to the office 
of that Society. These documents are of great importance ; and as we are to 
have continued activity on behalf of the cause of liberty, we ought to have the 
connected history of the movement. 

Rev. JOSHUA LEAVITT. The world's Anti-Slavery Conventions are 
now a part of the world's history. The novelty of the first called forth some 
ridicule ; but of all the men in the world who may be inclined to cast ridi- 
cule upon the world's Convention, the slave-holders of my country are the 
least disposed to do so. It has deepened the conviction in their minds that 
the world is against them. We have seen great results from that Convention. 
The brief sketch which has been given in the address of Mr. CLARKSON, and 
in the report now presented, show, that however insufficient the means might 
have appeared at the time, there have, in fact, been great results. Look to 
the shores of Northern Africa, and see a Mahomedan Prince there proclaim- 
ing the cessation of the slave-trade ; and mark the principle on which he did 
it, " For the glory of mankind, to distinguish them from the brute creation." 
O what a noble sentiment ! I trust, like the previous speaker, that this is but 
a continuation of a series of meetings which shall continue to be held until 
slavery is abolished. Not that I would have another meeting to forward the 
abolition of slavery, if it could be abolished before that period. O that we 
might have another meeting three years hence to celebrate its abolition 
throughout the world ! Let us not, however, lose sight of our difficulties. It 
is a great undertaking. We have accomplished a little, and but a little, in 
comparison with the whole. There are many strongholds of the enemy yet 
to be carried ; I am sorry to say that, as far as human judgment can reach, 
the strongest of them all is in the country of which I am a citizen. I do not 
say that, on a London platform, without deep emotion. I know that I am on 
English ground; I know that I breathe an atmosphere which the slave cannot 
breathe. But although English blood courses through my veins, and I am in 
the land of my fathers, yet I am an American citizen. America is the 
country which especially I love, for which my ancestors shed their blood : and 
for which, not in the bloody field, I hope, but wherever, should duty call 
me, I feel that I could freely give my life. That country is the land of 
slavery; and we, all of us who are here, have our destinies linked in more 
closely with this question than those of any other people. I hope our position 
will be appreciated by our friends with whom we meet. We have to go home ; 


we have to give an account of our conduct, of what we say here, and what we 
do here, and what we listen to here. We have to meet inquiry in the Free 
States; we have to meet it in the Slave States; we have to meet it as Chris- 
tians ; we have to meet it as citizens; we have to meet it as men. I do not 
say these things because I fear anything. I know that I am among friends, 
I feel a perfect freedom here ; I feel as perfect a unity with the friends of 
this cause who are assembled in London, as I should feel if I were assembled 
in Boston, where I live. But I say these things because I feel them, and I 
think that in the position which I occupy such remarks are not altogether in- 
appropriate. Let me remark that the last Convention has done great things 
in my own country. The resolution which was read here by the Secretary in 
regard to the duty of churches has, as we shall be prepared to show, produced 
the most happy results. The addresses to the President of the United States, 
and to the Governors of those States, rejected though they were with scorn, 
are not forgotten. We have, since the last Convention, succeeded, in a very- 
considerable degree, in our own country, and I wish we may accomplish 
something of the same kind here by disconnecting in the minds of the peo- 
ple the two ideas, slavery and America. We have multitudes of good rnen 
and sagacious politicians among us, who no longer consider slavery as America, 
nor America as slavery. We have brought them to a state of mind in which 
they can listen to the truth with regard to slavery, without feeling that their 
patriotic sentiments must be buried in order that they may look at the question. 
We have, at these Anti-Slavery Conventions, set an example for others. Other 
benevolent bodies now seek to bring together their friends from different 
nations to consult and to co-operate ; and by a beautiful propriety of arrange- 
ment, this meeting is to be followed by a Peace Convention in this hall, in 
which I trust my own country will be represented. I say there is a beautiful 
propriety in this ; because I cannot but regard the question of slavery as one 
which more than any other threatens the peace of nations at the present time. 
There are considerations in connexion with this question which, as it seems 
to me, have not attracted their due share of attention, and I hope that as the 
Convention proceeds they will be seasonably regarded by those whose duty it 
is to attend to these things, so that the question of slavery and the slave-trade 
shall not be allowed to force itself into a position which will jeopardise the 
peace of the civilized world. The men who, in the face of all the light and 
knowledge, and influence which now exist, have connected their destinies with 
slavery, united themselves irrevocably with slavery, the men who could do 
that will do anything ; and if in their judgment, the interest of their detestable 
institution can be benefited or secured by plunging the civilized world into a 
desolating war, a war they will have if they have the power to create it 
between this country and France, between this country and the United States, 
or the United States and Mexico, or among all these powers. I need not 
labour to show that so far as peace is concerned, it is more in jeopardy from 
the questions connected with slavery, than from any other. In looking over 
the arrangements for our proceedings, I have been struck with the name of the 
Convention the Convention for the Abolition of Slavery and the Slave-Trade. 
That is putting matters right-end foremost. We have had many experiments 
to abolish the slave-trade, and then abolish slavery. Let me ask, whether the 
abolition of the slave-trade has been accomplished ? No ; you must abolish 
slavery first, and then, if there is any slave-trade going on, you will probably 
be able to abolish that. 

Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON, (a coloured Gentleman.) The coloured 
people of the United States are not, and never have been, reconciled to 
slavery ; they never can be, unless it be possible to divest them of humanity. 


We believe that slavery, like every other species of oppression, is contrary to 
the genius of Christianity. The principles which have brought together the 
members of this Convention are in the heart of every coloured man. We are 
abolitionists, and should be so, if we had not a friend to stand by us. You will 
therefore conceive the high pleasure and encouragement which it affords us to 
see friends from all parts of the world assembled for the promotion of this great 
object. Situated as we are, in a country which has not yet done us equal 
justice, we still feel bound to love her ; we mourn over her faults with all good 
citizens, while we rejoice in her prosperity, and pray for her welfare. In our 
country we are continually rejoicing at the additions which are made to the 
number of the friends of the slave. We have a deep conviction, that just in 
proportion as Christianity extends its influence, slavery must be abolished ; and 
thus are we realising the object of our faith when we see the friends of the 
human race multiplying around us. As long since as I can remember I have 
been an abolitionist, and in like manner, all with whom I am associated are 
abolitionists. You will conceive, then, with what pleasure, with what unspeak- 
able delight we have seen the cause of abolition progressing in the land, the 
standard raised, and friends flocking round it day by day. You will conceive, 
too, with what pleasure we heard of the proceedings of the previous Convention. 
It gives me great pleasure to bear my testimony in this Convention to-day to 
the cordial wishes of the coloured population of the United States, and espe- 
cially of those who profess faith in JESUS CHRIST, on behalf of this Convention. It 
is, I believe, calculated to carry out still further the good which was commenced 
by the last Convention ; and I heartily concur in what was said on this subject 
by the gentleman who has just taken his seat. He has spoken the sentiments 
of my own heart, and without attempting to follow him, I would only say that, 
in all his remarks, he has my full concurrence. 

The CHAIRMAN. Before I put the resolution, I wish to make one or two 
remarks. There is no part of the conduct of the Committee of the Anti- 
Slavery Society which has in my judgment been more practically useful than 
their constant vigilance over the West India colonies, under the change from 
slavery to freedom ; and it may not be very inappropriate for me to state, con- 
nected as I have been in interest with this Society, and also largely with the mer- 
cantile community, that in my judgment emancipation has been attended with 
the most perfect success. It is not for me to say that there are not individuals 
who have, in a pecuniary point of view, felt the change to be injurious to them. 
I apprehend, however, that such individuals are few in number. It has been 
customary to speak of our West India colonies for many years as in a state of 
depression, and in some respects that statement is borne out even now. I can 
also bear my testimony, from my intercourse with the mercantile community, 
that it was the case long before the abolition of slavery. I admit that there are 
some cases of pressure, but it is my conviction that they are to be laid to the 
account and to the effect of slavery, and in a much greater degree than to the 
abolition of slavery. I thought it might not be inappropriate to make these 
remarks, applicable, as they certainly are, to the services of the Committee of 
the Anti -Slavery Society, in relation to the West India colonies under the 
change which has taken place. 

Mr. FULLER. I entirely concur in the sentiments to which my friend 
SAMUEL GURNEY has given expression. I cannot, however, but express a little 
sorrow at one omission in the opening of our proceedings. I had hoped that 
we should, in a resolution, have recorded our sentiments upon this subject. The 
Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society are entitled to all 
the commendation, and to more than all the commendation, which our friend 
has bestowed upon them. I believe in the sentiment expressed by our venerable 



friend THOMAS CLARKSON, that our Almighty Parent works by instrumental 
means ; and I hope that this will be borne in mind, both by those who dwell in 
this land, and by those who come from the United States. I hope that while 
this Convention records its approbation of the conduct of the Committee of the 
Anti-Slavery Society, it will at the same time return thanks to the Giver of all 
good, who has blessed all the efforts which have been used, and entreat Him 
to give success to future exertions in our great cause. 

The resolution was then put, and carried unanimously. 

Rev. JAMES CARLILE. Though the resolution is not, in fact, a resolu- 
tion of thanks to the Committee, but merely a resolution in reference to the 
report, I think I shall not be out of order in saying that the Committee 
will feel greatly encouraged by your expression of confidence ; and that by 
the Divine blessing, it will persevere in the "work of faith and labour of love" 
in which it has been engaged. 

The Convention then adjourned until four o'clock. 



Mr. SCOBLE. I have now to present to the Delegates the following 






In reviewing the history of the anti-slavery cause during the last three years, 
we have reason to congratulate ourselves and the friends of human fre'edom 
throughout the world on the advance which it has made, and we may gather 
assurance from the past, that if we steadily pursue our course, in the use of 
appropriate means, and in a spirit which becomes our great enterprise, we 
shall achieve the noble end we have in view. 

It will be impossible, within the limits we have assigned ourselves, to do 
more than give a bare outline of facts connected with the progress of the anti- 
slavery cause, since the last Convention met within these walls ; but meagre as 
our statement must be, it will be found full of interest, and cannot fail to 
inspire us with gratitude to ALMIGHTY GOD, for the blessing he has deigned to 
bestow on our labours, and with exalted hopes for the future. 

We purpose to consider, in the first place, the progress of our sacred cause 
in reference to Great Britain. The abolition of the African slave-trade, so far 
as British subjects were concerned, and subsequently of the iniquitous system of 
slavery in the British colonies, left the philanthropists of this country free to 
direct their efforts to other departments of anti-slavery labour ; and a little con- 
sideration soon taught them, that, however desirous they might be to co-operate 
with those of other countries in advancing their common cause, there was a 
wide field for exertion at home. The slave-trade and slavery yet existed in our 
Asiatic dominions and settlements ; British subjects were still, in various ways 


and in various countries, devoting their wealth, enterprise, and skill, in support- 
ing and extending these iniquities ; the laws of the emancipated colonies 
required to be brought into harmony with the great Act for the abolition of 
slavery passed in 1833 ; and other points, though of less importance than these, 
yet viewed in connexion with the general question of abolition throughout the 
world, were of high interest to our cause. 

1. Doubts having for many years existed whether the Acts passed by the 
British Legislature for the suppression of the slave-trade, extended to British 
India, which had led to much discussion and inconvenience; an Act was passed 
during the last session of Parliament, by the British Legislature, viz., 5 and 6 
Vic., cap. 101, to extend the provisions of the 5 Geo. IV., cap. 113, commonly 
called the Consolidated Slave-trade Abolition Act, to " the several and respec- 
tive Presidencies and places within the territories under the Government of the 
East India Company." Thus has the defect of jurisdiction been cured, and 
henceforth, in that part of the empire, as well as in all others, the slave-dealer 
will be adjudged a pirate and felon, and punished accordingly. 

2. It had long been the subject of complaint, that slavery had been permitted 
to grow up and extend itself at the British settlements of Malacca, Singapore, 
Penang, and Province Wellesley ; and that this evil system was fed by an 
equally iniquitous system of slave- trading, carried on chiefly by China-men 
and Malay pirates. At length, the remonstrances and memorials of the friends 
of abolition in this country have had the effect of terminating these abomina- 
tions, and henceforth, at these settlements, the free only can exist. The Act 
which secures this triumph for humanity, was passed, it is believed, at Fort 
William, Calcutta, on the 1st May last, and is as follows : 

" Whereas, in certain parts of the Straits' settlements, slavery has never had 
any legal existence, and in other parts, in which it is doubtful whether formerly 
it had such legal existence, it is no longer warranted by custom, or the supposed 
rights connected therewith have been expressly abandoned ; 

" It is hereby declared and enacted, that in no parts of the Straits' settle- 
ments shall the status of slavery be recognised as existing by law. And all 
courts and officers of law are hereby prohibited from enforcing any claims 
founded on any supposed rights of masters in regard to slaves within the settle- 
ments aforesaid, and are enjoined to afford protection to all persons against 
whom any supposed rights of slavery are attempted to be enforced." 

By this time, probably, the Act has reached the settlements and been pro- 
claimed, and from 8,000 to 10,000 emancipated slaves are exulting in their 
freedom, and a foul system of slave-trafficking has been put down. 

3. By the Act which renewed the Charter of the East India Company in 
1833, viz., 3 and 4 of Gul. IV. cap. 85, it was enacted, that the " Governor- 
General in Council shall forthwith take into consideration the means of mitigat- 
ing the state of slavery, and of ameliorating the condition of the slaves, and of 
extinguishing slavery throughout the territories of the East India Company, so 
soon as such extinction shall be practicable and safe." Instead, however, 
of adopting measures for the purposes specified in the Act, inquiries only were 
instituted ; but, finally, yielding to the pressing instances of the abolitionists of 
this country, who were prepared to besiege Parliament in behalf of the Indian, 
as they had previously done in behalf of the negro slave, an Act was passed 
on the 6th of April last, by the Governor-General in Council, which virtually 
abolishes slavery throughout the whole of British India. It is as follows: 

" An Act for declaring and amending the law regarding the condition of 
slavery within the territories of the East India Company. 

" 1. It is hereby enacted and declared, that no public officer shall, in execu- 
tion of any decree or order of court, or for the enforcement of any dema'nd of 

c 2 


rent or revenue, sell, or cause to be sold, any person, or the right to the com- 
pulsory labour or services of any person, on the ground that such person is in 
a state of slavery. 

" 2. And it is hereby declared and enacted, that no rights arising out of an 
alleged property in the person and services of another as a slave, shall be 
enforced by any civil or criminal court or magistrate within the territories of 
the East India Company. 

" 3, And it is hereby declared and enacted, that no person who may have 
acquired property by his own industry, or by the exercise of any art, calling, 
or profession, or by inheritance, assignment, gift, or bequest, shall be dispos- 
sessed of such property, or prevented from taking possession thereof, on the 
ground that such person, or that the person from whom the property may have 
been derived, was a slave. 

" 4. And it is hereby enacted, that any act which would be a penal offence 
if done to a free man, shall be equally an offence if done to any person on the 
pretext of his being in a condition of slavery." 

This Act, although defective on some points, will give liberty to millions 
whose bondage reckons its existence by centuries ; millions will be born free, 
who otherwise would have followed the degraded condition of their parents ; 
and millions more, born free, will be prevented from becoming slaves by sale 
and purchase, to perpetuate that system of cruelty and sin. Kidnapping by 
the wandering Brinjarrie and Megpunnah Thug will then find no scope for its 
diabolical arts and atrocious murders ; whilst a host of other evils, as disgust- 
ing for their impurities as they are hateful for their impiety, will rapidly dis- 
appear. The Christian missionary can be brought into contact with the most 
miserable, debased, and helpless of our race ; and the holy and benign religion 
which he teaches, win for itself new triumphs from among the heathen. 

This great triumph of abolition principles cannot fail to strengthen the hands 
of our fellow-labourers in all parts of the world, and prove an additional 
incentive to increased and persevering exertions. 

4. It usually happens that when men have had the moral courage to apply 
themselves to the solution of what may be deemed delicate and difficult ques- 
tions, they have had less hesitation in giving them effect thenceforward ; hence 
we find that in the orders respecting the future government of Scinde, the 
Governor-General has promulgated the following important regulation : 

" The Governor-General is pleased to direct, that all Acts of Parliament 
for the abolition of slavery and for the suppression of the slave-trade, shall have 
full force and effect in every part of Scinde, which is now, or may hereafter 
be occupied by the British army." 

It must not be supposed, that in speaking with approbation of this Act, we 
sanction the means by which that country has become a British possession ; as 
that would be to connect the sacred cause of human freedom with devastation, 
rapine, and blood. 

5. One of the great practical difficulties which the British Legislature has 
had to deal with, in its efforts to suppress the foreign slave-trade, has been to 
prevent all British subjects resident at home or abroad from participating therein. 
Availing themselves of what they believed to be defects in the letter of the 
law, or in the difficulties of proof, arising out of the covert and indirect way 
in which they have aided and abetted the iniquity, some British subjects, to 
their disgrace be it spoken, have vested large capitals in mines and plantations 
worked by slaves ; arid, by their agents, have become the buyers, and in some 
instances the sellers, of their fellow men. Others have undertaken to supply 
the miscreants more directly engaged in the traffic with the means, that is, 
with goods, for their unholy barter, and in a multitude of other ways to give 


vigour and activity to the trade. Strenuous efforts have been made by the 
abolitionists of this country to expose these guilty practices, and to bring 
some of the parties implicated therein before the tribunals of their country ; 
but the difficulties they have had to encounter were said to be insurmountable 
under existing laws, and all that remained for them to do was urgently to 
petition the Legislature to adopt measures which would prevent the continuance 
of such criminal practices in future. In this matter Lord BROUGHAM has 
taken a deep interest, and has laid before the House of Peers a bill which, if 
it pass into a law, will extend the provisions of the Consolidated Slave-trade 
Abolition Act to all British subjects residing abroad, which prohibits British 
subjects every where, and all persons within the dominion of the Crown, from 
dealing in slaves in any manner of way, and which extends the description of 
slaves to pawns, and all persons held in any kind of constraint. The bill also 
provides for the trial of offenders, and for procuring the evidence necessary to 
conviction ; and with a view to prevention, gives the Crown power to make 
Orders in Council for regulating the lawful African trade, so as to prevent 
slave-trading to inhibit British companies engaging therein and to empower 
British Consuls to examine and watch the proceedings of British trading com- 
panies abroad, and to take evidence touching the same. 

The bill, it is understood, was drafted by Mr. BELDAM, and appears to be 
well adapted to secure the object in view ; though probably some of its pro- 
visions and exceptions may be amended or altered with advantage. 

6. It might have been expected that the termination of the apprenticeship 
system in the British colonies on the 1st August, 1838, would have been fol- 
lowed by a spirit of conciliation on the part of the planters ; and that, at all 
events, the Acts of the Colonial Legislatures would have been made to har- 
monize with the principles laid down in the great Act for the abolition of 
slavery passed in 1833. This, however, was not the case. Actuated either 
by fear, or by a determination to coerce labour and enforce obedience under 
the new state of things, laws of a most unjust, restrictive, and penal character 
were passed, and went into operation in most of the legislative colonies. To 
obtain their repeal or amendment was a duty of great importance, and much 
has been gained in this respect by the activity of the friends of freedom, both 
in this country and the colonies. Most of the obnoxious statutes have been 
repealed, and others have been so greatly modified as to have become innocuous 
for evil ; nevertheless, there yet remains much to be done in this important 
department of labour. It is due both to the late and to the present Govern- 
ment to observe, that they have admitted the force of the objections urged 
against the bad portions of colonial legislation, and have interposed the veto 
of the Crown, when they have deemed it necessary to prevent the continued 
operation of bad laws. The disposition of the dominant party in the colonies, 
at the present moment, is to place an undue amount of taxation on the emanci- 
pated classes ; but this is an evil which will no doubt be soon corrected, as it 
cannot be supposed that the mother country will allow high duties to be levied 
on imported goods, to restrict her market in the colonies. Indeed, the Govern- 
ment have already intimated to the Governor of Jamaica, that on no account 
whatever will they allow him in future to give his sanction to a tariff, so unjust 
to the poor as that which is now in operation, but which is to terminate on the 
31st December next. 

7. The treaties and conventions into which Great Britain has entered with 
foreign powers for the extinction of the African slave-trade, are important, as 
indicating the views entertained by different governments of that atrocious 
traffic. All the maritime powers of Europe, with the exception of Greece, 
Belgium, and Hanover, have negotiated treaties for the suppression of the 


slave-trade, as have all the powers of America, with the exception of the 
United States, New Grenada, Ecuador, and Peru. There can be no doubt, 
however, that with the exception of the United States, all the other powers, 
both in Europe and America, will follow the example of neighbouring 
states. New Grenada and Ecuador are bound, in common with Venezuela, 
by the Columbian treaty with this country in 1825, and Peru is bound by the 
Peru-Bolivian treaty of 1837. Their having separated into different states 
is not held to vitiate the treaties they entered into when they were confederated 

8. In compliance with the memorial of the last Convention, presented to 
Lord PALMERSTON, the Secretary of State for Foreign Aifairs, on British 
functionaries holding or hiring slaves in foreign countries, his lordship caused a 
circular despatch to be forwarded to them, intimating it to be the wish of Her 
Majesty's Government that they should neither hold nor hire slaves for any 
purpose whatsoever. The effect of this intimation was most beneficial, and fol- 
lowed up, as it no doubt has been, by the present noble Secretary of State for 
Foreign Affairs, will operate as a standing testimony, on the part of Great 
Britain, against the system of slavery wherever it exists. 

9. Nor has the application of this principle been confined to British func- 
tionaries. The concurrence of other powers has been sought to give it effect 
through the medium of their representatives residing in slave-holding countries. 
Among those who have given in their adhesion to the recommendation of 
Lord PALMERSTON, the Mexican Government deserves special mention ; for it 
appears that they have not only instructed their agents abroad to refuse to 
hold or hire slaves, but to use their advocacy with the governments and 
countries in which they reside, with the same zeal in behalf of slaves as they 
would for their own countrymen, in as far as is compatible with the exercise 
of their functions. 

Besides which, the influence of the British Government has been used in other 
directions in entire harmony with the suggestions of the last Convention. The 
Turkish and Persian Governments have been addressed, through the medium 
of the British ambassadors, who have been instructed to lose no opportunity of 
representing that it would be extremely acceptable to the Government and 
people of this country if decrees were issued prohibiting the further import- 
ation of slaves into their respective territories, and making it penal to purchase 
slaves. They are also instructed to follow this up with steady perseverance, 
never omitting to take advantage of favourable opportunities to press upon 
Mohammedan rulers the wishes of the British Government on these points. 

An event of considerable importance, connected with the anti-slavery cause, 
took place in October, 1841. An American vessel, the Creole, having on 
board a considerable number of slaves for the southern slave-markets of the 
United States, was brought into Nassau, New Providence, one of the Bahama 
islands, by nineteen of their number who rose upon the captain and crew, and, 
after having overcome them, took possession of the vessel, for the sole purpose 
of securing their liberty. The Committee felt it to be their duty to bring the 
subject under the attention of Government and of Parliament, having under- 
stood that demands would be made by the Federal Government of the United 
States for the delivery of those engaged in seizing the Creole, as felons, and for 
compensation for the loss of the others. The proceedings in the House of 
Peers, consequent upon the affair, were of the highest interest and importance, 
and were decisive of the question that the slaves were fully justified in the 
steps they had taken ; that they had committed no offence, either against 
British law or the law of nations ; and that no claims of the United States, 
in reference to them, could be entertained for a single moment. Thus stood 


the question up to the period when the treaty of Washington was negotiated ; 
then certain concessions appear to have been made by the British Envoy, at 
variance with the understood principles of British and international law. 
But whatever hopes these concessions may have raised in the minds of the slave- 
holders, the Committee are persuaded they never will be realized ; for, hence- 
forth every slave touching British soil in the West Indies must be free, what- 
ever may have been the circumstances under which he sought the protection 
of British laws. 

Looking, therefore, at what has been done in this country since the last Con- 
vention was assembled in this place, viz., that the law for the suppression of 
the slave-trade is now in force in every part of the British empire; that slavery 
has been abolished at the British settlements of Malacca, Singapore, Penang, 
and Province Wellesley ; that it is virtually terminated in British India; that it 
is no longer suffered to exist in Scinde; that the state of the colonial laws for 
the government of the emancipated classes is greatly improved ; that foreign 
powers, with but few exceptions, have declared slave-trading to be a crime ; 
that British functionaries residing in foreign states are not allowed to hold or 
hire slaves ; that it is the determination of the Legislature, as far as it may be 
possible, to prevent British subjects from aiding and abetting the slave-trade in 
any part of the world ; that the British Government are actively arid peacefully 
engaged in using their influence with foreign states to aid in exterminating 
slavery and the slave-trade ; and that the rights of slaves seeking refuge within 
our borders have been affirmed by the highest legal authorities in the realm. 
Looking at these things, there is every reason to take courage and persevere 
in the great and good work to which we are devoted. 

Such is the report which I have been instructed to lay before this Conven- 
tion. It contains various most interesting and important particulars. We have 
not to struggle for the abolition of slavery in British India, as we formerly had 
for the overthrow of a kindred ahomination in the West Indies. It appears 
from the document I have read, that by the voluntary act of the British 
Government itself, urged on, no doubt, by the pressing entreaties of the aboli- 
tionists of this country, slavery is virtually abolished, and from ten to twelve 
millions of slaves are now free in the eastern portion of our Empire. Since I 
came into this room, a newspaper, The Friend of India, has been put into 
my hands, which fully corroborates the statement in the Report. This paper 
also conveys another piece of information, of a most gratifying character, rela- 
tive to Ceylon. In that island there has existed a system of slavery as atro- 
cious in some of its features as that which formerly disgraced the West India 
colonies. The number of slaves in that colony, in 1837, was estimated at 
37,000. The paper I hold in my hand informs us that slavery in Ceylon is 
also virtually abolished, and that we have to congratulate ourselves, on the pre- 
sent occasion, on this happy event. " We give prominence," says the Editor of 
The Columbo Observer, (which is here quoted) " to the following extract from a 
letter of a correspondent in the Northern province : ' Some months ago, a cir- 
cular letter from the London Anti-Slavery Society, containing queries on slavery 
in India, was put into my hands. I collected a mass of curious information, 
which may hereafter, if time permit, be rendered available towards a history of 
the system which too long existed in Ceylon, but which I hope and believe is 
now for ever numbered with the departed. I delayed replying to the circular 
until after the 1st January, when the effect of the late ordinance would be seen. 
The result has been such as must give pleasure to every friend of freedom. The 
sun of the 31st December, 1842, set on about 4000 men, women, and children, 
in this district (Wadermoratchy,) bearing the name of slaves ; that of the 1st 


January, 1843, beheld them all free! not a single slave has been registered in 
this court ; and I am happy to be enabled to inform you, on the best authority, 
that such also has been the result in the Northern districts : Jaffna, Malajam, 
the islands Temoratchy and Putchelepaly. 

" ' In addition, I am enabled, on the authority of a respectable correspondent 
at Trincomalee, to say, that before the passing of the late ordinance, slavery 
had no longer any existence in that district. 

" ' The number of slaves in Ceylon was recently set down at 30,000, the vast 
majority of whom belonged to the Northern districts. Seeing the effect of the 
ordinance here, I think I may safely assure you, that the same result has fol- 
lowed in every district of the island, and that slavery no longer pollutes our 
isle. If in any part it is otherwise, I should feel much obliged to any cor- 
respondent who, through the medium of your columns, will inform me of the 
fact.' " 

It is to be hoped that the interesting fact here announced will receive an 
ample official corroboration. One other interesting fact I beg to state, in 
connexion with the progress of the anti-slavery cause, namely, the repeal, 
during the last session of Parliament, of a disgraceful statute. It will be re- 
membered by the abolitionists of this country, that an interdict was laid, I 
think as far back as 1810, on Hayfci, which forbad any of its vessels or subjects 
visiting Jamaica, under the heaviest penalties. That statute no longer 
exists, and the freest intercourse can now be enjoyed by the inhabitants of the 
two islands. Taking all these facts together, it will be seen that a mighty ad- 
vance has been made in the great cause of human freedom throughout the 
British empire ; and permit me to hope that the United States will not be slow 
to follow the example, and that before long we shall have to congratulate our 
brethren there, as they now congratulate us here, upon the overthrow of 
slavery in all parts of that great and growing empire. 

Mr. JOSEPH TREGELLES PRICE. We have indeed received this 
evening delightful intelligence, both in the Report which has just been pre- 
sented to us, and in the verbal communications made by JOHN SCOBLE. It 
seems miraculous. I did not expect that we should have, I am disposed to say, 
such glorious news on the present occasion. I feel thankful to the individuals 
who have been so assiduously occupied, for the services they have rendered 
during the three years that have elapsed since we last met, a feeling in which I 
am sure all who are present will participate. But above all, as JAMES CAN- 
NINGS FULLER said at our last meeting, we must feel truly thankful to Divine 
Providence for the manner in which it has pleased Him to bless the efforts made 
in this cause. I believe that our cause rests upon a rock, and that, sooner or 
later, slavery will disappear from the face of the earth. The resolution which 
has been prepared for me to submit to the Convention, is 

" That this meeting, in receiving the Report of the progress of the anti-slavery cause 
since the last Convention, is called to unite in devout thanksgiving to God for all the happy 
and beneficial results which have now been announced ; and for the sound wisdom and dis- 
cretion, and persevering self-denying zeal with which He has enabled the British and 
Foreign Anti-Slavery Society to prosecute the work and objects assigned to them by that 

We shall all, I feel, entirely coincide in the language of this resolution. I 
hope and trust that the effect of that information, when diffused through the 
medium of the press, will be twofold ; first, to encourage those who advocate 
the complete abolition of slavery ; and secondly, to make those who uphold 
slavery quail beneath the sinful system they foster. I trust that our present 
proceedings will most materially contribute to the same objects. Great Britain 


has been compared to a lion. The mane of the lion seems now to he shaking, 
but I hope the time is not far distant, when the lion and the lamb will lie down 

Rev. H. H. KELLOGG. It might appear that some one more conversant 
with the proceedings of the British and Foreign Anti- Slavery Society than 
myself should have been called upon to second this resolution. I live a 
thousand miles nearer the setting of the sun than my brother who addressed 
you this morning. But I am happy to say that I have some little acquaintance 
with the operations of the committee of that society. The people of America have 
learned from their proceedings for some years past, that they may look to them 
for encouragement amidst the arduous labours in which they are engaged. It 
was in connexion with the exertions of the fathers of this enterprise that those 
abolitionists spoken of in the morning first learned to appreciate their duty to 
the slave ; and multitudes are there across the Atlantic who sympathise in 
those sentiments. In the devotion of GRANVILLE SHARPE, when he consecrated 
himself to the study of the law, that he might be enabled advantageously to 
oppose the unrighteous, and, as he deemed it, illegal opinion of YORK and TAL- 
BOT ; in the devotion of CLARKSON, as he consecrated himself in retirement to 
this work ; we learn to feel as men towards a brother who labours in chains, 
who toils under the lash, and who bends under the degradation to which he is 
subjected. But we are called upon, in this resolution, to render thanksgivings to 
GOD for the blessings bestowed upon the labours of this committee, and for the 
progress of the anti-slavery cause since the last Convention. I will not recapitu- 
late these results, which have been so recently and so perspicuously presented 
before us ; but we have abundant cause for gratitude to GOD in what has taken place 
in reference to the East Indies, and in the results of the Creole case. The Creole 
case is one which excited, as has been remarked in the Report, very great at- 
tention at the time at which it occurred, and with which most of you are familiar. 
In my own land it led to the proposing of resolutions which were based on the 
decision in Somerset's case, viz., that slavery was the subject of local law, and that 
when the slave escaped, he became a free man. Mr. GIDDINGS, who presented 
the^subject before our national legislature, was censured for the presentation 
of these resolutions. He retired from the body, returned to his constituency, 
and they again re-instated him in his place in the house. The principles which 
he maintained are now very extensively recognised in the United States as 
the principles of righteousness. But why should we render thanks to GOD ? 
Is not the slave GOD'S creature, GOD'S child ; and is he not, when he has been 
reduced from his manhood to the condition of the slave, wrested from the 
Divine care and protection? Does he not become a subject of GOD'S subject 
instead of being a subject of JEHOVAH himself? And when his fetters are 
broken off, his manacles unlocked, when he is restored to the condition of a free 
man, does he not stand forth GOD'S child, restored to the Divine government, 
and at liberty to yield obedience to the law of GOD without any prohibition from 
the law of man ? But not only are we called upon to render thanksgivings in 
view of the restoration of millions to the Divine government, but we. are called 
upon from the fact, that during the whole arduous labours of this committee 
they have continually looked to GOD for his blessing, and therefore thanks- 
givings should be rendered to him for success. Was it not this same GOD 
whom we profess now to adore and bless, before whom THOMAS CLARKSON 
knelt after he had written that essay in which he had portrayed the evils of 
slavery, and in the review of which he had come to the solemn determination 
to consecrate himself to the cause of the oppressed? Was it not the same GOD 
before whom he bowed when he implored the Divine blessing upon his efforts ? 
When we see the blessings so richly poured into his bosom and our bosoms, 


should we not bless the GOD of the oppressed, that we have been permitted to 
live to see this day, and that we ourselves are permitted to hear these glad 
tidings ? I then second the resolution : but one word more before I close, 
with regard to the labours of the committee. Their labours have been self- 
denying, persevering, and directed by sound wisdom and discretion ; all who 
have been witnesses to their labours, and are witnesses of the results, must 
testify to this fact. But they have had a powerful influence to propel them 
onward ; they have had the example of their fathers before them, of those 
that preceded them in the work : being successors of such men, how could 
they be recreant to duty? But now that they have been faithful, the same 
God that guided their fathers will guide them, and to Him belongs the praise. 

Mr. SCOBLE. May I correct our American friend on one point? He 
attributes what has been done to the committee of the British and Foreign 
Anti-Slavery Society. Allow me to say that it ought to be attributed, under 
the Divine blessing, to the activity of the various anti-slavery societies which 
exist in Great Britain and Ireland. 

Rev. H. H. KELLOGG. I spoke of the committee as the organ of the 
whole body. 

Mr. JAMES STANDFIELD. I experience great delight in being per- 
mitted to be one of the delegates to this Convention, more especially as I had 
the honour of taking part when the first link was broken in the chain of 
slavery. Mr. KELLOGG rather made an apology for rising to second the reso- 
lution now before the Convention ; but I think he was a most appropriate per- 
son to undertake that duty. We ought to be delighted to see and know that 
so many friends from the United States are joining in our deliberations. In 
Great Britain and Ireland, to advocate the abolition of slavery is creditable to 
those who stand forward in the cause ; but in America it is done at the peril of 
life ; the bowie-knife is prepared to be plunged into the breast of those who 
advocate the rights of humanity ; and nothing but the Spirit of God can 
sustain that noble band who are exerting themselves to rub out that foul blot 
that stains the star-spangled banner, and to remove that disgrace from a 
nation that otherwise is entitled to the respect and the admiration of the civilized 
world. I trust, however, that the day is not far distant when, as Mr. SCOBLE 
has said, we shall be able to congratulate America upon having followed the 
example of Great Britain ; and that in whatever part of the United States as 
was once said by a countryman of mine, in reference to our own happy land 
the slave treads, he becomes free, his chains fall from around him, and he 
stands forth ennobled by the genius of universal emancipation. 

Rev. JAMES PEGGS. Having been in India, I wish to submit to the 
Convention a few extracts illustrative of the nature and extent of slavery in 
that country, and therefore tending to show the value of that boon to which 
reference has been made. T. H. BABER, Esq., magistrate, in Malabar, 
declares, "Nothing can be more abject and wretched than the slaves of 
Malabar ; their huts are little better than mere baskets, and their diminutive 
stature and squalid appearance evidently show a want of adequate nourish- 
ment." Mr. GREME, in his report of Malabar, in 1822, remarks, "The 
slave alone has his sieve of a hut in the centre of the rice lands ; but on the 
coast, at least, he is an industrious and not an unintelligent being, in good 
condition, and nothing deficient in bodily frame. In the interior, he is a 
wretched, half-starved, diminutive creature, stinted in his food, and exposed to 
the inclemencies of the weather; whose state demands that commiseration and 
melioration which may confidently be expected from the British Government." 
The Madras Board of Revenue, in 1818, justly stated, "The treatment of slaves 
necessarily depends principally on the individual character of their owners ; 


and when we reflect on those evils which are inseparable from even the mildest 
state of slavery, and consider how large a portion of our most industrious sub- 
jects are at present totally deprived of a free market for their labour restricted 
by inheritance to a mere subsistence and sold and transferred with the land 
which they till, policy, no less than humanity, would appear to dictate the 
propriety of gradually relieving them from those restrictions which have 
reduced them, and must continue to confine them, to a condition scarcely 
superior to that of the cattle which they follow at the plough." There are the 
most remarkable discrepancies relative to the probable number of slaves to be 
found in India. From Parliamentary papers, ordered to be printed in 1828, 
it would appear, that they amounted to rather more than 800,000 ; but our 
excellent secretary (Mr. SCOBLE) states that they amount to millions. In the 
Presidency of Bengal there are, he says, upwards of four millions ; and he is 
satisfied that there would be found as many more in the Presidencies of Madras 
and Bombay. MALCOLM, in his travels in Hiridostan, affirms that the whole 
number of slaves in British India has never been ascertained, but is supposed, 
on an average, to be at least one in eight, that is, about ten millions. Many 
consider them twice as numerous twenty millions ! These contradictory 
statements show the extreme ignorance that has prevailed in reference to the 
state of slavery in India. It is, however, a matter of very great gratification 
that a measure, concise, comprehensive, and apparently adapted to meet the 
evil, has recently passed the legislative council ; and I do exceedingly rejoice 
in hearing that our countrymen in India, in the exercise of their functions, do 
not recognise the status of slavery. This seems to be the prominent idea of the 
interesting measure to which reference has been made. We may now receive 
great encouragement in the prosecution of the objects of the Anti-Slavery 
Society. I have been reminded of a pertinent observation by an eloquent 
friend of our cause, O'CONNELL. He remarked, in reference to the overthrow 
of slavery " Hunt it to death." I transferred this remark into one of our 
periodicals, but by a strange blunder of the press it was converted into " Print 
it to death." I thought, however, that it would do very well. Yes, let us hunt 
slavery to death! and print it to death ! The facility with which slavery has 
been abolished in India is very striking. Our countrymen have " commanded 
and it was done, they have spoken and it will stand fast." As Bishop HEBER 
said, " In India our will is our law." How great is the influence of our country 
in the East ! I have often thought of the lines in the prize essay of Lord 
GLENELG, written in 1805, on The Revival of Learning and Religion in the 

" Britain ! thy voice can bid the dawn ascend, 
On thee alone the eyes of Asia bend ; 
High arbitress ! to thee her hopes are given ! 
Sole pledge of bliss, and delegate of Heaven ! 
In thy dread mantle all her fates repose 
O'erspread with blessings, or o'ercast with woes, 
And distant ages shall thy mandate keep, 
Smile at thy touch, or at thy bidding weep. 
Oh ! to thy godlike destiny arise, 
Awake, and meet the purpose of the skies ; 
Be these thy trophies, Queen of many isles ! 
Yes, it shall come ! e'en now mine eyes behold, 
In distant view, the long'd for age unfold. 
O Asia ! destined from thy woes to rise, 
Look up and meet the purpose of the skies ; 
And mark the hour, whose stedfast steps to thee, 
Through time's pressed ranks, bring on thy jubilee !" 


Mr. JOSEPH SAMS I feel disposed, (though a task to me to address this 
assembly,) having passed about much among slaves, and having seen slavery in 
various distant parts of the world, to add a few words with reference to the 
motion before the Convention. It appears to me that we can all cordially 
unite in it; for surely all the benefit that has arisen from the labours of the 
Anti-Slavery Society, has been the result of the blessing of Divine Providence 
upon its exertions. I may add, that, in visiting Nubia, the Ethiopia of the 
sacred volume, I was exceedingly struck with the peculiar kind-hearted dis- 

rition of the blacks, amongst whom my lot was cast. They are remarkable 
their tenderness of feeling towards strangers, towards white people even, 
that come kindly among them ; and it is my apprehension that they possess 
this feeling to a greater degree, than any other class of people with whom 
I am acquainted. Affecting illustrations of this their disposition have come 
remarkably under my notice. Hence are we, I think, additionally called upon 
(were it not, as it is, our bounden duty) to assist, as much as possible, in pro- 
moting the entire destruction of that dreadful scourge the slave-trade. The 
black people are, I consider, fully equal to us, in every respect in which their 
advantages approach to an equality with ours. But I wish not to enlarge : I 
shall conclude, at present, with mentioning a short, authentic, and interesting 
anecdote respecting a black African chieftain. The encouraging circumstance 
occurred recently. He was applied to by the captain of a French schooner, to 
supply him with a cargo of slaves. He made answer, " I have entered into 
an agreement with the Queen of England, and have signed a pledge to that 
effect, that I will not again sell slaves ; and I certainly shall not break the pledge. 
But if you like, I will give you oil for your goods." It is surely delightful, as 
well as encouraging, to see in a native and powerful African, the influence of 
England, and of our amiable Queen, thus operating. 

Rev. J. LEAVITT. I concur most cordially with that resolution. I have 
been many years a sort of sentinel on the walls, carrying my firelock over my 
shoulder, and watching to see what were the signs of the times. When the 
question has been put to me, " Watchman, what of the night ?" with regard to 
this, that, or the other point of interest connected with this cause, I have re- 
plied, "All's well," because I have ever felt a solid assurance that the Com- 
mittee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society would be found at their 
posts; and that if clear discernment, unflinching firmness, wisdom of plan, and 
courtesy of manners, could effect any good in the promotion of our common 
cause, it would be achieved. I am sure that the Report we have heard has 
confirmed that impression, and I cordially concur in expressing thanks to 
ALMIGHTY GOD, that he has endowed these honoured brethren with that discri- 
mination, and that wisdom which the circumstances of the case have required. 
In many respects, the post which they have been called to occupy for the last 
three years has required peculiar measures of these particular qualities and 
gifts. It is an easy thing (using military phraseology) to gain a battle, but it 
is a great thing to secure the fruits of a victory. It requires only the ordinary 
talents of a mere warrior to do the one; but in order to accomplish the other, 
it is necessary that there should be all the varied talents of the statesman, the 
philosopher, the financier, the philanthropist, and the jurist. I could not 
feel satisfied to say less than this with reference to the Report ; and having 
said this, I beg to call attention to one single point in connexion with that 
document, on which I, for one, shall be glad to have further information laid 
before the meeting that is, the case of the Creole. In our country we are 
fighting the battle of slavery according to law. We have commenced the war- 
fare where it began here seventy years ago, and we have succeeded so far as 
to feel greatly encouraged. We know, as GHANVILLE SHAKPE did, when he 


originated the conflict in the case of the negro Somerset, that slavery is against 
law. You are accustomed to say that it is opposed to British law. I say 
that it is opposed to all law. It is an enormity, not only a crooked thing 
that cannot coincide or coalesce with any law, but it is the enemy of law. 
We feel that this is its character. We have seen, to a certain extent, habeas 
corpus struck down before it. According to the decision of the highest 
court in America, a man may come to his fellow-man and say, " You are my 
slave." He may imprison him, take him from county to county, and 
from state to state, and according to that decision, there is no court which 
can interpose between the kidnapper and his victim, and inquire under the 
Habeas Corpus Act, Why do you so? We are then fighting the battle of law 
against slavery not British law merely, not habeas corpus merely, which 
our fathers took by inheritance, which is in America not statute, but a part 
of the common law, but we are fighting the battle for that which habeas 
corpus was designed to subserve as a means to an end the right to personal 
liberty against lawless force. Now we know it is the nature of all evil, of all 
iniquity, that if you give an inch, it will take an ell. We have no place on 
which we can successfully meet the question of slavery but the frontiers. We 
must come up to the very line that separates law from violence ; and in that 
connexion it becomes a matter of the most intense interest to us, that all those 
who assume to act against slavery should show themselves to be exactly on the 
line, and nowhere else. Especially should we deplore that there should be the 
slightest wavering or giving way in those whom Providence has constituted the 
front rank of the host. With regard to the Creole, and to kindred cases, 
allow me to state, that so far as the best authorities with which I am acquainted 
may be considered as decisive on the point ; slavery is a thing that is con- 
fined to the territorial jurisdiction of the state or country which establishes 
it. I believe it has never been recognised as a just occasion of complaint, still 
less of war between country and country, that because one nation chooses, 
within its own bounds, to consider a portion of its subjects slaves, without those 
territories, its laws of slavery are treated as a nullity. There were two cases of 
shipwrecked slaves, the Comet and the Encomium. They were driven by the 
violence of the sea to a British port prior to the year 1834, and by the decisions 
of the local courts of those islands, the persons who had been held as slaves on 
board were treated as foreigners and passengers, and if they did not choose to 
depart in the same vessel that brought them, they were not compelled. There 
was no process of British law by which they could be constrained to take 
a passage across the ocean, unless they were so disposed. A representation was 
immediately made to the British Government on the subject. In the negotia- 
tions between the two countries, in the year 1836, the American ambassador was 
instructed, by his Government, that there was no subject deemed so important 
as the claim on account of these shipwrecked slaves. The Boundary question, 
respecting which we have been within an inch of being plunged in war, was 
then, in the sight of slave-holding rulers, considered of no importance com- 
pared with the demand of remuneration for these liberated coloured men. 
What was the great object in view? It was not simply a question of dollars 
and cents of pounds, shillings, and pence. It is said that we are very sharp 
in America, but I do not think that, with all our keenness, the pecuniary part 
of the question was considered paramount to all others. There was a principle 
involved, and it was this ; that the slave law of Virginia should beheld binding 
in the dominions of Great Britain. After a long negotiation, the late adminis- 
tration in this country granted that compensation, and by that act conceded 
the principle. Had you stood where we did, in the heat of the battle ; had you 
felt how that one act weakened our hands, you would not complain of me for 


the little portion of time that I am now consuming. That is past and done, 
and all we have to do is to fight the battle over again, and to say that the act 
by which this concession of principle was made was a grand blunder. The 
case of the Creole has been set forth in a very simple, decided, and satis- 
factory manner, in the document we have heard. I happened to be in 
Washington city, watching the course of things in Congress, when the news 
of that extraordinary affair reached our country. I can attest the intense, 
agonising interest it excited, both among slave-holders and ourselves. We 
felt that this was another test whereby to ascertain how the British Govern- 
ment would meet these cases, and the slave-holders were aware that it involved 
momentous questions. The news had not reached Washington more than twenty- 
four hours before the slave-holders were making speeches on the subject on the 
floor of the Senate ; they dared not do it in the other house because there was 
JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, and they were afraid of him. They brought up the 
topic five several times, and on each occasion two, three, or more of the slave- 
holding senators made inflammatory speeches ; and I regret to say, that of all 
the senators from the free states, there was not one that opened his mouth. 
So much are they under the fear of the slave-holding power in our country, 
that the most extravagant assertions, the most atrocious principles were put 
forth on this occasion, without a word being said in reply. It was there dis- 
tinctly announced that they would either have compensation for those slaves, 
or they would have war. A senator of Louisiana declared in his place, in my 
hearing, that unless Great Britain put a check to those proceedings of her sub- 
ordinate authorities, Louisiana would desolate those islands with fire and 
sword. (Laughter.) I hardly think that she could do it ; but that is what was 
said. It was announced by the leading political newspapers, North and South, 
that compensation must be had for the slaves, and a guarantee against future 
occurrences of that kind, or we must go to war. They saw that they could 
not carry on the domestic slave-trade, unless they could put a stop to these 
practices. If you will look at the map, you will perceive that the course of 
trade between the slave-breeding states of Virginia, Maryland, and the district 
of Columbia, and the slave-consuming states of Alabama, Louisiana, Missouri, 
and Texas, lies through a narrow channel between the Capes of Florida and 
the Bahama Islands. It is a dangerous navigation, and requires a great deal 
of nautical skill to make the passage without coming within British jurisdiction. 
The claim put forward by the disgraceful letter of Mr. WEBSTER, was met by 
a direct refusal on the part of the English Government. So far so good. 
Then came the negotiations of the treaty of Washington, and that is a point 
to which I wish to call your particular attention. It was said by the influential 
slave-holders, and I firmly believe that it was the fixed determination of the 
President, when Lord ASHBURTON arrived at Washington, that no treaty 
should be formed, or if formed, none should be ratified by the Senate, un- 
less it contained a guarantee with regard to shipwrecked and mutinous slaves. 
The correspondence, whatever it may have been, that took place during that 
negotiation is, whether for good or bad purposes, under an impenetrable 
shroud. Even we, who are so apt to print every thing that pertains to matters 
of government, have tried, and tried in vain, to obtain the slightest trace of 
the negotiations, which led to that treaty. There are, however, certain letters 
written shortly before it was signed, that have been brought forward and pub- 
lished ; and the general understanding is, that they were very carefully and 
skilfully drawn to serve the very purpose that they have served. We have 
then a letter by Mr. WEBSTER, and the reply of Lord ASHBURTON, on the 
Creole case. Mr. WEBSTER maintains that there was a direct and unauthorised 
interference by the British authorities on the deck of the Creole, by which 


these slaves were set at liberty. The original statement prepared by the 
American Consul at Nassau, with a good deal of skill, and intended to serve 
as a fire-brand at Washington, implied that fact ; and stated certain circum- 
stances intended to create that impression. A few weeks afterwards, there 
came a protest and affidavit from the owners of these slaves, at New Orleans, 
made for the purpose of charging the underwriters ; and for the purpose of 
bringing the case within the terms of the policy, they swore distinctly that 
they lost possession of that vessel on the high seas, and never recovered it till 
it was put into their hands by the British authorities at Nassau, directly con- 
tradicting the basis of Mr. WEBSTER'S claim. But Lord ASHBURTON in his 
reply seems to have had an eye to another object, which was to get the treaty 
through the Senate in the face of the positive declaration of slave-holding 
senators, to which I have referred. He, therefore, distinctly assures Mr. 
WEBSTER, that if any cases of the kind hereafter occur, and the slaves be- 
come actually free in a British sea-port, there is, as had been stated by Lord 
PALMERSTON in a former correspondence, no British law by which they can 
be recaptured, and delivered over to the owners ; but that he would pledge 
the British government, that the local authorities should be instructed not to 
interfere in the case. I call attention to this point, for the purpose of asking, 
whether it is British law that a hapless stranger, brought either by his own 
act, or the act of an enemy, or by the providence of GOD, within your juris- 
diction, in the hands and power of his enemies, should be left unprotected, 
or whether it is the duty of the British authorities to interfere, and to rescue 
the poor from his oppressor ? This may not seem a point of great importance 
to you, who live in safety, where no slave can ever be brought, and where 
public opinion throws its potent shield around every man. Here no slave- 
owner could obtain any countenance; but with us it is a matter of great 
moment that the authorities of this country should not concede a hair's breadth. 
You will observe that by making this single concession you have given up the 
case. You have admitted that the law of slavery, as established by Virginia, 
is, in certain circumstances, law in Nassau. That is the way it is under- 
stood by us, by Mr. WEBSTER, by Mr. CALHOUN, and all those senators who 
made speeches in favour of the ratification of the treaty ; and it is the way in 
which the language reads. I hope, therefore, that at some period, during the 
proceedings of the Convention, the case of the Creole will undergo examina- 
tion by a committee that shall embody amongst its members men learned in 
the British law ; and that the letter of Lord ASHBURTON shall be fully can- 
vassed, in order that it may be clearly understood. I have stated the case as 
it lies on the surface, and if there is no law which can justify Lord ASHBURTON, 
this principle will wrest those weapons out of the hands of the slaveholders 
which otherwise they are disposed to use against us to the utmost of their 
power. We desire to see slavery abolished in the United States, according to 
law ; we desire to see slaveholders and slaves dwelling together under the pro- 
tection of just laws ; we do not desire to see emancipation accomplished by 
violence ; but if we are to have it accomplished by law, we must have the 
principle of law clearly laid down, and fairly settled, and fully sustained by 
diplomatists as well as by courts of justice. 

Mr. ARNOLD BUFFUM. I wish to call the attention of the Convention 
back to the purport of the resolution about to be submitted for our adoption. It 
is an expression of our obligations to our heavenly Father for the success which 
he in his good providence has been pleased to give to the great cause, for the 
promotion of which we are now assembled. I would particularly refer to the 
fact brought under notice relative to an African prince giving a pledge to the 
British Queen that he would sell no more slaves. When the circumstance was 


mentioned, I felt that we ought to turn our minds hack to the providence of 
GOD in moving upon the hearts of Christian philanthropists in this land, and 
inducing them to stand forth as the advocates of the abolition of slavery, and 
the slave-trade, until, hy the operation of GOD'S Holy Spirit on their minds, 
they have succeeded in producing that enlightened public sentiment in this 
kingdom, that has led the Queen on the throne to use her influence even with 
the princes of Africa, and obtain from them a pledge that they would sell no 
more of their subjects into slavery. This blessed and glorious cause is thus 
going on from " strength to strength," and we are therefore most deeply called 
upon to express our sense of high obligation, not to the instrument, but to the 
Giver of all good. 

The CHAIRMAN. I do not think that in the whole course of my ex- 
perience I have ever heard a Report so satisfactory as that which has just been 
presented. When the former Convention assembled, slavery in British India 
and its dependencies appeared as an impassable mountain before us, but we 
must acknowledge that it has been removed in a way quite marvellous to 
each of us. I speak the truth in saying that, in point of successful operation, it 
is almost unprecedented. While upon the one hand we can all unite in this reso- 
lution, may we not, on the other, take courage and believe that slavery, as it now 
exists in the United States, in the French colonies, where it has already received 
a shock, and in the colonies of other kingdoms, will be speedily annihilated? 

The resolution was then put and carried unanimously. 

Mr. GEORGE WILLIAM ALEXANDER. It has been suggested to me, 
that as the resolution which has just passed has reference to the proceedings 
of the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, it is proper 
that it should be noticed by one of the members of that committee, and 1 have 
been requested to do so. I do not intend to say many words ; for we are met 
for other purposes than passing and acknowledging votes of thanks. But there 
is one consideration in connexion with it to which I feel inclined to advert. 
We are all agreed as to the cause we have to express our gratitude to the 
Almighty for the manner in which he has blessed the feeble endeavours of the 
friends of the slave in this country. I unite with my friend in the chair in 
thinking that a mountain has been removed, and that our hands are now much 
more free than they would otherwise be to render any service in our power to 
our transatlantic friends, and to those who are struggling on the continent, to 
effect the emancipation of the slave. On the formation of the present Ministry 
the committee felt it to be a duty to call their attention to slavery in India. 
They sought an interview with the Premier ; it was afforded them, and I enter- 
tain the hope that it will not be without its beneficial effects. I mention this 
circumstance with the desire that similar conduct may be manifested by the 
President of the United States. I trust that our American friends, and all 
others, will be cheered in their arduous work by the success of our humble 
efforts in this land. We are not surrounded by one half the difficulties with 
which our friends from America and with whom we deeply sympathise are 
beset. It is gratifying to us to find that so many of them have evinced their 
intense interest in the cause of the slave by crossing the Atlantic in order to 
come and visit us. I regard this not only as a pledge of their success, but of 
the ultimate triumph of that struggle which is being carried on for the aboli- 
tion of slavery in every country in which it exists. 



Rev. J. LEAVITT. The subject on which I am now to address you is, 
the disclosures of the census of the United States, with reference to the 


question of Slavery. We have had the census of the population taken six 
times since we have been a government, at distances of ten years, respec- 
tively. At the first census, there were slaves in all the states, excepting 
Massachusetts. Since 1790, the slaves in what are called the free states, have 
been gradually reduced from 40,375 in a population of 1,968,455 to 1,120 
in a population of 9,728,854. There are three or four states where there are 
a few slaves remaining, but as the number is so small, and they will all be 
free with perhaps a dozen exceptions before the next census, and as they have 
no political effect, I shall pass them by, and confine my further statements to 
the slave states. By the census of 1790, we had in those states 657,437 slaves; 
by the census of 1840, we have 2,485,683. The whole population of the slave 
states in 1790 was 1,271,580, of which the slaves were then 52 per cent.; 
in 1840 they were but 34 per cent. The increase of slaves in ten years, ending 
with 1800, was 30.5 per cent. ; and in ten years, ending with 1810, it was 
35.8 per cent. This increase is to be accounted for by the fact, that in 1803, 
the state of South Carolina and some others repealed the law prohibiting the 
importation of slaves, and this continued until 1808, so that for five or six 
years there was a free importation into those states. In the next ten years 
the increase was 30.5 per cent., and in the next 32 per cent. This maximum of 
national increase I suppose is owing chiefly to the fact, that when the country 
became adapted to the condition of having the slave-trade prohibited, the pre- 
servation of slaves became a more important object with slave-holders. In the 
last ten years it has fallen to 24 per cent., I suppose from the extraordinary mor- 
tality growing out of the sufferings incidental to the American domestic slave- 
trade. The only slave states which have actually diminished the number of slaves 
since 1790, are, Delaware and Maryland. Delaware has lost 70 per cent.; 
Maryland, 13 per cent. The whole increase of slaves from 1790 to 1840, is 
1,828,296, or 278 per cent. Had this increase been confined to the original 
slave states that is, had slavery not been allowed to spread itself, in violation, 
as we contend, of our constitution, certainly in violation of all equity, to new 
territories, those which are now called slave-breeding states, a horrid name 
for a horrid thing, would, instead of their actual number, 1,113,942, have had 
2,316,849 slaves, showing a difference of 1,202,907. This difference agrees, 
as nearly as we can measure it, with the numbers that have been exported, 
and the children that have grown up from those exported. How many have 
been exported, and how many born, subsequently to exportation to the new 
states, we have no means of ascertaining. I may here remark, that the 
census and all the other arrangements of government have been taken in a 
manner, as far as possible to cover up the truth, with reference to the condition 
and suffering of the slaves. I will mention two circumstances in proof of this 
statement. One is, that although by our laws, when slaves are exported 
coastways, they are obliged to be entered upon the ship's manifest as property, 
and the manifest is left in the Custom-house ; yet, we have never been able 
to get access to the records. Even in the port of Alexandria, in the district 
of Columbia, within sight of the Hall of Congress, we have never been able 
to ascertain how many have been exported by sea from North to South. But 
a more decisive circumstance is, that in the classification of ages for the 
census, there is a broad distinction made between the whites and the blacks, 
that seems to have had for its object, as far as I can understand it, to baffle 
inquiry with regard to the condition of the latter. For instance, with respect 
to the whites, the ages are taken under 5 years, from 5 to 10, from 10 to 15, 
from 15 to 20, from 20 to 30, from 30 to 40, from 40 to 50, from 50 to 60, 
and so on, up to a hundred, and over a hundred thirteen different classes. But, 
with reference to the slaves, the division is those under 10 instead of 5, from 


10 to 24, (an entirely anomalous division,) from 24 to 36, from 36 to 55, from 
55 to 100, and then over 100. I have asked members of Congress to explain 
the object of the arrangement, but none of them could do it. It seems to 
have been a mere piece of absurdity, or this classification has some relation 
to the traffic in slaves, which, as I am not a slave dealer, I do not under- 
stand and is designed to facilitate that unhallowed business. I make this 
statement as an apology for the failure to present a classification of ages to 
tally with ordinary statistical inquiries. The ordinary inferences that ought to 
be drawn from a census are entirely baffled. But there are some things that 
we can learn ; for instance, the increase of slaves. The state of Georgia is the 
only one of the old thirteen which has gained an undue proportion. The five 
slave-breeding states of Delaware, Virginia, Maryland, and North and South 
Carolina, should have had, in 1840, 2,316,849 slaves, whereas they have but 
1,113,942; and of course, therefore, have failed to gain 1,202,907. The 
slaves and whites are not found in uniform proportions in all the states. In 
the following table the states are ranged in the order of the greatest propor- 
tion of slaves : 

States. Whites. Slaves. Per cent. Slaves. 

Carolina 259,084 - 377,038 - 145.53 

Mississippi - - - - 179,074 - 195,217 - 109.00 

Louisiana - - - - 158,457 - 168,452 - 106.30 

Florida ----- 27,943 25,717 - 92.03 

Alabama- - - - - 335,185 253,532 - 75.64 

Georgia ----- 407,695 - 280,944 68.88 

Virginia ----- 740,968 - 448,987 60.59 

N. Carolina - - - - 484,870 - 245,817 - 50.69 

Kentucky - - - - 590,253 - 182,258 30.87 

Tennessee - - - - 640,627 - 183,059 - 28.57 

Maryland - - - - 317,717 - 89,495 28.16 

Arkansas- - - - - 77,174 - 19,935 25.83 

Missouri ----- 323,888 - 58,240 - 17.98 

District of Columbia - 30,657 - 4,694 - 15.31 

Delaware - - - - 58,568 - 2,605 - 4.45 

4,632,060 2,535,990 54.74 

Thus in South Carolina the slaves are 145.53 per cent, whereas in Delaware 
they are only 4.45 per cent., so that there is the greatest diversity. In four 
states on the Gulf of Mexico the whites are 700,659, and the slaves 642,918, 
or 91.7 per cent. Hence their anxiety about Cuba and Texas. The slave 
population is spread most unevenly over each particular state. There are all 
through the slave-holding countries, portions of territory which are not adapted 
to the great staples, and in the occupation of which slave labour is so decidedly 
unprofitable, that they fall into the occupancy of the poorer classes of whites, 
who own few slaves, and obtain a subsistence by their own labour ; generally a 
class of population little cultivated, and greatly lacking in industry and enter- 
prise. The following table represents the relative white and slave population 
in five counties having the greatest, and five counties having the least, propor- 
tion of slaves in each of the slave-holding states. It will indicate where the 
contest between the prerogative of property and the rights of men will be likely 
to commence and be driven to a decision, probably without any direct agency 
or influence of the slaves themselves. 


Five Counties having most Slaves. 

Per cent. 

States. Whites. 



Maryland 23,500 

- 29,849 

- 127 

Virginia - 13,187 

- 30,106 

- 231.5 

N.Carolina 23,850 

- 34,757 

- 146.14 

S.Carolina 26,279 

- 91,839 

- 353 

Georgia - 8,411 

- 22,559 

- 268.58 

Alabama- 36,756 

- 73,596 

- 200.22 

Mississippi 14,554 

- 50,691 

- 348.28 

Louisiana 8,768 

- 34,914 

- 390.21 

Arkansas 8,233 

- 9,438 

- 117.97 

Tennessee 74,992 

- 50,732 

- 67.79 

Kentucky 42,257 

- 34,123 

- 80.75 

Missouri - 37,113 

- 13,254 

- 35.82 

Florida - 10,656 

- 16,232 

- 152.22 

Five Counties with fewest Slaves. 



Per cent. 


* 12,216 

- 7.6 



- 1.26 


- 1,775 

- 7.13 


- 20,964 

- 35.61 


- 1,257 

- 7.16 


- 3,552 

- 10.44 


- 2,937 

- 18.9 


- 26,022 

- 39.67 



- 4.86 


- 3,968 

- 8.44 


- 1,289 

- 5.33 



- 3.29 


- 1,683 

- 28.05 

The greatest disproportion, however, is in the country around Charleston, 
included in Charleston district, without the city. Here the white population is 
7,851, and the slaves is 45,549, or 580 per cent., almost six slaves to one white 
person. The individual counties having the highest and lowest proportion of 
slaves in each state, will appear in the following table : 

State. Highest Co. 

Per cent. 

Lowest Co. 

Per cent. 





- 2.09 



- 153.00 


- 5.46 



- 239.75 


- 0.67 

N. Carolina, 


- 186.34 


- 4.47 

S. Carolina, 


- 764.26 


- 23.50 



- 494.83 


- 2.83 



- 222.46 

De Kalb 

- 6.08 



- 1013.30 


- 14.35 



- 579.71 


- 35.73 



- 296.21 


- 3.07 



- 71.93 


- 2.30 



- 98.89 


- 1.34 



- 39.26 


- 1.24 



- 209 


- 2.97 

In a few instances, this extreme inequality in different parts of a state ex- 
tends to large sections, bringing the interests of free and of slave labour 
so directly into collision, as to make it a matter of wonder how it is that the 
slave-holders manage to retain their absolute ascendency in the legislatures of 
those states. This is remarkably true in regard to Eastern and Western Vir- 
ginia, which now contain equal amounts of white population, while the slaves 
are seven times as numerous in the Eastern as in the Western district. In East 
Tennessee the slaves are but 8.3 per cent, of the population; in the re- 
maining portion of the same state they make 48 per cent. In Northern 
Alabama, the slaves are 30 per cent, of the population ; in the Southern dis- 
trict of the same state, they are 48.7 per cent. In Alabama, the influence of 
the Northern district, that which has the fewest slaves, has lately been felt in 
the legislature, so far as to procure the adoption of a law by which, in the divi- 
sion of the state into districts for the choice of seven members of Congress under 
the new apportionment, the free white population alone has been taken into the 
account, giving additional power to the Northern district equal to one repre- 
sentative. It is a blow struck at slavery by the free population of the South 

D 2 


itself. The white population of Eastern Virginia is 369,398, and of Western 
Virginia, 371,570 ; the white population alone having political power. By 
the constitution of the state, the proportion of representatives in the legislature 
is fixed at 78 for the East, and 56 for the West. This was done by the slave- 
holders in forming the constitution, avowedly for the purpose of securing their 
slave property against the encroachments of the free labour interest. They use 
the power, and retain it with that determination. But since the Western district 
has enjoyed the beneficial influence of free labour, and the white population has 
in some degree attained a growth beyond that of the Eastern district, they de- 
clare, in positive terms, that they will not submit to this usurpation ; that they 
will have equal power with the Eastern district in the legislature of the state, 
or, if they cannot obtain it, division and revolution is their unalterable purpose. 
You can hardly appreciate the importance which we attach to this apple of dis- 
cord thrown by free labour into the very heart of the slave country. As an 
illustration of the course of events, I may state that the present Governor is a 
Western man, that he comes from the free labour section, and was elected as a 
sop to keep the Western district quiet another year or two, by conferring upon 
them a little honour ; but if I am not mistaken, their purposes are too firm to 
be altered by such trifles. The people of Eastern Tennessee, a race of hardy 
mountaineers, find their interests so little regarded by the dominant slave- 
holders of the other portions of the state, that they are taking measures to be- 
come a separate state. They are holding anti-slavery meetings and meetings 
of political associations with great freedom, discussing their questions, rousing 
up the people, and showing how slavery curses them, in order to bring them 
to the point of action, with a view to forming a separate state, and with the 
firm resolve that whenever the constitution of that new state is framed, it shall 
be an anti-slavery constitution. The importance of this may be seen, by a 
glance at the map of the states, where it will appear that East Tennessee is 
almost in the geographical centre of the slave region, whence it has been 
aptly termed the Switzerland of the South. 

For the strong pine of the forest 

That by thy breath is stirr'd ; 
For the deep gorge of the mountain, 

Where thy still voice is heard ; 
For the storm on whose free pinions 

Thy spirit walks abroad ; 
For the STRENGTH OF THE HILLS we bless thee : 

Our God, our fathers' God ! 

The contrast in the growth of the old states of the North and South since 1790 
is another important view developed by the census. It appears that the old 
free states, on a territory of 168,516 square miles, have increased in fifty years 
from 1,968,455 to 6,761,083, or 243 per cent. ; while the old slave states, on a 
territory of 226,400 square miles, or one-third greater, have increased from 
1,852,506 to 3,826,323, or only 106 per cent., giving the free states an advan- 
tage of 137 per cent. The same free states gained in ten years, from 1830 to 
1840, 1,224,191, or 22 percent; whilst the same slave states gained only 
255,135, or 7 per cent, three times as great in the free as in the slave states ; 
and the next census will disclose a still greater discrepancy. Let us now con- 
sider the comparative growth of the new states of the West, as affected by 
slavery. In 1790, the free labour states of the West had not begun to be settled 
by civilized men ; whereas, Kentucky and Tennessee had already a population 
of 108,868, besides which Louisiana, (not then annexed to the union,) was a 
French colony of considerable importance. In 1800, Kentucky, Tennessee, and 
Mississippi slave states, numbered 335,407 ; while Ohio and Indiana free 


states, had only 50,240. Our comparison must therefore begin with the 
census of 1810, and cover a range of only thirty years. The new free states 
had, in 1810, a population of 272,324, which in thirty years has increased to 
2,695,514. The new slaves states had, in 1810, 826,835, and have gained 
2,571,717. Their numerical increase is nearly the same as that of the free 
states ; but the latter have gained relatively 990 per cent., while the former 
have gained but 311 per cent. In the last decade the new free states increased 
from 1,467,999 to 2,967,838 a numerical gain of 1,499,839, or 102 per cent, 
in ten years ; while the new slave states increased from 2,403,541 to 3,408,552 
numerically 1,005,011, or but 42 per cent. The states of Ohio and Ken- 
tucky lie side by side ; Kentucky being ten years older, both in settlement 
and in organisation, but holding slaves ; while Ohio has never tolerated 
slavery. They are about equal in extent of territory, and fertility of soil. In 
1820, they were nearly equal in population, Ohio having slightly the advantage. 
The comparative growth since is as follows. In 1840, Ohio had 1,519,467, 
being an increase of 938,033, or 161 per cent; Kentucky 779,828, being 
an increase of 215,511, or 38 per cent. The slave states of Alabama 
and Mississippi entered the union about the same time with the free states of 
Indiana and Illinois, both having been gained from the Indians, and were 
settled in precisely similar circumstances in every respect, except slavery. In 
1800, the two slave states had 8,850 inhabitants; the two free states, 4,875. 
In 1810, the first had 61,197; the last, 36,802: in 1840, the first had 
966,407, the last 1,162,049. A still more striking case is that of Arkansas 
and Michigan. They were admitted into the union together, and in 1830 were 
about equal in population. Their increase has been occasioned by immigra- 
tion ; and the comparison is instructive in regard to the future probable 
growth of the free and slave states. Michigan increased from 31,639 to 212,267 ; 
Arkansas, from 30,388 to 97,524 ; making a difference in favour of the free state 
of 114,743, or Michigan 570 per cent. ; and Arkansas 220 per cent. 

The statements, thus far, include the whole of the population. As the 
slaves, however, constitute no part of the civil commonwealth, they ought 
not to be taken into the account in estimating the comparative power 
and growth of states. The slaves are reckoned once, as a part of the, 
invested capital, the taxable wealth of the state, and can with no pro-, 
priety be again reckoned as a part of the population, in the scientific seniie 
of the term. They are not, in law, people, but only property. The 
whites are every thing, control every thing, receive every thing. The 
prosperity, the defence, the responsibility, the interest of the state .rests 
wholly with them. They only are the state. Hence their increase is the 
true measure of the state's increase ! A comparison of the increase -of the 
white population in the free and slave states, will therefore furnish the most 
perfect means which the case admits of, to show the effect of free and slave 
labour in advancing or retarding the growth and prosperity of communities. 
The white population increased in fifty years in the free states, from 1,900,971 
to 9,569,092 ; and in thirty years, from 1790 to 1820, the free states gained 
3,133,081, or 164.28 per cent. In ten years, ending with 1830, it was 
1,836,892, or 35.52 per cent. ; and in ten years, ending with 1840, it was 
2,698,048, or 39.41 per cent. The white population increased in the slave 
states in thirty years, from 1790 to 1820, 1,560,209, or 122.69 per cent. In 
the ten years, ending with 1830, it was 810,534, or 28.63 per cent. ; while in 
the free states it was 35.52 per cent. : and in the last ten years, they increased 
only 27.16 per cent., whereas in the free states it was 39.41 per cent. In 
1790, the white population of the free states exceeded that in the slave states 
by only 629,391, or nearly in the ratio of 3 to 2. In 1840, the excess was 
4,937,032, or more than 2 to 1. The free state of Ohio had, in 1830, a white 


population of 928,329; and in 1840, 1,502,122; being an increase in ten 
years of 573,793, or 62 per cent. The slave state of Kentucky, lying con- 
tiguous, and at least equal in national advantages, besides having ten years the 
start in settlement, had, in 1830, a white population of 517,787, and in 1840, 
590,253 ; the increase in ten years being only 72,465, or less than 14 per cent. 
No human reason can be assigned except the existence of slavery in the one 
and not in the other. The free state of Indiana went from 339,399 in 1830, 
to 681,708 in 1840; increase, 342,309, or 100 per cent. The slave state of 
Mississippi, equal in age, and one-third larger in extent, went from 70,443 to 
179,074 ; increase, 108,631, or 155 per cent. The two contiguous free states of 
Indiana and Illinois, increased from 494,460 in 1830, to 1,153,963 in 1840 ; 
increase, 659,503, or 133 per cent. The two contiguous slave states of Ala- 
bama and Mississippi of the same age, and about 10,000 square miles larger 
in extent, went from 260,849 in 1830, to 514,259 in 1840; increase, 253,410, 
or 97 per cent. The state of Michigan, free, rose from 31,346 whites in 1830, 
to 211,560 in 1840: the state of Arkansas, of the same age, slave, had 
25,671 whites in 1830, only 77,174 in 1840. The old slave states have gained 
in fifty years only 1,070,468, or 89.32 per cent, in white population. Five 
of the oldest and most densely populated of the slave states Delaware, 
Maryland, Virginia, North and South Carolina, having, in 1830, a white 
population of 1,773,718, on a territory of 164,450 square miles, or 10.7 to the 
square mile ; gained in ten years 87,409, or less than 5 per cent. Six of the 
oldest and most densely populated free states New Hampshire, Vermont, 
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Jersey, having, in 1830, 
a white population of 1,800,786 on 40,516 square miles, or 44.4 to a square 
mile; gained in ten years 262,635, or nearly 15 per cent. The gain of the new 
free states since 1820, in white population, is 2,155,406, or 274.56 percent; 
from 785,028 in 1820, to 2,940,434 in 1840. The gain of white population 
in the new slave states is only 818,565, or 53 per cent; from 1,544,693 
in 1820, to 2,363,258 in 1840. The two territories of Wisconsin and 
Iowa, in the North-West, were so recently settled, in 1830, that they were 
not enumerated in the census. In 1840 they had together a white population 
of 72,883, and rapidly increasing. The territory of Florida, in the South-East, 
containing the oldest city in the union, had 19,229 whites in 1830, and 27,943 
in 1840 ; a gain of 8,714, or 40 per cent., and the ratio of increase diminishing. 
The falling-off of the increase of population in the new slave states, since the 
days of speculation were over, may be seen in an examination of the sales of 
the public lands the best criterion we have. Forty years ago, the whole 
civilized population of the six free states and territories of the North- West was 
but 50,240; in 1840, it was 2,970,696. Should they be able to obtain an 
adequate market for the products of the soil, it will unquestionably double in 
ten years, so as to show a population, in 1850, of 5,941,392. The numerical 
increase in ten years 1,502,604 was more than the numerical increase of all 
England and Wales in the first sixty years of the last century. The increase 
per cent., 102, is greater than the increase per cent, of England and Wales 
during the whole of that century. Their growth will not be limited by a want 
of room. This population of less than three millions had taken up for agri- 
cultural purposes, and held in fee simple, 72,693,414, or 24.5 acres to each 
inhabitant ; which exceeds by five millions the whole quantity of land now 
under cultivation, in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. The 
population is now only 12.6 to a square mile, and this land is all productive ; 
while there remain in the hands of the Government more than one hundred 
millions of acres yet for sale, the greater part of which is fitted for cultivation. 
The cultivated land of Great Britain is about 1.8 acre to each inhabitant The 
vast regions lying west of Missouri and Iowa, are already beginning to receive 


a civilized population, and will be secured to free labour. This whole territory 
of the North-West, being subjected to the agriculture of freedom, will increase 
its productiveness with each revolving century. On the other hand, the increase 
of the slave states will be limited by two important circumstances one is, 
that it can grow no faster than the natural increase of the present slave popu- 
lation to furnish it with labourers the other is, it can grow no faster than 
the progressive demand for American cotton. At the same time it is well 
known that the agriculture of slavery rapidly wears out the land, and will 
destroy its productiveness, generally speaking, in from five to twenty-five years, 
so as to render slave labour unprofitable. The millions of acres of land thrown 
out of cultivation, and already covered with forests in Virginia and South 
Carolina, and never to be restored but by the energy and skill of free labour, 
warn the provident slaveholders of the rapid approach of the day when the 
whole South shall have been burnt over by their destructive agriculture, 
and there will remain no more land to be possessed, unless by timely fore- 
thought they can obtain the power to extend slavery over Texas, and thence 
over the whole of Mexico to the South Sea. Unless Texas is annexed to the 
United States, the business of breeding slaves for the market of the new states, 
now the last resource of the decaying planters of the old states, must soon come 
to an end, and then what shall support slavery ? On the most liberal calcula- 
tion it will appear that the whole available soil of the now existing slave states 
will have been burnt over by this system in less than fifty years, perhaps in less 
than thirty years. 

The next point has reference to the domestic slave-trade, and the mor- 
tality consequent on it. The greater part of the horrors of the domestic slave- 
trade has not been recorded on earth, but appears in the records of heaven, 
where I solemnly believe it is all noted down and remembered, and must be 
accounted for by somebody. I will give a brief statistical exhibit to the 
meeting, for the benefit of those who feel interested in it, as a mere matter of 
statistics. The number of slaves in 1830, under ten years of age, was 700,820. 
I have explained the reason why we cannot compare the ages of slaves with 
the general tables of population to which men of science refer, and I have been 
obliged to construct a standard of my own. I have taken the table of the free 
people of colour, which cannot be an unfair standard ; at least, if the repre- 
sentations of the slave-holders with regard to the suffering condition of the 
free people of colour are to be relied on ; the error, if any, will be in their favour. 
And I find by comparing the ages of slaves with those of the free people of 
colour, and measuring the former by the condition of the latter, that between 
10 and 24 there should be 665,875 ; whereas there are but 620,827, showing a 
deficiency of 45,048 ; between 24 and 36, the working age, there should be 
439,389, there are but 370,330, making a deficiency of 69,059 ; between 36 
and 55, when decay begins to affect the slave, there should be 340,161, there 
are only 229,782, making a waste of 110,379; over 55 years of age there 
ought to be 186,797, there are but 83,736, raising the loss to 103,061. The 
total deficiency, therefore, arising from this waste of life, is 327,547 a mass 
of human beings prematurely worn out and killed on the cotton and sugar 
plantations of the far South, in ten years. By a similar calculation from the 
census of 1840, it appears that the actual number df children under ten years 
of age, was 844,069. Taking now the same standard to measure by, to wit, 
the numbers of the free people of colour, there ought to be 829,698 slaves, 
between the ages of 10 and 24; there are but 781,206, deficiency 47,492. 
Betweeen 24 and 36, there should be 568,107; there are but 475,160, defi- 
ciency 92,947. From 36 to 55, the proper number is 444,376, actual number 
284,465, deficiency 159,911, or about 36 per cent. The total deficiency is 
444,357'. There are not half as many slaves over 55, and only two- thirds as 


many between 36 and 55, as there would be, were the condition of adult slaves 
as favourable to longevity as that of the free coloured. The census of 1840 
discloses the astounding fact, that the increase of the slave population in the 
ten years then terminated was less than 25 per cent, from which it would ap- 
pear as if the waste of life must have been so much more rapid than in the former 
ten years, as to consume 7 per cent., of the entire mass of slaves equal to 139,298 
above the loss of the former period, making a total loss of 466,845. The fol- 
lowing table shows the proper increase based upon that of the former ten 
years, viz., 32 per cent., and the actual increase in the present state of the 
population. It shows, as much as such documents can do, what each state has 
lost below, and what each state has gained above its proper increase, proving 
the amount of emigration of the slave population in ten years, by moving 
with the planters to new states at the South. 



Delaware - - - 
Maryland - - - 
District of Columbia 
Virginia - - - 
N. Carolina - - 
S. Carolina - - - 
Georgia - - - 
Kentucky - - - 
Tennessee - - - 

Slaves iu 

Proper No. 











1,667,511 2,201,212 

No. in 













The three last named are large states, that had, ten years ago, new lands to be 
taken up ; consequently, they have nearly absorbed their own natural increase, 
but have now begun to be, in a slight degree, slave-exporting states. The 
total exports appear to be no less than 436,501. No wonder that these states 
should be fond of prohibiting the importation of slaves from Africa. No 
wonder that Virginia boasts of having been the first to propose that the im- 
portation of slaves from Africa should be piracy. Taking Mr. CLAY'S standard 
average price, 400 dollars, which is much under the actual average price of slaves 
during the greater part of this period, the money value of this staple commo- 
dity was 174,600,400 dollars, or nearly 200,000,000 dollars. Let us see how 
we can account for all these, by examining the returns of the slave-buying and 
slave-consuming states. 



Alabama - - 

Mississippi - - 

Missouri - - 

Arkansas - - 

Florida - - 

Slaves in 







Proper No. 









Actual No. 


















From this it appears that although the more Northern slave states had parted 
with 436,501, the more Southern slave states show a present gain of only 
271,585. The deficiency, 164,916, between the loss by one section and the 
gain by another, can be explained only by the loss of life ; thus confirming 
the statement that a large amount of human life is yet to be accounted for by 
slavery. Slavery is the child of darkness, and all the light we gather is 
through the chinks and crevices, and can only be obtained by hard study. We 
have gained a little light, and that I have endeavoured to communicate to you 
briefly, as the best approximation to the truth our present means of information 
will furnish. 

The Convention then adjourned. 



The minutes of Tuesday were read and confirmed. 


Mr. SCOBLE. As there are friends present who are about to depart on a 
mission to Africa, it has been proposed that they should be introduced to the 
Convention. They will explain the objects they have in view, and the Con- 
vention will, I am sure, feel jt their duty to commend them to the care, the 
protection, and the blessing of Almighty God. 

Rev. JOHN CLARKE. I am sorry to have to announce that Dr. PRINCE, 
in consequence of pressing engagements, is unable to be present j but my 
brethren the Rev. J. MERRICK and the Rev. A. FULLER, natives of the island 
of Jamaica, are with us. They expect to sail to-day from London Bridge 
for Gravesend, where a vessel is lying, in which they will proceed onwards 
towards Africa to-morrow. They have, during some years, been engaged in 
endeavouring to promote the benefit of the inhabitants of Jamaica, and they 
have now devoted themselves to the service of God among the benighted 
inhabitants of Africa. Dr. PRINCE, his wife and daughter, Mr. MERRICK and 
his wife, and Mr. FULLER, proceed direct to Africa ; at the close of the Con- 
vention I sail for Jamaica, for the purpose of obtaining a supply of natives, 
who will accompany me from thence as missionaries, to join my companions, 
and labour on the western coast of Africa. Dr. PRINCE and myself visited 
Africa in the year 1840, and remained there about fourteen months. We 
traversed the continent in various parts, and saw the state of the inhabitants 
along the Ivory, the Gold, and the Slave coasts. We were about thirteen 
months at Fernando Po ; we visited about one-half of the aborigines of that 
island, and were very much encouraged by our reception, both on the coast 
and in the island. We have recently been able to purchase of the West 
African Company some houses which formerly belonged to Government, and 
they will be occupied by the missionary brethren. We have also succeeded in 
obtaining a small boat, in order that we may proceed from Fernando Po to 
the different rivers, from twenty-two to twenty-five in number, situated within 


from 300 to 400 miles of the island. There are large towns on the banks of almost 
all these rivers, and by means of the steam boat of 63 tons burthen, we expect 
to visit the tens of thousands of inhabitants of that land, who have never 
heard the important truths of the gospel. We hope to do much there for the 
prevention and destruction of slavery, and the slave-trade. We raised our 
voice against those evils on our late visit ; and we have reason to conclude 
that by means of the instruction which will be imparted from time to time, 
we shall effectually prevent that iniquitous traffic which has been carried on, 
I believe, to a greater extent in the Bights of Biafra and Benin, than in any 
other parts of Western Africa. Our friends desire your sympathies and your 
prayers, and you will, I know, encourage them as much as in you lies in the 
work of faith and labour of love, on which they are going. 

Rev. J. MERRICK, (of African descent.) I am about to visit Africa, not 
merely as a Christian minister, but also as a devoted friend to the anti-slavery 
cause. Our object will be to proclaim that Saviour who came not only to deli- 
ver from spiritual misery, but to open the prison doors to those who are bound. 
I know that we shall go forth with your sympathies and prayers ; and on the 
deep our spirits will hover over the scenes of this Convention, while we shall 
unceasingly pray for the arrival of the period when all the sons of Adam shall 
be free, when man shall no longer hold his fellow-man as property, but all shall 
look in each other's face, and behold a brother and a friend. 

Rev. ANDREW FULLER, (also of African descent.) I rise to introduce 
myself to you as one of those for whom, in former years, you have sat in this 
hall, and laboured ; for I was once a slave in Jamaica. I received the boon of 
freedom from your kind and benevolent hands, and what is of still more im- 
portance, the blessing of the gospel of Christ. I now feel it to be my duty to do 
all that lies in my power to promote the welfare of my fellow-countrymen, 
who never heard of the name of Christ, and who are suffering under all the 
cruelty which slavery and superstition entail. Under this impression, I have 
given myself up to the work on which I am about to engage, hoping that I 
shall, in some humble manner, be of service to some of my poor countrymen in 
Africa, who are perishing for lack of knowledge. 

Rev. J. CLARKE. Mr. FULLER was not freed from his bondage for ap- 
prenticeship was slavery till the 1st of August, 1838. You see, then, what 
those who were formerly slaves are capable of attaining. He has been taken 
under the care of the missionaries, and has been diligent in improving himself. 
He is one of those men who, though humble in appearance, will do much for 
the benefit of what the negroes beautifully and emphatically call their father-land 
and their mother-country. 

Rev. T. SCALES. Although our friends must leave us immediately, we 
cannot allow them to depart without testifying our deep sympathy with them 
and their object, and assuring them of the anxiety we shall cherish on their 
behalf. They are going forth on a mission which is so much in accordance 
with the designs of this Convention, and they have such peculiar claims on our 
sympathies and prayers, that I am persuaded our assembled friends will not 
suffer them to leave us without giving them a pledge that we will hold them in 
affectionate remembrance, and that we will, in our intercessions, commend them 
to the watchful guardianship and blessing of the God of all grace. With Mr. 
CLARKE and Dr. PRINCE, I have had the privilege to meet on former occasions, 
and I shall regard that as an auspicious day for Africa, which lands them and 
their associates on its shores. When we consider the aggravated wrongs which 
that unhappy continent has so long endured, well may we hail every oppor- 
tunity which is presented of attempting, under the blessing of the Most High, 
to redress its grievances, and open to it brighter prospects for the future ; and 


feeling the importance of their pious and benevolent enterprise, and an earnest 
desire for their success, I venture to suggest, that before our friends withdraw, 
they may be assured that we will not forget them, but will continue to have 
them in our affectionate and prayerful remembrance. 

Rev. JONATHAN RUSSELL. It was peculiarly gratifying to our beloved 
brethren about to depart for Africa, that this Convention happened to meet 
just before they set sail, so as to enable them to be present with you this morn- 
ing. They have been, as you may readily suppose, greatly pressed with a 
variety of engagements, but they have put aside others in order to have the 
pleasure of taking leave of you. We all feel that slavery is one of the greatest 
evils that exists in the world. They are about to meet' the lion in the den, to 
go to Africa, where he is most rampant, most oppressive, and most dreadful. 
We believe, however, that they are taking to that country that which must prove 
a triumphant antidote to the evils under which it suffers, and ultimately anni- 
hilate its accursed slavery. They will preach the gospel, and as the gospel 
spreads, slavery will flee before it. 

The CHAIRMAN. I would submit to the Convention, that they should 
formally give the pledge referred to, by holding up their hands. 
The suggestion having been instantly responded to, 

The CHAIRMAN thus addressed the missionaries : " I have the pleasure of 
informing you, that the Convention have promised to follow you with their 
sympathies and prayers ; and, in the name of the assembly, I most cordially 
give you the right hand of fellowship, and wish that God may bless you." 

Mr. H. C. HOWELLS then rose, and addressed to the missionaries the 
following stanza : 

" Farewell, dear friends beloved, 

Time passes fleetly ; 
When moments are improved, 

Time passes sweetly. 

In Jesus we are one : 

When a few years are gone, 

Around his shining throne 

We'll meet in glory." 


Mr. J. STURGE. I feel that I should hardly be justified if I did not for 
a moment allude to a topic which I cannot introduce at a more appropriate 
time than after the affecting episode which we have just had to our regular 
business. After reading yesterday the letter from our dear friend, THOMAS 
CLARKSON, had I not felt utterly incompetent to add a word of my own, it 
would have been very much out of place at the time to have taken from the 
impression of what we may consider as his final benediction, for I cannot 
hold out to the Convention any expectation that he will ever appear again 
within these walls. Although I think we are too apt to thank each other for 
those efforts, which, if we possessed a greater degree of that love which ex- 
pands the heart, to every class of society, and to every modification of the 
human species, we should consider it our highest privilege to be employed in ; 
yet the Convention may think it right, and I believe it would be very desirable, 
under the peculiar circumstances, to record its sympathies with our dear friend. 
I know that he so fully calculated on being present^ that only ten days ago, 
at the wish of his family, I went to secure rooms for him in this neighbourhood; 
and if the Convention could see its way clear to send him a communication, 
not in the language of praise, but of sympathy, I am satisfied it would be 
gratifying to him. We meet under unusual circumstances ; for, in addition 
to the absence of THOMAS CLARKSON, it was not known till yesterday morning 


that our friend WILLIAM ALLEN would be unable to take his seat here, and 
I am afraid from his declining health, we may also never see him amongst us 
again. I would therefore, without wishing at all to press it, suggest the appoint- 
ment of a committee to draw up a brief address, or minute, to be forwarded 
to THOMAS CLARKSON, and likewise to prepare one to WILLIAM ALLEN. 

Rev. JAMES CARLILE. I hope the Convention will depart from the 
ordinary routine of business in order to pass a vote of sympathy with these 
greatly honoured men. 1 will therefore move 

" That a committee be appointed to prepare two minutes one to THOMAS CLARKSON, 
and one to WILLIAM ALLEN, assuring these venerable, honoured, and distinguished philan- 
thropists, of the sympathy and strong affection of this Convention, and of their unfeigned 
regret that the state of their health has deprived this meeting of the anticipated pleasure 
of seeing them in the Chair. GEO. STACEY, JOSEPH STURGE, Rev. JOSHUA LEAVITT, 

Mr. SAMS. I believe that a more desirable movement could scarcely be 
made by this assembly. It is one in which I think all present will most cor- 
dially unite. 

Mr. G. STACEY. The duty devolved upon me to see our friend WILLIAM 
ALLEN yesterday morning, when I received from his own lips the statement 
which our chairman made to the Convention. It did not appear to me that 
full justice was done yesterday to the known interest which our dear friend 
has ever taken in this great cause. I do not believe that there is any one 
who throughout a long life, on all and every occasion, " through evil and 
through good report," has more assiduously, and more perseveringly devoted 
himself to the welfare of the African race than WILLIAM ALLEN. It was 
with the greatest reluctance that he gave way to the almost imperative orders 
of his medical attendant not to be present with us ; but his feelings, his 
sympathies, and his spirit are here. Without, therefore, approving of any- 
thing in the nature of mere eulogy, I cordially second the resolution. 

Mr. JOSIAH CONDER. As you are now proposing to repair what was 
felt by many persons to be an omission in the proceedings of yesterday, I 
beg to say that I had wished, had an opportunity presented itself, to express, 
as a member of the London Committee, and on the part of the Committee, our 
thankfulness at being permitted by Divine Providence to meet this second Con- 
vention ; and, in so doing, to have adverted to some valued friends to the 
anti-slavery cause, whose absence we must all feel and lament. I felt that 
some reference ought to have been made to the absence of our honoured friend, 
Mr. WILLIAM ALLEN, one of the oldest members of the Anti-Slavery Commit- 
tee, as a mark of respect due to him, as well as to some others who have been 
debarred from attending this Conference by indisposition, or domestic afflic- 
tion. But I wished more particularly to recall to this meeting the names of 
some lamented friends and fellow-labourers who, since the last Convention, 
have been removed to a better world. To the memory of Mr. TREDGOLD, our 
late estimable secretary, the value of whose indefatigable services can be 
estimated only by the committee who witnessed his quiet, devoted zeal, 
this tribute was more especially due. The name of GEORGE BENNET, the 
well-known circumnavigator of the globe, in the service of the London 
Missionary Society, who was, till his sudden removal, constant in his attend- 
ance at the meetings of the An ti- Slavery Committee, seemed to deserve re- 
spectful mention. There was another distinguished individual present at the 
last Convention, by whose untimely death, Africa has lost a friend and the 
cause of justice and humanity an ornament, the late Sir JOHN JEREMIE. 
I do not like that these names should be altogether forgotten, or passed over 


on the present occasion. Although I have very small personal claim to any 
share in the thanks which have been voted to the London Committee, I could 
have borne testimony to the indefatigable labours of some by whom those 
thanks are richly merited. And I wish to guard this Convention against 
erroneously imagining, that the necessity for their continued vigilance and 
exertions will be in the slightest degree diminished, by those circumstances 
of a pleasing character, in reference to which we have cause to thank GOD 
and take courage. I hope I shall be pardoned for expressing my conviction 
that, but for the labours of the Anti-Slavery Committee, the watchful eye 
they have kept upon public proceedings, their interviews with members of the 
Government, and the information they have been enabled to impart, those 
measures would not have been adopted which afford ground for so much satis- 
faction ; in particular, that the abolition of slavery in India would not have 
been consummated. It is proper that this Convention should not be led to 
suppose, that the occasion for the labours of the Anti-Slavery Society is at all 
likely to cease. 

Mr. SAMS. The incidents referred to by our friend are, I think, exceed- 
ingly affecting. There is another instance of removal from this state of being, 
since our former Convention, which strongly impresses my mind, and that is 
the decease of JOHN STURGE, the brother of our friend who has taken so active 
and important a part in relation to the suffering African. He seemed to be 
energetically following in the footsteps of his esteemed brother; and when I 
heard of his death, in the prime of life, and that only a short time after we 
met in the Convention of 1840, in which he took a valuable part, and seemed 
then strong and well, it excited in my mind very affecting and solemn feel- 
ings. It appeared to me desirable that his name, and this affecting case, should 
also be mentioned. 

The resolution was then put, and carried unanimously. 


Rev. JOHN WOODWARK. I have been requested to move the following 
resolution. The case to which it refers was brought before you on the last 
session, viz., the slaves on board the Creole, and also the question of law 
involved therein. It likewise has reference to the case of the fugitive slaves 
escaping from the United States to Canada, as affected by the tenth clause of 
the treaty of Washington, and the general principles of international law. 
It is this, 

" That a sub-committee, consisting of the following delegates, be appointed to consider 
the important questions involved in the case of the Creole, and that of the fugitive slaves from 
the United States to Canada or elsewhere, and that they be required to report as early 
as possible to the Convention : Rev. J. LEAVITT, A. BUFFUM, G. W. ANSTIE, Rev. 

Captain STUART. I have great pleasure in seconding the resolution. I 
trust that my not adding any observations will not be construed into a want of 
the deepest interest in the cause. 

The resolution was then put, and carried. 

Rev. J. CARLILE moved that the Secretaries be ex-afflcio members of all 

The resolution was seconded and agreed to. 


Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON. As we are not privileged to present our 
case before a world's Convention every day in every year, I shall have to beg 


your indulgence, and even if I should prove tedious, I hope I shall be per- 
mitted to proceed, because I regard it of great importance that the prominent 
facts connected with the condition and prospects of my people should be brought 
out in a meeting like this. By the last census, that of 1840, it will be seen that 
there are in the United States ,386,235 free persons of colour, of different 
ages and sects. These are spread over thirty states and territories, in various 
numbers. The first question which I suppose a distant inquirer would start in 
regard to the free people of colour is, whether, in the United States, they are 
civilized. If, by civilization, is meant in general pursuing the same conduct, 
and following the same avocations that white persons of European descent do, 
then it must be answered, that they are civilized so far as circumstances and 
means will permit. We have indeed, as a body, so eagerly adopted all the 
forms of civilization as far as we can, that we have sometimes been very un- 
kindly accused of aping and imitating the manners of the whites. The wisest 
and the best of men among the free people of colour felt themselves called upon, 
as early as the year 1830, before there was any great movement among out- 
white friends, to assemble a general Convention, the great object of which was 
to devise ways and means for the improvement and elevation of their condition. 
From that time, Conventions have been held with this view in the different 
states. The last general Convention was held in the city of New York, in the 
month of June, 1834, and I will read an extract or two from a declaration of 
sentiment that it put forth. " That this Convention earnestly deplore the de- 
pressed condition of the coloured population of the United States ; and they 
have in vain searched the history of nations to find a parallel. They claim to 
be the offspring of a parentage that once, for their excellence of attainment in 
the arts, literature, and science, stood before the world unrivalled. We have 
mournfully observed the fall of those institutions that shed lustre on our mother- 
country, and extended to Greece and Rome those refinements that made them 
objects o admiration to the cultivators of science. We have observed, that in 
no country under heaven have the descendants of an ancestry once enrolled in 
the history of fame, whose glittering monuments stood forth as beacons, disse- 
minating light and knowledge to the uttermost parts of the earth, been reduced 
to such degrading servitude as that under which we labour from the effect of 
American slavery and American prejudice. The separation of our fathers from 
the land of their birth, their earthly ties, and early affections, was not only sinful 
in its nature and tendency, but it led to a system of robbery, bribery, and perse- 
cution, offensive to the laws of nature and of justice. Therefore, under what- 
ever pretext or authority these laws have been promulgated or executed, 
whether under parliamentary, colonial, or American legislation, we declare them, 
in the sight of Heaven, wholly null and void, and should be immediately abro- 
gated. That we find ourselves, after the lapse of two centuries, on the Ameri- 
can continent, the remnants of a nation amounting to 3,000,000 of people, 
whose country has been pillaged, parents stolen, nine generations of which have 
been wasted by the oppressive cruelty of this nation, standing in the presence 
of the Supreme Ruler of the universe and the civilized world appealing to 
the God of nations for deliverance. Surely there is no people on earth whose 
patriotic appeals for liberty and justice possess more hallowed claims on the 
just interposition of Divine Providence to aid them in removing the most un- 
qualified system of tyranny and oppression under which human beings ever 
groaned. We rejoice that it is our lot to be the inhabitants of a country blessed 
by nature with a genial climate, and where the liberty of speech and the press 
is protected by law. We rejoice that we are thrown into a revolution where 
the contest is not for landed territory, but for freedom ; the weapons not carnal, 
but spiritual ; where the struggle is not for blood, but for right ; and where 
the bow is the power of God, and the arrow the instrument of Divine justice ; 


while the victims are the devices of reason, and the prejudice of the human 
heart. It is in this glorious struggle for civil and religious liberty, for the 
establishment of peace on earth, and good-will to men, that we are morally 
bound, by all the relative ties we owe to the Author of our being, to enter the 
arena, and boldly contend for victory. Our reliance and only hope is in God. 
If success attend the effort, the downfall of Africa, from her ancient pride and 
splendour, will have been more glorious to the establishment of religion ; every 
drop of blood spilt by her descendants under the dominion of prejudice and 
persecution, will have produced peaceful rivers, that shall wash from the soil 
of the human heart the mountains of vice and corruption under which this 
nation has long withered." I had the honour of being a member of the Con- 
vention that put forth these sentiments. I may add, that the day before I 
sailed for this country, I signed a call for a similar Convention, which is to 
assemble in the month of August, with the same object in view, that of de- 
vising ways and means for the elevation and improvement of the coloured 
people, and at the same time co-operating with the friends of abolition for the 
good of the slave of the South. These Conventions you will see are not, and 
have not, been intended to excite commotion or insurrection, but, on the con- 
trary, by every peaceful means, to improve the moral and intellectual condition 
of my people. Another great question now comes up, and, perhaps, the 
greatest question. It may still be asked, have the coloured people made such 
progress in their improvement, as to justify the conclusion that they are 
capable of complete elevation ? There are some in all countries, we mourn to 
say, who are still in the habit of throwing away all that may be said to them on 
the mere score of humanity on behalf of the black man, and of leaping hastily 
and headlong to the conclusion that still he is a nigger. Pardon me if I recur 
to an American " Jim Crow" definition for illustration 

" Do \vhat you will, 

The nigger will be a nigger still." 

How often have I heard from the lips of respectable white people the follow- 
ing, " Take a nigger, cut off his head, boil him, broil him, throw him into an 
oven, roast him, he will be a nigger still." This is an Americanism. You 
will see that this is worthy of the doings of Nero ; it is a convenient way of 
changing a man's moral condition to cut off his head, and throw him into the 
fire quite characteristic of the influence of American slavery. But is it true 
after all, that the black man is capable of complete elevation, or does the 
question admit of a doubt ? If it is not true that he is capable of complete 
elevation, why, then, I need report no further ; I must throw my paper under 
the table, and go home. I am one of those, however, though a black man 
myself, who have long since adhered to the conclusion that he is capable of 
improvement equally with the white man. But I must come to facts, and 
they shall be taken from the history of prominent states in different parts of 
the country. I will commence, then, at the seat of government Washington 
city. I have a paragraph or two in regard to the condition of the free people 
of colour there. " A Washington correspondent communicates to us the follow- 
ing facts respecting the moral condition of the coloured people in that city : 
' There are about 7,000 people of colour now in the city, two-thirds of whom are 
free. A large portion of the slaves are hired from other places in the vicinity, chiefly 
from Maryland. As regards their religious privileges, there is little practical 
difference between the free arid the slaves. A large portion of both classes, being 
at service, can attend public worship only in the evening ; and generally only on 
Sabbath evening. Their congregations, therefore, are not full in the morning, 
very thin in the afternoon, and crowded in the evening, when the services 


continue to a late hour. There are six coloured churches in the city : two 
Episcopal Methodist, two Bethel, one Zion, and one Baptist. The Bethel and 
Zion Methodist sects are very much alike. The last is anti-episcopal. Both 
separated from the Old School Methodists, on the ground of the unequal 
treatment of their ministers and members, on account of their colour. I am 
not accurately informed as to the number of their churches, but believe it is 
about 150. In the six churches there are not far from 1,100 members. The 
evening congregations may average 1,800 or 2,000. There is a considerable 
number, perhaps 500, who are Roman Catholics. One side gallery, in each 
church, is appropriated to them. A small number attend the Episcopal 
churches, and a larger number the Presbyterian. In Mr. SMITH'S church 
they have pews on the floor of the house under the singing gallery, separated 
by the aisle from the rest of the congregation. A few only are found in other 
churches. On the whole, considerably more than one-half the people of colour 
may be set down as enjoying the means of grace, such as they are. Of those 
who are without the reach of these means, a large proportion are very vicious 
and degraded.'" We now pass to Baltimore, though with a different object to 
what the British army had when it passed there. I may also state here, that 
it is remarkable, that the largest free coloured population to be found in any 
one city in the Union, is in Baltimore. That may account for the fact, that 
Maryland has decreased her number of slaves. There are rather more than 
62,000 free people of colour in this city. Mr. BRECKEN RIDGE, the editor of a 
Literary and Religious Magazine, has taken considerable pains, though he is 
a coloniser, to make a record of the number of societies, the object of which 
is, the improvement of their condition. I have a paragraph from his book 
before me, but as it contains nothing more than the names of the societies, it 
will not be necessary to read it. He has recorded thirty, all embarked within 
the range of religious benevolence and education. Passing from Baltimore, 
we come to Philadelphia, the city of brotherly love. Take a single district, 
where there are about 5,000 free persons of colour. There are 20,000 
in all. We have erected six schools, six Methodist churches, two Presby- 
terian churches, three Baptist churches, I think two, but I am certain one 
Episcopal church. We have a record of the fact, that they pay over 4,000 
dollars annually for taxes in that one district, while they do not draw 2,000 
dollars annually for the support of the poor. 

Mr. A. BUFFUM. That is poor-rate only, while their own paupers cost 
but half that amount. 

Rev. J. W. C.PENNINGTON. They pay rents exceeding 1 00,000 dollars. 
They have sixty benevolent societies, two Tract societies, two Bible societies, 
two female literary societies, one moral reform society, one library company. 
It is estimated that their own real estate exceeds one million of dollars, and it 
appears that they have about one thousand mechanics. From my own know- 
ledge of that city I am prepared to say that that statement is far within the 
truth. We come next to New York, where there are about 25,000 free people 
of colour. Here we report seven excellent schools; six Methodist, two Baptist, 
two Presbyterian, and one Episcopal church. The other societies are about 
the same as in Philadelphia. I have now a few statements to make in regard 
to Boston, Massachusetts. A report of Rev. RUFUS SPAULDING to the Boston 
Auxiliary of the American Union for the relief of the Coloured Race, presents 
the following items. " By the late census it appears that the entire coloured 
population of the city is 1757 ; making a decrease, within the last five years, 
of 118. The number visited by Mr. SPAULDING, living by themselves in families, 
was 1310. The above 1310 are thus classed: Married persons, 398; 
widowers, 26; widows, 123; single men, 104; single women, 53; men con- 


nected with churches, 91 ; women connected with churches, 166; boys under 
ten years of age, 1 64 ; boys over ten and under twenty-one years, 111; girls 
under ten yeai*s, 104; girls over ten and under twenty-one years, 105; girls 
twenty-one years, and over, having parents, 32 ; children who can read, 169 ; 
children attending schools, 238 ; children connected with churches, 8 ; boys 
learning mechanical trades, 3. But few of the parents can read, and of the 
children reported as able to read, and as attending Day and Sunday schools, 
some discount must be made for irregular attendance, though in most instances 
they were reported as attending regularly. Their occupations are said to be : 
Mariners, 171; labourers, 112; barbers (exclusive of apprentices), 32; 
keepers of clothing shops, &c., 23 ; waiters or tenders, 25 ; cartmen, 8 ; tailors, 
6; keepers of boarding houses, 5 ; boot polishers, 4; blacksmiths, 3 ; ordained 
preachers, 2 ; stevedores, 2 ; victuallers, 2 ; carpenter, 1 ; whitewasher, 1 ; 
whitesmith, 1 ; shoemaker, 1 ; blacking maker, 1 ; painter, 1 ; paper hanger, 
1 ; soap boiler, 1 ; measurer, 1 ; cobbler, 1 ; chimney sweep, 1 ; servants not at 
service, 7." I have a few statements in regard to the city of Cincinnati, Ohio. 
It may be proper to state that this is one of the places where the coloured 
people have been most cruelly persecuted. " The whole number of coloured 
people in Cincinnati is about 2500. The statement below embraces but one 
out of several districts. The number of families is put at 53 ; of individuals, 
258; of heads of families, 106; of professors of religion, 16; at school, 53; of 
newspapers taken, 7. The amount of property in real estate, 9,850 dollars. 
Number of individuals who have been slaves, 108; heads of families who have 
been slaves, 69 ; heads of families who have purchased themselves, 36. 
Whole amount paid for themselves, 21,513 dollars. Average price (a frac- 
tion off) 597 dollars. Number of children purchased by the same families, 14. 
Whole amount paid for them, 2,425 dolls. 75 cents. Average, 173 dolls. 27 cents. 
Total amount paid for parents and children in this particular district, 23,940 dolls. 
75 cents. The district here referred to was examined without the least refer- 
ence to its being exhibited separately. It is believed to be a specimen of the 
coloured city population at large. According to this statement of the whole 
coloured population of Cincinnati, 1,129 have been in slavery; 476 have pur- 
chased themselves, at the total expense of 215,522 dollars 04 cents; 
averaging for each, 452 dollars 77 cents. The coloured people in Cincinnati 
have three churches two Methodist and one Baptist; numbering about 450 
members. They have four Sabbath schools, with each a small library ; and 
three Bible classes. A female benevolent society has been organised, with 40 
members. Their meetings are held regularly, and the time spent in working 
for the poor. A society for the relief of persons in distress, called the Cincin- 
nati Union Society, also numbers about 100 male members. Its contributions 
are about 250 dollars annually. Another similar institution likewise exists in 
the city, with about 30 members. They have also a temperance society on the 
principle of total abstinence, with about 230 members." I have thus taken 
these prominent facts, and glanced at the history of our prominent states. 
The statements which have now been made are a fair specimen of the state of 
things throughout Connecticut, Maine, Rhode Island, New Jersey, and all 
the free states. My intimate knowledge of the people enables me to state 
this ; but you will ask how facts such as these, and others, of which I have a 
pocketful to present to the Convention, are disposed of? I can hardly tell you, 
except it be by relating what I call my brick-bat anecdote. Some years ago, 
when I was a young man, I lived with an excellent Friend in Pennsylvania. 
He was a farmer, and had an ox that was exceedingly troublesome ; he would 
go into whatever lot he chose, and jump over whatever fence he pleased. One 
day I saw him in a lane, and perceived that he was disposed to go over a fence. 


I said to him, If you pass me, you will have to carry your weight in brick-bats. 
I met him near a pile of brick-bats ; tilled my hand with them, intending to 
throw them at his head, and then retire to the pile. I met him : he just curved 
his head up and came forward, when I let on with my brick-bats till they were 
all exhausted. I then returned to the pile, and let on again ; but he kept his 
head turned, passed me in gallant style, and jumped over the fence. Our 
opponents treat these facts as the ox treated the brick-bats they receive them 
on their head, and leap over the arguments ; they do not meet the facts 
honestly. There are two places in which to carry facts ; one is in the heart, 
and the other in the head; but they take them on the latter. It may be 
interesting to state what denomination of Christians prevails amongst the free 
people of colour. Generally speaking, they are Methodists. There are two 
independent bodies of Methodists among them ; one called the Bethel, and the 
other the Zion. 1 hold in my hand the discipline of the Bethel Methodists. 
It would take up too much time to read, but it opens up the history of the 
circumstances which brought them out of the old Methodist church. Any one, 
by referring to it, will see that it was a train of oppression, grinding them from 
time to time, that compelled them to come out, and form an independent body. 
Their design, at the commencement, was to remonstrate with their brethren, in 
order to obtain better accommodation in their churches. Sometimes they were 
aroused from their knees while at prayer, and put out to make room for others. 
This was repeatedly done in the cities of Philadelphia and Baltimore. They 
set forth that this was the case. This oppression increased upon them until 
they found that there was no help except by forming themselves into an inde- 
pendent body. They therefore selected one of their number, under the 
encouragement of the late venerable Bishop WHITE, of Pennsylvania. RICHARD 
ALLEN, who has since deceased, was ordained their bishop, and they have now 
two bishops. I have a copy of their church organ, and on the 79th page they 
set forth that in the Baltimore Conference they had 2993 members ; Phila- 
delphia, 4828; New York, 1454; Canada, 444; Indiana, &c., 1194; Ohio, 
2615 ; making in the whole 13,528 members. They have, generally speaking, 
a pious and improving ministry. I have had the privilege of being acquainted 
with a number of their ministers, and can bear testimony to their being a body 
of pious, praiseworthy, and persevering men. In the Zion connexion they 
have not a bishop, but a superintendent ; and I had an interview with him a 
few days before I sailed. I hold a copy of their last minutes. They have 
about 100 churches; about the same number of ministers ; and rather a larger 
membership than the Bethel connexion. With respect to the coloured Baptists, 
though they have a few separate churches, yet their ministers hold connexion 
with their white brethren. This is the case also with the Presbyterian, Con- 
gregational, and Episcopal churches. In regard to the Baptists, Presbyterians, 
and Congregationalists, we are prepared to say that as denominations we have 
mainly but two faults to find with them. First, they keep up the negro pew 
system ; and, secondly, the non-intercourse system with coloured ministers. 
Our churches, as a general rule, are respectably represented in their bodies, 
and coloured pastors are permitted to sit and deliberate. In the Methodist 
and Episcopal bodies, however, it is different. 

Rev. J. BIRT. If coloured churches keep up a connexion with white 
persons, do the white churches admit the members of coloured churches to 
commune at the Lord's table ? 

Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON. On the negro pew system. 

Rev. J. BIRT. They call themselves by the same name, and keep up a 
connexion ; but it does not seem that it is recognised by the white churches. 

Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON. Not in good faith. 


Rev. J. BIRT. Nor do they admit Christians of colour to the Lord's table ? 

Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON. They do not admit them on the same 
terms, "Come in and take your seat there." 

Dr. RITCHIE. The man of colour and the white man do not, in fact, sit 
at the same place at the Lord's table ? 

Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON. They do not. 

A DELEGATE. They distribute the emblems at the same time? 

Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON. The general policy is to serve the whites 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. The friends will be glad to learn that there are 
exceptions to this general rule, and that they are increasing. 

Rev. W. MORGAN. I understand there is a large connexion taking up 
the broad principles of eqiiality on church government. 

Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON. It is the case in many sections. In some 
Congregational churches, they take right ground, and carry it out ; but I speak 
with respect to general bodies. To bring forward exceptions, would be a much 
more pleasant duty to us. The next point of inquiry would be with respect 
to the political disability of the coloured people. The process of changing 
our state constitutions, with a view to admit coloured people as citizens, is very 
slow. In many of the states, you are aware, that we are constitutionally dis- 
franchised; that is, the word white existing in the constitution strikes off every 
coloured man from the ballot-box, and from all fair rights and privileges. 
There is no way of amending this but by striking out the word " white, " and 
giving the qualification to all citizens of such an age. Rhode Island, the 
smallest of the states, has received a new constitution ; and in that, coloured 
citizens have . been righted. So far we report with pleasure. With regard to 
the judicial department, the Petty Courts are suspicious, and rather unsound 
in practice. For instance, if a coloured man is brought before some magistrates 
or some Petty Courts, on claim of being a slave, he is generally in danger. 
But we are pleased to say that the higher courts are looking to justice. It 
will be recollected that last summer, a most brutal outrage was committed in 
Philadelphia on the free coloured citizens, in which they were the losers of a 
Temperance Hall, one Church, and a Benevolent Hall. Since that, the noble 
judges in the Supreme Court have awarded to the sufferers, in the case of the 
Benevolent Hall and the Church, the worth of their property. We report this 
progress with great pleasure, because the voice of these noble judges, that sit 
under the shadow of Penn, will not be in vain. We also report progress on 
this subject in Ohio, which derives great importance from the fact, that 
the free coloured people have been greatly persecuted there. A paragraph from 
a paper states that, " An important judicial decision has lately been made in 
Ohio, in relation to coloured people, by Judges LANE and BIRCHARD, one of 
whom is a Whig and the other a Democrat. The decision asserts the prin- 
ciple, that the legislature of Ohio ' have no power to make distinction among 
citizens of other states, who may settle in this.' And the principle is asserted 
in reference to the case of a coloured citizen of Louisiana, who had emigrated 
to, and settled in the state. By this decision, all the laws of the state making 
distinctions on account of colour, whether in relation to giving security, to edu- 
cational privileges, or to testimony, are rendered null and void, so far as they 
affect any coloured citizen of other states who may; have emigrated, or may 
emigrate to Ohio." We regard that as a decision of great importance in 
the destinies of the free people in the whole country. With respect to legis- 
lation, its standard in the free states has been decidedly changed for the better 
during the past year ; and I am not aware that a single new obnoxious law has 
been passed in any one of the free states, with regard to the coloured people ; 

E 2 


on the other hand, several nohle attempts have heen made to repeal ohnoxious 
laws already existing. It is true, however, that an attempt made in the state 
of New York to repeal the Jury Trial Law was a failure ; I helieve the bill 
passed the Assembly, but not the Senate, and was laid aside. 

Mr. JOHNSTON. It passed the Assembly, and went to the Senate ; but 
on account of the press of business, they did not reach it during the session. 

Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON. It is, after all, perhaps, a matter of opinion ; 
but I have met with others, who think they did not reach it through design. 
The Governor's message recommended the measure, but that did not make it 
certain that it would pass. With respect to public conveyances, we are about 
equally divided. About one-half the railroads, the stage coaches, and the 
steam boats, make no odious distinction as to colour; but the other half do. 

Mr. JOHNSTON. The distinction is certainly kept up very generally. 

Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON. I am about to present a case, that of an 
esteemed ministerial brother in the Methodist connexion, with whom I am 
personally acquainted ; it is extracted from the Liberator : 

"Providence, April 18th, 1843. 

" DEAR FRIEND GARRISON, Knowing you to be a friend of humanity, and 
a lover of mankind, I hasten to lay before you the following matter of facts, to 
dispose of them as may best suit yourself. 

" I am pastor of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, for the cities of 
Providence and Boston. I have charge of the Bethel church, in West Centre- 
street, Boston, but make the city of Providence my principal place of residence. 

" On the 27th of March I left this place for Philadelphia. I arrived in the 
city of New York, on board the steamer Mohegan, about three o'clock P.M., 
Wednesday, March 26th. Between four and five o'clock in the afternoon of the 
same day, I went to the ticket office of the Jersey city railroad company, and 
purchased a ticket of the agent or clerk of the company, for a passage to Phila- 
delphia. I gave him four dollars for the ticket, the same that all others gave, 
for which I found no fault, after I had asked the agent if I could be accommo- 
dated with a comfortable seat in the cars. He answered me in the affirmative, 
and satisfactorily assured me that I should be as well accommodated as any 
other gentleman. I find no fault with him ; he gave me all I asked. I crossed 
the river with a ticket he gave me for that purpose, and about half-past five 
o'clock I was seated in the car for Philadelphia, by the conductor of the train. 
I took my seat in the most secluded part of the car, in order to be out of the 
way of my neighbours as much as possible, and so I passed over a part of the 
road quite comfortably, and unmolested, while the then present conductor re- 
mained on the train. Somewhere on the road we changed conductors, and I 
fell into the hands of another before we reached Trenton, N. J. Some time 
after we left Trenton, we came to another stopping-place, and when the cars 
were about to move again, the conductor came to me and said, ' Here, old 
fellow ! you must come out of that. 1 I asked him why. He said, ' That is none 
of your business.' I answered him, ' I cannot move until you assign me your 
reason for it.' He rejoined, ' I shall not reason with you about it. All you have 

to do is to come out; and if you don't, I'll pitch you out.' I answered, * Well, 
sir, you will have it to do ; for I cannot move myself until you give me a 
reason for it.' I said no more, and this I said as calm and easy as possible, 

to be heard in the noise and bustle that were going on at the time. For some 
minutes he stood and said much not worth mentioning. I said nothing. At 
last he became much agitated, seized me by the throat, threw me down, and 
being unable to pitch me out himself, left me on the floor. In a few 
minutes, before I could regain my seat, he returned with four others ; there may 


have been more, I am sure not less. With violence they fell upon, and beat 
me. From the beginning I had said not a word, only what I have already 
named, except to cry for help, after so many had fallen upon, and beat me, 
until I had altogether despaired of life I was gagged, had handkerchiefs crammed 
into my mouth, was beaten with their fists and caned, was stamped in the sto- 
mach, and beat until almost unable to speak, and was finally thrown into the 
car where the men go to smoke, &c., &c., nearly helpless, and without a friend 
I knew, except the Rev. N. COLVER, of Boston, and one other gentleman, whose 
name I do not know. To them I wish to return thanks in this letter, for their 
kindness to me. Some time after we arrived in Philadelphia, and I was 
placed under the care of a physician. Since then, I returned to this city, and 
am now labouring under the influence of the ill-treatment I received upon that 
occasion. I made no attempt to defend myself, by entering into violent combat, 
because I believed it to be wrong. The servant of the Lord must not strive. 
I did not enter suit against the conductor or company for the injuries I sus- 
tained, for this plain reason, and many others : I believe there is a just God, 
who is, and w r ill be the avenger of all those that do wrong. ' Vengeance is 
mine : I will repay, saith the Lord.' I believe he ' hath appointed a day, in 
which he will judge the world in righteousness, by the man Christ Jesus.' 
That day I believe not far distant, and then I expect to meet them at the tri- 
bunal of God. God himself will award them according to their works. ' Will 
not the Judge of all the earth do right ?' I am sure that he will, and with this 
assurance I have committed myself, and all that I have, into his hands, trusting 
that the day will come, when every man shall be rewarded according to his 

" I am yours, for the cause of truth, 


Rev. J. LEAVITT. Mr. COLVER gave me an account of this transaction 
on his return from Philadelphia, confirming in all its particulars the statement 
of this minister, who has had the charge of a congregation in Boston for a 
considerable time, and is highly esteemed as a worthy minister of Jesus 
Christ. There is no exaggeration, I am satisfied, in this statement. 

Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON. I am happy to say, that such an instance 
as this is now an extreme case ; yet the fact that lies in its fore-ground is 
common. I have travelled considerably in New England, and 1 take pleasure 
in saying, from observations that I have made, that about every other railroad, 
steam boat, and coach, is doing what is right with reference to coloured passen- 
gers, while others continue something of the treatment described in this case. 
I hold in my hand a letter addressed to me by the coloured citizens of Hartford, 
Connecticut ; it is a specimen of those received from other places, which I 
have unfortunately mislaid. It shows the sentiments of the coloured people 
with regard to abolition, and is to the following effect :^ 

" At a meeting of the coloured citizens of Hartford, Connecticut, held on 
Monday evening, April 24, in the Talcott-street school-room, the house 
was called to order by Deacon HENRY FOSTER. Prayer by Deacon JAMES 
MARS. On motion, Deacon JAMES MARS was appointed chairman. After 
stating, that in view of having the coloured people represented in the world's 
Convention, which is to be holden in the city of 'London, (England,) this 
meeting was called, 

" A committee of five was appointed, consisting of the following gentle- 
men, to draft resolutions : 

GAD WORTH INGTON, who, after a short recess, reported to the meeting the 
following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted : 


" Resolved, That we hail with joy the approaching world's Convention, 
which is to be holden in the city of London, (England,) in June next; and 
that our prayer to the Father of mercies is, that his wisdom may guide its 
deliberations, and use the friends of freedom, who shall then gather together 
from the different portions of the earth, as instruments in his hand to work 
the universal overthrow of the vile system of slavery. 

" Resolved, That the nominally free coloured citizens of the United States 
of North America, identified, as we are, with our brethren who are groaning 
in chains and slavery, and overburdened with the most unrelenting prejudice ; 
nevertheless, feel that GOD has espoused our injured cause, and will, ere long, 
call up the sons of freedom of all the earth, to be the benefactors of those 
who pine in bondage. 

" Resolved, That the judicious labours of the abolitionists abroad operate 
very favourably upon the condition of the oppressed in this country. 

" Resolved, That the abolitionists of America, who are labouring by moral 
and political means to consummate the overthrow of slavery, have our hearty 
and cheerful support and co-operation. 

" Resolved, That we, the citizens of Hartford, recognise the Rev. J. W. C. 
PENNINGTON, pastor of the first coloured Congregationalist church, Talcott, 
Hartford, delegate from the Connecticut State Anti- Slavery Society, as a 
worthy, and an accepted representative of the coloured people. 

(Signed) " JAMES MARS, Chairman. 

ISAAC CROSS, Secretary." 

Mr. J. STURGE suggested to Mr. PENNINGTON the propriety of adverting 
to the subject of African colonization. 

Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON. Let me close by an affectionate appeal 
to you as the congregated representatives of the world. I have no statistics 
with me bearing on that subject; but our public opinion is our statistics; our 
piety is our statistics ; and to a man, in heart, and soul, and feeling, and 
sympathy, we are opposed to that system. Any one who will refer to WILLIAM 
LLOYD GARRISON'S Thoughts on Colonization will there find documents 
abundant to show that we have expressed our opinion again and again in op- 
position to this system, and that we regard it as the handmaid of slavery. 
These opinions, as there expressed, are unchanged. We appeal to you to help 
us ; and do you ask how ? I reply, first, through the channel of emigration ; 
for the world is pouring its surplus population into America. Let your emi- 

rants come with right principles. Again, when any of you visit the United 
tates, do not forget that there is a certain man there that has fallen among 
thieves and robbers. W T hen you come there as visitors, please to come also as 
good Samaritans. You can help us much in this respect. If a stranger comes 
from Great Britain, France, Holland, or Germany, let him drop a kind word, 
and make an affectionate inquiry in regard to the condition of the free people 
of colour; for it has weight on the American mind. Again, Americans visit 
your country frequently, and you can aid us in this respect. When distin- 
guished Americans come here, present to them the subject of slavery cate- 
chise them : for that weighs upon the American mind, upon the American 
feelings, and upon their prejudices. Several of our clergymen, who have 
visited this country, have gone back regenerated on this subject. I know of 
cases, where they have told their people that they were besieged on the sub- 
ject ; inquiries were pressed upon them ; and one beloved clergyman said, that 
the question was reduced to a unit, and he could not turn the point. He had 
to meet the appeal, and he had to change his sentiments. I can bear testimony 
that his visit to England had the effect of regenerating his sentiments on the 
subject of slavery. We feel that the world owes us a debt of justice. Where 


is the nation on the face of the earth that has not been concerned in the 
plundering of Africa? Here we ask for simple justice; here we urge the claim. 
Give us justice and we live, we triumph, we rejoice ; deprive us of justice 
and we pine, we mourn, we die. The question of American slavery and 
prejudice, I deem to be a vital question. It is called in America a domestic 
question, but I deny that it can be domesticated. There is an universal law 
of morals to which slavery is opposed, and that law of morals gives to the 
world a right of opinion in the matter. On the basis of this law of morals 
I make my appeal. I am not then to be charged as a renegade, or hater of 
my country, because I appeal to the representatives of the world. I have 
the right of appeal. No nation under the sun has a right to abuse humanity ; 
no nation can legalize a law which abuses humanity ; or if they dare to do it, 
humanity has the right of appeal. Fellow-citizens ! I make this appeal to- 
day. As America has dared to make laws a system to abuse humanity, I 
appeal from those laws, and my appeal is to this tribunal of the world. I ask 
then for simple justice. Sometimes it is said, What is the black man capable 
of doing in regard to literature? We feel that this is an important subject; 
and now and then we do what we can to promote it. I hold in my hand a 
printed sermon a little book which I am authorized to present to the Com- 
mittee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, for their library. 
Mr. JOHNSTON. I rise to move, 

" That the important communications laid before this Convention, on the condition and 
prospects of the free people of colour in the United States, be referred, with all other docu- 
ments on the same subject, to a committee, consisting of the following delegates, to report 
to the Convention as to the best means of making use thereof: Rev. J. W. WAYNE, W. 

In moving this resolution I beg to say that I have been very much interested 
in the statement made by our friend PENNINGTON. He has spoken the truth, 
and nothing but the truth ; but he has not spoken all the truth. I consider 
myself as well informed as to the condition of the free people of colour in 
the United States, not only as any person present, but as any one in America; 
and were I but able to change my colour for half an hour, I should consider 
myself as a perfect representative of the coloured people. It is not true that 
the coloured people are in any respect placed in that situation in which they are 
able to compete with the white population ; and I have made a few notes as 
to the proscriptions and disabilities under which they labour. This is a point 
to which our friend has not referred, perhaps from modesty, and a desire not 
to throw more odium on the country than was necessary. It is said, with great 
truth, that the coloured people are not well informed; and how should they be, 
when they are excluded generally though the observations I am about to 
make are to be received with considerable exceptions from all the colleges, for 
the acquisition of a liberal education. This is particularly grievous, so far as 
the bulk of the coloured people is concerned. I know many of them to be 
excellent people, pious, worthy men ; but they are, generally speaking, very 
illiterate. As ministers they do not possess that information, that extent of 
knowledge which a minister of the gospel ought to possess in order to be an 
efficient messenger of God to the people ; but this is very much owing to the 
exclusion to which I have referred. 

Mr. SAMS Owing to that alone. 

Mr. JOHNSTON. They are excluded not only from all liberal professions 
from law and medicine, but almost all respectable trades. I go further ; they 
are shut out in many parts from the more common occupations of life. In the 
city of New York a 'man cannot drive a public car if he has a coloured skin ; 


he cannot occupy a public stall in a respectable situation ; he cannot even 
occupy a stand at market ; nay, he cannot even sweep the streets : and this 
arises from the fact that those who are thus employed in New York have a 
vote, and consequently it is to the advantage of those who are politically con- 
cerned to obtain votes to shut out the coloured man. Our friend has stated 
that in many parts they are allowed to enter public conveyances ; I admit that 
it is sometimes allowed, but there is an odious Jim Crow car which a coloured 
man must generally take. A friend of mine, whom I much esteem, the Rev. 
THEODORE S. WRIGHT, well known to some persons present, was travelling 
on the road to Utica, and in consequence of his respectability was allowed to 
enter a car with me ; but no sooner was it required for the occupation of a 
white person than he was handed out and put into another car. It was mere 
toleration that they allowed him to sit with me. That was in the year 1841. 
On the very same occasion, on arriving at Oswego we embarked on board a 
steam-boat to Lewiston ; I inquired of the captain if a coloured man was 
allowed to enter the cabin. " No; we allow no niggers there." I was then 
concerned for his accommodation and inquired if he could have a berth. 
" No, certainly ; we do not allow niggers to take berths." It was by a mere 
contrivance that we obtained it. I was determined he should have his supper, 
and when the servants sat down, I descended with him and seated him at 
the table. On seeing a coloured man eating with white servants there was a 

general disapproval. I asked one of the waiters to give him some tea and 
read, and he threw it as if he were throwing it at a dog. Such is the conduct 
usually pursued in public conveyances towards coloured people. The hotels are 
shut against them as places of refreshment. I was walking with the same 
individual in the streets of New York, and I asked him to go into a house kept 
by one of his own Elders. I was allowed to sit down and take refreshment, 
but he was not permitted to do so. This did not arise from disrespect to the 
minister, but from the strength of public prejudice. He would have been 
obliged to shut up his house had he allowed this minister to sit down at the 
table. The prejudice is so strong that a white man dare not walk with a 
coloured man in the streets of New York. I was once walking with this indi- 
vidual, and we had not proceeded far till a white person came and said, " Here 
is a white man walking with a nigger." Some friend has handed to me a note 
bringing to my recollection the death of this esteemed friend's wife. He was 
travelling on board a steam-boat on an inclement evening, and his wife was 
with him. He begged for some accommodation for her, but none could be 
afforded, and she was compelled to .sit in the rain the greater part of the night, 
in consequence of which she took a violent cold, and ultimately died of con- 
sumption five or six years ago. This note contains the case of another coloured 
minister, whose wife died under very similar circumstances. Coloured men 
are not allowed to be employed as shopmen or clerks in the city of New York, 
nor are they allowed to sit on a jury. If a coloured man is brought to trial 
for any offence, he may not be tried by his peers ; the jury may not be com- 
posed partly of white and partly of coloured men, but must be entirely of the 
former ; and that, notwithstanding the amount of prejudice against the coloured 
people. They are not allowed to vote at an election unless they possess 250 
dollars, real estate. They are excluded generally from churches, and in the 
city of New York there are but one or two exceptions to this disgraceful prac- 
tice. The church with which I am connected as an elder bears the name of 
an abolition church, but even in that church coloured men do not mingle 
with the white congregation. They have, it is true, one of the best parts of 
the church ; but still it is a mark of distinction, or rather of exclusion. It is 
an odious distinction, which ought not to exist among them. 


Rev. Dr. RITCHIE. Does the severment of the negro from the white man 
while sitting under the gospel of Christ apply to the Dutch Reformed Church ? 

Mr. JOHNSTON. It does. 

Mr. BUFFUM. Does it apply to the Friend's Meeting-house ? 

Mr. JOHNSTON. I believe that is the only exception to this general rule ; 
I do not think that there is a negro pew there ; but I am not so thoroughly 
acquainted with that denomination as with others. 

Rev. J. VV. C. PENN1NGTON. It is difficult to decide that question in 
regard to the Friends. I am not aware that there is a single black Quaker in 
New York. 

Rev. C. HANSON. I have had considerable intercourse with the coloured 
people in New York, and I do not know a black member of the Society of 

Mr. JOHNSTON. Perhaps there is not a more odious feature in the dis- 
tinctions observed in the house of GOD than that made in the administration of 
the sacrament. It has been said that there is but very little distinction made 
in some churches ; but I do not know a single church in which the white con- 
gregation are not supplied previously to the coloured man. I will name one 
instance in which this order was reversed, and the very singular scene which 
took place in consequence of it, will prove the power of prejudice against 
coloured people. A friend of mine, Mr. LEWIS TAPPAN, happened to be on a 
visit to a friend in Ulster county, New York. On going to church on the 
sabbath morning he found it was communion sabbath. He was in the habit 
of seating himself with the coloured people, and he did so now. The minister, 
out of respect to him, placed the elements in his hand first; from him they 
passed to the coloured people, and from them to the white communicants; but 
this gave such offence, that great indignation was expressed afterwards at the 
disorder of giving the coloured people the elements previously to the white 
people. On the next morning some conversation took place on the subject, 
when one said, " Well, I took the bread in my hand, and did not eat it; I put 
the cup to my lips, but I did not drink after the coloured people." Can there 
be a more striking instance of the disgraceful prejudice that exists in the minds 
of men on the subject of colour ? Nay, if we descend from the respectable class 
of society down to the society of a prison, we shall find this prejudice equally 
prevails where we should imagine that all would be on a level. But not so ; 
the coloured man is there placed below the white man. If there is any occu- 
pation that can be considered as more degrading than another, the coloured 
man must he employed in it. He is compelled to clean out the sewers and 
drains, which a white man is never required to do. I will descend to the 
grave, and even there the coloured man is degraded below the white. A 
coloured man may not be buried by the side of a white. The churchyards are 
not allowed to be defiled by a coloured person. Is it a wonderful thing, then, 
that the coloured people should not rise nay, is it not a matter of astonish- 
ment that they are not more degraded than they are ? It would be a proof of 
the superiority of their nature, if they rose above this depression. 

Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND, Bart., M.P. I have been honoured by 
being requested to second the resolution which has just been proposed. I do 
so with the greatest possible satisfaction, because it is my wish to do all in my 
power, as long as I live, to sweep away from the face of the world the horrid 
state of slavery. This is the first time that I have been able to attend the 
sittings of the present Convention ; I shall therefore confine my observations 
to those circumstances which have transpired since I came into the room I 
was in the highest degree gratified by the speech of Mr. PENNINGTON ; I think 
it does him great honour, and shows that the coloured people in the United 


States, as well as elsewhere, are our brothers, and may be our fellow-Christians ; 
and that they ought as speedily as possible, and by every effort which we can 
make, to be raised from the degradation in which they are now placed. The 
statements made to-day only confirm my previous knowledge, and increase the 
impression that their state is degraded ; but I think the degradation attaches 
to those in higher stations of society, rather than to the unfortunate people 
themselves. What is the inference to be drawn from this? Ought we to cast 
imputations on the preachers of the gospel throughout the various parts of the 
United States? Ought we to throw blame on the government of America for 
the customs of the people ? Where is it that we should cast the blame ? I 
contend that it rests on one point and one point only the existence of slavery. 
Till you do something to effect its annihilation it will be impossible to remove 
the degradation to which the black man is subjected. The question brought 
before us by this motion is, What use are we to make of these facts? It strikes 
me that the wisest plan is to adopt the course recommended by the resolution, 
and refer them to a committee of respectable persons, who will report upon 
them. I think that a great deal depends upon these facts. We ought not to 
seek the destruction of slavery as it exists in America by vituperating and 
accusing the higher orders of society there, but to take means for convincing 
their understanding, and of explaining to them that their conduct is blam- 
able. We may state that we hardly class nations that act as they do among 
Christian nations, but that will best be done by argument and by showing the 
sufferings that they are bringing upon themselves. It is of the utmost conse- 
quence, therefore, that the information obtained should be well considered and 
weighed before you make use of it. There are wide fields of inquiry not only 
in the Western hemisphere, but throughout our Eastern dominions. In short, 
I see no limit to the scope of these inquiries. I believe that we have hitherto 
taken a wrong course to get quit of slavery. We have tried to do it by waging 
w r ar with individuals in America ; by suppressing the slave trade by ships of 
war ; but we have not tried to do it in the manner which I deem best, viz., 
by bringing the produce of free labour fairly into competition with slave labour. 
Adopt that plan, and sustain it by other exertions exertions pointed out by 
the lessons of Christ, and I do not despair that ere long we shall see the suc- 
cessful issue of the great struggle in which we are all engaged. 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. I desire to make a very few statements on this 
question. The remarks that fell from my respected friend Mr. JOHNSTON did 
not, in my opinion, convey just that impression which the truth requires; and 
I cannot pay a higher compliment to this audience, than to suppose that they 
are very anxious to see not only the odious facts, as they bear on the colored 
population of the United States, but to see them in connexion with any cir- 
cumstances which tend to their explanation. Our respected friend remarked, 
that the coloured population were excluded from all colleges and theological 

Mr. JOHNSTON. I stated that my observations were to be taken with 
some exceptions. I am aware that there are some colleges which will admit 
coloured men ; but out of the large number in America, there are very few 
who will receive them. 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. The exceptions amount to at least eighteen of 
the first colleges and theological seminaries in the land ; and that is a large 
portion of them. 

Mr. JOHNSTON. Eighteen out of ninety-eight! 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. Several colleges of the Roman Catholic per- 
suasion, I believe, receive coloured people. At Cincinnati, the Queen's city, I 
completed my theological course, and was happy to see by my side brother 


TEMPLETON, a man of colour, at the theological lectures. I presume, that were 
the matter investigated fully, the exceptions will not form an inconsiderable 
proportion of the whole number. When the anti-slavery agitation came up, 
it did so under peculiar circumstances. You could not exactly judge of the 
state of England, when the mob were covering the Duke of WELLINGTON'S 
coach with mud. There is such a thing as an effervescence among the people; 
and I very much regret to say, that our colleges and theological seminaries 
have not stood fire as they ought to have done. When the war raged at 
the doors, they have not demeaned themselves as well as could have been de- 
sired ; and some of our visitors from London have taken their stand along- 
side of them. But T wish to throw out these remarks, not for the purpose of 
throwing a soft shade on what should appear dark, but to enable philanthropists 
to see things exactly as they are. I will make some remarks on the general 
subject, with respect to the coloured people. 

Rev. JOHN HOWARD HINTON, A.M. I think the Convention 
would be obliged if Mr. BLANCHARD would state whether the colleges which 
receive coloured people did so from the foundation, or whether the plan has 
been adopted since. 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. When the colleges were founded, there were no 
such distinctions thought of; there was nothing in the charter with respect to 
the complexion of persons who should be admitted. For instance, the con- 
stitution of the state of Ohio, article 8, section 25, is in the following words, 
to wit : " That no law shall be passed to prevent the poor in the several 
counties and townships within this state from an equal participation in the 
schools, academies, colleges, and universities within this state, which are en- 
dowed in whole or in part from the revenue ajrising from donations made by 
the United States, for the support of schools and colleges ; and the doors of 
said schools, academies, and universities, shall be open for the reception 
of scholars, students, and teachers, of every grade, without any distinction or 
preference whatever, contrary to the intent for which said donations were 
made." That is the manner in which the institutions were founded. That 
there is no prejudice, no persecution against the coloured people of the United 
States, we are not here to say ; but we wish that you should see it with the 
lights and shades which belong to it. The rev. gentleman then read a long 
list of colleges which received free people of colour, at the conclusion of which, 

Mr. G. W. ALEXANDER asked how many there were in the Southern 
states ? 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. A college is as much out of place in a slave state 
as a brand of fire in a magazine of powder. A student shot a Professor in a 
slave state not long since, yet was not brought to justice. The state of Ala- 
bama endowed and officered a University, but it could not hold together long, 
for the law of a slave state is that of the bowie-knife and pistol. Thus you see 
that the Southern colleges must be in a very weak and inefficient state ; and 
hence such men as CALHOUN in the South were educated at northern colleges. 

A DELEGATE. Are you speaking of the law, or the practice of colleges? 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. The law is simply that of the charter I speak of 
the practice of the colleges. Certain cases of proscription, which occurred 
where coloured students were prevented from enjoying the privileges of 
colleges and theological seminaries, are to be set down not so much to the 
state of heart of the Faculty, as to the source from which the college property 
is provided. I know that the topics which I have now to dwell upon are not 
those which it is most pleasant for a public speaker in these circumstances to 
handle. I have not referred to these matters from choice, but from a sense of 
duty, which I know the audience will appreciate. I have, however, now done 


with the very few incoherent remarks which I am disposed to throw out with 
respect to colleges and theological seminaries. Our respected friend, Mr. 
JOHNSTON, remarked that he did not know the church where the coloured man 
was admitted to the table on equal terms with the white man. 

Mr. JOHNSTON. I remarked that I did not know of a single church in 
the state of New York where this was done, with the exception of one lately 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. I can excuse the gentleman, because he is an 
Englishman, and not a Yankee, and therefore not so apt to pry into things ; 
but if he had taken the trouble to walk to Crosby-street, New York, he would 
have found an excellent church, under the care of Mr. COCHRAN, where he 
would have seen the congregation seated irrespective of colour. 

Mr. JOHNSTON. That is the very church to which I have just alluded ; 
it has only been lately established, and is almost an experiment. 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. I may state further, that in the church of which I 
am pastor none of the distinctions alleged by the Delegate exist, though we 
have never had coloured members. There was a coloured member of another 
church sitting in a seat far back at a communion season in our own church, 
and I requested the individual who seats the congregation to go and urge the 
brother to come into a slip nearer the pulpit. I regret to say that the coloured 
brother declined ; but I just mention the fact because all such facts are im- 
portant, as showing that there is a distinction between American religion and 
American slavery. You go fifty-five miles up the Ohio river from Cincinnati, 
and into the largest Presbyterian church which there is within fifty miles 
around, and go into the sabbath school, and see a man darker than our brother 
PENNINGTON teaching a class of jwhite scholars, almost adults. I could go on 
multiplying these facts to any extent, but still they would not prove that there was 
no prejudice against colour ; they would only show that there is some distinc- 
tion between the spirit of American piety and American caste. Hence, when 
the respected statesman (Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND, Bart.) made his remarks on 
the subject, I saw he understood it when he attributed to the existence of 
slavery the ills under which free people of colour labour, but which we hope, 
under the guiding hand of God, to remove. I wish to add two or three reasons 
or causes of prejudice against colour, and the oppression of the coloured people 
in the United States. During the wars of Napoleon, the Jews amassed wealth 
in one way or other, perhaps by crying "old clothes," and had lent to the 
gentry on the continent vast sums of money. After the peace had produced a 
more settled state of things, some of those Jews came out of their bye-lanes 
and skulking holes where they were accustomed to reside, and took possession 
of those palaces of the gentry which had been purchased with their money. 
Now, from a principle of human nature which is well known to us, those 
persons who have enjoyed consequence are not very willing to give it up. 
Many will rather subscribe their money than subscribe their consequence, and 
when the lowest class of society on the continent, who were not Jews, saw that 
these descendants of Abraham were likely to rise in society, and take prece- 
dence of them, the hatred of that class of people who would be left at the 
lowest when the Jews were elevated burst out in mobs, and tore down their 
houses in many places. Now, the United States is a great bag, and its mouth 
is as wide as the bottom of it. We have a good many folks who were not 
born there; and even if a man is born in America, he is not exactly perfect, 
at least he does not so grow up. And we have a large class of persons in 
America who suppose that if the black man were instructed and elevated by 
his friends, they would be left at the bottom of society. As long as the 
coloured man was known by his affinity to the slave ; as long as men saw 


slavery in a coloured man's face, the vilest drunkard in the ditch could swagger 
and reel in his cups, knowing that by virtue of his white face he was not so low 
as the coloured man who was sober. But when it was perceived that the 
coloured man had friends, and that he was likely to rise, the most horrid perse- 
cution of the coloured people, in many instances, took place. That reign of 
terror in Cincinnati, in 1841, in which the coloured people suffered great 
enormities, originated in a competition which existed between the German 
labourers in Cincinnati and the coloured people. There has been for years an 
active competition between the coloured people and the Germans. This has 
frequently arisen to a fearful height ; and those three days of terror and perse- 
cution commenced in a scuffle which terminated in the death of one of the 
Germans. These and similar causes have originated many evils under which 
the coloured people have suffered. 

Mr. SCOBLE. I suggest to Mr. BLANCHARD, that as our time now is very 
pressing, there will be another opportunity of discussing the points to which he 
is calling our attention ; and when they will, with more propriety, fall under the 
general schedule which our American friends have themselves submitted to us. 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. I have done. I would not have thrown in these 
remarks at this time, but for the observations made by the member who pre- 
ceded me. I felt that when the impression was warm from what he had 
stated, it was necessary to advance these facts. 

The discussion on this subject was then suspended, to allow the following to 
be brought forward. 



The Rev. J. SHERMAN. I have great pleasure in introducing to the Con- 
vention a young Seminole Indian prince, supposed, by the documents pre- 
sented to us by Dr. A.WELCH, who brought the dear boy to this country, to be 
the son of E-CON-CHATTIMICO, king of the Red Hills. His name is OCEOLA 
NIKKANOCHEE, prince of Econchatti. When some of the friends from America 
did me the honour of breakfasting with me the other morning, they suggested 
the propriety of introducing this youth to the Convention, who, by a peculiar 
series of providences, came under my care. The circumstances I shall not at- 
tempt to detail this morning, but I may say that these providences have greatly 
affected my own mind with hope and joy. With respect to the lad, were he 
not present, I should say much more than I now think prudent; but this I may 
say, that since he has been under my care, he has not given me one moment's 
uneasiness. He was taken in war by the Americans. His father, of whom we 
have heard only this morning, still lives ; but a large proportion of his tribe 
have been hunted down by bloodhounds, under the sanction of the American 
Government. Dr. WELCH, who first received the lad after he had been taken 
in war, and kept him in his own house, will, for a few moments, address the 

Dr. A. WELCH. I have the honour to appear before you most unex- 
pectedly, but I may, with truth, use an expression often employed at public 
meetings, arid say, this is absolutely " the proudest moment of my life." This 
little boy was taken prisoner, as you have already heard, during the Seminole 
war, and was ultimately placed under my care in Florida. The child appeared 
friendless, and I took him into my own family. After being with us for three 
years, he became a paft of ourselves. We gave him the first rudiments of 
education. My neighbours finding that he was receiving instruction, feared 
the consequences, apprehending that he might ultimately become a dangerous 


man among the Indian tribes. Under this conviction, they insisted that the 
child should be taken from us, and sent away with other prisoners of war, fifteen 
hundred miles, " far west," into the interior of the country. Dreading the re- 
sult of this unjust proceeding, after he had so far advanced in civilization, I 
determined, on his account, to return to this country, from which I had been 
absent more than twenty years. Well am I rewarded, in the heartfelt gratifi- 
cation I enjoy in marking his progress in knowledge and virtue. With the 
design of going abroad again, as this climate is not congenial with my consti- 
tution, I consigned him to the kind protection of the Rev. Mr. SHERMAN, 
through whose benevolent exertions he is now under instruction at Mill Hill 
School. The encomiums passed upon him by the heads of that institution are 
of so strong a character, that I deem it imprudent to repeat them in his 

Dr. WELCH, at the request of a gentleman present to state the age of 
Prince ECONCHATTI, said he believed him to be about thirteen years old. The 

Snmg prince sat upon the platform, and was attired as an American Indian, 
e is of a light copper-colour, and his modest, unassuming demeanour, com- 
bined with his intelligent countenance, appeared to justify all that was said and 
hoped regarding him. 

Rev. J. LEAVITT. I did not expect that any event transpiring in this 
Convention would affect my feelings like the present scene. I am an Ameri- 
can ; I love my country ; but I do not love her crimes. The outrages to which 
the people represented by this child have been subjected make Heaven weep ; 
and when, to my surprise, I learned that there was a child of E-CON-CHATTI- 
MICO, a nephew of OCEOLA, within a few miles of London, bearing in mind, 
also, the connexion which these crimes have with the business of this Conven- 
tion, I felt that I should not do justice to the cause in which I am engaged 
at home, if I did not beg that he might be brought before you. The war 
against the Seminoles, a few hundreds of people in the swamps of Florida, 
who had been pursued by bloodhounds, under the sanction of the American 
Government, (cries of shame,) was undertaken simply on behalf of slavery. 
The slaves of the planters in Georgia escaped to these swamps, and could not 
be recovered. They found a refuge and formed relations among the Seminoles, 
and at length that inexorable slave-power to which we have to bow decreed 
their extermination ; it has been a war of extermination, carried on at a vast 
expense of blood and treasure by the American Government. I am not 
stating things here which I have not said at home, or which have not been 
said by others. I hold in my hand a speech which was delivered in my hear- 
ing in the Congress of the United States, by Mr. GIDDINGS, of Ohio, detailing 
all these facts in their most minute particulars. It cannot therefore be said, 
that I am here slandering my country, when I simply state what has been said 
on the floor of Congress, and never denied. The author of the speech was 
the Honourable JOSHUA II. GIDDINGS, of Ohio, honourable, indeed, and an 
intimate friend of my own. I will state the occasion of it. One of the chiefs 
wrote to the Indian agent, Colonel THOMPSON, saying : " I should like your 
advice how I am to act. I dislike to have trouble with the white people, but 
if they trespass on my premises and rights, I must defend myself in the best 
way that I can ; (he was speaking of the negro stealers of Georgia.) If they 
continue to make these attempts, they must take the consequences." But 
there was no civil power to protect him. The object was to make the negroes 
fear for themselves. I now come to the case before us ; Mr. GIDDINGS says 
in his speech : 

" I will give one more example of the mode of teaching slaves to fear for 


themselves. E-CON-CHATTIMICO was an Indian chief of the Seminole band, 
living upon the Appalachicola river, and was, perhaps, one who signed the 
treaty at Camp Moultrie, in 1 832, by which we solemnly pledged the faith of 
this nation to protect the Indians in the enjoyment of their lives and property. 
This chief is said to have owned twenty slaves, valued at 15,000 dollars. These 
' negro stealers ' were seen hovering around his plantation, and their object 
could not be misunderstood. By the advice of the sub-agent, he armed him- 
self and people for the purpose of defending themselves. When the negro 
stealers learned that E-CON-CHATTIMICO'S people had armed themselves in de- 
fence of their liberty, (for they considered Indian slavery liberty, compared with 
white slavery,) they raised a report that the Indians had armed themselves 
for the purpose of uniting with the hostile Seminoles, and murdering the 
white people. On learning this, E-CON-CHATTIMICO at once delivered up his 
arms to the white people, and threw himself upon their protection. Disarmed, 
and unable to defend his people, they were immediately kidnapped, taken off, 
and sold into interminable bondage. E-CON-CHATTIMICO now calls on us to 
pay him for the loss he has sustained in the violation of our treaty, in which 
we solemnly covenanted to protect him and his property. Robbed, abused, 
insulted, and deceived, he emigrated to the West, and now looks to us for a 
redress of the wrongs he has sustained. I give the substance of his state- 
ment, as related by him in his petition, and communicated by General THOMPSON, 
Governor DUVAL, and the district attorney of East Florida, and sworn to by 
several witnesses." 

Mr. GIDDINGS is the Chairman of the Committee of Claims in Congress, 
which is our Exchequer Court, and therefore had a perfect knowledge of all 
these documents and facts. I have compared the statement in that speech 
with the volume published by Dr. WELCH, entitled, "The Prince of E-CON- 
CHATTIMICO," and published by HATCHARD. I know of no romance more 
attractive than the facts here narrated. I suppose that happening to have a 
copy of the speech of Mr. GIDDINGS among my papers was the occasion of 
this child receiving an intimation, for the first time within the last five or seven 
years, that his father is doubtless in the land of the living, and is a suitor to 
the Government of my country for justice. 

Mr. STANDFIELD. I think the Convention should record its approba- 
tion of the conduct of Dr. WELCH. I shall therefore move, 

" That the warmest thanks of the Convention be given to Dr. WELCH for his dis- 
tinguished act of humanity and benevolence, in becoming the ardent protector and advocate 
of the youth introduced to our notice, and for rescuing him from the hands of those 
oppressors who sought to immolate him." 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. I rise to second the motion as a man, and as an 
American from the state of Ohio, where Mr. GIDDINGS resides, and where I 
was when he was censured by the slave-holding power, which has the reins in 
America, but where he was received by all classes, without distinction of party, 
and again returned to Congress by an overwhelming majority. Allow me to 
add to the remarks made by Mr. LEAVITT, a single fact. The Seminoles were 
part of another tribe, which preferred a claim to their slaves ; but the slaves 
were their wives, their sons, and their daughters. When our Government 
recommended their removal to the West not because they wanted their land ; 
for General GAINS stated in a despatch that the land of the Seminoles was not 
worth the medicine which the troops would require while there what was the 
reason assigned ? It was because it afforded a refuge for runaway slaves ; and the 
slaveholder could not retain his slaves in security in the neighbourhood. There 
were existing, as Mr. GIDDINGS' speech and several others show, conflicting claims 


to the slaves in the Seminole country. One was preferred by the tribe which had 
emigrated to the West, and another by the slaveholders in the region, who claimed 
slaves whether they owned them or not. The tribe to which OCEOLA belonged 
was required to remove to the West ; but his people said, " If we go West, we 
must give up our wives and our children ;" for the tribe from which the Semi- 
noles had broken off was settled there. They therefore resolved to stay by the 
graves of their fathers, and fight till they died. 

Mr. JOHN DUN LOP. I rise on two accounts, as a member of an Abo- 
rigines, as well as of an Anti-Slavery Society, and as a passing traveller through 
the country of the North American Indians. I have dwelt in their lodges, 
slept by their camp fires, hunted in their prairies, and in every situation found 
myself in the midst of friends. I therefore feel a deep interest in the youth 
who has now been presented to us as one of that injured and gentle race. I 
say gentle, as we are ever ready to call that barbarian which is merely foreign ; 
and I doubt the right of a people so deeply dyed as we have been in the 
African slave trade calling other men savage and furious. I do think that 
the times are propitious, and that the day is fast approaching when something 
will be done for the North American Indians, to testify to future ages that the 
British colonist and the Saxon American were not lost to all remains of 
humanity. In the free step and upward look of the Indian in his native 
wilds, we see the proofs of the existence of natural liberty in the world. 
In a land then in which I know that freedom is aboriginal, I cannot 
but anticipate for the coloured races the dawn of a brighter day. We 
claim them as freemen in their social, as in their natural condition ; as fellow- 
citizens, as well as fellow-men. You may suppress for a season the jural 
relations that bind men to society, but these in the end will come up clear as 
in the day of their creation. I therefore call upon you earnestly to look to 
the rights of the native Indians as well as to those of the oppressed Africans. 
They equally demand the attention of the British Government and the British 

The resolution was then put and carried. 

Mr. STAND FIELD then addressed Dr. WELCH to the following effect : 
I speak the feelings of the assembly when I return to you their cordial thanks 
for your noble and disinterested conduct in affording a refuge to this persecuted 
child of the Indian race. I esteem it the highest honour of my life to be the 
humble organ of making this acknowledgment. 


Rev. GEORGE SMITH. I rise to occupy your attention for a few mo- 
ments, with a view to express my entire sympathy with, and Christian affec- 
tion towards our coloured brethren in America. I feel that deeply interesting 
and impressive as have been the events which have just passed under our 
review ; that touching and instructive to our minds as the exhibition of that 
dear child was, yet we ought not to overlook the important sentiments which 
were uttered by the addresses of our coloured brother, and other brethren 
from various parts of the United States. Upon grounds of common humanity, 
and pre-eminently upon grounds of Christian feeling, we are laid under obliga- 
tion in a Convention of this order to express most fully, most decidedly, and 
most unhesitatingly our entire abhorrence of the spirit of caste, and tyranny, 
and oppression, to which our attention has been directed to-day. I care not 
whether the evil be as extensively carried on as was represented by one gentle- 
man, or whether, happily, the number of exceptions to the general rule be 
greater than we have usually imagined ; I am prepared to contend that if to 
any extent whatever this flagitious evil be permitted to triumph in Christian 


society in America, that we as Christian men ought to lift up our voice against 
it. We are laid under deep obligation to sympathise with those beloved 
coloured brethren who are with us to-day, and who represent a large number 
of Christian churches, and Christian people in different parts of the United 
States. I have for years been accustomed to feel, and to feel deeply, on this 
subject ; and with your permission I will relate, not a long anecdote, but a 
brief circumstance illustrative of some of my early impressions of American 
society. I remember, some years ago, when I had the honour of being Secre- 
tary to the Liverpool Anti-Slavery Society in days when it was hard to 
stand up in that town and battle for freedom that I saw the most painful 
development of the truth of such representations as those made to-day, that 
ever came before my mind. That Christian devoted philanthropist, the late Mr. 
JAMES CROPPER whose praise ought to be in the whole anti-slavery world 
frequently invited me to his table, and on one occasion I had the privilege of 
meeting a coloured Christian minister from America. We returned together 
in Mr. CROPPER'SC arriage, and having sat and communed with that brother 
minister, I observed that he was under the influence of considerable excite- 
ment. On asking him the occasion of it he burst into a flood of tears, and said, 
" You have overcome me with kindness. If I had been in America, you as 
a Christian minister would have been ashamed to speak to me ; you would 
not have sat at the same table with me ; you would not have been permitted 
by the custom of the country to allow me to ride in the carriage with you." 
Now, I do not care whether such exclusion as that occurs every day in the 
week, or on one week in the year ; I do not care whether it occurs in every 
town, or every village, or only in one solitary town or village if something of 
that kind does occur we ought to lift up our voice against it, and never rest 
satisfied till that iniquity be entirely done away. We are laid under obliga- 
tions by our Christianity to " remember them that are in bonds as bound with 
them," and they that suffer adversity, as though we suffer it ourselves. If I 
understand the injunction aright, I ought to feel for my brethren under per- 
secutions which they endure, in consequence of circumstances over which they 
have no control, as though I were exposed to the like indignities. The re- 
proach cast upon them is as unfounded as it is unmerited; the contempt poured 
on that class of men is unrighteous and wicked in the sight of Him who 
hath " made of one blood all nations of men for to dwell on all the face of the 
earth." Tell me not of the colour of that man's skin, tell me not of the shape 
of his cranium, tell me not of the retiring position of his forehead, as reasons 
for chasing him out of the pale of human society, 

" Is he not man ? though knowledge never shed 
Her quickening beams on his devoted head? 
Is he not man, by sin and suffering tried ? 
Is he not man, for whom the Saviour died ?" 

And if he be a man, he is my brother; and any insult heaped upon him I am 
bound to meet as though it were an insult heaped upon myself. There are 
few men who have done better service to the cause of the abolition of slavery 
than Sir GEORGE STRICKLAND the honoured senator who spoke just now; 
yet I will not go the full length of concurring in all the remarks he has 
made in reference to the support of American slavery. I do not wish to 
vituperate ; I do not wish to speak in harsh terms ; I know that the wrath 
of man worketh not the righteousness of God. But when I find the evil 
of such a prodigious character as that referred to ; when I find prejudice 
extending itself even to the grave to "the house appointed for all living;" 
when I find the evil identified with congregations, and with Christian churches, 



and affecting not merely private members, but elders, and intelligent educated 
ministers, then I feel that I am laid under obligation to lift up my voice against 
it, and denounce it as an enormous evil in the sight of God, and as one 
of the greatest evils of which men can be guilty to their fellow men, be- 
cause the maintenance of that prejudice does much to the justification of the 
upholding of slavery itself. Nothing can be conceived of, as more unfair and 
more unjust to our coloured brethren, than to say, in vindication of the guilty 
course adopted toward them, that they are ignorant, and that they have not 
much mind. The parties do not allow them to cultivate their minds, and 
then they find fault with this people that they are not educated, that they 
are not intelligent, that they have no literature of their own. Give them fair 
play; give them the advantages which the descendants of Englishmen, and 
indeed all white men may have in the United States of America, and in a 
few years, one cannot doubt, they will move on in the career of intelligence, 
and be raised up, not simply to an equality with all that belongs to men, but 
to a participation of the Divine nature. I feel that there is palpable injustice 
in withholding the bread that would feed the mind, and then complaining of 
the people who perish for lack of knowledge. I feel that there is gross injustice 
in closing up, on the best showing of the case, nine-tenths of the universities 
and theological institutions of America, against this people, and then complain- 
ing that they do not go in and obtain education ; in sealing up the fountains 
of knowledge, and then finding fault with them that they do not repair thither 
to slake their thirst; in chaining the eagle to the rock, and then finding fault 
that he does not soar to heaven and gaze on the light of day. Break the chains 
of bondage, snap the links that bind the eagle, open the fountains, and let a 
voice be heard proclaiming, " Come and drink without distinction of colour 
and sects," and the coloured as well as the white population will flock to the 
fountains of intelligence, and through these to the fountains of living waters. 
In offering these opinions I wish it to be clearly understood that I have no want 
of sympathy with America as a whole no, a descendant of the Puritans must 
be recreant to their spirit and views if he could forget the men who landed on 
the rock of New Plymouth, and cast the seed of liberty into a fresh and verdant 
soil, where it became a great tree, under which multitudes are now securely re- 
clining. To a great extent I love American character, and admire American insti- 
tutions; but in proportion as I admire the one and love the other, lam anxious 
that this vestige of barbarity should be removed from the midst of its population. 
I do, however, feel that our hands as Englishmen have not long enough been 
clean of the fearful enormity to allow us of right to pour out vituperation upon 
our American brethren. But happily our hands are now clean ; I believe that 
nearly the last vestige of the abomination is about to be swept away in the 
complete destruction of slavery in British India. I attribute to the enlightened 
influence of Christian principle the abolition of slavery in the colonies. It 
was the hand of a Christian people that took the sponge of benevolence, that 
dipped it in the waters of the sanctuary, held it up to the legislature, and 
compelled it to wipe out the foulest blot that ever disgraced the national 
escutcheon, and bid 800,000 men go free. We have a right, therefore, to say 
to America, " Be one with us in spirit and in heart; do as we have done, and 
yet more abundantly." I feel indeed that we ought to make certain allow- 
ances for the prejudices and feelings of our American brethren in consequence 
of slavery having been with them a domestic evil. It has never been a 
domestic evil in Britain. I believe that if the question, ten or twelve years 
ago, had been, whether or not 800,000 coloured people, supposing such could 
be found in the Midland districts of our country, should be set free, and come 
and mingle freely in white society, many a zealous abolitionist would not have 


been ready for that. We can be philanthropic in reference to objects at a dis- 
tance ; but if slavery had been with us a domestic evil, I am afraid that we 
should not have been free of its guilt, and of the prejudice against colour. 
We can now receive a coloured man as a rara avis at our table ; but if we came 
in contact with them by hundreds and by thousands, I fear that we should 
not have that expanded charity which we now entertain. But supposing that 
we had not, we still ought to have it ; the whole church ought to possess it ; 
and on this ground I am prepared to contend that we should express to our 
coloured brethren our entire sympathy with them in their trials, our love for 
them as Christians, our desire for the success of the great objects to which they 
are devoted, our admiration of their conduct under all the obloquy and scorn 
which they have been called to endure, while with wisdom and holy persever- 
ance they have moved on steadily in the pursuit of "whatsoever things are 
lovely, whatsoever things are honest, whatsoever things are of good report." 
I believe that our coloured Christian friends from America may at all times 
look to the Christian people of Great Britain for that sympathy, support, and 
direction that they require. I trust that the God of heaven and of earth will 
continue to smile upon their piety, their intelligence, their zeal, and their 
devotedness ; and that they may be instruments in his hand of annihilating 
slavery in America; for if it be annihilated there, it will soon be destroyed 
throughout the whole earth. I have much pleasure therefore in supporting the 

Mr. HOWELLS. It is pretty well known that I am an Englishman by 
birth physically, I may be said to be an American, having resided there 
eleven years. I confess that my heart has thrilled with delight at the remarks 
we have heard from the last speaker. He has spoken much the feelings of 
my mind in all respects ; but there are some things which 1 wish to say with 
regard to American abolitionists, and also with regard to the opinions enter- 
tained in England, with reference to America. Ten years ago, I took my 
stand in America for life or for death, in joining the cause of universal emanci- 
pation. I had been an abolitionist for years before I left my native 
country, and I am thankful to my Father in heaven, that my principles did 
not change with change of residence. When I went to America, I at first 
supposed that I should be free from all the toil and anxiety of a similar war- 
fare to that in which I was formerly engaged in England. But I sjon found 
that the case was otherwise that, while slavery did not exist in the Northern 
states, the spirit of slavery existed in the whole nation ; and that the man who 
made up his mind to advocate the cause of the poor and the degraded, must 
do it at the loss of all things his reputation, his circumstances, his family 
connexions, and almost life itself. Such has been the result in some cases. 
When here, I told my brethren, and neighbours, and foes if I had any 
the honest truth, according to the deliberate convictions of my mind; I 
shunned not to declare the whole counsel of God, according to my feeble abilities, 
in regard to the sin of my nation : for I was jealous with a feeling of attachment 
to my native land for the cause they sustained. I do not stand here now to 
speak of the errors of the American nation; for they have been very amply 
and faithfully dilated upon ; but I have to say a word to my English friends. 
In England, whenever the subject of slavery is brought forward, whether in 
private or public, there is no deficiency of zeal, no want of courage ; and in 
advocating the cause of righteousness and the cause of the poor, no hazard is 
incurred. But English abolitionism and American abolitionism are not of the 
same cast. The American abolitionist connects with it the hazard of his life ; 
he is made an abolitionist in the face of danger ; he sits down before God and 
counts the cost, and he must be willing to sacrifice all things before he can 

F 2 


advocate the cause. But here it is fashionable ; it is popular; every man ap- 
proves it. But I must tell the truth in America, we want advocates of the 
cause from England, men who will stand in the face of danger, and we want 
none else. Every man coming as a religious delegate, who does not fearlessly 
take his stand and cast his lot among the poor and destitute, despised for their 
abolitionism, is a dead weight against our cause ; nay, more, he is a positive 
supporter of all the abominations which disgrace that otherwise fair land. 
I have wept in America, and I can scarcely refrain my tears now, when I look 
back to the history of the last ten years of the campaign in America when I 
look over the roll, and see A. B., and C. D., of different denominations, sent as 
delegates, and admonished to sustain the cause of humanity, but who turned 
recreant, and fell when the enemy stood before them. This will never do. 
What is the effect thus produced on the mind of America? What is the 
effect produced on those who sustain slavery by all the energies they possess ? 
What is the fearful sorrow to the hearts of those who, while looking to slavery 
in the South, have in vain looked to England to aid in its removal? If you 
want to find a genuine abolitionist, you must go to America. There is the 
same amount of moral feeling in England ; but you have not and never 
had circumstances to bring it out. But, with regard to delegates that may 
yet be sent to America, I hope in the first place that they will be men of good 
intelligence that we need not question ; that they will be men of sterling moral 
courage men who are willing to put their reputation upon the altar of liberty; 
that they will be willing to sacrifice everything for the cause of humanity. 
We do not generally find that the men most exalted in point of reputation in 
any part of the religious world, are the first to sacrifice all they have. On the 
contrary, we frequently find that those who will do this are men who have no 
reputation in the world, but who have a good conscience before God, and are 
determined at all hazards to carry out the principles of truth in sustaining the 
cause of humanity. It is impossible to calculate the good done by the 
delegation of GEORGE THOMPSON and JOSEPH STURGE (a voice, "CHARLES 
STUART "), he is half an American, and JOHN SCOBLE. I have named men 
whose names are of service, and such men as these we want. There is another 
point to which I will refer. It has struck my mind that if the churches of 
England had given us proof positive of the sincerity of their principles in the 
kind of delegates they had sent to America, how much more powerful their 
admonitory epistles would be ! but they now come with some kind of draw- 
back. It is best to confess our sins before we take higher ground. I think it 
would be well for the churches to acknowledge their faults in the delegates 
they have sent, because that Christianity which does not embrace the love of 
humanity throughout the world is worthless. The churches of England, how- 
ever, would do well to address, in terms of filial affection, the churches of 
America, and never to cease, from year to year, from quarter to quarter, from 
month to month, to bring the matter before them. Do not, however, begin 
with censure; do not begin with reproof; do not begin by referring to all the 
evil you know to exist : they are quite aware of it. Let your breath be the 
breath of love ; and let your remarks proceed from a heart overflowing with 
love and with a consciousness of sympathy. Consider that you have but just 
got out of the mire, nay, that your hands are not yet clean, that there is the 
stain and the bribe of blood upon them, and that England is not free. In 
admonishing your transatlantic brethren, then, acknowledge your own sins 
first. I have always begun with speaking of my own faults that is the way 
to soften the heart, and to lead a man to see the error of his ways. Do not 
forget the crimes committed on the poor Affghans, on the Caffres, on the 
Chinese, because the Americans are constantly awake to all these matters ; and 


when you talk to them about slavery they will exhibit the picture of your own 
deformity, and say, " Physician, heal thyself." I beg you, therefore, to tell 
what serious evils you have committed, what evils your country has done, and 
that you deplore them as much as the crimes committed under the sanction of 
the American Government. 

Mr. STANDFIELD. I rise to order. I consider it irrelevant to introduce 
politics into this Convention ; I object to anything being stated unconnected 
with the anti-slavery cause; you will not carry it on with success if you 
deteriorate it with anything not appertaining to the subject-matter. 

The CHAIRMAN. My own opinion is that it is almost impossible to deal 
with this question without in some degree alluding to politics; but 1 think that 
the less reference is made to them the better, provided it does not lead to 
suppression of anything connected with the abolition of slavery. I have no 
doubt that the speaker will allude to politics no further than is necessary. 

Mr. HOWELLS. "Politics" is the watchword of the pro-slavery party in 
America. There is no evil which it is not the right of the advocates of 
humanity to attack. In the United States one party perpetually cries, ''You 
must not meddle with politics;" and another party, "You must not meddle 
with the church;" and between the two stools we are in danger of falling to 
the ground. But in the providence of God I am here, and that to tell the friends 
what course I think they ought to take. I anticipated telling the people of Eng- 
land what they ought to do. I mean to say also that the people of America are 
not so much worse than Englishmen. If you take the West India Islands and 
America, and put them together, you will see that you were the counterpart 
of the American people. I do not say this to spare the Americans, but I want 
you to feel that you are fellow-transgressors. Do not suppose that your hands 
are clean ; by no means. Look at one single fact. What is the duty imposed 
upon cotton the produce of the woes and agonies of millions of our fellow- men ? 
1 would that every fibre of that cotton had a voice to speak and tell the history 
of its production, the miseries and sufferings it has occasioned. Would you 
then dare to import it with a mere nominal tax? Would you attempt to sub- 
stitute it for the food of life produced by honest industry in the middle states ? 
When I have told friends the history of the last ten years of my life, they 
have felt wonder and astonishment that God suffers such a people to remain on 
the face of the earth. They have been looking through the wrong end of the 
telescope, and have seen objects that are at a great distance, in a clearer point 
of view than those that are near ; but they have subsequently been compelled 
to acknowledge their own transgressions. Before I close, 1 wish to say one 
word on prejudice against colour. It has been said, that the prejudice of 
Englishmen would, under similar circumstances, be the same as that of 
Americans. I want to show the kind of prejudice that exists. I remember 
conversing, at the commencement of the anti-slavery cause, with a very re- 
spectable, and, as I thought, very pious Presbyterian minister. We entered 
closely into the subject of slavery. I took the foreground, and thought that 
I had only to speak to an honest man a Christian, and especially one bearing 
the name of a Christian minister, and there would be a perfect response to all 
the feelings of my heart that we should go heart and hand in the condem- 
nation of slavery, and in the advocacy of universal right. But I found it 
otherwise ; and that he was an advocate for sending off all the free coloured 
people from the United States. I observed to him, One difficulty must strike 
your mind there are men of all grades of coltfur descendants of Africa. 
What would you do with those who have passed the line, who are fairer than 
mulattos ? Said he, If there were one single spoonful of negro blood in them, 


I would send them off. But how could you effect that ? The population is 
too great. He replied, Rather than allow them to remain, I would send them 
off in chains. You find some extreme cases of this sort. But in the obser- 
vations of Mr. JOHNSTON, Mr. PENNINGTON, and Mr. BLANCHARD, you have 
had a very correct picture exhibited to your view. But while you lament over 
friends in America, do not forget that you are sustaining them in the way to 
which I have referred. You complain of churches having in their communion 
slave-holders, yet these very churches are in communion with your churches. 
Where is the difference? The principle is the same. I care not whether the 
man is 4,000 or 5,000 miles off, or meeting you in this Hall as a church 
member: the principle is the same. If you want to correct evil in America, 
you must commence the process and carry it on here. Are you prepared for 
this? (Cries of "Yes.") I wish you were ; but I fear you are not. Act out 
your own principles, and do not condemn the Americans till you have con- 
vinced them. 

Rev. T. SPENCER. I have a desire not to let this assembly separate, and 
especially not to let Mr. PENNINGTON depart, who has made an appeal to us, 
and to me as one of the body, without delivering to him a message for his 
countrymen when he returns. The Convention constitutes a court ; I am one 
of the jury before whom he has laid his case ; I have heard the evidence 
adduced, and I now wish to give my opinion upon it. I bring in a verdict of 
guilty against every enslaver of mankind against every oppressor, and the 
advocate of every exclusive system between man and man. He has also 
brought before us his own talents, his own qualifications, in order that we may 
judge whether he ought to be treated as a man. He has brought forward his 
ideas ; he has exhibited his feelings ; he has given us part of his history ; and 
we are therefore able to judge whether he has a right to the style and title of 
man or not. My opinion is, that he has fully established his claim. I am as 
willing to give to him the right hand of fellowship as to any man in England ; 
let him, therefore, when he goes back to America, tell those who are ashamed 
of him that, to be consistent, they must also be ashamed of us ; that ministers 
of religion of various denominations, members of the Society of Friends, and 
ladies of England, have sat with him. We have been told to look at home ; 
that we have exclusive societies here, carried on among the whites ; and that 
there are some who are not thought fit to associate with others. I regret to see 
these evils, but against them we protest; we endeavour to wash our hands 
clean of them, and therefore we have a right to do the same with respect to 
foreign countries. If I were supporting any exclusive system, I should feel 
that I had no right to complain regarding America; but while we oppose 
everything of the kind here, we associate in endeavouring to banish it from 
the face of the earth. I regard Mr. PENNINGTON, as not only fit to ride in the 
same carriage with any company, and fit to sit with ministers of religion, and 
with myself, a minister of the church of England ; bvit, I think that he is fit 
to sit with any of the bishops of that church. 

Mr. FULLER moved that the resolution lie on the table. 

Rev. T. SWAN seconded the motion ; but, on its being put to the meeting, 
only two or three hands were held up in its favour ; the rest of the delegates 
voted against it. The original motion was then submitted and carried, after 

The Convention adjourned till Thursday, the Hall being required for 
other purposes. 




The Minutes of Wednesday were read and confirmed. 


Mr. SCOBLE read the following letter from the above distinguished 
philanthropist : 

"26, Queen-square, Bath, June 13, 1843. 

"Mr DEAR SCOBLE, I have to express to you my sincere regret that I am 
prevented, by the state of my health, from attending the General Anti-Slavery 
Convention. I am sure that, had I been able to be present, I should have 
heard much information on the subject most deeply interesting to me, viz., 
the true prosperity of our clients in the British West Indies. I remember that 
it was thought, and said too, in former times, that I entertained the most 
extravagant and wild delusions about the character of the negroes : but I now 
willingly confess, that I did not do them one half of the justice which they 
merited. How thankful ought we to be to our gracious Lord for the mercy 
which he has shown to the negroes and to ourselves ! 

" I am well aware that you will receive many communications relating to 
American slavery and the African slave trade of a dark character. I am afraid 
I no longer can personally unite with you in fighting against these iniquities ; 
but my prayer to God is, that He would stand by all those who are engaged 
in the holy attempt to put down these iniquities. 

" Believe me, ever very faithfully yours, 

(Signed) "T. FOWELL BUXTON. 

" JOHN SCOBLE, Esq., &c. &c. 

" P. S. I beg you to present for me the enclosed cheque for 20." 

On the motion of Mr. STANDFIELD, seconded by Mr. SAMS, the letter was 
directed to be entered on the Minutes. 


Mr. JOHNSTON. The subject which I have to submit this morning, is 
one that would well occupy the whole of the day. It is so important, and the 
transactions of the Committee with which I am connected so extended, that 
were I to enter upon it as I feel disposed to do, I should consume the whole 
sitting ; but the judicious remarks which have been made on the necessity of 
brevity induce me to curtail my observations, and to lay before you only some 
of the more important points to which I intended to refer. The details which 
I have noted down are so extravagant and so incredible in some of their 
features, that were it not for the well ascertained facts connected with them, 
I should fear you would imagine that I was imposing on your credulity. I 
therefore beg to say, that ever since the commencement of the anti-slavery 
cause in America, I have been deeply and constantly engaged in this work ; 
and notwithstanding I am an Englishman and God forbid that I should ever 
be ashamed of it I am not the less able to ascertain the truth, or the less 
willing to declare it. American slavery and, indeed, slavery all over the 


world is such, that human nature will not submit to it if it is possible to 
escape from it ; and, as the eloquent Channing says, " Has not the slave 
a right to fly from bondage ? " Who amongst us doubts that every man 
would fly from bondage if he were able? It is not an uncommon thing 
for a whole family to escape from the oppressors of the South. They are 
ignorant, it is true, of the way from the slave states ; but they generally 
hide themselves in the woods, they secrete themselves in the mountain recesses, 
they hide in the holes, the dens, and the caves of the earth, and support them- 
selves by any possible means. While in that destitute condition, it is no un- 
common thing for parties to be made up to hunt them from their places just as 
you would take a pack of hounds to hunt a wild beast in a forest. But many 
of them have sufficient knowledge of the free states to know where to conceal 
themselves in places of comparative safety. I have been very much struck 
with the fact, that almost all of them know the north star. I inquired of one 
poor slave who arrived at the office, how he could travel so far in the interior 
of the country without a guide. " Why," said he, " my mother taught me the 
north star." They have another means of knowing the North, with which 
you are not generally acquainted in this country. The moss grows on the 
North side of all the trees in a forest, and they can ascertain by this means, in 
the thickest forest, which is the North. This I presume they learn from the 
Indian hunters. The law of Congress of 1793 enacts that a fugitive escaping 
from one slave state to another shall be given up to his master, or his agent, 
upon his application before a United States' judge now, but formerly it was 
before a magistrate. It has sometimes been doubted by our friends whether 
we were not acting in opposition to the law of the land when we rescued a slave 
from his master, or rather protected him from being discovered, and assisted 
him on his way to Canada. This was one of the objections which arose in the 
minds of friends when we first proposed the establishment of a Committee. 
Our friends, the American delegates, doubted the prudence of that measure. 

Captain STUART. I never doubted it. 

Mr. JOHNSTON. I am happy to acknowledge my mistake; Captain 
Stuart has always been our firm and stedfast friend, but many of them doubted 
its prudence on the ground that they imagined we were acting contrary to law. 
But if we were acting contrary to the laws of man, I would turn to the statutes 
of Heaven, and there I find it said, " Thou shalt not deliver unto his master 
the servant which is escaped from his master unto thee ; he shall dwell with 
thee, even among you, in that place which he shall choose ; in one of the 
gates where it liketh him best. Thou shalt not oppress him." With this 
statute before us, the laws of man are null and void. But even grant that we 
had not this authority, we are violating no human law ; for the law of Congress 
only requires that we should not interfere with the slave-owner when his slave 
is in his possession, or when he has a certificate from a magistrate authorising 
his removal. Under these circumstances we cannot interfere, but otherwise we 
are perfectly at liberty to help him on his way to Canada. At this early stage 
of my remarks allow me to say, with reference to the case of the Creole, that I 
was deeply interested in the escape of that party; for the noble man, who 
arose with a number of comrades and took possession of that vessel, was a man 
whom I had passed out of slavery to liberty. When he returned to my office, 
I inquired, " Are you tired of liberty?" "No; but I am going to fetch my 
wife and child, and I mean to have them." My wife, who is as good an 
abolitionist as myself, admonished him not to go to the slave states. But he 
went ; he found his wife and child, and you know the subsequent history. He 
was seized, and sold to the South with his wife and child. When on board 
the vessel bound to the South he rose like a man possessing the spirit of 


liberty, took possession of the vessel, and conducted himself and his comrades to 
freedom. It is often said, that slaves are very well treated in some respects, 
and would not accept of liberty if it were offered them. Some of the most 
favoured and pampered slaves have passed through my hands men who 
enjoyed all that a state of slavery could afford them in the shape of happiness. 
Two men, slaves from D y, in Baltimore, who certainly were extremely well 
treated as slaves if it is possible for a man to be well treated when he is held 
as property for they had sufficient food and accommodation, came to the office. 
I made inquiries as to their former treatment. They said, " Master very good 
man ; he give sufficient food and clothes." " Well, if that is the case, why did 
you run away?" " Sir, we wanted our liberty; we have served him long 
enough for nothing, and now we have time to serve ourselves." These young 
men passed on to Canada, and I am happy to say are doing extremely well. 
It is very gratifying to find that almost the whole of those who have passed 
from slaveiy to freedom have proved themselves worthy of liberty. They are, 
generally speaking, sober, industrious, valuable servants, Not only individual 
slaves escape, but whole families have sometimes delivered themselves from 
the yoke of bondage. A very interesting family escaped about two years ago. 
To give you some idea of their respectability I will read an advertisement : 
"700 dolls. Reward. Ran away from the subscriber, living one and a half 
miles south of Leesburg, London county, Virginia, on the night of the 26th of 
October, seven slaves, a woman, and six children ; the woman PATTY, rather 
a bright mulatto, about thirty-five years of age, rather under middle size, with 
her upper front teeth out, full mouth, and high cheek bones; her oldest 
daughter named SOPHIA, and calls herself SOPHIA PURCELL, about sixteen 
years old, a bright mulatto, and very likely ; the next, a boy about twelve 
years of age, calls himself THOMAS DOUGLASS, with large front teeth, and a 
very sprightly mulatto; the next oldest calls himself CHARLES DOUGLASS, 
about ten years old, a bright mulatto, very likely, and stammers in his speech ; 
the next oldest, named MARIA DOUGLASS, about eight years old, rather lighter 
coloured than the rest, full mouthed, and likely ; the next oldest, named VINCENT 
DOUGLASS, about six years old, rather darker than the older ones ; the next, 
named AGNES DOUGLASS, about three years old, and rather the blackest of any 
of them. The above slaves were carried off by a free man, who calls him- 
self VINCENT DOUGLASS, and who is the father of most of the children, 
tolerably black, about forty years old, five feet eight inches high, stout 
made, quite intelligent and free spoken, and who has been traced to the dis- 
trict of Columbia, and most likely is making to the North, or may be lurking 
about the district seeking an opportunity, and who has some money. The 
above reward will be given if they shall be taken in Pennsylvania, and 500 
dolls, if they are all taken in Maryland or the district, and 400 dolls, if taken in 
Virginia, and secured so that I get them, or in proportion for any, or 100 dolls, 
for VINCENT DOUGLASS, if he can be convicted of theft ; and it is quite probable 
that the woman has forged free papers. They are travelling in a hack or 
carryall, as much concealed as possible." The owner was JOSEPH MEAD, the 
son of a member of the Society of Friends in Pennsylvania. I have also the 
appraiser's estimation of the value of the family PATTY, thirty-six years, 
AGNES, three years, 500 dolls.; SOPHIA, sixteen years, 700 dolls.; THOMAS, 
twelve years, 600 dolls. ; CHARLES, ten years, 500 dolls. ; MARIA, eight years, 
250 dolls. ; VINCENT, six years, 225 dolls.; making a total of 2,775 dolls. 

Mr. SAMS. What is the date of that advertisement? 

Mr. JOHNSTON. The 26th October, 1839. This DOUGLASS had pur- 
chased his own freedom; he had offered 2,000 dolls, for the freedom of his 
family, but the master was determined to have 2,775 dolls., and being unable to 
raise this amount, he thought it most advisable to keep the money in his pocket, 


and take his family also. I think this was the most prudent step. He passed 
through my hands to Canada, and a good account can be given of him and 
those connected with him. 

Mr. FULLER. I saw the children baptized when I was at Toronto. 

Mr. JOHNSTON. It is astonishing to see how slaves will escape on foot 
from the furthest South to the North. I will read from a pamphlet an account 
of a slave who fled from New Orleans. The instance I am about to lay before 
you is by no means a singular or extravagant one, but a sort of medium case 
among hundreds of a similar nature. When you bear in mind that 1,665 slaves 
have passed through my hands in five years and a half, up to last year, you 
must be perfectly aware that I cannot recollect the whole of these interesting 
cases ; but I have selected the following : 

" H. B. escaped from Covington, Louisiana, where he was held as a slave by 
JOHN TERRY. From the account he gave of the treatment the slaves received 
from this man, and Jones, his overseer, it appears he was a monster of cruelty, 
and must have been devoid of the common feelings of humanity, in fact a dis- 
grace to the name of man. H. B. and his brother resolved to escape to the 
free states, of which they had heard some account from some persons they met 
Avith in New Orleans. After getting a little food for their journey, they chose 
a time for travelling when it was not probable they would be intercepted : a 
heavy storm of thunder and lightning came on about the time the slaves went 
to their quarters, and then they set out, with very little knowledge of the road, 
toward the North-east: after travelling many nights, subsisting on roots or 
wild fruits, and suffering incredible hardships, they arrived in Florida, and fell 
in with a party of United States troops; they were totally ignorant of the war 
then carrying on with the Indians, and imagined themselves safe with the 
soldiers. Being now far from the residence of their master, they felt compara- 
tively secure, and proposed to join the army, so ignorant were they of the gene- 
ral system of oppression enacted by law against the coloured rnan : but the 
gallant officers had received the New Orleans Picayune, in which paper four 
hundred dollars were offered for the apprehension of these two men; and with 
a base cruelty, for which no language is too severe, they induced the men to 
stay till they could send on to Covington, and inform their master that they had 
performed the honourable office, worthy the high station they held in the 
service of their country, of seizing two poor helpless slaves : but if blood- 
hounds were called in to aid them in destroying the Indians, why should 
they not reciprocate the kindness, and aid the blood-hound in his equally 
important operations of catching slaves ? Having thus entrapped them, they 
waited the arrival of the agent of TERRY, to receive the reward of their meri- 
torious service. At length Jones, the overseer, arrived, when the officers 
sent for these men, and to their astonishment he was introduced to identify 
them. 'Well, boys,' said he, 'I expect you have finished your visit now, 
and are ready to go home,' at the same time snapping handcuffs on them, and 
making them secure. To those who know the cruelty practised on the slave 
by such masters, especially for the crime of running away, the condition of 
these men will appear miserable indeed ; but few can realize their appalling 
situation as they could themselves, having witnessed the torments inflicted on 
others for the same offence. On some doubt being expressed as to the truth 
of some of the statements, when relating these facts, the poor fellow exhi- 
bited his mutilated limbs and scarred body, which dissipated all doubts 
respecting the cruelty he had endured, in addition to the usual cruel flog- 

fing so common in these cases. It appears TERRY had tobacco hogsheads, 
lied with wrought nails driven in from the outside, so that they projected 
inside the hogshead; the wretched slave was then placed in, and the head 


fastened on; in this place of torment they were rolled round the slave 
quarters, to strike terror into the slaves : on every turn, the nails were driven 
into the flesh, till they were literally bleeding at every pore. When taken 
out they were rubbed down with brine and pepper, and then washed with 
rum. Other cruelties were added, but the mind sickens at the detail, and 
we forbear. They were watched, and for a long time had no chance of 
escape ; still the love of liberty kept them equally vigilant ; and finding at 
length another opportunity, they once more made the daring attempt, which 
proved successful in securing the liberty of one, but removed the other by 
death, beyond the power of the oppressor. 

" They now travelled more directly northward, through Mississippi, Alabama, 
Tennessee, Kentucky, Ohio, and Pennsylvania. In this journey they suffered 
extremely, especially from hunger, when crossing the prairies, exposed to 
alligators, wolves, and other dangerous animals, sleeping in swamps, and to 
use his own expression, so hungry they could have eat their own arms. When 
they arrived in Pennsylvania, they were kindly relieved by some of the Society 
of Friends, but too late to save one of them from the fatal effects of fatigue, 
exposure, and want ; a violent inflammation ensued, which in a few days ter- 
minated his sufferings, and removed him (according to his brother's testimony 
of his piety) to a world of joy and peace. Having lost his only earthly friend, 
the surviving brother, now a solitary fugitive, pursued his journey till he arrived 
in Philadelphia : here, the friends of the oppressed, the Vigilance Committee, 
took him under their protection, and forwarded him to the care of this com- 
mittee, by which he was immediately sent to Canada, where we trust he will 
spend the rest of his days in peace." This was in 1842 : he must have travelled 
nearly 3,000 miles. 

We have the pleasure sometimes of introducing slaves to their friends and 
relatives, whom they have long lost. I will mention a case, known to my 
worthy friend on my left, (Mr. J. C. FULLER.) An old woman came to my 
office who had fled from Georgia. After inquiring the particulars of her 
journey, I asked if she had left any friends behind her. She said that she had 
one son, JAMES CURRIE, but he had run away about two years before, and she 
knew not what had become of him. I thought I recollected the name, and 
on turning to the list of fugitives, found that I had sent him to Toronto. 
I told her I could send her to her son. " Oh, pray send me to him if you 
can." I sent the old lady, and I am happy to know that she found her son, and 
is now living in comparative comfort. Slaves, in attempting to escape, frequently 
have not merely to encounter great hardships on the road, but absolutely to 
fight their way. A man ran away from Virginia ; arrived at New Jersey, 
and imagined he was safe. He hired himself to a farmer, and continued there 
two or three months, but his master learned where he was, and sent officers to 
arrest him. Being in a solitary house, they came in the night. An old man 
looked out, and asked who they wanted. They said, " A coloured man." 
He suspected that they meant to take the man back to slavery, made the door 
fast, and defended himself with whatever weapons he could find in the 
kitchen. But they obtained admission, the slave came down stairs, and they 
endeavoured to seize him. Instead, however, of putting the handcuffs on his 
wrists they placed them on his hands, and he fought so desperately that he 
cleared the house. They then shut him in, and kept him a few hours, but he 
ultimately escaped through a window. This man was sent to me, and I for- 
warded him to Montreal. A coloured man there is rather a rarity, and they 
were fearful of employing him ; but a Scotch farmer engaged him, and found 
him such a valuable servant, that he was unwilling to part with him. The 
man, however, determined to return and fetch his wife and child. On coming 


to my house, I asked him whether he was tired of liberty. " No," he replied, 

" I have a good master and a good house, but I am determined to go for my 
wife and child." He was gone six or eight weeks, and I despaired of seeing 
him again ; hut one morning he entered my office with his wife and child the 

reward of his labour and his love : he is now in Canada enjoying their 
company. This is but a single instance, out of many I could name, who have, 
after the enjoyment of liberty, ventured back to the slave states and obtained 
possession of their families. It is truly distressing to observe the degrading in- 
fluence of slavery upon the minds, not merely of the coloured people, but on the 
whites, and even those who occupy the most exalted stations in society. I will detail 
circumstances of a very painful nature respecting a family ; and I mention the 
case, because it is connected with some who hold a very important station in 
society. With respect to slaves escaping from those who hold such stations, 
I would say, that the Vice-President of the United States lost two sons 
slaves, who passed through my hands, one of whom I sent on a whaling 
voyage, and the other to Canada. The man to whom I am about to refer had 
bought his own liberty. He had paid 500 dollars for himself. He had four- 
teen children, thirteen of whom had been sold away from him ; and, "Oh," 
he said, in relating these circumstances, " every one taken from me, was like 
taking away a piece of my heart." His wife and one child remained : he 
purchased them ; but, after paying the amount, the man who held them as 
slaves did not give him a bill of sale, and could therefore, from the want of 
official documents, at any time reclaim them ; but they were living with the 
husband and father. The master, although he had received the value of the 
slaves, actually sold them to a trader, because he knew perfectly well that the 
poor man was not in possession of any receipt to prove that he had bought his 
family. A friend told him that his wife and child were sold, and that in order 
to secure them he had better remove from the neighbourhood ; but his wife 
and child were taken away, he knew not where, before he could effect it. He 
then applied to a member of Congress to take two houses and lots, as a security 
for the amount, and purchase his wife and child wherever they might be found. 
The man took the houses and lots, but gave no receipt or document by which 
the sale could be proven. The husband pursued his wife and child, and found 
they were in Alexandria jail, but could not obtain admission. He then went 
to Washington, to the Hall of Congress, and begged that something might be 
done to put him in possession of this part of his family. The member, who 
knew him, told him that he would endeavour to get them. He then made an 
arrangement to take the man's property, in order that he might again purchase 
his wife and child. Having done so, the father believed that he was then in 
possession of his family ; but no, this man claimed them as his slaves, and was 
about to dispose of them to a trader in the neighbourhood. At length, finding 
that there were no other means of securing them, but running away, and leaving 
houses and lots behind, he did so. He travelled from Virginia to New York, and 
arrived at my office in a most destitute and pitiable condition. Thus the man 
was deprived of thirteen children, his houses, two lots of land, and all his 
property, by the nefarious conduct of those who held high offices in the United 
States ; but I am happy to say that he arrived safely in the vicinity of Canada, 
and I hope he is now doing well. This instance, with many others, which I 
could cite, prove two things: first, the intolerable nature of slavery, that human 
nature, even in its most degraded condition, cannot endure it ; and secondly, the 

deteriorating and degi'ading influence of slavery, even upon the white popu- 
lation. It is pleasing to observe the perseverance and fortitude, frequently 
manifested by the poor slaves in escaping from bondage. A man named 
JOHNSON, escaped from New Orleans. He was a specimen of true nobility 


a gentleman in every sense of the expression ; a man of considerable learning, 
and spoke three languages that I was able to ascertain he understood correctly, 
and the Spanish also, which I did not understand. He was a barber, and was 
employed by his master on board a steam-boat. His master held him in such 
esteem, that he offered him his liberty for a thousand dollars. The man raised 
975 dollars, lacking 25 of the thousand. While on the next trip his master 
died, and his mistress absolutely sold him for 1,200 dollars to a trader, although 
975 dollars had been received towards his freedom. A lady in the house, who 
had some respect for him, apprised him on his return that his mistress had 
sold him, and that he must escape if he could. At that time a vessel was 
lying in the port, bound for New York ; he was acquainted with the steward, 
told him the circumstances, and the steward agreed to secrete him, and carry 
him, if possible, to New York. He hid him in a place just large enough to 
contain him. Before the vessel sailed, officers came on board, with an agent 
of the mistress, and told the captain that they knew this man was secreted in 
the vessel. The captain said he knew nothing of it, but they were welcome 
to search the vessel. They searched every part, from the hold to the deck, ex- 
cept that in which he was confined, and he escaped their detection. The vessel 
sailed, and when she arrived at the Quarantine, the captain and part of the crew 
went on shore. JOHNSON and the steward were lookingover the bulwarks on the 
following morning, and observed a boat pulling near the vessel, in which JOHNSON 
descried the agent of his mistress. He was immediately shut again in the same 
place. The boat came along side, and the parties said, " We know perfectly 
well that that man is on board the vessel, and we must have him." " Well," 
said the steward, " you are at liberty to search the ship." They again searched 
every part they could imagine, but forgot this. As soon as the boat left, it 
was thought advisable to put the man on shore ; he was brought to New York, 
and placed under my care. The agent wandered about the city for three or 
four days, and I was obliged to keep the man a close prisoner ; but ultimately 
I had an opportunity of placing him in a boat on the North river. He 
arrived at Troy, where he was taken under the care of a party of coloured men, 
among whom was HENRY GARNETT. I am happy to say that while he 
remained there he was, I hope, impressed with the pure principles of the Gospel, 
and he went on his way a Christian free in Christ as well as free from man. 
A similar instance occurred with respect to a young man nearly as white as any 
gentleman present. He resided in Mobile, and his master gave him a wife. 
It is a very common thing for a favourite slave to have a wife given him as a 
favour. His master told him that they should never be separated ; he was 
sincerely attached to her, and hoped that that would be the case. He was a 
carpenter, and business not being very good, his master sent him to New 
Orleans, where he was employed some time. At length he entered the service 
of an excellent member of the Society of Friends, to whose name we shall 
have occasion to refer, and he employed him in fitting up his counting-house. 
While removing some of the pigeon holes he found a number of free papers. 
This worthy Friend, by whom he was employed, had been teaching a young 
white lad to read. You are aware that there is a severe penalty for instructing 
a slave to read, but he allowed this slave to look over the shoulder of the 
white boy. He was not instructing the slave, but the white boy ; nevertheless 
the former learned to read as fast as the latter. On looking over these free 
papers he found one describing himself as nearly as it was possible for two men 
to be. They were not only alike in person, but age, colour, a scar across the 
forehead, and even in their trade. The paper belonged to a free coloured 
man in Pennsylvania, and was certified by the governor and three magistrates. 
With such a document he thought he should be able to travel all over the States. 


He placed the document in his pocket, and having 70 or 80 dollars, was able to 
secure a passage from New Orleans to Baltimore. He passed from the port to 
the rail-road, and when he arrived at New York, imagining himself perfectly safe 
and free, he endeavoured to obtain employment. But such is the state of things 
in that city that no coloured man can procure work as a carpenter. He was 
directed to a village at a little distance, and there the same fate awaited him, 
but a coloured man told him that he had better go to ISAAC T. HOPPER, who 
would tell him what to do. Mr. HOPPER and myself are like brothers in this 
cause, and he sent him to me. I found that this slave was a man of intelli- 
gence, and I advised him by no means to remain in the States. He had 
brought with him a tool chest worth about 300 dollars. I assured him that 
with such abilities and means he might do well in Canada. When passing 
through the village of Poughkeepsie, an esteemed minister gave him accommo- 
dation ; and he told me that he had never met with a more intelligent and 
worthy man than that poor slave. He reached Canada, and if I am not much 
mistaken, is doing extremely well; but his wife and children are lost to him 
for ever. With one more instance I will close. About two years ago, a man 
came from the vicinity of the Natural Bridge in Virginia. I asked him if he 
had left any relations behind him. " Sir," said he, " I had a brother who ran 
away, with me, eighteen months ago, but know not what has become of him." 
He detailed these circumstances His brother and himself endeavoured to 
escape, and in so doing had to cross St. James's river. They were shot at ; he 
took refuge on a rock, and was brought back by blood-hounds, but his brother 
swam across the river, and he had never heard of him since. I knew where 
his brother was : for he had arrived at New York, and I had sent him on to 
Canada. He added, " When I was taken back I was severely flogged, but I 
determined not to remain a slave. Six months afterwards I ran away again, 
but instead of travelling North I went South, and journeyed for six weeks in the 
Dismal Swamp." During that miserable journey he wandered about nearly 
starved, and that amongst snakes and venomous creatures so numerous that he 
was almost afraid to put his foot to the ground. I mention this to introduce a 
singular circumstance. While there, he met a coloured man almost in a state 
of wildness, and unable to speak until he had made considerable effort to 
make him understand. He then learned that this was one of NATHANIEL 
TURNER'S men who, nine or ten years since, raised an insurrection in Virginia, 
and escaped to that Dismal Swamp. There he had remained about ten years, 
in the most abject condition, feeding on roots or anything he could meet with. 
This man, finding himself in this track, retraced his steps and came North. 
On his way he met an officer who endeavoured to seize him, but he being the 
strongest man, and having a right to defend himself, proved too much for the 
officer, and ultimately escaped. He then travelled for six weeks, and arrived 
at Pennsylvania ; the Vigilance Committee sent him to us, and he also is now 
in Canada. I hold the report of the New York Vigilance Committee in my 
hand, which contains a number of similar cases. 

Rev. JAMES ANGEL JAMES. How far do the authorities of the state 
of New York interrupt the escape of the people ? Or do they sympathise with 
your object ? 

Mr. JOHNSTON. I am happy to say that the authorities now are by no 
means hostile to the operations of the institution. Formerly we had consider- 
able difficulty in obtaining justice in the courts in fact, to appear as a defender 
of a coloured man, was to suffer obloquy and disgrace, but now it is far other- 
wise ; most of our judges, and the excellent Mayor, will give the coloured man 
fair and equal justice ; and so far as the general sympathies of the people are 
concerned, they are with us. This is a subject that lays hold of the hearts of 


men more completely than almost any other: there is not an abolitionist who 
does not approve of it. 

Mr. WYATT. In some of the definitions of slavery published by the British 
and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, it is stated that no slave is competent to 
possess property, but from the statements made yesterday and this morning-, it 
seems that some slaves do possess property. How does this definition comport 
with the fact? 

Mr. JOHNSTON. It is by permission of the masters. It is manifest from 
the slave laws that no slave can possess property. The slave is the property of 
the master his time, and all he possesses ; and I presume it is upon that 
ground that the slave-owner will frequently impose upon the poor slave, by 
taking the money that he earns, as payment for his liberty, and then ultimately 
depriving him of it. They know perfectly well that all the earnings of the slave 
belong by law to themselves. 

Mr. H. HOLLAND. Can you form a notion as to the proportion who fail 
in attempting to escape ? 

Mr. JOHNSTON. I apprehend that there are at least 5,000 slaves who 
endeavour to escape every year, by far the largest portion of whom are taken 
back by their oppressors. A number escape by way of New York, others by 
Illinois and Indiana, and other tracts, to Canada. I presume that not above 
one-third effect their escape. 

Rev. H. TAYLOR. Will Mr. JOHNSTON name the vice-president whose 
children escaped ? 

Mr. JOHNSTON. Col. JOHNSON. I beg to say in justice to him that when 
he found his sons had escaped, he offered to give them their freedom if we 
would deliver them up to him : but upon certain conditions being proposed by 
Mr. TAPPAN, he declined acceding to them. 

Mr. J. STURGE. I have had a letter placed in my hands which shows that 
though our friends at New York assist such multitudes of slaves in escaping 
from bondage, yet that is not the only channel through which they reach 
Canada. It is from HAMILTON HILL, of the Oberlin Institute, Ohio, dated 
18th May, 1843, and addressed to HIRAM WILSON. The following is the con- 
cluding paragraph. " We have been very full of fugitives lately, and there is a 
pretty sharp hue and cry for some not a hundred miles from Tappan Hall now. 
Two days since I called upon an acquaintance, and found a black man with a 
white woman, the latter a slave, but the man free, and three children. The 
woman is as white as my wife or yours. A warrant has been issued by the 
governor of Kentucky for this man for stealing his wife, and it is supposed that 
the governor of this state has done the same. I trust, however, that, long ere 
you receive this, they, with six or eight others, will be over the lake, though 
the friends are rather puzzled how to effect it in this case." It should be 
known that many slaves in the South are quite as fair as English persons. 
Where I have an opportunity of rising up in public and stating that those who 
occupy high places are carrying on atrocities connected with slavery or the 
slave-trade, I do not like to miss it. One of the jails mentioned by our friend, 
WILLIAM JOHNSTON Alexandria, is in the district of Columbia, within six 
miles of the Hall of Representatives of the United States. (Cries of" Shame.") 
I visited that, jail, and saw in it a woman and nine children, who had been 
separated from the husband and father, and sold for 2,250 dollars. They were, 
I believe, very shortly afterwards to be shipped for New Orleans, where, in all 
probability, they would be separated again. I was also in another jail so near 
to the House of Representatives, that from the time I was talking to HENRY 
CLAY, in the Senate, till I arrived there was not more than half an hour, and 


within its walls I could have bought the human beings, if I chose, for a few 
hundred dollars each. 

Rev. T. SWAN. I do not wish to verify the statements of Mr. JOHNSTON 
that is unnecessary ; hut a few words received from a brother-in-law of mine, 
may tend to facilitate Mr. JOHNSTON'S progress through this country. A more 
noble object than he has at heart cannot engage our energies, and I trust 
that our wealthy friends will assist him in his design. 

" Mr. W. JOHNSTON, the bearer of this, sails to-morrow for London, as a 
delegate to the Anti-Slavery Convention, to be held there next month ; he is 
a tried and steady friend of the cause of the oppressed ; I became acquainted 
with him shortly after my arrival in this country, and from that time till the 
present he has toiled through good and through evil report to hasten the day 
when ' liberty shall be proclaimed throughout all the land to all the inhabitants 

" As Mr. JOHNSTON visits his father-land not merely as a Delegate to the 
Anti-Slavery Convention, but also, and chiefly, as the representative of the 
' New York Vigilance Committee,' it is his intention to visit some of the pro- 
vincial towns, (Birmingham, of course, will be one of them,) to state, where he 
may have opportunity, the objects, condition, and prospects of that society ; the 
design of the society is to aid the poor fugitive slave in his flight from this 
land of republican freedom, to the land where 

' Every flap of England's flag 

Proclaims that all around are free.' 

With very limited means it has accomplished a great deal, but Brother JOHN- 
STON will tell you all about it. Of all the diligent labourers in the American 
anti-slavery field, I consider that he has laboured more abundantly than they 
all; at least of this I am sure, that he volunteered to occupy a post which 
has required more self-denial than any other in the field. I hope that the state- 
ments which he will make to English abolitionists will induce them, notwith- 
standing the 'hard times,' to strengthen his hands for the further prosecution 
of the good work." 

There was a sentiment thrown out by the worthy baronet yesterday (Sir G. 
STRICKLAND) with which I did not agree, and had there been time to have 
spoken I should have thought it my duty to express wherein I dissented from 
it. The sentiment was that the blame of American slavery did not rest upon 
ministers and churches, but upon slavery itself. That appeared to me to 
devolve the responsibility on a nonentity, an abstraction, an unsubstantial 
something in the air; and surprised I was that the sentiment should meet with a 
response. I contend that it rests upon those engaged in holding, and in buying 
and selling slaves, and on all its abettors, whether in church or state. I am 
sorry to find not only that Baptist churches, but others, are so deeply involved 
in this crime. It is necessary that we should reiterate first principles. Al- 
though slave-holders in high places reject with contempt and scorn the 
addresses sent them, I would address them again ; the very rejection shows 
the effect produced : let them be visited with "line upon line." 

Dr. BOWRING, M.P. It is matter of grief and disappointment to me that 
I have not been able to appear among you until this morning. The pressure 
of public duties has prevented me showing, by my presence, the great interest 
I feel in this all important cause. I think our friends who have come from the 
transatlantic world will have discovered that on this topic the public mind of 
England is sound, strong, and healthful ; that our convictions and sympathies, 
as well as our duties, and at last even our legislation, are engaged on the side 
of the slave. There is something exhilarating, encouraging, and ennobling, in 


meetings like this, gathered together to help the weak, to raise the lowly, to 
emancipate the prisoner, to strike off the manacles from the slave. No more ma- 
jestic, no more religious purpose than this could you be engaged in. It has some- 
times been my privilege to be able to contrast the state of opinion in this country 
with what I may call the darkness I hope it is now becoming, at least, the twi- 
light which pervades a great portion of the United States. Some time ago, in the 
presence of many Americans, I chanced accidentally to mention that I had had 
a black man at my table the day before, and I was astonished at the excla- 
mations of surprise and incredulity which fell from the lips even of American 
women. At least, we have learned, and I hope are now teaching, this lesson 
that men are the children of a common Father, whatever be their colour ; that 
they are entitled to equal rights and equal privileges; that however mean their 
origin, their destinies are as exalted as ours ; and that when we go into the 
regions of infinite wisdom and infinite benevolence, we may be assured that the 
eye of a common Parent looks with equal tenderness upon all. I sometimes 
compare the state of opinion in this country, and the state of opinion and 
action which I have seen in other lands. A friend is near me who, with me, in 
the East, has seen blacks raised to stations of superior eminence, and even 
exercising authority over whites; and I am bound to say that I have witnessed 
in the country of the blacks instances of virtue, instances of energy of intellect, 
by which any white man might have been proud to be distinguished. Allow 
the mind of a black man its full development, and many is the controversy in 
which he will show his equality ; and some, perhaps, in which his superiority 
will be displayed. Some of you have probably heard of a valuable collection 
of books gathered together by that most benevolent man, GREGOIRE, the 
bishop of Blois. He had a library of some hundreds of volumes, every one of 
which was written by black men or women, and when opprobrium was thrown 
on the coloured races he pointed proudly to such evidence of their intellectual 
aptitude. What may they not become when they share with hundreds and 
millions your efforts and your labours for the communication of knowledge, 
with all its fruits of light, and joy, and truth ! Talk about the degradation of 
the black race you may as well talk of the degradation of the worm upon 
which you tread, and of the serpent whose head you bruise. Give them their 
fair chance ; do for their education, their ennoblement, what you are endeavour- 
ing, most imperfectly I own, to do for your own white children, and then let 
the test be applied, and then let them be judged. You have excommunicated 
them ; you have poured out upon them your scorn and contempt, and do you 
expect that upon the thorns and brambles of neglect and injustice there will 
grow the fair fruits of knowledge and cultivation? Our ancestors were 
barbarians once trained by education we are what we are. What we have 
done for ourselves, let us do for the African races. True it is, that they have 
had eloquent and efficient advocates. Many of them are now passing away, 
IJut some fragments of them are left amongst us to show of what noble elements 
human nature may be composed, and how great it may become when it is 
under the influence of great principles, and striving for a great result. Our 
American friends feel with us, honestly and reasonably proud of our common 
language and literature. They say that they rejoice in speaking the tongue 
which MILTON spoke, and in thinking in the idiom in which SHAKSPEARE 
thought. But there may be objects of even a nobler kind. Let us seek to be 
equally distinguished for a high-minded benevolence let us place national 
character and national reputation on the highest grounds of moral and intel- 
lectual distinction. In one respect at least, the English have been practical 
philanthropists. The English people may teach their transatlantic brethren 
their hatred of slavery ; let them see what a noble, what a generous sacrifice 
they made, how little they counted their wealth, of how little importance they 


judged the surrender of twenty millions of money to those who attached a 
pecuniary value to their fellow men, when hy that deed they removed the foul 
opprobrium that had so long dishonoured their country. Do not let our 
American friends believe that they can stand well in the estimation of their 
best allies in England, till they also manfully come forward to do the same 
great work. Do not let them say that we do not understand their peculiar 
position. That is no answer. We see the plague spot on their national repu- 
tation ; we see the disease that is corroding their vitals, and they must go to 
the Physician that will effect their cure. I feel that I have intruded ; but I 
again assure you that my convictions that the cause must triumph, are not 
only strengthened by all I have seen, but by all the information that I have 
been able to collect. Truth is great ; benevolence is greater ; religion is greatest 
of all ; and truth, and benevolence, and religion are your allies. 



Rev. AMOS A. PHELPS. There are three topics on which I am to 
address the meeting. They have been grouped together for the purpose of 
saving time, it being supposed that it would be impossible to go into the details 
in respect of each of them. The first is, the influence of slavery upon religion 
and education in the slave states, in respect of the slave and also the free 
population. It is clearly understood, I suppose, in this country as well as in 
my own, that so far as the slave population are concerned, taking them as a 
whole, though there are exceptions, they are, to use the language of the Synod 
of South Carolina and Georgia in 1834, "a heathen population, and will bear 
comparison with any heathen in the world." I quote verbatim. It is not, 
however, my desire to go into details touching that portion of the population, 
but rather to call your attention to the influence of slavery on education and 
religion among the free population. Any person at all familiar with the 
nature of slavery as an institution, will see at once that in its very nature it 
offers obstructions to the prevalence of religion and education among the white 
population that are altogether peculiar, and in many respects insurmountable. 
In 1833, the Rev. ABSALOM PETERS, the Secretary of the American Home 
Missionary Society, passed through the slave states with reference to Home 
Missionary operations. He published the results of bis observations in the 
New York Observer, which were substantially to this effect, that in conse- 
quence of slavery's throwing the territory into large landed estates, cultivated 
principally by slaves, and not throwing the white population together in villages 
as in the free states, the slave states are, to a great extent, destitute of those 
points in which, in the free states, Home Missionary operations can be com- 
menced and carried successfully on. From this structure of society alone, 
if there were nothing else to induce it, we have, for instance, this result 
that of 987 missionaries sustained in part by the Home Missionary Society, in 
1842, in the free and slave states taken together, only twenty- one were in the 
slave states that portion of the country that needed such operations most. 
The same structure of society prevents the introduction of anything like a 
general system of common school education. You cannot find a sufficient 
number of white children living near enough together to make a school, and 
hence, although repeated efforts have been made in the slave states to intro- 
duce some general system of education like that which prevails in the free 
states, every attempt of this kind has been a failure in the slave states. In ad- 
dition to this, the obstacles to the prevalence of education and religion are 
aggravated very much by the constant emigration of the best ministers and the 
best portion of the white population from the slave states. I have here a 
number of statements which are authoritative, quoted from Southern papers, 


showing that there is a constant tide of emigration going on from the older slave 
into the free states; that the tide of emigration consists first, of individuals whose 
fortunes are broken down ; but secondly, and chiefly, of persons whose con- 
sciences to a greater or less extent are ill at ease with the state of things in 
the slave states, and who find that they cannot remain there without doing 
violence to their conscientious convictions; and who even, though they might 
consent to remain there, so far as their own convictions are concerned, yet having 
an eye to the circumstances of their families, are unwilling to bring up their 
children where they were brought up, and under the influences of slavery. 
[ trust these facts will be submitted to a Committee that will be able to examine 

A still greater obstacle to the prevalence of genuine religion and thorough 
education is found in the character and employment of those who remain, 
particularly the ministers of religion. I have extracts from a Virginia paper, 
in 1836, which gives an account of the character and occupations of clergymen 
in a given section, in Virginia. It is a most extraordinary statement, but I 
will not detain you by reading it. You may form some judgment of the state 
of the ministry by one or two general statements : for example, the Rev. 
LEONARD BACON, of New Haven, Connecticut, about the time of the division of 
the Presbyterian church in the states, on examining the minutes of the General 
Assembly, found, in certain Presbyteries in the slave states, 312 ministers and 
422 churches. Of these 312 ministers only 77 are pastors, while in the free 
states the ministers generally are pastors. The other individuals that are not 
pastors are employed, as the extract from the Virginia paper would show, some 
in "farming," i. e., as slave-holders, some in teaching schools, and some in 
other avocations, from which they derive their support, in whole or in part. 
I have also before me the returns of the old school Presbyterian Assembly, in 
1842, in which there is a similar disproportion in respect to the number of 
persons settled as pastors, the proportion being 68 per cent, in the free, and 
only 46 per cent, in the slave states, showing that much the largest portion of 
the ministry in the slave states are engaged in other occupations, either as 
" farmers," i. e. planters, or as school-teachers, or in some other way, not giving 
themselves exclusively and wholly to the duties of their profession. 

In respect to education I have estimates, which, with the aid of a friend, I 
have taken the pains to make, from an examination of the census of 1840. 
They will give you the per cent, of the white adult population in the free and 
in the slave states that are unable to read or write, and from this you can at 
once form some idea of the condition of the white population of the slave states 
in respect to education. The estimates are as follows : 

Free States. 

Slave States. 





New Hampshire 








Rhode Island 


North Carolina 


Connecticut - 


South Carolina 






New York - 




New Jersey - 




Pennsylvania - 


























District of Columbia - 


G 2 


Total of white population over twenty in) , ,,_ n ^ K 

the free states ^ 4,4 i 7, 975 

Total of whites in the free states over"f 9f) ~ fiftfi . , r 

twenty who cannot read and write < / 203 > 806 > 4 ' 5 P er c 
Total of white population over twenty in "I , ,, ft7Q 

the slave states j- 1,962,079 

r 17 ' 64 P er Cent 

Total of whites over twenty in all the) a A Ar . AO/4 
states $ 6,440,03 

^^549,905, or 8.54 per cent. 

From which it appears, that in the whole United States, only 8.54 per cent, of 
the white adult population are unahle to read and write ; that in the free states 
only 4.55 per cent, are so ; while in the slave states the per cent, is 17.64, heing 
more than twice as great a proportion in the slave states, as in all the states 
together, and more than four times as great as in the free states. Illinois and 
Indiana, of the free states, contain the largest portion of white inhabitants 
unahle to read; and the largest portion of emigration into those states consists 
of persons who came originally from slave states, so that if you were to go 
into the matter in detail, you would find the average proportion to be still more 
in favour of the free states. 

I pass now to the literary institutions. In entering on the progress of the 
anti-slavery cause in literary institutions, it may be well to call your attention 
to the state of sentiment in these institutions at the commencement of the 
recent anti-slavery movements. You will remember, that one of the first 
demonstrations of resistance to the anti-slavery movement, occurred at Lane 
Seminary, in consequence of which, believing that the right of free speech 
and action was virtually taken from them, a number of students, with Mr. 
WELD at their head, left that institution, and subsequently, from one step to 
another, gave Oberlin its present form. When Lane Seminary was established, 
it received extensively the sympathy and support of the Eastern States. Dr. 
BEECHER, who at that time, more extensively than any other man, perhaps, 
enjoyed the confidence of persons of his religious denomination, in the free 
states, was called to preside over it. Application had been made in the free 
states for funds, and altogether it was considered as an effort on the part of 
the free Eastern States, to aid the friends of religion in the Western States, in 
planting a seminary that should be the great institution for the West. When 
the event to which I have referred took place in the Lane Seminary, it was 
felt important by those who had the control of similar institutions in the 
Eastern States, to lend their sympathy and support to the government in the 
Lane Seminary. Whether there was any consultation, particularly, in reference 
to the matter, I will not undertake to say ; but, in point of fact, immediately 
upon that event, an anti-slavery society that had been formed at Amherst 
College, by direction of the faculty and government, was disbanded. In the 
institution at Andover, although the anti-slavery society existing there was 
not disbanded by authority, yet it was disbanded through the influence and 
advice of those in authority. I may state in respect to Andover, that there 
were two societies, or rather committees, the colonization and the anti-slavery. 
In order to adjust the matter amicably, the students were advised to disband 
both committees ; and, concurring with the advice, both were disbanded. I 
advert to these facts, to call attention to the sentiment and position of the 
literary institutions, at the outset of the anti-slavery movement. I now pro- 
pose to show the progress of sentiment in these institutions ; and I have docu- 


ments before me, which cannot now be read, that will verify every statement 
I shall make. Beginning with Maine ; it has four institutions of a collegiate 
character; one of these is Bowdoin college, at Brunswick ; and on the testi- 
mony of Professor SMYTH who has been a devoted abolitionist from the 
beginning of the enterprise, and who took me by the hand, and stood by my 
side, as he did also GEORGE THOMPSON, when he visited Maine, to form the 
first anti-slavery society there that institution is perfectly open to free people 
of colour, on the same terms as others ; and he gives it as his opinion, that 
persons of colour going there would receive the same treatment from the 
students generally, as those of a white complexion. The next is Bangor 
theological institution. I have a letter from Professor SHEPARD, who is also 
an abolitionist of the same stamp as Professor SMYTH, and who espoused the 
cause about the same time, stating that the institution is open to coloured 
persons. They have never had an application from a person of colour for 
admission ; but if they were, he is sure that it would be granted. In 1834, 
I was myself at Waterville college, a Baptist institution. I lectured there on 
the subject of slavery, and Mr. NEWTON, then professor, took me by the hand ; 
and also to his house. I have no doubt, that at that time, a person of colour 
would have been admitted on the same terms as others. How it is now, I 
cannot say, but I have no reason to suppose it is otherwise. Besides 
these, there is a Methodist institution at Readheld. In 1835, I delivered there 
a series of lectures ; and subsequently to that, the Rev. Mr. THURSTON, the 
father of the cause in Maine, has done the same. That is open to free persons 
of colour, on the same terms as others : making the whole of the institutions 
in that state. 

We pass next to New Hampshire. The American Almanack gives two insti- 
tutions there, but there are really more than that number. One is Dartmouth 
college, at Hanover, that is open, and they have had coloured persons there. 
Another is Gilmanton theological institution ; and I have a letter from its 
president, with liberty to give it to the public, saying, that they never have 
had an application to receive a person of colour, but if such application were 
made, he would be received. As to the privilege of discussing the subject of 
slavery, and taking such action as they please, the students have that in their 
own discretion. There is. also a Baptist institution at New Hampton, which is 
both academical and theological. That is open to free persons of colour, and 
the government is in the hands of persons who are thorough-going abolitionists. 

Vermont has three collegiate institutions, and one seminary of the higher 
class. The fact, that the university at Burlington is open to persons of colour, 
was stated in the Convention of 1840, when one of the Professors was present. 
Besides this, there are the Middlebury college and the Norwich university, and 
also the Newbury seminary a Methodist institution, in which there is freedom 
of discussion and action ; but I cannot speak of the reception of persons of 

With regard to Massachusetts. I have a letter from Williams' college, in 
which it is said, that they have had persons of every complexion, and are 
ready to receive more. There is next Harvard university, at Cambridge, 
where there is entire freedom of discussion and action, but where I do not 
suppose coloured persons would be received on equal terms with others. In 
Amherst, the restrictions to which I have referred are rescinded ; the students 
are now allowed to speak, and think, and act on the subject of slavery, as 
they may judge best. A short time since, the institution was embarrassed, 
and they selected an individual to act as agent in the collection of funds. In 
conversation with Dr. OSGOOD, of Springfield, he being an abolitionist pro- 
posed to aid it, provided it could be thrown open to free persons of colour. 


The agent was not prepared to give a pledge that it should be so ; but a few 
months subsequently, they did receive a free person of colour as one of their 
students, and received him upon the same terms as others. He remained there 
a short time, and then for some cause, I know not what, left the institution. 
I do not set it down as an institution that receives them upon the same terms 
as others ; but freedom of discussion is tolerated. There are also in Massa- 
chusetts, an academy at Bridgewater; and a Normal school, connected with 
the general system of education, prevailing in the state, at Lexington, the 
superintendent of which is the Rev. SAMUEL MAY, who is extensively known 
as one of the earliest and most devoted abolitionists, sympathising in his 
religious opinions with Dr. CHANNING, and treading in his footsteps, or 
outstripping him in devotion to the anti-slavery cause. Within the year 
he has been called to take the chair of that institution, the object of 
which is, to train teachers for the public schools of the state, and which 
are under the patronage, so far as they can have it, of the state; 
he consented to take the chair of the school on this condition, and this 
alone, that coloured young men might be received on the same terms as others. 
With respect to the institution at Andover, I may say that the hindrances given 
at the early stage of the anti-slavery cause, are not given now, and that the 
students, instead of being restricted in the way of advice even, are left in the 
exercise of their own good sense, to discuss the subject of slavery, and act 
upon it as they please. In confirmation of this I may state, that within a year 
or two, a slave-holder educated there the Rev. C. C. JONES, of Georgia, for 
some time employed as a missionary among the slaves, a part of which he 
owned, came to Andover. When there as a student he had been respected, 
and was now invited to preach ; he did so ; and the anti-slavery students held a 
meeting ; passed resolutions remonstrating against it ; sent them to the faculty, 
to Mr. JONES, and to the public press : and I do not know that attempts were 
made to discipline or censure them for these proceedings. I have, further, a 
letter from Dr. EDWARDS, the late president, who is now devoting himself to 
the Sabbath cause in the United States, in which he remarks that he knows 
of no obstacle to the introduction of coloured youth to the seminary or the 
other schools, under the same board of management, on the same terms with 
others. I know that in the academies there are two free persons of colour 
receiving their education now, and who are treated in every respect like others. 
I may also state that a coloured man of the name of CRUMMEL, who was 
refuse'd admission to a theological school at New York, went to Andover and 
applied for admission there ; I have a letter from him in which he states that 
the Professors at Andover told him that he might enter the institution on the 
same terms as others one of those terms being an avowed intention to pursue 
a three years' study. It was his desire to pursue a shorter course, and there- 
fore he did not enter. The application, however, put the institution to the 
test, and CRUMMEL w r ould have been received if he had been disposed to follow 
the ordinary course. 

In Connecticut, there is a theological institution at East Windsor, in which 
there is an anti- slavery society, and entire freedom of inquiry and action; but 
with respect to receiving free persons of colour, I cannot speak. At Yale 
college, there is free discussion, but a person of colour would not be received 
to the academical department. How it is in Washington (Episcopal) college, 
I cannot say. 

Oneida institute, in the state of New York, is more or less familiar to you. 
In 1840, when the previous Convention was in session, the Rev. BERIAH 
GREEN, its president, wrote me that they then had, including those of Indian 
blood, twenty coloured students, and they have several of the same colour now. 


Iii Lane seminary, Ohio, there is perfect freedom of discussion. With Oberliu 
institution you are acquainted. At Ripley college, and Central college, Ohio, 
coloured students are admitted. At Knox manual labour college, Galesbury, 
Illinois, and at the Mission institute at Quincy, in the same state, there is free- 
dom of discussion, and the equal admission of persons of every colour. At 
Clinton seminary, and Sheldon high school, New York, and at Marshal col- 
lege, in Michigan, coloured and white students are admitted in the same way. 
Besides these, the Free-will Baptists who have taken high ground on the 
subject of prejudice and slavery, going the length of non-fellowship, and who, 
on their principles being tested, have refused to receive a slave-holder, and 
who number now 1000 ministers, 1050 churches have five institutions 
of a higher character generally than academies, approaching to that of colleges, 
in all which, I have no doubt, coloured students would be admitted on the 
same terms as others- As I have run over the list, there are twenty-three 
institutions where I am quite sure that persons of colour would be received on 
equal terms with others. In some of these institutions, though they would be 
received on the same terms by the governors, and be protected, yet I have no 
doubt that they would have to sustain the jeers, more or less, of some of the 
students ; in many of them, however, they would meet with perfect cordiality 
from the latter. I deem it but just to the Catholics to add, though as a 
descendant of the Puritans, I have no fellowship with them in their religious 
views, that there are ten Catholic colleges in operation, and six or seven others 
being formed, in whose establishments initiatory steps have been taken ; and 
there are a large number of institutions of a secondary grade, where, I suppose, 
the same principle would obtain as in their churches viz., the admission of 
persons of colour on the same conditions as whites. I may state in reference 
to this, that in the year 1834, when I first entered the field as an anti-slavery 
agent, my first business, on leaving the church of which I was pastor in Boston, 
was to visit Washington. Among other places I was curious to enter the 
Catholic church, and there, for the first time, though I have since witnessed 
such things elsewhere, I saw white persons and coloured seated promiscuously ; 
and I am told that that is the case throughout the United States. Though I 
am not in fellowship with the Catholics, as an individual, yet as an anti-slavery 
man, and a friend of the slave, I deem it but just to state that in that respect 
American Catholics put American Protestants to the blush. 

With respect to the progress of the cause in churches and religious bodies, 
I may state, that I have partly prepared a document on that subject, but I fear 
I should occupy too much of your time, were I to undertake to give you an 
idea of its contents. Those who have read the proceedings of the former Con- 
vention, particularly the document prepared by Mr. BIRNEY, are aware that 
in concluding the review which he presented of the pro-slavery action, he said, 
" The foregoing presents but one idea of the anti-slavery cause in the several 
churches, whose proceedings have been considered ; in them all there are 
abolitionists earnestly labouring to purify them from the defilements of slavery, 
and they have strong encouragement to proceed, not only in view of what they 
have already effected toward that end, but in the steady increase of their num- 
bers, and in other omens of success." 

Without calling in question any of the statements made by Mr. BIRNEY, it 
is the design of this document to exhibit the anti- slavery side of the question. 
This document is not prepared for the purpose of showing that we consider 
the work by any means as done, but to prove that we have made such pro- 
gress as inspires us with the hope and belief that it will be so by and by. 
This document will show the way in which the cause has moved on step by 
step ; and being myself a Congregationalist, and most familiar with the move- 


ments in that denomination, I have commenced with it as a specimen. In 
the principal bodies of that denomination, as well as in the subordinate, there 
has been repeated action. As an illustration, for I must omit much, I will 
take the action in Massachusetts. The General Association of Massachusetts, 
is made up of delegations from the local associations. This body has acted 
upon the subject repeatedly; they did so in 1836, and then in the following 
years I may state, however, that in the action of 1835, then of 1836, and 
then of 1838 there being none in 1837 although there were some very 
good anti- slavery resolutions passed connected with those, were certain other 
resolutions, which went directly to neutralize them, and to leave the influence 
of the body as a whole, if not on the side of slavery, at least in the position 
of opposition to the anti-slavery movement. The year before last, the sub- 
ject came up anew, and a motion was made to appoint a committee to 
correspond with religious bodies in the Southern states; it was resisted by 
those who stood in opposition to the anti-slavery movement. I ought, how- 
ever, to say here, in the way of explanation, that we have certain large 
cities, that these cities are the points of most immediate contact, commercially, 
politically, and religiously with the slave states ; that in the cities, there- 
fore, in addition to the metropolitan influences of one kind or other, 
which will exist wherever there are such cities, that metropolitan 
influence is, to a very great extent, with us, pro-slavery the pro-slavery 
influence of the free states being, to a very great extent, concentrated and 
strongest there. Connected with this, should be taken into account the fact, 
that as a very general thing, persons most distinguished for talent and influence 
in the various religious societies, live in the cities ; so that, when they come 
into religious bodies, though they may, as in Massachusetts now, be a minority 
in number, yet they are often the majority in influence, so that the action of 
the general body may be in opposition to the anti-slavery movement, when 
numerically, the majority of churches in the country, or the state as a whole, 
would be on the other side of the question. In the meeting of the General 
Association of Massachusetts, the year before last, as I was saying, a motion 
was made for a committee to correspond with religious bodies at the South. 
It was resisted by what I may term, the metropolitan and pro-slavery in- 
fluence, but there had been such a gain to the abolition strength in the body, 
that the measure was carried ; those who resisted it declined acting on the 
committee, and the result was the appointment of thorough-going abolitionists. 
They entered on that correspondence, and at the last meeting of the Associa- 
tion, they reported " in part," saying, that they had transmitted some thirty 
letters to religious bodies at the South, and had received several answers, 
extracts of which were read, and that they expected to receive more. Some 
of them were of an interesting kind, but were not published, because the 
correspondence had not been concluded. A vote of thanks was tendered to 
the committee, expressive of the obligation of the Association for their services, 
and the interesting communications submitted to the meeting. It was intend- 
ed as a gentle way of discharging the committee from further duty, and being 
so understood was resisted by the friends of the slave ; and after an earnest, 
yet kind discussion, the committee was continued, and they are now in 
correspondence with Southern bodies. The movement has gone forward by 
similar steps, in a similiar way, in others of the United States. In some of 
them the movement is further advanced than in Massachusetts, and in others 
it is not so forward. In Connecticut and Vermont, it is believed to be behind 
that of Maine and Massachusetts, while in New Hampshire and some other 
states, it is in advance. The same remarks apply generally to other denomi- 
nations. The movement has progressed in them by similar steps, and against 


similar conflicting influences. In addition, however, to the action of the 
general bodies, there has been a considerable amount of it in the subordinate 
bodies, as for instance, in Maine. The General Conference of Maine has 
eleven conferences, and nine of them have taken anti-slavery action, more or 
less thorough. In Massachusetts the same thing obtains. Indeed, in the latter the 
number of individual churches which have acted on the subject, has of late 
greatly increased. The Massachusetts Abolition Society, which I represent, 
has had for a number of months, a lecturer circulating among the churches, 
with special reference to calling upon ministers, conversing with them, securing 
meetings of the churches, and then addressing them as professing Christians, 
and endeavouring to get them to take right ground, and express their senti- 
ments on the subject. I requested him to give me some information with 
respect to his labours. Although he does not claim to speak with positive 
certainty of all the churches to which he refers, he says, " From the best in- 
formation I can obtain, I have no doubt that more than 200 churches in this 
commonwealth have passed resolutions, expressly declaring their full conviction 
of the sinfulness of slave-holding, and the consequent duty of immediate 
emancipation. A majority of the churches, which have acted on the subject, 
have withdrawn fellowship from all slave-holding ministers and churches." 

I have stated that the movement is proceeding by similar steps in other 
denominations ; allow me to say a word with respect to them, and I shall have 
done. In the Methodist Connexion there is a large amount of abolition senti- 
ment and feeling: nearly all the members of the Conferences in New England, 
and of several in the other free states, are abolitionists. Some time since it was 
hoped, and seemed probable, that the whole body in the free, and some in the 
slave states, would become abolitionists; but the control of affairs in that con- 
nexion, as in others, was in the hands of the metropolitan pro-slavery influ- 
ence ; and in consequence of this, the energies of that government, as in other 
cases, have been brought to bear against the friend of the slave, intimidating 
some, disheartening others, driving others to secession, while others still cling 
to the church of their affection, in the hope of bringing it to the side of 
the slave. The most formidable of these secessions is one that commenced 
in November last in New England, and is headed by a man who has 
been most prominent and active on behalf of the slave the Rev. ORANGE 
SCOTT, who writes, about the 1st of May, as follows : " It is thought there 
will be 200 ministers, and as many churches, united with us by the middle 
of June, the time of ' The World's Convention.' The excitement now 
going on in the Methodist Episcopal Church is tremendous : the whole church, 
with her 100,000,000 of members, is agitated, and that on account of secessions 
because of slavery. What the result will be it is impossible to tell ; but that 
secession is the most powerful anti- slavery measure to which we have ever 
resorted, I have no manner of doubt. If anything will biing the church to her 
duty, this will. If she does not do her duty soon, she will lose her Northern 
members ; and when slavery no longer has the support of Christians in the 
North, it must die." Among the Baptists I regret we have no Baptist friend 
from our country to make a statement in regard to his own denomination the 
influence of the General Convention, the body representing the denomination 
as a whole, was at its last meeting, as at former meetings, on the side of 
slavery, or, at all events, against the anti-slavery movement. At the same 
time, the abolition strength in the body was greatly increased, and the progress 
of the cause in the churches, and in the district and state associations, subse- 
quently has been most rapid and encouraging never more so. Among the 
Presbyterians, the General Assembly and metropolitan influences are still in 
support of slavery ; while in the country at large, in the free states, the cause 


lias made, and is making, the most decided progress ; large numbers of presby- 
teries and synods having taken the high ground of non-fellowship with slave- 
holders; and the number of such bodies is constantly increasing. The deno- 
mination is represented here by other delegates, and will speak for herself. The 
Friends admit no slave-holders to society ; very generally issue yearly epistles 
condemnatory of slavery, and in favour of emancipation : they do, however, 
but too generally discourage their members from associating with others in the 
anti-slavery movement. The Reformed Presbyterians withhold fellowship ; the 
Free-will Baptists do the same. The resolutions adopted from time to time by 
the General Conference of this denomination, and followed by similar resolu- 
tions of quarterly and yearly meetings, are of the most thorough and decisive 
character. In October, 1839, the General Conference adopted ten resolutions 
on the subject, of which the following are a part: 

" 1. Resolved, That nothing can be more evident to the unsophisticated 
mind, than that slavery, under any circumstances, is contrary to the self- 
evident truth, ' that all men have certain inalienable rights.' 

" 2. Resolved, That it is equally evident that slavery is contrary to the law 
of Moses, to the Gospel of Christ, and to every moral obligation. 

" 3. Resolved, That in view of these undeniable facts, that man who will 
not examine the subject impartially, or who examines it, and still advocates the 
continuance of slavery, is not worthy of being esteemed a disciple of Christ ; 
and, after due but unsuccessful admonition, ought not to be fellowshipped as a 

" 4. Resolved, That this Conference, believing the anti-slavery cause to be 
the cause of God, recommend to every Christian, and every Christian minister, 
to use all proper means to promote its interests." 

At the same meeting of the Conference, a council of ten was appointed to 
consider and report on the application to unite with the body of a Dr. HOUSLEY, 
from Kentucky, who had left the Calvinistic Baptist church in that state for 
the purpose; and it was stated that there were a large number of Baptists in 
Kentucky and the Southern country who agreed with him in sentiment, and 
would eventually unite with the body, if he were received. The council 
learned, on examination, that Dr. HOUSLEY was a slave-holder, that his slaves 
consisted of a mother and three small children, and that he would not emanci- 
pate them; and they decided, that, " as he claimed property in human beings, 
they could not ordain him as a minister, nor hold fellowship with him as a 
Christian;" and he was so informed. And the Conference voted, "that the 
decision of the council is highly satisfactory." In December, 1840, the Execu- 
tive Committee of the Foreign Missionary Society of the denomination voted 
and published to the world, that they would not receive into their treasury " any 
donation or bequest known to be the price of the souls of men ; nor any donation 
or bequest from any unrepentant slave-holder, or trafficker in the souls and bodies 
of mankind." In October, 1841, the General Conference repeated its tes- 
timony in still stronger terms, adding to its former injunctions the duty of 
never prostituting 'the right of suffrage in favour of any man as a law-maker, 
either in church or state, who there is reason to believe will deprive the slave 
of his rights. And this denomination, thus thoroughly abolitionized, now 
numbers 20 yearly meetings, 95 quarterly meetings, 1,000 ministers, 1,057 
churches, and over 50,000 members. My impression is, (and I shall be able 
to ascertain whether it is true or not on completing a table I have commenced,) 
that there are in the several religious connexions as many as 6,000 churches 
that have taken the ground of non-fellowship with slave-holders. These 
statements are made as an indication of our progress, as encouragements 
for the future ; not as indications or avowals that we have carried the 


cause over the whole field, or even in many of its principal strongholds. 
I will only add in this connexion, and in reply to a question which might he 
asked How may British abolitionism urge on these movements ? I say, by 
reiterating the testimony of the former Convention ; by letting the body that 
represents the world's humanity testify to the world's humanity, as it did on 
the former occasion. I will say, also, that British abolitionism can effectually 
aid the movement thus begun, if the various religious connexions in this 
country will continue their remonstrances, by letter and by delegation ; and 
especially, if in sending delegations, they will send us men who, while they do 
not neglect to obtain all the information that they can from those who stand in 
opposition to the anti-slavery movement, will also make it a point on landing 
in New York or Boston to ascertain, as one of their first inquiries, the location 
of the Anti-Slavery office ; and among their last visits, and their last farewell, 
come to that office, and bid us God-speed. With respect to the subject of 
prejudice against colour, as that is connected with the admission to literary 
institutions, let me say, my heart has been cheered, though I cannot enter into 
it as Brother PENNINGTON can, by the reception he has received on coming to 
this country. I find, however, that Englishmen at home and abroad, though 
they claim to know, and have a very accurate understanding of most things, 
find it difficult to understand American prejudice. I do not know that I can 
explain it so that you will comprehend it ; but, in a word, I will attempt it. 
Let me say, it is not prejudice against colour. Americans are as fond of 
black-coats, black-hats, and blac^-horses as Englishmen. It is not prejudice 
against colour. On the very railroads, where the coloured man is excluded 
from certain cars, and allowed only to go in certain others, in those other cars 
the whites and the blacks are intermixed. In the very cars, too, where the 
free-man of colour is not allowed to enter, the slave-holder can bring his slave. 
Or, if travelling in the free states, and leaving his slave at home, lest he should 
not return with him, he takes a free-man of colour as gentleman's servant, he 
can enter those cars with his master, and sit side by side with him. What 
then is this prejudice against colour ? It is a prejudice against condition, and 
against colour as the badge of condition. The slave class is the despised class ; 
and although, in the regions where slavery obtains, the slave-master will ride 
in the coach with his slave, and mingle with him on terms of the most 
perfect familiarity, and even taunt us in the free states with having prejudice 
against colour to which he is a stranger ; yet let that slave whom he would 
fondle as he does a dog or a horse, stand up erect as a man, and get up out of 
his condition, and, see, then the heart of the slave-holder see, then, if there be 
no prejudice against colour see, then, if the language of the position that 
the slave-holder assumes, be not that of the most relentless hatred submission 
or death. Just in proportion, therefore, as the spirit ;of slavery pervades the 
free states, you have hatred of colour ; and that hatred is the same feeling in 
the heart of a free man in the free states, as that which obtains in the heart of 
a slave-holder in the slave states. It is prejudice against colour, only as colour 
is the badge of degraded and despised condition. If, then, our English friends 
know what pride of caste, or prejudice and contempt of low condition are, I 
hope they will understand what American prejudice against colour is It is 
only hatred of low condition. And so understanding it, I hope they will bear 
a consistent and faithful testimony against it, whether they meet it in the 
Hindooism of caste in India, or America, or Jiere, or anywhere else. 
Wherever they find it, I trust it will receive from them equal censure. 

Mr. J. STURGE. I have been requested to introduce to this Convention, 
LEWIS TAPPAN ; though his name is well known to all abolitionists. In the 
early stage of the warfare, I believe that the large mercantile house of ARTHUR 


and LEWIS TAPPAN, with which he was then connected, was the only firm in 
New York, of that standing, that took a bold course on the abolition question. 
I think that I am also correct in stating, that a reward of 50,000 dollars was 
offered in a New Orleans paper, to any one who would deliver up ARTHUR 
TAPPAN ; but it was not stated who was to pay the money. Among the various 
anonymous letters which LEWIS TAPPAN has received, one contained the ear of 
a negro. 

Mr. LEWIS TAPPAN. I wish to add one item with reference to the 
academy in New Hampshire, where coloured persons are received with perfect 
freedom. Mr. KELLOGG has in his possession interesting facts on this subject. 
He was one of the first conductors of a literary institution, which received 
coloured youth on the same terms as white young ladies and gentlemen. A 
coloured gentleman, a member of Dr. Cox's church, in Brooklyn, has gone 
to an academy in New Jersey. He relates an amusing circumstance, which 
occurred when he first went to church there. They had never seen a coloured 
gentleman, and when he entered, the minister stopped, and the attention of 
the whole congregation was arrested by the extraordinary phenomenon. He is 
received with great kindness, and is treated the same as other members of the 
academy. I blush when I speak of the prejudice against coloured persons, 
which pervades, with few exceptions, all the churches of the United States. 
Were I to take Mr. PENNINGTON with me into them, I should throw the whole 
congregation into a state of terror at such an innovation. I do believe that 
reverend gentlemen would take more independent ground than they do, were 
it not for some circumstances connected with the relations of ecclesiastical 
polity. There is a gentleman now in England, an elder of a church, who was 
once president of an anti-slavery society, and was the man, when GEORGE 
THOMPSON visited us, to take him by the hand, and provide a place in which he 
could deliver an address ; but he is no longer a member of that society, on 
account of political considerations. I know many ministers in the United 
States, who are abolitionists in the abstract and in heart, but have not the 
moral courage to act out their sentiments in opposition to the leading influences 
of their congregations. 

Mr. FULLER. I should be glad, if I could endorse all that AMOS A. PHELPS 
has uttered to-day. I cannot subscribe to the doctrine that the colleges in 
America are open to the coloured man ; he may get within the doors, but as 
a coloured brother said yesterday, (Mr. PENNINGTON) he " is a nigger still ;" 
and will be treated as such. I cannot assent to the statements made regarding 
the purity of the American churches. I do not want to speak very harshly 
of them, but in few words I should describe them as a cage of unclean birds. 
Let a man go into the General Assembly of the Presbyterian church, and the 
first thing that catches his eye is the moderator of the old school, who is a 

Mr. TAPPAN. The moderator of neither General Assembly is a slave- 
holder. I have heard the statement of Mr. PHELPS, and I have the utmost 
confidence in his veracity, and in the correctness of his general statement. 

Mr. FULLER. I hold in my hand the National Anti-Slavery Standard, 
which has in it a letter from JONATHAN BLANCHARD, giving an account of a 
minister going down to the old school of the Presbyterian Establishment, the 
object of which is, to tell them that he has a slave accompanying him to take 
care of his daughter, and this is not only a slave woman, but one who has been 
deprived of husband after husband. JONATHAN BLANCHARD asks the question, 
whether such a man should be received. He goes and he is received ; and I 
say that every man who goes into that Assembly, and takes that man by the 
hand, and calls him a brother and a minister in Christ, is no anti-slavery man. 


Rev. J. BLANCHARD. That is true. 

Mr. FULLER. If they do not give the right hand of fellowship to the 
slave-holder, I ask if they do not give it to those who do give it to him ? I 
want the truth to be received. I believe that the truth is told in J. G. BJRNEY'S 
work. 1 believe that the church is the bulwark of slavery. I have seen a 
slave-holder in the chair of a presbytery. With regard to the Baptist church, 
who is its moderator? Is he a slave-holder? What is the spirit that presides 
over the Methodist Conference? Is it anti-slavery, or pro-slavery? They 
number 3,500,000 persons in America ; and what has that Conference done ? 
I suppose that most of us know what is the door of entrance into the Methodist 
church. It is simply a desire to flee from the wrath to come; and no better 
qualification can any man submit who applies for admission. A coloured man 
comes up and says that he desires to flee from the wrath to come, and they per- 
haps admit him. The individual goes on in some degree, according to the 
good old doctrine of JOHN WESLEY, to attain to Christian perfection, and by 
and by the wife is ravished by a white man. If this occurs in a slave state, the 
church says that that man shall not give evidence. Tell me that our churches 
are approximating to a state of purity ! You may as well attempt to convince 
me that the moon is made of green cheese. The persons who will give the 
right hand of fellowship to people who make these laws, ought not to be held 
up as patterns of purity. The question of slavery has just come up before 
the old school General Assembly in the city of Philadelphia, and they have 
given it the go-by. Of all the men that AMOS A. PHELPS has noticed there is but 
one that I can endorse for his abolition character, and that is SAMUEL J. MAY. 
I do not mean to say that others are not abolitionists ; but I do not know them 
to be such. I think that the very remark of LEWIS TAPPAN shows the state of 
public feeling throughout the country : for what he has said of New York is 
true of other places. Take a coloured man to a meeting-house, or what is 
called a church, and see what a commotion would be produced, not only in New 
York, but almost all through the country. Every man that goes to the General 
Assembly as a minister or elder, or to the General Conference, and mingles 
with those men who recognise the man-thief, the child-seller, and the woman- 
whipper, as a brother in Christ, has ratted on the question of slavery, and so 
has every man in New York, or any other state that can indirectly sanction 
those men when they come there. They may not admit them to their pulpits, 
but they will go and hold fellowship and communion with them indirectly. 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. I rejoice that this discussion has come up. I 
remember a remark which fell from one of the most eloquent men a man in 
whom whole generations of Irish orators seem condensed DANIEL O'CONNELL ; 
it was to this effect, that John Bull was remarkable for his good sense. It is 
one characteristic of good sense to turn a thing over eleven times in order to 
see exactly what it is before judging of it. I have not risen to speak at length, 
but to state a few facts. In the first place, the facts which are presented by 
the gentleman who has last addressed us, are part of them true, very true, and 
part of them perhaps need a little shoring up. I wish to put myself right, 
though it is a matter of small importance, before this Convention. The rea- 
son why I rose yesterday was for the purpose of protecting this Convention's 
influence in my own country, and securing the highest possible effect to your 
deliberations. If it happens that one single mis-statp^ent crosses the Alleghany 
mountains, and I meet it in Cincinnati, though ten^inousarid incontrovertible 
facts be stated, that one single mis-statement will so fill the eyes of the people 
whom I have to look in the face, that they will not be able to see the truth 
in respect to our sins. The paper referred to by Mr. FULLER does contain a 
letter over my own name for I generally sign my name to whatever I write. 
On my way from Cincinnati, up the Ohio river, I travelled with several gentle- 


men belonging to the two branches of the General Assembly of the Presby- 
terian church. The gentleman in question, who had a slave with him, was 
from Livingston, Sumpter county, Alabama. Finding that he had a slave, 
and that he was the holder of others, I began in the fear of God to rebuke him 
for what I considered his sin. I told him that the woman he had with him 
was not only free by the law of God, as she always had been, but that she was 
free by a decision of the supreme court of Ohio : for the legislation and legal 
decisions of the free states begin to flow in the anti-slavery channel. I told 
him that the supreme court had decided that when a slave came into the 
state of Ohio, that moment he was free, and that he could not take that woman 
back unless as a kidnapper. He was surprised and confounded, but his 
avarice was aroused, and also his fears, and he went to the forecastle to speak 
to the Southerners to aid him if we should attempt to take his slave. 

Mr. SCOBLE. Was he a minister? 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. He was a Presbyterian. 

Mr. SCOBLE. What was his name? 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. SMITH. He was educated in the free states, 
though he had now from fifteen to twenty slaves. I then said, " If the Saviour 
of mankind were on this ship's boards, what advice would he give to that 
woman?" Would he advise her to go back to the state of Alabama?" 
This gentleman had just informed me that she had had two or three 
husbands he was not certain whether she had one now or not, but he 
believed she had one whom she called husband. I reminded him of the words 
of PAUL, " If thou mayest be made free, use it rather ;" and added, " If Christ 
would not advise her to return and you know that he would not dare you 
call yourself a minister of Christ and yet retain her in bondage ?" He replied 
that he was doing the best thing he could, according to his conscience, to take 
her back to slavery. I was incautious enough to remark, " You will never get 
that woman back." He was about to take her to the residence of his father, on 
the Ohio side of the river ; but he immediately landed on the Virginia instead 
of the Ohio side, in order to keep his slave. Disappointed, grieved, and afflicted, 
I saw him leave the boat. I immediately wrote the letter which Mr. FULLER 
has quoted ; and when I arrived at Philadelphia, I requested the publisher of 
the paper to furnish 200 copies for the use of the Assembly, that they might 
know that they had a kidnapper among them. I wish this Convention to 
know that there is a class of facts, adverted to by friend FULLER, true and 
odious beyond description, particularly with respect to the Wesleyans. Though 
I do not like to speak of the sins of other denominations as well as I do those 
of my own, yet I must confess that of all the acts I ever read of, perpetrated 
by any body of men under heaven, Christian or barbarian, one act of the Ge- 
neral Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church exceeds them in enormity. 
It has been resolved, " that it is inexpedient and unjustifiable to receive the 
testimony of coloured Methodist members, in cases where white men are 
concerned, in those states where such testimony is excluded by civil law." The 
Convention will see at once that it is nothing less than making the persecution 
of the coloured man by the state an excuse and pretext for persecuting him by 
the church. An act of that kind lays weakness and helplessness naked at the 
feet of power, and strips innocence of the last privilege of complaint. It is a 
repeal of the law which GVist himself has given us in Matt, xviii. 17, directing 
the individual who is aggEiUled to " tell it to the church." I might go on 
multiplying these statements indefinitely, and they would be all true ; but I 
thank God that there are a great many truths existing in America of a dissimi- 
lar character. It is generally admitted that the Presbyterian church in the 
United States was split by the slavery question. Of forty-one presbyteries 
located in the slave states, who sent commissioners to the General Assembly in 


1837, only three sent commissioners to the New School Assembly in 1840. 
That shows the relative position. In that branch to which I belong, West of 
the Alleghanies, there are six synods, including one hundred and thirty presby- 
teries, each of which contains from twelve to twenty clergymen, and the number 
of members is large. The whole of these presbyteries exclude slave-holders 
from the communion. The synod of Cincinnati, in the year 1835, only three 
years after the first Abolition Society was formed at Boston, and of which AR- 
NOLD BUFFAM was president, and which was then the united synod, refused a 
Mr. HARRISON the privilege of preaching in one of the churches, because he 
was a slave-holder. He went away grieved, and wrote a long complaint. I will 
not go over the intervening period. We have the fragments of slavery amongst 
us. We are like the man who had broken off the fetters; but here and there 
you may find a place marked by them. In our presbytery, which met a few 
days before I left Cincinnati, two applications were made, one by a minister of 
Florida, a clergyman of high standing, and another from a licentiate, in the 
state of Missouri. These gentlemen applied for dismissal from our presbytery, 
and a recommendation to slave-holding presbyteries. The letters were refused 
in both cases. Not only have we refused to receive slave-holders as ministers 
and members, but we will not go so far in recognizing slave-holding presby- 
teries and synods in the South as to grant a man letters who wishes to go and 
join them. Such is our law and practice on the slavery question. 

Mr. FULLER. Although the two hundred papers were put in circulation, 
containing this letter, did not the General Assembly recognize that man as a 
minister of Christ? 

Rev. J. BLANC HARD. That was the Old School Assembly. He was 
allowed to take his seat; he seconded the motion to postpone indefinitely the 
consideration of a memorial on the subject of slavery. 

Mr. FULLER. Allowing for all the exceptions made, did not the New 
School adjourn, three years ago, for the special purpose of giving the go-by to 
the slavery question ? and did not the Assembly call on the presbyteries to 
rescind their resolution, keeping slave-holders out of their pulpits? 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. In answer to the first question, I say, No, they 
did not adjourn. They sat too long; they sat till our Western delegates had 
all gone home. The abolitionists do not happen to live in the metropolis. 
Certain of your own poets have said, " God made the country ; man made the 
town." After the abolition delegates had gone away, under the influence of 
Dr. HILL, who got up and wept and cried to excite pity and good feeling, they 
got a vote passed to request those presbyteries which had cast out slave-holders 
from fellowship to rescind the resolution. They frightened many members by 
saying that they had acted disorderly ; and they made them believe that the 
acts excluding slave-holders were acts in the nature of exscinding acts, by 
which the church was rent. But the abolition presbyteries let the General 
Assembly know that they might as well have advised them to vote that 
asses were horses ; and they sent a scriptural rebuke to the Assembly. Let 
any man read the paper prepared by the Rev. JOHN RAN KIN, of Rankin, and 
he will see that the presbyteries spoke of the act of the Assembly as " their 
disgi-aceful act." 

Rev. A. A. PHELPS. If Mr. FULLER will not take my statements, he will, 
I suppose, those of his friend WM. LLOYD GARRISON ; but as it would be a 
violation of the rule were I now to read them, I will only say they are here, 
and Mr. FULLER can consult them at his leisure. I do not pretend that generally 
we have carried the great bodies, though we have done so in some cases : we 
have, however, carried extensively the subordinate bodies, and so extensively 
as to give us promise of ultimate success. For all my statements concerning 


the action of religious bodies, and the progress of the cause in literary 
institutions, I have the documents; and if Mr. FULLER would examine them, 
I know he would credit some of them. Others are the statements of officers in 
those institutions that have not yet been put to the test, but which, now that 
the statement has been made, are committed to the public ; and if he will put 
them to the test, I will engage that they will stand the trial. 

Mr. BUFFUM. I doubt the propriety of my attempting to address the 
meeting at this juncture. I have come, it is true, nearly one thousand miles 
by land, and then crossed the ocean for the purpose of attending the General 
Anti-Slavery Convention in London. I have been an abolitionist for nearly 
sixty years, and my father v/as a member of an abolition society before I was 
born. I had the pleasure and the honour of addressing several anti-slavery 
meetings in this country, in 1826 ; and on my return home I found my country 
dead on the subject of abolition. There was scarcely a tongue or a pen in the 
whole land that was heard in this cause. Eleven years ago 1 was in a little 
dark negro school-room in Boston, United States, with eleven others, where we 
organised the New England Anti-Slavery Society. Now I am in the world's 
Anti-Slavery Convention. I have rejoiced in a great many things, that I have 
beard stated here, and I have wished in my heart that they could reach the 
ears and the consciences of my countrymen ; and especially of the grent 
body of Christian professors in the United States of America. Whilst I know 
that the anti-slavery cause is moving onward in that country ; whilst I know 
that it is making progress in nearly I apprehend quite all the various sections 
of the Christian church in that land ; yet I do know that a very considerable 
portion of the Christian church there, must still be regarded as it is set forth 
in the work published by J. G. BIRNEY, when he was here three years ago, as 
to the churches being the bulwark of American slavery. Painful, indeed, it is 
to me to unbosom the feelings of my mind in this assembly, and especially 
as I shall feel it obligatory upon me to say something in regard to that branch 
of the Christian church in which I was born, in which I have lived, and which 
I deai-ly love. I will for a few moments call your attention to that unholy 
prejudice which is trampling the free coloured man under foot in our country. 
I regard that prejudice, as was very justly said by a member of Parliament, 
(Sir G. STRICKLAND) who addressed us yesterday, as the natural offspring, and the 
legitimate fruit of the institution of slavery in our country. It is not because 
the man has a black face ; it is not because his hair is of a different appearance 
from ours ; or from any other physical cause whatever : but it is because as a 
people we have trodden the African race under foot, because we have treated 
them as brutes, and in many respects even worse. We know that we have 
injured them, that we have sinned against them, and therefore we hate them. 
Let us go for a moment to the city of WILLIAM PENN, the city of brotherly 
love, the city where Quaker influence is perhaps stronger than in any other 
part of the United States of America. I may premise that the Quakers were 
the first people that ever moved in the cause of abolition. We may go back to 
the year 1702, when members of the Society of Friends, as well as of all other 
religious bodies, in America, on the arrival of a slave ship, went down with 
bags of silver and gold, counted down their money for portions of the cargo, 
and encouraged the captain to send his vessel on the wings of the wind to 
Africa for another cargo of human beings for the supply of the market. But 
even so early as the year 1702, we have the evidence on record, and I have read 
it, that from a feeling of humanity the visitors asked the judgment of the 
monthly meeting, at Newport, Rhode Island, whether it was right for Friends 
to brand their negro slaves with a hot iron on the cheek, and after mature con- 
sideration, the meeting was united in the conclusion that such practice was 


inconsistent with our Christian profession. But in Philadelphia, at an early 
period, some individual members of the Society of Friends began to testify 
against slavery as ati abomination that ought not to exist, because they saw 
the evil fruits of that all-corrupting and all-blasting system. After some years 
of arduous toil and persevering labours of LAY, WOOLMAN, and BENEZETT, with 
others who became converts to their doctrine, the yearly meeting of Friends in 
Philadelphia, seventy years ago, made it a rule of discipline that none of their 
members should hold a slave ; and there, too, the Friends have, from that day 
to the present, stood forth as the friends of the coloured people. But yet, 
sorrowful to tell, slavery existing in that land has still sent forth its blighting 
influence, even among the members of the Society of Friends, not excepting 
those in the city of Philadelphia. I probably should not have alluded to this 
case, if the gentleman that addressed us yesterday, in regard to the condition 
and prospects of the free people of colour, had been able to state the case as it 
really is, and had not mis-stated it for want of correct information. The Friends 
in Philadelphia have endeavoured to promote the education of coloured child- 
ren, and to improve the condition of the coloured people there ; but they have 
no more idea of taking them by the hand and treating them as brethren in 
Christ Jesus, than they have of associating with their dumb beasts. There are 
about 20,000 free coloured people in the city and county of Philadelphia. How 
many of them are members of that church that was the first to become their 
friends ? Not one. 

A DELEGATE. How many have applied for membership ? 

Mr. BUFFUM. Several worthy individuals, and have been refused on 
account of their colour. Where are the Protestant churches, of any denomi- 
nation, where coloured and white people come and sit down in the same house 
of worship, and without distinction ? There is no such place there. Among 
all the denominations that have a considerable number of coloured members, 
they have their separate houses of worship as they have their separate burial 
grounds. I have been accustomed for several years to spend a portion of the 
first day of the week among them in their own meetings. I was a member 
of the Society of Friends at that time living in Philadelphia, and when I went 
to the Friends' meeting, I saw a very few respectable, intelligent, and religious 
coloured persons come there who chose to worship with the Friends, and who 
occupied a separate seat. Go to the schools in Philadelphia; there is the negro 
school, and the children of the coloured people must go to that school by them- 
selves. Go even to the poor-house ; go to the asylum for the blind, and there 
the coloured people are by themselves. Look what has been done in that 
city of brotherly love ; see the influence of that unholy prejudice. A few years 
since, when I was living in that city, the friends of liberty raised by subscrip- 
tion a sum of about 60,000 dollars, with which they built Liberty Hall. The 
meeting-houses of that city, except those that belong to the coloured people, 
were all closed against the advocacy of the cause of those that were not per- 
mitted to plead for themselves, and it became necessary, therefore, to build a 
Hall where we could advocate this blessed and holy cause. Pennsylvania 
Hall was erected, and the friends of liberty assembled there. On the second 
evening after the Hall had been completed, and opened, I saw ANGELINA 
E. GRIMKE, the daughter of Judge GRIMKE, of South Carolina, stand- 
ing there, declaring to a congregation of 3,000 people what she had seen 
of the cruelties and abominations of slavery, until, as she said, " I could 
endure it no longer, although I had been brought up a slave-owner; my 
soul mourned within me, and I looked around to see where I could 
go, that I might find congenial minds with my own ; I came to the city 
of brotherly love, thinking that among the followers of PENN I should 


find them. But 1 found them not," was her emphatic declaration ; and when 
she was saying these things, there was a mob of 5,000 people around the 
house ; and stones came in, aimed at her head. The next evening, as 1 was 
passing, that same Hall was again surrounded by a mob of 10,000 people, 
the mob having entire control of the city. The mayor had addressed the 
mob, and told them that he regarded them as his police officers, and he hoped 
they would do right. They gave him three cheers, and he passed off and left 
them. They took me into possession, and talked of doing nothing worse to 
me, than to quarter me and throw me into the river. Soon afterwards, a cry 
of fire resounded, and Pennsylvania Hall, that had been opened but three days, 
was in flames. The people s'tood and looked on ; the firemen came with their 
engines, but not one drop of water was thrown upon the Hall. It was burnt 
down, and its walls stood till within the last few months, a monument of 
infamy and disgrace to the city of Philadelphia. I have stated that there are 
about 20,000 free people of colour in that city ; they have a large number of 
houses of worship. In one of the Methodist meeting-houses, if I mistake 
not, there are 2,300 communicants ; and I believe they are as sober, temperate, 
industrious, frugal, and worthy of as much respect, on the average, as the 
white population. There resided JAMES FORTEN, and I feel it right to mention 
a little circumstance in the history of his life. I believe he has gone to the 
mansions of everlasting glory. JAMES FOKTEN was left an orphan child; 
when he was thirteen years of age, he was put on board an American ship of 
war, in the struggle between that country and this, in the character of a powder 
boy. The vessel was captured, and he went on board Captain BEAZELY'S ship, 
and became the favourite companion of his son. The black boy won the 
marbles of the white boy, who brought his father to look and see how he could 
win them. Finally, he entreated his father to carry the black boy with them 
to England. Captain BEAZELY called him to the cabin, told him that his son 
was attached to him, and that if he would go with him, he would educate him 
as his own child. Here was an orphan boy, with no friends in his own country. 
But what was his answer? " I am an American ; I carne here to fight for 
my country ; and I can make no terms with my country's enemy." Captain 
BEAZELY then said to him, " I shall have to send you on board the Jersey 
prison-ship, and there you will die." " I cannot help it ; I am a prisoner of 
war, and I must submit to my fate." He was sent on board the prison-ship, 
but Captain BEAZELY gave him a letter to the commander, requesting that he 
might be exchanged on the first opportunity. He remained there five months, 
during which several hundred American prisoners died, and were thrown 
into the sea. In the course of this period, an American vessel came to make 
an exchange of British for American officers, and JAMES FORTEN assisted in 
getting the luggage of the latter out of the prison-ship into a boat alongside. 
Among other things, there was a large box partly full of dirty clothes ; the 
box was not locked ; they opened it, and seeing it was not above half full, some 
one said to FORTEN, " Jump into it; we will put you in the boat, and you will 
get home." He looked round and saw a white boy, also a prisoner of war, 
and said to him, "Jump in, and I will help you ;" the white boy got in, was 
put down into the boat, and by that means reached home. At the end of five 
months, FORTEN was exchanged ; he became apprenticed to a sail-maker, and 
when twenty years of age, his master made him foreman ; he continued to 
work as a journeyman until he could buy the establishment, and then became 
the owner of it. He lived to see the day when the Secretary of War for the 
United States declared, that FORTEN'S yard was the only one where he could 
send a frigate, and have her completely rigged, without advancing money. 
He died two years ago, worth probably 100,000 dollars, having brought up 


eight children four sons and four daughters as respectably as any family in 
the United States of America. The man that stood by him, and held his hand 
in his dying moments, was the white boy that he had put into the box. 

Mr. HENRY CLARK WRIGHT. About three years ago the state 
of Pennsylvania altered its constitution, which had previously allowed to 
JAMES FORTEN the right of suffrage, and cut him off from that privilege 
after he had fought for his country. That transaction pierced him to the 
heart, and I believe hastened his end. 

Mr. BUFFUM. I am glad that that fact has been brought forward ; but, 
let me add, that although it is true, that the constitution of Pennsylvania, 
adopted in the days when Dr. BENJAMIN FRANKLIN was Governor, made no 
distinction of colour, yet the influence of public sentiment in Philadelphia had 
always excluded JAMES FORTEN from the exercise of that right, and he would 
have' been mobbed if he had attempted to cast his suffrage in any of the elec- 
tions there. There is a Mrs. YOKE, who keeps a boarding-house in Phila- 
delphia, that gave an admirable reason, about the time of the burning of the 
Hall, why the coloured people ought not to be free. " If any man," she said, 
" wants to know that this abolition is a bad thing, and that it will never do to 
set the negroes all free, let him go down to my kitchen, where he will see that 
they act just like white folks." But let me mention another circumstance in 
relation to the condition of the free people of colour. In the state of Virginia, 
about forty-five years ago, the daughter of a very respectable planter had a 
daughter whose father was a slave. This girl was nursed by a slave, and 
brought up as one. Her grandfather died when she was about sixteen years 
old ; she was then sold as a slave, although she was free by the laws of 
Virginia, which make the child follow the condition of the mother. She was, 
however, bid in by the executor of her grandfather's will, who took her for his 
house-keeper, and she had a son by him. He afterwards married another 
woman, and then let her and her son go free. He had one son by his wife, 
who, on becoming the heir to his father's estate, took his half-brother as a 
partner in trade. After being in business for some years, and accumulating 
some property, the partnership was dissolved, and the elder brother took his 
share and went to North Carolina, where he married into a respectable white 
family ; but there was African blood in his veins. I mention it as a strong 
case, to show that a person tinged with African blood stands but a poor chance 
of protection in our country. Not long after he went to North Carolina, some 
horse-dealers went to Virginia with horses for sale, and meeting with the half- 
brother they sold him some horses, and he in payment gave them a bill of 
sale of his brother, whom, although he was a free man, he called his slave. 
When the horse-dealers returned, and found the man white, with a fair com- 
plexion, with straight soft hair, they said nothing about having purchased him, 
till some slave-traders arrived from Louisiana, to whom they sold him. They 
then went to his house, and took him by force, to carry him to the slave- 
holders to whom he had been sold. When the " soul-drivers," as they are called 
by the slave-holders, came to see his fair complexion, straight hair, and blue 
eyes, they said, " No, we cannot take him, he is too white, nobody will believe 
that he is a slave ; but if you will colour him, and frizzle his hair, we will give 
you the money." They stripped him, washed him with aqua fortis, and 
burned his hair, and then took him back to the soul-drivers, and received the 
money. (Cries of " Horrid.") He made his escap'e the first night, but not 
daring to go to his wife and little ones, he went to the woods, and there remained 
for several weeks, lying upon the cold ground. An aged Friend, formerly 
of Nantucket, then living in North Carolina and from his mouth I had the 

H 2 


story went into the woods, and saw him there, and with considerable difficulty 
prevailed upon him to come near enough for them to converse together. He 
told the man to go home to his wife and children, and that he would commence 
a prosecution against the men who had thus treated him. He went home, and 
the prosecution was commenced in a court of law, but the man had received 
his death wound ; his heart had been broken, and lying upon the cold ground, 
the chill damps had ruined his constitution, and he died before the termination 
of the suit. This is the condition of a man that has one drop of African blood 
in his veins, in the United States of America. 

Mr. JOS1AH FORSTER. As I have been in correspondence with Friends 
at Philadelphia, whom, notwithstanding what has been said, I must still speak 
of as friends, though personally unknown to me, I wish to ask upon what 
evidence ARNOLD BUFFUM has made his statement. I am surprised if it forms 
any part of the discipline, that a person of colour is not to be admitted into 
the Society of Friends. 

Mr. BUFFUM. I did not state it as discipline. 

Mr. J. FORSTER. Is it stated as a matter of fact ? 

Mr. BUFFUM. It is. 

Mr. J. FORSTER. Upon what evidence ? 

Mr. BUFFUM. Common report. 

Mr. J. FORSTER. I have been informed that coloured persons have been 
admitted among the Quakers ; and I appeal to ISAAC COLLINS, whether he has 
not witnessed the admission of members. But if it is only report, I have 

Mr. BUFFUM. My remarks had reference to the state of things in 
Philadelphia. There have been a few coloured persons, members of the 
Society of Friends, in different parts of the country. PAUL CUFFEE was a 
member of the Society, and attended the yearly meeting, but he did not reside 
in the city of Philadelphia. 

Mr. J. FORSTER. But he must have associated with the Friends, or he 
could not have been admitted. I was afraid of an erroneous impression going 
abroad. I felt that I should hardly do justice to an absent body, unless I put 
the question. 

Mr. FULLER. I have been in Philadelphia, and have attended several 
yearly meetings. I believe I am justified in saying, that there are no coloured 
members in that city ; a man and woman, who belong to Rochester meeting, 
are the only two coloured members in the state of New York among the 
Friends. In the six New England states there is not a coloured member ; 
and orthodox member as I am, I cannot go into a Quaker meeting-house to 
advocate the cause of the slave. 

Mr. J. FORSTER. That is not the question. 

Mr. FULLER. No ; but it is a very sore question. There are no coloured 
members of society in the state of New Jersey, none in Maryland, none in 
Virginia, and 1 believe none in North Carolina. It is the testimony of Governor 
SEWARD, that if the Society of Friends had lived up to their principles, and 
carried them out in practice, at this time of day there would not have been a 
slave in the United States of America. 

Mr. J. FORSTER. That is foreign to my inquiry. 

The Convention then adjourned. 





Rev. J. A. JAMES. I neither wonder nor regret, that so much of the 
time of the Convention has been given to these gentlemen who have come to 
us from the land of the white man's freedom and the black man's slavery 
a very singular junction of ideas, one which we must all regret to see exist- 
ing, and must all be anxious to dissolve. These gentlemen are well entitled, 
on every ground, to our attention. They have endured no small obloquy in 
the cause in their own land ; some of them have travelled a thousand miles by 
land, and three thousand across the ocean, to be with us. We have listened, 
I am quite sure, with much feeling to the statements which they have laid 
before us, and especially to what was advanced this morning by the respected 
Secretary of the Vigilance Committee, and by Mr. PHELPS, of Boston. I 
think we all felt gratitude to Almighty God for the progress which the cause 
is really making in the United States ; and I am sure that our brethren from 
America will pardon me if I give them a hint or two, which I do with the 
greatest possible deference. They will excuse me if they think that I have 
trespassed a little on the laws of decorum. We want to be told what we can 
do for them, as well as be told of the evils of slavery. It is very true that they 
are impressed with the subject, from being eye witnesses of its horrors, in a 
way that we cannot be. It is not matter of surprise if, from the fulness of the 
heart, they should pour out their feelings with the hope of kindling ours with 
the same emotions at the scenes they have witnessed. But I hope we are up 
to the mark of being convinced of the horrors of slavery, and of our duty to 
seek its abolition. They will also pardon me if I say that it is exceedingly 
desirable that there should be no appearance even of collision of testimony, as 
there was, in fact, none in reality, this morning. If Mr. PHELPS had asserted, 
which he certainly did not, that the great body of American churches, as such, 
had declared their abhorrence of slavery, there would have been just ground 
for what our honest and intrepid friend Mr. FULLER, stated subsequently. The 
fact is, they are both agreed in substance. Mr. PHELPS merely stated that a 
certain portion of the American churches had declared their abhorrence of 
slavery, and had passed resolutions to exclude from fellowship all those who 
were guilty of the crime. Now 1 am anxious, as I have said, that there should 
not even seem to the public to be anything like contradictory evidence. It is 
of the first importance, both here and" there, that the evidence which comes from 
the land of slavery should not only be conclusive, but harmonious ; and in 
order to be conclusive it must be harmonious. For my own part, I saw no dis- 
crepancy in the testimony of the gentlemen, when properly dwelt upon and 
sifted, to whom we listened this morning. I rejoiced with exceeding joy 
at the declaration, that forty seminaries of learning^had admitted men of colour 
to the advantages of education ; that this had been done by the governors of 
the institutions. Our friend, Mr. PHELPS, stated what we can easily suppose 
to be the case that many of the young men would scarcely acknowledge their 
coloured brethren ; but that forty seminaries should admit to the advantages 
of literature and theology, coloured nun, is to me a glorious proof oi' the 


triumph of the cause there. It is a sagacious remark of COLERIDGE, that if you 
would know what will be the prevailing sentiments of the next generation, you 
have only to consider what are the opinions of the present race of young men 
between eighteen and twenty-two. If the seminaries of learning can be 
interested in the subject, connected not merely as they are with the whole 
of society, but especially with those engaged in the work of Christian teaching, 
we may, from that circumstance, conclude that the cause is destined to still 
greater, and not very remote, triumphs in the United States of America. 
For my own part, I have come here to thank God and to take courage. From 
what I have heard, however, from our brethren who reside on the other side of 
the Atlantic, it appears that there is much yet to be done ; and I cannot wonder 
that an individual of such an ardent temperament as Mr. FULLER, should look 
to the ultimate triumph, and think that nothing is done till everything is done. 
Now, I rejoice in what is done ; and I think that our wisdom lies in telling 
the good as well as telling the evil. If we tell only what is evil, we certainly 
leave out half the truth, just as if we leave out the other half, and tell only what 
is good. We are all exceedingly anxious to impress upon our American 
brethren, that we take a deep and solemn interest in the advancement of the 
cause on the other side of the Atlantic, not merely because of the amount 
of misery which slavery entails upon some of the states of America; not 
merely because we are anxious that America should blot from her escutcheon 
this deep and foul taint; not merely that she may become a consistent, noble- 
minded, and, morally considered, influential nation upon the face of the earth 
which she never can be till slavery is destroyed ; but because we feel the 
importance of the triumph of humanity and justice in America as connected 
with the cause of slavery all over the world. What could not be done if 
America would wash herself from the negro's blood, and strike hands with 
Great Britain in a covenant of friendship in this great cause ! Slavery and 
the slave-trade must soon fall if America could but be united with us in purg- 
ing herself of this deep stain this hateful crime. It is on this account that 
we are so exceedingly anxious on this side of the water that America should take 
her proper station among the nations of the earth as an unsullied people. 
But how is this to he advanced? Our friend, Mr. PHELPS, called upon us to 
do all that we could to aid the abolitionists on the other side of the water. 
We have done something, and it has been duly acknowledged. Three years 
ago, we passed in the Convention then held, a series of resolutions which were 
intended to work upon the religious masses of the community. We agreed, and 
we still do, with the statement of Mr. BIRNEY, that the American church has 
been the bulwark of slavery. We are anxious to attack that bulwark ; and I 
am quite sure that if we can overthrow it, everything else will give way. 
Those resolutions were intended to express, and did express, the solemn con- 
viction of the Convention then held, that slavery was a crime not merely a 
fault, and not merely a mistake in policy, not merely a political error ; for, 
viewed only in this light, the resolutions to which I have alluded would 
scarcely have been passed, because they were addressed to the religious part 
of the community ; therefore we declared that slavery was a crime against God, 
and against man, of which the Christian church ought, through its ministers 
and by it discipline, to take just and severe cognizance. Now we meet after 
three years to re-consider the subject, and the resolutions which I shall pre- 
sently have the honour to read, and submit to the meeting, will give the 
assurance to our brethren in America, that three years' deliberate consideration 
of the subject has not in the smallest degree altered our views, our convictions, 
or our purposes in reference to this greatest outrage that has ever trampled on 
the rights of humanity. We are anxious to send back our brethren assured 


that we entertain the same views, rejoicing that so many of the Christians of 
America have entered into the views then expressed, and which will be re- 
affirmed this day. Without trespassing farther, I may observe that the 
resolutions I hold in my hand will go to declare, not merely that slavery is a sin, 
but a sin disqualifying the individual who persists in committing it, amidst all 
the light which now blazes around him, for church fellowship. We do not go 
into the abstract question ; we take negro slavery as it is, and we declare that 
to be a crime, unfitting the individual that commits it in this age, for Christian 
fellowship with the saints of the Most High God, and the followers of Him who 
was Love incarnate. We do not sit to determine whether there may be any 
exceptions to this rule, under peculiar circumstances, of individuals adopting 
measures for the emancipation of their slaves. We lay down the general 
rule that slavery is a sin ; and, I repeat it, almost to tautology, unfitting the 
individual for the fellowship of the Christian church. Having made these re- 
marks, I will read the resolutions. 

1. That this Convention hereby declares to the world its deliberate and solemn con- 
viction that slavery, in whatever form or country it exists, is intrinsically opposed to all 
natural justice and genuine Christianity; that in proportion as these exert their legitimate 
vigour and influence in society, it must be destroyed ; and that while the Convention deeply 
deplores the sanction or support still given to it, either overtly or tacitly, by so many 
churches and religious bodies, especially in the United States, it rejoices in the assurance 
that so many others are bearing their public and decided testimony against it, refusing to 
retain in their communion those who, after one admonition, persist in the justification and 
practice of it. 

2. That, encouraged by the progress of earnest sentiment and action on this subject in 
the churches and religious bodies of America and other countries, this Convention repeats 
the testimony of the Convention of 1840 that while it disclaims the intention or desire of 
dictating to Christian communities the terms of their fellowship, respectfully submits that 
it is their incumbent duty to separate from their communion all those persons who, after 
they have been faithfully warned, in the spirit of the gospel, continue in the sin of 
enslaving their fellow-creatures or holding them in slavery a sin, by the commission of 
which, with whatever mitigating circumstances it may be attended in their own particular 
instance, they give the support of their example to the whole system of compulsory servitude, 
and the unutterable horrors of the slave trade. 

3. That this Convention, while it passes no judgment on the particular forms of action 
which different friends of the slave in different circumstances may adopt, hereby expresses 
its cordial sympathy and high admiration of all those who, in a Christian spirit and by Chris- 
tian methods, are sincerely and earnestly labouring to purify their respective religious con- 
nexions from all fellowship with and support of this heinous sin. 

I hope the meeting will pass these resolutions, and hand them to Mr. PHELPS, 
as our meed of assistance to the great cause on the other side of the Atlantic. 

Rev. JOHN RITCHIE, D.D. I willingly comply with the request that I 
second the resolutions now moved. A citizen of the world, I have an unalieriable 
right to address the world, and this representation of it the World's Convention. 
There are many things wrong in me, at least others say so : indeed, I do not 
deny it. I believe there are some things wrong in those around me ; hence I 
fear not to lift up my voice among my fellows in imperfection. They are to tell 
me my faults, that I may rectify them; and I am to tell them their faults, that 
they may throw theirs off; and as this process of reciprocal reproof proceeds, 
the world, which we here represent, will throw off its evils, and go on towards 
perfection. Here I consider myself not so much a fountain as a reservoir. I 
have repaired hither not so much to give as to gather instruction on the mo- 
mentous department of humanity which has convened us. I do not coincide 
with the remark of my friend, that " we are up to the mark :" I feel that I, at 


least, am not up to the mark. I have never seen slavery in its infernal prac- 
tical workings. I cannot say, 

" Quseque miserrima vidi ;" 
Far less can I add, 

" Et quorum pars magna fui." 

Therefore it is that I rejoice in the opportunity of hearing Yankees, above all 
others, on this subject, with them a practical, may I not say a fireside one. 
Between our two friends, FULLER and PHELPS, there may seem to others a 
collision of statement ; but if so, it is a friendly collision, and greatly nominal. 
I have not seen a man constitutionally better formed to beard the slave-holder 
in his den than friend FULLER; he is just the Horatian beau ideal: 

" Justum et tenacem prepositi virum 
Non civium ardor prava jubentiuin 
Non vultus instantis tyranni 
Mente quatit solida." 

He seems to have been born " in hunc effectum." Long may he live to 
occupy his post ! The seeming discordance between him and PHELPS need 
alarm no friend of the slave, far less can it furnish vantage ground to his 
enemy. They were both describing the same portrait, but different features 
of it. They both told truth, but dwelt on different developments of this giant 
evil. I give equal credit to both ; their seeming variations are testimonies of 
absence of collusion, of thorough integrity. I have nothing to detail of my 
experience in slavery ; this, however, no man can rob me of, I have been an 
anti-slavery man since I first saw CLARKSON'S picture of a slave-ship's under- 
deck, covered with human beings. The more I sifted anti-slavery doctrines, 
the more did I approve. The first anti-slavery petition from Ayrshire was from 
my congregation ; it was for total, immediate, unconditional, uncompensated 
abolition. On my removal to Edinburgh I found a Gradual Abolition Society 
existing. I joined it as the best I could get, declaring, however, my own senti- 
ments as an immediatist. "When ANDREW THOMPSON, 

" Abstulit clarum cita mors Achillem," 

moved for immediate, I instantly joined that man after my own heart, though I 
had just before seconded a motion made by Lord JEFFREY. A society for im- 
mediate abolition was forthwith formed, though Dr. JOHN BROWN, Mr. H. 
GREY, and Mr. J. CAMPBELL left us because we became immediatists. From 
that day, however, our society proceeded gloriously ; God was with us of a 
truth. I had the honour of introducing to an Edinburgh audience our friend 
GEORGE THOMPSON, the slave's friend par excellence, and occupied the chair 
(no sinecure) while, amid the ruffian outrages of the West Indian interest, he 
gathered golden opinions as first on the right side of the best of causes. I 
may add, I was his second in circumstances sufficient to expel duelling from 
the world without the aid of religion or conscience, inasmuch as the challenge 
was given in the presence of more than a thousand people, most of them ladies, 
aye, and the challenger's pastor being chairman ; the second being a D.D. ; and 
the terms being adjusted in a Quaker s house, I need scarcely add, all was 
settled on Quaker principles. 

1 may add, in illustration of my practical creed, that one morning I was 
rather alarmed by a crowd at my gate, (my friends know that I am constitu- 
tionally Na-avvish?) two woolly-pated little fellows were there; they spoke a 
medley of French and Portuguese. I, by the help of my friend WYMSS, made 
out that they were slaves, imported from Brazil by one, I am sorry to say, 


brought up in the church to which I belong ; and were still treated as slaves. 
They were directed to me, as to " a great slavery man," for protection. Waiv- 
ing details, we secured one of them ; the other was carried off by his master to 
Liverpool, to be shipped for the Brazils and sold. I wrote to the late Mr. 
CROPPER, the well-known friend of humanity ; the docks were watched ; the 
boy could not be smuggled on board ; his master had to bring him back to 
Edinburgh; he was turned to the streets; he is now a stout well-behaved 
tradesman, and does credit to his patron, Mr. WILSON. The other died of 
consumption in our infirmary. Both were very grateful, and the survivor paid 
visits to the deceased, which for frequency and sympathy might put to shame 
the maligners of Afric's children as if of inferior nature. As I am garrulous, 
I may as well give you another case. I received a letter from a town twenty 
miles from Edinburgh, (I do not say it is Peebles,) stating that two girls had 
been brought from the West Indies, and were treated as slaves, whipped, 
starved, &c. I set off to investigate the case. The lady who brought them 
kindly brought the tamarind rods with them, and put them to their legitimate 
use. The girls were brought to Edinburgh ; kind ladies cared for them ; one 
did not turn out well; the other is now, I believe, a governess in Jamaica. So 
much for my anti-slavery traffic in a small way. There is not a man here 
whom I so much envy as our friend JOHNSTON. Had I youth back again, and 
were I given my choice of office, I would choose that which he fills. As this 
may not be, I rejoice to see around me so many colleagues to him, so well qua- 
lified to occupy efficiently their respective departments in the glorious cause in 
which we are all engaged. May the Author of their life long spare them ; 
may the blessing of Him who came to give liberty to the captive rest upon 
them, and crown their labours of love and mercy with success! 1 know no 
man who more nearly resembles the Master whom we serve, than he whose 
office it is to find the captive, and, when he has found him, never to leave him 
till he sees him landed a free man among free men. I am sorry to have to 
contrast with a theme so congenial to my heart some things referred to in 
this resolution, most of all since they are within and chargeable on churches. 
O that the church would be faithful to her Head! that her ministers would 
remember that he complains especially of the wounds wherewith he was 
wounded in the house of his friends. O that they would hear what He saith 
to the churches, who walks in the midst of the seven golden candlesticks ! If I 
do not misread my Bible, the church is the commissioned regenerator of the 
world. If, then, the church be corrupt, whence are to issue the healing 
waters ? If the salt of the earth have lost its savour, how is the putrid world 
to be recovered from its taint? If justice and mercy are exiled from the 
church, what can I expect but that they are 

" Sprung on the viewless winds to heaven again ?" 

Alas ! what report must he bear back of Christianity, who has been sent to 
learn her genius and influence from a slave-holding church ? My fancy hears 
him, on his return, questioned by his brother idolater, " What are Christians?" 
" Monsters ! They hold that their creed came from heaven, and is the word 
of salvation ; and they hold it a capital crime to teach this creed to man, 
woman, or child who has a dark face, though they allow that their God gave 
them this dark face. They buy and sell men, women, and children, and offer 
the profits on the altar of their God ! They sell their own wives, sons, and 
daughters, and to those who they know will work and flog them to death ; and 
this they do without the temptation of hunger or poverty. Nay, farther, their 
ministers of religion do all this daily, though I heard them preaching from 
their creed, 'Be pitiful, be tender-hearted ;' 'whatsoever ye would that men 


do to you, do ye even so to them;' 'be merciful as your Father in heaven is 
merciful.' " Can I wonder that the yell arises, " These Christians are monsters !" 
Let heathens henceforth inscribe in their divine book this additional cause of 
thanksgiving, " Heathens are not monsters, like slave-holding Christians!" 

After weighing the whole matter in the balance of the sanctuary, I hesitate 
not to repeat, " The churches in America are the bulwarks of slavery," just as 
I say of the churches of another country, (I do not say it is Britain,) "they 
are the bulwarks of drunkenness." Let pastors, elders, and deacons do their 
duty in these great departments of Christian conversation, and I will answer 
for it that the most ragamuffin caste of the human race will be rescued from 
their present degradation. " O ye priests, this commandment is to you ;" "ye 
have made the table of the Lord and his meat contemptible among the 
heathen." I am sorry to draw this contrast on another account, one that 
comes nigh to me as a Scotch minister. There seems to be something pesti- 
ferous in the very atmosphere of America. In it the spirit of liberty, of pure 
Christianity sickens, pines, and dies. I know men from my country, in the 
ministry, whom I would have unhesitatingly written down as to live, labour, 
and die the slave's friend and advocate ; I have seen them on the same platform 
with myself denouncing the slave-holder, especially slave-holding ministers. 
Since they crossed the Atlantic they are struck with dumb-palsy ; their 
voice is never heard. They know the satanic depths of the system as well as I 
do; but they now talk of " institutions of the country;" "we, on this side 
of the water, cannot judge;" " you need not expect to do any thing, except 
you get the people with you;" " you, Britons, have cruelties, and murders, 
and slavery at home." These are their irrefragable arguments, their strong 
reasons. I thank God, that to such time-serving Herodians He has not com- 
mitted the religion and liberties of mankind. Were it so, their sun should go 
down at noon. They boast of their " mahogany pulpits," their " gigs," and 
their dollars. They smell of blood ; " their gold and their silver are cankered ; 
they shall eat their flesh as it were fire." Let them, ere it be too late, ponder, 
Prov. xxiv. 11, 12. I have men in my eye who know the actuals of the ques- 
tion as well as my friend BLANCHARD, and still they are mute as fishes, or 
rather, they are dumb dogs that cannot bark. I do not like to name them ; 
but I do not pledge myself to perpetual forbearance. Messrs. HALLEY, SKIN- 
NER, &c., may tell them so. What must be that state of society which hath 
wrought a change so great, mournful, disgraceful ! While I condemn thus the 
pulpit) and hold it supremely culpable, I look down and say, the pew, too, is 
culpable : the people must love to have it so ; for what are ministers, and 
elders, and deacons but just what the people make them? You elect them 
and sustain them. While they are faithful, count them worthy of double 
honour; if not, dismiss them; get others, faithful men, men that will teach 
humanity both in doctrine and in practice, followers of Him who pitieth the 
poor, and helpeth him that hath no helper. To this it must come ere the 
world be put right ; it must be turned upside-down. I have, however, no 
sympathy with you laics who cry out against your ministers. No ; I cry out 
against you; I have a right to write you down as of similar sentiments with 
your ministers as long as they are yours; aye, and until you get other minis- 
ters, men of the right sort. When I look at the state of the American 
churches, and the constant communication now going on between them and 
the churches here, I feel that I am a part and parcel of these churches ; if, 
then, the ministerial character be degraded there, 1 see not how it can be kept 
pure and uncontaminated at home. The present state of things cannot long 
subsist ; it must be supplanted by a better, and glad shall I be to chant 
" Magnus ab iutegro saeclorum nascitur ordo." 


I have learned, since my coming to London, that in the Southern States there 
are scarcely any schools, and the reason given is, that they are inconsistent 
with slavery, and the slave-holding interest. Well, I say there is another 
nail into slavery's coffin it will soon be needed ; since slavery and school 
cannot grow together. The school must live, it must possess the land, all 
lands it must absorb slavery! Slavery is hostile to schools. Well, this 
is another brand which the Almighty hath set upon it; for it is written, 
"Knowledge shall be increased," and every mountain that opposes the march 
of knowledge must be pulverised the mountain slavery shall become a plain. 
Here, too, is another reason for my altar-vowed enmity to slavery. To edu- 
cation, I owe, under God, all that I possess, and I long and pray for the in- 
coming of that happy time of which " wisdom and knowledge shall be the 
stability." Since slavery is the natural foe of education, I say, lay the axe to 
its root down with it ! I call on every one that rejoices on the products of 
education, let us all determine never to rest while a system exists which has 
smothered every desire for education, and has degraded the population beneath 
the condition of the heathen in Greece and Rome's darkest night. When I 
hear of the Southerners conspiring against schools, because they are incom- 
patible with slavery, I reply, Yes, the time was when Partyism could draw 
its awning across the firmament, and shut out the light of heaven, and through 
its coloured prism admit just as much, and of the suitable hue, as would 
suffice for the purposes of superstition, bigotry, and cruelty ; and serve, by its 
darkness visible, to erect the stake, pull the rack, wield the sword, arid flourish 
the whip; and convince all that this was perfection, and that the only heresy 
to be dreaded and eschewed was innovation. But that time, thanks to the 
Author of every good and perfect gift, has passed away the awning has he 
rent to pieces ; men have learned that of light one of the excellences is its 
colourlessness; that of all prisms, every man's own eye is for him the best. 
Intellect has run off with his cradle, and with it has cooked his first meal of 
discovery. Conscience has burst his fetters, and carried off the gates of 
Authority's fortress, bars and all. The partitions, which severed the Unit 
family of man, are daily becoming lower and weaker. Clime, colour, and 
breed, are being amalgamated in the one composite of humanity and charity. 
The throne, the mitre, and the coif, are being estimated at their true value. All 
things that can be shaken are being shaken, and the true lustre is every day 
standing forth in deeper relief, of those things which cannot be shaken and 
must remain. Surveying these movements, I say, in calm reflection, this 
system against which we are marshalled slavery is doomed in heaven, and 
therefore doomed in America, and in all other portions of the earth. If I 
rightly read the signs of the times in which we live, and on which I rejoice 
that my lot has cast me, slavery has become universally doomed. I would say 
to its unhappy, as well as criminal adherents "be wise in time, 'tis madness to 
defer' come out and be separate he that helpeth shall fall, and he that is 
holpen shall fall, both shall fall together." You, my fellow-labourers, I con- 
gratulate ; events are crowding on, wind and tide, aye, every anomalous eddy 
is in our favour. Fear not, only be strong ; America must also have her first 
of August her Emancipation Jubilee. May it not be with blood, and fire, 
and vapour of smoke ! May it be like ours calm, bloodless, joyous ! May 
God send it speedily ; and as his is the gift, to, his glorious name be all the 
praise ! 

Rev. J. BIRT. If I regarded only myself on this occasion, I should feel 
it my duty, from the brevity of our time, silently to lift up my hand in favour of 
this resolution. There are reasons, however, which make it almost imperative 
upon me to say a few words in its support. One of them has been indirectly 


alluded toby Mr. SCALES, in describing the different denominations who have 
been appointed, by those who have had the arrangement of the proceedings 
to move, second, and support the resolutions. I feel it also my duty, as a 
representative of the sentiments of one of the largest and most populous towns 
in the British empire, not to give a silent vote. Many years have elapsed 
since the Manchester and Salford Anti-Slavery Society came to the firm and 
determined decision, that not only holding slaves, but countenancing slave- 
holders, was a sin ; not by inference merely, but expressly associated with the 
most criminal offences against God, specified in the New Testament. In my 
opinion, not only is it a sin, but slave-holding churches are not, properly 
speaking, Christian churches : it matters not to us what doctrines they profess, 
what discipline they maintain, if they are men-stealers, or countenance those 
who are guilty of that offence, so expressly condemned in the word of God, 
they are not Christians. It is true, they are assemblies of men calling them- 
selves Christians ; but they are not, they cannot be, Christian churches. These 
have been the sentiments of the honoured men, with whom I have been happy 
to associate for many years, and I therefore express these sentiments, not 
merely as my own, but theirs; and many of them are now present to hear 
what I say. We should have thought it unnecessary to have recorded a re- 
solution expressive of these opinions before this meeting ; we should as little 
have thought of the necessity of proposing a resolution to withhold communion 
from murderers, and those who commit crimes accounted the most abominable 
among mankind, as to pass a resolution to withhold communion from men who 
are guilty of these characteristic and condemned offences against God. But 
there is a sufficient reason why this should be done : my honoured friend, 
Mr. JAMES, has expressed a wish, that the representatives of the anti-slavery 
cause of America, would tell us what they wish us to do, as well as deplore in 
our presence, the evils which move their hearts and ours. They told us at 
the last Convention, and I apprehend they tell us now, that by passing reso- 
lutions such as these, we shall help them ; we shall do what they wish us to do, 
and they will find the benefit when they return to their own country. I wish, 
and indeed, I hope, that the spirit of these resolutions may be considered as 
extending further than mere slave-holding churches. May I be permitted to 
say, that I consider the prejudice against colour in the North, as even a more 
aggravated sin than the holding of slaves in the South. I consider that where 
there is no inducement of a pecuniary nature, or from the force of habit and 
custom, to hold slaves, and where no slaves can be held, that there, to treat 
men of a different colour from themselves, in the way in which we have been 
pained to hear that they are treated in the Northern States, argues the pre- 
sence of a more bitter and sinful prejudice, and its more inveterate power 
over its subjects, than prevails even in the slavery of the Southern States. 
I hope, therefore, that it will be understand that no man minister or layman, 
will be welcomed to the communion of any of the British churches, who is 
not prepared, who is not willing, who is not prompt to give the right hand of 
fellowship, as readily to a coloured as to a white Christian. 1 should rejoice 
if this were to be the test and criterion. If he welcome him as a brother, it 
is well ; but if he make the slightest difference because of the colour of his 
skin, it is to be accounted in all respects as countenancing, sympathising, and 
co-operating with those who detain their fellow-creatures in slavery. We 
have heard a little about an apparent discrepancy this morning in the state- 
ments of some of our friends. I should not allude to this after the pertinent 
and sound remarks of Mr. JAMES, except to express my conviction that that 
apparent discrepancy will do good rather than harm. 1 rejoice that there was 
that apparent discrepancy, because, in fact, there was the most perfectly sub- 


stantial agreement. Do we not, in our arguments with infidels, avail our- 
selves most beneficially of the apparent discrepancy between the Evangelists, 
to show that there was no collusion, that every one gave a straightforward and 
faithful account of that which took place, and therefore, that the main and 
substantial agreement of the whole is a proof that Christianity is no " cun- 
ningly devised fable?" Now, if our American brethren had come with 
one tale, and uttered it in the same words ; if they had employed exactly 
the same expressions, though it might have been very pleasant to find 
that brother FULLER had nothing to say of a corrective nature concern- 
ing brother BLANCHARD, and brother BLANCHARD had no occasion to say any 
thing in reply ; it would not, I must confess, have brought such conviction 
to my mind, that they were the honest, faithful, truth-telling men that I fer- 
vently believe them to be. I am sure we shall all rejoice if we can in any way 
contribute to the assistance of such men men who prove their own honesty of 
purpose, their own perfect integrity of character, by even running the risk of being 
supposed to be in contradiction one to another, rather than in the slightest 
degree sacrifice the interests of justice and of truth. Mr. SCALES has alluded 
to the denomination to which I belong ; you have heard of the three denomina- 
tions, and individuals from each of them are bearing their testimony therefore 
at the present time ; but I do feel that the denomination in this country which 
is most in danger, on the point now before us, is that of the Baptists. I will 
state the reason. It appears that in America innumerable Baptists are slave- 
holders, and some of these parties, either ministers or acknowledged members 
of their churches, may come with credentials from Baptist churches, and be 
admitted to communion on that ground, while the spirit of slavery is in their 
hearts, and the blcod of slavery is on their hands. I will venture to add that 
I wish class communion among Christians were expelled from the face of the 
earth ; I wish not only that Christians of colour were admitted to fellowship 
most freely and affectionately, but that there should be but one principle 
amongst all our Christian churches. I feel mortified when I think that there 
is a denomination in this country in some of whose churches the purest, the 
most hearty, the most godly abolitionists of America would not be received 
into communion unless his views of baptism were like theirs. I do hope that 
when Baptist churches are considering the subject of communion with respect 
to the coloured people, the matter will be brought home to their own con- 
sciences, and that their hearts may be opened by the full influence of Christian 
affection ; and that, while they repel from their communion the slave-holder, 
and the man who countenances slavery, whether white, brown, or black, they 
will yet welcome to their arms, and their hearts, every man who has the love 
of Christ in his heart, and the work of Christ in his hands, be he white, coloured, 
or black, without asking him what are his sentiments upon one institution. I 
hope that the very same moment which overthrows, and prostrates for ever, 
class communion with regard to colour, will overthrow, and prostrate for ever, 
class communion on those subjects which affect not Christian doctrine, which 
affect not Christian character ; and that the same sun will shine upon the free 
communion of Christians in America, and the free communion of Christians 
in Great Britain. 

Lord MORPETH being on the platform, several Delegates expressed their 
anxiety to hear him. 

Lord MORPETH. I think that in such an assembly as this, it is most fitting 
that every one should have his turn, and I am to have mine on Wednesday 
next (the day of the annual meeting of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery 
Society,) and, with your leave, not till then. I came here partly to show my 
respect for this Convention, and to express my sympathy with the objects it is 


pursuing ; but chiefly, I must say, for the sake of picking up some hints, and 
learning my lesson. This is too great a subject to be touched upon hastily ; 
and therefore I hope that you will allow me to remain an auditor of your pro- 
ceedings until Wednesday next. 

Mr. HO WELLS. As a delegate from the coloured friends at Pittsburgh, 
and in the neighbourhood, I wish to make a remark or two. There is one 
feature of the sufferings of our coloured friends to which no allusion has been 
made ; and you will be sm-prised when I state that their sufferings are just in 
proportion to their exaltation in society, to their mental attainments, to the 
acuteness of their religious feeling, and to their standing in social life. It is 
not the class of coloured people sunk in degradation, wretchedness, ignorance, 
and filth, that are despised supremely in the United States, Strange to tell, 
they are not the people against whom the prejudice of the United States seems 
to bear. No ; they are supposed to be in their proper position, and they are 
passed by as the swine that wallow in the mire, with indifference, it being 
scarcely thought worth while to point the finger of scorn at them. But, oh ! 
1 shall never forget a circumstance that transpired two or three years after I 
first went to the United States. I was in the family of Mr. FORTEN, of whom 
honourable mention has been made, a man of the most gentlemanly, courteous 
character, with a wife full of amiability and Christianity, and elegance of de- 
portment, with a fine lovely family of sons and daughters ; and I saw the tears 
trickle down her cheeks when she said, speaking of the coloured people, and 
the indignities they were called to endure, " In proportion as coloured persons 
are respectable, so are their sufferings ; we cannot even go out of our own home, 
without having a company of degraded creatures running after us in the streets 
and calling out ' Nigger, nigger!' " It is true that there was a class in Penn- 
sylvania who knew how to esteem the character of Mr. FORTEN ; men of 
correct feeling knew how to estimate his worth and consistency ; and though 
the mark of distinction is always retained, yet if ever it was forgotten, it was 
at the period when his remains were consigned to the tomb. Then there was 
a large assemblage of persons of every grade in the train, doing him the honour 
to which he was entitled. You heard the statement of the late governor of 
New York that he declared, that if the Society of Friends had done their duty, 
and had carried out their principles, slavery would not now have had an 
existence in the United States. It was the highest praise he could pass on that 
religious body it identified with them a principle of emancipation which would 
overcome every obstacle ; but at the same time it was the severest censure, 
inasmuch as they did not exercise the power they possessed. They had a lever 
by which they could uplift the world, and they would not raise it; they had a 
trumpet by which they could have given a blast that would awake the world, 
and they would not blow it. I know that those who desire to see their own 
church purified of this evil will be anxious to avail themselves of any hint that 
is given, because to whatever denomination it is applied, be assured that it is 
given from feelings of the deepest affection. There is one thing more which 
may be done besides conscientiously addressing the American churches by 
letter, and you may be certain that it will prevail. 1 remember Mr. THORP 
uttering a sentiment that vibrates on my feelings now, though i heard it years 
ago, "kindness is the key to the human heart," and that is the spirit in which 
you should address the churches of America, whether it be by delegates or by 
epistolary communications. But there is another point to which allusion has 
been made, and one to which the devoted and noble CLARKSON has turned 
his mind. It is now in the power of this nation to destroy slavery throughout 
the United States in the space of two or three years. By what means ? Means 
the most simple means by which you will not only relieve America from 


all its suffering with regard to slavery, and raise the coloured people to the 
elevation and enjoyment of liberty, and all the comforts of life, but by which 
you will enrich yourselves, and at the same time promote the welfare of India 
- fertilizing her desert places, and causing her products to be brought into 
your market I mean by growing the article of cotton. There are two 
hundred millions of acres of uncultivated land in British India, and the labour 
of Hill Coolies may be obtained at twopence per day, while, according to the 
lowest calculation, the cost of slaves in the Southern states of America is eight- 
pence per day. It is true that the distance will increase the expense, but it 
appears to me that on a fair calculation, cotton may be raised in India and 
landed in the ports of England for somewhere about one half the price that is 
now paid for slave-grown produce. Now, is it not a subject of importance to 
feed the poor starving Hindoos on the one hand, and to remove the oppression 
of two millions and a half of slaves in America on the other? It is a settled 
question ; all the calculations that have been made demonstrate, that if Britain 
were to raise her own cotton it would destroy the slave-holding interest of the 
United States, and they would be obliged to relieve themselves of the burden 
of sustaining their slaves, for whose support the produce would not meet the 
expense. Where men persevere in holding slaves after patient, persevering, 
kind, affectionate, Christian remonstrances, they ought no longer to be recog- 
nised as members of the church of Jesus Christ. Whether they are Christians 
or not, it is not for me to determine ; they may be brethren, but they are erring 
brethren ; and so long as they are under such fatal error we are not bound to 
acknowledge them as members of the church of Christ. But are you prepared 
to take such a measure ? Are you prepared to sever from the churches united 
with the slave churches in the South? The Primitive Methodists, who have 
no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness, began with clean hands, 
and I pray that they may be kept clean. The Covenanters have washed their 
hands of the sin entirely, and so also has one branch of the Presbyterian and 
the United Secession churches. If our friends are prepared to take this ground, 
then it is time to communicate with the churches in America, and to send 
them an honest remonstrance ; but let it be done in the spirit of love, of meek- 
ness, of fidelity, and of penitence. I hope that our friends will consider the 
subject and act upon it ; for while we delay, there is no relief to the poor bond- 
man who sees every retiirn of the sun with anguish ; there is no mitigation to 
the sufferings of the wife who is torn from her husband to children who are 
torn from the bosom of their parents. Let us remember, while we are enjoying 
our blessings in profusion, the woes and anguish to which every day gives birth, 
and then we shall be up and doing with all our might. 

Mr. J. STURGE. I am one of those who wish that there should be faithful- 
ness to all the Christian bodies of every denomination on the other side of the 
Atlantic. I know that there are many of the Society of Friends there who 
think that I have hardly judged of them charitably ; and, therefore, in coming 
forward to correct what I believe was an erroneous impression produced this 
morning, I shall not be accused of attempting to shield them unfairly. Many 
left this room, I understand, under the conviction that there was a rule of the 
Society of Friends in America, which prevented the admission of persons of 
colour to membership. There is not ; and I believe there never was any such 
rule in any of the American Yearly Meetings. Having crossed the Atlantic 
with an anxious desire to ascertain the real state of things among the members 
of my own Society, I feel bound to say, I returned with grief, under the con- 
viction that the Society, in its corporate capacity, could not be considered as 
advocating total and immediate emancipation. I think it our duty to speak 
out boldly. We ought to consider it matter of thankfulness that Providence 


has not placed us in an atmosphere which clouds the vision, like that of 
America ; but we are not our brother's enemy because we tell him the truth. 
I was glad our friends this morning spoke strongly, and if they spoke too 
strongly, I would say to the parties to whom they referred, " show by your 
future conduct that the accusations were unjust." The Quaker character, 
however, still stands so high in the position of abolitionism, that the slave runs 
to him for security rather than to any other person. But the descendants of 
WILLIAM PENN, whose ancestors, under the blessing of Providence, were able 
to be the instruments of clearing the Society of Friends from any contami- 
nation of slavery, are bound to do more than their fellow Christians. 

Rev. Dr. MORISON. Representing, as I do, the body of Congregational 
ministers in this great city, and taking a deep interest in the discussion which 
has led to the resolutions now before us, I have felt that a silent vote would 
scarcely be consistent with my sense of conscientious duty. First of all, 
allow me to say to the Convention, and to the gentleman who has lately 
addressed us, and who put to us the questson, Whether we were prepared in 
this country to go the whole length of refusing church fellowship and minis- 
terial communion with those on the other side of the Atlantic, who are unsound 
upon the great question of slavery, that I am prepared, as far as I am con- 
cerned, to act up to the letter of this proposal, and in fact I have done so for 
the last three years. I should not receive the church testimonials of American 
Christians, unless I found them sound on the question of slavery. I understand 
how these testimonials are obtained; I know that they are generally granted, 
whether a man thinks rightly or wrongly upon this most momentous subject. 
I have taken the same ground with reference to ministers from that country 
a country which I most deeply respect a country to which I wish well from 
the very bottom of my heart a country which I trust is yet destined to rise 
superior to all the untoward circumstances which now bear upon it. God grant 
that the time may speedily come, when America may shake herself from that 
incubus which now presses upon her moral reputation, to say nothing of her 
intellectual energies ! Within the last three weeks, I had a clergyman call 
upon me with bland address, and kind and gentlemanly manners, combined, 
as it appeared to me, with the most Christian feeling, and I had it in my heart 
at once, and without a feeling of suspicion, to ask him to occupy my pulpit ; but 
I did not do so until I had gently pressed my anti-slavery catechism, fairly and 
honourably. I am happy to say that that individual was from the state of 
Maine, which I believe has never been a slave-holding state; and I am bound 
to say from what 1 know and my American brethren will not differ from me 
that that state has done its duty in this cause nobly. I saw a letter which the 
ministers of the Congregational body there had sent, not merely to their own 
brethren, but beyond the limits of their immediate circle, which I think was 
as sound in anti-slavery principles as anything that this Convention can 
possibly issue. Where we meet with such facts as these, we ought to rejoice 
to state them. 1 wish to see blame rest where it lies. If Mr. PHELPS will 
pardon me, I will state honestly and fairly what 1 think was the fault of his 
speech. 1 thought that in point of quality it was an admirable speech. It 
detailed facts and results as to the anti-slavery cause, which could not but be 
most highly gratifying to all whotake an interest in thisgreat undertaking. But it 
did seem to me, as he gave the details, that the anti-slavery friends had pro- 
ceeded almost with the ease of a carriage upon a railroad. Unless, however, 
the Convention does cause obloquy to rest on every man who is on the pro- 
slavery side ; unless it does look slavery out of countenance, we may sit for 
one hundred days, and produce but a slender impression on the public mind of 
the country. I thought he ought to have told us more of the kind of current 


which the anti-slavery friends have to stem, of the dangers and difficulties to 
which, if honest, they have to expose themselves ; that he ought to have given 
us a detail of the untoward events, in the process which has conducted 
them thus far to a favourable and most delightful result. These are the things 
we want to know. We do not want to know about slavery we hate it, and 
are prepared to do what we can to stay its progress from one end of the world 
to the other ; but we wish that our American friends would state the adverse 
character of the measures with which they have to contend, that we may have 
an opportunity of expressing the detestation we feel towards them, and our 
honest disapprobation of the conduct of those ministers of religion, and those 
members of Christian churches, who have thwarted anti-slavery proceedings. 
I trust I shall be pardoned for making this allusion. I have made it, because 
several of our friends from America have yet to speak, and we want to know 
who are the men that hinder them from doing what is right, and what are the 
means to which professedly religious men resort to check the progress of the 
cause. If they will give us this information, our Christian press shall deal 
honestly with it, and the testimony of the British churches shall pass like a 
voice of thunder across the Atlantic waves, and shall resound from one end 
of America to another, as the testimony, not of men of the world, but Chris- 
tian men speaking to men professedly Christian, and telling them that they 
belie their principles ; that they cast a reproach on our common Christianity, 
by every measure they adopt which tends to keep up the reign of that accursed 
thing which we are met to denounce. Such a testimony cannot but have a 
powerful influence. I cannot sit down without alluding to the business to 
which the resolutions refer, and which was brought before us in the early part 
of the day. Allusion has been made to it by our friend Mr. JAMES ; yet con- 
sidering its importance in every view of the measure, the allusion has been 
somewhat too slender to engage that degree of British attention, and British 
sympathy, to which, I think, it is justly entitled. I refer to those noble, self- 
sacrificing services, which our friend Mr. JOHNSTON, from New York, has 
been carrying on for some years past, on behalf of those slaves, or those 
coloured men, who have escaped from their proprietors in the Southern States 
of America. It is most important that the British public should show that 
they are prepared to do something more than talk that they are prepared to 
give a practical testimony of their cordial sympathy and co-operation with 
our esteemed friend and his coadjutors. They have borne the burden and 
heat of the day ; they have encountered a large measure of obloquy ; and 
although it has been said to-day by one friend I suppose in perfect truth and 
fidelity, that the authorities are disposed rather to protect runaway slaves 
than to surrender them that there is a feeling in the counties of the Northern 
States, particularly about New York, to sympathise in the deliverance of these 
poor unhappy men ; yet, we must not forget, that the moment the master's 
eye fixes on the runaway slave, or that his agents grasp him, that moment the 
American authorities are obliged to be the kidnappers of the state, and be the 
means of conveying back the poor man to all the misery and bondage from 
which he had escaped. We have felt to-day, that there is a law which takes 
precedence of all other laws the law of the Bible, so abundantly recognised 
this morning. But we know, that in a state of society like that which prevails 
in America, it becomes important that the friends of the slave, who take the 
responsible task of endeavouring to convey him, when he escapes from bondage, 
into a place of safety and liberty, should be sustained here, if they cannot be 
sustained in their own country. I am sure that Mr. JOHNSTON has only to 
put before the Society of Friends a good case, in order to obtain the means for 
carrying on to a greater extent than he has hitherto been able to do, the work 


in which lie is engaged ; although it is delightful to think that he has sent so 
many to Canada. 1 hope that Englishmen will show the Americans that they 
are not only ready to maintain anti-slavery doctrines, but to give a practical 
demonstration of their feelings, by contributing of their substance to aid this 
glorious undertaking. 

Rev. J. B1RT. Some remarks that I made, not having been sufficiently 
intelligible, I find have occasioned pain to some whom I should be sorry to 
grieve. I was understood to say, with regard to Baptist churches, that many 
would be ready to receive slave-holders to their communion ; but so far from 
intending to convey that impression, I do not believe that there is one that 
would do it ; indeed, I know that most of the associated churches have declared 
that they would not ; what I meant to say was, that it was important that the 
Baptists should be on the alert, because, owing to the Baptists being so numer- 
ous in America, the churches here were the more in danger of receiving, 
unknowingly, Baptist slave-holders from that country. I may be allowed, 
however, to repeat my regret that there should be churches in this country, by 
which Mr. BLANCHARD, for example, would not be i-eceived, any more than a 
coloured man would be in America, or than a slave-holder ought to be in this 
or any other country. 

Mr. BUFFUM. I wish to offer a word of explanation. I have learned 
that some understood me this morning as saying, that by the discipline of the 
Society of Friends, in America, coloured people could not be received into the 
church ; my remarks were confined to the city of Philadelphia. 

A DELEGATE. There are coloured members in the city of Philadelphia. 

The CHAIRMAN. I can hardly think that we are to descend to what 
particular meetings in America may have done. I believe it is clearly under- 
stood, that throughout that country there is no rule among the Society of 
Friends that limits membership to a particular colour. 

Rev. A. A. PHELPS. I am much obliged to my friend, Dr. MORISON, 
for the reference he has made to the speech I had the honour to make this 
morning. It is due to myself to say, that I attempted in a rapid way to pass 
over three topics, either of which, to do justice to it, would have required 
all the time I occupied. Had there been time, I should have been happy to 
have gone into the matter of difficulties. I prefaced the remarks by saying, 
that the difficulties with which we had to contend from pro-slavery action, were 
spread before the former Convention, and through it, before the country gene- 
rally, and I did not suppose there was any need of repeating them on the pre- 
sent occasion. I am glad that my friend is disposed to reduce principle to 
practice. As Dr. MORISON, in illustration of the soundness of his own aboli- 
tionism, has given some account of his interrogation of Mr. CONDIT, of Portland, 
I would like, if in order, to ask him some questions in respect to it, as I may 
gain some information from him that I have not obtained at home. I am 
aware that the General Conference at Maine has corresponded with ecclesiastical 
bodies at the South, the tone of which was elevated, and that Dr. M.'s friend 
had something to do with it ; but it did not come up to non-fellowship with slave- 
holding churches. The point which I wish to ascertain from Dr. MORISON 
is, whether, in the thoroughness and faithfulness of his interrogation of Mr. 
CONDIT, he inquired if the church of which he is pastor, adopts the practice of 
non-fellowship? whether he had ever preached to his people, in Portland, on 
the subject? whether he had ever identified himself with the anti-slavery body ? 
or whether the place of worship occupied by the church and congregation of 
which he is pastor, has ever been open to anti-slavery meetings ? But as it 
may not be in order to put these questions to my friend, I will only say, that 
what, in this case, has passed with Dr. MORISON as abolitionism of the 


genuine stamp, has never been known as such in the United States, and never, 
to my knowledge, been identified in any way with the abolitionists there ; and 
had the Doctor, in his thoroughness, been a little more thorough, he probably 
would have found it so. 

Rev. Dr. MORISON. I put to him this question, " Do you think that 
slavery is a sin against God ?" I think that is a test for all. 

Captain STUART. I wish to ask how it is that the American churches 
speaking generally, allowing for the exceptions presented to us, and that these 
exceptions are increasing continually still are the bulwarks of slavery in the 
United States ? I wish to tell you how, in my own opinion, this is true ; 
suggesting these remarks for your own consideration. It is not by their being 
slave-holders only for the great body of the ministers of the slave churches in 
the slave states, arc slave-holders there are very few Friends there I do not 
know that there are any Covenanters there ; it is not by directly excusing 
slavery only, for multitudes of slave-holders do expressly and emphatically 
excuse it, but it is by letting slavery alone for that is all the devil needs to 
destroy the world and still more by directly and efficiently assailing anti- 
slavery societies. I wish you to inquire for yourselves into the circumstances 
of the division which has lately taken place in the state of Indiana, in the 
Friends' church. I implore your sympathy for the abolitionists there, who 
have withdrawn, as I felt compelled to do, from a branch of the Presbyterian 
church from the society they loved, and whose principles they love still, 
but who would not act up to our views of abolition. We were told yesterday that 
if each thread of slave-labour cotton had a tongue, it would tell fearful tales 
of tyranny and blood. Let us remember, that though these threads have no 
tongue for human ears, yet they have tongues which God hears ; and I wish 
to ask what the verdict of God will be, when at the final judgment He shall 
pass his sentence upon the slave-cotton charge against us, and upon our 
defence ? 

The resolutions were then put, and carried unanimously. 


Rev. J. LEAVITT. Allow me to say, as I shall touch upon the general 
progress of the abolition cause in our country, that the question has been 
raised there, What are the people of England to do? We must reply, " Remem- 
ber them that are in bonds as bound with them ;" do all that you would do if 
they were Englishmen, instead of Americans, who are in bonds in America. 
If they were Englishmen, although you could not reach them, yet you would 
contrive a great many methods by which you would affect their destiny. But 
what we want now is, that England should take care of herself; and through 
the good hand of God upon us, the anti-slavery cause is now in a position in 
which the people of America will take care of themselves : it will go on. 
We see already that the heads of colleges, that the politicians, are conscious of 
this ; and that they are beginning to take care of themselves, as a man takes 
care of himself if he gets on the track on the Birmingham line, and sees a train 
coming. If England will take care of her own interest, her own laws, her 
own subjects, her own commerce, her own diplomacy, her own peace, we ask 
nothing more the anti-slavery cause goes alone. The time has been when 
twenty-two men and two Quaker women, in the city of New York, were 
drummed from street to street, by a handbill of which I happen to have 
a copy. Then we should have been glad of the help of these ministers, 
of these college presidents, and of these politicians; then we should have been 
glad to receive ministers from England that would stand side by side with us. 
Then they could have helped us ; but now let them come, if they please, and 

i 2 


let thorn take care of themselves, that is all we ask of them. At a meeting 
called to form the first Anti-Slavery Society in New York, on the 2nd of Oc- 
tober, 1833, this handbill was put forth: " Notice to all persons from the 
South. All persons interested in the subject of a meeting called by J. LEA- 
VITT, W. GODELL, W. GREEN, jun., J. RANKiN, and LEWIS TAPFAN, at Clinton 
Hall, this evening, at seven o'clock, are requested to attend at the same hour and 
same place. New York, October 2nd, 1833. Many Southerners. N.B. All 
citizens who may feel disposed to manifest the true feelings of the state on this 
subject are requested to attend." On that occasion we were hunted from place 
to place ; and the conviction entered into my soul, that in advocating the cause of 
the slave I was placed out of the protection of law, and that the demon of 
slavery had his foot on my neck, through the influence of my neighbours in 
the Northern states. In the presence of Almighty God, his grace assisting 
me, I resolved that, living or dying, my efforts should not be remitted till that 
foot was off my neck. For eight years one-half of the states of the American Union 
were forbidden ground to me. I could go everywhere else in the world but to 
one-half of my own country. I can, however, now go to the city of Washington, 
which is situated eighty miles within the slave country. I have gone back and 
forth, and resided there nine months at a time, taking notes of the proceedings 
of the American Congress. My head has been in the lion's mouth, and come 
out safe ; for which I thank God. I make these remarks because we have 
been requested to tell you our difficulties. We have told you these in times 
past ; but now that we have attained our present position, what is the use of 
stating them ? We have something else to do. I came to tell you your duty, 
your interest, your own position, and the position of the world, in reference 
to the question of slavery ; and not to entertain you with appeals to your 
sympathies about our difficulties : God will take care of them. I was to speak 
of the financial influence of slavery. I can hardly speak of that with any 
effect, for the want of time : I can say, in a word, it is " hard times" in America. 
I dare say, Sir, that you have something in your cash-box that tells you of 
that pretty well. I will read you a sentence or two from a Western paper, 
published at Cincinnati, to let you know what hard times are : " To have pro- 
duce so cheap and abundant that one fip (about 5d.) economically laid out at 
a pork-house, will supply a moderate family with meat for a whole week," 
(a supply of meat for an American family, you will understand, is no small 
quantity,) " and yet hundreds of families, among whom are respectable, well- 
dressed citizens, compelled to depend for food on the charity of the soup- 
establishment, for want of the means of obtaining that one fip. To have 
farmers in the country, one or two hundred miles from market, with land, and 
stock, and produce in abundance, obliged to shiver in their summer clothing 
through the severity of the winter, because the avails of their produce in 
market will not defray the expense of getting it there ; and they have conse- 
quently no means of purchasing winter clothing. To be obliged to decline (as 
has been done in our office) the offer of a cow and calf, in Indiana, in pay- 
ment of a dollar in advance for the Morning Star, because the proprietor 
of that paper had no way of realising that amount of cash from it." That is 
hard times in America. These hard times are not a mere transient shower, 
but an English steady rain. They began in the spring of 1837, and are not 
yet ended. I am speaking the opinion of many of the most competent men of 
business when I say that it is very uncertain whether we have seen the worst. 
We do not know whether we have found the real value of our property ; there- 
fore we cannot say that our decline has touched the bottom. In 1836, the 
temperance reformation, which had then been ten years in progress, espe- 
cially through the free states, had, directly or indirectly, been the means of 


saving to the country no less than 100 millions of dollars per year. These 
accumulations were the basis of that extraordinary appearance of prosperity 
which spread over our land during those years. The appearances on 
which the financiers and bankers were led to make their calculations, were not 
all fallacious ; they were not imposed upon by sheer misrepresentation and 
fraud, when they were made to believe that there was an immense amount of 
productive industry most profitably employed in our country. We went on ; 
to be sure, we got very wild, and I am sorry to say that our good mother, 
England, did not hold the leading strings, or the purse strings, as she might 
have done, to her own advantage. You offered very freely, and it is not very 
strange that we took all you offered, as far as we could find room for it, in the 
way of credit. By and by the crash came and opened our eyes, at least it did 
mine, to the secret cause of our commercial and financial calamity. That cause 
was slavery. We have been, I venture to say, as industrious, enterprising, 
and successful a people as there is upon the face of the earth. We have been 
at work six years in endeavouring to recover ourselves by the energies of free 
labour and enlightened industry, yet here we are now why ? Because that 
which crushed us at first, is crushing us still. The wound of the life blood is 
not yet staunched ; and till it is staunched, the appearance of healthy trade 
will be like the appearance of health in the sick man when the fever is on him. 
I cannot go into details, but I will state a single fact. The state of Mississippi, 
in about five years, brought on to its new and fertile soil a labouring population 
of ] 00,000 souls. They cost ninety millions of dollars, while Mississippi was 
yet a new state. There was no capital, there was no bank, there were no 
capitalists there. Where was the money obtained? Can you tell me? Is 
there any gentleman in this room, or out of it, who has got Mississippi bonds? 
That is where the money came from. Can you tell me any gentleman who 
has United States Bank Stock? That is where the money came from. Can 
you tell me any gentleman in the city who has Alabama Stock, North 
American Trust Company Stock, Florida, or Louisiana Stock? That is where 
the money came from, and that is where the money went. Ninety millions 
of dollars, you see, for the simple purpose of bringing 100,000 labourers on 
the soil. She has nothing else to show for it. If there had not been a vast 
accumulation of real wealth in the free states to bear the shock before it came 
to you, you would have understood more than you do. But we, standing 
between you and them, and being the indorsers, you have had the benefit 
of whatever commercial fidelity or political faith there was in us, before the 
shock has reached you. Why do I detail this? As a thing that is done? 
No: as a thing that is just begun. These slaves, for they were slaves, were 
bought at extravagant rates, calculating that cotton would never be lower than 
from 16 to 20 cents per pound. They made their calculations that they 
should grow rich very fast, giving a wide margin. They can make a decent 
living at 10 cents, but they cannot if it is under that sum. When I was 
looking over the price currents in America, I found that cotton was now rang- 
ing on an average of 4 to 5 cents per pound. Where has the loss fallen ? 
Upon the money value of the lands and the slaves for which the money was 
borrowed, to buy them in these years of apparent prosperity. It might be 
thought that this great decay in the price of slaves^would lead to emancipation. 
You would say, What can they do with their slaves but to emancipate them ? 
Let me tell you that the principle of slavery, although nurtured and strength- 
ened by avarice, is itself a principle more powerful than avarice. When the 
slave-holder emancipates his slave he makes him a man ; and if you will point 
me to a case in the history of the world, in which those possessed of unrighte- 
ous power have placed their serfs upon an equality with themselves, from 
mere pecuniary considerations the mere pressure of poverty, then I may 


believe that the mere pressure of hard times is likely to bring about emanci- 
pation. A memorial was presented to Congress, in the month of June, 1842, 
by the sugar planters of Louisiana, representing that they had fifty millions 
odd dollars invested in that branch of business ; that the price had become 
ruinously low ; therefore there must be a protective duty imposed upon it to 
enable them to subsist. There were about five hundred sugar planters, and if 
these duties had not been imposed, the effect would have been, that they 
might have become even poor men we will admit the worst of it. Well, I 
am a poor man, and I can conceive of a great many worse calamities than I 
have ever yet been called to suffer; and especially one calamity that of 
depending on the labour of slaves. That is all the calamity that would have 
befallen them even if the sugar product had gone down some five hundred, 
or five hundred and fifty men would have become poor. To meet their 
demand, Congress, which always does as the slave-holders bid, passed a Bill 
imposing a duty of 1\ cents per pound on raw sugar, in order to keep up the 
price. Sugar was then 5 cents per pound ; and for some reason or other 
whether it is that the law of trade is more powerful than the law of Congress, 
or whether it is that the determination of Divine Providence could not be con- 
trolled by the law of Congress, or whether it is neither one thing nor the other, 
or both in one it is a fact that sugars have fallen, during the past winter, to 
3| cents per pound, notwithstanding the duty on foreign sugar. 

With reference to the political influences of slavery, I must be allowed the 
freedom to say, that when we became an independent nation, separating our- 
selves from the dominion of the British crown, we established ourselves on two 
principles. We were before that time a number of colonies, each of us referring 
ourselves directly to the British crown, having no bond of union among 
ourselves. When we effected the separation by the declaration of inde- 
pendence, we declared that we had done it as one people ; and then we 
declared that every individual man was endowed by his Creator with certain 
inalienable rights, among which were life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; 
and that governments were instituted among men for the purpose of protecting 
those rights ; that when government failed of its duty, and became an op- 
pressor, and after all other means of securing redress had failed, it was not 
only the right, but the duty of the people to change that government. That 
was the American principle. The principle on the other side, as was stated 
by Dr. JOHNSON, was, the absolute supremacy of the government. It was so 
laid down by him in his pamphlet on the subject, and which was patronised by 
the ministry of the day. He argued that there must be in every govern- 
ment, somewhere residing, a power that was absolutely supreme that could 
not be called to account by any other power. That was the precise position of 
the question between us. In process of time the British Government recognised 
our independence as a nation, and we took our place with their cordial consent. 
GEORGE THE THIRD told our ambassador, Mr. ADAMS, that although he had 
resisted this step as long as he could, yet now that it was done, no man in the 
world could feel more cordial at the reconciliation than he did : and although 
there has been one unfortunate brush since, and although our government 
knock their heads together, and the members of Congress make a good many 
foolish speeches, and editors say some foolish things, yet these two countries 
have never forgotten they did not in the time of the revolutionary war, nor 
in the subsequent peace, nor in the second war, nor in the present peace they 
have never forgotten that we are very much alike. Sometimes we have quar- 
relled as a man and his wife do, because we are so much of the same mind. 
During the time the question of independence was pending in Congress, prior 
to the issuing of the decisive declaration, there was a party of friends to liberty 
in general, but who had never entered into tl^e spirit of that principle which 


was at stake. They were opposed to the declaration of independence, and they 
were therefore regardless of that principle. They still clung to the idea of state 
independence, or state rights, under the royal sovereignty ; they clung to the 
idea that there must be in government an absolute sovereignty. Unfortunately, 
though the fathers of the Republic were so much pleased with the declaration 
of independence, that they were less careful than they ought to have been to 
carry out the principle in the original construction of the old confederacy ; yet, 
when it fell to pieces, and a new constitution was formed, the new constitution 
laid down certain objects upon which the people of the United States under- 
took to form a government. But after the constitution was adopted, then there 
came up this old idea of state independence and state sovereignty. I will tell 
you what brought it up. It was slavery. The slave-holders were unwilling to 
place their interests in the common mess with the rest of u3 ; they, therefore, 
claimed the right to nullify the decision the action of the federal government 
at their pleasure. I could go into detail to show how they came to have the 
power which they had in the federal government, but it would take too long ; 
suffice it to say, that by a succession of encroachments and of usurpations, the 
slave-holders in Congress have for 30 years past established an absolute control 
of the government, so that the doctrine of state rights or state sovereignty, 
which is only another form of Dr. Johnson's absolute sovereignty of govern- 
ment, transferring it from the British Crown to the state legislature, has come 
to be the recognised law of the American republic. Your British government 
have found it to their perplexity in the boundary question, and in the case of 
Mr. M'Leod ; and our government has, by Mr. Webster, acknowledged itself 
to be incompetent to discharge its admitted duties. It is slavery that has made 
us a congeries of nations instead of one nation. The free states are obliged to 
adopt the same principle in self-defence ; for it will not do for us to be bound 
by it, any more than slave governments are bound by it ; and the consequence 
is, the doctrine of state rights is the American doctrine the principle by which 
we are to stand or fall. I believe there is intelligence and moral principle, 
and political integrity enough, through the blessing of God, to carry us through 
and bring us to a proper state when the great counteracting cause is removed. 
But we can never do anything, be anything, we shall always be in every body's 
way, an annoyance to every body, as long as slavery continues. I might show 
in regard to the political question, as perhaps I have shown satisfactorily in the 
financial question, that if you suffer in consequence of our anomalous position, 
we of the free states suffer more. We have to bear the brunt of the shock ; we 
suffer in every form, and yet there is no way but for us to suffer. We are one 
people, notwithstanding ; they are our brethren ; we are one country. A great 
deal has been said about dividing the Union ; it would be an easy thing. It is 
a very easy thing to divide a stick of wood, if you take it along the grain and 
the grain is straight ; but our grain is not straight, we are a crooked-grained peo- 
ple ; therefore, there is no seam at which we can be divided. We have to go through 
with it ; we have to see the end of it ; we have to pay the bill ; we have to bear the 
dishonour, to encounter the difficulty. We shall keep you in that position, that 
the burden we cannot bear will by and by settle down on John Bull's shoulders, 
as it did in the days of repudiation ; but meanwhile the brunt of the burden falls 
upon us, and will continue to do so until the cause is removed. You cannot dry 
up this river by baling it out with a pail ; you must dry it up at the fountain head, 
and then the streams of misery, and evil, and impoverishment will no longer 
flow. I will say, as an illustration of this, that slavery controls our govern- 
ment. I am requested to explain in what way the slave-holders have votes for 
the slaves. The fathers who formed the institution got into a snare ; they were 
entangled in the web of sophistry. The constitution speaks of all human 


beings only as persons. Mr. MADISON, though a slave-holder, who died with 
hundreds of slaves to follow him to the grave, yet, in that convention, he said 
it would not do to admit in the constitution, that man can be the property of 
man. That sentiment is not new : nor the language. Now when they came to 
apportion the representatives of the states, a difficulty arose. You know that 
in England it is not a question easily settled, to give universal satisfaction when 
you come to apportion representatives. They first agreed on population as the 
basis ; then the question arose, whether the slaves were population ? The 
people of the North said to the slave-holders, you regard them as property and 
not as people, and therefore you ought not to claim a representation for them. 
The slave-holders, on the other hand, said to the men of the North, you insist 
on making the federal constitution regard them as people and not property, 
and therefore you ought not to reject the claim to represent them. There 
they were in a dilemma how were they to agree? We have a way sometimes 
in our country of settling the point ; if we cannot agree, we split the difference. 
The difference was wide between persons and property, but they contrived to 
reconcile it very curiously. They allowed a representation of three-fifths of the 
slaves, by which it was to be understood, that they were three-fifths persons and 
two-fifths property ; and in those cases alluded to of fugitives from slavery, 
indicted at the South for stealing, the real gist of the indictment is, that the 
three-fifths have stolen the two-fifths, and run away with it. The effect of that 
has been to introduce the principle of property representation, and to cement 
the holders of this property in one combined interest, so firmly united, so de- 
termined, so desperate, that by the mere force of that desperate determination 
they have obtained the absolute control, I might say, of the government. In 
the last Congress, they had twenty-five members on account of their slave pro- 
perty. This apportionment is given not to the individual planter ; the planter 
does not cast so many votes, but it is given to the state. Supposing that 
the ratio of the apportionment is 70,000. A state which has 70,000 free 
persons will have for each 70,000 a representative. A state or district which 
has 40,000 free persons, and 50,000 slaves, would have what we call a 
federal number of 70,000, and be entitled to a representative; so that 40,000, 
who alone possess political power in the one case, would have the same weight 
in the legislation of Congress with 70,000 free people in the other case. That 
is the injustice of it. The effect of it has been, not only that the twenty-five 
members represent that interest, but by having this political power, and by hav- 
ing also the skill of an overseer, they possess the entire political control of the 
whole of the slave states. There is not one of these slave states in which 
any other interest, however important, is ever allowed to come in competition 
in the slightest degree with the interests of slavery ; but throughout the whole, 
although the slave-holders are supposed to be no more than one in seven, yet 
they control the state. The consequence is, that the whole 100 representatives 
of the slave states are the representatives of slavery and nothing else. We are 
therefore crushing the spirit of liberty ; we have not only to sacrifice the prin- 
ciple of liberty, but also the supreme regard to the rights of man as man : and 
this not only in the slave but the free states. There is a decision of our supreme 
court which has gone the length of depriving us of all security, except that of 
public opinion, for our personal liberties. As far as that decision stands as law, 
we are all in that position. We have lost our birth-right, which our fathers 
carried with them from this venerable island the right of habeas corpus. 
Habeas corpus is in the air we breathe, and yet slavery has withdrawn its vital 
elements. 1 have said therefore, that whatever calamity American slavery may 
bring upon you in England, we have to meet the first of the shock ; and I must 
say, that through the good hand of our God upon us, so far as the establishment 


of the general principle is concerned, I believe we have met it ; I believe that 
it is a thing of the past, and that slavery has for us, with the single exception 
of its pecuniary operation, done its worst. I hope that the effect of this Con- 
vention will be to awaken the attention of the people of England more particu- 
larly to slavery, as it affects the destinies of the world. It is a World's Conven- 
tion, and it is in that point of view that 1 desire our action may be regulated. 
We cannot sit here and weigh with the nice scale of the apothecary or the 
jeweller the precise measure of personal blame that belongs to individuals or 
religious societies. We have none of us done what we might, and we have all 
done enough that we ought not to have done. Let us repent as individuals, as 
communities, as religious societies, and as nations ; and let us bring forth fruits 
meet for repentance in the sight of God. It is a small thing, Mr. Chairman, to 
be judged of you, much as I honour you, or of any man's judgment. I am 
grieved, allow me to say, when I see men here so anxious to condemn, or so 
anxious to justify, or so anxious to explain, or so anxious to enhance, what is 
said in regard to individuals or societies. This Convention cannot measure out 
guilt or innocence. This Convention can neither comprehend the circumstances 
that enhance the guilt, nor, if there are any, which mitigate the guilt, of those 
who have taken one part or another in this struggle. We are struggling against 
the enemy of mankind. Although I have expressed a hope that we have seen 
the worst of it and if we have seen the worst of it in America, probably we 
have seen the worst everywhere yet let us not be too hasty in putting off the 
harness. We are struggling against an enemy that, when he dies, means to die 
hard. We are struggling against what is called an institution ; and if hell has 
institutions, let it take the name of an institution. We are struggling against 
that which has its gigantic hands upon the pillars of society religious and civil 
government; and if in its death-throe it can tear down those hallowed fabrics, 
it is not too bad an act for it to do. As I have said on another occasion, those 
who will uphold slavery will do anything. Youcannotbind them, conscience, 
laws, treaties, legal decisions, the gospel cannot bind them. Honour cannot 
bind them. Why, what honour has the man that will whip a woman ? I wish 
that the people in England, both religious, political, and financial, in all their 
interests, would understand these things. But if the slave-holders can gouge 
you, as we call it, they will do it : if they can get an advantage, they will do it. 
I wish you also to understand that every concession which is made to slavery is 
made wrongfully. No matter whether done by religious communities or by 
statesmen, everything that is done in its favour is done wrong. You have de- 
clared that the slave-trader is a pirate. What is the slave-holder? Let him be 
a minister, or a church member, or a member of Congress, or President of the 
United States, he is a man that holds slaves. How comes he to hold them ? 
He claims them to be property. Where did his property originate? You 
say, and we say, it originated in piracy. When did piracy ever confer rights ? 
Can a man that buys of a pirate obtain property by it ? Certainly not. Even 
if he does it innocently, he acquires no right by it; much less when he does it 
guiltily, as every man does who buys a slave. He knows he is buying a man ; 
and therefore when the British government says to the slave-holders, who act 
as the American government, if your slave ships are full of slaves, we cannot 
touch them ; I ask you, sir, and I ask through you the whole of England, whether 
that is the law of England in regard to piracy ? Suppose that an American 
pirate should take the beautiful vessel that is soon about to hover around your 
coast into its possession, and hoist the American flag over it, or transfer its pre- 
cious contents precious indeed they are to the people of England Queen 
Victoria and her royal consort and their children to an American ship under 
stripes and stars, piratically ; I ask then whether, if you found them prisoners 


in American chains, the flag would cover the goods ? That brings it to the 
test. That is piracy ; and yet the British government tells the slave-holders 
of America, You may fill your ships with slaves hy piracy, and because they 
are not British but African kings and queens, we will not touch them, but speed 
them on their way. I give that as an illustration, not as argument, to show 
you that every concession that is made to slavery is a wrong. If the Con- 
vention will realise the importance of its trust ; if the members will consider 
that we have One who will do us all justice as individuals, and who will 
do the religious societies with which we are connected ample justice ; arid will 
let us give our attention to the business that we are upon the business of the 
world, I do hope that this meeting will not be in vain. I have said that we 
have made advances ; yet it is difficult so to describe them in a few words that 
you will understand or appreciate them. Our excellent brother (the Rev. 
J. A. JAMES) wished that we might explain and exhibit our difficulties. Sir, the 
difficulties some of us have had to encounter never can be known in this world, 
and they need not be known. What is the use of making them known ? They 
are not difficulties that man can meet. Why tell them ? But let us look at our 
advances. Allusion was made on the first day of the Session to the case of 
the Amistad. I wish to say a few words on that case. It was a great day 
with us when those unhappy beings were brought into our port by an American 
armed vessel. They were claimed as property before the Admiralty Court of 
the United States. They were libelled for salvage by the officers who took 
them up, and libelled as property by the miscreants called Spanish gentlemen 
who had bought them in Cuba, knowing them to be Bozal negroes fresh from 
Africa. It happened to a very small number, a majority of whom you see 
here, to stand as a committee in behalf of these men. We had, in the first place, 
to go back to first principles, as GRANVILLE SHAUPE did ; and then we had 
to meet the Courts. They were libelled in the District Court, the Court of Ad- 
miralty, as property, and we brought them by the writ of habeas corpus to the 
Circuit Court, to test their right to personality. The Circuit Court, on that, 
decided that the trial before the Admiralty Court on the question of property 
was prior, was paramount, to the trial before the Circuit Court on the question 
of personality. Here we had the first blow struck at habeas corpus. I will 
tell you on what decision that was based ; on a decision of the Admiralty 
Court of England, given by Sir WILLIAM SCOTT, afterwards Lord STOWELL, 
and which is always referred to by the advocates of slavery to prove that the 
British law recognises the right of man to hold property in man. I wish that 
decision were overhauled by some one that understood law. Let it come before 
the present Admiralty Court, and let the British public see what the decision 
will be. We then, through a long series of processes, carried the case to the 
Court of the United States. It fell to me to watch its progress at Washington ; 
and when I arrived there, a few days before the sitting of the Court, there was 
a universal impression that these Africans (thirty-five in number) would in- 
evitably be given up to Spanish vengeance, to be burned in the midst of the 
baracoons of Cuba. But, through the blessing of God upon us, our Counsel 
were enabled to present the case in such an aspect, that the Court decided them 
to be free ; and they were sent back, as you have heard, to their own Country 
in the enjoyment of freedom. The President of the United States, expecting 
a contrary decision, had given orders to his subordinates to take them by the 
mere force of executive mandate, and carry them from the American shores, in 
an American armed vessel, across the sea to a foreign country. So far have 
we departed from the spirit of the Declaration of Independence, and so far 
have we lost the legal principles of our ancestry, through the influence of 
slavery, that an American President dared to give a warrant for carrying 


men beyond the seas without process of law ; and that man is now confidently 
expecting the American people to reinstate him in the office he has degraded. 
(Cries of "name.") His name is MARTIN VAN BUREN a Northern man with 
Southern principles. In case the decision of the Court had been in fact, such 
as he anticipated, he had a vessel lying in the harbour, ready the moment 
the decision should be given, before there was time to enter an appeal, to hurry 
them off beyond the reach of the law. We gained something, considering the 
relation in which we stand to other states, by another decision of the same court. 
The state of Mississippi had prohibited the introduction of slaves for sale ; and 
the reason given by the counsel of the state a distinguished senator, was, 
that they were suffering such an accumulation of slaves. He stated in his argu- 
ment, that in the state of Mississippi there were whole patrol districts, (for the 
South is always in a state of fear, and guarded by armed patrol, the same as 
if it were a camp in which there was not more than one white man to 300 
slaves,) and the accumulation was so rapid that the people became alarmed at 
their position. This law was passed to restrict their introduction ; so that here- 
after no man should bring slaves to the state unless he came to reside with 
them, a very small limitation to be sure. The slaves which were sold in 
large numbers were brought in and sold contrary to this law; and when 
the bonds came to be put in suit, which had been given for them, they 
were resisted on this ground, that having been introduced against law, the 
bonds were void. They got the negroes, and left the man to whistle for 
his pay. The case was very eloquently argued by Mr. WALKER, the senator 
for Mississippi, and the ATTORNEY GENERAL of the United States, on one 
side, and by Mr. HENRY CLAY and Mr. DANIEL WEBSTER on the other. The 
supreme court, in their decision, gave us one most important principle which 
is, that the constitution of the United States does not recognise man as pro- 
perty, and that consequently Congress has no right to regard the removal of slaves 
from one state to another as commerce. The removal of slaves from one state 
to another is not commerce, and slaves not being property in the eyes of the 
constitution, Congress have no right to control the removal from state to state 
of that class of persons any more than of another. That was the decision of the 
supreme court. I think there is a flaw in it, but I will not stop to discuss it. 
I think their compulsory removal is a matter within the power of Congress, on 
other grounds than that of commerce. I see that the supreme court of Missis- 
sippi has emphatically declared that these bonds and mortgages given for slaves, 
as I have said, to the amount of many millions of dollars, are all void ; and so 
far as it affects the interests between the negro seller and the negro buyer, we 
are in a position that we do not care which meets the loss : let the law decide 
it. The other decision was one which does, as I think, great dishonour to our 
courts, and one that has done more than any other thing that I ever saw or 
read of to shake our confidence in judicial tribunals. I have had great reve- 
rence for courts ; I have looked to Westminster hall ; I have looked to the tribu- 
nals of this our parent country, and to those of my own country, with perhaps 
more veneration than I ought ever to have paid to any human institution ; but 
when I saw this court, learned and able, giving the decision that it did through 
the mouth of Mr. Justice STORY, I was shocked, I was overwhelmed ; and I may 
say that the hour that I spent in listening to that decision, as it came from his 
lips, was one of the most distressing hours of my life. He decided that the 
constitution I have mentioned it before had given the slave-holder the right 
to take his slave wherever he could find him, by his own mere authority. The 
case was of this kind. A woman having, as she said, the consent of her master, 
went across the line from Maryland to Pennsylvania. She there married, and 
had a child born in a free state. The father was free. In process of time, after 


the death of the old master, his heirs being, as I suppose, impoverished and 
needy, directed their attention to this woman and child, as the means of re- 
storing their fallen fortunes. They therefore then came within the separate ju- 
risdiction, upon the free soil of Pennsylvania, and there seized the woman and 
child living in the peace of the commonwealth, and without warrant or form of 
law, carried them to Maryland, and sold them whither they would. The 
wretched husband, on returning to his desolate hearth, found that the spoiler 
had broken in upon him. The feelings of Pennsylvania were strongly roused : 
for the man was respected by some worthy citizens. The kidnappers were in- 
dicted, and they were demanded under the process of a neighbouring state to be 
delivered up for trial. Unfortunately the government of the commonwealth of 
Pennsylvania is in servile hands, and, by some of the most paltry tricks, an 
agreement was made for an amicable suit to be carried up to the supreme court. 
An amicable suit, in which the interests of slavery were at stake, and the defenders 
on the one side were slave-holders, and the parties on the other the tools of slave- 
holders ! It was as bad as a fraudulent verdict, before a packed jury. The su- 
preme court is established by the constitution of the United States to try questions 
arising between citizens of different states as a common tribunal in the last resort. 
It is so contrived that it is always made up of a majority from the slave states. 
Although the slave states are but two-fifths, or less than that, to the free people, 
yet they contrive to have five judged cut of nine resident among them; and we have 
to go to that tribunal in the last resort to seek justice. The decision was given, such 
as it was, through this mismanagement, to our deep consternation, and it was given 
by a judge the most distinguished of them all a judge well known to every per- 
son in the kingdom who is conversant with our judicial writings a citizen of 
Massachusetts, and an inhabitant of the same village with myself. I had hoped 
that he would now have been in England, and that he might have been called to 
meet his own decision in the face of the British public. 

It is unadvisable to take up more time in explaining our difficulties; and I 
will now show how we contrive to meet those difficulties and to overcome 
them. Shortly after this decision was given, a man as white as the majority 
before me came to Boston with his wife, who was soon expecting her confine- 
ment, begging for concealment and security against the slave-hunters close at 
their heels. They had contrived by some curious means to make their escape 
from Virginia, and had reached Boston in safety. The master found where 
they were, and obtained a fraudulent process from the police against the man 
as a thief: I suppose because the three-fifths had stolen the two-fifths. Having 
got him in his possession he consigned him to the jailor. Although it has 
been decided as long since as the time of HENRY THE EIGHTH that no jailor can 
farm his jail, yet this man dared to receive him for safe-keeping on the mere 
warrant of the slave-holder. When we brought him before the state court 
of Massachusetts on a habeas corpus, that court had the timidity, the servility, 
or the weakness to recognise this decision of the supreme court of the United 
States, and say that in consequence of that decision they could not undertake 
to test the validity of this proceeding under a habeas corpus. If I or you 
were there, under similar circumstances, the habeas corpus would not be more 
available to us than it was to that poor fugitive, except that public opinion 
would throw a shield over us, because we are of the privileged class. But 
the law which was made to shield the humblest individuals has withdrawn it 
from them in obedience to the dictates of slavery. Such an excitement, how- 
ever, was created, that we made Boston too hot for the slave-holder, and he was 
glad to get home. The man is now free in the state of Massachusetts, and 
telling his story. His name is GEORGE LATIMER; the master's name was 
JAMES D. GRAY, of Norfolk, Virginia. We got up a Latimer Journal on the 


occasion, and a little bit of paper sometimes kindles a great fire. This Latimer 
Journal was conducted by two excellent individuals, young men in Boston ; 
one of them, Mr. H. J. BOWDITCH, whose name will be more interesting to 
some that are men of science if I mention that he is the son of Dr. Bow DITCH, 
who translated into English and published at his own expense, LA PLACE'S 
great work on Astronomy; and the other was Mr. CHANNING, the worthy son 
of that honourable man who has so recently left a vacancy by his decease, Dr. 
WILLIAM ELLERY CHANNING. These two men threw themselves into this 
breach, and by their Latimer Journals, and petitions, and meetings aroused 
the whole commonwealth. A large petition was brought into the Legislature, 
filled with the names of men and women, praying for the enactment of a law 
that would effectually prevent the use of all our civil tribunals, our courts, or 
our prisons, for any purpose of slavery whatsoever, or making any such prosti- 
tution of them. Such was the excitement, that the Legislature came together, 
only desiring to know what we would have them to do. You never saw men 
more anxious to know what to do than these legislators were. We got up a 
similar petition to Congress, and put it into the hands of JOHN QUINCY ADAMS 
to present. As it stood on his desk one of the slave-holders said, " It is a 
hornet's nest ; there are fifty thousand hornets in it." He was asked what it 
was ; he said it was " a petition to abolish slavery in the free states, headed by 
GEORGE LATIMER, a citizen of Massachusetts, a native of Virginia, connected 
by blood with the principal founders of that renowned dominion." I hope these 
things will satisfy our friends that our progress is not nominal. We have 
gained thus far on our way, and we look forward with hope to the end. 
The Convention then adjourned. 



The minutes of yesterday were read and confirmed. 


Rev. T. SCALES. The Committee appointed to draft minutes, in reference 
to THOMAS CLARKSON, Esq., and WILLIAM ALLEN, Esq., have brought up the 
following report : 

This Convention have received with feelings of deep emotion the intelligence, 
that their revered and honoured friend, THOMAS CLARKSON, is prevented by his 
state of health from personally presiding on the present occasion. A luminous 
and forcible address from him to the Convention, on the position of the anti- 
slavery cause, has however been read with the liveliest interest. In thus 
recording their affectionate regret for the cause of hrs absence, the Convention 
would express their thankful sense of the good providence of God, in leading 
him forth in early manhood into that work of mercy and labour of love which 
has marked his career on earth, and in sustaining him throughout a long life, 
as the ardent and unflinching enemy of cruelty and oppression in every form. 
And whilst the Convention earnestly desire that others may be raised up 10 


advocate the sacred cause of suffering humanity, it is their fervent hope and 
prayer that it may please Almighty God to bless the remaining days of their 
aged friend with the rich consolations of his gospel, and finally grant him an 
admittance into those regions where " the wicked cease from troubling, and the 
weary are at rest." 

The Convention assembled for the purpose of promoting the abolition of 
slavery and the slave trade throughout the world, has been deeply affected by 
information, that that devoted friend of humanity, WILLIAM ALLEN, who, it was 
hoped, might have presided over its deliberations, in the absence of THOMAS 
CLARKSON, is prevented from doing so by enfeebled health. The Convention 
feels it to be due to its loved and honoured friend to enter this notice upon its 
records, and to express its high sense of the eminent dedication to philanthropic 
effort, and especially to the advancement of the great cause of the abolition of 
the slave trade and of slavery, and the welfare of the free people of colour, 
which has so signally marked his life ; and its warm and affectionate desire 
that, during the remainder of his days on earth, he may be abundantly blessed 
with peaceful hope, and an abiding trust and confidence in the mercy and merits 
of his God and Saviour. 

Mr. STAGEY. I beg to move the adoption of these minutes as a part of our 

Mr. L. TAPPAN. I doubt not that they will receive the sanction of every 
abolitionist in the United States ; and therefore, of every Christian throughout 
that country. I most cheerfully second the resolution. 

The motion was then put and carried by acclamation. 


Mr. J. STURGE. Our friends are aware that we received a letter from 
another long-tried friend of the cause, and though it is known to many of those 
who have taken an active part in it, that it has been the painful situation of 
some of us, at certain periods, to disagree in judgment with our friend, as to 
the best means of securing the end in view, I believe that none of us at any 
time doubted either his sincerity or his earnestness ; I allude to Sir T. F. BUXTON. 
I am sorry to say, that he is in that enfeebled state of health, that it is probable 
he will never again be able to take an active part in the cause ; and though, 
with reference to some points, including the African Civilization Society, I took 
a different view from him, yet I can cordially unite in a short expression of 
sympathy towards him, in his bodily affliction. We must not forget that there 
was a time when he stood almost alone in the House of Commons. If, in 
reference to any of the promoters of the society to which I have referred, I 
have at any time used a single expression stronger than Christian faithfulness 
required, I sincerely ask their excuse. I now suggest that a small committee 
be appointed, with a view to draw up an expression of sympathy with Sir T. F, 
BUXTON, in his present weak state of health. 

Mr. HOLLAND. I move that the subject be referred to the same com- 
mittee that prepared the other minutes. 

Mr. STANDFIELD. I heartily second that motion, and I rejoice that 
Mr. STURGE has brought the matter before the assembly. Sir T. F. BUXTON 
fought the battle of an ti- slavery unaided and alone in the House of Commons 
for many a year. 

Mr. J. CREWDSON. I can cordially unite in the address to THOMAS F. 
BUXTON, but 1 think that there should be great care in introducing matter of 
that kind. 


Mr. FULLER. I am not the man to detract from THOMAS F. BUXTON. I 
go heart and hand with the minutes that have been read, and I rejoice that they 
have been prepared; but we do not come here to laud each other, and I think 
that we should be jealous of resolutions of this description. 

Mr. J. FORSTER and Mr. BLAIR expressed their approbation of the 

The CHAIRMAN. Intimately connected with Sir THOMAS FOWELL BUX- 
TON as I am, I may state, that I am sure any sympathy on the part of this 
Convention will be exceedingly grateful to his feelings. Having known his 
proceedings from early life, it may not be amiss to repeat for it has been 
already alluded to that for a long period of years, this cause was as unpopular 
here, as it can be now in any of the Southern States of America. For many 
years, the only support which the cause received in the House of Commons, 
TON, and DANIEL O'CONNELL. I mention the latter name, because it is due to 
him. The intense labour of Sir T. F. BUXTON, the deep anxiety he suffered 
for a long period of years, has had such an effect upon his constitution, as 
often to have brought him near the door of death. In the case of the Governor 
of Mauritius, it will be remembered, that not only the Government, but the 
House of Commons, and the whole West India interest, were arrayed against 
him, when he brought forward his charge against the governor for encouraging 
the slave-trade in that colony ; but by the facts elicited the case was proved, 
and the cause gained. The anti-slavery cause has occupied nearly the whole 
of Sir T. F. BUXTON 's life, and his present weak health arises in a great 
measure from his intense labour and feeling on the subject. 

Mr. J. STURGE. I entirely accord with the observations of J. C. FULLER 
and others, that the Convention should not spend its time in the expression of 
praise to the living ; but when our friends are labouring under a weak state of 
health, having worn themselves out in this cause, an expression of sympathy 
on the part of an assembly like this, cannot but impart comfort to their minds ; 
and I think that the delegates will not regard time so spent as lost to the 
great cause. I should equally rejoice in moving a vote of sympathy with any 
of our transatlantic friends under similar circumstances. 

Mr. FULLER. I hope the vote will be unanimous. 

The resolution was then put and carried by acclamation. 


Rev. T. SPENCER. It is with considerable reluctance that I rise to 
address the Convention, because I fear that what I am about to state, may not 
agree with the views of all present. I should be glad, if possible, not to 
offend the feelings, or even the prejudices of any man, but the cause of truth 
requires, not merely that we should endeavour to live peaceably with all 
men, but should speak the words of truth, whether they are pleasant or dis- 
agreeable. There was a step taken on the tenth day's sittings of the last 
Convention, which I have looked upon with regret, and which I think contra- 
dicted the steps taken on a previous day. A resolution was passed on the 
tenth day, to this effect, " That, impressed with the importance of avoiding 
all means of strengthening slavery and the foreign slave-trade, this Convention 
is of the judgment, that the British government ought on no account to allow 
of the introduction of slave-grown sugar into the British market ; and that 
the friends of the abolition of slavery ought, in their individual character, to 
uphold this view." In a former part of that same Convention, there had 


been a strong expression of opinion, as to the possibility of free labour com- 
peting all the world over with slave-labour ; but this resolution seems to me 
to be rather inconsistent with that statement. I wish, therefore, to take the 
opinion of the present Convention on that point, more especially, as it has 
given rise to animadversion in various parts of England, and formed a con- 
spicuous topic in debates in the House of Commons. The motion, therefore, 
that I have now to bring before the assembly is this, 

"That in the judgment of this Convention, the introduction of the slave-grown produce 
of Cuba and Brazil into competition with the free-grown produce of the British West 
India colonies and British India, is rendered necessary as an act of justice to the people of 
this country, and is in consistency with the principles on which this Convention is con- 

I am as great an advocate, I hope, as any man for the abolition of slavery 
all over the world. I hate the very name ; and I detest the thing under what- 
ever form it may appear, either at home or abroad. I hope that as long as 
God spares my life, I shall hold up my hand against that crime ; at the same 
time, I am not to be so led away by my feelings, as to do an act of injustice 
to one class, whilst I endeavour to support another. I would not leave the 
persons emancipated to suppose, that their dependence for prosperity rested 
upon any protection we could give them ; but rather, that their reliance must 
be placed on their own good conduct, and on that free commercial intercourse 
upon which all nations depend for prosperity. Neither do I wish to appear 
before the world in contradiction to myself. I would not say, when advocating 
the cause of the slave, that emancipation would be beneficial to the master as 
well as to the slave, because free labour is better than slave labour ; and then, 
as soon as the captives obtained their freedom, say, that unless they were 
protected from competition with those who retained their slaves in bondage, 
they could not live. It would be like saying, Here is a boy that will beat 
another in a race or in wrestling, and then when the two were brought to- 
gether, insisting that one hand or one foot of the opposing party must be 
bound. When I say, able to compete, I mean on fair and equal terms. Now, 
as many persons present may not recollect, or may not be aware of what was 
done at the former Convention, I will read a few extracts from a report then 
agreed to, on free as compared with slave labour. I consider it one of the 
most important documents in the book I hold in my hand [Proceedings of 
the Anti-Slavery Convention, 1840] one of the most important subjects 
brought before that Convention, and before the whole nation. There were two 
things which the Committee appointed by that Convention declared they were 
about to prove one was, that the cost of slave labour was greater than that 
of free labour; the other, that slave labour was less productive than free 

" I. The expense of slave labour consists, in the first place, in the cost of 
purchasing or rearing the slave, and supporting him in sickness and old age, 
with interest on these amounts ; and, in the second, in the sum expended in his 
maintenance during the effective years of his life. These two amounts added 
together, and divided by the number of those years, will, therefore, give the 
annual cost of such labour to the master. If we omit the case of purchased 
slaves, and suppose them to be bred on the estate, (and breeding is admitted 
to be, under ordinary circumstances, the cheapest mode of supply,) the expense 
of free labour will resolve itself into precisely the same elements, since the 
wages paid to free labourers of every kind, must be such as to enable them, 
one with another, to bring up a family, and continue their race. Now, it is 
observed by ADAM SMITH, ' The wear and tear of a free servant is equally at the 


expense of his master, and it generally costs him much less than that of a slave. 
The fund destined for replacing, and repairing, if I may so say, the wear and 
tear of a slave, is commonly managed by a negligent master or careless overseer. 
That destined for performing the same office, with regard to the freeman, is 
managed by the freeman himself. The disorders which generally prevail in the 
economy of the rich, naturally introduce themselves into the management of the 
former ; the strict frugality and parsimonious attention of the poor, as naturally 
establish themselves in that of the latter.' The Russian political economist, 
STORCH, who had carefully examined the system of slavery in that extensive 
empire, makes the same remark, almost in the same words. HUME expresses 
a similar opinion in decided terms. A statement from one of the slave dis- 
tricts in the United States shows that, taking the purchase-money, or the 
expense of rearing a slave, with the cost of his maintenance, at their actual 
rates, and allowing fifteen years of health and strength, during which to 
liquidate the first cost, his labour will be at least 25 per cent, dearer than that 
of the free-labourer in the neighbouring districts. 

" II. Slave-labour is less productive : As ' the slave,' says STORCH, ' work- 
ing always for another, and never for himself, being limited to a bare sub- 
sistence, and seeing no prospect of improving his condition, loses all stimulus 
to exertion ; he becomes a machine, often very obstinate, and very difficult to 
manage. A man who is not rewarded in proportion to the labour he performs, 
works as little as he can ; this is an acknowledged truth, which the experience 
of every day confirms. Let a free-labourer work by the day, he will be 
indolent ; pay him by the piece, he will often work to excess and ruin his 
health. If this observation is just in the case of the free-labourer, it must be 
still more so in that of the slave.' HUME remarks, ' I shall add, from the 
experience of our planters, that slavery is as little advantageous to the master 
as to the man. The fear of punishment will never draw so much labour from 
a slave, as the dread of being turned off, and not getting another service, will 
give a freeman.' BURKE observes, ' Slaves certainly cannot go through so much 
work as freemen. The mind goes a great way in everything ; and when a man 
knows that his labour is for himself, and that the more he labours the more he 
is to acquire, this consciousness carries him through, and supports him beneath 
fatigues, under which he would otherwise have sunk.' Dr. DICKSON, who 
resided in Barbadoes, as Secretary to the late Hon. EDWARD HAY, the 
Governor of that island, observes, ' That it has heen known for many ages, 
by men of reflection, that the labour of slaves, whether bought or bred, though 
apparently cheaper, is really far dearer in general than that of freemen.' 
The following facts will sufficiently establish the correctness of these opinions. 
I will give one of the most important. President COOPER, of South Carolina, 
says, ' Slave labour is undoubtedly the dearest kind of labour. The usual 
work of a field hand is barely two-thirds of what a white day labourer, at 
usual wages, would perform; this is the outside.' 'Nothing,' he continues, 
' will justify slave labour in point of economy, but the nature of the soil and 
climate, which incapacitates a white man from labouring in the summer time 
on the rich lands in Carolina and Georgia. In places, merely agricultural, as 
New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Missouri, slave labour is entirely 
unprofitable. It is even so in Maryland and Virginia.' From a calculation, 
made under the guidance of M. COULOMB, an able mathematician and ex- 
perienced engineer, who conducted extensive building works both in France 
and the West Indies, it appears, ' That field slaves do only between a third 
and a half of the work despatched by reluctant French soldiers, and probably 
not more than a third of what those very slaves would do, if urged by their 
own interest.' Dr. JAMES ANDERSON, in an excellent pamphlet, entitled, 


'Observations on Slavery,' published in 1788, shows, that the labour of a 
West India slave costs about thrice as much as it would cost if executed by a 
freeman. Taking another case, he demonstrates that the labour of certain 
colliers in Scotland, who, till our own times, were subjected to a mild kind of 
vassalage, regulated by law, was twice as dear as that of the freemen, who 
wrought in other coal mines in the same country, and thrice as dear as common 
day labour. In further confirmation of this fact, Mr. J. J. PRESCOD, the 
editor of the Barbadoes Liberal, and a delegate to this Convention, states, 
' Throughout the colonies the effective powers of the lahourer have been greatly 
increased by his emancipation ; and he can now do double, and occasionally 
treble, the quantity of work, which he was thought capable of doing when a 
slave!' " 

Upon this report the last Convention acted, and there were certain resolu- 
tions brought forward, and adopted by it. I call the attention of the present 
assembly to that report, and to those resolutions, which are well worthy of the 
time and consideration of every member of the Convention. Some of the 
gentlemen who attended that Convention made very important remarks in their 
advocacy of the principles contained in that report. An amendment was pro- 
posed to the resolution, and Mr. SCOBLE, in reply, stated, " The authorities 
which were quoted to us this morning in the admirable report brought up by the 
Free Labour Committee, were sufficient generally to establish the fact, that 
free labour will be found, upon the whole, cheaper than slave labour. The 
rider which I hold in my hand, and which my friend, Mr. TURN BULL, wishes 
to be added to the resolutions submitted to the Convention, contains a fallacy 
upon its face." And that amendment was rejected. There were other gentle- 
men who made remarks upon it, one of whom was Mr. JOHN STURGE, who 
says, " The reason why the argument was introduced into the report, and 
formed a part of the resolutions, was this, to show that by fair competition, free 
labour would put an end to the slave-trade ;" not merely that it was equal to 
slave labour, or superior to it, but that it would put an end to the slave trade ; 
and it would do this, " by rendering cultivation by imported slave labour an 
unprofitable engagement." Then we have some remarks by a very important 
person on this subject Mr. Justice JEREMIE. He says, " I have witnessed 
the working of both systems in the Brazils, in St. Thomas's, and in our own 
islands, both in the East and the West. What is a sugar plantation under 
a system of slave importation? The rankest, the most wretched species of 
lottery: it is neither more nor less. Some draw prizes; but for one prize 
there are fifty blanks : where one man makes a fortune, twenty are ruined : 
you hear of the former, but the latter are studiously kept from public 
notice. This is a matter of notoriety amongst us ; and, therefore, in every 
view which we can take of this question, my friend, Mr. TURNBULL, is proceed- 
ing on a fallacy." With this report, these resolutions, and these excellent 
arguments, on the part of the Convention, we should naturally have supposed 
that they would in the face of the world have maintained the principle that 
they could trust free labour anywhere in competition with the labour of slaves. 
But then it is stated that some circumstances make the case different ; that the 
slaves are sometimes worked twenty hours out of the twenty-four, and that, 
with the certain knowledge that they will soon die ; and hence it disturbs the 
principles of calculation. This I contend contradicts the declarations of anti- 
slavery men of former days. They have told us that the slaves about whom 
they spoke were always worked as hard as nature could stand, and that, never- 
theless, if a master were to get as much out of the slave as he could, yet under 
those circumstances he was not able to obtain such valuable service as from 
a free labourer. How can it be said, therefore, that the case is altered with 


reference to the slaves in South America? One man may take a horse to the 
water, but ten cannot make him drink. One man may take his fellow man to 
the field and whip him, but he cannot fetch that useful labour out of him that 
may be obtained from a freeman. There was a beautiful case stated in the 
Patriot last week [June 8] of eighty slaves obtaining their freedom in the 
manner therein described. The owner first began by giving the Sabbath to 
the men, because that day ought to be sacred. He found that they required 
some part of the week for themselves, and he gave them Saturday afternoon ; 
but he allowed them to work for him, and to leave the money in his hands 
towards purchasing the other half of the day. This was effected in about six 
years. Their money again was suffered to accumulate, and they purchased 
another day ; and thus they continued to act until they had bought the whole 
of their time, and were all set free. It is stated there that a gentleman who 
was in the neighbourhood, and watching the working of the slaves, came to 
the master to inquire of him how it was that he never saw so much work 
done in all the days of his life ; and he offered him 5,000 dollars for the fore- 
man. The owner, however, would not sell him, nor would he tell the secret ; 
he did not wish his plans to be known till the matter came to an end. The 
reason why these men worked so wonderfully, and at the same time were more 
sober, more prudent in their conduct, and exhibited a greater appearance of 
self-respect than those around them, was this ; there was a mainspring that 
kept the whole of the wheels in motion. They had the hope of freedom, and 
they had a desire not only to obtain that, but to serve a kind and good man. 
This shows the secret of real and good hard work. Living, as I do, in an 
agricultural district, and seeing the difference when grounds and allotments 
are worked at the piece, and when they are worked per day, and having read this 
account in the Patriot, I am convinced that free labour, with good wages, the men 
being left to depend on their owngood conduct, will surpass slave labour under 
any circumstances whatever. I think, therefore, that we have nothing to fear from 
competition with the sugars of South America, or any other part of the world, 
but that we may still go on working out the great principle, not only of freedom 
for man, but freedom for man's labour. I should be exceedingly sorry if the 
Convention, while declaring the rights of man to freedom, should declare that 
trade shall not be free. I am not about to enter upon any topic unconnected 
with our business, but I would suggest, that there is such a thing as the 
slavery of trade and of tradesmen, that all restrictions whatever on trade are 
the slavery of merchants, and of all parties concerned ; and that when you put 
restrictions which cause a high price upon sugar or anything else, you impose 
a degree of slavery upon the poor people who have to pay that price. Slavery 
is not confined to the possession of a man by purchase, it consists in being worked 
without wages, without any consent of the man's own feelings ; but if there 
be an increase of price through restrictions, if there be anything done to secure 
freedom for one class that imposes a burden upon another class, and causes 
them to work harder and to work longer than they would otherwise do, then 
we are only transferring slavery from one part of the earth to another. From 
the lessons of the past, we ought to be particularly cautious with reference to 
the future. Allow me to say, in a single sentence, that the price we paid for 
the emancipation of the slaves, is now as a part of the national debt, causing 
a great burden on the people of England; and I hope that we shall not 
put additional burdens on any class, especially when it is proved to our own 
satisfaction that freedom requires no such protection. Our free coloured popu- 
lation in the West Indies do not require such protection : they are able to 
support the missionaries, to build chapels, and to raise large sums of money. 
We should give them justice nothing more and nothing less ; and at the same 



time have a regard to equal justice at home. There is another point on which 
I touch ; for if that is against me, all I have said must go for nothing. It is 
urged that, supposing free labour can compete with slave labour and surpass it, 
and even be the means of destroying slavery all over the world, yet still man 
has such a thing as a conscience to which to appeal, and its verdict will 
be, that it is neither lawful nor right to touch the produce of slave labour. 
This is a very important and a very delicate question. If it is wrong to touch 
the sugar grown by slave labour, and if it ought not to be allowed to come 
into the country, the matter is settled at once. The argument rests on this 
that sugar grown by slaves is stolen goods. I own that the men are stolen 
goods; and if they can obtain their freedom, they are at liberty so to do; for 
they are held without right. But I do not allow that the work of their hands 
is stolen goods ; that the grounds on which they work are stolen, nor that the 
tools with which they work are stolen, nor that the produce when held in the 
way of commerce is stolen produce. If you are to consider the work of slaves 
to be stolen goods, you will find that you involve yourselves in difficulties 
altogether inextricable. I am extremely happy to find that the Convention are 
aware of the importance of the topic before it. Viewing the subject in all its 
bearings, I do not believe that one more momentous can occupy our minds. 
If sugar is to be rejected because it is produced by the labour of slaves, it will 
follow that the cotton which every person has about him, more or less, must be 
rejected in the same way ; that the money you receive for just debts must be 
taken out of your purses and thrown out of your bags, inasmuch as gold is slave 
produce, and that whatever profit you have received from men who have gained 
their money by slaves must be discarded. I do not know how it is that some 
of our best friends have gone and received the hospitality of slave-owners, and 
have eaten bread at their tables which, according to their own theory, was 
stolen goods. I do not see how we can reconcile it with a visit to the house of 
a slave-holder, even if he is a man who says, " I do not know that I am wrong 
come and look at my slaves, come and dine at my table, come and talk arid 
reason with me." If such a man as Mr. JOSEPH STURGE has gone and beeh a 
guest in the house of a slave-owner, I cannot help recollecting and perceiving, 
on this theory, that he has eaten stolen goods. I mention this to show that the 
principle cannot be carried out ; and I maintain, that I am the servant of Him 
who is not a hard master, who never wishes me to be a slave, or to bring me 
into bondage by difficulties of this kind. He will have " mercy, and not sacrifice ;" 
and if I am never to eat till I am sure that every particle of food has been got 
honestly; if I am not to put on clothing till I know that there has not been 
bondage in the land from which the raw materials come ; if I am not to transact 
business with any man till I know that he has not been guilty of oppression, 
I must stand still, or lie down, and die : for in this wicked world we cannot 
escape from such scenes as these. What says the Scripture? If a man that is 
called a BROTHER be guilty of certain crimes, we are to avoid him; but, that 
with respect to other men, we cannot do it altogether, else must we needs go 
out of the world; and so say we. The service of God is perfect freedom; it 
calls upon us to maintain grand principles, to seek justice to all classes ; 
but it does not call upon us to regard those minute distinctions which will 
involve us in a labyrinth of perplexity, overwhelm us with confusion, and 
be impossible for us to carry out. If this be really the case, and if there are 
gentlemen still of opinion that this not only is right, but that it must be carried 
farther. I do not object to their acting upon such principles themselves as indi- 
viduals, nor in their trying to induce others to do the same. If a man says, 
" I will not eat sugar ; I will not wear cotton ;" I respect this man : I do not 
blame him, he has a right to do so ; but he has no right to get a law to 


compel me to do it. I will illustrate what I mean by a simple ease. You are 
not all teetotallers. I never wish to force my opinions down the throat of any 
man, but no beer can be made without the Sabbath being broken in the 
making of malt. Suppose a man says, " I will not be a party to the breaking 
of the Sabbath, and therefore I will not drink beer :" he has a right to do so; 
I do not blame him. But suppose he says, " I will get a law made to compel 
abstinence from that drink which causes malt to be made on the Sabbath," 
there he is doing wrong. The Government are not the people to tell us how 
to keep the Sabbath. If you go upon this principle, you must take them for 
better for worse. If you say, " 1 have a conscience, and what is right for 
me is right for other people and right for the State," you must recollect 
that the conscience of the State is not exactly like yours. Mr. GLADSTONE is 
of your opinion in this respect, and he will be glad to carry out your views ; 
and if he should carry them out a little further than you intend, you must not 
blame him. He says, " The nation has a conscience ;" and if he is allowed to 
prevent us making use of slave -grown sugar, because it is sinful ; if he is 
allowed to prevent the making of malt on the Sabbath, because it is sinful ; so 
he will tell you that you must have that religion that his conscience requires, 
which is an Established Church ; he will tell you that he considers schism a 
sin ; and, as a statesman and a minister, he will feel bound in conscience to 
educate the children in his own principles. 

The CHAIRMAN. We are a little looking out of the question. 

Rev. T. SPENCER. I am perfectly convinced that this is a part of the 
argument. It is of no use blinding our eyes. If you use the Government 
for one thing, they may claim the right to do another thing, and interfere in 
other ways. I think the greatest duty which patriotic men can perform is, 
instead of calling upon the Government to do more, to call upon them to do 
less. As one of our American friends said, "All we ask is, to be let alone." 
All we want is, that Government should let religion alone, let commerce alone, 
let education alone. If we wish to obtain freedom ; if we go about to accom- 
plish it ; if we wish to make the people wise and sober, we will endeavour to 
do it by persuasion and argument ; but we want not the power of law. We 
will say to the Government, "Stand back;" we will say that we have the 
Governor of heaven and earth on our side. We have great confidence in the 
truth ; we have no fear as to truth prevailing. We have confidence in the might of 
justice. We believe, with Bishop BUTLER, that if justice has a fair trial with 
injustice, it must prevail ; that virtue, if you give it fair scope, will ultimately 
prevail over vice, and wisdom over error. It is in the nature of vice to flee : 
" The wicked fleeth when no man pursueth, but the righteous is bold as a lion." 
If the room is dark, and you bring in a light, the darkness will flee before it ; 
it cannot help itself. Neither can ignorance help itself; if you only bring just 
and enlightened principles in contact with it. I extremely regret if I have at 
all hurt the prejudices, and feelings, and opinions of any of our friends ; but as 
our conduct is at stake as a public body, and as Parliament will consider what 
we do, I do hope that this Convention will, without being deterred by the de- 
cision of the former Convention, seriously and candidly consider the resolution 
which I have proposed. 

Mr. GEORGE WASHINGTON ANSTIE. You have had so excellent an 
address from Mr. SPENCER, comprehending, as f think it does, all the material 
features of this case, that in seconding the resolution I feel called upon to be brief. 
As an abolitionist, who has for nearly twenty years laboured in this cause, I am 
grieved to think that we have departed from our principles in the resolution of 
the last Convention. I sincerely agree, with what Mr. SPENCER has said, with 
reference to the impropriety of governments interfering with matters of trade 


to the extent to which they have gone. There is one point, and one only, in 
which I differ from my eloquent friend, who has preceded me ; it is in this 
if any one can show me a practical method involving either self-denial or per- 
sonal exertion, by which I can throw into shame and confusion that odious traffic 
the slave-trade, and that equally odious system slavery, I will adopt it with 
the greatest pleasure. I would do it not only as a matter of pleasure, but also as a 
duty ; if, therefore, any proposition can be suggested by the Convention, which 
is rational and practicable, most cordially will I unite with those who endea- 
vour to promote such a movement. But when I look at the resolution of the 
last Convention, and perceive the feeling excited in the country by it, I am 
satisfied that it has done great injury to the anti-slavery cause in England. 
These remarks express the opinion entertained, not only by myself, but by the 
anti-slavery friends in the neighbourhood of Devizes. We regard the senti- 
ments expressed by the Anti-Slavery Committee, in London, on this point, as 
mischievous in their tendency and effects. We believe it is not just towards 
the labourers of this country, who are enduring at the present time deep dis- 
tress, to oblige them to pay, by. a restriction upon their employment, and a 
tax on their labour, for those coercive measures we wish to adopt for the dis- 
couragement of slavery ; that is our objection. Justice is the first principle 
of our religion, benevolence the second ; whilst, therefore, we endeavour, as far 
as we can, to do good> we must take care that we do not injure our neighbour. 
On this ground I second Mr. SPENCER'S resolution. I also do it from a con- 
viction that the resolution of the last Convention is inconsistent with principles 
avowed by the abolitionists of England. In order to prove this, I will read a 
few short extracts from a work which many old friends remember, the Anti- 
Slavery Reporter published under the sanction of the committee of the society 
then existing. It is in the number for October, 1826. " The direct pecuniary 
sacrifices which this nation is now making for the support of slavery, are great 
and mischievous. But great and mischievous as they are, they probably fall 
far short, in their injurious effect, of those limitations and restrictions which our 
commerce is forced to bear for the maintenance of that criminal system." I 
now beg your attention to a few words having direct reference to a state of things 
existing at the present time. " Our manufacturing population have lately 
been, and still are, suffering most severely. Amongst the variety of causes 
which have been assigned for this reverse, has been that of our having over- 
traded. If, however, our operative manufacturers have not had too much 
work, this over-trading could have had no reference to them. It must, most 
obviously, have arisen from a want of demand ; in other words, from the want 
of a market for the produce of their labour." The next remark is as to agri- 
cultural labour ; and I mention this, being a resident in an agricultural district. 
" Let us take another view of the subject. Agriculture affords no adequate em- 
ployment for the population of Ireland, and for want of such employment, two- 
thirds of that population are in a state of misery, which is most opprobrious to 
the Government under which they live. Manufactures seem their only resource ; 
but where are they to find a market, whilst the trade, even with a large portion 
of our own dominions, is restricted by the most impolitic regulations?" " In- 
dependently of the direct benefits which must follow from a free trade, the 
idolatry, superstition, and ignorance, which still pervade our vast dominions in 
that quarter, could not fail to give way before a more liberal and extended 
commercial intercourse. The culture of indigo by European settlers has already 
produced the happiest effects, and these must be promoted by every increase 
of our commercial relations with them. That such an injurious policy as that 
which has been exposed above,, should be pursued in an age and country so 
enlightened as this, would appear incredible, if the facts of the case were not so 


incontestable. And what is more surprising, is, that this policy is not pursued 
from ignorance on the part of those who administer the government ; for the 
King, in his speech at the opening of the session of 1825, recommends to his 
Parliament to persevere, (as circumstances may allow,) in the removal of all 
restrictions on commerce, and assures them of his ' cordial co-operation in 
fostering and extending that commerce, that whilst it is, under the blessing of 
Providence, a main source of strength and power to the country, contributes, 
in no less a degree to the happiness and civilization of mankind.' " I will 
only refer you to one further expression of opinion, and that is an appeal 
directly to South America, and other states, which were not British possessions. 
I beg particular attention to it. It appeared in the Anti-Slavery Reporter for 
March, 1827. " If the traders of these countries take British manufactures in 
exchange, it is, commercially, quite immaterial where they reside, or where 
the goods are brought into use. The articles are paid for, and therefore the 
purchase money is spent in England. If the colonial ports are now free to the 
traders of other countries, the colonial commercial character is at an end ; and 
the colonists are not British proprietors, commercially considered, but they 
are the inhabitants of a neutral country, trading to other countries, and also to 
England. Moreover, a sugar trade, which can only exist by means of bounties, 
and protecting duties, at the expense of the people of Great Britain and Ire- 
land, is not a trade, but a contrivance for transferring money from the pockets 
of the people of England into those of West India proprietors. This dexterous 
transfer, and not the sugar trade, is their boasted staple. It is no more than a 
system of pauperism, on a large and most extravagant scale." These are the 
opinions of the abolitionists, so long ago as 1827, and I have endeavoured to 
uphold them from that period to the present. It occasioned me therefore very 
considerable regret, when the Convention was held in 1840, to hear that on the 
tenth day, when unhappily some of us had gone home, the resolutions referred 
to by Mr. SPENCER were passed by that body. I know that there are some 
who still uphold the resolution of 1840, and who say, " we admit that all other 
things being equal, free labour is more advantageous than slave labour." But I 
appeal to those who have heard the opinions before expressed on this subject, 
whether in discussions on this subject any qualifications were made ; whether 
we then had any " ifs" or " buts." I am not aware of any, and I never enter- 
tained them. Another argument has been brought forward by some friends 
in conversation, which I think at the present time they must agree to lay aside. 
When representations were made to some members of the London Committee, 
in 1840 or 1841, it was said, " We agree with your proposition, and if you 
will but go with us for two or three years, until the free labourers become 
settled, we will then assent to it." That period has transpired, and therefore I 
am fairly entitled to call upon them to carry out their principles to the full 

Captain PILKINGTON. Allow me to explain that there is no inconsistency 
in saying, that free labour is cheaper than slave labour, and at the same time 
being afraid that the slave-trade may be injurious to those individuals, who 
in our West India colonies have been made free, and are now producing sugar ; 
I do not wish to say a word on either side of the question, as to whether we 
should admit Brazilian sugars or not, but I desire to plead for consistency. 
Supposing the labour of the slaves in the West Indies to be estimated by a 
figure, we contended that if as slaves they laboured to the value of two, if 
they were made free, they would produce to the value of four. We assert that 
the result has proved the soundness of the theory ; but we do not imagine 
that the value of four may not be injured in the market by the introduction 
of slave-grown sugar from the Brazils, for the produce of the slaves there may 


so far exceed that of the West Indies, that injurious consequences may follow. 
I have been in the Brazils, and therefore can state, from personal knowledge, 
that it is thirty times as large as Great Britain ; it contains about two millions 
and a half of slaves ; and if our West India colonies, which were cultivated by 
750,000 slaves, now that these slaves are free, produce as much as would be 
raised by 1,500,000 slaves, there is still a great preponderance of labour in 
favour of the Brazils ; there is, therefore, no inconsistency in saying, that the 
slave labour of Brazil may injure the free labour of our colonies, since the 
amount of labourers in the former so far out-numbers that in the latter. 
I must be understood, as not interfering with the political question of free- 

Mr. J. RICHARDSON. The speeches of the mover and seconder of the 
resolution affirm one position, and their resolution a different position. The 
resolution only goes half way, instead of carrying out and embodying the 
entire principle. The resolution is, " That in the judgment of this Convention, 
the introduction of the slave-groAvn produce of Cuba and Brazil into com- 
petition with the free-grown produce of the British West India colonies and 
British India, is rendered necessary as an act of justice " but to whom? 
" to the people of this country, and is in consistency with the principles on 
which this Convention is constituted." The object which I have in view in 
rising, and I believe I shall have the full concurrence of Mr. SPENCER, and 
of the seconder of the resolution, is not merely to declare the principle in 
relation to the people of England, but as an act of justice to every individual 
interested. The amendment I propose is, that it " is rendered necessary as an 
act of justice, not only to the people of this country, but to all other parties 
interested in that produce." This will carry out the great principle on which 
all trade should proceed ; and though the delegates are not met here to debate 
the principles of free-trade, yet they are driven to the necessity of taking up 
the question, and cannot proceed in their deliberations without in some degree 
contemplating it. 

The amendment was then adopted by the Rev. T. SPENCER, the mover, and 
Mr. G. W. ANSTIE, the seconder, of the resolution. 

Mr. RICHARDSON, continued The amendment being adopted by the 
mover and seconder, so far as that question is concerned, no further remark 
is required. It has been stated by the respected mover of this resolution, that 
we are in danger, not so much from the want of legislation, as from its excess ; 
and every man who has looked at our voluminous statutes at large, will arrive 
at the same conclusion. The movements of Government have not been suffi- 
ciently watched over by the anti-slavery party, and other individuals who are 
interested in this question. I trust that it will not be thought that 
I am wandering from the topic, in referring to the great principle which 
ought to be kept in view when we resist encroachments, or seek the repeal 
of bad laws, or the enactment of good ones. The principle is simple : 
that the province of Government ought to be limited to the protection of life^ 
the protection of property, the protection of liberty, and the protection of 
labour. In these four points we shall have a test by which this Convention, 
and all anti-slavery bodies, should proceed, when they take into consideration 
the proceedings of the Legislature. This principle applies particularly to pro- 
duce. Provided that all produce be introduced into this country, whether it 
be the result of slave or free labour, we then have competition in the markets of 
the world, and the contest will be then fairly tried whether the labour of 
slaves or of freemen is the most productive. This principle affords a key by 
which the movements of the Convention should be regulated in the considera- 
tion of laws ; and the inquiry would then be, Does the law embody the great 


principle of Government protection, or does it impede and lay a clog on the 
movements of society? If the latter, it becomes the interest of man to resist 
it to the uttermost of his power. Whatever lays a clog upon the movements 
of society, introduces a most dangerous and alarming precedent, the conse- 
quences of which can never be foreseen ; because a bad precedent, in practice, 
is found to work more and more injuriously. On this ground, I trust, our 
friends on the other side of the question will hesitate before they divide, and that 
at least they will argue it fairly, and let us see to what extent their arguments 
go. In past times we had upon our tables the free sugar of the East Indies, and 
the slave sugar of the West Indies ; and it was then a practice with many indi- 
viduals to exclude the latter from their table. If it produced no other bene- 
ficial result, it gave rise to thousands of conversations on the subject of 
slavery ; therefore, let our friends who are opposed to slave labour produce 
introduce that of free labour, and make it the subject of discussion ; but do 
not let them do injustice. Every man has a right to bring his produce, and 
sell it wherever he can. (Cries of " No, no," followed by loud cheers.) I 
should have supposed that this allegation would have met with almost general 
support here ; and I am quite sure that there is one gentleman in this room 
(Mr. COBDEN) who will support that principle, as he always has done in every 
part of this country. Every man has a right to bring his produce to this 
country, and every man has a right to purchase at the cheapest market ; and 
unless you adopt that principle, I contend that you will overthrow one of the 
great maxims of Christianity, " Do unto others as ye would that others should 
do unto you." 

Mr. BLAIR. I have no intention of entering into a formal or lengthened 
discussion of the very important question which has now been introduced to 
the meeting ; I am too well aware of the value of time to attempt anything of 
the kind. But at the last general election, in the city I represent here, if I 
may use that term, a direct appeal was made to anti-slavery friends in general, 
and to myself in particular, to justify or reconcile the support which we 
deemed it our duty to give to the then Government measure for the reduction 
of the sugar duties of Cuba and Brazil, with our avowed principles as aboli- 
tionists, charging us with sacrificing these principles to mere political partisan- 
ship. As I then deemed it imperative, publicly to vindicate the course which 
I in common with many of the long tried and well known friends of the 
slave considered it our duty to pursue, I desire, if it were only for the sake of 
consistency, (that I may not be supposed to maintain principles in 1841, on 
a political question, which, still retaining, I would not avow in 1843 in an 
Anti-Slavery Convention,) to assign a few of the reasons that weigh with me for 
supporting the proposition before the meeting. I am aware that this is a large 
and, perhaps, a difficult question ; and being, at the same time, equally 
satisfied that it is one upon which the opinions of many of our friends are a 
good deal divided, I hope I shall say nothing in the observations I have to 
make of a dogmatic character, or appear to evince a disposition to force this 
question through by a bare majority; for I am perfectly convinced that in 
order to give efficiency to the proceedings of the Convention, it is highly 
desirable that all its resolutions should be characterized as much as possible 
by unanimity of feeling and sentiment. Putting out of view, for the sake of 
brevity, and especially as it has been dwelt upon by others, all consideration 
of the immense and pressing interests of our own population in this country, 
and passing over, for the same reasons, the monstrous inconsistency for I 
can apply to it no other term of our receiving every slave-grown produce 
under heaven except sugar, and looking at it strictly with the eye of an 
abolitionist, there are two reasons that appear to me to justify us in advocating 


such a reduction in the present scale of duties as shall allow of the produce 
of free and slave labour coming into full and fair competition. In the first 
place, it has always heen maintained, and made a leading and powerful argu- 
ment with abolitionists in their controversies with slave-holders, that if free 
and slave labour were brought into fair competition, the former would drive 
the latter out of the market. Now, whether we look to the differential scale 
of duties which the late Administration proposed to fix between Cuba, Brazil, 
and our own colonies, or at any other scale likely to be adopted, I see no 
reason to doubt the ultimate triumph of free-trade principles. It is no longer 
a question, our opponents themselves being judges, whether sugar can be pro- 
duced by the labour of free men in our West India colonies ; and I believe 
that the province of Bengal alone would produce a sufficiency of that commodity 
to supply the whole of Europe below the price at which it can be raised in any 
slave-holding state. I remember Mr. ZACHARY MACAULAY, in a conversation 
which I had with him on the subject many years ago, (and he was an ency- 
clopaedia of knowledge on anti-slavery questions,) telling me that if the duties 
on East and West India sugar were equalized, and British skill and capital 
directed to the East Indies, that it might be made and shipped in Bengal in 
any quantity, and with a profit to the grower, at Id. per pound. Whether he 
was correct or not in putting it at so very low a figure, I do not pretend to 
determine ; but of this I feel perfectly assured, from my personal knowledge of 
India, having resided there for several years, that abolitionists have never yet 
appreciated, as they deserve, the immense facilities which our East India pos- 
sessions afford for producing both sugar and cotton at very low prices, and to 
an almost unlimited extent; and thereby driving the sugars of Cuba and 
Brazil, and the cotton of America, out of the market, so long as those articles 
come to us stained and contaminated by the unrequited toil of the slave. 
Indeed, I am prepared to maintain that the battle of freedom may be advan- 
tageously, nay, triumphantly, fought upon the plains of Bengal and the coast 
of Coromandel ; and it may be one among many other reasons why Divine 
Providence has intrusted those vast and splendid possessions to Great Britain, 
that she may not only have the disposition, but the ability, by means of free 
labour, of wiping out the foul stain of slavery from the face of the whole 
earth ; or, as one of our own poets has said, 

" "Wherever Britain's power is known, 
Mankind may feel her mercy too." 

If I may take the liberty, I will venture to recommend that the British and 
Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, and all similar institutions in America and else- 
where, should direct their attention particularly to this point, with the design of 
collecting and diffusing information which shall be brought to bear practically 
in a commercial point of view. I am sure it will prove an argumentwn ad 
kominem, and that will tell more on the abettors of slavery than the most 
eloquent denunciation of their cruel and unrighteous system that can be pro- 
nounced. Judging by the past, I believe that we shall be more likely to make 
an impression on the slave-holder and I hope I may say it without being con- 
sidered uncharitable through his pocket, than through his head or his heart. In 
the next place, if negotiations or treaties are entered into with Cuba and Brazil 
for the purpose of reducing the duties on sugar, I conceive that articles might 
be introduced into them that would tend to the early abandonment of the 
costly and cruel system of slavery, and its attendant evil, the slave-trade. If 
we refuse to take their produce, what hope have we of exercising any benefi- 
cial influence over them, moral or political ? By pursuing this restrictive policy, 
we get no credit with these Governments as abolitionists. They see through 


the hollow pretence of our Government in refusing to receive their pro- 
duce, believing, as they are justified in doing, that our policy is directed by 
no other consideration than with a view to protect and uphold the West India 
planters. I feel that I am sanctioned in making these remarks, notwithstanding 
the new-born zeal recently manifested by certain parties in this country, and the 
pious horror they have expressed at touching a grain of slave-grown sugar ; for 
we know that, from the first moment when the horrors of the middle passage 
were described, down to the last hour of our conflict with the slave-holder, 
they maintained a death-like silence, or threw the weight of their influence into 
the opposite scale. Their conduct reminds me of the man described by Dr. 
Johnson, who, while you are in the water, struggling for life, refuses to extend 
a finger for your relief; but you are no sooner landed on the bank, than he 
offers you his congratulations, and encumbers you with help. Without looking to 
this Administration or the other in particular, but regarding the whole British 
nation as professing anti-slavery principles, I repeat, that we can obtain no 
credit whatever with these countries as abolitionists, and I do not know that we 
are entitled to expect it : certainly our Government is not, while at the very 
time we are refusing to receive their sugar because it is the produce of slave- 
labour, we are contented to receive almost every other slave-grown article. The 
only effect our restrictive policy can have on other Governments is, to exaspe- 
rate them, and induce them to retaliate, by enacting hostile tariffs, and by 
restrictions upon our commercial intercourse with them. But if we consent to 
remove the restrictions which now exist in our trade with these countries, we 
may almost dictate our own conditions in return. Our Government would be 
in a position, while making such concessions, to insist upon the introduction 
of an article in any new treaty, that should declare the slave-trade to be piracy ; 
and this, with the concession of the right of search, would go far towards the 
speedy and effectual extinction of the detestable traffic in human beings. Cer- 
tain it is, that all the restrictive and coercive measures we have hitherto 
adopted have failed in producing any effect on these Governments ; it is high 
time, therefore, that we should pursue some other system of policy towards 
them; and I confess I feel sanguine that this will be found to consist in the 
alteration of the sugar duties, and in the fair competition of free and coerced 
labour. I will only say, in conclusion, what I hope it is almost unnecessary to 
say, that if I thought the measures which the resolution before the meeting 
contemplates would have the effect of augmenting and aggravating the slave- 
trade, no consideration on earth would induce me to support it ; but, believing, 
on the contrary, as I do, that it will tend to hasten its final extinction, I feel 
bound to support and commend it to the adoption of the Convention. 

Mr. E. N. BUXTON. I hope that no one present will imagine that I am 
going to undertake the defence of Sir ROBERT PEEL. We have present, 
happily for us, a member of the House of Commons, and he, no doubt, will 
undertake that agreeable office. But though I have no wish, and no intention 
to defend Sir ROBERT PEEL, or the party that vote with him, yet I must think 
that I should be doing wrong if I decided one way, because Sir ROBERT PEEL 
for any reason good or bad decided the other. I am ready to admit, that 
many people may have adopted the cry of philanthropy to serve their own 
ends ; but whether they have or have not, if we can show that the cry itself 
is founded in justice, we may very freely unite In it, not caring whether the 
Government or the party opposed to them, think with us or against us. I had 
once the honour of saying a few words on this subject at Exeter Hall, and, 
with the consent of the Convention, I shall now propose an amendment upon 
the resolution before it. Tb,e mover and seconder of the resolution, rather 
accused the old anti-slavery people of want of consistency, between the course 


they are now pursuing, and the statements made hy them, in former days, that 
a slave would perform less labour than a freeman, or rather that slave labour 
was dearer than free labour. Now, any one, who reflects for a moment, must 
perceive that their argument was this, that the same man, fixed on the same 
locality, would do more as a freeman than as a slave. It is utterly impossible 
that any one could be so bold as to assert that under different circumstances, 
in a different situation, a slave could not compete with a freeman. Look at 
the differences which exist between our colonies, and Cuba and the Brazils. 
In the West India colonies we have a limited number of labourers, and the 
numbers remain much the same ; whereas in Cuba and the Brazils, they are 
continually augmenting their population, by fresh importations from Africa. 
In the next place, the soil of Jamaica, exhausted by our former slave labour, 
cannot compete with the immensely fertile and virgin soil of Cuba and 
Brazils. Could any one suppose that in such a case, competition would be 
possible ? Another point connected with this subject is, that the proprietors in 
Cuba and Brazils are resident, and obtain the last penny that can be derived 
from their produce ; whereas, our estates in Jamaica are, generally speaking, 
conducted by the most expensive agency. That is one reason why sugar in 
the latter is, and must be, dearer than in the former. I think I may fairly 
say, that this room is not the place to discuss the principles of free-trade, and 
therefore I shall, as far as possible, avoid touching on that topic. My own 
personal opinion is, that, as a matter of trade and policy, no inducement what- 
ever should lead the Government to make any difference in the duties, for 
the sake of patronising our own colonies. Other people may entertain a 
different opinion, but I confess that for myself, I would, on that ground, not 
make one farthing of differential duties. If people think that it is so impor- 
tant that sugar should be cheap, that it is desirable in order to effect it to 
encourage slavery and the slave-trade, then I have nothing more to say to 
them ; but there is, in my opinion, most ample proof that if you admit the 
sugars of Brazil and Cuba, you will thereby encourage slavery in those countries, 
and what is more cursed than slavery itself the diabolical slave-trade. We 
find that, notwithstanding these countries are excluded from the best market 
in the world that of Great Britain they have imported, during the last ten 
years, 100,000 slaves per annum. They are utterly uninfluenced by all 
feelings of morality and religion they care no more for human life, than if 
their slaves were dogs. They flog these poor creatures to death, and then 
obtain another supply ; and yet it is now proposed to open to them another 
market the best and the dearest. Will any one tell me that this will not 
give an immense stimulus to the slave-trade ? Now, the gentlemen who moved 
and seconded the resolution, went to this extent and they put it on high 
moral ground that the Government of the country had no right to interfere 
in a question of morality. If it be morally wrong for a Government so to 
interfere, I have no more to say upon it, except that I totally differ from such 
a sentiment. Government have the power in their hands, by one course of 
action, to prevent the increase of the evil; and by another, to give it the 
greatest stimulus ; and I contend, that it will be a national sin, if, for the sake 
of obtaining cheap sugar, we suffer 50,000 negroes more to be annually carried 
across the Atlantic, and flogged to death. It has been said that we already 
admit slave-grown cotton. I know we do ; and it is a curse, which, unhappily 
for us, we cannot possibly avoid. I wish I could go the length of saying, 
that we would exclude all American cotton ; but it is the most unreasonable 
doctrine in the world to say, that because you commit one sin, you may com- 
mit another. We are in that unhappy condition in this country, that having 
taken one wrong step, we must, of necessity, take others in the same direction. 


I should be grieved, however, if the country were to say, that because we 
commit the one sin, we must therefore commit the other, and thus give the 
slave-trade a greater impetus than we have hitherto done. I do not say that 
it is a sin in the present generation to take American cotton, because, if we 
were now to refuse it, our manufacturing population would starve ; but it was 
a gross sin in the first instance. I shall conclude by moving as an amendment 

" That the introduction of slave-grown produce from Cuba and Brazil is calculated to 
encourage the system of slavery in the former countries, and to stimulate the African 

This amendment is not absolutely opposed to the resolution. The resolution 
enters upon the duty of the Government on a question that has nothing to do 
with the slave-trade. This amendment, I contend, contains all that concerns 
this meeting: the question of free-trade is foreign to our purpose. 

Mr. J. T. PRICE. I rise to second the amendment, and I should not feel 
satisfied were I to omit saying a few words upon it, although they may be 
much of the same nature as those already expressed by E. N. BUXTON. I 
consider that in uniting myself with others in this Convention, I did so to 
contribute to the abolition of slavery and the slave-trade; but were I to be a 
party to a resolution like that which has been moved in this assembly, I should 
feel that I was directly promoting both one and the other. It appears to me, 
as plain as any proposition that ever was submitted to the Convention, that 
the adoption of the principle recognised in the resolution would enhance the 
value of the slaves already existing in Cuba and Brazil, and thereby encourage 
the slave-trade ; whereas, we are desirous of supplanting that by the encourage- 
ment of free labour in the East Indies, and in other parts of the world. We 
do not for one moment depart from the principles originally laid down, with 
regard to the efficiency of free over slave labour ; but time must be allowed 
to work these things. It takes time to introduce capital and skill into the 
East Indies and elsewhere, and to produce those effects by which slavery and 
the slave-trade would ultimately be greatly diminished, if not entirely 
abolished. I believe, however, that Divine power will bring these evils to a 
termination, more speedily than it would be effected by natural causes. I 
should be sorry to see the Convention induced, by anything that has been said, 
or can be said, in support of that resolution, to pass such a measure, and indeed 
I could not conscientiously go along with a body that passes such a resolution. 
I am intimately connected with some individuals, who feel conscientiously 
restrained, even from the use of cotton the produce of slave-labour, and 
could I pass a resolution to annoy them? Certainly not; I would rather 
encourage them. Though they may not be able to carry out their views to 
the utmost, with regard to the gold and silver which is obtained by means of 
slave-labour, yet 1 contend, that if they are carrying out their views as far 
as they can, we should desire to see them encouraged. We must also take 
into consideration, the condition of the country alluded to by my friend 
BUXTON. Having encouraged slavery and the slave-trade in America, by 
the introduction of their cotton into our market; having encouraged the 
establishment of manufactories, and the employment of almost millions in this 
country in the manufacture of cotton the produce of slave labour, it requires 
time to allow of free labour cotton being brought' into competition with that 
of slave labour. I hope that America will foresee that by free labour produce 
her articles will ultimately be driven out of the market, and that to obviate the 
difficulty in which she would be placed were that realized, she will take timely 
measures for the purpose of abolishing slavery and the slave-trade. With 
these views, I could not support the resolution. I do not regret, however, 


that the subject has been brought under review, because the effect must be to 
throw light upon it ; but we are not assembled to discuss political or com- 
mercial questions ; on the contrary, we have united for the purpose of abolish- 
ing slavery and the slave-trade, and the measures calculated to eifect those 
objects, are the measures that we ought to carry forward. As Cuba is alluded 
to in the amendment, I may state, although the subject is not exactly before 
us, that from that island we import the ores of copper, which are raised mainly 
by slaves. I live in a part of the country where we are every day seeing 
large cargoes arrive, and which operate detrimentally to free labour in this 
country ; but yet, I would not recommend the Convention to adopt any 
resolution calculated to interfere with matters of trade. It appears to me 
that that is not our business. The only effectual means of putting down the 
slave-trade is, to suppress slavery ; and I hope and trust that the measures 
of the Convention will tend to that end, not only in Brazil, but in Spain also, 
which has the control over Cuba. 

Mr. FULLER. Our friend, J. T. PRICE, talks of the produce of America 
being driven from this country. I hold in my hand a sample of sugar, the 
produce of free labour. The following is the mode of its manufacture. 

" This sugar was made from the Indian corn stalk, and is in the condition in 
which it came from the pans. It is almost a first experiment. It has not 
been refined at all: 1000 Ibs., or at more than that rate, has been obtained 
from one acre, and it is confidently expected that more than 2000 Ibs. can 
be obtained. It can be made by common farmers, without an expensive 
apparatus, and with as much facility as any other article of household produce. 
The free states will be able to supply themselves with sugar at a moderate 
expense, and so will all countries where Indian corn can be grown. It is stated 
to have been ascertained, that by the saccharometer, pound by pound, the Indian 
corn stalk contains 2 per cent, more of saccharine matter than the sugar cane." 

That sugar was made in the state of Delaware, and can be manufactured 
at twopence per pound. The question before us resolves itself into a very 
simple matter. We have not come here to discuss free-trade, at least I have 
not come for that purpose. I have come to discuss and to maintain the rights 
of humanity the abolition of slavery and the slave-trade. My friend SPENCER 
said, if we are not suffered to consume the products of slavery the whole 
matter is granted the argument is given up. I ask, how can a consistent 
anti-slavery man consume the products of slavery? If there were no consumers, 
where would be the producers? This matter lies in a nut- shell ; and although 
I may not be able to beat it into your heads, yet your children would be able 
to solve the question. Without any arguments at all, the women and children 
understand this question. My friend SPENCER quoted scripture I was glad 
to hear him I will do the same : we are not to do evil that good may come. 
When scripture was quoted, my mind went back to the time when STEPHEN 
was stoned. PAUL, who held the clothes, thought himself as guilty as those 
who threw the stones. I consider the man who consumes the products of 
slavery to be as guilty as the slave-holder ; yes, and even worse. The slave- 
holder says that slavery is right ; that it is a valuable institution ; and so say 
the doctors of divinity in America. [Several delegates " Not all."] We say 
that slavery is wrong. Who is it that sustains American slavery? The 
inhabitants of Great Britain. I heard it stated by a man from Manchester, 
whose word is a guarantee for the truth of any statement he may make, that 
three-fourths of all the cotton grown in America was consumed in Manchester, 
and within seven miles around. I have nothing to boast of, but I am as con- 
sistent a man as some that have preceded me. They have stood up in cotton, 
and advocated the growth and consumption of slave-grown produce. I put 


nothing of it either into my mouth, or on my back. I was convinced of the 
impropriety of it, by my little child, more than twenty years ago ; and I have 
no doubt that other people's children are as wise as mine. I believe that we 
have got before us an apple of discord that will lower the tone of the Con- 
vention, and lessen its influence upon the public mind. [Cries of "No!"] 
Some allusion has been made about going to the Southern states. I have been 
into the Southern states. I believe that Providence sent me there; and if 
Providence had designed that I should not have eaten, the Almighty would 
have taken away my appetite, and I should have come out as well as I went 
there. But duty took me there ; and I did as an old Quaker minister once 
did. He was faithful to Him who had given him his commission, and he 
thundered against slavery. No one invited him to his house. He fixed his 
eye upon a Friend, and followed him. The Friend said, "I expected thee;" 
to which he replied, " I thought so." He sat himself down, and presently 
dinner was ready. As he walked in, the owner of the house said, " All the 
provisions on the table are the productions of slavery." " I thought so." 
And he sat down, and made as good a dinner as the rest. If duty leads us 
to the slave states, and appetite is not taken away, I believe we are innocent 
in the sight of Heaven, in partaking of food. When I was at the hospitable 
table of HIRAM WILSON, in Canada, I saw a runaway slave take tobacco. I 
asked him if he was sincere in running away from slavery ; if it was so bad a 
thing as we thought it. He answered in the affirmative ; and I then said, 
How can you chew that tobacco which is stained with your brother's blood ? 
Why, the perspiration ran down in great drops : he could see that the 
doctrine I was inculcating was true. I am sorry that friend SPENCER 
alluded to the eighty emancipated slaves ; if he had known the whole facts 
of the case, I do not believe that he would have done it. Those men redeemed 
some of their time by desecrating the day of rest : and they were emancipated 
on the condition that they should be sent to Liberia. If we bear testimony 
against slavery, and yet sit down and devour its products, I believe that we 
are guilty of our brother's blood. I do not know how slavery is to be abolished, 
except by abstaining from the products of slavery. If we are not faithful, 
how the cause is to be carried on, I do not know, except by God raising up 
others to do it. 

Colonel NICHOLLS. I do not know whether the city of Glasgow, which 
has asked me to be a delegate here, will be obliged to me for what I am going 
to say, but I am about to support every word that that honest man, Mr. FUL- 
LER, has said. I have been forty-seven years in the public service, during 
twelve of which I was a governor on the coast of Africa. Well do I know the 
abominations of the slave-trade ; and if you had all seen what I have witnessed, 
there is not one here who would stand up and say that he would admit slave- 
grown sugar. Let me tell you a few things that have passed between slave- 
dealers and myself, when they have been taken prisoners. I have had a great 
deal of communication with the people of Brazil and of Fernando Po. I had 
no very cordial regard for these slave-dealers, but I thought that it was the duty 
of hospitality, when they were prisoners, to treat them kindly, and get as much 
information from them as I could. I have said to them, " Now you are pri- 
soners, the slaves are free, let us talk about Brazil ;" and the result of those 
conversations has convinced me that were we' to admit Brazilian sugar, 
it would at once lead to an immense increase of the African slave-trade. 
If you pass this resolution, you will stultify yourselves. Because we have 
admitted cotton and other products of slave labour, is that any reason why 
we should commit another evil? I am anxious to see Africa exalted, and not 
made a scape-goat either for the East or the West Indies. As a proof of the 


intelligence of the Africans, I may state that there are two African boys whom 
I have succeeded in getting into the dock-yard, and there are no cleverer boys 
employed there. Let me say to the ladies, Do not suffer one of your families 
to be polluted by slave-grown sugar; stick to your British sugar, and you will 
put slavery and the slave-trade under your feet. 

Mr. RICHARD COBDEN, M.P. I received with my diploma from Man- 
chester, appointing me a delegate to this Convention, a letter written by one of 
the most ardent friends of abolition in that town, and one who has proved his 
sincerity by the great sacrifices he has made in this cause. He expresses his 
wish that I should attend, in the event of anything being done to sanction 
restrictions on trade by way of promoting abolition. He feared, in conse- 
quence of some steps taken by the London Committee on a late occasion, de- 
claring its opinion against free-trade in certain commodities, that they would 
now claim the sanction of your authority. I have not come here to try to 
convert the Hall into a free-trade meeting. In the first place, it would be 
unfair ; in the second place, free-traders seek no alliance with any party. The 
question for us to consider is this Are you, or are you not, taking a right 
course to promote the abolition of slavery all over the world (for that is your 
object), by calling on our Government to pass fiscal laws for the purpose of 
restricting our foreign trade in certain articles ? I have the strongest possible 
opinion that you will be wrong if you call upon the Government, as a Government, 
to aid you in any way. Nay, more ; from my observations of anti-slavery move- 
ments, I believe that everything you have done, or attempted to do, through the 
Government, has retarded your sublime mission more than anything else that 
you have done. (Cries of " No, no," and counter cries of " Yes, yes.") To 
prove my assertion, I will begin with our armed cruisers to put down the 
slave-trade : that is a Government scheme, and I will take Mr. BUXTON'S 
authority to show that it has been the occasion of an immense sacrifice of life, 
of great misery and suffering, at a cost of fifteen or sixteen millions sterling, 
besides having stultified all your professions of Christianity. It has failed, as 
it deserved to fail, and as all attempts to coerce and govern the opinions of 
mankind by physical force must fail. I now come to the Niger expedition. I 
attended a meeting in Manchester, held for the purpose of sanctioning that 
scheme, and raised my voice against it. That was a Government scheme, and 
at the instigation of the friends of abolition. You need not be told of the 
disastrous result. I do not know whether our interference, by means of an 
envoy in Cuba, Mr. TURNBULL, met with the sanction of this body or not. I 
have read the despatches and correspondence connected with his proceedings ; 
and I venture to say, that, as a semi-official interference, it has been more 
calculated to embitter the feelings of Cuba and Spain than anything else that 
could have been done. I now take up your diplomacy, and remind you of the 
numerous treaties which our Government has been attempting to carry out. 
There has been most extraordinary activity in forming treaties of all sorts 
for putting clown the slave-trade ; but has the Government interference in all 
these ways done good in promoting the abolition of slavery ? or has it not done 
evil, in exasperating other governments ? Is not the conduct of the cruisers 
off the coast of Africa involving our Government in angry altercation with 
Portugal ? and has it not brought us to the brink of a war with the United 
States, which might have plunged Christendom in carnage ? What good have 
you obtained by going to the Government to put down others not of our 
opinion ? It is going to Government to induce them to do by force what ought 
to be done by our own individual efforts operating on public opinion. If we 
are true to our mission, true to our honest conviction, we may effect the object 
in view by acting on public opinion, without calling in Government interference 


to help us. Mr. BUXTON has told us that if we do not pass a law to prevent 
the introduction of Brazilian sugar, we shall encourage slavery : I say, that if 
you do pass such a law, you cannot, even according to his principle, prevent 
the encouragement of slavery, unless you do more : you must prevent exporting 
as well as importing, or you support slavery. We send out our cotton goods ; our 
Government has a treaty with Brazil, by which the Brazilians receive these cotton 
goods, stained as they are with slavery, at a lower rate of duty than the produce 
of any other country. In exchange for these cotton goods, we bring back 
sugar, and send that to Hamburgh, and with it buy German wool to bring to 
England, and of which the coat is made which you wear on your backs. Now, 
I contend that those who bring this German wool, bought with Brazilian 
sugar, are as much contributing, according to your principles, to the support 
and increase of slavery, as though that sugar were brought to sweeten the 
coffee of those in this room. (Cries of " No, no.") Does any one say "No?" I 
am surprised that he should have so little knowledge as to doubt the truth of this 
proposition. We go and buy the sugar, but we refuse to consume it here, 
though we have no conscience about carrying it to other countries. We are 
guilty of a double transaction : we buy the sugar in the first instance, and 
then we sell it to another country, and bring back wool, tallow, hemp, and 
other commodities, with which we pay ourselves ; and I therefore maintain 
that those who consume these articles give employment to slaves. At all 
events, then, to carry out your plan, it is most futile to stop with the pro- 
hibition of Brazilian sugar ; you must stop your manufactures ; you must 
isolate yourselves ; you must stop all intercourse with Brazil : and is that the 
way in which you think to civilize, humanize, and Christianize the world ? 
There is not one of our friends here from America, who did not come in a ship 
laden with slave-grown cotton or tobacco ; and when you send the tidings of 
this meeting to all parts of the world, the very paper will be the produce of 
slave labour, for the greater part consists of cotton. Will you tell me that by 
isolating yourselves, and preventing inter-communication with your species, 
and shutting out men from the social communion because they have slaves, 
that that is the way to reform mankind ? It was not the way in which the 
great Propounder of our religion went to teach mankind. He mixed with the 
bad and the good. Do you mix with the bad as well as the good ; and your 
good example will be more infectious than that of the bad. That is the way 
to reclaim the world. Then it is said, if you refuse to take slave-grown sugar, 
you will check its growth. That is founded upon the assumption, that England 
is the only country that can trade abroad, and consume foreign productions. 
If we continue to go on as we are now going, in a downward career, we shall 
not long be the greatest consumers ; and if we put restrictions on trade here, 
the Germans are ready to take the sugar direct instead of receiving it through 
England. Thus you will have a trade carried on with Brazil, in which the 
same quantity of sugar will be consumed, and the same stimulus given to the 
slave-trade ; and the traffic will be carried on with a country which will have 
none of your scruples of morality, where there will be none of that zealous 
expression of abhorrence against slavery which you entertain, and which, if 
you only trade and mingle with the people involved in it, will put down 
slavery and other abominations. I said that I would not make this a free- trade 
meeting, and I will not attempt to do so ; but there "is one thing in which I have 
full faith, viz., that every true and just principle harmonizes and unites with 
every other true and just principle. I believe most ardently, as you all know, 
in the advantages of peace, the advantages of civilization, and in the happiness 
which the freest inter-communication between nations will give to the family 


of man ; and believing that, I cannot believe that any interference with that 
just principle, on any ground whatever, can, in the end, tend to good. I say, 
of a thing be just in itself, it will be found to aid and co-operate with every 
principle that is just. My first point, then, is this, your calling in the aid of 
Government will do more harm than good, as it has done in every instance. 
It was another thing when you wished to pass a law against your own slavery. 
When you came to Government to put down the institution of slavery in your 
own dominions, you had to deal legitimately with Government ; you could not 
do it but by going to Government. But how did you then go to work to 
accomplish your object ? By influencing public opinion. Pursue your work 
in the same way now. Do not go to Government. They will make tools of 
you if they can. You will find men in the Cabinet whose pockets are filled 
with the produce of flesh and blood, which they owned twelve years ago ; you 
will find such men talking of the horrors of slavery, and quoting you as col- 
leagues of theirs. I say, have no such partnership at all. But my next and 
strongest point is, that your plan is utterly impracticable. Commerce cannot 
be bound and cramped in the way you propose. You must do more than you 
have proposed, to have a shadow of chance of accomplishing your object. 
If you shut out all communication with Brazil, of what avail will this be ? 
You cannot prevent yourselves, as a commercial people, ministering to the 
indirect increase of the trade of Brazil and every other country, so long 
as you encourage any foreign trade at all. I repeat, it is an attempt to do by 
the strong arm of the Government what you must do by persuasion. But do 
not despair; you can effect your object by other and better means. Is not 
this Convention, including people from all parts of the world, a proof that it 
can be done ? Look back five or ten years, and consider what immense strides 
you have made. When you can bring philanthropic coadjutors across the 
Atlantic, as well as from France and other countries, is it not a proof that you 
are making progress? Put forward from this room an appeal to public opinion. 
You can tell Christian bodies, if you will, that, in your opinion, they ought 
not to have Christian communion with men who do not dissolve their con- 
nexion with slavery. It is a very different thing for you to express that as 
your opinion. and such is a legitimate use of public opinion, from going to 
Government, and telling them that by force they should compel the abolition of 
slavery. Be assured that the opinion of such a meeting as this will have 
influence throughout the world. Whoever conceived the idea of a World's 
Convention, it was a sublime one ; if it belonged to my friend Mr. STURGE, it 
was a sublime conception, worthy even of him ; and I say, carry out the plan, 
continue it, and you will infallibly succeed. Try by your persuasion to win 
people from slavery, to convince them of their error ; show them, if you like, 
their awful responsibility; call upon them to renounce the sin of slavery : but 
do not go to Government to pass laws to put down slavery in other countries. 
Having said so much, I should be sorry if it were thought that I have come 
here with the idea of passing a resolution to aid free trade. The resolution 
before us appears to have been drawn up in rather offensive terms, as if by 
those who are hostile to its success. All I desire is, that you abstain from 
calling upon the Government to come forward with fiscal laws, or armed force, 
or diplomatic arrangements, to put down slavery ; have no stipulations by 
treaty with the Brazils ; leave other Governments free, to be acted upon by 
their own people. I do not desire any triumph, still less do I wish to produce 
any schism in the meeting ; and for the terms of the resolution I am not 
responsible. I came in the fulfilment of a duty to those who appointed me to 
protest, in the name of the Anti-Slavery Society of Manchester, against this 


Convention taking any step similar to, or sanctioning the step taken by the 
London Central Committee two years ago, in advising that Government should 
in any way put restrictions upon foreign trade. 

Mr. SCOBLE. I was anxious, hefore the honourable member left this 
sitting of the Convention, that he should hear what are the sentiments of those 
gentlemen whose principles he has attacked, and whose conduct he has reviled. 
Mr. COBDEN has wholly mistaken the position of the Anti-Slavery Society, both 
in reference to the question which has been brought under discussion, and the 
relation in which it stands towards the Convention. The Anti-Slavery Society 
did not originate the resolution which was passed at the former Convention ; 
I know not who did ; but allow me to say, that it was not only unanimously 
adopted, but that it was in perfect accordance with the tone of the entire press 
of this country, and the views of the Government which were then in office. 
It was only after that Government had shifted its position in reference to the 
sugar and other questions, and introduced a new principle of action, which 
they no doubt thought would promote the interests of the country, that that 
portion of the press which advocated their general policy changed its tone, and 
a new sentiment seemed to spring up throughout the land in connexion witli 
the declarations which had been made. The Anti-Slavery Society, however, has 
ever been consistent upon this subject ; and the discrepancy of opinion which 
may exist among some of its friends, will find its explanation in the altered 
circumstances of the country. Something has been said in reference to the 
wording of the resolution offered to your attention by the Rev. Mr. SPENCER, 
and so eloquently and powerfully seconded and supported by the honourable 
gentlemen who succeeded him. It is true that I drafted that resolution ; but it 
was at the request of the reverend gentleman and his friends. Some difficulty 
was found to exist, in connexion with the resolution it was originally intended 
should be presented to the meeting ; and as it was supposed that, in a friendly 
conference I had with them, I had caught the true idea of the gentlemen who 
intended to advocate the introduction of slave-grown produce into the British 
market, I was requested by them to put it upon paper, and that paper was 
adopted by them as their own, before it was submitted to the Convention. I 
have thought it necessary to make these remarks, in consequence of the state- 
ments of a different character which have been made this morning, lest it 
should be supposed that, by some manoeuvre of mine, or of those with whom I 
act, I intended to place those gentlemen, whose resolution it is, in a false or 
difficult position. It appears to me, that the question before the Convention is an 
extremely simple one, and that its discussion may be brought within a very short 
compass. Now what is the proposition before the meeting ? If I understand 
it, it is, that the slave-grown produce of Brazil and Cuba should be allowed to 
come into immediate and full competition with the free-grown produce of the 
British colonies in the British market ; and as I suppose that the gentlemen 
who have advocated this proposition believe that the effect of such an arrange- 
ment would be to overthrow slavery and the slave-trade, I have waited with 
great patience and anxiety for the arguments by which such a proposition 
could be sustained. Had these gentlemen reversed their proposition, and pro- 
posed to this Convention, that the free-grown produce of the world should be 
brought into contact with the slave-grown produce of the world, I should have 
given it my cordial and hearty concurrence, and have believed that it would in 
time overcome and destroy both slavery and the slave-trade. But it is one 
thing to bring the free produce of free labourers into competition with slave- 
grown produce, and it is another thing to bring slave-grown produce into com- 
petition with free-grown produce. As for example : If free-grown produce be 
brought into competition with slave- grown produce, every ton of the latter 

L 2 


which is displaced by the former is a gain to freedom and a loss to slavery. 
But if slave-grown produce be brought, into competition with free-grown pro- 
duce, then every ton of the latter which is displaced by the former is a gain to 
slavery and a loss to freedom. And the same effect follows wherever a new 
market is opened to slave-grown produce : it is a gain to slavery and a loss to 
freedom, no matter what the circumstances may have been which led to the 
opening of such market. Much has been said by the preceding speakers in 
reference to the morals of the question, and the legislation, which it is presumed, 
we propose should be brought to bear upon it. Permit me to say, that this is 
the point of view in which I look at the question. Shall I, now that I have 
the power of keeping the slave-grown sugars of Cuba and Brazil out of the 
British market, by allowing of their introduction into it, consolidate the slave 
system of those countries, and thereby stimulate and increase the slave-trade ? 
If by the introduction of the slave-grown sugars of Brazil and Cuba into the 
British market, I add a new fetter to the limbs of the slave, or put a fetter upon 
the limbs of any man who may be free, if by such means I consolidate and 
strengthen the system of slavery, if I expose humanity to all the atrocious 
incidents of slavery, if I prolong the unutterable horrors of the slave-trade, 
if, in short, I thereby increase the sum of human misery, I say, come what will, 
I will never be a party to the introduction of such produce into the British 
market. I contend that the effect of such a resolution as that before the 
meeting would, if carried into operation, increase the number of the victims of 
the slave-trade by thousands annually, and doom the survivors to interminable 
bondage. (Cries of " It would," with counter cries of " No.") Some 
members of the Convention think it would not. I am most anxious that. the 
gentlemen who hold that opinion should show that the inevitable operation and 
tendency of the proposition for which they contend, would put an end to slavery 
and the slave-trade; but until the honourable and eloquent gentlemen on the 
other side are able to show us by facts and arguments, which will admit of no 
contradiction, that such would be the result of their scheme, they have done 
nothing to make it the duty of this Convention to pass their resolution. The 
honourable gentleman behind me (Mr. COBDEN) has told us that we are not to 
look to Government for support and countenance in advancing the cause we 
have in view. 

Mr. J. T. PRICE. Except for the abolition of our own slavery. 

Mr. SCOBLE. If Government are to interpose for the abolition of slavery 
in the British colonies, may they not interpose their good offices and influence 
to put down slavery and the slave-trade in other countries ? (Cries of " No.") 
Some gentlemen say " No." I say that upon the broad principle of general 
duty upon all those great moral principles which should regulate the inter- 
course of man with man, and nation with nation they are bound to set their 
face against all inhumanity and oppression, wherever they exist. (Cheers.) 
But we were told in one of the speeches addressed to us this morning, that if 
we touch this question, there are a very large number of other questions that 
must also be touched. I admit that that may be true ; but let us look at the 
class of questions we propose to touch. We do not propose to touch the 
question of free trade ; let that stand on its own merits, its own foundation. 
Let, me, however, say, that I do not yield to the honourable gentleman behind 
me in attachment to the great principles of free trade ; but let it be observed, 
that those principles have their limits and exceptions as well as others that may 
be advanced for the improvement of man in his moral, social, and religious re- 
lations. Now what stands in the way of the application of the principles of 
free trade to the nations with which we have been brought in contact? It is 
slavery. It is not anti-slavery principles which shut out the products of Brazil 


and Cuba from the British market, but slavery. The honourable gentleman 
has told us, that the best way to put down slavery is by enlarged commercial 
intercourse with those nations in which slavery exists. Very well ; let us examine 
this proposition let us test it by facts. Will the honourable gentleman tell me, 
and he is largely connected with the cotton trade, whether our commercial inter- 
course with the United States has increased the system of slavery there, or has 
put it down ? Is it not a fact that it has consolidated and strengthened that 
system, with all its wretchedness, degradation, and iniquity? (Cries of" No," 
and loud cheers.) Gentlemen say "No," and that in the face of facts which 
are as palpable as that the sun shines in the heavens. Does not slavery exist 
there at the present moment? Is it not fed and sustained by our commercial 
intercourse with the United States? And will it not continue, so long as 
British capital shall be expended on the cotton raised by toil-worn and care- 
worn slaves? Have we not been told again and again by our American friends 
and coadjutors, that it is our commercial intercourse with the United States, 
our vast purchases of their staple, which has kept up slavery there? (Cheers.) 
Let us then apply our experience to the case of Brazil and Cuba. If we were 
to go, in the language of the honourable gentleman, to the Brazilian and Cuban 
planters, and say, "We know you set a high value upon the slave-trade, yet 
you are anxious to put down slavery, you consider it an evil. If we were to 
say, we will not take your produce, you would be angry and exasperated, you 
would keep it yourselves ; but now we come to empty your stores; we come to 
raise the price of your sugar ; we come to supply you with capital for carrying 
on your plantations to a greater extent, and with more vigour than ever. We 
come to tell you, that so great will be the demand for your sugars, that you 
must increase the number of your population, in order to meet the demand." 
Will these gentlemen abolish slavery and the slave-trade on such grounds as 
these? Is that the argument by which we are to overcome these enormities in 
those parts of the world ? No ; if you wish to employ any method for putting 
down slavery and the slave-trade beyond the moral means which you are bound 
to use, allow me to say, that the argument addressed to the pocket will be found 
a very strong one. I therefore call upon you, in the name of humanity, to 
starve slavery to death in Cuba and Brazil. Who are the characters for whom 
the honourable gentlemen have in effect pleaded? I will not say that their 
intention was to plead for them no, I give them credit for being as strenuous 
in their advocacy of the liberty of their fellow-men as I am myself, as 
earnest in their denunciations of slavery and the slave-trade as I am myself; 
but when I look at the nature of the arguments which they have used this 
morning, I feel astonished. Yet in truth there is nothing in them to answer; 
and I am placed in the position of a man who has to deal with truisms, which 
the more you attempt to illustrate and enforce, the less you appear able to 
effect your object. It is in the nature of all self-evident truths that, in attempt- 
ing to sustain, you weaken them. But to proceed. By putting capital into 
the hands of the Spanish and Brazilian planters, we shall give them the means 
of continuing the system of slavery to which they are wedded ; and not only so, 
but of carrying on the slave-trade, which is a necessary adjunct to the system of 
slavery in Cuba and Brazil. For, permit me to say, that, for many years past, 
the importation of slaves into these countries has consisted chiefly of the male 
sex; and, therefore, if you could put down the slave-trade, so far as they are 
concerned, the result would be, that, in a very few years, the greater part of 
males would have died off, and whence are they to obtain cultivators to supply 
this waste of mortality ? At the present moment, I rejoice to say, they want 
the means of sustaining slavery and the slave-trade ; but those means you pro- 
pose to put into their hands. (Cries of " No.") Why then open your market 


for their surplus produce ? If that be not the design, it is certainly the tendency 
of the measure you contemplate. I am bold to assert, that the inevitable effect 
of your proposition would be to consolidate the system of slavery, and vastly to 
stimulate the horrible slave-trade. You believe in the omnipotence of your 
principles of commercial intercourse; but what facts have you to sustain the 
expectation that that intercourse would put down slavery and the slave- 
trade? The principles of Christianity, which are all truth, have been nineteen 
hundred years in the world ; but, among civilized men, how few there are 
who have cordially received them into their hearts, and made them the rule of 
their lives ? 1 do not expect more from the slave-trader, hardened in his ini- 
quities, than I expect from humanity at large. I do not, in short, expect that 
your principles will convert him. I believe most fully in the silent and gradual 
operation of right principles in the world, which will eventually overcome all the 
great evils which afflict and degrade humanity ; but their progress is slow. 
As the upholders of those principles, we are bound to give them fair play, to 
apply them legitimately, and not to hurden them, as I think we should do if we 
passed this resolution, with an amount of difficulty over which it is scarcely 
probable they can prevail. My notes are extended, but I will not weary the 
meeting by pressing the subject much further. My anxiety has been to show, 
that I believe, if the resolution were carried by this Convention, it would stultify, 
as a gentleman has already said, all its proceedings up to this time. (Cries of 
" No.") I stand here not for the protection of the emancipated labourers it is 
not on that ground that I ask you to reject the proposition now made ; I stand 
here not as the advocate of the West India planters : I stand not here either to 
defend the interests of the one class, or to maintain the interests of the other ; 
but I stand here as the humble advocate of the African slave, toiling under the 
whip in Brazil and Cuba. I stand here as the advocate of the native African 
ready to be torn from his home by the ruthless man-stealer ; and I beseech you 
by your humanity ; I beseech you by the religious principles which you advo- 
cate ; I beseech you by all that is precious in human liberty, and all that is holy 
in our great and glorious religion, that you never consent, by any act of yours, 
to fetter a human being, or to subject a human being to degradation in any part 
of the world. I will not trespass longer, but I most earnestly beseech the friends 
present to take this subject into their serious consideration ; and before they 
adopt principles which they suppose are good in themselves, and which are good 
when righteously applied, to look at the effect they will have upon the destinies 
of untold millions of the human race. I most cordially, therefore, support the 

Mr. HOWELLS. When I came to the Hall, and ascertained the subject 
that was under discussion, I began to wonder whether I had made a mistake, 
and gone to the wrong place ; or whether the friends assembled ostensibly for 
the abolition of slavery had gone over to the opposite position. I am a friend 
to free trade throughout the world ; but let it be free trade based on the prin- 
ciples of justice. I can admit of no principles that will not abide the test of 
the day of judgment. It does not appear to me that the motion is in accordance 
with the object for which we have come together. Our design is to propose, 
to lay down, and to carry out measures which will destroy the accursed system 
of slavery throughout the world. But how can that end possibly be attained 
so long as we offer a boon to the man who robs his fellow man of all that he 
possesses, and converts both his body and his soul into an article of merchandise ? 
American abolitionists maintain the principle, that they cannot, they dare not 
countenance slavery in the United States. There are several societies formed 
there for the purpose of consuming none but free-labour produce. The other 
day I opposed the introduction into this country of the slave-labour produce of 


America my adopted country ; with what consistency, then, could I give a 
vote sanctioning the importation of sugar from Brazils or Cuba ? I should be 
a guilty man were I tacitly to assent to it. Justice is not lop-sided ; it applies 
to every right connected with every human being throughout the world. It 
has been said that no successful appeal can be made to the slave-holder, except 
through the medium of his pocket ; but I maintain that he is a man as well as 
myself, and that he is just as capable of being affected by the principles of 
eternal truth, as I am. He has been trained up under an influence fatal to his 
own morals, and to his own happiness ; but still he is within the reach of hope, 
within the reach of mercy, within the influence of Divine truth. It is unfair 
to the slave-holder to say that he has no conscience except in his pocket ; 
I deny it. I believe that some of the noblest abolitionists were slave-holders 
but a few years ago. There are thousands of slave-holders now in the United 
States that will become abolitionists. They are kept in ignorance by crude 
policy, by misrepresentation of our views: but let them come to the light of 
truth, let them have a fair opportunity of testing our principles, and multi- 
tudes will join us. There has been some attempt made an attempt sustained 
by argument, and I do not for a moment question the sincerity of our friends 
to make crime consistent. Crime never can be consistent unless you abandon 
" things that are lovely and of good report ;" and because we are involved in 
one crime, shall we be guilty of another in order to justify it ? This would be 
absurd in the extreme. Let us take the right ground, and fight for it, inch by 
inch, under the assurance that we shall eventually gain the contest ; but do 
not let us compromise with the world. We cannot serve God and mammon ; 
every man has hitherto failed in the attempt. We can have no compromise 
with the unfruitful works of darkness. We dare not bring the goods obtained 
by a banditti by plunder into the market, to compete with those of the honest 
trader ; but it is infinitely worse to import from Brazil and Cuba the produce 
of the labour of men who have been stolen by the slave-trader. The former 
is mere pelf; the latter affects the bodies and the souls of men. The subject 
is one on which conscience, and not mere argument, must be brought to bear ; 
it is one that requires the judgment to be enlightened by the Spirit of the 
living God, in order to come to a sound decision. I hope that we shall not 
compromise or blink the question, but view it in the light of truth. If the 
Government of the country is disposed to take ground against the admission of 
slave produce, it is our duty to sustain them ; if they are backward, it is our 
duty to call them up to the mark. We profess, in England, to be a free 
country ; let our principles of liberty be of the right kind ; let them be carried 
out in our commercial intercourse with other nations, and we shall soon see 
happy results. But till that is the case, there will be a tissue of contradictions, 
and America will point to us with the finger of scorn, and say, " You talk of 
being the friends of liberty, the friends of emancipation ; you have paid twenty 
millions to emancipate your slaves in the West Indies ; and now you are about 
to give another twenty millions to support slavery in Cuba and Brazils." 
(Several voices, " No.") Yes, this will be the result, if you import their pro- 
duce on an equality with the productions of free labour. I hope that we shall 
come to a decision, of which our conscience will approve in a dying hour ; that 
when we are summoned hence we shall not have this sin laid to our charge ; 
but that we shall oppose the introduction of plundered goods in every form, and 
especially those produced by the blood of men and women. 
The Convention then adjourned. 






Rev. J. LEAVITT. I have not many words to say on this subject; two 
of my American colleagues having already spoken upon it. I feel an inclina- 
tion to claim for us, on the other side of the Atlantic, a sort of birth-right, 
which I believe we came ho'nestly by as descendants of England that is, to be 
of different opinions amongst ourselves. On this point 1 differ from my 
respected colleagues; and if I were called to vote, I should vote in favour of 
the original resolution. At the same time I must say that I am by no means 
desirous of obtaining a vote in its favour, if the subject can be justly, equitably, 
amicably, and satisfactorily disposed of in any other way. Those who prefer 
another course than that of a vote, will make their suggestions ; and if they are 
satisfactory to the meeting, then I trust the question will be disposed of in 
the way I have stated. The question seems to be presented to us in reference 
to three great interests one is, the moral influence of the prosperity of the 
British West India islands upon the question of abolition in America, and in 
other countries. That has been to me, as an American, a very interesting 
point of view. It has seemed to us of very considerable importance to be able 
to show that these islands were prosperous ; and in order to show this we 
have been obliged to insist upon applying to their condition the same measure 
that we apply to people of other countries. It is a point which we have to 
contend for, inch by inch, against the prejudices of our own minds namely, 
the duty of looking upon the people of Jamaica, of Demerara, of Trinidad, 
and the various West India islands, just as we look at other people. But the 
providence of God is, I feel, driving us to the necessity of assuming the same 
measures to estimate them. Are they not prosperous by the same measure by 
which you would judge of the prosperity of a county in England? We cer- 
tainly have abundant evidence to the effect that the moral condition of the 
mass of the people is improved. We must not consent for a moment to have 
the condition of the West India islands measured by the yard stick, or 
weighed in the scales which the pro-slavery party would put into our hands 
that is, the quantity of sugar they export. We never promised, we were un- 
authorised so to do, that after they had liberty to employ their energies and 
talents as best suited their own judgment, their own interest, they would pro- 
duce the same quantity of sugar which they did when all their energies and 
talents were coercively bent to that one solitary object. We will never consent 
to have the value of emancipation weighed in the scales with sugar hogsheads ; 
and if we attempt to go to trial on this ground with the slave-owners, in 
order to establish a moral conviction on the part of slave-holding countries, 
that emancipation is always beneficial, we shall, for a long time to come, be 
defeated. Perhaps I do wrong in saying a long time ; for really the wonder- 
ful improvement in the character and intelligence of the people of Jamaica is 
such, that it may be but a very short time before their improved tools and 
increased skill in agriculture, and the employment of machinery, of animal 
labour, and of steam-power, shall enable them successfully to bring forth the 


same amount of sugar which they did in the palmiest days of slavery. But 
that is to be thrown into a new cast, to come up in a new form, and on new 
principles. We must, however, appeal to the general prosperity of the people, 
as an evidence that freedom is beneficial ; and we must carry our case not 
before a packed jury of planters, either in America or France, or even in Eng- 
land, but before the moral sentiments of mankind, before impartial men, who 
will judge of the prosperity of the island by the prosperity of the people, and 
not by the accumulations of fortunes in the hands of a few distant absentees. 
With regard to the moral influence, therefore, of the productions of the West 
Indies on the question in slave countries, I do not care if they do not export a 
spoonful of sugar : in its bearing upon America, and other countries, I leave it 
out of the question. The next point of view in which it seems important to 
regard it, is, as it respects the prosperity of the people of those islands. 
Here we come, to be sure, upon a very wide field, and upon a subject in 
regard to which it is very unlikely, after all the debates of the last fifty 
years, that this Convention will be able to settle it. I should be more 
surprised at our settling this question, than I should be at our abolishing 
slavery, by the simple vote of this Convention. I think it would be easier 
of the two to settle the question of slavery, than that of free trade. But my 
own individual opinion is, very clearly, that the solid and permanent prosperity 
cf those islands would be essentially promoted by throwing them upon their 
own resources. What were they ? They were slave colonies, and the land 
was in the hands of distant non-resident proprietors, or of resident proprietors, 
it may be, who held large tracts of land, out of which they expected exorbi- 
tant profits, while they allowed to the men who cultivated the soil but a bare 
and meagre subsistence. Now, I must be permitted to speak freely in this 
World's Convention ; and I say, that in a population like that of Jamaica, in 
an agricultural population of free people, the best thing that can be done for 
them is, to give them an interest in the land to make them land-owners. 
Whether it should be according to the English or the American system that 
is, whether by making them freeholders or tenants, is a point about which I 
have a decided opinion, but which I have no occasion to argue at this time. 
That they should, however, be cultivators of their own land, for their own 
profit, is undoubtedly one of the greatest interests that they have ; and if the 
failure of the great land-owners to make their lands as productive to them- 
selves now, as they were when they wielded the whip, is to be the result of the 
free admission of sugars into this country, it will, at once, throw all those lands 
into the market at a low rate, for the benefit of the people of those islands ; 
and this, in my view, will be placing them on a foundation for permanent and 
most expansive prosperity. Another thing that is necessary is, as I said 
before, that these people should be put on their own resources. What we 
promised was, that free labour could compete with slave labour ; but, in order 
to this, we must put free labour upon the energies of free labour. Now, what 
are the energies of free labour ? They are the increased intelligence, the in- 
creased skill, the increased fidelity, the increased mutual confidence, which 
naturally spring up wherever free labour is left to its own resources. These 
are the energies which bring out the application of machinery, the application 
of labour-saving processes, of animal power, of steam power, and improved 
readiness and means of communication, the division of labour, and all those 
things which mark the advance of productive improvement ; and in order to 
bring out these qualities in the mind of any mass of human beings, you must 
put them to their necessities. Necessity is the mother of invention. So 
long as they are given to understand, that the British Government will make 
Jamaica agriculture profitable at any rate, you may rely upon it, the people 


will never feel themselves put to their necessities. They are very much like 
us in America, and I strongly suspect a good deal like you in England ; so 
much alike, that even this moral resemblance is a strong proof that we all 
descended from father Adam alike that they are very willing to be helped, if 
they can find any one to help them. 

Mr. STANDFIELD. We are not arguing upon what will redound to the 
benefit of the inhabitants of Jamaica. I wish the question to be put on its 
right basis. Is the introduction of slave-grown sugar calculated to advance 
the abolition of slavery or not? 

The CHAIRMAN. I think the prosperity of the actual inhabitants of the 
West Indies is in order ; but it is only a small part of the great question, 

Rev. J. LEAVITT resumed. The question is, the direct financial and 
moral effect of free trade on the slave-trade, and on the abolition of slavery. 
The chief consideration, as I understand it, is, its financial effect on the slave- 
trade. (Cries of "No.") What I understand by the financial effect is, that 
the admission of slave-grown sugar, or of all sugars upon the footing of free 
trade, into this country, will give a stimulus to the slave-trade, and strengthen 
slavery, by throwing a great amount of capital into, and creating great 
demands for the products of slave-labour in Cuba and the Brazils. That is a 
financial question. (Cries of "Yes.") In the first place, any change that 
can be made in favour of human prosperity anywhere in the world, will 
benefit slavery to a certain extent. Why, if the providence of God, favouring 
and aiding the efforts of the Government of this country, and of the philan- 
thropists of England, should suddenly restore great prosperity to the mass of 
the people here, what would be the effect ? The present price of cotton in 
the United States is from about three to five cents per pound; but I am 
informed that if the people of England were in the enjoyment of as great 
prosperity, as they have been at some periods within the last five or six years, 
the demand for cotton to supply the home consumption of this country would 
be so increased, as would, in all probability, double the price of American 
cotton and American slaves. Would not that greatly strengthen the cause of 
slavery in America? Would not the restoration of prosperity, and of abund- 
ance of comfort to this country, fill the heart of every peasant and of every 
operative with gladness, and make every hearthstone smile with plenty ? But 
is that to be deprecated, because, in consequence of it, the price of American 
slaves would be increased, and the demand for the horrid American slave- 
trade would be revived? I cannot so see it. We might as well pray to the 
Almighty to suspend the rain from the earth, because that would abolish 
slavery. But he sends his rain upon the evil and the unthankful, as well as 
upon the good; and when the rain of commercial and general prosperity 
comes upon the earth, you cannot prevent the slave-holders from reaping their 
share of its benefit. I think, therefore, that to destroy the general prosperity, or 
impede it, of the free, for the sake of coercing the slave-holders by hard times, 
as we call them, is not the direct, nor the just, nor the humane method of 
abolishing slavery. There is another view of the question which I wish to 
present, and that is, that I very much doubt indeed whether the prosperity 
that would be imparted to the slave countries of Cuba and Brazil, would 
strengthen or give permanence to slavery. I have often thought how apt 
certain things are to burst just as soon as they get full, and I am inclined to 
believe, that slavery in Cuba is very nearly full to bursting. I do not suppose 
that it is of so great consequence to the market to the supply of sugar 
nor that so great an impulse to the slave-trade would follow from a change of 
policy on the part of the British Government, as many imagine. I think its 
effect upon slavery, so far as it had effect, would be small in comparison with 


its effects on general humanity. Therefore, we should not sacrifice the interests 
of general humanity, for the sake of this trifling influence which it might 
have, even upon the strongest supposition, upon slavery and the slave-trade. 
And, furthermore, I do not think that it would have any other operation upon 
them than to hasten their overthrow. Much as I should regret that any such 
measure as this should have the result of subjecting one more hapless captive 
on the coast of Africa to the horrors of the middle passage, I should equally 
regret that the contrary measure should subject one more hapless family in 
Great Britain to the horrors of starvation. In regard to the whole case, I 
freely admit that there is great weight in the suggestions which have been 
made on the other side. 1 do not undervalue those arguments on the con- 
trary, I appreciate them ; I think I weigh them, at least, I mean to do so, 
candidly. I therefore speak with a certain degree of confidence in my own 
judgment, because I think I have weighed the arguments candidly ; and I 
have come to the deliberate and honest conclusion, that if we are to put the 
question to a vote in the Convention, I shall without doubt, and without the 
least hesitation, vote in favour of the original resolution. But I would prefer 
that nothing more should be done than to withdraw the action of the former 

Dr. LUSHINGTON. I rise very briefly to deliver my opinion upon this 
very important question one which I deem to be of the greatest and gravest 
consequence, whether I look to the results which may follow, if it be carried in 
the affirmative, to those at present in a state of slavery in the West Indies, or 
to those on the coast of Africa liable to be made slaves ; or whether I look to 
the great principles which the anti-slavery body has ever maintained. I will 
confine myself to the leading circumstances of this question, promising to 
present only those which I think are the great principles, and those conse- 
quences which are of the utmost importance. Indeed, I came here totally un- 
prepared for the discussion of this question ; and not having had the advantage 
of hearing those who have taken both sides of the argument, I am under the 
necessity of drawing upon such resources of knowledge and of information as 
I collected together in former days. Now, I apprehend that the real and only 
point to which my attention is to be directed is the following : supposing the 
duties upon sugar made in the Brazils and in Cuba to be very greatly reduced, 
so that these sugars should come into this country for free and open sale, in 
competition with British sugar, what would be the result ? Would it tend to 
the present diminution and final extinction of the slave-trade ; or, would its 
infallible consequence be to stimulate, excite, and support it, and for a time, at 
least, lead to greater atrocity than even now exists ? That is the first question 
to which I will apply myself. I declare that, to my mind, there never was a 
question, and 1 say it with the greatest deference for the opinion and judg- 
ment of others, that appeared to me to be more capable of demonstration. 
Take the case as it now stands. Suppose that at the present moment, which 
is somewhere about the fact, that Cuba is manufacturing sugars to a very large 
extent, at from 11s. to 14s. per cwt., and that she is confined to the foreign 
market, there being a prohibitory duty, or nearly so, upon any of these sugars 
entering the English market. The inhabitants of Cuba and Brazil are carrying 
on the slave-trade, and continuing all the horrors of this most detestable traffic. 
Why? Because, even at this low sum, they still have a remunerating price. 
Their love and thirst for gold, their passion for avarice, are gratified even under 
these depressing circumstances; and it is worth their while, as a pecuniary 
matter, to sacrifice the liberty, the lives, and all that is dear to thousands of 
the unfortunate Africans, for the sake of putting into their pockets even this 
low price, for sugar coerced from these Africans by the most intense labour 


and sufferings. Now, what would be the inevitable consequence of a new 
market being opened? If Great Britain were to take, say 100,000 tons, at 12s. 
per cwt, the price of sugar must rise ; and then what would be the next result 
which would infallibly follow ? A stimulus to raise more sugar ; and more 
sugar cannot be raised except by the destruction of the living slaves, or by the 
procuring of others. Will any man deny, for a moment, that this would be 
the immediate, the certain, the infallible consequence ? And then, on whose 
conscience would the blame rest ? Not, I trust, upon the Anti-Slavery Society, 
which has taken for its guide the laws of God and the inalienable rights of 
man. I ask, be the consequences great or be they less, are you prepared to 
renew the scenes which you see portrayed in that picture ? [Slave-trade on 
the coast of Africa.] Are you prepared to sacrifice one other human life? No ; 
then let some one come forward and show me by clear and demonstrable 
reason that you do not even run the risk of that consequence. I am afraid of 
the risk and the chance : though risk and chance I deem it none; for I believe, 
according to the law which regulates commerce in all her undertakings, such 
must be the issue. But what is the answer, and what the great and leading 
principle 1 have to encounter elsewhere ? I mean not to deny the fact that 
free labour is cheaper than slave labour; on the contrary, it is one of the 
principles I have upheld all my life ; but not in the extravagant manner in 
which it is now done. I have maintained, that if you give the slave and the 
free man the same advantages of soil, with the same means of cultivating it, 
that, according to all the principles which God has given to govern man, the 
free spirit of the individual working for his own benefit will infinitely surpass 
the greatest exertion which the slave can make. But did any man ever lay 
down the wild principle, one so utterly incapable of proof, that free labour 
can compete with slave labour under all given circumstances. For instance : 
Cuba has the most fertile soil for the production of sugar ; Trinidad may, in 
this respect, compete with it ; and the free labour of the one may be able to 
compete with the slave labour of the other. But take a barren soil, one whose 
fertility has been exhausted by the production of sugar ; then the similarity of the 
two fails ; and no one maintains that free labour can, with these disadvantages, 
compete against slave labour. The real truth is, that free labour, cceteris part-bus t 
has beaten, and will beat, slave labour. Now I have opened aline of argument 
which I intended to open, because I am aware that it may be adduced against 
me ; but I seek truth, and nothing but the truth ; and I only hope that the 
result of the arguments this day will be to dispel falsehood, and diffuse truth. 
You may say, Aye, but Trinidad and Guiana are rich and fertile soils they 
will come into competition with Cuba and Brazil and, enjoying the advan- 
tages of free labour, sugar will be produced at a lower price there than in 
Cuba and Brazil, and consequently the latter must be displaced by it. Now, 
stop a moment ; think a little ; how long a time must elapse before there is a 
possibility of this theory, however sound, being carried into practice ? There 
are not above 40,000 inhabitants in the whole of Trinidad and Guiana, and the 
population is inadequate to the estates that have been already brought under 
cultivation. Give me the very largest increase of population that was ever 
heard of, even in that nursery of children, the United States, and tell me 
how many years it will be before Trinidad and Guiana can come into compe- 
tition with Brazil and Cuba ? Is it not as plain as daylight, that unless you 
import Africans, the very thing looked upon with alarm by nearly every person 
in this assembly ; unless you can hold out some inducement* a thing im- 
possible, to influence Africans to come in herds, and locate themselves in 
Trinidad and Guiana; that during the period while you are raising up the 
necessary population, the slave-trade will have depopulated the coast of Africa, 


and there will have been no limit to the loss of human life, no limit to the 
sufferings occasioned ? We know, by long past experience, that whatever may 
have been the efforts made to put a stop to that trade, and to prevent the ex- 
portation of Africans so long as the foul spirit of avarice has had a sufficiently 
strong stimulus, she has broken through your fleets, and evaded all your 
designs. That coast has been for nearly two centuries a standing proof of the 
inefficiency of every law laid down by Government for the prevention of the 
slave-trade. Are you prepared to perpetuate it? If not, by what steps will 
you prove to me that such will not be the consequence ? You are acting as if 
the great object to be obtained were the production of sugar at a low price. 
I know that free trade will produce that result. I am ready to maintain, as I 
have maintained, that if low price were the only point to be kept in view, 
sugar could be so procured. I wish that it were low, for the gratification and 
advantage of the poor ; but I will not buy it at the expense of African blood. 
I might be willing to buy it at the loss of property belonging to British subjects ; 
I might be willing, for the sake of the people of England, to say it is their 
right to enjoy this commodity, so essential to the happiness of themselves and 
their families, at whatever loss to the West India proprietors; I might say I 
would see them compelled to live on their estates ; and to that length I am pre- 
pared to go : but I am not prepared to say, that reduction of price should be 
attained by the revival of the slave-trade. These are the opinions I entertain, 
and I wish not to be mistaken. I have been slandered on this account. It has 
been said that because I maintain these opinions with respect to sugar, there- 
fore I must import the principle into every other article. Into that question 
I enter not ; I leave the whole tenor of my past life, and the opinions I have 
given, to speak on that subject ; but 1 will be led by no fear, I will be moved 
by no intimidation. I will bear the charge of being an advocate of monopoly, 
if by so doing I can put a stop to the horrors of the slave-trade, and a spell over 
desolating the coast of Africa. It has been said, and perhaps truly said, that 
for the people themselves in the West Indies free competition would be the 
best thing in the world, that cultivation should be given up in many islands, 
that the tenants should be thrown on their own resources, and that they would 
then become more industrious, more active, and there would be a better state 
of things. If such were the consequence, I should be glad to see it ; but I am 
not prepared to expect it. While they have the means of enjoying freedom, 
and are able to exercise their own industry, and do exercise it, while in all the 
islands they are educating themselves, and are evincing to the whole world 
that all that has hitherto been said against the African race as a people inferior 
to ourselves is falsehood invented by man for his own selfish purposes, while 
they show themselves, above all other people, attached to their religious observ- 
ances, and desirous of advancing, by justice, prudence, and good conduct, their 
situation and condition of life, I am content with their procedure, and I do 
not wish to give them any additional spur, which spur, if it were given in the 
manner held out, they would well know was purchased by the groans, the 
sighs, the tears of the African race. But it has been said, that because the 
consequence of returning prosperity to this country might be an advance in the 
price of cotton raised in the United States, and augmentation of the sufferings 
of the slaves there, yet surely no person would, on those accounts, be an enemy 
to the increase of prosperity. No one ever dreamt of it. There are inevitable 
evils springing from all things. We take, however, the blessings which Pro- 
vidence gives us with gratitude; and because others abuse them, it is no reason 
that we should discard them. Prosperity in this country produces evil as well 
as good ; increased means of purchase have led to indulgence in spirituous 
liquors ; and numberless evils have arisen from the want of discipline applied 


to the minds of men. But such consequences are not inevitable. God does 
not give you prosperity, and necessarily attach to it evil ; but he gives you 
prosperity, and men abuse the gift, and so produce the evil : that is the true 
state of the case. I am aware that I have trespassed on your time, and per- 
haps my arguments have not been so well arranged, and so conclusive, as others 
which might have been adduced. I can, however, assure you, that before I 
gave my last vote in Parliament, when I stood alone, against my own friends, 
and thus placed myself in a perilous position, I had well considered the whole 
of this history. I believe, in my conscience, that those principles which induced 
me from the early time of youth to advocate the abolition of slavery and the 
slave-trade, militate against the introduction of sugar produced by those who 
carry on these crimes. I now take my farewell of you ; but if it should be the 
determination of this meeting, if it should be their disposition to carry this 
resolution, and to affirm that the introduction of slave-grown sugar from those 
dominions which now carry on the slave-trade, is advantageous, beneficial, and 
consistent with their principles, it is not consistent with mine, and I wash my 
hands against it. 

Mr. E. MIALL. I am aware of the disadvantageous position in which I 
have risen to advocate the original resolution submitted to this Convention. 
After the very powerful speeches that have been addressed to you on the other 
side of the question, and the statistical information which has been brought to 
bear against the resolution, and after the weight of authority that has been 
offered here, and something like, I regret to say, a menace of the withdrawal 
of valuable services, it appears presumption in one like myself to advocate the 
original resolution. That resolution, although it fully embodies the principle 
with which I most cordially agree, does not embody it just in that precise and 
particular form in which I could wish it to have been presented to the notice 
of this Convention. I think there is a little of angularity about it that need 
not have been attached to our view of the subject ; and as the mover and 
seconder have somewhat of the same opinion, I believe it is their intention, 
with the consent of the meeting, to substitute for it some such resolution as this. 
Mr. MIALL then read the resolution, which, though it differed verbally from that 
moved by the Rev. T. SPENCER, was the same in substance. 

The CHAIRMAN. I think that after a resolution has been moved and 
seconded, it is not right to give it the slip, and put another in its place. 

Mr. SCOBLE. This is a new question. 

The CHAIRMAN. Any one is at liberty to move an amendment; but I 
would give the Convention a caution. Only consider the inextricable confusion 
of moving amendment upon amendment. I think we had better withdraw all 
the motions, and go to other business. I cannot sanction any alteration taking 
place in the original resolution at this advanced stage of the discussion. 

A DELEGATE. Is it to be understood that the members of the Convention 
will not have the right of proposing amendments? 

The CHAIRMAN. Every individual has the abstract right, but I doubt 
the policy of exercising it. If we come to a vote, the simple point will be this 
shall we or shall we not admit Cuban and Brazilian sugar. The settlement 
of the question will not depend on the terms of the motion. 

Mr. MIALL. I am aware of the abstract right that I possess to move this 
as an amendment. I did hope that the meeting would not consider it necessary 
that this should be formally done. I beg it to be understood that it is not with 
any view of escaping from the conclusion to which we have been brought, that 
this resolution is submitted to your notice. We do not shrink from the full, 
entire, explicit avowal of the sentiments contained in the first resolution, 
nor do we shrink from the words in which it is expressed. 1 wish the 


Convention fully to understand that this resolution is simply submitted as a 
substitute for it, as a mark of courtesy. 

The CHAIRMAN. We cannot take it as a substitute. 

Mr. MI ALL. I am explaining the motives which led me to put it as a 
svibstitute, and not an amendment. If I lay it aside, as I am willing to do, 
I do not lay it aside with the view of escaping any difficulty which I see to be 
contained in the original resolution. Now with regard to that resolution, I 
think it may be well for us to remember that we are a Convention of anti- 
slavery advocates from all parts of the world. I think that all our discus- 
sions ought to be conducted, not simply with the best possible temper, but also 
with as full and entire an appeal as possible to the understanding rather than to 
the feelings. I fully sympathise with those gentlemen who have described to 
us, and in the most affecting terms, riot only the horrors of slavery, but all the 
dreadful miseries attendant upon the middle passage. We are all supposed to 
sympathise with the friends of the slave in this respect, or we should not have 
gathered ourselves together in the World's Convention. Our object in offering 
the proposition contained in this resolution is not at all to call in question either 
your feelings, or to endanger your reputation. All appeals in this direction 
seem to me to be a little beside the mark. We are to exercise calmly, devoutly, 
and with reference to the last day, our judgments, not upon the horrors of 
slavery, because upon that we are all agreed, but upon the best, the wisest, 
the most efficient means the means which we believe to be most in harmony 
and unison with the dictates of infinite wisdom and infinite love, for putting an 
end to a system which we all detest. Let it be fully understood, that there is 
no disposition on the part of those who advocate this resolution to look with an 
eye of less concern, or a heart beating with less pity upon the sufferings en- 
dured by the slave, than is manifested by those who advocate the other side of 
the question. It is not about the object we are differing, but simply about the 
means of carrying that object into effect. I think there may be subjects in 
which we are all supposed to agree, and it is well to clear away what I regard 
as the rubbish, and see what is the point we have to settle. It would tend 
much to the satisfactory solution of that which seems to be the difficulty before 
the meeting, if the observations I have now to make, fell upon the ear of our 
American friend, Mr. FULLER. Those who advocate the resolution do not wish 
to throw the slightest impediment in the way of any friends to the anti-slavery 
cause discouraging the use of the produce of slave labour, and carrying that to 
the full extent of the dictates of their consciences, and urging the friends of the 
cause to imitate their example. We ourselves possibly have acted on the same 
principle ; and many of those who advocate this resolution would themselves, as 
far as possible, refuse to give their individual sanction to the use and the pur- 
chase of the produce of slave labour, lest by this means it might seem that 
there was an encouragement given to the principles of slavery, and to the 
horrors of the slave-trade. This is not the question that we have to discuss it 
is not the question involved in the resolution ; but the one question now before 
the meeting is this, whether or not it behoves us to influence the legislative 
powers of the kingdom to compel others who have not our views, who are not 
guided by our judgment, who do not sympathise with us in our feelings, who 
have no conscience in reference to the subject of slavery, to act upon our sen- 
timents, in order that the slave may be free. In reference to that question I 
say, and say most emphatically, No. When I feel that I have a great, eternal, 
immutable, all-pervading principle of truth on which to stand, and facts, sta- 
tistics, arguments, statements are brought forward to influence my mind, and 
which make a startling appeal to all my feelings, but which do not affect my 
judgment if I can only feel that my feet are firm upon the truth, and that my 


judgment is in unison with the mind of infinite wisdom, the consequences to me 
are nothing ; and though the world may expire at rny feet, I am hound to go 
on in the path of truth and of justice. It may be, for aught I can tell, that the 
adoption of the principles of free trade, of unrestricted trade in reference to the 
sugar of Cuba and Brazils, might render more intense the sufferings of the 
slave ; it may be that the plan which has been hitherto acted upon, namely, that 
of discouraging, by legislative restriction or prohibition, the introduction of 
the produce of slave labour from those countries into this, is the speediest way 
of accomplishing the object that we have in view ; but suppose it should be so, 
make that point out clear and plain to my apprehension, and then I say, that if 
I am to attain that object by trespassing over one principle of right, I cannot 
do it. This is a matter of morals; and as the Duke of WELLINGTON once said 
of war, " There can be no little war," so, in morals, there is no little princi- 
ple. I do not understand throwing up principles of truth. If once I perceive 
that a thing is right or wrong, my conduct is decided ; and I thank God that 
he takes all the consequences into his own hands. I have nothing to do with 
them ; I have only to go forward acting in the path of duty, and rely confi- 
dently on his word, feeling assured that out of right cannot come eventual 
wrong, but that he will guide the events of this world, and will take care not 
only of the slave, but of myself, in acting out these principles. Now I come to 
the application of this part of the subject. In my apprehension, by restricting 
the commercial intercourse between one man and another, for any object, you do 
that which you have no right to do, you are trespassing upon that which is the 
right of your fellow man. (Cries of "No, no.") I like to put things in a 
strong light, so that parties may fully and distinctly see what it is that we 
mean, and go away without any mistake as to what we wish to urge upon 
the Convention. I know there are some dissentients from my opinion ; but 
allow me to express the opinion I entertain. I hold it to be the inalienable 
right of man to dispose of the produce of his own labour where he will, 
none daring to make him afraid. I hold that none can take away from him 
this, which I esteem to be his birthright; and although he may consent 
to a restriction of that right in some cases, in order to reap advantages which 
he deems to be absolutely necessary to the protection of life, and property, 
and liberty, yet I contend tbat, except it be done with the free and full 
consent of the individual concerned, he who takes from him his right to 
trade where he will absolutely trespasses upon the rights of human nature. If 
this be a right, then, even to accomplish a great and important end, I am not 
permitted by the laws of Christianity the laws of God to trample upon it. 
Though it may appear to be a right of the smallest importance, quite insigni- 
ficant, a trifle in comparison with the great blessings which the world would 
reap from the abolition of slavery, though it were much less than in fact it is, 
and not so intimately connected with the welfare of mankind as I believe it to 
be, yet if it be a right, then that right can be surrendered only by the individual 
himself; and no benevolent intentions on my part could justify me, though it 
were for the advantage of another, in taking away from him that which belongs 
to him. I think that the anti-slavery cause is one which may well trust itself 
in the hands of God, content with acting only upon the principles of duty 
which have been imposed upon us as the disciples of truth arid of benevolence, 
making known throughout the world the great, important truths of Christianity, 
and urging upon the consciences of men the evils which they commit in the 
sight of God in retaining their slaves in bondage. I hold that he who goes 
forth truthfully and faithfully with this good seed in his hand, scattering it in 
all the world, is far more likely to succeed, and may look up with far more 
confidence for Divine assistance, than when he casts himself partially upon the 


very questionable, very equivocal, and somewhat warlike in the ultimate 
result aid of the governments of this world. I know the truth will be sorely 
tried while passing through the world, and it may seem well to deviate a little 
from the strict line which truth has marked out, in order that we may accom- 
plish a great and important end. But who can tell, when we have once deviated, 
how far we may go? Should we be led by hope or by fear, for the sake of the 
slave, to tread on the rights of human nature, who knows what may be the 
ultimate consequences? and who shall calculate what may be the effects even 
upon the very question that has gathered us together ? I think this is a cause 
too great, too holy, too God-like, too much associated with heaven, to be very 
intimately mixed up with temporary expediency ; that " Caesar's wife should 
be above suspicion ;" that there should not only be no charge upon the conduct 
of the Anti-Slavery Society, but that there should be scarcely a charge upon its 
reputation itself ; that its path should be so clear ; that its work should be so 
consistent with every great and holy principle, whether of a commercial or of a 
social character ; and that we ought to go so directly to the one great end in 
view, as that any mistake concerning our motives should be absolutely im- 
possible. We are seeking the abolition of the slave-trade ; and I would earnestly 
entreat you not to turn out of the path of universal rectitude. Do not go into 
that line which, although it deviates from right, seems to lead most directly to 
the object in view, whatever it may promise you. Be assured you have fallen 
into bad company here, and will again ; and although your motives may be 
pure as I know they are yet there are persons ready to get rid of the moral 
aspect of the cause you advocate, and to take advantage of the little slip you 
may make in the management of this affair, in order to turn their own selfish 
purposes to account. Now, let us go straight-forward ; let us trespass upon no 
one principle of right. We repudiate slavery ; but do not let us trespass on the 
rights of men in any shape whatever. Do not let us commit ourselves even 
to a very little wrong, which we could not vindicate in another place. If we 
adopt a principle which we could not fully carry out in the advocacy of this 
great cause, we are throwing a stain upon our reputation, we are bringing a 
dark cloud over it, and consequently we are impeding the very object we wish 
to advance. 

Mr. J. STURGE. Perhaps no subject of much greater importance than the 
one now under consideration has come before the present or any other Con- 
vention. I take a view of it different from that entertained by some of my 
friends, with whom, on many other public questions, I cordially unite. Before 
saying a few words upon it, however, I think it advisable to put the meeting 
right with reference to the amendment proposed by EDWARD MIALL. It was 
evident that this question must come before us, and our friends wished to 
bring it forward in a way that would best promote a search after truth, and 
cause the least unnecessary delay ; but the original resolution was drawn up 
with an expectation that a somewhat different amendment would have been 
moved. I therefore think that the mover and seconder are absolved from any 
agreement with us to stand by their resolution. This is the reason why they 
wish to make some alteration ; but if the Convention do not feel disposed to 
sanction it, they will not press it. With regard to the question before us, I 
think that the ground on which the last Convention acted has been rather lost 
sight of. We must not forget that three years ago we affirmed, and we did so 
again yesterday, that slavery was a crime of that nature that we ought to with- 
draw from Christian fellowship with any individual who, after brotherly advice, 
would not give up the holding of slaves. I do not, I think, go too far in saying 
we have affirmed, that to deprive an innocent person of his liberty is a robbery 
of the deepest dye ; and therefore we cannot but regard the articles produced 


by his uncompensated toil in the light of stolen property. I hold as strongly 
as any of my friends present the principles of free trade ; but I contend that 
these principles are, in this case, trampled under foot at the threshold. If a 
man comes to me and says, " I have stolen this coat; will you buy it? " 
I am, in conscience, bound to refuse ; and I consider it is equally my duty, 
as a member of the community, to try to induce my country to refuse to take 
stolen property when it is offered upon our shores. My friend, RICHARD COBDEN, 
spoke on the question with his usual ability ; but had he now been present 
incompetent as I am I should have tried to meet one or two of his arguments, 
which I thought were not very much to the purpose. Because I may be so in- 
consistent as to use one kind of stolen goods, it is no reason why I should use 
or encourage another ; and if there is anything on which a country is justified 
in legislating, surely it is against the purchase by their subjects of goods known 
to be obtained by robbery of the grossest character. That is the principle upon 
which the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Committee, and this and the for- 
mer Convention have acted ; and it must be remembered that they did not now 
bring forward this questior, but our friends, who felt opposed to the resolution 
passed three years ago. 1 trust that before the present Convention rescind that 
resolution, they will fully weigh the consequences. I agree with EDWARD 
MIALL, that if we are right in principle we should leave the consequence to 
God; but we hold that slave-grown produce should be treated as stolen goods, and 
that therefore we rest on the principles of eternal justice in refusing to receive 
it. It has been said, that on the present occasion we ought not to appeal to 
feelings, but to reason : I know, however, that when great commercial ques- 
tions are under discussion, sometimes, the only way in which we can fairly bring 
our judgment to decide upon sound Christian principle, is by supposing a strong 
case. Let me, therefore, submit to our friends who advocate the original reso- 
lution, the following case. Suppose a child of their own were stolen, and taken 
to the plantations to work without compensation, and there driven to death 
under the lash to produce any article, no matter what it may be : I ask them 
whether, when that article was so produced, with the full knowledge of the facts, 
they would think that they were acting justly in purchasing it? I will not oc- 
cupy further time. I was out of this country when this became a political 
question ; but after all the arguments I have heard, my conviction is, that the 
ground taken by the Convention three years ago, and which has since been 
carried out by the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 
was the correct one. I am sorry, for the sake of our foreign friends now present, 
that the discussion of the question has assumed a somewhat national character ; 
but I believe that it involves a great principle, which must operate throughout 
the world. 

Rev. J. RITCHIE, D.D. I have, during a portion of two centuries, taken 
part in public practical questions, and have always found it best to do one thing 
at once, and to confine every society to its own one and indivisible object ; nor 
have I ever seen this principle by others departed from without reproduction 
of" Chaos, Erebus, Nox." My sentiments on the great question of free trade 
are not unknown ; nor can they, by any here, be by mere ignorance, misinter- 
preted. They are, like all my principles, very simple. If one boy have twice 
as much butter and another have twice as much bread as each needs, they will 
soon discover that by exchange both will be profited ; and this is the whole 
mystery of free trade. For what are nations, but groups of bairns of a smaller, 
and a larger growth ? But I contend that with free trade we have in this Con- 
vention nothing to do. I have not been the person to bring it within these 
walls ; I shall do what I can forthwith to eject it as contraband here, even 
though I may in so doing have to tread on the corny toes of its importers. I 


cannot help this ; I still say, Out with it, it has no business here. We have no- 
thing to do with the commercial concerns of colonies, of mother, daughter, or 
sister countries. Our staple, only trade is the emancipation, protection, ele- 
vation of the slave. Our righteous and concurrent assault is upon every social 
fraction or integer that injures the slave. It was for this purpose I was sent 
hither ; ere I left Edinburgh, I gave pledge not to exceed this my brief. We have 
here nothing to do with the abstract question of opening or shutting markets, 
nor with the inalienable right which every man has to carry his produce to the 
highest market, and to supply his wants at the cheapest. The slave's redemp- 
tion and safety is with us everything. Did the theme, however, come legiti- 
mately up here, I could easily show that the principles of free trade, as argued 
for in tin's room, must, if carried out, sanction the Circassian supply of the 
seraglio, and the traffic in the bones and muscles of our brethren and sisters. 
If we are not to invade such departments of free trade, we may as well take 
our hats and go home. I question not the mover and seconder and supporter's 
friendship for the slave; I know their conversation too well; but I have often 
come into contact with planters and their relatives, who assured me they hated 
slavery as much as I can. But much as I may allow to a man's theory and his 
principles, with me, his practice outweighs them all. If I apprehend the pro- 
posal submitted, it is, that the British market should be opened to Brazilian and 
Cuban sugars. Are these sugars sweet ? so are East Indian and Jamaica sugars, 
of which you may, if you go the right way to work, get as much as you please. 
It is not their deficiency in saccharine matter of which I complain, nor for 
this I would continue to exclude them ; but simply because they are raised at 
the expense of the comfort, of the safety, aye, even of the life of the slave ; while 
sugars, the product of free labour, may, to an unlimited extent, be supplied. I 
was not sent here to advocate the introduction of slave-raised sugar than coun- 
sel or adopt such a measure, let me not taste sugar "while the world stands." 
Nor can my friends taunt me with wearing some slave-reared articles. They 
grievously err : they ought to say, " Do away your evils ;" but they say, " Since 
you have done one evil, you may as well go with us in committing another." 
What would be thought of me, a total abstinent, were I to order a hogshead of 
" Buxton's Entire?" and are we to transmit from this rcom to all parts of the 
world an altar-pledged hostility to slavery, and then show this hostility by 
opening up to the slave-holder greater facilities for disposing of his slave-reared 
produce ! This, too, 1 know, no brother dissenter can taunt me on this score. 
I say to him, " There are other evils in state churches besides church-rates, why 
oppose them only ?" He replies, " Church-rates are a direct practical evil, there- 
fore I oppose them." Even so here : this resolution proposes a great direct prac- 
tical evil the opening of the market to Brazilian sugar. I say, Bolt it against 
all slave- raised sugar, simply because slave-raised. We have been charged to 
disregard our feelings, and to look at the question in the light of the understand- 
ing. I refuse I never saw the feelings of a man in one room, and his under- 
standing in another. I did not leave my feelings in Edinburgh any more than 
my judgment, such as it is. On all questions I must bring both to bear I appeal 
to your understanding and also to your feelings. The latter are equally given to 
you with the former, and are as really a portion of your moral constitution; and 
whatever socialists and partisans may, when their quiver is exhausted, say, they 
always harmonise, and an argument addressed to the one will as really tell 
upon the other. So let it be here. Is it not plain, that if a man cannot find a 
market for his goods, he will soon give up business ? I am a teetotaller, and 
while some say, " Go to parliament," " Pull down the distilleries," " Knock out 
the head of every cask," &c. ; I say, Think not of such resorts, just don't pur- 
chase intoxicating drinks, and the matter is done. Where there is no market, 

M 2 


there will be no manufacturing; shut the mouth, and the shop will shut. Is 
there one in this room ignorant that while Brazilian sugar is bought, it will be 
raised ? If the market is extended, the crop will be increased, more hogsheads 
will be made, more work will be exacted, more stripes will be inflicted, 
more murders committed, more cargoes needed; and waste and supply, sin 
and misery will be perpetuated. The resolution which I oppose has been 
moved and supported by men of humanity ; nevertheless, it smells of blood, it 
is an anomaly in their history, it must not be allowed to stain the character 
of this Convention by its adoption. Our friends know, as I do, that cruelty 
requires no bribe, slavery no prop ; nor would they wittingly cheer on the 
man-stealer and man-murderer. They know that no mitigation of this infernal 
system which I denounce was ever obtained but by terror. Had encouragement, 
such as this resolution embraces, been given to the men of blood in our own 
colonies, " The glorious First of August" would have been postponed, ad 
GrcBcas kalendas. Let the Brazilians know, that if our markets are to be 
opened to their sugars, themselves must do it, by proclaiming liberty to their 
captives, by giving hire to their labourers. To our friends who so misapply a 
principle, in its own sphere justly hallowed free trade I say, ere you press 
on us the right of every man to carry his goods to the best market, ponder that 
painting before me a scene on the African coast. It is possible for commerce 
to be a curse. Legitimate commerce has nature's patent for the civilization of 
our race. Its pirated application has, however, been the curse of India and 
of Africa. What holocausts have been offered on its altars! Who can, among 
Molochs, point to one so sanguinary ? On her movements, especially, the 
philanthropist should keep a jealous eye. Let us hear no more of the claims 
which free trade has upon us, let us leave expediency to ephemeral politicians : 
these beseem not the World's Convention. If Governments have ever done 
any good for the promotion of our heart's desire " the extinction of slavery and 
the slave-trade all over the world," it was you and the like of you that made 
them do it. They felt and yielded to " the pressure from without:" be it ours 
to regulate it to make them feel it in the right direction. Its momentum has 
been gloriously beneficial ; but we may be assured, that movement will be in 
the worst possible direction, and the wrongs of Africa will be fearfully riveted 
by her professed friends, if this resolution shall receive the sanction of this 
Convention, if it shall recommend the introduction to a greater extent than 
ever of Brazilian and Cuban sugars, and thus miserably increase the sufferings 
of the injured slave, and encourage his oppressor to become, more than here- 
tofore, the child of the destroyer. From coming to such a conclusion, may the 
God who hates oppression, and forbids us to do evil that good may come thereof, 
prevent us 1 

Mr. G. W. ALEXANDER. I feel that it is not a very easy task to do justice 
to the sentiments which I entertain in reference to the subject before us. I regard 
this subject as the most important that can occupy the attention of the Conven- 
tion, and that not merely in itself, but because it may lead us to retrace the 
steps we have advanced, and to do that which will reflect on our former judg- 
ment. The circumstance that the discouragement of the produce of slave 
labour was an object sought to be obtained when the British and Foreign Anti- 
Slavery Society was originally formed, the circumstance that a similar prin- 
ciple was laid down by the former Convention, and that, at a time when there 
was nothing to warp our judgment, nothing of an exciting character to deter us 
from the discharge of duty, or to induce us to swerve from it, should lead us 
to consider very carefully the propriety of any measure having an opposite 
tendency. Every day I live confirms my belief in the propriety of the reso- 
lution to which I have referred. I would state, with regard to Brazil and Cuba, 


that nearly one-half of the whole amount of sugar exported by British 
merchants to foreign countries is received from thence ; and that in order to 
produce it, upwards of two millions of slaves are constantly employed. In 
connexion with the existence of slavery there, the slave-trade has been car- 
ried on extensively, particularly of late years. Within the last ten years 
it is calculated that a million of slaves have been introduced into Brazils 
and Cuba. In Cuba alone 400,000 are held in bondage contrary to law, and 
in defiance of the treaty with Great Britain. The same may be said of half a 
million in Brazils. I do not see any way in which slavery and the slave-trade 
can be suppressed in those countries, if the markets of Great Britain are open 
to their produce. I will state briefly the principal statistics of free and of slave- 
grown produce at the present moment. The fact is, that England consumes 
between one-third and one- fourth of the whole amount of sugar which is ex- 
ported from various parts of the world. The supply from our own colonies at 
the present time is only just abovit equal to our wants; and, therefore, it will be 
seen that if we were to open this country to the reception of Cuban and Bra- 
zilian sugars, we should inevitably become purchasers, and consequently those 
results would follow to which Dr. Lushington has so eloquently alluded. I 
should, however, protest against the admission of slave-grown sugar under 
any circumstances, as a violation of Christian principle. I have, however, great 
satisfaction in stating, that there is every reason to believe that in the course 
of a few years we shall be abundantly supplied with every article of tropical 
produce from our Eastern and Western possessions. It is true that, under the 
circumstances which followed the abolition of slavery in the West Indies, a 
great reduction in the amount of sugar produced took place. I shall not stop to 
discuss the cause; but it is a cheering fact that during the last year an increase 
of upwards of 300,000 cwts. has been received from those islands, and there is 
ground to conclude that the supply will be larger during the present year. 
Let me state what are our prospects with regard to the East Indies. " Jn the 
year 1833 the amount of sugar received from the British possessions in the 
East was 153,994 cwts. ; and in 1841, 1,271,582 cwts. There has also been a 
very large increase in the export of various other tropical articles during the 
same periods : rum, from 27 galls, to 1,006,7 12 ; and coffee, from 5,734,820 Ibs. 
to 15,896,624 Ibs." When I think of the prospect that we have of being 
abundantly supplied with all these articles from our own possessions, and that at 
a small cost, without being indebted to the labour of slaves, I cannot consent 
that we should be parties to the renewal of scenes such as those represented in 
the picture before us, in order that we may promote what is called " free trade." 
1 cannot but regard it as calculated to throw discredit on the word, to call that 
" free trade" which is founded on a denial to the labourer of a fair reward for 
his exertions, and on the perpetuation of a system of wholesale murder. I 
cannot refrain from adverting to a circumstance which some may have heard 
before, and which was mentioned to myself, at Madrid, by a person who had 
resided in Cuba, and of which I have met with confirmation, particularly by 
Baron HUMBOLDT. RAMON DE LA SAGRA, the author of the valuable History 
of Cuba, states that it was not considered an immoral practice, arid that it was 
by no means uncommon, when sugar was at a high price, to resort to the 
system called travaile force. The price being high, there is a temptation to 
work the slaves hard in order to procure a larger quantity of sugar say so many 
hundred boxes more than they have been accustomed to make. The manager, 
by direction of the planter, examines the condition of the slaves, their number, 
and the quantity of sugar-cane upon the ground, and he then reports that it is 
possible to make a given increased quantity, but it will entail a loss of thirty 
labourers. The planter makes his calculation of the value of the sugar on the 


one hand, and on the other, the value of the slaves destroyed and to be re- 
placed by fresh purchase; and if he finds it to be his pecuniary interest to obtain 
the larger amount of sugar, he says, "Force them;" and thus the slaves are 
destroyed. This is a practice common in Cuba, and in all slave countries in 
which sugar is cultivated. Allow me to advert to the statement made by 
JOSHUA LEAVITT respecting the deplorable mortality which takes place in the 
Southern part of the United States. He has truly stated that every fibre 
of cotton could tell its tale of misery ; that a most affecting tale would be 
revealed by that clothing which many of us every day wear. But there is no 
comparison between the mortality produced among the slaves by the cultiva- 
tion of cotton and the production of sugar. If the cotton districts have de- 
stroyed their hundreds, the sugar districts have destroyed their thousands. In 
the colony of British Guiana, in which slavery existed in its most aggravated 
form, while the decrease was five and a half per cent, of the population on 
sugar plantations, and three per cent, on coffee plantations, there was a small 
increase where cotton was cultivated. The same state of things existed in 
the neighbouring colony of Surinam ; and were it not that slave labour is 
less destructive to life when employed in the cultivation of cotton than of 
sugar, the slave population of the United States would be less than it now 
is. Hence it will be seen that by encouraging the productions of Cuba and 
Brazil we are encouraging the slave-trade and slavery in countries where 
these enormities exist to a greater extent than in any others. I am of opinion 
that we ought not to treat either Cuba or Brazil as we would treat a nation 
engaged in honourable commerce. I regard Cuba and Brazil as standing in 
the same situation that Algiers did a few years since : the only difference is, 
that in the former the slaves wear a sable skin, whereas in the latter it was of 
our own colour. This is not a new doctrine. It has been my lot recently 
to travel over the records of the former proceedings of Anti- Slavery Societies, 
and in connexion with visits to the various countries of Europe implicated in 
the slave-trade, to search into the past and present history of slavery through- 
out these regions. I find that, in the latter part of the last century, such was 
the interest felt in the abolition question, that 300,000 persons in Great Britain 
voluntarily abandoned the use of sugar rather than be parties to the slave-trade. 
In 1814, when the peace of Europe was effected, it was no sooner known 
that a treaty had been concluded with France by which that power was allowed 
to carry on the slave-trade for three years, than a meeting was held in this 
very hall, at which the Duke of Gloucester presided, several peers and a large 
number of members of the House of Commons being present, at which it 
was resolved that petitions should be procured from every part of the country, 
interceding with Parliament to take means to avert so great a calamity as that 
of the slave-trade being carried on for this period. The petitions were pro- 
cured, and were signed by a million of adult males. With these historical 
facts before us, with the palpable knowledge that Brazil and Cuba are daily, 
hourly, committing crimes at which humanity revolts the greatest crimes 
which could be perpetrated by the most barbarous savages there are indivi- 
duals who would say, Let the Government receive this sugar as if there were 
no guilt whatever connected with procuring it. If this be a right course 
of proceeding, the arguments I have now heard have failed to convince me 
of its propriety. It has already been shown that we consume the produce of 
the United States to the greatest extent. But does this engender a friendly 
feeling towards abolitionists? If they go to the Southern states, are they 
not met with the bowie knife ? Would they, notwithstanding the boon we 
have given to the slave-holders of the South, be allowed openly to plead for 
the rights of the slave ? By no means. Farther than this ; in all slave 


countries, the advocacy of anti-slavery principles is, to a vast extent, as 
absolutely interdicted as Protestantism is in Roman Catholic countries indeed, 
there is worse than an inquisition established. I can, myself, bear abundant 
evidence to this fact. Let me remind you of the unworthy part which Spain 
has acted. Great Britain gave her 400,000 in consideration of a treaty 
for the abolition of the slave-trade ; but what has been the conduct of Spain 
since that treaty was signed ? She has introduced into her colonies little short 
of a million of human beings contrary to the treaty a larger number than 
at any former period. Did this liberality produce a disposition favourable to 
the reception of the communications we had to make ? I will tell the Con- 
vention what is the state of things in Spain with reference to Brazilian slavery. 
It is perilous for a newspaper or for an author to advance any statement in favour 
of abolition ; and books in which the subject is mentioned are prohibited in 
Cuba. We feel it to be our duty to use moral means messengers and books 
have gone to these countries ; but we are not at liberty to neglect other means. 
Let me read the punishment inflicted upon an individual who had the temerity, 
without affixing his signature to it, to insert a very short article in a newspaper 
published at Madrid, during the time that my friend WIFFEN and myself were 
in that city. This individual was RAMON DE LA SAGRA, author of a celebrated 
History of Cuba. He says, " The arrival of my article of the 20th December, 
1840, published in the Corresponsal of the 24th, had been preceded at the 
Havana by information written by M. TORRENTS and other friends of slavery, 
supposing me ready to raise in the Chamber of the Cortes the cry of the 
emancipation of the negroes, and suspecting also the coming of the two 
members of the Society of Friends ALEXANDER and WIFFEN, as a combi- 
nation with my projects. The reading of my article produced at Havana a 
great effect a greater still against its author. All the letters received from 
thence complained of their conduct, and condemned with the most outrageous 
expressions my proceedings, as enemies of the colony, the nation, and the 
Government. The Havana corporations have addressed complaints to the 
same bodies here ; individuals all declaimed against me j and knowing not 
how to show their hatred, they have vented themselves against my literary 
works, refusing to continue to receive the numbei-s of that on Cuba, to which 
a hundred persons at Havana had subscribed. My bookseller acquainted me 
with this determination, and advised me to send there no other copies than 
those taken by the Intendant, by direction of the Government. The people 
of Havana have also intrigued to procure the suppression of my salary, which, 
as curator of the Botanic Garden there, they had formerly paid to me ; 
and indeed have suspended the payment of it; but the Regent has ordered 
that it may be continued, and I hope the order will be obeyed." If further 
evidence is wanted, as to the immense difficulties with which we have to 
contend in the use of moral means, let me appeal to the effect produced with 
regard to the West Indies. Did we not receive sugar from thence on the most 
favourable terms? But did not the West India planters regard every man as 
an enemy who told them the truth as to their duty to abandon slavery? I 
appeal to those persons who have seriously considered the subject, whether 
we are at liberty to omit the use of any means physical force always excepted 
calculated to bear on the destruction of slavery and the slave-trade. I 
contend that we are bound, as British citizens, to implore the Government not 
to act in a manner directly opposite to their former conduct, when they 
decreed the abolition of slavery, by holding out a premium to the slave-holders 
and traffickers in human flesh in Brazil and Cuba. This doctrine is consistent 
with that advanced by one of the most honourable members of the House of 
Commons, in relation to a similar topic, during the period of slavery in our 


West India colonies. It was found that the colonists were extremely re- 
pugnant to the adoption of any ameliorative measures, such as the suppression 
of the flogging of women, and the permission to communicate instruction. 
Under such circumstances, it was proposed by the Government, as a Govern- 
ment measure, that those colonies which did not adopt these ameliorative 
provisions, recommended by such high authority, should pay a larger amount 
of duty on the sugar they imported than those colonies which conformed to 
the requirements. This was the language of Lord HOWICK, as a member of 
that Government, in supporting that motion : " What is the motive for all 
the hardships which the slaves are liable to? Slavery is maintained chiefly for 
the purpose of raising sugar, and if we admit the sugar raised by the labour 
of slaves on the same terms, whether or not the regulations are enforced 
which we think necessary for their protection, and for the amelioration of their 
condition, are we not parties to the guilt of maintaining the system in all its 
barbarity '! $ This country has the clear right to disclaim all participation in 
such a system. I will not receive the labour of slaves, unless you assure me 
that no cruelty is practised in raising it. The negro now labours under the 
continual dread of the most severe bodily suffering. Any relaxation of the 
intensity of labour causes the lash immediately to be applied. By this means 
that degree of labour is obtained in our colonies, which is found to be so fear- 
fully destructive to human life." The system of slavery is far more destructive to 
human life in those countries to which I have referred. I shall simply notice, 
and almost without comment, one or two statements made by those who have 
advocated the measure before us. One is, that the service of God is perfect 
freedom, as stated by THOMAS SPENCER, and that we are not called upon to 
observe nice distinctions. I do believe that the service of God is perfect 
freedom ; but I believe, at the same time, that it enjoins upon me, both as an 
individual and a citizen, to do all I can to avoid being a party to the most 
atrocious criminality. I do not know how I can perform my duty in these 
characters unless I raise up my voice, and protest against so iniquitous a mea- 
sure as that of obtaining sugar by the introduction of that procured by 
slavery. Another speaker, who, I am sorry to say, was ready to sustain the 
adoption of the resolution, has said that the labour of the slave was not slave 
sugar. But if sugar be stained and contaminated with the unpaid labour of 
the slave, are we not bound to contend against its use ? Again, it has been 
said by our friend W. T. BLAIR, who is one of those whom I most cordially 
respect, because he is not a man who, whatever may be his political feelings, 
has come only recently to advocate the cause of the oppressed, either in this 
room or in the House of Commons ; and therefore I listen more to his argu- 
ments, than to those of menVhose voice is but seldom heard on these occasions, 
though they may be the advocates of free trade : he said, that it was much 
more likely that the slave-holder would be influenced through his pocket 
than through his heart or his head. . I believe that, and therefore I am 
unwilling^o 'afford any. encouragement' to the use of Brazilian sugar. I will 
make one further observation, and it is this: it has been contended by 
persons present, that if we do not receive the sugar of Cuba and Brazil, 
other nations will ; and that slavery, therefore, and the slave-trade will be 
encouraged as much by them as it would be by us. But I should contend, 
that in point of morals such an argument can have no weight at all. Further 
than that, let it be recollected that Great Britain is by far the largest consumer 
of sugar of any country in the world ; that we take between one-third and 
one-fourth of the whole amount exported by all countries ; and consequently the 
admission of Brazilian and Cuban sugar would be an immense boon granted to 
them otherwise, why do they contend for it? If they could find the same 


market in other countries, why not go to them ? The fact is, that at the present 
moment Cuba and Brazil are in a state of the deepest distress, owing to their 
wicked conduct, in continually adding to the number of their slaves by im- 
portations from Africa, until they have raised their crops of sugar to such an 
extent, that they can no longer find a market for the article ; and if we open 
to them our market, and pay them for their slave-labour, they will have new 
and fresh encouragement to prosecute a work from which they have nearly 
ceased in consequence of their poverty. I call upon my friends to view this as 
a great moral question, and to weigh the testimony of some who have given it 
the largest amount of their attention, and who have made immense sacrifices 
one of them at least, in carrying out his conscientious convictions. I do 
entreat this audience not to be ready, under the pretence of free trade, for it is 
not truly free trade to lay down their anti-slavery sentiments, and those doc- 
trines which morality and religion prescribe ; to tread humanity under foot ; and, 
as I firmly believe, to do that which will promote the repetition of such scenes 
as that depicted in the graphic representation before me. I hope I have 
addressed myself to the understanding ; but I do feel that I am bound, as well, 
to have some regard to those feelings of compassion and humanity which I 
believe the Almighty Being has placed in my bosom to prevent my being 
accessory to such cruel conduct. 

Mr. BLAIR. I rise to say a few words, by way of accommodation and con- 
ciliation. In supporting the original motion this morning and I have no wish 
to qualify or retract anything I then said I stated that 1 knew it was a question 
on which abolitionists were very much divided in opinion, and that, therefore, 
I did not desire unduly to press my own sentiments on the attention of the 
meeting ; or, above all, to force the question through the Convention by a bare 
majority. Now it is evident, from the turn which this discussion has taken, that 
the original motion cannot be carried without leaving a large and influential 
minority, including some of our warmest and most devoted friends ; and this, 
I think, is a consequence more to be deprecated, and likely to prove more inju- 
rious to that cause which we all have supremely at heart, than the affirmation 
of a principle, for which many of us contend, by a bare majority. Under these 
circumstances, and looking, as I am bound to do, to the general prosperity of our 
great cause, above any particular measure, 1 should be satisfied, and I hope 
my friends around me will be satisfied, as is often the case in the House of 
Commons, with the discussion that has taken place, and that, instead of going 
to a vote, they will allow the previous question to be put. I do not say that 
Mr. SPENCER should not exercise his right of replying to the main arguments 
thrown out on the other side. 

Mr. GEORGE KNOX. I have a very strong objection to the previous 
question being carried ; I object to the resolution of a former Convention 
standing on our minutes. It was carried when a great many of the delegates 
had left town, and it took by surprise the Anti-Slavery Societies in different 
parts of the country. (Cries of " No.") I feel that that resolution has been 
made a plea by Government for upholding the West India monopoly, and for 
refusing the admission of sugar from the Brazils and Cuba. I shall, therefore, 
move as an amendment upon the amendment of Mr. BUXTON, 

" That this Convention does not offer any opposition to the introduction of sugar and 
other produce from Cuba, Brazil, and other slave-holding states, having confidence, that 
a full and fair competition between free labour and slavery will result in favour of the 
former, and tend to the more speedy abolition of slavery and the slave-trade." 

If this amendment be not adopted, I hope that the resolution of Mr. 
SPENCER will be carried, believing as I do that the introduction of sugar 
from Cuba and Brazil will eventually, and indeed more speedily, tend 


to the abolition of slavery and the slave-trade than its exclusion. I might 
argue differently if I could believe that Brazil was in the pecuniary em- 
barrassment that has been stated, and that another year or two of restriction 
will extinguish alike her sugar and her slave-trade. We must, however, 
remember, that we are within two years of the expiration of our commercial 
treaty with Brazil. She now takes from this country all the manufactured 
goods she requires ; but unless we enter into a new treaty with her on the 
principle of reciprocal advantage, she will form treaties with other nations, 
and thus new vigour will be given to her slave-trade. It is said that we ought 
to have a conscience upon this subject; I admit it; but I think it should be an 
enlightened conscience, and that our feelings ought not to be appealed to in this 
assembly, as several speakers on the other side have done, just as if we were 
not all agreed about the end, and as if no difference of opinion could exist as to 
the best means for accomplishing that end. I have no notion of refusing slave- 
grown sugar, or of my family putting off cotton gowns, and yet wearing and 
using those articles which are indirectly the produce of slave-labour, having 
been purchased on the continent by the produce of Cuba and Brazil. There 
is one point to which allusion has not been made. Is it not the case that 
Brazilian and other foreign sugars are refined at our docks, and that even our 
own West India colonies are supplied with that article ? 

Mr. SCOBLE. The laws relative to that subject have recently been 

Mr. KNOX. But, after all, what is to become of the moral argument, which 
seems to be lost sight of in this discussion ? What is the value of those dis- 
cussions which the consumption or non-consumption of slave-sugar formerly 
produced, and which a friend states continued for fourteen years at his tea- 
table, and ultimately proved too powerful for even slave-holders to resist. We 
have no such discussions now, and it may be said that the question of slavery 
and the slave-trade does not come tangibly before the people of this country. 

Mr. JOHN ALLEN. I rise to move the previous question. I entertain a 
sentiment on a point which has greatly agitated the Convention to-day, but at 
this advanced stage of the proceedings I will not enter upon it. I will, how- 
ever, touch on another point. I come from a distant county, Cornwall, and I 
have been thinking what our anti-slavery friends there would say if on my 
return I informed them, that the Anti-Slavery Convention differed in opinion 
from the Anti-Slavery Society on a question that threatened to divide and tear 
in pieces the friends of the cause. They would regret it, and say, " Why not 
leave the question until a future period, when we might come to a safe and 
satisfactory conclusion upon it?" 

Mr. SAMS. Believing, as I do, that if the object sought to be attained by 
the original motion were effected, it would tend to rivet the chains of the poor 
African, and to continue and increase the horrors of slavery, I have wished for 
some time for an opportunity to say a few words upon the subject, but found it 
difficult to obtain one. I shall, however, now waive further that intention ; 
for I believe that for the sake of promoting unity, and that we may part on 
this subject exceedingly desirable as it is so to do as dear friends, it will be 
better at present that the previous question should be carried. I will, there- 
fore, cordially second the motion of JOHN ALLEN for that purpose. I would 
also hope that our respected friend at my left, the mover of the original motion, 
will not press it further, but permit this course to be taken. 

Rev. JOHN BENNETT. It was not my purpose to have taken any part 
in the proceedings of the day; but the question now under discussion has often 
been thrown in the teeth of the friends of abolition. I have, upon more occa- 
sions than one, heard declarations made at public meetings which I could not 


well contradict, viz. : that we were less anxious about the personal interests 
of those connected with us, by the ties of country and kindred, than about the 
negro slave. I do not believe that the insinuation was a correct one; but with 
the resolution of the last Convention before me, I could not well rebut it. I 
am disposed to protest (but with no ill feeling) against the views of those who 
are for setting aside the resolution now before us ; and I do it on the ground 
that we shall be doing evil that good may come. It is my firm conviction that 
the principle adopted in the resolution of the last Convention was a vicious one; 
that its tendency was to impose an unjust restriction upon a right common to 
the whole human race. I have no more right to say to a man who has made 
an article, " You may sell it to certain parties, but you shall not sell it to 
others," than I have to say to him, " You shall not look at the sun." However 
morally desirable this may be considered, as a legal proceeding it is wrong ; 
and I will never consent, from motives of expediency, or any arguments 
founded on expediency, to plant my foot on ground which I believe to be false 
and hollow, in order that some good result may issue. The question before us 
is a very important one. I have been astonished to hear it repeatedly said 
this afternoon, that in this Convention we have nothing to do with trade. 
Why, did not your resolution at the last Convention directly point to trade ? 
Was not the purport of that resolution to lead you to apply to the Legislature 
on a question of trade ? Is not the measure you wish to effect a question of 
trade, though it is also a question of justice, righteousness, and humanity ? 
I have, during my life, to the best of my little ability, and in the humble situa- 
tion in which it has pleased Providence to place me, done my utmost to carry 
out the cause of abolition ; I feel the question to be one of paramount im- 
portance; I feel for the poor oppressed and suffering negro slaves : yet, 
notwithstanding my sympathies for them, I conceive that it is only by adopt- 
ing right principles, and abandoning those which are not good in themselves 
and never can be made good, that slavery can be destroyed. Let the public 
influence of the Convention be thrown into the national mind, to impel capital 
and encourage enterprise on the fertile plains of Bengal, and other places, 
where free produce of the same kind can be obtained, and you will soon supply 
not only your own markets, but every market of the world, and thus most 
effectually compete with the produce of slave-labour. 

Rev.T. SPENCER. With respect to the resolution that I wish to substitute 
for my own, I desire that it should be distinctly understood that the resolution 
I submitted was drawn up by those who take a different view to ourselves ; for 
we were anxious to prevent its being said that it was so framed as to catch 
those who did not agree with us ; but the one I wished to offer to the Conven- 
tion was the one which Mr. MIALL read. Having said thus much about the 
resolution, I wish to add that a great deal depends upon your conduct this 
night. I am authorised to inform you that there will be a measure connected 
with this subject brought before the House of Commons on Thursday next. 
If we decide in favour of the sugar duties, our influence, our example, and our 
sentiments will be quoted by every monopolist in the House of Commons ; 
whereas, if we come to the opinion that free labour can do without protection 
that it will surpass slave labour ; if we agree with Mr. JOHN STURGE that it 
will put an end to the slave-trade, and be the shortest means of abolishing 
slavery, great deference will be paid in that house to the opinion of this Con- 
vention. We are in a critical position ; and though I love peace, and would 
make way for any member of the Society of Friends,' who have been most dis- 
tinguished, and have been most benevolently active in this cause, respecting, as 
I do, their high sense of justice, yet, at the same time, I have a conscience of 
my own, a sense of justice of my own ; and I would not, for the greatest dig- 


nitary in the Church, and I could not, for the greatest member of the Society 
of Friends, blink the question and give it the go by. I think we ought manfully 
to come to a decision, and that there will be no division created by it ; for it is 
impossible that in such a body we should all think alike. I was sorry to hear 
a kind of intimidation, that if we came to such a resolution some persons 
would leave us. I am sorry for that threat, because I think we ought to give 
our votes without such intimidation. With respect to this delicate point, and 
this matter of stolen goods, I have again to complain of a want of courtesy in 
those who urged that argument. A member of the Society of Friends will not 
put himself in the same box with a clergyman who was accustomed to say 
to them that knew his bad conduct, " You must do as I say, and not as I do." 
Show me the money that is in your pocket, and you show me slave produce ; 
and can you do without it ? A person has said that we cannot carry our 
principles out ; that if we were in a slave country, we could not live without 
taking slave produce. There are some that take higher ground than that : 
they say that if conscience is concerned, a man must give up his life for it ; 
that a man must be willing to confess Christ before men, and if he be deter- 
mined to gain his life he shall lose something more important. We cannot 
argue from extreme cases. When a person comes forward and argues that in 
the case of sugar, tobacco, and snuff, we must not admit slave produce while, 
with respect to gold, to the paper on which our anti slavery books and 
pamphlets are printed, no such objection is made, while we receive money 
from a man who has got it dishonestly, or who may have been a hard master, 
but because he owes us 100^, though we know how he has obtained it, we do 
not reject it, the position contended for cannot be maintained. Though there 
may be many in this assembly who feel strongly on the subject, yet taking us 
as a body, it will excite astonishment if we make this exception to a noble prin- 
ciple advocated here and elsewhere. All that Dr. RITCHIE proved .was this 
that he ought himself not to use slave produce ; that he ought not to wear 
cotton ; and that he ought not from this time henceforth to have money in his 
pocket. But his object was to show that we ought to make our judgment the 
standard of other men's consciences. I think, with respect to that, that we 
should be much on our guard, and not confound individual with national re- 
sponsibility. If I think it wrong to take an article, it is sin in me to 
take it; but I am not to judge my neighbour. Then with respect to one of 
the best arguments of Dr. LUSHINGTON that a small island inhabited by freemen 
would have no chance with Brazil. Who ever thought that a few thousands 
could compete with a few millions? I might as well argue that the village in 
which I live, with its eight hundred inhabitants, would have no chance against 
your metropolis. The question is, whether forty thousand free labourers are 
to be compared with forty thousand slave labourers. The argument was unfair : 
it led to a wrong conclusion. There have been too many appeals to our feelings, 
which ought not to guide us in our path. I should, indeed, be sorry to lose 
the best feelings of my heart ; I should wish to pity the oppressed ; and I hope 
I shall pity the slaves. I would remember them that are in bonds as bound 
with them ; and urged on by this sympathy, I was connected with anti-slavery 
conferences long ago : but I consider that justice is greater than charity. The 
command of the Almighty is, " Do justly," and then " Love mercy." I know 
an excellent man, a clergyman of the Church of England, who was a college 
examiner. The college to which I belong is a large one ; there are several 
hundreds of young men there, whose future prospects depend on their exa- 
mination. I have been a college examiner, and I know, that to a certain 
extent, the examiners have in their power the destinies of these young men 
through life. This gentleman said to me, " Before I enter the door, I take 


out my bowels of compassion." It was a strong expression; but when we have 
to decide between truth and error, we must judge a man without partiality, 
without hypocrisy, our feelings of friendship or of compassion must be dis- 
regarded. It is important, before you settle this question, that you should 
divest yourselves of your feelings. Look upon it as a question of justice ; take 
it on grand principles; say that you will do right; say that whatever is right, 
is right under all circumstances. Leave to the providence of God the govern- 
ment of his own world. He can guide this world independently of this Con- 
vention. Let us take right principles, and not deviate from them to meet 
this particular case. I am inclined to think that there is a large majority that 
see the subject in the same light that I do, and I am anxious that they should 
have an opportunity of expressing that opinion. 

The CHAIRMAN. I am of opinion that the anti-slavery cause will be 
damaged by voting on this subject; but that no damage will take place if 
the previous question be carried. I think that course will tend more to our 
separating with harmony when the Convention ends, than if we do vote on the 

A show of hands was then taken on the previous question, and carried with 
very few dissentients. 

The CHAIRMAN. It is due to our friends on my right hand (the mover 
and seconder of the resolution) to say, that this decision in no degree implies 
any opinion on the general question. 

Mr. STAGEY. I hope it will be clearly, distinctly, and emphatically un- 
derstood, that by the vote to which the Convention has just come, we have 
expressed no opinion whatever upon the general question. The resolution of 
1 840 affirmed a principle which I think should attach to all anti-slavery move- 
ments; and we have now, by not reversing that resolution, simply left the case 
where it then stood. 

S. GURNET, Esq., then vacated the chair, and his seat was taken by the 


Mr. SCOBLE. I have now to present the following report. 

On the 16th of August, 1842, there was submitted to the Portuguese Chamber 
of Peers the following draft, a Law for the Abolition of Slavery in Portuguese 
India, viz. 

Article I. The Alvares, with the force of law, of the 19th of September, 
1761, and of the 16th of January, 1763, which abolished entirely the existence 
of slavery in the kingdom of Portugal, will be put in force, from the publication 
of this law, in that part of the Portuguese monarchy which forms the general 

fovernment of the states of India, and comprehends the territories of Goa, 
alsette, Bardez, Damaon, Diu, Macao, and the Timor and Solor Islands, with 
the respective dependencies of this territory. 

Article II. The Government will organize the regulations for the above 
Alvares, with the force of law, which will be effectively executed in the above- 
mentioned territories, and communicate to the Cortes, in the next legislative 
session, what it has determined in this respect. 

Article III. The Government will propose to the Cortes, in one of the next 
legislative sessions, the measures which it conceives most convenient for the 


successive emancipation of all individuals in the same territories, who, after the 
publication of this law, continue there in the state of slavery ; so as that, after 
the term of fifteen years, from the date of this law, the state of slavery shall 
have ceased. 

Article IV. All the laws now existing to the contrary will be abrogated. 

Chamber of Peers, 16th August, 1842. 


This project, presented by these respectable noblemen, was read a second time, 
and sent into committee. A commission appears thereupon to have been 
appointed, composed of the Duke DE PALMELLA, the Viscount SA DA BANDEIRA, 
and the Count DE LAVRADIO, who, in connexion with an interesting report, 
present the following project for the adoption of the Portuguese legislature, viz. 


The Count of LAVRADIO and Viscount SA DA BANDEIRA have brought to the 
Portuguese Chamber of Peers a project of law for the total abolition of slavery 
in Portuguese India, which, having been revised by a committee, contains the 
following articles: 1st. That the edicts of September, 1761, and January, 
1763, which abolished slavery in the kingdom of Portugal, shall extend to all 
Portuguese India ; viz., Goa, Salsette, Bardez, Damaon, Diu, Macao, and the 
islands of Timor and Solor. All persons born in, or who enter these territories, 
from the publication of this law, are declared free. 2nd. The Government will 
make the necessary regulations for the full execution of these edicts. 3rd. 
Slaves of either sex, existing in these territories, who are national property, 
shall receive certificates of manumission from the Governor-General of India, 
as soon as he receives this law ; but they will only enjoy entire liberty three 
years after its publication. The first year they will serve as heretofore ; but 
the second and third, their service can only be exacted on payment of a gra- 
tuity, which will be fixed by the Governor-General in Council. 4th. Slaves of 
either sex, whether private or public property, may obtain their own ransom, 
from the date of the publication of this law, on payment of a determinate sum, 
which shall be fixed by the Governor- General in Council. All slaves who may 
be desirous and able to obtain their freedom in the manner above specified, 
will possess the right of applying, for that purpose, to the highest authority of 
the country in which he or she resides. 5th. Slaves of either sex, who are 
private property, will be free at the expiration of three years from the publica- 
tion of this law; for which purpose the state will indemnify the owners of slaves 
in a determinate sum, which will be paid on the day of emancipation, either in 
specie, or in bills payable as cash into the custom-houses of those dominions. 
The Government will make the necessary regulations to fix the amount of in- 
demnification, which will be determined on according to the age and sex of the 
emancipated slaves. 6th. The alienation of slaves belonging to the state is 
strictly prohibited. 7th. The Government will publish a regulation for the 
punishment of slaves, while they exist in India, which may only be inflicted in 
public, and by order of a public authority, to whom the masters of slaves will 
declare their reasons for desiring them to be punished. 8th. The Government 
will present all the regulations specified in this law to the Cortes, in the next or 
successive legislative session ; as also a return, specifying the number of slaves, 
of either sex, existing in those territories, and whether they belong to the state 
or not. 9th. All public authorities who contravene the provisions of the third, 


fourth, and fifth articles of this law, will incur the penalties awarded to those 
who consign free persons to slavery ; and will be tried, in first and last instances, 
by the supreme court of judicature at Goa. 

This is by far a more liberal measure than the former one, and supported as 
it is, not only by the members of the commission, but by many other distin- 
guished and influential persons, is likely to become law. It is gratifying to 
observe, that the commission contemplate hereafter the application of this 
project to the African possessions of the Portuguese crown. 

I can trace this project on the part of the Portuguese nobility, and which 
has been taken up by a committee, composed of three distinguished members 
of the chamber of Peers, to a visit of certain individuals connected with the 
Anti-Slavery Society of this country, to Portugal. The moral influence of the 
Society has been felt there, and a personal visit to individuals whose views are 
similar to our own, but who probably had not the courage to discharge their 
duty till urged to it, has had a most beneficial influence. We have the prospect, 
first, That slavery throughout Portuguese India will, in the course of three or 
five years, be terminated ; and, secondly, that there will be a measure brought 
on very shortly after that point has been carried, which will affect Portuguese 
Africa. When the Government of Portugal shall have done their duty in refer- 
ence to treaties on the coast of Africa, I do hope that a severer blow will be 
given to the slave-trade by that means than by any other yet resorted to by this 
or any other country. Some gentlemen holding distinguished offices in India 
have sent in their adhesion to the project I have just read ; and, indeed, they 
were the parties that suggested, that the period of three years should be substi- 
tuted for fifteen, mentioned in the original project. It will thus be seen, that 
by keeping the anti-slavery cause before the public mind of Europe and the 
world, we are likely to lead persons occupying an influential position, not only 
to look at it, but to give something like substantial evidence of their attachment 
to it, by originating measures like this. Here we see one of the fruits of our 
exertions since the last Convention. 

Mr. G. W. ALEXANDER. I intend to say but a very few words on the 
subject before us ; yet I think it is due to the Convention to be informed of the 
present state, so far as we are acquainted with it, of the anti-slavery cause in 
Portugal, particularly as it forms one of the most encouraging circumstances 
connected with anti-slavery movements that has recently taken place. 
I went to Portugal about a year ago, accompanied by my friend BENJAMIN 
B. WIFFEN, and I confess that neither of us on going there was very sanguine 
with regard to the anti-slavery feeling which we might find in the capital of 
that country. We were received by Lord HOWARD DE WALDEN very kindly, and 
by HENRY SOUTHERN, secretary of the British legation. We had been previously 
furnished with letters of recommendation from the Earl of ABERDEEN to Lord 
HOWARD DE WALDEN ; and from him we had letters of introduction to nearly the 
whole of the late ministry of Portugal, and to a large portion of the present 
ministry of that country. We received statements of their conviction, that the 
slave-trade was very injurious to the interests of Portuguese Africa, and that 
they were disposed to do all they could to promote its abolition. We were also 
informed, that the trade had very materially decreased. This is the general 
statement I have to make with regard to many of the most distinguished indi- 
viduals who fill political offices in Lisbon. But, in addition to this, we had the 
still greater satisfaction of meeting with a few persons occupying eminent 
stations, who appeared to have made up their minds in favour of the abolition 
question. Among these I may name Viscount SA DA BANDEIRA and the Conde 
DE LAVRADIO. We also met with a friendly reception from the Duke DE 


PALMELI.A. These were the individuals who composed that commission of which 
you have heard. It was also our unexpected pleasure to find at the house of 
Viscount SA DA BANDEIRA, the Anti-Slavery Reporter, which had not been sent to 
him by us, but which he had obtained in consequence of the interest he already 
felt in the question. He informed us, that it was his intention, at an early 
period, to bring forward a measure in the Portuguese Chamber of Peers for the 
abolition of slavery in Portuguese India. The deputation of the Anti-Slavery 
Society, therefore, cannot take to themselves the credit of originating the 
measure ; but I hope it may have done a little to encourage these noble-minded 
men whom we found enlisted in this good cause. I have two books, the one 
published in 1840, and the other in 1842. The first is a decided anti-slavery 
work, in which I find a reference to the most distinguished and valued friends 
of the cause in England, and sentiments which would do honour to any British 
abolitionist. The writer's name is BOTELLO, a person who held a high office in 
the African Portuguese colonies. I shall do all that is needful in connexion 
with the question of the anti-slavery cause in Portugal, by reading the following 
passages from a letter received recently from Viscount SA DA BANDEIRA on this 

" Lisbon, 22nd May, 1843. 

" I have had the pleasure of receiving your two letters and the address of 
the American Society to the non-slaveholders of the South. I have read it 
with very great satisfaction : its arguments are exceedingly strong in favour of 
the abolition of slavery. I think that this excellent work must produce an 
important effect on public sentiment. Your remarks on the proposition that 
the Duke of PALMELLA, Count LAVRADIO, and myself, have presented to the 
Chamber of Peers for the abolition of slavery in the Asiatic possessions of 
Portugal are very agreeable to me as well as to those two noblemen. Our 
desire for the moment is, to establish the legislative principle of abolition. 
From Asia we shall pass to Africa, and it is in view of this that, at my request, 
made in the Chamber, the Government has sent out orders to have a return of 
all the slaves in each of our colonies : the result of this step should be pre- 
sented to the Cortes next year. The measure adopted for the immediate abo- 
lition of slavery in British India is of the greatest importance. The privileges 
given to the slaves are such that slavery is no longer real. I keep the docu- 
ment, and hope to profit by it in future. From the information that I have, 
and which I believe to be true, the slave-trade continues in the ports of the 
African continent, including the Portuguese colonies. Government has issued 
orders against it, but the illicit traffic continues. The gain that is derived from 
this abominable commerce is immense : thus the violation of the law is in- 
evitable, so long as there are markets where the slaves can be sold. If it is 
desired to abolish the slave-trade, it must be abolished by the abolition of 
slavery in Brazil, in Cuba, in Porto Rico, and at Texas. As respects the abo- 
lition of slavery in the Portuguese possessions in Africa, I believe it more easy 
than many persons think it to be. In these possessions, both on the West and 
East, we have establishments in the interior, which are at the distance of more 
than six hundred miles from the respective coasts. In all the neighbouring 
countries, there is labour at a very low price : some even come from a very 
great distance for work. Thus there would be no want of labour if slavery 
were abolished. As to the Cape de Verde Islands, the number of slaves, which 
are thought to be from three to four thousand, are found concentrated in some 
of these islands principally that of Santiago. It is with pleasure that I profit 
by this occasion, to tell you that in one of these islands, that of St. Nicholas, 
the most opulent and influential proprietors, Messieurs DIAS, have given 


liberty to all their slaves, the number of whom exceeded fifty. These freemen 
wished to remain in the service of their former masters, and at present they 
are said to work as other free labourers. I sincerely desire and hope, that 
from the meeting of the Convention, will result an advancement in the noble 
cause of liberty, and of so many millions of men who are at present in the 
most miserable state that can be imagined." 

It would appear from the statements made, that we have great reason to feel 
satisfied that progress is making in Portugal on behalf of the slave a country 
which, up to a late period, we have thought the most backward in the anti- 
slavery cause. 

Mr. BLAIR. I beg to move 

" That the report now read be referred to a committee, consisting of G. W. ALEXANDER, 

Mr. CHARLES HINDLEY, M.P. In rising to second the resolution, I 
take this occasion of stating that I have come here the very first moment 
that I had an opportunity of so doing, in order to express my sympathy with, 
and cordial assent to, the objects you have in view. I understand that you 
have disposed of the question of differential duties, and that, not on the ground 
of expediency, but of principle. I supported Dr. LUSHINGTON when the sub- 
ject was before the House of Commons. So far as politicians are concerned, 
the question is a difficult one ; but among Christians it admits of an easy solu- 
tion. I heartily rejoice in your endeavours to remove the foul blot of slavery 
from the human race, more especially the civilized and Christianized portions 
of it. The United States will never take its rank in the scale of Christian 
nations till every slave there has been emancipated. I hope they will not 
want the energetic denunciations of DANIEL O'CONNELL to arouse them to the 
discharge of their duties. I might say something on the critical position of 
parties who wish to emancipate their slaves, but who are prevented from it by 
the intervention of the Government. I do hope, however, that the time will 
speedily come when nations and individuals will stand on the same footing. 
An individual stands responsible to society, and they claim the right to judge 
of his conduct ; but governments seem to think that they are irresponsible. 

Mr. J. T. PRICE. I presume that the committee will be authorised to 
bring up a report for the adoption of the Convention ; and that that report will 
not only express entire satisfaction with the progress that has been made in 
Portugal, but an earnest desire that that country may be encouraged to walk 
straight-forward in the path that is so plain before them. I trust that Portugal 
will look to our example with reference to the abolition of slavery in the East 
Indies, and will adopt a similar course. 

The resolution was then put and carried unanimously ; after which, 

The Convention adjourned. 



The minutes of the previous day were read and confirmed. 

Mr. SCOBLE. The point to which the attention of the Convention will be 
directed this morning is, 





I may observe that the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery 
Society, in anticipation of this Convention, transmitted to the island of Cuba, 
many months since, a series of questions for the purpose of eliciting the best 
information that could be obtained in reference to slavery and the slave-trade, 
and the state of public feeling in the island of Cuba, with the view of ascer- 
taining the extent of these evils, and the prospect presented of their ultimate 
extinction. We have received an elaborate series of answers to these questions, 
which have been analysed and brought together in the manuscript book I 
hold in my hand. It will be impossible for me this morning to give you an 
idea of the immense amount of valuable information which has thus been pro- 
cured ; but I will read a short paper on a branch of the question which is ex- 
ceedingly important as connected with the liberty of a large number of slaves 
in the Spanish islands. 

" The bad faith of successive Spanish governments in relation to the sup- 
pression of the slave-trade, to effect which they were bound under the most 
solemn treaties with this country, having completely exhausted the patience of 
the British Government, a draft of a Convention has been submitted to the 
Cabinet at Madrid, the design of which is to secure that object in the most 
effectual way, and by means against which no just exception can be taken, 
inasmuch as both are warranted by the stipulations of the treaties as well as 
by the laws of Spain. 


Preamble. " ' Her Majesty the Queen of the United Kingdom of Great 
Britain and Ireland, and Her Majesty the Queen Regent of Spain, having 
reason to believe that, notwithstanding the stipulations of the treaty concluded 
on the 23rd September, 1817, and the further stipulations of the treaty con- 
cluded on the 28th June, 1835, between Great Britain and Spain, negroes are, 
from time to time, imported from Africa into the colonial possessions of Her 
Catholic Majesty, and are there held in bondage, contrary to the letter and to 
the spirit of the said treaties, and in violation of the decrees which have been 
promulgated in Spain for carrying the said treaties into effect, 

" ' Their said Majesties have named and appointed their plenipotentiaries, 
to devise and agree upon further measures for preventing the violation of the 
said treaties in the manner above mentioned, 

" ' Who, having exchanged their full powers, &c., have agreed upon the 
following articles : 

Article I. " 'The Mixed Court of Justice, established at the Havana, is 
hereby authorised to receive information upon oath, to the effect that grounds 
of suspicion exist, that negroes recently arrived from Africa are detained as 
slaves in the transatlantic dominions of Spain ; and the said Mixed Court, 
upon receiving such information, is hereby empowered and enjoined to summon 
before it such negroes, and the persons assuming to be the owners of such 
negroes, and all other individuals apparently concerned in, or having know- 
ledge of, the transaction in question; and the said Mixed Court is further 
empowered and enjoined to examine all such persons on oath touching the said 
transaction; and if, upon examination, it shall not be clearly proved to the 
satisfaction of the said Court that the negroes alleged to have been recently 
imported from Africa were born in the transatlantic dominions of Spain, or 
were imported from Africa into these dominions before the 30th October, 1820, 


the said Court shall declare such negroes to be free, and such negroes shall be 
set free accordingly. 

Article II. " ' If the owner or owners of the negroes, said to be wrongfully 
held in bondage, shall, upon the first summons of the Court, refuse or demur 
to appear before the Court, either by themselves or by others in their behalf, 
the Court shall summon the parties a second time ; and if this second summons 
should not be effectual, the Court shall, after the expiration of a proper interval 
of time, summon the parties a third time ; and if the parties do not obey either 
of the three summonses, the Court shall, notwithstanding the absence of such 
owner or owners, or other persons in their behalf, proceed to adjudge the cause, 
and to decide whether or not the negroes, who are alleged to be wrongfully held 
in bondage, shall be set free; and the decision of the Court in such cases shall 
be held good and valid, notwithstanding the absence of the parties, and shall 
be carried into effect accordingly. 

Article III. " ' Her Catholic Majesty shall within weeks after the 

exchange of the ratifications of this Convention promulgate a decree, giving 
authority to the Mixed Court of Justice to enforce the execution of its decisions, 
in accordance with the provisions contained in the preceding articles.' Slave- 
trade Papers, Class B, 1840, pp. 2, 3. 

" The consideration of this Convention having been pressed on the attention 
of the Spanish Government by the British minister at Madrid, he was assured 
that they were animated by the same philanthropic ideas as those of the Go- 
vernment and people of Great Britain, and that they were only restrained in 
giving them effect by 'having to combine them with local interests, which they 
are bound to support and protect ;' and was promised that they would ' collect 
together all the data that can elucidate the matter,' information having been de- 
manded from the superior authorities of the island of Cuba, in order that they 
might 'judge of the effects which the adoption of the aforesaid Convention might 
produce.' Thus stood the case at the close of 1840. In May, 1841, the British mi- 
nister was again instructed to ' urge the Spanish Government to accede to the 
plan proposed.' But in July, the Spanish Minister for Foreign Affairs, in a note 
to him says: ' It is extremely painful to me to have to state to you, by order of 
the Regent of the kingdom, that Her Majesty's Government considers its adop- 
tion to be neither possible nor politic, because it would amount to an alienation 
of the jurisdiction, which ought only to reside in the first authority of the island.' " 

Thus you will perceive that, on the principle of national dignity, the crown 
of Spain refuses aid on the part of the crown of England in carrying into 
effect the treaties which exist between the two countries. But allow me to 
say that the answer of the Spanish to" the British Government refusing the 
jurisdiction proposed, amounts to nothing, inasmuch as under existing treaties, 
the very tribunal before which the Government of this country would bring 
the case proposed, does actually exist in Cuba at the present moment, in the 
shape of a Mixed Commission Court, appointed by the several governments, to 
give effect to slave-trade treaties. It is, therefore, to be regarded as an official 
subterfuge, and nothing else. 

" To this decision the Spanish Government was brought by the earnest and 
threatening remonstrances of the public bodies at Cuba. The Junta de Fo- 
mento, composed chiefly of planters, proprietors, and hacendados, after stating 
that the demand of the British Government was destitute of all just foundation, 
and that, in acceding to it, the Spanish authorities would divest themselves of one 
of the most important attributes of sovereignty ; and after charging upon the 
Government and people of this country the basest motives in seeking to enforce 

N 2 


its claims, and with impudence in the manner in which it has been done, they 
implore Her Catholic Majesty not to make ' the smallest change in the negro 
question' without consulting them, and assure her that ' in this question of 
slavery there is hut one sentiment, one unanimous wish in the island, a fixed 
and unalterable idea in the minds of all its inhabitants, which is, that they 
prefer any extreme to the calamity of losing their property, of endangering 
their lives, of remaining in subjection to the negro power.' The minority of 
the Royal Patriotic Society pronounce the Convention proposed to the Spanish Go- 
vernment to be ' offensive to the national dignity,' and that it ought to be resisted 
on that as well as on ' legal and economical' grounds. The tone of their report, 
however, is more mild than that of others. The majority of the Royal Patriotic 
Society boldly state that ' it never was, and is not now a sentiment of humanity 
which impels Great Britain to make such efforts for the suppression of the 
slave-trade and the abolition of slavery;' but jealousy of the growing power, 
and dread of the immense productiveness of the island of Cuba. And they 
call upon their Government to resist the demands of Great Britain, and to 
remove every vestige of British authority from the island, including the Court 
of Mixed Commission, the hulk for the reception of liberated Africans, and 
even the British Consul himself, who had displeased them by his firmness and 

Here I may be permitted to interpose a remark. It was stated by an honour- 
able gentleman on this floor yesterday, that the conduct of the recent British 
Consul at Cuba was open to the greatest possible exception, inasmuch as he 
had exasperated the Spanish authorities, and this was advanced as an argument 
why the British Government should not interfere, either by legislation, or by 
functionaries residing abroad, with the institution of slavery. I wish to 
mention the name of this most honoured and respected member of the last 
Convention a man whom I should have been happy to see with us on the 
present occasion Mr. DAVID TURNBULL (cheers), and who by his firmness, 
activity, and zeal, in carrying out what he believed to be the intentions of the 
British Government, necessarily brought himself into collision with the 
Spanish authorities. The object of these authorities was, to procure his 
removal from the island, by exacting from the British Government his recall. 
I am happy, however, to state that the late Government would not allow of 
his recall, unless the Spanish Government could show that he had violated his 
official duty as the representative of the people of this country ; and declared, 
that so long as consuls were sent to Cuba, they should be men who would 
endeavour to give effect to the Convention of Great Britain and Spain for 
the suppression of the slave-trade. The refusal to recall him was a testi- 
mony of approbation of his services while at Cuba, both as Consul and as 
Protector of liberated Africans. He has since left Cuba, and has been made 
Chief Commissioner of the Mixed Commission Court in the island of Jamaica. 

" The other memorials presented to the Spanish Government, whether ema- 
nating from public bodies, or from private individuals, are couched in similar 
style, and, with few exceptions, breathe a spirit of hostility to this country, 
which would be remarkable, were the cause not known, namely, its fixed 
determination to use its best efforts, and exert all its influence, to terminate the 
atrocities of slavery and the slave-trade. 

" What course the British Government is now taking to ensure the fulfilment 
of its treaties with Spain, does not appear ; but it is quite clear that matters 
cannot, and will not, be allowed to remain in their present position. 



"In a report on this unfortunate class of Africans, made to the British 
Government in June, 1841, by Her Majesty's Commissioners resident at the 
Havana, it appears that 7,040 Africans have been emancipated under the 
treaty of 1817, of whom 1,207 were sent to Trinidad, under special agree- 
ment on the subject. To account for the remaining 5,800 emancipados, they 
say, ' Considering that in many of the cargoes virulent diseases prevailed 
on their arrival, the effects of which continued to occasion considerable 
mortality afterwards, and that the Asiatic Cholera prevailed here (Havana) 
from 1832 to 1835, with peculiarly evil results to the coloured population, we 
are prepared to believe, that not more than one half of the Africans liberated, 
may after so many years elapsed be now surviving. But when we consider 
that of the survivors many have been by the assignees put in the place 
of their other slaves who had died, or have been otherwise trepanned into 
positive slavery, we doubt whether more than 2,000 emancipados, or one-third 
of the original number, may be looked for as probably to be produced.' In 
these remarks, the Commissioners overlook the increase which may have 
occurred in connexion with this class by births, during the period referred to. 
The Commissioners further observe, that ' several hundreds of these emanci- 
pados remain in the hands of the Government, and are employed on the public 
works. There are, also, some of them employed in the mines of the Cobre 
Mining Company, an Anglo- American Association.' 

" For the liberation of these emancipados from a bondage, even more severe 
in some of its incidents than that endured by the generality of slaves in the 
island of Cuba, the British Government has made a formal demand, through 
their minister residing at Madrid, couched in the following terms : ' I am 
directed to state, that the British Government demand, as a right, from the 
Spanish Government the immediate freedom of all the negroes, who have 
been emancipated in Cuba, by sentence of the Mixed Commission, since the 
treaty of 1817, but who appear hitherto to have been retained in practical 
slavery by the authorities of Cuba, in direct violation of the solemn engage- 
ments of the Spanish Crown.' And, with a view of securing to them the 
future enjoyment of their freedom, Her Majesty proposes that they shall be 
handed over to the Superintendent of liberated Africans at the Havana, to be 
by him transferred, with their own consent, to the British colonies. 

" In reply, the Spanish Government, after stating that the condition of the 
emancipados would not be improved by a removal to the British colonies, 
' because in the island of Cuba they are in the enjoyment of the same benefits, 
and of the same rights, as all freemen residing there ;' that their removal 
would be attended with serious inconveniences that it would deprive industry 
and agriculture of hands, and notably injure the prosperity and wealth of the 
island to augment that of the colonies to which they might be sent that it would 
give the Mixed Commission Court a pernicious influence over the coloured 
population in Cuba, extremely prejudicial and dangerous to the welfare of its 
inhabitants in short, that it would be immoral, dangerous, and injurious to 
the authority exercised in the island; they say, 'the Government of Her 
Catholic Majesty regrets to be unable to agree to the project proposed by that 
of Her Britannic Majesty, for the removal to the British colonies of the negroes 
emancipated in virtue of the treaty concluded between both nations in 1817.' 

"It does not appear, however, that the British Government are willing to 
allow the matter to close here. In making another demand for the liberation 
of 450 Bozal negroes recently taken possession of by the Spanish authorities, 
they state, ' that these negroes are, by the law of Spain, free men ; and that 
consequently, there can exist no right to impose any restraint upon their per- 


sonal liberty; and that the condition of * emancipados,' in which these negroes 
appear to have been placed, differs in no essential respect from the condi- 
tion of slaves, which is therefore an illegal duresse imposed upon free per- 
sons, at variance with the true meaning of the treaty between Great Britain 
and Spain. 

' Such is the nature of the demands on the one hand, and of evasions or 
denials of justice on the other. It would appear impossible that this species of 
diplomatic intercourse can be carried much farther: either Great Britain must 
give way, and admit that her treaties with Spain are waste paper, or Spain 
must give way and honourably fulfil them, or take the consequences of a long 
persistance in wrong- doing." 

This report refers first to the Africans illicitly introduced contrary to en- 
gagements with this country, and also contrary to the laws of Spain ; and 
secondly, it refers to the emancipados or liberated Africans, who ought to be 
free under the treaties into which Spain has entered with Great Britain. You 
will see, I have no doubt, as I do, the vast importance of sustaining the hands 
of the British Government in asking for the faithful fulfilment of stipulations 
with this country. 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. I rise to move 

" That the papers now read be referred to the Committee appointed on Portuguese 
slavery, with the addition of F. R. COCKING, JAMES RICHARDSON, CHARLKS Fox, 
and J. T. PRICE, Esqs." 

Mr. STANDFIELD. I was favoured with a visit from Mr. TURNBULL, who 
had then recently returned from Cuba, and as he mentioned circumstances 
connected with this all important question, that have not been stated in the 
paper read by Mr. SCOBLE, I conceive it will not be out of order if I give the 
information to the assembly. Mr. TURNBULL, in consequence of the indis- 
position of his wife, left Havana for New Providence, and during his residence 
there, he obtained information that a number of British subjects were illegally 
held in bondage in Cuba. He hired a schooner, and took with him some 
witnesses who could identify these individuals. He landed in the island of 
Cuba, at a place called Gibara, and on going on shore presented his credentials 
as British Consul, and was received with apparent courtesy. Bui, immediately 
afterwards, in violation of all the rights of nations, he was declared a prisoner, 
the crew were placed in durance vile, and he was ordered to be conducted 
under guard to the Captain General of the Island. But under the good pro- 
vidence of God, the persons who had charge of him suffered him to visit the 
plantation he wished, and that with more freedom than he could have done if 
he had not been under control. By this means he was enabled to identify 
above 500 British subjects held in illegal bondage. Mr. TURNBULL was subse- 
quently liberated, and sent home alist of these British-born subjects. I trust the 
Government will take the most decided steps to procure their freedom. I may 
add, that when Mr. TURNBULL reached Havana, he was forcibly expelled from 
the island by the Captain General, as a disturber of the public peace. I beg 
to second the resolution. 

Mr. FRANCIS ROSS COCKING (late of Havana). A residence of four 
years in the island of Cuba, a knowledge of its language, and an intimate ac- 
quaintance with many of its most influential native inhabitants, have been the 
means of placing me in the possession of facts which I hope to be permitted to 
make known to this Convention. It has been stated in the House of Lords 
that the slave-trade has nearly ceaued in Cuba. Would to God it were the 


case ! But my own experience causes me to know that although it is not now 
carried on to the extent which characterised it in former years, it still continues 
with considerable activity; and I consider it due to DAVID TURNBULL, Esq., 
late Her Majesty's consul at Havana, to state that if there has been of late a 
momentary paralysation of slave-trading activity in Cuba, it is to be attributed 
to the extraordinary exertions of that one man, whose whole mind was absorbed 
in watching over the infractions of the slave-trade treaties, and in reporting 
them to the Captain General of the island of Cuba. If the victims of the 
slave-trade are not now so numerous as they were, their sufferings are greater, 
because the orders of the Spanish Government to the effect that the slave-trade 
shall be suppressed, that vox et prceterea nihil, which in plain and undisguised 
language means to say, and which in the island of Cuba is understood to mean, 
" Your infractions of the slave-trade treaties between Spain and Great Britain 
must not be so scandalously glaring as they have been heretofore. Your deeds 
of crime must be done in darkness ; because, although we tolerate and approve 
of the continuance of the slave-trade, in order, as we believe, to augment the 
number of victims that cultivate our soil, that enrich our coffers, that augment 
our products, that give life and energy to our commerce, and that fill the pri- 
vate pockets of our local authorities ; we must endeavour to make it appear 
that we not only discountenance the traffic in blood, but that we are deter- 
mined on putting it down. Be ye advised, therefore, that such glaring infrac- 
tions of the slave-trade treaties with Great Britain as come under onr immediate 
notice shall tend to cause you, the importers of African negroes, to lose your 
property, while we, the Government, benefit therefrom by seizing the victims, 
and selling them into slavery for our own immediate benefit. Beware, therefore, 
how your deeds are brought to light. Let the slave-trade continue in secrecy. 
Give yourselves more trouble than heretofore to conceal your crimes. But let 
the slave-trade continue." These orders and the consequences of these orders 
are the reasons why the sufferings of the victims are now greater than they 
were before, because the hurry and haste in the landing, the precipitate march 
from the places of disembarkation to the places of ulterior destination, and the 
harassing hardships attendant on all these, cause the unfortunate Africans to 
sink under the intensity of their sufferings, the victims of slave-trading cupidity 
and of British credulity. I shall now relate a few facts that have very lately 
come under my immediate notice with respect to the slave-trade, which will 
serve to prove the correctness of my statement. A short time ago a vessel 
arrived off the Port of Trinidad de Cuba with a cargo of three hundred and odd 
Africans on board. I saw the vessel myself at Trinidad, and I ascertained the 
facts that I am now going to state from a person who was a sailor on board of the 
slaver at the time. This vessel arrived off the port of Trinidad ; the captain 
landed alone and at night, and received orders from the owner or owners to 
proceed to a small island off the south side of Cuba, there to land his cargo, 
and afterwards to come into the port of Trinidad and enter his vessel at the 
Custom-house in ballast. From Trinidad, two or more coasting vessels were 
immediately despatched to the small island Los Jardinillos, when the Africans 
were taken on board, and carried to some out-of-the-way landing place, where 
they were successfully put on shore and conducted to their places of ulterior 
destination. At Matanzas, a short time since, a slaver arrived and landed her 
cargo of three hundred and fifty Africans within a mile of the city, and under 
the very eyes of the public. And after the victims were on shore, and far on 
their way to the interior of the island, the Governor, GARCIA ONA, sent a 
deputation on board to search the vessel and report if she had brought slaves, 
as had been publicly rumoured ; but of course the result of their search was, 
that she had not brought any. On the 6th day of January, of the present year, 


the Portuguese brig Roldan arrived at Havana with a small quantity of jerked 
beef on board. Two or three days after the arrival of this vessel, the Roldan, 
while she was yet lying at the wharf with a large piece of jerked beef hanging 
at the extreme end of her bowsprit, the insignia of all vessels having jerked 
beef on board for sale, I discovered, through the means of a person whose 
name I am not at liberty to mention, that she had come from the coast of 
Africa, with a cargo of five hundred and seventy-five Bozal negroes ; that she had 
landed them at a place called La Chorrera, at which place her artillery had 
been put into the hold near to the keel, under a floor constructed expressly for 
the purpose, and that a few hundred weight of jerked beef had been taken on 
board, with which cargo, or part of a cargo, she entered the port of Havana with 
impunity. This vessel, the Roldan, has again sailed from Havana on a slave-trad- 
ing expedition ; but she now wears the Spanish flag, and is called El Ultimo. On 
the 8th of February, of the present year also, the Portuguese brigan tine Jacinto, 
belonging to a French merchant of Havana, named FORCADE, sailed on a slave- 
trading expedition : and as regards this vessel, I shall state a farcical fact illus- 
trative of the manner in which the government of Cuba pretends to put down the 
slave-trade. This vessel,fthe 7a*w/o,when fitting out at the wharf of CASA BLANCA, 
at Havana, had been accused of being engaged in the slave-trade ; the conse- 
quence was, that by order of the Captain-General, she had been removed from 
the wharf, and anchored close under the guns of a Spanish ship-of-war. This 
hypocritical formality having been gone through with, after the expiration of a 
few days, she was liberated for want of proof ; and while yet lying almost along- 
side of the ship-of-war, she took her slave- trading cargo on board, and went to 
sea unmolested. But the fact which above all others will serve to prove the 
correctness of my statement is this. A short time ago, some 250 newly-imported 
Bozal negroes had been seized at a place called Vereda Nueva, and their case 
had been submitted, by the Captain-General, to the opinion of the Assessor- 
General VILLAVERDE. As soon as it was known to the importers of these Bozals, 
(the partners or representatives of the notorious PEDRO BLANCO) that their 
victims had been seized, they came forward and gave security, to a large 
amount, to prove, by certificates of baptism, that the negroes were not newly- 
imported Bozals, as they had been represented to be, but that they were Creole 
negroes, born and bred on the island. The result was, that the negroes were 
given up to their pretended masters ; in due time, the certificates of baptism 
were produced, and the security cancelled. And these unhappy victims of a 
corrupt administration, like all others that have been seized by the Govern- 
ment of the island, are now slaves in Cuba. These few facts, which I have 
chosen out of many that have come under my observation, will serve to prove 
that the slave-trade still continues, and will continue, on the shores of the island 
of Cuba. And I hope to be allowed to endeavour to impress on the minds of all 
the friends of African freedom, that as long as slavery exists in Cuba and Porto 
Rico, the African slave-trade will, and must continue on the shores of these 
islands ; and that in a country such as Cuba, where the whole white population, 
foreigners as well as natives, are either slave-holders in the deed, or slave- 
holders in principle, no law or laws, whether for the suppression of the slave- 
trade, or for the partial amelioration of the condition of the slaves, can have 
any executive principle, inasmuch as all those whose duty it is to give effect to 
such laws are interested in defeating them. It is true, that there are in Cuba 
many of the native born inhabitants who are desirous that the slave-trade should 
be effectually suppressed ; but these men have no voice in the governmental 
proceedings of their own native country, and I may add, that their desire to 
see the slave-trade suppressed, does not proceed from a sense of humanity, but 
from motives of policy ; because they all believe that the flood of Africans that 


continues to inundate their island, serves as an effectual barrier to the accom- 
plishment of their long-cherished and dearest hopes the independence of 
Cuba. It is believed that there are 600,000 slaves in Cuba, of whom 4-16ths 
are said to be native born ; 1-1 6th, the wretched residue of Bozal negroes im- 
ported into the island previous to the year 1820 ; and ll-16ths, Bozal negroes 
imported subsequent to that year (1820), in contravention of the slave-trade 
treaties existing between Spain and Great Britain, and consequently contrary 
to Spanish law. Included in the whole number of slaves, there are between 
9,000 and 10,000 Bozal negroes that have been captured by British cruisers 
from on board of Spanish slavers, the large majority of whom are still held in 
slavery. And there are several hundreds of colonial British subjects that have 
been illegally taken away from British West India colonies, and sold into 
slavery in Cuba. Now, it humbly appears to me, that all these unfortunate 
people, the colonial British subjects, the Bozal negroes emancipated by the 
Court of Mixed Commission in virtue of existing treaties, and the Bozal 
negroes imported into the island of Cuba subsequent to the year 1820, in con- 
travention of these same treaties, are ipso facto free, and cannot be considered 
the legal property of any man. And besides which, it also appears to me that 
the British Government has a right, and further, that it is even a sacred duty 
which devolves on our Government, in the interests of humanity or the interests 
of justice, and in the interests of the national honour, to demand the immediate 
freedom from bondage, not only of all her colonial subjects, that have been un- 
lawfully removed from British colonies, and taken to Cuba as slaves, and of 
Bozal negroes that have been emancipated by the Court of Mixed Commission ; 
but that she has a right to demand from Spain the freedom of all those Afri- 
cans that have been illegally, and in contravention of existing treaties, im- 
ported into Cuba subsequent to the year 1820. Because, if this contraband 
human merchandise had been captured by British cruisers previous to their 
being landed, they would have been declared to be free by the Court of Mixed 
Commission, in virtue of existing treaties; if they had been captured by 
Spanish cruisers, the result would have been the same ; and if seized and con- 
fiscated on shore, the result must inevitably have been the same also. I am 
personally acquainted with many of these unfortunate people in Cuba, and I 
here most solemnly avow that they look up to England for sympathy and pro- 
tection ; and having solemnly pledged myself to them when in Cuba to use 
every means that were legal and moral to ameliorate their present condition, I 
now have the honour to appeal to this august Convention, and in the name of 
suffering humanity, in the name of innocence oppressed, and in the name of 
the sacred image of our beloved Saviour, denied by unholy and blood-stained 
hands, humbly to beseech that a petition be presented to Her Majesty's 
Government, supplicating that measures be immediately taken with the Spanish 
Government, to the effect that these unhappy people, the colonial British 
subjects, the Bozal negroes emancipated by the Court of Mixed Commission, 
and the Bozal negroes imported into the island of Cuba subsequent to the year 
1820, including all their descendants, be placed in the full enjoyment of their 

Mr. SCOBLE. I believe our friend has been a witness to the punishment 
of slaves in Cuba. Will he do us the favour of stating the impression made on 
his mind in connexion with some of their exclamations. 

Mr. COCKING. The circumstances referred to have not been witnessed by 
me, but by persons of high respectability, from whom I received the information. 
It frequently occurs, on some plantations, that when the negroes are laid down 
on their stomachs, and held by four other negroes, that they commence by 
crying out for mercy ; and when they find that that is not likely to be extended 


to them, they then cry, " Brother Englishman, why don't you come to our 

Mr. G. W. ALEXANDER. I do not think that there has been brought 
before us a matter of deeper importance to humanity than the question now 
before this Convention. I confess that having twice travelled in Spain within 
the last few years, and having given a large part of my attention to the subject 
of slavery in Cuba, I feel a great interest in the topic we are now discussing. 
I recollect that at the last Convention, Dr. MADDEN felt it to be necessary to 
apologise to those whom he addressed, for statements which went to show those 
horrors which are inseparable from every form of slavery, and which receive a 
peculiar intensity when slave-labour is employed in the cultivation of sugar, 
and also the constant waste of human life, notwithstanding the supposed 
amelioration of the Spanish slave code. To meet this loss of life, the African 
slave-trade continues to exist in Cuba. It is, indeed, a strange circumstance, 
as it appears to many of us at this time, that it had been supposed that laws 
apparently passed for the protection of the slaves had been impartially executed 
in a country where slave-holders give a tone to the general sentiments of 
society, and must be, in a great measure, themselves the executors of the 
laws. I do conceive that it is a matter of very great importance, which has 
been attained by the proceedings of meetings like the present, that we have ex- 
posed before the world such serious misconceptions ; and that in consequence, 
there prevails at this moment, throughout the civilized world, a degree of feel- 
ing upon the subject, amounting to indignation at the enormous wrongs com- 
mitted on slaves, and which will not allow these crimes to be much longer 
perpetrated by any nation that makes any boast of civilisation, or any profession 
of the sacred religion of the Saviour of mankind. The question upon which 
we are now speaking concerns the rights, the liberties, the intellectual improve- 
ment, the religious welfare and the immortal destinies of more than half a 
million of human beings in the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico. These number 
amongst their inhabitants not a few persons of English and American descent, 
from whom this horrid system has received an immense amount of support. 
Shame to persons, of whatever name, who can be involved in these proceedings ; 
and especially shame to those who are thus engaged, notwithstanding their 
boast of that knowledge which we possess of the rights of all the human race. 
Feeling deeply interested on this question, I believed it to be my duty, and in 
that duty I was associated with my friend BENJAMIN B. WIFI^IN, to pay a visit, 
under circumstances of perhaps some little peril, to the Peninsula of Spain. 
We visited some of the principal towns in that country. Many individuals 
present have become acquainted, through the pages of the Anti-Slavery 
Reporter, with the result of that journey ; but I will venture briefly to notice 
some of the towns which we visited. These were particularly Barcelona, Ma- 
drid, Valentia, Seville, and Cadiz. Barcelona is much engaged in the slave- 
trade, and is now in some degree what Liverpool once was in that respect. It 
contains some of the most beautiful buildings which I have ever seen, erected 
by wealth acquired from the oppression of the slaves. I am glad to state that 
there are a few decided friends of the negro whom it has been our lot to meet 
with in Spain. Let me, however, say that I do not on account of the small- 
ness of their number despair of the progress of our cause in that country. We 
went there with a very imperfect knowledge of the language, and from our 
stay being limited on both occasions we had access only to comparatively few 
individuals. The political circumstances and the peculiar condition of Spain 
for the last few years, and indeed at the present moment, is singularly un- 
favourable to a great effort being made on behalf of the negroes ; they have 
so many matters of domestic concern to interest and occupy their 


minds that we can hardly suppose that the attention of the nation can 
be gained to this subject at present. In all the places of which I have 
spoken we met with individuals, and in several of them small companies, to 
whom we stated our convictions of the enormous iniquity of slavery and the 
slave-trade, and we endeavoured to enlist their judgments and their feelings on 
behalf of the miserable victims. We also endeavoured to prove to them that 
emancipation would be a wise act that it is an act which has been crowned 
with entire success, all circumstances being considered, in our own West India 
colonies. In connexion with the papers on the table, I will state what is the 
number of anti-slavery persons on whom we can, to a certain extent, count in 
Spain. In Barcelona we found ANTONIO BERGUES, the most considerable printer 
in the place, who was already acquainted with the question of negro slavery, 
and whose judgment was already fully in accordance with our own with regard 
to the enormous iniquity of this system. During the time we were at Barcelona, 
a person to whom we received a letter of recommendation, requested that 
we would put down the nature of the various information we wanted, and the 
precise object of our visit to that country. That circumstance led to the 
writing of a short paper, which was translated by our friend ANTONIO BERGUKS 
on the same day on which it was written, and a thousand copies at his own 
expense (for he would not receive any remuneration) were furnished the next 
morning. Another friend to our cause, at that time in Barcelona, was 
F. DELAMERE, a Major-General in the Spanish service, but an Englishman by 
birth. At Madrid we met with a courteous reception from several illustrious 
individuals, and among these from one who was recently associated in the 
office of Regency of that country, DON AUGUSTINE ARGUELLES. He some 
years ago advocated the abolition of the slave-trade by Spain, in the Spanish 
Cortes. We saw M. MARLIANI, to whom Lord CLARENDON had kindly given us 
a letter of introduction, and of whom that nobleman justly spoke in the highest 
terms. We found him an enlightened man, one fully prepared to entertain our 
views, and I hope that he will advocate them in the Spanish Cortes. He is a 
member of the Upper Chamber of that body. We found also RAMON DE LA 
SAGRA. We received from him much important information with regard to 
the character of slavery in Cuba, and which entirely confirms the statement 
made by Dr. MADDEN, and the information laid before the past and present Con- 
vention. In the same place we met with a member of an honourable family of 
the name of USOZY Rio, and also his brother, whojwas a visitor at the last Conven- 
tion, and whose heart is with us on this cccasion. At a meeting which took place 
at Seville, during the time we were there, at the office of the Editor of the Sevillano, 
a newspaper published at Seville, a long and warm discussion arose on the 
subject of slavery. A large proportion of those present were pro-slavery 
persons, and they occupied so great a portion of the time allotted to the dis- 
cussion, that it was impossible to do justice to the subject in reply. Under 
these circumstances it was proposed that an answer should be sent to certain 
questions, and to difficulties and objections which had been raised. Answers 
were written from Lisbon ; and I have the satisfaction of stating that, as in the 
former case, so now, these observations were translated unsolicited on our 
part, and have, to a certain extent, been circulated in Spain. There is 
another person whom I must not omit to notice, and that is, the Bishop elect 
of Cordova, then residing at Seville. He was nearly eighty years of age ; and 
although he bowed under the infirmities incident to that advanced period of 
life, he manifested a deep interest in this question, with which he was intimately 
acquainted, in consequence of having been on a commission, appointed by the 
Government of Spain, for the purpose of considering some communications from 
the English Government to that of Spain, on the practicability of emancipation 


in Cuba. On that Commission there were persons not of the same opinion with 
himself, one of whom was a large slave-holder, in consequence of which it was 
attended with little benefit, except the information that it was the means of 
bringing before the individual to whom I have referred. In reference to the 
business of the last Convention, I may state that the address then delivered by 
Dr. MADDEN was circulated to a considerable extent by us during our late 
visit to that country. It was our wish that it should be given to every member of 
the Spanish Cortes, but I am doubtful whether that has been done. I hold in 
my hand a letter received from a person who is a native of the island of Cuba, 
in which I find a further confirmation of all those statements which have 
been made by DAVID TURNBULL, (whom I sincerely respect for his labours in 
this cause,) by our friend Dr. MADDEN, as well as by distinguished foreigners, 
Baron HUMBOLDT and others, in regard to the real character of slavery in 
Cuba. I will touch on two or three points respecting slavery in Cuba, which I 
think very important. It is stated, that in the country districts generally, 
two-thirds of the population are men, and one-third women. It is unnecessary 
that I should explain what must be the result of such circumstances, or from 
what they arise. The fact proves the extent to which the slave-trade has 
recently been carried on, otherwise the disproportion between males and 
females would not be so large, because we know that in all countries the 
numbers born are almost equal. The writer says that the number of marriages 
is unknown, because, in the census, it is not usual to state the number of mar- 
riages among slaves. With regard to food, it is exactly that stated in the 
Anti-Slavery Reporter of the 10th of February, 1841 : he, however, thinks that 
the overseer does not often rob the slaves of the food intended for them. 
He mentions the amount of clothing for males and females ; and with respect 
to the latter, it certainly does not appear by any means sufficient even for the 
purposes of decency. Labour begins at five in the morning, and usually 
closes between five and six in the evening; but during the time of crop it 
continues till a very late hour, and sometimes the whole of the night. But 
even when this does not occur, it is customary to labour from sixteen to 
eighteen hours. This, in any climate, but especially under a tropical sun, is 
murder ! In the country districts the slaves receive no instruction : we need 
scarcely to have been informed of that circumstance. Religion is almost dis- 
regarded ; there is scarcely any attention paid to it : however, all are baptized, 
and there are some who instruct their slaves in the principles of religion. We 
received, during our stay at Madrid, from a person long resident in Cuba, an 
account of the immoral character of the masters, which he says is improving ; 
but he attributes many of the evils that exist in Cuba to the conduct of the 
government of Spain, who do what in them lies to prevent the inhabitants 
propagating any sentiments they may really feel for the abolition of the 
slave-trade. I believe that there are persons, though their number is small, 
who, from pecuniary, and a few from other motives, are really desirous of 
the abolition of that traffic. He says that the cause of the emancipation 
of the slaves has very few partizans, and that even these would not dare to 
manifest their sentiments. He states that there are several very rich owners 
of sugar and coffee plantations, who desire the abolition of the slave-trade. 1 
will briefly explain how this arises. On the greater part of the plantations there 
is an immense waste of human life, which makes it necessary, in order to 
maintain cultivation, that there should be a constant importation of negroes. 
There are, however, a few individuals, more humane than the rest, whose 
plantations are better managed, and on these there is a small increase upon the 
whole number of slaves. They do not stand in absolute need of this means of 
supplying the deficiency of labour, and as the price of produce and the value of 


slaves would materially increase if the amount of slave labour were diminished 
in other directions, these individuals are willing that the slave-trade should he 
put down, and would he glad if it were accomplished, precisely on the same 
ground that Virginia, long since, was willing to abandon the slave-trade. I 
will notice one or two other points in the letter. He says that legislation is 
humane as regards the slave, but it is scarcely ever executed. The magistrates 
and the syndics are almost always proprietors of slaves. He believes that the 
number of slaves annually introduced into Cuba fluctuates between 9,5,000 and 
,30,000. These are the statements of a native of Cuba, long resident, and 
highly esteemed in that island. I hold in my hand a book, written by the 
Countess MERLIN, the contents of which originally appeared in the Revue de 
deux Mondes, a book written with considerable ability, and which is intended 
as a defence of the continuance of slavery. I will, however, venture to say, 
that no person, having any fair pretensions to understanding, who will take the 
pains of reading this book, can fail to find that there exists in it a hundred 
reasons for the abolition of slavery, for one that can be found against it. It 
contains the most important admissions with regard to slavery. She says, 
" May the holy man of Chiapa (LAS CASAS) pardon me. The slavery that he 
introduced was a deplorable seed for the Havana; it is become a gigantic tree, 
and produces at present the bitter fruits of its origin ; but it cannot be felled 
without incurring the risk of burying us beneath its weight. It is an inex- 
haustible source of sufferings, of grave responsibilities and fears, and is, besides, 
by the excessive expense that it occasions, a principle of permanent ruin. The 
Jabour of the freeman would not only be a purer element of riches, but also 
more solid and more lucrative." It is maintained in this book, that since the 
new prohibition of the trade, the Governors have received from the slave- 
owners more than 1,000,000 dollars. This is easily explained ; during that 
time 100,000 slaves have been imported, for all of whom a very large sum has 
been received by those individuals. It is stated that the number of slaves in 
the island, in 1817, was 199,145, but that they now amount to 700,000. I 
believe that this is somewhat beyond the actual number. I will only refer to 
one other circumstance, namely, the condition of the Bozal negroes. It appears 
that the number rescued from slave ships amounts to 8,000, and this lady, 
speaking of their condition, says, that it is worse than that of the slave, and 
that it is common for slaves to cast reproach upon them, by saying, "Thou art 
nothing but an emancipado," that is, something below a slave. I have here 
a book, written by JOSE ANTONIO SACO, printed at Madrid in 1837, which con- 
tains a vindication of the abolition of the slave-trade, and arguments which 
appear decisive against slavery. This is a pleasing circumstance. I do not, 
however, know of an instance in which a Spaniard, in modern times, has 
stated to his countrymen, in a printed book, the crime of slavery. I have also 
a small work, given me by FRANCIS R. COCKING, which is partly fiction and 
partly fact, but which is apparently intended to point out the condition of 
slavery. It is a work of much the same kind as one written by G. DE BEAU- 
MONT, called " Marie, ou VEsclavage ;" but this is a prohibited book in Cuba, as 
is every one in which the rights of the slave are advocated. I have likewise 
a work by TORRENTE, a member of the Spanish Cortes, and I will say, that 
among all the false apologies for slavery that were ever published in the world, 
I believe there is not one which transcends this little book. It represents the 
slaves as enjoying a state which was never experienced in this world, except 
by our first parents in Paradise. It depicts them as being exempt from all 
wants, almost freed from all temptation, and supplied with every comfort 
which life can furnish. On the other hand, it states that English emancipation 
has been, in all respects, a complete failure ; that the negroes will not work ; 


that they are demoralized ; that the English Government repent of what they 
have done, and it warns the Cuban planters and the Spanish Government by 
no means to lend an ear to the demand for emancipation. I hope for the 
honour of Spain that some reply will be given, or rather, that a defence of the 
principles of humanity will be put forward in that country, ere long. I have 
stated that the newspapers of Spain, with scarcely an exception, do not admit 
of a word in advocacy of the rights of the slave. I ought to have made a 
special exception of the Guia del Commercio, which has not long been pub- 
lished. In that paper I have lately found some sentiments creditable to those 
who wrote them ; but generally speaking, such sentiments would not be 
tolerated in Spain, and as a considerable number of newspapers are forwarded 
from Spain to Cuba, they would find no readers there. To sum up the whole 
matter, we find in Cuba about 600,000 slaves, nearly all of whom, it is ad- 
mitted by M. TORUENTE, are Bozals, and therefore entitled to their freedom 
in virtue of the treaty with Great Britain, in virtue of the law of Spain, and 
above all, in virtue of those laws which are superior to all others the laws of 
justice, humanity, and religion, and yet they are held in most cruel bondage. 
A large number of Bozals, who have long been entitled to their freedom, have 
unhappily perished, and to whom, therefore, we cannot now do justice ; and 
I fear, that there is now a large number merged in the slave population, and 
consequently they can only be rescued by an Act of general emancipation. 
There are a considerable number of persons who were illegally brought from 
British colonies during the time that slavery was tolerated there, and who are 
now, though entitled to the rights of British subjects, held as Cuban slaves. 
I confess that a cheering sign of the times in connexion with slavery in Cuba 
is that deep distress which, so far as my knowledge extends, prevails in that 
island. It is stated in the report of the Directors of the Cobre Copper 
Company, in which many Englishmen, to their disgrace, are proprietors, and 
who hold 400 wretched beings in bondage, that there is no part of the world 
in which that commercial distress, which of late has been so general, has been 
more deeply felt than in the island of Cuba. I read this with great satisfac- 
tion, because 1 know that it is one of the means by which slavery is likely to 
be abolished. So great is the want of money the true explanation of the 
late decrease of the slave-trade that that company highly respectable as 
regards pecuniary means cannot find money in Cuba to pay their workmen. 
I heard also, with great satisfaction, in connexion with this point, the state- 
ment made by our respected chairman, with regard to the state of the sugar 
market in the United States. It is well known, that a large part of the 
whole trade of Cuba is carried on with America, and I have learned that 
recently the sugar proprietors of Louisiana have induced the Government to 
impose a considerable protecting duty in order to favour them, but that not- 
withstanding this, they do not receive a larger amount for their sugar than 
they did before the change of duties took place. Thus the market of the 
United States one great mart for slave sugar is shut out, or at least it is 
not open on remunerative terms' to the importer. The whole continent of 
Europe, and indeed, the markets of the world, are glutted with slave sugar. 
Avarice has defeated its own purposes. They have gone on heaping labourers 
upon labourers, by means of the slave-trade, till they have raised such an 
amount of sugar that they cannot now find customers for it. This, I hope, 
will help to promote the downfall of slavery in Cuba. I cannot conclude 
without paying a tribute of justice to the intrepid, the judicious conduct of 
DAVID TURNBULL, as Consul at the island of Cuba. There is no person to 
whom the negro has been more indebted of late years than to him. He was, 
as he ought to have been, a diligent observer of all the wrongs practised on 


the slaves, when he was a traveller in the regions in which it existed. He 
dared to represent the facts to the British public, and that public listened to 
them. I wish that every individual, who takes an interest in the subject, 
would read his travels to the West. Not content, however, with this, he did, 
to the best of his ability and judgment, endeavour to prevent the continuance 
of mal-practices. He sought to stem that tide of perpetual injustice, along 
which so many wretched beings have been carried to their end. He repre- 
sented to the Government their solemn duty to demand the liberation of those 
persons who are held in bondage in contravention of existing treaties with 
this country, and who amount to nearly half a million. If this demand be 
made, I believe it will be complied with. He recently risked his life in going 
to the island of Cuba, for the purpose of ascertaining what were the number 
and condition of British subjects held as slaves in that island, whom he had 
ascertained to have been introduced many years since from the Bahamas. 

Mr. JOSEPH BROTHERTON, M.P., I have been requested to propose 
as an addition to the former resolution, 

" That the said Committee be authorised to bring up with their report, the draft of an 
urgent representation to the British Government on the present condition of those subjects 
of this country now illegally held in bondage in the Spanish West India and other foreign 
colonies, as well as of all in those colonies who have been unlawfully kept in slavery 
since the year 1820, together with their descendants." 

I consider there can be no objection to such a resolution as that. I had no 
intention of addressing this important Convention, but having been appointed 
a delegate by the Anti-Slavery Society of Manchester, I felt that I should not 
do my duty unless I responded to the call to offer a few words to this assembly. 
My avocations have not led me to take any public part with regard to the 
abolition of slavery ; I may however state, that from my earliest infancy, I 
have been imbued with sentiments opposed to slavery. Many years ago, from 
the lessons impressed upon me by my mother, I was induced to abstain from 
sugar, the produce of slave labour ; and the Convention may rest assured that 
in my place in the House of Commons, I shall endeavour, by every 
practicable and rational means, to aid in putting an end to the abominable 
system. When we consider the horrors of slavery, and the oppressions which 
the enthralled human beings have to endure in various ways, we must be con- 
vinced that the cause of justice, humanity, and religion, calls upon us to 
endeavour to terminate the system. Although much has been done, con- 
sidering the difficulties which anti-slavery friends have had to encounter, 
yet so much has not been effected, as one could have desired. I have 
been informed, that even at this time, there are no fewer than 
6,000,000 of slaves in the United States, Brazils, and Cuba. Various 
plans have been adopted for the annihilation of slavery ; and I have in the 
House of Commons aided, to the utmost of my power, every measure consi- 
dered judicious by the friends of abolition. Although I may not have approved 
of every plan as likely to be the most beneficial, yet I have deferred to the 
judgment of those who have taken a more active part than myself; and I have 
been willing to aid them in accomplishing the end in view. When it was pro- 
posed to emancipate our own slaves in the West Indies, although I felt that it 
was abhorrent to every sense of justice, that we should remunerate men who 
were dealers in flesh and blood ; although I could not admit that it was a right 
principle to compensate men for that which they had stolen, or had received 
knowing it to be stolen ; yet, for the sake of peace, for the sake of settling 
the question, and being informed by those on whom I thought I could place 
implicit confidence, that free labour would be always better and cheaper than 


slave labour, I was induced to vote for the grant of 20,000,000/. I was also 
told that we might adopt measures that would reimburse the country for the loss 
sustained in consequence of the differential duties, with regard to sugar and 
other colonial produce, and I have supported every proposition which has had 
for its object the abolishing this traffic ; but I believe that, after all, the end has 
not been so efficiently accomplished as I have desired, and I am led to the con- 
clusion, that this great moral evil can only be removed by the influence of 
public opinion. England has ennobled herself by the example she has set in 
coming forward on this great question. I consider that by the efforts of the 
Anti-Slavery Society much good may be accomplished; but I think that we 
ought to act on principles of justice. When attempting to effect a moral re- 
formation, it is important that you should convince the party that you are his 
friend ; are desirous of promoting his interests ; that you are influenced by 
principle, and not by a selfish motive, and that you are willing to make sacri- 
fices to accomplish such a noble end. I think that if this nation sets an example 
of justice, by opening its ports, it will be one of the most effectual means of 
advancing the object we have at heart. I have sometimes thought that sufficient 
attention has not been paid to the encouragement of free labour in the East 
Indies. There are 100,000,000 of persons there who might become good 
customers for the manufactures of this country. They can produce in India, 
cotton, sugar, indigo, and various other articles, and by taking their free- 
labour produce, we should not only advance their interests, but promote 
our own prosperity. I conceive that we should gain by moral force a great 
deal more than ever was effected by any restrictive system, for such systems are 
founded essentially on principles oif injustice. 

Mr. STACEY. Our friend may not be aware that this subject was discussed 
yesterday, and that after a long discussion the previous question was carried. 

Mr. BROTH ERTON. In introducing the subject at which I have hinted, 
my object was simply to show, that though I would act cordially in the pro- 
motion of any measure considered desirable by the friends of the anti-slavery 
cause, yet I thought it would be best accomplished by removing restrictive 
measures ; I was not aware of what took place yesterday. I know that slavery 
never can prosper. I remember the time when it was imagined that if the 
slave-trade was abolished, Liverpool would be ruined ; but by the providence of 
God, that town has flourished in a much more eminent degree since the sup- 
pression of that odious traffic. When COOKE, the actor, visited Liverpool, and 
was trecited in a manner which he did not consider respectful, he had the spirit 
to tell the people, that every brick in their town was cemented with the blood 
of the slave. I consider that the efforts of this Convention are likely to pro- 
duce a great effect in every part of the world, and it would afford me great 
delight to see the principles of freedom universally diffused. I would wish to 
show the Americans that their interest lies in promoting the freedom of the slave. 
If men would only be convinced that to do justly was their truest interest, we 
should find that they would act upon different principles from what they do at 
the present time. If free labour has a fair chance given to it, I am quite sure 
that men will need no other argument to induce them to adopt it. 

Mr. WILLIAM EWART, M.P. I can only assure you, that if in the 
House of Commons I can be of any service in promoting the legitimate object 
for which the resolution is framed, it will give me most sincere pleasure. 
Whether any result precisely correspondent with the terms of the resolution 
be attained or not, we shall have effected this great end that of exposing the 
system under which these persons have been illegally detained in bondage, and 
we shall hold up the conduct of those who have detained them, and that of the 
Government which has sanctioned their detention, to the scorn and contempt of 


the civilised world. I rejoice to have been invited as a visitor to this great 
Convention. I know not whether the annals of mankind present an instance of 
such a meeting of nations in the common cause of humanity. If not, you 
possess the honour of having set this glorious precedent to all posterity. The 
feeling of enthusiasm, by which you have been animated, must have been greatly 
increased by seeing so many friends from all parts of the world, but more es- 
pecially from the United States of America. That country cannot long be 
destined to present so dark a stain in its moral and social beauty, as its system 
of slavery has exhibited to mankind. I am convinced that the inspiring genius 
of freedom, in that great republic, will burst the chains with which this evil 
system has afflicted a part of the community. The onward progress of this 
question in America, and which we have watched day by day with intense 
interest, is a pledge of its certain and final success. Shall we not combine our 
energies in this great cause when we see that others have combined, and that 
with success, in favour of slavery? My honourable friend, Mr. Brotherton, 
has alluded to the social system favourable to slavery which long prevailed in 
Liverpool. I am myself a native of Liverpool; I long represented that town, 
and I had the misfortune to incur the hostility of the party interested in up- 
holding slavery. It has been truly said by my honourable friend, that the 
detestable vestiges of a barbarous feeling, and a barbarous age, have long since 
vanished from that great town, and that it now stands far more commercially 
successful, far more honourable and religious than it ever could be while 
worshipping the vain idol of the detested and accursed system of slavery. You 
may ask me on what principle I have advocated the extinction of slavery in the 
British senate. I am a free trader. I have always held this doctrine, that 
although I would, by the combination of a nation, put down, even coercively, 
the system of slavery and the slave- trade, yet our great pervading and ani- 
mating principle must be, an extension of the commerce of the world. Com- 
merce I believe to be the great emancipator. Although I would seize the 
vessel of the slave-trader, and make his trade piracy, yet I look beyond these 
coercive means, to the extension of commerce, to its enlightening and its en- 
franchising influence, as a means of removing this immoral deformity from the 
moral history of the world. Depend upon it, that the time is not far distant 
when the example set by England, characterised by principles so sacred, ema- 
nating from a source so pure, and inspired by a spirit so holy, will command the 
imitation, as it will always deserve the admiration, of mankind. 

Captain STUART. I trust that while I have a soul that can appreciate 
justice, liberty, and humanity I shall never be found uniting in any free trade 
which is supported by robbery and murder. 

Mr. RICHARDSON. Probably some of our friends will he surprised that 
I should rise for the purpose of moving an amendment to the resolution which 
the two honourable members have presented to us. My object, however, is 
not to lessen the effect of that resolution, but to strengthen it. It does not go 
sufficiently far does not fully embody the great principles which we have 
under consideration ; nor does it accurately point out the practical method 
which ought to be adopted by this Convention. From the statements which 
have been made, it appears that there are 400,000 individuals in Cuba who are 
illegally detained in bondage, part of whom are British subjects, and are en- 
titled to the protection of the British crown ; and a, still larger number who 
are entitled to the same protection by virtue of treaties now existing between 
Great Britain and Spain, and for which we have paid 400, 0001. I entreat 
honourable members of the Senate not to forget the fact, that when English- 
men have paid their money, they expect to have the article they have pur- 


chased. What are the steps which are necessary to be adopted for the purpose 
of obtaining the article that we have bought? . They are perhaps difficult, but 
who created the difficulty? These 400,000 slaves are mingled with a large 
body of others, who, according to Spanish law, are not entitled to freedom. 
Who created the difficulty ? The Spanish Government. Who must remove it? 
The Spanish Government. When I heard the statement of our friend, this 
question naturally occurred to me as a lawyer Where is the evidence by 
which these men are to be identified? My friend made an appeal to you and 
he did it rightly that these men must be made free. They are free in point of 
law, and they must be made free in point of fact. The parties that are entitled 
to their freedom cannot be identified, consequently we must seek out some 
other mode of obtaining justice. We must not be defrauded of our 400,000/. 
We would not take back the money if it were 400,000,0007., but demand the 
articles purchased. As they cannot give them to us in any other way than by 
a general act of emancipation, giving freedom to all the slaves in Cuba ; and, 
as the Spanish Government have themselves created the difficulty, the dignity 
and honour of the British nation demand that such an act should be passed. 
Am I wrong in putting that position? (Cries of " No.") I admit that one 
nation has no right to interfere authoritatively with another, even for the pur- 
pose of giving liberty to the slave; but inasmuch as the Spanish Government, by 
their negligence, by their mismanagement, by the corruption of their governors 
and officers, have occasioned the difficulty, the only alternative that we 
have left is, to demand a general act of emancipation. The following is my 
amendment ; and I respectfully request that the mover and seconder will 
adopt it in lieu of the one they have submitted to the Convention : 

" That contemplating tlie fact that there are upwards of 400,000 slaves, some of them 
British subjects, now held in bondage in Cuba illegally, and in contravention of treaties 
existing between Great Britain and Spain, who are entitled to the protection of the British 
Government; also the additional fact that these 400,000 individuals are so mixed up by 
marriages, and otherwise, with the slaves who are held in bondage, according to Spanish law, 
as not to admit of entire separation ; and also the fact that 400,000/. of British money has 
been paid as the price, on consideration of these treaties ; this Convention ought not to 
separate without making a strong representation to her Majesty's Government, that the 
dignity and honour of this nation cannot be sustained without the entire emancipation of all 
the slaves in Cuba being the only remedy which will secure the faithful, honest, and full 
performance of the existing treaties." 

Mr. J. FORSTER. Desirable as it might appear to pass this resolution, 
I wish to submit whether it does not involve a new and important feature in 
the whole question. I am not competent to speak fully to the subject ; but I 
understand that the British Government have recognised the right of a certain 
proportion of the slaves to their liberty. I apprehend that the design of the 
motion before the Convention is, by a manifestation of the feelings of the 
country in carrying out their regulations, to strengthen the hands of the 
British Government. It belongs to the Government to see that the treaty of 
1820 is executed; but I am fearful whether, if we ask for a general measure, 
we shall not, by asking too much, get nothing. If the Government of Great 
Britain apply to the Government of Madrid to follow up that to which they 
have already committed themselves, we are much more likely to obtain it than 
if we go to a new point and ask for a general act of emancipation. 

Dr. BO WRING. It is a startling fact to say that 400,000 men are held in 
illegal bondage. I would suggest to Mr. RICHARDSON to withdraw his amend- 
ment, until an investigation has been made by the Committee which it is pro- 
posed to appoint. 


Mr. RICHARDSON. I think that will perhaps be the better course to 

The resolution was then put and carried unanimously. 

M. LEON FAUCHER, a visitor from France, then addressed the 
Convention in his native language. 

Dr. BOWRING, on rising to interpret the address, said, I am glad to be 
the organ of communicating the wise, generous, philanthropic, and popular 
sentiments which have just fallen from the lips of M. LEON FAUCHER. I have 
known him for many years; he has been long struggling, prominently strug- 
gling, in the cause of commercial liberty. All those who have watched, as I 
have, with great interest, the tendency towards friendly and brotherly feelings 
between France and this nation, have been constantly desirous, not only that a 
benevolent spirit should be encouraged, but that both countries should recognize 
a common interest in a reciprocal philanthropy, and that they should look at each 
other in the best temper of fraternity, receiving and communicating mutual bene- 
fits and blessings. My friend has been an unwearied labourer in this honoured 
work ; I therefore heard him with great pleasure lift up his voice in furtherance of 
the cause we represent. In his speech he bears high testimony to the influence 
of tlie example of England ; that example which, when largely and generously 
put forth, will agitate the mind of the intelligent world. He says that the exer- 
tions made by the Anti-Slavery Society have met with a response in France ; 
that they have created such a sympathy and feeling, that henceforth we may 
anticipate that the anti-slavery cause will make the same progress there as it 
has done here. He bears testimony to the honest intentions of the French 
Government; he is not a partizan of that Government ; he has been ranged 
in the ranks of the opposition; but he believes that the French Government 
has a sincere desire to co-operate with you. He says that there are not only 
political difficulties in France, but financial ones ; France, however, if called 
to make sacrifices, is bound to make them for the furtherance of this cause. 
He knows that a great number of the members of the French Chambers sym- 
pathize with the objects of this Convention ; and that even though the Go- 
vernment were less friendly than it is to the cause we have at heart, he is 
certain that it would be forced by public opinion to the adoption of abolition 
measures. The greater part of the Frencli press is doing itself honour by 
arming itself on your side : he has been known for many years as editor of 
the Courrier Francois. He says that your communications with France the 
Anti-Slavery Society having sent delegates among them who have communi- 
cated your wishes, your plans, your hopes, and your disappointments have 
all tended to create there a friendly feeling towards you ; and there is un- 
doubtedly in France a sincere conviction that England was far more honest 
in her movements than they were originally disposed to give her credit for. 
I can say, from my own observation, that the noble sacrifice of twenty millions 
which we made, has produced throughout Europe the conviction that there was 
no insincerity in our proceedings ; men do not make enormous sacrifices 
sacrifices as great as that for objects which they have not deeply and strongly 
at heart. He rejoices, as we must all do, that the clouds and darkness which 
have obscured the political relations of the two countries are beginning to 
disperse ; and he expresses a hope, in which we can cordially concur, that the 
clouds may pass away, and that the darkness may yield to the light of general 
and perpetual peace. He says that the emancipation^ of the negro will be one 
of the consequences of that brightness, and the dispersion of these difficulties. 
He states that he has done something practically for the emancipation of the 
slave, and he hopes that this country will distinguish herself by doing that 
generally, throughout the whole field of slavery, which she has shown a 


disposition to do in the parts more especially under her control. He says 
that there is an amicable and a pacific feeling existing in both nations, which 
will force everything before it ; and though the policy of Government may for 
a short time have produced some alienation, yet it is not in the power of govern- 
ments to break up national interests, or to involve nations in quarrels, as they 
were formerly able to do. He says that the increased opportunities which we 
have of knowing one another will teach us to love and honour each other more 
than we have hitherto done ; that two such nations as France and England, hav- 
ing one great object at heart, the whole world cannot resist its accomplishment. 


Mr.SCOBLE. Not anticipating that I should be called upon at this time to 
present the report on the progress of the Anti-Slavery cause in Holland, I did 
not come prepared with that document. But as the subject is impressed on my 
mind, I trust that I shall be permitted to give a short verbal report, for the pur- 
pose of affording Mr. ALEXANDER an opportunity of making some statements 
upon it. The question of slavery in the Dutch colonies is an interesting one, 
especially when viewed in connexion with the movements made within the last 
few years for its overthrow. Those colonies contain about 100,000 slaves, 
whose general condition is similar to that of bondsmen in other colonies and 
states, both in America and Asia. My object, however, is not to dwell either 
on the extent or the incidents of slavery in the Dutch colonies, so much as to 
call the attention of the Convention to the progress of our cause in that inter- 
esting part of Europe. A few years ago everything in Holland, in connexion 
with the abolition of slavery, was as still as death ; but, in consequence of the 
visits of English abolitionists to that country, a lively feeling has been created, 
and committees appointed, and that not only in Rotterdam and Amsterdam, but 
in the principal towns and cities of that country, among which I may mention 
Utrecht and Leyden. At the present time, those committees are using their 
best endeavours to carry into effect the objects which this Convention has in 
view. A feeling appears to have sprung up in one of the principal colonies, 
Surinam, favourable to the abolition of slavery. Nearly two years ago, a gen- 
tleman occupying a distinguished position there, presented a report to the home 
Government, in which he stated his conviction that emancipation was the only 
measure that could secure the colony from entire ruin, and advance its pros- 
perity. The recent Governor of Surinam has returned home to fill a most im- 
portant office under the Dutch Government ; and it is his belief, also, that 
something must be done to promote the abolition of slavery in their colonies. 
The Government have appointed a committee for the purpose of collecting 
evidence and bringing in a report, doubtless with the view of proposing some 
scheme by which that incubus on Dutch prosperity may be for ever removed. 
I rejoice in being enabled to state that friends in Holland have sent a deputa- 
tion to this Convention, and that those gentlemen are present with us. It 
is a most delightful fact, that France, Holland, and the United States have 
each sent their representatives in order to help forward the common cause of 

Mr. DANIEL TWISS (Delegate from Holland.) The representations of 
Mr. SCOBLE are perfectly in accordance with what I know to be the state of 
facts in Holland. We, as a committee, can do very little there ; we must look 
almost entirely to this Convention, and to the Anti-Slavery Society, for assist- 
ance. The Dutch Government have pledged themselves to do what they can 
for the abolition of slavery in the colonies; but, nevertheless, they do riot wish 
to interfere in the matter. We must, therefore, throw ourselves upon you 
to further our views to the utmost of your power. 


Mr. G. W. ALEXANDER. It is not needful to dwell upon the question of 
slavery in Holland ; the principal facts of the case are before us, and you have 
been apprised of some of the cheering circumstances connected with this subject 
in that country. I regard Holland as a little England. I have met with so 
much which 1 consider as English sentiment and American feeling on the sub- 
ject of abolition, that I have great confidence with respect to the future progress 
of the anti-slavery cause in Holland. Holland possesses a noble territory in 
Surinam, close to British Guiana, in which, some years since, there were about 
60,000 slaves, but which are now, by the cruel process of slavery, reduced to 
something less than 40,000. Notwithstanding this circumstance, the amount 
of sugar produced by this colony is on the increase rather than the decrease. 
In conformity with what took place in Jamaica, Demerara, and other colonies 
of Great Britain, the slaves are required to perform a greater amount of service 
than before, so that a larger quantity of sugar is extracted from the labour of a 
smaller number of slaves. This is a dreadful fact, which I am sure the aboli- 
tionists in Holland will constantly keep before the public mind. Recently a 
considerable amount of light has been poured upon the question of slavery in 
the Dutch colonies, but there was very little information upon it till within the 
last few years. It has been shown that it is almost impracticable to carry out 
Christian missions successfully in slave countries; and as this is a question in 
which many persons in Holland feel a deep interest, it has decided the opinion 
of some, who two or three years since were unfriendly to immediate emancipa- 
tion, and has led them to adopt an opposite sentiment. I will give a single 
instance in which this change of view has taken place. It was my happiness 
to meet, two or three years since, with an interesting young man, a possessor of 
slaves, but professing Christian sentiments. He told me that at an early period 
of life he had entertained the opinion that slavery was a sin, and therefore that it 
ought at once to be abandoned. When I had last the pleasure of travelling 
in Holland, I had an interview with the same individual, who, I believe, is now 
the secretary of the committee at the Hague. He told me that he was con- 
vinced it was desirable and right to emancipate the slaves, in order to afford free 
scope for Christian instruction. He mentioned, with great interest to himself, and 
it was no less pleasing to me, that a conference had taken place between himself 
and a slave-holder. He stated to the latter that in his opinion slave children 
ought to receive literary instruction. The latter immediately urged, that if in- 
struction were imparted to the young, they would be unfitted for being slaves 
when grown up. The emphatic answer of the young man to this statement 
was, " If that be the case, slavery is of the devil." In addition to what JOHN 
SCOBLE has said, I may state that, from information I have lately received from 
Holland, I have ground to believe that not only in a few of the principal towns 
in that country, but in many parts of it, there is more or less of anti-slavery 
sentiment awakened. The interest felt has been shown in a variety of publi- 
cations issued in defence of the anti-slavery cause. A young man wrote a little 
dissertation to prove the inconsistency of slavery} and to show that it was op- 
posed to the true interests of the colony of Surinam. In that pamphlet, which 
is printed in the Dutch language, and contains about 120 pages, I find interest- 
ing statements borrowed from parliamentary documents, and from JOSEPH JOHN 
GURNEY'S " Winter in the West Indies." A venerated person now deceased 
has written a work to show the importance of emancipating the slaves in Suri- 
nam, in order to secure their religious and intellectual improvement. Very 
recently the friends of the anti-slavery cause at Groningen have translated 
the work of JOSEPH JOHN GURNEY into the Dutch language, and I am informed 
that it has had an extensive sale, and is read with great avidity. The subject 
of emancipation has also been discussed in the Dutch newspapers, and I have 


seen article after article, the intention of which was to defend slavery, but the 
effect of which must be to call public attention to the question. These would 
never have been written or inserted, had it not been for the anti-slavery feeling 
excited in that country. Notwithstanding what a delegate has said and we 
hail with great delight two delegates from that country I know that the com- 
mittee at Rotterdam, and I believe the committee at the Hague, have rendered 
signal service to the cause of negro freedom. The committee at the Hague have 
published an address on Anti-slavery principles; and sentiments which I have 
seen contained in letters written in return show that some persons have nobly 
responded to the appeal. I know of no country to which we can look at the 
present moment with more hope than to Holland, because there is on the part 
of many persons not only enlightened sentiment, and a large amount of intel- 
lectual cultivation, but a sincere regard for the principles, the doctrines, 
and the precepts of Christianity. I believe that such persons cannot follow 
them out, and remain as they are at present, the friends of the slave, without 
their labours being crowned with abundant success, and that, before along time 
shall pass away. I have stated that the whole number of slaves in Surinam is 
somewhat less than 40,000 ; in Curacao there are from 5,000 to 7,000 ; the same 
number at St. Eustatius, all in the West Indies; and about 30,000 in Java. In the 
course of my inquiries, I was delighted to find that there had been an Anti- 
slavery Society in Java many years since. I would recommend our friends 
from Holland to take an early opportunity of forming a Society there again. I 
cannot doubt that the example of England in abolishing slavery, not only in its 
Western, but its Eastern possessions, will have an effect upon Holland. 

Rev. T. SCALES. May I be allowed to give utterance to the feelings which 
this discussion has awakened in my own mind ? Allusion has been made to 
the friends of our cause in Holland. Amongst them, I am persuaded, we may 
confidently reckon the Rev. EBENEZER MILLER, of Rotterdam. I was associ- 
ated with that gentleman for many years, while he presided over one of our 
literary institutions in Yorkshire, and during that period he took a lively 
interest in the anti-slavery cause. He is the ardent friend of liberty ; and his 
best energies will, I am sure, be devoted to the advancement of this great 
object. Knowing the interest he feels in this question, I could not resist the 
inducement which the occasion offers to refer to Mr. MILLER as one who will 
zealously co-operate with our friends in Holland, in the measures they may 
pursue for the termination of slavery in their colonies. 

Mr. R. PEEK. I beg to move, 

" That the papers presented in relation to Holland be referred to a Committee, consisting 
with Rev. J. K. HOLLAND." 

Mr. SAMS seconded the resolution, which was then put, and agreed to. 


Mr. J. STURGE. The resolution I hold in my hand is to this effect. 

" That the papers already presented to this Convention, by the delegates from the United 
States, be referred to a committee, with a view to report thereon ; and that the following 
delegates, with power to add to their number, be the committee : Messrs. G. STACEY, 



I believe that every person who has had anything to do with the management 
of the business of the Convention has been extremely anxious to give our 
American friends as much time as possible, and many would have been willing 


to sit till midnight to allow every one of them to speak. But there are diffi- 
culties on all hands. A large number of the English delegates have important 
duties to attend to at home, and cannot remain with us beyond a certain time, 
and it would be a disappointment to those from the United States to speak to 
a small company. On the other hand, there are momentous matters to come 
forward, in relation to slavery in other parts of the world ; and it is of more 
importance to the anti-slavery cause in America that the documents should be 
presented, and go to the world, than that time should be occupied here in 
discussions upon them. If our transatlantic friends will consent to this resolu- 
tion, and allow their papers to be referred to a committee, I think it would 
promote their object better than bv giving details. 

Mr. SAMUEL SOUTHALL. I beg to second the motion. 

A desultory discussion then arose as to the nature of the papers to be sub- 
mitted to the committee. The point, however, was satisfactorily arranged, and 
the motion put, and carried. 

The Convention then adjourned. 





Mr. G. W. ALEXANDER. I feel some reluctance in again occupying 
your attention to-day ; and if I were aware that there were any other person 
present, prepared to present any information relative to slavery in the colonies 
of Denmark, I should very gladly give way to him. The general facts respect- 
ing slavery in those colonies were stated at the last Convention. It was then 
said, that during the preceding seventeen years there had been a decrease in 
the slave population, amounting to not less than one-third of the whole number. 
At that time the slave population was nearly stationary, which of course was 
represented as being far from a satisfactory state of things, because we know 
that under all ordinary circumstances, where a population are properly treated 
and supplied with the necessaries of life, it will not remain stationary, but 
there will be a large increase. It was also stated that a few persons ap- 
peared to have taken a decided interest in this question in the capital of 
Denmark, and that even a small committee had been then formed. It is a 
matter of deep regret to me, but I think it best to state the naked truth, 
that we have been disappointed with regard to that committee, and that no 
material result has arisen from their exertions. Indeed I fear that no exer- 
tions have been made. Some pains, however, have been taken to maintain an 
interest in the anti- slavery cause in Denmark. A correspondence has, to a 
certain extent, been carried on with that country, and I believe that there are 
a few persons, principally among our own countrymen, whose sympathies are 
excited on this question. It is nevertheless very pleasing to be able to state, 
on the other hand, that friends from England, and from the United States, have 
visited the Danish colonies, and that they have had an opportunity of expos- 
tulating, privately, with some individuals there on the guilt of countenancing 


slavery. I refer to the visit paid by our highly valued friend, JOSEPH JOHN 
GURNEY, accompanied by one or two friends from America. But I doubt whe- 
ther on any occasion they had the opportunity publicly to denounce the crime of 
slavery. It is pleasing to add that the same warm friend of the slave has 
subsequently had an interview with the King and Queen of Denmark, and has 
pleaded the cause before those royal personages. I cannot doubt but that his 
representations will have some benefical effect; at the same time, all that has 
hitherto been done, has been to adopt some measures for the purpose of promoting 
education in those colonies. But what is the kind of education which the 
Government have recommended, and which the slave-owners are allowed to give 
to the young slaves? It was fixed that it was to cease at eight years of age, 
and that the children having completed their education, were to leave school ! 
And for what purpose? To be turned into the fields to perform such service 
as their little hands and small strength might enable them to contribute, to 
swell the gains of their masters ! It is not improper to state, whoever may be 
the guilty parties, that a large number of the slave-owners of St. Croix are 
Englishmen, or Irishmen, arising from the circumstance that that island at 
one time belonged to Great Britain. This, to some of us, is an aggravation of 
the case. I now come to speak to a very painful and very important subject 
connected with the existence of slavery in the Danish West India islands. I 
doubt whether there is any person in this assembly, more disposed than myself, 
to do justice to the self-denying exertions of men who have laboured as mis- 
sionaries in those islands, and to those who have first planted the standard of 
the cross in slave countries. I know full well that that honour does belong to 
the Moravian brethren. I know that a very long time since two young men 
connected with that society went out with the intention of preaching the 
gospel to the poor slaves, whatever might be the peril to themselves. I do, 
therefore, deeply lament that a society which has been thus honoured in its 
commencement, and which I still hope is exerting an important influence, 
so far as its influence can extend under circumstances so peculiarly difficult, 
I do deeply regret that this society are slave-holders. They possess a consider- 
able number of slaves in the island of St. Thomas. The same fact will, to a 
certain extent, apply to the Moravian missionaries in the colony of Surinam. 
The Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society having been 
apprised of these circumstances, felt it to be their duty to remonstrate with this 
body, and for this purpose prepared a resolution expressive of their opinion, to 
be transmitted to those who have the management of the mission in Germany, 
through the medium of the highly respected person at the head of the estab- 
lishment in London. The committee stated their conviction that such an act 
was inconsistent with the requirements of Christianity ; and, so far as I recollect 
the substance of the resolution, that the Moravian Missionary Society, by setting 
a good example in this respect, by washing their hands of any connexion with 
this system of enormous iniquity, would do much to promote the emancipation 
of the slaves in the Danish colonies. The committee have been told by those 
to whom they made the representation, that the society has laboured for many 
years, with highly important consequences, in this island ; that they are re- 
garded with much favour, both by the planters and the government ; that if 
they were to adopt the line of conduct recommended by the British and Foreign 
Anti-Slavery Society a recommendation in which I think we shall have the 
sympathies of the Christian public in England on our side the effect would 
be this, they would no longer be in favour with the planters, or with the 
government of Denmark, but be dismissed from that important post which 
they now occupy. And, further, I may state that it is the opinion of individuals 
with whom we conversed, that although slavery might be a great evil, it was 


not, under all circumstances, a crime ; and perhaps, under the peculiar circum- 
stances of slaves belonging to the Moravian brethren, who were said to be well 
treated, it could not be considered as a crime in itself. The reply we have to 
make is this, that slavery is essentially a system of injustice ; that it is in its 
very nature, origin, and consequences, wholly inconsistent with the spirit and 

Srecepts of Christianity. But on this point it is qviite unnecessary that I should 
well here. I ought, however, to advert to the fact, that this mission is 
sustained extensively, and almost entirely, by religious persons in this country; 
and feeling as.I do on this subject, I conceive that all those persons are bound, 
if they would preserve the character of Christianity and Christian missions 
unsullied, to say that they cannot continue that support so long as the society 
presents this fatal example to slave-holders. I think that this duty is rendered 
the more incumbent by the difficulties with which we have to contend. I have 
stated how little is the progress that we have made in the abolition of slavery 
in Denmark during the last three years ; but here is a point where we can 
reach the evil of slavery. I hope the argument will apply to other lands, and 
1 do not despair that individuals will be found in Germany to respond to the 
same sentiments. In accordance with these views, I have a resolution to pro- 
pose to the following effect: 

" That WILSON CREWDSON, Rev. EDWARD ADEY, and R. JOWITT, be a committee to 
prepare and submit to the adoption of this Convention, a resolution stating the means 
which, in its judgment, may be best calculated to promote the abolition of slavery in the 
colonies of Denmark." 

I think it justice to this body to state, that although they did receive com- 
pensation for the slaves which they held when the abolition of slavery took 
place in the West India islands, yet they have subsequently passed a resolution, 
in which they declare that, in the event of emancipation taking place in any 
other country in which they hold slaves, they will not receive compensation 
for them. It is also proper to say, that we are informed that a very considerable 
difficulty exists to the emancipation of their slaves in the Danish colonies, in 
consequence of those legal obstacles by which emancipation is frequently sur- 
rounded in slave countries. I believe, however, that there would be no 
difficulty in removing their slaves to the British West India islands; our 
islands are close to those of Denmark, and there are persons who have offered 
to guarantee the expense of their removal. 

The Rev. A. A. PHELPS seconded the resolution. 

Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON. As Mr. ALEXANDER has alluded to mis- 
sionary societies and their influence upon slavery, I beg to say that that is a 
very important subject in the United States. It brings to my recollection the 
fact, that I have been requested in some way to represent the Anti-Slavery 
Missionary Society in America. I have the honour of being the president of 
the Union Missionary Society, which embodies in its numbers, persons of all 
denominations. We have been compelled to form a body of this character, 
from the fact that there was no missionary society in the United States, which, 
as a whole, took the right ground on the subject of slavery. We, therefore, 
formed a society two years ago with that object in view. We were prominently 
connected with the proceedings and measures of sending out the vessel to Africa 
which took back the men of colour from the Amistad; We sent with them two 
missionaries, Messrs. WILSON and RAYMOND, who returned only a few days 
before I left the United States. They brought with them very cheering ac- 
counts, which greatly strengthened our hearts and our hands, inasmuch as it 
will enable us to carry out the great principle that a missionary society ought 
to be an anti-slavery society. 1 was much struck by the fact, while the list of 


delegates to this Convention was being read, that almost all the missionary 
societies in London have appointed representatives. How does that stand in 
contrast with the fact that not a single missionary society from the United 
States has a delegate here, except the Union Missionary Society ? The American 
Board, of which so much is heard, and the Presbyterian Board, are not re- 
presented on this floor. Agents and travellers in our country appeal to our 
churches for aid, and hold their public meetings, but not a word is said in re- 
lation to slavery, no testimony is borne. Every pious man and woman is 
called upon for his or her mite ; but not a syllable is uttered about the bleeding 
slave. The Bible Society have been called upon again and again to take 
ground against slavery ; but they decline, and tell us, in plain terms, that it is 
not their business. I am, therefore, very pleased to find that this subject has 
been brought up. The great principle of the American Union Missionary 
Society is, that we cannot recognise a slave-holder as a Christian donor in the 
enterprise of sending missionaries to the heathen. 

Mr. HOWELLS. Will Mr. PENNINGTON state what are the facts with 
regard to the agents of the Bible Society withholding Bibles from the slaves in 
New Orleans? 

Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON. It is a general fact that they decline in- 
terfering with domestic institutions. The planters say, " We do not want to 
have Bibles;" and the board of the Bible Society say, "We cannot interfere 
with the slave-holders' regulations." The consequence is, the slave does not 
get the Bible. 

Rev. T. SWAN. I am indebted to Mr. ALEXANDER for his proper remarks 
respecting the Moravians. I have had the pleasure of preaching on behalf of 
the Moravian Missionary Society, and my cburch and congregation have con- 
tributed towards its funds. I feel that the subject under discussion is a delicate 
one, and should be sorry to injure that excellent body of Christians ; but think 
it right that the searching light of the Convention should be poured in upon 
every system of iniquity. It would be a serious matter to stop the supplies 
afforded to that body; but the times of darkness and of ignorance at which 
the Almighty winked have passed away, and there must now be purity in our 
missions the anti-slavery spirit must be infused into them. Every sect of 
Christians ought to feel grateful for the exposure of any evil attaching to them. 
The denomination to which I belong has been fully exposed ; and though it 
be humbling, yet we are satisfied the exposure should be made the thing is 
right : and I hope that worthy members of the Society of Friends will not be 
offended when those evils that attach to their society are brought to light. 

Mr. J. STU11GE. I consider this a most important subject. Having 
felt obliged to all who told the truth with regard to my own religious society in 
America, I think I shall not transgress the bounds of Christian charity by 
mentioning in public, that many years ago I withdrew my subscription from 
the Moravian schools in consequence of the connexion of the society with 
slavery. I shall be glad to hear that the publication of the facts now stated, 
has led to the removal of this great stain upon their missionary labours. I think 
the measure suggested by our friend is a just one, unless the Moravians liberate 
their slaves. 

Mr. JOHNSTON. I am particularly glad that this subject has been brought 
before your attention. It is a most undoubted truth that has been stated 
several times in this room, namely, that the church, whether in England or in 
America, but more especially in the latter, is and has been, the bulwark of 
slavery. The observations that have been made, as to the missionaries be- 
longing to the Moravians holding slaves, brings to my recollection the conduct 
of many of the churches of America, and many of the religious associations, 


and public benevolent institutions there. No man will tell me that I do not 
love the churches of America ; I am connected with one, and I highly esteem 
the great hody of Christians in that country. It is because I love that church 
that 1 will expose its faults. It is a notorious fact that all the great benevolent 
institutions in America are, to say the least, neutral on the subject of slavery. 
The American Board of Missions has lifted up its voice nobly against sabbath- 
breaking, against intemperance, and various other similar evils ; but not a 
single whisper was heard against slavery, so long as some of the old mission- 
aries were slave-holders. Mr. WILSON, in Africa, was a slave-holder, and asked 
advice as to what he had best do. Some of the missionaries among the Indians 
were slave-holders, and various petitions were sent in, at the last meeting but 
one of the board, begging them to take the same ground with regard to this 
moral evil as they had taken on the topics to which I have alluded. The peti- 
tions were referred to a committee the committee reported favourably ; but 
the report was opposed even by some who professed to be abolitionists, and was 
only received in consequence of the support of Southern ministers. It was 
received, however, in order that they might still take no action on the subject 
of slavery. They had previously passed a resolution with regard to sabbath- 
breaking, and they again brought forward a motion that that subject should 
be re-considered. It was re-considered and laid on the table, in order that 
they might not be compelled, from sheer consistency, to take the same 
ground with regard to anti-slavery measures as they had taken with re- 
gard to sabbath-breaking. So much for the singular conduct of the American 
Board of Foreign Missions. Where do slave-holders, where do the public, 
generally look for morality but to the church ? And good right have they to 
do so. All the religious institutions and churches of America have in the 
slave population a field of operation as extensive, as necessitous, as any that 
can be found in our world. Speak of the Christian Morals Society ! what is 
doing in the South? If you would see the operation of sabbath schools, go not 
to the South. Does the Bible Society spread the sacred volume there ? At 
the depository of the Tract Society, you will find tracts against intemperance 
and almost every evil that can enter into the mind of the casuist, but you will 
never find a tract against slavery. It is for these reasons that I wish this 
subject to be noticed. 

Rev. A. A. PHELPS. Having been personally concerned in carrying the 
petitions to the American board at its last meeting, and having been familiar 
with the facts respecting the connexions with slavery of some of the mission- 
aries of the board among the Indians, in the South-Western states, some years 
ago, but which have since been dissolved; I hope that I shall be able, at a future 
time, to state, at length, what the action of the board has been. 1 will only 
say now, Mr. JOHNSTON'S statement is not correct as a whole. The action to 
which he has referred, is that of two years since, not the last. It is not true 
that the board has done nothing. At the same time, I will say, that I think 
the action of the board is not all it ought to have been. I hope to show that 
there has been some progress in bringing the board to a right position on the 
subject. The progress is so great that, by their directions, the missionaries 
formerly located among the Indians and still remaining there, are no longer 
in the habit of hiring slaves of their masters, or -buying them, and when 
their wages amount to the price originally paid, giving them their freedom. 
At their last meeting, also, the board went farther than they had ever done before. 

Mr. J. T. PRICE. I think there should be a little consideration for the 
Moravians, and that it should not be supposed that we are all committed 
to what has been said here. I think that if any thing be put forth to the 
Moravians, it should be an affectionate appeal to them to disentangle them- 


selves from slavery, and not an attempt to exert our influence to deprive them 
of pecuniary aid. If they are in error, but have not so considered themselves, 
let us do all we can to bring them to a conviction of the truth, and to its faith- 
ful maintenance on all occasions. 

Mr. SCOBLE. It is a known fact to those connected with anti-slavery 
movements in this country, that the Moravian missionaries have held slaves. 
It is not a new thing for the public to be apprised of this fact; but I think it 
is due to those who conduct the Moravian Missionary Society, to say that we 
have not yet received their final answer to a communication which we made to 
them on this subject. I may, however, state that a letter transmitted to the 
committee of the Anti-Slavery Society was not only couched in a Christian 
spirit, but, as it appeared, in a spirit accordant with the feelings of this Con- 
vention. Of course, the London organ of the Moravian Missionary Society 
could not pledge himself, by an official communication, as to the course that 
the brethren would take in Germany. He has forwarded to them our com- 
munication, and I most earnestly trust that the reply will be of a satisfactory 

The CHAIRMAN. I am about to put the resolution, but I trust I may be 
allowed to offer a few remarks touching this desultory discussion. I perfectly 
agree with the observations of one of our friends, who said that all religious 
bodies ought to rejoice in having their errors exposed, that being the most 
likely way to lead to their correction. I cannot, however, but think that with 
respect to the Society of Friends, some persons labour under great misappre- 
hension. There have been certain charges against that body, respecting 
which a denial is made on its behalf. I apprehend the question is only as to 
the degree of activity that should be used by its members in anti-slavery pro- 
ceedings, and the method in which these proceedings should be directed. No 
member of that body would be allowed to continue in membership if he held 
his fellow-man as a slave ; and if other religious bodies had acted upon the 
same principle, slavery would have ceased in North America. Far be it from 
me to say that we are not wanting in adequate activity, that we are not wanting 
in more love to our fellow-creatures; but I am prepared to say, that if other 
religious bodies had adopted and carried out the plans pursued by the Society 
of Friends, slavery would have been annihilated. 

The resolution was then put and agreed to. 


Rev. T. SCALES. I have now to bring up the report on the statements of 
the Rev. Mr. PENNINGTON, relative to the free people of colour in the United 
States : 

" The deeply interesting statement relative to the large numbers of free 
people of colour in the United States, who are labouring under many privations 
of a mental, moral, and political kind, in consequence of the strong prejudice 
existing in the mind of their white fellow-citizens, has been considered by the 
committee appointed at a former sitting of this Convention, and that committee 
have come to the following conclusions : 

" 1 . That the people of colour, being children of the same heavenly Father, 
born to equal rights, and endowed with the same faculties, are equally capable 
with the whites of mental and moral culture. 

" 2. That, notwithstanding the disadvantages under which they at present 
labour, they have made considerable advancement in civilization, in knowledge, 
and in genuine piety. 

"3. That if the barriers which now obstruct their progress were removed, 


they would rise to an equality with any other portion of the great human 
family, in arts, in science, in literature, and in every thing which tends to 
elevate, ennohle, and render man happy and useful. 

" 4. It is, therefore, the opinion of this committee, that judicious and per- 
severing efforts should be made by all the friends of liberty to remove those 
unjust, cruel, and sinful laws and customs, which operate as great and for- 
midable obstacles to the improvement of these oppressed and down-trodden 

" From these considerations, this committee would respectfully recommend 
that there should go forth from this Convention an address to all the religious 
bodies of the United States, earnestly and affectionately entreating them to lay 
aside those unlovely and unchristian prejudices which have been so long enter- 
tained; to concede to their coloured brethren their equal social and religious 
rights, and to dwell together with them in harmony and love." 

Mr. FULLER. I beg to move the adoption of that report. 
Rev. T. SWAN. In seconding this resolution, allow me to say that I differ 
from a remark made to-day, that commerce is the great emancipator of the 
world. I admit that commerce occupies an important place ; but I conceive 
that to Christianity must be traced the destruction of slavery ; and, without 
under- valuing or disparaging the self-denying, arduous labours of those devoted 
philanthropists who have won to themselves immortal laurels in this great 
cause, it cannot be denied, that, for missionary instrumentality was reserved 
the honour of consummating the glorious act of emancipation ; and, doubtless, 
Christianity, in the legitimate operation of its heavenly principles on the minds 
of men, will destroy slavery all over the world. 

Rev. J. LEA.VITT. I have only a single word to offer, and that is, to sug- 
gest the omission of one word from the report. I mean the word " degraded." 
As far as my observation has extended, to call a man degraded is the way to make 
him degraded. Another reason for omitting it is, that the free people of colour 
in the United States are not a degraded people. They are depressed, they are 
oppressed ; but they are an honourable people. During the last ten years, 
since the American Anti-Slavery Society was formed, there is not a class of 
people on the face of the earth who have improved their condition so much as 
the free people of colour in the United States. I could take you from city to 
city, and prove to you by your senses that there is far more intelligence, 
morality, piety, and comfort among the free people of colour, than there is 
among the whites who pursue the same employments. 

Rev. J. W. WAYNE I have for many years held in peculiar esteem the 
free black population of America, and in drawing up the report I did not mean 
to express any thing like that suggested. With the consent of those who were 
associated with me on the committee, I will gladly withdraw the word. 
The word was then struck out. 

Mr. H. C. HO WELLS. I am pleased that the word " degraded" was in- 
corporated in this report, because it has elicited a most faithful testimony in 
favour of the coloured people. Nothing is more common than to hear them 
spoken of in America in the most contemptuous manner. In reply to my op- 
ponents, I have always taken this position, that there are in Pittsburgh 2,500 
people of colour who stand as high in point of intellect, and of moral conduct, 
as the same number of the white population. With all their disadvantages 
pressing them down to the dust, there is a buoyancy raising them above every 
thing. There are among them men whom I love as my dearest kindred, men 
who are imbued with the spirit of the gospel in no ordinary degree, and whose 
fidelity would make them ornaments to any station of life. 

Rev. J. BLANCHARD. There are 3,000 coloured people in Cincinnati, 


the entire population is 50,000 ; and there was a time when there were more 
tee-totallers among the coloured people than among the entire remainder of the 
population. I never saw a coloured man intoxicated in the city of Cincinnati. 

Professor WALKER. I feel that I cannot, in justice to myself, or to the 
institution with which I am connected, Oherlin, or to the coloured people in 
that institution, allow this occasion to pass by without bearing my testimony, 
in addition to that which you have already heard, to the good conduct of the 
free people of colour in the United States. We have an institution that is 
literally open to the coloured man, free and bond, provided he will come and 
stay with us. We do not mere^ profess to open the institution to them, but 
I trust we actually do it. We have in our village only forty coloured 
men, but we wish that we had four hundred. We have some who are members 
of the college ; some that are members of the proprietary college ; and some 
who are in our primary schools of instruction for the coloured people ; and I 
am happy to say that we have no better scholars than the coloured students, 
none upon whom we can with more confidence rely. On the first of August 
last, we had a celebration of the day. In accordance with the desire of the 
dean the faculty, the students, and all the people of the village, amounting 
to 1,500, assembled in the chapel to engage in religious exercises, and to hear 
addresses from coloured students exclusively. The day passed off most ad- 
mirably. The speakers showed themselves to be men of talent nature's 
orators, and I was astonished confounded. Before the commencement of the 
exercises, the president rose and remarked, in reference to the coloured people, 
that ever since his connexion with the institution, he could bear testimony 
that there was no class of students whom he had found so uniformly correct 
in their deportment. So far from giving us more trouble than the whites, they 
give us a great deal less, and that is saying much on their behalf. They are 
highly respectful in their behaviour. We have been told a thousand times, 
that if you treat coloured men well, they will be so impudent and saucy, that 
you can do nothing with them ; but we have not found this to be the case. 
The only fault of which I have to complain is, that they do not stand up 
as they ought to defend their rights. The fact is. that our prejudice against 
them is so strong, that we do not do them justice, notwithstanding our wishes 
to do it ; and they will bear anything, rather than show the least disposition 
to find fault or be dissatisfied. I heard the statement made as to the progress 
of the anti-slavery cause in literary institutions, and I heard it with great 
pleasure, but still there must be some deductions While some do admit 
coloured men, yet such is the arrangement, that they cannot stay in them. 
It is not so with us. I have never seen any difference made either there, or 
at the boarding-houses, where they sit at the same table. To show the dis- 
cipline with respect to coloured men, I will state a fact. Before I left, I had 
the pleasure of being one of a committee to investigate a charge against one 
of the students of having called a coloured man " a black nigger." He was the 
son of a respectable gentleman, he was a very consequential young man, and 
from time to time had been guilty of disgraceful conduct towards the coloured 
people. For this offence we expelled him, and that without any hesitation 
whatever. There is another way of keeping the coloured and the white 
students together. Discipline must be rigid ; and it must be seen at all times 
that they are regarded as equal in all respects. We have established, within 
a few weeks, a primary school for coloured people exclusively. And why ? 
For this reason. We found there twenty fugitive slaves adults from twenty 
to forty years of age who could not read, and who had not the slightest 
knowledge of anything appertaining to letters. At first, we put them with 
the children learning to read, but we found it inexpedient and inconvenient 
for both parties, because instruction for children three or four years of age 


\vas not adapted to adults, and it was therefore suggested to establish an 
independent school. A school-house was purchased in a central locality, and 
I trust that in all future time it will be the place where the fugitive slave will 
take his first lessons. 

Rev. H. WILSON, I am happy to bear my testimony in favour of the 
free coloured population of the United States. I have become somewhat 
familiar with them from the fact that my labours in Canada, and the duties 
pertaining to my situation, have led me to make excursions to the United States, 
and to mingle with my coloured brethren. I have had the pleasure of con- 
versing with them in Cincinnati, in Pittsburgh, in New York, in Boston, and 
various other places ; and indeed, I laboured among them as a teacher when 
at Lane Seminary, before I went to Canada. I have been in their schools 
during the week and on the sabbath-day, and so far as I have had an oppor- 
tunity of observing them, I feel clear in stating, that circumstances being 
equal, they are not comparatively inferior to the white people. It is true that 
I have known things set down to their disadvantage, but it is very difficult 
for us to appreciate their condition, their disabilities, and the evils under which 
they labour. There is so much said against them, there is so much of preju- 
dice lowering upon them, that it is calculated to cast a damp on their spirits 
and to discourage them. The fact, that so many are standing with their heads 
erect in spite of that prejudice, and are maintaining the high ground they 
occupy, is very much in their favour. I know a coloured man, in the state of 
New York, who has been employed by the New York Anti-Slavery Society 
as a public lecturer ; and from information I have received, it appears that he 
was one of the most popular lecturers they had in the field. He is jet black 
of unmixed African blood. I mention this, because it is sometimes said, that, 
by virtue of a little European blood flowing in their veins, they are the brighter, 
the more talented. But this man is so distinguished, so renowned for his 
virtues, his intelligence, and his talents, that he has been installed as the pastor 
of a white congregation a Presbyterian church in New York, for nearly three 
years. I adduce this as a rare instance ; I know of no other in which a 
coloured man has become pastor of a white congregation since the days of 
SAMUEL HAYNES. I have known others whose names would do honour to the 
platform of a World's Convention. It may not be assuming too much to say, 
that our American delegation to this Convention, is not more highly honoured 
by any of its members than by the coloured gentleman (Mr. PENNINGTON) 
from the state of Connecticut. He is a living witness of the truth of what I 
say. The coloured population of the United States are so vilified, there is 
such a cloud of prejudice resting upon them, that it is matter of astonishment 
that there is so much intelligence, worth, and respectability amongst them as 
there actually is. I am not, however, disposed to over-estimate the character 
and the morals of the coloured population of the United States. In order to give 
a fair representation of them, we must naturally consider the dark as well as 
the bright side of the picture. It is true they have their full representation 
of immorality and of degradation. But when I say this, I say no more against 
them than I do against the white inhabitants : for they have their full repre- 
sentation also ; and perhaps the clearest testimony of it is, that spirit which 
would treat with scorn the man of colour on account of his complexion. I 
apprehend that there is no moral degradation to be found in the wide universe, 
that is more odious in the estimation of Heaven, and more intolerable, than 
that of heaping scorn and abuse upon those of darker hue than ourselves. 
I repeat, that they are not a whit inferior to us ; and that as regards their use- 
fulness, there are none more so in proportion to their numbers. 

Rev. J. W. C. PENNINGTON. My worthy friend has referred to an 
individual taken from us I mean the individual called to officiate in a white 


church SAMUEL WARD, in Wyane county, New York. Ten years ago, when I 
was about to remove from Long Island to New Haven, it was my pleasure to 
place him in a situation as school-teacher. He was then, in the city of New 
York, crier to the Emancipator, and I have to complain that our white friends 
have taken him away from us ; hut we will spare him for the present, as we 
hope to be all united before long. I can bear full testimony to his worthy 
character and noble talents. With regard to this report, I hope it will be 
adopted. It will do us good, because, first, it will encourage the coloured 
people to go on; secondly, because it will encourage the friends of abo- 
lition, and it will rebuke our opposers. The facts which have been presented 
before the Convention, have been calculated to show, that the intellect of the 
coloured man in the United States has been and is, put to the test. I recollect 
an unkind remark of the president of a college in the United States, some 
years ago. His object was to show that the intellect of the coloured man, as 
proved by the facts of the case, was not equal to that of the white man. He 
remarked, if you take a quarter of a pound of powder, and confine it under the 
city hall in New York city, I do not care how close you confine it, if you put 
fire to it, it will make its way out, and if it cannot do it by any other means, it 
will raise the hall. His inference was this : if coloured people are of equal 
intellect, no matter what you heap upon them, they will rise. How unkind ! 
I never made a vow but once in my life, and that was the time. I vowed that, 
if President Smith would take his presidential chair, place it on my head, and 
sit in it, I would see if I could not rise notwithstanding. I meant to rise from 
that time, and I have been making an effort to do it. I believe the facts show 
that the coloured people are rising. I laid facts before you, proving that they 
are doing so in Washington. Our intellect is being brought to the test, and we 
mean to rise. But this is not all ; we have attempted to show you that our 
piety is also brought to the test. Every professing Christian who has a coloured 
skin has his piety brought to the test ; it is the case with me at every step when 
I am at home. If I meet my white brother minister in the street he blushes 
to own me ; meet him in our deliberative bodies, he gives me the go-by ; meet 
him at the communion table, and he looks at me sideways. Thus my piety is 
brought to the test. Under all these circumstances, we find that the grace of 
God is the only thing that can sustain us. If you see a coloured man in the 
United States educated in any degree, he has obtained that measure of educa- 
tion, step by step, through opposition, under frowns, through trials, through 
poverty, through scorn. Of course I except those dear friends that do aid us 
as abolitionists. In regard to what has been said with reference to religious 
bodies, I believe there was a question put out by the London committee to this 
effect : Which of the various denominations have done most to encourage 
slavery, and which have borne the strongest testimony against it ? I am in- 
clined to think that the statements which have been made here have borne 
rather too hard on the Friends. There is a difficulty on both sides. Every 
one acquainted with the policy of the Friends will know that there is a diffi- 
culty on their side. But there is also a difficulty on the side of the coloured 
people with regard to the religion of the Friends. I may make this statement 
in good faith, because in my younger days I did try to be a Quaker. I lived in 
Pennsylvania, and met with some excellent Friends, with whom I resided many 
years, and attended their meeting, and was very much pleased with every 
thing. But I found there was a difficulty. My nature was sensitive, and I 
wanted to hear singing. Sometimes I went and wanted to hear preaching, but 
I was disappointed, and the consequence was, I made up my mind that I could 
not be a Quaker. But I make this statement in good faith, and as a standard 
statement. I believe this will apply to the coloured people as a whole; perhaps 
nine-tenths would meet with the same difficulty. So far as the general objects 


of humanity are concerned, we fully appreciate the labours and kindness of 
Friends ; but when we come to form our religious connexions, the religion of 
the Friends, their mode of worship, does not exactly suit us. This explanation 
will show that there is a difficulty on the part of the coloured people ; the fact, 
that but few coloured people have formed a religious connexion with the Friends 
ought not to be made to bear against the latter. 

Mr. FULLER. I generally object to hear what may be called written 
speeches, but I possess rather an extraordinary document, drawn up by a 
coloured woman, and as it bears upon the question, I beg to read it. I have 
seen this woman in Canada, where she is a teacher in a Sunday school. 

" In memory of Mrs. Louisa Myers, who departed this life, at St. Catherine's* 
on the 24th March, 1840, aged 24 years 11 months. 

" It was on a cold and dreary night in March, when all around was still for 
it was the time for sleep but suddenly a voice, borne along upon the wings of 
the wind, was heard to say to one of Earth's beloved ones, ' Child, 'tis done ; 
thy Father calls for thee.' A wife, a daughter, the mother of a helpless 
bud, of a few months' blooming, was sent for it was LOUISA ; for she had 
long lingered by the side of Jordan's stream. Still, perhaps, her free spirit 
hovers round, to beckon one word to those fathers and mothers in Israel who 
have ofttimes poured forth their tears upon the holy altar, for that pure spark 
of love which now glows within her breast. But that spirit is viewed no more 
by mortal eyes, to cheer the heart of a beloved mother ; nor can she by her 
smiles soothe the breast of a mourning husband. The babe, which was 
her constant care, weeps, but no fond mother's hand is near, to wipe the 
tear that trickles down its little cheek. She once filled her seat in this little 
Bethel, as a mourner; but she has left her name, as an heir redeemed by 
Jesus' love. Long had she sought the Lord, sorrowing; at length, faith 
laid hold of Heaven's richest treasure, and Jesus unveiled his loveliness 
in such fulness, that she was made a happy witness of the balm in Gilead, 
and that there is a physician there. She could tell of the earthly casket 
which sin had, in a measure, despoiled ; and how the ever- flowing tide had 
cleansed, and purified, and made it a fit temple for the Holy Spirit. Ah! 
thought Louisa, how great the change ; and greater still was that change when 
the curtain of time fell, and that of eternity rises, and Louisa, disrobed of her 
earthly mantle, enters. With trembling steps she approaches the brilliant 
throne, and then receives the glittering harp. She strikes! Hark! Each 
note vibrates more full and flowing. Age after age will soon pass by, arid 
another curtain rises ; the blaze of glory increases, until she, no longer trembling, 
but strikes with bold hand the instrument. Pure as the melting light which 
shrouds the Maker, she basks beneath his smiles ; possessed of knowledge, 
deep, boundless, she penetrates the heart of Deity. She looks back over the 
circles of eternity, and sees, in the distance, the few fleet moments of time 
spent in the service of her Saviour while on earth. She pauses, and then asks, 
' How came I here, a sister spirit?' Within the lofty battlements, she points 
to the crimson tide ; the bleeding Lamb ; tells how once he groaned and died 
for sinners, even for her; and what adds to Louisa's cup of joy, is, that no be- 
clouded sun will ever rise to hide her Jesus from her,eyes. Her song will still 
go on, and the same thrilling note which will occupy her harp and tongue for 
ages yet to come, will still be borne along on the heavenly breezes ; and as she 
wends her way still farther into infinity, the bereaved husband, lingering on 
the immortal shores, stretches his feeble vision, but beholds her not. She is 
lost, lost in the boundless ocean of her Father's love." 


Mr. HOWELLS. A number of slaves from different parts of the United 
States have passed through my hands, and the uniform testimony they bear is 
this, that wherever they see a Quaker they see a friend who will help them in 
all their difficulties. It is a well-known fact, that two or three instances have 
occurred where men of the most degraded character have assumed the costume 
of Friends in order to kidnap slaves. 

Dr. LUSHINGTON. I am willing briefly to bear my testimony, as far as 
I have had an opportunity of forming an opinion by experience, that the 
coloured races as well as the pure black, possess, by the blessing of Providence, 
the same talents and the same capability of cultivating them as have been given 
to those of a different complexion. I have had some experience with respect 
to the schools in the West Indies ; for it has fallen to my lot to be a trustee for 
a large institution, having no less, at one time, than 100 masters employed in 
various parts of those islands and in the Mauritius, whose principal or almost 
exclusive business it was to attend to the education of the coloured and black 
population. 1 have, from time to time, during the space of now nine years, 
whenever a master has returned from either of those parts, unaffectedly and con- 
scientiously put to him the question, " Have you in the course of yovir ex- 
perience found any real distinction or difference in point of talent, or ability, 
or capacity, between the white man, the black man, and the brown?" and I 
never met with a single exception to the following answer, " Put them in the 
same state and condition, as to the means of learning, and the one will be fully 
equal to the other." Now, these are most cheering circumstances, and the 
recollection of these facts ought to be borne in mind, for many reasons. First, 
as a strong ground of encouragement to persist in obtaining the emancipation 
of the whole of that race which God has placed upon a level with ourselves ; 
secondly, in order to show that the false pretence under which the guilt of 
holding people in slavery was formerly palliated, was destitute of foundation ; 
viz., that we were keeping in bondage those inferior in talent and in under- 
standing, and, therefore, doomed by Providence to the hard fate to which 
white men compelled them to submit. I am old enough to remember the day 
when, in the House of Commons, the assertion was made that you were not 
keeping your fellow-men in bondage, but keeping in necessary subjection those 
that were formed for inferior employments, for the purpose of becoming 
"hewers of wood and drawers of water." In many instances have I seen and 
known, even under circumstances in which it would have been supposed im- 
possible, that the black race have achieved for themselves independence, and 
some degree of knowledge. One case occurred in Sierra Leone. Two indi- 
viduals were taken from a slave ship, captured off the coast of Africa. They 
were savages in the true sense of the word ; for they had neither been taught 
their duty to God nor to man, and yet in the space of a very few years, they 
not only acquired knowledge sufficient to enable them to pass as creditable 
citizens in Sierra Leone, but they obtained wealth and independence, arid sent 
their children, at a very considerable expense, to be educated in this country. 
Many instances might be pointed out of similar improvement in this race. A 
remarkable circumstance took place three or four years ago, under the aid and 
guidance of the Wesleyans. About one hundred and fifty persons, originally 
African slaves, learned to read and write, and the then Governor of Sierra 
Leone stated that they had all acquired some independence. Smitten with a 
desire to see their own country, they applied to Lord JOHN RUSSELL, then 
Secretary for the Colonies, for a vessel to convey them to their point of 
destination. The facts are singular ; but they are true, and they passed under 
my knowledge. Lord JOHN RUSSELL desired me to inquire as to the characters 
and attainments of these persons, and to find out, if I could, what was the 


degree of danger or security in which they might he placed, if they went to 
the spot they had chosen. I had much difficulty in finding any individual 
acquainted with the place they selected. It was one in which the slave-trade 
was carried on to the greatest possible extent, and from all the information I 
could procure, it was considered dangerous to attempt the experiment; hut they 
knew more about the locality than any one of whom I could procure informa- 
tion, and they had the courage, men who had been slaves, to hire a vessel 
to transport them back to Badagry, where they have for three or four years 
continued in safety and peace, conciliating the affections of all around. At 
this present moment, the Wesleyans have doubled the missionaries they originally 
sent. Now, see what an example this may prove. From small seeds, by the 
blessing of Providence, a great harvest may arise. If these persons are per- 
mitted, in that slave country, to carry on their agricultural and commercial 
pursuits in peace and safety, be assured that it will produce the most beneficial 
effects upon the natives by whom they are surrounded, and that in time to 
come those very missionaries who have accompanied them will spread their 
influence throughout that country ; and if once that takes place and the people 
there become truly Christian, it will be impossible, with the knowledge they 
will possess, to continue slavery. From the last information I received, it was 
expected, by one of those who had charge of the mission, that by this time there 
would be a mission established at a place where a white man dared not before 
set his foot. This is a great and interesting question with regard to the people 
of colour, because it shows to what the dreadful system of slavery had led. 
Within thirty years of the time at which I am now speaking, there actually 
existed in Jamaica a law which prohibited a man giving to his own natural 
child, if he were a person of colour, and that colour discernible to a practised 
West Indian eye, beyond a certain sum of money for his maintenance. Thus 
was the law of man made to step in between those feelings which God has 
given to a parent for the protection of his child and their exercise. I believe I 
was the first who brought this circumstance before the House of Commons. 
I remember that when I made my statement with respect to the condition 
of the people of colour throughout the West Indies, GEORGE CANNING listened 
with astonishment. A member for the county of Surrey happened to be a 
gentleman from the West Indies, and he rose and said that he would contradict 
what I had stated. When he sat down, Mr. CANNING turned round to him 
and observed, " You have contradicted nothing, you have admitted the facts, 
and attempted to justify that which no other human being dare justify.*' From 
that hour Mr. CANNING was always our friend, and was anxious to give his aid 
and assistance in the protection of that race. But see what they are now. 
Sooner or later they will be the inhabitants of all the West Indian colonies ; 
and is it not an object of the greatest importance, not only with respect to 
England, but to the United States, and to every spot on the face of the globe 
where there is a living man, black or white, that when emancipation is pro- 
ceeding, as it must, and will proceed, you should raise the standard of all to 
one and the same level, that standard which God has given all the power to 
attain ? They may be sunk in their apparent comparative condition with others 
they may be degraded, because the more you attempt to sink them, the more 
they become the victims of vice and crime ; but if such be their calamitous 
situations, the consequences must and will fall upon society at large. Never 
let injustice exist any where. Never was there an instance yet throughout 
this world in which an attempt was made to cross natural rights, the inevitable 
consequences of which were not that in the end, the tyrant was most severely 
punished. I wish heartily that this discussion, when it goes forth to the world, 
should have a double effect. I wish that in every place where slavery still 

p 2 


continues it may make the oppressor tremble ) and that in every place where 
it has been removed, all who cherish an absurd feeling of superiority, arising 
from the colour of their skin, may become ashamed of themselves ; and that 
the old adage of 2,000 years' date may be felt to be a true one, " Virtue con- 
stitutes the soul of man." 

Mr. BLAIR. There is a clergyman of the church of England present, as 
a visitor, who has passed many years in South Africa, whose prospects in 
life have been materially injured by his constant exertions for the relief of 
the oppressed natives, and whom I think the Convention would be happy 
to hear. 

Rev. Dr. WRIGHT. I went out to Africa originally as a missionary, under 
the auspices of the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel. One of the first 
objects to which my attention was directed was the education of the negro. At 
that time he was every thing but degraded, he was oppressed, he was kept 
down, crushed, and cruelly treated ; above all, every obstacle was thrown in 
the way of his moral improvement. One of the principal things that struck 
me on visiting the native schools, or establishing them where they had not 
before existed, was the equality in point of mind between the African, whether 
Hottentot or Bushman, and ourselves. I had the pleasure of witnessing while 
there, a great improvement in the condition of the negro. I saw many of the 
restrictions under which they had been placed gradually removed. I saw the 
chains struck off the liberated African, and I beheld that same individual rising 
in intellect and morals, and practising all the social virtues of the father, the 
husband, and the citizen, and that to such a degree that he might be safely 
held up as an example in a civilized country. I saw a passion for literature 
gradually increasing. They subscribed for the journals, and were anxious for 
information upon general, political, and religious subjects. They founded 
churches, supported ministers, and were desirous of classical attainments. It 
is now so many years since I had the pleasure of living among them, that I 
regret I cannot bring down their history to the present day ; but, having con- 
tinued to watch their progress with no slight degree of interest since my return 
to Europe, I am perfectly satisfied, from what I have both seen and heard, that 
the black man only wants the same opportunities which the white man enjoys, 
in erder to raise himself to the highest degree to which intellect can conduct 

Mr. L. TAPPAN. I wish to mention a single case that occurred in the city 
of New York, in order to corroborate the remarks made this afternoon. There 
is a coloured woman living in that city, with whom I am well acquainted, who 
established the first Sunday school in it. She was a member of the church of 
the late Dr. MASON, a gentleman well known in both hemispheres. She estab- 
lished that Sunday school, by her personal efforts, for the education of children, 
both white and coloured ; and it was the foundation of all the Sunday schools 
that exist in and adorn that city. I will say furthermore, that the influence 
which the conduct of that woman had upon that eminent minister was such, 
that when upon a certain occasion he was solicited by his elders to refuse per- 
mission to the coloured people to take the communion till after the whites had 
received the elements, he rebuked them so far as to invite some aged coloured 
people to come near him, and with his own hands he handed them the bread 
and the cup, before a single white person partook of them. KITTY FERGUSON 
has taken out of the almshouse 40 children, and educated them at her own 
expense a large number of them being white children. She has educated 
and placed in respectable stations in life both white and coloured orphan 
children, and children put into the almshouse without either of their parents 
being known. This woman is now living, a highly respectable and worthy 


member of the church of Christ, an honour to human nature, and to the city 
of New York; a woman who affords great encouragement to the abolitionists of 
America, by demonstrating the capacity of the coloured people, and the moral 
excellency to which they may attain. I am reminded of the case of another 
coloured woman, in the same city, a woman well known to myself and to 
many of my associates here as delegates. She has paid from her own earnings 
no less a sum than 3,000 dollars to reclaim persons from slavery in the United 
States. I will mention one instance. There was a young woman in South 
Carolina personally known to her, and whom she wished to redeem from slavery. 
She went to the city of Baltimore, selected from a stand the newest coach, 
proceeded to South Carolina, purchased this young woman, and returned to 
Pennsylvania. From the appearance of the equipage, it was supposed that 
she belonged to some family who had sent her there to convey this woman, 
and serve as her protection for a distance of 700 or 800 miles. She paid the 
driver a sum equal to a sovereign a day, for the services he performed on that 
journey. Her name is HESTER LANE. A distinguished jurist in the United 
States, who had conversed with her, told me that he hardly knew a woman of 
more intelligence. Dr. JAMES M'CuNE SMITH, a coloured man, in New York, 
took his degree in medicine at the university of Glasgow, and obtained one of 
the first, if not the first, prize, among 500 students, when he left that seminary. 
He is a man of superior education, of rare eloquence, and is highly esteemed 
and respected in the city. I must bear my testimony, in the most decided 
manner, not only to the excellency of the free people of colour, whom I have 
had an opportunity of knowing in New York and the United States, but to 
their general good conduct, their religious character, and the equality of their 
capacity, in every point of view, with that of other men. 

Mr. BUFFAM. I will mention one case to show the power of the coloured 
people to devise and execute plans when necessary. A free coloured man 
went to the state of Virginia, and there he married a female slave that was so 
white, that no person would have suspected her of having any African blood 
in her. After marrying her he returned to the city of Philadelphia, and there 
he purchased several suits of clothing, such as are worn by ladies. With 
these he returned to Virginia, and caused his wife to be dressed in some of 
these fine clothes ; they left her master's house in the night, and the next morn- 
ing went to the coach office, the wife professing herself to be a traveller, and 
having with her, her servant or slave ; she took a passage for both to Phila- 
delphia, where they arrived in safety. From thence they proceeded to Canada, 
where they found, under the sceptre of Queen VICTORIA, that protection of 
their just and inalienable rights which was denied them in their native land. 

appointed a black man chief judge at Sierra Leone. 

The resolution was then put and carried. 

Mr. SCOBLE introduced to the Convention a black man, named MOSES 
GRANDY, who had been a slave in North Carolina, and had purchased his 
freedom three times over at an expense of 1,800 dollars. 


Mr. SCOBLE. I have a short report to present on a very interesting subject ; 
one that has very much engaged the attention of the abolitionists of this 
country, and is calculated to produce a very powerful effect on those nations in 
which slavery still continues to exist. It has reference to 

" On the 29th of April, 1841, Sir THOMAS READE, the British Consul at Tunis, 


having had a favourable opportunity presented to him of bringing under the 
attention of his Highness, the Bashaw Bey, the subject of the slave-trade, 
and the facilities hitherto afforded at that Regency for the transport of slaves 
to other parts of the Turkish Empire ; and having assured him, that it would 
be truly gratifying both to the Government and people of Great Britain, if he 
could devise means for checking it; his Highness, who had listened most 
attentively to the suggestions of the Consul, replied, ' I will immediately 
comply with your wishes, and do everything in my power to put a stop, not 
only to the exportation of slaves, but to slavery altogether.' 

"Two hours after this important interview, the Bey transmitted to Sir 
THOMAS READE the following interesting document : 


11 ' On the part of the servant of God, AHMED BASSA BEY, Prince of the Govern- 
ment of Tunis, to our ally Sir THOMAS READE, her Britannic Majesty's 
Consul-general at Tunis. 

" ' After the conversation we have had on the subject of the shipment of 
negro slaves for purposes of commerce, we must acquaint you, O friend, 
that the sacred principles of creation are repugnant to it, and our heart throbs 
with pity whenever we hear mention made of it. 

" ' As for ourselves individually, we have not a single slave, according to 
the law relative to the servitude of slaves, who are purchased and sold as if 
they were animals, because in our religion the restrictions on the subject are so 
severe that it is very difficult to preserve the conditions. 

" ' We are of the number of those who admire the opinions of the English 
Government relative to this subject j and ours are in accordance with those 
of our friend, the perfect, the politician, and minister, Lord PALMERSTON; 
and I look upon them as an effect of his perfection, and the goodness of his 

" We, therefore, from the present time, prohibit the exportation of slaves 
from our regency for the purposes of commerce. 

" ' We will direct our attention to the means of enfeebling this commerce 
to the utmost limits of our efforts, and pray God to extirpate it from the 

" We trust that God, who created us and them, and who bestowed the gift 
of judgment upon all, will reward us for it. We desire you will communicate 
to our friend, the above-named minister, the contents of this letter. 
" ' Continue in the belief of God. 

" Written on the 9th of JRabih, 1257. 

11 ( (29th of April, 1841.)' 

"In a despatch dated the 12th of May, 1841, Sir THOMAS READE conveyed 
the following information to Lord PALMERSTON : 

" ' Since my despatch of the 30th ultimo,' he observes, ' I have had a con- 
versation with the Chevalier Raffo, and he has assured me that the Bey, 
according to his promise, has already issued strict orders prohibiting the ex- 
portation of slaves from his dominions, and that his Highness has liberated 
the whole of the slaves of his own establishment. The Chevalier remarked to 
me, ' That this is only the beginning of the affair : you will see that his High- 
ness will keep his word faithfully ; and that, if he had it in his power, he would 
at once liberate every slave in the regency. But unfortunately he is not rich 
enough to do so. He is determined, however, to put an end to the slave- 

" In carrying his noble and just intentions into effect, the Bashaw had to 
encounter enormous difficulties ; but having entered upon the work, he was 


determined to persevere. The following communication to Sir THOMAS READE, 
for the information of the British Government, states the gratifying fact of the 
abolition of the slave-markets at Tunis : 


" ' On the part of God's servant, AHMED BASSA BEY, &c. &c. &c., to our ally 

SIR THOMAS READE, Consul-general of the English Government at Tunis. 

" ' You are aware how painful the trade in the human species was to us, 
and how contrary it was to our feelings ; our pity for the poor slaves has not 
ceased to excite our solicitude towards weakening that trade, and reducing its 
weight. We have thought proper to abolish their sale in the market, where 
the public crier disposed of them as of cattle, in Tunis our capital, as well as 
throughout the regency. 

" ' We have ceased to levy the duty which accrued to us on their sale, and 
have expunged it out of the revenues of our Government. 

" ( We have written to that effect to all parties in the regency. God knows 
the state of these poor people when the public crier exposed them for sale in 
the market ! and that for the sole object of deducting the fixed duties upon 
their sale, although such a revenue ought to be despised by persons of humane 

" ' This portion of the human species ought nevertheless to enjoy a greater 
degree of consideration than other animals ! The present shall be, God 
willing, an occasion for raising them above their unhappy condition of slaves, 
in all such cases as shall occasion no loss to the capital of their owners ; and in 
a short time the measure shall be complete by the abolition of this species of 
property throughout the whole of our regency. In the mean time our prohi- 
bition of their sale, our sympathy for their condition, and their relief from 
slavery, will, with God's assistance, further our views. We have acquainted 
you only with these news, knowing that your feelings accord with ours on the 

" ' Continue in the belief of God. 

'I2Regeb, 1257. 
"' (6th September, 1841.)' 

" The buildings in which the nefarious traffic was carried on at Tunis were 
destroyed. The effect of this proceeding is thus described by Her Majesty's 

" ' It is very difficult to describe the sensation which the destruction of the 
slave market has created in Tunis. The poor slaves are almost frantic with 
joy : and, although their proprietors seem disposed to remonstrate with, or in 
some manner oppose, the Bey, I feel no doubt whatever, from my knowledge 
of his Highness's firm character, that he will overcome these remonstrances 
and opposition without much difficulty.' 

" On the presentation of an address of congratulation from the Anglo- 
Maltese Anti-Slavery Society, and of a letter from the Committee of the British 
and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, expressing their satisfaction at the steps 
which his Highness had taken towards the suppression of the slave-trade, and 
trusting that he would follow them up by the abolition of slavery itself, he 
observed, ' I began with pleasure the abolition of slavery, and I will not cease 
to prosecute the great work of emancipation until I have completely extirpated 
slavery from my dominions.' And this promise he is determined to keep, and, 
as a first step towards it, issued a decree, declaring that all ' Negroes, born 
after the 8th December, 1842, shall be free, and be considered and treated as 
any other Mussulmans.' This decree is regarded art Tunis as the coup-de-yrdce 


to slavery, especially as not only the Bey, but all his ministers have set the 
noble example of the voluntary emancipation of all their personal slaves, 
which it is expected will be generally followed. It may be added, that the 
attempts made to introduce slaves into the regency since the 6th September, 
1841, have failed; and that all persons coming into the regency, whatever 
might be their previous condition, are declared to be free. " 

Many interesting statements might be made in connexion with this subject. 
Suffice it to say, that the Bey is in the prime of life ; that he is animated by 
noble sentiments, and is determined to co-operate with the abolitionists of this 
country in the accomplishment of the great object they have in view. I trust 
that as an encouragement to the princes and chiefs in all parts of Africa, to 
adopt a similar measure, the Convention, before it separates, will vote an address 
to the Bey of Tunis, testifying its high satisfaction that a Mohammedan prince 
has acted out the principles of the abolitionists, both of this country and of 
America. If the deputation from France had been here, I should have called 
their attention to the fact, that though France has taken Algiers, yet it allows 
the continuance of slavery in that part of the world. 

Mr. WILLIAM BALL. I rise to move 

" That this Convention has learned with sincere satisfaction the noble conduct of his 
Highness the Bashaw, Bey of Tunis, in abolishing slavery and the slave-trade in his domi- 
nions; and that a Committee be appointed to draft an address to his Highness expressive of 
that satisfaction." 

Mr. PETER CLARE having seconded the resolution, it was put and carried 

Mr. L. TAPPAN. I hope that when the committee draw up the address, 
they will direct the attention of all Christian countries to that noble example. 

A committee, consisting of the following delegates, was then appointed : 


Mr. SCOBLE I have now to introduce a short paper, which will show that 
the Oriental Republic of Uruguay have done that which it is believed is tanta- 
mount to the abolition of slavery. 

" The decree for the abolition of slavery in this republic was issued on the 
12th of December, 1842, and is as follows: 

" The Senate and Chamber of Representatives of the Oriental Republic of 
Uruguay, united in general assembly, considering 

" That since the year 1814, those born in the territory of the republic should 
not be reputed slaves ; 

" That since July of 1830, there should not have been any slaves brought 
into it ; 

" That amongst those who exist, therefore, with this denomination, there are 
very few of either sex who should be considered as such, and these have in 
part compensated their value by the services they have rendered ; 

" That in no case is the recognition more urgent of the rights which these 
individuals hold by nature, by the constitution, and by the enlightened opi- 
nions of the present age, than in the actual circumstances in which the Re- 
public requires free men to defend the liberties and the independence of the 
nation ; decree : 

" Article I. From and after the promulgation of the present resolution, there 
are no longer any slaves 

and after the promulgation of the present resolution, 
es in the whole territory of the Republic. 


" Article II. The Government will appoint the able-bodied men who have 
been slaves, colonists, or wards, whatever may be their denomination, to the 
service of arms, for such time as it shall consider necessary. 

" Article III. Those who are unfit for military service, and women, shall 
remain as pupils in the service of their masters, subject for the present to the 
constitutional law in regard to pupils or African colonists. 

" Article IV. Those rights which may be considered to be prejudiced by the 
present resolution shall be indemnified by posterior laws. 

" Article V. To be communicated to the Executive Government for its 


Second Vice-President. 
" Hall of Sessions, Monte Video, Dec. 12, 1842. 

" The Monte- Video papers, which brought the intelligence of the abolition of 
slavery in Uruguay, state, that the day after the promulgation of the decree, 
notes were delivered by the Brazilian Charge^ d'Affaires, the Consul-general of 
Portugal, and the Consul of France, containing formal protests against the 
measure on what grounds, however, does not appear. A note was also pre- 
sented by the British Consul, containing expressions of congratulation and 
approbation of the measure. Fettered, however, as the act is, and dependent 
as its bond fide execution must be, on the chances of war, and the honour of 
the executive authority, we must wait the denouement of the present state of 
affairs, before we can determine whether the slave population will be free in 
fact, as it is now supposed they are in law." 

Mr. SCOBLE moved, 

" That the report in reference to Uruguay be entered on the proceedings of the Conven- 

Mr. SAMS seconded the resolution, which was then put and agreed to. 



Mr. SCOBLE. The paper on this subject contains a large amount of in- 
formation condensed into a small compass. 

" With a view to condensation, the following tabular statement will show the 
periods when the principal states of Europe and America formally abolished 
the slave-trade, and entered into treaties with Great Britain to co-operate with 
her for the accomplishment of this object ; as also when the mutual Right of 
Search and Equipment article (by which vessels fitted for slave-trade might be 
seized), were agreed to. 




of Abolition. 

Date of 
Treaties and 

Right of Search, 

Article when 
Agreed to. 

Denmark . . 

16 Mar. 1792 

14 July, 1814 

26 July, 1834 

26 July, 1834 

26 July, 1834 

Great Britain 

25 Mar. 1807 

United States 

2 Mar. 1807 

Sweden . . . 

3 Mar. 1813 

3 Mar. 1813 

6 Nov. 1824 

6 Nov. 1824 

6 Nov. 1824 

15 June, 1835 


15 Jan. 1814 

4 May, 1818 

4 May, 1818 

31 Dec. 1822 

25 Jan. 1823 

25 Jan. 1823 

France . . . 

30 July, 1815 

30 Nov. 1831 

30 Nov. 1831 

22 Mar. 1833 

22 Mar. 1833 

20 Dec. 1841 

Spain .... 

30 May, 1820 

28 Aug. 1814 

23 Sept. 1817 

10 Dec. 1822 

28 June, 1835 

28 June, 1835 

28 June, 1835 

Buenos Ayres 

15 Nov. 1824 

28 Feb. 1825 

24 May, 1839 

24 May, 1839 

24 May, 1839 

Columbia . . 

18 April, 1825 

18 April, 1825 

Mexico . . . 

26 Dec. 1826 

26 Dec. 1826 

24 Feb. 1841 

24 Feb. 1841 

24 Feb. 1841 

Brazil .... 

23 Nov. 1829 

23 Nov. 1826 

23 Nov. 1826 

27 July, 1835 

27 July, 1835 

27 May, 1839 

Sardinia . . . 

8 Aug. 1834 

8 Aug. 1834 

8 Aug. 1834 

8 Aug. 1834 

Portugal . . . 

17 Dec. 1836 

19 Feb. 1810 

22 Jan. 1815 

28 July, 1817 

28 July, 1817 

11 Sept. 1817 

15 Mar. 1823 

Hanse Towns 

9 June, 1837 

9 June, 1837 

9 June, 1837 

9 June, 1837 

Tuscany . . . 

24 Nov. 1837 

24 Nov. 1837 

24 Nov. 1837 

24 Nov. 1837 

Bolivia . . . 

5 June, 1837 

25 Sept. 1840 

25 Sept. 1840 

25 Sept. 1840 

Peru .... 

5 June, 1837 

5 June, 1837 

Naples . . . 

23 Dec. 1838 

14 Feb. 1838 

14 Feb. 1838 

14 Feb. 1838 

Hayti .... 

23 Dec. 1839 

23 Dec. 1839 

23 Dec. 1839 

23 Dec. 1839 

Venezuela . . 

15 Mar. 1839 

15 Mar. 1839 

15 Mar. 1839 

15 Mar. 1839 

Chili .... 

9 July, 1839 

19 Jan. 1839 

9 July, 1839 

9 July, 1839 

7 Aug. 1841 

Uruguay . . 

13 July, 1839 

13 July, 1839 

13 July, 1839 

13 July, 1839 

Texas .... 

16 Nov. 1840 

16 Nov. 1840 

16 Nov. 1840 

16 Nov. 1840 

Austria . . . 

20 Dec. 1841 

20 Dec. 1841 

20 Dec. 1841 

20 Dec. 1841 

Prussia . . . 

20 Dec. 1841 

20 Dec. 1841 

20 Dec. 1841 

20 Dec. 1841 

Russia .... 

20 Dec. 1841 

20 Dec. 1841 

20 Dec. 1841 

20 Dec. 1841 


" GREAT BRITAIN. On the llth July, 1788, an act regulating the slave- 
trade was passed, after much opposition, in the House of Lords. Another act 
was passed the 23rd of May, 1806, (46 Geo. III., c. 52,) for preventing the 
introduction of slaves into the British colonies or territories abroad. This was* 
followed by the ' Act for the Abolition of the Slave-Trade,' (47 Geo. III., c. 36,) 
which enacted, * that from and after the 1st day of May, 1807, the African 
slave-trade, and all manner of dealing and trading in the purchase, sale, barter, 
or transfer of slaves, or persons intended to be dealt with as slaves, practised 
and carried on in, at, to, or from any part of the coast or countries of Africa, 
should be utterly abolished and unlawful,' &c. On the 14th May, 1811, another 
act (51 Geo. III., c. 23,) was passed, which made slave-trading felony. Other 
acts, in explanation and confirmation, passed, such as 53 Geo. III., c. 92 ; 
58 Geo. III., c. 49; and 58 Geo. III., c. 98. In 1819, on the 12th July of 
that year, another act (59 Geo. III., c. 70,) was passed to prevent the illicit 
importation of slaves into the colonies, by establishing a general registry of 
slaves in the islands, which registry should constitute the title of an owner to a 
slave. On the 31st of March, 1824, an act (5 Geo. IV., c. 17,) was passed, 
which declared, that any British subject concerned in carrying away from any 
place, or bringing into any place, any person as a slave, should be adjudged 
guilty of piracy, felony, and robbery ; and on being ' convicted thereof should 
suffer death, without benefit of clergy, and loss of lands, goods, and chattels, 
as pirates, felons, and robbers on the high seas ought to suffer.' (This punish- 
ment was subsequently modified, by 1 Vic., c. 91, to transportation; the term 
of piracy being still by law affixed to the crime.) In the same year, the 24th 
of June, 1824, the laws relative to the slave-trade were consolidated into one 
act, (5 Geo. IV., c. 113,) since which there has been no legislation on the 

"THE UNITED STATES The first act to prohibit the slave-trade was passed in 
the year 1794. This act declared it illegal to fit out any vessel for the purpose 
of carrying on the trade. This was followed by the act of 1800, declaring it 
unlawful for any citizen to have any property in any vessel employed in the 
transportation of slaves from one country to another. And by an act passed in 
1807, it was declared, that after the 1st January, 1808, it should not be lawful 
to bring into the United States any persons as slaves. In 1820, it was declared 
piracy, and worthy of death, for any citizen to be engaged in the slave-trade. 

" By the 8th article of the treaty recently negotiated between this country and 
the United States, it is stipulated, that each of the contracting parties shall equip 
a squadron of vessels carrying in all not less than eighty guns, to enforce sepa- 
rately and respectively the laws of the two countries relative to the slave-trade. 
And by the 9th article it is agreed that the parties to the treaty will unite in all 
becoming representations and remonstrances with any and all powers, within 
whose dominions slave markets exist ; and that they will urge upon all such 
powers the propriety and duty of closing such markets, and for ever. 

" FRANCE. The treaty of the 20th December, 1841, for the suppression of the 
slave-trade, negotiated by France and Great Britain with Austria, Prussia, and 
Russia, though ratified by the last four powers, has not yet been ratified by 
France, though signed by its accredited ambassador to this country ; opposition 
to the right of search being the plea set up by the French Chambers, though 
that had been reciprocally granted under the treaties between Great Britain and 
France made in the years 1831 and 1833. 

" SPAIN. Under treaties with Spain, Great Britain has acquired the right of 
demanding the liberation of all slaves illictly introduced into the Spanish colo- 
nies since the year of its absolute prohibition by that power, which took place 
in 1820. It is understood that Great Britain has made the demand ; but the 
precise issue of the negotiations is not yet known. 


" COLUMBIA. The treaty with Columbia for the suppression of the slave-trade 
was made in 1825, since which period it has been divided into three distinct 
states viz., New Grenada, Venezuela, and Equator. Venezuela has concluded 
a treaty with Great Britain, and it is understood that New Grenada and Equator 
will follow the example. 

"BRAZIL. The laws of the Brazilian empire, as well as her treaties with Great 
Britain, forbid the illicit introduction of slaves into any part of her territories. 
Attempts have been made to repeal the laws which constitute slave-trading cri- 
minal, and guarantee the liberty of slaves clandestinely imported into Brazil. 
Against this gross violation of national justice and faith, the British govern- 
ment has earnestly protested ; and will, no doubt, follow up the protest by a 
demand for the liberation of all slaves introduced in contravention of the laws 
of the empire and the treaties with this country. 

" PORTUGAL. The last slave-trade treaty made with Portugal was in 1823. 
Owing to various circumstances, she was not pressed to the fulfilment of her 
engagements until the early part of 1832, when negotiations were renewed on 
the part of Great Britain ; but the Portuguese government eluded all attempts 
to bring them to a satisfactory conclusion, until December, 1836, when the mi- 
nistry issued a decree finally and entirely abolishing the slave-trade : no steps, 
however, were taken to give it effect. Remonstrances followed ; the flag of 
Portugal still covered the slave-trade. So flagrant a breach of faith on the part 
of Portugal, determined the British government no longer to delay measures to 
compel, if it were necessary, that power to fulfil her obligations. A draft of a 
treaty was transmitted to Lisbon in July, 1838,- containing stipulations abso- 
lutely necessary for the accomplishment of that purpose; and a categorical an- 
swer was required whether Portugal would sign the treaty or not. She de- 
clined. The British government then declared that if she persisted in that 
refusal she would secure the end contemplated by the ' separate article ' of 
September, 1817, without her co-operation. She persisted in her refusal. A bill 
was then brought into the British parliament, which passed both houses, on 
the 24th August, 1839, authorising British cruisers to detain all Portuguese ves- 
sels supposed to be concerned in the slave-trade ; and also authorising British 
vice-admiralty courts to condemn such vessels when found guilty of that act. 
" This law was conditionally repealed during the last session of parliament, 
(1842,) it being understood that the Portuguese government had consented to 
the treaty proposed by this country, which of course included the ' equipment 
article,' as well as the mutual 'right of search.' 

"PERU. In 1837, a slave-trade treaty was made with the confederation of 
Peru- Bolivia. Subsequently to this period Peru and Bolivia have separated. With 
the latter republic, Great Britain has a treaty for the suppression of the slave- 
trade. Peru, at present, refuses a treaty, alleging that the constitution of the 
country does not authorise treaties with any other states than those of America. 
The real cause of this refusal, however, will be found in the effort that is now 
making in Peru, to obtain once more the formal admission of slaves into the 
republic, under a legalised slave-trade. The government of this country, how- 
ever, has remonstrated against these proceedings, and holds Peru bound by 
the Peru-Bolivian treaty of 1837, which engaged to prohibit the slave-trade in 
the most effectual manner by the most solemn laws. 

" AUSTRIA, PRUSSIA, and RUSSIA. At the congress of Vienna, on the 8th Fe- 
bruary, 1815, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, conjointly with England, France, 
Portugal, Spain, and Sweden, issued a declaration that the ' trade is repugnant 
to the principles of humanity and of universal morality; ' that ' the public 
voice in all civilised countries calls aloud for its prompt suppression ;' that it 
was the wish of the sovereigns represented at that congress, ' to put an end to 


a scourge which desolates Africa, degrades Europe, and afflicts humanity;' and 
that 'no proper means of accelerating that period are to be neglected.' 

"At the congress of Verona, on the 28th November, 1822, held by the same 
powers, another declaration was issued, in which they stated that they continued 
firm in the principles and sentiments set forth in the declaration of 1815, res- 
pecting the slave-trade ; and professed that they will ' eagerly enter into the 
examination of any measure compatible with their rights and the interests of 
their subjects, to produce the result which is the object of their common solici- 
tude upon this subject.' 

" Austria, Prussia, and Russia, were invited by Great Britain, as far back as 
1814, to co-operate in the suppression of the slave-trade. In 1818 they were 
again applied to, when they severally expressed their willingness to make the 
slave-trade piracy, and to join in a common league to put it down by force, and 
by the consent of all civilized powers for that purpose, as soon as Portugal 
should have abolished it bylaw. In 1822 they expressed the same sentiments, 
and the obstacles having been removed out of the way, they have redeemed 
their engagements by the treaty of December, 1841, which they entered into 
jointly with, and at the solicitation of, Great Britain and France. By this 
treaty the five great powers of Europe extend the right of search from 
latitude 32 North to latitude 45 South, and from the longitude of the 
East coast of America to the 80th degree of longitude East of Greenwich ; thus 
admitting a right of search through the Atlantic, and on the Eastern as well as 
Western coast of Africa. As in the Conventions with France, made in 1831 and 
1833, the ships detained are to be tried by the tribunals of the country to which 
they belong. If found equipped for the slave-trade, they may be condemned 
and broken up, unless either of the governments should take them into its ser- 
vice. By this treaty also, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, unite with Great 
Britain in declaring the slave-trade to be piracy ; and all maritime powers in 
Europe who have not yet concluded treaties in relation to this traffic are, under 
this treaty, to be invited to accede to it. 

"The only maritime powers in Europe, with whom Great Britain has no trea- 
ties at present for the suppression of the slave-trade, are Greece, Belgium, and 
Hanover ; but there is no doubt that they will shortly be induced to follow the 
example of the great powers of Europe in this matter. The only powers in 
North and South America who have not yet negotiated treaties for the same pur- 
pose, are the United States, New Grenada, Equator, and Peru. The three latter 
republics, it is believed, will soon accede to such treaties ; and unless the resist- 
ance of the United States be overcome, she will stand alone in the Old and 
New world, as the only professedly Christian and civilized power which refuses 
to unite with others in a common league for the suppression of the slave-trade. 


" The United States, Great Britain, the Brazils, Austria, Prussia, and other 
states, have declared the slave-trade to be piracy, and punishable according to 
the respective laws of those countries as such ; and every civilized power, both 
in Europe and America, has pronounced it highly criminal and inhuman, and 
subject to penalties more or less severe. Great Britain, Denmark, Sweden, 
Netherlands, France, Spain, Buenos Ayres, (the Argentine Republic,) Mexico, 
Brazil, Sardinia, Portugal, the Hanse Towns, Tuscany, Bolivia, Naples, Hayti, 
Venezuela, Chili, Uruguay, Texas, Austria, Prussia, and Russia, have conceded 
the right of search. The same powers, with the exception of Portugal, have 
also agreed that vessels fitted out for the slave-trade 'may be captured, con- 
demned, and broken up, except when specially provided that they shall be 
taken into the navy of such powers as they may be found to belong to. It 


should be observed, however, that though the Brazilian plenipotentiaries have 
agreed to the equipment article, and the breaking up of vessels condemned for 
slave-trading, these articles have not yet been ratified by the legislature. The 
limits within which the right of search can be legally exercised are also less 
with other powers than with Great Britain, Austria, Prussia, and Russia. 

" Agreements stipulating the entire suppression of the slave-trade on the part 
of African Chiefs, and on that of their subjects, have been concluded, viz : 
February 13, 1841, with the Chief of the Timmanees. 
April 8, 1841, Chiefs of the Bonny. 

April 23, 1841, 
May 7, 1841, 
August 28, 1841, 
September 6, 1841, 
BandineVs Slave-trade, p. 297. 

King of Cartebar. 

Chiefs of the Cameroons. 

King of Aboi or Ybo. 

King of Egarra country at Idda. 

" We learn from the papers relative to slavery in British India, that as far 
back as the year 1820, a treaty was conchided with four Arab Chieftains of the 
Persian Gulf, HASAN BIN RAMAH, Sheikh of Abuthabee, formerly of Rasul 
Khymah ; KARREEB IN AHMUD, Sheikh of Jomal-al-Kamra; SHAKBOOT, Sheikh 
of Aboo Dabay ; HASANBIN ALI, Sheikh of Zyah, by Major- General Sir W. 
GRANT KEIR. The Sheikh of Bahrein appears to have acceded also to the 
treaty. In this treaty it was declared that the carrying off slaves, men, 
women, and children, from the coast of Africa, or elsewhere, and the transport- 
ing them in vessels, is plunder and piracy, and the friendly Arabs shall do 
nothing of the kind. In 1822, a treaty was effected by Captain MORESLY with 
the Imaum of Muscat, who holds considerable possessions on the Eastern coast 
of Africa, and at Zanzibar in particular, one of the greatest and most pestilent 
slave marts. In 1837, Captain HENNELL entered into agreements with the 
Chief of the Joasmees; the Sultan BIN SUGGUR ; the Sheikh RASHID BIN HUM- 
MUND, Chief of Amulgareen; Sheikh MUKHTOOM, Chief of Debaye; Sheikh 
KHULUFA BIN SHUKBOOT, Chief of Aboothabee, for the same purpose ; and 
again with his Highness SAEED BIN SULTAN, Imaum of Muscat, in 1839. 
The only difference between the treaties made with the Imaum and the Arab 
Chiefs is, that he would not agree to the boundary line being fixed further 
West than Pussein, on the Mukran coast, which is 70 miles East of Cape 
Guadel, the point agreed to by the Arabs, the reason assigned being, that 
Pussein was the easternmost boundary of his Highness's territory on the Muk- 
ran coast ; and, that its provisions do not appear to apply to his Highness's 
vessels, probably in deference to his dignity as a sovereign prince, and to his 
close alliance with us. In 1835, as we have already stated, the Rao of Cutch 
issued a proclamation against the slave-trade. It would also appear, that in the 
same year, the Jam of Noanuggur, the Rana of Porebunder, the Thacoor of 
Bhownuggur, and the Chief of Mangralle engaged to co-operate with the Indian 
Government for the suppression of the slave-trade." Parliamentary Papers, 
No. 262, 1841, pp. 173-187. 

Mr. STACEY moved, 

" That the report now read form part of the proceedings of the Convention." 

Mr. EDWARD CARROLL having seconded the resolution, it was put and 
agreed to. 

Mr. SCOBLE. I have now to present the following 



"The victims of the African slave-trade, previously to its aholition by Great 
Britain, were estimated at 72,000 per annum. The destruction of human life 
connected with the capture of this vast mass of human beings, and their transit 
to the coast for sale, was computed at from 140,000 to 150,000. The loss 
sustained during the middle passage may be stated at 12 per cent, on those 
embarked. Those who perished during the first year of their bondage may be 
reckoned at as many more. It will then appear, that of the 72,000 shipped 
from Africa for the slave markets in the Western world, not more than 55,000 
would be alive at the end of fourteen or fifteen months from the period of em- 
barkation. No wonder that facts such as these, excited the horror and nerved 
the resolution of the fathers of abolition in this country against the atrocious 
traffic, and finally enabled them to achieve a glorious triumph over the monster 
evil in the British legislature. 

" It was firmly believed that the termination of the slave-trade by Great 
Britain would have led to its general extinction by other powers, especially as 
the act for abolishing it, passed by the Congress of the United States in 1789, 
came into operation the same year (1807) that the British legislature passed 
its celebrated law for its extinction. Denmark and Sweden had previously 
issued edicts for its suppression, which prohibited the subjects of these states 
from prosecuting it after the year 1802. But the hope which had been 
cherished was doomed to disappointment : the slave-trade was checked for the 
moment, but not suppressed; for we find that in 1810, the number of slaves 
transported from Africa to Brazil and Cuba amounted to 80,000, with the 
prospect of still further increase. The friends of Africa became alarmed, and 
were compelled to abandon their well-considered schemes for its civilization, 
upon which they had entered, and to direct their attention to more effectual 
measures for its suppression than at that time existed. Legislation at home 
and negotiation abroad were resorted to for that purpose, but in vain, as may 
be seen from the able work of Sir T. FOWELL BUXTON, 'The Slave-Trade and its 
Remedy.' According to him, upon the most moderate computation, the slave- 
trade dooms to the horrors of slavery, every year, among professedly Christian 
powers, 120,000 victims ; and among Mohammedans, 50,000; whilst in pro- 
curing them, there were annually destroyed 280,000 more, making in all 
450,000. This computation referred to a period anterior to 1840. The traffic 
having become contraband, and active measures having been resorted to by 
this country, in conjunction with foreign powers, for its suppression, its horrors 
were multiplied ; and it appears an undoubted fact, that ' of every thousand 
victims to the slave-trade, one-half perish in the seizure, march, and detention 
on the coast ; one-fourth of those embarked perish during the middle passage ; 
and one-fifth of those who are landed, perish in the seasoning during the first 
year; and the remaining three hundred, with their descendants, are doomed to 
hopeless bondage and a premature grave.' 

" Such was the state of the question when the philanthropists of Europe and 
America met at the Convention in 1840. It now remains for the friends of 
humanity, assembled in convocation, to inquire whether it has diminished or 
increased in extent and atrocity ; and what expectation, if any, may be enter- 
tained of its extirpation. 

" If we consult the documents laid before parliament, and rely on the state- 
ments of official men, it would appear that the slave-trade has very sensibly 


diminished within the last few years ; but if we put faith in private sources of 
information, and in the statements submitted to us by men of intelligence and 
honour, who have no possible motive for deceiving us, then it will be found 
that the diminution in the slave-trade has been comparatively trifling; and that 
no rational hope can be indulged of its final extirpation, until slavery itself 
shall be abolished. 

" CUBA. According to the latest published returns of the Slave-Trade Com- 
missioners at Havana, the case stands thus: c Previous to the year 1838,' say 
they, ' there were about 80 vessels from this port (Havana) engaged in the 
slave-traffic. In 1838, there were 71 ; in 1839, 59; and in 1840, 54; making 
an apparent decrease of one-fourth of the number despatched, but in reality 
more, if we consider,' they observe, 'that five vessels at least were sent 
merely with stores and equipments, or as tenders to the slave-vessels.' 
' Nor,' say they, 'is the falling off less satisfactorily exhibited in the number 
of vessels arriving from the coast of Africa. In 1837, the number returned 
was 51; in 1838, 50; in 1839, 47; and in 1840, 41. At first sight,' they 
observe, ' this may appear a decrease of only one-fifth, but an examination of 
the list will show a real decrease in the arrivals of one-third also, five having 
returned in ballast, one having been too strictly watched to allow her to enter 
the port of destination for slaves ; and two having returned with the crews and 
passengers of slaves condemned at Sierra Leone.' The Commissioners further 
state, ' that 28 vessels which landed their slaves in the port and neighbour- 
hood of Havana in 1840 brought with them only 10,104 negroes: to this 
number they add six cargoes for Matanzas, with 1,652 slaves; two cargoes for 
Santiago de Cuba, with 550 slaves ; and 8 cargoes for Trinidad and the smaller 
ports, with 2,200 slaves, making something less than 15,000 in all ; or under 
the fifth of the supposed average of former years.' The number of vessels 
which sailed from the Havana from 1st January to the 31st October, 1841, the 
latest period to which the official returns are printed, was 26, and the number 
of arrivals is stated to be 23, having on board 7,985 slaves. This shows a 
further decrease. But it appears from a statement made by the Earl of 
ABERDEEN in the House of Peers, on 28th February last, founded on the 
latest communications from the Commissioners at the Havana, dated 2nd of 
January, 1843, 'that the number of negroes imported were, in 1839, 
as many as 25,000; in 1840, they were 14,470; in 1841, 11,857; and in 
1842, only 3,150. In 1837, the year previous to this return, the number im- 
ported was believed to be 40,000.' So vast a diminution in the import- 
ation of human beings into Cuba, one of the chief slave markets in the 
world, would be matter of sincere congratulation, if it could be relied on as 
perfectly correct. The Commissioners, however, may have been deceived ; 
nothing is more probable ; they may have been inactive, conceiving it to be no 
business of theirs to institute a rigid inquiry into the extent of the slave-trade 
in different parts of the island, further than such notorious cases as came 
under their own observation ; and this too is probable : or, the slave-trade in 
Cuba may be carried on more clandestinely, and in ports remote from the 
Havana, from which they can obtain no certain information, and this we have 
reason to believe to be the case. But supposing that this decrease in the slave- 
trade had actually taken place, it is quite clear that it has not arisen from a 
decrease in the demand for slaves ; for at the very time the Commissioners first 
announced the decrease in 1840, they observed : 'Nor is this decrease in the 
supply to be explained away by any supposition of a decrease in the demand. 
The price of slaves in the market continues the same ; and one of the late 
cargoes has been sold, we are credibly informed, though the negroes were very 
young, at the price per head of 425 dollars cash payment.' And after adding, 


that the produce of the island had doubled within five years ending with 1840, 
they say, 'it must be seen that it (the increase in the produce) could not be 
obtained without a greater demand, increasing with it, for labourers ; and that 
these labourers, in the present state of the country, must be expected to be 
obtained from Africa.' Exactly so; but if it be true, that within these five 
years, the number of slaves decreased so greatly, as the returns make it appear, 
namely, from 40,000 in 1837 to less than 15,000 in 1840, how is it possible 
the produce could have been doubled, especially when it is considered that the 
waste of slave life, on a low estimate, is equal to 5 per cent., or 30,000 per 
annum on the whole slave population ? The fact is, the Commissioners can 
have no official knowledge of the actual extent of the slave-trade in Cuba; 
their statements are grounded on such casual information as may reach them 
by accident or by inquiry ; and they are, in all probability, the last persons to 
whom correct information would be given. In a later communication, (1841,) 
having obtained information of the sailing of slavers for Africa, and the landing 
of upwards of 400 slaves at Guanama, they say, From these circumstances 
it appears that the trade continues, in fact, unrepressed, but bears evidently 
more of a contraband character, as respect the arrivals.' And, in a subsequent 
despatch, (1842,) after noticing the sailing of five vessels from the Havana 
suspected of being engaged in the slave-trade ; they say, ' These indications of 
undiminished pursuit of the slave-trade, we regret to add, are further confirmed 
by the arrivals, as it is reported that nearly 2,000 Africans were landed from 
slave vessels in the immediate neighbourhood (of the Havana) during the 
month ;' that is, in October, 1841. It thus appears that, whilst the lists 
obtained by the Commissioners of the departures from, and arrivals of slavers 
at the Havana, showed an immense decrease, there were other infallible 
indications to prove, that somehow or other, the number of slaves imported 
could not have been greatly, if at all diminished, and this we believe to be 
the fact now. 

" From a distinguished individual residing at the Havana, who was good 
enough to report to the committee the state of the slave-trade in the island of 
Cuba, at the close of 1841, we learn that, 'the oldest and strongest portion of 
the Spanish mercantile marine is devoted to this piratical employment. From 
the various ports of the island, and from some of those of the Peninsula, more 
especially from Cadiz and Barcelona, from 100 to 150 vessels are annually 
despatched to the coast of Africa. On the average, about forty enter the port 
of Havana, twenty at Matanzas, and about forty between Trinidad and 
Santiago de Cuba. They measure from 70 to 500 tons each, and carry from 
200 to 800 negroes in the confined space, or 'tween decks.' And this state- 
ment, it may be observed, agrees with the latest printed official accounts from 
Sierra Leone. For instance, the Judges of the Mixed Commission Court at 
that settlement, inform us, in their report for the year 1840, that twenty slavers 
from the island of Cuba had been captured on the Western coast of Africa 
and condemned, during that year. Of these, fifteen were from Havana, two 
from St. Jago de Cuba, one from Matanzas, and two from Cadiz. In com- 
paring the names of these twenty slavers, with those in the lists furnished by 
the Commissioners resident at the Havana, we find, of the vessels that sailed 
for Africa, in the years 1839 and 1840, only six bearing the same name with 
those captured, a clear proof that the others had sailed for Africa without their 
cognizance. Now, if this be true of the captured, how many more of the 
non-captured may have escaped their observation in sailing, and have returned 
with cargoes, without their knowledge? This fact is decisive of the point that 
the information the Commissioners furnish the Government, cannot be relied 



upon as indicating the true extent of the African slave-trade with Cuba, or 
even a near approximation to it. 

" Another gentleman lately resident at the Havana, whose opportunities of 
knowing the practices of the slave-dealers were great, and who availed himself 
of them to serve the interests of humanity, in a recent communication observes: 
' The slave-trade continues in the island of Cuba with the same activity which 
has characterized it for the last five years, with this difference, that the in- 
fractions of the treaty between Spain and Great Britain are not so glaringly 
committed as heretofore. A little more trouble is taken by all parties to cover 
their nefarious proceedings.' After detailing the circumstances of the arrivals 
and sailings of slavers at Havana, and the connivance of the authorities at these 
illegal proceedings, he says, 'GARCIA ONA, the Governor of Matanzas, protects 
the slave-trade as much as ever it was protected. Several slavers have recently 
sailed from Matanzas for the coast of Africa ; amongst the number, a beautiful 
fast-sailing Spanish bark, the name of which has not yet been ascertained. 
Besides which, we are informed that successful landings of Africans at St. 
Jago de Cuba, Trinidad, and other outports of the island, take place weekly.' 
* A consul at Matanzas, with instructions to watch over the infractions of 
existing treaties, who would dare to do his duty in the face of danger, would 
tend to produce a great deal of good.' 

" BRAZIL. The extent of the African slave-trade with Brazil is more diffi- 
cult to be ascertained even than that with Cuba, enormous as it is known to be. 
From the official reports of the Commissioners at Rio it seems that in 1837, 
ninety- two vessels arrived from Africa, and landed, in the neighbourhood of 
Rio, 41,600 slaves; in 1838, eighty-four vessels landed 36,974 slaves; in 1839, 
sixty-eight vessels landed 30,360 slaves; and in 1840, twenty-seven vessels are 
supposed to have landed 12,297 slaves. It would thus appear that the slave- 
trade with Rio Janeiro had diminished upwards of two-thirds within this 
period ; but this would be a fallacious inference, as we find that there were 
known to have left the port of Rio alone, direct for Africa, in the year 1839, 
fifty-three vessels of 9,764 tons; and in 1840, fifty-four vessels of 8,527 tons, 
capable of carrying, on the lowest computation, from 25,000 to 30,000 slaves 
for each of these years. Now, as we find, on comparing the names of vessels 
on the lists of departures from Rio with the names on the list of captures on 
the Western coast of Africa, during the year 1840, that of them three only 
were seized by British cruisers, it follows, that of the remaining fifty-one 
vessels engaged in the slave-traffic for that year, with the exception of 
casualties at sea, twenty-four remained to be accounted for. These, we have 
no doubt, landed their cargoes in other parts of the province. But the 
vessels which sail from Rio Janeiro form only a part of the shipping employed 
in the odious trade ; numbers are despatched from other ports of the empire, 
from most of which no returns whatever can be obtained. 

" The following extract of a letter, dated Santos, a port seventy miles to the 
South of Rio, January 9, 1843, will show how actively the slave-trade is carried 
on in that district, and how hopeless the expectation of its suppression under 
the present system : 

" ' We arrived off Santos on November 12, and received information that a 
slave vessel was daily expected from the East coast. The vessel arrived, but 
having gained intelligence from the Portuguese on shore that our boats were 
at the mouth of the river, she landed her cargo a few miles lower down, and 
thus escaped being captured. The commander of the English cruiser wrote 
to the governor of Mozambique, who, not being friendly to the slave-trade, 
fined the vessel severely for a breach of the custom-laws, which was reported 


to the Portuguese Government at home, and an order was despatched for his 
supercession, it having been found that he was too strict, and that, in con- 
sequence, the colonial treasury was impoverished ; and the officers and soldiers 
employed in the colony were under the necessity of applying for their pay to 
the mother country. A duty is paid upon each slave of seven dollars ; and 
the authorities, instead of suppressing the abominable traffic, encourage it by 
every means in their power. The ship in question sailed from Quillimane 
with 850 slaves, all children, and landed 620, having lost 230 on the passage. 
The cost of the slaves at Quillimane is about 32 milreis each, (about 4 sterling,) 
and the price obtained for them when landed was 600 milreis (75) ready 
money, leaving a profit, after a deduction of 18 milreis for their subsistence on 
shore previous to being sold, of 550 milreis upon each slave, to pay for the 
expense of their transit, and to reimburse the vile wretches employed in this 
nefarious traffic, and also to enable them to fee the authorities, in order to 
hoodwink them. In a conversation I had with the English Consul, Mr. WHIT- 
TAKER, he says that the authorities are all determined to encourage the traffic, 
alleging that no act can become law, by the Portuguese constitution, unless it 
be beneficial to the country generally ; and that as the importation of negro 
slaves is beneficial, and desired by a majority of the people, the treaty entered 
into by the mother country is not binding upon them. The present governor 
acts upon this principle, and the traffic is now in a flourishing state.' 

" In forwarding the lists of slavers known to have departed from the port 
of Pernambuco for Africa, from October, 1840, to June, 1841, inclusive, 
amounting to nine, and to those which had arrived and landed their cargoes 
of slaves during the same period, amounting to eight, the Consul observes : 
' Reflecting upon these documents, it appears obvious that due vigilance is not 
observed by the superior authorities of the province ; that those of inferior 
grade abuse the power delegated to them, otherwise the open disembarkation 
of the slaves, their introduction into the environs, nay, within the city itself, 
could easily be checked ; the cupidity of the importers blinds the eye of 
justice, paralyzing the efforts of the few who are averse to the infamous trade.' 
This statement is more than corroborated by a gentleman long resident at this port, 
who, in a recent communication to us, stated that he is convinced the number 
of slaves landed at Pernambuco and its immediate neighbourhood, maybe safely 
estimated at 1,000 per month, exclusive of those disembarked in other parts of 
the province. In reference to the latter point, the late consul at Pernambuco, 
in a despatch to Lord PALMERSTON in 1839, states that, 'After the utmost 
diligence of inquiry and vigilance of research, he could not arrive at a correct 
knowledge of the facts relating to the slave-trade in that province, in conse- 
quence of the manner in which they are impenetrably veiled and disguised by 
the artful combinations of all those who are either directly or indirectly interested 
in the traffic of African slaves.' 

" The number of slavers which sailed from the port of Bahia for the coast of 
Africa, from the 1st of January, 1840, to the 30th September, 1841, is stated 
to have been forty, the number which arrived, twenty-eight. From the success 
with which the slave-traders have been enabled to carry on their nefarious 
transactions at this port, several individuals, we are informed by the consul, 
formed a company for prosecuting it with increased vigour. In his despatch 
of August 31, 1841, he says, 'They have already purchased five vessels, 
which are now ready, and on the eve of sailing ; this circumstance will, I trust, 
sufficiently prove the necessity of having vessels of war constantly on this 

" In reference to Para, Mr. Consul COWPER says, ' Scarcity of money in this 
province is the great drawback to the enterprise of the slavers, who cannot, of 



course, receive payment in produce' until 'after six months' credit;' but, in 
reference to the Northern provinces of the empire generally, he observes, ' It is 
impossible to obtain anything like a correct account of the number of slaves 
which are imported into the Northern provinces of Brazil. It is undoubted that 
HALF of the whole quantity smuggled into the empire are brought to them. This 
arises from sundry causes : first, the want of population ; which, secondly, 
renders them the best markets for slaves ; and lastly, from the great facilities 
offered to smugglers by the many tributaries of the Amazon.' 

" These notices of the Brazilian slave-trade, imperfect as they are, will show 
to how vast an extent the dreadful commerce in human beings is carried on 
between Africa and that country. We know that the demand for new slaves 
is immense, created not merely by the waste of life resulting from the system 
of slavery, which, as in Cuba, may be reckoned at 5 per cent, per annum, 
but by the extension of cultivation in various directions. The Brazilian 
planters deem it a matter of vital importance, to use their own words, to import 
' African slaves without restraint.' 

"The number of slavers condemned at Sierra Leone during the year 1840 
was twenty-eight, of which nineteen bore the Spanish flag, one the Portuguese, 
and eight the Brazilian. Only one vessel appears to have been adjudicated 
at the Havana for the same period, and two at Rio : in all, thirty-one slavers 
for the year ; a very small proportion of the mighty fleet employed in the 
slave-trade. The total number of vessels employed in the Brazilian slave-trade 
is estimated at 200. 

" With the data before us, however, it is impossible with certainty to fix the 
number of its victims, nor is it necessary to do so ; for, whether they be one 
thousand, or one hundred thousand, our duty would remain the same, namely, 
to seek the entire abolition of slavery, and by destroying that, to destroy its 
cause ; for whatever fluctuations the slave-trade may undergo, so long as there 
is a profitable market open for it in any part of the world, thither the supply of 
human victims will flow." 


" The horrors of the slave-trade continue undiminished, as the following 
selection of cases will amply verify : 

"CASE OF THE 'JESUS MARIA.' On the 29th of December, 1840, the 
Spanish slave schooner, Jesus Maria, was captured by H. M. schooner Ringdove. 
This vessel was 25 Spanish tons measurement, or about 35 tons British. She 
was in fact a small coaster, sailing from the Canary Islands to the different 
settlements on the coast of Africa, with, principally, potatoes and onions ; but 
her captain, VICENTE MORALES, finding a number of Africans on the coast 
ready to be shipped, and no vessel ready to take them, changed the purpose of 
his voyage, and took them on board. She was so old and leaky, that had they 
met with the slightest bad weather they must have foundered, yet they em- 
barked 278 unfortunate victims of the trade ; besides having on board nine 
persons, calling themselves passengers, and ten others, the crew. In all 297 
persons, or 8 persons to every ton. The whole of the negroes, with the ex- 
ception of four, were children. Slave-trade Papers, Class A, 1841, pp. 175, 

" The following extract of a letter from Mr. Consul TURNBULL to Colonel 
COCKBURN, Governor of the Bahamas, dated Havana, 20th January, 1841, 
will further show the dreadful circumstances to which these unhappy children 
were exposed on board the Jesus Maria. 

" ' From the extreme state of emaciation and debility in which they arrived, 
I have to lament the loss of seven of their number, in spite of all the care 


and anxiety with which they have since been attended by the commander and 
medical officers of Her Majesty's ship Romney, and by myself. The survivors, 
233 in number, 136 males and 97 females, I have now the honour to consign to 
your Excellency's care, in the exercise of the discretion committed to me by Her 
Majesty's Government. Their age is far below the average of similar ship- 
ments, and I venture to suggest to your Excellency, that their case altogether 
is one which calls for a peculiar degree of tenderness in the arrangements to 
be made for their future disposal.' * * * ' Independently of the fact, 
unhappily in this island too little regarded, that these young persons now com- 
mitted to your Excellency's care, and others their companions, who perished 
on the passage, had been stolen and reduced to slavery, it becomes my duty 
to acquaint your Excellency that several of them have been the victims of the 
most revolting and atrocious crimes, such as would be visited with condign 
punishment by a jury of slave-dealers. On the deck of this wretched schooner, 
the Jesus Maria, three murders were committed, on a grown woman and two 
boys, for no other motive, that 1 have been able to collect, than of wanton cruelty. 
These bloody deeds were effected by dashing the victims on the deck, and by 
blows of so violent a nature as to produce fatal results. In the cabin of the Jesus 
Maria, a series of scenes were enacted of a still more odious and disgusting 
character. The defenceless condition of the young girls of the cargo afforded 
them no protection against the devouring lust of the slave captain, VICENTE 
MORALES, his pretended passengers, and scoundrel crew. I confess to your 
Excellency that I have not the courage to enter on this horrid catalogue of 
crime. I must content myself with referring you to MAMBIA, ZOOBOG, and 
YADDY, three of this class of victims, and to the witness CREFOY, through whose 
superior intelligence, aided by her slight knowledge of Spanish, the facts will 
be more easily elicited.' Slave-trade Papers, B, 1841, pp. 76, 77. 

" CASE OF THE ' Dous FEVEREIRO.' The Portuguese brig Dous Fevereiro, 
of 280 tons, (Portuguese,) was captured by Her Majesty's schooner Fawn, on 
the 19th February, 1841. This unfortunate brig left Bahia fort, on the coast 
of Benguela, on the 1st February, with 510 negroes ; and on the 19th, the day 
of her capture, she had but 375. The following description, extracted from 
the log of the Fawn, shows the miserable condition of the survivors. On 
boarding the vessel, we found all the slaves below, with the hatches on : on 
turning them up, a scene presented itself enough to sicken the heart even of a 
Portuguese. The living, the dying, and the dead, huddled together in one 
mass. Some unfortunates, in the most disgusting state of small-pox, in the 
confluent state, covered from head to foot ; some distressingly ill with ophthal- 
mia; a few, perfectly blind ; others, living skeletons, with difficulty crawled 
from below, unable to bear the weight of their miserable bodies. Mothers, with 
young infants hanging at their breasts, unable to give them a drop of nourish- 
ment : how they had brought them thus far appeared astonishing. All were 
perfectly naked, and their limbs much excoriated from lying on the hard planks 
for so long a period. On going below, the stench was insupportable : how 
beings could breathe such an atmosphere and live, appeared incredible. 
Several were under the loose planks, which was called the deck, dying, one 
dead. On the few days' passage to Rio Janeiro, 13 more died, 12 in the har- 
bour, and a number on board the Crescent, the recovery depot for captured 
Africans in that port. Finally, of 180, who embarked' for Berbice, 20 died on 
the passage, though every care was taken, a good supply of medicines and 
antiscorbutics, together with ample and wholesome provisions, having been 
put on board. The following tabular statement presents the mortality of those 
embarked on board this vessel at one view : 


Total number of persons on board on leaving Benguela . .510 
Died previous to capture 135 

Captured 375 

Died during four days' passage to Rio Janeiro . . 13 
at ditto .... 12 

,, during passage to Berbice 20 

At Berbice, two days after disembarkation ... 4 49 

Brought from Rio . . . 180 

Number left at Rio (of whom perhaps 30 may have died) . . 146 

"Allowing 20 for the mortality of those left behind on board the Crescent, we 
shall have an aggregate loss of 204 out of 510, the original number embarked, 
or, one person out of every two and a half. 

DORINHA.' The Brazilian brig Uniao, of 244 tons, received on board (at Lo- 
ando) 683 slaves, of which number 183 died on the passage, having been at sea 
forty-three days ; the vessel much crowded ; short of water and provisions. 
Landed at Catuama (in the province of Pernambuco, Brazil,) in March, 1841, 
about 500 slaves, very many in a sickly, weakly condition from their severe 

" The Portuguese brig Oliviera, of 313 tons, took on board (at Angola) 764 
slaves, of which number 117 died during the voyage, the remainder landed 
April, 1841, to the Southward of this port (Pernambuco); many perished on 
the beach from excessive thirst, weakness, and disease. Humanity shudders at 
the picture drawn of their sufferings ; some were removed to the residence of 
one of the partners, about four miles distant from this city, where they are 
daily perishing, victims to the cupidity of those employed in this inhuman 

"The Brazilian bark, Flor de Teijo, late Andorinha, of 171 tons, received on 
board 720 slaves. More than 50 died on the passage ; landed at Catuama on 
May 16, 1841, about 650 to 670; very many in a most wretched state from 
want and disease, through the overcrowded cbndition of the vessel. The re- 
marks upon the Oliviera (above) are equally applicable to the unfortunate 
slaves imported in this vessel." Slave-trade Papers, Class B, p. 754. 

The South African Commercial Advertiser, of February 20th, 1841, contains 
the following extract of a letter from St. Helena : 

" ' We have here a Portuguese schooner, captured by the Waterwitch, for 
condemnation, with 230 slaves on board. They have the small-pox very bad. 
Those that are free from it are landed at Lemon Valley, which place is kept 
under strict quarantine. When the Waterwitch first gave chase, the captain 
endeavoured to get away by lightening the vessel ; for which purpose he threw 
overboard about 130 slaves, having originally on board 350. He then ran his 
vessel on shore, and made his escape. The boats of the Waterwitch saved 
about seventy from drowning, but the greater part of them died afterwards from 
exhaustion.' " 


" The following is the substance of a statement of the difficulties which 
are found in suppressing the slave-trade on the coast of Africa, which was 


communicated by Captain Hall, late in command of H.M. brig Holla, employ- 
ed on that coast : 

" ' The cruel, unfeeling, and heartless slave-traders, or their agents, reside 
at the most convenient places at or near the slaving towns or villages on the 
West coast of Africa ; and have generally large expensive establishments, in 
the shape of barracoons, for from 500 to 600 slaves to live in ; others for 
women and boys, with comfortable houses and every luxury for themselves. 
They have also factories or storehouses, containing quantities of slave goods, 
the only inland barter for slaves. A great portion of these goods are of 
English manufacture, such as muskets, gunpowder, bar iron (for forging 
shackles and chains), cutlery, slave cottons, rum, tobacco, woollen cloths, salt 
provisions, rice, farina, &c.; these are carried to the coast, and considered as 
legal trade by mercenary merchant ships of all nations, particularly English, 
French, and Americans. The produce these vessels get on the coast in return 
is merely nominal ; most of them leave in ballast, receiving from the slave- 
dealers payment in cash or bills on London houses for the goods or freightage 
out. There is scarcely an English merchant on the slave coast but indirectly 
carries on, and finds it his interest to keep up, the slave-trade ; and the slave- 
traders can at all times procure an unlimited supply of slave goods from them. 

" ' A speculating slave-dealer from Cuba or Brazils, if he cannot readily 
procure a fast vessel for slaving, or wishes to avoid the risk of the outward 
voyage, gets a passage across in an American or Brazilian merchant vessel, 
generally laden with articles manufactured chiefly at Manchester and Birming- 
ham, expressly for the slave market. He either takes a round sum of money 
with him, or deposits a sum beforehand in a London banking-house, on which 
he draws his bills to pay for the slave goods, and for the purchase of a fast- 
sailing vessel, mostly American, built for the express purpose, and brought to 
the Cape de Verd islands and on the coast for sale. 

" ' The regular slavers running between Cuba and Brazils and the coast of 
Africa, procure their goods for barter on credit from English houses in those 
countries, which they can to any extent, at the risk of 25 per cent, on the first 
cost. All these goods, technically known as coast goods, are of the worst 
possible manufacture, for which the natives are charged exorbitant prices. 

" ' The slaving piratical vessels which run across the Atlantic for cargoes 
of slaves sail very fast, and are generally well armed with large guns, for 
the express purpose of killing and wounding the seamen, and sinking the 
boats belonging to British cruisers, showing at the time no flag. On their 
making the slave coast to which they are bound, they immediately, night or 
day, communicate with the shore by means of light canoes, when they make 
sail off the land, and at the appointed hour stand in close to the beach, keeping 
under weigh. Everything being prepared, they ship off from the open beach 
their slaves, provisions, and water, in the course of three or four hours, crowd 
sail, and escape with impunity, which more than half do in spite of our 
vigilant cruisers. The elements seem to befriend them on the coast of Africa ; 
the weather being generally thick and hazy, with light breezes and smooth 
water. They have exact information as to the position of the cruisers on the 
coast, and know their sailing qualities to a nicety ; they have look-outs along 
it, and a communication is kept up by signals, fires, smokes, and small kroo 
canoes, which pull along shore very fast, giving timely notice of the approach 
of a man-of-war or her boats. The inducements to the slave-dealers are very 
great ; indeed, if at all successful, they realize a profit of from 180 to 200 per 
cent., and upwards. All the chiefs and natives on the coast heartily turn their 
attention to the exportation of slaves ; every other trade is lost sight of. The 
chiefs consider the slave-trade as a source of legitimate revenue, and they 
consider treaties as mere waste paper. 


"'The present system of suppressing the slave-trade by cruisers is attended 
with great risk, anxiety, and loss of life, as also heavy expenses to the country j 
it is also attended with unspeakable horrors and unutterable sufferings to the 
poor unfortunate slaves who are doomed for exportation. They are frequently 
ifor months, in consequence of a man-of-war blockading the place, kept in a 
state of mere starving existence in the barracoons on shore. From the heavy 
expense of feeding them, many are starved to death, chained together in gangs 
of from twelve to twenty, by the neck, or shackled together by the legs in 
pairs. On an opportunity offering, they are shipped off in an exhausted, 
inanimate state, and packed in a slaver's hold nearly in bulk, where their 
miseries or sufferings increase, as they are deprived of fresh air, and almost of 
water, which they did not experience the want of in the barracoons. Only 
imagine, if it be possible, their accumulated sufferings during the voyage across 
the Atlantic; and, should they be taken by a man-of-war on the eve of land- 
ing the cargo of slaves at Cuba, or on the coast of Brazil, they would then, 
poor wretches, probably have to proceed on another voyage of extreme misery, 
until many would be happily relieved by death. ' " 


" The number of vessels of war of all sizes engaged in the suppression of 
the slave-trade, during the year 1842, was fifty-eight, manned by 8,554 sea- 
men, and mounting 945 guns. The estimated expense of keeping up this, 
force is stated to be 575,4662. per annum." Par. Pap. 363. 1843. 

Rev. JOHN BENNETT. I move 

" That these papers be incorporated with the records of the Convention." 

They are such as require no comments to fix them almost verbatim on our 
memories and our hearts. I trust they will go forth to the world to diffuse the 
simple, yet thrilling eloquence with which they have been drawn up. They 
should lead every friend to humanity, to consecrate every energy of his mental 
and moral being, to the work of sweeping away this fearful and hateful curse 
from the creation of God. 

Captain PILKINGTON. Having been in the Brazils, I think the state- 
ment is perfectly correct, and 1 therefore second the motion. 

Some discussion then arose as to the best mode of disposing of this Report, 
which terminated by, 


" That the Report which was laid before the Convention by Mr. SCOBLE, on the subject 
of the African slave-trade with Cuba and Brazil, be referred to a Committee, to consider 
how far it can be made practically useful ; and that the following gentlemen be such 
Committee : Messrs. G. STACEY, J. STURGE, J. BENNETT, L. TAPPAN, S. BOWLEY, 

Mr. JOS I AH FORSTER seconded the motion, which was carried unani- 

The CHAIRMAN. The fact is, the whole history of slavery and the slave- 
trade is fraught with horrors, and the more these horrors become exposed, the 
greater is the probability of their cessation. It is impossible not to see from 
this report, that the slave-trade with Cuba is carried on wholesale, and is 
accompanied with a fearful extent of cruelty in all its various branches. I 
think it is desirable to refer the report to a Committee, and I would suggest 
to that Committee, and for the adoption of the Convention, whether laying the 
report before the Earl of ABERDEEN might not be of some avail. The minister 
for Foreign Affairs in this country feels a deep interest in this subject, and is 
very much with us upon this question. 


Rev. J. BENNETT. -However much Lord ABERDEEN may desire to aid 
you, you have to work through the medium of the public press. It is the 
public that you must keep in view. 

The CHAIRMAN. May I point out the distinction ; it is easy to work on 
the Christian feelings of the inhabitants of this country, but how are you to 
reach the feelings of the planters in Brazil, the captains of slave vessels, the 
owners of barracoons, and in fact, tbe whole body of the inhabitants of Brazil, 
who have different views, and different feelings ? Operate upon these several 
parties, if you can, but if we are to wait till that is done, we must wait a long 

Rev. J. BENNETT. I never thought of it. 

The resolution was then put and agreed to. 


Mr. J. FORSTER. I move the adoption of the following preamble and 
resolution . 

'* That the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society having sent out 
to the United States of America a series of queries, with a view of obtaining correct in- 
formation on the present state of slavery in that country, and answers to those queries 
having been received and presented to this Convention ; 

" Resolved, That the whole of the said written communications, some of which have 
been already under the notice of the Convention, be referred to the Committee appointed 
this morning on certain American papers, and that they be requested likewise to report 

Mr. SAMUEL BOWLEY seconded the motion. 

Mr FULLER. I object to any papers on the Liberty Party question 
being referred to this Committee. 

A long desultory conversation then arose on this point, which ended in the 
Rev. J. LEAVITT being called upon to address the Convention on the 


Rev. J. LEAVITT. I will merely give a brief explanation of what is 
meant by the Liberty Party in America. A few years ago, it was the custom 
with us to address to candidates for office written interrogatories, and the 
answer was supposed to be our guide in giving our votes. We held it to be 
our duty to consecrate our elective franchise to the cause of the slave. Our 
practice then was to exert what influence we could on public men, through 
the effect of tbese written interrogatories. Some of the answers were evasive ; 
they were made to come as near as possible to saying something, and yet to 
say nothing, so that we could not rely upon them. We found furthermore, 
that as the developments of slavery came out by degrees for we were not 
borne at once into a full understanding of the operations of slavery on the 
institutions of the country that no matter how worthy men were in their 
personal character when put into office, so long as they were connected with 
existing parties we could not rely upon them, because the influence of slavery 
and slave-holders at Washington was sufficient to absorb and pervert all the 
influence of these few individuals, and it went for nothing. In fact, the votes 
we gave to such men were but the means of transferring political influence at 
Washington into the hands of slave-holders, of one party or the other, so that 
whatever party might have the ascendancy, slavery governed. For these and 
many other reasons, a few of us, who had been somewhat active in the cause, 
became satisfied that it was necessary to break off entirely from both parties. 
They both being made up partly of slave-owners and citizens of the free states, 
they were under the dominion of slave owners. It was necessary, therefore, 


to abandon both, and to organize a new party based on the principles of pure 
liberty; and with the determination, and for the object of making the question 
of slavery the grand political question of the United States. We commenced 
with the countenance of such men as BIRNEY, COLVER, GERRIT SMITH, and 
ARTHUR TAPPAN. The organization, very early embodied true men in all the 
free states. The next election that followed was the presidential election of 
1840 one of the most excited that ever took place in our country. The great 
body of abolitionists were drawn to vote for the slave-holder, JOHN TYLER. 
It is necessary to have slave-holders in every party, according to the system 
that prevails amongst us. But in the face of all this opposition, and by dint 
of great effort, we numbered out of the two millions and a quarter of votes 
given, a few short of 7,000. We called ourselves the 7,000 that would not 
bow the knee to Baal. We were plentifully sneered at and jeered ; but we 
adopted the maxim "let them laugh that win and try again." We held a 
meeting and re-nominated our candidate for the presidency J. G. BIRNEY 
who is an embodiment of the principles, design, and character of the liberty 
party. We are not ashamed of him anywhere, and if he should ever be President 
of the United States, as we hope, we shall not be ashamed of any of you seeing 
him. We have gone on organising a party from state to state, and nominating 
candidates for the state offices. At the election in 1841, we found that the 
7,000 had increased more than threefold. In 1842 we nearly doubled the votes, 
and so far as the elections have taken place as yet, in different parts of the free 
states, we have made nearly a corresponding increase. By this mode we are 
becoming a permanent part of the political movements of the country. I believe 
our politicians are satisfied that, whatever else may be done with the liberty 
party, it cannot be killed. It comes up at every election. Its facts its appeals 
are pressed on the people at every canvas, in those parts of the country with 
which I am acquainted, respecting the political and financial consequences of 
slavery. The presentation of these facts to the people is continually exerting a 
powerful influence in several of our states. In some states we have this rule 
with regard to elections ; the person elected to office must have a majority of 
all the votes that are cast. We have, in repeated instances, defeated the election 
of the governor of a state. In Massachusetts we were very nearly getting a 
worthy gentleman, nominated by us, into the office of governor of the state. 
The plan, which was well laid, was defeated only by a single vote ; a man that 
proved different to what we expected, or we should have had our man for a 
governor. In this way, and many others, we expect to extend our influence ; 
and at no very distant time to control the elections in the free states. The 
majority of people are in the free states, and could always elect the President 
of America against the slave states, if they were united ; and thus, in propor- 
tion as we convince them that the question of slavery is one of absorbing 
interest to the country that it is the true question to be acted upon in political 
matters so we expect to see a President that will co-operate with the philan- 
thropy of the world in all honourable measures. But so long as we are subject 
to the control of the slave power, so long as slavery is shielded in her coat of 
mail, what can you say to the slave-holders ? So long as it is a passport to the 
high honours of the Republic, you can preach, but the slave-holders can find 
grounds of consolation ; there are plenty of preachers who tell us that slavery 
is not wrong, and thus slave-holders, with political power in their hands, and 
all the influence of rank and station at their command, are invulnerable to your 
moral influence. Slavery rests on these two pillars ; and you can never reach 
the main pillar of political power but through the ballot-box. I will mention 
an additional fact, to show the position of the anti-slavery cause. There are 
23 or 24 newspapers in the United States entirely devoted to it ; besides many 


others, more particularly the religious newspapers, which give it their support. 
1 think I may say that all of these, with the exception of six, support the Liberty 
party ; two of these are neutral, the other four oppose us, and these four all 
opposed the London Anti-Slavery Conventions of 1840 and 1843, and did what 
they could to dissuade and prevent America from sending delegates to this 

Mr. FULLER. I expect that this is going to be a bloodless warfare. I 
supposed that the formation of the Liberty party would come up, but I am 
glad it has not ; for that is the bone of contention. I have no objection to 
nine-tenths of what JOSHUA LEAVITT has said. The following is the testimony 
of the American Anti-Slavery Society, issued only last month, and is signed by 
WILLIAM LLOYD GARRISON, as the president, than whom a worthier man 
cannot be found in America or England. "The subtle spirit of slavery has been 
compelled to abandon one refuge after another, to which it has fled fo$ safety ; 
and it is the business of those who would drive it from the Republic to follow 
it in all its windings, and to besiege every covert in which it seeks safety from 
attack. Whether that covert be the pulpit or the communion table, the church 
or the conference, or any other institution, however sacredly regarded, it is to be 
vigorously assailed, until a dislodgment of the foul fiend be effected, without 
any other regard to consequences than is involved in strict obedience to the call 
of duty. Whoever will thus be faithful to the cause of the slave, or whatever 
society, must expect to be denounced as having an ulterior object in view, as 
being actuated by the spirit of infidelity, as warring against sacred institutions, 
as retarding the progress of emancipation ! The American Anti-Slavery Society 
is widely misrepresented on the subject of political action. Whatever may 
be the inconsistencies of individual members, the society is to be judged solely 
by its own acts. By some, it is represented as repudiating all action of this 
kind, and requiring nothing more than the use of moral suasion. By others, it 
is charged with defending a loyal connexion with the two great political parties, 
according to the preferences of its members. These statements are equally in- 
correct. The society requires of all voting abolitionists, as an anti-slavery duty, 
that they shall carry out their principles at the ballot-box, even to the sacrifice 
of their peculiar views of national policy as whigs or democrats, to vote for 
no man for any legislative, congressional, or executive office, who is either a 
slave-holder, or pro-slavery in spirit. It has uniformly regarded the formation 
of a third political party as uncalled for and injurious, and sees no reason to 
change its opinion on that point, leaving every one of its members, however, free 
to act in regard to it as he may think duty demands him on the days of election. 
Undismayed by any of the false accusations which are brought against us, 
cheered by the retrospect of the past, impressed by the assurance that our 
enterprise is ' the only earthly hope of the slave,' conscious that a mighty 
work is yet to be performed, before the day of jubilee can be celebrated, re- 
membering that our success will be in proportion to our faith and self-denial in 
the holy cause we have espoused, ever looking for succour and direction, for 
comfort and strength, for wisdom and power, to the God of the oppressed, 
whose sympathies, desires, promises, and blessings are with the struggling 
friends of human freedom, let us redouble our zeal, infuse new energy into 
our cause, engage with fresh ardour in the glorious strife, make larger sacri- 
fices than we have yet done, be still more courageous and aggressive, shrink 
from no peril, be utterly insensible to fatigue, anol ' endure, as good soldiers,' 
unto the end, never doubting that we shall be ' conquerors, and more than 
conquerors,' through the majesty of truth, and the potency of Divine love. 
" In behalf of the executive committee, 



There were resolutions passed ; the following are two of them : " Whereas 
the Democratic and Whig parties continue, both in their national and local 
operations, to sustain the slave system ; therefore, * * 

" 14. Resolved, That we cannot recognise as a consistent abolitionist, any 
person who will give his vote, or in any way countenance these parties, either 
nationally or locally, until they shall put in nomination men who have with- 
drawn all support from slavery, direct and indirect, not only politically, but 
ecclesiastically. Therefore, 

" 15. Resolved, That we recommend to the abolitionists throughout the 
country, as an effectual means for the accomplishment of this object, to sign 
and circulate the following pledge." 

And here is the pledge drawn up and signed. It is called " The Tee-total 
Anti-Slavery Pledge." " Believing slave-holding, under all circumstances, to 
be a heinous sin and crime, and deeply convinced of the wickedness of aiding 
or abetting, by our countenance, any who are concerned in it ; we, the under- 
signed, do agree never to vote for any candidate for civil office, nor countenance 
any man as a Christian minister, nor hold connexion with any organisation as 
a Christian church, except such as have dissolved their political and ecclesi- 
astical connexions with the slave system, and are practically pledged to labour 
with us for its immediate and entire extinction from our country. Nor will we 
aid in returning fugitives from slavery, nor do any act to prevent the slaves 
from regaining their liberty, by such means as they may think proper to 
Then follow two other resolutions. 

" 16. Resolved, That we earnestly caution abolitionists against being misled 
so far as to sacrifice their principles, by their conduct in reference to political 
action ; while we sustain the right of petition, and oppose the admission of 
Texas, we ought, at the same time, to hold these as secondary questions in the 
abolition enterprise, and never give our suffrages, or recommend that others 
give them to any candidates for the principal executive or legislative offices, 
state or national, except those who avowedly intend to advocate the abrogation 
of all constitutional and legal provisions which in any manner sustain the in- 
stitution of slavery. 

" 17. Resolved, That while we disapprove of organising a permanent abolition 
political party, we recommend to voting abolitionists temporary nominations for 
the concentration of their votes, so long as the candidates of the existing parties 
refuse to declare themselves in favour of the objects expressed in the foregoing 

I think so far as I have gone, I have redeemed the society. I am sa- 
tisfied that the American constitution is a pro-slavery document, and there- 
fore I cannot elect a man to go and sustain that constitution. If I am about to 
open a wound or to create any discomfort, I shall sit down. 

The CHAIRMAN. Our friends were allowed to offer some explanations 
respecting the Liberty party, but it was not the intention of the Convention to go 
to a trial between them and other parties. 

Mr. FULLER. The Chairman has touched the point at issue. I have no 
objection to the question being opened, all I dread is, your being called upon 
to decide a question here which we cannot decide in America. It has been as- 
serted that nine-tenths of all the talent is in the Liberty party. That does not 
prove that they are right : we are too much accustomed to go by majorities. I 
am willing to admit that there is a host of good Anti-slavery men amongst them. 
I most cordially subscribe to that doctrine, though I believe they have acted 
wrong. I attended a Liberty party meeting at Syracuse, and there was a docu- 
ment drawn up by WOODWARD, for whom I have a great esteem as a 


man and as an abolitionist. The advice contained in it was, that if an old or- 
ganizationist that is, such a man as myself was out delivering lectures, and a 
Liberty man was there, he was not to offer the hospitality of his house, not to 
assist in getting a meeting-house, nor in getting persons to attend. I have been at 
an Anti-slavery meeting, where the president of the society has described myself 
and two other persons there, not members of what is called the Liberty party, as 
a gangrene, a pestiferous influence that ought not to be allowed; and has said that 
the Anti-slavery movement commenced in politics, was worked and carried on by 
politics, and that it was a higher duty for a man to vote than to pray for the aboli- 
tion of slavery. Some persons have denounced these men, and said that there is no 
abolitionism in them. I am not prepared to say that ; I believe that they have, 
and I was glad to see them put to the test. We held a Convention at Utica, 
and they came and congregated in the room, and intended to take no part. A 
mob collected of about 2,500 people, and when the Liberty party found that we 
were going to be mobbed, they acted as men should do, they came and sus- 
tained us, and behaved admirably. I stood there for three-quarters of an hour 
to get a hearing, and the President said, that if any man could put his hand on 
those who continued to carry on the riot, he would give five dollars for their 
apprehension. All I was fearful of was, that this Convention might put its 
stamp either upon the new or the old organization ; but I believe it has nothing 
to do with fixing a stigma upon either. The probability is, that when I get 
home, standing as I do, that I shall wash my hands of all organization, and work 
with every body, men, women, and children, who will knock oif the fetters of 
the slave. 

Rev. J. BLANCH ARD. West of the Alleghany mountains the rancour be- 
tween the old and the new organization is so feeble, that in Ohio alone last fall, 
we cast 5,000 votes, though the candidate brought forward by the whig party 
had been popular with the abolitionists, because he was a friend of the coloured 
people. That is one fact ; another is simply this : That though the Ohio Ame- 
rican Anti-slavery Society was formed in Ohio, yet both societies take the 
same paper, and both contribute to the same object the liquidation of the old 

Rev. A. A. PHELPS. I think it due to the new organization delegates who 
are here, to say that it was no part of our design to bring the question of old 
and new organization before this Convention. We can manage that question 
for ourselves. But knowing that the question of the Liberty party must come 
before the Convention, we conferred beforehand in respect to it, and in respect 
to other subjects, and came to a distinct agreement that in bringing forward any 
information we might have on this or other subjects, we would not do it in such 
a way as to involve the general question of old and new organization, or to 
commit the Convention either way in regard to it. If therefore the Convention 
has had its attention called to it, and been in any way embarrassed with it, the 
responsibility does not rest with us. 

The Convention then adjourned. 




The minutes of Saturday were read and confirmed. 



MR. MACGREGOR LAIRD. The Glasgow Emancipation Society having 
done me the honour of appointing me their delegate, I have now, in conformity 
with their views, to move certain resolutions in favovir of free emigration from 
the coast of Africa to the British West India Islands. They are the following : 

" That from the earliest period of the Anti-slavery contest, the opinion that free labour 
is, all other things being equal, cheaper than slave labour, has been held demonstrated, 
and received as an axiom by the Anti-slavery body; and this Convention hereby affirms 
and maintains the truth of such proposition. 

" That it is the duty of this Convention to support all plans by which this great truth 
may be practically brought into operation, provided such plans are consistent with the moral, 
religious, and pacific principles, solemnly avowed to be the basis on which this Convention 
is formed. 

" That it is the opinion of this Convention, that the slave-trade carried on upon the At- 
lantic is caused by the demand in the Western world for slaves to cultivate sugar, coffee, 
and other tropical productions, and that the only moral, religious, and pacific plan to destroy 
that demand for slaves, is to produce at a cheaper rate by free labour, the sugar, &c., now 
raised by the labour of slaves ; and that it is self-evident, that when that is accomplished, 
slavery and the slave-trade will of necessity cease. 

" That the free tropical colonies of Great Britain in the West Indies have abundance of 
fertile land unoccupied, which it only requires labour and capital to render productive, and 
that, if they possessed a sufficiently numerous population, they could produce sugar, &c., 
cheaper than any countries cultivated by the^abour of slaves. 

" That it has been sufficiently established, that the African race, of all other races, are 
constitutionally best suited for agricultural labour within the tropics, and that it is desirable 
that any addition to the existing population of British Sugar colonies should be of that 

" That in the opinion of this Convention, it is highly desirable that such an addition should 
be made to the population of the British West Indies, as would enable them to undersell the 
slave holder in t/ie markets oftlte world, and that, in order to do so, it is essential that all 
restrictions on the free emigration of the negro race from all parts of the coast of Africa to 
the British colonies be removed, provided that such emigration be conducted exclusively by 
the government, on a basis of perfect freedom, and that a free return at all times be granted 
to such emigrants, from the colonies to the place from whence they came. 

" That a petition embodying these resolutions be presented from this Convention to both 
houses of parliament." 

Unlike many of the speakers who have addressed you, I regret that I cannot 
congratulate the Convention upon the progress which the cause of Africa has 
made since 1840 ; and I think that we run great danger of being lulled into a 
false security on this point. Do we see any alleviation of the misery of the negro 
race in the Southern states of America? Do we find any improvement in their 
condition in the slave-holding empire of Brazil? Have we loosened the bonds of 


the negro in Cuba and Porto Rico or rendered his home more secure from the 
incursions of the man stealer in Africa itself? No. Turn which way we will, the 
only places in the survey on which the mind can dwell with any degree of 
complacency, are our own colonies in the West Indies, where we behold the 
glorious and unique spectacle of a free, prosperous, and happy negro commu- 

The success which has attended our exertions on behalf of that portion of the 
negro race, over which we could exercise a direct and legitimate control, and 
the total failure of all our attempts by slave-trade treaties, mixed commission 
courts, preventive squadrons, and African settlements, to improve the condition 
of that portion held in bondage by foreign powers, or to lessen the desolation of 
Africa by the ravages of the foreign slave-trade, may well claim the attention 
of this Convention, and excuse me entering into a short history of the different 
remedies that have been tried and failed within the last thirty-five years, before 
bringing forward the one, of which I am the humble advocate, before the 

First, As to the Slave-trade Treaties, about which we hear so much in Parlia- 
ment. It is of importance that their true value should be correctly ascertained, 
as late events have shown that there is every probability of their ultimately pro- 
ducing an European war. A short sketch of their rise and progress, with the 
principal slave-importing countries, is necessary to a complete view of the 

As soon as, in 1807, Parliament had passed a bill abolishing the British 
slave-trade, (it may teach us charity to be reminded, that we were preceded in 
that righteous measure by Denmark in 1792,) the British ministers at all 
foreign courts were ordered to negotiate treaties for the abolition of the slave- 
trade. They commenced with Portugal ; after three years' labour, concluding 
a treaty in 1810. In 1815, Great Britain paid 300,0007. for seizing Portuguese 
vessels, engaged in the trade up to the 1st of June, 1814 ; and the same year, 
gave up to her 600,0007. for another treaty, putting an end to the Portuguese 
slave-trade, " except for the purpose of supplying the Transatlantic possessions 
belonging to the crown of Portugal." In 1817, a third treaty was made, 
under which the Mixed Commission Courts and Preventive Squadron were 
established. In 1823, another treaty was brought forth. " In the meanwhile, 
the trade carried on by miscreants of all nations, under the fraudulent cover of 
the Portuguese flag, became a disgrace to Christendom." (Bandinel, p. 222.) 
In 1839, the British Parliament took the law into their own hands, and passed 
an act authorising British cruisers to seize Portuguese vessels engaged in the 
slave-trade, and constituting British Vice- Admiralty Courts to condemn them. 
In 1842, this law was repealed, and a fifth treaty has been made with Portugal. 
We are therefore about to recommence the same ground again with this power ; 
though the increase of the trade under our former treaties was from 25,000 
slaves, in 1807, to 56,000, in 1822 ; and in 1839, 48 vessels, under the Por- 
tuguese flag (out of a total of 61 slave vessels) were condemned at Sierra 

With Spain, we commenced in 1808; but did nothing until 1814, when 
we offered the Spanish Government a bribe of 800,0007. to abolish the trade 
at the end of five years. Having more honesty than the Portuguese, the 
Spaniards refused, and (no thanks to our diplomatist^) the money was saved ; 
but Spain engaged to prohibit the trade, except for Spanish possessions. In 
1815, we got her to sign, with other powers at the Congress of Vienna, a de- 
claration " that the slave-trade is repugnant to the principles of humanity and 
of universal morality." In 1817, another treaty was got on our paying 400,0007. 
for it; and in 1822, a third ; yet " the sea swarmed with slave-ships, carrying 


on the slave-trade under the flag of Spain." (Bandinel, p. 161.) And so it 
continued until 1836, when the fourth or CLARENDON treaty was made ; which 
Sir T. F. BUXTON designates " an impudent fraud," but which Mr. BANDINEL 
thinks perfection, or as near perfection as a treaty can get. In it was embodied 
an equipment-clause, by which a vessel with certain articles and fittings on 
board is liable to condemnation. This has had the effect of diminishing the 
trade carried on under the Spanish flag, but the number of slaves landed in 
Cuba does not appear to have been at all affected by it, 43 vessels entering 
the port of Havana, after landing their slaves on the coast of Cuba, in 1836; 
the annual average number in the next four years being 45. It appears, there- 
fore, that for our 400,000/., paid in 1817, we have got four treaties, under 
which the supply of the Spanish Colonies with slaves has gone on as regularly 
as that of any other article of commerce, increasing and diminishing with the 
demand for them ; that in the meantime we have, as slave-catchers for them, 
handed over to their tender mercies several thousand Emancipados at the 
Havana, who are a degree worse off than the slaves themselves ; and our 
Consul, having contrived an ingenious plan to get back some of these poor 
people, has had his " exequatur" withdrawn, and been turned out of the 

On the separation of Brazil from Portugal, negotiations were entered into 
to induce the Brazilian Government to abandon the slave-trade : and in 1826, 
a treaty was entered into, declaring it piracy after 1830 ; when a Mixed British 
and Brazilian Court were to adjudicate on seizures. The greatest exertions 
were used to import slaves from the date of this treaty, and the vessels were 
consequently much more crowded than usual ; yet, out of 150,587 slaves legally 
imported into Rio Janeiro, between the 1st July, 1827, and 31st December, 
1 830, when it became a smuggling trade, the mortality on the middle passage 
was only 8 percent. In 1831, the trade still going on, Don PEDRO issued a 
decree, declaring all slaves brought into Brazil free. In 1835, a new treaty 
was entered into with Great Britain, similar to the Spanish one of the same 
date, which the Brazilian Legislature refused to ratify then, and repeated the 
refusal in 1 840. The result of our treaty-making with Brazil, according to 
the only source of information, the Parliamentary Papers, A and B, has been 
an increase in the extent of the trade, accompanied with an increase in the 
cruelty with which it is carried on ; the mortality being raised on the middle 
passage from 8 per cent., in 1830, to 25 per cent., in 1840. (Buxton, p. 174). 
If a man is to be made a slave, let him be made a slave as comfortably as 
possible ; but do not let us, under the hypocritical name of philanthropy, add 
to the cruelty inflicted in transporting him to the field of labour. In the mean- 
time, our cruisers have captured some thousand negroes ; and " every account 
received from Brazil of the state of the negroes, who had been nominally eman- 
cipated by sentence of the Mixed Commission Courts, shows that in reality they 
have continued to be slaves." (Bandinel, p. 239.) 

The Portuguese, Spanish, and Brazilian flags, being the only ones em- 
ployed in the conveyance of slaves from Africa within the Tropics, a sketch 
of the results of our treaties with them was necessary ; but treaties have been 
multiplied with every power in Europe having a maritime flag ; with every 
power in the Americas, except the United States and one or two others ; and 
attempts have been made to extend them among the barbarous chiefs that line 
the coast and rivers of Africa. If it was not too melancholy a subject to laugh 
at, the idea of " a confederacy with the chiefs from the Gambia on the West 
to Begharmie on the East, and from the Desert on the North to the Gulf of 
Guinea on the South," (Buxton, p. 297,) to be purchased by scarlet coats, 
cocked hats, &c., would be supremely ridiculous. The attempt to make 


Christian powers adhere to them having failed, seemed to be taken as the 
strongest proof that Pagan ones would strictly comply with the most stringent 
conditions of a slave-trade treaty. 

Let us listen to the opinions of the value of the treaty system, expressed hy 
its inventors, its executive, and her Majesty's Government prior to 1840. On 
the 26th of December, 1839, Lord JOHN RUSSELL states, after announcing its 
failure, that " her Majesty's confidential advisers are therefore compelled to 
admit the conviction, that it is indispensable to enter upon some new preventive 
system." (Parliamentary Papers, No. 57, 8th February, 1840.) After thirty 
years' trial of the old, this declaration of the necessity for a new system is very 
valuable. Sir T. F. BUXTON states, in 1839, " It is, then, but too manifest, 
that the efforts already made for the suppression of the slave-trade have not accom- 
plished their benevolent object." p. 203. The Reports of her Majesty's Commis- 
sioners at Sierra Leone, Havana, &c., may be taken fairly to represent the 
opinions of the Executive. In January, 1821, they report from Sierra Leone 
only one case brought before them, and a great falling-off in the traffic. (Parlia- 
mentary Paper A.) In 1836, they report an increase of the slave-trade in the 
vicinity of Sierra Leone; " There would then appear at present, we regret to 
say, but little likelihood of the slave-trade ever being suppressed by the present 
restrictive measures employed to prevent that traffic." (Parliamentary Paper 
A, 1831.) Twenty years after the establishment of the Mixed Commission 
Courts, on the 31st December, 1838, Messrs. MACAULAY and DOHERTY make 
the following statement to Lord PALMERSTON; and to it I beg to call particular 
attention, not only on account of the character and connexions of the author, 
which, in all relating to Sierra Leone and the slave-trade, will command 
attention, but for the full and frank admission of the total failure of the system 
Mr. MACAULAY had been so long administering, and the prophetic spirit with 
which the ultimate result of all our past exertions is foreshadowed. After 
recommending that Great Britain should treat the vessels of all nations as 
British property, and the crews as British subjects, they go on to state, "But, 
whatever other means may be necessary in a time of profound peace to give 
effect to England's interpretation of the law of nations, those means she will 
surely not hesitate to adopt, when her only other alternative is, retiring at once 
from a contest which she has long waged baffled, beaten, and insulted, by a set 
of lawless and outcast smugglers, or wilfully continuing to sacrifice thousands 
of valuable lives and millions of money, with the full knowledge, that the only 
result of her further efforts will be fresh triumphs to the slave-traders, and the 
increased misery of their victims. Desirable as would be the concession by 
America of the right of mutual search, experience has shown we can expect 
no permanent advantage from it. Disappointment has followed every effort 
hitherto made, and stronger measures are now imperatively called for, 
measures which, without violating the laws of nations or the faith of treaties, 
will at length accomplish the earnest desire of the British nation, by the total 
abolition of the African slave-trade. (Parliamentary Papers, A; further series, 
1838 and 1839.) 

The curious inquirer, by referring to the evidence taken before the Select 
Committee, on the Coast of Africa, Questions 5,192 to 5,196, will see how 
Mr. MACAULAY'S " only other alternative" has dwindled down from a stout de- 
claration of war to the knife against slave-dealers of' all nations, to a puny 
extension of our present system. It seems also from this despatch, that we 
have been nearly quarrelling with America, and are now squabbling with France, 
about a mere shadow the right of search being of " no permanent advantage" 
to the suppression of the slave-trade. But, however unanimous the parties 
were in 1840, in exposing and denouncing the insufficiency of the preventive 


system, the same parties, led by Mr. BANDINELL in place of Sir T. FOWELL 
BUXTON, have discovered, in 1842, that we have effected wonders by our treaties ; 
a revolution in opinion, the grounds of which it is of importance should be 
thoroughly examined. 

Of Mr. BANDINELL'S work, as an authentic and valuable record of what has 
been done in the treaty-making line, no one can speak too highly : it is a precis 
that cannot be too much praised for its concise, business-like, methodical arrange- 
ment ; it is evidently the work of a man whose heart is in his business. That 
it is a work taken by the higher powers as good authority, no one can doubt 
who heard Lord BROUGHAM'S eloquent eulogium on the author, in his powerful 
but vain appeal, to the House of Lords at the close of last session, to make 
efficient his own or his friends' non-efficient consolidated slave acts. But, with 
the fullest belief in the accuracy of the facts stated by Mr. BANDINELL, in his 
work, I must demur to his conclusions as to the cause of the decrease in the 
slave-trade; and, confining myself to Cuba, I shall prove, that Mr. BANDINELL, 
notwithstanding his great care and research, has fallen undesigriedly into error. 
Restates, (p. 285,) that " ever since the treaty of 1835, (the Clarendon treaty,) 
the diminution of slaves imported has been marked and gradual, and is becoming 
more striking every year." In contradiction, her Majesty's Commissioners at 
the Havana, report on the 7th January, 1837, " that the slave-trade had not 
abated in vigour during the year 1836." In July, 1838, " they regret to have 
to report an alarming increased series of operations on the part of the slave- 
dealers; no fewer than 18 vessels fitting out in the harbour for the coast of 
Africa." And on the 1st of January, 1840, " the numbers introduced into the 
island have not on the whole varied from former years. 1 ' Who are right, the 
Commissioners at Havana, or Mr. BANDINELL in Downing-street? 

They differ also as to the import, which Mr. BANDINELL estimates at 40,000 
a year, and Sir T. F. BUXTON at 60,000. Her Majesty's Commissioners state 
positively, " the average number of Africans imported per annum does not 
exceed 25,000." I ask again, who is right? To prove his position, Mr. 
BANDINELL quotes the Report of the Commissioners at Havana, as to the 
import of slaves for 1840, at 14,470, instead of his imagined number of 40,000 ; 
which shows a diminution of nearly two-thirds. But what do these ill-quoted 
Commissioners say, in their despatch, 1st January, 1841 ? " Still, the whole 
number brought to the island in 1840 would be less than 15,000, or under 
three-fifths of the supposed average of former years." (Parliamentary Papers, 
A, 1842;) and, echoing their brethren at Sierra Leone, they write, that 
" England must determine on taking it into her own hands, unless she be con- 
tent to have made a useless sacrifice in all her past exertions, and retire baffled 
from suck an inglorious contest." Three months afterwards, we find them 
reporting, under date llth March, 1841, " The number despatched (for the 
slave-trade) is, we fear, a prognostication of the dealers being as desperately 
bent as ever on carrying on their pursuits ;" and they give a key to the reason, 
by mentioning that a retired slave-dealer, called MAZOURA, was about to return 
to Spain with a fortune of four millions of dollars. On the 15th of September, 
1841, reporting the arrival of 400 negroes, they state, " From these circum- 
stances it appears, that the trade continues in fact unrepressed ; while it bears 
evidently a more contraband character as respects the arrivals." On November 
25th, 1841, they again report, "These indications of undiminished pursuit of 
the slave-trade, we regret to add, are further confirmed by the arrivals, as it is 
reported that nearly 2,000 Africans were landed from slave vessels, in the im- 
mediate neighbourhood, during the month." 

Now I am quite ready to admit, that the slave-trade may have fallen off 
since 1839 I know that it has; but any mercantile man connected with Cuba 


will laugh at the idea of its being caused by our treaty system. In 1836, the 
Commissioners stated, in their despatch from Havana, " Never since the esta- 
blishment of the Mixed Commission has the slave-trade of the Havana reached 
such a disgraceful pitch as during the year 1835 ;" and they gave the reason : 
" The actual high price of colonial produce, which has risen here most remark- 
ably in value since the emancipation of the negroes in the British Colonies, is 
without doubt one of the principal causes of the increase in the demand for 
Africans" So the decrease in the import of Africans into Cuba within the last 
two or three years, has been caused by the great commercial distress, checking 
the demand, a fact which is well known to every mercantile man ; interest 
being at the rate of 18 to 24 per cent, produce one-third of the price it was in 
1839, and credit almost annihilated. This natural result of commercial distress 
spread over a series of years, has been seized upon with their customary as- 
surance by the Slave-trade Treaty profession, as evidence that their more strin- 
gent treaties, the increased number of cruisers, and taking the law in their own 
hands, by destroying slave-trade barracoons and property on the coast of Africa, 
is producing the desired effect of first checking, and, if followed up, ultimately 
destroying the slave-trade. Hence their change of tactics from the condemna- 
tion of the treaty system, in 1840. 

The Slave-trade Treaties can only be justified on the good the African race 
derive from them. Tried by this test, it is questionable whether they have not 
proved to the negro a curse in place of a blessing. When we commenced them, 
we found a legalised slave-trade going on with a certain degree of cruelty, which 
may be represented by a mortality of from 10 to 15 per cent. Our inter- 
ference made it a smuggling trade, and has raised the mortality to from 25 to 33 
per cent. The numbers exported is not diminished. " Each individual has 
more to endure, and the number of individuals has increased to twice what it 
was. The result, therefore, is, that aggravated suffering reaches multiplied 
numbers." (Buxton, p. 268.) The reply to this argument against the system 
is, that we are not answerable for the increased cruelty of the trade ; the guilt 
of that rests with the slave-dealer. The slave-dealer retorts, " You prevent my 
using large and roomy vessels to carry on a trade you acknowledge you cannot 
prevent. It is my interest to carry it on with the least possible loss of life. You 
force me to pack my negroes in bulk, and then preach humanity to me." The 
person most of all interested, the negro, has no voice in the matter ; if he had 
had one, I suspect the question would have been settled before this. The hu- 
manity of our treaty-makers is local, being confined to the Tropics ; the Medi- 
terranean slave-trade is expressly excluded from our treaties. 

I consider that we have no right to increase the sufferings of the whole annual 
export of slaves for the chance of capturing and liberating a small per-centage 
of them ; that the evil we do is present and palpable, the good uncertain, and 
contingent on a variety of circumstances, over which we have no control ; in 
short, that we have no right to do evil that good may come. When the great 
maker of slave-trade treaties was driven from office, a deputation from the 
British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society went to thank him for those treaties. 
(Cries of " No.") For what then did they go? They are not a political body. 
What did Lord PALMERSTON, or any other Foreign Secretary, ever do for the 
cause of the slave? 

To those who cling to the " equipment-clause " 'as all-sufficient if made 
general, the case of the Jesus Maria, captured in 1841, off Porto Rico, will 
illustrate the practical effect of that law. This vessel, of 35 tons British, or 
25 Spanish, took in a cargo of 278 slaves, on the coast of Africa, and made 
the voyage across the Atlantic with them and nineteen passengers and crew. 
Any one acquainted with a Cowes pilot-boat may imagine, if he can, the state 

u 2 


297 human beings would be in, in such a craft, under a tropical sun ! It can- 
not be too generally known, that the only effect of this much-vaunted clause 
is to increase the cruelty of the trade. The instance 1 have named is not a 
singular one ; there are many others. The Si, 89 tons, 400 slaves and crew 
the Pomba d? Africa, 35 tons, 169 souls the Fincedora, 16 tons, 71 souls 
Corsica, 80 tons, 392 slaves all prove that the more stringent our measures, 
the more inhuman the trade ; that we can, and will if we persevere in our 
present system, drive it into row-gallies, but that if the demand continue it 
will still go on. 

If our treaties, by accomplishing their object, had enabled the African to 
cultivate the soil in peace and security, I for one would not have alluded to 
the expense annually incurred in carrying out the system ; as, at what- 
ever cost, we are bound to repair the injuries we have inflicted on the 
negro race while carrying on the slave-trade. But as the slave-trade, always 
cruel, has its horrors increased tenfold by our interference, while its extent is 
not diminished, the expense at which this result is arrived at is a fair subject 
of complaint. 

SirT. F. BUXTON estimates the expense incurred by Great Britain in carrying 
out the Slave-trade Preventive System at 15,000,OOOZ. up to 1839. Her 
Majesty's late Commissioner of Inquiry on the coast of Africa estimates the 
expense incurred there, independently of the salaries and contingencies at 
home, of officers connected with the anti-slavery trade department at 229,090/. 
per annum ; and by the finance accounts 1 find, that for the year ending 5th 
January, 1842, 57,024/. was paid out of the Consolidated Fund, to the officers 
and crews of Her Majesty's ships, for bounty on slaves, and tonnage on slave- 
vessels. These gallant men, however, do not think they get what they ought 
to do, for there is a long correspondence about what they lose by the way the 
prizes are measured for tonnage-money : but it must be consolatory to them 
to know, that they have in one year received 1,000/. more prize-money than 
their predecessors did in nine ; the amount of prize-money paid for capturing 
slaves from 1814 to 1822 being only 56,017/. In fact, the African station 
has been improving in value as a naval command since the slave-trade 
treaties : it is now the bonne bouche of the admiralty, and as such was given to 
the last First Lord's brother. The Mixed Commission Courts cost the country 
about 15,000/. per annum : and as any dispute between the Portuguese, Span- 
ish, or Brazilian Judges, is settled by an appeal to the dice-dox, the monotony 
of their lives is agreeably diversified ; having retiring salaries, the patronage 
is valuable. The whole annual cost may be taken at 300,000/. 

The moral that is conveyed in the history of the treaties is plain. We 
have cajoled, bullied, or bribed foreign powers to enter into treaties, based on 
principles which their subjects could neither appreciate nor understand ; we 
have taken for granted that public opinion in Spain, Portugal, and Brazil, was 
as far advanced on the subject of the slave-trade as that of Great Britain in 
1807: we have endeavoured to embody a question of national morality in 
parchment and red tape, as if it was a question of Valencia raisins or Oporto 
wines, with diplomatic courtesy : we took for granted, that the parties entering 
into the treaties were sincere, and kept no compulsory power in our own hands; 
and the disappointment that will always attend any attempt to legislate for the 
consciences of other men has awaited us. 

The next remedy 1 have to notice is, the attempt to civilize Africa, and 
extinguish the slave-trade, by settlements of Europeans on her coast. It was 
commenced upwards of half a century since, and tried coincidently with the 
slave-trade treaties ; but, as the late Niger expedition was based on the 
assumed success of this plan, and as the extension of our settlements in Africa 


is a favourite scheme with many at the present day, it is essential that I should 
show the complete failure of that remedy, before I can expect to find support 
to the one I am about to propose. 

Sierra Leone was founded in 1787, "for the purpose of teaching the natives 
to give up the slave-trade on a religious principle, and to substitute for that 
trade a more legitimate commerce." Fourteen years afterwards, (March, 1801,) 
the directors of the Sierra Leone Company state, on the subject of African 
civilization in general, " the directors have nothing of a recent nature to report 
which can afford satisfaction to the proprietors." In 1807, the company, who 
up to that time had sunk 250,000/. in the colony, petitioned the Government 
to take up the colony, their funds being exhausted. The grounds on which its 
retention is recommended are stated to be, first, the claims of the Maroons and 
Nova Scotians to the protection of Government; second, the degree of 
probability which may exist of forwarding the civilization of Africa by means 
of the settlement of Sierra Leone ; and third, its advantage as a naval station. 
In an evil hour the Government consented; and the parties who had been 
from 1787 to 1807 abusing the confidence of the public with their specious 
accounts of Sierra Leone, got up the African institution, which started into 
existence in July, 1807, with this grandiloquent appeal to the sympathies and 
imagination of the public : " A plan which proposes to introduce the blessings 
of civilized society among a people sunk in ignorance and barbarism, and 
occupying no less than a fourth part of the habitable globe," must needs find 
favour in the eyes of a discerning public. They go on to assert, that the 
bankrupt Sierra Leone Company "had established the possibility of intro- 
ducing agriculture and innocent commerce into Africa." " It had shown, that 
not only provisions, but the various articles of export which we now bring 
from the West Indies, may be raised on the African coast." " In that centrical 
part of the great African continent, schools may be established, useful arts may 
be taught, and an emporium of commerce established." Such was their glow- 
ing exordium thirty-five years ago. The curious in the history of popular 
delusions may compare it with the " Address of the Society for the Extinction 
of the Slave-trade and Civilization of Africa," in 1840, and find an extra- 
ordinary similarity in both matter and style. 

From 1808 to 1825 the public were amused by flourishing reports of what 
was doing, and what could be done, in Africa. But, notwithstanding these 
reports, the expense of the flourishing colony became so intolerable, that Com- 
missioners were sent out in 1826; and they reported to Parliament, in 1827 
" The results of more than eighteen years' experience, as exemplified in the 
condition of those liberated Africans located in Sierra Leone, seems to justify 
the inference, that either the mode pursued with the view of improving their 
condition by agricultural pursuits has not been judicious, or that their character 
and habits are unfavourable to that kind of improvement, or perhaps that both 
these causes have operated to a certain extent. However this may be, the 
results are in themselves incontrovertible, and leave little room to hope, that 
without the adoption of more effectual measures, the adult class of negroes 
will be induced to improve their present condition." "It is with great regret 
that we state it as our conscientious opinion, that the progress hitherto made 
towards the civilization of the liberated Africans, as exemplified in their 
present habits and condition, falls infinitely short of what might rea- 
sonably have been expected from the liberal means dedicated to this bene- 
volent undertaking." In 1S30, forty-three years after the formation of the 
colony, a Select Committee, appointed to inquire into the state of Sierra Leone 
and Fernando Po, report " That it is the opinion of this Committee, that the 
management of the settlement of Sierra Leone has not hitherto been produc- 


live of advantages to the extent which was anticipated, either to the liberated 
Africans located there, or towards effecting an intercourse with the interior of 
Africa to promote its civilization, although the expenditure by Government 
for that purpose has for many years been very large ; but a better system has 
of late been adopted, which, if persevered in, with the modifications herein 
suggested, will secure the advantages that can fairly be expected from the 
maintenance of the settlement." They recommended the removal of the 
Mixed Commission Courts to Fernando Po, and that no more captured slaves 
should be located at Sierra Leone. In 1832, the charge of the Chief Justice 
was published by Parliament, ominously headed, " Slave-trade, Sierra Leone." 
The charge asserted, and the inquiry that took place afterwards proved, that 
kidnapping was a common offence in the colony, and supplying goods and 
ships to slave-dealers one of the most important branches of its business. 

In 1838, Sir T. F. BUXTON took up the subject; and in 1839, published his 
Slave Trade; a work whose practical fault is its exaggerated estimate of the 
numbers exported. When the government were pledged to his plan, the 
Remedy was published, and which may be shortly designated an extension of 
the Sierra Leone system. He asserted, that "the only glimmer of civilization, 
the only attempt at legitimate commerce, the only prosecution, however faint, 
of agriculture, are to be found at Sierra Leone, and at some of the settlements 
which I have just named ; and there alone the slave trade has been in any de- 
gree arrested." (p. 365.) " Still, experience speaks strongly in its favour, be- 
cause many thousands of human beings, taken from the holds of slave-ships 
and placed there in the rudest state of barbarism, have made considerable ad- 
vances in civilisation, because thousands of negro children have received and 
are receiving the rudiments of Christian character, and because a trade has 
there taken root, in itself inconsiderable enough, it is true, but yet one third of 
the whole legitimate trade of Central Africa." (p. 367.) I have inserted this 
extraordinary statement, because 1 think it will be the last public attempt to 
bolster up the Sierra Leone system. 

In the year 1839, another commission of enquiry was sent out to Africa. 
The gentleman selected was Dr. MADDEN, whose uncompromising hostility to 
slavery and the slave-trader are well known to all readers of the Anti-Slavery 
Reporter. No one can suspect him of any prejudice against Sierra Leone. 
At the time of his visit, the colony had been settled fifty-three years. His opi- 
nion of Sierra Leone, as stated in his report, is " I can neither consider the 
colony of Sierra Leone, with reference to the objects for which it was founded, 
as an utter failure, nor yet by any means as a well-ordered settlement pros- 
perous in its trade, increasing in its cultivation, and successful in its influence 
over the inhabitants of the adjoining districts." 

In reference to its success in putting down the slave-trade, he says, " The 
great argument in the early reports of the Sierra Leone and African Associa- 
tion for the maintenance of this colony, was the influence it would exert over 
the natives of the adjoining countries, and the tendency it would have to sup- 
press the slave-trade in its neighbourhood. Now, the Sherboro is within fifty 
miles of Sierra Leone, the Gallinas within 150 miles, the Scarcies within 20, 
the Pongos within 90, and the Nunez within 130 miles of our chief settlement. 
These are notorious slave ports, and we keep up that settlement at an expense 
of 80,000 a year for all its establishments, and find, that instead of proving any 
barrier to the extension of the slave-trade in these places, that they still exist 
in the vicinity, and have become infinitely more numerous and prosperous 
than they were before the settlement existed." (Appendix, p. 259.) 

With regard to its progress in agriculture, he remarks. " At different times, 
some European merchants, or other settlers, have undertaken the cultivation of 


a garden, or a few acres of mountain soil, where they have tried to produce coffee, 
capsicum, ginger or arrow-root : these have been tried, and either after failure 
or temporary success, the death of the experimentalist has brought every thing 
to ruin, and the cultivation of the ground has been neglected, and in a little 
time wholly abandoned." (p. 261.) 
"Its progress in population 
"Liberated Africans emancipated from 

1816 to 1840 59,531 

Previously 11,278 

Total 70,809 

Liberated Africans in the colony, 1840 37,029 

Deficit 33,780" p.249 

No unprejudiced person, calmly looking back upon the history of Sierra 
Leone since 1791, can doubt that a deliberate system of deception as to the real 
state of the colony, both in its moral and economical condition, has been prac- 
tised upon the people and government of this country. Equally must he 
exempt from active participation in the fraud, the great majority of those noble- 
men and gentlemen whose names were used to gild the lie and make it pass 
current with the public. They trusted implicitly to the accounts laid before 
them ; and, deceived themselves, were made the instruments of deceiving others. 
Great allowances may be made also for the conclusions former committees of 
inquiry arrived at. The earlier ones, especially, were hampered with the diffi- 
culty of providing for the Maroons and Nova Scotians; and in 1830, the com- 
mittee in vain attempted to stop the extension of the system. The curse of 
slavery still blighted our West India Colonies, and rendered it impossible to 
call their agency into play. There existed a sort of necessity for following up 
the line of policy that had been commenced: they had the ready and unscru- 
pulous assertion the false statement of the promise of prosperity, which it would 
be so desirable to see fulfilled, always at hand to re-assure them. Men of ho- 
nour themselves, they trusted too confidingly ; and that may be considered the 
extent of their fault. One principal reason of the impunity with which the 
public have been misled about Sierra Leone is, no doubt, owing to its situation ; 
it is out of the way not one traveller in ten thousand visits it. Having no 
trade in itself, it has no mercantile representation in this country ; its European 
population is composed almost exclusively of men who live on the system, 
either in place or waiting for one. Its communication with the mother-country 
is irregular and tedious ; letters seldom arriving under sixty to seventy days. 
The officers of the navy, whose duties call them there, despatch them as quickly 
as possible, and return to their stations. To them it must appear merely as the 
residence of the mixed commission court the utensil through which they get 
a legal claim to their prize money. But the great and fatal bar to the perma- 
nent improvement of the colony is the climate. The following letter, which is 
on the minutes of the committee, shows the comparative value of European life 
in our tropical colonies. 

" North British Insurance Office, 27th June, 1842. 

" Dear Sir, We are in receipt of your letter of the 26th instant, and beg to 
inform you, that an extra premium of 25 per cent, per annum would be charged 
for permission for an approved life to reside at Sierra Leone. 

" For similar permission to the East Indies, in a civil capacity, 3 per cent., 
and for the British West Indies, from 3 to 9 per cent., according to the island 

" We are, &c. (Signed) B. and M. BOYD. 

"M. LAIRD, Esq., 15, Great St. Helen's." 


It is impossible to get a sufficiently numerous resident European population, to 
aftect favourably, by their example the mass of barbarism they are in contact with. 
What is there is not a very choice one, as in the nature of things it cannot be ; 
no instance being known of an European family being reared in any of our 
West African colonies ; and without female influence and family ties no complete 
European society can be offered for example to the African. This is the real 
secret of the lamentable moral reputation of the colony, after the thousands that 
have received what is called a Christian education in it. No man regrets this 
more than I do ; but I see in it an insurmountable barrier to doing any good by 
European agency, in our present settlements, to the African race. Providence 
has erected a wall of malaria around it, which we cannot break through which 
fifty years' experience at Sierra Leone has proved we cannot even measure. I 
protest, therefore, against keeping up a settlement that for the last 25 years 
has notoriously been the cheapest place at which to purchase a slave ship, to 
procure a crew of ruffians to man her, a cargo of slave goods, and in whose im- 
mediate vicinity exists the cheapest markets in all Africa for purchasing slaves. 
These statements are not mine alone, unsupported by other evidence ; they are 
taken from official documents. It is, I know, a very unpleasant subject to 
dwell upon, but with that I have nothing to do : 1 could not, as an honest man, 
sit in this Convention without bringing them forward ; they have been too much 
kept in the back ground heretofore. 

In 1840, there were four remedies for the slave-trade proposed to the 
British Government : First, Sir T. F. BUXTON'S extension of the Sierra Leone 
system, in the shape of the Niger Expedition and model farms, coupled witli 
a more stringent cruising system. Second, Mr. TURN BULL'S plan, as detailed 
in his work on Cuba, and which, if I mistake not, was sanctioned by the 
Anti-Slavery Convention, held in that year. Third, Mr. MACAULAY'S plan of 
taking the law in our own hands, and treating all nations as British subjects. 
Fourth, Mr. WAKEFIELD'S, as published in the Colonial Gazette, to encourage 
a free emigration to and from the coast of Africa, and the British colonies in 
the West Indies. 

As the first three left intact all places and emoluments, and in fact, rather 
increased them, they were supported by that interest which the slave-trade 
treaties have created ; were consequently adopted by the Government, and 
have been tried, and notoriously failed in accomplishing anything for the 
advantage of the African race. The fourth remedy which created no places 
or pensions, and threatened to destroy those at present existing, was most 
violently opposed by the same interest which procured the adoption of the 
others, and in consequence was rejected by Her Majesty's Government. I 
stand here to-day to advocate that remedy as the only sufficient one in em- 
power to extinguish slavery and the slave-trade, by means exclusively moral, 
religious, and pacific the only ones which according to the constitution of 
this Convention it can support. 

In 1842, the failure of the three remedies that had been adopted by the 
Government, added to the economical state of the West Indies, the high price 
of sugar, and the financial state of the country, forced the Government to 
appoint two Committees of the House of Commons one on the state of the 
West Indies, the other on the state of our African colonies. All inquiry into 
the working of the slave-trade preventive system, and into the late Niger 
Expedition, was carefully excluded from the West African Committee, and any 
attempt to introduce either subject was immediately put down. The report of 
the Committee on the West India colonies, stated that emancipation had 
" been productive, as regards the character and condition of the negro popu- 
lation, of the most favourable and gratifying results;" that the production of 
the staple articles, sugar, co